Full text of "The Gospel according to Peter : a study"

REESE LIBRA!

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA.

R 23 1895
Jtf^b Class No.

THE

GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

BY THE SAME AUTHOR.

SUPERNATURAL RELIGION : an Inquiry
into the Reality of Divine Eevelation. 3 vols.
8vo. 86*.

A REPLY TO DR. LIGHTFOOT'S

ESSAYS ON ' SUPERNATURAL RELIGION.'
8vo. Gs.

London: LONGMANS, GKEEN, & CO.

New York : 15 East 16 th Street.

THE

GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

A STUDY

BY THE

AUTHOR OF 'SUPERNATURAL RELIGION'

(D^dx-fr

^ OP THE

UNIVERSITY^

LONDON
LONGMANS, GEE EN, AND CO.

AND NEW YORK : 15 EAST 16 th STREET

1894

All rights reterted

7ro\\ol

rwv TTSTrripotyopviiJLsvQv sy ^iijv Trpay/jiTWv

^ '' ' *

Forasmuch as many took in hand to draw up a narrative con-
cerning the matters which have been fully believed among us

LUKE i. 1

6IVERSITY)
OF S

CONTENTS

PAGK

I. THE FRAGMENT OF AKHMIM 1

II. THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER 7

III. THE LETTER OF SERAPION 12

IV. JUSTIN MARTYR AND THE MEMOIRS OF PETER . . .20
V. THE EPISTLE OF BARNABAS 32

VI. THE DIATESSARON OF TATIAN 35

VII. INTERNAL INDICATIONS OF DATE . . . .... 42

VIII. THE FRAGMENT AND THE CANONICAL GOSPELS . . .47

IX. RELATIVE ANTIQUITY OF THE FRAGMENT . . . . 107

X. THE FRAGMENT AND PROPHETIC GNOSIS .... 110

XI. THE GOSPELS AND PROPHETIC GNOSIS 127

XII. CONCLUSION 132

THE TEXT OF THE FRAGMENT . 135

THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

EGYPT, in our days, ceasing to be any more the land of
bondage, has, in more senses than one, become a
veritable Land of Promise. It is a rich mine of
historical and literary wealth, alas ! most inadequately
worked, and in that fine climate, with its clear dry air,
the footprints of Time, leaving scarcely a trace, the
treasures of an ancient civilisation, even of the most
delicate texture, have been preserved to us with wonder-
ful perfection. The habits of the peoples that have
occupied the land have happily combined with the
natural advantages of the climate, in transmitting to
the modern world an inheritance of which we are now
beginning to take possession. The dead have long
been giving up their secrets, but it is only in recent
times that we have been able to realise the fact that
the tombs of Egypt may contain many a precious
work, now known to us but in name, and many a
writing which may change the current of controversy,
and strangely modify many a cherished opinion. With-
out referring here to earlier discoveries in support of
these remarks, we may at once pass to the more recent,
with which we have particularly to do.

2 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

In the course of explorations carried on during the
winter of 1886-87 by the order of M. Grebaut, then
Director of the Museums of Egypt, two Greek manu-
scripts were discovered in the necropolis of Aklnnini,
the ancient Panopolis, in Upper Egypt. The first of
these was a papyrus, which was really found by some
Fellahs who quarrelled regarding the partition of their
precious booty and thus allowed the secret to leak out.
It came to the knowledge of the Moudir, or Governor
of the Province, who promptly settled the dispute by
confiscating the papyrus, which he forwarded to the
Museum of Gizeh at Boulaq. This MS. is a collection
of problems in arithmetic and geometry, carefully
written out, probably by a student, and buried with
him as his highest and most valued achievement.

The second manuscript was of much higher interest.
It was discovered in the tomb of a c monk.' It consists
of thirty-three pages in parchment, measuring 6 inches
in height by 4^ inches in breadth, without numbering,
bound together in pasteboard covered with leather,
which has become black with time. There is no date,
nor any other indication of the approximate age of the
MS. than that which is furnished by the characteristics
of the writing and the part of the cemetery in which it
was discovered. These lead to the almost certain con-
clusion, according to M. Bouriant, who first transcribed
the text, that the MS. cannot be anterior to the eighth
century or posterior to the twelfth. The ancient
cemetery of Akhmim stretches along to the north and
west of the hill on which have been discovered tombs
of the eighteenth to the twentieth dynasties, and it has
served as a burial-place for the Christian inhabitants
of the neighbourhood from the fifth to the fifteenth
centuries, the more ancient part lying at the foot of
the hill and extending gradually upward for about

THE MANUSCRIPT 3

700 metres. The tomb in which the MS. was found is
in a position which approximately tallies, as regards
age, with the date indicated by the MS. itself. 1 Of
course, these indications refer solely to the date of the
MS. itself, and not to the age of the actual works
transcribed in its pages.

The thirty-three sheets of parchment, forming sixty-
six pages, commence with an otherwise blank page,
bearing a rough drawing of a Coptic cross, upon the
arms of which rise smaller crosses of the same de-
scription, and the letters /^ and ^ stand the one on
the left, the other on the right of the lower stem of the
large cross. Over the page commences a fragment of
the 'Gospel of Peter,' which continues to the end of page
10, where it abruptly terminates in the middle of a
sentence. Pages 11 and 12 have been left blank.
Pages 13 to 19 contain a fragment of the 'Apocalypse
of Peter,' beginning and ending abruptly, and these
have, either by accident or design, been bound in the
volume upside down and in reverse order, so that, as
they actually stand, the text commences at page 19 and
ends at page 13. Page 20 is again blank, and the rest
of the volume is made up of two fragments of the ' Book
of Enoch,' the first extending from the 21st to the 50th
page, and the second, written by a different hand, from
the 51st to the 66th page. Finally, on the inside of
the binding, and attached to it, is a sheet of parchment
on which is written in uncials a fragment of the Greek
' Acts of St. Julian,' though which St. Julian amongst
those in the Calendar does not appear.

The French Archeological Mission published in
1892 2 the mathematical papyrus, edited by M. Baillet,
but the much more interesting and important volume

1 Fragments grecs du Livre d' Enoch, &c., publics par les membres de
la Mission archeol. fran^aise a Caire, Fasc. 3, 1893. 2 1 Fasc.

B 2

4 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

of fragments did not appear until 1893, 1 when they
were edited by M. Bouriant. These precious works-
remained, therefore, practically hidden from the world
for five or six years after their discovery, in conse-
quence of what is vaguely, but truly, described as
' vexatious delays,' whilst the comparatively uninterest-
ing arithmetical work preceded them by more than a
year. The fragments of the ' Gospel ' and ' Apocalypse '
of Peter, long known by references or quotations by the
Fathers, make us acquainted, for the first time, with
the writings themselves, and the fragments of the ' Book
of Enoch ' give us the Greek text of part of an early
work quoted by the writer of the Epistle of Jude,
hitherto only extant in an Ethiopian version.

Of almost greater interest than the actual discovery
of these and other precious MSS. from time to time, in
a similar way, is the possibility and probability opened
out to us that we may yet recover from the dead still
more precious works than these. The cemetery of
Akhmim stands near the ancient and very important
city of Panopolis, and from a very early period it was
the centre of a considerable Christian population. The
custom of burying with the dead books which were a
valued possession during life was probably a survival
of the same primitive custom in accordance with which
also a warrior's horse and dog and his weapons were in-
terred with him to serve him again in the world of spirits.
That books, at a time when their multiplication was so
slow, should have been interred with their dead possessor
is not only curious but very fortunate for us, and we may
yet thank the cemetery of Akhmim for preserving safely
for us manuscripts which in no other way could have
escaped the effects of time and the ravages of bar-
barism.

1 3 Fasc.

QUESTIONS SUGGESTED BY THE FRAGMENTS 5

The fragments with which we are dealing present
some peculiarities which deserve a moment's notice.
The Gospel according to Peter commences in the
middle of a sentence, but being at the top of a page it
is probably only part of a manuscript of which the
-earlier portion was either lost or belonged to some one
else. The fragment, however, ends abruptly in the
middle of a phrase and, being followed by blank pages,
the reasonable presumption is that the scribe intended
to complete the transcription, but for some reason did
not do so. It is curious that in a similar way the
'Apocalypse of Peter' is only a fragment, beginning and
ending abruptly, with a page left blank for continua-
tion. Did the scribe hastily copy stray leaves of each
work, which had fortuitously come in his way, leaving
room for more should he be able to secure the rest ? or
did he break off his copy of the one to take up the
other, and with equal restlessness leave it also un-
finished? We shall never know exactly, but considering
the value of books at that epoch, the probability seems
to be that he hastily copied such portions of writings as
had come into his possession, time or accident prevent-
ing the completion of his task.

The fragment of the ' Gospel ' of course does not bear
any name or superscription nor, indeed, does the
4 Apocalypse' but the title is clearly deduced from the
work itself, the writer saying directly 'but I, Simon
Peter,' and thus proving that the narrative takes
the form of a composition by that Apostle. It may be
remarked, merely in passing, that it is a curious if not
in any way a significant fact that the two Christian
fragments in this little volume should both profess to
have been written by the Apostle Peter. Are the
peculiarities of the fragments which we have described
due to the passage of some one having in his possession

or THE

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6 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

two works selected as being believed to emanate from
the chief of the Apostles, from which there was only
time to make these extracts ? There is some reason for
thinking that the parchment may have previously been
used for some other writing, obliterated to make way
for these fragments. The little volume has not alto-
gether escaped injury in its long rest by the side of the
dead, and parts of the text have had to be supplied by
conjecture ; but, on the whole, the writing is fairly
legible and, by the invaluable aid of photography, it
has been copied and published with complete fidelity.
Before this was done, that the first transcription by
M. Bouriant should have contained errors and omissions-
which led scholars into mistaken conclusions is very
intelligible, but the text may now be considered fairly
settled, and the following is a rather close and unpolished
translation of the ' Gospel according to Peter.'

THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETEE 1

1 ... but of the Jews no man washed his hands,
neither Herod nor any one of his judges ; and as they

2 were not minded to wash, Pilate rose. And then Herod
the King commandeth the Lord to be taken, saying
unto them : ' Whatsoever I commanded that ye should

3 do, that do unto him.' But there was there Joseph, the
friend of Pilate and of the Lord, and knowing that they
are about to crucify him, he came to Pilate and asked

4 the body of the Lord for burial. And Pilate sent to

5 Herod and asked for his body. And Herod said:
6 Brother Pilate, even if no one had begged for him, we
should have buried him ; because the Sabbath is at
hand ; for it is written in the Law : ' The sun must not
go down upon one put to death.'

6 And he delivered him to the people before the
first day of the Unleavened bread of their feast.
And taking the Lord they pushed him hurrying along,
and said : ' Let us drag along the Son of God as

7 we have power over him. And they clad him with
purple and set him on a seat of judgment, saying :

8 'Judge justly, King of Israel.' And one of them
brought a crown of thorns and set it upon the head of

9 the Lord. And others standing by spat upon his eyes,
and others smote him on the cheeks ; others pierced
him with a reed, and some scourged him, saying : c With
this honour honour we the Son of God.'

1 The Greek Text will be found in the Appendix.

THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

10 And they brought two malefactors and crucified
between them the Lord ; but he kept silence as feeling

11 no pain. And as they set up the cross they wrote

12 thereon : ' This is the King of Israel.' And they laid
the clothes before him and distributed them and cast

13 lots for them. But one of these malefactors reproved
them, saying : ' We have suffered this for the evil which
we wrought, but this man who has become the Saviour

14 of men, what wrong hath he done you ? ' And they were
angry with him, and they commanded that his legs should
not be broken, in order that he might die in torment.

15 Now it was mid-day, and a darkness covered all
Judaea, and they were troubled and anxious lest the
sun should have set whilst he still lived, for it is written
for them : ' The sun must not go down upon one put to

16 death.' And one of them said : ' Give him to drink gall
with vinegar ; ' and having mixed, they gave him to

17 drink. And they fulfilled all things and completed

18 their sins upon their own head. Now many went about
with lights, thinking that it was night, and some fell.

19 And the Lord cried aloud, saying ; ' Power, my Power,
thou hast forsaken me ! ' and having spoken, he was

20 taken up. And the same hour the veil of the temple of
Jerusalem was torn in twain.

21 And then they took out the nails from the hands ot
the Lord, and laid him upon the earth ; and the whole

22 earth quaked, and great fear came [upon them]. Then
did the sun shine out, and it was found to be the ninth

23 hour. Now the Jews were glad and gave his body to
Joseph, that he might bury it, for he had beheld the

24 good works that he did. And he took the Lord and
washed him, and wrapped him in linen, and brought
him into his own grave, called ' Joseph's Garden.'

25 Then the Jews and the elders and the priests, seeing
the evil they had done to themselves, began to beat their

THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER 9

breasts and to say : ' Woe for our sins : judgment

26 draweth nigh and the end of Jerusalem.' And I, with
my companions, was mourning, and being pierced in
spirit we hid ourselves ; for we were sought for by them
as malefactors, and as desiring to burn the temple.

27 Over all these things, however, we were fasting, and
sat mourning and weeping night and day until the
Sabbath.

28 But the scribes and Pharisees and elders assembled
themselves together, hearing that all the people mur-
mured and beat their breasts, saying : ' If at his death
these great signs have happened, behold how just a one

29 he is.' The elders were afraid and came to Pilate be-
so seeching him and saying : 6 Give us soldiers that we

may watch his grave for three days, lest his disciples
come and steal him, and the people believe that he rose

si from the dead and do us evil. Pilate, therefore, gave
them Petronius the centurion with soldiers to watch the
tomb, and with them came the elders and scribes to

32 the grave. And they rolled a great stone against the
centurion and the soldiers and set it, all who were

S3 there together, at the door of the grave. And they put
seven seals; and setting up a tent there they kept

34 guard. And in the morning, at the dawn of the Sab-
bath, came a multitude from Jerusalem and the neigh-
bourhood in order that they might see the sealed-up
grave.

35 Now, in the night before the dawn of the Lord's
day, whilst the soldiers were keeping guard over the
place, two and two in a watch, there was a great voice

36 in the heaven. And they saw the heavens opened and
two men come down from thence with great light and

37 approach the tomb. And the stone which had been
laid at the door rolled of itself away by the side, and
the tomb was opened and both the

OF THE

UNIVERSITY

10 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

38 Then those soldiers, seeing this, awakened the centurion

39 and the elders, for they also were keeping watch. And
whilst they were narrating to them what they had seen,
they beheld again three men coming out of the tomb
and the two were supporting the one, and a cross

40 following them. And the heads of the two indeed
reached up to the heaven, but that of him that was led by

41 their hands rose above the heavens. And they heard a
voice from the heavens, saying : ' Hast thou preached

42 to them that are sleeping ? ' And an answer was heard

43 from the cross : ' Yea.' These, therefore, took counsel
together whether they should go and declare these

44 things to Pilate. And whilst they were still considering,
the heavens again appeared opened, and a certain man
descending and going into the grave.

45 Seeing these things, the centurion and his men
hastened to Pilate by night, leaving the tomb they were
watching, and narrated all things they had seen, fearing

46 greatly and saying : ' Truly he was a Son of God.'
Pilate answered and said, 'I am pure of the blood of
the Son of God, but thus it seemed good unto you/

47 Then they all came to him beseeching and entreating
him that he should command the centurion and the

48 soldiers to say nothing of what they had seen. ' For it
is better,' they said, c to lay upon us the greatest sins
before God, and not to fall into the hands of the people of

49 the Jews and be stoned.' Pilate, therefore, commanded
the centurion and the soldiers to say nothing.

50 In the morning of the Lord's day, Mary Magdalene,
a disciple of the Lord (through fear of the Jews, for
they burnt with anger, she had not done at the grave
of the Lord that which women are accustomed to do

61 for those that die and are loved by them), took her
women friends with her and came to the grave where

62 he was laid. And they feared lest the Jews should see

THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER 11

them, and said : ' If we could not on that day in which
he was crucified weep and lament, let us do these things

53 even now at his grave. But who will roll us away the
stone that is laid at the door of the grave, in order
that we may enter and set ourselves by him and do the

54 things that are due ? For great was the stone, and. we
fear lest some one should see us. And if we should not
be able to do it, let us at least lay down before the
door that which we bring in his memory, and let us

55 weep and lament till we come to our house.' And they
went and found the tomb opened and, coming near,,
they stooped down and see there a certain young man
sitting in the midst of the tomb, beautiful and clad in

56 a shining garment, who said to them : ' Why are ye-
come? Whom seek ye? Him who was crucified?'
He is risen and gone away. But if ye do not
believe, stoop down and see the place where he lay, that
he is not there ; for he is risen and gone away

57 thither whence he was sent.' Then the women, fright-
ened, fled.

58 And it was the last day of the Unleavened bread,
and many went forth, returning to their homes, the

59 feast being ended. But we, the twelve disciples of
the Lord, wept and mourned, and each went to his-

60 home sorrowing for that which had happened. But I,
Simon Peter, and Andrew, my brother, took our nets
and went to the sea, and there was with us Levi, the
son of Alphaeus, whom the Lord . . .

12 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

No ONE can have studied this fragment of the Gospel
according to Peter, with its analogy to, and still more
striking divergence from, the canonical Gospels, with-
out perceiving that we have here a most interesting-
work, well worth serious examination. The first
question which naturally arises is connected with the
date to be assigned to the fragment : Is this a part of
the work used by many of the Fathers and well known
amongst them as the Gospel according to Peter ? We
must first endeavour to form a correct judgment on
this point.

Eusebius has preserved to us the earliest detailed
notice of the Gospel according to Peter extant, in a
quotation from Serapion, who became Bishop of Antioch
about A.D. 190. Eusebius says :

There is likewise another work written by him upon the so-
called Gospel according to Peter, which he composed to refute the
untruths contained in it, on account of certain in the community of
Rhossus who were led away by this writing to heretical doctrines. It
may be well to set forth some passages of this in which he expresses
his opinion of the book :

* For we, brethren, receive both Peter and the other Apostles
even as Christ. But the false writings passing under their names
we from experience reject, knowing that such things we have not
received. When I was with you, I was under the impression that
all held to the right faith and, without going through the Gospel
put forward by them in the name of Peter, I said : " If this is the
only cause of difference amongst you, let it be read." But now,
having ascertained from information given to me that their minds

THE LETTER OF SERAPION 13

were in some mist of heresy, I will hasten to come to you again ;
so, brethren, expect me shortly. We, therefore, brethren, knowing
of what heresy was Marcianus, recognise how much he was in contra-
diction with himself, 1 not comprehending that which he was saying,
as you may perceive from what has been written unto you. For
we borrowed this gospel from others who used it : that is to
say, from the followers of those who introduced it before him,
whom we call Docetae for most of its thoughts are of this sect
having procured it from them, I was able to go through it, and
to find, indeed, that most was according to the right teaching of
the Saviour, but certain things were superadded, which we subjoin
for you/ 2

There is little or no doubt that the writing before
us is a fragment of this ' Gospel according to Peter ' of
which Serapion writes. 3 It must always be remembered,
as we examine the evidence for the work, that we have
here only a short fragment, and that it wou]d not be
reasonable to expect to find in it materials for a perfect
identification of the work with references to it in

1 The text of this sentence is faulty.

2 yap, ddeX<poi, /cat Herpov /cat TOVS d\\ovs a7roo~To\ovs dno8f)(6fj.fda

a>y Xptordi/ TO. Se oVd/xart avTu>v \^euSe7n'ypa<pa a>s e/zTretpot 7rapatroi^te$a,
yivaarKovTfs on TO. TOUWTO. ov TrapeXa/So/zei'. eyca yap yevdpevos Trap 1 vp.lv

VTTfVOOVV TOVS TTaVTUS OpOfj TTlOTft 7TpOO-(pp0~uai ' KO.I [JLT) dl\Sa)V TO w' aVT&V

7rpo<pfp6p,vov oi/o/iart TlcTpov euayyeXtoi/, flnov OTI Ei TOVTO eVrt pdvov TO
doKOiiv v/juv Trape'xftv M^po^-u^tai', dvayivacrKfo-Oa). vvv de paQiuv OTI alpeo-et
TIVL 6 vovs avTwv ev(pa>\fvev fK TWV \\6evTO)p /not, (TTroi/Sacreo Trd\iv yeveo~dat
rrpbs upas (Sore, aSe\<ot', Tipoo-So/care /xe cv ra^ft. r/^iets Se, d8e\<f)oi, KUTU-
\aj36p.voi orroias r)i> atpeVea)? 6 Mapniavos, a>s Kal eaurw rjvavriovTO fir) voa>v a
f \d\ft, a p.aBr]<T(r6f ( wv v/juv eypdfyrj. eftvvrjdrjp.ev yap Trap' aX\<0v T&V
dcrKrjo-dvrav avTo TOVTO TO vayye\iov, rovre'crrt napd TWV 8ia86xtov T&V /carap^a-
fjifv&v avTov, ovs Ao/c>;ray KaXovp-ev (TO. yap (ppoi/^/zara ra TtKeiova fKfivw eWt TTJS
^tSao'/caXia?), ^p^cra/xei/ot Trap' avTa>v 8i\delv Kal fvpelv ra p.ev TtXeiova TOV
6p6ov Xoyoti TOV o~o)Tr)pos, rti/a de npoo~8ifo~Ta\p,va, a. /cat VTrera^a/iey vp.lv.

Euseb. H. E. vi. 12.

3 Lods, De Evang. secundum Petrum, 1892, pp. 8 ff. ; Harnack,
Bruclistiicke d. Evang. u.s.w. des Petwis, zweite Aufl. 1893, p. 41 ; Zahn,
Das Ev. des Petrus, 1893, pp. 5 f., 70 ff. ; Kunze, Das neu aufgef. Brucli-
stuck des sogen. Petrusev. 1893, pp. 10 f. ; Swete, The Aklimlm Frag-
ment of the Apocr. Gospel of St. Peter, 1893, pp. xii f., xliv f. ; Hilgenfeld,
Zeitschr. iviss. TJieol. 1893, ii. Heft, pp. 221 f., 239 ff. ; J. Armitage
Robinson, B.D., The Gospel according to Peter, dc., 1892, pp. 15 ff. ;
Martineau, The Nineteenth Century, 1893, pp. 906 ff. ; J. R. Harris,
Contemp. Rev. August 1893, p. 236 ; van Manen, Theol. Tijdschr. Juli
1893, p. 385.

14 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

writings of the Fathers. Within the few pages which
we possess, however, there is sufficient justification for
-concluding that they formed part of the Gospel current
in Ehossus. Only one ' Gospel according to Peter ' is
mentioned by early writers. This fragment distinctly
pretends to be a narrative of Simon Peter ; and its
matter is generally such as must have satisfied
Serapion's ideas of orthodox doctrine, if suspicion of
Docetic tendencies had not made him believe that it
contained a superadded leaven of heresy. This may
not appear very clearly in the fragment, but we know
from other sources, as we shall presently see, that they
existed in the Gospel, and even here the representation
that Jesus suffered no pain ; that he is always called

* the Lord,' or the c Son of God ; ' that his one cry on
the cross was susceptible of peculiar explanation, and
that he was immediately ' taken up,' whilst his body
subsequently presents aspects not common to the
canonical Gospels, may have seemed to the careful
bishop sufficiently Docetic to warrant at least his not
very severe condemnation.

It is unnecessary to discuss minutely the details of
Serapion's letter, which, if vague in parts and open to
considerable doubt in some important respects, is at
least sufficiently clear for our purpose in its general
meaning. Nothing is known of the Marcianus to whom
it refers. The bishop had evidently previously written
of him, but the context has not been preserved. The
Armenian version, made from a Syriac text, reads

* Marcion ' for ' Marcianus,' but it would be premature
on this authority to associate the episode with that arch-
heretic of the second century. It is clear from the
bishop's words that on his previous visit to Ehossus, at
the desire of part of the community, he sanctioned the
public reading of the Gospel of Peter but, after

THE LETTER OF SERAPION 15

personal acquaintance with its contents, lie withdrew
that permission. Zahn 1 maintains that the private read-
ing by members of the Christian community, and not
public reading at the services of the Church, is dealt
with in this letter, but in this he stands alone. The
Index expurgatorius had not been commenced in the
second century, and it is impossible to think that the
sanction of a bishop was either sought or required for
the private reading of individuals. We have here only
an instance of the diversity of custom, as regards the
public reading of early writings, to which reference is
made in the writings of the Fathers and in the Mura-
torian and other Canons. In this way the Epistle of
the Eoman Clement, as Eusebius 2 mentions, was
publicly read in the churches ; as were the Epistle of
Soter to the Corinthians, the ' Pastor ' of Hernias, 3 the
* Apocalypse of Peter,' 4 and various Gospels which did
not permanently secure a place in the Canon. Eusebius,
for instance, states that the Ebionites made use only of
the ' Gospel according to the Hebrews,' 5

Eusebius 6 mentions a certain number of works at-
tributed to the Apostle Peter : the first Epistle, gene-
rally acknowledged as genuine, ' but that which is called
the second,' he says, ' we have not understood to be
incorporated with the testament ' (eVSta#??Kw). The
other works are, the ' Acts of Peter,' the ' Gospel
according to Peter,' the c Preaching of Peter,' and the
4 Apocalypse of Peter,' the last being doubtless the
work of which a fragment has now been discovered in
the little volume which contains the fragment of the
Gospel which we are considering. Of these Eusebius
says that he does not know of their being handed
1 L.c. p. 4 f.

3 H. E. iii. 16. 3 H. E. iii. 3.

4 Sozom. H. E. vii. 19 ; Canon Murat. Tregelles, p. 65.
* H. E. iii. 27. 6 H. E. iii. 3.

16 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

down as Catholic, or universally received by the
Church.

The ' Gospel according to Peter ' is directly referred
to by Origen in his Commentary on Matthew. He says :
' Some say, with regard to the brethren of Jesus, from
a tradition in the Gospel entitled according to Peter,
or of the Book of James, that they were sons of Joseph
by a former wife.' 1 Although this statement does not
in itself necessarily favour Docetic views, it is quite
intelligible that it might be used in support of them
and, therefore, might have been one of the passages
which excited the suspicion of Serapion, more especially
as a clear statement of this family relationship is not to be
found in the canonical Gospels. The part of the Gospel
referred to by Origen is not, unfortunately, contained
in the fragment, and consequently cannot be verified,
but it is quite in accordance with its general spirit, and
at least we have here a distinct mention of the Gospel
without any expression of unfavourable opinion. What
is more important still is the fact that Origen certainly
made use of the Gospel, amongst others, himself. 2

Jerome 3 likewise refers to it, after repeating the tra-
dition that the Gospel was said to be Peter's, which Mark
composed, who was his hearer and interpreter ; and to
the works ascribed to Peter, which Eusebius enumerates,
he adds another the ' Judgment of Peter,' of which
little or nothing is known.

Theodoret says that the Nazarenes made use of
the Gospel according to Peter. 4 Zahn and some

1 Comm. in Matt. T. x. 17 : TOVS be dSfX^ov? 'irja-ov (paa-i Ttvfs

K irapadoo'CGos 6pfj.wp.cvoi TOV f-myrypap.fjLevov Kara Utrpov evayyeXi'ou, 77 rrjs
/3t'/3Aou 'Ia/cd)/3ov, viovs 'laxr?^ e/c irporepas yvvaiKos arvvwKrjKvias avrai npo rfjs
Mapias.

2 Cf. Murray, Expositor, January, 1893, pp. 55 if.

3 De Vir. illustr. i.

4 01 6e Nao>paloi 'lovfialoi eltriv TOV Xpiaroi> rt/itoi/rf? eby avOpanov
KOI TU> KoXovp.cv(p Kara Herpov euayyeXuo KexpT^ieVoi. Hacr. Fab. ii. 2.

PATRISTIC REFERENCES TO THE GOSPEL 17

others 1 argue against the correctness of this statement ;
but reasoning of this kind, based upon supposed differ-
ences of views, is not very convincing, when we con-
sider that inferences to be drawn from peculiarities in the
narrative in this Gospel are neither so distinct, nor so
inevitable, as to be forced upon a simple and uncritical
community, and probably that the anti-Judaistic ten-
dency of the whole, the strongest characteristic of the
composition, secured its acceptance, and diverted at-
tention from any less marked tendencies.

A number of passages have been pointed out in the
Didascalia and Apostolical Constitutions, Origen, Cyril
of Jerusalem, Dionysius of Alexandria, and other
ancient writers, showing the use of this Gospel accord-
ing to Peter ; 2 but into these later testimonies it is not
necessary for us at present to go. That the work long
continued to exercise considerable influence can scarcely
be doubted. It is to the earlier history of the Gospel
and its use in the second century that we must rather
turn our attention.

A probable reference to the Gospel of Peter in
Polycarp's ' Epistle to the Corinthians ' has been pointed
out by Mr. F. C. Conybeare. 3 The writer speaks of
* the testimony of the cross ' (TO paprvpiov rov o-ravpov),
an expression which has puzzled critics a good deal.
No passage in our Gospels has hitherto explained it,
but if it be referred to the answer made by the cross,
in our fragment, to the question from Heaven : c Hast
thou preached to them that are sleeping ? And an

1 Zahn, Gesch. des N. T. Kanons, ii. 742 f . ; Lods, I.e. pp. 14 ff.
Zahn, however, admits that Theodoret's statement may at least be taken
as testimony that the Gospel was in use amongst a sectarian community
in Syria. Das Ev. d. Petrus, pp. 70 f.

2 Harnack, I.e. pp. 40 ff. ; Zahn, I.e. pp. 57 ff.; J. 0. F. Murray, The
Expositor, January 1893, pp. 55 ff. ; Kunze, I.e. pp. 35 ff. ; Hilgenfeld,
I.e. pp. 242 ff. ; Bernard, Academy, December 1892, September 30, 1893 ;
Swete, I.e. p. xxxi.

3 Academy, October 21, December 23, 1893.

18 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

answer came from the cross, " Yea," ' it becomes at once
intelligible. Mr. Taylor 1 suggests the question whether
* the word of the cross ' (6 Xoyo? TOV crTavpov) in 1 Cor.
i. 18 is not also connected with the same tradition of
the speaking cross and, as Mr. Conybeare points out,
the context favours the idea, although he himself is not
inclined to admit the interpretation. The words of
Paul are worth quoting :

For the word of the cross is to them that are perishing foolish-
ness ; but unto us which are being saved it is the power of God.
19. For it is written : 'I will destroy the wisdom of the wise, and
the prudence of the prudent will I reject ; '

and so on. But although he cannot agree in the sugges-
tion that Paul refers to this tradition, because, he says,
c Such a view seems to me to be too bold and innovating
in its character,' Mr. Conybeare goes on to suggest
that the incident in Peter, with this reply to the voice
from heaven, may be

one of the * three mysteries of crying ' referred to by Ignatius, ad
Eph. xix. ' Ritschl and Lipsius,' says Lightfoot, ad locum, ' agree
that two of the three were, (1) the voice at the baptism, (2) the voice
at the transfiguration. For the third . . . Ritschl supposes that
Ignatius used some other Gospel containing a third proclamation
similar to the two others.' The Peter Gospel seems here to supply
just what is wanted. 3

These suggestions are quoted here, in dealing with
Polycarp, to show that the supposition that he refers to
the answer of the cross in the Gospel of Peter is not
without support in other early writings. When it is
remembered that the doctrine of a descent into Hell
has a place in the Creed of Christendom, it is not sur-
prising that it should be dwelt on in early writings,
and that a Gospel which proclaims it by a voice from

1 Guardian, November 29, 1893.

2 Academy, December 23, 1893, p. 568.

THE EPISTLE OF POLYCARP 19

Heaven, coupled with a miraculous testimony from the
cross, should be referred to. Of course it is impossible,
in the absence of any explicit declaration, to establish
TDJ the passage we are discussing that the Gospel
according to Peter was used by Polycarp, but there is
some probability of it at least, since no other Gospel
contains the episode to which the writer seems to refer.

OP THE

UNIVERSITY

20 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

WE may now consider whether Justin Martyr was ac-
quainted with it, and here again it may be well to remind
the reader that we have only a small fragment of the
Gospel according to Peter to compare with the allusions
to be found in writings of the Fathers. In these early
works, few quotations are made with any direct
mention of the source from which they were taken,
and as only those parts of Patristic writings which deal
with the trial, crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus
can be expected to present analogies with our fragment,
it will readily be seen how limited the range of testi-
mony must naturally be. Justin Martyr is usually
supposed to have died about A.D. 163-1 65, 1 and his
first ' Apology ' may be dated A.D. 147, and the ' Dialogue
with Trypho ' somewhat later. In these writings, Justin
very frequently refers to facts, and to sayings of Jesus,
making, indeed, some hundred and fifty quotations of
this kind from certain ' Memoirs of the Apostles ' (aTro-
p.vrjjjioi'evfjLo.Ta TO>V a7rocrToXa)i>), all of which differ more
or less from our present canonical Gospels. He never
mentions the name of any author of these Memoirs, if
indeed he was acquainted with one, unless it be upon
one occasion, which is of peculiar interest in connection
with our fragment. The instance to which we refer is
the following. Justin says : ' The statement also that

1 The detailed statement of the case may be found in Supernatural
Beligion, complete ed. 1879, i. 283 ff. Hort (Journal of Philology, iii.
155 ff.) places it as early as A.D. 148.

JUSTIN MARTYR 21

lie [Jesus] changed the name of Peter, one of the
Apostles, and that this is written in his [Peter's]
Memoirs as having been done, together with the fact
that he also changed the name of other two brothers,
who were sons of Zebedee, to Boanerges that is, sons
of thunder,' &C. 1 It was, of course, argued that the
avTov here does not refer to Peter but to Jesus ; or that
the word should be amended to avrajv and applied to
the Apostles ; but the majority .of critics naturally
decided against such royal ways of removing difficulties,
and were forced to admit a reference to ' Memoirs of
Peter.' Hitherto, the apologetic explanation has been
that the allusion of Justin must have been to the second
Synoptic, generally referred to Mark, who was held by
many of the Fathers to be the mere mouthpiece and
' interpreter of Peter,' and that this reference is sup-
ported by the fact that the Gospel according to Mark
is the only one of the four canonical works which
narrates these changes of name. This argument,
however, is disposed of by the fact that our second
Synoptic cannot possibly be considered the work re-
ferred to in the tradition of Papias. 2 Ee turning to
Justin, we find that he designates the source of his quo-
tations ten times as ' Memoirs of the Apostles ; ' five
times he calls it simply ' Memoirs,' and upon one
occasion only explains that they were written ' by his
Apostles and their followers.' He never speaks in-
definitely of ' Memoirs of Apostles,' but always of
the collective Apostles, except in the one instance
which has been quoted above. In a single passage
there occurs an expression which must be quoted.

1 Kai TO clnciv /nerwyopiKeWi avrbv Herpov eva rS)V a7roorroAa>i>, KOI y-
ypa(p6ai tv roty aTrofj.VTiij.ovVpa<nv avrov yeycvrjfjievov KOI rovro, pera TOV KOI
aXAovs dvo a.8f\(povs, vlovs Ze/SeSeu'ou oiray, fjLeTwvop-aKfvai opo/zan TOV Boavep-
ycs, o <TTIV viol ppovrfjs, K.r.X. Dial. cvi. The whole argument may be
found in detail in Supernatural Beligion, 1879, i. 416 ff.

2 See the argument, Supernatural Religion, i. 448 ff.

22 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

Justin says : ' For the Apostles in the Memoirs com-
posed by them, which are called Gospels/ &C. 1 The a
KaXeirai euayyeXta has very much the appearance of a
gloss in the margin of some MS., which has afterwards
been transferred to the text by a scribe, as scholars
have before now suggested ; but in any case it makes
little difference in the argument.

It is obvious that the name ' Memoirs ' cannot with
any degree of propriety be applied to our canonical
Gospels ; but the discovery of this fragment, which is
distinctly written as a personal narrative, throws fresh
light upon the subject, and the title ' Memoirs of Peter/
would exactly describe the form in which the Gospel is
written. It may further be suggested whether it does
not give us reason for conjecturing that the earlier
documents, from which our Gospels were composed,
were similarly personal narratives or memoirs of those
who took part in early Christian development. The
tradition preserved to us by Papias distinctly points in
this direction :

This also the Presbyter said : Mark having become the inter-
preter of Peter, wrote accurately whatever he remembered, though
he did not arrange in order the things which were either said or
done by Christ. For he neither heard the Lord, nor followed him ;
but afterwards, as I said, accompanied Peter, who adapted his
teaching to the occasion, and not as making a consecutive record of
the Lord's oracles. 2

There can be very little doubt that the first teaching
of Apostles and early catechists must have taken the
form of personal recollections of various episodes of
Christian history and reports of discourses and parables,
with an account of the circumstances under which they
were delivered. This familiar and less impressive mode
of tracing Christian history must gradually have been

1 Of yap uTTOoroXoi tv rots yevopfvois VTT' avruv anofjLvr]fjLovfvn(iariv t &
jeaXfirat vayyeXia, ic.T.X. Apol. i. 66. * Eusebms, H. E. iii. 39.

JUSTIN MARTYR 23

eliminated from successive forms of the story drawn up
for the use of the growing Church, until, in the Gospels
adopted into the Canon, it had entirely disappeared.
In the fourth Gospel, a slight trace of it remains in the
reference in the third person to the writer, and it is
present in parts of the Apocalypse ; but a more marked
instance is to be found in the ' Acts of the Apostles ; '
not so much in the prologue which, of course, is not
really part of the book where the author distinctly
speaks in the first person, as in the narrative after the
call to Macedonia (xvi. 10-17), where the writer falls
into the use of the first person plural (^/xets), resumes
it after a break (xx. 515), and abandons it again, till
it is recommenced in xxi. 1-18, xxvii. 1, xxviii. 16. As
the author doubtless made use of written sources of in-
formation, like the writers of our Gospels, it is most
probable that, in these portions of the Acts, he simply in-
serted portions of personal written narratives which had
come into his possession. The Gospel according to Peter,
which escaped the successive revisals of the canonical
Gospels, probably presents the more original form of
such histories. We are, of course, unable to say
whether the change of names referred to by Justin was
recorded in earlier portions of this Gospel which have
not been recovered, but the use of the double name,
' I, Simon Peter,' favours the supposition that it was.

Without attaching undue importance to it, it may
be well to point out in connection with Origen's state-
ment that, in the Gospel according to Peter, the
brethren of Jesus are represented as being of a previous
marriage that the only genealogy of Jesus which is
recognised by Justin is traced through the Virgin Mary,
and excludes Joseph. 1 She it is who is descended from

1 Dial, xxiii., xliii. twice, xlv. thrice, c. twice, ci., cxx. ; ApoL i. 3?.
cf. Supernatural Religion, i. 300 f.

24 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, and from the house of
David. The genealogy of Jesus in the canonical
Gospels, on the contrary, is traced solely through
Joseph, who alone is stated to be of the lineage of
David. The genealogies of the first and third Synoptics,
though differing in several important particulars, at
least agree in excluding Mary. In the third Gospel
Joseph goes to Judgea ' unto the city of David, which is
called Bethlehem, because he was of the house and
lineage of David.' l Justin simply states that Joseph
went ' to Bethlehem . . . for his descent was from the
tribe of Judah, which inhabited that region.' 2 Justin
could not, therefore, derive his genealogies from the
canonical Gospels ; and his Memoirs, from which he
learns the Davidic descent through Mary only, to which
he refers no less than eleven times, differed from them
distinctly on this point. The Gospel according to Peter,
which, according to Origen, contained a statement
which separated Jesus from his brethren in the flesh, in
all probability must have traced the Davidic descent
through Mary. The Gospel of James, commonly called
the 'Protevangelium,' to a form of which, at least, Origen
refers at the same time as the Gospel according to Peter,
states that Mary was of the lineage of David. 3 There
are other peculiarities in Justin's account of the angelic
announcement to Mary differing distinctly from our
canonical Gospels, 4 regarding some of which Tischendorf
was of opinion that they were derived from the ' Prot-
evangelium ; ' but there are reasons for supposing that
they may have come from a still older work, and if it
should seem that Justin made use of the Gospel accor-
ding to Peter, these may also have been taken from it.

1 Luke ii. 4. 2 Dial Ixxviii.

3 Protevang. Jacobi, x. ; Tischendorf, Evang. Apocr. p. 19 f.

4 Cf. Supernatural Religion, i. 304 f.

JUSTIN MARTYR 25

In the absence of the rest of the Gospel, however, all
this must be left for the present as mere conjecture.

The fragment begins with a broken sentence pre-
senting an obviously different story of the trial of Jesus
from that of the canonical Gospels. ' . . . but of the
Jews no man (rwv Se MovScuW ouSets) washed his hands,
neither Herod (ouSe 'HpuSys) nor any of his judges. . . .
Pilate rose up (avecrrrj JTetXaro?). And then Herod the
King ('HpajS^s 6 ftacrtXevs) commandeth the Lord to be
taken,' &c. Justin in one place 1 refers to this trial as
foretold by the prophetic spirit, and speaks of what was
done against the Christ 'by Herod the King of the Jews,
and the Jews themselves, and Pilate who was your
governor among them, and his soldiers ' ('HpaSov TOV
Scua^ Kal avTotv 'lov SaiW Kal TLikdrov TOV
Trap avTotg yevofjievov iTrirpoirov <rvv rots avrov
This combination agrees with the repre-
sentation of the fragment, and of course differs from
that of the Gospels. In Dial. ciii. Justin repeats this
to some extent, adding that he sent Jesus ' bound '
(SeBcjUvop). This representation does not exist in Luke,
but neither is it found in what we have of the Gospel
according to Peter, though it may have occurred in the
commencement of the scene to which we are so abruptly
introduced.

Justin says in another place : c For as the prophet
said, worrying him 2 (Siao-vpovrts CLVTOV], they set him
(tKdOicrav) upon a judgment seat (CTTI /fr^arcs), and
said, " Judge for us " (Kplvov f^w).' 3 In the Gospel

1 Apol. i. 40.

2 The word used in the Gospel is <p&>, to drag along, but Justin's
word is merely the same verb with the addition of ota, diaavpat, to worry,
or harass with abuse. Although the English equivalent is thus changed,
and conceals the analogy of the two passages, the addition of 8ia, strictly
considered, cannot so change the meaning of o-upoj, but rather should
imply a continuance of the same action. This is also Dr. Martineau's view.

3 Kal yp, &>$ fiTTfv 6 7rpo(f)r)Tr)s, 8iao~vpovTfs avrov fKaOicrav eVi f3r)iJ.aTOS
jcal dnov ' Kplvov rjplv. Apol. i. 35.

OF THE
UNIVERSITY

26 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

according to Peter we have : ' They said, " Let us drag
along (o-vpujjiev) the Son of God "... and they set Him
(e/ca#icraz> avrov) upon a seat of judgment (/ca#e'Spaz>
/cpurews), saying, " Judge justly ( Ji/ccu'ajs Kpwe), King of
Israel." ' l This representation is different from any in
our Gospels, and it has some singular points of agree-
ment with our fragment. It has frequently been
suggested that Justin, in this passage, makes use of our
canonical Gospels with a combination of the Septuagint
version of Isaiah Iviii. 2, 3, and that this is supported
by the expression ' as said the prophet.' This does not
sufficiently explain the passage, however. The Septua-
gint version of the part of Isaiah Iviii. 2 referred to
reads : alrovdiv JJL vvv Kpicrw 8iKaCav ' They ask me
now for just judgment.'

Justin drops the 'just,' which stands both in Isaiah
and in the fragment, and therefore the omission may be
considered equally unfavourable to both writings as the
source. In other respects Justin is nearer the Gospel
than the prophet. On the other hand, the proposed
use of K.a.6l{fiv as a transitive verb would make the
fourth Gospel, xix. 13, read: 'Pilate . . . brought
Jesus out, and set him (iKdOi&tv) upon a judgment seat
(CTTI /SrJ/xaros),' &c. ; and it is pretended that Justin may
have taken it in this sense, and that by the use of the
word ftrjua he betrays his indebtedness to the fourth
Gospel. This use of the verb, however, can scarcely
be maintained. It is impossible to suppose that Pilate
himself set Jesus on a judgment seat, as this transitive
use of lKd0i(re would require us to receive ; and we
must, more especially in the absence of a distinct

2upo>/iet> TOV viov TOV fcov, . . . *ai cKtiOio-av avTov tVt KaOf-
8pav icpio~((*f, \fyovrcs AucatW AcpTvf, #ao-iXfi) TOV 'lo-pa^X. Evang. Petri, 6.
Hilgenfeld says regarding this, 'Was fehlt noch zu dem Beweise, dass
Justinus, wie ich schon 1850 ausgefiihrt habe, das Petms-Evg. benutzt
hat ? ' Zeitschr. 1893, ii. 251.

JUSTIN MARTYR 27

object, receive it as the Revisers of the New Testament
have rightly done intransitively : 'He brought Jesus out
and sat down.' 1 In Justin it is not Pilate but the Jews
who drag Jesus along, and put him on a judgment
seat, and the use of the ordinary ftfjua for the expres-
sion of the fragment, ' a seat of judgment ' (/ca#eSpa
K-ptVews), is not surprising in a writer like Justin, who
is not directly quoting, but merely giving the sense of
a passage. However this may be, the whole represen-
tation is peculiar, and the conclusion of many critics
is that it proves Justin's dependence on the Gospel
according to Peter. 2

Justin, speaking of an incident of the crucifixion,
says : c And those who were crucifying him parted his-
garments (l^epicrav ra i^dna CLVTOV) amongst themselves,
casting lots (Xax^ov /^aXXo^re?), each taking what
pleased him, according to the cast of the lot (TOV
K\rfpov).' 3 In the Gospel according to Peter it is said :
6 And they laid the clothes (rot I^Sv/xara) before him,
and distributed them (Sie/xepto-a^ro), and cast lots
(Xax/Aoz' e/3aXoz>) for them.' The use of the peculiar
expression Xa^bv /SaXXew both by the Gospel and
Justin is undoubtedly striking, especially, as Dr. Swete
properly points out, as its use in this connection is
limited, so far as we know, to the Gospel of Peter,
Justin, and Cyril. 4 It is rendered more important by

1 This passage has been discussed at some length by Dr. Martineau
(Nineteenth Century, October 1893, pp. 647 if.), in controversy with
Mr. T. Rendel Harris (Contemp. Eev. August 1893, pp. 234 ff.), as it has
frequently before been. Dr. Martineau seems to be in the right upon all
points in connection with it.

2 Hilgenfeld, Zeitschr. wiss. Tlieol. 1893, pp. 249 if.; cf. Lods, De
Evang. sec. Petrum, pp. 12 f. ; Harnack, I.e. pp. 38 f., 63 f. ; Martineau,
Nineteenth Century, October 1893, pp. 650 f. ; cf. Swete, I.e. p. xxxiv.

3 Dial, xcvii.

4 Swete, I.e. p. xxxiv. Mr. Rendel Harris says : ' I regard it as certain
that the reading Aa^/wo? implies connection between Justin and Peter,
either directly or through a third source accessible to both.' Contemp.
Rev. August 1893, p. 231.

28 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

the fact that, both in the Gospel and Justin, the casting
of lots is applied to all the clothes, in contradistinction
to the fourth Gospel, in which it is connected with the
coat alone, and that neither has any mention of the
Johannine peculiarity that the coat was without seam.

Justin says that after he was crucified all the
* acquaintances of Jesus forsook him ' (ot yvtopipoi avrov
Trdvres direo-Trjcrav) ; 1 and in another place that after his
crucifixion 6 the disciples who were with him dispersed
(SLeo-KeSdo-Orjcrav) until he rose from the dead.' '
This representation is found in the first Synoptic only,
but agrees still better with vv. 26, 27, and 59 of our
fragment. Elsewhere, Justin, in agreement with the
fragment, speaks of Herod, c King of the Jews.' 3 Fur-
ther, he says, more than once, that the Jews sent persons
throughout the world to spread calumnies against
Christians, amongst which was the story that ' his dis-
ciples stole him by night from the grave (icXe'i/Jcwres
OLVTOV (XTTO TOV /x^/xaTos z'u/cTo?) where he had been laid
when he was unloosed from the cross (d^Xwflels OLTTO TOV
(TTOLvpov).' 4 The first Synoptic alone has the expression
regarding the disciples stealing the body, using the same
verb, but our fragment alone uses fjLvrjfjLa for the tomb
and offers a parallel for the unloosing from the cross in
v. 21. We must, however, point out that the statement
regarding these emissaries from the Jews is not found
at all in our canonical Gospels. 5

It will be remembered that, in the fragment, the only
cry from the cross is : ' " Power, my Power, thou hast
forsaken me," and having spoken, he was taken up/
This is one of the most striking variations from the

1 Apol. i. 50.

2 Mera yap TO OTavpa^fji/ai avrov ol <rvv aurai otre? ^a6rfra\ avrov Steer <f da -
aOria-av, p(XP ls rou <*ve<rTT) CK VCKOUV. Dial, liii! ; cf. Supernatural Religion,
i. 330 ff.

3 Dial. cm. 4 Dial, cviii. 5 Cf. Supernatural Religion, i. 339.

JUSTIN MARTYR 29'

canonical Gospels. It is also claimed as, perhaps, the
most Docetic representation of the fragment, for the idea
was that one Christ suffered and rose, and another flew
up and was free from suffering. 1 It was believed by
the Docetae that the Holy Spirit only descended upon
the human Jesus, at his baptism, in the shape of a dove.
Now one of the statements of Justin from his Memoirs,
which has no existence in our Gospels, was that, when
Jesus went to be baptized by John,

As Jesus went down to the water, a fire was also kindled in
the Jordan ; and when he came up from the water, the Holy Spirit
like a dove fell upon him, as the Apostles of this very Christ of ours
wrote . . . and at the same time a voice came from the heavens . . .
1 Thou art my son, this day have I begotten thee.'

Justin repeats his version of the words a second
time in the same chapter. 2 The Synoptics make the
voice say : ' Thou art my beloved son ; in thee I am well
pleased,' instead of the words from Psalm ii. 7. Now,,
although we have not the part of the Gospel according
to Peter in which the earlier history of Jesus is related,
it is not improbable that Justin's version, agreeing as it
does with the later episode in the fragment and with
the criticism of Serapion, was taken from this Gospel.

We refer to this point, however, for the purpose of
introducing another statement of Justin, which may be
worth a little consideration in connection with our
fragment. One of the passages which are supposed
most clearly to betray Docetic tendencies is the ex-
pression, v. 10, that when the Lord was crucified ' he
kept silence, as feeling no pain ' (o>5 ^078^ irovov e^z/).
It is evident that these words may either be taken
as simply representing the fortitude with which suffer-
ing was endured, or understood to support the view

1 Cf. Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. iii. 12.

2 Dial. Ixxxviii. ; cf. Supernatural Beligion, i. 316 ff.

OP THE

UNIVERSITY

30 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

that no pain was really suffered, though this is by no
means actually said. Now, Justin, in another chapter
of his ' Dialogue with Trypho,' in which he again refers to
the baptism and quotes the words of the voice as above,
cites the agony in the garden to prove that ' the Father
wished his Son really to suffer (TrdOtcriv aXrjOws) for our
sakes, and that we may not say that he, being the Son of
God, did not feel what was happening and being inflicted
upon him.' l He goes on to say that the silence of
Jesus, who returned no answer to any one in the presence
of Pilate, was foretold in a passage which he quotes.
All this, in connection with representations not found in
our canonical Gospels, may form another link with the
Gospel according to Peter, as one of his Memoirs.
Justin evidently made use of passages like the words at
the baptism, to which he did not attach any Docetic
interpretation, and it is quite natural that he should
argue against the view that Jesus did not really suffer
pain, and yet read quite naturally the words we are dis-
cussing, without directly referring to them. It was the
practice of these early sects to twist passages, not
originally intend.ed to favour them, into evidence for
their views, and an ordinary Christian might possess a
Gospel containing them, in complete unconsciousness
that it tended in the slightest degree to encourage
heresy. 2 It is evident from several quotations which
we have made, and from others which might be adduced,
that Justin was an example of this very thing.

A number of small points might be added to these,
but we do not go into them here. A majority of the

1 Dial. ciii. There is another passage in Dial, cxxv., which may be
compared : 'AXX' eVet KOI vapicav e/^ieXXe, Tovrea-riv eV TTOIXM /cat fv dvmXtyei
rov Trutfouf, ore trravpowr&lf e/AfXXei/, 6 Xpiarros 6 j^ierrpor, K.r.X.

2 Mr. Murray, for instance, quotes a passage from Origen, using a
similar expression to that in our fragment, that Jesus was silent as suffering
no pain, with a comment which shows that he did not suspect a Docetic
interpretation. Expositor, January 1893, pp. 55 f.

JUSTIN MARTYR 31

critics who have discussed the question are of opinion
that Justin made use of the Gospel according to Peter, 1
and even apologists, (who as a body seem agreed to de-
preciate the fragment), whilst refusing to admit its use
by Justin, are not generally very decided in their denial
nor, as we shall presently see, inclined to assign it a
date which excludes the possibility. The case may be
summed up in a few words. Justin undeniably quotes
from his ' Memoirs of the Apostles ' facts and passages
which are not found in our Gospels ; he distinctly refers
to statements as contained in certain 'Memoirs of Peter ;' 2
some of these variations from the canonical Gospels
have linguistic and other parallels in our fragment, short
as it is, and there is reason to suppose that others would
have been found in it had the entire Gospel been extant
for comparison ; the style of the fragment precisely
tallies with the peculiar name of 'Memoirs,' being a
personal narrative in the first person singular ; and
finally, there is nothing in its composition or character
which necessitates the assignment of such a date to the
fragment as would exclude the possibility, or probability,
of its use by Justin.

1 Harnack, I.e. pp. 38 ff. ; Lods, I.e. pp. 12 f. ; Hilgenfeld, Zeitschr.
wiss. Theol 1893, pp. 221, 241, 267 ; van Manen, Theol. Tijdschrift,
1893, pp. 385 f., 551 ff . ; Martineau, Nineteenth Century, June 1893,
p. 910, October, pp. 643 f. ; cf. J. Eendel Harris, Gontemp. Rev. August
1893, pp. 227 ff., 231.

2 Cf. Swete, I.e. pp. xxxiii. ff.

32 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

WE may now consider whether there is any indication
of the use of this Gospel according to Peter by the
author of the ' Epistle of Barnabas/ The Epistle is
variously dated between A.D. 70-132, apologists leaning
towards the earlier date. The shortness of the frag-
ment recovered, of course, diminishes greatly the
probability of finding any trace of its use in so com-
paratively brief a work as this Epistle, but some indica-
tions may be pointed out. The fragment states that,
being anxious lest the sun should set whilst he was still
living and the law regarding one put to death be trans-
gressed, ' one of them said : " Give him to drink gall with
vinegar," and having mixed they gave him to drink
(IIoTLO-aTe OLVTOV ^oX^T /zero, ofovs * /cat Kepacrcu/Te?
cVdria-ai/). 1 . . . Over all these things, however, we
were fasting (errl Se rovrot? iracriv e^crrevo^e^) 2 . . .
the whole people . . . beat their breasts (6 Xaos aVa? . . .
KOTTTCTCU TO. cm?07?).' 3 This representation not only
differs from the canonical Gospels in ' gall with vinegar '
being given to drink, but in the view that it was not
given to relieve thirst, but as a potion to hasten death, 4
and there follow various statements regarding fasting

1 Verse 16. 2 Verse 27. 3 Verse 28.

4 Mr. Murray points out that Origen likewise regards the * gall ' as
baleful, as he likewise represents with our fragment the breaking of the
limbs as an act of mercy (Expositor, January 1892, pp. 56 f.). Hilgenfeld
is quite convinced that the Epistle derives the passage from Peter (Zeitschr.
1893, ii. 255 f.).

THE EPISTLE OF BARNABAS 33

and mourning. Now in Barnabas precisely the same
representation is made. The Epistle says :

But also when crucified, he had vinegar and gall given him to
drink (aAXa KCII oravpwQtig i-jroTL^ro ofci KO.I -^oXy). Hear how, on
this matter, the priests of the temple have revealed. Seeing that
there is a commandment in Scripture : * Whosoever shall not observe
the fast shall surely die,' the Lord commanded, because he was in
his own person about to offer the vessel of his spirit for our sins
. . . ' Since ye are to give me, who am to offer my flesh for the sins
of my new people, gall with vinegar to drink, eat ye alone, while
the people fasts and wails. . . . (fieXXere TTOTI^EIV \o\ijv peru
. . . TOV Xaov tijtrrevovrof KCU

There are three suppositions as the possible ex-
planation of this similarity : (1) that the author of the
Epistle derived his statement from the Gospel; (2) that
the author of the Gospel derived it from the Epistle, or
(3) that both drew it from a third and earlier source.
Assigning as we do the later date to the Epistle of
Barnabas, the first of these hypotheses seems to us the
most natural and the correct one, although, of course,
it is impossible to prove that both did not derive it from
another source. The second explanation we must
definitely reject, both because we consider that priority
of date lies with the fragment, and because it does not
seem probable that the representation originated in the
Epistle. To admit this would be to suppose that the
author first fabricated the statement that Jesus was

1 The whole passage may be given here, as arguments are founded
upon it : 'AXXa <ai o-Tavpa>6cls eV<m'ero o|ei KCU XoXrj aKovaare TTWS nepl
TOVTOV TretyavepaKav ol lepfls TOV vaov. yeypap.p,VTj<f evroXfjs ' Os &v p-y]
vrjo-Tfvo-rj TTJV vr)o~Teiav, Bavarw f^oXedpevflrjarerai, eVereiXaro Kvpios, eVei xal
O.VTOS VTrep TU>V T]fjLTep<i)v ap.apTi<i)v efjifXXev TO (Ticevos TOV 7TVvp.a.Tos TTpoaffoepetis
tiva-iav, Iva /cat 6 TVTTOS 6 yev6[j.fi>os eVi 'I<raaK TOV 7rpocrVX^^ VTOS 6>7 " TO
6vcriaa'Tr]ptov TeXfo~6f). T'L ovv Xe'yei ev T<3 7rpo(j)r)Tr) ; Kai (payfTcocrctv C'K TOV
Tpdyov TOV 7rpo(T(J)epoiJ.Vov TTJ vT)o~Tft.q VTrep Tracr&v T&V ap.apTi5)v. Trpoae^Te
a.Kpi^S)S KOI (payeTG)o~a.v ol if pels fj.ovoi Travres TO evTepov aTrXvTov p,fTci oovs.
rrpos Ti ; eVeifij) e/ze, vnep dp,apTiwv /mcXXoi/ra TOV Xaov fjLov TOV tcaivnv irpoa-
<f)fpiv TTJV a-dpKO. /nov, /ze'XXere TTOT'L&IV xXr)V p.eTci o^ov?, <puy(Te vpsis /uovot,

TOV XaOV VT]O~TVOVTOS KOI KO7TTOp.eVOV CTTt O~O.KK.OV KOI CTTToSou, Af.T.X. (VU. 35).

; "v.

tTNIVERSIT-Sy
^

34 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

given gall and vinegar to hasten death, and then pro-
ceeded immediately to explain the circumstance by
means of the elaborate gnosis with which the Epistle is
filled. It is quite undeniable that the whole narrative
of the Gospels grew out of the suggestions of supposed
prophetic passages in the Old Testament, but the author
of the Epistle introduces the statement upon which his
explanation is based, with a simplicity which seems to
exclude the idea of its being his own fabrication : ' But
also, when crucified, he had vinegar and gall given him
to drink.' There is not the ring here of a statement
advanced for the first time, but if we suppose that the
author had read it in such a work as the Gospel ac-
cording to Peter, it would be quite natural. It is not
to be understood that we doubt that the account in the
fragment, or in our Gospels, was suggested by pas-
sages in the Old Testament, but simply that we do not
believe that the representation originated in this Epistle,
in immediate connection with the elaborate explanation
given. A tradition, gradually influenced by such pro-
phetic and other considerations, may have been em-
bodied by the author of the Gospel in his narrative, and
then the writer of the Epistle may have seized upon it
and enlarged upon its typical signification, but it is not
probable that he originated it himself.

THE DIATESSARON OF TATIAN 35

WE do not propose to enter here upon an inquiry
whether there is any evidence within our short frag-
ment that the Gospel according to Peter was used by
other early writers. The slight traces which alone we
could hope to find, and which several able critics do
find, 1 cannot be decisive of anything, and whilst there
may be a faint literary interest in pursuing such
researches, they need not detain us here. A short con-
sideration may, however, be given to Tatian. Some
critics, impressed apparently with the idea that no
early Gospels can possibly be otherwise than dependent
on our canonical works, yet having to explain the
continuous divergence from the canonical narratives,
advance the suggestion, that the writer of the Gospel
according to Peter may have derived all the points
which the fragment contains, in common with one or
more of the canonical Gospels, from a Harmony of our
Gospels. Now, the only Harmony of the second
century which, they think, has survived is the so-called
' Diatessaron ' of Tatian. Of course, they find that the
4 Diatessaron ' ' might have furnished the writer of the
fragment with all the incidents which he shares with any
of the Four Gospels.' Dr. Swete continues : ' The order
in Peter is not always the same as it seems to have been

1 Harnack finds it almost certain that the Didache made use of this
Gospel (I.e. pp. 58 f., 80) ; so also van Manen (Theol. Tijdschr. September
1893, pp. 353 f.) and others.

D 2

36 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

in Tatian, but differences of order may be disregarded
in our inquiry, since they are equally embarrassing if
we assume that the writer had recourse to the Gospels
as separate books.' l

Not content with the conclusion that the Gospels,
narrating the very same history, might have furnished
the incidents which they have in common, Dr. Swete
proceeds ' to compare the " Diatessaron " with our frag-
ment, with the view of ascertaining whether Tatian
would have provided the Petrine writer with the words
which he seems to have adopted from the Four
Gospels.' 2

This is not the place to discuss again the identity of
the supposed ' Diatessaron,' but it will be sufficient to
point out that we have it only in an Arabic version,
published and translated by Ciasca, and a translation
of the supposed Armenian version of the Commentary
upon it, ascribed to Ephraem, which again Moesinger,
who edited the Latin version published in 1876,
declares to be itself translated from the Syriac. In
these varied transformations of the text, anything like
verbal accuracy must be regarded as totally lost. The
object in making the versions was not, of course, critical
fidelity, and variations from canonical texts would, no
doubt, often or always be regarded as accidental and
to be corrected. Such translations can never, in tex-
tual criticism, be accepted as sufficient representations
of the original. The process, however, by which Dr.
Swete proceeds to ascertain whether the author of the
fragment derives from Tatian the words which he seems
to have adopted from the Four Gospels, is to place
side by side with the Petrine narrative, in certain
crucial passages, the corresponding portions of the
* Diatessaron,' approximately represented in Greek, and

1 L.c. pp. xxi f. 2 L.c. pp. xxii f.

THE DIATESSARON OF TATIAN 37

he selects the accounts of the mockery, the three hours,
the burial, and the visit of the women to the tomb.
He thus explains his system : c The plan adopted has
been to substitute for Ciasca's translation of the Arabic
Tatiaii the corresponding portions of the canonical
Gospels. The text has been determined by a com-
parison of Ciasca's Latin with Moesinger's Evangelii
Concordantis Expositio, and the Curetonian Syriac of
Luke xxiii., xxiv. It claims, of course, only to be an
approximate and provisional representation of the text
of the original work.' ] However impartial Dr. Swete
may have tried to be and without doubt he did en-
deavour to be so such a test is vitiated and rendered
useless by the antecedent manipulation of the texts.
The result at which he arrives is: 'This comparison
does not justify the conclusion that the writer of our
fragment was limited to the use of the " Diatessaron "
the exact contents of which, in its original shape, be
it noted, Dr. Swete, a few lines further on, admits that
we do not know, ' so that it would be unsafe to draw
any negative inference ' from certain exceptions.

On the whole we may perhaps claim to have established a strong
presumption that the Petrine writer employed a Harmony which,
in its general selection of extracts, and in some of its minuter
arrangements, very nearly resembled the Harmony of Tatian. This
is not equivalent to saying that he used Tatian, because there is
some reason to think that there may have been a Harmony or
Harmonies earlier than Tatian. . . . Thus the relation of the
Petrine writer to Tatian remains for the present an open question ;
but enough has been said to render such a relation probable, if
further inquiries should lead us to place the Gospel of Peter after
the publication of the ' Diatessaron.' 2

It must frankly be asserted that the whole of this
comparison with Tatian, and the views so curiously
expressed regarding the result, are the outcome of a

1 L.c. p. xxii, n. 1. 2 L.c. p. xxiv.

38 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

preconceived idea that the Petrine author compiled his
Gospel mainly from the canonical. The divergencies
being so great, however, and the actual contradictions
so strong, it becomes necessary to account for them in
some way, and the theory of the use of a Harmony is
advanced to see whether it may not overcome some of
the difficulties. It would have been more to the pur-
pose to have inquired whether the so-called 'Diatessaron*
did not make use of the Gospel according to Peter,
amongst others.

In connection with this it may be well to refer to
some remarkable observations of Professor J. Eendel
Harris regarding the relation of the Gospel according
to Peter and Tatian's Harmony. When the fragment
was first discovered, he was naturally struck by its
great importance. 6 The Gospel of Peter, even in the
imperfect form in which it has come down to us, is the
breaking of a new seal, the opening of a fresh door,' he
said, ' to those who are engaged in the problems pre-
sented by Biblical and Patristic criticism,' 1 and he very
rightly proceeded to try to find out c whether Peter has
used Tatian, or Tatian Peter, or whether both of them are
working upon common sources.' 2 He first refers to ' a
curious addition to the story of the Crucifixion, which
can be shown, with a very high probability, to have
once stood in the Harmony of Tatian.' The most
interesting and instructive part of the reference is that
Mr. Harris had made and published, some years before
the discovery of the fragment before us, certain notes
on the Harmony of Tatian, in which he had employed
' the method of combination of passages in different
writers who were known to have used the Harmony, or
different texts which were suspected of having borrowed

1 A Popular Account of the newly recovered Gospel of Peter, 1893,.
pp. v, f.

2 Ib. p. 75.

THE DIATESSARON OF TATIAN 39

from it, to show that in the account of the Crucifixion
there stood a passage something like the following :

' They beat their breasts and said, Woe unto us, for the things
which are done to-day for our sins ; for the desolation of Jerusalem
hath drawn nigh.' l

It is unnecessary here to quote the way Mr. Harris
arrived at this passage, which he frankly states, but at
once go on to compare it with our fragment. He sums
up:

Now the reader will be interested to see that the missing sen-
tence which I restored to Tatian's text has turned up in the Gospel
of Peter, for we read that : * The Jews and the elders and the
priests, when they saw what an evil deed they had done to them-
selves, began to beat their breasts and to say, Woe to our sins, for
the judgment and the end of Jerusalem is at hand.' Did the false
Peter take this from Tatian, or was it the other way ? or did both
of them use some uncanonical writing or tradition ? 2

' There is nothing in what follows in the Arabic
Harmony/ Mr. Harris points out, ' which suggests an
allusion to the desolation of the city, or an imprecation
upon, or lamentation over, themselves.' 3

Very few will feel any doubt that this is taken from
our Gospel according to Peter, or possibly for of
course there is no absolute proof from the tradition
which the writer of that Gospel also used, and not by
the writer from the Harmony; and it may be suggested
that the omission of this and similar passages from ver-

1 Ib. p. 76. It should be stated that the Syriac version of Cureton to
Luke xxiii. 48 gives nearly this sentence, and that the old Latin Codex of
St. Germain reads : ' dicentes : Vae nobis, quae facta sunt hodie propter
peccata nostra ; appropinquavit enim desolatio Hierusalem.' Mr. Harris
of course refers to these passages. Harnack considers that this passage is
derived from our Gospel according to Peter (I.e. p. 57).

2 L.c. p. 81. It may be well to give the passage now in Moesinger'a
work : ' " Vae fuit, vae fuit nobis, Filius Dei erat hie" Quum autem eis
sol naturalis defecisset, tune per istas tenebras eis lucidum fiebat, excidium
urbis suae advenisse : " venerunt, ait, judicia dirutionis Jerosolymorum."
Quia itaque haec urbs non recepit eum qui earn aedificaverat, restabat ei
ut ruinam suam videret.' Evang. Concord. Expositio, 1876, pp. 245 f.

3 L.c. p. 78.

40 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

sions of the Harmony may have been influenced by the
fact that, not forming part of our Gospels, and not
agreeing with the preconceived theory of a Harmony of
our four Gospels, such passages were excluded as inter-
polations.

Another instance given by Mr. Harris is the state-
ment in the fragment : ' Then the sun shone out, and it
was found to be the ninth hour,' which he compares
with the language of ' Tatian's ' commentator : ' Three
hours the sun was darkened, and afterwards it shone
out again/ 1 And further :

Another case of parallelism is in the speech of the angel to
Mary : ' He is not here, for he is risen, and has gone away to the
place from whence he was sent.' At first sight this looks like a
wilful expansion on the part of the writer of the Gospel ; but on a
reference to the Persian father Aphrahat, who is more than suspected
of having used the text of Tatian, we find the words, ' And the
angels said to Mary, He is risen, and gone away to him that sent
him,' which is very nearly in coincidence with the text of the false
Peter. 2

Neither of these passages is found in the actual text
of ' Tatian.' Finally, we may quote the other instance
pointed out by Mr. Harris :

The Docetic quotation from the Psalm * My Power, my Power,
hast thou forsaken me ? ' is peculiar in this respect, that the second
possessive pronoun is wanting, so that we ought to translate it
* Power, my Power . . .' Now, it is curious that Tatian's text had
a similar peculiarity, for Ephrem gives it as ' God, my God,' and
the Arabic Harmony as Yaiil, Yaiili, where the added suffix belongs
to the possessive pronoun. This is a remarkable coincidence, and
makes one suspect that Tatian had ' Power, my Power ' in his text,
and that it has been corrected away. And it is significant that
Ephrem in commenting on the passage, says : ' The divinity did not
so far depart from the humanity as to be cut oft' from it, but only

1 L.c. pp. 81 f.

2 L.c. pp. 83 f. Cf. Zahn, I.e. p. 65. Zahn considers it in the highest
degree improbable that this was taken by Tatian from Peter, but the im-
probability is by no means made out.

THE DIATESSARON OF TATIAN 41

as regards the power of the divinity, which was hidden both from
the Slain and the slayers.' This looks very suspicious that Ephrem
found something in his text of Tatian differing from the words
1 God, my God.' 1

Mr. Harris reserves his final judgment on this
relation between Tatian and the Gospel according to
Peter ; but as in a later article 2 he is not unwilling to
allow the date of A.D. 130 to be assigned to the frag-
ment, it is scarcely to be decided as Peter quoting
Tatian. Mr. Harris throughout these passages, however,
states the case in a most impartial manner, and the
reader must form his own opinion.

We may, before leaving ' Tatian,' point out another
instance of agreement to which Mr. Harris does not
allude. In the Commentary there is the following
passage : ' Et dederunt ei bibere acetum et fel. Acetum
ei porrexerunt, pro felle autem magna ejus miseratio
amaritudinem gentium dulcem fecit.' 3 It will be re-
membered that this agrees with the representation of
the fragment that they gave Jesus 'vinegar and gall' to
drink.

All these instances may, indeed, throw a new light
upon the Diapente in the text of Victor, which has
so exercised apologists, and lead to the opinion that
Tatian's Harmony was not composed out of four
Gospels, but out of five. If it be agreed, as it is by a
majority of critics, that Justin made use of the Gospel
of Peter, the probability that his pupil Tatian likewise
possessed the same work, and used it for his Harmony,
is immensely increased.

1 L.c. pp. 82 f.

2 Contemp. Rev. August 1893, p. 236.

3 Ev. Concor. Expos, p 245.

42 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

VII

WE shall not attempt to fix any even approximate date
to the Gospel according to Peter, although we shall
presently have to consider its relation to our canonical
Gospels in a way which will at least assign it a position
in time relative to them. Harnack, in the preface to
the second edition of his article on the fragment,
suspends his judgment on its relation to our Gospels,
and will not even undertake a sufficient examination of
this important question, so long as there remains a hope
of still recovering more of the Gospel. It is devoutly
to be hoped that the Cemetery of Akhmim may still
give us more of this and other important early works ;
but there is no reason why we should not, even now,
endeavour to derive what information we can from this
instalment, and the worst or the best which can
happen is that future acquisitions may enable us to
correct the errors or confirm the conclusions of the
present. So long as we confine ourselves to the
legitimate inferences to be drawn from the actual
fragment before us, we cannot go far wrong.

It is frequently possible to assign well-defined limits
within which early works, whose authors are un-
known, must have been composed, when a more precise
date cannot with certainty be fixed. Direct references
to the writing, or its use, by writers the period of whose
literary work is known, may enable us to affirm that it
was written at least before their time ; and sometimes

PHRASEOLOGY OF THE FRAGMENT 43

certain allusions or quotations in the work itself may,
on the other hand, show that it must have been com-
posed after a certain date; and thus limits, more or less
narrow, become certain, within which its production
must lie. The Gospel according to Peter, as we might
expect, contains none of the allusions or quotations to
which we refer, and we are therefore reduced to the one
indication of age reference to, or the use of it by, early
writers, leaving the approximate date to which it may
be set back wholly to conjecture. As we have already
remarked above, the question whether it is dependent
on, or independent of, our canonical Gospels has yet to
be considered; but there is too much difference of
opinion regarding the date of these Gospels themselves
to render this more than a relative indication. So far,
the opinions of critics assign the Gospel according to
Peter to dates ranging from a period antecedent to
our Gospels, in their present form, to about the middle
of the second century. 1

The indications of style and phraseology given by
the fragment have of course to be taken into account,
and it may be well, before proceeding further, to
examine certain peculiarities which have been pointed
out by writers who assert that the composition is
decidedly later than our canonical Gospels. 2 The
writer never speaks of ' Jesus ' simply, but always as

1 Lods (before A.D. 150), Ev. sec. Petrum, 1893, pp. 26 f. ; Robinson
(before A.D. 160), The Gospel according to Peter, &c., 1892, p. 32 ; Harnack
(beginning of second century), I.e. p. 80; Zahn (A.D. 140-145), Das Ev.
des Petrus, 1893, p. 75; Kunze (about A.D. 170), Das neu aufgefund.
Bruclistilck des sogen. Petrusev. 1893, p. 47; Hilgenfeld (end of first
century), Zeitsclir. 1893, pp. 266 f. ; Swete (A.D. 150-165), The Akhmim
Fragment, 1893, p. xlv ; von Schubert (soon after middle of second cen-
tury), Die Cowip. des Pseudopetr. Ev. Fragments, 1893, p. 195; W. C.
van Manen (older, rather than later, than our Gospels), Theol. Tijdschr.
5de StuJc, 1893, pp. 565 ff. ; Martineau (A.D. 130), Nineteenth Century,
June 1893, p. 925, September, p. 633 ; J. Rendel Harris (no objection to
A.D. 130), Contemp. Rev. August 1893, p. 236.

2 Zahn, I.e. pp. 18 ff. ; Swete, I.e. pp. xliii, f.

44 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

* tlie Lord ' (6 KU/HOS). He likewise refers to him as the

* Saviour ' (ercwnj/o) in one place, and several times as ' a
Son of God' (wos TOV Oeov). Now, with regard to these
expressions, they are in constant use throughout the
New Testament writings, in the Gospels themselves, as
well as in the Epistles of Paul and the Epistles popularly
ascribed to him. For instance, 6 Kvpios : Matt. xxi. 3,
xxviii. 6 ; l Mark xvi. 19 ; 2 Luke vii. 13, x. 1, xi. 39,
xii. 42, xiii. 1 5, xvii. 5, 6, xviii. 6, xix. 8, 31, 34, xxii.
61, xxiv. 3, 34 ; John vi. 23, xi. 2, xiii. 13, 14, xx. 2,
13, 18, 20, 28, xxi. 7, 12. It is unnecessary to point
out passages in the Acts and Epistles, for 'the Lord/
4 the Lord Jesus,' or ' the Lord Jesus Christ,' is every-
where used, and indeed no other form, it may be said,
is adopted. 'A Son of God' (wo? TOV Oeov) is con-
stantly used in the Gospels and Acts. A few instances
may be given : Matt. viii. 29, xiv. 33, xvi. 16, xxvi. 63,
xxvii. 40, 43, 54 ; Mark i. 1, iii. 11, v. 7, xv. 39 ; Luke
i. 35, ix. 41, viii. 28, xxii. 70 ; John i. 34, 49, v. 25, x.
36, xi. 4, 27, xix. 7, xx. 31 ; Acts ix. 20. Of course, in
the Epistles the expression is of frequent occurrence, as
for instance, Eom. i. 4, 9, v. 10 ; 1 Cor. i. 9 ; 2 Cor.
i. 19; Gal. ii. 20, and elsewhere. It is not necessary
to show that ' Saviour ' is used, but the following may
be pointed out: Luke ii. 11 ; John iv. 42 ; Acts v. 31,
xiii. 23 ; and it more frequently occurs in the Epistles.
All of these expressions are commonly employed in
early Christian literature, such as the 'Did ache,' Ignatian
Epistles, Clement of Eome, Polycarp, 'Pastor' of Hennas,
and the * Apology ' of Aristides.

The principal phrase upon which weight is laid by
those who assign to the Gospel according to Peter,

1 Zahn considers 6 Kvpios inauthentic in this place, but it stands in
A C D, and many other codices, and it is adopted by the Revisers of the
N. T.

2 Although this is not part of the Gospel, it is very ancient.

PHRASEOLOGY OF THE FRAGMENT 45

from this fragment, a later date than our canonical
works, is the use of rj KVPLOLKTJ without rjfj,pa to desig-
nate 'the Lord's day' Sunday; Dr. Swete calls it 'the
most decisive indication of the relatively late composi-
tion of our fragment.' ^ After giving some instances of
a similar expression, he states the case as follows :

The name was therefore familiar amongst Eastern Greek-
speaking Christians from the end of the first century. But Peter
not only uses it freely, but seems to be unconscious that he is guilty
of an anachronism when he imports this exclusively Christian term
into the Gospel history. 'II KvptaKt'i has so completely supplanted
?/ jjiia TUV ffafifiaTwi; that it is twice used to describe the first
Easter Day, in a document which usually manifests precision in such
matters. 2

It is not quite clear what Dr. Swete means when he
says that Peter ' uses it freely,' but it would indeed be
singular if he seemed to be conscious that he was guilty
of an anachronism in making use of this or any word.
The question, in fact, is whether it is an anachronism
or not, and that it is so is very far from proved by any
arguments yet brought forward. In the Apocalypse,
i. 10, we have the use of the term ' the Lord's day ' (17
KvpiaKj) i7/xe/>a), A.D. 68-69. In the ' Didache,' which Dr.
Lightfoot assigns to the first or the beginning of the
second century, we meet with KvpiaiKV) Kvpiov ; and in
the Ignatian Epistles, which those who believe in them
date ' in the early years of the second century,' there is
in one place 3 Kara KvpiaKTjv. So far from its being
surprising that there should not be more authority for
such an expression, however, it seems almost more
remarkable that we should have any parallels at all,
when we remember how few early writings are extant,
and how few of these actually refer to the day thus
designated. The Epistles, for this reason, may be set
aside in a body, for they give no testimony either way,

1 L.c. p. xliii. - L.c. pp. xliii, f. 3 Magn. ix.

46 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

with the exception of 1 Cor. xvi. 2, where 'the first day
of the week' is referred to. The three Synoptics,
following each other, and a common tradition, use 17
Hid TLOV craftfiaTuv each once, and the fourth Gospel has
the same phrase twice, and the Acts once ; but this
use of another expression does not in the face of the
use of rj KvpLGLKTj in this fragment, and of fj /cupia/o)
rjjjiepa in the Apocalypse at all show that, at the same
period, the latter phrase was not also current, though it
may not have supplanted ' the first day of the week/
The fact that Melito of Sardis, ' about the middle of
the second century,' wrote a treatise Trepl /cupia/ojs
shows how general that expression had become ; and
even Dr. Swete, as we have seen above, recognises
that it was 'familiar amongst Eastern Greek-speaking
Christians from the end of the first century.' There
is nothing whatever to warrant the conclusion that its
use at the time when our Gospels were written would
have been an anachronism, but the fact that a different
expression happened to be used in a few writings. The
author of the fragment employs the phrase twice only,
and it is thoroughly consistent with his impressive style
throughout the episode, that he should apply to the
time when these astounding events are said to have
taken place the appropriate term, already suggested by
the author of the Apocalypse, of 'the Lord's day,'
instead of 'the first day of the week.' There is nothing
more difficult, as is proved every day in our time, than
to fix the precise date at which words or expressions
first came into use, and especially in the absence of
voluminous literature opposing the presumption the
denial of antiquity to a work, on the ground of its
employing an expression supposed only to have come
into general use a few years later than its otherwise
probable date, is both rash and unjustifiable.

HEROD AISD PILATE 47

VIII

WE now come to the most important part of our
examination of this fragment, whether in regard to its
approximate date or to its intrinsic value as an early
Christian document its relation to our canonical
Gospels. The fragment begins and ends with a broken
sentence, but taking it as it stands, in comparison with
the same episodes in our four canonical Gospels, it con-
tains about a fourth more matter. It will be seen that
it is very far from a Harmony of the four narratives,
and still less an abridgment of their common tradition,
but it has markedly the character of an independent
history drawn from similar, but varying, sources.

The fragment commences, ' but of the Jews no man
washed his hands, neither Herod nor any of his judges;
and as they were not minded to wash, Pilate rose. 1
(2) And then Herod the King commandeth the Lord to
be taken, saying unto them : " Whatsoever I com-
manded that ye should do, that do unto him." It is
clear from this that the tribunal before which it is
represented that Jesus was taken for trial was quite
different from that described in the canonical Gospels.
Herod and other Jewish judges must, according to the
writer, have sat along with Pilate, but the order given
by ' Herod the King ' ' to take the Lord ' evidently
shows that he is represented as playing the leading

1 Cf. 'Ai/aorar 5e drro TOV Pharos f^rei cgeXfalv. Evang. Nicod. Pars
1. A. ix. 3 ; Tischendorf, Evang. Apocr. 1853, p. 229.

OF THE

UNIVERSITTfJ
64UFORN\*

48 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

part. Although the episode of the washing of the
hands (of which so much more is made by the author
of the first Synoptic, who alone of the canonical
Evangelists refers to it) must have been introduced, we
have no means of knowing how far the two accounts
may have agreed. Both, at least in one shape or
another, adopt a tradition so incredible as that repre-
senting a Eoman governor coerced into condemning an
innocent man, and helplessly going through such a
ceremony for the purpose of clearing himself from
responsibility for gross injustice. The third Synoptist
is the only one of the canonical Evangelists who
prominently brings forward the share of Herod in
judging Jesus (xxiii. 6-15), and he is in curious agree-
ment with the spirit of Peter's account when he repre-
sents Pilate (xxiii. 6-7), on hearing that Jesus was a
Galilean, recognising ' that he was of Herod's jurisdic-
tion,' and sending him to Herod, ' who himself also was
at Jerusalem in these days.' The statement also (xxiii.
12) that Herod and Pilate, having before been at
enmity, became friends that day through this very act
recognising Herod's jurisdiction, seems to point to a
tradition coupling Herod with the trial, a form of which
we have in the fragment. All the other Gospels are
not only silent upon the point, but exclude his partici-
pation in the matter. When, according to our fragment,
* Pilate rose,' he seems to have passed out of all con-
nection with the trial and condemnation of Jesus.

At this point, Peter represents the request for the
body of Jesus as having been made but, before con-
sidering this part of his narrative, we must note the
portions of the canonical account which he altogether
omits. The first of these to which we must refer is the
preference of Barabbas, which all of our four Evangelists
carefully relate. Considering that his main object in

NOT THIS MAN BUT BARABBAS 49

writing this Gospel, according to some critics, was
animosity to the Jews and a desire to cast upon them
the whole guilt and responsibility of the death of Jesus,
it is very remarkable that he should altogether exclude
this picturesque episode, and sacrifice so favourable an
opportunity of throwing upon them the odium of crying
' Not this man, but Barabbas.' There is strong pre-
sumptive evidence here of his entire independence of our
four Gospels, for it is not reasonable to suppose that, if
he had them before him, he could deliberately have
passed over such striking material. A further indication
of the same kind is to be found in the fact that he
apparently knows nothing of the appeals made by
Pilate to the people in favour of Jesus, so furiously re-
jected by them. It is distinctly a merit in the narrative
of Peter that he does not, like the four Evangelists, give
us the very extraordinary spectacle of a Eoman Governor
and Judge feebly expostulating with a noisy Jewish mob
in favour of an accused person brought for trial before
him, whom he repeatedly declares to be innocent, and
at last allowing himself to be coerced against his will
into scourging and crucifying him.

According to the four canonical Gospels, 1 the request
of Joseph for the body of Jesus is made after he has
expired on the cross. In Matthew (xxvii. 57 f.) he is a
rich man from Arimathaea named Joseph, who also him-
self was a disciple of Jesus, and he goes to Pilate and
asks for the body, which Pilate commands to be given
to him. In Mark (xv. 43) Joseph of Arimathaea, a
councillor of honourable estate, who also himself was
looking for the kingdom of God, boldly goes in unto
Pilate and asks for the body of Jesus. According to
Matthew it is ' When even was come ' that he goes to

1 For the sake of brevity these Gospels will be called simply Matthew,
Mark, Luke, and John.

50 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

Pilate ; in Mark it is ' When even was now come, because
it was the Preparation, that is, the day before the
Sabbath/ In Matthew, Pilate simply commands that
the body should be given ; but in Mark it is further
related (xv. 44) : ' And Pilate marvelled if he were
already dead : and calling unto him the centurion, he
asked him whether he had been any while dead. And
when he learned it of the centurion he granted the
corpse to Joseph.' In Luke (xxiii. 50 f.) : 'A man named
Joseph, who was a councillor, a good man and a
righteous (he had not consented to their counsel and
deed), of Arimathaea, a city of the Jews, who was looking
for the kingdom of God : this man went to Pilate and
asked for the body of Jesus.' It is implied, but not
said, that it was granted, and the time is mentioned
further on (v. 54) : 'And it was the day of the Preparation,
and the Sabbath drew on,' which recalls Mark. In John
(xix. 38): 'After these things [the crurifragium and
piercing of the side], Joseph of Arimathaea, being a
disciple of Jesus, but secretly for fear of the Jews, asked
of Pilate that he might take away the body of Jesus :
and Pilate gave him leave.' In Peter, the request is
made before Jesus is actually sent to be crucified, and
the author is sometimes accused of perverting the
narrative by introducing it at this time. It is impossible
to see any object for so altering the sequence of events
as given by the four canonical Gospels, on the sup-
position that he knew them, and it will be seen that the
time in Peter's narrative is in perfect accord with the
version which he gives of the trial. ' Pilate rose,' and
it is to be inferred that he left the Praetorium. It is at
this moment that Joseph seizes the opportunity of ask-
ing for the body : 3. ' But there was there Joseph the
friend of Pilate 1 and of the Lord, and knowing that they

1 Hilgenfeld conjectures that this abrupt mention of Joseph indicates
that he must already have been mentioned in the Gospel of Peter. Zeitsclir.
1893, 11. Heft, pp. 244 f.

JOSEPH OF ARIMATIIAEA 51

are about to crucify (art uv pia Ktw) him, lie came to
Pilate and asked the body of the Lord for burial.

4. And Pilate sent to Herod and asked for his body ;

5. and Herod said : " Brother Pilate, even if no one had
begged for him, we should have buried him, because
the Sabbath is at hand, for it is written in the Law : The
sun must not go down upon one put to death." ! It is
to be noted that, whilst in the four canonical Gospels
the request for the body is immediately followed by the
entombment, in our fragment the request is made in
anticipation, when a favourable moment for the request
presented itself, and the actual reception of the body
follows later, in its proper place. It is possible that the
statement, in Luke (xxiii. 50-51), that Joseph was ' a
councillor ' who had ' not consented to their counsel and
deed,' which is here alone referred to, may indicate
another tradition, of part of which Peter may have
availed himself, and that it included his presence at the
trial and consequently presented the opportunity of at
once going to Pilate. That Pilate should send on the
request to Herod is only in keeping with the repre-
sentation that he had withdrawn from the trial, and
would not himself further interfere in the matter. The
mode of carrying on his narrative, by direct utterances
put into the mouths of his personages, is particularly
characteristic of the writer, and forms a remarkable
feature of his style throughout. There is no sign of
dependence upon the canonical Gospels in all this : but,
on the contrary, the almost complete departure from
their representations, in order and in substance, is only
explicable on the hypothesis of a separate, though
analogous, tradition.

If we look at the language, we find that critics
point out one phrase which is common to the three
Synoptics : ' He went in unto Pilate [and] asked for the

E 2

52 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

body of Jesus ' (irpocreXdajv T< ITetXaro) ^T^craro TO
crtofjia TOV 'Irjcrov, 1 Matthew and Luke ; elo-fj\0ev Trpo?
TOJ> IleiXaTOv /ecu rjTTJcraTo TO crw/xa TOU 'I^crou, Mark).
In Peter we have : ' He came to Pilate and asked for the
body of the Lord ' (rj\0ev TT/>OS TOP HetXaro^ KOLL rjrrjo-e
TO crw/xa rou Kvpiov). It will be observed that the
language of the three Synoptists is almost exactly the
same, and although their interdependence throughout
requires another explanation, which need not be
entered into here, it is quite unreasonable to infer
dependence on the part of Peter from similarity in
these few words. It is the description of a perfectly
simple action, in the most simple and natural lan-
guage, and it is difficult to imagine what other
words could be used without inflation. All the rest of
the episode differs in every respect of language, order
and substantial detail. It is right to add, however,
that no great weight is attached by anyone to the
point. On the other hand, it may be pointed out that
o-TavpiorKew, in Peter, is a most uncommon word, not
used in the New Testament at all, and that TGK^T; only
occurs once in the New Testament, in Matt, xxvii. 7.
The fragment continues :

And he delivered him to the people before the first day of the
Unleavened bread of their feast (^po /-img TWV av^u;r, T//C eoprijQ
UVTUV). 6. And taking the Lord they pushed him hurrying along,
and said : ' Let us drag along (ffvpu-pev) the Son of God as we have
power over him.' 7. And they clad him with purple (troptyvpai' UVTOV
TreptefiaXXoi) and set him on a seat of judgment (KaOecpav ^-p/o-fwc),
saying : ' Judge justly (oa-a/wc Kpivc), King of Israel.' 8. And one of
them brought a crown of thorns and set it upon the head of the
Lord. 9. And others standing by spat in his eyes, and others smote
him on the cheeks ; others pierced him with a reed, and some
scourged him, saying : l With this honour honour we the Son of
God.'

1 Cf. irpo(rc\Ba>v TO) IltXara) jyr^(raro TO rrco/ia TOV ' Irj&ov. Evang, Nicod.
Pars I. A. xi. 3 ; Tisc'hendorf, Evang. Apocr. 1853, p. 234.

THE MOCKING OF JESUS 53

Before proceeding to compare this passage with our
Gospels, it may be well to determine who the mockers
in this fragment really are. It is argued by Zahn 1 and
others, that Herod, according to this representation,
hands Jesus over to the Jews, and that the people, and
not the soldiers, as in the Gospels, conduct the mockery
which is here described. It cannot be denied that the
words used are, ' he delivered him to the people '
(TrapeSatKev avrov TO* Xa<), but the question is, whether
the meaning is that he actually delivered him into the
hands of the mob, and that the subsequent mockery,
scourging, crucifixion and parting of the garments
were performed by the people, or that, in delivering
Jesus to the people, the meaning is not rather that he
gave him up to their demands that he should be cruci-
fied, and that all the rest followed between soldiers and
people, as in the other narratives. We cannot but
affirm that this latter interpretation is the true one.
In Luke (xxiii. 25) the form of words used exactly ex-
presses this : c but Jesus he delivered up to their will '
(rov 8e *Iv)crovv TraptSwKev rw 0\tjp.aTL avrvv). But a
still more close representation of the case occurs in
the fourth Gospel, where we read (xix. 16 f.) : ' Then,
therefore, he delivered him unto them [the people and
the chief priests] to be crucified. They took Jesus,
therefore . . . unto the place called, &c. . . . where
they crucified him.' It is only in verse 23 that the
narrative goes back and explains : ' The soldiers, there-
fore, when they had crucified Jesus,' &c. In the frag-
ment, moreover, there is an important indication in the
portion previously quoted, where we read: 2. 'And
then Herod the King commandeth the Lord to be taken,
saying unto them : " Whatsoever I commanded that ye
should do, that do unto him." Who are indicated by

1 L.c. pp. 26 f.

54 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

the pronoun ' them ' ? l Doubtless the context would
have explained this and probably made clear all that
follows, for the orders given must have been regarding^
the crucifixion, since in the following verse (3) it is said
that Joseph, ' knowing that they are about to crucify
him,' came to Pilate. Nothing had previously been
said, in this fragment, of crucifixion. It is not possible
to admit that the writer intends to represent that the
people themselves carried out the crucifixion, or that
the orders given by Herod were to the crowd. Herod,
in all probability, is represented as commanding his
own soldiers, which would accord with the statement
in the third Synoptic (xxiii. 11), that Herod 'with his
soldiers set him at nought and mocked him/ and so on.
The doubt only proceeds from indefinite statement on
the part of the writer, and preconceived ideas on the
part of critics.

It is evident, from the statement that Jesus was-
delivered for crucifixion 'before the first day of the
Unleavened bread of their feast,' that the Gospel of
Peter adopts the same chronology as the fourth Gospel,
in contradiction to that of the three Synoptics, and
represents Jesus as put to death on the 14th Nisan.
His agreement with the fourth Gospel, however, is
limited to the mere matter of date, for on all other
points the author takes a widely different view. As
Hilgenfeld points out, for him all the feasts prescribed
by the Law are mere Jewish institutions, and he has
none of the Johannine (xix. 33 f.) views as to the death
of Jesus representing the Paschal offering, nor does he

1 Zahn, of course, argues that the commands of Herod can only have
been given to the previously named Jews, the judges of Jesus, ' and per-
haps to their servants ' (und etwa deren Diener), and he finds fault with
Harnack for here bringing in * soldiers ' from the canonical Gospels,
without warrant from the text. He declares them to be directly excluded
by the leading tendency of the Gospel of Peter (I.e. p. 27). This supposed
* leading tendency,' of hatred of the Jews, is a good deal exaggerated.

THE MOCKING OF JESUS 55

associate with that the circumstances regarding the
breaking of the limbs, and the thrust of the spear in his
side, which he altogether omits. 1

The author of the fragment is reproached with the
looseness of his narrative of the mockery, on the suppo-
sition that he represents the clothing in purple and the
setting on the seat of judgment as occurring whilst Jesus
is being dragged along by the Jews ; but this is not the
case. The hurrying along commences the mockery in
verse 6. Then in verse 7 begins another episode.
They clothe Jesus in purple and set him on the judg-
ment seat. Now, before going into the details of this
mockery, it is necessary to consider how the narrative
in general accords with the account in the four canoni-
cal Gospels. In Peter, the whole of the mockery is
represented as taking place after Jesus is delivered to
be crucified. He is hustled along, clothed in purple
and set upon a seat of judgment ; the crown of thorns
is put upon his head, they spit in his eyes and smite
him on the cheeks, pierce him with a reed and scourge
him. In the Synoptics, especially, the ill-usage is as
much as possible lengthened and intensified. In
Matthew, the mockery begins when Jesus is in the
house of Caiaphas (xxvi. 67 f.) : ' Then did they spit in
his face and buffet him ; and some smote him with the
palms of their hands, saying, Prophesy unto us, thou
Christ : who is he that struck thee ? ' After Pilate
causes Jesus to be scourged, and delivers him, the
mockery begins afresh (xxvii. 27 fF.) : c Then the soldiers
of the governor took Jesus into the Palace and gathered
unto him the whole band. And they stripped him, and
put on him a scarlet robe. And they plaited a crown
of thorns and put it upon his head, and a reed in his
right hand ; and they kneeled down before him and

1 Zeiischr. 1893, ii. 248 f.

56 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

mocked him, saying, Hail, King of the Jews ! And
they spat upon him and took the reed and smote him
on the head. And when they had mocked him they
took off from him the robe and put on him his gar-
ments, and led him away to crucify him.' In Mark,
the mockery also begins in the house of the high priest
(xiv. 65 ff.): 'And some began to spit on him, and to
cover his face and to buffet him, and to say unto him :
Prophesy : and the officers received him with blows of
their hands.' The mockery recommences after Jesus is
scourged and delivered over to be crucified (xv. 16 ff.) :
' And the soldiers led him away within the court, which
is the Praetorium ; and they call together the whole
band. And they clothe him with purple, and plaiting
a crown of thorns, they put it on him ; and they begin
to salute him, Hail, King of the Jews ! And they
smote his head with a reed, and did spit upon him, and
bowing their knees, worshipped him. And when they
had mocked him, they took off from him the purple,
and put on him his garments, and they led him out to
crucify him/ Of course it is unnecessary to point out
how these two accounts depend upon each other. The
same representation is made in the third Synoptic
(xxii. 66 ff.) : ' And the men that held him mocked him and
beat him. And they blindfolded him, and asked him,
saying, Prophesy : who is he that struck thee ? And
many other things spake they against him, reviling him/
This passes, as in the other Synoptics, in the house of the
high priest, but the subsequent mocking does not take
place after Pilate delivers Jesus to be crucified, but after
he has been examined by Herod (xxiii. 11): 'And
Herod with his soldiers set him at nought, and mocked
him, and arraying him in gorgeous apparel sent him
back to Pilate/ In the fourth Gospel there is only the
one scene of mockery, and that is placed where Jesus

THE MOCKING OF JESUS 57

is scourged by the order of Pilate (xix. 2): 'And the
soldiers plaited a crown of thorns and put it on his
head, and arrayed him in a purple garment ; and they
came unto him, and said : Hail, King of the Jews ! and
they struck him with their hands.' In many respects
this is the most incredible of the four narratives, for the
scene is reported as taking place in the presence of
Pilate and before his final condemnation of Jesus ; and
in the very next verse (4) it is said : 'And Pilate went
out again, and saith unto them, Behold, I bring him out
to you, that ye may know that I find no crime in him.
Jesus therefore came out, wearing the crown of thorns
and the purple garment. And Pilate saith unto them ;
Behold the man ! ' Although this scene, ' which has
been the delight of artists ever since, is so picturesque,
it is quite evident that it is opposed to all that we have
in the Synoptics, as well as in our fragment, and that
the representation of Pilate allowing his soldiers in his
presence to act in such a way, not to speak of the
scourging, to a man accused before him, of whom he so
strongly declares, 'I find no crime in him,' is quite
inadmissible. The narrative in Peter is at variance
with all these accounts, whilst reproducing a similar
tradition, and not varying more from our Gospels than
they do from each other. The variation, however, is
not that of a writer compiling a narrative from the
canonical Gospels, but the distinct representation of
one independently making use of similar, but separate,
materials.

We have already discussed, in connection with
Justin's reference, the passage of Peter in which it is
said that ' they clad him with purple and set him on a
seat of judgment, saying : Judge justly, King of Israel/
Of course it is argued by some that this is derived from
the fourth Gospel, on the strength of the words just

58 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

quoted : tKaOicrav CLVTOV eVl KaO&pav Kpioreajs, which
are compared with the e/ca#io-ei> eVl /^aros of the
fourtli Gospel. It is said that Archbishop Whately
used to render these words ' and set him on the judg-
ment seat,' understanding the verb KaOi&iv to be used
transitively, and thus stating that Pilate actually set
Jesus in mockery upon a judgment seat. It is sug-
gested that both Justin, as we have seen, and Peter may
have misunderstood the passage, and based their state-
ment upon it. Now, although it must be admitted that
the Greek may be rendered in this way, yet it would
be necessary to add O.VTQV to justify such use of the verb.
In connection with this argument they cite the words
of Isaiah Iviii. 2, in the Septuagint version, referred to
by Justin : ' For as the prophet said, they dragged him,
and set him on the judgment seat, and said : Judge for
us!' The Septuagint has: curetre' /xe vvv Kpicriv
SiKaiav . . . Xeyoires. It is asserted that the idea of
setting Jesus on the judgment seat came from the
passage of the fourth Gospel which is quoted above r
understood transitively. The representation that Pilate
actually set Jesus on the judgment seat, if linguistically
defensible, is rejected by most critics and, as has already
been mentioned, amongst others by the Eevisers of the
New Testament. The words used for ' seat of judg-
ment' in the fragment, cVl KaOcSpav /cpiVecos, differ
entirely from the eVt yS^/xaros of the fourth Gospel.
The analogous ' Prophesy unto us, thou Christ : who is
he that struck thee ? ' and the ' Hail, King of the Jews/
are, of course, widely different from the representation
in Peter, in which the ' Judge justly ! ' is evidently in
mockery of the Messianic claims of Jesus, and the ' King
of Israel ' a peculiarity of this Gospel to which we shall
have to refer again further on. The statement that
' others pierced him with a reed ' is also a variation

THE CRUCIFIXION 59>

from the canonical Gospels, which only say, * they took
the reed and smote him on the head.' The fourth
Gospel has alone the representation of the soldier
piercing the side of Jesus with a spear ' that the
Scripture might be fulfilled. . . . They shall look on
him whom they pierced,' but in our fragment the
representation is made casually and without any
appearance of dogmatic intention. The crown of
thorns is used merely incidentally, as in the case of
the Synoptics, and without the artistic prominence given
to it in the fourth Gospel.

There is no mention in Peter of any one bearing the
cross, and in this there is a departure from the
narrative both of the Synoptics and of the fourth
Gospel. The Synoptics have in common, as usual, the
story regarding its being laid on the shoulders of Simon
of Gyrene (Matt, xxvii. 32 f., Mark xv. 21 f., Luke
xxiii. 26 f.), whom they compelled to carry it to
Calvary. The fourth Gospel not only omits this episode,
but contradicts it in good set terms (xix. 17) : ' They
took Jesus, therefore ; and he went out, bearing the
cross for himself, unto the place called " The place of
a skull."'

Peter does not enter into any intermediate detail,
but at once says: 10. 'And they brought two male-
factors and crucified between them the Lord ; but he
kept silence, as feeling no pain.' The canonical Gospels
all narrate the crucifixion of the two malefactors, but
the various terms in which this is done must be given
for comparison. Matthew says (xxvii. 38) : 'Then are
there crucified with him two robbers, one on the right
hand, and one on the left.' Mark uses almost the same
words (xv. 27). Luke, with some exercise of his usual
constructive style, says the same thing (xxiii. 32 f.) :
' And there were also two others, malefactors, led with

60 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

him to be put to death. And when they came unto
the place which is called " The skull," there they
crucified him and the malefactors, one on the right hand
and the other on the left.' The fourth Gospel reads
(xix. 17 f.): 'They took Jesus therefore; and he went
out, bearing the cross for himself, unto the place called
"The place of a skull," which is called in Hebrew
Golgotha : where they crucified him, and with him
two others, on either side one, and Jesus in the midst.'
The only remark necessary here is that in Peter the
common tradition is given with independence and
simplicity.

It is only in the last words of the verse that we
have an important variation. c But he kept silence, as
feeling no pain.' We have already referred to this as
one of the recognised Docetic passages of the fragment,
although there is no necessity to read it in this sense.
Mr. Murray has pointed out a passage in Origen in
which that writer " gives them an innocent ' (that is,
not a Docetic) ' interpretation.'

Et in his omnibus unigenita virtus nocita non est, sicut nee ^>ossa
est aliquid, facta pro nobis maledictum, cum naturaliter benedictio
esset ; sed cum benedictio esset, consumpsit et solvit et dissipavit
omnem maledictionem humanam. Orig. in Mat. 125. 1

Although there is no exact parallel to this in our
Gospels, it is worth a moment's notice that the silence
of Jesus during the trial is mentioned as remarkable
and as exciting wonder. We have not in our frag-
ment, unfortunately, the earlier part of the trial, and
cannot, therefore, see whether the words used have any
reference to previous representations. In Matt, xxvii.
12 f., it is said : And when he was accused by the chief
priests and elders, he answered nothing. Then saith

1 Murray, Expositor, January 1893, pp. 55 f.

THE CRUCIFIXION 61

Pilate unto him, Hearest tliou not how many things
they witness against thee ? And he gave him no
answer, not even to one word : insomuch that the
governor marvelled greatly.' An almost identical ac-
count is given in Mark. In Luke it is to the question-
ing of Herod that Jesus is silent (xxiii. 9): 'And he
[Herod] questioned him in many words ; but he answered
him nothing.' In the fourth Gospel not only is nothing
said of the silence of Jesus, but he is represented as
answering freely and in the tone of the discourses
which characterise that Gospel the questions of Pilate.
Now, in the Synoptics, we have a silence described,
which causes the governor to marvel greatly, that is
not, however, when we go into detail, very marked
in them, and is excluded by the fourth Gospel.
Can a silence have been referred to, in the original
tradition, which was connected with the trial, instead
of the cross, because it began to receive a Docetic
application, but which we have, in its earlier form, in
Peter?

In our fragment, the narrative continues : 11. ' And
as they set up the cross they wrote thereon : " This is
the King of Israel." : We have here a continuation of
the indefinite ' they,' which it becomes at every step
more impossible to identify otherwise than with the
soldiers. It is a most curious circumstance, frequently
pointed out, that no two of the Gospels agree even in
so plain a matter as should be the inscription on the
cross, and that the Gospel of Peter differs from them
all. Matthew gives it (xxvii. 37): 'This is Jesus, the
King of the Jews ; ' Mark (xv. 26) : ' The King of the
Jews;' Luke (xxiii. 38): 'This is the King of the
Jews,' and John (xix. 19) :' Jesus of Nazareth, the King
of the Jews.' The author of the fourth Gospel adds
the statement that this title ' was written in Hebrew, in

2 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

Latin, and in Greek,' and further gives a conversation
between the c chief priests of the Jews ' and Pilate, in
which they complain of this superscription, and wish
it to be put ' that he said, I am King of the Jews,' to
which Pilate answered briefly, ' What I have written, I
have written.' With so many forms to select from, is
it reasonable to suppose that Peter would have in-
vented another superscription, if these four Gospels had
-actually been before him ? 1

The author of the fragment continues : 12. ' And
they laid the clothes before him and distributed them
and cast lots (Xaxp-ov eftaXov) for them.' In Matthew
{xxvii. 35) it is said : ' And when they had crucified
him, they parted his garments among them, casting
lots ' (/SaXXoi/res K\rjpov) ; in Mark (xv. 24) :' And they
crucify him, and part his garments among them, casting
lots (/3aXXo*>res K\rjpov) upon them, what each should
take.' In Luke there is a similar statement (xxiii. 34) :
* And parting his garments among them, they cast lots '
(e/BaXov K\fjpov). In the fourth Gospel, as usual, we
have further details (xix. 23 f.) : ' The soldiers there-
fore, when they had crucified Jesus, took his garments
and made four parts, to every soldier a part ; and also
the coat : now the coat was without seam, woven from
the top throughout. They said therefore one to
another, Let us not rend it, but cast lots (Xa^w/^e^) for
it, whose it shall be : that the scripture might be ful-
filled, which saith, They parted my garments among
them, and upon my vesture did they cast lots ' (e/3aXoi/
K\rjpov). In discussing the connection of Justin with
the Gospel of Peter, we have already partly dealt with
this passage, and now confront it with all the four

1 Van Manen conjectures that the author got this * King of Israel ' from
the independent use of some Hebrew or Aramaic source. Tijdschr. Juli
1893, p. 408.

THE CRURIFRAGIUM 63

Gospels. It is obvious that the language of the three
Synoptics is distinct from that of Peter, who uses the
unusual word Xa^o?, not found in any of the Gospels.
The fourth Gospel has the common verb Xay^ctz/w, whilst
the quotation from the Psalm (xxii. 18), from which
the whole episode emanates, uses the expression com-
mon to the three Synoptics, eftakov K\rjpov. There is
no reason for supposing that Peter makes use of our
Gospels here, and in the absence of other evidence, the
Xaxfcos is decisive proof of his independence.

The author of our fragment, after the crucifixion,
has none of the mocking speeches of the four Gospels,
and he ignores the episode of the penitent thief, as it
is told in the third Synoptic, but he relates, instead,
how one of the malefactors rebuked the mockers :
13. ' But one of these malefactors reproved them,
saying : We have suffered this for the evil which we
wrought, but this man who has become the saviour of
men, what wrong hath he done you ? 14. And they
were angry with him, and they commanded that his
legs should not be broken, in order that he might die
in torment.'

It will be remembered that the episode of the
penitent thief is given in Luke only, and that the other
Gospels do not mention any utterance of the two
malefactors said to have been crucified with Jesus.
Luke's narrative reads (xxiii. 39 f.) : ' And one of the
malefactors which were hanged railed on him, saying :
Art not thou the Christ? Save thyself and us. But
the other answered, and rebuking him said, Dost thou
not even fear God, seeing thou art in the same condem-
nation? And we indeed justly : for we receive the due
reward of our deeds ; but this man hath done nothing
amiss. And he said, Jesus, remember me when thou
comest in thy kingdom. And he said unto him, Verily,

64 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

I say unto thee, To-day slialt thou be with me in Para-
dise.' That all the other Gospels should have excluded
an incident like this, supposing it to have really occurred,
is very extraordinary, and the only conclusion to which
we can come is either that it did not occur, or that
they were ignorant of it. Peter has evidently got an
earlier form of the story, without those much later
touches with which the third Synoptist has embellished
it. The malefactor rebukes the Jews and not his fellow,
and if he display a piety which is not very natural
under the circumstances, he is not in this more remark-
able than his counterpart in the third Synoptic. That
the author was not acquainted with the form in Luke,
and is quite uninfluenced by it, seems to us manifest.

This is rendered all the more apparent by the
continuation in Peter, in which, instead of any reply
from Jesus, or any promise of Paradise, there is
connected with the rebuke of the malefactor on the
cross a view of the crurifragium which is quite foreign
to the canonical Gospels. When the malefactor had
spoken, instead of their being mollified, the fragment
declares : ' And they were angry with him, and they
commanded that his legs should not be broken, in order
that he might die in torment.' Now, here, there is a
point which demands examination. To whom does
this sentence refer ? to Jesus or the malefactor ? It is
at first sight, and apart from consideration of the style
of the writer, a reference to the latter, but on closer
examination it seems to us more probable that the
writer intended it to apply to Jesus. In any case, it is
a point in which so remarkable a version of the story
is concerned that it cannot but be considered as very
singular that most apologetic critics have passed it
over without any notice whatever, and apparently
treated the order not to break the legs as applying to

THE CRURIFRAGIUM 65

the malefactor and not to Jesus. 1 In the first edition
of his article on the fragment, Harnack took the view
that more probably the malefactor was indicated here,
but in his second edition he withdraws this, and adopts
the conclusion that the reference of avru> to Jesus
' appears more acceptable, both on account of John xix.
32 f., and also on account of the context.' 2 Zahn con-
siders the whole episode in Peter as a caricature of the
Gospel tradition, through the author's hatred of the
Jews, and refers only indirectly to the version of the
crurifragium as drawn by the caricaturist from the
4 Motive ' of the fourth Evangelist, but does not further
go into the matter than to say, with mysterious reti-
cence : ' Whoever is of another opinion should keep it
to himself ' ! 3 Hilgenfeld, who considers the whole
passage as quite independent of our Gospels, regrets
Harnack's change of view, and applies the avrcp to the
malefactor ; 4 but many able critics, with equal decision,
understand it as a reference to Jesus, 5 and Harnack
himself, of course, sees that, even adopting his later
view, there is a clear contradiction in the account in
Peter to the representation of the fourth Gospel. To
independent criticism, the result is a matter of in-
difference, and we shall merely state the reasons which
seem to favour the view that the passage was intended
to apply to Jesus, and then present the consequence if
it be referred to the malefactor.

Throughout the whole of the fragment, the sustained
purpose of the author is to present Jesus in the strongest

1 So, for instance, Swete, J. Eendel Harris, Robinson, and others.
Others distinctly identify the ai/rw with the malefactor : as, for instance,
Kunze, I.e. p. 22 ; Von Schubert, I.e. pp. 28 f. ; cf. Lods, I.e. p. 21.

2 L.c. p. 26.

3 ' Wer anderer Meinung ist, sollte sie fur sich behalten ' (I.e. p. 55).

4 Zeitschr. 1893, ii. 254.

5 Van Manen, Theol Tijdschrift, 4de Stuk, 1893, pp. 408 f. ; Marti-
neau, Nineteenth Century, June 1893, p. 911.

66 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

light, and subordinate everything to the representation
of his sufferings and resurrection. At the part we are
considering, the narrative is of the closest and most
condensed character : the crucifixion between the two
malefactors ; the silence as feeling no pain ; the super-
scription on the cross, and the parting of the garments,
are all told without wasting a word. The reproach of
the malefactor, apparently addressed to .those who are
parting the garments, is more intended to increase our
sympathy for Jesus than to excite it for the speaker,
and it is certainly not the writer's purpose to divert our
attention from the sufferings of Jesus by presenting
those of the generous malefactor. Eather it is to show
that the more the high character and mission of Jesus
are set forth, the more bitter becomes the animosity and
hatred of the Jews ; so that, to the remonstrance of the
malefactor, they reply by increasing the sufferings of
Jesus. In short, the sense of the passage seems to be
' And they, being angered at what was said, commanded
that the legs of Jesus should not be broken, that he
might die in torment.' However, let us take the
view that the command was given that the malefactor's
legs should not be broken, that he might die in torment.
It clearly follows that, if he was to be made to suffer
more by not having his legs broken, the legs of the
other two must on the contrary have been broken.
The command not to break his legs necessarily implies
that otherwise the legs of all would have been so
broken. There is really no escape from this inference.
Now the crurifragium is here represented as an act of
mercy and to hasten death, but in the immediate con-
text we are told that they were troubled and anxious
lest the sun should have set whilst Jesus still lived. No
anxiety of this kind is felt lest the malefactors should
still be alive, and why? Because if an exception to

THE CRURIFRAGTUM G7

Breaking the legs had been made in one case, and that
exception had been Jesus, the malefactors would be
supposed to be already dead. If, on the contrary, the
legs of Jesus had been broken, they would not have
feared his being alive, but rather the malefactor whose
legs had not been broken. Jesus having been left to
linger in torment is still alive, and the potion of vinegar
and gall is given to him to produce death, and not to
the malefactor. The whole context, therefore, shows
that no means such as the crurifragium had been used
with Jesus to hasten death, and that the potion was at
last given for the purpose. If, on the other hand, the
legs of Jesus were actually broken, and not those of the
malefactor, a most complete contradiction of the
account in the fourth Gospel is given, and of the
Scripture which is said in it to have been fulfilled.

Let us now see how the account in Peter compares
with that in the fourth Gospel, on the hypothesis that
the writer intended to represent that, in order to
lengthen his sufferings, the legs of Jesus were not broken.
It would follow that the crurifragium was applied
to the two malefactors, and that Jesus was left to a lin-
gering death by the cruel animosity of his executioners.
It will, of course, be remembered that the fourth Gospel
is the only one which recounts the crurifragium. In
this narrative it is not represented as an act of mercy
to shorten the sufferings of the crucified. It is said
(xix. 31 f.) : c The Jews therefore, because it was the
Preparation, that the bodies should not remain on the
cross upon the Sabbath (for the day of that Sabbath
was a high day), asked of Pilate that their legs might be
broken, and that they might be taken away. The
soldiers therefore came, and brake the legs of the first,
and of the other which was crucified with him ; but when
they came to Jesus, and saw that he was dead already,

F 2

68 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

they brake not his legs . . . that the Scripture might
be fulfilled, A bone of him shall not be broken/ The
object of the author in relating this is obviously dogmatic,,
and to show the fulfilment of Scripture, but the way in
which he brings the matter about is awkward, to say the
least of it, and not so natural as that adopted by Peter.
The soldiers brake the legs ' of the first,' and by this
description they imply that they begin at one end and
proceed to the second, who would be Jesus ; but not
so, for having broken the legs ' of the first, and of the
other/ they come to Jesus, whom they must have passed
over. Is this passing over of Jesus in the first instance
a slight indication of a tradition similar to that which
has been reproduced in Peter ? However this may be,
it is quite clear that, while the fourth Gospel deals with
the episode purely from a dogmatic point of view, this
is completely absent from Peter, who even leaves it in
doubt, and as a problem for critics, whether the legs of
Jesus were broken or not, and evidently does not give
a thought to the Johannine representation of Jesus as
the Paschal lamb. Whichever way the passage in
Peter is construed, the entire independence of the writer
from the influence of the fourth Gospel seems to be
certain.

The fragment proceeds :

15. Now it was mid-day, and a darkness covered all Judaea, and
they were troubled and anxious lest the sun should have set whilst
he still lived, for it is written for them : ' The sun must not go down
upon one put to death/ 16. And one of them said : 'Give him to
drink gall with vinegar ; ' and having mixed, they gave him to drink.
17. And they fulfilled all things, and completed their sins upon their
own head. 18. Now many went about with lights, thinking that it
was night, and some fell. 1

1 In the apocryphal work called Anaphora Pilati, an account of the
crucifixion supposed to be sent by Pilate to the Emperor Tiberius, Pilate
is represented as describing the darkness which comes over the whole
earth, and saying that the Emperor could not be ignorant ' that in all the

THE DARKNESS 69

The three Synoptics have an account of this darkness
in words which nearly repeat each other. Matthew
xxvii. 45 :' Now from the sixth hour there was dark-
ness over all the earth (eVi Traa-av Trjv y^) until the
ninth hour.' Mark (xv. 33) :' And when the sixth hour
was come, there was darkness over the whole earth (e<'
0X77 *> TJ}V yrjv) until the ninth hour.' In Luke (xxiii. 44 f . )
other details are, as usual, added : ' And it was now
about the sixth hour, and a darkness came over the
whole earth (1$ o\rjv rrjv yrjv) until the ninth hour, the
sun failing [or rather ' being eclipsed,' TOV yXiov
e'/cXeiTTcWos]. 1 It is a very extraordinary circumstance
that, whether a miraculous eclipse or not, whether this
darkness came over the whole land or the whole earth,
the fourth Gospel has either not believed in it, or
thought it unworthy of mention, for no reference to
the astonishing phenomenon is found in it. Peter, in a

world they lighted lamps from the sixth hour until evening ' (on ev iravrl
TO) KO(rp.(t> r/^av Xu^i/ouy OTTO CKTTJS u>pas ea>s o^i'ay). Anaphora Pilati, B. 7 J
Tischendorf, Evang. Apocr. 1853, p. 423.

1 With regard to this addition of Luke, we may refer to a very
interesting letter of Dr. Abbott's in the Spectator of October 21, 1893,
from which we take the liberty of extracting the following passage : ' In
Luke (xxiii. 45) the correct reading is TOV fjXiov (KXeirrovros, of which the
natural interpretation is, the sun being eclipsed. Now, as it was well
known that an eclipse could only happen at new moon, and as Passover
was at full moon, this would involve a portentous miracle. The proba-
bility is that Luke, who was by no means afraid of miracles, meant a
miracle here. Not content with saying (with the Synoptics) " darkness
came over all the land," he adds, in order to show that the darkness was
miraculous, " the sun being eclipsed.'" But is this eclipse t; an invention of
a conscious or unconscious romancer " ? An examination of the parallel
passages in Mark and Matthew will show that it is not. There we find
that Jesus uttered a cry to God as abandoning Him. These words caused
difficulty from the first. The words " my God " were rendered by some
(e.g. the Gospel of Peter) "my Power; " by the fourth Gospel the words
were omitted ; our oldest manuscripts exhibit many variations : 17X1, ^Xei,
e'Xcoi ; the very bystanders are said to have interpreted the words as
referring to Elias failing to help. Now " Elias failing to help " might be,
in Greek, ^Xei'ou e/cXetTroiToj, or quite as often lyXiou eKXenrovTos, i.e. the sun
being eclipsed. It seems extremely probable, then, that Luke is not here
41 inventing" a miracle, but suggesting, or adopting, an edifying and miracu-
lous interpretation of what seemed to him a non- edifying tradition '
<pp. 546 f.).

70 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

manner quite different from the Synoptics, and in fuller
detail, describes this darkness and its effect upon the
people. For the second time, he refers to a portion of
the Jewish law, interpreted from Dent. xxi. 23, to
illustrate the anxiety which the supposed going down
of the sun had excited. This expression does not
favour any theory of his being acquainted with the
third Synoptic.

The most important part of the passage is that in
v. 16 : 'And one of them said: "Give him to drink
gall with vinegar ; " and having mixed they gave him
to drink.' This proceeding is represented as the result
of their anxiety at the sun going down whilst Jesus
still lived, and the gall and vinegar are regarded as a
potion to hasten death. This view is foreign to all of
our Gospels. In Matthew xxvii. 48, when Jesus gives
the loud cry, ' My God, my God,' &c., we read : ' And
straightway one of them ran and took a sponge and
filled it with vinegar, and put it on a reed, and gave
him to drink. And the rest said, Let be ; let us see
whether Elijah cometh to save him.' In Mark (xv.
36) the representation is almost the same. In both of
these cases death follows almost immediately. In Luke
(xxiii. 36) a very different representation is made.
There is no such cry connected with it, but it is simply
said : 'And the soldiers also mocked him, coming to him,
offering him vinegar, and saying, If thou art the King
of the Jews, save thyself.' In John the episode has quite
another, and purely dogmatic, tendency (xix. 28 ff.). It
commences immediately after the episode of the mother
and the beloved disciple, and without any previous-
cry : ' After this Jesus, knowing that all things are
now finished, that the Scripture might be accomplished,
saith, I thirst. There was set there a vessel full of
vinegar ; so they put a sponge full of vinegar upon

GALL AND VINEGAR 71

hyssop, and brought it to his mouth. When Jesus
therefore had received the vinegar, he said, It is
finished ; and he bowed his head and gave up his
spirit.' Of course the Scripture which is represented
as being thus fulfilled is Psalm Ixix. 21 : ' . . . and in
my thirst they gave me vinegar to drink.' In all of
these Gospels, the potion is simply vinegar, and being
evidently associated with this Psalm, it is in no way
connected with any baleful intention. The Psalm, how-
ever, commences : ' They gave me also gall for my meat,'
and in connection with the combination of gall with
vinegar in Peter, as a potion to hasten death, it may be
mentioned that the word which is in the Psalm translated
' gall ' may equally well be rendered ' poison ' as,
indeed, is also the case with the Latin 'felJ Peter, by
what is said in v. 17 ' And they fulfilled all things,
and completed their sins upon their own head ' is
more anxious to show that the Jews had put the
final touch to their cruel work, in thus completing the
death of Jesus, than to refer to the mere fulfilment
of the Psalm. The only Gospel which mentions gall is
the first Synoptic, in which it is said (xxvii. 34) that
when they had brought Jesus to Golgotha before the
crucifixion, ' They gave him wine to drink mingled with
gall ; and when he had tasted it, he would not drink/
This is a very different representation from that of
Peter, and the potion was obviously that often offered
to persons about to suffer, in order to dull sensation.
The passage might almost be represented as Docetic,
from the writer's intention to show that Jesus refused
to adopt a usual method of diminishing pain. There
does not seem to be any warrant for supposing that the
author of the fragment derived the passage we are
examining from our Gospels, from which it is in all
essential points distinct.

72 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

The narrative of the fragment continues, v. 19 :
' And the Lord cried aloud, saying, "Power, my Power,
thou hast forsaken me ! " (17 SiW/u? /xov, rj SiW/u?,
/xc), and having spoken, he was taken up
' In this passage there is a very marked
departure from the tradition followed by our four
Gospels. Before considering the actual words of the
cry recorded here, it may be desirable to form a general
idea of the representations of the Synoptists and of the
author of the fourth Gospel regarding the words
spoken from the cross.

It might naturally have been supposed that, in
describing the course of so solemn an event as the
crucifixion, unusual care, securing unusual agreement,
would have been exercised by Christian writers, and
that the main facts and still more the last words of
the great Master would have been collected. As we
have already seen, however, in no portion of the history
is there greater discrepancy in the accounts in the four
Gospels, nor greater contradictions upon every point.

The same is the case with regard to what has still to
be examined, and notably in the words and cries from the
cross. In the first two Synoptics, with the exception of
the inarticulate cry c with a loud voice ' (Matt, xxvii.
50, Mark xv. 37) when yielding up his spirit, the only
utterance recorded is one resembling that in Peter (Matt.
xxvii. 46, Mark xv. 34) : 'Eloi, Eloi. lama sabachthani?
that is, My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me ? ' l
(r)\a>L r)\ct)i Xajna cra/Ba^Oavei ; TOUT' ecrTiv #ee /xou, #e'//,ou,
Iva TI /xe ey/caTe'Xnres;). It will be observed that here
there is a demonstration of great accuracy, in actually
giving the original words used and translating them,
which is uncommon in the Gospels. It is all the more
extraordinary that neither of the other Gospels gives this

1 Or ' Why didst thou forsake me ? '

EPISODE OF 'THE DISCIPLE WHOM HE LOVED' 73

cry at all, but that they represent Jesus as uttering quite
different words. The third Synoptist represents Jesus
immediately after the crucifixion as saying (Luke xxiii.
34) :' Father, forgive them ; for they know not what they
do.' The other evangelists do not evince any knowledge
of this, and as little of the episode of the penitent thief
{xxiii. 39 ff.) which we have already considered in
which Jesus uses the remarkable words (v. 43) :' Verily
I say unto thee, To-day shalt thou be with me in
Paradise.' In Luke, further, the inarticulate cry is
interpreted (xxiii. 46) : ' And when Jesus had cried
with a loud voice, he said, Father, into thy hands I
commend my spirit ; and having said this, he gave up
the ghost.' Of this the other Synoptists do not say any-
thing. The author of the fourth Gospel has quite a
different account to give from any of the Synoptists. He
seems to be ignorant of the words which they report,
and substitutes others of which they seem to know
nothing. The episode of the penitent thief is replaced
l>y the scene between Jesus and his mother and the
disciple ' whom he loved ' (xix. 25 ff.). Not only
is this touching episode apparently unknown to the
Synoptists, but the proximity of the women to the cross
is in direct contradiction to what we find in Matthew
-and Mark, for in the former (xxvii. 55 f.) it is said that
many women, ' among whom was Mary Magdalene, and
Mary the mother of James and Joses, and the mother
of the sons of Zebedee ' were ' beholding afar off; ' and
the latter (xv. 40 f.) reports: 'And there were also
women beholding from afar : among whom were both
Mary Magdalene and Mary the mother of James the less
and of Joses, and Salome.' In the fourth Gospel (xix. 28),
Jesus is moreover reported to have said ' I thirst,' in
order ' that the Scripture might be accomplished ' a
fact which is not recorded in any of the Synoptics

74 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

and having received vinegar upon hyssop, 'he said,
It is finished, and he bowed his head and gave up his
spirit.' The last words of Jesus, therefore, according
to the fourth Gospel, are different from any found in
the three Synoptics. The Gospel of Peter differs as-
completely from the four canonical Gospels as they do
from each other, and the whole account of the agony
on the cross given in it is quite independent of them.

The only words recorded by Peter as uttered on the
cross are those quoted higher up : ' Power, my Power,
thou hast forsaken me/ the second ' my ' being omitted,
and the question of the two Synoptics, ' Why hast thou
forsaken me ? ' being changed into a declaration by the
omission of Zva TL (or ets TI, Mark). We have already
discussed the Docetic nature of this cry, and are now
only considering it in relation to our Gospels. It is
obvious that the substitution of ' Power, my Power ' for
* My God, my God ' introduces quite a different order of
ideas, especially followed as it is by the remarkable state-
ment : 'He was taken up.' Eusebius tells us that Aquila
rendered the words of Psalm xxii. 1 whence the first
two Synoptists take their cry as Icr^vpe /xov, i<ryyp
p.ov (' My strong one, my strong one '), but that the
more exact sense was tcr^v9 //.ov, tcr^vs /xou ('My strength,
my strength ') ; 1 but though this is interesting as in
some degree connecting the cry with the Psalm, it does-
not lessen the discrepancy between Peter and the
Gospels, or in the least degree favour the theory of
acquaintance with them.

The expression used to describe what follows this-
cry completes the wide separation between them :
1 And having spoken, he was taken up' (av\rj(f)0rj). In
the first Synoptic, after his cry (xxvii. 50), ' he yielded
up the spirit ' (a^TJKev TO TTTCV/XCI), whilst the second

1 Dem. Ev. x. 8, p. 494.

THE ASCENSION 75

and third say (Mark xv. 37, Luke xxiii. 46), 'he
gave up the ghost ' (egeirvevo-Gs), and the fourth Gospel
reads (xix. 30), 'he delivered up the spirit ' (Trape'Sco/ce^
TO Tircv/Aa). The representation in Peter is understood
to be that the divine descended upon the human Christ
in the form of the dove at baptism, and immediately
ascended to Heaven again at his death. There is not
here, however, any declaration of a double Christ, or
any denial of the reality of the Christ's body, such as
characterised the later Docetae ; indeed, the fact that
the dead body is still always spoken of as that of 'the
Lord' seems distinctly to exclude this, as does the whole
subsequent narrative. Whatever Docetism there may be
in this fragment is of the earliest type, if indeed its
doctrines can be clearly traced at all ; but undoubtedly
when the sect had become pronounced heretics, ortho-
dox Christians detected their subtle influence in much
that was in itself very simple and harmless.

The fragment continues (v. 20) : ' And the same hour
the veil of the Temple of Jerusalem was torn in twain *
(Siepdyri TO /caraTreracr/ia TOV vaov TT)S 'Iepov<raX7?/x, ei?
Suo). This expression the ' temple of Jerusalem ' is one
of those which seem to indicate that the Gospel was
written away from Palestine, but in this it probably
differs little from most of the canonical Gospels. The
statement regarding the veil of the temple is almost
the same in the first two Synoptics (Matt, xxvii. 51,
Mark xv. 38). ' And behold, the veil of the temple was
rent in twain from the top to the bottom ' (TO /caTaTreVacr/xa
TOU vaov iayiorBri OLTT avtoOev eeos Kara) eis Suo). In Luke
(xxiii. 45) the rent is ' in the midst ' (/xe'croi>), but other-
wise the words are the same. The use of Sie/xxyr; instead
of the crxio-0rj of the three Synoptics is characteristic.
The fourth Gospel, strange to say, does not record at
all this extraordinary phenomenon of the rending in

or THE
UNtVERSITT,

76 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

twain of the veil of the temple. There are some
further peculiarities which must be pointed out. The
third Synoptist sets the rending of the veil before Jesus
cried with a loud voice and gave up the ghost ; whilst
in Matthew and Mark it is after the cry and giving up
the spirit. Moreover, in Matthew, it is associated with
an earthquake, and the rending of the rocks and open-
ing of tombs, and the astounding circumstance that
many bodies of the saints that had fallen asleep were
raised, and coming forth out of the tombs after his
resurrection they entered into the holy city, and ap-
peared unto many : of all of which the other three
Gospels make no mention, nor does Peter in this con-
nection.

The narrative in the fragment continues :

21. And then they took out the nails from the hands of the
Lord, and laid him upon the earth ; and the whole earth quaked,
and great fear came [upon them]. 22. Then the sun shone out, and
it was found to be the ninth hour. 23. Now the Jews were glad
and gave his body to Joseph, that he might bury it, for he had
beheld the good works that he did. 1 24. And he took the Lord and
washed him, and wrapped him in linen, and brought him into his
own grave, called ' Joseph's Garden.'

This passage is full of independent peculiarities.
Although none of the canonical Gospels, except
Matthew, says anything of an earthquake, and the
first Synopist associates it with the moment when Jesus
6 gave up the ghost,' Peter narrates that when the body
of the Lord was unloosed from the cross, the moment
it was laid on the ground the whole earth quaked
beneath the awful burden : a representation almost
grander than anything in the four Gospels.

The canonical Gospels do not speak of the nails being

1 It is suggested that these words must be taken as sarcasm on the
part of those who give the body to Joseph.

KEMOVAL OF THE NAILS 77

taken out, and although Peter states that they were
removed from the hands, he does not refer to the feet.
The fourth is the only canonical Gospel that speaks of
the nails at all, and there it is not in connection with
the crucifixion, but the subsequent appearance to the
disciples and the incredulity of Thomas (xx. 20, 25, 27).
Here also, only the marks in the hands are referred to.
The difference of the two representations is so great that
there can really be no question of dependence, and those
who are so eager to claim the use of the fourth Gospel
simply because it is the only one that speaks of ' nails '
(' the print of the nails ') might perhaps consider that
the idea of crucifixion and the cross might well be
independently associated with a reference to the nails
by which the victim was generally attached. In the
third Synoptic (xxiv. 39), the inference is inevitable
that both hands and feet were supposed to be nailed.
When the report, ' The Lord is risen,' is brought to the
eleven, Jesus is represented as standing in their midst
and assuring them that he was not a spirit, by saying :
6 See my hands and my feet, that it is I myself mean-
ing of course the prints of the nails in both. The
statement in Peter that on the occurrence of the earth-
quake ' great fear came [upon them] ' (</>o/3os /xeyas
eyeVero) is not even mentioned in Matthew when he
narrates the earthquake, which he represents as
occurring when Jesus expired. The expression is
characteristic of the author, who uses it elsewhere.

The representation that the sun shone out and that
the Jews were glad when they found it was the ninth
hour, and that consequently their law, twice quoted by
the author, would not be broken, is limited to the frag-
ment ; as is also the statement that they gave his bod}^
to Joseph that he might bury it, ' for he had beheld
the good works that he did.' As we have already seen,

78 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

the canonical Gospels represent Joseph as going to
Pilate at this time and begging for the body of Jesus,
and it will be remembered that, in Mark (xv. 44), it is
said that 'Pilate marvelled if he were already dead/
and called the centurion to ascertain the fact before he
granted the body. In Peter, the body was of course
given in consequence of the previous order, when Pilate
asked Herod for it.

Joseph is represented, here, as only washing the
body and wrapping it in linen (Xafiuv Se rov Kvpiov
IXoucre KOL etX^cre criv6vL). The first Synoptist (xxvii.
59) says that Joseph took the body and 'wrapped
it in a clean linen cloth ' (eVeruXifei/ avrb [ei>] crivbovi
KaOapa}. Mark similarly describes that (xv. 46), bring-
ing ' a linen cloth and taking him down, he wound
him in the linen cloth' (KaOeXuv avrov IveiXycrev
rrj aiv?>6vi). The third Synoptist has nearly the same
statement and words. The fourth Gospel has a much
more elaborate account to give (xix. 38 if.). Joseph
goes to Pilate asking that he may take away the body,
and Pilate gives him leave. He comes and takes away
the body. 'And there came also Nicodemus . . .
bringing a mixture of myrrh and aloes, about a hundred
pound weight. So they took the body of Jesus and
bound it in linen clothes (/cat eS^craz/ avro o6ovioi<i) with
the spices, as the custom of the Jews is to bury.' This
account is quite different from that in the Synoptics,
and equally so from Peter's, which approximates much
more nearly to that in the latter.

Peter says that Joseph then ' brought him into his
own grave, called " Joseph's Garden " (eicnfyayei' ets
tSioi> rdfyov KoXovp-evov KrJTrov ^Icocmjfj)). The account of
the tomb is much more minute in the canonical Gospels.
In Matthew (xxvii. 60), Joseph is said to lay the body
* in his own new tomb (/x^/xetw), which he had hewn out

THE SEPULCHRE 79

in the rock ; and he rolled a great stone to the door of
the tomb (p.vrjp,Lov) and departed.' In Mark (xv. 46),
he lays him ' in a tomb (jjivrj^ari) which had been hewn
out of a rock ; and he rolled a stone against the door
of the tomb ' (/x^/xetou). Luke has a new detail to
chronicle (xxiii. 53) : Joseph lays him ' in a tomb
(fjLVTjfjiaTL) that was hewn in stone, where never man
had yet lain.' The first two Synopists, it will be ob-
served, say that Joseph rolls a stone against the
entrance to the tomb : but neither Luke nor Peter has
this detail, though the former leaves it to be inferred
that it had been done, for (xxiv. 2) the women who
came on the first day of the week find the stone rolled
away from the tomb. In Peter, on the contrary, the
stone is rolled against the tomb by the guard and
others later, as we shall presently see.

In the fourth Gospel, the account has further and
different details, agreeing, however, with the peculiar
statement of Luke (xix. 41 f.) : ' Now in the place where
he was crucified there was a garden (AC^TTOS), and in the
garden a new tomb (p,vr)[jieiov) wherein was never man yet
laid. There then, because of the Jews' Preparation (for
the tomb [pvypeLov] was nigh at hand), they laid Jesus.'
Some stress has been laid upon the point that both Peter
and the fourth Gospel use the word ' garden,' and that
none of the Synoptics have it, and as these critics seem
to go upon the principle that any statement in Peter
which happens to be in any canonical Gospel, even
although widely different in treatment, must have been
derived from that Gospel, and not from any similar
written or traditional source, from which that Gospel
derived it, they argue that this shows dependence on
the fourth Gospel. There is certainly no evidence of
dependence here. In Peter, the grave (ra^os) is simply

80 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

said to be called 'Joseph's Garden'
and described as ' his own grave.' The fourth Gospel
does not identify the garden as Joseph's at all, but says-
that c in the place where he was crucified there was a
garden,' and in it 'a tomb ' (/x^/xeto^), and the reason
given for taking the body thither is not that it belonged
to Joseph, but that the tomb 'was nigh at hand/
and that on account of the Jews' Preparation they laid
it there. The whole explanation seems to exclude the
idea that the writer knew that it belonged to Joseph.
Peter simply contributes a new detail to the common
tradition. There is no appearance of his deriving this
from our canonical Gospels, from which he differs in
substance and in language. Neither Peter nor the Syn-
optics know anything of the co-operation of Nicodemus.
The narrative in the fragment continues :

25. Then the Jews and the elders and the priests, seeing the
evil they had done to themselves, began to beat their breasts (ijpfarTo
KOTTTearOtu) and to say : 'Woe for our sins j judgment draweth nigh
and the end of Jerusalem,'

We have already discussed this passage in connection
with the ' Diatessaron,' and have now only to consider it
as compared with our Gospels. There is no equivalent
in any of them, except that the third Synoptist (xxiii. 48}
says that when Jesus gave up the ghost : ' All the
multitude that came together to this sight, when they
beheld the things that were done, returned smiting
their breasts (rvTrroi^res TO, cm^Orf uTrecrrpe^o^)/ The
reason for this change of mood is, of course, the eclipse
and consequent darkness in the third Synoptic, and the
earthquake and darkness in Peter ; but in the former
' all the multitude ' smite their breasts, and in the latter

1 Harnack suggests that perhaps in the author's time Joseph's garden
was a known locality (Z.c. p. 28).

THE MULTITUDE SMITE THEIK BREASTS 81

* the Jews and the elders and the priests.' It may be
suggested whether the words inserted in the ancient
Latin Codex of St. Germain, ' Yae nobis, quae facta
sunt hodie propter peccata nostra, appropinquavit enim
desolatio Hierusalem,' l may not have been taken from
our Gospel of Peter, for an expansion of the original text
of the third Synoptic, by the author of this version.

The common reference of the fragment is to c the
Jews,' ' the Jews and the elders and the priests,' ' the
scribes and Pharisees and elders,' and ' the elders and
scribes.' Throughout the same part of the narrative in
Matthew, we have ' the scribes and elders,' c chief priests
and elders of the people ' (this, most frequently), ' chief
priests with the scribes and elders,' and in speaking of
the guard at the sepulchre, ' the chief priests and the
Pharisees.' In Mark, the same leaders are named,
whilst in Luke we have ' the chief priests and captains
of the Temple and elders,' ' the elders of the people and
both the chief priests and scribes,' and, repeatedly,
the ' chief priests and rulers.' The fourth Gospel
usually cites c the chief priests and Pharisees,' ' chief
captains and officers of the Jews,' ' the Jews,' and c the
chief priests of the Jews.' There is more analogy, in
this respect, between the fragment and the fourth
Gospel than between it and the Synoptics.

We come now to an important and characteristic
part of the fragment :

26. And I, with iny companions, was mourning, and being
pierced in spirit we hid ourselves ; for we were sought for by them
as malefactors, and as desiring to burn the temple. 27. Over all
these things, however, we were fasting, and sat mourning and
weeping night and day until the Sabbath.

There is no parallel to this passage in our Gospels,
but in the statement that the Apostles had hidden them-

1 The Syriac version of Cureton has nearly the same reading.

82 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

selves (and taken in connection with v. 59, where the
same fact is again mentioned this means all the twelve)
we have here agreement with the narrative of the first
and second Synoptics (Matt. xxvi. 56 ; Mark xix. 50),
that on the arrest of Jesus ' all the disciples left him and
fled.' This passage seems to exclude the incident of
the sword and Malchus which, as Hilgenfeld points
out, 1 is also excluded by a passage in Justin ; the
denial of Peter, which Justin equally passes over
unmentioned ; and the episode of the ' beloved disciple *
by the cross. The reason given for hiding themselves,
that they were accused of wishing to burn the temple,
has some connection with the tradition, that testimony
had been given against Jesus that he had said he
could destroy this temple and build it in three days
(Matt. xxvi. 60 ; Mark xiv. 58). 2 The passage is one of
those in which the writer speaks in the first person and
represents himself as an Apostle, which he still more
clearly does, v. 60, where he distinctly calls himself
Simon Peter.

The account that the Apostles were fasting and sat
mourning and weeping 'night and day until the
Sabbath ' (PV/CTOS KOL ^epas eiws TOV cra/3/3aTou) opens
out an interesting problem. As a rule, the Greek
expression would be -q/xepas /ecu Z^VKTOS, so if we are to
take the words actually used as deliberately intended
to represent the time, we should have to count at least
one night and one day between the death of Jesus and
the Sabbath, or in other words, that the crucifixion took
place, not on Friday, but upon Thursday, which,
according to the statement in v. 5, would really be the

1 Zeitschr. 1893, ii. 246.

3 It will be remembered that the same accusation is brought against
Stephen in Acts. The mockery of the passers-by (Matt, xxvii. 40), ' Thou
that destroyest the temple, and buildest it in three days, save thyself,' is
also in the same vein.

THE WATCH AT THE TOMB 83

13th Nisan. A great deal might be said in support of
this view, 1 but it need not be entered into here. It is
probable that, as Harnack suggests, 2 the author really
thinks of the whole time from the Thursday night, when
the arrest was made.

With the next portion, of the fragment the narrative
of the resurrection may be said to begin :

28. But the scribes and Pharisees and elders assembled them-
selves together (awa^QirreQ irpbs aXX//Xotc), hearing that all the people
murmured and beat their breasts, saying, ' If at his death these great
signs have happened, behold how just a one he is. 29. The elders
were afraid (tyo&'iOriaav) and came to Pilate (>]A0ov irpoQ ReiXaror)
beseeching him and saying, 30. ' Give us soldiers that we may
watch his grave for three days (ira tyvKdfoner TO (jLvrj^a avrov ETTI
Tptis //^e'joag), lest his disciples come and steal him, and the people
believe that he rose from the dead and do us evil ' (^TTOTE eX0o>ree ol
futuOriTal CLVTOV K\i\^u<nv avrov Kal VTroXafiy 6 XaoQ OTL EK VEKpCJv aveorrrj,
Kal TToirjawfftv Tjfjilv KO.KCI). 31. Pilate, therefore, gave them Petroiiius
the centurion with soldiers to watch the tomb (pera ffrpartwTuJv
<f>vXii<rfftLv TOV Tafyov), and with them came the elders and scribes to
the grave (TO pvrj/jia). 32. And they rolled a great stone (wAtVavree
\itiov peyav) against the centurion and the soldiers, and set it,
all who were there together, at the door of the grave (/uHfyiarot).
33. And they put seven seals (KO.I tTrE^oiaav Ewra ortypay^ag) , and
setting up a tent there they kept guard (e^vXa^av). 34. And in the
morning, at the dawn of the Sabbath, came a multitude from
Jerusalem and the neighbourhood in order that they might see the
sealed-up grave (ro ^.vr}^.Eiov kaa>oayLa^.ivov^.

There is no parallel to this narrative in any of our
canonical Gospels except the first Synoptic, which alone
mentions the circumstance that a watch was set over
the sepulchre, a fact of which the other Gospels seem
quite ignorant, and states that application was made to
Pilate for a guard for that purpose. The account in
Matthew is as follows (xxvii. 62 f.) :

Now on the morrow, which is the day after the Preparation, the
chief priests and the Pharisees were gathered together

1 There is an interesting discussion of the question by Van Manen,
Theol. Tijdschr. 1893, 4de Stuk, pp. 423 ff. * L.c. p. 28.

OF THE

tJNIVERSITT

84 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

unto Pilate, saying, Sir, we remember that that deceiver said,
while he was yet alive, After three days I rise again. Command
therefore that the sepulchre be made sure until the third day, lest
haply his disciples come and steal him away, and say unto the people,
He rose from the dead : and the last error will be worse than the
first (a.fffpa.Xiadijvai TOV raityoi' o>e TTJQ rpirr}g tjpepa^' pijTrore i\6oi'TiQ
ol fjiaQrjral K\\^(I)(TLV O.VTOV, Kal eiTraxriv ra> Acta*, 'Ilyepdr} O.TTO TWI>
reKptiv ' Kal iffrai / eff^arrj irXavri ^eiptt)v ri/g Trpwrr/c). Pilate said
unto them, Ye have a guard : go your way, make it as sure as ye
can. So they went, and made the sepulchre sure (t]a(l>a.\i(TavTo TOV
-a<t>ov), sealing the stone (atypayiaavTeQ TOV Xidov), the guard being
with them (^era TTJQ Kouerrwt'ag).

The fact that only one of the four canonical Gos-
pels has any reference to this episode, or betrays the
slightest knowledge of any precautions taken to guard
the tomb, is remarkable. The analogies in the narra-
tive in Peter with the general account, and the simi-
larity of the language in certain parts, together with
the wide variation in details and language generally,
point to the conclusion that both writers derive the
episode from a similar source, but independently of
each other. The casual agreement with continuous
dissimilarity of statement and style, are evidence of the
separate treatment of a common tradition, and put the
fragment upon a very different footing from the Synop-
tics in relation to each other. The absence of veri-
similitude is pretty nearly equal in both Gospels, but
these traditions grew up, and were unconsciously
rounded by the contributions of pious imagination.

In the fragment it is ' the scribes and Pharisees
and elders ' (otypa/x/xarets Kal 3>apLcrcuoL KalirpecrfivTepoi)
who meet together, but only the c elders ' go to Pilate ;
in the Synoptic, ' the chief Priests and the Pharisees '
(01 apxiepels Kal ol Qapivaloi) meet and go to Pilate.
Pilate gives them 6 Petronius the centurion with soldiers '
to watch the tomb ; in Matthew, he gives them ' a
guard,' bidding them make it sure ; so they go and seal

THE ROLLING AWAY OF THE STONE 85

the stone, the guard being with them. In Peter, the
4 elders and scribes ' go to the grave, and themselves
with the soldiers, ' all who were there together,' roll
a great stone and set it at the door of the grave.
Doubtless this trait is intended to convey an impression
of the great size of the stone. A curious peculiarity
occurs in the statement, ' they roll the stone against
the centurion and the soldiers,' the intention of the
words probably being that, in their suspicious mood,
they thus protected themselves from possible fraud oi-
the part even of the soldiers. 1 The motive for the
application to Pilate, in the fragment, is fear on the part
of the elders, in consequence of the murmuring and
lamentation of the people, who are represented as being
convinced by the great signs occurring at the death of
Jesus ' how just a one ' he was. This is quite a varia-
tion from the Synoptic version, but both agree in the
explanation given to Pilate of anxiety lest the disciples
should steal the body, and say that Jesus had risen
from the dead. In Matthew, they simply ' seal the stone,'
but in the fragment they put or smear (lire^picrav) c seven
seals ' upon it. Some important peculiarities then occur
in the narrative of Peter. They set up a tent beside the
tomb and keep guard, and in the morning a multitude
from Jerusalem and the neighbourhood come out to
see the sealed-up grave. There is nothing corresponding
to this in the Synoptic Gospel.
The narrative proceeds :

35. Now, in the night before the dawn of the Lord's day
(// kvpiaKti), whilst the soldiers were keeping guard over the place,
two and two in a watch, there was a great voice in the heaven.
36. And they saw the heavens opened and two men come down from
thence with great light and approach the tomb. 37. But the stone
which had been laid at the door rolled of itself away by the side,
and the tomb was opened and both the young men entered.

1 Dr. Swete also takes this view of the passage, I.e. p. 15, n. 4.

86 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

Here commences an account of the resurrection very
different in every respect from that in our canonical
Gospels, and the treatment of a tradition in some
points necessarily common to all is evidently indepen-
dent. In Matthew, the scene commences with an earth-
quake earthquakes are, indeed, peculiar to the first
Synoptist (xxviii. 2 f.) : ' And behold there was a
great earthquake ; for an angel of the Lord descended
from heaven, and came and rolled away the stone
and sat upon it. His appearance was as lightning, and
his raiment white as snow ; and for fear of him the
watchers did quake and become as dead men.' Here
only one angel comes down, whilst in Peter there are
two men, whom some critics amongst whom may be
mentioned Nestle, with whom Harnack is inclined to
agree, more especially as they are never called angels,
but merely ' two men ' identify as Moses and Elias.
The angel rolls away the stone, which in Peter rolls
away of itself, and sits upon it, whilst in Peter the two
men ent&r into the tomb. No account is given in Mark
of the opening of the tomb, the women simply finding
the stone rolled away, and a young man (vtavia-Kov)
sitting on the right side arrayed in a white robe (xvi.
4 f.) ; the author does not mention any earthquake. In
the third Synoptic (xxiv. 2 f.), the women also find the
stone already rolled away from the tomb ; there is no
earthquake. When the women enter the tomb they do
not find * the body of the Lord Jesus,' but while they
are perplexed two men stand by them in dazzling
apparel. In the fourth Gospel (xx. 12 f.), Mary, coming
to the sepulchre, sees two angels in white sitting the
one at the head, the other at the foot where the body
of Jesus had lain. Thus, to sum up, in Matthew there
is one angel, in Mark one young man, in Luke two

THE DESCENT INTO HELL 87

men, in the fourth Gospel two angels, and in Peter two
men descend from heaven to the tomb.
Peter goes on :

38. Then these soldiers, seeing this, awakened the centurion and
the elders, for they also were keeping watch. 39. And whilst they
were narrating to them what they had seen, they beheld again three
men coming out of the tomb and the two were supporting the
one, and a cross following them. 40. And the heads of the two
indeed reached up to the heaven, but that of him that was led by
their hands rose above the heavens. 41. And they heard a voice
from the heavens saying, ' Hast thou preached to them that are
sleeping ? ' 42. And an answer was heard from the cross : ' Yea.'

Of course there is nothing corresponding to this in
the canonical Gospels. In Matthew, the watchers quake
and become as dead men, but no such alarm is
here described. The elders and soldiers see the two
men who had entered the tomb come out leading
a, third, and the stately appearance of the three is
described with Oriental extravagance. 1 Following the
three is a cross, a very singular representation, more
especially as the cross presently speaks. Harnack
says that Duhms, who supposes a Hebraic original,
conjectures that the Hebrew word, which could as well
stand for ' crucified ' as ' cross,' was misunderstood by
the translator, and he adds that, if the original was
Aramaic, the matter becomes still simpler. However,
Harnack does not seem disposed to adopt the sugges-
tion. 2 It is well known that in very early works the
cross was identified with the crucified, and treated both
as a type and as having a certain personality the
living and eloquent symbol of victory over death. 3

1 There are, of course, many instances of such exaggeration : Apoc.
x. 1 f. ; Hermas, Sim. ix. 6 ; 4 Esdras, ii. 43 ; Passio Perp. c. 10.

2 L.c. p. 70.

3 Cf. Justin, Apol. i. 55 : Dial. Ixxxvi. xci. ; Irenaeus, C. Haer. ii. 24,
4 ; v. 17, 3 f. In the Ev. Nicod. ii. (Lat. B), in which the descent is fully
treated, Jesus Christ is begged to make the sign of the cross : ' Et factum
est ita, posuitque dominus crucem suam in medio inferni, quae est signum

88 THE GOSPEL ACCOKDING TO PETER

The words of the voice from the heavens are r
6 " Hast thou preached to them that are sleeping ? " and
an answer was heard from the cross : " Yea" '

rots ACoi/ACD/iez'Ois ; /cat, VTraKor] rjKovero CLTTO TOV (TTavpov
on Nai). This is generally understood as a reference
to the ' descent into hell,' which was early accepted as
a dogma by the Church and has a place in the Creed,
although its only clear mention in the New Testament
occurs in 1 Peter iii. 18 f. : 'Because Christ . . . being
put to death in the flesh, but quickened in the spirit, in
which also he went and preached (eKrjpvgev) unto the
spirits in prison, which aforetime were disobedient ; ' and
(iv. 6) : ' For unto this end was the Gospel spoken unto
the dead.' It is a curious fact that the c Gospel according
to Peter,' the fragment of which is first discovered in a
little volume along with a fragment of the ' Apocalypse of
Peter,' should thus contain a reference to a doctrine, the
only allusion to which in any of the canonical writings
is contained in a so-called ' Epistle of Peter.' Hilgenfeld
wishes to read Kowtoptvois instead of /cot/iw/xe^ot?, and
disputes the rendering of VTTCLKOTJ as ' answer,' although
he admits that there is some support to this as a
liturgical response. 1 He would render this passage : 'Du
verklindigtest den Profanirten und einem Gehorsam. 2
Von dem Kreuze her erschallt : Ja.' He argues that
there can be no question here of a descent into hell by
one coming out of the grave who cannot even hold
himself upright, but must be led ; that, however much
the inanimate body of Jesus may still be called ' the
Lord,' his ' Self ' is already in death ascended to heaven ;
the selfless (selbstlose) body cannot possibly in the mean-

victoriae et usque in aeternum permanebit ' (Evcmg. Nicodemi, Pars ii.
Latine B. cap. x. (xxvi.) ; Tischendorf, Evcmg. Apocr. 1853, p. 409 ; Ep+
Barn. c. 12 ; Greg. Nyss. Adv. Jud. c. 7).

1 Constitt. App. viii. 12, pp. 259, 13 f.

3 The expression is so peculiar that we give it in the original.

THE DESCENT INTO HELL 89

time have gone into Hades. 1 In this conclusion, how-
ever, he is at variance with almost all critics, who
generally take the view rendered above. 2

The passage which we have quoted from Matthew
(xxvii. 52 f.) must be recalled, in which the first
Synoptic alone of the four canonical Gospels has an
account of astonishing events said to have occurred at
the death of Jesus : an earthquake which rent the rocks
and opened the tombs, ' and many bodies of the saints
that were sleeping (Acefcot/i^/AeW^) were raised ; and
coming forth out of the tombs after his resurrection,
they entered into the holy city and appeared unto
many.' This resurrection of the saints ' that were
sleeping ' is associated by Eusebius with the descent into
hell, 3 and it is not improbable that the first Synoptist
had it in his mind. It is not necessary to point out
many early references to the descent into hell, 4 but an
interesting passage may be quoted from Justin. He
accuses the Jews of omitting from the prophecy of
Jeremiah in their copies of the Septuagint the following
verse : ' The Lord God, the Holy one of Israel, remem-
bered his dead who lay sleeping (/ce/cot/x^jLte^oj^) in the
earth, and descended to them to bring to them the good
news of his salvation.' 5 It is not known that the
passage ever really existed in Jeremiah but, notwith-
standing, Irenaeus quotes it no less than five times. 6

The writer does not explain the representation of

1 L.c. pp. 263 f. Dr. Martineau translates the passage : * Hast thou
preached obedience to them that sleep ? ' Nineteenth Century, June 1893,
pp. 917 f.

2 Harnack, I.e. pp. 68 f. ; Lods, I.e. p. 48, although with a ? ; Zahn,
I.e. pp. 22 f. ; Eobinson, I.e. pp. 24 f. ; Swete, I.e. pp. xiv. 19. (Dr. Swete
considers any reference to 1 Pet. iii. 19 improbable.) J. Eendel Harris,
I.e. pp. 51 f., 89 ; von Schubert, I.e. pp. 101 f. ; cf. van Manen, I.e. pp.
522 f. ; Martineau, I.e. pp. 917 f.

3 Dem. Ev. 500. This is referred to by Dr. Swete, I.e. p. 19, n. 2.

4 For instance, Ignat. Ep. Magn. 9 ; Hermas, Sim. ix. 16.
3 Dial. Ixxii.

6 Haer. iii. 20, 4 ; iv. 22, 1 ; 33, 1, 12 ; v. 31, 1.

OF THE

UNIVERSITY

'90 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

the three who came out of the tomb, two of whom were
' supporting,' or, as is subsequently said, leading him,
or conducting him, but this figure, more stately than
the others, of course, is intended to be recognised as
Jesus. Too much has been said as to the weakness
supposed to be here described, and Zahn, who as much
as possible ridicules the whole contents of the fragment,
says that ' the raised Lazarus, in comparison with
him, is a hero in strength and life.' But is the in-
tention here to depict weakness? No word is used
which really demands that interpretation. As Dr.
Swete rightly points out, ' the support appears to be
regarded as nominal only, since He is also said to be
" conducted " (xei/oayo>yoi7*eW>) ' (p. 18). It is true that
Xeipayojyetz' is twice used in Acts (ix. 8, xxii. 11) to
express Paul's helplessness when led by the hand after
his vision on the way to Damascus, but it does not in
itself imply weakness, and no other hint of feebleness
is given in the fragment. The ' touch me not ' of the
fourth Gospel, when Mary Magdalene stretches out her
hand to Jesus, is quite as much a mark of weakness as
this. It may not unfairly, on the other hand, be in-
terpreted as a mark of honour, and nothing in Peter
forbids this reading. If weakness were indicated, it
might be taken as a Docetic representation of the con-
dition of the human body, deprived of the divine Christ,
who had ascended from the cross.

The continuation of the narrative in Peter is as
different from that of our canonical Gospels as its
commencement :

43. These, therefore, took counsel together whether they should go
and declare these things to Pilate. 44. And whilst they were still
considering, the heavens again appeared opened, and a certain man
descending and going into the grave. 45. Seeing these things, the
centurion and his men hastened to Pilate by night, leaving the tomb
they were watching, and narrated all things they had seen, fearing

THE RESURRECTION 91

greatly, and saying : * Truly he was a Son of God ' (u\r;6we vios fa
Seov). 46. Pilate answered and said, ' I am pure of the blood of
the Son of God, but thus it seemed good unto you ' (eyw KaOaptvw
TOV a7/mroe rov vtov TUV Oeov, vf.iiv tie TOVTO e3ocv). 47. Then they
all came to him beseeching and entreating him that he should com-
mand the centurion and the soldiers to say nothing of what they
had seen, 48. ' For it is better,' they said, ' to lay upon us the
greatest sins before God, and not to fall into the hands of the people
of the Jews and be stoned.' 49. Pilate, therefore, commanded the
centurion and the soldiers to say nothing.

As the first Synoptic is the only Gospel which
relates the story of the application to Pilate for a guard
and the watch at the sepulchre, so of course it is the
only one which gives the sequel to that episode ; but
this differs in every respect from the account in Peter.
It is as follows (xxviii. 11 f.) :

Some of the guard came into the city, and told unto the chief
priests all the things that were come to pass. And when they were
-assembled with the elders, and had taken counsel, they gave large
money unto the soldiers, saying, Say ye, His disciples came by night
and stole him away while we slept. And if this come to the
governor's ears, we will persuade him, and rid you of care. So they
took the money, and did as they were taught : and this saying was
spread abroad among the Jews, and continueth until this day.

When the centurion and soldiers in Peter go. to
Pilate after witnessing the events described as occur-
ring at the resurrection, ' fearing greatly ' (ayow&We?
), they say, 'Truly he was a Son of God'
vibs yv 0eoG). It will be remembered that, in
the first Synoptic, when the centurion and they that
were watching Jesus saw the earthquake and the things
that were done when he expired, they ' feared ex-
ceedingly ' (tyopriOycrav cn/>o'S/)a), and said, ' Truly this
was a Son of God ' (dX^ois 0eov wos fy ouros). The
tradition of the astonished centurion bearing such
testimony to Jesus is known to both writers, but under
different circumstances, and independently treated. In

92 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

similar fashion, the reply put into the mouth of Pilate
in Peter, ' I am pure of the blood (ey&) KaOapeva) TOV
cu/xaTos) of the Son of God, but thus it seemed good
unto you,' is, to a certain extent, the same as Pilate's
declaration to the multitude after washing his hands-
(xxvii. 24 f.) : 'I am innocent of the blood of this
righteous man (d#wos ei/xi OLTTO TOV aJ/Aaros TOV OLKCLLOV
TOVTOV) : see ye to it ; ' but in this case, as well as the
other, the details and the language show an independent
use of a similar source. In the Synoptic, the centurion
and soldiers do not go to Pilate at all, but are bribed by
the chief priests and elders to say that his disciples
stole him by night when they slept. They are warned
by Pilate to be altogether silent, in Peter. As the
desire of the author is represented to be to remove
responsibility from Pilate and throw it all upon the
Jews, it is difficult to conceive that, if he had this
account before him, he could deliberately have left it
unused, and preferred his own account.

We now come to the visit of the women to the
sepulchre :

50. In the morning of the Lord's day, Mary Magdalene, a.
disciple of the Lord (through fear of the Jews, for they burnt with
anger, she had not done at the grave of the Lord that which women
are accustomed to do for those that die and are loved by them),
51. took her women friends with her and came to the grave where
he was laid. 52. And they feared lest the Jews should see them,
and said : ' If we could not on that day on which he was crucified
weep and lament, let us do these things even now at his grave.
53. But who will roll away the stone that is laid at the door of his
grave (rt'e 3e cnroKvXiffei r\^1v KOI TOV \l6ov TOV rtOlvra enl rr/e Gvpag
TOV nvrjfieLov) in order that we may enter and set ourselves by him
and do the things that are due ? 54. For great was the stone (/iy
yap %v b \ido<;), and we fear lest some one should see us. And if we
should not be able to do it, let us at least lay down before the door
that which we bring in his memory, and let us weep and lament till
we come to our home.' 55. And they went and found the tomb
opened and, coming near, they stooped down and see there a certain

THE WOMEN AT THE SEPULCHRE 93

young man sitting in the midst of the tomb, beautiful and clad in
a shining garment (/ecu TrponreXBovaraL irapiKv^av 7, KCU opuxny IKE'I
riva vtaviaxoi' Ka.6e6/jitrov piffu) rov ratyov, upaloi' KUI Trfpi(3t(3\r)/uievov
frro\i}v XaprrpoTarrji'), who said to them : 56. ' Why are ye come ?
Whom seek ye ? Him who was crucified ? He is risen and gone
away. But if ye do not believe, stoop down and see the place
where he lay, that he is not there ; for he is risen and gone away
whence he was sent' (ri i)\0are; rira ^relrt; ju/) TOV ffravpuOevra
tKtlvov ; ai'<rTT) Kal a7rrj\tiei>' el Se fit) Trtarevere, TrapaKvifsare KO.I tare
TOV TOTTOV 'ivQa ecctro, on OVK EOTIV ' aviary yap Kal a.Trii\Qev EKEI odev
cnre<rra\r)). Then the women, frightened, fled.

We need not remark that in all essential points the
account given here is different from that in our Gospels.
In each of the three Synoptics, it is said that the
women saw where Jesus was laid, and the first two
name Mary Magdalene and Mary the mother of Jesus
(Mark ' the other Mary '), Matt, xxvii. 61, Mark xv. 47,
Luke xxiii. 55. All four canonical Gospels relate their
coming to the sepulchre : Matthew (xxviii. 1), ' late on
the Sabbath day, as it began to dawn toward the first
day of the week ; ' Mark (xvi. 1), ' when the Sabbath
was past ; ' Luke (xxiv. 1), 'on the first day of the
week at early dawn ; ' but only the second and third
state that they bring spices to anoint Jesus ; in
Matthew the purpose stated being merely ' to see the
sepulchre.' In the fourth Gospel, only Mary Magdalene
comes, and no reason is assigned. In Peter, Mary
Magdalene only is named, but she takes her women
friends, and though spices are not directly named, they
are distinctly implied, and the object of the visit to the
tomb, admirably described as ' that which women are
accustomed to do for those who die and are loved by
them,' which they had not been able to do on the day
of the crucifixion, through fear of the Jews. Even
now the same fear is upon them; but nothing is said of
it in the four Gospels.

94 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

The only part of the words put into their mouths-
by the author which at all corresponds with anything
in the canonical narratives is that regarding the open-
ing of the sepulchre. 6 But who will roll us away the
stone that is laid at the door of the grave ? ' (TI'S Se
aVo/ciAicrei rjfJLLV /cat TOV \i6ov TOV TtOevTa ITTL TTJS Ovpas
TOV fjivrifjiLov ;). In Matthew, an angel had rolled away
the stone, but in Mark the women are represented as
asking the same question among themselves (xvi. 3),
* Who shall roll us away the stone from the door of the
grave ? ' (TIS aTro/ciAurei rjpJiv TOV \iOov IK rrys Ovpas TOV
prqp&ov ;) practically in the same words. To appre-
ciate the relative importance of the similarity in this-
detail it should be remembered that the same words
are used with slight grammatical changes in the other
two Synoptics : Matt, xxviii. 2, the angel ' rolled away
the stone ' (ctTreKuXto-e TOV \i6ov)\ and Luke xxiv. 2, they
found ' the stone rolled away from the grave ' (TOV \L6ov
a7roKKv\LcriJivov ciTro TOV jjivr) fjLiov) . The privilege of
using a similar source of tradition must also be accorded
to the author of the fragment.

The women in Peter, after a few more words
explanatory of their purpose in going to the sepulchre,
use an expression to which so much importance has
been attached by Zahn that, to render it intelligible, it
must be connected with the context just discussed.
' But who will roll away the stone that is laid at the
door of the grave, in order that we may enter and set
ourselves by him, and do the things that are due ? For
great was the stone (/xeyas yap rjv o Xt^os), and we fear
lest some one should see us.' Now in the second
Synoptic (xvi. 4) we read that the women, looking up,
* see that the stone (Xi'00?) is rolled back ; for it was
exceeding great ' (rjv yap peyas a-(f>6opa). Zahn says :
' Just as certainly can the dependence of the Gospel of

CONSTRUCTION OF THE SYNOPTICS 95

Peter on Mark be proved. A proof scarcely to be
refuted lies even in the one little word r\v^ which is
mechanically taken from Mark xvi. o.' 1 To one so
willing to be convinced, what might not be proved by
many little words in the canonical Gospels ? It must
be remembered that none of our Synoptics sprang full-
Hedged from the original tradition, but, as is recognised
by every critic competent to form an opinion, is based
on previous works and records of tradition, which
gradually grew into this more complete form. Any
one who wishes to realise this should examine Eush-
brooke's ' Synopticon,' which, at a glance, will show the
matter and the language common to our first three
Gospels, and leave little doubt as to the common origin
of these works. It may be useful towards a proper
understanding of the problem before us if we give a
single illustration of the construction of the Synoptics
taken from the very part of the narrative at which we
have arrived. We shall arrange it in parallel columns
for facility of comparison.

MATTHEW xxvii. MAKK xv. LUKE xxiii.

55. And many women 40. And there were 49. And all his ac-
were there beholding also women beholding quaintance, and the
from afar, which had from afar : among whom women that followed
followed Jesus from were both Mary Magda- him from Galilee,
Galilee, ministering un- lene and Mary the stood afar off, seeing
to him: 56. among whom mother of James the these things, xxiv.
was Mary Magdalene, less and of Joses, and 10. Now they were
and Mary the mother of Salome ; 41. who, when Mary Magdalene and
James and Joses, and he was in Galilee, fol- Joanna, and Mary [the
the mother of the sons lowed him, and minis- mother] of James, and
of Zebedee. tered unto him . . . other women with

them, xxiii. 50.

57. And when even 42. And when even 50. And behold a

was come, there came a was now come, . . . 43. man named

rich man from Arima- there came Joseph of Joseph, who was a

thaea, Arimathaea, a councillor councillor, a good man

of honourable estate, and a righteous, 51.

. . . of Arimathaea,

a city of the Jews,

1 L.c. p. 52.

96 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

MATTHEW xxvii. MARK xv. LUKE xxiii.

who also himself was who also himself was who was looking for

Jesus' disciple : looking for the kingdom the kingdom of God :

of God: and he boldly

58. this man went to went in unto Pilate and 52. this man went to

Pilate, and asked for the asked for the body of Pilate, and asked for

body of Jesus. Jesus. the body of Jesus.

55. T H(rtti> <5e fuel 40. r Ho~av fie KOL yv- 49. Etcrrr^/<ei(7av 8e

yvvaiKes TToXXat dnb p.a- vcuKfs djro paKpodev iravrts ol yvoxrTol

Kpodcv fawpovcraiy arrive? $ea>po{5(rai, eV ais KOI avrcS aV6 p,a/cpd$ei>, *ai

T}KO\ovdrj(rav rai 'Irjo-ov Mapt'a 17 MaySaXrji/r) /cat yvvalKes at avvaKoXov-

OTTO TTJS FaXtXaias 1 Stuxo- Mapta rj 'IaKa>|3ot TOV 6ov(rai atr<5 OTTO TTJS

vovo~ai avT6>, (56) eV ais p.iicpov KCU 'laxr^ro? p.rj- FuXtXatay, opwcrai ravra.

r)v Mapiaf) Ma-ySaX?;!^, <al rrjp KOI 2aXco/zr;, (41) ac (xxiv. 10) qa-av de 17

Mopia f) TOV 'laKO)/3ou KOL ore qv ev rfj TaXiXaia MaySaX?;!/^ Mapia KOI

'Icoa-?) WTrjp* KOI f) prjrrjp T)Ko\ov6ovv avrw icat SIT/- 'laxii'm /eat Mapt'a 17

rS)v viatv Ze/3e8aiov. Koi/ovy aurw, . . . 'laKa>/3ou icat at XotTrai

crvv avTais , . .

57. 'Ox/rt'as 8e yevopcvrjs 42. xat rjifir; o\/rta? yevo- 50. Kat tSov ai/r)p
avdpuiros TrXovo-ios p-fvr]S, . . . (43) e'X$a>i/ ovd/Ltart 'laxrJ7<p /3ou-

<i7ro 'Apipadaias, Tovvopa 'Iaxrr)<p OTTO 'Api/ia^at'as, Xeurr)s VTrap^coi/, aw)p
'Ia><rr)(p, fiKr^^v /3ouXeurr/s, 6y eryatfos xat St/caios 1 ,

51. . . . OTTO 'Apt/xa^atay
TToXecoy roil' 'louSauoi',

o? Kat auros cpa6r)Tv6r) KCU avTos r\v Trpoo-Se^d- 6? Trpoa-eSe'^ero rr)y
TW 'iT/crov /nei>o rr/v jSao-tXei'ai/ ro{5 /3a<riXet'ai> roG ^eov.

58. ovros 7rpcxreX#a>i' ^eoi), roX/ir/o'as eto'^X^ei' 52. OVTOS 7rpo(reX$a)i>
TM IletXaro) T/r^traro TO npos TOV Hfi\a.Tov /cat rw IleiXara) 7/rr/oraro TO
<Twp.a TOV 'Ir)o~ov. fiTijcraro TO o~o)/za ToO o^aj/ia ToO 'ir/crov.

Or take, for instance, a few verses giving the arrest
of Jesus as narrated by the three Synoptists :

MATTHEW xxvi. MARK xiv. LUKE xxii.

47. And while he yet 43. And straightway, 47. "While he yet
spake, lo, Judas, one of while he yet spake, spake, lo, a multitude,
the twelve, came, and cometh Judas, one of and he that was called
with hun a great multi- the twelve, and with him Judas, one of the
tude with swords and a multitude with swords twelve, went before
staves, from the chief and staves, from the them ;

priests and elders of the chief priests and the
people. scribes and the elders.

48. Now he that be- 44. Now he that be-
trayed him gave them a trayed him had given

sign, saying, Whomso- them a token, saying, and he drew near unto
ever I shall kiss, that is Whomsoever I shall kiss, Jesus to kiss him.
he : take him. that is he ; take him,

and lead him away

safely.

49. And straightway 45. And when he was
he came to Jesus, and come, straightway he
said, Hail, Rabbi ; and came to him and saith,
kissed him. Rabbi ; and kissed him.

CONSTRUCTION OF THE SYNOPTICS 97

MATTHEW xxvi. MARK xiv. LUKE xxii.

50. And Jesus said 48. But Jesus said
unto him. Friend, do unto him, Judas, be-
that for which thou art trayest thou the Son
come. of man with a kiss ?
Then they came and laid 46. And they laid (54. And they seized
hands on Jesus and took hands on him and took him and led him a way.)
him. him.

51. And lo, one of 47. But a certain one 50. And a certain
them that were with of them one of them

Jesus stretched out his

hand, and drew his that stood by drew his

sword, and smote the sword, and smote the smote the

servant of the high servant of the high servant of the high

priest, and struck off his priest, and struck off his priest, and struck off

ear. ear. his right ear.

47. Kai en avrov \a- 43. Kai fvdvs ert avrov 47. ert avrov XaXoOr-

\ovvros, I8ov 'lovSa? eiy AuAoCiros' Trapayiverat TO?, I8ov o^Xos, Kai 6

rutv ScoSexa rj\6ev, Kal p.er' 'Iov8as els rwv ScoSexa, \cyop.vos 'lovSa? els

avrov o^Xo? TroXuj aero. Kal /zer' avrov o^Xos juera rail/ 8o>8eKa

KOI v\Q)v dno p,a^aipu)v KOI v\a>v irapa CLVTOVS, K.ai

KOI Trpea- TOIV dp^tepe'cof Kai rS>v

ov XaoO. ypa^arecov Kal irpe<r(3vrc-

48. 6 de TrapadiSovs 44. SeSwKei 5e 6 irapa-
avrov e8a>icev carols 0-77- 8i8ovs avrbv frv(T<Trjp.ov

l^fiov \eyajv ov av avrols \fyu)V ov av rfyyurev rw *Ir)(rov

(ptXrjo'a), O.VTOS earns <piXj7O"co. CIVTOS COTIV icpa- (f)i\fj(rai OVTOV.

Kparfja-are avrov. Trja-are avrov KOI dirdyere
d(r(pa\a>s.

49. Kat ev^e'co? 7rpoo-fX- 45. Kai e\do3V fvdvs
6u>v TO) 'Ir;o-oG eiirev TrpoaeXOtov avra) Xeyet
^aipe paftdci, Kal /tare- p'a/3/3ei', KOI KCtT((pl\r)crev.
<p[\r)(Tfi> avrov. OVTOV.

50. 6 8e 'Irjo-ovs elrrfv 48. 'l^o-ovy 8e
aura) eraTpe, e</)' 6 Trapet, avrco 'loufia,

rore TrpoacXdovrcs eVe'- TOV vlov rov avdpoarrov

7rapa8i8<os ;

(3a\ov ras ^etpay eVi rov 46. ot 8e irJ3a\av ras (54. o-vAXa/SoWey

'Irjo-ovv KCU fKpdrrja-av ^eipas avrai Kai KpaTTj(rav avrov fjyayov.)

avrov. avrov.

51. Kai I8ov fls rwv 47. ets- fie ns ra>v 50. /tai eVara^ej/
/zera 'Irjo-oi) eKTfivas rfjv Trapear^Korcov (rnavdufvos ns e'^ avroiv rov

aWo-7rao-ei> ri

afrou, Ka rrar-

gas rov 8ov\ov rov px tf - fioi)Xoi> roO ap^iepe'coy xai ap^tepecos roi/ fiouXoi/

pe'coff d(pel\ev avrov ro acpeiXev avrov ro wrdpiov. Kai a<peiAez> ro ovy auroO
tariov. TO 8e^i6v.

Such close similarity as this, with occasional as-
tonishing omissions of matter and flagrant contradic-
tions where independent narrative is attempted, runs

98 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

through the whole of the three Synoptics. This is
not the place to enter upon any discussion of these
phenomena, or any explanation of the origin of our
Gospels, but apologists may be invited to consider the
fact before passing judgment on the Gospel of Peter.
Any coincidence of statement in the narrative of the
fragment with any one of the four Gospels is promptly
declared to be decisive evidence of dependence on that
Gospel ; and even the use of a word which has a
parallel in them is sufficient reason for denouncing the
author as a plagiarist. It would almost seem as if such
critics had never read the prologue to the third Synoptic,
and forgotten the TroXXoi to which its author refers,
when they limit the Christian tradition to these Gospels,
which again, upon examination, must themselves be
limited to two the Synoptic and the Johannine, which
in so great a degree contradict each other.

To return now to the passage which we have to
examine. It will be observed that the second Synoptic
treats the episode of the women in a manner different
from the other two, but in the same style, though with
very differing details, as Peter. We shall show reason
for believing that both have drawn from the same
source, but that the fragment has probably adhered
more closely to the original source. In Mark(xvi. 3 f.)
the women are, as in Peter, represented as speaking :
' And they were saying among themselves, " Who shall
roll us away the stone from the door of the tomb ? "
Here the spoken words stop, and the writer continues
to narrate : c And looking up, they see that the stone is
rolled back (dz/a/ceKuXio-rcu) : for it was (yv) exceeding
great.' It is obvious that the ' was ' here is quite out
of place, and it seems impossible to avoid the conclusion
that, originally, it must have stood with a different con-
text That different context we have in Peter. The

THE ANGELS AT THE RESURRECTION 99

women say amongst themselves : 'Who will roll us away
the stone that is laid at the door of the grave, in order
that we may enter ' and, of course, in saying this
they are supposed to have in their minds the stone
which they had seen the evening before and, naturally,
express their recollection of it in the past tense ' for it
was exceeding great.' If the phrase has been mechani-
cally introduced, it has been so by the second Synoptist,
in whose text it is more out of place than in Peter. A
prescriptive right to early traditions of this kind cannot
reasonably be claimed for any writer, simply because his
compilation has happened to secure a place in the Canon.
When the women come to the tomb, they stoop
down (iraptKviljav) and see there (opaxnv e/cet) a certain
young man (TLVO, veavia-Kov) sitting in the midst of the
tomb, beautiful and clad in a shining garment (upatov
Kal 7rpL/3e/3\r)nei>ov (TToXrjv XafJLTrpoTaTrjv). This is the
' certain man ' who descended when the heavens were
again opened, as described in v. 44. The realistic touch
of the women stooping to look into the low entrance
of the tomb is repeated when the ' young man ' bids
them ' stoop down ' (TrapaKv^are) and convince them-
selves that Jesus had risen. This does not occur in any
of the Synoptics ; but in the fourth Gospel (xx. 5), Peter,
it is said, ' stooping down ' (Trapa/otyas) sees (/3XeVei)
the clothes. In Matthew, the angel sits upon the stone
which he has rolled away, and not in the sepulchre, and
his description is (xxviii. 3) : ' His appearance was as
lightning, and his raiment white as snow ' (fy 8c 17 etSe'a
CLVTOV a>s acrr/DaTrr), Kal TO efSv/Aa avrov XCVKOV a>s X tc ^)-
In Mark (xvi. 8), they see a 'young man' (veaviarKov)
sitting on the right side, and not in the middle, and he
is ' clad in a white robe ' (Trepi/BeftXTjjjitvov o-roXrjv
XevKrjv). In Luke (xxiv. 4), two men (dvSpes Svo) stand
by the women ' in dazzling apparel ' (iv laBrJTi aa-rpa-

H 2

100 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

In the fourth Gospel (xx. 12), Mary sees two
angels sitting, the one at the head, the other at the
feet, where the body had lain, but they are simply said
to be ' in white ' (eV XeuKots).

The ' young man ' says to the women in Peter :
4 Why are ye come ? (TL jjXOare ;) Whom seek ye ? (ruva
77x6176 ;) Him who was crucified ? (/zr) rov o-Tavpa)0i>Ta
;) He is risen and gone away (avecrrr) Kal
v). But if ye do not believe, stoop down,
and see the place where he lay (irapaKv^are Kal TSare
rbv TOTTOV tvOa e/cei7o), that he is not there, for he is
risen and gone away thither whence he was sent'*
(avecrTir) yap Kal aTrrjWtv e/cei oOev 0,77607701X77 ).' In Mat-
thew (xxviii. 5 f.) the angel ' answered and said unto the
women ' (who had not spoken to him, apparently)
c " Fear not ye : for I know that ye seek Jesus which
hath been crucified (otSa yap OTL 'Irjcrovv TOV e
7776176). He is not here, for he rose (OVK

, rjytpOrj yap), even as he said. Come, see the
place where the Lord lay (SeGre tSere TOV TOTTOV OTTOV
Ifceiro). And go quickly, and tell his disciples he
rose from the dead (rjyepOrj OLTTO TMV veKp&v) ; and lo,
he goeth before you into Galilee ; there shall ye see
him: lo, I have told you." In Mark (xvi. 6 f.), this
* young man ' in the tomb says : 'Be not amazed; ye seek
Jesus the Nazarene which hath been crucified ('I^crow
7776176 TOV Na^apyvcv TOV lo-TavpajfJievov). He rose
(yycpOri) ; he is not here ; behold, the place where they
laid him ! (OVK earns wSe tSe 6 TOTTOS OTTOU edrjKav
avTov). But go tell his disciples and Peter, He goeth
before you into Galilee : there shall ye see him, as he
said unto you.' The close resemblance of these two
accounts in the first and second Gospels is striking, and
scarcely less so is the resemblance, with important
variations, of the third Synoptic (xxiv. 5 ff.). The ' two

THE KESURKECTION 101

men in dazzling apparel ' say to the women, who stand
with their faces bowed down towards the earth : ' Why
seek ye the living among the dead ? He is not here, but
he rose (OVK tcmv cDSe, a\\a riyepOiq). 1 Eemember
how he spake unto you when he was yet in Galilee,
saying, that the Son of man must be delivered up into
the hands of sinful men, and be crucified, and the third
-day rise again.' The complete change in the reference
to Galilee here will be observed.

The peculiar ending of the words of the 'young
man ' in Peter is nowhere found in our Gospels : ' He is
risen and gone away thither whence he was sent.' Mr.
Eobinson compares with this a passage from the 20th
Homily of Aphrahat (ed. Wright, p. 385): 'And the
angel said to Mary, he is risen and gone away to him
that sent him/ Mr. Eobinson adds : ' There is reason
to believe that Aphrahat, a Syrian writer, used Tatian's
Harmony : and thus we seem to have a second link
between our Gospel and that important work.' 2 But
is it not rather a curious position in which to place the
supposed ' Diatessaron,' to argue that a passage which
it does not now contain was nevertheless in it because
a, Syrian writer who is supposed to have used the
* Diatessaron ' has quoted the passage ? It shows how
untrustworthy are all arguments regarding early works
like the ' Diatessaron.' Looking at the other instances
which could be pointed out, and to some of which we
have referred, we see that everything not agreeing with
the Gospels of the Church has been gradually eliminated
or corrected into agreement, and that thus the very pro-
bable use of the Gospel according to Peter by Tatian
may be concealed. As Mr. Eobinson further points out,

1 Westcott and Hort put these words between double brackets, as
almost certain interpolations, through the action of ' Western influences.'
'-' The Gospel according to Peter, p. 29, n. 1.

102 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETEK

however, the words of the angel in Peter are in direct
contradiction to those put into the mouth of Jesus-
in the fourth Gospel (xx. 17) : 'I am not yet ascended
to the Father/

The conclusion of the whole episode in Peter is the
short and comprehensive phrase : ' Then the women,,
frightened, fled' (rdre at yvz/cu/ces (frofirjOelcraL tyvyov).
In Matthew, in obedience to the order of the angel to
go and tell his disciples, none of which is given in
Peter, it is said (xxviii. 8) : 6 And they departed quickly
from the tomb with fear and great joy ' (KOL a

TO)(V CLTTO 7OV fJLV7)p,LOV fJLTOL <f)6/BoV KO.I \a

and ran to bring his disciples word/ In Mark (xvi. 8}
it is said : * And they went out and fled from the tomb ;
for trembling and astonishment had come upon them
(KOL ^\0ovcrai e<t>vyov OLTTO rov jjan)p*iov ' tLKev yap
auras T/OO/AOS KCLI eKcrrao-i?). And they said nothing to
any one: for they were afraid' (tyoftovvro yap}. The
running to bring the disciples word, in the first, and
the saying nothing to any one, of the second, Synoptic, is
a case of curious contradiction in details. The third
Gospel twice over repeats the statement that the women
told what they had heard c to the eleven and to all the
rest' (xxiv. 9, 10), but says nothing of the emotions
excited by the interview, except the double statement
(xxiv. 8), 'And they remembered his words,' and, 11,
6 And these words appeared in their sight as idle talk,
and they disbelieved them.'

In the first Synoptic, however (xxviii. 9 f.), as the
women go, the risen Jesus himself meets them and
delivers the same order to tell the disciples to depart
into Galilee, where they shall see him. The genuine
portion of the second Synoptic ends with the words
quoted above, and it is only in the added conclusion
(xvi. 9. 20) that we meet with an account of an ap-

PECULIARITIES OF THE FRAGMENT 103

pearance to Mary Magdalene in the morning. The
third Synoptic relates no appearance to the women or
any one that morning ; but the fourth Gospel has the
appearance of Jesus to Mary Magdalene, and a long
interview between them. Now all this is quite dis-
tinctly excluded from the Gospel according to Peter,
and those who argue for the dependence of the work
on our Gospels have to explain this deliberate
omission.

The fragment proceeds :

58. And it was the last day of the Unleavened bread, and many
went forth, returning to their homes, the feast being ended. 59. But
we, the twelve disciples of the Lord, wept and mourned, and each
went to his home sorrowing for that which had happened. 60. But
I, Simon Peter, and Andrew, my brother, took our nets and went to
the sea, and there was with us Levi, the son of Alphaeus, whom the
Lord ....

And so, at a most interesting point, the fragment breaks
off, in the middle of a phrase. This, it will be observed,
distinctly excludes the vision to the two disciples in the
country, mentioned Mark xvi. 12 f., supposing it to be
that described in the third Synoptic (xxiv. 13 fi.), of
which long narrative no hint is given in Peter. It
also, of course, excludes the appearance to the disciples
in the room, described in the fourth Gospel (xix. 20 ff.),
and the breathing of the Holy Ghost upon them, of
which very important episode the three Synoptics are
equally ignorant, as well as the second appearance to
them and the conviction of the unbelieving Thomas,
which only this Gospel records. We may add that the
appearance to the eleven as they sat at meat, related in
the addition to the second Synoptic (xvi. 14 f.), with
the mission of the apostles 'into all the world,' with
miraculous powers endowed, which the other Gospels
do not mention, is likewise excluded by Peter.

104 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

This is not all that is excluded, however, for in the
fragment reference is distinctly made to the 'twelve
disciples,' which is an explicit confirmation of the state-
ment made in v. 26 f., 'I and my companions . . .
were fasting and mourning,' which makes no exception
any more than the similar ' We, the twelve disciples of
the Lord' now quoted. Supposing this statement to
be deliberately made, and we have no reason whatever
from anything in the rest of the fragment to doubt it,
this completely excludes the whole of the story of a
betrayal of his master by Judas Iscariot. Various facts
must be remembered in confirmation of the view that
the ' betrayal ' of Jesus by Judas Iscariot was unknown
to the older tradition. In the Apocalypse (xxi. 14) it
is said that upon the twelve foundations of the Holy
City, the New Jerusalem, are written ' the twelve names
of the twelve apostles of the Lamb.' If, as is generally
believed, this Apocalypse was written by John the
Apostle, is it possible that, if Judas had betrayed his
master in the manner described by the canonical
Gospels, he could deliberately have written this, using
twice over the ' twelve,' which includes that Apostle ?
Again, in the first epistle to the Corinthians (i. xv. 5),
in relating the supposed ' appearances ' of Jesus, it is
said that he first appeared to Cephas : ' Then unto the
twelve.' l If the point be considered on the mere
ground of historical probability, there is every reason
to consider that the betrayal by Judas is a later product
of the ' evolved gnosis.' Jesus is described as going
about everywhere with his disciples, and nothing could

1 In the passage 1 Cor. xi. 23 mention is made of a betrayal : ' in the
night in which he was betrayed,' but without further detail, and it is
quite consistent to suppose that the * betrayal ' is not attributed to one of
the Twelve. However, there is considerable reason for believing that this
passage is an interpolation. It is a fact that a betrayal is not alluded to
in any other place where we might expect to find it in these Epistles ; e.g.
Rom. iv. 25 ; viii. 32 ; Gal. ii. 20.

PECULIARITIES OF THE FRAGMENT 105

have been easier, under the circumstances, than to
follow and quietly arrest him, without any betrayal at
all. In fact, there is no real need shown for such a
betrayal, and the older Christian tradition probably did
not contain it. It was just the trait which the ' evolved
gnosis ' would add to the picture from such a passage
as Psalm xli. 9 : ' Yea, mine own familiar friend, in
whom I trusted, which did eat of my bread, hath lifted
up his heel against me,' and which was given its literal
fulfilment in the detail mentioned in the first and
second Synoptics (Matt. xxvi. 23, Mark. xiv. 20), 'He
that dipped his hand with me in the dish, the same shall
betray me.' It may be mentioned that Justin does not
appear to have known anything of a betrayal . of Jesus,
and that, in places where, if he had been aware of the
episode, he would certainly have referred to it, he
passes over it in total silence.

According to the fragment, Simon Peter, and at
least some of the disciples, must have gone into Galilee
without any vision of the risen Jesus ; and probably the
last verse, which is broken off so abruptly, prepares the
account of such an appearance as is described in the
much-questioned last chapter of the fourth Gospel. It
is worth pointing out, as perhaps an indication of the
tradition which Peter follows, that both in the first and
second Synoptic the order is given to the disciples to
go into Galilee, where they are told that they are to see
Jesus. In spite of this distinct order and statement,
the author of the first Synoptic describes Jesus as
immediately after appearing to the women, and giving
the same direction to go into Galilee (xxviii. 7, 10),
whilst in the spurious verses of Mark he nevertheless
appears in Jerusalem to Mary Magdalene and to the
Apostles. The third Synoptist gives a different turn to

106 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

the mention of Galilee ; but after the direction to go
into Galilee, there to see Jesus, the visions described
are a mere afterthought. In Peter, without any order,
the disciples apparently go to Galilee, and there pro-
bably would be placed the first vision of the risen
Jesus.

THE FRAGMENT AND THE GOSPELS 10T

WE have now completed our comparison of the frag-
ment with the canonical Gospels, and are able to form
some opinion of its relative antiquity and relationship
to our Gospels. Is it, as apologetic critics assert, a
mere compilation from them, or can it take an indepen-
dent position beside them, as a work derived from
similar sources, and giving its own version of early
Christian tradition? We have shown that it is not a
compilation from our Gospels, but presents unmistakable
signs of being an independent composition, and conse-
quently a most interesting representation of Christian
thought during the period when our Synoptic Gospels-
were likewise giving definite shape to the same
traditions. Every part of this fragment has been set
side by side with the corresponding narrative in the
canonical Gospels, and it is simply surprising that a
writing, dealing with a similar epoch of the same story,
should have shown such freedom of handling. That
there should be some correspondence between them was
inevitable, but the wonder is not that there should be
so much agreement, but so much divergence ; and this
wonder increases in proportion as a later date is
assigned to the fragment, and the authority of the
canonical Gospels had become more established.

The theory of ' tendency ' was sure to be advanced
as an explanation of differences of treatment of the same
story, but this seems to us much exaggerated in what

108 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

is said of the Gospel according to Peter. That early
Docetic views might be supposed to be favoured by its
representations is very possible ; but these are far from
being so pronounced as to render it unacceptable to
those not holding such opinions, and the manner in
which Justin and Origen make use of its statements is
proof of this. As to its anti-Judaistic tone, a certain
distinction has to be drawn. The expressions regarding
' the Jews,' ' their feast ' (used in reference to the Pass-
over), and so on, may be put in the same category as
the definition of the veil of the Temple ' of Jerusalem/
as indicating merely a work probably written out of
Judaea, and for Gentile Christians ; but in throwing
upon the Jews, much more than on the Eoman power,
the odium of having crucified Jesus, the difference
between Peter and the canonical Gospels is really
infinitesimal. He certainly represents Pilate as retiring
early from the trial, and leaving it to Herod, in whose
'jurisdiction' it was, after washing his hands of the
whole business ; but this is a much more probable
account, and perhaps an earlier tradition, than that
which makes a Eoman governor present the incredible
and humiliating spectacle of a judge condemning and
crucifying a man, in whom he finds no fault, at the
dictation of a Jewish mob. The canonical Gospels,
however, only accentuate the guilt of the Jews by
representing the chief priests and elders, as well as the
multitude, obstinately clamouring for his crucifixion,
and finally overcoming Pilate's scruples. It is the chief
priests and rulers who first seize Jesus and plot for his
betrayal, who spit in his face, buffet and mock him,
who prefer to him Barabbas, and cry : ' His blood be
on us and on our children' (Matt, xxvii. 25). The
expressions of distinct antagonism to the Jews in the
fourth Gospel far exceed any in the Gospel according

THE FRAGMENT AND THE GOSPELS 109

to Peter. There is, therefore, no preconceived purpose
conceivable to account for the characteristics of the
narrative in this fragment.

That a writer who had our canonical Gospels before
him should so depart from their lines, alter every
representation without dogmatic purpose, insert con-
tradictory statements, and omit episodes of absorbing
interest and passages which would have enriched his
narrative, is a theory which cannot be established.
It is obvious that the feeling of the writer is one of
intense devotion and reverence, and it is unreasonable
to suppose that he could have passed over, altered,
and contradicted so many points in the narrative of
the Gospels, had he had those works before him. 1 In
all probability he composed his work from earlier
records and traditions, of the existence of which we
have evidence in Luke i. 1, and the degree of resem-
blance on the one hand, and of discrepancy on the
other, proceeds from independent use of these sources,
from which the materials used in the canonical Gospels
may have been drawn. It had not the good fortune of
these Gospels, however, to be adopted by the Church
and subjected, like them, to repeated revisal ; but,
drifting apart on the stream of time, it at last comes to
us with all its original sins and imperfections on its
head. Of course, any judgment now formed on the
Gospel according to Peter is subject to the unfortunate
limitation that we have only a fragment of the work in
our hands ; but should the rest be discovered, as we
hope, it will not affect conclusions now based upon the
part before us, whatever may be the final verdict on the
whole.

1 Harnack argues at considerable length that the Gospel according to
Peter must have contained the episode of the woman taken in adultery,
inserted into the fourth Gospel.

110 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

have still to consider objections raised by Mr.
Eendel Harris, however, concerning the relation between
this fragment and the Gospels accepted by the Church.
In a long article in the 'Contemporary Eeview ' he tries
to establish the thesis that c The Gospel of Peter shows
everywhere the traces of a highly evolved prophetic gnosis,
and in particular most of the apparently new matter which
it contains is taken from the Old Testament! 1 It would
not be possible, without wearying the most patient of
parishioners, to illustrate in any adequate manner the
perverse and hair-splitting ingenuity with which the
' highly evolved prophetic gnosis ' went to work, and
which, in very parlous fashion, Mr. Harris applies to
Peter; but, fortunately, this will not be necessary here.
'This gnosis doubtless began its operation early, and
reached a climax towards the fourth century ; but then
it had ceased to be creative, and had become wildly
analytical. Nothing then remained for it to do. Mr.
Eendel Harris quotes, with admirable courage, a
' significant sentence ' from the ' Peregrinatio ad Loca
Sancta,' a work of St. Sylvia of Aquitaine, or some
other lady traveller of the fourth century, which has
recently been published. She has been relating how
the people were instructed in the mysteries of the faith
by readings from the Scriptures, imprimis ; of the
Psalms predictive of the Messianic sufferings ; then of

1 Contemp. Rev. August 1893, p. 217.

THE FRAGMENT AND PROPHETIC GNOSIS 111

passages from the Acts and Epistles which bear upon
the interpretation of such predictions ; further, the evi-
dence of the prophets ; and, to crown all, the story of
the Passion itself from the Gospels. ' The object of
this service was, as Sylvia points out, that the people
might understand by the Gospel record that whatever
the psalmists and prophets had foretold concerning the
Passion of the Lord had actually taken place/ And
now comes the ; significant sentence ' to which we
referred above, italicised by Mr. Harris himself : ' And
so for the space of three hours the people is taught that
nothing took place which had not been previously foretold,
and nothing had been foretold which had not obtained its
fulfilment? Mr. Harris supports the accuracy of Sylvia's
description. 1

But, whilst frankly admitting the application of
this fundamental principle of the prophetic gnosis,
more or less throughout all early Christian literature,
Mr. Harris wishes to limit its influence upon works
received into the canon, into which the two-edged
weapon, however, pierces in spite of him to the sunder-
ing apart of soul and body. He says :

Now no history is, in its ultimate analysis, so trustworthy as
Christian history, but if we take the whole body of early litera-
ture, of which the canonical Gospels form the centre and crown,
including Apocalypses, party-gospels, and the like, we shall find that
there never was a body of history which was so overgrown with
legend, and the major part of these legends result from the irregular
study of the Old Testament, probably based on the synagogue
methods of the time of the early Christian teachers. This reaction
of the prophecy upon history colours the style of authors and affects
their statements ; and it is only by a close and careful study of the
writers and their methods, that we are able to discriminate between
what is a bona fide allusion in the Prophets, or what is a trick of
style borrowed from the Prophets, or what is a pure legend invented
out of the Prophets. 2

1 L.c. pp. 213 f.

112 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

The immediate object here, of course, is to lay the
basis of an indictment against the fragment ; but in this
clear and excellent statement, a principle is enunciated,
the application of which cannot be directed as the
writer pleases, but is apt to be as deadly to friends as
to foes. Mr. Harris may attempt to satisfy his doubts,
in writing with the impartiality of a scholar, as he does,
with the reservation that ' no history is, in its ultimate
analysis, so trustworthy as Christian history,' but he
has only to formulate the reasons for such a statement,
to recognise their utter inadequacy. In so far as he
gives us any glimpse of them here, they are of sad in-
sufficiency. He speaks, a little further on, regarding
6 the real need of a critical method that can distinguish
between statements that are genuine history, and state-
ments that are prophetic reflexes. For this discrimi-
nation/ he says, ' our main guide is the Canon, which
expresses the judgment of the primitive Christian Church
upon its literary materials ; but I think it will be gene-
rally felt that we shall need finer-edged tools than
Church customs or decrees in the more difficult parts of
the problem ; and certainly we must not assume a priori
in a critical investigation, that there is no trace of
legendary accretion in the Gospel, and no element of
genuine fact in what are called the Apocrypha.' l Alas I
is not the ' main guide ' a mere blind leader of the
blind in regard to 'the encroachment of prophetic
interpretation upon the historical record ' ? We have
no intention of maintaining here a very different view
of the credibility of Christian history, the arguments
against which we have elsewhere fully stated, but it is
desirable, for reasons which will presently appear, that
the fundamental principle of this attack on the Gospel
according to Peter should be clearly understood. Mr.

1 L.c. p. 216.

THE FRAGMENT AND PROPHETIC GNOS1S 113

Harris goes on to affirm that the measure of this en-
croachment is, in the first two centuries, one of the best
indications of documentary date we possess : ' As a test,
it will settle the period of many a document, and
perhaps the measure of the appeal to prophecy will
even determine the chronological order of the Gospels
themselves : Mark, Luke, John, and Matthew.' 1 This
order will probably surprise a good many readers, and
shake the faith they might perhaps be disposed to re-
pose in the test which is supposed to have decided it.
Mr. Harris applies the test in various instances to Peter,
and we shall briefly examine his results.

It will be remembered that in v. 35 f. whilst the
soldiers were keeping watch over the sepulchre, there
was a great voice in the heavens, and they saw the
heavens opened, and 'two men' (Svo avSpas) came
down from thence with great light, and approach the
tomb, and the stone which had been laid at the door
rolled away, and they entered it, but presently they
beheld again three men (rpeis cu>Spas) coming out, and
the two were supporting or conducting the other by
the hand, and the lofty stature of the three is described.
Now the ' highly evolved prophetic gnosis ' by which,
according to Mr. Harris, this representation was com-
posed is as follows, though only the main lines of the
painful process can be given. In the prayer of
Habakkuk (iii. 2), according to the Septuagint, the
words which stand in our Bible, ' In the midst of the
years make known ' reads : ' In the midst of two lives '
(or of two living creatures) 'thou shalt be known.'
This is referred in two ways : to ' Christ's incarnation '
and to his ' Death and Eesurrection.' In the former
case the two animals are the ox and the ass at the
Nativity. The interpretation in the second case : the

1 L.c. p. 216.

114 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

'living creatures' are the seraphim, two in number,
because in Isaiah (vi. 3) 'one called to the other and
said : ' ' and we have only to find a situation in which
Christ is seen between two angels, and the prophecy is
fulfilled. This situation is made in the Gospel of Peter
by Christ rising between two supporting angels.' Mr.
Harris endeavours to strengthen this by referring to
Cyril of Alexandria's comment on the two living
creatures (in the fourth century). Cyril is in doubt
whether the two living creatures are the Father and the
Holy Spirit, or the Old and New Testament, but recurs
to the earlier interpretation that they are the Cherubim.
Mr. Harris also cites the Targum of Jonathan Ben
Uzziel on Zechariah iii. 7 : ' If thou wilt keep the ob-
servation of my word, I will raise thee up in the resur-
rection of the dead, and set thy feet walking between the
two cherubim.' Then, as soon as this identification of the
two living creatures had been made, it was easy, says
Mr. Harris, to pass over to the ninety-ninth Psalm,
which Justin 1 affirms to be a prediction of Christ.

A little study of the opening words will show some interesting
parallels with Peter. ' The Lord hath reigned ! Let the people be
enraged ! Sitting on the Cherubim, let the earth be shaken. The
Lord in Zion is great and high above all the people.' Here we have
a parallel to the 'Jews burning with rage,' and to the enormous stature
of the risen Christ, and, perhaps to the quaking of the earth. Nor is
it without interest that Justin, having spoken of this great and high
Christ, should turn immediately to another Psalm (xix.) where the
sun is said to come forth as a bridegroom from his chamber, and to
rejoice as a giant to run a race. 2

In order to be as just as possible, all this has been
given in greater detail than perhaps the case deserves.
It seems rather a heavy avalanche of conjecture to
bring down upon Peter, who simply narrates, without
the most distant reference to any prophetic texts ; and

1 Dial. Ixiv. 2 L.c. pp. 219 ff.

THE FRAGMENT AND PROPHETIC GNOSIS 115

it is perhaps a little hard that Justin, who in all pro-
bability had the Gospel already written and before him,
should contribute in this casual way to the author's dis-
comfiture. However, let us see what there is to be said
upon the other side. The first general remark that may
be made is, that it can scarcely be considered evidence
of the later date of Peter to ascribe to him, as the source
of this detail, an elaborate twisting of texts through the
operation of gnosis, which has not been proved to have
existed in this form before the epoch at which he wrote.
This is said without any intention of casting doubt on the
general operation of supposed prophetic passages on the
evolution of Gospel history, but merely as questioning
this particular explanation of the mode in which this
representation was originally suggested, and more
especially for the purpose of adding that, whatever
reproach of this kind is cast upon the Gospel according
to Peter, must equally be directed against the canonical
gospels.

It will be remembered that, in the third Synoptic,
' two men in shining apparel ' assist at the resurrection,
and that in the fourth Gospel Mary sees in the tomb
4 two angels in white sitting, the one at the head, the
other at the feet, where the body of Jesus had lain/
Here there is an occasion for applying with equal or,
as we shall presently see, greater propriety the argu-
ment of ' highly evolved prophetic gnosis ' to the writers,
and so explaining their representation. But there is
more to be suggested in connection with the matter.
In the first and second Synoptics, only one angel assists
at the scene, who in the second Synoptic is called ' a
young man ' (veavtorKos). Now the ' two men ' of great
stature in Peter only go into the tomb and come out
again with Jesus ; but subsequently the heavens were
again opened (v. 44), and a certain man descends and

i 2

116 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

goes into the tomb and remains there, for when the
women come (v. 55) they see there c a certain young man ''
(veoLvio-Kos) ' sitting in the midst of the tomb, beautiful
and clad in a shining garment,' who speaks to them as
in the two Synoptics, and tells them that ' Jesus is gone
thither whence he was sent.' This, then, is the angel
who appears in Matthew and Mark. We have already
mentioned that the two men of v. 36 have been
identified by some critics as Moses and Elias. The
account of the transfiguration is given in all the Synop-
tics, though it does not seem to have been known to
the author of the fourth Gospel although ' John ' was
an actor in the scene but that in the third Synoptic is
fuller than the rest (ix. 28 ff.). Jesus takes with him
Peter and John and James, and goes up into the moun-
tain to pray; and as he prays his countenance was
altered, and his raiment becomes white and dazzling ;
6 and behold there talked with him two men (cu/Spe?
8vo), which were Moses and Elijah ; who appeared in
glory, and spake of his decease which he was about to
accomplish at Jerusalem. 9 When Peter and the others
were fully awake, ' they saw his glory and the two men
(Suo d^S/xxs) that stood with him. And it came to pass,
as they were parting from him, Peter said unto Jesus,
Master, it is good for us to be here ; and let us make
three tabernacles ; one for thee, and one for Moses, and
one for Elijah : not knowing what he said. And while
he said these things there came a cloud, and over-
shadowed them . . . and a voice came out of the cloud,
saying, This is my son, my chosen : hear ye him.' To
this episode Mr. Harris might reasonably apply the
test of the * highly evolved prophetic gnosis ; ' but in any
case, the view that the two men of the fragment are in-
tended to represent Moses and Elijah the law and the
prophets who had so short a time before ' spoken of

THE FRAGMENT AND PROPHETIC GNOS1S 117

his decease which lie was about to accomplish in
Jerusalem,' and who now came, in stature reaching to
the heavens, but less than his which rose above the
heavens, and conducted Jesus the Christ forth from the
tomb, in which that decease had been fulfilled, is in the
highest degree probable. Much more might be said
regarding this, but too much time has already been
devoted to the point.

The second application of Mr. Harris's test is to the
sealing of the stone at the sepulchre with seven seals.
The Gospel of Peter simply states that the stone was
sealed with seven seals, and Mr. Harris endeavours to
find some abstruse meaning in the statement, which
is peculiar to the fragment in so far as the number of
seals is concerned. Where did Peter get the idea?
Mr. Harris says, first from Zechariah iii. 9 : ' For behold
the stone that I have set before Joshua ; upon one stone
are seven eyes ; behold I will engrave the graving
thereof, saith the Lord of hosts ; ' and the name Joshua
is the Hebrew equivalent of Jesus. A reference is also
made by the Fathers of the second century to passages
to prove that Christ was the stone (of stumbling to the
Jews, but the corner stone to believers). ' Justin recog-
nised Christ in the stone cut out without hands, of
which Daniel speaks ; in the stone which Jacob set for
his pillow, and which he anointed with oil ; in the stone
on which Moses sat in the battle with Amalek,' and the
like. c Bearing in mind that there was an early ten-
dency to connect the language of the " Branch " passage
with the resurrection, we can see that the interpretation
took a second form, viz. to regard the stone before the
face of Jesus as a prophecy of the stone which closed
the tomb in the evangelic story.' There is evidence,
Mr. Harris says, that the seven eyes were early inter-
preted by Biblical Targumists to mean seven seals.

118 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

We need not be surprised, then, that the Peter Gospel speaks of
the stone as sealed with seven seals ; it is an attempt to throw the
story into closer parallelism with Zechariah, no doubt for polemic
purposes against the Jews. That he uses the curious word tTrexptrrar,
which we are obliged, from the exigencies of language, to translate
' they smeared ' or * plastered ' seven seals, but which to the writer
meant much the same as if he were to say, c they on-christed seven.
seals, 'is due to the lurking desire to make a parallel with Christ and
the stone directly, and with the anointed pillar of Jacob. The
stone has a chrism. . . . But this is not all ; in Zechariah (iv. 10)
there is a passage, 'they shall see the plummet in the hand of
Zerubbabel/ but in the Septuagint it runs, ' they shall see the tin-
stone.' How is this to be connected with the ' stone before the face
of Joshua or Jesus ' ? The answer is found in the pages of the
Peter Gospel : * a great crowd came from Jerusalem and the neigh-
bourhood to see the tomb which had been sealed.' It only remains to
identify the stone which they saw with the tin-stone. Symmachus
retranslated the Hebrew word for ' tin' as if it came from the root
which means * to separate or divide,' and in the Gospel of Peter,
* the stone which had been laid on the door of the tomb withdrew
(or separated) gradually ' (ivexwptjfre vapa f*epc).

' The " plummet " of Zerubbabel,' Mr. Harris trium-
phantly concludes, ' is used by Peter to make history
square with prophecy.' l

Now again the general remark has to be made that,
in order to convict Peter of a late date, Mr. Harris
takes all this ' highly evolved gnosis ' wherever he can
find it, without consideration of epochs, and in some
parts upon mere personal conjecture. He even con-
fesses that he does not know the date of the translation
of Symmachus, which he nevertheless uses as an argu-
ment. He observes, himself, that it is 'a little awkward r
that the stone, which at one time represents Jesus, has
to be treated in the same breath as before the face of
Jesus. The terribly complicated and involved process,
by which it is suggested that the author of the Gospel
according to Peter evolved a detail so apparently simple

1 L.c. pp. 221 ff.

THE FKAGMENT AND PROPHETIC GNOSIS 119

as the sealing of the sepulchre with seven seals, is
difficult enough to follow, and must have been still
more difficult to invent, but in his anxiety to assign a
late date to the fragment, Mr. Harris forgets that, if
the number seven is evidence of it, a large part of the
New Testament must be moved back with the frag-
ment. The Synoptics are full of it, 1 but it is quite
sufficient to point to the Apocalypse, which has this
typical number in almost every chapter : the message
to the seven churches ; the seven spirits before the
throne ; the seven golden candlesticks ; the seven stars ;
seven lamps of fire burning ; seven angels ; seven
trumpets ; seven thunders ; the dragon with seven
heads, and seven diadems ; the seven angels with seven
plagues ; the woman with seven heads, and so on.
The most striking and apposite instance, which Mr.
Harris indeed does not pass over, but mentions as
having ' a curious and suggestive connection ' and ' every
appearance of being ultimately derived from the lan-
guage of Zechariah,' 2 is the Book which is close sealed
with seven seals, and the Lamb standing as though it
had been slain, having seven horns and seven eyes,
which are seven spirits of God, which is found worthy
to take the book and open the seals. 3 Instead of giving
the author of the fragment, who does not make the
slightest claim to it, credit for so extraordinary a feat
of synthetic exegesis, is it not more simple and probable
that he used the number seven as a mere ordinary
symbol of completeness ? but if more than this be
deemed requisite, and the detail has a deeper mystical
sense, he can only be accused of ' highly evolved pro-
phetic gnoses,' in company with the author of the

1 E.g. Matt. xii. 45 ; xv. 34, 37 ; xxii. 25 f. ; Mark viii. 5, 8 ; xii. 20 ff. ;
xvi. 9 ; Luke ii. 36 ; viii. 2 ; xi. 26 ; xx. 29 f.

2 L.c. p. 222. 3 Apoc. v. 1 ff.

120 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

Apocalypse and other canonical books, and this still
gives him a position in the same epoch with them, more
than which, probably, no one demands.

Another instance may be rapidly disposed of. The
writer of Peter, Mr. Harris affirms, was not ignorant of
the gnosis of the Cross wrought out by the Fathers
from the Old Testament, on the ' Wood ' and the ' Tree/
One passage at which they laboured heavily is in
Habakkuk ii. 11 : ' The stone cries out of the wall, and
the cross-beam answers back to it.' Mr. Harris pro-
ceeds :

Now the author of the Peter Gospel has been at work on the
passage ; he wishes to make the cross talk, and not only talk, but
answer back ; accordingly, he introduces a question : ' Hast thou
preached to them that are asleep ? ' and the response is heard from
the cross, ' Yea.' As far as I can suspect, the first speaker is Christ,
the Stone ; and the answer comes from the Cross, the Wood. It is
then the Cross that has descended into Hades. But perhaps this
is pressing the writer's words a little too far. l

Is it not also pressing the writer's thoughts a little
too far to suggest such trains of childish interpretation
as the origin of all his characteristic representations ?
Mr. Harris, by way of bringing the charge nearer to
Peter, says that the passage of Habakkuk ' is quoted
by Barnabas, though no doubt from a corrupted text,
with a positive assertion that the Cross is here intimated
by the prophet.' 2 This is not so. The passage in
Barnabas (xii.) reads : c He defineth concerning the
Cross in another prophet, who saith : " And when shall
these things be accomplished ? saith the Lord. When-
soever a tree shall be bended and stand upright, and
whensoever blood shall drop from a tree." Again thou
art taught concerning the cross and him that was to be
crucified.' This is not a quotation from Habakkuk,

1 L.c. p. 224. 2 Ibid.

THE FRAGMENT AND PROPHETIC GNOSIS 121

but from 4 Esdras v. 5. This is, however, not of much
importance. It is of greater moment to observe that
Mr. Harris, in applying this test, is only able to ' sus-
pect ' that, in this episode in Peter, the speaker who
asks the question is Christ the ' stone,' and the answer
from the cross, the ' wood ; ' but as the first ' speaker '
is a voice ' out of the heavens,' it is difficult to connect
it with ' Christ the Stone,' to whom the question is
actually addressed. According to this, he puts the
question to himself. Such exegesis, applied to almost
any conceivable statement, might prove almost any
conceivable hypothesis.

The next instance requires us to turn to a passage
in Amos (viii. 9-10, LXX) : ' And it shall come to pass
in that day, saith the Lord God, that the sun shall set
at midday, . . . and I will turn your feasts into wailing
and all your songs to lamentation, and I will lay sack-
cloth on all loins, and baldness on every head ; and I
will set him as the wailing for the beloved, and those
that are with him as a day of grief.' With it, we are
told, must be taken the parallel verse in which Zechariah
(xiv. 6, 7) predicts a day in which 'there shall be no
light, but cold and frost . . . but towards evening
there shall be light.' This was one of the proofs with
early Christians of the events which happened at the
crucifixion, and St. Cyprian, for instance, quotes it. It
is also quoted in the sixth Homily of the Persian
Father Aphrahat against the Jews. 'The Gospel of
Peter did not apparently possess the gnosis in such a
highly evolved form as this,' but works on the same
lines. Mr. Harris then quotes passages from the frag-
ment, which we shall give after him, with his inserted
comments, but as he does not mark the intervals which
occur between them, we shall take the liberty of in-

122 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

serting the verses from which they are taken between
brackets.

15. It was mid-day and darkness over all the land of Judaea
. . . 22. then the sun shone out, and it was found to be the ninth
hour [at evening time it shall be light] ; 23. and the Jews rejoiced
. . . 25. and the Jews began to wail [/ will turn your feasts into
mourning], . . . 26. We also were fasting and sitting down (i.e.
sitting on the ground in sackcloth } ) ; [I will lay sackcloth on all
loins'], 50. Mary Magdalene had not done at the tomb as women
are wont to do over their dead beloveds, so she took her friends with
her to wail [/ will set him as the Wailing for the Beloved],

The writer is, therefore, drawing on the details of prophecy, as
suggested by the current testimonies against the Jews, and most
likely on a written gnosis involving these testimonies. That he
veils his sources simply shows that he is not one of the first brood
of anti-Jewish preachers. If he had been early, he would not have
been artificial or occult. 2

Now, as before, Mr. Harris uses the eccentricities of
a gnosis which he does not prove to have existed at
the time the fragment may have been written and, for
instance, he quotes St. Cyprian, who wrote in the
second half of the third century, and the Persian Father
Aphrahat, also a writer long after the Gospel of Peter
was composed, and his remark that the writer ' did not
apparently possess the gnosis in so highly evolved a
form ' as Aphrahat, is not so much an admission in his
favour as to prepare the reader to be content with
inferior evidence. The test, however, quite as much
applies to our Gospels as to the Gospel of Peter. In
the previous working, of which the fragment says
nothing, those who pass ' wag their heads ' and rail,
in each of the Synoptics, in a jubilant way. The first
Synoptic says (xxvii. 45 f.) 'Now from the sixth hour
there was darkness over all the land until the ninth

1 This is not expressed in the text, which Mr. Harris rather strains
for his purpose. The correct reading is : * We were fasting, and we sat
mourning and weeping,' KOI Va#eo/ie0a ircvQovvrcs /cat

2 L.c. pp. 224 f.

THE FRAGMENT AND PROPHETIC GNOSIS 123

hour/ The centurion and those who were watching
' feared exceedingly.' In Mark (xv. 33) there also ' was
darkness over the whole earth until the ninth hour/
but in Luke (xxiii. 44 f.) the resemblance is still more
marked. The darkness comes over the whole earth
from the sixth until the ninth hour, ' the sun's light
failing.' (48) c And all the multitudes that came together
to this sight, when they beheld the things that were
done, returned smiting their breasts' In the fourth
Gospel (xx. 11), Mary goes to the tomb weeping. We
shall have more to say regarding the Gospels presently,
but here we need only remark that, whether in exactly
the same way or not, the 'highly evolved prophetic-
gnosis ' has certainly done its work in all of them. In
this respect, the Gospel of Peter merely takes its place
with the rest.

There is only one other instance to be noticed here.
It refers to some of the details which the writer of the
fragment introduces into the mockery which precedes
the crucifixion. Some of the mockers 'prick' Jesus
with a reed ; others spat on his eyes. This, Mr. Harris
says, is connected with a view early taken regarding a
change of Jewish feasts. In the Epistle of Barnabas,
there is the best exposition of the doctrine that the
Feast should be turned into mourning and the Passover
at which Jesus suffered should be treated as if it had
been the Day of Atonement. In Barnabas, the ritual
of the great day is discussed in detail, and the rules of
procedure for the Priests and the People, apparently
taken, Mr. Harris thinks, from a Greek handbook, prove
a variety of local usage such as would not have been
suspected from the Scripture, read apart from the rest
of the literature of the time. The ' unwashed inwards *
of one goat, offered at the fast for all sins, are to be
eaten by the priests alone, with vinegar, while the

124 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

people fast and wail in sackcloth and ashes. This goat
is one of two over which lot is cast on the Day of
Atonement ; the other is the scape-goat, Azazel, which,
according to Barnabas, was to be treated with con-
tumely, and sent away into the wilderness : ' All of you
spit on him, and prick him, and put the scarlet wool
on his head,' &c. Now the two goats both represent
Christ, according to Barnabas, 'who twists these written
regulations into prophecies of the first and second
Advents, and of the details of the Passion.'

The mention of vinegar to be eaten with the bitter portion of
the goat, suggested the words of the Psalm : ' Gall for my meat
and vinegar for my drink ; ' the command to spit on the goat and
prick (or pierce) him [which ill-usage, by the way, the Talmud
admits to have been the practice of the Alexandrian Jews], is inter-
preted by Barnabas to be a type or a prophecy of Christ ' set at
naught and pierced and spat on/ Is there any trace of the gnosis
of the two goats in Peter 1 If we may judge from the conjunction
of the words in the account of the Mockery, there is a decided
trace : ' Others stood and spat on his eyes . . . others pricked him
with a reed ; ' it is Christ as the goat Azazel.

Mr. Harris quotes 'an almost contemporary Sibyllist,
6 They shall prick his side with a reed, according to their
law ; ' and he continues : ' If the Sybillist is quoting
Peter, he is also interpreting him, and his interpretation
is, they shall prick him, as is done to the goat Azazel.'

To make Peter responsible for the ideas or inter-
pretations of the Sybillist is a little hard. However,
let us examine this matter. It is to be observed that
the only innovation in Peter, regarding the spitting, is
the expression that they ' spat upon his eyes ' instead of
simply ' upon him,' or ' in his face,' as in the Gospels ;
but upon this nothing turns. The point is not even
mentioned ; so it may be dismissed. Eegarding the
reed, Peter says they ' pierced ' him with it, instead of
* smote him ' with it. Let us leave the ' piercing ' aside

THE FRAGMENT AND PROPHETIC GNOSIS 125

for the moment. In all other respects, the contumely
is the same in the Gospels. Before the high priest, in
Matthew and Mark (Matt. xxvi. 67, Mark xiv. 65), they
spit in his face and buffet him, and smite him with the
palms of their hands ; and in Luke (xxii. 63 f.) they
mock and beat him and revile him. It is curious that y
according to the second Synoptist, all this was foretold,
for he makes Jesus say (x. 33 f.) : ' Behold, we go up
to Jerusalem ; and the Son of man shall be delivered
unto the chief priests and the scribes : and they shall
condemn him to death, and shall deliver him unto the
Gentiles : and they shall mock him, and shall spit upon
him, and shall scourge him, and shall kill him, and after
three days he shall rise again.' After the trial before
Pilate, in Mark (xv. 17 ff.), they put on him a purple
robe, and the crown of thorns on his head, and a reed
in his hand, and spit upon him, and take the reed and
smite him on the head. In Peter, likewise, they clothe
him in purple, put on his head the crown of thorns,
spit upon his eyes, smite him on the cheeks, and pierce
him with a reed.

What difference is there here except the mere
piercing ? Yes ! there is a difference, for Mr. Harris
has forgotten to refer to the scarlet wool put on
the goat Azazel. There is nothing in Peter which
corresponds with the scarlet wool. The robe that is
put upon Jesus is purple. Now Barnabas, in the
chapter from which Mr. Harris quotes all these passages,
finds this point of the ' scarlet wool ' fulfilled in Jesus :
c For they shall see him in that day wearing the long
scarlet robe about his flesh.' l But if we look in the
first Synoptic we also find this, for we read (xxvii. 28) :
' And they stripped him, and put on him a scarlet robe '
The mere detail of piercing with

1 Barnabas, 7.

126 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

the reed instead of smiting with it is trifling compared
with this, and in all essential points Mr. Harris's test
more fitly applies to the first Synoptic than to Peter,
and equally so to the other two.

As for the piercing with the reed, however, we have
only to turn to the fourth Gospel, and we find its
counterpart (xix. 34) where one of the soldiers with a
spear pierced the side of Jesus. Why ? (36) ' That the
Scripture might be fulfilled. ..." They shall look on
him whom they pierced." : Here is the ' highly evolved
prophetic gnosis ' without any disguise. If one writer
prefer to fulfil one part of Scripture, the other may
select another without much difference in standing.
Even Mr. Harris admits that ' the gnosis on which
Barnabas works is ultimately based on the same passage '
as that quoted as fulfilled in the fourth Gospel l ; then
what distinction of date is possible when both apply
the same gnosis based on the same texts ?

1 L.c. p. 226.

MATTHEW AND PROPHETIC GNOSIS 127

WE have now discussed practically all the test
instances advanced by Mr. Eendel Harris, and the
result at which we arrive is, that he has not succeeded
in proving that the Gospel of Peter betrays such traces
of a ' highly evolved prophetic gnosis ' as require us to
assign to it a later date than the canonical Gospels. If
this system of elaborate and perverted ingenuity were
applied to these Gospels, as it has been to the fragment,
and every kind of false exegesis, childish reasoning,
and wild interpretation, such as was current amongst
the Fathers, brought forward to explain the construc-
tion of the four canonical works, the consequence
would be terribly surprising to pious readers. That
this exegesis began early is quite undeniable, and it is
not too much to say that it is palpably visible on the
very surface of most of the books of the New Testa-
ment. It had, as Mr. Harris must admit and does
admit, practical effect on the composition of the Gospels
as they have come down to us, but it is fully displayed
in some of the Epistles of Paul, still more in those
passing under his name, is supreme in the Epistle
to the Hebrews, and as for the Acts, the Apostles are,
from the very opening, made to express the highly
evolved prophetic gnosis of the author. We do not,
of course, argue that the writer of the fragment is
free from it, but merely that he shares it equally with
the other Evangelists, however much their canonicity,

128 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

derived from the very Fathers who are steeped in this
gnosis, may protect them from Mr. Harris's dangerous
attack. Without going into an explanation of the
genesis of various important points in the story, which
would require a volume, we may just glance at some of
the points at which the Evangelists frankly declare the
source of the gnosis, and allow the process to be seen.
Let us take for instance the first Synoptic. The
events previous to the birth of Jesus (i. 18 ff.) take
place ' that it might be fulfilled which was spoken by
the Lord through the prophet, saying, Behold, the
virgin shall be with child, and shall bring forth a son,
And they shall call his name Immanuel,' and it is only
an illustration of the naivete of the period that two
verses further on they call the son, not Immanuel, but
Jesus. The chief priests and scribes inform Herod
(ii. 5 f.) that the Christ should be born in Bethlehem of
Judaea, because it was written by the prophet : ' And
thou Bethlehem, land of Judah, Art in no wise least
among the princes of Judah : For out of thee shall
come forth a governor, Which shall be shepherd of my
people Israel.' Joseph takes the young child and his
mother into Egypt (ii. 15 f.), ' that it might be fulfilled
which was spoken by the Lord through the prophet,
saying, Out of Egypt did I call my son.' Herod slays
all the male children in Bethlehem and in all the borders
thereof (ii. 16 f.) and ' then was fulfilled that which was
spoken through Jeremiah the prophet, saying, A voice
was heard in Eamah, Weeping and great mourning,
Eachel weeping for her children,' &c. On returning
from Egypt they settle in Galilee, in a city called Naza-
reth (ii. 23), 'that it might be fulfilled which was spoken
by the prophets, that he should be called a Nazarene.'
John the Baptist comes preaching ' in the wilderness '
(iii. 1 f.), 'for this is he that was spoken of by Isaiah

MATTHEW AND PROPHETIC GNOSIS 129

the prophet, saying, The voice of one crying in the
wilderness/ &c. The temptation of Jesus in the
wilderness is based upon three texts : (iv. 1 ff.) ' Man
shall not live by bread alone,' &c. ; ' He shall give his
angels charge concerning thee,' &c., and ' Thou shalt
worship the Lord thy God,' &c. When John is de-
livered up (iv. 12 if.) Jesus leaves Nazareth and dwells
6 in Capernaum, which is by the sea, in the borders of
Zebulun and Naphtali : that it might be fulfilled which
was spoken by Isaiah the prophet, saying, The land
of Zebulun and the land of Naphtali, toward the sea,
beyond Jordan, Galilee of the Gentiles, the people
which sat in darkness saw a great light, and to them
which sat in the region and shadow of death, to them
did light spring up.' In the episode of John in prison
sending his disciples to Jesus (xi. 2 ff.), the whole reply
is based indirectly on prophetic gnosis, and the v. 10
directly : c This is he, of whom it is written, Behold,
I send my messenger before thy face, Who shall prepare
thy way before thee," ' and v. 14, ' And if ye are willing
to receive it, this is Elijah, which is to come.' When
the Pharisees take counsel to destroy him (xii. 14 f.),
and Jesus withdraws, healing the sick and enjoining
them that they should not make him known, it is ' that
it might be fulfilled which was spoken by Isaiah the
prophet, saying, Behold my servant,' &c. There is
an exhibition of ' highly evolved prophetic gnosis ' (xii.
39 ff.) when a sign is asked for, and the sign of Jonah
the prophet is given, ' for as Jonah was three days and
three nights in the belly of the whale, so shall the Son
of man be three days and three nights in the heart of
the earth,' a gnosis which helped to shape the represen-
tation of the entombment. The speaking in parables
is justified, not originated (xiii. 14 f.), as a fulfilment of
the prophecy of Isaiah, ' By hearing ye shall hear, and

130 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO. PETER

shall in no wise understand/ &c., and (v. 35) 'I will
open my mouth in parables,' &c. Of course, as Mr.
Harris says, ' no sane person would take St. Matthew's
quotation as the cause of the Sermon on the Mount, or
the parabolic discourse ; ' 1 but, as he admits, the
prophetic passages were in the author's mind, and are
amongst ' the first faint shadows cast by the prophecy
[?] upon the history/ and they certainly led to the
representation that those who heard the parabolic
teaching, and notably the disciples, did not under-
stand the most luminous discourses, and required
a private explanation of the clearest allegories. The
entry into Jerusalem (xxi. 2 f.) is arranged ' that it
might be fulfilled which was spoken by the prophet,
saying, Tell ye the daughter of Zion, Behold, thy
King cometh unto thee, meek, and riding upon an ass,
and upon a colt the foal of an ass ; ' and the writer,
not appreciating the duplication of Hebrew poetry, is
literal enough to relate (v. 2) that Jesus tells the
disciples they shall find ' an ass tied, and a colt with
her/ which they are to bring, and (v. 7) ' they brought
the ass and the colt, and put on them their garments ;
and he sat upon them ' (l-rrdva) CLVTOJI;) : a representation
which has ever since given much trouble to pious com-
mentators. It is not difficult to see that the ' cleansing
of the temple ' (xxi. 12 f.) takes place because ' it is
written, My house shall be called a house of prayer,
but ye make it a den of robbers.' The trials when
' the abomination of desolation (xxiv. 16 f.), which
was spoken of by Daniel the prophet/ is seen ' standing
in the holy place (let him that readeth understand),' is an
example of the prophetic gnosis. The preparation for
the passion commences (xxvi. 2), ; Ye know that after
two days the passover cometh, and the Son of man is de-

1 L.c. pp. 315 f.

MATTHEW AND PROPHETIC GNOSIS 131

livered up to be crucified.' Jesus is represented (?;. 31)
as saying to the disciples : ' All ye shall be offended in
me this night : for it is written, I will smite the
shepherd, and the sheep of the flock shall be scattered
abroad ; ' and the curious phrase which follows is worth
consideration : ' But after I am raised up, I will go
before you into Galilee,' which seems to have slipped in
here out of its place. The events which take place at
the arrest, and their coming out with swords and staves
as against a robber to take him (xxvi. 66), ' All this
is come to pass that the Scriptures of the prophets
might be fulfilled ; ' and Jesus could not pray for
legions of angels to help him, for (v. 66), ' How then
could the Scriptures be fulfilled ? ' The conduct of
Judas after he had betrayed his master, when he took
back the pieces of silver, the price of his betrayal, to
the priests (xxvii. 3 f.), fulfils ' that which was spoken
by Jeremiah the prophet, saying, And they took the
thirty pieces of silver, the price of him that was priced,
whom certain of the children of Israel did price ; and
they gave them for the potter's field, as the Lord
appointed me/

132 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER

XII

THIS need not be further pursued, however, though the
principle applies quite as much to the other Gospels.
Only one passage may be quoted from the last chapter
of the third Synoptic. Jesus, when he appears to
the disciples, after the episode of the fish to prove that
he is not a spirit, but himself with flesh and bones
(xxiv. 36 f.), is represented as saying :

These are my words which I spake unto you, while I was yet
with you, how tKat all things must needs be fulfilled, which are
written in the law of Moses, and the prophets, and the psalms, con-
cerning me. Then opened he their mind, that they might under-
stand the Scriptures ; and he said unto them, Thus it is written
that the Christ should suffer, and rise again from the dead the third
day : and that repentance and remission of sins should be preached
in his name unto all the nations.

This is a direct justification of the gnosis, and it is no
wonder that we find St. Sylvia, some centuries later,
recording the concrete principle upon which Gospel
history is written : ' Nothing took place which had not
been previously foretold, and nothing had been foretold
which had not obtained its fulfilment.'

In so far as the Gospel according to Peter is
concerned, the impartial verdict must be : It is
neither better nor worse than the more fortunate
works which have found a safe resting-place within
the Canon of the Church. It is almost impossible
now to judge of these works as we judge the frag-
ment. Centuries of reverence, and individual habit

THE GOSPELS AND PROPHETIC GNOSIS 133

of hearing their contents with docility and with bated
criticism, have rendered most of us incapable of judging
the effect which a good part of their contents would
make upon us if, like the fragment of Akhmim, they
had been freshly discovered yesterday. There is no
canonical glamour to veil its shortcomings, and it must
not be forgotten that, in this short fragment, we have
none of those parts of the Gospel, such as the Sermon
on the Mount and some of the parables, which contain
so much noble teaching and render the literature so
precious. Then, as we have before pointed out, the
canonical Gospels, in their greater circulation and in
the process of reception by the Church, secured a
gradual revision which might have smoothed away any
roughness from the Gospel of Peter had it been equally
fortunate. The three Synoptic Gospels are so closely
dependent on each other, or on the same sources, as to
be practically one work ; and although this renders
all the more remarkable certain indications of selection,
some of which we have pointed out, it nevertheless limits
our acquaintance with early belief. It is the merit
of the fragment that it presents considerable variation
in the original sources, and shows us the fluidity of the
early reports of that which was supposed to take place
during the period which it embraces. We have in it a
primitive and less crystallised form of the Christian
tradition.

APPENDIX

ETAFFEAION KATA IIETPON

1 ... TOJV Se 'lovSaiajv ouSets Ivtyaro ras

ouSe 'Hpcaorjs ot>S' el? TOJI> KpiTaiv avTov /cat /AT) /3ov\rj-

'2 OevT(ov vtyaurdaLi dvecrTrj IletXaTog. /cat rare
'HptoS^s 6 /3acrtXevs 'TrapaXrj^Orjvai TOV Kvpiov,
avrotg on 'Ocra e/ceXevcra v/xti/ TTOLrjcraL auriw,

'Icrrif/cei Se ACt 'Icocr7)< 6 c^iXo? /TetXaTou /cat TOT)
Kvpiov, KOL etSft>5 on <TTavpicrKiv CLVTOV /xeXXovcrtz/, rj\0ev
Trpo? rot' UeiXaroz> /cat yrrjcre TO o~ai/xa rou Kvpiov vrpo?

4 TCL<I)T]V. /cat 6 JTetXaro? 7re/>ti//a9 TT/DOS 'HptoSyjv yrrjcrev /O

6 auTou TO crwjua. /cat 6 'HpcpSrjs e<f)7j '^.SeXc^e /TetXctTe, et
/cat AT Tt? avrov TTAcet, xets avrov e^aTTTO^e^ evret

/cat craTov e7rt<wo-/ct ' yeypavrTat yap
ryXtoi/ /AT) Swat CTTI

Kat TrapdScoKev avrbv TO) Xaw TT/JO /Aia? T<WZ> d^v/tcuz/, T7^

ot Se Xay8o^T? TO^ Kvpio.v atOovv OLVTOTS
, /cat eXeyo*' Zvpcopev TOV vlov TOV 6eov, i^ovcriav

7 avrov eo~XT7/coT9. ^^ irop^vpav avTov 7Tpte)8aXXoi/, /cat
eKaOicrav OLVTOV CTTI KaOeSpav /c/DtVews, Xcyoi^rcs

8 /cpt^e, ySacrtXev TOU 'Jcrpa^X. /cat Tts avTatv

9 O-T<j)aVOl> OLKavOlVOV C07)KV 7Tt TT)? /CC^aX^S TOV KVplOV .

/cat erepot ecrTWTe^ IVTTTVOV avTov Tats oi//o~t, /cat aXXot
TO,? o'taydt'a? CLVTOV epaTricrav erepot /caXa/^w evvcrcrov
avTov, /cat TWCS CLVTOV e/xao~Tt^o^ Xeyoi^Tes TavTrj TTJ TijJLrj

TlfJiTJ(TO)fJiV TOV VLOV TOV 0OV.

Kat TJvtyKOv Svo /ca/coupyov?, /cat ecrTavpcao-av dva
fJLcrov avTuv TOV Kvpiov avTos Se ecrtWTra, a>9

136 EYAITEAION KATA HETPON

11 TTOVOV e)(0)v. /cat ore aipOtoarav rov crraupoV, eVe'ypai/faz>

12 ort Oim>9 IvTiv 6 ySacrtXeus rou 'JcrpaTjX. /cat re0et/cdres
ra eVSv/xara e/x7rpoo-0> avrov Ste/xeptVai/ro, /cat Xa^Ltoi/^o

13 ey8aXoi> eV avrots. el? Se' rts rail/ /ca/covpya>i> e/ce>a)z>
aWtSto~ej/ aurous Xeya)j> 'H/xets Sta ra /ca/ca a 7rot>ycra/>te^
OUTW 7T'7roi'#a/ii>, ovros Se cr&Trjp yei^o/xe^o? T(5z> avOpatTrcov

14 rt r)OLKr)(rv v/ias; /cat ayavaKTijcravTes ITT avrw /ce\U(7ai>,
w/a ft?) (TKeXoKOTnjBfjy OTTO)? ^acravitp^vo^ aTToOdvoi.

16 ^H^ Se /u,cr77/A$cHa, /cat cr/cdro? /carecrxe Tracra^ TT)J>
'JovSatW /cat lOopvftovvTo. /cat -rjytovitov JJLTJ TTOTC 6
T7\tos ISu, 7ret8^ ert e^ * yeypoLTTTcu yap aurots 17X10^ /XT)

16 Su^at 7rt Tre^ofef/xeVw. /cat rts avTwv elTrev IToTtcrare

17 avTov -^pXr^p /xera of ot9 ' /cat /cepacra^res eTrdrtcrai/. /cat ^

7T\TJp(i)CT(lV TTCt^Ta, /Cttt lT\L(t)(7aV KOLTCL Trj$ K(j)aXfjs

18 auTai^ ra a/xapr^/xara. TTtpiTJpxovTo Se TroXXot /utera
Xv^i/a)^, ro/xt^oi^res ort wf ecrrti^' [rt^e^ Se] eTre'crai'To.

19 /cat 6 Kvpios aveftorjcre Xeywv 'H Su^a/xts /xou, 77 Swa/xts

20 /careXeti//as /xe 8 /cat etTrwi' aveX^drj. /cat avrr^s a>pa$t+^
StepayTy TO /caTa7reracr/xa rov i/aou 7779 'le/)oucraXr)/x
ets Suo.

21 Xat rdre aTTtcnracrav TOLS r^Xovs 0,770 rail/ xet/oa)i> TOU
/cvptou, /cat lOijKCLV OLVTQV CTTt T^S yijs* /cat i^ yrj

22 7ra<ra eVeto-^rj, /cat <^>dy8os /xeya? eyeVero. rdre ryXto?^

23 eXa/xi//e /cat evprfOrj a>pa evaTrj. e^apr;cra^ Se ot 'JouSatot
/cat SeSw/cacrt rw J Ia>crr)<^ ro o~w/xa avrou tVa auro ^ai//r;,

24 CTretSr) ^eacra/xe^os 77^ oo~a ayaOa iTroirjcrev. Xafiajv Se
ro^ Kvpiov eXovo~e /cat etXrjo'e a*trSd^t /cat etcry^yaye^ ets
t8toi> Tai<f)ov KaXovpevov KTJTTOV 'lao-rfcf).

25 Tore ot 'lovSatot /cat ot TrpecrySurepot /cat ot tepets,
yi'bVres oto^ KOLKOV eavrot? e7rotr;cra^, yp^avTO KO7TT(70ai
/cat \eyew Oval rat? dtia/mats r)p,a)v T/yytcre^ 77

26 /cat ro reXo? 'le/DovaaXi^/x. eya> Se tterd raii> e

/xov eXvTTOu/xr^^, /cat rerpa>/xeVot /caret Sta^otar e/cpvy8d-
/xe#a g e^rou/xe^a yap VTT* aura7^ a>9 /ca/coJ)pyot /cat as

27 ro^ ^a6i/ 6l\ovre<; l^TTrjcra^ e?rt Se rourot? Tracriv

EYAITEAION KATA IIETPON 137

l e*/ca#ed/xe#a TrevOovvTes /cat
VVKTOS KOL rj{JLpas eW TOV cra/3/3aYov.

28 ^vvayevTes Se ol yyoa/x/xaTet<? /cat <aptcratot KOI &*
TTpeo-ftvTepoi TT/OOS dXXTjXous, aKovcravTes on 6 Xaos aVas
yoyyvet /cat /coTrreTat ra onjftj Xeyo^re? on Et rw
0avaTa) avTov ravra ret jneytara cr^eta yeyo^e^, toere

29 on TTOCTO^ St/catd? ecrrtz/ (f)ofttf0rjo-av ol 7rpecr/3vTpoi,
KOL rj\9ov TTpos UetXarot' Sed/xe^ot aurou Kal

30 ITapaSo? ^/xt^ orpartwra?, tVa (^vXafa)[/>ie^] TO

771 T3t5 TXea? JLT7TOT \66vT<$ Oi

avrov Kal vtroXaftr) 6 Xao? on e/c veKpwv avearrj,

31 /cat TronjcTGDO'LV rnjiiv /ca/cot. 6 Se JTetXaro? TrapaSe^w/cei^
avrot? IltTptoviov rov KVTVpia)va /xera crrpaTtwra^ <u- 7
\do-crLv TOV Td(f)ov. Kal crvv avrot? rj\6ov TrpecrfivTepoi

32 /cat ypa/x/xarets eTTt TO /xz^/xa. /cat /cuXtVa^Te? Xt^oi/

KaTa TOV KevTvpiwvos /cat TW^ o-TpaTia)TO)V 6/xou

Ot O^T65 /Ct YKaV 7Tt T vCL TOV

33 /cat eTrexpLo-av 7TTa o~<^/3ayt8a9, /cat crKrjvrjv /cet

34 l(j)vXa;av. Trpwtas Se, t7rt^>cuo~/co^TO9 TOU o~

rjXOev 0^X09 0,770 'lepoucraX^/x /cat r?J? 7repL^(opov iva
tSwcrt TO fJLvrjfJLeiov eo~<^oayto~/xeVoz'.

35 T]7 Se i^v/CTt 77 7T(f)a)a'Kev rj /cvpta/cyj, <f)V\ao~cr6vTa)v
T(i)v crTpaTicoTwv dva Svo Svo /caTa (frpovpdv, /xeyaXiy f'i*"

36 <^<w^ eyeVeTO ez^ TOJ ovpavto. Kal etSoi> dvoi^OevTa<; TOV?
ovpavovs Kal ovo dvSpas KaTtXOovTas e/cet^e^,

37 <e'yyos ej(oz/Tas /cat e'-yytaa^Ta? TO) Ta^>a>. 6 Se
e/cetz>o? 6 SeSXxeVo? evrt T

?ra/)a p,po$, Ka Taco

38 ot vtavicrKOL elo"r)Wov. ISovTes ovv ol crrpanwTat e'/ceti/ot
ev7TVLcrav TOV KCVTvpiwva Kal TOV? TrptcrfivTepovs, iraprjo-av

39 yap /cat avTot tfrvXacrcrovTes* Kal e^rj-yovfJievaiv avT&v a
etSoi/, Tfd\iv op&cnv ee\06vTa<; diro TOV Ta<f>ov

Kal TOW? Suo TOI/ eVa VTfopOovvTas, /cat crTavpbv d

40 BovvTa avTot? /cat TOW /xei' Suo

ovpavov, TOV Se ^etjoaycoyou/xei/ou VTT

138 EYAITEAION KATA IIETPON

41 VTrep/Baivovcrav TOU9 ovpavovs. /cat f^our}? TJKOVOV e/c TOJV

42 ovpava)v Xeyoucr779 'EKTjpvas rots /cot/xo>/xeVot9 ; /cat VTTCI/COT)

43 77/couero oVo rou (rravpov OTL Nat. ^Wecr/ceVroi'TO ow
dXX^Xot? tKtlvoL oL7re\0Lv KOL lv(f)avLo-ai raura ra> JletXara).

44 /ecu ert Staz'ootyxeVwz' at>ra>i> (fccLivovrai TraXw avoi^O^vre^
ol ovpavol Kai av0pa)7ros rt? KareXOwv /cat elo-\0a)v et9 TO

45 Tavra tSd^re? ot Trept roz/ KevrvpLcova VVKTOS

ZTetXaro^, a<eVr9 TOI/ razors ov e^uXacrcrot', /cat
cravTo Tra^ra aTrep etSo^, ctyawaWes /xeyaXa)? /cat

46 Xeyoi/res 'AkqOus vto? ^i/ ^eou. a?ro/cpt^t9 6 ITetXaro?
e^)^ *ya) KaOapevaj TOV at/^aros rou vtou rou #ou, v/xt^

47 Se TOUTO eSofei>. etra 7rpocreX^d^re9 Trai^re? eSe'oi'TO avroG j '
/cat irapeKaiXovv /ceXeucrat TOJ KevTvpiuvi /cat rot9 crrpartw-

48 rat? /x^Sei^ etTreti' a eISoj> cru/x<^)pet yap, ^>acrt^, ^/xty
o^XyJcrat /xeytcrrry^ afJMpTjUaf efJLTrpoa'Oti' TOV 0eou, /cat
/XT) e/xTreo-eti/ ets ^etpa? rou Xaov rail' 'JouSatW /cat

49 \iOao- Orjvai. e/ceXevcre^ o5^ 6 ITetXaros r&> /cevrvptWi ''
/cat rot? crrpaTtwrat? ft^Se^ etTreti^.

60 "OpOpov 8e TTJS /cvpta/ci79 Mapta/x 17 MaySaX^i/T;,
p,a0r)Tpia TOV Kvpuov ((froftovpeinr) Sta rou9 'Iou8atoi>9,

l(f)\yovTo VTTO 7779 opyrjs, OVK iTroirjcrev CTT! T(
t roO Kvpuov a elcoOta'av Trotetf at yvz^at/c9 c?rt ^o

61 roi/9 OLTroOvTJo-KOvo-i Kai Tot9 aya7ra)/xeVot9 aurat9*) Xa-
ftovcra jJL0 J tavTrjs ra9 <^>tXa9 ^X^e eTTt ro /Lti^/xctoi/

62 OTTOU -iji/ reacts. at IfoftovvTO /XT) tSwcrti/ avra9 ot
'JouSatot, /cat eXeyoi' Et /cat /XT) ei/ e/ceti/rj TT} 'fj^po- 77
o~Tavpa>6r) $vvtj0r]iJiv /cXavcrat /cat /cdi^acr^at, /cat

63 C7rt rou xi/Txaro9 avTov TTotTo'cuxei' ravra. rt9 3e

aTTo/cuXtcret T^/xt^ /cat TOI^ \iOov TOV TC0iva e?rt 7^79 Ovpas
roC /x^/xetov, tVa eto~eX^ovcrat TrapaKa0ecr0a)fJiV avTto
64 /cat noLTJcrco^v TO, 6<etXo/xei>a ; /xeya9 yap ^ 6 Xt#O9,
/cat <f>o/3ovp.e0a /XT; Tt9 T7/xa9 1877. /cat ct /XT) 8iW/xe#a,
/cai/ CTrt 7779 0vpas ySaXoj/xet' a (frepofJiev et9

EYAITEAION KATA CETPON 139

OLVTOV, K\avcrofjiev /cat /coi//d/xe#a ecus eX#w/zei> ets TOV OLKOV

55 Kat aVeX^oucrat evpov TOV Tai<f)ov r)va>yp<vov /cat
TrpocreXOovcrcu TrapeKvifjav e/cet, /cat opaxnv e/cet
veavicTKOV KOiOe^o^evov p<cra> TOV rac^ou, vpalov /cat
7rpL/3/3\.rjfJivoi> o~To\.rjv XafJLTT POTOLTTJV, o'ciTts e

56 Tt rjXOaTe ; Tiva ^retre ; /x^ roi' o-Tavpa)0VTCL e
dveo-TY) /cat d-n-YJXOev et Se /IT) Trtcrreuere, 7rapa/cui//ar
/cat tSare ro^ TOTTO^ e^^a e/cetro, ort ou/c ecrrti^ dvecrTrj ftyo

67 ya/> ^at dirrjXOev e/cet o^ei^ aTrecrraX^. rdre at ywat/ce?

58 T Hz/ Se reXeurata rjptpa TO>V d^u/xwr, /cat TroXXot rtves

*tfPX OVTO 9 WrOOTpC<^OITS t? TOV? Ot/COU? OLVTtoV, TTJS

59 lopTrjs waver afJievrjs. rjfJiels Se ot SwSe/ca /xa^rat TOT)
Kvpiov e'/cXato/xe^ /cat e'XuTrou/xe^a, /cat e/caaTO? \VTTOV p,vo$

60 Sta TO crvfJi/Bdv dTrrj\\dyTrj et TOJ' ol/coi/ avTov. eyw 8e
^LfjLCdv ITeVpo? /cat '^Spe'as 6 aSeX^d? ftov Xa/JbVTes T7

TO, Xt^a d7nj\0apev et9 TT)^ BaXacrarav /cat -iy

< ^'>i\7' * rr'

o TOU ^4X(patov, 01^ Kvpios . . .

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IN THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 23

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24 A CATALOGUE OF THEOLOGICAL WORKS.

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BOOK

OV ERDUe *.00 ON THE ^lr U * TH

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