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Full text of "Documentary history of the American revolution: consisting of letters and papers relating to the contest for liberty, chiefly in South Carolina, from originals in the possession of the editor, and other sources"

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BY R. W. GIBBES, M. D., 










Entered according to Act of Congress in the Clerk s Office of the District of South 
Carolina, March 12th, 1853. 






IT is proper that I should make a special acknowledgment for contri 
butions to the present volume to the following friends who have kindly 
aided me : Mrs. Dr. HOLBROOK, Mrs. A. E. GIBBES, and Col. JAS. 
FERGUSON, of Charleston, S. C., Rev. J. M. PRINGLE, of Columbia, 
S. C., Hon. J. BUCHANAN, of Winnsboro , S. C., Capt. JOHN IRVIN, 
Abbeville, S. C., and FRANK M. ETTING, Esq., of Philadelphia, Pa. 

Many of the unpublished papers of the Hon. WM. H. DRAYTON, for 
which, in a previous volume, I have expressed my indebtedness to his 
grandson, ALFRED ROSE DRAYTON, Esq., of Charleston, are now 
given; and some of the letters collected by Gen. PETER HORRY, of 
which my first volume was chiefly composed, are continued in the order 
of dates. For the present, this volume will be the last, though at a 
future day I may add others. 

The very favorable notice which those previously published have 
received, has been very gratifying to me, and, if I have contributed to 
preserve important memorials of the history of my native State, I am 
fully repaid for any labor of mine in arranging the papers which for 
twenty-five years I have enjoyed much interest in collecting. 



On page 91, in the note, read "Thos. Shubrick," instead of "Ladson." 
On page 152, for "Martin," read "Mark." 














JUNE 28,1776, , 11 





A. WM.SON TO - , 26 








HILL, 35 








REPLY, 74 





























PASSED 20TH FEBRUARY, 1779, 103 


























J. RUTLEDGE TO B. G., 128 




J. RUTLEDGE TO - , 131 


THOS. - - TO - , 132 



































































































































































[Original MS.] 

FORT JOHNSTON, June 5, 1776. 

Lest niy honored mother should be alarmed by hearing exaggerated 
reports of the fleet off the bar, I snatch a few minutes from the duties 
of my station to acquaint her of the particulars of it. 

There are not more than fifty-two vessels altogether, many of which 
are very small. I do not believe there -are above six or seven men-of-war 
and a few tenders amongst them ; the rest I take to be transports some 
with soldiers and some with provisions. They can not get over the bar 
with this wind, so that we shall have no fighting to-day. We are pre 
paring to receive them properly when they do come over. Our men 
are in fine spirits and I doubt not will behave as they ought to do on 
the occasion. 

Mo watt arrived last night with an express from Gen. Lee, who is on 
his march from North Carolina to this colony with two thousand men. 
If the wind should prove unfavorable for a few days to the gentry on 
the other side the bar, he may be able to join us before an engagement, 
My brother is exceedingly well. Dr. Spence is with us. I hear the 
country militia are hurrying to town every hour. 

Give my love to Harriott, Dan, Mrs. Doyly and her family; my 
compliments to Mrs. Elliott and all my friends, and believe me to be 
Your dutiful son, 



[Original MS.] 

June 6, 1776. 

The following disposition is to be made of the Artillery Regiment : 
Forty men from Capts. Beekman s and Drayton s companies are to 
take part at the battery on the south end of the bay, Grenville Bastion. 


Fifty-six inatrosses from Capt. White s company at the battery on 
Col. Laurens wharf. 

Ten men, one sergeant, and one corporal to attend at the battery on 
Gibbes wharf. 

Twelve privates, one sergeant and one corporal, barrack guard. 

Ten privates, one sergeant and one corporal, town guard. 

Two sentries at President s. 

One sentry at Gen. Armstrong s. 

Major Elliott, with Capt. White s officers, to command at Laurens* 
Battery ; Lieut. Villepontoux at Gibbes ; and the remaining officers of 
Capt. Drayton s Company at the south end of the bay. 

June 9, 1776. 

The town guard to be augmented to sixteen privates ; two sentinels 
at the President s, two at Gen. Lee s, one at Gen. Armstrong s; 
orderly sergeant to be sent daily to Gen. Lee. 

June 10, 1776. 

Barrack guard augmented to sixteen privates ; two sentries to be 
placed over the Fire Vessels. 


June 12, 1776. 

The Artillery Hegiment and militia acting as artillery to their sta 
tions heretofore allotted them. The remainder of the town militia, to 
the State House. The country militia, in that part of Lynch s pasture 
nearest the town the North Carolina troops, in a distinct line on the 
more remote part of it, at least two hundred yards in the rear of the 
country militia the town militia to receive their orders from Brigadier 
General Armstrong the country militia, from Brigadier General Howe 
North Carolina forces to be considered a corps of Reserve, to be under 
the immediate command of Gen. Lee. 


June 15, 1776. 

One field officer, three captains, nine subalterns, and two hundred 
rank and file, to form main guard at State House. 

One captain, three subalterns, four sergeants and seventy-two rank 
and file at the distillery. 

One subaltern, two sergeants, two corporals and twenty-four privates 
at the magazine. 

One subaltern, two sergeants, two corporals and twenty-four privates 
at the point behind Gibbes wharf. 


One captain with same number at Gadsden s wharf. 

One subaltern, two sergeants, two corporals and twenty-four privates 
at the fleches, to the right of Grimball s battery. 

One subaltern, two sergeants, two corporals and twenty-four privates 
rear of G-renville Bastion. 

One subaltern, two sergeants, two corporals and twenty-four privates 
at the Exchange. 

One subaltern, two sergeants, two corporals and twenty-four privates 
at Roper s wharf. 

One captain, three subalterns, four sergeants and seventy-two men at 
St. Philip s church. 

Every corps de guard, which is to mount the quais, is to throw up 
Fleches, cannon proof, at their respective stations; after the model of 
that to the right of Grimball s battery. 

A field officer of the day to be warned to be distinguished by carry 
ing a spontoon, or half pike in his hand the sentries and guards are to 
salute him, with rested arms. 

The guards are to turn out and rest their arms to the President or 
Major General; but this only once a day. 

The Brigadier to be received by them with shoulder arms. 

The Major General wears a Blue Ribbon. 

The Brigadiers, a Pink Ribbon. 

Aides-de-Camp and Brigade Majors, Green Ribbon. 

June 28, 1776. 

Ten minutes before eleven o clock this morning, the bomb ship 
threw a bomb of 13 inches diameter into Fort Sullivan, which fell upon 
the Magazine there \ but did no considerable damage at same time, 
the Bristol of 50 guns, &c., unites the engagement. 

June 30, 1776. 

General Lee visited Fort Sullivan and returned them thanks, &c. 
Cannonade of 11 hours, and bombardment of 7 hours. 


[Original MS.] 

FORT JOHNSTON, June 15, 1776. 

No attack has been made upon us yet, and from the strange conduct 
of the gentry in Five-Fathom Hole, I don t know when to expect one. 
One man-of-war and seven transports went out of the harbor this 


morning; they sailed to the north-east, but I can now plainly see them 
lying at anchor on the other side of the bar. They are certainly much 
weaker than they are generally reputed to be, or their councils are 
much divided, or they would not have conducted their affairs in the 
dilatory manner they have done. If they postpone their attack till 
Monday, and I do not imagine it is in their power (such has been their 
conduct) to attack us before that time, we shall be in exceeding good 
order for them at every outpost and also in town. If they should how 
ever visit us to-morrow, I believe they will heartily repent it. You 
would scarcely know the environs of the town again, so many lines, 
bastions, redans, and military mince-pies have been made all around it, 
that the appearance of it is quite metamorphosed. All the houses on 
the wharves are pulled down, so that the town looks from the water much 
handsomer than it ever did. Every person there is obliged to work j 
and the tories (reluctantly I believe) now work with the rest. General 
Lee appears very clever, but is a strange animal ; however, as Adams 
said, we must put up with ten thousand oddities in him on account of 
his abilities and his attachment to the rights of humanity. Do give 
my love to my sister and Dan, and my compliments to Mrs. Elliott, 
W. Gadsden and all at Sandy Hill. Col. Gadsden is well and desired 
me to acquaint you that he begs his compliments to you all and is 
much obliged to you for the care of his son. My brother is well and I 

Your dutiful son, 


[Original MS.] 

FORT JOHNSTON, June 17, 1776. 

The enemy has not thought fit to make any attack upon us yet. 
They employed themselves yesterday in landing some men on Long- 
Island (a small creek parts it from Sullivan s Island), but whether it 
was meant as a feint, or whether they were to make a descent on Sulli 
van s Island in the rear, while the shipping batter it in front, I cannot 
determine. In either case they will be handsomely received. I, have 
just heard that a battalion of Virginia Riflemen are arrived in town; 
so that we are now very strong. We were unlucky enough yesterday 


to have a small sloop, which was bringing us powder from Eustatia, run 
aground near Stone Inlet. She was pursued by several of the men-of- 
war s barges, and rather than that they should make prize of her, the 
captain blew her up. The explosion was great ; perhaps you heard it at 
Sandy Hill. With my love to Harriet and Dan and my compliments 
to Mrs. Elliott and the company at Sandy Hill, I remain 

Your dutiful son, 


[Original ilS. of W. H. Drayton.J 

Commissioned Officers. Colonels, 1; Lieut.-Colonels, 1; Majors, 1; 
Captains, 10; 1st Lieutenants, 7; 2d Lieutenants, 10; Total, 30. 

Staff Officers. Adjutants, 1; Quarter Masters, 1; Surgeons, 2; 
Surgeons Mates, 2; Total, 6. 

Non- Commissioned Officers. Sergeants, 24; Drums and Fifes, 14; 
Total, 38. 

Rank and File. Fit for duty, 306; Sick present, 33; Absent, with 
out leave, 5; Total, 344. 

Total of all ranks, 413. 


Wounded. Subalterns, 1; Sergeants, 1; Fifers, 1; Privates^ 20; 
Total, 23. 

Killed, Sergeants, 1; Corporals, 1; Privates, 8; Total, 10. 


Commissioned Officers Captains, 1; 1st Lieutenants, 1; Total, 2. 
Rank and File. Fit for duty, 17; Sick present, 3; Total, 20. 
Total of all ranks, 22. 
Wounded. Privates, 2; Total, 2. 
Killed. Privates, 1; Total, 1. 

N. B. The quantity of ammunition in the Fort was 26 rounds for 
the cannon, and 20 rounds of musketry per man. 



[Original MS.] 

CHARLES TOWN, after 7 o clock, A. M., 29th June, 1776. 

As soon as I got to my battery, after leaving you, we took up several 
pieces of the inside of the cabin, upon which were brass screws, all 
bespattered with blood, and other ornaments of the man-of-war. The 
firing continued till near 10 o clock, and I have the pleasure to inform 
you that we have lost but ten men and twenty-two wounded. Dr. 
Faysseaux came up this morning with the latter. He tells me that 
Richard Baker, our nephew, behaved gallantly, as did all the officers 
and men. The expression of a Sergeant McDaniel, after a cannon ball 
had taken off his shoulder and scouped out his stomach, is worth re 
cording in the annals of America: "Fight on, my brave boys; don t 
let liberty expire with me to-day!" Young, the barber, an old artil 
lery man, who lately enlisted as Sergeant, has lost a leg. Several arms 
are shot away. Not an officer is wounded. My old grenadier, Serj. 
Jasper, upon the shot carrying away the flag-staff, called out to Col. 
Moultrie: "Col., don t let us fight without our flag." "What can you 
do?" replied the Col.; "the staff is broke." "Then, sir," said he, 
"I ll fix it to a halbert, and place it on the merlon of the bastion, next 
to the enemy;" which he did, through the thickest fire. General Lee 
crossed from Haddrell s to Sullivan s in the heat of the cannonade, and 
was at the Fort. His letter to the President says he never saw but one 
cannonade equal to this, though he has seen many; nor did he ever 
see officers and men behave better, nor could any in the world exceed 

A fine sight from our cupola.* I wish you and Rinchey were here to 
look at it, viz. : One of the finest of the enemy s frigates was all in a 
blaze, and has been burning two hours. She is one of the two that got 
on shore on the middle ground, which they not being able to get off, 
have burnt. A bowsprit was shot away yesterday afternoon ; part of 
her rigging came up with the tide also, several yards of the masts. 

The Bristol, of 50 guns, the Roebuck, of 44 guns, and the Syren, 
of 28, were the three ships that lay nearest the Fort. The distance, 
though it appeared great from our cupola, did not exceed 400 yards. 
Six men-of-war engaged. Col. Moultrie has sent up for ammunition. 

* Meeting street near Queen. 


The President told me he had sent to Dorchester for 2000 Ibs. The 
Fort was three-quarters of an hour yesterday without powder. 

I think you and Rinchey may come down with safety to-day, and if 
they should renew the attack in the afternoon, you may stay till John 
ston s Fort is engaged. Now, iny dear wife, let us not forget to whom 
we are indebted for this success against our enemy. Let us return 
God thanks for it. It is He that does all for us He inspires our officers 
and men with courage, and shields their heads in the day of battle 
He is the wonderful Grod of victory. 

The enemy made three attempts to land on the north of Sullivan s 
during the cannonade, but were each time repulsed without any loss 
on our side. Let Mr. Baker have this letter after you have read it, 
and when he has seen it, you can order the boy to bring it to you, or 
send it to Mr. Piercy, if an opportunity can be had. 

The house looks melancholy without you, pray come down. You 
can retreat time enough. I long to see you, and am 
Your very affectionate husband, 



[Original MS.J 

FORT JOHNSTON, June 29, 1776. 

1 am sure my honored Mother must be anxious to know the event of 
yesterday s cannonade. I therefore take the earliest opportunity of 
acquainting her with the particulars of it. As my station was at Fort 
Johnston, and the whole of the engagement was at Sullivan s Island, I 
was only a spectator, though I and every man here declared they longed 
earnestly to have been there, to have partaken the honor and danger 
with their fellow soldiers. 

Yesterday, about eleven o clock, the Bomb Ketch, and a ship-of-war, 
came up from Five-Fathom Hole, and a signal was fired from the Com 
modore for the other ships of war to weigh anchor. At about half 
after eleven, the Ketch began to favor Sullivan s Island with some 
bombs. I could distinctly see many of them burst in the air. Five 
fell in the Fort at Sullivan s Island, but did no other damage than 


slightly wounding one tnan. The Solebay, of 28 guns, who was ahead 
of the line, received a shot from the Island, and immediately returned 
it with her whole broadside. The enemy then formed in two lines to 
attack the Fort on Sullivan s Island. In the first line the Bristol, of 
50 guns, the Solebay, of 28, the Active, of 28, and a 40 gun vessel, 
which I am told is called the Roebuck, (I am not sure of her name, 
but certain of her strength, for I could plainly see her guns.) In the 
second line was the Syren, of 28, and two other frigates, whose names 
I do not know ; behind them were the Bomb Ketch, and a heavy hulk 
of a vessel something like our Prosper. 

A brisk and heavy cannonading was kept up at first, both from the 
ships and the Fort. Some shot from the Fort put their second line into 
disorder, and carried away the bowsprit of one of the frigates; and as they 
were near that bank of sand which runs out from the Fort towards Sulli 
van s Island, and then turns towards Cummins Point (called the Lower 
Middle), the two ships, whose names I do not know, ran aground there. 
The first line of the enemy appeared to us at this place to be about six 
or seven hundred yards from the Island, but from them I hear they were 
within 500 yards. All the 26 pounders were pointed at the Bristol, 
and about two hours after the cannonading began, she received so much 
damage that she was obliged to draw back, but still continued to fire, 
though not so briskly as before. At about three o clock the Fort had 
expended all its ammunition, (it had thirty odd rounds to each gun, and 
thirty-two guns.) The shipping still kept up a heavy cannonade; the 
Fort could not return it. In about two hours they got a supply of 200 
Ibs. of gunpowder from Tufts , and 500 Ibs. from Hacldrell s Point. 
They fired again, but slowly, and with great judgment. Night came 
on, and the cannonading still continued on both sides, and the greatest 
number of our shot (if we may judge from the noise they made against 
the sides of the ships) took place, but the ships fired near fifty for one. 
A little after nine o clock, the ships thought they were sufficiently 
battered, and ceased firing; and half after nine began to work down 
again to their old station in Five-Fathom Hole. One of the ships which 
ran aground got off again, the other (at least a twenty-gun ship) stuck 
fast there. Upon being fired at from the Island this morning, she re 
turned the fire ; the Island fired again. The men then that were on 
board her loaded all their guns, set her on fire, got into her boats, leav 
ing all the colors flying aboard the ship, and rowed off to the rest of the 
fleet. When she burnt down to her cannon, she gave a noble discharge. 
A boat from the Island went on board of her, and brought away her 
Jack. She is now almost burnt down to the water s edge; in a little 


while we shall scarcely see the remains of her. The ships that warped 
off must have received considerable damage, as in general the shot from 
the Island was exceedingly well placed. The Bristol s mizen mast is this 
moment fallen down, doubtless in consequence of the shot she got yes 
terday. Several parts of the ships, and some parts of the cabin, have 
floated up to town, so that I believe they have met with a reception 
they little expected. The officers and men at the Island I am informed, 
behaved with the greatest bravery; and notwithstanding so heavy a 
cannonade for ten hours, we had but ten men killed and twenty-two 
wounded. There were only Moultrie s Regiment, consisting of about 
350 men, and thirty of Roberts Artillery, in the Fort. The officers 
behaved nobly, and pointed every gun themselves ; and what is remark 
able, though there was not a man killed but what was close to an officer, 
yet only Lieut. Gray was slightly wounded by a splinter from a carriage 
in his thigh, and a spent ball on his breast. Lieuts. Hall and Mazyck 
received two contusions in their faces. The first man that was killed 
was a Corporal of Grenadiers. The rest of the men who belonged to 
his gun immediately threw him off the platform with their handspikes, 
crying out, u Revenge, let us revenge our comrade s death ! 7 and imme 
diately returned to their gun with the greatest eagerness. 

The enemy shot away the flag -staff, with our colors. A grenadier 
immediately ran through a shower of grape shot, and stuck up the 
colors on a pike. One McDonald, a sergeant in Capt. Frank Huger s 
Company, being mortally wounded, as they were carrying him away, 
cried out, " I am killed my brethren, but don t let liberty expire with 
me !" While this happened at the end of Sullivan s Island, where this 
Fort is, the enemy, whose troops are on Long Island, attempted to pass 
over to that end of Sullivan s Island which was nearest them, but re 
ceived so warm a reception from Thompson s Rangers, the Virginia 
Riflemen, some of the North Carolina troops, a few of the Militia, and 
an eighteen pounder that we had there, that they were obliged to re 
treat, without wounding so much as one of our men. The enemy s 
loss in men must have been considerable, as our shots were chiefly 
levelled at the hull of the ships. The transports lay in Five-Fathom 
Hole during the whole engagement. I assure you I never saw men in 
higher spirits than ours were during the whole cannonade; and though 
from our station here we were unfortunate enough to be out of it, there 
was not a man but was wishing most earnestly to be there. 

The Fort, though well peppered with shot, has received scarcely any 
damage, not a single breach being made in it, nor did the Palmetto 
logs, of which it is built, at all splinter. The powder room on board 


the burning frigate, has this instant blown up. You cannot conceive 
what a noble column of snioke it makes till it loses itself among the 
highest clouds. 

My brother is well. Pray give my love to my sister and Dan, and 
compliments to Mrs. Elliott, and the ladies at Sandy Hill. I remain, 
Your dutiful son, 



[MS. of William Henry Drayton.] 

JUNE 28, 1776. 

Only 470 men to sustain the attack at the advance guard from 
Clinton. At five in the afternoon they were re-inforced by 700 Continen 
tals. At ten, bare of ammunition ; only one cartridge in the 18 pounder, 
and one out, and only two or three charges for the two field pieces. 
After being reduced to this state, the enemy continued firing more than 
an hour. Lee had been so dissatisfied with Moultrie s conduct, that he 
had determined to supersede him in the command of the Fort; and 
leaving the President on the morning of the action, he told him he 
was determined to do it that day if he did not, on his going down, find 
certain things done that he had ordered. 

4,600 Ibs. at the beginning. 

300 Ibs. from Haddrell s and Tuffts about five o clock. 

200 Ibs. from town in the night none of this fired. 

When left off firing at night, had 13 cartridges that is, 144 so 
that 4,766 Ibs. were expended, and about 600 shot. 

From three to five, had no powder, but a few cartridges for grape shot, 
in case the enemy attempted to land. Lee came about five o clock, when 
the first of the supply of powder arrived, the General having some hours 
before sent word by an aide-de-camp that a supply would be sent. He 
stayed about a quarter of an hour. Ten killed and twenty-two wounded. 
Commodore and Experiment lay within 480 yards, the others about 550 
yards. These five engaged instantly the Bomb covered by the Friend 
ship, and two on shore. Two hours after the engagement began, orders 
arrived from General Lee that when the powder was expended, to spike 
the guns and evacuate the Fort. The day he arrived there were 1,200 
on the Island, but he soon reduced them to about 600, and averred in 
public, before the men and officers, that the Fort ceuld not hold out 
half an hour, and that the platform was a slaughtering stage. 



[Original MS.] 

Bristol, 50 guns, Sir Peter Parker, Commodore; Experiment, 50 
guns, twelve-pounders, on two decks; Solebay, 28 guns; Active, 28 
guns ; Acteon, 28 guns ; Syren, 28 guns ; Sphinx, 20 guns ; Thunder 
Bomb ; Friendship an hired vessel, 26 guns. 

The Bristol, greatly damaged in her hull, large knees and timbers 
shot through, and if the water had not been very smooth, it would 
have been impossible to have saved her from sinking. Her mizen mast 
was shot away three shot in her main mast, which is badly wounded 
two shot in her fore mast rigging, sails and yards much damaged. 
The Captain of the Commodore lost his arm above the elbow. He was 
sent yesterday, June 30, to England. The Commodore s breeches were 
torn off, his backside laid bare, his thigh and knee wounded. Forty- 
four men killed and thirty wounded, of which twenty are since dead. 
When lightened as much as possible she draws 18 feet 7 inches. 

Experiment exceedingly damaged in her hull. Killed fifty-seven, 
including the captain, and thirty wounded. When lightest, draws 17 

In coming up, the Sphinx and Acteon got on ground. The Sphinx 
cut away her bowsprit and got off. The Acteon was burnt next day by 
her own people; and while she was on fire, Lieut. Milligan boarded 
her, and brought off her colors, bell, and as many sails as three boats 
could hold. 

The Thunder Bomb lay at a considerable distance, covered by the 
Friendship and Syren, the first throwing shell, and the two others 
firing briskly shot ricochet at the Fort. The Thunder, by overcharg 
ing, is so much damaged, as to require being docked before further 

The whole fleet badly manned and sickly, particularly the Syren; at 
two-third short allowance ; no fresh meat since their arrival, June 1. 

Lord Wm. Campbell had been very anxious for the attack, and pro 
posed to be sent with the Syren and Solebay to take all the Forts. 

The Pilot Sampson much caressed by the Commodore. When the 


fleet sailed, there were about 4,000 land forces, but eleven transports 
had been separated from the rest, and had not been heard of. 

Between nine and ten at night, the squadron, slipping their anchors, 
dropt down from before the Fort. 

About two o clock, when the Fort was silent, and waiting for a supply 
of powder, some of the men-of-war s men, mistaking the silence for a 
surrender, cried out : " The Yankees have done fighting." Others re 
plied, " By God, we are glad of it, for we never had such a drubbing 
in our lives. We had been told they would not stand two fires, but 
we never saw better fellows." All the common men in the fleet spoke 
loudly in praise of the garrison, and the seamen in general are desirous 
of getting on shore to join the Americans. 

A deserter from Fort Johnston informed the Commodore that he had 
spiked up all the cannon, and that the place might be easily taken. 

A report prevailed in the fleet that no quarter was to be given to the 
Americans, and that 5000 had been offered for Gen. Lee. 


[The South Carolina and American General Gazette of August 2, 1776.] 

CHARLES TOWN, August 2, 1770. 

It having been deemed expedient that the printing presses should be 
removed out of town during the alarm, the publication of this Gazette 
has been necessarily discontinued for the last two months. As the 
transactions in this province during that period will probably make it a 
distinguished one in the American annals, we doubt not but a succinct 
account of them will be very acceptable to our readers. 

On the 1st June, his Excellency, the President, received advices of 
a fleet of forty or fifty sail being at anchor about six leagues to the 
northward of Sullivan s Island. Accounts of the arrival of Sir Peter 
Parker s fleet in North Carolina, and that it was destined either for 
Virginia or this province, having been received about three weeks be 
fore, put it beyond a doubt that this was his fleet. Next morning the 
alarm was fired, expresses having been sent ordering the country militia 
to town ; the fortifications were all visited by his Excellency and Gen. 
Armstrong, and preparations for the most vigorous defence ordered. In 
the evening a man-of-war, thought to a twenty-gun ship, beat up to 
windward and anchored off the bar; next day she was joined by a fri- 


gate, and, on the day following, June 4, by upwards of fifty sail of men- 
of-war, transports, tenders, c. We have since learned that the men- 
of-war were the Bristol, of 50 guns, on board of which the Commodore 
had his flag; the Solebay, Capt. Syrnonds, 28; Syren, Capt. Furneaux, 
28; Active, Capt. Williams, 28; Acteon, Capt. Atkins, 28; Sphinx, 
Capt. Hunt, 20; Hanger, sloop, of 8; Thunder Bomb, of 6 guns and 
2 mortars one of them thirteen inches, and the other eleven; an 
armed ship, called the Friendship, of 18 Guns, with some smaller 
armed vessels. The same day Capt. Mowat arrived from North Caro 
lina, with an express from General Lee, informing that the fleet had 
left North Carolina, and that he would be here, as speedily as possible, 
with several Continental Regiments to our assistance. 

A few days after the arrival of the fleet, several transports and small 
armed vessels went to Long Island, situated to the eastward of Sulli 
van s Island, from which it is separated by a small creek called the 
Breach, where they landed a large body of troops, who encamped 
there. The wind and tides being favorable for the four following days, 
about thirty-six vessels came over the bar, and anchored at about three 
miles distance from Sullivan s Island. Two of their transports got 
aground in coming over ; one got off, but the other went to pieces. On 
the 10th the Bristol came over, her guns being previously taken out. 

" On the 7th, a boat, with a flag of truce from the enemy, came to 
wards the Island, but was fired on by an ignorant sentinel. The boat 
thereupon immediately put about, and would not return, notwithstand 
ing the officer who was sent to receive the flag waved his handkerchief, 
and desired them to come ashore. Next day Col. Moultrie sent an 
officer to the fleet to acquaint them of the sentinel s having fired with 
out orders, and that he was ready to receive anything they had to send. 
Gen. Clinton was satisfied with the apology, and said the intention of 
the flag s being sent was only to deliver the following Proclamation, 
which the officer brought on shore : 


&C., &G. 

Whereas, a most unprovoked and wicked rebellion hath for some 
time past prevailed, and doth now exist, within his Majesty s Province 
of South Carolina; and the inhabitants thereof, forgetting their alle 
giance to their sovereign, and denying the authority of the laws and 
statutes of the realm, have, in a succession of crimes, proceeded to the 
total subversion of all legal authority, usurping the powers of Govern- 


ment, and erecting a tyranny in the hands of Congresses and Commit 
tees of various denominations, utterly unknown and repugnant to the 
spirit of the British Constitution ; and divers people, in avowed defiance 
to all legal authority, are now actually in arms, waging an unnatural 
war against the King. And whereas, all the attempts to reclaim the 
infatuated and misguided multitude to a sense of their error have 
hitherto unhappily proved ineffectual, I have it in command to proceed 
forthwith against all such men, or bodies of men in arms, and against 
all such Congresses and Committees thus unlawfully established, as 
against open enemies to the State. But, considering it as a duty in 
separable from the principles of humanity, first of all to forewarn the 
deluded people of the miseries ever attendant upon civil war, 1 do 
most earnestly entreat and exhort them, as they tender their own hap 
piness and that of their posterity, to return to their duty to our common 
sovereign, and to the blessings of a free Government, as established 
by law, hereby offering, in his Majesty s name, free pardon to all such 
as shall lay down their arms and submit to the laws : And I do hereby 
require that the Provincial Congress, and all Committees of Safety, and 
other unlawful associations, be dissolved, and the Judges allowed to 
hold their Courts according to the laws and Constitution of this Pro 
vince, of which all persons are required to take notice, as they will 
answer the contrary at their peril. 

Given on board the Sovereign transport, off Charles Town, this sixth 
day of June, 1776, and in the sixteenth year of his Majesty s reign. 

H. CLINTON, Major- General 

By command of Gen. CLINTON, 

Major-General Lee, Brigadier-General Howe, Colonel Bullet, CoL 
Jenifer, Otway Byrd and Lewis Morris, Esquires, aides-de-camp to 
General Lee, with some other gentlemen, arrived at HaddrelFs Point 
on the morning of the 9th. After having viewed the fortifications 
there, and on Sullivan s and James Islands, they came to town. Orders 
being given on the 10th for a number of buildings on the wharfs to be 
pulled down, intrenchments to be thrown up all around the town, and 
barricades to be made in the principal streets every person, without 
distinction, were employed on these works. 

On the 12th, there blew a violent storm, in which an hospital ship 
and the Friendship, which were at anchor on the other side of the bar, 
were obliged to put out to sea, but returned in a few days after. A 
schooner, having on board some provisions and coals, drifted a little 


way from the fleet, was taken by one of our pilot-boats, and brought to 
town. Her crew took to their boat on observing the pilot-boat ap 

His Excellency, the President, on the 14th, proposed to the militia 
under arms an oath of fidelity, which was voluntarily and readily taken 
by every one excepting three. The next morning it was proposed to 
the country militia doing duty in town, and to the Artillery Companies, 
when it met with their unanimous assent. 

A sloop from the West Indies for this port, with a cargo of gun 
powder, arms, rum, &c., having, on the afternoon of the 16th, descried 
the fleet, attempted to make her escape; but, through the ignorance 
of her pilot, ran aground and bilged. Next day she was discovered by 
the men-of-war, and a tender, with several boats full of armed men, 
came towards her. The crew, being only twenty-two men, unable to 
cope with such a force in the situation the vessel was in, quitted her. 
She was soon after boarded, set on fire, and blew up with a great ex 

By some sailors who deserted from the Ranger sloop, lying near Long 
Island, we were informed that the land forces were about 2,800 (some 
say 3,300) men, under the command of Major-General Clinton, who 
had under him Major-General Lord Cornwallis and Brigadier-General 

On the 21st, our advanced party at the north-east end of Sullivan s 
Island fired several shot at the armed schooner, Lady William, an armed 
sloop, and a pilot-boat, lying in the creek between Long Island and the 
Main, several of which hulled them. For several mornings and even 
ings the enemy threw shells, and fired from some field pieces on our 
advanced post, but without any effect. 

A large ship hove in sight on the 25th, in the morning. It was 
thought to be the Roebuck, but we have since learnt it was the Experi 
ment, Capt. Scott, of 50 guns. Next day she came over, having her 
guns out. On the day following, the 27th, between nine and ten in 
the forenoon, as soon as the Experiment had her guns all in, the Com 
modore hoisted his topsails, fired a gun, and got under way. His ex 
ample was followed by several others of the men-of-war; but a squall 
coming on, and the wind shifting from south-east to the opposite quar 
ter, prevented their coming much nearer at that time. In the after 
noon the Commodore again got under way, and came about a mile nearer 
Sullivan s Island. 

Next morning, June 28, the following was the disposition of the 
ships-of-war : The Friendship, at the distance of about a mile-and-a- 


half from Sullivan s Island, covering the Thunder Bomb, the Solebay, 
Sphinx, Bristol, Active, Experiment, Acteon and Syren. About half- 
an-hour past ten o clock in the forenoon, the Thunder began throwing 
shells on Fort Sullivan, and the Active, Bristol, Experiment and Sole- 
bay, came boldly up to the attack, in the order their names are put 
down. A little before eleven o clock, the garrison fired four or five shot 
at the Active, while under sail, some of which struck her. These she 
did not seem to regard till within about 350 yards of the Fort, when 
she dropped anchor and poured in a broadside. Her example was in a 
few minutes followed by the other three vessels, when there ensued one 
of the most heavy and incessant cannonades perhaps ever known. The 
bomb vessel was at the same time throwing shells. A firing was heard 
from the advanced post at the north-east end of the Island, and more 
vessels were seen coming up. Our brave garrison (consisting of the 
2d Regiment of Provincials, a Detachment of Artillery, and some 
Volunteers), under all these difficulties, which to the far greater part 
were entirely new, encouraged by the example of their gallant Com 
mander, Col. William Aloultrie, and the rest of the officers, behaved 
with the cool intrepidity of veterans. Our cannon were well served, 
and did dreadful execution. About twelve o clock the Sphinx, Acteon 
and Syren, got entangled with a shoal, called the Middle Ground. The 
two first ran foul of each other ; the Sphinx got oif with the loss of 
her bowsprit, but the Acteon stuck fast. The Syren also got off. Much 
about the same time the bomb vessel ceased firing, after having thrown 
upwards of sixty shells. We have since learnt, that her beds got 
damaged, and that it will require much repairing before she is fit 
for service again. In the afternoon the enemy s fire was increased by 
that of the Syren and Friendship, which came within 500 hundred 
yards of the Fort. 

Till near seven o clock was the enemy s fire kept up, without inter 
mission. It slackened considerably after that, and they only returned 
the garrison s fire, but generally twenty fold. At half after nine, the 
firing on both sides ceased, and, at eleven, the ships slipped their cables. 

About the time the ships came up, an armed schooner and sloop camo 
nearer our advanced post, in order to cover the landing of their troops, 
and every other preparation for that purpose was made the soldiers 
even got into their boats, and a number of shell were thrown into our 
intrenchments, but did no other damage than wounding one soldier, 
notwithstanding which, they never once attempted to land. At the ad 
vanced post were stationed Col. Thomson with his Rangers, some com 
panies of Militia and a detachment of Artillery, They had one 18 


pounder and two field pieces, from which they returned the enemy s 
fire. They were reinforced in the afternoon with Col. Muhlenburg s 
Virginia Battalion. 

Next morning all the men-of-war, except the Acteon, were retired 
about two miles from the island, which they had quietly effected under 
cloud of night. The garrison fired several shot at the Acteon, which 
she returned; but soon after her crew set her on fire, and abandoned 
her, leaving her colors flying, guns loaded, with all her ammunition, 
provisions and stores on board. They had not been long gone before 
several boats from the Island went to her. Lieut. Jacob Milligan, 
with some others, went on board, and brought off her Jack, bell, some 
sails and stores, while the flames were bursting out on all sides. He 
fired three of her guns at the Commodore. In less than half-an-hour 
after they quitted her, she blew up. 

ihe Bristol, against which the fire was chiefly directed, is very much 
damaged. It is said that not less than seventy balls went through her. 
Her mizen mast was so much hurt, that they have since replaced it 
with another. The main mast is cut away about fifteen feet below the 
hounds ; and, instead of her broad pendant soaring on a lofty mast, it 
is now hardly to be seen on a jury main mast considerably lower than 
the fore mast. The Experiment had her mizen gaff shot away; the 
other vessels sustained little damage in their rigging. The loss in the 
fleet, according to the report of the deserters, is about 180 killed and 
wounded; among the former is Captain Morrison, of the Bristol. Sir 
Peter Parker had the hind part of his breeches shot away, which laid 
his posteriors bare, and his knee pan hurt by a splinter. There have 
been several funerals in the fleet since the engagement ; and from the 
parade of some, it is conjectured they were of officers of ranks. Some 
of the deserters say that Capt. Scott, of the Experiment, is among the 

The loss of the garrison was as follows : 

Artillery Killed, 1 matross; wounded, 2 matrosses. 

3d Regiment Killed, 1 sergeant, 9 rank and file; wounded, Lieuts. 
Gray and Hall, the fife major, 1 sergeant, 19 rank and file. 

An officer s mulatto waiting boy was killed. 

Total Killed, 12; wounded, 23. 

Both the officers were but slightly wounded, and are well five of 
the wounded privates are since dead. 

The works are very little damaged, but hardly a hut or tree on the 
island escaped the shot entirely. Many thousands of the enemy s shot 
have been picked up on the island. 


G-eneral Lee was at HaddrelFs Point at the beginning of the action, 
and went in a boat, through a thick fire, to the fort, where he stayed 
some time. He says, in the whole course of his military service he 
never knew men behave better, and cannot sufficiently praise both offi 
cers and soldiers for their coolness and intrepedity. The behavior of 
two sergeants deserves to be remembered. In the beginning of the 
action, the flag-staff was shot away, which, being observed by Sergeant 
Jasper, of the Grenadiers, he immediately jumped from one of the 
embrasures upon the beach, took up the flag, and fixed it on a sponge 
staff. With it in his hand he mounted the merlon, and notwithstand 
ing the shot flew as thick as hail around him, he leisurely fixed it. 
Sergeant McDonald, of Capt. Huger s company, while exerting himself 
in a very distinguished manner, was cruelly shattered by a cannon ball. 
In a few minutes he expired, after having uttered these remarkable 
words : " My friends, I am dying; but don t let the cause of liberty 
expire with me I" His comrades felt for him. The gallant Jasper im 
mediately removed his mangled corpse from their sight, and cried aloud : 
" Let us revenge that brave man s death !" The day after the action, his 
Excellency, the President, presented Sergeant Jasper with a sword, as 
a mark of esteem for his distinguished valor. 

We hear that the fort on Sullivan s Island will be in future called 
Fort Moultrie, in honor of the gallant officer who commanded there on 
the memorable 28th of June, 1776. 

The men-of-war dropped down several miles further from the island 
a few days after. The carpenters in the fleet had sufficient employment 
in repairing the vessels. Several deserters came from both fleet and 
army, who all agreed we need not expect another visit at present that 
it was talked that the two large ships would go to English harbor in 
Antigua to get refitted the transports, with the troops, to proceed to 
New York, under convoy of some men-of-war, to join the grand army, 
and that two frigates would be left to cruise between North Carolina 
and Georgia. 

On the 2d of July, Gen. Lee sent a flag to the enemy, with a pro 
posal to exchange a prisoner for Col. Ethan Allen, who it was said was 
in the fleet. A present of some fresh meat and vegetables was sent at 
the same time. Gen. Clinton being at Long Island, an answer was not 
received till two days after, when he informed Gen. Lee that Col. Allen 
was not on board, and in return for his present, sent some porter, 
cheese, &c. Two engineers came in the boat, but as they were received 
at some distance from the fort, they were deprived of an opportunity 
of seeing what they were probably sent to observe. 


A sloop from the West Indies, with gunpowder, &c., ran aground on 
the 5th, in coming into Stono Inlet. She, a few days afterwards, went 
to pieces, the cargo having been previously taken out. 

A number of the enemy s transports went to Long Island about ten 
days after the repulse, and took on board all the troops on it and Goat 
Island. About the same time some of their frigates and armed vessels 
went over the bar; and, on the 14th, the Bristol made an attempt to go 
out, in which she failed, having struck on the bar. She succeeded in 
another attempt, four days after, and came to an anchor off the harbor. 

The transports, with the Solebay, Thunder, Friendship, and some of 
the small armed vessels, sailed on the 20th, steering a southward 
course ; they were afterwards seen standing to the eastward. On the 
same day a brigantine, having on board fifty soldiers and six sailors, got 
aground near Dewees Inlet. She was left unobserved by the rest, and 
on the day afterwards was taken by an armed flat or floating battery, 
commanded by Lieut. Pickering. The brigantine could not be got off, 
and was, therefore, burnt. She was mounted with six 4 pounders. 
The soldiers threw their small arms overboard, on seeing the approach 
of the flat. Four of the crew escaped in their boat. 

On the 25th, the Experiment went over the bar, her lower tier of 
guns being taken out. She came to an anchor near the Commodore, 
Syren, and three transports, lying off the harbor. A frigate, which had 
not been here before, came to the Commodore in the afternoon of the 
25th. Next morning she sailed for the southward, and two days after 
the Syren followed her. 

This forenoon the Active, Sphynx, and a large transport, being all of 
the enemy s vessels within the bar, went out, and with the Bristol, 
Experiment, three transports and a tender, stood out to sea, steering an 
E.N.E. course. 

The following letter was found on Long Island, since it was evacuated 
by the British army : 

CAMP, LONG ISLAND, 13th July, 1776. 

With great difficulty I have procured this small piece of paper, to 
inform you of my being very well, notwithstanding the miserable situa 
tion we are in. We have been encamped on this island for this month 
past, and have lived upon nothing but salt pork and peas; we sleep 


upon the sea-shore, nothing to shelter us from the rains but our coats, 
or a miserable paltry blanket there is nothing that grows upon the 
island, it being a mere sand-bank, and a few bushes, which harbor 
millions of musketoes, a greater plague than there can be in hell itself. 
By this sloop-of-war you will have an account of the action which hap 
pened on the 28th June, between the ships and the fort on Sullivan s 
Island. The cannonade continued for about nine hours, and was, per 
haps, one of the briskest known in the annals of war. We had two 
50 gun ships, five frigates from 24 to 80 guns playing upon the fort 1 
may say without success, for they did the battery no manner of damage; 
they killed only about fifteen, and wounded between forty and fifty. 
Our ships are in the most miserable, mangled situation you can possible 
imagine. The Acteon, a 30 gun frigate, ran aground during the 
action, and, as it was impossible to get her off, we were obliged to burn 
and blow her up. Our killed and wounded amounts to betwixt 200 
and 300. Numbers die daily of their wounds. The Commodore is 
wounded in two different places ; his captain lost his arm and right 
hand, and was wounded in different parts of the body. He lived but 
two days after the action. Capt. Scott, of the Experiment, died of his 
wounds, and a number of officers. If the ships could have silenced 
the battery, the army was to have made an attack on the back of the 
island, where they had about 1000 men entrenched up to the eyes, be 
sides a small battery of four guns, one 18 and three 4 pounders, all 
loaded with grape shot, so that they would have killed half of us before 
we could have made our landing good. We are now expecting to em 
bark for New York, to join General Howe with the grand army. 

My anxiety to inform you of bad news had well nigh made me forget 
to mention our passage to Cape Fear, where we arrived safely the 1st 
of May, after a passage of three months. Though it was long, yet it 
was not disagreeable, after we got out of the Bay of Biscay, where we 
met with the worst weather ever known at sea, and continued in that 
situation for sixteen days. After that time we had very fine weather 
all along, sometimes we were becalmed four or five days together, not 
going above ten knots a day. Upon our arrival at Cape Fear, we dis 
embarked, and were encamped in the woods till the 27th May, when 
we went on board again, and sailed for this infernal place. The oldest 
of our officers do not remember of ever undergoing such hardships as 
we have done since our arrival here. 

I hope you will be so good as watch every opportunity to let me hear 
from Mrs. Falconer and you, and at the same time to inform me how to 
do in case I shall be obliged to purchase my lieutenancy. I beg you 


will make my excuse to my dear sister for not writing to her at this 
time. It is not owing to want of affection, but to the want of proper 
materials. I am obliged to write upon the ground. You ll be so good 
as let Capt. Falconer know the same thing. I shall write again from 
New York. I am, dear sir, 

Your most affect, brother, 

To the Hon. Anthony Faloner, at Montrose, Scotland. 

Within these few days a cargo of seven tons of gunpowder, and a 
quantity of dry goods, have been safely landed in this colony. 

In this Gazette of May 31, our advices respecting the Indians gave 
reasons to expect that they would remain quiet ; since which we have 
certain accounts of the Cherokees having killed several white people, 
and taken some prisoners. The other nation seems averse to inter 
meddling in the present contest, and it is to be hoped the measures 
taken to fix them in their peaceable dispositions will be successful. 
There is the greatest reason to expect the Cherokees will soon repent 
of their rashness, as considerable bodies of men from Virginia, North 
Carolina, and this colony are actually on their march into their country. 

We hear that about three weeks ago, two armed vessels from St. 
Augustine cut a sloop and schooner, loaded with rice, out of Ogeechee 
River in Georgia. A party from the same place have been employed 
in building a fort at St. Mary s. A boat belonging to them, with Capt. 
Peter Bachop and seven others on board, was taken about a fortnight 
since, after some shot being exchanged. Three of them were killed, 
and Capt. Bachop, with the other four, brought prisoners to Savannah. 

We have just received accounts that the General Congress, on July 
4th, declared these united colonies to be free and independent States; 
that one hundred and thirty sail of men-of-war and transports, with 
10,000 men, under General Howe, had arrived at Sandy Hook, and 
forty-five sail had got above the Narrows, but that it was imagined 
nothing of consequence would be attempted by the enemy before the 
arrival of Admiral Lord Howe, with the fleet under his command, 
having on board 20,000 land forces. Reinforcements were pouring in 
from all quarters to New York, and there was but little doubt of Gen. 
Washington soon having an army of above 50,000 men under his com 



[Original MS,] 

WHITEHALL, June 27, 1776. 

I have no later letters from Charlestown than those I showed to 
Mr. Salvador when here. 

James Holmes left Charlestown a day later, and says no attempt 
was made against the town that several of the small vessels had re 
turned back over the bar, and several more getting under sail, appre 
hended to be bound the same way. 

Your letter to the President I despatched to Charlestown with some 
of my men, on Friday last. The two Cherokee Indians returned to the 
nation on Wednesday week, seemingly well satisfied with their journey. 
I gave them a strong talk, the substance as follows : That I had, agree 
able to the desire of the warrior of Sugar Town, acompanied them 
across the frontier settlements, and told them before I set out, that if 
they saw, and would show me any bad white warriors, who carried lies 
and bad talk amongst them from the settlements, that I would take 
them into custody, and punish; and in return demanded liberty to send 
some of our people into the nation to secure York, and other bad white 
people, who had carried lies and bad talk amongst them, and endea 
vored, by every method they could devise, to make them quarrel with 
us. If they complied with this proposal, I should then know they 
wanted to live at peace with us ; but, if they denied us that liberty, I 
should believe they did not care to continue in friendship with us 
longer, and should either send, or come myself, and bring the bad people 
out of the nation by force. A string of white beads. I desired them 
to remember talk well, and tell it to the warriors, and return an answer 
soon, which I received yesterday by one Price, a half breed. On 
receiving my talk, the warrior of Sugar Town summoned the other 
warriors of the lower towns, and returned an answer as follows : 
Thanked me for the good talk in them, by Shurry Shurry, and believed 
every word therein was truth that the warriors of the lower towns 
would not interfere between the white people in their quarrel, and in 
future would not prevent me sending men into the nation, to take into 
custody such white people as went into the nation with bad talk and 
lies. They remembered the good talk given them at Fort Charlotte, 
and were resolved to abide by them. A string of white beads. 


Mr. Hammond writes me on the 25th instant that Brown had met 
with an affront in the Creek nation, at a great ball play, where he and 
some white people, and Indians, by desire of Tate, the commissary, 
seized one Tapley, a trader, fitted out from Mobile; but the other In 
dians interfered, and rescued Tapley, and broke Brown s sword, and 
beat him and his party, and carried Tapley to Tate, and desired him to 
tell Tate what he had a mind to speak. Brown, it is thought, is gone 
to Florida, in great disgust for this treatment. The Creeks say they 
will suffer no ammunition to be carried through their nation for the 

I received a kick from Major Downes stallion the evening of the 
day I left you, which cut my leg, and my being careless of it, has 
brought on a fever for these two days past, which confined me to my 
chamber. I have sent Mr. Salvador a little powder and bullets. Mr. 
Williamson and Winter are well. They join me in best compliments 
to you and Mr. Salvador. I am, dear sir, 

Your most humble servant, 



[Original MS.] 

July 7, 1776. 

As a magistrate I yesterday presented myself at your door to have 
the honor of paying my respects to your Excellency, and in the after 
noon 1 attended there again, in order to beg to be honored with your 
commands in a military way; for I think that, at this time, while I 
have no occasion to wear my gown, I ought to wear a sword. 

In a word, the favor I have to ask of your Excellency is, that you 
will be pleased to enable me, as a volunteer, to be active in the defence 
of my country. 

I have the honor to be, sir, your Excellency s most obedient and 
Most humble servant, 




[Original MS.] 

CAMP NEAR DEWIT S CORNER, 18th July, 1776. 

Major Williamson has told me that you thought the present alarm a 
good opportunity to execute your commission. I have employed an 
unsuspected person, who has taken refuge in the same fort with Nor 
wood, and am in hopes, by the time I return from the Cherokee Nation, 
it will be accomplished, though he is a most positive old blockhead. 

You would have been surprised to have seen the change in this country 
two days after you left me.* On Monday morning one of Capt. Smith s sons 
came to my house, with two of his fingers shot off. I gave an account of 
the shocking catastrophe at his father s. I immediately galloped to Major 
Williamson s, to inform him, but found another of Smith s sons there, 
who had made his escape, and alarmed that settlement. The whole 
country was flying some to make forts, others as low as Orangeburgh. 
Williamson was employed night and day sending expresses to raise the 
militia; but the panic was so great, that on Wednesday following the 
Major and myself marched to the late Capt. Smith s with only forty 
men. The next day we were joined by forty more, and have been 
gradually increasing ever since, though all the men in the country were 
loth to turn out, till they had procured some kind of fancied security 
for their families. However, we had last night 500 men, but have not 
been joined by any from the other side of the river. I rode there last 
Saturday, and found Col. Williams and Liles, and two companies from 
Col. Richardson s regiment, amounting to 430 men. They were at 
tacked on Monday (July 15) morning, by Indians and Scopholites, but 
repulsed them, taking thirteen white men prisoners. The Indians fled 
the moment day appeared. I will not trouble you with more particu 
lars, as Major Williamson will send a circumstantial account to his 
Excellency. I arn afraid the burthen of the war will fall on this regi 
ment, and that the people over the river will do nothing. They 
grumble at being commanded by a Major; and, I fear, if they join us 
at all (which I doubt), they will be very apt to prejudice the service by 
altercations about command. I cannot help saying, that if Williamson 

* W. H. Drayton was at Mr. Salvador s plantation, called Cornacre, on the 28th of 
June, 1776, as appears by a letter to him directed there, and written by Major William 
son, on the 27th June, from White Hall, his plantation in the neighborhood. 


is fit to conduct such an expedition, he certainly ought to have a much 
higher rank than any of these classes, who don t object to his person, 
but his rank. I likewise think it an omission that the colonels on the 
other side the river have no written orders to put themselves, or their 
men, under his command. On the last accounts from town, that Cun 
ningham and his companions were set at liberty, we were very near 
having a mutiny in camp; and it is really a measure (which, though 
certainly intended for the best,) very alarming to all ranks of people. 
The ignorant look upon it as turning their enemies loose on their backs 
in the day of their distress; and the sensible part consider it as a dan 
gerous exercise of a dispensing power, assumed contrary to the express 
determination of Congress, and a corroborating resolve of the succeed 
ing House of Assembly. Pearis house having been a rendezvous for 
the Indians and Scopholites, Col. Thomas intended to attack it on Mon 
day. We are not yet informed if he did or not; but one of our spies 
was there on Tuesday, and saw many of our enemies about the place, 
and all the buildings in ashes. Whether they were burnt by friends or 
foes, is still uncertain; if by the first, I fear Pearis will injure us much. 
Our men seem spirited, and very much exasperated against our enemies. 
They one and all are displeased at the people over the river for grant 
ing quarter to their prisoners, and declare they will grant none either 
to Indians or white men who -join them. We have just received an 
account that two of the Cherokees head warriors were killed in the 
late skirmish at Lindley s Fort. 

19th July, 1776. 

Cunningham and Pearis came here last night, and by the former I 
imagine he was much caressed in town. Here he was treated politely, 
but with reserve, the Major and myself having advjised him to go home, 
and mind his private business, at which he seemed chagrined. I am 
clear he had not yet given up the idea of being a man of consequence; 
but the friends of liberty in this part of the world are determined to 
have no connection with him, and to consider him for the future merely 
as an individual, and not as head of any party. We have just heard 
from over the river that the white people in general had quitted the 
Indians, after the repulse at Lindley s, and were delivering themselves 
up to Col. Liles. He has sent all those to Ninety-Six jail, against 
whom there is proof of having been in the action. 

I hope you will pardon the freedom with which I express my senti 
ments; but I look upon it as an advantage to men in power to be truly 


informed of the people s situation and disposition. This must plead 
my excuse, and believe me to be, with great respect, dear sir, 
Your obedient humble servant, 


P. S. We, this day, increased to 600, all from the same regiment. 

Capt. McCall, with 20 men, was sent by Major Williamson to the 
Cherokees at Seneca, to make prisoners of some white men, by the 
encouragement of some Indians, who had been at the Major s. When 
the detachment got near, the Indians came out to meet them, spoke 
friendly to them, and invited the captain, lieutenant, and another man, 
to sup with them, leaving three of their own people in their room ; and, 
in a few hours after, in the night, the Indians returned, and suddenly 
attacked the detachment, which fled as fast as possible. They are all 
returned but the captain and six men. This happened immediately 
before Smith s family was cut off, who lost five negro men, himself, 
wife, and five children. On this day Stringer and one child, three or 
four of Gillespy s family, in the same settlement. The ravage ex 
tended all along the frontier the same morning. At Lindley s Fort, 
Downes accidentally arrived with 150 men at night, on his way to 
Williamson s, when at one in the morning the fort was attacked by the 
Indians and white men eighty-eight Indians and one hundred and two 


[Original MS.] 

CAMP AT BARKER S CREEK, July 22 ; 1776. 

Your favor of the 12th instant is now before me, giving an account 
of the agreeable news of your having beat the British fleet. I shall 
try my utmost endeavors to follow your example, and beat the Chero 
kees, of whose treachery and faithless behavior you are well acquainted. 
I am now encamped here, with about 700 effective men from this regi 
ment, which, with 136 who do duty in the different forts, you ll perceive 
have turned out pretty well. My numbers would soon increase if I 
had arms. If any can be spared from Charlestown, you can never do 
this part of the country a greater service than by using your endeavors 
to have them immediately sent here. 


Capts. Tate and Prince s companies of Riflemen, have just now 
joined me. They consist of ninety-three effective men ; and to-morrow 
Col. Williams, who has been at least fourteen days contriving a mode to 
cross Saluda River, will also join me, with about 200 men. Captain 
Hammond marched with a detachment of 100 picked men, on Friday 
morning, for Paris House, where I am informed a party of the enemy 
have been skulking about there some days past. I expect hourly to 
hear from him, and some agreeable news. He has my orders if he can 
conveniently join Col. Thomas and Niel, to act in concert with them, 
and proceed directly into the nation by Estatoe, while I penetrate by 
way of Seneca and the Sugar Town. Thomas has acted in every 
respect agreeable to his declaration when at his house. I have wrote, 
and sent him express upon express, to no purpose. It is really disagree 
able to have any connexion with such men. He has not wrote me a 
line since the Indians first commenced hostilities. Lieut.-Col. Polk, of 
Niel s regiment, with 300 men well armed, has joined Thomas; and I 
am told by Capt. Powes, who I sent on purpose to see his strength, and 
marked out a plan to act in conjunction with them, that Polk is eager 
to join me. It is agreeable to his sentiments, communicated by letter 
to me lately. Judge, then, what feelings such a man must be pos 
sessed of, who, in place of hastening to save or revenge his country, 
can content himself with doing nothing. Robert Cunningham and 
Paris came to my camp. The former, on his arrival, declared himself 
our fast friend, and that he came to stand and fall with us. I was 
sorry I could not show him the countenance I could have wished, 
owing to the people being so much exasperated at the behavior of Hugh 
Brown, and others, who have lately joined the Indians against us, 
thirteen of which were taken prisoners, a few days ago, a*nd sent to 
Ninety-Six jail four of which were found painted as Indians. I have 
no doubt of Cunningham proving true to his declaration, but at present 
it would be improper to confer any public trust on him. Mr. Salvador 
has been with me since my first taking the field. I showed him your 
postscript. He thinks of making the campaign to the nation. I under 
stand last night, the Indians struck at North Carolina and Virginia the 
very day they commenced hostilities against our frontier. If these two 
colonies join heartily with us, I hope soon to have the pleasure of 
congratulating you of a happy issue being put to their expedition, and 
reduce the savages to such a state, as to wish they had never broke 
their faith with us. I am, with much regard, dear sir, 
Your most humble servant, 




[Original MS.] 

CHARLES TOWN, July 24, 1776. 

I am much obliged by your favor of the 19th, which gave me not 
only a comprehensive view of affairs your way, from the beginning of 
the war; but, also, the ideas of people touching the discharge of Cun 
ningham and his companions. We apprehended some dissatisfaction 
might arise; but the act was done, as you very justly thought, with the 
best intentions, and we hope good consequences will follow. I think I 
am pretty sure no bad ones can arise on that score, but from the mis 
taken warmth of our friends. I must applaud your resolution to con 
sider Cunningham " in future merely as an individual, and not as head 
of any party/ Such is the station he ought ever to hold. 

As for the fate of the thirteen white prisoners taken upon the repulse 
of the Indians speaking as W. H. D. in a private character, I think 
the public would have received an essential piece of service had they 
been all instantly hanged. I am not singular in this idea of justice 
and policy inferior and superior public characters think FO, too. 

This day the Experiment, of 50 guns, and the Syren, of 28, got 
over the bar to join their shattered Commodore. Last Sunday the 
transports sailed with the troops and Clinton, leaving one brig with 
about forty Scots, of a regiment called Royal Highland Emigrants . 
This vessel got on ground. She has fallen into our hands. The men 
are prisoners the vessel is burnt. I suppose some of the other men- 
of-war will*^o over the bar to-morrow. Perhaps all, perhaps not; for 
of this you know we cannot judge, as we are not of their counsels. 
The fleet stood off for the Gulf, and the deserters say they are bound 
for a Northern Long Island, as they are so much in love with the 
Southern Long Island they have just quitted. 

Lee is very clever and very positive. The most positive of the 
Poetical Fates was, I scarce believe, more positive. Every idea of his 
must be right, and, of course, every contrary idea in every other person 
must be wrong; and, contrary to the saying of the wise man, we now 
find, that even in a multitude of counsellors there is no wisdom, when 
they entertain different ideas from him, even in cases as plain as my 
hand. However, the General has rather been unlucky in his ideas 
sometimes; for we have found salvation from a quarter whence he said 
none could come; and he has .been served by Continental officers and 


troops in such sort, as to oblige him to preserve a mortifying silence 
on the expedition. From the zeal we have, and that only, for the wel 
fare of the common cause, we are content to be silent to him on that 
point, also. We ought to have taken eighty British troops in the 
light-house, for we had 320 men to do it with; but the commanding 
officer kept 245 men and himself, to guard the boats, and sent the 
others on to look for the enemy and after that sent them orders to 
retreat, when they were willing to have stormed the light-house. They 
returned to the boats and begged leave to return to the enemy; he 
ordered them to embark. Our friend, Capt. Richardson, of Huger s, 
commanded this little detachment. 

No news yet from Philadelphia; every ear is turned that way, 
anxiously listening for the word, independence. I say, God speed the 
passage of it. Amen say you. ^ 

And now a word to the wise. It is expected you make smooth 
work as you go that is, you cut up every Indian corn-field, and burn 
every Indian town and that every Indian taken shall be the slave and 
property of the taker ; that tke nation be extirpated, and the lauds 
become the property of the public. For my part, I shall never give 
my voice for a peace with the Cherokee Nation upon any other terms 
than their removal beyond the mountains. 

As for town news, we have none but what is ridiculous, except that 
a quarrel has arisen between the Vice-President and Col. Pinckney. 
A challenge passed from the first; the last met him .before the hour; 
there was no fight, but I have bound over the Colonel, and I have 
issued a warrant against his Honor, the Vice-PrGsident, because he 
hides himself at home. From what has passed, I begin to be of opinion 
that his Honor may be lodged in the common jail, because he is not 
inclined to be bound over. Is not this ridiculous ? I will not say 
which is in the wrong. I saw the origin of the quarrel it was a trifle ; 
so much the worse say you. I should not have mentioned this afiair; 
but that what I endeavored to have kept secret is, by a certain ob 
stinacy, become public; and I say so much, that as much maybe fairly 

I am much obliged to you for your having begun to feel Norwood s 
pulse. I hope you will succeed with him. He is another unreasonable 

As for my friend, Major Williamson, I long to see him Colonel of 
the regiment now under his orders. In the station of Major, he does 
infinitely more honor to it than any Colonel it ever had ; of this rank 
we must say something hereafter. At present the title of Commander- 


in-Chief of the expedition against the Cherokees, with which he is 
vested, will give him command of any colonel in his army. According 
to tho military rule, any colonel in his army, though with part, or even 
the whole of their regiment, are to be considered as volunteers, and 
they cannot have ;my authority in the camp or army but what is de 
rived from the Major. However, as in all probability the Major may 
authorize them to command their several detachments under him, I 
think they may expect to receive their usual pay while in actual ser 
vice. But this may be depended upon, that any conduct that shall 
clash with Major Williamson s orders will be carefully examined into. 

My paper puts me in mind that I ought to finish my letter, so I beg 
you will present my compliments to the Major, Capt. Hammond, and any 
of my acquaintances that you may know to Mr. liapley, who, perhaps, 
may be with you ; and, that Vicjtory will conduct your march, is the 
expectation of, dear sir, 

Your most humble and obedient servant, 



[Original MS.] 

NINEY-SIX, 27th July, 1776, 

I make no doubt but you are anxious to hear how our affairs stand 
in this perplexed and unhappy district, since the heathen has broke in 
on our frontier. orne on such occasions speak variously; nor is it 
easy :o report only real facts. You may rely on the following : 

It is quite evident that the savages were made acquainted with the 
desig is of the British fleet against Charlestown, and that there was a 
concerted scheme between them against our country. Nor is it less 
certain that the disaffected party among us knew the intention of 
the Indians, and were really elated with the prospect. They made no 
secret of their expectations of safety; and when the time drew near 
that was appointed for the savages to muster, they refused to muster, 
or obey any ofiicer appointed by their country over them. This insolent 
behavior, at such a threatening time, very much alarmed us. At this 
time, it evidently appears that they were, by compact, to assist the 
savages to ruin the country; and had they been in possession of their 
arms, many of them would have actually engaged in the bloody scheme. 


But, providentially for us, their arms were scarce, and the savages killed 
the disaffected in common, without distinction of party. That greatly 
alarmed them, changed their countenance and tone, and made them 
look out for safety for their families. Others of them justly supposed 
that any of their party that was killed must have suffered through mis 
take. This now appears plain to us, by the Indians giving up those of 
them which they had taken as prisoners. 

The savages have spread great desolation all along the frontiers, and 
killed a great number. On the 14th they attacked a part of Colonel 
Williams regiment at Lindlay s Fort, but were repulsed, by the loss of 
one lover of his country, who unfortunately suffered a cruel death by 
them. This attack was made by about ninety Indians, and 120 white 
men. Ten of the white Indians were made prisoners, nine of which 
were painted. They are now safe at Ninety-Six, where they will remain, 
unless released by their brethren. Major Williamson, and the officers 
under him, have exerted themselves in getting our forces together, and 
arming them as well as could be done among us. Our army is about 
1,000, or 1,100 strong, and has advanced about fifteen miles over the 

Ninety-Six is now a frontier. Plantations lie desolate, and hopeful 
crops are going to ruin. In short, dear sir, unless we get some relief, 
famine will overspread our beautiful country. As our army is now over 
the line, the dread of savages, and the disaffected, will deter the lovers 
of their country from looking after their affairs at home. Fences are 
thrown down, and many have already suffered great loss. 

Such of us as are in forts have neither suitable guns nor ammuni 
tion, for the defence of our wives and little ones, as we were obliged to 
furnish our army with our best arms. 

By every intelligence we have from Georgia, we learn that the new 
purchase is in great distress. Should the savages break through the 
new purchase, we will then be a frontier in that quarter. The release 
of the prisoners at Charlestown at this critical juncture very much 
alarmed us. We really dread that party. I cannot express qur dis 
tress. Your friendship, on our behalf, with our Governor, to procure 
us the rangers, or part of them, to assist us, will be acknowledged by 
all with real gratitude, and by none more than by, honored sir, 
Your very humble servant, 




[Original MS.] 

CAMP AT SENECA, August 22, 1776. 

This is to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 10th instant, 
acquainting me of the independence of the United States of America 
being declared, which 1 agree with you is a glorious event. I asked 
Col. Thomas, who is now in camp, concerning the titles you mention. 
He says he sent them to Charleston by Capt. Ralph Smith, with direc 
tions to deliver them to Mr. Parsons or Ferguson, as you were at that 
time in the country; but, it being the day that General Lee had ar 
rived, Capt. Smith had no opportunity to deliver them to any of these 
gentlemen, who, therefore, returned them again into his hands, and that 
he will forward them to you at the end of the campaign, or when he 
returns home. 

I have now burnt down every town, and destroyed all the corn, from 
the Cherokee line to the middle settlements Little Cliote exccpted, 
ivJiicli is said to stand on the Creek land, concerning which, I wrote to 
Mr. Galphin, and recommended it to Col Rae (if Mr. Galphin approves 
of it) to march against Little Chote, at the same time I move into the 
middle settlement, which will attract the enemy s attention, and, of 
course, yield him an easy conquest. I have received letters from Gen. 
Rutherford, wherein he acquaints me that he will be in the middle 
settlements about the 4th or 5th of next month, with about 2,000 men. 
I have wrote him the day I am to move from home for the same place, 
where we are to endeavor to join, and act conjunctly, while Col. Lewis, 
from Virginia, attacks the Overhills, with about the same number. My 
last battle with the Cherokees has already produced some good effect, 
having in their confusion given an opportunity to James Holmes and 
family, and nine others, to make their escape. Mr. Galphin writes me 
the Creeks are fully determined not to assist the Cherokees in the 
present war, which is a great point gained; and I hope we shall soon 
put the Cherokees in such a condition as will deter any other nation, or 
tribes of Indians, disturbing the quiet of Virginia, North Carolina, 
Georgia, or this province, for some time to come. 

Capt. Hammond is in camp, and well. He joins me in best compli 
ments to you. I am, dear sir, 

Your humble servant, 




[Original MS.J 

August 29th, 1776. 

I have had no letters from Mr. Gillon since the 15th July last, wherein 
Mr. Gillon mentions these particulars you have herein : 

10,000 of the Jersey militia are at Amboy and Elizabeth Town, 
watching General Howe s motions, under command of General Mercer. 
All the town militia is gone to Trenton, and the Cambridge militia is 
coming down fast, so that this province will have about 24,000 men to 
march from Trenton to New Brunswick this week. . 1,700 of the 
Maryland provincials are expected there this evening, so that by the 
end of this week there will be absolutely a camp of about 40,000 men, 
and well armed, at Brunswick, Elizabeth Town and Amboy. There is 
now, also, at least 35,000 men in and about the posts of New York, 
with 600 of the Connecticut light-horse, so that there is now 75,000 
men watching the motions of Lord Howe s army, of about 20,000 men, 
when they all arrive, and Gen. Howe s sickly army of about 8,000 
men, making in all 28,000 men. I am, sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 



[Original MS.] 

THURSDAY, Sept. 5, 1776. 

By the several pay bills brought in of the country militia, Tfho did 
duty in Charlestown, at Haddrell s Point, and Sullivan s Island, in the 
months of June and July last, there were paid, for those two months, 
296 officers and 3,648 privates, making 3,944 men; and supposing 
one-half of those men to do duty in June, and the other half in July, 
makes 1,972 men, including officers. These country militia cost the 
public, for doing duty at the before-mentioned places, 16s. 9H- per 
day for each respective man, exclusive of provisions, fire-wood, &c., 
which tis supposed, the whole charges put together, comes to much 
more than 20s. per day per man. 


If there were any more country militia in town either of those 
months, the bills have not been brought in to the paymaster; but he 
thinks the above account to be just. 

Mr. Farr s compliments wait on Mr. Chief Justice Drayton, and has 
sent him the above calculation, which Mr. Farr has taken some pains 
to ascertain. 


[Original MS.] 

Sept. 19, 1776. 
Honorable Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, 

Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the General Assembly : 

I think it my duty to pay this tribute of applause to those brave 
troops who, in repelling the formidable British armament which at 
tacked them on Sullivan s Island, vainly flattering themselves with an 
assurance of easy conquest, displayed firmness and intrepidity that 
would have reflected honor on Roman veterans; and I must heartily 
congratulate you on their heroic behavior. It is an auspicious presage 
of what may be expected from the valor of our other troops, when theirs 
shall be the post of danger, as it demonstrates that men, animated by 
an ardent zeal for the sacred liberties of their country, and trusting in 
the Divine support, are capable of the most glorious achievements. 

The Cherokee Indians having committed such barbarous acts of 
hostility as threatened desolation to the frontier settlements, at a time 
when the enemy lay in view of this town, and an attack on it was daily 
expected, a considerable force was immediately sent into that nation to 
obtain satisfaction for their cruel outrages, by acting with the greatest 
vigour. Our people have behaved with much spirit. It has pleased 
Grod to grant very signal success to their operations, and I hope, by His 
blessing on our arms, and those of North Carolina and Virginia, from 
whom I have promises of aid, an end may soon be put to the war. 

Since your last meeting, the Continental Congress have declared the 
united colonies free and independent States, absolved from allegiance to 
the British crown, and the political connection between them and 
Great Britain totally dissolved an event which necessity had rendered 
not only justifiable, but unavoidable. This declaration, and several 


resolves of that honorable body, received during your recess, shall be 
laid before you. I doubt not you will take such measures as may be 
requisite, in consequence of them. A well-regulated militia being 
essential to the preservation of our freedom, I am persuaded you will 
think, with me, that your time cannot be better employed than in fram 
ing a law for making such improvements in the militia as may produce 
the most beneficial consequences. 

It is not improbable that, at the season appointed for the meeting of 
the next Assembly, the business of legislation must yield to that of a 
different nature, and it behoves us to employ the time of the enemy s 
absence in making the best preparations for defence, and enacting such 
laws as the present exigencies demand. I have, therefore, thought it 
for the public service to call you together now, that you may deliberate 
on these matters, which tend to the interest and security of the State. 

I shall propose what, in the course of your session, appear to me, 
and be happy in receiving your advice on, and concurring with you, in 
any that may effect these important objects. 



[Original MS.] 

September 30, 1776. 
Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen: 

On the 7th of May I was informed, by a letter from the Committee 
of Secrecy, War and Intelligence, in North Carolina, of their having 
received advice that the enemy, who then lay in Cape Fear River, had 
planned a descent at the mouth of Little River, near the borders of 
this colony, in order to attempt a passage into the back country of that, 
by the Lake of Waccamaw. Having occasion to confer with the Hon. 
Colonel Powell on this subject, he urged very strongly to me the abso 
lute necessity of building a stockade fort, and keeping a garrison, at 
the Cheraw Hill, as a security against incursions of the disaffected 
about Cross Creek, and for preventing or suppressing insurrections, 
which they might occasion amongst our own people, near the North 
Carolina line events which, he feared, especially, if the intended junc 
tion between the British forces and the malcontents in that province; 


had taken place. I thought so much attention and respect due to the 
representation of a gentleman in his station, who was well acquainted 
with that part of the country, and had the command of a large regi 
ment there, as to lay it before the council for their advice, which I did. 
He attended them, and on considering what he offered on this head, 
they were unanimously of opinion that it was necessary to erect a fort, 
and keep only a garrison, in consequence of which I gave orders for 
that purpose. 



[From Original in State Department.] 

CHARLES TOWN, October 6, 1776. 

The command of the Military Department in this State devolving 
upon me, I feel it my duty to lay before your Excellency, and by your 
means before the Honorable Council and Assembly, my sentiments 
respecting the situation of this country, and the measures which appear 
to me necessary to place it in a proper state of defence. I am happy 
to find that the works at Fort Moultrie, and those requisite for estab 
lishing, in case of accident, a secure retreat to the garrison, are pro 
gressing so rapidly. When the fort is finished, I have no doubt of its 
being able to repel any attack made upon it in front; but, without a 
considerable number of works to secure it from being assailed in reverse, 
it would not, in my opinion, be long maintained against any formidable 
attempt in that quarter. The methods best calculated to preserve it, 
would be to erect proper works on the point of Sullivan s Island, next 
to Long Island, where it is probable the enemy would attempt to land; 
and by a chain of redoubts, or other works, from thence to the fort, be 
prepared to dispute the ground with them, inch by inch, should they 
effect a landing. I at present imagine it may be necessary to throw up 
some defence where Colonel Moultrie kept his quarter guard; but the 
transient view I had of the island leaves me unprepared to speak with 
precision, either as to the number or form of the works, or the particular 
spots on which they ought to be erected. It is sufficient, however, that 
a variety of them are wanted, that a great many hands are requisite to 
carry thorn on ; the aumber need not be ascertained, as the more there 


are employed the sooner we shall finish, and that the necessity for erect 
ing such works is absolute and immediate. The post at Haddrel s 
ought directly to be put in a much more respectable state than it is in 
at present ; that station would be important even if it had no connec 
tion with Sullivan s. How much more so must it appear when we con 
sider that, should the enemy possess it, our soldiers on Sullivan s could 
neither retreat or be supported; indeed, circumstances that make it 
important multiply upon me as I write. I shall, however, suppress the 
expression of them, as I presume the consideration I have mentioned 
is alone sufficient to induce the attention of your Legislature. 

The walls of Fort Johnston require to be well cased with palmetto 
logs, without which, I conceive a smart cannonade would so shock the 
foundation, that it would not support the superstructure. But, was 
there no danger of this, it ought not to remain as it is, as the fragments 
of brick, which would be shattered off by the shot, would inevitably de 
stroy a great number of our men, and this both policy and humanity 
call upon us to prevent. I confess myself not pleased with the con 
struction of the lower battery, and, if we have time after we get over 
those matters more immediately wanted, I should wish for an alteration. 

I come next to an object very near my heart. I mean the preserva 
tion of this capital. The spirited conduct of its inhabitants, in oppo 
sition to the encroachments of tyranny, even at a time when their pro 
perty was likely to fall a sacrifice to their laudable zeal, demonstrates 
that thev nobly prefer public good to private considerations, however 
interesting, and gives them a just claim to assistance from their neigh 
bors, though the common cause was not concerned in their safety. 
But, sir, when we contemplate the situation of this town, fixed at the 
confluence of several rivers, which open a passage into the very bosom 
of your country, commanding almost your whole inland navigation; and, 
if possessed by the enemy, all your exterior , with houses 

sufficient to barrack comfortably a great body of troops, and an harbor 
extensive enough to admit almost any number of ships, surrounded 
almost by water, which the enemy would command, and approachable 
only by a narrow neck of land, which they would fortify it would 
be, perhaps, the most secure and noble place of arms for them imagin 
able, from which they could, with the same body of troops, execute the 
purposes of despotism on three different States, and the possession give 
their arms an eclat, the influence of which might be dreadfully diffusive. 
It would bring upon our backs every tribe of Indians, and call to their 
banners a host of domestic insurgents. All these circumstances must 
make it a capital object to them, and combine to proye, that the loss of 


this town may be reckoned among the deepest wounds the cause of 
freedom could receive in this department. Public good, therefore, and 
private interest, unite to induce us immediately to put it into a proper 
state of defence. To hesitate one moment might possibly be to lose 
the opportunity which Providence has lent us; and all idea of expense, 
however great, should be lost in the importance of the object. One 
step towards obtaining this desirable end, would be to prevent, if pos 
sible, the approach of ships to the town; and this, I conceive, may pro 
bably be effected, by throwing obstructions across the channel opposite 
to Fort Moultrie, at those places which would expose them most to the 
fire of the fort. I am made happy at being informed this work is 
begun, and trust such hands are employed as will execute it properly. 
I must, however, take the liberty to say, that when I consider the 
amazing impetus with which ships, under full sail, come in contact 
with any body that obstructs their motion, that I doubt whether any 
single work can be made sabstantial enough to be effectual. The 
method I should recommend would be to have one work within another 
the second so near the first, that it should take up the vessel, if she 
surmounted the first difficulty, before she had time to regain her way. 

The next thing, sir, is to put the town in such a state of defence that 
the enemy, in case they get up with their ships, may meet with the 
most obstinate opposition. It gives me concern to think, that it is far 
from being in this state at present. Several of the batteries having 
capital errors, require to be pulled down and re-built; and it \vill, I am 
persuaded, be found necessary to erect others at different places. The 
extempore works thrown up about the town are by no means to be de 
pended upon; they were executed in a hurry, and under the expecta 
tion of an immediate attack. They ought to be altered in many 
places, and at all to be made more effectual. As the interest of the 
inhabitants, and good of the common cause, will, I doubt not, dispose 
the people of this country to defend their capital to the last extremity; 
and, as the working of a number of traverses across the streets are not 
only necessary to the obstinate defence of it, but will prevent the great 
execution which might otherwise happen from an enfilade, the materials 
for building these works should directly be provided. They would at 
present, perhaps, incommode the passage of the inhabitants, so need 
not be immediately erected; but the necessary apparatus should be de 
posited at convenient places, to be ready occasionally. I have much to 
regret the exceeding weak state of the back part of your town. Assail 
able at many places, at none prepared to repel an attack, it requires our 
immediate attention. Nor am I less anxious about the Neck ; that 


leads out of town. Tke officer we may have to deal with this winter is 
an officer of enterprise and resources, with judgment to discern, and a 
disposition to take all advantages he can not but observe, should the 
Neck remain as it is. How easy it would be for an inferior army to 
shut in a superior; and it admits not of a doubt but he will, if he can, 
avail himself of it. To prevent this, many works are requisite, and 
the sooner they are undertaken the better. 

I shall now, sir, proceed to some circumstances of defence of a more 
general tendency. Among these, the building of some row-gallies 
appear to me as very consequential. I think it far from being im 
probable, that they may be so constructed as to be formidable to men- 
of-war in their progress over the bar; and, if it is certain they must be 
so, should the ships ever get up and lay before the town, they will 
prevent all tenders, or other small armed vessels, from marauding those 
inhabitants who live upon the river make it difficult, if not impossible, 
for the enemy to transport their troops by water into the country a 
circumstance essentially important to the very being of this State. 
They will convey your troops to Georgia with safety and expedition, 
should that State require your aid, and facilitate the arrival of theirs, 
should your exigencies make it necessary; in short, the advantages of 
them are so manifold, that I earnestly hope they may claim your atten 

As this State, and some neighboring ones are, unhappily, unequal in 
themselves to any formidable invasion, they must depend entirely upon 
that assistance they can mutually yield to each other. Every thing, 
therefore, which can retard the march of troops should be removed, and 
every measure fallen upon, which can contribute to bring them up with 
the utmost expedition. If North Carolina and Georgia would join 
your State in establishing magazines of provisions at proper places 
between yfcur countries, it would certainly prevent a great delay; but 
this, I am afraid, will be a work of time. 

I beg leave, sir, to urge the absolute necessity of keeping a great 
number of waggons always in the public service. Experience has 
taught me how difficult it is to procure them when suddenly wanted; 
and the time is probably at hand when the least delay may be attended 
with very fatal consequences. 

The great delay I have met with in marching men at the ferries of 
every State, and at none more particularly than in this, induces me to 
wish that in future they may be better provided with boats. Few, if 
any of them, have more than one flat, and that generally not a good 
one, so that it will take a whole day to get over a battalion and its bag- 


gage. I leave you, sir, to judge what may be the event of this, when 
the fate of a country may depend upon a single hour. 

The roads at all times an object of public notice become of peculiar 
importance at this crisis, as upon the goodness of them an expeditious 
march in a great measure depends. 

I would urge as a circumstance exceedingly necessary, the collecting 
and keeping for public use, a great number of canoes, and other rowing 
boats; as in a country so cut to pieces with water courses, and penetrable 
at such a variety of places, it is very uncertain where you may have 
occasion to convey your troops, or from whence to bring them. A 
provision of this kind, therefore, seems to be an act of necessity. Cer 
tain I am, that in the late military operations of this country, the want 
of them was severely felt by the General, and the service greatly injured 
by it. 

The short time I have been in this country renders it impossible for 
me to be so well acquainted with the geography of it as I wish, or as I 
hope soon to be. I, therefore, cannot undertake to point out every 
place where it may be necessary to erect works, or take other methods 
to prevent, or render difficult, the enemies acces.s. I am happy, how 
ever, in the consideration that you, sir, and many members of your 
Legislature, from your perfect knowledge of this country, are adequate 
to this, and in the firm persuation that it will properly be attended to. 

The building of barracks at those places where, in case of invasion, 
we should be obliged to station troops, particularly at Haddrell s, is a 
matter that ought, by no means, to be neglected. The inconveniences 
which the soldiers suffered for want of them, and the ill effect it had 
upon their health, even in the summer season, makes it evident that 
they cannot endure a winter campaign without them. 

I am loth to mention a provision which I am fearful it will be difficult 
to make; I mean of clothes and blankets for the men. Brft I should 
be wanting in attention to them not to express a wish that every method 
may be fallen upon to procure them. 

I know not whether the islands along your sea-board have any live 
stock upon them; but, if they have, and are suffered to remain there, I 
cannot but consider them as the absolute property of the enemy. I, 
therefore, think it my duty, in the most earnest manner to urge, that 
they be immediately removed ; indeed, I think the proprietors of these 
islands ought not to be suffered to occupy them at all at present, that 
the enemy may have no temptation to make or receive benefit, by 
making a lodgment on them. 

There are other matters which strike me as necessary to the defence 


of this country, and from further observation many maj occur to me; 
but, as I presume Government, in the recess of Assembly, will be 
furnished with powers to provide for contingencies, I ha^e no occasion 
to trouble you with them now. I enter into the next object of my 
consideration with exceeding diffidence and anxiety, lest I should be 
thought to have exceeded the bounds of propriety, by touching upon 
it at all. If, sir, unfortunately for me that should be the case, will your 
Legislature do me the justice to impute it to the zeal I lave for the 
service of this State, and kindly admit the cause to excuse the effect ? 
The number of regular troops allotted to this country is lot enough 
for its defence, though all the battalions were full. This, si-, militates 
strongly in favor of a well-regulated militia, and I am happy to hear it 
is the subject of your present deliberation; but, as a milita-y system, 
exclusive of militia, has been established in Virginia, which experience 
has shown to be a very good one, I presume just to hint it o you. I 
mean the establishment of minute battalions. In order to do this, their 
State was divided into districts, and each district furnished A battalion 
of minute men. Persons of the greatest consequence an<| influence 
were appointed as officers, who enlisted the men from the Ijody of the 
militia. These men, beside attending a number of private musters, 
were at stated periods obliged to embody in battalion fora specified 
number of days, and go through all the discipline and mancewres of a 
camp. During this time they were paid and provisioned by tie public, 
and were at all times liable to be called into service. I had the honor 
to command a great number of them the last winter, and it is but jus 
tice to them to say, that they deserved to be ranked among the best of 
our troops. The men of these battalions being enlisted upon the 
express condition of turning out occasionally, are always in expectation 
of, and will be always prepared for it. They are, generally, better 
armed, and will probably be better disciplined, than militia; and may 
either make it unnecessary to call out the latter at all, or make a stand 
against the enemy while they are collecting. But whether such estab 
lishment may suit the policy of this country, the wisdom of your Legis 
lature will determine. 

Permit me, sir, again, in the most earnest manner, to urge the abso 
lute necessity of immediately taking measures to place us in the best 
state of defence possible. Our private interest, and our fidelity to the 
common cause, exact it of us. To lose the opportunity we now have, 
is to neglect the first, and betray the latter. Happy should I have 
been, had not the necessity of service deprived you of the Commander- 
in-chief of the Southern department at this critical juncture, from 


whose indefatigable attention to his duty, and from whose spirit and 
abilities in the execution of it, you could not but have derived every 
possible benef;. 

I, sir, have nothing to offer you but an assurance of the most un 
wearied attention to the duties of my station the utmost exertion of 
such abilities as I have; and that I shall, by my most strenuous efforts, 
in the servi<e of your country, demonstrate the zeal and attachment I 
feel for the glorious cause of freedom, to which I have devoted myself. 

I have tie honor to be, with the greatest respect, sir, 

YOIT Excellency s most obdt. and very humble servant, 



[Original MS.] 

CHARLES TOWN, Nov. 6, 1776. 

Enclosel you will receive an extract from the Journals of the Privy 
Council, ia consequence of which, you will be pleased to repair to the 
Conventicn of North Carolina, and use your utmost endeavors to obtain 
such aid is the Council recommend should be applied for to that State. 
I am, sir, 

Your very humble servant, 


IN THE PRIVY COUNCIL, Wednesday, October 30, 1776. 

The Board, taking into consideration the danger this State would be 
in should the same be again invaded this winter, and the little proba 
bility of our having assistance from the Northward, were of opinion, 
and advised, that a gentleman of character be sent to North Carolina 
to solicit the aid of 1,500 minute or militia men, to be immediately 
marched into this State, and to remain here for two months, from the 
time of their arrival, who should be allowed the same pay and rations 
as are allowed to our own militia, from the time of their setting out 
until their return to North Carolina. 

Mr. Chief Justice being proposed, agreed to go on this business. 

IN THE PRIVY COUNCIL, Saturday, November 2d, 1776. 
The Board advised his Excellency to direct Mr. Drayton to solicit 


that, in case North Carolina shall agree to furnish us with 1,500 men, 
and the exigencies of this State shall, in the opinion of the President 
and Privy Council for the time being, require it, they may remain for 
two months longer than the time before proposed. 
True extracts from the Journals. 

J. N. COLCOCK, Sec y P. V. 


[Original MS.] 

CHARLES TOWN, November 7, 1776. 

I have the honor to transmit you, by the Hon. Mr. Dray ton, the copy 
of a resolution of the Council of this State, for obtaining the aid of 
1,500 minute men, or militia men, from North Carolina, for a certain 
time; and, as I have been applied to by his Excellency, the President, 
to take every measure necessary to enforce this request, I take the 
liberty of troubling you upon this subject, fully persuaded that to in 
duce your assistance to a sister State, nothing more is requisite than to 
show the necessity for it. My letter to you of yesterday in a great 
measure anticipates what I should otherwise have to say upon this occa 
sion, because the same motives urged to obtain a permission for their 
officers to recruit, militate in favor of granting the request they now 
make. Suffice it, then, to say, that they are not in themselves equal to 
any very formidable invasion, and yet have every reason to expect one 
this winter; that they have innate foes, who wait but for an opportunity 
to rebel who would fly to the banners of the enemy; several numerous 
tribes of Indians on their backs, whose present temper bears a very 
alarming construction; their militia but few, and those so divided and 
remote, as not to be collected in time for any sudden emergency, and 
not sufficient in number when they -are got together; that, therefore, 
any aid which is to be sought for will, in all probability, arrive too late, 
the fatal consequence of which are too serious and melancholy to be 
dwelt upon. In this situation of danger and necessity, they apply to 
you for assistance, and the mode they have fallen upon seems calculated 
to obtain it without injury to you. The pay of their militia is more 
than equal to the labor of any common man the rations more than 


sufficient for any appetite the barracks they have built, comfortable 
and roomy. This, I presume, will induce your men to come willingly, 
especially at this idle season of the year, and the expense will be all 
their own. Upon these terms, I imagine, the aid they ask would be 
granted by any neighboring State, less zealous in the cause than yours. 
I should injure you, therefore, whose patriotic disposition and generous 
spirit I am so well acquainted with, were I to admit a doubt of your 
yielding them every assistance in your power. One benefit which may 
arise to you, particularly from this measure, is, that it may probably 
make it unnecessary to call away your regulars, who, by that means, 
will keep you in a state of security. The gentleman who visits you upon 
this occasion will fully explain to you every thing relative to this mat 
ter. His rank, character and capacity, can not but make him an object 
of your respect and attention. 

I have the honor to be, wiLh the greatest respect, sir, 
Your most obedient humble servant, 


Resolved, That Mr. Dray^on be sent to North Carolina to solicit 
1,500 minute men or militia, to be immediately marched into this State, 
and remain here for two months from the time of their arrival, who 
should be allowed such pay and rations as are allowed to our own 
militia from the time of their setting out until their return; and that 
in case the exigencies of this State should, in the opinion of the Presi 
dent and Council, require it, they may retain them two months longer 
than the time above mentioned. 




IN CONGRESS, July 22d, 1776. 

Resolved, That the thanks of the United States of America be given 
to Major-General Lee, Col. Wm. Moultrie, Col. Win. Thompson, and 
all officers and soldiers under their command, who, on the 28th of June 
last, repulsed, with so much valor, the attack which was that day made 
on the State of South Carolina, by fleet and army of his Britannic 

That the President transmit the same to General Lee ; Cols. Moultrie 
and Thompson, by order of Congress. 



PHILADELPHIA, July 22d, 1776. 

I ain extremely happy to have it in my power to transmit to you, by 
order of Congress, the thanks of the United States of America, for 
your patriotic and spirited exertions in behalf of liberty and your 
country. This success of our arms, attended by every circumstance 
that can add lustre to the characters of those who conducted it, will 
forever render estimable your name with every friend of America; and 
posterity will be astonished when they read, that on the 28th June, an 
inexperienced handful of men, under your command, repulsed with 
loss and disgrace a powerful fleet and army of veteran troops, headed 
by officers of rank and reputation. May you go on thus to merit and 
receive the gratitude of your country; and, as a reward of your mili 
tary service, may your name be enrolled in the list of American 
worthies, on whom posterity will bestow the most grateful and unceas 
ing applause. 

I have the honor to be, with respect, 

JOHN HANCOCK, President. 


NOVEMBER 23, 1776. 

In consequence of the promotions of General Gadsden and General 
Moultrie, the following promotions take place in the 1st and 2d Regi 
ment of the South Carolina Continental troops, viz. : 

Lieut. -Col. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, of the 1st Regiment, to- 
be Colonel of the same. 

Major Win. Cattle to be Lieut. -Colonel, and Captain Adam McDon 
ald to be Major. 

Lieut.-Colonel Isaac Motte, of the 2d llegiment, to be Colonel of the 

Major Francis Marion to be Lieut.-Colonel, and Capt. Peter Horry 
to be Major. 

According to a resolution of the Honorable the General Assembly of 
this State, the following promotions take place in the 3d and 4th Regi 
ments of Continental troops in this State, viz, : 


Lieutenant-Colonel Wm. Thomson of the 3rd Regiment to be Colo 
nel of the same. Major James Mayson to be Lieutenant-Colonel, and 
Captain Samuel Wise to be Major in the same. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Owen Roberts of the 4th to be Colonel of the 
same. Major Bernard Elliott to be Lieutenant-Colonel, and Captain 
Bernard Beekman, Major of the same. 


NOVEMBER 26, 1776. 

The main guard to be re-inforced tomorrow with six men ; two sen 
tries to be fixed at his Excellency the President s door ; the men to re 
inforce the main guard to be taken by detachment from the 2nd and 
5th Regiments in proportion to their strength. General Howe sets out 
for Georgia to-morrow. He strongly recommends to commanding offi~ 
cers of Battalions to have their men exercised frequently in the use of 
spears, and to the .soldiers to be attentive in learning what in course of 
service may so essentially contribute to their honor and safety. He is 
obliged to the officers of every department for their attention, which he 
had with pleasure observed they pay to their duty, and takes this op 
portunity to express his approbation of the orderly behavior of the sol 
diers, of which he hopes a continuance. The important and beneficial 
public work General Gadsden has undertaken, and is so happily exe 
cuting, on Sullivan s Island, requiring all his attention, he has desired 
to be confined in all his commands, at present, on this work and the 
Island. The command, therefore, of the town and outposts, in the ab 
sence of General Howe, will devolve on General Moultrie until General 
Gadsden chose to assume it. 

Col. Motte, having represented to General Howe that James Kelly, 
now under arrest for desertion, has one circumstance in his favor which 
in some measure mitigates his crime, that is : that he had surrendered 
himself to one of his corporals, and, the Colonel having compassionately 
solicited his pardon, General Howe, in respect to Colonel Motte, will, 
for once, deviate from a resolution he had fixed, never to pardon a de 
serter, and consent to pardon James Kelly on this condition, namely : 
that of enlisting in his Battalion during the war, and by future good 
behavior he promises to atone for the heinous crime he has committed 
so contrary to all duty and to the solemn oath he had taken ; he is to 


do duty in Colonel Motte s Regiment until the arrival of Colonel 
Thomson ; and, lest this lenity should have a bad effect, the General 
warns all soldiers against desertion, which he now declares he never 
will again pardon on any condition. 

This order to be read before the men on parade. 


[Original MS.] 

DECEMBER 20, 1776. 

The men all got over the river on our march southwardly. Colonel 
Mclntosh, Major Malberry and Lieutenant Doghartj sat off from the 
river to join Captain Caldwell. Lieutanant West tnd myself with a 
small party stayed at the river that night. 

SATURDAY, December 21, 1776. 

Lieutenant West and myself, with the party, sat off early in the 
morning ; returned one man that had lost the cock of his gun ; joined 
the main body at Camay s Old Cowpen. 

SUNDAY, December 22, 1776. 

Major Malberry took a detachment of thirty privates, three non-com 
missioned officers and one commissioned officer } crossed the river at 
the Bluff, where Lieutenant Jenkins was stationed, to join us at the 
old ferry ; the main body sat off. Adjutant Fash waited on the Colo 
nel to know whether the Carolinians were to take the front or rear ; the 
Colonel did not chose to determine, as he did not know which was the 
oldest Regiment, but, in order to satisfy both parties, gave order that 
the officers and men were to fall in promiscuously and no distinctions 
made which was agreeable to both parties until it was known which 
had the rank. On our march some one discovered, as he thought, a 
party of men running from us ; a party pursued but could make no dis 
covery of them. I was detached off with a party to stop the advance 
guard and join a small detachment that was sent round as a reconnoi- 
tering party. I met them at the place appointed, but never overtook 
the advance party until we got to Middleton s plantation, which was to 
have been our rendezvous that night, but the alarm altered our designs. 
We were to join and rendezvous that night at Mr. Williamson s cowpen, 


but the main party proceeded to pursue the tracks, following them some 
distance, found them to be cattle tracks. Judged the man who had 
thought he saw people made a mistake, and then proceeded on the old 
plan of going to Middleton s that night. On my return from Middle- 
ton s, met the main body and rendezvoused at Middleton s that night. 

MONDAY, December 23, 1776. 

Sat off; disco T ered some fresh tracks going down to Inglis ; Lieu 
tenant Fitzpatrick was detached with ten men to find out whose tracks 
they were. We arrived at the old ferry ; I was ordered with a party to 
reconnoiter the landing, but could make no discovery of the enemy. 
Ordered that erery officer mounting a guard should sleep at the 
main guard, and risit the sentries at least three times a night. Placed 
a lance sergeant and four men as a guard at the river. Sergeant 
Warren, who was ordered from head-quarters to bring provisions round 
to us, arrived in tie night ; hailed the sentry, but was made no answer, 
came past them, landed and came up to the Colonel s camp; the Colo 
nel immediately ordered the sentry under the main guard. 

TUESDAY, December 24, 1776. 

Major Malbeny arrived with his detachment at the other side ; a 
boat wag sent for him immediately ; he had seen no signs of the enemy. 
Lieutenant Dogharty came over the river says he saw very fresh signs 
of four or five men crossing the river. Ordered that a Court Martial 
be held upon Abner Islands for being caught sleeping on his post. 
Lieutenant Fitzpatrick returned ; says he followed the tracks up to Mr. 
Inglis plantation ; they appeared to have run off from there; they fol 
lowed the tracks until they got intermixed with ours in such a manner 
that they could follow them no longer. The Court Martial were opinion 
that the prisoner should receive twenty lashes on the bare back, but my 
writing a note to the Colonel, informing him of the character of the 
soldier, of its being his first offence committed in the service, the Colo 
nel thought proper to forgive the prisoner. The Regiment was drawn 
up and some of the articles of war I read to them. Ordered that every 
man hobble and bell his horse and have him ready to cross the river 
early in the morning. 

WEDNESDAY, December 25, 1776 

The whole detachment crossed the river, all to a small guard at the 
river of a subaltern and twenty men. The detachment proceeded as 
far as Lee s hill. I was detatched to McG-irth s as a reconnoitering 


party ; could make no discovery of any sign fresher than three or four 
days; joined the party. 

THURSDAY, December 26, 1776. 

I was ordered to take a subaltern and twenty-three privates, volun 
teers, to cross the river St. Mary s in search of the Florida scouts ; the 
men turned out, and we crossed the river that night and went as far as 
Taylor s. 

FRIDAY, December 27, 1776. 

We proceeded, and in about an hour afterwards came upon fresh 
signs of cattle, imagined to have been drove along late last night. I 
gave the necessary orders, ss in all probability we might expect to come 
upon them every minute. However we did not come up with them un 
til we got to Cornelious Rains , where they had just gone from, but dis 
covering a house we made three different parties to surround the houses. 
Unluckily, Joseph Rains was going over to his brother s and discovered 
us creeping up ; he immediately ran and gave the alarm at the house ; 
then proceeded after the men who were driving the cattle and alarmed 
them also. We surrounded the houses and came in ; the men were 
all gone; though I could not learn there were more than Cornelious 
Rains there at that time ; the cattle drivers had been gone about half 
an hour before ; Mrs. Rains and her daughter informed me that one 
Captain York, with a party, was with the cattle, and that James Moore 
and Sampson Williams were each to have been there the night before 
with each of them a company. We had several times information that 
there was a strong party of whites and another of Indians coming out, 
though I did not put much faith in the report. I thought if it was 
true, and any strong party came against us and we should be defeated, 
I should be much blamed, my order being very particular to be as care 
ful as possible what number I was to engage. Again our retreat was 
very bad no conveniency for crossing the river St. Mary s, we thought 
proper to retreat as fast as possible over St Mary s and there ambuscade 
on the river bank, on the Georgia side, as there we might give them bat 
tle, be their number what they would. We took two negroes and three 
horses from Rains , and retreated. About two miles from there we met 
a party that was detached to join me on coming up with the sign where 
the cattle had crossed the river. Lieutenant Gooden commanded the 
party, fifteen strong, which made the command forty, officers included. 
We then thought we were strong enough for anything on this side St. 
John s, and returned and surrounded Rains houses a second time, but 


there were no appearances of the enemy. We then began to collect 
what intelligence we could. We were informed that one Capt. Jeffres 
had been there that morning, and went off with a party to William 
Mills ; that Colonel William Macintosh s fellow, Osker, was with them. 
Lieut. Gooden and Lieut. Daughty, and a number of the men, knew 
this Jeffres to be a noted tory, and had been among the Cherokee In 
dians endeavoring to, and did, bring them against us. I was very anxious 
to catch him. We were also informed of one McGuire, belonging to 
the Florida scout, about ten miles off, at one Loughton s, and that in 
all probability Jeffres was there, as it was on the way to Mills . I took 
the men off immediately to Loughton s, and surrounded the house. 
McGuire, who was in the yard, spied us, and ran for the bush, which 
was not above twenty yards from the house very thick. In his flight 
two of my men fired at him, but. I believe with no success. We made 
a strict search in the bushes, but could not find him. Our horses were 
much jaded. Jeffres had not been that way. I was at a loss to think 
what was become of them. Our horses were not able to proceed any 
further, as some of the men then were obliged to walk on foot. We 
remained there that night; put all the men on guard. About break of 
day one of the sentry fired twice. We all ran out, thought the Indians 
and scouts were come up. I ordered the men to possess themselves of 
the houses, and detached a party to know the reason of the guns firing. 
The sentry says he shot at a man that was walking up within ten steps 
of him; he fired first with his pistol, then with his rifle On his firing 
his rifle, the man stumbled very much; he believes he hit him. I 
then thought it could be no one but McGuire, who was endeavoring to 
steal our horses. I sent parties all round the plantation, but they could 
discover no signs of any body there. We were very clever in turning 
out, and to all appearance would have fought bravely. 

SATURDAY, December 28, 1776. 

We got from McGuire a negro boy, who he had taken from Captain 
Anderson, and a mare, saddle and saddle-bags, and his rifle, and some 
of his cloth, and returned. Crossed the river that night. 

SUNDAY, December 29, 1776. 

Proceeded on and joined the main body at Sattillie, and informed 
the colonel of our proceedings. 

MONDAY, December 30, 1776. 

Sergeant Warren informed me that one of my men, George Hall, had 
a fall from his horse, and was dangerously hurt. I went to see him im- 


mediately, and believe lie will die. A court-martial was summoned to 
hold and try Levi Coleman and John Bilbo, two soldiers, for sleeping 
on their posts. The court-martial were of opinion that Levi Coleman 
should sit down, and have one gun under his hams, and another over 
his neck, and brought as close together as possible, and tied fast, there 
to remain for the space of ten minutes, and at the expiration of the 
time the upper gun to be fired off the whole detachment to be drawn 
up at the same time. John Bilbo, who had some favorable circum 
stances on his side, was to stand up alongide of Levi Coleman, with a 
gun across his head, and to remain ten minutes. Some of the plunder 
was sold. Ordered that every man be ready to march. We marched 
about six miles that night. 

TUESDAY, December 31, 1776. 

Several horses missing. We were obliged to wait until late in the 
afternoon. There were two sergeants and twenty men left to hunt the 
horses, and to follow. We proceeded as far as Red Cap that night. 

WEDNESDAY, January 1, 1777. 
We got to the Bluff, where we were to build the fort that night. 

THURSDAY, January 2, 1777. 
Nothing particular. 

FRIDAY, January 3, 1777. 

Ordered, that a court-martial be summoned to try Josiah Clark for 
sleeping on his post. The court-martial ordered him to ride the wooden 
horse ten minutes. The colonel thought proper to take off five minutes. 
The major and myself viewed the Bluff, in order to point out a proper 
plan for a stockade. The tools were got in order to begin. 

Ordered, that thirty men be set aside as a guard in the day. The 
whole are to be on duty to guard the workmen and horses that is, 
twenty-two as a guard round the workmen, and eight as a grass guard, 
to go out by turns, and at night fifteen men on duty, who will be re 
lieved the next night by other fifteen. 

That fifteen men, with an officer, be kept as a scouting party con 

That the remainder be kept at work on the stockade, except a sergeant 
and six men, to be sent out occasionally to bring in cattle, or any other 
necessaries that should be wanting, as there is no commissary to supply 


In case the scout or any other party discover any of the enemy, the 
commanding officer will act as he thinks best for the good of the ser 

That John Bilbo act as sergeant to the first company. 

That William Goold and act as sergeants to Capt. 

Cade s company. 

John Gray, one of my troop, arrived express to the colonel, the pur 
port of which was, that there were four men of the third troop killed, 
and the rest had evacuated the fort on Beard s Bluff, saving two men, 
which were all that Lieut. Bug could get to stay with him. These two 
men and himself went to Fort Howe. 

SATURDAY, January 4, 1777. 

Lieut. -Colon el Mclntosh, Major Marbury, Capt. Caldwell and Lieut. 
Daughty, left us. Lieut. West, with fifteen men, went as a scouting 
party as far as the Altamaha, and on their return to bring provisions. 
The command now fell upon me, the Colonel and Major being absent. 
We had a great deal of difficulty to get the men to work on the stock 
ade; however, promising them that they and their horses should be 
exempt from guard duty, they went to work. 

SUNDAY, January 5, 1777. 

Desired the Adjutant to give James Murphy and John Nepper a 
severe reprimand, for leaving their posts before they were regularly re 
lieved. Some favorable circumstances being on their side, was the rea 
son of their not being regularly tried. 

MONDAY, January 6, 1777. 

The men continued on the stockade. The grass guard reported that 
there were many horses missing. Sent men in search of them all day, 
but could not find any. One of Capt. Cade s men, who had his leg 
much hurt, applied for leave to go to Fort Howe for the benefit of his 
leg. Sergeant Bryson applied for leave to go with him. I granted it. 

TUESDAY, January 7, 1777 

Copy of a letter sent to the commanding officer at Fort Howe : 
" Sergeant Bryson has liberty to go to the Altamaha with the man 
who has his leg hurt; he returns to-morrow. I shall be much obliged 
to you to procure a few tools for the stockade, as they are much hindered 
for the want of them ; also, two or three sets of wedges are very much 
wanted, and a cross-cut saw, file, one or two chisels, and some nails. 


Pray send by Sergeant Bryson what he can bring, and send the rest by 
the next opportunity. We get on very well with the stockade, con 
sidering the want of tools. Some axes are also wanted. 

" There are a good many horses missing. I have had men out all 
day yesterday looking for them, but they could not be found. I have 
ordered men out again to-day. 

" Our provisions are out. I hope though before this reaches you, the 
supply will arrive. 

" C. S. M." 

Sent men out in search of the lost horses, but they returned without 

WEDNESDAY, January 8, 1777. 

Sent Lieut. Fitzpatrick and fifteen men to scout up Sattillie as far as 
the Old Ferry, and round by Middletou s, as a reconnoitering party. 
Sent out again for the lost horses, but they were as unfortunate as the 
rest. * * * * * 

THURSDAY, January 9, 1777. 

Capt. Donaldson, Lieut. Goodin and seventeen men, set off for Fort 

Copy of a letter wrote to the commanding officer at Fort Howe : 

" Lieut. Beams and his attachment arrived here 7th inst. I was a 
good deal alarmed that they brought no provisions, at least not enough 
to last two meals round to each man. We have here, including Lieut. 
Beams party, near one hundred souls. I sent out Lieut. Fitzpatrick and 
fifteen men yesterday, with orders to scout as far as the Old Ferry, on 
Sattillie, round by Middleton s plantation, to answer two purposes first, 
as a scouting party; second, in hopes they might meet with the lost 
horses. The horses mentioned in my last are not yet found. I hope 
there will be some method fallen upon to supply this place with provi 
sions. The men seem eager to have an opportunity of complaining; 
they are coming to me every moment enquiring what they should eat. 
I have had hunters out since yesterday morning; they have not come 
in yet, so that we are out of beef as well as rice. 

"The hunters are just come, and brought beef, which is some satisfac 
tion. Pray, don t omit sending as much salt as possible, as we shall be 
obliged to keep a good deal of beef salted up, the cattle being very 
hard to get here unless it is breeding cattle. Some chisels are very 
much wanted to finish the fort gate. The horses are very troublesome, 
as they incline much to ramble." 


FRIDAY, January 10, 1777. 

Sergeant Cray ton set off without liberty to the Altamaha, and was 
carrying one of the scout men s horses. I stopped him and ordered 
him to stay until I gave him orders, and that if he or any man attempted 
to leave the fort without my permission, should be sent after, and taken 
as a deserter. Several men leaving the place before, without my know 
ledge. In consequence of that I issued these orders. Lieut. Fitzpatrick 
and his party arrived ; had discovered signs of Moccosins, very fresh, 
supposed to have crossed Sattillie about three or four hours, and signs 
of four horses, supposed to be the four that was lost on our march from 
the Old Ferry to the Bluff. There appeared by the signs of the tracks 
to have been about fifteen men. They crossed at Lemmons ferry. 

SATURDAY, January 11, 1777. 

Early in the morning I wakened, and was told that Sergeant Crayton 
was gone off with the horse, notwithstanding the particular orders 1 
gave him yesterday to remain here. I thought it such an insult upon 
orders, that I got immediately ready, took Sergeant Bilbo along with 
me, and hurried after him, and overtook him about one mile-and-a-half 
from the fort, brought him back, and had a strong guard put over him, 
for he could be looked upon as no other than a deserter, and in a par 
ticular manner guilty of breach of orders. 

* * * # # * 


February 14, 1777. 

Gen. Howe, with concern and surprise, has observed the frequent 
applications made by gentlemen of the army for leave to resign their 
commissions at this important crisis, when it is difficult to find any 
reason sufficient to excuse men for not endeavoring to get into the ser 
vice. What can possibly exculpate those who desire to forsake it? 
The freedom of America, and all its essential privileges, are at present 
the objects of contest. Compared with these all private interests, how 
ever important, and every darling inclination, attachment and sympathy, 
however endearing and heartfelt, are but futile considerations. The 
present generation, and all the generations of succeeding ages, have 


the strongest claim upon a soldier for every strenuous endeavor and 
utmost effort to preserve and maintain such invaluable rights, and to 
hand them down to posterity unimpaired. Difficulty and distress and 
danger are the mediums through which this purpose is to be effected, 
which every officer must have been sensible of at the time he solicited 
a commission. Local advantages, therefore, and temporary inconve 
nience, are but contemptible pleas for retirement; an opinion of an 
officer s spirit and abilities a belief that he would, by attention to 
duty and by every other means in his power, gain a proper knowledge 
of his profession, with a firm persuasion that he would not forsake the 
service at the very moment he has qualified himself to be useful, must 
have been what induced his country to honor him with a commission, 
which otherwise would undoubtedly have been granted to those who, 
emulous to serve, were probably possessed of equal abilities, and who, 
by greater perseverance, would have continued in the common cause. 
The benefit of that experience they must have obtained, had not the 
interference of those very officers who now wish to resign, deprived 
them of the opportunity. Let, therefore, those officers now solicitous 
of leaving the army, but for one moment consider that by the superior 
confidence placed in them by the country, they were preferred to those 
who would have served it to the last; and let them ask their own hearts, 
if withdrawing from their duty at this critical juncture, is not a poor 
return for the very honorary preference given them ? Let them then 
add to this the noble and animating consideration that they are actors 
upon that glorious stage where every incident is to become an historical 
fact, and the General persuades himself that they will not, by future 
application for leave to resign, reduce him to the painful necessity of 
refusing the requests of gentlemen he respects, or by complying with 
them deprive the army of officers so capable of doing honor to them 
selves, and rendering service to the common cause. This order to be 
transmitted to the commanding officer at Haddrell s Point, Sullivan s 
Island and Fort Johnson, who are to take care that it is made known to 
the officers of their corps. Adjutant Dellient will inform Gen. Gads- 
den (if in town), Gen. Moultrie, and all the field-officers in town, that 
Gen. Howe would be glad to speak with them at his quarters, at 5 
o clock this afternoon. 


May, 4, 1777. 

For the day, to-morrow, Captain Potts, Town Guard from tne 5th 
Regiment; Magazine, Fort Perrineau; Brick-house, Lieut. Read; Bar 
racks, a sergeant. 


Gen. Howe approves of the proceedings of the General Court Martial 
lately held at Fort Moultrie, which he ratifies accordingly, with this 
only exception that the punishment to which Robt. Cunningham was 
sentenced is remitted, in respect to the court, as they recommended 
him to mercy; the judgment of the court to the other prisoners may 
be carried into execution at such time and in such a manner as the 
commanding officer for the time being shall direct ; or is impowered if 
he thinks proper to pardon the criminals, provided they agree to enlist 
for the war. Adjutant Delliant is to transmit this order to Fort Moul 


May 15, 1777. 

For the day, to-morrow, Capt. Cogdell, Town Guard, Lieut. Mazyck; 
for the Magazine, Lieut. P. Gray; Brick-house, from the 5th Regi 
ment ; Barracks, a sergeant. 

Gen. Moultrie is requested to appoint some officer of his Brigade to 
take an exact list of the prisoners of war in town and to make a report 
thereof at Head-Quarters. 

The four following French vessels having come to this State under 
particular circumstances, viz : the Union, Capt. Laroach ; the Marquis 
de la Chaletac, Capt. Poligny ; the Thunder, Capt. Aldirron ; the An 
drea, Capt. Corronant ; the men of these vessels are not upon any ac 
count whatever to be enlisted in the Continental Battalions, and if any 
of their men have been enlisted, the commanding officers of those Bat 
talions into which they have entered are immediately to discharge them 
from the service, and have them safely conveyed to the officer of the 
main guard in Charleston, who is to have them taken care of and de 
livered, when demanded, to the master of the vessel to which they be 
long; the Adjutant is to transmit this order immediately to the out 

The honorable the Continental Congress, having entered into the fol 
lowing resolutions relative to some of the articles of war, Commanding 
Officers of Brigade and of Battalions not formed into Brigades are im 
mediately to have them published to the army that none may plead 
ignorance thereof; this order is also to be transmitted to the outposts. 

IN CONGRESS, April 14th, 1777. 

Resolved, That from and after the publication hereof the 2nd Article 
of the 8th Section, the 1st Article of the llth Section, the 8th Article 
of the 14th Section and the 2nd Article of the 18th Section of the 


" Rules and Articles for the better Government of the Troops, raised or 
to be raised and kept in pay by and at the expense of the United States 
of America," passed in Congress the 28th September, 1776, shall be, 
and they are hereby repealed, and that the four following articles be 
substituted in the place and stead thereof : 

ARTICLE IST. All officers and soldiers shall have full liberty to 
bring into the forts or garrisons of the United American States any 
quantity of eatable provisions, except where any contracts shall be 
entered into by Congress, or by their orders, for furnishing such provi 
sions so contracted for. 

ARTICLE 2D. If any officer shall find himself to be wronged by his 
colonel or commanding-officer of the regiment, and shall, upon due ap 
plication made to him, be refused to be redressed, he may complain to 
the Continental General commanding in the State where such regiments 
shall be stationed, in order to obtain justice, who is hereby required to 
examine into the said complaint, and take proper measures for redres 
sing the wrongs complained of, and transmit as soon as possible to Con 
gress a true statement of such complaint, with the proceeding had 

ARTICLE 3c. No sentence of a general court-martial shall be put 
in execution till after a report shall be made of the whole proceeding 
to Congress, the Commander-in-chief, or the Continental General com 
manding in the State where such general court-martial shall be held, 
and there on his order being issued for carrying such sentence into 

ARTICLE 4iH. The Continental General commanding in either of 
the American States for the time being, shall have full power of ap 
pointing general court-martial to be held, and of pardoning or mitigat 
ing any of the punishment ordered to be inflicted for any of the offences 
mentioned in the aforementioned rules and articles, for the better 
government of the troops, except the punishment of offenders under 
the sentence of death by a general court-martial, which he may order 
to be suspended until the pleasure of Congress can be known, which 
suspension, with the proceedings of the court-martial, the said General 
will immediately transmit to Congress for their determination, and every 
offender convicted by any regimental court-martial may be pardoned, or 
have his punishment mitigated by the colonel or officer commanding 
the regiment. 

May 24, 1777. 
Lieut. Thomas Shubrick is appointed Brigade-Major to Gen. Howe 


till the pleasure of the honorable the Continental Congress be known ; 
he is to be respected and obeyed as such. 


June 10, 1777. 

For the day, to-morrow, Capt. Conyers; town-guard, subaltern from 5th 
regiment; magazine, Lieut. Hort; brick-house, Lieut. Henry Grey. 

The General having considered the proceedings of the general court- 
martial, lately held for the trial of Lieut. Raphel of the artillery, 
charged by Capt. De Treville for having ungenteelly and falsely aspersed 
his character in a manner unbecoming a gentleman and an officer, and 
for the trial of a number of prisoners of different corps for desertion, 
and other crimes, find that the sentence against Lieut. Raphel thus : 
That he was no wise criminal, but rather indelicate ; the court, there 
fore, find him not guilty. Lieut. Raphel, in consequence of his acquit 
tal, will do duty as usual. The General, however, thinks it incumbent 
on him, for the sake of service, to observe that indelicacy in the con 
duct of one officer to another in a profession so pure as that of a sol 
dier, ought upon every occasion to be avoided as inconsistent with that 
nicety of honor which gives dignity to the character. The General 
thinks proper to suspend his determination till a further day upon those 
sentences which inflict capital punishment. All those inflicting corporal 
punishments he approves of and ratifies. The sentence respecting those 
criminals belonging to the corps in town will be carried into execution 
at such times and in such manner as the commanding officer of those 
corps shall think proper. Those under sentence belonging to outposts 
are to receive their punishment at those posts in the manner and at the 
time the commanding officer there shall direct, who are to order proper 
persons to receive the criminals of their several corps from the officer 
of the main-guard, and convey them safely to the place of punishment. 

The commanding officers of the main-guard for the time being are 
in the most particular manner enjoined to be careful of Robert Potts, 
of the second regiment, and John Cooker, of the first an escape of 
either of those prisoners will be considered as an unpardonable neglect 
of duty. The Adjutant-General will transmit a copy of these orders 
to the outposts, with a copy of the sentence of the general court-mar 
tial relative to the criminals of each corps. 


June 19, 1777. 

For the day, to-morrow, Capt. Lesesne; town-guard, from the 5th 
regiment; magazine, Lieut. Shubrick; brick-house. Dr. Burke. 


The General, with surprise and displeasure, has observed the slovenly, 
indecent and dirty state in which the soldiers have of late, upon almost 
every occasion appeared, inconsistent to their health, disgraceful to the 
army, censurable at all times, and, when upon duty, absolutely unpardon 
able. He laments the inattention of officers of companies to their men, 
to which this degeneracy must in a great measure have been owing, 
and which it was their absolute duty, as much as possible, to have pre 
vented. They cannot surely suppose that their whole duty consists in 
appearing at, and that it ends in, parade, or that their reputation is not 
concerned in the appearance of their men. If, however, they do, it 
behoves them to adopt ideas more consistent with their own credit, and 
the good of the service. The uncombed, unshaved and dirty condition 
of many soldiers, even upon duty the rusty, improper condition of 
their arms, and degeneracy in other particulars of late, too discernible, 
denote past inattention, and will, if not corrected in future, be deemed 
and treated as disobedience of orders. The relief of sentries sent from 
guard, even to the President s door, and head-quarters, come up with 
flapped hats, bare legs, long beards and uncombed hair; in short, in a 
manner so shamefully dirty and indecent, that officers of guard permit 
ting it may, with too much appearance of justice, be accused of inat 
tention and neglect. The General hopes that reformation will follow 
reprehension in all persons, and every department, where requisite; 
the soldiers will, therefore, take care to appear at all times, but particu 
larly for duty, in a manner as decent as the situation of things will per 
mit; and all adjutants are warned against receiving them, and all officers 
of relief against marching them off, till that is the case. It is painful 
to the General to have occasion to remonstrate against any impropriety 
in the conduct of officers and men he has the honor of commanding. 
He wishes them to be assured that he never has, or never shall do it, 
but where duty exacts it of him, and that he has never served with any 
officers or men in his more respectable than those he is now 



June 23, 1777. 

On Saturday, 10 o clock in the morning, divine service will be per 
formed by the chaplain in St. Michael s Church. All officers and men 
are desired to parade with their side-arms at the new barracks at nine 
o clock in morning, from which the regiment will be marched to the 
church. It is expected the men will be clean and neat as possible, 
with their hair powdered the men to receive their coats from the 


quarter-master that clay, for which commanding officers of companies to 
give a receipt. 



June 27, 1777. 

For the day, to-morrow, Capt. Lesesne ; town-guard, Lieutenant from 
5th regiment; magazine, Lieut. Proveaux; brick-house, Lieut. Per- 

In commemoration of the 28th June last, on which day the good 
conduct and spirited behavior of the officers and men of this State 
deservedly obtained honor for themselves, and rendered essential service 
to their country and common cause of America, the following firing are 
to take place : At Fort Moultrie, 13 pieces of cannon ; at Fort John 
son, 11 j at Broughton s Battery, 7; at Littleton s, 7; at Elliot s, at 
Gadsden s Wharf, 7. The firing to begin at Fort Moultrie, and when 
finished there, to commence at Fort Johnson, then at Broughton s, 
then at Littleton s, and to finish at Elliott s. Col. Huger (as General 
Moultrie is sick), will order an officer, with a proper number of men, 
from the 2d and 5th regiments, to get the guns in order at Elliot s, 
and to direct the firings at that place. 

Captains Grimball and Darrell will be so obliging to order, at the 
batteries where they command, the signal for beginning the firing, 
which will be one piece of cannon from Broughton s battery, which 
will probably be about 10 o clock. The 2d and 5th regiments will 
parade at some convenient place to-morrow morning, precisely at ten 
o clock, when a feu-de-joie is to be fired. The commanding officer at 
Fort Moultrie will turn out the men of that fort at such time as the 
tide will permit, and he thinks proper, and fire either a feu-de-joie, or in 
platoons, though as the former will not probably be heard in town, the 
latter will be most eligible. This firing is to be answered by the corps 
at Fort Johnson, who are to take it up in the manner observed at Fort 
Moultrie. Some signal should be agreed upon between the two forts. 
The General thinks proper to add, that he hopes the common soldiers 
will not disgrace the festivity of the day by any improper behavior. 
The Adjutant-General will immediately transmit this order to the com 
manding officer at Fort Moultrie, and acquaint Col. Roberts, Captains 
Grimball and Barrel therewith. 


Commanding officers of companies to apply to the quarter-master for 
their men s coats this afternoon, in proportion to the number of men in 


each company, and to-morrow to supply their men with leggings ; all 
who have had a pair for last year to give Col. Marion their names. The 
quarter-master to take a receipt from an officer of a company for what 
clothing he delivers. 

A number of ladies in this town have been so kind as to order a gen 
teel dinner to be given the soldiers to-morrow, in memory of their good 
behavior the 28th June last past, at Fort Moultrie, and the officers of 
the regiment present them with a hogshead of claret and three barrels 
of beer. 

Col. Marion hopes the men will behave with sobriety and decency 
to those ladies who have been so kind as to give them so genteel a 
treat; for soldiers being seen in the street drunk or riotous, will be 
scandal to the regiment, and prevent any farther notice being taken of 
them. He hopes they will keep in the barracks, and not a man go in 
town that day; and should any man be overtaken in liquor, the ser 
geants and corporals will have them put quietly in their barracks, for 
which reason the Colonel insists that every sergeant and corporal will 
stay in the barrack-yard, that they may take care of the men of their 
company. The sergeant-major in particular is to stay in the barrack- 
yard, and keep good order amongst the men. 

Gen. Moultrie will be on the parade to-morrow morning, and it is 
expected the men will take care to be very clean in respect to him. 



June 28, 1777. 

For the day, to-morrow, Capt. Moultrie ; town-guard, Lieut. Mazyck ; 
magazine, from 5th regiment ; brick-house, a sergeant. 

Gen. Howe thinks proper to suggest to the army the necessity there 
is for propriety and conduct upon this memorable day, and hopes the 
soldiers will not suffer festivity and rejoicing to degenerate into riot and 
disorder. He wishes the men to confine themselves as much as pos 
sible to their barracks, that their excess (should any happen) may not 
exceed the limits of their own quarters. He enjoins them not to meet 
with any mobs, nor to have the least hand in any riotous proceedings 
whatsoever; and forbids, upon pains of his highest displeasure, the 
least offer of insult or injury to the persons or property of the inhabi 
tants of this capital. A soldier should at all times consider himself as 
ordained to protect and defend the persons, and support and maintain 
the rights and privileges of his fellow-citizans ; and, constituted for 
this noble purpose, disdain everything which counteracts it. The 


General hopes the conduct of the soldiers on this occasion will demon 
strate they act under the influence of such considerations. 


One sergeant and fifteen privates from the 2d ani 5th regiments to 
take charge of Elliot s battery, at half-past ten o clock. This party to 
be commanded by a subaltern of the 2d regiment. 



July 3, 1777. 

For the day, to-morrow, Capt. Oliphant; town-guard, Lieut. Hall; 
magazine, Lieut. P. Grey; brick -house, from 5th regiment. 

Gen. Moultrie will order an officer, with a proper detachment, to 
Laurence battery, near Gen. Gadsden s wharf, to conduct the firing 
which is to be to-morrow at that place. Particular firing will be directed 
at Fort Moultrie and Fort Johnson, and the garrison of each is to turn 
out in honor to that day, when the Declaration of Independence was 
published in this State, by which America was delivered from the thral 
dom of Great Britain, who, by reiterated insults and injuries, and by 
the most cruel and tyrannical invasion of every darling right and privi 
lege, had rendered all further union with her absolutely impossible to 
minds not absolutely lost to every sense of freedom. 

The firing is to begin at Fort Moultrie, is to be taken up by Fort 
Johnson, and will be carried on by Broughton s, Littleton s, Craven s, 
Granvile s and Laurence s batteries, in succession. Fort Moultrie 
fires 21 guns; Fort Johnson, 17; Broughton s, 14; Littleton s, 9; 
Craven s, Granvile s and Laurence s, 5 each; in all, 76. The notice 
for beginning: the fire will be a signal hoisted from the steeple of St. 
Michael s Church, which will probably happen about twelve o clock. 
The strictest attention is to be paid that no mistake may happen. 

The regiments in town are to parade precisely at eight o clock in the 
morning, and to go through the common firings, finishing by a general 
volley. The garrison at Fort Moultrie is to turn out at such time, and 
in such a manner as the commanding officer there shall direct, and it is 
to be followed by similar firings by the garrison at Fort Johnson ; it 
may be, therefore, proper that the commanding officer there should be 
acquainted with the manner and time of firing at Fort Moultrie. 


December 3, 1777. 
For the day, to-morrow, Captain from 5th regiment; town-guard, 


Lieut. H. Grey ; magazine, Lieutenant from 5th regiment ; brick-house, 
Lieut. Capers. 

The following order of his Excellency Gen. Washington has not till 
lately been officially received. Gen. Howe expects, and is determined 
to exact the strictest obedience to it from persons of every rank in that 
division of the army he has the honor to command, and he hopes the 
salutary end it is intended to answer will induce all persons to obey it 
without reluctance : 


" HEAD-QUARTERS, Morristown, May 8. 

"As few vices are attended with more pernicious consequence in 
civil life, so there are none more fatal in a military one than that of 
gaming, which often brings disgrace and ruin upon officers, and injury 
and punishment upon soldiers; and reports prevailing, which it is to be 
feared are too well founded, that this destructive vice has spread its 
baneful influence in the army, and in a peculiar manner to the preju 
dice of the recruiting service. The Commander-in-chief, in the most 
pointed and explicit terms, forbids all officers and soldiers playing at 
cards, dice, or at any game except those of exercise for diversion, it 
being impossible, if the practice be allowed at all, to discriminate between 
innocent play for amusement and criminal gaming for pecuniary and 
sordid purposes. Officers alive to their duty will find abundant employ 
ment in training and disciplining their men, providing for them, and 
seeing that they appear clean, neat and soldier-like; nor will anything 
redound more to their honor, afford them more solid amusement, or 
better answer the end of their appointment, than to devote the vacant 
moments they may have to the study of military authors. The com 
manding officer of every corps is strictly enjoined to have their orders 
frequently read, and strongly impressed upon the mind of those under 
his command. Any officer or soldier, or other persons belonging to or 
following the army, either in camp or quarters, or the recruiting ser 
vice, or elsewhere presuming, under any pretence, to disobey this order, 
shall be tried by a general court-martial. The general officers in each 
division of the army to pay the strictest attention to the execution 
thereof. The Adjutant-General is to transmit copies of this order to 
the different departments of the army; also, to cause the same to be 
immediately published in the Gazette of each State, for the informa 
tion of officers dispersed in the recruiting service. 
" By his Excellency s command, 




All the officers off duty to be on the parade to-morrow afternoon, at 
usual time of exercise, to ballot for a , to fill up one of the 

vacancies of the regiment. 



January 8, 1778. 

For the fort-guard, to-morrow, Capt. Ashby and Lieuts. Galvan and 
Capers; rear-guard, a sergeant. 

No person whatever to do their occasion within the fort, or within 
twenty yards of the walls on the outside; no bones or other filth or 
litter whatever to be thrown in the fort ; all persons who disobey this 
order may expect to be severely punished. Commanding officers of 
companies to order two men and a sergeant or corporal, as fatigue men 
to their companies, who are to clean daily all filth which may be about 
their barracks, and to do other company duties. It is expected that 
officers will visit their men s quarters daily, and see that orders are 
complied with. 

The officer who reads roll-call morning and evening is not only to 
call the men s names over, but to see they have their arms and accoutre 
ments, and in what order. Whenever they find a man without any 
part of his arms and accoutrements, they are immediately to confine 
him and bring him to a court-martial; otherwise, they will be liable for 
losses, and will certainly be called upon for payment. 

That every officer may have it in turn to go to town, or be absent 
from garrison, the Lieut. -Colonel desires the to observe that 

no more than- three captains to begin from the eldest in rank, if he 
should not choose to go the next may have the right and two men of 
a company to have leave of absence at one time. This is not meant to 
include those men who obtain furloughs, but those only who may go to 

As the regiment, by being in town too long, have lost a great part 
of their discipline, and it is necessary to reform all abuses and neglect 
of discipline, the Lieut. -Colonel calls upon every gentlemen in the 
regiment to aid and assist him to bring the regiment to true and exact 
discipline, that they may regain their former credit, and be an honor to 
themselves and their country. He promises on his part that he will 
exert his utmost to so good a purpose, and will think no pains or trouble 
too great to effect it, but must sink under the burthen without the 


assistance of the rest of the officers. A little perseverance, with atten 
tion to all parts of duty, will soon bring them to what we could wish, 
and make them equal to the best troops in the State, or in any of the 
United States of America. He begs leave to observe a few regulations 
necessary for each company; that besides the orderly-book for each 
officer, one ought to be provided for the company, in which the orderly- 
sergeant for the day should enter the orders as soon as they come out, 
and carry the book to all the officers of his company (and not to 
have it on a scrap of paper, which through negligence or laziness may 
be lost), by which means the sergeant will know all orders, as they may 
have full access to it. All the men for duty or parade to draw up 
before their own barracks, there to be examined by the sergeants, and, 
when ready, to be examined by their officer. Though men may not be 
completed with clothes, yet such as they have should be put on to the 
best advantage; their hair combed, their face and hands made clean. 
The orderly-sergeant may be the one who is ordered for fatigue, and 
should see the men receive their provisions, and properly distributed to 
each mess; all the men to be in messes of six, and not less than five; 
to visit the men at meal time, and see if their victuals are well-cooked; 
to visit the sick and report everything which may happen during the 
day, to the commanding officer of the company. Whenever any part 
of duty is neglected, or done in a slovenly manner, though ever so 
minute, it tends to destroy discipline entirely; that it is necessary never 
to overlook any part whatever; many small crimes may be committed, 
which would be best punished in the company by various ways much 
better, and with greater effect, than bringing them to a court-martial. 
One corporal and six men, with twelve rounds per man, for the advance- 
guard to-morrow, who will receive orders as soon as they are ready to 
march ; this guard to be relieved weekly. An officer of the guard in 
garrison to visit the sentries at night, once between each relief, and to 
send a subaltern to visit the rear-guard, and a sergeant to patrol within 
the fort every half hour during the night. The sergeant of the rear 
guard to visit his sentries between each relief during the night; when 
he goes his rounds to leave the corporal the charge of his guard till ht 


" SIR, You are to stop and bring to all vessels, boats or canoes, 

which may attempt passing the bridge, either up or down, and send the 

principal person with your corporal to the captain of the fort-guard; 

and you are to examine all such vessel or boat, and give an account of 



what she may have have on board, particularly all such who may come 
from town, and detain them until you have orders to the contrary. 
You are not to let any boats land near your guard, without examining 
them, without there should be an officer belonging to the Continental 
forces of the United States of America, or the President of this State, 
or any of his council. You are to make a report of anything which 
may happen, to the captain of the fort-guard; you are to give orders to 
the sentry on the bridge not to let any soldier go over it in the day 
time without a permit from some officer, nor suffer any person to pass 
after retreat beating, without such a pass. This order to be given to 
the relieving sergeant, and to be continued till further orders." 


January 23, 1778. 

For the fort-guard, to-mcrrow, Capt. Dunbar, Lieuts. Burke and 
Guerryj rear-guard, Sergeant Keels. 

As long hair gathers much filth, and takes a great deal of time and 
trouble to comb and keep clean and in good order, the Lieut-Colonel 
recommends to every soldier to have their hair cut short, to reach no 
further down than the top of the shirt-collar, and thinned upwards to 
the crown of the head, the fore-top short, without toupee, and short at 
the side. Those who do not have their hair in this mode, must have 
it plaited and tied up, as they will not be allowed to appear with their 
hair down their backs and over their foreheads, and down their chins at 
the sides, which make them appear more like wild savages than soldiers. 
The major will please pick out three men to be regimental barbers, who 
are to be excused from mounting guard, or doing fatigue duty. They 
are daily to dress the men s heads, and shave them, before they mount 
guard the men to pay them half-a-crown a week each man. Any sol 
dier who comes on the parade with beards, or hair uncombed, shall be 
dry-shaved immediately, and have his hair dressed on the parade. The 
orderly-sergeant, or corporal of companies, are to call on and see the 
barber dress and shave their men that are for duty, and see that they 
aje clean, and their clothes put on decently, or must expect to answer 
for the neglect. 

The commissioned officers are desired to pay attention to their men s 
dress at all times, particularly when for duty. 

No officer to take charge or march off a guard without the men have 
complied with the above orders, and are as clean and decent as circum 
stances of clothing will permit. 

No person to sell ajiy spirituous liquors or beer without leave from 


the commanding officer of the regiment; but may sell candles, soap, or 
all kinds of eatables. 

The sutler, Mr. Young, has leave to sell one gill rum and one quart 
beer per man a day, and no more, without a written permit from an 
officer of the company the man belongs to. He is not to let, have or 
sell, any liquors before the guard is relieved, or after retreat beating. 

Any persons who cut, lop, or bark any trees on this island, must ex 
pect to suffer agreeably to a former order. 

It is expected the guards will pay the usual compliments to all field 
officers of the regiment, as well as to the commanding officer. 

No officer to go to Haddrell s Point, or off this island, without leave 
from the commanding officer; and all officers to see the orders of the 
day before they go any distance from the fort. Sergeant Newton, of 
Capt. Harleston s company, to do duty in Capt. Motte s till Sergeant 
Laurence returns from command. 

A court-martial to sit this morning at 11 o clock, to try all prisoners 
brought before them; all evidences to attend Capt. Moultrie, Presi 
dent; Capt. Dunbar, Lieuts. Guerry, Burke and Hart, members. 


One sergeant and three privates to be added to the advance-guard 
immediately, and to follow such orders as he will receive from the cor 
poral he will relieve. He is to post one sentry by day, and three at 
night. James Campbell, of Capt. Ashby s company, Timothy Green, 
of Capt. Chamock s, and David Stewart, of Ashby, are appointed bar 
bers to the regiments. 



Match 13, 1778. 

For the fort-guard, to-morrow, Capt. Motte, Lieuts. Grey and Roux; 
rear-guard, Sergeant Coleman. 


12th instant. 

The General orders the following resolution to be read at the head of 
every corps in this State, that every member may be acquainted with 
the same. A. DELLIANT, . Major. 

" IN THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, March 2, 1778. 
" Resolved, That instead of the clothing hitherto allowed to the regi 
ment of this State on the Continental establishment, each non-commis 


sioned officer, drummer, fifer and private, shall in future be annually 
found with one coat, waistcoat and breeches of woollen cloth, one cap 
or hat, one blanket, four shirts, four pair stockings, and four pair shoes, 
two pair breeches of Osnaburgs or coarse linen, two waistcoats of the 
same, two leathern stocks, and two leathern gaiters; and that five watch- 
coats be allowed to a company of fifty men, and so in proportion but 
that this allowance of watch-coats be not annually, but to last till they 
are worn out. That each officer and soldier be allowed their full Con 
tinental rations, besides the half-pound of beef allowed by this State; 
and that if any person do not choose to receive his rations in , 

he may receive the same in money at 5s. currency per ration. 

" Resolved, That the future daily pay of non-commissioned officers 
of the several regiments of infantry of this State be as follows, viz. : 
That of sergeant-majors, 20s.; quarter-master sergeants, 17s. 6d.; drum- 
majors, 17s. 6d. ; fife-majors and other sergeants, 15s. ; armorer s mate, 
15s. each per diem. 

" Resolved) That the daily pay of the subaltern officers in the troops 
of this State, be increased as follows, viz. : First lieutenants, 45s. ; 
second lieutenants, 40s.; ensigns, 37s. 6d., and of the quarter-master, 
40s.; and that, agreeable to the spirit of the resolution of the Con 
tinental Congress, the adjutants be allowed full captain s pay from the 
date of the resolutions of the Continental Congress respecting adju 
tants; that the corporals, drummers and fifers in the regiment of artil 
lery, be allowed 12s. 6d. per diem, and the subaltern officers, adjutant 
and sergeants, the same pay respectively as those of the like rank in 
the regiments above mentioned; and that in future there shall be only 
one captain and a first and second lieutenant to each company in the 
regiment of artillery; and the colonel in the regiment of rangers be 
allowed per diem, to commence from the date of his commission as 
colonel; the first lieutenants, 50s.; the second, 50s.; the adjutant, 60s., 
agreeable to the resolve of Congress; and all non-commissioned officers 
in the same regiment, in proportion to the pay of regiments al 

lowed the officers respectively, in the regiment of infantry. 

" And whereas, the Continental Congress, by the seventh resolve of 
the 22d day of November last Resolved, That it be earnestly recom 
mended to the several States from time to time, to exert their utmost 
endeavors to procure to the addition of clothing made heretofore by 
Congress, of blankets, shoes, stockings, shirts, and other clothing for 
the comfortable subsistence of the officers and soldiers of their respec 
tive battalions, and to appoint one or more persons to dispose of such 
articles to the officers and soldiers, in such proportion as the general 


officer from the respective States, commanding in such army shall direct, 
and at such reasonable prices as the clothier-general or his deputy sh#ll 
deem right, and being in just proportion unto the wages of the officers 
and soldiers ; and all clothing hereafter to be supplied to the officers 
and soldiers of the Continental Army out of the public stores of the 
United States, beyond the bounty already granted, shall be charged all 
at the like price, the surplus to be paid by the United States, provided 
that effective measures be adopted by each State for preventing any 
competition between their purchasing agent and the clothier-general, 
or his agents, who are severally directed to observe the instructions of 
the respective States relative to the price of clothing purchased within 
such State; therefore, 

" Resolved , That the above resolution of the Continental Congress be 
adopted by the States, and carried into effect. Assented to. 

(Signed) JNO. RUTLEDGE." 


March 5, 1778. 

That at the turning out of the battalion this afternoon, the above 
resolution be read to the men at the head of the battalion by the adju 
tant. The above commanding officer cannot but observe the liberal 
manner in which the late General Assembly has provided for better and 
more comfortable sustenance of the troops of this State, that truly 
merits their acknowledgment; that he cannot doubt the same ideas 
being diffused through all ranks in the regiment that by their persever 
ance in, and strict attention to, every part of duty, they only can render 
service adequate to such generous bounty; that the consideration of the 
trust reposed in them by their country should stimulate to actions be 
coming their profession and the noble cause they are engaged in, and 
that at length they may be the means of restoring to their country 
peace, and plenty abounding in, and smiling on, the countenance of 
every individual therein. 


IN CONGRESS, May 27, 1778. 

Resolved, That each battalion of infantry shall consist of nine com 
panies, one of which shall be of light infantry, the light infantry to be 
kept completed by drafts from the battalion, and organized during the 
campaign into corps of light infantry. That the battalion of infantry 
consist of 


Pay per Month, 

One colonel and captain, $75 

One lieut. -colonel and captain, 60 

One major, < 50 

Six captains, each, 40 

One captain, lieutenant, 26, 2-3d, 

Eight lieutenants, each, 26, 2-3d. 

Nine ensigns, each, 20 

Paymaster (to be taken from the line), 20* 

Adjutant " " " 13* 

Two Masters," " " ... 13* 

One surgeon, 60 

One surgeon mate, 40 

One sergeant-major, . 10 

One quarter-master sergeant, - 10 

Twenty-seven sergeants, each, 10 

One drum-major, 9 

One fife-major, 9 

Eighteen drums and fifes, each, 7, 1-3 d- 

Twenty-seven corporals, each, 7, 1 3d. 

447 Privates, each, 6, 2-3d. 

Each of the field-officers to command a company. The lieutenant of 
the colonel s company to have the rank of capt. -lieutenant. 

Resolved, That the adjutant and quarter-master of a regiment be 
nominated by the field-officers out of the subalterns, and presented to 
the commander-in-chief, or the commander of a separate department, 
for approbation, and that being approved of, they shall receive from 
him a warrant agreeable to such nomination. 

That the pay-master of a regiment be chosen by the officers of the 
regiment out of the captains or subalterns, and appointed by warrant as 
above. The officers are to risk their pay in his hands. The pay-master 
to have the charge of the clothing, and to distribute the same. 

Resolved, That the brigade-majors be appointed as heretofore by the 
commander-in-chief, or commander in a separate department, out of 
the captains in the brigade to which he shall be appointed. 

That the brigade quarter-master be appointed by the quarter-master 
general out of the captains or subalterns in the brigade to which he 
shall be appointed. 

* In addition to their pay as officers of the line* 


Resolved, That two aide-de-camps be allowed to each major-general, 
who shall, for the future, appoint them out of the captains or subal 

Resolved, That in addition to their pay as officers of the line, there 
be allowed to an aid-de-camp, $24; brigade-major, $24 per month; 
brigade quarter-master, $15 per month. 

Resolved, That when any of the staff-officers appointed from the line 
are promoted above the ranks in the line, out of which they are respec 
tively appointable, their staff appointment shall be vacated. The pre 
sent aid-de-camp and brigade-majors to receive their present pay and 

Resolved, That aid-de-camps, brigade-majors and brigade quarter 
masters, heretofore appointed from the line, shall hold their present 
ranks, and be admissible into the line again in the same rank they held 
when taken from the line ; provided, that no aides-de-camp, brigade- 
majors, or brigade quarter-master, shall have the command of any officer 
who commanded him while in the line. 

Resolved, That whenever the adjutant-general shall be appointed 
from the line, he may continue to hold his rank and commission in the 

Resolved, That when supernumerary lieutenants are continued under 
this arrangement of the battalions, who are to do the duty of ensigns, 
they shall hold their rank, and receive the pay such rank entitles them 
to receive. 

Resolved, That no more colonels be appointed in the infantry; but 
where any such commission is, or shall become vacant, the battalion 
shall be commanded by a lieut. -colonel, who shall be allowed the same 
pay as is now granted to a colonel of infantry, and shall rise in promo 
tion from that to the rank of brigadier, and such battalion shall have 
only two field-officers, viz. : a lieut.-colonel and major, but it shall have 
an additional captain. 

May 2, 1778. 

Resolved, That no persons hereafter appointed upon the civil staff of 
the army shall hold, or be entitled to, any rank in the army, by virtue 
of such staff appointment. 

June 2d, 1778. 

Resolved, That the officers hereinafter mentioned be entitled to draw 
one ration a day, and no more; that where they shall not draw such 
rations they shall not be allowed any compensation in lieu thereof; and 


to the end that they may be enabled to live in a manner becoming their 

Resolved, That the following sums be paid to them monthly, for 
their subsistence, viz. : To every colonel, $50; to every lieut. -colonel, 
$40; to every major, $30; to every captain, $20; to every lieutenant 
and ensign, $10; to every regimental surgeon, $30; to every regimen 
tal surgeon s mate, $10; to every chaplain of brigade, $50. 

Resolved, That subsistence money be allowed to officers and others 
on the staff, in lieu of extra rations, and that henceforward none of 
them be allowed to draw more than one ration a day. 

Ordered, That the committee of arrangement be directed to report 
to Congress, as soon as possible, such an allowance as they shall think 
adequate to the station of the respective offices, and persons employed 
in the staff. 

Extract of the minutes. 



The following intelligence and letter were brought from St. Augus 
tine by a Georgia gentleman who had been detained at St. Augustine 
for some time. The President laid them before the Council March 11, 
1777, and also the Proclamation of Tonyn s, dated Feb. 10, 1777 : 

ST. AUGUSTINE, February 20, 1777. 

SIR : A sense of duty and humanity for the people at large, induces 
me to transmit to you the enclosed Proclamation and intelligence for 
their information, and I doubt not in justice to them, you will make as 
public as possible. 

I am, sir, your most obedient and humble servant, 


His excellency the Governor having received the following intelli 
gence desires the same may be made public. 

NEW YORK, December 19, 1776. 

Since the success of his Majesty s forces on Long Island, Gen. Howe 
has made very considerable progress, and has never yet met with a 
check, the rebels make no stand ; their strong posts at and near King s 


Bridge were relinquished the moment they were attacked. Fort Wash 
ington, which they deemed impregnable, surrendered with all its stores, 
cannon, &c., and above 2,500 prisoners, among whom were some of 
their best troops, if any of them with propriety can be called good. 

A detachment of the army under Lord Cornwallis after the surren 
der of Fort Washington crossed the Hudson River and easily took pos 
session of Forts Lee and Constitution, which are situated directly oppo- 
site to Fort Washington, the garrison retreating with usual precipitation, 
and Gen. Washington, collecting as well as he could such of his scattered 
forces as were in the Jerseys, took post at Brunswick, from whence, 
however, he retreated on the approach of Lord Cornwallis, and was soon 
after forced through that Province, and over the Delaware. Philadel 
phia had not any security left, but the passage of this river, which, from 
the want of boats, was found impracticable, and the season too far ad 
vanced to construct other means of crossing it. 

It is computed that the rebels have lost about 25,000 men in the 
course of this campaign. The success of his Majesty s arms induced 
their Excellencies the Commissioners, in order to spare the effusion of 
more blood, to publish their proclamation of the 30th of November, of 
which a considerable number in the provinces of New York, Pennsyl 
vania, Connecticut, Rhode Island and the Jerseys, have already availed 
themselves, and many others of real property, are making this sub 

NEW YORK, Jan. 14, 1777. 

The king s troops were lodged in cantonment about the middle of 
December. The enemy getting once more in force, took advantage of 
this situation, and met with some success against three Hessian bat 
talions at Trenton, who withdrew from that post with the loss of 
between 400 and 500 men. 

A very considerable number of prisoners have fallen into our hands 
during the campaign among others, Gen. Lee. Col. Harcourt, with 
a small party of light dragoons, surprised him and his party, and 
brought him off. 

Lieut.-Gen. Clinton was detached with a corps the beginning of 
December to Rhode Island, and took possession of that important place 
on the 8th of the said month, without the least resistance. Every thing- 
is quiet here, and the harbor well blocked up, to prevent any of the 
rebel vessels escaping. 

Sir Guy Castleton has driven the rebels entirely out of Canada, con 
structed a naval force on Lake Champlain, with which he totally de- 


stroyed that of the enemy, and proceeded with his army to Crown 
Point; but the season being too far advanced, he retired to winter quar 
ters in Canada. 

By command of his Excellency, 

(Signed) DAVID YEATS, Sec. 


[Original MS.] 

SAVANNAH, January 22, 1777. 

By the Legislature of South Carolina, we are appointed Commissioners 
to make to the Convention of this State a proposition relative to the 
common welfare of the two States. Through you, sir, we beg to have 
this notified to the Convention, and that we request to be honored with 
an audience to-morrow, at any time they shall be pleased to appoint. 
We are, sir, your most humble servants, 



[Original MS.] 

SAVANNAH, January 22, 1777. 

I laid your letter this afternoon before our Convention, who, after 
considering the same, directed me to inform you, that they will be 
ready to receive you on to-morrow morning, 10 o clock. 
I am, gentlemen, your obedient and very humble servant, 

W. JONES, Speaker. 



[Original MS.] 

February 8, 1777. 

I am sorry to find that you have not yet heard any thing from. our 
uncle, respecting his ideas upon his situation at the present crisis, and 
this induces me to trouble you with this letter. 

You will know to what a low ebb our affairs were reduced at the 
Northward; and that it is the received opinion that they were so re 
duced by the underhand management of persons on the other side of 
the question, from principle, or hopes of regaining their offices. In 
short, our moderation to such persons almost ruined our cause. You 
know, also, the inclination of our public, to expel such persons from 
among us, and the difficulty of any discrimination of persons, lest while 
every man endeavored to save his friend, the measure itself be defeated. 

At length, driven thereto by recent danger, we have brought in an 
ordinance for the banishment of crown officers and suspected persons, 
upon a contingency therein expressed. Only five persons in the Gene 
ral Assembly appeared against it. You were not present in the debate, 
and I will, therefore, tell you what I said introductory to my support 
of the ordinance. My situation was truly disagreeable. I spoke but 
once, the last in the debate; and, considering the lead I have taken 
hitherto, it would have been justly and injuriously remarked, if on such 
a question I had been absent or silent. The conclusion of my last 
charge to the grand jury must have condemned me. I arose deeply 
impressed with a feeling I had never before experienced, and having 
observed that I was more tenderly interested in the debate than any 
man in the room, I lamented that the time was come when the public 
welfare called upon us to adopt measures that might effect the tran- 
quility of our nearest relations ; that I was sensible the present measure 
might effect, in its operation, a gentlemen to whom I was nearly related 
by blood to whom I owe the greatest obligations, and to whom I bore 
the most respectful affection ; that I was fully aware my appearing in 
support of such a measure would open the mouth of calumny to re 
proach me as an ingrate a man void of natural affection. That it was 
out of my power to avoid reproach; but that as it was my inclination 
and duty, so it was in my power to avoid giving just occasion for cen 
sure. That there were various duties, public and private, each rising 


in gradation; that it was a first principle in society, that our duty to our 
country was the first of the social duties ; that America had engaged in 
the present war upon this principle, and that our independence was to 
be supported only by carrying that principle into practice. In short, 
that in this particular case, as in all others, I firmly trusted that my 
conduct was, and would be, a sufficient refutation of every calumny. 
I then proceeded to support the ordinance, which I held to be abso 
lutely necessary. 

Having in this manner supported the uniform vigor of my public 
conduct, to find a flaw in which my private enemies have always sought, 
and having thus discharged my duty to the public, I lost no time, you 
know, to discharge my duty to our respected relation. I sought you 
through the town, told you what had happened, and laid down the only 
means by which, in my opinion, our uncle could with credit . preserve 
his tranquility. Many weeks ago I informed him such an event was to 
be expected, and I have never mentioned this conversation to any person 
but yourself. Let us consider what our uncle may do. 

We know his situation. His good sense and integrity stand con~ 
fessed. I will not determine upon his opinion respecting the present 
controversy. But, without any imputation, he may resign to the King 
of Great Britain, by a letter containing some such representation as the 
following. We will send the letter to Congress, and they, by a flag of 
truce, will send it to Lord Howe to be forwarded, 

His infirmities of body, his advanced age, and the calamities of his 
country, which he can neither remedy nor alleviate by a continuance in 
office, impel him to resign a commission which he had accepted and 
hitherto held, only because it enabled him to serve his country. That 
his laborious services uader the crown, from his early youth, entitled 
him to a retirement from public business in his advanced age; and that 
his infirmity of body, distress of mind and age, demanded a release 
from labor. 

Is there an idea in that representation inconsistent with fact, or in 
jurious to his character ? Can such sentiments and corresponding con 
duct endanger him under the crown, or give offence to posterity ? No ! 
But even such sentiments will satisfy his countrymen and cotemporaries. 
How really fortunate, therefore, is his situation, who at such a time as 
the present can procure not only safety but tranquility, on both sides, 
by a conduct satisfactory to his countrymen, without incurring blame 
in the eyes of posterity! 

I am persuaded no man has our uncle s tranquility, welfare and 
honor, more at heart than you have, and I am satisfied you do not, on 


these points, think amiss of me. I am also convinced that upon the 
subject of this letter no person can discourse to him so freely as your, 
self. His situation is perilous with respect to his tranquility, and no 
time ought to be lost, or importunity omitted, in representing such a 
conduct, and pressing him to adopt it, as may ensure his tranquility. 

If he resigns, let his letter be by you delivered open to the Presi 
dent, who will seal and forward it to Congress. The letter ought to 
be dated before Wednesday next. These things done, he will not be 
interrupted in his retirement. If there shall be occasion for your pro 
ducing the letter, I shall ask you for it on Wednesday. If I do not 
then ask you for it, you may return it back, observing a profound 
silence to me and to every other person upon the subject, whether you 
ever received such a letter or not. For while by importunity I am 
inclined to do a violence to his judgment to preserve his tranquility, I 
am unwilling that he should unnecessarily do any thing against his free 
inclination. Adieu. 



[Original MS.] 

SNOW HILL, S. C., June 8, 1777. 

SIR : In compliance with your request, I do myself the pleasure of 
committing to paper some of the principal circumstances and arguments 
relative to the late proposition of an union between South Carolina and 

By our General Assembly, which is a pretty numerous body, it was 
unanimously resolved, that an union between the two States would tend 
effectually to promote their strength, wealth and dignity, and to secure 
their liberty, independence and safety. Commissioners were sent to 
Savannah to treat of an union, and I was honored by being sent upon 
this business. 

Immediately after I arrived in Savannah, I found that every gentle 
man in public office, with whom I conversed, was strongly against an 
union. However, I had the pleasure to find some gentlemen of fortune, 
though not in office or convention, who heartily approved the measure. 


The convention was adjourned when I arrived, the beginning of Janu 
ary last, but upon their meeting, I notified that I had important mat 
ters to lay before them, as commissioner from South Carolina. I then 
was assured and I gave full credit to it, that I should fail in my appli 
cation, but I proceeded in the discharge of my duty. 

Being admitted to an audience in convention, after a short introduc 
tion of what I had to say, I stated that chance had originally placed the 
present districts of South Carolina and Georgia under one government 
at Charles Town and although these districts, then forming but one, 
had been separated and placed under two governments, yet nature 
pointed out that the two should again form but one ; for their climate, 
soil, productions and interests were the same. That if they continued 
two States, we had only to recollect the history of mankind, and the na 
ture of things to foresee that from such causes their counsels and con 
duct would clash; and, of course, jealousies, and rivalship would daily 
increase between them, to the natural prejudice of their internal im 
provement, common production and foreign commerce. That there 
might be dangerous disputes about boundaries and the property of the 
Savannah River; since on these subjects many people in Carolina and 
Georgia thought very differently ; a natural and great obstruction to 
the rise of the value of property. But that on the other hand, by an 
union, all such jealousies, rivalship, prejudice, danger and obstruction 
would be removed. Improvements of every kind, especially in agricul 
ture, inland navigation and foreign commerce would be studied and ad 
vanced with rapidity. The expenses of Government would be lessened, 
to the great ease of the people, because only one establishment of civil 
officers would be paid in the room of two. The public defence would 
be more powerful, and at a less expense under one Government than 
under two, which might be jealous of, and therefore often desirous to 
thwart each other, and at any rate certainly liable undesignedly to defeat 
each others plans, to the ruin of the people concerned. And thus, sir, 
you see many important advantages that would be common to the two 
States by an union. But there are others which would be peculiar to 

By an union, the land in Georgia would rise in value, because the 
Carolina planters would be encouraged to extend their improvements 
into Georgia, and the merchants carry that trade immediately to Geor 
gia, which otherwise must continue to be carried on as it always has 
been, and especially of late, through Carolina. The Georgia currency, 
always hitherto of inferior value to that of Carolina, (some more than 


20 per cent.,) would be put upon an equal footing with that of South 
Carolina. The town of Savannah, in particular, and the adjacent 
lands, would be of much more importance and value, because Savannah 
river would be immediately cleared, a measure that would encourage 
and occasion an immense increase of agriculture upon all the land 
within reach of its navigation, and hence an amazing increase of pro 
duce and river navigation, all of which would centre in Savannah. 
Thus, in a state of separation from South Carolina, Savannah could 
reasonably expect, and that but by slow degrees, and at a distant day, 
only the one-half of the produce of a well-improved cultivation of the 
lands on that river, but by an union, she would in a very short time 
receive the whole of that improved cultivation and trade ; and her own 
commerce would be increased almost beyond imagination, although she 
would lose the seat of Government. Finally, I may add, that in a 
state of separation in all probability Savannah will be ruined, because 
it will be our interest to preserve our trade to our own people. A town 
will rise on the Carolina side of Savannah river, which will be sure to 
preserve our half of the trade of that river, and by being wisely sup 
ported, it may draw to it the other half, also; and let it not be said? 
we cannot find a situation for a town, because it ought to be remem 
bered, that history is full of instances of towns having been built and 
made to nourish, in situations that had been deemed impracticable for 
such purposes. Rivers and lands make wealthy towns, for these are 
natural causes; the presence and expenses of a few officers of Govern 
ment are but as drops of water in the ocean; these go but a little way 
towards filling a Government post with loaded ships. The principal 
material for the building of such towns are policy and opulence. I 
thank God Carolina is known not to be in want of either. 

In short, sir, it was in vain I declared that Georgia should not be 
liable to pay a shilling of the public debts of South Carolina; that we 
would not be unwilling even to aid Georgia in the discharge of her 
own ; that we would condition against the taking up of great tracts of 
land south of Savannah river; and that we were desirous of granting 
in the treaty of union, whatever they could reasonably ask for in case 
of an union. It would be the duty and interest of the inhabitants 
north of Savannah river, to promote the prosperity of those south of 
it equally the same, as it was the duty and interest of the people of 
Georgia north of Ogeechee, to aid those south of that river. Upon 
the whole, that we sought to promote the general welfare, and that we 
knew such an end would not be obtained but by an union having jus 
tice and equity for its basis. 


Having discoursed upon such topics about an hour, I delivered a 
written proposition as a ground-work to proceed upon, and then de 
parted. The Convention then determined (as it was said) to consider 
the subject the next day; and in the meantime, in the evening, I re 
paired to Dr. Jones, their speaker, and informed him, that as the public 
body of Georgia had heard at large the Carolina reasonings upon the 
expediency of the union, I thought it equitable that the representatives 
of Carolina should also hear at large the Georgia reasonings upon the 
same subject, in order that if objections were made, they might, by 
knowing, have an opportunity of endeavoring to obviate them and I 
desired he would in the morning take the sense of the Convention on 
this subject. He did so, and informed me that I was not to be ad 
mitted as a public person to hear their reasonings. Thus, while 1 
found they had shut my mouth, I was made sensible that they thought 
their objections would appear to be more weighty by being secured 
against the possibility of a reply. And so Mr. Button Gwinnett ap 
peared as the champion against me, when he had taken care to deprive 
me of an opportunity of exposing the fallacy of his arguments. 

However, I took notes of his principal answers to what I had said; 
and in an hour after, in presence of an officer of high military rank, 
and of three or four members of the Convention, I produced those 
notes, and asked if they were just; and they agreed with me that what 
he had said, was either gross misrepresentations of what I had advanced, 
or no answer to my arguments. In the afternoon the Convention de 
livered to me a paper containing their rejection of the proffered union, 
founded, as I apprehend, upon a reason which does not exist in nature. 
For, they declared, they could not treat of an union, because of such a 
particular article (which they specified) in as they said, the Confedera 
tion of the United States, to which they had acceded. A Confedera 
tion, sir, which I do assure you never existed as a public Act of the 
General Congress, binding upon the States; but which, nevertheless, 
the Convention were taught to receive as a public Act of Congress, and 
to consider as such. The Convention were certainly innocent, but some 
individual is culpable. I received the paper, and in silence quitted the 

I am, sir, your most humble servant, 


HUMPHREY WELLS, Esq., near Augusta, Ga. 



[Original MS.J 

To the Honorable the of Georgia : 

HUMBLY SHEWETH : That, whereas it is the undoubted right of the 
people to remonstrate to their representatives against such public mea 
sures done or pursued, as may be thought by the people to be prejudi 
cial to the public interest ; and to petition for such measures as may be 
thought likely to promote their welfare, so, at this juncture, we respect 
fully desire your attention to this our remonstrance and petition. 

It is with the deepest concern that we have beheld the progress of 
public measures in this State ; because those measures have progressed 
without placing the government upon a respectable footing, or the con 
ducting of it into hands in which we can confide ; for, while South Car 
olina, long since has enjoyed the blessings of regular government lodged 
in the most respectable hands in the State ; her ports, by the wisdom of 
her administration, filled with shipping; her manufactures encouraged 
and increased ; her people supplied with foreign goods even directly from 
Europe, and vent provided for almost the whole of her produce ; Georgia 
having had as much time as South Carolina, and better opportunity, 
seeing our attention has never been called off to defend our government 
against civil insurrections, to have procured, yet possesses no such ad 
vantages ; ever has been and is distracted by dissentions among those 
in authority; and is in a manner destitute of trade and commerce. 

We have seen Continental money sent hither for Continental pur 
poses, particularly for the payment of the troops, diverted from such 
services and withheld after repeated applications from General Mclntosh 
for payment of the troops, even while the enemy attacked our Southern 
frontier in January last ; whereby the troops, having great arrears due, 
were wantonly made dissatisfied and driven to a disobedience of orders, 
and to desertion, to the great prejudice of the service and the danger of 
the State. 

We have seen the public treasure squandered by the passing by a 
bare majority, in a thin convention, extravagant and unjust accounts for 
public services and pretended services; to the great encouragement of 
even bare-faced frauds and impositions upon the public. 

We are alarmed with well-authenticated informations, that no less a 
sum than about 7,000 sterling of public money, has been misapplied ; 


for which, no account can be given; and about which, as far as we can 
learn, no proper inquiry has even been made. 

"We have lately, to our astonishment seen a resolution of the last 
Convention to raise 15 battalions of 500 men each, as minute-men ; al 
though by a report to the Convention in June last, it appeared that all 
the effective male inhabitants in Georgia, did not amount to 2,000 

Finally, it is with the deepest concern, set from the strongest convic 
tion we add, that inasmuch as the public affairs have been for so long a 
time as we have experienced, so destructively conducted ; we are of 
opinion that, that which has been the cause thereof, is but too likely to 
continue the same effects, unless the most effectual remedy be applied. 

To which end, at this, the first meeting of this honorable 7 

we have thought it our duty to lay these things before you, our repre 
sentatives, chosen for the sole purpose of promoting the real happiness 
of the people ; and, at the same time, respectfully to point out that 
public conduct, which we think will tend most effectually to remove 
our fears ; relieve our distresses ; advance our prosperity ; increase our 
strength ; secure our liberties ; and insure our safety. Inestimable ob 
jects, and which we are confident may be procured by an union with 
South Carolina, whose just overtures upon that subject, were hastily 
and unadvisedly rejected by the late convention. 

Wherefore, as we do most ardently desire such an union, we do 
humbly and most earnestly petition that you will be pleased to take such 
measures as may be best calculated to accomplish, as speedily as may be, 
an union of South Carolina and Georgia under one government. 

And your petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray, &c. 

Done this day of 1777. 



[Original MS.] 

1o ike honorable the General Assembly of South Carolina : 

HUMBLY SHEWETH : That being impressed with a just sense of the 
good consequences, that would result from an union between South Car 
olina and Georgia, under one government, we beg leave to present to 
you our thanks for your invitation to the Legislature of this State to 
treat of an union, and to lament that it was by them rejected, and that 


in such a manner, as to deprive your commissioners even of an oppor 
tunity to answer those matters that were objected. 

Convinced that nature and good policy dictate, that South Carolina 
and Georgia ought to be united so as to form but one State, we have 
presented a remonstrance and petition to our new house of Legislature 
respecting this subject, a copy whereof is hereunto annexed, and we do 
humbly petition, that you will be pleased to resume your deliberations 
upon the subject of such an union, that by God s blessing, South Caro 
lina and Georgia may be united into one State and ruled under one 
common government, and, as in duty bound, we shall ever pray, &c. 
Done this day of 1777. 


[Original Circular.] 

Whereas, it hath been represented unto me, that William Henry 
Drayton, Esq., of the State of South Carolina, and divers other per 
sons, whose names are yet unknown, are unlawfully endeavoring to 
poison the minds of the good people of this State against the Govern 
ment thereof, and for that purpose are by letters, petitions and other 
wise, daily exciting animosities among the inhabitants, under the 
pretence of redressing imaginary grievances, which by the said William 
Henry Drayton it is said this State labors under, the better to effect, 
under such specious pretences, an union between the States of Georgia 
and South Carolina; all which are contrary to the Articles of Confede 
ration entered into, ratified and confirmed by this State as a cement of 
union between the same and the other United and Independent States 
of America, and also against the resolution of the Convention of this 
State, in that case made and entered into : Therefore, that such per 
nicious practices may be put an end to, and which, if not in due time 
prevented, may be of the most dangerous consequences, I have, by and 
with the advice and consent of the Executive Council of this State, 
thought fit to issue this proclamation, hereby offering a reward of one 
hundred pounds, lawful money of tjie said State, to be paid to any 
person or persons who shall apprehend the said William Henry Drayton, 
or any other person or persons aiding and abetting him in such unlaw 
ful practices, upon his or their conviction; and I do hereby strictly 


charge and require all magistrates, and other persons, to be vigilant 
and active in suppressing the same, and to take all lawful ways and 
means for the discovering and apprehending of such offender or offend 
ers, so that he or they may be brought to condign punishment. 

Given under my hand and seal, in the Council- Chamber, at Savan 
nah, this fifteenth day of July, one thousand seven hundred and seventy - 

By his Honor s command, 




That terrible performance which, by-the-by, most wise and respected 
rulers, was torn down, as it were, from under your noses, almost as 
soon as it was stuck up in Savannah, reached this place only last night; 
and with all imaginable tenderness, I beg leave to assure you, that it 
is only to your own handy work you are indebted for this public repre 

In plain terms I tell you, your proclamation is a compound of non 
sense and falsehoods. It is illegal and void in itself, for your law does 
not consider that an offence which you proclaim to be so. The King 
of Great Britain s late proclamation, even although by the advice of 
the House of Commons, to apprehend Wheble, the printer, is a case in 
point. The party was apprehended; but a magistrate of London, 
knowing that an apprehension under such a proclamation was illegal, 
discharged him. But, to satisfy you how I regard your proclamation, 
and the people of Georgia what an empty thing it is, I do hereby 
promise to furnish the necessary sums of money to institute and prose 
cute an action of damages for false imprisonment, against the party 
who shall apprehend any one in consequence of it ; and I hint to you, 
that the famous cases of the journeymen printers against the king s 
messengers, are in terrorem. 

The Confederation you speak of is an imposition upon the people of 
Georgia no other of the States of America but yours having ratified 
or even considered of any such thing, or have had it to consider of. 


Pray, how did you blunder upon it? The Congress never sent it to 
you. Why, they have not even concluded upon such a thing them 
selves, nor does the resolution you mention warrant your assertion rela 
tive to "letters, petitions, animosities, imaginary grievances/ about 
" all which/ to use your own words, it is absolutely silent. Why, 
you really bring yourselves into utter contempt, proclaiming, as you do 
to the people, things that are not. Let me whisper in your ears, that 
this proclamation of yours is not the first instance of your doing so. 

You say I was " daily exciting animosities amongst the inhabitants, 
under the pretence of redressing imaginary grievances/ but you can 
not prove that I, even for an hour, endeavored to excite animosities. I 
was not among your inhabitants eight and forty hours. Twelve of 
these I spent in bed, the others at private entertainments by invitation, 
or while I travelled an unavoidable route; during the whole time of 
which, even the subject of an union, or your nial-administration, was 
scarcely mentioned. To some gentlemen of Georgia, who applied to me 
in my own State, I spoke in plain terms of the real grievances under 
which they labored. Upon their desire, I threw the matter into the 
form of a petition for a redress of them; and do you dare to threaten 
petitioners, or the promoters of petitions, for redress of grievances, 
with imprisonment? You would deserve to be hanged for doing so, 
but that you know not what you do. 

In the year 1679, Charles II. issued a proclamation against petitions 
"for specious purposes relating to the public," "for that they tended 
to promote discontents among the people, and to raise sedition and 
rebellion." But, when the Parliament met, they voted that the subject 
had a right to petition, and " that to traduce petitioning as tumultuous, 
is betraying the liberty of the subject, and tends to the introducing of 
arbitrary power." Lord Chief Justice North drew the proclamation, 
and the Parliament ordered him to be impeached for it. He escaped 
condign punishment only because of his great caution in the draft of 
the proclamation, in which he only commanded all "magistrates, and 
other officers to whom it shall appertain, to take effectual care that all 
such offenders against the laws be prosecuted and punished according to 
their demerits." These magistrates and other officers saw no demerit 
in petitioning for redress of grievances; they, therefore, issued no pro 
cess against persons promoting such petitions. But you (as traitors or 
simpletons only would do) traduce petitioning, and order petitioners to be 
apprehended a step that Lord Chief Justice North did not even dare 
to advise. 

As things are situated in Georgia, and as that Government is con- 


ducted, I think I am bound to proclaim to your people and turn about, 
you know, is but fair play that in my opinion, which, I believe, will 
go farther with them than yours to the contrary, their property is not 
secure under your Government >a disgrace and detriment to the 
American cause that the life and liberty of the subject are in the 
greatest danger under your management, or we should not, among many 
other enormities, have seen George M lntosh, Esq., who I consider as 
an abused gentleman, arbitrarily ordered into a distant State, to be tried 
by those who have no such jurisdiction in such a case, and far out of 
the reach of a jury of his vicinage; circumstances of tyranny, and 
total disregard to the most valuable rights of the people, that not only 
ought to alarm every honest and sensible man in Georgia, but fill such 
with indignation against you; that I highly approve the proposed union, 
and will promote it to the utmost of my power, notwithstanding (as you 
think) your formidable proclamations, That now, having the very 
great honor of addressing you, I snatch the opportunity to make even 
yourselves co-operate in advancing my plan of an union; and to make 
you instruments to convey to the inhabitants of Georgia my most 
friendly and pressing recommendations, that while their Assembly 
shall be sitting, they will redouble their efforts to procure a redress of 
their grievances, and an union with this State; and this my declaration, 
that I am inclined to think you are concealed Tories, or their tools, who 
have clambered up, or have been put into office, in order to burlesque 
Government and I never saw a more extravagant burlesque upon the 
subject than you exhibit that the people might be sick of an American 
administration, and strive to return under the British domination, 
merely for the sake of endeavoring to procure something like law and 
order. I respect the people of Georgia; but, most wise rulers, kissing 
your hands, I cannot but laugh at some folks. Can you guess who 
they are? 

And so, you would fain use me ill ? It is well for you that I am in 
a most excellent humor. See how handsomely I will treat you. A 
good book says, " Bless them that curse you." Let me assure you I 
obey the precept most devoutly. Could you have expected such a 
return ? 

I have now answered your proclamation, with what, as great folks 
should use great titles, I call a declaration. If you are content, I am 
satisfied, and we may possibly be good friends yet. However, if you 
have a mind to amuse the public with any other productions of your 
masterly pens, and wish to draw me in, to contribute to the entertain 
ment, I have no objection to be of the party; but I warn you before- 


hand, that whatever I contribute shall be entirely at your expense. 
This is but equitable; so if you are for such a frolic, I am, with all 
due respect to your dignities, and compassion to your follies, 
Tout d vouSy 

CHARLESTOWN, S. C., August 1, 1777. 


[Original MS.] 

WHITE HALL, April 13, 1777. 
Bra i 

As the multiplicity of public business absolutely prevents my being 
able to attend at Ninety-Six as a juror, I enclose for your Honor s 
perusal, a letter received from Gee. Galphin, Esq., on Friday; as, also, 
copies of the talks he last received from the Creeks. He mentions in 
case the Congress he intends holding with the Creeks takes place about 
the time appointed for the Cherokees to come to Dewitt s Corner, that 
he and Col. Hammond must attend as Commissioners from this State 
at the Congress with the Creeks, by which means we shall fall short two 
out of the number appointed from this State to treat with the Chero 
kees, which may prove a disadvantage, in case the others do not attend. 

Col. Mason informs me that he came up with an intention to recruit 
for the 3d regiment, and that many of the prisoners have promised to 
enlist with Capt. Hopkins, of the 3d regiment, who I have now ordered 
on a part of duty which he cannot have effected before Wednesday 
next. In this case he may be disappointed, if the prisoners are tried 
and discharged before his return. I promised Col. Mason that I would 
mention this matter to your Honor, and request you will postpone such 
persons trial till near the last of the sitting of the court, by which 
period Hopkins will be at Ninety-Six. 

I last night received a letter from Capt. Tutt, wherein he informs me 
that some Indians had carried off six horses belonging to the volunteer 
companies, who were arrived a few days before to reinforce Fort Rut- 
ledge, and that he had dispatched Capt. Rainey, with thirty men, to 
take their track, and endeavor to come up with them, which he thought 
he would be able to effect, and take satisfaction of them. I apprehend 
this robbery is done by some of the disaffected Indians who lately lived 


at Seneca; and if Capt. Rainey comes up with them, it may be a lucky 
circumstance, and prevent them attempting carrying off the horses in 
future. When court is over I expect to have the pleasure of your com 
pany at Whitehall. 

It is his Excellency the President s express orders that Conner, who 
enlisted and afterwards run away to the Cherokee Nation, as also P. 
Hawkins, Robertson or any other prisoners who are committed to 
Ninety-Six gaol for seditious practices against the State, should be sent 
to Charlestown, together with those now under sentence of death in 
Ninety-Six goal. When you have perused the papers you will please 
return them. 

I am, sir, your most humble servant, 



[OMginal SIS.] 

WHITE HALL, April 25, 1777, 

I am ordered by his Excellency, the President, to send down to 
Charlestown immediately, under a strong guard, all the prisoners in 
Ninety-Six gaol, who are convicted on the Sedition Act, and are under 
sentence of death, together with the seditious persons lately committed, 
and the charges against them on oath. As I apprehend before the re 
moval of these last it is necessary to obtain a writ of habeas corpus, I 
inform your Honor thereof, in order that the needful may be imme 
diately done, as I intend Capt. Hopkins, who escorts them to Charles- 
town, shall set off on Saturday morning next. 

I am, with great respect, dear sir, your most humble servant, 



[Original MS.] 

September 10, 1777. 

First question to draw bills on the Commissioners for ten millions of 
dollars, passed in the negative, as did a second for five millions; but 


on the 9th September a question was put and carried, for drawing bills 
on our Commissioners at the rate of five livres of France for a Spanish 
dollar, for payment of interest at six per cent, per annum, of all money 
already brought into the loan-office, or that shall be brought in before 
the 1st of March. 

It is expected that upon this encouragement money-holders will bring 
supplies into the loan-office, and that we may, without another emission 
of paper, raise before the 1st of March twenty millions of dollars, the 
annual interest of which will be about 270,000 sterling, besides the 
risks of loss and delay by remittances. 

It is true the Commissioners have given Congress assurances of 
money received and promised, sufficient to pay the interest of five mil 
lions of dollars annually, and added, " we hope" to find sufficient by 
subsidies to pay the interest of twenty millions, if we should be obliged 
to borrow that sum. At the same time they inform us, that upon 
application to the Court of France to borrow two millions sterling, they 
were told it was "impossible" to spare such a sum; that they had been 
strongly pressed, and that the minister was " anxious" to contract for 
the delivery of 20,000 hhds. of tobacco, as a ground for raising money 
by taxes; that they had actually engaged to deliver 4,000, and had 
received a very considerable advance on the stipulation, and earnestly 
a entreat" Congress to enable them to comply with their part of the 
agreement, which, while our ports are stopped, will be impossible. 

It appears to me that the foundation of drawing bills is not substan 
tial, the practice dangerous, and the measure, except for articles abso 
lutely necessary for carrying on our defensive war, not necessary. 

The Commissioners speak positively of money advanced, and ex 
pected by periodical payment only, for payment of the interest of five 
millions which sum, and a much larger, I apprehend, will be consumed 
by a variety of other demands on them, which it is impossible for our 
mode of transacting business, and our total ignorance of the public 
debt contracted and increasing, to form an estimate of. This forbids, 
in the strongest terms, the act of borrowing more money abroad. They 
say in a subsequent dispatch, that we may rely on punctual payment of 
Congress bills, drawn for the discharge of the interest of sums bor 
rowed, but refer, I apprehend, only to the five millions per annum; and 
then they recommend that the interest should be reduced to five and 
four per cent. but Congress, upon a question, confirmed six per cent, 
against five, and have put former loans upon a level with such as may 
be hereafter made. 

The Court of France, on failure of our part of the contract for 


tobacco, our continued demands on them for money, for ship-building, 
cloths, arms, and many other articles, will have ground for complaint, 
and may make a pretext of failure on our side for withholding further 
payments to the Commissioners. 

The drawing bills of exchange is to all intents and purposes emis 
sions of paper money upon the very worst terms, aggravated by six per 
cent, per annum. It is putting our debt out of sight for a little time, 
but it will infallibly return upon us with accumulated force. 

Although France has peremptorily told us it is impossible to lend us 
two millions sterling, we are hastening to make a demand for that, and 
for aught we know, a much larger sum. 

We should pay proper regard to the conduct of the Court of Ver 
sailles, in refusing to receive our Commissioners openly in their ambas 
sadorial characters in " avoiding every act which should seem to 
acknowledge our independence 77 in "refusing, positively/ 7 the naval 
aid which we had applied for in neglecting to consider or give any 
answer to our plan for a treaty, and in betraying part of our proposals, 
and possibly the whole of them, to the British Ambassador in a 
taunting, sarcastical remark to one of our Commissioners, that we had 
not bid high enough- in imprisoning one of our captains, seizing his 
vessel, ordering a restitution of his prizes, and, in a word, in carefully 
avoiding to give "umbrage 77 to the English. 

To borrow money from a foreign power, is to mortgage our soil; that 
the boasted generosity of the King of France, in feeding us lightly, 
and demanding no security, is, when compared with the conduct above- 
mentioned, liable to suspicion of being insidious. It will be the in 
terest of the French minister to ensnare us by degrees into a considerable 
debt, and the knowledge of the negociation will be a strong incentive 
to the British for protracting the war. 

That by altering the tenor of our loan certificates, making the pay 
ment of capital at one instead of three years, and of interest quarterly 
or half-yearly, money-holders would be induced to bring supplies into 
the office; that the expectation which the public have been held in, of 
an emission of bills of exchange for five or ten millions of dollars, had 
been no small impediment to the loan. 

When the loan-office certificates are put on a beneficial plan, if money 
shall not be brought in sums equal t t o the public exigency, it will be a 
proof that past emissions are not excessive. The demand for money at 
this time is not confined to the capital towns and cities within a small 
circle of trading merchants, but spread over a surface of 1,600 miles in. 



length, and 800 broad; nor is it now the practice to give credit for one 
and more years for seven-eighths of the whole traffic. Every man is 
now a money-holder, and every article is paid for in cash it is hence 
obvious, that an immense sum is necessary for a complete circulation. 
No man would be so void of understanding as to keep Continental bills 
idle, and at a risk of loss in his desk, when he might, upon the same 
security, improve them at six per cent, per annum. 

The sudden rise of price for domestic necessaries of life, is not 
wholly owing to great emissions of paper, but, in fact, principally to 
the total stoppage of imports, and the consequent scarceness and dear- 
ness of such articles as our real wants cannot, and too many which our 
luxury will not, forego. 

Borrowing of a foreign power will not increase the value of our 
paper money; it may, and probably will, be the source of extending 
the depreciation to several years beyond the term when we might, if 
we were in debt at home only, have redeemed it. 

Such and many other arguments I used upon this occasion, particu 
larly recommending taxation, and the most vigorous exertions for open 
ing our ports, and promoting exportation. The question being put, 
and the yeas and nays demanded, there appeared 21 yeas, and 5 Col. 
Harrison, Mr. Jno. Adams, W. Duane, W. Middleton and Mr. Laurens 
nays. "The enemies very near each other, and within thirty miles 
of this city" (Philadelphia). 

[Original MS.] 

SAVANNAH, January 4, 1778. 

You request in your letter that I would candidly give my opinion of 
your conduct, while you acted under me in a military capacity; what I 
think of your ability in discharging the duties of your department; 
and, also, that I would recollect, if possible, all that passed between us 
relative to the acceptance and resignation of your appointment to it. 

When I was ordered to your State, several respectable characters 
requested to attend me as Brigade-Major, but, as I had made it a rule 
to appoint to office, whenever in my power, the inhabitants of that par 
ticular State where I was immediately acting, in preference to all others, 

* Direction lost, but believed to be Major Ladson. 



I declined accepting transfers; and never, as I recollect, deviated from 
this rule, but in the instance of Major Connor, whom I found estab 
lished in that rank, and who, after your resignation, and Gen. Arm 
strong s departure, I therefore adopted. Gen. Lee, when he appointed 
me to command in your State, desired me to nominate some person 
as my Major of* Brigade; at that time, you were personally unac 
quainted with me, but I had observed you very active in, and atten 
tive to, duty, always attending parades, relief of guards, and, in 
short, so assiduous and useful, that I was induced, without either 
your request or the least recommendation of you, to offer you the place 
of Brigade-Major. You told me that, provided Colonel Pinckney 
had no objection, you would, during the existence of actual service, 
cheerfully accept it, because you might, by that means, have an oppor 
tunity of obtaining a knowledge of discipline, which would render you 
useful to your country as a militia officer; but that you did not desire 
to derive either emolument or reward from the appointment. You, ac 
cordingly, served me in South Carolina and Georgia, I believe, about 
five months; in the first of these you not only acted as Brigade Major, 
but did a great deal of duty in the militia ; in the latter, you served 
Gen. Lee, in the absence of Col. Bullet, in the capacity of Adjutant 
General, without in the least neglecting the duty of your particular ap 
pointment; and it is but justice to you to say, that I found you active 
and capable in a post both difficult and fatiguing, and that you acquitted 
yourself to my entire satisfaction. The General often spoke of you in 
terms of approbation, and strongly recommended to me to keep you in 
the army if possible. When he returned to Charleston, and all actual 
service had ceased, you requested leave to resign, and, upon my earnestly 
urging you to continue with me, you reminded me of the conditions 
upon which you had been appointed repeating, that as your principal 
view, in entering the regular service, was to gain a knowledge of dis 
cipline that would render you serviceable as a militia officer, in which 
capacity you conceited you could be most useful to your country, you 
were desirous of returning to your duty in the corps to which you 
belonged, where you would, with pleasure, exert yourself to the utmost 
of your ability. 

These, sir, are aH the circumstances I can just now recollect, and I 
have been thus par icular because you desired it. The manner of my 
expression you will excuse, as I write in a hurry. 

I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 



[Original MS.] 

WHITE HALL, April 19, 1778. 

In consequence of letters from his Excellency the President, to raise 
a certain number of men for the defence of this State, or to march into 
the State of Georgia, and assist the Georgians if the service requires 
it, I have wrote to Colonels Thomas Liles and Beard, and taken the 
liberty of appointing them to meet at your house on Saturday, the 25th 
instant, then and there to concert and put such plans into execution 
as may be adequate to the present emergency. You will please to invite 
such of your field-officers to be present as you think proper. I would 
recommend to you to secure all the provisions within your limits that 
you possibly can, as nothing can be done without a supply of that 

I am, dear sir, your obedient humble servant, 


P. S. I have desired them to be early in the day at your house. 


[Original MS.] 

WHITE HALL, April 21, 1778. 

In consequence of orders from his Excellency the President, to forth 
with embody a certain number of men for the purpose of defending 
this State, and to assist and march into the State of Georgia if the 
service requires it, or any other service the safety of this State may 

I hereby empower you to raise, with all expedition^ for three months, 
certain, or longer, if the service requires them, a com pany of horsemen, 
to consist of thirty privates stout, able-bodied meu to be officered 
by yourself, captain, two lieutenants (for the first to have my approba 
tion) and three sergeants. The pay of the sergeants and privates, and 
to draw provisions, to commence from the day of their enlistment, and 
the officers in completing their companies from the time of their begin- 


ning to enlist. The privates to take the oath of abjuration and fidelity, 
and to sign an agreement subjecting themselves to all pains and for 
feitures of the militia law now in force in this State, in times of actual 

I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 


N. B. When you have returned twenty men, you will report the 
same to me, and then you will receive further orders. 


[Original MS.] 

CAMP NEAR CHEROKEE HILL, June 20th, 1778. 

Col. Goodwyn to proceed with one hundred horsemen in quest of any 
enemy that may be about the men to be taken from Col. Winn s, Col. 
Williamson s, Col. Goodwyn s, Col. McRary s and Maj. Brandon s detach 
ments ; to be conducted by Maj . Joseph Walker to such place or places 
as from information Col. Goodwyn shall judge it most expedient for fur 
thering the intentions of such enemy, and for the benefit of the service 
to annoy, repel, kill or take prisoners. If the detachment should want 
provisions or carriages, they must be hired or impressed and after per 
forming this duty, to join me at or near Fort Barriugton or Sunbury by 
the nearest and most expeditious route. The men to have strict orders 
not to injure or molest any of the inhabitants on their march. 

If any thing material occurs Col. Goodwyn will send an express to 
Col. Williamson, he will also take up and secure all deserters he may 



[Original MS.] 


You are to proceed with all expedition by the following rule of 
march with the different detachments under your command to the State 


of South Carolina, taking with you and under your escort all the wag 
gons belonging to the districts of your respective regiments, letting the 
men and horses have the necessary provisions and rest, at such places 
as you shall find convenient. If any horses belonging to the waggons 
should tire, so as to render it inconvenient or prejudicial to your de 
tachments to wait for them, such must necessarily be left after getting 
into the settlements in Georgia or South Carolina, with the driver or 
owner, until the horses are refreshed. The line of march, after sepa 
rating the army to be observed so as to make it equally convenient to 
each detachment, so that if the detachments in front by any kind of 
delay are passed by the others, they must necessarily fall in the rear. 
All the provisions in the army will be divided in just and equal propor 
tions to the different detachments according to the number of men in 
each. The commanding officer will order the proper returns to be made 
for this purpose and send their Quarter-Masters to receive it. Orders 
on the Governor of Georgia will be given by the commanding officer for 
the necessary supplies to the detachments on their march through this 
State. If any difficulty in getting such should happen within this 
State, or in South Carolina, the commanding officer of such detachment 
will impress what may be absolutely necessary, appointing proper per 
sons to appraise such necessaries upon oath, that a just recompense may 
be made to the owners. 

Col. Williamson having the greatest confidence in the care and dili 
gence of the field officers, their zeal for the service, the honor of the 
State to which they belong, and the reputation of the troops, that he 
relies upon them for the preserving of good order and preventing the 
men from committing any depredations or injuring or insulting any 
person whatever on their return through this State or South Carolina ; 
and, although the expedition to which they have been called has not 
been attended with the wished for success, he returns them and the 
officers and men under them his thanks for their perseverance and 
alacrity on so trying and difficult a service. 


1st. Col. Winn with his detachment; 2nd. Col. Williamson s de 
tachment ; 3rd. Col. Goodwyn s detachment ; 4th. Col. Beard s detach 
ment; 5th. Col. McRary and Maj. Brandon s detachment. 




August 29, 1778. 

By order of Col. Williamson, you are hereby required to embody the 
State draft from your company, and march with them, well armed and 
accoutred, with three days provisions, to the place where the Long 
Cane road crosses Little River, near the Rev. Mr. John Harris . You 
will be at the above place of rendezvous punctually on Friday, the 4th 
day of September next, as the situation of the distressed people in 
Georgia, to whose assistance we are to march, will admit of no delay. 
There will be wagons at the place where we meet, to carry the men s 
baggage, as the horses must be sent home if the men bring any from 

I am, sir, your most humble servant, 


N. B. Order every man to bring a good hatchet. Since I wrote 
the above I have got intelligence that a party of Indians are on their 
way to our frontier. I desire you would, with all possible speed, march 
up to John Cameron s old place with five or six days provisions. 

A. P 


[Original MS.] 

LONG CANE, December 7, 2 o clock, P. M., 1778. 

I have just received information that the Indians have carried away 
Thos. Stevenson and his family, and three others that were there, and 
robbed his house. They were tracked some distance, and seemed to 
bear up the other side of Barker s Creek. This conduct seems unusual, 
but from the signs it appears that there are Indians in company. I ani 
also informed that on yesterday there were several guns heard from the 
Corner. The alarm is sufficient to direct you how to proceed. Please 
to forward the other letters as directed. 

I am, your humble servant, 


P. S. Our company is met this morning by day at the Corner, to 
proceed as necessity appears. 



[Original MS.] 

August 25, 1778. 


Commissioned Officers. 

Thomas Dunbar, Captain, November 9, 1777,. ...Present. 

Albert Roux, 1st Lieutenant, December 15, 1777,. ..Do. 

Staff- Commissioned Officers. 

John Downs, Adjutant, March 12, 1778, ...Absent with leave. 

Rev. Henry Purcell, Chaplain, May 7, 1776, Do. 

John Hall, Quarter- Master, July 1, 1776, Do. 

Henry Gray, Pay-Master, December 16, 1777,. ..Do. 

Jeremiah Thews, Surgeon, August 2, 1777, Present. 

John Henry Rusche, 1st Mate, do., June 11, 1778, Do. 

Silvester Springer, 2d Mate, do., June 27, 1778, Do. 

Staff Non- Commissioned Officers. 

Lewis Coffer, Sergeant-Mnjor, June 16, 1778, Discharged July 9, 1798 

John Wickom, Sergeant-Major, , October 5, 1778, Present. 

William Fletcher, Qr.-master Sergeant,. ..July 15, 1778, Discharg d Julyl6,1778 

Daniel Simpson, Qr.-master Sergeant,.... During the war, Sick in Gen. Hospital, 

James Arnold, Drum-Major, September 16, 1779,. Present. [Charles Town 

Hugh Campbell. Fife-Major June 16, 1778 Discharged July 1, 1778 


Non-Commitmioned Officers. 


William Ja.*per, July 8, 1775, July 8, 1778, Discharged, 

John Marlow, June 26, 1775,. ...June 26, 1778 Discharged July 9, 1778. 

John Gemmell, July 18, 1775, ....July 18, 1778, ....Discharged July 21, 1778 

Robert Watt, August 5, 1777,. ..During the war,..Present. 

William Brown, July 6, 1778, July 6, 1781, Present. 


Samuel Butler, July 7, 1775, July 7, 1778, Discharged. 

John Roberts, ....Nov. 26, 1776,.... Nov. 26, 1779,.. ..Preferred in another Corn- 
Robert Watt, August 5, 1777,. ..During the war,. .Preferred. [pany. 

Frederick Simons, July 27, 1777,. ...During the war,.. Present. 


John Wheeler, July 1, 1775, July 1, 1778, Discharged. 

Peter Uptegrove, July 18, 1778,.... Jan. 18, 1780, On the recruiting service. 


William Ashford July 11, 1777, During the war,.. On Outpost. 

William Arnold, July 8,1775, July 8, 1778, Discharged July 15, 1778. 

Barnaby Bryan, August 5, 1777,. ..During the war,. .Present. 

John Cook, July 13, 1775, ...July 13, 1778,. ...Discharged. 

Charles Cox, July 1, 1778, March 1, 1779,. ..On the recruiting service. 

John Baptist DeLaney, June 25, 1775,. ...June 25, 1778,.. ..Discharged July 1, 1778. 




Owen Griffin, , July 11, 1777,. ...During the war,. .Present. 

Silas Gibson, July 16, 1778,.. ..July 16, 1781,. ...Present. 

Loami Husband?, August 2, 1775,. ..August 2, 1778,. ..Discharged. 

John Humphrey?, June 18, 1775, June 18, 1778, Discharged July 1, 1778. 

Airon Harris, January 31, 1777,Jan. 31, 1780, Present. 

James Hooper, August 5, 1777,. During the war,. .Sick at Quarters. 

William Jones. , July 7, 1777 During the war.. .On Garrison guard. 

Robert Ivey, July 8, 1775, ...... July 8, 1778, Discharged. 

Charles Lucas, July 19, 1775.. ...July 19, 1778,....Discharged July 1, 1778, 

Joseph Martin, July 10, 1775, July 10, 1778,. ...Discharged July 18, 1778. 

Martin Moore, July 8, 1775, July 8, 1778, Discharged. 

Jacob Murpb, July 8, 1775, July 8, 1778, Discharged. 

John McC.iid, August 5, 1777,. ..During the war,. .On the recruiting service. 

John McDowell, June 16, 1778 During the Avar,. .Preferred in another Corn- 
James McClean, Augusts, 1775,. ..August 5, 1778,. ..Discharged. [P ar) y, 

Archibald McDonald, , During the war,. .Present. 

James Oliver, During the war,. .Present. 

Edmund Penrice July 2, 1775, July 2, 1778, Discharged. 

David Parsons, August 1, 1775,...Augusc 1, 1778,... Discharged. 

Richard Richardson, August 3, 1777, ..During the war,. .Present. 

William Roberts, August 7, 1775... .August 7. 177S,... Discharged. 

Frederick Simmons, July 27, 1777,. ...During the war,.. Preferred. 

Thomas Stafford, January 4, 1777,. During the war,. .On Duty. 

John Steele, July 9, 1778, During the war,. .Present. 

Anthony Uhthoff, July 6, 1775. July 6, 1778, 1 ischarged. 

John Whitely, July 11, 1777,. ...During the war,. .Present. 

Robert Wbiley, March 11, 1778,. .During the war,. .On Duty. 

Shadrack Williamson, July 8, 1775, July 8, 1778, Discharged, 

Richard Williamson, July 9, 1777, During the war,. .Confined. 

John Kelly, During the war.. .Present. 


Present. Captains,!; 1st Lieutenants, 1; Surgeons, 1; Surgeon s 
Mates, 2; Sergeant-Major,!; Drum-Major,!; Sergeants, 2; Corporals, 
1; Privates, 10. 

Absent. Adjutants, 1; Chaplains, 1; Quarter-Master, 1; Pay-Mas 
ter, 1; Quarter-Master Sergeants, 1; Privates, 8. 

We do swear the above Muster Roll is a true state of the Company, 
without fraud to the United States or any individual, according to the 
best of our knowledge. 

THOS. DUNBAR, Captain. 
ALBERT ROUX, 1st Lieutenant. 
Sworn before me tliis 25th August, 1778. 

FRANCIS MARION, Second Colonial Regiment. 
Then mustered, as certified by 

THOS. JERVEY, Deputy Muster Master. 



[Original MS.] 

WHITE HALL, November 28, 1778. 

My having been continually employed in Georgia since the Southern 
expedition, prevented me being able before this period to attend to 
and examine and adjust the expenses arising from that service. I 
would therefore request you will, as soon after the receipt of this letter 
as you possibly can, furnish me with the pay-bills and amounts of your 
detachment employed in that service, in order that I may examine 
and adjust them, and be able to take the proper and necessary steps to 
obtain payment for the people for their good services. Some informa 
tion I have just received makes me apprehensive that the disaffected 
meant again to collect, and join the enemy, who are said to have landed 
on this side the Altarnaha, to the amount of 800, and penetrated into 
the lower parts of Georgia. You will perceive from this intelligence 
how cautious we should be to guard against our internal enemies, who, 
during this struggle, have demonstrated themselves the most cruel and 
rancorous enemies. McGirt, it is said, landed in Georgia at the same 
time, but has taken his course higher up the country; no doubt but he 
will endeavor to visit his old range. I wish you may be fortunate 
enough (if he comes your way) to secure him, or give him. a proper 
dose, to prevent his inroads in future. 

I am, with great regard, dear sir, your most obdt. servant, 



[Original MS.] 


CAMP PURYSBURG, February 5 ? 1779. 

You are to set out immediately on the recruiting service. You are 
to recruit anywhere within the State; you are to enlist no man under 
the age of sixteen nor above forty-five; you are to enlist no notorious 
rogue if you know it; you are to bring all the men you enlist to Head 
quarters or cause them to be brought ; all the men you enlist, you are 


to give five hundred dollars to fifty in hand and the rest when you 
gain Head-Quarters for the first month after the 29th of January last; 
for the second month four hundred dollars ; for the third month three 
hundred and fifty dollars, and the same pay and rations as usual ; you 
are to enlist no man for less time than sixteen months. But as many 
as you can for during the war ; you are from time to time to let the 
commanding officer know what success you have and what part of the 
country you are in ; you are to go from here to Charlestown ; you are 
not to stay there more than three days before you set out from which 
time, you are to join Head-Quarters in six weeks, unless you have 
strong reason to believe you will have good success, in which case you 
are to stay some days longer. You are to deceive no man to enlist 
him. All reasonable expenses will be paid for bringing recruits to 

Lieut. -Col. Qth Regiment. 


[Original MS.] 

CHARLESTOWN, S. C., February 10, 1779, 

You are immediately to detach two hundred and fifty men, rank and 
file, of your regiment, properly armed and accoutred, with the neces 
sary number of officers, the whole under the command of a field officer, 
to join and put themselves under the orders of Brig. -Gen. Williamson, 
to assemble and encamp the remainder of your regiment at Friday s 
Ferry, on the twenty-third day of February, inst., there to wait any 
further orders. 

Your men may be assured, that any arrears of pay shall be very soon 
settled and discharged; that, in future, they will receive their pay 
with more regularity than heretofore ; that, in all probability, the pay 
of privates will be augmented by an ordinance now before the Legisla 
ture, to a dollar per day, and that everything in the town shall be done 
to render their situation, on service, as comfortable as possible, and I 
trust that I shall be readily and cheerfully obeyed. 

I am, sir, your very humble servant, 




[Notes by W. H. Drayton.] 

MONDAY, February 15, 1779. 

He informed the Committee that his master, actuated by the most 
friendly regard to the United States, had ordered him to acquaint them 
that a great revolution had taken place in Great Britain respecting the 
question of their independence ; that there had been a great party in 
the Cabinet Council of that nation in favor of that independence ; that 
they were willing to grant that independence with certain conditions; 
that those conditions were somewhat similar to those proposed by the 
late commissioners ; that they principally respected a kind of Federal 
Union, such as that the United States should assist Great Britain in 
her wars ; that, however, this measure had been laid aside, the Cabinet 
being impressed with the representation of the Commissioners that 
divisions prevailed among the members in Congress, and between the 
Congress and some of the States; that by the operations of the Com 
missioners a foundation was laid upon which discord would arise between 
the United States and France in the ensuing campaign; that in its 
operation it would be sudden and critical, and that there was a power 
ful party against the independence of the United States; that the 
British Court, as they had always done, propagated and spread these 
suggestions throughout Europe, and were the more at large in the 
calumny, that some impressions might remain in consequence of the 
heat of the calumny; that although his most Christian Majesty paid 
no attention to these suggestions, yet he most strongly recommended 
concord without meaning in any manner to look into or interfere in the 
internal measures of the United States. 

That such being the disposition of the Cabinet the beginning of 
October, the Court of Spain had thereupon taken her final resolution, 
as expressed by her remonstrance to the Court of London the end of 
that month, respecting her hostile operations against France, making 
the independence of the United States the preliminary article to a 
general pacification; that it was possible this would lead to a general 
peace, and that the negociations would necessarily be rapid, as peace or 
war must finally be determined upon before the season for opening the 
campaign came on. That as the Court of France had no object in view 
but the independence of the United States, if this was to be obtained 
there was a great probability of peace; but if it could not be obtained, 


his most Christian Majesty would exert all his powers in the next cam 
paign in prosecution of the war. That the Congress ought to lose no 
time in appointing a proper person to take a part in the expected nego- 
ciations; that he should be furnished with ample powers, as well as the 
desires of Americans as her ultimatum, relaxing in the first as in his 
discretion he should see fit, the distance being too great, and the crisis 
too pressing, to admit of applications to Congress for instructions; that 
the United States should consider their resources and their abilities on 
the one hand, and the probable advantages and disadvantages arising 
on the other, by continuing the war; that moderate terms might, per 
haps, be now obtained; that the pride of Great Britain was too high, 
and her abilities too great, to submit to extraordinary demands at 
present. She might be able to continue the war for some years yet. 
France desired no aggrandizement by conquest, the Independence of 
America being alone such a debilitating of Great Britain, as to secure 
her effectually against the haughtiness of that nation. 

That the Court of Great Britain had endeavored to form alliances 
upon the Continent; that twenty months ago she had applied to the 
Empress of Ilussia for a body of her troops for the American service; 
that she replied she had not been raised to empire by Providence for 
such a purpose ; that she would not send her troops against a people 
who asked only for justice and liberty; she would not engage in such 
a bloody work. In short, she answered with such disdain, that the 
British ambassador retired from Court till he received instructions on 
that head from London; that these instructions were in such mild 
terms, that he returned as if nothing had happened; that afterwards he 
applied to the Empress that her Majesty should act in strict conjunc 
tion with the British, and that a large district in America would be 
assigned to the Empress; but she answered this in such a manner, as 
discouraged a renewal of the application. That Britain had also pro 
posed to the King of Prussia to loan an army of observation, with the 
view of collecting to it such forces as were against the interests of the 
Emperor; that the King, the Emperor, and the Queen of Hungary, 
had applied to his Master to mediate in the disputes relative to Bava 
ria; that he being in alliance with Vienna, had not chosen to be alone 
the arbiter, but had called upon Ilussia to be a co-umpire, to which the 
King of Prussia and the Emperor had consented; that the Empress of 
Russia had desired of the King of France to mediate between her and 
the Porte; that thus it appeared none of the Great Powers of Europe 
would take part against France, and that Great Britain was destitute 
of alliances against his Master; that Spain wished to have the terri- 


torial claims of the United States terminated. She wished to have the 
navigation of the Mississippi shut, and possession of the Floridas; that 
she disliked the neighborhood of the British in that quarter, who were 
too restless and enterprising, and preferred that of the United States; 
that if the war continued, a subsidy might be obtained of Spain in aid 
of the pecuniary wants of the United States; that this aid was most 
honorable to protect States to obtain under the mark of a subsidy; that 
it might at a loose rate call for 6,000 men, when not more than 3,000 
would be expected to be embodied for the reduction of the Floridas, to 
be relinquished to Spain when conquered; that Spain might obtain that 
territory independent of the States; that if a peace now took place, 
Spain would have no claim upon the United States, nor would they have 
any upon the Floridas; that if this subsidy took place, the money might 
be lodged in respectable private hands in Paris, and if prudently managed 
would give the States a credit in Europe equal to their wishes; that at 
all events the United States should exert themselves to prepare for 
another campaign, and put on the appearance of aiming at more than 
they meant to strike at; for such an appearance would accelerate the 
negociations, especially if the United States could strike a blow, which, 
though not important, might be brilliant; that peace was the time for 
the United States to recover their finances; that France had just begun 
to recover hers when hostilities begun between her and Britain; that 
had those hostilities been postponed two years, she would be more com 
petent to the war; that, however, France had made every necessary 
arrangement for the next campaign. But that, as her exertions, and the 
maintenance of 60,000 men on the frontiers of Germany, to enforce 
her urnpirage, would occupy all her resources, she was not able to afford 
those aids to America, which she was disposed to do, considering as she 
did the interests of America as her own. 


[Original MS.] 


At a General Assembly begun and holden at Charles Town, on Mon 
day, the fourth day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
seven hundred and seventy-nine, and from thence continued by divers 


adjournments to Saturday the twentieth day of February, in the year of 
our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-nine. 

Whereas, it is absolutely necessary in well regulated Governments 
that every person who has received protection from, should be aiding 
and assisting in the defence of the State wherein he lives ; and 
whereas several persons, inhabitants of this State, forgetting their alle 
giance thereto, have gone over to the enemy, treacherously to bear arms 
against their country, although their families remain peaceably under 
the protection thereof. Therefore, to prevent such criminal conduct in 
future, Be it ordained by the Honorable the Senate and House of Rep 
resentatives now met and sitting in General Assembly and by the 
authority of the same, That if any person or persons from and after 
passing this Ordinance shall withdraw him or themselves from the de 
fence of the State, and attempt to join the inveterate enemies of the 
same, or shall actually go over to them, every such person and persons 
shall be declared guilty of treason against the State and upon conviction 
thereof, in any of the Courts of General Sessions of the Peace, Oyer 
and Terminer, assize and General Gaol delivery in this State, or in any 
special court of Oyer and Terminer, to be held by virtue of an Ordi 
nance passed the thirteenth day of February, one thousand seven hun 
dred and seventy-nine shall suffer death as a traitor, without benefit of 
clergy; and the estate of such person or persons, real and personal; 
shall be confiscated and forfeited for and to the use of the State. 

And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, That if it shall 
appear to the Governor or Commander-in-Chief, for the time being, on 
the oath of two creditable witnesses that any person or persons hath or 
have withdrawn himself or themselves from this State, and joined the 
enemies thereof, it shall and may be lawful to and for the Governor or 
Commander-in-chief to issue his Proclamation, thereby requiring every 
such person or persons to return to this State, and surrender himself or 
themselves to some Magistrate thereof within forty days after the issuing 
of such proclamation, and in case of his or their non-appearance, within 
the time aforesaid, he or they shall be deemed outlawed, and all the 
estate, real and personal, of such person or persons shall be sold by pro 
per persons for that purpose to be appointed by the Governor or Com 
mander-in-chief, and the monies to arise therefrom deposited in the pub 
lic Treasury of this State, there to remain for the disposal of the Legis 
lature thereof. And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, 
That the Governor or Commander-in-chief, for the time being, is hereby 
authorized and required to appoint one or more Commissioner or Com 
missioners for the sale of such estates, and to cause the families, or such 


of the families of every absentee, outlawed as aforesaid, to be sent off 
without delay, if it shall appear upon trial to be duly had at any of the 
Courts of Sessions, Oyer and Terminer, Assize and General Gaol deliv 
ery, on a Bill of Indictment that the remaining of such person or per 
sons in this State shall be dangerous to the safety of the community. 
And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, that all and sin 
gular, the matter and things in the foregoing clause contained shall be 
construed to extend to the families of such persons as have been sent 
off, or have quitted, or shall quit this State, for having refused or ne 
glected to take the oath or oaths required by any Act or Ordinance of 
the Legislature of this State. And be it further ordained by the au 
thority aforesaid, That this Ordinance shall continue and be of force for 
six months, and from thence to the end of the then next sitting of the 
General Assembly and no longer. 

Ratified by the General Assembly, in the Senate House, the 20th day 
of February, 1779. 

CHAS. PINCKNEY, President of the Senate. 

JNO. MATHEWS, Speaker of the House of Representatives, 

TTH MARCH, 1779. 

Compared with the original under the Broad Seal by Thomas Win- 
Stanley and Jacob Read. 


[Original MS.] 

Beginning at the mouth of the Reedy Branch, and up said branch to 
John Cambels ; from thence to Rocky Creek, including Joseph Able, 
the Boggeses, Arthur Dickson and the Thomsons, north west course 
beginning at the mouth of Reedy Branch ; from thence up Long Cain to 
the waggon-ford at Mathew Edward s plantation ; from thence to Wm. 
Little s; from thence to Crocket s Old Place on John s Creek ; from 
thence to Simon Tuckers s; from thence to Robert Adair s j from thence 
to Wm. Thomson on Cowhead ; from thence to Patrick Gibson s ; from 
thence to Edward Brannon s ; from thence to the Thomson s on Rocky 



[Original MS.] 

FEBRUARY 20, 1779: 

SIR : You are hereby desired to be at White Hall on Wednesday 

next with one third of your Company they to be horsemen and one 

Lieutenant, and one other third of your Company to continue at White 

Hall until further orders. You will receive further orders on that day, 

I am, sir, your most humble servant, 



[Original MS.] 

CHARLESTON, February 24, 1779. 

I embrace with pleasure an opportunity of complying with the request, 
you made me when I left Santee, of transmitting such intelligence as I 
thought worthy your notice, though the presence of our active officers 
(General Moultrie and Col. Pinckney) renders the subject somewhat 
barren. My cousin and the General returned to town on Tuesday by 
desire of Gen. Lincoln, who was of opinion that unless the assembly 
took some effectual measures to oblige the militia to do their duty, and 
placed them under the same articles as those from North Carolina, our 
situation would soon be discouraging, even to those who had voluntarily 
resigned their lives and fortunes, in our defence, though at a great dis 
tance from danger and who were merely actuated upon this occasion by 
a love to their country. They opened the matter very fully; related 
several facts of which we were ignorant; were exceedingly warm; and 
roused the spirit as well as the indignation of the House so much at the 
conduct of their fellow-citizens, that notwithstanding they had, some 
little time before, reprobated the idea of subjecting the militia to mar 
tial law, yet an Ordinance being prepared and brought in for that 
purpose passed both Houses without opposition. The reluctance of our 
militia to continue at Purysburgh longer than the 1st of March, frus- 


trated one of the best laid schemes, that our affairs have yet given Gen. 
Lincoln an opportunity of concerting. A detachment of the enemy 
having taken possession of Augusta, Gen. Ash was immediately detached 
to reinforce Gen. Williamson; these corps when joined consisted of 
between two and three thousand men. Gen. Moultrie was ordered to 
march with his division, consisting of 1,600 Continentals and some 
regiments of militia; and had he occupied the post to which he was 
ordered and was then proceeding to, the enemy would have been com 
pletely surrounded and either obliged to hazard a battle on the disad 
vantageous terms of three to one or have surrendered themselves pris 
oners of war but after marching six or eight miles up the river for this 
purpose, he received an order from Gen. Lincoln to return to his former 
post; but I am happy in acquainting you that our officers pledge 
themselves, that they will, with the assistance of only a small part 
of our militia, free Georgia from the present invasion ; indeed, the 
enemy themselves confess that they have erred in not marching imme 
diately to Charlestown, after the rout at Savannah; and the late precipi 
tate retreat from Augusta, where they left their Hospital, with a letter 
recommending their sick and wounded to the care and humanity of 
Gen. Williamson, convinces me that they either mean to evacuate 
Georgia very soon, or to confine themselves to Savannah and its 
environs but it is u matter of doubt with me, whether they will be 
even able to maintain their post there, as I am informed that the rein 
forcement which G. M. carries with him, will enable our forces to 
act offensively. Lincoln is anxious and uneasy at being obliged from 
the enemy s superiority, or at least equality of numbers, to remain so 
long inactive, and will assuredly take the first opportunity of paying 
them a visit. The long expected express from the northward arrived on 
Monday. Messrs. Laurens and Drayton acquaint us that it is impos 
sible to spare any Continental troops, as a secret expedition now on the 
carpet, will demand their whole force. They say that Congress in con 
sequence of our application, have granted us every assistance in their 
power, and refer the Governor to the President s letter on that subject, 
which has not yet come to hand. As to a further aid from North Car 
olina, they have agreed to send us 2,000 more men immediately. We 
have now upwards of 3,000 of their men with us; and I esteem this last 
augmentation, as the highest possible mark of their affection for us and 
as the most convincing proof of their zeal for the glorious cause in which 
they are engaged ; they have been so willing and ready upon all occa 
sions to afford us all the assistance in their power, that 1 shall ever love 


a North Carolinian, and join with Gen. Moultrie in confessing that they 
have been the salvation of this country. 

I expect Col. Horry will be in town in a few days, as he was on Fri 
day last elected Colonel of a Regiment of light dragoons, which are to 
be immediately raised for the public service. Maharn is Major there 
was an opposition in favor of Major Huger, but by no means a serious 
one, as the Colonel carried it by a majority of 44; Huger will soon be 
promoted in the Continental service as a Commission arrived yesterday 
appointing Col. Huger, a Brigadier General. 

There is almost a total stagnation of every kind of business; and we 
daily expect a Proclamation from the Governor and Council for stopping 
the Courts of Justice and prohibiting all commercial proceedings what 
soever until the removal of the enemy from Georgia. The people of 
this country were scarcely roused to a sense of their danger, till within 
this fortnight, but I believe I may now venture to assert that Carolina, 
will in a short time (comparatively speaking) be as tenacious of her 
freedom and as forward in defending her liberties as any State on the 
continent, though, from her internal disputes and natural weakness, 
she may not be able to bring as many men into the field. Our town, 
once the seat of pleasure and amusement, is now dull and insipid; a 
sameness prevails through every thing, and the duty of the remaining 
militia is full as fatiguing as that of the regulars. We have very few 
men left here, notwithstanding which they are daily reducing us, and 
should a fleet and army appear at our bar, God knows what we should 
do. If the enemy should prove unable to penetrate into this State, and 
I can get leave (for no one is suffered to leave the town without it under 
a heavy fine) I purpose paying you a visit at Santee for a few days. I 
am fond of variety, and changing the scene now and then is I think 
very agreeable. I hope the little bantling and my friend Daniel are 
well. Should the weather continue good, my uncle and family will be 
at Santee on Thursday. I shall expect an anwer from you by your next 
express, and you may depend upon my writing you as often as I can find 
a conveyance for a letter. My compliments to Miss Howarth and our 
Santee friends (in which my mother joins me). Conclude me 
Your affectionate nephew, 


P. S. Mr. Bee being elected Lieutenant-General, and E. Rutledge 
refusing to go to Congress, Mr. Lowndes and William Henry Drayton 
(who carried it against Daniel Huger by one vote) were elected in their 



[Original MS.] 

March 12, 1779. 

On receipt of this immediately march, with twenty-five men of your 
company, to Ninety-Six, and join Col. Williams, in order to guard the 
prisoners while on trial. You will receive orders from Col. Williams 
when you arrive at Ninety-Six. Binborough is to supply you with pro 
visions while on duty. You will have Lieut. Joseph Wardlaw and 
any others of your company that were prisoners with the Tories, and 
can be any evidence against any of them. Elijah and Samuel Moore, 
that were with me at the battle of Kettle Creek, I am well informed 
have some horses and two rifle guns that were taken at that battle, and 
as that property belongs to the people in general, you will order them, 
without loss of time, to bring those effects to me, or they may depend 
on being prosecuted for the same. 

I am, sir, your humble servant, 



[Original MS.] 

HEAD QUARTERS, Purysburgh, March 19, 1779. 


Richard B. Roberts, Captain, June 4, 1777, Present. 

John Gorgan, Capt-Lieut., May 30, 1778, Do. 

Frederick Von Plater, 1st Lieutenant,... October 28, 1778,.Do. 



John Smith, Sergeant, Juno 3, 1777,.. ...3 years, Absent on Guard. 

Brice Mathews, do., Nov. 24, 1777,.. ..3 ydars, Present. 

Joseph Hull, Corporal, June 25, 1777,.. ..The war, Do. 

John Sessions, do., June 29, 1778,. ...3 years, On Detachment. 

Edward Conner, do., June 29, 1778,. ...3 years, Present. 

Robert Goodall, Gunner,... Sept. 17, 1777,. ..The war, De. 

Benjamin Williams, do.,. ..June 2, 1777, 3 years, Do. 

Alexander McMullan, do.,.Feb. 3, 1779, 16 months, Do. 

Aaron Baroth, do., June 3, 1777, 3 years, Absent on Duty. 





Da-vid Cunningham, June 3, 1777, 3 years, Present. 

John Driver, July 14, 1778,. ...3 year?, Do. 

Joseph Johnson June 2. 1777, The war, Do. 

John Causey, Pept. 5. 1778, 3 years, Do. 

Juhn Murrow, July 10, 1778,....3 years, Do. 

Samml White, Sept. 25, 1777, ...The war, Do. 

Jacob Paul, June 2, 1777, The war, Do. 

John Porter. June 19, 1777,. ...The war, Do. 

AquillaS ng, July 18, 1778,. ...3 years, Sick in Fix Hospital. 

John Colby, Aug. 10, 1778,. ...The war, Pre.-ent. 

James Roe July 22, 1778,. ...The war, Do. 

Lewis Cornyorck, ...The war, Sick in Fix Hospital. 

Charles Me Tver, Aug. 2, 1778. 3 years, Present. 

James Hughes, June 1, 1777, 3 years, Do. 

John C inner, The war, Do. 

Nicholas Glossom, The war, Do. 

James Lewis, 3 years, Do. 

Michael Lewis, Sept. 17, 1778, ...The war, Do. 

Lane Garrick, Feb. 16, 1779,. ...16 months, Do. 

Wn?. M.iloy, 3 years, Do. 

James Causey, Sept. 5, 1778, 3 years, Do. 

Denis Ch loque, The war, Deserted. 

Joseph Antonio, Sept. 17, 1778, ...The war, Do. 

Samuel Ilickman, July 21,1778, 3 years, On Detachment. 

Robert Wi! iam, May 28, 1778,. ...The war, Do. 

Hill Hewer, June 2, 1777, 3 years, Do. 

Nicholas Prince Aug. 3, 1778, 3 years Absent on Duty. 

Samuel Jefft, July 16, 1778. .....The war, Sick in Gen. Hospital. 

William Read, Drummer, .Sept. 21, l777,....The war, Sick in Fix Hospital. 

Wm. Fleming, Fi er, The war, ......Present. 

Present. Captains, 1 ; Capt. -Lieutenants, 1 ; 1st Lieutenant, 1 ; 
Sergeant-Major, 1; Sergeants,!; Corporals, 2; Fifers, 1; Gunners, 3; 
Matrosses, 19. 

Absent. Sergeants, 1; Corporals, 1; Drummers, 1; Gunners, 1; 
Matrosses, 7. 

I do swear that the within Muster Roll is a true state of the Com 
pany, without fraud to the United States, or to any individual thereof, 
according to the best of my knowledge. 

II. B. ROBERTS, Capt. Artillery, 
Sworn before me this IQth March, 1779, 
Then mustered as certified by 

F. BREMAR, Deputy Muster Master. 



[Original MS.J 

CHARLESTON, March 28, 1779. 

This is the second or third time that I have wrote you without hear 
ing a word from you or of you, only in general that you are very well. 
The last was on the 20th, by your servant, Moses, which I hope you 
have received. Since that General Lincoln has thought proper to re 
move the army from Purysburgh to the two Sisters (except about three 
hundred left as a guard to their camp under the command of Col. 
Pinckney) where it seems the enemy have assembled their whole force, 
and from whence an easy transition may be made into this State this 
movement is if possible to prevent their crossing, and keep them at bay 
until our army is reinforced, either by the arrival of some auxiliaries 
from the northward, or by a body of our militia from Orangeburgh. I 
am led to believe the Governor s presence will have a good effect in 
inducing the militia to turn out more cheerfully than they have hitherto 
done. We must now or never turn our thoughts entirely to war; we 
must rouse our spirits and sacrifice with pleasure part of our estates to 
secure the rest; in short we must be wanting to ourselves in nothing 
that may be requisite to the common safety have we any reason or the 
least pretence to be excused from so doing ? In what fatal tranquility 
did we remain when we received the intelligence of the enemy s being 
in possession of Savannah, the defeat at Augusta, the taking of our 
gallies, and other affairs of less importance. We are now sufiiciently 
punished by the consequences of our insensibility ; for had we sent 
speedy relief to Savannah when besieged, which the common rules of 
policy and prudence required the enemy would not perhaps have been 
in possession of it at this day; but by perpetually neglecting the pres 
ent and vainly hoping, that time would adjust matters and bring them 
to a better issue ; we have established them in a situation, that they 
never could have hoped to have arrived at. And yet we need not 
despair if we have still courage and perseverence enough to make use of 
the present opportunity, and by properly reinforcing our General, enable 
him effectually to prevent their crossing. We must all be sensible of 
the particular protection of Providence, in blessings so often offered ; 
and if we make a just estimate of its repeated favors, who is there but 
must be touched with the highest gratitude, for our losses are only to be 
imputed to the little concern we have shown to prevent them ; while a 


superior power never ceasing to protect us, does yet point out a short and 
secure way of repairing all our former mistakes, by every man s resolv 
ing to do his duty, thereby providing for the safety of his country, and 
doing all in his powor to retrieve her reputation. Those who neglect or 
do not improve the favorable opportunities offered by Providence, forget 
the acknowledgments that are due to her, and the same imprudence 
which makes them unfortunate, makes them ungrateful ; for in the 
minds of men, the last accident commonly impresses the character of mis 
fortune or happiness upon the whole. It is time for us to reform our 
false mode of reasoning and to be truly ashamed of our want of public 
virtue. We should preserve at least what remains to prevent an eternal 
stain upon our reputation. Nor is our interest less at stake. For 
Georgia being now in their possession, what barrier have we to secure 
us from the conquerors ? I could mention a number of little skirmishes, 
that we have lately been unsuccessful in, but as the recital is disagree 
able, I will pass them over. We must surely be convinced by this 
time that we have been exceedingly remiss in suffering these encroach 
ments upon our neighbours ; that we have a restless and enterprising 
enemy to deal with, that all their present designs are levelled against 
this town, and that all opposition to them, tends in some degree to the 
safety of the State for can any one be so weak as to imagine that they 
would undergo all the fatigues and hazards of a winter campaign merely 
to possess a few paltry posts on Savannah river, and rather not with an 
eye to this place ? Will they suffer us (if they can prevent it) to enjoy 
the advantages this town affords, and take up their quarters in a swamp ? 
No ! they endure the one that they may possess the other. We should 
in time reflect, what must be the last fatal scene of the bloody tragedy, 
if while they act the parts of indefatigable conquerors, we remain the 
patient and gentle spectators of their unbounded violence. Can any be 
so weak-sighted as not to see that the war is hastening to us ? It must 
be blindness in them, who will not perceive that the calamities, the 
Georgians now endure, are the same that are preparing for themselves 
I fear we shall sometime or other pay very dear for those soft and easy 
moments we now enjoy through the fatal remissness of our present 
disposition. You will perhaps say, how easy it is to find fault that 
censuring is every body s talent ; but that few do their duty, and that 
those who censure most do the least they who deliver this opinion are 
commonly right ] however, I shall endeavor as long as I am able to do 
ray duty, and hope that in a little time the major part of my country 
men will do the same. My compliments to my cousin, conclude me 
Your affectionate nephew, 




[Original MS.] 

April 12, 1779. 

It is the Governor s orders that two-thirds of the militia of thik State 
be embodied, and Gen. Williamson s orders to rne, to embody the same 
number of this regiment. You will, therefore, order one-third part of 
your company, with yourself, to join me on Friday, the 16th inst., on 
horseback, at Cowan s Ferry, well armed; and those who neglected 
going with your lieutenant when ordered, you will bring with you, that 
they may be dealt with as the law directs. You will bring an exact 
list of your company, as I am ordered to make a return of the payment. 
I am, sir, your most humble servant, 



[Original MS.] 

March 14, 1779. 

I wrote you a few days ago to reinforce Colonel Williams at Ninety- 
Six with twenty-five men from your company; but, as I have just got 
orders from Gen. Williamson to march a strong party of my regiment 
to Cowan s Ferry, on Savannah river, you will, therefore, march with 
two parts of your company to that place, to be there on Wednesday 
next, the 17th inst., armed and accoutred, with good horses. I have 
wrote to Col. Williams to let your men come home, though you had 
better see him yourself. I hope you will be spirited in this matter. 
I am, sir, your most humble servant, 


[Original MS.] 

We, the subscribers, being duly sworn, have appraised and valued 
the undermentioned horses at the price opposite each proprietor s name, 
being on scouting duty under Col. Benj. Garden, 26th May, 1779: 


Jacob Wincklers, 1 horse, $ 400 

Abraham Bininger, do., t 450 

David Hardstone, do., 500 

Mr. Philips, two mares, at $400 each,..., 800 

J. J. Hardstone, 1 horse, 650 

Robert Brown, do., 500 

Josiah Dupont, do., ...... 450 

Henry Talbird, ditto, 800 

Major Butler, two horses, * 2400 

G. Hipp, two horses, $450 and $600,...., 1050 

Mr. Ferguson, one horse, ;...< 450 

Mr. Irvine, do., * 750 

Richard Dawson, do., P. B., 200 

Chas. Devant, do., 250 

Chas. Rankins, do., 700 




[Original MS.] 

GAMP, HEAD-QUARTERS, June 3, 1779. 

I have nothing more than I have enclosed of the 1st instant. As to 
the news, our army is very strong, and in high spirits. There was a 
probability of an action the other day, and it appeared to be the hearty 
desire of every man to come to action j but it was not thought expedient 
by the General, and we returned to camp. We are now laying in 
camp, where I expect to lay for several days. As to particulars, I refer 
you to Major Gillam. 1 desire that Daniel will use his utmost en 
deavors to have the mills in the best order against harvest. T was 
speaking to him in regard to trying to plant that field over the road in 
corn; but that I submit to him, and he may do as he pleases. I hope 
that the utmost care will be taken by him to save the crop that is 
planted. My wagon that I rode in with, is at Ninety-Six; send Daniel 
to bring it home, and have it put under a shed. I purpose to sell it 
when I return home. I desire you, my dear, to send me about half-a- 
pound of cloves and cinnamon by Major Gillam; what I brought I have 
used, and find it a great help to me. The water fs so bad that I make 


as little use of it as possible. Major Gillam has corne to bring a relief 
for the men that are here. If it is possible, I should be glad that you 
could send me an under jacket, for the two that I brought with me are 
breaking before. 

I am, dear wife, with respect, your ever loving husband till death, 



[Original MS.] 

CHARLES TOWN, June 12th, 1779. 

I presume the draught has been made of a fourth part of your regi 
ment, for patrol duty, according to the directions I gave some time ago, 
and expected that the remainder would have been in town e er now. I 
think it necessary, that a field officer should be here with them you 
will be pleased to repair hither, with such of the regiment as are not 
to do patrol duty, as soon as possible. The persons belonging to your 
regiment, who have taken protection, are to be tried here by a court 
from that regiment. It is therefore necessary, in order that their case 
may be decided, that a part of the regiment should be here you will 
suffer such other as Mr. Harden names to go with him on a particular 
piece of business, which I have committed to his charge; you will order 
all the evidences against the plunderers you ve sent down, to repair 
hither immediately, that they may be brought to trial for their offences 
before a Court Martial. 

I am, sir, your very humble servant, 



[Original MS.] 

CAMP, HEAD-QUARTERS, June 12, 1779. 

This is the first chance I have had to write you. I am, by the care 
of Providence, in the field in defence of my country. When I reflect 
on the matter, I feel myself distracted on both hands by this thought, 


that in my old age I should be obliged to take the field in defence of 
my rights and liberties, and that of my children. God only knows 
that it is not of choice, but of necessity, and from the consideration 
that I had rather suffer anything than lose my birthright, and that of 
my children, When I come to lay down in the field, stripped of all 
the pleasure that my family connections afford me at home- surrounded 
by an affectionate wife and eight dear children, and all the blessings of 
life when I reflect on my own distress, I feel for that of my family, 
on account of my absence from their midst; and especially for the 
mother, who sits like a dove that has lost its mate, having the weight 
of the family on her shoulders. These thoughts make me afraid that 
the son we so carefully nursed in our youth may do something that would 
grieve his mother. Now, my son, if my favor is worth seeking, let me 
tell you the only step to procure it is the care of your tender mother 
to please her is ten times more valuable than any other favor that you 
could do me in my person. I hope that when you come to reflect on 
the duty of a son to a tender parent, you will take every step to estab 
lish that connection, which will add to my happiness; for it is a pleasure 
to me to know that I have a son who is able to manage my business 
and plantation affairs. Make it your study to be obliging to your 
mother, being careful not to do anything that may grieve her. Take 
the utmost care of every thing that falls under your care, so that you 
may receive, on my return, my thanks, and have the blessing of being 
a faithful and dutiful son to his trust. I would have you to consider 
yourself filling one of the most important posts that could be confided 
in you; and if you should manage well, it will greatly redound to your 
praise. After these serious thoughts, I beg that you will take these 
hints. In the first place, consider that the eye of God is on you, and 
to secure His blessing is the only way to make yourself, and those that 
are concerned with you, happy; for to fear God is the first and great 

The next command is, to honor thy. father and mother. Now, the 
only way to do this, is not to do anything that will grieve or oppress 
them. Be kind to your brothers and sisters, and careful to manage the 
business to the interest of the family. Your care and good conduct in 
the management of my plantation adds greatly to my happiness; and I 
can promise you, that you shall feel the good effects of it, for I have 
the pleasure to hear by your tender mother s letter to me, that you. are 
doing very well, and business goes on well. I am happy to hear it. 
I have wrote several times about trying to get a few good horses. 1 
expect by this time you have made the trial ; if you have been success- 


ful in procuring some, I shall be glad to hear how many, and what sort 
they are, and I will send some good man to bring them down -if unsuc 
cessful in your effort, no matter. I want Nancy brought to me at that 
time to ride. Try to have the mares in as good order as possible ; be 
careful that they are all well fed; let them be used as little as possible. 
I have traded for a fine English mare, which is on Fishing Creek, at 
Mr. Win. Adair s; the order is enclosed for her. I wish you could 
get a man to go for her, or spare the time to go yourself, as she is a 
valuable animal. If you go, Mr. Adair will, doubtless, be saying some 
thing about her. She was taken from MeGirth by Capt. Moore, and I 
bought his right of her; she is a young, full-blood mare, and has no 
brand on her unless Adair has branded her since she has been to his 
house. He took her up in favor of Capt. Moore, and since she was 
carried from camp I traded for her. I want her got home with as little 
stir as possible, and branded on both cushions with my branding iron; 
and let it be said that I bought her of a man on Fishing Creek, and paid 
$1,000. My reason for begging you to go for her is, that it may not 
be known she is a plunder mare; and when we have the pleasure of 
meeting, I will put you in possession of all the particulars regarding 
her. I shall be glad if you put her to the horse as soon as you get her. 
On all necessary occasions get Mr. Griffin to help you about the planta 
tion. Regarding the horses I wrote you about, you may either come 
or let it alone, just as you please, as I can send for them if you have 
any agreeable to my direction. 

I am sorry I have to inform you of the melancholy death of Anthony 
Griffin, which took place on the llth instant, while out with a scouting 
party. Alighting from his horse, and leaning on his gun, it acciden 
tally went off, shooting him through the head. He never spoke after 
the accident. This is the fatal consequence of handling guns without 
proper care ; they ought to be used with the greatest caution. The 
uncertainty of life ought to induce every man to prepare for death. 

As for news, I have nothing more to communicate than what I wrote 
last to your dear mother. I hope every thing will be done to have the 
mill in as good order as possible, to grind up the wheat; and as soon 
as you can, supply the saw mill with timber, as I desire it put in opera 
tion. In regard to whiskey, I think you must raise the price of it, in 
order to have things as much on an average as possible. I think you 
ought to sell it at two dollars a quart; if by retail, one dollar a half 
pint. Secure all you can at 35 per 110 gallons. I am in hopes of 
being at home by the 1st July, to see my family. I shall be glad to 
hear from you by every opportunity. Son, I think if you manage mat- 


ters well, and I am spared, I can put affairs in such a state that, under 
the blessing of God, we may stand in as good a position as any family 
in the State. Pray, let no pains be spared to make every edge cut, 
and have the crops secured in the best manner, as much depend on 

Now, my son, I must bid you farewell. I commit you to the care of 
Providence, begging that you will try to obtain that peculiar blessing. 
May God bless you, my son, and give you grace to conduct yourself, in 
my absence, as becomes a dutiful son to a tender mother and the family. 
I am in reasonable good health at present, and the regiment as much 
so as could be expected. The death of Griffin is much lamented. I 
hope in God this will find you, my son, and your dear mother and the 
children, all well. My best compliments to you all, and all enquiring 

I am, dear son, with great respect, your affectionate father, 



[Original MS.] 

JUNE 17, 1779. 

It will be necessary that you send down as soon as you can, the wit 
nesses against the several prisoners brought by Lieut. Cone, that they 
may be brought to trial, by a Court Martial, which they cannot be 
without the witnesses being here. Be pleased to cause the proclama 
tions herewith sent to be made known in the district of your regiment. 
I am sir, your humble servant, 



[Original MS.] 

SALTKETCHER, June 26, 1779. 

I have sent you down two prisoners, one Gunrod Beasinger, a de 
serter from the third regiment, and has been deserted for this twelve 
month and better, and by what I can learn was at the taking of our 


guard at Savannah River. The other is one John Martias, a Spaniard, 
who has lately stole a beef from Thomas Bass, and was found in his 
possession and by the account of this Beasinger, has supplied the out- 
lyers with beef for this sometime past. I have an account of two com- 
panies of out-lyers in the swamp, and will do my endeavor to have them 
taken or killed this week. I shall be much obliged to you, if you will 
send me up two or three pounds of lead, as I am in great want at 
present, and also to acquaint me in what manner I can get provisions 
for rny horses, as I know of a great deal, but can t get it without a pro 
per authority from you. 

I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, 


P. S. As you desired me to take an account of the women and 
children in distress for provisions, I know of a great many families that 
are entirely out ; . therefore would be glad if you would send me word 
how they may be supplied. 


[Original MS.] 

JULY 4, 1779. 
SIR : 

I herewith send by the bearer for some powder, ball, buck-shot and 
flints ; likewise the rum you mentioned to me yesterday. Our people 
here complain very hard of their duty being every night on guard and 
then they say if they were safe from the enemy they would not think 
much of the duty, hard as it is, but every night expect to be surprised. 
They go so far as to declare they will not stay without more assistance, 
so that they may have three sentries of a night. I am willing to comply 
with any orders whatever, but at the same time I can t think but there 
is a good deal of danger in our situation, there being no guard in all the 
Creek but ours, and if Mrs. Page once knows our situation, she will do 
her endeavors to let the enemy know, and I don t know of any way to 
prevent her from sending, as the river is so wide she may send in the 
night and our sentry never the wiser of it. 

I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, 


P. S. Send some paper for cartouches. 



[Original MS.J 

JULY 10, 1778. 

Your last orders to me was to keep only one fourth of the company 
on duty ; the rest were sent to you, now most of them are returned (as 
they tell me from Charles Town) ; should be glad to know what is to be 
done with them. I have ordered them on duty in different parts of the 
district, and shall be glad to have your approbation ; we are surrounded 
on all sides by the enemy. I have put a Sergeant and six men at 
Shubrick s Cliff; a Sergeant and ten men on the river May; and am 
myself with ten men at Colleton s Bluff , the mouth of Oakety Creek. 
Mr. Guerard s school master has lately corne over to the Barony, and 
carried off a handkerchief full of indigo, and told the negroes he in 
tended coming for the whole shortly. I have ordered a patrol of six 
men to keep a look out for him ; another officer is much wanted to take 
post on May river, from whence I have reason to think a correspondance 
is carried on between some of the inhabitants and Georgia. I have 
ordered Mr. Pendarvis to you for trial. He lids certainly taken the 
oath, and there are some returned from town that have taken it say 
Joseph Sealey, John Kerr, and Thos. Scott they took protection from 
Capt. Thacher at Purysburgh, and all that took protection from him 
were sworn as likewise those that went to stone the Capt. of the Galley 
at Purysburgh. None mind the oath but those that went to Major 
Yanbram at Ebenezer, and they all got printed certificates. There is a 
continual concourse of small craft (such as sloops and schooners) going to 
and fro, through Scull Creek. A small galley (such as one of the trad 
ing boats would make that are laying in New River) would annoy them 
much and might have a safe retreat up to Pring s Creek, should any 
thing too hard for her come against her. 

I am sir, your most obedient humble servant, 



CHARLES TOWN, July 27, 1779. 

As your regiment may be more usefully employed at present near 
Savannah river, to guard their settlements and prevent the depredations 


of the enemy in that part of the country, than by acting with the con 
tinental troops under Col. Pinckney ; you will be pleased to make the 
best disposition of it, for that purpose. 

I am, sir, your most humble servant, 



[Original MS.] 

CHARLESTOWN, September 1, 1779. 

Your favor of July 18th,. came safe to hand on the 16th of August, 
A hurry of business prevented my acknowledging the receipt of it 

Our Assembly is now drawing near to the close of a long session. 
Little business is yet completed. A tax bill of twenty-one dollars a head 
has been read twice. A bill for filling our regiments by giving a negro 
bounty to every volunteer recruit, has also been read twice. This mea 
sure is now our ultima spes. Money will not procure soldiers. The 
militia will not submit to a draught ; it has been once carried in the 
House to put them under Continental articles ; but the friends of this 
measure, fear that it will be lost on the next reading. The patriotism 
of many people is vox et prceterea nihil. The measure for embodying 
the negroes had about twelve votes ; it was received with horror by the 
planters, who figured to themselves terrible consequences. Next Friday 
is set apart to choose a new delegate in the room of Mr. Lowndes, when 
it is probable that Mr. E. Rutledge will be chosen. Mr. A. Middle- 
ton will set out in a few weeks. Most people expect the enemy here in 
October or November, and yet we are half asleep. When the eampaign 
closes to the northward, it will be easy for them to send a few thou 
sands of a reinforcement to their troops in Savannah. Our back 
country is much disaffected especially at the high price of salt, which is 
60 dollars a bushel. We mean to solicit aid from the grand army. I 
wish you would send us two thousand Continentals immediately. You 
know the importance of Charlestown ; it is the vinculum that binds 
three States to the authority of Congress. If the enemy posses them 
selves of this town, there will be no living for honest whigs to the south 
ward of Santee; at present, nothing is wanting to put them in posses 
sion of it, but vigor and activity on their part. A spirit of money- 


making has eaten up our patriotism. Our morals are more depreciated 
than our currency. It is with great pleasure I receive your letters, and 
I shall be always ready to acknowledge them. 




[Original MS.] 

CAMP SMITH S CLOVE, Sept. 13, 1779. 

We arrived in those disagreeable mountains about two weeks ago, 
from the mouth of the Clove, where our chief employment is to repair 
the roads, and keep them in good order, which is a very difficult task. 

By various accounts from New York, we have every reason to believe 
the enemy intend an embarkation of a great part of their troops. It is 
generally believed they are destined for the West Indies, from the quantity 
of summer clothing the officers are getting made, and other reasons. 

I much fear if the enemy don t soon embark that it won t be ill my 
power to accompany you to Virginia, as a number of officers have ap 
plied for leave of absence for a few months, but to no effect; they can t 
get liberty until the close of the campaign. Indeed, tis very few who 
would ask for it, if their business was not very urgent. If you think my 
going to Virginia would be of any service with respect to the Colonel s 
claims, let me know as soon as you can, by post or otherwise, and in what 
respect I can be of assistance, as it might be necessary for me to show 
that part of your letter to the General which would mention the neces 
sity of my going. I had a few lines from the Colonel s man, James, 
informing me of his being very unwell. Pray, let me hear from you 
soon, and say how the old gentleman is, and if he purposes going to 
Virginia. I am, dear sir, your most obedient humble servant, 



[Original MS.] 

CAMP 40 MILES FROM SAVANNAH, Sept. 30, 1779. 

I wrote a letter last night to you, my love, that gave you the best 
intelligence that I have been able to get. I have every reason to believe 


that the matter is settled before this j and as you may in confidence de 
pend that whenever I am able to get the truth of matters I will trans 
mit it to you, by express. I beg that you may bear with fortitude 
my absence ; and let us with humble confidence rely on Him that is 
able to protect and defend us, in all danger, and through every diffi 
culty ; but, my dear, let us, with one heart, call on God for his mercies, 
and that his goodness may be continued to us, that we, under his bless 
ing, may have the happiness of enjoying each other s society once more. 
I mentioned in my last letter about the salt. I beg that you may 
have it well dried and ground in the mill and then you are to sell it for 
one hundred dollars per bushel. Let Sam have the wheat sown as soon 
as possible, and I beg that you may take a little time to see about the 
plantation, and make Samuel do what is best to be done. As to Lea, I 
hope you will let no one have her without an order from me in writing, 
and signed by me. My compliments to you, my dear, and my children 
and friends. 

I am, dear wife, with great respect, 

your ever loving husband, until death, 



[Original MS.] 

MOUNT PLEASANT, January 4, 1780, 

I received your favor by master George, and have carefully observed 
the contents. I have had a Captain, one Sergeant, and 8 picked men 
out in the upper part of my regiment for some time, in order to prevent 
those fellows from plundering the good people, and to have them taken 
and brought to justice. I am about to try to embody a part of the 
regiment to send to town ; how they will turn out I oan t tell, but I fear 
but poorly. I have made it as public in these parts, as possible, about 
the Governor promising to get salt for the back country ; and it has 
given some satisfaction to the people but at present it is bad, for 
many a poor man is obliged to turn out his hogs for the want of salt. 
To my knowledge some people must suffer greatly. I have sent a pay 
bill of Capt. I. Gray s with Mr. McNear to get the money, and should 
take it as a singular favor if it could be got. The Captain deserted his 
country, and the men will probably lose their money, and I am likely 
to be a great loser by it myself. I have advanced a great part of their 


wages to them myself. If I could get the money, I am going to that 
part of the regiment, and will settle with every man myself. If it is 
possible, I should be glad to get the money, as I am going to that part 
of the regiment the latter end of this week. 

I am, dear sir, your most respectful and humble servant, 



[Original MS.] 

February 9, 1780. 

The English fleet arrived in Stono Inlet; the alarm was fired in 

10th. The troops landed, 

March 9 and 10, 1780. 

Seven vessels were sunk near the mouth of Cooper River, and cables 
fixed from one to the other, to prevent the entrance of this river. 

13th. The enemy took possession of the land on Ashley River oppo 
site the town, constructed a battery near the mouth of Wappoo, on the 
prolongation of Tradd street. 

21st. The English fleet passed the bar, and anchored in Five 
Fathom Hole. 

25th. Our armed vessels before Fort Moultrie returned to town; 
their cannon were transported into the land batteries. 

29th. The English army crossed Ashley River twelve miles above 
the town. 

30th. The advanced guard of the enemy came within two miles of 
Charlestown, when a party of two hundred men, under Colonel John 
Laurens (and a little while after two field-pieces), went out against them, 
who, after a skirmish of some hours, returned towards sun-set. The 
fortifications of Charlestown were, even at this time, very incomplete. 
All the negroes in town were impressed, who, together with the parties 
detailed from the garrison, were henceforth employed upon the works. 

31st. At day-break we observed that the enemy had opened his 
trenches in three places. 

* The original is in French, and was kept by DeBrahm, an engineer. The transla 
tion was made and furnished me by Col. Jas. Ferguson, of Dockon. 


April 1 and 2, 1780, 

The enemy s works were a little extended, and ours augmented. 

3d. This morning the battery was discovered upon a height, . at 
Hainpstead. A battery of four pieces was constructed on our right to 
oppose that of the enemy, from which, as well as from all the others, a 
continued firing of shot and bombs was kept up the following night 
along the lines. 

4th. -This morning, daylight discovered to us the enemy s battery 
very much injured. 

5th. Last night s fire of our batteries was kept up as heretofore^ 
The enemy s galley approached the town, and fired upon it all night. 
We began to dig wells in our front, and to close up the gorge of the 
horn work. 

6th. The fire of the batteries and the Works continued as before. 
To-day the reinforcement under General Woodford arrived. 

7th. Very little fire from our batteries last night, and more on the 
part of the enemy. The enemy has prolonged the right of his first 
parallel. All our workmen employed digging wells. 

8th. Last night the enemy commenced a battery of six pieces. All 
our workmen employed making traverses. A quarter of an hour before 
sun-set, the English fleet passed Fort Moultrie, under a heavy fire on 
both sides, and anchored in a line near Fort Johnson. Nobody wounded 
or killed in Fort Moultrie. The fleet consisted of the following ves 
sels :- One of 50 guns, two of 40, four frigates, two vessels armed en 
flute, and two other smaller ones; one of these armed en flute grounded 
on a bank called "The Green." 

9th. The vessel which grounded was abandoned, and burnt by the 
crew last night. This morning the commencement of a battery ap 
peared in front of our left. Our workmen employed as heretofore. 

10th. -The works of the enemy were advanced. Our negroes em 
ployed in making a battery of five pieces in redoubt, and the soldiers 
on fatigue in making traverses. This evening a parley was received 
from the enemy, demanding the surrender of the town ; it was refused. 

llth. Our batteries kept up a great deal of fire last night. The 
enemy had repaired his batteries, and mounted some cannon. Finished 
the battery in the redoubt. Our workmen employed in making tra 
verses, and strengthening the profiles of some works. This evening 
Major Gilbank was accidentally killed, making some experiments with 

12th. Very little firing last night. The enemy had more cannon 
mounted. The workmen employed as before. Our sailors employed in 


elevating the parapet near Exchange Battery, and making embrasures 
to it. At 12 o clock, meridian, three chalops passed Fort Moultrie, 
and joined the fleet, although fired upon all the time by the Fort. 

13th. Very little firing last night. This morning one of the bat* 
teries of the enemy was finished, the others not quite; the trenches 
extended. This morning, at 9 o clock, the enemy opened his batteries, 
firing bombs, carcasses and hot balls, which were returned with all our 
force from the batteries. This lasted about two hours, when the firing 
was abated on both sides, till about 5 o clock, when all the fire was on 
the side of the enemy. We had one 18 pounder dismounted, and two 
houses burnt in town. Our workmen employed as before. 

14th. A slow fire was kept up on both sides last night. The ap 
proaches of the enemy a little advanced. The enemy s galley fired all 
night. He commenced another battery opposite the town, on the banks 
of Ashley River. 

15th. Fire from the batteries and works as before, The enemy 
had a bomb battery. His second parallel commenced, and manned by 
the Chasseurs, who kept up a continued fire upon our lines. 

16th. In addition to his usual fire, the enemy opened his new bat 
tery. Last night we extended from our redoubt a counter-mine with a 
small parallel whence we could return the fire of the enemy s musketry. 
This evening one of our G allies ascended Cooper river to a place whence 
she enfiladed the English camp for several hours, which was briskly 
answered by field pieces from the camp. 

17th. The enemy enfiladed the town on all sides last night and threw 
a great quantity of bombs sometimes from fifteen to twenty at once. 
We worked upon our counter mine. We received intelligence from our 
detachment at Lamprieres, that one thousand or fifteen hundred of the 
enemy under General Lord Cornwallis had passed Monk s Corner, 
Strawberry, Bonneau s Ferry, and Wappetaw, and actually arrived 
within six miles of the said post. This morning the enemy s second 
parallel was prolonged towards our left, supplied with bags of earth and 
full of Chasseurs. 

18th. Fire from the batteries as heretofore, and a shower of musketry 
all day; this day like last night very rainy. 

19th. Fire from the batteries as heretofore. This evening three of 
the enemies Gallies descended from Wappoo down Ashley river to the 
Fleet under a heavy fire from our battaries ; one lost her main mast. 
This night the communication is made from the battery of the French 
sailors to the town. 


20th. Fire from the batteries as ordinary. This evening the Ravelin 
commenced in front of the horn work. 

21st. Fire from the batteries as ordinary. This morning the enemy 
had commenced two batteries, near his second parallel. 

22d. Fire from the batteries as ordinary ; and from the musketry 
more than ever. This morning a parley was sent to the enemy and the 
answer returned about 9 o clock in the evening. 

23d. Fire from the batteries as ordinary. The enemy extended the 
saps of his second parallel. 

24th. Fire from the batteries as ordinary. This morning at day 
break, a party of two hundred men under Col. Henderson made a sortie 
upon the enemies works which caused a general fire of musketry on 
both sides. The party returned in a little while with twelve prisoners, 
Our loss was one Captain and one soldier killed. 

25th. As ordinary. Last night Col. Parker of the Virginia line 
was killed by a musket shot. 

26th. As ordinary. The enemy commenced his third parallel. 
Troops from a vessel and four gallies, landed at Mount Pleasant, and 
took possession of a battery of one piece, losing one galley in this affair* 

27th.- As ordinary. 

28th. As ordinary. Last night our Fort at Lamprier s was evacu 
ated, and taken possession of by the enemy to-day. It was not until 
this moment that Charlestown was completely invested; the enemy 
having possession of James Island, Wappoo, Charlestown Neck, Hobcaw 
Point, Lamprieres, and Haddrell s Point ; and his fleet anchored in the 
Road-stead before the town. 

29th. -As ordinary. The enemy s third parallel almost finished, and 
a battery commenced ; as likewise a redoubt on our side. 

30th. As ordinary. 

May 1st, 2nd, and 3rd. As ordinary. Our hospital ship taken by 
the English and carried higher up the river. 

4th, 5th, and 6th. The enemy employed in making three batteries 
upon his third parallel. And we to make two redoubts. 

7th. -This morning at eight o clock Fort Moultrie capitulated. A 
sixty-gun ship joined the English Fleet. 

8th. As ordinary. Another redoubt was commenced last night in 
rear of our left line. This morning the enemy sent a parley again to 
demand the town the truce was prolonged throughout the whole day. 
In a Council of War composed of all the officers of the General Staff, 
it was resolved by a majority of votes, to propose a capitulation. 


9th.- The enemy had cannon mounted in the batteries of his third 
parallel.* The two commanders not agreeing upon the terms of capit 
ulation the siege commenced this evening at nine o clock with greater 
warmth than ever. 

May 10th.- As ordinary. 

llth. -As ordinary. The enemy s trenches are extended under the 
abbatis of the advanced battery. This afternoon a parley was sent to 
the enemy to propose fresh terms of capitulation. 

12th. The terms were accepted, and the English army took posses 
sion of the town. The English have worked very hard upon the forti 
fications. All that I can learn is, that they have strengthened the pro 
files of the lines ; that they have constructed a Fort at Hampstead very 
nearly upon the plan herewith, marked with dotted lines ; and some 
redoubts more advanced ; they have also commenced a battery on Shultz s 
Folly ^but the foundation is scarcely raised. 


[Original MS.] 

CHARLES TOWN, Feb. 12th, 1780, 

I desire that you will immediately embody one-third of your regiment 
and procure as many volunteers as you can from it, properly armed and 
prepared to proceed, and send a Field Officer with them to Charles 
Town, with the utmost despatch. 

I am in haste, sir, 

your most obedient servant, 


P. S. Volunters serving as drafted militia shall have the same 
pay and allowance of salt, as these militia. Pray have the inclosed reso 
lutions generally and speedily made known throughout your regiment. 

* That it was for the purpose of mounting these cannon that the English proposed 
the truce I do not pretend to say, but this much is certain, that had it not been for the 
truce, this would have been a very laborious and dangerous job, and almost impracti 



[Original MS.] 

CHARLES TOWN, March 2, 1780. 

I desire that you will immediately cause the contents of this letter 
and the enclosed Proclamation to be circulated, and generally made 
known throughout the district of your regiment, in order that delin 
quents and offenders may be made known of the consequences which will 
ensue from a neglect or refusal of their duty to the State. You are to 
order one-half of your regiment immediately to this town, and transmit 
to me as soon as possible a list of those who are, or may be drafted 
or ordered to march, to the end that it may be known who are defaul 
ters to be effected by the Proclamation, which they may be assured will 
be carried into execution. People may be satisfied that the small pox is 
not in town, but if it was, I should not admit the circumstance as an 
excuse for the militia not coming down when ordered ; if they will not 
come, they must abide the present as well as future consequences. I 
repeat in the most positive and peremptory terms, that I must have one- 
half of your regiment here, with the utmost expedition; that part of the 
regiment which remains in the district are to do patrol duty, for keeping 
the negroes in order, and be employed in suppressing any insurrections 
of the disaffected and in apprehending and securing persons who go 
about (as I am informed many do) making it their business to propagate 
false news, spread groundless reports, and sow discontent among the 
people; such persons are to be safely conveyed to me, with the witnesses 
against them. I shall expect the utmost exertions of yourself, and the 
officers under you, to carry every part of these orders strictly and speedily 
into execution. 

I am, sir, your very humble servant, 



[Original MS.] 

CHARLESTOWN, S. C., April 8, 1780. 

I arrived here about ten days ago, when I had an opportunity of 
seeing the enemy at one view, both by land and water. We had one 


small skirmish with the infantry, but nothing of consequence done. 
They have been throwing up works, and making nightly approaches on 
this city for some nights past; their lines are now about six hundred 
yards off; but I expect they are now approaching much nearer, as eleven 
sail of their line, this afternoon, with a fair wind, passed Fort Sullivan 
(now Fort Moultrie), under an exceeding heavy fire. We don t know 
what injury they sustained, further than our seeing one of their masts 
shot away. They now lay just out of cannon shot from town; but we 
expect if the wind continues fair, that they and their army will attack 
us early to-morrow morning, when they, doubtless, will meet with a verv 
warm reception from our batteries, which are well constructed, have 
heavy metal, and well pointed, which we have convinced their army of 
for some days past, having fired pretty constant at their new works. 
The army and citizens are in high spirits, and have no doubt of their 
being able to defend the city, and make Sir Henry again give up the 
thought of taking it. I am uncertain where your brother is, otherwise 
should write him. Please present my best compliments to Mrs. and 
Miss Gratz. I am much fatigued, and determined to try if the enemy 
will let me sleep half-an-hour. I fear they won t, for now a heavy fire 
begins at Fort Moultrie. I am at a loss to know the reason. 

I have wrote Col. Croghan, and hope he may receive the letter, as I 
have enclosed him one from his son-in-law, which a Mr. Cowen, for 
merly of Lancaster, gave me. 

I am, your most obedient, 



[Original MS.] 

FORT MOULTRIE, April 10, 1780. 

When I went to town yesterday, I found our works as strong as the 
high ideas which had been raised of them by report had made me figure 
them to myself. I likewise saw every part of them thronged with men, 
and matters in general in the best posture for a vigorous defence. I 
heard it reported that the Governor is shortly to take the field and draw 
down as many of our country militia into a camp to be formed some 
where on this side of the country as he can collect, as our militia in gen 
eral cannot be prevailed on to come into town, and it is hoped this 
measure will be productive of very good consequences. The enemy 


continue their approaches but slowly ; none of their works are nearer 
than 600 yards from our lines. Their men-of-war continue opposite to 
Fort Johnson. Their Admiral s ship was so much damaged as to be 
obliged to continue on the careen, part of two days, in order to repair. 

The North Carolina and Virginia troops which cannot now be at a 
very great distance, together with such of our country uiiJitia as the 
Governor may collect, will, it is thought, be sufficient to oblige the 
enemy to raise the siege, or at all events will much incommode them and 
in the end render their repulse the more certain. 

I remain, dear mother, sincerely your affectionate and dutiful son, 


[Original MS.] 

April 14, 1780. 

As I think it proper to form a respectable camp on the north side of 
Santee River, at Col. Macdonald s plantation, called Wright s Bluff, 
near the road leading from Manigault s and Gaillard s ferries to Cam- 
den, as soon as possible, (not only to cover and secure the country, but 
to proceed towards Charlestown, in order to compel the enemy to raise 
the siege of that place), I desire you will use your utmost endeavors 
to meet me there with as many volunteers as you can collect; but if 
they should not amount to a third, with one-third (to be drafted) 
of your regiment, properly armed and accoutred, as soon as they can 
be resembled. I persuade myself that a consideration of the impor 
tant service which this measure may render, will induce you to use 
your utmost exertions to procure the men, and then to turn out 
cheerfully and speedily on this occasion, especially as the circumstances 
to which the country militia seem averse, viz. the being confined 
in town, will not happen for I don t mean to lead them thither. 
There are, I hope, men enough in town to defend it against an attack;* 
but I think we should relieve our brethren there by obliging the enemy 
to give up the siege, and deliver the State from the calamities of war, 
by forcing the enemy to abandon the country, which, as I expect con 
siderable aid from the northward, I doubt not they will soon be under 
the necessity of doing, if our militia will exert themselves as they ought. 
You will bring with you all the waggons, cattle and provisions, you can 
collect, but don t delay your march unnecessarily to wait for them. 
Dispatch is essential. 

I am, sir, your very humble servant, 




I Original MS.] 

GEORGE TOWN, April 24, 1780. 

I think it proper to acquaint you, and I desire that you will imme 
diately make it known, throughout your regiment, that I expect to be 
met by the full number which I have called for, from it, at "Wright s 
Bluff, with the utmost expedition, and that every defaulter may be 
assured, that my Proclamation of last month, shall most certainly be 
carried strictly into execution against him. As a further means of put 
ting those who may not incline to come out, in a way of rendering ser 
vice to their country, which perhaps, they may do, when they have left 
their own homes, and joined the army, that I hope to have soon col 
lected, I desire that you will cause those, who from love and zeal for 
their country, march readily to bring with them, as many as they possi 
bly can, of such as are lukewarm, or desirous of remaining inactive, 
rather than of defending the State. I rely on your utmost exertions to 
procure the force required, as soon as possible. 

And am, sir, your most obedient servant, 


P. S. You will immediately appoint Commissioners (men of integ 
rity and judgment,) in the district of your regiment, to make provision, 
at the public expense, for the subsistence of such families as may suffer 
by their parents or husbands being absent on militia duty. 

[An Old Orderly Book.] 

April 24, 1780. 

In the morning, at the appearing of day-light, 300 men from Gen. 
Hogan s and Gen. Woodford s and Gen. Scott s brigades, and twenty-one 
men from the South Carolina Continentals, sallied out on an intrench- 
ment which the enemy had thrown up in the night, and killed and took 
prisoners to the amount of sixty men, only twelve of whom were brought 
alive into lines, three or four being mortally wounded with bayonets. 
Col. Henderson, from Virginia, had the command of our troops, and 
made the men march up to these works, with their priming thrown out, 
and gun cocks let down. Our men behaved with the greatest bravery 
and good conduct. Our loss consisted of only 1 colonel 
killed, and three privates wounded. THOS. 



[Original MS.] 

CHARLESTOWN, May 18, 1780. 

I am just now going to cross the river to Haddrell s Point, where I 
am to remain on parole within the space of six miles our army being 
under the necessity of surrendering this town to the British forces the 
12th of this month. The bearer, Major Kice, is aid-de-camp to Gen. 
Lincoln, and can give you every information concerning this town. I 
suppose you will be informed of our supporting this town while we had 
provisions to live on, or a prospect of a reinforcement of troops. We 
have no Continental troops but the Virginians, Hogan s, and three 
South Carolina regiments. We had but very few militia. The ma 
jority of them are citizens of this town. We had a heavy and pretty 
constant fire from our side six weeks, and from the enemy twenty-nine 
days; not many lives lost on our side. The second day after the enemy 
took the town, their magazine blew up by accident, which destroyed all 
the arms they received from us, and near a hundred lives. 

Pray, present my best compliments to Col. Croghan, and let him 
know I have wrote the Major, his son-in-law. Compliments to Mrs. 
and Miss Gratz. 

I am, with much respect, your most obedient servant, 



No. Pres. No. Prea. 

May 30. May 30 

Pulaski s Dragoons, 6 4 Artillery, South Carolina,. .43 28 

Kerry s Dragoons, 22 19 Artillery, North Carolina,.. 20 18 


No. Pres. No. Prea. 

May 30. May 30 

Light Infantry, 28 7 Capt. Gadsden, 14 13 

Capt. Turner s, 18 15 Capt. Williamson, 23 14 

Capt. Theu s, 18 8 Capt. Levarher, 15 11 

Capt. Elliott, 23 18 Capt. Jackson, 18 6 

Capt. Linning, 25 21 



No. Pres. A*o. Pres, 

May 30. May 30 

Light Infantry, 30 12 Capt. Mason, 9 4 

Capt. Mazyck,.... 17 4 Capt. Grey, ...19 13 

Capt. Shubrick, 19 11 Capt. Baker, ,...15 8 

Capt. Prevaux, .18 9 Col. Company, ,21 9 

Capt. George Warley, 20 11 


No. Pres. No, Pres. 

May 30. May 30 

Light Infantry, .....26 8 Capt. Baker s, 15 5 

Capt. Felix Warley s, 24 9 Capt. Faran s, 15 2 

Capt. Joseph Warley s, 16 2 Capt. Liddell s, 17 5 

Capt. Goodwyn s, 19 4 Capt. Pollard s, 9 7 

Capt. Buchanan s, 17 5 


[Original MS.J 

CHARLESTOWN, S. C., June 12, 1780. 

I before informed you that this day month we were under the neces 
sity of surrendering this town to the British army. I suppose you are 
furnished with the articles of capitulation, and our reasons for giving it 
up, ere now. We natter ourselves our friends to the northward will 
say we maintained the post as long and well as people in our situation 
could. I am on parole at Haddrell s Point (with the other Continental 
officers who were taken prisoners) in sight of town. I came here a few 
days ago to see Major Provost, who has set out for Savannah for Mrs. 
Provost, who is to remain here with him. 

Colonel Nevill is lying in sight of me, bad with the gout. 

I expect to have my parole extended to go to Pennsylvania very soon, 
Please present my best respects to Mrs. and Miss Gratz. 
I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 




[Original MS.] 

IN COUNCIL, June 22, 1780. 

Orders have been sent to the county lieutenants of Montgomery and 
Washington, to furnish 250 of their militia to proceed in conjunction 
with the Carolinians against the Chickainoggas. You are hereby autho 
rized to take command of the said men. Should the Carolinians not 
have at present such an expedition in contemplation, if you can engage 
them to concur as volunteers, either at their own expense or that of 
their State, it is recommended to you to do it. Take great care to dis 
tinguish the friendly from the hostile part of the Cherokee nation, and 
to protect the former while you severely punish the latter. The Com 
missary and Quarter-Master in the Southern department is hereby 
required to furnish you all the aid of his department. Should the 
men, for the purpose of despatch, furnish horses for themselves to ride, 
let them be previously appraised, as in cases of impress, and for such 
as shall be killed, die, or be lost in the service, without any default in 
the owner, payment shall be made by the public. An order was lodged 
with Col. Preston for 1,000 Ibs. of powder from the lead mines for this 
expedition; and you receive herewith an order for 500 Ibs. of powder 
from Col. Flemings for the same purpose, of the expenditure of which 
you will render account. 

I am, sir, your very humble servant, 



[Original MS.] 


My anxiety for you and my dear children, far exceeds anything that 
I am able to express ; not knowing your distress but I trust in God that 
His guardian care has been over you for your protection ; I have 
earnestly requested the favor of heaven on you. I have had some 
accounts from you, but they were very imperfect. I pray God that I 
may have the happiness of seeing you my love at Mount Pleasant in the 
course of this month, with a force sufficient to repel all the Tories in 


the upper part of South Carolina. I have been informed that many false 
stories are in circulation in our country to the disheartening of our 
friends in that quarter of the State. I give the true state of things 
touching our army, and you, my love, and all my friends, may depend 
on it to be the truth. I was at my brother s and settled my family on 
as good terms as possible, and left him well with his family. I left 
there on the 29th of last month; that day, Major General DeKalb and 
General Wayne and Smallwood, with the Maryland and Pennsylvania 
troops to the amount of 3,000, and 2,500 from Virginia, are on the 
inarch from Roxbury in order to join Major General Caswell with about 
2,000 North Carolina militia, and about 200 regular light horse ; on 
the whole, 7,700, that is now in motion, and will be at Camden in the 
course of six or seven days, which may put a different face on matters. 
And there are 5,500 Virginia militia marching that will be here shortly, 
(and 2,000 North Carolina militia, under General Rutherford, that is to 
march to Ninety -six,) with some South Carolina militia commanded by 
Col. Sumter, to the amount of 500, now in camp at this place, and are 
expected to cross the river to-day, with about 500 of the Mecklenburg 
militia, Over and above all these, there are 4,000 more North Carolina 
militia to march as soon as harvest is over. On the whole, I expect we 
will shortly meet the tories, when they must give an account of their late 
conduct. I can assure you, my dear, that there is a large French Fleet 
and army on our coast. I think, from these circumstances, that our 
affairs are in a nattering condition at present. I expect you have heard 
of Moore s defeat, in the fork of the Catawba by a detached party from 
General Rutherford, under Capt. Falls, not exceeding 350, that defeated 
1300 tories, and took their baggage, with about 500 horses and saddles 
and guns, and left 35 on the field dead. Since that General Caswell 
has defeated the English at the Cheraws, and cut off the 71st Regiment 
entirely. I can assure you and my friends that the English have never 
been able to make a stand in North Carolina yet, and they have slipt 
their time now, for they or retreating to Charlestown with all rapidity. 
From this you may see, under the blessing of God that we will soon 
relieve our distressed families and friends ; so bear up with fortitude till 
that happy day comes. I hope in God this will find you, my dear wife, 
and my children all well. My compliments to you and my children 
and friends that inquire after me. Myself and Capt. Hays, Daniel and 
the boys are all hearty ; God be blest for His mercy to us. 

The uncertainty of your situation is my great mortification; but let 
our joint prayers meet in Heaven for each other and our bleeding 
country. The Rev. Mr. Simson has had his house and every thing he 


had but the clothing the family had on destroyed, and he is in camp 
with rue and Mr. Croghead, and is part of my family in camp. Mr. 
Simson, Mr. Croghead, and Capt. Hays, join me in our compliments to 
you, my love and friends. 

1 am with great regard your loving husband till death, 


N, B. As for family affairs do as you may think best. 


[Original MS.] 


I received your letter from Eastown of the 31st ult. 
Before this the Quarter-Master General will have transmitted you 
orders. I have to request after their execution, that you will imme 
diately repair to the main army at Dobbs ferry, by way of the two 

I am, dear sir, your obedient and humble servant, 



[Original MS.] 

August 24, 1780. 

I have ordered the Montgomery troops to assemble at the lead mines 
as soon as possible. As you are to take the command of the whole, 
you will please to give orders to the officers accordingly, who, with the 
soldiers, are hereby strictly commanded to obey such orders as they 
may receive from you on this tour of duty. 

You may continue them on this service as long as you judge it abso 
lutely necessary for the safety of this and our sister State of North Caro 

I wish you every success iu suppressing the internal enemies of the 

I am, sir, your very humble servant, 




[Original MS.] 

HILLSBOROUGH, September 8, 1780. 

You are desired to go to Caswell county, and to such other counties 
as you think proper, and use your best endeavors to collect any number 
of volunteer horsemen, not exceeding one hundred, and proceed with 
them into such parts as you judge proper, to act against the enemy, 
and in this you are to use your own discretion. You may assure the 
men who turn out with you that they shall be entitled to all the advan 
tages and privileges of militia in actual service, and that it shall be 
considered as a tour of duty under the militia law, they serving the 
time prescribed by law for otner militia men. All Commissaries, and 
other staff-officers, are required to grant you such supplies as may be 

In getting your men, you are to make no distinction between men 
already drafted and others; and, in case of need, you are to impress 
horses for expresses, and other cases of absolute necessity. 



(Original MS.] 


Received, 18th December, 1780, of Col. Goodwyn, one negro man, 
named Doctor; one sorrel gelding, one saddle and bridle, one cutlass, 
nineteen silver dollars, for the use of the public. Unless it should 
appear when a full investigation can be made, that Col. Goodwyn s con 
duct has been nowise injurious to the liberties of America, in which 
case I promise to have the above articles returned to said Col. Goodwyn ; 
and I further promise to give up to said Col. Goodwyu his negro man, 
named as above, upon his (the said Col. Goodwyn s) depositing in my 
hands the sum of two hundred guineas, or twenty thousand Continental 
dollars, or loan-office certificates to that amount which money shall 
also be returned as above. 




[Original MS.] 

September , 1780. 

I got home last Monday evening from my little excursion into South 
Carolina, and had the happiness of finding my family in good health. 

I imagine you have already heard the particulars of the action at 
Whitsill s Mill, on the 6th instant; and I make no doubt but those of 
the action near Guilford C. H,, upon the 15th, will be agreeable to you, 
General Greene having collected an army of 4,500 men at the High 
Rock ford of Haw River, began his march from that place on Monday, 
the 12th inst., determined to give battle to the enemy on the first oppor 
tunity. General Cornwallis lay at that time within two or three miles of 
Guilford C. H., on a branch called Buffaloe; and upon Gen. Greene s 
advancing towards him, he retired into a fork of Deep River, about 
eight miles above the Court House. Our army, upon the evening of 
the 14th, got up to Guilford C. H., and encamped about a mile above 
it that night. Myself and Col. C. Lynch, having each of us the com 
mand of a corps of riflemen, with Lieut. -Colonels Lee and Washington, 
of the Light Dragoons, were that evening advanced about a mile in 
front of the army, and about seven miles from the enemy. Next morn 
ing early, we had intelligence of their being in motion, and marching 
towards us; upon which Col. Lee, with his legion, and about thirty of 
my riflemen, under the command of Capt. Tate, of the Augusta militia, 
went out to meet them, while the rest of the riflemen, and Col. Wash 
ington s horse, formed at our encampment, to support them in their 
retreat back. They met with the enemy near two miles from our en 
campment, and immediately began to skirmish them, and continued 
fighting and retreating for about half-an-hour, which disconcerted and 
retarded the enemy very considerably. In the meantime, the main 
body of our army was formed about three-quarters of a mile in rear of 
us; and upon the legions rejoining us, we were ordered back, to take 
our position in the line of battle. We had not been formed there above 
ten minutes, before the cannonade began in the centre, which lasted 
about twenty minutes, in which time the enemy were forming their line 
of battle, by filing off to the right and left, and then immediately ad 
vanced upon our troops, upon which the firing of the small arms began. 
The Virginia regulars and militia, with the first Maryland regiment, 
behaved with the greatest bravery, and the riflemen who acted upon the 


wings, have done themselves honor; but, unhappily, a whole brigade of 
the North Carolina militia, of about 1,000 men, abandoned their party 
from the first onset. Many of them never fired their guns, and almost 
the whole of them threw away their arms, and fled with the greatest 
precipitation. To this misfortune is attributed our being obliged to 
quit the field, though the battle was maintained long and obstinately. 
All agree that it lasted two hours and a half, and I think myself it was 
considerably more. The enemy followed us no further than the heights 
just above Guilford C. H., and our army retreated in tolerable order to 
Speedwell Furnace, which is about ten miles below. There the most 
of the troops, who were dispersed in the action, assembled next day. 
The enemy lay at Guilford C. H. from Thursday till Sunday, 12 o clock, 
(being employed in burying their dead, and taking care of their 
wounded,) and that evening retreated to New Garden Court House, 
where they left a number of their wounded, and wrote to Gen. Greene, 
requesting that they might not be ill-treated by the Americans. The 
next day (Monday) they continued their retreat to Centre Meeting 
House, and next morning I left camp, and have not had any certain 
intelligence from them since, though I make no doubt but there has 
been another battle, as every person seems to believe that Gen. Greene 
intended a pursuit. 

Very truly yours, 




[Original MS.] 


Ferguson and his party are no more in circumstances to injure the 
citizens of America. 

We came up with him in Craven county, South Carolina, posted on 
a height called King s Mountain, about twelve miles north of the Chero 
kee ford of Broad River, about two o clock in the evening of the 7th 
instant, we having marched the whole night before. 

Col. Shelby s regiment and mine began the attack, and sustained the 
whole fire of the enemy for about ten minutes, while the other troops 
were forming around the height upon which the enemy was posted. 
The firing then became general, and as heavy as you can conceive for 


the number of men. The advantageous situation of the enemy being 
the top of a steep ridge obliged us to expose ourselves exceedingly, and 
the dislodging of them was equal to driving them from strong breast 
works; though, in the end, we gained the point of the ridge, where my 
regiment fought, and drove them along the summit, nearly to the other 
end, where Col. Cleveland with his country men were. There they 
were drove into a huddle, and the greatest confusion. The flag for a 
surrender was immediately hoisted; and as soon as the troops could be 
noticed of it, the firing ceased, and the survivors surrendered themselves 
prisoners at discretion. 

The victory was complete to a wish. My regiment has suffered more 
than any other in the action. I must proceed with the prisoners until 
I can some way dispose of them. Probably I may go on to Richmond 
in Virginia. 

I am, &c., 



[Original MS.] 

HILLSBOROUGH, October 31, 1780. 

I came to this place last night to receive General Gates directions 
how to dispose of the prisoners taken at King s Mountain, in the State 
of South Carolina, upon the seventh instant. He has ordered them to 
be taken over to Montgomery county, where they are to be secured 
under proper guards. General Gates transmits to your Excellency a 
state of the proceedings of our little party to the westward. I flatter 
myself we have much relieved that part of the country from its late dis 

I am your Excellency s most obedient and very humble servant, 



[Original MS.] 

IN THE SENATE, November 15, 1780. 

Resolved, nemine contradicente, that the thanks of this House are 
justly due to Col. William Campbell, of Washington county, and the 


brave officers and soldiers under his command, who with an ardor truly 
patriotic, in the month of September last, without waiting for the call 
of Goverment, voluntarily marched out to oppose the common enemy, at 
that time making depredations on the frontiers of North Carolina, and 
on the seventh day of October, by a well-timed judicious, and spirited 
attack, with a force inferior to that of Maj. Ferguson, then advanta 
geously posted on King s Mountain, with upwards of eleven hundred 
men, and by a perseverance and gallantry rarely to be met with, even 
among veteran troops, totally defeated the whole party ; whereby a form 
idable and dangerous scheme of the enemy was effectually frustrated. 


[Original MS.j 

FEBRUARY 25th, 1781. 

Yesterday I had an express from Col. Lock s camp ; he is at the High 
Rock Ford on Haw River. Gen. Perkins is near Hillsborough, and by 
this time considerable strong ; General Greene on his march towards 
the enemy with a number of the Virginia militia and regulars ; General 
Butler, with the Orange district militia, lies below Hillsborough, and 
by every intelligence, the enemy are penned up in that town. It is 
generally supposed that a reinforcement is on their march to the assist 
ance of the British ; our people are gathering from all quarters, and the 
enemies pickets are constantly harrassed by our reconoitering parties. 
The arrival of your troops would add vigor to us and discourage the 
enemy, who, no doubt, have heard of your being on your march towards 
them. Pray send back this express as quick as possible ; I shall en 
deavor to have some meat for you at Bethabara meal and corn you can 
have a plenty, but meat is scarce. However, I shall try my best. 
This day Col. Preston, I think, will join Gen. Pickens ; if any extra 
ordinary news comes to hand before you arrive at Bethabara, I shall let 
you know by another express. 

I am in haste, sir, your humble servant, 




HADDRELL S POINT, March 12, 1781. 

I received yours this morning by Fisher. I thank you for your 
wish to promote my advantage, but am much surprised at your propo 
sition. I nattered myself I stood in a more favorable light with you ! 
I shall write with the same freedom with which we used to converse, 
and doubt not you will receive it with the same candor. I have often 
heard you express your sentiments respecting this unfortunate war, 
when you thought the Americans injured; but am now astonished to 
lind you taking an active part against them ; though not fighting partic 
ularly on the Continent, yet the seducing their soldiers away to enlist 
in the British service is nearly similar. 

My Lord, you are pleased to compliment me with having fought 
bravely in my country s cause for many years, and, in your opinion, ful 
filled the duty every individual owes to it; but, 1 differ very widely 
with you in thinking, that I have discharged my duty to my country, 
while it is still deluged with blood, and over-run by the British troops, 
who exercise the most savage cruelties. When I entered into this con 
test, I did it with the most mature deliberation, and with a determined 
resolution to risk my life and fortune in the cause. 

The hardships I have gone through, I look back upon with the great 
est pleasure and honor to myself; I shall continue to go on as I have 
begun, that niy example may encourage the youths of America, to stand 
forth in defence of their rights and liberties ! You call upon me now, 
and tell me, I have a fair opening of quitting that service with honor 
and reputation to myself, by going with you to Jamaica ! Good God ! 
is it possible that such an idea could arise in the breast of a man of 
honor ? I am sorry you should imagine I have so little regard for my 
own reputation, as to listen to such dishonorable proposals ! Would you 
wish to have that man, whom you have honored with your friendship, 
play the traitor ? Surely not ! You say, by quitting this country, for 
a short time, I might avoid disagreeable conversations, and might return 
at my own leisure, and take possession of my estates for myself and 
family ; but, you have forgotten to tell me, how I ain to get rid of the 
feelings of an injured, honest heart, and where to hide myself from 
myself ! Could I be guilty of so much baseness, I should hate myself, 

* Autograph letter in possession of Dr. E. Brailsford, Charleston. 


and shun mankind ! This would be a fatal exchange from my present 
situation, with an easy and approved conscience of having done my 
duty, and conducted myself as a man of honor. 

My Lord, I am sorry to observe, that I feel your friendship much 
abated, or you would not endeavor to prevail upon me to act so base a 
part ! You earnestly wish you could bring it about, as you think it will 
be the means of bringing about that reconciliation we all wish for. I 
wish for a reconciliation, as much as any man but, only upon honor 
able terms ! The repossessing my estates ; the oifer of the command of 
your Regiment, and the honor you propose of serving under me, are 
paltry considerations to the loss of my reputation ! No ! not the fee 
simple of that valuable Island of Jamaica should induce me to part with 
my integrity ! 

My Lord, as you have made one proposal, give me leave to make 
another, which will be more honorable to us both. As you have an in 
terest with your commanders, I would have you propose the withdraw 
ing the British troops from the Continent of America ! allow the Inde 
pendence ; and propose a peace ! This being done, I will use my 
interest, with my commanders, to accept the terms, and allow Great 
Britain a free trade with America. 

My Lord, I could make one more proposal, but my situation as a 
prisoner circumscribes me within certain bounds I must, therefore, 
conclude with allowing you the free liberty to make what use of this you 
may think proper. Think better of me. 
I am, my Lord, 

Your Lordship s most obedient humble servant, 
WILLIAM MOULTRIE, Brigadier General. 


[Original MS.] 


By information I have the greatest confidence in your exertions to 
facilitate the peace of this country; and also hearing that there is no 
officer in Capt. Watson s old company, you are authorised to take com 
mand of the said company, and gather them together. With one-half 
you will immediately repair to camp, with the others you will lay under 
the charge of an officer, to guard that country from the depredations of 



the enemy, and to gather the grain of the whole, as I make no doubt 
but the harvest is on hand. All the said company are ordered and re 
quired to pay due obedience to your orders. 
From your humble servant, 



[Original MS.] 

For duty. Women. 

John Irwin, Captain, 3 2 

Andrew Warnock, Lieut.,....! 2 

Wm . McMahen, Lieut. , 1 1 

James Buchanan, Sen., 1 2 

Alexander Moor, 1 

Widow Thomson, 1 2 

John Loagen, 3 3 

Widow Loagen, 2 

Widow Forbes,..., 1 

James Huston, 1 1 

Alexander McAlister, 2 1 

Andrew McAlister, 1 

Hugh Douglas, 1 1 

John Buchanan, 1 1 

James Moor, 1 1 

James Buchanan, Jun., 1 1 

John Beaker, Sen., 2 

John Beaker, Jun., 1 1 

James Beaker, 1 1 

John Wardlow, 2 2 

William Brown, 1 4 

William Thomson, 1 

Widow Brown, 1 

Edward Forbes, 1 1 

Jacob Brondoway, 1 1 

Widow Parker, 2 1 

Quintan Moor, 1 







Old Men. 










81 8 





[Original MS.j 

M AH AN AIM, Saturday June 30, 1781. 

The Assembly adjourned on this day was a week. Mr. W. Madison 
came from Staunton but one day before I did, and, I suppose, has given 
you nearly all the news I have, but, as John Young is going over, I ll 
write what occurs to me. Several laws are made respecting the war. 
The militia law is amended martial law declared in force for 20 miles 
around our army and also around the enemy s all the powers of Govern 
ment necessary for calling out militia, and resources of every kind are 
vested in the Executive persons suspected of disaffection may be sent 
to the enemy after twenty days to dispose of their property a law is 
passed allowing ten thousand dollars for voluntary recruits for two years 
or the war. I think there are twenty-two Acts in all, but the above are 
the most material, except one, I just remember, for punishing those who 
may oppose the laws by an armed force, declaring them to be civilly 
dead, and their estates to descend to the next of kin; 

The lowland people are as true and firm, in the interest of America 
as any people in it. All I saw seem to disregard property, and only 
talk of independence. None despair in the least. They are more en 
gaged for the fate of South Carolina at present than Virginia. Not 
withstanding the anxiety for Carolina we had no certain accounts since 
the 24th of May at that time Gen. Greene lay before Ninety-six, and 
expected twelve days would determine its fate. Col. Knox took down a 
report about ten days ago that it was actually taken, and that the Gen 
eral with his whole army and prisoners were then at Salisbury. Capt. 
Sagers took down an extract of a letter said to be written by G. 
G. to Col. Armstrong, saying that all Carolina had fallen but 
Charles Town. Since I came home last Tuesday I can hear nothing at 
all. The Marquis de LaFayette, retreated into Culpepper, near the 
Court house, to meet Wayne, to save 2,500 stand of arms, coming to 
wards Fredericksburg, and to try to save Hunter s Works. Lord Corn- 
wallis, was steering for Fredericksburg until he took some of our Ex 
presses, giving information about our stores at Point of Fork, soon after 
which he turned about to that place. The Marquis crossed the country 
again to Alligre s, and followed down. The last and best accounts we 
had this day week were that Lord Cornwallis was in Richmond, and the 
Marquis at a church twelve miles on this side up the Goochland road. 


The Marquis said he would fight if pushed hard, but if not would wave 
it longer. Baron Steuben it was supposed joined last week with six 
hundred newly raised regulars, and as many militia raised on the south 
side of the river. He had retreated as far as Dan from the Point of 
Fork, intending for Greene, but returned as we heard. Some stores 
are saved, some lost. We had no certain accounts, how much either 
way. At Charlottesville, the damage was not great; perhaps, about 
three hundred guns destroyed, and some stores, but the greatest part 
had got out of town, and Tarlton followed but one mile up the road. 
Col. Boone who was with Lord Cornwallis and since paroled, thinks the 
enemy about 6,000. Reports call ours 7,000, and increasing. Our 
strength in regulars, is about 2,200 to wit : the Marquis men, 800, 
Wayne s 800, and Steuben s 600. When we got a return from the 
Marquis, of the militia, they fell greatly short of what was reported, 
near half. Deserters from Lord Cornwallis, call his force 4,500 and 
5,000. Reports call his horse, 700. We were told that there are com 
panies formed for trading in negroes and shipping them to the Islands, 
and East Florida. The midde country will be eat out between the two 
armies. I think there is an equal chance for peace next winter. The 
Spaniards seem to be bending their whole force at Gibralter and the 
French at the Islands. The French had fifty and the English thirty- 
five line of battle ships before St. Lucia. An engagement was looked 
for as the French would try to take that Island. I expect none of them 
here now. Let me deal in Latin like A. B. and desire you to ask D. 
R. to English uti possidetis. 




[Original MS.] 

January 5, 1782. 

Forty yards of blue flannel, twenty yards of red flannel, twenty yards 
of home-spun. 

Made use of part of the above by order, and for the use of said Col. 

Eight yards of red flannel for lining for Colonel Hampton s cloak; 
six yards ditto, Thos. Singleton; four yards of home-spun, Major Boy- 
kin; two yards ditto for lining Colonel Hampton s portmanteau. 



s. d. 

Forty yards of blue flannel, at 2s. 4d., 4 13 4 

Six yards of red ditto, at 2s. 4d. ; 14 

Fourteen yards of home-spun, at 2s. 4d., 1 12 8 

To an account that Mr. Wm. Boykin paid to Mr. Gaunt, 10 10 

Six gallons of train oil, at 14s., 440 

Received of John Boykin, 330 

To cash you paid to David Westcott, 880 

Total, 38 5 


[Original MS.] 

S. d. 

Paid to James Perry, saddler, 6 15 

Paid to David Tucker, 220 

Paid to John Hall, for six months work, 18 

To ten dozen of bosses, at 2s. 6d., 1 5 

To twelve dozen of large buckles, at 3s. 6d., 220 

To fourteen dozen of small buckles, at 3s., 2 12 

To eight thousand tacks, at 9s. 4d., 3 14 8 

To thirty weight of wool, at 2s. 4d, 3 10 

To twenty-five weight of fat, at 8 d., 16 8 

To six weight of thread, at 9s. 4d., 2 16 

Paid for taking the negroes when run away, 3 14 8 

Paid to Mr. Gregory for ironing the negro, Quake, 094 

Left unpayed for the accoutrements, 10 3 

Balance between Quaco and Malbery, 16 

Total, 92 4 

Deduct, 18 

Half, 74 4 

37 2 



[Horry MS.] 

CANE ACRE, April 1, 1782. 

I received your letter of the and , and I now enclose you 

a copy of a letter from Governor Burke, which explains what Ganey 
has been for some time past complaining of. I hope you will pay 
particular attention to Gov. Burke s requisition, that none of the disaf 
fected of his State may be suffered to harbor with Ganey and his party; 
and it would be well to apprize him that if, when driven out of North 
Carolina, they are sheltered by any of his party in this State, it will be 
deemed an infraction of the truce, and consequently the North Caro 
linians will have a right to enter th e neutral ground, and apprehend 
the fellows wherever they are found. If it can be clearly proved that 
the truce has been violated on their part, how far it might be advisable 
for you to co-operate with the North Carolinians, and by one decisive 
blow crush this infamous banditti, I must leave with you to determine. 
As to the proposal you make respecting Maham s and Horry s corps, 
Gen. Greene and myself having fully considered that matter, have given 
you our opinion thereon, which I suppose you have received ere this. 
But should there be any great difficulty in carrying our determination into 
execution, I have no objection to adopting the mode you now propose, 
if Gen. Greene approves of it, except that part " to recruit Maham/s 
corps to one hundred and twenty men/ as the time of service of the 
men will expire in July, therefore, it would not be worth while to incur 
the expense. I am very glad you have got some negroes for the recruit 
ing service. I wish Col. Grimke would continue to furnish you with 
them, and not wait for my orders, which I can give him hereafter, when 
I know the quantity delivered to you. The orders you have lately re 
ceived from me renders it unnecessary to say anything now respecting 
Mr. Philip Porcher. 

Since writing the above, I have seen Gen. Greene, and he approves 
of Horry s corps being continued as infantry, agreeable to your proposal. 
I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 




[Horry MS.J 

HEAD-QUARTERS, April 2, 1782. 

Since the General wrote you, this morning, he has conversed with 
the person mentioned in his letter ; he is impressed with the idea of 
the enemy s intending to advance immediately; preparations are mak 
ing to accomplish it as early as possible. The movement towards the 
Santee was probably to draw the attention of part of our force to that 
quarter. You will join the army with the troops under your command 
as early as possible. Be pleased to communicate to Gen, Marion on the 
subject. Gen. Greene wishes to hear from you this night. 
I am with sincerity yours, 

J. BURNET, Aide-de-Camp, 


[Horry MS.] 

HEAD-QUARTERS, April 2, 1782, 

I have just received the enclosed note from Mrs. McQueen, and have 
been talking with . It appears the enemy have it in contem 
plation to attack us in our divided state; they must inevitably ruin us. 
You will join the army, therefore, without loss of time. I wish it was 
possible for Gen. Marion to take a position near Monk s Corner, that he 
might join us in cases of necessity. Please to write to him on the 
subject. Let me hear from you to-night. I did not know until this 
morning that you had Major Moses command with you. I thought 
they had joined the line. 

Yours, &c., 




[Horry SIS.] 

STRAWBERRY, April 4, 1782. 

I take the liberty of informing you that we pursued the enemy with 
my cavalry down to Haddrell s. They had all got over not more than 
two or three hours before we got down. I was on my return to you 
the next day as far as Ball s Wambaw, when I received an express from 
Col. Laurens, to join him as quick as possible at Strawberry Ferry. 
Col. Laurens has rendezvoused at Strawberry. I still remain at Col. 
Harleston s, near the ferry, until I hear from Col. Laurens again. 
I have the honor to be your most obdt. humble servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

APRIL 4, 1782. 

I forwarded you yesterday a small packet by Mr. M Bowie, to which 
I refer. I am now in the country and at liberty. I must, therefore, 
thank you again for your kindness and attention in forwarding me a 
protection and for saving me from impending destruction. Your late 
worthy brother, whose memory I shall ever revere, I considered as 
my father and best friend, and esteemed him beyond all other men and 
yourself, by your generous conduct have laid me under such obligations 
as entitles you to my affection and best services. I now answer your 
favor of the 7th ultimo, received the 23d. When it came to hand, I 
resolved the subject over and over in my mind, and came to this con 
clusion, that it would be impossible for me alone to carry your views 
into their full extent, for the following reasons: first, Because as I 
followed no kind of business, the purchasing goods alone in any quan 
tity would create suspicion; secondly, Because I am much suspected 
already, not by those in authority, but by busy people who are ever 
prying into other people s business. I have been told I am suspected, 
and that my conduct is watched ; thirdly, Because I think I want reso 
lution for such an undertaking, laboring as I do under a great infirmity 


of face (having in all my concerns walked in a straight path), insomuch 
if any danger arose, I should sink under it, if the truth was against 
me. These considerations determined me to consult a second person. 
I knew of none so proper as my friend, Mr. Win. Smith, No. 33 on 
the Bay; I, therefore, in confidence made him acquainted with the 
subject of your letter. This produced a return of confidence from him, 
and he acquainted me Capt. Theus had already wrote to him on the 
subject, and that he had made the necessary applications; that the 
answers were more favorable than he expected, and that he only waited 
for an opportunity to write Capt. Theus. I enclosed Mr. Smith s 
answer to 0. T. to you yesterday. I wish it may be satisfactory. In 
my former letter I mentioned a Mr. Warrington, gone in a flag to 
George Town. He has a large stock, and I fancy has had large con 
cerns in the country already. I am of opinion good business may be 
done with him if he is not returned. I lament much I could not advise 
you of this man before, but it was impracticable. I am in hopes your 
business may be done by mutual consent of parties; if it can, you will 
be much better served, and there will be no risk, which always is great; 
for only two or three days ago a vessel loaded with rum was seized at 
Roper s Wharf; Capt. Keaton and Dickerson confined in the prevost, 
and Mr. John McQueen obliged to abscond. Excuse me, sir, for offer 
ing to give advice. But, supposing Capt. Theus were to write to Mr. 
Smith for such articles, as he wanted to be paid in produce, it will be 
Mr. Smith s interest to serve you, or rather himself. I, perhaps, may 
succeed in a small concern, also, if you approve it. Fresh meat sells 
at an enormous price; a good animal would fetch in quarters twenty 
guineas or upwards. If permission could be had to bring proper goods 
in return from town, a few animals would procure you a great many 
necessaries, and bear trifling and temporary relief to the town. I do 
not know this can be done; but if you desire it, I will try, and desire 
no advantage from it; at all events, I can get many goods out with 
passes, as I did the hoes. To conclude, I will render you all the ser 
vices in my power, and when the plan and correspondence is settled, 
the conveyance of letters from hence will be regular. I could wish 
Lieut. Capers might convey all letters, and accompany any person on 
this business; as he is known by my people, and often here, it will not 
create any suspicion, for I only wish to- trust one negro. I must now 
beg leave to execute a commission in behalf of a very much distressed 
man; I mean my worthy friend, Mr. Philip Porcher. He is much 
hurt by the late act that affects him. I do think if ever man was de 
serving of favor, he is of the number. As you know him well, I shall 


only say, he is determined to throw himself on your protection, and I 
expect he is now on his way to you to solicit your kind offices to rank 
him amongst the number you have made happy. I am also desired to 
forward your letter from my friend Dr. E. He is a true penitent, and 
sincerely desirous of making his peace and of following your directions 
in all things. His lady is coming out to effect it, if possible. This 
freedom in me needs every apology I can make; my wish to serve my 
friends will, I hope, plead it. I shall only further add, that 
I am, sir, your obedient humble servant, 

P. S. Please to destroy this letter, for fear of accidents. 


[Horry MS.] 

April 4, 1782, 

It was with deep concern I viewed, on the proceedings of the last 
sessions of your Assembly, acts for amercing the property of some 
persons, and confiscating that of others, whose principles had attached 
them to the cause of their Sovereign. Yet, alarming as these public 
resolutions appeared, I was in hopes humanity, ans well as policy, would 
have arrested their execution, and that I should not have been com 
pelled to take measures for their counteraction, injurious to the country, 
and therefore painful to me; but when these hopes were disappointed, 
and I found the effects of the loyal and well-affected removed from their 
estates, and carried to parts far distant from them, I could no longer 
remain the quiet spectator of their distresses; but, in order to induce a 
more just line of conduct, have employed a part of the force intrusted to 
my charge for their protection, in seizing the negroes of your friends, 
that restitution may be thereby made to such of ours as may suffer 
under these oppressive and ruinous resolutions. This, sir, was the 
object of the late excursion towards Santee, and these principles will 
greatly mark the future operations of this army, unless a relinquish- 
ment of this assumed right on your part should justify less destructive 
measures on mine. To point out to you, or the world, the distinction 
between temporary sequestration and actual confiscation, would be im 
pertinence; but, will by no means be so to observe on the opposite con- 


duct, pursued by each party in carrying into execution these very dif 
ferent measures, for which you have endeavored to involve in perpetual 
ruin the persons and estates of those whose violent opposition to the 
King s Government compelled the withholding from them, for a time, 
their possessions in this province, for the great attention which has 
been invariably paid to their property the connected state in which it 
was preserved, and the liberal allowances that were made to their fami 
lies insomuch, that whilst other estates were running to waste by the 
distractions of the country, these have greatly thriven at the expense 
of Government. Thus far I have deemed it necessary to urge the 
motives of humanity, policy and example, for your suspension of such 
rigorous procedures; and should you think a meeting of Commissioners 
on each side might tend to lessen the devastations of war, and secure 
inviolate the property of individuals, I shall have a peculiar happiness 
in embracing proposals that may accomplish such benevolent purposes. 
But if, notwithstanding this earnest representation, you should still per 
severe in executing these Acts of your Assembly, I trust this letter will 
hold me justifiable to the world for any measures which necessity may 
adopt, in counteraction of steps unjust in their principles, and person 
ally distressing in their consequences; and that whilst I only endeavor 
to secure to those who, with respectable steadiness, have attached them 
selves to our cause, the full possession of their effects, or, in case of 
losses, to provide an equitable restitution for them, I shall be clearly 
exculpated from all the honors and calamities which the road you now 
point out unavoidably leads to. 

I have the honor to be, sir, your most obdt. and humble servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

J. WRAGG S, NEAR STRAWBERRY, April 4, 1782, 

The letter and intelligence from Gen. Greene, enclosed herewith, 
although it was probably his first upon the subject of the enemies move 
ment, and the foundation of all his anxiety, did not reach me till late 
last night, I must confess I am not much inclined to believe that the 
enemy meditate any such enterprise as his information alludes to. 
However, it is possible, and the collecting our force within a proper 


distance, for a general re-union or co-operation, is a point of prudence, 
and canhot be attended with any ill consequences. Monk s Corner is 
said to be a very exhausted country; there is nothing to be had. Col. 
Maham s cavalry propose crossing Strawberry Ferry, where boats are pro 
vided, and light troops can always cover his return by the same way, 
which will save some distance in marching. I think it agreeable to the 
spirit of Gen. Greene s letter, that the part of your brigade now in this 
vicinity should cross Strawberry, and be somewhere in a position to 
communicate with us, and have given this as my opinion to him. 
Should anything serious happen, your counsel and support are too im 
portant not to be wished for by the General and army. 

I am, with sincere esteem, dear General, yours, 


P. S. The enemy had not moved yesterday or discovered any signs 
of it. 


[Horry MS.] 


Your letter yesterday to Col. Maham is this moment handed to me. 
Lieut.-Col. Laurens joined us the night before last, and I have heard 
nothing further of the enemy s attack upon us. While the light troops 
were absent, I was a little apprehensive; but on their return, I feel 
perfectly easy. Enclosed I send you a copy of a letter from General 
Leslie, by which you will see what the poor inhabitants have to expect. 
I gave no other answer to it than by informing him that I had no con 
trol over civil Government, and directed him to the Governor and 
Council, who alone possessed powers competent to the business, and 
who would give him such an answer as the honor and interest of the 
Government required. If you could subsist with a flying party in the 
neighborhood of Strawberry, or anywhere between Cooper River and 
Santee, it would afford great protection to that part of the country. 
Our present position is so favorable for affording you support by a rapid 
march of our cavalry, that I much doubt whether the enemy will ven 
ture any bold enterprise against you; and if they should, if you move 
from day to day, and with your usual caution and address, as you are 
so perfectly acquainted with the country, you can easily avoid them 


until our cavalry can join you, and by fixing upon some place to meet 
at, you may form a junction with certainty and despatch. But, if you 
think your party will be too much exposed, you will take any position 
you may think their safety requires, giving the inhabitants as full notice 
as possible and all the negroes, also of the enemy s intentions to 
steal all the latter they can, and carry them off. If the negroes are 
advertised of the enemy s intentions, I think they will get but few of 

I am, dear sir, your most obedient humble servant, 



[Ilorry MS.] 

ST. STEPHENS, April 9, 1782. 

I am informed that a Capt. Howell, in a N. \V. cutter, has taken 
the flag schooner which G-en. Greene ordered to load with rice. I hope 
you have prevented her being carried away. You will confine Captain 
Howell for infringing a flag contrary to Gen. Greene s passport ; his vessel 
and crew must also be secured and confined as plunderers until I have 
Gen. Greene s and the Governor s orders and directions, and the schooner 
be permitted to sail without delay for Charlestown. I have heard from 
Gen. Greene there has not been any action, as was reported; the firing 
heard was within the enemy s lines, and proved to be a field day with 
them. As it is possible the enemy may make another excursion in the 
country, you will send me every horse you have, that can be of the 
least service, as I am determined to oppose them at all events. There 
are only two officers, and twenty-eight non-commissioned and privates 
here \ the rest have been sent away by the officers on frivolous pretences. 
Mr. Lesesne is absent without leave, Mr. Wragg also ; if he is a volun 
teer he must be discharged, and not suffered in future to be on the 
Commissary Department. Mr. Guerry is absent without leave, and 
must be dismissed. I expect every officer and private will be sent me 
that is able to act. 1 have had no answer from the General respecting 
the reduction of the corps, and have again wrote him on that subject 
yesterday. You will go on in equipping and arming your men as usual; 
and as soon as I hear from Gen. Greene, will send you a power to im 
press horses to make up your losses. I wish you would procure the 


ruin, sugar and coffee, formerly mentioned to you. If a stop is put to 
the injurious proceedings of the N. W. privateers, I shall be able to 
procure clothing, &c., &c., for our army, and again complete your men 
with those articles. I shall remain here some time. 
I am, your obedient servant, 


[Horry MS.] 

CANE ACRE, April 10, 1782. 

I received yours of the 8th instant late last evening. I now write to 
Heriot and Tucker about the indigo, which you will forward to 
them. I answered your former letter respecting Mr. Philip Porcher, 
by referring you to the orders I had given respecting those who should 
come from within the enemy s lines; lest any accidents should have 
happened to that dispatch, I now enclose it. These orders are general, 
therefore unnecessary to observe upon the other. I have already in 
formed you that Gen. Greene and myself agreed to the last proposition 
you made respecting Maham s and Horry s corps, which was to con 
tinue Horry s dismounted, to act as infantry. If the matter can be 
accommodated upon this plan, I shall give myself no further trouble 
about it, as they have so little time to serve. Whilst I am on this sub 
ject, I must take notice of the conduct of Mr. Thomas Drayton, who 
was sent to the southward to impress horses. He has made so improper 
a use of the authority given him, that I have been obliged to order him 
on no account to impress another horse, and to return such as he had 
impressed. The reason of my ordering him to return those he had 
taken was, that at all events Maham would have Horry s horses, and 
consequently could not want more; however, whether the thing takes 
place or not, the impressing of horses is attended with such ruinous 
consequences, that I am determined not to countenance it. You will, 
therefore, sir, look upon the authority given you on the 6th of March 
last, for impressing horses, as hereby revoked. I have given no com 
missions in the second regiment. I did give Mr. Thomas Pinckney a 
certificate for a commission in the first regiment before I knew of the 
form observed for commissions in the regiments of this State. You say 
the application can only be made to the Colonel of the regiment. In this 


case the Governor, who has the sole right to appoint if he chooses to 
exercise it, becomes a mere machine. At all events, I shall expect a 
decent regard to be paid to any recommendation from me. This is a 
point I do not think I am at liberty to give up. I should be glad Mr. 
Hall s baggage was sent forward, as the public papers in it are much 

I am, sir, with esteem and regard, your most obdt. servant, 



GEORGETOWN, April 10, 1782. 

Having the honor of bearing a Continental commission, I have, 
agreeably to my instructions from Congress, seized a certain vessel, now 
here under the sanction of a flag from Charlestown, for having contra 
band goods. As I have in all former cases of this kind applied to the 
Judge of the Admiralty, where civil Government was established, so I 
have in the present one wrote to the Judge of the Admiralty of this 
State, in order that she may be legally tried ; but am apprehensive? 
from the behavior of Col. Horry (his ordering my cutter under the 
guns of the battery, when she might be at sea, and other matters which 
I conceive to be entirely out of his line), that the military mean to 
interfere with the ci il authority. I think it needless to trouble you 
much further about he matter, as I conceive it to be altogether of a 
civil nature. I just beg leave to trouble you with the enclosed copies 
of my commissioned orders and instructions for your perusal, by which 
you see, and I hope readily agree, that I have only acted in the line of 
my duty, and that the vessel and cargo are lawful prizes, in consequence 
of her having on board goods for which no license or permission has 
been given; and do, therefore, request you will give orders for the dis 
charge of my cutter, in order that I may send her to sea. I beg, sir, 
that you would not have that unfavorable opinion of my conduct as the 
misrepresentations of some people might induce you to entertain. I 
have always been a friend to my country, and have acted as such. 
I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 




[Horry MS.] 


Your favor of the 8th was handed me yesterday. Lieut. -Colonel 
Laurens has given me an account of the enemy s last movement, and 
Gen. Leslie has explained the object to me in a letter, a copy of which 
I inclosed to you in my last. With respect to the incorporation of 
Horry s and Maham s corps, I have said all upon it that I can say. If 
you cannot effect the incorporation upon the first plan, pursue your 
second; and if you cannot accomplish that, employ the force in any 
manner you can most for the benefit of the service, and in a way most 
pleasing to the officers. The schooner that went to Georgetown for 
rice has the Governor s pass, and not mine; however, be it one or the 
other, tell Col. Horry not to let the cutter have anything to do with 
her; and if they attempt to carry her away by force, to repel force by 
force. Whatever position you take with your troops, it will be neces 
sary frequently to change it, which will keep the enemy in the dark, 
and prevent their enterprising anything against you. Should the 
enemy move out after you, our cavalry shall form a junction with 
you at the place you mention, or any other you may advise, upon the 
spur of the occasion. Col. Pinckney has arrived in camp. With 
esteem and regard, 

I am, dear sir, your most obedient and humble servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

No date, supposed about April 10, 1782. 

Your letter of the 8th April has been received; and as I have had 
no direct opportunity to give it an answer, and as the subject did not 
require it immediately, I have omitted it. I cannot decide on one part 
of your letter, that is, respecting half-pay. If you were entitled to 
half-pay on your former standing, you are entitled to it now; but, if 
you mean upon the present reduction proposed, there can be no half- 
pay establishment follow it, as I have no authority for the purpose, nor 


can I conceive the officers would have the least right to expect such a 
thing. Their services were due to the State, from the situation it was 
in, and those temporary corps afforded them a much more honorable 
and agreeable service than serving in the militia; and as the Continent 
takes the expense upon themselves until their reduction, it is all that 
can be expected and, to continue them longer than they are useful, 
would be multiplying expense without sufficient object, for no country 
ever required economy more than ours to complete their independence. 
I left the business of reducing the regiments entirely to Gen. Marion; 
if it could be effected, well, but if not, let them remain as they were, 
until the men s term of service expires. He informs me that he has 
united all the horse under Col. Maham, and directed your men to 
do duty at Georgetown; this is perfectly agreeable to me, if so to you. 
I directed, a few days past, a company of artillery to join you at 
Georgetown, and to your orders, in defence of that place. I am much 
afraid the enemy will attempt something against Waccamaw, as I am 
told there is a great quantity of provisions there. 

I am, with great esteem, your obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

April 10, 1782. 

Yours of the 8th ultimo came to hand. By the papers just sent me, 
it appears that Capt. Howell had the candles sold to the flag people, on 
purpose to have a plea of seizing her; you will, therefore, order the 
flag to sail immediately, and Capt. Howell and his vessel s crew to be 
detained, as I wrote you yesterday, until I hear from Gen. Greene or 
the Governor. If Botard should take her at sea, we have nothing to 
do with it. You will put Moore, Broderick and Myers on board the 
flag vessel, to return to Charlestown, with orders not to return within 
our lines. In answer to your last post, I wrote you yesterday; have 
not heard from head-quarters since. A letter from Capt. Pinckney, 
Cainhoy, says the British horse were crossing to Haddrell s on Saturday, 
but it comes by such a hand that I don t believe it. I shall hear more 

I am, sir, your obedient servant, 




[Horry MS.] 

April 12, 1782. 

I have been of opinion some time, and got intelligence last evening, 
that the enemy were preparing to come out and attack us. It seems 
the refugees are pushing the General very hard for the purpose. What 
serves to confirm me in opinion that the enemy have some offensive 
operations in view is, they have taken uncommon pains for a few days 
past to find out our position, by sending flag after flag, and by search 
ing out and interrupting every channel through which we might get 
intelligence. The refugees are ordered to be embodied to do garrison 
duty, while the army takes the field. It may all end in smoke, but I 
seriously believe they mean to give us battle ; and as they will have all 
their force collected, so I think it prudent to draw ours to a point until 
their intentions are better understood. You will, therefore, move over 
towards Dorchester with all your force as soon as possible, and let me 
know from time to time where you are. You will leave a very small 
patrole to watch the motions of the enemy in that quarter, and to for 
ward intelligence of all matters of discovery. I would have you put 
your men in the best order for action, and send me a roll of the force 
you will be able to bring to our aid. 

I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

ST. STEPHENS, April 12, 1782. 

Yours by Mr. Cest came to hand. I wrote per Dragoon respecting 
Capt. Howell and the flag. Messrs. Doughty and Ancruni are not to do 
duty your way. I shall have such men returned as have served their 
month. I cannot send you the militia law; have none by me. I wrote 
you before that Capt. Weyman had it, and you might get it from him. 
I sent Capt. Stephens to Georgetown, only to stay until his corps re 
turned. I wrote the Governor respecting Mr. Wayne s account, and 


think he is rather impatient. I have had no answer yet to my letters, 
and hope you will make yourself easy until I can fully satisfy you, 
which will be as soon as I get an answer from the General. I have 
some accounts of the enemy s coming over to St. Thomas , and wish I 
had every horse you have that can be of any service, as I find I am 
under the necessity of attacking them. 

I am, your obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.j 

April 12, 1782. 

Since I wrote the enclosed, I have received a letter from Gen, 
Greene. His orders are, not to suffer the flag schooner to be taken or 
detained. You will follow my orders respecting that business. I have 
answered Capt. Howell s letter by this opportunity. In respect to your 
corps, the General and Governor approves of the plan of dismounting 
them, to act in Georgetown as infantry; but will not impress any more 
horses for the service of either corps, as their time will so soon expire, 
and it seems not their intention of keeping them up longer. I shall 
write you fuller in my next. 

I am, with esteem, your obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

April 13, 1782. 

Yours of the llth ultimo is before me. If you suffer Moore and 
Broderick to remain, they must give bail for their good behavior; each 
to give two good sureties, bound in five hundred guineas each, and to 
do six months duty in the militia; the bond to be executed before 
a Justice of the Peace. Mr. Lesesne must certainly pay his rent; 
but it is a matter I have nothing to do with ; as it is a civil affair be- 


tween citizen and citizen, there is a way pointed out by law. He 
never had any promises from me of a billet, which ought not to be 
done but on the greatest necessity, as it is a grievance to the people, 
which at all times ought to be avoided when it can. If it can be 
proved that Solomon Miller has cheated or defrauded the public, he 
should suffer agreeably to law, which is, to have a hearing before a 
Justice of the Peace, and, if found guilty, must go to jail, or give se 
curity to appear at the next sessions. Capt. Gough told me he had 
leave of absence for a month. As the Governor and Gen. Greene have 
come into the plan of dismounting your corps "to act as infantry under 
you, if it is agreeable to you; if not, to remain as they are, without 
the liberty of impressing any horses for them, for their time of service 
is so short, it is not worth going to that expense, neither will they let 
Maham impress any more horses, and without more horses, &c., &c., 
the few you have cannot be of any service. I will make the proper 
arrangement, but will not do it without you signify your approbation, 
which I will wait for. The four barrels indigo, in the hands of Paul 
Trapier, Esq., you will take for public uses, and may procure clothing 
for our troops, and rum, sugar, &c. I wish the flag could sail, that 
Capt. Howell and crew may be dismissed. In my last I mentioned the 
British being up in St. Thomas , but believe it is premature, as my 
party of observation, who are down towards Cain hoy, have given me 
no account of it. For want of forage and subsistence, I shall remove 
to-day above Murray s Ferry, in St. Stephens ; indeed, I shall be 
obliged to move often, to prevent the enemy forming any plan against 
me. I am very sensible the trouble you must have in your command 
in Georgetown, but your well known abilities and zeal for your country 
will surmount everything. 

I am, with esteem, your obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

HEAD-QUARTERS, April 14, 1782. 

Your favor of the 13th inst. is this moment came to hand. The 
prospect of a general action is not so immediate as I expected a few 
days ago. You will, therefore, halt in the neighborhood of Strawberry 


Ferry, and wait there, or in that neighborhood, until you hear further 
from me. I don t believe the enemy will make another excursion soon 
into St. Thomas , but they may. I should be obliged to you to get an 
account of all the forage in that quarter; with us it is scarce. I begin 
to feel afraid our cavalry will be obliged to cross the Edisto for subsis 

I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

HEAD-QUARTERS, April 15, 1782, 

I wrote you yesterday to return to Strawberry, but, as you are so 
near, before you return I wish to see you, provided you come to Mr. 
Blake s to-night; but, if you should meet with your first express, and 
halt short of Mr. Blake s, you may return to the position recommended 
in that letter. However, I am of opinion, from a variety of reports, 
the enemy means to take the field in a few days, and that they have 
little less than 700 negroes armed for the purpose. The British horse 
were at Dorchester yesterday, but returned last night. 
I am, dear sir, your humble servant, 



{Horry MS.] 

CANE ACRE, April 15, 1782. 
SIR : 

Your letter of the 10th inst. came safe to hand two days ago. The 
commanders of privateers, knowing their authority, and regardless of our 
unfortunate situation, are determined to add to our distresses, instead 
of contributing towards their relief; indeed, the men who usually com 
mand these vessels are needy and avaricious to the last degree, and 
come out with a view of making money by any means that does not 
subject them to be hanged; humanity is a thing they are totally unac 
quainted with. By a late Act of Congress, all British property, where 
soever found, is made liable to seizure. How far the vessel in question, 
having Gen. Greene s flag, might have violated, I will not pretend to 


judge, if it is put upon this issue; thus its rests with Gen. Greene to 
take cognizance of the affair. But in the light the matter at present 
strikes me, we have gone far enough in confining the captain and crew; 
more rigorous measures may probably bring us into a dispute with the 
State of North Carolina. What we have already done is a mere act of 
power, and in our circumstances highly excusable. I would, therefore, 
recommend that the captain and crew be discharged, and the vessel 
be permitted to depart as soon as the flag has sailed, and got beyond all 
danger of being taken. I should be extremely glad if you could con 
tract for any quantity of clothing from the quarter you mention, and I 
will engage to have produce returned for it that is, if it can be spared. 
I have employed Mr. Robert Heriot to take an account of the provi 
sions in the district of Georgetown; as soon as I can get his return, I 
shall be able to let you know what rice is to be spared. All the south 
ward parts of the country are stripped very bare, and it is very probable 
we shall be obliged to draw some provisions from San tee for this army. 
The same objection lies against paying Mr. Wayne s account. Until I 
can get the return above mentioned, I enclose you an order on Capt, 
Richardson, at the high hills of Santee, for 500 Ibs. powder and 1,500 
lead, 50 muskets and bayonets, 50 cartouch boxes, and 1,000 flints, which 
you may send for as soon as you please. As to cannon ball, I know 
not where to procure them; if you can point any mode that promises 
a probability of success, I will undertake to have the experiment made. 
I have already wrote you fully respecting Mr. Porcher; also, respecting 
Maham s and Horry s corps, and my determination about impressing 
horses. Mr. John Waring s situation at present being so exceedingly 
distressing, I have given him permission to remain at home, on his 
engaging to join you again as soon as possible. Mrs. Hall sends on a 
horse for his wagon ; I, therefore, request you would furnish the neces 
sary escort, and send it forward without delay. 

I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

CANE ACRE, April 16, 1782. 

The bearer, Mr. Shrewsbury, you are better acquainted with than I, 
therefore, I shall say no more concerning him than recommend him tQ 


be disposed of as you shall think .proper. If you think he can be use 
fully employed in his profession, you will do so; if not, he must do his 
duty as a militia man. If you approve of neither, you may either send 
him back to town, or do what you please with him. 
I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

HEAD-QUARTERS, April 16, 1782. 

I am favored with your letter of this day. I know of no way of 
reinforcing you but by Col. Hampton s corps. I will speak with the 
Governor on the subject. At present, I believe we have no spare arms; 
however, I will make more strict enquiry, and let you know. Arms are 
expected from the Northward, but they will be a long time on the road, 
if we are to judge of the future by the past. To enable me to give my 
orders respecting the cannon at Georgetown, you must send the size of 
the calibres. Every measure should be taken to preserve the provi 
sions, for I am very apprehensive there will be a scarcity. I thank you 
for the enemy s returns of rations drawn. I think it large, but, per 
haps, their force may be greater than I imagine, 

I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

FERGUSON SWAMP, April 18, 1782. 

I have got thus far in my return from the Southward. I have been 
within eight miles of Bacon Bridge, and have had a hard march for no 
purpose. The General imagined the enemy was coming out, and is 
still of the opinion they will take the field soon ; but I think they will 
not without a reinforcement, which it seems they expect, as they have 
don e for six months past. I hope the flag schooner is sailed; if so, 


discharge Capt. Howell s crew and cutter. Col. Moultrie is to stay in 
Georgetown, and collect his regiment; he will be of service to you at 
least, will not keep you so much confined. I shall send Col. Maham 
for the horses of your corps as soon as I hear from you. I intend to 
leave you thirteen, but they must not be the best. I will send you 
arms as soon as I get them from the high hills of Santee. 
I am, yours, &c., 



1 Horry MS.] 

CANE ACRE, April 18, 1782. 

The manner in which you mentioned Mr. P , gave me no kind 

of apprehension of his being on the confiscation list, therefore, wrote to 
you respecting him as one of those who had not been noticed by the 
Legislature. I am, however, very glad you have proceeded no further, 
and this mistake of mine will serve to make me more guarded in future. 

It is utterly out of my power to grant Mr. P any indulgence, as 

the Act in which he is included is clear and positive. Were I to suffer 
him to remain in the country, it would be a partial suspension of the 

law, which cannot be done; I must, therefore, desire that Mr. P 

be immediately ordered into Charlestown. An application has lately been 
made me in favor of Mr. Alex. Rose, who had been banished the town 
by the British, but I was obliged to refuse it; and, if Mr. Rose should 
come out, you must order him immediately to return. Before this 
reaches you, you will have received my order for the arms and ammuni 
tion you want. My reason for ordering the horses to be returned that 
were impressed by order of Col. Maham, was, that Horry s horses were 
to be turned over to his regiment. I thought it impossible that more 
horses could be wanted, after having those of a whole regiment. I am 
sorry to find that this regiment has proved so very insignificant, as not 
to be able to supply more than twelve horses ; however, Maham s order 
was for no more than fifteen, which makes a difference of only three 
horses, consequently the service cannot suffer for want of so trifling a 
number of horses. Another reason was, that I found the authority 
put into very improper hands, instead of its being entrusted to very 
discreet persons. The thing in itself is odious, and ought to be avoided 
if possible ; but, if such a necessity arises as renders the measure in- 


dispensable, it ought to be exercised with caution and lenity. If I am 
rightly informed, the gentlemen who had the press warrant did, by no 
means, confine themselves to taking horses from such only as showed no 
disposition to serve their country; and another reason that induced me 
to countermand the order was, that I found it created very great dis 
contents, to find that horses, which were immediately to be attached to 
your brigade, should be taken out of another; and, as it was likely to 
be productive of many inconveniences, and having already full enough 
to struggle with, and not conceiving the horses to be substantially neces 
sary, I thought it best to put a stop to any further embarrassments on 
this account. As to Col. Maham s threatening to resign, because he is 
not permitted to do as he is pleases, he must use his own pleasure. I 
can assure him these kind of threats are by no means calculated to 
operate with me in the manrer they are intended to do, but the reverse. 
I am very sorry to find so few of the Charlestown militia at Georgetown. 
There is now a newspaper regularly published. Suppose you issue 
general orders for those men to join their several corps within a certain 
limited time, and such as do not, to send a party to take them into cus 
tody; and if, on trial, they are convicted, send them to the Continental 
line a few examples, perhaps, may bring them to their senses. It is 
disgraceful in the highest degree that men should require to be thus 
goaded to their duty. An express is this day arrived from Philadelphia, 
and brings letters from Gillon, who is arrived at the Havanna with five 
prizes, worth 150,000 hard dollars. It is not unlikely he may send a 
vessel or two to Georgetown therefore, could wish a good look-out may 
be kept there, that if they arrive they may not be detained for want of 
a pilot. They talk much at the Northward of the French fleet coming 
either here or to New York, early this spring. Let either be the object, 
the issue will be highly important. I could wish Charlestown to be the 
first, not only as most interesting to us, but because I believe the 
attempt here would be successful, and I have very great doubts about 
the other; and, because I fear if our allies were to meet with a rebuff 
in one place, they will not be so ready to attempt another, as success is 
always a stimulus to encounter new dangers. I suppose you will think 
I have little to do, to write so much about politics this is not the fact; 
but my pen naturally run into its old channel before I recollected my 
self. I wish I had time to give you these occurrences oftener than I 
do; however, if you will give me leave, I will subscribe to our news 
paper for you, from whence you will stand a better chance of getting 
JQ^WS than from ray pen. 

I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 




[Horry MS.] 

ST. STEPHENS, April 19, 1782. 

Yours of the 12th came to hand yesterday, on my march here. I 
wrote you before respecting Brodrick and Moore, to take bail for their 
appearance at court, and good behavior. The Georgia refugees must 
do duty, if they have been in this State three months. No excuse to 
be taken for not doing duty. Let me know if the flag has sailed; and, 
if you have not discharged Howell and crew, it must be done immedi 
ately. Send me the calibre of the different pieces of cannon you have, 
that I may procure shot for them ; also, other articles which may be 
wanted. I wrote you yesterday by Col. Moultrie. 
I am, your humble servant, 


P. S. If you have any coffee and sugar, send a little by first oppor 
tunity. As you have rice and indigo, you may pay off small accounts, 
such as is enclosed. 


[Horry MS.] 

ST. STEPHENS, April 22, 1782. 

I received yours of the 17th. The flag must be sent immediately 
back, with all her cargo, passengers, attendance, goods, &c., &c., ex 
cept Mrs. Shad, Mrs. Barnes and Miss Simmons, and their attendances 
and property; and I positively order no other man, woman or servants, 
or any property, be landed, or suffered to come ashore but the vessel 
ordered immediately to go out of the harbor, on pain of being made a 
prize in twenty-four hours after such notice be given; and you are 
hereby ordered to make prize of said vessel, cargo, &c., &c., and the 
captain, crew and passengers to put in close confinement, without suf 
fering any person whatever to visit or speak to either of said prisoners, 
until rny further orders. McClean, with his companions, must be kept 
in close confinement until a proper opportunity offers to send them to 


the Governor of North Carolina. Col. S is trading on his private 

account, and I am not surprised at anything he has, or can do; he is 
no friend. I wrote you respecting the pilots, and I left you to act as 
you pleased respecting the boat mentioned in my last. Mr. Chatelleat 
has my pass to go to the Northward. You will permit the flag to carry 
one barrel of rice, and a few poultry, for the relief of Mr. John Cle 
ments, a prisoner, and wounded in Charlestown; he is one of my brigade. 
No officer ever had a right to public horses; but those you have you 
will keep, and you have a right to them, until my further orders. The 
officers and men of your corps here must remain as yet. The report 
of galley or armed vessels to go to Georgetown, I do not think true, as 
I had a letter from Charlestown last evening, that says a French fleet 
is at Tybee; and, from the person it came from, I have reason to believe 
it may be true. 

I am, with esteem, your obedient servant, 


P ? S. Since I wrote the above, I have perused the papers sent, and 
find Col. Ray is exchanged; he and the others mentioned in General 
Butler s pass are to be put on board the flag vessel, and suffered to pro 
ceed to Charlestown. 


[Horry MS.] 

ST. STEPHENS, April 24, 1782. 

Enclosed is a return of the companies which are to do duty in George 
town. Warden s and Long s will be sent to you. I also send you the 
militia laws. The Governor wrote you that Commodore Gillon has 
carried in five Jamaica prizes in the Havanna, worth 150,000 dollars. 
Two of the prizes are expected in Georgetown, and the Governor desires 
the pilot to keep a good look out for them. Several of your men wish 
to enlist in the infantry, on the new bounty. Such as have but two 
months to serve in your corps, may be discharged, on condition of 
enlisting for three years, or during the war. I send two men, with their 
attestations, which cannot be sworn to until your discharge is obtained, 
which please see done, and give them the enclosed orders to Swinton 
for their negroes, and grant them one month furlough. Mr. Shrews- 


berry will wait on you he is a shipwright, and may be useful; but he 
must be watched, for he has been, and is, much suspected. He will 
want to send a boat to Dewees Island for some goods, osnaburgs and 
Russian drab, which is for our soldiers. You will please give him a 
pass for that boat, and receive the goods; but he must not be suffered 
to go out of Georgetown. I will send fifty stand of arms, and pouches 
with ammunition. Col. Moultrie will want some of them, and you are 
to take what he may not want at present, until I get more from Gen 

I am, your obedient servant, 



[Original MS.] 

ST. STEPHENS, April 24, 1782. 

Inclosed is a eommission to command the King s Tree Company, and 
hope you will accept of it ; and let no trifling matter induce you to 
refuse it. In these times when our country calls for men of bravery 
and ability, such as you, no good man, well-wisher to his country, ought 
to resign or shun the service, and it gives me great pleasure to see you 
at the head of a company, which I know will be led on by a man whose 
conduct and spirit I have been an eye-witness of, whom I have always 
had the highest opinion of, and the greatest regard for. 
I am sir, your obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

HEAD-QUARTERS, April 28, 1782. 

From many different accounts the enemy threatens us with an attack. 
We have had no small uneasiness in our camp for want of pay, clothing 
and spirits. The discontent has reached the enemy, and it is confi 
dently asserted that they are coming out to take advantage of it. I 


think it necessary, therefore, as I am not well informed of the full ex 
tent of the discontent, to call our force together from all parts, as well 
to awe the malcontents, if any there be, as to prevent the enemy from 
attempting anything in consequence thereof. I beg you will, therefore, 
march and join us as soon as possible, with all your force, except a 
small recounoitering party; and, although this may expose a greater 
part of the country, yet it will serve to secure a greater object. I beg 
you will lose no time. 

I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

APRIL 30, 1782. 

Yours of the 26th came to hand. You may do as you please with 
Mr. Shad s daughter. Let Col. Moultrie have four rations. I wrote 
you last night, and enclosed Meyer s account, but the letter is lost. 
You will pay him out of the indigo and rice you have in your hands; 
if not sufficient, he must wait. I am called to join Gen. Greene. You 
will keep a good look-out, lest the enemy form an attack against you ; 
and let it be always a rule to be ready at a moment, if a retreat should 
be necessary, as my former orders. I shall be absent I fear some time. 
A wagon, with fifty stand of arms, is on its way from High Hills for 
you. Should you want ammunition, send to Mr. William Richardson. 
I am told your officers have public horses, and the best; they must be 
given up, and all your horses and men that are out must be called in 
immediately, when I shall send for such as may be for dragoon service. 
I am, in haste, adieu, 



[Horry MS.] 

CANE ACRE, May 1, 1782. 

I understand there has been some regulation of prices lately attempted 
at the port of Georgetown. Such a measure is highly impolitic, and 


must inevitably ruin the commerce that is attempted to be established 
there, in its very infancy. It is, therefore, my particular orders, that you 
give no countenance to any such measures; but, on the contrary, use 
your best endeavors to suppress it, and give every enouragement to a 
free uninterrupted trade. 

I am, sir, your most obedient servant) 



[Horry MS.j 

HEAD-QUARTERS, May 1, 1782, 

I wish you to take a position in the neighborhood of camp, that we 
may join our force on the shortest notice, should the enemy attempt 
anything against us. The North Carolina troops were discharged this 
day; and it is highly probable that if the enemy attempt anything at 
all, it will be to-morrow, and more especially if they get intelligence 
that our force is collecting to a point. Col. Hammond is coining to 
join us with a body of militia, and I wish you to take command of the 
whole, and form a camp near to ours. If you will give orders for your 
troops to march in the morning, and come forward, we will look out a 
camp together; bring a small party of horse with you. 

I am, dear sir, your most obedient humble servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

NEAR BACON BRIDGE, May 3, 1782. 

I am posted here, two miles in front of the Continental army, within 
three-quarters of a mile of the above bridge. The General, according 
to custom, keeps me between him and the enemy. By what I can 
learn, we shall not move from here until the army move. Gen. Pickens 
brigade is here under me; Capt. Gee s men are come here. You will 
relieve those at Cat Island by some other men. I hope by this you 


have received the arms. Send me by the first opportunity a general 
return of your corps, of men, horses, saddles and arms; as you have 
all the officers except Maxwell, you cannot be at a loss. If any officers 
or men are on a furlough, you must call them in, and give no more leave 
of absence on any account. I shall send a waggon for rum, sugar and 
coffee; please get it ready for me. This place is a starving hole, where 
nothing can be had, and nothing can be expected but hard knocks. 
Gen. O Hara and seventeen empty transports are arrived, and Gen. 
Leslie is going away, said for Jamaica. Deserters just come in say 
they are levelling their works, and are to contract their garrison ; some 
say part of the troops are going with Gen. Leslie. I wrote you in 
my last that you may do as you please with Shad s daughter. Tell 
Capt. Roux he is retained in the service, and is in the second regiment. 
I have not time to write him. 

I am, sir, your obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

BACON BRIDGE, May 11, 1782, 

You will deliver all the horses you have, with the saddles, bridles, hal 
ter, and swords, except 14 of the ordinary horses which you will keep 
for your crops. The officers must give up every public horse they have. 
Col. Maham will send an officer to receive them. Mr, Withers has 
permission to send to Charlestown some tobacco to procure necessaries 
for the army You will give him passes when he applies for it, and re 
ceive whatever clothing he may get. I sent you a letter by Comodore 
Lockwood, informing that the British intend to go to Georgetown, under 
French colors and dress; you will, I dare say, prevent their deception 
from taking effect. I am apprehensive they will go to Waccamaw ; 
you will keep some boats ready at the ferry above Wragg s to cross over 
a few men on Waccamaw. Should they go there, a fire or two on them 
may make them go away. The whole of the men around your post 
should be called for if they do attempt. We are perfectly idle here. 
Nothing new but that deserters from the British come in every day. * 
I am, sir, your obedient servant, 




[Horry MS.] 

PON PON, May 19, 1782. 

By a letter this moment received from Gen. Huger, dated the 10th 
of this month, he desires me to inform your excellency, that a Col. 
Perkins, a trader from Virginia, has contracted for five or six hundred 
head of cattle on Pee Dee and the Cheraws, and which in a few days 
will be drove off for Virginia, if not immediately stopped ; the conse 
quences of such a speculation (for our commissaries have it not in their 
power to go to market with ready money) are truly alarming. 
I am your excellency s most obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

BACON BRIDGE, May 20, 1782. 

I send you two letters addressed to Gov. Martin, which you will send 
by express that may be depended on it requires expedition. I send a 

letter for Ganey; please forward. Mrs. P has abused the trust 

reposed in her, in making use of tjie pass more than once. You may 
permit Mr. Dyer to bail for his future good behaviour. I am sorry to 
find the guard at Cat Island do not do their duty, in suffering boats to 
pass the Musketoe Creek. I hope some steps will be taken to prevent 
such an evil so much to the prejudice to our service. The few men of 
yours here are not to be spared yet, and hope you will make yourself 
satisfied, as it is not in the power of government to get money as yet to 
pay the troops in her service, but hope, it will be soon. Col. Moultrie 
will give you all the news here ; I have not time just now to write 
them to you. 

I am your obedient servant, 




[Horry MS.] 

CANE ACRE, May 21, 1782. 

1 enclose you the instructions for quieting the discontents of the 
people on Little Pee Dee, with whom you some time ago entered into 
a truce. The express brings you twenty commissions. I also enclose 
you an order for arms and ammunition. I think there is something 
else you mentioned to me in the course of our conversation to-day, but 
in the multiplicity of business I have engaged in since I came home, it 
has slipt my memory j you will, therefore, be pleased to repeat it to me 
by the return of the express I send you to-morrow. 

I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 


P. S. Be pleased to send me your opinion in writing before you go 
away, whether it will be best to sell the negroes, and recruit with money, 
or continue on the old plan of recruiting with negroes. 


I Horry MS.] 

CANE ACRE, May 21, 1782. 


First, You are to take with you four or five judicious, intelligent 
persons, to meet those appointed on the part of Ganey and others, to 
confer on the business herein committed to your charge, but they are 
not to be considered as joined with you in this commission. Second, 
The said Ganey and others, with whom such truce was made, are to lay 
down their arms as enemies to this State, and are not to resume them 
again until called on to do so, in support of the interest of the United 
States, and of this State in particular. Third, They are to deliver up 
all negroes, horses, cattle, and other property, that have been plundered 
from the inhabitants of this or any other State. Fourth, They are to 
engage to demean themselves as peaceable citizens of this State, and 


submit themselves in future to be governed by its laws, in the same 
manner as the rest of the citizens thereof. Fifth, They are to be 
allowed two, or, if you find it necessary, three months, to remain at 
home, before they are called on to bear arms in behalf of this State. 
Sixth, They are to engage to apprehend and deliver up all persona 
within their district, who shall refuse to accede to these terms, and con 
tumaciously persist in rebellion against the State. Seventh, If these 
terms are accepted by the said Graney and others, you are then to 
promise them a full pardon for all treasons heretofore committed by 
them against the State. Eighth, If these terms are rejected by the 
said Graney and others before mentioned, you are then to have recourse 
to force of arms, or otherwise to compel them to submission. Ninth, 
You are authorized and empowered, if you shall deem it for the public 
service, to apprehend, and send within the enemy s lines, any of the 
families of persons who continue in arms against the State. 

Given under my hand, at Cane Acre, this 21st day of May, one 
thousand seven hundred and eighty-two. 



[Horry MS.] 

BACON BRIDGE, May 21, 1782. 

I have information the enemy intends to make an attack on your 
post; you will order all the militia around you to your assistance. I 
am this moment in motion to reinforce you; you must make every 
defence possible until I arrive. A flag came here yesterday from the 
enemy on important business to both armies ; what, we have not yet 
learned. The officer which came says we shall very soon take one 
another by the hand in friendship. Some say there is a cessation of 
arms to take place, and that peace is actually on the carpet. Send per 
express the letters to Col. Baxter and Murphy. I hope you have the 
twenty-five stand of arms last ordered. 

I am, your obedient servant, 




[Horry MS.] 

CANE ACRE, May 21, 1782. 

Gen. Barn well having desired to retire from the command of the 
brigade to which he has been appointed, and, as I think the service 
would be best promoted by its being continued under the command of 
a Brigadier, in preference to the regiments being independently com 
manded by the Colonels, I, therefore, desire you would take the com 
mand of that brigade, and consider it as annexed to the brigade at 
present commanded by you : until you receive orders to the contrary 
from me, or the Commander-in-Chief of this State, for the time being, 
I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

HEAD-QUARTERS, May 23, 1782, 

Capt. Skelly having stated to me the queries he had the honor to 
receive from you, respecting the papers I submitted to your considera 
tion, and what official authority I had for proposing a cessation of hos 
tilities, and believing a treaty for terminating the war was now carrying 
on, I have, therefore, to inform you that those papers were transmitted 
to me by his Excellency, Sir Henry Clinton, accompanied by the Right 
Hon. Welbore Ellis, then one of his Majesty s principal secretaries of 
State, referring generally for my conduct in this respect ; and that, I 
suppose, not only from the weight of their authority, but likewise from 
the explicit terms in which they convey the sense of his Majesty and 
the British House of Commons. Fuller instructions I momently ex 
pect from our present Commander-in-Chief, Sir Guy Carlton, whose 
appointment and arrival in America has not yet been regularly notified 
to me. Thus, sir, I have explicitly stated to you the mode and circum 
stances under which these important papers have reached me; and as I 
can have no doubt from current report, and the nature of these docu 
ments, that a suspension of hostilities has taken place to the Northward, 


and that a treaty to conclude the war is now carrying on, I held it a 
duty I owed the rights of humanity, the welfare of this country, and 
the sentiments of the Legislature, of my own to propose, that such a 
cessation should take place here, and this proposal, from these motives, 
I again renew, and will depute, if it meets your concurrence, commis 
sioners to settle the terms of it, and for securing the interests, as well 
civil as military of each party, in the present state, assuring you, at the 
same time, you will have the earliest notice of what instructions and 
advice I may receive on this head from New York. 

I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient, &c., 



[Horry MS.] 

HEAD-QUARTERS, May 24, 1782. 

The enclosed letter from Gen. Leslie you may make use of, to bring 
the Tories upon Pee Dee to a knowledge of their critical situation, and 
endeavor to convince them of the danger which impends, to cease their 
depredations, and beg pardon for their offences. Spare, if possible, 
the unnecessary effusion of blood; but, at all events, the General de 
sires that the party be dispersed. 

I am, dear General, with great esteem, your most obdt. humble sevt., 
WILLIAM PIERCE, JR,, Aid-de-Camp. 


[Horry MS.J 

ST. STEPHENS, May 24, 1782, 

Yours of the 17th ult. came to hand. The men lately came out 
from the enemy for six months duty. You must endeavor to seize 

Mrs. M s boat and negroes, and make prize of them, agreeable to 

the Governor s proclamation; a few men may do it easily. She has no 
pass from the Governor, Gen. Greene, or myself, nor no other person; 
they wish a stop put to it. I have taken steps with Mrs. T . In 


respect to the regulation of trade, we must submit to superior power. 
I believe that scoundrel you mention has misrepresented to the Gover 
nor, I do not know any letters of yours I have not answered. Mr. 
Dillon, or any other Continental commissary, have nothing to do with 
the hides or tallow of the militia forces. Mr. Samuel Dwight is ap 
pointed by Gen. Greene commissary of issues, for the port of George 
town, in the Continental line; White must act as commissary of pur 
chases. I am sorry to see so few horses of your regiment to be had, 
out of so great a number. The officers must give a particular account 
how they are gone, or it can never be settled. Saunders is resigned. 
You certainly have a right to make what regulation you think proper in 

your corps. I shall march from here on Sunday for . The 

news is, that the Parliament have unanimously resolved that whoever 
advises the King to continue the war in America, shall be deemed a 
traitor and enemy to the country, and have petitioned him to discon 
tinue the American war. His answer is, that he shall comply with the 
wishes of his Parliament. All the offensive ministers are put out, and 
Lord Rockingham is at the head of the administration, and it is expected 
peace will soon be concluded. The letter sent by Gen. Leslie to Gen. 
Greene proposes cessation of hostilities ; it is said this has taken place 
at the -Northward. It is believed that Count de Grasse and six ships of 
war were taken in the West Indies in the late fight; but the French 
and Spaniards have yet got the superiority of those seas. Please send 
the letters to Murrell, Allston and Long. It is necessary their com 
panies should all be with you, to prevent the enemy from taking advan 
tage when the troops are distant. I think there is little danger of the 
enemy attempting your post at this time. 

I am, your obedient servant, 


P. S. Postell s men I shall take with me. Warden, Murrell and 
Long, will send you half of their companies. 


[Horry MS.] 

ST. STEPHENS, May 25, 1782. 

Yours of the 25th came to hand. I wrote you yesterday. It would 
be capital to take these Tories gone to town; about the mouth of Wac- 


camaw will do it I approve much of your sending Capt. Matthews 
in Santee. I am glad to hear the galley is got up. She must be fitted 
and manned for service as soon as possible, and stationed in the conflux 
of Waccamaw, Pee Dee and Sampit Rivers. I enclosed you brevets 
for Capt. Milligan and two lieutenants. The armed schooner will be a 
great addition to our strength and security at your post. All the sails 
and rigging, &c., belonging to the schooner Three Friends, must be to 
fit up the galley. The hulk, sell or dispose to the best advantage for 
the State. I dislike Col. Senff s plan of fortifying Georgetown. I 
shall visit it soon, and probably throw it wholly aside. I am sorry to 
see you have so few men, but I refer you to my last letter. I will ac 
quaint the General and Governor respecting Capt. Putnam s vessel. 
The powder and lead from Capt. Putnam is seasonable. Let me know 
everything you learn of the Tories movements and preparations, and 
take steps to know it by sending proper persons amongst them for the 
purpose. I believe your danger, if any, will be by water and Pee Dee 
I am, your obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

May 26, 1782. 

By Mr. Harris* wagon you will please receive two chests, contain 
ing fifty muskets and bayonets, six pigs and part of a pig lead, quan 
tity 618 Ibs.; fifty cartouch boxes and one cask powder, weight 252 Ibs. 
gross, in care of Lieut. Skilling. I sent to Georgetown agreeably to 
your former orders, twenty muskets and bayonets, by Capt. McClure, of 
the Artillery. 1 could not procure the baggage wagon you desired ; 
neither of the gentlemen you mentioned had one. The one now sent 
with the stores I have contracted for, provided you take it, which you 
will please let me know by Mr. Harris* return. He is to proceed to 
Georgetown, and from thence return to me. I thank you for the good 
news you sent me, which portends a speedy peace. I hope the articles 
now sent will arrive safe, and most heartily wish you success. 
I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 




[Horry MS.] 

CANE ACRE, May 27, 1782, 

Yours of the (no date) I received the last evening. I did not 

know by whose orders the restrictions on trade at Georgetown had been 
adopted; but, it appearing to me to be founded on erroneous principles, 
induced me to give the order I did. As to the Charlestown militia, I 
have given orders so repeatedly about them, that it is needless to reiterate 
them. Except a very few, all these men are resident either in Gen. 
Marion s or Gen. Barnwell s brigade; and the latter being now under 
the command of Gen. Marion, he has sufficient power over them to do 
what you have requested of me. Gen. Marion has orders for the 
ammunition for your post, which, I suppose, he will deliver to you. I 
will attend to the agreement about the shot as soon as I get your account 
of it. I have directed Heriot and Tucker to apply to you for a party 
of men to take charge of some negroes to be brought from Mr. Smith s 
plantation on Santee. You will, therefore, be pleased to furnish them 
accordingly, on their application to you; and, also, have the negroes 
secured in Georgetown until the day of sale. 

I am, your obedient servant, 



I Horry MS.] 

CANE ACRE, May 27, 1782, 

I observe in your orders to Col. Saunders, he is directed to draft the 
Whole of his regiment. I omitted to inform you that I had directed no 
draws should be made from the John s Island, Wadmelaw, Edisto and 
Stono companies these companies being absolutely necessary to be 
kept at certain points to prevent the commerce between the country 
and Charlestown. I have, therefore, directed Col. Saunders to adhere 
to my former orders respecting these companies, and that I would inform 
you of the same. I suppose Col. Saunders has reported to you the 
refractory spirit that still prevails in his regiment. Unless vigorous 
measures are pursued to bring them to order, I am convinced they will 
do no duty. 

I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 




[Horry MS.] 

LYNCH S CREEK, June 2, 1782, 

My last acquainted you that your letter was laid befoft the Governor 
and Council, Since that, I have received their instructions, and have 
sent Col. Peter Horry, CoL Baxter and Major James, to confer with 
you, and offer such terms as I can, and wish it may be acceded to, and 
prevent the effusion of blood and distresses of the women and children. 
The Colonels will give you a paper, in which you will find the deter 
mination of the British making peace with the Americans, which leaves 
you no hope of being supported by them. I have marched thus far 
with my brigade, for the purpose^of either making terms, or prosecu 
ting the war, whenever the term of the truce expires. And you may 
depend that I shall not infringe it until then; but wish that you may 
know your own interest, by submitting in time, and preventing ill con 
sequences from obstinacy, which must terminate in your own and your 
people s destruction, and cannot be prevented when the North Caro 
linians come on, who are on the march, and are near at hand. CoL 
Horry, and the gentlemen above mentioned, will talk with you, and 
acquaint you with every particular with which they are charged. In 
the meantime, you will consider them under the sanction of a flag of 
truce ; and you, or such men as will meet them at Birche s, shall be 
protected under that sanction. 

I am, sir, your humblfe servant, 


Note by Peter Horry : " That Ganey and 700 men surrendered." 


[Horry MS.] 

CANE ACRE, June 2, 1782. 


I received your letter by Mr. King on the 31st ult. I approve of 
your appointment of Capt. Milligan to the command of the galley, and 
have accordingly enclosed him a commission, and another blank for a 
lieutenant, to be appointed by Milligan himself, as I think one lieuten- 


ant sufficient for the present. You must, by some means or other, 
procure Mr. Moore a horse, to come up to me; if it can be done by no 
other means, you must dismount one of your dragoons, and furnish him 
with his horse, as I have business of a very particular nature to transact 
with that gentleman. I have no other instructions for Milligan than to 
use his best endeavors to guard the harbor of Georgetown. The State 
has at present no particular service to employ Capt. Putnam in. 
I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 


P* S. Col. Lushington informs me there is a Mr. Edward Hair 
lately arrived at Georgetown, in a flag from Charlestown. This man s 
name is on the confiscation list, and is, of course, banished this State. 
You are, therefore, to order him immediately back to Charlestown, or 
at least within the enemy s lines, on pain of his incurring the pains 
and penalties of the Act before mentioned, if hereafter found within 
our lines. The same gentleman informs me there is one Wm. Graham, 
also within your command, who is looked upon as a dangerous person. 
If you should be of this opinion, give him the same orders you do 
Hair, for an authorised spy is the most dangerous enemy we can have 
to contend against. 

J. M. 


[Original MS.] 

AMELIA, June 2, 1782. 

I am very sorry to inform you that it is out of my power to get the 
officers of Col. R. Hampton s regiment to do their duty. When I saw 
you last, I thought it was the men s fault; but I sent a party of Gapt. 
Humph s men, under the command of Lieut. Wanamaker, to take all the 
delinquents of the third division, and bring them to me. He returned 
yesterday, and informs me that there is not a man in Capt. Dryer s nor 
Tateman s company, warned to go on duty. I find its the neglect of 
the officers, for they have had orders ever since the 18th or 19th of 
las* month, for the men to meet at Beaver Creek on the 29th. If you 
arrest those officers, and have them broke, there is no other men that 
can, by any means, be entrusted with companies. I can t tell in what 


manner to act? Should esteem it as a singular favor if you would give 
orders to Col. Hampton, and let him try what he can do, and consider 
me no longer as an officer in his regiment. Capt. Humph informs me 
Capt. House, and eight other prisoners, made their escape from Orange- 
burgh, the 31st May, and all the prisoners could have got away if they 
had tried. He likewise informs me that there are two parties of Tories 
in the Fork of Edisto; they consist of about fifteen each. If there 
could be about thirty or forty men to go and stay about in the Fork, 
they might be dispersed. I should be very glad to go with this com 
mand. The command to stay about eight or ten days would be long 
enough. Capt. Humph is in great want of ammunition. 
I am, dear sir, your most humble servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

June 3, 1782. 

Col. Richardson acquaints me that there was some men who did not, 
or would not, submit to the terms sent you. All such men will be 
allowed to go to Charlestown, and be considered as prisoners of war, to 
be exchanged for the American prisoners. Their wives and children, 
and such property as is theirs, they will be allowed to take with them, 
except stock and arms, and shall be safely conducted to town on Satur 
day, or sooner, if possible. I shall be glad to see you at Mr. Burches . 



[Horry MS.] 

June 8, 1782, 

I am favored with two of your letters one addressed to Gov. Burke, 
of the 13th of April, and one to myself, of the 20th of May respect 
ing the Tories on Drowning Creek and Pee Dee, and another from Grov. 
Matthews on the same subject. Ifceg leave to inform you I highly 
approve of your intentions, and I am happy that it is in the power of 


this State to co-operate with you in this undertaking. Accordingly, I 
have ordered Major Joel Lewis, or the Commanding Officer of the 
State legionary troops, now on Deep River in Randolph county, imme 
diately t6 proceed with that corps, consisting of 250 men, to Mr. 
Amey s, on Drowning Creek, where he will receive further information 
from you, and act as you will judge most conducive to the service. I 
have enclosed him a proclamation respecting such of those people who 
may be citizens of North Carolina, and join them, which you will please 
have attended to. If you think it necessary to have more men, Col. 
Owen, of Bladen county, is directed herewith to furnish you with wl\at 
number you may think proper, to the amount of his regiment. Please 
to honor me with every intelligence of moment. In the meanwhile, 
I am, sir, with great respect and esteem, your most obdt. humble sevt., 



[Original MS.] 

HAIG S, June 3rd, 1782. 

The inclosed is a letter from Col. Thomson respecting the state of 
your regiment, and his resignation. The former I refer to you, being 
yourself better acquainted with the circumstance than I can be. 
The latter I have not granted. 

I am sir, with esteem yours, &c., 



[Horry MS.] 


On application of Brigadier-General Marion, you will order out as 
many militia of your regiment as he shall judge necessary to be under 
his command in subduing the Tories on Drowning Creek and Pee Dee. 
I am, sir, you? humble servant, 




[Horry MS.] 

HEAD QUARTERS, June 9, 1782. 

I had a line from you a day or two ago, and am glad to hear you are 
in a fair way of bringing the people upon the Pee Dee to a better 
temper. I wish the business was over, and you on this side the Santee. 
The Tories in that quarter are doing great mischief, and distressing all 
the good people in that quarter. By a person just from town, I learn 
the enemy are equipping three galleys for the destruction of the stores 
at Georgetown. Put the people there on their guard, and give every 
necessary order for the defence of the place. If there are any public 
stores in town that cannot be immediately sent to the army, for want of 
wagons, they had best be sent up the river to the place you mentioned 
to me. We have no news from the Northward. The enemy talk 
loudly again in Charlestown of a peace. In haste, 

I am, dear sir, your most obedient humble servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

BURGH S, June 9, 1782, 

Yours of the 5th inst. came to hand. I am very sorry to hear you 
are yet sick. Yesterday, Major Ganey and myself signed a treaty. 
The principals are to submit it, and those who do not chose it are to 
be permitted to go within the enemy s lines with their wives and chil 
dren, and their movable property, except stock, which they may sell. 
It seems all the officers will *go, and a few men who are so notorious, 
as they will not be suffered to live. Col. Fanning, with thirty men^ 
came a few days ago in the truce, and is thought will endeavor to make 
his way to Charlestown; but it is not unlikely he may make some 
attempt on your post, as his number is increased since he came. You 
will, therefore, guard against any sudden attack, by keeping a look-out 
at Wragg s and Black River Ferries. I am informed your troops re 
ceive rations of coffee and sugar I mean the militia with you. I 


never knew that such articles were ever given to troops but in a besieged 
garrison, where provisions are scarce, "and therefore must be stopped. 
Mutton, veal and poultry are not soldiers food. I also am informed, 
that the officer who succeeds you in command, when you are absent, 
gives passes to men to go to Dewees with articles for tradiDg. You 
must give a general order te prevent it, and occasional commandants 
must be notified to take that liberty. Please send me some coffee by 
the bearer, as I am entirely out. You will let me know any particulars 
you may learn, for I find I cannot return soon, as we cannot finish here 
before the 25th ult., which is the time that these who are to go to 
town are to march, and possibly some few on the line, who never were 
subject to any command, may give us further trouble. I am with wish 
ing you a speedy recovery, 

Your obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

BURGH S, June 12, 1782, 

Yours of the 10th came to hand the last evening, with the coffee, and 
shall be obliged to you to send me a few pounds of sugar per bearer. 
Provisions are so scarce here, that I am obliged to send boats down for 
rice. You will send by express thirty barrels, from whoever may have 
it, without regard of public or private property or engagements. If 
Heriot and Tucker have any by them, it must be taken from them, 
notwithstanding anything they may say, for without a supply I must 
move down, which would be of the worse consequence, until I can fully 
see the treaty properly executed. Mr. Fanning is very busy in recruit 
ing men. On Friday next Ganey is to have a meeting of his people, to 
see who are to go to town, and who stay. I only wait until then, when 
I shall march over the river and overawe those who may be wavering, 
or will not give up or go to town. If Major Skelly is landed, I desire 
he may be parolled in a house where he may be genteelly and politely 
treated; and you will tell them I should have no objection to parole 
him to Charlestown, if he would get Lieut. Henry Ravenel parolled 
within our lines. I am told he is put in the provost; if so, Major 


Skelly will be detained until he is liberated. You will give the Major 
a flag to Gen. Leslie, to effect that matter, and send his letters, after 
perusing them ; this I wish may be done immediately. Enquire of the 
captain of the vessel who captured Major Skelly, if he found no letters 
or papers about him, as he must be charged with some important busi 
ness to the Commander in Georgia. Three boats set out this day for 
the rice; if they can take more than thirty barrels, they must bring 
them. I beg the rice may be ready by the time they arrive. 
I am, dear sir, your obedient servant, 


N. B. Let me know if the man sent to Gov. Martin with my de 
spatches has returned. 


[Horry MS.] 

CAMP AT CONNER S DOWDS, June 13, 1782. 

I have received orders from his Excellency Gov. Martin, to march 
the State legion and join you at Sent s Bridge, on Drowning Creek, 
where I expect I shall be by the 16th inst., ready to receive any orders 
from you, either to act jointly or separately, as you may judge most 
advisable. The Governor informs me that you are to be at Mar s Bluff, 
on the 17th inst., which place I have sent the packet directed to you. 
If any orders or directions would be necessary to alter my route, you 
will be pleased to order them to meet as soon as possible, as I should 
wish to be down to the place designed for my destination. The State 
legion, now under my command at this place, consists of about 270 
men, all well armed. I have some powder for the militia that may be 
ordered to join me. The Governor promised to order lead down from 
Salisbury by that part of the legion that is to join me from that district, 
but they have not yet joined. I have about three hundred dozen of 
cartridges already made up. I shall march from this place to-morrow 

I am, sir, with respect, your very humble servant, 




[Horry MS.] 

CANE ACRE, June 15, 1782. 

Your letter of the 9th inst., enclosing the articles of agreement en 
tered into with Graney and his party, came safe to me on the 13th. I 
took the earliest opportunity of laying them before the Council for 
their consideration, and, after weighing them with that circumspection 
which wa% due to their interesting contents, they have signified their 
unanimous approbation of the same. They also meet with my most 
hearty concurrence; and permit me, sir, to express to you the high 
sense I entertain of the services you have rendered to the State on this 
important occasion. The measures adopted by you are so well calcu 
lated, that they could not fail to produce the favorable issue which has 
attended them; and I think there is every reason to expect that the 
advantages to be derived to the State from so happy a termination of 
this matter, will be still more diffusive than they have yet appeared to 
be, and will, in a short time, work a total extinction of that spirit of 
discord which has so unfortunately pervaded this State for some time 
past. It is necessary I should have the names of the persons who are 
parties to the agreement, as every man s name must be included in the 
proclamation of pardon ; I should, therefore, be glad you would forward 
them to me as soon as you can, and, in the meantime, inform them of 
the reasons for delaying the proclamation, as they might otherwise sus 
pect an intention of avoiding it. I have no particular orders to give, 
but I must earnestly recommend your earliest attention to be paid to 
the militia of this brigade, who are the most incorrigibly obstinate and 
perverse beings that I have ever met with, and who are absolutely a 
disgrace to the State. I am convinced, from repeated experiments I 
have made of them, that nothing but the most rigid execution of the 
militia law with regard to them, can ever bring them to a proper sense 
of their duty. In speaking of the brigade, it is necessary I should 
inform you that the militia of the islands are by no means to be included 
in the censure ; on the contrary, they merit applause ; for, notwithstand 
ing their exposed situation, they early submitted, and, whilst the other 
parts of the brigade were behaving in the most unwarrantable manner, 
they cheerfully submitted to every order given them, and have repeat 
edly repulsed the attacks of the enemy on the islands, and, as far as I 
have had occasion to employ them, they have done their duty. I have 


this moment received your letter of the 16th inst. Most of its contents 
have already been observed upon. The mode in which you propose to 
treat Major Skelly, I think may be productive of very good conse 
quences. I sent Mr. "Wilson, the sheriff for Cheraws, his commission 
three months ago, and am surprised to find he has not received it. It 
must be lying somewhere at Georgetown ; but, if he cannot get it, I 
will send him another. However, his not having the commission need 
not prevent him from acting. The appointment by the Legislature is 
the substantial part; the commission is more a matter of form. 
I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

BURGH S, June 15, 1782. 

Enclosed you will find Gen. Greene s information of the enemy s 
intention. You will, if possible, take your post in Georgetown, and 
follow the orders given to Lieut. -Col. Badley, as I do not know where 
you are, or if you can possibly take the command. 
I am, your obedient servant, 




[Original MS.] 

HEAD QUARTERS, June 18, 1782. 

Your letter of resignation of this day contains an accusation no less 
indelicate than unjust. You say, my orders contain such injustice, and 
are so repugnant to your feelings, that you cannot consistent with your 
established rights serve me any longer. I am not conscious of having 
done you injustice I am sure I never intended it. You arrogate the 
sole right of judging and deciding upon privileges claimed but not 
authorised. You do not distinguish between what has been matter of 


indulgence and what are rights inherent from the constitution of your 
corps. I will not take upon myself to say positively that I have not 
invaded the privileges of your corps ; but I am so fully persuaded of the 
propriety of my conduct upon the strictest military principles that I am 
perfectly willing to submit it to our superiors in Congress the Board 
of War the Commander-in-chief, or either of them. I have always 
conceived some privileges were intended your corps, not in common 
with the rest of the cavalry; but in that I may be mistaken. The late 
referrence to the Board of War will decide. I can see no necessity for 
the extraordinary step you are taking ; if you think yourselves injured 
in matters of right and not of indulgence, represent the affair to Con 
gress. Enclose a copy of my orders to Lieutenant-Colonel Lee, and let 
him bring the business to an explanation. If their decission corres 
ponds with your sentiments, I shall be happy to confess my error. I 
am sure I have not a wish in my heart to retrench one privilege of the 
Legion, nor am I disposed to wantonly sport with the feelings of 
officers. But it is not in my power always to accommodate the service 
to the views of particular officers. Every person can judge of their 
own difficulties, but it is impossible to judge fairly for others without a 
collective view of all the circumstances. This you cannot have in the 
present case or I am persuaded you would not decide so hastily. The 
measure you are about to take may involve some disagreeable conse 
quences to vourselves perhaps to me. The world will judge of the 
propriety of your conduct not according to your way of thinking, but 
from the original principles of the matter in dispute ; and I leave 
you to consider how unwarrantable a combination of this sort will 
appear in the critical situation of the Southern States, and how in 
consistent with the character and dignity of your corps and the duty 
and obligation you owe to your country, and to the cause in which 
you are engaged. I readily confess you may have it in your power to 
hurt me as an individual, but let not little resentments plunge you into 
measures injurious to the public and unjust to yourselves. I am per 
suaded upon a fair investigation of the matter and by reasoning more 
fully on the subject, you will be convinced that I have acted perfectly 
consistent with the duties of my station, with the established customs of 
armies and consonant to the rights of your corps. But be that as it 
may, let it be decided by those in power, whose determination shall 
govern my conduct; and to convince you that I am by no means dis 
posed to do the least injury to your rights you shall see all I write both 
to Congress and Lieut. -Colonel Lee. If I am mistaken Congress will 
correct me ; but if you are wrong, I presume you will have generosity 


enough to acknowledge it ; and I am persuaded you will have the spirit 
of patriotism sufficient to continue your services to your country. I 
will add only one more observation and close this long and disagreeable 
letter. I have never known but very few officers leave the service in 
the progress of this war, but have repented of it. Combinations are 
always odious, and no character, however important, or set of men, how 
ever useful, can produce any great revolution in so great a cause. Let 
not secret insinuations mislead you, nor be so idle as others have been 
to think the public cannot do without you. I know your value and 
shall feel your loss, and wish you to reconsider the matter before you 
take your final resolution. 

I am, gentlemen, with great respect, 

your most obedient humble servant, 



[Original MS.] 

JUNE 19, 1782. 

We are this moment honored with yours. We differ in opinion as to 
our rights, and can t think of waiting the decision of Congress laboring 
under the grievance. 

You have already decided our men are drafted from us, and of con 
sequence you thought our services to our country no longer wanted. 
As to our patriotism we beg leave to judge for ourselves. 
We have the honor to be, sir, 

your most obedient humble servant, 

JOHN RUDOLPH, &c., &c., &c. 


[Horry MS.] 

CHARLESTOWN, June 21, 1782. 

I am glad to hear you are well. Mr. Scott showed me a letter from 
you. I fear the Commandant of Georgetown cannot settle anything in 


regard to your exchange, however, on your arrival in this city. I do 
assure you that Lieut. Raven el shall be immediately parolled, and sent 
out of town. I am going to a grand German fete champetre. I hope 
you got mine by Mr, Bordeaux. 

Yours, in haste, 


You shall hear from nie very soon, if I don t see you. 


[Horry MS.] 

CANE ACRE, June 22, 1782. 

The evacuation of Savannah, and the highest probability that St. 
Augustine is likewise evacuated, offer so fair an opportunity of oblig 
ing the enemy to abandon the post they hold in this State, that it would 
be criminal not to make the attempt. I must, therefore, desire you 
would immediately draft one-half of your brigade, and as many more 
within eighty miles of Charlestown (agreeably to the law) as will be 
consistent with the safety of the country, and immediately put them in 
motion, and join the army under the command of den. Greene. If 
the men will now do their duty with cheerfulness and punctuality, I think 
I may almost venture to assure them this will be the last grand effort 
they will be called upon to make. I hope you have finished the busi 
ness you are at present upon, before you receive this; if not, pray ex 
pedite it as much as possible, so that that may not interfere with the 
great object. 

I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 


P. S. It will be so long between the time of your receiving this 
and your orders respecting this brigade, and the service of, at least, a 
part of the men being immediately required, that I have given the 
necessary orders to these three regiments. The Commanding Officer at 
Georgetown is to forward this letter by express, with all possible expe 

J. M. 



[Original MS.] 

HEAD-QUARTERS, June 23, 1782. 

I have had a long conversation with General Greene respecting your 
resignations, and ain happy to assure you that he discovered a dispose 
tion to accommodate the matter. He has, be assured, a proper idea of 
your merit, and upon all occasions speaks of the Legion in the warmest 
strains of panegyric. Your services are acknowledged with great 
generosity, and his friendship for you, individually, I know to be sincere. 

Was the matter properly inquired into, and your rights fairly inves 
tigated, perhaps you wculd be of a different opinion to what you are 
now. From the information I have received, you did not fairly com 
prehend the order, and there appears to have been a mistake with re 
spect to the disposition of the troops. 

All this, I think, I can convince you of; and I shall feel myself the 
happiest man in the world to be able to restore to the service a set of 
officers whom I love and esteem. I think it can be done with satisfac 
tion to yourselves, and with honor to the General. 

You complain of having received a letter couched in terms improper 
and indelicate. I confess it struck me in the same point of light; but 
be assured I am authorised to say, that the General did not mean it as 
an insult, nor did he expect that it would meet with such a construction. 

The manner of resigning your commissions, in my opinion, was im 
proper, and I think all combinations to oppose the measures of a com? 
manding officer had better be avoided, because it inflames and irritates 
the mind more than it can well support. Had the commissions been 
sent separately, I think it would have been better. Your letter was 
rather violent. I wish it had been more moderate. The General is 
governed as much by prudence as almost any man I know; but in this 
instance, perhaps, he was carried too far, and in my opinion you haye 
been too hasty. But the matter must be settled, and I beg you to 
throw aside every prejudice, and prepare your minds for a candid ex 
amination of the matter to-morrow. I will wait upon you at McQueen s, 
between twelve and one o clock. 

I am, dear gentlemen, with sincere friendship, your very humble servt., 


Will Major Rudolph inform Roger Saunders that we will dine with 
him to-morrow? 




[Horry MS.] 

GEORGETOWN, June 29, 1782. 

I commissioned some days, Capt. Seamour, to send me out for our 
soldiers some clothing say Russia drab; 70 yards coarse blue cloth, 
at 6s.; 22 yards red do., at 5s.; 5 dozen coarse hats, at 30s. a dozen; 
thread, coarse buttons, large and small; about 200 yards coarse linen 
for pants, from 6d. to 2s. per yard ; 3 reams paper, wafers, ink-powder 
and shirt buttons, amounting in the whole to about 107 sterling, prime 
cost. These goods have arrived at Santee. My own men that remain 
are few, and their time nearly expired. I think it best to give them 
to your men, as very few of mine have only yet three or four months 
to serve. You desired me to endeavor to procure such goods for the 
troops. Capt. Seamour entreats you to give him rice, rough even will 
do; indigo and tobacco will not sell. Lockwood is here with orders 
from the Governor to load with rice for goods received; and, as you 
want goods, and they are present, I wish you may find it consistent 
to take these, and make payment agreeably to the adventurer. The 
boat waits your answer. The captain has risked these goods (and with 
out a pass) to serve us, and is willing to send you any quantity you may 
commission him for. 

I am, dear General, your obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

July 4, 1782. 

Since you left me, Mr. Dewees has shown me the bill for the goods 
you mentioned to me this morning. You will procure as much rough 
rice as will pay the amount, giving a receipt for it on the public ac 
count, and shall be glad you would send the goods to Capt. Roux. 
You will give what you think is a reasonable profit. 
I am, sir, your obedient servant, 




[Horry MS.] 

CANE ACRE, July 5, 1782. 

I am informed there is a number of seamen prisoners at Georgetown ; 
I, therefore, desire you would endeavor to negotiate an exchange with 
the British Commander at Charlestown, for an equal number of Ameri 
can seamen, giving a preference to our own as far as we have a claim. 
I am, sir, your obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.J 

HEAD-QUARTERS (Mr. Cattle s Plantation), July 9, 1782. 

Yours of the 16th June and 8th July I have had the pleasure to 
receive, and am made happy that you have brought Major Ganey, and 
his party, to submit to the laws of the State without making much use 
of force. Nothing reflects more honor upon an officer than accomplish 
ing that by address which others could effect only by force; to save the 
effusion of human blood must be the wish of every humane and generous 
bosom. I fancy you must be mistaken about Mr. RavenePs being in 
confinement. Capt. Warren, our Commissary of prisoners, was in town 
to examine the state of all the prisoners, as well militia as regulars; his 
report contains no such thing. Capt. SkeJly is released in considera 
tion of Judge Pendleton being set at liberty. The Judge has come 
out, and Capt. Skelly gone in. Should it be found that Mr. Ravenel 
is in confinement, which I cannot suppose, I will write to Gen. Leslie 
on the subject. It is evidently for the interest of those corps of Maham 
and Hampton to be incorporated. Neither would have existence long 
without it; but, by being consolidated, they will have, perhaps, a per 
manency during the war, and provision made for them accordingly. 
You will inform the officers thereof, that it is a matter settled between 
the Governor and myself, that the two corps be united, and that they 
are to be considered in future upon the State establishment. This was 
thought advisable after the fullest examination of the matter, and I 


hope the officers will make no difficulty in concurring in a measure 
equally beneficial to them, as necessary for the public good. The requi 
sition for the militia was upon the supposition that the garrison of 
Savannah might come to Charlestown, and give the enemy such an 
additional force as to enable them to give a blow to our army. I believe 
Savannah is not fully evacuated, and therefore nothing to apprehend at 
present; you will remain, therefore, on the other side of Cooper River, 
between that and Santee, to protect the people from the daily depreda 
tions of little parties from Charlestown. If the garrison of Savannah 
arrives, I will notify you, and direct you where to form a junction with 
me. It is said that Fanning is determined to have you, dead or alive, 
therefore, take care of yourself. It is, also, reported, by a person in the 
enemy s secrets, that a large party of the enemy is to move out soon 
into St. Thomas and St. Stephens parishes. 

I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 


July 10, 1782. 

By a woman from town last night, I have just heard the garrison of 
Savannah is actually arrived at Charlestown. If it should prove true, 
you will hear from me again immediately. 


[Horry MS.] 

July 10, 1782, 

Enclosed you will find a return of the defaulters of six companies 
Not a single man has come to camp as yet, nor don t believe they will 
without being forced to it. I will send you a return of my regiment 
as soon as I can get the reports from the upper companies. I have 
sent for them repeatedly, but to no purpose. The Governor desired 
me not to order any man from the islands. I have got about fifty men 
on duty near Bacon Bridge, and don t expect any more will join camp 
without there is something done to make the men at home do duty. 
I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 




[Horry MS.J 

ASHLEY RIVER, July 18, 1782. 

I received your letter of the 16th late last evening. The officers of 
Col. Maham s corps seem to imitate the principle upon which the incor 
poration is founded. They appear to imagine it to be an admission of 
Major Conyer s corps into Col. Maham s; but this is not the case. 
There is a material difference between drafting one regiment into 
another, and consolidating two regiments into one. In the first in 
stance, the drafted regiment is either disbanded altogether, or the 
officers sent out to recruit; in the second, there is an indiscriminate 
mixture of men, without giving a superiority in either one or the other, 
and the officers are commonly retained according to their rank; but 
sometimes the arbitrary rule of retaining them, according to their merit, 
has been adopted from this state of the case. The objection that Con- 
yers is disliked by Maham and some of his officers, is frivolous, because 
Conyers can with equal propriety make the same objection to Maham 
and his officers; and these gentlemen deceive themselves very much 
when they set up a claim of superiority, for they have no manner of 
pretension to it, for the reasons I have given ; and as to the abilities of 
Major Conyers, I believe, sir, you are no stranger to them, and that 
they entitle him to a claim equal to most officers; his merit stands con 
fessed by every impartial man who knows him. If, after these con 
siderations, gentlemen will suffer themselves to be guided by private 
pique, and rather resign their commissions than submit to the estab 
lished rules of propriety and justice, why, they must do so, and we 
must endeavor to find men that will engage in the service from a pure, 
ardent zeal to love their country. Such will be less governed by pas 
sions, when they can t have their own humour gratified. I send you an 
extract of the minutes of the Council, from which time the commissions 
of Conyers and his officers are to bear date. It is true the corps was 
ordered by Gov. Rutledge to be raised in September; but, as it was 
afterwards rejected by the Legislature, the whole of that arrangement 
was done away, and can only be considered as commencing from the 
re-establishment by me after I came into office. On consulting Gen. 
Greene, I find Maham s must be considered as a State corps, on Con 
tinental pay. I should be very glad to be furnished with a return of 
Maham s and Conyer s corps as soon as you can procure it with accuracy. 


I am very sorry to hear of poor (rough s fate; but it is astonishing to 
me that gentlemen will venture themselves in that part of the country, 
when they see we cannot afford protection to it, and that it is a nest for 
a great part of the devils in the British service. I have sent you an 
order for 100 stand of arms. I have some faint idea that there is 
some medicine at Richardson s, on the high hills of Santee. When 
you send for the arms, pray enquire if there is no one there. I know 
of no mode of getting them but from Georgetown ; I, therefore, enclose 
you a letter to Heriot and Tucker, desiring them to endeavor to procure 
you a supply agreeably to such list as you may send them. The Con 
tinental hospitals here are but scantily supplied at present. Your 
presence is very much wanted in this quarter; indeed, every day renders 
it more and more necessary. I enclose you two brevets for Messrs. 
Huggins and Rothmahler, agreeably to your request, and have left the 
name blank. Savannah was completely evacuated on the llth instant. 
Wayne, who is usually very sanguine, supposed, upon the commence 
ment of the evacuation, it would have been pushed forward with great 
rapidity, and this led me to say to you that it was evacuated; indeed, 
it would have been so in three days, were it not for the Tories, and 
their negroes, whom they were obliged to carry off. Our prospects are 
flattering, and, if rightly improved, there is reason to expect we shall 
soon be at ease. It affords me very singular pleasure to hear you have 
finally settled the tranquility of the district of Little Pee Dee; so happy 
a conclusion to an affair, which, in its first stage, wore but a gloomy 
aspect, reflects great honor on you, sir, and promises lasting advantage 
to the State. Pray, is Graney returned; I wish he may not be playing 
a fast and loose game. Mr. David Rumph has proposed to me to raise 
a party of militia horse for the protection of the part of the country he 
lives in. I have directed him to apply to you to know whether you 
approve of the plan. 

I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

ASHLEY RIVER, July 19, 1782, 

I herewith send you two copies of the laws passed in the last sessions. 
There are several inaccuracies in the printing, but it luckily happens 
that there is not one in the law giving extraordinary pi wers. In my last 
letter I forgot to take notice of the circumstances of the prisoners. I 


had a complaint made me some time ago, of their severe treatment, and 
represented it to Gen. Greene, who, in consequence thereof, sent down 
the Commissary of prisoners to examine into the affairs, and on his 
return reported that he could find no marks of ill treatment of the 
prisoners, except that some of them were in want of clothing (which 
you know they are not obliged to find them). Whether he was deceived 
in his investigation of the matter, by false appearances, or what, we 
can t tell; but I have again spoken to Gen. Greene, and he will have 
a further enquiry made. As to his taking prisoners out of our hands, 
you know the law of Congress authorises him so to do, and, as one of 
the United States, we are compelled to submit to it, however disagree 
able to our feelings. I have sent you thirty blank commissions, which 
are all I have. You will observe they are printed with Mr. Rutledge s 
name (and a few with mine); but, for want of others, I am obliged to 
make use of them, for our printer is sick, and I can get nothing done 
by him Ut present; nor has he printed any newspaper for some time 

I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

HEAD-QUARTERS, Ashley Hill, July 24, 1782. 

I am directed by Major-General Greene to request you will be 
pleased to furnish fifty men as an escort to some wagons with clothing, 
waiting at Laurens Ferry for the purpose. The General desires you 
will, as early as possible, furnish him with a return of the men you 
have, specifying the number, how they are armed, and how many days 
it will take you to join this army, after your receive this order. 
I am, with respect, your most obdt. humble servant, 

J. BURNET, Aide-de-Camp. 


[Horry MS.] 

HEAD-QUARTERS, Ashley Hill, July 26, 1782. 

I am directed by Major-General Greene to inform you, that the 
quarter part of the garrison of Savannah have arrived at Charlestown. 


This reinforcement places the enemy in a situation to act offensively. 
The General begs you will order the troops under your command to 
Bacon Bridge with as much expedition as possible, as the advanced 
position of the army exposes it to be attacked by the enemy whenever 
they may think proper. Gen. Greene is fully persuaded that no time 
will be lost in taking the position at the bridge. I have the honor to 
be, with much respect and esteem, 

Your most obedient servant, 

J. BURNET, Aide-de-Camp, 


[Horry Mii.J 

HEAD-QUARTERS, July 27,. 1782, 

I have this moment got intelligence that the enemy are embarking a 
body of troops to make a descent upon Georgetown, and in all proba 
bility will be there before to-morrow night. The stores there are im 
mense. I wish you, therefore, to march immediately for the protection 
of that place and the stores. All the State troops and militia you have 
under your command, notwithstanding the orders you received yester 
day, to join this army, after putting your troops in motion for George 
town, you will repair there yourself as soon as you can, and take such 
measures the occasion may require. To send the stores up the rivers, 
appears the only probable way of saving them. 700 men go by land 
and water. 

I am, dear sir, with great esteem, &c., 


[Original MS.] 

PHILADELPHIA, July 28, 1782. 

I do hereby certify, that the bearer, Col. Richard Hampton of South 
Carolina, who is well known to me, is a steady friend to his country. 
Having occasion to go on business to the eastern States, it is hoped he 
will meet with no interruption. 

To all whom it may concern. 



[Horry MS.] 

UXBRIDGE, Ashley River, July 30, 1782. 

I was not less surprised than concerned on receipt of your letter to 
day, to find you at Wasmasaw, instead of being on the other side of 
Santee. Mr. Singleton, who was the express that carried the letter 
for you, deserves to be hanged. Pray, find him out, and have him 
confined, for he shall certainly answer for this infamous piece of negli 
gence. Had you received the letter on Sunday morning, which was 
the time you ought to have got it, Georgetown might, in all probability, 
have been saved; but it must now, beyond all doubt, be lost. The last 
of the British troops, 170 in number, did not quit Charlestown until 
yesterday afternoon; you could, therefore, have been a full days march 
ahead of them, besides, your then position being so much nearer the 
scene of action than that of the enemy s. On the contrary, they will 
now have a days march of you, consequently the fall of Georgetown 
must inevitably follow, and which must be a dreadful stroke to us. 
The whole of the land forces said to be employed on this expedition is 
about 700. If any thing can be done to save the place, or any part of 
the stores, I am sure your utmost endeavors I can depend on. I am 
convinced the opportunity is lost. Pray, let me hear from you as soon 
as anything is done, and what is the fate of the place. 
I am, sir, your obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

HEAD-QUARTERS, July 30, 1782, 

I have just got your letter of this day, dated at Wasmasaw. No 
thing ever surprised me more. I was in the highest hopes you were 
at or near Georgetown. Mr. Singleton, by whom I wrote, was fully 
informed of the contents of the letter, and the necessity of its being 
delivered with all possible dispatch. He had a letter for Col. Lush- 
ington, and promised to have it delivered in Georgetown the day fol 
lowing the date of your letter, by 10 o clock, and yours I expected 


would have got to you by one in the morning, and you on your march 
before sunrise. Never did I feel such a vexatious disappointment in 
all the course of my life. I beg you will make enquiry into the cause 
of the delay, as you write that mine never got to your hands until this 
morning. Somebody deserves nothing short of hanging. I am afraid 
you will now arrive too late to be of any service, unless the goods should 
be got up the rivers, and your force deter the enemy from following 
them. Since I wrote you, the enemy s intentions have been again con 
firmed by repeated accounts. I need not urge you to use all possible 
dispatch in marching to the relief of the place, as your own zeal will 
stimulate you to do all in your power. I have not heard anything from 
the party that crossed to Haddrell s Point, whether they proceeded or 
not; but, in order to alarm their fears, I made a move in force towards 
James Island, to induce them, if possible, to countermand the order. 
I beg you will let me hear from you respecting the progress the enemy 
has made, and if they have attempted anything, and how far they were 
successful. If the enemy has not made the descent, you will wait in 
the neighborhood of Georgetown until you hear further from me. I 
consider the disappointment of your not getting my letter the greater, 
as I find your force so respectable, as they appear by your returns. 
I am, sir, your obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

HEAD-QUARTERS, Ashley Hill, August 4, 1782. 

I am desired to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 1st 
August to Gen. Greene. The General is happy to find that you have 
arrived at Georgetown before the enemy. He is in hopes that the 
removal of the stores, and your being in the possession of the works, 
will prevent any serious attempt on that part. Should the British re 
linquish their design against Georgetown, and return back to Charles- 
town, I have to inform you that it is the wish of the General that you 
should re-cross the Santee, and take a position on Cooper River as 
speedily as possible. Every necessary step for the support of the town, 
and the effectual security of the stores, you will please to make particu 
lar objects of your attention. 

I am, dear General, with much esteem, yours, &c., 

WM. PIERCE, JR., Aide-de-Camp. 



[Horry MS.] 

HEAD-QUARTERS, Ashley Hill, August 9, 1782. 

I have just received your letter of the 5th. I am sorry the enemy 
is so situated as to give them an opportunity to carry off the produce of 
the country, without your having it in your power to injure them. 
Cannot small parties interrupt them, or is there any move that we can 
make that may tend to dislodge them. Great preparations are making 
in Charlestown for the evacuation of the place. I am persuaded it 
will take place soon, and the more scanty we can render their supplies 
of provisions, the sooner it will happen, and the fewer negroes they will 
have in their power to take with them. I am glad you have got through 
the disagreeable business of uniting Maham s and Hampton s corps. 
In the present form I am in hopes they will be useful. Should the enemy 
leave Santee, you will cross the river and move towards the Cooper. 
But it is necessary I should inform you that the enemy are advised of 
my wishes on this head, having taken Mr. Singleton with a number of 
letters among others, one for you. With respect to the beef collectors, 
I am a stranger to it. We have no Commissaries of our own, they are 
all under the government of Mr. Hort, and by him appointed. But I 
should not suppose these people will dare to rise in the present situa 
tion of things, and it is necessary they should contribute to the support 
of the army as well as other parts of the State. 

I am, dear sir, your most obedient humble servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

HEAD-QUARTERS, August 10, 1782. 

Your letter of the 20th July, came safe to hand. The dissolution of 
your corps, or rather embodying it with other corps, I think a prudent 
measure. At present, I have no commands which will interfere with 
your wishes for retiring. All the cavalry corps are incorporated into 
one, and the great probability of a speedy evacuation of Charlestown 
will, I hope, render your further services unnecessary. Whether you 


are a supernumerary or not, don t depend on my opinion; but if those 
letters are all you have to found your claim upon, I think you are not, 
however great your sufferings, expense and trouble, since I have been 
to the Southward. I flatter myself you feel yourself happy in the 
reflection that you have aided your country in the hour of her greatest 
distress, and that the efforts have contributed to her deliverance. I 
sincerely thank you for your polite attentions to all my wishes, and for 
the very essential service which you have rendered the public and me 
in the arduous struggle. 

I am, with great esteem and regard, your most obt. humble servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

CAMP CONGAREE, August 11, 1782. 

I take the liberty of enclosing you the names of near 500 soldiers, 
belonging to the 3d regiment, most of whom were absent at the time 
Gharlestown surrendered to the enemy. Many of them are entitled to 
their discharges ; but the greater part are deserters, and I hope will be 
apprehended and made to serve their times over, at least. A few have 
already been taken up and tried by a court martial in camp, and sen 
tenced to serve in the South Carolina line two days for every absent 
one. Whether this kind of punishment is right or not, I am at a loss 
to know; however, the men seem satisfied with it. I heartily wish this 
list may enable you to strengthen our line, which is still very weak, as 
you will see by the annexed return of the detachment under my com 
mand. I propose making out a few copies now, in order to send to 
Gens. Henderson and Pickens, and to some of the militia Colonels. 
Corporal Gambell unfortunately, a few days ago, killed one of the re 
cruits from Georgetown, by the name of Charles Smith. He was soon 
after committed to Orangeburgh jail by a magistrate of this district. 
I have not heard what success the officers recruiting have had lately. 
Lieuts. Martin and Langford wrote Gen. Huger, about a fortnight ago, 
that they then had enlisted eight men for the South Carolina line, four 
of whom are in camp, the rest on furlough. Capts. T. Warley and 
Levercher have, also, sent from Georgetown nine recruits, and two other 
soldiers. I am, with the greatest respect, dear General, 
Your most obedient humble servant, 




[Horry MS.] 

UXBRIDGE, Ashley River, August 14, 1782. 

Your letters of the 6th and 9th inst., are come safe to hand, but the 
paper containing the consolidation of Maham s corps you have not sent 

me, which I suppose was omitted by some mistake. I enclose you 

blank commissions. I very much approve of your plan of removing 
the rice from Santee to Georgetown, for Gen. Leslie has this day given 
official information that he is greatly distressed for want of provisions, 
and that unless I will furnish him, he must come and take it; there 
fore, you must expect another visit from him before he goes. As to 
your proposal to send rice to Charlestown for clothing, that is now ren 
dered unnecessary, as we shall be in possession of it in the course of a 
month or six weeks. The rice, &c., which Mr. Selby has permission 
to send to town, is in payment for clothing furnished the officers of our 
line, and the supernumerary officers; therefore, his vessel ought not to 
be detained. I am much surprised at your mentioning that the time 
of Maharn s men will all expire in a little time. I understood you, the 
last time we conversed on that subjtct, that very few were enlisted for 
one year, but most for two and three years. This circumstance has 
given me much uneasiness; and, to relieve my difficulties, I request 
you would forward me the return of the regiment without delay, that I 
might know what to determine on respecting that regiment. Although 
I am clearly of opinion there ought to be two Majors to a regiment, I 
should wish first to see before I make an appointment, that the state of 
the corps is such as to render the creation of another Major necessary. 
I must first see Gen. Greene before I can say anything to you about 
the exchange of prisoners you mention. 

I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

ST. DAVID S, Great Pee Dee, August 20, 1782. 

Though I have not the honor of a personal acquaintance with you, I 
am now under the necessity of humbly addressing you in this manner 


in behalf of the parish and regiment I have the honor to represent and 
command a people that have ever stood foremost among those, by their 
inflexible attachment to their country; suffered many capital distresses, 
nor did not despair of success in our greatest extremity. Although 
we have so long been at such a distance from the enemy s lines, and 
suffering every murder, plundering and cruelty, that could be perpe 
trated by a banditti of the most desperate villains and mulattoes, imme 
diately bordering on our settlements, we have, on all occasions, turned 
out, and kept in Gen. Marion s camp equal numbers with any in his 
brigade. Part of those who were under a truce that have not surren 
dered, and many other villains in this part of the country, that still 
continue their outrage, render the lives and property of the good citi 
zens very unsafe; and this disorder, in all probability, must continue, 
and the re-establishment of good order and civil law hindered, except 
you, in your goodness, will indulge my regiment with a sufficient guard 
to the gaol, as it is insufficient of its use ; with orders for supplies of 
provisions for that and the poor inhabitants; an armed party to detect 
and bring to punishment the refractory and disobedient, which my 
warm desire for that purpose will induce me to engage to have punctu 
ally performed, with all due moderation, for the good of this country, 
and agreeably to any instructions you may think proper to give me, 
which I could do, and keep one-fourth on the field on common occa 
sions, and on extraordinary emergencies with cheerfulness turn out one- 
half. My feelings will not let me omit mentioning to you some charac 
ters among them of Mr. Ganey s truce men, who have been received 
by Gen. Marion as citizens, and are now doing military duty, and en 
joying equal privileges with your best soldiers and citizens, who have 
borne the burden and heat of the day. Such I mean as were meant to 
be exempted by an Act of the late General Assembly at Jacksonborough 
men who have burned, plundered, and in cold blood (after many of 
our worthiest men had surrendered as prisoners of war) in the most 
ignominious and cruel manner taken their lives, particularly Col. Abel 
Robb s, my worthy predecessor, and a gentleman formerly a member of 
the Assembly, a Justice of the Peace, a good officer and a useful citi 
zen, and capital loss to this part of the country; and the very villains 
that perpetrated this wanton, horrid murder, burning and plundering, 
are now, in the face of his distressed family and friends, received and 
restored to equal privileges with the men who have suffered everything 
by them that it was in their power and savage disposition to inflict. 
I am, sir, your most obedient and very humble servant, 

LAMB BENTON, Lieut.- Col Com. Cher aw Militia. 


N. B. Your answer and instructions I shall hope to receive by the 
bearer, Mr. Vinow, in regard to the above. I do not doubt but Gen. 
Marion will acquiesce iu it, as I mentioned the matter to him not long 
since, about provisions, men and ammunition. 

If you will be so kind as to furnish us with the militia laws, passed 
by the last Assembly, it will be of singular service, and the people and 
myself will be instructed. 


[Horry MS.] 

OXBRIDGE, August 20, 1782. 

I this day received your letter of the 19th inst., enclosing me a return 
of the state of Maham s corps, at which I am exceedingly chagrined 
indeed, for it appears there are no more than seventeen men whose time 
of service will not expire in a month or six weeks. This deficiency, 
together with that in the corps brought into the regiment by Conyers, 
makes the regiment at least but a skeleton, when I expected the State 
would have had the services of a very respectable corps; and, to add 
to the misfortune, I cannot command the means of making it better. 
I have, in two or three instances, involved myself in a vast deal of 
trouble, by making engagements which I thought I should have been 
able to comply with; but, on experience, have found myself deceived, 
and, in consequence of which, I have embarrassed myself exceedingly, 
and brought on myself much unmerited censure, for which reason I 
am determined never to pass my word for a guinea, without I have the 
means in my hands of fulfilling the contract the moment it becomes 
due; therefore, I have no present means in my hands, nor the least 
prospect of any before the meeting of the Legislature. It is utterly 
out of my power to furnish the money to re-engage Maham s men. I 
can only lament the injury the State must be subject to by this unlucky 
circumstance, for it is not in my power to remedy the evil. As a body 
of horse will be what we shall most want when Gen. Greene leaves us 
(which he will do immediately, as the town is evacuated) I think the 
best way of disposing of the regiment will be to select the best of the 
accoutrements and horses, and mount the whole of the men that are 
retained, and form them again into a regiment of cavalry, and let them 
remain thus until the meeting of the Legislature, which I shall call 


together immediately on the evacuation of the town. As you are well 
acquainted with the state of the corps, 1 should be glad to have your 
sentiments on the matter. The enclosed is a copy of my letter to you 
by Col. Moultrie, who, being taken and carried into town, suppose the 
letter is lost. 

1 am, sir, your most obedient servant, 



(Original MS.j 

LONG CANE, August 21, 1782, 
SIR : 

As the situation of this country makes it still necessary that a part of 
the people should constantly be on duty for the purpose of suppressing 
such parties of men, as lost to every sense of justice or principle of 
honesty or humanity, make it their sole study to ruin and distress by every 
means in their power, every man who shews the least attachment to 
honesty, regular order and civil government; and as this service will 
be better performed by men engaged for a certain determinate time, 
than by the militia called out from time to time as exigences may re 
quire, I desire that you will, with all possible expedition, engage arid 
embody twenty-five good men for your own and Captain John Mitchel s 
companies, exclusive of one Lieutenant, one Quarter Master and two 
Sergeants, to serve for six months from the day the whole are engaged 
and reported to me. 

They will serve on horse-back, each man furnishing his own horse, 
saddle, and other accoutrements if he can, but where that is not in his 
power, you will have horses, saddles, &c., provided for such as are in 
want by virtue of the warrant to impress such articles herewith given 
you ; you will be particularly careful to have an exact account kept by 
the Quarter Master of all such horses, saddles, &c., as may be impressed 
by you, specifying the person s name for whom they are got, the time 
when, and the sums to which they are appraised ; all which as well as 
the people s own horses, you will have the greatest care taken of, that 
you may always be in a condition fit for service, and that there may be 
no unnecessary waste of property, you will also take care to make the 
Quarter-Master give receipts for all provision and forage you receive, 
and keep a book in which he is to rate regularly all articles, either 


horses, saddles, provisions, or forage, the two last articles need not be 
appraised, but the quantity and quality exactly ascertained that the 
Legislature may with the more ease fix the prices. 

You will be particularly careful not to distress any of the good citi 
zens of this State under any pretence, as the interest of this company is 
to protect, not to injure ; you will, therefore, effectually stop all plun 
dering, of every kind, as no property is to be meddled with on any pre 
tence whatever, unless such as may be taken in the field from men in 
arms against the State, which is to be the property of the captors, ex 
cept what may be proved to belong to good citizens, doing or always 
ready to do their duty when called on, who are to have their property 
delivered to them when proved, without any reward or deduction. 

All those who may claim property retaken from the enemy, and who 
have not themselves done their duty when called on, or who have 
refused or neglected the same., or moved into other States, will pay one- 
third part of the value of all such property, to be ascertained by three 
indifferent men, sworn to appraise the same. 

Your company will be governed by the rules and articles for the 
Government of the troops of this State, and entitled to such pay as is 
allowed by the present militia law, and they will not be called out of 
this District, unless on some particular emergency, and by my particular 

I am sir, your most obedient servant, 



[I lorry MS.] 

HEAD QUARTERS, August 23, 1782. 

I have this moment received information that Major Brewerton was 
to leave Charlestown with a party yesterday, on an expedition to Santee 
or Georgetown. As the General will not be in camp till late in the 
evening, 1 have despatched an express to communicate the intelligence, 
that you may take the most effectual measures to counteract the designs 
of the enemy. Should there arrive any accounts more minute, I sup 
pose Gen. Greene will transmit it as early as possible to you. It is 
probable the success of Major Doyle has induced them to make a second 
attempt to collect rice. Is the rice at Waccamaw much exposed? 

I am, with great respect, dear sir, your most obdt. humble servant, 

J. BUKNET, Aide-de-Camp. 



[Horry MS.j 

HEAD-QUARTERS, Ashley Hill, August 24, 1782. 

I have this moment received your letter of the 23d inst. Since the 
letter written by Major Burnet yesterday, I have been informed that 
a fleet, consisting of one sloop-of-war, three galleys, three armed brigs, 
with ten empty sloops and schooners, having 500 infantry under Major 
Brewerton and Doyle on board, passed the bar of Charlestown early 
yesterday morning, destined for Santee and Cambahee, to collect rice. 
It was supposed they would divide the force nearly equal. I have no 
doubt but you will take measures to make them pay dearly for the rice 
they may collect on Santee. I am, dear sir, with esteem and regard^ 
Your most obedient humble servant, 



[Horry MS.] 


The foregoing regimental return is made according to your orders, 
and T hope it may prove satisfactory; but I am sorry to inform you that 
a great number are disobedient to the laws of their country. Your 
letter dated Murray s Ferry, July 8, 1782, I received the other day 
only, and in compliance therewith, I answer you per this opportunity. 
With respect to the names of those who refuse to do duty, their num 
ber is so large, that I have mentioned them collectively, which you will 
see by the annexed return; but could not go down, as I have received 
a letter from his Excellency the Governor, of a later date than yours, 
say llth July, 1782, wherein he desires it to stand drafted as it is, 
with orders to march at a moment s warning, and let them remain 
where they are until further orders from him or you, and to give him 
the earliest notice of any movement of the Tories in my district, who 
are now quiet and peaceable, and are joining us very fast. I will keep 
the regiment embodied, and endeavor to enforce the law on the refrac- 


torj, by going from district to district, till countermanded by your 
orders. But neighbors are not willing to take those measures which 
the law points out, with their neighbors, and a small party from your 
part of the country will do infinite service in making the laws to be 
observed. Win. Robertson, Esq., of the Three Runs, is a principal 
adviser of the refractory. I have been also informed that Col. Thomp 
son, formerly of my regiment, has advised the refractory to stand out a 
little longer, and they will gain their ends. Not willing to trespass 
further on your time, I conclude. 

Yours, &c., 



[Horry MS.] 

UXBRIDGE, August 24, 1782. 

I have every reason to believe the information you enclosed me to be 
well founded. A note I got two days ago, from a person of good 
information, agrees substantially with yours. I think a fortnight more 
will decide the enemy s real intentions. By a woman from town last 
night, I am informed the enemy s plundering fleet sailed for George 
town yesterday morning. I am in hopes they will not be so successful 
there as they were at Santee. I enclose you an order on Mr. Richard 
son for 200 stand of arms, as the presumption is they are arrived, as I 
have notice of their leaving Philadelphia the end of June. I have, 
also, enclosed in the order, a box of sugar for your use, which is now 
there at Richardson s. Enclosed is a brevet for Dr. Neufville. I find 
there is some uneasiness in Maham s corps about rank j I could wish 
you to order a board of officers to sit and determine in the dispute as 
soon as possible, or as circumstances will admit. As you agree with 
me that it is best to mount the whole corps to act as cavalry, it is more 
necessary to have all disputes about rank settled as soon as possible, as 
a new arrangement must necessarily take place; and I suppose the 
youngest officers must go out, as was the case in the late arrangement. 
I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 




[Horry MS-1 

UXBRIDGE, August 24, 1782, 

I enclose you a letter I have just received from Lieut.-Col. Bentou, 
and wish, you to take such orders therein as you shall think proper. 
I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

ST. DAVID S, August 29, 1782.. 

Yours from Watbo of the 18th inst., I received, and in answer I 
assure you, that I have constantly been, since my arrival at home, and 
still am, using my utmost endeavors to send you the full one-third of 
my regiment. The twenty men with which I had your permission to 
guard the jail, have been constantly on hard duty, catching and bring 
ing in the disobedient; so that, inclusive of what have been lately 
ordered, and the guard will bring you, in addition to Major Thomas s 
class, at least fifty men; and hope to have it in my power, about the 3d 
of next month, to send you some more, as I expect by that time to have 
another squad gathered. But, without this armed party to be con 
stantly on duty, and monthly relieved, I cannot do anything, for the 
district is so extensive, the duty so hard, and the distance to your camp 
so far, that it can t be expected that the men who have just been dis 
charged from your camp can perform that duty. This mode would 
have been better executed if the Commanding Officer of my regiment 
at home, when I was in the camp, had not have hindered every part of 
my orders (that was in his power) for that purpose. There are but 
fourteen of the twenty men mentioned that are at this time fit for duty, 
six of whom I send with the party, and the others will come with the 
next I have mentioned; though, 1 hope, you will send them back, as 
the law cannot be enforced without them. The people are, at this time, 
very sickly about home, as has appeared by the trials of a number of 
men by a regimental court 1 lately ordered, and held four days, when 


I used every lawful and reasonable method in my power to turn out the 
men. There are several men. whom the guard will bring down, sen 
tenced to some extraordinary duty, a list of whose names, and their 
term of service, I will send to Major Thomas. 

I am, sir, with all due respect, your obdt. humble servant, 


N. B. If you permit me to continue the guard at the jail> please 
f,o ffive some instruction? about salt, &c.. for them, as it is scarce here. 


fHorry MS. 

UXBRIDGE, August 29, 1782. 

T received yours of the 27th the last evening. The information 
both Gen. Greene and myself had received, agree that there were two 
parties going out one Northwardly, and the other Southwardly. How 
ever, I am very happy to find they have dropped the Northern expedi 
tion, which I am in great hopes will leave you at leisure to form some 
plan, if possible, to put a stop to this infamous traffic, that is carried 
on with the town through Goose Creek and down Cooper River. I 
cannot help thinking it reflects no great credit on our cavalry in this 
part, to lie still in their quarters and suffer about a dozen or twenty 
negroes to come out almost every night in the week, and carry off 
cattle, horses, and anything else they want, within twelve or fifteen 
miles of their camp; but I have spoke of it so often, that I am deter 
mined never to mention the matter again. I must entreat you, sir, to 
form some plan which will be most effectual to stop such a shameful 
commerce; it is no less villainous than true that the Charlestown mar 
kets are now daily supplied with the greatest plenty of everything they 
want. There is no political consideration whatever that can induce me 
to alter the substance of my proclamation. I must request you to have 
it carried into the most rigid execution. I am clearly convinced nothing 
will do with the Southern militia until you are at leisure to undertake 
the management of them. The news contained in the paper you sent 
me is very important indeed, and I trust will lead to happy consequences. 
I observe they are contending for a restoration of the confiscated estates. 
This, I knew, would be the case, and told the House of Assembly so 
when they were about passing the Confiscation Act ; for it is a matter 


that must be finally settled by negociation. I enclose you a copy of a 
letter I have just received from Gen. Greene. Poor Laurens ! I am 
very sorry for his fate. I also enclose you twenty blank commissions, 
which were omitted to be sent before. 

I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 



[Hurry MS.] 

ST. DAVID S, August 29, 1782. 

Yours from Watbo I answered, ind expect it will be handed you 
with this, as also yours from land s Ferry, of the 26th, is just come 
to my hands. One-third of my regiment 1 have under orders to join 
you, and expect with this will come in about fifty men, in addition to 
Major Thomas division, and those that may remain behind I will send 
with all possible expedition, so that if in my power the public service 
may not be hindered. As to the men s being relieved monthly, it is so late 
now that it will be impossible for me to get them in camp until near the 
middle of the ensuing month. I am very sensible that it will make a 
considerable confusion in the regiment, as the men do not look upon 
themselves liable to go to camp yet, and the law will not oblige them until 
each division does two months duty agreeably to law ; therefore, I must 
beg to be excused in that particular, and I will send relief early in 
October, when their tour will be out, according to law. 

I remain, with all due regard, your most obedient servant, 

LAMB BENTON, Lieut.- Col. Commandant. 

N. B. Excuse my paper, &c., which hindered me from writing 
more fully. L. B. 


[Horry MS.] 

August 29, 1782. 

I have just got letters from Gen. Gist, giving an account of a little 
action between Col. Laurens and the enemy, about twelve miles belovr 


the ferry on Combahee, where he had taken post, and thrown up a 
little work to fire on the enemy s shipping, as they passed down the 
river. The enemy landed in considerable force. The Colonel s party 
being small, was beat back, in which conflict the Colonel fell, and we 
had the mortification to lose a howitzer. Gen. Gist got up just time 
enough to save the party from suffering further injury. We had twenty- 
four killed, wounded and missing. After this action the enemy em 
barked, and went down the river to the mouth of it, where they lay 
when Gen. Gist s dispatches came away; it is said they are going to 
Port Royal. There is no mention made of the enemy s loss; but they 
must have suffered considerably, and I believe they have got little or 
no rice. This is the substance of the General s letter. I lament the 
unhappy fate of Col. Laurens. I am, with great respect, 
Your Excellency s most obedient humble servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

HEAD QUARTERS, Ashley Hill, August 31, 1782, 

I most sincerely congratulate you upon the very honorable check you 
gave the enemy, and I am happy to hear you give such ample testimony 
to the bravery and firmness of the militia. I wish in every part of the 
State they were equally deserving the same applause. From what has 
passed, you may see how little dependence is to be placed in the enemy s 
peaceable professions. It gives me the highest satisfaction to find that 
they are disappointed in their expectations of finding you off your guard, 
from the arts that had been practised to effect it. At the close of every 
month, you will give me a return of the Continental and State troops, 
and the militia serving under your command, specifying where they are 
employed, and for what purpose, as I want to give the minister of war 
as satisfactory an account as possible of the force of this country. 
I am, dear sir, your most obedient humble servant, 




Horry MS.] 

UXBRIDGE, September 1, 1782, 

Your letter, received yesterday, relieved me from a great deal of uneasi 
ness, as Mr. K. Simons came down two days before and informed me that 
he was apprehensive, from the accounts he had heard, that your brigade 
had been defeated, a total route ensued, and that they had suffered 
severely. Under these impressions, you may judge what must have 
been mv feelings on receipt of your letter yesterday. I most sincerely 
congratulate you, sir, on your triumph over the deep laid scheme of 
our inveterate enemies. Their disappointment, in a plan they had 
depended so much upon, must chagrin them far more than their loss. 
Your account of the behavior of the militia reflects great honor on them, 
and exhibits an example worthy of imitation by the rest of their 
brethren. With respect to the prize you mention, 1 would have you 
by all means carry the proclamation into force against her in the most 
rigid manner also, with regard to any others that might be taken ; for, 
notwithstanding every exertion, the Ch arlestown markets are amply 
supplied with all kinds of provisions, by a parcel of mercenary, infamous 
wretches, who make lucre their only object, no matter how diabolical 
the means they pursue to obtain it, or how prejudicial it may be to the 
interest of their country. 

T. am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, 



[Horry MS."; 

September 1, 1782. 

I have had the honor of receiving your letter of yesterday, request 
ing me to peruse a note from Capt. Giles, signifying to you that an 
officer of the Pennsylvania line had informed the officers of Col. Lee s 
legion, that you, at the Governor s table at dinner, had called them all 
a trifling set of fellows, and that they were all privates, sergeants or 
corporals in the army, and that Gen. Greene should not have restored 
them their commissions again, but have filled up their vacancies with 


gentlemen of merit resident in this State; and that the officers, having 
heard you make use of these illiberal expressions, or words to that 
effect, told you that the omcers of Lee s corps were gentlemen, and 
that you were a rascal or scoundrel for saying what you did, of which 
abuse you took no notice. In compliance with your further request, 
that I would relate what I recollect of the conversation which passed 
at the Governor s quarters about that period, that some of the officers 
of Col. Lee s legion had resigned, I will state it as clearly and as fully 
as the length of time which has intervened will admit of. I do not 
now recollect, nor do I think, that we had any conversation at dinner 
relating to Lee s corps; but in the afternoon some of the company with 
drew into the piazza, and others remained in the room in which we 
had dined. The officer of the guard, Capt. Blake, yourself, and, I 

think, Col. and Mr. Prioleau, were of the first party; I, and 

some other gentlemen, remained behind. Hearing some altercation 
between you and the officer of the guard relative to some order which 
had been issued, or letter written by Major Rudolph, I walked into the 
piazza, and after a time I asked what had given rise to the conversation 
which appeared to be rather warm, though by no means indecent. 
You answered it had been asserted, and to the best of my recollection 
you added, by the officer of the guard but of this I cannot be posi 
tive that Major Rudolph, when he resigned his command, assigned 
as a reason to the corps that he was tired of the service, and that you 
thought although an officer had a right to resign his commission if he 
considered himself ill used, yet he had no right to assign such a reason 
as might create disaffection in the corps; that you had served with the 
officers of the legion, you knew they were valuable, and loved some of 
them like brothers still, if Major R. had issued the order which had 
been attributed to him, you should ever think he had acted improperly. 
The officers there endeavored to maintain the contrary. The conversa 
tion became general; it at last took a turn without your having reflected 
in the least in my hearing on the officers of the legion, and without 
any reflection whatever having been thrown out on you. The foregoing, 
sir, is, to the best of my remembrance, the substance of what passed at 
the Governor s quarters. I am truly sorry that any misunderstanding 
should have taken place on so very delicate a subject as the character 
of officers. As far as my memory can assist me, I have endeavored to 
do justice to all parties. 

I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 




[Horry MS.] 

CHARLESTONS, September 3, 1782. 

I am directed by the honorable Lieut. -General Leslie to acquaint you, 
that in consequence of a requisition made by you some time ago, he 
gave permission for provisions and necessaries to be sent here for the 
prisoners captured at different times from the party under your com 
mand, and that such supplies might be forwarded under sanction of a 
flag of truce, whenever you should judge necessary to send them. But 
the Lieut. -General is sorry, sir, to find that such indulgence, instead of 
being confined to the humane uses intended that of feeding and 
clothing your prisoners is made to answer the most improper purposes; 
for the boat which last arrived here was loaded with stock and provi 
sions for private families in town, and on its return some negroes were 
conveyed away from town in that very boat. This being the case, and 
in order to prevent such abuses in future, the General desires, sir, when 
ever any provisions, &c., are sent for your prisoners, the boat that brings 
them shall be with that sole intention; that a proper flag-master shall 
take charge of them, and deliver to our Commissary of prisoners an 
account of the quantity of every thing entrusted to his care, that no 
article of any sort shall be suffered to be put into the boat except pro 
visions, clothing and necessaries for the prisoners, under pain of having 
the whole seized; and, finally, that no person, white or black, or any 
goods, merchandise, &c., &c., shall, on any pretence, be taken from 
hence, without express leave of the General. 

I have the honor to be, sir, your most obdt. and most humble servant, 
JOHN STAPLETON, Dep.-Adj. General 


[Original MS.] 

LONG CANE, Sept. 6, 1782. 

Your favor, with the cattle by Mr. DeLoach came safe, for which I 
am much obliged to you. I am glad to hear you have got your company, 
and are quiet with respect to the out layers, though I would recom- 


mend to you to be on your guard, least they should return, at a time 
when you do not expect them, and come on you unawares. As it is deter 
mined to go against the Cherokees, I would be much obliged to you, if 
you can possibly do it, to collect on Edisto twenty-five or thirty good 
beeves and send them up so as to be at the Cherokee ford on Savannah 
River, on Monday, the sixteenth inst. I would not put you to this 
trouble, but expect beeves will be scarce. As I do not mean to take the 
men you have engaged to the nation, if any of them should come with 
the cattle, I will send them immediately back. I would recommend to 
you to send spies down Edisto, and if possible find out where Cunning 
ham keeps, and what his intention is, and if possible drive him from 
those parts ; though I would much rather you could destroy him and 
his party. I send you six swords which you will have care taken of, 
and when you have done with them, you will have them returned. 

I have likewise sent you a few sheets of paper to make your returns. 
You have my best wishes, and am, sir, 

Your most humble servant, 



[Original MS.] 

PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 7, 1782 

You have my ardent and sincere wishes for your safe and speedy 
junction with our common friends. Our cause is good ; the cause of 
humanity itself, and as it would be blasphemy in the highest degree, 
to think a Good Being would create human nature to make it unhappy, 
and countenance its being deprived of those natural rights without 
which our existence would not be tolerable; our cause may, therefore, be 
justly called the cause of God also. These were my sentiments at the 
time of the Stamp Act, the beginning of our dispute, they have continued 
to be so ever since, and with the blessing of God, I am ready and willing 
to undergo any thing Heaven may still think proper to call me to suffer 
in support of it. We are tried, but I firmly trust not given over, and 
that God will once more restore us to our country and our rights, and 
that soon, when we shall have reason to look up to Him, and be con 
vinced that his correction has been necessary, kind and proper, such as 
no father in our quandam circumstances could avoid giving to his 


children, unless he had totally delivered them up to their own wild and 
perverse imaginations, and abandoned us altogether. That we may 
pursue every prudent, reasonable, humble and truly political step, devoid 
of passion and vindictive resolutions is my warmest wish, Revenue is 
below a brave man; vengeance belongeth to the Almighty; He has 
claimed it expressly as His right, wisely foreseeing the shocking havoc 
man would make with such a weapon left to his discretion. However, 
a just retaliation, upon an abandoned and cruel enemy, may be some 
times absolutely necessary and unavoidable, but then that necessity 
should glaringly appear, be used sparingly and with propriety, that is, 
as near as possible on the offenders themselves. This even humanity 
may require ; might show steadiness and firmness, and would meet the 
approbation of all the candid part of mankind. Instead of bayoneting 
poor soldiers for the cruelty of their officers, when we have them at our 
mercy when the unexampled cruel treatment of our friends in their 
power absolutely required a return, and when they have unjustly tor 
tured or taken away the lives of any of them, a retaliation in such cases, 
in my humble opinion, would be much better taken of the officers; I 
would save them in the field, and immediately hang a few of the heads 
of them on the lines, in presence of the soldiers taken with them declar 
ing publicly the reasons why it was done, and afterwards if the enemy s 
lines were near, offer them the bodies of such officers to honor them 
with what funeral they thought proper. The higher the rank of the 
officer that fell into our hands, the nearer should we come to and 
punish the cause of the cruelties our friends had suffered, and in my 
opinion show the greater spirit and propriety in taking such a method, 
and the sooner prevent the repetition of their barbarities. Even Lord 
Cornwallis himself, if Fame says true, has been guilty of numberless 
cruelties, in cold blood, and if he fell into our hands, it would be the 
highest justice to make him suffer in an exemplary manner for them. 

You will let our friends know our situation, and that though perhaps 

they cannot without great inconvenience detain all the prisoners they 

take, and are, perhaps, obliged, from peculiar circumstances, to parole 

must have been the case heretofore, yet such 

miscreants as have acted in high stations, have done us great mischief 
by the example of their defection, and otherwise are continually playing 
us tricks, and by no means are to be trusted, we hope they will for our 
sakes, keep such perfidous wretches at such a distance from Charlestown, 
and parolled if they think proper, at least, where they can do no more 
mischief. This, common fellow-feeling for our friends absolutely re 
quires ; indeed, a contrary conduct will encourage these worst of ene- 


rnies, and make them contrive to throw themselves artfully in the way 
to be captured that they may carry on their cool, sly, detestable villainy 
with more security. I beg pardon, my dear friend, for troubling you 
with this long scrawl. My love to all our friends; tell them I hope to 
be with them soon, and to set out from hence as soon as possible after 
my family arrives the beginning of next month at farthest ; particu 
larly make my compliments to Gen. Marion. I am much obliged to 
him for his friendship at my plantation on Black River; entreat he 
will continue it. If you cannot see him, contrive, if you can, to let him 
know it. If any thing from thence, by his means or through any of 
my other friends, can be transmitted to my family here, it would be of 
great service to them, and what they will stand in need of. 

I am, dear sir, your most affectionate humble servant, 


P. S. Poor Kriapp should not be forgot. His firmness and integrity 
under the severe trials we have been witness to, entitle him to particular 


[Horry MS.] 

GOVERNOR S QUARTERS, September 7, 1782. 

I received yours of this date, enclosing Capt. Giles declaration. I 
remember perfectly well that you and an officer of the Pennsylvania line 
(his name I do not recollect) had a long and warm conversation respecting 
the resignation of the officers of Col. Lee s corps, at Mr. Thomas Wa- 
ring s; but I do not recollect particulars. This much I can say, that I 
did not hear you make use of any expressions reflecting on those gentle 
men for their conduct, than that you thought Major Rudolph was 
wrong, or to that effect, in giving as reasons for his resignation that he 
was tired of the service. On the contrary, that you knew them well, 
had served with them, and loved some of them as brothers; and I am 
sure, whilst I was present, the gentlemen of the Pennsylvania line did 
not make use of the words scoundrel or rascal to you so far from it, 
that I never thought offence had been taken at anything that had 
passed that day. 

I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 




[Horry MS.j 

CHARLESTOWN, September 7, 1782. 

Although I have not the honor of being acquainted with you, I 
return you my most humble and hearty thanks for your favor and great 
humanity shown my wife, when in the greatest distress, and persecuted 
by some of her neighbors, and for the protection you afforded her, 
which must show your benevolence and goodness of heart. I would 
next beg leave to address you on my own account, as being unfortunate 
enough to be on the confiscation list. I must acknowledge my attach 
ment to the British Government from principle; but surely, sir, you, 
yourself, who must have acted from principle, also, and from your steady 
and unwearied perseverance in that cause which you deemed to be the 
right one, will not condemn that in me which you have done with so 
much honor to yourself and country. I would further beg leave to 
acquaint you, that 1 have been very anxious to leave this town, which I 
would have done some time past, but for the reason above mentioned. 
Except my loyalty, I hope there is nothing else can be alleged against 
me. I have always been of a pacific disposition, and am entirely clear 
of the exceptions in your laws, such as murdering, plundering, house 
burning, &c. I reckon to prefer a petition to the Assembly, when they 
meet, setting forth my case; and, as I am informed some of the Acts 
will be repealed, I am not without hopes, especially if a gentleman of 
your character and influence would espouse my cause, and which, I 
hope, I shall not solicit in vain, from your innate goodness to assist the 
distressed. It does not suit me to follow the English any longer; it is 
said they are to evacuate this town next month. The nine sail of 
victuallers, and three of merchantmen, with goods, arrived two days 
ago. Be that as it will, I am heartily tired of this place, and have had 
time enough to repent of my folly. If I shall have the good fortune 
to be restored, 1 shall, undoubtedly, be a good subject to the State of 
South Carolina; if, unfortunately, it should be otherwise, I shall always 
regret having ruined my wife and children more than anything that 
can befall myself, though at this time in my fiftieth year. I hope your 
honor will excuse my detaining you so long upon a subject so interest 
ing to myself. If you will, or can, grant me protection for myself, and 
what few negroes I have, I will go out the first opportunity. If I can 
not obtain that, should be glad to know if I can stay in town after the 


evacuation, otherwise, must go to Augustine, or some of the islands, 
till the Act is repealed in my favor, by the assistance of my friends. 
I hope I have several, never having injured any individual to my 
knowledge. I wish you health and happiness, and that you may live 
long to protect the distressed and unfortunate. With high esteem and 
due regard, 

I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, 



[Original MS.] 

WAR-OFFICE, September 11, 1782. 

Congress have ordered that the Secretary of War forward to the 
Coinmander-in-Chief a copy of Gen. Greene s letter, on the subject of 
recruiting Lieut.-Col. Lee s partisan corps, and that he inform you that 
your further attendance on this business can be dispensed with. 
I am, sir, your very obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

UXBRIDGE, September 13, 1782. 

I have just received yours of the 12th inst. by Major Conyers. 1 
certainly will not give Col. Maham leave to give up the horses you 
mention, and I think it extraordinary he should attempt to release them 
without my permission. I should imagine he would hardly presume to 
disobey your orders ; but, if you apprehend any danger, I will imme 
diately send you a press warrant, to prevent them from being taken 

I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 




[Horry MS.] 

UXBRIDGE, September 13, 1782. 

Yours of the 10th inst., came safe to hand yesterday. The mode I 
have adopted in taking substitutes is to oblige all under fifty to furnish 
two substitutes, and all above fifty one substitute, which is conforming 
to the militia law as near as can be. All those who have surrendered 
since the time limited by my invitation, I have parolled till the meeting 
of the Legislature, to be dealt with as they think proper; a copy of the 
parole I now enclose you. I am entirely of opinion with you, that a 
body of good cavalry will be indispensably necessary to restore order 
and good government in the different parts of the country, after the 
enemy have quitted Charlestown; for there are a parcel of infamous 
wretches whom the habit of plundering has taken such fast hold of, 
that nothing but a military force will ever be able to subdue them, and 
that force must be cavalry. But, unfortunately for this country, we 
have not the means of procuring men to put such a corps on the re 
spectable establishment, as it ought to be; however, as Maham s corps 
at present sCauds, I natter myself we shall be able to put it on a very 
respectable footing as s^on as we can get into the town. By the deter 
mination of the Council, the substitute money is all to be applied to 
raise recruits for the Continental line of this State; therefore, any 
application of it towards recruiting State troops would be improper. 
You mention those who agree to find substitutes give twenty-five 
guineas; they are to procure the substitutes, cost what they will ; at the 
same time great caution should be used that they do not go beyond 
thirty guineas, otherwise, it would ruin our recruiting service. I, there 
fore, think the best way would be for them to pay the money into your 
hands, and you to recruit the men, by which means you will be able to 
prevent the service being injured by exorbitant bounties. I think the 
State s share of seizures, that are made under my proclamation of the 
14th of March last, cannot better be applied than to the purpose you 
mention that is, recruiting Maham s corps, and which I very much 
approve of; but, I could wish you to reserve as much out of the first 
sales as will pay Harris for the wagon you purchased of him, for I can 
with truth assure you, that 1 have no present means, or a prospect of 
any, until we get into Charlestown, of satisfying this or any other 
demand against the State, as the Council have declined their assent to 


selling any more negroes until the enemy quit the State. I am glad to 
find, by the surrender of the party you mention, that the Northern 
parts of the State are now clear of the disaffected. I don t apprehend 
any danger now from Fanning. Our printer has began to publish his 
paper again, and I enclose you one of them. 

I am, sir, your obedient humble servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

ASHLEY HILL, September 15, 1782. 
DEAR Si^ : 

I have received your letter by Mr. Pollock, with the returns enclosed. 
Intelligence from town induces me to believe the enemy are making 
preparations for another expedition after provision, and that the neigh 
borhood of Georgetown will be their object, if there is a large quantity 
of provisions near that place. I beg that some steps may be taken for 
removing the rice, if possible, or for effectually covering the country 
from the ravages of the enemy. I am unable, at this distance, to deter 
mine with precision the position you ought to take, or the measures 
you have it in your power to pursue, to oppose their designs. You 
will, therefore, adopt the plan which you think most eligible. 
I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] * 

HEAD-QUARTERS, September 18, 1782. 

Gen. Greene has this moment received information that a detachment 
of the enemy are gone up Cooper River; their object is not ascertained. 
It is said to consist of more than 400 men, and that they left town yes 
terday noon. The General desires me to transmit you the information 
for your security. 

I am, respectfully yours, 

J. BURNET, Aide-decamp. 



[llorry MS.] 

UXBRIDGE, September 18, 1782, 

I have written to you by Major Conyers respecting Mahanrs corps; 
also, what must be done with those persons who come out of Charles- 
town. Since the time specified in ruy invitation, the refugees have 
obtained permission to remain until the 26th inst. I proposed a plan 
to Col. Lushington, some time ago, for manning the galley at George 
town ; I have not since heard from him on the subject. If that plan 
does not take, I know of no other at present; for, as I have before 
observed to you, I have no money, nor have I the means of command 
ing any. It would be a mere trifle for the merchants and inhabitants 
in and about that place, to advance as much money, or something else, 
as would fit out the vessel, and they are the most immediately interested 
in it. A few years ago, the public spirit of our people would have stimu* 
lated them to do such a thing without being asked; but, alas! that 
seems now to be vanished. Mrs. Matthews is now on her way from 
Philadelphia, and I expect she will be at the high hills of Santee about 
the 7th of next month; and, as the road from Laurens Ferry to this 
place is very dangerous^ I must desire an escort might be sent to meet 
her at the ferry, and conduct her down to my quarters. Let the escort 
be at Laurens by the 7th, and send on one of the men to Capt. Rich* 
ardson s, to wait there until she arrives (if she should not be there 
before) that she might know the escort waits for her; otherwise, she 
may stay there a day or two, and I don t want the men to be absent 
longer than necessity requires. You are a better judge than I am what 
number of horse will be sufficient to render her passage safe ; therefore, 
I shall leave the appointment of the party to you. I think it would be 
well to caution the person who is to command the party, not to say for 
what purpose they are ordered, lest some villains might be tempted to 
waylay the road before she gets to the ferry, for she has only one white 
man and two negro servants with her, and Capt. Richardson informs 
me there are some bad men in that neighborhood, who have lately plun 
dered several people. If it would not be fatiguing the horses too much, 
or attended with particular inconvenience, I would be glad they could 
be sent as far as Capt. Richardson s, to meet her. However, I shall 
leave the matter to you, as I dare say you will be disposed to accommo 
date her as far as the service will admit. Yours, &c., 




[Horry MS.] 

PRINCE WILLIAMS , Salt Ketcher, September 20, 1782. 

Your letter of the 9th August I have received by Capt. Youngblood, 
wherein you desire to take all defaulters of my regiment who refuse to 
do duty agreeably to my orders, either to try them in my regiment, or 
to send them down to be tried in your brigade that is out; the latter 
you ll think best, and which I approve of, and will conform thereto. 
Capt. Youngblood has not attended according to appointment, which 
has delayed my carrying your orders into execution. I should be glad 
to know if you have given him orders to the contrary. I think it will 
be useless, without assistance, to endeavor to get them out, as I have 
many times endeavored to turn them out agreeably to your orders, with 
out effect. They are of opinion that they will not be obliged to comply 
with the law, and think you will not send after them, as they are fed 
up, and have contrary opinions instilled into them. I will appoint 
officers to the three companies who are without, and order them out on 
duty; and, should they remain refractory, I must send them down to 
you, to be dealt with as you shall think proper, with some assistance, if 
agreeable to you. 

I am, your most obedient humble servant, 

WILLIAM DAVIS, Lieut.- Colonel 

P. S. I do not know if you have received my last letter, with the 
returns annexed. It was the best I could make at that time; but, 
when I can turn out the regiment, and the men be more obedient to 
orders, I will send you a correct return. It is impossible to send you 
the names of the contumacious till the companies are officered and 
ordered out, and will comply. 


[Horry MS.] 

ECHAU, September 23, 1782. 

I received yours of the 23d inst., and am much surprised of your 
being informed of my supplying the British with cattle, and that one 


Joulee was my driver; your informant was not just. Joulee did drive 
some cattle from the North side of Santee River to the South side; but 
the most of them were breeding cattle, which I did not think was 
against your orders to drive to this side. I could wish the whole of 
the Americans (though I say it) were like myself. I would freely give 
my all to serve my country, and, indeed, it has cost me nearly all, and 
still would give the remainder; if it were in my power the British should 
not eat or drink of what belong to the Americans. I always could give 
my friends a drink of grog or a cup of coffee until now, which plainly 
shows the dealing I have with the enemy; indeed, I have been plun 
dered so often, that I have no clothes to wear on credit, nor as much 
hard money to purchase them. If I have traded, I must either have 
had money or clothes; but I can declare I have neither. I beg, Gene 
ral, you will satisfy me, in letting me know the informer. You know 
when I found what was carrying on, I begged of you to let me have a 
few men, and I could give you abundance of satisfaction in serving 
from Echau to the mouth of Santee ; but you never were kind enough 
to do it. You say my conduct has deceived you ; I am heartily sorry 
for it. I am in hopes you will yet have a better opinion of me than 
what you express at present. I am sorry I am obliged to write, as it 
is not in my power to come to you at present; but I shall wait on you 
as soon as I possibly can. I have always executed your orders as far 
as I have been able, and, indeed, have got a good deal of ill will for 
executing them; but, were it to do again, I should do it, or any orders 
you may give me, either on friend or foe. I have always made it my 
study to see that they were executed. My men should have been in 
camp before now, but the most of the relief are sick. Winningham 
and his sons, who say that you told them to collect the public cattle, 
do very little at it. I will be glad if you let me order them to camp, 
and with your orders will appoint some more qualified than them, and 
who are not of much other service. My lieutenant, who was to go 
with the men, has moved out of the parish. If nothing happens, in 
about a month I natter myself I shall be able for business, and shall 
be able to give more satisfaction. About ten days ago I had some idea 
of some blacks collecting fifteen or twenty horses near me. I pursued, 
but missed them; they carried off their horses safe and, for fear of 
iny pursuing them, they pulled up Oindaw Bridge to cover their re 
treat, and went off clear. I shall be much obliged to you for a copy of 
the militia law. I have some men that deserve to be made Continentals; 
but think I had better send them to camp to be tried. 
I am, dear General, your obedient servant, 




[Horry MS.] 

WATBO, September 24, 1782. 

Yesterday I received a letter from Major Call, at Smith s, in Goose 
Creek. By his account, he expected the enemy was out; but I have 
heard from Haddrell s and Daniel s Island late yesterday, and no troops 
are out. Marquis Rockingham s death has made a change of ministers, 
Lord Shelburn at the head, who is our most inveterate enemy, which I 
conceive will prolong the war ; however, I have certain intelligence that 
steps are still taken to evacuate, and am very sanguine it will take 
place by the 15th of next month. If your cavalry will take post on 
Goose Creek, it would secure my right, and I would have a better 
opportunity to shut up my left; they being so near in your front, would 
prevent every necessary from being carried in town, and secure your 
position and mine; the communication would be so near each other, 
that a reciprocal support would be had in three hours. I must beg 
pardon for this hint; I wish not to exceed the station I am in, and 
pay every deference to your judgment. Should the enemy attempt 
me, I am determined not to quit this ground without I am forced. I 
have now thrice the number of men in the field that I had when Frazer 
made his appearance, and I trust I can make my men stand their 
ground. I could wish a more frequent intercourse of intelligence could 
be between us. At present I am acting without the materials from the 
Southward to form a judgment of my security. I have the honor to 
be, with great respect and esteem, 

Your obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

WATBO, September 24, 1782. 

Enclosed is a copy of a letter wrote Gen. Greene. If you wish to 
stop all intercourse with the enemy, and prevent any supplies being 
carried into them, the position hinted for the General s cavalry is the 


only means to effect it. The change of the ministry indicates a pro 
longation of the war. Our lenient countenance towards those people who 
have surrendered to us, and are carrying a continual trade of provi 
sions to the enemy, has obliged me to warn the people that they will be 
taken into custody under the Sedition Act. So great a trade is carried 
on along Wambo and Goose Creek, to supply the enemy, that all my 
vigilance to stop it is fruitless; and I find, to stop the trade of feeding 
the enemy, it must be effected by taking every person adjacent to town 
and make them prisoners, or keep them a great distance from their 
plantations, and remove all their possessions. Without such a mode, it 
is impossible to prevent the infamous practice. I have already gone in 
some respects in this measure, which I hope will meet with your and 
the Council s approbation. What I have gone into in this respect, is 
only threats, but wish to carry them into execution. My opinion on this 
particular juncture is, that we should act with a determination against 
every man whatever, who may be found playing a false game, without 
which a small reinforcement will ruin everything in the former channel. 
This obliges me to be more particular in having the State legion com 
pleted by every means that can be thought of, as Continental cavalry 
cannot be commanded for that service, which I am certain you have 
found by experience. Believe me, good sir, I wish to be clear of every 
public employment; but, to retire when my country calls for my poor 
abilities, I should call cowardice, and am determined, notwithstanding 
my debilitated body, to do everything in my power to see this once 
happy country enjoy its former liberty. 

I am, with respect and esteem, your Excellency s obdt. servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

UXBRIDGE, October 6, 1782. 

Your letter of yesterday s date is just come to hand. There is but 
one way in which the negroes you mention are to be dealt with; that 
is, as they were taken in arms, they must be tried by the negro law ; 
and, if found guilty, executed, unless there are any whose cases are 
so far favorable as to induce the court to recommend them to mercy, 
and the executive authority interpose and pardon them. Exemplary 


punishments on such notorious offenders will have a very salutary effect, 
especially at this time. With regard to the subject of the trade car- 
ried on with the town, which you wrote to me about some days ago, I 
have not been able to collect a Council to advise with them on that 
subject, as they have almost all of them been so much indisposed, that 
they have not been able to attend to business; however, it would not 
be amiss still to hold up the threat of subjecting offenders to trial under 
the Sedition Act, and in the meantime to seize and condemn whatever 
is taken from them, in the utmost latitude of my proclamation. The 
enemy have lately sent some of their emissaries in the country, to per 
suade the people to carry all the provisions into them that they can col 
lect, in consequence of which they are thronging to town in such 
droves, that the guard at Bacon s Bridge, detachments from the army, 
and even individuals, have made a great number of seizures, which 
have been condemned. This timely exertion has so far deterred them, 
that for several days past they seem to have given up their lucrative 
game, as no seizures have been made, so that their execrable policy has 
failed for once. The enemy has abandoned James Island. 
I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.j 

TRAVELLER S REST, October 9, 1782. 

This will be handed you by Capt. Taylor, who comes to attend the 
sitting of the Board of Officers. Capt. Simons resignation ends the 
dispute between him and Capt. Taylor. Capt. Martin claims the same 
as Capt. Simons; he was left out in the consolidating. How that mat 
ter is to be settled, you are the best judge. A few, and a very few of 
the junior officers, think Simons resignation ought not to continue 
both Martin and Taylor, and that if Taylor is the youngest, he ought 
to be left out ; but I hope he will not. I have enclosed the different 
claims, as I am confident I shall not be able to ride so far. I am now 
an object of pity, and the fever continues. Capt. Nelson informed me 
that you, as usual, have been helping us in clothing. It is to you, and 
from your favorable assistance only, that we can make that appearance, 
or be enabled to do that service to our country that is expected from 


us. The Governor is poor, and, I find, contracted in his opinion of 
matters in general; that he has no resource unless he has money, no 
stratagem, no policy; and, in short, he is poor. 

My compliments to Simons, Muller, Edwards, Elliot and Neufville, 
and receive the best respects from, dear General, 

Your most obedient and very humble servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

UXBRIDGE, October 15, 1782. 

Those gentlemen who have for some time been so much indisposed, 
as to prevent their attendance in Council, having recovered their health, 
enabled me yesterday to convene a Council, when I laid before them 
your letter respecting the propriety of altering the mode of punishment 
for persons carrying on a clandestine trade with the enemy, from that 
pointed out by my proclamation of the 14th March last, to that pointed 
out under the Sedition Act; when, after mature deliberation, the 
Council were of opinion that an alteration in the mode of punishment 
would by no means be advisable at this juncture; but, at the same 
time, earnestly recommended that the proclamation before mentioned 
should be carried vigorously into execution, which, in their opinion, 
was very well calculated to put a stop to that iniquitous commerce. 
I am, sir, your obedient servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

October 16, 1782. 


As your Excellency has taken the whole matter of the late agreement 
with the British on yourself, and that by the executive authority, and 
executive, &c., mentioned in the fourth article, your Excellency is to 
be understood. I was in doubt with myself (and took a day or two to 


consider further of it) whether there would be occasion to trouble your 
Excellency with the little mentioned; but, as I still unhappily differ 
from your Excellency in opinion, and am persuaded, if from nothing 
else, from the want of precision, at least, in the expression of that 
article, the State at large will be led to think the Privy Council are 
made a party thereto, and, of course, myself, a member thereof. As I 
dislike the agreement, very cogent reasons oblige me to send your 
Excellency my formal disapprobation thereof, nearly in the words. I 
drew immediately a rough sketch on seeing it, which I then showed to 
those gentlemen of the Council I mentioned to your Excellency, and 
should have sent it to your Excellency had not the Council been sum 
moned so soon. The doctrine broached at the last Council, which I 
never heard or suspected before, that the Privy Council is in no case 
part of the executive, is, in my opinion, very alarming; it tends to 
make them insignificant, and the next step is, when an opportunity 
offers, to expunge that body altogether from the Constitution, and pre 
pare the way to reduce this Government to a kind of Principality. I 
have frequently, in the Assembly, taken notice how great an eye-sore 
the Privy Council seemed to be to some gentlemen amongst us, and 
what indirect strokes were aimed at them. That the Governor is the 
sole ostensible executive of the State, is readily granted; further, that 
in all acts wherein he is not particularly retrained by law, he may be 
said to be absolutely so; but, in such laws wherein it is expressly 
directed that he shall not act but by the advice and consent of the 
Privy Council, there they are certainly part of the executive. For I 
have ever learned, that whatever is essentially necessary to a thing, that 
that thing cannot exist without it, most belong to it and participate of 
its nature so in this last case, .whenever the law requires that when a 
Governor is inclinable to a certain executive act, that executive act 
shall not be done but by the advice and consent of the Privy Council. 
If it be done without such advice and consent, it is illegal; therefore, 
they are certainly a sine qua non to make the Governor act legally in 
such instance, and, consequently, in such cases, are a necessary part of 
the executive, and the individual members thereof may be said to be 
parties thereof. What confusion this can occasion, or how by this 
omission there can be ten Governors in this State instead of one, not 
withstanding what a learned, or any number of learned lawyers what 
ever may say, I cannot conceive. Besides, in case of the death of a 
Governor, during the recess of the Assembly, will not the Lieutenant- 
Governor immediately succeed, and, in case of his death, too, one of 
Privy Council? Does not this show they belong to the executive? 


Their participation of the executive is but sometimes in particular cases, 
and that only internally or privately (as a Privy Council) without any 
external authority whatever; this belongs solely to the Governor or 
Commander-in-Chief. This, or something like it, I take to be the in 
tention of the words in the eleventh article of the Constitution " in 
manner herein mentioned," placed immediately after to modify and re 
strain the words " that the executive authority be vested in the Gover 
nor and Commander-in-Chief;" otherwise, those words must be alto 
gether nugatory, and put for no purpose whatever. I will now beg 
leave to trouble your Excellency with the letter already mentioned. 
" May it please your Excellency I have seen the agreement with the 
British, dated the 10th, and find by its fourth clause that, as a particle 
of the executive, though unconsulted, I seem to be made a party therein 
to promote its acceptance with the public, which occasions my troubling 
your Excellency by letter, as my conscience and duty oblige me to 
declare that I disapproved almost every article. Indeed, I am not able 
to see any pressing occasion we had for any further meeting with the 
enemy s commissioners, after the last, convened at their request, broke 
up, which I was not sorry for, as we have so greatly the advantage of 
them, in point of British property, to lay our hands on when we please. 
This they well knowing, no doubt occasioned so much anxiety on their 
side for a further meeting. The agreement itself appears to me ex 
tremely injurious to the public, and fear it will involve us in endless 
ill consequences. With British lawsuits, no doubt, our courts will be 
filled; but these are trifles to what might be mentioned. The excep 
tion in the first article is not only, in my humble opinion, imprudent 
and impolitic with regard to ourselves; but, when taken with the 
second, has an unfriendly (if not inimical) aspect towards our sister 
States. Its eighth article is, in the last degree, humiliating. The great 
est and tenderest care seem to be taken of the British interest, honor, 
and even delicacy, throughout the agreement, while our rights, and 
what is essential to our honor and interest, are totally omitted, or not 
mentioned with that unequivocal plainness and precision, and that de 
cisive firmness we had room to expect. The whole agreement carries 
such manifest appearance of timid and over-cautious fear of offending 
the British, that instead of hastening, it has a natural tendency, when 
considered with the situation of the State for this last campaign, to 
retard their departure to the last moment they possibly can, in hopes 
that (as only interior disadvantages on their side oblige them to think 
of an evacuation) some external good luck may turn up in the interim, 
to bring about a recall of their orders. The plentiful markets and 


great trade they have already had with our people during the whole 
summer, the prospect of still greater when the crops come in, together 
with no small advantages they may promise to themselves if they can 
but stay, to dabble through their emissaries at our ensuing election, 
must of themselves be strong allurements to a watchful enemy not to 
hurry away until it is absolutely unavoidable; and must not their in 
ducements be still stronger when they consider what is too glaring to 
escape them, the lax situation of our Government for want of courts, 
notwithstanding the parade of an Assembly sitting at Jacksonborough. 
The preference too currently given them, of all kind of necessaries 
for their specie and goods, rather than to our own army, which has 
been more than once in want, even of our common staple, rice, and 
beef, for several days tegether (and I wish I may not soon experience 
more alarming wants than any they have hitherto felt, if something 
more vigorous than in terrorem threats are not speedily and resolutely 
fallen upon) is no small addition to their other advantages. Above all, 
are not the enemy sure that our army cannot compel them to go away, 
or restrain them from making incursions almost anywhere for many 
miles, but just about the spot they occupy? These must be great in 
citements for them to stay, if possible. The first article will be of more 
service than ever, as having experienced, they can put a confidence in 
them, and of the most dreadful consequences to us, by having such 
powerful arguments to induce others to join them, and exert themselves 
to the utmost to do us as much mischief as they possibly can, finding 
they will thereby recommend themselves the more to the British, and 
stand the better chance to insure them protection upon a pinch. In 
my humble opinion, better the whole value of these fellows should be 
lost altogether than that the public should countenance so dreadful a 

" My duty to the State, and regard to my own reputation, (not desir 
ing to be looked upon as a party to promote what I disapprove of,) has 
extorted this letter from me, which I hope will not give your Excel 
lency any offence, which is far from my intention; for believe me, sir, 
no man more sincerely wishes that your administration, in these very 
difficult times, may prove not only serviceable to the public, but also 
honorable to yourself, and meet with general applause, than I do. I 
had some thoughts of reserving my opinion on this measure in my own 
breast till the Assembly sat ; but, upon further consideration, it appeared 
uncandid to your Excellency, and looked too much like cunning, which 
I abhor. 

" I am, with great respect, your Excellency s &c., &c., 

" C. G." 


N. B. The former part of this letter does not enter into the merits, 
whether the Governor had a right to exercise that particular act of 
agreement with the British solely of himself; but only takes up Mr. 
Kutledge s assertion in the Governor s favor, that the Privy Council 
were a part of the executive in no case whatever. 


[Horry MS.] 

(NEAR THE GOVERNOR S QUARTERS), October 21, 1782. 

Your favor of the 18th I received by Mr. Ferguson, on his return 
from Accabe, his commission about the negroes being at an end. The 
British, it seems, make a pretence that it was because Major Rudolph 
had taken a small party near their lines, and unless Gen. Greene re 
turned them, they would not send a negro out; but this is a mere pre 
tence, they had not the least right to make such a demand on the 
General. I should be extremely happy to have it in my power to oblige 
you, and serve Col. Horry, whose perseverance, firmness and merit, 
must be evident to everybody. Should the agreement be received, 
which I think there is little probability of, you may be assured that 
nothing in my power shall be wanting to serve him, Col. Horry; and, 
as Col. Moncrieff has the negroes, who is one of the principal opposers 
of the agreement being complied with, I will use my endeavors with 
the Governor, if he can do it with propriety, to make a particular de 
mand for them. The measure was certainly amazingly to the advan 
tage of the British nation ; and, if their troops here had not as little 
spirit with regard to them as our people manifestly show with regard to 

this State (by that d -d communication with the town, which has 

now over-run all bounds) they would gladly have complied with the 
agreement to a title; but private interest on their side has overset it. 
Leslie has been very anxious about it for months past, and seen the 
advantages we had over him, and made several overtures before it was 
brought to a point. For my part, my friend, I was always for keeping 
coolly the ground the Assembly left us, pointing out to the enemy the 
glaring superiority we had, and, at the same time, hinting that, if they 
wantonly distressed us, the Assembly, however willing of themselves, 
would certainly make use of the means in their power to do the State 


justice. This, as often as I had opportunity in private conversation 
with the Governor, I constantly gave as my opinion; however, his 
Excellency thought otherwise, and, without consulting the Privy 
Council at all, made the agreement himself. As soon as I saw it, I 
was very sorry for it, looking upon it as weak in itself, unnecessary, 
impolitic, humiliating, and pregnant with bad consequence to the State. 
Finding by the penning of the fourth article that the Privy Council 
seemed to be made parties thereto, though never consulted upon that 
ground, I took the liberty to write to his Excellency, expressed my dis 
approbation of it in the warmest terms, and pointed out many of its 
defects. This I mention to you as a friend. We are all indebted to 
you my dear sir, and I shall always be happy to have it in my power 
to discharge part of my public debt to you, by rendering you any agree 
able service. They still talk of the enemy s evacuating soon. I cannot 
but hear of the motions tending thereto as well as others; but seeing 
no reasons from within ourselves to oblige them to go away, but too 
many for their staying, I am still, and shall not think they intend abso 
lutely to go until 1 hear they are over the bar. All their manoeuvring 
seems to be attended with a mixture of as much delay as possible, as if 
they still waited further orders, and were determined not to go a moment 
before they could possibly avoid. 

Pray remember me to Col. Horry, and all enquiring friends with you. 
I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 



[Original MS.] 

CHARLESTOWN, October 25, 1782. 
SIR: 4 

The Commissioners appointed by Gen. Leslie and Gen. Greene 
having settled the exchange of prisoners, the purport of Dr. Neufville s 
coming to town is by this means settled, and I have, in pursuance of 
that agreement, sent out all the prisoners I had in the prison ship, and 
those that were here on parole. You will be pleased on your part to 
send in here all the regulars and militia that may be with you. 
I have the honor to be, sir, your most obdt. servant, 




[Ilorry MS.] 

GEORGETOWN, October 27, 1782, 

After a small cruise of six days after two of the enemy s galleys, I 
arrived last evening quite late, and in the morning early my Lieutenant 
had intelligence of a sloop-of-war going loaded with rice and tobacco 
for Charlestown, without any flag, but a pass filled up in this place from 
the Governor, dated the 18th July last. I only want to know whether 
there is any later proclamation, or if this method of carrying on trade 
with the enemy is allowed by the Governor or not; for I like to have 
had my eyes pulled out by only putting an officer on board until I saw 
the passport, which was filled up. After I had done that matter, I 
then discharged him from on board. If such trafficking is allowed, I 
would be glad to be informed by a letter from your Excellency. 
I am, sir, with respect, your most obdt. servant, 



[Ilorry MS.] 

October 28, 1782. 

I am directed by Major-Gen. Greene to request you will have all the 
regular and militia prisoners, who are in Georgetown, immediately sent 
to Charlestown, under a guard. I shall be glad to know whether there 
are any sailors in Georgetown prisoners. 

I am, sir, with esteem, your most obdt. humble servant, 



[Horry MS.J 

(NEAR THE GOVERNOR S QUARTERS), October 29, 1782. 

Hearing my friend Ferguson was unwell, I made an elopement to see 
him, and just returned last evening, a little before your express called on 


me, much fatigued, which prevented your favor by him of the 24th. 
I am obliged to you for the paper you sent, and think it would be of 
general information to have it printed ; but Dunlap is so unwell, that 
he has left off printing, and, besides, his paper is so small, and types 
so large, that I am persuaded one of his gazettes could not hold a 
fourth part of it. This would make it far less useful and entertaining 
than if it came out all together. Should any opportunity unexpectedly 
offer of giving it to the public, I will not slip it. The more I consider 
the late intended agreement, the more disgraceful (and that unneces 
sarily so altogether, in my opinion,) it appears to the State. On the 
Privy Council not being consulted, and yet seeming to be made a party 
thereto, I immediately wrote a letter to his Excellency, to disavow my 
approbation of it; but previous to my sending it, receiving a summons 
to Council, I kept it back till that should be over, expecting the matter 
might be opened there; but finding we were called on a different busi 
ness, and no probability of its being then touched upon, as I saw, I 
took hold of something that seemed to tend that way, and purposely 
brought it in indirectly in my argument on what was before us, pleading 
as an excuse that as a particle of the executive, by the inaccurate word 
ing of the fourth article, I was brought in as a kind of party to an 
agreement which I almost totally disliked; upon which Mr. E. R., to 
my astonishment, said that the Privy Council was, in no case whatever, 
any part of the executive, which he said was also the opinion of another 
distinguished lawyer he named; and the Governor himself said, that 
old Col. Pinckney, who is conveniently dead, had told him the same. 
This, I think, as well as some other circumstances, leaves great room 
to think, that though the natural Council, appointed by the State, was 
not consulted on that most important occasion, yet that certain lawyers 
at least, if not others, were. This novel and dangerous doctrine, so 
contrary to the spirit of our Constitution and plain letter of many of 
our laws, so roundly and positively asserted, and, although Lowndes 
lieutenant during his administration, and during the greater part of J. 
Rutledge s, I had never heard a title of, or had the least suspicion that 
any such tenet could be advanced, till this morning I heard it declared 
in the strongest terms in Council, and a little before by that gentleman, 
openly in the Governor s porch. This induced me, when I went home, 
to add a note, by way of preface, to the letter I had prepared to send 
to his Excellency, a copy of which I now enclose you; the proceeding 
on the cause of it will serve by way of an explanation thereto. We 
have been wanting, my dear sir, more troops for the General all this 
campaign, but, in my opinion, we have wanted still more an efficacious 


civil power; and, if the enemy leaves Charlestown, which still is a 
doubt with me notwithstanding I cannot help seeing appearances as 
well as others, their advantages over the country, which at this instant 
are so amazingly beyond any they ever had I say, in case of an evacua 
tion, and the sword has a little rest, we must lose no time to join 
shoulder to shoulder to check the rapaciousness, tyranny and insolence 
of too many of our lawyers, or this State will never be at peace, or in 
a respectable situation again, or the citizens thereof upon an equal foot 
ing with regard to the possession of their property, which, in my 
opinion, for many years past, the poor and middling people have only 
held rather from courtesy than right, owing principally to that cause. 
Nothing but the infinite number of our laws, and what is quoted as 
authority in our courts (which, without exaggeration, a room of mode 
rate size would not hold) together with the perplexity and confusion, 
give these gentlemen their importance, or, indeed, any importance at 
all. These may be reduced, I am persuaded, to an octavo volume; at 
most, very few of them will ever help, we may be sure. But the 
business is of such necessity, that it must be done, as soon as pos 
sible, or we shall, in all probability, be undone; for otherwise their 
insolence as lawyers will be soon equal to what the famous Roman 
Catholic Bishop Becket said to a gentleman he was not well pleased 
with. He told him very haughtily that he hoped to see the day when 
no jack gentleman would dare to stand with his hat on before the lowest 
priest. Without great care this, or something like it, will be soon the 
case with regard to the lawyers here. I never thought there was much 
riddle and finesse necessary in a good Goovernment that honest men 
of good plain common understanding, who would take pains to judge, 
and always judge for themselves, not suffering their understanding to 
be in any man s keeping, were fully equal to the task; but how is the 
case? The people may appoint whom they think proper (as in a Privy 
Council), these may be consulted occasionally to pick the gilding off 
of gingerbread, or some such trifling matter; but in an affair of the 
utmost consequence to the safety, honor and interest of the State, it 
cannot be expected they are fit judges (though, perhaps, a matter not 
even depending on any difficult principle of law); no! without the 
lawyers have the principal hand in it, or, indeed, the whole cooking of 
it, all is undone. I wish this may not have been nearly the case, my 
friend, on a late occasion, which I think almost as disgraceful to the 
State as was the agreement itself. The public are extremely obliged 
to you for your vigilance with regard to the gentlemen sending provi- 
pions to town. I believe I cannot be reckoned a severe man in my 


politics ; but I assure you I have done all in my power, for many 
months, to no purpose, to get means used to have some of them tried 
by the sedition laws. If convicted, perhaps my bowels might yearn 
over a poor necessitous man, so as to endeavor to procure his pardon; 
but if a rich fellow, if I had ten thousand votes they should all go for 
a halter for him, and nothing else. Owing to the too great encourage 
ment of these rascals, the army has given over, since the beginning of 
the campaign, to that villainous, destructive trade with the town ; and 
to that impolitic infatuation, from Christmas last, of propagating the 
enemy s hums about an evacuation, we are brought to the present 
dilemma which is, if the enemy actually goes, they even then leave 
us with the highest contempt, and may return; but, should any external 
advantage to them make Sir Guy revoke his orders, what becomes of 
us all then? In that shocking, corrupted state, the people are now in, 
tis heads or tails with us, and the stake, I am afraid, is no less than 
the whole State. Sir Guy is looked upon as aa excellent officer, having 
the good of his nation disinterestedly at heart. No doubt so wary a 
commander must have men here on whom he can depend to give him 
information of our situation in all respects. Pardon me, my dear sir, 
for troubling you with so long a letter, when your time is so important 
to the public. Believe me to be, with sincere esteem, 
Your obedient servant, 


P. S. I send to the Governor s every day for my rations of beef; 
this moment my boy has returned without any, bringing a note that 
there is none, and that the army is dissatisfied about it. I wish these 
dissatisfactions may not increase daily more and more, and bring on 

some dangerous crisis. The whole proceeds from the d- d town 

trade, where they live in clover. The same note mentions that the 
Augustine fleet is arrived. 


[Horry MS.] 

HEAD-QUARTERS, October 30, 1782. 

Your letter of the 28th inst. I have this moment received. Capt. 
Warren has written to you requesting the prisoners, mentioned in the 


list you enclosed, might be sent to Charlestown, except the dragoons, as 
they were exchanged by an agreement entered into the 23d instant, 
by which all citizens and militia of every rank and denomination, made 
prisoners of war previous to that date, southward of the Delaware 
River, with all the volunteers, and many Continental officers, a list of 
whose names will be immediately published by the Commissary of 
Prisoners. The safe-guard had certainly, by his conduct, forfeited 
his protection. I wish, however, you would send him to Gen. Leslie, 
with a remonstrance against the irregularities committed. Should 
there be an opportunity of injuring the enemy at the distillery, by a 
detachment from this army, I beg you will send me such intelligence 
as to enable me to give you the necessary aid. 

I have the honor to be, sir, with much esteem, your obdt. servant, 



[Horry MS.J 

GEORGETOWN, October 31, 1782. 

I have this moment been honored with your Excellency s letter of 
28th inst., in consequence of which have made a seizure of a schooner 
from Mr. Lockwood in Charlestown, deeply laden with tobacco, rice, 
&c., which was discharged from the sloop I mentioned to your Excel 
lency I had seized before, and which I then cleared upon seeing a pass 
port, signed by the Governor. I have put an officer on board of this 
vessel, and am determined to hold her until I hear further from you. 
Your Excellency may depend I shall strictly adhere to the instructions 
which your letter contains, and do all in my power to prevent the 
scandalous trade which is now carrying on with the enemy in Charles- 
town by numbers of people in this place, and its vicinity. On board 
of the schooner which I have now seized bound to Charlestown, are 
twenty-six hogsheads of tobacco and nine tierces of rice. The seizure 
of this vessel has already raised a clamour amongst those concerned, 
and am apprehensive it will be productive of more; therefore, shall 
wait ycur Excellency s further determination respecting this matter ; 
but, at all events, am determined to keep possession of her until I hear 
further from you. I am, with respect and esteem, 

Your Excellency s obedient humble servant, 




[Horry MS.] 

CHARLESTOWN, October 31, 1782. 

As it is the Governor s desire, for the good of our country, I have 
made it my business to send out whatever I can send them, Dorchester 
way, without a pass, and one with the Governor s pass to Georgetown; 
but this day Daniel Shields applied to me for a recommendation to you, 
for a pass to go with his schooner to Mr. Swinton s, at Wappetaw. I 
know little of the said Shults, but am told he is a good coaster; there 
fore, must be of service to us, and doubt not but you will give him a 
pass to remain until further orders, as the Governor s passes run. Here 
is, also, a fine Virginia schooner, the Nancy, Capt. John Anderson, 
which wants a pass to Georgetown, and there to remain, which I shall 
be obliged to your Excellency for, by the bearer, as I have no oppor 
tunity at present to send to the Governor. The troops are to embark 
the 15th November, as Leslie says. 

I am, with the greatest respect, sir, your most humble servant, 



[Horry MS.] 

GEORGETOWN, October 31, 1782. 

I received yours of the 28th inst., and note the contents. If I can- 
not act with honor to myself in the command of this garrison (for I 
am determined to support the character of an officer) must beg leave 
to decline the service. The order transmitted to Capt. Milligan, an 
officer subordinate to my command, is not only a reflection on me, but 
it carries with it a suspicion; and I defy any man in existence to say I 
received the value of one farthing in any vessel as a flag, or coaster, 
except some small present say a cheese, and four chests medicine, be 
longing to the State. The military mode of transmitting orders goes 
to the commanding officer of armies, wings, divisions, brigades, regi 
ments, &c., and not to an inferior officer, who is obliged to put them 
in execution, or abide the consequences. Hope you ll not say I have 


neglected yours, where it was possible to comply. It would not be 
likely Gen. Greene would transmit any orders to an inferior officer in 
your command; if he did, you would certainly think it hard. I could 
not but obey orders sent me by his Excellency the Governor, which I 
received at the time. Messrs. Heriot and Tucker received the pass 
ports desiring I would aid and assist Mr. George Selby in his business, 
which was the transportation of the produce, arising from the sale of 
fifty negroes sold by Governor s orders. Six separate passports were 
sent, and I believe only four were made use off for want of vessels. 
The Governor has sent a flag by this schooner, and I must take the 
liberty of exculpating myself from any disobedience of orders. The 
other matters contained in the letter will be attended to, as all your 
orders. I have supplied this country with upwards of six thousand 
guineas worth of property this year, for the use of the army, which 
comes not from the British, for which I have not yet received a single 
dollar, and I can say I never received a copper made from any person 
in the British service, by importing or smuggling goods, which I will 
attest any day. I am apprehensive you have received information from 
people on whom I have threatened formal practices. I have nothing- 
further to add, only remaining 

Your very humble servant, 


Ni B. With this I transmit the returns. Prichard s vessel brought 
up prisoners, as you ll see by the list, and went from here empty. 


[Hofry MS.] 

GEORGETOWN, October 31, 1782, 

We enclose you the Governor s passports, granted Mr. Selby for the 
purpose of carrying round to Charlestown the nett proceeds of fifty 
negroes. The vessel loaded with a considerable part of this property 
(particulars of which is in the passport) with the Governor s flag be 
sides, is seized by Capt. Milligan, and detained by him. We have 
wrote the Governor particularly on this business, and of a sloop-of-war 
stopped in the same manner, and prevented sailing. Col. Lushington 
has only delivered us Mordecai Myers and Cohen s accounts, amount- 


ing to 20 Is. 4d. sterling, which we have assumed. Soon as we can 
have the others delivered, we will inform you what balance will be 
wanting. Capt. Rotix shall have the articles you mention, and we 
shall strictly observe your orders. 

With respect, we are, sir, your most obdt. servants, 



[llorry MS.] 

GEORGETOWN, Nov. 25, 1782. 

As I am in expectation of a vessel in a very short time, I will esteem 
it a favor if you will order the rice in payment for the powder supplied 
this garrison, as the account stands at foot ; the other rice payable the 
1st January next, I will give you timely notice when wanted, as it belongs 
to a person in Philadelphia, to whom I have wrote that the rice was to 
be received at that time, and I suppose a vessel will be sent for the pur 
pose. I am sorry to acquaint you with the trade carried on to Charles- 
town from this place, by a set of people that I can t think friends to 
this State. I sometime ago wrote his Excellency, the Governor, 
respecting it in as full a manner as I could; he has taken no notice of it. 
Several are down now for that purpose to Daniel s Island, and may be 
expected back in a few days. I am told some are concerned that you 
could hardly suspect were those that commanded here. The Jews are 
all deeply concerned and do no duty, and are entirely excused. I could 
a few days ago have seized a cart load of goods going to Cohen s, but so 
many had already been cleared by applying to the Governor, I let them 
pass unnoticed. All our ready money is sent to Charles Town and the 
answer is, to supply the army. A few articles I wanted for my family 
use, such as blankets for my negroes, some cloth for my own wear, and 
a few things for my wife. I dare not send for them for fear they should 
be taken, and myself censured for a trade of the kind, though these 
things are laid by in town for me. I will thank you to advise me if 
this is allowed and how I am to act in such a situation. 

I am with regard, sir, your most obedient servant, 


P. S. State of South Carolina, Dr., for powder, 340 13s. 4d. 
Cr. Rec d. from H. & Tucker 69 12s. 6d. Bal. due 271 Os. lOd. 



Dr. William Read was the second son of the Hon. James Read, 
formerly one of his Majesty s Counsellors of Georgia. His mother, 
was Rebecca, the daughter of Jacob Bond, Esq., of Christ s Church 
Parish. Dr. Read was born on 12th April, 1754, at the seat of his 
grandfather, Jacob Bond. He remained at his grandfather s until he 
was about five years old, when he was carried to Georgia, where his 
parents had settled. His early education was received at the boarding- 
school kept alternately at Mr. Joseph and William Gibbons . Here 
he exhibited a bold, enterprising spirit, which accompanied him through 
life, in resisting a tyrannical iraster ; and, running home after that, he 
was put to a school of select young gentlemen in Savannah, classical 
masters being brought from Europe for the purpose. His aptness and 
facility in acquiring the dead languages were remarkable. He being 
intended by his father for the British navy, was particularly directed 
to attend to mathematics; to this his mother was adverse, and he chose 
physic as a profession. It suiting his father s purpose, he was taken 
from school at fifteen years of age, and attached to the pharmacopolist 
shop of some eminent practitioners, Messrs. Cuthbert & Brady, of 
Savannah, (afterwards Brady & Irvine.) William Read was remark 
able for a hardiness of constitution, undaunted by any difficulties ; he 
conducted himself so in this service, as to obtain the entire good will 
and confidence of his masters. In the summer of 1774, he was sent 
to Philadelphia, in further pursuit of a medical education. His father 
perceiving a degree of roughness in his manner, contracted by the 
laborious life he lead, and being addicted to personal conflicts (the 
fashion of that day), introduced by certain English boys from Oxford 
and Eton school Harris, Jackson and Jenkins, &c. placed him with 
Dr. Benjamin Rush, of Philadelphia, remarkable for his mild, gentle 
manlike manners. W. Read was domesticated with Dr. Rush, who 
was instructed to associate him much with him (Dr. Rush), and to per 
mit his attending his clinical practice. Mr. Read, ever attentive to 
his children s welfare, thought that sort of example better to mend 
the manners of his son than any precept. Mr. W. Read lived as a 
student with Dr. Rush in the utmost harmony, and was much esteemed 
by him and his family. During his residence there, the contest between 
Great Britain and her colonies commenced. Mr. Read, after the manner 
and politics of his father, and the better sort of people of Georgia, was 


a Monarchist in principle. He had read of the baneful effects of 
Democracy in the Grecian States, and dreaded its want of stability in 
Government. Dr. Rush used to hold friendly conversation with Mr. 
Read and his fellow students, James McHenry, (afterwards Secretary 
of War,) and with William Johnston, (afterwards a Captain in the 
British army.) Dr. Rush was mild and persuasive in argument, and 
soon convinced Mr. Read and McHenry that Kings were not omnipo 
tent, or Parliament supreme; that the American community should 
govern themselves. In one of Mr. R. s walks with Dr. Rush, they 
perceived a company of gentlemen, associated for the purpose of learn 
ing the military exercise, under difficulty for an instructor, when Mr. 
R. asked permission of Dr. Rush to give them a lesson, he having, 
during his education in Savannah, attended to the instructions of a 
Prussian officer. His service was well received, and Mr. R. was re 
quested to attend them as often as he could. He did so, and com 
pleted them in the manual exercise, and certain useful evolutions. The 
said company being organized and officered, Mr. Read was offered a 
lieutenancy, and presented with a handsome sword; the late General 
Cadwallader was elected captain. Mr. R. was at pains to tutor the 
company in the art and exercise of long marching, equipment, encamp 
ing and swimming, and all the circumstances and etiquette of war; he 
exhibited a wonderful instance of his own skill, and continuance in the 
art of swimming, so useful to a soldier. Mr. R., at the especial in 
stance of his father, refused the commission; but he had formed a 
resolution to enter the service afterwards, and had prepared to march, 
was to have joined and accompanied John McPherson in the Canada 
expedition, when he was influenced by Dr. Rush to relinquish the de 
sign, and return home, his father promising forgiveness for past errors, 
and to send him to Europe to complete a medical education. Mr. R. 
reluctantly gave up his adventurous scheme, distributed his articles of 
equipment among certain friends, and returned home. He carried 
with him an honor which he dared not avow Georgia being still in 
allegiance to the Crown of Great Britain viz., a handsome sword, 
presented him by a vote of said company for services. He, also, in 
these various occupations, was obliged to study hard, often burning the 
midnight lamp, and had obtained the medal annually competed for in 
the College in Chemistry, given by the Professor, Dr. Rush. He car 
ried with him the affections of Dr. Rush and his amiable family; also, 
very particular letters to Drs. Huck and Fothergill, from Dr. Rush. 
It was not, however, Mr. Read s lot to prosecute this intention the 
circumstances of the war caine on, and put a stop to all intercourse 


with the mother country. Among Mr. Head s intimate acquaintances 
were James McHenry (afterwards Secretary of War), and James Wil 
kinson (late General), Horace Belt and Walter R. Cole, and William 
Johnston, of Georgia. On Mr. 11. a return to Savannah, he found 
things in great perturbation the opposition to Governmental measures 
had commenced, was conducted by a small irregular band, headed by 
Joseph Habersham (late Col. Habersham), which gathered daily. Mr, 
R. found his father much agitated by reflections in Council, on l( mem 
bers of that Board, who had sons actually employed in training sol 
diers to oppose regal and legal authority/ fostered by him. The fact 
being so, Mr. Read could only say that his son was of age, and now 
circumstanced as things were, beyond his control; that the principle 
had taken deep root, and he feared it had done so in thousands more 
than the Governor and Council were aware of; that they should rather 
rejoice provided the opposition was to go on, that some young men of 
honor and principle should join in it, and take a lead, rather than that 
the reins should get into the hands of a rabble, who would show no 
mercy. All this, however, was adverse to the opinion of Sir James 
Wright, and a majority of his Council; they were for crushing it in 
the germ, and for imprisoning every one who showed a disposition to 
rebellion. It was agitated in Council that Mr. Read should be sent to 
the British fleet for safety; his father opposed it, and called the measure 
insidious, treacherous. Warm arguments ensued, violence was threat 
ened, and Mr. Read, with several members of the Board, rose, and 
stood with their hands on the hilt of their swords. A measure had 
been adopted in a secret meeting of the Board, which was to make 
head against the opposition by means of the British fleet, which lay 
below at Five-Fathom Hole. Troops were hourly expected, when Sir 
James intended to head the expedition, and oppose force to force. In 
the meantime, a popular meeting of the revolters had sent express to 
summon men from the distant Western parishes, and, also, resolved to 
make the Governor and Council prisoners. These separate things were 
known to Mr. W. Read, and to Thomas Lee, messenger of Council, 
whose heart being with the people, secretly communicated with Mr. 
Read, he being able to hear a part of the measures of the Board. 
About this time, Mr. W. Read heard his father summoned to a secret 
midnight meeting of the Council ; he knew that things were nearly 
ripe for the above measure rose hastily, armed himself, and followed 
his father without his knowledge. As he passed, several mobbish col 
lections of people were on foot, and bonfires lit; they generally knew 
Mr. Read, and respected him, gave him the time of night as he passed, 


who civilly returned the compliment, saying: " Fellow subjects, had 
you not better be abed?" he little suspecting the state of things, that 
he was to be made prisoner, and never again to be out of bondage 
parole. Mr. Read went to the Government House, and, while sitting 
in Council, the Governor and his officers, and Board, were made prison 
ers, by a deputation from the meeting of the people, who had consti 
tuted themselves a Council of Safety. Joseph Habersham was chairman, 
and one of the committee; Mr. W. Read refused to act. He thought 
the task too indelicate his father was implicated his agitation now 
became extreme. He truly loved and honored his father, and deeply 
lamented the circumstance that had brought about the measure. Mr. 
W. Read remained on the ground all night. Two companies of riflemen 
had arrived, and were placed around Government House. Mr. R. spent 
many hours in conversing with these men, and inculcating on them the 
good of moderate measures, bringing to view the conduct of our North 
ern brethren on a similar occasion. On going home next morning, he 
found his mother in a state of distracting despondency. He informed 
her all he know; she communicated it to Mr. Read in his confinement, 
on a slip of paper. On the second and third nights he still hovered 
about the Government House, and used dissuasives to any violent mea 
sures. At length the gentlemen of the Council were parolled to the 
Government House, and a guard set on them with drawn swords. The 
gentlemen were permitted to receive visits from their wives and families, 
and servants were permitted to go in with necessaries. On Mr. W. 
Reed visiting his parent, a tender scene ensued ; he embraced him 
tenderly. The Governor accosted him with : " You see, young gentle 
man, what a state of things you have brought about." He replied, I 
have had nothing to do in this affair. I am reflected upon, and sus 
pected, if I open my mouth in argument at any of the popular meet 
ings. Sir James had treated Mr. Read roughly on his paying him the 
compliment of a visit on his first arrival from the North. Among 
other rough things, he said : " So you know, young sir, that you have 
a halter about your neck!" His reply was: Have I, sir; then it sits 
very easy ? and if such is my condition, there are thousands, tens of 
thousands in the same predicament, and I should die in good company. 
Sir James was enraged, and expressed deep regret that he (Dr. Read) 
should have taken so ungracious a course. Mr. Alexander Wright sat 
in the audience room, and listened to all this conversation, on which 
Wm. Read observed civilly, that Sir James had the advantage of him, 
that he had an evidence; he (W. Read) had none, on which the Governor 
desired his son to leave the room. He then launched out in invectives 


against those who were driving the people to madness, naming especially 
Joseph Habersham, Francis Farris, Elbert, &c. Mr. Read advised 
temperance and prudence, reminded Sir James of the scenes of the 
rebellion of 45, not very remote. They parted on that occasion in 
good humor. Sir James said jocularly, " is green and yellow the cos 
tume of medical students?" Wm. Read said it was the best coat he had, 
and would certainly wait on the Governor in his best garb. " Is it," 
said the Governor, a usual for students of physic to wear a sword." 
Wm. Read had, on that occasion, put on his sword, as he begun to feel 
confident from the gathering of the people in Councils of Safety. 
Read s reply was, that it was a drossy bauble, obtained for supposed 
services to a company of gentlemen in Philadelphia, in drilling and 
training them, and you, Sir James, know how I obtained the art, as 
you were privy to it, as he was one of a juvenile company who used to 
to muster in Sir James presence. Sir James gave Read a solemn 
Warning, and Read returned the "take care," but they parted in good 
humor. W. Read knew how far matters had advanced in the popular 
meetings. Just ten days after this communication, the scene described 
above took place. Dr. Read (we will in future call him so) watched 
over the prisoners incessantly, barely taking time to go home speedily, 
and take his meals. The regiment of riflemen were encamped at the 
west end of the Government House, and the men would frequently 
fire their rifles at the house (a wooden house) notwitstanding his (Dr. 
Read s) remonstrances to the contrary, and the orders of Samuel 
Elbert, now nominated as General. Dr. R. got one of his mother s 
servants to carry in a slip of paper, warning the inmates to lay down on 
the floor for safety against the rifle balls. Sir James two daughters, 
Sarah (afterwards wife of Sir James Wallis), and Bella (afterwards 
Mrs. Barry), were in the house, and all of his Majesty s members of 
Council. At length these Western soldiers became tired of the ser 
vice, and talked of breaking in and destroying the prisoners; Dr. Read s 
anxiety became extreme. He saw that the parole was broken by the 
violence of these riflemen, as a parole implies safety and protection to 
the prisoners. He advised Sir James to fly, and advised, by a slip of 
paper, the manner of getting clear, convinced that if he was out of 
the way the remaining prisoners would be more mercifully and leniently 
dealt with; and thus it happened, as the Council of Safety admitted 
the Counsellors to their parole on their plantations; Dr. Reed s father 
was confined to his plantation on Great Ogeechee. Dr. Read was in 
structed to wait on his parent there, medically and filially. Dr. Read 
repaired thither, and spent some time in dreary solitude, which to him 


who had been in very active habits, was intolerable; there he became 
better acquainted with his parent, and he with him. Mr. Read was of 
lofty, austere manners, and rarely admitted of an opportunity of con 
versing. On this occasion he relaxed and conversed freely with his 
young son, and made him narrate all the circumstances of his defence 
of his companion, William Allston, against assassination, from a sailor 
on the Chesapeake, in 1774, on which he said you are a brave boy, 
and I would trust you on any occasion. Dr. Read narrated the cold 
and dubious reception given him by his brother-in-law, Lancelot 
Jacques, in Annapolis, on account of this fete, doubting his being a 
Georgia boy; on which he said that it was unkind in Jacques, and ill 
judged, and that his son was in the right to leave his house as he did, 
his uncle-in-law having expressed his belief doubtful of his identity, 
while his aunt acknowledged him with tenderness and confidence. He 
had been at lodgings three or four days, when the coach of Benedict 
Calvert, Esq., of Mount Airy, came for him, and conveyed him to his 
aunt, Molly Read s, who, on hearing Mr. Jacques doubt, called him 
an ignorant old man. Here he received the kindest attention, and 
became current at the seat of Mr. Calvert, who lived in a style rarely 
to be met with; here he made himself useful in visiting and adminis 
tering to the tenants and slaves of the family, inoculating two hundred 
young negroes; here, too, he improved in acquaintance with John Park 
Custis, Gen. Washington s son-in-law, which had commenced at the 
College of Philadelphia, and which subsequently grew into a firm 
friendship. It is probable that the last letter written by that gentleman 
was to Dr. Read, just previous to the attack of Yorktown, where he 
died. After this degression, the narrative goes on William Read re 
turned 1st September to his studies, and underwent the scenes glanced 
at in Philadelphia; and, on his return to Georgia, Dr. Read being 
almost solitary at his father s seat on the Great Ogechee, felt a longing 
desire to mix in the circumstances and turmoil of war, and offered him 
self to Gen. Robert Howe, who was organizing an expedition against 
Florida. He was accepted, and desired to make a rendezvous at Oge 
chee Ferry, to receive and inoculate recruits. It had been the policy 
of our enemy to turn loose prisoners having the small pox, to communi 
cate it to our troops. The business was done, and Dr. Read, not having 
full occupation, went into the practice of physic, and his success was 
wonderful all through the vicinity of Little and Great Ogechee. In 
the meantime the war was carried on, armies raised, and the expedition 
against Florida failing, the army retreated, covered by the militia of 
St. John s Parish, Liberty county, where, on the last battle near the 


Causeway, Gen. Scriven was killed, and Col. Maybank shot down with 
a fractured thigh-bone. About the close of the campaign, a party of 
militia were marching to Savannah, under the command of Col. William 
Mclntosh; Dr. Read was crossing the ferry, when, observing two offi 
cers, prisoners of war, lying on the ground, tied in a cruel manner, he 
demanded, rather warmly, who these prisoners were, and why they 
were fettered, bound in that manner ; he was informed that they were 
Capt. Bacop, of a British transport, and Lieut. Beacher, of the marines, 
that they had been taken with a marauding party of English on the 
St. James River; that they had made sundry attempts to get away; 
that that young man Beacher ran like an Indian, and that he had 
nearly escaped, and they were obliged to pursue him on horseback, and 
knock him down. Beacher spoke and said, that he was taken out of 
his place; that he had only gone on shore to explore the country, with 
no evil intention, be discredited in the British army, and that he would 
as leave die as not. Dr. Read at once assumed the position of a friend 
to the distressed, and requested that the sentinel would slacken their 
ligatures. This he refused to do, urging that he (Beacher) would run 
off. It was, in vain that Dr. Read plead that there were three rivers 
between these prisoners and their friends ; the soldiers referred Dr. R. 
to their Colonel. Dr. Read rode up to the Colonel s quarters, and re 
quested that act of humanity; but the Colonel would not deign to reply. 
Read became animated, and spoke rather unceremoniously to the Colonel, 
accusing him of want of proper feeling for a prisoner, &c., &c., and at 
length rode back to the prisoners, lit, and proceeded to slacken the 
ligatures, when the sentinel struck him on his head with the muzzle of 
a rifle, which cut to the bone. Dr. Reed rose, and was presently 
covered with blood. Mclntosh saw it, and, it was said, regretted it. 
Dr. Read bound up his head, mounted his horse, and was proceeding 
homewards, when Mclntosh sent his secretary after him to bring him 
back, but Read refused to obey; but sent him back with a pistol at his 
breast, with a bold and rough defiance to his Colonel. Notwithstanding 
this rebuff, Dr. Read rode next morning eight miles, in pursuit of the 
marching party, and carrying clothes and implements with him, he suc 
ceeded in having the prisoners loosened and shaved, and shifted, so as 
to be comfortable. The day after, his wound became painful, and was 
apt to bleed. On the fourth day a Capt. (Odingsell) was sent with a 
command to make Read prisoner, urging his conduct as aiding and 
abetting the enemy. Read submitted, and was conducted to Savannah, 
and, after some contention in the Council of Safety, he was committed 
to prison, in an apartment where he found Parson Zubly and William 


Telfair, fellow prisoners; Zubly was in irons. Dr. Read lay all night 
without any bedding, laying on his breast, on account of the wound of 
his head, making of his arms a pillow. The prisoners reasoned and 
consoled each other, agreeing that it was chiefly from party rage that 
these irregularities took place. On the third day Dr. Read was released, 
leaving his fellow prisoners behind. He rode home, and met with his 
father s tender sympathy, and a regret in the old British officer that it 
was not in his power to redress his wrongs. Mr. Read now consented 
to his son going to the Northern army, enjoining him only to serve 
medically, by way of improving himself. Dr. Read then, as soon as 
his wound was healed, set himself about settling his affairs, and set out 
for the North. His employers generally approved of his purpose, and 
paid him in coin, Mr. William Elliott especially doubled his account, 
and presented him with the finest young horse in his stable. He took 
a solemn farewell of his father and mother, and young brother and 
sister, and set out about olst May, 1778, with little hope of ever seeing 
them more. He made some improvements in his arms and travelling 
equipments, discharged a drunken servant and employed a steady, re 
spectable Englishman. When he reached Georgetown, Winyaw, a 
letter overtook him, informing him of his father s death. Dr. Read 
returned express, and, after visiting his beloved father s grave, near 
Savannah, he rode to his late seat to offer consolation to his mother. 
In a few days he set out again on his expedition, and after some singu 
lar adventures, reached the field of battle at Monmouth ; the battle was 
raging, Gen. Washington having rallied Gen. Lee s retreating columns, 
and ordered Lee into the rear. Dr. Read saw Gen. Lee standing at a 
tavern window with the landlady, and heard him call aloud to an officer 
riding by, and was told that the General asked, " What news ?" The 
officer replied : u They are fighting on the plains of Monmouth, and 
the British grenadiers have given way;" when Gen. Lee replied, 

"That is a d d lie, the British grenadiers never give way. Was 

an angel to come from Heaven and tell him so, he would say he was a 
liar." This was certainly said, as it came out in testimony on Lee"s 
trial. Dr. Read, after a singular adventure, reached the battle-field. 
All appeared to him confusion and smoke; the weather was excessively 
hot. Dr. Read s enquiry was for the Pennsylvania line, and was told 
by a wounded soldier that Gen. Wayne had pushed it on to the field of 
battle; presently he saw an officer borne off by six soldiers, in a dying 
condition, and knew it to be that of Col. Bonner, the man he was on 
the enquiry for. He stayed by him a few minutes, when he rode into 
the thick of the battle, his servant all the time remonstrating with him 


to go no further, reminding him of a promise " not to carry him into 
battle." Dr. Read saw Gen. Washington riding to and fro along the 
line, sometimes at full speed, looking nobly, excited, and calling loudly 
to the troops by the appellation of brave boys. He saw Washington 
standing to the right of the line, with a number of officers near him, 
and saw a cannon ball strike a wet hole in the side of a hill, and the 
dirt fly on him. Two officers then rode up, and seemed to reason with 
him, and lay hold of the bridle of his horse. The General, coolly 
standing in his stirrups, was said to say to the officers who urged that 
that was no place for him, he being observed by the enemy, " that he 
was admiring the manner in which Proctor was handling their right." 
Dr. Read was near enough to hear the word Proctor, and was told what 
the General said. He then moved off at full speed, all the throng fol 
lowing, and Read among the rest. It was Col. Laurens and Hunting 
don, he thinks, who prevailed on the General to change his position. 
The dust and smoke would sometimes so shut out the view, that one 
could form no idea of what was going on the roar of cannon, the 
crackling of musketry, men s voices, making horrible confusion ; then 
the groans and cries of the wounded. Dr. Read watched for an oppor 
tunity to speak to Gen. Washington, from old acquaintance, but it was 
not obtained, or of Col. Laurens. The evening at length came on, and 
the battle ceased, except some skirmishing at a distance, and some 
struggles to the left in arranging off prisoners. 

The battle ceased with the approach of night, both armies exhausted 
by fatigue and the heat of the day a deep morass lying between them. 
They lay down, man and horse, just where they halted; Washington 
and suit lay upon the field. It was generally understood the battle 
was to be renewed at the dawn of day. Dr. Reed, with his servant, 
rode on to the left of the line, seeing, in a few instances, regimental 
surgeons officiating, and administering to some wounded soldiers, and 
hearing the groans and cries of some men who had crawled, or been 
brought off into the rear. They reached a wagon which stood in an 
inclined situation, having the fore-wheels shot away; this position 
afforded a comfortable shelter to the two adventurers; their horsoe being 
tied to the wagon, lay down likewise. They had been rode seventy or 
eighty miles that day; but, being the finest horses in the army, they 
bore it well, and were not in the end hurt. At the dawn of day they 
heard the shout of victory "the British are gone!" Dr. Read 
mounted, and rode down the hill which bounded the morass, and, ob 
serving several men entering the low ground to cross over, he did so 
also. The bog was very deep, and required the utmost effort of his and 


his servant s horse also, to get through it. As objects became visible, 
he saw several dead soldiers in the bog, mired to the waist, and probably 
shot. On the opposite side he saw an officer lying a few yards from 
the morass, nearly cut in two by a cannon shot; he was alive, and spoke, 
implored Dr. Read to lift him to a tree which stood near, alleging that 
he had been all night trying to do so, " that he might die easy." The 
clotted blood was piled up several inches on his front, and it had ceased 
to flow. Dr. Read, with the assistance of his servant, essayed to lift 
him tenderly, and, stepping backwards, they placed him against the 
tree. The blood now began to flow perceptibly, and in all probability ter 
minated his life ; they heard him utter a few words of thankfulness, 
and proceeded on. At the summit of the hill, dismal, indeed, was the 
scene ; there lay fifty or sixty British grenadiers some dead, some 
alive, calling for "help!" "water!" uttering the most dreadful and 
severe imprecations on " the rebels." Dr. Read and his servant ran 
down the hill, and found plenty of water; with his servant s hat he 
administered many draughts of water to these poor, famished soldiers; 
it was busy occupation for an hour. Dr. Read now found himself em 
barked in the business in a most remarkable manner; he proceeded to 
dress wounds and apply bandages. Tearing off shirts from the dead, 
he made bandages, and applied them, to the best of his skill, for remedy 
ing hemorrhage. Some country people and negroes coming to the field 
of carnage, Dr. Read enlisted their feelings, and hired them to assist 
in lifting and turning these wounded men, and, at length, in procuring 
wagons and straw to remove them to the court-house. In all this 
arduous undertaking, and work of humanity, he was greatly assisted by 
his servant, Peter Houston, who, until his death, must have felt 
it the sweetest solace of his life. They succeeded in moving twenty- 
one grenadiers, all with broken legs, or muscles so lacerated as to render 
them helpless. Dr. Read, seeing no medical aid come to him, proceeded 
to amputate wherever the patient would consent to the operation. In 
these operations he was aided by lint and bandages being sent, he 
knew not from whence, and every article of nourishment. Dr. Read 
continued to dwell in the court-house, sleeping, when he was enabled to 
sleep, in the Judge s bench. There he was observed by sundry groups 
of officers, who came riding around on a tour of observation, and his 
name enquired into. His servant sometimes entered into full explana 
tions whence he was, and his motives, &c., and all he would say was, 
" at his own expense." This explanation must have had an effect, as 
on the third day he received from the Secretary a special commission, 
which gave him rank in the medical department, and extra rations and 


forage. This circumstance fixed Dr. Read in the medical department, 
whereas, he had left Georgia with an intention of obtaining a company 
of horse, or foot, and serve in the line. No crusader ever set out for 
Palestine against the crescent with more sincerity than did he in de 
votion to the cause of freedom; but the above circumstance changed 
his purpose, and gave a more settled turn to his mind. On the fourth 
day of his care of the wounded grenadiers, two medical men came out 
of New York, and relieved him from the arduous duty. He explained 
to these gentlemen the nature and circumstances of the several cases, 
his amputations, &c.; to which they coolly observed, that he "had only 
given so many subjects to the Chelsea Hospital." Dr. Read then re 
paired to a house where lay a British officer, severely wounded through 
the groins, and in a dying condition. He barely spoke, and pointed to 
his wound. Dr. R. witnessed, on this occasion, the appalling circum 
stance of this gentleman s servants, a male and female, reasoning on the 
sharing of his silver, camp equipage and watch, which he evidently 
understood. While Dr. Read stood listening to this scene, he was 
accosted by an officer of rank, who, after enquiring if " he Was Dr. 
Read ?" desired that he would go immediately to Englishtown, and 
take charge of Col. Wessen, who lay there in a wounded condition. He 
did so, and found that gentlemen in a most deplorable state. He had 
received a wound from a cannon ball, which, striking his neck, he being 
in a stooping position, raked along the spine, tearing away clothing, 
skin and integuments, and muscles, to its extremity. He lay all night 
on the field of battle, supposed to be dead; but, being alive next morn 
ing, he was carried to Englishtown, about three miles distant. There 
Dr. Read found him attended by three of his artillery men, in a very 
sunken situation, while they appeared Only to wait for his death. Dr. 
Read, with care and exertion, immediately undertook the case; by 
examining the wound, declared it not mortal, but capable of remedy. 
By his manner and cheering language, he raised the drooping spirits of 
the wounded man and his attendants, cleansed and dressed his wounds 
in such a manner as to revive hope, and aiford ease and comfort. The 
patient was a large, heavy man, and difficult to manage; the suppura 
tion of his wound was prodigious, and required four dressings in the 
day and night. In all this Dr. Read found his servant eminently use 
ful; lint and dressings were sent in by some persons in the country in 
abundance, and many articles of nourishment. On the fourth day, 
Gen. Washington, with a number of officers, rode up to this nursery 
scene; Gen. W. alighted, and, enquiring for Dr. Read, was informed 
of the condition of the wounded Colonel. The General accosted him 


tenderly, and prevailed on him to take a tonic dose prepared for him, 
ending with telling him to obey the orders of his surgeon, and get well, 
" I cannot spare such officers as you are." Col. Wessen evidently im 
proved after that day, and was more tractable. Dr. Read had the satis 
faction of seeing his patient recover in twenty-three days, so far as to 
be conveyed away on a litter on men s shoulders. It is a remarkable 
circumstance, that thirty years after this scene, Dr. Read being in the 
town of Ipswich, in Massachusetts, met a gentlemen who knew Col. 
Wessen, and who had heard him speak of "a young surgeon from the 
far South, who attended him, and saved his life." The Colonel had 
died an old man a few months previously. Some interesting circum 
stances took place during this attendance, one of which we will relate. 
In walking out to enjoy a little fresh air, he met a chaise driving towards 
him, when suddenly he saw it guided out of the road, and turn over 
with a crash. He ran up, and saw two ladies on the ground ; they 
appeared much disordered and disconcerted, the horse struggling with 
the entangled harness. He first lifted the old lady, the daughter had 
got up, and appeared in great confusion ; he then seized the horse, dis 
entangled the harness, and righted the chaise. Some civilities passed, 
some thanks were made; but with coldness and ceremony. It, however, 
became necessary for him to assist the ladies into the vehicle, and lead 
the horse around to the road. The ladies then seemed to rally their 
good feelings, and invited him to their house, which appeared in view. 
The mother and daughter, Mrs. and Miss English, became talkative 
and civil ; Mrs. E. said she had an aversion to the American rebel offi 
cers, and did not wish to meet one, which was the reason of her turning 
out of the road in which she met with the disaster. Many gallant and 
reconciling things were exchanged, and the parties became acquainted. 
The old lady inquired of Dr. Read in what manner, with most security, 
she could put away her plate and wine. He advised her; but said, of 
the wine, madam, I should be apt to be a plunderer myself, as I have a 
patient in town whose life might be saved by a few bottles. Dr. Read 
took leave of the ladies, and that evening a dozen of old Madeira was 
sent, of which Col. Wessen benefited, and it was greatly instrumental 
in restoring him. Dr. Read now received orders to repair to Princeton, 
where the general hospital was fixed. There he found a dismal scene; 
a typhus fever prevailed to a fatal degree. Out of twelve medical men, 
five or six had died, others retired, and the department left to a German 
surgeon. Dr. Read took charge of the hospital, and endeavored to 
remedy the disorder, but in vain ; five or six patients died daily. The 
attendants refused to do the duties assigned them; an awful scene of 


superstition prevailed. The duties all devolved on Dr. Read and the 
German, aided by a Scotch lady, the matron, with a few women, not 
one of whom would go into the hospital after night. At length Dr. 
Read was attacked with the fever, and underwent a severe illness; his 
first and second attendant died, and he was left to an Indian woman 
In a state of delirium he ordered the sick all to be carried out of town, 
and deposited in the farmers barns. Although illegal and unwar 
ranted, it was done, and it pleased God that the measure succeeded, as 
no new case ensued, and no death happened after. Dr. Read s case 
terminated in an abscess of his arm, and resulted favorably. On his 
recovery, he was surprised at being told of his orders respecting the 
sick, being unconscious of it; but rejoiced at the happy consequences. 
At Princeton it was Dr. Read s good fortune to obtain of Mrs. Living 
ston a chamber, and a closet as an office, which gave him an opportunity 
of accommodating the young soldier, Marquis Lafayette, on a very cold 
night, when not a bed or blanket elsewhere could be had; and, on 
another occasion, of lodging Col. Tatnall, of Georgia, and his lady and 
daughter, who were passing through, prisoners of war on parole, on 
their way to embark for England. Washington lay at winter quarters 
at Morristown, and a general hospital was ordered at Brunswick. Dr. 
Read, dismissing the hospital at Princeton, went on to Brunswick to 
seek employment. Dr. Scott was the principal, and he being ordered 
to appoint an assistant, was on the look-out for some surgeon who might 
suit his purpose, and act in concert. Many were the offers made him 
by medical men of high standing, who were driven from various cities 
by the British army, some leaving their stations from principle. Dr. Read 
arrived at the time of this contest for preference, and saw little or no 
prospect of employment for him young and a stranger, far from home 
and friends and resources; but, being one evening in company, in a 
large mess, accounts were brought of a battle at Spotswood, and that a 
wounded soldier lay in a dangerous situation, and wanted surgical aid. 
No one offered to go ; the distance was twelve miles from Brunswick, 
the weather extremely cold. Dr. Read enquired: "Will none of you 
senior surgeons go ?" Nobody consented. At length he said, with an 
asseveration, " that if he could get a guide he would go." It was 
reasoned against by several, both medical and officers of the line, and 
Dr. Read was told that the thing was impossible, and counselled him 
not to attempt it; he, however, persevered a hardy carman, who knew 
the way, was obtained, who undertook the business for a promised 
reward. The whole country being covered with snow, no road could 
be discovered. The guide was excessively clad, and rode a fine horse 


of his own ; Dr. Read was comfortably clad, and made no addition to 
his clothing, except a linen shirt over his body linen (at the suggestion 
of his landlady). Several gentlemen, learning the chivalric undertak 
ing of a young Southerner, came to advise and take leave of him ; they 
advised him to keep speaking to the guide he did so, frequently en 
quiring if " he was sure of the way," as nothing was to be seen except 
the white expanse of snow for miles. At length, having accomplished 
about eight miles of the way, the man ceased to reply ; on riding up to 
him, he was still senseless dead. Dr. R. led the horse to a house 
now in view, when the inhabitants pronounced that he was cold-struck, 
and that all was over. Dr. Read obtained another guide, and made the 
ride, found the wounded man bleeding, a ball having passed deep into 
the muscles of his thigh, and taken a direction around the bone, and 
which he extracted. The thigh bone was broke ; he set it with great 
difficulty, having very little assistance. Dr. R. then became so ex 
hausted as to be nearly insensible, when he was beckoned by a little 
girl to follow her, she taking up his saddle and bridle; he followed her 
into a room, where he found a gentleman and lady, and child, in a wurm 
chamber, the only room in the house which had window shutters, or a 
door. The gentleman said something civil to him, and pointed to the 
floor, before the fire-place; Dr. Read sat down, and was helped to a 
bowl of chocolate, scarcely conscious of anything he did, or what was 
said to him fell backwards, was covered by the humane inhabitant of 
the chamber, and fell asleep, The good man felt his pulse, and was 
satisfied that he was alive, and let him lay undisturbed until he awoke 
in the morning, quite refreshed. Dr. Read found that his horse was 
safe, being taken away and cared for by some fellow-soldier of the 
wounded man, who likewise moved him from the cold and dreary house 
where he lay; he saw the man some months afterwards, a tolerable cure. 
A day or two after this occurred, Dr. Scott appointed the several appli* 
cants for office to meet him. Dr. Read had travelled back to Bruns 
wick, on the track he went as his guide; he repaired to the meeting, 
when Dr. Scott, hearing the several merits and pretensions, which were 
of the first character, said: "Where is the young Southern man who 
went to the wounded soldier lately?" Dr. Read replied, "I am he." 
" Then you are my man, I like such hardy enterprise and zeal for the 

Dr. Read went on acting with Dr. Scott in the utmost harmony, in 
fixing and organizing this new establishment, and in receiving patients 
and prescribing. Their practice was similar, Dr. Read s first medical 
preceptor, David Brady, of Savannah, being coeval with Dr. Scott in 


Edinburgh. There is a fashion in medicine as well as in other science. 
Dr. Read established a practice of an afternoon visit to the hospital, a 
thing never done by any other hospital surgeon ; but, on a very stout 
horse, with corked heels, he used every day twice to ascend the frozen 
hill to the barracks. This was pleasing to the Doctor, whose corpulency 
and senior time of life rendered it irksome to him. It has been re 
marked above that the weather in 1775- T9, was extremely cold. This 
close attention to business was noticed by the Superintending Officer, 
Col. Carvel Hale, and by several other officers residing in the town, 
which attached them to the young, stranger Doctor. The army was at 
this time very full of women and children, and in its destitute situa 
tion they partook especially of its discomforts; widows, deserted wives 
and girls were many. Often they were seen walking down to Bruns 
wick bare-footed, carrying an infant in their arms, with one or two 
little ones holding on to their skirts, through the snow; their resort 
was to the doctor s, and to the quarters of the officers. A camp woman 
was generally considered of loose character; but it was not strictly so 
in our army many were innocent and correct, whose real history would 
be affectingly interesting. Dr. Read has at times, during a snow-storm, 
had three of these poor sufferers, with several children, sheltered in 
his chamber, whose, protection from the weather, and a good fire, were 
their chief object; this was the case likewise with the other officers 
in the town. Charity, and its means and forbearance, being nearly ex 
hausted, Dr. Read, with Col. Carvel Hale, Col. Abraham Beauford and 
Major Graham, met and devised a plan of aiding, clothing and support 
ing these wretched beings. They resolved to erect a theatre, and play, 
to raise funds for the purpose; a spacious room, called Whitehall, was 
gratuitously furnished by Mrs. Voorhees. The party contributed, and 
furnished materials, and fitted up a pit and scenes, and all the necessary 
appendages of a play-house, and commenced acting. The ladies of 
Brunswick, and the vicinity, took much interest in the plan, and 
did much for them; young college boys took the parts of women, 
and their sisters furnished dresses. It was the custom in those 
days to act in the costumes of the nation they represented. They 
played from Shakespeare and Addison; the dresses were made of 
camblet, which was got out of New York by strategem, and it was 
made up and fashioned by the ladies according to the cuts in the 
volumes they played from. They formed companies of working parties, 
and wdrked industriously to meet the occasions, while they retired to 
study their parts, and sometimes met in joint board to communicate 
with each other, and give the cue to the young scholars who acted the 


female parts. Dr. Read has often valued himself and his associates on 
their moral good habits and good conduct. A Mr. Harley, who had 
been a manager of a theatre in England, offered himself as director and 
prompter. Each of the gentlemen had seen some stage playing; Dr. 
Read, especially, had made it a scholastic exercise in Savannah, and 
was pronounced by Stanley master of the business. They played to 
full audiences, frequently twenty tickets were purchased, and only one 
or two were used. The intention was understood, and greatly applauded. 
Major Graham was the treasurer; the money was economically and 
judiciously laid out; many suits of warm clothing, and shoes and stock 
ings, were got out of New York by industry and private correspondence. 
At length, all communication ceasing by flags of truce, an adventurous 
man was procured who would go in at night a slender frame, and come 
out next night a Falstaff in form, with goods of various sorts, which 
bestowed comfort on numerous needy women and children. It is highly 
satisfactory to reflect on the satisfaction felt on the grateful acknowledg 
ment of the receivers; it was like bestowing life. There may be some 
actors in this drama still in being, and it would be a pleasant reflection 
to think on their associates; life, however, is fugitive and unstable. 
In 1809, thirty years after these scenes, Dr. R., on a visit, found no 
one scarcely that he knew; Dr. Scott was living, but very infirm, and 
it was with difficulty that he could make him recollect him, and not 
until Dr. R. Read pointed out a deep scar on his forehead, given him 
by a Commissary, in which Dr. R. attended him, and resented the out 
rage, that Dr. Scott could fully recollect him; on which, he embraced 
him tenderly, shed tears, and made many enquiries. The scenes at 
Brunswick having ceased, Dr. Read broke up the establishment, and 
moved the invalids to White s house, over the Raritan, where, covered 
by a detachment under Baron DeKalb and Major Hamilton, of the 
Pennsylvanians, they were supposed to be secure, and the battle of 
Springfield was fought. The department being moved back to Bruns 
wick, was conducted by Dr. VauBuren. Dr. Read^ ever on the alert 
for service and distinction, joined Col. Posey, of the Virginians, on an 
expedition up the East River. On the second night of their being on 
the river, Dr. R. being sentinel, discovered, by his peculiar long sight- 
edness, an embarkation of horse and foot, on which it became necessary 
for the Colonel to retreat, having no horse with him. On the retreat, 
Dr. Read was taken suddenly ill, and obliged to go into a farm-house, 
uncertain of the principles of the landlord; he interested a young 
woman servant to give him early secret notice of the approach of the 
enemy, he having laid down with warm applications to a painful face. 


The British arrived, faithful notice was given, when Dr. Read was ob 
liged to leap out of a lofty window, and run. On passing through a 
gate, he saw his servant riding off, leading his horse. He was afraid 
to call to him, lest he should be heard, and pursued; but ran after him 
until he was exhausted, then turning from the river on his left, he en 
tered a swamp, came across a saw-pit, found some boards so placed as 
to afford shelter. The weather was cold, and he had no cloak ; how 
ever, he contrived to get some sleep in tolerable comfort the pain of 
his face had vanished. At daylight he set out across the swamp, 
directed by the barking of dogs; he reached the high grounds at sun 
rise. His servant, an Irish lad, had reached the place before him, and 
on another hill, which was a camp, had been made prisoner, and severely 
questioned; Dr. Read coining up, likewise a prisoner, it assured his 
servant, and made him answer to questions without equivocation, in 
which he had deviated, replying to suit a purpose, admitting that the 
army might be on the British side of the question. The story of his 
having come over a bridge was discredited as an impossible thing, as 
the party had burnt it a few days previous, leaving only the sleepers. 
This mystery continued unexplained, and they were disposed to consider 
both Dr. Read and his servant as spies. Dr. Read demanded to be 

carried to the Commanding Officer, a Col. Van . He put a bold 

face on the affair, demanded to be released, and to be escorted to the 
camp of Gen. Clinton, whether he supposed Col. Posey had retreated; 
" that he was assured that Col. Posey would be here presently in search 
of him." This assurance, and Dr. Read s manner, having an effect on 

Col. Van , he hesitated. Dr. R. demanded pen, ink and paper, 

and sitting down, wrote a letter to Col. Laurens, at head-quarters, ex 
plaining his situation. On enquiring the Colonel s name, " say com 
manding a regiment of militia/ Dr. Read finished and read the 
letter, and required that it should be sent to the care of Gen. Clinton. 
A militia man came up and complained that Dr. Read had ordered him 
off the river, threatening to make him prisoner, or shoot him, the day 
before; this, although urged in complaint against him, had the happiest 
effect; it confirmed his story, and that the equivocation had only been 
from his affrighted servant. Dr. Read insisted on the restoration of 
several articles which had been taken from his servant. He then pro 
ceeded on with four horsemen as escort or guides, to Gen. Clinton s 
camp. Col. Posey had not been there; the letter to Col. Laurens had 
been suppressed. Gen. Clinton heard Dr. Read s story with great 
interest, and said, " that man shall explain what he is about in four 
hours." Dr. Read heard no more of the affair, except that there was 


some hanging of that party. Dr. Read reached Round Brook next day, 
and laid down much fatigued and hungry, man and horse. He never 
met Col. Posey after this, to enquire and explain matters. He now 
resorted to head-quarters, and presently had a business assigned him; 

it was to ride to , a village in the south-west of New Jersey, 

and dismiss an hospital, with a surgeon, a physician, a nurse, and an 
orderly man, and only one patient, an invalid. He performed the duty, 
and the affair was attended with a circumstance of such peculiar pre 
science, as would tell like romance; but, being attended to, saved him 
from capture, or being killed, and all the persons above mentioned. 
Dr. Read, and the officers of the hospital, had been gone about four 
hours, when a British party, headed by Col. Simkoe, rode into the 
village, and cut down all before them, set fire to the court-house, which 
had been an hospital, demanded and drank wine at the house of Mr. 
Clopper, the principal of the village, rode down the road to Brunswick. 
The Colonel had his horse shot under him, and was made prisoner, the 
militia having taken the alarm from what Dr. Read said on his ride to 
Brunswick, merely from the suggestions of a young lady. Dr. Reed 
rode all night, and probably was no more than four hours ahead of this 
party of horse when he reached Brunswick. The cavaliers did not 
stop to rescue their Colonel, but rapidly charged on, leaving the bar 
racks, near the town, to their left, rode on to Amboy, where they em 
barked by pre-concert, and got safely off; there were some shot down. 
On their passing the barracks, they encountered a Capt. Voorhuse, who 
was coming from the country, who imprudently but gallantly defended 
himself with his small sword, and was cut to pieces; he was brought 
into Brunswick in a dying condition, and Simkoe, at the same time, in 
a stunned condition. The British Colonel would have been made a 
sacrifice of by the populace, but for the humane interference of Levinus 
Clarkson and Dr. Read, who brought to view the circumstance of the 
Colonel being prisoner before the massacre of Capt. Voorhuse, which 
pacified the enraged people. The gallant Colonel had come out of 
New York with a corps disguised like Baylor s horse, drew rations and 
forage as such at one of our posts; and, charging rapidly over the 
Raritan, set fire to Washington s boats, in the act of being built on the 
Milstone, and made their retreat as above. Dr. Read repaired to head 
quarters, and had to report this expedition. Hearing that Gen. Wool- 
ford had gone to his quarters a sick man just returned from Georgia, 
from Gen. Robert Howe s campaign against Florida, he rode to Bruns 
wick, and took care of the General. After recruiting, he proposed a 
ride to confirm his recovery. They rode to Elizabethtown, and hearing 


that the Marquis Lafayette had given a ball, with general invitations to 
all officers, Dr. Head went to it, leaving the General to go to bed. At 
about 1 o clock, P. M., the alarm was given " the enemy in town!" 
Col. Sterling had crossed over, and was in hopes of surprising our Gene 
ral, Maxwell, and of catching the Marquis, but they escaped. The 
British set fire to the armory, and some other buildings, and pushed on 
after Maxwell. Dr. Read ran to his quarters, got Woolford on horse 
back, and mounted his horse; they rode off at speed towards the town 
gate, leaving his servant to follow with his pormanteau, which contained 
all his clothing, and every article he possessed the hilt of the sword 
he had received from the silk stocking company (so called) of Phila 
delphia; his gold medal obtained from the clinical class of Dr. Hush, in 
1775; his letters and memorandums. A party threw themselves imme 
diately between his retreating servant, a soldier on a public horse and 
the gate, and made him prisoner. This he considered a great misfor 
tune, as he had not the means or opportunity of supplying himself. He 
was, however, amply supplied by the man who had been his tailor 
when a student in Philadelphia, who subsequently would receive no 
payment, although pressed upon them. It being understood that large 
inforcements to the British army were expected, General Washington 
hesitated at sending troops to the South. Prejudices were great against 
the climate, and the safety of the soldiery; a wish was uttered at head 
quarters that some active, intelligent man would ride into Carolina, and 
ascertain the facts with regard to the real state of things. Several 
weeks had elapsed since there was any information carried to head 
quarters from South Carolina, and all was anxiety and uncertainty. Dr. 
Read at once offered himself as that man. He received his orders, 
went through the line to tell of his mission, and enquire for commands, 
rode down to Brunswick, disposed of his servant and spare horse, mounted 
his hardiest nag, and set out. He went by way of Baltimore, Annapolis, 
Norfolk, Newbern, Wilmington and Long Bay, and Georgetown; his 
ride averaged fifty miles per day, on one and the same horse ; he bore 
his own expenses on this march ; they were not heavy, as he was tem 
perate ; his payments for horse, and his own feed and lodging, was often 
refused ; there was no instance in which a woman would take money. 
Some remarkable incidents took place on this march, but would be too 
long in narrative for a memoir like this. Dr. Read reached the house 
of Mr. Jacob Ion, in Christ Church Parish, his horse completely worn 
down, and having lost his hair. His friend lent him a horse, on which 
he rode to Charlestown; next day to Stono, it being a few days after 
the battle of Stono. He found the sick and wounded well acconimo- 


dated and cared for by the neighboring planters, especially at the house 
of Mr. Humphry Summers. In Charlestown he found a well-regulated 
hospital, under the direction of Dr. Tucker Harris and Dr. Earnest 
Poy, as an assistant. Dr. Head then crossed over the river to report 
himself to Gen. Moultrie. While there, Major Thomas Shubrick hav 
ing organized an expedition at midnight to John s Island, Dr. Head 
joined in the adventure; there were twelve men chosen by Major 
Shubrick, among a number who offered. They embarked on board a 
canoe, with muffled oars, in solemn silence; this was an age of chivalry 
and enterprise. After many hours the party landed on John s Island, 
marched up a causeway, seized a sentinel who leaned against a coach 
house door at Mr. Gibbes , gagged him, took from the stables two fine 
horses, Flimuap and Abdalla; these they sent off by Stono Ferry, by 
preconcert, dragged along the prisoner to the boat, and made their 
retreat good. The party had barely embarked, when Col. Thomson s 
corps was seen riding down the causeway, trumpets sounding; but they 
had got out of reach, and there was no boat, in which they could have 
pursued. They returned safe to James Island. Gen. Moultrie spoke 
in warm terms against such " expeditions." Dr. Read rested himself 
one day, took from his father s gang of negroes, which had retreated to 
Carolina, a boy, whom he mounted and carried on to the North with 
him, who proved a faithful servant throughout the subsequent service. 
Billy was well known through the army, making himself useful in shaving, 
and dressing the hair of many officers. Kosciusko makes kind mention 
of Billy in a letter to Dr. Read. On returning to head-quarters, and 
making his report, he had the personal thanks of Gen. Washington. 
The reinforcements under Gen. Gates marched to the South. Dr. Read 
was then ordered to open an hospital at Trenton, for inoculating re 
cruits, both soldiers and seamen, in course of which he treated 300 
with success. In this service he met with some singular adventures, 
interesting at the time, but fitter for oral narration than for a written 
memoir; in one of which he met with unkindness and opposition from 
the magistrates of Trentown, and especially from Governor Livingston; 
but which he repelled with firmness, and came off triumphantly, sup 
porting the dignity of the medical department, concluding the dispute 
by making a good use of a timely letter received from President Laurens 
on public affairs, from the South. Dr. Read s resistance to the Gover 
nor and the Magistrates was all got over, and salved over on its being 
made manifest that he was a friend and correspondent of Henry Laurens, 
President of Congress. This business being over, and the hospital 
dismissed, Dr. Read was ordered to Fort Pitt, on the Ohio, to fix on a 


site for an hospital, in case of the retreat of our army. He rode hastily 
to Baltimore, was politely received by Messrs. Buchanan & Smith. 
With one soldier as a guide, he travelled to the Chesnut Hills, and over 
the Monongahela, and to Fort Pitt. He could get little or no informa 
tion, the popular man, Mr. Harris, being absent. He saw nothing 
except Indians, who daily crossed over the River Ohio, and annoyed 
him very much ; at length, understanding that they had taken a fancy 
to the fine horse Dr. Read rode, and would buy or steal him, Dr. Read 
(being advised by a half-breed man to do so) started at midnight, and 
made his retreat good across the Monongahela. He reported the abor 
tive mission, having only designated the spot for a site, probably on the 
place where Harrisburg now stands, or Pittsburg. Dr. Read now soli 
cited an order to proceed to the South, Gen. Gates being on his march 
to South Carolina. He received his orders, and set out for Phila 
delphia, where he was to receive money as pay; and for the hospital 
department none was to be had. He applied in vain to President 
Laurens; but was told that a board was sitting, officers who were 
on their march for the Southern service. It was composed of Colonel 
Grayson, Richard Peters (since Judge Peters), and Mr. Pleasants. 
There were many applicants, and the board received and settled their 
demands in rotation; such were the number of applicants, that it 
appeared improbable that Dr. Read could be heard for ten days. He 
was at private lodging, at a dear rate, and paying with his own hard 
money; this he spoke of and complained. Col. Benjamin Harrison 
was a fellow lodger, and took an interest in the young stranger, learning 
some interesting things in his being the drill and training master to 
the first company raised in Pennsylvania for the protection of the first 
Revolutionary Congress, and some other chivalrous things, felt em 
barked in his behalf; and, together with Col. Grayson, devised a scheme 
to get his pay. He was instructed to go to the board next day, and 
to force his way into the chamber through the crowd of applicants, and 
to demand his pay, urging the necessity of his going to join Gen. Gates 
in South Carolina. " Be as importunate and boisterous as you please, 
the thing will be understood and arranged." Dr. Read did so, and 
was presented with a quire of Continental bills, with, " let us get rid 
of this importunate young man, his case is a peculiar one." Dr. Read 
marched off with his money, and set out on the same day for Annapolis, 
where he had left a carriage and a portfolio, the carriage to be sold. 
He found his neat, elegant carriage in an outer livery stable-yard, 
almost gone to ruin, and his portfolio missing ; there had, in the mean 
time, been a change of landlords, and no accountability. The carriage 


sold for $50, which barely paid him for his delay at Annapolis. Dr. 
Read now hurried on for the Southern compaign on horseback, with his 
faithful servant Billy, on two fine horses. On this march he avoided 
his old acquaintances of Marlborough and Mount Airy, leaving them to 
his left. He now travelled in the capacity of a poor soldier, with only 
a commission; formerly he associated with the distinguished inhabi 
tants of that region, and of Mount Airy and Mount Vernon, and Ar 
lington, especially, as a young gentleman. The case was altered, and 
he changed with the times. He met with some singular adventures 
on this march, which would tell too much like romance for a plain 
matter-of-fact memoir like this. Mr. John Park Custis, hearing that 
his old acquaintance, Dr. Read, had passed through the country with a 
portion of the marching army, made a prodigious ride to overtake him, 
and persuade him to return to his old acquaintance, if only for a day 
or two. He drove a set of fine horses in a phaeton, and offered to carry 
Dr. Read back to Mount Airy, and to forward him on his march of duty; 
but, at the same time informed him of the death of his aunt, Molly 
Read, and of the engagement of Miss Elizabeth Calvert, being engaged 
to a Mr. Steward, and the wedding only postponed on account of the 
death of his aunt. All these things were interesting to him, but 
nothing could divert the purpose of Dr. Read from proceeding on to 
the army. Mr. Custis, then, with sorrow and chagrin, informed Dr. 
Read that there had been private information received the night before 
by a Tory neighbor, that Gen. Gates was defeated, and totally routed, 
and that his reinforcement under Col. Beauford had been surprised by 
the gallant Tarleton, and cut to pieces at Waxsaws. It is worthy of 
remark, with what industry the King s adherents kept up their infor 
mation on all our movements and transactions. Their struggle was a 
hard one, to keep hold of the country; and much money and pains 
were expended in spies, express riders, and secret information. 

Mr. Custis hard ride after Dr. Read was to give him the above infor 
mation, and to divert his attention from the disastrous circumstance of 
a defeated army; but it only served to stimulate his intention to pro 
ceed, and throw himself into the breach. At Fredericktown, where 
Dr. Read was to rendezvous, there was no information of the defeat in 
all the next day; but, fearing that the bad news was too true, he took 
a farewell an eternal farewell of his friend Custis, and proceeded 
on, leaving the rendezvous to Dr. Prescot. His ride was rapid, and 
the full account of Gates disaster never reached him until he arrived 
at Petersburg, in Virgina. There he heard the sad detail, and the 
narrow escape of his old acquaintance, Col. Abraham Beauford. Dr. 


Read never met Beauford afterwards; he fell in Gen. Sinclair s defeat. 
Custis died at the siege of Yorktown ; he wrote Dr. Read tenderly the day 
before his attack. Dr. Read then proceeded on, and having joined 
Major Kendall, after some singular adventures they reached Hills- 
borough. There he met Gen. Grates, with the remainder of his defeated 
army; they were in a state of the utmost destitution; bereaved of their 
baggage, they were badly clad, many unable to leave their huts and 
tents for want of necessary clothing. Provisions, likewise, were very 
scarce and very coarse. A few officers who had money would send 
into the country and get some comfortable things; but in general the 
bread of the army was made from corn grated down on old canteens, 
with holes punched through them. The mills being generally burnt, 
or mill darns cut, no meal could be got. Gen. Gates mess and family 
fared in the same manner, until an unexpected supply of butter and 
flour was sent to Dr. Read by the wife of Col. Elliott. It was a deli 
cate acknowledgment of tender and polite treatment in his call at the 
Colonel s house. This supply was most welcome, and Dr. Read made 
a generous, liberal use of it. It restored the General to better health 
and good humor, which were sadly impaired; on several sick and 
wounded officers it had a salutary effect. Never was a barrel of flour, 
and a keg of butter more usefully expended, or so gratefully received. 
Gen. Gates was sadly low spirited at the time Dr. Read joined him, 
and made every one unhappy that had to communicate with him; he 
was uneasy at the state in which he stood with Congress, and with his 
Commander-in-Chief, after his defeat. He was under the impression 
of Dr. Read s knowing something about it, and he became short and 
unpleasant to him, notwithstanding, from dates, that he knew that Dr. 
Read had heard nothing of his battle until he reached the interior of 
Maryland; and that when Dr. Read left Philadelphia, all appeared 
prosperous in the Southern army, and that it was marching on confident 
of success. But, Dr. Read being a correspondent of Mr. John Park 
Custis (son-in-law to Gen. Washington), Gates was impressed with the 
idea of his having some information of the impression his defeat made 
at head-quarters, and with Congress; but Dr. Read had not heard from 
Custis since the disaster. Other surmises and injurious impressions 
against Dr. Read, were dwelling in his breast one was, that he was an 
Englishman (which he concealed), another, that he was a Romanist. 
Dr. Read, abhorring anything like equivocation, had to bring Major 
Pierce Butler to head-quarters, and put such questions to him in the 
presence of the General, that convinced him that Dr. Read s birth 
place was Carolina, and that he grew up in Georgia, and was educated in 


the end in Philadelphia. His suspicion of Romanism arose from Dr. R/s 
proposing to make an hospital of a Protestant Church; it was a remedy 
against the sad prevalence of typhus fever among the soldiers. Gen. 
Grates enquiring of Dr. Read the cause of the fever, was told that it 
arose from exhaustion, fatigue and chagrin at defeat. The General 
fretted and said : " Then, I am to be blamed for an act of God !" Dr. 
Read replied that he had answered him candidly. Gen. Gates at 
length was attacked with a painful complaint, which Dr. Read remedied 
successfully, and the General became more pleasant With him. Shortly 
after this time the Southern affairs took a happy turn; the Georgians 
and Carolinians, South and North, mustered to stop the career of the 
British under Col. Ferguson. He was carrying terror and devastation 
through the Western country, when the combination of field-officers, 
with their men, overtook the bold, enterprising Commander, and 
brought him to battle at King s Mountain. The account of it belongs 
to history. He was killed. 

This news elated Gen. Gates exceedingly, and cheered us all. The 
General did not possess the equa mente. He soon prepared to advance 
into South Carolina. The night before he marched, some thief got into 
the public stable and stole a fine horse of Dr. Read s from among fifty 
others ; he was the horse on which Dr. Read made the ride into South 
Carolina from Brunswick, in 1779. Major Depeyster, second in com* 
mand, being paroled, came to Gates quarters, and there, at dinner, said 
that Col. Jacob Read would be executed, in retaliation for Major Andre. 
A dead silence ensued for some minutes, when, all eyes being on Dr. 
Read and Depeyster, Dr. Read rose and"said: "How can you say so; 
was Major Read taken as a spy? Major Read is a militia officer, be 
longing to South Carolina, and not to the Continental army." Gen. 
Gates interposed, and said that Major Depiester did not know that 
Major Read had a brother at the table. The Major said he did not, and 
the matter was quieted. Several officers spoke, and said: "My brave 
fellow, if that is to be the policy of your army, a scene of carnage will 
ensue which will make you all rue it." Gates marched, and in a few 
days nine of the prisoners came to Hillsborough, directed to Dr. Read s 
quarters. He received them politely, and had to regret that his flour 
and butter was nearly exhausted; but some farmers, near the town, 
soon found them out, and supplied them plentifully; they would visit 
them, and cherish them. Dr. Read was struck with this instance of 
the attachments of these men to the British interests, and had to re 
prove it, reminding these men of their treasonable disposition, and 
he had to check their language to these officers, and to strictly 


caution them that their tongues were paroled as well as their swords ; 
soon, however, they were forwarded to a Commissary of prisoners, and 
heard no more of. Gen. Nathaniel Greene now arrived, and took com 
mand of the Southern army; a long and interesting conversation took 
place between Dr. Head and the General. Gates had advanced as far 
South as Charlotte, in North Carolina. Greene found the remaining 
troops, such as wounded and invalids, well furnished with wholesome 
provisions, especially bread, which was contrary to his information. 
Gen. Gates had, a few weeks previous to his march, contracted with a 
Mr. Hog, by a secret understanding, to furnish our army with provi 
sions, and corn meal especially. Protection and neutrality was afforded 
him by Gates, and he was permitted to bring corn and beeves from the 
south, where Col. Fanning commanded. Mr. Hog established within 
his enclosure, and worked, a number of mills; the enclosure was per 
mitted to be neutral ground. Dr. Read has seen a hundred mules and 
horses, loaded with corn, ascending the rocky heights near Hillsborough, 
and he understood that they were in motion all night. It was a mutual 
accommodation between enemy Commanders, and, Dr. Head believes, 
brought about by Mr. Millet, an excellent Republican citizen of North 
Carolina, who attached himself to Gen. Gates, and was very serviceable 
to him after his disaster. Gen. Greene heard this arrangement with 
delight. It is probable that the British armament moved from their 
position when the defeat of Ferguson took place, and Gates moved 
South, as the supply from below immediately ceased. A good store, 
however, remained, and served Dr. Read s department during his delay, 
and on his march, until he reached the plentiful country about Salis 
bury. Gen. Greene proceeded on and superseded Gates, who soon 
returned to Hillsborough. Dr. Read made a point of waiting on his 
fallen General in sympathy; he saw him receive a dispatch from the 
North, and, on reading a letter, he saw a good deal of feeling expressed; 
the General put the letter to his lips, and uttered some words. Dr. 
Read waited a while, and then approached his old enemy in tender 
sympathy; the General received him gratefully and graciously, and, 
pointing to the letter, said, " Washington sympathises with me in the 
loss of my son, and commands me to the right wing of the army." 
There were several officers of distinction, invalids and wounded, who 
did not visit the General on this occasion. Dr. Read s instructions 
were to follow Gen. Greene s march as speedily as possible, and to fix 
his department at Salisbury until further orders. Gates called at Dr. 
Read s quarters, and bid him farewell, seeming to have forgotten their 
former hostility. Dr. Read moved on with his department in a few 


days; on his march he met with a singular adventure. Feeling sore at 
the loss of a fine horse, as related above, he wished to recover him, 
and, as a mere possibility to obtain that end, he determined to make an 
effort. He struck into a road which deviated to the left of the main 
road, and rode rapidly on, in hopes to be able to regain the road on 
which his department marched, and, struck with a track of a single 
horse on said road, which resembled that of his stolen horse, he pur 
sued the track for many miles, at a round gallop, not conscious how far 
he was deviating from his direct road. At length the track ceased, by 
the grass on a neglected road, and he saw a building; it proved a lofty 
mill, now in disuse. On approaching the scene, he perceived two men 
running; they ran towards a dwelling-house, whither he pursued them, 
in order to speak to them. He was accosted by a respectable-looking 
man with, " Who art thou ?" and " What dost thou want?" He told 
his errand without dismounting, and asked for some refreshment. Dr. 
Read was invited in, where he saw another very respectable-looking 
man, a senior. They called in a negro man, and set before him beef, 
bread and eggs, and ordered his horse fed. One of his servants came 
in and said, in an under voice, " he never saw such a horse before." 
He rode his fine Irish grey. He felt uneasy, and wished for the time 
that he had rode some less attractive horse; but his meal being finished, 
he requested to be instructed how to fall in with the main road to Salis 
bury, and then informed them who he was, and his march towards 
that town. These people had only a vague report of the battle of 
King s Mountain, and the death of Col. Ferguson. This was a place 
of mills; a vast quantity of lumber lay about. Dr. Read was now told 
that, if he wanted to depart by any other way than that he came on, he 
must be blindfolded, and obey instructions; he consented, and had 
his handkerchief placed over his eyes. He and his horse were lead 
over heaps of boards, and carried to a river, embarked in a flat, and 
poled along by the white man and negro; no word was uttered except 
"stoop," "stoop low." The boat appeared to enter a creek, and to be 
poled along many miles. At length he was landed, and, being released 
by his conductors, got directions to ride forward in a precise direction, 
to ride hard, until he struck a deep swamp, and to course along about 
ten miles, and he would strike the main road. He did so; probably 
gallopped twenty miles before he struck the swamp, and ten along that 
course. About half-way along, he came to a settlement of new huts; 
asked for some water; was known to the negroes; called young master, 
and was told that they had belonged to his uncle Rose, and that they 
had seen him at Oakhampton; said they belonged to the public. Dr. 


Read, on reaching the main road, and perceiving no fresh track of his 
department, road down the road in hopes of meeting his party. In an 
hour s ride, now at night, he met some of his officers, who had been 
uneasy at his rash resolve to leave his party in the vain search of a lost 
horse, they being in an enemy s country. He moved on as speedily as 
the insufficient equipment of his department would admit; numbers of 
wounded and invalids insisted on going on in hopes of recovery, and 
being able to take the field again. Never was there an instance of 
such zeal, such enthusiasm, displayed in common soldiers, as was ex 
hibited here on Gen. Greene taking the command. He reached Salis 
bury, and not being preceded by a Quarter-Master, had to ride through 
the town, and to put under requisition such buildings as he required 
for an hospital, and such apartments as lie stood in need of for himself 
and officers. He did so as best suited the purpose, but it occasioned 
much discontent between the Republican and Royalist owners, and some 
warm conversations with him. Dr. Read s policy was to conciliate good 
will, and to make friends to the cause wherever he served, and he suc 
ceeded in many instances. At Salisbury he was well established, him 
self and the young gentlemen of his department, and some prisoners. 
Col. Rugely was a sick man, a prisoner on parole. They thought them 
selves well off for some weeks; and, had Gen. Greene been able to 
fight and repel Cornwallis, he might have remained stationary. When, 
behold, one night his landlord came to his bed-side, saying, " Dr. Read, 
I have bad news for you I" A marauding party has been to my 
wash-house, and plundered my washer-woman of all my clothes, and of 
yours, and of these gentlemen, meaning Col. Rugely, and of Capt. 
Churchill Jones (a sick officer, who was at my quarters). " Another 
piece of bad news is, that Gen. Greene is on the retreat, and there is 
an express now in town enquiring for you." They all dressed in a hurry. 
The express did come, and communicate the orders : " that Dr. Read 
must retreat immediately. " Capt. Jones was not in a condition to ride; 
but, getting a litter made, he was laid on it, and they were all on the 
retreat towards the River Yadkin before daylight. Drs. Brownfield and 
Gillet were eminently useful in packing up their stores and medicines, 
and in getting off the patients. They crossed the Yadkin. Dr. Read, 
confident of his horse, remained in town until he saw Greene s retreat 
ing army march through. Greene followed, and was actually alone, 
the most fatigued man he ever saw. Read was seated giving paroles to 
certain prisoners of war. Some of this assumed service was attended 
with such circumstances of romance, as would not bear a narrative here, 
although strictly true, A scene transacted here is given in Garden s 


anecdotes. Dr. Read, having Gen. Greene s sanction and approbation, 
finished the business, and rode with the General to the Yadkin, and 
they crossed the river together at the Island Ford. Dr. Read continued 
with the General, no aid-de-canip or other officer being with him ; his 
aides and secretary were all absent gone, as he said, to meet Gen. 
Huger, and to hasten his march. Gen. Isaac Huger commanded such 
of Gates defeated troops, arid such volunteers as he could collect North 
of the Cape Fair, and to him all eyes were turned for the reinforcement 
to enable Greene to meet the foe. Huger s name was uttered a thousand 
times by the soldiery, as a desirable arrival. He at length reached the 
River Dan, and crossed. Gen. Greene requested an interview with Dr. 
Read the morning after their crossing the Yadkin; and, giving him 
his orders, said " Your department would embarrass my march; you 
must march to the left, and reach Virginia as soon as you can. You 
are to take the prisoners (the Queen s Rangers) with you, about 150. 
You march through an hostile country, and these men may be rescued 
by the disaffected inhabitants; each man is worth the release of an 
American soldier, a prisoner, therefore be careful of them." Dr. Read 
said, " Gen. Greene this is more than my duty." The General con 
templated Dr. R. for some time and said : " Dr. Read, we must all do 
more than our duty, or we never shall succeed ; this is not the first 
time that extra duty has been required of you. I rely much on you. 
I will give you thirty stand of arms, and you must organize a guard of 
volunteers from among the invalids, and be upon your guard." Dr. R. 
knew that Cols. Scophol and Cunningham were in the field, no great way 
from his march, as a short time previous to this he (Dr. Read) was sent 
by the General, express to Col. Lock, to order a thousand men raised, 
to cover Major Hyrne s retreat with the captive regiment, the British 
71st, taken at the battle of the Cowpens, as Scophol and Cunningham 
were in the hostile position a little to the west. The service was 
promptly performed. The transaction was attended with a laughable 
circumstance, which was given to Major Garden as an anecdote. Dr. 
Read s march was made with all possible dispatch, lame and insufficient 
as his transportation was. On the first night, being on the way in 
rainy weather, Dr. Read riding in the van, was hailed " Who comes 
there?" to which he responded, drawing out and cocking his pistol. 
Again they hailed, when Dr. Read, telling his name, was answered 
with the reply "You are the man I am looking for, having come 
across the country with great perseverance." It proved to be Major 
Call, with a dispatch. Dr. Read went under a wagon, struck a light, 
and read the dispatch. The service was done to Gen. Greene s satisfac- 


tion. It was most important, and is told in Garden s anecdotes. The 
cartridges obtained by Dr. Read s vigilance, and his influence with 
Tranqut Buggie (the principal of the Moravians), were dispatched to 
the army on the Dan, and were probably the missiles at the battle of 
Guildford. Buggie would take no payment for the fare of the officers, 
and took certificates only for the rations furnished the troops. The 
march was continued, attended with many interesting circumstances, 
one of which may be told. Dr. Read, in riding forward in the van, 
reached a dairy, which in a manner overhung the road. He looked in, 
and observing a fine dairy, endeavored to buy all the milk, &c., in it, 
for his poor, sick and wounded soldiers. A bargain was struck for all 
in the dairy except the butter. The woman of the dairy went into the 
dwelling-house to ascertain the worth of her milk, &c., and stayed a 
long time. In the meantime his wagon and marching parties moved 
on, were ordered to halt, and the people to return with their canteens 
and cups; they did so, and carried off all the milky fluid. Payment 
was now offered; the price fixed was four-and-a-half crowns. Dr. Read 
held the silver in his hand ; the woman did not take it, but opened a 
gate, and motioned Dr. Read to ride in; he said " no ! that he was in 
a hurry," and again handed the money. The woman refused to extend 
her hand, but urged him to ride in. He thought that he saw something 
designing in her manners, and much trepidation, when, looking towards 
the house, he saw two men riding hard towards him ; one of them was 
one of the Queen s Rangers, in green and crimson, a man that he had 
missed all the day previous. Dr. Read took the hint, and rode off 
towards his party. His soldiers were indignant at this treacherous 
affair, and were with difficulty prevented from returning and wreaking 
vengeance on the house; but policy, as well as humanity, restrained him. 
He was in hourly expectation of being pursued by Tarleton, or a de 
tachment of his corps, as he knew they were to cross the Yadkin at 
the Shallow Ford, and would march through Salem, and there get an 
account of Dr. Read s marching party, which might be an object; he, 
therefore, proceeded in all meekness and benevolence towards the in 
habitants. The two men were seen late on that day riding on the side 
of a mountain parallel with the marching party, out of reach of musket 
shot. Dr. Read was delicate in making requisitions on the inhabitants, 
except for provisions, and a few blankets for the needy. The scarcity 
of that article was severely felt in many instances. After the defeat 
of Gates, scarce one man in five had a blanket. Dr. Read was at 
quarters out of Hillsborough, together with Gen. Isaac Huger and Col. 
Kosciusko, without a blanket, for more than six weeks, their only bed- 


ding being the General s cloak, under which they occasionally slept ; 
they constantly hoped for a supply. The weather was in the meantime 
very cold, but they bore it without a murmur. The sick soldiers, women 
and children, benefited by the milk, and the treacherous woman lost 
her money. Returning this way some months after, nobody was at this 
house; all was ruin and desolation. On reaching Salem on a mission 
to obtain scalpels and lancets, he learned that the British army did 
march through Salem, and the respectable old Principal observed to 
Dr. Read that " he took all their milk," but said he, " the British took 
off all our milch cows." The instruments were obtained, and were 
probably used on the field of battle at Guildford Court House. 

Dr. Read here retrogades to relate a story in the operations of this 
campaign, highly to the credit of Gen. Morgan, which should not be 
lost. Dr. Read, after parting with Gen. Greene on the evening of their 
crossing the Yadkiri, walked into camp, and on enquiring for Gen. 
Morgan, whom he was desirous of seeing, he found him in a tent laying 
on leaves, under a blanket. On enquiry, the General said he was very 
sick, rheumatic from head to feet. The Doctor gave him advice to 
leave camp, and retire to some place of safety, and warm quarters. 
The General said, " I do not know where that is to be found until I 
reach Virginia/ Dr. Read left him and walked down to the river, 
where were a number of officers observing the arrival of the enemy on 
the rising grounds over the river, column after column, which he and 
they contemplated as long as the light served them. Presently he saw 
Morgan come down to the river. Several officers approached him on 
seeing anxiety in his manner, and enquired what was the matter. The 
General s reply was short and evasive. At length Dr. Read made up 
to him, to reproach him for not following his advice, which was to seek 
an opportunity of perspiration as remedy against his painful rheumatic 
affection. The General said : "to you, Dr. Read, I will be explicit, as 
it may give you some business. I have laid an ambuscade of 120 
Virginia men for the British; we hope to do them some harm." Dr. 
Read s reply was: " good God, is it possible !" He did not think they 
had a hostile man over the river, and expressed his wonder how they 
could escape. The General observed that this was one of the strata 
gems of war that must be resorted to, and as to the hazard, brave men 
were always prepared for it. At this moment a firing was heard ; the 
General appeared in ecstacy. " There are my rifles, there the British 
pistol ;" now a barking and howling of dogs were heard, then all was 
still, and a solemn silence ensued. Dr. Read stood looking over the 
dark expanse, reflecting on the horrors of war, when he saw an object 


which appeared like a vision. It was the discharge of a gun; a man 
on horseback falling backwards, then all was obscurity. He spoke of 
it; it was treated like a thing of imagination, and Dr. Read, mistrust 
ing his own vision, insisted no more on it. Gen. Morgan was gone, 
and soon after Dr. Read retired to his camp. The next morning the 
General and a number of officers were at the river, to know the fate of 
the ambuscade. Presently was seen a company of men marching in 
loose order up the banks of the river wet, and apparently much 
fatigued. Numbers made enquiry, and conversed on the subject. Dr. 
Read related what he had seen the night before, and pointed to the 
spot, where there appeared to lay an object like a dead man; when a 
young man stepped up and said : " It is true, sir, I am the man. I 
was pursued by a dragoon whon running across that field ; he overtook 
me, and I wheeled about and shot him; I think he fell. At the mo 
ment he gave my rifle a heavy cut;" and, showing his rifle, the sabre 
cut was evident. The horse ran off, and the rifleman made good his 
retreat. Dr. Read now accosted the bystanders with a hope that they 
were no longer incredulous. Dr. Read spoke encouragingly to the 
young soldier, whose name was Campbell, and advised him to keep that 
rifle as a sacred deposit. After this battle, some anxiety was expressed 
to know its fate, when two young men, Steel and Gillespie, volunteered 
to go over the river and see. They mounted fine horses, and rode down 
a hill, which seemed vastly precipitous, and riding to the western end 
of the rocky island that gives the name of Island Ford to the crossing 
place, they crossed the river, and saw numbers of soldiers burying the 
dead in large pits. Some of Morgan s ambuscade were missing, but 
Dr. Read never heard of their fate. He marched next morning on his 
important command, and never returned to this part of the country, 
and he never met Morgan again to enquire the history of this expedi 
tion. An army is a little world, composed chiefly of men; the members 
of it form an acquaintance which is speedily to be estranged they con 
tract friendships which are soon to be ended by arbitrary severation, 
never to meet again. A surgeon parts with his amiable young friend, 
and sees him on the same day brought in a corpse he parts with an 
old college acquaintance to join him in serving, while in the midst of 
battle he sees him brought off the field a dying man. In another in 
stance a wounded officer is brought many miles, a valued intimate 
acquaintance, to have a wounded arm amputated. Alas ! poor Col. 
Ford ! He had seen Dr. Reed amputate at Monmouth, and insisted on 
being brought to him for that friendly office; when, behold, the post 
ponement became fatally destructive he spasmed and died, and severed 


two nianly hearts long attached to each other. Col. Ford departed 
with extraordinary fortitude, being sensible of his approaching death. 
He had been bred to physic ; all matters for his funeral were appointed 
by himself. The music was instructed to practice at his quarters, and 
the tune prescribed. Some romantic circumstances ensued in conse 
quence of this death. Ford was under the impression that the de 
parted could communicate with the living, and he promised to appear 
to Dr. Read on the night of his death. Dr. Head, considering the 
possibility of the thing, sat up alone, anxiously waiting the event, but 
no ghost appeared. He waited until twelve o clock, when ghosts are 
said to retire; then, putting on his night-gown, he walked out to Gen. 
Folk s burial-ground, where the mortal remains of his friend were de 
posited, and invoking him, remained there an hour. This proceeding 
was useless, no ghost was seen, no voice heard. It was imprudent, as 
his (Dr. Read s) appearance, in a white gown, gave an alarm which was 
attended with serious consequences; not, however, worth relating here. 
Dr. Read continued to exercise his professional avocations in Charlotte, 
receiving the sick and wounded from all the outposts, and the operations 
of Colonels Marion, Sumter, Hampton and Maham, likewise of the 
gallant Harry Lee, of the Legion ; aided and assisted by Drs. Gillet, 
senior and junior, and by Dr. Robert Brownfield, he did a great deal 
of good to the service. The several gentlemen, aides-de-camp of Gen. 
Greene s army, came to Dr. Read in bad health, in succession, from their 
arduous duties in the low country Colonels Lewis, Morris, Shubrick, 
Pierce, Pendleton, Major Burnet, Col. Kosciusko, Carrington and 
Gunby the latter to decide an affair of honor. Gunby lost his right 
thumb. Dr. Read received them all in comfort, being enabled to do 
so by the zealous assistance of his Commissary, Matthew McClure, from 
his popularity with the people of the country, and mainly by the ser 
vices of a soldier, who, possessing the art of slight of hand, would go 
through the country and exercise his art, to the diversion of the people, 
and profit of the mess, in poultry, pigs, eggs, and small meats. Elliot 
had been dismissed the Maryland line for dimmutiveness, which lie 
thought very hard, as he had marched and fought alongside of many a 
tall fellow, through a severe campaign; he was, however, eminently 
useful to Dr. Read s mess, enabling him to keep a table like any general 
officer. He was enabled to receive in comfort many of the exchanged 
prisoners who wended their way south after their exchange on the 
coast of Virginia; among them was Henry Middleton, John Middle- 
ton, Henry Peronneau, John Badly, &c., &c., and Dr. Read s young 
brother, George P. Read. About this time Dr. Read was informed by 


some of Gen. Folk s scouts that a British officer lay near the Catawba, 
in a lone Woman s house, badly wounded. Dr. Read, ever ready in 
any work of humanity, feeling excited, determined to see and relieve 
the wounded officer, required of Gen. Polk a guide and two mounted 
men, set out, and after riding hard for two hours, reached the house. 
There lay a fine-looking officer, leaning on an old woman s bosom, while 
a negro man stood preparing to dress his wounded side. He appeared 
alarmed at his arrival until Read informed him his errand; he thanked 
him kindly. The old lady remarked that he could Hot have said so 
much three or four days ago ; she then proceeded to relate the circum 
stance. " That about two weeks ago an officer of dragoons of Greene s 
army came there with this wounded man behind his servant, and left 
him with her, saying, that he could not wait, requesting me to take 
care of him. He stopped, however, a few minutes, and loosened his 
valise, and took from it a bundle, saying: on leaving home my mother 
gave me this bundle, saying, if you should be wounded, or any friends 
of yours, open this bundle. He loosened the bundle saying, 1 1 con 
sider this suffering fellow creature entitled to my kindness, although an 
enemy. It contained lint and bandages, and a box of pills; he shared 
the lint and bandages, and divided the pills, and gave directions; they 
were as remedy in case of spasm. The good creature, God bless him, 
then rode oif." The wounded man now spoke, saying, " I was sensible 
of all that passed, although I could not speak. I had lost a fore tooth, 
which happily made an aperture, through which I took water through 
the spout of a tea-pot, and by the same opening I took the pills. In 
about twelve or sixteen hours I could open my mouth, which was com 
pletely locked ; I had taken four pills. On examining the mass, Dr. 
Read thought they were of opium, camphor and musk. Dr. Read had 
carried with him a bottle of wine ; he made the wounded man take a 
glass of it, and proceeded to examine and dress his wounds. A mus 
ket ball had struck a rib, and glanced out, ripping the skin and muscle 
four inches long ; a sabre or hatchet cut over the ear was to the bone. 
He had not been conscious of the wound of the head. He had be 
longed, or commanded a flanking advance of their army, which pursued 
Greene after the retreat from Ninety-Six, and was shot down and aban 
doned by his men. The officer who took him up was one of Greene s 
rear, and finding him on the ground alive, placed him behind his 
mounted servant, and brought him to this house as related. 

The good lady s remark was, " that he was a fine young man, and that 
she dare say that his mother was a religious woman, and that her son 
was well brought up." Dr. Read made him repeat the glass of wine, 


and saw him in good spirits. The good woman was struck with his 
change of manner. He was jocular, and said to Dr. Read, "you have 
a fine fellow in your service, Abraham Beauford." Dr. Read replied, 
"yes, I know him well, and we think him a fine fellow." " But," 
said he, "after the surprise at Waxsaws, he sent in a flag to enquire 
for and ransom a pair of mares, instead of enquiring after his wounded 
and prisoners." Here Dr. R. counteracted his opinion, and said, "that 
Beauford would not discredit the humanity of your army so far as to 
suppose the wounded would not be taken care of." He smiled and 
said, "there you pose me." Dr. Read then took leave of this gentle 
man, giving the old lady directions in case of pain or future spasms, 
and rode off. Not long after this hazardous transaction, for he rode 
through a hostile country, at least infested with hostile marauders, by 
some of which, a little while ago, some miles to the west of this 
region, he had been chased to within five miles of Charlotte, when 
he went out to remedy the wounds of Gen. Sumter. The fleetness 
of his horse, with the General s instructions, saved his life or free 
dom. At about this time he says he was called upon to exercise 
his zeal and activity in carrying dispatches to Gen. Greene; a rider 
came into Charlotte very sick, with despatches, on a tired horse. They 
were from Yorktown, Virginia, from Washington to Greene, and thought 
to relate the capture of Lord Cornwallis. Dr. Read was on marching 
orders. On Gen. Greene encamping about the high hills of Santee, he 
directed Dr. Read to follow him as speedily as he could with his de 
partment, and fix a flying hospital in the rear of his camp. Dr. Read 
volunteered to carry these dispatches. Transcending his orders as 
above, he left his department under the guidance of Dr. Elisha Gillet, 
and set out; he rode his own horse. There was not at this time a man 
or horse at the command of Gen. Polk; his son Charles had lately been 
furnished with every disposable man and horse to scour the country 
around, and to protect Charlotte against the Tories, who were in the 
field in force. Dr. Read rode eighty miles in ten hours, lay down at 
Carnden four hours, and then proceeded on at the rate of nine miles an 
hour on the same horse to Gen. Greene, at Gabriel Guignard s house. 
A council was immediately held of his aides-de-camp, and of Major 
Edmund Hyrne, who was at head-quarters. It would appear extraor 
dinary that Dr. Read would condescend to be an express rider, but it 
will be acknowledged that the occasion was extraordinary. He saw, 
with somewhat of a soldier s eye, that it was all important that Greene 
should know the fate of Cornwallis s army before the British army, 
under Lord Rawdon, should hear it. Greene immediately moved down 


and fought the battle of Eutaw, before he had time to retreat to Charles- 
town, where he gave our red coat enemy a severe dressing, with the 
loss, however, of many men and officers. Out of six Colonels who 
commanded regiments, all were killed or wounded, except Wade Hamp 
ton, and he made a good retreat and rally. John Eager Howard was 
shot down with a broken collar bone. Lieut. Dobson and Woolford 
were killed near him in the heat of the battle. Howard and Hender 
son were carried to the house of Thomas Jones. Dr. Read was sent to 
Col. Henderson especially, and he found him in a deplorable condition, 
with a shattered tebia. His pain was excruciating, and there was every 
indication about him of approaching tetanus, of which Dr. Head had 
seen too many cases, to be easy about this distinguished officer. He 
immediately undertook the case, enquired what was his attitude, de 
clared his attitude as to the position of his wounded leg to be most 
unfortunate. Two surgeons stood by; he changed the position, and in 
a moment made a dilatation through the obtuse bullet wound a thing 
all surgeons should do as soon as possible ; this had been omitted more 
than two days. Dr. Read introduced his fingers, and extracted several 
pieces of bone, some of which lay transversely, of course irritating the 
wound every moment. The surgeons stood by, and one said to the 
other, " this is the effects of a fresh hand to the pump." Dr. Read 
observed that he could easily conceive their fatigue with the wounded 
to be very great. Col. Henderson expressed immediate ease. Dr. 
Read ordered bitter fomentations, administered laudanum, and left the 
Colonel to get the rest he had not enjoyed since he received the wound. 
A wounded officer spoke, and enquired " if Dr. Read would dress him?" 
He said "yes, certainly;" and on enquiry who he was, he told him he 
was Col. Howard, commanding a Maryland regiment. Dr. Read well 
knew his celebrity. He went up to him and said: "Yes, Colonel, I 
would assist Beelzebub in the character of a wounded man." In stooping 
over the Colonel to loosen his bandages, he gave him the information, 
as above, of Woolford and Dobson being killed near him. Dr. Read s 
observation was, that as they were doomed to die, he was glad that they 
died so gloriously. It must be told that those gentlemen had been 
injurious informers to their Colonel against Dr. Read, as principal in 
the hospital at Charlotte, of his hauteur, his partiality to the South 
ern soldier, and his lending a Maryland soldier to a French officer. 
The first charges were untrue j the story of lending a soldier as a waiter 
to a French officer, was as follows : Major Mt. Florence having recov 
ered from severe illness, expressed a wish to ride into the country for 
change of air, and to carry with him a convalescent, whom it might 


benefit. He selected a young recruit that had been wounded through 
the arm, and the wound not yet healed, he was unable to carry a inus- 
ket. Dr. Read, concluding that the ride and a fortnight s time might 
heal the wound, granted the request. The consequence was as he ex 
pected, the officer and soldier marched in that time. Dr. Read was, 
therefore, justified, and would have been acquitted by his commanding 
officer. A court-martial was threatened, but never attempted. Some 
severe letters passed between Dr. Read and Col. Howard, on the occa 
sion, from the testimony of those two officers. Many years after the 
war, Dr. Read received a civil message from Col. Howard saying, that 
they had quarrelled severely in the war, but that he was wrong, and 
Dr. Read right. Dr. Read was told that the surgeons he so decidedly 
censured as relating to Col. Howard s wounded leg, were offended, and 
by one of them, a professed combatant, he would be called out; but he 
heard no further indications of hostility. Read continued steadily to 
do his duty to the end of the war. 

There are digressions and little concomitant incidents, which may 
have been left out of this grave narrative of facts; but, to return to 
the thread of the story. Dr. Read continued his march, industriously 
laboring to reach Virginia. His orders were to watch over the prison 
ers, and to deliver them to Major Hyrne, on meeting him. Several 
prisoners made their escape, aided by the country people, who were 
generally disaffected to the Republican cause. Among the prisoners 
taken in Georgia, Dr. Read distinguished a very tall, sickly youth, and 
felt peculiar interest in him. He would often converse with him, and 
give him extra diet from his mess. The lad was intelligent, and gave 
a sad account of Gren. Howe s campaign against Florida. 

This prisoner was in the habit of marching along, and keeping pace 
with Dr. Read in the van, and the soldiers would jocularly call him 
the Doctor s aide-de-camp. This sly fellow never once indicated that 
he was a man of this country, and that he was approaching his home; 
but one day, coming to a fork of roads, he advised Dr. Read to take a 
right hand road; when he said no! that he was advised to avoid all 
right hand roads. The lad appeared confused; it was his father s plan 
tation he was approaching. He stepped along, as he had done some times 
before, and reached the house, and there he, no doubt, made himself 
known, aud settled a plan of operations. Dr. R. s party arrived, and were 
most graciously received, by a lady and two daughters. They got a 
comfortable meal, and seemed very obliging. Dr. Read was instructed 
always to put under confinement every individual of any family he 
spent the night with, for fear of information to our enemy, and treacher- 


ous combinations against his party. These women were given to under 
stand this, likewise they were informed that the house must be searched 
for incendiary papers. At this they were much shocked; however, 
search was made, and a pile of addresses to the people were found, well 
calculated to rouse the energies of the country people to "turn out in 
the cause of their country, and second the efforts of their friends to 
subdue the rebels, and serve their righteous King, the Lord s annotated," 
&c., &c. These the gentlemen of the part} 7 amused themselves with 
reading, and committing to the flames. The women said that a man 
had been there, and left the papers. These women were put into a 
chamber, and some women in a loom-house put under guard. The 
Doctor s party lay down in the hall. In the morning a march was 
ordered, and the department moved off; enquiry was made for the 
young man prisoner, but nobody had seen him. He was in the practice 
of walking off before the party, and Dr. Read, concluding that he had 
done so at this time, was easy at his absence; but, on proceeding further, 
and not seeing him, he became apprehensive, and, on reaching a ten 
mile rivulet, where they were to breakfast, and not finding the tall boy 
(as the soldiers called him), he became suspicious of his having made 
his escape; and some symptoms appearing, he concluded that he had 
been seduced away by the family which he had just left. Dr. Read 
now resolved to ride back in pursuit of him, called for two volunteers 
to join him, and take the runaway prisoner. McCluire, an Irish soldier 5 
first offered his services, Carr, a Scotchman, next. Several American 
soldiers then came forward, and begged to be employed, but Dr. R. pre 
ferred the first offers. They were ordered to chose the best horses, 
arm themselves, and come on. Many gentlemen of North Carolina were 
in camp a short distance off, and, on hearing of the expedition, came 
to Read s camp and remonstrated against it, called it rash and useless, 
held up the prospect of meeting Col. Tarleton, or some of his detach 
ments; spoke especially against the jeopardizing the two soldiers for 
vainglory. On Dr. Read s persisting in his intention, and being about 
to march, a Mr. Shelton offered to lend two fine horses to the soldiers. 
Dr. Read was mounted on his horse, the Irish grey. The soldiers armed 
to their liking, they both proved skilful horsemen. The party rode off, 

and in less than an hour reached the plantation of Davis. Mr. 

Shelton informed Dr. Read that it was a family of notorious Royalists, 
that the pamphlets he found in the house were such as they were in the 
habit of receiving and distributing for their cause; that their eldest 
son was a notorious malefactor, a felon and convict, that he had been 
proclaimed an outlaw by the Government; that he had fled to Florida, 


but may have returned with the advance of British arms; that he was 
of gigantic size. He cautioned Dr. Read against such a man. On 
approaching Davis house, the party distinctly saw the tall boy running 
towards a swamp. McGuire spurred on at full speed, and Dr. R. and 
Carr leaped a set of bars and rode up to the house. Carr stopped a 
minute at the bars to see if there was any one approaching. On Dr. 
Read s riding up to the door, with pistol in hand, he was met by the 
sally out of a gigantic man, brown as a mulatto, with a long bushy 
beard, his features, in fact, obliterated by the excessive growth of hair, 
black and shaggy, with a rifle to his shoulder. Now commenced a 
scene too terrific for narration. Dr. Read s horse, with more than com 
mon instinct, appeared to see his danger, reared and neighed, and pawed 
towards the assailant. Dr. Read pointed the pistol ; but, from the flow 
ing main of his horse, and the unsteady seat he had from the upright 
position of his horse, he could not take aim and fire. His situation 
was terrible, but he was nothing dismayed. At the moment he per 
ceived Carr at his right hand, on foot, with his musket at a charge. 
Dr. Read said, "Carr, do your duty." In a moment he plunged the 
bayonet into the body of the assailant. It was driven through him, 
entering to the right of the umbelicus, and formed a blue spot on the 
left side of the back-bone, on examination. The monster fell, with 
dreadful screams and lamentations; endeavored to scramble off, but fell, 
beat his legs and arms about for fifteen minutes, and expired. Thus 
he was made the executioner of the outlaw. The mother and two sis 
ters now came out, and criminated him, saying, that "he had brought 
ruin on the family." Several women came out of a loom-house, and 
made a talk against the deceased, enumerating his crimes committed 
on both sexes, and children, and of house burning. McGuire having 
pursued the fugitive prisoner as far as his horse could go, in vain, re 
turned. The women had rallied in a most extraordinary manner, and 
became abusive, and lamenting the death, and threatening. McGuire 
drew his sword, and laid on them with its flat side, and drove them 
into the house. Dr. Read followed, lest he should be provoked to give 
the edge. On entering an inner room, he saw a pair of feet under a 
cupboard, and found an old man in great trepidation; he dragged him 
forth and criminated him. In the meantime Carr had turned over the 
dead man, and showed the effects of his bayonet. On measuring him 
with his musket and bayonet, he seemed above six feet five inches, and 
prodigiously brawny withul. Carr cut off his beard, and carried it away 
with him. Dr. Read s party now retreated, carrying the old man with 
them, whom he told the women that he should detain as prisoner until 


her young son should deliver himself. On reaching camp the old man 
was known to the party of gentlemen, and they claimed him as a victim 
of crime, he being accused of acting the incendiary and spy ever since 
the war. Dr. Read, however, plead his being his prisoner, and inter 
ceded for his life, and after some hours carried the unfortunate parent 
back a mile or two, and turned him loose ; the runaway prisoner never 
appeared. Carr was entitled to a reward, which Dr. Read certified, and 
hopes that he got. McGuire, he thinks, fell in the bloody battle of 
Guilford. The hospital department now proceeded on slowly, from 
insufficient teams and broken wagons; they halted at the plantation of 
a Mr. Spencer, a good Republican, who was then in arms in the field. 
Dr. Read, with his officers, and others who accompanied him, consisting 
of the medical gentlemen, Baron Glanbeck, Capt. Saunders, a wounded 
man, &c., which made a considerable cavalcade, some of which (soldier 
attendants) were in scarlet coats, taken off of the dead at the Cowpens, 
spent the night in the house of said Spencer. Not doubting the patriot 
ism and good feelings of this family towards him, Dr. Read omitted to 
keep under durance the family. The gentlemen of the department, 
for pass time, used to call Dr. Read Lord Cornwallis, and Baron Glan 
beck , which Dr. Read rebuked with severity, reminding 
the young gentlemen of the impropriety of any equivocation, situated 
as we were; still, the joke was sometimes sported, and it was nearly 
attended by a fatal scene. Dr. Read was in the habit of leaving off his 
officers in the rear to watch over and bring up stragglers. The prisoners 
(the Queen s rangers), shewed a strong inclination to desert and join 
the country people. On this occasion it was his good fortune to leave 
Dr. Brownfield in that situation. Dr. B. halted at one Frey s, five miles 
short of Dr. Read s camping ground; and, hearing a rumor that Lord 
Cornwallis and suite were in advance, a party of Republicans assembled 
at Frey s, and were organized to go forth and attack the party. Dr. 
Brownfield, convinced that it was the hospital department, and not Lord 
Cornwallis, prevailed on this armed party to desist from an attack, and 
to accompany him to the camp at daylight, when they were convinced 
of the real state of the matter. When Dr. Read took possession of the 
quarters, there sat an old man in the chimney corner, who seemed 
superannuated; but behold, he had enough of Republican ardor in him 
to rouse his energies. He, on hearing the appellation, Lord Cornwallis 
and Baron, supposing that it was really the British party, stole off, 
mounted, and rode through the country and raised the above force, and 
nothing but the prudence and circumspection of Dr. Brownfield pre 
vented a murderous scene. The purpose of the party was to attack the 


harmless men while they slept on the floor of the house, by firing 
through the logs, and then rushing in with tomahawk and hatchet. 
This anecdote is in Garden s compilation. The department now pro 
ceeded on. They came to a settlement of superior size and accommo 
dation, gave notice to the owner that they should want about six hundred 
rations, and some assistance in tools, and stuff to repair wagons. Dr. 
Read was called to the road by thirty or forty gentlemen, on their re 
treat, who told him that he had halted at the house of a determined 
Royalist, and to beware of him. Dr. Read thought there was a super 
cilious air about this man, that was uncommon with people of his con 
dition. It seems that he counted on their being intercepted by Col. 
Fletchall, who was in the field with a strong Tory party, in consequence 
of which he became bold and confident. He had, on the approach of 
the hospital department, driven off his flocks and herds; and when Dr. 
Read demanded of him 600 rations, he replied, "you do?" He soon 
found that he had a determined character to deal with. Three young 
men arrived at this man s house after mid-day, much splashed and 
fatigued, man and horse. When Dr. Read demanded of them where 
they had been, they equivocated; he dragged them out one by one, and 
severely questioned them. The master of the house was in the mean 
time made prisoner. At length, pointing to a rope, and the limb of a 
tree, he drew from these lads that they had been to drive off the cattle, 
sheep and hogs. The purpose was easily seen through, and soon 
promulgated, and now commenced a scene of depredation that beggars 
all description. The soldiers running down poultry, picking or singeing 
off the feathers, and laying them on the fire; hunger was the plea, and 
revenge the cause of action. The gentlemen complained, but Dr. Read 
remarked that hunger could not be restrained, and made the man re 
mark that the most active of the marauders were the lads in green and 
crimson, the Queen s rangers. Not a feathered thing was alive that 
night. Mr. Frey contrived to get a beef by next morning, but it was 
too late to save his poultry, and he became a loser, as Dr. Read on 
marching next day gave him a certificate only for 600 Ibs. of beef. 
The party marched on without molestation. The next day, on enquiry 
for distances, and means of support, and reception as to accommodations 
for the sick and wounded, he was told of one commodious place a 
little short of Henry Court House, the owner and inhabitant of which, 
Capt. Howard, a sworn Royalist, had vowed that he would shoot the 
first Rebel officer that came to his house. Dr. Read treated it with 
levity, and continued to march on. Some North Carolina gentlemen 
joined in the march, and spoke of this terrible old gentleman ; that he 


had killed an antagonist at a blow, &c., &c.; but Read, intent only on 
the good of his department, which had been so solemnly committed to 
his care by his commanding officer, and being informed that Howard s 
place afforded the best barracks, and means of support, determined to 
brave the danger. On the day following he was met by a respectable 
man, who told him that Howard continued in the same resolution, and 
entreated Dr. Read to march on and avoid Howard s house; but, with 
the convictions above named, of accommodations, &c., he determined 
to reform and conquer his opponent, and rode steadily on. He looked 
well to his pistols; wearing a hussar cloak, they were concealed. On 
entering the yard alone, he perceived a very big man standing in his 
door, which he filled up, a gun in his hand, with the butt floored. Dr. 
Read, in a moment, calculated to shoot as soon as this terrible bravo 
should lift the gun from the floor. On nearing his antagonist, and 
perceiving his enormous size, he smiled at the idea of a sure shot, when 
Howard reached his arm out to the right, uttering: " By God, I cannot 
shoot a man that smiles in my face " He then asked him if he had 
intended to shoot him. He affirmed his intention; and Dr. Read, 
showing him his pistol, told him the manner in which he should have 
treated him. Howard then yielded the contest, invited the Doctor in, 
and they soon became reconciled. Dr. Read s officers arriving, he, at 
Howard s request, sent them over the river to Henry Court House with 
the prisoners, as being more removed from the probability of an attack 
and rescue from the Tory Colonel. Dr. Read was well accommodated, 
and his guard, and certain patients put into negro houses as barracks. 
Dr. Read soon discovered that Howard s house was frequented by a set 
of gamblers, among them two certain Colonels, who were Howard s ill 
advisers. They would argue on politics, and reason on the iniquity of 
rebellion, and the ingratitude of the Provinces, &c., &c., all calculated 
to keep up resistance. At length Howard, listening to Dr. Read, 
became convicted and convinced, and after some time authorized Dr. 
Read to clear his house of these sophists in politics. He did so, and 
thereby did what Mrs. Howard and daughter desired above all things, 
got rid of a set of gamblers. At length a scene commenced, and soon 
terminated appalling, indeed, and almost too much like romance for 
narration. Dr. Read s guard of thirty men continued to do their duty 
throughout the march; they were frequently drilled, and behaved like 
soldiers. A wagoner, with a team of very worn-out horses, joined the 
cavalcade at the Yadkin, and continued along, but was not recognised 
for rations and forage. He alleged that he had been employed by Gen. 
Robert Howe, on the Florida expedition, and had worn out his team, 


demanded Dr. Read s certificate to that effect ; but he, knowing nothing 
of it, refused a certificate; and, as the wagoner was addicted to liquor, 
and made much noise, he ordered him away; he did not go, but rather 
rudely demanded a paper, and remained in camp. He was not idle, 
but persuaded the men of the guard to desert, go over the mountain, 
and there be free; no magistrate, no law, but land enough, plenty of 
girls and provisions. These things appeared delightful to the soldiers. 
All but three fell into it, and had made up their mind to do so to 
plunder the hospital store, to carry off Mrs. Howard and daughter, a 
lovely young woman, who had lately come home from school. They 
were to rob Howard s stables, with Dr. Read s fine horses, and to kill 
any one who made opposition to them. These things were known to 
three men, who continued true to their colors, and to Dr. Read s in 
terest Carr (his old friend), Brown and Jamieson (Englishmen), and 
they informed Dr. Read of it, but he could not believe it. At length, 
one night, a tap at his window roused him, and he was told that they 
had begun, and Miss Howard said they were breaking open the store 
house, and showed Dr. Read what ten or fifteen of them (armed) were 
actually at. He saw them handing canteens to each other filled with 
the plundered rum. Howard and wife, Dr. Read and Miss Howard, 
met in the front room, and sat in sadness. Several guns were now fired 
at a house where Carr lay, whose wife was in childbed, and just now 
an uproar was heard at the stable; blows were heard, and bitter oaths, 
and then they ceased. It seems that two men had engaged to bring off 
the horses, and in accomplishing it they had to unloose a chain and 
bolt, in attempting which the two men who continued true, and Dr. 
Read s faithful man, Billy, having armed themselves with clubs, would 
stoop out of the hay-loft door and strike their hands. The swearing 
was from their pain and discomfiture. Not succeeding in getting the 
horses, they halted a while, and placed the wagoner in an advanced 
situation, as a sentinel. Dr. Read proposed to go out and quell this 
riot. The Howards opposed it, and would dissuade the Doctor from 
going out; but he determined to do so, and taking up a club, which 
was of mulberry root, worked partly into a bow, he walked towards the 
barracks deliberately, and coming to this sentinel, he enquired calmly 
why this riot, and suddenly struck the tall, stout fellow on the side of 
the head, and he fell helpless. Dr. Read followed up the blow by three 
others, and laid him quiet. He then called out, " I thought it was no 
other than that drunken rascal the wagoner." He then called for a 
torch. One was speedily brought, and walking leisurely towards the 
barrack, he heard a clattering of cartouch boxes, and, on going into the 


barrack, he saw all the men tinder blankets on their bed of ware. He 
then repeated, " I am glad my lads that it was nobody but that rascal 
the wagoner," and he retired; but things had gone too far to be winked 
at, and passed over. He sent a son of Howard s to Gen. Greene with 
a letter, describing the state of things. The distance was forty miles, 
and the young man, on a very fine horse, probably made the ride in 
three hours, for by nine next morning Dr. Read saw a squad of horse 
coming over the hills. He immediately went to the barracks, and 
called out to the company to turn out for drill. They turned out with 
alacrity, all except two, who, it was alleged, had sore hands the broken 
hands received at the stable-door. It was, however, admitted, and the 
rest were drilled, ordered to stack their arms and march. At this 
moment the dragoons rode up, and made the twenty-seven mutineers 
prisoners ; they were securely tied. The soldiers took some refresh 
ments, mounted, a prisoner behind each dragoon, and conveyed them 
away. The battle of Guilfold was to be fought the day following. Gen. 
Greene, in order to strengthen his ranks, had proclaimed that all men 
under arrest, or any way implicated, should be forgiven if they joined 
in battle, and did their duty; these twenty-seven mutineers probably 
took advantage of the amnesty, fought, and were killed, or deserted. 
Dr. Read never met with one of them again. The two young men 
with broken hands probably made off, as they could not possibly bear 
arms. Dr. Read was next ordered to Perkins Station, on the Dan, 
the army advancing. He next repaired to Guilford Court-house; and, 
after organizing the hospital, and leaving the sick with Dr. Brownfield, 
&c., and the good offices of the excellent Quaker inhabitaats of that 
place, he, with a party of staff and medical officers, inarched across a 
trackless country towards Charlotte Gen. Greene having marched to 
Camden. This journey was attended by some interesting circumstances, 
in one of which Dr. Read s presence of mind saved his party from a 
surprise and probable massacre. In his march to Virginia, a circum 
stance took place of a thrilling nature, which he has felt loth to narrate, 
as it was brought upon him by his imprudence. On his crossing Smith s 
River, which divides North Carolina from Virginia on that route, and 
fixing on a spot for encampment, he returned wading and swimming. 
Dr. Read being mounted on his fine horse, and bearing fatigue better 
than any other man, concluded to recross and inspect the rear rather 
than send one of the other gentlemen of his department. On crossing 
he saw two of his party, invalids, standing behind the rocks, waiting 
for his coming. On chiding them for loitering there, they appealed to 
his benevolence, telling him that they were two young men who had 


been recruited in that country for the Florida war; that they had grown 
up in the service, and now were near their parents and native home, 
from which they had not heard for four years, and they petitioned for 
a furlough. Their case was a singular and moving incident, and it in 
duced Dr. R. to deviate from his rule not to give leave of absence, and 
he gave his consent for two weeks, when they were to meet him at 
Henry Court House. These men, observing Dr. Read wet and cold, 
and knowing that he had been comfortless, and on horseback all day, 
advised him to go to a house down the river, which they named, where 
he and his servant, a soldier boy, might get some refreshment. They 
went, found it a manufacturing place, having a loom. He was referred 
to the dwelling-house for fire and something to eat. On Dr. Read 
approaching the house, a lady came out and offered to hand him some 
victuals, but forbid his dismounting, telling him that there were bad 
people about there; he, however, regardless of that advice, persisted in 
alighting, and going in, asking for something to eat, and proceeding to 
take off his boots and stockings to dry them. His boy did the same. 
The woman seemed horror struck at this proceeding, and begged Dr. 
Read not to stay; he, however, did stay, and dried his clothes, and ate 
in comfort. This good woman, in the meantime, seemed unhappy; 
went listening at a back door. At length Dr. Read, having accom 
plished his purpose, offered the landlady payment, which she refused, 
but hurried him off, telling him that there was a good passing place 
lower down the river, where he would see lights, as there was a recruit 
ing party there. Dr. Read was just in the act of going to the door to 
depart, when two men rushed in from the back door, and with a wild 
shout exclaimed, " here is one of them !" This was what the good 
woman was apprehensive of. Dr. Read, under great trepidation, con 
cealed his feeling, and replied that he was a non-combatant,, a surgeon, 
and he thought not liable to hostility. The most prominent of these 
men said, "yes, but I know who you are, I have been two nights in 
your camp." Some women came from the room and said, " that wretch 
is a spy." This exclamation he treated with severity and threats. He 
now attempted to be cheerful and sportive with Dr. Read in a back 
country slang, and was very provoking. The other man was the man 
of the house, and seemed to be very drunk. The British officer (as he 
proved to be), now signified that he would introduce Dr. Read to Lord 
Cornwallis that night; he should, by G d, be his peace offering. On 
perceiving the landlord very much in liquor, Dr. Read, conscious of 
his own skill and strength, determined to resist. He was peculiarly 
situated with some of the gentlemen of his family, differing for argiir 


ment s sake on the merits of our cause, and its ultimate result, and this 
sudden absence might be construed or distorted into an act of deserting 
his colors, and he was determined to resist to the death. Dr. Read 
had no arms, and there was none perceptible on his antagonist; he wore 
a split-shirt, which covered a much better dress. The conflict now 
commenced, The soldier boy, approaching the scene, was laid hold of 
by the landlord, thrown on the floor, and tied severely. On seeing this, 
Dr. Read was convinced of the inefficiency of this drunken man to assist 
his companion, and he saw his situation more deplorable; added to this 
they uttered some enquiries about an expected third person. Dr. Read 
was then embarked in a deadly conflict. The purpose of the officer 
was to get possession of Dr. Read s hand, which he resisted, with heavy 
blows in his face. The contest went on, blows, argument, imploring, 
wrestling and grappling, and continued two hours. The unfortunate 
gentleman frequently said, "I will not hurt or disfigure you, but intro 
duce you to Lord Cornwallis a decent prisoner." In the meantime the 
old man would rise as though he would interfere, when his wife would 
push him back and speak to him, and she frequently warded off blows 
levelled against Dr. Read. His antagonist would say, " is this possible?" 
on being floored by Read. The dress of split-shirt was now torn off, 
and a scarlet coat displayed. The landlady took a decided part for Dr. 
Read, and called in the women weavers to assist her in extricating him 
from captivity; but the officer said, " I will put my dirk into any woman 
that enters the house." Horrible was the scene, and Dr. R. expected 
nothing less than death, and would have welcomed the catastrophe; 
but it pleased Grod to decree it otherwise. Dr. Read, by a decided, 
calculated blow between the eyes of the man, felled him, jumped on 
him, and was searching for a side arm, which in their latter struggles 
he had felt on his thigh, when the old man raised up from the bed, and 
struck Dr. Read a blow under the short ribs that laid him senseless. 
On his coming to, by chafing with vinegar by the good woman, he found 
himself bound by ligatures, and seated on a bench. The boy pointed 
out the instrument by which he was struck the fatal blow. Dr. Read s 
horses were led around to a back door, and all things ready to carry 
him to the British camp, which he said triumphantly was not more 
than fifty miles off. His face was so battered as to be disfigured already. 
Dr. Read begged for water, which delayed the march a minute, when 
footsteps were heard, and in an instant two men burst into the front 
door; they had halted at the loom, and were told by the weavers the 
state of things, when they ran and burst in as described above. Hor 
ror and dismay struck the officer; he ran towards an end door, and 


endeavored to draw his side arm, but one of these men seized hold of 
him, threw him on the ground, and disarmed him; he scarcely resisted, 
The other soldier laid held of the old man, and loosening the ligatures 
on Dr. Read s arms, tied the landlord. The old scoundrel was in tears, 
supplicating for mercy, and quite submissive. All this was observable 
to Dr. Read, but he could not speak. He fainted, and when recovered 
found himself on the bed, the good woman chafing his temples with 
vinegar, and speaking kindly to him. He saw the old man on the floor 
tied, the soldier boy fixed in a position with a musket for shooting Mm, 
in case of an attempt to escape. The two soldiers had hold of the gentle 
man, dragging him to the back door. Dr. R. saw with deep concern the 
intention, and would, if he could, have spared him ; but he could not 
speak. He saw the poor victim struggle hard; having his shoulder to 
the door post, he made resistance, and roared out for mercy. In about 
half-an-hour s time the two men returned, one of them having a large 
bundle on his bayonet. They now hurried Dr. Read on his horse, and 
mounted the boy, and placing the landlord behind him, proceeded on 
to the lower ford. Dr. Read was still unable to speak, and scarcely 
able to sit on his horse. On crossing the ford, he was surrounded by a 
number of men, recruits, lifted off his horse and laid down. The two 
friendly soldiers returned, after telling who he was, and the whole story, 
and they mentioned the kind behavior of the woman. After two 
hours repose, Dr. Read awoke refreshed, and, although much in pain, 
called for his horses, and with a guide proceeded on to his department, 
reached it about two o clock, P. M., and lay down in a wagon. 

The scene was divulged by the boy, although he was cautioned to 
the contrary, when Dr. Read met with much sympathy. 

[Here end Dr. Bead s notes from which the foregoing has been pre- 


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