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MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED

LONDON • BOMBAY • CALCUTTA
MELBOURNE

MACMILLAN COMPANY

BOSTON • CHICAGO
SAN FRANCISCO

THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD.

TORONTO

ADONIS
ATTIS OSIRIS

STUDIES IN THE HISTORY OF
ORIENTAL RELIGION

J. G. FRAZER, D.C.L., LL.D., LITT.D.

FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
PROFESSOR OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LIVERPOOL

THIRD EDITION, REVISED AND ENLARGED

IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. I

MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED

ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON

1914

First Edition, 1906
Second Edition, 1907
Third Edition, 1914

3IO

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION

THESE studies are an expansion of the corresponding
sections in my book The Golden Bough, and they will
form part of the third edition of that work, on the
preparation of which I have been engaged for some time.
By far the greater portion of them is new, and they make
by themselves a fairly complete and, I hope, intelligible
whole. I shall be glad if criticisms passed on the essays
in their present shape should enable me to correct and
improve them when I come to incorporate them in my
larger work.

In studying afresh these three Oriental worships, akin
to each other in character, I have paid more attention than
formerly to the natural features of the countries in which
they arose, because I am more than ever persuaded that
religion, like all other institutions, has been profoundly
influenced by physical environment, and cannot be under-
stood without some appreciation of those aspects of
external nature which stamp themselves indelibly on the
thoughts, the habits, the whole life of a people. It is
a matter of great regret to me that I have never visited
the East, and so cannot describe from personal know-
ledge the native lands of Adonis, Attis, and Osiris. But
I have sought to remedy the defect by comparing the
descriptions of eye-witnesses, and painting from them what
may be called composite pictures of some of the scenes
on which I have been led to touch in the course of this

PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION

IN revising the book for this third edition I have made
use of several important works which have appeared since
the last edition was published. Among these I would name
particularly the learned treatises of Count Baudis^in on
Adonis, of Dr. E. A. Wallis Budge on Osiris, and of my
colleague Professor J. Garstang on the civilization of the
Hittites, that still mysterious people, who begin to loom a
little more distinctly from the mists of the past. Following
the example of Dr. Wallis Budge, I have indicated certain
analogies which may be traced between the worship of Osiris
and the worship of the dead, especially of dead kings,
among the modern tribes of Africa. The conclusion to
which these analogies appear to point is that under the
mythical pall of the glorified Osiris, the god who died and
rose again from the dead, there once lay the body of a dead
man. Whether that was so or not, I will not venture to say.
/ The longer I occupy myself with questions of ancient myth-
Vology the more diffident I become of success in dealing with
them, and I am apt to think that we who spend our years
in searching for solutions of these insoluble problems are
like Sisyphus perpetually rolling his stone up hill only to
see it revolve again into the valley, or like the daughters
of Danaus doomed for ever to pour water into broken jars
that can hold no water. If we are taxed with wasting life
in seeking to know what can never be known, and what, if
it could be discovered, would not be worth knowing, what

x PREFACE

can we plead in our defence ? I fear, very little. Such
pursuits can hardly be defended on the ground of pure
reason. We can only say that something, we know not
what, drives us to attack the great enemy Ignorance
wherever we see him, and that if we fail, as we probably
shall, in our attack on his entrenchments, it may be useless
but it is not inglorious to fall in leading a Forlorn Hope.

J. G. FRAZER.

CAMBRIDGE, -
l6th January 1914.

CONTENTS

BOOK FIRST

ADONIS . . Pp. 1-259

CHAPTER I. — THE MYTH, OF ADONIS . . Pp. 3-12

Changes of the seasons explained by the life and death of gods, p. 3 ; magical
ceremonies to revive the divine energies, 4 sq.; prevalence of these
ceremonies in Western Asia and Egypt, 5 sq.; Tarnmuz or Adonis in
Babylon, 6-10; Adonis in Greek mythology, 10-12.

CHAPTER II. — ADONIS IN SYRIA . . . Pp. 13-30

Adonis and Astarte worshipped at Byblus, the kingdom of Cinyras, 13 sq. ;
divinity of Semitic kings, 15 sqq.; kings named Adonis, 16 sq.; "sacred
men," 17 sq.; divinity of Hebrew kings, 18 sqq.; the Baal and Baalath
the sources of fertility, 26 sq. ; personation of the Baal by the king, 27 ;
Cinyras, king of Byblus, 27 sq. ; Aphaca and the vale of the Adonis,
28 sqq.

CHAPTER III. — ADONIS IN CYPRUS . . Pp. 31-56

Phoenician colonies in Cyprus, 31 sq.', kingdom of Paphos, 32 sq. ; sanctuary
of Aphrodite at Paphos, 33 sq.; the Aphrodite of Paphos a Phoenician
or aboriginal deity, 34 ; her conical image, 34 sqq. ; sacred prostitution
in the worship of the Paphian Aphrodite and of other Asiatic goddesses, 36
sqq. ; the Asiatic Mother Goddess a personification of all the reproductive
energies of nature, 39 ; her worship reflects a period of sexual com-
munism, 40 sq. ; the daughters of Cinyras, 40 ; the Paphian dynasty of
the Cinyrads, 41-43; incest of Cinyras with his daughter Myrrha and
birth of Adonis, 43 ; suggested explanation of legends of royal incest,
43 sq.; the Flamen Dialis and his Flaminica at Rome, 45 sq.; Indian

xii CONTENTS

parallels, 46-48 ; Cinyras beloved by Aphrodite, 48 so.; Pygmalion and
Aphrodite, 49 ; the Phoenician kings of Cyprus and their sons the heredi-
tary lovers of the goddess, 49 sqq. ; the father and mother of a god, 5 1
sq. ; Cinyras as a musician, 52 ; the uses of music in religion, 52 sqq. ;
traditions as to the death of Cinyras, 55 sq.

CHAPTER IV. — SACRED MEN AND WOMEN Pp. 57-109

§ i. An Alternative Theory, pp. 57-61. — Theory of the secular origin of sacred
prostitution in Western Asia, p. 57 ; it fails to account for the facts, 57 sqq.

§ 2. Sacred Women in India, pp. 61-65. — The dancing-girls of Southern India
are at once prostitutes and wives of the god, 61 sqq.

§ 3. Sacred Men and Women in West Africa, pp. 65-70. — Among the Ewe
peoples the sacred prostitutes are regarded as the wives of the god, 65 sqq. ;
human wives of serpent gods, 66-68 ; sacred men and women in West
Africa supposed to be possessed by the deity, 68 sqq.

§ 4. Sacred Women in Western Asia, pp. 70-72. — Sacred prostitutes of Western
Asia probably viewed as possessed by the deity and married to him, 70 sq. ;
wives of the god in Babylon and Egypt, 7 1 sq.

§ 5. Sacred Men in Western Asia, pp. 72-78. — The sacred men (kedeshim] of
Western Asia may have been regarded as possessed by the deity and re-
presenting him, 72 sq.\ the prophets, 74^^.; "holy men" in modern
Syria, 77 sq.

§ 6. Sons of God, pp. 78-82. — Belief that men and women may be the sons and.
daughters of a god, 78 sq. ; sons of the serpent-god, 80 sqq.

§ 7. Reincarnation of the Dead, pp. 82-107. — Belief that the dead come to life
as serpents, 82 sqq. ; reincarnation of the dead in America, Africa, and
India, 91 sqq. ; belief in the Virgin Birth among the savages of New
Guinea, Melanesia, and Australia, 96-107.

§ 8. Sacred Stocks and Stones among the Semites, pp. 107-109. — Procreative
virtue apparently ascribed to sacred stocks and stones among the Semites,
107 sq.-, the excavations at Gezer, 108 sq.

CHAPTER V. — THE BURNING OF MELCARTH" Pp. 110-116

Semitic custom of sacrificing a member of the royal family, no ; the burning of
Melcarth at Tyre, HO sqq.\ the burning of Melcarth at Gades, 112 sq.\
the burning of a god or goddess at Carthage, 113 sq.\ the fire- walk at
Tyre and at Castabala, 114^.; burnt sacrifice of King Hamilcar, 1 1 5 *?. ;
the death of Hercules a Greek version of the burning of Melcarth, 1 16.

CONTENTS xiii

CHAPTER VI. — THE BURNING OF SANDAN Pp. 117-171

§ i. The Baal of Tarsus, pp. 117-119. — The Tyrian Melcarth in Cyprus, 117 ;
the lion-slaying god, 117 sq.; the Baal of Tarsus an Oriental god of corn
and grapes, 1 1 8 sq.

§ 2. The God of Ibreez, pp. 1 19-123. — Counterpart of the Baal of Tarsus at Ibreez
in Cappadocia, 119 sq.', the god of Ibreez a god of corn and grapes, 120
sq.', fertility of ibreez, 122 sq.; the horned god, 123.

§ 3. Sandan of Tarsus, pp. 124-127. — The god of Ibreez a Hittite deity, 124 sq.;
the burning of Sandan or Hercules at Tarsus, 125 sq.; Sandan of Tarsus
an Asiatic god with the symbols of the lion and double axe, 127.

§ 4. The Gods of Boghaz-Keui, pp. 128-142. — Boghaz-Keui the ancient capital
of a Hittite kingdom in Cappadocia, 128 sq. ; the rock-sculptures in the
sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui, the two processions, 129 sqq.; the lion-god,
131 ; the god and his priest, 131 sq. ; the great Asiatic goddess and her
consort, 133 sqq.; the Father God of the thundering sky, 134-136; the
Mother Goddess, 137 ; the divine Son and lover of the goddess, 137 sq.;
the mystery of the lion-god, 139 sq.; the Sacred Marriage of the god and
goddess, 140 sq. ; traces of mother-kin among the Hittites, 141 sq.

§ 5. Sandan and Baal at Tarsus, pp. 142 sq. — Sandan at Tarsus apparently a
son of Baal, as Hercules of Zeus, 142 sq.

§ 6. Priestly Kings of Olba, pp. 143-152. — Priests of Sandan or Hercules at
Tarsus, 143 sq.; kings of Cilicia related to Sandan, 144 ; priestly kings
of Olba bearing the names of Teucer and Ajax, 144 sq. ; the Teucrids of
Salamis in Cyprus, 145 ; burnt sacrifices of human victims at Salamis and
traces of a similar custom elsewhere, 145-147; the priestly Teucers of
Olba perhaps representatives of a native god Tark, 147 sq.; Western or
Rugged Cilicia, 148 sq.; the Cilician pirates, 149 sq.; the gorges of
Cilicia, 150; the site and ruins of Olba, 151 sq. ; the temple of Olbian
Zeus, 151.

§ 7. The God of the Corycian Cave, pp. 152-161. — Limestone caverns of Western
Cilicia, 152 sq.; the city of Corycus, 153; the Corycian cave, 153 sq.;
the priests of Corycian Zeus, 155 ; the cave of the giant Typhon, 155 sq.;
battle of Zeus and Typhon, 156.5?.; fossil bones of" extinct animals a
source of tales of giants, 157 sq.; chasm of Olbian Zeus at Kanytelideis,
158 sq.; the god of these chasms called Zeus by the Greeks, but probably
a native god of fertility, 159 sq.; analogy of these caverns to Ibreez and
the vale of the Adonis, 1 60 ; the two gods of Olba perhaps a father and
son, 1 60 sq.

§ 8. Cilician Goddesses, pp. 161-170. — Goddesses less prominent than gods in
Cilician religion, 161 ; the goddess 'Atheh the partner of Baal at Tarsus,
162 sq.; the lion-goddess and the bull-god, 162-164; the old goddess
in later times the Fortune of the City, 164 sq.; the Phoenician god El and
his wife at Mallus, 165 sq.; assimilation of native Oriental deities to Greek

xiv CONTENTS

divinities, 166 sq. ; Sarpedonian Artemis, 167; the goddess Perasia at
Hieropolis-Castabala, 167 sqq.\ the fire- walk in the worship of Perasia,
1 68 sq. ; insensibility to pain a mark of inspiration, 169 sq.

§ 9. The Burning of Cilician Gods, pp. 170 sq. — Interpretation of the fiery rites
of Sandan and Perasia, 1 70 sq.

CHAPTER VII. — SARDANAPALUS AND HER-
CULES Pp. 172-187

§ I. The Burning of Sardanapalus, pp. 172-174. — Tarsus said to have been
founded by Sardanapalus, 172 sq. ; his legendary death in the fire, 173 ;
historical foundation of the legend, 173 sq.

§ 2. The Burning of Croesus, pp. 174-179. — Improbability of the story that
Cyrus intended to burn Croesus, 174 sq. ; older and truer tradition that
Croesus attempted to burn himself, 175 sq. ; death of Semiramis in the
fire, 176 sq. ; "great burnings" for Jewish kings, 177 sqq.

§ 3. Purification by Fire, pp. 179-181. — Death by fire a mode of apotheosis,
179 sq. ; fire supposed to purge away the mortal parts of men, leaving
the immortal, 180 sq.

§ 4. The Divinity of Lydian Kings, pp. 182-185. — Descent of Lydian kings
from Hercules, the god of the double axe and the lion, 182 sq. ; Lydian
kings held responsible for the weather and crops, 183 ; the lion-god of
Lydia, 184 ; identity of the Lydian and Cilician Hercules, 184 sq.

§ 5. Hittite Gods at Tarsus and Sardes, p. 185. — The Cilician and Lydian
Hercules (Sandan or Sandon) apparently a Hittite deity, 185.

§ 6. The Resurrection of Tylon, pp. 186-187. — Death and resurrection of the
Lydian hero Tylon, 186 ; feast of the Golden Flower at Sardes, 187.

CHAPTER VIII. — VOLCANIC RELIGION . Pp. 188-222

§ i. The Burning of a God, pp. 188 sq. — The custom of burning a god perhaps
intended to recruit his divine energies, 188 sq.

§ 2. The Volcanic Region of Cappadocia, pp. 189-191. — The custom of burning
a god perhaps related to volcanic phenomena, 189 sq. ; the great extinct
volcano Mount Argaeus in Cappadocia, 190 sq. 9

§ 3. Fire- Worship in Cappadocia, pp. 191-193. — Persian fire-worship in Cappa-
docia, 191 ; worship of natural fires which burn perpetually, 192 sq.

§ 4. The Burnt Land of Lydia, pp. 193-194. — The Burnt Land of Lydia,
J93 s?- > its s°il favourable to the cultivation of the vine, 194.

§ 5. The Earthquake God, pp. 194-203. — Earthquakes in Asia Minor, 194 sq. ;
worship of Poseidon, the earthquake god, 195 sq.\ Spartan propitiation

CHAPTER I

THE MYTH OF ADONIS"

THE spectacle of the great changes which annually pass/The
over the face of the earth has powerfully impressed thfe chanses of

. j /- -11 1 . , , I the seasons

minds of men in all ages, and stirred them to meditate explained
on the causes of transformations so vast and wonderful bythelife
Their curiosity has not been purely disinterested ; for even\ofgods.
the savage cannot fail to perceive how intimately his own
life is bound up with the life of nature, and how the same
processes which freeze the stream and strip the earth of
vegetation menace him with extinction. At a certain
stage of development men seem to have imagined that the
means of averting the threatened calamity were in their
own hands, and that they could hasten or retard the flight
of the seasons by magic art. Accordingly they performed
ceremonies and recited spells to make the rain to fall, the
sun to shine, animals to multiply, and the fruits of the
earth to grow. In course of time the slow advance of
knowledge, which has dispelled so many cherished illusions,
convinced at least the more thoughtful portion of mankind
that the alternations of summer and winter, of spring and
autumn, were not merely the result of their own magical
rites, but that some deeper cause, some mightier power, was
at work behind the shifting scenes of nature. They now
pictured to themselves the growth and decay of vegetation,
the birth and death of living creatures, as effects of the
waxing 6r waning strength of divine beings, of gods and
goddesses, who were born and died, who married and begot
children, on the pattern of human life.

4 THE MYTH OF ADONIS BOOK i

Magical Thus the old magical theory of the seasons was dis-

s placed, or rather supplemented, by a religious theory. For

to revive

the failing although men now attributed the annual cycle -of change
primarily to corresponding changes in their deities, they
still thought that by performing ce,/iain magical rites
they could aid the god, who was the principle of life, in
his^ struggle with the opposing principle of death. They
imagined that they could recruit his lajlmg_ energies'^and
even raise him from the dead. The ceremonies which they
observed for this purpose were in substance a dramatic
representation of the * natural processes which they wished
to facilitate ; for it is a familiar tenet of magic that you
can produce any desired effect by merely imitating it.
And as they now explained the fluctuations of growth and
decay, of reproduction and dissolution, by the marriage, the
death, and the rebirth or revival of the gods, their religious
or rather magical dramas turned in great measure on these
themes. They set forth the fruitful union of the powers of
fertility, the sad death of one at least of the divine partners,
and his joyful resurrection. Thus a religious theory was
blended with a magical practice. The combination is
familiar in history. Indeed, few religions have ever
succeeded in wholly extricating themselves from the old
trammels of magic. The inconsistency of acting on two
opposite principl^sf however it may vex the soul of the
philosopher, rarely troubles the common man ; indeed he
is seldom even aware of it. His affair is to act, not to
analyse the motives of his action. If mankind had always
been logical and wise, history would not be a long chronicle
of folly and crime.1

1 As in the present volume I am con- their own houses and families are en-

cerned with the beliefs and practices of tirely strangers. We find astronomers

Orientals I may quote the following who can predict eclipses, and yet who

passage from one who has lived long believe that eclipses are caused by a

in the East and knows it well : "The dragon swallowing the sun. We find

Oriental mind is free from the trammels holy men who are credited with miracu-

of logic. It is a literal fact that the lous powers and with close communion

Oriental mind can accept and believe with the Deity, who live in drunkenness

two opposite things at the same time. and immorality, and who are capable

We find fully qualified and even learned of elaborate frauds on others. To the

Indian doctors practising Greek medi- Oriental mind, athingmust be incredible

cine, as well as English medicine, and to command a ready belief" ("Riots

enforcing sanitary restrictions to which and Unrest in the Punjab, from a corre-

CHAP, i THE MYTH OF ADONIS 5

Of the changes which the seasons bring with them, the The
most striking within the temperate zone are those which PJinci.Ples
affect vegetation. The influence of the seasons on animals, and of
though great, is not nearly so manifest. Hence it is \fc*on^
natural that in the magical dramas designed to dispel fused in
winter and bring back spring the emphasis should be laid monies^6
on jyegetation, and that trees and plants ,^hoii1H^fi^iirp in
_them more prominently than beasts and birds. Yetthe
two sides of life, the vegetable and the animal, were libt
dissociated in the minds of those who observed the
ceremonies. Indeed they commonly believed that the tie
between the animal and the vegetable world was even
closer than it really is ; hence they often combined the
dramatic representation of reviving plants with a real or a
dramatic union of the sexes for the purpose of furthering
at the same time and by the same act the multiplication^.

QJLEEiaiis, nf animals, and of men. To theSPthe pHHclpIe of

life and fertility, whether animal or vegetable, was one and
indivisible. To live and to cause to live, to eat food and tO|
beget children, these were the primary wants of men in the1,
past, and they . will be the primary wants of men in the ;
future so long as the world lasts. Other things may be
added to enrich and beautify human life, but unless these
wants are first satisfied, humanity itself must cease to existy
These two things, therefore, food and children, were what
men chiefly sought to procure by the performance of magical
rites for the regulation of the seasons.

Nowhere, apparently, have these rites been more widely

spondent," The Times Weekly Edition, deterrent force. If in the following

May 24, 1907, p. 326). Again, speak- pages a lack of logical unity is ob-

ing of the people of the Lower Congo, served, it must be put to the debit of

an experienced missionary describes the native mind, as that lack of logical

their religious ideas as "chaotic in the unity really represents the mistiness of

extreme and impossible to reduce to their views." See Rev. John H.

any systematic order. The same per- Weeks, "Notes on some Customs of

son will tell you at different times that the Lower Congo People," Folk-lore,

the departed spirit goes to the nether xx. (1909) pp. 54 sq. Unless we

regions, or to a dark forest, or to the allow for this innate capacity of the

moon, or to the sun. There is no human mind to entertain contradictory

coherence in their beliefs, and their beliefs at the same time, we shall in

ideas about cosmogony and the future vain attempt to understand the history

are very nebulous. Although they of thought in general and of religion in

believe in punishment after death their particular,
faith is so hazy that it has lost all its

THE MYTH OF ADONIS

BOOK I

Prevalence
of these
rites in
Western
Asia and
Egypt.

Tammuz
or Adonis
in Baby-
lonia.

and solemnly celebrated than in the lands which border the
Eastern Mediterranean. Under the names of Osiris, Tam-
muz, Adonis, and AttisT the peoples of Egypt and Western
Asia represented the yearly decay and revival of life,
especially of vegetable life, which they personified as a god
who annually died and rose again from the dead. In name
and detail the rites varied from place to place : in substance
they were the same. The supposed death and resurrec-
tion ot this oriental deity, a god 01 many names but of
essentially one nature, is the subject of the present inquiry.
We begin with Tammuz or Adonis.1

The worship of Adonis was practised by the Semitic
peoples of Babylonia and Syria, and the Greeks borrowed it
from them as early as the seventh century before Christ.2
The true name of the deity was Tammuz: the appellation
of Adonis is merely the Semitic Adon, " lord," a title of
honour by which his worshippers addressed him.3 In the
Hebrew text of the Old Testament the same name Adonai,

1 The equivalence of Tammuz and
Adonis has been doubted or denied by
some scholars, as by Renan (Mission de
Phtnicie, Paris, 1864, pp. 216, 235)
and by Chwolsohn (Die Ssabier und
der Ssabismus, St. Petersburg, 1856,
ii. 510). But the two gods are identi-
fied by Origen (Selecta in Ezechielem,
Migne's Patrologia Graeca, xiii. 797),
Jerome (Epist. Iviii. 3 and Commentar,
in Ezechielem, viii. 13, 14, Migne's
Patrologia Latina, xxii. 581, xxv. 82),
Cyril of Alexandria (In Isaiam, lib. ii.
tomus. iii., and Comment, on Hosea,
iv. 15, Migne's Patrologia Graeca, Ixx.
441, Ixxi. 136), Theodoretus (In
Ezechielis cap. viii., Migne's Patrologia
Graeca, Ixxxi. 885), the author of the
Paschal Chronicle (Migne's Patrologia
Graeca, xcii. 329) and Melito (in W.
Cureton's Spicilegium Syriacum, Lon-
don, 1855, p. 44) ; and accordingly
we may fairly conclude that, what-
ever their remote origin may have
been, Tammuz and Adonis were in the
later period of antiquity practically
equivalent to each other. Compare
W. W. Graf Baudissin, Studien zur
semitischen Religionsgeschichte(Lz\\>§\c,
1876-1878), i. 299; id., in Realency-

clopddie fur protestantische Theologie
^lnd Kirchengeschichte? s.v. " Tam-
muz " ; id. , Adonis undEsmun (Leipsic,
1911), pp. 94 sqq. ; W. Mannhardt,
Antike Wald- und Feldkulte (Berlin,
1877), pp. 273 sqq.-, Ch. Vellay, « Le
dieu Thammuz," Revue de FHistoire
des Religions, xlix. (1904) pp. 154-162.
-Baudissin holds that Tammuz and
[Adonis were two different gods sprung
Ifrom a common root (Adonis und
Esmun, p. 368). An Assyrian origin
of the cult of Adonis was long ago
affirmed by Macrobius (Sat. i. 21. i).
On Adonis and his worship in general
see also F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier,
i. (Bonn, 1841) pp. 191 sqq.', W. H.
Engel, Kypros (Berlin, 1841), ii. 536
sqq.-, Ch. Vellay, Le culte et les f£tes
d1 Adonis - Thammouz dans F Orient
antique (Paris, 1904).

2 The mourning for Adonis is men-
tioned by Sappho, who flourished about
600 B .c. See Th. Bergk's Poetae Lyrici
Graeci,* iii. (Leipsic, 1867) p. 897 ;
Pausanias, ix. 29. 8.

3 Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Alter-
tums,z i. 2 (Berlin, 1909), pp. 394 sq.\
W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und
Esmun, pp. 65 sqq.

CHAP, i THE MYTH OF ADONIS ^

originally perhaps Adoni, " my lord," is often applied to
Jehovah.1 But the Greeks through a misunderstanding
converted the title of honour into a proper name. While
Tammuz or his equivalent Adonis enjoyed a wide and
lasting popularity among peoples of the Semitic stock,
there are grounds for thinking that his worship originated His wor-
with a race of other blood and other speech, the Sumerians. to'Ea^T"
who in the dawn of history inhabited the flat alluvial plain originated
at the head of the Persian Gulf and created the civilization
which was afterwards called Babylonian. The origin and
affinities of this people are unknown ; in physical type and
language they differed from all their neighbours, and their
isolated position, wedged in between alien races, presents
to the student of mankind problems of the same sort as the
isolation of the Basques and Etruscans among the Aryan
peoples of Europe. An ingenious, but unproved, hypothesis
would represent them as immigrants driven from central Asia
/by that gradual desiccation which for ages seems to have
\been converting once fruitful lands into a waste and burying
the seats of ancient civilization under a sea of shifting sand.
Whatever their place of origin may have been, it is certain
that in Southern Babylonia the Sumerians attained at a
very early period to a considerable pitch of civilization ; for
they tilled the soil, reared cattle, built cities, dug canals,
and even invented a system of writing, which their Semitic
neighbours in time borrowed from them.2 In the pantheon

1 Encyclopaedia Biblica, ed. T. K. pp. 10 sq., 349; Fr. Hommel, Grund-

Cheyne and J. S. Black, iii. 3327. riss der Geographic und Geschichte des

In the Old Testament the title Adoni, alien Orients (Munich, 1904), pp. 18

"my lord," is frequently given to men. sqq. ; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Alter-

See, for example, Genesis xxxiii. 8, turns* i. 2 (Berlin, 1909), pp. 401 sqq.

13, 14, 15, xlii. 10, xliii. 20, xliv. 5, As to the hypothesis that the Sumerians

7, 9, 16, 18, 19, 20, 22, 24. were immigrants from Central Asia, see

(^fc. P. Tiele, Geschichte der Religion L. W. King, History of Sumer and

irh-JLltertum (Gotha, 1896-1903), i. Akkad, pp. 351 sqq. The gradual

134 sqq. ; G. Maspero, Histoire desiccation of Central Asia, which

Ancienne des Peuples de ? Orient is conjectured to have caused the

Classique, les Origines (Paris, 1895), Sumerian migration, has been simi-

pp. 550 sq. ; L. W. King, Babylonian larly invoked to explain the downfall

Religion and Mythology (London, of the Roman empire ; for by render-

1899), pp. I sqq.', id., A History of ing great regions uninhabitable it is

Sumer and Akkad (London, 1910), supposed to have driven hordes of

pp. i sqq., 40 sqq.-, H. Winckler, in fierce barbarians to find new homes in

E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften imd Europe. See Professor J. W. Gregory's

das alte Testament* (Berlin, 1902), lecture "Is the earth drying up?"

THE MYTH OF ADONIS

BOOK I

Tammuz
the lover
of Ishtar.

Descent of
Ishtar to
the nether
world to
recover
Tammuz.

of this ancient people Tammuz appears to have been one of
tfie oldest, though certainly not one of the most important
figures.1 His name consists of a Sumerian phrase meaning
" true son " or. in a fuller form. " true son of the deep
water,"2 and among the inscribed Sumerian texts which
haveTsurvived the wreck of empires are a number of hymns
in his honour, which were written down not later than about
two thousand years before our era but were almost certainly
composed at a much earlier time.3

In the religious literature of Babylonia Tammuz appears
as the youthful spouse or lover of Ishtar, the great mother
goddess, the embodiment of the reproductive energies of
nature. The references to their connexion with each other
in myth and ritual are both fragmentary and obscure, but
we gather from them that every year Tammuz was believed
to die, passing away from the cheerful earth to the gloomy
subterranean world, and that every year his divine mistress
lourneved in quest of him " to the land from which there is
no returning, to the house of darkness, where dust lies on
door and bojt." During her absence the passion of love
ceased to operate : men and beasts alike forgot to reproduce
their kinds : all life was threatened with extinction. So

delivered before the Royal Geographical
Society and reported in The Times,
December 9th, 1913. It is held by
Prof. Hommel (op. cit. pp. 19 sqq.) that
the Sumerian language belongs to the
Ural-altaic family, but the better opinion
seems to be that its linguistic affinities
are unknown. The view, once ardently
advocated, that Sumerian was not a
language but merely a cabalistic mode
of writing Semitic, is now generally
exploded.

1 H. Zimmern, " Der babylonische
Gott Tamuz," Abhandlungen der philo-
logisch- historischen Klasse der Kb'nigL
Sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissen-
schaften, xxvii. No. xx. (Leipsic,
1909) pp. 701, 722.

2 Dumu-zi, or in fuller form Dumu-
zi-abzu. See P. Jensen, Assyrisch-
Babylonische My then und Epen (Ber-
lin, 1900), p. 560 ; H. Zimmern, op.
cit. pp. 703 sqq.\ id., in E. Schrader's

Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Tes-'
tament* (Berlin, 1902), p. 397; P.
Dhorme, La Religion Assyro - Baby-
lonienne (Paris, 1910), p. 105 ; W.
W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun
(Leipsic, 1911), p. 104.

3 H. Zimmern, " Der babylonische
Gott Tamuz," Abhandl. d. Kb'n. Sachs.
Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, xxvii.
No. xx. (Leipsic, 1909) p. 723. For
the text and translation of the hymns,
see H. Zimmern, " Sumerisch- baby-
lonische Tamuzlieder," Berichte iiber
die Verhandlungen der Kb'niglich
Sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissen-
schaften zu Leipzig, Philologisch • his-
torische Klasse, lix. (1907) pp. 201-252.
Compare H. Gressmann, Altorienta-
lische Texte und Bilder (Tubingen,
1909), i. 93 sqq.\ W. W. Graf Baudis-
sin, Adonis und Esmun (Leipsic,
1911), pp. 99 sq.\ R. W. Rogers,
C^meiform Parallels to the Old Testa-
ment (Oxford, N.D.), pp. 179-185.

CHAP, i THE MYTH OF ADONIS 9

intimately bound up with the goddess were the sexual
functions of the whole animal kingdom that without her
presence they could not be discharged. A messenger of the
great god Ea was accordingly despatched to rescue the
goddess on whom so much depended. The stern queen of
the infernal regions, Allatu or Eresh-Kigal by name, re-
luctantly allowed Tshtar to-bg-^ptHnlflsrl .^ilth tfrp Water
of Life and__to_depart, in company probably with her lover
Tammuz, that the two might return together to the upper
world, and that with their return all nature might revive.

^Laments for the departed Tammuz are contained in Laments
several Babylonian hymns, which liken him to plants that
quickly fade. He is

" A tamarisk that in the garden has drunk no water,

Whose crown in the field has brought forth no blossom.
A willow that rejoiced not by the watercourse,

A willow whose roots were torn up.
A herb that in the garden had drunk no water"

His death appears to have been annually mourned, to Jhe
shrill music of flutes, by men and women about midsummer
Jn the pnnnl-h nampH after him, the iftofith of^Tammuz.
The dirges were seemingly chanted over an effigy of the
dead god, which was washed with purc_wal£iv-afteiflted'wifh
ojl^and clad in a red robe, while the fumes of incense__rpse
into theTair, as IF to stirliis dormant senses-by^-lhcii pungent
fragrance and wake him from the sleep of death.^_Jj^ one
of these^dirges, inscribed Lament of the Flutes~for Tammuz,
we seem still to hear the voices of the singers chanting the
sad refrain and to catch, like far-away music, the wailing
notes of the flutes : —

"j4.t his vanishing away she lifts up a lament,

_0k my child!** at his vanishing away she lifts up a lament;
_' My Damj^f' at his vanishing away she lifts up a lament.
^ M v enchanter and priest ! ' at his vanishing away she lifts up a

lament,
At the shining cedar, rooted in a spacious place,

In Eanna, above and below, she lifts up a lament.
Like the lament that a house lifts up for its master, lifts she up a

lament,

Like the lament that a city lifts up for its lord, lifts she up a
lament.

THE MYTH OF ADONIS

BOOK I

Her lament is the lament for a herb that grows not in the bed,

Her lament is the lament for the corn that grows not in the ear.
Her chamber is a possession that brings not forth a possession,

A weary woman, a weary child, forspent.
Her lament is for a great river, where no willows grow,

Her lament is for a field, where corn and herbs grow not.
Her lament is for a pool, where fishes grow not.

Her lament is for a thicket of reeds, where no reeds grow.
Her lament is for woods, where tamarisks grow not.

Her lament is for a wilderness where no cypresses (?) grow.
Her lament is for the depth of a garden of trees, where honey and wine
grow not.

Her lament is for meadows, where no plants grow.
Her lament is for a palace, where length of life grows not." 1

Adonis Tlie_tragical story and the melancholy rites of Adonis

m Greek are better known to us from the descriptions of Greek

mythology v . ""

merely a writers than from the fragments of Babylonian literature or

1 A. Jeremias, Die babylonisch-as-
syrischen Vorstellungen vom Leben nach
dent Tode (Leipsic, 1887), pp. 4 sqq. ;
id., in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der
griech. tmd rb'm. Mythologie, ii. 808,
iii. 258 sqq. ; M. Jastrow, The Religion
o/BabylomaandAssyria(RQ$,\.on, 1 898),
PP- 56S-576, 584, 682^.; W.L.King,
Babylonian Religion and Mythology, pp.
178-183 ; P. Jensen, Assyrisch-baby-
lonische Mythen und Epen, pp. 81
sqq., 95 sqq., 169 ; R. F. Harper,
Assyrian and Babylonian Literature
(New York, 1901), pp. 316 sq., 338,
408 sqq. ; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's
Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testa-
ment* pp. 397 sqq., 561 sqq. ', id.,
" Sumerisch - babylonische Tamuzlie-
der," Berickte uber die Verhandlungen
der fconiglich Sachsischen Gesellschaft
der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philolo-
gisch-historische Klasse, lix. (1907) pp.
220, 232, 236 sq. ; id., "Der baby-
lonische Gott Tamuz," Abhandlnngen
der philologisch-historischen Klasse der
» Kb'nigl. Sachsischen Gesellschaft der
Wissenschaften, xxvii. No. xx. (Leipsic,
1909) pp. 725 sq., 729-735; H.
Gressmann, Altorientalische Texte und
Bilder zum Alten Testamente (Tubin-
gen, 1909), i. 65-69 ; R. W. Rogers,
Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testa-
ment (Oxford, N.D.), pp. 121-131 ;
W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und

Esmun (Leipsic, 1911), pp. 99 sqq.,
353 S1<J' According to Jerome (on
Ezekiel viii. 14) the month of Tammuz
was June ; but according to modern
scholars it corresponded rather to July,
or to part of June and part of July.
See F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, i.
210; F. Lenormant, "II mito di
Adone-Tammuz nei documenti cunei-
formi," Atti del IV. Congresso Inter -
nazionale degli Orientalisti (Florence,
1880), i. 144 sq. ; W. Mannhardt,
Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, p. 275 ;
Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.v. " Months,"
iii. 3194. My friend W. Robertson
Smith informed me that owing to the
variations of the local Syrian calendars
the month of Tammuz fell in different
places at different times, from mid-
summer to autumn, or from June
to September. According to Prof.
M. Jastrow, the festival of Tammuz
was celebrated just before the summer
solstice (The Religion of Babylonia and
Assyria, pp. 547,1682). He observes
that " the calendar of the Jewish
Church still marks the I7th day of
Tammuz as a fast, and Houtsma has
shown that the association of the day
with the capture of Jerusalem by the
Romans represents merely the attempt
to give an ancient festival a worthier
interpretation."

CHAP.

THE MYTH OF ADONIS

the brief reference of the prophet Ezekiel, who saw the reflection
women of Jerusalem weeping for Tammuz at the north gate oriental
of the temple.1 JMirrored in the glass of Greek mythology, Tammuz.
Jthe oriental deity appears as a comely youth beloved by
Aphrodite. In his infancy the goddess hid him in a chest,
which she gave in charge to Persephone, queen of the nether
world. But when Persephone opened the chest and beheld
the beauty of the babe, she refused to give him back to
Aphrodite, though the goddess of love went down herself to
hell to ransom her dear one from the power of the grave.
The dispute between the two goddesses of love and death
was settled by Zeus, who decreed that Adonis should jibide
with Persephone in the ulTdeT^wrjrtd^bT^one part of thej^ear,

and with Aphrodite in the upper world fbr_another_
_At laslTthe faiPybuth was kiiled in huntlng"by a wild boar,
sgrjgy the jealous Ares, who turned himself into the likeness
,pf a boar in order to compass the death of his rival.
.Bitterly did Aphrodite lament her loved and lost Adonis.2
The strife between the divine rivals for the possession of
Adonis appears to be depicted on an Etruscan mirror. The
two goddesses, identified by inscriptions, are stationed on
either side of Jupiter, who occupies the seat of judgment
and lifts an admonitory finger as he looks sternly towards
Persephone. Overcome with grief the goddess of love buries
her face in her mantle, while her pertinacious rival, grasping
a branch in one hand, points with the other at a closed
coffer, which probably contains the youthful Adonis.3 In

kindred gods Adonis, Attis, and Osiris
see Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild,
ii. 22 sqq., where I have suggested
that the idea of the boar as the foe of
the god may be based on the terrible
ravages which wild pigs notoriously
commit in fields of corn.

3 W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis
und Esmun (Leipsic, 1911), pp. 152
sq., with plate iv. As to the repre-
sentation of the myth of Adonis on
Etruscan mirrors and late works of
Roman art, especially sarcophaguses
and wall-paintings, see Otto Jahn,
Archdologische Beitrdge (Berlin, 1847),
pp. 45-51.

503 sqq. ; Aristides^ Apology, Sdltfid
by J. Rendel Harris (Cambridge,
1891), pp. -44, 1 06 sq. In Babylonian
texts relating to Tammuz no reference
has yet been found to death by a boar.
See H. Zimmern, " Sumerisch-baby-
lonische Tamuzlieder," p. 451 ; id.,
"Der babylonische Gott Tamiiz," p.
731. Baudissin inclines to think that
the incident of the boar is a late impor-
tation into the myth of Adonis. See
his Adonis und Esmun, pp. 142 sqq.
As to the relation of the boar to the

12 THE MYTH OF ADONIS BOOK i

this form of the myth, the contest between Aphrodite and
Persephone for the possession of Adonis clearly reflects the
struggle between Ishtar and Allatu in the land of the dead,
while the decision of Zeus that Adonis is to spend one part
of the year under ground and another part above ground
is merely a Greek version of the annual disappearance and
reappearance of Tammuz.

CHAPTER II

ADONIS IN SYRIA

of Adonis was localized and his rites celebrated
with much solemnity at two places in Western Asia. One
of these was Byblus on the ix^as±.-n£-SynaT the other was
Paphos in Cyprus. Both were great seats of the worship
of Aphrodite, or rather of her Semitic counterpart, Astarte ; l
and of both, if we accept the legends, Cinyras, the father of
Adonis, was king.2 Of the two cities Byblus was the more
ancient ; indeed it claimed to be the oldest city in Phoenicia,
and to have been founded in the early ages of the world by
the great god El, whom Greeks and Romans identified with
Cronus and Saturn respectively.3 However that may have
been, in historical times it ranked as a holy place, the
religious capital of the country, the Mecca or Jerusalem
of the Phoenicians.4 The city stood on a height beside
the sea,5 and contained a great sanctuary of Astarte,6 where

(Byblus). See Melito, "Oration to
Antoninus Caesar," in W. Cureton's
Spicilegium Syriacum (London, 1855),
p. 44.

3 Philo of Byblus, quoted by Euse-
bius, Praeparatio Evangelii, i. 10 ;
Fragment a Historicorum Graecorum,
ed. C. Muller, iii. 568; Stephanus
Byzantius, s.v. Biy/3Xos. Byblus is a
Greek corruption of the Semitic Gebal
(^3J), the name which the place still
retains. See E. Renan, Mission de
Phtnicie (Paris, 1864), p. 155.

4 R. Pietschmann, Geschichte der
Phoenizier (Berlin, 1889), p. 139.
On the coins it is designated " Holy
Byblus."

6 Strabo, xvi. I. 1 8, p. 755.
6 Lucian, De dea Syria, 6.

brship
f Adonis
nd Astarte
at Byblus,
the king-
dom of
Cinyras.

1 The ancients were aware that the
Syrian and Cyprian Aphrodite, the
mistress of Adonis, was no other than
Astarte. See Cicero, De natura deo-
rum, iii. 23. 59 ; Joannes Lydus, De
mensibus, iv. 44. On Adonis in
Phoenicia see W. W. Graf Baudissin,
Adonis und Esmun (Leipsic, 1911),
pp. 71 sgq.

2 As to Cinyras, see F. C. Movers,
Die Phoenizier, i. 238 sqq., ii. 2. 226-
231 ; W. H. Engel, Kypros (Berlin,
1841), i. 168-173, "• 94-136; Stoll,
s.v. " Kinyras," in W. H. Roscher's
Lexikon der griech. und rom. Mytho-
logie, ii. 1189 sqq. Melito calls the
father of Adonis by the name of Cuthar,
and represents him as king of the
Phoenicians with his capital at Gebal

14. ADONIS IN SYRIA BOOK r

in the midst of a spacious open court, surrounded by
cloisters and approached from below by staircases, rose a
tall cone or obelisk, the holy image of the goddess.1 In
this sanctuary the rites of Adonis were celebrated.2 Indeed
the whole city was sacred to him,3 and the river Nahr
Ibrahim, which falls into the sea a little to the south of
Byblus, bore in antiquity the name of Adonis.4 This was
The kings the kingdom of Cinyras.5 From the earliest to the latest
times the city appears to have been ruled by kings, assisted
perhaps by a senate or council of elders.6 The first of the
kings of whom we have historical evidence was a certain
Zekar-baal. He reigned about a century before Solomon ;
yet from that dim past his figure stands out strangely fresh
and lifelike in the journal of an Egyptian merchant or official
named Wen-Ammon, which has fortunately been preserved
in a papyrus. This man spent some time with the king at
Byblus, and received from him, in return for rich presents, a
supply of timber felled in the forests of Lebanon.7 Another
king of Byblus, who bore the name of Sibitti-baal, paid
tribute to Tiglath-pileser III., king of Assyria, about the
year 739 B.C.8 Further, from an inscription of the fifth or
fourth century before our era we learn that a king of Byblus,
by name Yehaw-melech, son of Yehar-baal, and grandson
of Adom-melech or Uri-melech, dedicated a pillared portico
with a carved work of gold and a bronze altar to the goddess,
whom he worshipped under the name of Baalath Gebal, that
is, the female Baal of Byblus.9

1 The sanctuary and image are Nat. Hist. v. 78 ; E. Renan, Mission
figured on coins of Byblus. See T. de Phtnicie, pp. 282 sqq.

L. Donaldson, Architecture, Numis- 5 Eustathius, Commentary on Diony-

matica (London, 1859), pp. 105 sq. ; sius Periegetes, 912 (Geographi Graeci

E. Renan, Mission de Phtnicie, p. Minores, ed. C. Miiller, ii. 376) ;

177 ; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, His- Melito, in W. Cureton's Spicilegium

toire de VArt dans r Antiquity iii. Syriacum, p. 44.

(Paris, 1885) p. 60; R. Pietschmann, 6 Ezekiel xxvii. 9. As to the name

Geschichte der Phoenizier, p. 202 ; G. Gebal see above, p. 13, note 1.
Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples 7 L. B. Paton, The Early History of

de rOrient Classique, ii. (Paris, 1897) Syria and Palestine (London, 1902),

p. 173. Renan excavated a massive pp. 169-171. See below, pp. 75 sq.
square pedestal built of colossal stones, 8 L. B. Paton, op. cit. p. 235 ; R. F.

which he thought may have supported Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian

the sacred obelisk (op. cit. pp. 174-178). Literature, p. 57 (the Nimrud inscrip-

2 Lucian, De dea Syria, 6. tion of Tiglath-pileser III.).

3 Strabo, xvi. i. 18, p. 755. 9 The inscription was discovered by

4 Lucian, De dea Syria, 8 ; Pliny, Renan. See Ch. Vellay, Le culte et

CHAP. II

ADONIS IN SYRIA

The names of these kings suggest that they claimed Divinity of
affinity with their god Baal or Moloch, for Moloch is only
a corruption of melech, that is, " king." Such a claim at
all events appears to have been put forward by many
other Semitic kings.1 The early monarchs of Babylon were
worshipped as gods in their lifetime.2 Mesha, king of
Moab, perhaps called himself the son of his god Kemosh.3
Among the Aramean sovereigns of Damascus, mentioned
in the Bible, we find more than one Ben-hadad, that is, " son
of the god Hadad," the chief male deity of the Syrians;4
and Josephus tells us that down to his own time, in the first
century of our era, Ben-hadad I., whom he calls simply
Adad, and his successor, Hazael, continued to be worshipped
as gods by the people of Damascus, who held processions
daily in their honour.5 Some of the kings of Edom seem
to have gone a step farther and identified themselves with
the god in their lifetime ; at all events they bore his name
Hadad without any qualification.6 King Bar-rekub, who

les fites d* Adonis - Thammouz dans
V Orient antique (Paris, 1904), pp. 38
sq. ; G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-
Semitic Inscriptions (Oxford. 1903),
No. 3, pp. 1 8 sq. In the time of
Alexander the Great the king of Byblus
was a certain Enylus (Arrian, Anabasis,
ii. 20), whose name appears on a coin
of the city (F. C. Movers, Die Phoe-
nizier, ii. i, p. 103, note 81).

1 On the divinity of Semitic kings
and the kingship of Semitic gods see
W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites*
(London, 1894), pp. 44 sq., 66 sqq.

2 H. Radau, Early Babylonian His-
tory (New York and London, 1900),
pp. 307-317 ; P. Dhorme, La Religion
Assyro-Babylonienne (Paris, 1910), pp.
1 68 sqq.

3 The evidence for this is the
Moabite stone, but the reading of the
inscription is doubtful. See S. R.
Driver, in Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.v.
"Mesha," vol. iii. 3041 sqq. ; id.,
Notes on the Hebrew Text and the
Topography of the Books of Samuel,
Second Edition (Oxford, 1913), pp.
Ixxxv., Ixxxvi. , Ixxxviii. sq. ; G. A.
Cooke, Text - book of North - Semitic
Inscriptions, No. I, pp. I sq., 6.

4 2 Kings viii. 7, 9, xiii. 24 sq. ;
Jeremiah xlix. 27. As to the god
Hadad see Macrobius, Saturn, i. 23.
17-19 (where, as so often in late writers,
the Syrians are called Assyrians) ; Philo
of Byblus, in Fragmenta Historicorum
Graecorum, ed. C. Muller, iii. 569 ;
F. Baethgen, Beitrdge zur semitischen
Religionsgeschichte (Berlin, 1888), pp.
66-68; G. A. Cooke, Text-book of
North - Semitic Inscriptions, Nos. 6l,
62, pp. 161 sg., 164, 173, 175; M. J.
Lagrange, Etudes sur les Religions
Stmitiques* ( Paris, 1905), pp. 93, 493,
496 sq. The prophet Zechariah speaks
(xii. ii) of a great mourning of or for
Hadadrimmon in the plain of Megid-
don. This has been taken to refer to
a lament for Hadad - Rimmon, the
Syrian god of rain, storm, and thunder,
like the lament for Adonis. See S. R.
Driver's note on the passage ( The
Minor Prophets, pp. 266 sq., Century
Bible] ; W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis
und Esmun, p. 92.

5 Josephus, Antiquit. Jud. ix. 4. 6.

6 Genesis xxxvi. 35 sq. ; i Kings
xi. 14-22 ; i Chronicles i. 50 sq. Of
the eight kings of Edom mentioned in
Genesis (xxxvi. 31-39) and in i Chron-

ADONIS IN SYRIA

BOOK I

reigned over Samal in North-Western Syria in the time of
Tiglath-pileser (745-727 B.C.) appears from his name to
have reckoned himself a son of Rekub-el, the god to whose
favour he deemed himself indebted for the kingdom.1 The
kings of Tyre traced their descent from Baal,2 and apparently
professed to be gods in their own person.3 Several of them
bore names which are partly composed of the names of
Baal and Astarte ; one of them bore the name of Baal pure
and simple.4 The Baal whom they personated was no
doubt Melcarth, " the king of the city," as his name signifies,
the great god whom the Greeks identified with Hercules ;
for the equivalence of the Baal of Tyre both to Melcarth
and to Hercules is placed beyond the reach of doubt by a
bilingual inscription, in Phoenician and Greek, wrhich was
found in Malta.5

In like manner the kings of Byblus may have assumed
the style of Adonis ; for Adonis was simply the divine Adon

icles (i. 43-50) not one was the son
of his predecessor. This seems to
indicate that in Edom, as elsewhere, the
blood royal was traced in the female
line, and that the kings were men of
other families, or even foreigners, who
succeeded to the throne by marrying
the hereditary princesses. See The
Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings,
ii. 268 sqq. The Israelites were for-
bidden to have a foreigner for a king
(Deuteronomy xvii. 15 with S. R.
Driver's note), which seems to imply
that the custom was known among
their neighbours. It is significant that
some of the names of the kings of Edom
seem to be those of divinities, as Prof.
A. H. Sayce observed long ago (Lec-
tures on the Religion of the Ancient
Babylonians, London and Edinburgh,
1887, p. 54).

1 G. A. Cooke, op. cit. Nos. 62, 63,
pp. 163, 165, 173 sqq., 181 sqq. ;
M. J. Lagrange, op. cit. pp. 496 sqq.
The god Rekub-el is mentioned along
with the gods Hadad, El, Reshef, and
Shamash in an inscription of King
Bar-rekub's mortal father, King Pan-
ammu (G. A. Cooke, op. cit. No. 61,
p. 161).

2 Virgil, Aen. i. 729 sq., with

Servius's note ; Silius Italicus, Punica,
i. 86 sqq.

3 Ezekiel xxviii. 2, 9.

4 Menander of Ephesus, quoted by
Josephus, Contra Apionem, i. i8and 21 ;
Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum,
ed. C. Miiller, iv. 446 sq. According
to the text of Josephus, as edited by
B. Niese, the names of the kings in
question were Abibal, Balbazer, Abd-
astart, Methusastart, son of Leastart,
Ithobal, Balezor, Baal, Balator, Merbal.
The passage of Menander is quoted also
by Eusebius, Chronic, i. pp. 118, 120,
ed. A. Schoene.

5 G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-
Semitic Inscriptions, No. 36, p. 102.
As to Melcarth, the Tyrian Hercules,
see Ed. Meyer, s.v. " Melqart," in
W. H. Roscher's Lexikon d. griech. u.
rbm. Mythologie, ii. 2650 sqq. One of
the Tyrian kings seems to have been
called Abi-milk (Abi-melech), that is,
"father of a king" or "father of
Moloch," that is, of Melcarth. A
letter of his to the king of Egypt is
preserved in the Tel-el-Amarna corre-
spondence. See R. F. Harper, Assyrian
and Babylonian Literature, p. 237. As
to a title which implies that the bearer
of it was the father of a god, see below,
pp. 51 sq.

CHAP, ii ADONIS IN SYRIA 17

or " lord " of the city, a title which hardly differs in sense Divinity
from Baal (" master ") and Melech (" king "). This conjecture pfh£enician
would be confirmed if one of the kings of Byblus actually kings of
bore, as Renan believed, the name of Adom-melech, that is, f^the
Adonis Melech, the Lord King. But, unfortunately, the read- Canaanite
ing of the inscription in which the name occurs is doubtful.
Some of the old Canaanite kings of Jerusalem appear to have /
played the part of Adonis in their lifetime, if we may judge I
from their names, Adoni-bezek and Adoni-zedek,2 which are?
divine rather than human titles. Adoni-zedek means " lordj
of righteousness," and is therefore equivalent to MelchizedeE^
that is, " king of righteousness," the title of that mysterious
king of Salem and priest of God Most High, who seems to
have been neither more nor less than one of these same__
Canaanitish kings of Jerusalem.3 Thus if the old priestly
kings of Jerusalem regularly played the part of Adonis, we
need not wonder that in later times the women of Jerusalem
used to weep for Tammuz, that is, for Adonis, at the north
gate of the temple.4 In doing so they may only have been,
continuing a custom which had been observed in the same
place by the Canaanites long before the Hebrews invaded
the land. Perhaps the " sacred men," as they were called, The
who lodged within the walls of the temple at Jerusalem
down almost to the end of the Jewish kingdom,5 may have Jerusalem,
acted the part of the living Adonis to the living Astarte of
the women. At all events we know that in the cells of

1 E. Renan, quoted by Ch. Vellay, throne of his father David. These
Leculteetlesfetesd'Adonis-Thammouz, names are commonly interpreted as
p. 39. Mr. Cooke reads I^DIN (Uri- sentences expressive of the nature of
milk) instead of iSmx (Adon-milk) the god whom the bearer of the name
(G. A. Cooke, Text -book of North- worshipped. See Prof. Th. Noldeke,
Semitic Inscriptions, No. 3, p. 18). vaEncyclopaediaBiblica.s.v. "Names,"

2 Judges i. 4-7; Joshua x. I sqq. "i- 3286. It is quite possible that

3 Genesis xiv. 18-20, with Prof. names which once implied divinity were
S. R. Driver's commentary ; Encyclo- afterwards degraded by application to
paedia Biblica, s.w. "Adoni-bezek," common men.

_" Adoni-zedek," " Melchizedek." It * Ezekiel viii. 14.
is to be observed that names com-
pounded with Adoni- were occasionally 6 They were banished from the
borne by private persons. Such names temple by King Josiah, who came to
are Adoni -kam (Ezra ii. 13) and the throne in 637 B.C. Jerusalem fell
Adoni-ram (i Kings iv. 6), not to just fifty-one years later. See 2 Kings
mention Adoni-jah (i Kings i. 5 sqq.), xxiii. 7. As to these "sacred men"
"who was a prince and aspired to the (kedeshim), see below, pp. 72 sqq.
PT. IV. VOL. I C

ADONIS IN SYRIA

BOOK I

David as

kings of
Jerusalem.

these strange clergy women wove garments for the asherim?
the sacred poles which stood beside the altar and which
appear to have been by some regarded as embodiments of
Astarte.? Certainly these " sacred men " must have dis-
charged some function which was deemed religious in the
temple at Jerusalem ; and we can hardly doubt that the
prohibition to bring the wages of prostitution into the house
of God, which was published at the very same time that the
men were expelled from the temple,3 was directed against
an existing practice. In Palestine as in other Semitic lands
the hire of sacred prostitutes was probably dedicated to
the deity as one of his regular dues : he took tribute of men
and women as of flocks and herds, of fields and vineyards
and oliveyards.

But if Jerusalem had been from of old the seat of a
dynasty of spiritual potentates or Grand Lamas, who held
the keys of heaven and were revered far and wide as kings
and gods in one, we can easily understand why the upstart
David chose it for the capital of the new kingdom which he
had won for himself at the point of the sword. The central
position and the natural strength of the virgin fortress need
not have been the only or the principal inducements which

1 2 Kings xxiii. 7, where, following
the Septuagint, we must apparently
read D'jpis for the D'na of the Massoretic
Text. So R. Kittel and J. Skinner.

2 The asherah (singular of asherini}
was certainly of wood (Judges vi. 26) :
it seems to have been a tree stripped
of its branches and planted in the
ground beside an altar, whether of
Jehovah or of other gods (Deuteronomy
xvi. 21 ; Jeremiah xvii. 2). That the
asherah was regarded as a goddess, the
female partner of Baal, appears from
i Kings xviii. 19; 2 Kings xxi. 3, xxiii.
4 ; and that this goddess was identified
with Ashtoreth (Astarte) may be in-
ferred from a comparison of Judges ii.
13 with Judges iii. 7. Yet on the
other hand the pole or tree seems by
others to have been viewed as a male
power (Jeremiah ii. 27 ; see below, pp.
107 sgq.), and the identification of the
asherah with Astarte has been doubted
or disputed by some eminent modern

scholars. See on this subject W. Robert-
son Smith, Religion of the Semites? pp.
187 sqq. ; S. R. Driver, on Deuteronomy
xvi. 21 ; J. Skinner, on I Kings xiv.
23 ; M. J. Lagrange, Etudes sur les
religions Sdmitiques^ pp. 173 sqq. •
G. F. Moore, in Encyclopaedia Biblica,
vol. i. 330 jy^., s.v. "Asherah."

3 Deuteronomy xxiii. 17 sq. (in
Hebrew 18 sq.}. The code of Deuter-
onomy was published in 621 B.C. in
the reign of King Josiah, whose re-
forms, including the ejection of the
kedeshim from the temple, were based
upon it. See *W. Robertson Smith,
The Old Testament in the Jewish
Church 2 (London and Edinburgh,
1892), pp. 256 sqq., 353 sqq. ; S. R.
Driver, Critical and Exegetical Com-
mentary on Deuteronomy* (Edinburgh,
1902), pp. xliv. sqq. ; K. Budde,
Geschichte der althebrdischen Litteratur
(Leipsic, 1906), pp. 105 sqq.

CHAP. II

ADONIS IN SYRIA

decided the politic monarch to transfer his throne from
Hebron to Jerusalem.1 By serving himself heir to the
ancient kings of the city he might reasonably hope to
inherit their ghostly repute along with their broad acres,
to wear their nimbus as well as their crown.2 So at a later
time when he had conquered Ammon and captured the
royal city of Rabbah, he took the heavy gold crown of the
Ammonite god Milcom and placed it on his own brows,
thus posing as the deity in person.3 It can hardly, there-
fore, be unreasonable to suppose that he pursued precisely
the same policy at the conquest of Jerusalem. And on
the other side the calm confidence with which the Jebusite
inhabitants of that city awaited his attack, jeering at the
besiegers from the battlements,4 may well have been born of
a firm trust in the local deity rather than in the height and
thickness of their grim old walls. Certainly the obstinacy

1 He reigned seven years in Hebron
and thirty- three in Jerusalem (2 Samuel
v. 5 ; i Kings ii. 1 1 ; I Chronicles
xxix. 27).

2 Professor A. H. Sayce has argued
that David's original name was Elhanan
(2 Samuel xxi. 1*9 compared with xxiii.
24), and that the name David, which
he took at a later time, should be
written Dod or Dodo, -"the Beloved
One," which according to Prof. Sayce
was a name for Tammuz (Adonis) in
Southern Canaan, and was in particular
bestowed by the Jebusites of Jerusalem
on their supreme deity. See A. H.
Sayce, Lectures on the Religion of the
Ancient Babylonians (London and
Edinburgh, 1887), pp. 52-57. If he
is right, his conclusions would accord
perfectly with those which I had reached
independently, and it would become
probable that David only assumed the
name of David (Dod, Dodo) after the
conquest of Jerusalem, and for the pur-
pose of identifying himself with the god
of the city, who had borne the same
title from time immemorial. But on
the whole it seems more likely, as
Professor Kennett points out to me,
that in the original story Elhanah, a
totally different person from David,
was the slayer of Goliath, and that
the part of the giant-killer was thrust

on David at a later time when the
brightness of his fame had eclipsed
that of many lesser heroes.

3 2 Samuel xii. 26-31 ; I Chronicles
xx. 1-3. Critics seem generally to
agree that in these passages the word
D^D must be pointed Milcom, not
malcham "their king," as the Masso-
retic text, followed by the English
version, has it. The reading Milcom,
which involves no change of the original
Hebrew text, is supported by the read-
ing of the Septuagint MoAxfy* TOV
/SaertX^ws avrtav, where the three last
words are probably a gloss on Mo\x<fy*.
See S. R. Driver, Notes on the Hebrew
Text and the Topography of the Books
of Samuel, Second Edition (Oxford,
1913), p. 294 ; Dean Kirkpatrick, in
his note on 2 Samuel xii. 30 (Cam-
bridge Bible for Schools and Colleges] ;
Encyclopaedia Biblica, iii. 3085 ; R.
Kittel, Biblia Hebraica, i. 433; Brown,
Driver, and Briggs, Hebrew and
English Lexicon of the Old Testament
(Oxford, 1906), pp. 575 sq. David's
son and successor adopted the worship
of Milcom and made a high place for
him outside Jerusalem. See i Kings
xi. 5 ; 2 Kings xxiii. 13.

4 2 Samuel v. 6-10; i Chronicles
xi. 4-9.

ADONIS IN SYRIA

BOOK I

with which in after ages the Jews defended the same place
against the armies of Assyria and Rome sprang in large
measure from a similar faith in the God of Zion.
Traces of Be that as it may, the history of the Hebrew kings

^Hebrew7 Presents some features which may perhaps, without straining
kings. them too far, be interpreted as traces or relics of a time
when they or their predecessors played the part of a
divinity, and particularly of Adonis, the divine lord of the
(land. In life the Hebrew -king was regularly addressed
\ as Adoni-ham-melech, "My Lord the King,"1 and after
\ death he was lamented with cries of Hoi ahi ! Hoi Adon !
I " Alas my brother ! alas Lord ! " 2 These exclamations of
grief uttered for the death of a king of Judah were, we
/ can hardly doubt, the very same cries which the weeping
/ women of Jerusalem uttered in the north porch of the
(^temple for the dead Tammuz.3 However, little stress can
be laid on such forms of address, since Adon in Hebrew,
like " lord " in English, was a secular as well as a
religious title. But whether identified with Adonis or
not, the Hebrew kings certainly seem to have been
regarded as in a sense divine, as representing and to

1 See for example I Samuel xxiv.
8 ; 2 Samuel xiv. 9, 12, 15, 17, 18,
19, 22, xv. 15, 21, xvi. 4, 9, xviii.
28, 31, 32; i Kings i. 2, .13, 18, 20,
21, 24, 27 ; i Chronicles xxi. 3, 23.

2 Jeremiah xxii. 18, xxxiv. 5. In
the former passage, according to the
Massoretic text, the full formula of
mourning was, "Alas my brother!
alas sister ! alas lord ! alas his glory ! "
Who was the lamented sister? Pro-
fessor T. K. Cheyne supposes that
she was Astarte, and by a very slight
change (rm for .Tin) he would read
" Dodah " for "his glory," thus re-
storing the balance between the clauses ;
for " Dodah " would then answer to
"Adon" (lord) as "sister" answers
to "brother." I have to thank Pro-
fessor Cheyne for kindly communicating
this conjecture to me by letter. He
writes that Dodah " is a title of Ishtar,
just as D6d is a title of Tamiiz," and
for evidence he refers me to the Dodah
of the Moabite Stone, where, however,
the reading Dodah is not free from

doubt. See G. A. Cooke, Text-book of
North-Semitic Inscriptions, No. i, pp.
1 , 3, 1 1 ; Encyclopaedia Biblica, ii. 3045 ;
S. R. Driver, Notes on the Hebrew
Text and the Topography of the Books
of Samuel, Second Edition (Oxford,
1913), pp. Ixxxv., Ixxxvi., xc. ; F.
Baethgen, Beitrdge zur semitischen
Keligionsgeschichte (Berlin, 1888), p.
234 ; H. Winckler, Geschichte Israels
(Leipsic, 1895-1900), ii. 258. As to
Hebrew names formed from the root
ddd in the sense of "beloved," see
Brown, Driver, and Briggs, Hebrew
and English Lexicon of the Old Testa-
ment, pp. 187.57.; G. B. Gray, Studies
in Hebreiv Proper Names (London,
1896), pp. 60 sqq.

3 This was perceived by Renan
(Histoire du peuple d> Israel, iii. 273),
and Prof. T. K. Cheyne writes to me :
"The formulae of public mourning
were derived from the ceremonies of
the Adonia ; this Lenormant saw long
ago."

CHAP. II

ADONIS IN SYRIA

some extent embodying Jehovah on earth. For the\
king's throne was called the throne of Jehovah;1 and the)
application of the holy oil to his head was believed to
impart to him directly a portion of the divine spirit.2
Hence he bore the title of Messiah, which with its Greek
equivalent Christ means no more than " the Anointed One."
Thus when David had cut off the skirt of Saul's robe in the
darkness of a cave where he was in hiding, his heart smote
him for having laid sacrilegious hands upon Adoni Messiah
Jehovah, " my Lord the Anointed of Jehovah." 3

Like other divine or semi-divine rulers the Hebrew kings The
were apparently held answerable for famine and pestilence.
When a dearth, caused perhaps by a failure of the winter uThayJ
rains, had visited the land for three years, King David |3?Jjble
inquired of the oracle, which discreetly laid the blame not for2rBi3feht
on him but on his predecessor Saul. The dead king was ai
indeed beyond the reach of punishment, but his sons were

1 i Chronicles xxix. 23 ; 2 Chronicles
ix. 8.

2 I Samuel xvi. 13, 14, compare id.,
x. i and 20. The oil was poured on the
king's head (i Samuel x. i ; 2 Kings
ix. 3, 6). For the conveyance of the
divine spirit by means of oil, see also
Isaiah Ix. i. The kings of Egypt
appear to have consecrated their vassal
Syrian kings by pouring oil on their
heads. See the Tell-el-Amarna letters,
No. 37 (H. Winckler, Die Thontafeln
von Tell - el - Amarna, p. 99). Some
West African priests are consecrated
by a similar ceremony. See below,
p. 68. The natives of Bum, an East
Indian island, imagine that they can
keep off demons by smearing their
bodies with coco-nut oil, but the oil
must be prepared by young unmarried
girls. See G. A. Wilken, " Bijdrage
tot de kennis der Alfoeren van het
eiland Boeroe," Verhandelingen van
het Bataviaasch Genootschap van
A'unsten en Wetenschappen, xxxviii.
(Batavia, 1875) P- 3° 5 *&» Verspreide
Geschfiften (The Hague, 1912), i. 61.
In some tribes of North- West America
hunters habitually anointed their hair
with decoctions of certain plants and
deer's brains before they set out to

hunt. The practice was probably a
charm to secure success in the hunt.
See C. Hill-Tout, The Home of the
Salish and Den<? (London, 1907), p. 72.
3 i Samuel xxiv. 6. Messiah in
Hebrew is Mashiah (rri?p). The Eng-
lish form Messiah is derived from the
Aramaic through the Greek. See
T. K. Cheyne, in Encyclopaedia
Biblica, s.v. "Messiah," vol. iii.
3057 sqq. Why hair oil should be
considered a vehicle of inspiration is
by no means clear. It would have
been intelligible if the olive had been
with the Hebrews, as it was with the
Athenians, a sacred tree under the
immediate protection of a deity ; for
then a portion of the divine essence
might be thought to reside in the oil.
W. Robertson Smith supposed that the
unction was originally performed with
the fat of a sacrificial victim, for which
vegetable oil was a later substitute
(Religion of the Semites? pp. 383 sg.).
On the whole subject see J. Wellhausen,
" Zwei Rechtsriten bei den Hebraern,"
Archiv fur jReligionswissexschaft, vii.
(1904) pp. 33-39; H. Weinel, "rim
und seine Derivate," Zeitschrift fur die
alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, xviii.
(1898) pp. 1-82.

22 ADONIS IN SYRIA BOOK i

not. So David had seven of them sought out, and they
were hanged before the Lord at the beginning of barley
harvest in spring : and all the long summer the mother of
two of the dead men sat under the gallows-tree, keeping off
the jackals by night and the vultures by day, till with the
autumn the blessed rain came at last to wet their dangling
bodies and fertilize the barren earth once more. Then the
bones of the dead were taken down from the gibbet arid
buried in the sepulchre of their fathers.1 The season when
these princes were put to death, at the beginning of barley
harvest, and the length of time they hung on the gallows,
seem to show that their execution was not a mere punish-
ment, but that it partook of the nature of a rain-charm.
For it is a common belief that rair^ can be procured by
magical ceremonies performed with dead men's bones,2 and
it would be natural to ascribe a special virtue in this respect
to the bones of princes, who are often expected to give rain
in their life. When the Israelites demanded of Samuel
that he should give them a king, the indignant prophet,
loth to be superseded by the upstart Saul, called on the
Lord to send thunder and rain, and the Lord did so at
once, though the season was early summer and the reapers
were at work in the wheat-fields, a time when in common
years no rain falls from the cloudless Syrian sky.3 The
pious historian who records the miracle seems to have
regarded it as a mere token of the wrath of the deity,
whose voice was heard in the roll of thunder ; but we may
surmise that in giving this impressive proof of his control
of the weather Samuel meant to hint gently at the naughti-
ness of asking for a king to do for the fertility of the land
what could be done quite as well and far more cheaply by
a prophet.

In Israel the excess as well as the deficiency of
rain seems to have been set down to tfie wrath of the

1 2 Samuel xxi. 1-14, with Dean rain (Exodus ix. 23). The word for
Kirkpatrick's notes on I and 10. thunder in both these passages is

2 The Magic Art and the Evolution " voices " (nWp). The Hebrews heard
of Kings, i. 284 sq. in the clap of thunder the voice of

3 I Samuel xii. 17 sq. Similarly, Jehovah, just as the Greeks heard in it
Moses stretched forth his rod toward the voice of Zeus and the Romans the
heaven and the Lord sent thunder and voice of Jupiter.

CHAP, ii ADONIS IN SYRIA 23

deity.1 When the Jews returned to Jerusalem from Excessive
the great captivity and assembled for the first time in JjowiTto
the square before the ruined temple, it happened that the the wrath
weather was very wet, and as the people sat shelterless
and drenched in the piazza, they trembled at their sin and
at the rain.2 In all ages it has been the strength or
the weakness of Israel to read the hand of God in the
changing aspects of nature, and we need not wonder that
at such a time and in so dismal a scene, with a lowering
sky overhead, the blackened ruins of the temple before their
eyes, and the steady drip of the rain over all, the returned
exiles should have been oppressed with a double sense of
their own guilt and of the divine anger. Perhaps, though
they hardly knew it, memories of the bright sun, fat fields,
and broad willow-fringed rivers of Babylon,3 which had been
so long their home, lent a deeper shade of sadness to the
austerity of the Judean landscape, with its gaunt grey hills
stretching away, range beyond range, to the horizon, or
dipping eastward to the far line of sombre blue which marks
the sullen waters of the Dead Sea.4

In the days of the Hebrew monarchy the king was Hebrew
apparently credited with the power of making sick and apnp^srent]y
making whole. Thus the king of Syria sent a leper to the supposed
king of Israel to be healed by him, just as scrofulous patients disease

1 Ezekiel xiii. n, 13, xxxviii. 22; p. 641. The Indians in question are
Jeremiah iii. 2 sq. The Hebrews the Aurohuacas of Colombia, in South
looked to Jehovah for rain (Leviticus America.

xxvi. 3-5 ; Jeremiah v. 24) just as the 3 Psalm cxxxvii. The willows be-

Greeks looked to Zeus and the Romans side the rivers of Babylon are men-

to Jupiter. tioned in the laments for Tammuz.

2 Ezra x. 9-14. The special sin See above, pp. 9, 10.

which they laid to heart on this occa- 4 The line of the Dead Sea, lying

sion was their marriage with Gentile in its deep trough, is visible from the

women. It is implied, though not Mount of Olives ; indeed, so clear is

expressly said, that they traced the the atmosphere that the blue water

inclemency of the weather to these seems quite near the eye, though in

unfortunate alliances. Similarly, fact it is more than fifteen miles off

"during the rainy season, when the and nearly four thousand feet below

sun is hidden behind great masses of the spectator. See K. Baedeker,

dark clouds, the Indians set up a Palestine and Syria* (Leipsic, 1906),

wailing for their sins, believing that p. 77. When the sun shines on it,

the sun is angry and may never shine the lake is of a brilliant blue (G. A.

on them again." See Francis C. Smith, Historical Geography of the

Nicholas, "The Aborigines of Santa Holy Land, London, 1894, pp. 501

Maria, Colombia," American Anthro- sq.) ; but its brilliancy is naturally

pologist, N.S., iii. (New York, 1901) dimmed under clouded skies.

24 ADONIS IN SYRIA BOOK i

used to fancy that they could be cured by the touch of a
French or English king. However, the Hebrew monarch,
with more sense than has been shown by his royal brothers
in modern times, professed himself unable to work any such
miracle. " Am I God," he asked, " to kill and to make alive,
that this man doth send unto me to recover a man of his
leprosy ? " On another occasion, when pestilence ravaged
the country and the excited fancy of the plague-stricken
people saw in the clouds the figure of the Destroying
Angel with his sword stretched out over Jerusalem, they laid
the blame on King David, who had offended the touchy and
irascible deity by taking a census. The prudent monarch
bowed to the popular storm, acknowledged his guilt, and
appeased the angry god by offering burnt sacrifices on the
threshing-floor of Araunah, one of the old Jebusite inhabit-
ants of Jerusalem. Then the angel sheathed his flashing
sword, and the shrieks of the dying and the lamentations
for the dead no longer resounded in the streets.2

The rarity To this theory of the sanctity, nay the divinity of the

encestothe Hebrew kings it may be objected that few traces of it
divinity of survive in the historical books of the Bible. But the force
kings in the °f the objection is weakened by a consideration of the time
historical and the circumstances in which these books assumed their
be ex5- m 7 final shape. The great prophets of the eighth and the

1 2 Kings v. 5-7. found them all staring up into the air

to see what a woman told them ap-

2 2 Samuel xxiv. ; I Chronicles xxi. peared plain to her, which was an
In this passage, contrary to his usual angel clothed in white with a fiery
practice, the Chronicler has enlivened sword in his hand, waving it or
the dull tenor of his history with some brandishing it over his head. . . .
picturesque touches which we miss in One saw one thing and one another,
the corresponding passage of Kings. It I looked as earnestly as the rest, but,
is to him that we owe the vision of perhaps, not with so much willingness
the Angel of the Plague first stretching to be imposed upon ; and I said, in-
out his sword over Jerusalem and then deed, that I could see nothing but a
returning it to the scabbard. From white cloud, brjght on one side, by
him Defoe seems to have taken a hint the shining of the sun upon the other
in his account of the prodigies, real or part." See Daniel Defoe, History of
imaginary, which heralded the outbreak the Plague in London (Edinburgh,
of the Great Plague in London. "One 1810, pp. 33 sq.\ It is the more
time before the plague was begun, likely that Defoe had here the
otherwise than as I have said in St. Chronicler in mind, because a few
Giles's, I think it was in March, seeing pages earlier he introduces the prophet
a crowd of people in the street, I joined Jonah and a man out of Josephus with
with them to satisfy my curiosity, and very good effect.

CHAP, ii ADONIS IN SYRIA 25

seventh centuries by the spiritual ideals and the ethical plained by
fervour of their teaching had wrought a religious and moral ^nce
reform perhaps unparalleled in history. Under their in- which these
fluence an austere monotheism had replaced the old
sensuous worship of the natural powers : a stern Puritanical or edited,
spirit, an unbending rigour of mind, had succeeded to the
old easy supple temper with its weak compliances, its wax-
like impressionability, its proclivities to the sins of the flesh.
And the moral lessons which the prophets inculcated were
driven home by the political events of the time, above all
by the ever-growing pressure of the great Assyrian empire
on the petty states of Palestine. The long agony of the
siege of Samaria l must have been followed with trembling
anxiety by the inhabitants of Judea, for the danger was at
their door. , They had only to lift up their eyes and look
north to see the blue hills of Ephraim, at whose foot lay the
beleaguered city. Its final fall and the destruction of the
northern kingdom could not fail to fill every thoughtful
mind in the sister realm with sad forebodings. It was as if
the sky had lowered and thunder muttered over Jerusalem.
Thenceforth to the close of the Jewish monarchy, about a
century and a half later, the cloud never passed away,
though once for a little it seemed to lift, when Sennacherib
raised the siege of Jerusalem 2 and the watchers on the walls
beheld the last of the long line of spears and standards
disappearing, the last squadron of the blue-coated Assyrian
cavalry sweeping, in a cloud of dust, out of sight.3

It was in this period of national gloom and despondency The
that the two great reformations of Israel's religion were

accomplished, the first by king Hezekiah, the second a composed

century later by king Josiah.4 We need not wonder then under the

1 2 Kings xvii. 5 sq. , xviii. 9 sq. or just before the reign of Hezekiah :

2 2 Kings xix. 32-36. the Book of Deuteronomy, the corner-

3 We owe to Ezekiel (xxiii. 5 sq., 12) stone of king Josiah's reformation, was
the picture of the handsome Assyrian produced in 621 B.C. ; and Jerusalem
cavalrymen in their blue uniforms and fell in 586 B.C. The date of Hezekiah's
gorgeous trappings. The prophet accession is a much-disputed point in
writes as if in his exile by the waters the chronology of Judah. See the
of Babylon he had seen the blue Introduction to Kings and Isaiah i.-
regiments riling past, in all the pomp xxxix. by J. Skinner and O. C.
of war, on their way to the front. Whitehouse respectively, in The Cen-

4 Samaria fell in 722 B.C., during tury Bible,

ADONIS IN SYRIA

BOOK I

influence
of the
prophetic
reforma-
tion.

The Baal
and his
female
Baalath
the sources
of all
fertility.

that the reformers who in that and subsequent ages com-
posed or edited the annals of their nation should have looked
as sourly on the old unreformed paganism of their fore-
fathers as the fierce zealots of the Commonwealth looked
on the far more innocent pastimes of Merry England ; and
that in their zeal for the glory of God they should have
blotted many pages of history lest they should perpetuate
the memory of practices to which they traced the calamities
of their country. All the historical books passed through
the office of the Puritan censor,1 and we can hardly
doubt that they emerged from it stript of many gay
feathers which they had flaunted when they went in.
Among the shed plumage may well have been the passages
which invested human beings, whether kings or commoners,
with the attributes of deity. Certainly no pages could seem
to the censor more rankly blasphemous ; on none, there-
fore, was he likely to press more firmly the official sponge.

But if Semitic kings in general and the kings of
Byblus in particular often assumed the style of Baal or
Adonis, it follows that they may have mated with the
goddess, the Baalath or Astarte of the city. Certainly we
hear of kings of Tyre and Sidon who were priests of Astarte.2
Now to the agricultural Semites the Baal or god of a land
was the author of all its fertility ; he it was who produced
the corn, the wine, the figs, the oil, and the flax, by means
of his quickening waters, which in the arid parts of the
Semitic world are oftener springs, streams, and underground
flow than the rains of heaven.3 Further, "the life-giving
power of the god was not limited to vegetative nature, but
to him also was ascribed the increase of animal life, the

1 Or the Deuteronomic redactor, as
the critics call him. See W. Robertson
Smith, The Old Testament in the
Jewish Church 2 (London and Edin-
burgh, 1892), pp. 395 sq., 425;
Encyclopaedia Biblica, ii. 2078 sqq.,
2633 sqq., iv. 4273 sqq. ; K. Budde,
Geschichte der althebrdischen Litteratur
(Leipsic, 1906), pp. 99, 121 sqq., 127
sqq., 132 ; Principal J. Skinner, in his
introduction to Kings (in The Century
Bible), pp. 10 sqq.

2 Menander of Ephesus, quoted by

Josephus, Contra Apionem, i. 18 (Frag-
menta Historicorum Graecorum, ed.
C. Miiller, iv. 446) ; G. A. Cooke,
Text-book of Nor^h-Semitic Inscriptions,
No. 4, p. 26. According to Justin,
however, the priest of Hercules, that
is, of Melcarth, at Tyre, was distinct
from the king and second to him in
dignity. See Justin, xviii. 4. 5.

3 Hosea ii. 5 sqq. ; W. Robertson
Smith, Religion of the Semites'1 (Lon-
don, 1894), pp. 95-I07-

CHAP, ii ADONIS IN SYRIA 27

multiplication of flocks and herds, and, not least, of the
human inhabitants of the land. For the increase of animate
nature is obviously conditioned, in the last resort, by the
fertility of the soil, and primitive races, which have not
learned to differentiate the various kinds of life with
precision, think of animate as well as vegetable life as
rooted in the earth and sprung from it. The earth is the
great mother of all things in most mythological philosophies,
and the comparison of the life of mankind, or of a stock of
men, with the life of a tree, which is so common in Semitic
as in other primitive poetry, is not in its origin a mere
figure. Thus where the growth of vegetation is ascribed to
a particular divine power, the same power receives the
thanks and homage of his worshippers for the increase of
cattle and of men. Firstlings as well as first-fruits were
offered at the shrines of the Baalim, and one of the
commonest classes of personal names given by parents to
their sons or daughters designates the child as the gift of
the god." In short, " the Baal was conceived as the male
principle of reproduction, the husband of the land which he
fertilised." 1 So far, therefore, as the Semite personified the
reproductive energies of nature as male and female, as a
Baal and a Baalath, he appears to have identified the male
power especially with water and the female especially with
earth. On this view plants and trees, animals and men, are
the offspring or children of the Baal and Baalath.

If, then, at Byblus and elsewhere, the Semitic king was Persona-
allowed, or rather required, to personate the god and marry ftud
the goddess, the intention of the custom can only have been king,
to ensure the fertility of the land and the increase of
men and cattle by means of homoeopathic magic. There
is reason to think that a similar custom was observed from
a similar motive in other parts of the ancient world, and
particularly at Nemi, where both the male and the female
powers, the Dianus and Diana, were in one aspect of their
nature personifications of the life-giving waters.2

The last king of Byblus bore the ancient name of Cinyras,
Cinyras, and was beheaded by Pompey the Great for his

1 W. Robertson Smith, Religion of 2 The Magic Art and the Evoltition
the Semites? pp. 107 sq. of Kings, ii. I2O sqq.> 376 sqq.

28 ADONIS IN SYRIA BOOK i

tyrannous excesses.1 His legendary namesake Cinyras is
said to have founded a sanctuary of Aphrodite, that is, of
Astarte, at a place on Mount Lebanon, distant a day's
journey from the capital.2 The spot was probably Aphaca,
at the source of the river Adonis, half-way between Byblus
and Baalbec ; for at Aphaca there was a famous grove
and sanctuary of Astarte which Constantine destroyed on
Aphaca account of the flagitious character of the worship.3 The site
vale ofthe °^ ^e temple has been discovered by modern travellers near
Adonis. the miserable village which still bears the name of Afka at
Jihe head of the wild, romantic, wooded gorge of the Adonis.
f The hamlet stands among groves of noble walnut-trees on
the brink of the lyn. A little way off the river rushes
from a cavern at the foot of a mighty amphitheatre of
towering cliffs to plunge in a series of cascades into the
awful depths of the glen. The deeper it descends, the
ranker and denser grows the vegetation, which, sprouting
from the crannies and fissures of the rocks, spreads a
green veil over the roaring or murmuring stream in the
tremendous chasm below. There is something delicious,
almost intoxicating, in the freshness of these tumbling
waters, in the sweetness and purity of the mountain air, in
the vivid green of ths_vegetation. The temple, of which
some massive hewn blocks and a fine column of Syenite
granite still mark the site, occupied a terrace facing the
source of the river and commanding a magnificent prospect.
Across the foam and the roar of the waterfalls you look
up to the cavern and away to the top of the sublime
precipices above. So lofty is the cliff that the goats
which creep along its ledges to browse on the bushes
appear like ants to the spectator hundreds of feet below.
Seaward the view is especially impressive when the sun
floods the profound gorge with golden light, revealing all
the fantastic buttresses and rounded towers of its moun-
tain rampart, and falling softly on the varied green of the
woods which clothe its depths.4 It was here .that, according

1 Strabo, xvi. i. 18, p. 755. Zosimus, i. 58.

2 Lucian, De dea Syria, 9. 4 On the valley of the Nahr Ibrahim,

3 Eusebius, Vita Constantini, iii. 55 ; its scenery and monuments, see Edward
Sozomenus, Historia Ecclesiastica, ii. 5 ; Robinson, Biblical Researches in Pales-
Socrates, Historia Ecclesiastica, i. 18; fine3 (London, 1867), iii. 603-609;

CHAP, ii ADONIS IN SYRIA 29

to the legend, Adonis met Aphrodite for the first or the last
time,1 and here his mangled body was buried.2 A fairer
scene could hardly be imagined for a story of tragic love
and death. Yet, sequestered as the valley is and must
always have been, it is not wholly deserted. A convent or
a village may be observed here and there standing out
against the sky on the top of some beetling crag, or clinging
to the face of a nearly perpendicular cliff high above the
foam and the din of the river ; and at evening the lights
that twinkle through the gloom betray the presence of
human habitations on slopes which might seem inaccessible
to man. In antiquity the whole of the lovely vale appears
t£L have been dedicated to Adonis, and to this day it is
jiaunted by his memory ; for the heights which shut it in Monu
are crested at various points by ruined monuments of his
worship, some of them overhanging dreadful abysses, down
which it turns the head dizzy to look and see the eagles
wheeling about their nests far below. One such monument
exists at Ghineh. The face of a great rock, above a roughly
hewn recess, is here carved with figures of Adonis and
Aphrodite. He is portrayed with spear in rest, awaiting
Jthe attack of a bear, while she is seated in an attitude, of
sqrrowJL Her grief-stricken ngure may well be the mourning

W. M. Thomson, 7^he Land and the September 1906): "I have no good

Book, Lebanon, Damascus, and beyond map of Palestine, but strongly suspect

Jordan (London, 1886), pp. 239-246; that my wanderings there, quite sixty

E. Renan, Mission de Phtnicie, pp. years ago, took me to the place you

2%2sqq.',G.'N[a.'s,'ptro,HistoireAncienne mention, above the gorge of the river

des Peuples de P Orient Classique, ii. Adonis. Be that as it may, I have

(Paris, 1897) pp. 175-179 ; Sir Charles constantly asserted that the view I then

Wilson, Picturesque Palestine (London, had of a deep ravine and blue sea seen

N.D.), iii. 1 6, 17, 27. Among the through the cliffs that bounded it,

trees which line the valley are oak, was the most beautiful I had ever set

sycamore, bay, plane, orange, and eyes on."

mulberry (W. M. Thomson, op. cit, p. 1 Etymologicum Magmim, s.v.

245). Travellers are unanimous in "A^a/ca, p. 175.

testifying to the extraordinary beauty 2 Melito, "Oration to Antoninus

of the vale of the Adonis. Thus Caesar," in W. Cureton's Spicilegium

Robinson writes : "There is no spot Syriacum (London, 1855), p. 44.
in all my wanderings on which memory 3 E. Renan, Mission de Phtnicie,

lingers with greater delight than on the pp. 292-294. The writer seems to

sequestered retreat and exceeding love- have no doubt that the beast attacking

liness of Afka." Renan says that the Adonis is a bear, not a boar. Views

landscape is one of the most beautiful of the monument are given by A.

in the world. My friend the late Sir Jeremias, Das Alte Testament im Lichtc

Francis Galton wrote to me (2Oth des Alien Orients* (Leipsic, 1906), p.

30 ADONIS IN SYRIA BOOK i

Aphrodite of the Lebanon described by Macrobius,1 and the
recess in the rock is perhaps her lover's tomb. Every year,
in the belief of his worshippers, Adonis was wounded to
death on the mountains, and every year the face of nature
rtself was dyed with his sacred blood. So year by year the
Syrian damsels lamented his untimely fate,2 while the red
anemone, his flower, bloomed among the cedars of Lebanon,
and the river ran red {o the sea^ fringing the winding shores
of the blue Mediterranean, whenever the wind,, set inshore.
with a siniKma-J^and-of! crimson.

90, and by Baudissin, Adonis und 1 Macrobius, Saturn, i. 21. 5.

Esmun, plates i. and ii., with his dis-

cussion, pp. 78 sqq. 2 Lucian, De dea Syria, 8.

CHAPTER III

ADONIS IN CYPRUS

THE island of Cyprus lies but one day's sail from the coast Phoenician
of Syria. Indeed, on fine summer evenings its mountains c°!°rusS '"
may be descried looming low and dark against the red fires
of sunset.1 With its rich mines of copper and its forests of
firs and stately cedars, the island naturally attracted a com-
mercial and maritime people like the Phoenicians ; while the
abundance of its corn, its wine, and its oil must have rendered
it in their eyes a Land of Promise by comparison with the
niggardly nature of their own rugged coast, hemmed in
between the mountains and the sea.2 Accordingly they
settled in Cyprus at a very early date and remained there
long after the Greeks had also established themselves on its
shores ; for we know from inscriptions and coins that
Phoenician kings reigned at Citium, the Chittim of the
Hebrews, down to the time of Alexander the Great.3

1 F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, ii. and rig a ship complete, from her keel
2, p. 224 ; G. Maspero, Histoire to her topsails, with the native pro-
Ancienne des Peuples de T Orient Clas- ducts of their island (Ammianus Mar-
sique, ii. 199 ; G. A. Smith, Historical cellinus, xiv. 8. 14).

Geography of the Holy Land (London, 3 G. A. Cooke, Text- Book of North -

1 894), p. 135. Semitic Inscriptions, Nos. 1 2-25, pp. 55-

2 On the natural wealth of Cyprus 76, 347-349; P. Gardner, New Chapters
see Strabo, xiv. 6. 5 ; W. H. Engel, in Greek History (London, 1892), pp.
JKypros, i. 40-71; F. C. Movers, 179, 185. It has been held that the
Die Phoenizier, ii. 2, pp. 224 sq. ; name of Citium is etymologically iden-
G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des tical with Hittite. If that was so, it
Peuples de FOrient CZassique, ii. 200 would seem that the town was built
sq. ; E. Oberhummer, Die Insel Cy- and inhabited by a non-Semitic people
pern, i. (Munich, 1903) pp. 175 sqq., before the arrival of the Phoenicians.
243 sqq. As to the firs and cedars See Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.v. " Kit-
of Cyprus see Theophrastus, Historia tim." Other traces of this older race,
Plantarum, v. 7. i, v, 9. i. The akin to the primitive stock of Asia
Cyprians boasted that they could build Minor, have been detected in Cyprus ;

32 ADONIS IN CYPRUS BOOK i

Naturally the Semitic colonists brought their gods with
them from the mother-land. They worshipped Baal of the
Lebanon,1 who may well have been Adonis, and at Amathus
on the south coast they instituted the j-ites of Adonis and
Aphrodite, or rather A starte.2 Here, lis at Byblus, these
rites resembled the Egyptian worship of Osiris so closely
that some people even identified the Adonis of Amathus
with Osiris.3 The Tyrian Melcarth or Moloch was also
worshipped at Amathus,4 and the tombs discovered in the
neighbourhood prove that the city remained Phoenician to
a late period.5

Kingdom But the great seat of the worship of Aphrodite and

ofPaphos. Acloms in Cyprus was Paphos on the south-western side of
the island. Among the petty kingdoms into which Cyprus
was divided from the earliest times until the end of the fourth
century before our era Paphos must have ranked with the best.
It is a land of hills and billowy ridges, diversified by fields
and vineyards and intersected by rivers, which in the course
of ages have carved for themselves beds of such tremendous
depth that travelling in the interior is difficult and tedious.
The lofty range of Mount Olympus (the modern Troodos),
capped with snow the greater part of the year, screens Paphos
from the northerly and easterly winds and cuts it off from the
rest of the island. On the slopes of the range the last pine-
woods of Cyprus linger, sheltering here and there monasteries

amongst them the most obvious is the Cyprus (London, 1877), p. 275. The

Cyprian syllabary, the characters of scanty ruins of Amathus occupy an

which are neither Phoenician nor Greek isolated hill beside the sea. Among

in origin. See P. Gardner, op. cit. pp. them is an enormous stone jar, half

154, 173-175, 178^. buried in the earth, of which the four

1 G. A. Cooke, Text- Book of North- handles are adorned with figures of
Semitic Inscriptions •, No. n, p. 52. bulls. It is probably of Phoenician

2 Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. 'Apa- manufacture. See L. Ross, Reisen nach
Oovs ; Pausanias, ix. 41. 2 sq. Ac- Kos,Halikarnassos, Rhodes undderlnsel
cording to Pausanias, there was a Cypern (HaUe, 1852), pp. 168 sqq.
remarkable necklace of green stones 3 Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. 'Afj.adovs.
and gold in the sanctuary of Adonis For the relation of Adonis to Osiris at
and Aphrodite at Amathus. The Byblus see below, vol. ii. pp. 9 sq.,
Greeks commonly identified it with 22 sq., 127.

the necklace of Harmonia or Eriphyle. 4 Hesychius, s.v. MdXtKa.

A terra - cotta statuette of Astarte, "° L. P. di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp.

found at Amathus (?), represents her 254-283 ; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez,

wearing a necklace which she touches Histoire de FArt dans F Antiquity

with one hand. See L. P. di Cesnola, iii. (Paris, 1885) pp. 216-222.

CHAP, in ADONIS IN CYPRUS 33

in scenery not unworthy of the Apennines. The old city of

Paphos occupied the summit of a hill about a mile from the

sea ; the newer city sprang up at the harbour some ten miles

off.1 The sanctuary of Aphrodite at Old Paphos (the Sanctuary

modern Kuklia) was one of the most celebrated shrines in °f .

' Aphrodite

the ancient world. From the earliest to the latest times it at Paphos.
would seem to have preserved its essential features un-
changed. For the sanctuary is represented on coins of the
Imperial age,2 and these representations agree closely with
little golden models of a shrine which were found in two of
the royal graves at Mycenae.3 Both on the coins and in
the models we see a fagade surmounted by a pair of doves
and divided into three compartments or chapels, of which
the central one is crowned by a lofty superstructure. In
the golden models each chapel contains a pillar standing in
a pair of horns : the central superstructure is crowned by
two pairs of horns, one within the other ; and the two side
chapels are in like manner crowned each with a pair of horns
and a single dove perched on the outer horn of each pair.
On the coins each of the side chapels contains a pillar or
candelabra-like object : the central chapel contains a cone
and is flanked by two high columns, each terminating in a
pair of ball -topped pinnacles, with a star and crescent
appearing between the tops of the columns. JThe doves are
.doubtless the sacred doves of Aphrodite or Astarte,4 and the

1 D. G. Hogarth, Devia Cypria lenic Studies, ix. (1888) pp. 193 sqq.

(London, 1889), pp. 1-3; Encydo- Previous accounts of the temple are in-

paedia Britannicap vi. 747 ; Elisee accurate and untrustworthy.

Reclus, Nouvelle Geographic Univer- 3 C. Schuchhardt, Schliemann" s

selle (Paris, 1879-1894), ix. 668. Ausgrabungen* (Leipsic, 1891), pp.

2T. L. DonaMson, ^r/h^ra f Q Perrot et Ch. Chipiez,

Numismahca (London, 1859) pp. 107- Histoire de rArt dans pAntiquitt, vi.

109 with fig 31; Journal of Hellemc (pari g } 6 652-654;

Studus ix (1888) pp 210-213 ; G. yournal of HelUnic Studied fa? (1888)

F Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins J J p Gar(J New Chap,

of Cyprus (London, 1904), pp. cxxvii- {£ fa*^ m$t l8l>

cxxxiv, with plates xiv. 2, 3, 6-8, xv. ^

1-4, 7, xvi. 2, 4, 6-9, xvii. 4-6, 8, 9, Cl/J- Selden, De dis Syris (Leipsic,

xxvi. 3, 6-16; George Macdonald, 1668), pp. 274 sqq. ; S. Bochart,

Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Htm- Hierozoicon, Editio Tertia (Leyden,

terian Collection( Glasgow, 1899-1905), 1692), ii. 4 sqq. Compare the statue

ii. 566, with pi. Ixi. 19. As to the of a priest with a dove in his hand,

existing remains of the temple, which which was found in Cyprus (Perrot et

were excavated by an English expedi- Chipiez, Histoire de ?Art dans FAnti-

tion in 1887-1888, see " Excavations quite, iii. Paris, 1885, p. 510), with

in Cyprus, 1 887-1 %%8," Journal of He I- fig. 349.

PT. IV. VOL. I D

ADONIS IN CYPRUS

BOOK I

The

Aphrodite
of Paphos
a Phoeni-
cian or
aboriginal
deity.

Her

conical
image.

horns and pillars remind us of the similar religious emblems
which have been found in the great prehistoric palace of
Cnossus in Crete, as well as on many monuments of the
Mycenaean or Minoan age of Greece.1 If antiquaries
are right in regarding the golden models as copies of the
Paphian shrine, that shrine must have suffered little out-
ward change for more than a thousand years ; for the
royal graves at Mycenae, in which the models were found,
can hardly be of later date than the twelfth century before
our era.

Thus the sanctuary of Aphrodite at Paphos was appar-
ently of great antiquity.2 According to Herodotus, it was
founded by Phoenician colonists from Ascalon ; 3 but it is
possible that a native goddess of fertility was worshipped
on the spot before the arrival of the Phoenicians, and that
the newcomers identified her with their own Baalath or
Astarte, whom she may have closely resembled. If two
deities were thus fused in one, we may suppose that they
were both varieties of that great goddess of motherhood and
fertility whose worship appears to have been spread all over
Western Asia from a very early time. The supposition is
confirmed as well by the archaic shape of her image as by
the licentious character of her rites ; for both that shape
and those rites were shared by her with other Asiatic
deities. Her image was simply a white cone or pyramid.4

1 A. J. Evans, " Mycenaean Tree
and Pillar Cult," Journal of Hellenic
Studies, xxi. (1901) pp. 99 sqq.

2 Tacitus, Annals, iii. 62.

3 Herodotus, i. 105 ; compare Pau-
sanias, i. 14. 7. Herodotus only
speaks of the sanctuary of Aphrodite
in Cyprus, but he must refer to the
great one at Paphos. At Ascalon a
goddess was worshipped in mermaid-
shape under the name of Derceto, and
fish and doves were sacred to her (Dio-
dorus Siculus, ii. 4 ; compare Lucian,
De dea Syria, 14). The name Derceto,
like the much more correct Atargatis,
is a Greek corruption of *Attdr, the
Aramaic form of Astarte, but the two
goddesses Atargatis and Astarte, in
spite of the affinity of their names,
appear to have been historically dis-

tinct. See Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des
Alterfums,z i. 2 (Stuttgart and Berlin,
1909), pp. 605,650^. ; F. Baethgen,
Beitrdge zur Semitischen Religions-
geschichte (Berlin, 1888), pp. 68 sqq. ;
F. Cumont, s.-vv. "Atargatis" and
" Dea Syria," in Pauly-Wissowa's Real-
Encyclopcidie der dassischen Altertums-
•wissenschaft ; Rene Dussaud, Notes de
Mythologie Syrienne (Paris, 1903), pp.
82 sqq. ; Rt A. Stewart Macalister,
The Philistines, their History and
Civilization ( London, 1913), pp. 94 sqq.
4 It is described by ancient writers
and figured on coins. See Tacitus,
Hist. ii. 3 ; Maximus Tyrius, Dissert.
viii. 8 ; Servius on Virgil, Aen. i. 720 ;
T. L. Donaldson, Architectura Numis-
matica, p. 107, with fig. 31 ; Journal
of Hellenic Stiidies, ix. (1888) pp. 210-

CHAP. Ill

ADONIS IN CYPRUS

In like manner, a cone was the emblem of Astarte at
Byblus,1 of the native goddess whom the Greeks called
Artemis at Perga in Pamphylia,2 and of the sun-god Helio-
gabalus at Emesa in Syria.3 Conical stones, which appar-
ently served as idols, have also been found at Golgi in
Cyprus, and in the Phoenician temples of Malta;4 and
cones of sandstone came to light at the shrine of the
" Mistress of Torquoise " among the barren hills and frown-
ing precipices of Sinai.5 The precise significance of such

212. According to Maximus Tyrius,
the material of the pyramid was un-
known. Probably it was a stone.
The English archaeologists found
several fragments of white cones on
the site of the temple at Paphos : one
which still remains in its original posi-
tion in the central chamber was of
limestone and of somewhat larger size
(Journal of Hellenic Studies, ix. (1888)
p. 180).

1 See above, p. 14.

2 On coins of Perga the sacred cone
is represented as richly decorated and
standing in a temple between sphinxes.
See B. V. Head, Historia Numorum
(Oxford, 1887), p. 585 ; P. Gardner,
Types of Greek Coins (Cambridge,
1883), pi. xv. No. 3; G. F. Hill,
Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycia,
Pamphylia, and Pisidia (London,
1897), pi. xxiv. 12, 15, 1 6. How-
ever, Mr. G. F. Hill writes to me :
" Is the stone at Perga really a cone?
I have always thought it was a cube
or something of that kind. On the
coins the upper, sloping portion is
apparently an elaborate veil or head-
dress. The head attached to the stone
is seen in the middle of this, surmounted
by a tall kalathos" The sanctuary
stood on a height, and a festival was
held there annually (Strabo, xiv. 4. 2.
p. 667). The native title of the goddess
was Anassa, that is, " Queen." See
B. V. Head, l.c.\ Wernicke, s.v.
"Artemis," in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-
Encyclopddie der dassischen Altertums-
wissenschaft, ii. I, col. 1397. Aphro-
dite at Paphos bore the same title.
See below, p. 42, note6. The wor-
ship of Pergaean Artemis at Halicar-
nassus was cared for by a priestess,

who held office for life and had to make
intercession for the city at every new
moon. See G. Dittenberger, Sylloge
Inscriptionum Graecaruni* (Leipsic,
1898-1901), vol. ii. p. 373, No. 601.

3 Herodian, v. 3. 5. This cone
was of black stone, with some small
knobs on it, like the stone of Cybele
at Pessinus. It is figured on coins of
Emesa. See B. V. Head, Historia
Numorum (Oxford, 1887), p. 659;
P. Gardner, Types of Greek Coins, pi.
xv. No. I. The sacred stone of
Cybele, which the Romans brought
from Pessinus to Rome during the
Second Punic War, was small, black,
and rugged, but we are not told that
it was of conical shape. See Arnobius,
Adversus Nationes, vii. 49 ; Livy, xxix.
1 1. 7. According to one reading,
Servius (on Virgil, Aen. vii. 188)
speaks of the stone of Cybele as a
needle (acus), which would point to a
conical shape. But the reading ap-
pears to be without manuscript author-
ity, and other emendations have been
suggested.

4 G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire
de FArt dans FAntiquite, iii. 273, 298
sq., 304 sq. The sanctuary of Aphro-
dite, or rather Astarte, at Golgi is said
to have been even more ancient than
her sanctuary at Paphos (Pausanias,
viii. 5. 2).

6 W. M. Flinders Petrie, Researches
in Sinai (London, 1906), pp. 135 sq.t
189. Votive cones made of clay have
been found in large numbers in Baby-
lonia, particularly at Lagash and Nip-
pur. See M. Jastrow, The Religion
of Babylonia and Assyria (Boston,
U.S.A., 1898), pp. 672-674.

ADONIS IN CYPRUS

BOOK I

an emblem remains as obscure as it was in the time of
Tacitus.1 It appears to have been customary to anoint the
sacred cone with olive oil at a solemn festival, in which
people from Lycia and Caria participated.* The custom of
anointing a holy stone has been observed in many parts of
the world ; for example, in the sanctuary of Apollo at Delphi.3
To this day the old custom appears to survive at Paphos, for
" in honour of the Maid of Bethlehem the peasants of Kuklia
anointed lately, and probably still anoint each year, the
great corner-stones of the ruined Temple of the Paphian
Goddess. As Aphrodite was supplicated once with cryptic
rites, so is Mary entreated still by Moslems as well as
I" Christians, with incantations and passings through perforated
I stones, to remove the curse ot barrenness from Cypriote
women, or increase the manhood of Cypriote men." 4 Thus
the ancient worship of the goddess of fertility is continued
under a different name. Even the name of the old goddess
is retained in some parts of the island ; for in more than
one chapel the rVp.rirt'? ^asRnts ndr-b^ mother of Christ

Sacred
prostitu-
tion in the
worship
of the
Paphian
Aphrodite
and of
other
Asiatic
goddesses.

under the title o^Panaghia Aphroditessar}

In Cyprus it appears that belore marriage all women
were formerly obliged by custom to prostitute themselves to
strangers at the sanctuary of the goddess, whether she went
by the name of Aphrodite, Astarte, or what not.6 Similar
customs prevailed in many parts of Western Asia. What-
' ever its motive, the practice was clearly regarded, not as an
orgy of lust, but as a solemn religious duty performed in
the service of that great Mother Goddess of Western Asia
whose name varied, while her type remained constant, from
place to place. Thus at Babylon every woman, whether
rich or poor, had once in her life to submit to the embraces
of a stranger at the temple of Mylitta, that is, of Ishtar or

See Balder the Beautiful, ii.

1 Tacitus, Hist. ii. 3.

2 We learn this from an inscription
found at Paphos. See Journal of
Hellenic Studies, ix. (1888) pp. 188,

231.

3 Pausanias, x. 24. 6, with my note.

! 4 D. G. Hogarth, A Wandering
Scholar in the Levant (London, 1896),
pp. 179 sq. Women used to creep
through a holed stone to obtain children
at a place on the Dee in Aberdeen-

shire.

187. *

6 G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire
de PArt dans P Antiquitt, iii. 628.

6 Herodotus, i. 199 ; Athenaeus,
xii. ii, p. 516 A; Justin, xviii. 5. 4;
Lactantius, Divin. hist. i. 17 ; W. H.
Engel, Kypros, ii. 142 sqq. Asiatic
customs of this sort have been rightly
explained by W. Mannhardt (Antike
Wald- und Feldkulte, pp. 283 sqq.}.

CHAP. Ill

ADONIS IN CYPRUS

Astarte, and to dedicate to the goddess the wages earned by
this sanctified harlotry. The sacred precinct was crowded
with women waiting to observe the custom. Some of them
had to wait there for years.1 At Heliopolis or Baalbec in
Syria, famous for the imposing grandeur of its ruined
temples, the custom of the country required that every
maiden should prostitute herself to a stranger at the temple
of Astarte, and matrons as well as maids testified their
devotion to the goddess in the same manner. The emperor
Constantine abolished the custom, destroyed the temple, and
built a church in its stead.2 In Phoenician temples women
prostituted themselves for hire in the service of religion,
believing that by this conduct they propitiated the goddess
and won her favour.3 "It was a law of the Amorites, that

1 Herodotus, i. 199; Strabo, xvi. i.
20, p. 745. As to the identity of
Mylitta with Astarte see H. Zimmern
in E. §c\itt&&?sDuJ&ilinsckriften und

das alte Testament !,3pp. 423, note7, 428,
note 4. According to him, the name
Mylitta comes from Mu 'allidtu, "she
who helps women in travail." In this
character Ishtar would answer to the
Greek Artemis and the Latin Diana.
As to sacred prostitution in the worship
of Ishtar see M. Jastrow, The Religion
of Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 475 sq.,
484 sq. ; P. Dhorme, La Religion
Assyro-Babylonienne (Paris, 1910), pp.
86, 300 sq.

2 Eusebius, Vita Constantini, iii. 58 ;
Socrates, Historia Ecclesiastica, i. 1 8.
7-9; Sozomenus, Historia Ecclesiastica,
v. 10. 7. Socrates says that at Helio-
polis local custom obliged the women
to be held in common, so that paternity
was unknown, " for there was no dis-
tinction of parents and children, and
the people prostituted their daughters
to the strangers who visited them "
(TOIS TrapLouai £<:J>ots). The prostitution
of matrons as well as of maids is men-
tioned by Eusebius. As he was born
and spent his life in Syria, and was a
contemporary of the practices he de-
scribes, the bishop of Caesarea had the
best opportunity of informing himself
as to them, and we ought not, as Prof.
M. P. Nilsson does (Griechische Feste,
Leipsic, 1906, p. 366 n.2), to allow his

positive testimony on this point to be
outweighed by the silence of the later
historian Sozomenus, who wrote long
after the custom had been abolished.
Eusebius had good reason to know the
heathenish customs which were kept
up in his diocese ; for he was sharply
taken to task by Constantine for allow-
ing sacrifices to be offered on altars
under the sacred oak or terebinth at
Mamre ; and in obedience to the im-
perial commands he caused the altars
to be destroyed and an oratory to be
built instead under the tree. So in
Ireland the ancient heathen sanctuaries
under the sacred oaks were converted
by Christian missionaries into churches
and monasteries. See Socrates, His-
toria Ecclesiastica, i. 1 8 ; The Magic
Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii.
242 sq.

3 Athanasius, Oratio contra Gentes,
26 (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, xxv.
52), yvvaiKes yovv ev eldb)\elois TTJS
QoiviKTis TrciXcu TrpoeKad^ovTO, aTrapx6/J.e-
vai rois £K€I Qtois eavr&v TT]V TOU ffw/maros
avT&v fj,t.crdapvlav, vofiL^ovcrai I~Q iropveia
rr\v Qiov eavr&v i\d(TK€(rda.i /ecu els etf/xe-
veiav &yeiv avrriv 8ia TOI/TOW. The
account of the Phoenician custom which
is given by H. Ploss (Das Weib? i.
302) and repeated after him by Fr.
Schwally (Semitiscke Kriegsaltert timer,
Leipsic, 1901, pp. 76 sq.} may rest
only on a misapprehension of this pass-
age of Athanasius. But if it is correct,

38 ADONIS IN CYPRUS BOOK i

she who was about to marry should sit in fornication seven
days by the gate."1 At Byblus the people shaved their
heads in the annual mourning for Adonis. Women who
refused to sacrifice their hair had to give themselves up to
strangers on a certain day of the festival, and the money
which they thus earned was devoted to the goddess.2 This
custom may have been a mitigation of an older rule which
at Byblus as elsewhere formerly compelled every woman
without exception to sacrifice her virtue in the service of
religion. I have already suggested a reason why the
offering of a woman's hair was accepted as an equivalent
for the surrender of her person.3 We are told that in Lydia
all girls were obliged to prostitute themselves in order to
earn a dowry ;4 but we may suspect that the real motive
of the custom was devotion rather than economy. The
suspicion is confirmed by a Greek inscription found at
Tralles in Lydia, which proves that the practice of religious
prostitution survived in that country as late as the second
century of our era. It records of a certain woman, Aurelia
Aemilia by name, not only that she herself served the god
in the capacity of a harlot at his express command, but that
her mother and other female ancestors had done the same
before her ; and the publicity of the record, engraved on a
marble column which supported a votive offering, shows that
no stain attached to such a life and such a parentage.5 In
Armenia the noblest families dedicated their daughters to
the service of the goddess Anaitis in her temple at Acilisena,
where the damsels acted as prostitutes for a long time before
they were given in marriage. Nobody scrupled to take one
of these girls to wife when her period of service was over.6

we may conjecture that the slaves who but strangers were allowed to enjoy

deflowered the virgins were the sacred the women (i) 5£ dyoprj notvoivi t-eivouri

slaves of the temples, the fredeshim, and Trapa/c^erca).

that they discharged this office as the 3 7^ Magic Art and the Evolution

living representatives of the god. As to of Kings, i. 30 sq.

these fyedeshim, or "sacred men," see 4 Herodotus, i. 93 sq. ; Athenaeus,

above, pp. 17 sq., and below, pp. 72 sqq. xii. 1 1, pp. 515^.

1 The Testaments of the Twelve 6 W. M. Ramsay, "Unedited Inscrip-
Patriarchs, translated and edited by tions of Asia Minor, "Bulletin de Corre-
R. H. Charles (London, 1908), chapter spondance HelUnique,\\\.(\^^] p. 276;
xii. p. 8 1. id., Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia,

2 Lucian, De dea Syria, 6. The i. (Oxford, 1895) pp. 94 -sy., 115.
writer is careful to indicate that none 6 Strabo, xi. 14. 16, p. 532.

CHAP, in ADONIS IN CYPRUS

Again, the goddess Ma was served by a multitude of sacred
harlots at Comana in Pontus, and crowds of men and women
flocked to her sanctuary from the neighbouring cities and
country to attend the biennial festivals or to pay their vows
to the goddess.1

If we survey the whole of the evidence on this subject, The
some of which has still to be laid before the reader, we may Mother
conclude that a great Mother Goddess, the personification of Goddess a

rr " ' ™* ' " '• •-••••^•-••••••••^i 1 1 1 •^•••••••••^— .^— rvM"cr*nifir«a.

all the reproductive energies of nature, was worshipped under S^ToT aif
different names but with a substantial similarity of myth and therepro-

• —. . _. — ^ BMa^BM||aMtirM^M«fc_J^^^M^__«^J^M_M^^_M^^aM^MMM«^MtM^a^^___»_ — ^_^ r1nr»ti\7*»

ritual by many peoples of Western Asia; that associated energies of
was a lover, or rather series of lovers, divine yet nature-

mortal, with whom she mated year, by year, their commerce

being deemed essential to the propagation of animals and
^plants, eacn in their several kind ; " and furtherf tfiaFlhe

fabulous union of the diving pair^was simulated and, as it
were, multiplied on earth by the real, though idTRporary,
union of the human sexes at the sanctuary o* the goddess
for the sake of thereby ensuring the fruitfulness of the
ground and the increase of man and beast.** And if the

1 Strabo, xii. 3. 32, 34 and 36, pp. were no longer fruitful and that many

557-559; compare xii. 2. 3, p. 535. mishaps befell them, they prayed the

Other sanctuaries in Pontus, Cappa- emperor to allow them to retain the

docia, and Phrygia swarmed with sacred custom, "for it was by reason of this

slaves, and we may conjecture, though usage that their gods bestowed upon

we are not told, that many of these them all the good things that they

slaves were prostitutes. See Strabo, possessed, and without it they saw not

xi. 8. 4, xii. 2. 3 and 6, xii. 3. 31 and how they could continue to exist."

37, xii. 8. 14. See The Book of Ser Marco Pofo,

(/^Pn this great Asiatic goddess and translated and edited by Colonel Henry

her lovers see especially Sir W. M. Yule, Second Edition (London, 1875),

Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of \.2i2sg. Here apparently the fertility

Phrygia, i. 87 sqq. of the soil was deemed to depend on

3 Compare W. Mannhardt, Antike the intercourse of the women with

Wald- und Feldkulte, pp. 284 sq. ; strangers, not with their husbands.

W. Robertson Smith, The Prophets of Similarly, among the Oulad Abdi, an

Israel, New Edition (London, 1902), Arab tribe of Morocco, "the women

pp. 171-174. Similarly in Camul, for- often seek a divorce and engage in

merly a province of the Chinese Empire, prostitution in the intervals between

the men used to place their wives at the their marriages ; during that time they

disposal of any foreigners who came to continue to dwell in their families,

lodge with them, and deemed it an and their relations regard their conduct

honour if the guests made use of their as very natural. The administrative

opportunities. The emperor, hearing authority having bestirred itself and

of the custom, forbade the people to attempted to regulate this prostitution,

observe it. For three years they the whole population opposed the

obeyed, then, finding that their lands attempt, alleging that such a measure

ADONIS IN CYPRUS

BOOK T

Her

worship

perhaps

reflects a

period of

sexual

commun-

conception of such a Mother Goddess dates, as seems
probable, from a time when the institution of marriage was
either unknown or at most barely tolerated as an immoral
infringement of old communal rights, we can understand
both why the goddess herself was regularly supposed to be
at once unmarried and unchaste, and why her worshippers
were obliged to imitate her more or less completely in these
respects. For had she been a divine wife united to a divine
husband, the natural counterpart of their union would have
been the lawful marriage of men and women, and there
would have been no need to resort to a system of prostitu-
tion or promiscuity in order to effect those purposes which,
on the principles of homoeopathic magic, might in that case
have been as well or better attained by the legitimate inter-
course of the sexes in matrimony. Formerly, perhaps,
every woman was obliged to submit at least once in her life
to the exercise of those marital rights which at a still earlier
period had theoretically belonged in permanence to all the
males of the tribe. But in course of time, as the institution
of individual marriage grew in favour, and the old com-
munism fell more and more into discredit, the revival of the
ancient practice even for a single occasion in a woman's life
became ever more repugnant to the moral sense of the
people, and accordingly they resorted to various expedients
for evading in practice the obligation which they still
acknowledged in theory. One of these evasions was to let
the woman offer her hair instead of her person ; another
apparently was to substitute an obscene symbol for the
obscene act.1 But while the majority of women thus con-
trived to observe the forms of religion without sacrificing
their virtue, it was still thought necessary to the general
welfare that a certain number of them should discharge the
old obligation in the old way. These became prostitutes
either for life or for a term of years at one* of the temples :
dedicated to the service of religion, they were invested with

would impair the abundance of the
crops." See Edmond Doutte, Magie
et Religion dans FAfrique du Nord
(Algiers, 1908), pp. 560 sq.

1 Clement of Alexandria, Protrept,

ii. 14, p. 13, ed. Potter ; Arnobius,
Adversus Nationes, v. 19 ; compare
Firmicus Maternus, De errore pro-
fanarum religionum, 10.

CHAP, in ADONIS IN CYPRUS 41

a sacred character,1 and their vocation, far from being deemed
infamous, was probably long regarded by the laity as an
exercise of more than common virtue, and rewarded with a
tribute of mixed wonder, reverence, and pity, not unlike that
which in some parts of the world is still paid to women who
seek to honour their Creator in a different way by renouncing
the natural functions of their sex and the tenderest relations
of humanity. It is thus that the folly of mankind finds
vent in opposite extremes alike harmful and deplorable.

At Paphos the custom of religious prostitution is said to The
have been instituted by King Cinyras,2 and to have been
practised by his daughters, the sisters of Adonis, who,
having incurred the wrath of Aphrodite, mated with
strangers and ended their days in Egypt.3 In this form of
the tradition the wrath of Aphrodite is probably a feature
added by a later authority, who could only regard conduct
which shocked his own moral sense as a punishment inflicted
by the goddess instead of as a sacrifice regularly enjoined
by her on all her devotees. At all events the story indi-
cates that the princesses of Paphos had to conform to the
custom as well as women of humble birth.

The legendary history of the royal and priestly family The
of the Cinyrads is instructive. We are told that a Syrian
man, by name Sandacus, migrated to Cilicia, married of the
Pharnace, daughter of Megassares, king of Hyria, and Cinyrads-
founded the city of Celenderis. His wife bore him a son,
Cinyras, who in time crossed the sea with a company of
people to Cyprus, wedded Metharme, daughter of Pygmalion,
king of the island, and founded Paphos.4 These legends

1 In Hebrew a temple harlot was 'Tpituv /ScttriX^ws. As to Hyria in
regularly called " a sacred woman " Isauria see Stephanus Byzantius, s.v.
(kedesha). See Encyclopaedia Biblica, 'Tpi'a. The city of Celenderis, on the
s.v. "Harlot"; S. R. Driver, on south coast of Cilicia, possessed a small
Genesis xxxviii. 21. As to such harbour protected by a fortified penin-
" sacred women " see below, pp. 70 sqq. sula. Many ancient tombs survived

2 Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. till recent times, but have now mostly
ii. 13, p. 12, ed. Potter : Arnobius, disappeared. It was the port from
Adversus Nationes, v. 19 ; Firmicus which the Turkish couriers from Con-
Maternus, De errore profanarum re- stantinople used to embark for Cyprus.
ligionum, 10. As to the situation and remains see

3 Apollodorus, Bibliotheca^ iii. 14. 3. F. Beaufort, Karmania (London, 1817),

4 Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, iii. 14. p. 201 ; W. M. Leake, Joiirnal of a
3. I follow the text of R. Wagner's Tour in Asia Minor (London, 1824),
edition in reading Meyaa-ffdpov TOV pp. 114-118; R. Heberdey und A.

42 ADONIS IN CYPRUS BOOK i

seem to contain reminiscences of kingdoms in Cilicia and
Cyprus which passed in the female line, and were held by
men, sometimes foreigners, who married the hereditary
princesses. There are some indications that Cinyras was
not in fact the founder of the temple at Paphos. An
older tradition ascribed the foundation to a certain Aerias,
whom some regarded as a king, and others as the goddess
herself.1 Moreover, Cinyras or his descendants at Paphos
had to reckon with rivals. These were the Tamirads,
a family of diviners who traced their descent from Tamiras,
a Cilician augur. At first it was arranged that both
families should preside at the ceremonies, but afterwards
the Tamirads gave way to the Cinyrads.2 Many tales
were told of Cinyras, the founder of the dynasty. He
was a priest of Aphrodite as well as a king,3 and his
riches passed into a proverb.4 To his descendants, the
Cinyrads, he appears to have bequeathed his wealth and his
dignities ; at all events, they reigned as kings of Paphos and
served the goddess as priests. Their dead bodies, with that
of Cinyras himself, were buried in the sanctuary.5 But by
the fourth century before our era the family had declined
and become nearly extinct. When Alexander the Great
expelled a king of Paphos for injustice and wickedness, his
envoys made search for a member of the ancient house to
set on the throne of his fathers. At last they found one of

Wilhelm, " Reisen in Kilikien," Denk- viii. (vol. i. p. 149, ed. L. Dindorf ) ;

schriftenderkais.AkademiederWissen- Julian, Epist. lix. p. 574, ed. F. C.

schaften, Philosoph.-historische Ctasse, Hertlein ; Diogenianus, viii. 53; Sui-

xliv. (1896) No. vi. p. 94. The state- das, s.v. Kcmry^pdo-cus.

ment that the sanctuary of Aphrodite 6 Schol. on Pindar, Pyth. ii. 15

at Paphos was founded by the Arcadian (27) ; Hesychius, s.v. Kivvpddcu •

Agapenor, who planted a colony in Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. iii.

Cyprus after the Trojan war (Pausanias, 45, p. 40, ed. Potter ; Arnobius,

viii. 5. 2), may safely be disregarded. Adversus Nationes, vi. 6. That the

1 Tacitus, Hist. ii. 3 ; Annals, iii. kings of Paphos were also priests of
62. the goddess is proved, apart from the

2 Tacitus, Hist. ii. 3 ; Hesychius, s.v. testimony of ancient writers, by inscrip-
Ta/xtpd5cu. tions found on the spot. See H.

3 Pindar, Pyth. ii. 13-17. Collitz, Sammlung der griechischen

4 Tyrtaeus, xii. 6 (Poetae Lyrici Dialektinschriftcn, i. (Gottingen, 1884)
Graeci, ed. Th. Bergk,3 Leipsic, 1866- p. 22, Nos. 38, 39, 40. The title of
1867, ii- 4°4) » Pindar, Pyth. viii. 18; the goddess in these inscriptions is
Plato, Laws, ii. 6, p. 660 E ; Clement Queen or Mistress (Fai>ao-(<r)as). It
of Alexandria, Paedag. iii. 6, p. 274, is perhaps a translation of the Semitic
ed. Potter ; Dio Chrysostom, Oral. Baalath.

CHAP. Ill

ADONIS IN CYPRUS

them living in obscurity and earning his bread as a market
gardener. He was in the very act of watering his beds
when the king's messengers carried him off, much to his
astonishment, to receive the crown at the hands of their
master.1 Yet if the dynasty decayed, the shrine of the
goddess, enriched by the offerings of kings and private
persons, maintained its reputation for wealth down to Roman
times.2 When Ptolemy Auletes, king of Egypt, was expelled
by his people in 57 B.C., Cato offered him the priesthood of
Paphos as a sufficient consolation in money and dignity for
the loss of a throne.3

Among the stories which were told of Cinyras, the
ancestor of these priestly kings and the father of Adonis,
there are some that deserve our attention. In the first place,
he is said to have begotten his son Adonis in incestuous
intercourse with his daughter Myrrha at a festival of the
corn-goddess, at which women robed in white were wont to
offer corn-wreaths as first-fruits of the harvest and to observe
strict chastity for nine days.4 Similar cases of incest with

incest of

^loThis
daughter

^birt'h
of Adonis.

1 Plutarch, De Alexandri Magni
fortuna aut virtute, ii. 8. The name
of the gardener -king was Alynomus.
That the Cinyrads existed as a family
down to Macedonian times is further
proved by a Greek inscription found at
Old Paphos, which records that a certain
Democrates, son of Ptolemy, head of
the Cinyrads, and his wife Eunice,
dedicated a statue of their daughter to
the Paphian Aphrodite. See L. Ross,
" Inschriften von Cypern," Rheinisches
Museum, N.F. vii. (1850) pp. 520
sq. It seems to have been a common
practice of parents to dedicate statues
of their sons or daughters to the goddess
at Paphos. The inscribed pedestals of
many such statues were found by the
English archaeologists. See Journal
of Hellenic Studies, ix. (1888)* pp. 228,
235, 236, 237, 241, 244, 246, 255.

'2 Tacitus, Hist, ii. 4 ; Pausanias,
viii. 24. 6.

3 Plutarch, Cato the Younger, 35.

4 Ovid, Metam. x. 298 sqq. ; Hy-
ginus, Fab. 58, 64 ; Fulgentius, Myth-
olog. Hi. 8 ; Lactantius Placidius,
Narrat. Fabul. x. 9 ; Servius on
Virgil, Ed. x. 1 8, and Aen. v. 72 ;

Plutarch, Parallela, 22 ; Schol. on
Theocritus, i. 107. It is Ovid who
describes (Metam. x. 431 sqq.} the
festival of Ceres, at which the incest
was committed. His source was prob-
ably the Metamorphoses of the Greek
writer Theodorus, which Plutarch (I.e.)
refers to as his authority for the story.
The festival in question was perhaps
the Thesmophoria, at which women
were bound to remain chaste (Schol.
on Theocritus, iv. 25 ; Schol. on
Nicander, Ther. 70 sq. ; Pliny, Nat.
Hist. xxiv. 59 ; Dioscorides, De
Materia Medica, i. 134 (135) ; com-
pare Aelian, De natura animalium,
ix. 26). Compare E. Fehrle, Die
kultische Keuschheit im Altertum
(Giessen, 1910), pp. 103 sqq., I2isq.,
151 sqq. The corn and bread of Cyprus
were famous in antiquity. See Ae-
schylus, Suppliants, 549 (555) ; Hip-
ponax, cited by Strabo, viii. 3. S, p.
340 ; Eubulus, cited by Athenaeus,
iii. 78, p. 112 F; E. Oberhummer,
Die Insel Cypern, i. (Munich, 1903)
pp. 274 sqq. According to another
account, Adonis was the fruit of the in-
cestuous intercourse of Theias, a Syrian

ADONIS IN CYPRUS

BOOK I

Legends
of royal
incest — a
suggested
explana-
tion.

a daughter are reported of many ancient kings.1 It seems
unlikely that such reports are without foundation, and per-
haps equally improbable that they refer to mere fortuitous
outbursts of unnatural lust. We may suspect that they are
based on a practice actually observed for a definite reason
in certain special circumstances. Now in countries where
the royal blood was traced through women only, and where
consequently the king held office merely in virtue of his
marriage with an hereditary princess, who was the real sove-
reign, it appears to have often happened that a prince
married his own sister, the princess royal, in order to obtain
with her hand the crown which otherwise would have erone

to another man, perhaps to a stranger.2 May not the same
rule of descent have furnished a motive for incest with a
daughter? For it seems a natural corollary from such a
rule that the king was bound to vacate the throne on the
death of his wife, the queen, since he occupied it only by
virtue of his marriage with her. When that marriage
terminated, his right to the throne terminated with it and
passed at once to his daughter's husband. Hence if the
king desired to reign after his wife's death, the only way
in which he could legitimately continue to do so was
by marrying his daughter, and thus prolonging through
her the title which had formerly been his through her
mother.

king, with his daughter Myrrha.
See Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, iii. 14.
4 (who cites Panyasis as his author-
ity) ; J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lyco-
phron, 829 ; Antoninus Liberalis,
Transform. 34 (who lays the scene of
the story on Mount Lebanon). With
the corn - wreaths mentioned in the
text we may compare the wreaths which
the Roman Arval Brethren wore at
their sacred functions, and with which
they seem to have crowned the images
of the goddesses. See G. Henzen, Acta
Fratrum Arvalium (Berlin, 1874), pp.
24-27, 33 sq. Compare Pausanias, vii.
20. I. sq.

1 A list of these cases is given by
Hyginus, Fab. 253. It includes the
incest of Clymenus, king of Arcadia,
with his daughter Harpalyce (compare

Hyginus, Fab. 206) ; that of Oeno-
maus, king of Pisa, with his daughter
Hippodamia (compare J. Tzetzes,
Schol. on Lycophron, 156; Lucian,
Charidemus, 19) ; that of Erechtheus,
king of Athens, with his daughter
Procris ; and that of Epopeus, king
of Lesbos, with his daughter Nyctimene
(compare Hyginus, Fab. 204).

2 The custom* of brother and sister
marriage seems to have been especially
common in royal families. See my
note on Pausanias, i. 7. I (vol. ii. pp.
84 sq.) ; as to the case of Egypt see
below, vol. ii. pp. 213 sqq. The true
explanation of the custom was first,
so far as I know, indicated by J. F.
McLennan (The Patriarchal Theory ',
London, 1885, p. 95).

CHAP, in ADONIS IN CYPRUS

In this connexion it is worth while to remember that at The
Rome the Flamen Dialis was bound to vacate his priesthood
on the death of his wife, the Flaminica.1 The rule would and his
be intelligible if the Flaminica had originally been the more ^
important functionary of the two, and if the Flamen held
office only by virtue of his marriage with her.2 Elsewhere
I have shown reason to suppose that he and his wife repre-
sented an old line of priestly kings and queens, who played
the parts of Jupiter and Juno, or perhaps rather Dianus and
Diana, respectively.3 If the supposition is correct, the custom
which obliged him to resign his priesthood on the death
of his wife seems to prove that of the two deities whom they
personated, the goddess, whether named Juno or Diana, was
indeed the better half. But at Rome the goddess Juno
always played an insignificant part ; whereas at Nemi her
old double, Diana, was all-powerful, casting her mate, Dianus
or Virbius, into deep shadow. Thus a rule which points to
the superiority of the Flaminica over the Flamen, appears to
indicate that the divine originals of the two were Dianus
and Diana rather than Jupiter and Juno ; and further, that if
Jupiter and Juno at Rome stood for the principle of father-
kin, or the predominance of the husband over the wife,
Dianus and Diana at Nemi stood for the older principle of
mother-kin, or the predominance of the wife in matters of
inheritance over the husband. If, then, I am right in holding
that the kingship at Rome was originally a plebeian institu-
tion and descended through women,4 we must conclude that
the people who founded the sanctuary of Diana at Nemi
were of the same plebeian stock as the Roman kings, that
they traced descent in the female line, and that they
worshipped a great Mother Goddess, not a great Father God.
That goddess was Diana ; her maternal functions are abun-
dantly proved by the votive offerings found at her ancient
shrine among the wooded hills.5 On the other hand, the

1 Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 22 ; J. 1906), p. 74.

Marquardt, Rb'mischeStaatsven.valtungt 3 The Magic Art and the Evolution

iii.2 (Leipsic, 1885) P- 32%- of Kings, ii. 179, 190 sqq.

2 Priestesses are said to have pre- 4 The Magic Art and the Evolution
ceded priests in some Egyptian cities. of Kings > ii. 268 sqq.

See W. M. Flinders Petrie, The Re- 6 The Magic Art and the Evohition

ligion of Ancient Egypt (London, of Kings, i. 1 2 note1.

ADONIS IN CYPRUS

BOOK I

Priestesses
among the
K basis trf
Assam.

Sacred
marriage
of a priest
and

priestess as
representa-
tives of
the Sun-
god and
the Earth-
goddess.

patricians, who afterwards invaded the country, brought
with them father-kin in its strictest form, and consistently
enough paid their devotions rather to Father Jove than to
Mother Juno.

A parallel to what I conjecture to have been the original
relation of the Flaminica to her husband the Flamen may to
a certain extent be found among the Khasis of Assam, who
preserve to this day the ancient system of mother-kin in
matters of inheritance and religion. For among these people
the propitiation of deceased ancestors is deemed essential to
the welfare of the community, and of all their ancestors they
revere most the primaeval ancestress of the clan. Accordingly
in every sacrifice a priest must be assisted by a priestess ;
indeed, we are told that he merely acts as her deputy, and
that she " is without doubt a survival of the time when, under
the matriarchate, the priestess was the agent for the perform-
ance of all religious ceremonies." It does not appear that
the priest need be the husband of the priestess ; but in the
Khyrim State, where each division has its own goddess to
whom sacrifices are offered, the priestess is the mother, sister,
niece, or other maternal relation of the priest. It is her duty
to prepare all the sacrificial articles, and without her assist-
ance the sacrifice cannot take place.1 Here, then, as among
the ancient Romans on my hypothesis, we have the superiority
of the priestess over the priest based on a corresponding
superiority of the goddess or divine ancestress over the god
or divine ancestor ; and here, as at Rome, a priest would
clearly have to vacate office if he had no woman of the
proper relationship to assist him in the performance of his
sacred duties.

Further, I have conjectured that as representatives of
Jupiter and Juno respectively the Flamen and Flaminica at
Rome may have annually celebrated a Sacred Marriage for
the purpose of ensuring the fertility of the pfowers of nature.2
This conjecture also may be supported by an analogous
custom which is still observed in India. We have seen how
among the Oraons, a primitive hill -tribe of Bengal, the

1 Major P. R. T. Gurdon, The
Khasis (London, 1907), pp. 109-112,
120 sq.

2 The Magic Art and the Evolution
of Kings, ii. 191 sqq.

CHAP, in ADONIS IN CYPRUS 47

marriage of the Sun and the Earth is annually celebrated
by a priest and priestess who personate respectively the god
of the Sun and the goddess of the Earth.1 The ceremony
of the Sacred Marriage has been described more fully by a
Jesuit missionary, who was intimately acquainted with the
people and their native religion. The rite is celebrated in
the month of May, when the sal tree is in bloom, and the
festival takes its native name (khaddt] from the flower of the
tree. It is the greatest festival of the year. " The object
of this feast is to celebrate the mystical marriage of the
Sun-god (Bhagawari] with the Goddess-earth (Dharti-mai)y
to induce them to be fruitful and give good crops." At the
same time all the minor deities or demons of the village are
propitiated, in order that they may not hinder the beneficent
activity of the Sun God and the Earth Goddess. On the
eve of the appointed day no man may plough his fields, and
the priest, accompanied by some of the villagers, repairs to
the sacred grove, where he beats a drum and invites all the
invisible guests to the great feast that will await them on
the morrow. Next morning very early, before cock-crow,
an acolyte steals out as quietly as possible to the sacred
spring to fetch water in a new earthen pot. This holy water
is full of all kinds of blessings for the crops. The priest has
prepared a place for it in the middle of his house surrounded
by cotton threads of diverse colours. So sacred is the water
that it would be defiled and lose all its virtue, were any pro-
fane eye to fall on it before it entered the priest's house.
During the morning the acolyte and the priest's deputy go
round from house to house collecting victims for the sacrifice.
In the afternoon the people all gather at the sacred grove,
and the priest proceeds to consummate the sacrifice. The
first victims to be immolated are a white cock for the Sun
God and a black hen for the Earth Goddess ; and as the
feast is the marriage of these great deities the marriage
service is performed over the two fowls before they are
hurried into eternity. Amongst other things both birds are
marked with vermilion just as a bride and bridegroom are
marked at a human marriage ; and the earth is also smeared
with vermilion, as if it were a real bride, on the spot where

1 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 148.

48 ADONIS IN CYPRUS BOOK i

the sacrifice is offered. Sacrifices of fowls or goats to the
minor deities or demons follow. The bodies of the victims
are collected by the village boys, who cook them on the
spot ; all the heads go to the sacrificers. The gods take
what they can get and are more or less thankful. Meantime
the acolyte has collected flowers of the sal tree and set them
round the place of sacrifice, and he has also fetched the holy
water from the priest's house. A procession is now formed
Marriage of and the priest is carried in triumph to his own abode. There
god^id h*s wtfe has keen watching for him, and on his arrival the
Earth- two go through the marriage ceremony, applying vermilion
actecTby a to eacn otner m the usual way " to symbolise the mystical
priest and marriage of the Sun-god with the Earth-goddess." Meantime
all the women of the village are standing on the thresholds
of their houses each with a winnowing -fan in her hand.
In the fan are two cups, one empty to receive the holy
water, and the other full of rice-beer for the consumption of
the holy man. As he arrives at each house, he distributes
flowers and holy water to the happy women, and enriches
them with a shower of blessings, saying, " May your rooms
and granary be filled with rice, that the priest's name may
be great." The holy water which he leaves at each house
is sprinkled on the seeds that have been kept to sow next
year's crop. Having thus imparted his benediction to the
household the priest swigs the beer ; and as he repeats his
benediction and his potation at every house he is naturally
dead-drunk by the time he gets to the end of the village.
" By that time every one has taken copious libations of rice-
beer, and all the devils of the village seem to be let loose,
and there follows a scene of debauchery baffling description
— all these to induce the Sun and the Earth to be fruitful." 1
Thus the people of Cyprus and Western Asia in antiquity
were by no means singular in their belief that the profligacy
of the human sexes served to quicken {he fruits of the
earth.2

Cinyras is said to have been famed for his exquisite

1 The late Rev. P. Dehon, S.J., pp. 144-146.

"Religion and Customs of the Uraons," 2 For more evidence see The Magic

Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Art ana the Evolution of Kings, ii.

Bengal, \o\. i. No. 9 (Calcutta, 1906), 97 sqq.

CHAP, in ADONIS IN CYPRUS 49

beauty l and to have been wooed by Aphrodite herself.2 Cinyras

Thus it would appear, as scholars have already observed,3

that Cinyras was in a sense a duplicate of his handsome son

Adonis, to whom the inflammable goddess also lost her

heart. Further, these stories of the love of Aphrodite for Pygmalion

two members of the royal house of Paphos can hardly be ^nc? ..

dissociated from the corresponding legend told of Pygmalion,

the Phoenician king of Cyprus, who is said to have fallen in

love with an image of Aphrodite and taken it to his bed.4

When we consider that Pygmalion was the father-in-law The

of Cinyras, that the son of Cinyras was Adonis, and that all

three, in successive generations, are said to have been con- Cyprus or

cerned in a love-intrigue with Aphrodite, we can hardly help ^fpeaTto

concluding that the early Phoenician kings of Paphos, or have been

their sons, regularly claimed to be not merely the priests imccs**

of the goddess5 but also her lovers, in other words, that in ofthe

their official capacity they personated Adonis. At all events g

Adonis is said to have reigned in Cyprus,6 and it appears

to be certain that the title of Adonis was regularly borne

by the sons of all the Phoenician kings of the island.7 It is

true that the title strictly signified no more than " lord " ;

yet the legends which connect these Cyprian princes with

the goddess of love make it probable that they claimed the

1 Lucian, Rhetorum praeceptor, 1 1 ; a Cyprian.
Hyginus, Fab. 270. 6 See above, p. 42.

2 Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. 6 Probus, on Virgil, Ed. x. 18.
"• 33? P- 29> ed- Potter. I owe this reference to my friend

3 W. H. Engel, Kypros, ii. 585, Mr. A. B. Cook.

612; A. Maury, Histoire des Religions 7 In his treatise on the political

de la Grece Antique (Paris, 1857- institutions of Cyprus, Aristotle re-

1859), iii. 197, note3. ported that the sons and brothers of

4 Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, vi. the kings were called "lords" (^cucres),
22; Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. and their sisters and wives "ladies"
iv- 57> P- 5J> ed- Potter; Ovid, (<^a<r<rcu). See Harpocration and
Metam. x. 243-297. The authority Suidas, s.v. "AvaKres. Compare Iso-
for the story is the Greek history of crates, ix. 72 ; Clearchus of Soli,
Cyprus by Philostephanus, cited both quoted by Athenaeus, vi. 68, p. 256 A.
by Arnobius and Clement. In Ovid's Now in the bilingual inscription of
poetical version of the legend Pyg- Idalium, which furnished the clue to
malion is a sculptor, and the image the Cypriote syllabary, the Greek
with which he falls in love is that of a version gives the title F6.va% as the
lovely woman, which at his prayer equivalent of the Phoenician Adon
Venus endows with life. That King (pn). See Corpus Inscriptionum
Pygmalion was a Phoenician is men- Semiticarum, i. No. 89 ; G. A. Cooke,
tioned by Porphyry {De abstinentia, Text-book of North-Semitic Inscrip-
iv. 15) on the authority of Asclepiades, tions^ p. 74, note1.

PT. IV. VOL. I E

50 ADONIS IN CYPRUS BOOK i

divine nature as well as the human dignity of Adonis. The
story of Pygmalion points to a ceremony of a sacred
marriage in which the king wedded the image of Aphrodite,
or rather of Astarte. If that was so, the tale was in a sense
true, not of a single man only, but of a whole series of men,
and it would be all the more likely to be told of Pygmalion,
if that was a common name of Semitic kings in general,
and of Cyprian kings in particular. Pygmalion, at all
events, is known as the name of the famous king of Tyre
from whom his sister Dido fled ; 1 and a king of Citium
and Idalium in Cyprus, who reigned in the time of Alex-
ander the Great, was also called Pygmalion, or rather Pumi-
yathon, the Phoenician name which the Greeks corrupted
into Pygmalion.2 Further, it deserves to be ^noted that
the names Pygmalion and Astarte occur together in a Punic
inscription on a gold medallion which was found in a grave
at Carthage ; the characters of the inscription are of the
earliest type.3 As the custom of religious prostitution at
Paphos is said to have been founded by King Cinyras and
Sacred observed by his daughters,4 we may surmise that the kings
oftheage °^ PaPnos played the part of the divine bridegroom in a
kings of less innocent rite than the form of marriage with a statue ;
Paphos. jn £act^ ^^ at certam festivals each of them had to mate
with one or more of the sacred harlots of the temple, who
played Astarte to his Adonis. If that was so, there is more
truth than has commonly been supposed in the reproach
cast by the Christian fathers that the Aphrodite worshipped

1 Josephus, Contra Apionem, i. 18, (Diodorus Siculus, xix. 79. 4). Most
ed. B. Niese ; Appian, Punica, i ; probably he is the Pymaton of Citium
Virgil, Aen. i. 346 sq. ; Ovid, Fasti, who purchased the kingdom from a
iii. 574 ; Justin, xviii. 4 ; Eustathius dissolute monarch named Pasicyprus
on Dionysius Periegetes, 195 (Geo- some time before the conquests of
graphi Graeci Minores, ed. C. Muller Alexander (Athenaeus, iv. 63, p. 167).
Paris, 1882, ii. 250 sq.). In this passage of Athenaeus the name

2 Pumi-yathon, son of Milk-yathon, Pymaton, which is found in the MSS.
is known from Phoenician inscriptions and agrees closely with the Phoenician
found at Idalium. See G. A. Cooke, Pumi-yathon, ought not to be changed
Text-book of North-Semitic Inscrip- into Pygmalion, as the latest editor
tions, Nos. 12 and 13, pp. 55 sq., (G. Kaibel) has done.

57 sq. Coins inscribed with the name 3 G A> Cooke> ^ ^ note ^

of King Pumi-yathon are ako in exist- Mr> Cooke remarks that the fonn

ence. See G. F Hill, Catalogue of Q{ ^ name ( ^ instead of }

the Greek Corns of Cyprus London, be ^ J ce>
10.04), pp. xl. sq., 21 sq., pi. iv. 20-

24. He was deposed by Ptolemy 4 See above, p. 41.

CHAP, in ADONIS IN CYPRUS 51

by Cinyras was a common whore.1 The fruit of their union
would rank as sons and daughters of the deity, and would
in time become the parents of gods and goddesses, like
their fathers and mothers before them. In this manner
Paphos, and perhaps all sanctuaries of the great Asiatic
goddess where sacred prostitution was practised, might be
well stocked with human deities, the offspring of the divine
king by his wives, concubines, and temple harlots. Any one
of these might probably succeed his father on the throne 2
or be sacrificed in his stead whenever stress of war or other
grave junctures called, as they sometimes did,3 for the death
of a royal victim. Such a tax, levied occasionally on the
king's numerous progeny for the good of the country, would
neither extinguish the divine stock nor break the father's
heart, who divided his paternal affection among so many.
At all events, if, as there seems reason to believe, Semitic Sons and
kings were often regarded at the same time as hereditary ^ere^nd
deities, it is easy to understand the frequency of Semitic mothers of
personal names which imply that the bearers of them were a god'
the sons or daughters, the brothers or sisters, the fathers or
mothers of a god, and we need not resort to the shifts
employed by some scholars to evade the plain sense of the
words.4 This interpretation is confirmed by a parallel

1 Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. man was the father of a god have
ii.. 13, p. 12; Arnobius, Adversus proved particularly puzzling to some
Nationes, v. 9 ; Firmicus Maternus, eminent Semitic scholars. See W.
De errore profanarum religionum, 10. Robertson Smith, Religion of the

2 That the king was not necessarily Semites? p. 45, note 2 ; Th. Noldeke,
succeeded by his eldest son is proved s.v. " Names," Encyclopaedia Biblica,
by the case of Solomon, who on his iii. 3287 sqq. ; W. W. Graf Baudissin,
accession executed his elder brother Adonis und Esmun, pp. 39 sq., 43
Adoni-jah (i Kings ii. 22-24). Simi- sqq. Such names are Abi-baal(" father
larly, when Abimelech became king of Baal"), Abi-el ("father of El"),
of Shechem, he put his seventy brothers Abi-jah ("father of Jehovah"), and
in ruthless oriental fashion to death. Abi-melech ("father of a king" or
See Judges viii. 29-31, ix. 5 sq., 18. " father of Moloch"). On the hypo-
So on his accession Jehoram, King thesis put forward in the text the
of Judah, put all his brothers to the father of a god and the son of a god
sword (2 Chronicles xxi. 4). King stood precisely on the same footing,
Rehoboam had eighty-eight children and the same person would often be
(2 Chronicles xi. 21) and King Abi-jah both one and the other. Where the
had thirty-eight (2 Chronicles xiii. 21). common practice prevailed of naming
These examples illustrate the possible a father after his son (Taboo and the
size of the family of a polygamous king. Perils of the Soul, pp. 331 sqq.), a

3 The Dying God, pp. 160 sqq. divine king in later life might often be

4 The names which imply that a called "father of such-and-such a god."

ADONIS IN CYPRUS

BOOK i

Cinyras,

Davw
harper.

The use of

means 'of*
prophetic

Hebrews,

Egyptian usage ; for in Egypt, where the kings were wor-
shipped as divine,1 the queen was called " the wife of the
god " or " the mother of the god," 2 and the title " father
of the god " was borne not only by the king's real father
but also by his father-in-law.3 Similarly, perhaps, among
the Semites any man who sent his daughter to swell the
royal harem may have been allowed to call himself " the
father of the god."

If we may judge by his name, the Semitic king who
bore t^ie name °f Cinyras was, like King David, a harper ;
for the name of Cinyras is clearly connected with the Greek
cinyra> " a lyre," which in its turn comes from the Semitic
kinnor, " a lyre," the very word applied to the instrument
on which David played before Saul.4 We shall probably
not err in assuming that at Paphos as at Jerusalem the
music of the lyre or harp was not a mere pastime designed
to while away an idle hour, but formed part of the service
of religion, the moving influence of its melodies being per-
haps set down, like the effect of wine, to the direct inspira-
tion of a deity. Certainly at Jerusalem the regular clergy
°^ *-ke temple prophesied to the music of harps, of psalteries,
and of cymbals ; 5 and it appears that the irregular clergy
als°' as we mav ca^ ^e Pr°Pnets, depended on some such
stimulus for inducing the ecstatic state which they took for
immediate converse with the divinity.6 Thus we read of a
band of prophets coming down from a high place with a
psaltery, a timbrel, a pipe, and a harp before them, and
prophesying as they went.7 Again, when the united forces
of Judah and Ephraim were traversing the wilderness of
Moab in pursuit of the enemy, they could find no water for

1 The Magic Art and the Evolution
of Kings, i. 418 sq.

2 A. Erman,' Aegypten und aegyp-
tisches Leben im Altertum (Tubingen,
N.D.), p. 113.

3 L. Borchardt, "Der agyptische
Tit el ' Vater des Gottes ' als Bezeich-
nung fur ' Vater oder Schwiegervater
des Konigs,"' Berichte uber die Ver-
handlungen der Kbniglich Sdchsischen
Gesdlschaft der Wissenschaften zu
Leipzig, Philolog.-histor. Klasse, Ivii.
(1905) pp. 254-270.

4 F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier,
i. 243; Stoll, s.v. "Kinyras," in
W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech.
und rom. Myfhologie, ii. 1191; I
Samuel xvi. 23.

5 z Chronicles xxv. 1-3; compare
2 gamuel vi. 5.

6 W- Robertson Smith, The Prophets
of Israel* (London, 1902), pp. 391
s?' '> E- Renan> Htstoire du peuple

(Pans, 1893), u. 280.
Samuel x. 5.

CHAP, in ADONIS IN CYPRUS 53

three days, and were like to die of thirst, they and the beasts
of burden. In this emergency the prophet Elisha, who was
with the army, called for a minstrel and bade him play.
Under the influence of the music he ordered the soldiers
to dig trenches in the sandy bed of the waterless waddy
through which lay the line of march. They did so, and
next morning the trenches were full of the water that had
drained down into them underground from the desolate,
forbidding mountains on either hand. The prophet's success
in striking water in the wilderness resembles the reported
success of modern dowsers, though his mode of procedure
was different. Incidentally he rendered another service
to his countrymen. For the skulking Moabites from their
lairs among the rocks saw the red sun of the desert reflected
in the water, and taking it for the blood, or perhaps rather
for an omen of the blood, of their enemies, they plucked up
heart to attack the camp and were defeated with great
slaughter.1

Again, just as the cloud of melancholy which from time The
to time darkened the moody mind of Saul was viewed as lljfluenfe

* of music

an evil spirit from the Lord vexing him, so on the other on religion.
hand the solemn strains of the harp, which soothed and com-
posed his troubled thoughts,2 may well have seemed to the
hag-ridden king the very voice of God or of his good angel
whispering peace. Even in our own day a great religious
writer, himself deeply sensitive to the witchery of music, has
said that musical notes, with all their power to fire the blood
and melt the heart, cannot be mere empty sounds and nothing
more ; no, they have escaped from some higher sphere, they
are outpourings of eternal harmony, the voice of angels, the
Magnificat of saints.3 It is thus that the rude imaginings
of primitive man are transfigured and his feeble lispings
echoed with a rolling reverberation in the musical prose of
Newman. Indeed the influence of music on the develop-

1 2 Kings iii. 4-24. And for the Moabites took the ruddy light on the

explanation of the supposed miracle, water for an omen of blood rather

see W. Robertson Smith, The Old than for actual gore.
Testament in the Jewish Church21 2 I Samuel xvi. 14-23.

(London and Edinburgh, 1892), pp. 3 J. H. Newman, Sermons preached

146 sq. I have to thank Professor before the University of Oxford, No.

Kennett for the suggestion that the xv. pp. 346 sq. (third edition).

54 ADONIS IN CYPRUS BOOK i

ment of religion is a subject which would repay a sympathetic
study. For we cannot doubt that this, the most intimate and
affecting of all the arts, has done much to create as well as to
express the religious emotions, thus modifying more or less
deeply the fabric of belief to which at first sight it seems
only to minister. The musician has done his part as well
as the prophet and the thinker in the making of religion.
Every faith has its appropriate music, and the difference
between the creeds might almost be expressed in musical
notation. The interval, for example, which divides the wild
revels of Cybele from the stately ritual of the Catholic
Church is measured by the gulf which severs the dissonant
clash of cymbals and tambourines from the grave harmonies
of Palestrina and Handel. A different spirit breathes in the
difference of the music.1

The The legend which made Apollo the friend of Cinyras2 may

function of be based On a belief in their common devotion to the lyre.
music in But what function, we may ask, did string music perform in

l the Greek and the Semitic ritual ? Did it serve to rouse the
ritual. human mouthpiece of the god to prophetic ecstasy ? or did it
merely ban goblins and demons from the holy places and
the holy service, drawing as it were around the worshippers
a magic circle within which no evil thing might intrude?
In short, did it aim at summoning good or banishing evil
spirits ? was its object inspiration or exorcism ? The
examples drawn from the lives or legends of Elisha and
David prove that with the Hebrews the music of the lyre
might be used for either purpose ; for while Elisha employed
it to tune himself to the prophetic pitch, David resorted to it
for the sake of exorcising the foul fiend from Saul. With
the Greeks, on the other hand, in historical times, it does not
appear that string music served as a means of inducing the
condition of trance or ecstasy in the human mouthpieces of
Apollo and the other oracular gods ; on the contrary, its sober-
ing and composing influence, as contrasted with the exciting
influence of flute music, is the aspect which chiefly impressed

1 It would be interesting to pursue much does Catholicism owe to Fra

a similar line of inquiry in regard to Angelico ?
the other arts. What was the influence
of Phidias on Greek religion? How 2 Pindar, Pyth. ii. 15 sq.

CHAP, in ADONIS IN CYPRUS 55

the Greek mind.1 The religious or, at all events, the super-
stitious man might naturally ascribe the mental composure
wrought by grave, sweet music to a riddance of evil spirits,
in short to exorcism ; and in harmony with this view, Pindar,
speaking of the lyre, says that all things hateful to Zeus in
earth and sea tremble at the sound of music.2 Yet the
association of the lyre with the legendary prophet Orpheus
as well as with the oracular god Apollo seems to hint that
in early days its strains may have been employed by the
Greeks, as they certainly were by the Hebrews, to bring on
that state of mental exaltation in which the thick- coming
fancies of the visionary are regarded as divine communica-
tions.3 Which of these two functions of music, the positive
or the negative, the inspiring or the protective, predominated
in the religion of Adonis we cannot say ; perhaps the
two were not clearly distinguished in the minds of his
worshippers.

A constant feature in the myth of Adonis was his Traditions
premature and violent death. If, then, the kings of Paphos ^tVof
regularly personated Adonis, we must ask whether they Cinyras.
imitated their divine prototype in death as in life. Tradition
varied as to the end of Cinyras. Some thought that he
slew himself on discovering his incest with his daughter ; 4
others alleged that, like Marsyas, he was defeated by Apollo
in a musical contest and put to death by the victor.5 Yet he
cannot strictly be said to have perished in the flower of his
youth if he lived, as Anacreon averred, to the ripe age of one
hundred and sixty.6 If we must choose between the two
stories, it is perhaps more likely that he died a violent death
than that he survived to an age which surpassed that of

1 On the lyre and the flute in Greek what he had done (Antoninus Liberalis,
religion and Greek thought, see L. R. Transform. 34).

Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States 5 Scholiast and Eustathius on

(Oxford, 1896-1909), iv. 243^^. Homer, Iliad, xi. 20. Compare F. C.

2 Pindar, Pyth. i. 13 sqq. Movers, Die Phoenizier, i. 243 sq. ;

3 This seems to be the view also of W. H. Engel, Kypros, ii. 109-116;
Dr. Farnell, who rightly connects the Stoll, s.v. " Kinyras," in W. H.
musical with the prophetic side of Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und rb'm.
Apollo's character (pp. cit. iv. 245). Mythologie, ii. 1191.

4 Hyginus, Fab. 242. So in the 6 Anacreon, cited by Pliny, Nat.
version of the story which made Adonis Hist. vii. 154. Nonnus also refers to
the son of Theias, the father is said to the long life of Cinyras (Dionys. xxxii.
have killed himself when he learned 212 sq.}.

56 ADONIS IN CYPRUS BOOK i

Thomas Parr by eight years,1 though it fell far short of
the antediluvian standard. The life of eminent men in
remote ages is exceedingly elastic and may be lengthened
or shortened, in the interests of history, at the taste and
fancy of the historian.

1 Encyclopaedia Britannica? xiv. 858.

CHAPTER IV

SACRED MEN AND WOMEN

§ I. An Alternative Theory

IN the preceding chapter we saw that a system of sacred Sacred
prostitution was regularly carried on all over Western Asia, j^of1"
and that both in Phoenicia and in Cyprus the practice was Western
specially associated with the worship of Adonis. As the
explanation which I have adopted of the custom has been
rejected in favour of another by writers whose opinions are
entitled to be treated with respect, I shall devote the present
chapter to a further consideration of the subject, and shall
attempt to gather, from a closer scrutiny and a wider survey
of the field, such evidence as may set the custom and with it
the worship of Adonis in a clearer light. At the outset it
will be well to examine the alternative theory which has
been put forward to explain the facts.

It has been proposed to derive the religious prostitution Theory of
of Western Asia from a purely secular and precautionary
practice of destroying a bride's virginity before handing
her over to her husband in order that " the bridegroom's
intercourse should be safe from a peril that is much
dreaded by men in a certain stage of culture." * Among

1 L. R. Farnell, " Sociological by Prof. Nilsson. See his Studia de

hypotheses concerning the position of Dionysiis Atticis (Lund, 1900), pp.

women in ancient religion," Archiv 119-121. For a large collection of

fur Religionswissenschaft) tvii. (1904) facts bearing on this subject and

p. 88 ; M. P. Nilsson, Griechische a judicious discussion of them, see

Feste (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 366 sq. ; W. Hertz, "Die Sage vom Gift-

Fr. Cumont, Les religions orientates madchen," Gesammelte Abhandlungen

dans le paganisme Remain"* (Paris, (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1905), pp. 195-

I9°9)> PP- 361 sq. A different 219. My attention was drawn to this

and, in my judgment, a truer view last work by Prof. G. L. Hamilton of

of these customs was formerly taken the University of Michigan after my

SACRED MEN AND WOMEN

BOOK I

The theory
does not
account for
the religi-
ous charac-
ter of the
custom,

nor for the
prostitu-
tion of
married
women,

nor for the
repeated
prostitu-
tion of the
same
women,

the objections which may be taken to this view are the
following : —

(1) The theory fails to account for the deeply religious
character of the customs as practised in antiquity all over
Western Asia. That religious character appears from the
observance of the custom at the sanctuaries of a great
goddess, the dedication of the wages of prostitution to her,
the belief of the women that they earned her favour by
prostituting themselves,1 and the command of a male deity
to serve him in this manner.2

(2) The theory fails to account for the prostitution of
married women at Heliopolis3 and apparently also at
Babylon and Byblus ; for in describing the practice at the
two latter places our authorities, Herodotus and Lucian,
speak only of women, not of virgins.4 In Israel also we
know from Hosea that young married women prostituted
themselves at the sanctuaries on the hilltops under the
shadow of the sacred oaks, poplars, and terebinths.5 The
prophet makes no mention of virgins participating in these
orgies. They may have done so, but his language does not
imply it : he speaks only of " your daughters " and " your
daughters-in-law." The prostitution of married women is
wholly inexplicable on the hypothesis here criticized. Yet
it can hardly be separated from the prostitution of virgins,
which in some places at least was carried on side by side
with it.

(3) The theory fails to account for the repeated
and professional prostitution of women in Lydia, Pontus,
Armenia, and apparently all over Palestine.6 Yet this
habitual prostitution can in its turn hardly be separated

manuscript had been sent to the printer.
With Hertz's treatment of the subject
I am in general agreement, and I have
derived from his learned treatise several
references to authorities which I had
overlooked.

1 Above, p. 37.

2 Above, p. 38. Prof. Nilsson is
mistaken in affirming (op. cil. p. 367)
that the Lydian practice was purely
secular : the inscription which I have
cited proves the contrary. Both he

and Dr. Farnell fully recognize the
religious aspect of most of these
customs in antiquity, and Prof. Nilsson
attempts, as it seems to me, unsuccess-
fully, to indicate how a practice
supposed to be purely secular in origin
should have come to contract a
religious character.

3 Above, p. 37.

4 Above, pp. 36 sq., 38.

5 Hosea iv. 13 sq.

6 Above, pp. 37 sqq.

CHAP, iv AN ALTERNATIVE THEORY 59

from the first prostitution in a woman's life. Or are we to
suppose that the first act of unchastity is to be explained in
one way and all the subsequent acts in quite another? that
the first act was purely secular and all the subsequent acts
purely religious ?

(4) The theory fails to account for the Kedeshim nor for the
(" sacred men ") side by side with the Kedeshoth (" sacred men^bL
women ") at the sanctuaries ; l for whatever the religious side the
functions of these " sacred men " may have been, it is wo^n,"
highly probable that they were analogous to those of the

" sacred women " and are to be explained in the same way.

(5) On the hypothesis which I am considering we and is irre-
should expect to find the man who deflowers the maid ^J^16
remunerated for rendering a dangerous service ; and so in payment
fact we commonly find him remunerated in places where the
supposed custom is really practised.2 But in Western Asia it

was just the contrary. It was the woman who was paid, not
the man ; indeed, so well was she paid that in Lydia and
Cyprus the girls earned dowries for themselves in this fashion.8
This clearly shows that it was the woman, and not the man,
who was believed to render the service. Or are we to suppose
that the man had to pay for rendering a dangerous service ? 4
These considerations seem to prove conclusively that
whatever the remote origin of these Western Asiatic customs
may have been, they cannot have been observed in his-

1 See above, pp. 17 sq. und Urgeschichte, 1898^.481 (Azimba,

2 L. di Varthema, 7^ravels (Hakluyt Central Africa) ; Sir H. H. Johnston,
Society, 1863), pp. 141, 202-204 British Central Africa (London, 1897),
(Malabar); J. A. de Mandlesloe, in p. 410 (the Wa-Yao of Central Africa).
J. Harris's Voyages and Travels, i. See further, W. Hertz, "Die Sage
(London, 1744), p. 767 (Malabar); vom Giftmadchen," Gesammelte Ab-
Richard, " History of Tonquin," in handhmgen, pp. 198-204.

J. Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, ix. 3 Herodotus, i. 93 ; Justin, xviii. 5.
760 sq. (Aracan) ; A. de Morga, The 4. Part of the wages thus earned was
Philippine Islands ; Moluccas, Siam, probably paid into the local temple. See
Cambodia, Japan, and China (Hakluyt above, pp. 37, 38. However, accord-
Society, 1868), pp. 304 sq. (the ing to Strabo (xi. 14. 16, p. 532) the
Philippines) ; J. Mallat, Les Philip- Armenian girls of rich families often
pines (Paris, 1846), i. 6 1 (the Philip- gave their lovers more than they re-
pines) ; L. Moncelon, in Bulletins de la ceived from them.

Soci^te d1 Anthropologie de Paris, 3me * This fatal objection to the theory

Serie, ix. (1886) p. 368 (New Cale- under discussion has been clearly stated

donia) ; H. Crawford Angas, in by W. Hertz, op. cit. p. 217. I am

Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesell- glad to find myself in agreement with

schaft fur Anthropologie, Ethnologic so judicious and learned an inquirer.

SACRED MEN AND WOMEN

torical times from any such motive as is assumed by the
hypothesis under discussion. At the period when we have
to do with them the customs were to all appearance purely
religious in character, and a religious motive must accordingly
be found for them. Such a motive is supplied by the
theory I have adopted, which, so far as I can judge,
adequately explains all the known facts.

The At the same time, in justice to the writers whose views

practice of I have criticized, I wish to point out that the practice from
vi7gTnityng which they propose to derive the sacred prostitution of
has some- Western Asia has not always been purely secular in character.

times had T- • i /- i i i " i .

a religious For, in the first place, the agent employed is sometimes re-
character, ported to be a priest ; l and, in the second place, the sacrifice
of virginity has in some places, for example at Rome and in
parts of India, been made directly to the image of a male
deity.2 The meaning of these practices is very obscure, and
in the present state of our ignorance on the subject it is un-
safe to build conclusions on them. It is possible that what
seems to be a purely secular precaution may be only a
degenerate form of a religious rite ; and on the other hand
it is possible that the religious rite may go back to a purely
physical preparation for marriage, such as is still observed
among the aborigines of Australia.3 But even if such an

1 L. di Varthema, Travels (Hakluyt
Society, 1863), p. 141 ; J. A. de
Mandlesloe, in J. Harris's Voyages and
Travels, i. (London, 1744) p. 767 ;
A. Hamilton, "New Account of the
East Indies," in J. Pinkerton's Voyages
and Travels, viii. 374 ; Ch. Lassen,
Indische Alterthumsktmde, iv. (Leipsic,
1 86 1), p. 408; A. de Herrera, The
General History of the Vast Conti-
nent and Islands of America, trans-
lated by Captain J. Stevens (London,
1725-1726), in. 310, 340; Fr.
Coreal, Voyagts aux Indes Occidentals
(Amsterdam, 1722), i. 10 sq., 139
sq. ; C. F. Ph. v. Martius, Beitrdge
zur Ethnographic und Sprachenkunde
Amerika's, i. (Leipsic, 1867) pp. 113
sq. The first three of these authorities
refer to Malabar ; the fourth refers
to Cambodia ; the last three refer to
the Indians of Central and South
America. See further W. Hertz,

" Die Sage vom Giftmadchen, " Gesam-
melte Abhandlungen, pp. 204-207. For
a criticism of the Malabar evidence see
K. Schmidt, Jus primae noctis (Freiburg
im Breisgau, 1881), pp. 312-320.

2 Lactantius, Divin. Institut. i. 20 ;
Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, iv. 7 ;
Augustine, De civitate Dei, vi. 9, vii.
24 ; D. Barbosa, Description of the
Coasts of East Africa and Malabar
(Hakluyt Society, 1866), p. 96; Son-
nerat, Voyage aux Indes Orient ales et
a la Chine (Paris, 1782), i. 68; F.
Liebrecht, Zur V^olkskunde (Heilbronn,
1879), PP- 396 sq., 511 ; W. Hertz,
" Die Sage vom Giftmadchen," Gesam-
melte Abhandlungen, pp. 270-272.
According to Arnobius, it was matrons,
not maidens, who resorted to the image.
This suggests that the custom was a
charm to procure offspring.

3 R. Schomburgk, in Verhandlungen
der Berliner Gesellschaft fur Anthro-

CHAP, iv AN ALTERNATIVE THEORY 61

historical origin could be established, it would not explain
the motives from which the customs described in this volume
were practised by the people of Western Asia in historical
times. The true parallel to these customs is the sacred
prostitution which is carried on to this day by dedicated
women in India and Africa. An examination of these
modern practices may throw light on the ancient customs.

§ 2. Sacred Women in India

In India the dancing-girls dedicated to the service of Sacred
the Tamil temples take the name of deva-dasis, " servants or ^"ramS
slaves of the gods," but in common parlance they are spoken temples of
of simply as harlots. Every Tamil temple of note in Jndia^
Southern India has its troop of these sacred women. Their
official duties are to dance twice a day, morning and evening,
in the temple, to fan the idol with Tibetan ox-tails, to dance
and sing before it when it is borne in procession, and to
carry the holy light called Kumbarti. Inscriptions show
that in A.D. 1004 the great temple of the Chola king
Rajaraja at Tanjore had attached to it four hundred " women
of the temple," who lived at free quarters in the streets round
about it and were allowed land free of taxes out of its en-
dowment. From infancy they are trained to dance and
sing. In order to obtain a safe delivery expectant mothers
will often vow to dedicate their child, if she should prove to
be a girl, to the service of God. Among the weavers of
Tiru-kalli-kundram, a little town in the Madras Presidency,
the eldest daughter of every family is devoted to the temple.
Girls thus made over to the deity are formally married, Such
sometimes to the idol, sometimes to a sword, before they ^0°n™et"m^se
enter on their duties ; from which it appears that they are married to
often, if not regularly, regarded as the wives of the god.1 andjxja-

sessed by

pologie, Ethnologic und Urgeschichte, of Central Australia (London, 1904), him.

1879, pp. 235 sq. ; Miklucho-Maclay, pp. 133-136. In Australia the ob-

ibid. 1880, p. 89; W. E. Roth, servance of the custom is regularly

Studies among the North -West-Central followed by the exercise of what seem

Queensland Aborigines (Brisbane and to be old communal rights of the men

London, 1897), pp. 174 sq., 1 80; B. over the women.

Spencer and F. J. Gillen, Native : J. A. Dubois, Mxurs, Institu-

Tribes of Central Australia (London, tions et Ceremonies des Peuples de

1899), pp. 92-95 ; id. .Northern Tribes I' hide (Paris, 1825), ii. 353 sqq. ;

62 SACRED MEN AND WOMEN BOOK:

Among the Kaikolans, a large caste of Tamil weavers
who are spread all over Southern India, at least one girl
in every family should be dedicated to the temple service.
The ritual, as it is observed at the initiation of one of
these girls in Coimbatore, includes " a form of nuptial
ceremony. The relations are invited for an auspicious day,
and the maternal uncle, or his representative, ties a gold
band on the girl's forehead, and, carrying her, places her on
a plank before the assembled guests. A Brahman priest
recites the mantrams, and prepares the sacred fire (hdmam).
The uncle is presented with new cloths by the girl's mother.
For the actual nuptials a rich Brahman, if possible, and, if
not, a Brahman of more lowly status is invited. A Brahman
is called in, as he is next in importance to, and the repre-
sentative of the idol. It is said that, when the man who is
to receive her first favours, joins the girl, a sword must be
placed, at least for a few minutes, by her side." When one
of these dancing-girls dies, her body is covered with a new
cloth which has been taken for the purpose from the idol,
and flowers are supplied from the temple to which she
belonged. No worship is performed in the temple until the
last rites have been performed over her body, because the
idol, being deemed her husband, is held to be in that state
of ceremonial pollution common to human mourners which
debars him from the offices of religion.1 In Mahratta such
a female devotee is called Murli. Common folk believe that
from time to time the shadow of the god falls on her and

J. Shortt, "The Bayadere or dancing- 1 Edgar Thurston, Castes and Tribes
girls of Southern India," Memoirs of of Southern India (Madras, 1909), iii.
the Anthropological Society of London, 37-39- Compare id., Ethnographic
iii. (1867-69) pp. 182-194 ; Edward Notes in Southern India (Madras,
Balfour, Cyclopaedia of India* ( London, 1906), pp. 29 sq. In Southern India
1885), i. 922 sqq. ; W. Francis, in the maternal uncle often takes a
Census of India, 1901, vol. xv., prominent part in the marriage cere-
Madras, Part I. (Madras, 1902) pp. mony to the exclusion of the girl's
151 sq. ; E. Thurston, Ethnographic father. See, for example, E. Thurston,
Notes in Southern India (Madras, Castes and Tribes of Southern India,
1906), pp. 36 sq., 40 sq. The office ii. 497, iv. 147. The custom is de-
of these sacred women has in recent rived from the old system of mother-
years been abolished, on the ground of kin, under which a man's heirs are not
immorality, by the native Government his own children but his sister's
of Mysore. See Homeward Mail, 6th children. As to this system see below,
June 1909 (extract kindly sent me by Chapter XII., "Mother-kin and Mother
General Begbie). Goddesses."

CHAP, iv SACRED WOMEN IN INDIA 63

possesses her person. At such times the possessed woman
rocks herself to and fro, and the people occasionally consult
her as a soothsayer, laying money at her feet and accepting
as an oracle the words of wisdom or folly that drop from
her lips.1 Nor is the profession of a temple prostitute
adopted only by girls. In Tulava, a district of Southern
India, any woman of the four highest castes who wearies
of her husband or, as a widow and therefore incapable of
marriage, grows tired of celibacy, may go to a temple and
eat of the rice offered to the idol. Thereupon, if she is a
Brahman, she has the right to live either in the temple or
outside of its precincts, as she pleases. If she decides to
live in it, she gets a daily allowance of rice, and must sweep
the temple, fan the idol, and confine her amours to the
Brahmans. The male children of these women form a
special class called Moylar, but are fond of assuming the
title of Stanikas. As many of them as can find employment
hang about the temple, sweeping the areas, sprinkling them
with cow-dung, carrying torches before the gods, and doing
other odd jobs. Some of them, debarred from these holy
offices, are reduced to the painful necessity of earning their
bread by honest work. The daughters are either brought
up to live like their mothers or are given in marriage to the
Stanikas. Brahman women who do not choose to live in
the temples, and all the women of the three lower castes,
cohabit with any man of pure descent, but they have to pay
a fixed sum annually to the temple.2

In Travancore a dancing-girl attached to a temple is inTravan-
known as a Ddst, or Devaddsi, or Devaratial, " a servant of ^cing-
God." The following account of her dedication and way of girls are
life deserves to be quoted because, while it ignores the baser mfmSuo
side of her vocation, it brings clearly out the idea of her the god.
marriage to the deity. " Marriage in the case of a Devaratial
in its original import is a renunciation of ordinary family life
and a consecration to the service of God. With a lady-nurse
at a Hospital, or a sister at a Convent, a Devaddsi &\. a Hindu
shrine, such as she probably was in the early ages of Hindu

1 E. Balfour, op. cit. ii. 1012. Mysore, Canara, and Malabar," in J.

- Francis Buchanan, "A Journey Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, viii.
from Madras through the countries of (London, 1811) p. 749.

64 SACRED MEN AND WOMEN BOOKI

spirituality, would have claimed favourable comparison. In
the ceremonial of the dedication -marriage of the Ddst,
elements are not wanting which indicate a past quite the
reverse of disreputable. The girl to be married is generally
from six to eight years in age. The bridegroom is the
presiding deity of the local temple. The ceremony is done
at his house. The expenses of the celebration are supposed
to be partly paid from his funds. To instance the practice
at the Suchindram temple, a Ydga or meeting of the chief
functionaries of the temple arranges the preliminaries. The
girl to be wedded bathes and goes to the temple with two
pieces of cloth, a tali> betel, areca-nut, etc. These are placed
by the priest at the feet of the image. The girl sits with
the face towards the deity. The priest kindles the sacred
fire and goes through all the rituals of the Tirukkalydnam
festival. He then initiates the bride into the Panchakshara
mantra, if in a Saiva temple, and the Ashtakshara, if in. a
Vaishnava temple. On behalf of the divine bridegroom, he
presents one of the two cloths she has brought as offering
and ties the Tdii around her neck. The practice, how old
it is not possible to say, is then to take her to her house
where the usual marriage festivities are celebrated for four
days. As in Brahminical marriages, the Nalunku ceremony,
i.e. the rolling of a cocoanut by the bride to the bridegroom
and vice versa a number of times to the accompaniment of
music, is gone through, the temple priest playing the bride-
groom's part. Thenceforth she becomes the wife of the
deity in the sense that she formally and solemnly dedicates
the rest of her life to his service with the same constancy
and devotion that a faithful wife united in holy matrimony
shows to her wedded lord. The life of a Devadasi bedecked
with all the accomplishments that the muses could give was
one of spotless purity. Even now she is maintained by the
temple. She undertakes fasts in connection with the temple
festivals, such as the seven days' fast for the Apamdrgam
ceremony. During the period of this fast, strict continence
is enjoined ; she is required to take only one meal, and that
withjn the temple — in fact to live and behave at least for a
?rrn, in the manner ordained for her throughout life. Some
of the details of her daily work seem interesting ; she attends

CHAP, iv SACRED WOMEN IN INDIA 65

the Dipdradhana^ the waving of lighted lamps in front of the
deity at sunset every day ; sings hymns in his praise, dances
before his presence, goes round with him in his processions
with lights in hand. After the procession, she sings a song
or two from Jayadeva's Gitagovinda and with a few lullaby
hymns, her work for the night is over. When she grows
physically unfit for these duties, she is formally invalided by
a special ceremony, i.e. Totuvaikkuka, or the laying down of
the ear-pendants. It is gone through at the Maha Raja's
palace, whereafter she becomes a Tdikkizhavi (old mother),
entitled only to a subsistence-allowance. When she dies,
the temple contributes to the funeral expenses. On her
death-bed, the priest attends and after a few ceremonies
immediately after death, gets her bathed with saffron-
powder." l

§ 3. Sacred Men and Women in West Africa

Still more instructive for our present purpose are the Among
West African customs. Among the Ewe-speaking peoples peop^eT
of the Slave Coast " recruits for the priesthood are obtained of West
in two ways, viz. by the affiliation of young persons, and by sacred pro-
the direct consecration of adults. Young people of either stitutes are
sex dedicated or affiliated to a god are termed kosio, from as the
konot ( unfruitful,' because a child dedicated to a god passes ™ives °f
into his service and is practically lost to his parents, and st,
1 to run away.' As the females become the ' wives ' of the
god to whom they are dedicated, the termination si in vodu-si
[another name for these dedicated women], has been trans-
lated ' wife ' by some Europeans ; but it is never used in
the general acceptation of that term, being entirely restricted
to persons consecrated to the gods. The chief business of
the female kosi is prostitution, and in every town there is at
least one institution in which the best-looking girls, between
ten and twelve years of age, are received. Here they remain
for three years, learning the chants and dances peculiar to
the worship of the gods, and prostituting themselves to the

1 N. Subramhanya Aiyar, in Census W. Crooke for referring me to this and
of India, 1901, vol. xxvi., Travancore, other passages on the sacred dancing-
Part i. (Trivandrum, 1903), pp. 276 girls of India.
sq. I have to thank my friend Mr.

PT. IV. VOL. I F

66 SACRED MEN AND WOMEN BOOK i

priests and the inmates of the male seminaries ; and at the
termination of their novitiate they become public prostitutes.
This condition, however, is not regarded as one for reproach ;
they are considered to be married to the god, and their
excesses are supposed to be caused and directed by him.
Properly speaking, their libertinage should be confined to
the male worshippers at the temple of the god, but practic-
ally it is indiscriminate. Children who are born from such
unions belong to the god." l These women are not allowed
to marry since they are deemed the wives of a god.2
The human -Again, in this part of Africa "the female Kosio of
wives of Danh-gbi, or Dank-sio, that is, the wives, priestesses, and
god?y l~ temple prostitutes of Danh-gbi, the python-god, have their
own organization. Generally they live together in a group
of houses or huts inclosed by a fence, and in these inclosures
the novices undergo their three years of initiation. Most
new members are obtained by the affiliation of young girls ;
but any woman whatever, married or single, slave or free,
by publicly simulating possession, and uttering the conven-
tional cries recognized as indicative of possession by the
god, can at once join the body, and be admitted to the
habitations of the order. The person of a woman who has
joined in this manner is inviolable, and during the period of
her novitiate she is forbidden, if single, to enter the house
of her parents, and, if married, that of her husband. This
inviolability, while it gives women opportunities of gratifying
an illicit passion, at the same time serves occasionally to
save the persecuted slave, or neglected wife, from the ill-
treatment of the lord and master ; for she has only to go
through the conventional form of possession and an asylum
is assured." 3 The python-god marries these women secretly
in his temple, and they father their offspring on him ; but it
is the priests who consummate the union.4

For our purpose it is important to fnote that a close

1 A. B. Ellis, The Ewe - speaking Gninte et a Cayenne (Amsterdam,
Peoples of the Slave Coast of West I731), "• 1 44- 151 ; P. Bouche, La
Africa (London, 1890), pp. 140 sq. Cdte des Esclaves (Paris, 1885), p. 128.

2 A. B. Ellis, op. cit. p. 142.

3 A. B. Ellis, op. cit. pp. 148 sq. 4 A. B. Ellis, op. cit. p. 60; Des
Compare Des Marchais, Voyage en Marchais, op. cit. ii. 149 sq.

CH. iv SACRED MEN AND WOMEN IN WEST AFRICA 67

connexion is apparently supposed to exist between the Supposed
fertility of the soil and the marriage of these women to between™
the serpent. For the time when new brides are sought for the fertility
the reptile-god is the season when the millet is beginning to andThe011
sprout. Then the old priestesses, armed with clubs, run marriage
frantically through the streets shrieking like mad women ^Jhe"6
and carrying off to be brides of the serpent any little girls serpent,
between the ages of eight and twelve whom they may find
outside of the houses. Pious people at such times will
sometimes leave their daughters at their doors on purpose
that they may have the honour of being dedicated to the
god.1 The marriage of wives to the serpent-god is probably
deemed necessary to enable him to discharge the important
function of making the crops to grow and the cattle to
multiply ; for we read that these people " invoke the snake
in excessively wet, dry, or barren seasons ; on all occasions
relating to their government and the preservation of their
cattle ; or rather, in one word, in all necessities and difficulties,
in which they do not apply to their new batch of gods."2
Once in a bad season the Dutch factor Bosman found the
King of Whydah in a great rage. His Majesty explained
the reason of his discomposure by saying " that that year he
had sent much larger offerings to the snake -house than
usual, in order to obtain a good crop ; and that one of his
vice-roys (whom he shewed me) had desired him afresh, in
the name of the priests, who threatened a barren year, to
send yet more. To which he answered that he did not intend
to make any further offerings this year ; and if the snake
would not bestow a plentiful harvest on them, he might let it
alone ; for (said he) I cannot be more damaged thereby, the
greatest part of my corn being already rotten in the field." 3

The Akikuyu of British East Africa "have a custom Human
which reminds one of the West African python-god and his ^nake-
wives. At intervals of, I believe, several years the medicine- god among
men order huts to be built for the purpose of worshipping a
river snake. The snake-god requires wives, and women or

1 Des Marchais, Voyage en Guinee Voyages and Travels, xvi. (London,
et a Cayenne (Amsterdam, 1731), ii. 1814) p. 494.

146 sq. 3 W. Bosman, I.e. The name of

2 W. Bosman, " Description of the Whydah is spelt by Bosman as Fida,
Coast of Guinea," in J. Pinkerton's and by Des Marchais as Juda.

SACRED MEN AND WOMEN

BOOK I

Sacred
men as
well as
women in
West
Africa :
they are
thought
to be
possessed
by the
deity.

more especially girls go to the huts. Here the union is
consummated by the medicine -men. If the number of
females who go to the huts voluntarily is not sufficient,
girls are seized and dragged there. I believe the offspring
of such a union is said to be fathered by God (Ngai) : at
any rate there are children in Kikuyu who are regarded as
the children of God." l

Among the negroes of the Slave Coast there are, as we
have seen, male kosio as well as female kosio ; that is, there
are dedicated men as well as dedicated women, priests as
well as priestesses, and the ideas and customs in regard to
them seem to be similar. Like the women, the men undergo
a three years' novitiate, at the end of which each candidate
has to prove that the god accepts him and finds him worthy
of inspiration. Escorted by a party of priests he goes to a
shrine and seats himself on a stool that belongs to the deity.
The priests then anoint his head with a mystic decoction and
invoke the god in a long and wild chorus. During the
singing the youth, if he is acceptable to the deity, trembles
violently, simulates convulsions, foams at the mouth, and
dances in a frenzied style, sometimes for more than an hour.
This is the proof that the god has taken possession of him.
After that he has to remain in a temple without speaking
for seven days and nights. At the end of that time, he is
brought out, a priest opens his mouth to show that he may
now use his tongue, a new name is given him, and he is
fully ordained.2 Henceforth he is regarded as the priest
and medium of the deity whom he serves, and the words
which he utters in that morbid state of mental excitement
which passes for divine inspiration, are accepted by the
hearers as the very words of the god spoken by the mouth
of the man.3 Any crime which a priest committed in a state
of frenzy used to remain unpunished, no doubt because the
act was thought to be the act of the god. » But this benefit
of clergy was so much abused that under King Gezo the law
had to be altered ; and although, while he is still possessed

1 MS. notes, kindly sent to me by
the author, Mr. A. C. Hollis, 2ist
May, 1908.

2 A. B. Ellis, The Ewe -speaking
Peoples of the Slave Coast, pp. 142-144 ;

Le R. P. Baudin, " Feticheurs ou
ministres religieux des Negres de la
Guinee," Les Missions Catholiqties,
No. 787 (4juillet 1884), p. 322.
3 A. B. Ellis, op. cit. pp. 150 sq.

CH. iv SACRED MEN AND WOMEN IN WEST AFRICA 69

by the god, the inspired criminal is safe, he is now liable to
punishment as soon as the divine spirit leaves him. Never-
theless on the whole among these people " the person of a
priest or priestess is sacred. Not only must a layman not
lay hands on or insult one ; he must be careful not even to
knock one by accident, or jostle against one in the street.
The Abb£ Bouche relates l that once when he was paying
a visit to the chief of Agweh, one of the wives of the chief
was brought into the house by four priestesses, her face
bloody, and her body covered with stripes. She had been
savagely flogged for having accidentally trodden upon the
foot of one of them ; and the chief not only dared not give
vent to his anger, but had to give them a bottle of rum as
a peace-offering."2

Among the Tshi-speaking peoples of the Gold Coast, Similarly
who border on the Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast JJJ^fhi
to the west, the customs and beliefs in regard to the dedi- peoples of
cated men and dedicated women, the priests and priestesses, coast°there
are very similar. These persons are believed to be from are sacred
time to time possessed or inspired by the deity whom they women,
serve ; and in that state they are consulted as oracles. They who are
work themselves up to the necessary pitch of excitement to be in-
by dancing to the music of drums ; each god has his special
hymn, sung to a special beat of the drum, and accompanied
by a special dance. It is while thus dancing to the drums
that the priest or priestess lets fall the oracular words in a
croaking or guttural voice which the hearers take to be the
voice of the god. Hence dancing has an important place
in the education of priests and priestesses ; they are trained
in it for months before they may perform in public. These
mouthpieces of the deity are consulted in almost every con-
cern of life and are handsomely paid for their services.3
"Priests marry like any other members of the community,
and purchase wives ; but priestesses are never married, nor
can any ' head money ' be paid for a priestess. The reason
appears to be that a priestess belongs to the god she serves,
and therefore cannot become the property of a man, as would

1 La Cdte des Esclaves, pp. 127 3 A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking
sq. Peoples of the Gold Coast of West Africa

2 A. B. Ellis, op. cit. p. 147. (London, 1887), pp. 120-138.

70 SACRED MEN AND WOMEN BOOK i

be the case if she married one. This prohibition extends to
marriage only, and a priestess is not debarred from sexual
commerce. The children of a priest or priestess are not
ordinarily educated for the priestly profession, one generation
being usually passed over, and the grandchildren selected.
Priestesses are ordinarily most licentious, and custom allows
them to gratify their passions with any man who may chance
to take their fancy." l The ranks of the hereditary priest-
hood are constantly recruited by persons who devote them-
selves or who are devoted by their relations or masters to
the profession. Men, women, and even children can thus
become members of the priesthood. If a mother has lost
several of her children by death, she will not uncommonly
vow to devote the next born to the service of the gods ; for
in this way she hopes to save the child's life. So when the
child is born it is set apart for the priesthood, and on arriving
at maturity generally fulfils the vow made by the mother
and becomes a priest or priestess. At the ceremony of
ordination the votary has to prove his or her vocation for
the sacred life in the usual way by falling into or simulating
convulsions, dancing frantically to the beat of drums, and
speaking in a hoarse unnatural voice words which are deemed
to be the utterance of the deity temporarily lodged in the
body of the man or woman.2

§ 4. Sacred Women in Western Asia

in like Thus in Africa, and sometimes if not regularly in India,

sacred*" the t^ie sacrec* prostitutes attached to temples are regarded as
prostitutes the wives of the god, and their excesses are excused on the
Asi^may™ Sroun<^ tnat tne women are not themselves, but that they act
have been under the influence of divine inspiration. This is in substance
pressed tne explanation which I have given of the custom of sacred
by the prostitution as it was practised in antiquity by the peoples

married to

the god. * A. B. Ellis, op. cit. p. 121. Stdmme: Material zur Kunde des Eive-

2 A. B. Ellis, op. cit. pp. 120 sq., Volkes in Deutsch-Togo, Berlin, 1906,

129-138. The slaves, male and female, pp. 228, 229, 309, 450, 474, 792,

dedicated to a god from childhood are 797> etc.). But his information does

often mentioned by the German mis- not illustrate the principal points to

sionary Mr. J. Spieth in his elaborate which I have called attention in the

work on the Ewe people (Die Ewe- text.

CHAP, iv SACRED WOMEN IN WESTERN ASIA 71

of Western Asia. In their licentious intercourse at the
temples the women, whether maidens or matrons or pro-
fessional harlots, imitated the licentious conduct of a great
goddess of fertility for the purpose of ensuring the fruitful-
ness of fields and trees, of man and beast ; and in discharging
this sacred and important function the women were probably
supposed, like their West African sisters, to be actually
possessed by the goddess. The hypothesis at least explains
all the facts in a simple and natural manner ; and in assum-
ing that women could be married to gods it assumes a
principle which we know to have been recognized in Babylon,
Assyria, and Egypt.1 At Babylon a woman regularly slept
in the great bed of Bel or Marduk, which stood in his temple
on the summit of a lofty pyramid ; and it was believed that
the god chose her from all the women of Babylon and slept
with her in the bed. However, unlike the Indian and West
African wives of gods, this spouse of the Babylonian deity
is reported by Herodotus to have been chaste.2 Yet we may
doubt whether she was so ; for these wives or perhaps para-
mours of Bel are probably to be identified with the wives or
votaries of Marduk mentioned in the code of Hammurabi,
and we know from the code that female votaries of the gods
might be mothers and married to men.3 At Babylon the
sun -god Shamash as well as Marduk had human wives
formerly dedicated to his service, and they like the votaries
of Marduk might have children.4 It is significant that a
name for these Babylonian votaries was kadishtu, which is
the same word as kedesha, " consecrated woman," the regular
Hebrew word for a temple harlot.5 It is true that the law

1 The Magic Art and the Evolution can Journal of Semitic Languages and
of Kings, ii. 129-135. Literatures, xix. (January 1903) pp.

2 Herodotus, i. 181 sq. It is not 98-107. Compare S. A. Cook, The
clear whether the same or a different Laws of Moses and the Code of Ham-
woman slept every night in the temple. murabi (London, 1903), pp. 147-150.

3 H. Winckler, Die Gesetze Ham- 4 C. H. W. Johns, " Nptes on the
murabi* (Leipsic, 1903), p. 31, § 182 ; Code of Hammurabi," I.e., where we
C. H. W. Johns, Babylonian and read (p. 104) of a female votary of
Assyrian Laws, Contracts, and Letters Shamash who had a daughter.
(Edinburgh, 1904), pp. 54, 55, 59, 60, 5 Code of Hammurabi, § 181 ;
61 (§§ 137, 144, 145, 146, 178, 182, C. H. W. Johns, "Notes on the Code
187, 192, 193, of the Code of Ham- of Hammurabi," op. cit. pp. ibo sq.\
murabi). As to these female votaries S. A. Cook, op. cit. p. 148. .Dr.
see especially C. H. W. Johns, " Notes Johns translates the name by " temple
on the Code of Hammurabi," Ameri- maid" (Babylonian and Assyrian Lawsy

SACRED MEN AND WOMEN

BOOK i

severely punished any disrespect shown to these sacred
women ; l but the example of West Africa warns us that
a formal respect shown to such persons, even when it is
enforced by severe penalties, need be no proof at all of their
virtuous character.2 In Egypt a woman used to sleep in the
temple of Ammon at Thebes, and the god was believed to
visit her.3 Egyptian texts often mention her as " the divine
consort," and in old days she seems to have usually been the
Queen of Egypt herself.4 But in the time of Strabo, at the
beginning of our era, these consorts or concubines of Ammon,
as they were called, were beautiful young girls of noble birth,
who held office only till puberty. During their term of office
they prostituted themselves freely to any man who took their
fancy. After puberty they were given in marriage, and a
ceremony of mourning was performed for them as if they
were dead.5 When they died in good earnest, their bodies
were laid in special graves.6

Similarly

shim] of

have been

as§pos-6
sessed by

the deity

and as
acting and

speaking in

his name,

§ 5. Sacred Men in Western Asia

As in West Africa the dedicated women have their
counterpart in the dedicated men, so it was in Western
Asia ; for there the sacred men (kedeshim} clearly corre-
sponded to the sacred women (kedeshotti), in other words, the
sacred male slaves 7 of the temples were the complement of
the sacred female slaves. And as the characteristic feature of
the dedicated men in West Africa is their supposed possession

. . , , _, ..

or inspiration by the deity, so we may conjecture was it with
the sacred male slaves (the kedeshiin) of Western Asia : they,

* J

too, may have been regarded as temporary or permanent
embodiments of the deity, possessed from time to time by

Contracts, and Letters, p. 61). He is
scrupulously polite to these ladies, but
I gather from him that a far less chari-
table view of their religious vocation is
taken by Father Scheil the first editor
and translator of the code

1 Any man proved to have pointed
the finger of scorn at a votary was liable
to be branded on the forehead (Code of
Hammurabi, § 127).

2 See above, pp. 66, 69.

3 Herodotus, i. 182.

4 A. Wiedemann, Herodots Zweites
Buck (Leipsic, 1890), pp. 268 sq. See
further The Mag^c Art and the Evolu-
tion of Kings, ii. 1 30 sqq.

6 Strabo, xvii. i. 46, p. 816. The
dtle „ concubines of Zeus ( Ammon) „

is mentioned b Diodorus Siculus (i.
.^
6* Diodorus Sicul j y

7 The lep6Sov\ot, as the Greeks called
them.

CHAP, iv SACRED MEN IN WESTERN ASIA 73

his divine spirit, acting in his name, and speaking with his
voice.1 At all events we know that this was so at the
sanctuary of the Moon among the Albanians of the Caucasus.
The sanctuary owned church lands of great extent peopled
by sacred slaves, and it was ruled by a high-priest, who
ranked next after the king. Many of these slaves were
inspired by the deity and prophesied ; and when one of them
had been for some time in this state of divine frenzy, wander-
ing alone in the forest, the high-priest had him caught, bound
with a sacred chain, and maintained in luxury for a year.
Then the poor wretch was led out, anointed with unguents,
and sacrificed with other victims to the Moon. The mode
of sacrifice was this. A man took a sacred spear, and thrust
it through the victim's side to the heart. As he staggered
and fell, the rest observed him closely and drew omens from
the manner of his fall. Then the body was dragged or
carried away to a certain place, where all his fellows stood
upon it by way of purification.2 In this custom the prophet,
or rather the maniac, was plainly supposed to be moon-struck
in the most literal sense, that is, possessed or inspired by the
deity of the Moon, who was perhaps thought by the Albanians,
as by the Phrygians,3 to be a male god, since his chosen
minister and mouthpiece was a man, not a woman.4 It
can hardly therefore be deemed improbable, that at other
sanctuaries of Western Asia, where sacred men were kept,
these ministers of religion should have discharged a similar
prophetic function, even though they did not share the tragic

1 I have to thank the Rev. Professor 1120); Tfoides yovv rives Avdpes oi>K

R. H. Kennett for this important &v8pes, rb atpvov TTJS 0i5crews &ira.pvr)a6.-

suggestion as to the true nature of the ju-evot, OrjXelg, vtxry rty Salfj.ova IXeovvro.

kedeshim. The passages of the Bible But probably Eusebius is here speaking

in which mention is made of these men of the men who castrated themselves in

are Deuteronomy xxiii. 17 (in Hebrew honour of the goddess, and thereafter

1 8) ; I Kings xiv. 24, xv. 12, xxii. 46 WOre female attire. See Lucian, De

(in Hebrew 47) ; 2 Kings xxiii. 7 ; Job dea Syria, 51 ; and below, pp. 269 sq.

xxxvi. 14 (where kedeshim is translated 2 Strabo, xi. 4. 7, p. 503.

" the unclean " in the English version). 3 Drexler, in W. H. Roscher's

The usual rendering of kedeshim in the Lexikon der griech. und rom. Myth-

English Bible is not justified by any ologie, s.v. " Men," ii. 2687 sqq.

of these passages ; but it may perhaps 4 It is true that Strabo (I.e.) speaks

derive support from a reference which of the Albanian deity as a goddess, but

Eusebius makes to the profligate rites this may be only an accommodation to

observed at Aphaca ( Vita Constantini, the usage of the Greek language, in

iii. 55 ; Migne's Patrologia Graeca, xx. which the moon is feminine.

74 SACRED MEN AND WOMEN BOOK i

fate of the moon-struck Albanian prophet. Nor was the
influence of these Asiatic prophets confined to Asia. In
Sicily the spark which kindled the devastating Servile War
was struck by a Syrian slave, who simulated the prophetic
ecstasy in order to rouse his fellow-slaves to arms in the
name of the Syrian goddess. To inflame still more his
inflammatory words this ancient Mahdi ingeniously inter-
larded them with real fire and smoke, which by a common
conjurer's trick he breathed from his lips.1

Resem- In like manner the Hebrew prophets were believed to be

theHebrew temporarily possessed and inspired by a divine spirit who
prophets spoke through them, just as a divine spirit is supposed by
sandmen West African negroes to speak through the mouth of the
of Western dedicated men his priests. Indeed the points of resem-

Africa " — ' — — —

blance between the prophets of Israel and West Africa
are ;.._clpse and curious. Like their black brothers, the
Hebrew prophets ^employed music, in order to bring on
the prophetic trance ; 2 like them, they received the divine
spirit through the application of a magic oil to_their
heads ; 3 like them, they were apparently distinguished from
common people by certain marks on the facej_4 and like

1 Florus, Epitomcty ii. 7 ; Diodorus These hierarchical marks consist of
Siculus, Frag, xxxiv. 2. (vol. v. pp. 87 lines, scrolls, diamonds, and other
sq., ed. L. Dindorf, in the Teubner patterns, with sometimes a figure, such
series). as that of the crocodile or chameleon.

2 Above, pp. 52 sq. The shoulders are frequently seen

3 i Kings xix. 16; Isaiah Ix. I. covered with an infinite number of

4 I Kings xx. 41. So in Africa small marks like dots, set close together,
"priests and priestesses are readily All these marks are considered sacred,
distinguishable from the rest of the and the laity are forbidden to touch
community. They wear their hair long them " (A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking
and unkempt, while other people, except Peoples of the Slave Coast, p. 146).
the women in the towns on the sea- The reason why the prophet's shoulders
board, have it cut close to the head. are especially marked is perhaps given
. . . Frequently both appear with by the statement of a Zulu that "the
white circles painted round their eyes, sensitive part with a doctor [medicine-
or with various white devices, marks, man] is his shoulders. Everything he
or lines painted on the face, neck, feels is in the situation of his shoulders,
shoulders, or arms " (A. B. Ellis, The That is the place where black men feel
Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast, the Amatongo " (ancestral spirits). See
p. 123). "Besides the ordinary tribal H. Callaway, The Religious System of
tattoo-marks borne by all natives, the the Amazulu, part ii. p. 159. These
priesthood in Dahomi bear a variety of African analogies suggest that the
such marks, some very elaborate, and " wounds between the arms " (literally,
an expert can tell by the marks on a "between the hands") which the
priest to what god he is vowed, and prophet Zechariah mentions (xiii. 6) as
what rank he holds in the order. the badge of a Hebrew prophet were

CHAP, iv SACRED MEN IN WESTERN ASIA 75

them they were jconsulted not merely in great national
.emergencies but in the ordinary affairs of everyday life, in
which they were expected to give information and advice
for a small fee. For example, Samuel was consulted about
lost asses,1 just as a Zulu diviner is consulted about lost
cows ; 2 and we have seen Elisha acting as a dowser when
water ran short.3 Indeed, we learn that the old name for a
prophet was a seer,4 a word which may be understood to
imply that his special function was divination rather than
prophecy in the sense of prediction. Be that as it may,
prophecy of the Hebrew type has not been limited to Israel ;
it is indeed a phenomenon of almost world-wide occurrence ;
in many lands and in many ages the wild, whirling words of
frenzied men and women have been accepted as the utterances
of an indwelling deity.5 What does distinguish Hebrew pro-
phecy from all others is that the genius of a few members of
the profession wrested this vulgar but powerful instrument^
from baser uses, and by wielding it in the interest of a high
morality rendered a service of incalculable value to humanity.
That is indeed the glory of Israel, but it is not the side of
prophecy with which we are here concerned.

More to our purpose is to note that prophecy of the inspired
ordinary sort appears to have been in vogue at Byblus, at°Bybius
the sacred city of Adonis, centuries before the life-time of
the earliest Hebrew prophet whose writings have come
down to us. When the Egyptian traveller, Wen-Ammon,
was lingering in the port of Byblus, under the King's orders
to quit the place, the spirit of God came on one of the royal

marks tattooed on his shoulders in tribe of South - Eastern Australia a

token of his holy office. The sugges- medicine - man used to be called

tion is confirmed by the prophet's own " mekigar, from meki, 'eye' or 'to

statement (I.e.) that he had received see,' otherwise 'one who sees,' that is,

the wounds in the house of his lovers sees the causes of maladies in people,

('nnxp JV3) ; for the same word lovers and who could extract them from the

is "repeatedly applied by the prophet sufferer, usually in the form of quartz

Hosea to the Baalim (Hosea, ii. 5, 7, crystals" (A. W. Howitt, The Native

JO, 12, 13, verses 7, 9, 12, 14, 15 in Tribes of South- East Australia, Lon-

Hebrew). don, 1904, p. 380).

1 i Samuel ix. I -20. 6 That the prophet's office in Canaan

2 H. Callaway, The Religious System was developed out of the widespread
of the Amazulu, part iii. pp. 300 sqq. respect for insanity is duly recognized

3 See above, pp. 52 sq. by Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Alter -

4 i Samuel ix. 9. In the Wiimbaio turns? i. 2. p. 383.

76 SACRED MEN AND WOMEN BOOK i

pages or henchmen, and in a prophetic frenzy he announced
that the King should receive the Egyptian stranger as a
messenger sent from the god Ammon.1 The god who thus
took possession of the page and spoke through him was
probably Adonis, the god of the city. With regard to the
office of these royal pages we have no information ; but as
ministers of a sacred king and liable to be inspired by the
deity, they would naturally be themselves sacred ; in fact
they may have belonged to the class of sacred slaves or
kedeshim. If that was so it would confirm the conclusion to
which the foregoing investigation points, namely, that origin-
ally no sharp line of distinction existed between ^the prophets
arid the fyedeshim ; both were " men of God," as the prophets
were constantly called ; 2 in other words, they were inspired
mediums, men in whom the god manifested himself from
time to time by word and deed, in short temporary incarna-
tions of the deity. But while the prophets roved freely about
the country, the kedeshim appear to have been regularly
attached to a sanctuary ; and among the duties which they
performed at the shrines there were clearly some which
revolted the conscience of men imbued with a purer
morality. What these duties were, we may surmise partly
from the behaviour of the sons of Eli to the women who
came to the tabernacle,3 partly from the beliefs and practices

1 W. Max Miiller, in Mitteilungen was the Egyptian Ammon, not the

der Vorderasiatischcn Gesellschaft, Phoenician Adonis, but this view

1900, No. i, p. 17; A. Erman, seems to me less probable.

" Eine Reise nach Phonizien im 2 i Samuel ix. 6-8, 10 ; i Kings

II Jahrhundert v. Chr." Zeitschrift xiii. I, 4-8, II etc.

fiir Agyplische Sprache und Altertums- 3 i Samuel ii. 22. Totally different

kunde, xxxviii. (1900) pp. 6 sq. ; from their Asiatic namesakes were the

G. Maspero, Les contes populaires de "sacred men" and "sacred women"

FEgypte Ancienne? p. 192 ; A. Wiede- who were charged with the superin-

mann, Altdgyptische Sagen und Mar- tendence of the mysteries at Andania

chen (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 99 sq. ; in Messenia. They were chosen by

H. Gressmann, Altorientalische Texte lot and held office for a year. The

und Bilder zum Alien Testamente sacred women n»ight be either married

(Tubingen, 1909), p. 226. Scholars or single ; the married women had to

differ as to whether Wen-Ammon's swear that they had been true to their

narrative is to be regarded as history husbands. See G. Dittenberger, Syl-

or romance ; but even if it were proved loge Inscriptionum Graecarum^ (Leip-

to be a fiction, we might safely assume sic, 1898-1901), vol. ii. pp. 461 sqq.t

that the incident of the prophetic No. 653 ; Ch. Michel, Recueil tfln-

frenzy at Byblus was based upon scriptions Grecques (Brussels, 1900),

familiar facts. Prof. Wiedemann thinks pp. 596 sqq., No. 694; Leges Grae-

that the god who inspired the page corum Sacrae, ed. J. de Prott, L.

CHAP, iv SACRED MEN IN WESTERN ASIA 77

as to " holy men " which survive to this day among the
Syrian peasantry.

Of these " holy men " we are told that " so far as they "Holy
are not impostors, they are men whom we would call insane, modern"
known among the Syrians as mejnun, possessed by a jinn Syria-
or spirit. They often go in filthy garments, or without
clothing. Since they are regarded as intoxicated by deity,
the most dignified men, and of the highest standing among
the Moslems, submit to utter indecent language at their
bidding without rebuke, and ignorant Moslem women do
not shrink from their approach, because in their superstitious
belief they attribute to them, as men possessed by God, a
divine authority which they dare not resist. Such an
attitude of compliance may be exceptional, but there are
more than rumours of its existence. These 'holy men'
differ from the ordinary der wishes whom travellers so often
see in Cairo, and from the ordinary madmen who are kept
in fetters, so that they may not do injury to themselves and
others. But their appearance, and the expressions regarding
them, afford some illustrations of the popular estimate of
ancient seers, or prophets, in the time of Hosea : ' The
prophet is a fool, the man that hath the spirit is mad ' ; l
and in the time of Jeremiah,2 the man who made himself a
prophet was considered as good as a madman." 3 To com-
plete the parallel these vagabonds " are also believed to
be possessed of prophetic power, so that they are able to
foretell the future, and warn the people among whom, they
live of impending danger." 4

Ziehen, Pars Altera, Fasciculus i. village to village, performing tricks,

(Leipsic, 1906), No. 58, pp. 166 living on alms, and enjoying certain

sqq. social and domestic privileges, which

1 Hosea ix. 7. very often lead to scandalous scenes.

2 Jeremiah xxix. 26. Some of these men are mad, some are

3 S. I. Curtiss, Primitive Semitic fanatics, but the majority are, I
Religion To-day (Chicago, New York, imagine, rogues. They are reverenced
Toronto, 1902), pp. 150 sq. not only by the peasantry, but also

4 S. I. Curtiss, op. cit. p. 152. As sometimes by the governing class. I
to these "holy men," see further have seen the Kady of Nazareth osten-
C. R. Conder, Tent-work in Palestine tatiously preparing food for a miserable
(London, 1878), ii. 231 sq. : "The and filthy beggar, who sat in the
most peculiar class of men in the justice-hall, and was consulted as if
country is that of the Derwishes, or he had been inspired. A Derwish of
sacred personages, who wander from peculiar eminence is often dressed in

SACRED MEN AND WOMEN

BOOK I

The licence
accorded
to such
"holy
men " may
be ex-
plained by
the desire
of women
for off-
spring.

We may conjecture that with women a powerful- motive
for submitting to the embraces of the " holy men " is a hope
of obtaining offspring by them. For in Syria it is still
believed that even dead saints can beget children on barren
women, who accordingly resort to their shrines in order to
obtain the wish of their hearts. For example, at the Baths
of Solomon in Northern Palestine, blasts of hot air escape
from the ground ; and one of them, named Abu Rabah, is
a famous resort of childless wives who wish to satisfy their
maternal longings. They let the hot air stream up over
their bodies and really believe that children born to them
after such a visit are begotten by the saint of the shrine/
But the saint who enjoys the highest reputation in this
respect is St. George. He reveals himself at his shrines
which are scattered all over the country ; at each of them
there is a tomb or the likeness of a tomb. The most
celebrated of these sanctuaries is at Kalat el Hosn in
Northern Syria. Barren women of all sects, including
Moslems, resort to it. " There are many natives who shrug
their shoulders when this shrine is mentioned in connection
with women. But it is doubtless true that many do not
know what seems to be its true character, and who think
that the most puissant saint, as they believe, in the world
can give them sons." " But the true character of the place
is beginning to be recognized, so that many Moslems have
forbidden their wives to visit it." 2

§ 6. Sons of God

Belief thaif Customs like the foregoing may serve to explain the
women d belief, which is not confined to Syria, that men and women
may be trie may be in fact and not merely in metaphor the sons and

offspring \
of a god. \

good clothes, with a spotless turban,
and is preceded by a banner-bearer,
and followed by a band, with drum,
cymbal, and tambourine. ... It is
natural to reflect whether the social
position of the Prophets among the
Jews may not have resembled that of
the Derwishes."

1 S. I. Curtiss, op. cit. pp. 1 1 6 sq.

2 S. I. Curtiss, op. cit. pp. 118, 119.

In India also some Mohammedan
saints are nofed as givers of children.
Thus at Fatepur-Sikri, near Agra, is
the grave of Salim Chishti, and child-
less women tie rags to the delicate
tracery of the tomb, "thus bringing
them into direct communion with the
spirit of the holy man " (W. Crooke,
Natives of Northern India, London,
1907, p. 203).

CHAP, iv SONS OF GOD 79

daughters of a god ; for these modern saints, whether
Christian or Moslem, who father the children of Syrian
mothers, are nothing but the old gods under a thin disguise.
If in antiquity as at the present day Semitic women often
repaired to shrines in order to have the reproach of barren-
ness removed from them — and the prayer of Hannah is a
familiar example of the practice,1 we could easily understand
not only the tradition of the sons of God who begat children
on the daughters of men,2 but also the exceedingly common
occurrence of the divine titles in Hebrew names of human
beings.3 Multitudes of men and women, in fact, whose
mothers had resorted to holy places in order to procure
offspring, would be regarded as the actual children of the
god and would be named accordingly. Hence Hannah
called her infant Samuel, which means " name of God " or
" his name is God " ; 4 and probably she sincerely believed
that the child was actually begotten in her womb by the
deity.5 The dedication of such children to the service of
God at the sanctuary was merely giving back the divine son
to the divine father. Similarly in West Africa, when a
woman has got a child at the shrine of Agbasia, the god
who alone bestows offspring on women, she dedicates him
or her as a sacred slave to the deity.6

Thus in the Syrian beliefs and customs of to-day we The saints
probably have the clue to the religious prostitution practised slri^ar™
in the very same regions in antiquity. Then as now women the equi-
looked to the local god, the Baal or Adonis of old, the Abu

Rabah or St. George of to-day, to satisfy the natural craving Baal or

of a woman's heart ; and then as now, apparently, the part

1 i Samuel i. Hebrew Proper Names (London, 1896),

2 Genesis vi. 1-3. In this passage pp. 149 sqq.

"the sons of God (or rather of the 4 Brown, Driver, and TSriggs, ffedrew

gods) " probably means, in accordance and English Lexicon, p. 1028. But

with a common Hebrew idiom, no compare Encyclopaedia Biblica, iii.

more than "the gods," just as the 3285, iv. 4452.

phrase " sons of the prophets " means 5 A trace of a similar belief perhaps

the prophets themselves. For more survives in the narratives of Genesis

examples of this idiom, see Brown, xxxi. and Judges xiii., where barren

Driver, and Briggs, Hebrew and women are represented as conceiving

English Lexicon, p. 121. children after the visit of God, or of

3 For example, all Hebrew names an angel of God, in the likeness of a
ending in -el or -iah are compounds of man.

El or Yahwe, two names of the 6 J. Spieth, Die Ewe - Stamme

divinity. See G. B. Gray, Stiidies in (Berlin, 1906), pp. 446, 448-450.

8o SACRED MEN AND WOMEN BOOK i

of the local god was played by sacred men, who in person-
ating him may often have sincerely believed that they were
acting under divine inspiration, and that the functions which
they discharged were necessary for the fertility of the land
as well as for the propagation of the human species. The
purifying influence of Christianity and Mohammedanism has
restricted such customs within narrow limits ; even under
Turkish rule they are now only carried on in holes and corners.
Yet if ' the practice has dwindled, the principle which it
embodies appears to be fundamentally the same ; it is a
desire for the continuance of the species, and a belief that
an object so natural and legitimate can be accomplished by
divine power manifesting itself in the bodies of men and
women.

Belief The belief in the physical fatherhood of God has not

physical keen confined to Syria in ancient and modern times. Else-
fatherhood where many men have been counted the sons of God in
confined10 the most literal sense of the word, being supposed to have
to Syria, been begotten by his holy spirit in the wombs of mortal
women. Here I shall merely illustrate the creed by a few
examples drawn from classical antiquity.1 .Thus in order to
Sons of the obtain offspring women used to resort to the great sanctuary
serpen Q^ Aesculapius, situated in a beautiful upland valley, to
which a path, winding through a long wooded gorge, leads
from the bay of Epidaurus. Here the women slept in the
holy place and were visited in dreams by a serpent ; and
the children to whom they afterwards gave birth were
believed to have been begotten by the reptile.2 That the
serpent was supposed to be the god himself seems certain ;
for Aesculapius repeatedly appeared in the form of a serpent,8
and live serpents were kept and fed in his sanctuaries for
the healing of the sick, being no doubt regarded as his
incarnations.4 Hence the children born to women who had

1 For more instances see H. Usener, Pliny, Nat. hist. xxix. 72 ; Valerius
Das Weihnachtsfest^ (Bonn, 1911),!. 71 Maximus. i. 8. 2 ; Ovid, Metam. xv.
sqq. 626-744 ; Aurelius Victor, De viris

2 G. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscrip- illustr. 22 ; Plutarch, Quaest. Itom.
tionum Graecarum? vol. ii. pp. 662, 94.

663, No. 803, lines 117 sqq., 129 4 Aristophanes, Plutus, 733; Pau-

sqq. sanias, ii. 1 1 . 8 ; Herodas, Mimiambi,

3 Pausanias, ii. 10. 3 (with my iv. 90 sq. ; G. Dittenberger, Sylloge
note), iii. 23. 7 ; Livy, xi. Epitome ; Inscriptionum Graecarum," vol. ii. p.

CHAP, iv SONS OF GOD Si

thus visited a sanctuary of Aesculapius were probably
fathered on the serpent -god. Many celebrated men in
classical antiquity were thus promoted to the heavenly
hierarchy by similar legends of a miraculous birth. The
famous Aratus of Sicyon was certainly believed by his
countrymen to be a son of Aesculapius ; his mother is
said to have got him in intercourse with a serpent.1
Probably she slept either in the shrine of Aesculapius at
Sicyon, where a figurine of her was shown seated on a
serpent,2 or perhaps in the more secluded sanctuary of the
god at Titane, not many miles off, where the sacred serpents
crawled among ancient cypresses on the hill-top which over-
looks the narrow green valley of the Asopus with the white
turbid river rushing in its depths.3 There, under the shadow
of the cypresses, with the murmur of the Asopus in her ears,
the mother of Aratus may have conceived, or fancied she
conceived, the future deliverer of his country. Again, the
mother of Augustus is said to have got him by inter-
course with a serpent in a temple of Apollo ; hence the
emperor was reputed to be the son of that god.4 Similar
tales were told of the Messenian hero Aristomenes, Alexander
the Great, and the elder Scipio : all of them were reported
to have been begotten by snakes.5 In the time of Herod
a serpent, according to Aelian, in like manner made love
to a Judean maid.6 Can the story be a distorted rumour
of the parentage of Christ ?

In India even stone serpents are credited with a power Women
of bestowing offspring on women. Thus the Komatis of j^1^
Mysore " worship Ndga or the serpent god. This worship serpents in
is generally confined to women and is carried on on a large India'

655, No. 802, lines 116 sqq. ; Ch. health or the opposites were drawn

Michel, Recueild1 Inscriptions Grecques, from the way in which the reptiles

p. 826, No. 1069. took their food from her. See Aelian,

1 Pausanias, ii. 10. 3, iv. 14. 7 sq. Nat- Hist' xi' 2'

2 pau«.an;flo ;; I0 \ 6 Pausanias, iv. 14. 7 ; Livy, xxvi.
Pausanias, n. 10. 4. ^ . ^^ ^^ yj i; plutarch>

Pausanias, n. n. 5-8. Alexander, 2. All these cases have

4 Suetonius, Divus Augustus, 94 ; been already cited in this connexion

Dio Cassius, xlv. i. 2. Tame ser- by L. Deubner, De incubations

pents were kept in a sacred grove of (Leipsic, 1900), p. 33 note.

Apollo in Epirus. A virgin priestess 6 Aelian, De natura animaliumt

fed them, and omens of plenty and vi. 17.

PT. IV. VOL. I G

SACRED MEN AND WOMEN

BOOK I

Belief that
the dead
come to
life in the
form of
serpents.

scale once a year on the fifth day of the bright fortnight of
Sravana(July and August). The representations of serpents
are cut in stone slabs and are set up round an Asvattha tree
on a platform, on which is also generally planted a margosa
tree. These snakes in stones are set up in performance of
vows and are said to be specially efficacious in curing bad
sores and other skin diseases and in giving children. The
women go to such places for worship with milk, fruits, and
flowers on the prescribed day which is observed as a feast
day." They wash the stones, smear them with turmeric,
and offer them curds and fruits. Sometimes they search out
the den's of serpents and pour milk into the holes for the
live reptiles.1

§ 7. Reincarnation of the Dead

The reason why snakes were so often supposed to be
the fathers of human beings is probably to be found in the
common belief that the dead come to life and revisit their
old homes in the shape of serpents.

This notion is widely spread in Africa, especially among
tribes of the Bantu stock. It is held, for example, by the
Zulus, the Thonga, and other Caffre tribes of South Africa ; 2
by the Ngoni of British Central Africa ; 3 by the Wabondei,4
the Masai,5 the Suk,6 the Nandi,7 and the Akikuyu of
German and British East Africa ; 8 and by the Dinkas of

1 H. V. Nanjundayya, The Ethno-
graphical Survey of Mysore, vi. Komati
Caste (Bangalore, 1906), p. 29.

2 T. Arbousset et F. Daumas,
Voyage d: "Exploration au Nord-Est de
la Colonie du Cap de Bonne-Espgrance
(Paris, 1842), p. 277 ; H. Callaway,
Religious System of the Amazidu, part
ii. pp. 140-144, 196-200, 208-212 ;
J. Shooter, The Kafirs of Natal (Lon-
don, 1857), p. 162 ; E. Casalis, The
Bastitos (London, 1861), p. 246 ;
" Wordsabout Spirits," (South African]
Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) pp. 101-
103 ; A. Kranz, Natur- tind Kulturleben
der Zulus (Wiesbaden, 1880), p. 112;
F. Speckmann, Die Hermannsburger
Mission in Afrika (Hermannsburg,
1876), pp. 165-167 ; Dudley Kidd,
The Essential Kafir (London, 1904),

pp. 85-87 ; Henri A. Junod, The Life
of a South African Tribe (Neuchatel,
1912-1913), ii. 358 sq.

3 W. A. Elmslie, Among the Wild
Ngoni (London, 1899), pp. 71 sq.

* O. Baumann, Usambara und seine
Nachbargebiete (Berlin, 1891), pp. 141
sq.

6 S. L. Hinde and H. Hinde, The
Last of the Masai (London, 1901), pp.
'10 1 sq. ; Aj C. Hollis, The Masai
(Oxford, 1905), pp. 307 sq.; Sir H.
Johnston, 7^he Uganda Protectorate
(London, 1904), ii. 832.

6 M. W. H. Beech, The Suk
(Oxford, 1911), p. 20.

7 A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford,
1909), P- 90.

8 H. R. Tate, "The Native Law of
the Southern Gikuyu of British East

CHAP, iv REINCARNATION OF THE DEAD 83

the Upper Nile.1 It prevails also among the Betsileo and
other tribes of Madagascar.2 Among the Iban or Sea
Dyaks of Borneo a man's guardian spirit (Tua) "has its
external manifestation in a snake, a leopard or some other
denizen of the forest. It is supposed to be the spirit of
some ancestor renowned for bravery or some other virtue
who at death has taken an animal form. It is a custom
among the Iban when a person of note in the tribe dies,
not to bury the body but to place it on a neighbouring hill
or in some solitary spot above ground. A quantity of food
is taken to the place every day, and if after a few days the
body disappears, the deceased is said to have become a Tua
or guardian spirit. People who have been suffering from
some chronic complaint often go to such a tomb, taking
with them an offering to the soul of the deceased to obtain
his help. To such it is revealed in a dream what animal
form the honoured dead has taken. The most frequent
form is that of a snake. Thus when a snake is found in a
Dyak house it is seldom killed or driven away ; food is
offered to it, for it is a guardian spirit who has come to
inquire after the welfare of its clients and bring them good
luck. Anything that may be found in the mouth of such
a snake is taken and kept as a charm." £ Similarly in

Africa, " Journal of the African Society, Lower Niger and its Tribes (London,

No. xxxv. April 1910, p. 243. 1906), pp. 327 sqq. Pythons are

1 E. de Pruyssenaere, Reisen und worshipped by the Ewe - speaking

Forschungen im Gebiete des Weissen peoples of the Slave Coast, but ap-

und Blauen Nil (Gotha, 1877), p. 27 patently not from a belief that the

(Petermanri 's Mittheilungen, Ergdn- souls of the dead are lodged in them.

zungsheft, No. 50). Compare G. See A. B. Ellis, The Ewe - speaking

Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa* Peoples of the Slave Coast of West

(London, 1878), i. 55. Among the Africa, pp. 54 sqq.
Bahima of Ankole dead chiefs turn 2 G. A. Shaw, "The Betsileo,"

into serpents, but dead kings into lions. The Antananarivo Annual and

See J. Roscoe, "The Bahima, a Cow Madagascar Magazine, Reprint of the

Tribe of Enkole in the Uganda Pro- First Four Numbers (Antananarivo,

tectorate," Journal of the Anthropo- 1885), p. 411 ; H. W. Little, Mada-

logical Institute, xxxvii. (1907), pp. gascar, its History and People (London,

101 sq. ; Major J. A. Meldon, "Notes 1884), pp. 86 sq. ; A. van Gennep,

on the Bahima of Ankole," Journal of Taboti et Tottmisme a Madagascar

the African Society, No. xxii. (January (Paris, 1904), pp. 272 sqq.
I9°7)> P- I5I- Major Leonard holds 3 "Religious Rites and Customs of

that the pythons worshipped in Southern the Iban or Dyaks of Sarawak," by

Nigeria are regarded as reincarnations Leo Nyuak, translated from the Dyak

of the dead ; but this seems very by the Very Rev. Edm. Dunn,

doubtful. See A. G. Leonard, The Anthropos> i. (1906) p. 182. As to

SACRED MEN AND WOMEN

BOOK I

Serpents
which are
viewed as
ancestors
come to
life are
treated
with

respect and
often fed
with milk.

Kiriwina, an island of the Trobriands Group, to the east of
New Guinea, " the natives regarded the snake as one of
their ancestral chiefs, or rather as the abode of his spirit,
and when one was seen in a house it was believed that the
chief was paying a visit to his old home. The natives con-
sidered this as an ill omen and so always tried to persuade
the animal to depart as soon as possible. The honours of
a chief were paid to the snake : the natives passed it in a
crouching posture, and as they did so, saluted it as a chief
of high rank. Native property was presented to it as an
appeasing gift, accompanied by prayers that it would not
do them any harm, but would go away quickly. They
dared not kill the snake, for its death would bring disease
and death upon those who did so."1

Where serpents are thus viewed as ancestors come to
life, the people naturally treat them with great respect and
often feed them with milk, perhaps because milk is the food
of human babes and the reptiles are treated as human
beings in embryo, who can be born again from women.
Thus " the Zulu-Caffres imagine that their ancestors generally
visit them under the form of serpents. As soon, therefore,
as one of these reptiles appears near their dwellings, they
hasten to salute it by the name of father, place bowls of milk
in its way, and turn it back gently, and with the greatest
respect." 2 Among the Masai of East Africa, " when a
medicine-man or a rich person dies and is buried, his soul
turns into a snake as soon as his body rots ; and the snake
goes to his children's kraal to look after them. The Masai
in consequence do not kill their sacred snakes, and if a
woman sees one in her hut, she pours some milk on the
ground for it to lick, after which it will go away." 3 Among

the Sea Dyak reverence for snakes and
their belief that spirits (antus) are
incarnate in the reptiles, see further
J. Perham, "Sea Dyak Religion,"
Journal of the Straits Branch of the
Royal Asiatic Society, No. 10 (Decem-
ber, 1882), pp. 222-224; H. Ling
Roth, The Natives of Sarawak and
British North Borneo (London, 1896),
i. 187 sq. But from this latter
account it does not appear that the
spirits (antus} which possess the snakes

are supposed to be those of human
ancestors.

1 George Btown, D.D., Melanesians
and Polynesians (London, 1910), pp.
238 sq.

2 Rev. E. Casalis, The Basntos
(London, 1861), p. 246. Compare
A. Kranz, Natur- und Ktdturleben der
Zulus (Wiesbaden, 1880), p. 112.

3 A. C. Hollis, The Masai (Oxford,
1905), P- 3°7-

CHAP, iv REINCARNATION OF THE DEAD 85

the Nandi of British East Africa, " if a snake goes on to the
woman's bed, it may not be killed, as it is believed that it
personifies the spirit of a deceased ancestor or relation, and
that it has been sent to intimate to the woman that her
next child will be born safely. Milk is put on the ground
for it to drink, and the man or his wife says : * . . . If thou
wantest the call, come, thou art being called.' It is then
allowed to leave the house. If a snake enters the houses of
old people they give it milk, and say : * If thou wantest the
call, go to the huts of the children,' and they drive it away." 1
This association of the serpent, regarded as an incarnation
of the dead, both with the marriage bed and with the huts
of young people, points to a belief that the deceased person
who is incarnate in the snake may be born again as a
human child into the world. Again, among the Suk of
British East Africa " it seems to be generally believed that
a man's spirit passes into a snake at death. If a snake
enters a house, the spirit of the dead man is believed to be
very hungry. Milk is poured on to its tracks, and a little
meat and tobacco placed on the ground for it to eat. It is
believed that if no food is given to the snake one or all of
the members of the household will die. It, however, may
none the less be killed ii encountered outside the house, and
if at the time of its death it is inhabited by the spirit of
a dead man, ' that spirit dies also.' " 2 The Akikuyu of
British East Africa, who similarly believe that snakes are
ngoma or spirits of the departed, " do not kill a snake but
pour out honey and milk for it to drink, which they say it
licks up and then goes its way If a man causes the death
of a snake he must without delay summon the senior Elders
in the village and slaughter a sheep, which they eat and cut
a rukwaru from the skin of its right shoulder for the
offender to wear on his right wrist ; if this ceremony is
neglected he, his wife and his children will die." s Among

1 A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford, British East Africa," Journal of the
1909), p. 90. African Society, No. xxxv., April 1910,

2 Mervyn W. H. Beech, The Suk, p. 243. See further C. W. Hobley,
their Language and Folklore (Oxford, " Further Researches into Kikuyu and
1911), p. 20. Kamba Religious Beliefs and Customs,"

3 H. R. Tate (District Commis- Journal of the Royal Anthropological
sioner, East Africa Protectorate), "The Institute^ xli. (1911) p. 408. Accord-
Native Law of the Southern Gikuyu of ing to Mr. Hobley it is only one parti-

86 SACRED MEN AND WOMEN BOOK i

the Baganda the python god Selwanga had his temple on
the shore of the lake Victoria Nyanza, where he dwelt in
the form of a live python. The temple was a hut of the
ordinary conical shape with a round hole in the wall,
through which the sinuous deity crawled out and in at his
pleasure. A woman lived in the temple, and it was her
duty to feed the python daily with fresh milk from a wooden
bowl, which she held out to the divine reptile while he
drained it. The serpent was thought to be the giver of
children ; hence young couples living in the neighbourhood
always came to the shrine to ensure the blessing of the god
on their union, and childless women repaired from long
distances to be relieved by him from the curse of barren-
ness.1 It is not said that this python god embodied the
soul of a dead ancestor, but it may have been so ; his power
of bestowing offspring on women suggests it.
The The Romans and Greeks appear to have also believed

tnat tne souls of the dead were incarnate in the bodies of

seem to serpents. Among the Romans the regular symbol of the

have . ,. . . P 9 ,

shared the genius or guardian spirit of every man was a serpent, and
belief that jn Roman houses serpents were lodged and fed in such

the souls of

the dead numbers that if their swarms had not been sometimes
can be re- reciuced by conflagrations there would have been no living

incarnated J °

inserpents. for them. In Greek legend Cadmus and his wife Harmonia

cular sort of snake, called nyamuyathi, souls of the departed. See Rev. J.

which is thought to be the abode of a L. Krapf, Travels, Researches and

spirit and is treated with ceremonious Missionary Labours in Eastern Africa

respect by the Akikuyu. Compare P. (London, 1860), pp. 77 sq. The

Cayzac, "La Religion des Kikuyu," negroes of Whydah in Guinea likewise

Anthropos, v. (1910) p. 312 ; and for feed with milk the serpents which they

more evidence of milk offered to ser- worship. See Thomas Astley's New

pents as embodiments of the dead see General Collection of Voyages and

E. de Pruyssenaere and H. W. Little, Travels, iii. (London, 1746) p. 29.

cited above p 83, notes 1 and 2 , Mythologie 3

iRev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda I8SI-JS83), ii. 196 ^.;G.

(London 1911), pp. 3*0 sy. My ^ Religion und Kultus der

friend Mr. Roscoe tells me that ser- z '(Munich, 1912), pp. ,76^.

pents are revered and fed with milk by The ^ of \h/ //J^J J

the Banyoro to the north of Uganda ; * £ g

but he cannot say whether the creatures J/Toutai Les Cultes p£ens dans

are supposed to be mcarnaUons of the ^ RQ ?^\^ Partie, i.

dead. Some of the Gallas also re- /r) . . >

gard serpents as sacred and offer milk (^1907) PP« 439 *&

to them, but it is not said that they 3 Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxix. 72.

believe the reptiles to embody the Compare Seneca, De Ira, iv. 31. 6.

CHAP, iv REINCARNATION OF THE DEAD 87

were turned at death into snakes.1 When the Spartan king
Cleomenes was slain and crucified in Egypt, a great serpent
coiled round his head on the cross and kept off the vultures
from his face. The people regarded the prodigy as a proof
that Cleomenes was a son of the gods.2 Again, when
Plotinus lay dying, a snake crawled from under his bed
and disappeared . into a hole in the wall, and at the same
moment the philosopher expired.3 Apparently superstition
saw in these serpents the souls of the dead men. In Greek
religion the serpent was indeed the regular symbol or
attribute of the worshipful dead,4 and we can hardly doubt
that the early Greeks, like the Zulus and other African
tribes at the present day, really believed the soul of the
departed to be lodged in the reptile. The sacred serpent
which lived in the Erechtheum at Athens, and was fed with
honey - cakes once a month, may have been supposed to
house the soul of the dead king Erechtheus, who had reigned
in his lifetime on the same spot.5 Perhaps the libations
of milk which the Greeks poured upon graves 6 were in-
tended to be drunk by serpents as the embodiments of the
deceased ; on two tombstones found at Tegea a man and a
woman are respectively represented holding out to a serpent
a cup which may be supposed to contain milk.7 We have
seen that various African tribes feed serpents with milk
because they imagine the reptiles to be incarnations of their
dead kinsfolk ; 8 and the Dinkas, who practise the custom,
also pour milk on the graves of their friends for some time
after the burial.9 It is possible that a common type in
Greek art, which exhibits a woman feeding a serpent out of

1 Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, iii. 5. 4; Philostratus, Imag. ii. 17. 6. See
Hyginus, Fab. 6 ; Ovid, Met am. iv. further my note on Pausanias, i. 18. 2.
563-603. (vol. ii. pp. 1 68 sqq.}.

2 Plutarch, Cleomenes, 39. 6 Sophocles, Electra, 893 sqq. ;

o -r, , 7-, -m ,. . Euripides, Orestes. 112 sqq.

3 Porphyry, De vita Plottm, p. 103,

Didot edition (appended to the lives of 7 Mittheilungen des Deutsch. Archdo

Diogenes Laertius). log. Institutes in Athen, iv. (1879)

* Plutarch, Cleomenes, 39; Scholiast j^ f J" ComPare '* PP" '35 **•>
on Aristophanes, Plutus, 733.

5 Herodotus, viii. 41 ; Plutarch, ' Ab°VC' Pp" 84 s*

Themistodes, 10 ; Aristophanes, Ly- 9 E. de Pruyssenaere, I.e. (above,

sistra^ 758 sq., with the Scholium; p. 83, note1).

SACRED MEN AND WOMEN

BOOK

The
serpents
fed at the
Thesmo-
phoria may
have been
deemed in-
carnations
of the
dead.

Reluctance
to disturb
the Earth
Goddess or
the spirits
of the earth
by the
operations
of digging
and
ploughing.

a saucer, may have been borrowed from a practice of thus
ministering to the souls of the departed.1

Further, at the sowing festival of the Thesmophoria, held
by Greek women in October, it was customary to throw
cakes and pigs to serpents, which lived in caverns or vaults
sacred to the corn-goddess Demeter.2 We may guess that
the serpents thus propitiated were deemed to be incarna-
tions of dead men and women, who might easily be incom-
moded in their earthy beds by the operations of husbandry.
What indeed could be more disturbing than to have the
roof of the narrow house shaken and rent over their heads
by clumsy oxen dragging a plough up and down on the top
of it ? No wonder that at such times it was thought desir-
able to appease them with offerings. Sometimes, however,
it is not the dead but the Earth Goddess herself who is dis-
turbed by the husbandman. An Indian prophet at Priest
Rapids, on the Middle Columbia River, dissuaded his many
followers from tilling the ground because "it is a sin to
wound or cut, tear up or scratch our common mother by
agricultural pursuits." 3 " You ask me/' said this Indian
sage, " to plough the ground. Shall I take a knife and tear
my mother's bosom ? You ask me to dig for stone. Shall
I dig under her skin for her bones? You ask me to cut
grass and hay and sell it and be rich like white men. But

Hygieia. See R. M. Burrows, The
Discoveries in Crete (London, 1907),
pp. 137 sq. The snakes, which were
the regular symbol of the Furies, may
have been originally nothing but the
emblems or rather embodiments of the
dead ; and the Furies themselves may,
like Aesculapius, have been developed
out of the reptiles, sloughing off their
serpent skins through the anthropo-
morphic tendency of Greek thought.

2 Scholia on Lucian, Dial. Meretr.
ii. (Scholia in Ljicianum^ ed. H. Rabe,
Leipsic, 1906, pp. 275 sq.}. As to
the Thesmophoria, see my article,
" Thesmophoria," Encyclopaedia Bri-
tannica? xxiii. 295 sqq. ; Spirits of
the Corn and of the Wild, ii. 17 sqq.

3 A. S. Gatschet, The Klamath
Indians of South - Western Oregon
(Washington, 1890), p. xcii.

1 See C. O. Muller, Denkmaler
der alten Kunst* (Gottingen, 1854).
pi. Ixi. with the corresponding text in
vol. i. (where the eccentric system of
paging adopted renders references to it
practically useless). In these groups
the female figure is commonly, and
perhaps correctly, interpreted as the
Goddess of Health (Hygieia). It is
to be remembered that Hygieia was
deemed a daughter of the serpent-god
Aesculapius (Pausanias, i. 23. 4), and
was constantly associated with him in
ritual and art. See, for example,
Pausanias, i. 40. 6, ii. 4. 5, ii. ii. 6,
ii. 23. 4, ii. 27. 6, iii. 22. 13, v. 20. 3,
v. 26. 2, vii. 23. 7, viii. 28. I, viii.
31. i, viii. 32. 4, viii. 47. i. The
snake-entwined goddess whose image
was found in a prehistoric shrine at
Gournia in Crete may have been a
predecessor of the serpent - feeding

CHAP, iv REINCARNATION OF THE DEAD 89

how dare I cut off my mother's hair ? " ] The Baigas, a
primitive Dravidian tribe of the Central Provinces in India,
used to practise a fitful and migratory agriculture, burning
down patches of jungle and sowing seed in the soil fertilized
by the ashes after the breaking of the rains. " One explana-
tion of their refusal to till the ground is that they consider
it a sin to lacerate the breast of their mother earth with a
ploughshare." 2 In China the disturbance caused to the
earth-spirits by the operations of digging and ploughing
was so very serious that Chinese philosophy appears to have
contemplated a plan for allowing the perturbed spirits a
close time by forbidding the farmer to put his spade or his
plough into the ground except on certain days, when the
earth-spirits were either not at home or kindly consented to
put up with some temporary inconvenience for the good of
man. This we may infer from a passage in a Chinese
author who wrote in the first century of our era. "If it is
true," he says, " that the spirits who inhabit the soil object
to it being disturbed and dug up, then it is proper for us to
select special good days for digging ditches and ploughing
our fields. (But this is never done) ; it therefore follows
that the spirits of the soil, even though really annoyed when
it is disturbed, pass over such an offence if man commits it
without evil intent. As he commits it merely to ensure his
rest and comfort, the act cannot possibly excite any anger
against him in the perfect heart of those spirits ; and this
being the case, they will not visit him with misfortune even
if he do not choose auspicious days for it. But if we believe
that the earth-spirits cannot excuse man on account of the
object he pursues, and detest him for annoying them by dis-
turbing the ground, what advantage then can he derive from
selecting proper days for doing so ? " What advantage
indeed ? In that case the only logical conclusion is, with
the Indian prophet, to forbid agriculture altogether, as an
impious encroachment on the spiritual world. Few peoples,
however, who have once contracted the habit of agri-

1 Washington Matthews, " Myths of Survey, iii. Draft Articles on Forest
Gestation and Parturition," American Tribes (Allahabad, 1907), p. 23.
Anthropologist, New Series, iv. (New 3 J. J. M. de Groot, The Religious
York, 1902) p. 738. System of China, v. (Leyden, 1907)

2 Central Provinces, Ethnographic pp. 536 sq.

SACRED MEN AND WOMEN

BOOK

Hence
agricul-
tural

operations
are some-
times
forbidden.

Graves as
places of
conception
for women.

culture are willing to renounce it out of a regard for the
higher powers ; the utmost concession which they are will-
ing to make to religion in the matter is to prohibit agri-
cultural operations at certain times and seasons, when the
exercise of them would be more than usually painful to the
earth-spirits. Thus in Bengal the chief festival in honour
of Mother Earth is held at the end of the hot season, when
she is supposed to suffer from the impurity common to
women, and during that time all ploughing, sowing, and
other work cease.1 On a certain day of the year, when
offerings are made to the Earth, the Ewe farmer of West
Africa will not hoe the ground, and the Ewe weaver will not
drive a sharp stake into it, " because the hoe and the stake
would wound the Earth and cause her pain."2 When
Ratumaimbulu, the god who made fruit-trees to blossom
and bear fruit, came once a year to Fiji, the people had to
live very quietly for a month lest they should disturb him
at his important work. During this time they might not
plant nor build nor sail about nor go to war ; indeed most
kinds of work were forbidden. The priests announced the
time of the god's arrival and departure.3 These periods of
rest and quiet would seem to be the Indian and Fijian Lent.
Thus behind the Greek notion that women may conceive
by a serpent-god4 seems to lie the belief that they can con-
ceive by the dead in the form of serpents. If such a belief
was ever held, it would be natural that barren women should
resort to graves in order to have their wombs quickened, and
this may explain why they visited the shrine of the serpent-
god Aesculapius for that purpose ; the shrine was perhaps
at first a grave. It is significant that in Syria the shrines
of St. George, to which childless women go to get offspring,
always include a tomb or the likeness of one ; 5 and further,

1 W. Crooke, Natives of Northern
India (London, 1907), p. 232.

2 J. Spieth, Die Ewe - Stamme
(Berlin, 1906), p. 796.

3 J. E. Erskine, Journal of 'a Cruise
among the Islands of the Western
Pacific (London, 1853), pp. 245 sq.

4 Persons initiated into the mysteries
of Sabazius had a serpent drawn through
the bosom of their robes, and the reptile

was identified with the god (6 5ta /c6\7rou
dtos, Clement of Alexandria, Pro-
trept. ii. 16, p. 14, ed. Potter). This
may be a trace of the belief that women
can be impregnated by serpents, though
it does not appear that the ceremony
was performed only on women.

6 See above, p. 78. Among the
South Slavs women go to. graves to
get children. See below, p. 96.

CHAP, iv REINCARNATION OF THE DEAD 91

that in the opinion of Syrian peasants at the present day
women may, without intercourse with a living man, bear
children to a dead husband, a dead saint, or a jinnee.1 In
the East Indies also it is still commonly believed that spirits
can consort with women and beget children on them. The
Olo Ngadjoe of Borneo imagine that albinoes are the off-
spring of the spirit of the moon by mortal women, the pallid
hue of the human children naturally reflecting the pallor of
their heavenly father.2

Such beliefs are closely akin to the idea, entertained by Reincar-
many peoples, that the souls of the dead may pass directly into jjfU^ffc,
the wombs of women and be born again as infants. Thus America
the Hurons used to bury little children beside the paths in and Africa'
the hope that their souls might enter the passing squaws
and be born again ; 3 and similarly some negroes of West
Africa throw the bodies of infants into the bush in order
that their souls may choose a new mother from the women
who pass by.4 Among the tribes of the Lower Congo " a
baby is always buried near the house of its mother, never
in the bush. They think that, if the child is not buried
near its mother's house, she will be unlucky and never have
any more children." The notion probably is that the dead
child, buried near its mother's house, will enter into her
womb and be born again, for these people believe in the
reincarnation of the dead. They think that " the only new
thing about a child is its body. The spirit is old and
formerly belonged to some deceased person, or it may have
the spirit of some living person." For example, if a child
is like its mother, father, or uncle, they imagine that it must

1 S. I. Curtiss, Primitive Semitic Mr. J. E. King, who suggests, with
Religion To-day, pp. \\$ sqq. much probability, that the special

2 A. C. Kruijt, Het Animisme in den modes of burial adopted for infants in
Indischen Archipel (The Hague, 1906), various parts of the world may often
p. 398. have been intended to ensure their re-

3 Relations des Jesuites, 1636, p. birth. See J. E. King, "Infant
130 (Canadian reprint, Quebec, 1858). Burial," Classical Review, xvii. (1903)
A similar custom was practised for a pp. 83 sq. For a large collection of
similar reason by the Musquakie evidence as to the belief in the re-
Indians. See Miss Mary Alicia Owen, incarnation of the dead, see E. S. Hart-
Folk-lore of the Musquakie Indians of land, Primitive Paternity (London,
North America (London, 1904), pp. 1909-1910), i. 156 sqq.

22 sq., 86. Some of the instances 4 Mary H. Kingsley, Travels in

here given have been already cited by West Africa (London, 1897), p. 478.

92 SACRED MEN AND WOMEN BOOK i

have the spirit of the relative whom it resembles, and that
therefore the person whose soul has thus been abstracted by
the infant will soon die.1 Among the Bangalas, a tribe of
cannibals in Equatorial Africa, to the north of the Congo, a
woman was one day seen digging a hole in the public road.
Her husband entreated a Belgian officer to let her alone,
promising to mend the road afterwards, and explaining that
his wife wished to become a mother. The good-natured
officer complied with his request and watched the woman.
She continued to dig till she had uncovered a little skeleton,
the remains of her first-born, which she tenderly embraced,
humbly entreating the dead child to enter into her and give
her again a mother's joy. The officer rightly did not smile.2
The Bagishu, a Bantu tribe of Mount Elgon, in the Uganda
Protectorate, practise the custom of throwing out their dead
" except in the case of the youngest child or the old grand-
father or grandmother, for whom, like the child, a prolonged
.life on earth is desired. . . . When it is desired to per-
petuate on the earth the life of some old man or woman, or
that of some young baby, the corpse is buried inside the
house or just under the eaves, until another child is born to
the nearest relation of the corpse. This child, male or
female, takes the name of the corpse, and the Bagishu
firmly believe that the spirit of the dead has passed into
this new child and lives again on earth. The remains are
then dug up and thrown out into the open."3

Measures Again, just as measures are adopted to facilitate the rebirth

taken to of good ghosts, so on the other hand precautions are taken
rebirth of to prevent the rebirth of bad ones. Thus, with regard to the
undesir- Baganda of Central Africa we read that, " while the present

able spirits.

generation know the cause of pregnancy, the people in the
earlier times were uncertain as to its real cause, and thought
that it was possible to conceive without any intercourse with
the male sex. Hence their precautions in passing places where

1 Rev. John H. Weeks, "Notes on 3 J. B. Purvis, Through Uganda to

some. Customs of the Lower Congo Mount Elgon (London, 1909), pp.

People," Folk-lore, xix. (1908) p. 302.57. As to the Bagishu or Bageshu

422. and their practice of throwing out the

* Th. Masui, Guide de la Section de dead, see Rev. J. Roscoe, "Notes on

FEtat Independant du Congo a VEx- the Bageshu," Joiirnal of the Royal

position de Bruxelles - Tervueren en Anthropological Institute, xxxix. (1909)

1897 (Brussels, 1897), pp. 113 sq. pp. 181 sqq.

CHAP, iv REINCARNATION OF THE DEAD 93

either a suicide had been burnt, or a child born feet first had
been buried. Women were careful to throw grass or sticks
on such a spot, for by so doing they thought that they could
prevent the ghost of the dead from entering into them, and
being reborn." ] The fear of being got with child by such
ghosts was not confined to married women, it was shared
by all women alike, whether young or old, whether married
or single ; and all of them sought to avert the danger in the
same way.2 And Baganda women imagined that without Belief of
the help of the other sex they could be impregnated not ^ganda
only by these unpleasant ghosts but also by the flower of that a
the banana. If while a woman was busy in her garden be knpreg
under the shadow of the banana trees, a great purple bloom nated by
chanced to fall from one of the trees on her. back or shoulders, *

it was quite enough, in the opinion of the Baganda, to get banana.
her with child ; and were a wife accused of adultery because
she gave birth to a child who could not possibly have been
begotten by her husband, she had only to father the infant
on a banana flower to be honourably acquitted of the charge.
The reason why this remarkable property was ascribed to
the bloom of the banana would seem to be that ghosts of
ancestors were thought to haunt banana groves, and that the
afterbirths of children, which the Baganda regarded as twins
of the children, were commonly buried at the root of the
trees.3 What more natural than that a ghost should lurk
in each flower, and dropping adroitly in the likeness of a
blossom on a woman's back effect a lodgment in her womb?

Again, when a child dies in Northern India it is usually
buried under the threshold of the house, " in the belief that as

1 Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda 2 Rev. J. Roscoe, op. tit. pp. 126

(London, 1911), pp. 46 sq. Women sq. In the Senegal and Niger region

adopted a like precaution at the grave of Western Africa it is said to be com-

of twins to prevent the ghosts of the monly believed by women that they can

twins from entering into them and conceive without any carnal knowledge

being born again (id., pp. 124 sq.). of a man. See Maurice Delafosse,

The Baganda always strangled children Haut - Senegal - Niger, Le Pays, les

that were born feet first and buried Peuples, les Langues, FHistoire, les

their bodies at cross-roads. The heaps Civilisations (Paris, 1912), iii. 171.
of sticks or grass thrown on these 3 Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda,

graves by passing women and girls pp. 47 sq. ; Totemism and Exogamy,

rose in time into mounds large enough ii. 5°6 sq. As to the custom of de-

to deflect the path and to attract the positing the afterbirths of children at

notice of travellers. See J. Roscoe, the foot of banana (plantain) trees, see

op. cit. pp. 126 sq., 289. J. Roscoe, op. cit. pp. 52, 54 sq.

SACRED MEN AND WOMEN

BOOK

Reincar-

the'deacf
in India,

takerTto
facilitate

chiidren.

the parents tread daily over its grave, its soul will be reborn
*n ^e family- Here, as Mr. Rose suggests, we reach an
explanation of the rule that children of Hindus are buried,
not cremated. Their souls do not pass into the ether with the
smoke of the pyre, but remain on earth to be reincarnated
in the household." 1 In the Punjaub this belief in the re-
incarnation of dead infants gives rise to some quaint or
pathetic customs. Thus, " in the Hissar District, Bishnois
bury dead infants at the threshold, in the belief that it would
facilitate the return of the soul to the mother. The practice
is also in vogue in the Kangra District, where the body is
buried in front of the back door. In some places it is
believed that, if the child dies in infancy and the mother
drops her milk for two or three days on the ground, the soul
of the child comes back to be born again. For this purpose
milk diluted with water is placed in a small earthen pot
and offered to the dead child's spirit for three consecutive
evenings. There is also a belief in the Ambala and Gujrat
Districts that if jackals and dogs dig out the dead body of
the child and bring it towards the town or village, it means
that the child will return to its mother, but if they take it
to some other side, the soul will reincarnate in some other
family. For this purpose, the second day after the infant's
death, the mother goes out early in the morning to see
whether the dogs have brought the body towards the village.
When the child is being taken away for burial the mother
cuts off and preserves a piece of its garment with a view to
persuade the soul to return to her. Barren women or those
who have lost children in infancy tear a piece off the clothing
of a dead child and stitch it to their wearing apparel,
believing that the soul of the child will return to them
instead of its own mother. On this account, people take
great care not to lose the clothes of dead children, and
some bury them in the house." 2 In Bilaspore " a still-born
child, or one who has passed away before the Chhatti (the
sixth day, the day of purification) is not taken out of the

1 W. Crooke, Natives of Northern
India (London, 1907), p. 202. As to
the Hindoo custom of burying infants
but burning older persons, see The
Belief in Immortality and }he Worship

of the Dead, i. 162 sq.

2 Census of India, 1911, vol. xiv.
Punjab, Part i., Report, by Pandit
Harikishan Kaul (Lahore, 1912), p.
299.

CHAP, iv REINCARNATION OF THE DEAD 95

house for burial, but is placed in an earthen vessel and
is buried in the doorway or in the yard of the house.
Some say that this is done in order that the mother
may bear another child." l Here in Bilaspore the people
have devised a very simple way of identifying a dead
person when he or she is born again as an infant. When
anybody dies, they mark the body with soot or oil, and the
next baby born in the family with a similar mark is hailed
as the departed come to life again.2 Among the Kois
of the Godavari district, in Southern India, the dead are
usually burnt, but the bodies of children and of young men
and women are buried. If a child dies within a month of
its birth, it is generally buried close to the house " so that
the rain, dripping from the eaves, may fall upon the grave,
and thereby cause the parents to be blessed with another
child." 3 Apparently it is supposed that the soul of the
dead child, refreshed and revived by the rain, will pass again
into the mother's womb. Indian criminal records contain
many cases in which " the ceremonial killing of a male child
has been performed as a cure for barrenness, the theory being
that the soul of the murdered boy becomes reincarnated in
the woman, who performs the rite with a desire to secure
offspring. Usually she effects union with the spirit of the
child by bathing over its body or in the water in which the
corpse has been washed. Cases have recently occurred
in which the woman actually bathed in the blood of the
child." 4

On the fifth day after a death the Gonds perform the Bringing
ceremony of bringing back the soul. They go to the bank s
of a river, call aloud the name of the deceased, and entering dead in a
the water catch a fish or an insect. This creature they then inssec°t^
take home and place among the sainted dead of the family,
supposing that in this manner the spirit of the departed has
been brought back to the house. Sometimes the fish or

1 E. M. Gordon, Indian Folk Tales 3 E. Thurston, Ethnographic Notes
(London, 1908), p. 49. Other ex- in Southern India (Madras, 1906), p.
planations of the custom are reported I55> id., Castes and Tribes of Southern
by the writer, but the original motive India (Madras, 1909), iv. 52.

was probably a desire to secure the 4 W. Crooke, Natives of Northern

reincarnation of the dead child in the India, p. 202 ] Census of India, igoi ',

mother. vol. xvii. Punjab, Part i., Report, by H.

2 E. M. Gordon, op. cit. pp. 50 sq. A. Rose (Simla, 1902), pp. 213 sq.

SACRED MEN AND WOMEN

BOOK I

Stories of
the Virgin
Birth.

Reincar-
nation of
the dead
among
the South
Slavs.

Belief of
the Kai
that women
may be
impreg-
nated
without
sexual
inter-
course.

insect is eaten in the belief that it will be thus reborn as a
child.1 This last custom explains the widely diffused story
of virgins who have conceived by eating of a plant or an
animal or merely by taking it to their bosom.2 In all such
cases we may surmise that the plant or animal was thought
to contain the soul of a dead person, which thus passed into
the virgin's womb and was born again as an infant. Among
the South Slavs childless women often resort to a grave in
which a pregnant woman is buried. There they bite some
grass from the grave, invoke the deceased by name, and beg
her to give them the fruit of her womb. After that they
take a little of the mould from the grave and carry it about
with them thenceforth under their girdle.3 Apparently they
imagine that the soul of the unborn infant is in the grass or
the mould and will pass from it into their body.

Among the Kai of German New Guinea, " impossible
as it may be thought, it is yet a fact that women here and
there deny in all seriousness the connexion between sexual
intercourse and pregnancy. Of course most people are clear
as to the process. The ignorance of some individuals is
perhaps based on the consideration that not uncommonly
married women remain childless for years or for life. Finally,
the animistic faith contributes its share to support the

1 Census of India, igoi, vol. xiii.
Central Provinces, Part i., Report, by
R. V. Russell (Nagpur, 1902), p. 93.

2 For stories of such virgin births
see Comte H. de Charency, Le folklore
dans les deux Mondes (Paris, 1894),
pp. 121-256; E. S. Hartland, The
Legend of Perseus, vol. i. (London,
1894) pp. 71 sqq. ; and my note on
Pausanias vii. 17. II (vol. iv. pp. 138-
140). To the instances there cited by
me add : A. Thevet, Cosmographie
Universelle (Paris, 1575), ii. 918
[wrongly numbered 952] ; K. von den
Steinen, Unter den Naturvolkern
Zentral-Brasiliens (Berlin, 1884), pp.
370, 373; H. A. Coudreau, La France
Equinoxiale, ii. (Paris, 1887) pp. 184
sq. ; Relations des Jtsuites, 1637, pp.
123 sq. (Canadian reprint, Quebec,
1858) ; Franz Boas, Indianische Sagen
von der Nord-Pacifischen Kiiste Ame-
rikas (Berlin, 1895), pp. 311 sq. ; A.

G. Morice, Au pays de I'Ours Noir
(Paris and Lyons, 1897, p. 153; A.
Raffray, "Voyage a la cote nord de
la Nouvelle Guinee," Bulletin de la
Societ^ de Geographic (Paris), VIe Serie,
xv. (1878) pp. 392 sq. ; J. L. van der
Toorn, " Het animisme bij den Minang-
kabauer der Padangsche Bovenlanden,"
Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volken-
kunde van Nederlandsch- Indie, xxxix.
(1890) p. 78; E. Aymonier, "Les
Tchames et leurs religions," Revue de
VHistoire des Religions, xxiv. (1901)
pp. 215 sq. -, Major P. R. T. Gurdon,
The Khasis (Lfendon, 1907), p. 195.
In some stories the conception is
brought about not by eating food but
by drinking water. But the principle
is the same.

3 F. S. Krauss, Sitte und Branch
der Sud-Slaven (Vienna, 1885), p.
531-

CHAP, iv REINCARNA TION OF THE DEAD 97

ignorance."1 In some islands of Southern Melanesia the Belief in
natives appear similarly to believe that sexual intercourse is tl}e island

J of Mota

not necessary to impregnation, and that a woman can con- that a
ceive through the simple passage into her womb of a spirit- womancan
animal or a spirit-fruit without the help of a man. In the through
island of Mota, one of the Banks' group, " the course of events enhance
is usually as follows : a woman sitting down in her garden >nt° her of
or in the bush or on the shore finds an animal or fruit in her animal or
loincloth. She takes it up and carries it to the village, fruit-
where she asks the meaning of the appearance. The people
say that she will give birth to a child who will have the
characters of this animal or even, it appeared, would be
himself or herself the animal. The woman then takes the
creature back to the place where she had found it and places
it in its proper home ; if it is a land animal on the land ; if
a water animal in the pool or stream from which it had
probably come. She builds up a wall round it and goes to
feed and visit it every day. After a time the animal will
disappear, and it is believed that that is because the animal
has at the time of its disappearance entered into the woman.
It seemed quite clear that there was no belief in physical
impregnation on the part of the animal, nor of the entry of
a material object in the form of the animal into her womb,
but so far as I could gather, an animal found in this way
was regarded as more or less supernatural, a spirit animal
and not one material, from the beginning. It has happened
in the memory of an old man now living in Mota that a
woman who has found an animal in her loincloth has carried
it carefully in her closed hands to the village, but that when
she opened her hands to show it to the people, the animal
has gone, and in this case it was believed that the entry had
taken place while the woman was on her way from the bush
to the village. . . . When the child is born it is regarded as
being in some sense the animal or fruit which had been found
and tended by the mother. The child may not eat the
animal during the whole of its life, and if it does so, will
suffer serious illness, if not death. If it is a fruit which has
been found, the child may not eat this fruit or touch the tree

1 Ch. Keysser, " Aus dem Leben Neu- Guinea, iii. (Berlin, 1911) p.
der Kaileute," in R. Neuhauss's Deutsch 26.

PT. IV. VOL. I H

SACRED MEN AND WOMEN

BOOK I

Similar
belief in
the island
of Motlav.

on which it grows, the latter restriction remaining in those
cases in which the fruit is inedible. ... I inquired into the
idea at the bottom of the prohibition of the animal as food,
and it appeared to be that the person would be eating
himself. It seemed that the act would be regarded as a kind
of cannibalism. It was evident that there is a belief in the
most intimate relation between the person and all individuals
of the species with which he is identified.

" A further aspect of the belief in the animal nature of
a child is that it partakes of the physical and mental char-
acters of the animal with which it is identified. Thus, if the
animal found has been a sea-snake, and this is a frequent
occurrence, the child would be weak, indolent and slow ; if
an eel, there will be a similar disposition ; if (a hermit crab,
the child will be hot-tempered ; if a flying fox, it will also
be hot-tempered and the body will be dark ; if a brush
turkey, the disposition will be good ; if a lizard, the child
will be soft and gentle ; if a rat, thoughtless, hasty and
intemperate. If the object found has been a fruit, here also
the child will partake of its nature. In the case of a wild
Malay apple (inalmalagaviga} the child will have a big
belly, and a person with this condition will be asked, ' Do
you come from the inalmalagaviga ? ' Again, if the fruit is
one called womarakaraqat, the child will have a good
disposition.

" In the island of Motlav not far from Mota they have
the same belief that if a mother has found an animal in her
dress, the child will be identified with that animal and will
not be allowed to eat it. Here again the child is believed
to have the characters of the animal, and two instances given
were that a child identified with a yellow crab will have a
good disposition and be of a light colour, while if a hermit
crab has been found, the child will be angry and disagreeable.
In this island a woman who desires her chijd to have certain
characters will frequent a place where she will be likely to
encounter the animal which causes the appearance of these
characters. Thus, if she wants to have a light coloured child,
she will go to a place where there are light coloured crabs." 1

1 W. H. R. Rivers, " Totemism in
Polynesia and Melanesia, "Journal of

the Royal Anthropological Institute,
xxxix. (1909) pp. 173-175. Compare

CHAP, iv REINCARNATION OF THE DEAD 99

Throughout a large part of Australia, particularly in the Australian
Centre, the North, and the West, the aborigines hold that ^{{^ as
the commercevof the human sexes is not necessary to the birth of
production of children ; indeed many of them go further cl
and deny that sexual intercourse is the real cause of the
propagation of the species. Among the Arunta, Kaitish,
Luritcha, Ilpirra and other tribes, who roam the barren
steppes of Central Australia, it appears to be a universal
article of belief that every person is the reincarnation of a
deceased ancestor, and that the souls of the dead pass directly Reincar-
into the wombs of women, who give them birth without the n^tion of
need of commerce with the other sex. They think that the in Central
spirits of the departed gather and dwell at particular spots, Austraha-
marked by a natural feature such as a rock or a tree, and
that from these lurking-places they dart out and enter the
bodies of passing women or girls. When a woman feels
her womb quickened, she knows that a spirit has made its
way into her from the nearest abode of the dead. This
is their regular explanation of conception and childbirth.
u The natives, one and all in these tribes, believe that the
child is the direct result of the entrance into the mother of
an ancestral spirit individual.. They have no idea of pro-
creation as being associated with sexual intercourse, and
firmly believe that children can be born without this taking
place."1 The spots where the souls thus congregate wait-

Totemism and Exogamy, ii. 89 sqq. whether even a prolonged investigation

As to this Melanesian belief that of this point could now elicit the ori-

animals can enter into women and be ginal belief of the people about the

born from them as human children nature of the influence." To me it

with animal characteristics, Dr. Rivers seems that the belief described by Dr.

observes (p. 174) : "It was clear that Rivers in the text is incompatible with

this belief was not accompanied by any the recognition of human fatherhood as

ignorance of the physical rdle of the a necessary condition for the birth of

human father, and that the father children, and that though the people

played the same part in conception as may now recognize that necessity,

in cases of birth unaccompanied by an perhaps as a result of intercourse with

animal appearance. We found it im- Europeans, they certainly cannot have

possible to get definitely the belief as recognized it at the time when the

to the nature of the influence exerted belief in question originated,
by the animal on the woman, but it 1 Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen,

must be remembered that any belief of Northern 7'ribes of Central Australia

this kind can hardly have escaped the (London, 1904), p. 330, compare id.

many years of European influence and ibid. pp. xi, 145, 147-151, 155 S1-i

Christian teaching which the people of 161 sq., 169 sq., 173 sq., 174-176,

this group have received. It is doubtful 606; id.. Native Tribes of Central

100

SACRED MEN AND WOMEN

BOOK I

Reincarna-
tion of the
dead in
Northern
Australia.

ing to be born again are usually the places where the
remote ancestors of the dream-time are said to have passed
into the ground ; that is, they are the places where the fore-
fathers of the tribe are supposed to have died or to have
been buried. For example, in the Warramunga tribe the
ancestor of the Black-snake clan is said to have left many
spirits of Black-snake children in the rocks and trees which
border a certain creek. Hence no woman at the present day
dares to strike one of these trees with an axe, being quite
convinced that the blow would release one of the spirit-
children, who would at once enter her body. They imagine
that the spirit is no larger than a grain of sand, and that it
enters the woman through her navel and grows into a child
in her womb.1 Again, at several places in the wide terri-
tory of the Arunta tribe there are certain stones which are in
like manner thought to be the abode of souls awaiting re-
birth. Hence the stones are called " child-stones." In one
of them there is a hole through which the spirit-children look
out for passing women, and it is firmly believed that a visit
to the stone would result in conception. If a young woman
is obliged to pass near the stone and does not wish to have
a child, she will carefully disguise her youth, pulling a wry
face and hobbling along on a stick. She will bend herself
double like a very old woman, and imitating the cracked
voice of age she will say, " Don't come to me, I am an old
woman." Nay, it is thought that women may conceive by
the stone without visiting it. If a man and his wife both
wish for a child, the husband will tie his hair-girdle round
the stone, rub it, and mutter a direction to the spirits to
give heed to his wife. And it is believed that by performing
a similar ceremony a malicious man can cause women and
even children at a distance to be pregnant.2

Such beliefs are not confined to the tribes of Central
Australia but prevail among all the tribes from Lake Eyre
northwards to the sea and the Gulf of Carpentaria.3 Thus

Australia (London, 1899), pp. 52,
123-125, 126, 132 sq., 265, 335-338.

1 B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen,
Northern Tribes of Central Australia^
pp. 162, 330 sq.

2 B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen,

Native Tribes of Central A^lstralia, pp.
337 sq\

3 W. Baldwin Spencer, An Intro-
duction to the Study of Certain Native
Tribes of the Northern Territory (Mel-
bourne, 1912), p. 6: "The two

CHAP, iv REINCARNATION OF THE DEAD 101

the Mungarai say that in the far past time their old ancestors
walked about the country, making all the natural features of
the landscape and leaving spirit-children behind them where
they stopped. These children emanated from the bodies of
the ancestors, and they still wait at various spots looking
out for women into whom they may go and be born. For
example, near McMinn's bar on the Roper River there is a
large gum tree full of spirit-children, who all belong to one
particular totem and are always agog to enter into women
of that totem. Again, at Crescent Lagoon an ancestor, who
belonged to the thunder totem, deposited numbers of spirit-
children ; and if a woman of the Gnaritjbellan subclass so
much as dips her foot in the water, one of the spirit-children
passes up her leg and into her body and in due time is born
as a child, who has thunder for its totem. Or if the woman
stoops and drinks water, one of the sprites will enter her
through the mouth. Again, there are lagoons along the
Roper River where red lilies grow ; and the water is full of
spirit-children which were deposited there by a kangaroo man.
So when women of the Gnaritjbellan subclass wade into the
water to gather lilies, little sprites swarm up their legs and
are born as kangaroo children. Again, in the territory of
the Nullakun tribe there is a certain spring where a man
once deposited spirit-children of the rainbow totem ; and to
this day when a woman of the right totem comes to drink at
the spring, the spirit of a rainbow child will dart into her
and be born. Once more, in the territory of the Yungman
tribe the trees and stones near Elsey Creek are full of spirit-
children who belong to the sugar-bag (honeycomb) totem ;
and these sugar-bag children are constantly entering into the
right women and being born into the world.1

fundamental beliefs of reincarnation and Spencer writes to me that the natives
of children not being of necessity the on the Alligator River in the Northern
result of sexual intercourse, are firmly Territory "have detailed traditions —
held by the tribes in their normal wild as also have all the tribes — of how
state. There is no doubt whatever of great ancestors wandered over the
this, and we now know that these two country leaving numbers of spirit child-
beliefs extend through all the tribes ren behind them who have been rein-
northwards to Katherine Creek and carnated time after time. They know
eastwards to the Gulf of Carpen- who everyone is a reincarnation of, as
taria." In a letter (dated Melbourne, the names are perpetuated."
July 27th, 1913) Professor Baldwin 1 W. Baldwin Spencer, An Intro-

102 SACRED MEN AND WOMEN BOOK i

Theories The natives of the Tully River in Queensland do not

birth of6 recognize sexual intercourse as a cause of conception in
children women, though curiously enough they do recognize it as the
tHbesgof e cause of conception in all animals, and pride themselves on
Queens- their superiority to the brutes in that they are not indebted
for the continuance of their species to such low and vulgar
means. The true causes of conception in a woman, according
to them, are four in number. First, she may have received
a particular species of black bream from a man whom the
European in his ignorance would call the father ; this she
may have roasted and sat over the fire inhaling the savoury
smell of the roast fish. That is quite sufficient to get her
with child. Or, secondly, she may have gone out on
purpose to catch a certain kind of bull -frog, and if she
succeeds in capturing it, that again is a full and satisfactory
explanation of her pregnancy. Thirdly, some man may
have told her to conceive a child, and the mere command
produces the desired effect. Or, fourth and lastly, she may
have simply dreamed that the child was put into her, and
the dream necessarily works its own fulfilment. Whatever
white men may think about the matter, these are the real
causes why babies are born among the blacks on the Tully
River.1 About Cape Bedford in Queensland the natives
believe that babies are sent by certain long-haired spirits,
with two sets of eyes in the front and back of their heads,
who live in the dense scrub and underwood. The children
are made in the far west where the sun goes down, and they
are made not in the form of infants but full grown ; but on
their passage from the sunset land to the wombs they are
changed into the shape of spur-winged plovers, if they are
girls, or of pretty snakes, if they are boys. So when the cry
of a plover is heard by night, the blacks prick up their ears
and say, " Hallo ! there is a baby somewhere about." And
if a woman is out in the bush searching for food and sees
one of the pretty snakes, which are really baby boys on the
look out for mothers, she will call out to her mates, and

duction to the Study of Certain Native Ethnography •, Bulletin No. 5, Super-
Tribes of the Northern Territory (Mel- stition. Magic, and Medicine (Brisbane,
bourne, 1912), pp. 41-45. 1903), pp. 22, § 81.
1 Walter E. Roth, North Queensland

CHAP, iv REINCARNATION OF THE DEAD 103

they will come running and turn over stones, and leaves,
and logs in the search for the snake ; and if they cannot
find it they know that it has gone into the woman and that
she will soon give birth to a baby boy.1 On the Penne-
father River in Queensland the being who puts babies into
women is called Anje-a. He takes a lump of mud out of
one of the mangrove swamps, moulds it into the shape of an
infant, and insinuates it into a woman's womb. You can
never see him, for he lives in the depths of the woods,
among the rocks, and along the mangrove swamps ; but
sometimes you can hear him laughing there to himself, and
when you hear him you may know that he has got a baby
ready for somebody.2 Among the tribes of the Cairns
district in North Queensland " the acceptance of food from
a man by a woman was not merely regarded as a marriage
ceremony, but as the actual cause of conception." 3

Similarly among the Australian tribes of the Northern Theories
Territory, about Port Darwin and the Daly River, especi- £?r|£ ^Je
ally among the Larrekiya and Wogait, " conception is not children in
regarded as a direct result of cohabitation." The old men ^n°drthern
of the Wogait say that there is an evil spirit who takes Western
babies from a big fire and puts them in the wombs of BeiS^hat
women, who must give birth to them. In the ordinary conception

r ^ 1 A.' j i MI >n women

course of events, when a man is out hunting and kills is caused
game or collects other food, he gives it to his wife and by the food
she eats it, believing that the game or other food will
cause her to conceive and bring forth a child. When the
child is born, it may on no account partake of the food

1 Walter E. Roth, op. cit. p. 23, dated Bishop's Lodge, Townsville,
§ 82. Queensland, July 9th, 1909. The

2 Walter E. Roth, op. cit. p. 23, Bishop's authority for the statement is
§83. Mr. Roth adds, very justly: the Rev. C. W. Morrison, M.A.,
"When it is remembered that as a rule acting head of the Yarrubah Mission,
in all these Northern tribes, a little In the same letter Dr. Frodsham,
girl may be given to and will live with speaking from personal observation,
her spouse as wife long before she refers to " the belief, practically uni-
reaches the stage of puberty — the rela- versal among the northern tribes, that
tionship of which to fecundity is not re- copulation is not the cause of concep-
cognised — the idea of conception not tion." See J. G. Frazer, "Beliefs and
being necessarily due to sexual connec- Customs of the Australian Aborigines,"
tion becomes partly intelligible." Folk-lore, xx. (1909) pp. 350-352;

3 The Bishop of North Queensland Man, ix. (1909) pp. 145-147 ; Totem-
(Dr. Frodsham) in a letter to me, ism and Exogamy, i. $77 sy.

104 SACRED MEN AND WOMEN BOOK i

which caused conception in the mother until it has got its
first teeth.1 A similar belief that conception is caused by
the food which a woman eats is held by some tribes of
Western Australia. On this subject Mr. A. R. Brown reports
as follows : "In the Ingarda tribe at the mouth of the
Gascoyne River, I found a belief that a child is the product
of some food of which the mother has partaken just before
her first sickness in pregnancy. My principal informant on
this subject told me that his father had speared a small
animal called bandaru^ probably a bandicoot, but now extinct
in this neighbourhood. His mother ate the animal, with the
result that she gave birth to my informant. He showed me
the mark in his side where, as he said, he had been speared
by his father before being eaten by his mother. A little
girl was pointed out to me as being the result of her mother
eating a domestic cat, and her brother was said to have been
produced from a bustard. . . . The bustard was one of the
totems of the father of these two children and, therefore, of
the children themselves. This, however, seems to have been
purely accidental. In most cases the animal to which con-
ception is due is not one of the father's totems. The species
that is thus connected with an individual by birth is not
in any way sacred to him. He may kill or eat it ; he
may marry a woman whose conceptional animal is of the
same species, and he is not by the accident of his birth
entitled to take part in the totemic ceremonies connected
with it.

" I found traces of this same belief in a number of tribes
north of the Ingarda, but everywhere the belief seemed to be
sporadic ; that is to say, some persons believed in it and
others did not. Some individuals could tell the animal or
plant from which they or others were descended, while others
did not know or in some cases denied that conception was
so caused. There were to be met with, however, some
beliefs of the same character. A woman of the Buduna
tribe said that native women nowadays bear half-caste
children because they eat bread made of white flour. Many

1 Herbert Basedow, Anthropological tralia, pp. 4 sq. (separate reprint from
Notes on the Western Coastal Tribes of the Transactions of the Royal Society of
the Northern Territory of South Aus- Sottth Australia, vol. xxxi. 1907).

CHAP, iv REINCARNATION OF THE DEAD 105

of the men believed that conception is due to sexual inter-
course, but as these natives have been for many years in
contact with the whites this cannot be regarded as satis-
factory evidence of the nature of their original beliefs.

"In some tribes further to the north I found a more Conception
interesting and better organised system of beliefs. In the suPP°sed

T_ . ^4 to be caused

Kanera, Namal, and Injibandi tribes the conception of a by a man
child is believed to be due to the agency of a particular man,
who is not the father. This man is the wororu of the child
when it is born. There were three different accounts of how
the wororu produces conception, each of them given to me
on several different occasions. According to the first, the
man gives some food, either animal or vegetable, to the
woman, and she eats this and becomes pregnant. According
to the second, the man when he is out hunting kills an
animal, preferably a kangaroo or an emu, and as it is dying
he tells its spirit or ghost to go to a particular woman. The
spirit of the dead animal goes into the woman and is born
as a child. The third account is very similar to the last.
A hunter, when he has killed a kangaroo or an emu, takes a
portion of the fat of the dead animal which he places on
one side. This fat turns into what we may speak of as a
spirit-baby, and follows the man to his camp. When the
man is asleep at night the spirit-baby comes to him and
he directs it to enter a certain woman who thus becomes
pregnant. When the child is born the man acknowledges
that he sent it, and becomes its wororu. In practically
every case that I examined, some forty in all, the wororu of
a man or woman was a person standing to him or her in the
relation of father's brother own or tribal. In one case a man
had a wororu who was his father's sister. The duties of a
man to his wororu are very vaguely defined. I was told
'that a man ' looks after ' his ivororu, that is, performs small
services for him, and, perhaps, gives him food. The concep-
tional animal or plant is not the totem of either the child or the
wororu. The child has no particular magical connection with
the animal from which he is derived. In a very large number
of cases that animal is either the kangaroo or the emu." ]

1 A. R. Brown, " Beliefs concerning Man, xii. (1912) pp. 180 sa. Corn-
Childbirth in some Australian Tribes," pare id., "Three Tribes of Western

io6 SACRED MEN AND WOMEN BOOK i

Some rude Thus it appears that a childlike ignorance as to the
ignorant as physical process of procreation still prevails to some extent
to the among certain rude races of mankind, who are accordingly

cause of , . f . • r -r 1 L

procrea- driven to account for it in various fanciful ways such as
tion. might content the curiosity of children. We may safely

assume that formerly a like ignorance was far more widely
spread than it is now ; indeed in the long ages which elapsed
before any portion of mankind emerged from savagery, it is
probable that the true cause of childbirth was universally
unknown, and that people made shift to explain the mystery
by some such theories as are still current among the savage
or barbarous races of Central Africa, Melanesia, and
Australia. A little reflection on the conditions of savage
life may satisfy us that the ignorance is by no means so
surprising as it may seem at first sight to a civilized observer,
or, to put it otherwise, that the true cause of the birth of
children is not nearly so obvious as we are apt to think.
Among low savages, such as all men were originally, it is
customary for boys and girls to cohabit freely with each
other under the age of puberty, so that they are familiar
with a commerce of the sexes which is not and cannot be
attended with the birth of children. It is, therefore, not very
wonderful that they should confidently deny the connexion
of sexual intercourse with the production of offspring.
Again, the long interval of time which divides the act of
conception from the first manifest symptoms of pregnancy
might easily disguise from the heedless savage the vital
relation between the two. These considerations may remove
or lessen the hesitation which civilized man naturally feels at
admitting that a considerable part or even the whole of his
species should ever have doubted or denied what seems to
him one of the most obvious and elementary truths of
nature.1

In the light of the foregoing evidence, stories of the

Australia," Journal of the Royal An- 1909—1910), which contains an ample
thropological Institiite, xliii. (1913) collection of facts and a careful discus-
p. 1 68. sion of them. Elsewhere I have argued
1 Those who desire to pursue this that the primitive ignorance of paternity
subject further may consult with ad- furnishes the key to the origin of totem-
vantage Mr. E. S. Hartland's learned ism. See Totemism and Exogamy, i.
treatise Primitive Paternity (London, 155^^., iv. 40 sqq.

CHAP, iv REINCARNA TION OF THE DEAD

miraculous birth of gods and heroes from virgin moti
lose much of the glamour that encircled them in days of
and we view them simply as relics of superstition surviving
like fossils to tell us of a bygone age of childlike ignorance
and credulity.

§ 8. Sacred Stocks and Stones among the Semites

Traces of beliefs and customs like the foregoing may Procreative
perhaps be detected among the ancient Semites. When the ajTarenti
prophet Jeremiah speaks of the Israelites who said to a ascribed to
stock or to a tree (for in Hebrew the words are the same),

" Thou art my father," and to a stone, " Thou hast brought stones at
me forth," l it is probable that he was not using vague sanctu!
rhetorical language, but denouncing real beliefs current aries-
among his contemporaries. Now we know that at all the
old Canaanite sanctuaries, including the sanctuaries of
Jehovah down to the reformations of Hezekiah and Josiah,
the two regular objects of worship were a sacred stock and
a sacred stone,2 and that these sanctuaries were the seats of
profligate rites performed by sacred men (kedeshim} and
sacred women (kedeshotti). Is it not natural to suppose
that the stock and stone which the superstitious Israelites
regarded as their father and mother were the sacred stock
(asherah} and the sacred stone (masseboK] of the sanctuary,
and that the children born of the loose intercourse of the
sexes at these places were believed to be the offspring or
emanations of these uncouth but worshipful idols in which,
as in the sacred trees and stones of Central Australia, the
souls of the dead may have been supposed to await rebirth ?
On this view the sacred men and women who actually begot

1 Jeremiah ii. 27. The ancient 12 sq.}\ Deuteronomy xvi. 21 sq. ;
Greeks seem also to have had a notion W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the
that men were sprung from trees or Semites,* pp. 187 sqq., 203 sqq.', G. F.
rocks. See Homer, Od. xix. 163 ; Moore, in Encyclopaedia Biblica, sz>v.,
F. G. Welcker, Griechische Gotterlehre " Asherah"and " Massebah." In the
(Gottingen, 1857-1862), i. 777 sqq. ; early religion of Crete also the two
A. B. Cook, " Oak and Rock," principal objects of worship seem to
Classical Review, xv. (1901) pp. 322 have been a sacred tree and a sacred
sqq. pillar. See A. J. Evans, " Mycenaean

2 The ashera and the masseba. See Tree and Pillar Cult," Journal of
I Kings xiv. 23; 2 Kings xviii. 4, Hellenic Studies, xxi. (1901) pp. 99
xxiii. 14; Micah v. 13 sq. (in Hebrew, sqq.

io8

SACRED MEN AND WOMEN

BOOK

These con-
clusions
confirmed
by the
excava-
tion of a
sanctuary
at the
Canaan-
itish city
of Gezer.

The infants
buried
in the
sanctuary
may have
been
expected
to be born
again.

or bore the children were deemed the human embodiments of
the two divinities, the men perhaps personating the sacred
stock, which appears to have been a tree stripped of its
branches, and the women personating the sacred stone,
which seems to have been in the shape of a cone, an obelisk,
or a pillar.1

These conclusions are confirmed by the result of recent re-
searches at Gezer, an ancient Canaanitish city, which occupied
a high, isolated point on the southern border of Ephraim,
between Jerusalem and the sea. Here the English excava-
tions have laid bare the remains of a sanctuary with the
sacred stone pillars or obelisks (masseboth] still standing in
a row, while between two of them is set a large socketed
stone, beautifully squared, which perhaps contained the
sacred stock or pole (asheraK}. In the soil which had accumu-
lated over the floor of the temple were found vast numbers
of male emblems rudely carved out of soft limestone ; and
tablets of terra-cotta, representing in low relief the mother-
goddess, were discovered throughout the strata. These
objects were no doubt votive - offerings presented by the
worshippers to the male and female deities who were repre-
sented by the sacred stock and the sacred stones ; and their
occurrence in large quantities raises a strong presumption
that the divinities of the sanctuary were a god and goddess
regarded as above all sources of fertility. The supposition
is further strengthened by a very remarkable discovery.
Under the floor of the temple were found the bones of
many new-born children, none more than a week old, buried
in large jars. None of these little bodies showed any trace
of mutilation or violence ; and in the light of the customs
practised in many other lands 2 we seem to be justified in

1 As to conical images of Semitic
goddesses, see above, pp. 34 sqq. The
sacred pole (asherah) appears also to
have been by some people regarded as
the embodiment of a goddess (Astarte),
not of a god. See above, p. 18, note 2.
Among the Khasis of Assam the sacred
upright stones, which resemble the
Semitic masseboth, are regarded as
males, and the flat table-stones as
female. See P. R. T. Gurdon, The
Khasis (London, 1907), pp. 112^.,

1 50 sqq. So in Nikunau, one of the
Gilbert Islands in the South Pacific,
the natives hadf sandstone slabs or
pillars which represented gods and
goddesses. "If the stone slab repre-
sented a goddess it was not placed
erect, but laid down on the ground.
Being a lady they thought it would be
cruel to make her stand so long." See
G. Turner, LL.U., Samoa (London,
1884), p. 296.

2 See above, pp. 91 sqq.

CHAP, iv STOCKS AND STONES AMONG SEMITES

109

conjecturing that the infants were still-born or died soon
after birth, and that they were buried by their parents in the*
sanctuary in the hope that, quickened by the divine power,
they might enter again into the mother's womb and again be
born into the world.1 If the souls of these buried babes were
supposed to pass into the sacred stocks and stones and to dart
from them into the bodies of would-be mothers who resorted
to the sanctuary, the analogy with Central Australia would
be complete. That the analogy is real and not fanciful is
strongly suggested by the modern practice of Syrian women
who still repair to the shrines of saints to procure offspring,
and who still look on " holy men " as human embodiments
of divinity. In this, as in many other dark places of
superstition, the present is the best guide to the interpreta-
tion of the past ; for while the higher forms of religious faith
pass away like clouds, the lower stand firm and indestructible
like rocks. The " sacred men " of one age are the dervishes
of the next, the Adonis of yesterday is the St. George of
to-day.

1 As to the excavations at Gezer, see
R. A. Stewart Macalister, Reports on the
Excavation of Gezer (London, N. D. ), pp.
76-89 (reprinted from the Quarterly
Statement of the Palestine Exploration
Fund] ; id., Bible Side-lights from the
Mound of Gezer (London, 1906), pp. 57-
67, 73-75. Professor Macalister now
inclines to regard the socketed stone as
a laver rather than as the base of the
sacred pole. He supposes that the
buried infants were first-born children
sacrificed in accordance with the
ancient law of the dedication of the
first-born. The explanation which I
have adopted in the text agrees better
with the uninjured state of the bodies,
and it is further confirmed by the
result of the Austrian excavations at
Tell Ta'annek (Taanach) in Palestine,
which seem to prove that there children
up to the age of two years were not
buried in the family graves but interred
separately in jars. Some of these
sepulchral jars were deposited under
or beside the houses, but many were
grouped round a rock-hewn altar in a

different part of the hill. There is
nothing to indicate that any of the
children were sacrificed : the size of
some of the skeletons precludes the
idea that they were slain at birth.
Probably they all died natural deaths,
and the custom of burying them in or
near the house or beside an altar was
intended to ensure their rebirth in the
family. See Dr. E. Sellin, "Tell
Ta'annek," Denkschriften der Kaiser.
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philo-
sophisch-historische Klasse, 1. (Vienna,
1904), No. iv. pp. 32-37, 96 sq.
Compare W. W. Graf Baudissin,
Adonis und Esmun, p. 59 n.3. I have
to thank Professor R. A. Stewart
Macalister for kindly directing my
attention to the excavations at Tell
Ta'annek (Taanach). It deserves to
be mentioned that in an enclosure
close to the standing stones at Ge/er,
there was found a bronze model of a
cobra (R. A. Stewart Macalister, Bible
Side-lights, p. 76). Perhaps the reptile
was the deity of the shrine, or an em-
bodiment of an ancestral spirit.

CHAPTER V

THE BURNING OF MELCARTH

Semitic

sacrmdrf
a member

The

\feicarth°f

at Tyre.

IF a custom of putting a king or his son to death in the
cnaracter of a §ocl nas ^^ small traces of itself in Cyprus,
an island where the fierce zeal of Semitic religion was early
temPered by Greek humanity, the vestiges of that gloomy
rite are clearer in Phoenicia itself and in the Phoenician
colonies, which lay more remote from the highways of
Grecian commerce. We know that the Semites were in
the habit of sacrificing some of their children, generally
the first-born, either as a tribute regularly due to the deity
or to appease his anger in seasons of public danger and
calamity.1 If commoners did so, is it likely that kings,
with all their heavy responsibilities, could exempt them-
selves from this dreadful sacrifice for the fatherland ?
In point of fact, history informs us that kings steeled
themselves to do as others did.2 It deserves to be
noticed that if Mesha, king of Moab, who sacrificed his
eldest son by fire, claimed to be a son of his god,3 he
would no doubt transmit his divinity to his offspring ; and
further, that the same sacrifice is said to have been performed
in the same way by the divine founder of Byblus, the great
seat of the worship of Adonis.4 This suggests that the
human representatives of Adonis formerly perished in the
flames. At all events, a custom of periodically burning
^ c^e^ S°^ °f tne city in effigy appears to have prevailed

1 7^ Dying God, pp. 166 sqq. 3 See above, p. 15.
See Note I., "Moloch the King," at

the end of this volume. 4 Philo of Byblus, in Fragment a

2 Philo of Byblus, quoted by Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Miiller,
Eusebius, Praepar. Evang. i. 10. 29 iii. pp. 569, 570, 571. See above,
sq. ; 2 Kings iii. 27. p. 13.

lio

CHAP, v THE BURNING OF MELCARTH in

at Tyre and in the Tyrian colonies down to a late time,
and the effigy may well have been a later substitute for a
man. For Melcarth, the great god of Tyre, was identified
by the Greeks with Hercules,1 who is said to have burned
himself to death on a great pyre, ascending up to heaven in
a cloud and a peal of thunder.2 The common Greek legend,
immortalized by Sophocles, laid the scene of the fiery
tragedy on the top of Mount Oeta, but another version
transferred it significantly to Tyre itself.3 Combined with
the other evidence which I shall adduce, this latter tradition
raises a strong presumption that an effigy of Hercules, or
rather of Melcarth, was regularly burned at a great festival
in Tyre. That festival may have been the one known as Festival
"the awakening of Hercules," which was held in the month of "the
of Peritius, answering nearly to January.4 The name of the of Her-
festival suggests that the dramatic representation of the Jj?1^ at
death of the god on the pyre was followed by a semblance
of his resurrection. The mode in which the resurrection was
supposed to be effected is perhaps indicated by the state-
ment of a Greek writer that the Phoenicians used to sacrifice
quails to Hercules, because Hercules on his journey to
Libya had been slain by Typhon and brought to life again
by lolaus, who held a quail under his nose : the dead god
snuffed at the bird and revived.5 According to another
account lolaus burnt a quail alive, and the dead hero, who

1 See above, p. 16. Tyre has been recognised by scholars.

2 Sophocles, Trachiniae, 1191 sqq. ; See Raoul-Rochette, " Sur 1'Hercuie
Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, ii. 7. 7 ; Dio- Assyrien et Phenicien," Mtmoires de
dorus Siculus, iv. 38 ; Hyginus, Fab* fAcadtmie des Inscriptions et Belles-
36. Lettres, xvii. Deuxieme Partie (Paris,

3 [S. Clementis Romani,] Recogni- 1848), pp. 25 sqq. ; H. Hubert et M.
ttones, x. 24, p. 233, ed. E. G. Mauss, "Essaisur le sacrifice, "L'Annee
Gersdorf (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, Sociologique^ ii. (1899) pp. 122, 124;
i. 1434). M. J. Lagrange, Etudes sur les Reli-

4 Josephus, Antiquit. Jud. viii. 5. 3, gions Stmitiques? pp. 308-311. lolaus
Contra Apionem, i. 18. Whether the is identified by some modern scholars
quadriennial festival of Hercules at with Eshmun, a Phoenician and Cartha-
Tyre (2 Maccabees iv. 18-20) was a ginian deity about whom little is known,
different celebration, or only " the See F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, i.
awakening of Melcarth," celebrated (Bonn, 1841) pp. 536 sqq. ; F. Baeth-
with unusual pomp once in four years, gen, Beitrdge znr semitischen Religions-
we do not know. geschichte (Berlin, 1888), pp. 44 sqq. ;

6 Eudoxus of Cnidus, quoted by C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der Religion im

Athenaeus, ix. 47, p. 392 D, E. That Altertum (Gotha, 1896-1903), i. 268 ;

the death and resurrection of Melcarth W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und

were celebrated in an annual festival at Esmun^ pp. 282 sqq.

112 THE BURNING OF MELCARTH BOOK i

loved quails, came to life again through the savoury smell of
the roasted bird.1 This latter tradition seems to point to a
custom of burning the quails alive in the Phoenician sacrifices
to Melcarth.2 A festival of the god's resurrection might
appropriately be held in spring, when the quails migrate
northwards across the Mediterranean in great bands, and
immense numbers of them are netted for the market.3 In
the month of March the birds return to Palestine by myriads
in a single night, and remain to breed in all the open plains,
marshes, and cornfields.4 Certainly a close connexion seems
to have subsisted between quails and Melcarth ; for legend
ran that Asteria, the mother of the Tyrian Hercules, that is,
of Melcarth, was transformed into a quail.5 It was probably
to this annual festival of the death and resurrection of
Melcarth that the Carthaginians were wont to send am-
bassadors every year to Tyre, their mother-city.6
Worship of In Gades, the modern Cadiz, an early colony of Tyre on
at^Tdes tne Atlantic coast of Spain,7 there was an ancient, famous,
and trace and wealthy sanctuary of Hercules, the Tyrian Melcarth.
of buying1 Indeed the god was said to be buried on the spot. No
him there image stood in his temple, but a perpetual fire burned on
the altar, ancj? incense was offered by white-robed priests,
with bare feet and shorn heads, who were bound to chastity.
Neither women nor pigs might pollute the holy place by
their presence. In later times many distinguished Romans
went on pilgrimage to this remote shrine on the Atlantic
shore when they were about to embark on some perilous

1 Zenobius, Centur. v. 56 (Paroemio- of Cnidus, quoted by Athenaeus, ix. 47,
graphi Graect, ed. E. L. Leutsch et p. 392 D ; Cicero, De nattira deorum,
F. G. Schneidewin, Gottingen, 1839- iii. 16. 42). As to the transformation
1851, vol. i. p. 143). of Asteria into a quail see Apollodorus,

2 Quails were perhaps burnt in honour Bibliotheca, i. 4. I ; J. Tzetzes, SchoL
of the Cilician Hercules or Sandan at on Lycophron, 401 ; Hyginus, Fab. 53 ;
Tarsus. See below, p. 126, note2. Servius on Virgil, Aen. iii. 73. The

3 Alfred Newton, Dictionary of name Asteria may be a Greek form of
Birds (London, 1893-96), p. 755. Astarte. See \V. W. Graf Baudissin,

* H. B. Tristram, The Fauna and Adonis und JSsmun, p. 307.

Flora of Palestine (London, 1884), P- 6 Quintus Curti iv< 2> Arri

124. For more evidence as to the An^asis \\ 2A e
migration of quails see Aug. Dillmann's

commentary on Exodus xvi. 13, pp. 7 Strabo, iii. 5. 5, pp. 169 sq. ;

169 sqq. (Leipsic, 1880). Mela, iii. 46 ; Scymnus Chius, Orbis

5 The Tyrian Hercules was said to Descriptio, 159-161 (Geographi Graeci

be a son of Zeus and Asteria (Eudoxus Minores, ed. C. Miiller, i. 200 sq.).

CHAP, v THE BURNING OF MELCARTH 113

enterprise, and they returned to it to pay their vows when
their petitions had been granted.1 One of the last things
Hannibal himself did before he marched on Italy was to
repair to Gades and offer up to Melcarth prayers which were
never to be answered. Soon after he dreamed an ominous
dream.2 Now it would appear that at Gades, as at Tyre,
though no image of Melcarth stood in the temple, an effigy
of him was made up and burned at a yearly festival. For
a certain Cleon of Magnesia related how, visiting Gades, he
was obliged to sail away from the island with the rest of
the multitude in obedience to the command of Hercules,
that is, of Melcarth, and how on their return they found a
monstrous man of the sea stranded on the beach and
burning; for the god, they were told, had struck him with
a thunderbolt.3 We may conjecture that at the annual
festival of Melcarth strangers were obliged to quit the city,
and that in their absence the mystery of burning the god
was consummated. What Cleon and the rest saw on their
return to Gades would, on this hypothesis, be the smoulder-
ing remains of a gigantic effigy of Melcarth in the likeness of
a man riding on a sea-horse, just as he is represented on coins
of Tyre.4 In like manner the Greeks portrayed the sea-god
Melicertes, whose name is only a slightly altered form of
Melcarth, riding on a dolphin or stretched on the beast's back.5
At Carthage, the greatest of the Tyrian colonies, a

1 Silius Italians, iii. 14-32; Mela, 4-5). The worship of Melcarth under

Hi. 46 ; Strabo, iii. 5. 3, 5, 7, pp. the name of Hercules continued to

169, 170, 172 ; Diodorus Siculus, v. flourish in the south of Spain down to

20. 2 ; Philostratus, Vita Apollonii, the time of the Roman Empire. See

v. 4 sq. ; Appian, Hispanica, 65. J. Toutain, Les Cultes pa'iens dans

Compare Arrian, Anabasis ', ii. 1 6. 4. I"1 Empire Remain, Premiere Partie, i.

That the bones of Hercules were buried (Paris, 1907) pp. 400 sqq.
at Gades is mentioned by Mela (I.e.). 2 Livy, xxi. 21. 9, 22. 5-9; Cicero,

Compare Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, De Divinatione, i. 24. 49 ; Silius

i. 36. In Italy women were not Italicus, iii. I sqq., \^ sqq.
allowed to participate in sacrifices 3 Pausanias, x. 4. 5.

offered to Hercules (Aulus Gellius, xi. 4 B. V. Head, Historia Numorum

6. 2; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 12. 28; (Oxford, 1887), p. 674 ; G. A. Cooke,

Sextus Aurelius Victor, De origine Text-Book of North-Semitic Inscrip-

gentis Romanae, vi. 6 ; Plutarch, tions, p. 351.

Quaestiones Romanae, 60). Whether 5 F. Imhoof-Blumer and P. Gardner,

the priests of Melcarth at Gades were Numismatic Commentary on Pausanias,

celibate, or had only to observe con- pp. 10-12, with pi. A ; Stoll, s.v.

tinence at certain seasons, does not " Melikertes," in W. H. Roscher's

appear. At Tyre the priest of Mel- Lexikon der griech. und rom. Mytho-

carth might be married (Justin, xviii. logic, ii. 2634.

PT. IV. VOL. 1 I

114 THE BURNING OF MELCARTH BOOK i

Evidence reminiscence of the custom of burning a deity in effigy
of burnin™ seems to linger in the story that Dido or Elissa, the foundress
a god or and queen of the city, stabbed herself to death upon a pyre,

or ^eaPe<^ from her palace into the blazing pile, to escape
the fond importunities of one lover or in despair at
the cruel desertion of another.1 We are told that Dido
was worshipped as a goddess at Carthage so long as the
country maintained its independence.2 Her temple stood
in the centre of the city shaded by a grove of solemn yews
and firs.3 The two apparently contradictory views of her
character as a queen and a goddess may be reconciled if
we suppose that she was both the one and the other ; that
in fact the queeri of Carthage in early days, like the queen of
Egypt down to historical times, was regarded as divine, and
had, like human deities elsewhere, to die a violent death
either at the end of a fixed period or whenever her bodily
and mental powers began to fail. In later ages the stern
old custom might be softened down into a pretence by
substituting an effigy for the queen or by allowing her to
The fire- pass through the fire unscathed. A similar modification of
walk at fae ancient rule appears to have been allowed at Tyre itself,
the mother-city of Carthage. We have seen reason to think
that the kings of Tyre, from whom Dido was descended,
claimed to personate the god Melcarth, and that the deity
was burned either in effigy or in the person of a man at an
annual festival.4 Now in the same chapter in which Ezekiel
charges the king of Tyre with claiming to be a god, the
prophet describes him as walking " up and down amidst the
stones of fire." 5 The description becomes at once intelligible

1 Justin, xviii. 6. 1-7; Virgil, Aen. lonians (London and Edinburgh, 1887),

iv. 473 sqq., v. i. sqq. ; Ovid, Fasti, pp. 56 sqq. If they are right, the

iii. 545 sqq. ; Timaeus, in Fragmenta divine character of Dido becomes

Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. M tiller, more probable than ever, since "the

i. 197. Compare W. Robertson Smith, Beloved" (Dodah) seems to have been

Religion of the Semites,'2 pp. 373 sqq. a title of a jSemitic goddess, perhaps

The name of Dido has been plausibly Astarte. See above, p. 20, note 2.

deriv.ed by Gesenius, Movers, E. Meyer, According to Varro it was not Dido but

and A. H. Sayce from the Semitic her sister Anna who slew herself on a

ddd, "beloved." See F. C. Movers, pyre for love of Aeneas (Servius on

Die Phoenizier, i. 616; Meltzer, s.v. Virgil, Aen. iv. 682).
"Dido," in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon 2 Justin, xviii. 6. 8.

der griech. und rb'm. Mythologie, i. 3 Silius Italicus, i. 8 1 sqq.

1017 sq. ; A. H. Sayce, Lectures 4 See above, pp. 16, no sqq.

on the Religion of the Ancient Baby- 6 Ezekiel xxviii. 14, compare 16.

CHAP, v THE BURNING OF MELCARTH 115

if we suppose that in later times the king of Tyre com-
pounded for being burnt in the fire by walking up and down
on hot stones, thereby saving his life at the expense perhaps
of a few blisters on his feet. It is possible that when all
went well with the commonwealth, children whom strict law
doomed to the furnace of Moloch may also have been
mercifully allowed to escape on condition of running the
fiery gauntlet. At all events, a religious rite of this sort has
been and is still practised in many parts of the world : the
performers solemnly pace through a furnace of heated stones
or glowing wood -ashes in the presence of a multitude of
spectators. Examples of the custom have been adduced
in another part of this work.1 Here I will cite only
one. At Castabala, in Southern Cappadocia, there was The fire
worshipped an Asiatic goddess whom the Greeks called cSabaia.
the Perasian Artemis. Her priestesses used to walk bare-
foot over a fire of charcoal without sustaining any injury.
That this rite was a substitute for burning human beings
alive or dead is suggested by the tradition which placed the
adventure of Orestes and the Tauric Artemis at Castabala ; 2
for the men or women sacrificed to the Tauric Artemis
were first put to the sword and then burned in a pit of
sacred fire.3 Among the Carthaginians another trace of The Car-
such a practice may perhaps be detected in the story that {^|mian
at the desperate battle of Himera, fought from dawn of day Hamiicar
till late in the evening, the Carthaginian king Hamiicar htmseiTin
remained in the camp and kept sacrificing holocausts of the fire-
victims on a huge pyre ; but when he saw his army giving

1 Balder the Beautiful, ii. I sqq. of the Gold Coast submit to an ordeal,
But, as I have there pointed out, there standing one by one in a narrow circle
are grounds for thinking that the custom of fire. This "is supposed to show
of walking over fire is not a substitute whether they have remained pure, and
for human sacrifice, but merely a strin- refrained from sexual intercourse, during
gent form of purification. On fire as a the period of retirement, and so are
purificatory agent see below, pp. 179 worthy of inspiration by the gods. If
sqq.) 1 88 sq. they are pure they will receive no injury

2 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. In and suffer no pain from the fire " (A. B.
Greece itself accused persons used to Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the
prove their innocence by walking Gold Coast, London, 1887, p. 138).
through fire (Sophocles, Antigone, 264 These cases favour the purificatory
sq. , with Jebb's note). Possibly the explanation of the fire- walk,
fire-walk of the priestesses at Casta-
bala was designed to test their chas- 3 Euripides, Iphigenia in Taurist
tity. For this purpose the priests and 621-626. Compare Diodorus Siculus,
priestesses of the Tshi-speaking people xx. 14. 6.

THE BURNING OF MELCARTH

BOOK I

The death

version of
the burn-
ing of
Melcarth.

waybefore the Greeks,he flung himself into the flames and was
burned to death. Afterwards his countrymen sacrificed to him
and erected a great monument in his honour at Carthage,
while lesser monuments were reared to his memory in all the
Punic colonies.1 In public emergencies which called for ex-
traordinary measures a king of Carthage may well have felt
bound in honour to sacrifice himself in the old way for the good
of his country. That the Carthaginians regarded the death
of Hamilcar as an act of heroism and not as a mere suicide of
despair, is proved by the posthumous honours they paid him.
The foregoing evidence, taken altogether, raises a strong
presumption, though it cannot be said to amount to a
proof, that a practice of burning a deity, and especially
Melcarth, in effigy or in the person of a human repre-
sentative, was observed at an annual festival in Tyre and
its colonies. We can thus understand how Hercules, in
so far as he represented the Tyrian god, was believed
to have perished by a voluntary death on a pyre. For
on many a beach and headland of the Aegean, where the
Phoenicians had their trading factories, the Greeks may
have watched the bale-fires of Melcarth blazing in the
darkness of night, and have learned with wonder that the
strange foreign folk were burning their god. In this way
the legend of the voyages of Hercules and his death in the
flames may be supposed to have originated. Yet with
the legend the Greeks borrowed the custom of burning the
god ; for at the festivals of Hercules a pyre used to be
kindled in memory of the hero's fiery death on Mount
Oeta.2 We may surmise, though we are not expressly told,
that an effigy of Hercules was regularly burned on the pyre.

1 Herodotus, vii. 167. This was of Carthage were two in number;

the Carthaginian version of the story.
According to another account, Hamilcar
was killed by the Greek cavalry
(Diodorus Siculus, xi. 22. i). His
worship at Carthage is mentioned by
Athenagoras (Supplicatio pro Chris-
tianis, p. 64, ed. J. C. T. Otto, Jena,
1857.) I have called Hamilcar a king
in accordance with the usage of Greek
writers (Herodotus, vii. 165 sq. ; Aris-
totle, Politics, ii. II; Polybius, vi. 51;
Diodorus Siculus, xiv. 54. 5). But
the suffetes, or supreme magistrates,

whether they were elected for a year
or for life seems to be doubtful.
Cornelius Mepos, who calls them
kings, says * that they were elected
annually (Hannibal, vii. 4), and Livy
(xxx. 7. 5) compares them to the
consuls ; but Cicero (De re publica, ii.
23. 42 sq.} seems to imply that they
held office for life. See G. A. Cooke,
Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions,
pp. 115 sq.

2 Lucian, Amores, I and 54.

CHAPTER VI

THE BURNING OF SANDAN

§ I. The Baal of Tarsus

IN Cyprus the Tyrian Melcarth was worshippped side by TheTyrian
side with Adonis at Amathus,1 and Phoenician inscriptions Me!farth

' * in Cyprus.

prove that he was revered also at Idalium and Larnax
Lapethus. At the last of these places he seems to have
been regarded by the Greeks as a marine deity and
identified with Poseidon.2 A remarkable statue found
at Amathus may represent Melcarth in the character of The Hon-
the lion -slayer, a character which the Greeks bestowed slQjing
on Hercules. The statue in question is of colossal size,
and exhibits a thick-set, muscular, hirsute deity of almost
bestial aspect, with goggle eyes, huge ears, and a pair
of stumpy horns on the top of his head. His beard is .

square and curly : his hair falls in three pigtails on his r

shoulders : his brawny arms appear to be tattooed. A
lion's skin, clasped by a buckle, is knotted round his loins ;
and he holds the skin of a lioness in front of him, grasping
a hind paw with each hand, while the head of the beast,
which is missing, hung down between his legs. A fountain
must have issued from the jaws of the lioness, for a
rectangular hole, where the beast's head should be, com-
municates by a channel with another hole in the back
of the statue. Greek artists working on this or a similar
barbarous model produced the refined type of the Grecian
Hercules with the lion's scalp thrown like a cowl over

1 See above, p. 32. Semitic Inscriptions, Nos. 23 and 29,

pp. 73, 83 sy., with the notes on pp.

2 G. A. Cooke, Text -book of North- 81, 84.

117

iiS THE BURNING OF SAND AN BOOK i

his head. Statues of him have been found in Cyprus,
which represent intermediate stages in this artistic evolu-
tion.1 But there is no proof that in Cyprus the Tyrian
Melcarth was burned either in effigy or in the person of a
human representative.2

The Baal On the other hand, there is clear evidence of the

of Tarsus, observance of such a custom in Cilicia, the country which

an Oriental

god of corn lies across the sea from Cyprus, and from* which the
and grapes, worship of Adonis, according to tradition, was derived.3
Whether the Phoenicians ever colonized Cilicia or not is
doubtful,4 but at all events the natives of the country, down
to late times, worshipped a male deity who, in spite of
a superficial assimilation to a fashionable Greek god,
appears to have been an Oriental by birth and character.
He had his principal seat at Tarsus, in a plain of
luxuriant fertility and almost tropical climate, tempered
by breezes from the snowy range of Tarsus on the north
and from the sea on the south.5 Though Tarsus boasted
of a school of Greek philosophy which at the beginning
of our era surpassed those of Athens and Alexandria,6
the city apparently remained in manners and spirit
essentially Oriental. The women went about the streets
muffled up to the eyes in Eastern fashion, and Dio
Chrysostom reproaches the natives with resembling the
most dissolute of the Phoenicians rather than the Greeks

1 G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire 4 For traces of Phoenician influence

de VArt dans V Antiquity iii. 566-578. in Cilicia see F. C. Movers, Die

The colossal statue found at Amathus Phoenizier, ii. 2, pp. 167-174, 207 sqq.

may be related, directly or indirectly, Herodotus says (vii. 91) that the

to the Egyptian god Bes, who is Cilicians were named after Cilix, a

represented as a sturdy misshapen son of the Phoenician Agenor.
dwarf wearing round his body the 5 ^ ^ ^ ferdli and

skin of a beast of the panther tribe, Qf the ^ of T which js

7 w'i, * rgmg™ ^ SC? ,?' very malarious, see E. J. Davis, Life in
A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the ^.^ ^ J

Egyptians (London, 1904), 11. 284 .^ The V,^ for

- ^ d &

Anctent Egyptian* (London 1897), and negiected, full of magnificent

PP- 159 sfff. ; A. Furtwanglcr , s.v especially fine oak, ash, orange,

yHerakles," m W. H. Roscher's and 'lemPon.treL The 'vines run\o

Uxikcndtr gruch. und rom. Mytho- ^ ^ of the highegt brancheSj and

^Vw* S^'i. almost every garden resounds with

However human victims were J & nightingale (E. J.

burned at Salamis in Cyprus. See Dayi « ^
below, p. 145.

3 See above, p. 41. 8 Strabo, xiv. 5. 13, pp. 673 sg.

CHAP, vi THE BAAL OF TARSUS 119

whose civilization they aped.1 On the coins of the city
they assimilated their native deity to Zeus by representing
him seated on a throne, the upper part of his body bare,
the lower limbs draped in a flowing robe, while in one
hand he holds a sceptre, which is topped sometimes with
an eagle but often with a lotus flower. Yet his foreign
nature is indicated both by his name and his attributes ;
for in Aramaic inscriptions on the coins he bears the name
of the Baal of Tarsus, and in one hand he grasps an ear of
corn and a bunch of grapes.2 These attributes clearly
mark him out as a god of fertility in general, who con-
ferred on his worshippers the two things which they prized
above all other gifts of nature, the corn and the wine.
He was probably therefore a Semitic, or at all events an
Oriental, rather than a Greek deity. For while the Semite
cast all his gods more or less in the same mould, and
expected them all to render him nearly the same services,
the_Greek, with his keener intelligence and more pictorial
imagination^ invested his deities with individual character-
istics, allotting to each of them his or her separate function
in the divine economy of the world. Thus he assigned the
production of the corn to Demeter, and that of the grapes
to Dionysus ; he was not so unreasonable as to demand
both from the same hard-worked deity.

§ 2. The God of Ibreez

Now the suspicion that the Baal of Tarsus, for all his The Baal
posing in the attitude of Zeus, was really an Oriental is h^ hu"8
confirmed by a remarkable rock-hewn monument which is counter-
to be seen at Ibreez in Southern Cappadocia. Though the fbreez in

Cappa-

1 Dio Chrysostom, Or. xxxiii. vol. xxix. -xxxii. ; G. Macdonald, Cata- docia-
ii. pp. 14 sq., 17, ed. L. Dindorf logue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian
(Leipsic, 1857). Collection (Glasgow, 1899-1905), ii.

2 F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, ii. 547 ; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoirc
2, pp. 171 sq. ; P. Gardner, Types of deF Art dans f Antiquite", iv. 727. In
Greek Coins (Cambridge, 1883), pi. x. later times, from about 175 B.C. on-
Nos. 29, 30 ; B. V. Head, Historia ward, the Baal of Tarsus was com-
Numorum (Oxford, 1887), p. 614 ; pletely assimilated to Zeus on the
G. F. Hill, Catalogue of Greek Coins coins. See B. V. Head, op. cit. p.
of JLycaonia, fsauria, and Cilicia 617 ; G. F. Hill, op. cit. pp. I77»
(London, 1900), pp. 167-176, pi. 181.

120

THE BURNING OF SAND AN

BOOK I

The pass
of the
Cilician
Gates.

The rock-
sculptures
at Ibreez
represent a
god of corn
and grapes
adored
by his wor-
shipper,
a priest or
king.

place is distant little more than fifty miles from Tarsus as
the crow flies, yet the journey on horseback occupies five
days ; for the great barrier of the Taurus mountains rises
like a wall between. The road runs through the famous
pass of the Cilician Gates, and the scenery throughout is of
the grandest Alpine character. On all sides the mountains
tower skyward, their peaks sheeted in a dazzling pall of
snow, their lower slopes veiled in the almost inky blackness
of dense pine -forests, torn here and there by impassable
ravines, or broken into prodigious precipices of red and
grey rock which border the narrow valley for miles. The
magnificence of the landscape is enhanced by the exhilar-
ating influence of the brisk mountain air, all the more by
contrast with the sultry heat of the plain of Tarsus which
the traveller has left behind. When he emerges from the
defile on the wide open tableland of Anatolia he feels that
in a sense he has passed out of Asia, and that the highroad
to Europe lies straight before him. The great mountains
on which he now looks back formed for centuries the
boundary between the Christian West and the Mohammedan
East ; on the southern side lay the domain of the Caliphs,
on the northern side the Byzantine Empire. The Taurus
was the dam that long repelled the tide of Arab invasion ;
and though year by year the waves broke through the pass
of the Cilician Gates and carried havoc and devastation
through the tableland, the refluent waters always retired to
the lower level of the Cilician plains. A line of beacon
lights stretching from the Taurus to Constantinople flashed
to the Byzantine capital tidings of the approach of the
Moslem invaders.1

The village of Ibreez is charmingly situated at the
northern foot of the Taurus, some six or seven miles south
of the town of Eregli, the ancient Cybistra. From the
town to the village the path goes through a richly cultivated
district of wheat and vines along green lanes more lovely
than those of Devonshire, lined by thick hedges and rows
of willow, poplar, hazel, hawthorn, and huge old walnut-
trees, where in early summer the nightingales warble on

1 Sir W. M. Ramsay, Luke the
Physician, and other Studies in the

History of Religion (London, 1908),
pp. 112 sqq.

CHAP, vi THE GOD OF IBREEZ 121

every side. Ibreez itself is embowered in the verdure of
orchards, walnuts, and vines. It stands at the mouth of
a deep ravine enclosed by great precipices of red rock.
From the western of these precipices a river clear as crystal,
but of a deep blue tint, bursts in a powerful jet, and being
reinforced by a multitude of springs becomes at once a
raging impassable torrent foaming and leaping with a roar
of waters over the rocks in its bed. A little way from the
source a branch of the main stream flows in a deep narrow
channel along the foot of a reddish weather-stained rock
which rises sheer from the water. On its face, which has
been smoothed to receive them, are the sculptures. They
consist of two colossal figures, representing a god adored by
his worshipper. The deity, some fourteen feet high, is a
bearded male figure, wearing on his head a high pointed
cap adorned with several pairs of horns, and plainly clad in
a short tunic, which does not reach his knees and is drawn
in at the waist by a belt. His legs and arms are bare ; the
wrists are encircled by bangles or bracelets. His feet are
shod in high boots with turned-up toes. In his right hand
he holds a vine-branch laden with clusters of grapes, and in
his raised left hand he grasps a bunch of bearded wheat,
such as is still grown in Cappadocia ; the ears of corn project
above his fingers, while the long stalks hang down to his
feet. In front of him stands the lesser figure, some eight
feet high. He is clearly a priest or king, more probably
perhaps both in one. His rich vestments contrast with the
simple costume of the god. On his head he wears a round
but not pointed cap, encircled by flat bands and ornamented
in front with a rosette or bunch of jewels, such as is still
worn by Eastern princes. He is draped from the neck to
the ankles in a long robe heavily fringed at the bottom, over
which is thrown a shawl or mantle secured at the breast by
a clasp of precious stones. Both robe and shawl are elabor-
ately carved with patterns in imitation of embroidery. A
heavy necklace of rings or beads encircles the neck ; a
bracelet or bangle clasps the one wrist that is visible ; the
feet are shod in boots like those of the god. One or perhaps
both hands are raised in the act of adoration. The large
aquiline nose, like the beak of a hawk, is a conspicuous

122

THE BURNING OF SANDAN

BOOK 1

The

fertility of
Ibreez
contrasted
with the
desolation
of the sur-
rounding
country.

feature in the face both of the god and of his worshipper ;
the hair and beard of both are thick and curly.1

The situation of this remarkable monument resembles
that of Aphaca on the Lebanon ; 2 for in both places we see
a noble river issuing abruptly from the rock to spread fertility
through the rich vale below. Nowhere, perhaps, could man
more appropriately revere those great powers of nature to
whose favour he ascribes the fruitfulness of the earth, and
through it the life of animate creation. With its cool
bracing air, its mass of verdure, its magnificent stream of
pure ice-cold water — so grateful in the burning heat of
summer — and its wide stretch of fertile land, the valley may
well have been the residence of an ancient prince or high-
priest, who desired to testify by this monument his devotion
and gratitude to the god. The seat of this royal or priestly
potentate may have been at Cybistra,3 the modern Eregli,
now a decayed and miserable place straggling amid orchards
and gardens full of luxuriant groves of walnut, poplar, willow,
mulberry, and oak. The place is a paradise of birds. Here

1 E. J. Davis, " On a New Hama-
thite Inscription at Ibreez," Trans-
actions of the Society of Biblical
Archaeology, iv. (1876) pp. 336-346;
id. , Life in Asiatic Turkey (London,
1879), pp. 245-260; G. Perrot et
Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de FArt dans
V Antiquity iv. 723-729 ; Ramsay and
Hogarth, " Prehellenic Monuments of
Cappadocia," Recueil de Travaux re-
latifs a la Philologie et a P Archeologie
Egyptiennes et Assyriennes, xiv. (1903)
pp. 77"8i, 85 sq,, with plates iii. and iv. ;
L. Messerschmidt, Corpus Inscrip-
tionum Hettiticarum (Berlin, 1900),
Tafel xxxiv. ; Sir W. M. Ramsay,
Luke the Physician (London, 1908),
pp. 171 sqq. ; John Garstang, The
Land of the Hittites (London, 1910),
pp. 191-195, 378 sq. Of this sculp-
tured group Messrs. W. M. Ramsay
and D. G. Hogarth say that " it yields
to no rock-relief in the world in im-
pressive character " (American Journal
of Archaeology, vi. (1890) p. 347).
Professor Garstang would date the
sculptures in the tenth or ninth century
B.C. Another inscribed Hittite monu-
ment found at Bor, near the site of the

ancient Tyana, exhibits a very similar
figure of a priest or king in an attitude
of adoration. The resemblance ex-
tends even to the patterns embroidered
on the robe and shawl, which include
the well-known swastika carved on the
lower border of the long robe. The
figure is sculptured in high relief on a
slab of stone and would seem to have
been surrounded by inscriptions, though
a portion of them has perished. See
J. Garstang, op. cit. pp. 185-188, with
plate Ivi. For the route from Tarsus
to Ibreez (Ivriz) see E. J. Davis, Life
in Asiatic Turkey, pp. 198-244 ; J.
Garstang, op. cit. pp. 44 sqq.

2 See above, pp. 28 sq.

3 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. When
Cicero was proconsul of Cilicia (51-50
B.C.) he encamped with his army for
some days at Cy&stra, from which two
of his letters to Atticus are dated.
But hearing that the Parthians, who
had invaded Syria, were threatening
Cilicia, he hurried by forced marches
through the pass of the Cilician Gates
to Tarsus. See Cicero, Ad Atticum,
v. 1 8, 19, 20 ; Ad Familiares, xv.
2, 4-

CHAP, vi THE GOD OF IBREEZ 123

the thrush and the nightingale sing full-throated, the hoopoe
waves his crested top-knot, the bright-hued woodpeckers flit
from bough to bough, and the swifts dart screaming by
hundreds through the air. Yet a little way off, beyond the
beneficent influence of the springs and streams, all is desola-
tion— in summer an arid waste broken by great marshes and
wide patches of salt, in winter a broad sheet of stagnant
water, which as it dries up with the growing heat of the sun
exhales a poisonous malaria. To the west, as far as the eye
can see, stretches the endless expanse of the dreary Lycaonian
plain, barren, treeless, and solitary, till it fades into the blue
distance, or is bounded afar off by abrupt ranges of jagged
volcanic mountains, on which in sunshiny weather the shadows
of the clouds rest, purple and soft as velvet.1 No wonder that
the smiling luxuriance of the one landscape, sharply contrast-
ing with the bleak sterility of the other, should have rendered
it in the eyes of primitive man a veritable garden of God.

Among the attributes which mark out the deity of The
Ibreez as a power of fertility the horns on his high cap h°™ed
should not be overlooked. They are probably the horns of
a bull ; for to primitive cattle-breeders the bull is the most
natural emblem of generative force. At Carchemish, the
great Hittite capital on the Euphrates, a relief has been
discovered which represents a god or a priest clad in a rich
robe, and wearing on his head a tall horned cap surmounted
by a disc.2 Sculptures found at the palace of Euyuk in North-
Western Cappadocia prove that the Hittites worshipped the
bull and sacrificed rams to it.3 Similarly the Greeks con-
ceived the vine-god Dionysus in the form of a bull.4

1 E. J. Davis, in Transactions of the or sun. See De Vogue, Melanges
Society of Biblical Archaeology ', iv. d* Archtologie Orientale (Paris, 1868),
(1876) pp. 336 sq., 346; id., Life in p. 46, who interprets the deity as the
Asiatic Turkey, pp. 232 sq., 236 sq., great Asiatic goddess. As to the
264 sq., 270-272. Compare W. J. horned god of Ibreez " it is a plausible
Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, theory that the horns may, in this case,
Pontus, and Armenia (London, 1842), be analogous to the Assyrian emblem
ii. 304-307. of divinity. The sculpture is late and

2 L. Messerschmidt, The Hittites its style rather suggests Semitic influ-
(London, 1903), pp. 49 sq. On an ence " (Professor J. Garstang, in some
Assyrian cylinder, now in the British MS. notes with which he has kindly
Museum, we see a warlike deity with furnished me).

bow and arrows standing on a lion, 3 See below, p. 132.

and wearing a similar bonnet decorated 4 Spirits of the Corn and of the

with horns and surmounted by a star Wild, i. 16 sq., ii. 3 sqg.

124 THE BURNING OF SAND AN BOOK i

§ 3. Sandan of Tarsus

The god That the god of Ibreez, with the grapes and corn in his

a Hittite hands, is identical with the Baal of Tarsus, who bears the
deity. same emblems, may be taken as certain.1 But what was
his name ? and who were his worshippers ? The Greeks
apparently called him Hercules ; c.t least in Byzantine times
the neighbouring town of Cybistra adopted the name of
Heraclea, which seems to show that Hercules was deemed
the principal deity of the place.2 Yet the style and costume
of the figures at Ibreez prove unquestionably that the god
was an Oriental. If any confirmation of this view were
needed, it is furnished by the inscriptions carved on the
rock beside the sculptures, for these inscriptions are com-
posed in the peculiar system of hieroglyphics now known as
Hittite. It follows, therefore, that the deity worshipped at
Tarsus and Ibreez was a god of the Hittites, that ancient
and little-known people who occupied the centre of Asia
Minor, invented a system of writing, and extended their
influence, if not their dominion, at one time from the
Euphrates to the Aegean. From the lofty and arid table-
lands of the interior, a prolongation of the great plateau of
Central Asia, with a climate ranging from the most burning
heat in summer to the most piercing cold in winter,3 these
hardy highlanders seem to have swept down through the
mountain-passes and established themselves at a very early
date in the rich southern lowlands of Syria and Cilicia.4

1 The identification is accepted by in the interior of Asia Minor, particu-
E. Meyer (Geschichte des Altertums* larly in Cappadocia, and that they
i. 2. p. 641), G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez spread from there south, east, and west,
(Histoire de FArt dans F Antiquity is the view of A. H. Sayce, W. M.
iv. 727), and P. Jensen (Hittiter und Ramsay, D. G. Hogarth, W. Max
Armenier, Strasburg, 1898, p. 145). Muller, F. Hommel, L. B. Paton, and

2 Ramsay and Hogarth, " Pre-Hel- L. Messerschmidt. See Palestine Ex-
lenic Monuments of Cappadocia," ploration fund Quarterly Statement
Recueil de Travaux relatifs a la Philo- for 1884, p. 49 ; A. H. Sayce, The
logic et a F Archtologie Egyptiennes et Hittites* (London, 1903), pp. 80 sqq. \
Assyriennes, xiv. (1893) p. 79. W. Max Muller, Asien und Europa

3 G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des (Leipsic, 1893), pp. 319 sqq. ; Ramsay
Peuples de V Orient Classique, ii. 360- and Hogarth, " Pre- Hellenic Monu-
362 ; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire ments of Cappadocia," Recueil de
de F Art dans FAntiquite", iv. 572 sqq., Travaux relatifs a la Phitologie et a
586 sq. F ArchtologieEgyptiennesetAssyrienneS)

4 That the cradle of the Hittites was xv. (1893) p. 94 ; F. Hommel, Grund-

CHAP. VI

SANDAN OF TARSUS

125

Their language and race are still under discussion, but a
great preponderance of opinion appears to declare that
neither the one nor the other was Semitic.1

In the inscription attached to the colossal figure of the The
god at Ibreez two scholars have professed to read the
name of Sandan or Sanda.2 Be that as it may, there are Hercules
independent grounds for thinking that Sandan, Sandon, at Tarsus-
or Sandes may have been the name of the Cappadocian
and Cilician god of fertility. For the god of Ibreez in
Cappadocia appears, as we saw, to have been identified by the
Greeks with Hercules, and we are told that a Cappadocian
and Cilician name of Hercules was Sandan or Sandes.3

riss de.r Geographic und Geschichte des
alien Orients (Munich, 1904), pp. 42, 48,
54 ; L. B. Paton, The Early History of
Syria and Palestine (London, 1902), pp.
103 sqq.\ L. Messerschmidt, TheHittites
(London, 1903), pp. 12, 13, 19, 20; D.
G. Hogarth, ' ' Recent Hi ttite Research, "
Journal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute, xxxix. (1909) pp. 408 sqq.
Compare Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des
Altcrtunis? i. 2. (Stuttgart and Berlin,
1909) pp. 617 sqq. ; J. Garstang, The
Land of the Hittites, pp. 3 1 5 sqq. The
native Hittite writing is a system of
hieroglyphics which has not yet been
read, but in their intercourse with
foreign nations the Hittites used the
Babylonian cuneiform script. Clay
tablets bearing inscriptions both in the
Babylonian and in the Hittite language
have been found by Dr. H. Winckler
at Boghaz-Keui, the great Hittite
capital in Cappadocia ; so that the
sounds of the Hittite words, though
not their meanings, are now known.
According to Professor Ed. Meyer, it
seems certain that the Hittite language
was neither Semitic nor Indo-European.
As to the inscribed tablets of Boghaz-
Keui, see H. Winckler, " Vorlaufige
Nachrichten iiber die Ausgrabungen
in Boghaz-koi im Sommer 1907, I.
Die Tontafelfunde," Mitteilungen der
Deutschen Orient- Gesellschaft zu Berlin,
No. 35, December 1907, pp. 1-59;
" Hittite Archives from Boghaz-Keui,"
translated from the German transcripts
of Dr. Winckler by Meta E. Williams,

Annals of Archaeology and Anthro-
pology, iv. (Liverpool, 1912), pp. 90-
98.

1 G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne
des Peuples de f Orient Classique, ii.
351, note3, with his references ; L. B.
Paton, op. cit. p. 109 ; L. Messer-
schmidt, The Hittites, p. 10 ; F.
Hommel, op. cit. p. 42 ; W. Max
Miiller, Asien tmd Europa, p. 332.
See the preceding note.

2 A. H. Sayce, " The Hittite In-
scriptions," Recueil de Travaux relatifs
af la Philologie et a F Archtologie
Egyptiennes et Assyriennes, xiv. (1893)
pp. 48 sq. ; P. Jensen, Hittiter und
Armenier (Strasburg, 1898), pp.
42 sq.

3 GeorgiusSyncellus, Chronographia,
vol. i. p. 290, ed. G. Dindorf (Bonn,
1829) : 'Hpa/cX^a TIV& tpacnv ev <$>oivli<ri

"ZdvSav eirCKeyb^evov, cbs /cat
VTTO KaTTTraSj/can' /ecu KiXtKwi'.
In this passage "Zdvdav is a correction
of F. C. Movers's (Die Phoenizier, i.
460) for the MS. reading Ai(rai>ddv, the
AI having apparently arisen by ditto-
graphy from the preceding AI ; and
KiXiKuv is a correction of E. Meyer's
(" Uber einige semitische Gotter,"
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenltin-
dischen Gesellschaft, xxxi. 737) for the
MS. reading 'IXiwj/. Compare Jerome
(quoted by Movers and Meyer, ll.cc. ) :
' 'Hercules cognoinento Desanatis in Syria
Phoenice clarus habetur. tnde ad nos-
tram usqtie memoriam a Cappadocibus
et Eliensibus (al. Deliis} Desanaus

126

THE BURNING OF SAND AN

BOOK I

Now this Sandan or Hercules is said to have founded
Tarsus, and the people of the city commemorated him at
an annual or, at all events, periodical festival by erecting
a fine pyre in his honour.1 Apparently at this festival, as
at the festival of Melcarth, the god was burned in effigy
on his own pyre. For coins of Tarsus often exhibit the
pyre as a conical structure resting on a garlanded altar or
basis, with the figure of Sandan himself in the midst of it,
while an eagle with spread wings perches on the top of the
pyre, as if about to bear the soul of the burning god in the
pillar of smoke and fire to heaven.2 In like manner when a
Roman emperor died leaving a son to succeed him on the

adhuc dicitur." If the text of Jerome
is here sound, he would seem to have
had before him a Greek original which
was corrupt like the text of Syncellus
or of Syncellus's authority. The Cilician
Hercules is called Sandes by Nonnus
(Dionys. xxxiv. 183 sq.\ Compare
Raoul-Rochette in Mtmoires de FAca-
dtmie des Inscriptions et Belles- Lett res,
xvii. Deuxieme Partie (Paris, 1848),
pp. 159 J^.

1 Ammianus Marcellinus, xiv. 8. 3 ;
Dio Chrysostom, Or. xxxiii. vol. ii. p. 16,
ed. L. Dindorf (Leipsic, 1857). The pyre
is mentioned only by Dio Chrysostom,
whose words clearly imply that its
erection was a custom observed periodi-
cally. On Sandan or Sandon see K.

0. Miiller, "Sandon und Sardana-
pal," Kunstarchaeologische Werke, iii.
6 sqq. ; F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier,

1. 458 sqq. ; Raoul-Rochette, " Sur
1'Hercule Assyrien et Phenicien,"
Memoires de FAcadtmie des Inscriptions
et Belles- Lettres, xvii. Deuxieme Partie
(Paris, 1848), pp. 178-57^. ; E. Meyer,
" tjber einige Semitische Cotter,"
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen-
Idndischen Geselhchaft, xxxi. {1877)
pp. 736-740: id.) Geschichte des Alter-
tums? i. 2. pp. 641 sqq. § 484.

2 P. Gardner, Catalogue of Greek
Coins, the Seleucid Kings of Syria
(London, 1878), pp. 72, 78, 89, 112,
pi. xxi. 6, xxiv. 3, xxviii. 8 ; G. F.
Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of
Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia (Lon-
don, 1900), pp. 1 80, 181, 183, 190,
221, 224, 225, pi. xxxiii. 2, 3, xxxiv.

10, xxxvii. 9 ; F. Imhoof-Blumer,
" Coin-types of some Kilikian Cities,"
Journal of Hellenic Studies, xviii.
(1898) p. 169, pi. xiii. i, 2. The
structure represented on the coins is
sometimes called not the pyre but the
monument of Sandan or Sardanapalus.
Certainly the cone resting on the square
base reminds us of the similar structure
on the coins of Byblus as well as of the
conical image of Aphrodite at Paphos
(see above, pp. 14, 34) ; but the words
of Dio Chrysostom make it probable
that the design on the coins of Tarsus
represents the pyre. At the same
time, the burning of the god may well
have been sculptured on a permanent
monument of stone. The legend
OPTTP00HPA, literally "quail-hunt,"
which appears on some coins of Tarsus
(G. F. Hill, op. cit. pp. Ixxxvi. sq.},
may refer to a custom of catching
quails and burning them on the pyre.
We have seen (above, pp. in sq.)
that quails were apparently burnt in
sacrifice at Byblus. This explanation
of the legend on the coins of Tarsus
was suggested by Raoul - Rochette
(op. cit. pp. 201-205). However,
Mr. G. F. Hill writes to me that
"the interpretatfon of 'Oprvyodripa
as anything but a personal name is
rendered very unlikely by the analogy
of all the other inscriptions on coins of
the same class." Doves were burnt on
a pyre in honour of Adonis (below, p.
147). Similarly birds were burnt on a
pyre in honour of Laphrian Artemis at
Patrae (Pausanias, vii. 18. 12).

CHAP, vi SANDAN OF TARSUS 127

throne, a waxen effigy was made in the likeness of the
deceased and burned on a huge pyramidal pyre, which was
reared upon a square basis of wood ; and from the summit
of the blazing pile an eagle was released for the purpose of
carrying to heaven the soul of the dead and deified emperor.1
The Romans may have borrowed from the East a grandiose
custom which savours of Oriental adulation rather than of
Roman simplicity.2

The type of Sandan or Hercules, as he is portrayed on Sandan of
the coins of Tarsus, is that of an Asiatic deity standing on ^^tic a"d
a lion. It is thus that he is represented on the pyre, and with the
it is thus that he appears as a separate figure without the ofThTiL.
pyre. From these representations we can form a fairly and the
accurate conception of the form and attributes of the god. axe.
They exhibit him as a bearded man standing on a horned
and often winged lion. Upon his head he wears a high
pointed cap or mitre, and he is clad sometimes in a long
robe, sometimes in a short tunic. On at least one coin his
feet are shod in high boots with flaps. At his side or over
his shoulder are slung a sword, a bow-case, and a quiver,
sometimes only one or two of them. His right hand is
raised and sometimes holds a flower. His left hand grasps
a double-headed axe, and sometimes a wreath either in
addition to the axe or instead of it ; but the double-headed
axe is one of Sandan's most constant attributes.3

1 Herodian, iv. 2. 1889), pp. 70 sq., with pi. xii. 7, 8, 9 ;

2 See Franz Cumont, " L'Aigle F. Imhoof- Blumer, "Coin-types of
funeraire des Syriens et 1'Apotheose some Kilikian Cities, " Journal of Hel-
des Empereurs," Revue de rHistoire lenic Studies, xviii. (1898) pp. 169-
des Religions, Ixii. (1910) pp. 119- 171; P. Gardner, Types of Greek
163. Coins, pi. xiii. 20; G. F. Hill, Cata-

3 F. Imhoof - Blumer, Monnaies logue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia,
Grecques (Amsterdam, 1883), pp. 366 Isaiiria, and Cilicia, pp. 178, 179,
sq>, 433. 435> with plates F. 24, 25, 184, 186, 206, 213, with plates xxxii.
H. 14 (Verhandelingen der Konink. 13, 14, 15, 16, xxxiv. 2, xxxvi. 9;
Akademie von Wetenschappen, Afdeel- G. Macdonald, Catalogue of Greek
ing Letterkunde, xiv.) ; F. Imhoof- Coins in the Hunterian Collection, ii.
Blumer und O. Keller, Tier- und 548, with pi. lx. n. The booted
Pftanzenbilder auf Miinzen und Gem- Sandan is figured by G. F. Hill, op*
men des klassischen Altertums (Leipsic, cif. pi. xxxvi. 9.

128

THE BURNING OF SAND AN

BOOK I

4. The Gods of Boghaz- Keui

Boghaz-
Keui the
ancient

Now a deity of almost precisely the same type figures
prominently in the celebrated group of Hittite sculptures
capital of which is carved on the rocks at Boghaz-Keui in North- Western
kingdom Cappadocia. The village of Boghaz-Keui, that is, "the village
in Cappa- of the defile," stands at the mouth of a deep, narrow, and
picturesque gorge in a wild upland valley, shut in by rugged
mountains of grey limestone. The houses are built on the
lower slopes of the hills, and a stream issuing from the gorge
flows past them to join the Halys, which is distant about ten
hours' journey to the west. Immediately above the modern
village a great ancient city, enclosed by massive fortification
walls, rose on the rough broken ground of the mountain-
side, culminating in two citadels perched on the tops of
precipitous crags. The walls are still standing in many
places to a height of twelve feet or more. They are about
fourteen feet thick and consist of an outer and inner facing
built of large blocks with a core of rubble between them.
On the outer side they are strengthened at intervals of
about a hundred feet by projecting towers or buttresses,
which seem designed rather as architectural supports than
as military defences. The masonry, composed of large
1 stones laid in roughly parallel courses, resembles in style
that of the walls of Mycenae, with which it may be
contemporary ; and the celebrated Lion-gate at Mycenae
has its counterpart in the southern gate of Boghaz-Keui,
which is flanked by a pair of colossal stone lions executed
in the best style of Hittite art. The eastern gate is adorned
on its inner side with the figure of a Hittite warrior or
Amazon carved in high relief. A dense undergrowth of
stunted oak coppice now covers much of the site. The
ruins of a large palace or temple, built of pnormous blocks
of stone, occupy a terrace in a commanding situation
within the circuit of the walls. This vast city, some four or
five miles in circumference, appears to have been the ancient
Pteria, which Croesus, king of Lydia, captured in his war
with Cyrus. It was probably the capital of a powerful
Hittite empire before the Phrygians made their way from

CHAP, vi THE GODS OF BOGHAZ-KEUI 129

Europe into the interior of Asia Minor and established a
rival state to the west of the Halys.1

From the village of Boghaz-Keui a steep and rugged The
path leads up hill to a sanctuary, distant about a mile and
a half to the east. Here among the grey limestone cliffs rocks-
there is a spacious natural chamber or hall of roughly
oblong shape, roofed only by the sky, and enclosed on three
sides by high rocks. One of the short sides is open, and
through it you look out on the broken slopes beyond and
the more distant mountains, which make a graceful picture
set in a massy frame. The length of the chamber is about
a hundred feet ; its breadth varies from twenty-five to fifty
feet. A nearly level sward forms the floor. On the right-
hand side, as you face inward, a narrow opening in the
rock leads into another but much smaller chamber, or rather
corridor, which would seem to have been the inner sanctuary
or Holy of Holies. It is a romantic spot, where the deep
shadows of the rocks are relieved by the bright foliage of
xvalnut-trees and by the sight of the sky and clouds over-
head. On the rock-walls of both chamber are carved the
famous bas-reliefs. In the outer sanctuary these reliefs The rock-
represent two great processions which defile along the two fn"h£oute
long sides of the chamber and meet face to face on the sanctuary
short wall at the inner end. The figures on the left-hand Keui^
wall are for the most part men clad in the characteristic rePresent
Hittite costume, which consists of a high pointed cap, shoes cessions
with turned-up toes, and a tunic drawn in at the waist and meetins-

1 Herodotus, i. 76 ; Stephanus torical Geography of Asia Minor

Byzantius, s.v. Hrtpiov. As to the (London, 1890), pp. 28 sq., 33 sq. ;

situation of Boghaz-Keui and the ruins G.PerrotetCh.Chipiez,^>/0z><?ok/'.<4r/

of Pteria see W. J. Hamilton, Re- dans FAntiquite', iv. 596 sqq. ; K.

searches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Humann und O. Puchstein, Reisen in

Armenia (London, 1842), i. 391 sqq. ; Kleinasien und Nordsyrien (Berlin,

H. Earth, " Reise von Trapezunt 1890), pp. 71-80, with Atlas, plates

durch die nordliche Halfte Klein- xi.-xiv. ; E. Chantre, Mission en Cap-

Asiens," Ergdnzungsheft zu Peter- padoce (Paris, 1898), pp. 13 sqq. ; O.

manrfs Geographischen Mitlheihmgen, Puchstein, "Die Bauten von Boghaz-

No. 2 (1860), pp. 44-52; H. F. Koi," Mitteilungen der Deutschen

Tozer, Turkish Armenia and Eastern Orient - Gesellschaft zu Berlin, No.

Asia Minor (London, 1881), pp. 64, 35, December 1907, pp. 62 sqq. ;

71 sqq. ; W. M. Ramsay, "Historical J. Garstang, The Land of the

Relations of Phrygia and Cappadocia," Hittites (London, 1910), pp. 196

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, sqq.
N.S., xv. (1883) p. 103; id., His-

PT. IV. VOL. I K

130 THE BURNING OF SAND AN BOOK i

falling short of the knees.1 The figures on the right-hand
wall are women wearing tall, square, flat-topped bonnets
with ribbed sides ; their long dresses fall in perpendicular
folds to their feet, which are shod in shoes like those of the
The men. On the short wall, where the processions meet, the

figures. greater size of the central figures, as well as their postures
and attributes, mark them out as divine. At the head of
the male procession marches or is carried a bearded deity
clad in the ordinary Hittite costume of tall pointed cap,
short tunic, and turned-up shoes ; but his feet rest on the
bowed heads of two men, in his right hand he holds on his
shoulder a mace or truncheon topped with a knob, while his
extended left hand grasps a symbol, which apparently
consists of a trident surmounted by an oval with a cross-bar.
Behind him follows a similar, though somewhat smaller,
figure of a man, or perhaps rather of a god, carrying a mace
or truncheon over his shoulder in his right hand, while with
his left he holds aloft a long sword with a flat hilt ; his feet
rest not on two men but on two flat-topped pinnacles, which
perhaps represent mountains. At the head of the female
procession and facing the great god who is borne on the
two men, stands a goddess on a lioness or panther. Her
costume does not differ from that of the women : her
hair hangs down in a long plait behind : in her extended
right hand she holds out an emblem to touch that of the
god. The shape and meaning of her emblem are obscure.
It consists of a stem with two pairs of protuberances,
perhaps leaves or branches, one above the other, the whole
being surmounted, like the emblem of the god, by an oval
with a cross-bar. Under the outstretched arms of the two
deities appear the front parts of two animals, which have
been usually interpreted as bulls but are rather goats ;
each of them wears on its head the high conical Hittite
cap, and its body is concealed by tha.t of the deity.
Immediately behind the goddess marches a smaller and
apparently youthful male figure, standing like her upon a
lioness or panther. He is beardless and wears the Hittite

1 This procession of men is broken wall ; (b) by two winged monsters ;
(a) by two women clad in long plaited and (c) by the figure of a priest or king
robes like the women on the opposite as to which see below, pp. 131 sq.

CHAP, vi THE GODS OF BOGHAZ-KEUI 131

dress of high pointed cap, short tunic, and shoes with
turned-up toes. A crescent-hilted sword is girt at his side ;
in his left hand he holds a double-headed axe, and in his
right a staff topped by an armless doll with the symbol of
the cross-barred oval instead of a head. Behind him follow
two women, or rather perhaps goddesses, resembling the
goddess at the head of the procession, but with different
emblems and standing not on a lioness but on a single two-
headed eagle with outspread wings.

The entrance to the smaller chamber is guarded on The rock-
either side by the figure of a winged monster carved on the
rock ; the bodies of both figures are human, but one of them inner
has the head of a dog, the other the head of a lion. In the
inner sanctuary, to which this monster -guarded passage Keui-
leads, the walls are also carved in relief. On one side we
see a procession of twelve men in Hittite costume marching
with curved swords in their right hands. On the opposite
wall is a colossal erect figure of a deity with a human head The Hon-
and a body curiously composed of four lions, two above and god'
two below, the latter standing on their heads. The god
wears the high conical Hittite hat : his face is youthful and
beardless like that of the male figure standing on the lioness
in the large chamber ; and the ear turned to the spectator
is pierced with a ring. From the knees downwards the
legs, curiously enough, are replaced by a device which has
been interpreted as the tapering point of a great dagger or
dirk with a midrib. To the right of this deity a square
panel cut in the face of the rock exhibits a group of two The god
figures in relief. The larger of the two figures closely
resembles the youth on the lioness in the outer sanctuary.
His chin is beardless ; he wears the same high pointed cap,
the same short tunic, the same turned-up shoes, the same
crescent-hilted sword, and he carries a similar armless doll
in his right hand. But his left arm encircles the neck of
the smaller figure, whom he seems to clasp to his side in an
attitude of protection. The smaller figure thus embraced
by the god is clearly a priest or priestly king. His face is
beardless ; he wears a skull-cap and a long mantle reaching
to his feet with a sort of chasuble thrown over it. The
crescent-shaped hilt of a sword projects from under his

132 THE BURNING OF SANDAN BOOK i

mantle. The wrist of his right arm is clasped by the god's
left hand ; in his left hand the priest holds a crook or
pastoral staff which ends below in a curl. Both the priest
and his protector are facing towards the lion-god. In an
upper corner of the panel behind them is a divine emblem
composed of a winged disc resting on what look like two Ionic
columns, while between them appear three symbols of doubtful
Other significance. The figure of the priest or king in this costume,
Sfonhe th011^11 not 'm this attitude, is a familiar one; for it occurs
priest at twice in the outer sanctuary and is repeated twice at the
KeSand great Hittite palace of Euyuk, distant about four and a half
Euyuk. hours' ride to the north-east of Boghaz-Keui. In the outer
sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui we see the priest marching in the
procession of the men, and holding in one hand his curled
staff, or lituus^ and in the other a symbol like that of the
goddess on the lioness : above his head appears the winged
disc without the other attributes. Moreover he occupies a
conspicuous place by himself on the right-hand wall of the
outer sanctuary, quite apart from the two processions, and
carved on a larger scale than any of the other figures in them.
Here he stands on two heaps, perhaps intended to represent
mountains, and he carries in his right hand the emblem of
the winged disc supported on two Ionic columns with the
other symbols between them, except that the central symbol
is replaced by a masculine figure wearing a pointed cap and
a long robe decorated with a dog-tooth pattern. On one
of the reliefs at the palace of Euyuk we see the priest with
his characteristic dress and staff followed by a priestess,
each of them with a hand raised as if in adoration : they are
approaching the image of a bull which stands on a high
pedestal with an altar before it. Behind them a priest
leads a flock of rams to the sacrifice. On another relief at
Euyuk the priest, similarly attired and followed by a
priestess, is approaching a seated goddess* and apparently
pouring a libation at her feet. Both these scenes doubtless
represent acts of worship paid in the one case to a goddess,
in the other to a bull.1

1 W. J. Hamilton, Researches in Tozer, Turkish Armenia and Eastern
Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia Asia Minor, pp. 59 sq., 66-78 ; W. M.
(London, 1842), i. 393-395 ; H. F. Ramsay, " Historical Relations of

CHAP. VI

THE GODS OF BOGHAZ-KEUI

133

We have still to inquire into the meaning of the rock-
carvings at Boghaz-Keui. What are these processions which
are meeting? Who are the personages represented? and
what are they doing? Some have thought that the scene
is historical and commemorates a great event, such as a
treaty of peace between two peoples or the marriage of a
king's son to a king's daughter.1 But to this view it has

Phrygia and Asia Minor, "Journal of
the Royal Asiatic Society, N.S. xv.
(1883) pp. 113-120; G. Perrot et Ch.
Chipiez, Histoire de PArt dans
FAntiquite, iv. 623-656, 666-672;
K. Humann und O. Puchstein, Reisen
in Kleinasien und Nordsyrien, pp. 5 5 -
70, with Atlas, plates vii.-x. ; E.
Chantre, Mission en Cappadoce, pp.
3-5, 16-26; L. Messerschmidt, The
Hittites, pp. 42-50; Th. Macridy-
Bey, La Porte des Sphinx a Eyuk,
pp. 13 sq. (Mitteilungen der Vorder-
asiatischen Gesellschaft, 1908, No. 3,
Berlin) ; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des
Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 631 sq. ; J. Gar-
stang, The Land of the Hittites
(London, 1910), pp. 196 sqq. (Boghaz-
Keui) 256 sqq. (Eyuk). Compare P.
Jensen, Hittiter und Armenier, pp.
165 sqq. In some notes with which
my colleague Professor J. Garstang has
kindly furnished me he tells me that
the two animals wearing Hittite hats,
which appear between the great god
and goddess in the outer sanctuary,
are not bulls but certainly goats ; and
he inclines to think that the two heaps
on which the priest stands in the outer
sanctuary are fir-cones. Professor Ed.
Meyer holds that the costume which the
priestly king wears is that of the Sun-
goddess, and that the corresponding
figure in the procession of males on the
left-hand side of the outer sanctuary
does not represent the priestly king but
the Sun -goddess in person. "The
attributes of the King," he says (op.
cit. p. 632), "are to be explained by
the circumstance that he, as the Hittite
inscriptions prove, passed for an in-
carnation of the Sun, who with the
Hittites was a female divinity ; the
temple of the Sun is therefore his
emblem." As to the title of "the

Sun " bestowed on Hittite kings in
inscriptions, see H. Winckler, " Vor-
laufige Nachrichten itberdie Ausgrabun-
gen in Boghaz-koi im Sommer 1907,"
Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-
Gesellschaft zu Berlin, No. 35,
December 1907, pp. 32, 33, 36, 44,
45 » 53- The correct form of the
national name appears to be Chatti or
Haiti rather than Hittites, which is the
Hebrew form (^rin) of the name. Com-
pare M. Jastrow, in Encyclopaedia
Biblica, ii. coll. 2094 sqq., s.v.
"Hittites."

An interesting Hittite symbol which
occurs both in the sanctuary at Boghaz-
Keui and at the palace of Euyuk is the
double-headed eagle. In both places
it serves as the support of divine
or priestly personages. After being
adopted as a badge by the Seljuk
Sultans in the Middle Ages, it passed
into Europe with the Crusaders and
became in time the escutcheon of the
Austrian and Russian empires. See
W. J. Hamilton, op. cit. i. 383 ; G.
Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, op. cit. iv.
681-683, with Pl- vin- E; L- Messer-
schmidt, The Hittites, p. 50.

1 W. J. Hamilton, Researches in
Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia, i.
394 sq. ; H. Earth, in Monatsberichte
der kb'nigl. Preuss. Akademie der
Wissenschaften, 1859, pp. 128 sqq. ;
id., " Reise von Trapezunt," Ergtin-
zungsheft zu Petermann's Geograph.
Mittheilungen, No. 2 (Gotha, 1860),
pp. 45 sq.', H. F. Tozer, Turkish
Armenia and Eastern Asia Minor,
p. 69 ; E. Chantre, Mission en Cap-
padoce, pp. 20 sqq. According to
Earth, the scene represented is the
marriage of Aryenis, daughter of
Alyattes, king of Lydia, to Astyages,
son of Cyaxares, king of the Medes

The two
deities at
the head
of the
processions
at Boghaz-
Keui
appear
to be the
great
Asiatic
goddess
and her
consort.

134 THE BURNING OF SAND AN BOOK i

been rightly objected that the attributes of the principal
figures prove them to be divine or priestly, and that the
scene is therefore religious or mythical rather than historical.
With regard to the two personages who head the processions
and hold out their symbols to each other, the most probable
opinion appears to be that they stand for the great Asiatic
goddess of fertility and her consort, by whatever names
these deities were known ; for under diverse names a similar
divine couple appears to have been worshipped with similar
The rites all over Western Asia.1 The bearded god who, grasp-

Hittite god jng a trident in his extended left hand, heads the procession
thundering of male figures is probably the Father deity, the great
sky> Hittite god of the thundering sky, whose emblems were the.

thunderbolt and the bull ; for the trident which he carries
may reasonably be interpreted as a thunderbolt. The deity
is represented in similar form on two stone monuments of
Hittite art which were found at Zenjirli in Northern Syria
and at Babylon respectively. On both we see a bearded
male god wearing the usual Hittite costume of tall cap, short
tunic, and shoes turned up at the toes : a crescent-hilted
sword is girt at his side : his hands are raised : in the right
he holds a single-headed axe or hammer, in the left a trident
of wavy lines, which is thought to stand for forked lightning
or a bundle of thunderbolts. On the Babylonian slab, which
bears a long Hittite inscription, the god's cap is ornamented
with a pair of horns.2 The horns on the cap are probably

(Herodotus, i. 74). For a discussion Chipiez, Histoire de FArt dans FAn-

of various interpretations which have tiquitd, iv. 630 sqq. ; C. P. Tiele,

been proposed see G. Perrot et Ch. Geschichte der Religion im Altertum,

Chipiez, Histoire de FArt dans FAn- i. 255-257 ; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte

tiquitt, iv. 630 sqq. . des Altertums? i. 2. pp. 633 sq. ; J.

1 This is in substance the view of Garstang, The Land of the Hittites,

Raoul - Rochette, Lajard, W. M. pp. 235-237; id., The Syrian Goddess

Ramsay, G. Perrot, C. P. Tiele, Ed. (London, 1913), pp. 5 sqq.
Meyer, and J. Garstang. See Raoul- 2 K. Humani^ und O. Puchstein,

Rochette, " Sur 1'Hercule Assyrien et Reisen in Kleinasien und Nordsyrien

Phenicien," Memoires de V Academic (Berlin, 1902), Atlas, pi. xlv. 3 ;

des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres^ xvii. Ausgrabungen zu Sendschirli, iii.

Deuxieme Partie (Paris, 1848), p. 180 (Berlin, 1902) pi. xli. ; J. Garstang,

note1; W. M. Ramsay, "On the Early The Land of the Hittites, p. 291, with

Historical Relations between Phrygia plate Ixxvii. ; R. Koldewey, Die

and Cappadocia," Journal of the Hettitische Inschrift gefunden in der

Royal Asiatic Society, N.S. xv. (1883) Konigsburg von Babylon (Leipsic,

.pp. 113-120; G. Perrot et Ch. 1900), plates I and 2 (Wissenschaft-

CHAP. VI

THE GODS OF BOGHAZ-KEUI

'35

those of a bull ; for on another Hittite monument, found at
Malatia on the Euphrates, there is carved a deity in the
usual Hittite costume standing on a bull and grasping a
trident or thunderbolt in his left hand, while facing him
stands a priest clad in a long robe, holding a crook or curled
staff in one hand and pouring a libation with the other.1
The Hittite thunder-god is also known to us from a treaty
of alliance which about the year 1290 B.C. was contracted
between Hattusil, King of the Hittites, and Rameses II.,
King of Egypt By a singular piece of good fortune we
possess copies of this treaty both in the Hittite and in the

lie he Veroffentlichungen der Deutschen
Orient - Gesellschaft, Heft I ) ; L.
Messerschmidt, Corpus Inscriptionum
Hettiticarum, pi. i. 5 and 6; id.,
The Hittites (London, 1903), pp. 40-
42, with fig. 6 on p. 41 ; M. J.
Lagrange, £tudes sur les Religions
Semitiques* (Paris, 1905), p. 93.
The name of the god is thought to
have been Teshub or Teshup ; for a
god of that name is known from the
Tel-el-Amarna letters to have been
the chief deity of the Mitani, a people
of Northern Mesopotamia akin in
speech and religion to the Hittites,
but ruled by an Aryan dynasty. See
Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertumsp
i. 2. pp. 578, 591 sq., 636 sq. ; R. F.
Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian
Literature, pp. 222, 223 (where the
god's name is spelt Tishub). The
god is also mentioned repeatedly in
the Hittite archives which Dr. H.
Winckler found inscribed on clay
tablets at Boghaz - Keui. See H.
Winckler, "Vorlaufige Nachrichten
liber die Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-
kb'i im Sommer 1907," Mitteilungen
der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu
Berlin, No. 35, December 1907, pp.
13 sq., 32, 34, 36, 38, 39, 43, 44, 51
S1"> 535 "Hittite Archives from
Boghaz - Keui," translated from the
German transcripts of Dr. Winckler,
Annals of Archaeology and Anthro-
pology, iv. (Liverpool and London,
1912) pp. 90 sqq. As to the Mitani,
their language and their gods, see
H. Winckler, op. cit. pp. 30 sqq.t
46 sqq. In thus interpreting the

Hittite god who heads the procession
at Boghaz-Keui I follow my colleague
Prof. J. Garstang (The Land of the
Hittites, p. 237 ; The Syrian God-
dess, pp. 5 sqq.), who has kindly
furnished me with some notes on the
subject. I formerly interpreted the
deity as the Hittite equivalent of
Tammuz, Adonis, and Attis. But
against that view it may be urged that
(i) the god is bearded and therefore of
mature age, whereas Tammuz and his
fellows were regularly conceived as
youthful ; (2) the thunderbolt which he
seems to carry would be quite inappro-
priate to Tammuz, who was not a god
of thunder but of vegetation ; and (3)
the Hittite Tammuz is appropriately
represented in the procession of
women immediately behind the Mother
Goddess (see below, pp. 137 sq.), and it
is extremely improbable that he should
be represented twice over with differ-
ent attributes in the same scene.
These considerations seem to me con-
clusive against the interpretation of the
bearded god as a Tammuz and decisive
in favour of Professor Garstang's view
of him.

1 J. Garstang, " Notes of a Journey
through Asia Minor," Annals of Arch-
aeology and Anthropology, i. (Liverpool
and London, 1908) pp. 3 sq., with
plate iv.; id., The Land of the Hittites,
pp. 138, 359, with plate xliv. In this
sculpture the god on the bull holds in
his right hand what is described as a
triangular bow instead of a mace, an
axe, or a hammer.

136 THE BURNING OF SANDAN BOOK i

Egyptian language. The Hittite copy was found some
years ago inscribed in cuneiform characters on a clay tablet
at Boghaz-Keui ; two copies of the treaty in the Egyptian
language are engraved on the walls of temples at Thebes.
From the Egyptian copies, which have been read and trans-
lated, we gather that the thunder-god was the principal deity
of the Hittites, and that the two Hittite seals which were
appended to the treaty exhibited the King embraced by the
thunder-god and the Queen embraced by the sun-goddess of
Arenna.1 This Hittite divinity of the thundering sky appears
to have long survived at Doliche in Commagene, for in later
Jupiter Roman art he reappears under the title of Jupiter Dolichenus,
chenus wearing a Phrygian cap, standing on a bull, and wielding a
double axe in one hand and a thunderbolt in the other. In
this form his worship was transported from his native Syrian
home by soldiers and slaves, till it had spread over a large
part of the Roman empire, especially on the frontiers, where
it flourished in the camps of the legions.2 The combination
of the bull with the thunderbolt as emblems of the deity
suggests that the animal may have been chosen to represent
the sky-god for the sake not merely of its virility but of its
voice ; for in the peal of thunder primitive man may well
have heard the bellowing of a celestial bull.

1 A. Wiedemann, A'gyptische Ge- be published in the Liverpool Annals

schichte (Gotha, 1884), ii. 438-440; of Archaeology and Anthropology, Pro-

G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des fessor J. Garstang argues that Arenna

Peiiplesde F Orient Classique, ii. (Paris, is to be identified with the Cappa-

1897) pp. 401 sq. ; W. Max Miiller, docian Comana.
Der Biindnisvortrag Ramses' II, und

des Chetitirkb'nigS) pp. 17-19, 21 sq., 2 Ed. Meyer, "Dolichenus," in

38-44 (Mitteilungen der Vorderasia- W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech.

tischen Gesellschaft, 1902, No. 5, und rom. Mythologie, i. 1191-1194;

Berlin) ; L. Messerschmidt, The A. von Domaszewski, Die Religion

Hittites, pp. 14-19; J. H. Breasted, des romischen Heeres (Treves, 1895),

Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago, pp. 59 sq., with plate iiii. fig. i

1906-1907), iii. 163-174 ; id., A His- and 2 ; Franz Cumont, s.v. " Doliche-

tory of the Ancient Egyptians ( London, nus," in Pauly-^Vissowa's Real-Ency-

1908), p. 311 ; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte clopddie der classischen Altertums%uis-

des Altertums? i. 2. pp. 631, 635 sqq. ; senschaft, v. i. coll. 1276 sqq. ; J.

J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, Toutain, Les Cultes- pa'iens dans FEm-

pp. 347-349. The Hittite copy of the pire Remain, ii. (Paris, 1911) pp.

treaty was discovered by Dr. H. 35~43- For examples of the inscrip-

Winckler at Boghaz-Keui in 1906. tions which relate to his worship see

The identification of Arenna or Arinna H. Dessau, Inscriptions Latinae Selec-

is uncertain. In a forthcoming article, tae, vol. ii. Pars i. (Berlin, 1902) pp.

"The Sun Godfdess] of Arenna," to 167-172, Nos. 4296-4324.

CHAP, vi THE GODS OF BOGHAZ-KEUI 137

The goddess who at the head of the procession of women The
confronts the great sky-god in the sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui
is generally recognized as the divine Mother, the great
Asiatic goddess of life and fertility. The tall flat-topped
hat with perpendicular grooves which she wears, and the
lioness or panther on which she stands, remind us of the
turreted crown and lion-drawn car of Cybele, who was
worshipped in the neighbouring land of Phrygia across the
Halys.1 So Atargatis, the great Syrian goddess of Hiera-
polis-Bambyce, was portrayed sitting on lions and wearing
a tower on her head.2 At Babylon an image of a goddess
whom the Greeks called Rhea had the figures of two lions
standing on her knees.3

But in the rock-hewn sculptures of Boghaz-Keui, who is The youth
the youth with the tall pointed cap and double axe who Honess
stands on a lioness or panther immediately behind the great bearing
goddess ? His figure is all the more remarkable because he axg °tu
is the only male who interrupts the long procession of women. Boghaz-
Probably he is at once the divine son and the divine lover of beThe™*
the goddess ; for we shall find later on that in Phrygian divine son
mythology Attis united in himself both these characters.4 Ofthe

goddess.

1 As to the lions and mural crown und Europa, pp. 314 sq. It is to be
of Cybele see Lucretius, ii. 600 sqq. ; remembered that Hierapolis-Bambyce
Catullus, Ixiii. 76 sqq. ; Macrobius, was the direct successor of Carchemish,
Saturn, i. 23. 20 ; Rapp, s.v. the great Hittite capital on the Euph-
" Kybele,"inW. H. Roscher's Lexi&on rates, and may have inherited many
der griech. und rb'm. Mythologie, ii. features of Hittite religion. See
1644 sqq. A. H. Sayce, The Hittites? ppl 94

2 Lucian" De dea Syria, 31 ; Macro- sqq., 105 sqq. ; and as to the Hittite
bius, Saturn, i. 23. 19. Lucian's de- monuments at Carchemish, see J.
scription of her image is confirmed Garstang, The Land of the Hittites,
by coins of Hierapolis, on which the pp. 122 sqq.

goddess is represented wearing a high 3 Diodorus Siculus, ii. 9. 5.

head-dress and seated on a lion. See 4 In thus interpreting the youth

B. V. Head, Historia Numorum with the double axe I agree with Sir

(Oxford, 1887), p. 654; G. Mac- W. M. Ramsay (" On the Early His-

donald, Catalogue of Greek Coins in torical Relations between Phrygia and

the Hunterian Collection (Glasgow, Cappadocia," Journal of the Royal

1899-1905), iii. 139 sq. ; J. Gar- Asiatic Society, N.S. xv. (1883) pp.

stang, The Syrian Goddess, pp. 21 118, 120), C. P. Tiele (Geschichte der

sqq., 70, with fig. 7. That the name Religion im Altertum, i. 246, 255),

of the Syrian goddess of Hierapolis- and Prof. J. Garstang (The Land of

Bambyce was Atargatis is mentioned the Hittites, p. 235 ; The Syrian

by Strabo (xvi. i. 27, p. 748). On Goddess, p. 8). That the youthful

Egyptian monuments the Semitic god- figure on the lioness or panther repre-

dess Kadesh is represented standing on sents the lover of the great goddess is

a lion. See W. Max M tiller, Asien the view also of Professors Jensen and

138

THE BURNING OF SANDAN

BOOK I

The lioness or panther on which he stands marks his affinity
with the goddess, who is supported by a similar animal. It
is natural that the lion-goddess should have a lion-son and a
lion-lover. For we may take it as probable that the Oriental
deities who are represented standing or sitting in human form
on the backs of lions and other animals were originally
indistinguishable from the beasts, and that the complete
separation of the bestial from the human or divine shape was
a consequence of that growth of knowledge and of power
which led man in time to respect himself more and the
brutes less. The hybrid gods of Egypt with their human

Hommel. See P. Jensen, Hittiter
tind A rmenier, pp. 173-175, 180; F.
Hommel, Grundriss der Geographic
tend Geschichte des alten Orients, p. 5 1 .
Prof. Perrot holds that the youth in
question is a double of the bearded
god who stands at the head of the
male procession, their costume being
the same, though their attributes differ
(G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de
FArt dans F Antiquity iv. 65 1 ). But,
as I have already remarked, it is un-
likely that the same god should be
represented twice over with different
attributes in the same scene. The
resemblance between the two figures is
better explained on the supposition
that they are Father and Son. The
same two deities, Father and Son,
appear to be carved on a rock at
Giaour- Kalesi, a place on the road
which in antiquity may have led from
Ancyra by Gordium to Pessinus.
Here on the face of the rock are cut in
relief two gigantic figures in the usual
Hittite costume of pointed cap, short
tunic, and shoes turned up at the toes.
Each wears a crescent-hilted sword at
his side, each is marching to the
spectator's left with raised right hand ;
and the resemblance between them is
nearly complete except that the figure
in front is beardless and the figure be-
hind is bearded. See G. Perrot et
Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de FArt dans
F Antiquity iv. 714 sqq., with fig.
352 ; J. Garstang, The Land of the
Hittites, pp. 162-164. A similar, but
solitary, figure is carved in a niche of
the rock at Kara- Bel, but there the

deity, or the man, carries a triangular
bow over his right shoulder. See
below, p. 185.

With regard to the lionesses or
panthers, a bas-relief found at Car-
chemish, the capital of a Hittite
kingdom on the Euphrates, shows two
male figures in Hittite costume, with
pointed caps and turned - up shoes,
standing on a couching lion. The
foremost of the two figures is winged
and carries a short curved truncheon
in his right hand. According to Prof.
Perrot, the two figures represent a god
followed by a priest or a king. See G.
Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de FArt
dans F Antiquity iv. 549 sq. • ]. Gar-
stang, The Land of the Hittites, pp.
123 sqq. Again, on a sculptured slab
found at Amrit in Phoenicia we see a
god standing on a lion and holding a
lion's whelp in his left hand, while in
his right hand he brandishes a club or
sword/ See Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit.
iii. 412-414. The type of a god or
goddess standing or sitting on a lion
occurs also in Assyrian art, from which
the Phoenicians and Hittites may have
borrowed it. See Perrot et Chipiez,
op. cit. ii. 642-644. Much evidence as
to the representation of Asiatic deities
with lions has been collected by Raoul-
Rochette, in his learned dissertation
" Sur 1'Hercule Assyrien et Phenicien,"
Mtmoires de FAcadhnie des Inscriptions
et Belles- Lettres, xvii. Deuxieme Partie
(Paris, 1848), pp. 106 sqq. Compare
De Vogue, Melanges d? Archtologie
Orientale, pp. 44 sqq.

CHAP, vi THE GODS OF BOGHAZ-KEUI 139

bodies and animal heads form an intermediate stage in this
evolution of anthropomorphic deities out of beasts.

We may now perhaps hazard a conjecture as to the The
meaning of that strange colossal figure in the inner shrine at
Boghaz-Keui with its human head and its body composed of lion-god,
lions. For it is to be observed that the head of the figure is
youthful and beardless, and that it wears a tall pointed cap,
thus resembling in both respects the youth with the double-
headed axe who stands on a lion in the outer sanctuary.
We may suppose that the leonine figure in the inner shrine
sets forth the true mystic, that is, the old savage nature
of the god who in the outer shrine presented himself to his
worshippers in the decent semblance of a man. To the
chosen few who were allowed to pass the monster-guarded
portal into the Holy of Holies, the awful secret may have
been revealed that their god was a lion, or rather a lion-man,
a being in whom the bestial and human natures mysteriously
co-existed.1 The reader may remember that on the rock
beside this leonine dwinity is carved a group which represents
a god with his arm twined round the neck of his priest in an
attitude of protection, holding one of the priest's hands in
his own. Both figures are looking and stepping towards the
lion-monster, and the god is holding out his right hand as if
pointing to it. The scene may represent the deity revealing
the mystery to the priest, or preparing him to act his part in
some solemn rite for which all his strength and courage will
be needed. He seems to be leading his minister onward,
comforting him with an assurance that no harm can come
near him while the divine arm is around him and the divine
hand clasps his. Whither is he leading him ? Perhaps to
death. The deep shadows of the rocks which fall on the

1 Similarly in Yam, one of the but they did not know that the former

Torres Straits Islands, two brothers was a hammer-headed shark and the

named Sigai and Maiau were wor- latter a crocodile ; this mystery was

shipped in a shrine under the form of too sacred to be imparted to uninitiates.

a hammer-headed shark and a crocodile When the heroes were addressed it was

respectively, and were represented by always by their human names, and not

effigies made of turtle - shell in the by their animal or totem names." See

likeness of these animals. But " the A. C. Haddon, "The Religion of the

shrines were so sacred that no un- Torres Straits Islanders," Anthropo-

initiated persons might visit them, nor logical Essays presented to E. B. Tylor

did they know what they contained ; (Oxford, 1907), p. 185.
they were aware of Sigai and Maiau,

I4o THE BURNING OF SANDAN BOOK i

two figures in the gloomy chasm may be an emblem of
darker shadows soon to fall on the priest. Yet still he grasps
his pastoral staff and goes forward, as though he said, " Yea,
though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I
will fear no evil ; for thou art with me : thy rod and thy
staff they comfort me."

The If there is any truth in these guesses — for they are little

pr°ReSh°nS more — the three principal figures in the processional scene at
Keui Boghaz-Keui represent the divine Father, the divine Mother,

re^in and the divine Son- But we have sti11 to ask> What are
the Sacred they doing ? That they are engaged in the performance of
of 'the*86 some religious rite seems certain. But what is it ? We may
god and conjecture that it is the rite of the Sacred Marriage, and that
the scene is copied from a ceremony which was periodically
performed in this very place by human representatives of
the deities.1 Indeed, the solemn meeting of the male and
female figures at the head of their respective processions
obviously suggests a marriage, and has been so inter-
preted by scholars, who, however, regarded it as the
historical wedding of a prince and princess instead of the
mystic union of a god and goddess, overlooking or explain-
ing away the symbols of divinity which accompany the
principal personages.2 We may suppose that at Boghaz-
Keui, as at many other places in the interior of Asia Minor,
the government was in the hands of a family who combined
royal with priestly functions and personated the gods whose
names they bore. Thus at Pessinus in Phrygia, as we shall
see later on, the priests of Cybele bore the name of her
consort Attis, and doubtless represented him in the ritual.3

1 " There can be no doubt that Hittites, pp. 238 sq. ; The Syrian
there is here represented a Sacred Goddess, p. 7).
Marriage, the meeting of two deities 2 See above, p. 133.
worshipped in different places, like the 3 See below, p. 285. Compare the
Horus of Edfu and the Hathor of remarks of Sir W. M. Ramsay ("Pre-
Denderah " (C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,"
Religion im Altertum, i. 255). This Recueil de Travaux relatifs & la Philo-
view seems to differ from, though it logic et a FArchtologie Egyptiennes
approaches, the one suggested in the et Assyriennes, xiii. (1890) p. 78):
text. That the scene represents a " Similar priest-dynasts are a wide-
Sacred Marriage between a great god spread feature of the primitive social
and goddess is the opinion also of system of Asia Minor ; their existence
Prof. Ed. Meyer (Geschichte des is known with certainty or inferred
Altertums? i. 2. pp. 633 sq,}, and with probability at the two towns
Prof. J. Garstang ( The Land of the Komana ; at Venasa not far north

CHAP, vi THE GODS OF BOGHAZ-KEUI 141

If this was so at Boghaz-Keui, we may surmise that the chief
pontiff and his family annually celebrated the marriage of
the divine powers of fertility, the Father God and the Mother
Goddess, for the purpose of ensuring the fruitfulness of the
earth and the multiplication of men and beasts. The
principal parts in the ceremony would naturally be played
by the pontiff himself and his wife, unless indeed they
preferred for good reasons to delegate the onerous duty
to others. That such a delegation took place is perhaps
suggested by the appearance of the pontiff himself in a
subordinate place in the procession, as well as by his separate
representation in another place, as if he were in the act of
surveying the ceremony from a distance.1 The part of the
divine Son at the rite would fitly devolve upon one of the
high-priest's own offspring, who may well have been numer-
ous. For it is probable that here, as elsewhere in Asia
Minor, the Mother Goddess was personated by a crowd of
sacred harlots,2 with whom the spiritual ruler may have been
required to consort in his character of incarnate deity. But
if the personation of the Son of God at the rites laid a
heavy burden of suffering on the shoulders of the actor, it is
possible that the representative of the deity may have been
drawn, perhaps by lot, from among the numerous progeny
of the consecrated courtesans ; for these women, as incarna-
tions of the Mother Goddess, were probably supposed to
transmit to their offspring some portion of their own divinity.
Be that as it may, if the three principal personages in the Traces of
processional scene at Boghaz-Keui are indeed the Father, ^ong-'the
the Mother, and the Son, the remarkable position assigned Hittites.

of Tyana, at Olba, at Pessinous, at Pessinous was called Attis, the priests
Aizanoi, and many other places. Now of Sabazios were Saboi, the worship-
there are two characteristics which pers of Bacchos Bacchoi." As to the
can be regarded as probable in regard priestly rulers of Olba, see below,
to most of these priests, and as proved pp. 144 sqq.
in regard to some of them: (i) they i o r. TT
wore§the dress and represented the p * fS* ab°ve' ?' I32'. However>
person of the god, whose priests they ™:. ^^ ^ ^ "ght ™
were; (2) they were lepJU, losing ^^ that .the Pnes -like figure m
their individual name at their succession the P™KCefT * ??. really, that ° ,the
to the office, and assuming a sacred P"est but that °f th,e %°cd °r g°ddess

name, often that of the god himself or whom fhe Personated- See above, p.

, s. , , 1A 133 note,

some figure connected with the cultus

of the god. The priest of Cybele at 2 See above, pp. 36 sqq.

142 THE BURNING OF SANDAN BOOK i

to the third of them in the procession, where he walks
behind his Mother alone in the procession of women, appears
to indicate that he was supposed to be more closely akin to
her than to his Father. From this again we may con-
jecturally infer that mother-kin rather than father-kin was
the rule which regulated descent among the Hittites. The
conjecture derives some support from Hittite archives, for
the names of the Great Queen and the Queen Mother are
mentioned along with that of the King in state documents.1
The other personages who figure in the procession may
represent human beings masquerading in the costumes and
with the attributes of deities. Such, for example, are the
two female figures who stand on a double-headed eagle;
the two male figures stepping on what seem to be two
mountains ; and the two winged beings in the procession of
men, one of whom may be the Moon-god, for he wears a
crescent on his head.2

8 5. Sandan 'and Baal at Tarsus

o •*

Sandan at Whatever may be thought of these speculations, one thing

to seems fairly clear and certain. The figure which I have called

be a son of the divine Son at Boghaz-Keui is identical with the god San-
^an, wno aPPears on tne Pvre at Tarsus. In both personages

was a son the costume, the attributes, the attitude are the same. Both
represent a man clad in a short tunic with a tall pointed cap
on his head, a sword at his side, a double-headed axe in his
hand, and a lion or panther under his feet.3 Accordingly, if
we are right in identifying him as the divine Son at Boghaz-

1 H. Winckler, "Vorlaufige Nach- H. Winckler is right in thinking (op.

richten liber die Ausgrabungen in cit. p. 29) that one of the Hittite

Boghaz-koi im Sommer 1907," Mit- queens was at the same time sister to

teilungen der Deutschen Orient- Gesell- her husband the King, we should have

schaft, No. 35, December, 1907, pp. in this relationship a further proof that

27 sq.t 29; J. Garstang, The Land of mother-kin regulated the descent of

the Hittites, pp. 352 sq.\ "Hittite the kingship among the Hittites as

Archives from Boghaz-Keui," trans- well as among the ancient Egyptians.

lated from the German transcripts of See above, p. 44, and below, vol. ii.

Dr. Winckler by Meta E. Williams, pp. 213 sqq.

Annals of Archaeology and Anthro- 2 Com Ed. M Geschichtc

fology, iv (Liverpool and London, d Altertums? i. 2. pp. 629-633.
1912) p. 98. We have seen (above,

p. 136) that in the seals of the 3 The figure exhibits a few minor

Hittite treaty with Egypt the Queen variations on the coins of Tarsus. See

appears along with the King. If Dr. the works cited above, p. 127.

CHAP, vi SANDAN AND BAAL AT TARSUS 143

Keui, we may conjecture that under the name of Sandan he
bore the same character at Tarsus. The conjecture squares
perfectly with the title of Hercules, which the Greeks
bestowed on Sandan ; for Hercules was the son of Zeus, the
great father-god. Moreover, we have seen that the Baal of
Tarsus, with the grapes and the corn in his hand, was
assimilated to Zeus.1 Thus it would appear that at Tarsus
as at Boghaz-Keui there was a pair of deities, a divine Father
and a divine Son, whom the Greeks identified with Zeus
and Hercules respectively. If the Baal of Tarsus was a god
of fertility, as his attributes clearly imply, his identification
with Zeus would be natural, since it was Zeus who, in the
belief of the Greeks, sent the fertilizing rain from heaven.2
And the identification of Sandan with Hercules would be
equally natural, since the lion and the death on the pyre
were features common to both. Our conclusion then is that
it was the divine Son, the lion-god, who was burned in effigy
or in the person of a human representative at Tarsus, and
perhaps at Boghaz-Keui. Semitic parallels suggest that the
victim who played the part of the Son of God in the fiery
furnace ought in strictness to be the king's son.3 But no
doubt in later times an effigy would be substituted for the
man.

§ 6. Priestly Kings of Olba

Unfortunately we know next to nothing of the kings and Priests of
priests of Tarsus. In Greek times we hear of an Epicurean nTrcuies
philosopher of the city, Lysias by name, who was elected by at Tarsus.
his fellow-citizens to the office of Crown-wearer, that is, to
the priesthood of Hercules. Once raised to that dignity, he
would not lay it down again, but played the part of tyrant,
wearing a white robe edged with purple, a costly cloak, white
shoes, and a golden wreath of laurel. He truckled to the
mob by distributing among them the property of the wealthy,
while he put to death such as refused to open their money-
bags to him.4 Though we cannot distinguish in this account

1 Above, p. 119. 4 Athenaeus, v. 54, p. 215 B, c. The

2 The Magic Art and the Evolution high-priest of the Syrian goddess at
of Kings, ii. 358 sqq. Hierapolis held office for a year, and

3 The Dying God, pp. 166 sqq. wore a purple robe and a golden tiara

144

THE BURNING OF SAND AN

BOOK I

Kings of
Cilicia
related to
Sandan.

Priestly
kings of
Olba who
bore the
names of
Teucer and
Ajax.

between the legal and the illegal exercise of authority, yet
we may safely infer that the priesthood of Hercules, that is
of Sandan, at Tarsus continued down to late times to be
an office of great dignity and power, not unworthy to be
held in earlier times by the kings themselves. Scanty as is
our information as to the kings of Cilicia, we hear of two
whose names appear to indicate that they stood in some
special relation to the divine Sandan. One of them was
Sandu'arri, lord of Kundi and Sizu, which have been identi-
fied with Anchiale and Sis in Cilicia.1 The other was
Sanda-sarme, who gave his daughter in marriage to Ashur-
banipal, king of Assyria.2 It would be in accordance with
analogy if the kings of Tarsus formerly held the priesthood
of Sandan and claimed to represent him in their own person.
We know that the whole of Western or Mountainous
Cilicia was ruled by kings who combined the regal office
with the priesthood of Zeus, or rather of a native deity
whom, like the Baal of Tarsus, the Greeks assimilated to
their own Zeus. These priestly potentates had their seat
at Olba, and most of them bore the name either of Teucer
or of Ajax,3 but we may suspect that these appellations are
merely Greek distortions of native Cilician names. Teucer
(Teukros) may be a corruption of Tark, Trok, Tarku, or
Troko, all of which occur in the names of Cilician priests
and kings. At all events, it is worthy of notice that one,

(Lucian, De dea Syria, 42). We may
conjecture that the priesthood of
Hercules at Tarsus was in later times
at least an annual office.

1 E. Meyer, Geschichte des Alter-
thums, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) § 389, p.
475 ; H. Winckler, in E. Schrader's
Keilinschriften und das Alte Testa-
ment^ p. 88. Kuinda was the name
of a Cilician fortress a little way inland
from Anchiale (Strabo, xiv. 5. 10, p.
672).

2 E. Meyer, op. cit. i. § 393, p.
480 ; C. P. Tiele, Babylonisch-
assyrische Geschichte, p. 360. San-
don and Sandas occur repeatedly as
names of Cilician men. They are
probably identical with, or modified
forms of, the divine name. See
Strabo, xiv. 5. 14, p. 674 ; Plutarch,

Poplicola, 17 ; Corpus Inscriptionum
Graecarum, ed. August Boeckh, etc.
(Berlin, 1828-1877) vol. iii. p. 200,
No. 4401 ; Ch. Michel, Recueil d1 In-
scriptions Grecques (Brussels, 1900),
p. 718, No. 878; R. Heberdey und
A. Wilhelm, " Reisen in Kilikien,"
Denkschriften der Kaiser. Akademie
der Wis sens chaf ten, Philosoph.-histor.
Classe, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi.
pp. 46, 131 sq., 140 (Inscriptions 115,
218, 232).

3 Strabo, xiv. 5. 10, p. 672. The
name of the high-priest Ajax, son of
Teucer, occurs on coins of Olba, dat-
ing from about the beginning of our
era (B. V. Head, Historia Numorum,
Oxford, 1887, p. 609) ; and the name
of Teucer is also known from inscrip-
tions. See .below, pp. 145, 151, 159.

CHAP, vi PRIESTLY KINGS OF OLE A 145

if not two, of these priestly Teucers had a father called
Tarkuaris,1 and that in a long list of priests who served
Zeus at the Corycian cave, not many miles from Olba, trie
names Tarkuaris, Tarkumbios, Tarkimos, Tfokoarbasis, and
Trokombigremis, besides many other obviously native names,
occur side by side with Teucer and other purely Greek
appellations.2 In like manner the Teucrids, who traced The
their descent from Zeus and reigned at Salamis in Cyprus,3
may well have been a native dynasty, who concocted a in Cyprus.
Greek pedigree for themselves in the days when Greek
civilization was fashionable. The legend which attributed
the foundation of the Cyprian Salamis to Teucer, son of
Telamon, appears to be late and unknown to Homer.4 Burnt
Moreover, a cruel form of human sacrifice which was ^"J^n
practised in the city down to historical times savours victims at
rather of Oriental barbarity than of Greek humanity. Led ^^ traces
or driven by the youths, a man ran thrice round the altar ; of a similar
then the priest stabbed him in the throat with a spear and elsewhere.
burned his body whole on a heaped-up pyre. The sacrifice
was offered in the month of Aphrodite to Diomede, who
along with Agraulus, daughter of Cecrops, had a temple at
Salamis. A temple of Athena stood within the same

1 E. L. Hicks, "Inscriptions from bilingual Hittite and cuneiform inscrip-
Western Cilicia," Journal of Hellenic tion engraved on a silver seal. See
Studies, xii. (1891) pp. 226, 263; R. W. Wright, The Empire of the
Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, " Reisen Hittites^ (London, 1886), pp. 163
in Kilikien," Denkschriften der Kaiser. sqq. ; L. Messerschmidt, Corpus In-
Akademie der Wissenschaften, xliv. scriptionum Hettiticarum, pp. 42 sg.,
(1896) No. vi. pp. 53, 88. pi. xlii. 9; id., The Hittites, pp. 29

2 Ch. Michel, Recueil d"1 Inscriptions sq. ; P. Jensen, Hittiter tmd Armenier
Grecgues,pp.7i8sg<?.,No. 878. Tark- (Strasburg, 1898), pp. 22, 50 sq.
ondimotos was the name of two kings of In this inscription Prof. Jensen suggests
Eastern Cilicia in the first century B.C. Tarbibi- as an alternative reading for
One of them corresponded with Cicero Tarku-. Compare P. Kretschmer,
and fell at the battle of Actium. See Einleitung in die Geschichte der
Cicero, Epist. ad Familiares, xv. I. 2 ; griechischen Sprache (Gottingen, 1896),
Strabo, xiv. 5. 1 8, p. 676 ; Dio pp. 362-364.

Cassius, xli. 63. I, xlvii. 26. 2, 1. , Isocrat ^ [x and lg

if' 2\ /; 2- I Vv & V Pausanias, ii. 29. 2 and 4 ; W. E.
Plutarch, Antoninus, 61 ; B. V. Head, J, * '

ffistona Numorum (Oxford, 1887), ^ T^ ' and T^M see p

£ > W Dmenberger, Oruntis Kretsch ^ ^

Graeci Inscription* Selector (Leipsic,

prof> ^ belies t he

1903-1905), n. PP- 494 sf., Nos. population of Cyprus belonged

7S2> 7 S3- Moreover, Tarkudimme or , ^A L t- **•»*•-

rr, , . . f to the non-Aryan stock or Asia Minor.
Tarkuwassimi occurs as the name of a

king of Erme (?) or Urmi (?) in a 4 W. E. Engel, Kypros, i. 216.

PT. IV. VOL. I L

146 THE BURNING OF SANDAN BOOK i

sacred enclosure. It is said that in olden times the sacrifice
was offered to Agraulus, and not to Diomede. According
to another account it was instituted by Teucer in honour of
Zeus. However that may have been, the barbarous custom
lasted down to the reign of Hadrian, when Diphilus, king of
Cyprus, abolished or rather mitigated it by substituting the
sacrifice of an ox for that of a man.1 On the hypothesis here
suggested we must suppose that these Greek names of divine
or heroic figures at the Cyprian Salamis covered more or less
similar figures of the Asiatic pantheon. And in the Salaminian
burnt-sacrifice of a man we may perhaps detect the original
form of the ceremony which in historical times appears to
have been performed upon an image of Sandan or Hercules
at Tarsus. When an ox was sacrificed instead of a man,
the old sacrificial rites would naturally continue to be ob-
served in all other respects exactly as before : the animal
would be led thrice round the altar, stabbed with a spear,
and burned on a pyre. Now at the Syrian Hierapolis the
greatest festival of the year bore the name of the Pyre or
the Torch. It was held at the beginning of spring. Great
trees were then cut down and planted in the court of the
temple : sheep, goats, birds, and other creatures were hung
upon them : sacrificial victims were led round : then fire
was set to the whole, and everything was consumed in the
flames.2 Perhaps here also the burning of animals was a
substitute for the burning of men. When the practice of
human sacrifice becomes too revolting to humanity to be
tolerated, its abolition is commonly effected by substituting

1 Porphyry, De abstinentia, ii. 54 Beside the power of the Roman

sq. ; Lactantius, Divin. Inst. i. 21. governors, their authority can have

As to the date when the custom was been little more than nominal, like

abolished, Lactantius says that it was that of native rajahs in British India,

done "recently in the reign of Seleucus the Theologian may be, as

Hadrian." Porphyry says that the J. A. Fabricius supposed (Bibliotheca

practice was put down by Diphilus, Graeca^ Hamburg, 1780-1809, vol. i.

king of Cyprus, "in the time of p. 86, compare p. 522), the Alexandrian

Seleucus the Theologian." As nothing grammarian who composed a voluminous

seems to be known as to the date of work on the gods (Suidas, s.v.

King Diphilus and Seleucus the Theo- ZAeiwos). Suetonius tells an anecdote

logian, I have ventured to- assume, on (Tiberius, 56) about a grammarian

the strength of Lactantius's statement, named Seleucus who flourished, and

that they were contemporaries of faded prematurely, at the court of

Hadrian. But it is curious to find Tiberius,
kings of Cyprus reigning so late. 2 Lucian, De dea Syria, 49.

CHAP, vi PRIESTLY KINGS OF OLBA 147

either animals or images for living men or women. At
Salamis certainly, and perhaps at Hierapolis, the substitutes
were animals : at Tarsus, if I am right, they were images.
In this connexion the statement of a Greek writer as to the Burnt
worship of Adonis in Cyprus deserves attention. He says of^^
that as Adonis had been honoured by Aphrodite, the to Adonis.
Cyprians after his death cast live doves on a pyre to him,
and that the birds, flying away from the flames, fell into
another pyre and were consumed.1 The statement seems to
be a description of an actual custom of burning doves in
sacrifice to Adonis. Such a mode of honouring him would
be very remarkable, since doves were commonly sacred to
his divine mistress Aphrodite or Astarte. For example, at
the Syrian Hierapolis, one of the chief seats of her worship,
these birds were so holy that they might not even be
touched. If a man inadvertently touched a dove, he was
unclean or tabooed for the rest of the day. Hence the
birds, never being molested, were so tame that they lived
with the people in their houses, and commonly picked up
their food fearlessly on the ground.2 Can the burning of
the sacred bird of Aphrodite in the Cyprian worship of
Adonis have been a substitute for the burning of a sacred
man who personated the lover of the goddess ?

If, as many scholars think, Tark or Tarku was the name, The
or part of the name, of a great Hittite deity, sometimes xeucers
identified as the god of the sky and the lightning,3 we may ofoiba

1 Diogenianus, Praefatio, in Faroe- riennes, xiv. (1903) pp. 81 sq. ; C. P.
miographi Graed, ed. E. L. Leutsch Tiele, Geschichte der Religion im Al-
et F. G. Schneidewin (Gottingen, tertum, i. 251 ; W. Max Mtiller,
1839-1851), i. 180. Raoul-Rochette Asien und Europa, p. 333; P. Jen-
regarded the custom as part of the sen, Hittiter und Armenier, pp. 70,
ritual of the divine death and resurrec- 150 sqq.> 155 sqq. ; F. Hommel,
tion. He compared it with the burning Grundriss der Geographic und Ge-
of Melcarth at Tyre. See his memoir, schichte des alien Orients, pp. 44, 51
"Sur 1'Hercule Assyrien et Phenicien," sq. ; L. Messerschmidt, The Hittites,
Mtmoires de I* Academic des Inscriptions p. 40. Sir W. M. Ramsay thinks
et Belles- Lettres, xvii. Deuxieme Partie (I.e.) that Tark was the native name
(1848), p. 32. of the god who had his sanctuary at

2 Lucian, De dea Syria, 54. Dastarkon in Cappadocia and who was

3 A. H. Sayce, in W. Wright's called by the Greeks the Cataonian
Empire of the Hittites? p. 1 86 ; W. Apollo : his sanctuary was revered all
M. Ramsay, " Pre- Hellenic Menu- over Cappadocia (Strabo, xiv. 2. 5,
ments of Cappadocia," Recueil de p. 537). Prof. Hommel holds that
Travaux relatifs a la Philologie et Tarku or Tarchu was the chief Hittite
a V Archtologie Egyptiennes et Assy- deity, worshipped all over the south of

1 48 THE BURNING OF SANDAN BOOK i

perhaps conjecture that Tark or Tarku was the native name of the
a6natiteted Sod of Olba> whom the Greeks called Zeus, and that the
god Tark. priestly kings who bore the name of Teucer represented
the god Tark or Tarku in their own persons. This con-
jecture is confirmed by the observation that Olba, the
ancient name of the city, is itself merely a Grecized form
of Oura, the name which the place retains to this day.1
The situation of the town, moreover, speaks strongly in
favour of the view that it was from the beginning an
aboriginal settlement, though in after days, like so many
other Asiatic cities, it took on a varnish of Greek culture.
For it stood remote from the sea on a lofty and barren
tableland, with a rigorous winter climate, in the highlands
of Cilicia.

Western Great indeed is the contrast between the bleak windy

or Rugged Upiands of Western or Rugged Cilicia, as the ancients called
it, and the soft luxuriant lowlands of Eastern Cilicia, where
winter is almost unknown and summer annually drives the
population to seek in the cool air of the mountains a refuge
from the intolerable heat and deadly fevers of the plains.
In Western Cilicia, on the other hand, a lofty tableland,
ending in a high sharp edge on the coast, rises steadily
inland till it passes gradually into the chain of heights
which divide it from the interior. Looked at from the sea
it resembles a great blue wave swelling in one uniform
sweep till its crest breaks into foam in the distant snows
of the Taurus. The surface of the tableland is almost
everywhere rocky and overgrown, in the intervals of the
rocks, with dense, thorny, almost impenetrable scrub. Only
here and there in a hollow or glen the niggardly soil allows
of a patch of cultivation ; and here and there fine oaks and

Asia Minor. Prof. W. Max Muller is (1890) p. 458 ; id., "A Journey in

of opinion that Targh or Tarkh did not Cilicia Tracheia," Journal of Hellenic

designate any particular deity, but was Studies, xii. (1891) p. 222 ; W. M.

the general Hittite name for "god." Ramsay, Historical Geography of Asia

There are grounds for holding that the Minor (London, 1890), pp. 22, 364.

proper name of the Hittite thunder- Sir W. M. Ramsay had shown grounds

god was Teshub or Teshup. See for thinking that Olba was a Grecized

above, p. 135 note. form of a native name Ourba (pro-

1 J. T. Bent, " Explorations in nounced Ourwa) before Mr. J. T.

Cilicia Tracheia," Proceedings of the Bent discovered the site and the

Royal Geographical Society, N.S. xii. name.

CHAP, vi PRIESTLY KINGS OF OLE A 149

planes, towering over the brushwood, clothe with a richer
foliage the depth of the valleys. None but wandering
herdsmen with their flocks now maintain a precarious
existence in this rocky wilderness. Yet the ruined towns
which stud the country prove that a dense population lived
and throve here in antiquity, while numerous remains of
wine-presses and wine-vats bear witness to the successful
cultivation of the grape. The chief cause of the present
desolation is lack of water ; for wells are few and brackish,
perennial streams hardly exist, and the ancient aqueducts,
which once brought life and fertility to the land, have long
been suffered to fall into disrepair.

But for ages together the ancient inhabitants of these The
uplands earned their bread by less reputable means than
the toil of the husbandman and the vinedresser. They
were buccaneers and slavers, scouring the high seas with
their galleys and retiring with their booty to the inaccess-
ible fastnesses of their mountains. In the decline of Greek
power all over the East the pirate communities of Cilicia
grew into a formidable state, recruited by gangs of desper-
adoes and broken men who flocked to it from all sides.
The holds of these robbers may still be seen perched on
the brink of the profound ravines which cleave the table-
land at frequent intervals. With their walls of massive
masonry, their towers and battlements, overhanging dizzy
depths, they are admirably adapted to bid defiance to the
pursuit of justice. In antiquity the dark forests of cedar,
which clothed much of the country and supplied the pirates
with timber for their ships, must have rendered access to
these fastnesses still more difficult. The great gorge of the
Lamas River, which eats its way like a sheet of forked
lightning into the heart of the mountains, is dotted every
few miles with fortified towns, some of them still magnifi-
cent in their ruins, dominating sheer cliffs high above the
stream. They are now the haunt only of the ibex and the
bear. Each of these communities had its own crest or
badge, which may still be seen carved on the corners of the
mouldering towers. No doubt, too, it blazoned the same
crest on the hull, the sails, or the streamers of the galley
which, manned with a crew of ruffians, it sent out to prey

THE BURNING OF SANDAN

BOOK I

upon the rich merchantmen in the Golden Sea, as the corsairs
called the highway of commerce between Crete and Africa.
The deep A staircase cut in the rock connects one of these ruined

Rugeed°f cas^es with the river in the glen, a thousand feet below.
Ciiicia. But the steps are worn and dangerous, indeed impassable.
You may go for miles along the edge of these stupendous
cliffs before you find a way down. The paths keep on the
heights, for in many of its reaches the gully affords no
foothold even to the agile nomads who alone roam these
solitudes. At evening the winding course of the river may
be traced for a long distance by a mist which, as the heat
of the day declines, rises like steam from the deep gorge
and hangs suspended in a wavy line of fleecy cloud above
it. But even more imposing than the ravine of the Lamas
is the terrific gorge known as the Sheitan dere or Devil's
Glen near the Corycian cave. Prodigious walls of rock,
glowing in the intense sunlight, black in the shadow, and
spanned by a summer sky of the deepest blue, hem in
the dry bed of a winter torrent, choked with rocks and
tangled with thickets of evergreens, among which the
oleanders with their slim stalks, delicate taper leaves, and
bunches of crimson blossom stand out conspicuous.1

1 J. Theodore Bent, " Explorations
in Ciiicia Tracheia," Proceedings of the
Royal Geographical Society, N.S. xii.
(1890) pp. 445, 450-453; id., "A
Journal in Ciiicia Tracheia," Journal
of Hellenic Studies, xii. (1891) pp.
208, 210-212, 217-219; R. Heberdey
und A. Wilhelm, "Reisen in Kilikien,"
Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der
Wissenschaften, Philosoph. -historische
Classe, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi.
pp. 49, 70 ; D. G. Hogarth and J.
A. R. Munro, " Modern and Ancient
Roads in Eastern Asia Minor," Royal
Geographical Society, Supplementary
Papers, vol. iii. part 5 (London, 1893),
pp. 653 sq. As to the Cilician pirates
see Strabo, xiv. 5. 2, pp. 668 sq. ;
Plutarch, Pompeius, 24 ; Appian,
Be Hum Mithridat. 92 sq. ; Dio Cas-
sius, xxxvi. 20-24 [3-6], ed. L. Din-
dorf ; Cicero, De imperio Cn. Pompeii,
II sq. ; Th. Mommsen, Roman His-
tory (London, 1868), iii. 68-70, iv.

40-45, 118-120. As to the crests
carved on their towns see J. T. Bent,
"Cilician Symbols," Classical Review,
iv. (1890) pp. 321 sq. Among these
crests are a club (the badge of Olba),
a bunch of grapes, the caps of the
Dioscuri, the three-legged symbol, and
so on. As to the cedars and ship-
building timber of Ciiicia in antiquity
see Theophrastus, Historia Plantarum,
iii. 2. 6, iv. 5. 5. The cedars and firs
have now retreated to the higher
slopes of the Taurus. Great destruc-
tion is wrought in the forests by the
roving Yuruks with their flocks ; for
they light their fires under the trees,
tap the firs for turpentine, bark the
cedars for their huts and bee-hives,
and lay bare whole tracts of country
that the grass may grow for their
sheep and goats. See J. T. Bent,
in Proceedings of the Royal Geographi-
cal Society, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 453-
458.

CHAP, vi PRIESTLY KINGS OF OLE A 151

The ruins of Olba, among the most extensive and The site
remarkable in Asia Minor, were discovered in 1890 by
Mr. J. Theodore Bent. But three years before another
English traveller had caught a distant view of its battle-
ments and towers outlined against the sky like a city of
enchantment or dreams.1 Standing at a height of nearly
six thousand feet above the sea, the upper town commands
a free, though somewhat uniform, prospect for immense
distances in all directions. The sea is just visible far away
to the south. On these heights the winter is long and
severe. Snow lies on the ground for months. No Greek
would have chosen such a site for a city, so bleak and chill,
so far from blue water ; but it served well for a fastness
of brigands. Deep gorges, one of them filled for miles with
tombs, surround it on all sides, rendering fortification walls
superfluous. But a great square tower, four stories high,
rises conspicuous on the hill, forming a landmark and
earning for this upper town the native name of Jebel Hissar,
or the Mountain of the Castle. A Greek inscription cut
on the tower proves that it was built by Teucer, son of
Tarkuaris, one of the priestly potentates of Olba. Among
other remains of public buildings the most notable are forty
tall Corinthian columns of the great temple of Olbian Zeus.
Though coarse in style and corroded by long exposure to The
frost and snow, these massive pillars, towering above the
ruins, produce an imposing effect. That the temple of Zeus,
which they formed part belonged indeed to Olbian Zeus
is shown by a Greek inscription found within the sacred
area, which records that the pent-houses on the inner side
of the boundary wall were built by King Seleucus Nicator
and repaired for Olbian Zeus by " the great high-priest
Teucer, son of Zenophanes." About two hundred yards
from this great temple are standing five elegant granite
columns of a small temple dedicated to the goddess Fortune.
Further, the remains of two theatres and many other public
buildings attest the former splendour of this mountain city.
An arched colonnade, of which some Corinthian columns
are standing with their architraves, ran through the town ;

1 D. G. Hogarth, A Wandering Scholar in the Levant (London, 1896),
pp. 57 sq.

152

THE BURNING OF SANDAN

BOOK I

and an ancient paved road, lined with tombs and ruins,
leads down hill to a lower and smaller city two or three
miles distant. It is this lower town which retains the
ancient name of Oura. Here the principal ruins occupy
an isolated fir-clad height bounded by two narrow ravines
full of rock-cut tombs. Below the town the ravines unite
and form a fine gorge, down which the old road passed
seaward.1

Limestone
caverns of
Western
Cilicia.

§ 7. The God of the Cory dan Cave

Nothing yet found at Olba throws light on the nature
of the god who was worshipped there under the Greek name
of Zeus. But at two places near the coast, distant only
some fourteen or fifteen miles from Olba, a deity also called
Zeus by the Greeks was revered in natural surroundings
of a remarkable kind, which must have stood in close
relation with the worship, and are therefore fitted to
illustrate it. In both places the features of the landscape
are of the same general cast, and at one of them the god
was definitely identified with the Zeus of Olba. The
country here consists of a tableland of calcareous rock rent
at intervals by those great chasms which are characteristic
of a limestone formation. Similar fissures, with the
accompaniment of streams or rivers which pour into them
and vanish under ground, are frequent in Greece, and may be
observed in our own country near Ingleborough in Yorkshire.
Fossil bones of extinct animals are often found embedded in

1 J. Theodore Bent, " Explorations
in Cilicia Tracheia," Proceedings of the
Royal Geographical Society, N. S. xii.
(1890) pp. 445 sq., 458-460; id.,
" A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,"
Journal of Hellenic Studies t xii.
(1890) pp. 220-222 ; E. L. Hicks,
"Inscriptions from Western Cilicia,"
ib. pp. 262-270 ; R. Heberdey und
A. Wilhelm, " Reisen in Kilikien,"
Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der
Wissenschaften, Philos.-histor. Classe,
xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp.
83-91 ; W. M. Ramsay and D. G.
Hogarth, in American Journal of
Archaeology, vi. (1890) p. 345 ; Ch.

Michel, JRecueil d' Inscriptions Grec-
ques, p, 858, No. 1231. In one place
(Joiimal of Hellenic Studies, xii. 222)
Bent gives the height of Olba as
3800 feet ; but this is a misprint,
for elsewhere (Proceedings of the Royal
Geographical Society, N.S. xii. 446,
458) he gives the height as exactly
5850 or roughly 6000 feet. The mis-
print has unfortunately been repeated
by Messrs. Heberdey and Wilhelm
(op. cit. p. 84 note J). The tall tower
of Olba is figured on the coins of the
city. See G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the
Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and
Cilicia (London, 1900), pi. xxii. 8.

CHAP, vi THE GOD OF THE CORYCIAN CAVE 153

the stalagmite or breccia of limestone caves. For example,
the famous Kent's Hole near Torquay contained bones of
the mammoth, rhinoceros, lion, hyaena, and bear ; and red
osseous breccias, charged with the bones of quadrupeds
which have long disappeared from Europe, are common in
almost all the countries bordering on the Mediterranean.1
Western Cilicia is richer in Miocene deposits than any other
part of Anatolia, and the limestone gorges of the coast near
Olba are crowded with fossil oysters, corals, and other shells.2
Here, too, within the space of five miles the limestone
plateau is rent by three great chasms, which Greek religion
associated with Zeus and Typhon. One of these fissures is
the celebrated Corycian cave.

To visit this spot, invested with the double charm of The city
natural beauty and legendary renown, you start from the ofCorycus-
dead Cilician city of Corycus on the sea, with its ruined
walls, towers, and churches,, its rock-hewn houses and
cisterns, its shattered mole, its island-fortress, still imposing
in decay. Viewed from the sea, this part of the Cilician
coast, with its long succession of white ruins, relieved by the
dark wooded hills behind, presents an appearance of
populousness and splendour. But a nearer approach reveals
the nakedness and desolation of the once prosperous land.8
Following the shore westward from Corycus for about an
hour you come to a pretty cove enclosed by wooded heights,
where a spring of pure cold water bubbles up close to the
sea, giving to the spot its name of Tatlu-su^ or the Sweet
Water. From this bay a steep ascent of about a mile along
an ancient paved road leads inland to a plateau. Here, The
threading your way through a labyrinth or petrified sea of
jagged calcareous rocks, you suddenly find yourself on the
brink of a vast chasm which yawns at your feet. This is
the Corycian cave. In reality it is not a cave but an
immense hollow or trough in the plateau, of oval shape
and perhaps half a mile in circumference. The cliffs which

1 Sir Charles Lyell, Principles of - J. T. Bent, in Proceedings of the

Geology^ (London, 1875), ii. 518 sqg.; Royal Geographical Society, N.S. xii.

Encyclopaedia Britannica, Ninth Edi- (1890) p. 447.
tion, s.v. " Caves," v. 265 sqq.

Compare my notes on Pausanias, i. 35. 3 Fr. Beaufort, Karntania (London,

7, viii. 29. i. 1817), pp. 240 sq.

154 THE BURNING OF SAND AN BOOK i

enclose it vary from one hundred to over two hundred feet
in depth. Its uneven bottom slopes throughout its whole
length from north to south, and is covered by a thick jungle
of trees and shrubs — myrtles, pomegranates, carobs, and
many more, kept always fresh and green by rivulets, under-
ground water, and the shadow of the great cliffs. A single
narrow path leads down into its depths. The way is long
and rough, but the deeper you descend the denser grows the
vegetation, and it is under the dappled shade of whispering
leaves and with the purling of brooks in your ears that you
at last reach the bottom. The saffron which of old grew here
among the bushes is no longer to be found, though it still
flourishes in the surrounding district. This luxuriant bottom,
with its rich verdure, its refreshing moisture, its grateful
shade, is called Paradise by the wandering herdsmen. They
tether their camels and pasture their goats in it and come
hither in the late summer to gather the ripe pomegranates.
At the southern and deepest end of this great cliff-encircled
hollow you come to the cavern proper. The ruins of a
Byzantine church, which replaced a heathen temple, partly
block the entrance. Inwards the cave descends with a
gentle slope into the bowels of the earth. The old path
paved with polygonal masonry still runs through it, but
soon disappears under sand. At about two hundred feet
from its mouth the cave comes to an end, and a tremendous
roar of subterranean water is heard. By crawling on all
fours you may reach a small pool arched by a dripping
stalactite - hung roof, but the stream which makes the
deafening din is invisible. It was otherwise in antiquity.
A river of clear water burst from the rock, but only to
vanish again into a chasm. Such changes in the course
of streams are common in countries subject to earth-
quakes and to the disruption caused by volcanic agency.
The ancients believed that this mysterious cavern was
haunted ground. In the rumble and roar of the waters
they seemed to hear the clash of cymbals touched by hands
divine.1

1 Strabo, xiv. 5. 5, pp. 670 sq. \ Geographical Society r, N.S. xii. (1890)

Mela, i. 72-75, ed. G. Parthey ; J. pp. 446-448; id., "A Journey in

T. Bent, "Explorations in Cilicia Cilicia Tracheia," Journal of Hellenic

Tracheia," Proceedings of the Royal Studies, xii. (1891) pp. 212-214; R«

CHAP, vi THE GOD OF THE COR YCIAN CAVE 155

If now, quitting the cavern, we return by the same path Priests of
to the summit of the cliffs, we shall find on the plateau the 2S.cian
ruins of a town and of a temple at the western edge of the
great Corycian chasm. The wall of the holy precinct was
built within a few feet of the precipices, and the sanctuary
must have stood right over the actual cave and its
subterranean waters. In later times the temple was
converted into a Christian church. By pulling down a
portion of the sacred edifice Mr. Bent had the good fortune
to discover a Greek inscription containing a long list of
names, probably those of the priests who superintended the
worship. One name which meets us frequently in the list
is Zas, and it is tempting to regard this as merely a
dialectical form of Zeus. If that were so, the priests who
bore the name might be supposed to personate the god.1
But many strange and barbarous-looking names, evidently
foreign, occur in the list, and Zas may be one of them.
However, it is certain that Zeus was worshipped at the
Corycian cave ; for about half a mile from it, on the summit
of a hill, are the ruins of a larger temple, which an
inscription proves to have been dedicated to Corycian
Zeus.2

But Zeus, or whatever native deity masqueraded under The cave
his name, did not reign alone in the deep dell. A more g[a^te
dreadful being haunted a still more awful abyss which opens Typhon.
in the ground only a hundred yards to the east of the great
Corycian chasm. It is a circular cauldron, about a quarter

Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, " Reisen 1817), pp. 232-238 ; R. Heberdey

in Kilikien," Denkschriften der kaiser. und A. Wilhelm, op. cit. pp. 67-70.

Akademie der Wissenschaften Philos.- 1 The tion ig Mn A B

histar. Classe, xhv (1896) No. vi. pp. Cook,s> g» ^ ^ <4 The

70-79- Mr. p. G. Hogarth was so £u Sky-god," Classical Review,

good as to furnish me with some notes

g not£

embodying his recollections of the
Corycian cave. All these modern 2 J. T. Bent, in Proceedings of the

writers confirm the general accuracy of Royal Geographical Society, N..S. xii.

the descriptions of the cave given by (1890) p. 448; id., in Journal of

Strabo and Mela. Mr. Hogarth indeed Hellenic Studies, xii. (1891) pp. 214-

speaks of exaggeration in Mela's 216. For the inscription containing

account, but this is not admitted by the names of the priests see R.

Mr. A: Wilhelm. As to the ruins of Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, op. cit. pp.

the city of Corycus the coast, distant 71-79; Ch. Michel, Recueil cT Inscrip-

about three miles from the cave, see tions Grecques, pp. 718 sqq., No. 878 ;

Fr. Beaufort, Karmania (London, above, p. 145.

156 THE BURNING OF SAND AN BOOK i

of a mile in circumference, resembling the Corycian chasm
in its general character, but smaller, deeper, and far more
terrific in appearance. Its sides overhang and stalactites
droop from them. There is no way down into it. The
only mode of reaching the bottom, which is covered with
vegetation, would be to be lowered at the end of a long
rope. The nomads call this chasm Purgatory, to distinguish
it from the other which they name Paradise. They say
that there is a subterranean passage between the two, and
that the smoke of a fire kindled in the Corycian cave may
be seen curling out of the other. The one ancient writer
who expressly mentions this second and more grisly cavern
is Mela, who says that it was the lair of the giant Typhon,
and that no animal let down into it could live.1 Aeschylus
puts into the mouth of Prometheus an account of " the
earth-born Typhon, dweller in Cilician caves, dread monster,
hundred-headed," who in his pride rose up against the gods,
hissing destruction from his dreadful jaws, while from his
Gorgon eyes the lightning flashed. But him a flaming levin
bolt, crashing from heaven, smote to the very heart, and
now he lies, shrivelled and scorched, under the weight of
Etna by the narrow sea. Yet one day he will belch a fiery
hail, a boiling angry flood, rivers of flame, to devastate the
fat Sicilian fields.2 This poetical description of the monster,
confirmed by a similar passage of Pindar,3 clearly proves
that Typhon was conceived as a personification of those
active volcanoes which spout fire and smoke to heaven as
if they would assail the celestial gods. The Corycian caverns
are not volcanic, but the ancients apparently regarded them
as such, else they would hardly have made them the den of
Typhon.

Rattle of According to one legend Typhon was a monster, half

TeUShond man anc* kalf brute, begotten in Cilicia by Tartarus upon
the goddess Earth. The upper part of him was human, but
from the loins downward he was an enormous snake. In
the battle of the gods and giants, which was fought out in
Egypt, Typhon hugged Zeus in his snaky coils, wrested

1 Mela, i. 76, ed. G. Parthey (Berlin, 351-372.

1867). The cave of Typhon is 3 Pindar, Pyth. i. 30 sqq., who

described by J. T. Bent, ll.cc. speaks of the giant as "bred in the

2 Aeschylus, Prometheus Vinctus, many-named Cilician cave."

CHAP, vi THE GOD OF THE CORYCIAN CAVE is?

from him his crooked sword, and with the blade cut the
sinews of the god's hands and feet. Then taking him on
his back he conveyed the mutilated deity across the sea to
Cilicia, and deposited him in the Corycian cave. Here, too,
he hid the severed sinews, wrapt in a bear's skin. But
Hermes and Aegipan contrived to steal the missing thews
and restore them to their divine owner. Thus made whole
and strong again, Zeus pelted his beaten adversary with
thunderbolts, drove him from place to place, and at last
overwhelmed him under Mount Etna. And the spots where
the hissing bolts fell are still marked by jets of flame.1

It is possible that the discovery of fossil bones of large Fossil
extinct animals may have helped to localize the story of the bo"es of

r * extinct

giant at the Corycian cave. Such bones, as we have seen, animals
are often found in limestone caverns, and the limestone {^J^es
gorges of Cilicia are in fact rich in fossils. The Arcadians of giants.
laid the scene of the battle of the gods and the giants in the
plain of Megalopolis, where many bones of mammoths have
come to light, and where, moreover, flames have been seen
to burst from the earth and even to burn for years.2 These
natural conditions would easily suggest a fable of giants
who had fought the gods and had been slain by thunder-
bolts ; the smouldering earth or jets of flame would be
regarded as the spots where the divine lightnings had struck
the ground. Hence the Arcadians sacrificed to thunder and
lightning.3 In Sicily, too, great quantities of bones of
mammoths, elephants, hippopotamuses, and other animals
long extinct in the island have been found, and have been
appealed to with confidence by patriotic Sicilians as con-
clusive evidence of the gigantic stature of their ancestors or
predecessors.4 These remains of huge unwieldy creatures
which once trampled through the jungle or splashed in the
rivers of Sicily may have contributed with the fires of Etna
to build up the story of giants imprisoned under the volcano
and vomiting smoke and flame from its crater. " Tales of

1 Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 6. 3. bones of the giant Hopladamus.

2 Pausanias, viii. 29. i, with my o ,,

notes. Pausanias mentions (viii. 32. 5) Pausanias, viii. 29. i.

bones of superhuman size which were 4 A. Holm, Geschichte Siciliens im

preserved at Megalopolis, and which Alterthurn (Leipsic, 1870-1874), i. 57,

popular superstition identified as the 356.

iS8

THE BURNING OF SANDAN

BOOK I

Chasm of
Olbian
Zeus at
Kanytel-
ideis.

giants and monsters, which stand in direct connexion with
the finding of great fossil bones, are scattered broadcast over
the mythology of the world. Huge bones, found at Punto
Santa Elena, in the north of Guayaquil, have served as a
foundation for the story of a colony of giants who dwelt
there. The whole area of the Pampas is a great sepulchre
of enormous extinct animals ; no wonder that one great
plain should be called the * Field of the giants,' and that
such names as ' the hill of the giant,' ' the stream of the
animal/ should be guides to the geologist in his search for
fossil bones." l

About five miles to the north-east of the Corycian
caverns, but divided from them by many deep gorges and
impassable rocks, is another and very similar chasm. It
may be reached in about an hour and a quarter from the
sea by an ancient paved road, which ascends at first very
steeply and then gently through bush-clad and wooded hills.
Thus you come to a stretch of level ground covered with
the well-preserved ruins of an ancient town. Remains of
fortresses constructed of polygonal masonry, stately churches,
and many houses, together with numerous tombs and reliefs,
finely chiselled in the calcareous limestone of the neighbour-
hood, bear witness to the extent and importance of the place.
Yet it is mentioned by no ancient writer. Inscriptions prove
that its name was Kanyteldeis or Kanytelideis, which still
survives in the modern form of Kanidiwan. The great
chasm opens in the very heart of the city. So crowded are
the ruins that you do not perceive the abyss till you are
within a few yards of it. It is almost a complete circle,
about a quarter of a mile wide, three-quarters of a mile in
circumference, and uniformly two hundred feet or more in
depth. The cliffs go sheer down and remind the traveller
of the great quarries at Syracuse. But like the Corycian
caves, the larger of which it closely resembles, the huge
fissure is natural ; and its bottom, like theirs, is overgrown
with trees and vegetation. Two ways led down into it in
antiquity, both cut through the rock. One of them was a
tunnel, which is now obstructed ; the other is still open.

1 (Sir) Edward B. Tylor, Researches
into the Early History of Mankind*

(London, 1878), p. 322, who adduces
much more evidence of the same sort.

CHAP, vi THE GOD OF THE CORYCIAN CAVE 159

Remains of columns and hewn stones in the bottom of the
chasm seem to show that a temple once stood there. But
there is no cave at the foot of the cliffs, and no stream flows
in the deep hollow or can be heard to rumble underground.
A ruined tower of polygonal masonry, which stands on the
southern edge of the chasm, bears a Greek inscription stating
that it was dedicated to Olbian Zeus by the priest Teucer,
son of Tarkuaris. The letters are beautifully cut in the style
of the third century before Christ. We may infer that at
the time of the dedication the town belonged to the priestly
kings of Olba, and that the great chasm was sacred to
Olbian Zeus.1

What, then, was the character of the god who was The deity
worshipped under the name of Zeus at these two great °^tese
natural chasms ? The depth of the fissures, opening chasms
suddenly and as it were without warning in the midst of
a plateau, was well fitted to impress and awe the spectator; the Greeks,
and the sight of the rank evergreen vegetation at their probably^
bottom, fed by rivulets or underground water, must have a §od of
presented a striking contrast to the grey, barren, rocky embodied
wilderness of the surrounding tableland. Such a spot in

i 1 r 11 i. r tion a

must have seemed to simple folk a paradise, a garden of water.
God, the abode of higher powers who caused the wilder-
ness to blossom, if not with roses, at least with myrtles
and pomegranates for man, and with grass and underwood
for his flocks. So to the Semite, as we saw, the Baal of
the land is he who fertilizes it by subterranean water
rather than by rain from the sky, and who therefore dwells
in the depths of earth rather than in the height of heaven.2
In rainless countries the sky-god is deprived of one of the
principal functions which he discharges in cool cloudy
climates like that of Europe. He has, in fact, little or
nothing to do with the water-supply, and has therefore
small excuse for levying a water-rate on his worshippers.
Not, indeed, that Cilicia is rainless ; but in countries border-

1 J. T. Bent, " Explorations in Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, " Reisen

Cilicia Tracheia," Proceedings of the in Kilikien," Denkschriften der kaistr-

Royal Geographical Society, N.S. xii. lichen Akademie der Wissenschaften,

(1890) pp. 448 sq. ; id. , " A Journey Philosophisch-historische C/asse, xliv.

in Cilicia Tracheia, " Journal of Hellenic (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 51-61.
Studies, xii. (1891) pp. 208-210; R. 2 See above, pp. 26 sq.

160 THE BURNING OF SAND AN BOOK i

ing on the Mediterranean the drought is almost unbroken
through the long months of summer. Vegetation then
withers : the face of nature is scorched and brown : most
of the rivers dry up ; and only their white stony beds,
hot to the foot and dazzling to the eye, remain to tell
where they flowed. It is at such seasons that a green
hollow, a shady rock, a murmuring stream, are welcomed
by the wanderer in the South with a joy and wonder
which the untravelled Northerner can hardly imagine.
Never do the broad slow rivers of England, with their
winding reaches, their grassy banks, their grey willows
mirrored with the soft English sky in the placid stream,
appear so beautiful as when the traveller views them for
the first time after leaving behind him the aridity, the
heat, the blinding glare of the white southern landscape,
set in seas and skies of caerulean blue.

Analogy We may take it, then, as probable that the god of the

Gorman Corycian and Olbian caverns was worshipped as a source
and oibian of fertility. In antiquity, when the river, which now roars
ibreezand underground, still burst from the rock in the Corycian
the vale cave, the scene must have resembled Ibreez, where the god
Adonis °^ *he corn an<^ the vine was adored at the source of the
stream ; and we may compare the vale of Adonis in the
Lebanon, where the divinity who gave his name to the river
was revered at its foaming cascades. The three landscapes
had in common the elements of luxuriant vegetation and
copious streams leaping full-born from the rock. We shall
hardly err in supposing that these features shaped the con-
ception of the deities who were supposed to haunt the
favoured spots. At the Corycian cave the existence of a
second chasm, of a frowning and awful aspect, might well
suggest the presence of an evil being who lurked in it and
sought to undo the beneficent work of the good god. Thus
we should have a fable of a conflict between the two, a
battle of Zeus and Typhon.

TWO gods On the whole we conclude that the Olbian Zeus,

perhaps a worshipped at one of these great limestone chasms, and
father and clearly identical in nature with the Corycian Zeus, was
responding a^so identical with the Baal of Tarsus, the god of the corn
to the and the vine, who in his turn can hardly be separated from

CHAP, vi THE GOD OF THE CORYCIAN CAVE 161

the god of Ibreez. If my conjecture is right the native Baal and

name of the Olbian Zeus was Tark or Trok, and the priestly Tarus! °
Teucers of Olba represented him in their own persons. On
that hypothesis the Olbian priests who bore the name of
Ajax embodied another native deity of unknown name,
perhaps the father or the son of Tark. A comparison of
the coin -types of Tarsus with the Hittite monuments of
Ibreez and Boghaz-Keui led us to the conclusion that the
people of Tarsus worshipped at least two distinct gods, a
father and a son, the father-god being known to the Semites
as Baal and to the Greeks as Zeus, while the son was called
Sandan by the natives, but Hercules by the Greeks. We
may surmise that at Olba the names of Teucer and Ajax
designated two gods who corresponded in type to the two
gods of Tarsus ; and if the lesser figure at Ibreez, who
appears in an attitude of adoration before the deity of
the corn and the vine, could be interpreted as the divine
Son in presence of the divine Father, we should have in all
three places the same pair of deities, represented probably
in the flesh by successive generations of priestly kings. But
the evidence is far too slender to justify us in advancing this
hypothesis as anything more than a bare conjecture.

8 8. Cilidan Goddesses

«)

So far, the Cilician deities discussed have been males ; Goddesses
we have as yet found no trace of the great Mother Goddess prominent
who plays so important a part in the religion of Cappadocia than gods
and Phrygia, beyond the great dividing range of the Taurus.
Yet we may suspect that she was not unknown in Cilicia,
though her worship certainly seems to have been far less
prominent there than in the centre of Asia Minor. The
difference may perhaps be interpreted as evidence that
mother-kin and hence the predominance of Mother Goddesses
survived, in the bleak highlands of the interior, long after a
genial climate and teeming soil had fostered the growth of a
higher civilization, and with it the advance from female to
male kinship, in the rich lowlands of Cilicia. Be that as it
may, Cilician goddesses with or without a male partner are
known to have been revered in various parts of the country.

PT. IV. VOL. I M

162

THE BURNING OF SAND AN

BOOK I

The
goddess
'Atheh,
partner of
Baal at
Tarsus,
seems to
have been
a form of
Atargatis.

The lion-
goddess
and the
bull-god.

Thus at Tarsus itself the goddess 'Atheh was worshipped
along with Baal ; their effigies are engraved on the same coins
of the city. She is represented wearing a veil and seated upon
a lion, with her name in Aramaic letters engraved beside her.1
Hence it would seem that at Tarsus, as -at Boghaz-Keui, the
Father God mated with a lion -goddess like the Phrygian
Cybele or the Syrian Atargatis. Now the name Atargatis
is a Greek rendering of the Aramaic c Athar-'atheh, a com-
pound word which includes the name of the goddess of
Tarsus.2 Thus in name as well as in attributes the female
partner of the Baal of Tarsus appears to correspond to
Atargatis, the Syrian Mother Goddess whose image, seated
on a lion or lions, was worshipped with great pomp and
splendour at Hierapolis - Bambyce near the Euphrates.3

1 B. V. Head, Historia Ntimorum
(Oxford, 1887), p. 6 1 6. [However,
Mr. G. F. Hill writes to me: "The
attribution to Tarsus of the 'Atheh
coins is unfounded. Head himself
only gives it as doubtful. I should
think they belong further East." In
the uncertainty which prevails on this
point I have left the text unchanged.
Note to Second Edition. ]

2 The name 'Athar-'atheh occurs in
a Palmyrene inscription. See G. A.
Cooke, Text -book of North - Semitic
Inscriptions^ No. 112, pp. 267-270.
In analysing Atargatis into 'Athar-
'atheh ('Atar-'ata) I follow E. Meyer
(Geschichte des Altertums^ i. 2. pp.
605, 650 sq.), F. Baethgen (Beitrdge
zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte, pp.
68-75), Fr. Cumont (s.v. " Atargatis,"
Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopddie der
classischen Altertiimswissenschaft, ii.
1896), G. A. Cooke (I.e.), C. P. Tiele
(Geschichte der Religion im Altertum, i.
245), F. Hommel (Grundriss der Geo-
graphie und Geschichte des alien Orients,
pp. 43 sq.), Father Lagrange (Etudes
sur les Religions Stmitiques? p. 130),
and L. B. Paton (s.v. " Atargatis," J.
Hastings's Encyclopaedia of Religion
and Ethics, ii. 164 sq.). In the great
temple at Hierapolis - Bambyce a
mysterious golden image stood between
the images of Atargatis and her male
partner. It resembled neither of them,
yet combined the attributes of other

gods. Some interpreted it as Dionysus,
others as Deucalion, and others as
Semiramis ; for a golden dove, tradi-
tionally associated with Semiramis, was
perched on the head of the figure.
The Syrians called the image by a
name which Lucian translates "sign'
(tr^yu.Tjiov). See Lucian, De dea Syria,
33. It has been plausibly conjectured
by F. Baethgen that the name which
Lucian translates "sign" was really
'Atheh (nny), which could easily be
confused with the Syriac word for ' ' sign "
(JOIN). See F. Baethgen, op. cit. p.
73. A coin of Hierapolis, dating from
the third century A. D., exhibits the
images of the god and goddess seated
on bulls and lions respectively, with
the mysterious object between them
enclosed in a shrine, which is sur-
mounted by a bird, probably a dove.
See J. Garstang, The Syrian Goddess
(London, 1913), pp. 22 sqq., 70 sq.,
with fig. 7.

The modern writers cited at the
beginning of this note have inter-
preted the Syrian 'Atheh as a male
god, the lover of Atargatis, and
identical in name and character with
the Phrygian Attis. They may be
right ; but none of them seems to have
noticed that the same name 'Atheh
(nny) is applied to a goddess at Tarsus.

3 As to the image, see above, p.
137-

CHAP, vi CILICIAN GODDESSES 163

May we go a step farther and find a correspondence
between the Baal of Tarsus and the husband - god of
Atargatis at Hierapolis-Bambyce ? That husband-god, like
the Baal of Tarsus, was identified by the Greeks with Zeus,
and Lucian tells us that the resemblance of his image to the
images of Zeus was in all respects unmistakable. But his
image, unlike those of Zeus, was seated upon bulls.1 In
point of fact he was probably Hadad, the chief male god
of the Syrians, who appears to have been a god of thundei
and fertility ; for at Baalbec in the Lebanon, where the
ruined temple of the Sun is the most imposing monument
bequeathed to the modern world by Greek art in its decline,
his image grasped in his left hand a thunderbolt and ears of
corn,2 and a colossal statue of the deity, found near Zenjirli
in Northern Syria, represents him with a bearded human
head and horns, the emblem of strength and fertility.3 A
similar god of thunder and lightning was worshipped from
early times by the Babylonians and Assyrians ; he bore the
similar name of Adad and his emblems appear to have been
a thunderbolt and a bull. On an Assyrian relief his image
is represented as that of a bearded man clad in a short
tunic, wearing a cap with two pairs of horns, and grasping
an axe in his right hand and a thunderbolt in his left. His
resemblance to the Hittite god of the thundering sky was
therefore very close. An alternative name for this Baby-
lonian and Assyrian deity was Ramman, an appropriate

1 Lucian, De dea Syria, 31. Stmitiqucs? pp. 92 sq. That Hadad

2 Macrobius, Saturn, i. 23. 12 and was the consort of Atargatis at Hiera-
17-19. The Greek name of Baalbec polis-Bambyce is the opinion of P.
was Heliopolis, "the City of the Jensen (HittiterundArmenier, p. 171),
Sun." who also indicates his character as a

3 G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North- god both of thunder and of fertility (ib.,
Semitic Inscriptions, pp. 163, 164. p. 167). The view of Prof. J. Gar-
The statue bears a long inscription, stang is similar (The Syrian Goddess,
which in the style of its writing belongs pp. 25 sqq.). That the name of the
to the archaic type represented by the chief male god of Hierapolis-Bambyce
Moabite Stone. The contents of the was Hadad is rendered almost certain
inscription show that it is earlier than by coins of the city which were struck
the time of Tiglath-Pileser III. (745- in the time of Alexander the Great by
727 B.C.). On Hadad, the Syrian a priestly king Abd - Hadad, whose
thunder-god, see F. Baethgen, Beitrdge name means "Servant of Hadad."
zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte, pp. See B. V. Head, Historia Numo1^lm
66-68; C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der (Oxford, 1887), p. 654; J. Garstang,
Religion im Altertum, i. 248 sq. ; M. The Syrian Goddess, p. 27, with
J. Lagrange, Etudes sur les Religions fig. 5.

1 64 THE BURNING OF SAND AN BOOK i

term, derived from a verb ramdmu to " scream " or " roar." l
Now we have seen that the god of Ibreez, whose attributes
tally with those of the Baal of Tarsus, wears a cap adorned
with bull's horns ; 2 that the Father God at Boghaz-Keui,
meeting the Mother Goddess on her lioness, is attended by
an animal which according to the usual interpretation is a
bull ; 3 and that the bull itself was worshipped, apparently as
an emblem of fertility, at Euyuk near Boghaz-Keui.4 Thus
at Tarsus and Boghaz-Keui, as at Hierapolis-Bambyce, the
Father God and the Mother Goddess would seem to have
had as their sacred animals or emblems the bull and the lion
in later respectively. In later times, under Greek influence, the
times the goddess was apparently exchanged for, or converted into,
goddess the Fortune of the City, who appears on coins of Tarsus as
Fbitune ^f a seatec* woman witn veiled and turreted head, grasping ears
the city, of corn and a poppy in her hand. Her lion is gone, but a
trace of him perhaps remains on a coin which exhibits the
throne of the goddess adorned with a lion's leg.5 In general
it would seem that the goddess Fortune, who figures com-
monly as the guardian of cities in the Greek East, especially
in Syria, was nothing but a disguised form of Gad, the
Semitic god of fortune or luck, who, though the exigencies of
grammar required him to be masculine, is supposed to have
been often merely a special aspect of the great goddess
Astarte or Atargatis conceived as the patroness and protector
of towns.6 In Oriental religion such permutations or com-
binations need not surprise us. To the gods all things are

1 H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Die 2 See above, pp. 121, 123.

Keilinschriften und das Alte Testa- 3 See above> p I3O However

meni* pp. 442-449 5 M. Jastrow, Die the animal seems to be rather a t>

Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens See above, p. 133 note.
(Giessen, 1905-1912), i. 146-150, 4

with Bildermappe, plate 32, fig. 97.

The Assyrian relief is also figured in W. 5 G- F- Hill> Catalogue of the

H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und Greek C*>*"s °f Lycaonia, hauria,

rom. Mythologie, s.v. " Marduk," ii. and Cilicia, pp. 181, 182, 185, 188,

2350. The Babylonian ram&mu "to 190. 228.

scream, roar " has its equivalent in 6 E. Meyer, Geschichte des Alter-

the Hebrew rdam (ojn) "to thunder." thums, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) pp. 246 sq. ;

The two names Adad (Hadad) and F. Baethgen, Beitrdge zur semitischen

Ramman occur together in the form Religionsgeschichte, pp. 76 sqq. The

Hadadrimmon in Zechariah, xii. 1 1 idolatrous Hebrews spread tables for

(with S. R. Driver's note, Century Gad, that is, for Fortune (Isaiah Ixv.

Bible}. n, Revised Version).

CHAP, vi CILICIAN GODDESSES 165

possible. In Cyprus the goddess of love wore a beard,1 and
Alexander the Great sometimes disported himself in the
costume of Artemis, while at other times he ransacked the
divine wardrobe to figure in the garb of Hercules, of Hermes,
and of Ammon.2 The change of the goddess 'Atheh of
Tarsus into Gad or Fortune would be easy if we suppose
that she was known as Gad-f Atheh, " Luck of 'Atheh," which
occurs as a Semitic personal name.3 In like manner the
goddess of Fortune at Olba, who had her small temple
beside the great temple of Zeus,4 may have been originally
the consort of the native god Tark or Tarku.

Another town in Cilicia where an Oriental god and The
goddess appear to have been worshipped together was Mallus. g^^a
The city was built on a height in the great Cilician plain his wife at
near the mouth of the river Pyramus.5 Its coins exhibit
two winged deities, a male and a female, in a kneeling or
running attitude. On some of the coins the male deity is
represented, like Janus, with two heads facing opposite ways,
and with two pairs of wings, while beneath him is the fore-
part of a bull with a human head. The obverse of the
coins which bear the female deity displays a conical stone,
sometimes flanked by two bunches of grapes.6 This
conical stone, like those of other Asiatic cities,7 was probably
the emblem of a Mother Goddess, and the bunches of grapes
indicate her fertilizing powers. The god with the two heads

1 Macrobius, Saturn, iii. 8. 2 ; the female figure and conical stone has
Servius on Virgil, Aen. ii. 632. been questioned by Messrs. J. P. Six

2 Ephippus, cited by Athenaeus, xii. and G. F. Hill. I follow the view
53» P- 537- °^ Messrs. F. Imhoof-Blumer and

3 F. Baethgen, op. cit. p. 77; G. B. V. Head. [However Mr. G. F. Hill
A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semitic writes to me that the attribution of these
Inscriptions, p. 269. " coms to Mallus 1S no lonSer maintained

4 u by any one- Imhoof-Blumer himself
bee above, p. 151. now conjecturany assigns them to
Strabo, xiv. 5. 16, p. 675. Aphrodisias in Cilicia, and Mr. Hill

6 B. V. Head, Historia Numorum regards this conjecture as very plausible.
(Oxford, 1887), pp. 605 sq.\ G. F. Hill, See F. Imhoof-Blumer, Kleinasiatische
Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Miinzen (Vienna, 1901-1902), ii. 435
Isauria, and Cilicia, pp. cxvii. sqq.,^- sq. In the uncertainty which still pre-
98, plates xv. xvi. xl. 9 ; G. Macdonald, vails on the subject I have left the text
Catalogue of Greek Coins in the unchanged. For my purpose it matters
Hunterian Collection, ii. 536 sq., pi. little whether this Cilician goddess was
lix. 11-14. The male and female worshipped at Mallus or at Aphro-
figures appear on separate coins. The disias. Note to Second Edition.']
attribution to Mallus of the coins with <" See above, pp. 34 sq.

1 66

THE BURNING OF SANDAN

BOOK I

Assimila-
tion of
native
Oriental
deities to
Greek
divinities.

and four wings can hardly be any other than the Phoenician
El, whom the Greeks called Cronus ; for El was characterized
by four eyes, two in. front and two behind, and by three
pairs of wings.1 A discrepancy in the number of wings can
scarcely be deemed fatal to the identification. The god may
easily have moulted some superfluous feathers on the road from
Phoenicia to Mallus. On later coins of Mallus these quaint
Oriental deities disappear, and are replaced by corresponding
Greek deities, particularly by a head of Cronus on one side
and a figure of Demeter, grasping ears of corn, on the other.2
The change doubtless sprang from a wish to assimilate the
ancient native divinities to the new and fashionable divinities
of the Greek pantheon. If Cronus and Demeter, the harvest
god and goddess, were chosen to supplant El and his female
consort, the ground of the choice must certainly have been
a supposed resemblance between the two pairs of deities.
We may assume, therefore, that the discarded couple, El and
his wife, had also been worshipped by the husbandman as
sources of fertility, the givers of corn and wine. One of these
later coins of Mallus exhibits Dionysus sitting on a vine
laden with ripe clusters, while on the obverse is seen a male
figure guiding a yoke of oxen as if in the act of ploughing.3
These types of the vine-god and the ploughman probably
represent another attempt to adapt the native religion to
changed conditions, to pour the old Asiatic wine into new
Greek bottles. The barbarous monster with the multiplicity
of heads and wings has been reduced to a perfectly human
Dionysus. The sacred but deplorable old conical stone no
longer flaunts proudly on the coins ; it has retired to a
decent obscurity in favour of a natural and graceful vine. It
is thus that a truly progressive theology keeps pace with the
march of intellect. But if these things were done by the
apostles of culture at Mallus, we cannot suppose that the
clergy of Tarsus, the capital, lagged behind their pro-

1 Philo of Byblus, in Fragmenta
Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Muller,
iii. 569. El is figured with three pairs
of wings on coins of Byblus. See G.
Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples
de F Orient Classique, ii. 174; M. J.
Lagrange, Etudes sur les Religions

Stmitiques? p. 72.

2 Imhoof-Blumer, s.v. "Kronos,"
in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der
griech.und rb'm. Mythologie, ii. 1572;
G. F. Hill, Catalogue of Greek Coins
of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia, pp.
cxxii. 99, pi. xvii. 2.

3 G. F. Hill, op. cit. pp. cxxi. sq., 98,
pi. xvii. i.

CHAP, vi C1LICIAN GODDESSES 167

vincial brethren in their efforts to place the ancient faith
upon a sound modern basis. The fruit of their labours
seems to have been the more or less nominal substitu-
tion of Zeus, Fortune, and Hercules for Baal, 'Atheh, and
Sandan.1

We may suspect that in like manner the Sarpedonian Sarpe-
Artemis, who had a sanctuary in South-Eastern Cilicia, near
the Syrian border, was really a native goddess parading in
borrowed plumes. She gave oracular responses by the
mouth of inspired men, or more probably of women, who in
their moments of divine ecstasy may have been deemed
incarnations of her divinity.2 Another even more trans- The
parently Asiatic goddess was Perasia, or Artemis Perasia,
who was worshipped at Hieropolis-Castabala in Eastern Hieropoiis-
Cilicia. The extensive ruins of the ancient city, now known Castabala-
as Bodroum, cover the slope of a hill about three-quarters
of a mile to the north x)f the river Pyramus. Above them
towers the acropolis, built on the summit of dark grey
precipices, and divided from the neighbouring mountain by
a deep cutting in the rock. A mediaeval castle, built of
hewn blocks of reddish-yellow limestone, has replaced the
ancient citadel. The city possessed a large theatre, and
was traversed by two handsome colonnades, of which some
columns are still standing among the ruins. A thick growth
of brushwood and grass now covers most of the site, and the
place is wild and solitary. Only the wandering herdsmen
encamp near the deserted city in winter and spring. The
neighbourhood is treeless ; yet in May magnificent fields of
wheat and barley gladden the eye, and in the valleys the

1 Another native Cilician deity who headland called Sarpedon near the
masqueraded in Greek dress was prob- mouth of the Calycadnus River in
ably the Olybrian Zeus of Anazarba or Western Cilicia (Strabo, xiii. 4. 6, p.
Anazarbus, but of his true nature and 627, xiv. 5. 4, p. 670), where Sarpe-
worship we know nothing. See W. don or Sarpedonian Apollo had a temple
Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscrip- and an oracle. The temple was hewn
tiones Selectae (Leipsic, 1903-1905), ii. in the rock, and contained an image
p. 267, No. 577 ; Stephanus Byzantius, of the god. See R. Heberdey und
s.v. "A5aj>a (where the MS. reading A. Wilhelm, " Reisen in Kilikien,"
OXu/x/3/Dos was wrongly changed by Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie
Salmasius into"OXy/a7ros). der Wissenschaften, Philosoph.-histor.

2 Strabo, xiv. 5. 19, p. 676. The Classe, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi.
expression of Strabo leaves it doubtful pp. 100, 107. Probably this Sarpe-
whether the ministers of the goddess donian Apollo was a native deity akin
were men or women. There was a to Sarpedonian Artemis.

i68

THE BURNING OF SANDAN

BOOK I

The fire-
worship

Perasia.

clover grows as high as the horses' knees.1 The ambiguous
nature of the goddess who presided over this City of the
Sanctuary(//2m?/>0/z'.r)2 was confessed by a puzzled worshipper,
a physician named Lucius Minius Claudianus, who confided
his doubts to the deity herself in some very indifferent Greek
verses. He wisely left it to the goddess to say whether she
was Artemis, or the Moon-, or Hecate, or Aphrodite, or
Demeter.3 All that we know about her is that her true name
was Perasia, and that she was in the enjoyment of certain
revenues.4 Further, we may reasonably conjecture that at
the Cilician Castabala she was worshipped with rites like
those which were held in honour of her namesake Artemis
Perasia at another city of the same name, Castabala in
Cappadocia. There, as we saw, the priestesses of the goddess
walked over fire with bare feet unscathed.5 Probably the

1 E. J. Davis, Life in Asiatic Turkey,
pp. 128-134; J.T. Bent, "Recent Dis-
coveries in Eastern Cilicia," Journal of
Hellenic Studies, xi. (1890) pp. 234
sq. ; E. L. Hicks, "Inscriptions from
Eastern Cilicia," ibid. pp. 243 sqq. ;
R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, op. cit.
pp. 25 sqq. The site of Hieropolis-
Castabala was first identified by J. T.
Bent by means of inscriptions. As to
the coins of the city, see Fr. Imhoof-
Blumer, "Zur Miinzkunde Kilikiens,"
Zeitschrift fur Numismatik, x. (1883)
pp. 267-290 ; G. F. Hill, Catalogue of
the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria,
and Cilicia, pp. c. -cii. 82-84, pi. xiv.
1-6 ; G. Macdonald, Catalogue of Greek
Coins in the Hunterian Collection, ii.
534 sq.

2 On the difference between Hiero-
polis and Hierapolis see (Sir) W. M.
Ramsay, Historical Geography of Asia
Minor, pp. 84 sq. According to him,
the cities designated by such names
grew up gradually round a sanctuary ;
where Greek influence prevailed the
city in time eclipsed the sanctuary and
became known as Hierapolis, or the
Sacred City, but where the native
element retained its predominance the
city continued to be known as Hiero-
polis, or the City of the Sanctuary.

3 E. L. Hicks, "Inscriptions from
Eastern Cilicia," Journal of Hellenic

Studies, xi. (1890) pp. 251-253; R.
Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, op. cit. p.
26. These writers differ somewhat in
their reading and restoration of the
verses, which are engraved on a lime-
stone basis among the ruins. I follow
the version of Messrs. Heberdey and
Wilhelm.

4 J. T. Bent and E. L. Hicks, op. cit.
pp. 235, 246 sq. ; R. Heberdey und
A. Wilhelm, op. cit. p. 27.

5 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. See
above, p. 115. The Cilician Castabala,
the situation of which is identified by
inscriptions, is not mentioned by Strabo.
It is very unlikely that, with his inti-
mate knowledge of Asia Minor, he
should have erred so far as to place the
city in Cappadocia, to the north of the
Taurus mountains, instead of in Cilicia,
to the south of them. It is more prob-
able that there were two cities of the
same name, and that Strabo has omitted
to mention one of them. Similarly, there
were two cities called Comana, one in
Cappadocia and one in Pontus ; at both
places the same goddess was worshipped
with similar rites. See Strabo, xii. 2.
3, p. 535, xii. 3. 32, p. 557. The
situation of the various Castabalas
mentioned by ancient writers is dis-
cussed by F. Imhoof- Blumer, "Zur
Miinzkunde Kilikiens," Zeitschrift fur
Numismatik, x. (1883) pp. 285-288.

CHAP, vi CILICIAN GODDESSES 169

same impressive ceremony was performed before a crowd of
worshippers in the Cilician Castabala also. Whatever the
exact meaning of the rite may have been, the goddess was
in all probability one of those Asiatic Mother Goddesses to
whom the Greeks often applied the name of Artemis.1 The
immunity enjoyed by the priestess in the furnace was
attributed to her inspiration by the deity. In discussing the insensi-
nature of inspiration or possession by a deity, the Syrian bll!ty to
philosopher Jamblichus notes as one of its symptoms a total garded as
insensibility to pain. Many inspired persons, he tells us, " are 5
not burned by fire, the fire not taking hold of them by reason
of the divine inspiration ; and many, though they are
burned, perceive it not, because at the time they do not live
an animal life. They pierce themselves with skewers and
feel nothing. They gash their backs with hatchets, they
slash their arms with daggers, and know not what they do,
because their acts are not those of mere men. For impass-
able places become passable to those who are filled with the
spirit. They rush into fire, they pass through fire, they cross
rivers, like the priestess at Castabala. These things prove
that under the influence of inspiration men are beside them-
selves, that their senses, their will, their life are those neither
of man nor of beast, but that they lead another and a diviner
life instead, whereby they are inspired and wholly possessed."2
Thus in traversing the fiery furnace the priestesses of Perasia
were believed to be beside themselves, to be filled with the
goddess, to be in a real sense incarnations of her divinity.3

A similar touchstone of inspiration is still applied by
some villagers in the Himalayan districts of North- Western

1 See The Magic Art and the Evolu- Religion of the Semites? pp. 197 sqq.
tion of Kings, i. 37 sq. The site of Magarsus appears to be at

2 Jamblichus, De mysteriis, iii. 4. ^aratash, a hill rising from the sea at

the southern extremity of the Cilician

3 Another Cilician goddess was plain, about forty-five miles due south
Athena of Magarsus, to whom Alex- of Adana. The walls of the city, built
ander the Great sacrificed before the of great limestone blocks, are standing
battle of Issus. See Arrian, Anabasis, to a height of several courses, and an
ii. 5. 9 ; Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. inscription which mentions the priests
Mdyapa-os ; J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lyco- of Magarsian Athena has been found
phron, 444. The name of the city seems On the spot. See R. Heberdey und A.
to be Oriental, perhaps derived from the Wilhelm, " Reisen in Kilikien," Denk-
Semitic word for " cave " (rnj»). As schriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wis-
to the importance of caves in Semitic senschaften, Philosoph.-histor. Classe,
religion, see W. Robertson Smith, xliv. (1896) No. vi. pp. 6-10.

i;o THE BURNING OF SANDAN BOOK i

India. Once a year they worship Airi, a local deity, who is
represented by a trident and has his temples on lonely hills
and desolate tracts. At his festival the people seat them-
selves in a circle about a bonfire. A kettle-drum is beaten,
and one by one his worshippers become possessed by the
god and leap with shouts round the flames. Some brand
themselves with heated iron spoons and sit down in the fire.
Such as escape unhurt are believed to be truly inspired,
while those who burn themselves are despised as mere pre-
tenders to the divine frenzy. Persons thus possessed by the
spirit are called Airi's horses or his slaves. During the
revels, which commonly last about ten days, they wear
red scarves round their heads and receive alms from the
faithful. These men deem themselves so holy that they
will let nobody touch them, and they alone may touch
the sacred trident, the emblem of their god.1 In Western
Asia itself modern fanatics still practise the same austerities
which were practised by their brethren in the days of
Jamblichus. " Asia Minor abounds in dervishes of different
orders, who lap red-hot iron, calling it their ' rose,' chew
coals of living fire, strike their heads against solid walls,
stab themselves in the cheek, the scalp, the temple, with
sharp spikes set in heavy weights, shouting ' Allah, Allah,'
and always consistently avowing that during such frenzy
they are entirely insensible to pain." 2

§ 9. The Burning of Cilician Gods

The divine On the whole, then, we seem to be justified in concluding
'Atheh,a tnat under a thin veneer of Greek humanity the barbarous
and native gods of Cilicia continued long to survive, and that

Sandan, at ° t , . . . ,

Tarsus may among them the great Asiatic goddess retained a place,
have been though not the prominent place which she held in the
by priests highlands of the interior down at least to the beginning of
a"iestesses our era. The principle that the inspired priest or priestess
represents the deity in person appears, if I am right, to

1 E. T. Atkinson, The Himalayan 2 The Rev. G. E. White (Missionary

Districts of the North- Western Pro- at Marsovan, in the ancient Pontus), in

vinces of India, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) a letter to me dated 19 Southmoor

pp. 826 sq. Road, Oxford, February II, 1907. '

CHAP, vi THE BURNING OF CILICIAN GODS 171

have been recognized at Castabala and at Olba, as well
as at the sanctuary of Sarpedonian Artemis. There
can be no intrinsic improbability, therefore, in the view
that at Tarsus also the divine triad of Baal, 'Atheh,
and Sandan may also have been personated by priests and
priestesses, who, on the analogy of Olba and of the great
sanctuaries in the interior of Asia Minor, would originally
be at the same time kings and queens, princes and princesses.
Further, the burning of Sandan in effigy at Tarsus would,
on this hypothesis, answer to the walk of the priestess of
Perasia through the furnace at Castabala. Both were
perhaps mitigations of a custom of putting the priestly
king or queen, or another member of the royal family, to
death by fire.

CHAPTER VII

SARDANAPALUS AND HERCULES

Tarsus said
to have
been
founded
by the
Assyrian
king Sar-
danapalus,
who
burned
himself on
a pyre.

§ I . The Burning of Sardanapalus

THE theory that kings or princes were formerly burned to
death at Tarsus in the character of gods is singularly con-
firmed by another and wholly independent line of argument.
For, according to one account, the city of Tarsus was founded
not by Sandan but by Sardanapalus, the famous Assyrian
monarch whose death on a great pyre was one of the most
famous incidents in Oriental legend. Near the sea, within
a day's march of Tarsus, might be seen in antiquity the
ruins of a great ancient city named Anchiale, and outside
its walls stood a monument called the monument of
Sardanapalus, on which was carved in stone the figure of
the monarch. He was represented snapping the fingers
of his right hand, and the gesture was explained by an
accompanying inscription, engraved in Assyrian characters,
to the following effect : — " Sardanapalus, son of Anacyndar-
axes, built Anchiale and Tarsus in one day. Eat, drink,
and play, for everything else is not worth that," by which
was implied that all other human affairs were not worth a
snap of the fingers.1 The gesture may have been misin-

J. Davis, Life in Asiatic Turkey, pp. 37-

1 Strabo, xiv. 5. 9, pp. 671 sq. ;
Arrian, Anabasis, ii. 5 ; Athenaeus,
xii. 39, p. 530 A, B. Compare Stephanus
Byzantius, s.v. ' Ayx<-d\ri ; Georgius
Syncellus, Chronographia, vol. i. p.
312, ed. G. Dindorf (Bonn, 1829).
The site of Anchiale has not yet been
discovered. At Tarsus itself the ruins
of a vast quadrangular structure have
sometimes been identified with the
monument of Sardanapalus. See E.

39 ; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire
de I1 Art dans V Antiquity iv. 536 sqq.
But Mr. D. G. Hogarth tells me that
the ruins in question seem to be the
concrete foundations of a Roman
temple. The mistake had already
been pointed out by Mr. R. Koldewey.
See his article, " Das sogenannte Grab
des Sardanapal zu Tarsus," Aus der
Anomia (Berlin, 1890), pp. 178-185.

172

CHAP, vii THE BURNING OF SARDANAPALUS 173

terpreted and the inscription mistranslated,1 but there is no
reason to doubt the existence of such a monument, though
we may conjecture that it was of Hittite rather than
Assyrian origin ; for, not to speak of the traces of Hittite
art and religion which we have found at Tarsus, a group of
Hittite monuments has been discovered at Marash, in the
upper valley of the Pyramus.2 The Assyrians may have
ruled over Cilicia for a time, but Hittite influence was
probably much deeper and more lasting.3 The story that
Tarsus was founded by Sardanapalus may well be
apocryphal,4 but there must have been some reason for
his association with the city. On the present hypothesis
that reason is to be found in the traditional manner of his
death. To avoid falling into the hands of the rebels, who
laid siege to Nineveh, he built a huge pyre in his palace,
heaped it up with gold and silver and purple raiment, and
then burnt himself, his wife, his concubines, and his eunuchs
in the fire.5 The story is false of the historical Sardanapalus, Deaths of
that is, of the great Assyrian king Ashurbanipal, but it is ^ylonia
true of his brother Shamashshumukin. Being appointed Assyrian
king of Babylon by Ashurbanipal, he revolted against his
suzerain and benefactor, and was besieged by him in his
capital. The siege was long and the resistance desperate,
for the Babylonians knew that they had no mercy to expect
from the ruthless Assyrians. But they were decimated by
famine and pestilence, and when the city could hold out no
more, King Shamashshumukin, determined not to fall alive
into the hands of his offended brother, shut himself up in his

1 See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, His- Hittite system of writing were developed

toire de fArt dans FAntiquitt, iv. 542 in Cilicia rather than in Cappadocia

sq. They think that the figure probably (Asien und Europa, p. 350).

represented the king in a common ,.

atlitude of adoration, his right arm , * According to Berosus and Aby-

raised and his thumb resting on his ^enus ! was Jot Sardanapalus (Ashur-

, banipal) but Sennacherib who built or

Tarsus afr he <**ion of

tionum Hettiticarum, pp. 17-19, plates Babylon, causing the river Cydnus to

xxi.-xxv. ; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, *ow through the midst of the city.

TT. . . , ,, , . , a i .• • . t • bee rragmenta Histomcorum Graeco-
Histoire de I Art dans I Anttquitt, iv. . * ,.. .,

„ 0 „ .. T /-• rum, ed. C. Mtiller, n. 1504, iv. 282 ;

492, 494 sq., 528-530, 547; T. Gar- ~ ' _,. . ,>,,., . ,

the ™ pp- ™ep- ™™ e

3 Prof. W. Max Miiller is of opinion 6 Diodorus Siculus, ii. 27 ; Athe-

that the Hittite civilization and the naeus, xii. 38, p. 529 ; Justin, i. 3.

174

SARDANAPALUS AND HERCULES

BOOK I

Story that

Cyrus

intended

to burn

Croesus

alive.

It is

unlikely
that the
Persians
would thus
have
polluted
the sacred
element
of fire.

palace, and there burned himself to death, along with his
wives, his children, his slaves, and his treasures, at the very
moment when the conquerors were breaking in the gates.1
Not many years afterwards the same tragedy was repeated
at Nineveh itself by Saracus or Sinsharishkun, the last king
of Assyria. Besieged by the rebel Nabopolassar, king of
Babylon, and by Cyaxares, king of the Medes, he burned
himself in his palace. That was the end of Nineveh and
of the Assyrian empire.2 Thus Greek history preserved the
memory of the catastrophe, but transferred it from the real
victims to the far more famous Ashurbanipal, whose figure
in after ages loomed vast and dim against the setting sun
of Assyrian glory.

§ 2. The Burning of Croesus

Another Oriental monarch who prepared at least to die
in the flames was Croesus, king of Lydia. Herodotus tells
how the Persians under Cyrus captured Sardes, the Lydian
capital, and took Croesus alive, and how Cyrus caused a
great pyre to be erected, on which he placed the captive
monarch in fetters, and with him twice seven Lydian youths.
Fire was then applied to the pile, but at the last moment
Cyrus relented, a sudden shower extinguished the flames,
and Croesus was spared.3 But it is most improbable that
the Persians, with their profound reverence for the sanctity
of fire, should have thought of defiling the sacred element
with the worst of all pollutions, the contact of dead bodies.4
Such an act would have seemed to them sacrilege of the
deepest dye. For to them fire was the earthly form of the

1 G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne
des Peuples de V Orient Classique, iii.
422 sq. For the inscriptions referring
to him and a full discussion of^them,
see C. F. Lehmann (-Haupt), Samas-
sumukin^ Konig von Babylonien, 668-
648 v. Chr. (Leipsic, 1892).

a Abydenus, in Fragmenta Historico-
rum Gr aecorum, ed. C. M tiller, iv. 282;
Georgius Syncellus, Chronographia, i.
p. 396, ed. G. Dindorf ; E. Meyer, Ge-
schichte des Alterthums, i. (Stuttgart,
1884) pp. 576 sq. ; G. Maspero, His-
toire Ancienne des Peuples de V Orient
Classique, iii. 482-485. C. P. Tiele

thought that the story of the death of
Saracus might be a popular but mis-
taken duplicate of the death of Shamash-
shumukin (Babylonisch-assyrische Ge-
schichte, pp. 410 sq.}. Zimri, king of
Israel, also burned himself in his palace
to escape falling into the hands of his
enemies (i Kings xvi. 18).

3 Herodotus, i. 86 sq.

4 Raoul - Rochette, " Sur PHercule
Assyrien et Phenicien," Mtmoires de
PAcadtmie des Inscriptions et Belles-
Lettres, xvii. Deuxieme Partie (Paris,
1848), p. 274.

CHAP, vii THE BURNING OF CROESUS 175

heavenly light, the eternal, the infinite, the divine ; death, on
the other hand, was in their opinion the main source of
corruption and uncleanness. Hence they took the most
stringent precautions to guard the purity of fire from the
defilement of death.1 If a man or a dog died in a house
where the holy fire burned, the fire had to be removed from
the house and kept away for nine nights in winter or a
month in summer before it might be brought back ; and if
any man broke the rule by bringing back the fire within the
appointed time, he might be punished with two hundred
stripes.2 As for burning a corpse in the fire, it was the
most heinous of all sins, an invention of Ahriman, the devil ;
there was no atonement for it, and it was punished with
death.3 Nor did the law remain a dead letter. Down to
the beginning of our era the death penalty was inflicted on
all who threw a corpse or cow-dung on the fire, nay, even on
such as blew on the fire with their breath.4 It is hard,
therefore, to believe that a Persian king should have com-
manded his subjects to perpetrate a deed which he and
they viewed with horror as the most flagitious sacrilege
conceivable.

Another and in some respects truer version of the story The older
of Croesus and Cyrus has been preserved by two older ^^0^
witnesses — namely, by the Greek poet Bacchylides, who was was that
born some forty years after the event,5 and by a Greek artist extremity
who painted the scene on a red-figured vase about, or soon of his
after, the time of the poet's birth. Bacchylides tells us that

when the Persians captured Sardes, Croesus, unable to brook attempted
the thought of slavery, caused a pyre to be erected in front himself.
of his courtyard, mounted it with his wife and daughters,
and bade a page apply a light to the wood. A bright blaze
shot up, but Zeus extinguished it with rain from heaven, and

1 J. Darmesteter, The Zend-Avesta, 4 Strabo, xv. 3. 14, p. 732. Even
vol. i. (Oxford, 1 880) pp. Ixxxvi., gold, on account of its resemblance to
Ixxxviii-xc. (Sacred Books of the East, fire, might not be brought near a
vol. iv.). corpse (id. xv. 3. 18, p. 734).

9 ~ , . r-r JAJAJ T- 5 Sardes fell in the autumn of 546

2 Zend-Avesta, Vendiddd, Fargard, /T? ,, „ ,. ..

tr j z> i y-^7%^ B-c- (E. Meyer, Geschichte des Alter-

v. 7. 39-44 (Sacred Books of the East. ^, . /0 J ^

iv fin ™ \ thums, i. (Stuttgart, 1884), p. 604).

Bacchylides was probably born be-

3 Zend-Avesta, translated by J. tween 512 and 505 B.C. See R. C. Jebb,
Darmesteter, i. pp. xc. 9, no sq. Bacchylides, the Poems and Fragments
(Sacred Books of the East, iv.). (Cambridge, 1905), pp. I sq.

I76

SARDANAPALUS AND HERCULES

BOOK

Apollo of the Golden Sword wafted the pious king and his
daughters to the happy land beyond the North Wind.1 In
like manner the vase-painter clearly represents the burning
of Croesus as a voluntary act, not as a punishment inflicted
on him by the conqueror. He lets us see the king
enthroned upon the pyre with a wreath of laurel on his head
and a sceptre in one hand, while with the other he is
pouring a libation. An attendant is in the act of applying
to the pile two objects which have been variously interpreted
as torches to kindle the wood or whisks to sprinkle holy
water. The demeanour of the king is solemn and com-
posed : he seems to be performing a religious rite, not
suffering an ignominious death.2

Thus we may fairly conclude with some eminent modern
scholars 3 that in the extremity of his fortunes Croesus pre-
pared to meet death like a king or a god in the flames. It
was thus that Hercules, from whom the old kings of Lydia
claimed to be sprung,4 ascended from earth to heaven : it
was thus that Zimri, king of Israel, passed beyond the
reach of his enemies : it was thus that Shamashshumukin,
king of Babylon, escaped a brother's vengeance : it was
thus that the last king of Assyria expired in the ruins of
his capital ; and it was thus that, sixty-six years after the
capture of Sardes, the Carthaginian king Hamilcar sought to
retrieve a lost battle by a hero's death.5

Legend Semiramis herself, the legendary queen of Assyria, is said

Semiramis to ^ave burnt herself on a pyre out of grief at the death of a
favourite horse.6 Since there are strong grounds for regard-

burnt

herself
on a pyre.

1 Bacchylides, iii. 24-62.

2 F. G. Welcker, Alte Denkmdler
(Gottingen, 1849-1864), iii. pi. xxxiii. ;
A. Baumeister, Denkmdler des klassi-
schen Altertums (Munich and Leipsic,
1885-1888), ii. 796, fig. 860; A. H.
Smith, "Illustrations to Bacchylides,"

Journal of Hellenic Studies, xviii.
(1898) pp. 267-269; G. Maspero,
Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de
V Orient Classique, iii. 618 sq. It is
true that Cambyses caused the dead
body of the Egyptian king Amasis to
be dragged from the tomb, mangled,
and burned ; but the deed is expressly
branded by the ancient historian as an

outrage on Persian religion (Herodotus,
iii. 1 6).

3 Raoul-Rochette, " Sur 1'Hercule
Assyrien et Phenicien," Mtmoires de
PAcadhnie des Inscriptions et Belles-
Lettres, xvii. Deuxieme Partie (Paris,
1848), pp. 277 sq. ; M. Duncker,

Geschichte des Alterthums,

330-

332 ; E. Meyer, Geschichte des Alter-
thums, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) p. 604;
G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des
Peuples de P Orient Classique, iii. 6 1 8.

4 Herodotus, i. 7.

5 See above, pp. 115 sq., 173 sq.

6 Hyginus, Fab. 243 ; Pliny, viii.
155-

CHAP, vii THE BURNING OF CROESUS 177

ing the queen in her mythical aspect as a form of Ishtar or
Astarte,1 the legend that Semiramis died for love in the
flames furnishes a remarkable parallel to the traditionary
death of the love-lorn Dido, who herself appears to be
simply an Avatar of the same great Asiatic goddess.2 When
we compare these stories of the burning of Semiramis and
Dido with each other and with the historical cases of the
burning of Oriental monarchs, we may perhaps conclude that
there was a time when queens as well as kings were ex-
pected under certain circumstances, perhaps on the death of
their consort, to perish in the fire. The conclusion can
hardly be deemed extravagant when we remember that the
practice of burning widows to death survived in India under
English rule down to a time within living memory.3

At Jerusalem itself a reminiscence of the practice of The
burning kings, alive or dead, appears to have lingered as
late as the time of Isaiah, who says : " For Tophet is pre- for Jewish
pared of old ; yea, for the king it is made ready ; he hath mss*
made it deep and large : the pile thereof is fire and much
wood ; the breath of the Lord, like a stream of brimstone,
doth kindle it." 4 We know that " great burnings " were

1 See W. Robertson Smith, " Ctesias Version has "a Topheth" instead of
and the Semiramis Legend," English "Tophet." But Hebrew does not
Historical Review, ii. (1887) pp. 303- possess an indefinite article (the few
317. But the legend of Semiramis passages of the Bible in which the
appears to have gathered round the Aramaic nn is so used are no ex-
person of a real Assyrian queen, by ception to the rule), and there is no
name Shammuramat, who lived towards evidence that Tophet (Topheth) was
the end of the ninth century B.C. and ever employed in a general sense,
is known to us from historical inscrip- The passage of Isaiah has been rightly
tions. See C. F. Lehmann-Haupt, interpreted by W. Robertson Smith
Die historiscke Semiramis und ihre jn the sense indicated in the text,
Zeit (Tiibingen, 1910), pp. i sqq. ; id., though he denies that it contains any
s.v. " Semiramis," in W. H. Roscher's reference to the sacrifice of the children.
Lexikondergriech. undrom.Mythologie, See his Lectures on the Religion of the
iv. 67% sqq.; The Scapegoat,??, ^sqq. Semites? pp. 372 sq. He observes

2 See above, p. 114. (p. 372, note 3): "Saul's body was

3 In ancient Greece we seem to have burned (i Sam. xxxi. 12), possibly to
a reminiscence of widow-burning in the save it from the risk of exhumation
legend that when the corpse of Capaneus by the Philistines, but perhaps rather
was being consumed on the pyre, his with a religious intention, and almost
wife Evadne threw herself into the as an act of worship, since his bones
flames and perished. See Euripides, were buried under the sacred tamarisk
Siipplices, 980 sqq. ; Apollodorus, at Jabesh." In I Chronicles x. 12
Bibliotheca, iii. 7. i ; Zenobius, Cent. the tree under which the bones of
i. 30 ; Ovid, Tristia, v. 14. 38. Saul were buried is not a tamarisk

4 Isaiah xxx. 33. The Revised but a terebinth or an oak.

PT. IV. VOL. 1 N

SARDANAPALUS AND HERCULES

BOOK I

The great
burnings
for Jewish
Rabbis at
Meiron in
Galilee.

regularly made for dead kings of Judah,1 and it can hardly
be accidental that the place assigned by Isaiah to the king's
pyre is the very spot in the Valley of Hinnom where the
first-born children were actually burned by their parents in
honour of Moloch " the King." The exact site of the Valley
of Hinnom is disputed, but all are agreed in identifying it
with one of the ravines which encircle or intersect Jerusalem ;
and according to some eminent authorities it was the one
called by Josephus the Tyropoeon.2 If this last identifica-
tion is correct, the valley where the children were burned
on a pyre lay immediately beneath the royal palace and
the temple. Perhaps the young victims died for God and
the king.3

With the " great burnings " for dead Jewish kings it seems
worth while to compare the great burnings still annually
made for dead Jewish Rabbis at the lofty village of Meiron in
Galilee, the most famous and venerated place of pilgrimage
for Jews in modern Palestine. Here the tombs of the Rabbis
are hewn out of the rock, and here on the thirtieth of April,
the eve of May Day, multitudes of pilgrims, both men and
women, assemble and burn their offerings, which consist of
shawls, scarfs, handkerchiefs, books, and the like. These
are placed in two stone basins on the top of two low pillars,
and being drenched with oil and ignited they are consumed
to ashes amid the loud applause, shouts, and cries of the
spectators. A man has been known to pay as much as

1 2 Chronicles xvi. 14, xxi. 19 ;
Jeremiah xxxiv. 5. There is no
ground for assuming, as the Author-
ized version does in Jeremiah xxxiv.
5, that only spices were burned on
these occasions ; indeed the burning
of spices is not mentioned at all in
any of the three passages. The
"sweet odours and divers kinds of
spices prepared by the apothecaries'
art," which were laid in the dead
king's bed (2 Chronicles xvi. 14),
were probably used to embalm him,
not to be burned at his funeral. For
though " great burnings" were regularly
made for the dead kings of Judah,
there is no evidence (apart from the
doubtful case of Saul) that their
bodies were cremated. They are

regularly said to have been buried,
not burnt. The passage of Isaiah
seems to show that what was burned
at a royal funeral was a great, but
empty, pyre. That the burnings for
the kings formed part of a heathen
custom was rightly perceived by Renan
(Histoire du peuple d1 Israel > iii. 121,
note).

2 Josephus, Bell. Jud. v. 4. I.
See Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.v. "Jeru-
salem," vol. ii. 2423 sq.

3 As to the Moloch worship, see
Note I. at the end of the volume.
I have to thank the Rev. Professor
R. H. Kennett for indicating to me the
inference which may be drawn from the
identification of the Valley of Hinnom
with the Tyropoeon.

CHAP, vii THE BURNING OF CROESUS 179

two thousand piastres for the privilege of being allowed to
open the ceremony by burning a costly shawl. On such
occasions the solemn unmoved serenity of the Turkish
officials, who keep order, presents a striking contrast to the
intense excitement of the Jews.1 This curious ceremony
may be explained by the widespread practice of burning
property for the use and benefit of the dead. So, to take
a single instance, the tyrant Periander collected the finest
raiment of all the women in Corinth and burned it in a pit
for his dead wife, who had sent him word by necromancy
that she was cold and naked in the other world, because the
clothes he buried with her had not been burnt.2 In like
manner, perhaps, garments and other valuables may have
been consumed on the pyre for the use of the dead kings of
Judah. In Siam, the corpse of a king or queen is burned
in a huge structure resembling a permanent palace, which
with its many -gabled and high-pitched roofs and multi-
tudinous tinselled spires, soaring to a height of over two
hundred feet, sometimes occupies an area of about an acre.3
The blaze of such an enormous catafalque may resemble,
even if it far surpasses, the " great burnings " for the Jewish
kings.

§ 3. Purification by Fire

These events and these traditions seem to prove that Death
under certain circumstances Oriental monarchs deliberately ^jJ^cL
chose to burn themselves to death. What were these by the
circumstances ? and what were the consequences of the act ?
If the intention had merely been to escape from the hands apotheosis.
of a conqueror, an easier mode of death would naturally
have been chosen. There must have been a special reason
for electing to die by fire. The legendary death of Hercules,
the historical death of Hamilcar, and the picture of Croesus
enthroned in state on the pyre and pouring a libation, all
combine to indicate that to be burnt alive was regarded as
a solemn sacrifice, nay, more than that, as an apotheosis which

1 W. M. Thomson, The Land and K. Baedeker, Palestine and Syria 4

the Book, Central Palestine and Phoe- (Leipsic, 1906), p. 255.

nicia (London, 1883), pp. 575-579; 2 Herodotus, v. 92. 7.

Ed. Robinson, Biblical Researches in 3 C. Bock, Temples and Elephants

Palestine* (London, 1867), ii. 430^.; (London, 1884), pp. 73-76.

i8o

SARDANAPALUS AND HERCULES

BOOK I

Fire was
supposed
to purge
away the
mortal
parts
of men,
leaving the
immortal.

raised the victim to the rank of a god.1 For it is to be
remembered that Hamilcar as well as Hercules was wor-
shipped after death. Fire, moreover, was regarded by the
ancients as a purgative so powerful that properly applied it
could burn away all that was mortal of a man, leaving only
the divine and immortal spirit behind. Hence we read of
goddesses who essayed to confer immortality on the infant
sons of kings by burning them in the fire by night ; but their
beneficent purpose was always frustrated by the ignorant
interposition of the mother or father, who peeping into the
room saw the child in the flames and raised a cry of horror,
thus disconcerting the goddess at her magic rites. This
story is told of Isis in the house of the king of Byblus, of
Demeter in the house of the king of Eleusis, and of Thetis
in the house of her mortal husband Peleus.2 In a slightly

Fasti, iv. 547-560. As to Thetis see
Apollonius Rhodius, Argon, iv. 865-
879 ; Apollodorus, Bibl. iii. 13. 6.
Most of these writers express clearly
the thought that the fire consumed the
mortal element, leaving the immortal.
Thus Plutarch says, TrepiKaleiv TO. di"f)T&.
TOV o-wyuaros. Apollodorus says (i. 5. i),
ew irvp KaTertdet TO (3pe<f>os Kal frepir/pei.
ras dvrjTas ffdpKas avrov, and again (iii.
13. 6), e£s r6 irvp £yKpv/3ov(ra rijs WKrbs
Zcpdeipev 6 TJV atfry dvyrbv irarpfov.
Apollonius Rhodius says,

i] fttit yap fiportas alei irepl ffdpKas ZSaiev
VVKTO, Sia /Ji^ffffrfv 0X07/^4? 7riY>6s.

And Ovid has,

' ' Inque foco pueri corpus vivente favilla
Obruit, humanum purget ut ignis

1 This view was maintained long
ago by Raoul - Rochette in regard to
the deaths both of Sardanapalus and
of Croesus. He supposed that "the
Assyrian monarch, reduced to the last
extremity, wished, by the mode of
death which he chose, to give to his
sacrifice the form of an apotheosis and
to identify himself with the national
god of his country by allowing himself
to be consumed, like him, on a pyre.
. . . Thus mythology and history
would be combined in a legend in
which the god and the monarch would
finally be confused. There is nothing
in this which is not conformable to the
ideas and habits of Asiatic civilization."
See his memoir, " Sur 1'Hercule
Assyrien et Phenicien," Mtmoires de
PAcadtmie des Inscriptions et Belles-
Lettres, xvii. Deuxieme Partie (Paris,
1848), pp. 247 sq., 271 sqq. The
notion of regeneration by fire was fully
recognized by Raoul-Rochette (op. cit.
pp. 30 sq. ). It deserves to be noted
that Croesus burned on a huge pyre
the great and costly offerings which he
dedicated to Apollo at Delphi. He
thought, says Herodotus (i. 50), that
in this way the god would get posses-
sion of the offerings.

2 As to Isis see Plutarch, Isis et
Osiris, 1 6. As to Demeter see
Homer, Hymn to Demeter, 231-262 ;
Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 5. I ; Ovid,

On the custom of passing children
over a fire as a purification, see my
note, "The Youth of Achilles,"
Classical Revinv, vii. (1893) pp. 293
sq. On the purificatory virtue which the
Greeks ascribed to fire see also Erwin
Rohde, Psyche 3 (Tubingen and Leipsic,
1903), ii. 101, note2. The Warra-
munga of Central Australia have a
tradition of a great man who "used
to burn children in the fire so as to
make them grow strong" (B. Spencer
and F. J. Gillen, The Northern Tribes
of Central Australia, London, 1904,
p. 429).

CHAP, vii PURIFICATION BY FIRE 181 *

different way the witch Medea professed to give back to the
old their lost youth by boiling them with a hell-broth in
her magic cauldron ; 1 and when Pelops had been butchered
and served up at a banquet of the gods by his cruel father
Tantalus, the divine beings, touched with pity, plunged his
mangled remains in a kettle, from which after decoction
he emerged alive and young.2 " Fire," says Jamblichus,
" destroys the material part of sacrifices, it purifies all things
that are brought near it, releasing them from the bonds of
matter and, in virtue of the purity of its nature, making them
meet for communion with the gods. So, too, it releases us
from the bondage of corruption, it likens us to the gods,
it makes us meet for their friendship, and it converts our
material nature into an immaterial." 3 Thus we can under-
stand why kings and commoners who claimed or aspired to
divinity should choose death by fire. It opened to them
the gates of heaven. The quack Peregrinus, who ended his
disreputable career in the flames at Olympia, gave out that
after death he would be turned into a spirit who would
guard men from the perils of the night ; and, as Lucian
remarked, no doubt there were plenty of fools to believe
him.4 According to one account, the Sicilian philosopher
Empedocles, who set up for being a god in his lifetime,
leaped into the crater of Etna in order to establish his
claim to godhead.5 There is nothing incredible in the .
tradition. The crack-brained philosopher, with his itch for
notoriety, may well have done what Indian fakirs6 and the
brazen-faced mountebank Peregrinus did in antiquity, and
what Russian peasants and Chinese Buddhists have done in
modern times.7 There is no extremity to which fanaticism
or vanity, or a mixture of the two, will not impel its
victims.

1 She is said to have thus restored 2 Pindar, Olymp. i. 40 sgq., with

the youth of her husband Jason, her the Scholiast ; J. Tzetzes, Schol. on

father-in-law Aeson, the nurses of Lycophron, 152.

Dionysus, and all their husbands 3 Jamblichus, De mysteriis, v. 12.

(Euripides, Medea, Argum. ; Scholiast 4 Lucian, De morte Peregrini, 27

on Aristophanes, Knights, 1321; com- sq.

pare Plautus, Pseudolus, 879 sqq.) ; 6 Diogenes Laertius, viii. 2. 69 sq.

and she applied the same process with 6 Lucian, De morte Peregrini, 25 ;

success to an old ram (Apollodorus, Strabo, xv. i. 64 and 68, pp. 715,

Bibl. i. 9. 27; Pausanias, viii. II. 2; 717; Arrian, Anabasis, vii. 3.

Hyginus, Fab. 24). 7 The Dying God, pp. 42 sqq.

1 82

SARDANAPALUS AND HERCULES

BOOK i

The

seem to

claimed
divinity

of their

from
Hercules,

the double-
axe and of

the lion ;

and this

Hercules
or Sandon

the same

Cilician
Sandan.

§ 4. 7^? Divinity of Lydian Kings

But apart from any general notions of the purificatory
virtues of fire, the kings of Lydia seem to have had a
special reason for regarding death in the flames as their
appropriate end. For the ancient dynasty of the Heraclids
which preceded the house of Croesus on the throne traced
their descent from a god or hero whom the Greeks called
Hercules \ l and this Lydian Hercules appears to have been
identical in name and in substance with the Cilician
Hercules, whose effigy was regularly burned on a great
pyre at Tarsus. The Lydian Hercules bore the name of
Sandon ; 2 the Cilician Hercules bore the name of Sandan,
or perhaps rather of Sandon, since Sandon is known from
inscriptions and other evidence to have been a Cilician
name.3 The characteristic emblems of the Cilician Hercules
were the lion and the double-headed axe ; and both these
emblems meet us at Sardes in connexion with the dynasty
°f the Heraclids. For the double-headed axe was carried
as part of the sacred regalia by Lydian kings from the time
of the legendary queen Omphale down to the reign of
Candaules, the last of the Heraclid kings. It is said to
have been given to Omphale by Hercules himself, and it
was apparently regarded as a palladium of the Heraclid
sovereignty ; for after the dotard Candaules ceased to carry
the axe himself, and had handed it over to the keeping of
a courtier, a rebellion broke out, and the ancient dynasty of
the Heraclids came to an end. The new king Gyges did
not attempt to carry the old emblem of sovereignty ; he
dedicated it with other spoils to Zeus in Caria. Hence the
image of the Carian Zeus bore an axe in his hand and
received the epithet of Labrandeus, from labrys, the Lydian
word for " axe." 4 Such is Plutarch's account ; but we may

1 Herodotus, i. 7.

2 Joannes Lydus, De magistratibus ,
iii. 64.

3 See above, p. 144, note2.

4 Plutarch, Quaestiones Graecae, 45.
Zeus Labrandeus was worshipped at
the village of Labraunda, situated in a
pass over the mountains, near Mylasa

in Caria. The temple was ancient.
A road called the Sacred Way led
downhill for ten miles to Mylasa, a
city of white marble temples and colon-
nades which stood in a fertile plain at
the foot of a precipitous mountain,
where the marble was quarried. Pro-
cessions bearing the holy emblems

CHAP, vii THE DIVINITY OF LYDIAN KINGS 183

suspect that Zeus, or rather the native god whom the
Greeks identified with Zeus, carried the axe long before the
time of Candaules. If, as is commonly supposed, the axe
was the symbol of the Asiatic thunder-god,1 it would be an
appropriate emblem in the hand of kings, who are so often
expected to make rain, thunder, and lightning for the good
of their people. Whether the kings of Lydia were bound Lydian
to make thunder and rain we do not know ; but at all
events, like many early monarchs, they seem to have been for the
held responsible for the weather and the crops. In the anTt
reign of Meles the country suffered severely from dearth, so crops
the people consulted an oracle, and the deity laid the blame
on the kings, one of whom had in former years incurred the
guilt of murder. The soothsayers accordingly declared that
King Meles, though his own hands were clean, must be
banished for three years in order that the taint of bloodshed
should be purged away. The king obeyed and retired to
Babylon, where he lived three years. In his absence the
kingdom was administered by a deputy, a certain Sadyattes,
son of Cadys, who traced his descent from Tylon.2 As to
this Tylon we shall hear more presently. Again, we read
that the Lydians rejoiced greatly at the assassination of
Spermus, another of their kings, " for he was very wicked,
and the land suffered from drought in his reign." 3
Apparently, like the ancient Irish and many modern
Africans, they laid the drought at the king's door, and
thought that he only got what he deserved under the knife
of the assassin.

went to and fro along the Sacred Way the Greek Coins of Lydia (London,

from Mylasa to Labraunda. See 1901), p. cxxviii. On a coin of

Strabo, xiv. 2. 23, pp. 658 sq. The Mostene in Lydia the double-headed

double-headed axe figures on the ruins axe is represented between a bunch of

and coins of Mylasa (Ch. Fellows, grapes and ears of corn, as if it were

An Account of Discoveries in Lycia, an emblem of fertility (B. V. Head,

London, 1841, p. 75; B. V. Head, op. cit. p. 162, pi. xvii. n).
Historia Numorum Oxford, 1887, i L. Preller? Griechhche Mytkologie,

PP^ 5f? f }', ,,A h°rseman CarTn? i-4 (Berlin, 1894) pp. 141 sq. As to )

a double-headed axe is a type which thelffittite thunder-god and his axe /
occurs on the coins of many towns in , °

Lydia and Phrygia. At Thyatira this 'Ve' PP' I34 *™'

axe-bearing hero was called Tyrimnus, ' Nicolaus Damascenus, in Frag-

and games were held in his honour. ™nt* Historicorum Graecorum, ed.

He was identified with Apollo and the C- MulJer, in. 3*2 sq.
sun. See B. V. Head, Catalogue of 3 Ibid. iii. 381.

1 84

SARDANAPALUS AND HERCULES

BOOK I

The

lion-god
of Lydia.

Identity
of the
Lydianand
Cilician
Hercules.

With regard to the lion, the other emblem of the
Cilician Hercules, we are told that the same king Meles,
who was banished because of a dearth, sought to make the
acropolis of Sardes impregnable by carrying round it a lion
which a concubine had borne to him. Unfortunately at a
single point, where the precipices were such that it seemed
as if no human foot could scale them, he omitted to carry
the beast, and sure enough at that very point the Persians
afterwards clambered up into the citadel.1 Now Meles was
one of the old Heraclid dynasty 2 who boasted their descent
from the lion-hero Hercules ; hence the carrying of a lion
round the acropolis was probably a form of consecration in-
tended to place the stronghold under the guardianship of the
lion-god, the hereditary deity of the royal family. And the
story that the king's concubine gave birth to a lion's whelp
suggests that the Lydian kings not only claimed kinship
with the beast, but posed as lions in their own persons and
passed off their sons as lion -cubs. Croesus dedicated at
Delphi a lion of pure gold, perhaps as a badge of Lydia,3
and Hercules with his lion's skin is a common type on coins
of Sardes.4

Thus the death, or the attempted death, of Croesus on
the pyre completes the analogy between the Cilician and
the Lydian Hercules. At Tarsus and at Sardes we find
the worship of a god whose symbols were the lion and the
double-headed axe, and who was burned on a great pyre,
either in effigy or in the person of a human representative.
The Greeks called him Hercules, but his native name was
Sandan or Sandon. At Sardes he seems to have been
personated by the kings, who carried the double-axe and
perhaps wore, like their ancestor Hercules, the lion's skin.
We may conjecture that at Tarsus also the royal family
aped the lion-god. At all events we know that Sandan,
the name of the god, entered into the names of Cilician

1 Herodotus, i. 84.

2 Eusebius, Chronic, i. 69, ed. A.
Schoene (Berlin, 1866-1875).

3 Herodotus, i. 50. At Thebes
there was a stone lion which was said
to have been dedicated by Hercules
(Pausanias, ix. 17. 2).

4 B. V. Head, Historia Numoritm
(Oxford, 1887), p. 553 ; id., Catalogue
of the Greek Coins of Lydia (London,
1901), pp. xcviii, 239, 240, 241, 244,
247, 253, 254, 264, with plates xxiv.
9-1 1, 13, xxv. 2, 12, xxvii. 8.

CHAP, vii THE DIVINITY OF LYDIAN KINGS 185

kings, and that in later times the priests of Sandan at
Tarsus wore the royal purple.1

§ 5. Hittite Gods at Tarsus and Sardes

Now we have traced the religion of Tarsus back by The
a double thread to the Hittite religion of Cappadocia.
One thread joins the Baal of Tarsus, with his grapes and Hercules
rns~corn, to" the god of Ibreez. The other thread unites

the Sandan of Tarsus, with his lion and his double axe, seems to
to the similar figure at Boghaz - Keui. Without being a Hittite
unduly fanciful, therefore, we may surmise that the Sandon- deity-
Hercules of Lydia was also a Hittite god, and that the
Heraclid dynasty of Lydia were of Hittite blood. Certainly
the influence, if not the rule, of the Hittites extended to
Lydia ; for at least two rock - carvings accompanied by
Hittite inscriptions are still to be seen in the country.
Both of them attracted the attention of the ancient Greeks.
One of them represents a god or warrior in Hittite costume
armed with a spear and bow. It is carved on the face of a
grey rock, which stands out conspicuous on a bushy hillside,
where an old road runs through a glen from the valley of
the Hermus to the valley of the Cayster. The place is now
called Kara - Bel. Herodotus thought that the figure re-
presented the Egyptian king and conqueror Sf»gr>Qtrig 2
The other monument is a colossal seated figure of the
Mother of the Gods, locally known in antiquity as Mother
Plastene. It is hewn out of the solid rock and occupies a
large niche in the face of a cliff at the steep northern foot of .».
Mount Sipylus.3 Thus it would seem that at some time or
other the Hittites carried their arms to the shores of the
Aegean. There is no improbability, therefore, in the view
that a Hittite dynasty may have reigned at Sardes.4

1 See above, p. 143. cit. iv. 752-759 ; L. Messerschmidt,

2 Herodotus, ii. 106; G.PerrotetCh. op. cit. pp. 37 sq., pi. xxxix. i; J.
Chipiez, Histoire de PArt dans PAnti- Garstang, The Land of the Hittites,
quite, iv. 742-752; L. Messerschmidt, pp. 167-170, with plate liii. Unlike
Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticartim, most Hittite sculptures the figure of
pp. 33-37, with plates xxxvii., xxxviii. ; Mother Plastene is carved almost in
J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, the round. The inscriptions which
pp. 170-173, with plate liv. accompany both these Lydian monu-

3 Pausanias, iii. 24. 2, v. 13. 7 with ments are much defaced.

my note ; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, op. * The suggestion that the Heraclid

i86 SARDANAPALUS AND HERCULES BOOK i

§ 6. The Resurrection of Tylon

The burning of Sandan, like that of Melcarth,1 was
probably followed by a ceremony of his resurrection or
awakening, to indicate that the divine life was not extinct,
but had only assumed a fresher and purer form. Of that
resurrection we have, so far as I am aware, no direct
evidence. In default of it, however, there is a tale of a
local Lydian hero called Tylon or Tylus, who was killed
Death and and brought to life again. The story runs thus. Tylon
tSornofThe or Tylus was a son °^ Earth.2 One day as rhe was walking
Lydian on the banks of the Hermus a serpent stung and killed
hero Tylon. fam. His distressed sister Moire had recourse to a giant
named Damasen, who attacked and slew the serpent. But
the serpent's mate culled a herb, " the flower of Zeus," in
the woods, and bringing it in her mouth put it to the lips
of the dead serpent, which immediately revived. In her
turn Moire took the hint and restored her brother Tylon
to life by touching him with the same plant.3 A similar
incident occurs in many folk - tales. Serpents are often
credited with a knowledge of life - giving plants.4 But
Tylon seems to have been more than a mere hero of fairy-
tales. He was closely associated with Sardes, for he figures
on the coins of the city along with his champion Damasen or
Masnes, the dead serpent, and the life-giving branch.5 And

kings of Lydia were Hittites, or under See Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, iii. 3. I.

Hittite influence, is not novel. See For references to other tales of the

W. Wright, Empire of the Hittites, same sort see my note on Pausanias, ii.

p. 59; E. Meyer, Geschichte des 10. 3 (vol. iii. pp. 65 sg.). The

Alter (hums, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) p. serpent's acquaintance with the tree of

307, § 257 ; Fr. Hommel, Grundriss life in the garden of Eden perhaps

der Geographic und Geschichte des alien belongs to the same cycle of stories.

Orients, p. 54, note 2 ; L. Messer- 8 B. V. Head, Catalogue of the

schmidt, The Hittites, p. 22. Greek Coins of Lydia, pp. cxi-cxiii,

1 See above, pp. no sqq. with pi. xxvii. 12. On the coins the

2 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Anti- champion's name appears as Masnes or
quit. Roman, i. 27. i. Masanes, but the reading is doubtful.

3 Nonnus, Dionys. xxv. 451-551 ; The name Masnes occurred in Xan-
Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxv. 14. The story, thus's history of Lydia (Fragment a
as we learn from Pliny, was told by Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C.
Xanthus, an early historian of Lydia. Mliller, iv. 629). It is probably the

4 Thus Glaucus, son of Minos, was same with Manes, the name of a son
restored to life by the seer Polyidus, of Zeus and Earth, who is said to have
who learned the trick from a serpent. been the first king of Lydia (Dionysius

CHAP, vii THE RESURRECTION OF TYLON 187

he was related in various ways to the royal family of Lydia ;
for his daughter married Cotys, one of the earliest kings of
the country,1 and a descendant of his acted as regent during
the banishment of King Meles.2 It has been suggested
that the story of his death and resurrection was acted as
a pageant to symbolize the revival of plant life in spring.3
At all events, a festival called the Feast of the Golden Feast of
Flower was celebrated in honour of Persephone at Sardes,4
probably in one of the vernal months, and the revival of Sardes.
the hero and of the goddess may well have been represented
together. The Golden Flower of the Festival would then
be the " flower of Zeus " of the legend, perhaps the yellow
crocus of nature or rather her more gorgeous sister, the
Oriental saffron. For saffron grew in great abundance at *
the Corycian cave of Zeus ; 5 and it is an elegant conjecture,
if it is nothing more, that the very name of the place
meant " the Crocus Cave." 6 However, on the coins of
Sardes the magical plant seems to be a branch rather than
a blossom, a Golden Bough rather than a Golden Flower.

Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. i. 27. i). that " primroses, violets, and crocuses,

Manes was the father of King Atys are the only flowers to be seen "

(Herodotus, i. 94). Thus Tylon was (Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor,

connected with the royal family of London, 1824, p. 143). Near Mylasa

Lydia through his champion as well as in Caria, Fellows saw (March 20,

in the ways mentioned in the text. 1840) the broom covered with yellow

1 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, I.e. blossoms and a great variety of

2 See above, p. 183. anemones, like "a rich Turkey carpet,
i i3 IT- TT j •/•« ., 7 r*i r> T. in which the green grass did not form

7> J ' ^ °f ke ^^ * prominent colour amidst the crimson,

Coins of Lydta, p. cxm. ^ ^ scarlet> whitCj an(J ,low

4 B. V. Head, Catalogue of the Greek flowers" (Ch. Fellows, An Account of
Coins of Lydia, pp. ex, cxiii. The Discoveries in Lycia, London, 1841,
festival seems to be mentioned only on pp. 6^ 66)> In February the yellow

stars of Gagea arvensis cover the rocky
See above, p. 154. and grassy grounds of Lyciaj and the

6 V. Hehn, Kidturpflanzen und field-marigold often meets the eye. At

Haustiere1 (Berlin, 1902), p. 261. the same season in Lycia the shrub

He would derive the name from the Colutea arborescens opens its yellow

Semitic, or at all events the Cilician flowers. See T. A. B. Spratt and E.

language. The Hebrew word for Forbes, Travels in Lycia (London,

saffron is karkdm. As to the spring 1847), ii. 133. I must leave it to

flowers of North -Western Asia Minor, others to identify the Golden Flower

W. M. Leake remarks (April i, 1800) of Sardes.

CHAPTER VIII

VOLCANIC RELIGION

The

burning0!
god may

energies,

§ I . The Burning of a God

THUS it appears that a custom of burning a god in effigy
or m ^e person of a human representative was practised by
at least two peoples of Western Asia, the Phoenicians and
the Hittites. Whether they both developed the custom
recruit his independently, or whether one of them adopted it from the
other, we cannot say. And their reasons for celebrating a
rite which to us seems strange and monstrous are also
obscure. In the preceding inquiry some grounds have
been adduced for thinking that the practice was based
on a conception of the purifying virtue of fire, which, by
destroying the corruptible and perishable elements of man,
was supposed to fit him for union with the imperishable
and the divine. Now to people who created their gods
in their own likeness, and imagined them subject to the
same law of decadence and death, the idea would naturally
occur that fire might do for the gods what it was believed
to do for men, that it could purge them of the taint
of corruption and decay, could sift the mortal from the
immortal in their composition, and so endow them with
eternal youth. Hence a custom might arise of sub-
jecting the deities themselves, or the more important of
them, to an ordeal of fire for the purpose of refreshing and
renovating those creative energies on the maintenance of
which so much depended. To the coarse apprehension of
the uninstructed and unsympathetic observer the solemn
rite might easily wear a very different aspect. According
as he was of a pious or of a sceptical turn of mind, he might

1 88

CHAP, vni THE BURNING OF A GOD 189

denounce it as a sacrilege or deride it as an absurdity.
" To burn the god whom you worship," he might say, " is
the height of impiety and of folly. If you succeed in the
attempt, you kill him and deprive yourselves of his valuable
services. If you fail, you have mortally offended him, and
sooner or later he will visit you with his severe displeasure."
To this the worshipper, if he was patient and polite, might
listen with a smile of indulgent pity for the ignorance and
obtuseness of the critic. " You are much mistaken," he
might observe, " in imagining that we expect or attempt to
kill the god whom we adore. The idea of such a thing is
as repugnant to us as to you. Our intention is precisely
the opposite of that which you attribute to us. Far from
wishing to destroy the deity, we desire to make him live
for ever, to place him beyond the reach of that process of
degeneration and final dissolution to which all things here
below appear by their nature to be subject. He does not
die in the fire. Oh no ! Only the corruptible and mortal
part of him perishes in the flames : all that is incorruptible
and immortal of him will survive the purer and stronger
for being freed from the contagion of baser elements. That
little heap of ashes which you see there is not our god. It
is only the skin which he has sloughed, the husk which he
has cast. He himself is far away, in the clouds of heaven,
in the depths of earth, in the running waters, in the tree and
the flower, in the corn and the vine. We do not see him
face to face, but every year he manifests his divine life
afresh in the blossoms of spring and the fruits of autumn.
We eat of his broken body in bread. We drink of his shed
blood in the juice of the grape."

§ .2. The Volcanic Region of Cappadocia

Some such train of reasoning may suffice to explain, The
though naturally not to justify, the custom which we bluntly ^n°™ of
call the burning of a god. Yet it is worth while to ask god may
whether in the development of the practice these general j^so^e0"1
considerations may not have been reinforced or modified by relation to
special circumstances ; for example, by the natural features
of the country where the custom grew up. For the history

190

VOLCANIC RELIGION

BOOK i

The great
Mount

docia.

of religion, like that of all other human institutions, has
been profoundly affected by local conditions, and cannot be
fully understood apart from them. Now Asia Minor, the
region where the practice in question appears to have been
widely diffused, has from time immemorial been subjected
to the action of volcanic forces on a great scale. It is true
that, so far as the memory of man goes back, the craters of
its volcanoes have been extinct, but the vestiges of their
dead or slumbering fires are to be seen in many places,
and the country has been shaken and rent at intervals by
tremendous earthquakes. These phenomena cannot fail to
have impressed the imagination of the inhabitants, and
thereby to have left some mark on their religion.

Among the extinct volcanoes of Anatolia the greatest
is Mount Argaeus, in the centre of Cappadocia, the heart
of the old Hittite country. It is indeed the highest point
°f Asia Minor, and one of the loftiest mountains known to
the ancients ; for in height it falls not very far short of
Mount Blanc. Towering abruptly in a huge pyramid from
the plain, it is a conspicuous object for miles on miles. Its
top is white with eternal snow, and in antiquity its lower
slopes were clothed with dense forests, from which the
inhabitants of the treeless Cappadocian plains drew their
supply of timber. In these woods, and in the low grounds
at the foot of the mountain, the languishing fires of the
volcano manifested themselves as late as the beginning of
our era. The ground was treacherous. Under a grassy
surface there lurked pits of fire, into which stray cattle and
unwary travellers often fell. Experienced woodmen used
great caution when they went to fell trees in the forest.
Elsewhere the soil was marshy, and flames were seen to
play over it at night.1 Superstitious fancies no doubt

1 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 538. Mount
Argaeus still retains its ancient name
in slightly altered forms (Ardjch,
Erdjich, Erj'dus). Its height is about
13,000 feet. In the nineteenth cen-
tury it was ascended by at least two
English travellers, W. J. Hamilton and
H. F. Tozer. See W. J. Hamilton,
Researches in Asia Minor ^ Pontus, and
Armenia, ii. 269-281 ; H. F. Tozer,

Turkish Armenia and Eastern Asia
Minor ; pp. 94, 113-131 ; Elisee
Reclus, Nouvelle Geographic Univer-
selle (Paris, 1879-1894), ix. 476-478.
A Hittite inscription is carved at a
place called Tope Nefezi, near Asarjik,
on the slope of Mount Argaeus. See
J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites,
pp. 152 sq,

CH. vin THE VOLCANIC REGION OF CAPPADOCIA 191

gathered thick around these perilous spots, but what shape
they took we cannot say. Nor do we know whether
sacrifices were offered on the top of the mountain, though
a curious discovery may perhaps be thought to indicate
that they were. Sharp and lofty pinnacles of red porphyry,
inaccessible to the climber, rise in imposing grandeur from
the eternal snow of the summit, and here Mr. Tozer found
that the rock had been perforated in various places with
human habitations. One such rock-hewn dwelling winds
inward for a considerable distance ; rude niches are hollowed
in its sides, and on its roof and walls may be seen the
marks of tools.1 The ancients certainly did not climb
mountains for pleasure or health, and it is difficult to
imagine that any motive but superstition should have led
them to provide dwellings in such a place. These rock-
cut chambers may have been shelters for priests charged
with the performance of religious or magical rites on the
summit.

§ 3. Fire- Worship in Cappadocia

Under the Persian rule Cappadocia became, and long Persian
continued to be, a great seat of the Zoroastrian fire-worship. fire"h-
In the time of Strabo, about the beginning of our era, the in Cappa-
votaries of that faith and their temples were still numerous docia<
in the country. The perpetual fire burned on an altar,
surrounded by a heap of ashes, in the middle of the temple ;
and the priests daily chanted their liturgy before it, holding
in their hands a bundle of myrtle rods and wearing on their
heads tall felt caps with cheek-pieces which covered their
lips, lest they should defile the sacred flame with their
breath.2 It is reasonable to suppose that the natural fires worship of
which burned perpetually on the outskirts of Mount Argaeus ^eswLch
attracted the devotion of the disciples of Zoroaster^ for bum per-
elsewhere similar fires have been the object of religious Petually-

1 H. F. Tozer, op. cit. pp. 125-127. pp. 4, note1, 283. When a potter in

2 Strabo, xv. 3. 14 sq.> pp. 732 sq. Southern India is making a pot which
A bundle of twigs, called the Barsom is to be worshipped as a household
(Beresma in the Avesta), is still used deity, he " should close his mouth with
by the Parsee priests in chanting their a bandage, so that his breath may not
liturgy. See M. Haug, Essays on defile the pot." See E. Thurston, Castes
the Sacred Language, Writings and and Tribes of Southern India (Madras,
Religion of the Parsis 3 (London, 1 884), 1 909), iv. 151.

192 VOLCANIC RELIGION BOOK i

reverence down to modern times. Thus at Jualamukhi, on
the lower slopes of the Himalayas, jets of combustible gas
issue from the earth ; and a great Hindoo temple, the
resort of many pilgrims, is built over them. The perpetual
flame, which is of a reddish hue and emits an aromatic
perfume, rises from a pit in the fore -court of the sanctuary.
The worshippers deliver their gifts, consisting usually of
flowers, to the attendant fakirs, who first hold them over
the flame and then cast them into the body of the temple.1
The Again, Hindoo pilgrims make their way with great difficulty

fireTof^1 to Baku on tne Caspian, in order to worship the everlasting
Baku. fires which there issue from the beds of petroleum. The
sacred spot is about ten miles to the north-east of the
city. An English traveller, who visited Baku in the middle
of the eighteenth century, has thus described the place and
the worship. " There are several ancient temples built with
stone, supposed to have been all dedicated to fire ; most of
them are arched vaults, not above ten to fifteen feet high.
Amongst others there is a little temple, in which the
Indians now worship ; near the altar, about three feet high,
is a large hollow cane, from the end of which issues a blue
flame, in colour and gentleness not unlike a lamp that
burns with spirits, but seemingly more pure. These Indians
affirm that this flame has continued ever since the flood,
and they believe it will last to the end of the world ; that
if it was resisted or suppressed in that place, it would rise
in some other. Here are generally forty or fifty of these
poor devotees, who come on a pilgrimage from their own
country, and subsist upon wild sallary, and a kind of
Jerusalem artichokes, which are very good food, with other
herbs and roots, found a little to the northward. Their
business is to make expiation, not for their own sins only,
but /or those of others ; and they continue the longer time,
in proportion to the number of persons for whom they have
engaged to pray. They mark their foreheads with saffron,
and have a great veneration for a red_cow."s Thus it

1 Baron Charles Hiigel, Travels in Account of the British Trade over the
Kashmir and the Panjab (London, Caspian Sea: with the Authors Journal
1845), pp. 42-46; W. Crooke, Things of Travels, Second Edition (London,
/mftVm (London, 1906), p. 219. 1754), i- 263. For later descriptions

2 Jonas Han way, An Historical of the fires and fire - worshippers of

CHAP, vin FIRE-WORSHIP IN CAPPADOCIA 193

would seem that a purifying virtue is attributed to the sacred
flame, since pilgrims come to it from far to expiate sin.

§ 4. The Burnt Land of Lydia

Another volcanic region of Asia Minor is the district of The Burnt
Lydia, to which, on account of its remarkable appearance,
the Greeks gave the name of the Burnt Land. It lies to
the east of Sardes in the upper valley of the Hermus, and
covers an area of about fifty miles by forty. As described
by Strabo, the country was wholly treeless except for the
vines, which produced a wine jafcrior to none of the most
famous vintages of antiquity. The surface of the plains
was like ashes ; the hills were composed of black stone, as
if they had been scorched by fire. Some people laid the
scene of Typhon's battle with the gods in this Black
Country, and supposed that it had been burnt by the
thunderbolts hurled from heaven at the impious monster.
The philosophic Strabo, however, held that the fires which
had wrought this havoc were subterranean, not celestial, and
he pointed to three craters, at intervals of about four miles,
each in a hill of scoriae which he supposed to have been
once molten matter ejected by the volcanoes.1 His observa-
tion and his theory have both been confirmed by modern
science. The three extinct volcanoes to which he referred
are still conspicuous features of the landscape. Each is a
black cone of loose cinders, scoriae, and ashes, with steep
sides and a deep crater. From each a flood of rugged
black lava has flowed forth, bursting out at the foot of the
cone, and then rushing down the dale to the bed of the
Hermus. The dark streams follow all the sinuosities of
the valleys, their sombre hue contrasting with the rich
verdure of the surrounding landscape. Their surface,
broken into a thousand fantastic forms, resembles a sea
lashed into fury by a gale, and then suddenly hardened into

Baku, see J. Reinegg, Beschreibung des W. Crooke, Things Indian, p. 219.
Kaukasus (Gotha, Hildesheim, and St. 1 Strabo, xii. 8. 18 sq.> p. 579 ;

Petersburg, 1796-1797), i. 151-159; xiii. 4. u, p. 628. The wine of the

A. von Haxthausen, Transkaukasia district is mentioned by Vitruvius (viii.

(Leipsic, 1856), ii. 80-85. Compare 3. 12) and Pliny (Nat. Hist. xiv. 75).
PT. IV. VOL. I O

194 VOLCANIC RELIGION BOOK i

stone. Regarded from the geological point of view, these
black cones of cinders and these black rivers of lava are of
comparatively recent formation. Exposure to the weather
for thousands of years has not yet softened their asperities
and decomposed them into vegetable mould ; they are as
hard and ungenial as if the volcanic stream had ceased to
flow but yesterday. But in the same district there are
upwards of thirty other volcanic cones, whose greater age
is proved by their softened forms, their smoother sides, and
their mantle of vegetation. Some of them are planted with
vineyards to their summits.1 Thus the volcanic soil is still
as favourable to the cultivation of the vine as it was in
antiquity. The relation between the two was noted by
the ancients. Strabo compares the vines of the Burnt Land
with the vineyards of Catania fertilized by the ashes of
Mount Etna ; and he tells us that some ingenious persons
explained the fire-born Dionysus as a myth of the grapes
fostered by volcanic agency.2

§ 5. The Earthquake God

Earth- But the inhabitants of these regions were reminded of

i^AsJa ^e slumbering fires by other and less agreeable tokens than
Minor, the generous juice of their grapes. For not the Burnt Land
only but the country to the south, including the whole valley
of the Maeander, was subject to frequent and violent shocks
of earthquake. The soil was loose, friable, and full of salts,
the ground hollow, undermined by fire and water. In
particular the city of Philadelphia was a great centre of
disturbance. The shocks there, we are told, were continuous.
The houses rocked, the walls cracked and gaped ; the few
inhabitants were kept busy repairing the breaches or buttress-
ing and propping the edifices which threatened to tumble

1 W. J. Hamilton, Researches in black lava on which it stands, has a

Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia, sombre and dismal look. Another of

i. 136-140, ii. 131-138. One of the the cones, almost equally high, has a

three recent cones described by Strabo crater of about half a mile in circum-

is now called the Kara Devlit, or ference and three or four hundred feet

Black Inkstand. Its top is about deep.

2500 feet above the sea, but only 500 2 Strabo, xiii. 4. n, p. 628. Com-

feet above the surrounding plain. The pare his account of the Catanian

adjoining town of Koula, built of the vineyards (vi. 2. 3, p. 269).

CHAP, vin THE EARTHQUAKE GOD 195

about their ears. Most of the citizens, indeed, had the
prudence to dwell dispersed on their farms. It was a marvel,
says Strabo, that such a city should have any inhabitants at
all, and a still greater marvel that it should ever have been
built.1 However, by a wise dispensation of Providence, the
earthquakes which shook the foundations of their houses only
strengthened those of their faith. The people of Apameia, worship of
whose town was repeatedly devastated, paid their devotions P°seidon'
with great fervour to Poseidon, the earthquake god.2 Again, quake god.
the island of Santorin, in the Greek Archipelago, has
been for thousands of years a great theatre of volcanic
activity. On one occasion the waters of the bay boiled and
flamed for four days, and an island composed of red-hot
matter rose gradually, as if hoisted by machinery, above
the waves. It happened that the sovereignty of the seas
was then with the Rhodians, those merchant-princes whose
prudent policy, strict but benevolent oligarchy, and beautiful
island -city, rich with accumulated treasures of native art,
rendered them in a sense the Venetians of the ancient world.
So when the ebullition and heat of the eruption had subsided,
their sea-captains landed in the new island, and founded a
sanctuary of Poseidon the Establisher or Securer,3 a compli-
mentary epithet often bestowed on him as a hint not to shake
the earth more than he could conveniently help.4 In many

1 Strabo, xii. 8. 16-18, pp. 578 sq. ; new island, see Sir Charles Lyell,
xiii. 4. 10 sq., p. 628. Principles of Geology 12 (London,

2 Strabo, xii. 8. 18, p. 579. Com- 1875), i. 51, ii. 65 sqq. ; C. Neumann
pare Tacitus, Annals, xii. 58. undj. ¥a.*\.sc\i, Physikalische Geographic

3 Strabo, i. 3. 16, p. 57. Compare von Griechenland (Breslau, 1885),
Plutarch, De Pytkiae oraculis, 1 1 ; pp. 272 sqq. There is a monograph
Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 202 ; Justin, on Santorin and its eruptions (F.
xxx. 4. The event seems to have Fouque, Santorin et ses Eruptions,

\ happened in 197 B.C. Several other Paris, 1879). Strabo has given a brief

I islands are known to have appeared in but striking account of Rhodes, its

the same bay both in ancient and architecture, its art-treasures, and its

modern times. So far as antiquity is constitution (xiv. 2. 5, pp. 652 sq.).

concerned, the dates oftheir appearance As to the Rhodian schools of art see

are given by Pliny, but some confusion H. Brunn, Geschichtc der griechischen

on the subject has crept into his mind, Kiinstler (Stuttgart, 1857-1859), i.

or rather, perhaps, into his text. See 459 sqq., ii. 233 sqq., 286 sq.
the discussion of the subject in W. 4 Aristophanes, Acharn. 682 ; Pau-

^,vf\\\\^^ Dictionary of Greek and Roman sanias, iii. II. 9, vii. 21.7; Plutarch,

Geography (London, 1873), "• i:58- Theseus, 36 ; Aristides, Isthmic. vol. i.

1160. As to the eruptions in the p. 29, ed. G. Dindorf (Leipsic, 1829);

bay of Santorin, the last of which Appian, Bell. Civ. v. 98 ; Macrobius,

occurred in 1866 and produced a Saturn, i. 17. 22; G. Dittenberger,

196

VOLCANIC RELIGION

BOOK I

Spartan
propitia-
tion of
Poseidon
during an
earth-
quake.

places people sacrificed to Poseidon the Establisher, in the
hope that he would be as good as his name and not bring
down their houses on their heads.1

Another instance of a Greek attempt to quiet the per-
turbed spirit underground is instructive, because similar
efforts are still made by savages in similar circumstances.
Once when a Spartan army under King Agesipolis had taken
the field, it chanced that the ground under their feet was
shaken by an earthquake. It was evening, and the king
was at mess with the officers of his staff. No sooner did
they feel the shock than, with great presence of mind, they
rose from their dinner and struck up a popular hymn in
honour of Poseidon. The soldiers outside the tent took up '
the strain, and soon the whole army joined in the sacred
melody.2 It is not said whether the flute-band, which always
played the Spartan redcoats into action,3 accompanied the
deep voices of the men with its shrill music. At all events,
the intention of this service of praise, addressed to the earth-
shaking god, can only have been to prevail on him to stop.
I have spoken of the Spartan redcoats because the uniform
of Spartan soldiers was red.4 As they fought in an ex-
tended, not a deep, formation, a Spartan line of battle must
always have been, what the British used to be, a thin red
line. It was in this order, and no doubt with the music

Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum 2
(Leipsic, 1898-1901), ii. p. 230, No.
543-

1 Cornutus, Theologiae Graecae Com-
pendiumt 22.

2 Xenophon, Hellenica, iv. 7. 4.
^Vs to the Spartan headquarters staff
(ot trepl Sapoaloiv), see id. iv. 5. 8, vi.
4. 14; Xenophon, Respublica Lace-
daetn. xiii. I, xv. 4. Usually the
Spartans desisted from any enterprise
they had in hand when an earthquake
happened (Thucydides, iii. 59. I, v.
50. 5, vi. 95. i).

3 Thucydides, v. 70. I. The use of
the music, Thucydides tells us, was not
to inspire the men, but to enable them
to keep step, and so to march in close
order. Without music a long line of
battle was apt to straggle in advancing
to the charge. As missiles were little

used in Greek warfare, there was no
need to hurry the advance over the
intervening ground ; so it was made de-
liberately and with the bands playing.
The air to which the Spartans charged
was called Castor's tune. It was the
king in person who gave the word for
the flutes to strike up. See Plutarch,
Lycurgus, 22.

4 Xenophon, Respublica Lacedaem.
xi. 3; Aristophanes, Ly si strata, 1140;
Aristotle, cited by a scholiast on
Aristophanes, Acharn. 320 ; Plutarch,
Instituta Laconica, 24. When a great
earthquake had destroyed the city of
Sparta and the Messenians were in
revolt, the Spartans sent a messenger to
Athens asking for help. Aristophanes
(Lysistrata, 1 1 38 sqq. ) describes the
man as if he had seen him, sitting as a
suppliant on the altar with his pale face
and his red coat.

CHAP, vin THE EARTHQUAKE GOD 197

playing and the sun flashing on their arms, that they ad-
vanced to meet the Persians at Thermopylae. Like Crom-
well's Ironsides, these men could fight as well as sing psalms.1
If the Spartans imagined that they could stop an earth-
quake by a soldiers' chorus, their theory and practice re-
sembled those of many other barbarians. Thus the people Modes of
of Timor, in the East Indies, think that the earth rests on ^SSL
the shoulder of a mighty giant, qnH that when, frp is weary quake by
of bearing it on nnp shnnlrter he shifts it tn thp nthpr, and |j*>JJ?£
so causes the ground tn qnakp J\t such times, accordingly, giant that

they all shout at the top of their voices to let him know

that there are still people on the earth ; for otherwise they the earth-
fear lest, impatient of his burden, he might tip it into the
sea.2 The Manichaeans held a precisely similar theory of
earthquakes, except that according to them the weary giant
transferred his burden from one shoulder to the other at the
end of every thirty years,3 a view which, at all events, points
to the observation of a cycle in the recurrence of earthquake
shocks. But we are not told that these heretics reduced an
absurd theory to an absurd practice by raising a shout in

1 I have assumed that the sun shone 1895) P- 673, note9.
on the Spartans at Thermopylae. For 2 S. Miiller, Reizen en Onderzoe-

the battle was fought in the height of kingen in den Indischen Archipel

summer, when the Greek sky is gener- (Amsterdam, 1857), ii. 264 sq. Corn-

ally cloudless, and on that particular pare A. Bastian, Indonesien (Berlin,

morning the weather was very still. 1884-1889), ii. 3. The beliefs and

The evening before, the Persians had customs of the East Indian peoples in

sent round a body of troops by a diffi- regard to earthquakes have been de-

cult pass to take the Spartans in the scribed by G. A. Wilken, Het animisme

rear ; day was breaking when they bij de volken van den Indischen Archi-

neared the summit, and the first intima- pel, Tweede Stuk (Leyden, 1885), pp.

tion of their approach which reached 247-254 ; id., Verspreide Geschriften

the ears of the Phocian guards posted (The Hague, 1912), iii. 274-281. *

on the mountain was the loud crackling Compare id., Handleiding voor de

of leaves under their feet in the oak vergelijkende Volkenkunde van Neder-

forest. Moreover, the famous Spartan landsch- Indie (Leyden, 1893), pp. 604

saying about fighting in the shade of sq. ; and on primitive conceptions of

the Persian arrows, which obscured the earthquakes in general, E. B. Tylor,

sun, points to bright, hot weather. It Primitive Culture 2 (London, 1873),

was at high noon, and therefore prob- i. 364-366; R. Lasch, "Die Ursache

ably in the full blaze of the mid-day and Bedeutung der Erdbeben im Volks-

sun, that the last march-out took place. glauben und Volksbrauch," Archivfiir

See Herodotus, vii. 215-226; and as to Religionswissenschaft, v. (1902) pp.

the date of the battle (about the time 236-257, 369-383.
of the Olympic games) see Herodotus, 3 Epiphanius, Adversus Haereses, ii.

vii. 206, viii. 12 and 26; G. Busolt, 2. 23 (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, xlii.

Griechische Geschichtey ii.2 (Gotha, 68).

198 VOLCANIC RELIGION BOOKI

order to remind the earth-shaker of the inconvenience he
was putting them to. However, both the theory and the
practice are to be found in full force in various parts of the
East Indies. When the Balinese and the Sundanese feel
an earthquake they cry out, " Still alive," or " We still live,"
to acquaint the earth-shaking god or giant with their exist-
ence.1 The natives of Leti, Moa, and Lakor, islands of the
Indian Archipelago, imagine that earthquakes are caused
by Grandmother Earth in order to ascertain whether her
descendants are still to the fore. So they make loud noises
for the purpose of satisfying her grandmotherly solicitude.2
The Tami of German New Guinea ascribe earthquakes to a
certain old Panku who sits under a great rock ; when he
stirs, the earth quakes. If the shock lasts a long time they
beat on the ground with palm-branches, saying, " You down
there ! easy a little ! We men are still here." 3 The Shans
of Burma are taught by Buddhist monks that under the
world there sleeps a great fish with his tail in his mouth,
but sometimes he wakes, bites his tail, and quivering with
pain causes the ground to quiver and shake likewise. That
is the cause of great earthquakes. But the cause of little
earthquakes is different. These are produced by little men
who live underground and sometimes feeling lonely knock
on the roof of the world over their heads ; these knockings
we perceive as slight shocks of earthquakes. When Shans
feel such a shock, they run out of their houses, kneel down,
and answer the little men saying, " We are here ! We are
here ! " Earthquakes are common in the Pampa del Sacra-
mento of Eastern Peru. The Conibos, a tribe of Indians on
the left bank of the great Ucayali River, attribute these
disturbances to the creator, who usually resides in heaven,
but comes down from time to time to see whether the work
of his hands still exists. The result of his descent is an
earthquake. So when one happens, these Indians rush out

1 H. N. van der Tuuk, "Notes on compare id. pp. 330, 428.

the Kawi Language and Literature," Q /- T> i «T- • 55 • r> >T

. , ., S7> , „ . ,. . 3 G. Bamler, "Tami," in R. Neu-

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, , , r» a * \T r> •

XT o ••• / oo \ hauss s Deutsch Neu - Guinea, in.

^raTl^r De Mk. en (Berlin, ,9II> P. 49>.

kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en 4 Mrs. Leslie Milne, Shans at Home

Papua (The Hague, 1886), p. 398 ; (London, 1910), p. 54.

CHAP, vin THE, EARTHQUAKE GOD 199

of their huts with extravagant gestures shouting, as if in
answer to a question, " A moment, a moment, here I am,
father, here I am ! " Their intention is, no doubt, to assure
their heavenly father that they are still alive, and that he
may return to his mansion on high with an easy mind.
They never remember the creator nor pay him any heed
except at an earthquake.1 In Africa the Atonga tribe of
Lake Nyassa used to believe that an earthquake was the
voice of God calling to inquire whether his people were all
there. So when the rumble was heard underground they
all shouted in answer, " Ye, ye" and some of them went to
the mortars used for pounding corn and beat on them with
pestles. They thought that if any one of them did not thus
answer to the divine call he would die.2 In Ourwira the
people think that an earthquake is caused by a dead sultan
marching past underground ; so they stand up to do him
honour, and some raise their hands to the salute. Were they
to omit these marks of respect to the deceased, they would
run the risk of being swallowed up alive.3 The Baganda of
Central Africa used to attribute earthquakes to a certain god
named Musisi, who lived underground and set the earth in
a tremor when he moved about. At such times persons who
had fetishes to hand patted them and begged the god to
be still; women who were with child patted their bellies
to keep the god from taking either their own life or that
of their unborn babes ; others raised a shrill cry to induce
him to remain quiet.4

When the Bataks of Sumatra feel an earthquake they Conduct of
shout " The handle ! The handle ! " The meaning of the
cry is variously explained. Some say that it contains a earth-
delicate allusion to the sword which is thrust up to the hilt q
into the body of the demon or serpent who shakes the earth.
Thus explained the words are a jeer or taunt levelled at that
mischievous being.5 Others say that when Batara-guru, the

1 De St. Cricq, "Voyage du Perou 3 Mgr. Lechaptois, Aux Rives dtt
au Bresil par les fleuves Ucayali et Tanganika (Algiers, 1913), p. 217.
Amazone, Indiens Conibos," Bulletin 4 Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda
de la Socitte' de Geographic (Paris), ive (London, 1911), pp. 313 sq.

Serie, vi. (1853) p. 292. 6 W. Kodding, "Die batakschen

2 Miss Alice Werner, The Natives Gotter und ihr Verhaltniss zum Brah-
of British Central Africa (London, manismus," Allgemeine Missions-Zeit-
1906), p. 56. schrift, xii. (1885) p. 405.

200 VOLCANIC RELIGION BOOK i

creator, was about to fashion the earth he began by building
a raft, which he commanded a certain Naga-padoha to sup-
port. While he was hard at work his chisel broke, and at
the same moment Naga-padoha budged under his burden.
Therefore Batara-guru said, " Hold hard a moment ! The
handle of the chisel is broken off." And that is why the
Bataks call out " The handle of the chisel " during an earth-
quake. They believe that the deluded Naga-padoha will
take the words for the voice of the creator, and that he will
hold hard accordingly.1

Various When the earth quakes in some parts of Celebes, it is

modes of saj^ t^at ajj fae inhabitants of a village will rush out of their

prevailing

upon the houses and grub up grass by handfuls in order to attract
eodhtoUake *ke attention of the earth-spirit, who, feeling his hair thus
stop. torn out by the roots, will be painfully conscious that there

are still people above ground.2 So in Samoa, during
shocks of earthquake, the natives sometimes ran and threw
themselves on the ground, gnawed the earth, and shouted
frantically to the earthquake god Mafuie to desist lest he
should shake the earth to pieces.3 They consoled them-
selves with the thought that Mafuie has only one arm,
saying, "If he had two, what a shake he would give!"4
The Bagobos of the Philippine Islands believe that the
earth rests on a great post, which a large serpent is trying
to remove. When the serpent shakes the post, the earth
quakes. At such times the Bagobos beat their dogs to
make them howl, for the howling of the animals frightens
the serpent, and he stops shaking the post. Hence so long
as an earthquake lasts the howls of dogs may be heard to
proceed from every house in a Bagobo village.5 The
Tongans think that the earth is supported on the prostrate

1 G. A. Wilken, " Het Animisme sionary Enterprises in the South Sea
bij de volken van den Indischen Archi- Islands (London, 1838), p. 379.
pel," Verspreide Geschriften, ii. 279; 4 G. Turner, Samoa (London, 1884),
H. N. van der Tuuk, op. cit. pp. 49 sq. p. 2 1 1 ; Ch. Wilkes, Narrative of the

2 J. G. F. Riedel, "De Topan- United States Exploring Expedition,
tunuasu of oorspronkelijke Volkstam- New Edition (New York, 1851), ii.
men van Central Selebes," Bijdragen 131.

tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde 6 A. Schadenburg, " Die Bewohner

van Nederlandsch- Indie, xxxv. (1886) von Slid - Mindanao und der Insel

p. 95. Samal," Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie,

3 John Williams, Narrative of Mis- xvii. (1885) p. 32.

CHAP, vni THE EARTHQUAKE GOD 201

form of the god M6ooi. When he is tired of lying in one
posture, he tries to turn himself about, and that causes an
earthquake. Then the people shout and beat the ground
with sticks to make him lie still.1 During an earthquake
the Burmese make a great uproar, beating the walls of their
houses and shouting, to frighten away the evil genius who
is shaking the earth.2 On a like occasion and for a like
purpose some natives of the Gazelle Peninsula in New
Britain beat drums and blow on shells.3 The Dorasques,
an Indian tribe of Panama, believed that the volcano of
Chiriqui was inhabited by a powerful spirit, who, in his
anger, caused an earthquake. At such times the Indians
shot volleys of arrows in the direction of the volcano to
terrify him and make him desist.4 Some of the Peruvian
Indians regarded an earthquake as a sign that the gods
were thirsty, so they poured water on the ground.5 In
Ashantee several persons used to be put to death after an
earthquake ; they were slain as a sacrifice to Sasabonsun,
the earthquake god, in the hope of satiating his cruelty
for a time. Houses which had been thrown down or
damaged by an earthquake were sprinkled with human
blood before they were rebuilt. When part of the wall of
the king's house at Coomassie was knocked down by an
earthquake, fifty young girls were slaughtered, and the mud
to be used in the repairs was kneaded with their blood.6

An English resident in Fiji attributed a sudden access Religious
of piety in Kantavu, one of the islands, to a tremendous earth- e
quake which destroyed many of the natives. The Fijians earth-
think that their islands rest on a god, who causes earthquakes qi
by turning over in his sleep. So they sacrifice to him
things of great value in order that he may turn as gently as
possible.7 In Nias a violent earthquake has a salutary

1 W. Mariner, Account of the vi. (1887) p. 119.

Natives of the Tonga Islands, Second 6 E. J. Payne, History of the New
Edition (London, 1818), ii. 112 sq. World called America, i. (Oxford,

2 Sangermano, Description of the 1892) p. 469.

Burmese Empire (Rangoon, 1885), p. 6 A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking

130. Peoples of the Gold Coast (London,

3 P. A. Kleintitschen, Die Kiisten- 1887), pp. 35 sq.

bewohner der Gazellehalbinsel (Hiltrup 7 J. Jackson, in J. E. Erskine's

bei Minister, N.D.), p. 336. Journal of a Cruise among the Islands

4 A. Pinart, " Les Indiens de 1'Etat of the Western Pacific (London, 1853),
de Panama," Revue d* Ethnographic, p. 473. My friend, the late Mr.

202 VOLCANIC RELIGION BOOK i

effect on the morals of the natives. They suppose that it is
brought about by a certain Batoo Bedano, who intends to
destroy the earth because of the iniquity of mankind. So
they assemble and fashion a great image out of the trunk of
a tree. They make offerings, they confess their sins, they
correct the fraudulent weights and measures, they vow to
do better in the future, they implore mercy, and if the
earth has gaped, they throw a little gold into the fissure.
But when the danger is over, all their fine vows1 and
promises are soon forgotten.1

The god of We may surmise that in those Greek lands which have
of6theaand suffered severely from earthquakes, such as Achaia and the
earthquake western coasts of Asia Minor, Poseidon was worshipped not
conceived ^ess as an earthquake god than as -a sea-god.2 It is to be
as one. remembered that an earthquake is often accompanied by a
tremendous wave which comes rolling in like a mountain
from the sea, swamping the country far and wide ; indeed
on the coasts of Chili and Peru, which have often been
devastated by both, the wave is said to be even more
dreaded than the earthquake.3 The Greeks often ex-
perienced this combination of catastrophes, this conspiracy,
as it were, of earth and sea against the life and works of man.4

Lorimer Fison, wrote to me (Decem- " Beknopte Beschrijving van het hof

her 15, 1906) that the name of the Soerokarta in 1824," Bijdragen tot

Fijian earthquake god is Maui, not de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van

A Dage, as Jackson says. Mr. Fison Nederlandsch- Indie, liv. (1902) p. 85.

adds, "I have seen Fijians stamping The connexion of ideas in this custom

and smiting the ground and yelling at is not clear.

the top of their voices in order to 2 On this question see C. Neumann

rouse him." und J. Partsch, Physikalische Geo-

1 J. T. Nieuwenhuisen en H. C. B. graphic von Griechenland (Breslau,

von Rosenberg, " Verslag omtrent het 1885), pp. 332-336. As to the

eiland Nias," Verhandelingen van het frequency of earthquakes in Achaia

Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten and Asia Minor see Seneca, Epist.

en Welenschappen, xxx. (Batavia, 1863) xiv. 3. 9; and as to Achaia in

p. 118; Th. C. Rappard, " Het eiland particular see C. Neumann und J.

Nias en zijne bewoners," Bijdragen tot Partsch, op. cit. pp. 324-326. On

de Taal-y Land- en Volkenkunde van the coast of Achaia there was a chain

Nederlandsch- Indie, Ixii. (1909) p. 582. of sanctuaries of Poseidon (L. Preller,

In Soerakarta, a district of Java, when Griechische Mythologie, i.4 575).
an earthquake takes place the people 3 See Sir Ch. Lyell, Principles of

lie flat on their stomachs on the ground, Geology^ ii. 147 sqq. ; J. Milne,

and lick it with their tongues so long Earthquakes (London, 1886), pp. 165

as the earthquake lasts. This they do sqq.

in order that they may not lose their 4 See, for example, Thucydides,

teeth prematurely. See J. W. Winter, iii. 89.

CHAP, vni THE EARTHQUAKE GOD 203

It was thus that Helice, on the coast of Achaia, perished
with all its inhabitants on a winter night, overwhelmed
by the billows ; and its destruction was set down to
the wrath of Poseidon.1 Nothing could be more natural
than that to people familiar with the twofold calamity the
dreadful god of the earthquake and of the sea should appear
to be one and the same. The historian Diodorus Siculus
observes that Peloponnese was deemed to have been in
ancient days the abode of Poseidon, that the whole country
was in a manner sacred to him, and that every city in it
worshipped him above all the gods. The devotion to
Poseidon he explains partly by the earthquakes and floods
by which the land has been visited, partly by the remarkable
chasms and subterranean rivers which are a conspicuous
feature of its limestone mountains.2

§ 6. The Worship of Mephitic Vapours

But eruptions and earthquakes, though the most Poisonous
tremendous, are not the only phenomena of volcanic regions
which have affected the religion of the inhabitants.
Poisonous mephitic vapours and hot springs, which abound
especially in volcanic regions,3 have also had their devotees,
and both are, or were formerly, to be found in those western
districts of Asia Minor with which we are here concerned.
To begin with vapours, we may take as an illustration
of their deadly effect the Guevo Upas, or Valley of Poison,
near Batur in Java. It is the crater of an extinct volcano,
about half a mile in circumference, and from thirty to thirty-

1 Strabo, viii. 7. I sq., pp. 384 sq.; We may suppose that the deity was
Diodorus Siculus, xv. 49 ; Aelian, worshipped here chiefly as the earth-
Nat. Anim. xi. 19 ; Pausanias, vii. quake god, since the rugged coasts of
24. 5 sq. and 12, vii. 25. I and 4. Laconia are ill adapted to maritime

2 Diodorus Siculus, xv. 49. 4 sq. enterprise, and the Lacedaemonians
Among the most famous seats of the were never a seafaring folk. See C.
worship of Poseidon in Peloponnese Neumann und J. Partsch, Physikalische
were Taenarum in Laconia, Helice in Geographic von Griechenland, pp. 330
Achaia, Mantinea in Arcadia, and the sq. , Z3S S1' -Fen' Laconian sanctuaries
island of Calauria, off the coast of of Poseidon see Pausanias, iii. 1 1 . 9,
Troezen. See Pausanias, ii. 33. 2, iii. 12. 5, iii. 14. 2 and 7, iii. 15. 10,
iii. 25. 4-8, vii. 24. 5 sq., viii. 10. 2-4. iii. 20. 2, iii. 21. 5, iii. 25. 4.
Laconia as well as Achaia has suffered

much from earthquakes, and it con- 3 Sir Ch. Lyell, Principles of

tained many sanctuaries of Poseidon. Geology^ i. 391 sqq., 590.

204

VOLCANIC RELIGION

BOOK

Places of
Pluto or
Charon.

The

valley of
Amsanc-
tus.

five feet deep. Neither man nor beast can descend to the
bottom and live. The ground is covered with the carcases
of tigers, deer, birds, and even the bones of men, all killed
by the abundant emanations of carbonic acid gas which
exhale from the soil. Animals let down into it die in a
few minutes. The whole range of hills is volcanic. Two
neighbouring craters constantly emit smoke.1 In another
crater of Java, near the volcano Talaga Bodas, the sul-
phureous exhalations have proved fatal to tigers, birds, and
countless insects ; and the soft parts of these creatures, such
as fibres, muscles, hair, and skin, are well preserved, while
the bones are corroded or destroyed.2

The ancients were acquainted with such noxious vapours
in their own country, and they regarded the vents from
which they were discharged as entrances to the infernal
regions.3 The Greeks called them places of Pluto (Plutonia)
or places of Charon (Charonia)^ In Italy the vapours were
personified as a goddess, who bore the name of Mefitis and
was worshipped in various parts of the peninsula.5 She had
a temple in the famous valley of Amsanctus in the land of
the Hirpini, where the exhalations, supposed to be the breath
of Pluto himself, were of so deadly a character that all who
set foot on the spot died.6 The place is a glen, partly wooded
with chestnut trees, among limestone hills, distant about four
miles from the town of Frigento. Here, under a steep
shelving bank of decomposed limestone, there is a pool of
dark ash-coloured water, which continually bubbles up with
an explosion like distant thunder. A rapid stream of the
same blackish water rushes into the pool from under the

1 "Extract from a Letter of Mr.
Alexander Loudon," Journal of the
Royal Geographical Society, ii. (1832)
pp. 60-62 ; Sir Ch. Lyell, Principles
of Geology,™ i. 590.

2 Sir Ch. Lyell, I.e.

3 Lucretius, vi. 738 sqq.

4 Strabo, v. 4. 5, p. 244, xii. 8. 17,
p. 579, xiii. 4. 14, p. 629, xiv. I. n
and 44, pp. 636, 649 ; Cicero, De
divinatione, i. 36. 79 ; Pliny, Nat.
Hist. ii. 208. Compare [Aristotle,]
De mundo, 4, p. 395 B, ed. Bekker.

6 Servius on Virgil, Aen. vii. 84,

who says that some people looked on
Mefitis as a god, the male partner of
Leucothoe, to whom he stood as
Adonis to Venus or as Virbius to
Diana. As to Mefitis see L. Preller,
Romische Mythologie* (Berlin, 1881-
1883), ii. 144 sq. ; R. Peter, s.v.
" Mentis " in W. II . Roschers Lexikon
der griech. und rom. Mythologie, ii.
2519 sqq.

6 Virgil, Aen. vii. 563-571, with
the commentary of Servius ; Cicero,
De divinatione, i. 36. 79 ; Pliny,
Nat. Hist. ii. 208.

CHAP, vni WORSHIP OF MEPHITIC VAPOURS 205

barren rocky hill, but the fall is not more than a few feet.
A little higher up are apertures in the ground, through
which warm blasts of sulphuretted hydrogen are constantly
issuing with more or less noise, according to the size of the
holes. These blasts are no doubt what the ancients deemed
the breath of Pluto. The pool is now called Mefite and the
holes Mefitinelle. On the other side of the pool is a smaller
pond called the Coccaio^ or Cauldron, because it appears to
be perpetually boiling. Thick masses of mephitic vapour,
visible a hundred yards off, float in rapid undulations on its
surface. The exhalations given off by these waters are
sometimes fatal, especially when they are borne on a high
wind. But as the carbonic acid gas does not naturally rise
more than two or three feet from the ground, it is possible
in calm weather to walk round the pools, though to stoop is
difficult and to fall would be dangerous. The ancient temple
of Mefitis has been replaced by a shrine of the martyred
Santa Felicita.1

Similar discharges of poisonous vapours took place at sanctuaries
various points in the volcanic district of Caria, and were the of Charon

. .... or Pluto

object of superstitious veneration in antiquity. Thus at the in Caria,
village of Thymbria there was a sacred cave which gave out
deadly emanations, and the place was deemed a sanctuary
of Charon.2 A similar cave might be seen at the village of
Acharaca near Nysa, in the valley of the Maeander. Here,
below the cave, there was a fine grove with a temple dedi-
cated to Pluto and Persephone. The place was sacred to
Pluto, yet sick people resorted to it for the restoration of
their health. They lived in the neighbouring village, and
the priests prescribed for them according to the revelations
which they received from the two deities in dreams. Often
the priests would take the patients to the cave and leave
them there for days without food. Sometimes the sufferers
themselves were favoured with revelations in dreams, but

1 Letter of Mr. Hamilton (British in Italy infested by poisonous exhala-

Envoy at the Court of Naples), in tions is the grotto called dei cant at

Journal of the Royal Geographical Naples. It is described by Addison

Society ', ii. (1832) pp. 62-65; W. in his "Remarks on Several Parts of

Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Italy" (Works, London, l8il, vol. ii.

Geography, i. 127; H. Nissen, Italische pp. 89-91).
Landeskunde (Berlin, 1883-1902), i.
242, 271, ii. 819 sq. Another place 2 Strabo, xiv. I. n, p. 636.

206

VOLCANIC RELIGION

BOOK i

Sanctuary

Lydian or

they always acted under the spiritual direction of the priests.
To all but the sick the place was unapproachable and fatal.
Once a year a festival was held in the village, and then
afflicted folk came in crowds to be rid of their ailments.
About the hour of noon on that day a number of athletic
young men, their naked bodies greased with oil, used to
carry a bull up to the cave and there let it go. But the
beast had not taken a few steps into the cavern before it
fell to the ground and expired : so deadly was the vapour.1
Another Plutonian sanctuary of the same sort existed at
Hierapolis, in the upper valley of the Maeander, on the
borders of Lydia and Phrygia.2 Here under a brow of the
^ill there was a deep cave with a narrow mouth just large
enough to admit the body of a man. A square space in
front of the cave was railed off, and within the railing there
hung so thick a cloudy vapour that it was hardly possible
to see the ground. In calm weather people could step up
to the railing with safety, but to pass within it was instant
death. Bulls driven into the enclosure fell to the earth and
were dragged out lifeless ; and sparrows, which spectators by
way of experiment allowed to fly into the mist, dropped dead
at once. Yet the eunuch priests of the Great Mother Goddess
could enter the railed-off area with impunity ; nay more, they
used to go up to the very mouth of the cave, stoop, and
creep into it for a certain distance, holding their breath ; but
there was a look on their faces as if they were being choked.
Some people ascribed the immunity of the priests to the
divine protection, others to the use of antidotes.3

§ 7. The Worship of Hot Springs

The mysterious chasm of Hierapolis, with its deadly
mist, has not been discovered in modern times ; indeed it

Aristodemus.

2 Some of the ancients assigned
Hierapolis to Lydia* and others to
Phrygia (W. M. Ramsay, Cities and
Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. (Oxford,
1895) pp. 84 sq.

3 Strabo, xiii. 4. 14, pp. 629 sq. ;
Dio Cassius, Ixviii. 27. 3 ; Pliny, Nat.
Hist. ii. 208 ; Ammianus Marcellinus,
xxiii. 6. 18.

1 Strabo, xiv. I. 44, pp. 649 sq.
A coin of Nysa shows the bull carried
to the sacrifice by six naked youths and
preceded by a naked flute-player. See
B. V. Head, Catalogue of the Greek
Coins of Lydia , pp. Ixxxiii. 181, pi.
xx. 10. Strabo was familiar with this
neighbourhood, for he tells us (xiv. i.
48, p. 650) that in his youth he
studied at Nysa under the philosopher

CHAP, vin WORSHIP OF HOT SPRINGS 207

would seem to have vanished even in antiquity.1 It may The hot
have been destroyed by an earthquake. But another marvel

of the Sacred City remains to this day. The hot springs cascades of

J , Hierapolis.

with their calcareous deposit, which, like a wizard s wand,
turns all that it touches to stone, excited the wonder of the
ancients, and the course of ages has only enhanced the
fantastic splendour of the great transformation scene. The
stately ruins of Hierapolis occupy a broad shelf or terrace
on the mountain-side commanding distant views of extra-
ordinary beauty and grandeur, from the dark precipices and
dazzling snows of Mount Cadmus away to the burnt summits
of Phrygia, fading in rosy tints into the blue of the sky.
Hills, broken by wooded ravines, rise behind the city.
In front the terrace falls away in cliffs three hundred feet
high into the desolate treeless valley of the Lycus. Over
the face of these cliffs the hot streams have poured or
trickled for thousands of years, encrusting them with a
pearly white substance like salt or driven snow. The
appearance of the whole is as if a mighty river, some two
miles broad, had been suddenly arrested in the act of falling
over a great cliff and transformed into white marble. It
is a petrified Niagara. The illusion is strongest in winter
or in cool summer mornings when the mist from the
hot springs hangs in the air, like a veil of spray resting
on the foam of the waterfall. A closer inspection of the
white cliff, which attracts the traveller's attention at a
distance of twenty miles, only adds to its beauty and
changes one illusion for another. For now it seems to be
a glacier, its long pendent stalactites looking like icicles,
and the snowy whiteness of its smooth expanse being tinged
here and there with delicate hues of blue, rose and green,
all the colours of the rainbow. These petrified cascades of
Hierapolis are among the wonders of the world. Indeed
they have probably been without a rival in their kind ever
since the famous white and pink terraces or staircases of
Rotomahana in New Zealand were destroyed by a volcanic
eruption.

The hot springs which have wrought these miracles at

1 Ammianus Marcellinus (Lc.) speaks as if the cave no longer existed in his
time.

208

VOLCANIC RELIGION

BOOK 1

The hot
pool of
Hiera polls
with its
deadly
exhala-
tions.

Deposits
left by the
waters of
Hierapolis.

Hierapolis rise in a large deep pool among the vast and
imposing ruins of the ancient city. The water is of a
greenish-blue tint, but clear and transparent. At the bottom
may be seen the white marble columns of a beautiful
Corinthian colonnade, which must formerly have encircled
the sacred pool. Shimmering through the green-blue water
they look like the ruins of a Naiad's palace. Clumps of
oleanders and pomegranate -trees overhang the little lake
and add to its charm. Yet the enchanted spot has its
dangers. Bubbles of carbonic acid gas rise incessantly from
the bottom and mount like flickering particles of silver to
the surface. Birds and beasts which come to drink of the
water are sometimes found dead on the bank, stifled by
the noxious vapour ; and the villagers tell of bathers who
have been overpowered by it and drowned, or dragged
down, as they say, to death by the water- spirit.

The streams of hot water, no longer regulated by the
care of a religious population, have for centuries been
allowed to overflow their channels and to spread unchecked
over the tableland. By the deposit which they leave behind
they have raised the surface of the ground many feet, their
white ridges concealing the ruins and impeding the footstep,
except where the old channels, filled up solidly to the brim,
now form hard level footpaths, from which the traveller may
survey the strange scene without quitting the saddle. In
antiquity the husbandmen used purposely to lead the water in
rills round their lands, and thus in a few years their fields and
vineyards were enclosed with walls of solid stone. The water
was also peculiarly adapted for the dyeing of woollen stuffs.
Tinged with dyes extracted from certain roots, it imparted to
cloths dipped in it the finest shades of purple and scarlet.1

E. Reclus, Nouvelle Geographic Uni-
verselle, ix. 510-512; W. Cochran,
Pen and Pencil Sketches in Asia Minor
(London, 1887), pp. 387-390; W.
M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of
Phrygia, i. 84 sqq. The temperature
of the hot pool varies from 85 to
90 degrees Fahrenheit. The volcanic
district of Tuscany which skirts the
Apennines abounds in hot calcareous
springs which have produced phenomena
like those of Hierapolis. Indeed the

1 Strabo, xiii. 4. 14, pp. 629, 630;
Vitruvius, viii. 3. 10. For modern
descriptions of Hierapolis see R.
Chandler, Travels in Asia Minor z
(London, 1776), pp. 228-235 ; Ch.
Fellows, Journal written during' an
Excursion in Asia Minor (London,
1839), pp. 283-285 ; W. J. Hamilton,
Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus,
and Armenia, i. 517-521 ; E. Renan,
Saint Paul, pp. 357 sq. ; E. J. Davis,
Anatolica (London, 1874), pp. 97-1 12 ;

CHAP, vin WORSHIP OF HOT SPRINGS 209

We cannot doubt that Hierapolis owed its reputation as Hercules
a holy city in great part to its hot springs and mephitic o
vapours. The curative virtue of mineral and thermal springs springs.
was well known to the ancients, and it would be interesting,
if it were possible, to trace the causes which have gradually
eliminated the superstitious element from the use of such
waters, and so converted many old seats of volcanic religion
into the medicinal baths of modern times. It was an article
of Greek faith that all hot springs were sacred to Hercules.1
"Who ever heard of cold baths that were sacred to Hercules?"
asks Injustice in Aristophanes ; and Justice admits that the
brawny hero's patronage of hot baths was the excuse alleged
by young men for sprawling all day in the steaming water
when they ought to have been sweating in the gymnasium.2
Hot springs were said to have been first produced for the
refreshment of Hercules after his labours ; some ascribed
the kindly thought and deed to Athena, others to Hephaestus,
and others to the nymphs.3 The warm water of these
sources appears to have been used especially to heal diseases
of the skin ; for a Greek proverb, " the itch of Hercules,"
was applied to persons in need of hot baths for the scab.4
On the strength of his connexion with medicinal springs
Hercules set up as a patron of the healing art. In heaven,
if we can trust Lucian, he even refused to give place to
Aesculapius himself, and the difference between the two
deities led to a very unseemly brawl. " Do you mean to
say," demanded Hercules of his father Zeus, in a burst of
indignation, "that this apothecary is to sit down to table

whole ground is in some places coated 3 Scholiast on Aristophanes, Clouds,

over with tufa and travertine, which 1050 ; Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp.

have been deposited by the water, and, xii. 25 ; Suidas and Hesychius, s.v.

like the ground at Hierapolis, it sounds 'HpdK\eia \ovrpd ; Apostolius, viii. 66 ;

hollow under the foot. See Sir Ch. Zenobius, vi. 49 ; Diogenianus, v. 7 ;

Lyell, Principles of Geology,12 i. 397 Plutarch, Proverbia Alexandrinorum,

sqq. As to the terraces of Rotoma- 21 ; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 23. I, v. 3.

hana in New Zealand, which were 4. Another story was that Hercules,

destroyed by an eruption of Mount like Moses, produced the water by

Taravera in 1886, see R. Taylor, Te smiting the rock with his club (Anto-

Ika A Maui, or New Zealand and its ninus Liberalis, Transform. 4).
Inhabitants2 (London, 1870), pp.

464-469. 4 Apostolius, viii. 68 ; Zenobius,

1 Athenaeus, xii. 6. p. 512. vi. 49; Diogenianus, v. 7; Plutarch,

2 Aristophanes, Cloiids, 1044-1054. Proverbia Alexandrinorum, 21.
PT. IV. VOL. I ' P

210 VOLCANIC RELIGION BOOK i

before me ? " To this the apothecary replied with much
acrimony, recalling certain painful episodes in the private
life of the burly hero. Finally the dispute was. settled by
Zeus, who decided in favour of Aesculapius on the ground
that he died before Hercules, and was therefore entitled to
rank as senior god.1

Hot Among the hot springs sacred to Hercules the most

Hercuief famous were those which rose in the pass of Thermopylae,
at Thermo- and gave to the defile its name of the Hot Gates.2 The
warm baths, called by the natives " the Pots," were enlarged
and improved for the use of invalids by the wealthy sophist
Herodes Atticus in the second century of our era. An altar
of Hercules stood beside them.3 According to one story,
the hot springs were here produced for his refreshment by
the goddess Athena.4 They exist to this day apparently
unchanged, although the recession of the sea has converted
what used to be a narrow pass into a wide, swampy flat,
through which the broad but shallow, turbid stream of the
Sperchius creeps sluggishly seaward. On the other side
the rugged mountains descend in crags and precipices to
the pass, their grey rocky sides tufted with low wood or
bushes wherever vegetation can find a foothold, and their
summits fringed along the sky-line with pines. They remind
a Scotchman of the " crags, knolls, and mounds confusedly
hurled " in which Ben Venue comes down to the Silver
Strand of Loch Katrine. The principal spring bursts from
the rocks just at the foot of the steepest and loftiest part
of the range. After forming a small pool it flows in a rapid
^ stream eastward, skirting the foot of the mountains. The

water is so hot that it is almost painful to hold the hands
in it, at least near the source, and steam rises thickly from
its surface along the course of the brook. Indeed the clouds
of white steam and the strong sulphurous smell acquaint
the traveller with his approach to the famous spot before
he comes in sight of the springs. The water is clear, but
has the appearance of being of a deep sea-blue or sea-green

1 Lucian, Dialogi Deorum, 13. iv. 35. 9; Philostratus, Vit. Sophist.

2 Strabo, ix. 4. 13, p. 428. "'/V,9,' ,

4 Scholiast on Aristophanes, Clouds,

3 Herodotus, vii. 176 ; Pausanias, 1050.

CHAP, vin WORSHIP OF HOT SPRINGS . 211

colour. This appearance it takes from the thick, slimy
deposits of blue-green sulphur which line the bed of the
stream. Erom its source the blue, steaming, sulphur-reeking
brook rushes eastward for a few hundred yards at the foot
of the mountain, and is then joined by the water of another
spring, which rises much more tranquilly in a sort of natural
bath among the rocks. The sides of this bath are not so
thickly coated with sulphur as the banks of the stream ;
hence its water, about two feet deep, is not so blue. Just
beyond it there is a second and larger bath, which, from its
square shape and smooth sides, would seem to be in part
artificial. These two baths are probably the Pots mentioned
by ancient writers. They are still used by bathers, and a
few wooden dressing-rooms are provided for the accommoda-
tion of visitors. Some of the water is conducted in an
artificial channel to turn a mill about half a mile off at the
eastern end of the pass. The rest crosses the flat to find its
way to the sea. In its passage it has coated the swampy
ground with a white crust, which sounds hollow under the
tread.1

We may conjecture that these remarkable springs Hot
furnished the principal reason for associating Hercules with Hercules at
this district, and for laying the scene of his fiery death Aedepsus.
on the top of the neighbouring Mount Oeta. The district
is volcanic, and has often been shaken by earthquakes.2
Across the strait the island of Euboea has suffered from the
same cause and at the same time ; and on its southern ^
shore sulphureous springs, like those of Thermopylae, but
much hotter and more powerful, were in like manner dedi-
cated to Hercules.3 The strong medicinal qualities of the

1 I have described Thermopylae as 2 Thucydides, iii. 87 and 89 ; Strabo,

I saw it in November 1895. Compare i. 3. 20, pp. 60 sq. ; C. Neumann und

W. M. Leake, Travels in Northern J. Partsch, Physikalische Geographit

Greece (London, 1835), ii. 33 sqq. ; von Griechenland, pp. 321-323.
E. Dodwell, Classical and Topographi-
cal Tour through Greece (London, 3 Aristotle, Meteora, ii. 8, p. 366 A,

1819), ii. 66 sqq. ; K. G. Fiedler, ed. Bekker ; Strabo, ix. 4. 2, p. 425.

Reise durch alle Theile des Konigreichs Aristotle expressly recognized the con-

Griechenland (Leipsic, 1840-1841), nexion of the springs with earthquakes,

i. 207 sqq. ; L. Ross, Wanderungen which he tells us were very common in

in Griechenland (Halle, 1851), i. 90 this district. As to the earthquakes of

sqq. ; C. Bursian, Geographie von Euboea see also Thucydides, iii. 87,

Griechenland (Leipsic, 1862-1872), 89; Strabo, i. 3. 16 and 20, pp. 58,

i. 92 sqq. 60 sq.

212 VOLCANIC RELIGION BOOK i

waters, which are especially adapted for the cure of skin
diseases and gout, have attracted patients in ancient and
modern times. Sulla took the waters here for his gout ; l
and in the days of Plutarch the neighbouring town of
Aedepsus, situated in a. green valley about two miles from
the springs, was one of the most fashionable resorts of
Greece. Elegant and commodious buildings, an agreeable
country, and abundance of fish and game united with the
health-giving properties of the baths to draw crowds of
idlers to the place, especially in the prime of the glorious
Greek spring, the height of the season at Aedepsus. While
some watched the dancers dancing or listened to the strains
of the harp, others passed the time in discourse, lounging in
the shade of cloisters or pacing the shore of the beautiful
strait with its prospect of mountains beyond mountains
immortalized in story across the water.2 Of all this Greek
elegance and luxury hardly a vestige remains. Yet the
healing springs flow now as freely as of old. In the course
of time the white and yellow calcareous deposit which the
water leaves behind it, has formed a hillock at the foot
of the mountains, and the stream now falls in a steaming
cascade from the face of the rock into the sea.3 Once,
after an earthquake, the springs ceased to flow for three
days, and at the same time the hot springs of Thermopylae
dried up.4 The incident proves the relation of these Baths
of Hercules on both sides of the strait to each other and to
volcanic agency. On another occasion a cold spring suddenly
burst out beside the hot springs of Aedepsus, and as its
water was supposed to be peculiarly beneficial to health,
patients hastened from far and near to drink of it. But the
generals of King Antigonus, anxious to raise a revenue,
imposed a tax on the use of the water ; and the spring,
as if in disgust at being turned to so base a use, disappeared
as suddenly as it had come.5

1 Plutarch, Sulla, 26. Griecheuland (Bremen, 1840 — Berlin,

2 Plutarch, Quaest. Conviviaks, iv. 1863), ii. 233-235 ; C. Bursian, Geo-
4. I; id., De fraterno A more, 17. graphic von Griechenland, ii. 409;

3 As to the hot springs of Aedepsus C. Neumann und J. Partsch, Physi-
(the modern Lipso) see K. G. Fiedler, kalische Geographic von Griechenland,
Reise durch alle Theile des Konigreichs pp. 342-344.

Griechenland, i. 487 - 492 ; H. N. 4 Strabo, i. 3. 20, p. 60.

Ulrichs, Reisen und Forschungen in 6 Athenaeus, iii. 4, p. 73 E, D.

CHA P. vi 1 1 WORSHIP OF HO T SPRINGS 2 1 3

The association of Hercules with hot springs was not Reasons
confined to Greece itself. Greek influence extended it to ^sedition
Sicily,1 Italy,2 and even to Dacia.3 Why the hero should of Hercules
have been chosen as the patron of thermal waters, it is hard
to say. Yet it is worth while, perhaps, to remember that
such springs combine in a manner the twofold and seemingly
discordant principles of water and fire,4 of fertility and
destruction, and that the death of Hercules in the flames
seems to connect him with the fiery element. Further, the
apparent conflict of the two principles is by no means as
absolute as at first sight we might be tempted to suppose ;
for heat is as necessary as moisture to the support of animal
and vegetable life. Even volcanic fires have their beneficent
aspect, since their products lend a more generous flavour
to the juice of the grape. The ancients themselves, as we
have seen, perceived the connexion between good wine and
volcanic soil, and proposed more or less seriously to inter-
pret the vine-god Dionysus as a child of the fire.5 As a
patron of hot springs Hercules combined the genial elements
of heat and moisture, and may therefore have stood, in one
of his many aspects, for the principle of fertility.

In Syria childless women still resort to hot springs in order
to procure offspring from the saint or the jinnee of the waters.6

1 The hot springs of Himera (the ii. 798. It is characteristic of the

modern Termini) were said to have volcanic nature of the springs that the

been produced for the refreshment of same inscription which mentions these

the weary Hercules. See Diodorus baths of Hercules records their de-

Siculus, iv. 23. i, v. 3. 4; Scholiast struction by an earthquake.

on Pindar, Olymp. xii. 25. The hero 3 H. Dessau, Inscriptions Latinae

is said to have taught the Syracusans Selectae, vol. ii. Pars i. (Berlin, 1902)

to sacrifice a bull annually to Perse- p jj? j^o. 3891

phone at the Blue Spring (Cyane) near ' 4. Speaking of thermal springs Lyell

Syracuse ; the beasts were drowned m ^£ Jg description of them

the water of the pool. See Diodorus „ mi almogt ^ ^ .

Siculus, iv. 23. 4,.v. 4- I sy. As to have%een iyen under4 the Phe£d &

the spring, which is now thickly sur- us ^ ^ ^ Q{

rounded by tall papyrus-plants intro- be once

duced by the Arabs, see K. Baedeker, „

Southern Italy1 (Leipsic, 1880), pp. . f

35^5 357. K

2 The splendid baths of Allifae in See above» P- J94-

Samnium, of which there are con- e S. I. Curtiss, Primitive Semitic

siderable remains, were sacred to Her- Religion To-day (Chicago, New York,

cules. See G. Wilmanns, Exempla and Toronto, 1902), pp. 116 sq. ;

Inscriptionum Latinarum (Berlin, Mrs. H. H. Spoer, "The Powers of

1873), vol. i. p. 227, No. 735 c; Evil in Jerusalem," Folk-lore, xviii.

H. Nissen, Italische Landeskunde, (1907) p. 55. See above, p. 78.

214 VOLCANIC RELIGION BOOK i

hot This, for example, they do at the famous hot springs in the
Camfrhoe ^anc* °* Moab which flow through a wild gorge into the
in Moab. Dead Sea. In antiquity the springs went by the Greek
name of Callirrhoe, the Fair-flowing. It was to them that
the dying Herod, weighed down by a complication of dis-
orders which the pious Jews traced to God's vengeance,
repaired in the vain hope of arresting or mitigating the fatal
progress of disease. The healing waters brought no allevia-
tion of his sufferings, and he retired to Jericho to die.1 The
hot springs burst in various places from the sides of a deep
romantic ravine to form a large and rapid stream of luke-
warm water, which rushes down the depths of the lynn,
dashing and foaming over boulders, under the dense shade
of tamarisk-trees and cane-brakes, the rocks on either bank
draped with an emerald fringe of maidenhair fern. One
of the springs falls from a high rocky shelf over the face
of a cliff which is tinted bright yellow by the sulphurous
water. The lofty crags which shut in the narrow chasm
are bold and imposing in outline and varied in colour,
for they range from red sandstone through white and yellow
limestone to black basalt. The waters issue from the line
where the sandstone and limestone meet. Their tempera-
ture is high, and from great clefts in the mountain-sides
you may see clouds of steam rising and hear the rumbling
of the running waters. The bottom of the glen is clothed
and half choked with rank vegetation ; for, situated far
below the level of the sea, the hot ravine is almost African
in climate and flora. Here grow dense thickets of canes
with their feathery tufts that shake and nod in every
passing breath of wind : here the oleander flourishes with
its dark-green glossy foliage and its beautiful pink blossoms :
here tall date-palms rear their stately heads wherever the
hot springs flow. Gorgeous flowers, too, carpet the ground.
Splendid orobanches, some pinkish purple, some bright
yellow, grow in large tufts, each flower-stalk more than
three feet high, and covered with blossoms from the ground
upwards. An exquisite rose-coloured geranium abounds
among the stones ; and where the soil is a little richer than

1 Josephus, Antiqiiit. Jud. xvii. 6. spring are mentioned by Pliny (Nat,
5. The medical properties of the Hist. v. 72).

CHAP, vin WORSHIP OF HOT SPRINGS 215

usual it is a mass of the night-scented stock, while the
crannies of the rocks are gay with scarlet ranunculus and
masses of sorrel and cyclamen. Over all this luxuriant
vegetation flit great butterflies of brilliant hues. Looking
down the far-stretching gorge to its mouth you see in the
distance the purple hills of Judah framed between walls
of black basaltic columns on the one side and of bright red
sandstone on the other.1

Every year in the months of April and May the Arabs Prayers
resort in crowds to the glen to benefit by the waters. They ^esomlre
take up their quarters in huts made of the reeds which they to the hot
cut in the thickets. They bathe in the steaming water, cPamrrh°e.
or allow it to splash on their bodies as it gushes in a power-
ful jet from a crevice in the rocks. But before they indulge
in these ablutions, the visitors, both Moslem and Christian,
propitiate the spirit or genius of the place by sacrificing
a sheep or goat at the spring and allowing its red blood
to tinge the water. Then they bathe in what they call the
Baths of Solomon. Legend runs that Solomon the Wise
made his bathing-place here, and in order to keep the water
always warm he commanded the jinn never to let the fire
die down. The jinn obey his orders to this day, but some-
times they slacken their efforts, and then the water runs
low and cool. When the bathers perceive that, they say,
" O Solomon, bring green wood, dry wood," and no sooner
have they said so than the water begins to gurgle and steam
as before. Sick people tell the saint or sheikh, who lives
invisible in the springs, all about their ailments ; they point
out to him the precise spot that is the seat of the malady,
it may be the back, or the head, or the legs ; and if the heat
of the water diminishes, they call out, " Thy bath is cold,
O sheikh, thy bath is cold ! " whereupon the obliging sheikh
stokes up the fire, and out comes the water boiling. But if
in spite of their remonstrances the temperature of the spring

1 C. L. Irby and J- Mangles, Tristram, The Land of Moab (London,

Travels in Egypt and Nubia, Syria 1873), pp. 233-250, 285 sqq. ; Jacob

and the Holy Land (London, 1844), E. Spafford, "Around the Dead Sea

pp. 144 sq. ; W. Smith, Dictionary of by Motor Boat," The Geographical

Greek and Roman Geography (London, Journal, xxxix. (1912) pp. 39 sq.

!873), i- 482, s.v. " Callirrhoe " ; The river formed by the springs is

K. Baedeker, Syria and Palestine 4 now called the Zerka.
(Leipsic, 1906), p. 148 ; H. B.

216

VOLCANIC RELIGION

BOOK i

continues low, they say that the sheikh has gone on pilgrim-
age, and they shout to him to hasten his return. Barren
Moslem women also visit these hot springs to obtain chil-
dren, and they do the same at the similar baths near Kerak.
At the latter place a childless woman has been known
to address the spirit of the waters saying, " O sheikh Solo-
mon, I am not yet an old woman ; give me children." l The
respect thus paid by Arab men and women to the sheikh
Solomon at his hot springs may help us to understand
the worship which at similar spots Greek men and women
used to render to the hero Hercules. As the ideal of manly
strength he may have been deemed the father of many
of his worshippers, and Greek wives may have gone on
pilgrimage to his steaming waters in order to obtain the
wish of their hearts.

Worship

mena in
lands

The great
volcano of

Kirauea

in Hawaii,

§ 8. The Worship of Volcanoes in other Lands

How far these considerations may serve to explain the
custom of burning Hercules, or gods identified with him,
in effigy or in the person of a human being, is a question
which deserves to be considered. It might be more easily
answered if we were better acquainted with analogous
customs in other parts of the world, but our information
with regard to the worship of volcanic phenomena in general
appears to be very scanty. However, a few facts may be
noted.

The largest active crater in the world is Kirauea in
Hawaii. It is a huge cauldron, several miles in circum-
ference and hundreds of feet deep, the bottom of which is
filled with boiling lava in a state of terrific ebullition ; from
the red surge rise many black cones or insulated craters
belching columns of grey smoke or pyramids of brilliant
flame from their roaring mouths, while torrents of blazing
lava roll down their sides to flow into the molten, tossing sea
of fire below. The scene is especially impressive by night,

1 Antonin Jaussen, Coutwnes des hell, lest its healing properties should

Arabes au pays de Moab (Paris, 1908), assuage the pains of the damned. See

pp. 359 sq. The Arabs think that the H. B. Tristram, The Land of Moab

evil spirits let the hot water out of (London, 1873), p. 247.

CH. vin WORSHIP OF VOLCANOES-IN OTHER LANDS 217

when flames of sulphurous blue or metallic red sweep across
the heaving billows of the infernal lake, casting a broad glare
on the jagged sides of the insulated craters, which shoot up
eddying streams of fire with a continuous roar, varied at
frequent intervals by loud detonations, as spherical masses of
fusing lava or bright ignited stones are hurled into the air.1
It is no wonder that so appalling a spectacle should have
impressed the imagination of the natives and filled it with
ideas of the dreadful beings who inhabit the fiery abyss.
They considered the great crater, we are told, as the primaeval
abode of their volcanic deities : the black cones that rise like
islands from the burning lake appeared to them the houses
where the gods often amused themselves by playing at
draughts : the roaring of the furnaces and the crackling of
the flames were the music of their dance ; and the red
flaming surge was the surf wherein they played, sportively
swimming on the rolling wave.2

For these fearful divinities they had appropriate names ; The divini-
one was the King of Steam or Vapour, another the ^dcano*16
Rain of Night, another the Husband of Thunder, another
the Child of War with a Spear of Fire, another the Fiery-
eyed Canoe-breaker, another the Red-hot Mountain holding
or lifting Clouds, and so on. But above them all was the
great goddess ?£!£. All were dreaded : they never journeyed
on errands of mercy but only to receive offerings or to
execute vengeance ; and their arrival in any place was
announced by the convulsive trembling of the earth, by the
lurid light of volcanic eruption, by the flash of lightning, and
the clap of thunder. The whole island was bound to pay Offerings
them tribute or support their temples and devotees ; and
whenever the chiefs or people failed to send the proper
offerings, or incurred their displeasure by insulting them
or their priests or breaking the taboos which should
be observed round about the craters, they filled the huge
cauldron on the top of Kirauea with molten lava, and spouted
the fiery liquid on the surrounding country ; or they would

1 W. Ellis, Polynesian Researches, tremendous volcano. His visit was

Second Edition (London, 1832-1836), paid in the year 1823. Compare The

iv. 235 sgq. Mr. Ellis was the first Encyclopaedia Britannica? xi. 531.
European to visit and describe the 2 W. Ellis, op. cit. iv. 246 sq.

2 1 8 VOLCANIC RELIGION BOOK i

march to some of their other houses, which mortals call
craters, in the neighbourhood of the sinners, and rushing
forth in a river or column of fire overwhelm the guilty. If
fishermen did not bring them enough fish from the sea, they
would go down, kill all the fish, fill the shoals with lava, and
so destroy the fishing-grounds. Hence, when the volcano
was in active eruption or threatened to break out, the people
used to cast vast numbers of hogs, alive or dead, into the
craters or into the rolling torrentr of lava in order to appease
the gods and arrest the progress of the fiery stream.1 To
pluck certain sacred berries, which grow on the mountain, to
dig sand on its slopes, or to throw stones into the crater were
acts particularly offensive to the deities, who would instantly
rise in volumes of smoke, crush the offender under a shower
of stones, or so involve him in thick darkness and rain that
he could never find his way home. However, it was lawful
to pluck and eat of the sacred berries, if only a portion of
them were first offered to the goddess Pe"le. The offerer
would take a branch laden with clusters of the beautiful red
and yellow berries, and standing on the edge of the abyss
and looking towards the place where the smoke rose in
densest volumes, he would say, " Pele, here are your berries :
I offer some to you, some I also eat." With that he would
throw some of the berries into the crater and eat the rest.2
A kind of brittle volcanic glass, of a dark-olive colour and
semi-transparent, is found on the mountain in the shape of
filaments as fine as human hair ; the natives call it the hair
of the goddess Pele".3 Worshippers used to cast locks of
their own hair into the crater of Kirauea as an offering to
the dreadful goddess who dwelt in it. She had also a temple
at the bottom of a valley, where stood a number of rude
stone idols wrapt in white and yellow cloth. Once a year
the priests and devotees of Pele" assembled there to perform
certain rites and to feast on hogs, dogs, and fruit^ which the

1 W. Ellis, op. cit. iv. 248-250. and, on being examined, determined

2 W. Ellis, op. cit. iv. 207, 234- the plant to belong to the class
236. The berries resemble currants in decandria and order monogynia. The
shape and size and grow on low bushes. native name of the plant is ohelo "
" The branches small and clear, leaves (W. Ellis, op. cit. iv. 234).
alternate, obtuse with a point, and

serrated ; the flower was monopetalous, 3 W. Ellis, op. cit. iv. 263.

CH. vin WORSHIP OF VOLCANOES IN OTHER LANDS 219

pious inhabitants of Hamakua brought to the -holy place in
great abundance. This annual festival was intended to
propitiate the volcanic goddess and thereby to secure the
country from earthquakes and floods of molten lava.1 The
goddess of the volcano was supposed to inspire people,
though to the carnal eye the inspiration resembled intoxica-
tion. One of these inspired priestesses solemnly affirmed to Priestess
an English missionary that she was the goddess Pel£ herself ^Ting'the"
and as such immortal. Assuming a haughty air, she said, goddess
" I am Pe"le ; I shall never die ; and those who follow me, °^a
when they die, if part of their bones be taken to Kirauea
(the name of the volcano), will live with me in the bright
fires there." 2 For " the worshippers of P£le threw a part of
bones of their dead into the volcano, under the impression
that the spirits of the deceased would then be admitted to
the society of the volcanic deities, and that their influence
would preserve the survivors from the ravages of volcanic
fire." 3

This last belief may help to explain a custom, which Sacrifices
some peoples have observed, of throwing human victims into volcanoes,
volcanoes. The intention of such a practice need not be
simply to appease the dreadful volcanic spirits by ministering
to their fiendish lust of cruelty ; it may be a notion that the
souls of the men or women who have been burnt to death in
the crater will join the host of demons in the fiery furnace,
mitigate their fury, and induce them to spare the works and
the life of man. But, however we may explain the custom,
it has been usual in various parts of the world to throw
human beings as well as less precious offerings into the craters
of active volcanoes. Thus the Indians of Nicaragua used to Human
sacrifice men, women, and children to the active volcano V7ctims
Massaya, flinging them into the craters : we are told that the into
victims went willingly to their fate.4 In the island of Siao, volcanoes-
to the north of Celebes, a child was formerly sacrificed every
year in order to keep the volcano Goowoong Awoo quiet.
The poor wretch was tortured to death at a festival which
lasted nine days. In later times the place of the child has

1 \V. Ellis, op. cit. iv. 350. 4 Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes,

2 W. Ellis, op. cit. iv. 309-311. Historia General y Natural de las

3 W. Ellis, op. cit, iv. 361, Indias (Madrid, 1851-1855), iv. 74.

220

VOLCANIC RELIGION

BOOK

Annual

been taken by a wooden puppet, which is hacked to pieces
in the same way. The Galelareese of Halmahera say that
the Sultan of Ternate used annually to require some human
victims, who were cast into the crater of the volcano to save
the island from its ravages.1 In Java the volcano Bromo or
^rom°k is annually worshipped by people who throw offerings
Bromo in of coco-nuts, plantains, mangoes, rice, chickens, cakes, cloth,
money, and so forth into the crater.2 To the Tenggereese,
an aboriginal heathen tribe inhabiting the mountains of which
Bromo is the central crater, the festival of making offerings to
the volcano is the greatest of the year. It is held at full moon
in the twelfth month, the day being fixed by the high priest.
Each household prepares its offerings the night before. Very
early in the morning the people set out by moonlight for
Mount Bromo, men, women, and children all arrayed in their
best. Before they reach the mountain they must cross a
wide sandy plain, where the spirits of the dead are supposed
to dwell until by means of the Festival of the Dead they
obtain admittance to the volcano. It is a remarkable sight
to see thousands of people streaming across the level sands
from three different directions. They have to descend into
it from the neighbouring heights, and the horses break into
a gallop when, after the steep descent, they reach the level.
The gay and varied colours of the dresses, the fantastic
costumes of the priests, the offerings borne along, the whole lit
up by the warm beams of the rising sun, lend to the spectacle
a peculiar charm. All assemble at the foot of the crater,
where a market is held for offerings and refreshments. The
scene is a lively one, for hundreds of people must- now pay
the vows which they made during the year. The priests sit
in a long row on mats, and when the high priest appears the
people pray, saying, " Bromo, we thank thee for all thy gifts
and benefits with which thou ever blessest us, and for which
we offer thee our thank-offerings to-day. Bless us, our
children, and our children's children." The prayers over, the
high priest gives a signal, and the whole multitude arises
and climbs the mountain. On reaching the edge of the

1 A. C. Kruijt, Het Animisme in
den Indischen Archipel (The Hague,
1906), pp. 497 sq.

2 W. B. d'Almeida, Life in Java
(London, 1864), i. 166-173.

CH. vin WORSHIP OF VOLCANOES IN OTHER LANDS 221

crater, the pontiff again blesses the offerings of food, clothes,
and money, which are then thrown into the crater. Yet few
of them reach the spirits for whom they are intended ; for a
swarm of urchins now scrambles down into the crater, and at
more or less risk to life and limb succeeds in appropriating
the greater part of the offerings. The spirits, defrauded of
their dues, must take the will for the deed.1 Tradition says
that once in a time of dearth a chief vowed to sacrifice one of
his children to the volcano, if the mountain would bless the
people with plenty of food. His prayer was answered, and
he paid his vow by casting his youngest son as a thank-
offering into the crater.2

On the slope of Mount Smeroe, another active volcano Other
in Java, there are two small idols, which the natives worship
and pray to when they ascend the mountain. They lay food
before the images to obtain the favour of the god of the
volcano.3 In antiquity people cast into the craters of Etna
vessels of gold and silver and all kinds of victims. If the
fire swallowed up the offerings, the omen was good ; but if it
rejected them, some evil was sure to befall the offerer.4

These examples suggest that a custom of burning men NO evi-

or images may possibly be derived from a practice of throw- ^" Asiatic
ing them into the craters of active volcanoes in order to custom of
appease the dreaded spirits or gods who dwell there. But ^gs^r
unless we reckon the fires of Mount Argaeus in Cappadocia 5 gods was
and of Mount Chimaera in Lycia,6 there is apparently no J^60
record of any mountain in Western Asia which has been in volcanic

pheno-

1 J. H. F. Kohlbrugge, "Die Teng- 57 ; Macrobius, Saturn, v. 19. 26 sqq.', mena,
geresen, ein alter Javanischer Volks- Diodorus Siculus, xi. 89 ; Stephanus
slxa\vi\" Bijdragentot deTaal- Land- en Byzantius, s.v. HaXi/cT? ; E. H. Bun-

Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch- Indie, bury, s.v. " Palicorum lacus," in W.

liii. (1901) pp. 84, 144-147. Smith's Dictionary of Greek and

2 J. H. F. Kohlbrugge, op. cit. pp. Roman Geography, ii. 533 sq. The
100 sq. author of the ancient Latin poem

3 I. A. Stigand, " The Volcano of Aetna says (vv. 340 sq.) that people
Smeroe, Java," 7^he Geographical offered incense to the celestial deities

Journal, xxviii. (1906) pp. 621, 624. on the top of Etna.

4 Pausanias, iii. 23. 9. Some have 6 See above, pp. 190 sq.

thought that Pausanias confused the 6 On Mount Chimaera in Lycia a

crater of Etna with the Lago di Naftia, flame burned perpetually which neither

a pool near Palagonia in the interior of earth nor water could extinguish. See

Sicily, of which the water, impregnated Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 236, v. 100 ;

with naphtha and sulphur, is thrown into Servius on Virgil, Aen. vi. 288;

violent ebullition by jets of volcanic Seneca, Epist. x. 3. 3 ; Diodorus,

gas. See [Aristotle,] Mirab. Auscult. quoted by Photius, Bibliotheca, p. 212

222

VOLCANIC RELIGION

BOOK I

eruption within historical times. On the whole, then, we
conclude that the Asiatic custom of burning kings or gods
was probably in no way connected with volcanic phenomena.
Yet it was perhaps worth while to raise the question of the
connexion, even though it has received only a negative
answer. The whole subject of the influence which physical
environment has exercised on the history of religion deserves
to be studied with more attention than it has yet received.1

B, 10 sqq.) ed. Im. Bekker (Berlin,
1824). This perpetual flame was re-
discovered by Captain Beaufort near
Porto Genovese on the coast of Lycia.
It issues from the side of a hill of
crumbly serpentine rock, giving out an
intense heat, but no smoke. "Trees,
brushwood, and weeds grow close
round this little crater, a small stream
trickles down the hill hard bye, and
the ground does not appear to feel the
effect of its heat at more than a few
feet distance." The fire is not accom-
panied by earthquakes or noises ; it
ejects no stones and emits no noxious
vapours. There is nothing but a
brilliant and perpetual flame, at which
the shepherds often cook their food.
See Fr. Beaufort, Karmania (London,
1817), p. 46 ; compare T. A. B.
Spratt and E. Forbes, Travels in
Lycia (London, 1847), ii. 181 sq.

1 In the foregoing discussion I have
confined myself, so far as concerns
Asia, to the volcanic regions of
Cappadocia, Lydia, and Caria. But
Syria and Palestine, the home of
Adonis and Melcarth, " abound in
volcanic appearances, and very ex-
tensive areas have been shaken, at
different periods, with great destruction
of cities and loss of lives. Continual
mention is made in history of the

ravages committed by earthquakes in
Sidon, Tyre, Berytus, Laodicea, and '
Antioch, and in the island of Cyprus.
The country around the Dead Sea
exhibits in some spots layers of sulphur
and bitumen, forming a superficial
deposit, supposed by Mr. Tristram to
be of volcanic origin " (Sir Ch. Lyell,
Principles of Geology^ i. 592 sq.).
As to the earthquakes of Syria and
Phoenicia see Strabo, i. 3. 16, p. 58 ;
Lucretius, vi. 585 ; Josephus, Antiquit.
Jud. xv. 5. 2 ; z'd., Bell. Jud. i. 19. 3 ;
W. M. Thomson, The Land and the
Book, Central Palestine and Phoenicia,
pp. 568-574 ; Ed. Robinson, Biblical
Researches in Palestine? ii. 422-424 ;
S. R. Driver, on Amos iv. 1 1 (Cam-
bridge Bible for Schools and Colleges), '
It is said that in the reign of the
Emperor Justin the city of Antioch
was totally destroyed by a dreadful
earthquake, in which three hundred ;
thousand people perished (Procopius,
De Bello Persico, ii. 14). The destruc-^
tion of Sodom and Gomorrah (Genesis;
xix. 24-28) has been plausibly ex-/
plained as the effect of an earthquake >
liberating large quantities of petroleum .
and inflammable gases. See H. B. \
Tristram, The Land of Israel ', Fourth
Edition (London, 1882), pp. 350-354 ;S
S. R. Driver, The Book of Genesis 4/
(London, 1905), pp. 202 sq.

CHAPTER IX

THE RITUAL OF ADONIS

THUS far we have dealt with the myth of Adonis and the Results
legends which associated him with Byblus and Paphos. A p^^
discussion of these legends led us to the conclusion that inquiry.
among Semitic peoples in early times, Adonis, the divine
lord of the city, was often personated by priestly kings
or other members of the royal family, and that these his
human representatives were of olclput to death, whether
periodically or occasionally, in^ their divine character.
Further, we found that certain traditions and monuments of
Asia Minor seem to preserve traces of a similar practice. As
time went on, the cruel custom was apparently mitigated in
various ways ; for example, by substituting an effigy or an
animal for the maiL-or by allowing the destined victim to
escape with a merely make-believe sacrifice. The evidence
of all this is drawn from a variety of scattered and often
ambiguous indications : it is fragmentary, it is uncertain,
and the conclusions built upon it inevitably partake of the
weakness of the foundation. Where the records are so im-
perfect, as they happen to be in this branch of our subject,
the element of hypothesis must enter largely into any
attempt to piece together and interpret the disjointed facts.
How far the interpretations here proposed are sound, I leave
to future inquiries to determine.

From dim regions of the past, where we have had to Our
grope our way with small help from the lamp of history,
it is a relief to pass to those later periods of classical of Adonis
antiquity on which contemporary Greek writers have shed ch[eflyd
the light of their clear intelligence. To them we owe from Greek

writers.
223

224

THE RITUAL OF ADONIS

BOOK I

Festivals
of the
death and
resurrec-
tion of
Adonis.

The

festival at
Alex-
andria.

almost all that we know for certain about the rites of
Adonis. The Semites who practised the worship have said
little about it ; at all events little that they said has come
down to us. Accordingly, the following account of the
ritual is derived mainly from Greek authors who saw what
they describe ; and it applies to ages in which the growth
of humane feeling had softened some of the harsher features
of the worship.

At the festivals of Adonis, which were held in Western
Asia and in Greek lands, the death of the god was annually
mourned, with a bitter wailing, chiefly by women : images
of him, dressed to resemble corpses, were carried out as to
burial and then thrown into the sea or into springs ; 1 and
in some places his revival was celebrated on the following
day.2 But at different places the ceremonies varied some-
what in the manner and apparently also in the season of
their celebration. At Alexandria images of ApErc
/Vjonis were displayed on two couches : beside them were
set ripe fruits of all kinds, cakes, plants growing in flower-
pots/and green bowers twined with anise. The marriage of
^he lovers was celebrated one day, and on the mpyf^w
women attired as mourners, with streaming hair and bared

1 Plutarch, Alcibiades, 18 ; id.,
Nicias, 13 ; Zenobius, Centur. i. 49 ;
Theocritus, xv. 132 sqq. ; Eustathius
on Homer, Od. xi. 590.

2 Besides Lucian (cited below) see
Origen, Selecta in Ezechielem (Migne's
Patrologia Graeca, xiii. 800), 5o/coucrt
yap /car' friavrfc reXerds TLvas Troieiv
irp&TOV fji^f &TI dpyvovaiv avrbv [scil.
"A Samp] ws TedvrjKOTa, detirepov 8£
STL ya.lpQv<nv eTr' avr<^ ws d,7r6 veKp&v
avaffr&vTL. Jerome, Commentar. in
Ezechielem^ viii. 13, 14 (Migne's
Patrologia Latina, xxv. 82, 83) :
" Quern nos Adonidem interpretati
sumus, et Hebraeus et Syrus sermo
THAMUZ (non) vocat : unde quia

juxta gentilem fabulam, in mense
Junis amasius Veneris et pulcher-
rimus juvenis occisus, et deinceps
revixisse narratur, eundem Junium
mensem eodem appellant nomine, et
anniversariam ei celebrant solemni-

tatem, in qua plangittir a mulieribus
quasi mortitus, et postea reviviscens
canitur atque laudatur . . . inter-
fectionem et resurrectionem Adonidis
planctu et gaudio prosequens" Cyril
of Alexandria, In Isaiam, lib. ii.
tomus iii. (Migne's Patrologia Graeca,
Ixx. 441), £ir\&TTOVTO roLvvv "EXXyves
eof>TT]v £tri TOIJTQ ToicujTyv. Hpoffewoi-
OVVTO ij£v yap \virov ^vrj rrj 'A^podLrrj,
dia TO Ttdvavcu. rbv "Adwviv, o~vvo\o<f>ijpe-
ffdai Kal Qpi]veiv dveXdovo-rjs dt e^ ^'Sou,
K<d (Jity Kal it]vp7)<r6a
£r)Toti/j,ei>ov, (rvvrjdecrdai Kal
Kal fiexpt T&V Ka0' rj/j.as KaupCjv iv rots
Kar' 'AXej;di>dpeiav iepois ereXetro rb
-walyvLov roCro. From this testimony
of Cyril we learn that the festival of
the death and resurrection of Adonis
was celebrated at Alexandria down
to his time, that is, down to the
fourth or even the fifth century, long
after the official establishment of Chris-
tianity.

CHAP, ix THE RITUAL OF ADONIS 225

breasts, bore the image of the dead Adonis to the sea-shore
and committed it to the waves. Yet they sorrowed
not without hope, for they sang that the lost one would
come back again.1 The date at which this Alexandrian
ceremony was observed is not expressly stated ; but from
the mention of the ripe fruits it has been inferred that
it took place in late summer.2 In the great Phoenician The
sanctuary of Astarte at Byblus the death of Adonjs __was ^s{jj^ at
annually mourned, to the shrill wailing notes of the flute,
with weeping, lamentation, and beating of the breast ; Jmt
next day he was believed to come to life again and ascend
up... to... heaven in. .the presence of his worshippers. The
disconsolate believers, left behind on earth, shaved their
heads as the Egyptians did on the death of the divine bull
Apis ; women who could not bring themselves to sacrifice
their beautiful tresses had to give themselves up to strangers
oil a certain day of the festival, and to dedicate to Astarte
the wages of their shame.3

This Phoenician festival appears to have been a vernal Date of the
one, for its date was determined by the discoloration of Bybius.at
the river Adonis, and this has been observed by modern
travellers to occur in spring. _At__tliat-. season— trre~Ted
earth washed down from the mountains by^jhg^cain
tinges the water of the river, and even the""sea, _for__a
great way with a blood-fed hue, "an3 the^crimson stain
was believed to be the blood of Adonis, annually wounded
to death by the boar on Mount Lebanon.4 Again, the

1 Theocritus, xv. presence, if not before the eyes, of the

2 W. Mannhardt, Antike Wald- tmd worshipping crowds. The devotion of
Feldkulte (Berlin, 1877), p. 277. Byblus to Adonis is noticed also by

3 Lucian, De dea Syria, 6. See Strabo (xvi. 2. 18, p. 755).

above, p. 38. The flutes used by 4 Lucian, De dea Syria, 8. The

the Phoenicians in the lament for discoloration of the river and the

Adonis are mentioned by Athenaeus sea was observed by H. Maundrell on

(iv. 76, p. 174 F), and by Pollux (iv. 17 ,, . 1696 _ , .

76), who say that the same name ^ March Myf See hls J™™*

gingras was applied by the Phoenicians from Aleppo to Jerusalem, at Easter,

both to the flute and to Adonis himself. A.D. it>97, Fourth Edition (Perth,

Compare F. C. Movers, Die Phoe- 1800), pp. 59 sq. ; id., in Bohn's

nizier, i. 243 sq. We have seen that Early Travels in Palestine, edited

flutes were also played in the Baby- by Thomas Wright (London, 1848),

Ionian rites of Tammuz (above, p. 9). pp. 411 sq. Renan remarked the

Lucian's words, & TOV yepa. TT^TTOVO-I, discoloration at the beginning of Feb-

imply that the ascension of the god ruary (Mission de Phtnicie, p. 283).

was supposed to take place in the In his well-known lines on the subject
PT. IV. VOL. I Q

226 THE RITUAL OF ADONIS BOOK i

The ^/scarlet anemone is said to have sprung from the blood of
incUhe6 Adonis, or to have been stained by it ; * and as the anemone
red rose bjooms in Syria about Easter, this may be thought to show
ohf\d™is.S that the iestival of Adonis, or at least one of his festivals,
was held in spring. The name of the flower is probably
derived from Naaman (" darling"), which seems to have been
an epithet of Adonis. The Arabs still call the anemone
" wounds of the Naaman." 2 The red rose alsq^was said ta
owe its hue tothe same saor^occasjon ; for Aphrodite,
hastening to her wounded lover^ trod on a bush of white
roses ; the cruel thorns tore her tender flesh, and her sacred
blood dyed the white roses for ever red.3 It would be idle,
perhaps, to lay much weight on evidence drawn from the
calendar of flowers, and in particular to press an argument
so fragile as the bloom of the rose. Yet so far as it
counts at all, the tale which links the damask rose with
Festivals of the death of Adonis points to a summer rather than to
A^n'sand a spring celebration of his passion. In Attica, certainly,
Antioch. the jestival fell at the height of summer. For the fleet
which Athens fitted out against Syracuse, and by the de-
struction of which her power was permanently crippled,
sailed at midsummer, and by an ominous coincidence the
sombre rites of Adonis were being celebrated at the very
time. As the troops marched down to the harbour to
embark, the streets through which they passed were lined
with coffins and corpse-like effigies, and the air was rent
with the noise of women wailing for the dead Adonis. The
circumstance cast a gloom over the sailing of the most
splendid armament that Athens ever sent to sea.4 Many

Milton has laid the mourning in Historical Review, ii. (1887) p. 307,

summer : — following Lagarde. Compare W. W.

« Thammuz came next behind, Graf Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun,

Whose annual wound in Lebanon PP; °8 S(I'

allur'd J* Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron,

The Syrian damsels to lament his fate . 83' 5 Geofimica, xi. 17 ; Mythographi

In amorous ditties all a summer's day" Graed> «£. A* Westermann, p. 359.

Compare Bion, Idyl. \. 66 ; Pausamas,

1 Ovid, Metam. x. 735 ; Servius on vi. 24. 7 ; Philostratus, Epist. i. and
Virgil, A en. v. 72 ; J. Tzetzes, Schol. iii.

on Lycophron, 831. Bion, on the other 4 Plutarch, Akibiades, 18 ; id.,

hand, represents the anemone as sprung Nicias, 13. The date of the sailing

from the tears of Aphrodite (Idyl.\. 66). of the fleet is given by Thucydides

2 W. Robertson Smith, "Ctesias (vi. 30, etpovs HWOVVTOS ^77), who, with
and the Semiramis Legend," English his habitual contempt for the supersti-

CHAP, ix THE RITUAL OF ADONIS 227

ages afterwards, when the Emperor Julian made his first
entry into Antioch, he found in like manner the gay, the
luxurious capital of the East plunged in mimic grief for the
annual death of Adonis : and if he had any presentiment of
coming evil, the voices of lamentation which struck upon
his ear must have seemed to sound his knell.1

The resemblance of these ceremonies to the Indian and Resem-
European ceremonies which I have described elsewhere is these60
obvious. In particular, apart from the somewhat doubt- rites to
ful date of its celebration, the Alexandrian ceremony is European
almost identical with the Indian.2 In both of them the cere:

. . w • i t •* monies.

marriage of two divine beings, whose affinity witnvegetation .
seems indicated by trie fresh plants with which they arej
surrounded, is celebrated^ in effigy, ancT^the effigies are_
afterwards mourned over and thrown into the water:3
From the similarity of these customs to each other and
to the spring and midsummer customs of modern Europe
we should naturally expect that they all admit of a common
explanation. Hence, if the explanation which I have The death
adopted of the latter is correct, the ceremony of the death ^iorfof"
and resurrection of Adonis must also have been a dramatic Adonis a
representation of the decay and revival of plant life. _ The expression
inference thus based on the resemblance of the customs is for the
confirmed by the following features in the legend and ritual decay and
of Adonis. His affinity with vegetation comes out at once revivaj °f
in the common story of his birth. He was said to have
been born from a myrrh-tree, the_ bark of which bursting,
after""!* ten montEs' gestation, allowed the lovely infant to
come.Jprth. According to some, a boar rent the "Bark with
his tusk and so opened aT passage for the~~Babe. A faint
rationalistic colour was given to the legend by saying that
his mother was a woman named Myrrh, who had been

tion of his countrymen, disdains to Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum

notice the coincidence. Adonis was Graecarum? Nos. 726, 741 (vol. ii.

also bewailed by the Argive women pp. 564, 604).

(Pausanias, ii. 20. 6), but we do not 1 Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii. 9.

know at what season of the year the 15.

lamentation took place. Inscriptions 2 The Dying God, pp. 261-266.

prove that processions in honour of 3 In the Alexandrian ceremony,

Adonis were held in the Piraeus, and however, it appears to have been the

that a society of his worshippers image of Adonis only which was

existed at Loryma in Caria. See G. thrown into the sea.

228

THE RITUAL OF ADONIS

BOOK I

Adonis

the sun.

turned into a myrrh-tree soon after she had conceived the
child.1 The use of myrrh as incense at the festival of
Adonis may have given rise to the fable.2 We have seen
that incense was burnt at the corresponding Babylonian
rites,3 just as it was burnt by the idolatrous Hebrews in
honour of the Queen of Heaven,4 who was no other than
Astarte. Again, the story that Adonis _spent ha]£ or
according to others a third, of the year in the lower world
and the rest of it in the upper world,5 is explained most
simply and naturally by supposing that, he represented
vegetation, especially the corn, which lies buried i
earth half the year and rpapppars ^bove grnnnd t

the annual phenomena of nature there
is none which suggests so obviously the idea of death
and resurrection as the dt'sappearanr.e flnH rejtppear_ance-of

vegetation in autumn and^spring* Adonis has been taken
for- t hr j&n ; but there is nothing irTTHe~sur?s~annual
course within the temperate and tropical zones to suggest
that he is dead for half or a third of the year and alive
for the other half or two-thirds. He might, indeed, be
conceived as weakened in winter, but dead he could not
be thought to be ; his daily reappearance contradicts the
supposition.6 Within the Arctic Circle, where the sun
annually disappears for a continuous period which varies
from twenty-four hours to six months according to the
latitude, his yearly death and resurrection would certainly
be an obvious idea ; but no one except the unfortunate

1 Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, iii. 14.4;
Scholiast on Theocritus, i. 109; Anto-
ninus Liberalis, Transform. 34 ; J.
Tzetzes, Scholia on Lycophron, 829 ;
Ovid, Metamorph. x. 489 sqq. ; Servius
on Virgil, Aen. v. 72, and on JBttcol.
x. 18; Hyginus, Fab. 58, 164; Ful-
gentius, iii. 8. The word Myrrha or
Smyrna is borrowed from the Phoenician
(Liddell and Scott, Greek Lexicon, s.v.
<r/j.ijpva). Hence the mother's 'name,
as well as the son's, was taken directly
from the Semites.

2 W. Mannhardt, Antike Wald- und
Feldkulte, p. 383, note 2.

3 Above, p. 9.

4 Jeremiah xliv. 17-19.

6 Scholiast on Theocritus, iii. 48 ;
Hyginus, Astronom. ii. 7 ; Lucian,
Dialog, dear. xi. I ; Cornutus, Theo-
logiae Graecae Compendium , 28, p. 54,
ed. C. Lang (Leipsic, 1881); Apollo-
dorus, Bibliothecat iii. 14. 4.

6 The arguments which tell against
the solar interpretation of Adonis are
stated more fully by the learned and
candid scholar Graf Baudissin (Adonis
und Esmun, pp. 169 sqq.), who himself
formerly accepted the solar theory but
afterwards rightly rejected it in favour
of the view " dass Adonis die Fruhlings-
vegetation darstellt, die im Sommer
abstirbt" (op. cit. p. 169).

CHAP. IX

THE RITUAL OF ADONIS .

229

astronomer Bailly l has maintained that the Adonis worship
came from the Arctic regions. On_the other hand, the
annual death and revival of vegetation is a conception
whicrTTeadily presents itself to men in every stage of
savagery and civilization ; and the vastness of the scale on
whicrT^Ttltg^ ever-recurring decay and ifegefleralionlSges
place, together with^man's intimate dependence on~ it for
subsisTenceT combine to render it the most impressive
anjQuaT occurrence in nature, at least within the temperate
zones] ~It is no wonder that a phenomenon so important,
so striking, and so universal should, by suggesting similar
ideas, have given rise to similar rites in many lands. We
may, therefore, accept as probable an explanation of the
Adonis worship which accords so well with the facts of nature
and with the analogy of similar rites in other lands. More
over, the explanation is countenanced by a considerable body
of opinion amongst the ancients themselves, who again
and again interpreted the dying and reviving god as the
reaped and sprouting grain.2

1 Bailly, Lettres sur TOrigine des
Sciences (London and Paris, 1777),
pp. 255^. ; id., Lettres sur lAtlantide
de Platon (London and Paris, 1779),
pp. 114-125. Carlyle has described
how through the sleety drizzle of a
dreary November day poor innocent
Bailly was dragged to the scaffold
amid the howls and curses of the
Parisian mob (French Revolution, bk.
v. ch. 2). My friend the late Professor
C. Bendall showed me a book by a
Hindoo gentleman in which it is seri-
ously maintained that the primitive
home of the Aryans was within the
Arctic regions. See Bal Gangadhar
Tilak, The Arctic Home in the Vedas
(Poona and Bombay, 1903).

2 Cornutus, Theologiae Graecae Com-
pendium, 28, pp. 54 sq., ed. C. Lang
(Leipsic, 1881), roiovrov yap TL
Kal irap' Alyvirrlois 6 forovuevos Kal
dvevpLffKOfJ-evos virb rrjs "I<rt5os "Offipa
£fj.(j>alv€i. Kal Trapd &oii>i%iv 6 ava ntpos
irap' ££ /j.TJvas virep yrjv re Kal vwb yrjv
yiv6/j.evos "ASwvis, dirb rov adeiv rots

OI)TO>S wvo/J.aa'fJi.^vov rov
Kapirov. TOVTOV 3£

ave\€iv \tycrai Sia rb ras
5s do/tea/ Xyifidreipas elvai -f) rbv TTJS
wews ddbvra alvtrro^vuv avr&v, i><J)'

05 Kara yrjs Kp^nrreTai rb crir^pfj-a.
Scholiast on Theocritus, iii. 48,

6 "ASows, ijyovv 6 airos b <nreip6/j.evos,
l£ Wvas tv T$ yfj iroiei dirb rrjs crTropds
Kal ?£ wvas %x€i a-vrbv V 'AQpodLTij,

evKpa<rta rov dtpos. Kal
\a[AJ3dvovcriv avrbv ol (Lvdpwirot..
Origen, Selecta in Ezechielem (Migne's
Patrologia Graeca, xiii. 800), ol ot irepl
TT\V dvaywyty TUV 'JSXXrjviK&v fivduv
deivol Kal fivOiKip vofufofi&vis 6eo\oylas,
(fiacrl rbv *A.8wu> av^o\ov elvai ru>v T^S
7775 Kapir&v, dp-rjvov^vwv ptv ore atrd-
povrai, dvLara(j.£v(t)v d£, Kal did rovro
Xalpeiv iroiotivrwv TOI>S yewpyofo ore
(pvovrai. Jerome, Commentar. in
Ezechielem, viii. 13, 14 (Migne's
Patrologia Latina, xxv. 83), " Eadem
gentilitashujuscemodifabulas poetarum,
quae habent turpitudinem, interpretatur
subtiliter, interfectionem et resurrec-
tionem Adonidis planctu et gaudio pro-
sequens : quorum alterum in seminibus,
quae moriuntur in terra, alterum in

230

THE RITUAL OF ADONIS

BOOK

Tammuz The character of Tammuz or Adonis as a corn-spirit

comes out plainly in an account of his festival given by
corn-spirit an Arabic writer of the tenth century. In describing the
ground tn rites and sacrifices observed at the different seasons of the
a mill. year by the heathen Syrians of Harran, he says :
" Tammuz (July). In the middle of this month is the
festival of el-Bugat, that is, of the weeping women, and this
is the Ta-uz festival, which is celebrated in honour of the

him so cruelly, ground his bones in a millr and then scattered
them to the wind. The women (during this_Jcs.tivaJQ_cat
nothing which has J3eejn~£round in a mill, buLHmifc-their
diet to steeped wheat, sweet vetches, dates, raisins, -and -the
like." ] Ta-uz, who is no other than Tammuz, is here like
urns's John Barleycorn —

segetibus, quibus mortua semina rena-
scuntur, ostendi putat." Ammianus
Marcellinus, xix. I. 1 1, ilin sollemnibus
Adonidis sacris, quod simulacrum ali-
quod esse frugum adultarnm religiones
mysticae docent." Id. xxii. 9. 15,
" amato Veneris, tit fabulae fingunt,
apri dente ferali deleto, quod in
adulto flore sectarum est indicium
frugum" Clement of Alexandria,
Horn. 6. 1 1 (quoted by W. Mannhardt,
Antique Wald- und Feldkulte, p. 281),
\afj.pdvov<ri d£ Kal "Aduvtv eh upalovs
Etymologieum Magnum s.v.

Ktpiov ' dfouTat /cat 6
&8uvis ' olov dSwmos

. Eusebius, Praepar. Evang.
iii. II. 9, 'ASwm rrjs TUV reXeiuv
Kapiruv €KTO/j.rjs <nj/j.j3o\ov. Sallustius
philosophus, " De diis et mundo,"
iv. Fragmenta Philosophorum Grae-
corum, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 32,
oi AlyvTTTiOL . . . afira ra (rdj^ara 0eoi>?
. . ^Iffiv i&v rrjv yrjv . . .

8£ KapTrovs. Joannes Lydus,
De mensibuS) iv. 4, ry 'Ad&vidi, TOVT-
€ffTt rtp Mattfj . . . ^ ws AXXois, 6o/ce?,
"ASwm v-iv tvTiv 6 Kapir6s, KT\. The
view that Tammuz or Adonis is a
personification of the dying and re-
viving vegetation is now accepted by

many scholars. See P. Jensen, Kosmo-
logie der Babylonier (Strasburg, 1890),
p. 480 ; id., Assyrisch-babylonische
Mythen und Epen, pp. 411, 560; H.
Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Keilin-
schriften und das Alte Testament? p.
397; A. Jeremias, s.v. "Nergal," inW.
H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und
r'om. Mythologie^ iii. 265 ; R. Wiinsch,
Das Fruhlingsfest der Insel Malta
(Leipsic, 1902), p. 21 ; M. J. Lagrange,
Etudes sur les Religions Stmitiques?
pp. 306 sqq. ; W. W. Graf Baudissin,
" Tammuz," Realencyclopddie fur pro-
testantische Theologie und Kirchen-
geschichte', id., Esmun und Adonis,
pp. 81, 141, 169, etc. ; and Ed.
Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2.
pp. 394, 427. Prof. Jastrow regards
Tammuz as a god both of the sun and
of vegetation (Religion of Babylonia
and Assyria, pp. 547, 564, 574, 588).
But such a combination of disparate
qualities seems artificial and unlikely.

1 D. Chwolsohn, Die Ssabier und
der Ssabismus (St. Petersburg, 1856),
ii. 27 ; id., Ueber Tammuz und die
Menschenverehrung bei den alien Baby-
lioniern (St. Petersburg, 1860), p. 38.
Compare W. W. Graf Baudissin,
Adonis und Esmun, pp. 1 1 1 sqq.

CHAP, ix THE RITUAL OF ADONIS 231

" They wasted o'er a scorching flame

The marrow of his bones;
But a miller us'd him worst of all —
For he crush? d him between two stones"

This concentration, so to say, of the nature of Adonis
upon the cereal crops is characteristic of the stage of culture
reached by his worshippers in historical times. They had
left the nomadic life of the wandering hunter and herdsman
far behind them ; for ages they had been settled on the
land, and had depended for their subsistence mainly on the
products of tillage. The berries and roots of the wilderness,
the grass of the pastures, which had been matters of vital
importance to their ruder forefathers, were now of little
moment to them : more and more their thoughts and
energies were engrossed by the staple of their life, the corn ;
more and more accordingly the propitiation of tHe deities
of Je£Hl03rln^gene7aT~a^ in particular

tended__tCLJ^eccune-JJie__rentral feature of thejr_ieligian. The
aim they set before themselves in celebrating the rites was
thoroughly practical. It was no vague poetical sentiment
which prompted them to hail with joy the rebirth of vegeta-
tion and to mourn its decline. Hunger, felt or feared, was
the mainspring o^thf worship of Adonis.

It has been suggested by Father Lagrange that the The
mourning for Adonis was essentially a harvest rite designed !£° Adonis
to propitiate the corn-god, who was then either perishing interpreted
under the sickles of the reapers, or being trodden to death ^ *
under the hoofs of the oxen on the threshing-floor. While
the men slew him, the women wept crocodile tears at home
to appease his natural indignation by a show of grief for his
death.2 The theory fits in well with the dates of the
festivals, which fell in spring or_si.imm.rr ; for spring and
summer, not autumn, are the seasons of the barley and
wheat harvests in the_ la nds wh irh_worshipped~~Actonis.3

1 The comparison is due to Felix spring (Mea-owros 5£ £a/)os fi/u^ros

Liebrecht (Zur Volkskunde, Heilbronn, frbrrarcu, De special, legibus, i. 183,

1879, p. 259). , vol. v. p. 44, ed. L. Cohn). On

52 M. J. Lagrange, Etudes sur les this subject Professor W. M. Flinders

Religions Stmitiques'i (Paris, 1905), Petrie writes to me: "The Coptic

pp. 307 sq. calendar puts on April 2 beginning

3 Hence Philo of Alexandria dates of wheat harvest in Upper Egypt,

the corn -reaping in the middle of May 2 wheat harvest, Lower Egypt.

232

THE RITUAL OF ADONIS

BOOK I

But

probably
Adonis
was a spirit
of fruits, )
edible /
roots, and
grass (
before he \
became /
a spirit '
of the
cultivated
corn.

Further, the hypothesis is confirmed by the practice of the
Egyptian reapers, who lamented, calling upon I sis, when
they cut the first corn ; 1 and it is recommended by the
analogous customs of many hunting tribes, who testify great
pect for the animals which they kill and eat.2

Thus interpreted the death of Adonis is not the natural
decay of vegetation in general under the summer heat_pr

the winter Cold ;iMg_thc VtnlfMir Hpgrrnrrkm..Q£-*he ruin f>y

man, who cuts it down on the field, stamps it to pieces on
the threshing-floor, and grinds it to powder in the mill.
That this was indeed the principal aspect in which Adonis
presented himself in later times to the agricultural peoples
of the Levant, may be admitted ; but whether from the
beginning he had been the corn and nothing but the corn,

irley is two or three weeks earlier
than wheat in Palestine, but probably
less in Egypt. The Palestine harvest
is about the time of that in North
Egypt." With regard to Palestine we
are told that "the harvest begins with
the barley in April ; in the valley of
the Jordan it begins at the end of
March. Between the end of the
barley harvest and the beginning of
the wheat harvest an interval of two
or three weeks elapses. Thus as a
rule the business of harvest lasts about
seven weeks " (J. Benzinger, Hebraische
Archdologie, Freiburg i. B. and Leipsic,
1894, p. 209). "The principal grain
crops of Palestine are barley, wheat,
lentils, maize, and millet. Of the
latter there is very little, and it is all
gathered in by the end of May. The
maize is then only just beginning to
shoot. In the hotter parts of the
Jordan valley the barley harvest is over
by the end of March, and throughout
the country the wheat harvest is at its
height at the end of May, excepting in
the highlands of Galilee, where it is
about a fortnight later" (H. B. Tristram,
The Land of Israel, Fourth Edition,
London, 1882, pp. 583 sq.). As to
Greece, Professor E. A. Gardner tells
me that harvest is from April to May in
the plains and about a month later in
the mountains. He adds that "barley
may, then, be assigned to the latter

part of April, wheat to May in the
lower ground, but you know the great
difference of climate between different
parts ; there is the same difference of
a month in the vintage." Mrs. Hawes
(Miss Boyd), who excavated at Gournia,
tells me that in Crete the barley is cut
in April and the beginning of May, and
that the wheat is cut and threshed from
about the twentieth of June, though
the dates naturally vary somewhat with
the height of the place above the sea.
June is also the season when the wheat
is threshed in Euboea (R. A. Arnold,
From the Levant, London, 1 868, i.
250). Thus it seems possible that the
spring festival of Adonis coincided
with the cutting of the first barley in
March, and his summer festival with
the threshing of the last wheat in June.
Father Lagrange (pp. cit. pp. 305 sq.)
argues that the rites of Adonis were
always celebrated in summer at the
solstice of June or soon afterwards.
Baudissin also holds that the summer
celebration is the only one which is
clearly attested, and that if there was
a celebration in spring it must have
had a different signification than the
death of the god. See his Adonis und
Esmun, pp. 132 sq.

1 Diodorus Siculus, i. 14. 2. See
below, vol. ii. pp. 45 sq.

2 Spirits of the Corn and of the
Wild, ii. 1 80 sqq., 204 sqq.

CHAP, ix THE RITUAL OF ADONIS 233

may be doubted. At an earlier period he may have been
to the herdsman, above all, the tender herbage which
sprouts after rain, offering rich pasture to the lean and
hungry cattle. Earlier still he may have embodied the
spirit of the nuts and berries which the autumn woods
yield to the savage hunter and his squaw. And just as
the husbandman must propitiate the spirit of the corn
which he consumes, so the herdsman must appease the
spirit of the grass and leaves which his cattle munch, and
the hunter must soothe the spirit of the roots which he digs,
and of the fruits which he gathers from the bough. In
all cases the propitiation of the injured and angry sprite
would naturally comprise elaborate excuses and apologies,
accompanied by loud lamentations at his decease whenever,
through some deplorable accident or necessity, he happened
to be murdered as well as robbed. Only we must bear in
mind that the savage hunter and herdsman of those early
days had probably not yet attained to the abstract idea of
vegetation in general ; and that accordingly, so far as Adonis
existed for them at all, he must have been the Adon or lord
of each individual tree and plant rather than a personifica-
tion of vegetable life as a whole. Thus there would be as
many Adonises as there were trees and shrubs, and each
of them might expect to receive satisfaction for any damage
done to his person or property. And year by year, when
the trees were deciduous, every Adonis would seem to H™*** * *
to dgartr^TgJhfi ^rpfTlfiaves of autumn and to come to— life *
again with the fresh green of spring.

We have seen reason to think that in early times
Adonis was sometimes personated by a living man who
died a violent death in the character of the god. Further, The pro-
there is evidence which goes to show that among the £e*torn-°f
agricultural peoples of the Eastern Mediterranean, the corn- spirit may
spirit, by whatever name he was known, was often repre- ^tiithe*
sented, year by year, by human victims slain on the harvest- worship of
field.1 If that was so, it seems likely that the propitiation x
of the corn-spirit would tend to fuse to some extent with
the worship of the dead. For the spirits of these victims

1 W. Mannhardt, Mythologische For- Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild,
schungen (Strasburg, 1884), pp. I sqq. ; i. 216 sqq.

234 THE RITUAL OF ADONIS BOOK i

might be thought to return to life in the ears which they
had fattened with their blood, and to die a second death at
the reaping of the corn. Now the ghosts of those who
have perished by violence are surly and apt to wreak their
vengeance on their slayers whenever an opportunity offers.
Hence the attempt to appease the souls of the slaughtered
victims would naturally blend, at least in the popular concep-
tion, with the attempt to pacify the slain corn-spirit. • And
as the dead came back in the sprouting corn, so they might
be~tHought to return in the"ipnng flowers, waked from their
longjleep by the soit vernal airs. They had been laid__tp
theirrest unaer tiie sodT What , IriDTe^aFuraT

imaginir that tEe violets and the hyacinths, the_reses_and
the~"anemones, sprang from tneir dust, were empurpled or
mcarnadineoTby their blood, ang"gontamed some porticm"~of
their spirtTT"

" / sometimes think that never blows so red
The Rose as where some buried Caesar bled;
That every Hyacinth the Garden wears
Dropt in her Lap from some once lovely Head.

" And this reviving Herb whose tender Green
Fledges the River-Lip on which we lean —

Ah, lean upon it lightly, for who knows
From what once lovely Lip it springs unseen ? "

In the summer after the battle of Landen, the most

sanguinary battle of the seventeenth century in Europe, the

earth, saturated with the blood of twenty thousand slain,

broke forth into millions of poppies, and the traveller who

passed that vast sheet of scarlet might well fancy that the

The festival earth had indeed given up her dead.1 At Athens the great

af festival Commemoration of the Dead fell in spring about the middle

of flowers, of March, when the early flowers are in bloom. Then__the

dead were believedto rise from their graves and go abouj;

the streets, vainlyeliHea;vb^nr^_to_ein:er the temples"jSd

the dwellings, ""WfaicK" were Sparred against these perturbed

spirits with ropes, buckthorn, and pitch. The name of the

festival, according to the most obvious and natural inter-

pretation, means the Festival of Flowers, and the title would

1 T. B. Macaulay, History of England^ chapter xx. vol. iv. (London,
1855) p. 410.

CHAP. IX

THE RITUAL OF ADONIS

235

fit well with the substance of the ceremonies if at that
season the poor ghosts were indeed thought to creep from
the narrow house with the opening flowers.1 There may
therefore be a measure of truth in the theory of Renan,
who saw in the Adonis worship a dreamy voluptuous cult
of death, conceived not as the King of Terrors, but as an
insidious enchanter who lures his victims to himself and
lulls them into an eternal sleep. The infinite charm of
nature in the Lebanon, he thought, lends itself to religious
emotions of this sensuous, visionary sort, hovering vaguely
between pain and pleasure, between slumber and tears.2 It
would doubtless be a mistake to attribute to Syrian peasants
the worship of a conception so purely abstract as that of
death in general. Yet it may be true that in their simple
minds the thnjrjit^niLihp reviving npirit of vegetation
blent with the very_concrete notion of tl
deacTTwrio come to life again in spring davs-with the^earb

rnrn and the man y-
tinted blossoms of the trees. Thus their views of flie death

andTrpsnrrgrtinn nt naTnrpjyniilH hp frr>]f>nrfH h}f their Vl'ffWS

of the death anoTresurrection of manT by their pprsnnq] gr>rroivc
andjiopes and fears. In like manner we cannot doubt that
Renan's theory of Adonis was itself deeply tinged by
passionate memories, memories of the slumber akin to death
which sealed his own eyes on the slopes of the Lebanon,
memories of the sister who sleeps in the land of Adonis
never again to wake with the anemones and the roses.

1 This explanation of the name
Anthesteria, as applied to a festival of
the dead, is due to Mr. R. Wiinsch
(Das Friihlingsfest der Insel Malta,
Leipsic, 1902, pp. 43 sqq.}. I cannot
accept the late Dr. A. W. Verrall's
ingenious derivation of the word from
a verb avadtwacrQai in the sense of
"to conjure up" ("The Name An-
thesteria,"y<?«r«a/ of Hellenic Studies,
xx. (1900) pp. 115-117). As to
the festival see E. Rohde, Psyche*
(Tubingen and Leipsic, 1903), i. 236

sqq. ; Miss J. E. Harrison, Prolego-
mena to the Study of Greek Religion 2
(Cambridge, 1908), pp. 32 sqq. In
Annam people offer food to their dead
on the graves when the earth begins
to grow green in spring. The cere-
mony takes place on the third day of
the third month, the sun then entering
the sign of Taurus. See Paul Giran,
Magie et Religion Annamites (Paris,
1912), pp. 423 sq.

2 E. Renan, Mission de Phtnicie
(Paris, 1864), p. 216.

CHAPTER X

THE GARDENS OF ADONIS

Pots of
corn,

herbs, and
flowers,
called the
gardens
of Adonis.

These
gardens
of Adonis
were

charms to
promote
the growth
of
vegetation.

PERHAPS the best proof that Adonis was a deity of vegeta-
tion, and especially of the corn, is furnished by the gardens
of Adonis, as they were called. These were baskets or pots
filled with earth, jnjwhich wheat^ barley. lettucesTfennely and
various kinds of flowers were sown and tended for eight-
days, chiefly or exclusively by women. Fostered by the
sun's heat, the plants shot up rapidly, but having no roo\
they withered as_rapidly away, and at the end_of_eightjdays
were_carried out with~trTe images of the dead Adonis, and
flung with thejn_fntn tfrg ,sea nr TntcTspringS.1

These gardens of Adonis are most naturally interpreted
as representatives of Adonis or manifestations of his power ;
they represented him, true to his original nature, in vegetable
form, while the images of him, with which they were carried
out and cast into the water, portrayed him in his later
human shape. All these Adonis ceremonies, if I am right,
were originally intended as ^charms to promote the growth

1 For the authorities see Raoul
Rochette, " Memoire sur les jardins
d' Adonis," Revue Archtologique, viii.
(1851) pp. 97-123; W. Mannhardt,
Ant ike Wald- und Feldkulte, p. 279,
note 2, and p. 280, note 2. To the
authorities cited by Mannhardt add
Theophrastus, Hist. Plant, vi. 7. 3 ;
id., DC Causis Plant, i. 12. 2; Gre-
gorius Cyprius, i. 7 ; Macarius, i. 63 ;
Apostolius, i. 34; Diogenianus, i. 14;
Plutarch, De sera num. vind. 17.
Women only are mentioned as planting
the gardens of Adonis by Plutarch, I.e. ;
Julian, Convivium, p. 329 ed. Span-

heim (p. 423 ed. Hertlein) ; Eustathius
on Homer, Od. xi. 590. On the other
hand, Apostolius and Diogenianus (ll.cc.)
say (fivTetiovTes i) 0urei5of(rat. The earliest
extant Greek writer who mentions the
gardens of Adonis is Plato (Phaedrus,
p. 276 B). The procession at the
festival of Adonis is mentioned in an
Attic inscription of 302 or 301 B.C.
(G. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum
Graecarum^ vol. ii. p. 564, No. 726).
Gardens of Adonis are perhaps alluded
to by Isaiah (xvii. 10, with the com-
mentators).

236

CHAP, x THE GARDENS OF ADONIS 237

or revival of vegetation ^ and the principle by which they
were supposed to produce this effect was homoeopathic
or imitative magic. For ignorant people suppose that by
mimicking the effect which they desire to produce they
actually help to produce it ; thus by sprinkling water they
make rain, by lighting a fire they make sunshine, and so on.
Similarly, by mimicking" the growth oi crops ^tliey hope to
ensure a good harvest. The rapid growth of the wheat and The
barley in the gardens of Adonis was intended to make the of the"*
corn shoot up ; and the throwing of the gardens and of the "gardens'

. . ,, , ; \ — into water

images into the water was a charm to_secure a due supply „,.,. a rain
of fertilizing rain.1 The same, I take it, was the object of charm-
throwing the effigies of Death and the Carnival into water in
the corresponding ceremonies of modern Europe.2 Certainly
the custom of drenching with water a leaf-clad person, who
undoubtedly personifies vegetation, is still resorted to in
Europe for the express purpose of producing rain.3 Similarly Parallel
the custom of throwing water on the last corn cut at Elir°Pean

— — customs of

harvest, or on the person who brings it home (a custom drenching
observed in Germany and France, and till quite lately in ^th° water
England and Scotland), is in some places practised with the at harvest
avowed intent to procure rain for the next year's crops. 01
Thus in Wallachia and amongst the Roumanians in Tran-
sylvania, when a girl is bringing home a crown made of the
last ears of corn cut at harvest, all who meet her hasten to
throw water on her, and two farm-servants are placed at the
door for the purpose ; for they believe that if this were not
done, the crops next year would perish from drought.4 So

1 In hot southern countries like stamme (Berlin, 1875), P- 2I4 '•> W.
Egypt and the Semitic regions of Schmidt, Das Jahr und seine Tage in
Western Asia, where vegetation de- Meinung und Branch der Romdnen
pends chiefly or entirely upon irriga- Siebenbilrgens (Hermannstadt, 1866),
tion, the purpose of the charm is pp. 18 sq. The custom of throwing
doubtless to secure a plentiful flow water on the last wagon-load of corn
of water in the streams. But as the returning from the harvest-field has
ultimate object and the charms for been practised within living memory
securing it are the same in both cases, in Wigtownshire, and at Orwell in Cam-
I have not thought it necessary always bridgeshire. SeeJ. G. Frazer, "Notes
to point out the distinction. on Harvest Customs," Folk-lore Journal,

2 The Dying God, pp. 232, 233 sqq. vii. (1889) pp. 50, 51. (In the first

3 The Magic Art and the Evolution of these passages the Orwell at which
of Kings, i. 272 sqq. the custom used to be observed is said

4 W. Mannhardt, Der Baumkultus to be in Kent ; this was a mistake of
der Germanen und ihrer Nachbar- mine, which my informant, the Rev.

238 THE GARDENS OF ADONIS BOOK

Use of amongst the Saxons of Transylvania, the pprsnn u/hn

rat^-charm the Wreath made of the ja^ rnrn rilt l>s HrpnrhpH wirh

at harvest to the skin ; for the wetter hp is, the hftfter will be next
sowing.

year's harvest, and the more grain there will be thresher! nut.

Sometimes the wearer of the wreath is the reaper who cut
the last corn.1 In Northern Euboea, when the corn-sheaves
have been piled in a stack, the farmer's wife brings a pitcher
of water and offers it to each of the labourers that he may
wash his hands. Every man, after he has washed his hands,
sprinkles water on the corn and on the threshing-floor,
expressing at the same time a wish that the corn may last
long. Lastly, the farmer's wife holds the pitcher slantingly
and runs at full speed round the stack without spilling a
drop, while she utters a wish that the stack may endure as
long as the circle she has just described.2 At the spring
ploughing in Prussia, when the ploughmen and sowers
returned in the evening from their work in the fields, the
farmer's wife and the servants used to splash water over
them. The ploughmen and sowers retorted by seizing every
one, throwing them into the pond, and ducking them under
the water. The farmer's wife might claim exemption on
payment of a forfeit, but every one else had to be ducked.
By observing this custom they hoped to ensure a due
supply of rain for the seed.3 Also after harvest in Prussia,
the person who wore a wreath made of the last corn cut
was drenched with water, while a prayer was uttered that
" as the corn had sprung up and multiplied through the
water, so it might spring up and multiply in the barn and
granary."4 At Schlanow, in Brandenburg, when the sowers

E. B. Birks, formerly Fellow of Trinity men, who got thoroughly drenched."
College, Cambridge, afterwards cor- 1 G. A. Heinrich, Agrarische Sitten

reeled.) Mr. R. F. Davis writes to und Gebrduche writer den Sachsen

me (March 4, 1906) from Campbell Siebenbiirgens (Hertnanstadt, 1880), p.

College, Belfast : " Between 30 and 24 ; H. von Wlislocki, Sitten und

40 years ago I was staying, as a very Branch der Siebenburger Sachsen (Ham-

small boy, at a Nottinghamshire farm- burg, 1888), p. 32.
house at harvest-time, and was allowed 2 G. Drosinis, Land und Leute in

— as a great privilege — to ride home Nord-Eiibba (Leipsic, 1884), p. 53.
on the top of the last load. All the 3 Matthaus Pratorius, Deliciae Prus-

harvesters followed the waggon, and sicae (Berlin, 1871), p. 55; W. Mann-

on reaching the farmyard we found the hardt, Baumkultus, pp. 214 sy., note.
maids of the farm gathered near the 4 M. Pratorius, op. cit. p. 60 ; W.

gate, with bowls and buckets of water, Mannhardt, Baumkultus, p. 215,

which they proceeded to throw on the note.

CHAP, x THE GARDENS OF ADONIS 239

return home from the first sowing they are drenched
with water "in order that the corn may grow."1 In
Anhalt on the same occasion the farmer is still often
sprinkled with water by his family ; and his men and
horses, and even the plough, receive the same treatment.
The object of the custom, as people at Arensdorf explained
it, is " to wish fertility to the fields for the whole year." 2
So in Hesse, when the ploughmen return with the plough
from the field for the first time, the women and girls lie in
wait for them and slyly drench them with water.3 Near
Naaburg, in Bavaria, the man who first comes back from
sowing or ploughing has a vessel of water thrown over him
by some one in hiding.4 At Hettingen in Baden the
farmer who is about to begin the sowing of oats is sprinkled
with water, in order that the oats may not shrivel up.5
Before the Tusayan Indians of North America go out to
plant their fields, the women sometimes pour water on them ;
the reason for doing so is that " as the water is poured on
the men, so may water fall on the planted fields." 6 The
Indians of Santiago Tepehuacan steep the seed of the maize
in water before they sow it, in order that the god of the
waters may bestow on the fields the needed moisture.7

The opinion that the gardens of Adonis are essentially Gardens
charms to promote the growth of vegetation, especially of alnong't
the crops, and that they belong to the same class of customs Oraonsand
as those spring and midsummer folk-customs of modern
Europe which I have described elsewhere,8 does not rest for
its evidence merely on the intrinsic probability of the case.
Fortunately we are able to show that gardens of Adonis
(if we may use the expression in a general sense) are still
planted, first, by a primitive race at their sowing season,

1 H. Prahn, " Glaube und Brauch 6 E. H. Meyer, Badisches Volks-
in der Mark Brandenburg," Zeitschrift leben (Strasburg, 1900), p. 420.

des Vereins filr Volkskunde, i. (1891) 6 J. Walter Fewkes, "The Tusayan

p. 1 86. New Fire Ceremony," Proceedings of

2 O. Hartung, " Zur Volkskunde the Boston Society of Natural History,
aus Anhalt," Zeitschrift des Vereins xxvi. (1895) p. 446.

fur Volkskunde, vii. (1897) p. 150. 7 " Lettre du cure de Santiago

3 W. Kolbe, Hessische Volks-Sitten Tepehuacan a son eveque," Bulletin
und Gebrduche (Marburg, 1888), p. 51. de la Socittt de Gtographie (Paris),

4 Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde Deuxieme Serie, ii. (1834) pp. 181 sq.
des Konigreichs Bayern, ii. (Munich, 8 The Magic Art and the Evolution
1863) p. 297. of Kings, ii. 59 sqq.

240 THE GARDENS OF ADONIS BOOK i

and, second, by European peasants at midsummer. Amongst
the Oraons and Mundas of Bengal, when the time comes for
planting out the rice which has been grown in seed-beds, a
party of young people of both^sexea go to the forest and- cat
a young Karma-tree, or the branch of nne. Ttearjn.g_jj- in
triumph they return dancing, singing, and beating drums,
and plant it in thf* m1'^1^ ^ tfc**- -v*llafiF! ^ancing-gro.und.
A sacrifice is offered to tfre tree ; and next morning the
youth of both sexes, linked arm-in-arm, dance in a great
circle round the Karma-tree, which is decked with strips of
coloured cloth and sham bracelets and necklets of plaited
straw. As a preparation for ihe festival, the daughters of
the headman of the village cultivate blades of barley in a
peculiar way. The seed is sown in moist, sandy soil, mixed
with turmeric, and the blades sprout and unfold of a pale-
yellow or primrose colour. On the day of the festival the
girls take up these blades and carry them in baskets to the
dancing-ground, where, prostrating themselves reverentially,
they place some of the plants before the Karma -tree.
Finally, the Karma-tree is taken away and thrown into a
stream or tank.1 The meaning of planting these barley
blades and then presenting them to the Karma - tree is
hardly open to question. Trees are supposed to exercise
a quickening influence iipnn tlia — growth of crops, — a**d
amongstthe very people in question — the Mundas or
Mundaris^-" the grove deitielTlire held responsible for the
crops." 2 Therefore, whenjat the^eason for planting out the
rice the^ Mundas_bring in a tree and jjjat_it_vvjth so much
respect,jtheir obJ£Qt_can only_be_to foster thereby the^ growth
of jthe rice which is about_to^ be planted out ; and the custom
of cajasjiig Jbjjrley^Ia^

ing them to the tree must be intended to subserve the same
purpose, "perhaps by retmnBIng" the tree -spirit of his duty
towards the cropSj and stimulating his activity by this visible
example of rapid vegetable growth. The throwing of the
Karma-tree into the water is to be interpreted as a rain-

1 E. T. Dalton, Descriptive Ethno- As to the influence which trees are
logy of Bengal (Calcutta, 1872), p. supposed to exercise on the crops, see
259. The Magic Art and the Evolution of

2 E. T. Dalton, op. cit. p. 188. Kings, ii. 47 sqq.

CHAP, x THE GARDENS OF ADONIS 241

charm. Whether the barley blades are also thrown into the
water is not said ; but if my interpretation of the custom
is right, probably they are so. A distinction between this
Bengal custom and the Greek rites of Adonis is that in the
former the tree-spiri^appears in his original form as a tree ,y
whereas irT^Ke^AdonTs worship he appears in human form,
represented a^~~a HpaH man^though his vegetable nature is
indicated by the gardens of Adonist which are, so to sayLa
secondary manifestation of his original power as a tree-spirit.

Gardens of Adonis are cultivated also by the Hindoos, Gardens of
with the intention apparently of ensuring the fertility both
of the earth and of mankind. Thus at Oodeypoor in
Rajputana a festival is held " in honour of Gouri, or Isani,
the goddess of abundance, the Isis of Egypt, the Ceres of
Greece. Like the Rajpoot Saturnalia, which it follows, it
belongs to the vernal equinox, when nature in these regions
proximate to the tropic is in the full expanse of her charms,
and the matronly Gouri casts her golden mantle over the
verdant Vassanti, personification of spring. Then the fruits
exhibit their promise to the eye ; the kohil fills the ear with
melody ; the air is impregnated with aroma, and the crimson
poppy contrasts with the spikes of golden grain to form a
wreath for the beneficent Gouri. Gouri is one of the names
of Isa or Parvati, wife of the greatest of the gods, Mahadeva
or Iswara, who is conjoined with her in these rites, which
almost exclusively appertain to the women. The meaning
of gouri is 'yellow,' emblematic of the ripened harvest, when
the votaries of the goddess adore her effigies, which are
those of a matron painted the colour of ripe corn." The
rites begin when the sun enters the sign of the Ram, the
opening of the Hindoo year. An image of the goddess
Gouri is made of earth, and a smaller one of her husband
Iswara, and the two are placed together. A small trench
is next dug, barley is sown in it, and the ground watered
and heated artificially till the grain sprouts, when the women
dance round it hand in hand, invoking the blessing of Gouri
on their husbands. After that the young corn is taken up
and distributed by the women to the men, who wear it in
their turbans. Every wealthy family, or at least every sub-
division of the city, has its own image. These and other

PT. IV. VOL. I R

242 THE GARDENS OF ADONIS BOOK i

rites, known only to the initiated, occupy several days, and
are performed within doors. Then the images of the
goddess and her husband are decorated and borne in pro-
cession to a__beauj-ifu1 l^foe., whose^dleep^b^ue waters mirror
the cloudless Indian sky, marble palaces, and grange groves.]
Here the women, their hair decked with roses and~je~ssamin'e7
carry the image of Gouri down a marble staircase to the
water's edge, and dance round it singing hymns and love-
songs. Meantime the goddess is supposed to bathe in the
water. No men take part in the ceremony ; even the
image of Iswara, the husband-god, attracts little attention.1
In these rites the distribution of the barley shoots to the
men, and the invocation of a blessing on their husbands by
the wives, point clearly to the desire of offspring as one
motive for observing the custom. The same motive prob-
ably explains the use of gardens of Adonis at the marriage
of Brahmans in the Madras Presidency. Seeds of five or
nine sorts are mixed and sown in earthen pots, which are
made specially for the purpose and are filled with earth.
Bride and bridegroom water the seeds both morning and
evening for four days ; and on the fifth day the seedlings are
thrown, like the real gardens of Adonis, into a tank or river.2
Gardens of In the Himalayan districts of North-Western India the
North- ' cultivators sow barley, maize, pulse, or mustard in a basket
Western of earth on the twenty -fourth day of the fourth month
trai India. (Asdrfi), which falls about the middle of July. Then on the
last day of the month they place amidst the new sprouts
small clay images of Mahadeo and Parvati and worship
them in remembrance of the marriage of those deities.
Next day they cut down the green stalks and wear them in
their head-dress.3 Similar is the barley feast known as
Jayi or Jawara in Upper India and as Bhujariya in the
Central Provinces. On the seventh day of the light half of
the month Sawan grains of barley are sown in a pot of
manure, and spring up so quickly that by the end of the

1 Lieut.-Col. James Tod, Annals quary, xxv. (1896) p. 144; E. Thur-
and Antiquities of Rajasfhan, i. (Lon- ston, Ethnographic Notes in Southern
don, 1829) pp. 570-572. India (Madras, 1906), p. 2.

2 G. F. D'Penha, " A Collection of 3 E. T. Atkinson, The Himalayan
Notes on Marriage Customs in the Districts of the North- Western Provinces
Madras Presidency," Indian Anti- of India, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) p. 870.

CHAP, x THE GARDENS OF ADONIS 243

month the vessel is full of long, yellowish-green stalks. On
the first day of the next month, Bhadon, the women and
girls take the stalks out, throw the earth and manure into
water, and distribute the plants among their male friends,
who bind them in their turbans and about their dress.1 At
Sargal in the Central Provinces of India this ceremony is
observed about the middle of September. None but women
may take part in it, though crowds of men come to look on.
Some little time before the festival wheat or other grain has
been sown in pots ingeniously constructed of large leaves,
which are held together by the thorns of a species of acacia.
Having grown up in the dark, the stalks are of a pale
colour. On the day appointed these gardens of Adonis, as
we may call them, are carried towards a lake which abuts
on the native city. The women of every family or circle of
friends bring their own pots, and having laid them on the
ground they dance round them. Then taking the pots of
sprouting corn they descend to the edge of the water, wash
the soil away from the pots, and distribute the young plants
among their friends.2 At the temple of the goddess Padma-
vati, near Pandharpur in the Bombay Presidency, a Nine
Nights' festival is held in the bright half of the month
Ashvin (September— October). At this time a bamboo frame
is hung in front of the image, and from it depend garlands
of flowers and strings of wheaten cakes. Under the frame
the floor in front of the pedestal is strewn with a layer of
earth in which wheat is sown and allowed to sprout.3 A
similar rite is observed in the same month before the images
of two other goddesses, Ambabai and Lakhubai, who also
have temples at Pandharpur.4

1 W. Crooke, Popular Religion and height of a few inches.
Folk-lore of Northern India (West- ' 2 Mrs. J. C. Murray - Aynsley,

minster, 1896), ii. 293^. Compare " Secular and Religious Dances," Folk-

Baboo Ishuree Dass, Domestic Manners lore Journal, v. (1887) pp. 253^.

and Customs of the Hindoos of Northern The writer thinks that the ceremony

India (Benares, 1860), pp. in sq. " probably fixes the season for sowing

According to the latter writer, the some particular crop."
festival of Salono [not Salonan] takes 3 Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency,

place in August, and the barley is xx. (Bombay, 1884) p. 454. This

planted by women and girls in baskets passage was pointed out to me by my

a few days before the festival, to be friend Mr. W. Crooke.
thrown by them into a river or tank 4 Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency t

when the grain has sprouted to the xx. 443, 460.

244 THE GARDENS OF ADONIS BOOK i

Gardens of In some parts of Bavaria it is customary to sow flax

in a pot on t^ie last t^iree days °f the Carnival ; from the
seed which grows best an omen is drawn as to whether the
early, the middle, or the late sowing will produce the best
Gardens of crop.1 In Sardinia the gardens of Adonis are still planted
c,doTniu °,n in connexion with the great Midsummer festival which bears

bt. John s °

Day in the name of St. John. At the end of March or on the first
lia* of April a young man of the village presents himself to a girl,
and asks her to be his comare (gossip or sweetheart), offering
to be her compare. The invitation is considered as an honour
by the girl's family, and is gladly accepted. At the end of
May the girl makes a pot of the bark of the cork-tree, fills
it with earth, and sows a handful of wheat and barley in it.
The pot being placed in the sun and often watered, the corn
sprouts rapidly and has a good head by Midsummer Eve
(St. John's Eve, the twenty-third of June). The pot is then
called Erme or Nenneri. On St. John's Day the young man
and the girl, dressed in their best, accompanied by a long
retinue and preceded by children gambolling and frolicking,
move in procession to a church outside the village. Here
they break the pot by throwing it against the door of the
church. Then they sit down in a ring on the grass and eat
eggs and herbs to the music of flutes. Wine is mixed in a
cup and passed round, each one drinking as it passes.
Then they join hands and sing " Sweethearts of St. John "
{Compare e comare di San Giovanni] over and over again,
the flutes playing the while. When they tire of singing
they stand up and dance gaily in a ring till evening. This
is the general Sardinian custom. As practised at Ozieri it
has some special features. In May the pots are made of
cork - bark and planted with corn, as already described.
Then on the Eve of St. John the window-sills are draped
with rich cloths, on which the pots are placed, adorned with
crimson and blue silk and ribbons of various colours. On
each of the pots they used formerly to place a statuette or
cloth doll dressed as a woman, or a Priapus-like figure made
of paste ; but this custom, rigorously forbidden by the
Church, has fallen into disuse. The village swains go about

1 Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Konigreichs Bayern (Munich, 1860-
1867), ii. 298.

CHAP, x THE GARDENS OF ADONIS 245

in a troop to look at the pots and their decorations and to
wait for the girls, who assemble on the public square to
celebrate the festival. Here a great bonfire is kindled,
round which they dance and make merry. Those who wish
to be " Sweethearts of St. John " act as follows. The young
man stands on one side of the bonfire and the girl on the
other, and they, in a manner, join hands by each grasping
one end of a long stick, which they pass three times back-
wards and forwards across the fire, thus thrusting their hands
thrice rapidly into the flames. This seals their relationship
to each other. Dancing and music go on till late at night.1
The correspondence of these Sardinian pots of grain to the
gardens of Adonis seems complete, and the images formerly
placed in them answer to the images of Adonis which
accompanied his gardens.

Customs of the same sort are observed at the same Gardens of
season in Sicily. Pairs of boys and girls become gossips of
St. John on St. John's Day by drawing each a hair from his Day in
or her head and performing various ceremonies over them. Slclly'
Thus they tie the hairs together and throw them up in
the air, or exchange them over a potsherd, which they
afterwards break in two, preserving each a fragment with
pious care. The tie formed in the latter way is supposed
to last for life. In some parts of Sicily the gossips of St.
John present each other with plates of sprouting corn, lentils,
and canary seed, which have been planted forty days before
the festival. The one who receives the plate pulls a stalk
of the young plants, binds it with a ribbon, and preserves it
among his or her greatest treasures, restoring the platter to
the giver. At Catania the gossips exchange pots of basil
and great cucumbers ; the girls tend the basil, and the s
thicker it grows the more it is prized.2

1 Antonio Bresciani, Dei costumi are kept in a dark warm place, and

delV isola di Sardegna comparati cogli that the children leap across the fire.
antichissimi popoli orientali (Rome 2 G. Pitre, Usi e Costumi, Credenze

and Turin, 1866), pp. 427 sq. ; R. e Pregiudizi del Popolo Siciliano

Tennant, Sardinia and its Resources (Palermo, 1889), ii. 271-278. Com-

( Rome and London, 1885), p. 187; S. pare id., Spettacoli e Feste Popolari

Gabriele, "Usi dei contadini della Sidliane (Palermo, 1 88 1), pp. 297 sq.

Sardegna," A rchivio per lo Studio delle In the Abruzzi also young men and

Tradizioni Popolari, vii. (1888) pp. young women become gossips by ex-

469 sq. Tennant says that the pots changing nosegays on St. John's Day,

246 THE GARDENS OF ADONIS BOOK i

in these In these midsummer customs of Sardinia and Sicily it

SdSknL is possible that, as Mr. R. Wunsch supposes,1 St. John
ceremonies has replaced Adonis. We have seen that the rites of
may have Tammuz or Adonis were commonly celebrated about mid-
taken the summer ; according to Jerome, their date was June.2 And
Adonis. besides their date and their similarity in respect of the pots
of herbs and corn, there is another point of affinity between
the two festivals, the heathen and the Christian. In both
of them water plays a prominent part. At his midsummer
$)X festival in Babylon the image of Tammuz, whose name is

said to mean " true son of the deep water," was bathed with
pure water : at his summer festival in Alexandria the image
of Adonis, with that of his divine mistress Aphrodite, was
committed to the waves ; and at the midsummer celebration
in Greece the gardens of Adonis were thrown into the sea
Custom of or into springs. Now a great feature of the midsummer
bathing in festival associated with the name of St. John is, or used to

water or .

washing in be, the custom of bathing in the sea, springs, rivers, or the
fh^Eve or ^ew on Midsummer Eve or the morning of Midsummer Day.
Day of St. Thus, for example, at Naples there is a church dedicated to
summit" St J°hn the Baptist under the name of St. John of the Sea
EveorMid- (S. Giovan a mare) ; and it was an old practice for men
and women to bathe in the sea on St. John's Eve, that is,
on Midsummer *Eve, believing that thus all their sins were
washed away.3 In the Abruzzi water is still supposed to
acquire certain marvellous and beneficent properties on St.
John's Night. They say that on that night the sun and
moon bathe in the water. Hence many people take a bath
in the sea or in a river at that season, especially at the
moment of sunrise. At Castiglione a Casauria they go
before sunrise to the Pescara River or to springs, wash their
faces and hands, then gird themselves with twigs of bryony
(vitalba) and twine the plant round their brows, in order
that they may be free from pains. At Pescina boys and
girls wash each other's faces in a river or a spring, then
exchange kisses, and become gossips. The dew, also, that

and the tie thus formed is regarded as der Insel Malta, pp. 47-57.
sacred. See G. Finamore, Credenze, 2 See above, pp. 10, note1, 224^.,

Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi (Palermo, 226.

1890), pp. 165 sq. 3 J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie*

1 R. Wiinsch, Das Fruhlingsfest i. 490.

CHAP, x THE GARDENS OF ADONIS 247

falls on St. John's Night is supposed in the Abruzzi to
benefit whatever it touches, whether it be water, flowers, or
the human body. For that reason people put out vessels
of water on the window-sills or the terraces, and wash them-
selves with the water in the morning in order to purify
themselves and escape headaches and colds. A still more
efficacious mode of accomplishing the same end is to rise at
the peep of dawn, to wet the hands in the dewy grass, and
then to rub the moisture on the eyelids, the brow, and the
temples, because the dew is believed to cure maladies of the
head and eyes. It is also a remedy for diseases of the skin.
Persons who are thus afflicted should roll on the dewy
grass. When patients are prevented by their infirmity or
any other cause from quitting the house, their friends will
gather the dew in sheets or tablecloths and so apply it to
the suffering part.1 At Marsala in Sicily there is a spring
of water in a subterranean grotto called the Grotto of the
Sibyl. Beside it stands a church of St. John, which has
been supposed to occupy the site of a temple of Apollo.
On St. John's Eve, the twenty-third of June, women and
girls visit the grotto, and by drinking of the prophetic water
learn whether their husbands have been faithful to them in
the year that is past, or whether they themselves will wed
in the year that is to come. Sick people, too, imagine that
by bathing in the water, drinking of it, or ducking thrice in
it in the name of the Trinity, they will be made whole.2 At
Chiaramonte in Sicily the following custom is observed on
St. John's Eve. The men repair to one fountain and the
women to another, and dip their heads thrice in the water,
repeating at each ablution certain verses in honour of
St. John. They believe that this is a cure or preventive of
the scald.3 When Petrarch visited Cologne, he chanced to

1 G. Finamore, Credenze, Usi e " dew of lights," which some modern

Costumi Abruzzesi, pp. 156-160. A commentators (Dillmann, Skinner,

passage in Isaiah (xxvi. 19) seems to Whitehouse), following Jerome, have

imply that dew possessed the magical adopted.

virtue of restoring the dead to life. 9 ^ T,., \ ^ . ... 0. ...

_ , . J PT . , , 2 G. Pitre, Feste patronah in Stciha

In this passage of Isaiah the customs ,„, . , V> i oo

, . , ,\_ & . , . , (Turin and Palermo, looo), pp. 488,

which I have cited in the text perhaps v

favour the ordinary interpretation of

rnitf *?B as " dew of herbs " (compare 2 3 G. Pitre, Spettacoli e Feste Popolari

Kings iv. 39) against the interpretation Siciliane, p. 307.

248 THE GARDENS OF ADONIS BOOK i

Petrarch at arrive in the town on St. John's Eve. The sun was nearly
^john™ setting, and his host at once led him to the Rhine. A
Eve. strange sight there met his eyes, for the banks of the

river were covered with pretty women. The crowd was great
but good-humoured. From a rising ground on which he
stood the poet saw many of the women, girt with fragrant
herbs, kneel down on the water's edge, roll their sleeves
up above their elbows, and wash their white arms and hands
in the river, murmuring softly some words which the Italian
did not understand. He was told that the custom was a
very old one, much honoured in the observance ; for the
common folk, especially the women, believed that to wash
in the river on St. John's Eve would avert every misfortune
in the coming year.1 On St. John's Eve the people of
Copenhagen used to go on pilgrimage to a neighbouring
spring, there to heal and strengthen themselves in the
water.2 In Spain people still bathe in the sea or roll naked
in the dew of the meadows on St. John's Eve, believing that
this is a sovereign preservative against diseases of the skin.3
To roll in the dew on the morning of St. John's Day is also
esteemed a cure for diseases of the skin in Normandy and
Perigord. In Perigord a field of hemp is especially recom-
mended for the purpose, and the patient should rub himself
with the plants on which he has rolled.4 At Ciotat in
Provence, while the midsummer bonfire blazed, young people
used to plunge into the sea and splash each other vigorously.
At Vitrolles they bathed in a pond in order that they might
not suffer from fever during the year, and at Saint-Maries
they watered the horses to protect them from the itch.5 A
custom of drenching people on this occasion with water
formerly prevailed in Toulon, Marseilles, and other towns of
the south of France. The water was squirted from syringes,
poured on the heads of passers-by from windows, and so

1 Petrarch, Epistolae de rebus fami- Normand (Conde-sur-Noireau, 1883-
liaribus, i. 4 (vol. i. pp. 44-46 ed. J. 1887), ii. 8 ; A. de Nore, Cotttumes,
Fracassetti, Florence, 1859-1862). Mythes et Traditions des provinces de
The passage is quoted by J. Grimm, France (Paris and Lyons, 1846), p.
Deutsche Mythologie^ i. 489 sq. 150.

2 J. Grimm, op. cit. i. 489. 6 A. de Nore, op. cit. p. 20 ;

3 Letter of Dr. Otero Acevado, of Berenger-Feraud, Reminiscences popu-
Madrid, Le Temps, September 1898. laires de la Provence (Paris, 1885),

4 J. Lecceur, Esquisses du Bocage pp. 135-141.

CHAP., x THE GARDENS OF ADONIS 249

forth.1 From Europe the practice of bathing in rivers and
springs on St. John's Day appears to have passed with the
Spaniards to the New World.2

It may perhaps be suggested that this wide -spread The
custom of bathing in water or dew on Midsummer Eve or J^^™ of
Midsummer Day is purely Christian in origin, having been at mid-
adopted as an appropriate mode of celebrating the day pa^^not
dedicated to the Baptist. But in point of fact the custom Christian,
is older than Christianity, for it was denounced and forbidden 1E
as a heathen practice by Augustine,3 and to this day it is
practised at midsummer by the Mohammedan peoples of
North Africa.4 We may conjecture that the Church, unable
to put down this relic of paganism, followed its usual policy
of accommodation by bestowing on the rite of a Christian
name and acquiescing, with a sigh, in its observance. And
casting about for a saint to supplant a heathen patron of
bathing, the Christian doctors could hardly have hit upon a
more appropriate successor than St. John the Baptist.

But into whose shoes did the Baptist step ? Was the Old
displaced deity really Adonis, as the foregoing evidence
seems to suggest? In Sardinia and Sicily it may have of mid-
been so, for in these islands Semitic influence was certainly ^^
deep and probably lasting. The midsummer pastimes of and the
Sardinian and Sicilian children may therefore be a direct
continuation of the Carthaginian rites of Tammuz. Yet the
midsummer festival seems too widely spread and too deeply
rooted in Central and Northern Europe to allow us to trace
it everywhere to an Oriental origin in general and to the cult
of Adonis in particular. It has the air of a native of the soil
rather than of an exotic imported from the East. We shall

1 A. Breuil, " Du Culte de St. Jean ticity. Both have been quoted by
Baptiste," Mtmoires de la Socittt des J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie^ \.
Antiqtiaires de Picardie, viii. (1845) 490.

pp. 237 sq. Compare Balder the 4 E. Doutte, Magie et Religion dans

Beautijul, i. 193 sq. VAfrique du Nord (Algiers, 1908),

2 Diego Duran, Historia de las pp. 567 sq. ; E. Westermarck, " Mid-
Indias de Nueva Espana, edited by summer Customs in Morocco," Folk-
J. F. Ramirez (Mexico, 1867-1880), lore, xvi. (1905) pp. 31 sq. ; id.,
ii. 293* Ceremonies and Beliefs connected with

3 Augustine, Opera, v. (Paris, 1683) Agriculture, Certain Dates of the Solar
col. 903 ; id., Pars Secunda, coll. 461 Year, and the Weather (Helsingfors,
sq. The second of these passages 1913), pp- 84-86. See Balder the
occurs in a sermon of doubtful authen- Beautiful, i. 216.

250

THE GARDENS OF ADONIS

BOOK I

do better, therefore, to suppose that at a remote period
similar modes of thought, based on similar needs, led men
independently in many distant lands, from the North Sea
to the Euphrates, to celebrate the summer solstice with rites
which, while they differed in some things, yet agreed closely
in others ; that in historical times a wave of Oriental
influence, starting perhaps from Babylonia, carried the
Tammuz or Adonis form of the festival westward till it
met with native forms of a similar festival ; and that under
pressure of the Roman civilization these different yet kindred
festivals fused with each other and crystallized into a variety
of shapes, which subsisted more or less separately side by
side, till the Church, unable to suppress them altogether,
stripped them so far as it could of their grosser features, and
dexterously changing the names allowed them to pass
muster as Christian. And what has just been said of the
midsummer festivals probably applies, with the necessary
modifications, to the spring festivals also. They, too, seem
to have originated independently in Europe and the East,
and after ages of separation to have amalgamated under
the sway of the Roman Empire and the Christian Church.
In Syria, as we have seen, there appears to have been
a vernal celebration of Adonis ; and we shall presently meet
with an undoubted instance of an Oriental festival of spring
in the rites of Attis. Meantime we must return for a little
to the midsummer festival which goes by the name of
St. John.

The Sardinian practice of making merry round a great
bonfire on St. John's Eve is an instance of a custom which
has been practised at the midsummer festival from time
coupiesm immemorial in many parts of Europe. That custom has
relation to been more fully dealt with by me elsewhere.1 The instances
which I have cited in other parts of this work seem to
indicate a connexion of the midsummer bonfire with vegeta-
tion. For example, both in Sweden and Bohemia an essential
part of the festival is the raising of a May-pole or Midsummer-
tree, which in Bohemia is burned in the bonfire.2 Again, in
a Russian midsummer ceremony a straw figure of Kupalo,

1 Balder the Beautiful, i. 1 60 sqq.
2 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 65 sq.

Mid-
summer
fires and
mid-
summer

CHAP, x THE GARDENS OF ADONIS 251

the representative of vegetation, is placed beside a May-pole
or Midsummer-tree and then carried to and fro across a
bonfire.1 Kupalo is here represented in duplicate, in tree-
form by the Midsummer-tree, and in human form by the
straw effigy, just as Adonis was represented both by an
image and a garden of Adonis ; and the duplicate repre-
sentatives of Kupalo, like those of Adonis, are finally cast
into water. In the Sardinian and Sicilian customs the
Gossips or Sweethearts of St. John probably answer, on the
one hand to Adonis and Astarte, on the other to the King
and Queen of May. In the Swedish province of Blekinge
part of the midsummer festival is the election of a Mid-
summer Bride, who chooses her bridegroom ; a collection is
made for the pair, who for the time being are looked upon
as man and wife.2 Such Midsummer pairs may be supposed,
like the May pairs, to stand for the powers of vegetation or
of fertility in general : they represent in flesh and blood what
the images of Siva or Mahadeo and Parvati in the Indian
ceremonies, and the images of Adonis and Aphrodite in the
Alexandrian ceremony, set forth in effigy.

The reason why ceremonies whose aim is to foster the Gardens
growth of vegetation should thus be associated with bonfires ; °[tfndd°endisto
why in particular the representative of vegetation should be foster the
burned in the likeness of a tree, or passed across the fire in
effigy or in the form of a living couple, has been discussed and
by me elsewhere.3 Here it is enough to have adduced o^
evidence of such association, and therefore to have obviated cr°Ps-
the objection which might have been raised to my theory of
the Sardinian custom, on the ground that the bonfires have
nothing to do with vegetation. One more piece of evidence
may here be given to prove the contrary. In some parts of
Germany and Austria young men and girls leap over mid-
summer bonfires for the express purpose of making the hemp
or flax grow tall.4 We may, therefore, assume that in the
Sardinian custom the blades of wheat and barley which are

1 The Dying God, p. 262. 4 W. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, p.

2 L. Lloyd, Peasant Life in Sweden f4 ; K. von Leoprechting, Aus dem

. ,

(London, 1870), p. 257. ^hraw (Mu™ch' l855)> P- l83-

For more evidence see Balder the

3 Balder the Beautiful, i. 328^^., Beautiful, i. 165, 166, 166 sq., 168,
ii. 21 sqq. 173, 174.

252

THE GARDENS OF ADONIS

BOOK I

forced on in pots for the midsummer festival, and which
correspond so closely to the gardens of Adonis, form one
of those widely-spread midsummer ceremonies, the original
object of which was to promote the growth of vegetation,
and especially of the crops. But as, by an easy extension
of ideas, the spirit of vegetation was believed to exercise a
beneficent and fertilizing influence on human as well as
animal life, the gardens of Adonis would be supposed, like
the May-trees or May-boughs, to bring good luck, and more
particularly perhaps offspring,1 to the family or to the person
who planted them ; and even after the idea had been aban-
doned that they operated actively to confer prosperity, they
Modes of might still be used to furnish omens of good or evil. It is
atVmid-101 t^lus ^at mag^c dwindles into divination. Accordingly we
summer find modes of divination practised at midsummer which
garden* of resemble more or less closely the gardens of Adonis. Thus
Adonis. an anonymous Italian writer of the sixteenth century has
recorded that it was customary to sow barley and wheat a
few days before the festival of St. John (Midsummer Day)
and also before that of St. Vitus ; and it was believed that
the person for whom they were sown would be fortunate, and
get a good husband or a good wife, if the grain sprouted well ;
but if it sprouted ill, he or she would be unlucky.2 In various
parts of Italy and all over Sicily it is still customary to put
plants in water or in earth on the Eve of St. John, and from
the manner in which they are found to be blooming or
fading on St. John's Day omens are drawn, especially as to
fortune in love. Amongst the plants used for this purpose
are Ciuri di S. Giuvanni (St. John's wort?) and nettles.3
In Prussia two hundred years ago the farmers used to send
out their servants, especially their maids, to gather St. John's

1 The use of gardens of Adonis to
fertilize the human sexes appears plainly
in the corresponding Indian practices.
See above, pp. 241, 242, 243.

2 G. Pitre, Spettacoli e Feste Popolari
Siciliane, pp. 296 sq.

3 G. Pitre, op. cit. pp. 302 sq. ;
Antonio de Nino, Usi e Costumi Abruz-
zesi (Florence, 1879-1883), i. 55 sq. ;
A. de Gubernatis, Usi Nuziali in Italia
e presso gli altri Popoli Indo-Europei
(Milan, 1878), pp. 39 sq. Compare

L. Passarini, " II Comparatico e la
Festa di S. Giovanni nelle Marche e
in Roma," Archivio per lo Studio delle
Tradizioni Popolari, i. (1882) p. 135.
At Smyrna a blossom of the Agmis
castus is used on St. John's Day for a
similar purpose, but the mode in which
the omens are drawn is somewhat
different. See Teofilo, "La notte di
San Giovanni in Oriente," Archivio
per lo Studio delle Tradizioni Popolari,
vii. (1888) pp. 128-130.

CHAP, x THE GARDENS OF ADONIS 253

wort on Midsummer Eve or Midsummer Day (St. John's
Day). When they had fetched it, the farmer took as many
plants as there were persons and stuck them in the wall or
between the beams ; and it was thought that he or she
whose plant did not bloom would soon fall sick or die. The
rest of the plants were tied in a bundle, fastened to the end
of a pole, and set up at the gate or wherever the corn would
be brought in at the next harvest. The bundle was called
Kupole : the ceremony was known as Kupole's festival ;
and at it the farmer prayed for a good crop of hay, and
so forth.1 This Prussian custom is particularly notable,
inasmuch as it strongly confirms the opinion that Kupalo
(doubtless identical with Kupole) was originally a deity of
vegetation.2 For here Kupalo is represented by a bundle of
plants specially associated with midsummer in folk-custom ;
and her influence over vegetation is plainly signified by
placing her vegetable emblem over the place where the
harvest is brought in, as well as by the prayers for a good
crop which are uttered on the occasion. This furnishes a
fresh argument in support of the view that the Death, whose
analogy jto_jCiipakyrYarHor and the re^LJLJiave^slrowir-etse"^
where, originally personified vegetating more especially^ the
dying n^jj^pH v^crpt-alip" of winter/ Further, my interpre-
tation of the gardens of Adonis is confirmed by finding that
in this Prussian custom the very same kind of plants is used
to form the gardens of Adonis (as we may call them) and
the image of the deity. Nothing could set in a stronger light
the truth of the theory that the gardens of Adonis are merely
another manifestation of the god himself.

In Sicily gardens of Adonis are still sown in spring Sicilian
as well as in summer, from which we may perhaps infer ^oniT
that Sicily as well as Syria celebrated of old a vernal festival spring.
of the dead and risen god. At the approach of Easter,
Sicilian women sow wheat, lentils, and canary-seed in plates,
which they keep in the dark and water every two days.
The plants soon shoot up ; the stalks are tied together with
red ribbons, and the plates containing them are placed on

1 Matthaus Pratorius, Deliciae Prus- 3 The Dying God, pp. 233 sqq.t
sicae (Berlin, 1871), p. 56. 261 sqq.

2 The Dying God, pp. 261 sq.

254 THE GARDENS OF ADONIS BOOK i

the sepulchres which, with the effigies of the dead Christ,
are made up in Catholic and Greek churches on Good
Friday,1 just as the gardens of Adonis were placed on the
grave of the dead Adonis.2 The practice is not confined
to Sicily, for it is observed also at Cosenza in Calabria,3 and
perhaps in other places. The whole custom — sepulchres as
well as plates of sprouting grain — may be nothing but a con-
tinuation, under a different name, of the worship of Adonis.
Resem- Nor are these Sicilian and Calabrian customs the only

th^Easter Easter ceremonies which resemble the rites of Adonis,
ceremonies " During the whole of Good Friday a waxen effigy of the
Greek dead Christ is exposed to view in the middle of the Greek
Church to churches and is covered with fervent kisses by the thronging
crowd, while the whole church rings with melancholy, mono-
tonous dirges. Late in the evening, when it has grown quite
dark, this waxen image is carried by the priests into the
street on a bier adorned with lemons, roses, jessamine, and
other flowers, and there begins a grand procession of the
multitude, who move in serried ranks, with slow and solemn
step, through the whole town. Every man carries his taper
and breaks out into doleful lamentation. At all the houses
which the procession passes there are seated women with
censers to fumigate the marching host. Thus the com-
munity solemnly buries its Christ as if he had just died. At
last the waxen image is again deposited in the church, and
the same lugubrious chants echo anew. These lamenta-
tions, accompanied by a strict fast, continue till midnight on
Saturday. As the clock strikes twelve, the bishop appears
and announces the glad tidings that ' Christ is risen/ to
which the crowd replies, ' He is risen indeed,' and at once
the whole city bursts into an uproar of joy, which finds vent
in shrieks and shouts, in the endless discharge of carronades
and muskets, and the explosion of fire-works of every sort.
In the very same hour people plunge from the extremity
of the fast into the enjoyment of the Easter lamb and neat
wine." 4

1 G. Pitre, Spettacoli e Feste Popolari Greco-Latina negli usi e nelle credenze
Siciliane, p. 211. popolari del la Calabria Citeriore (Co-

2 Kr}Trovs UHTIOW tiriTacfiLovs 'ASwviSt, senza, 1884), p. 50.

Eustathius on Homer, Od. xi. 590. 4 C. Wachsmuth, Das alte Griechen-

3 Vincenzo Dorsa, La tradizione land im neuem (Bonn, 1864), pp. 26

CHAP, x THE GARDENS OF ADONIS 255

In like manner the Catholic Church has been accustomed Resem-
to bring before its followers in a visible form the death and the Easter
resurrection of the Redeemer. Such sacred dramas are well ceremonies
fitted to impress the lively imagination and to stir the warm catholic
feelings of a susceptible southern race, to whom the pomp Church to

. r l the rites

and pageantry of Catholicism are more congenial than to Of Adonis.
the colder temperament of the Teutonic peoples. The
solemnities observed in Sicily on Good Friday, the official V
anniversary of the Crucifixion, are thus described by a native
Sicilian writer. " A truly moving ceremony is the procession
which always takes place in the evening in every commune
of Sicily, and further the Deposition from the Cross. The
brotherhoods took part in the procession, and the rear was
brought up by a great many boys and girls representing
saints, both male and female, and carrying the emblems of
Christ's Passion. The Deposition from the Cross was
managed by the priests. The coffin with the dead Christ
in it was flanked by Jews armed with swords, an object of
horror and aversion in the midst of the profound pity
excited by the sight not only of Christ but of the Mater
Dolorosa, who followed behind him. Now and then the
* mysteries ' or symbols of the Crucifixion went in front.
Sometimes the procession followed the ' three hours of
agony ' and the ' Deposition from the Cross.' The ' three
hours ' commemorated those which Jesus Christ passed upon
the Cross. Beginning at the eighteenth and ending at the
twenty - first hour of Italian time two priests preached
alternately on the Passion. Anciently the sermons were
delivered in the open air on the place called the Calvary : at
last, when the third hour was about to strike, at the words

sq. The writer compares these cere- See R. A. Arnold, From the Levant

monies with the Eleusinian rites. But (London, 1868), pp. 251 sq., 259 sq.

I agree with Mr. R. Wiinsch (Das So in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre

Friihlingsfest der Insel Malta, pp. 49 at Jerusalem the death and burial of

sq.) that the resemblance to the Adonis Christ are acted over a life-like effigy,

festival is still closer. Compare V. See Henry Maundrell, Journey from

Dorsa, La tradizione Greco -Latina Aleppo to Jerusalem at Easter, A.D.

negli ttsi e nelle credenze popolari della 1697, Fourth Edition (Perth, 1800),

Calabria Citeriore, pp. 49 sq. Prof. pp. I IO sqq. ; id., in Th. Wright's

Wachsmuth's description seems to Early Travels in Palestine (London,

apply to Athens. In the country dis- 1848), pp. 443-445.
tricts the ritual is apparently similar.

256

THE GARDENS OF ADONIS

BOOK I

The

Christian
festival of
Easter
perhaps
grafted ori|
a festival
of Adonis.

emisit spiritum Christ died, bowing his head amid the sobs
and tears of the bystanders. Immediately afterwards in
some places, three hours afterwards in others, the sacred
body was unnailed and deposited in the coffin. In Castro-
nuovo, at the Ave Maria, two priests clad as Jews, repre-
senting Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus, with their
servants in costume, repaired to the Calvary, preceded by
the Company of the Whites. There, with doleful verses
and chants appropriate to the occasion, they performed the
various operations of the Deposition, after which the pro-
cession took its way to the larger church. ... In Salaparuta
the Calvary is erected in the church. At the preaching of
the death, the Crucified is made to bow his head by means
of machinery, while guns are fired, trumpets sound, and
amid the silence of the people, impressed by the death of
the Redeemer, the strains of a melancholy funeral march
are heard. Christ is removed from the Cross and deposited
in the coffin by three priests. After the procession of the
dead Christ the burial is performed, that is, two priests lay
Christ in a fictitious sepulchre, from which at the mass of
Easter Saturday the image of the risen Christ issues and is
elevated upon the altar by means of machinery."1 Scenic
representations of the same sort, with variations of detail, are
exhibited at Easter in the Abruzzi,2 and probably in many
other parts of the Catholic world.3

When we reflect how often the Church has skilfully con-
trived to plant the seeds of the new faith on the old stock
of paganism, we may surmise that the Easter celebration of
the dead and risen Christ was grafted upon a similar cele-
bration of the dead and risen Adonis, which, as we have seen
reason to believe, was celebrated in Syria at the same season.
The type, created by Greek artists, of the sorrowful goddess
with her dying lover in her arms, resembles and may have

1 G. Pitre, Spettacoli e Feste Popolari
Siciliane, pp. 217 sq.

2 G. Finamore, Credenze, Usi e
Costumi Abruzzesi, pp. 118-120; A.
de Nino, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi,
i. 64^., ii. 210-212. At Roccacara-
manico part of the Easter spectacle is
the death of Judas, who, personated by
a living man, pretends to hang himself

upon a tree or a great branch, which
has been brought into the church and
planted near the high altar for the pur-
pose (A. de Nino, op. cit. ii. 211).

3 The drama of the death and resur-
rection of Christ was formerly cele-
brated at Easter in England. See
Abbot Gasquet, Parish Life in Medi-
aeval England, pp. 177 sqq., 182 sq.

CHAP, x THE GARDENS OF ADONIS 257

been the model of the Pieta of Christian art, the Virgin with
the dead body of her divine Son in her lap, of which the
most celebrated example is the one by Michael Angelo in
St. Peter's. That noble group, in which the living sorrow of
the mother contrasts so wonderfully with the languor of
death in the son, is one of the finest compositions in marble.
Ancient Greek art has bequeathed to us few works so
beautiful, and none so pathetic.1

In this connexion a well-known statement of Jerome The
may not be without significance. He tells us that Bethc
lejiejn^the^traditionary birthplace of the Lord, was shaded Bethlehem.
by a^ grove of that still older Syrian Lord, AdonisT and
that where the infant Jesus had wept^jthe^ lover of Venus^
was bewailecL2 Though he does not expressly say so,
Jerome seems to have thought that the grove of Adonis
had been planted by the heathen after the birth of Christ
for the purpose of defiling the sacred spot. In this
he may have been mistaken. If Adonis was indeed,
as I have argued, the spirit of the corn, a more suitable
name for his dwelling-place could hardly be found than
Bethlehem, " the House of Bread," 3 and he may well have
been worshipped there at his House of Bread long ages
before the birth of Him who said, " I am the bread of life."4
Even on the hypothesis that Adonis followed rather than
preceded Christ at Bethlehem, the choice of his sad figure
to divert the allegiance of Christians from their Lord cannot
but strike us as eminently appropriate when we remember the
similarity of the rites which commemorated the death and
resurrection of the two. One of the earliest seats of the
worship of the new god was Antioch, and at Antioch,

1 The comparison has already been wheat and barley, groves of olive and
made by A. Maury, who also com- almond, and vineyards. The wine of
pares the Easter ceremonies of the Bethlehem ('Talhami') is among the
Catholic Church with the rites of best of Palestine. So great fertility
Adonis (Histoire des Religion* de la must mean that the site was occupied,
Grece Antique, Paris, 1857-1859, vol. in spite of the want of springs, from the
iii. p. 221). .earliest times" (George Adam Smith,

2 Jerome, Epist. Iviii. 3 (Migne's s.v. " Bethlehem," Encyclopaedia
Patrologia Latina, xxii. 581). Biblica, i. 560). It was in the harvest-

3 Bethlehem is Dn^-rra, literally fields of Bethlehem that Ruth, at least
" House of Bread." The name is in tne poet's fancy, listened to the
appropriate, for " the immediate neigh- nightingale "amid the alien corn."
bourhood is very fertile, bearing, besides 4 John vi. 35.

PT. IV. VOL. I S

258

THE GARDENS OF ADONIS

BOOK

The

Morning
Star,
identified
with
Venus,
may have
been the
signal for
the festival
of Adonis.

as we have seen,1 the death of the old god was annually
celebrated with great solemnity. A circumstance which
attended the entrance of Julian into the city at the time of
the Adonis festival may perhaps throw some light on the date
of its celebration. When the emperor drew near to the city
he was received with public prayers as if he had been a god,
and he marvelled at the voices of a great multitude who
cried that the Star of Salvation had dawned upon them in
the East.2 This may doubtless have been no more than a
fulsome compliment paid by an obsequious Oriental crowd
to the Roman emperor. But it is also possible that
the rising of a bright star regularly gave the signal for
the festival, and that as chance would have it the star
emerged above the rim of the eastern horizon at the very
moment of the emperor's approach. The coincidence, if it
happened, could hardly fail to strike the imagination of a
superstitious and excited multitude, who might thereupon
hail the great man as the deity whose coming was
announced by the sign in the heavens. Or the emperor
may have mistaken for a greeting to himself the shouts
which were addressed to the star. Now Astarte, the divine
mistress of Adonis, was identified with the planet Venus,
and her changes from a morning to an evening star were
carefully noted by the Babylonian astronomers, who drew
omens from her alternate appearance and disappearance.3
Hence we may conjecture that the festival of Adonis was
regularly timed to coincide with the appearance of Venus as

1 Above, p. 227.

2 Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii. 9.
14, " Urbiqite propinqtians in speciem
alicujus numinis votis excipitur pub-
lids, miratus voces multitudinis mag-
nae, salutare sidus inluxisse eois parti-
bus adclamantis" We may compare
the greeting which a tribe of South
American Indians used to give to a
worshipful star after its temporary dis-
appearance. " The Abipones think
that the Pleiades, composed of seven
stars, is an image of their ancestor. As
the constellation is invisible for some
months in the sky of South America,
they believe that their ancestor is ill,
and every year they are mortally afraid
that he will die. But when the said

stars reappear in the month of May,
they imagine that their ancestor is
recovered from his sickness and has
returned ; so they hail him with joyous
shouts and the glad music of pipes and
war-horns. They congratulate him on
his recovery. ' How we thank you !
At last you have come back ? Oh,
have you happily recovered ? ' With
such cries they fill the air, attesting at
once their gladness and their folly."
See M. Dobrizhoffer, Historia de Abi-
ponibus (Vienna, 1784), ii. 77.

3 M. Jastrow, 7"he Religion of
Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 370 sqq.;
H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Die
Keilinsch rift en unddasAlte Testament, 3
p. 424.

CHAP, x THE GARDENS OF ADONIS 259

the Morning or Evening Star. But the star which the
people of Antioch saluted at the festival was seen in the
East ; therefore, if it was indeed Venus, it can only have
been the Morning Star. At Aphaca in Syria, where there
was a famous temple of Astarte, the signal for the celebra-
tion of the rites was apparently given by the flashing of a
meteor, which on a certain day fell like a star from the top
of Mount Lebanon into the river Adonis. The meteor was
thought to be Astarte herself,1 and its flight through the air
might naturally be interpreted as the descent of the amorous
goddess to the arms of her lover. At Antioch and elsewhere
the appearance of the Morning Star on the day of the festival
may in like manner have been hailed as the coming of the
goddess of love to wake her dead leman from his earthy bed.
If that were so, we may surmise that it was the Morning
Star which guided the wise men of the East to Bethlehem,2 The star of
the hallowed spot which heard, in the language of Jerome, the
weeping of the infant Christ and the lament for Adonis.

1 Sozomenus, Historia Ecclesiastica, seasons when the people assembled to

ii. 5 (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, Ixvii. worship the goddess and to cast their

948). The connexion of the meteor offerings of gold, silver, and fine

with the festival of Adonis is not raiment into a lake beside the temple,

mentioned by Sozomenus, but is con- As to Aphaca and the grave of Adonis

firmed by Zosimus, who says (Hist. i. see above, pp. 28 sq.
58) that a light like a torch or a globe

of fire was seen on the sanctuary at the . * Matthew ii. 1-12.

BOOK SECOND
ATTIS

CHAPTER I

THE MYTH AND RITUAL OF ATTIS

ANOTHER of those gods whose supposed death and resurrec- Attis the
tion struck such deep roots into the faith and ritual of ^[nTer™
Western Asia is Attis. He was to Phrygia what Adonis part of
was to Syria. Like Adonis, he appears to have been a_god
of vegetation, ancThis death andnresjurrection were annually
mourned and rejoiced over at a festival in spring.1 „ The
legends and rites of the two gods were so much alike thjLt
the ancients themselves sometimes identified them.2 Attis His
was said to have been a fair young shepherd or herdsman
beloved by Cybele, the Mother of the Gods, a great
Asiatic goddess of fertility, , who had her chief home in
Phrygia.3 Some held that Attis was her son.4 His birth. His
like that of many other heroes, is said to have been
miraculous. His mother, Nana, was a virgin, who conceived
by putting a ripe almond or a pomegranate in her bosom.
Indeed in the Phrygian cosmogony an almond figured

1 Diodorus Siculus, iii. 59. 7 ; Sal- iii. 23. 51 sqq.

lustius philosophy , «' Dediisetmundo," 3 . Tertullian,

iv., Fragmenta Ph^phorum^rae- *™ Nationes, i.

corum ed. F G. A. Mullach m. 33 J * Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, iv.

Scholiast on Meander, Ale^pharmaca, > Ag to ^ the Gr£at Moth

8 ; Firmicus -Maternus, Deerrore pro- jgj Mother J ^ conceived as

fanarum rdtgionum, 3 and 22. The source of aR both animd and

ancient evidence, literary and mscrip- tebl see R in w> H. Roscher's

tional, as to the myth and ritual of r .* j • ? j •• ** ,/

»....•-« 11 j jj- j Lexikon aer griecn. und rom. Mytno-

Attis has been collected and discussed . . ., T$ , , „ .. , 0 *

. tosie. s.v. " Kybele, n. 1638500.
by Mr. H. Hepding in his monograph,

Attis, seine My then und sein Kult 4 Scholiast on Lucian, Jupiter

(Giessen, 1903). Tragoedus, 8, p. 60 ed. H. Rabe

2 Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium (Leipsic, 1906), (vol. iv. p. 173 ed.
haeresium, v. 9, p. 1 68 ed. L. Duncker C. Jacobite); Hippolytus, Refutatio
and F. G. Schneidewin (Gottingen, omnium haeresium, v. 9, pp. 168, 170
1859); Soctate&iHistoriaEccbsiastuOt ed. Duncker and Schneidewin.

263

264 THE MYTH AND RITUAL OF ATTIS BOOK n

as the father of all things,1 perhaps because its delicate lilac
blossom is one of the first heralds of the spring, appearing on
the bare boughs before the leaves have opened. : Such tales of
virgin mothers are relics of an age of childish ignorance when
i/men had not yet recognized the intercourse of the sexes as
the true cause of offspring. That ignorance, still shared by
the lowest of existing savages, the aboriginal tribes of central
Australia,2 was doubtless at one time universal among
mankind^ Even in later times, when people are better
acquainted with the laws of nature, they sometimes
imagine that these laws may be subject to exceptions,
and that miraculous beings may be born in miraculous
ways by women who have never known a man. In Palestine
to this day it is believed that a woman may conceive by a
jinnee or by the spirit of her dead husband. There is, or
was lately, a man at Nebk who is currently supposed to be
the offspring of such a union, and the simple folk have
never suspected his mother's virtue.3 Two different accounts
The death of the death of Attis were current. AccordingL_to— the
of Attis. one j^ was kijieci by a boar, like Adonis. According to
the"~o£Ker he unmanned himself under a pine - tree, .and
bled to death on the spot. The latter is said to have
been the local story told by the people of Pessinus, a great
seat of the worship of Cybele, and the whole legend of
which the story forms a part is stamped with a character
of rudeness and savagery that speaks strongly for its
antiquity.4 Both tales might claim the support of custom,

1 Pausanias, vii. 17. 1 1 ; Hippolytus, works and from the very heart of the
Refutatio omnium haeresium, v. 9, pp, mysteries. It is obviously identical
166, i68ed. Duncker and Schneidewin; with the account which Pausanias (I.e.)
Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, v. 6. mentions as the story current in

2 See above pp QQ sag Pessinus. According to Servius (on

Virgil, Aen. ix. 115), Attis was found

3 S. I. Curtiss, Primitive Semitic bleeding to death under a pine-tree,
Religion To-day, pp. 115 sq. See but the wound which r<)bbed him of
above, pp. 78, 213 sqq. his virility and his life was not inflicted

4 That Attis was killed by a boar by himself. The Timotheus cited by
was stated by Hermesianax, an elegiac Pausanias may be the Timotheus who
poet of the fourth century B.C. (Pau- was consulted by Ptolemy Soter on
sanias, vii. 17); compare Scholiast religious matters and helped to establish
on Nicander, Alexipharmaca, 8. The the worship of Serapis. See Plutarch,
other story is told by Arnobius (Ad- Isis et Osiris, 28 ; Franz Cumont, Les
versus Nat tones, v. 5 sqq.} on the Religions Orientates dans le Paganisme
authority of Timotheus, who professed Romain 2 '(Paris, 1909), pp. 77, 113,
to derive it from recondite antiquarian 335.

CHAP, i THE MYTH AND RITUAL OF ATT1S 265

or rather both were probably invented to explain certain
customs observed by the worshippers. The story of the self-
mutilation of Attis is clearly an attempt to account for the
self-mutilation of his priests, who regularly castrated them-
selves on entering the service of the goddess. The story of
his death by the boar may have been told to explain why his
worshippers, especially the people of Pessinus, abstained from
eating swine.1 In like manner the worshippers of Adonis
abstained from pork, because a boar had killed their god.2
After_his death Attis js saidLto baw h^n.. rhanorH into
a pine-tree.3

The worship of the Phrygian Mother of the Gods was Worship
adopted by the Romans in 204 B.C. towards the close of their l^d^ced
long struggle with Hannibal. For their drooping spirits had into Rome
been opportunely cheered by a prophecy, alleged to be drawn m 2°4 B'c'
from that convenient farrago of nonsense, the Sibylline Books,
that the foreign invader would be driven from Italy if the
great Oriental goddess were brought to Rome. Accordingly
ambassadors were despatched to her sacred city Pessinus in
Phrygia. The small black stone which embodied the mighty
divinity was entrusted to them and conveyed to Rome,
where it was received with great respect and installed in' the
temple of Victory on the Palatine Hill. It was the middle
of April when the goddess arrived,4 and she went to work at
once. For the harvest that year was such as had not been
seen for many a long day,5 and in the very next year
Hannibal and his veterans embarked for Africa. As he
looked his last on the coast of Italy, fading behind him in
the distance, he could not foresee that Europe, which had
repelled the arms, would yet yield to the gods, of the Orient.
The vanguard of the conquerors had already encamped in

1 Pausanias, vii. 17. 10; Julian, Orat. Trpos ir^dvrjv ' EXXrjviK^v diroK\li>ov<rav
v. 177 B, p. 229 ed. F. C. Hertlein \scil. TT\V 'Iov\tav] Kal ratey 5id rbv
(Leipsic, 1875-1876). Similarly at 'A.duvidos ddvarov TO. Kpta Tra/mtreto-tfai
Comana in Pontus, the seat of the worship Tfr tf€ta.

of the goddess Ma, pork was not eaten, 3 Qvid, Mctam. x. 103 sqq.

and swine might not even be brought 4 Livy? xxix> chs. IO> II} and I4;

into the city (Strabo, xii. 8. 9, p. 575). Ovid> Fasti^ iv> 2^ sqq^ Rerodian, ii.

As to Comana see above, p. 39. l x> As to the stone which represented

2 S. Sophronius, " SS. Cyri et the goddess see Arnobius, Adversus
Joannis Miracula," Migne's Pdtrologia Nationes, vii. 49.

Graeca, Ixxxvii. Pars Tertia, col. 3624, 5 Pliny, Nat. Hist, xviii. 1 6.

266

THE MYTH AND RITUAL OF ATTIS

BOOK II

Attis and

Galli at
Rome.

the heart of Italy before the rearguard of the beaten army
fell sullenly back from its shores.

We may conjecture, though we are not told, that the
Mother of the Gods brought with her the worship of her
youthful lover or son to her new home in the West.
Certainly the Romans were familiar with the Galli, the
emasculated priests of Attis, before the close of the Republic.
These unsexed beings, in their Oriental costume, with little
images suspended on their breasts, appear to have been a
familiar sight in the streets of Rome, which they traversed in
procession, carrying the image of the goddess and chanting
their hymns to the music of cymbals and tambourines, flutes
and horns, while the people, impressed by the fantastic show
and moved by the wild strains, flung alms to them in
abundance, and buried the image and its bearers under
showers of roses.1 A further step was taken by the Emperor
Claudius when he incorporated the Phrygian worship of
the sacred tree, and with it probably the orgiastic rites of
Attis, in the established religion of Rome.2 The great

certain objections. ( I ) Joannes Lydus,
our only authority on the point, appears
to identify the Claudius in question
with the emperor of the first century.
(2) The great and widespread popu-
larity of the Phrygian worship in the
Roman empire long before 268 A.D. is
amply attested by an array of ancient
writers and inscriptions, especially by a
great series of inscriptions referring to
the colleges of Tree-bearers (Dendro-
phori], from which we learn that one
of these colleges, devoted to the wor-
ship of Cybele and Attis, existed at
Rome in the age of the Antonines,
about a century before the accession of
Claudius Gothicus. (3) Passages of
the Augustan historians (Aelius Lam-
pridius; Alexander Severus, 37 ; Tre-
bellius Pollio, Claudius •, iv. 2) refer to
the great spring festival of Cybele and
Attis in a way which seems to imply
that the festival was officially recog-
nized by the Roman government before
Claudius Gothicus succeeded to the
purple ; and we may hesitate to follow
Prof, von Domaszewski in simply
excising these passages as the work
of an "impudent forger." (4) The

1 Lucretius, ii. 598 sqq. ; Catullus,
Ixiii. ; Varro, Satir. Menipp., ed. F.
Bucheler (Berlin, 1882), pp. 176, 178;
Ovid, Fasti, iv. 181 sqq., 223 sqq.>
361 sqq.', Dionysius Halicarnasensis,
Antiquit. Rom. ii. 19, compare Poly-
bius, xxii. 18 ed. L. Dindorf (Leipsic,
1866-1868).

2 Joannes Lydus, De mensibus, iv.
41. See Robinson Ellis, Commentary
on Catullus (Oxford, 1876), pp. 206
sq. ; H. Hepding, Attis ^ pp. 142^^.;
Fr. Cumont, Les Religions Orientales
dans le Paganisme Remain* (Paris,
1909), pp. 83 sq.

It is held by Prof. A. von Domas-
zewski that the Claudius who incorpo-
rated the Phrygian worship of the
sacred tree in the Roman ritual was
not the emperor of the first century
but the emperor of the third century,
Claudius Gothicus, who came to the
throne in 268 A.D. See A. von
Domaszewski, " Magna Mater in Latin
Inscriptions," The Journal of Roman
Studies, \. (1911) p. 56. The later
date, it is said, fits better with the
slow development of the worship. But
on the other hand this view is open to

CHAP. I

THE MYTH AND RITUAL OF ATTIS

267

spring festival of Cybele and Attis is best known to us in
the form in which it was celebrated at Rome ; but as we
are informed that the Roman ceremonies were also Phrygian,1
we may assume that they differed hardly, if at all, from
their Asiatic original. The order of the festival seems to
have been as follows.2

On the twenty-second day of March, a pine-tree was The spring
cut in the~wc^¥~aliorbroughrihto the sanctuary of Cybele, cybeieand
where it was treated as a great divinity. The duty of Attis at
carrying the sacred tree was entrusted to a guild of Tree-
bearers. The trunk was swathed like a corpse with woollen
bands and decked with wreaths of violets, for violets were
said to have sprung from the blood of Attis, as roses and
anemones from the blood of Adonis ; and the effigy of a
young man, doubtless Attis himself, was tied to the middle
of the stem.3 On the second day of the festival, the twenty-

official establishment of the bloody
Phrygian superstition suits better the
life and character of the superstitious,
timid, cruel, pedantic Claudius of the
first century than the gallant soldier
his namesake in the third century.
The one lounged away his contemptible
days in the safety of the palace, sur-
rounded by a hedge of lifeguards. The
other spent the two years of his brief
but glorious reign in camps and battle-
fields on the frontier, combating the
barbarian enemies of the empire ; and
it is probable that he had as little
leisure as inclination to pander to the
superstitions of the Roman populace.
For these reasons it seems better with
Mr. Hepding and Prof. Cumont to
acquiesce in the traditional view that
the rites of Attis were officially cele-
brated at Rome from the first century
onward.

An intermediate view is adopted by
Prof. G. Wissowa, who, brushing aside
the statement of Joannes Lydus alto-
gether, would seemingly assign the public
institution of the rites to the middle of
the second century A.D. on the ground
that the earliest extant evidence of their
public celebration refers to that period
(Religion und Kultus der Corner,2
Munich, 1912, p. 322). But, con-
sidering the extremely imperfect evi-

dence at our disposal for the history of
these centuries, it seems rash to infer
that an official cult cannot have been
older than the earliest notice of it
which has chanced to come down to
us.

1 Arrian, Tactica, 33 ; Servius on
Virgil, Aen. xii. 836.

2 On the festival see J. Marquardt,
R'dmische Staatsverwaltung, iii.2(Leip-
sic, 1885) pp. 370 sqq. ; the calendar
of Philocalus, in Co^is Inscriptionum
Latinarum, vol. i.2 Pars prior (Berlin,
I893)> P- 260, with Th. Mommsen's
commentary (pp. 313 sq.) ; W. Mann-
hardt, Antike Wald- und Feldkulte,
pp. 291 sqq, ; id., Baumkultus, pp.
572 sqq. ; G. Wissowa, Religion und
Kiiltus der Romer^ pp. 318 sqq. ;
H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 147 sqq. ;
J. Toutain, Les Cultes Patens dans
r Empire Remain, ii. (Paris, 1911)
pp. 82 sqq.

3 Julian, Orat. v. 168 C, p. 218
ed. F. C. Hertlein (Leipsic, 1875-
1876) ; Joannes Lydus, De mensibus,
iv. 41; Arnobius, Adversus Nationes,
v. chs. 7, 1 6, 39 ; Firmicus Maternus,
De error e profananim religionum,
27; Sallustius philosophus, " De
diis et mundo," iv., Fragmenta
Philosophorum Graecorum, ed. F. G.
A. Mullach, iii. 33. As to the guild of

268 THE MYTH AND RITUAL OF ATTIS BOOK n

third of March, the chief ceremony seems to have been a
blowing of trumpets.1 The third day, the twenty-fourth of
The Day March, was known as the Day of Blood : the Archigallus or
0 ' high-priest drew blood from his arms and presented it as an
offering.2 Nor was he alone in making this bloody sacrifice.
Stirred by the wild barbaric music of clashing cymbals,
rumbling drums, droning horns, and screaming flutes, the
inferior clergy whirled about in the dance with waggling
heads and streaming hair, until, rapt into a frenzy of excite-
ment and insensible to pain, they gashed their bodies with
potsherds or slashed them with knives in order to bespatter
the altar and the sacred tree with their flowing blood.3 The
ghastly rite probably formed part of the mourning for Attis
and may have been intended to strengthen him for the
resurrection. The Australian aborigines cut themselves in
like manner over the graves ot their friends for the purpose,
perhaps, of enabling them to be born again.4 Further, we
may conjecture, though we are not expressly told, that
it was on the same Day of Blood and for the same
purpose that the novices sacrificed their virility. Wrought
up to the highest pitch of religious excitement they dashed
the severed portions of themselves against the image of the
cruel goddess. These broken instruments of fertility were
afterwards reverently wrapt up and buried in the earth or in
subterranean chambers sacred to Cybele,5 where, like the

Tree-bearers (Dendrophori] see Joannes of the Republic (London, 1899), p.

Lydus, I.e. ; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones 62.

Latinae Selectae, Nos. 4116^,4171- 2 Trebellius Pollio, Claudius , 4;

4174, 4176; H. Hepding, Attis, pp. Tertullian, Apologeticus, 25.

86, 92, 93, 96, 152 sqq. ; F. Cumont, 3 Lucian, Deorum dialogi, xii. I ;

s.v. " Dendrophori," in Pauly-Wis- Seneca, Agamemnon, 686 sqq. ; Martial,

sovva's Real - Encyclopddie der das- xi. 84. 3 sq. ; Valerius Flaccus,

sischen Altertumswissenschaft, v. I. Argonaut, viii. 239^^.; Statius, Theb.

coll. 216-219 > !• Toutain, Les Cultes x. 170 sqq.', Apuleius, Metam. viii. 27;

Pa'iens dans I'Empire Remain, ii. Lactantius, Divinarum Institutionum

82 sq., 92 sq. Epitome, 23 (18, vol. i. p. 689 eel.

1 Julian, I.e. and 169 C, p. 219 ed. Brandt and Laubmann) ; PI. Hepding,

F. C. Hertlein. The ceremony may Attis, pp. 158 sqq. As to the music

have been combined with the old tubi- of these dancing dervishes see also

lustrium or purification of trumpets, Lucretius, ii. 618 sqq.

which fell on this day. See Joannes 4 The Magic Art and the Evolution

Lydus, De mensibus, iv. 42; Varro, of Kings, i. 90^., 101 sq.

De lingua Latina, vi. 14 ; Festus, pp. 6 Minucius Felix, Octavius, 22 and

352> 353 ed- C. O, Muller ; W. Warde 24; Lactantius, Divin. Instit. i. 21.

Fowler, Roman Festivals of the Period 16; id., Epitoma, 8; Schol. on Lucian,

CHAP, i THE MYTH AND RITUAL OF ATTIS 269

offering of blood, they may have been deemed instrumental
in recalling Attis to life and hastening the general resurrection
of nature, which was then bursting into leaf and blossom in
the vernal sunshine. Some confirmation of this conjecture
is furnished by the savage story that the mother of Attis
conceived by putting in her bosom a pomegranate sprung
from the severed genitals of a man-monster named Agdestis, ./
a sort of double of Attis.1

If there is any truth in this conjectural explanation of Eunuch
the custom, we can readily understand why other Asiatic Pnests m

' J • the service

goddesses of fertility were served in like manner by eunuch of Asiatic
priests. These feminine deities required to receive from their godl
male ministers, who personated the divine lovers, the means
of discharging their beneficent functions: theyhad themselves
to be impregnated by the life-giving energy before they
could transmit it to the world. Goddesses thus ministered
to by eunuch priests were the great Artemis of Ephesus 2 and
the great Syrian Astarte of Hierapolis,3 whose sanctuary,
frequented by swarms of pilgrims and enriched by the
offerings of Assyria and Babylonia, of Arabia and Phoenicia,
was perhaps in the days of its glory the most popular in
the East.4 Now the unsexed priests of this Syrian goddess
resembled those of Cybele so closely that some people took
them to be the same.5 And the mode in which they
dedicated themselves to the religious life was similar. The

Jupiter Tragoedus, 8 (p. 60 ed. of the rams have been employed for the

H. Rabe) ; Servius on Virgil, Aen. same purpose? and may not those of

ix. 115; Prudentius, Peristephan. x. both animals have been substitutes for

1066 sqq.', " Passio Sancti Sym- the corresponding organs in men? As

phoriani," chs. 2 and 6 (Migne's to the sacrifices of rams and bulls see

Patrologia Graeca, v. 1463, 1466); G. Zippel, "Das Taurobolium," Fest-

Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, v. 14 ; schrift zum fiinfzigjahrigen Doctor-

Scholiast on Nicander, Alexipharmaca, jubilaum L. Friedlaender (Leipsic,

8 ; H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 163 sq. 1895), pp. 498 sqq. ; H. Dessau,

A story told by Clement of Alexandria Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, Nos.

(Protrept. ii. 15, p. 1 3 ed. Potter) sug- 4118 sqq. ; J. Toutain, Les Cultes

gests that weaker brethren may have Pdiens dans r Empire Remain, ii.

been allowed to sacrifice the virility of 84 sqq.

a ram instead of their own. We know 1 Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, v.

from inscriptions that rams and bulls 5 sq.

were regularly sacrificed at the mysteries 2 Strabo, xiv. I. 23, p. 641.

of Attis and the Great Mother, and 3 Lucian, De dea Syria, 15, 27, 50-

that the testicles of the bulls were used 53.

for a special purpose, probably as a 4 Lucian, op. (it. 10.

fertility charm. May not the testicles 6 Lucian, op. cit. 15.

270 THE MYTH AND RITUAL OF ATTIS BOOK n

greatest festival of the year at Hierapolis fell at the beginning
of spring, when multitudes thronged to the sanctuary from
Syria and the regions round about. While the flutes played,
the drums beat, and the eunuch priests slashed themselves
with knives, the religious excitement gradually spread like a
wave among the crowd of onlookers, and many a one did
that which he little thought to do when he came as a holiday
spectator to the festival. For man after man, his veins
throbbing with the music, his eyes fascinated by the sight
of the streaming blood, flung his garments from him, leaped
forth with a shout, and seizing one of the swords which
stood ready for the purpose, castrated himself on the spo,t
Then he ran through the city, holding the bloody pieces in
his hand, till he .threw them into one of the houses which
he passed in his unad, career./ The household thus honoured
had to furnish him with a suit of female attire and female
ornaments, which he wore for the rest of his life.1/ When
the tumult of emotion had subsided, and the man had come
to himself again, the irrevocable sacrifice must often have-
been followed by passionate sorrow and lifelong regret.
This revulsion of natural human feeling after the frenzies of
a fanatical religldn is powerfully depicted by Catullus in a

celebrated poem.2 j

1 Lucian, De dea Syria, 49-51. fruit to the gods. In Corea "during

2 Catullus, Carm. Ixiii. I agree a certain night, known as Chtt-il, in
with Mr. H. Hepding (Attis, p. 140) the twelfth moon, the palace eunuchs,
in thinking that the subject of the of whom there are some three hundred,
poem is not the mythical Attis, but perform a ceremony supposed to ensure

"one of his ordinary priests, who bore a bountiful crop in the ensuing year,

the name and imitated the sufferings of They chant in chorus prayers, swinging

his god. Thus interpreted the poem burning torches around them the while,

gains greatly in force and pathos. The This is said to be symbolical of burning

real sorrows of our fellow-men touch the dead grass, so as to destroy the

us more nearly than the imaginary field mice and other vermin." See

pangs of the gods. W. Woodville Rockhill, " Notes on

As the sacrifice of virility and the some of the Laws, Customs, and

institution of eunuch priests appear to Superstitions of Korea," The American

be rare, I will add a few examples. Anthropologist, iv. (Washington, 1891)

At Stratonicea in Caria a eunuch p. 185. Compare Mrs. Bishop, Korea

held a sacred office in connexion and her Neighbours (London, 1898),

with the worship of Zeus and Hecate ii. 56 sq. It appears that among the

(Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, No. Ekoi of Southern Nigeria both men

2715). According to Eustathius (on and women are, or used to be, muti-

Homer, Iliad, xix. 254, p. 1183) the lated by the excision of their genital

Egyptian priests were eunuchs who organs at an annual festival, which is

had sacrificed their virility as a first- celebrated in order to produce plentiful

CHAP. I

THE MYTH AND RITUAL OF ATTIS

271

The parallel of these Syrian devotees confirms the view The sacri
that in the similar worship of Cybele the sacrifice of virility
took place on the Day of Blood at the vernal rites of the
goddess, when the violets, supposed to spring from the red
drops of her wounded lover, were in bloom among the pines.
Indeed the story that Attis unmanned himself under a pine-
tree 1 was clearly devised to explain why his priests did the
same beside the sacred violet-wreathed tree at his festival.

harvests and immunity from thunder-
bolts. The victims apparently die from
loss of blood. See P. Amaury Talbot,
In the Shadow of the Bush (London,
1912), pp. 74 sqq. Mr. Talbot writes
to me: "A horrible case has just
happened at Idua, where, at the new
yam planting, a man cut off his own
membrum virile" (letter dated Eket,
Nr Calabar, Southern Nigeria, Feb.
7th, 1913). Amongst the Ba-sundi
and Ba-bwende of the Congo many
youths are castrated "in order to more
fittingly offer themselves to the phallic
worship, which increasingly prevails
as we advance from the coast to the
interior. At certain villages between
Manyanga and Isangila there are curi-
ous eunuch dances to celebrate the
new moon, in which a white cock is
thrown up into the air alive, with
clipped wings, and as it falls towards
the ground it is caught and plucked
by the eunuchs. I was told that
originally this used to be a human
sacrifice, and that a young boy or girl
was thrown up into the air and torn
to pieces by the eunuchs as he or
she fell, but that of late years slaves
had got scarce or manners milder, and
a white cock was now substituted "
(H. H. Johnston, "On the Races of
the Congo, "Journal of the Anthropo-
logical Instittite, xiii. (1884) p. 473 ;
compare id., The River Congo, London,
1884, p. 409). In India, men who
are born eunuchs or in some way
deformed are sometimes dedicated to
a goddess named Huligamma. They
wear female attire and might be mis-
taken for women. Also men who are
or believe themselves impotent will
vow to dress as women and serve the
goddess in the hope of recovering

their virility. See F. Fawcett, "On
Basivis,"yi?wrwa/ of the Anthropological
Society of Bombay, ii. 343 sq. In
Pegu the English traveller, Alexander
Hamilton, witnessed a dance in honour
of the gods of the earth. " Herma-
phrodites, who are numerous in this
country, are generally chosen, if there
are enough present to make a set for
the dance. I saw nine dance like mad
folks for above half -an- hour ; and
then some of them fell in fits, foaming
at the mouth for the space of half-an-
hour ; and, when their senses are re-
stored, they pretend to foretell plenty
or scarcity of corn for that year, if the
year will prove sickly or salutary to
the people, and several other things of
moment, and all by that half hour's
conversation that the furious dancer
had with the gods while she was in a
trance" (A. Hamilton, "ANew Account
of the East Indies," in J. Pinker-
ton's Voyages and Travels, viii. 427).
So in the worship of Attis the Archi-
gallus or head of the eunuch priests
prophesied ; perhaps he in like manner
worked himself up to the pitch of in-
spiration by a frenzied dance. See H.
Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae,
vol. ii. Pars i. pp. 142, 143, Nos.
4130, 4136 ; G. Wilmanns, Exempla
Inscriptionum Latinarum (Berlin,
1873), vo1- i- P- 36> Nos. IJ9a> I2o;
J. Toutain, Les Cultes Patens dans
I* Empire, domain, ii. 93 sq. As to
the sacrifice of virility in the Syrian
religion compare Th. Noldeke, "Die
Selbstentmannung bei den Syrern,"
Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft^ x.
(1907) pp. 150-152.

1 Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, v. 7
and 16; Servius on Virgil, Aen. ix.

272

THE MYTH AND RITUAL OF ATTIS

BOOK II

The

mourning
for Attis.

The
Festival
of Joy
(Hilaria]
for the
resurrec-
tion of
Attis on
March
25th.

At all events, we can hardly doubt that the Day of Blood
witnessed the mourning for Attis over an effigy of him
which was afterwards buried.1 The image thus laid in the
sepulchre was probably the same which had hung upon the
tree.2 Throughout the period of mourning the worshippers
fasted from bread, nominally because Cybele had done so in
her grief for the death of Attis,3 but really perhaps for the
same reason which induced the women of Harran to abstain
from eating anything ground in a mill while they wept for
Tammuz.4 To partake of bread or flour at such a season
might have been deemed a wanton profanation of the bruised
and broken body of the god. Or the fast may possibly have
been a preparation for a sacramental meal.5

But when night had fallen, the sorrow of the worshippers
was turned to joy. For suddenly a light shone in the
darkness : the tomb was opened : the god had risen from
the dead ; and as the priest touched the lips of the weeping
mourners with balm, he softly whispered in their ears the
glad tidings of salvation. ^ The resurrection of the god was
hailed by his disciples as a promise that they too would
issue triumphant from the corruption of the grave.6 \ On the

1 Diodorus Siculus, iii. 59 ; Arrian,
Tactica, 33 ; Scholiast on Nicander,
Alexipharmacci) 8 ; Firmicus Maternus,
De errore profanarum religionum, 3
and 22 ; Arnobius, Adverstis Nationes^
v. 1 6 ; Servius on Virgil, Aen. ix.

US-

2 See above, p. 267.

3 Arnobius, I.e. ; Sallustius philoso-
phus, " De diis et mundo," iv., Frag-
menta Philosophorum Graecorum, ed.
F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 33.

4 Above, p. 230.

6 See below, p. 274.

6 Firmicus Maternus, De errore pro-
fanarum religionum^ 22, " Nocte qua-
darn simulacrum in Uctica supinum
ponitur et per numeros digestis fletibus
plangitur : deinde cum se ficta lament a-
tione satiaverint, lumen infertur: tune
a sacerdote omnium gtii JJebant fauces
unguentur, quibus perunctis hoc lento
murmure stisurrat :

dappeire fjujffrai rou dlov

lorcu yap i]fjuv e'/c irbvuv crwnjpia.

Quid miseros hortaris gaudeant ? quid
deceptos homines laetari compellis ?
quam illis spem, quam salutem funesta
persuasions promittis ? Dei tui mors
nota est, vita non paret. . . . Idolum
sepelis, idohim plangis, idolum de sepul-
tura proferis, et miser cum haec feceris,
gaudes. Tu deum turim liberas, tu
jacentia lapidis membra componis, tu
insensibile corrigis saxum." In this
passage Firmicus does not expressly
mention Attis, but that the reference
is to his rites is made probable by a
comparison with chapter 3 of the
same writer's work. Compare also
Damascius, in Photius's Bibliotheca,
p. 345 A, 5 sqq.t ed. I. Bekker
(Berlin, 1824), rore TTJ 'Iepa7r6Xet ^y-
Kadevdrjffas £56Kovv 6vap 6 "Arr^s yt-
ve(rdai, /ecu JULOI eTrireXearflcu rrapa TTJS
yUTjrpds T&V de&v TT}V T&V iXaplwv KO\OV-
p.£v<i3V eopTrjv' oirep £drj\ov ryv f£ a8ov
yeyovvtav TJ/AWV awTypiav. See furthei
Fr. Cumont, Les Religions Orientales
dans le Paganisms Remain 2 (Paris,
1909), pp. 895-7.

CHAP, i THE MYTH AND RITUAL OF ATTIS 273

morrow, the twenty-fifth day of March, which was reckoned the
vernal equinox, the divine resurrection was celebrated with a
wild outburst of glee. At Rome, and probably elsewhere, the
celebration took the form of a carnival. It was the Festival
of Joy (Hilaria). A universal licence prevailed. Every man
might say and do what he pleased. People went about the
streets in disguise. No dignity was too high or too sacred for
the humblest citizen to assume with impunity. In the reign of
Commodus a band of conspirators thought to take advantage
of the masquerade by dressing in the uniform of the Imperial
Guard, and so, mingling with the crowd of merrymakers, to
get within stabbing distance of the emperor. But the plot
miscarried.1 Even the stern Alexander Severus used to
relax so far on the joyous day as to admit a pheasant to
his frugal board.2 The next day, the twenty-sixth of March,
was given to repose, which must have been much needed
after the varied excitements and fatigues of the preceding
days.3 Finally, the Roman festival closed on the twenty- The pro-
seventh of March with a procession to the brook Almo. The cession to
silver image of the goddess, with its face of jagged black T
stone, sat in a wagon drawn by oxen. Preceded by the nobles /
walking barefoot, it moved slowly, to the loud music of pipes '
and tambourines, out by the Porta Capena, and so down to the
banks of the Almo, which flows into the Tiber just below the
walls of Rome. There the high-priest, robed in purple, washed
the wagon, the image, and the other sacred objects in the
water of the stream. On returning from their bath, the wain
and the oxen were strewn with fresh spring flowers. All was /A

mirth and gaiety. No one thought of the blood that had
flowed so lately. Even the eunuch priests forgot their wounds.4

1 Macrobius, Saturn, i. 21. 10 ; all but the worst offenders. See

Flavius Vopiscus, Aurelianus, i. i ; J. Bingham, The Antiquities of the

Julian, Or. v. pp. 1 68 D, 1690; Christian Church, bk. xx. ch. vi. §§

Damascius, I.e. ; Herodian, i. 10. 5 sq. (Bingham's Works (Oxford, 1855),

5-7 ; Sallustius philosophus, " De diis vii. 317 sqq.}.

et mundo," Fragtnenta Philosophoruni 2 Aelius Lampridius, Alexander

Graecorum, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. Severus, 37.

33. In like manner Easter Sunday, 3 Corpus Imcriptionum Latinarum,

the Resurrection -day of Christ, was i.2 Pars prior (Berlin, 1893), pp. 260,

called by some ancient writers the 313 sq. ; H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 51,

Sunday of Joy {Dominica Gaudii). 172.

The emperors used to celebrate the 4 Ovid, Fasti, iv. 337-346 ; Silius

happy day by releasing from prison Italicus, Punic, viii. 365 ; Valerius

PT. IV. VOL. I T

274 THE MYTH AND RITUAL OF ATTIS BOOK n

The Such, then, appears to have been the annual solemniza-

^UuS? t^on °f t^ie deatn ancl resurrection of Attis in spring. But
besides these public rites, his worship is known to have
comprised certain secret or mystic ceremonies, which prob-
ably aimed at bringing the worshipper, and especially the
novice, into closer communication with his god. Our informa-
tion as to the nature of these mysteries and the date of
their celebration is unfortunately very scanty, but they seem
to have included a sacramental meal and a baptism of
The blood. In the sacrament the novice became a partaker of

"nt< the mysteries by eating out of a drum and drinking out
of a cymbal, two instruments of music which figured pro-
minently in the thrilling orchestra of Attis.1 The fast
which accompanied the mourning for the dead god2 may
perhaps have been designed to prepare the body of the
communicant for the reception of the blessed sacrament
by purging it of all that could defile by contact the sacred
The elements.3 In the baptism the devotee, crowned with gold

of blood. and wreathed with fillets, descended into a pit, the mouth
of which was covered with a wooden grating. A bull,
adorned with garlands of flowers, its forehead glittering
with gold leaf, was then driven on to the grating and there
stabbed to death with a consecrated spear. Its hot reeking
blood poured in torrents through the apertures, and was
received with devout eagerness by the worshipper on every
part of his person and garments, till he emerged from the
pit, drenched, dripping, and scarlet from head to foot, to
receive the homage, nay the adoration, of his fellows as one
who had been born again to eternal life and had washed

Flaccus, Argonaut, viii. 239 sqq. ; served by women called "marine"

Martial, iii. 47. I sq. ; Ammianus (0aAd<r<rtcu), whose duty it probably

Marcellinus, xxiii. 3. 7 ; Arnobius, was to wash her image in the sea

Adversus Nationes, vii. 32 ; Pruden- (Ch. Michel, Recueil d 'Inscriptions

tius, Peristephan. x. 154 sqq. For the Grecques Brussels, 1900, pp. 403 sq.,

description of the image of the goddess No. 537). See further J. Marquardf,

see Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, vii. Romische Staatsverwaltung, in.1' 373 ;

49. At Carthage the goddess was H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 133 sq.
carried to her bath in a litter, not in l Clement of Alexandria, Protrept.

a wagon , (Aupstme, De czvitate Det, ~ ed> p Firmicus

u. 4). The bath formed part of the ^^ De errore profanarum re-

festival in Phrygia, whence the custom Ugionum l$.
was borrowed by the Romans (Arrian,

Tactica, 33). At Cyzicus the Placi- Above' P' 2?2'

anian Mother, a form of Cybele, was 3 H. Hepding, Attis, p. 185.

CHAP. I

THE MYTH AND RITUAL OF ATTIS

275

away his sins in the blood of the bull.1 For some time
afterwards the fiction of a new birth was kept up by
dieting him on milk like a new-born babe.2 The regenera-
tion of the worshipper took place at the same time as the
regeneration of his god, namely at the vernal equinox.3 At The
Rome the new birth and the remission of sins by the ^centre of
shedding of bull's blood appear to have been carried out the worship
above all at the sanctuary of the Phrygian goddess on the
Vatican Hill, at or near the spot where the great basilica of
St. Peter's now stands ; for many inscriptions relating to
the rites were found when the church was being enlarged in
1608 or i6o9.4 From the Vatican as a centre this barbarous
system of superstition seems to have spread to other parts

of Attis.

1 Prudentius, Peristephan. x. 1006-
1050; compare Firmicus Maternus,
De errore profanarum religionum, 28. 8.
That the bath of bull's blood (tauro-
bolium} was believed to regenerate the
devotee for eternity is proved by an
inscription found at Rome, which re-
cords that a certain Sextilius Agesilaus
Aedesius, who dedicated an altar to
Attis and the Mother of the Gods, was
taurobolio criobolioque in aeternum
renatus {Corpus Inscriptionum Lati-
narttm, vi. No. 5 IO ; H. Dessau, Inscrip-
tiones Latinae Selectae, No. 4152).
The phrase arcanis perfusionibus in
aeternum renatus occurs in a dedica-
tion to Mithra (Corpus Inscriptionum
Latinarum, vi. No. 736), which, how-
ever, is suspected of being spurious.
As to the inscriptions which refer to
the taurobolium see G. Zippel, "Das
Taurobolium," in Festschrift zum
funfzigjahrigen Doctorjubildum L.
Friedlaender dargebracht von seinen
Schiilern (Leipsic, 1895), PP- 498-520;
H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae
Selectae, vol. ii. Pars i. pp. 140-147,
Nos. 4118-4159. As to the origin of
the taurobolium and the meaning of
the word, see Fr. Cumont, Textes et
Monuments Figure's relatifs aux Mys-
teres de Mithra (Brussels, 1896-1899),
i. 334 sq. ; id., Les Religions Orientales
dans le Paganisme Remain? pp. 100
sqq. ; J. Toutain, Les Cultes Patens
dans V Empire Romain, ii. 84 sqq. ;
G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der

Rb'mer? pp. 322 sqq. The tauro-
bolium seems to have formed no part
of the original worship of Cybele and
to have been imported into it at a com-
paratively late date, perhaps in the
second century of our era. Its origin
is obscure. In the majority of the
older inscriptions the name of the rite
appears as tatiropolium, and it has been
held that this is the true form, being
derived from the worship of the Asiatic
goddess Artemis Tauropolis (Strabo,
xii. 2. 7, p. 537). This was formerly
the view of Prof. F. Cumont (s.v.
"Anaitis," in Pauly-Wissowa's Real-
Encyclopddie der classischen Alter-
tumswissenschaft, i. 2. col. 2031); but
he now prefers the form taurobolium,
and would deduce both the name and
the rite from an ancient Anatolian
hunting custom of lassoing wild bulls.

2 Sallustius philosophus, " De diis
et mtmdo," iv., Fragmenta Philoso-
phortim Graecorum, ed. F. G. A.
Mullach, iii. 33.

3 Sallustius philosophus, I.e.

4 Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum,
vi. Nos. 497-504 ; H. Dessau, Inscrip-
tiones Latinae Selectae, Nos. 4145,
4147-4151, 4153; Inscriptiones
Grace ae Siciliae et Italiae, ed. G.
Kaibel (Berlin, 1890), p. 270, No.
1020 ; G. Zippel, op. cit. pp. 509 sq. ,
519; H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 83, 86-
88, 176; Ch. Huelsen, Topographic
der Stadt Rom im Alterthum, von H.
Jordan, i. 3 (Berlin, 1907), pp.

276 THE MYTH AND RITUAL OF ATTIS BOOK n

of the Roman empire. Inscriptions found in Gaul and
Germany prove that provincial sanctuaries modelled their
ritual on that of the Vatican.1 From the same source we
learn that the testicles as well as the blood of the bull
played an important part in the ceremonies.2 Probably they
were regarded as a powerful charm to promote fertility and
hasten the new birth.

1 Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, 2 Corpus Inscriptionwn Latinarum,

xiii. No. 1751; H. Dessau, Inscrip- xiii. No. 1751 ; G. Wilmanns, Exempla

tiones Latinae Selectae, No. 4131 ; G. Inscriptionum Latinarum, vol. i. pp.

Wilmanns, Exempla Inscriptiomim 35-37, Nos. 119, 123, 124; H.Dessau,

Latinarum (Berlin, 1873), vol. ii. p. Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, Nos.

125, No. 2278 ; G. Wissowa, Religion 4127, 4129, 4131, 4140 ; G. Wissowa,

und Kultus der Romer* p. 267 ; H. Religion und Kultus der Romer? pp.

Hepding, Attis, pp. 169-171, 176. 322 sqq. ; H. Hepding, Attis, p. 191.

CHAP, ii ATTIS AS A GOD OF VEGETATION 279

Like tree-spirits in general, Attis was apparently thought Attis as a
to wield power over the fruits of the earth or even to be corn'S°d-
identical with the corn. One of his epithets was "very
fruitful " : he was addressed as the " reaped green (or yellow)
ear of corn " ; and the story of his sufferings, death, and
resurrection was interpreted as the ripe grain wounded by
the reaper, buried in the granary, and coming to life again
when it is sown in the ground.1 A statue of him in the
Lateran Museum at Rome clearly indicates his relation to
the fruits of the earth, and particularly to the corn ; for it
represents him with a bunch of ears of corn and fruit in his
hand, and a wreath of pine-cones, pomegranates, and other
fruits on his head, while from the top of his Phrygian cap
ears of corn are sprouting.2 On a stone urn, which con- Cybeieasa
tained the ashes of an Archigallus or high- priest of Attis, f°rs of
the same idea is expressed in a slightly different way. The
top of the urn is adorned with ears of corn carved in relief,
and it is surmounted by the figure of a cock, whose tail
consists of ears of corn.8 Cybele in like manner was con-
ceived as a goddess of fertility who could make or mar the
fruits of the earth ; for the people of Augustodunum (Autun)
in Gaul used to cart her image about in a wagon for the
good of the fields and vineyards, while they danced and
sang before it,4 and we have seen that in Italy an unusually

1 Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium is published by H. Dessau (Inscrip-
haeresium, v. 8 and 9, pp. 162, 168 tiones Latinae Selectae, No. 4162),
ed. Duncker and Schneidewin ; Fir- who does not notice the curious and
micus Maternus, De errore profanartim interesting composition of the cock's
religionum> 3 ; Sallustius philosophus, tail. The bird is chosen as an emblem
" De diis et mundo," Fragmenta Philo- of the priest with a punning reference to
sophorum Graecorum, ed. F. G. A. the word galliis, which in Latin means
Mullach, iii. 33. Others identified a cock as well as a priest of Attis.
him with the spring flowers. See 4 Gregory of Tours, De gloria
Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelii, iii. confessorum, 77 (Migne's Patrologia
II. 8 and 12, iii. 13. 10 ed. F. A. Latma, Ixxi. 884). That the god-
Heinichen (Leipsic, 1842-1843); Au- dess here referred to was Cybele
gustine, De civitate Dei, vii. 25. and not a native Gallic deity, as I

2 W. Helbig, Fiihrer durch die formerly thought (Lectures on the Early
offentlichen Sammhingen klassischer History of the Kingship , p. 178),
A Itertu mer in Rom 2 (Leipsic, 1899), seems proved by the "Passion of
i. 481, No. 721. St. Symphorian," chs. 2 and 6 (Migne s

3 The urn is in the Lateran Museum Patrologia Graeca, v. 1463, 1466).
at Rome (No. 1046). It is not de- Gregory and the author of the " Pas-
scribed by W. Helbig in his Fiihrer^ sion of St. Symphorian" call the
The inscription on the urn (M. Modius goddess simply Berecynthia, the latter
Maxximus archigallus coloniae Ostiens) writer adding "the Mother of the

280 ATTIS AS A GOD OF VEGETATION BOOK n

fine harvest was attributed to the recent arrival of the Great
The Mother.1 The bathing of the image of the goddess in a

bathing of rjver mav weu have been a rain -charm to ensure an

her image '

either a abundant supply of moisture for the crops. Or perhaps,
rain-charm as Mf Hepding has suggested, the union of Cybele and
marriage- Attis, like that of Aphrodite and Adonis, was dramatically
represented at the festival, and the subsequent bath of the
goddess was a ceremonial purification of the bride, such as
is often observed at human marriages.2 In like manner
Aphrodite is said to have bathed after her union with
Adonis,3 and so did Demeter after her intercourse with
Poseidon.4 Hera washed in the springs of the river Burrha
after her marriage with Zeus ; 5 and every year she recovered
her virginity by bathing in the spring of Canathus.6 How-
ever that may be, the rules of diet observed by the worshippers
of Cybele and Attis at their solemn fasts are clearly dictated
by a belief that the divine life of these deities manifested
itself in the fruits of the earth, and especially in such of
them as are actually hidden by the soil. For while the
devotees were allowed to partake of flesh, though not of
pork or fish, they were forbidden to eat seeds and the roots
of vegetables, but they might eat the stalks and upper parts
of the plants.7

Demons," which is plainly a Christian goddess was probably Astarte. So

version of the title "Mother of the Lucian (De dea Syria] calls the Astarte

Gods." of Hierapolis "the Assyrian Hera."

1 Above, p. 265. In the island of 6 Pausanias, ii. 38. 2.
Thera an ox, wheat, barley, wine, and 7 Julian, Orat. v. 173 sqq. (pp. 225

" other first-fruits of all that the seasons sqq. ed. F. C. Hertlein) ; H. Hepding,

produce" were offered to the Mother Atlis, pp. 155-157. However, apples,

of the Gods, plainly because she was pomegranates, and dates were also

deemed the source of fertility. See forbidden. The story that the mother

G. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptiomim of Attis conceived him through contact

Graecat'um? vol. ii. p. 426, No. 630. with a pomegranate (above, pp. 263,

a H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 215-217; 269) might explain the prohibition of

compare id. p. 175 note 7. that fruit. But the reasons for taboo-

3 Ptolemaeus, Nov. Hist. i. p. 183 of ing apples and dates are not apparent,
A. Westermann's Mythographi Graeci though Julian tried to discover them.
(Brunswick; 1843), He suggested that dates may have been

4 Pausanias, viii. 25. 5 sq. forbidden because the date-palm does
6 Aelian, Nat. Anim. xii. 30. The not grow in Phrygia, the native land

place was in Mesopotamia, and the of Cybele and Attis.

CHAPTER III

ATTIS AS THE FATHER GOD

THE name Attis appears to mean simply " father." 3 This The name
explanation, suggested by etymology, is confirmed by the ^"mean™'
observation that another name for Attis was Papas;2 for "father."
Papas has all the appearance of being a common form of
that word for " father " which occurs independently in many
distinct families of speech all the world over. Similarly the
mother of Attis was named Nana,3 which is itself a form of
the world -wide word for " mother." "The immense list
of such words collected by Buschmann shows that the types
pa and ta, with the similar forms ap and at, preponderate in
the world as names for ' father/ while ma and na, am and
an, preponderate as names for ' mother.' "

Thus the mother of Attis is only another form of his Relation of
divine mistress the great Mother Goddess,5 and we are JjJJJj^ the
brought back to the myth that the lovers were mother and Goddess.
son. The story that Nana conceived miraculously without
commerce with the other sex shows that the Mother Goddess
of Phrygia herself was viewed, like other goddesses of the
same primitive type, as a Virgin Mother.6 That view of

1 P. Kretschmer, Einleitung in die occur in Phrygia (H. Hepding, Attis,
Geschichte der griechischen Sprache pp. 78 sq.). Compare A. B. Cook,
(Gottingen, 1896), p. 355. " Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak," Classical

2 Diodorus Siculus, iii. 58. 4; Review, xviii. (1904) p. 79.
Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haere- 3 Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, v.
sium, i. 9, p. 168 ed. Duncker and 6 and 13.

Schneidewin. A Latin dedication to 4 (Sir) Edward B. Tylor, Primitive

Atte Papa\v&s been found at Aquileia Culture* (London, 1873), i. 223.

(F. Cumont, in Pauly-Wissowa's Real- 6 Rapp, s.v. " Kybele," in W. H.

encyclopddie der classischen Altertums- Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und rom.

ivissenschaft, ii. 2180, s.v. "Attepata"; Mythologie,\\. 1648.

H. Hepding, Attis, p. 86). Greek 6 She is called a "motherless

dedications to Papas or to Zeus Papas virgin" by Julian (Or. v. 166 B, p.

281

282 ATTIS AS THE FATHER GOD BOOK n

her character does not rest on a perverse and mischievous

theory that virginity is more honourable than matrimony.

It is derived, as I have already indicated, from a state of

savagery in which the mere fact of paternity was unknown.

That explains why in later times, long after the true nature

of paternity had been ascertained, the Father God was often

a much less important personage in mythology than his

Attis as a divine partner the Mother Goddess. With regard to Attis

Sky-god or m kjg paternal character it deserves to be noticed that the

Heavenly

Father. Bithynians used to ascend to the tops of the mountains
and there call upon him under the name of Papas. The
custom is attested by Arrian,1 who as a native of Bithynia
must have had good opportunities of observing it. We may
perhaps infer from it that the Bithynians conceived Attis as
a sky-god or heavenly father, like Zeus, with whom indeed
Arrian identifies him. If that were so, the story of the
loves of Attis and Cybele, the Father God and the Mother
Goddess, might be in one of its aspects a particular version
of the widespread myth which represents Mother Earth
fertilized by Father Sky ; 2 and, further, the story of the

215 ed. F. C. Hertlein), and there husband, were unable to divorce from

was a Parthenon or virgin's chamber their minds the idea that a male germ

in her sanctuary at Cyzicus (Ch. was necessary for its production, and

Michel, Recueild' Inscriptions Grecques, finding it impossible to derive it from

p. 404, No. 538). Compare Rapp, in a being external to the goddess,

W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. assumed that she herself provided not

und rom. Mythologie, ii. 1648; Wagner, only the substance which was to form

s.v. " Nana," ibid. iii. 4 sq. Another the body of Ra but also the male germ

great goddess of fertility who was which fecundated it. Thus Net was

conceived as a Virgin Mother was the type of partheno-genesis."
the Egyptian Neith or Net. She is 1 Quoted by Eustathius on Homer,

called " the Great Goddess, the Mother //. v. 408; Fragmenta Historicorum

of All the Gods," and was believed to Graecorum, ed. C. Muller, iii. 592,

have brought forth Ra, the Sun, with- Frag. 30.

out the help of a male partner. See 2 (Sir) Edward B. Tylor, primitive

C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der Religion im Ciilture? i. 321 sqq., ii. 270 sqq.

Altertum, i. 1 1 1 ; E. A. Wallis Budge, For example, the Ewe people of

The Gods of the Egyptians (London, Togo-land, in West Africa, think that

1904), i. 457-462. The latter writer the Earth is the wife of the Sky,

says (p. 462); "In very early times and that their marriage takes place in

Net was the personification of the the rainy season, when the rain causes

eternal female principle of life which the seeds to sprout and bear fruit,

was self-sustaining and self- existent, These fruits they regard as the children

and was secret and unknown, and all- of Mother Earth, who in their opinion

pervading ; the more material thinkers, is the mother also of men and of gods,

whilst admitting that she brought forth See J. Spieth, Die Ewe-Stamme

her son Ra without the aid of a (Berlin, 1906), pp. 464, 548. In the

:HAP. iii/ ATTIS AS THE FATHER GOD 283

emasculation of Attis would be parallel to the Greek legend stories of
that Cronus castrated his father, the old sky-god Uranus,1 ^^a8c
and was himself in turn castrated by his own son, the of the
younger sky -god Zeus.2 The tale of the mutilation of
the sky-god by his son has been plausibly explained as a
myth of the violent separation of the earth and sky, which
some races, for example the Polynesians, suppose to have
originally clasped each other in a close embrace.3 Yet it
seems unlikely that an order of eunuch priests like the Galli
should have been based on a purely cosmogonic myth : why
should they continue for all time to be mutilated because
the sky-god was so in the beginning? The custom of
castration must surely have been designed to meet a con-
stantly recurring need, not merely to reflect a mythical
event which happened at the creation of the world. Such
a need is the maintenance of the fruitfulness of the earth,
annually imperilled by the changes of the seasons. Yet

regions of the Senegal and the Niger
it is believed that the Sky-god and the
Earth-goddess are the parents of the
principal spirits who dispense life and
death, weal and woe, among mankind.
The eldest son of Sky and Earth is
represented in very various forms,
sometimes as a hermaphrodite, some-
times in semi-animal shape, with the
head of a bull, a crocodile, a fish, or
a serpent. His name varies in the
different tribes, but the outward form
of his ceremonies is everywhere similar.
His rites, which are to some extent
veiled in mystery, are forbidden to
women. See Maurice Delafosse, Haut-
Stnegal- Niger (Paris, 1912), iii. 173-

175-

1 Hesiod, Theogony, 159 sqq.

2 Porphyry, De antro nynipharum,
1 6 ; Aristides, Or. iii. (vol. i. p. 35 ed.
G. Dindorf, Leipsic, 1829) ; Scholiast
on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon, iv.

983-

3 A. Lang, Custom and Myth
(London, 1884), pp. 45 sqq. ; id.,
Myth, Ritual ', and Religion (London,
1887), i. 299 sqq. In Egyptian
mythology the separation of heaven
and earth was ascribed to Shu, the
god of light, who insinuated himself

between the bodies of Seb (Keb) the
earth-god and of Nut the sky-goddess.
On the monuments Shu is represented
holding up the star-spangled body of
Nut on his hands, while Seb reclines
on the ground. See A. Wiedemann,
Religion of the Ancient Egyptians (Lon-
don, 1897), pp. 230 sq. ; E. A. Wallis
Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians^ ii.
90, 97 sq., 100, 105 ; A. Erman, Die
dgyptische Religion^1 (Berlin, 1909),
pp. 35 sq. ; C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der
Religion im Altertum, i. 33 sq. Thus
contrary to the usual mythical concep-
tion the Egyptians regarded the earth
as male and the sky as female. An
allusion in the Book of the Dead (ch.
69, vol. ii. p. 235, E. A. Wallis
Budge's translation, London, 1901) has
been interpreted as a hint that Osiris
mutilated his father Seb at the separa-
tion of earth and heaven, just as Cronus
mutilated his father Uranus. See H.
Brugsch, Religion und Mythologie der
alien Aegypter (Leipsic, 1885-1888),
p. 581 ; E. A. Wallis Budge, op. tit.
ii. 99 sq. Sometimes the Egyptians
conceived the sky as a great cow stand-
ing with its legs on the earth. See A.
Erman, Die dgyptische Religion? pp.
7,8.

284 ATTIS AS THE FATHER GOD BOOK n

the theory that the mutilation of the priests of Attis and
the burial of the severed parts were designed to fertilize
the ground may perhaps be reconciled with the cosmo-
gonic myth if we remember the old opinion, held
apparently by many peoples, that the creation of the
world is year by year repeated in that great transfor-
mation which depends ultimately on the annual increase of
the sun's heat.1 However, the evidence for the celestial
aspect of Attis is too slight to allow us to speak with any
confidence on this subject. A trace of that aspect appears
to survive in the star-spangled cap which he is said to have
received from Cybele,2 and which is figured on some monu-
ments supposed to represent him.3 His identification with
the Phrygian moon-god Men Tyrannus 4 points in the same
direction, but is probably due rather to the religious specula-
tion of a later age than to genuine popular tradition.5

1 Compare The Dying God, pp. 105 Nos. 4146-4149 ; H. Hepding, Attis,
sqq. pp. 82, 86 sq., 89 sq. As to Men

2 Julian, Or. v. pp. 165 B, 170 D Tyrannus, see Drexler, s.v. "Men,"
(pp. 214, 221, ed. F. C. Hertlein) ; in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech.
Sallustius philosophus, " De diis et und rb'm. Myth. ii. 2687 sqq.
mundo," iv. Fragmenta Philosophorum 5 On the other hand Sir W. M.
Graecorum, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. Ramsay holds that Attis and Men
33. are deities of similar character and

3 Drexler, s.v. " Men," in W. H. origin, but differentiated from each
Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und other by development in different sur-
rom. Mythologie, ii. 2745 ; H. Hep- roundings (Cities and Bishoprics of
ding, Attis, p. 120, note8. Phrygia, i. 169); but he denies that

4 H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Men was a moon-god (pp. cit. i. 104,
Selectae, vol. ii. Pars i. pp. 145 sq., note4).

CHAPTER IV

HUMAN REPRESENTATIVES OF ATTIS

FROM inscriptions it appears that both at Pessinus and The high
Rome the high-priest of Cybele regularly bore the name of Aujftore
Attis.1 It is therefore a reasonable conjecture that he the god's
played the part of his namesake, the legendary Attis, at the "e^*"
annual festival.2 We have seen that on the Day of Blood have per-
he drew blood from his arms, and this may have been an him!6
imitation of the self-inflicted death of Attis under the pine-
tree. It is not inconsistent with this supposition that Attis
was also represented at these ceremonies by an effigy ; for
instances can be shown in which the divine being is
first represented by a living person and afterwards by
an effigy, which is then burned or otherwise destroyed.8
Perhaps we may go a step farther and conjecture that this The
mimic killing of the priest, accompanied by a real effusion
of his blood, was in Phrygia, as it has been elsewhere, a priest's
substitute for a human sacrifice which in earlier times was ha°e beerf
actually offered. Sir W. M. Ramsay, whose authority on a substitute
all questions relating to Phrygia no one will dispute, is

1 In letters of Eumenes and Attalus, Hepding, Attis, p. 79 ; Rapp, s.v.

preserved in inscriptions at Sivrihissar, "Attis," in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon

the priest at Pessinus is addressed as der griech. undrom. Mythologie, i. 724.

Attis. See A. von Domaszewski, See also Polybius, xxii. 18 (20), (ed. L.

" Briefe der Attaliden an den Priester Dindorf), who mentions a priest of

von Pessinus," Archaeologische - epi- the Mother of the Gods named Attis

graphische Mittheilungen aus Oester- at Pessinus.

reich - Ungarn. viii. (1884) pp. 96, 9 — ,, • i /• -,->

^u ?*• v i i -fjir -^- The conjecture is that of Henzen,

98: Ch. Michel, Recuetl d? Inscriptions . . , , J T A 0 ,.

CrT pp 57 ?. No. 4S, W. LldToVRa^/' 5 ' "• "0> "
Dittenberger, Urtentis (jraeci Inscrtp-

tiones Selectae (Leipsic, 1903-1905), 3 The Magic Art and the Evolution

vol. i. pp. 482 sqq. No. 315. For of Kings, ii. 75 sq. ; The Dying God,

more evidence of inscriptions see H. pp. 151 sq., 209.

285

286

HUMAN REPRESENTA TIVES OF A TTIS BOOK n

death in
the char-
acter of
the god.

The name
of Attis in
the royal
families of
Phrygia
and Lydia.

of opinion that at these Phrygian ceremonies " the repre-
sentative of the god was probably slain each year by a cruel
death, just as the god himself died." 1 We know from
Strabo 2 that the priests of Pessinus were at one time
potentates as well as priests ; they may, therefore, have
belonged to that class of divine kings or popes whose duty
it was to die each year for their people and the world.
The name of Attis, it is true, does not occur among the
names of the old kings of Phrygia, who seem to have borne
the names of Midas and Gordias in alternate generations ;
but a very ancient inscription carved in the rock above a
famous Phrygian monument, which is known as the Tomb
of Midas, records that the monument was made for, or
dedicated to, King Midas by a certain Ates, whose name
is doubtless identical with Attis, and who, if not a king
himself, may have been one of the royal family.3 It is
worthy of note also that the name Atys, which, again,
appears to be only another form of Attis, is recorded as
that of an early king of Lydia ; 4 and that a son of Croesus,
king of Lydia, not only bore the name Atys but was said
to have been killed, while he was hunting a boar, by a
member of the royal Phrygian family, who traced his lineage
to King Midas and had fled to the court of Croesus because
he had unwittingly slain his own brother.5 Scholars have
recognized in this story of the death of Atys, son of Croesus,
a mere double of the myth of Attis ; 6 and in view of the
facts which have come before us in the present inquiry7 it

1 Article" Phrygia, " '^.Encyclopaedia Sir W. M. Ramsay, the conquering
Britannica, 9th ed. xviii. (1885) p. 853.

Elsewhere, speaking of the religions of
Asia Minor in general, the same writer
says : "The highest priests and priest-
esses played the parts of the great gods
in the mystic ritual, wore their dress,
and bore their names " ( Cities and
Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. 101).

2 Strabo, xii. 5. 3, p. 567.

3 (Sir) W. M. Ramsay, "A Study
of Phrygian Art," Journal of Hellenic
Studies, ix. (1888) pp. 379 sqq. ; id.,
"A Study of Phrygian Art," Journal
of Hellenic Studies, x. (1889) pp. 156
sqq. ; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire
de V Art dans P Antiquite", v. 82 sqq.

4 Herodotus, i. 94. According to

and ruling caste in Lydia belonged to
the Phrygian stock (Journal of Hellenic
Studies, ix. (1888) p. 351).

6 Herodotus, i. 34-45. The tradi-
tion that Croesus would allow no iron
weapon to come near Atys suggests
that a similar taboo may have been
imposed on the Phrygian priests named
Attis. For taboos of this sort see
Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp.
225 sqq.

6 H. Stein on Herodotus, i. 43 ;
Ed. Meyer, s.v. "Atys," in Pauly-
Wissowa's Real-Encyclopddie der clas-
sischen Altertumswissenschaft, ii. 2
col. 2262.

7 See above, pp. 13, 16 sq., 48 sqq.

CHAP, iv HUMAN REPRESENTA TIVES OF A TTIS 287

is a remarkable circumstance that the myth of a slain
god should be told of a king's son. May we conjecture The
that the Phrygian priests who bore the name of Attis

and represented the god of that name were themselves Attis may
members, perhaps the eldest sons, of the royal house, members
to whom their fathers, uncles, brothers, or other kinsmen ofthe
deputed the honour of dying a violent death in the char- family.
acter of gods, while they reserved to themselves the duty
of living, as long as nature allowed them, in the humbler
character of kings ? If this were so, the Phrygian dynasty
of Midas may have presented a close parallel to the Greek
dynasty of Athamas, in which the eldest sons seem to have
been regularly destined to the altar.1 But it is also possible
that the divine priests who bore the name of Attis may
have belonged to that indigenous race which the Phrygians,
on their irruption into Asia from Europe, appear to have
found and conquered in the land afterwards known as
Phrygia.2 On the latter hypothesis the priests may have
represented an older and higher civilization than that of
their barbarous conquerors. Be that as it may, the god
they personated was a deity of vegetation whose divine life
manifested itself especially in the pine-tree and the violets
of spring ; and if they died in the character of that divinity,
they corresponded to the mummers who are still slain in
mimicry by European peasants in spring, and to the priest
who was slain long ago in grim earnest on the wooded shore
of the Lake of Nemi.

1 The Dying God, pp. 161 sqq. . pp. 350 sq. Prof. P. Kretschmer

holds that both Cybele and Attis

2 See (Sir) W. M. Ramsay, s.v. were gods of the indigenous Asiatic
" Phrygia," Encyclopaedia Britan- population, not of the Phrygian in-
nica, Qth ed. xviii. 849 sq. ; id., vaders (Einleitung in die Geschichte
"A Study of Phrygian Art," Jour- der griechischen Sprache, Gottingen,
nal of Hellenic Studies, ix. (1888) 1896, pp. 194 sq.).

CHAPTER V

THE HANGED GOD

The way
in which
the repre-
sentatives
of Attis
were put
to death
is perhaps
shown by
the legend
ofMarsyas,
who was
hung on a
pine-tree
and flayed
by Apolfo.

A REMINISCENCE of the manner in which these old repre-
sentatives of the deity were put to death is perhaps preserved
in the famous story of Marsyas. He was said to be a
Phrygian satyr or Silenus, according to others a shepherd or
herdsman, who played sweetly on the flute. A friend of
Cybele, he roamed the country with the disconsolate goddess
to soothe her grief for the death of Attis.1 The composition
of the Mother's Air, a tune played on the flute in honour of
the Great Mother Goddess, was attributed to him by the
people of Celaenae in Phrygia.2 Vain of his skill, he
challenged Apollo to a musical contest, he to play on the
flute and Apollo on the lyre. Being vanquished, Marsyas
was tied up to a pine-tree and flayed or cut limb from limb
either by the victorious Apollo or by a Scythian slave.3
His skin was shown at Celaenae in historical times. It

1 Diodorus Siculus, iii. 58 sq. As
to Marsyas in the character of a
shepherd or herdsman see Hyginus,
Fab. 165 ; Nonnus, Dionys. i. 41 sqq.
He is called a Silenus by Pausanias
(i. 24. i).

2 Pausanias, x. 30. 9.

3 Apollodorus, Bibliolheca, i. 4. 2 ;
Hyginus, Fab. 165. Many ancient
writers mention that the tree on
which Marsyas suffered death was a
pine. See Apollodorus, I.e. ; Nic-
ander, Alexipharmaca, 301 sq., with
the Scholiast's note ; Lucian, Tragodo-
podagra, 314 sq. ; Archias Mityle-
naeus, in Anthologia Palatina, vii.
696 ; Philostratus, Junior, Imagines,
i. 3 ; Longus, Pastor, iv. 8 ; Zen-

obius, Cent. iv. 81 ; J. Tzetzes, Chili-
odes^ i. 353 sqq. Pliny alone declares
the tree to have been a plane, which
according to him was still shown at
Aulocrene on the way from Apamea
to Phrygia (Nat. Hist. xvi. 240).
On a candelabra in the Vatican the
defeated Marsyas is represented hang-
ing on a pine-tree (W. Helbig, Fiihrer?
i. 225 sq. ) ; but the monumental evid-
ence is not consistent on this point
(Jessen, s.v. " Marsyas," in W. H.
Roscher's Lexikon dergriech. und row.
Mythologie^ ii. 2442). The position
which the pine held in the myth and
ritual of Cybele supports the preponder-
ance of ancient testimony in favour of
that tree.

288

CHAP, v THE HANGED GOD 289

hung at the foot of the citadel in a cave from which the
river Marsyas rushed with an impetuous and noisy tide
to join the Maeander.1 So the Adonis bursts full-born from
the precipices of the Lebanon ; so the blue river of Ibreez
leaps in a crystal jet from the red rocks of the Taurus ;
so the stream, which now rumbles deep underground, used
to gleam for a moment on its passage from darkness to
darkness in the dim light of the Corycian cave. In all these
copious fountains, with their glad promise of fertility and
life, men of old saw the hand of God and worshipped him
beside the rushing river with the music of its tumbling
waters in their ears. At Celaenae, if we can trust tradi-
tion, the piper Marsyas, hanging in his cave, had a soul
for harmony even in death ; for it is said that at
the sound of his native Phrygian melodies the skin of
the dead satyr used to thrill, but that if the musician
struck up an air in praise of Apollo it remained deaf and
motionless.2

In this Phrygian satyr, shepherd, or herdsman who Marsyas
enjoyed the friendship of Cybele, practised the music so *pj^jlt
characteristic of her rites,3 and died a violent death on her of Attis.
sacred tree, the pine, may we not detect a close resemblance
to Attis, the favourite shepherd or herdsman of the goddess,
who is himself described as a piper,4 is said to have perished
under a pine-tree, and was annually represented by an effigy
hung, like Marsyas, upon a pine? We may conjecture that
in old days the priest who bore the name and played the
part of Attis at the spring festival of Cybele was regularly
hanged or otherwise slain upon the sacred tree, and that
this barbarous custom was afterwards mitigated into the
form in which it is known to us in later times, when the
priest merely drew blood from his body under the tree and
attached an effigy instead of himself to its trunk. In the
holy grove at Upsala men and animals were sacrificed by

1 Herodotus, vii. 26; Xenophon, 341; Polyaenus, Stratagem, viii.
Anabasis, i. 2. 8 ; Livy, xxxviii. 53. 4. Flutes or pipes often appear
13. 6 : Quintus Curtius, iii. I. 1-5 ; on her monuments. See H. Dessau,
Pliny, Nat. Hist. v. 106. Herodotus Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, Nos.
calls the river the Catarrhactes. 4100, 4143, 4145, 4152, 4153.

2 Aelian, Far. Hist. xiii. 21. 4 Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium

3 Catullus, Ixiii. 22 ; Lucretius, haeresium, v. 9, p. 168, ed. Duncker
ii. 620 ; Ovid, Fasti, iv. 181 sq., and Schneidewin.

PT. IV. VOL. I U

2QO

THE HANGED GOD

BOOK II

The

hanging
and spear-
ing of Odin
and his
human
victims on
sacred
trees.

being hanged upon the sacred trees.1 The human victims
dedicated to Odin were regularly put to death by hanging
or by a combination of hanging and stabbing, the man
being strung up to a tree or a gallows and then wounded
with a spear. Hence Odin was called the Lord . of the
Gallows or the God of the Hanged, and he is represented
sitting under a gallows tree.2 Indeed he is said to have
been sacrificed to himself in the ordinary way, as we learn
from the weird verses of the Havamal, in which the god
describes how he acquired his divine power by learning the
magic runes :

" / know that I hung on the windy tree
For nine whole nights^
Wounded with the spear^ dedicated to Odin,
Myself to myself. " 3

The hang- The Bagobos of Mindanao, one of the Philippine Islands,

spearing use<^ annually to sacrifice human victims for the good of

the crops in a similar way. Early in December, when the

1 Adam of Bremen, Descriptio in-
sularum Aquilonis, 27 (Migne's Patro-
logia Latino,) cxlvi. 643).

2 S. Bugge, Studien iiber die Ent-
stehung der nordischen Goiter- und
Heldensagen (Munich, 1889), pp. 339
sqq. ; K. Simrock, Die Edda 8 (Stutt-
gart, 1882), p. 382; K. Miillenhoff,
Deutsche Altertumskunde (Berlin,
1870-1900), iv. 244 sq. ; H: M.
Chadwick, The Cult of Othin (Lon-
don, 1899), pp. 3-20. The old
English custom of hanging and dis-
embowelling traitors was probably
derived from a practice of thus sacri-
ficing them to Odin ; for among many
races, including the Teutonic and
Latin peoples, capital punishment
appears to have been originally a
religious rite, a sacrifice or consecra-
tion of the criminal to the god whom
he had offended. See F. Liebrecht,
Zur Volkskunde (Heilbronn, 1879),
pp. 8 sq. ; K. von Amira, in H. Paul's
Grundriss der germanischen Philo-
logie? iii. (Strasburg, 1900) pp. 197
sq. ; G. Vigfusson and F. York Powell,
Corpus Poeticum Boreale (Oxford,
1883), i. 410; W. Golther, Handbuch
der germanischen Mythologie (Leipsic,

1895), PP- 54-8 s?' > Th. Mommsen,
Roman History, bk. i. ch. 12 (vol. i.
p. 192, ed. 1868) ; id., Romisches
Slrafrecht (Leipsic, 1899), pp. 900
sqq. ; F. Granger, The Worship of
the Romans (London, 1895), PP- 259
sqq. ; E. Westermarck, The Origin
and Development of the Moral Ideas,

1. (London, 1906) pp. 439 sq. So,
too, among barbarous peoples the
slaughter of prisoners in war is often
a sacrifice offered by the victors to
the gods to whose aid they ascribe
the victory. See A. B. Ellis, The
Tshi - speaking Peoples of the Gold
Coast (London, 1887), pp. 169 sq. ;
W. Ellis, Polynesian Researches '2
(London, 1832-1836), i. 289; Dio-
dorus Siculus, xx. 65 ; Strabo, vii.

2. 3, p. 294 ; Caesar, De bello Gallico,
vi. 17 ; Tacitus, Annals, i. 6 1, xiii.
57 ; Procopius, De bello Gothico, ii.
15. 24, ii. 25. 9; Jornandes, Getica,
vi. 41 ; J. Grimm, Deutsche Mytho-
logie^ (Berlin, 1875-1878), i. 36 sq. ;
Fr. Schwally, Semitische Kriegsalter-
tiimer (Leipsic, 1901), pp. 29 sqq.

3 Ha-vamal, 139 sqq. (K. Simrock,
Die Edda* p. 55 ; K. Miillenhoff,
Deutsche Altertumskunde, v. 270^.).

CHAP, v THE HANGED GOD 291

constellation Orion appeared at seven o'clock in the evening, Of human
the people knew that the time had come to clear their fields vlctims

* among the

for sowing and to sacrifice a slave. The sacrifice was Bagobos.
presented to certain powerful spirits as payment for the good
year which the people had enjoyed, and to ensure the
favour of the spirits for the coming season. The victim was
led to a great tree in the forest ; there he was tied with
his back to the tree and his arms stretched high above his
head, in the attitude in which ancient artists portrayed
Marsyas hanging on the fatal tree. While he thus hung
by the arms, he was slain by a spear thrust through his
body at the level of the armpits. Afterwards the body was
cut clean through the middle at the waist, and the upper
part was apparently allowed to dangle for a little from the
tree, while the under part wallowed in blood on the ground.
The two portions were finally cast into a shallow trench
beside the tree. Before this was done, anybody who wished
might cut off a piece of flesh or a lock of hair from the
corpse and carry it to the grave of some relation whose
body was being consumed by a ghoul. Attracted by the fresh
corpse, the ghoul would leave the mouldering old body in
peace. These sacrifices have been offered by men now living.1

In Greece the great goddess Artemis herself appears The
to have been annually hanged in effigy in her sacred grove
of Condylea among the Arcadian hills, and there accordingly
she went by the name of the Hanged One.2 Indeed a trace
of a similar rite may perhaps be detected even at Ephesus,
the most famous of her sanctuaries, in the legend of a woman
who hanged herself and was thereupon dressed by the com-
passionate goddess in her own divine garb and called by the
name of Hecate.3 Similarly, at Melite in Phthia, a story

1 Fay-Cooper Cole, The Wild Tribes Griechische Mythologie, i.4 305, note 2 ;
of Davao District, Mindanao (Chicago, L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek
1913)> PP- U4 sqq. (Field Museum States (Oxford, 1896-1909), ii. 428.57.;
of Natural History, Publication 170). M. P. Nilsson, Griechische Feste

2 Pausanias, viii. 23. 6 sq. The (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 232 sqq. The
story, mentioned by Pausanias, that Arcadian worship of the Hanged
some children tied a rope round the Artemis was noticed by Callimachus.
neck of the image of Artemis was See Clement of Alexandria, Protrept,
probably invented to explain a ritual ii. 38, p. 32, ed. Potter.

practice of the same sort, as scholars 3 Eustathius on Homer, Od. xii. 85,

have rightly perceived. See L. Preller, p. 1714; I. Bekker, Anecdota Graeca

292

THE HANGED GOD

BOOK II

The

hanging
of Helen.

The

hanging
of animal
victims.

was told of a girl named Aspalis who hanged herself, but
who appears to have been merely a form of Artemis.
For after her death her body could not be found, but an
image of her was discovered standing beside the image of
Artemis, and the people bestowed on it the title of Hecaerge
or Far-shooter, one of the regular epithets of the goddess.
Every year the virgins sacrificed a young goat to the image
by hanging it, because Astypalis was said to have hanged
herself.1 The sacrifice may have been a substitute for hang-
ing an image or a human representative of Artemis. Again,
in Rhodes the fair Helen was worshipped under the title of
Helen of the Tree, because the queen of the island had
caused her handmaids, disguised as Furies, to string her up
to a bough.2 That the Asiatic Greeks sacrificed animals in
this fashion is proved by coins of Ilium, which represent an
ox or cow hanging on a tree and stabbed with a knife by a
man, who sits among the branches or on the animal's back.3
At Hierapolis also the victims were hung on trees before
they were burnt.4 With these Greek and Scandinavian
parallels before us we can hardly dismiss as wholly improb-

(Berlin, 1814-1821), i. 336 sq., s.v.
"AyaX/xa 'EKarTjs. The goddess Hecate
was sometimes identified with Artemis,
though in origin probably she was
quite distinct. See L. R. Farnell,
The Cults of the Greek States, ii. 499
sqq.

1 Antoninus Liberalis, Transform.
xiii.

2 Pausanias, iii. 19. 9 sq.

3 H. von Fritze, " Zum griechischen
Opferritual," Jahrbuch des kaiser,
deutsch. Archdologischen Instituts,
xviii. (1903) pp. 58-67. In the
ritual of Eleusis the sacrificial oxen
were sometimes lifted up by young
men from the ground. See G. Ditten-
berger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Grae-
carum? vol. ii. pp. 1 66 sq. No. 521
(tfpavTo d£ Kal rots yuutrr^piots rovs jSoOs
to "EXevffivi TV 6v<ricu, KT\. ) ; E. S.
Roberts and E. A. Gardner, Intro-
duction to Greek Epigraphy, ii. (Cam-
bridge, 1905) pp. 176 sq., No. 65.
In this inscription the word -fjpavro is
differently interpreted by P. Stengel,
who supposes that it refers merely to

turning backwards and upwards the
head of the victim. See P. Stengel,
" Zum griechischen Opferritual, "Jahr-
buch des kaiser, deutsch. Archdolo-
gischen Instituts, xviii. (1903) pp.
113-123. But it seems highly im-
probable that so trivial an act should
be solemnly commemorated in an in-
scription among the exploits of the
young men (epheboi) who performed it.
On the other hand, we know that at
Nysa the young men did lift and carry
the sacrificial bull, and that the act
was deemed worthy of commemoration
on the coins. See above, p. 206.
The Wajagga of East Africa dread the
ghosts of suicides ; so when a man has
hanged himself they take the rope from
his neck and hang a goat in the fatal
noose, after which they slay the animal.
This is supposed to appease the ghost
and prevent him from tempting human
beings to follow his bad example. See
B. Gutmann, "Trauer und Begrabnis-
sitten der Wadschagga," Globus, Ixxxix.
(1906) p. 200.

4 See above, p. 146.

CHAP, v THE HANGED GOD 293

able the conjecture that in Phrygia a man-god may have
hung year by year on the sacred but fatal tree.

The tradition that Marsyas was flayed and that his skin Use of the
was exhibited at Celaenae down to historical times may ^umlrf
well reflect a ritual practice of flaying the dead god and victims to
hanging his skin upon the pine as a means of effecting his resurrec-^
resurrection, and with it the revival of vegetation in spring. tion-
Similarly, in ancient Mexico the human victims who
personated gods were often flayed and their bloody skins
worn by men who appear to have represented the dead
deities come to life again.1 When a Scythian king died, he
was buried in a grave along with one of his concubines, his
cup-bearer, cook, groom, lacquey, and messenger, who were
all killed for the purpose, and a great barrow was heaped
up over the grave. A year afterwards fifty of his servants
and fifty of his best horses were strangled ; and their bodies,
having been disembowelled and cleaned out, were stuffed
with chaff, sewn up, and set on scaffolds round about the
barrow, every dead man bestriding a dead horse, which was
bitted and bridled as in life.2 These strange horsemen were
no doubt supposed to mount guard over the king. The
setting up of their stuffed skins might be thought to ensure
their ghostly resurrection.

That some such notion was entertained by the Scythians Skins of
is made probable by the account which the mediaeval ™0erse*nd
traveller de Piano Carpini gives of the funeral customs stuffed and
of the Mongols. The traveller tells us that when a graves.at
noble Mongol died, the custom was to bury him seated in
the middle of a tent, along with a horse saddled and
bridled, and a mare and her foal. Also they used to eat
another horse, stuff the carcase with straw, and set it up on
poles. All this they did in order that in the other world
the dead man might have a tent to live in, a mare to yield
milk, and a steed to ride, and that he might be able to
breed horses. Moreover, the bones of the horse which they
ate were burned for the good of his soul.3 When the Arab
traveller Ibn Batuta visited Peking in the fourteenth century,

1 The Scapegoat^ pp. 294 sqq. 3 Jean du Plan de Carpin, Historia

Mongalorum, ed. D'Avezac (Paris,

2 Herodotus, iv. 71 sq. 1838), cap. iii. § iii.

294 THE HANGED GOD BOOK n

he witnessed the funeral of an emperor of China who had
been killed in battle. The dead sovereign was buried along
with four young female slaves and six guards in a vault,
and an immense mound like a hill was piled over him.
Four horses were then made to run round the hillock till
they could run no longer, after which they were killed,
impaled, and set up beside the tomb.1 When an Indian of
Patagonia dies, he is buried in a pit along with some of his
property. Afterwards his favourite horse, having been
killed, skinned, and stuffed, is propped up on sticks with its
head turned towards the grave. At the funeral of a chief
four horses are sacrificed, and one is set up at each corner
of the burial-place. The clothes and other effects of the
deceased are burned ; and to conclude all, a feast is made of
the horses' flesh.2 The Scythians certainly believed in the
existence of the soul after death and in the possibility of
turning it to account. This is proved by the practice of
one of their tribes, the Taurians of the Crimea, who used to
cut off the heads of their prisoners and set them on poles
over their houses, especially over the chimneys, in order
that the spirits of the slain men might guard the dwellings.3
Some Some of the savages of Borneo allege a similar reason for
tribes of their favourite custom of taking human heads. " The

Borneo use

the skulls custom," said a Kay an chief, " is not horrible. It is an
enemies to ancient custom, a good, beneficent custom, bequeathed to us

1 Voyages d'Ibn Batoutah, texte the custom was nothing more than a
Arabe accompagnt d'une traductiony barbarous mode of wreaking vengeance
par C. Defremery et B. R. Sanguinetti on the dead. Thus a Persian king
(Paris, 1853-1858), iv. 300 sq. For has been known to flay an enemy,
more evidence of similar customs, ob- stuff the skin with chaff, and hang it
served by Turanian peoples, see K. on a high tree (Procopius, De bello
Neumann, Die Hellenen im Skythen- Persico, i. 5. 28). This was the
lande (Berlin, 1855), pp. 237-239. treatment which the arch -heretic

2 Captain R. Fitz-roy, Narrative of Manichaeus is said to have received
the Surveying Voyages of His Majesty's at the hands of the Persian king whose
Ships "Adventure" and "Beagle" son he failed to cure (Socrates, Historia
(London, 1839), ii. 155 sq. Ecclesiastica,'\. 22 ; Migne's Patrologia

3 Herodotus, iv. 103. Many Scy- Graeca, Ixvii. 137, 139). Still such a
thians flayed their dead enemies, punishment may have been suggested
and, stretching the skin on a wooden by a religious rite. The idea of
framework, carried it about with them crucifying their human victims appears
on horseback (Herodotus, iv. 64). to have been suggested to the negroes
The souls of the dead may have been of Benin by the crucifixes of the early
thought to attend on and serve the Portuguese missionaries. See H. Ling
man who thus bore their remains about Roth, Great Benin (Halifax, 1903),
with him. It is also possible that pp. 14 sq.

CHAP, v THE HANGED GOD 295

by our fathers and our fathers' fathers ; it brings us blessings, ensure the
plentiful harvests, and keeps off sickness and pains. Those theground
who were once our enemies, hereby become our guardians, our and of
friends, our benefactors." * Thus to convert dead foes into ^Tabu'nd-
friends and allies all that is necessary is to feed and other- ance of

• /- 1 game, and

wise propitiate their skulls at a festival when they are so fortQ.
brought into the village. " An offering of food is made to
the heads, and their spirits, being thus appeased, cease to
entertain malice against, or to seek to inflict injury upon,
those who have got possession of the skull which formerly
adorned the now forsaken body." 2 When the Sea Dyaks
of Sarawak return home successful from a head-hunting
expedition, they bring the head ashore with much ceremony,
wrapt in palm leaves. " On shore and in the village, the
head, for months after its arrival, is treated with the greatest
consideration, and all the names and terms of endearment
of which their language is capable are abundantly lavished
on it ; the most dainty morsels, culled from their abundant
though inelegant repast, are thrust into its mouth, and it is
instructed to hate its former friends, and that, having been
now adopted into the tribe of its captors, its spirit must be
always with them ; sirih leaves and betel-nut are given to it,
and finally a cigar is frequently placed between its ghastly
and pallid lips. None of this disgusting mockery is
performed with the intention of ridicule, but all to propitiate
the spirit by kindness, and to procure its good wishes for the
tribe, of whom it is now supposed to have become a member." a
Amongst these Dyaks the " Head-Feast," which has been
just described, is supposed to be the most beneficial in its

1 W. H. Furness, Home -Life of and has no occasion for war, the people

Borneo Head- Hunters (Philadelphia, will beg a head, or even a fragment of

1902), p. 59. According to Messrs. one, from some friendly house, and

Hose and McDougall, the spirits which will instal it in their own with the

animate the skulls appear not to be usual ceremonies." See Ch. Hose

those of the persons from whose and W. McDougall, The Pagan Tribes

shoulders the heads were taken. How- of Borneo (London, 1912), ii. 20, 23.
ever the spirits (called ToK) reside in 2 Spenser St. John, Life in the

or about the heads, and "it is held ^J ,^ ^ A,// (London,

that in some way their presence in Ig()-,) i 197
the house brings prosperity to it,

especially in the form of good crops ; 3 Hugh Low, Sarawak (London,

and so essential to the welfare of the 1848), pp. 206 sq. In quoting this

house are the heads held to be that, if passage I have taken the liberty to

through fire a house has lost its heads correct a grammatical slip.

296

THE HANGED GOD

BOOK II

The stuffed
skin of the
human
representa-
tive of the
Phrygian
god may
have been
used for
like
purposes.

influence of all their feasts and ceremonies. " The object of
them all is to make their rice grow well, to cause the forest
to abound with wild animals, to enable their dogs and
snares to be successful in securing game, to have the streams
swarm with fish, to give health and activity to the people
themselves, and to ensure fertility to their women. All these
blessings, the possessing and feasting of a fresh head are
supposed to be the most efficient means of securing. The
very ground itself is believed to be benefited and rendered
fertile, more fertile even than when the water in which
fragments of gold presented by the Rajah have been washed,
has been sprinkled over it." ]

In like manner, if my conjecture is right, the man who
represented the father-god of Phrygia used to be slain and
his stuffed skin hung on the sacred pine in order that his
spirit might work for the growth of the crops, the multiplica-
tion of animals, and the fertility of women. So at Athens
an ox, which appears to have embodied the corn-spirit, was
killed at an annual sacrifice, and its hide, stuffed with straw
and sewn up, was afterwards set on its feet and yoked to
a plough as if it were ploughing, apparently in order to
represent, or rather to promote, the resurrection of the slain

other misfortunes on the survivors.
Thus among these people the custom
of head-hunting is based on their belief
in human immortality and on their
conception of the exacting demands
which the dead make upon the living.
When the skulls have been presented
to a dead chief, the priest prays to him
for his blessing on the sowing and
harvesting of the rice, on the fruit-
fulness of women, and so forth. See
C. Fries, " Das * Koppensnellen ' auf
Nias," Allgemeine Missions- Zeitsfhrift,
February, 1908, pp. 73-88. From
this account it would seem that it is
not the spirits of the slain men, but
the ghost of the dead chief from whom
the blessings of fertility and so forth
are supposed to emanate. Compare
Th. C. Rappard, " Het eiland Nias
en zijne bewoners," Bijdragen tot de
Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch- Indie, Ixii. (1909) pp.
600-61 1.

1 Spenser St. John, op. cit. i. 204.
See further G. A. Wilken, "lets over
de schedelvereering," Bijdragen tot
de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch- Indie, xxxviii. (1889) pp.
89-129 ; id., Verspreide Geschrif tenths.
Hague, 1912), iv. 37-81. A different
view of the purpose of head -hunting
is maintained by Mr. A. C. Kruyt,
in his essay, " Het koppensnellen
der Toradja's van Midden-Celebes, en
zijne Beteekenis," Verslagen en Mede-
deelingen der koninklijke Akademie van
Wetensc happen, Afdeeling Letterkunde,
Vierde Reeks, iii. 2 (Amsterdam, 1899),
pp. 147 sqq.

The natives of Nias, an island to the
west of Sumatra, think it necessary to
obtain the heads of their enemies for
the purpose of celebrating the final
obsequies of a dead chief. Their
notion seems to be that the ghost of
the deceased ruler demands this sacri-
fice in his honour, and will punish the
omission of it by sending sickness or

CHAP, v THE HANGED GOD 297

corn-spirit at the end of the threshing.1 This employment
of the skins of divine animals for the purpose of ensuring
the revival of the slaughtered divinity might be illustrated by
other examples.2 Perhaps the hide of the bull which was
killed to furnish the regenerating bath of blood in the rites
of Attis may have been put to a similar use.

1 Spirits of the Corn and of the 2 Spirits of the Corn and of the

Wild, ii. 4-7. Wild, ii. 169 sgq.

CHAPTER VI

ORIENTAL RELIGIONS IN THE WEST

Popularity THE worship of the Great Mother of the Gods and her
worship of l°ver or son was very popular under the Roman Empire.
Cybeieand Inscriptions prove that the two received divine honours.

Attis in the ' , . . ,, . . Tl . . . ,,

Roman separately or conjointly, not only in Italy, and especially at
Empire. Rome, but also in the provinces, particularly in Africa,
Spain, Portugal, France, Germany, and Bulgaria.1 Their
worship survived the establishment of Christianity by
Constantine ; for Symmachus records the recurrence of the
festival of the Great Mother,2 and in the days of Augustine
her effeminate priests still paraded the streets and squares of
Carthage with whitened faces, scented hair, and mincing
gait, while, like the mendicant friars of the Middle Ages,
they begged alms from the passers-by.3 In Greece, on the
other hand, the bloody orgies of the Asiatic goddess and her
consort appear to have found little favour.4 The barbarous
and cruel character of the worship, with its frantic excesses,
was doubtless repugnant to the good taste and humanity of
the Greeks, who seem to have preferred the kindred but
gentler rites of Adonis. Yet the same features which
shocked and repelled the Greeks may have positively

1 H. Dessau, Inscriptions Latinae Century of the Western Empire*1 (Lon-
Selectae> Nos. 4099, 4100, 4103, 4105, don, 1899), p. 16.

4106, 4116, 4117, 4119, 4120, 4121, 3 Augustine, De civitate Dei, vii. 26.

4123, 4124, 4127, 4128, 4131, 4136, 4 But the two were publicly wor-

4139, 4140, 4142, 4156, 4163, 4167 ; shipped at Dyme and Patrae in Achaia

H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 85, 86, 93, (Pausanias, vii. 17. 9, vii. 20. 3), and

94, 95, Inscr. Nos. 21-24, 26, 50, 51, there was an association for their

52, 61, 62, 63. See further, J. Tou- worship at Piraeus. See P. Foucart,

tain, Les Cnltes Patens dans I* Empire Des Associations Religieuses chez les

Rornain (Paris, 1911), pp. 73 *<!<]••> Grecs (Paris, 1873), PP- 85 sqq., 196;

103 sqq. Ch. Michel, Recueil a" Inscriptions

2 S. Dill, Roman Society in the Last Grecques, p. 772, No. 982.

298

CHAP. VI

ORIENTAL RELIGIONS IN THE WEST

299

attracted the less refined Romans and barbarians of the
West. The ecstatic frenzies, which were mistaken for
divine inspiration,1 the mangling of the body, the theory of
a new birth and the remission of sins through the shedding
of blood, have all their origin in savagery,2 and they naturally
appealed to peoples in whom the savage instincts were
still strong. Their true character was indeed often disguised
under a decent veil of allegorical or philosophical interpreta-
tion,3 which probably sufficed to impose upon the rapt and
enthusiastic worshippers, reconciling even the more cultivated
of them to things which otherwise must have filled them
with horror and disgust.

The religion of the Great Mother, with its curious The spread
blending of crude savagery with spiritual aspirations, was ^th^over
only one of a multitude of similar Oriental faiths which in the Roman
the later days of paganism spread over the Roman Empire, contributed
and by saturating the European peoples-with alien ideals of to under-

1 Rapp, s.v. "Kybele," in W. H.
Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und rb'm.
Mythologie^ ii. 1656.

2 As to the savage theory of in-
spiration or possession by a deity see
(Sir) Edward B. Tylor, Primitive
Culture? ii. 131 sqq. As to the
savage theory of a new birth see
Balder the Beautiful ', ii. 251 sqq.
As to the use of blood to wash away
sins see The Magic Art and the Evo-
lution of Kings, ii. 107 sqq. ; Psyche's
Task, Second Edition, pp. 44 sq., 47
sqq., 116 sq. Among the Cameroon
negroes accidental homicide can be
expiated by the blood of an animal.
The relations of the slayer and of the
slain assemble. An animal is killed
and every person present is smeared
with its blood on his face and breast.
They think that the guilt of man-
slaughter is thus atoned for, and that
no punishment will overtake the
homicide. See Missionary Autenrieth,
"Zur Religion der Kamerun-Neger,"
in Mitteilungen der geogr aphis chen
Gesellschaft zu Jena, xii. (1893) pp.
93 sq. In Car Nicobar a man
possessed by devils is cleansed of
them by being rubbed all over with
pig's blood and beaten with leaves.

The devils are thus transferred to the
leaves, which are thrown into the sea
before daybreak. See V. Solomon,
" Extracts from diaries kept in Car
Nicobar," in Journal of the Anthro-
pological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 227.
Similarly the ancient Greeks purified a
homicide by means of pig's blood and
laurel leaves. See my note on Pau-
sanias, ii. 31. 8 (vol. iii. pp. 276-279).
The original idea of thus purging a
manslayer was probably to rid him of
the angry ghost of his victim, just as in
Car Nicobar a man is rid of devils in
the same manner. The purgative
virtue ascribed to the blood in these
ceremonies may be based on the notion
that the offended spirit accepts it as a
substitute for the blood of the guilty
person. This was the view of C.
Meiners (Geschichte der Religionen,
Hanover, 1806-1807, ii. 137 sq.) and
of E. Rohde (Psyche* Tubingen and
Leipsic, 1903, ii. 77 sq.).

3 A good instance of such an attempt
to dress up savagery in the garb of phil-
osophy is the fifth speech of the emperor
Julian, " On the Mother of the Gods "
(pp. 206 sqq. ed. F. C. Hertlein,
Leipsic, 1875-1876).

300 ORIENTAL RELIGIONS IN THE WEST BOOK n

mine the life gradually undermined the whole fabric of ancient

Greek and civilization.1 Greek and Roman society was built on the

Roman conception of the subordination of the individual to the

byincuica't- community, of the citizen to the state ; it set the safety of

ing the the commonwealth, as the supreme aim of conduct, above

of the D tne safety of the individual whether in this world or in a

individual world to come. Trained from infancy in this unselfish

soul as the . i * • i.

supreme ideal, the citizens devoted their lives to the public service
aim of life. an(j were ready to lay them down for the common good ;
or if they shrank from the supreme sacrifice, it never
occurred to them that they acted otherwise than basely in
preferring their personal existence to the interests of their
country. All this was changed by the spread of Oriental
religions which inculcated the communion of the soul
with God and its eternal salvation as the only objects
worth living for, objects in comparison with which the
prosperity and even the existence of the state sank into
insignificance. The inevitable result of this selfish and
immoral doctrine was to withdraw the devotee more
and more from the public service, to concentrate his
thoughts on his own spiritual emotions, and to breed in
him a contempt for the present life which he regarded
merely as a probation for a better and an eternal. The
saint and the recluse, disdainful of earth and rapt in ecstatic
contemplation of heaven, became in popular opinion the
highest ideal of humanity, displacing the old ideal of the
patriot and hero who, forgetful of self, lives and is ready to
die for the good of his country. The earthly city seemed
poor and contemptible to men whose eyes beheld the City
of God coming in the clouds of heaven. Thus the centre
of gravity, so to say, was shifted from the present to a
future life, and however much the other world may have
gained, there can be little doubt that this one lost heavily
by the change. A general disintegration of the body
politic set in. The ties of the state and the family were
loosened : the structure of society tended to resolve itself

1 As to the diffusion of Oriental Rome sous les Sfreres (Paris, 1886), pp.

religions in the Roman Empire see 47 sqq. ; S. Dill, Roman Society in the

G. Boissier, La Religion Romaine Last Century of the Western Empire 2

d"1 Auguste aux Antonins^ (Paris, 1900), (London, 1899), pp. 76 sqq.
i- 349 sqq. ; J. Reville, La Religion a

CHAP, vi ORIENTAL RELIGIONS IN THE WEST

301

into its individual elements and thereby to relapse into
barbarism ; for civilization is only possible through the
active co-operation of the citizens and their willingness to
subordinate their private interests to the common good.
Men refused to defend their country and even to continue
their kind.1 In their anxiety to save their own souls and
the souls of others, they were content to leave the material
world, which they identified with the principle of evil, to
perish around them. This obsession lasted for a thousand
years. The revival of Roman law, of the Aristotelian
philosophy, of ancient art and literature at the close of the
Middle Ages, marked the return of Europe to native ideals
of life and conduct, to saner, manlier views of the world.
The long halt in the march of civilization was over. The
tide of Oriental invasion had turned at last. It is ebbing
still.2

Among the gods of eastern origin who in the decline Popularity
of the ancient world competed against each other for the °f ^i
allegiance of the West was the old Persian deity Mithra. ofMithra;

1 Compare Servius on Virgil, Aen.
ii. 604, vi. 66 1 ; Origen, Contra
Celsum, viii. 73 (Migne's Patrologia
Graeca, xi. 1628) ; G. Boissier, La
Religion Romaine d^Auguste aux
Antoninsb (Paris, 1900), i. 357 sq. ;
E. Westermarck, The Origin and De-
velopment of the Moral Ideas (London,
1906-1908), i. 345 sq. ; H. H.
Milman, History of Latin Chris-
tianity^ i. 150-153, ii. 90. In the
passage just cited Origen tells us that
the Christians refused to follow the
Emperor to the field of battle even
when he ordered them to do so ; but
he adds that they gave the emperor
the benefit of their prayers and thus
did him more real service than if they
had fought for him with the sword.
On the decline of the civic virtues
under the influence of Christian asceti-
cism see W. E. H. Lecky, History of
European Morals from Augustus to
Charlemagne* (London, 1877), ii. 139
sqq.

2 To prevent misapprehension I will
add that the spread of Oriental religions
was only one of many causes which

contributed to the downfall of ancient
civilization. Among these contributory
causes a friend, for whose judgment and
learning I entertain the highest respect,
counts bad government and a ruinous
fiscal system, two of the most powerful
agents to blast the prosperity of nations,
as may be seen in our own day by the
blight which has struck'the Turkish
empire. It is probable, too, as my
friend thinks, that the rapid diffusion
of alien faiths was as much an effect
as a cause of widespread intellectual
decay. Such unwholesome growths
could hardly have fastened upon the
Graeco-Roman mind in the days of
its full vigour. We may remember
the energy with which the Roman
Government combated the first out-
break of the Bacchic plague (Th.
Mommsen, Roman History ', iii. 115
sq., ed. 1894). The disastrous effects
of Roman financial oppression on the
industries and population of the empire,
particularly of Greece, are described
by George Finlay (Greece under the
Romans? Edinburgh and London, 1857,
pp. 47 sqq.).

302

ORIENTAL RELIGIONS IN THE WEST BOOK n

with thai

religion.

its resem- The immense popularity of his worship is attested by the
Christ!-10 monuments illustrative of it which have been found scattered
anity and in profusion all over the Roman Empire.1 In respect both
°f doctrines and of rites the cult of Mithra appears to have
presented many points of resemblance not only to the
religion of the Mother of the Gods2 but also to Christianity.3
The similarity struck the Christian doctors themselves and
was explained by them as a work of the devil, who sought
to seduce the souls of men from the true faith by a false
and insidious imitation^ of it.4 So to the Spanish con-
querors of Mexico and Peru many of the native heathen
rites appeared to be diabolical counterfeits of the Christian
sacraments.5 With more probability the modern student
of comparative religion traces such resemblances to the
similar and independent workings of the mind of man in
his sincere, if crude, attempts to fathom the secret of the
universe, and to adjust his little life to its awful mysteries.
However that may be, there can be no doubt that the
Mithraic religion proved a formidable rival to Christianity,
combining as it did a solemn ritual with aspirations after
moral purity and a hope of immortality.6 Indeed the issue
of the conflict between the two faiths appears for a time to
have hung in the balance.7 An instructive relic of the long

1 See Fr. Cumont, Textes et Monu-
ments figures relatifs aux My stores de
Mithra (Brussels, 1896-1899); id., s.v.
" Mithras," in W. H. Roscher'sZ^'&w
der griech. und rb'm. Mythologie, ii.
3028 sqq. Compare id., Les Religions
Orientales dans le Paganisme Romain 2
(Paris, 1909), pp. 207 sqq.

2 Fr. Cumont, Textes et Monuments,
i- 333 sqq.

3 E. Renan, Marc-Aurele et la Fin
du Monde Antique (Paris, 1882), pp.
576 sqq. ; Fr. Cumont, Textes et Monu-
ments, i. 339 sqq.

4 Tertullian, De corona, 15 ; id., De
praescj-iptione haereticorum, 40 ; Justin
Martyr, Apologia, i. 66; id., Dialogus
cum Tryphone, 78 (Migne's Patrologia
Graeca, vi. 429, 660). Tertullian
explained in like manner the resem-
blance of the fasts of Isis and Cybele
to the fasts of Christianity (De jejunio,
1 6). Justin Martyr thought that by

listening to the words of the inspired
prophets the devils discovered the
divine intentions and anticipated them
by a series of profane and blasphemous
imitations. Among these travesties of
Christian truth he enumerates the
death, resurrection, and ascension of
Dionysus, the virgin birth of Perseus,
and Bellerophon mounted on Pegasus,
whom he regards as a parody of Christ
riding on an ass. See Justin Martyr,
Apology, i. 54.

5 J. de Acosta, Natural and Moral
History of the Indies, translated by E.
Grimston (London, 1880), bk. -v. chs.
n, 16, 17, 18, 24-28, vol. ii. pp.
324 sq., 334 sqq., 356 sqq.

6 Compare S. Dill, Roman Society
in the Last Century of the Western
Empire'*' (London, 1899), pp. 80 sqq. ;
id. , Roman Society from Nero to Marcus
Aurelius (London, 1904), pp. 619 sqq.

7 E. Renan, Marc-Aurele et la Fin

CHAP, vi ORIENTAL RELIGIONS IN THE WEST

303

struggle is preserved in our festival of Christmas, which the The
Church seems to have borrowed directly from its heathen
rival. In the Julian calendar the twenty-fifth of December borrowed
was reckoned the winter solstice,1 and it was regarded as the church
Nativity of the Sun, because the day begins to lengthen from the

* , . religion of

and the power of the sun to increase from that turning-
point of the year.2 The ritual of the nativity, as it appears
to have been celebrated in Syria and Egypt, was remarkable.
The celebrants retired into certain inner shrines, from which
at midnight they issued with a loud cry, " The Virgin has
brought forth! The light is waxing!"3 The Egyptians
even represented the new-born sun by the image of an infant
which on his birthday, the winter solstice, they brought forth
and exhibited to his worshippers.4 No doubt the Virgin
who thus conceived and bore a son on the twenty-fifth of
December was the great Oriental goddess whom the Semites
called the Heavenly Virgin or simply the Heavenly God-
dess ; in Semitic lands she was a form of Astarte.5 Now

du Monde Antique (Paris, 1882), pp.
579 sq. ; Fr. Cumont, Textes et Monu-
ments, i. 338.

1 Pliny, Nat. Hist, xviii. 221 ;
Columella, De re mstica, ix. 14. 12;
L. \&e\eTyHandbuchder mathematischen
und technischen Chronologic (Berlin,
1825-1826), ii. 124; G. F. Unger, in
Iwan Mailer's Handbuch der klassischen
Altertumswissenschaft, i. * (Nordlingen,
1886) p. 649.

2 In the calendar of Philocalus the
twenty-fifth of December is marked N.
Invicti, that is, Natalis Solis Invicti.
See Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum,
i. 2 Pars prior (Berlin, 1893), p. 278,
with Th. Mommsen's commentary,
pp. 338 sq.

3 Cosmas Hierosolymitanus, Com-
mentarii in Sancti Gregorii Nazianzeni
Carmina (Migne's Patrologia Graeca,
xxxviii. 464) : -roArt\v [Christmas] yyov
&c7raXai 8£ TT?J> ri^p

KaO' ty £re\ovvTO Kara TO
iv dduTOts TLfflv vTreicrepxof^evot, Sffev
^i6vres eKpafrv "'H irapdtvos ZreKev,
a#£ei 0ws." raijT^v 'EirKpavios 6 fj-^yas
iepevs <pr]<ri rr\v eoprrfv Ka.1

ty dy Xa/j.apd TTJ avruv
irpo(rayopeijov<rt y\(jorrTj. The passage
is quoted, with some verbal variations,
by Ch. Aug. Lobeck, Aglaophamus
(Konigsberg, 1829), ii. 1227 note2.
See Franz Cumont, " Le Natalis In-
victi," Comptes Rendiis de VAcaddmie
des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 1911
(Paris, 1911), pp. 292-298, whose
learned elucidations I follow in the
text. That the festival of the Nativity
of the Sun was similarly celebrated in
Egypt may be inferred from a Greek
calendar drawn up by the astrologer
Antiochus in Lower Egypt at the end
of the second or the beginning of the
third century A.D. ; for under the
25th December the calendar has the
entry, " Birthday of the Sun, the light
waxes" ('HXfou yevt6\iov ct#£et 0cDs).
See P\ Cumont, op. cit. p. 294.

4 Macrobius, Saturnalia, i. 18. 10.

5 F. Cumont, s.v. "Caelestis," in
Pauly - Wissowa's Real - Encyclopddie
der dassischen Altertumswissenschaft,
v. i. 1247 S19- She was called the
Queen of Heaven (Jeremiah vii. 18,
xliv. 1 8), the Heavenly Goddess
(Herodotus, iii. 8 ; Pausanias, i. 14.

304 ORIENTAL RELIGIONS IN THE WEST BOOK n

Mithra was regularly identified by his worshippers with the
Sun, the Unconquered Sun, as they called him ; 1 hence his
nativity also fell on the twenty-fifth of December.2 The
Gospels say nothing as to the day of Christ's birth, and
accordingly the early Church did not celebrate it. In time,
however, the Christians of Egypt came to regard the sixth
of January as the date of the Nativity, and the custom of
commemorating the birth of the Saviour on that day gradu-
ally spread until by the fourth century it was universally
established in the East. But at the end of the third or the
beginning of the fourth century the Western Church, which
had never recognized the sixth of January as the day of the
Nativity, adopted the twenty-fifth of December as the true
date, and in time its decision was accepted also by the
Eastern Church. At Antioch the change was not introduced
till about the year 375 A.D.3

Motives What considerations led the ecclesiastical authorities to

stitutionof institute the festival of Christmas ? The motives for the

Christmas, innovation are stated with great frankness by a Syrian

writer, himself a Christian. " The reason," he tells us, " why

the fathers transferred the celebration of the sixth of January

to the twenty-fifth of December was this. It was a custom

of the heathen to celebrate on the same twenty-fifth of

December the birthday of the Sun, at which they kindled

7), or the Heavenly Virgin (Tertullian, H. Usener, Das Weihnachtsfest 2

Apologtticus, 23; Augustine, Decivitate (Bonn, 1911), pp. 348.5-^.
Dei) ii. 4). The Greeks spoke of her 2 Fr. Cumont, op. cit. i. 325 sq., 339.

as the Heavenly Aphrodite (Herodotus, 3 J. Bingham, The Antiquities of

i. 105 ; Pausanias, i. 14. 7). A Greek the Christian Church, bk. xx. ch. iv.

inscription found in Delos contains a (Bingham's Works, vol. vii. pp. 279

dedication to Astarte Aphrodite ; and sqq., Oxford, 1855); C. A. Credner,

another found in the same island couples " De natalitiorum Christi origine,"

Palestinian Astarte and Heavenly Zeitschrift fur die historische Theologie,

Aphrodite. See G. Dittenberger, iii. 2 (1833), pp. 236 sqq. ; Mgr. L.

Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecorum? vol. Duchesne, Origines du Culte Chretien 3

ii. pp. 619 sq., No. 764 ; R. A. (Paris, 1903), pp. 257 sqq. ; Th.

•Stewart Macalister, The Philistines, Mommsen, in Corpus fnscriptionum

their History and Civilization (London, Latinarum, i. 2 Pars prior, p. 338.

1913), p. 94. The earliest mention of the festival

1 Dedications to Mithra the Un- of Christmas is in the calendar of

conquered Sun (Soli invicto Mithrae} Philocalus, which was drawn up at

have been found in abundance. See Rome in 336 A.D. The words are

Fr. Cumont, Textes et Monuments, ii. VIII. kal. Jan., natus Christus in

99 sqq. As to the worship of the Betleem Judee (L. Duchesne, op. cit.

Unronquered Sun (Sol Invictus} see p. 258).

CHAP, vi ORIENTAL RELIGIONS IN THE WEST 305

lights in token of festivity. In these solemnities and
festivities the Christians also took part. Accordingly when
the doctors of the Church perceived that the Christians had
a leaning to this festival, they took counsel and resolved
that the true Nativity should be solemnized on that day
and the festival of the Epiphany on the sixth of January.
Accordingly, along with this custom, the practice has pre-
vailed of kindling fires till the sixth." ] The heathen origin
of Christmas is plainly hinted at, if not tacitly admitted, by
Augustine when he exhorts his Christian brethren not to
celebrate that solemn day like the heathen on account of
the sun, but on account of him who made the sun.2 In
like manner Leo the Great rebuked the pestilent belief that
Christmas was solemnized because of the birth of the new
sun, as it was called, and not because of the nativity of
Christ.3

Thus it appears that the Christian Church chose to The Easter
celebrate the birthday of its Founder on the twenty-fifth ^6^°"
of December in order to transfer the devotion of the heathen death and
from the Sun to him who was called the Sun of Righteous- [fo^of0"
ness.4 If that was so, there can be no intrinsic improba- Christ

1 Quoted by C. A. Credner, op. cit. having been "chosen arbitrarily, or
p. 239, note46; by Th. Mommsen, rather suggested by its coincidence
Corpus Inscriptiomim Latinarum, i.2 with the official equinox of spring."
Pars prior, pp. 338 sq. ; and by H. It would be natural to assume that
Usener, Das Weihnachtsfest* (Bonn, Christ had lived an exact number of
1911), pp. 349 sq. years on earth, and therefore that his

2 Augustine, Serm. cxc. I (Migne's incarnation as well as his death took
Patrologia Latina, xxxviii. 1007). place on the twenty-fifth of March. In

3 Leo the Great, Serm. xxii. (al. point of fact the Church has placed the
xxi.) 6 (Migne's Patrologia Latina, Annunciation and with it the beginning
liv. 198). Compare St. Ambrose, of his mother's pregnancy on that very
Serm. vi. i (Migne's Patrologia Latina, day. If that were so, his birth would
xvii. 614). in the course of nature have occurred

4 A. Credner, op. cit. pp. 236 sqq. ; nine months later, that is, on the
E. B. Tylor, Primitive C^llture^ ii. twenty -fifth of December. Thus on
297 sq. ; Fr. Cumont, Textes et Monu- Mgr. Duchesne's theory the date of the
tnents, i. 342, 355 sq. ; Th. Mommsen, Nativity was obtained by inference from
in Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, the date of the Crucifixion, which in its
i.2 Pars prior, pp. 338 sq. ; H. Usener, turn was chosen because it coincided
Das Weihnachtsfest* (Bonn, 1911), with the official equinox of spring,
pp. 348 sqq. A different explanation of Mgr. Duchesne does not notice the
Christmas has been put forward by Mgr. coincidence of the vernal equinox with
Duchesne. He shows that among the the festival of Attis. See his work,
early Christians the death of Christ was Origines dti Culte Chretien* (Paris,
commonly supposed to have fallen on 1903), pp. 261-265, 272- The tradi-
the twenty -fifth of March, that day tion that both the conception and the

FT. IV. VOL. I X

306

ORIENTAL RELIGIONS IN THE WEST BOOK 11

appears to
have been
assimilated
to the
celebration
of the
death and
resurrec-
tion of
Attis,
which was
held at
Rome at
the same
season.

bility in the conjecture that motives of the same sort may
have led the ecclesiastical authorities to assimilate the
Easter festival of the death and resu_rrection_pf their Lord
to_the_ festival^j^th^dea/th^^ncLresiirrection of another
Asiatic ~goorwhich fell at the same seagorh_ Now the Easter
rites still observed in Greece, Sicily, and Southern Italy bear
in some respects a striking resemblance to the rites of
Adonis, and I have suggested that the Church may have
consciously adapted the new festival to its heathen prede-
cessor for the sake of winning souls to Christ.1 But this
adaptation probably took place in the Greek -speaking
rather than in the Latin - speaking parts of the ancient
world ; for the worship of Adonis, while it flourished among
the Greeks, appears to have made little impression on Rome
and the West.2 Certainly it never formed part of the official
Roman religion. The place which it might have taken in
the affections of the vulgar was already occupied by the
similar but more barbarous worship of Attis and the Great
Mother. Now the death and resurrection of Attis were
officially celebrated at Rome on the twenty -fourth and
twenty- fifth of March,3 the latter being regarded as the
spring equinox,4 and therefore as the most appropriate day
for the revival of a god of vegetation who had been dead
or sleeping throughout the winter. But according to an
ancient and widespread tradition Christ suffered on the
twenty- fifth of March, and accordingly some Christians
regularly celebrated the Crucifixion on that day without
any regard to the state of the moon. This custom was
certainly observed in Phrygia, Cappadocia, and Gaul, and
there seem to be grounds for thinking that at one time it
was followed also in Rome.5 Thus the tradition which

death of Christ fell on the twenty-fifth
of March is mentioned and apparently
accepted by Augustine (De Trinitate,
iv. 9, Migne's Patrologia Latina, xlii.
894).

1 See above, pp. 253 sqq.

2 However, the lament for Adonis
is mentioned by Ovid (Ars Am at. i.
75 sq.) along with the Jewish observ-
ance of the Sabbath.

3 See above, pp. 268 sqq.

4 Columella, Dererustica, ix. 14. I ;
Pliny, Nat. Hist, xviii. 246 ; Macro-
bius, Saturn, i. 21. 10 ; L. Ideler,
Handbtick der mathematischen und
technischen Chronologic, ii. 124.

6 Mgr. L. Duchesne, Origines du
Culte Chrttien? pp. 262 sq. That
Christ was crucified on the twenty-
fifth of March in the year 29 is ex-
pressly affirmed by Tert ullian (Adversus
Judaeos, 8, vol. ii. p. 719, ed. F.

CHAP, vi ORIENTAL RELIGIONS IN THE WEST

307

placed the death of Christ on the twenty- fifth of March
was ancient and deeply rooted. It is all the more remark-
able because astronomical considerations prove that it can
have had no historical foundation.1 The inference appears
to be inevitable that the passion of Christ must have been
arbitrarily referred to that date in order to harmonize with
an older festival of the spring equinox. This is the view
of the learned ecclesiastical historian Mgr. Duchesne, who
points out that the death of the Saviour was thus made
to fall upon the very day on which, according to a wide-
spread belief, the world had been created.2 But the resur-

Oehler), Hippolytus (Commentary on
Daniel, iv. 23, vol. i. p. 242, ed.
Bonwetsch and Achelis), and Augustine
(De civitate Dei, xviii. 54; id., De
Trinitate, iv. 9). See also Thesaurus
Linguae Latinae, iv. (Leipsic, 1906-
1909) col. 1222, s.v. " Crucimissio " :
" POL. SlLV.fast. Mart2$aequinoctium.
principium veris. crucimissio gentilium.
Christus passus hoc die." From this
last testimony we learn that there was
a gentile as well as a Christian cruci-
fixion at the spring equinox. The
gentile crucifixion was probably the
affixing of the effigy of Attis to the
tree, though at Rome that ceremony
appears to have taken place on the
twenty -second rather than on the
twenty-fifth of March. See above, p.
267. The Quartodecimans of Phrygia
celebrated the twenty-fifth of March
as the day of Christ's death, quoting
as their authority certain acts of Pilate;
in Cappadocia the adherents of this
sect were divided between the twenty-
fifth of March and the fourteenth of
the moon. See Epiphanius, Adversity
Haeres. 1. I (vol. ii. p. 447, ed. G.
Dindorf; Migne's Patrologia Graeca,
xli. 884 sq. ). In Gaul the death and
resurrection of Christ were regularly
celebrated on the twenty - fifth and
twenty -seventh of March as late as
the sixth century. See Gregory of
Tours, Historia Francorum, viii. 31. 6
(Migne's Patrologia Latina, Ixxi. 566) ;
S. Martinus Dumiensis (bishop of
Braga), De Pascha, I (Migne's Patro-
logia Latiua, Ixxii. 50), who says :
" A plerisque Gallicanis episcopis usque

ante non nwltum tempus custoditum
est, ut semper VIII. Kal. April, diem
Paschae celebrent, in quo facta Chris ti
resurrectio traditur." According to
this last testimony, it was the resurrec-
tion, not the crucifixion, of Christ that
was celebrated on the twenty-fifth of
March ; but Mgr. Duchesne attributes
the statement to a mistake of the
writer. With regard to the Roman
practice the twenty-fifth and twenty-
seventh of March are marked in ancient
Martyrologies as the dates of the
Crucifixion and Resurrection. See
Vet^tst^^^s Occidentalis Ecclesiae Mar-
tyrologium, ed. Franciscus Maria
Florentinus (Lucca, 1667), pp. 396 sq.,
405 sq. On this subject Mgr. Duchesne
observes : " Hippolytus, in his Paschal
Table, marks the Passion of Christ in
a year in which the fourteenth of Nisan
falls on Friday twenty -fifth March.
In his commentary on Daniel he ex-
pressly indicates Friday the twenty-
fifth of March and the consulship of
the two Gemini. The Philocalien Cata-
logue of the Popes gives the same date
as to day and year. It is to be noted
that the cycle of Hippolytus and the
Philocalien Catalogue are derived from
official documents, and may be cited
as evidence of the Roman ecclesiastical
usage "•( Origines du Culte Chretien ^
p. 262).

1 Mgr. L. Duchesne, op. cit. p. 263.

2 Mgr. L. Duchesne, I.e. A sect of
the Montanists held that the world
began and that the sun and moon were
created at the spring equinox, which,
however, they dated on the twenty-

308

ORIENTAL RELIGIONS IN THE WEST BOOK n

Heathen

festivals

displaced

Christian.

Coinci-
dence be-
tween the
pagan
and the
Christian
festivals of
the divine
death and
resurrec-
tion.

rection of Attis, who combined in himself the characters
of the divine Father and the divine Son,1 was officially
celebrated at Rome on the same day. When we remember
that the festival of St. George in April has replaced the
ancient pagan festival of the Parilia ; 2 that the festival of
St. John the Baptist in June has succeeded to a heathen
Midsummer festival of water ; 3 that the festival of the
Assumption of the Virgin in August has ousted the festival
of Diana ; 4 that the feast of All Souls in November is a
continuation of an old heathen feast of the dead ; 5 and
that the Nativity of Christ himself was assigned to the
winter solstice in December because that day was deemed
the Nativity of the Sun ;6 we can hardly be thought rash
or unreasonable in conjecturing that the other cardinal
festival of the Christian church — the solemnization of
Easter — may have been in like manner, and from like
motives of edification, adapted to a similar celebration of
the Phrygian god Attis at the vernal equinox.7

At least it is a remarkable coincidence, if it is nothing
more, that the Christian and the heathen festivals of the
divine death and resurrection should have been solemnized
at the same season and in the same places. For the places
which celebrated the death of Christ at the spring equinox
were Phrygia, Gaul, and apparently Rome, that is, the very
regions in which the worship of Attis either originated or

fourth of March (Sozomenus, Historia
Ecclesiastica, vii. 1 8). At Henen-Su in
Egypt there was celebrated a festival
of the "hanging out of the heavens,"
that is, the supposed reconstituting of
the heavens each year in the spring
(E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the
Egyptians, ii. 63). But the Egyptians
thought that the creation of the world
took place at the rising of Sirius
(Porphyry, De antro nympharum, 24;
Solinus, xxxii. 13), which in antiquity
fell on the twentieth of July (L. Ideler,
Hctndbuch der mathematischen und
technischen Chronologic, i. 127 sqq.}.

1 See above, pp. 263, 281 sqq.

2 The Magic Art and the Evolution
of Kings, ii. 324 sqq.

3 Above, pp. 246 sqq.

4 The Magic Art and the Evolution

of Kings, i. 14 sqq.

5 See below, vol. ii. pp. 81 sqq.

6 Above, pp. 302 sqq.

1 Another instance of the substitu-
tion of a Christian for a pagan festival
may be mentioned. On the first of
August the people of Alexandria used
to commemorate the defeat of Majk
Antony by Augustus and the entrance
of the victor into their city. The
heathen pomp of the festival offended
Eudoxia, wife of Theodosius the
Younger, and she decreed that on that
day the Alexandrians should thence-
forth celebrate the deliverance of St.
Peter from prison instead of the deliver-
ance of their city from the yoke of
Antony and Cleopatra. See L. Ideler,
Handbuch der mathematischen und
technischen Chronologic, i. 154.

CHAP, vi ORIENTAL RELIGIONS IN THE WEST 309

struck deepest root. It is difficult to regard the coincidence
as purely accidental. If the vernal equinox, the season at
which in the temperate regions the whole face of nature
testifies to a fresh outburst of vital energy, had been viewed
from of old as the time when the world was annually created
afresh in the resurrection of a god, nothing could be more
natural than to place the resurrection of the new deity at
the same cardinal point of the year. Only it is to be
observed that if the death of Christ was dated on the
twenty-fifth of March, his resurrection, according to Christian
tradition, must have happened on the twenty -seventh of
March, which is just two days later than the vernal equinox
of the Julian calendar and the resurrection of Attis. A
similar displacement of two days in the adjustment of
Christian to heathen celebrations occurs in the festivals
of St. George and the Assumption of the Virgin. However,
another Christian tradition, followed by Lactantius and
perhaps by the practice of the Church in Gaul, placed the
death of Christ on the twenty-third and his resurrection on
the twenty-fifth of March.1 If that was so, his resurrection
coincided exactly with the resurrection of Attis.

In point of fact it appears from the testimony of an Different
anonymous Christian, who wrote in the fourth century of ^SI65 by
our era, that Christians and pagans alike were struck by the pagans and
remarkable coincidence between the death and resurrection
of their respective deities, and that the coincidence formed the
a theme of bitter controversy between the adherents of the
rival religions, the pagans contending that the resurrection
of Christ was a spurious imitation of the resurrection of
Attis, and the Christians asserting with equal warmth that
the resurrection of Attis was a diabolical counterfeit of the
resurrection of Christ. In these unseemly bickerings the
heathen took what to a superficial observer might seem
strong ground by arguing that their god was the older
and therefore presumably the original, not the counterfeit,
since as a general rule an original is older than its copy.
This feeble argument the Christians easily rebutted. They

1 Lactantius, De mortibus perse- Gallic usage see S. Martinus Dumi-
ctitorum, 2 ; id., Divin. Institut. iv. ensis, quoted above, p. 307 note.
10. 1 8. As to the evidence of the

3io

ORIENTAL RELIGIONS IN THE WEST BOOK n

Com-

admitted, indeed, that in point of time Christ was the junior
deity, but they triumphantly demonstrated his real seniority
by falling back on the subtlety of Satan, who on so
important an occasion had surpassed himself by inverting
the usual order of nature.1

Taken altogether, the coincidences of the Christian with
tne heathen festivals are too close and too numerous to be
anity with accidental. They mark the compromise which the Church
in the hour of its triumph was compelled to make with
its vanquished yet still dangerous rivals. The inflexible
Protestantism of the primitive missionaries, with their fiery
denunciations of heathendom, had been exchanged for the
supple policy, the easy tolerance, the comprehensive
charity of shrewd ecclesiastics, who clearly perceived
that if Christianity was to conquer the world it could
do so only by relaxing the too rigid principles of its
Founder, by widening a little the narrow gate which leads
to salvation. In this respect an instructive parallel might
^e drawn between the history of Christianity and the

Parallel
Buddhism

1 The passage occurs in the 84th
of the Quaestiones Veteris et Novi
Testamenti(W\gKS?s Patrologia Latina,
xxxv. 2279), which are printed in the
works of Augustine, though internal
evidence is said to shew that they
cannot be by that Father, and that they
were written three hundred years after
the destruction of Jerusalem. The
writer's words are as follows : ' ' Diabolus
autem, qui est sat anas, utfallaciae suae
auctoritatem aliquant possit adhibere,
et mendacia sua commentitia veritate
colorare, primo mense quo sacramenta
dominica scit celebranda, quia non
mediocris potentiae est, Paganis qttae
observarent instituit mysteria, ul
animas eorum duabus ex causis in
errore detineret : ut quia praevenit
veritatem fallacia, melius quiddam
fallacia videretur, quasi antiquitate
praejudicans veritati. Et quia in
primo mense, in quo aequtnoctitim
habent Romani, sicut et nos, ea ipsa
observatio ab his custoditur ; ita etiam
per sanguinem dicant expiationem fieri,
sicut et nos per crucem : Jiac versiitia
Paganos detinet in errore, tit putent

veritatem nos tram imitationem potius
videri quant veritatem, quasi per
aemulationem superstitione quadam
inventam. Nee enim verum potest,
inquiunt, aestimari quod postea est
inventum. Sed quia apud nos pro
certo veritas est, et ab initio haec est,
virtutum atque prodigiorum signa per-
hibent testimonium, ut, teste virtute,
diaboli improbitas innotescat" I have
to thank my learned friend Professor
Franz Cumont for pointing out this
passage to me. He had previously
indicated and discussed it (" La
Polemique de 1'Ambrosiaster contre les
Paiens," Revue d'Hisloire et de Litte'ra-
ture religieuses, viii. (1903) pp. 419
sqq.}. Though the name of Attis is
not mentioned in the passage, I agree
with Prof. Cumont in holding that
the bloody expiatory rites at the spring
equinox, to which the writer refers,
can only be those of the Day of Blood
which formed part of the great aequi-
noctial festival of Attis. Compare F.
Cumont, Les Religions Orientates dans
le Paganisme Remain^ (Paris, 1909),
pp. 1 06 sq., 333 sq.

CHAP, vi ORIENTAL RELIGIONS IN THE WEST 311

history of Buddhism.1 \ Both systems were in their origin
essentially ethical reforms born of the generous ardour,
the lofty aspirations, the tender compassion of their noble
Founders, two of those beautiful spirits who appear at
rare intervals on earth like beings come from a better
world to support and guide our weak and erring nature.2
Both preached moral virtue as the means of accomplishing
what they regarded as the supreme object of life, the
eternal salvation of the individual soul, though by a curious
antithesis, the one sought that salvation in a blissful eternity,
the other in a final release from suffering, in annihilation.
But the austere ideals of sanctity which they inculcated
were too deeply opposed not only to the frailties but to
the natural instincts of humanity ever to be carried out in
practice by more than a small number of disciples, who
consistently renounced the ties of the family and the state
in order to work out their own salvation in the still
seclusion of the cloister. If such faiths were to be
nominally accepted by whole nations or even by the
world, it was essential that they should first be modified
or transformed so as to accord in some measure with the
prejudices, the passions, the superstitions of the vulgar.
This process of accommodation was carried out in after
ages by followers who, made of less ethereal stuff than
their masters, were for that reason the better fitted to
mediate between them and the common herd. Thus as
time went on, the two religions, in exact proportion to
their growing popularity, absorbed more and more of those
baser elements which they had been instituted for the very
purpose of suppressing. Such spiritual decadences are

1 On the decadence of Buddhism of the legends which have gathered
and its gradual assimilation to those round them. The great religious
popular Oriental superstitions against movements which have stirred humanity
which it was at first directed, see to its depths and altered the beliefs
Monier Williams, Buddhism 2 (London, of nations spring ultimately from the
1890), pp. 147 sqq. conscious and deliberate efforts of extra-
ordinary minds, not from the blind un-

2 The historical reality both of conscious co-operation of the multitude.
Buddha and of Christ has sometimes The attempt to explain history without
been doubted or denied. It would the influence of great men may flatter
be just as reasonable to question the the vanity of the vulgar, but it will
historical existence of Alexander the find no favour with the philosophic
Great and Charlemagne on account historian.

3i2 ORIENTAL RELIGIONS IN THE WEST BOOK n

inevitable. The world cannot live at the level of its great
men. Yet it would be unfair to the generality of our kind
to ascribe wholly to their intellectual and moral weakness
the gradual divergence of Buddhism and Christianity from
their primitive patterns. For it should never be forgotten
that by their glorification of poverty and celibacy both
these religions struck straight at the root not merely of
civil society but of human existence. The blow was
parried by the wisdom or the folly of the vast majority
of mankind, who refused to purchase a chance of saving
their souls with the certainty of extinguishing the species.

CHAPTER VII

HYACINTH

ANOTHER mythical being who has been supposed to belong The Greek
to the class of gods here discussed is Hyacinth. He too Pj™'"^
has been interpreted as the vegetation which blooms in as the
spring and withers under the scorching heat of the summer ^j^Jf1"
sun.1 Though he belongs to Greek, not to Oriental blooms
mythology, some account of him may not be out of place Others
in the present discussion. According to the legend, away-
Hyacinth was the youngest and handsomest son of the
ancient king Amyclas, who had his capital at Amyclae in
the beautiful vale of Sparta. One day playing at quoits with
Apollo, he was accidentally killed by a blow of the god's
quoit. Bitterly the god lamented the death of his friend.
The hyacinth — " that sanguine flower inscribed with woe " —
sprang from the blood of the hapless youth, as anemones and
roses from the blood of Adonis, and violets from the blood
of Attis : 2 like these vernal flowers it heralded the advent
of another spring and gladdened the hearts of men with
the promise of a joyful resurrection. The flower is usually
supposed to be not what we call a hyacinth, but a little
purple iris with the letters of lamentation (AT, which in

1 G. F. Schomann, Griechische thien," Philologus, xxxvii. (1877) pp.

Alterthtimer 4 (Berlin, 1897-1902), ii. 20 sqq.}, E. Rohde (Psyche % \, 137

473; L. Preller, Griechische Mythologie, sqq.} and S. Wide (Lakonische Kulte,

i.4 (Berlin, 1894) pp. 248.57. ; Greve, Leipsic, 1893, p. 290).
s.v. "Hyakinthos," in W. H. Roscher's 2 Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 3. 3,

Lexikondergriech. undrom. Mythologie^ iii. 10. 3; Nicander, Ther. 901 sqq.,

i. 2763 sq. Other views of Hyacinth with the Scholiast's note ; Lucian,
have been expressed by G. F. Welcker . De saltatione, 45 ; Pausanias, iii. i. 3,

(Griechische Gb'tterlehre, Gottingen, iii. 19. 5 ; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades^ i. 241

1857-1862, i. 472), G. F. Unger sqq. ; Ovid, Metam. x. 161-219; Pliny,

("Der Isthmientag und die Hyakin- Nat, Hist. xxi. 66.

314

HYACINTH

BOOK II

Greek means " alas ") clearly inscribed in black on its petals,
In Greece it blooms in spring after the early violets but
before the roses.1 One spring, when the hyacinths were in
bloom, it happened that the red-coated Spartan regiments
lay encamped under the walls of Corinth. Their com-
mander gave the Amyclean battalion leave to go home
and celebrate as usual the festival of Hyacinth in their
native town. But the sad flower was to be to these men
an omen of death ; for they had not gone far before they
were enveloped by clouds of light-armed foes and cut to
pieces.2

The tomb The tomb of Hyacinth was at Amyclae under a massive

and the altar-like pedestal, which supported an archaic bronze image

Hyacinth of Apollo. In the left side of the pedestal was a bronze

Am ciae ^oor> an<^ through it offerings were passed to Hyacinth^j^

to a hero or a dead man, not as to a god, before sacrifices

were orfered-~to~Apollo at the annual Hyacinthian festival.

Bas-reliefs carved on the pedestal represented Hyacinth

and his maiden sister Polyboea caught up to heaven by

a company of goddesses.3 The annual festival of the

Hyacinthia was held in the month of Hecatombeus, which

seems to have corresponded to May.4 The ceremonies

occupied three days. On the first the people mourned for

1 Theophrastus, Histor. Plant, vi.
8. i sq. That the hyacinth was a
spring flower is plainly indicated also
by Philostratus (Imag. i. 23. i) and
Ovid(Metam. x. 162-166). See further
Greve, s.v. " Hyakinthos," in W. H.
Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und
rom. Mythologie^ i. 2764 ; ]. Murr,
Die Pflanzenwelt in der griechi-
schen Mythologie (Innsbruck, 1890),
pp. 257 sqq. ; O. Schrader, Reallexi-
kon der Indogermanischen Altertums-
kunde (Strasburg, 1901), pp. 383 sq.
Miss J. E. Harrison was so kind as to
present me with two specimens of the
flower (Delphinium Ajacis) on which
the woful letters were plainly visible.
A flower similarly marked, of a colour
between white and red, was associated
with the death of Ajax (Pausanias,
i- 35- 4)- But usually the two flowers
were thought to be the same (Ovid,
Metam. xiii. 394 sqq. ; Scholiast on

Theocritus, x. 28 ; Pliny, Nat. Hist.
xxi. 66 ; Eustathius on Homer, Iliad,
ii. 557, p. 285).

2 Xenophon, Hellenica, iv. 5. 7-17 ;
Pausanias, iii. 10. i.

3 Pausanias, iii. i. 3, iii. 19. 1-5.

4 Hesychius, s.v. 'E/caro/x/3eus ; G.
F. Unger in Philologus, xxxvii. (1877)
PP- J3-33; Greve, s.v. " Hyakinthos,"
in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech.
und rom. Mythologie, i. 2762 ; W.
Smith, Dictionary of Greek and
Roman Antiquities? i. 339. From
Xenophon (Hellenica, iv. 5) we learn
that in 390 B.C. the Hyacinthian
followed soon after the Isthmian
festival, which that year fell in spring.
Others, however, identifying Hecatom-
beus with the Attic month Hecatom-
baeon, would place the Hyacinthia in
July (K. O. Miiller, Dorter * Breslau,
1844, i. 358). In Rhodes, Cos, and
other Greek states there was a month

CHAP, vii HYACINTH 315

Hyacinth, wearing no wreaths, singing no paeans, eating
no bread, and behaving with great gravity. It was on this
day probably that the offerings were made at Hyacinth's
tomb. Next day the scene was changed. All was joy and
bustle. The capital was emptied of its inhabitants, who
poured out in their thousands to witness and share the
festivities at Amyclae. Boys in high - girt tunics sang
hymns in honour of the god to the accompaniment of flutes
and lyres. Others, splendidly attired, paraded on horseback
in the theatre : choirs of youths chanted their native
ditties : dancers danced : maidens rode in wicker carriages
or went in procession to witness the chariot races : sacrifices
were offered in profusion : the citizens feasted their friends and
even their slaves.1 This outburst of gaiety may be supposed
to have celebrated the resurrection of Hyacinth and perhaps
also his ascension to heaven, which, as we have seen,
was represented on his tomb. However, it may be that the
ascension took place on the third day of the festival ;
but as to that we know nothing. The sister who went
to heaven with him was by some identified with Artemis or
Persephone.2

It is highly probable, as Erwin Rohde perceived,3 that Hyacinth
Hyacinth was an old aboriginal deity of the underworld aboriginal
who had been worshipped at Amyclae long before the god,
Dorians invaded and conquered the country. If that was
so, the story of his relation to Apollo must have been a who was
comparatively late invention, an attempt of the newcomers m°Laconia
to fit the ancient god of the land into their own mythical before the

111 .1 i . invasion

system, in order that he might extend his protection to Ofthe
them. On this theory it may not be without significance Dorians-

called Hyacinthius, which probably the month is correct, it would furnish

took its name from the Hyacinthian an argument for dating the Spartan

festival. The month is thought to festival of Hyacinth in June also. The

correspond to the Athenian Scirophorion question is too intricate to be discussed

and therefore to June. See E. Bischof, here.

" De fastis Graecorum antiquioribus," 1 Athenaeus, iv. 17, pp. 139 sq.

Leipziger Studien fur dassische Philo- Strabo speaks (vi. 3. 2, p. 278) of a

logiet vii. (1884) pp. 369 sq.t 381, contest at the Hyacinthian festival.

384, 410, 414 sg. ; G. Dittenberger, It may have been the chariot races

Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 vol. mentioned by Athenaeus.

i- PP- 396> 607, Nos. 614, note 3, 744, 2 Hesychius, s.v. IIoAu/Joia.

note 1. If this latter identification of 3 E. Rohde, Psyche? i. 137 sqq.

3i6

HYACINTH

BOOK n

His sister
Polyboea

perhaps

that sacrifices at the festival were offered to Hyacinth, as to
a hero, before they were offered to Apollo.1 Further, on
the analogy of similar deities elsewhere, we should expect
to find Hyacinth coupled, not with a male friend, but with a
female consort. That consort may perhaps be detected in
j^ sjster polyboea, who ascended to heaven with him. The
new myth, if new it was, of the love of Apollo for Hyacinth
would involve a changed conception of the aboriginal god,
which in its turn must have affected that of his spouse.
For when Hyacinth came to be thought of as young and
unmarried there was no longer room in his story for a wife,
and she would have to be disposed of in some other way.
What was easier for the myth-maker than to turn her into
his unmarried sister? However we may explain it, a
change seems certainly to have come over the popular idea
of Hyacinth ; for whereas on his tomb he was portrayed as
a bearded man, later art represented him as the pink of
youthful beauty.2 But it is perhaps needless to suppose
that the sisterly relation of Polyboea to him was a late
modification of the myth. The stories of Cronus and Rhea,
of Zeus and Hera, of Osiris and Isis, remind us that in old
days gods, like kings, often married their sisters, and prob-
ably for the same reason, namely, to ensure their own title
to the throne under a rule of female kinship which treated
women and not men as the channel in which the blood royal
flowed.3 It is not impossible that Hyacinth may have been
a divine king who actually reigned in his lifetime at Amyclae
and was afterwards worshipped at his tomb. The repre-
sentation of his triumphal ascent to heaven in company with
his sister suggests that, like Adonis and Persephone, he may
have been supposed to spend one part of the year in the

1 Pausanias, iii. 19. 3. The Greek
word here used for sacrifice (evayifriv)
properly denotes sacrifices offered to
the heroic or worshipful dead ; another
word (Qveiv) was employed for sacrifices
offered to gods. The two terms are
distinguished by Pausanias here and
elsewhere (ii. 10. I, ii. n. 7). Com-
pare Herodotus, ii. 44. Sacrifices to
the worshipful dead were often annual.
See Pausanias, iii. I. 8, vii. 19. 10,

vii. 20. 9, viii. 14. n, viii. 41. I, ix.
38. 5, x. 24. 6. It has been observed
by E. Rohde (Psyche? i. 139, note >2)
that sacrifices were frequently offered
to a hero before a god, and he suggests
with much probability that in these
cases the worship of the hero was
older than that of the deity.

2 Pausanias, iii. 19. 14.

3 See above, p. 44 ; and below, vol.
ii. pp. 213 sqq.

CHAP, vii HYACINTH 317

under-world of darkness and death, and another part in the
upper-world of light and life. And as the anemones and
the sprouting corn marked the return of Adonis and
Persephone, so the flowers to which he gave his name may
have heralded the ascension of Hyacinth.

END OF VOL. I

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