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[* NOV 3 1911 *)

DA 687 .W5 A3 v.3
Robinson, J. Armitage 1858-
1933.

Gilbert Crispin Abbot of
Westminster,

v.3

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The earlier numbers of this Series are :

1. The Manuscripts of Westminster Abbey. By J.

Armitage Robinson, D.D., Dean of Westminster, and M. R. James,
Litt.D., Provost of King's College, Cambridge. Royal 8vo. pp. viii + 108.
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2. The History of Westminster Abbey by John Flete.

Edited by J. Armitage Robinson, D.D., Dean of Westminster. Royal
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NOTES AND DOCUMENTS

RELATING TO

WESTMINSTER ABBEY

No. 3

ABBOT GILBERT CRISPIN

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* NOV

GILBERT CRISPIN
ABBOT OF WESTMINSTER

A STUDY OF
THE ABBEY UNDER NORMAN RULE

J. ARMITAGE "^ROBINSON, D.D.

DEAN OF WESTMINSTER

CAMBRIDGE:
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
191 1

CambrtUge:

PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

COLLEGIS • AMICIS
WESTMONASTERIENSIBVS
AD . WELLENSES • SVOS • REVERSVRVS
HOC • OPVSCVLVM
DE • GISLEBERTO • ABBATE
CVRIOSIVS • EXARATVM
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GRATO • ANIMO

PREFACE

ILBERT CRISPIN is the earliest abbot of Westminster
of whom we have any considerable knowledge : and he
is one of the greatest of the line, distinguished alike by his
noble descent, his high character, the fame of his learning
and the length of his rule. Yet, though his effigy has been
before the eyes of every generation that has trod the cloisters
in the past eight centuries, no one has cared to gather
together what may be known of his life and times. Even
his biography of Abbot Herluin has never been edited intact,
though historians draw from it all they know of the early
days of Bee, which gave three archbishops to Canterbury
within seventy years. This neglect seems the more strange
when we remember that he was a favourite pupil of both
Lanfranc and Anselm, some of whose letters to him still
survive ; and that his judgment as a theologian could be
appealed to on the continent more than a generation after
his death.

He was a true monk and a scholar, with no desire for
fame : his vocation and his instincts alike made him shrink
from public affairs. His Westminster sons remembered him,
as the Bee monks remembered their Anselm, chiefly for his
gentleness ; and they wrote the epithet intfis on his tomb
before they praised his justice, wisdom, strength and learning.

X Preface

It has been a pleasure to restore the memory of this
blameless man. As fragment after fragment of his story has
revealed itself, his character has always remained without
a stain. Other evidence may be found which has escaped
my search ; but there are few men, I think, of whom we may
more safely say,

Whatever record leap to light
He never shall be shamed.

I owe special thanks to Dr Edward Scott, the keeper of
the abbey muniments, to whose wide knowledge and unfailing
helpfulness I have had constant recourse ; and to the
Reverend R. B. Rackham, whose work I can often hardly
distinguish from my own, and who has taken on himself the
labour of compiling the Index. For the frontispiece I am
indebted to my friend Mr A. G. Walker, the sculptor, who
took a kindly interest in Abbot Gilbert's time-worn effigy.

The Deanery, Westminster,
Christmas, 1910.

CONTENTS

Frontispiece To face Title

PAGE

Preface ix

I. Gilbert's Home at Bec 1

II. The Noble Family of the Crispins 13

III. Gilbert at Westminster 19

IV. Details of Administration 28

1. Domestic Rule

2. Foundation of Priories

3. Building

4. Exemption and Sanctuary

5. Knight Service

6. Domestic Economy

V. Abbot Gilbert's Literary Remains 51

1. Life of Herluin

2. Disputation of a Christian and a Jew

3. De Simoniacis

4. De Spiritu Sancto
5 — 8. Minor Pieces

9. Disputation of a Christian with a Gentile

VI. Correspondence 77

Vita Domni Herluini Abbatis Beccensis 87

Liber de Simoniacis Ill

Selected Charters 125

Additional Notes 158

A. On the Early Charters of St John's Abbey, Colchester

B. A Charter of King Ethelred

GILBERT CRISPIN.

I. Gilbert's Home at Bec.

When the Conqueror came to be crowned at Westminster on
Christmas Day, 1066, he was welcomed by Abbot Edwin whose contact
with the Normans of Edward's court had prepared him for the new
regime. After Edwin's death the king gave the abbey to one Geoffrey
from Jumieges, who misruled it from about 1071 to 1075, when at
Lanfranc's advice he was sent back in disgrace to his old monastery.
The next abbot was chosen with more care. Vitalis, abbot of Bernay,
had raised his abbey ' from little to great,' as William says in writing
to demand consent to his appointment from his superior, John the
abbot of Fecamp. Of Vitalis all that we know is good. He secured
by the king's aid the estates of the abbey, some of which had been
jeopardised in the recent changes; he seems to have pressed forward
the new monastic buildings ; and doubtless he enforced the improved
discipline which the great reformer William of Dijon had left as the
heritage of Fecamp. But he was already an elderly man, and he died,
as it would seem, in the summer of 1085.

If Vitalis had come to Westminster late in life, towards the close
of an energetic and successful career, the next abbot, Gilbert Crispin,
was in the full strength of his manhood at the time of his appointment,
and was destined to rule the monastery for thirty-two years. He must
have been about forty when he became abbot of Westminster. He
had spent some twenty-five years in the abbey of Bec where he was
dedicated as a child. Lanfranc and Anselm had been his teachers :
Anselm had set him to teach in his turn, and then Lanfranc had called
him to serve as his chaplain at Canterbury. To understand his history
we must read the story of the foundation of Herluin's abbey at Bec;
and we are fortunate in being able to read it in Gilbert's own words,
for he himself had the honour of being Abbot Herluin's biographer.
Indeed it is to him that we oAve almost all our knowledge of this
R. c. 1

Gilbert Crispin

unique and exceptionally important foundation, and also of the career
of Archbishop Lanfranc before he came to Canterbury. The close
personal friendship between our abbot and Lanfranc's saintly successor
is a further reason for dwelling on Gilbert Crispin's early monastic
home.

We begin then with the story of Bee, as Gilbert has written it for
us^ It belongs to an early period of Norman history, when the fierce
Northmen were first emerging out of barbarism. They had unlearned
their native language, and spoke a rude form of French ; but they
retained much of their primitive ferocity, and had not yet felt the
constraining hand of the great duke William, who was first to discipline
their forces and then to lead them to the conquest of England. The
Church, as judged by the reformers of the next generation, was in a
woefully backward condition. 'There were few in Normandy then,'
says Gilbert, ' to point the right road. Priests and bishops freely
married and bore arms as lay folk, one and all still living after the
primitive fashion of the Danes.' To a man of any force of character
two careers alone seemed open, the fierce life of the soldier or the
austere devotion of the monk. The secular clergy counted for little:
the hope of religion lay in the monasteries, and these in spite of great
efforts of reform still left, as we shall presently see, very much to be
desired.

In lower Normandy there is a small river called the Risle, which
runs northward into the Seine: about four miles below the ancient
town of Brionne it receives a tiny tributary which still bears its old
Norse name of 'the beck.' This streamlet gave its name to a new
monastery which suddenly became world-famous. For it revived the
study of letters in the north of Europe, furnished bishops and abbots
to all parts of Christendom, and within a century of its foundation
gave three archbishops to Canterbury — Lanfranc, under William the
Conqueror, Anselm under his sons Rufus and Henry I, and Theobald
in the anarchical days of king Stephen.

In the times of which we are speaking monasteries were founded
by princes or nobles, who called on well-known abbots to provide
colonies of monks for the new settlements which they undertook to
build and endow. But Bee was an exception to the rule and had a
humbler origin. Herluin, its founder, was a soldier of good family, in
the service of Gilbert, count of Brionne. In the height of his fortune

. 1 Vita Herluini, printed below from the Corpus Christi Camb. ms no. 318, a Rochester
book of the twelfth century.

Gilbert's Home at Bee

he broke off a distinguished career to enrol himself in the militia of
God, as it was called, and to embrace the poverty of Christ. It was
with difficulty that he released himself from his service at Gilbert's
court ; but the crisis came when he was ordered one day to carry out
a command which was against his conscience. His refusal was cruelly
punished by the burning of his farms, but a reconciliation was pre-
sently effected, and he was allowed to go his own way. With two
friends he retired to a part of his small property, where he began to
build a little church with his own hands. He was thirty-eight years
of age and had never learned his letters. He spent the days in
manual labour, and the nights in teaching himself to read the psalter.
Then he cast about to discover how monks should live. ' He went,'
says Abbot Gilbert, ' to a certain monastery to enquire into the life of
monks. Having offered up a prayer he approached with all reverence
and much fear, coming to the door of the cloister as though it were the
gate of Paradise, eager to learn how monks behaved and what were the
holy habits of the cloistered life. He found them falling far short of
what the monastic rule required : he was much perturbed, and fell in
doubt what course of life he should adopt. Then the warden of the
monastery, espying his entrance and taking him for a thief, caught
him roughly by the neck and dragged him out by the hair of his
head.' The high-spirited soldier took the rebuflf with patient silence,
and went his way home. On the next Christmas Day he ventured on
a fresh attempt, choosing a monastery of higher reputation. But
during the solemn procession he was disgusted to see the brethren as
they passed along greeting the lay folk with silly smiles, and shewing
off their festival attire. Then as they reached the entrance of the
church, they scrambled each to get in first, and one monk smote a
too insistent brother with his fist and laid him on the ground. ' So
barbarous,' says Gilbert, ' were men's manners all through Normandy.'

Once more Herluin was in despair ; but late that night he prayed
in a comer of the church alone, after the night office had been sung.
Presently a monk, who also thought that he was alone, stood near him
in prayer, then threw himself flat on the ground, and thus continued
praying with tears and sobs until the morning dawned. It is a fine
example of the power of unconscious influence. That monk's prayer
may even be said to have changed the course of history. Abbot Gilbert
wisely counts it a true miracle. The enemy of souls was baffled, and
Herluin returned assured that God had a purpose for his life. He
finished his church, and got the bishop of Lisieux to consecrate it, and

1—2

Gilbert Crispin

to clothe him as a monk. Presently the bishop ordained him to the
priesthood, and put him in charge of his modest abbey.

But the site Herluin had chosen was waterless and unproductive ;
and after five or six years, when he had gained a few recruits, he was
forced to come down to the side of the beck, and to build again in the
meadow where it joins the main stream of the Risle. Here in 1040
his new church was consecrated, and two years later God sent him a
man who was to raise his humble monastery out of obscurity and make
the Bee a name in history. This was Lanfranc the Lombard from
Pavia, a famous teacher who had crossed the Alps a few years before
to visit the schools of France, and presently had brought his learning
to the powerful but unlettered Normans. He had gained a host of
pupils, but a scholar's fame could not satisfy him ; he yearned for the
love of God. Caught like many another by the fascinating words, ' If
any man will come after me, let him deny himself, and take up his
cross and follow me,' he sought for the humblest monastery, where he
should be lost to the world of letters and be permitted to serve God
in silence : and he found what he sought in Bec^. ' There was none,'
says Abbot Gilbert, ' poorer or more despised : and it chanced that on
his arrival the abbot was engaged in building an oven with his own
hands. His humility of mind and dignity of speech won Lanfranc's
veneration and love; and there he became a monk.' We may see
to-day, a few hundred yards from the very spot, just such an oven as
Herluin was building, a semi-circular structure of flints below and
yellow clay above, set against the wall of a little shanty thatched with
straw ; and we may easily picture the quaint scene of the simple abbot,
standing with grimy hands, half-hidden by his unfinished building,
while he grants the request of the most learned man in Europe that
he may become a member of his little community.

For about three years Lanfranc was a monk at Bee before the world
found what had become of him. But then the place was invaded, and
Lanfranc was soon lecturing again, mainly now on sacred themes, to
the youths of noble families, and even to schoolmasters from all parts
of Christendom. The modest abbot Herluin was suddenly famous,
and the name of Bee was everywhere on the tongues of men.

Anselm of Aosta was one of those who were drawn into this magic
circled He was of a noble family, said even to be of royal descent;

* Gilbert does not give the story of Lanfranc's capture by robbers.

* For what follows, see Eadmer's Life of Anselm. Gilbert wrote in Anselm's lifetime,
and hardly mentions him at all ; see below, pp. 103, 108.

Gilbert's Home at Bee

bom in 1034, the year in which Herluin's monastic settlement began ;
a native of Aosta, a little town in a valley south of the Alps where
the provinces of Burgundy and Lombardy met. He was a gentle,
imaginative boy, who had been dedicated by his parents in his child-
hood to the service of God. And he dreamed one night that he
climbed the mountain side above his home and reached the heaven
which was so near to his early boyhood, and sat at the feet of the
Lord, and ate the whitest bread in the royal presence. He received
a good education, and wished to become a monk; but in this desire
he was thwarted again and again. At length, when his pious mother
died, he started for the north with a few attendants, crossed Mt Cenis,
nearly losing his life in the snow ; and then after various wanderings
found himself, at the age of twenty-five, in Lanfranc's lecture-room at
Bee. For about two yeai-s he devoted himself to study, living outside
the monastery in such rude lodgings as Lanfranc's external students
were able to procure. It was a hard life, and his delicate frame
suffered much fi:om hunger and cold. He had some thoughts of return-
ing to Aosta, where his father had recently died, to live on his own
estate and serve the poor. Yet he could not abandon his old desire
to be a monk. But if this were his vocation, where was he to fulfil it ?
The austerity of Cluny attracted him, but he dared not hope that his
feeble health would stand its rigours. Why should he not enter the
monastery at Bee ? His life would not there be harder than it was
already outside. In later years he made the fi-ank confession to a
friend that he had then so little of a monk's humility that he was
unwilling to settle where the ability of which he was conscious would
be permanently overshadowed by the greatness of Lanfranc, and that
he desired to find some place where he too should be a famous teacher.
Presently, however, his hesitation came to an end, and in 1060 he
became a monk of Bee. Three years afterwards the career which he
had denied to his ambition was unexpectedly opened to him by the
hand of providence. For in 1063 Lanfranc was appointed to preside
over William's new monastery of St Stephen at Caen, and Lanfranc's
oflfice as prior of Bee was given to Anselm.

The abbey of Bee at this moment was literally in a state of tran-
sition. The number of monks had grown so large that their buildings
were totally inadequate. Moreover, Herluin's second site was humid
and unhealthy, and suffered from frequent inundations. Lanfi-anc had
accordingly urged him to build afresh on a larger scale higher up the
Bee. The old abbot refused, dreading the difficulties of another

Gilbert Crispin

removal ; but the choir of his church collapsed, and at this sign from
heaven he yielded. Lanfranc's energy planned the undertaking and
found the means of its accomplishment ; for, though no charge was made
for his teaching, gifts were accepted from his pupils, many of whom
belonged to noble families. Thus large sums were provided for the
new building. But Lanfranc's departure for Caen was a crushing
blow. He did what he could for Bee, while his own vast church
was rising at Caen ; but it was ten years before the monks could
enter their new buildings, and the church was not consecrated until
1077.

Anselm was now the abbot's right hand, and besides his home
duties as prior he had to do most of the abbot's work in the manage-
ment of the estates, and in addition to take over the responsibility of
the school. He was not a Lanfranc. He had neither the same
physique nor the same capacity for public affairs. He disliked what-
ever took him away from home ; and home life was so crowded that he
had no time for his own studies and none of the leisured calm which
is necessary for speculative thought.

A monk's life at Bee was not easy or idle. In some of the older
and wealthier houses it may have been; for the rule was sometimes
ill -kept, and bad customs had relaxed salutary discipline. But Bee
in its thirty years had run rapidly through the stages of monastic
development, always keeping at the highest level. It began with
extreme poverty and hardship, the day divided between prayers in
church and work in the fields, the abbot sleeping in the dormitory
with his monks, rising with them at two in the morning for the night
services, and then after a brief repose sharing with them the full
labours of their day. After ten years or more a new element was
introduced when schools were opened under Lanfranc; and Herluin
himself, though no scholar, urged learning with all his might on the
younger men. By this time a more elaborate code had become
necessary to supplement the general outline of St Benedict's Rule,
and the Customs of Bee were developed, doubtless by Lanfranc and
Anselm together, on the basis of such regulations as were in force
at Cluny and in other houses of high fame. Though the early books
of Bee perished at the French Revolution, we happily possess Lan-
franc's statutes which he drew up for the monks of Christ Church,
Canterbury, and which found their way into many of the English
monasteries under the name of the Customs of Bee. There we can
read how full and strenuous the life was, and how great was the

Gilbert's Home at Bee

responsibility of the position which the young prior Anselm had
suddenly been called to occupy^.

Under the strain of his new tasks Anselm was beginning to break
down. This was not the life which he had looked for when he became
a monk. He would fain flee to some solitary hermitage. To Maurilius,
the saintly archbishop of Rouen, at whose advice he had decided to
enter Bee, he now went in his distress. The old archbishop was plain
with him : ' Do not give up the service of others,' he said, ' to think
only of yourself. I have known instances in which that has proved
the ruin of a man's own soul. To save you from that, I command you
in the name of holy obedience not to quit your post except at your
abbot's orders; and, if you are called to a higher place still, not to
refuse ; for I know that such a call will come to you ere long.' So back
he went, and for fifteen years he was prior, and then for fifteen more
he was abbot of Bec^.

Amongst the boys whom Anselm found when he first entered the
monastery was a youth of about fifteen. His father, William Crispin,
was a soldier of distinction belonging to one of the great Norman
families, and holding a castle on the border between Normandy and
France. William Crispin was devoted to Abbot Herluin, and he and
his wife Eva had dedicated their son Gilbert to the service of God at
Bee. The boy's name stands on the roll of monks nine places before
that of Anselm, who only entered the monastic life in his twenty-
seventh year. After the death of William Crispin the lady Eva came
to live at Bee. She devoted herself to the religious life, and regarded
the monks as her sons, bestowing all she had upon their church.
Anselm, in one of his letters, tenderly speaks of her as his mother,
and calls himself her eldest son^. We shall presently see with what
intense affection he regarded his younger brother Gilbert.

When William had secured the throne of England, and began to
set the Church in order, he wisely summoned Lanfranc to the see of
Canterbury. It was with no readiness of will that Lanfranc left his
abbey at Caen. He had quite lately refused the archbishopric of
Rouen. He knew no English, and was loth to undertake the responsi-
bility of a Church which seemed to him half barbarous. William,

1 Lanfranc's statutes are printed in Eeyner's Apostolatus Benedictiiwrum and in
Wilkins' Concilia. For their manuscript tradition see Journ. of Theol. Studies (April,
1909). Large portions of their wording are embedded in the Westminster Customary of
Abbot Ware.

2 Eadmer (Rolls S.), p. 327.
2 Anselm, Epp. ii 9.

Gilbert Crisjnn

however, insisted ; and in 1070 Lanfranc was consecrated as archbishop,
and became the king's chief counsellor in Church and State. It was
well for us that he came ; but his unwelcome task weighed so heavily
upon him that three years later he wrote to Pope Alexander II, at
whose express bidding he had undertaken it, begging for release. He
said that distractions, troubles and losses, the obstinacy, greed and
immorality of those with whom he had to do, had made him tired of
life itself. He yearned for the quiet of the cloister, and he pleaded his
usefulness as a teacher. He was doing no good to souls, he said, where he
was, or very little if any at all. While William lived there would be
some sort of peace, but after his death no peace or any good could be
expected^. And yet this was the man who, in spite of his want of
sympathy with English church life, did more than any other man in
the next sixteen years to weld together, by his wisdom and his justice,
the conquering and conquered peoples, and to lay the foundation in
the Church, as William did in the State, of a new and united England.
In this mission of reconciliation he was to be followed by Anselm, who,
like himself, came from the Italian side of the Alps, and, as being
neither Norman nor English, exercised a strange power over both
races,

Lanfranc was visited at Canterbury by the aged Herluin, to whom
he insisted on shewing the humble respect due from a monk to his
abbot. 'The more crowded his court,' says Gilbert, 'and the more
excellent the dignity of those who waited on him, so much the more
humble service did Lanfranc render to Abbot Herluin, so that all
marvelled, and the English more especially, that an archbishop of
Canterbury should so submit himself to any mortal man.' A few years
later Lanfranc revisited Bee in order to consecrate the church which
many years before he had persuaded Herluin to build. This was in
1077, and the next year the abbot passed away at the age of eighty-
three, and Anselm was made abbot in his place.

For fifteen years Anselm had been prior of Bee, and during that
time he had lost some of his dearest and best companions and pupils,
who had been drafted off by Lanfranc, first to Caen, and then to
England. Gundulf had gone to Caen to be Lanfranc's prior, and after-
wards to Rochester, where he succeeded another Bee monk as bishop.
Henry became prior of Canterbury, and then abbot of Battle : Baldwin
and Maurice became monks at Canterbury. Lanfranc could never be
refused; and at last he sent for Gilbert Crispin, whom Anselm dearly

1 Lanfranc, Ejj. 1.

Gilbert's Home at Bee

loved, and probably regarded as the most likely man to carry on his
work in the future at Bee.

Our first glimpse of Gilbert comes at an earlier date, in a letter
which Lanfranc addressed to him about the year 1074, commending
his nephew and namesake, whom he had brought from Italy and placed
under Anselm's charge at Bec^. This younger Lanfranc was wilful,
and destined to give Anselm much pain. The archbishop is anxious
about him, and urges Gilbert, who is to be his teacher, to shew him a
brother's love, and the more so because the Lady Eva, Gilbert's mother,
has been good enough to call him her son. Lanfranc also sends Gilbert
a cross, which he may set on the altar when he celebrates the holy
eucharist, to be a sign and token between the two young men^.

About six years after this, when Gilbert was some thirty-four years of
age, Lanfranc sent for him to help him at Canterbury, and Anselm's cor-
respondence reveals the pain that this new loss inflicted. ' With regard
to Dom Gilbert,' he writes, ' I have obeyed your command that I should
send him to you : but be assured that if anyone should cause him to
remain in England he will inflict a graver loss on the church of Bee
in the present and for the future, in its intei^nal and external interests
alike, than can easily be put into words. So I pray and beseech you,
as earnestly as is consistent with what is right and respectful to
yourself, pleading the kindness and love which I know you have for
me, that if without going against God's will you see it to be at all
possible, you will do your very utmost to secure his return^'

Later he writes to Gilbert himself, who has sent him some presents
from Canterbury : ' Sweet are the gifts, sweet friend, which your sweet
love sends ; but they are utterly powerless to console my heart, which
is desolated by your absence. No, not if you sent me all the most
fragrant spices, the most glittering metals, the most precious stones,
the most delicate embroidery, could my soul consent to be comforted,
for it is quite beyond its power, unless its other half which has been
torn away be given back to it again. My heart's pain bears me witness
as I think of this ; so do the tears which cloud my eyes and wet my
fingers as I write. You knew indeed, as I knew, my love for you ; nay,
I knew it not myself. He who has torn us apart has taught me how

1 Cf. Lanfranc, Ep. 43, to Anselm while still prior of Bee.

2 Lanfranc, Ep. 45. This letter is addressed to 'G.,' which D'Achery, though not
without hesitation, expands as 'Gundulfo.' But Gundulf had left Bee with Lanfranc:
moreover the 'G.' here addressed came to Bee as a boy and is still 'in juventute' ; and
the reference to his mother makes it certain that Gilbert Crispin is intended.

^ Anselm, Epp. ii 13.

Gilbert Crispin

much I loved you. No one has real knowledge of good or evil who
does not experience both. Without experience of your absence I did
not know how sweet it was to me to be with you, how bitter to be
without you. To you our very separation has given the presence of
another, whom you love not less, yea more, than me ; but I have lost
you — you, I say; and none has been given me in your place^.'

So the letter runs on to its close, revealing the pain and suffering
which is so near to the purest love. And that this was no mere selfish
affection is shewn by the letter Anselm writes a few years afterwards,
when the separation was made permanent by Gilbert's appointment to
the abbey of Westminster.

' To Gilbert, once by God's providence his dearest son, now by God's
grace his fellow abbot, brother Anselm wishes a long, holy and prosperous
life here, and everlasting happiness hereafter. Though sickness has
made me behindhand in writing to my loved and loving friend about
the new grace granted him by God, yet it is with no lukewarmness,
but with the heartiest goodwill, that I say " Glory to God in the
highest," who has revealed His purpose for you which hitherto He
has kept dark, although indeed I always believed that good things,
as men count them, were in store for you. For in that same life of
devotion in which He has preserved you, training you in wisdom and
nurturing you in holiness. He has now made you a father and a teacher
and a shepherd of souls.' Then, with a charming modesty and self-
distrust, he goes on to say: 'Far better things may be hoped of you
and the like of you, whose life has been nurtured in holy surroundings,
than of me and the like of me, whose life was at one time wasted
in the world. For of you it is to be hoped that, in training others to
be like yourself, your own holiness will be perfected ; whereas it is to
be feared, when we are loaded with such a burden, that our unholiness
by God's inscrutable judgment will be increased. The better our hope,
then, in your accession to office, the greater and surer our rejoicing in
the grace that is granted to you. May God Almighty, who has made
you the keeper of others, so help and keep you that He may reward,
your holiness and theirs with His eternal blessing^.'

A later letter manifests the same affection, and gives a playful
account of an attack of fever which Anselm had just shaken off.

' Brother Anselm to abbot Gilbert, a servant to his lord, a friend to
his friend, a lover to his lover — wishing him unending joy. If health

1 Anselm, Epp. i 75 ; written when Gilbert was with Lanfranc, c. 1080.
* Anselm, Epp. ii 16 ; written soon after Gilbert's appointment in 1085.

Gilbert's Home at Bee

and welfare and prosperity be the lot of my lord abbot Gilbert, who
loves me and whom I love, then indeed my heart rejoices, for my
longing is fulfilled. If the kind benefactions which you bestow on us
were bestowed by a stranger upon strangers, we should make a great
display of gratitude lest the supply should run short. But seeing that
they come from him of whom we never could have a doubt, we are
content to hide our chief thanks, though ever ready to express them,
in the strong-room of our heart. I know your love will want to know
how I am doing. By God's protecting mercy, within my usual limits
and considering these changeful times, all would have been well and
prosperous, but that when I was in France, somewhat burdened by
various tasks, a slight fever suddenly attacked me, frightening me
more than it hurt me. But when it saw that my mind was firmly
made up to send round to all my friends for the help of their prayers,
after a second attack it fled just as frightened as I was. For some
time since I have suffered from a distaste of food, and a difficulty in
sleeping, and a general weakness in my limbs. I greet with all possible
devotion, my lords and brothers, your most dear sons [the monks of
Westminster], in whose kindness which takes so practical a form I
rejoice as often as I think of it.'

The letter goes on to plead that Gilbert will shew indulgence to
his servant Richard, who by his orders had followed him to England,
and had evidently got into some trouble, but was penitent and should
be restored to favour^.

The scattered notices preserved in charters or chronicles, from
which for the most part the lives of our abbots have to be compiled,
give us no insight at all into the spiritual side of their character or
the success with which they achieved for themselves and for others the
lofty aims of a true monasticism. Gilbert Crispin offers a happy ex-
ception to the rule. We know at least what his own training was like,
and how truly devotional was the atmosphere in which his youth and
early manhood were spent. The devout Herluin, the wise Lanft-anc
and the gentle Anselm^ — each had left his mark on the young monk,
and helped to prepare him for the difficult task of maintaining the
noble ideals of Bee in the wholly dissimilar surroundings of royal

1 Anselm, Epp. ii 47. A similar account of his fever is written to Abbot Gilbert of
St Stephen's at Caen: from this we learn that Anselm was returning from Caen and hoping
to reach Bee before the feast of St Benedict (that is, probably, 11 July, the Translation),
but was delayed by business in France (ii 44).

- See below, p. 26.

Gilbert Crispiti

Westminster. The curtain of which a corner has been lifted soon
falls again, and though his other writings give us an occasional
glimpse of Abbot Gilbert's character and methods and reflect the
spirit of his old home, we have little else to assure us that St
Anselm's high hopes of his beloved pupil were not unrealised. We
have to content ourselves with piecing together isolated facts and
jejune references. But it is something to have caught sight of the
real man, and to have learned what at any rate he must have wished
Westminster to be.

II. The Noble Family of the Crispins.

In writing on one occasion from Bee to his uncles at Aosta, Anselm
mentions that the bearer of his letter is a son of William Crispin.
This was a brother of the future abbot of Westminster, and it is
interesting to note the terras in which Anselm refers to him and his
family. 'He is rich, and of the first nobility of Normandy: yet his
mother and brothers are so intimate with me, that his mother calls me
her son, and her children call me their brother — only they say, elder
brother \'

In tracing the history of this family, more than one of whom found
a home in England, we are fortunate in possessing a curious document
entitled, 'The Miracle whereby Blessed Mary succoured William Crispin
senior : wherein is an account of the noble family of the Crispins.' It
is printed by Luc d'Achery in his appendix to Lanfranc's works : it
comes immediately after Milo Crispin's Lives of the Abbots of Bee, and
is probably written by Milo Crispin himself, of whom we shall speak
lower down^

The first of the name, says the writer, was Gilbert, called Crispin
from the fashion of his hair, which stood on end — a feature which he
transmitted to his descendants, who are still distinguished from other
Norman families both by this peculiarity and by the surname to which
it gave rise^ The Crispini, he assures us, were as famous among
the Normans as were the Fabii and the Manlii among the Romans.
With the aid of his rambling narrative we may at once construct a

> Anselm, Epp. i 18.

2 Lanfranci Opera, App. p. 52 : ' Miraculum quo,' &c.
'Antequam Normanni duce Willelmo Angliam debellarent, fuit in Neustria (quae
nunc Normannia vocatur) vir egregius nomine Gislebertus, genere et nobilitate praeclarus,
qui ab habitudine capillorum primus Crispini cognomine dicitur insignitus : nam in sua
primaeva aetata habebat capillos crispos et rigidos atque sursum erectos, et (ut ita dicam)
rebursos ad modum pini ramorum, qui semper tendunt sursum ; quare cognominatus est
Crispinus, quasi crispus pinus : quam capillorum rebursionem adhuc videmus in iis qui de
ipsius Gisleberti genere descendunt, unde et ipsi eodem cognomine a caeteris Normannorum
familiis dirimuntur. '

14 Gilbert Crispiii

genealogical table, and afterwards we may comment on individual
names.

Gilbert Crispin I m. Gunnor

Gilbert Cr. II William Cr. I m. Eva Kobert Emma

Gilbert Cr. Ill William Cr. II m. Agnes Gilbert Cr. (others) Pierre de
I (abbot) Conde

William Cr. UI

1. Gilbert Crispin I married Gunnor, the sister of Fulc d'Alnou.
This is of interest as shewing the connexion of the Crispins with several
Norman families of note. For Fulc's father was Baldric, who had come
from Germany to serve under Duke Richard ; and his mother was a
niece of Gilbert count of Brionne, the over-lord of Herluin abbot of Bee.
Among Fulc's brothers were Robert de Courcy and Baldric de Bocquence
(Ord. Vit. Ill 75).

2. In the next generation there were three sons and two daughters.
The eldest son, Gilbert Crispin II, was keeper of the castle of Tillieres ;
the youngest, Robert, died at Constantinople : of the daughters,
Emma became the mother of Pierre de Conde, and Esilia of William
Malet, one of the Conqueror's great men, who ended his life as a
monk at Bec^

But the second son, William Crispin I, achieved the highest fame.
Duke William had entrusted him with the castle of Neaufles, in order
to check the incursions of Gautier le Vieux, count of Pontoise, who
threatened the Norman Vexin. This castle passed from father to son,
' sicut usque hodie videmus,' says the writer of the Miraculum^. William
Crispin was devoted to the abbey of Bee ; and whenever he travelled
from Neaufles to attend to his property near Lisieux (' in Lexoviensi
pago') he never failed, both going and returning, to visit Abbot
Herluin, One day, after parting from the abbot as usual, he suddenly

• 'Esiliam, matrem Willelmi Malet, qui miles strenuus in seneetute factus est
monachus Becci,' &c., Miraculuvi, p. 53. Mr C. E. Mallet in Diet. Nat. Biogr. speaks
of 'Hesilia Crispin' as wife of W. Malet, and supposes, after Freeman, that he died in
the campaign against Hereward in 1071 : but this supposition has been challenged.

2 For 'Melfia' must be reai. 'Nielfia' or ' Neelfia.' 'Neaufles, canton de Gisors,
arrondissement des Andelys. I< subsiste encore a Neaufles la moitie d'un chateau ou
donjon bati au xii" si6cle ' (Poree, Hist, du Bee, i 179).

William
Malet

Family of the Crisjnns

returned to ask his blessing and the special prayers of the brethren.
At the end of his journey, when he was close to his castle, the French
sprang out of an ambush in the wood : his companions fled from their
attack. He leapt from his horse and sat on the root of a felled tree.
The Virgin appeared in answer to his prayers, and throwing the sleeve
of her garment over him rendered him invisible to his enemies. His
love for St Mary of Bee vastly increased, and it became hereditary
in his family. On his death-bed he sent for Abbot Herluin. Before he
could arrive, the brave soldier was troubled by demons ; but he had a
vision of St Benedict who drove them away. This was related by
Herluin and his monk William, who was subsequently abbot of
Cormeilles : for they arrived immediately afterwards, and had it from
his own lips. He was then clothed as a monk, and dying a few days
later was buried near the church of Bee, where the cloister was about
to be built. His death seems to have taken place on 8 Jan. 1074^

Such was Abbot Gilbert's father. His mother was a French woman,
Eva de Montfort, sister of Amaury III, lord of Montfort I'Amaury, a
stronghold halfway between Paris and Chartres, from which in later days
the famous Simon earl of Leicester had his name. She shared to the full
her husband's love for Bee, where their son Gilbert had been dedicated
at an early age ; regarding all the monks as if they were her children,
and giving precious vestments and ornaments for the service of the
church. When her husband died, she made Bee her home, adopting
an ascetic life. At length she received the veil from William the
archbishop of Rouen. Two other ladies shared her retirement (' dede-
runt se in subjectionem Becci ') under the rule of Abbot Anselm :
Basilia, the wife of Hugh de Gournay, who himself ended his days as
a monk of Bee, and Amfrida her niece. Anselm refers to these ladies
several times, in letters written when he was absent from Bee: he
speaks of himself as the Lady Eva's eldest son^ By a strange
coincidence the three ladies died on three Sundays in January 1099,
the 2nd, 16th, and 23rd days of the months The Lady Eva was the

1 ' The year of William Crispin's death is ascertained from the Nomina Monachorum,
the month and day from an extract from the necrology of Beaumont-le-Eoger in the
National Library at Paris (Latin, 13905). This document has under " Januarius, 6 idus
o[biit] I*^ (i.e. primus) Will. Crispinus monachus nostrae congregationis." ' M. Eule,
Anselm i 226 n.

2 Anselm, Epp. ii 9 'Mandate matri et dominae nostrae Evae quod de filio sue
primogenito vobiscum audire pari desiderio expectat,' &c. This was in 1079. See also
Epp. II 26 and 51, iii 138 and the quotation made above (p. 13) from Epp. i 18.

3 The year is fixed by the Sundays : the only other hkely year, 1093, is shewn to be
too early by Anselm, Epp. ii 51 and iii 138.

Gilbert Crispin

last to go : she was worn out with age and fasting. Carried into the
church on St Vincent's Day (22nd Jan.), she was anointed before the
altar of the Crucifix ; and, as the convent withdrew, she raised her hand
and made the sign of the cross over them, saying : 'My sons, I commend
you to God.' The writer of the narrative adds : ' for she loved us as
tenderly as if we had been her own children.' She passed away in the
following night, and she was laid to rest near her husband. Brother
Kodulphus, we are told, had asked her if possible to appear to him
after death : she did so a few days later, and explained that she had
been assigned sixty years of penance, because she had been over-fond
of pet dogs and other trifles ^

3. We come now to the third generation, to which Abbot Gilbert
himself belonged. Of his brothers one only is known to us, William
Crispin II ^ Like his father he was a benefactor of Bee, and shortly
after the Conqueror's death we find him at the court of Duke Robert,
fiercely threatening to withdraw the gifts of his family, if the abbey
should be allowed to pass into the hands of Robert of Meulan, who was
claiming it as an appanage of Brionnel He married Agnes, daughter
of Godfi-ey d'Etrepagny. He took Duke Robert's side against K. Henry,
and was taken prisoner at Tenchebrai in 1106. Henry in the letter in
which he announced his victory to Anselm names William Crispin
among his principal captives ^ A little later he conspired with Robert
of Belesme, and in 1112, according to the A. S. Chronicle, he was driven
out of Normandy. A story is told of his striking K. Henry on the
casque at the battle of Br^mule in 1119, whereupon he was over-
powered and taken prisoner by Roger fitz Richard ^ But it is hard to
believe that this William Crispin was the brother of Abbot Gilbert,

1 'Quia parvos canes et alia hujusmodi varia, quae homines pro nihilo ducunt, amavi,
et ultra modum in iis delectata sum : ideo talem paenitentiam accepi ' (D'Achery, App. to
Lanfranc's Works, p. 5). The narrative is found in the Vatican ms ' no. 499, du fonds de
la reine de Sufede,' and in the Paris transcript of this, Bibl. Nat. lat. 5427 (Por6e, Hist,
du Bee, I 184).

2 It is probably he who witnesses a charter (c. 1082 ?), in which the Conqueror grants
to St Stephen's at Caen ' in Lundonia quamdam terram quae fuit Leureth, sitam prope
ecclesiam sancti Petri, quietam de gelth et de scot et de omni alia consuetudine ; quam
dedit Wallerannus filius Ranulfi, cum decima totius terrae suae quam habet in Anglia,
tam pro anima sua quam pro mea ' {Gall. Christ, xi, instr. 67 : described as ' sitam in
Wodestrata prope ecclesiam sancti Petri,' in a St Stephen's chartulary, quoted by Palgrave
Eng. Commonwealth ii clxxxi).

^ For references to the incident, see Por^e, Hist, du Bee, i 194 ii.

* Eadmer, Hist. Nov. Bolls S. p. 184.

° Por6e, ut supra 196, where references are given.

Family of the Crisjnns

who had died two years before at the age of seventy at least. Possibly
William Crispin III was the audacious hero of this fight.

4, William Crispin III fought with Geoffrey Plantagenet, count of
Anjou, against Robert de Sable who was in revolt in Dec. 1135. He
was saved at this battle, so the Miraculum informs us, by St Mary
of Bee. Afterwards he was taken prisoner, and on his release, just as
he was about to start for Jerusalem in fulfilment of a vow, he died and
was buried near his ancestors at Bee.

Milo Crispin, who held lands in England at the time of the Survey,
chiefly in Oxfordshire, was probably the cousin of Abbot Gilbert, and
the son of Gilbert Crispin II, who according to Wace's Roman de Rou
took part in the Conquests Milo attests the Bee charter of the
Conqueror (c. 1077, Por^e ibid, i 645), though he does not appear in it
as a donor. In a charter of Henry II, however, which confirms ancient
grants, we find that he had given to Bee both Swyncombe (Oxon.) and
also tithes at Wallingford (Poree, li 574) : ' et de dono Milonis Crispini
Swinecumbam et decimam de dominico de honore de Walingforde.'
The Honor of Wallingford came to him through marriage with Matilda,
daughter of Robert de Oleio^ In the History of Abingdon we read of
' Milo de Walingaford cognomento Crispin,' as keeping Easter with
Prince Henry at Abingdon in 1084'. He died in 1107. Shortly
before his death, in recognition of the medical services of the famous
abbot of Abingdon, he gave to that abbey a hospice on their road to
London*. He appears as attesting two charters of William Rufus to
Abbot Gilbert, and also Abbot Gilbert's grant of the manor of Hendon
to Gunter and his heirs. The last of these cannot be later than 1102;
for in that year Robert the prior, who also attests, was appointed abbot
of St Edmund's\ It is possible that all three belong to one date, and

1 Por^e, ibid, i 179. This is probably the Gilbert Crispin who attests the charter
of H. Trin. Caen (1082) : see Gall. Chr. xi, instr. 72.
^ Dugdale, Baronage i 460.
» Hist. Abingd. Rolls S. ii 12.

* Ibid. 97 : ' Milo Crispin, pro servitio quod abbas Faritius ei in sua infirmitate
impenderat, dedit in eleemosynam ecclesiae sanctae Mariae et monachis de Abbendonia
quoddam hospitium in via Lundoniae apud Colebroc'...anno videlicet vii Henrici regis.'
His wife Matilda is mentioned as concurring in the benefaction (ibid. 110). He was
also a benefactor to Evesham: 'Milo Crispin dedit dimidiam hidam in Hildendone'
(Chron. Evesh. Rolls S. 75).

* These charters are printed below (nos. 11—13). He attests a charter of Will. I to
Lewes Priory, Monast. v 13 (orig. in Cotton Vesp. F. iii, art. 1).

E. c. 2

Gilbert Crispin

Milo may have been staying at the time with his kinsman the abbot of
Westminster.

Another Milo Crispin was the precentor of Bee who compiled the
Life of Lanfranc, and also wrote the lives of several of the abbots of
Bee. It would seem from the list of Bee monks that he entered the
monastery just after Anselm had ceased to be abbot^ : but he had
seen the great archbishop on one of his visits to his old horned He
died about 1150^

In conclusion we may mention an interesting charter, in which
Goscelin Crispin recites and, with the assent of his little son William,
confirms the grants of his ancestors the three William Crispins : it is
given at Bee in 1155*.

I find the name of ' Fulco Crispinus ' as the last witness to the Bath
Charter of 1090^ : and the name of ' Gislebertus Crispinus ' entered on
the Bee roll c. 11126

1 Poree i 631.

* Vita Lanfranci c. xiv (D'Achery, p. 15) : ' Hoc beato Anselmo archipraesule referente
cum aliis pluribus audivi.'

3 Por^e I 105, 532. ^ Printed by Poree, i 656.

^ Bath Chartularies [Som. Kec. Soo.] i, no. 37.
6 Por^e I 632.

III. Gilbert at Westminster.

It is not always easy to date Anselm's letters, but it seems likely
that Gilbert must have gone to Canterbury at the close of the year
1079, shortly after Anselm's return from his first visit to England.
Of the time which he spent in Lanfranc's service we know nothing ;
but that he had proved his worth we may conclude from the fact that
it was at Lanfranc's instigation that the king appointed him to
Westminster'.

The date of his appointment to Westminster cannot be fixed with
certainty. There is good evidence for placing his death in 1117 ; and,
if we may trust the writer of the Miraculum, he was abbot for thirty-
two years. This would give us 1085 as the year of his accession : and
with this as a provisional date we must at present be contents

1 Flete (p. 86), quoting from a Bee document, the Miraculum alluded to above, says :
'nt...eum Lanfrancus ad regimen Westmonasterii provideret.' Hugh the precentor of
York introduces Gilbert into an absurd story about the famous Canterbury Privilege
of 1072, which he says was a forged document, issued in many copies to which the royal
seal had been fraudulently affixed. The king as he was crossing to Normandy for the last
time (1086) was told of this in the Isle of Wight, and repudiated the document, saying that
he would do justice between the two archbishops on his return, which never took place :
'hoc plures audierunt, inter quos et Eannulphus qui nunc usque superest [tll28]
Dunelmensis episcopus, tune quidem capellanus et custos sigilli regis sub Mauricio
cancellario postea Londoniensi episcopo, et Gillebertus Crispinus monachus L. archie-
piscopi, postea abbas Westmonasterii ; qui ambo coram multis edixerunt, et si quis
dubitaret jurare parati, cartam sic confirmatam fuisse, et regem sicut predictum est inde
respondisse ; et quod ipse rex Gilleberto Crispino, nobili genere monacho, preceperat
ut hoc testimonium Eboracensi ecclesiae perhiberet, quicquid de ipso contingeret '
(Historians of York, ii 102 f.). The same charge is repeated on behalf of Thomas II
of York to K. Heru-y I ; and of Gilbert it is said : ' iste tunc temporis Lanfranci
archiepiscopi monachus et familiaris erat ' (p. 122). The story is interesting for the light
it throws on Gilbert's position : but it is full of contradictions. Gilbert was abbot before
1086 ; he was not in England at the time of the controversy in 1072. In the second
passage Rannlf and Gilbert are accused of being parties to the forgery, and the king
indignantly replies that they are not men of whom such things could be believed.

^ Flete brings him in two years earlier, and puts his death in 1115 : and a charter
(printed below, p. 38) would confirm this, if we could trust the late copy which alone is
preserved of it. But there are difficulties also as to the year of his predecessor's death :
see my edition of Flete's History, p. 141 f.

2—2

Gilbert Crispin

The Conqueror's reign was nearing its close. The great Domesday
Survey was being made when the new abbot was fresh in his seat ; and
he doubtless attended the meeting at Salisbury on 1 August, 1086,
and took the oath to be King William's man against all his enemies.
Later in the same year the king left England for the last time. On
26 September, 1087, Gilbert must have helped his old master, the aged
Lanfranc, to crown William Rufus, and have heard the welcome pledge
which the new king gave that in all matters he would be guided by the
archbishop's advice. The pledge was quickly broken — ' Who can keep
all his promises ? ' — and on 24 May, 1089, the primate was released by
death from his thankless responsibility. For the next four years the
see of Canterbury was left unfilled, and the Red King drew its
revenues. It was well for Westminster that a young and vigorous
abbot had recently been appointed : for otherwise it would have shared
the miserable fate of the eleven abbeys which as they fell vacant were
kept in the king's hands.

It is possible that before the end of 1086 Gilbert may have
received a visit from Abbot Anselm : for a charter granted to him by
William (possibly the Conqueror) has for its first witness 'abbas
Beccensis^.' At any rate in the beginning of 1093 Anselm was at
Westminster. In a letter written to Baldric his prior at Bee he com-
mends its bearer, 'a monk of the lord abbot Gilbert, whom I would
have you receive with special kindness.' He will tell them, he says,
more than can be put into writing. They must know that the king still
delays to respond to his request (probably for a confirmation of the
English estates of Bee), though both he and all the nobles shew him
love and honour beyond anything he could expect. He cannot, he says,
now hope to return before Lent^ This was written just before the
king's sudden illness and short-lived repentance. Anselm, as it proved,
was not to return to Bee, until he came as the exiled archbishop of
Canterbury. On the first Sunday in that very Lent (6 March, 1093),
the pastoral staff was thrust between his resisting fingers, and after
vain endeavours to regain his freedom he allowed himself at last to be
enthroned at Canterbury on 25 September. He left England in
October, 1097, and did not come back until after the Red King's death.

In the meantime Gilbert's devoted mother, the Lady Eva, died, as
we have seen, at Bee on 21 Jan. 1099. The next year Gilbert was at
the Easter court at Winchester, where he witnessed the king's charter

1 Printed below, no. 17. Probably, however, it should be assigned to 1093.

2 Anselm, Epp. n 51.

Gilbert at Westminster

to the monastery of Evesham'. That same year brought Henry's
hurried coronation in the abbey, performed by the bishop of London on
5 August, 1100. Anselm's return soon followed.

At Michaelmas, 1102, Anselm held a council at Westminster with a
view to the enforcement of reforms in the Church. A canon was
passed against clerical marriages, and several abbots were deposed for
simony and other causes^ A strange scene is recorded as having taken
place before the session of the council. Gerard the archbishop of York
had come ; but, as Hugh the precentor of York relates, ' the monks
having prepared for their archbishop a seat singularly high, Gerard was
wroth, and, publicly invoking God's hate on him who had so set it up,
he kicked it over, nor would sit down till a seat of equal dignity had
been prepared for him ; desiring to make it perfectly plain that he
owed him no subjection I' This was an inherited quarrel, and Gerard
was a passionate Norman, the kinsman of our Norman kings who
frequently were carried away by uncontrollable anger. Seventy years
later St Catharine's chapel in the infirmary witnessed a yet more dis-
tressing episode of the same struggle.

Six months after this council Anselm's difficulties with the new king
led him to leave the country again, and he did not return till towards
the end of 1106. The king meantime had seized the revenues of the
archbishopric, and in other ways had pressed hardly upon the church —
so hardly, indeed, that Gerard and several of the principal bishops,
who had hitherto refused to support Anselm, wrote earnestly intreat-
ing him to come back. The question of the Investitures was not a
simple one, and the minds of English churchmen were seriously divided
upon it. The time-honoured customs of England pointed one way :
the recent legislation of councils, anxious to secure the Church against
simoniacal appointments, pointed the other way. We should have
been glad to know what a quiet and thoughtful churchman like Abbot
Gilbert felt about the merits of the controversy. The question had not

1 'In quarta feria Paschae,' Chron. Evesh. Eolls S. p. xlix. He had witnessed the
charter of Lincoln, sometime previous to Sept. 1090 (Line. Cath. Stat., Bradshaw and
Wordsworth, ii 5).

^ This is the ' Covmcil of London,' held (as Anselm says) ' in ecclesia heati Petri in
occidentali parte juxta Lundoniam sita' (Eadmer, Hist. Nov. Rolls S. p. 141).

^ ' Postea placuit Anselmo et Girardo archiepiscopis concilium celebrare : quo in
Westmonasterio congregato, cum monachi archiepiscopo suo sedem singulariter celsam
parassent, Girardus indignatus, et dei odium ei qui sic paraverat vulgariter orans, pede
subvertit, nec sedere voluit donee sibi cum archiepiscopo sede pari parata, liquido volens
ostendere ei nullam subjectionem debere ' (Hugo Cantor, Rolls S. p. 110).

Gilbert Crispin

arisen for England when he received his pastoral staff from the
Conqueror ; and the matter had therefore no practical bearing for him-
self But from his central position he was able to see the disaster
which the prolongation of the controversy was bringing on the Church :
and we are fortunate in possessing a copy of verses addressed to
Anselm, in which he deliberately warns him of the perilous responsi-
bility which he is incurring by his continued absence. They are an
instructive comment on the situation, coming as they do from one of
Anselm's most devoted sons'.

The tuneful pipe that loved to chant your praise
Is hoarse and mournful now. Shepherd, it cries,
Why is the Shepherd absent from the fold?
The flock is wandering leaderless astray:
None brings it back. Pastures it vainly seeks,
And knowing not its good takes hurtful food:
Wherefore 'tis wholly sick and near to die.

The cunning foe creeps round, and sees the fold
Abandoned: enters here and goes out there
Unhindered, finding none to drive him back
Or check the full glut of his wolfish rage.

He scatters all, and all are slain— fat, lean,
And old and young. The appetite of wolves
What can abate ? One wolf will count too few
A thousand thousand sheep : when many come.
See how the abandoned fold is given to death !

I say, their Master will demand them back:
Who asks not back what he has given in charge?
I say, these sheep 'tis you who must restore
To whom they were committed : none disputes
Recovery of a trust : therefore beware !

Oh, many a thousand, trusted to your care

And lost. He asks again. All England first —

How great a multitude: all Scotland next;

And then that further distant island, where

The populous Irish dwell. These ample realms.

When were they visited? None visits them:

A year, nay years have passed. Therefore beware !

We know from Boso's language in the opening of the Cur Dem
homo what liberty of speech Anselm had encouraged in his pupils at
Bee. But this is plain speaking indeed ; and it must have wrung his

* For the text see below, p. 83.

Gilbert at Westminster

tender heart more than any of the remonstrances that reached him from
other quarters'.

The controversy ended at last with an English compromise. The
king should no longer give the staff, the symbol of a spiritual responsi-
bility : but the bishops and abbots should still do homage for their
temporal possessions.

On Sunday, 11 Aug. 1107, Anselm consecrated five bishops at
Canterbury : and a few days later Robert, Gilbert's former prior, was
blessed as abbot of St Edmund's. The new abbot of St Augustine's
was deferred, as he was not yet ordained. He would have been blessed
shortly after Christmas, but that he demanded that the ceremony
should take place in his own church. When Anselm was near London
Cjuxta Lundoniam ') at the beginning of Lent, the monks of St
Augustine's persuaded the king to command the archbishop to conse-
crate Hugh in his own monastery. A deputation was sent by the king
to urge Anselm to consent. It consisted of the bishops of Winchester,
Sarum and Exeter, together with Gilbert the abbot of Westminster^
Anselm would not yield the point ; and in the end he consecrated Hugh
at Lambeth on 27 Feb. 1108. This is the last occasion on which we
see the master and the pupil together: on 27 April, 1109 the saintly
archbishop passed away at Canterbury.

Gilbert had dedicated to him three of his works : the famous
Disputation with a Jew, and the treatises on Simony and on the Holy
Spirit. Each dedicatory letter is addressed to Anselm as archbishop,
but none makes reference to his troubles or his absence^.

We have anticipated the course of events in order to complete the
story of Gilbert's relations with Anselm ; and we must now return to
consider a notable incident of the year 1102. It is recorded by Ailred
the abbot of Rievaulx in the Life of St Edward which he drew up by
request of Abbot Laurence on the occasion of the canonisation or the
translation of the king (1161, or 1163). But Ailred was merely
recasting the earlier Life which Osbert the prior had written in 1138;

1 Anselm, Ep. iii 121. The pressure which was put upon Anselm at this time to
return is fully described by Eadmer, who quotes some striking letters of remonstrance
(Hist. Nov. pp. 159—168).

2 ' Hujus mandati Willelmus episcopus Wintoniensis et Eogerius Serberiensis et
Willelmus Exoniensis, cum Gisleberto abbate Westmonasterii, a rege ad Anselmum nuncii
fuerunt' (Eadmer, Hist. Nov. p. 189).

3 The years in which he was in England are 1093—1097, 1100 (Sept.)— IIO.S (April),
1107— 1109 : to the first two periods the dedications most probably belong.

Gilbert Crispin

and, as this Life has not yet been printed, I have here translated the
following passage, which is in fact our ultimate authority for the story
of the opening of the Confessor's tomb in 1102^.

Inasmuch as it hath pleased our Lord God to disclose to many mortal eyes the
fair beauty which adorned this sacred Prince in the flesh, his temporal glory is
sufficiently attested by that holy company who on the day of his translation found
the king's body whole and incorrupt. Gilbert the lord abbot, whose patronymic was
Crispinus, had called to the great solemnity many men of note, chief among whom
was Gundulf the venerable prelate of Rochester. Six and thirty years had King
Edward lain in the tomb, and many thought that like other men he had fallen to
ashes after our common mortal lot. But some there were whose loving thoughts
gave them a holy presentiment of somewhat divine attending one whose limbs had
never known the loss of virgin purity, and whose body they could not doubt
remained in a kind of resurrection glory. Other devout religious men were moved
by a great longing to look upon his face, men who had seen his beloved countenance
while he yet lived in the flesh. For in his service they had been enrolled, and
therefore burned the more ardently in this holy purpose, that with their very eyes
they might behold him after so long a time in the tomb.

So then the upper stone is lifted from the sarcophagus, and his glorious body is
found wrapt in a costly robe : slender hands and flexible joints, the finger with its
royal ring, the sandals — all are plainly seen to shew no sign of corruption : the
sceptre at his side, the crown upon his head, all the regal ornaments of his noble
burial are shewn uninjured by the touch of time. So firm and bright was the flesh,
so perfect all the garments, that their soundness told that God in truth was
magnified in Edward, setting forth in his flesh an image of the resurrection of the
saints.

So great fear fell on all, that none could dare uncover the king's veiled counte-
nance, nor disclose on any side the face they longed to see. One man alone, God's
holy and righteous bishop Gundulf, was so kindled with the flame of yearning love
as to cleave the covering beneath the chin, draw out the beard and arrange it in
comely wise betwixt his hands. Then, when he felt it firm set in the flesh, was
this great man astonished at the strange miracle. But yet he essayed to draw
gently forth a single hair, if perchance it might yield to his touch, that so of the
relics of the holy king he might thus be allowed an abundant enrichment.

But as the lord abbot Gilbert stood and watched, 'What is this,' he cried, 'good
bishop, that thou dost ? In the land of the living he hath attained an eternal
inheritance with the saints of God : wherefore then dost thou seek to diminish his
share of temporal glory ? Cease, honoured Sir, so to presume : vex not the king in
his royal bed.' Then was Gundulf wholly resolved in tears, and said, ' Venerable
abbot, thou hast spoken aright. Yet know that not any bold presumption sped me
to this deed. The flame of holy devotion, wherewith I burned for love of the
glorious king, urged me to take but one hair of that snowy beard, to keep it with
solemn reverence in his memory as a treasure more precious than gold. But since
my hope is gone, and my wish could not be granted, let him keep his own by his
own right in peace. Let him rest in his palace, virgin and incorrupt, till with
» Brit. Mus. Add. ms 36,737, f. 156 b.

Gilbert at Westminster

triumphant joy he shall meet the advent of the Judge, and receive in this his flesh
tlie abiding glory of a blessed immortality.'

In the tomb therefore they shut that sacred body, which they had found in its
solid perfection, and from whence already such fragrant odours had exhaled as to
fill with sweetness the whole house of God.

The florid magnificence of Osbert's style need not make us distrust
entirely the tradition which he records. It is probable that the tomb
was opened, though the motives of curiosity or affection are insufficient
to account for the disturbance of the royal remains. The rubric which
heads the chapter speaks of this as ' the first translation ' of the saintly
king; and though this may not come from Osbert's pen, yet he does
use the word ' translation ' in his first sentence ; so that it is possible
that a new shrine may have been made, or the tomb may have been
moved to some position more suitable for one who was already working
miracles of healing. It would seem that Anselm was not present :
possibly our date is incorrect, and he may have been out of England
at the time. But no one had a higher reputation for holiness than
Gundulf, Anselm's bosom friend at Bee, who had been twenty-five years
at Rochester and had known Gilbert for more than forty years.

Gundulf's rash act is explained when we remember that a bishop
who presided over the translation of a saint carried off as his due some
fragment of his body to add to the store of his church's relics. We
may here recall a story of Archbishop Thomas who translated our saint
in 1163: for it seems to have escaped attention, and it illustrates the
common practiced Whereas the archbishop's due was the saint's
right arm, St Thomas preferred to take the stone which covered
his coffin. Nor need we wonder at his choice. For his conflict with
the king had well begun, and this stone was the memorial of an earlier
struggle. Had it not received and held the staff of Wulstan when he
had refused to yield it at the Conqueror's bidding? The stone, then,
went to Canterbury, and for many years it stood by the tomb of the
martyred prelate; until at length, when King Henry IV made a chapel
of St Edward in the cathedral, it was used for the altar slab. Once more
St Edward was left to us intact, escaping the common lot of saints —
partly perhaps because he was a king.

There are no further incidents of general interest to record of
Gilbert's tenure of the abbacy, save that on 19 Sept. 1115 a bishop
was for the first time consecrated within the abbey walls. At a later
date St Catharine's chapel in the infirmary saw many such consecra-

' Continuator of Gervase of Canterbury's Gesta Regum, Rolls S. ii 285.

Gilbert Crispin

tions; but in these earlier days the archbishops were peculiarly
tenacious of their right to bring the bishop-elect to Canterbury, or
at least to some chapel of their own. Ralph was no less jealous on
this point than Anselm had been, and it was only because he was the
chaplain of the good Queen Maud, and because she specially desired
to be present, that Bernard, the bishop of St David's, received his
consecration in the abbey church'.

Gilbert died on 6 Dec. 1117, and he was laid in the south cloister
close to his predecessor. The grave of Vitalis was marked by a plain
flat stone, on which year by year a carpet and tapers were set on his
anniversary. Gilbert is figured with his pastoral staff in high relief
on a slab of black Tournai marble — the oldest sculptured monument
of the abbey^. The features of the face are wholly gone, worn by the
tread of thousands of Westminster boys before the slab was shifted
in the eighteenth century to a securer place beneath the long stone
bench. But the delicately carved ears remain ; for the deep recesses
on each side of the head had been filled in with Roman cement to save
the passing foot from tripping. The epitaph has long since disap-
peared, but Flete records it; and, though hardly worthy of one who
could write such good verses as our abbot, it is not so insipid as these
things usually are, and it has the rare merit of truth.

Hie pater insignis genus altum, virgo senexque,

Gisleberte, jaces, lux via duxque tuis.
raitis eras Justus prudens fortis moderatus,

doctus quadrivio, nec minus in trivio.
sic tamen ornatus nece, sexta luce Decembris,

spiramen caelo reddis et ossa solo.

An anonymous monk of Gilbert's former monastery characterises
the three great spiritual builders of Bee in the brief sentence :
Anselmum mitem, Herluinum, devotum, Lanfrancum sapientem^. ' The
gentle Anselm ' was the man whom the Bee monks knew, though the

' ' Proposult itaque ilium in ecclesia hospitii sui apud Lambetiiam consecrare. verum
quoniam ipsi officio regina interesse volebat, postulatus ab ea sacravit ipsum in ecclesia
beati Petri Westmonasterii xiii Kal. Octobris...huic consecratioui interfuerunt et oo-
operatores extiterunt suffraganei ecclesiae Cantuariensis episcopi videlicet hi, Willelmus
Wintoniensis, Kobertus Lincoliensis, Rogerus Serberiensis, Johannes Bathoniensis,
Urbanus Glamorgatensis, Gislebertus Lumniensis de Hibernia ' (Eadmer, Hist. Nov. Rolls
S. pp. 235 f.).

2 For the graves of the abbots in the cloister, see the Introduction to Flete's History,

pp. 22 e.

3 Por6e, L'Abbaye du Bee et ses ecoles, p. 66: cf. Hist, du Bee I 536. The letter in
question was written c. 1130 — 50.

Gilbert at Westminster'

world has wondered at his inflexible will and the daring originality of
his thought. In the verses above cited the epithet mitis is happily
chosen to express the leading trait of Abbot Gilbert's character: we
shall find its justification presently in his writings.

When an abbot died a mortuary roll was carried from abbey to
abbey to ask for the prayers of the brethren. Each monastery made
its own entry, promising prayers and asking prayers in return on behalf
of its own departed brethren or patrons, the chief of whom were
commonly mentioned by name. Abbot Gilbert's mortuary roll has not
survived ; but the roll of his contemporary. Abbot Vitalis of Savigny,
has been fully published in facsimile by the late M. Leopold Delisle^.
Vitalis had come to England on a preaching tour: for he was a famous
revivalist. We learn from this roll that he had visited our abbey. He
died 16 Oct. 1122; and the Westminster entry on his roll is of interest,
not only because it names those for whom the prayers of a foreign
abbey were desired, but also because it offers a specimen of the hand
which was then written by our precentor or in our scriptorium. The
entry is as follows:

TITVLVS i SCI : PETRI i WESTMONASTERIl

Aniraa eius et anime omnium fidelium defunctorum Reqiiiescant in pace
Offa. rege. ^dgaro. rege. Matilda, regina. Crispin.

Amen. Orate pro nostris. ^ iEowARDO. rege. ^ Vital', abb'. Gisleberto. abb'.

Riculfo. Turstino. Tur'^illo. ^Egelmiardo. Maiiritio. Willelmo. et pro omnibus, aliis.
Concedimus sibi plenam fraternitatem et societatem ^eclesig nostrgK sicut con-
cessimus illi cum fratribus qui secum ad nos uenerant. H§c igitur renouantes
obnixe uos petimus. ut eadem nobis concedatisK quatinus in superne civitatis
arce mereamiir abinuicem in Igticia sempitema uideri. Amen.

We note that after the entry had been made it was evidently
supplemented at the bidding of authority. Ofia and Edgar were
prefixed, and the good Queen Maud was added : and Crispin was
inserted above Gilbert's name, that none might fail to recognise the
well-known personage. Of the monks Riculfus, Turstin, Turkill and
Aegelward no other record remains. There was a monk named William
in the early days of our abbot ; but the name is too common to allow of
a certain identification. We are on more sure ground with Maurice,
who is doubtless Bp Wulstan's chaplain, of whom Osbert has told us^

1 The last gracious gift which I received from the illustrious scholar was this beautiful
product of his declining years, with which he reprinted one of the essays of his youth.
Within a year has followed the ' Priez pour Lui.'

^ See below, p. 31.

IV. Details of Administration.

1. Domestic Rule.

When Lanfranc came to Canterbury, he drew up for the regulation
of the monks of Christ Church a book of Customs, which found its way
into many of the English monasteries and was known sometimes as
the Customs of Canterbury and sometimes as the Customs of Bec\ It
represented the result of the experience of Lanfranc and Anselm, as
gained and formulated in the eager life of Herluin's new foundation;
but it rested largely on earlier codes which can be traced back through
Fecamp and Dijon to Cluny and even to that strenuous reformer Benedict
of Aniane. Lanfranc made some modifications in detail in deference
to English traditions, though in general he was not sympathetic in
dealing with the religious life of his new fellow-countrymen. We can
hardly doubt that this code, which Gilbert must have seen in force at
Canterbury, was brought by him to Westminster. As a matter of fact,
considerable portions of it are embodied word for word in the thirteenth
century Customary of Abbot Ware. Vitalis, who had come to West-
minster from Bernay, which was a cell of F6camp, must have paved
the way for the peaceable introduction of the new regulations. From
Lanfranc's book a picture might easily be drawn of the daily life of
Westminster Abbey at the close of the eleventh century ; but we must
confine ourselves here to the more laborious task of gathering together
such scattered notices as can be found in charters or elsewhere of
Abbot Gilbert's rule.

Much of an abbot's energy was of necessity expended on the trouble-
some business of managing and safeguarding his abbey estates; and
what is perhaps the earliest of all the charters addressed to Abbot
Gilbert reminds us that he came to his task just when the great Survey

1 Lanfranc's Monastic Constitutions were printed in Eeyner's Apostolatus Bene-
dictinorum (1626), and thence by D'Achery, Lanfranci Opera (1648) : they were printed
again by Wilkins, Concilia, i 328, in 1737. I have discussed their title and manuscript
tradition in Journal of Theol. Studies, April 1909.

Details of Administration

of England was being completed ^ Gilbert indeed found time, as we
shall presently see, for a good deal of literary work ; and we cannot
doubt that he would take a share in the teaching of the more capable
of his younger monks.

All the details of domestic management were in the hands of the
prior; and we are fortunate in knowing something of one of Gilbert's
priors. Two charters remain which are attested by ' Robertus prior 2.'
Towards the end of the year 1102 this Robert succeeded another
Robert as abbot of St Edmund's. The story given by the Bury annalists
is as follows. Immediately on his accession in 1100 King Henry began
to fill up the abbeys which the Red King had kept vacant in order that
he might draw their revenues. He appointed to St Edmund's Robert,
the illegitimate son of Hugh, count of Chester. The appointment was
against the will of the monks, and Anselm wrote to Abbot Roger of
St Evroul warning him and his monk Robert of the wickedness of such
an intrusion, and refusing to consecrate the abbot-designate^. At the
council held in Westminster at Michaelmas, 1102, Robert was deposed.
Then ' Robertus, prior Westmonasterii, vir magnae religionis, abbatiam
suscepit^' Robert had not been consecrated when Anselm's second
exile began in April, 1103: but he ruled his abbey, none the less, for
more than four years; and he built 'claustrum, capitulum, refectorium,
dormitorium, et cameram suam.' At last he was consecrated by Anselm
on 15 Aug. 1107 : but after four weeks and four days he died (16 Sep.
1107). He was remembered as a model administrator: 'qui quidem
inter omnes abbates optimus custoditor et adquisitor terrarum lau-
datur^.' We hear of him long afterwards in one of Jocelin of Brake-
lond's gossipping stories. To annoy Abbot Sampson, we are told,
Robert's anniversary was celebrated in 1197 with unusual bell-ringing,

1 This is the famous Charter no. xxiv, exhibited in the Chapter House :

W. rex Anglorum R. vicecomiti et omnibus ministris suis in Suthreia sal'. Sciatis
quia pro salute anim^ me§ concede deo et sancto Petro Westmonasterii et abbati G. viii
hidas de manerio Piriford, qu§ in dominio meo sunt infra forestam de Windlesores,
quietas amodo semper et liberas a scoto et ab omni mea consuetudine et censu pecuni^
qu^ geld vocatur anglic^. T'. W. episcopo Dunel' et I. Taileb'. Post descriptionem
totius Angli^.

For Rannulf sheriff of Surrey, see below, charter no. 2 : for William bp of Durham and
Ivo Taillebois, no. 4. Henry I's confirmation of this charter (no. 19) mentions the new
geld 'propter hidagium.' Another charter which has 'post descriptionem Anglie '
(D. f. 489 h) is printed in my edition of Flete's Hintory (p. 141) ; but it is obviously not
genuine in the form there given.

2 See below, p. 38, and charter no. 13. ^ Anselm, Epp. iv 14.
* Ann. S. Edmundi, Rolls S. 11 4. ' Ibid, in 355 f.

Gilbert Orispin

on the ground that he had done a noble deed — 'qui distinxit res et
redditus nostros a rebus et redditibus abbatis^'

Returning now to Westminster, where Robert had learned the art
of administration which he exercised so well, we find that Abbot Gilbert
himself was specially remembered on his anniversary for having ' ex-
tended the camera,' making assignment for the clothing of eighty
monks 2. This notice has a twofold interest. For, first, it is the only
information we have as to the number of the monks in the Norman
period, and in this respect it matches well with the great scale of the
abbey buildings, especially the dormitory, refectory and cloister. The
number, so far as we can tell, never rose above this figure : our earliest
lists of names in the chamberlain's rolls shew us that in the fourteenth
century the average was about fifty-two^. And, secondly, this is our
first express notice of the system by which the various obedientiaries
had their own endowments out of which they discharged the respon-
sibilities of their offices. That the almoner, as well as the chamberlain,
was thus endowed is suggested by a charter of Gilbert's which mentions
the 'domus elemosinaria*.'

As to the extent of the abbot's own household we have little to
guide us; but among witnesses to charters we find names of persons
' de familia abbatis ' ; and these include William the chaplain, Herbert
the steward (dispensator), and William the chamberlain^

We may also note at this point a royal confirmation to Hugh de
Coleham of the office of ' dapifer ' of the abbey — ' videlicet, ut ipse
Hugo totius praedictae abbatiae sit dapifer et sub abbate procurator,
et heredes sui post eum...sicut unquam aliquis ante eum illud officium
melius ac liberius tenuit^' This office, which was even then not a
new one, has waxed and waned in importance in the course of the
centuries: it reached its zenith when it was held by Lord Burleigh in
the days of Queen Elizabeth, and it survives to-day in the honourable
sinecure of the Lord High Steward of Westminster.

1 Jocelin, ibid, i 291 f. ^ Flete, p. 87.

Thus there were 51 in 1329 ; 52 in 1347 ; 35 in 1355 (the numbers having fallen
owing to the Black Death). In 1429 there were 54.

* Below, p. 38. 5 Below, no. 37.

^ Rymer, Foedera, i Pt i, p. 2 (ed. 1816). By this charter K. William confirms a grant
of Abbot Gilbert and the convent. The date therefore must fall between 1085 and 1100.
The attestations present a curious difficulty {T. Roberto comite de Mellent, Rogero Bigot,
Roberto de Bello 3Ionte), the first and third being different names of the same person.
Mr Hubert Hall has kindly collated the text with the Cartae Antiquae from which it is
derived, and finds no variant. For Hugh de Coleham, see below, no. 27, where he appears
among ' homines abbatis ' [c. 1088 — 97].

Details of Administration

The names of but few of Abbot Gilbert's monks have come down to
us. Nicholas, William and Herbert, as well as Robert the prior, attest
the grant to William Baynard which is printed below ^. These were
probably all Normans: for, though there was a chapel of St Nicholas
in the Confessor's church, that saint was but little known in England
before the Normans stole him from Myra in 1096, brought him to
Bari, and sent his fame over the world. Nor did monks in those days
take new names on entering a monastery. Herbert may well be the
almoner who many years later succeeded to Abbot Gilbert's place. It
is possible that he followed Gilbert from Bee; for we find a Herbert
on the roll of Bee monks about the year 1184^.

We find the names of Hugh and Warner in a Malvern charter,
which recites how these two monks stepped out the limits of a property
which Gilbert and the convent made over to the new priory^. These
again are not likely to have been Englishmen*. Of Warner we happen
to know something more : for the Ely records tell us that when St Ethel-
dreda was translated in 1107, and other saints were being moved at the
same time, an accident which had occurred to St Withburga's coffin led
to the discovery that her body was still incorrupt. None dared remove
the face-cloth, till one of the visitors on the great occasion, a holy man,
Warner by name, ' of the apostolic fold of Westminster,' ventured to
reveal her fair countenance and to lift her still flexible arms^. Doubt-
less he had assisted at the uncovering of St Edward some five years
before.

There is one more name, which again has a foreign sound. When
King Edward and Count Leofric together saw the child Christ in the
eucharist, the king bound the count to secrecy. At a later day Leofric
confided the vision to his confessor, a monk of Worcester: charging
him to write it down, lest it be lost, but not to reveal it in the king's
lifetime. He laid up the parchment in a box among the relics, and
long afterwards the box fell to pieces and the secret was disclosed.
Among those who saw the document and heard it read out in the
church, was Bishop Wulstan's chaplain, ' Mauricius subdiaconus sancti
Wulstani Wigorniensis episcopi.' He when his master died became

» P. 38. 2 Poree, Hist, du Bee, i 631.

3 Below, p. 33.

< We find a Warnerius among the monks of Bee, c. 1070 (Poree, tb. 629) : this may be
the same man.

* Liher Eliensis (ed. Stewart) p. 296 : ' quidam senior ex apostolico ovili West-
monasterii, Warnerus nomine.'

Gilbert Crispin

a monk of Westminster, and a pattern of devotion for full twenty
years ^.

The narrator of this tale is Osbert of Clare, who whatever his name
may suggest was probably an Englishman. This strange personage,
who fills the chief place in the abbey's history after Abbot Gilbert's
death, must have entered the monastery some time before that event :
but his perplexing history does not concern us here^.

One nameless monk must be added to the list — the London Jew
who was converted and baptised as the result of Gilbert's discussion
with the learned Jew from Mainz ^.

2. Foundation of Priories.

Soon after his appointment Gilbert was called upon to make a new
departure in the history of the abbey. Geoffrey de Mandeville*, the
sheriff of London and Middlesex, who had succeeded to the functions
and estates of Esgar, the staller of King Edward, had buried his first
wife Athelais in the unfinished cloister at Westminster, and had
granted to the convent for her soul's sake certain lands at Tilbury^
At a later period, having made provision to be buried by her side, he
granted also the manor of Eye in the immediate neighbourhood of the
abbey ^. Meanwhile he was designing, with the concurrence of his
second wife Lesceline, a benefaction on a far larger scale. Among the
possessions of Esgar to which Geoffrey had succeeded was the manor
of Hurley on the Thames, and here he proposed to found a priory in
subjection to the abbey of Westminster. There was already a church
in the place, and this was probably enlarged or rebuilt. Osmund
the bishop of Sarum, in whose diocese it lay, came to dedicate it
afresh as the priory church of St Mary of Hurley ; and he and the new

1 Osbert's Life of St Edward, Brit. Mus. Add. ms 36,737 f. 147.

^ I have attempted to unravel his story in an article in the Church Quarterly Review
(July 1909) ; but many of his letters still await publication.
8 See below, p. 82.

4 He was grandfather of Geoffrey of Mandeville, first earl of Essex, the subject of
Dr Horace Round's valuable study. I desire here to express my great obligation to
Dr Round's works. As he did not deal at any length with the first Geoffrey, the benefactor
of Westminster, I have taken the more pains to collect notices of him from the Westminster
documents : see below, Selected Charters nos. 1—7, etc.

= See below, charter of Will. I (no. 1), granted before 1086, while Suain was still sheriff
of Essex : ' pro anima uxoris que illic jacet.'

« See below, charter of G. de M., no. 15, and confirmations by Will. II and Hen. I,
nos. 16, 20.

Details of Administration

abbot Gilbert solemnly invoked the fate of the traitor Judas and the
doom of Korah and Dathan on any who should violate this pious
foundation.

The charter was written out thrice on one piece of vellum, which
was then cut, so that one copy might be given to the abbey and another
to the priory, while the third remained with the founder and his heirs.
The middle copy of the three still exists with the founder's seal
attached: it came with many other Hurley charters to the abbey
muniment room when Henry VIII in 1536 dissolved the priory, and
gave back its site to Westminster, in exchange forsooth for Hyde Park
and other valuable lands which he took away. The charter is attested
by William and Richard, the sons of Geoffrey by his first wife. It
bears no date ; but the foundation cannot well be put later than 1086,
when the Conqueror left England for the last time: for the founder
says that he had obtained the king's consent, and the confirmatory
charter of Henry I refers to the grant of K. William his father.

The history of Hurley priory has been told by the present vicar of
the parish, who has devoted immense pains to its investigation. In
his book, St Mary's, Hurley, he has given an abstract of 562 Hurley
charters which are still preserved among the abbey muniments at
Westminster.

It is not easy to determine the origin of the priory of Great Malvern,
or the date of its first connexion with Westminster. There is, however,
probability in the account that it began with a local hermit named
Aldwyn or Alwy in the time of Edward the Confessor, and that Urse
d'Abetot, the despotic and ill-famed sheriff of Worcestershire, founded
the priory and agreed to Aldwyn's placing it under the abbot of West-
minster^. This robber of churches may well have made some such
provision for his future. As the Domesday Survey says nothing of
this priory, its foundation probably must belong to Abbot Gilbert's
time. This accords with a charter of K. Henry I, issued c. 1125, which
grants to the monks of Malvern certain lands, 'according as Gilbert
abbot of Westminster with the common consent of the chapter of the
church conceded and gave them, and as Hugh and Warner the monks
perambulated them 2.' Gilbert had died in 1117 ; Warner, one of his

1 For references see Miss M. M. C. Calthrop in Victoria County History, Worcestershire,
11 137.

' 'Et concede eis illas terras de Wrdesfelde et de Limberga ilia nova essarta, sicut
Gislebertus abbas Westmonasterii communi consensu capituli ecclesiae concessit et dedit,
et sicut Hugo et Warnerus monachi ilia perambulaverunt...et concedo illis illam virgatam

B. c. 3

Gilbert Crispin

monks, of whom we have spoken already (p. 31), was probably an old man
when he visited Ely in 1106 ; and we may assume that Hugh, as he is
mentioned first, was his senior. Abbot Gilbert's benefaction probably
belongs to the moment of the attachment of the priory to Westminster,
and we shall not be far wrong if we assign the transaction to the early
years of his administration.

These two priories stood in very different relations to the mother
church. The prior of Great Malvern was elected by his brethren on
the spot, and was then sent up to Westminster to receive the abbot's
confirmation ; and the loyalty of the priory to the abbey was largely
due to a desire to escape the jurisdiction of the bishop of Worcester.
The priory of Hurley was a smaller foundation, and much nearer home :
its prior was chosen from among the senior monks of Westminster:
sometimes he returned after a period of service, in one instance he
came back to be abbot.

One other priory belonged to Westminster, that of St Bartholomew
at Sudbury. This was founded by Wulfric, the king's moneyer at
Norwich, who would seem to have died as a monk of Westminster. As
the king's charter is attested at Westminster by Archbishop Ralph, it
cannot be earlier than Easter 1114; nor can it be later than Easter
1116, for it is addressed to Herbert Losinga, the bp of Norwich, who
died before the king's return from Normandy^. Perhaps the most
probable date is the council held at Westminster in Sept. 1115, just
before Bernard's consecration to the see of St David's.

Another cell of Westminster may perhaps have been contemplated
in Gilbert's time, though it was actually founded under his successor,
Abbot Herbert : for in the first endowment of the canonesses of Kilbum,
who were superintended by a senior monk of Westminster, we find
mention of a corrody of Abbot Gilbert, and they were under special
obligation to pray for this abbot's soul''.

terrae in Martuna quam Landricus de Clifford reddidit Gisliberto abbati, quam Gislebertus
dedit monacbis de Malvernia, sicut ipse Gislebertus abbas consensu communis capituli
earn eis dedit et concessit ' Monasticon, iii 448.

' Monasticon iii 459 (from Faustina A. ni, f. 79) : H. rex Angl' Herberto episcopo
Norwic' et Haymoni dapifero et burgensibus de Suthbery...Sciatis me concessisse deo
et sancto Petro et mon' Westm' pro redemptione animae meae ecclesiam sancti Bartholomei
de Suthberia, quam Wlfricus monetarius meus ad usum monachorum inibi servientium
eis dederat pro fraternitate et monachatu suo quern ibidem susceperat....Test' B. archie-
piscopo, R. episcopo London', R. episcopo Sarum, R. cane', Nigillo de Albineio, et aliis
multis apud Westm'.

Can this Wulfric be the same person as 'Wlfricus taynus cognomine Bordewayte,'
who held ' Totenhala ' before William Baynard (see p. 38) ?
2 Liber Niger Quatemus, f. 125.

Details of Administration

3. Building.

The new abbey of Westminster had been planned on a splendid
scale. King Edward had built a great church in a style unknown
before in England, after the pattern of the church of Jumieges, whose
abbot he had brought over and made bishop of London^. We can
hardly suppose that he had completed much else of the monastic
buildings. The long undercroft beneath the dormitory may belong
to his time ; and sufficient indications remain elsewhere to shew that
the general scheme had been fixed. Doubtless Abbot Edwin carried
forward the work ; and, if it slackened during Geoffrey's brief misrule,
we may be certain that Vitalis pressed it on again. Before Gilbert
came the dormitory was probably finished and the refectory well
begun: for Vitalis lies in the east part of the south cloister walk,
under the refectory wall.

A happy chance has preserved to us the information that Gilbert
completed the cloister before the year 1100. In 1807 a piece of
carved stone was found in a wall between two taverns which were then
being pulled down. This wall was the only surviving fragment of a
gateway in King Street, built by King Richard III in 1484, and
demolished in 1706. The stone was one of the capitals from the old
Norman cloister, and had a broken inscription which seemed to mean
that the cloister and refectory (?) were finished under William II and
Abbot Gilbert^. Three sides of the stone are figured in Brayley and
Britten's Ancient Palace of Westminster, pp. 416, 445 f., and again in
plate XXXV ; but the stone is now lost^. Some similar capitals, together
with other fragments of the ancient cloister, are now preserved in the
Norman undercroft.

1 See The Church of Edward the Confessor, in Archaeologia, lxii pp. 81 — 100, where
I have endeavoured to describe the church as St Edward left it.

^ The lettering on the three sides appears in the reproductions to read as follows :
•claustrulni]' et rel
If sub abb[at]e Gisle
H'illelmo • secun

The carving may be later than Abbot Gilbert's time ; but none the less the record may be
true.

^ The drawiugs were made by Mr William Capon, who 'sold the Capital to Sir Gregory
Page Turner, Bart, for one hundred guineas' {ibid. p. 446). I have failed as yet to discover
the present resting-place of this precious fragment. Since the above was written a full
account of all that is known of this stone has appeared in Notes and Queries (Sept. 3,
1910, p. 181) in a letter from Mr Robert Pierpoint.

3—2

Gilbert Crispin

We can have little doubt that Gilbert built the abbot's camera (or
capella, or perhaps both) over the locutory which formed the entrance
to the cloister at its S.W. angle. A similar arrangement is to be seen
in the prior's (at first the abbot's) lodging at Gloucester, and formerly
existed at Abingdon'.

4. Exemption and Sanctxmry.

To Abbot Gilbert's time belongs the first document which can
pretend to any validity in the long strife between the abbey and the
bishop of London. This document, if genuine, is the earliest of our
genuine papal bulls, being a letter of Paschal II (1099 — 1118) to King
Henry I, dated at the Lateran 'iv Kal. lulii.' It falls within the last
half of Gilbert's period of rule ; but we cannot fix the date more nearly,
or decide whether Maurice, who died 26 Sept. 1107, or Richard de
Belmeis, who was consecrated 26 July, 1108, was the aggressor whom
the pope restrained: both alike were ambitious and contentious
prelates.

Gilbert in appealing to the pope had referred to the controversy as
having originated with Robert, Edward's bishop whom he had brought
from the abbey of Jumieges and who probably had no small share
in directing the building of the new abbey church at Westminster.
Robert had insisted, it would seem, as against Abbot Wulnoth (tl049),
on the right of entry and of receiving various procurations. The pope
now declares the abbey free 'ab omni servitio et dominatione episco-
pali...ita ut nullus episcopus, sive Londoniensis seu quicunque aliquis
alius, illuc introeat ordinaturus aut aliquid sive in maximo sive in
minimo praecepturus, nisi propria abbatis ex petitione et monachorum
communi utilitatel'

The question of the authenticity of this letter must remain at
present undecided. Struggles for exemption have been a frequent
source of forgery : but monastic forgery offers a problem which needs a
critical investigation. It is easy to dismiss a document, and to misread
history as the result.

> Hist. Ahingd. Kolls S. ii 286 : Abbot Faricius (1100—1115) ' omnia a fundamentis
aedificavit, sicut hodie cernitur : scilicet claustrum, capitulum, dormitorium, refectorium,
lavatorium, cellarium, coquinam, duo locutoria, unum ad orientem juxta capitulum, aliud
ad occidentem sub capella abbatis.'

2 See the extract from the bull in Flete's History, p. 48 ; and, for a further extract,
p. 17 of the introduction. This bull afterwards provided phraseology for the pretended
Third Charter of the Confessor : see ibid. p. 15. It likewise formed the starting-point
of the Second Charter which is dated 1045 {Monasticon, i 295).

Details of Administration

The question of sanctuary at Westminster has never yet received a
proper examination. This is not the place to discuss its origin, history
or results: but we may call attention to what appears to be the earliest
trustworthy evidence with regard to it which is still extant. The
following are copies of writs of Abbot Gilbert, which were probably
kept as precedents for the guidance of later abbots.

Gilbertus abbas et conventus Westm' omnibus fidelibus regis Angliae salutem.
Sciatis quod iste Jordanus altare sancti Petri Westm' et corpus regis Edwardi requi-
sivit: et ideo precamur ut libertatem sui corporis et pacem regis habeat. Valeted

G. abbod and alle tha brodera on Westmynstr' gretith X. schirerefan on estsex'
godesgretyng" and owr". And we kythath the that this man R. hafeth ge soht'
Crist and seint Petr' and Edwarde kynges reste and alle thon halidom th' inne thone
halighan mynstr' is. Now bidde we the for godes lofan and for thaer' sokne th' he
ge soght' haueth th' thu hine ge myltsie and forgif swa what swa he gilt hafeth.
God the ge behalde. amen 2.

The later hand, which has copied these writs on a blank page of
the Westminster ' Domesday,' has written over them : ' De fugitivis
visitantibus feretrum regis Edwardi nondum canonizati.' Two other
Latin writs of Abbot 'G.' on the same page clearly belong to Abbot
Gervase, as is seen by comparing a writ of his quoted in the Monasticon
(l 310): the formula has grown by this time, and it speaks of the
privilege as granted 'ab antiquis Angliae regibus,'

5. Knight Service.

The question of knight service, as aflfecting ecclesiastical corpora-
tions in the time of William the Conqueror, has been investigated by
Dr Round, who shews that a servitium debitiim was imposed on the
abbeys by that king, the number of knights required being as a rule
some multiple of five^. He notes that for Westminster in particular
the exact number is difficult to fix*. It may be useful here to bring
together such early references to knights of Westminster as can at
present be discovered : and we may begin with a document which has
not yet been printed.

* D. f. 82 b. Compare a writ of Abbot Herbert in the same words on behalf of
'Jordanus de Wygorn ' (Monasticon, 1 310).

^ There is a similar writ of ' Gisilberd abbod ' on behalf of Deormaa in Monasticon,
I 310.

^ Feudal England, pp. 296—307. Ihid. p. 252.

Gilbert Crispin

Anno (lomiiiice incarnationis millesimo lxxx" ni°. Nos Gilbertiis abbas et
conventus Westm' concessimus Willelmo Baynard quoddam berwicum de villa
AVestm', nomine Totenhala, ad se hospitandum et tota vita sua tenendum, pro
servicio unius militis, cum omnibus rebus illi pertinentibus, ita bene et quiete sicut
unquam AVlfricus taynus cognomine Bordewayte melius de ecclesia illud tenuerat.
consuetudines igitur et libertates quas nos in eodem habemus ipse Willelmus
habebit ; exceptis auxiliis nostris, que inde sicut in aliis ecclesie terris de militibus
nostris accipiemus ; et exceptis decimis illius terra domui elemosinarie nostre con-
stitutis. hec vero sibi tenenda concessimus pro amore et servicio quod ecclesie
nostre contulit, eo tamen tenore ut post ejus decessum terra ilia predicta soluta
ecclesie nostre maneat et quieta. et super eo quidem affidavit nos predictus
Willelmus, quod nec terram prefatam vendet nec in vadium ponet nec alicui ad
dampnum ecclesie nostre dimittet. Test', Roberto priore, Nicholao, Willelmo et
Herberto monachis, Radulpho Baynard, Herlewyno fratre Grunzonis, etmultis aliis'.

The date of this document presents a difficulty which I have
discussed elsewhere^. It is possible that it formed no part of the
original document ; and in any case it may be due to the error of the
late copyist who has wTitten it into a vacant space of the Westminster
' Domesday.' Even if we date the charter a few years later, it still
remains a very early instance of the enfeoffment of a knight by an
abbot.

The grant is made to William Baynard, and it is attested by Ralph
Baynard. Who are these Baynards, and how do they stand in relation
to the Baynard who gave his name to Baynard's Castle on the Thames,
near the present Blackfriars Bridge ? Three Baynards meet us in the
records and chronicles of this period — Geoffrey, Ralph and William.

(1) Geoffrey. A grant of William I of land at York for a hospital
is addressed to 'Galfridus Baynardus' (? as sheriff)^: and according to
the A.S. Chron. {sub anno 1096) Geoffrey Bainard accused William of
Eu, the king's kinsman, of treason at Salisbury, and overcame him in
single combat. A list of the benefactors to Lewes Priory includes
' Geoffrey Bainard and Ralph his brother*.'

(2) Ralph. Of Ralph Baynard we further know that before the
Survey he was sheriff of Essex, and at the time of the Survey he held
lands in several parts of that county ^ He is one of those to whom is

1 D. f. 82, inserted in a fifteenth century hand.

2 Flete's Hist, of Westm. pp. 141 f.

" Historians of York, Kolls S. iii 163 n.

* ' Ecclesiam de Essenduna dedit nobis Gaufredus Bainardus et Radulfus frater ejus '
(Monast. v 14) : see also the confirmatory charter of Stephen in Round's Doc. pres. in
France, p. 512.

' For Ralph as a Domesday tenant, see Round, Feudal England, pp. 461, 475.

Details of Admmistration

addressed a writ of William I confirming to Abbot Vitalis among other
properties the mill at Stratford (co. Essex): this is previous to the
Survey'. So, doubtless, is the famous writ concerning Church courts,
which is addressed to R. Baynard, G. de Mandeville and P. de Valognes,
and all the liege men of Essex, Hertfordshire and Middlesex^.

(3) William. A charter printed below (no. 27) speaks of William
Baynard as one of the witnesses to a restoration of lands in Worcester-
shire, c. 1090—1097. The A.S. Chronicle, suh anno 1110, says that
William Baynard forfeited his lands to the king.

The Chronicle of Dunmow, cited in the Monasticon (vi 147) from
Cleop. C. Ill f 29, says, under the year 1104, that 'Juga Baynard domina
de parva Dunmowe fecit Mauricium episcopum Londoniensem dedicare
ecclesiam de dicta villa'; and, under 1106, that ' Galfridus Baynard
filius et haeres Jugae Baynard' introduced canons with the assent of
Archbp Anselm. Then, under 1111, it relates that William Baynard,
' sub quo domina J uga tenebat villam de parva Dunmowe,' lost his
barony 'per infortunium et feloniam'; and that K. Henry gave it
to Robert fitz Richard, who was the son of Richard fitz Gilbert, count
of Clare, together with the Honor of Castle Baynard.

Information derived from this source must be accepted with caution.
Geoffrey is here represented as the son of Juga (or it may be read
' Inga ') Baynard. But the point which specially interests us is the
descent of the Honor of Castle Baynard : for with it went the West-
minster knight's fee. Robert fitz Richard had a son Walter fitz Robert,
and in due course the properties came to Robert fitz Walter. Now in
1166 we find William Baynard's W^estminster fee evidently held by the
second generation of his successors : for in the list of enfeoffed knights
of the abbot of Westminster we read : ' In Middlesex Walterus filius
Roberti ser\dcium i militis, quod diflforciat^'

We have next to ask what is the relation, if any, of this grant to
the statement as to land held at Westminster by ' Bainiardus ' in the
Domesday Survey. It will be well to transcribe the whole entry for
the ' vill ' of Westminster at this point.

Terra sancti Petri Westmon'. In Osuluestane Hundr'.

In villa ubi sedet ecclesia sancti Petri tenet abbas ejnsdem loci xiii hid' et dim'
Terra est ad xi car". Ad dominium pertinent ix hid' et i virg', et ibi sunt iiii car'
Villani habent vi car', et i car" plus potest fieri. Ibi ix villani quisqne de i virg', et

1 Printed below, no. 2. Stubbs, Select Charters, 85.

^ Lib. Nig. Scacc. i 51, quoted in Momisticon, i 307.

Gilbert Crispin

i villaniis de i hid', et ix villani quisque de dim' virg' ; et i cotarius de v acris, et
xli cotarii qui reddunt per annum xl sol' pro ortis suis. Pratum xi car'. Pastura ad
pecuniam ville. Silva c pore', et xxv donius militum abbatis et aliorura liominuni qui
reddunt viii sol' per annum. In tot' valent' val' x libr'. Quando recep' similiter.
T.R.E. xii libr'. Hoc manerium fuit et est in dominio ecclesie saucti Petri Westm'.

In eadem villa tenet Bainiardus iii hid' de abbate. Terra est ad ii car', et ibi
sunt in dominio, et i cotarius. Silva c pore'. Pastura ad pecuniam. Ibi iv arpenni
vinee noviter plantatae. In tot' valent' val' Ix sol'. Quando recep' xx sol'. T.R.E.
vi lib'. Hec terra jacuit et jacet in ecclesia sancti Petri.

We proceed to investigate the 'berewic of the vill of Westminster
called Totenhala,' which Abbot Gilbert granted to William Baynard for
the service of one knight. Is this to be identified with the three hides
in the same 'vill' which Baynard holds of the abbot in the Survey ?

At the first glance the name suggests to us Tottenham, of which
Tottenhall is a variant in later days. But, even if the distance does
not render this impossible, we are debarred from such a solution by the
Westminster tradition of the twelfth century. The great charters of
Edward the Confessor, though they are manifestly unauthentic, have
a high value as representing current opinion in the abbey at the time
of their composition; and they fi-equently help to interpret the brief
charters which furnished them with their materials. In the ' Telli-
graphus beati regis Edwardi' we read (D. f. 47):

Concessi etiam et confirmavi oranes donaciones que a regibus vel ab aliquibus aliis
ante me donate sunt : hoc est, in eadem villa in qua idem monasterium est iii hidas
et dimidiam ; in berwika quod Tottenheale appellatur iii hidas ; in Tatewelle unam ;
in Cnihtebricge iiii ; in Padington' ii ; in Hsemstede v ; in Hesendune cum terri-
toriis...suis que appellantur Bleccenham, Codenhlaewe et Lothereslege xx hidas....

Here we find that the 'berwika' of 'Tottenheale' has three hides, the
exact number held by Baynard at the time of the Survey. But there
is an evident mistake in assigning three and a half hides only to the
abbey itself. Probably we should read xiii for iii, as in the Survey:
and thus, with Tottenheale and also the mysterious Tatewelle added
in, we should make up the number of seventeen and a half which is
found in the First Charter of the Confessor (D. f. 396):

Concessi etiam et confirmavi donaciones que ab eisdem regibus ante me donate
sunt : hoc est, circa ipsum monasterium xvii hydas et dimidiam ; in Heandune xx ;
in Heampstede v....

There can be no doubt, then, that in the twelfth century Totenhala,
or Tottenheale S was identified with three hides of land in the immediate

» Cf. Pope Adrian's bull (D. f. 6 ft): In Middelsex' villam Westm', Cnichebrigg',
Padinton', Totehal', villam de Eye. ... [See also Addit. Note B, p. 167.]

Details of Administration

neighbourhood of the abbey. There appears to be some connexion
between Totenhala, Tatewelle, and the well-known TothuU or Tothill.

The twenty-five houses for the abbot's knights and other men
suggest that the process of enfeoffment had not been carried far ; and
that, as at Abingdon and at Ely^, a number of knights resided in the
immediate neighbourhood of the abbey, and perhaps were fed at the
abbot's table. Possibly we may find here the explanation of the rebuke
administered by Pope Innocent II in 1139 to Abbot Gervase for having
knights about him in the abbey : ' militarem praeterea manum et
laicorum conventum procul a limitibus monasticae arceas disciplinae^'

In Geoflfrey de Mandeville's grant of Eye we find the clause : ' super
altare predicti apostoli Petri presentavi in presentia Gisleberti abbatis
et monachorum, et multorum militum meorum et suorum^'

For further notices of knight service, see pp. 48 f.

6. Domestic Economy.

Among the abbey muniments is a document which appears to have
been written in the first quarter of the twelfth century, and which
throws light on the domestic economy of the period*. At first sight
it is puzzling, but it yields its meaning to a careful study.

Hec est firnia monachorum in septimana. ad panem vi cumbas : et Ix et vii sol'
ad coquinam : et xx hops de brasio, et x de gruto : et iii cumbas avenae ; et ad ser-
vientes i marc' argenti. et ilia maueria quae longinqua sunt, et hoc reddere non
poterint, reddent pro tota septimana viii et x sol'.

Ad karitates et pitancias xxxii 1-i, de Bienflet, de Fantoue, de Pakelesam et
Winetona, et de Cumbritona.

Ad ligna xv ii.

Ad cameram et ad omnia quae necessaria sunt, omnes redditus Lundoniae,
Dodintuna, et Cillentuna, et Sippeham, et Sulebi, et i molendinum apud Stretfort,
et Perham. Haec est summa: Ix et x ii.

Ad servientes coquine, et pistrini, et bracini, et orti, et vineae, et infirmatorii, et
portarii, de Hanewrde xxx sol', de Coueley xxx sol', de Titebirste x sol', de Merdeleya
XV sol', de Elteneya xxiiii sol', et v sol' de Okkenduna ; et xx sol' de illis qui tenent
terras vinearum, exceptis illis qui habent terrulas pro solidatis suis.

Ad servicium cenae domini Ix sol', de Wateleya ; et xx sol' de Knichtebrigge.

* See Round, Feudal England, p. 300. At Ely the abbot 'habuit ex consuetudine,
secundum jussum regis, praetaxatum militiae numerum infra aulam ecclesiae, victum
cotidie de manu celerarii capientem atque stipendia' (Lib. Eliens. p. 275).

2 Quoted by Flete, p. 90. 3 Below, no. 15.

* Munim. 5670: endorsed ' Extenta conventus Westm. Compositiones. ' It is copied
in D. f. 659.

Gilbert Ci'isjnn

The first paragraph refers to the system of 'firmae,' which is
explained by Archdeacon Hales in the introduction to the ' Domesday
of St Paul's,' pp. xxxix — li. 'Firma' represents the Anglo-Saxon
'feorme,' and means originally provisions supplied by various manors as
a rent in kind. The manors rendered one, two, or more 'firmae,' in the
sense of provisions for a week: at the end of the eleventh century
52 weeks, and something more, were thus provided for ; but afterwards
the 'firmae' were only 45. 'The forty-five firmae were furnished by
thirteen manors. Each firma consisted of sixteen quarters of wheat,
sixteen quarters of oats, and three quarters of barley^.'

At St Alban's the same system was in force: and it is thus described
for the first half of the twelfth century:

Habemus igitur de maneriis nostris quinquaginta et tres firmas. firmam
vocamus quadraginta et sex solidos. tot ergo habemus firmas, quot sunt septi-
manae in anno, et unam in antecessum. quae hoc modo proveniunt: qualibet
hebdomada quadraginta sex solidos recipiunt cellararii nostri, scilicet monachorum
et curiae ; tresdecim vero ex hiis recipit cellararius curiae, noster vero triginta tres.
tres autem solidi pro novem sarciuariis, qui victum nostrum a Londoniis vel aliunde
debent afierre, statuti sunt ; triginta vero pro victu nostro. hiis vero triginta
solidis per hebdomadam adjecit dictus abbas Gaufridus [1119—1146] quinque
solidos qualibet septimana, scilicet annuas tresdecim libras ; ita ut cotidie ad coqui-
nam nostram quinque solidos haberemus.... habemus etiam ex antiqua statutione
qualibet hebdomada annuatim duas summas frumenti ad coquinam nostram, et
quolibet anno sexaginta solidos de Apsa ad lac emendum^.

The 'firma' is given here in money, but whether the commutation
had been made so early is not clear. At Westminster, as our document
shews us, about half of the 'firma' was i-endered in money, and the
other half in kind: but the distant manors paid the 'firma' wholly in
money, at the rate of £8. 10^.

A charter of Abbot Gilbert, printed below (no. 13), is interesting in
this connexion. The abbot grants to Gunter and his heir the manor of
Hendon ' in feudo finne pro una plenaria septimana firme quoque

1 Domesday of St Paul's, xLvm. This seems to apply to the 13th centui-y.

2 Gesta Abbatum (Kolls Series) i 74. Another document which may be compared with
these is the account of the provision ' ad ministerium cellerarii ' at Worcester Priory :
the last named benefactor is Bp Teolwold (tll23), and the document perhaps belongs to
the first half of the 12th cent. Inc. ' In septimana recipiet x sextarios frumenti fannatos '
(Monasticon, i 606). To a somewhat later period would seem to belong the Statute
traditionally ascribed to Abbot Aldwin of Bamsey (1091 — 1102) : ' ad celerariam pro victu
praedictorum monachorum et hospitum assignavit diversa maneria, quae vocantur tirmas
(sic) monachorum,' etc. (Ramsey Chartulary, Rolls S. iii 163 : of. 168 and, more
elaborately, 230.)

Detail:^ of Admiuistvation

anno\' Abbot Herbert confirmed this grant, apparently on the same
terms: but Abbot Gervase regranted the manor to Gunter's son Gilbert
for an annual rent of £20 ; and this gi-ant was confirmed by Pope
Innocent II on 22 April 1139. The change in the rent is noticeable.
The value of the manor stands in the Domesday Survey at only £8;
but in K. Edward's time it had been worth £12.

Six coombs w^ould be a very insufficient supply of wheat for the
bread of the monastery each week, if the coomb was, as now, half a
quarter. Either some larger measure must be signified by the word,
or we must suppose that much of the payment in wheat had been
commuted for money.

By ' XX hops de brasio ' we must understand 20 pecks of malt. In
one of the Worcester Compotus Rolls published by Canon J. M. Wilson-
we find such entries as 'i qr. vii estr. i hop.' and 'iii qr. iii estr. iii hop.'
It would appear that the 'esteria' is the eighth part of a quarter (sc. a
bushel), and the 'hoop' a fourth part of an 'esteria^.' It is interesting
to see that the reckoning in our document is not by the bushel, but by
the 'peck o' maut.'

'Grutum' is defined by Du Cange as barley prepared for making
beer: 'gi-out' and 'grout-ale' are still in use for a cheap kind of ale.

The subsequent paragraphs refer not to weekly but to yearly
pa;yments, ' Pitanciae ' and ' caritates ' are extra allowances in the
refectory: the manors from which these contributions come are all
in Essex, except Comberton which is in Worcestershire.

The paragi-aph relating to the ' camera,' which supplied the monks'
clothing, is illustrated by the following statement of Flete (p. 87)
regarding Abbot Gilbert's anniversary:

Hie quoque pater venerabilis omnes redditus ad cameram pertiuentes couventui
assignavit...pro qua quidem assignatioiie camerae anniversarium ipsius principaliter
est celebrandum septimo idus Deeembris, ut patet libi'o Consuetudinarii, quarta
pai-te, capitulo de anniversariis 57".

It is unfortunate that the chapter of the Customary to which Flete
here refei-s is no longer extant*: but in c. xv under the head of the

1 The grant cannot be later than 1102 when Robert the prior went to St Edmund's.
This charter and those which are subsequently referred to are found in D. f. 129.

2 pp. 68 f. (Pitancer's roU for 1351—2).

* The English Dialect Dictionary shews that the 'hoop' varies in different localities
from a quarter of a peck to four pecks : but most frequently- it is the equivalent of a peck.

* The Customary edited by Sir H. Maunde Thompson contained no more than
48 chapters: c. xlvi contains a ' recapitnlatio ' only of anniversaries, and here there
is a mere fragment about Abbot Gilbert, too imperfect to be of any use (p. 589 of the
transcript in the Chapter Library). Flete must have been quoting from a copy which had
supplementary chapters, one of which dealt with the anniversaries at full length.

Gilbert Crispin

' camerarius ' we have this statement, which gives us some light on the
matter :

Extenditur autem camera ex assigaacione commendabilis memoriae abbatis
Gilberti ad vesturam et calciamentum quater viginti monachorum, praeter domnum
abbatem ; ad quae plenarie exbibenda, una cum aliis subtitulatis rebus usui fratrum
necessariis, recipit idem camerarius annuatim de pensionibus ac redditibus quater
viginti et octo libras ad minus.

Our document speaks of £70 as the annual provision ' ad cameram
et omnia quae necessaria sunt.' It is reasonable to regard that as the
provision made by Abbot Gilbert. In the middle of the 13th century
the sum had risen to £88 at the least.

The next paragraph is of interest for its references to the servants
of the monastery and to the vineyards. The newly planted vines are,
as we have seen, mentioned in the Domesday Survey: their memory
survived till recently in the name of ' Vine Street.' The last paragraph
refers to the Maundy.

It is worth while to compare this document as a whole with a some-
what parallel statement preserved in the Liber Eliensis, which refers
to the troublous period when Ranulf Flambard was extorting the last
penny fi-om the Church for his master William Rufus'.

Lib. 2, c. 136. Qmd Ranulfus quidamjussu regis annonam monachis, sed brevem,
constituit. Haec igitur sunt quae idem Ranulfus et Symeon abbas ex jussu regis
Willelmi constitueruut uno quoque anno dari ad opus fratrum. ad vestimenta
eorum septuaginta libras 2. ad coquinam eorum sexaginta libras, et ad sagimen
ducentos porcos, et porcos qui in curia pascuntur, et totum caseum et butirum,
excepto hoc quod est in firma praepositorum ; et unaquaque ebdomada septem
treias frumenti et decem treias braisii. ad luminaria monasterii, praesentem eccle-
siam cum sepultura villae, et totum quicquid pertinet ad sanctiun Botulfum cum
festivitate. et, si tantum fuerit de vino, semper habebunt in lectionibus [in] duo-
decim caritatem et in sabbato ; sin autem, medietatem medonis habebimt.

This Ely reckoning was made about 1093, and no doubt it represents
the maximum which was left to the monks when for the last seven
years of his reign the abbey was in the king's hands.

I venture the conjecture that our Westminster document represents
the allowance made to the monks when the abbey was in K. Henry's
hands from the death of Gilbert in December 1117 till the appointment
of Herbert in January 1121^. This, then, might be a copy written by

• Liher Eliensis, ed. Stewart, p. 278.

2 This is the same sum as at Westminster : at Ely there were about this time
70 monks.

s In a charter of 1121 occurs the phrase 'dum abbatia fuit in mea manu,' D. f. 58 b.

Details q/ Administration

a royal official, and left with the monks at the time when the com-
position was made.

Let us now glance at the estates which are mentioned under the
various headings. And first let us take those which are assigned to
the 'camera'; for here we have a remarkable example of monastic
conservatism. In 1381 John Lakingheth, the treasurer, assessed all
the offices of the abbey at their true value, and the Liher Niger
Quatenius gives us the estates which fiirnished to each office its
revenues^ After the mention of certain 'pensiones' from churches
which the chamberlain received, we read as follows:

Bona ejusdem camerarii in civitate London' taxautur ad xxxix li. Item in
Stebenhith, xx s. Item in Wokynton ad turm', xx s. Item in Estham Ix s. Item
in Dodinton, xii H. Item in Soleby, cii s. Item in Cippenham, 1 s. Item in Cholyngton,
xUii s. iiii d. Item in Hamme apud Ospreng, xx s. Item in Hadleya, xl s.

These 'temporalia' amount to £68. 15. 4; and, when the 'spiritualia'
above-mentioned are added in, the total comes to £74. 2. 0. We may
compare this total with the £70 of our document, and with the '£88
at the least' of Abbot Ware's Customary (c. 1266). It is not unlikely
that the estates had fallen considerably in value after the Black Death
in 1349, and some of the additional properties in the above list may
have been assigned to the chamberlain in consequence. His original
assignment was, according to our document:

Omnes redditus Lundoniae, Dodintuna, et Cillentmia, et Sippeham, et Sulebi, et
i molendinum apiid Stretfort, et Perham.

Two items of this list are gone, and five others have come in to
supply their place, in the course of two centuries and a half.

1. The mill at Stratford (co. Essex) was given to the abbey by
Ailnod of London shortly after the Conquest 2. This Ailnod was a
nephew of Suain of Essex, who was a considerable benefactor of the
abbey, and of whom we shall hear more presently^. In the chamber-
lain's roll for 1382-3, that is to say, just after the assessment made by
John Lakingheth, we discover that the mill had been in some way
alienated, and, though it had been recovered in the previous year, it
had brought in nothing, because there was no tenant :

De XX s. (due from the mill at Stratford) nil hie, quia recuperatur per breve de
Cessavit anno proximo preterito, et jacet vac'.

• Lib. Nig. Qtmt. f. 85 b, B. 140 sqq.

2 See the charter of Will. I (below, no. 2), which is of considerable interest.
» See below, pp. 49 f. and nos. 1, 2, 8.

Gilbert Crispin

The next extant roll of this office is for 1399 — 1400, and there we
read:

Nil adhuc, quia est in maiiu ballivi, et respondet de firma ejusdem compoto suo.

It had thus passed from the chamberlain to the general account of
the convent, and its rent was received by the principal treasurer, who
was also styled the bailiff.

2. Perham (Parham, co. Sussex) is mentioned in the Telligraphus
of St Edward (D. f 47), but nothing is said about the way in which
it came into the abbey. It occurs duly, however, in the Domesday
Survey. We hear of it in the latter half of Henry I's reign, when Abbot
Herbert made good his claim to it against an aggressor (D. f. 5975):

Sciatis quod abbas Herbertus...diracionavit terram de Perehametde Mapeleford
erga Herbertum filium Herberti...T'. episcopo Sarum apud Odestocam'.

In Henry II's time Peter fitz Herbert receives £100 from the abbot
and convent for the surrender of his rights. Then Abbot William
Postard assigns it to the kitchener, and presently Abbot Ralph confirms
this assignment. As all these charters (D. ff. .597 seqq.) occur under
the heading of the infirmarer, we must conclude that Parham ulti-
mately came to his office.

3. We now come to the estates which remained with the chamber-
lain. Of the London property we need not speak. We begin with
Dodintuna (Doddington, 6 m. west of Lincoln). It was given by Ailric,
and confirmed by a charter of Will. I to Abbot Vitalis^: and it appears
accordingly in the Domesday Survey. The next we hear of it is in a
charter by which Hugo de Euremou restores 'Dotinton' to the abbey.
Abbot Gilbert had given it to him in exchange for another manor,
which K. Henry afterwards took away and gave back to count Eustace
(i.e. Eustace the younger of Boulogne). Henry's charter which con-
firms the restoration of Doddington tells us that the other manor
was Ducesworthe, and that the king gave Hugo an equivalent for its
surrender^.

4. Gillentuna, or Cholyngton, as it is called in the assessment of
1381, has proved very difficult to locate. Our first completely trust-
worthy notice of it is in a charter of William I (D. f. 168) addressed to

' Cf. Hist. Ahingd. Bolls S. ii 5 : ' Herebertus filius Hereberti, i militem pro
Lechamstede x hidarum'; in a list of Abingdon knights, temp. Hen. I.

2 D. f. 524 6: 'manerium Dodinton', quod Alricus Merietisunse dedit.' In William's
'First Charter' (D. f. 50 h) : 'Dudintun...Aegelricu8 nomine filius Mergeati.'

* The texts of these charters are given below, nos. 25 and 26. For Hugo de Euremou,
who enters into the legend of Hereward 'the Wake,' see Round, Feud. Engl. pp. 159—161.

Details of Administration

Abp Lanfranc and Bp Odo, which gives to Abbot Vitalis the hunting
in the wood at Battersea, and certain properties in London and else-
where: 'et terram de Celintona, quam tenet Boselinus de Diva.' But
there is nothing here to fix its locality^. We must therefore try back
among our fictitious charters to see what the tradition about it was.
In Will. I's First Charter (D. f. 526) and in his Telligraphus (D. f. 496)
we find 'villara Cillinctune, quam prius Boselinus de Diva ei [sc.
ecclesiae] per vim abstulerat': but this notice is obviously drawn from
the charter to which we have just referred. In St Edward's First
Charter (D. f. 396) we have 'Colintuna,' which is immediately followed
by 'Cillingtune' (cf his Telligi-aphus, D. f 47): this gives us no further
light. But in the Telligraphus of Ethelred (D. I 806) we read^:

Item Aelfwine prefectus meus de Kent tres cassatas cenobio prefato pro animula
sua conjugisque largitus est in loco qui vulgo Sillingtune dicitur.

Here we have at last a hint as to where we must look. If the
king's prefect of Kent gives it for his 'poor soul,' it is probably some-
where in that county. But the Domesday Survey of Kent does not
recognise it. Yet our next mention of it would be in harmony with
such a locality: for about the year 1150 Abp Theobald requires two
aggressors to give it back to the abbey on pain of excommunication,
which shall be strictly enforced throughout the whole of England (D.
f. 681, under the heading Scripta vacua nunc):

T. dei gratia Cant' archiepiscopus, Anglorum primas, apostolice sedis legatus,
Gaufrido Batailla et Ricardo de Frachevilla, salutem. Ex parte G[ervasii] abbatis
[we have learned that] ingressi estis manerium de Chelindona, quod a tempore
Edwardi regis predicta ecclesia possedisse dicitur....

We shall see presently that, when Abp Theobald interposed on
behalf of Sulby in Lincolnshire, he required the Bp of Lincoln to strike
the aggressor with ecclesiastical censures, if need should be^ But in
the case before us he acts directly, as he must of necessity do if the
place be in his own diocese. Once more therefore we are inclined to
look to Kent, though the indications are still but slight; and there is
a Shillington and also a Chellington in Bedfordshire, and other counties
offer similar names equally attractive*.

' In the Domesday Survey for Sussex (f. 16) part of Malliuges is held by ' filius
Boselin'.'

* Comp. St Dunstan's charter, D. f. 36, where it is called SchoUiiigtune.
3 Below, p. 48.

* E.g. Kelituna (now Kenningtons), the Essex part of Keliugton, whioh is across the
river in Suffolk.

Gilbert Crispin

The 'Valor Ecclesiasticus ' of Henry VIII generally notes the county
in which a property is situated; but here our estate is missing from
the list of those held by the chamberlain; and indeed it does not
appear anywhere in the list printed in the Monasticon. Our last hope
is in the chamberlain's account roll, though it is most unusual to find
there any notes of locality. Most fortunately this case is an exception.
In the roll for 1382—3 we read:

Et de redditu de Cholyngtone in parochia de Burne, iii ii.

In the next extant roll (1399 — 1400) there is a neat erasure at this
point, but the extent of it exactly corresponds with the above words :
so that it is plain that this property was lost to the chamberlain only
a few years after the assessment of 1381.

Where then is the parish of Burne ? There is no such parish, it
seems, in Kent at the present day. But a few miles east of Canterbury
we find Bekesbourne, and six miles south-east of that is the village of
Chillenden, or Chillingden — for after a thousand years its spelling is
still open to question. When now we turn back to the Domesday
Survey, we find to our satisfaction that the neighbourhood of what is
now called Bekesbourne is described simply as Burne.

5. Sippenham (Cippenham, co. Bucks) is mentioned in a charter of
William Rufus as having come to the abbey by his father's gift. It
is confirmed to Abbot Gilbert, who had established his claim before
certain of the king's barons. Subsequently Abbot Gilbert in the last
years of his life granted it to William de Bokeland for a yearly rent of
fifty shillings, the sum which appears in the assessment of 1381. The
two charters here referred to are printed below'; the second contains
the interesting phrase, 'quando rex Angl' communiter accipiet xx solidos
de milite.'

6. Sulebi (Sulby, co. Northampton) was connected with West-
minster in K. Henry I's time, as we gather from later documents. A
writ of Archbp Theobald, apparently between 1147 and 1154, requires
Robert de Chesny, bp of Lincoln, to see that Robert Foliot restores Sulby
which he has taken away (D. f 6806); and a charter of Robert Foliot
confirms to the abbey the perpetual tenure of the manor of Sulby, for
the service of one knight, as in the time of his predecessors under
K. Henry-. In the Red Book of the Exchequer (ed. Hall), p. 331, we
read :

• No8. 9 and 37.

' ' Sciatis me et Margaretam uxorem meam . . .eodem servicio quo faciebant predecessori-
bus meis tempore regis Henrici, videlicet servicium unius militis' (D. f. 523).

Details of Administration

Carta Roberti Foliot.
De baronia Roberti Foliot de veteri fefFamento:

Abbas de Westmonasterio, i militem.

It is possible that further research may throw more light on the early
history of this property^. In later days the manor was let to Sulby
Abbey (40 Hen. Ill) for 102 shillings, the figure at which it stands
a hundred years later still in John Lakingheth's assessment.

The other properties mentioned in our document must, with one
exception, be briefly dismissed with a mere mention of their localities.
Bienflet is Benfleet, and Fan tone is Little Faunton^ in North Benfleet:
Pakelesam^ and Winetona* are Paglesham and Wenington: all these
are in co. Essex. Cumbritona-^ is Comberton, co. Worcester. Hane-
wrde and Coueley'' are Hanworth and Cowley in co. Middlesex. Tite-
birste and Merdeleya are Titeburst in Wheathampstead and Mardley,
both in CO. Hertford. Elteneya^ and Okkenduna^ are Ilteney and
Ockendon in co. Essex. Knichtebrigge is the familiar Knightsbridge.
Of Wateleya (Whatley or Wheatley, co. Essex) it is worth while to
speak more particularly.

Watelea occurs in the Domesday Survey as part of the land of Suain
of Essex. A charter of Abbot Gilbert grants it to Robert son of Suain
for sixty shillings a year, at which figure it stands in our document.
Suain had given it for his soul's sake to St Peter, and Robert with his
mother had made gift thereof on the altar of St Peter on the day of
his father's burial^.

' In a Northampton survey of the time of Hen. I, Richard Foliot is said by Dr Round
to be the heir of Guy of Renbodcurt, or Raimbercurt, a Domesday owner, see Feudal
England, 219 f. Was this Richard the father of the Robert Foliot of our charter?
According to Dugdale (Baronage), Richard's father was Robert Foliot, who married
Margery, daughter of Richard de Reincurt.

2 For confirmations of Fanton by Hen. I see below, nos. 23, 24.

3 Given by Ingulfus (Edw. Telligr. D. f. 47 h).

* This is the ' Winton ' of a charter which speaks of the church having been broken
into: see below, no. 31.

5 See the charters printed below, nos. 27, 28.

6 Cofenlea in St Dunstan's charter. D. f. 36. Under the cellarer in D. f. 469.

^ Telligr. Will. I (D. f. 49 h): ' Deinde in Eastsex' prope burgum Maldune, in Elteneie
XXX agellos arabilis terre,' given by Geoffrey de Mandeville.

* Under the cellarer in D. f. 461). Wokendune and Fering were held by Harold, and
were given by the Conqueror to the abbey as part of the exchange for Windsor (D. f. 254).
Henry's confirmation of this grant is printed below, no. 22.

9 The charter is printed below, no. 8.

R. c. 4

Gilbert Crispin

Suain of Essex was the son of Robert fitz Wimarc^ This Robert
was a staller under Edward the Confessor. He became sheriff of
Essex, and was succeeded in that office by Suain 2. Suain's son, Robert
of Essex, was the father of Henry of Essex, who lost the royal standard
in battle and forfeited his lands to K. Henry II, Wateleya, which was
a manor in the Honor of Rayleigh, thus came to the king.

Henry II's daughter Matilda was married to Henry the Lion, duke
of Saxony, in 1168. The duke was banished in 1180, and resided in
England for some years after 1182: his daughter Matilda was married
in 1189 to Geoffrey count of Perche. These facts will explain a charter
by which Geoffrey count of Perche confirms the gift of sixty shillings
annually, originally made by Suain of Essex, to be paid on Palm Sunday
for the approaching Maundy (D. f. 5206):

...ego Gaiifridus dei gracia comes de Pertico...confirmavi, consensu Matildis
uxoris mee, donacionem illam quam Swanus de Essexa, avus videlicet Henrici de
Essex' dedit... videlicet sexagiuta solidatas redditus in villa de Wateleya... perci-
piendas...dominica scilicet in Ramis palmarum, ad mandatum pauperum faciendum
proxima die Jovis.

The obligation recorded in our document thus remained attached to
the property: 'ad servicium cenae domini Ix sol' de Wateleya.'

1 Wimarc was his mother : her name is Breton, according to Dr Bound (Vict. Co.
Hist. Essex, p. 345 ; and cf. Bict. Nat. Biog. ' Eobert the Staller ').

2 Then came Ealph Baynard, and after him, at the time of the Survey, Peter de
Valognes.

V. Abbot Gilbert's Literary Remains.

The esteem in which Gilbert Crispin was held as a theologian some
thirty years after his death is strikingly illustrated by an incident
which is recounted by John of Salisbury in the Historia Pontificalis'^.
After the formal proceedings of the Council held at Rheims in 1148 by
Eugenius III were concluded, certain bishops and abbots were still
retained to consider various errors imputed to Gilbert de la Poree,
bishop of Poitiers. St Bernard gathered a private conference in his
lodging, and tried to get the consent of some influential persons to
certain positions in advance, in order to shew that Gilbert de la Poree
had contravened them and so to secure his condemnation. At this
conference there were present, as the writer could attest ('quod vidi
loquor et scribo'), Theobald abp of Canterbury, Geoffrey of Bordeaux,
Henry (Murdoc) of York, Suger abbot of St Denys, Baldwin abbot of
Castellio (Chatillon) — all of whom were now dead ; also Thomas of
Canterbury, Roger of York and many others. St Bernard asked them,
if he were wrong in opposing Gilbert de la Poree, to correct him: if
not, to defend the Church. Then he made certain propositions, which
one of his monks wrote down and read out, saying Placet vobis ? The
first was ' Quod deus est deitas, et e converse': they said Placet The
second was 'Quod tres personae sunt unus deus, et e converso': again
they said Placet, but they did not like this method of procedure. The
third was ' Quod essentia dei incarnata est, sive natura ' : once more
they gave their assent.

Quarto loco subintiilit quod quoniam deus simplex est et quicquid in deo est
deus est, proprietates personarum sunt ipsae personae, et quod pater est paternitas,
filixis est filiatio, spiritus est processio, et e converso. quae cum similiter prioribus
excepta essent et iuterrogata, surgens archidiaconus quidam Catalauuensis, scilicet
Robertu.s de Bosco, et tam voce quam manu silentium impetrans petiit hujus re-
sponsionis dilationem. audierat enim, ut dicebat, in scolis clarissimorum doctonim
fratmm Anselmi et Radulfi Laudunensium hoc fuisse quaesitum ; sed ab eis minime
receptum e.st, quia verebantiir transgredi terminos quos posuerant patres. sed nec

^ c. 8 (ed. Arndt, in Pertz's Mon. Germ. Hist. SS. xx, p. 523). I am indebted for my
knowledge of this interesting incident to Mr C. C. .J. Webb.

4—2

GUherf Crispin

Gilbertus Universalis, qui post fuit episcopus Lundonensis, nec Albericus Remeiisis,
qui post in archiepiscopum Bituris sublimatus est, hoc ob eandem causam adraittere
voluerunt: nam et ipsos audierat et super hoc interrogaverat. item, ut aiebat,
omnibus his sibi litteratiw visus est (Jillehertus abbas Westimonasterii prope Lun-
doniam, qui hoc Jiunquam concedere adquievit. cousuluit ergo ut in re tanta nou
praecipitarent sententiam, praesertim cum ab hac diffinitione tanti viri abstinu-
erint interrogati, et domnus papa praesens esset et ecclesia Romana, et ad illam
convenerant qui praestantiores esse videbantur in orbe Latino, paritum est con-
silio ejus, conventu sic soluto.

St Bernard however got at the Pope himself, and dictated a form of
words in which judgment was given : but Gilbert de la Poree consented
to correct his commentary on Boethius de trinitate accordingly, and was
acquitted.

The position which Robert du Bois assigns to Abbot Gilbert of West-
minster is very remarkable in view of the eminence of the theologians
to whom he prefers him. We have now to ask what were the writings
which gained him so great a reputation.

We shall begin by considering the evidence of certain mediaeval
lists in which his name occurs.

(1) Catalogues of the library of Bee. Although most of the manu-
scripts of Bee have perished, we fortunately possess two early lists
which are of considerable interest^ They are both reprinted in Migne
P. L. 150, col. 771 ff. from Ravaisson Rapports sur les bibliotheques des
departenients de I'Ouest, Paris, 1841 ; and a more recent edition is found
in Cat. des MSS. biblioth. publiques de France, t. il pp. 385 f.

The first belongs to the early part of the twelfth century and is
entitled ' Tituli librorum Beccensis almarii.' Here we find a volume
containing works (a) of St Chrysostom and (6) of Gilbert Crispin. The
entry is as follows :

Libri beati lohannis eognomine Chrisostomi.

In uno vol. De reparatione lapsi, lib. i. Item ejusdem ad Deraetrium de com-
punctione cordis, lib. i. Item de eadem re ad Stelechium, lib. i. Item omelia
ejusdem de subscriptione i' Psalmi. Item omelia ejusdem de i° Psalmo. Item
contra Judeum lib. Gisleberti Crispini abbatis Westimonasterii. Item ejusdem de
Simonia.cis, et de veritate corporis et sanguinis Domini. Item ejusdem sermo in
dedicatione ecclosie. Item omelia ejusdem suj^er Ciim ingressus Jesus. Item ejus-
dem epistole iii.

' For a full discussion of the subject see Histoire de I'abbaye du Bee par le Chanoine
Poree, Cur6 de Bournainville (Evreux, 1901, 2 vols.), i 91 — 94. This scholarly work, to
which I have already had occasion to refer, is written by a country parish priest in the
neighbourhood of Bernay, and is of the first importance for the study of Norman
monasticism. It deserves to be better known in England.

Literary Remains

The second list was drawn up by Robert of Torigny, when the Bee
library had received a legacy of books from Philippe d'Harcourt, bp
of Bayeux, who died in 1164. Here in a composite codex we find:
' Gislebertus contra Judeum.'

If we add the 'Vita domni Herluini abbatis,' which occurs without
the name of the author in the first list, we complete the tale of his
writings to be found in his old home at Bee in the middle of the
twelfth century,

(2) Boston of Bury. This learned librarian of St Edmund's mon-
astery expanded in the fifteenth century a catalogue of books existing
in English libraries, which had originally been drawn up by the
Franciscans^. Here we have this entry:

Gilbertus Abbas Westm floruit circa A. Ch. et scripsit

De disputatione Judaei cum
Christiano i. cum seipso
tunc Abbate ad Anselmum

Archiepiscopum Lib. i. Reverendo pronunciabatur 82. 165. 11.
De anima Lib. i. Unde infanti sub judice 168.

De casu diaboli Lib. i. De angelo honoret 168.

The numbers refer to the various libraries: 82 = Bury, 165 = Brink-
bourne, 11 = Westminster : 168 is a mistake for 165, the last number
being 167: this is proved by another entry under 'Gilbert of Swynes-
hed' in Boston's own catalogue, where we have without 'incipit' or
* explicit,' and on the authority of ' Catalogus librorum Angliae,' the
following :

De anima Lib. i 165

De casu diaboli Lib. i 163

But in the Septem Custodiae both have the number 165.

We see then that in England in the fifteenth century Gilbert was
best known by his Disputation with a Jeiv; but that two other tracts
were also supposed to be his, which were not in the Bee lists. It seems
probable that at Brinkbourne the three were to be found in one
volume.

(3) We may now supplement the information gained from these
ancient lists by the evidence of existing manuscripts. The first which

' See note by Dr M. R. James in Westminster Abbey MSS. p. 22. Tanner's Bibliotheca
gives the fullest printed information ; but I quote from transcripts made for Dr James by
Mr Rogers of the Cambridge University Library.

Gilbert Crisjnn

we shall notice shews us that the three works last mentioned were
actually to be found in one volume in the twelfth century.

i. Brit. Mus. Addit. 8166 : described in Gatal. of Romances, ll 352,
as a tall quarto, vellum, twelfth century, which ' seems to have been in-
tended to form a collection of the works of Gilbert Crispin, abbot of
Westminster.'

f. 3 begins with a table of syllogistic forms : ' Si sit a cum sit b. e. c' : followed by
interpretations of names, inc. 'Ephesus, voluntas vel consilium' (7 churches,
12 tribes, Hebrew alphabet), e.vpl. 'Tau, signum.'

f. 3 5. Disputacio Gisleherti abbatis Westmonasterii contra htxieos (see below,
pp. 60 ff.).

f. 17 6. Sermo eiusdem in ramis palmarum: Exigit solempnitas... expl. coheredes

autem Christi, cui &c.
f. 186. De angelo perdito Veritas Aic\t... expl. incircumscriptus est, cui honor et &c.

(see below, p. 72).

f. 22 6. Quod de altaris sacramento fides catholica... expl. deus et homo, cui honor

et imperium &c. (see below, p. 72).
f. 28. Poems (leonines) De confessione Crimina deploret... ; De corpore et sanguine

domini Mysterio magno....
f. 28 6. A Lyric (adonics) Ad Anselmum archiepiscopum Que modulando... (see

below, p. 83): followed by Elegiacs De creacione sex dierum Unde dies

inquam....

f. 29. Disputacio xpiani cd gentili de fide Christi edita a Oilleberto abbate West-
monasterii A duobus philosophis,.. (see below, pp. 73 ff.).

f. 37. Disputacio Gisleberti abbatis de anima Unde infanti anima... expl. sub
iudice lis est (see below, p. 72).

f. 39 6. Proverbial sayings (from A to I) : Alienum est....

f. 40. Versus eiusdem de rege querenti uxorem. The poem which follows seems to
have nothing to do with this title : it is one of two Aesopic Fables in hexa-
meters—(i) Kite in Hawk's nest, (ii) Ram in Dog's skin. These fables are fully
described in the Cat. of Romances above mentioned.

We may note that the form of the Disputation with a Jew here found
varies somewhat from the form in which the book ordinarily occurs : it
looks like a first draft, made before Anselm became archbishop ^ Possibly
the compiler of this codex had access to various literary remains of
Abbot Gilbert, and wished to make a single collection out of them ; but
some foreign matter has evidently crept in, and there is a great deal of
confusion. Nevertheless we have here a valuable addition to our know-

' See the notes to the dedicatory letter, printed below, p. 82. After the ascription of
praise which closes the book as hitherto known ('per omnia saecula saeculorum . amen.')
this MS continues: 'Ex condicto item convenimus die altero, et considentes loqui cepimus.
Kogasti ut cogitarem ac recogitarem....' New matter here follows (fif. 15 — 17 6) down to
' et scripture sacre auctoritatem esse probatur. '

Literary Remains

ledge of Gilbert's writings ; and we have certainly got the two treatises
' De anima ' and ' De casu diaboli ' of which Boston of Bury speaks.

ii. Brit. Mus. Cotton. Vesp. A. xiv : described in Gatal. of Romances,
II 529, as a small quarto, vellum, about A.D. 1200. Three MSs are here
bound up together ; and the middle one, which concerns us, is badly cut
at the bottom in binding.

1. flF. 1 — 105. Kalendar, with saints mainly Welsh; followed by lives of some.

2. f. 106. Correspondence between Gregory the Great and Augustine : from Beds,
f. 109. O. abbot of Westminster to A. abp of Canterbury: On the Holy Spirit

(see below, p. 70).
f. 111. Vision of Drihthelm, &c. : from Bede.

3. ff. 114— 179. Epp. of Alcuin, &c.

Here we have another tract of Gilbert's, oddly preserved amid alien
matter'.

iii. St Johns College, Oxford, no. 149. This codex is described in
detail in Coxe's catalogue : I shall therefore state its contents sum-
marily, only calling attention to one or two new points of interest''.
Coxe assigns it to the beginning of the thirteenth century : it may be
rather earlier : some leaves, as we shall see, are undoubtedly earlier.

f. 1. Ailred's Life of St Edward. [I have collated this with Twysden's edition : the
chapter-headings are throughout different; and it contains the story of the
devil and the money-bags, which is not in Twysden, but is to be read in
Richard of Cirencester, Spec. Hist, iv 9. Twysden got his ms from Ussher: it
is probably no. 172 in Triu. Coll. Dublin: it was a Westminster book.]

f. 59 b. Abbo's Life of St Edmund.

f. 72 b. Passion of St Kenelm.

f. 82. „ „ St Christina.

f. 91 b. „ „ SS. Faith, Hope and Charity.

f. 99. I'lidpit liber domni Gisleberti de synioniacis (see below, pp. 57 ff.. Ill — 24).

f. 111. Virtues of St Gregory of Neo-Caesarea.

f. 114. Revelations of St Elizabeth.

f. 170. Poem on B.V.M.

f. 176. Passion of St Margaret.

f. 181 b. Passion of 11,000 virgins of Cologne. [The page, by means of enlarge-
ments of the letter «, is made to end with ' pregustaret ' : the next page (182 a)

1 It was noticed by the learned authors of the Histoire Litteraire de la France in their
account of Gilbert Crispin (t. x. pp. 192—201). My attention was called to both the above-
mentioned Mss by Mr Herbert of the Britisli Museum.

2 I have to thank the President and Fellows for granting me special facilities for
consulting this ms, so that I was able to transcribe Gilbert's treatise in the abbey in which
he wrote it.

Gilbert Crispm

goes on 'ut inenarrabilcm ' in an earlier hand; and there is the remainder of a
leaf which has been cut away before this. The Passion ends on f. 191 a {ad fin.)
without an explicit: f. 191 6 is blank.]

f 192. 'Concilium remis habitum presidente papa calixto' (still the earlier hand).

f 193. Proverbial venses (returning to the hand of the first portion of the codex).

f. 198. Lections for SS. Cyriacus, &c.

f. 205 b. Scraps of proverbs, &c. by various hands, but giving no guidance a.s to the
provenance of the book.

It is a mystery how Abbot Gilbert's treatise De Simoniacis came to
be embodied in a collection of this kind. Its recovery puts an end to
an interesting speculation of H. Boehmer, in his valuable book on
' Church and State in England and Normandy in the eleventh and
twelfth centuries.' He had suggested that a tract ' De sacramentis
hereticorum,' which is the answer of a certain ' magister G.' to a ques-
tion put by a ' discipulus G.', might be the work which the Bee catalogue
ascribed to Abbot Gilbert under the title ' De simoniacis et de veritate
corporis et sanguinis domini.' The fact that the judgment of a certain
' sacer senex,' presumed to be Anselm, is referred to, and the occurrence
of Gilbert's Disputation with a Jew in the same codex, formed the
gprounds of the theory : but the highly rhetorical style of the writer
made the identification very doubtful. It need not now be further
considered ^

We pass now to consider certain works which have been wrongly
assigned to Gilbert Crispin.

(1) Homil. 47 in Cantica Canticorum. The only evidence for giving
this to our Gilbert appears to be Leland, who found a copy of it at
Wardon (Collectan. iv 12); but when he next mentions the book (as at
Peterhouse, Cambridge) he assigns it simply to ' Gilbertus monachus.'
Gerberon (Migne, P.L. 158, col. 1167) refers to these Homilies, 'quas
apud Eberbacenses exstare monet additiuncula in Trithem.' Boston of
Bury, however, attributes them to ' Gilbertus Albus monachus et abbas
de Swyneshed.' This is Gilbert of Hoyland, who was a pupil of St
Bernard and by him made a Cistercian (Tanner). There is no doubt
that this is the true attribution : for St Bernard's 86 discourses on the
Song of Songs'' end at iii 1, where his exposition was cut short by
death. Gilbert took it up at this point, but his own death cut it short
again at v 10.

1 See Boehmer, Kirche u. Staat, p. 172 ; and for the text of the tract Monumenta
Germaniue Historica, Lib. de lite in 12 — 20 (from Wolfenbiittel ma 782).
« Migne, P. L. 184, col. ii.

Literary Remains

Besides the Peterhouse ms, there is one at Trin. Coll. Dublin,
no. 117 [A. 5. 5] : ' Incipit tractatus Gisleberti abbatis super cantica.
canticorum, ab eo loco [iii 1]: In lectulo meo...Varii sunt aniantiuni
atfectus... ': 47 tractates, ending, ' qui approximant illi approxiuiant igni.
amen. Expliciunt cantica canticorum secundum magistrum Gilbertum.'

(2) Covimentary on Jeromes Prologues. Cave, Hist. Litt. i 634
(Lond. 1688), assigns to Gilbert Crispin :

Item in prologos S. Uieronymi super Biblia, ibid. [i.e. Peterhouse].
Contra peccata cogitationis, locutionis et operis, in bibliotheca privata Gualteri
Cope.

Of the second of these I know nothing. Of the first there is a
MS at Turin (Pasini, cod. mclx : f. ii 21 : saec. xiv), which on Cave's
authority is assigned to Gilbert Crispin. I have examined the Peter-
house MS (Bernard's Catal., 1754 : Dr James's, 259). On a fly-leaf in
a seventeenth century hand is written, ' Com. Gilberti in prologos
Hieronomi in Biblia.' On f 77a we find a mention of Gilbert, which
probably has led to the error : ' Incipit prologus vel potius introitus
gilberti pictagavensis in apocalipsim.' Gilbert de la Poree, bishop of
Poitiers, appears to be meant.

(3) Commentaries on Isaiah and Jeremiah, assigned to our Gilbert
by Pits, and perhaps some other expository writings so assigned, may
also with probability be given to Gilbert de la Poree.

(4) Liber de statu Ecclesiae, also assigned to our Gilbert by Pits,
belongs to 'Gilbertus Lunicensis,' bp of Limerick: see Migne, P.L. 159,
col. 995 and 1003.

Of the genuine writings of Gilbert Crispin there remain three items
in the Bee list which still elude us^ :

Sermo in dedicatione ecclesiae.
Omelia super Cu7n ingressus Jesus.
Epistolae in.

But we may feel satisfied that we have undoubtedly got nearly
everything that is mentioned on good authority as having been

' The De veritate coiporis et sanguinis domini, which follows the De Simoniacis in the
Bee list, is doubtless meant for a separate title. In Brit. Mus. Addit. 8166 (described
above) after the discussion ' de angelo perdito ' (f. 18 6) follows a discussion ' de altaris
Sacramento' which perhaps is the tract in question. There is also in the same manuscript
a poem entitled De corpore et sanguine domini, which begins: ' Mysterio magno legali
vescimur agno.' But it consists of only about twenty-five lines, and is not at all likely to
have been singled out for notice in a catalogue.

Gilbert Crisnin

written by him. The following is a summary list of his extant
works :

1. Life of Herluin: Corp. Chr. Camb., 318.

2. Disputation with a Jew : many MSS.

3. De Simoniacis : St John's, Oxf , 149.

4. De Spiritu Sancto : Vesp. A. xiv.

5. De casu diaboli :

6. De anima :

7. Sermo in ramis palmarum : J- B. M. Addit. 8116.

8. Versus ad Anselmum :

9. Disputatio Christiani cum gentili

1. The Life of Herluin, first abbot of Bee.

It is somewhat remarkable that this, which in course of time has
come to be the most important of Gilbert Crispin's works, should
never have been printed in a complete form. It is the foundation of all
our knowledge of the great Norman abbey which gave Lanfi-anc and
Anselm, and afterwards Theobald, to the archiepiscopal throne of
Canterbury ; and, as Gilbert lived at Bee for twenty-five years, and only
left it a few years after Herluin's death, his narrative has a unique
worth which careful historians have not failed to recognise. But in
truth, paradoxical as it may sound, its very value as a historical docu-
ment has involved its text in this unmerited neglect. For the writer of
Lanfranc's Life' relied almost exclusively upon it for the earlier part of
the archbishop's career, and embodied large sections of it in his bio-
graphy. When Luc d'Achery edited Lanfranc's works in 1648, he
prefixed to them the Vita Lan/ranci, and he added in an appendix
Gilbert's Vita Herluini. But in order to save repetition he did not
print the latter work in full ; and he puts us off again and again with a
disappointing ' &c.,' referring us for the omitted passages to the earlier
pages of his volume. Unfortunately the changes and additions which
the author of Lanfranc's Life had introduced make it impossible thus to
reconstruct Gilbert's work with accuracy : we are in constant danger of
ascribing to Gilbert words that he never wrote. The most striking
instance of this is the stoiy of Lanfranc's adventure with the robbers,
which is commonly supposed to have decided him to adopt the monastic
life. Of this adventure there are two somewhat different traditions.

' Milo Crispin, precentor of Bee (t c 1150) : see above, p. 18.

Literary Remains

One of them is given in the Vita Lanfranci, where it occurs in the
middle of a passage borrowed from Gilbert's work : hnt as a matter
of fact it is altogether absent from the Vita Herluini, and thus loses
what has hitherto appeared to be its most important attestation.

It is only in this mutilated form that Gilbert's Life of Herluin has
hitherto been known to scholars^. It exists in manuscript in the library
of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, in a codex (no. 318) given to
Abp Parker by the Dean of Rochester. This is a Rochester book of the
twelfth century, beginning with Ailred's Life of St Edward, and con-
taining among other pieces Eadmer's Life of St Anselm.

It is also found in a codex of the Vatican (no. 399 fonds de la reine
de Su^e), which contains the lives of the early abbots and the Chronicon
Beccense. This MS was written c. 1480 : a copy of it made by Andrd
Duchesne is in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris (lat. 5427). See
L. Delisle, Notice swr vingt manuscrits du Vatican, 1877 (extr. de la
Bibliotheque de I'^lcole des Chartes), and Por^e, Chronique duBec (1883),
p. xiv.

D'Achery probably printed his text from one of the MSS described
by Montfaucon {Bihliotheca biblioth. MSS, ii 254) as existing at Bee at
the end of the seventeenth century.

In the Historia Normannorum of William of Jumieges (1. vii, c. 22 :
Duchesne, p. 279), after a brief mention of Abbot Herluin, we read :

Si quis vero conversionem et conversationem ipsius plenius nosse desiderat,
librum qui de vita ejusdem patris venerandi elegauti sermone conscriptiis est a viro
religioso Gisleberto Crispino, po.stea abbate Westemonasterii, et tarn nobilitate
generis quam scientia saeculari et divina pollenti, perquirens relegat, in quo suffi-
cienter reperiet vmde suo desiderio satisfaciat.

In 1. vi, c. 9 of the same work (Duchesne, pp. 261 — 265) large por-
tions of Gilbert's book are actually embodied. M. Leopold Delisle,
however, writing of two MSS of W. of Jumieges at Leyden (nos. 20 and
77) in Melanges de Pal. p. 173, says that it is known that Orderic
Vitalis, c. 1130, in the abbey of St Evroul revised and completed the
work of W. of Jumieges, and that some ten years later this text was
further developed by Robert of Torigny in the abbey of Bee. This
particular chapter, commencing ' Circa haec tempora,' which concerns
the history of Bee, has long been pointed out as an interpolation by

» It is reprinted in Mabillon, Acta SS. Ord. Ben. s. vi, in Migne P. L. 150, col. 697 S.,
and by Giles (Lanfranc's Works, Oxf. 1844) : Giles knew of no us of the Vita (ibid, i 406),

Gilbert Crisjnu

Robert. In one of the Leyden MSS it has been added subsequently,
and a leaf has been inserted to make room for it.

Gilbert's work has been I'ecast in the Altera vita Herluini, printed
in the Acta SS. ordinis S. Benedicti (saec. vi, part ii, pp. 335 — 365) from
an ancient Bee codex. After the prologue, ' Quoniam Christi militis
Herluini,' &c., it begins : ' Felix in domino vir Herluinus, primus pater
et fundator Beccensis ovilis,' &c. This is to be found in a Jumieges
codex in the public library at Rouen, U. 102, saec. xii — xiii. The
writer does not mention Gilbert's name : perhaps he did not know it,
for the Vita Herluini probably circulated anonymously \ He says that
some found the old Life tasteless and others found it tedious I His
new Life, however, extends to much the same length ; and two sentences
will suffice to shew the style which he preferred : (p. 362) ' Coepit ergo
deo dignus minister digna dignis altaribus digne ministrare ' : (p. 363)
' Dux siquidem immundorum in mundum immundum egressuro im-
mundo per immunda loca immunditiae suae signaverat sero vestigial'
We may be thankful that Abbot Gilbert did not consult ' the urbanity
of the moderns ' after this fashion.

2. Disputation of a Christian and a Jew.

If it is beyond all reasonable question that the Life of Abbot Herluin
is now the most interesting and most valuable of Gilbert Crispin's
works, it was otherwise in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Far
more popular was the Disputatio Judaei cum Christiana, a controversial
work of exceptional fairness, dedicated by Gilbert to his old master
Archbishop Anselm, and in temper at any rate not unworthy of his
school.

Two copies of this book were in the Bee library in the middle of the
twelfth century, the second being part of the legacy of Philip Harcourt,
bp of Bayeux. In England Boston of Bury vouches for copies at West-
minster, Bury and Brinkbourne in the fifteenth century. The following

1 In the xiith cent, list of the Bee library it occurs in the following entry without the
name of the author : ' In uno. Dicta beati Gregorii pape super cantica, et vita domni
Herluini abbatis, et vita beati Anselmi archiepiscopi Cantuariensis ' (cf. Migne P. L. 150
col. 771 f.).

2 Prologue (p. 359) : ' Licet olim digesta sit a viro ut fertur erudito sen etiam lingua
diserto, sterilem tamen in ea prolixitatem et incompositam dictaminis barbariem moder-
norum abhorret urbanitas : praesertim cum ex uno insipida ex altero taediosa non immerito
judicetur.'

8 Cf. infra p. 95.

Literary Remains

list of existing MSS, which makes no pretence of completeness, will

shew at a glance how widely it was distributed in early times.

1. British Museum, Addit. 8166 [xii].

2. „ „ Tit. D. xvi [xii] : from St Alban's.

3. Oxford, Bodl. 839 [xii].

4. Paris, Bibl. Nat. Lat. 12,311 [xii].

5. „ „ „ Lat. 14,858 [xii].

6. Troyes, 423 [xii].

7. Valenciennes, 249 [xii] : from St Amand.

8. Rouen, 1174 (fragm.) [xii].

9. Evreux, 4 [xii] : from abbey of Lyre.

10. Munich, Lat. 14,509 (fragm. init.) [xii].

11. „ Lat. 324 [xiii].

12. Wolfenbiittel, 782 [xii] : from Lampspring.

It was printed by Dom Gabriel Gerberon in his great edition of
St Anselm in 1675 ('In ms. biblioth. Remig. B. 10, et ex ms. Victorino
cc. 9, et ex ms. San-Germanensi '). It is reprinted in Migne, P. L. 159,
col. 1005 flf.

In the Bihliotheca Patrum, Lugd. xx, p. 1884, there is printed under
the name of William de Champeaux a treatise entitled Altercatio
Christiani cum Judaeo de fide Catholica. This is preceded by an epistle
dedicatory to Alexander, bp of Lincoln, which is closely parallel to
Gilbert's letter of dedication to St Anselm^ : and the opening sentences
of the dialogue itself bon-ow thoughts and phrases from the beginning
of Gilbert's work, though presently the writer takes an independent line
of his own.

William de Champeaux (de Gampellis) is a notable figure in the
history of philosophy at the beginning of the twelfth century : he was
for a time the teacher of Abelard, and he afterwards became bishop of
Chalons-sur-Mame. It is exceedingly unlikely that he should have
written such a treatise as that which we are considering. Indeed the
only reason for referring it to him appears to be its occurrence in a
' codex Catalaunensis.' Now William of Champeaux is said to have died
in Jan. 1121 ; and, even if this be Jan. 1122 of our reckoning, we cannot
escape an anachronism : for Alexander was nominated to the bishopric
of Lincoln at the Easter court of 1123, and was consecrated in the
following July.

1 This letter, which is anonymous, is printed at the end of Gilbert's Dispntatio in
Migne, P. L. 159, col. 1036.

Gilbert Crispin

We may with probability attribute the work to some English
admirer of Gilbert's treatise, who wished to ingratiate himself with
a powerful bishop. But it does not reflect Gilbert's modest and gentle
spirit. It is worth while to read the two works together in order to see
how much Gilbert rises above the ordinary controversialist of his day.
The later writer is evidently dissatisfied with the leniency with which
the earlier writer treats his opponent. He is determined to secure the
victory for the Christian disputant: he substitutes threatenings for
arguments, and overwhelms his opponent with New Testament quota-
tions : it is obvious that he is writing a book rather to please Christians
than to convert Jews.

As Gilbert's Disputatio is not here reprinted, it will be well to give
some account of it in detail. It is not cast in the form of a conversa-
tional dialogue, but consists of seven set speeches on either side ; those
of the Jew, who raises the objections, being much shorter than those of
the Christian, who has to make somewhat elaborate replies, and also to
carry on a counter-attack. The whole treatment is eminently fair : the
difficulties propounded by the Jew are genuine difficulties, and to some
of them a fully satisfactory reply cannot easily be given. There is no
loss of temper on either side, and at the end there is no token of sur-
render and no note of triumph.

That the Christian position was sufficiently maintained from the
standpoint of the early middle ages is shewn by the wide and rapid
circulation of the book, and by the fame which Gilbert acquired by
means of it. And that his kindly reasonableness was not without
immediate effect we may gather from the closing paragraph of his
dedicatory letter to St Anselm. For, while he does not claim to have
influenced his learned opponent, who had been educated at Mainz, he
says that a London Jew by God's mercy had been converted at West-
minster, had there made public profession of his faith and received
baptism, and had enrolled himself in Christ's service as a monk of
Gilbert's own abbey.

A few quotations will serve to shew how keen a disputant Gilbert
had to deal with, and will also bring out some minor points of interest
which lie buried in a treatise that not many people are likely to read.

(1) The Jew makes his own position clear: he believes Christ to
have been a great prophet ; he will even, he says, ' believe Christ ' ; but
he will not ' believe in Christ,' but only in the One God :

Christum credo prophetara quidem omni virtutum praerogativa excellentissi-
mum, et Christo credain ; sed in Christum neque credo, neque credam ; quia non

Literary Remains

credo nisi in deum, et unum. Audi, inquit, Israel, deus tuus deus unus est : unus,
non triplex, sicut vos Christiani et negando dicitis et dicendo negatis

(2) Quoting Isa. ii. 3, he contrasts the invitation to ' go up to the
house of the God of Jacob ' with the Christian custom of calling
churches by the names of saints:

Alii vestrum dicunt, Eamus ad domum Petri ; alii, Ad domum Pauli ; alii, Ad
domum Martini : nuUi vero dicunt, Eamus ad domum dei lacob (col. 1012).

In his reply Gilbert says :

Quod autem dicere nos arguitis, Eamus ad domum Petri, eamus ad domum
Pauli, ad domum Martini; nullus qui sane sapit hoc ita dictum esse intelligit.
nullam quippe domum Petro seu Paulo facimus, sed in honorem atque memoriam
Petri seu Pauli deo eam condimus. nec ulli pontificum fas est dicere in con-
secrationibus ecclesiarum, Tibi Petro, seu Paulo, banc domum vel hoc altare
consecramus : sed, Tibi deo in honorem Petri, seu Pauli, banc domum vel hoc
altare consecramus. propterea vero haec domus potissimum appellatur domus dei
Jacob, ac specialius nominatur Jacob, quia primus omnium legitur Jacob deo
instituisse banc domum. Erexit, inquit, Jacob lapidem in titulum, fundens oleum
desuper; et dixit, Vere locus iste sanctus est: et enumeratis quae viderat caelesti-
bus mysteriis obstupefactus addidit, Quam terribilis est locus iste, non est hie
aliud nisi domus dei et porta caeli. domus ergo dei nostri est domus dei Jacob,
quia deum quem colimus coluit Abraham quoque Isaac et Jacob, in hac domo dei
cotidie divinus sermo recitatur, populus fidelis quae bona appetat et quae mala
fugiat edocetur, ac simul quae appetendorum sint praemia et quae mala quae
agxmtur poena comitetui" (col. 1014).

(3) Speaking of the prophecy of Emmanuel, the Jew says :

Animo libenti accipimus de Christo dictum, Et vocabitur nomen ejus Nobiscum
deus : hoc est, tantae dignitatis et gratiae erit apud deum, ut in eo et per eum
dominus, id est domini virtus, sit nobiscum. numquid quotiens ad vestrarum
solemnia missarum dicitis, Dominus vobiscum, statim consequitur ut deus homo
fiat, vel in turba homo factus consistat?

(4) From the scheme of the Atonement which Gilbert sets out at
length in col. 1021 ff. (beginning, 'Nosti quoniam Genesis...), one
passage may here be given :

Quod si novus vel aliunde natus homo, seu angelus factus homo, hominem
liberaret, non sic ad pristinum dignitatis ingenitae statum restitui posset, cum
enim angelis homo par creatus, non natura sed rationis et concessae libertatis
gratia, soli deo creatori ad serviendum obnoxius erat, ad eundem libertatis statum
seu per hominem seu per angelum restitui non valebat : a quo enim quis a servitute
redimitur, ei ad serviendum obnoxius esse judicatur. quia ergo per alium plena

1 Migne, P. L. 150, col. 1011. In the following quotations 1 have corrected the text
from Brit. Mus. Addit. 8166 and Titus D. xvi.

Gilbert Crispin

hominis restitutio fieri non valebat, necesse fuit ut creator creaturae subveniret,
creaturam creator subiret, ut per ipsum creatorem homo restitutus soli creator! ad
serv-iendum obnoxius remaneret, et hostis jure ditionem supra genus humanum
habitam amitteret. nihil enim in Christo suum hostis invenerat, qui neque in
iniquitatibus conceptus erat, neque in peccato partus fiierat, neque ullam prorsus
peccati maculam vivendo contraxerat. quia igitur praesuniptione injusta mors in
eum feriendo deliquit, in quo nihil suum reppererat, nil omnino juris habebat ;
jure amisit earn jurisdictionem quam peccato primi hominis in hominera primum
ejusque posteritatem obtinuerat (col. 1023).

The first half of this passage finds a close parallel in the fifth chapter
of the first book of the Cur Deus Homo : but it may be questioned
whether Gilbert would have written the latter part after the publica-
tion of that work, which Anselm finished during his exile at Capua
in 1098. For Anselm had perceived the objection to admitting any
' claim ' of the devil {ibid. ll, c. 7), and had lifted the whole question
into a higher region.

(5) The Jew has already complained of the violence done to the
Scriptures by the determination of the Christians to find everywhere
prophecies of Christ. In the following passage he recurs to this topic,
and then proceeds to challenge the text of the Old Testament which
Christians use.

Si fas est Christianis hoc modo scripturas de Christo legere et interpretari,
multo plura invenietis quae ita quoquo modo poteritis interpretari. nos vestras
litteras uescimus, et fortasse multa dicitis esse apud vos scripta quae apud nos
scripta esse non credimus. sed si deus mibi et tibi vitam praestare voluerit, majori
otio ad te revertar, librorum conferemus et apud nos et apud vos exemplaria, et
ista requiremus exempla. ipse quidem fateor summae ineptiae, immo dementiae,
esse sen me seu te contra evidentia scripturarum exempla et auctoritates resistere ;
et idcirco ad praesens non est opus te ulterius disputando procedere. nam revera
vos Christian! multa profertis de lege et prophetis, quae non sunt scripta in lege et
prophetis. illud enim quod de Jeremia posuisti: Post haec in terris deus visus
est, et cum hominibus conversatus est {Barmh iii 38), multaque huic versui
superius annexa, Jeremias non dixit, non scripsit. quod si hoc in Jeremia scriptum
esse inveneris, caetera veracissime dicta esse concede; si autem in Jeremia non
inveneris, depone tantam adversum nos animositatem ; erubesce adinventam contra
nos falsitatem, et agnosce primam permanere apud nos in lege et prophetis veritatem
(col. 1026).

This is a dignified rebuke. It is followed up by a challenge of
the famous prophecy of Isaiah (vii 14), ' Ecce virgo concipiet,' where he
says that the meaning is not ' virgo,' but ' abscondita ' : and he adds
that, even if the rendering ' virgo ' be admitted, he cannot allow the
Christian gloss of the perpetual virginity.

Literary Remains

Nam et illud quod universi vos Christiani ore tarn securo adversum nos pro-
fertis: Ecce virgo concipiet et pariet filium, Isaias non dixit, non scripsit; sed
tantum, Ecce, inquit, abscondita concipiet et pariet filium. tamen si hoc ipsum
dixisset Isaias quod dicitis, Ecce virgo concipiet et pariet filium, non tamen addidit
quod vestra ex parte additis, quod virgo in conceptu mansit et post partum virgo
permansit. hoc nec Isaias dixit, nee ullus alius propheta (col. 1027).

(6) Gilbert clearly knows no Hebrew, and he falls back on the
Septuagint translators as unbiassed witnesses of the true text. But the
Jew on his part knows nothing of any Seventy, except the elders whom
Moses set to rule the people. The discussion (col. 1027 f) is too long
to quote ; but it has an interest of its own, and it is noteworthy that
Gilbert makes no reference to the work of St Jerome.

(7) The last objection raised by the Jew is interesting for its refer-
ence to the Christian art of the day : it may even have been suggested
by a 'Majesty' in Gilbert's new refectory. The Christian has quoted
the passage : ' Confundantur omnes qui adorant sculptilia et qui glori-
antur in simulacris suis ' ; and the Jew replies :

Ex hac igitur tua illatione colligi potest, Confundantur et Christiani ; quia et
Christiani adorant sculptilia et gloriantur in simulacris suis. ipsum etenim deum
effigiatis aliquando miserum pendentem in patibulo, cruci clavis aflfixum (quod ipso
etiam visu horrendum est), idque adoratis; et circa crucem efifigiatis semipuerum
solem nescio unde exterritum et fugientem, lunam semipuellam lugubrem, semum-
que lucis suae cornu occultantem. aliquando autem deum effigiatis sublimi solio
sedentem manuque porrecta signantem; et circa eum, quasi magno dignitatis
praestigio', aquilam et hominem, vitulura et leonem. has effigies Christiani ex-
sculpunt, fabricant et depingunt unde possunt et ubi possunt, et adorant et colunt :
quod lex a deo data omnimodo fieri vetat (col. 1034).

Gilbert's defence is good. He reminds the Jew of the cherubim in
the temple (1 Kings vi 29), and of the twelve oxen which supported
the laver (1 Kings vii 23—25). He justifies the evangelic symbols
from the Old Testament itself (Ezek. i 10) ; and he distinguishes care-
fully between the adoration of God and the adoration of the Cross.

Facimus deo picturas, facimus deo caelaturas, facimus et sculpturas ; sed divine
cultu nec adoramus nec colimus eas. nam ipsam crucem, quam crucem sanctam
dicimus, utique lignum non deum esse dicimus, nullamque in se aut ex se virtutem
habere eam dicimus : at postquam benedictione pontificali sanctificatur in memo-
riam dominicae passionis, jam crucem non divino sed debito venerationis cultu
attollimus, adoramus et colimus ; sicut in psalmo dicitur, Adorate scabellum pedum
ejus, quoniam sanctum est (col. 1035).

As Gilbert's dedicatory letter, which speaks of the visits paid him
on matters of business by the Jew who had been educated at Mainz,
' Addit. 8166 has 'presagio': but Ducange gives praestigiitvi=praete.Ttum.
K. C. 5

Gilher-t Crispin

and also of the conversion of a London Jew, gives us what is perhaps
the earliest historical reference to Jews resident in England, we may-
quote here the passage in which William of Malmesbury informs us
that the Conqueror had brought them from Rouen and settled them
in London. Writing of William Rufus, he says:

Insolentiae vel potius inscientiae contra deum hoc fuit signum. Judaei qui
Londoniae habitabant, quos pater a Rothomago illuc traduxerat, eum in qiiadam
solempnitate adierunt xeuia ofFerentes : quibus delinitus ausus est animare ad
conflictum contra Christianos. Per vultum, ait, de Luca ! pronuntians quod si
vicissent in eorum sectam transiret.

Thus William of Malmesbury wrote in the first edition of his Oesta
Regum, about the year 1125: but some ten years or more afterwards,
when in a new recension he softened down many of his more piquant
statements, he recast the passage as follows :

Insolentiae in deum Judaei suo tempore dedere indicium : semel apud Rotho-
magum, ut quosdam ab errore suo refugas ad Judaismum revocarent, muneribus
inflectere conati ; alia vice apud Londoniam, contra episcopos nostros in certamen
animati, quia ille ludibundus, credo, dixisset quod si vicissent Christianos apertis
argumentationibus confutatos in eorum sectam transiret. magno igitur timore
episcoporum et clericorum res acta est, pia sollicitudine fidei Christianae timentium.
et de hoc quidem certamine nihil Judaei praeter confusionem retulerunt, quamvis
multotiens jactarint se non ratione sed factione superatos.

Here the ' insolence ' of Rufus has become the ' insolence ' of the
Jews : Rouen is mentioned only as the scene of an attempt to recover
converts by bribery ; and the writer directs his sarcasm at the bishops
who tremble at the possible issue of an open debated

The kindly feeling of St Anselm towards converted Jews is shewn
by a letter which he writes to Ernulf the prior of Christ Church,
Canterbury [1096—1107], and William the archdeacon of Canterbury,
bidding them see to the welfare of a convert named Robert :

Ut ea hilari pietate et pia hilaritate, qua omnes Christiani debent occurrere et
subvenire de Judaismo ad Christianitatem fugienti, curam habeatis hujus Roberti,
ne ulla indigentia vel occasione quam avertere possimus cogatur paenitere, qui
propter Christum parentes suos et legem eorum reliquerit.... Ordinate itaque vos,
domne prior, de eleemosyna, non per servientes (qui plus quaerunt quae sua sunt
quam quae dei sunt), sed per monachum eleemosynarium ; et vos, domine Willelme,
ex his quae mihi ex archidiaconatu servare debetis, quatenus ille cum familiola sua
nullam duram patiatur indigentiam, sed gaudeat se de perfidia transiisse ad veram

» W. of Malmesb. Gesta Regum, Rolls S. ii 371. The outrageous conduct of Kufus in
taking the bribes and terrifying the converted Jews into renunciation of their new faith is
passed over by this writer: but it is told at full length by Eadmer, Hist. Nov. Rolls S. 99 ff.

Literary Remains

fidem, et probet ex ipsa nostra pietate quia fides nostra propinquior est deo quam
Judaicai.

Gilbert's book is written in the spirit of his master, and it is a book
that was plainly called for by the circumstances of the time.

3. De Simoniacis.

Gilbert's treatise De Simoniacis deals with a burning question
of the day, and administers a quiet rebuke to many angry and foolish
words which were being spoken about it. Herbert Losinga, the other-
wise excellent bishop of Norwich, had paid a large sum to William
Rufus for his appointment : he had afterwards gone to Rome and with
a deep sense of repentance resigned his office into the Pope's hands:
he had been absolved and reinstated. Several English abbots were
charged with simony at the Council of Westminster in 1102, and were
deposed by Anselm. Moreover the struggle regarding Investitures was
represented by the reforming party as a crusade against simony. Theo-
logical confusion had been introduced, and the minds of pious people
had been upset, by some who taught that the sacraments administered
by simoniacally ordained persons were no sacraments at all, and that
the blessing of such persons was a curse.

The subject was mixed up with high politics as well as with
common Christian duties. It needed to be dealt with on its merits : as
a question of theology it called for a calm and even academic treatment.
Gilbert wisely refuses to consider what is, so to say, only constructive
simony: he limits himself to simony in its proper sense, that is, the
giving of money in order to obtain holy orders ^ We need not here
trace his argument. It is enough to say that his method is absolutely
fair : he sets out the severer view first, in terms which could hardly be
improved on by its advocates; and then he confronts it with obvious
facts, with the judgments of authority, and with delicate reasonings.
He undertakes no more than to state the case on either side for
Anselm's judgment. The tract ends abruptly without any peroration.
It is as though he had asked a question, and then waited. But there

• Ans. Epp. Ill 117.

^ The curious phraseology 'munus a manu, munus ab officio' is explained by a passage
of Gregory (Horn, in Evanp. i 4. 4) : ' Unde bene, cum justum virum describeret propheta,
ait: Qui excutit manus suas ab omni munere (Isa. xxxiii 15). neque enim dicit, Qui
excutit manus suas a munere ; sed adjunxit ab omni : quia aliud est munus ab obsequio,
aliud munus a manu, aliud munus a lingua, munus quippe ab obsequio est subjectio
iudebite impensa, munus a manu pecunia est, munus a lingua favor.'

5—2

Gilbert Crispin

can be no doubt as to his own position. The unworthiness of the
minister, in his view as in ours, hinders not the effect of the sacraments,
'which be effectual, because of Christ's institution and promise, although
they be ministered by evil men^.'

Abbot Gilbert dwells much on the arguments urged against the
validity of the sacramental ministrations of simoniacal persons in a
book which he knew as the ' De observatione episcoporum ' of Ambrose.
It is clear from the way in which he quotes from it that he has not a
copy before him as he writes ; for he prefaces his quotation by saying,
'si non eisdem verbis, eodem omnino sensu ista dicit.' In the Bee
library there were two copies of 'Ambrosius de observantia episco-
porum'; and we may safely assume that Gilbert was relying on his
recollection of one of these, and that he failed to reproduce the exact
title of the work.

The book is printed in the appendix to the works of St Ambrose
(Migne, P.L. xvii, col. 567: but in the reprint of Migne it is trans-
ferred to Gerbert's works) under the title De dignitate sacerdotali. Its
editor remarks that, though almost every manuscript of it has a dif-
ferent title, they all with one single exception assign it to St Ambrose,
to whom as internal evidence shews it cannot, in his opinion, possibly
belong. The single exception seems to point to the true authorship :
Sermo Gilberti philosophi, papae urbis Romae, qui cognominatus est
Silvester, de informatione episcoporum. It is accordingly assigned to
that remarkable personage, Gerbert, who as Pope Silvester occupied
the Roman see from A.D. 999 to 1003.

Unfortunately for this theory a large quotation from the treatise is
made by Abbo of Fleury in his Apologeticus, addressed to the kings
Hugh and Robert, the former of whom died in 996 : and Abbo gives
as its author 'beatus Ambrosius in sermone pastorali^.' Pfluck-Hart-
tung, who has pointed this out, gives back the tract to St Ambrose^;
and supposes that Gerbert may have worked it up for his own purposes
in the considerably modified form in which it appears in the one
exceptional MS which bears his name, and from which Mabillon edited
the text in Vetera Analecta, ii 103 ff. The reasons offered for the
Ambrosian authorship are by no means strong: possibly they are
capable of being reinforced. It should at any rate be noted that the
biblical quotations point to a pre-Hieronymian text.

1 See Article xxvi. 2 jiigng p. L. 139, col. 466.

* Neues Archiv der Gesellgchaft fur die dltere deutsche Geschichtskunde, i 587 £f.

Literary Remains

The first half of the book is mainly an exposition of St Paul's
description of a bishop's qualifications: the second half is a vigorous
denunciation of the simony which was everywhere current in the
author's day. How shamelessly the practice was defended appears
from his statement that a bishop would say: It is true that I paid
the archbishop so much for my consecration: but otherwise I should
never have become a bishop at all. If I live, I shall ordain priests
and deacons, and out of the proceeds I shall rectify my account, so that
in the end I shall be able to say, See ! my bishopric cost me nothing !

The words which Gilbert gives as conveying the author's arguments
do not occur together in the treatise, but are scattered over a con-
siderable passage which is of sufficient interest to be quoted in fulP.

Ita ut videas in ecclesia passim quos non merita sed pecuniae ad episcopatus
ordinem proveserunt: nugacem populum et indoctum, qui talem sibi adsciverunt
sacerdotem. quos si percunctari fideliter velis, quis eos praefecerit sacerdotes,
respondent mox et dicunt : Ab archiepiscopo sum nuper episcopus ordinatus, cen-
turaque ei solidos dedi ut episcopalem gratiam consequi meruissem : quos si minime
dedissem, hodie episcopus non essem : imde melius est mihi aurum de sacello
invehere quam tantum sacerdotium perdere. aurum dedi et episcopatum com-
paravi : quos tamen solidos, si vivo, recepturum me ilico non difl&do. ordino presby-
teros, consecro diaconos, et accipio aurum : nam et de aliis nihilominus ordinibus
pecuniae quaestum profligare confido. ecce et aurum quod dedi in meo sacello
recepi: episcopatum igitur gratis accepi.

Nempe hoc est quod doleo, quia archiepiscopus carnaliter episcopum fecit, nam
propter pecunias spiritaliter leprosum ordinavit. Pecunia, inquit, tua tecum sit
in perditionetn ; quia donum sancti spiritus gratiae pretio comparasti, et commercium
miserabile in animarum exitium peregisti. et nescii homines et indocti in ordi-
nationibus eonun clamant et dicunt, Dignus es et Justus es ; et conscientia misera,
Indignus es et injustus es, dicit. pronuntiat enim episcopus hujusmodi ad popu-
lum dicens : Pax vobis. oculis quidem carnalibus videtur quasi episcopus magnus,
et divinis obtutibus inspicitur leprosus magnus. per pecuniam acquisivit indebitum
ordinem, et apud deum perdidit interiorem hominem. caro suscepit dignitatem,
et anima perdidit honestatem. caro ancilla domina facta est animae, et anima quae
erat domina facta est famula carnis. caro dominatur popidis, et anima servit
daemoni. carni sacerdotium comparavit, et animae detrimentum paravit. et quid
prodest hujusmodi homini, si totum mundum lucretur et animae suae detrimentum
patietur? aut quam dabit homo commutationem pro anima sua? quod dedit cum
ordinaretur episcopus aurum fuit, et quod perdidit anima fuit. cum alium ordi-
uaret, quod accepit pecunia fuit, et quod dedit lepra fuit haec sunt mercimonia
iniquorum in pemiciem eorum.

Interrogo tamen fratrem et coepiscopum nostrum, quia et ego episcopus sum et

1 The first portion is in fact that which Abbo quotes, introducing it with the words :
'Beatus Ambrosius in sermone pastoraU, flendo potiua quam ridendo, post multa
subjuugit.'

Gilbert Crispin

cum episcopo loquor. Die ergo mihi paulisper, frater episcope : cum dares pecuniam,
quid accepisti ? Gratiam episcopalem accepi. Ergo interrogo te : Haec gratia cur
tali vocabulo nuncupatur? respondet: Cur, inquis? ut reor, pro eo quod gratis
datur, ideo gratia vocitatur. Ergo si gratia gratis datur, et auro non aestimatur,
a te cur gratia pecuniis comparatur? respondet : Non, inquit, mihi daretur, si
pecuniis non emeretur ; nec episcopus fuissem ordinatus, si pecunias non dedissem.
Ergo, ut apparet ex responsionibus tuis, gratiam cum ordinareris non suscepisti,
quia gratuito eam non meruisti. et ideo, frater, si gratiam non accepisti, quomodo
episcopus effici potuisti ? nam et ad discipulos suos dominus dicit : Gratis accepistis,
gratis date, cur ergo gratuitam aestimasti te pretio possidere gratiam? nam, ut
video, aurum dans perdidisti, et gratiam sanctam non acquisisti.

Adhuc tamen semel adiciens fratrem perquiro episcopum, ne quid de approba-
mentis veridicis nos praetermisisse videamur : Quis dat, frater, episcopalem gratiam ?
deus an homo ? respondes sine dubio : Deus. sed tamen per hominem dat deus :
homo imponit manus, deus largitur gratiam : sacerdos imponit supplicem dexteram,
et deus benedicit potenti dextera : episcopus initiat ordinem, et deus tribuit digni-
tatem. 0 justitia, o aequitas ! si homini pecunia datur, qui nihil in ordine amplius
operatur nisi solum servitium quod ei creditur, cur deo totum negatur, qui ipsum
ordinem tibi largitur? justumne tibi videtur ut servus honoretur, et dominus
injuriam patiatur; et injuste accipiat sacerdos pecuniam, et deus patiatur ab
homine injuriam ? sed quia pro concesso ordine deus a te nihil exspectat, cur a te
sacerdos pecuniam impudenter exspectat? deus homini concedere voluit gratis, et
episcopus rapax pecuniam ab homine expetit : deus homini, ut certe benignus,
gratis donavit, et sacerdos malignus eum sine causa praedavit. quid enim hahes
quod non accepisti? si autem accepisti, quid gloriaris, quasi non acceperis ?

It will be found that Abbot Gilbert recalls not only the arguments
of this striking passage, but also nearly every one of its biblical quota-
tions^. He puts its reasonings very succinctly, and they lose little by
his abbreviation. He was prepared to give them full weight, but he was
convinced that there was another side to the question, and that the
ecclesiastical problem could not be settled by such arguments alone.

4. De Spiritu Sancto.

Our only knowledge of this treatise is derived from the Cottonian MS
mentioned above (p. 55). That it is a genuine work of Gilbert Crispin
will, I think, scarcely be questioned. The opening and closing para-
graphs are strong evidence of his authorship, and incidental confirmation

' Gilbert frequently quotes scripture loosely. He has a wide knowledge of the Bible,
and he obviously trusts his memory in many of his quotations. In citing the text ' Quod
tetigerit immundus immundum erit,' he has reproduced the form in which Pope Innocent
bad quoted it in a passage immediately preceding that which is afterwards given in this
book. The Vulgate has (Num. xix 22) 'Quidquid tetigerit immundus immundum faciet' :
but Aug. Quaest. xxxiii de Num. (ad Jin.) has ' Omne quodcunque tetigerit illud inmundus
inmundum erit' [LXX larai].

Literary Remains

of this view is furnished by several other passages within the brief
compass of the tract. It begins with the following dedicatory letter
to Archbishop Anselm :

Domino et patri revereiulo ecclesiarum Angliae pastori A., frater G. abbas
Westmoiiasterii, quicquid rectori subditus potest optare jocundius.

De sacris paginis imdecunque apud nos sit quaestio, controversiae finis est ut
determinationi vestrae nostra committatur altercatio. quaerunt aliqui de spiritu
sancto, non id an deus sit : nam omnes Christiani credunt quia deus est pater, deus
est filius, deus est spiritus sanctus : sed qua relatione seu habitudine sanctus
spiritus dicatur patria et filii esse spiritus. quicquid enim id quod est alterius
dicitur esse, aliqua specie habitudinis ab eo necesse est id quod est esse, sub
persona igitm* interrogantis magistri et respondentia discipuli tractetur, quaeso,
haec nostra disceptatio.

M. Primo discutiamus an indubitanter dici et astrui possit, quod sanctus spiritus
dicatur patris et filii esse spiritus : deinde inquiramus qua habitudine id esse
dicatur.

D. Non fit quaestio inde, nec alicui fas est inde dubitare. audi ab ipso
Christo dictum ad discipulos : Non enim vos estis qui loquimini, sed spiritus patms
vestri....

M. Pace tua dictum sit, non videtxir id adhuc posse concludi. numquid enim
quando ait apostolus: An experimentum vultis ejus qui in me loquitur Christxis?
intelligi voluit quod in eo personaliter loquebatur Christus \ sed loquitur in apostolo
Christus, quando apostolus ea loquitur quae loeutus est Christus....

Several other proof texts are alleged, but the master refuses to
be satisfied, and forces his pupil to a more thoughtful consideration.
Presently, after the pupil has come to the end of a long piece of reason-
ing, the master replies:

M. Ne tacitumitate mea aliquod mihi praejudicium fiat, unam harum con-
sequentiaram concedo, alteram concedere non audeo ; sed induxisti nos in laqueum
et in condensam silvam quaestionum....

A careful discussion follows, in which the master refuses to accept
the loose argumentation of the pupil in reference to the Procession of
the Holy Spirit ; and the pupil in despair challenges him to remove the
stumbling-blocks which he has placed in the way of his faith. More
accurate definition follows, and at the end the pupil presses a new
question as to why the Incarnation of the Son should not involve the
Incarnation of the Father and the Spirit also. Here however the master
checks him, and closes the discussion:

M. Noli altum sapere sed time ; et oportet te ad sobrietatem sapere^.

D. Fateor me sapere ad sobrietatem, quia indubitanter credo esse et trinitatem
in unitate et unitatem in trinitate : et, si non intelligo id quomodo sit, credo tamen
firmissime quia sit.

» Eo. xi. 20, xii. 3.

Gilbert Crispin

We shall presently see that the phrase ' Pace tua dictum sit ' occurs
in a somewhat similar context at the beginning of the tract De cam
diaholi. The illustration of the Holy Trinity by the Nile (which is
'fons, rivus et lacus/ and yet not three Niles, but one Nile) is found
both in this tract and in the Disputation with a Gentile.

Gilbert draws to a considerable extent upon St Augustine De
Trinitate. The following references may be of use to a future student of
his work : De Trin. v 10 [ed. Ben. viii 838] 'Tamen cum quaeritur quid
tres, magna prorsus inopia humanum laborat eloquium. dictum est
tamen t?-es peisonae, non ut illud diceretur, sed ne taceretur': vi 12
[ib. 851] 'oportet igitur — apparet vestigium': vii 7 858] ' et dum
intelligatur saltem in aenigmate quod dicitur, placuit ita dici — verius
enim cogitatur deus quam dicitur, et verius est quam cogitatur.'

5 — 8. Minor pieces.
The treatise De casu diaholi begins thus :

Interrogatio. De angelo perdito Veritas dicit in evangelio : In veritate non
stetit....

Responsio. Pace tua dictum sit, res confuse et permixta ponis...
This topic is soon followed by questions on freewill, man's creation
to supply the place of the fallen angels, and the use of ' unitas ' and
' numerus ' in respect to the godhead. Presently we pass without any
clear break in the manuscript to a discussion of the Eucharist (see
above, p. 57 note):

Quod de altaris sacramento fides catholica credit et tenet, teneo et credo : scilicet
quod panis et vinum quae ofFeruntur sacerdoti ad consecrandum, per sacerdotalem
consecrationem fiunt substantialiter corpus et sanguis Christi, manente priori forma
et qualitate panis et vini. credo item et teneo quod ipsum corpus Christi, quod ab
altari sumptum comeditur, resurgens a mortuis jam non moritur, et nulla comestionis
lesione corrumpitur. credo item et teneo quod uuum et idem numero est corpus
hoc et illud..., Quaero itaque utrum haec, quae fide indubitata ita credimus esse,
aliqua ipsius naturae potentia ita posse esse possimus demonstrare....

The little tract De anima is a modest enquiry as to the origin of the
soul of an infant. The creationist and traducianist hypotheses are dis-
cussed in simple language, and the preference is given to the latter, not
on any grounds of philosophy, but for the reason that the theory of the
atonement requires that the soul of Christ should have its ultimate
derivation from the soul of the first man Adam. If the one stood in
no relation to the other, it is inconceivable how the suffering of the one
should atone for the sin of the other. The difficulty that original sin

Literary Remains

would have thus been transmitted to the soul of Christ is met in the
following noteworthy sentences:

Sola consilii siii sapientia deus ex nichilo creavit omnia, qui ergo ex non
existentibus fecit existentia, ex ipsa jam exiatenti materia potest assumere massam
de massa sine assumptae alicujiis infectionis macula, de came peccati cum peccato
sumpta est caro beatae Mai-iae matris Christi : tamen de ipsa came matris Christi
sumpta est sine peccato caro Christi. si hoc ipsum de anima vult facere omni-
poteutia dei, potest si vult ex anima de traduce peccati sumpta aliam sumere
animam de eadem massa sine peccati culpa et fermenti macula.

These words shew that on a question which was to be much debated
in the next generation Gilbert held the same view as his master
Anselm.

The tract has interest also for its simple statements on the Atone-
ment. As to the main question which he has proposed, Gilbert only
professes to have answered it in a tentative manner: 'de hac quaestione
multi multa dixerunt atque scripserunt ; sed adhuc manet illud dictum
antiquum : Grammatici certant, et adhuc sub judice lis est.'

The Sermon for Palm Sunday begins :

Exigit solempnitas hodiema...et processionis sacrae facies insolita, ut de Sacra-
mento hujus diei dicamus vobis prout deus dederit....

The Versus ad Anselmum are printed below, p. 83.

9. Disputation of a Christian imth a Gentile.

The opening passage of this treatise represents so curious a scene,
that it is worth while to transcribe it in full.

A duobus philosophis sumpta erat disputatio de unius dei cultu et verae fidei
unitate. noveram locum, sed non praesumebam ire, quia multus erat et varius
exitus viae, summonuit me quidam illuc ire et verae fidei assertiones audire.
obtendi meam debilitatem totque viarum dubiam mihi varietatem. promisit du-
catum, porrexit manum et amica me violentia coepit trahere post se. tandem
venimus ad diversorium quod videbamus. intravit ille domum, quia erat de in-
traneis : extra remansi, quia eram de extraneis ; circa ostium consedi, quia eram
notus de ostiariis uni.

Considebant ibi plures litterati homines, et, ut mihi videbatur, logicae disci-
plinae studens. nam quaestio ista inter eos tunc erat : quomodo sit accipiendum
quod Aristotiles ait : Non existentibus primis substantiis impossibile est ahquid
aUorum esse. Porphirius enim et alii astruunt philosophi quod ea quae sunt
individua non tollunt secum species ac genera, species vero ac genera tollunt secum
individua. individua dicit Aristotiles esse primas substantias ; et secundas sub-
stantias dicit esse species ac genera.

Gilbert Crispin

Altera inter duos alios juxta me habebatur quaestio, videlicet utrum grammatica
sit logica. nam si grammatica non est logica, non erunt tres logicae artis species
nec septem liberales artes. sed constitutivae partes cuj usque generis sunt consti-
tutivae partes speciei ejusdem generis, inventio et judicium sunt constitutivae
partes logicae : erunt igitur et grammaticae, aut grammatica non erit species
logicae. at de inventione et judicio in disciplinis grammaticae nusquam fit sermo.
grammatica itaque non videtur ars esse naturalis, nec logica, nec ars liberalis.

Harum quaestionum expectabam solutionem ; sed mox melioris causae suscepi-
mus actionem, ecce ab eis qui erant intus venit ad nos qui eramus foris persona
dignae speciei. paucis et gravibus verbis silentium jussit fieri, et ut intenti (in-
tendi cod.) ac debita reverentia quae intus dicebantur audierimus imperavit. propius
accessi, intro aspexi, et introivi. sermo erat inter duos magnae famae sed diversae
sectae philosophos. unus erat gentilis et Christianae fidei sub rationis executione
callidus impugnator : alter erat e contra veris assertionibus ejusdem fidei expug-
nator. sic itaque gentilis ille intulit....

If this philosophers' club with its inner and outer circles be not
altogether a fiction of the imagination, it shews us an unsuspected side
of the London life of Abbot Gilbert's day. No doubt there is an
imaginary element in the dialogue, and perhaps the 'Gentile philosopher'
is an anachronism : yet we can imagine that he might have found
toleration under Rufus, who is said to have encouraged public dispu-
tations between Christians and Jews, and to have sworn with his usual
oath that he would join the latter if they got the better of the argu-
ment. The abbot's weak health and his unwillingness to venture
himself in the perilous maze of the streets seem realistic touches.
If the picture is a fancy one, it is at any rate an evidence of learning
and literary skill.

The opponent of Christianity begins by asserting that the ancient
poets while they oflfered pleasant fables to the vulgar taught deep truths
to those who could understand them. Man must act under the guidance
of reason and justice, and ever remember what is due to God his
Creator.

The Christian philosopher at once quotes scripture on ' the whole
duty of man.' But his opponent objects to arguments from sacred
writings, and demands reason rather than authority. Christians profess,
he says, that the author of their scriptures and the Jewish scriptures is
one and the same; and yet neither will Christians keep the Jewish
law, nor Jews the Christian. He will have no arguments based on the
authority of the scriptures.

The Christian accepts his terms, and proceeds to argue, on grounds
of reason only, for the unity and against the plurality of deity. In his
reply the opponent with a naive inconsistency objects that the Christian

Literary Renmins

speaks of the immutability of the deity, but his scriptures speak of
changes in the divine intentions: 'Haec est mutatio dexterae excelsi ' ;
and he instances in particular the Deluge. The Christian replies with
the illustration of the gentler and severer methods of the same physi-
cian, who is not cruel when his treatment causes pain. The objector is
satisfied on this point, but proceeds to attack the doctrines of the
Incarnation and the Trinity.

After much interesting discussion, in which he has made many
admissions, the objector declares that no argument can ever convince
him of the doctrine of the Trinity; and he sadly and respectfully takes
his leave. Thereupon the rest of the audience, who are Christians, beg
that so great a master will not leave them uninstructed in those deeper
reasons for the Catholic Faith which could not properly be proposed to
an unbeliever.

One of their number having agreed to state the difficulties as an
enquiring disciple, the master proceeds. A discussion follows in which
among other points the gradual revelation of the Faith through the
teachers of the Old Covenant, through our Lord Himself, and through
the apostles and the later doctors of the Church, is skilfully drawn out,
and the necessity of belief in accordance with available knowledge in
each period is emphasized.

The closing sentences may be quoted, as illustrating the temper of
Anselm's pupil.

Qui ergo deitatis unitatem et in deitatis uuitate personariim iutelligit esse
trinitatem, agat deo gratias : et qui capere non potest, ita esse indubitanter credat.
in parvulis vero baptizatis, quorum aetas et sensus ad haec capienda minime potest
assurgere, et in laicis qui sunt idiotae catholici, fides et baptismus sahitem operatur ;
sicut promittit ipse dominus : Qui crediderit et baptizatus fuerit, salvus erit. gratias
deo, qui omnibus nobis dedit hoc refugium vitae et salutis.

So this Disputation ends. But in the manuscript it is followed at
once by a short exposition ^ of the meaning of Septuagesima, the period
of seventy days which comes to a close on the Saturday in Easter week,
on which day a duplex Alleluia is sung. Whether Gilbert is its author
or not, the exposition is worth transcribing for its liturgical 'interest.

Legitur quod fihi Israel septuaginta annis peregrinati sub rege Babiloniae : septua-
gesimo vero anno data est eis hcentia revertendi, et reversi sunt ab exilio in patriam,
a Babilone in Jerusalem, in memoriam cujus peregrinationis et reversionis nos

1 It is preceded by Gentilis (rubricated) as if it were a continuation of the Disputation :
but this is due to the ignorance of the scribe, who has already used Gentilis for the
Christian disciple who takes up the discussion after the Gentile philosopher has departed.

Gilbert Crispin

etiam in praesenti ecclesia septuagesimam celebramus, partim in dolore in signum
peregrinationis, partim in gaudio in signum reversionis.

Habet autem haec septuagesima iiiitium a Circiimdederunt me, et peragitur cum
luctu et maerore usque ad sexagesimum tertium diem, qui est sabatum paschale.
deinde in gaudio procedit usque ad octavum diem, id est, ad sabatum quod est
in ebdomada paschae, ubi est terminus septuagesimae. hoc autem totum fit in
figuram peregrinationis quam in praesenti vita habemus, in qua peregrinamur a
domino, longe a patria in regionem dissimilitudinis recedentes, civibus Babiloniae
admixti corpore etsi non mente. tota enim praesens vita non patria sed exilium
est.

In figuram cujus peregrinationis pars septuagesimae in jejuuio et luctu cele-
bratur, usque ad sabatum paschale, ubi per baptismum datur repatriandi licentia,
quando veterera hominem deponimus et novum induimus : et ideo dies ille baptismo
est consecratus. et quia post acceptam licentiam jam laeti surnus spe redeundi,
ideo statira cantamus canticum domino, scilicet Alleluia: Confitemini domino.
sed quoniam nondum Babiloniam exivimus, sed exilio tenemur, mente tamen
suspirantes ad patriam, et interim quia grandis restat via difficultatem itineris
abhorrentes ; quia, inquam, hoc est, post canticum tractum, post Alleluia Laudate
subjungimus. deinde vero in sequenti dominica, quae pascha dicitur, incipimus
proficisci et cum filiis Israel ab exilio transire in patriam, et quia illis sex diebus
a die paschae in itinere gradimur, ideo per totam septimanam illam graduale
cantatur, Haec dies quam fecit dominus. sed quoniam, licet nondum pervenerimus,
tamen quodammodo gaudeamus spe futuri, ideo post graduale sequitur Alleluia.
septimo autem die, quae est octava a sabato paschali, jam laeti re praesenti, jam
potiti patria, et tractum tq...t graduale omnino deponimus, et in siginim perfectae
laeti tiae duplex Alleluia decantamus.

Vel possimus dicere quod tota volubilitas hujus saeculi, quod per sex dies vel
per sex aetates discurrit, sit quasi una septuagesima, in quam per peccatum primi
parentis ejecti a patria exulamus. sed in morte cujusque, cum anima a carcere
corporis solvitur, datur licentia repatriandi, turn anima exuta a corpore in aeternam
beatitudinem resurgit ; et ideo psalmus ille, qui dicitur canticum pro verbo trans-
migrationis 1, scilicet Te decet ymnus, deus, in Sion praecipue cantatur in exequiis
mortuoruni. sed quia quandoque per jjurgatorium ignem transeundum est, et quia
corpus in sua foeditate permanens corrumpitur, ideo nondum est perfecta laetitia
usque ad octavam quae erit in finem, revolutis vii diebus vel vii aetatibus praesentis
saeculi ; scilicet, cum corruptibile hoc induerit incorruptionem, et mortale corpus
fiet immortale ; et sic duplicem stolam habebimus. et ideo in sabato quod est
in octavis paschae cantatur duplex Alleluia, cum in praecedenti sabato simplex
cantaretur. .

' In the heading of Ps. Ixiv (Vulg.) we have ' populo transmigrationis ' ; but ' de verbo
peregrinationis ' is found in mss of the ' Gallican Psalter.'

VI. Correspondence.

1. Lanfranc to Gilbert.

Dilectissimo suo G. dilectissimus suus Lanfrancus dilectionis coeptae
felicem perseverantiam.

Fratres quos, carissime frater, litteris edocendos bonisque moribus
instruendos praecipue transmisi, honeste et secundum voluntatem meam
tractari quorundam relatione cognovi : pro qua re gratias benignitati
tuae refero, et ut coeptis insistas, si tamen admonitione indiges, admo-
nere te cupio. carissimum mihi fratris mei filium, fratrem videlicet
tuum, caritati tuae commendo, rogans sicut rogari oportet a me jocun-
dissiraum filium fratremque meum, quatenus cum magna jocunditate
animi tui eum diligas et ad vitam laudabilem pro viribus tuis informare
non desinas. fratrem tuum propterea dixi ilium, quoniam revera sic ^
esse volo multumque rogo : nam et revera venerabilis mater tua, sicut
mihi relatum est, filium suum eundem vocare dignatur, cum ilia de
excellentissimo genere, iste humili loco sit natus, proculdubio receptura
ab eo mercedem suam qui dixit: Qui se humiliat exaltabitur. crucem
cum reliquiis fraternitatis tuae oculis dum missam celebras conspicien-
dam tibi transmitto, quam perpetuae amicitiae monumentum inter te
et ipsum esse desidero.

Magno gaudio me replesti quia promissionem in pueritia factam in
juventute adhuc per divinam misericordiam te servare scripsisti: quam
si ad finem illaesam perduxeris, terribilem aliis judicem pi-oculdubio
cum magna securitate videbis. omnipotens deus cordi tuo per sancti
spiritus sui inspirationem inserere dignetur quatenus in omni aetate
tua sic me diligas, sicut in pueritia et adolescentia tua quondam diligere
me solebas: et ipse te benedicat atque ab omnibus peccatis propitiatus
absolvat.

Lanfranc, Ep. 45. Written while Gilbert was at Bee, c. 1074. See above, p. 9.
1 D'Achery (Lanfranci 0pp. p. 323) has : 'quem {al. quoniam) revera sibi.'

Gilbert Crispin

2. Anselm to Lanfranc.

Domino et patri reverendo archiepiscopo Lanfranco frater Anselmus
servus servorum dei Becci remanentiura, cum eisdem dominis suis, quod
domino fideles servi, quod reverendo patri reverentes filii.

De domno Gisleberto, ut eum vobis mitteremus, vestrae satisfecimus
jussioni: quod autem tardius quam jussistis, verum est quod non est
factum negligentia, sed ob multa quae nunc enarrare longum est im-
pedimenta, sed scitote quia, si quis fecerit ut ipse in Anglorum terra
remaneat, nimis grave et majus quam breviter dici possit damnum in
praesenti et in futuro interius et exterius ecclesiae nostrae et tristitiam
faciet. quapropter precamur et obsecramus quantum salva justitia et
vestrae sanctitatis reverentia nobis licet, per pietatem et per caritatem
quam erga nos vestram semper habere paternitatem cognovimus, ut si
absque dei voluntatis obviatione fieri posse videritis, potius fratribus
et amicis desiderantibus ad certam suam salutem et aliorum utilitatem
per vestram instantiam reddatur, quam quibuslibet alienis ad periculum
sui damni et illorum utilitatem dubiam ingeratur. breviter quod
multum volumus et expedire credimus obsecramus; quia sapientiae
vestrae pauca verba sufficere non ignoramus, quod si divinam disposi-
tionem nostrae sic resistere petitioni vestra cognoverit prudentia, ut
aliter fieri necesse sit, quod mihi si praesens essem vestra prudentia de
re ipsa concedere aut facere consuleret, vestrae committo potestati.

Anselm, Epp. ii 13. Probably written at the end of 1079, soon after Anselm's
return from his first visit to England. See above, p. 9.

3. Anselm to Gilbert

Domno, fratri, amico, dilecto dilectori Gilberto frater Anselmus,
quod scribere non valet.

Dulcia mihi sunt, amice dulcissime, munera dulcedinis tuae ; sed
nequaquam consolari possunt desolatum de te cor meum a desiderio
dilectionis tuae. certe si mittas omnem aromatum odorem, omnem
metallorum nitorem, omnem lapidum pretiositatem, omnem texturae
varietatem, renuet, immo non poterit, consolari a scissura sua, nisi
recepta altera parte sua scissa anima mea. testis est angor cordis mei
hoc ipsum cogitantis, testes lacrimae obtenebrantes oculos et rigantes
faciem et digitos id ipsum scribentes. et quidem tu sciebas sicut ego
ipse erga te dilectionem meam. sed utique ego ipse nesciebam eam:
qui nos scidit ab invicem, ills me docuit quantum te diligerem. vere

Correspondence

non habet homo scientiam boni vel mali, qui non experitur utrumque.
nesciebam enim, non expertus absentiam tuam, quam dulce mihi erat
esse tecum, quam amarum sine te esse, sed tu habes ex ipsa nostra
disjunctione praesentem alterum quem non minus aut certe plus amas:
mihi vero tu, tu inquam, es ablatus et nullus pro te oblatus. te igitur
in consolatione tua gaudente, solum mihi vulnus remansit in mente.
forsitan gaudentes de te oflfenduntur a me ista tibi dicente. sed si
ipsi gaudent quod desiderant tenentes, cur prohibent vel dolere quod
semper amat perdentem ? ex se excusent me, si me vident in sc. alio-
quin vel tu intellige quam compatienter, quam consolanter ipsi haec
faciant; et unde mitescat dolor meus, quera nemo vult consolari qui
potest, nemo potest qui vult. sed ille qui omnia quae vult potest sic
consoletur me, ut nullum contristet ; sic nullum contristet, ut amorem
tui integrum ubique conservet. amen.

Anselm, Epp. i 75. Written when Gilbert was with Lanfranc, c. 1080.

4. Anselm to Gilbert.

Suo dilectissimo, olim divina dispositione filio, nunc dei gratia
coabbati, Gisleberto frater Anselmus, in hac vita diu sancte vivere cum
prosperitate, in futura feliciter cum aetemitate.

Etsi tarde propter aegritudinem impedientem dilecto dilectori meo
pro nova sibi divinitus data gratia scribo, non tamen tepide quantum
ad voluntatis benevolentiam pertinet, dico : Gloria in altissimis deo, et
in terra gaudium hominibus bonae voluntatis; qui judicium suum de te
manifestavit, quod hactenus apud se occultum, licet semper de te pro
humana aestimatione bona crederemus, servavit. in eo namque vitae
proposito, in quo te custodiendo semper ejus gratia sapientia erudivit
et in sanctitate nutrivit, patrem et doctorem pastoremque animarum
te constituit. multo enim melius de te sperandum est et de similibus
tuis quorum vita est in sancta conversatione nutrita, quam de me et de
similibus meis quorum vita olim est saeculari conversatione detrita.
de vobis enim sperandum est, cum ad aliorum curam promoveraini,
quod dum et alios ad vestri similitudinem instruitis justitia vestra
perficiatur : de nobis vero timendum est, cum tanto pondere gravamur,
ne injustitia nostra occulto dei judicio augeatur. quanto igitur melius
est de tua sanctitate in suscepto officio sperandum, tanto magis est et
securius de tibi concessa gratia gaudendum. omnipotens deus, qui te
custodem aliorum constituit, ipse te sua gratia sic adjuvet et custodiat
ut pro tua et illorum justitia aeternam tibi beatitudinem retribuat.
Anselm, Epp. ii 16. Shortly after Gilbert's appointment to Westminster, 1085.

Gilbert Crispin

5. Anselm to Gilbert.

Amico fratri, domino patri, dilecto dilectori, reverendo abbati Gisle-
berto frater Anselmus, perseverantem in longa vita cum prosperitate
sanctitatem, et indeficientem in aeternitate felicitatem.

Si velim scribere mutuae nostrae dilectionis affectum, timeo ne aut
videar ab ignorantibus veritatem excedere, aut necesse sit aliquid veri-
tati subtrahere. qui affectus quantus et quam verus sit, cum multum
cognoscerem quando sese oculo ad oculum, osculo ad osculum, amplexu
ad amplexum ostenderet, nunc multo magis experior cum abesse ilium
irrecuperabiliter in quo tanta jocunditate delectabar intueor. sicut
enim abundans nescit quid sit indigenti, ut qui deliciis affluit ignorat
quid sit esurienti, ita qui amico fruitur non sentit languorem animae
carentis. quoniam ergo nec scribi sufficienter potest quid nobis in-
vicem sit, nec ignoranti loquor, his interim omissis oro vobiscum ut
aliquando nos invicem videntes oculo ad oculum, osculo ad osculum,
amplexu ad amplexum, non oblitum amorem recolamus.

De his autem quae de vitae suae conversatione caritas vestra mihi
dignata est exponere, gratias ago deo quia nihil ibi videre possum quod
non sit laudabile. de fratre illo quern in claustrum reduxistis, quod
vultis donee vobis aut nobis aliter videatur concedo; sed occulta ejus
vestra discutiens prudentia prout judicaverit illi consulat. de damno
vestro quod mandastis miror et condoleo. quod dignatur vestra caritas
excusare se, quia non potest modo facere quod vellet, gratias ago vestrae
dignationi et bonae voluntati. de domno Lanfranco nihil melius scivi
aut potui, quam quod in Anglia feci et dixi. valete.

Anselm, Epp. ii 36. The younger Lanfranc is here referred to.

6. Anselm to Gilbert.

Domino servus, amico amicus, dilecto dilectus, domno abbati Gisle-
berto frater Anselmus, sempiternum gaudere.

Si sane, si bene, si prospere cuncta sunt erga domnum abbatem
Gislebertum dilectum dilectorem meum, vere inde gaudet cor meum,
quia certe sic est desiderium meum. si dilectionem et beneficia quae
nobis et nostris rebus impenditis alienus alienis impenderet, utique
gratiarum magnam actionem in scriptis et voce exhiberemus ne
deficeret. sed quoniam hoc ille facit de quo nunquam possumus
desperare, sufficere credimus majores gratias cum semper prompta
voluntate, praesertim cum hoc ipsum non ignoretis, indesinenter in

Cwrespondence

cordis area servare. scio quia vestra dilectio quomodo se habeat status
noster desiderat cognoscere: qui deo protegente, secundum modum
nostrum et secundum teraporis hujus varietatem, in cunctis bene esset
et prospere, nisi quia cum nuper in Francia essera aliis quibusdam
affectum laboribus levis quaedam febris subito irruens plus me terruit
quam laesit. sed cum videret mentem meam intentissime conversam
ut ad amicos nostros pro auxilio mitterem orationum, exterrita bis
tactum fugit exterritum. unde aliquamdiu post passus sum cum
edendi fastidio dormiendi difficultatem et membrorum majorem im-
becillitatem.

Dominos et fratres nostros, dilectissimos filios vestros, quanta possum
devotione saluto ; de quorum erga me dulci dilectione re mihi cognita
quoties recogito exulto. de Ricardo serviente vestro, qui vos in
Angliam secundum jussionem vestram secutus est, vellem vestram si
vobis non displiceret benignitatem rogare ; quoniam quem deus suo
judicio ab impacto crimine excusavit, si ipse ab incepto fideli servitio
non deficit, jam nihil est quod bonae vestrae voluntati quam de eo
incepistis debeat obviare. Justus [/or.s. justum] enim est, et plus
decet honestatis vestrae auctoritatem, ut vestra constantia cujuslibet
perversitatis impetus circa ilium repellat, quam ut aliena non lauda-
bilis pertinacia laudabilem intentionem benevolentiae vestrae reflectat.
valeat semper dulcis mihi vestra dilectio.

Ansehn, Epp. ii 47. Anselm writes a similar letter to Gilbert, abbot of Caen
(n 44) : from which we learn that he was returning from Caen and hoping to reach
Bee before the feast of St Benedict (21 March, or the Translation 11 July), but was
delayed by business in France.

7. Gilbert to Anselm.

Reverendo patri et domino Anselmo sanctae Cantuariensis ecclesiae
archiepiscopo suus servus et filius, frater Gislebertus, Westmonasterii
coenobii procurator et servus, prosperam in hac vita diuturnitatem et
beatam in futura aeternitatem.

Patemitati et prudentiae tuae discutiendum mitto libellum quem
nuper scripsi, paginae commendans quae Judaeus quidam olim mecum
disputans contra fidem nostram de lege sua proferebat, et quae ego ad
objecta illius pro fide nostra respondebam. nescio unde ortus, sed apud
Maguntiam litteris educatus, legis et litterarum etiam nostrarum bene
sciens erat et exercitum in scripturis atque disputationibus contra nos
ingenium habebat. plurimum mihi familiaris saepe ad me veniebat,
B. c. 6

Gilbert Crispin

turn negotii sui causa, turn me videndi gratia, quoniam in aliquibus illi
multum necessarius eram ; et quotiens conveniebamus mox de scrip-
turis ac de fide nostra sermonem amico animo habebamus.

Quadam ergo die solito majus mihi et illi deus otium concessit,
et mox unde solebamus inter nos quaestionari coepimus. et quoniam
quae opponebat convenienter satis et consequenter opponebat, et ea
quae opposuerat non minus convenienter prosequendo explicabat; nostra
vero responsio vicino satis pede ad proposita illius respondebat et scrip-
turarum aequo testimonio nitens eidem ipsi concessu facilis esse vide-
batur et approbanda; rogaverunt qui aderant ut memoriae darem
banc nostram disceptatiunculam, fortasse aliquibus profuturam. scripsi
ergo: et, tacito mei et ipsius nomine, scripsi sub persona Judaei cum
Christiano de fide nostra disceptantis ; scriptumque et exaratum hoc
opus tuae transmitto examinandum censurae.

Si res approbanda est, tuo placebit approbata judicio; si vero
respuenda est, seu tota seu pars ejus aliqua, quidquid respuendum erit
accipite amico dictum in aure, et quia soli amico innotuit silentio
supprimatur nec alicui haec ad legendum pagina communicetur : salvo
quidem amore mutuo et integra prorsus pace mutua deleatur quidquid
delendum esse tibi placuerit, aut corrigatur si quid est quod corrigi posse
tibi visum fuerit. fateor quamlibet protuleris sententiam animo libenti
excipiam et aure obtemperanti audiam.

Tamen quidam ex Judaeis qui tunc Londoniae erant, opitulante
misericordia dei, ad fidem Christianam se convertit apud Westmonas-
terium, coram omnibus fidem Christi professus baptismum petiit,
accepit, et baptizatus deo se inibi serviturum devovit, et monachus
factus nobiscum remansit.

Sic ergo Judaeus ille disputator, aliis pluribus interpositis, me
provocando adorsus est.

This is the dedicatory epistle prefixed to the famous Disputation of a Jew with
a Christian. Where the text differs from that printed in Migne P. L. 159, col. 1005,
I have followed the readings of Titus D xvi. There are two notable omissions in
Brit. Mus. Add. 8166 ; it omits the words ' sanctae Cantuariensis ecclesiae archi-
episcopo,' and also the account of the conversion of the London Jew ('tamen
quidam ex Judaeis... nobiscum remansit'). These omissions suggest that we have
in this MS an earlier form of the work, written before Anselm became archbishop.
See further, p. 54 above.

Correspondence

Quae modulando
clara solebat
dicere laudes
fistula vestras,

5 murmure rauco
nunc canit, atque
lugubris extat:
dicit et Unde
vos ab ovili,

10 pastor, abestis ?
grex duce nullo
devius errat :
nemo reducit :
pascua quaerit ;

15 et, quia quae sunt
commoda nescit,
noxia sumit ;
morbidus ergo
et moribundus

20 omnis habetur.

Insidiosus
circuit hostis ;
spectat ovilis
septa relicti :

25 undique liber
intrat et exit,
exit et intrat:
nemo repellit.
ille lupinas

30 intus agendo
exerit iras :
nemo resistit.

Omnia sternit;
cuncta necantur,
35 debile, pingue,
agnus ovisque.
quippe luporum
nil satis extat
ingluviei :

8. Gilbert to Ansehn.

40 non satis esse
aestimat unus
milia mille.
accipe plures
intus adesse,

45 atque videto
quanta relicti
undique strages
fiat ovilis.

Creditor, inquam
50 ilia requiret :
nam sua quaerit
credita quisque.
vos, ut opinor,
restituetis ;
55 quippe fuerunt
credita vobis.
debita reddi
nemo refellit:
ergo timendum.

60 Milia quippe
multa requirit,
quae sub ovili
credita vestro
perdita fiunt.

65 Anglia tota,
gens populosa:
Scotia tota :
insula longe
longior illis,

70 gens numerosa,
sunt et Hiberni
quando revisa
regna perampla
ista fuere ?

75 nemo revisit:
annus et anni
praeteriere :
ergo timendum.

Gilbert Crispin

For this epistolary poem, which is entitled in the manuscript Ad Amelmum
archiepiscopum, see above pp. 22 and 54. I subjoin the following variants :
2 solebat] sedebat MS.
18 morbidus] moribus MS.
23 ovilis] ovile MS.

65 — 72 The ms has these lines thus (reading across the page):
Anglia tota Gens populosa .a.

Scotia tota Insula longe

Sunt et hiberni Quando revisa
Longior illis Gens numerosa .b.

The scribe has attempted to rectify the disorder : but plainly it is the last two
lines that require transposition.

77 praeteriere] preterire ms.

VITA DOMNI HERLUINI ABBATIS BECCENSIS
LIBER DOMNI GISLEBERTI ABBATIS DE SIMONIACIS
SELECTED CHARTERS WITH NOTES

VITA DOMNI HERLUINI ABBATIS BECCENSIS.

Herluin re-
nounced the
world, when
it was most
attractive.

His noble
origin.

He is trained
under Gilbert
count of
Brionne.

His prowess,

and mag-
nanimity.

QUONIAM in re militari quae quis memoratu digna egit scripto
eduntur ad posteritatis exhortationem, et laudibus attoUuntur
prout ingenium scriptoris et facundia praestat, silentio supersederi
non debet ad divinae virtutis gloriam et magnae in deum fidei
formam, quae in satellitio Christi nostra memoria praeclare egit
abbas venerabilis Herluinus Beccensis ; cujus virtutis hoc ad
quendam titulum praescribatur, quia mundum sibi jocundissime
ad votum arridentem ea aetate penitus recusavit qua vehementius
alii se ingerunt recusanti, et in qua patria tunc incolumem armis
inilitem abrogatis monachum fieri portentum habebatur.

A Danis qui Normanniam primi obtinuere pater ejus originem
duxit ; mater proximam ducum Flandriae consanguinitatem attigit;
Ansgotus ille, ista Helois nomen habebat. Gilebertus Brionnensis
comes, primi Ricardi Normanniae ducis nepos ex filio consule
Godefrido, ilium enutritum penes se inter omnes curiae suae
primates habuit acceptissime. habilis ille ad arma plurimum
erat, nec minori ea animositate gestabat. onmes omnium totius
Normanniae majorum familiae in electis ilium habebant, in armis
omnique rei militaris usu et cultu corporis sui attoUebant. ab
inhonestis avertebat animum, honestis quae curiae magni faciunt
impendebat omne studium. domi ac militiae commilitonum
suorum praestantissimus non esse impatiens erat. quibus de
rebus non solum singularem domini sui obtinuerat favorem,
verum et apud Robertum totius patriae ducem et apud exterarum
dominos regionum pepererat sibi nomen plurimum accessumque
familiarem. alia, quae ad captandum nomen in saeculo plurima^
fecit, omittamus: hoc ad fortitudinem ^ animi illius ac fidei con-
stantiam et in armis confidentiam non sileamus. indigne passus

The variants of the MS are given, where the edited text has been preferred.
> om. plurima. ^ fortitudinis.

88 Gilbert Crispin

Injured by aliquando factam sibi a domino iniuriam famulatus sui commodum
leaveniim -^^ ei subtrahendo contulit se eo inviso longe alioi-sum. eo itaque
sub tempore comes ipse Gilebertus quoiumdam potentissimorum
Normanniae lacessitus injuriis multam militum manum contraxit,
injurias suas effere volens ultum iri : homo ferocis animi, magni
potentatus, nominisque supremi avidus, utpote ducum tantorum
propinquus, ad potentiae suae ostentatum per nuntios eis non
prope diem belli sed per plures ante dies id se facturum et
quando transmisit. ita condicto tempore bellum utrimque ap-
paratur, quod exequi non posset sine multa partium utrarumque
strage, nec amplius evitari salva eorum dignitate. quod vir
but comes to animosus^, quem scribendum accepimus, ubi compertum habuit,
bis aid in a -j-g^ iniuriarum oblitus viginti secum delectos milites assuraens

moment ot <> ....

danger: pergit ad diem certaminis, minime cum domino verum seorsum
procul ab agmine illo; suae etenim suorumque salutis objectu fidei
suae sponsionem asserebat, mortis periculo appetebat, nuUius
emolumenti vicem ab illo exquirens. dictum satis est, et iis
lucide agnosci potest, quis fuerit. non desertores pugnae quos
in aliorum pemiciem metus absolvit, sed quos in dominorum
necem et patriae excidium cupiditas inducit, hoc exemplo allo-
quimur, nec tarn militaris gloriae obtentu quam servandae causa
fidei proferimus. dux per excelsi montis latus agmen cum
deduceret, videt a tergo viginti armatos eminus in piano subsequi,
ac hostile aliquid verens imperat confestim qui essent scitum ire.
a reconcilia- accedunt suos et causam agnoscunt : approbant plurimum mag-
tion follows, i^r^j^iniitatem, ac duci renuntiant. admiratus pro injuriis tanti sibi
servitii vicem restitui, ilico remittit accessum, cum ampliori gratia
reddens omnia quae sua fuerant. bellum quod instabat crastinae
lucis sub exortu nuntii praedicti provinciae ducis Roberti noctu
ante venientes dirimunt, jus fidemque sacram obtestati, ut ab
armis discedant, et judicium belli curiae suae expectant definitioni.
itaque pars utraque ac neutra superior altera discessit ab armorum
excisione. divina sibi providentia lignum illud ad omne opus
bonum utile conservabat. nolebat summus artifex violentia saecu-
laris aurae jam plus illud distorqueri aut infructuosis afFectationibus
exhumectari.

At the age of Vitae hujus jocundissimo statu annos ille jam excesserat triginta
thirty-seven geptem,cum tandem divino [metujsuccendi amore mens illius coepit,

' animos.

Life of Herluin

his soul was et ab amore mimdi tepescere sensimque in dies frigescere, ab ex-
divhlelove:^ terioribus oculum cordis convertens ad se ipsurn. ibat frequentius
ad ecclesiam, orabat devote, ac saepe pronimpebatur in lacrimas.
ludicra re omni omissa, jam minus frequens erat in curia, qua hoc
solo retinebatur, quod praedia sua deo secum lucrari satagebat.
quod et obtinuit, extorquens ea sibi a domino suo multa instantia
servitii. saepe sub diem pemoctabat orans in ecclesiis, et mane
in curia primus coram aderat ad mensam domini. quia inter sodales
parsimoniam exercere nolebat, multis quae adinveniebat impedi-
mentis absens, saepe totum jejuniis transigebat diem, in armis
in cultu corporis non idem studium quod prius satis indicabat
altercationem animi illius, quam adhuc seria dissimulatione celabat.
angebatur mens et in plura cogitationum deliberatione distrahe-
batur. militiae ac ceterae saecularis rei usum relinquere summa
but there was erat voti. verum quo se conferret, quod vivendi genus assumeret,
gui^^him. ignorabat. rarus in Nonnannia tunc recti tramitis index aut
The Norman praevius erat ; sacerdotes ac summi pontifices libere conjugati et
secvflLrsed^ arma portantes ut laici erant; veterum ritu Danorum universi
adhuc vivebant. sed sicut spiritus ubi vult spirat, ita quern
His rigorous aspirat unctio ejus docet de omnibus, abrenuntians ergo militiae,
at^Gilbert's**^ ^ili tegumento indutus, barba et crine intonsus inter aulicos ea
court. quidem diu servivit quam diximus intentione, exiturus ab Egypto

ille Hebraeus, ea videlicet transiliens quae transeunt ac omni
conamine se extendens in ea quae aetema existunt, ab eis qui
remanebant mutuatum in opus dei asportare' conabatur quicquid
pretiosum poteratjam domini sui laetus assidens ad mensam inter
multimodas epulas et comessantes pane asperiori vescebatur et
aqua: ridebatur ab universis, amentiae quicquid agebat reputabatur.
minis, promissis, injuriis, dominus et universi satellites nil poterant
a proposito suo eum avertere conantes. mittebatur homo olim
universis acceptissimus saepenumero ad curias sedens asinum,
moeror ac risus diversis quo adveniebat, servitiorum quidem
gratiositate, quia metuebat saeculo irretiri nec equitare jam
volebat, asinando serviens domino sine cujus permissu discedere
nolebat-. et quia pro deo abjectus esse nequaquam erubuit, nec
deus ilium erubescens super terram quoque amplissimam illi
restituit vicem.

A crisis comes Comes Gilebertus de cujusdam compatriotae sui danmo agens
* absportare (adsportare ed.). 2 volebat.

Gilbert Crispin

when he de- quod in illius vergebat perniciem, ad principem Normanriiae
j'usTmL^ion." Robertum, cujiis quicquid super hoc agebatur intererat, praedicto
viro hac de re imposiiit allegationem. at vir pacis ferre damnosa
alicui machinamenta penitus recusavit. perstat dominus in sen-
tentia hortans et comminans, iit homo sibi intimus verbum consilii
sui ad dominum suum perferendo referat. agitur ut jam ostendat
miles ad utrumlibet positus, cui servire, superno an terreno domino,
malit. sed mox nt superni causa domini exegit, ilico funem, quo
sub terreni servitio domini retinebatur, abrupit: abdicata^ omnino
legatione discedit a curia, quin tamen iret comes Gilebertus nuUo
modo discredens post paucos dies curiam ivit, rescire volens quid
dux responderet. veruin ut cognovit ad eum non fuisse perlatum,
efferatus in ilium cui imposuerat, mandat abduci quicquid habebant
His lands are ipse et sui. continuo abripiuntur omnia sua, nec curat ; vastantur
^ ■ quoque pauperes sui, unde non parva sollicitatur cura. pauperum
He returns to ergo transmissus questu et lacrimis post parva dierum intervalla
poo^rVepend- rediit ad dominum, nullamque sui curam gerens egit suppliciter
causam innoxiorum. accersitur negotium totius curiae, et acerrime
in causam deducitur. intenduntur crimina, quae humili et sufficienti
ratione cuncta purgando removebat; qui in eo judici respondebat
spiritus dei, tacitis unde judex potius erat infestus, alia quaedam
admissa intendebat, sciens iste quid lateret in fundo. Quae mea
sunt, inquit, hinc accepta universa distrahantur, dum pauperibus,
qui vestram nullo crimine iram meruerunt, sua restituantur.
motus ad pietatem dominus, quern mundanae celsitudinis fastus
plurimum obtinebat, abducto in partem viro perquisivit animi
commutationem et finem consilii. cui paucis ille verbis cum
multis lacrimis respondit : Saeculum amando et tibi obsequendo
nimium deum ac me ipsum hactenus neglexi. quae corporis erant
cultui omnino intentus nuUam animae meae eruditionem accepi.
quapropter precor, si quid unquam bene merui a te, liceat vitae
quod superest in monasterio transigi salvo circa me amore tuo, et
The count is da mecum deo quae habui. habitae diu deliberationi finis iste
melted : consedit : corde in lacrimis concitato sustinere nequit ille ulterius
loquentem : abripit se in cameram. pietas humana multa in eo
and granta erat circa ilium militem suum, multa et illi circa dominum ; ac vix
release, ^0 missionem requirere valebat, sed praevalebat fortis ut mors

dilectio. tandem gratissimo clienti expetitam concedit, tam sui

" abdi|dicata.

Life of Herhiin

quam suorum omnium facultatem. quern eatenus ut bene obse-
quentem sibi amaverat, jam coepit amare ut dominum, ac libens
obsequebatur illi. plures dies multo cum honore detentum apud
with all hia ^e debita honorifieentia remisit, ditioni illius ac servitio tradens
patrimony, quidquid paterni juris habebant fratres sui, qui eadem dignitate
geniti pares extiterant sibi : quia dignior et vera nobilitate
generosior germanis efficiebatur, jure ab eis illi subici nec in-
dignum aut injuriosum aestimabatur.
He retreats to Protinus in villa quae dicitur Bumenvilla extruendum servitio
BonneWlle, dei opus axTipuit non parvum brevi peractum. ipse non solum
chapeh ^ * operi praesidebat, sed opus ipsum efficiebat, terram fodiens,
fossam efferens, lapides sabulum calcemque humeris comportans
ac ea in parietem ipsemet componens. quibus alii horis aberant,
ipse congerebat quae ad opus exigebantur, excludens otium ab
omni parte diei, quanto vanitate tumida olim delicatior, tanto
vera humilitate nunc ad omnem laboris tolerantiam propter deum
patientior. cibum praeter quibus non licet diebus semel accipiebat,
nec exquisitum et parce satis, expleto cum die opere suo. et quia
and learns at interdiu nequibat, ediscendo psalterio noctem paene totam impen-
uight to read debat. his exercitiis multa iocunditate exercebatur novus tiro

his psalter. ^, . .

Christi.

His great Prima litterarum elementa didicit cum jam existeret annorum

proficiency prope quadraginta ; et divina opitulante gi-atia eo usque processit,
grace. ut etiam ipsis apprime eruditis grammatica in exponendis ac

intelligendis divinarum scripturai'um sententiis merito haberetur
admirabilis. quod ut solius divinae gratia efficientiae actum
credatur, nocturnis tantum horis huic studio vacabat, quia propter
lectionem nunquam divini operis intermisit executionem. non
solum in cithara confiteri domino, verum et in psalterio decem
chordarum psallere gestiebat, congrua temporum distributione,
nunc attentus bonae actioni, nunc intentus lectioni atque orationi.
He goes to see Nova rursus molimina contra eum hostis antiquus invenit.
livJ-™"'^^^ quod summum in humana vita ille excogitaverat, monasterialis
videlicet ordinis fastigium, paene dissuasit his occasionibus. coeno-
bium quoddam adiit gratia inquirendi de vita monachorum. habita
oratione accessit omni cum reverentia multo cum timoi-e ad ostium
claustri, velut ad ostium paradisi, desiderantissimus scire qui
monachorum habitus, qui mores, quae in claustro sedendi sit
religio. vidit longe ab ea quam coenobialis ordo exposcit gravi-
tate morum omnes haberi. turbatus est, jam omnino incertus

Gilbert Crispin

but is ejected
as a thief.

He visits
other monks,
but finds
them vain

aucl barbar-
ous.

One praying
brother re-
stores his
hope.

These
victories of
faith are true
miracles.

quod vivendi genus approbaret. ad haec qui monasterii custos
erat, ut ilium sic introrsus accedentem conspexit, furem suspicatus
immisso quanta vi potuit coUo illius pugno per capillos foris usque
ad ostium extrusit. at vir patientissimus pro illata sibi injuria
milium monacho laicus verbum impatientiae respondit. talibus
quidem accedere plurimum extimuit: sed palmes propagatus ab ea
quae vera vitis existit nullo adversitatum aestu arescere potest,
alte radicatus in illius caritate quae omnia suffert.

Hoc de illo aedificationis referens solatium, aliud ea de re
proximo natali dominico adiit majoris nominis coenobium. festiva
processione cum fratres in die solemnitatis exissent, vidit indecenti
benevolentia monachos passim arridere laicis, aggaudere in para-
tioribus^ ornamentis ostentando^ ea aliis, ad introitum contentioso
tumultu anticipare aditum. ad haec insistentem sibi nimium
fratrem quidam monachus monachum pugno repercussum avertit,
ac impulsum supinis dentibus demisit ad solum : adhuc enim, ut
dictum est, omnes omnium per Normanniam mores barbari erant.
hac rerum insolentia ne bonum damnaret inceptum, tantam
actuum levitatem, tantam morum improbitatem contuens in illis
ad quorum normam vitam suam corrigere vole bat, dei manus
effecit subveniens labanti. sequenti nocte expleto matutinorum
officio diu ante lucem aliis emissis oraturus ipse remansit occultatus
in quodam angulo oratorii. mox quidam monachus eo non viso
prope constitit ad orandum, qui nunc toto corpore prostratus nunc
tantum genibus flexis cum lacrimis orans usque mane clarum
perstitit. ejus igitur exemplo omnino redintegratus est.

Referimus miracula, sed eis unde vulgus fert sententiam
multum potiora ; quanquam non defuerunt et ipsa, quid enim glori-
osius(quam) quod victus ab eo ubique hostis deo vincente succubuit?
robur constantiae illius duris hactenus adversitatum ictibus per-
fringere conabatur, sed conamen ejus omne frustrabatur : nunc
malis pravorum exemplis suffodere molitur. verum ut in canticis
legimus canticorum : Uniuscuj usque viri ensis super femur suum
propter timores uocturnos ; seu diurna oppugnatione seu nocturna
subdole rationis alicujus suggestione accedat, invenit eum excu-
bantem in propugnaculis. gerit in manu gladium, qui universas
hostis compages ac medullas exequitur, dinoscens ac exterminans
quae ab illo cogitationes atque intentiones suggeruntur: ad

imparatioribus.

ostendando (ostendendo ed.).

Life of Herluin

excipiendos ictus longanimitatis et patientiae forti clypeo munitur.

positus infra divinae custodiae murum ad omnia illius molimina

Ps. cxxi 4. vigilis sui commonitione soUicitatur, quia non dormitabit, neque

dormiet qui custodit Israel, igitur non exploratis ad votum quae

volebat castrorum domini, redit firmaturus suum quod contra

spirituales incursus^ extruebat. avulsit ilico patemas domos,

unde servorum dei habitacula construxit.

He is clothed Sacrata vero quam construxit ecclesia ab episcopo Lexovii
as a monk, . i i t ■

nomme Hereberto, comam totondit, ac saecularem habitum de-

ponens ab eodem pontifice sacrae habitum religionis accepit, miles

Christi per tot pericula fortis ante expertus. ejusdem ordinis cum

ordained^ and eo jugum subierunt duo sui. postmodum a praefato praesule

sacerdos consecratus, pluribus ducatui illius jam adscitis^ fratribus

abbas praeficitur. tuto imitandus aliis praeponitur, qui per annos

tres improperium vitae spiritualis patientissime tulit coram saecu-

laribus alienatus spectaculis, quibus innutritus cotidie alios videbat

oblectari, rigorem abstinentiae non relaxans inter affluentissimas

dominorum mensas, omni denique abjectioni corpus suum subiciens

in curia, quos ergo regendos acceperat, arctissime sed more patrum

The simple priorum regebat. videres peracto in ecclesia officio abbatem collo
life of his , , , i ■ ,

community, sementem, manu rastrum vel sarculum gestantem ad agriculturam

praeire monachos omnes, ruris operi sub diei terminum insistere.

sentibus et spinis alii agrum emundabant, alii fimum scapulis

comportantes spargebant, hi sarriebant, illi serebant, nemo panem

absumebat in otio, ad horam agendi officium in ecclesia omnes ad

unamquamque horam ^ conveniebant. victus quotidianus panis

siligineus et herbae cum aqua et sale, aqua non nisi lutulenta,

quia fons nusquam praeter* ad duo miliaria habebatur. caeleste

aiebant beneficium, cum panis melior et caseus vel aliquod aliud

edulium undecumque habebatur. exemplum magistri et conatus

omnem murmurandi excludebat aditum. abbas prior ad opus, ab

opere discedebat ultimus, operator ipse continuus. simili se inibi

propter deum servituti nobilis mater ejus addixit, et concessis dec

praediis quae habebat, ancillae fungebatur officio, servientium dec

pannos abluens et quicquid injungebatur extremi operis accura-

tissime agens.

^eril'and'^'^'^ Ad opus servorum dei quadam die cum annonam torreret,
escape. nescio quo casu domus undique succensa est. cucurrit quidam

* incurias. ^ additis. ^ om. horam. * om. praeter.

Gilbert Crispin

ejulando nuntians abbati domos ainbustas et matrem ejus inibi
esse combustam. at ille licet lacrimis sulfusus ad deum manus
levavit; Gratias tibi, deus, inquiens, quod in officio servientium
tibi matrem meam ignis absumpsit. fortis in amore dei constantia,
quae tot diaboli arietibus impulsa labare non poterat : malleos ac
ignes inimicus nesciens suggerebat, quibus vir patiens minime
fundebatur, sed purgatus ad coronam gloriae formabatur. nil
tamen mali in ilia conflagratione praedicta domina passa fuit.
He moves to Dein post aliquantum temporis per visum divinitus commonitus
haHuble spot ^st, ut dimissa solitudine campestri, quae competenti oportunitate
near the Bee. omnino carebat, eum ad locum sui juris mansionem transferret, qui
a rivo illic mananti Beccus appellatur, ad miliarium a castro quod
vocatur Brionnium. est hie locus in ipso saltu Brionnensi, valle
ima montibus saltuosis hinc inde occlusa, omni oportunitate
humano usui commodus : propter densitatem ac rivi recreationem
ferarum illuc multus erat accursus. trium tantum molendinorum
tres domus illic erant, et solum habitabile permodicum. quid ergo
faceret ? molendinorum in uno pars sibi nulla, aliorum duorum sua
pars erat tertia; nec tantum soli liberum quantum oportuna
domuum capacitas exigebat. comes Gilebertus nil usquam eo
saltu pretiosius possidebat. quid plura ? spe in deo firmata coepit
operari, ac deus evidentissime cooperari ; nam consortes et conter-
mini quas habebant partes seu venditione seu gratuita donatione
omnes sibi suas dedere, ac brevi sub tempore silvam Brionnii quae
circum erat totam obtinuit.
He builds a Consecrata paucis extructa annis non parva ecclesia, columnis
and a wooden ligneis claustrum construxit, in quo ad morem patriae fratres
cloister which y^j^ nusquam progressuros considere instituit. nocte vero subse-

collapses in ... . i • i i ...

the night. cuta, orationi eo intento m stratu suo, diabolus futuri illic bonorum
operum incrementi primordia cernens impatientissime tulit. tectum
dormitorii multa vi conscendit, unde quasi conamine multo coUi-
gens se supra novam novorum parietum insiluit cooperturam, ac in
unum ad terram universa dejecit. verum his non erat semen quod
in petrosis ortum areat, quia non habet humorem ; sed pingui terra
exceptum attulit fructum in patientia. mane quia inimicus hoc
fecerat indicavit fratribus, et dejectos eorum animos redintegrans
claustrum ex lapidibus reaedificare coepit.
A godless Juxta vicinus degebat nomine Rodulfus cognomine Pinellus,

fate*'^""' homo saeculi plurimum addictus concupiscentiis; qui ab ipso abbate
cum saepenumero ad bene vivendum moneretur spernebat, irridebat:

Life of Herluin

irridendo, cum ab armis defessus ac mundi voluptate satiatus esset,
monachum se futurum respondebat. quadam ergo die dominica pro
quibusdam altercationum controversiis praedictum abbatem adiit,
penes quern demoratus in vesperum, nocte jam ingruente more solito
admonitus, rogatus et irridens, domum rediit, et circa ejusdem noctis
is revealed to medium morte subita praeventus hominem exuit. quod abbas ipse
the abbot. eadem hora agnovit, animam illius raptam a daemonibus audiens
miserabili planctu ejulantem, et ita per longum temporis et loci
intervallum abduci. mittit sub acceleratione quid de illo ageretur
inquisitum iri. legatus illuc pervolans pulsatas fores irrupit,
irrumpens ad cubile pervenit, in cubile jam gelidum ac membris
omnibus rigidum ad latus nesciae uxoris invenit. hujus miraculi
unum fratribus testem habuit, qui cum eo ejusdem ejulatus audivit.
A ghostly Quadam die circa vespertinas horas cum foris ad opus resideret,

away a^inful ^^^^^ daemonem sub habitu clerici prope locum transire et earn
monk. dormitorii officinam, in quam fratrum ad necessaria secessus est,

adire. re vera suspicatus clericum et quod ad oratorium ire
voluisset, fecit a compluribus inclamari qua ibat non esse viam
oratorii. nequaqu&m exaudienfcem prosequitur missus qui revocaret,
sed elapsi nulla prorsus vestigia invenit. intellexit tandem inimici
praestigium, ac rei eventum expectavit. nocte proxima quidam
monachus de monasterio fugiens per eadem loca egressus discessit,
ut e vestigio subsecutus prodidit. quod mane ille cum comperisset
dixit, cui militabat et qui eum abducere sategit, a vespertinis horis
praestolabatur ibi immundus immundum dominus satellitem per
immunda jure abducturus.
The abbot Variis ergo simultatibus quae saepe introrsus oriebantur coepit

Fn'ruling hfs^ dolere multum et anxiari. ad ea enim componenda qui in claustro
monks. praesideret minime erat, sumptuum congerendorum necessitas
ilium extra immorari compellabat. hac de re multotiens deum
cum jam exorasset, divina sibi miseratio accommodavit auxilium,
sufficiens ad universa quae agenda forent suffragium.
Lanfranc, a Ortus Italia quidam vir erat, quem Latinitas, in antiquum ab
great sc o ar, restituta scientiae statum, tota supremum debito cum amore et
honore agnoscit magistrum, nomine Lanfrancus^: ipsa quoque in
liberalibus studiis magistra gentium^ Graecia discipulos illius
libenter audiebat et admirabatur. is patria egressus, quamplures
multi nominis scholares sccum habens, in Normanniam devenit.

' Lanfrancum. - ovi, gentium.

Gilbert Origin

considerans vero scientissimus vir quod captare auram mortalium
vanitas est, et quia ad non esse prona sunt universa, praeter eura
qui semper est et qui ei intendunt, ad obtinendum ejus amorem
turns from animum convertit et studium. quod igitur in litteris perfectius
invenit consilium placendi deo arripuit, ut relictis omnibus, abdicato
Mt. XVI 24. etiam sui ipsius jure, ilium sequeretur qui dixit : Si quis vult post
me venire, abneget semetipsum, et toUat crueem suam et sequatur
me. et quia, quanto magnus fuerat, tanto fieri optabat humilior,
locum adire disposuit ubi litterati aliqui non essent qui eum honori
and comes to ac reverentiae haberent. Beccum itaque adiit, quo nullum usquam
unknown.^ pauperius aestimabatur vel abjectius coenobium. forte tunc abbas
extruendae fornaci occupatus ipsemet operabatur manibus suis :
cujus humilitatem animi sermonisque dignitatem ille plurimum
veneratus et amans, monachus ibi efficitur.
The abbot and Videres ergo inter eos pium certamen. abbas quondam cleri-
recruit.^'*''^ catus ex grandaevo laico verebatur sibi subditam tanti doctoris
celsitudinem. ille nullam pro eminenti scientia gerens insolentiam,
humillime ad omnia parebat, attendebat, admirabatur, et praedi-
cabat quam ipsi in intelligendis scripturis gratiam deus concesserat.
abbas erga ilium debita veneratione, ille erga eum omnimoda con-
tendebat submissione : forma gregi uterque vivendi, unus active.
The abbot's alter Contemplative, abbas peritus erat in dirimendis causarum
and°strenuou8 saecularium controversiis, prudens in iis quae ad exteriora pertinent;
life- in aedificando et procurando quae necessaria forent neque prudentior

neque efficacior salva religione poterat esse, praesentia corporalis
foris inter curas mundi cum residebat, animus ad sui curam et
amorem dei praecipue intendebat ; nullam saecularis pompae curam
gerens, soli deo in actibus suis gratificari gestiebat. humillimus,
summae patientiae, in exequendo carnis appetitu modesto rigore
continentissimus, semper ad orationem primus exsurgebat, nec
diurni laboris multa defatigatio ilium in lecto post alios retinebat^.
quo jure, qua tranquillitate subditos sibi regebat: legum patriae
scientissimus praesidium suis erat contra iniquos exactores; et si
quid inter eos controversiae nascebatur, aequissimo confestim statu
componebat. undecumque vel quibuscumque loquebatur, sermo
ejus dignitatem in se maximam gerens obaudiebatur.
The scholar's At doctor ille maximus in claustro omnem operam impendebat
solitude quieti et silentio, cordis sui novalia verbi sacri excolens assidua

* requiebat.

Life of Herluin

lasts for three lectione, irrigans ea diilci quani saepe obtinebat lacrimarum corn-
years, punctione. sic per tres annos vixit solitarius infrequentia hominum,
gaiidens quod ibi nesciebatur, praeter paucissimos quibus aliquando
He is found loqiiebatur omnibus ignotus. rumor ut hoc factum prodidit^ longe
crowds' of lateque protulit, et fama viri praeclarissima Beccum et abbatem
pupils flock Herluinum brevi per orbem terrarum extulit. accurrunt clerici,

to Bee. .. .... ... . .

ducum filii, nominatissimi scholarum Latinitatis magistri ; laici
potentes, alta nobilitate viri multi pro ipsius amore multas eidem
ecclesiae terras contulere. ditatur ilico Beccensis locus ornamentis,
possessionibus, pereonis nobilibus et honestis : interius religio atque
eruditio multum accrescere, exterius rerum omnium necessariarum
subministratio coepit ad plenum abundare. adimpletur visio quae
in eodem monasterio visa est paucos ante dies quam vir ille tantus
ad ordinem coenobialem venisset : fons videbatur ortus in valle
monasterii, cujus aqua ad montimn cacumina excrescens, hinc inde
effusa, per campestrium difFundebatur amplitudinem. abbas fons
erat in convalle scilicet humilitatis exortus : ^aquae exundantes et
hinc inde latissime effluentes, monachi qui ab illo incrementum
acceperunt religionis"^^, divinae videlicet eruditionis disciplinam,
qua multi ab eodem loco longe lateque postea sunt meliorati.
Lanfranc Ad administranda^ quoque totius regni negotia summus ab

becomes duke • -vt • j itt-ii i •!• •

William's ^P^*^ jNonnanniae duce Willelmo consiliarius assumitur. cujus
counsellor: gratiae nimiam quae una die irruit repente obnubilationem,
insperato deus confestim laetificavit sereno, dignoque relatu.
but is quorundam accusationibus delatorum dux in eum vehementer

banished*"^ amaricatus mandat ut monasterio exturbatus patria discedat :
nec motus animi sui hac vindicta sedare valens mandavit juris
ejusdem monasterii villam, quae Parous* dicitur, flammis excidi :
paretur tam efferae jussioni. eo discedente, qui gaudium omne
fratribus erat et consolatio, dolor altus remanet. quia melior non
habebatur, tripes quarto pede inutili equus illi tribuitur, et unus
Lam. iii 26. famulus. instant itaque fratres orationi, juxta illud Jeremiae,
praestolantes cum silentio salutare domini. protinus quam ille
discedebat, duci obvius venienti appropinquans, equo per singulos
passus caput ad terram submittente, dominum salutat. innocentiae
quidem conscius, si locus dicendi daretur, non diffidebat causae,
majestas ilia humana primo vultum avertit, sed divina agente
dementia mox miserando respectat,et nutu benivolentiae loquendi^

' prodiit. * xic ed. : coder hohet qni ab illo incrementi aque exundantes hinc

illinc latissime effluerent accepit. ' ministranda. •* parens. * loquenti.
R. c. 7

He meets
duke,

Gilbert Crispin

jests with aditum concedit. tunc ille decenti joco ait: Tuo jussu tua pro-
vincia discedo pedes, hoc inutili occupatus quadrupede : vel ut
jussioni tuae parere queam, da equum mihi meliorem. cui dux
subridendo, Quis, inquit, ab ofFenso judice, infecto criminis illati
negotio^, munera exposcit ? tandem disertissimus orator petiit
clears himself, audientiam et accepit : causaeque finem in eo constituens qui
linguas infantium fecit disertas, dicendi opem subministrantibus
eis qui pro illo ad deum orabant, causam exorsus brevi ad optatum
and is finem peroravit. in amplissimam confestim gratiam receptus ac-

fullfavour *^^P^^ promissum quod nulla deinceps accusatione subiret purgandi
se praejudicium. gi-atissimi mox succedunt amplexus et oscula,
quibus argumentis omnino subsedit adversariae partis omne firma-
mentum. multo etiara cum augmento restituenda promittuntur
quae dux depopulari nuperrime jusserat. alacerrime quidam
praecurrens nuntiat fratribus ilium redire. commutantur lacrimae :
The monks personat non semel, ut fieri solet in ecclesia, sed ubique et per
aU day long*" totum diem ab universis altius corde quam ore pium Te deum
laudamus. abbas rei inopinae fidem adhibere non poterat,
donee desideratus advenit, quem per diem metus per annos
reddiderat absentem. accumulatur gaudium, quia incensorum fit
integerrima restitutio, terrarum quoque plurium^ concessarum
eidem ecclesiae ab eodem domino obtinetur^ confirmatio.
Great growth Qui ergo in ipsius monasterii inchoatione domibus necessariis
of the abbey, g^i^jj^-^ gufficiens non habuit, ejus paucos infra annos ad miliaria
protenditur dominium. quid referam illic servorum dei usui
extructas commoditates, stagna, virgulta, culturas, vineta ? nulla
est abbatia quae omni hominum commoditati magis commodificata
existat.

Non multo post propter inhabitantium multitudinem contigit
Isa. xlix 20. in ea illud dictum* a domino per Isaiam prophetam : Angustus
mihi est locus, fac spatium mihi ut inhabitem. adunatam etenim
Lanfranc illic fratrum multitudinem quia domorum spatiositas iam capere
bufwings^on valebat, et quia situs loci degentium incolumitati contrarius

a new site. existebat, venerabilis Lanfi-ancus abbatem Herluinum de majoris
monasterii et officinarum aedificatione compellare coepit. tanti
Herluin operis solam commonitionem^ ille extimuit, aetatis jam deficientis
viribus plurimum diffidens. confortari, adhortari, ac saepe id
ipsum ingerere, qui coeperat non omisit. nolente ille ullatenus

1 om. negotio. ^ plurimum: om. ed. ^ obtinet. ^ om. dictum.
^ commotiopem ed.

refuses,

Life of Herluin

till the
presbytery of
the church
falls down.

A healthier
site is chosen
and large
buildings are
begun.

The abbot's
faith brings
unfailing
suiiplies.

Lanfranc is
made abbot
of Caen.

The work,
retarded for a
moment, goes
forward
rapidly again.

Lanfranc
goes to
Canterbury.

adquiescere, divino nutu monasterii presbyterium corruit. anxianti
super hoc et midtum conturbato abbati suus in omni sua desola-
tione consolator accessit, obsecrans ut vel nunc adquiescens ampliora
inchoaret aedificia. tandem victus, spem in deo certissimam gerens
et plurimum in consiliarii sui ope confidens, cujus opera sibi bona
omnia proyeniebant, in salubriori multum situ nova inchoavit
' raonasterium et officinas, opus pergi-ande, dignum, cuius dignitati
ditiores multae non accedunt abbatiae. ad initiandum hoc opus
tantum non res suae, quia permodicae erant, sed maxima in deum
fides animum firmavit, quae universa conferendo sic accumulavit
quod a die qua primo fundamenta posita sunt usque ad extremi
lapidis impositionem nec materia defuit nec sumptus. testantur
per quorum manus expensae agebantur, quod septimana exacta
multotiens ante horam quod daretur operariis minime habebatur,
et ad horam undecumque ad sufficientiam deus largiebatiir.

Post triennii vero corapletionem, sola necdum completa basilica,
venerabilis Lanfi'ancus coepti operis institutor, tam domini quam
Normanniae primatum supplicatione coactus, ecclesiae Cadomensi
abbas praeficitur. remoratur coepta aedificatio aliquantisper, verum
illius consilium ac beneficientia, prout opus fuit, praesto semper
extitit. denique tot et tanta Beccensis ecclesia jam habebat,
tanta vigebat sollertia praesidentis, quod cessare opus nulla in-
digentia coegit : illam vero ad tempus expletionis moram subsecuta^
iterum prosperitas nimia acceleratione compensavit.

Interea saepedictus Normannorum dux Willelmus, haeredi-
tarium sibi Angliae regnum pervadens, imperium rebelle armis ad
quae voluit jura composuit. deinde ad meliorandos ecclesiarum
status animum intendit. totius igitur Christianitatis summi
pontificis Alexandri, viri vita et scientia excellentissimi, consulto
et rogatu, omnium quoque Anglici et Normanni imperii magnatum
libentissimo assensu, rex Willelmus, quod potissimum solumque
acceptabat consilium, doctorem supra memoratum ad hoc elegit
negotium. victus multiplici ratione in Angliam traducitur, et,
quae insularum transmarinarum primatum obtinet, Cantuariensia
ecclesiae suscepit praesulatum. qui multarum ditatus amplitudine
terrarum, auro argentoque locupletatus, executus mandatum quod
in Exodo mandatur, Honora patrem tuum et matrem, ut sis
longaevus super terram, omnibus modis benignus extitit circa

* subsecutam (hunc locum non habet ed.).

100

Gilbert Crispin

patrem suum spiritualem et matrem ecclesiam. cujus ad eas
partes transmigratio, paucos ante dies quam inde allegatio
veniret, venerabili abbati Herluino per visum ostensa est hoc
modo. videbatur quod in virgulto arborem malum habebat, cujus
ramorum spatiositas multa erat et magna fructuum ubertas,
pomorum vero species delectabilis et sapor optimus.. hanc rex
supradictus exposcebat, volens ad quoddam suum earn '"transferre
hortum"". reluctante isto et quod sola ea sustentaretur opponente,
quia dominus erat evicit et arborem asportavit. verum radices
penitus avelli non potuerunt ; ex quibus puUulantes virgulae con-
festim in arbores magnas excreverunt. post parvum denique sub
eo visu intervallum memoratus rex de arboris ipsius nimia fructi-
ficatione coram illo gaudebat, et ille se ex ea laetissimas habere
propagines aggaudendo respondebat. invitabatur a rege ut ipsum
arboris translatae incrementum iret videre, sed parantem pro-
ficisci nescio quae alia impediebant. haec autem omnia sicut visio
digessit rerum eventus explicuit, ""praeterquam quod"^^ revera ivit
et quod audierat vidit.

Virgultum abbatis erat Beccensis ecclesia, cujus arbor maxima,
ille doctor, non solum eam verum alias omnes per patriam suo
exemplo et doctrina sustentabat ecclesias. qui ob religionis sacrae
institutionem tradendam Anglis a praedicto rege ad transmarina
migrare per abbatem suum, cui tanquam deo ipsi parebat,
postulatus, multum invitus salva obedientia atque ab invito
abbate jussus paruit. cujus quantus inibi postea extiterit
fructus, latissime attestatur innovatus usquequaque institutionis
ecclesiasticae status ; coenobialis ordo, qui omnino ad laicalem
prolapsus fuerat dissolutionem, ad probatissimorum reformatur
disciplinam monasteriorum ; clerici sub canonicali coercentur
regula ; populus, rituum barbarorum interdicta vanitate, ad rectam
credendi atque vivendi formam eruditur.

Hanc fructuum deo suavissimorum fragrantiam, cujus ex odore
domus dei per orbem impleta est, quam et ipse abbas absens
jocundissime senserat, postea praesens quanto vicinius tanto
jocundius sensit, profectus ad eum in Angliam. quo in itinere
evidentibus miraculorum signis multa circa ilium gratia divina
innotuit. cum enim Boloniam venisset, volens egredi ad portum
qui plus sex leugis ab urbe non distat, tentavit qui cum eo ibat

' virgultum transferre ed.

prcaeter quia (quia super ras.)

Life of Herluin

101

comitatus, comitissa quoque comitis Eustachii conjunx, femina
deo amabilis, persuadere plurimum sategit, ut in urbe remaneret,
quoniam in portu navis nulla erat, et ventus, qui de transmarinis
eas referret, jam per quadraginta fere dies nuUus omnino extiterat.
at ille certissima in deo spe ait : Ibimus ad navalia, naves sine
mora habituri ; fratres qui domi remanserunt oraturi pro nobis
sine cunctatione eas nobis praesto habebunt. dixit, et ventus
statim convertitur. itur sub omni acceleratione ad portum, quo
tamen prius sedecim naves appulit ventus quam pervenissent.
noctis erat tunc priraordium, cujus ante medium rursus aspirante
vento qui transferret, circa aurorae exortum puppes omnes in
fluctus retrahuntur. ingressurus navim, aliis ad alia quae tarn
tumultuosae rei conveniunt intentis, abbas cum monachis baud
A strange procul letaniam dicebat. repente juxta quidam, nescitur unde,
shipmate. astitit homo grandaevae aetatis et modestissimae alacritatis.

frater qui letaniam pronunciabat ilium vidit, et ab universis
putabat conspici, aestimans pauperem esse qui praestolaretur,
ut finitis letaniis postularet aliquid sibi dari. verum intrantibus
eis vidit eundem jam in navi loco eminenti consedisse. suspicatus
igitur magni alicujus meriti ilium existere, qui pauper habebat
se tam imperiose, assidens prope circa ilium attentius manebat.
navis cum in altum mare evecta fuisset, territi sunt nautae qui-
busdam monstris quae in salo videbant. hac tumultuatione
prospectantibus aliis ille gravi quadam dignitate subridens metum
eorum reprehendebat, tunc primo, ut aiebant, visus ab eis.
exigentibus confestim nauticis, quis foret, quis induxisset, vel
quo pretio navem locaret, eo auctoritate multa se habente et nil
omnino respondente, dixit frater qui jam diu eum viderat : Ex quo
letaniam diximus in portu nobiscum manet, et ut credo plus eo
navigium quam ipse navi indiget. coeperunt ergo mirari, et
mirando ilium omnes contueri. viderat abbas quondam cui valde
conformis erat, et quaesivit nominatim an is esset. ille paululum
vultu exhilarato hoc solum respondit, Non sum. hoc unum in tota
ea navigatione protulit verbum. navi prosperrimo cursu apud
Dofifrensem^ portum appulsa, per comitatus hominum qui in
navibus erant multum requisitus ille comes navigii nusquam
reperiri vel qui eum exiisse vidisset potuit. dein omnium rerum
cum incolumitate quinto die ad archiepiscopum abbas pervenit.
He visits Quae tunc inter eos submittendi sese ad invicem pia contentio ?

Lan franc :

' Dorobernensem.

102

Gilhert Crispin

who receives summus antistes et in ecclesiis transmarinis vices apostolicas
deepest*^ gerens snbmittebat se suo quondam abbati, ut alius quivis
humility. monachus ; secundus ab eo ubique nisi ad missarum sollemnia
residendo, et nianum illius cum ab eo aliquid accipiebat, nisi
raptim ille avertisset manum, osculando. illi sedes eniinentior
ac imperandi jus omne tribuebatur. donabat famulorum delin-
quentiuin reatus, ac caetera in domo quae libebat. domini nomen
alius, sed ille auctoritatem gerebat. quanto curia sua frequentior,
quanto utriusque ordinis personarum totius regni excellentium
conventvxs fiebat numerosior, tanto niajori obsequio coram omnibus
ilium archiepiscopus praeferebat. nnxltum mirabantur universi,
maxime Angli, archiepiscopum Cantuariensem sic submitti ulli
mortalium. sumant itaque oboediendi formam, qui subditi con-
tumaces existunt praepositis, cum vir tantus in ipsa tot gentibus
praelatione humilitatis adhuc spontaneus sustineat jugum atque
oboedientiae.

The honours Abbas vero quam debebat dignitati tantae submissionem
ofthe humble. pQj^g^l^^^^ J, exsolvere, sed nullatenus permittebatur. eece quid
in hac etiam vita servientibus sibi opulentissima dei manus
retribuit. qui pauperiem Christi assumens ab universis olim
contemptui habebatur, habet nunc qui morem sibi gerebat
primatem totius regni Angliae cum omnibus sibi commissis
pontificem. eam benignitatis dei vicem et ille acceperat, qui,
abnegans semetipsum sibi cui olim pro deo sui tradiderat liber-
tatem, videt ecclesiastici juris censura nunc ad vestigia sua
provolvi, ut omittam consulares multos, immo maxime totum sibi
acclive regnum.

His prosper- Praedicto abbati rursus mirabili rerum successu ad votum
ous return. ovinia cesserunt, mox ut redire disposuit. nam die qua voluit,
circa sextam diei horam venientibus quos ad mare archiepiscopus
praemiserat ac renuntiantibus ventum omnino esse contrarium et
pelagus infestum, assueta in deo ille confidentia discessit ad mare
obluctantibus universis et nocte jam ingruente ; quo multa parte
noctis exacta perveniens, ventum quem volebat, et qui commodior
erat ad transferendum, eadem hora praesto habuit. interim
somnum capiens, dum naves ad mare impelluntur, prime lucis
sub exortu navem ingressus tam ipse quam omnes sui confestim
transvecti sunt prosperrimo omni navigii eventu. non amplifi-
camus rem gestam, sed simplici narratione scribentes relinquimus
eam aliis considerandam dignaque amplificatione attollendam.

Life of Herluin

103

The notable De arboris illius magnae radicibus quae in horto suo remanse-

fruitsofBec: ^j. somnium viderat, vidit postea praedicandus vir

pullulantes quasdam virgulas in arbores magnas excrevisse, multos
videlicet ad magna bonoriun operum incrementa per illius in-
stitutionem aceessisse : illius etenim sementis existit quicquid
unquam boni fi-uctus in Beccensi coenobio vel ab eo extiterit.

Anselm, arbor fi-uctibus opima fuit venerabilis Anselmus ecclesiae Au-
gustensis clericus, qui ilium doctorem maximum ad ordinem
monachorum subsecutus ad prioratum quoque ejusdem coenobii
Beccensis post eum accessit, et defuncto beatae memoriae supra-
dicto Herluino abbati successit ; quique postea successit in
episcopatum venerandae recordationis saepedicto Lanfranco Can-
tuariensi archiepiscopo : vir ingenio admirabilis, facundia non
impari, et quod ad humanum spectat indicium morum omnium
probitate insignis. quod de approbanda actuum ejus honestate
dicimus, vicinitas universa testatur, longe lateque Normarmia

William, attestatur, et Gallia amplissime contestatur. arbor fructuum
jocunditate plurimum acceptabilis fuit ecclesiae Cormeliensis
abbas Willelmus, apprime nutritus et eruditus. arbor alta atque

Henry, fructuosa extitit Henricus Cantuariensis ecclesiae decanus, qui
postmodum abbas fuit de Bello, vir ecclesiasticis omnibus disci-
plinis optime instructus. arbores bonorum operum fertilitate

Hernost, multum gravidae in domo domini extiterunt venerabilis Hernostus

and Gundulf. ecclesiae Rofensis episcopus, et qui ei ad idem officium ibidem
successit, vir morum sanctitate admodum reverendus, Gundulfus
episcopus. hos ecclesiae suae filios vidit gi-andaevus pater aliis
ecclesiis patres constitutos. hi sunt filii de quibus in psalmo

Ps. cxxviii 4. dicitur, Filii tui sicut novellae olivarum ; qui ab inferioribus
extenuati, ad superiora roborati, caritatis dei adipe et pinguedine
repleti aliorum animas verbis ac bonis exemplis reficiendo roborant,
roborando sustentant, sustentando ad summa virtutum incrementa
educunt. multam quoque educaverat sobolem spe certissima
posteritatis spiritualiter in domino jam juvenescentem ; nobilissi-
morum etenim atque optimorum tam clericorum quam laicorum
ex multis partibus orbis illic adunatus numerus ad centenariam
pertingebat summam. vidit filios filiorum, ex sancto videlicet
Cadomensi coenobio fratres ad idem opus assumptos, in extremis
nationibus multos gignere in domino.

Herluin grows Corporeae eum vires jam deserebant, quas per tot annos
laboris vehementia, vigiliarum et inediae continuatio plurimum

104

GUhert Crispin

sight^^*'^ attriverat. visus maxime destituebatur officio, et ab horis

vespertinis indigebat ducamine. quamobrem non in dormitorio

cum fratribus, neque ad psallendum chore interesse jam valebat ;

relax llis"°* sed taineii ad nocturnale officium primus surgebat, nec ulla diurni

strictness of laboris defatigatio in lecto ilium post alios retinebat. cibi ac potus

parcimonia, quae in juventute, eadem servabatur in senectute ;

praeter quod ab omni fratrum conventu coactus, exceptis legalium

jejuniorum diebus, bis comedebat in die : quod quidem ipsum non

tam refocillandi lassi corporis cura concesserat, quam ut escam

sumens eis sumentibus, quibus ad opus praesidebat, insistere

posset, operi usque in vesperam, ac persaepe etiam usque in

noctem consistebat. otium aut voluptas nullum in eo sibi locum

sortita est. non aetas eum annorum numerum jam excedens de

Ps. xc 10. quo dicitur in psalmo, Et amplius eorum labor et dolor, non

vehemens qua multum saepe in internis angebatur infirmitas

ilium ab actionibus necessariis retinebat. paterno affectu omni

modo circa monachos suos intentus, districta eos disciplina regebat

m?gligence °' affectuosissimo amore diligebat. si quem inter fratres segnem,

and of si quem sui ordinis ac studii litterarum negligentem, si quem

Ignorance. ecclesia somnolentum deprehendebat, hunc omnino invisum

habebat. semper inquibat, Homo litterarum et mandatorum dei

nescius quid praestat ? quem considerabat vigilantiorem, stu-

diosiorem, ad virtutum exercitia promptiorem, hujus non abbas

sed servus exstabat, plerosque plus ad studium incitabat illius

favor quam scientiae ipsius amor, sedulus enim perquirebat quis

omnium eorum qui erudiebantur acutioris ingenii esset, quis

tenacioris memoriae existeret, quis vehementius instare cuivis

studio valeret, denique ex omnibus quis ad singulas virtutes et

amorem dei plus intenderet : nec minus quam in se amabat et

enutrire satagebat quidquid amandum videbat in singulis, litte-

ratus aliquis volens monachus fieri, quando ad ilium veniebat,

qua exultatione suscipiebatur, quae suscepto benignitas et veneratio

exhibebatur. laicos qua instantia ut ad discendum psalmos in-

tenderent agebat, quibus modis ut quod inchoaverant amando

tenerent instabat. omnibus omnia se conformans omnes ut filios

et illi ut patrem eum amabant.

He desires Nova necdum sacrata erat ecclesia, quam ab ipso, cuius eam

that Lanfraiic ... . . . '

may conse- Consilium inchoavit et auxilium consummavit, expectabat con-
church*^*^ secrari, instanter hoc a deo exposcens : cujus petitioni, qui ad
caetera sibi benignus exstiterat, optatum deus concessit effectum,

Life of Herhnn

105

adimplens per omnia super hac re illius aflfectum. multo enim
ampliori quam praesuiuere ])oterat honorificentia consecrata est,
et a quo exoptabat. nam pro quibusdam negotiis tarn saecu-
laribus quam ecclesiasticis saepe supramemoratus gentium
transmarinarum apostolicus ad curiam venit eminentissimi regis
Anglorum Willelmi in sua terra Normannorum tunc commo-
rantis.

Lanfranc Sed primo veniens ad ipsum monasterium qua non potuit

comestoBec: j^^gj^j.- hmj^iiJtate cum fratribus se habuit, juxta quod scriptum
Ecclus. iii 20. est : Quanto magnus es, humilia te in omnibus, ad abbatis jam
senio incurvati osculum accedens, tantae eminentiae archiepiscopus
ad pedes ejus advolvi conatur; verum illo e contra id ipsum
conante, longo uterque luctamine dum alteram sustentat, neuter
explevit quod satagebat. post midtuni^ diuque optatos amplexus
cum fratribus in claustro sedit archiepiscopus ut quivis alius
ipsorum ; senes, juvenes ac infantes, unumquemque compellans
his kindly singulatim et debita confortatione adhortans. ad mensam dex-
fHiuihanty, t^j-gj-gnj^ et sinistrorsum fratres cum archiepiscopo sedere, ac
communi calice et scutella una cum eo coguntur cibum sumere.
pontificali amota celsitudine ipsis etiam puerulis affandum se
exhibebat, benignitatis exhibitione ad amorem dei aetatem
invitans, quae sermonis sui capere nequibat altitudinem. quem
enim summi in saeculo viri admodum verebantur, nec solum a
consessu verum ab accessu procul arcebantur, illis ob sacrae
professionis habitum communis habebatur. neque sola aedifi-
cationum - solatia fratribus impendit ; quia, exceptis quae pretiosa
and generous multum ecclesiae concessit omamenta, tanto hospite digna hospi-
tium locavit munificentia, ut^ ex reliquiis festive geminari
potuerint* octavae.

He obtains Compellatus ab universis de consecratione ejusdem ecclesiae,
leave^tcf^ paratus eorum morem gerere voluntati, ad curiam inducias re-
consecrate, spondendi postulavit ab eis et accepit. tantam quippe rem
noverat pendere ab edicto regis et consilio. dein affectuosissimis
fratrum omnium votis et lacrimis commendatus ad regem pervenit.
locutus cum eo unde rogatus discesserat diem dedicationis accepit,
et confestim nuntium remisit non modo qui diceret, verum et
unde fieret.

Preparations. Dies ergo a multis per multos annos multum exoptatus longe

1 multos ed. - aedificatione ed. ^ om. ut. ■* potuerunt.

106

Gilbert Crisjmi

Ps. cxiii 7.

23 Oct. 1077.

A great
assemblage.

Scenes of
enthusiasm.

lateque insinuatur. ex longinquis regionibus viri consulares,
ecclesiasticorum graduum summae personae, hominum genus
infinitum adventurum praenuntiatur, libentissime accipitur. con-
geruntur maxinii sumptus ad suscipiendum omne genus hominum ;
ubi adimpletur, Pluviani voluntariam segregabit deus hereditati
suae, nil ab aliquo exactum, nil expetitum ; se ipso sufficiens
quod coeperat perfecit deus, qui de stercore erigit ac in sublimi
ponere pauperem consuevit; solo suae manus gestamine, cujus in
consummatione hujus operis sui manus adeo larga exstitit. quod
res sumptuosissime acta universis ad votum et sufficientiam
fuit, nec ullam in posterum contraxit indigentiam. ad tantum
solemnitatis tantae gaudium languor, qui per octo ante dies
vehementissimus tenuerat, mortis imminentis metu ipsum mona-
sterii patrem deesse minitabatur. porro, ne quod moeroris
nubilum diei illius lucem offunderet, deo miserante ad diem
plenissime convaluit.

Igitur decimo kalendas novembris, anno ab incarnatione domini
millesimo septuagesimo septimo, sanctae omni ecclesiae reverendus
gentium transmarinarum sumnius pontifex Lanfrancus advenit
consecrando consummaturus ecclesiam, quam inspirante deo
inchoavit, et in cujus extruendis fundamentis lapidem secundum
ipse manu sua imposuit. convenerunt universi Normanniae
episcopi, abbates, et alii quique viri religiosi; atfuerunt proceres
regni ; rex aliis detentus negotiis adesse non potuit. x'egina
Mathildis libens affuisset, nisi regiis detenta occupationibus
fuisset; afFuit tamen per condecentem beneficientiae suae largi-
tionem. noluit rex supernus operi gratiae suae regem terrenum
supremam manum imponere, sibi totum reservans operis con-
summati gaudium, quod infra sedecim annos solis pauperum
expensis complevit monasterium cum omnibus officinis, opus
pulchrum et maximum. afFuerunt et regni Franciae clarissimi
consules, et ex aliis ejusdem regni primatibus complures ; clerici,
monachi ex universis adjacentibus provinciis. confluxit innumerum
genus hominum. agitur dedicatio laetissima solemnitate et
solemnissima omnium alacritate, alacritati hominum aer ipse
purissimus diesque lucidissimus arridebat. prae tumultu circum-
euntium populorum vix exaudiuntur chori canentium. in tanta
compilatione nuUus laesionis alicujus sensit molestiam, nulla in
agendis turbatio obvenit. peracta processione vix pontificibus
intrare licet sine coUisione. irrupit sequens populus avulsis

Life of Herhiin

107

omnibus januis, universis tamen illaesis, quantum ecclesiae^ spa-
tiositas jwtnit adstriiigere. distribuuntur altaria consecranda
pontificibus, ipsum principale sacrandum archiepiscopo reinansit.
fit per totam ecclesiam summa celebritas, et in agenda celebritate
pia quaedam contentiositas. vix semet ipsum quisque cantantiiim
exaudit prae multitudine vociferantium. multi jubilantes quid
dicebatur nescientes, aut quibus concinerent minime attendebant.
Tlie older gi'aves ejusdem monasterii personae, quae propter nimiam aliorum
aowded mit. multitudineni paucae aderant, solis lacrimis et devotione cordis
solemnitatem explebant. personabat in aliis vox laetitiae et
jocundationis, in illis modulabatur domino cum lacrimis sola sibi
Tlie service is soli^ tota intenta affectio mentis, quid plura ? finitur majori
fea'st^^^ " quam coepta fuerat jocunditate solemnitas : itur ad refectionem.

paschales nulli defuerunt epulae, a mane usque ad profundam
noctem succedentibus fratrum turmis qui ad festum venerant,
quantum refectorii tabulae continere valebant, universis tam
notis quam ignotis, nec solum in domibus circumpositis, verum
in villis etiam remotis, quae ad usus necessarios petierunt, sponsata
deo regi ecclesia libens ministravit affluentia nuptiali : majoribus
quibusque sic ad placitum et sufficientissime, ut qui accipiebant
dicerent modum excessisse : neque solum ea die, sed multis per
The aged aliquot ante dies dum operiebantur, ita servitum est. venerabilis
Uiankfalness. abbas requirens a ministris, qui ibant ac redibant nec momento
uno loco stare poterant, quid agerent, quid dicerent, an sumptus
adhuc deficerent, cum potius abundare audiebat ab eis, quoties
Ps. cxvi 12. ilia die dixit. Quid retribuam domino pro omnibus quae retribuit
mihi ? et dicendo ista solas retribuebat domino laeriraas agentes
gratias pro concessis sibi tot beneficiis. ac merito, quia, exclusa
omni penuria, omni a deo sumministrata serviebatur sufficientia.
Lanfranc's Tertio die saeculis memorandus jam saepe dictus Cantuariorum

departuie, archiepiscopus ab universis fratribus eundi missionem poposcit.

quis tantum tantae inter eos benignitatis virum recedentem siccis
oculis aspicere potuit ? omnes eruperunt in lacrimas ; parvuli
non valebant consolari. consulto maturavit recessum, quatenus
a fletu se continerent vel post ejus discessum. abbas Herluinus,
eum supra omnes mortales amans et ab eo amatus, discedentera
per duo miliaria prosecutus est amicum ad suos visus nunquam
in hac vita ulterius rediturum. quae cordis amaritudo, qui fletus,

' om. ecclesiae. - sibi soli] solis.

108

Gilbert Crispm

quamvis comprimerentur, in ipso ultimo Vale et ultimo ab invicem
and the ^ discessu. postquam reversus est, sedens in camera solus cum solo,
dimial/. '""^ si^i 6^ omnibus er<at familiarissimus, concitatis permittens
lacrimis habenas ad caelum manus levavit, et his verbis ait : Nunc
Lc. ii 29 f. dimittis, domine, servum tuum in pace, quia viderunt oculi mei,
quod ut viderem antequam morerer summopere optabam et
indesinenter a te orabam. adimplesti quae volui. nunc servus
tuus laetus ad te ibit quacumque hora tibi placuerit. sic verba
compressit, sed lacrimarum affluentiam cohibere non potuit, donee
frater qui cum eo loquebatur diutius nequiens sustinere aliunde
sermonem induxit.

His mortal Ex tunc omni membrorvim officio destitui penitus coepit, et

Aug^icns!^ longe ante diei ipsius annuam revolutionem quod oraverat obtinuit.
(ley. quarto) nam proxime subsecuto mense Augusto, decimo Hertio* kalendas
Septembris, die dominico, ex toto lecto decubuit. sensit pater
longaevus certis indiciis jam adesse mortem, quod ubi amantissi-
mae congregationi innotuit, mors quaedam universes pervasit.
anguor et ex anguore quidam stupor animos cunctorum obsedit.
cibus percipi non poterat : somnus recessit ab oculis. tertio die ab-
solvi se et caetera quae morientibus exhibentur officia sibi exhiberi
rogavit. adsunt filii valefacturi amatissimo patri eo primo orbandi ;
lacrimis et singultibus psalmos et caeteras orationes interrum-
pentibus, tandem ventum ad agendam confessionem. confiteri
coepit, verum remanentium pietate filiorum superatus et ipse in
lacrimas eflfusus dicere nil potuit. vix tamen eluctatus in vocem
absolvit filios, dansque benedictionem et pacem omnibus, tam
absentes quam praesentes immortali eos patri omnes commendavit,
ac discedentes, quia plus non poterat, ut pro se orarent postulavit.
dolor et lacrimae orationes fiebant, quoniam vix ab eis psalmus
continuari valebat. dum quisque in alterum respiciebat, quasi
jam cerneret fratrem patre orbatum, erumpebat in lacrimas.
coram illo plangere nequaquam audebant, quia spe bona laeta-
bundus non lacrimantes sed laetantes eos omnes videre volebat.
si cujus in lacrimas concitati singultum sentiebat, confestim solita
gravitate compescebat. profunda jam noctis parte transacta, quae
in sabbatum illucescebat, cujus ad vesperum obiit, reverendissimus
vir ejusdem ecclesiae prior Anselmus, de proximo illius fine non
tam suspectus quam certus, collocavit se longiuscule ab eo, et
clanculo, nolens ut ille agnosceret, quia moleste ferebat aliquem
circa se. verum mox ut primum ad matutinas sonuit signum, ilico

Life of Herluin

109

excitavit domnum abbatem Rogerium, qui secus caput ejus ac-
cumbebat, et ait : Excitate priorein, ut dicat nobiscura matutinas.
plurimum miratus est ille quomodo id agnovisset, quia nec coram
60 venerat, nec aliquis ei dixerat, et post accubuerat. summo
vero mane omnes diei horas coram se dici rogavit. denique jam
The boly ingruentem mortis horam sentiens communicari se expostulavit,
Ma ic m. animam sibi commendari. festinato ivit abbas Rogerius, sed

nullam in eucharistia hostiam invenit. turbati sunt fratres
universi. mors instabat, et tutamen salutare dominici corporis,
quod ille acciperet, non erat. verum circa morientem minime
defuit, quae circa viventem miserationis divinae gratia praesto
semper fuit. forte tunc quidam sacerdos pro eo missam celebrans
sumendum adhuc in manibus tenebat corpus dominicum. ejus
itaque oblationis, quae pro commendando illius exitu oblata deo
fuerat, praedictus abbas portionem unam suscepit, et ei ad
viaticum tulit. commendaturi exitum ilico fratres omnes ac-
currunt, quorum lacrimationem nec tunc sustinere praevalens,
peracta ex more Christiano commendatione, quo valuit nutu
verboque monuit ut in claustrum redeant, tanto instantius ei
subvenientes, quanto ad exitum propinquare videbant.
The last Jam sola exitus hora expectabatur, ac pi'ecum et lacrimarum

moments. armis communitur. quotiens camerae in qua decumbebat ostium
aperiebatur, verens quisque ne jam migrasse nuntiaretur, attonitus
prosiliebat, et quod verebatur audire expectabat. transegit diem
sic usque ad vesperam, ac saepe quasi aliunde reversus dicebat
abbati Rogerio, qui proximus astabat : Quid faciunt domini nostri ?
cur morantur ? quid esse putatis ? cur non accedunt ? ille quan-
quam de aliis eum crederet loqui personis, respondebat ac si
loqueretur de fratribus monasterii, Quid, inquiens, jubetis? sunt
in claustro, orant pro vobis, aderunt mox ut voletis. tacebat, et
parvum post intervallum eadem commotius iterabat. laborabat
ille addiscere quorum moram causabatur et accessum praestola-
batur, verum nil plus ab eo audiebat. vespertina a fratribus
peracta sinaxi, cum diei ac diurni officii fine, vitae humanae
stadium felici cursu peregit, nocte jam proxima, quae in dominicum
26 Aug. 1078. illucescebat, septimo kalendas Septembris.

The funeral. Irruunt universi, nec jam solum monachi, verum ex familia
servientes, et qui ex villis confluxerant, fores et claustra ctfringere
conati. quos abbas Rogerius, qui sancto viro in ultima aegritudine
obsequentissimus fuerat, prudenti confortatione adhortans detinuit,

110

Gilbert Crispin

donee corpus decentissime funeratum solemni processione in
ecclesiam est perlatum. in communi igitur posito jam licet
omnibus communem lamentari desolationem. quae vivum semper
assequebatur, in funere quoque ilium gloria comitatur. ad per-
solvendum ultimum obsequium fratri, qui apud omnes maximi
amoris atque reverentiae ob eximiam religionem fuit, animo libenti
convenerunt plurimi abbates multaeque personae venerabiles.
advenit et totum exequiale oflficium celeberrime egit^ Ebroicensis
episcopus, honestae vitae magnaeque litterarum scientiae vir
venerandus Gislebertus.
The abbot's Factum est in capitulo illi monumentum bonorum actuum,
toe'clmpteV" aeternum filiis monumentum. jure quo de spiritualibus locuturi
house. studiis conveniunt illius praesentatur memoria, qui ex tyranno

religiosus, ex multum saeculari omnino spiritualis, loci illius atque
ordinis primus exstitit fundator et abbas, maximos patre ama-
tissimo orbatorum filiorum questus referre supersedeo, ne dolorem
legenti inferam, neu lectorem ref'erendo moveam in lacrimationem.
illo decenti honorificentia tumulato, largissimis expensis recreantur
pauperes qui ex tota vicinitate confluxerunt. aetemam animae
illius recreationem praestet, si votis opus est, qui vivit et regnat
per omnia saecula saeculorum. amen.

OVl. egit.

GISLEBERTI ABBATIS DE SIMONIACIS

Gilbert seeks DiLlGENDO patri et domino, sanctae Cantuariensis ecclesiae f.
juT^ient as ^"''"^'^^ pontifici, Anselmo frater Gilbertus abbas Westmonasterii :
to simoniacal quae praeparavit deus diligentibus se.

persons. Quia vobis multam deus concessit gratiara in scripturarum

sensibus, precor ut audiatis quid me ac plures alios mecum mo-
veat de simoniacis, et quid super hoc tenendum sit ecclesiasticis
He will set assei'tionibus edoceatis. utque minori taedio ad quaesita respon-
onVoth Tides quae hinc atque inde dicuntur coram posita liberius

atque subtilius discutiatis, utramque partem quaestionis ad quern
potui finem vestigando perduxi, et quae ex utraque parte dici
possunt aeque scripta posui, quid conveniant, et unde contro-
versia existat.

All agree that Id equidem apud omnes convenit et constat de simoniacis,
heresy^- quia sunt haeretici. simoniacos dicimus qui munus dant pro
sacris ordinibus. excludo^ munus a lingua, munus ab officio,
et si qua alia nobis sunt occulta exhibitionum genera, vereor
1 Cor. iv 5. comminantem apostolum : Nolite, inquit, ante tempus judicare
donee veniet dominus, qui et illuminahit abscondita tenebrarum et
manifestabit consilia cordium. tamen audiant nobiscum quod
Gal. vi 7. idem ait apostolus: Nolite errare; deus non irndetur. audiant et
Isa. xxxiii 15. unde justum hominem propheta commendat: Qui excutit manus
suas ab omni munere.

Sed haec omitto. communi sensu accipio simoniacos, qui
datione auri et argenti fiunt, verbi gratia, episcopi, et nisi id eis
emeret datio auri et argenti non fierent episcopi. qua, inquam,
and com- auctoritate istis communicamus ? sancit lex divina, sanciunt
heretic" canones et decreta, ut cum haereticis nullam prorsus commu-
forbidden. nionem habeamus. quod approbari opus non est : quia ita esse
nuUi in ecclesia dei dubium est. deus^ in evangelio nihil medium
Matt, xii 30. ponit: Qui non est, inquit, mecum, adversum me est. si quis ergo

' Incipit liber domni Gisleberti abbatis de Symoniacis ms. excluso ms

(vide supra p. 37 n.). ^ fors. domiuus.

112

Gilbert Crispin

adversariis dei commnnicando dicit cum deo se esse, circa idem
duo contraria statuit esse, quod non potest esse, inde ait et
2 Cor. vi 15. apostolus : Quae participatio fideli cum infideli t infideles vero

dicimus et credimus esse oinnes haereticos.
These err At si quis obicit infideles dici eos tantum qui errando a

thaT grace veritate fidei animo pertinaci contemnunt redire ad veritatem
comes gnitis. fidei, concedimus. quia dicimus simoniacos omnino errare a
veritate fidei, quia credunt id quod dei est pecunia emi posse:
Matt. X 8. cum Veritas ipsa in evangelio dicit^: Gratis, inquit, accepistis,
gratis date, unde et ipsum donum dei, quia gratis accipitur,
gratis datur, gratia dei vocatur. neque enim dicimus eos tantum
haereticos qui errant a veritate fidei seu in discretione trinitatis
seu in unitate deitatis, sed etiam omnes eos qui animo pertinaci
nolunt esse in omni ea | unitate fidei quam credit et tenet uni- f. lOO.
versalis ecclesia Christi.
What is Quod itaque comparatur, gratis non datur: si gratis non datur,

not^^rotl"™*^^ gratiae nomen jam ibi prorsus evacuatur. igitur gratia dei non
and is not emitur : alioquin gratia non diceretur. ad haec : quae sua sunt
T^he bishop episcopus operatur, exteriora videlicet officiorum signa, et ea seu
ou'twarV^^ vendere seu gratis conferre potest si vult. qui ergo ab episcopis
signs: God ordines emunt, id emunt quod episcopi vendere possunt: sola
grace videlicet exteriora officiorum signa. donum et gratiam dei, quae
sua non sunt, nuUo modo episcopi vendere possunt. alioquin aut
deus omnipotens non esset, si violentia sibi ulla inferretur; aut
Justus non esset, si ab eo pravitati assensio ulla praeberetur. si
autem non credunt simoniaci donum dei pecunia posse emi, emunt
tamen, aut decipi deum posse putant, qui furtiva comparatione
donum ejus sibi vindicant, aut injuriae tantae debitum ultorem
and this they esse deum non aestimant, qui injusta pervasione donum ejus
cannot buy. j.apimjt, tenent atque usurpant. quia vero nihil horum de deo
dici fas est, et gratia dei nuUo modo pecunia emitur, quicquid
aliud confertur infructuose omnino exhibetur.
What then is Quid ergo juvat indulta ab illis peccatorum remissio ? prius^
ti^n'^worth?" ^^^^ dominus in evangelio: Accipite spiritum sanctum; et
Joh. XX 22 f. postea subintulit : Quorum remiseritis peccata, remissa erunt, et
quorum retinueritis, retenta erunt. peccata ergo neque remitters
neque retinere possunt qui spiritum sanctum prius non acceperunt.
01 their quid denique confert illorum benedictio ? bencdictionis gratiam

benediction ?

' dicat MS. " primus ms.

De Simoniacis

113

dare non possunt qui benedicendi gratiam non acceperunt: imino

nialedictionem pro benedictione inducunt.
0. T. proofs : Ut de veteri testamento aliqua supersumamus exempla, in
makeT*'^^*" lege scriptum est: Quod tetigeiit immundus, immundum erit. quod
unclean.

Num. xix 22. . .... ... , ....

mundus enim ent quisquis immunditiam atque haeresim alicujiis

agnoscens ab eo tactus atque tractus ad sui communionem fuerit.
None with a et alibi: Locutus est dominus ad Moysen dicens, Omnis qui habuent
approach"the ^<^cidam de semine Aaron sacerdotis, non accedet offerre hostias
altar. . domino, nec panes deo suo: vescetitr tamen panibus qui offeruntur
21—23. ' in sanctuario, ita dumtaxat ut intra velum non ingrediatur, nec
accedat ad altare; (quia maculam habet) et contaminare non debet
sanctuarium meum. per quamvis maculam peccatum signatur,
per leprae maculam haeresis designatur : qui ergo ab ipso altaris,
immo veli, accessu arcetur, ab omni altaris officio omnimodo
inhibetur. si itaque is qui maculam gerit, quamvis existat de
semine Aaron sacerdotis, cujus solam stirpem deus assumpserat
ad officium altaris, omnimodo prohibetur ab altaris accessu, nulla
prorsus quaestio restat de eo qui leprae macula infectus erit
I et qui de semine Aaron non fuerit. nulla igitur simoniacus f. lOl.
ratione potest accedere ad altare; quia si accedit non sacrat sed
contaminat sanctuarium dei, utpote immundus atque haeresis, hoc
est leprae, macula infectus, et a semine Aaron sacerdotis omnino
Hebr. V 4. alienus: sumit enim ipse sibi honorem, et non [et] vacatur a deo
tanquam Aaron.

Authorities : Beatus quoque Ambrosius, in libro de observatione episco-
above"^. 68)^. porum inde disputans, inter alia si non eisdem verbis eodem
omnino sensu ista dicit: Quid accipit episcopus ? aurum. aurum,
inquit, est quod accipit episcopus, ponit in sacello ; sed accipiendo
Matt, xvi 26. pecuniam perdit animam suam : quid vero prodest homini si totum
jnundum lucretur, animae vero suae detrimentum patiatur? qui
autem dat pecuniam pro ordinibus episcopo, quid sumit ab
Leprosy, not episcopo ? lepram, inquit, non gratiam : maledictionem, inquit,
receh'es^ a benedictionem. Item, Quando simoniacus dicit ad populum,

curse, not a Pax vobis, quod habet dare potest, hoc est damnationem quam

blessing, he . .

gives. habet: benedictionem et gratiam dei dare eis non potest, quia non

habet. qui enim dat pecuniam pro ordinibus episcopo, quia pro

Or, again, gratia dei nihil dat deo, utique nil sumit vel accipit a deo. utique

he receives ^jg verbis beatus Ambrosius plane ostendit quia simoniacus nil
nought, gives ...... ' ^

nought. accipit, uil tradit.

114

Gilbert Crispin

Leo, Ep.
clxvii (ad
Rusticum)
inq. 1.

Innocent, Ep.
xvii (nd
Riifum) §§ 7,
12.

How then
does he dif
from a
layman ?

1 Cor. iv 7.

Scriptural
warnings :
Korah,
Num. xvi 35.

Uzzah,

2 Kegg. vi 3,

6, 7.

Leo papa in decretis suis inter alia sic ait: Unde cum saepe
quaestio de male accepto honore nascatur, quis ambigat nequa-
quam ab istis esse tribuendum, quod non eis docetur fuisse
coUatum ? his quoque verbis ostenditur quia nihil confertur
simoniaco, nihil tribuitur a simoniaco. uterque enim appellatur
simoniacus, et qui dat pecuniam et qui accipit pecuniam pro
sacris ordinibus.

Innocentius papa haec ita dicit: Adquiescimus et verum est
certe, quia quod non habuit simoniacus dare non potuit (et nihil
in dante erat quod posset accipere qui emebat)^: damnationem
utique quam habuit per pravam manus impositionem dedit : et
qui particeps factus est damnato quomodo debeat honorem ac-
cipere in venire non possum, ad summam: certe qui nihil a Bonoso
acceperunt, rei sunt usurpatae dignitatis, qui conficiendorum
sacramentorum sibi vindicaverunt auctoritatem, atque id se pu-
taverunt esse quod nulla eis fuerat regulari ratione concessum.

Id attestari et contestando astipulari videntur quamplurimae
aliorum quoque patrum in canonibus et in decretis sententiae. si
igitur nil tradit qui sacros ordines vendit, nil accipit qui sacros
ordines emit, quid refert inter simoniacum et aliquem sine or-
dinibus laicum, quantum ad altaris officium ? nec ille nec iste
quicquam habet, quia non accipit. unde apostolus Paulus ait :
Quid enim habes quod non accepisti? ut ergo per partes | dicam, f. 102.
aut missa non erit quam simoniacus celebrabit, sacrata ecclesia
non erit quam simoniacus sacrabit, cum sacros ordines non habeat
quia nihil ab ordinante accepit; aut missa erit quam laicus cele-
brabit, sacrata ecclesia erit quam laicus sacrabit, qui item nuUos
ordines habet quia non accepit: de similibus enim idem judicium.

In libro Numeri sic legitur: Chore et multitude quae cum illo
erat temerario ausu posuerunt incensum et thymiama coram
domino, et ignis egresstis a domino interfecit ducentos quinquaginta
viros qui offerebant incensum coram domino, debitam igitur isti
exceperunt temeritatis suae vindictam, quia non acceperunt
officium a domino ut adolerent incensum atque thymiama coram
domino, neque pro sacrificio sacrificium hoc habitum est a domino,
item in libro Regum legimus quod David et universus populus
Israel ducebant archam dei: Oza, inquit, et Aio filii Aminadab
minabant plaustrum novum, postquam autem venerunt ad aream
N<tchor, extendit manum Oza ad archam dei et tenuit earn, quoniam

' Verba uiicinis inclusa superius scripserat Innocentius.

De Simoniacis

115

calcitraverunt boves et declinaverunt earn, iratusque est dovdnas
indignatione contra Ozam, et percussit eum dominus super temeri-
tate ; qui vioi-tuus est ihi jvxta archavi dei. nihil ergo huic
contulit accedere ad archam dei, qui mortuus est juxta archam
dei. officiurn eis impositum erat minare^ plaustrum : jiista
fortasse videbatur occasio et vicina necessitati ratio ; calciaverunt
boves, inclinaverunt archam ; extimuit Oza pro archa dei, et
extendit manuin ad archam dei: et tamen percussit eum dominus
super temeritate, et mortuus est ibi; quia officiurn illi impositum
non erat extendere manum ad archam dei. lignea erat archa, et
quamvis sancta tamen lignea. in archa erat manna, tabulae
testamenti, et virga Aaron quae fronduerat. et quantum distat
inter haec sancta et sancta sanctorum, corporis et sanguinis
Christi mysteria. ilia idcirco erant sancta, quia horum sacrorum
erant umbra et figura; haec ipsius sanctimoniae sunt Veritas et
causa, si ergo percussit dominus Oza super temeritate sua, non
quidem prorsus excogitata atque deliberata, sed ad tempus
fortuito^ casu illata; qua poena percutietur qui deliberatione
continua fur et malitiosus cotidie extendit manum ad ilia terrifica
sacri altaris mysteria ? non obtinuit ille pro temerario accessu
gratiam, sed debitam excepit ultionis sententiam. non obtinebit
et iste pro temerario accessu gratiam, sed meritam excipiet
temeritatis suae^ vindictam.
The Gentile In libro Machabeorum primo legimus, quod Judas Machabeus
cleansed* but populus qui cum eo erat mundaverunt^ sancta quae prius ritu
destroyed. lege institute sanctificata et a gentibus contaminata erant: illud
43 ff^'^ vero altare quod gentes construxerant atque sanctificaverant non

emundaverunt, | sed a solo penitus destruxerunt et lapides ejus in f. 103.
loco immundo reposuerunt. quantum vero attinet ad rei istius
mysterium, quid refert inter gentilem et simoniacum ? sacrat
gentilis altare qui non accepit a deo id facere, atque idcirco
peccat, quia illud consecrare praesumit et usurpat. sacrat et
simoniacus altare, cui omnino fas non est id facere, atque idcirco
peccat, quia illud sacrilega praesumptione et, ut ita dicam, velit
nolit deus, consecrare attemptat. denique si verum est avari-
Cf. Col. iii 5. tiam esse idolatriam, sicut ait apostolus, quis avarus dicetur
idolatra, si idolatra non dicitur simoniacus, qui etiam dei boni-
tatem pecunia^ venalem putat ? quibusdam itaque nostrum

' minari ms. - fortitudo Ms. ' snam sis. ■* manducaverunt ms.

5 pecuniam ms.

8—2

116

Gilbert Crispin

are invalid,

videtur quia altare quod simoniacus sacrat nulla emundari sancti-
ficatione potest, sed prorsus a solo destrui ex auctoritate debet,
quod de altari dicimus, hoc ipsum de aliis sacratis rebus sentimus.

Ut igitur quaestionis nostrae partem unde agimus summatim
colligamus, attende et paucis. multis de causis, auctoritatibus
atque exemplis dicimus quia simoniacus nihil ab ordinante
accipit, nihil ipse ordinando aliquem illi tradit. gratiam enim
dei seu emi seu vendi non potest, ipsa vero officiorum signa
quae suscipit, quia furatur et rapit, nihil ei conferunt nisi male-
Jer. xlviii 10. dictionem, sicut scriptum est : Maledictus qui facit opus domini
fraudulenter. ad nullum denique sacramenti effectum ea ab eo
and worse^^ alii accipere possunt : immo damnato fit particeps quisquis ab eo
id scienter accipere conatur, unde ille fur et damnationis reus esse
notatur. haec igitur ita se habent.

E contra:
everywhere
things con-
secrated hy
such men are
simply recon-
ciled ;

and persons
also, after
due penance.

Canons of
Toledo, etc.
Bruns i 313
(§9).

This implies
that the
consecration
was real.

At vero ex alia parte per totum fere orbem terrarum videmus
loca sacra, sicut aiunt, a simoniacis sacrata sic manere ; neque,
cognita hujus benedictionis sacrilega usurpatione, more sueto ilia
sacrari, sed solummodo per debitum reconciliationis ordinem ab
episcopo reconciliari. item vidimus a simoniacis ordinatos post
peractum paenitentiae tempus ecclesiastico more non sacrari, sed
solummodo per manus episcopi impositionem reconciliari : et id
quorundam auctoritas canonum, sicut aiunt, concedit posse fieri.

In Toletano concilio xi° sic legitur : Unde si digna simoniacos
satisfactio paenitentiae tempore invenerit, non tantum com-
munioni^, sed et loco et totius ordinis officiis a quibus separati
fuerant restituendi sunt, in pluribus aliis canonibus atque
decretis has permissorias restitutiones circa simoniacos fieri posse
legimus. quod vero restituitur, in eo statu quem prius habuit
atque amisit iterum statuitur. habuit itaque simoniacus sacronim
ordinum dignitatem, cui restitui potest per paenitentiae satisfac-
tionem. si ergo haec ita fieri licet et | Veritas ita se habet, dicimus f. 104.
quia simoniacus benedicendi quoque gratiam accepit et habet,
quam aliis ex officio suo conferre potest, si locus enim sacratus
non esset, aliquando eum more debito sacrari necesse esset. si
episcopi ordinem non accepisset episcopus simoniace ordinatus,
aliquando eum canonico ritu ordinari oporteret. at quia haec
non fiunt, nec fieri necesse esse dicunt, concedi oportet quia haec
eis aliquando exhibita [haec] fuerunt. id equidem nos perturbat.

communioms ms.

De Simoniacis

117

et inde controversia existit, quia haec fieri posse ratio et auc-

toritas contradicit et item fieri posse permittit.
The parallel Ad ea quae proposuimus respondet fortasse aliquis : Ea, inquit,
Hving bishop, i^uctoritate communicare possumus simoniacis, qua auctoritate licet

communicare raptoribus, ebriosis et non continentibus episcopis.

haec enim non sunt opera lucis, sed opera tenebrarum ; et quae,
2 Cor. vi 14. sicut ait apostolus Paulas, societas luci ad tenebras ? verum quam-
who must be diu seu hos seu illos ecclesia dei tolerat, donee s3niodalis censura
deposed*by 60S canonice discussos judicet ac deponat, tolerandi sunt ab sub-
a synod. ditis, atque sine periculo exhiberi eis potest obedientia ab subditis.

in his quae dei sunt obedientia illis exhiberi potest, assensio vero

pravitatis uUa eis adhiberi non debet, quid enim nostra interest
Cf. Phil. 1 18. seu ex occasione seu ex veritate Christus annuncietur, dum populus

vocem dei audiat, et quae agenda sunt undecumque summonitus

agat ? quid nostra refert qua intentione episcopus super cathe-
Cf. Matt. dram Moysi sedeat ? audi commonitionem^ evangelii: Qi<ae, inquit,

dicunt facite, quae autem faciunt facere nolite.
Cf. Matth. Obicis vero mihi illud ex evangelio: Ingressus in templum

■ dominus cathedras vendentium columbas, et mensas nummulari-

orum evertit, et illos procul a templo exturbavit. super cathedram

eversam quis, inquies, sedere potest ? qui in templo dei remanere

Obj. : he has non sinitur, quae, inquies, dicit in domo dei unde audiatur? super

place: the cathedram itaque Moysi simoniacus sedere non potest, quia eum

others have nullam cathedram in domo dei habere fas est, nec istud exemplum
not. . . . . . . ..

referri potest ad simoniacum. ad illos referri debet qui legitime

inthronizati super cathedram Moysi sedent in domo dei.
Yet they are Sed, rogo, attende. verum est, dicitur, quia indubitanter coram
however they' deo cathedra simoniaci evertitur, et ipse a conspectu dei damna-
got there. tione pei-petua eliminatur. si tamen violenter cathedram obtineat,
velis nolis super cathedram Moysi sedeat, quamdiu deus id pa-
tiatur, quae dicit audi et fac, quae facit facere noli, accipe testem
Eccles. x4. inde et commonitionem sacrae scripturae auctoritatem : Si ascen-
dent spiritus super te potestatem habens, non dimittas locum tuum^.
ascendit super te, quando tu illi non potes resistere. tu tamen
non dimittas locum tuum, etiam si ille super te arripit locum ;
quamdiu te quidem | sinit tenere locum tuum. unde et apostolus f. 105.
Rom. xiii 1 f. Paulus ait: Non est, inquit, potestas nisi a dec: quae autem a deo

' commotionem ms. ^ Apud Eccle.t. legitur : si spiritus potestatem habentis
ascenderit super te, locum tuum ne dimiseris.

118

Gilbert Crispin

sunt, (yrdinata sunt^: itaqiie qui potestati resistit, ordinationi dei
resistit. ac si diceret: Jndicem hnnc sen ilium dens constituit
super te, et te constituit subditum illi esse: noli ordinationi dei
Eom. xiii 3. resistere; sed age quod alibi ipse ait: Bonum f<ic, et habehis
laudem ex ilia, cum enim de potestatibus ordinatis a dec trac-
taret, hoc tandem in finem consilium dedit : Vis non timere
potestatem? bonum fac, et habebis laudem ex ilia, item: Tu quis
Rom. xiv 4. es qui judicas alienum servum ? suo domino stat ant codit. ac si
Cf. Rom. ii 5. diceret : Si ille quod male accepit usurpando thesaurizat sibi iram
in die irae justi judicii dei, tu sub eo positus exercendo patientiam
Cf. Luc. xxi in patientia tua possidebis animam tuam.

Dicis vero mihi : Scio evidenter quia simoniacus est, quia a deo
The Lord did alienus est: quomodo illi communicare audebo? accipe. sciebat
communk)ii evidenter et dominus quia Judas fur erat, quia proditor erat, quia
with Judas, et diabolus erat: dominus, inquam, qui Judae subditus non erat,
immo magister et dominus Judae erat: et tamen cum illo edebat,
bibebat, et in nullo a communione sua eum amovebat, donee
aperte malitia illius detecta in semet judicando se ipsum indignum
It need not et exsortem exivit a consortio aliorum. de illis quidem qui faciunt
sen^!^ et consentiunt debitum jamdudum controversia finem accepit:

Cf. Rom. i 32. facientes, inquit, et consentientes pari vindicta plectentur. agimus
tantummodo de illis quos, velint nolint, necesse est esse sub illis.
'What is their Quaeris : Quid ju vat indulta ab illis peccatorum remissio ? nil
wor°th'?'°" quidem obest, immo juvat et prodest, si animo fideli quaeritur,
debito paenitendi ordine expetitur et quasi a vicario dei excipitur.
Isa. xliii 26. in Ysaia scriptum est : Narra si quid habes,utjustijiceris. dominus
Luc. xvii 14. vero dicit in evangelio leprosis: Ite, ostendite vos sacerdotibus : et
dum irent mundati sunt, quamdiu ergo in ecclesia dei sacerdotis
officium simoniacus gerit, et id eum gerere sinit, tu qui sub ipso
sacerdote vivis, vade, ostende te sacerdoti: narra si quid habes.
Look not to ut justificeris: quia ab homine non obtinetur justificatio, sed a

the minister, , . ■, . ^ ^ ■ ^ ■ ^ • • ^

but to God, deo. SI sacerdos Justus est, juvant quidem preces ejus, juvant
as giver of merita ejus; sed gratia dei te justificat. si sacerdos iustus non

sacramental . . , . . .

grace. est, juvat quidcm cordis tui mansuetudo, juvat exhibita ilh

propter deum debita summissio; sed gratia dei te justificat. sicut

Joh. i 33. enim de baptismo evangelium dicit: Hie est qui baptizat, deus
videlicet, quisquis baptisrai minister existat; ita de orani sacra-

1 Cor. xii 11. mento seu gratiae dei dono apostolus ait: Haec, inquit, omnia
operatur unus atque idem spiritus, dividens singulis prout vult.
^ Sic apud Aug. contra Gaud. i. 20 (torn, ix col. 643 d).

De Simoniads

119

ac si diceret: Quisquis sacramentorum | executor sit in quolibet f. 106.
genere sacramenti, seinper unus atque idem spiritus operatur
gratiam et virtutem sacramenti. non enim quicquam excepit,
qui omnia unum atque eundem spiritum operari asserit.
If a man by Saepe quoque executor gratiae dei id ad mortem suam ex-
equitur, quod a deo per eum salus ad vitam confertur. inter dona

black arts
restores

health not a .. . .„

gift of God ? stigiosus aliquis ahqua malencu sui arte innrmum aliquem sanat,
numquid sanitas ipsa non est sanitas, aut sanitas ipsa non est
donum dei sicut alia quaelibet sanitas ? et tamen unde iste
1 Cor. xiii 3. salvatur, ille damnatur. Si, inquit apostolus, distrihuero in cibos
If alms profit pauperum omnes facultates meas, et si tradidero corpus vieum ita
less giver, ardeam, caritatem autem non habeam, nihil mihi prodest si

may not the ergo elemosina nihil illi prodest a quo sine caritate confertur,

receiver be . . . ^ o ■ i

profited? numquid ilh non prodest cui confertur, et benencium hoc gratiae

dei donum esse (non) dicetur ?
The promise De sacramento corporis Christi dominus dicit in evangelio :
stands fast Q^*' fnanducat carnem meam et bibit sanguinem meum, in me
for the worthy nianet et ego in eo. apostolus vero dicit ad Corinthios : Qui
Joh. vi 56. manducat et bibit indigne, judicium sibi manducat et bibit, non
1 Cor. XI 29. clijudicans corpus domini. unum et idem ergo sacramentum aliis
est ad vitam, aliis est ad mortem, qui manducat et bibit digne,
vitam sibi manducat et bibit: qui vero manducat et bibit indigne,
judicium sibi manducat et bibit, non dijudicans corpus domini.
Eccles. vii 20. quia vero hominis est peccare, sicut scriptum est: Non est homo
qui faciat bonum et non peccet; dei vero est justificare, de quo
Ps. ciii 3. scriptum est: Qui propitiatur omnibus iniquitatibus tuis, qui sanat
The Spirit omnes infirmitatcs tuas; spiritus sanctus remittit etiam per simo-
absolves the niacos peccata, ubi pura confessione peccatum paenitendo narratur,
penitent. atque dignus paenitentiae fructus sequitur.

' What is their Quaeris: Quid confert illorum benedictio ? si, inquam, bene-
worthT' dictio est, plurimum confert. benedictionem vero esse quis

prohibet ? Judas enim proditor cum caeteris apostolis praedi-
Judaswas cabat, miracula faciebat, benedictiones super populum dabat.
and^heal'^^an'd' "^umquid propter malitiam Judae sacramentorum virtus atque
bless. benedictio irrita fiebat ? qui verbum fidei ab ore illius percipie-

bat, credebat, numquid salvus non fiebat ? absit. dicit enim
Rom. X 11. scriptura: Omnis qui crediderit in eum non confundetur. per

males autem ministros potens est bonitas dei benedictionis et

gratiae suae dona operari. Isaac volens atque omnino credens se

120

Gilbert Crispin

Isaac's benedicere filium suum primogenitum Esau, Jacob alteram filium

bJessuig*"'^ suum benedixit. quia ergo ille non volens, immo deceptus, alterum

was a true benedixit, iste patri veritatem celando^ furtivam ab eo benedic-
blessing. . . .

tionem surripuit, numquid ilia benedictio idciico benedictio non

Gen. xxvii 33. fuit ? fuit plane: nam postea scriptum est: Expavit Isaac stupore

vehementi, et ultra quam credi potest admirans ait: Quis igitur

ille est qui dudum captam venatio\nem attulit mihi, et comedi ex f. 107.

omnibus priusquam tu venires? henedixique ei et erit henedictus.

quoquo itaque modo ilium benedixit, benedictum ilium esse

asserait.

Former Exempla scripturaram quae posuisti debito sensu accipimus,

allowed"with ^^q^e per omnia tecum sentimus. illud enim in lege scriptum :
reserves. Quad tetigerit immundus iinmundum erit, eo sensu dictum acci-
all is clean, pimus quo apostolus Paulus etiam abundantius ait: Omnia munda
Tit. 1 15. mundis; coinquinatis auteni nihil munduni, neque mens eorum
neque conscientia. si ergo immundus aliquid tangit, siquidem
immundum est, immundum manet, et eo immundius jure com-
putatur. si vero sacrum et mundum pro temerario suo tactu
immundum illi et perniciosum reputatur; sicut de sacramento
1 Cor. xi 29. corporis Christi apostolus testatur : Qui manducat et libit indigne,
judicium sibi manducat et bibit, non dijudicans corpus domini.
sicut enim radius solis aeque mundus per munda et immunda
loca transit ; et sicut aeque commodus in se ipso semper manet,
quando etiam lippo oculo in eum intuenti noxius existit: ita et
The sacra- sacramentum corporis Christi aeque mundum et sacrum, immo
noTloselts sanctimoniae causa, in se ipso semper subsistit, sive vitam sive
power. judicium sibi manducat et bibit, qui ad illud percipiendum
accedit.

If he cannot Quod autem beatus Ambrosius dicit: Quando simoniacus dicit
God*can^^'°^' populum. Pax vobis, maledictionem dare eis potest quam habet,
through him; benedictionem et gratiam dei dare eis non potest, quia non habet:
concedimus, et per omnia viri tanti auctoritatem sequimur. bene-
dictionem et gratiam dei ex merito suo dare non potest, quia non
habet. sed per eum dominus benedictionem et gratiam suam
dare eis potest, quia habet, potens cuicumque vult exhibere
divitias bonitatis suae: qui per malignos quoque spiritus saepe
gratiae suae dona operatur. quando vero simoniacus dicit ad
if a son of populum. Pax vobis, non dicit. Pax mea vobis ; sed pacem dei
to receive i^^ orat a deo eis concedi^: et si quis fuerit inter eos filius pacis,
' zelando ms. concedit ms.

De Simoniacis

121

utique reqiiiescet super eum pax dei ; si autem non fuerit inter
eos filius pacis, et infructuose dicitur, hoc minime fit culpa illius
a quo caritative oratur, sed culpa illius super qtieni imprecatur.
• Leprosy, not Item beatus Ambrosius dicit : Qui dat pecuniam pro ordinibus
vetT holy" episcopo, quid sumit ab episcopo ? leprani, inquit, non gratiam.
thing may be plane id ita esse credimus. qui enim quae sancta sunt datione

given, which, ^ . . , . . . ....

though death auri et argenti tradit, datione auri et argenti sumit, indigne lUe
to others^ ^'^^ tradit, indigne iste sumit; ad perniciem et judicium sibi ille
tradit, ad perniciem et judicium sibi iste sumit: tamen sacra sunt
et quae ille tradit, et quae iste sumit. sicut de corpore Christi
constat : qui indigne tradit, judicium sibi tradit ; qui indigne
sumit, judicium sibi sumit: tamen corpus Christi et ille tradit,
et iste sumit. nisi enim aliquid sacri usurpando vel ille tra-
jderet vel iste sumeret, unde vel ille tradendo vel iste sumendo f. 108.
puniretur ?

The outward Quae, inquies, sacra ? ipsa, ut tu ipse dicere soles, exteriora
tilings*'^ ^"^■^ sacrorum officiorum signa, quae tunc ceperant, gratia dei fructuose
traduntur, fructuose sumuntur quando in neutra parte quicquam
aliud consideratur, nisi ut serviendo deo amor ejus et gratia inde
Matt, vi 22 f. obtineatur. unde dominus in evangelio : Si oculus tuus fuerit
simplex, totum corpus tuiim lucidum erit: si autem nequam fuerit,
totum corpus tuum tenebrosum erit. quia vero sic male traditus
ordo injuste traditur, injuste sumitur, et ad perniciem usurpando
tenetur, exigente justitia necesse est ut amittatur^ donee digno
Their use may paenitentiae fructu gratia dei obtineatur, et tandem debito jure
but^artenvards ^xequendi officii gradus restituatur. quod ubi restituitur, alia
restored. reiteratione consecrationis res non indiget, sed sola per manus
episcopi impositionem reconciliatione opus est. sicut enim quando
deponitur ipsa singulorum ordinum signa sibi toUuntur, ita quando
restituitur eadem singulorum ordinum signa sibi redduntur, et
sic per debitae benedictionis gratiam deo reconciliatur.
The vessels Precor, attende. praecepit dominus Moysi ut omnia utensilia
company^ templi debito ritu sacrarentur: alitor vero deo indigna atque
were treated profana haberentur. legimus tamen in libro Numeri : Locutus
Num*.' xvi 5-7. ^^t Moyses ad Chore et ad omnem multitudinem : Hoc igitur
facite; tollat unusquisque thuHhula sua, tu Chore et omne con-
cilium tuum, et Imusto eras igne ponite desuper thymiama coram
Num. xvi 31. domino; et quemcunque elegerit, ipse erit sanctus. sequitur: Con-
festim igitar ut cessavit loqui, dirupta est terra sub pedibus eorum

' admittatur ms.

122

Gilbert Crispin

et aperiens os suum devoravit illos cum tabernaculis suis et universa
Num. xvi stibstantia. sed et ignis egressus a domino interfecit ducentos
35-37. quinqmiginta viros qui offerebant incensnm. loctdusque est dominus

ad Moysen, dicens: Praecipe Eleazaro filio Aaron sacerdotis, ut
tollat thunbula quae jacent in incendio, et ignem hue illucque
dispergat, quondam sanctijicata sunt in mortibus peccatorum ; pro-
ducatque ea in laminas et affigat altari, eo quod oblatum sit in eis
incensum domino et sanctijicata sint. qui ergo contra legis statuta
incensum et thymiama obtulerunt domino, pro teraeritate sua
debita ultionis vindicta percussi sunt : thuribula vero, quae teme-
rario tactu profanata erant, in mortibus peccatorum dicit esse
sanctificata. non dicit ea iterum sacrari oportere, sed in mortibus
peccatorum expiata digno expiationis atque paenitentiae fructu
dicit esse sanctificata.
Things and Ita igitur et quando a siraoniacis loca consecrantur, ipsi pro
consecrated^ temerario ausu debita ultionis vindicta percutiuntur: ea vero per
need only to sanctificatae aquae aspersionem I ab episcopis reconciliata debito f. 109.
be reconciled. . .„ • -i- ...... . ,

jure sanctmcantur. similiter ordmati a simoniacis pro temeraria^

praesumptione sacrorum digna ultionis vindicta percutiuntur; et
post peractum paenitentiae tempus, digno paenitentiae fructu
quasi quodam igne anxiati spiritus sanctificati, sola per manus
episcopi impositionem reconciliationis benedictione indigent.
No consecra- sanctificatio quidem nulla existit, nisi per fidem dominicae pas-
th°crossof sionis et assignationem dominicae crucis. sicut enim in veteri
Christ, testamento sine sanguinis effusione non fiebat sanctificatio, ita et
in novo testamento sine crucis assignatione nulla fit sanctificatio.
crux quippe ipsius dominicae mortis est signum atque ostensio.
A right con- Hac igitur ratione multum distat inter gentilem et simoni-
be''effect"dTy ^^um. gentilis quando sacrat, neque ipse est qui sacrare debet,
one who neque sacrat cui debet, immo cui non debet, idolo videlicet, et
consecrate;" omnino aliter quam debet, simoniacus quando sacrat, licet ipse
non sit qui sacrare debet, tamen sacrat cui debet, deo videlicet.
Gen. iv 7. et omni eo ritu quo debet, revera quidem concedi oportet : Si
recte offeras, recte autem non dividas, peccasti. tamen et concedi
oportet, quod multo vicinius saluti peccat quisquis intra fidem
christianam positus peccat, quam is qui omnino extra fidem
Joh. iii 14 f. christianam extat. unde dominus in evangelio : Sicut Moyses
exaltavit serpentem in deserto, ita exaltari oportet filium hominis;
ut omnis qui credit in eum non pereat, sed habeat vitam aeternam.
1 temerario ms.

De Simoniacis

123

Heb. xi G.

wliereas a
Gentile
consecration
is nought.

Siiuiiuary
of reply.

Th. re is a
duty of sub-
jection for
those who
cannot
remove such
persons.

Cf. 2 Cor. vi
15.

Ro. xiii 2.

Communion
with them is
only wrong
if it implies
assent.

They receive
nought and
give nought,
in the sense
that they
receive and
give amiss.

But they
differ from
laymen, who
receive not
at alt.

qui ergo credit in deuni potest non perire, si fidem habeat, quae
sine operibus mortua existit ; at vero qui non credit nulla ratione
non potest non perire : sine fide enini, sicut ait apostolus Paulus,
ivipossibile est placere deo. altare ergo illud, de quo in libro
Machabeoruni legitur quod gentes construxerant, Judas Machabeus
et populus qui cum eo erat jure a solo prorsus destruxerunt ; quia
ubi nulla sanctificatio fuit nulla prorsus emundatio esse potuit.

Ut igitur et nos responsionis nostrae summam colligamus,
paucis attende. dicimus tecum quia simoniacus revera haereticus
est, dicimus tecum quia communicandum sibi non est ; sed com-
municare dicimus unum cum illo esse voluntatis assensu atque
actione. si idcirco regulariter atque canonice subditi eum amovere
possunt, tolerandus non est, immo omnino amovendus est. si
autem competenter id facere non possunt, patienter tolerandus est,
et sine periculo in his quae fieri licet a subditis ei obedientia
exhiberi potest atque debet, sub Nabuchodonosor, qui erat in-
fidelis atque idolatra, vixit per annos multos imperiis ejus parendo
Daniel propheta, vir fidelis atque verus Israelita. si ergo obicis
mihi auctoritatem apostoli: Quae communicatio fideli cum infideli?
par pari referimus : obicimus et nos auctoritatem ejusdem
apostoli : Qui potestati resistit, ordinationi^ dei resistit. et for-
|tassis utraque sic servatur auctoritas, nec alteri altera repugnat, f. no.
si communicare alicui dicimus unum cum illo esse voluntatis
assensu atque actione. hoc enim modo cavere possumus ne ali-
quibus in maligno positis communicemus. ad cumulum vero
hujus cautelae atque observantiae plerumque praecipitur a quibus
fieri debet, et quibus id observare licet, ne cum ejusmodi ulla
prorsus communio vel in cibo vel in potu vel in colloquio habeatur.
ad praesens enim loquimur non de illis sub quorum censura ex-
istunt simoniaci, at de illis quos necesse est (esse) sub illis, et
quorum causae non interest judicare de illis, sed judicari ab illis.

Item dicimus tecum quia simoniacus nil accipit, nil tradit.
sed id idcirco dicimus quia aliter quam debet accipit, injuste
accipit, ad perniciem et ad judicium sibi accipit; aliter quam debet
tradit, injuste tradit, ad perniciem et ad judicium sibi tradit :
tamen et ille tradit et iste accipit quae in sacris actionibus ab
homine tradi possunt et accipi.

Refert quidem, et plurimum refert, inter simoniacum et sine
ordinibns laicuin. nauKjue laicus absolute nihil omnino accipit;
' ordinatio ms.

124 Gilbert Crispin

simoniacus vero et aliquid ab ordinante accipit et nihil ab
ordinante accipit. quamvis enim ad perniciem accipiat, aliquid
tamen accipit, quia ordines sacros accipit ; sed idcirco dicitur quia
nihil accipit, quoniam propter quod debet et ad (juod debet ordines
sacros non accipit : neque enim propter deum accipit, neque enim
ad suscipiendam dei gratiam ordines sacros accipit. idcirco
dicimus quia nihil accipit, quia dicere solemus rem non esse
quae aliter est quam debet esse, et aliquid non fieri quod aliter
This common fit quani debet fieri^. undo frequentissimo usu loquendi dicimus
wcn-d^nought' ®^ aliud quam debet dicit. Nihil est quod dicisl quamvis
enim revera aliquid dicat, revera aliquid faciat, quia non dicit
illud aliquid (piod debet dicere, nec fticit illud aliquid quod debet
facere, dicimus quia non dicit seu facit aliquid, quoniam tantundem
valet ac si non faceret uUum aliquid; immo melius esset non
fecisse aliquid, quam fecisse illud aliquid quod non debuit. si
enim malum est non fecisse quod debuit, multo gravius malum
existit et non fecisse quod debuit et fecisse quod non debuit.
illustrated Accipe in scripturis quoque multa hujusmodi locutionum ex-

scripture^ empla. in epistola ad Corinthios dicit apostolus: Si hahuero
1 Cor. xiii 2. omnem fidem, ita ut monies transferam, caritatem autem non habeam,
nihil sum. quamvis enim aliud aliquid existat, quia non est aliud
aliquid quod debet esse, nihil hoc est, non aliquid dicit se esse.
Gal. vi 3. Item in epistola ad Galathas : Qui autem putat se esse aliquid cum
nihil sit, se ipsum seducit : cum nihil, hoc est non aliquid, sit,
quia non est illud aliquid quod debet esse, unde in psalmo
Ps. xlix 20. dicitur : Homo cum in honore esset non intelleodt, comparatus est
jumentis insipientibus et similis /actus est illis. ac si diceret:
Destitit esse homo, | quando destitit facere quod facere debet homo f. ill.
Eccles. xii 13. et ad quod factus est homo, unde scriptura : Deum tim£, et man-
data ejus observa: hoc est omnis homo, si igitur homo est qui
ratione utitur, deum timet, et mandata ejus observat; qui ratione
abutitur, deum non timet, et mandata ejus non servat, hominem
esse eum contradicit scriptura, licet gerat speciem hominis et
formam, eo itaque modo dici potest quia simoniacus nil accipit,
nil tradit; quia quod accipit, aliter omnino quam debet accipit;
quod tradit, omnino aliter quam debet tradit ^

1 fieri] esse, et aliquid non fieri quod aliter fit quam debet fieri (fieri 2° supr. lin.)
MS. dicit MS. * Explicit liber de symoniacis ms (rubr.).

SELECTED CHARTERS.

The charters which here follow are for the most part printed for the
first time. The originals of six of them are preserved among the abbey
muniments (nos, 6, 7, 23, 24, 35, 36). The rest come from Westminster
chartularies, and offer for the most part texts of the end of the thirteenth
or the beginning of the fourteenth centuries, a few being only of the
fifteenth century \ I have described these books elsewhere, and will
only speak briefly of them here. The Westminster ' Domesday ' (as it
was called in Q. Elizabeth's time) is a very large folio containing nearly
fourteen hundred pages. I have ransacked it again and again, but as
it has no index I cannot pretend to have discovered all that may be
of interest for Abbot Gilbert's time. Faustina A. ill is unhappily no
longer in its old home : it passed by some illicit process, now undis-
coverable, into the Cottonian collection. Portions of it are copied from
the Westminster ' Domesday ' ; but parts of it are perhaps a little
earlier, and certainly offer independent texts. I have, therefore, some-
times given its variants, either as being in themselves of value, or as
illustrating the degree of freedom with which scribes copied charters
into these large collections. For a few of the charters printed below we
depend on the Liber Niger Quaternus of the fifteenth century.

I have had no previous experience in the perilous but fascinating
work of classifying charters ; and I am prepared to find that my ignor-
ance has led me into serious blunders. I have learned much from
Dr Horace Round's valuable books, and I have good hope that some of
the facts which I am able to offer for the first time will be of interest
to him and to other exact students. I need hardly add that I shall be
grateful for their aid in correcting mistakes.

For the sake of those who are unfamiliar with such charters and
with the problems of classification, I may say that only one of these
charters bears a date, and curiously enough that date appears to be a
wrong one. We are dependent entirely on the subject matter of each

1 For these chartularies see MSS of Westminster Abbey, pp. 93 S.

126

Gilbert Crispin

charter and the names of the persons granting, addressed, witnessing, or
otherwise mentioned. K. Henry I's reign is, fortunately for our purpose,
conspicuously marked in two years by the inroads of death. In 1107
quite a number of his old and trusted servants passed away, men who
had served his brother and his father, and frequently attested his
charters up to that date: and on 23 Nov. 1120 William, his son and
heir, with the most promising young men of his court, sank with the
White Ship. It is obvious that limits are thus often provided below
which charters cannot be placed. The king's frequent absences in
Normandy offer further limitations for those of his charters which are
issued in England. He appears to have been in England, during the
time with which we are concerned, for the following periods^:

5 Aug. 1100 (Coronation)— Whitsuntide 1104,

Christm. 1104— Lent 1105,

Aug. 1105— July 1106,

Easter 1107— July 1108,

Whitsun. 1109— Aug. 1110,

July 1113—21 Sep. 1114,

July 1115— Easter 1116.
After this he did not return till Nov. 1120; and meantime Abbot
Gilbert had died on 6 Dec. 1117, and Q. Matilda on 1 May 1118.

This will suffice to shew the nature of the problem. I have tried in
the notes to make the charters intelligible to those who have no detailed
knowledge of the matters and persons referred to. I have frequently
referred to the History of Abingdon edited by Mr Stevenson in one of
the earliest numbers of the Rolls series: for Abbot Faricius (1100 —
1117) was an eminent physician, who drew many great benefactors to
his abbey and was in high favour with the king : accordingly he secured
a quite unusual number of royal charters of confirmation, and these are
frequently of service for the illustration of the Westminster charters I

I have not included in this series the general charter of Hen. I,
confirming the liberties of the abbey at the opening of his reign
(D. f 57 h) : it is obviously a forgery, and its only interest lies in the
problem of its real date and its relation to similar fabrications, of which
Westminster possessed a handsome series^*. These would undoubtedly
1 I state the periods somewhat vaguely, and depend for the statement largely on the
investigations of others.

^ Mr Stevenson made a brave attempt at arranging these in an appendix ; but his dates
appear to need a careful scrutiny. He accepted too readily the statements contained in
the History, which are often demonstrably erroneous.

' See the Introduction to Flete's History of Westminster, pp. 12 ff.

Selected Charters

127

repay the labour of a minute investigation, which ought to reveal the
motives which led men of general excellence and honesty to invent
documents of this kind — documents in which they never appear to
claim anything to which their monastery was not, in their own time at
least, fully entitled. But the subject stands by itself, and does not
belong to our present purpose.

The series includes some charters of the time of Gilbert's predecessor
Vitalis (1076 — 19 June 1085), and some also of the time of his successor
Herbert, who was not appointed until January 1121. They illustrate
what has been said earlier in this volume, or they are of value for
purposes of reference. I have not undertaken to give all charters that
belong to Gilbert's time : the task of discrimination is often very
diflScult. Some important documents have been printed and com-
mented on above, and may for convenience be named here : The
Piriford charter granted ' post descriptionem totius Anglie ' (p. 29) ;
two writs of Abbot Gilbert concerning Sanctuary (p. 37) ; the grant
of Totenhale to William Baynard (p. 38) ; 'Firma monachorum ' (p. 41).

I have expanded the abbreviations, except where expansion seemed
quite unnecessary, or where (as generally in the case of proper names)
there was good reason for keeping the abbreviated form.

1. D. f 678.

W. rex Angl' S. vicecom' et fidelibus suis de Exssexe salutem.
Sciatis quia ego concessi sancto Petro Westm' terram et mariscum
qui vocatur Tillabyri, quem Goffridus de magna villa dedit eidem
ecclesie pro anima uxoris que illic jacet. T'. Ricardus fil' Gisleberti
comitis et R. de Oleyo.

[c. 1071—85.] For Geoffrey de Mandeville, see above pp. 32, 39,
and below, charters nos. 2—7, 10, 12, 15, 16, 20, 35, 36.

For Suain of Essex, see pp. 49 f and no. 2. Suain had ceased to be
sheriff of Essex before the Survey was taken; so had Ralph Baynard also.

On the other hand, as Geoffrey's wife Athelais was buried in the
cloister (see below, no. 15), it is hardly likely that the charter is earlier
than Abbot Edwin's death in 1071.

Richard fitz Gilbert (Richard de Bienfaite) was the son of Gilbert
count of Brionne, the lord of Herluin who founded the abbey of Bee.

Robert de Oleio appears as a benefactor of Abingdon {Hist. Ah.
Rolls S. II 25). He attests nos. 4, 5, below. He died c. 1094, and was
succeeded by his brother Nigel de Oleio (see below, no. 21). Robert's

128

Gilbert Crispin

daughter Matilda was married to Milo Crispin : Nigel had a son Robert
de Oleio, the younger, who succeeded him,

2. D. f. 520 6.

Willelmus rex Angl' Walchelino episcopo et Hugoni episcopo
et Radulpho Baynard et Rannulpho et Goffrido vicecomitibus et
omnibus baronibus suis Francis et Anglis de Suthereya et Estsexia
salutem. Sciatis (me) concessisse deo et sancto Petro et Vitali
abbati et monachis Westm' illas quatuor hidas in Totingas quas
Sueyn ibidem dedit, et quas Ailnoth de Lond' nepos ejus nunc
tenet de sancto et monachis illius ecclesie. praeterea concedo illis
terram de Lundon' et molendinum de Stratforde cum tota terra
sibi pertinent!, unde praedictus Ailnod' predictam hereditavit
ecclesiam, teste Odone episcopo Baioc' et Rob' comite de Merit' et
Willelmo filio Osberni. Valete.

[1076 — 85.] Walkelin bp of Winchester was consecrated 30 May
1070, and died 3 Jan. 1098. Hugh bp of London, consecrated in 1075,
died 12 Jan. 1085. For Ralph Baynard, see above, p. 38. Rannulf
appears as sheriff of Surrey in the Survey. ' Goffridus ' is probably
Geoffrey de Mandeville.

The attestations do not belong to this writ : for Vitalis came in 1076,
whereas W. fitz Osbern was killed in 1071. They must be regarded as
recited in the writ, which itself is not attested, but ends with ' Valete.'
I have therefore placed after ' ecclesiam ' a comma only.

Odo bp of Bayeux and Robert count of Mortain were half brothers
of the Conqueror. Odo was arrested in the Isle of Wight towards the
end of 1082.

Edward the Confessor by a Saxon charter (D. f 529) grants the four
hides in Tooting which Suain held of him and gave to the abbey.
Hen. I's grant of them to Abbot Gilbert is printed below, no. 21. The
abbey of Bee held an adjoining property (Tooting Bee), which was given
by Richard fitz Gilbert and his wife Rohaise (Monast. vi 1052 f). Of
Ailnodus or Aelfhoth we read in the Survey in regard to Tooting : ' Suen
tenuit de rege Edwardo. banc terram recepit Wallef comes de Suen
post mortem R.E., et invadiavit pro ii markis auri Alnodo Lundoniensi,
qui concessit sancto Petro pro anima sua, scilicet quod ibi habebat.'
And in the Telligraphus of Will. I (D. f. 50) we have : ' Aelfnothus
civis Lundoniensis, qui ibidem monachus effectus fuit.' (Cf First
Charter of Will. I, D. f 52 b.) For Suain see also nos. 1, 8.

Selected Charters

129

3. D. f. 181.

W. rex Angl' Walchelino episcopo Winton' et omnibus baronibus
et ministris suis Francis et Anglis de Sutrega salutem. Sciatis me
concessisse et confirmasse deo et sancto Petro et abbati Vitali et
monachis Westm' illas tres hidas quas Gaufridus filius comitis
Eustachii pro Beatrice uxore sua ibidem libere donavit, annuente
tamen Gaufrido de magna villa: unam videlicet in Belgeham et
duas in Waletona juxta Mordon'. et precipio quod predictus abbas
et monachi Westra' has prenominatas tres hidas perpetuo teneant
bene et in pace, libere et honorifice, quietas de murdro et geldo vel
danegeldo ; et defendo ne aliquis eis super banc meam regiam
libertatem et concessionem injuriam vel torturam faciat. T.'
Wluoldo abbate et Gaufrido de magna villa.

[1076—84.] ' Wluoldus' is probably Wulfwold, abbot of Chertsey
(tl084). Comp. with this charter Round, Feud. Eng. 330: 'the
Mandeville fief in Surrey, where we read of " Aultone " : — " De his hidis
tenet Wesmam vi hidas de Goisfrido filio comitis Eustachii ; banc terram
dedit ei Goisfridus de Mannevil cum filia sua " (i 36).' Combining this
statement with our charter, we get the interesting fact that Godfrey of
Bouillon, who took the cross in 1096 and was elected king of Jerusalem
in 1099, had married Beatrice, the daughter of Geoffrey de Mandeville.

For his brother Eustace count of Boulogne (junior), see below
no. 26.

4. D. f. 100 6.

Willelmus dei gracia rex Anglorum G. de magna villa et vicec'
et Willelmo cam' et omnibus civibus et ministris suis London'
salutem. Sciatis me concessisse deo et sancto Petro et Vitali
abbati et monachis ecclesie Westmon' pro salute anime mee et
amore pie memorie cognati mei predecessoris regis Edwardi in
civitate Londonia omnes terras quas idem rex predicto loco sue
sepulture dederat, et quas ego postea addideram, vel quas ipsi in
eadem urbe ante tenuerant quicunque eas dedisset, cum saka et
sokna et toll et theam et miskennige et sceawinge ; et ut libere et
quiete et honorifice habeant nundinalia et argisteria, id est merca-
toria loca, cum seldis et scoppis et redditibus suis, et macella sua
cum consuetudinibus et rectitudinibus suis theloneoque suo, que
sint ad illuminacionem ecclesie, sicut idem constituit. preterea hiis
concessionibus me is adjeci ut omnes merca tores noti vel ignoti,

B. c. 9

130

Gilbert Crispin

incole vel advene, hujus vel alterius cujuslibet patrie, qui tera-
poribus predecessoris mei, videlicet regis Edwardi, descenderunt
sive applicuerunt in soca seu seldis vel hwervis sancti Petri ad
hospitandum, ad easdem nunc revertantur; et ibi sint bene et
honorifice, et firmam pacem meam habeant in eundo et in redeundo.
et firmiter prohibe(o) quod nemo vicecomitum, procuratorum,
exactorum vel ministrorum meorum eos disturbet, neque injuriam
vel contumeliam faciat ; et nuUus se intromittat inde omnino, nisi
per abbatem et monachos suos, sicut idem benignissimus rex
Edwardus per cartas suas concessit atque confirmavit. et ideo
videte, sicut amorem meum diligitis, ne inde clamorem audiam
pro recti penuria, super x libr' forisfacture. Testibus, Walkelino
Winton' episcopo, Willelmo Dun' episcopo, H. comes de War',
R. com' de Mall', Yvone Tailebois, Roberto de 01', Rog' Big', apud
Westm' in pentec'.

[1081 — 5.] William of St Carileph was consecrated to Durham
3 Jan. 1081. Vitalis died, probably, in 1085.

Geoffrey de Mandeville was sheriff of London and Middlesex.

William the chamberlain is referred to in Hist. Ahingd. ll 128 as
' Willelmus regis camerarius de Lundonia ' : he had land close to
Abingdon, which he held for the service of a knight ; but, when Robert
invaded England in 1101, he refused to provide the knight, and the
abbot had to find one instead. He is mentioned {ibid. 54) as present
when a grant was made on the altar at Abingdon by William de Curci
on 23 Oct. 1105. A Middlesex grant is addressed to and attested by
him at London, 1100 — 1 (no. 20, below, see also nos. 17, 39). In the
Ramsey chartulary we find ' Will, camerarius regis ' at Brampton
attesting a royal writ in 1110 (Rolls Ser. I 148); and 'Will, camerarius
London' (1114 — 30; ib. I 142): but we cannot be sure that we are
always dealing with the same man.

In the Telligraphus of Will. I (D. f 50 6) we read: 'Willelmus
camerarius meus pro concessa sibi fraternitate et beneficiis memorate
ecclesie, et pro monachatu cujusdam Huberti sui familiaris amici, quem
vice sua pro dei amore ibidem monachum fecerat (gave three hides in
Kingsbury, co. Middles.).' Though that charter is not genuine, the
tradition may be true.

Henry, earl of Warwick, was son of Roger of Beaumont: he died
20 June 1123. He usually attests after Robert, count of Meulan, his
elder brother. Robert (f 1118) was the father of Robert, earl of
Leicester.

Selected Charters

131

Ivo Taillebois sometimes attests simply as ' Ivo dapifer.' He has a
bad name in the Pseudo-Ingulphus as a robber of Croyland abbey.
See below, nos. 9, 27.

For Robert de Oleio, see above, no. 1.

Roger Bigod (f 15 Sep. 1107) was 'dapifer' under Will. II and
Hen. I. He is 'not traced in English records before 1079' (Maunde
Thompson, Diet. Nat. Biog.). He was succeeded by his son William,
who was drowned in 1120; then by his second son Hugh ('dapifer' in
1123).

I have some doubt as to the genuineness of this charter : the style
' dei gratia ' is suspicious (but cf. no. 9). The much larger charter which
immediately precedes it (D. f. 99) is certainly fictitious : it is partly
founded upon this ; it also bears a very close resemblance to the charter
said to have been granted in the same year (1081) by Will. I to
St Peter's, Ghent (see Round's Cal. oj Doc. preserved in France I
502).

5. D. f. 529, Faust. A. iii, f. 64.

W. rex Angl' M. London' episcopo et G. de magna villa et
omnibus ministris suis ac fidelibus Francis et Anglis de Lundon'
salutem. Sciatis me concessisse deo et sancto Petro Westm' et
G. abbati donum quod Aluuardus de Lundonia eis dedit pro
anima sua; id est, ecclesiam sancte Marie que dicitur Niwecirke,
cum omnibus rebus ad eam pertinentibus, sicut idem Aluuardus
melius et plenius eis concesserat. et volo et firmiter precipio ut
bene et quiete et honorifice et libere et absque omni calumpnia et
inquietudine et sine cujuslibet reclamatione, cum terris et domibus,
cum saca et socna et toll et team et latrone, et cum omnibus rebus
et consuetudinibus et legibus eam teneant. et defendo ne aliquis
inde illis aliquam torturam faciat. Testibus, Walchel' Winton'
episcopo, Willelmo Dunelm' episcopo, et R. de Mell', et R. com. de
Warwic, et R. de Oleio, et R. Bigodo, apud Westm'.

[1086.] Maurice was appointed bishop of London at the Christmas
court of 1085 at Gloucester, and was consecrated [5 Apr. ?] 1086 at
Winchester. The king knighted his son Henry at Westminster 'in
hebdomada Pentecostes ' : later in the year he crossed to Normandy,
not to return. Probably, therefore, Whitsuntide 1086 is the date of
this charter.

It is wrongly ascribed to Will. II in the rubric of D.

9—2

132 Gilbert Crispin

The witnesses are the same, save for the omission of Ivo Taillebois,
as in the preceding charter. ' R.' (earl of Warwick) should be ' H.'

For other charters relating to this church of St Mary see nos. 10, 11;
and for the controversy regarding it see the detached note On the early
charters of St John's Abbey, Colchester (pp. 158 — 166).

6. Mun. 2001.

Sciant presentes et futuri, universe sancte matris ecclesie fideles
et filii, quod ego Goffridus de magnavilla concessi et mea liberali
donatione donavi deo et sancto Petro et ecclesie Westmonasterii,
necnon et sancte Marie de Hurleya, pro salute et redemptione
anime mee et uxoris mee Leceline, cujus consilio gratia divina
providente hoc bonum inchoavi, et pro anima Athelaise prime
uxoris mee matris filiorum meorum jam defuncte, necnon et
heredum meorum omnium mihi succedentium, eandem ecclesiam
sancte Marie de Hurleia in Bearrocsira, cum tota predicta villa de
Hurleia et cum toto circumjacenti nemore eidem ville adjacenti,
sine participatione aut divisione cujuscunque hominis in ipsa
parrochia manentis aut aliquid tenentis ; excepta terra solummodo
Aedrici prepositi, et excepta terra rusticorum de parva Waltham,
quam in mea manu ad me hospitandum retinui. concessi quidem,
dico, et firmiter donavi ecclesie eidem de Hurleia cum toto dominio
meo libere et quiete in campis et silvis, pratis et pascuis, pasturis
et molendinis, aquis et piscariis atque piscationibus et cum omnibus
appendiciis suis, id est ecclesia de Waltam cum una hida terre et
dimidia que sibi subjacent, et cum socna capelle de Remenham,
et cum omnibus aliis rebus et decimis et possessionibus in vivo et
mortuo sine parte et divisione, cum omnibus consuetudinibus et
libertatibus illi antiquitus debitis, ita libere et quiete ab omnium
hominum inquietudine et exactione, sicut dominus mens rex ea
mihi dedit et concessit. dedi etiam predicte ecclesie cum
supradictis ea die qua feci eam dedicare, Osmundo episcopo
Saresberiensi presente cum multis aliis magne auctoritatis viris
et personis, terram Aedwardi de Watecumba in dotalicium libere
et quiete cum omnibus sibi pertinentibus. qua vero die supra-
dictus episcopus venerabilis pontificali auctoritate, assistentibus
secum magne auctoritatis et dignitatis personis, confirmavit omnes
donationes meas quas eidem sancto loco pro anime mee et omnium
heredum meorum salute eterna libere contuli ; scilicet, in omnibus
maneriis que in dominio meo eo tempore erant, terciam partem

Selected Charters

133

decirne totius annone mee, et duas partes decime totius pecunie
omnium maneriorum meoi-um sine parte in vivo et mortuo, et
totam decimam pasnagiorum meorum in porcis et denariis sine
parte, et totam decimam caseorum sine parte, et totam decimam
lini et lane sine parte, et totam decimam puUorum equorum et
vitulorum et pomorum et vinearum sine parte, et totam decimam
omnium aliarum rerum mearum, de quibuscunque juste et recte
debet deo decima reddi. insuper igitur in unoquoque manerio
totius dominii mei dedi prenominate ecclesie mee de Hurleia unum
rusticum qui octo acras terre habeat libere et quiete ab omni
consuetudine, et in parco meo unam porcariam cum terra porcarii,
his etenim addidi adhuc in insula de Hely unam piscariam que
reddit unum millearium et dimidium siccarum anguillarum, et
unum presentum anguillarum, quadraginta videlicet grossas an-
guillas : et in villa que Mosa vocatur tria concessi extra prenominata
millearia siccorum alleccium, Turoldus quidem dapifer mens
concessit eidem ecclesie, et dextera sua super altare confirmavit
cum oblatione Radulfii filii sui, duas partes decime totius annone
sue de Wochendona et totam decimam totius pecunie sue in vivo
et mortuo sine parte; et in Bordesdense totam decimam totius
annone sue et totius pecunie sue sine parte. Aedricus prepositus
mens totam decimam totius annone sue et totius pecunie sue
ibidem donavit in vivo et mortuo sine parte, ego vero ad exple-
tionem hujus tanti boni, et ad sustentationem solummodo conventus
monachorum in eadem ecclesia deo imperpetuum servientium,
gratia disponente divina impetravi a domino meo rege Willelmo
hec omnia ad honorem dei et ad salutem anime mee et omnium
heredum meorum mihi succedentium pro loci integritate eterna
et stabilitate confirmari, et quod locus ille, locus quoque regio
munimine insignitus, in protectione mea et defensione semper sit
precipuus et mei capud honoris, ab omnium hominum inquietudine
liber et quietus, feci itaque in eadem die qua dedicata est ec-
clesia, ab eodem episcopo et ab abbate Westmon' Gilleberto, cum
multis aliis magne auctoritatis viris et personis, omnes infractores
seu diminutores hujus mee elemosine excommiinicari, ut sit
habitatio illorum perpetua cum Juda maledicto proditore domini,
et viventes descendant in eterne perdicionis baratrum cum Dathan
et Chore cum maledictione eterna, nisi emendaverint digna satis-
factione. contestor igitur omnes filios meos, heredes videlicet,
et omnes posteros meos per tremendum dei judicium et per

134

Gilbert Crispin

omnipotentiam ejus in celo et in ten-a, ne ipsi faciant aut fieri
sinant uUam infractionem huic mee donationi ; immo augeant et
stabiliant illam, ita iit deus augeat et stabiliat dies et vitam illorum
in eterna beatitudine, et habeant partem in hac niea elemosina
mecum in celesti requie. Test'. Idem episcopus Osmundus. Gill'
abbas Westm'. Lecelina domina uxor mea. Will' de magnavilla.
Ric' de magnavilla. Hugo mascherell'. Turoldus de Wochend'
dapifer. Goffridus de Wochend'. Walt' mascherell'. Acelinus
capellanus. Agamundus persona de Wochend'. Goduuinus de turroc
capellanus. Roulf de Hairun. Hacinulf de Grenetbrd. Rob' nepos
ejus. Engheram pincema. Richerius miles. Rog' Blundus. Wi-
mundus de blangeo. Aedricus propositus. Alfricus cementarius.
cum aliis multis inenarrabilibus magne auctoritatis et dignitatis
viris et personis in eadem die apud Hurleiam assistentibus. Ex
hac vero donatione mea et institutione, consilio proborum sumpto
virorum, tria acta sunt brevia: unum apud Westmonasterium,
aliud apud eandem ecclesiam de Hurleia, tercium mihi et
heredibus meis succedentibus, pro loci integritate etema et
stabilitate reposui.

[1085 — 6.] See above, p. 33. It is interesting to note that Ralph,
the son of Turold the dapifer of Geoffrey de Mandeville, is the first
youth dedicated to the priory at Hurley. The expression ' mei capud
honoris ' is a technical one : ' the chief place of my Honor.' William
de Mandeville was Geoffrey's son and heir, and father of the notorious
Geoffrey de Mandeville, earl of Essex : see below, nos. 15, 20. Richard
de Mandeville was a younger son.

Hugo Mascherell is the first witness to Geoffrey de Mandeville's
grant of Eye (no. 15), and he is there followed by his brother Roger.
A younger Hugo Mascherell occurs in a charter of Hen. I, temp. Abbot
Herbert (D. f. 579 6). The priory of nuns at Wix (co. Essex) was
founded by Walter Mascherell, Alexander and Edith, the children of
Walter the deacon, who held the manor at the Survey : the charter was
granted c. 1125 — 35. Can we assume any connexion with the Walter
Mascherell who attests here ?

' Goduuinus de turroc ' : ' Turruc ' was held by the count of Eu at
the Survey (Essex, p. 63).

Ralph de Hairun and Richerius attest no. 15.

'Alfi:icus cementarius' was no doubt the master mason who was
engaged on the building of the new priory.

Selected Charters

135

For notes on the localities mentioned in this charter, see St Mary's,
Hurley, by the Reverend F. T. Wethered,

7. Man. 3780.

G. de mandavilla vEdrico preposito suo omnibusque horainibus
suis de Uualtham salutem. Sciatis quod prior et monachi mei de
Hurleia mihi gi-aviter conquesti sunt de hoc quod boscum suum
absque eis et eorum licencia tarn male vastatis et destruitis. unde
vobis mando et super feoda vestra precipio et defendo ne amodo
vos neque de aqua sua intromittatis, neque in bosco suo extra
sepes vestras sine prioris aut suorum documento quicquam capiatis.
si que vero ad domos vestras reficiend[as] necessaria vobis fuer[int]
et sepes [in]de precipio [ut] vobis necessari[a] prioris vel suorum
documento habeatis. quia omnia que in ten-a et in aqua et in
omnibus rebus pro anime mee atque meorum salute ipsis dedi et
concessi, volo et firmiter precipio ut ipsi habeant ita b[ene] et
quiete [et] [sicut] ea dedi ac concessi deo et ecclesie mee de
Hurleia, die qua feci eam dedicare, Valete.

[c. 1086 — 1100,] No precise date can be given to this charter.
For Edric the prepositus, see the preceding charter. The spelling
' Mandavilla ' is of interest.

8. D. f. 526 6.

G. abbas et conventus Westm' concedunt Rotberto filio Suenonis
ut ipse teneat de sancto Petro et de abbate pro Ix sol' per singulos
annos terram, scilicet Wateleyam, quam pater suus dedit sancto Petro
pro anima sua, et de qua terra ipse Rotbertus cum sua matre fecit
donacionem super altare sancti Petri in eodem die quo sepultus
est pater suus, videntibus baronibus suis Godobaldo, Turaldo et
VVillelmo fratre suo et multis aliis, in presencia abbatis et mona-
chorum. et tarn diu sic eam teneat, donee pro predicta terra det
cambium iiij ti, quod abbas et monachi gratanter accipere debeant.
hii sunt termini den': in ramis palmarum xxx sol', in festivitate
apostolorum Petri et Pauli xxx sol'.

[c. 1087.] This transaction probably took place immediately after
the death of Suain: perhaps soon after the Survey, in which he still
appears as holding lands in Essex, though no longer sheriff. See above,
pp. 49 f., and nos. 1, 2.

136

Gilbert Crispin

9. D. f. 523.

W. dei gracia rex Anglorum Hug' de Bello campo et fidelibus
suis Francis et Anglis de Buchingeham salutem. Sciatis quod
Gillebertus abbas Westm' meo precepto deracionavit coram baroni-
bus meis, episcopo Dunolm', episcopo Winton', Eudone dapifero,
Ivone Taillebosc, Roberto dispensatore, terram de Burnham et
Sippenham per donum patris mei. et ego concede ut cum
omnibus consuetudinibus terram illam solute et quiete habeat.
T.' episcopus Dunhelmi et episcopus Winton'.

[Sep. 1087 — early in 1088.] Probably granted before Odo's rising
in 1088, which was joined by William of St Carileph, the bishop of
Durham. But it might be after William's restoration to his bishopric,
3 Sep. 1091.

The style 'dei gracia' may be due to the copyist: see above, no 4.

Hugh de Beauchamp held lands at the Survey chiefly in Bedford-
shire. He had three sons, Simon, Pain (m. Rohaise) and Milo : so
Dugdale, Baronage I 224, who concludes that Walter de Beauchamp,
of Elmley, was of the same family. Hugh is mentioned as having
been witness of a grant made by Robert Dispensator, whose niece
Walter married (see below, no. 27),

Eudo dapifer was son of Hubert de Rie, a Norman noble said to
have been sent by Duke William to K. Edward. For his story, see
Monasticon iv 604. He succeeded W. fitz Osbern as dapifer to Will. I,
and served also under Will. II, whom he had greatly assisted by
securing Dover and other ports on the Conqueror's death. Will. II
granted him Colchester, where he founded a monastery in 1096. At
the beginning of Henry's reign, he was suspected of favouring the
claims of Duke Robert ; but Henry feared to strike him on account of
his powerful connexions. For he had married Rohaise, daughter of
Richard fitz Gilbert and his wife Rohaise (sister of William Giffard
who became bp of Winchester). By the intervention of the bishop
and of Peter de Valognes, who had married Eudo's sister, he regained
the royal favour. He was buried at Colchester on the same day as his
nephew Walter Giffard, the last day of Feb. 1120; for the last fifteen
years of his life he was blind, and apparently resided at his castle at
Pr^aux, where he died. It is difficult to distinguish between fact and
fiction in Eudo's story ; but it may be taken as practically certain that
he died at his castle in Normandy in the winter of 1119 — 20 (Round,
Eng. Hist. Rev. xvi 728). No. 18 below is addressed to him.

Selected Charters

137

Deradonavit = 'made good his claim to': cf. no. 12. For Burnham
and Sippenham, see above, p. 48, and below, no. 37.

10. Faust. A. Ill, f. 76.

Willelmns rex Angl' Mauricio Lond' episcopo et Gaufrido de
magna villa et vie' et omnibus baronibus Lond' Francis et Anglis
salutem. Sciatis me concessisse deo et sancto Petro Westm'
ecclesiam Niwecerch' liberam et quietam et solutam ab omni
calumpnia, sicut Agelwardus clericus predicto apostolo dedit, et
sicut pater meus per breve suum concessit, et prohibeo ne aliquis
eis inde aliquam torturam faciat, vel aliquis aliquam intromis-
sionem habeat, nisi per concessionem abbatis et monachorum.
T.' G. episcopo de Const', W. episcopo Dunelm', R. Bigot, apud
Winton'.

[Sep. 1087 — early in 1088.] The bishops of Coutances and Durham
joined Odo's rising in 1088. The MS has ' Henricus ' for ' Willelmus ' ;
but this is impossible, for Bp Geoffrey died in 1093. The rubric
assigns it to Henry II, but it must be Will. II. For the charter of
Will. I, here referred to, see above, no. 5.

For Bp Maurice, see above, no. 5.

11. D. f. 529, Faust. A. in, f. 64.

W. rex Angl' Francis et Anglis de Lundon' salutem. Sciatis
me concedere sancto Petro Westm' ecclesiam sancte Marie
Newecirce et omnes res pertinentes ad eam, quam Aluuardus de
Lundon' ei dederat. et precipio ut ita solutam et quietam habeat
sicut pater meus precepit per breve suum. T.' com' Alanus et
Milo Crispinus et Rogerus Bygod.

[1087—1100.] Count Alan, of Richmond (Yorks.), was a Breton
follower of the Conqueror.

For Milo Crispin, see above, p. 17 : the next two charters are also
attested by him.

In both chartularies this writ is wrongly assigned to Will. I, see
above, no. 5. With the address comp. the Rutland charter of Will. I,
D. f. 621: ' W. rex Angl' Francis et Anglis salutem^'

' This charter, which grants to Abbot Gilbert the churches held by ' Albertua
Lotharingus,' is quoted in full from Monasticon [i 301] by Dr Round in his interesting
identification of this Lotharingian cleric {Commune of Loudon, 37). Under Will. II these
churches are held by 'Osbernus clericus' (below, no. 14).

138

Gilbert Crispm

12. Faust. A. Ill, f. 55, Lib. Nig. f. 25.

Willelmus rex Angl' Hugoni de Bokel' et vicecomifci et omni-
bus fidelibus suis de Middelsexa salutem. Sciatis quod volo et
firmiter precipio quod terra de Gyveneya que est pastura de
manerio de Stanes, quam Vitalis abbas tempore patris mei
contra Walterum filium Oteri deracionavit ad opus ecclesie sancti
Petri Westm', sit in pace ; ita ut nuUus illi molestiam aut inquie-
tudinem inde faciat; neque abbas Gislebertus ejusdem loci alicui
inde respondeat nisi coram episcopis et baronibus justificatoribus,
qui fuerunt ibi ubi ipsa terra deracionata fuit. neque uUo modo
consentire volo ut aliquis inde quicquam toUat aut minuat; sed
in ea concessione et stabilitate qua a rege Edwardo donata est
sine aliqua imminucione permaneat. Testibus Alano comite,
Rogero Bygod, Milone Crispino, Gofifrido de magna villa, et
pluribus aliis.

[1087—1100.] The Hist. AUngd. (Rolls S. ii 7) tells us that Walter
fitz Oter was keeper of Windsor Castle early in the reign of Will. I ;
and that he had then appropriated certain land, which he long after-
wards restored to that monastery {ib. 29) when the new church was
consecrated, c. 1095.

Of Hugh de Buckland we read in the History oj Abingdon, ii 43 :
' et Berchescire vicecomes et publicarum judiciarius compellationum
a rege constitutus ' ; ib. 117, 'qui non solum Berchescirae, sed etiam
aliis vii sciris praeerat vicecomes, adeo erat nominatus vir et carus regi.'
He was still living in May 1114 (ib. 147), but in 1119 William de
Buckland was sheriff of Berkshire {ib. 160). See below, nos. 20, 27,
29, 37 and 38.

13. D. f. 129.

G. abbas Westm' concessit Guntero homini suo et heredi illius
manerium Hendon' in feudo firme, pro una plenaria septimana
firme quoque anno. Testes : Milo Crispinus, Gislebertus Pipardus,
Robertus prior et conventus monasterii in capitulo.

[1086 — 1102.] The lower limit is given by the appointment of
Robert to the abbey of St Edmund in 1102 : see above, p. 29.

Shortly before his death in 1107 Milo Crispin made a grant to
Abingdon abbey, which was placed on the altar by ' Gillebertus
Pipardus,' his dapifer {Hist. Ab. ll 97). Somewhat later ' Gillebertus

Selected Charter i

139

Pipard ' occurs with ' Hugo fil' Milonis ' as present at Waddesdon (co.
Bucks.) when a grant is made to the same abbey {ib. 109). As the
name is uncommon, we may note that Walter and Robert Pipard attest
a Bee charter c. 1147 (Round, Doc. 'pres. in France, p. 121).
For una plenaria septimana firme, see above, p. 42.

14. D. f. 621, Faust. A. ill, f. 65.

W. rex Angl' W. vicecom' salutem. Mando et precipio tibi ut
facias omnem rectitudinem abbati Westm' de ecclesiis de Rotelanda,
quas Osbemus clericus tenet de illo ; et omnes consuetudines quas
ecclesie per rectum habere debent, fac eum habere, sicut habuerunt
tempore patris mei. T.' Rannulfus Passseflamblart.

[1087 — 99.] Ranulf Flambard was consecrated to Durham 5 June
1099. The form of the attestation is noteworthy : for he usually attests
as ' Ranulfus capellanus ' before he became the bishop of Durham.

For these Rutland churches, see above, no. 11 (note).

Faust. A. Ill reads Hoshertus, and Ranulfo passeflamhard' .

15. D. f. 103, Faust. A. iii, f. 281 h, Lib. Nig. f. 5 h.

Ego Gofifridus de magna villa pro anima mea et pro anima
conjugis mee Athelais in claustro sancti Petri sepulte, qui etiam
juxta earn sepeliendus sum ; pro animabus quoque filiorum filia-
rumque mearum ; dedi sancto Petro Westmon' maneriolum quod
juxta ecclesiam ejus habebam, scilicet Eye, in perpetuam heredi-
tatem, sicut illud unquam melius tenui. et hoc donum deo et
sancto Petro cum uxore mea Letselina concessione filii mei
Willelmi quem mihi heredem facere disposui, quos etiam hujus
elemosine participes fieri per omnia volo, super altare predict!
apostoli Petri presentavi in presencia Gisleberti abbatis et mona-
chorum et multorum militum meorum et suorum: et continue per
Radulfum de Hairun de predicto manerio sanctum Petrum saisiri
feci. hujus igitur concessionis testes sunt Hugo Maskereal,
Rogerius frater ejus, Willelmus fil' Martelli, Richerius, Radulfus
de Hairun, Goiffridus nepos ejus, Willelmus nepos Turaldi,
Goffridus miles ejus, Leuricus Cnivet, Gofiridus et multi alii.

[1087 — 97.] As the next charter confirms this, and as Hen. I in
no. 20 speaks of the grant as made by his brother, I have assigned the
same limits to this charter as to the next.

140

Gilbert Crispin

Hugo Mascherell, Roulf de Hairun and Richerius miles attest the
Hurley foundation charter, no. 6.

For the burial of Athelais, see no. 1.

16. D. f 103, Lib. Nig. f. 5h.

Willelmus rex Anglorum baronibus suis et omnibus fidelibus
Francis et Anglis de Middelsexa salutem. Sciatis me concessisse
deo et sancto Petro Westm' et Gisleberto abbati manerium de Eye,
quod GofFridus de magna villa et uxor ejus dederunt eidem ecclesie
pro animabus eorum. et volo et concedo ut omnes leges et consue-
tudines quiete et solute in illo manerio habeat sanctus Petrus et
abbas ; hoc est, sacam et socam, toll et theam, latronem et omnes
consuetudines in via et extra, in festo et extra, et defendo ne
aliquis sit ausus ei vel suis hominibus inde super hoc aliquam
injuriam facere. T.' Walchelinus episcopus et Haim' et alii, apud
London'.

[1087—97.] See Henry I's confirmation, no. 20.
Walkelin bp of Winchester died 3 Jan. 1098.

Haimo dapifer was brother of the famous Robert fitz Haimo, for
whom see Professor Tout's art. ' Fitzhamon ' in Diet. Nat. Biogr. They
may have been sons of ' Haimo vicecomes,' who holds lands in Kent and
Surrey at the Survey. Both brothers attest K. Henry's letter inviting
Anselm to return in 1100. Robert died in 1107, but Haimo was still
living in 1113.

17. D. f. 254.

W. rex Anglorum P. vicecomiti et omnibus ministris suis sal'.
Sciatis me concedere abbati Gisleberto in manerio de Feringes
soccam et saccam in omnibus rebus, in via et extra viam, in festo
die et extra, latronem et omnes illas leges et consuetudines quas et
Vi talis abbas et alii antecessores ejus tempore regis Edwardi
habuerunt. T.' abbas Beccensis, W. camerarius et alii.

[1093.] Peter de Valognes was sheriff of Essex at the Survey. An
earlier grant, which gives Fering and three houses at Colchester which
belonged to Harold, as part of the exchange for Windsor, is addressed
to Suain as sheri{F (D. f. 254). The mention in the present grant of its
having been held by abbots imder K. Edward is an error more likely to
have been made under Will. II than under Will. I. It would appear

Selected Charten

141

therefore to belong to the period between 6 March and 5 Sept. 1093,
when Anselm was still refusing to accept the archbishopric.
For William the chamberlain, see no. 4.

18. D. £ 363, Faust. A. iii, f 78 6.

H. rex Angl' Eudoni dapifero et Herbert© camerario salutem.
Precipio quod conventus Westm' et Winton' et Gloecestrie in
omnibus festivitatibus quibus in eisdem ecclesiis coronatus fuero
plenariam de me habeant liberacionem, et eainim cantores unciam
auri habeant, sicut Mauricius episcopus Lundon' testatus est
tempore predecessorum meorum eos habuisse. T'. Willelmo electo
Wint' apud Westm'.

[1100.] Probably issued on the occasion of Henry's coronation at
Westminster, 5 Aug. 1100. It was the habit of William the Conqueror
to wear his crown at the three great festivals, and in this he probably
continued the practice of his predecessor.

William Giffard was appointed to Winchester immediately on
Henry's accession and before his coronation. He was present at the
council held at Westminster, 20 Sep. 1102; but refusing to be conse-
crated by Gerard, abp of York, he was banished. He accompanied
Anselm to Rome in 1103. Shortly afterwards he appears to have been
restored : he was one of the bishops who urged Anselm to return in
1106. He was consecrated 11 Aug. 1107, and died 25 Jan. 1129. He
had been chancellor to William Rufus, and continued to act for a short
time under Hen. I. See below, no. 21.

Herbert the chamberlain is mentioned below in no. 27 as witnessing
a grant c. 1087 — 97 (' Herbertus camerarius regis de Winton'). See
also Hist. Ahingd. ll 43 (end of Will. I's reign) : ' regis cubicularius et
thesaurarius ' ; and ih. 54 (c. 1102).

19. Faust. A. Ill, f. 67.

Henricus rex Anglorum Gisleberto vicecomiti de Suthreia
salutem. Mando et precipio ut dimittas esse quietam terram
sancti Petri Westm' et abbatis Gisleberti que est in dominio meo
infra parcum et forestam de Windlesor', et nominatim viii hidas
de manerio de Piriford quod pater mens concessit eidem ecclesie
amodo semper liberas ab omni geldo et scotto et omnibus aliis
rebus, et nominatim clamo eas quietas de novo geldo propter
hidagium et de omnibus aliis geldis sicut pater mens et frater
concesserunt per brevia sua. T'. R, Bigot apud Bisselegam.

142

Gilbert Crispin

[1100 — 1107.] Gilbert of Surrey was sheriff of Surrey, Cambridge-
shire and Hunts, in 1114 (Round, Commune, 122). This charter
(attested by Roger Bigod, see no. 4) shews that he was sheriff of
Surrey at least as early as 1107. A charter regarding Battersea
granted to Abbot Herbert, probably in 1121, is also addressed to
Gilbert as sheriff (D. f. 168). Fulk, his nephew, was sheriff not later
than 1126 (Round, ih. 121).

Possibly the phrase ' de novo geldo propter hidagium ' may help to
fix the date of this charter more precisely.

The charter of William here referred to is the well-known Piriford
charter printed above, p. 29 (note).

20. Faust. A. iii, f. 73 b, Lib. Nig. f. 6.

Henricus rex Angl' H. de Boch' et W, camerario et W. de magna
villa et omnibus fidelibus suis Francis et Anglis de Middelsex'
salutem. Sciatis me concessisse deo et sancto Petro Westm' et
Gilleberto abbati donum quod Goffridus de magna villa et uxor
ejus dederunt eis pro animabus eorum, terram dico de Eye.
et volo et precipio ut bene et honorifice teneat ipse abbas, et sicut
Willelmus frater mens concessit per breve suum. Testibus Matild'
regina et W. cancellario apud London'.

[1100 — 1.] Q. Matilda was married and crowned 11 Nov. 1100.
William Giffard was chancellor until he was succeeded by Roger
(afterwards bp of Salisbury) in Sep. 1101.

This charter suggests that William de Mandeville had succeeded
his father as sheriff of Middlesex. About the same time William Avas
in charge of the Tower of London, where Ranulf Flambard was im-
prisoned in Aug. or Sep. 1100, till his escape about Feb. 1101 (Ord.
Vit. bk 10, c. 18).

The charters referred to in this confirmation are printed above,
nos. 15, 16.

21. D. f. 529, Faust. A. iii, f 67 6.

H. rex Angl' W. Giffardo episcopo Winton' et omnibus baronibus
suis Francis et Anglis de Suthregia salutem. Sciatis me dedisse
deo et sancto Petro et abbati Gileberto et monachis ecclesie
Westm' iiij'"' hidas in Totinges, ut eas ita bene et plenarie et
honorifice teneant et habeant sicut habuerunt tempore patris mei
et antecessorum meonim. et prohibeo super forisfacturam meam

Selected Charters

143

ne ullus eis inde injuriam faciat, neque abbas inde alicui nisi ante
me respondeat. T'. Roberto comite Mellent' et Nig' de Oleio,
apud Winton'.

[1100 — East. 1116.] The lower limit is given by the king's de-
parture for Normandy in the year before Abbot Gilbert's death. The
writ may have been addressed to William Giffard before his con-
secration in Aug. 1107.

I give the chief variants of Faust. A. ill to illustrate the freedom
with which charters were copied into chartularies : om. suis, concessisse
(for dedisse), Gisleberto, Rodberto comite de Mellent et Nigillo de Oleyo.

For Robert count of Meulan (f 1118), see no. 4; and for Nigel de
Oleio, no. 1.

22. D. f. 254, Faust. A. iii, f. 74.

H. rex Angl' omnibus baronibus et rainistris suis de Esex' sal'.
Volo ut sanctus Petrus de Westm' ita quietam et liberam habeat
cum omnibus consuetudinibus omnem terram de Ferynges et de
Okendune sicut pater mens concessit et dedit. et precipio ut super
hoc nuUus ei injuriam faciat. T'. Willelmo de Curceio apud
Havering'.

[1100 — c. 1109.] William de Curci was a benefactor to Abingdon
Abbey: in confirming a grant of his, 23 Oct. 1105, the king speaks of
him as 'dapifer meus' {Hist. Ah. ii 54). He attests at Westminster,
Whits. 1107: also at Winchester, Matilda's charter {ih. 116) between
July 1108 and May 1109 (or between Aug. 1111 and the summer of
1113): also other charters c. 1105 — 7 (always by his full name, and not
as 'dapifer').

This seems to justify our placing this charter early in Henry's reign:
but as William de Curci was succeeded by a son of that name {ih. 54 f.),
it may conceivably be later.

Orderic Vitalis has much to say about Richard de Curci (of Courci-
sur-Dives), and of his son and grandson, both named Robert: but
nothing of the English branch of the family.

For ' Okendune ' see above, p. 49.

23. Ch. XXX (copies in D. f. 482, Faust. A. ill, f 75 h).

H. rex Angl' omnibus vie' suis in quorum vicecomit' elemosina
pauperum Westm' habet terras sal'. Sciatis me clamasse liberam

144

Gilbert Crispin

et quietam terrg elemosing de Westm' de placitis et querelis et
sciris et hundr', et murdr', et a scotis et auxiliis, et de wardp' et de
omnibus occasionibus et consuetudinibus : scilicet terrain Padinton'
et Fenton' et Cleigate ; et quicquid habuit in villa vel silva de
Ditona tempore regis Eadwardi et patris mei, sicut carte eorum
testantur, volo ut plenar' habeat. T', Math' regina, apud Lund'.

[1100 — 16.] There is nothing to fix the date within narrower limits.
For Fanton (co. Essex) see above, p. 49. In the Domesday Survey the
monks of Westminster were accused of holding it per falsum breve.

24. Ch. xxix (copy in D. f 482).

H. rex Angl' omnibus vicecomitibus in quorum vicecomitatu
elemosina pauperum Westmonasterii habet terras sal'. Sciatis me
clamasse liberam et quietam terram elemosine de Westmonasterio
de placitis et scotis et auxiliis et omnibus querelis et omnibus aliis
consuetudinibus: scilicet terram Patintonse et Fantona et Clai-
gata ; et quicquid habuit in tempore regis Edwardi in silva Dittong
et in omnibus aliis locis, volo ut habeat. et defendo ne aliquis
inde injuriam faciat : quia hoc facio pro anima patris et fratris
mei, et pro salute anime mee et Mathildis regine uxoris mee et
subolis mee. T'. Math' regina, apud Lond' post purific' sancte
Marie.

[Feb. 1103—16.] The queen's first child was born in Aug. 1101, but
died in infancy; the second was Matilda, bom in Aug. 1102: William
was born the next year.

A third charter combines the privileges of this and the preceding
one (D. {. 482), ' precatu regine,' ' T'. ejusdem regine apud Lond'.'

25. D. f 525.

Domino suo episcopo R. et baronibus Lincoln' Hugo de Euremou
salutem. Sciatis me reddidisse sancto Petro Westm' manerium de
Dotinton'; quia manerium quod pro illo dederam sancto Petro
rex a me accepit, et comiti Eustachio reddidit ; nec volo ut causa
mei ecclesia dei ullo modo dampnum habeat.

[1102 — 3.] See note on the next charter.

Robert Bloet, bp of Lincoln, was consecrated 12 Feb. 1094, and died
10 Jan. 1123.

Selected Charters

146

26. D. f. 525, Faust. A. iii, f. 74.

Henricus rex Anglorum R. episcopo Lincoln' et R. filio Ran-
nulfi et omnibus baronibus suis Francis et Anglis de Lincolnesire
salutem. Sciatis quia me presente et concedente Hugo de Euremou
reddidit sancto Petro Westm' et abbati Gisleberto manerium de
Dotintune, quod ab eodem abbate coram fratre meo rege Willelmo
ipse Hugo accepcrat in cambium pro manerio de Ducesuuorthe
quod abbati Gisleberto dederat. sed ego manerium de Duces-
uuorthe comiti Eustachio reddidi, et inde Hugoni cambium dedi ;
et propterea Hugo sancto Petro manerium suum reddidit. T'.
episcopus Lincoln' R., Henricus comes de Warwihc, Gislebertus
filius Ricardi, Willelmus de Werewast et multi alii apud Westm'
in pentecosten.

[Whits. 1102 — 3.] ' Dochesworde ' (co. Camb.) belonged at the
Survey to Eustace count of Boulogne, senior: see further. Feud. Eng.
463. Early in 1088 Count Eustace junior received Odo into Rochester
castle, capturing him (' calliditate episcopi,' it was said) when he came
to demand its surrender to Rufus. The king afterwards took the
castle, and banished them both. Eustace took the Cross in 1096,
returned in 1100, and married Maria, sister of Q. Maud, at the end of

1102 (Sim. of Durh. Rolls S. ll 216, 227, 232, 235, mainly from Florence
of Wore). It was doubtless about this time that Hugh de Euremou
restored Doddington to the abbey, as the king had given back to
Eustace his old manor of ' Dochesworde.' See above, p. 46.

Hugo de Euremou attests an Abingdon charter, dated in Lent 1111
{Hist. Ah. II 73).

Gilbert fitz Richard of Clare (or, Gilbert of Tunbridge) was the son
of Richard fitz Gilbert (f c. 1090), for whom see no. 1. He is first
mentioned as fortifying Tunbridge castle against Rufus, 1088 (together
with Roger his brother) ; next as warning Rufus against an ambuscade,
1095. He settled in Wales 1107(?): attests his mother's charter, 1113;
died 1114 (or 1117) after a long illness (Round, Diet. Nat. Biogr.).

William Warelwast was much out of England from the autumn of

1103 until Anselm's return. He was consecrated to Exeter in August
1107.

I give the following variants from Faust. A. ill: AngV, Ranulphi,
Lincolnescire, Gilleberto, Dudinton, Ducesworth, manerium suum sancto
Petro, R, episcopo Lincoln , Warewik, om. multi: all the attestations
are in the ablative case.

R. c. 10

146

Gilbert Crispin

27. D, f. 313 Z).

Robertus dispensator reddidit in vita sua sancto Petro Westm'
pro aniraa sua terram et manerium Cumbrinton, quod de beneficio
ejusdem ecclesie emerat a Gisleberto fil' Toraldi : et insuper red-
didit eidem ecclesie terram quam de abbate Gisleberto ejusdem
monasterii ad firmam tenebat in manerio ipsius ecclesie, quod
dicitur Wich et est membrum manerii de Persore. Testes hujus
reddicionis sunt : episcopus Walchelinus, Urso frater ejusdem
Roberti, Herbertus camerarius regis de Winton', Ivo Taillebosc;
et homines ipsius Roberti, Godardus, Robertus de Echinton, Hugo
de Holauesssel ; de aliis baronibus regis, Hugo de Belcampo,
Willelmus Bainardus, Petrus de Valunnis, Willelmus camerarius,
Hugo de Bochelanda, Otto aurifex, et multi alii clerici et laici ;
homines ipsius abbatis, Otbert de Surreia, Willelmus clericus,
Girardus frater ejus, Hugo de Coleham, Richerius. banc red-
dicionem presente episcopo Walchelino et predictis testibus posu-
erunt super altare sancti Petri uxor ipsius Roberti et Urso frater
ejusdem Roberti per duo candelabra argentea, unum turribulum,
unum pallium, unum tapete.

[1100 — c. 1108.] This memorandum was probably drawn up when
application was being made for K. Henry's confirmation (which here
follows). Robert Dispensator, the brother of the notorious Urse
d'Abetot, had bought the manor of Comberton (co. Wore.) from Gilbert
fitz Thorold, who appears as holding it at the time of the Survey.
Robert also held in farm from Abbot Gilbert a member of the Pershore
manor, called Wich. Both these properties he had given back to the
abbey in his lifetime.

As the leading witness to this restoration. Bp Walkelin, died 3 Jan.
1098, and as the properties had come into Robert's hands after 1086,
we may date the restoration somewhere within the first ten years of
Will. II's reign (probably towards the end of that period).

For Herbert the chamberlain, see above, no. 18 ; and for Ivo Taille-
bois, no. 4.

Robert de Echintone came from Eckington, the next village to
Comberton: it is abbey land in Domesday (Aichintune), and the patron-
age of the living is still with the Dean and Chapter.

For Hugh de Beauchamp see no. 9 : for William Bainard, above,
p. 39 : for Peter de Valognes, no. 19 : for William the chamberlain,
no. 4: and for Hugh de Buckland, no. 12.

Selected Charters

147

For Otto the goldsmith, ' lord of Gestingthorpe,' and his descendants,
hereditary masters of the mint, see Dr Round in V. C. Hist. Essex, i
351. He appears in the Survey as Otto aurifaher. He was employed
by Rufus to make his father's tomb at St Stephen's, Caen: ' auri et
argenti gemmarumque copiam Othoni aurifabro erogavit, et super
patris sui mausoleum fieri mirificum memoriale precepit,' Ord. Vit.,
bk viii, c. 1). He appears in a charter [1104 — 7] printed in Hist. Rev.
XXIV 427: 'Othoni aurifabro de Lond'.'

For Hugh de Coleham, see above, p. 30. A knight named Richerius
attests Geoffrey de Mandeville's charters, above, nos. 6 and 15.

28. D. f. 313 6, Faust. A. iii, f. 74.

H. rex Angl' Ur' de Ab' et baronibus suis de Wirecestrascira
salutem. Sciatis me concessisse sancto Petro Westm' terra de
Cumbertona, quam Robertus dispensator dedit ecclesie sancti
Petri de Westm' : et volo et precipio ut bene et honorifice teneat,
et nullus ei injuriam faciat. T'. Rob' Line' episcopo apud Windres'.

[1100 — c. 1108.] This charter must be dated after Robert's death
and before that of Urse his brother. But neither of these dates appears
to be known. If we may assume, from the fact that Robert's restoration
was made at Westminster on his behalf by his wife and brother, that
he himself was sick and dying, we should place his death not later
than 1097. He attests the grant of the city of Bath to Bishop John
(1094 — 97), printed by W. Hunt in Somerset Record Society, Bath
Cartulary, I, no. 38. His non-appearance in the list of reliefs demanded
on the vacancy of the bishopric of Worcester in 1095 (Feud. Eng. 309)
might be due to his recent death having left his fief in the king's
hands. This however is but conjecture; and it may be that there are
known facts to the contrary. The date of Urse's death, I gather, is
not earlier than 1108 {Feud. Eng. 170).

Variants of Faust. A. ill are : Abet', Wircestrascira, deo et sancto
Petro, terram, Rodbertus, R. episcopo Line, Windelsoras.

29. D. f. 516 6.

H. rex Angl' H. de Bokelande et vie' omnibusque fidelibus ac
ministris suis Francis et Anglis London' salutem. Sciatis me
concessisse deo et sancto Petro ac monachis Westm' illas ten-as
quas tres filie Deormanni pro salute animarum suarum et sepul-
turis suis, et ut plenam haberent ejusdem ecclesie societatem,

10—2

148

Gilbert Crispin

consilio et voluntate Ordgari fratris earum, in Lundon' eis de-
demnt. unde volo et firmiter precipio ut bene quiete honorifice
et absque omni calumpnia, cum saca et soca, consuetudinibus et
legibus, illas teneant. et defendo et omnimodis prohibeo ut nullus
molestiam aut torturam illis inde faciat. T'. R. cane' et G. de
Clinton' et R. Basset.

[1107 — c. 1115.] The upper limit is given by Ranulf as chancellor
(see no. 35), the lower by the address to Hugh de Buckland, who seems
to have died c. 1115 (see nos. 37, 38).

' Orgarus filius Deremanni ' (as well as ' Orgarus le Prude ') was
one of the members of the Cnichtengild who gave their soke to Holy
Trinity Priory in 1125 in return for the privilege of fraternity. It is
interesting to see that his three sisters had already linked themselves
in a similar way to the abbey of Wogtminster. For further notes on
this family see Round, Commune, 106.

It would appear from Diet. Nat. Biogr. that the first occurrence of
Geoffrey de Clinton's name hitherto known is in a charter of 1121 — 3.
The charter here printed shews him to us seven or eight years earlier.

For ' R. Basset ' see the next charter.

30. D. f. 101.

Henricus rex Angl' episcopo f G. f London' et archid' et toti
capitulo sancti Pauli sal'. Precipio quod abbas et ecclesia sancti
Petri Westm' et presbyteri eorum habeant et teneant ecclesias
suas quas pater meus eis dedit : ligneam scilicet capellam sancte
Margarete de Eschep, cum parochia et cum terra et domibus ad
eam pertinentibus ; et medietatem lapidee capelle sancti Magni
martiris cum tota parochia ; et ecclesiam sancti Laurentii cum
omnibus sibi pertinentibus ; et ecclesiam sancti Jacobi super
ripam : ita bene et in pace et honorifice, sicut melius tenuerunt
tempore patris mei, et meo actenus, sine calumpnia, et temporibus
Hugonis et Mauricii episcoporum. et prohibeo ne super hoc breve
inde placitent. T'. Matild' regina et R. Basset apud London'.

[July 1108— East. 1116.] Probably issued to Richard de Belmeis
soon after he entered on his bishopric. 'G' is a scribe's error for 'R',
as is shewn by the similar writ issued to Gilbert the Universal (cons.
22 Jan. 1128, "flO Aug. 1134), where 'G' is right, and 'Ricardi' is added
to 'Hugonis' and 'Mauricii' as one of the predecessors (D. f. 101 h).

Selected Charters

149

Ralph Basset is probably the witness here : see below, no. 39. But
it might be Richard Basset.

This charter is of special interest for its reference to London
churches held by the abbey in the Conqueror's reign.

31. Faust. A. Ill, f. 74.

Henricus rex Angl' Ricardo episcopo de Lundon' sal'. Mando
tibi ut facias plenum rectum abbati Westm' de hominibus qui fre-
gerunt ecclesiam suam de Winton' noctu et armis. et nisi feceris,
barones mei de scaccario faciant fieri, ne audiam clamorem inde
pro penuria recti. T'. &c.

[July 1108 — 1127.] As the witnesses are not given, we cannot say
whether this belongs to the time of Abbot Gilbert or to that of Abbot
Herbert. Winton' is for Wineton (Wenington): see above, p. 49.

32. Faust. A. iii, f. 79.

Henricus rex Angl' Ricardo de Monte salutem. fac habere
abbati Westm' x solidos de elemosina mea, sicut est in rotulis
meis. T'. episcopo Sarum apud Canoe. Et hoc quoque anno.
Teste eodem.

[?c. 1110 — East. 1116.] Richard de Monte was sheriff of Oxfordshire
in 1111 {Hist Ah. il 119 f): so that the abbot here refeiTed to is not
improbably Abbot Gilbert.

'Canoe' is for Cannock (co. Staff.).

The writ is of interest for its reference to the king's rolls.

For Hugo de Monte, see below, no. 37. Gilbert de Monte occurs
in the Northamptonshire Survey, which Dr Round assigns to c. 1120
(with later modifications): see Feud. Eng. 219.

33. Faust. A. iii, f. 76.

Henricus rex Angl' omnibus vicecom' et ministris tocius Angl'
salutem. Precipio quod totum corredium et omnes res abbatis
de Westm', unde homines sui poterint affidare quod sint sue
proprie, sint ita quiete de theloneo et passagio et omnibus con-
suetudinibus sicut unquam melius fuerunt tempore antecessorum
suorum. T'. cane' apud Merleb'.

150

Gilbert Crispin

[? Summer, 1113 — Sep. 1114.] A charter of similar import and of
exactly the same attestation, on behalf of the abbey of Abingdon, is
addressed to Hugh de Buckland (Hist. Ab. ll 79), and is therefore not
later than c. 1114. I have therefore assigned this conjecturally to
Abbot Gilbert's time.

34. D. f. 5Sb.

H. rex Ang} justic' vicec' et omnibus ministris totius Angl'
et portuum maris salutem. Precipio quod totum corredium
monachorum de Westm' et quicquid in victu et vestitu ad usum
eorum pertinet, quod homines eorum poterint affidare suum esse
dominicum, sit quietum de theoloneo et passagio et omni alia
consuetudine. et super hoc nuUus illud nec homines eorum in-
juste disturbet, super x libr' forisfacture. T'. Rann' cancell' per
Otuelum fir comitis apud Turrim Lundon'.

[Summer, 1113— Sep. 1114 (prob.).] For the probability of this
date, see the next charter, which bears exactly the same attestation.
For Otwel fitz Count, see nos. 35, 36, 37, 40.

35. Mun. 3765.

H. rex Angl' justic' vicec' et omnibus ministris et fidelibus
suis per Angliam sal'. Precipio quod prior^ et monachi ecclesie
sancte Marie de Hurnleia teneant omnia tenementa sua que
tenent de feud' Gaufridi de Magnavilla in quocumque fuerint
comitatu, in bosco et in piano, in terra et in aqua, in ecclesiis et
in decimis, in possessionibus et in consuetudinibus, in libertatibus
et in omnibus rebus, et insuper in maneriis que in manu mea sunt
de honore ipsius Gaufridi de Magnavilla, tarn bene et libere et
quiete et plenarie sicut ipse Gaufridus melius et liberius et
plenarius ea ecclesie sue de Hurnleia pro anima sua dedit in
elemosina et concessit et carta sua confirmavit, die qua fecit eam
dedicare, et sicut rex Willelmus pater meus eis per cartam suam
concedit et confirmat. quare volo et precipio et firmiter defendo
ne uUus super hoc preceptum meum de rebus ecclesie illius se
intromittat, nisi per priorem et monachos ecclesie, nec eos inde
disturbet, nec injuriam sive contumeliam faciat. T'. Rann' cancell'
per Otuelum fil' comitis apud Turrim Lund'.

[Summer, 1113— Sep. 1114 (prob.).] This charter indicates that

Selected Charters

151

Geoffrey de Mandeville had recently died, his Honor being still in the
king's hands. He attests an Abingdon charter, apparently granted in
Lent 1111 {Hist. Ahingd. Rolls S. il 73), and Q. Matilda's charter
which speaks of the Domesday book at Winchester, and which must
be dated either between July 1108 and May 1109, or between Aug. 1111
and the summer of 1113 : see Round, Feudal England, p. 143.

If Geoffrey de Mandeville was alive in 1111, this charter must be
subsequent to the king's return in the summer of 1113 : and probably
it was granted before the king went to Normandy again in Sept. 1114,
and at any rate before his prolonged absence from Easter 1116 — Nov.
11201.

The earliest signature of Ranulf as chancellor is said to be between
Easter and Sept. 1107 : he died at Christmas 1122 {Feud. Engl. 485).

36. Mun. 3587.

H. rex Angl'. Justic'. Vicec'. Baron', et Omnibus Ministris suis.
et hominibus franc', et Angl' de Berchesir':^ sal'. Sciatis me con-
cessisse et firmiter confirmasse omnes donationes quascumque
Gaufr' de Magnauill' Ecclesie sancte Marie de Herleia pro sua et
heredum suorum redemptione et salute libere donauit. et carta sua
confirmauitr^ Videl'. to tarn eandem villam de herl' et circumiacens
Nemus eidem ville pertinenti. sine participatione cuiuscumque
hominis in Eadem parrochia manentis:^ in terris. et Ecclesiis. in
decimis. et possessionibus:^ in bosco. et piano. Campis. et Pratis.
Siluis. et Pasturisr^ Aquis. et Molendin'. Piscariis. et Piscationibus:^
Pasnagiis. Porcis. et Denarr^ cum tota tercia parte Decime totius
annone Omnium Maneriorum totius dominii sui. et cum duabus
partibus decime totius Pecunie omnium Maneriorum dominii sui
in viuo. et mortuoJ^ et Cum omnibus aliis Rebus sine participatione
cuiuscumque hominis de quibuscumque decima deo dari debet.
Excepta solummodo terra Aedrici prepositi et .vii. Rusticorum de
parua Waltham:^ quam in sua Manu ad se hospitand' retinuit.
Concedo igitur et inper[p]etuum confirmo Ecclesie eidem de Herl'
Ecclesiam meam de Waltham cum una hida terre et dimid' que
ad Ecclesiam illam de Waltham pertinet. et ecclesie de Herl'
subiacentr^ et totam terram illam Edwardi que dicitur hwatecumba.

1 Since writing this I have observed that Geoffrey de Mandeville and Haimo Dapifer
attest Hen. I's Savigny charter at Avranches, 7 Mar. 1113 (Round, Doc. pres. in France,
p. 287) ; but I retain what is said above for the sake of its references, and as not being
inconsistent with the fresh evidence.

152

Gilbert Crispin

et ecclesiam eiusdem ville cum Omnibus sibi pertinentiis in bosco.
et Planor^ et Pasturis. tanquam eiusdem supi'anominate ecclesie
de hell' dotaliciumr^ ita bene, et libere. et quiete. et plenarie in
Omnibus rebus, sicut idem Gaufr' ea Ecclesie sue de heil' dedit. et
concessit.*^ et per cartam patris mei et suam confirmavit. Concede
etiam et confirmo. ut Eadem ecclesia de herl' habeat Porcariam
suam in parco libere et quiete. et in Omnibus maneriis dominii sui
quicunque ea tenuerintr^ unum Rusticum qui Octo Acras terre
habeat. et cum Omnibus donationibus suis aliis-quas in insula de
Heli. uel in villa que Mosa uocatur-ecclesie de Herl' contulit. siue
etiam Decimas quas Turoldus dapifer in Wochendona. et in Bordes-
dena. et Edricus eius prepositus ibidem pro animabus eorum
contuler'. et Omnia alia quecunque ecclesie prefate ab eodem
Gaufr' seu ab alio quocunque viro ibidem sunt coUata et concessa.
Quare nolo et concede, et firmiter precipio. ut Ecclesia eadem de
herl' omnem habeat libertatem et firmam pacem. in bosco. et piano,
in terra et in Aqua, per totam terram suam. et habeat Socam. et
Sacam. et toll, et team, et InfangheneSof:^ et terra et homines
ecclesie eiusdem quocunque loco sint per Angliam. sint liberi. et
quieti de Shir', et Hundr'. de placitis. et querelis:^ Geld', et Daneg'.
Scottis. et Auxiliis omnibus et de Omnibus operationibus et occa-
sionibusr^ et exactionibus. et Assisisr^ Excepto solummodo Murdro.
et probato latrocinio. Quodsi huiusmodi forisfactura super terram
ecclesie euenerit. precipior^ quod Prior et n Monachi inde suam
plenarie habeant curiam, et defendo ne in Aliis locis quocumque
mode placitent:^ nisi in eadem Curia sancte Marie, et sua. De aliis
uero placitis uel forisfacturis-q' super terram ecclesie. et Prior' con-
[tigerijnt. si quis de hominibus suis in forisfactura mea Justo iudicio
et causa Aperta missus fuerit de .xx. manchis. adquietet se ante
indicium per .v[i.] denar'. et post Indicium:^ per .xii. denar'. et
semper iudicetur. per indicium Curie sancte Marie et Prior' ecclesie.
Preterea nolo, et firmiter precipio. quod dimittatis esse in pace
imperpetuum .vi. hidas ecclesie eiusdem de Dominio Prior' et
Monachorum de omnibus Geld', et Daneg'. [et thjeloneo per Angl'

q[ ]r dominicum conredium et usum pertinet. et Passagiis

etiam per Angl'. et Assartis que de Dominica terra eorum sintK

et ex Omnibus Actionibus [ ] pertinent et consuetudinibus.

Defendo etiam et firmiter precipio ne francos sues plegios recenseant
alibi Annuatim Prior et monachi nisi in eadem Curia sancte Marie et
suar^ et ut nullus. neque Vicec' neque Minister [aliquis] super hanc

Selected Charten

153

libertatem quam pro animabus patris et matris mee. et pro salute
et redemptione anime mee eis concedo et confirmo:^ eos amodo
placitis aut occasionibus. aut homines suos grauet aut laboretr^ aut
iniiiriam uel contuineliam faciat. Quoniam eideiu ecclesie omnia
pertinentia pro mea et m[a . . ] mee salute et Imperatricis filie mee
peticione et pro anime sue redemptione;^ ex omni exactione et
consuetudine regia. et Omnium hominum in[quietudine] soluta et

libera finabiliter clam[ ]a. T'. eadem Imperatrice. et Rog.

episcopo Sar'. per Otuelnm fil' Comitis. Ap' Turrim Lund'.

[ ? ] If this charter is genuine, it cannot be dated later than Easter
1116, when the king left England. For when he returned in 1120,
Otwel fitz Count, the son of Hugh earl of Chester, was one of those
who perished in the White Ship.

But the charter is granted at the request of Matilda the Empress,
and is also attested by her. Now Matilda left England in 1110, before
she was eight years old. She was crowned at Mainz as Empress in
1114, and after the Emperor's death she returned to England in 1126.

If, then, the evidence of this charter is to be accepted, Matilda must
have visited England between 1114 and 1116. But of such a visit we
have no other record.

We approach the charter therefore with some suspicion. And first
we ask whether it is probable that a charter to Hurley Priory should
have been gi-anted ' at the request of the Empress,' who even at Easter
1116 was not yet fourteen years old ?

Next, we observe that in one sentence Henry makes the gi-ant ' pro
animabus patris et matris mee et pro redemptione anime mee'; and in
the next sentence ' pro mea et m[a . .] mee salute, et imperatricis filie
mee peticione et pro anime sue redemptione.' It would be absurd to
read ' matris ' again in the second sentence ; and in any case we look
for some mention of Matilda, Henry's queen. The 'a' is almost certain ;
and we might perhaps read ' marite,' instead of the more usual ' uxoris.'

We must consider together with this charter the much shorter
charter (no. 35), in which K. Henry confirms the properties of Hurley,
when the Honor of Geofirey de Mandeville has come into his hand
through Geoffrey's decease. This occasion of that confirmation is a
natural one. The date of it must be placed between July 1113 and
September 1114, or else between July 1115 and Easter 1116. It is
attested, like the short Westminster charter (no. 34), by Ranulf the
chancellor per Otuelnm fil' Comitis apud Tun~im Lwid'.

154

Gilbert Crispin

I confess that the fuller charter (no. 36) looks to me as if it had
been composed at a time when the Empress Matilda had come to be a
more important figure in England than she could have been in 1116 ;
at a time when it had become worth while to suggest that Henry had
been moved by her to grant special privileges to the priory of Hurley
in addition to the ordinary confirmation of its properties. The writer
has bungled in the phrases by which he describes the king's motives :
he has avoided the risk of using the chancellor's name (Ranulf died at
Christmas 1122), and has preferred the safer name of Roger bishop of
Salisbury ; but he has retained to his ultimate confusion the addition
per Otuelum fiV Gomitis apud Turrim Lund'.

Henry II's charter of confirmation {Mun. 3751) follows closely upon
the lines of this charter, and expressly refers to the charter of his
grandfather. I gravely suspect that it was for his benefit that the
forgery was made.

The handwriting appears to me to offer no decisive evidence ; and
the charter still retains a broken red seal which arouses no suspicion.

37, D. f. 528.

Hec est convencio inter G. abbatem et conventum Westm' et
Willelmum de Bocholanda. s. G. abbas et conventus Westm' dant
et concedunt Willelmo de Bocholanda et heredibus suis in heredi-
tate terram de Sipenham et de Burnham in feudo pro 1 solidis per ,
singulos annos pro omni servicio preter commune geldum regis : et
terram de Tecewrde et de Tunge similiter concedunt ei et heredibus
suis pro Ix solidis per singulos annos pro omni servicio preter
commune geldum regis : et placeam que est ante domum suam
similiter concedunt ei pro iiij°"' denariis in feudo. s. Celceiam
tenebit in vita sua pro iiij""^ libris quoque anno pro omni servicio
preter commune geldum regis; et post mortem ipsius Willelmi
remanebit Celceia in dominio ecclesie Westm'. et de feudo de
Tecewrde et de Tunge, quando rex Angl' communiter accipiet xx
solidos de milite, Willelmus de Bocholanda adquietabit ecclesiam
Westm' de xx solidis. et de Celceya in Nativitate domini reddet xl
solidos, et in die Ascencionis xl solidos ; et de feudo suo in Annun-
ciacione sancte Marie Iv solidos et ij denarios, et viij dies ante
festum sancti Michaelis Iv solidos et ij denarios,

Hii sunt testes : Rotbertus episcopus Lincoln', Bernardus epis-
copus de sancto David, Otuerus fil' comitis, Clarebaldus medicus,
Radulfus fir Algodi, Radulfus diabolus, Ricardus de Rami cur',

Selected Charten

155

Ricardus de magna villa, Hugo de nionte, Asciulus de Taneyo,
Sagiinus, Osbertus de Bernivilla, Wariniis de Hamesclape, Hugo
de Midelton' ; de familia abbatis, Willelmus capellanus, Willelmus
fir Fulconis, Gilebertus frater ejus, Herbertus dispensator, Picotus,
Rotbeitus de Beslun, Willelmus camerarius, Willelmus Germinus,
Ricardus fil' Herberti, Oini et Tovius Ganet, et multi alii.

[1115—1117.] Bernard was appointed to St David's 19 Sept. 1115,
and consecrated in Westminster Abbey by desire of the queen, whose
chaplain he was.

It is probable that this grant was made after the death of William's
father, Hugh de Buckland, who was alive, as we have seen, in 1114;
see nos. 12, 20, 29.

For Radulfus fil' Algod, a member of the Cnichtengild in 1125, see
Round, Commune of London, 102 ; for Otwel fitz Count, above, no. 36 ;
for Richard de Mandeville, above, nos. 6, 20 ; for Hugo de Monte,
no. 32 (note).

Richard de Rami cur' may be Richard son of Guy de Raimbercurt
{Feud. Eng. 220).

With Warin de Hamesclape comp. Michael de Hanslape {ih. 220).

With ' Oini ' (the first letter is uncertain) comp. Oini and Wini
(both genitives) in Hist. Ah. ll 53, 100, 138, 144 (but as he died before
1117, I do not suggest identification as probable).

Tovius Ganet attests a later charter (D. f. 528 h).

For Burnham and Sippenham, see above, p. 48, and no. 9.

38. D. f. 516 h.

M. Angl' regina Ricardo episcopo et vie' et omnibus baronibus
London', Francis et Anglis, salutem. Sciatis me dedisse et con-
cessisse deo et sancto Petro et Gisl' abbati de Westm' hoc quod
Hugo de Bochelanda tenebat de me in Londonia super hwerviim
ejusdem abbatis, cum soca et saca et cum omnibus aliis consue-
tudinibus quas ego ibi habebam. et hoc facio pro incolumitate anime
et corporis Henrici regis domini mei et mea et filiorum nostrorum,
T'. episcopo Lincoln' et com' David, apud Westm'.

[c. 1115 — 1117.] David, the queen's brother, afterwards king of
Scotland, became count of Huntingdon in 1114. For Hugh de Buck-
land, see above, no. 12 : his death may be implied by tenebat.

Hwervum seems to mean ' wharf (see no. 4).

156

Gilbert Crispin

39. D. f. 363 6.

H. rex Angl' Willelino camerario et Alberico de Ver et omnibus
vestris successoribus camerariis et vicecomitibus Lond' salutem.
Date de firma London' sacriste sancti Petri de Westm' i obol'
quaque die ad emendum lucernam que ardeat coram sepulcro
regine Math' a die festi sancti Michaelis proxima transacta usque
in sempiternum. T'. Rogero Salesberiensi episcopo et Roberto
Line' episcopo et Rann' cancellario et Radulfo Basset apud Westm'.

[c. 1121.] Probably issued soon after the king's return at the end
of 1120. Q. Matilda had died in his absence, 1 May 1118. Ranulf the
chancellor died at Christmas time 1122, and Bishop Robert a few days
later (Round, Feudal England, 485).

For William the chamberlain, see above, nos. 4 and 20; and for
Ralph Basset, nos. 30, 43. For Aubrey de Ver, see no. 43, and Round,
G. de M. 388 ff. This Aubrey de Ver was the son of Aubrey de Ver,
and became his heir through the death of his eldest brother Geoffrey de
Ver. Geoffrey on his death-bed gave property at Kensington to
Abingdon Abbey, in gratitude for the medical services of Abbot
Faricius : and Henry's confirmation of this gift is addressed to Maurice
bishop of London and Gilbert abbot of Westminster {Hist. Ah. ll 56).

40. Faust. A. iii, f. 75.

Henricus rex Angl' Rodberto de Bertherol et omnibus baroni- ^
bus de honore qui fuit Otueri fil' com' salutem. Sciatis me dedisse
et concessisse deo et sancto Petro et monachis Westm' ecclesiam de
Sabricheswrd'. et volo et firmiter precipio ut bene et in pace et
quiete et honorifice teneant cum terris et decimis et omnibus
rectitudinibus et omnibus rebus ipsi ecclesie pertinentibus, et ita
ne aliquis illos inde disturbet vel injuriam faciat super forisfacturam
x libr'. Test' cancellario et Gaufrido de Clinton'.

[? c. 1121.] This would appear to have been issued shortly after
the death of Otwel fitz Count, while his Honor was still in the king's
hand. See above, no. 36.

' Robert de Berquerola ' occurs in Harley Roll c 8 (of early govern-
ment of London) : see Kingsford's edition of Stow's Survey ll 382 (note
on ' Robert Bar Querel Prouost ' in latter part of Hen. I's reign).

41. Faust. A. Ill, f 75.

Henricus rex Angl' justic' et vicecom' et omnibus baronibus et
ministris suis Angl' salutem. Precipio quod totum corredium

Selected Charters

157

et omnes res quas ministri monach' Westm' qui sunt apud
Sabricheswrd' affidaverunt suas esse dominicas sint quiete de
toll et passagio et omni consuetudine. T'. cancell' &c.

[? c. 1121.] This was probably issued at the same time as the
previous writ.

42. Faust. A. iii, f. 67 6.

Henricus rex Angl' Rodberto episcopo Lincoln' salutem. Pre-
cipio quod teneas plenariam convencionem Herberto abbati et
monachis Westm' de manerio suo de Leosne quod de illis tenes,
sicut firmatum fuit inter te et Gilebertum abbatem et eosdem
monachos tempore fratris mei ; et ita quod inde amplius clamorem
non audiam. Teste Rogero filio Ricardi et aliis multis apud
Wodestoke.

[1121 — Chr. 1122.] I insert this for the sake of its reference to
Abbot Gilbert, and also as a contribution to the somewhat obscure
history of the relation of Westminster to the manor of Leosne.

Roger fitz Richard was one of the many sons of Richard fitz Gilbert :
see above, no. 26, and for the pedigree, Round, Feud. Eng. 472 fif.

43. Faust. A. iii, f. 78 6.

Henricus rex Angl' R. Basset et Alberico de Ver sal'. Facite
ita habere abbati Westm' estallos suos in novo opere sicut solebat
habere in veteri, et sicut precepi, ne audiam inde clamorem pro
penuria recti. T'. &c.

[Prob. 1 121— 30.] Though this probably belongs to Abbot Herbert's
time, I have added it here in order to correct a misapprehension
regarding it. It appears in the cartulary under the rubric of Henry II,
and has been accordingly supposed to give proof that ' novum opus,' or
new building, was being carried on in the church in that reign under
Abbot Laurence. Some have referred it to the chapel of St Catherine
in the infirmary, which doubtless belongs to that period. But a glance
at the writ shews that, like several others in Faustina A. ill, it has been
erroneously entered under Henry II instead of under Henry I.

What ' novum opus ' is here meant must remain uncertain : and it is
very doubtful whether choir-stalls are intended, as has hitherto been
assumed. Possibly some rebuilding was going on under the king's
directions outside the abbey ; and the stalls may be market-stalls, or
even stables.

ADDITIONAL NOTE A.

ON THE EARLY CHARTERS OF ST JOHN'S ABBEY, COLCHESTER.

Three charters are printed above which relate to St Mary New-
church in London: one is granted by Will. I (no. 5), two are granted
by Will. II (nos. 10, 11). The first of the three has been already printed
{Monasticon i 302). Besides these the grant of this church to West-
minster is included in what is called the First Charter of Will. I (Cotton
Charter vi 3 = D. f. 52 h), a long document reciting grants of properties,
which though not genuine contains a good deal of valuable tradition :
' deinde quidem ecclesiam sancte Marie que Newecirke appellatur, cum
terris et omnibus rebus ad eam pertinentibus, quam Alfwardus cogno-
mento Grossus in predicta urbe pro salute anime sue ei dederat, sicut
idem melius et plenius prenominato sancto contulerat, omnimodis im-
mutabiliter concessi.'

The donor appears in these various charters as

(1) ' Aluuardus de Lundonia' (nos. 5 and 11)

(2) ' Agelwardus clericus ' (no. 10)

(3) ' Alfwardus cognomento Grossus.'

On the other hand we notice the absence of this church from the
interesting charter (no. 30) in which Hen. I confirms [1108 — 1116] the
grants of London churches made by the Conqueror : to wit, the wooden
chapel of St Margaret Eastcheap, half the stone chapel of St Magnus
Martyr, the church of St Laurence and the church of St James 'super
ripam.' Moreover there is extant^ a charter of Abbot Herbert [1121 —
1136(?)j, in which he assigns to the sacrist among other revenues
'Niwecirce in Lundonia, quando auxiliante deo ilia diracionari poterit
ad honorem et proficuum hujus ecclesie.' From this it is clear that
Westminster had lost its hold on the property: nor does it appear ever
to have regained it, in spite of its express inclusion in a bull of Adrian IV
to Abbot Gervase (D. f. 1h: et omnes ecclesiasticas possessiones quas
habetis in London': scilicet Newechurch' et ceteras ecclesias cum
omnibus libertatibus et dignitatibus ad easdem pertinentibus).

1 Printed in Monasticon, i 307 from Harley Charters 84 F. 46; a late copy is also
preserved (Man. 3435), and it is also found in D. f. 408 b.

Early Charters of St John's Abbey, Colchester 159

The charters of Will. I and Will. II (D. f. 529) are followed by
a charter of Hen. I [after 1121], which is stated in the rubric to refer to
the same church :

Carta regis H. primi de ecclesia sancte Marie Newekirke.
H. rex Anglorum vie' et baron' de Lundon' salutem. Precipio quod abbas
Herbertus et monachi sancti Peti-i Westm' teneant bene et in pace ecclesiam saucte
Marie quam Goslanus eis dedit cum terris eidem ecclesie pertinentibus. et
precipio ne aliquis se intromittat nisi per abbatem. T'. R. Basset apud Windlesh'.

With this must be read a charter of Stephen to Abbot Gervase
(D. f. 61):

S. rex Angl' jiistic' et vicec' et baronibus et omnibus ministris suis London'.
Precipio vobis quod sicut me diligitis custodiatis et manuteneatis omnes terras et
tenuras G. abbatis de Westm' filii mei sicut meas dominicas ; et ad posse ve.strum
faciatis ei habere redditus sues et debita que ei debentur, et nominatim ecclesiam
sancte Marie ei faciatis habere, quam Gislanus ei dedit, cum terris appendentibus :
et tantum inde faciatis quod gratis inde vobis sciam. T'. Ad' de Beln' apud
Westm' 1.

When we take this with the confirmation by Pope Adrian, we can
hardly doubt that St Mary Newchurch is referred to : but ' Goslanus,'
or 'Gislanus,' introduces a new element of perplexity.

So much for the Westminster side of the controversy, to which
justice has not hitherto been done^. We find the rival claimant in the
abbey of St John the Baptist at Colchester, the important chartulary of
which was printed from Earl Cowper's manuscript for the Roxburghe
Club in 1897. The historical value of some of these Colchester charters
was pointed out by Dr Round in an article in the English Historical
Review (xvi 721 — 30). With the question of the authenticity of most
of the earliest charters he dealt severely. It is necessary for our present
purpose to take a further step in the path of criticism which he has
marked out ; and in doing so we shall discover that the monks of
Colchester not only deprived their Westminster brethren of one of their
churches, but also stole their very choicest thunder.

The chartulary opens with the foundation charter of Eudo Dapifer.
Of this it is sufficient to say ^vith Dr Round, that ' it obviously is not
genuine in the form in which it is transcribed.'

1 Adam de Beln' attests a Lincoln charter at Oxford, Feb. — Dec. 1146 {Eiuj. Hist. Rev.
XXIII, 727). 'Adam de Balnai ' appears in a document relating to the Cnichtengild soke
as present at Westminster in the second year of K. Stephen (Round, Commune 99).

2 See, e.g., Mr Kinprsford's hriof dismissal of it in his valuable edition of Stow's Stiri'et/
(n 317).

160

Gilbert Crispin

The next item (p. 4) relates how Gilbert a monk of Bee, having
been made abbot of Colchester, found that the muniments of his church
were grievously defective, and caused a charter to be written out and
sent across the sea to Eudo and his wife, who were living at Preaux,
begging them to obtain its confirmation from King Henry; which
accordingly they did at a council at Rouen in the year in which Henry's
son William was married (i.e. 1119). The charter was read out by a
Norman clerk, who however came to a standstill at the long list of
English words in which certain privileges were granted. The king
thereupon took the document out of his hands, and read out and
explained the terms in question^. We shall not comment on this story
further than to say that there is good reason for believing that Eudo
could not have been present on this occasion, though the king is repre-
sented as conversing with him.

The document which next follows is the pretended charter which the
king is said then to have granted. One thing certain about it is that it
was written, as we have already gathered, by a Colchester monk. But
before we consider the sources upon which he drew for his phraseology,
we must look at the sixth item in the chartulary (p. 11), which Dr Round
accepts ' as the original confirmation by the king of Eudo's foundation
of the house,' and which he thinks was almost certainly written in 1104.

That charter falls into four main divisions :

(1) A preamble of 17 lines : ' Quia inter multa bona opera —
castitate copulavit.'

(2) A confirmation of the church and monastery founded by Eudo,
with a list of properties granted to the same.

(3) A grant of privileges, briefly stated in these words : ' Huic
ecclesie et cuncte ejus possessioni eandem libertatem et easdem leges
quas habet ecclesia sancti Petri Westmonasterii in perpetuum possidere
constituo.'

(4) Then follow the attestations, introduced by: 'Quod subse-
quenter dominice crucis karectere ad confirmationem subsigno ^ annu-
ente eodem domino nostro Jesu Christo, qui vivit et regnat et gloriatur
in individua trinitate per omnia secula seculorum.'

We may suppose that the charter was composed in the abbey and
brought to the king for confirmation. This will account for its peculiar

1 ' Legit itaque cartam Johannes Baiocensis, clericus nobilis et regis consanguineus ;
cumque ventum esset ad consuetudines Anglice scriptas, cessavit, profitens nescire quid
esseut : tunc rex ipse (erat enim optime litteratus) cartam accepit, legit, et iis qui aderant
exposuit.'

•

Early Charters of St Johns Ahbei/, Colchester 161

phraseology. But it remains very difficult to conceive that Henry I
should have granted privileges in so vague a form as the statement that
St John's Abbey at Colchester was to have the same liberties and
customs as St Peter's Abbey at Westminster. There may be parallels
to this of which I am ignorant : but, until they are pointed out, I must
confess my inability to believe that this clause stood in the original
charter granted by that prudent king.

Another ground of suspicion occurs to my mind. This charter, as
we shall presently see, grants St Mary Newchurch in London to the
abbey of Colchester, and the charter is attested by Gilbert abbot of
Westminster. We have already noted that Abbot Herbert, Gilbert's
successor, still looked forward to establishing Westminster's claim to
this church ('quando auxiliante deo ilia diracionari poterit'): but this
could hardly have been a possibility, if Gilbert Crispin had attested a
royal charter giving it to Colchester some twenty years before. On the
other hand, we have a clear motive for the introduction of Gilbert's
attestation, if the charter be not in its present form a genuine document.

We may now return to the pretended charter of 1119 (p. 4). This
falls into the same four divisions.

(1) The preamble: 'Quia inter multa bona opera — castitate copu-
lavit.' This is repeated from the charter of 1104.

(2) The first clause here is the same, save that 'Mahaldis'
has become ' Matildis,' and for the words ' pro memet ipso et uxore mea
Mahalde regina,' we now have ' pro memet ipso et uxore mea Matilde
regina atque pro filiis meis^' The list of properties has considerably
increased, as might be expected in the first fifteen years of a new
foundation. Otherwise the phraseology is copied from the former charter
with slight changes. The first items may be set side by side, as they
stand in the two charters, to call attention to the past tense used of
Eudo, who as Dr Round has noted does not attest the later charter :

Picheseye, excepto feudo Ranulfi de done et manerium Picheseye. hec tria
Mundona et excepta terra Alwini Soche- raaneria Integra sicut Eudo ea de me

1104.

Manerium Wileye et manerium

1119.

Manerium Wileye et manerium Mun-

man.

tenebat, excepto in Picheseya feudo
Eanulfi de Mundune et excepta terra
Alfuuini Socheman.

1 As both Matilda and William were born before 1104, we might have expected such
a phrase in the former charter : of. ' subolis mee ' in no. 24, above.

B. C. 11

162

Gilbert Crispin

(3) It is the third section that gives its special character to this
charter. The brief clause which granted the privileges enjoyed by
Westminster is repeated thus : ' Huic ecclesie et cuncte ejus possessioni
concede eandem libertatem et easdem leges quas habet ecclesia sancti
Petri Westmonasterii.' But the time for vagueness has gone by, and
the charter goes on to define the privileges thus: ' Primum videlicet ut
tantus honor,' &c.: a passage occupying 53 lines of the printed text, and
granting exemption from all episcopal and judicial control, rights of
sanctuary, customs cited by their English names, &c.

The whole of this long passage, from ' ut tantus honor ' to ' peni-
tencia satisfecerit,' is copied out of the so-called Third Charter of Edward
the Confessor.

In one single point the privilege claimed by Colchester falls short of
the privilege claimed by Westminster. For Colchester claims, on behalf
of any one who takes sanctuary: memhroruvi suorum ac vite impuni-
tatem consequatur : but in the Third Charter of St Edward we read
(in what purports to be the original with St Edward's seal, ch. xx; in the
Westminster 'Domesday'; and in the Monasticon which quotes from
Faust. A. Ill): immunis sit omnino ac plenum libertatem consequatur.

It is obvious that the Westminster privilege here is much larger
than that which is claimed for Colchester; and yet there can be no
doubt that the Colchester fabricator had St Edward's Third Charter as
his authority.

Now an examination of 'Domesday' shews that the text has been
tampered with at this point, since the chartulary was written; and
portions of letters can still be seen which correspond with the Colchester
reading. When we turn to the ' original ' ch. xx, all seems in perfect
order — except possibly the abbreviated omnino which looks darker and
a little crooked. It so happens that the word omnino comes earlier in
the charter, and has there a different abbreviation ; and a minute
inspection reveals slight differences in the shapes of various letters,
though not a trace of the obliterated letters can be detected.

It is possible that this Westminster alteration would never have
come to light but for the Colchester forgery. When was it made ?
It cannot have been made when the long charter of K. Stephen was
forged (Ch. xxxiii): for this refers to the privilege of St Edward, and
gives the earlier form at this particular point. It cannot have been
made when the 'Domesday' chartulary was written (c. 1303): for the
earlier form was then copied, and it was subsequently erased to make
way for the later form. It is not unlikely that it belongs to the great
period of strife as to sanctuary in the reign of K. Richard II. Abbot

Earhf Charters of St Johux Ahhey, Colchester 163

Litlyngton then pleaded the cause of Westminster at the Parliament
at Gloucester with good success.

We go on now to the fourth item in the chartulary (p. 10), which
also purports to be a charter granted by Henry I at Rouen in 1119.
Its prefatory rubric declares it to be an abridgement of the fuller
charter, more suitable for can-ying about. Its genesis however is best
explained by setting side by side with it a charter granted by the same
king to Herbert, who became abbot of Westminster in 1121.

Westminster.

Henricus rex Angl' archiepiscopis,
episcopis, abbatibus, comitibiis, optima-
tibus, \-icecomitibus, omnibusque mini-
stris et fidelibus eiu-s Francis et Anglis
in illis comitatibus in quibus sanctiis
Petrus de Westm' habet teiTa.s et
homines, salutem.

Sciatis me concessisse deo et sancto
Petro et Herberto abbati Westm', pro
salute anime mee et Edwardi regis cog-
nati mei et antecessorum et successorum
meonmi,

sacam et socam, toll et theam et
infangenethef et flemeuesfirmth', mis-
keuninge et sceawinge,

et pacis fracturam et domus invasi-
onem et omnes assultus in suo jure, in
via et extra, in urbe et extra, in festo et
extra, et omnes leges et consuetudines
in aqua et in terra tarn plene et tam

Colchester.

Henricus dei gratia rex Anglorum et
dux Normannorum arcbiepiscopis, epi-
scopis, abbatibus, comitibus, baronibus,
et omnibus vicecomitibus in quonim
vicecomitatibus sanctus Johannes Bap-
tista de Colecestria terras habet et
homines, et omnibus fidelibus suis
Francis et Anglis totius Anglie, salu-
tem.

Sciatis me concessisse deo et sancto
Johanni Baptiste de Colecestria et
monachis ejusdem loci cuncteque eorum
possessioni eandem libertatem et eas-
dem leges quas habet ecclesia sancti
Petri AVestmonasterii : scilicet sakam
et sokam, et toll et team, mundbrj'ce,
burhbryce, miskenninge, sceawinge, hlea-
stinge, frythesocna, flemenefirmtbe,
waerg^'ldweof, uthleap, forfeng, feohfeng,
feordwite, feohtwite, weardwite, heng-
wite, hamsocna, forsteall, infogenatheof,
et omnia jura qualiumcunque causa-
rum et omnes alias leges et consue-
tudines que ad me pertinent, in terra
et in aqua, et in urbe et extra, in
domo et extra, in %-illa et extra, in
placito, in soko et saka, in theloneo, in
furis apprehensione et emissione, in
sanguinis effusione, et in omnibus aliis
rebus in orani tempore et in omnibus
locis.

Has ergo omnes leges et consue-
tudines concede deo et sancto Johanni
Colecestrie in perpetuum possidere, in
aqua et terra tam plene et tam liberc
sicut egomet illas melius habeo.

11—2

164

GUhert Crispin

libere et tarn firmiter sicut predictus rex
Edwardus illas unquam melius conces-
serat et sicut per privilegium carte sue
confirmavit.

Et nuUo modo volo eonsentire ut
aliquis banc ecclesie sancti Petri con-
cessam a nobis libertatem ullo tempore
iufringere presumat, aut in aliquo de
omnibus que ecclesie juris fuerint se
intromittat, nisi abbas et monachi ad
utilitatem monasterii.

T'. R. arcbiepiscopo <Cantuar' et
G. arcbiepiscopo > ' Rotbom' et R. epi-
scopo London', W. episcopo Winton' et
R. episcopo Sar', R. episcopo Lincoln' et
Ranulpbo cancellar' et Johanne Baioc',
com' David, R. filio regis et W. Tan-
cardivilla, W. de Alben' et N. de
Albeneye, G. de Clinton' et R. Basset,
apud Windlesor'.

Et nuUo modo volo ut aliquis banc
ecclesie sancti Jobannis concessam a me
libertatem idlo tempore infringere pre-
sumat.

Testibus Radulfo arcbiepiscopo Can-
torberie et Gaufrido arcbiepiscopo Rotbo-
magi et Turstino arcbiepiscopo Eboraci
et Rannulfo episcopo Dunelmie et Ber-
nardo episcopo de Sancto David et
Ranwlfo cancellario et Henrico comite
de Auco et Waltero GifFardo comite et
Willelmo comite de Warenna,
apud Rotomagum, in mense et anno
quo Willelmus filius regis desponsavit
uxorem suam filiam comitis Andega-
vensium.

It appears from a comparison of these two charters, that the
Colchester compiler, when he had written the words ' sakam et sokam,
et toll et team,' observed that the Westminster charter did not give so
full a list of English privileges as had been copied from St Edward's
Third Charter into the longer Colchester charter of 1119. He therefore
returns to the more complete list with the words 'mundbryce, burhbryce,'
etc., and then takes a succession of phrases out of the longer charter
until he comes back to Abbot Herbert's charter at the words ' omnes
leges et consuetudines.' It is interesting to see that he thus per-
petrates a 'doublet': for he has first 'in terra et in aqua' from the
longer charter, and then 'in aqua et terra' from Abbot Herbert's
charter.

Further criticism of this shorter Colchester charter is unnecessary.
But we may note with interest the style of the king, and also the
designation ' arcbiepiscopo Cantorberie,' which may point to Normandy.

The fifth item (p. 11) is a bull of Pope Calixtus II [1119—24], which
is said to be a confirmation of what has preceded. I do not think

' Cf. a similar charter of liberties in London granted at the same time and place
(D f. 101).

Early Charters of St John's Abbey, Colchester 165

it is likely to be genuine. In any case it is of no special historical
importance.

I pass on to the charter of William Rufus (p. 18). Dr Roimd has
already said enough to condemn this as a forgery, I would only add
that, besides the two manors which were not granted till about twenty
years after his death, the king is also made to confirm the questionable
possession of 'ecclesia de Niewechirche.'

To St Mary Newchurch we must, in conclusion, return. It is granted
to Westminster by a charter of Will. I and by two charters of Will. II:
but in Abbot Herbert's time it had somehow been alienated. He still
hoped for its recovery, and his successor Gervase got a confirmation of
it from Pope Adrian IV — a sign, at the least, that Westminster per-
sisted in claiming it.

St John's Colchester however had evidently got hold of it, and
defended its claim by a forged charter of Will. II ; a forged charter of
Hen. I dated 1119; a forged foundation deed of Eudo Dapifer; and, as
we shall see, a forged charter of Richard bishop of London. I am
inclined to add to this list of forged evidences the charter of Henry I
which bears the attestation of Abbot Gilbert of Westminster in 1104:
but I refi-ain from a positive statement on this point.

It is in the forged charter of Eudo alone that any details regarding
the gift or the donor appear. There we read : ' ecclesiam sancte Marie
de Westchepinge Lundonie, que vocatur Niewecherche, concedente Ail-
wardo grosso presbitero^, qui in eadem ecclesia ex donatione antecessoris
mei Huberti de Ria personatum consecutus fuerat ; postmodum vero
juri personatus sponte renuntiavit, pensionarius ecclesie sancti Johannis
de eadem ecclesia foetus ' (p. 3). On this Dr Round remarks : ' One
would hardly expect Eudo to describe as his antecessor Hubert de Rye,
who was his father. Moreover, so far as I know, we have no other
evidence of Eudo's father preceding him as a holder of lands in
England^.'

The forged charter of Bishop Richard (p. 82) has been exposed by
Dr Round, who has set side by side with it the stoiy of the monks (p. 50)
on which it is based. Of this latter I will only remark that it intro-
duces the name of ' Gunduinus monachus Becci.' Now the list of Bee
shews us a ' Gundwinus ' as entering the monastery c. 1085, and also a
'Gunduinus' c. 1112^ So we are dealing with a real person. Indeed

1 Compare the 'Alfwardus cognomento Grossus' of the fictitious First Charter of
Will. I, quoted above, p. 158.

2 Eny. Hist. Rev. xvi 726. » Poree, Hist, du Bee i C30, 632.

166

Gilbert Crispin

the names mentioned in these Colchester documents, whether as attest-
ing charters or otherwise, are surprisingly accurate, and seem to prove
that the compiler or compilers of these forgeries must have had a
number of genuine documents, which, though insufficient for the pur-
poses contemplated, furnished the necessary historical setting. There
must have been genuine charters of Eudo Dapifer and of Henry I when
the abbey was founded, and there may have been a confirmatory charter
of the king in 1119 granted at Rouen either just before or just after
Eudo's death. We may doubt whether either of the king's charters
contained any reference to St Mary Newchurch or to the Westminster
privilege : we may be certain that neither of them cited the exposition
of that privilege in the terms of the Third Charter of St Edward. The
real charters would be superseded by the forgeries, and perhaps even
destroyed as conflicting evidence of a very compromising character.

The long charter of Hen. I (1119) reappears on p. 14 as granted
afresh by Hen. II, and in a considerably extended form (especially in
regard to the Westminster privilege) on p. 42 as granted by Rich. I.
The short charter of Henry I (1119) reappears on p. 80 as granted by
Stephen. A charter of Hen. Ill (p. 56) refers to Richard's charter, and
gives an interesting interpretation of three of its English terms ; this is
supplementary to an Inspeximus of Richard's charter, which is printed
immediately after it. If we could accept the charter of He'nry II as
genuine, we should have a valuable starting-point for discussing the
date of St Edward's Third Charter: but the position which it occupies
in the Colchester chartulary is not in its favour.

ADDITIONAL NOTE B.

A CHARTER OF KING ETHELRED.

(Westminster ' Domesday,' f. 80 b.)

Telligraphus ejusdem regis de quadam parte terre in loco qui dicitur
Berewican, cum libertate ejusdem terre.

Regente perpetualiter summo celorum opifice cunta, que convenienti
dum non erant condidit serie, qui jure tripudiando in electorum agmine
triumphatur, cui voluntarie supera atque infima deservire conantur per
cromata ne nos pellacis circumveniendo vapide insidiatoris astutia im-
paratos mole presses inmisericorditer ut sui moris est excruciet ex omni
mentis conamine cordisque auditu prout vii-es divina opitulante clemen-
cia nostrse animadvertendum est alma quid apostolica cotidie intonat
tuba dicens: Ecce nunc tempus acceptabile, ecce nunc dies salutis;
et item : Dum tempus habemus operemus bonum (ad) omnes, maxime
autem ad domesticos fidei.

Quam ob rem ego /Edelraed dei favente dementia Angligene nationis
imperator quandam telluris portionem, id est duas mansas ten-e in loco
qui celebri vocabulo at Berewican appellatur ad monasterium beatis-
simi Petri celestis clavigeri in loco nobili qui Westminster nominatur pro
anime mee remedio ad sustentac(i)onera fratrum deo inibi deservientium
in perpetuam confirmo hereditatem quatinus ipsa congregacio pervigiles
pro me jugiter intercessiones exsolvat solertique industria deo ej usque
apostolo felici habitu deserviat. nam ejusdem loci abbas vocitamine
iElfvvi ipsaque familia banc prefatam terram a me cum centum auri
obrizi mancusis comparavit, ea etiam interposita condicione ut tres-
centas pro me missarum oblaciones ofFerant, totidemque Davitici cursus
modulationes pro me mente devota persolvant.

Sit autem hec prefata terra deo ejusque apostolo donata ab omni
secularis gravidine servitutis exinanita cum universis que ad dictam
pertinere noscuntur in magnis sive modicis rebus, exceptis tribus,
expeditione videlicet pontis arcisve recuperacione. si quis autem, quod
non optamus hoc nostre munificencie donum pervertere conamine stolido
studuerit, collegio privatus perpetue felicitatis aerumpnam hauriat

168

Gilbert Crispin

atrocissime calamitatis mortis, nisi ante terminum presumptionem banc
temerariam legati satisfaccione emendare studuerit.

Istis terminis predicta tellus circumcincta clarescit.

iErest of pan hlape into theoburnan. norS anglang teoburnan to
Cuforda. of Cuforda to paetlinga straete. east andlang straste to j^am
setle. of pam setle on hinan croftes ge xnsere. panon souS to )?an ealdan
straete. of pare straete eft to patlinga straete. andlang strate to Jjare
ealden perbrode. ]?anan to f as ealder mannes ge maere. ];anan suS rihte
to akemannestraete. pest andlang straete to cyrringe. I^anon eft on pone
blape.

Anno dominice incarnacionis .M.ij. indictione .xv. anno vero prefati
regis Aedelraedi .xxiiij. scripta est bee scedula hiis bierarcbis con-
sentientibus, quorum nomina inferius caraxantur.

^ Ego Aedelraed rex Anglorum boc donum dedi et confii-mavi.
tj< Ego Aelfric arcbiepiscopus Dorovernensis ecclesie concessi. »J< Ego
Aelfbean episcopus corroboravi. ^ Ego Wulfstan episcopus impressi.
^ Ego Aelfstan episcopus adnotavi. Ego Aelfbean episcopus con-
sensi. (J« Ego Aedelric episcopus imposui. >J< Ego Adulf episcopus
adquievi. ^< Ego Aelfpeard abbas. ^< Ego Aelfsige abbas. >J( Ego
Kenulf abbas. ^ Ego fulfgar abbas. »i< Ego Godpine abbas. ^< Ego
Aelfric dux. ij( Ego AeSelmaer minister. ^< Ego Ordulf m. >J« Ego
^ulfgeat in. lii Ego fulpbeah m. »J< Ego fulfric in. >h Ego Eadric m.
iji Ego iESelric m. ^ Ego Ulfhcitel in.

In discussing tbe ' berewic of tbe vill of Westminster called Toten-
bala' on p. 40, I was unwilling to introduce a furtber complication
by referring to the above charter of K. Ethelred which grants ' two
manses in the place called at Berewican.' But it is possible that this
charter may have some bearing on tbe problem ; and in any case I
am glad to print it here, as it has never, I think, seen tbe light, and its
ancient boundaries deserve to be studied in connexion with those given
for the abbey estate in the well-known charter of K. Edgar.

That charter of K. Edgar confirms to Westminster Abbey five
manses, which belonged to the church in the time of K. Offa. These
five manses are confirmed by K. Ethelred in the general charter which
precedes the present one (£ 80). Here K. Ethelred adds two manses
• at Berewican.'

K. Edward the Confessor confirms seventeen manses and a half' circa
illud monasterium ' : in some of his charters they are called hides.

A Charter of King Ethelred

169

The following translation of the boundaries in K. Ethelred 's charter
is kindly given me by Professor Skeat.

First from the mound to Teoburne : northwards along Teoburne to Cuford.
From Cuford to Watling street : eastwards along (the) street to the dwelling-place.
From the dwelling-place to Hinan-croft's boundary. Thence southwards to the
old street. From the street back to Watling street : along (the) street to the
old gallows. Thence to the Alderman's boundary : thence southwards straight to
Akeman's street. Westwards along (the) street to Cyrriuge. Thence back to the
mound.

On the text Professor Skeat makes the following notes :

The copy seems to be a Norman scribe's copy, as it has a few mistakes which
an A.S. scribe would hardly make.

1. 1. Theohurnan : error for Teo — . anglang : for andlang.

1. 3. hinan a-oft had better be left as Hinan-croft, which is quite .safe. It cannot
here mean ' hence,' as that would require hinan on (not on hinan).

1. 3. SOU'S : Norman for suS. An important spelling, as ou for u is seldom found
before 1300.

1. 4. strate : miswritten for strcete ; quite inadmissible : strete was possible.
1. 5. ealdea : for ealdan. jierkrode : for jiearhrode. ]>ana7i : better panon. ealder :
better ealdor.

In view of these notes it is interesting to add — what the Professor
did not know at the time — that the copy was made about the year
1306 : this being the approximate date of the Westminster ' Domesday.'

I add the following valuable comments from a letter which Professor
Skeat has also written :

It is only safe to take Hinancroft as a proper name. It probably means ' croft of
the hind ' or farm-servant. But the history of the word ' hind ' is imperfectly known,
and this is the earliest example of the form hinan, with a final n.

It is even possible that Hinan is the gen. sing, of Hivxi ; ealder marines is the gen.
of ealderman = ' alderman ' ; ' old ' would be ealdes or ealdan.

You will see that I give an older boundary, about 959, which seems to go round
the other way, and coincides for a short distance. ' From Cuford along Tyburn '
instead of 'along T. to C [see below].

I find several points of interest.

1. Teoburne is the old form of Tyburn, which ought rather to have come out
as Teeburn.

2. CM/o?'rf=Cu-ford = Cowford. It keeps (3;2,/orc? in countenance !

3. Mention of Akemann Street, which went to Akemannes-ceaster, i.e. to Bath.

4. Cyrringe: inferior spelling of Cerringa, gen. pi. of Cerringas='' t\\Q sons of
Cerr,' in very early times pronounced Kerr, riming with the German Herr. It is the
same name as Charing in Kent, which is mentioned a.d. 799.

This is important, as it is by far the oldest mention of Charing in Loudon.
Places like this are fouud in all three forms : (1) nom. pi. Cerringas, (2) gen. pi.
Cerringa (later -ge), (3) dat. pi. Cerringum. They indicate family settlements.

11—5

170

Gilbert Crispin

The older boundary to which Professor Skeat refers is that of
K. Edgar's charter. It is printed in Birch, Cartularmm Saxonicum ill
261, and less satisfactorily by Widmore and in the Monasticon. I print it
here from the ultimate source, Ch. no. v of the Westminster muniments,
which if not the original is certainly an early copy.

iErest up of temese. andlang merfleotes. to pollene stocce. spa on bulunga
fenn. of '5am fenne. seft 'Sajr ealdan die to cuforde. of cuforde upp andlang
teoburnan to J^seife ]>ide] here street, sefter ^Joere here strset. to •Ssere ealde stoccene
see andreas cyrieean. spa innan lundene fenn. Andlang fennes sud on temese.
on midden streame. andlang stremes be lande 7 be strande eft on merfleote.

1. 3. Birch prints teobernan (a misprint).

1. 5. The scribe has omitted the a of streames.

An expanded form of this charter is found in Ch. no. vi, a faulty
transcript of which is printed in an appendix by Birch (iii 693). To
that transcript is apparently due the form ' Bulinga,' which has obtained
a wide currency. But ' Bulunga ' is the reading of the charter ; and
its only actual variants from Ch. no. v, so far as the boundaries are
concerned, are the following:
1. 2. Om. of cuforde.

1. 3. stret (bis) : ^oere (secundo loeo)] there.
1. 4. cyrieean'] on Holeburne : Lundane : sufS.

1. 5. middan. '

Once again I have to thank Professor Skeat, who has given me
the following translation :

First, up from the Thames along Merfleet to Pollene-stock. So, to Bulungs' fen.
From the fen, following the old dike, to Cuford. From Ciiford, up along Teoburne,
to the wide army-street : along the array-street to the old foundation ^ of St Andrew's
church. So, within London-fen. Along the fen southwards to the Thames to mid-
stream [i.e. giving rights over the nearer half of the liver] : along the stream, by land
and by strand [i.e. along the edge, for those on foot], back to Merfleet.

1 See note in Earle, Land Charters, p. 465.

INDEX

[The figures refer to the pagex; except those with 'No.' prefixed, which refer to
the Selected Charters, pp. 125—157]

Abbo of Fleury 68, 69 n.
Abetot, Urse de 33, Nos. 27, 28
Abingdon, abbey of 17, 36, 41, Nos. 1,

4, 13, 22, 33, 39 : see Faricius
History of Abingdon 17, 46 n., 126,

Nos. 4, 12 f., 18, 22, 26, 35, 37
Acelinus, capellanus No. 6
Adam de Beln' 15',)
Adrian IV, pope 158 f., 165
Aedric, prepositus Nos. 6f., 36
Aedward of Watecumba No. 6
Aegeluuard, monk of Westminster 27
Aelfric, abp of Canterbury 168
Aelfwine, prefectus de Kent 47
Agamundus, parson of Wochendon No. 6
Agelwardus clericus 158, No. 10 : cf. Alf-

wardus, Aluuardus
Agnes, wife of Will. Crispin II 14, 16
Ailnod (Aelfnoth) of London 45, No. 2
Ailred, abbot of Eievaulx 23, 55, 59
Ailric 46

Akeman's Street 168 f.

Alau of Eichmond, count Nos. 11 f.

Alberic de Ver Nos. 39, 43

of Eheims 52

Albertus Lotharingus No. 11 n.
Albineio, Nigel de 34 n., 164

W. de 164

Alderman's Boundary 168 f.
Aldwin, abbot of Eamsey 42 n.
Aldwyn (Alwy), a hermit 33
Alexander II, pope 8

• bp of Lincoln 61

Alfricus cementarius No. 6

Alfwardus (Ailwardus) grossus 158, 165 :

cf. Agelwardus, Aluuardus
Alfwin (Alwin), socheman 161
Alleluia (duplex) 75 f.

almonry of Westminster {domus clemo-
sinaria) 30, 38

Alnou, Fulc d' 14

Aluuardus de Lundonia 156, Nos. 5, 11 :

cf. Agelwardus, Alfwardus
Amaury III of Montfort I'Amaury 15
Ambrose, St 68, 69 n., 113, 120 f.
Amfrida 15

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 16, 38 f.

Auselm If.; at Bee 4-12, 15, 18 f., 103,
108, No. 17 ; abp of Canterbury 20-3,
25, 29, 39, 66 f., 141 ; mitis 26 ; dedica-
tions to 60, 71, 111 ; on the Immaculate
Conception 73

his Letters 78-81, 7 n., 9-11, 13,

15 n., 19 f., 23 n., 29 n., 66
Cur deus homo? 22, 64

Anselm of Laon 51

Ausgotus 87

Aosta 5, 13

Asciulus de Taneyo No. 37

Athelais, first wife of G. de Mandeville

32, Nos. 1, 6, 15
Augustine, St, Quuest. in Kum. 70 n. ; de

Trinitate 72
Aultona No. 3

bailiff of Westminster 46
Bainiardus 39 f. : cf. Baynard
Baldric, father of Fulc d'Alnou 14

de Bocquence 14

prior of Bee 20

Baldwin, abbot of Castellio (Chatillon) 51

monk of Bee and Canterbury 8

Bari 31
Basilia 15

Basset, B(alph) 159, 164, Nos. 29, 30,

39, 43
Batailla, Geoffrey 47
Bath 18, No. 28

John, bp of 26 n.. No. 28

Battersea 47, No. 19

172

Index

Battle Abbey, see Henry
Bayeux, John of 160 n., 164

bps of, see Harcourt, Odo

Baynard, Geoffrey 38 f.

Juga (?Inga) 39

Kalph 38 f., 50 n., Nos. If.

William 31, 38-40, No. 27

Bayuard's Castle 38 f.
Beatrice, dau. of Geoffrey Mandeville No. 3
Beaucbamp (Bello Campo), Hugh de
Nos. 9, 27

Milo, Pain, Simon and Walter No. 9

Beaumont-le-Eoger, necrology of 15 n.
Beaumont, Roger of No. 4

Robert (de Bello Monte) 30 n. : of.

Robert

Bee, abbey of 1-9, 11, 14-8, 20, 58, 94,
96-110, No. 13; St Mary of 15, 17;
Abhas Beccensis 20, No. 17 ; Lives of
the Abbots of p. 13, 18 ; Customs of 6,
28; Library of 52-3, 59 f., 68; monks
of 8f., 14-6, 18, 20, 31, 103, 160, 165;
Tooting Bee, No. 2

Bekesbourne 48

Belesme, Robert of 16

Belgeham No. 3

Benedict's Rule, St 6

Benfleet 41, 49

Berewican 167 f. : see berwika

Berkshire Nos. 6, 12, 36

Bernard, St 51, 56

• bp of St David's 26, 34, 164,

No. 37

Bernay 1, 28

Bernivilla, Osbertus de No. 37
Bertherol (Berquerola), Robert de No. 40
benoika (benvicum) of Westminster 38, 40,

168 : cf. Berewican
Beslun, Robert de No. 37
Bigod, Hugh No. 4

Roger .30 n., Nos. 4f., 10-2, 19

WiUiam No. 4

Birch, Cartularium Saxonicnm 170
Bisselega No. 19
Black Death, the 45
Bloccenham No. 40
Bocquenc^, Baldric de 14
Boehmer, H., Church and State 56
Bonneville (Burnenvilla) 91
Bordeaux, Geoffrey, bp of 51
Bordesdena Nos. 6, 36
Bosco, Robert de (du Bois) 51 f.
Boselinus de Diva 47

Boston of Bury 53, 55 f. , 60
Boulogne 100 : see Eustace, Godfrey
Brampton No. 4

Brayley and Britton, Ancie7it Palace of

Westminster 35
Bremule, battle of 16
Brinkbourne 53, 60
Brionne 2, 16, 94 ; see Gilbert
Buckingham No. 9

Buckland, Hugh de Nos. 12, 20, 27, 29,
33, 37 f.

WilHam de 48, Nos. 12, 37

Bulungs' Feu 170
Burleigh, Lord 30
Burne 48

Burnham Nos. 9, 37

Bury, abbey of St Edmund 29 : abbots
of, see Robert, Sampson ; library of 53,
60 : see Boston

Caen, St Stephen's 5-8, 11 n., 16 n.. No.
27 ; Gilbert, abbot of 81 : see Lanfranc
Holy Trinity 17 n.

Calixtus II, pope 164

Calthrop, Miss M. M. C. 33 n.

Cambridgeshire No. 19

camera, see chamberlain

Cannock (Canoe') No. 32 /

Canterbury 1 f., 7 f., 20, 23, 25 f., 99, 102 ;
abps of, see Aelfric, Anselm, Lanfranc,
Ralph, Theobald, Thomas ; privilege of
19 n. ; William, archdeacon of 66

Christ Church 28 ; customs of 28 ;

priors of 8 (Henry), 66 (Ernulf) ; monks
of 8

St Augustine's, Hugh, abbot of 23

Capon, Mr Will. 35 n.
Celceia No. 37

cellarer of Westminster 49 n.
Chalons, R. du Bois, archdeacon of 51,
62

chamberlain's office at Westminster 30,

41, 43-5, 48
Champeaux, William of, 61
Charing (Cyrringe) 168 f.
Chatillon, Baldwin, abbot of 51
Chertsey, Wulfwold, abbot of No. 3
Chester, Hugh, earl of 29, No. 36
Chillenden (Cillentuna, Sillingtune, Cho-

lyngton) 41, 45-8
Cippenham (Sippenham) 41, 45, 48, Nos.

9, 37

Clarebaldus medicus No. 37

Index

173

Cleygate Nos. 23 f.

Clifford, Landricus de 34 n.

Clinton, Geoffrey de 164, Nos. 29, 40

Cluny 5, 6, 28

Cnicbtongild Nos. 29, 37

Codenhlawe 40

Colchester Nos. 9, 17 ; abbey of St John
the Baptist No. 9, pp. 158-66 ; Gilbert,
abbot of, 160

Colebroc' 17 n.

Coleham, Hugh de 20, No. 27
Comberton (Cumbritona, Cumbrinton) 41,

43, 49, Nos. 27 f.
Cond6, Pierre de 14
Constantinople 14
'coomb' 41, 43

CormeiUes, William, abbot of 15, 103
Courcy, Kobert de 14, cf. Curci
Coutances, G., bp of No. 10
Cowley (Coueley) 41, 49
Crispin, meaning of 13

Emma 14

Esilia 14

Fulk 18

Gilbert I 13 f.

Gilbert II 14, 17

GUbert lU 14

Gilbert, abbot of Westminster: see

Gilbert

Gilbert, monk of Bee 18

Goscelin 18

Mile, precentor of Bee 13, 18, 58 n.

MUo (of England) 17, Nos. 11-3

Kobert 14

William I 7, 13 f.

William II 14, 16

William HI 14, 17

WiUiam IV 18

Croyland abbey No. 4
Cuford (Cow-ford) 168-70
Curci, William de No. 4, 22

Richard No. 22

Robert No. 22, cf. Courcy

Customary, abbot Ware's 28, 43-5
customs of Bee 6, 28 ; of Canterbury
28

D'Achery 9 n., 13, 28 n., 58 f., 77 n.

David, count of Huntingdon 164, No. 38

DeUsle, M. Leopold 27, 59

Deorman 37 n. ; three daughters of No. 29

Dijon 28; William of 1

Ditton (Ditona) Nos. 23 f.

Doddington (Dodintuna, Dotinton) 41, 45 f.,
Nos. 25 f.

Domesday Survey 17, 20, 28-9, 33, 38-40,
43, 46-9, Nos. If., 6, 8, 16 f., 23,
26 f.

Book at Winchester 35

of St Paul's 42

of Westminster 37 f., 125, 162, 169

Dover 101

Duces worthe (Dochesworde) 46, No. 26
Duchesne, Andr6 59
Dunmow, Chronicle of 39
Dunstan's charter, St 47 n., 49 n.
Durham, bps of; see Eanulf Flambard,
William of St Carileph

Eadmer 7n., 21 n., 23 n., 26 n., 66 n.
Eckinton, Robert de No. 27
Edgar, king 27 ; his charter 168, 170
Edward the Confessor, St : the opening of
his tomb 24 f. ; his church at West-
minster 35, and feretrum 37; 27, 31,
33, 163, Nos. 2, 4, 9, 12 ; his staUers
p. 32, 50; his charters 40, 47, 162,
164, 166, 168; tevipore Edwardi Nos.
17, 23 f. ; Ailred's Life of p. 23, 55, 59
Edwin, abbot of Westminster 1, 35
Elmley No. 9

Ely 31, 34, 41, 44; Symeon abbot of 44:
cf. Hely

Liber Eliensis 31 n., 44

enfeoffment of a knight 38, 41

Eugheram pincerua No. 6

Ernulf, prior of Ch. Ch. Canterbury 66

Esgar, the staller 32

Essenduna 38 n.

Essex 32 n., 38 f., 43, 45, 49 f., Nos. If.,

8, 17, 22
Estham 45

Etheldreda, translation of St 31
Ethelred, telligraphus of king 47 ; charter

of 167 ff.
Etr6pagny, Godfrey de 16
Eu, count of No. 6

Henry count of (de Auco) 164

William of 38

Eudo dapifer 159-61, 165 f., Nos. 9, 18
Eugenius III, pope 51
Euremou, Hugh de 46, Nos. 25 f.
Eustace, count of Boulogne, senior No.
26 ; his wife 101

junior 46, Nos. 3, 25 f.

Eva (Crispin), the lady 7, 9, 14-6, 20

174

Index

Evesham, abbey of 17 n., 21; Chronicle

of Evesham 21 n.
Evreux, Gilbert, bp of 110
Exeter, bp of 23 : see William Warehvast
Extenta Conventus Westm' 41
Eye 41, Nos. G, 15 f., 20

Fanton (Fenton) 41, 49, Nos. 23 f.
Faricius, abbot of Abingdon 17 n., 36 n.,

126, No. 39
Fecamp 1, 28; John, abbot of 1
Fering (Feringes) 47 n., Nos. 17, 22
Jirma 41 f.

Fitz Algod, Ralph No. 37
Fitz Count, see Otwel
Fitz Fulk, William No. 37
Fitz Gilbert, Eiehard 39, Nos. 1 f., 9, 26,
42

Fitz Haimo, Eobert No. 16
Fitz Herbert, Herbert 46

Peter 46

Richard No. 37

Fitz Martel, William No. 15

Fitz Milo, Hugh No. 13

Fitz Osbern, William, dapifer Nos. 2, 9

Fitz Oter, Walter No. 12

Fitz Ralph, R. No. 26

WaUeran 16 n.

Fitz Richard, Gilbert No. 26

Robert 39

Roger 16, Nos. 26, 42

Fitz Robert, Walter 39

Fitz Suain, Robert 49 f., No. 8

Fitz Thorold (Toraldi), Gilbert No. 27

Fitz Walter, Robert 39

Fitz Wimarc, Robert 50

Flete, Histonj of Westminster 19 n., 26,

29 n., 30 n., 36 n., 41 u., 43
Foliot, Richard 49 n.

Robert 48 f .

forgeries, monastic 36, 126 f., 162, 165 f.
Fraehevilla, Richard de 47
Fulk, nephew of Gilbert of Surrey No. 19:
see d'Alnou, Crispin, Gilbert

Gallia Christiana 16

gallows, the old 168 f.

Gautier le vieux, count of Pontoise 14

Geoffrey, abbot of St Albans 42

bp of Bordeaux 51

of Jumi^ges, abbot of Westminster

1, 35

de Mandeville : see Mandeville

Geoffrey, miles No. 15

count of Perche 50

Plantagenet, count of Anjou 17

abp of Rouen 164

Gerard, abp of York 21, No. 18

Gerberon, Dom Gabriel 61

Gerbert (Pope Sylvester) 68

Gervase, abbot of Westminster 37, 41, 43,

47, 158 f., 165
Gestingthorpe No. 27
Ghent, abbey of St Peter No. 4
Giffard, Walter 164, No. 9

William, bp of Winchester: see

William

Gilbert Crispin, abbot of Westminster
1-4 ; at Bee 7, 15 ; at Canterbury 8 f.,
19; at Westminster 10-2, 17, 19-27;
his administration 28-49, 161, 165,
Nos. 2, 5f., 8f., 11 n., 12 f., 15-7, 19-
21, 26 f., 31-3, 37-9, 42; his epitaph
26 ; his fame 52 ; mss of his writings
53-6 ; writings falsely attributed to him
56-7 ; his literary remains 58-76 ; cor-
respondence 77-82

Vita Herluini 58-60, 87-110; Dis-

putatio Judaei cum Christiana 23, 52-4,
58-67, 81-2 ; de Simoniacis 23, 52, 55 f.,
58, 67-70, 111-124; de Spiritu Sancto 23,
55, 58, 70-2; de Casu Diaholi 53 f., 58,
72; de Anima 53 f., 58, 72 f. ; Sermo in
Ramis Palmarum 54, 58, 73 ; Versus ad
Anselmum 22, 54, 58, 83 ; Disputatio
Christiani cum Gentili 54, 58, 73-5 ; de
veritate Corporis et Sanguinis Domini
52, 54, 57 n. , 72 ; Sermo in dedicatione
ecclesiae 52, 57 ; Omelia super Cum in-
gressiis Jesus 52, 57 ; Epistolae Hi 52,
57

Gilbert, count of Brionne 2 n., 3, 14, 87-
90, 94, No. 1

abbot of St Stephen's, Caen 11 n.,

of Bee, abbot of Colchester 160

of Hoyland, abbot of Swyneshed 53,

56-7

bp of Limerick 26 n., 57

de la Por6e, bp of Poitiers 51, 57

sheriff of Surrey No. 19

the Universal, bp of London 52,

No. 30

frater Willelmi (filius Fulconis),

No. 37

Girardus frater Willelmi No. 27

Index

175

Glamorgan, Urban, bp of No. 26 n.
Gloucester 163, No. 5; abbey of 36,

No. 18
Godard No. 27
Godfrey of Bouillon No. 3
Godobald No. 8

Godwin of Turroc, capellanus No. 6
Goslanus (Gislanus) 159
Gournay, Hugh de 15
Gregory the Great 67 n.
Greneford, Hacinulf of No. 6
gruium 41, 43
Grunzo 38

Gundulf, prior of St Stephen's, Caen 8 ;

bp of Rochester 9 u., 24 f., 103
Gundwinus, monk of Bee 165
Gunuor, wife of Gilbert Crispin I 14
Gunter 17, 42 f ., No. 13

Hacinulf de Greneford, and Robert nepos

ejus No. 6
Hadleigh (Hadleya) 45
Haimo dapifer 34 n. , No. 16
Hairun, Roulf de Nos. 5 f., 15 ; and

Geoffrey nepos ejus No. 15
Hales, Archdeacon 42
Hall, Mr Hubert 30 u., 48
Hamme apud Ospreng 45
Hampstead (Haemstede) 40
Hamslape (Hamesclape), Warinus de

No. 37

Michael No. 37

Hanworth (Hanewrde) 41, 49

Harcourt, Philippe de, bp of Bayeaux

53, 60

Harold, king 49 n.. No. 17
Havering No. 22
Helois 87

Hely (Heli), insula No. 6, 36; cf. Ely
Hendon (Heaendune) 17, 40, 42, No. 13
Henry I 16 f., 19 n., 23, 29, 33 f., 36, 39,

44, 46, 126, 158-61, 163, 165-6, Nos.

4-6, 9, 16, 18-24, 26-36, 38-43
Henry II 17, 46, 50, 166, Nos. 36, 43
Henry IV 25
Henry VIII 33, 48

Henry, dean of Canterbury, and abbot of
Battle 8, 103
of Essex 50

the Lion, duke of Saxony 50

earl of Warwick Nos. 4 f., 26

Herbert, monk of Bee 31
the chamberlain Nos. 18, 27

Herbert, bishop of Lisieux 3, 93

Losiuga, bp of Norwich 34, 67

"abbot of Westminster 31, 34, 37 n.,

43 f., 46, 158, 161, 163-5, Nos. 19,
31, 43

monk of Westminster 31, 38

the steward (di>ipensator) of the

abbot of Westminster 30, No. 37
Mr .1. C. 55 u.

Hereward 14 n., 40 n.

Herlewyn, frater Grunzonis 38

Herluin, abbot of Bee 1-G, 8, 11, 14 f. ;
devotus 26 ; Gilbert Crispin's Life of 58-
60, 87-110; altera vita 60

Hernostus, bp of Rochester 103

Hertfordshire 39, 49

Hildendone 17 n.

Hinan-croft 168 f.

Holauesssel, Hugo de No. 27

Holborn 170

' hops ' de brasio 41, 43

Hubert de Rye (Ria) 165, No. 9
monk of Westminster No. 4

Hugh, abbot of St Augustine's, Canter-
bury 23

earl of Chester 29, No. 36

de Coleham, dapifer of Westminster

30, No. 27
(de Orivalle), bp of London Nos.

2, 30

monk of Westminster 31, 33 f.

precentor of York 19 n. , 21

Huntingdonshire Nos. 19, 38
Hurley Priory 32-4, Nos. 6f., 35 £.
Hyde Park 33

Ilteney (Elteneya) 41, 49
infirmarer of Westminster 46
Ingulfus 49 n.

Innocent I, pope 70 u., 114

II, pope 41, 43

investitures, question of 21, 67

Iveney (Gyveneya) No. 12

Ivo Taillebois 29 n., Nos. 4, 9, 27

James, Dr M. R. 53 n., 57
Jerusalem 17

Jews in London GO ; the Jew of Mainz

81-2; converted Jews 32, 66, 82
Jocelin of Brakelond 29
John, bp of Bath 26 n.. No. 28

of Bayeux 164, 160 n.

of Fecamp 1

176

Index

John of Salisbury 51
Jordanus 37

Jumi6ges 1, 35 f., 60: see Geoffrey, Robert,
William

Kelington (Kelintuua) 47 u.
Kensington No. 39
Kent 47, No. 16
Kilburn Priory 34
Kingsbury No. 4
kitchener of Westminster 46
Knightsbridge 40, 41
knight service 37-41

Lakingheth, John, monk of Westminster
45, 49

Lambeth 23, 26 n.

Landricus de Clifford 34 n.

Lanfranc If., at Bee 4, 95-9; abbot of
Caen 5 f. , 99 ; abp of Canterbury 7-
10, 20, 99, 102, 105-7 ; sapiens 26 ; his
statutes 6, 7n., 28; letters 8f., 77-8;
opera (ed. D'Achery) 13, 16 n., 18 n.,
28 n., 58; vita LanJ'ranei 18, 58 f.

Lanfranc the younger 9, 77, 80

Laon, Anselm and Kalph of 51

Laurence, abbot of Westminster 23, No. 43

Lecelina (Letselina), second wife of Geoffrey
de Mandeville Nos. 6, 15

Lechamstede 46 n.

Leicester, Robert, earl of No. 4

Leland 56

Leo I, pope 114

Leofric, count 31

Leosne (Lesnes) No. 42

Leureth 16 n.

Leuricus Cnivet No. 15

Lewes Priory 17 n., 38

Liber Niger Quatenius 45

Limberga 33 n.

Limerick, Gilbert, bp of 26 n., 57
Lincoln 21 n., Nos. 25 f. ; bps of, see
Alexander, Robert Bloat, Robert de
Chesney
Lisieux 14 ; bp of, see Herbert
Litlyngton, abbot of Westminster, 163
London : via Lunduniae 17 ; life in Lon-
don 74; sheriff, etc., of 32, 159, Nos.
4 f. , 10 f., 29, 38 f . ; rents and property
in 41 f., 45, 47, 158, Nos. 2, 4, 29,
38 f.; apud Lund' Nos. 16, 23 f. ; Tur-
rim Lundon' Nos. 34-6 : see Ailnod,
Aluuard, Jews

London, council of 21 n.

bps of : exemption from 36 : see

Gilbert, Hugh, Maurice, Richard,
Robert

Holy Trinity Priory No. 29;

churches in : St James super ripam,
St Laurence, St Magnus Martyr, St
Margaret Eastcheap No. 30, St Andrew
Holborn 170 ; see Newchurch (St Mary)

Leureth in Lumlonia 16 n. ; Wood

Street (Wodestrata) 16 n. ; London fen
170 ; see Alderman's Boundary, Hinan-
croft, the old gallows
Lotherslege 40

MabUlon 68

Mainz 81, No. 36

Malet, William 14

Mallet, Mr C. E. 14 n.

Mallinges 47 n.

Malmesbury, see William

Malvern Priory 31, 33 f.

Mandeville, Geoffrey de, 32, 39, 41,

49 n., Nos. 1-7, 10, 12, 15, 16, 20,

35, 36

Geoffrey de, the younger, earl of

Essex 32 n.. No. 6

• • Richard de 33, Nos. 6, 37

William de 33, Nos. 6, 15, 20

Mapleford 46

Maria, sister of Queen Maud No. 26
Mardley (Merdeleya) 41, 49
Marlborough No. 33
Martuna 34 n.

Mascherell, Hugh Nos. 6, 15

Hugh, junior No. 6

Roger Nos. 6, 15

Walter No. 6

Matilda, wife of William I 106

(Queen Maud), wife of Henry I

26 f., 126, 161, Nos. 20, 22-4, 30, 35 f.,
38 f.

the empress Nos. 24, 36

dau. of Henry II 50

wife of Milo Crispin 17 n.. No. 1

Maundy, the 41, 44, 50
Maurice, bishop of London 19 n., 21, 39,
Nos. 5, 10, 18, 30, 39

monk of Canterbury 8

monk of Westminster 27, 31

MauriHus, abp of Rouen 7
Merfleet 170

Meulan (Mellent), see Robert

Index

177

Middlesex 32, 39, 49, Nos. 12, 20

Midleton, Hugo de No. 87

Milo, see Crispin

Miraculum quo, etc. 13 f., 17, 19

Monte, Gilbert de No. 32

Hugo Nos. 32, 37

Richard No. 32

Montfort I'Amaury 15

Simon de, earl of Leicester 15

Mordon No. 3

Mortain, Eobert, count of No. 2
Mosa (villa) Nos. 6, 36
Mundona, Ranulf de 161
Myra 31

Neaufles 14

Newcliureb, St Mary (de Westehepinge)

15&-166, Nos. 5, 10 f.
Nicholas, monk of Westminster 31, 38

chapel of St 31

Nigel de Oleio Nos. 1, 21
Northamptonshire 48, 49 n., No. 32
Norwich 34 ; bishop of, see Herbert Lo-
singa

Notes and Queries 35 n.

Ockendon (Okkenduna, Wokynton) 41, 45,
49, No. 22

de Observantia Episcoporum 68-70 ; see
Ambrose

Odo, bp of Bayeux 47, Nos. 2, 56
Offa, king 27
Oini No. 37

Oleio, Nigel de Nos. 1, 21

Eobert de 17, Nos. 1, 4 f.

Robert de, the younger No. 1

Orderic Vitalis 59, Nos. 22, 27

Ordgar fitz Deorman No. 29

Osbernus clericus No. 11 n., 14

Osbert of Clare, prior of Westminster
23-5, 27, 32

Osmund, bp of Salisbury 32, No. 6

Osuluestane hundred 39

Otbert de Surrey No. 27

Otto aurifex No. 27

Otwel fitz Count Nos. 34-7, 40

Oxfordshire 17, No. 32

Paddington 40, Nos. 23 f.
Paglesham (Pakelesam) 41, 49
Palgrave, English Commonwealth 16 n.
Parham (Perham) 41, 45 f.
Parker, abp 59

Paschal II, bull of 36
Passffiflamblart, see Ranulf Flambard
Perche, Geoffrey, count of 50
Pershore No. 27

Peter de Valognes 39, 50 n, Nos, 9, 17,
27

Pfluck-Hartung 68
Picheseye 161
Picotus No. 37
Pierpoint, Mr Robert 35 n.
Pierre de Cond6 14

Pipard, Gilbert, Robert and Walter No. 13
Piriford 29 n., No. 19
pitanciae et caritatis 41, 43
Pits 57

Plantagenet, Geoffrey 17
PoIIeue-stock 170

Pontoise, Gautier le vieux, count of 14
Poree, Gilbert de la, bp of Poitiers 51 f.,
57

Por6e, M. le Chanoine 52 n., 14 n., 16 n.,

17, 18 n., 26 n., 31 n., 59
Prdaux 160, No. 9

Eadulphus diabolus No. 37
Raimbercurt (Renbodcurt), Guy de 49 n.,
No. 37

Ralph, abp of Canterbury 26, 34, 164

abbot of Westminster 46

Rami Cur', Richard de No. 37
Ramsey, abbey of 42 n.. No. 4 ; see
Aldwin

Ranulf Flambard, bp of Durham 19 n,,
44, 164, Nos. 14, 20

the Chancellor 34 n., 164, Nos. 29,

34-6, 39

sheriff of Surrey 29 n., No. 2

Rayleigh 50

refectory at Westminster 65
Remenham No. 6
Rheims, Council of (a.d. 1148) 51
Richard I 166
Ill 35

son of Henry I 164

duke of Normandy 14, 87

de Belmeis, bp of London 34 n.,

164 f., Nos. 30 f., 38

Anselm's servant 11, 81

Richerius (miles), Nos. 6, 15, 27
Richmond, count Alan of Nos. 11, 12
Eiculfus, monk of Westminster 27
Robert, prior of Westminster and abbot
of Bury 17, 23, 29, 31, 38, No. 13

178

Index

Kobert, sou of Hugh, earl of Chester 29

Dispensator Nos. 9, 27 f.

Bloet, bp of Lincoln 26 n., 164,

Nos. 25 f., 28, 37-9, 42

de Chesney, bp of Lincoln 47 f.

of Jumi^ges, bp of London 33 f.

de Bello Monte, count of Mellent

16, 30 n., Nos. 4f., 21

count of Mortain No. 2

duke of Normandy 16, 87, No. 9

a converted Jew 66

Eochester, 8, 25, 59, No. 26 ; bps of, sec

Gundulf, Hernostus
Kodulphus, monk of Bee 16
Koger, Blundus No. 6

abbot (of Lessay) 109

abbot of St Evroul 29

bp of Salisbury 23, 26 n., 34 n.,

164, Nos. 20, 32, 36, 39

abp of York 51

Kobaise, wife of Pain Beauchamp No. 9

wife of Kichard Fitz Gilbert Nos.

2, 9

wife of Eudo dapifer No. 2

Eouen 66, 160, 163 f., 166; abps of, sec

Geoffrey, Maurilius, William
Bound, Dr J. H. 32 u., 37, 38 u., 41 n.,

46 n., 49 n., 50 n., 125, 159-61, 165,

Nos. 3, 4, 9, 11 n., 13, 27, 29, 32,

37, 39

Kye (Kia), Hubert de Nos. 9, 11, 14

Sable, Robert de 17
Sagrinus No. 37
St Albans, the firma at 42
St Botolph, Ely 44
St Davids, bp of, see Bernard
St Evroul 59, see Koger
St Paul's, London, archdeacon and chap-
ter of No. 30
Salisbury 20, 38 ; bps of, see Osmund, Roger
Sampson, abbot of Bury 29
sanctuary, rights of 37
Savigny, sec Vitalis
Sawbridgeworth Nos. 40 f.
Septuagcsima, meaning of 75-6
Sippenbam, see Cippenham
Skeat, Prof. W. W. 168 £f.
(e)staUi No. 43
staller 32, 50
Stanes No. 12
Stebenhith 45

Stephen, king 159, 162, 166

steward of Westminster 30
Stratford, mill at 39, 41, 45, No. 2
Suain (Sueyn) of Essex 32, 45, 49, 50,

Nos. 1 f., 8, 17
Sudbury, St Bartholomew's priory 34
Suger, abbot of St Denys 51
Sulby (Sulebi) 41, 45, 48 f.
Surrey 29 n., Nos. 2 f., 16, 19, 21
Sussex 47 u.
Swyncombe 17
Swyneshed, see Gilbert

Taillebois, see Ivo
Tancardivilla, W. 164
Taneyo, see Asciulus
Tatewelle 40 f.
Tecewrde No. 37
Tenchebrai, battle of 16
Teolwold, bp of Worcester 42 n.
Thames 170

Theobald, abp of Canterbury 2, 47 f., 51
Thomas Becket, abp of Canterbury 25, 51

II, abp of York 19 n.

Tilbury (Tillabyri) 32, No. 1

Tilli^res 14

Titebirst 41, 49

Toledo, 11th Council of 116

Tooting (Totinges) Nos. .2, 21

Torigny, Robert of 53, 59

Totenhala 38, 40 f., 168

Tothill 41

Tottenham 40

Tout, Prof. No. 16

Tovius Ganet No. 37

treasurer of Westminster 45 f.

Tunbridge No. 26

Tunge No. 37

Turaldus, No. 8 ; William nepos Turaldi
No. 15

Turkill, monk of Westminster 27
Turner, Sir Gregory Page 35 n.
Turoldus dapifer (de Wochendona) Nos.

6, 36, Radulphus filius eius No. 6
Turroc, see Godwin
Turstin, abp of York 164

monk of Westminster 27

Tyburn (Teoburnan) 168 £f.

Urban, bp of Glamorgan 26 n.
Urse, see Abetdt

Valognes, Peter de 39, 50 n., Nos. 9,
17, 27

Index

179

Valor Ecclesiasticus 48

de Ver, Aubrey Xos. 39, 43

Geoffrey No. 39

Vesin, the 14

Vineyards 41, 44

Vitalis, abbot of Savigny 27

abbot of Westminster 1, 2G-S, 35,

39, 46 f., Nos. 2-4, 17

Wace, Roman de Rou 17
Waletona iuxta Mordon' No. 3
Walkelin, bp of Winchester Nos. 2 f., 5,

9, 16, 27
Wallef comes No. 2
Wallingford, Honor of 17
Walter the Deacon, children of No. 6
Waltham (parva) Nos. 6 f., 36
Ware's Customary, abbot, see Customary
Warenne, see W^illiam
Warner, monk of Westminster 31, 33
Warwick, Henry, earl of Nos. 4 f., 26
Watecumba No. 6
Watling Street 168 f.
Webb, Mr C. C. J. .51 n.
Wenyngton (Winetona) 41, 49, No. 31
Wesmam No. 3

Westminster 1, 10-2, Nos. 4 f., 18, 26,
38 f. ; councils at 21, 29, 67, No. 18 ;
consecration of bps at 25-6, No. 37 ;
in Domesday 39^0 ; the berewic of 38-
41, 167 ; King's street 35

Titulus sancti Petri Westm' 27 ; cells

of 32-4 ; exemption and sanctuary 36-7 ;
extenta conventusWestm' , and jirmae 41-4 ;
properties of 44-50, 168 ; administration
of the abbey, see ahnonry, bailiff, cel-
larer, chamberlain, infirmarer, kitchener,
steward, treasurer ; the abbot's house-
hold 30

building at 30, 35-6, No. 42 f. ;

domus elemosinaria pp. 30, 38 ; cloister
35, refectory 65, St Nicholas' chapel 31,
St Katharine's chapel 21, 25, No. 43

abbots of, see Edwin, Geoffrey,

Gervase, Gilbert Crispin, Herbert, Lau-
rence, Ealph, Vitalis, William Postard,
Wulnoth ; priors of, see Osbert, Robert ;
monks of 27, 31 f., 33-4, 38, 45, 49,
62, 68, No. 4, number of monks 30

the Westminster Domesday, see

Domesday
Wethered, Rev F. T. 33, No. 6
"VVhatley (Wateleya) 41, 49 f.. No. 8

Wich No. 27
Wileye 161

Wilkins, Concilia 7n., 28 n.

William I, the Conqueror 1 f., 5, 7 f., 14,
16 n., 17, 19 f., 22, 2.5, 29 n., 33, 37-9,
46, 97-9, 105, Nos. 1-6, 9-12, 18 f., 21,
35 ; first charter of pp. 46 n., 47, 49 n.,
158, 165; Telligraphus No. 2, 4

n, Rufus 17, 20, 35, 44, 48, 66 f.,

158, 165, Nos. 4f., 9-12, 14, 16-8, 20,
26 f.

son of Henry I 126, 160, 164,

No. 24

the chamberlain Nos. 4, 17, 20,

27, 39

of Champeaux 61

abbot of Cormeilles 15, 103

of Dijon 1

of St Carileph, bp of Durham 29 n.,

Nos. 4f., 9, 10
Warelwast, bp of Exeter 23, No.

of Jumieges, Historia Normannorum

of Malmesbury 66

abp of Rouen 15

comes de Wareuna 164

Postard, abbot of Westminster 46

monk of Westminster 31, 38

Giffai-d, bp of Winchester 23, 26 n.,

164, Nos. 9, 18, 20 f.
clericus No. 27

the abbot's chamberlain 30, No.

the abbot's chaplain 30, No. 37

Germinus No. 37

frater Turoldi No. 8

Wilson, Canon J. M. 43
Wimund de Blaugeo No. 6
Winchester 20, Nos. 5, 10, 18, 21 f. ;
Domesday book at No. 35 ; bps of, see
Walkelin, William Giffard
Windsor (Windlesores) 29 n., 49 n., 159,

164, Nos. 12, 17, 19, '28
Withburga, St 31
Wix priory No. 6
Wochendon Nos. 6, 36

Geoffrey of No. 6

Wokendune 49 n.

Woodstock 46 (Odestocam), No. 42
Worcester, priory of 42 n., 43; bp of 34,

see Teolwold, Wulstan
Worcestershire 39, 43, 49, No. 28

180

Wrdesfelde 33 n.

Wulfric, the king's mone3'er 34

Bordewayte 38

Wulfwold, abbot of Chertsey No. 3
Wulnoth, abbot of Westminster 36

Index

Wulstan, bp of Worcester 27, 31

York 38 ; abps of, see Gerard, Roger,
Thomas II, Turstin ; precentor of, see
Hugh

CAMBRIDGE : PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

NOTES AND DOCUMENTS RELATING TO
WESTMINSTER ABBEY

No. 1. The Manuscripts of Westminster Abbey. By J.

Armitage Robinson, D.D., Dean of Westminstei', and M. R. James, Litt.D.,
Provost of King's College, Cambridge. Royal 8vo. pp. viii-J-108. 5s. net.

" The Library of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster contains now
but a small batch of manuscripts, and these have for the most part no
connexion with Westminster Abbey. They represent however the last of
three quite distinct collections, of which the first was dispersed or destroyed
at the dissolution of the mimastery, and the second perished by fire in 1694.
It so happens that of both these earlier collections a considerable amount of
evidence is preserved in various quarters.

The Westminster Muniments contain a good deal of scattered information
as to the care of books both in monastic times and in the later period, and
this has been drawn together here as a small contribution to the history of
the Abbey.

The division of responsibility for this little book is indicated by the
initials in the table of contents. The Dean and Chapter are under a great
obligation to the Provost of King's for having placed his unrivalled experience
in these matters at their disposal. They hope that this may be the first of
a series of studies bearing on the history of the Church of which it is
their high privilege to be the guardians." Preface

No. 2. The History of Westminster Abbey by John Flete.

Edited by J. Armitage Robinson, D.D. Royal 8vo. pp. viii + 152. bs.net.

" The only medieval writer who has attempted a history of Westminster
Abbey is John Flete, a monk of the house from 1420 to 1465. Sulcard
indeed, nearly four centuries earlier, wrote its story, then for the most part
legendary, in the days of William the Conqueror. Widmore, three centuries
after Flete, availed himself of Flete's labours, and also diligently investigated
the treasures of the Muniment Room : he compiled a history, accurate,
judicious and concise, which has been the foundation of all subsequent work.

The present edition is an attempt to do tardy justice to a writer, who,
though he displays no graces of style and not the most rudimentary sense of
humour, has devoted vast pains to his task, has copied actual documents in
attestation of his statements, and refrains from guessing where he can find
no evidence.

To have accompanied this edition with adequate notes would have meant
an indefinite postponement of its publication, and would have demanded an
intimate acquaintance with monastic institutions to which the present editor
can make no claim. A trustworthy text is the first and immediate need.
This is what is here attempted. Some introductory remarks deal with the
growth of the legend of the consecration of the Church by St Peter ' in the
spirit ' ; with the authenticity of some royal charters and papal bulls ; with
the relics and indulgences, the effigies of the Norman abbots, and the ancient
tapestries of the choir." Extract from Preface

Cambridge University Press
London : Fetter Lane, E.G.
C. F. Clay, Manager

DATE DUE

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