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Of all the lands that heav'n o'erspreads with light I 

There's none, ah ! norte so lovely to my sight t 

In wavy gold thy summer vales are dress'd 

Thy aulumns bendvziíhcopiousfruit oppress'd; 

Wilhflocks and herds each grassy plain is stor'd ¡ 

And fish of everyjin, thy seas ajford : 

Woods crown thy mounlains, and in every grove 

The bounding goats andfrisking heifers rove : 

So/t rains and kindly dewt refresh ihefield 

And rising springs etemal terdure yteld.— Homer. 

And to be short, all they that have been there with one consent affirme, that there are the ¡roodliest greene 
leadows and plaines, the fairest mountains covered with all sorts of trees and fruites, the fa : — * 
liest pleasant tresh rivers, Btored with infinite kind of fishes, the thickest woods, greene 

meadows and plaines, the fairest mountains covered with all sorts of trees and fruites, the fairest vallies, thegood- 
t pleasant tresh rivers, stored with infinite kind of fishes, the thickest woods, greene andbearing fruite all 
whole yeere, that are in all the world. And as for gold, silver and other kind of metáis, all kind of ápices 

aud deleciable Imites, both for delicacie and health are there in such abundance, as hitherto they have beene 
thought to have been bred no where else but there. And in conclusión it is nowe thought that no where else 
but under the equinoctiall, or not far from tbence, is the earthly paradise, and the only place of perfection in 
thia world Richard Hakluyt. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1845, by 


In the Clerk's office of the District Coart of the Southern Districtof New York. 

100 Copies primee! 011 large paper Quarto. 
4 Copies printed on extra large paper Folio. 


<Sc 74- 



*¿0 / í i o 


The subscriber announces to the public, that he intends publish- 
ing a series of works, relating to the history, literature, biography, 
, antiquities and curiosities of the Continent of America. To be 


The books to form this collection, will chiefly consist of reprints 
from oíd and scarce works, difficult to be procured in this country, 
and often also of very rare occurrence in Europe : occasion- 
ally an original work will be introduced into the series, designed 
to throw light upon some obscure point of American history, or to 
elucídate the biography of some of the distinguished men of our 
land. Faithful reprints of every work published will be given to 
the public: nothing will be added, except in the way of notes, 
or introduction, which will be presented entirely distinct from the 
body of the work. They will be brought out in the best style, 
both as to the type, press work, and paper, and in such a manner 
as to make them well worthy a place in any gentleman's library. 

A part will appear about once in every six months, or oftener, 
if the public taste demand it ; each part forming an entire work, 
either an original production, or a reprint of some valuable, and 
at the same time scarce tract. From eight to twelve parts will 
form a handsome octavo volume, which the publisher is well 
assured, will be esteemed entitled to ahigh rankin every collection 
of American history and literature. 

Should reasonable encouragement be given, the whole collection 
may in the course of no long period of time become not less 
voluminous, and quite as valuable to the student in American his- 
tory, as the celebrated Harleian Miscellany is now to the student 
and lover of British historical antiquities. 

W. GOWANS, Publisher. 


Tms work is one of the gems of American history, being 
the first printed description, in the English language, of the 
country now forming the wealthy and populous State of New 
York, and also the State of New Jersey ; both being under 
one government at that time. And so great is its rarity, that 
until the importation of the volume from which this small 
edition is printed, but two copies were known to exist in 
the United States, one in the State Library, at Albany, and 
the other in the collection of Harvard University. The 
only sale catalogues in which this work has appeared, are 
those of Nassau, Warden, and Rich ; and as these three 
catalogues are of dirFerent dates, the notices of Dentón 
occurring in them, may all refer to the same copy, or at the 
most, probably, to two copies. The work is in the library 
of Mr. Aspinwall, American Cónsul in London, and also in 
that of the British Museum; — these are the only two 
accessible in England. 

Mensel (x. 367,) gives "Denton's description of New 
York. London, 1701, 4to," and adds, — " Liber rarrissimus 
videtur, de qui nullibi quidquam, praeter hanc epigraphen 
mancam, reperire licet." The title as given by Mensel 
appears in Eberling's compends of the histories of New 
York and New Jersey, with the * prefixed, indicating that 
the author had never himself seen the work. 

Hubbard and Neal in their histories seem to have had 
access to it ; and the article on New York, as contained in 
the America of " John Ogilby, Esq., his Majesty's Cosmo- 
grapher, Geographic Printer, and Master of the Reveis," is 

2 9 


mainly drawn from the works of Montanus and Dentón, 
without the slightest indication of the sources of his 

The reader will not fail to observe, how large a portion 
of the volume is devoted to Long Island, and the city of 
New York. The reason for this, is to be found in the fact, 
that at that early period more than two-thirds of the popu- 
lation of the Colony was located on those two islands. 
Schenectady was then, and for a considerable period sub- 
sequently, the frontier town, and most western settlement 
of the white inhabitants ; as its ñame then most properly 
indicated, meaning the first place seen after coming out of 
the woods. It was surrounded by a double stockade, form- 
ing a large square fortification, with a blockhouse at each 
córner. The largest one, on the northwesterly comer of the 
town, was also used as a church, the only one then in that 

So much exposed was Schenectady, from its frontier posi- 
tion, that twenty years after the original publication of this 
work, in 1690, it was sacked and burnt by the French and 
Indians, under M. de Herville ; who entered it at night, 
broke open every dwelling, and murdered all they met, 
without distinction of age, sex or condition, and during the 
havoc set the town in flames. The greater portion of the 
population fell beneath the tomahawk, or were made pri- 
soners and carried into Canadá. Some few escaped to 
Albany, and the nearest villages of the Five Nations of 
Indians ; and others perished miserably in the forest, the 
ground being covered with snow, and those who escaped, 
being obliged to do so half naked and bare foot. 

The defenceless state of the country, from its sparse popu- 
lation, may be inferred from the fact, that when the news 
of this horrible massacre reached Albany the next day, the 
inhabitants of that city were many of them so greatly 
alarmed, that they resolved to seek refuge in New York. 
And probably they would have done so but for the Mohawk 


Indians, who then lived between Albany and Cattskill, and 
also west of that city, who persuaded them to remain. 
These Indians not only afforded their advice in this emer- 
gency, but they also sent r information to their Onondaga 
confederates, who despatched a body of their warriors in 
pursuit of the enemy, overtook them, and killed twenty-five 
of their number. 

Between Schenectady and Albany there were no settle- 
ments, all was in a wild forest state. Albany itself was a 
fortifícation, surrounded by a line of stockade, with seven 
blockhouses and bastions. On the hill where now stands 
the capitol, was a large stone fort overlooking the city and 
the surrounding country; on which were mounted twenty- 
one heavy cannon ; and init was the residence of the Gover- 
nor of the city, with officers' lodgings, and soldiers' barracks. 
This fort was so extensive, that about this period there were 
two large gardens constructed in the ditch, south and west 
of the city. 

Albany had then its centre at State street, with one street, 
(Beaver street,) south of it, and another street north. Mar- 
ket street, then called Handler's street, Green street and 
Pearl street, crossing State street, composed the whole city. 
The " Colonie," as it was then, and is by many still called, 
was a small settlement immediately north of Albany, and 
in continuation of Handler's street. The city had at that 
time but two churches ; the Dutch Calvanist, standing in 
State street at its junction with Handler's street, (the foun- 
dation of this ancient church was uncovered about two 
years since, in making some repairs in the street ;) and the 
Dutch Lutheran Church in Pearl, near Beaver street. 

The country at that early period was but little better 
settled between Albany and New York, on the Hudson 
river. The only town of any note then, was Kingston, or 
Esopus ; and that also was fortified with blockhouses and 
stockades ; and a portion of it specially strengthened as a 
citadel, within which was the only church in that región. 


This place also, strange as it may now seem to us, was 
so far frontier in its character, as to be regarded far from 
being secure from attack. Only twenty-seven years before 
the destruction of Schenectady, Kingston was also burnt 
by the Indians, and many of its inhabitants killed and taken 
prisoners. This event occurred on the 7th of June, 1663, 
only se ven years previ ous to the first publication of this 
work. Governor Stuyvesant communicated this destruc- 
tion of Kingston to the churches in New York, and on Long 
Island, and recommended to them, " To observe and keep 
the ensuing Wednesday as a day of fasting, humiliation, 
and prayer to the Almighty, hoping that he may avert fur- 
ther calamity from the New Netherlands, and extend his 
fatherly protection and care to the country." The Governor 
a few days after, directed that Wednesday, the 4th day of 
July, 1663, should be observed as a day of thanksgiving, on 
account of a treaty of peace having been made with the 
Indians who sacked Kingston, and for the reléase of the 
inhabitants who had been taken prisoners. 

The foregoing circumstances will show the reason why, 
in a description of the Colony of New York as it existed in 
1670, so large a space should have been appropriated to 
Long Island and the city of New York ; they in reality 
then constituted the forcé and efficiency of the Colony. 
The other places were regarded as mere appendages, 
necessary to be sustained for the purposes of their fur 
trade with the Indians ; and as fortified outposts to keep 
the savages from the cultivated and thickly settled por- 
tions of the country. 

The character of this work for accuracy in describing 
the manners and customs of the Colonists, and also of the 
Aborigines, is admitted by all ; and in the eastern part of 
Long Island, we had very recently the opportunity of test- 
ing the truth of some of its statements made in 1670. 

Dentón speaks particularly of the fishery on Long Island 
for whales, and for fish generally. This whale fishery is 


still continued on the Island, and whales were taken off 
Southampton as late as 1842. When the writer of this 
notice travelled through Long Island, on the south side, from 
Brooklyn to Montauk point, during the month of August, 
about fourteen years since, he remained several days at 
Saggharbor. During his stay at that place, on a beautiful 
summer afternoon, he crossed the Island to the south beach, 
near Amagansett. Along this beach, which stretched in 
view for many miles, was a line of white sand hillocks 
crowned with scrubby bushes ; and occasionally, at long 
intervals, small thatched huts, or wigwams, with a long 
pole rising from the tops, were to be seen on the highest of 
these sand elevations. These huts were occupied at cer- 
tain seasons by men on the watch for whales ; and when 
they discovered them spouting or playing on the ocean, a 
signal was hoisted on the pole, and directly the inhabitants 
carne down with their whaling boats on wheels, launched 
them from the beach, and were off in pursuit of the prize. 
Near the houses these whaling boats were to be seen turned 
upside down, lying upon a frame under some trees, to shade 
them from the sun. Throughout the whole eastern part of 
the Island three or four families clubbed together and 
owned such a boat ; they were easily transported to the 
beach on the wheels of a wagón, drawn by two horses or 
oxen ; and as they have no harbors on that portion of the 
south side, it was the only way they could safely keep 
them, for they would be dashed in pieces by the surf if left 
upon the open shore, or even if kept covered on the beach ; 
the storms sometimes being so heavy as to throw the surf 
over the sand hills, and even to beat them down. 

This journey was then one of the most interesting tours in 
the State, both for variety of scenery and incident. The 
whole south side of the Island is replete with legends and 
stories of pirates, shipwrecks, and strange out of the way 
matters. The only mode of conveyance at that late period 
through the Island, was by the mail stage, which made one 



trip a week, and was two days in going from Brooklyn to 
Saggharbor. The writer performed this journey in company 
with a friend, and believes they walked about one quarter of 
the distance, frequently getting far a head of the stage whilst 
it stopped at some country post office, or to throw out two 
or three newspapers to be carried over the fields to some 
small village which lay a mile or two off the post route. 
One of these primitive post offices was a small box on an 
oíd tree in the forest, at the intersection of two roads ; not a 
soul was near it, yet the packages left to be delivered, or 
placed there to be taken further on, always found their 
destination without accident. These walks were enlivened 
by tales and reminiscences, of which the people met along 
the route were full, and pleased with the opportunity of 
telling to those who were willing to lend a listening ear. 

This jaunt will always be looked back upon with satis- 
faction, but with regret that it can never be taken again 
under the same circumstances. The oíd mail route is broken 
up ; — and now by means of the rail road, and other facili- 
ties, we rather fly than stroll through the delightful scenery 
of this beautiful región. It was then something of an under- 
taking to get to Montauk Point ; now we will meet with a 
hundred tourists for pleasure where we then would see one. 
Then there were but few taverns throughout the whole dis- 
tance, and in some places none. The inhabitants were 
delighted to see strangers, — were primitive in their man- 
ners and customs, so much so, that it was a great plea- 
sure to visit them. Now there are taverns everywhere, 
and in the summer they are filled with visiters. The 
people have ceased to offer their hospitalities, except to 
those with whom they are personally acquainted, otherwise 
from the great influx of strangers they might be imposed 
upon. In place of the kind open-hearted reception then to be 
met with from all classes and both sexes, you will at present 
discover little, or no differenee between their manners and 
those of the inhabitants of our larger towns ; and in order 


now to have any intercourse with either sex, and especially 
with the ladies, a previous introduction is necessary, and 
even after that, in place of the frolicksome, kind-humored 
attentions then received, all is tinctured with distance and 
reserve. This change may have been inevitable, and in 
truth absolutely necessary, by reason of their change of 
circumstances, and situation with reference to the travelling 
world, yet it is nevertheless much to be regretted. 

Several pages are devoted to an account of the Indian 
tribes which lived in the immediate vicinity of New York, 
and of their customs. To us, who have never thought of 
an Indian but as being hundreds of miles distant, it may 
seem strange that in connection with the city of New York 
so much should be said about these savage nations. But 
New York was then the great mart of the Indian fur trade. 
What St. Louis on the Mississippi now is, New York city 
then was. And the main supply of provisions in the market 
of our city was at that period derived from the Aborigines ; 
who furnished it " with Venison and Fowl in the Winter, 
and Fish in the Summer." 

And what adds peculiarly to the valué of this work, is 
that it gives us a more full and correct account of the cus- 
toms and habits of these Indian tribes which have been for 
very many years utterly extinct, than is to be found in any 
other publication. 

Daniel Dentón, the author of this work, was one of the first 
settlers of the town of Jamaica, in Queens County on Long 
Island, and was a magistrate in that town. He was the eldest 
son of the Rev. Richard Dentón, the first minister of Hemp- 
stead, on this Island, and carne with his father from Stamford 
in the year 1644 ; he seems to have been a considerable land- 
holder in the country he describes, and directly after the 
taking of New York from the Dutch by Nicolls, and in the 
same year 1664, we find him still a resident of Jamaica, and 
engaged in the purchase of a large tract of land from the 
Indians in New Jersey. Smith in his history of New Jersey, 


(which is also a very rare item in the Bibliotheca Americana, 
states, that, "it was in 1664 that John Bailey, Daniel 
Dentón, and Luke Watson, of Jamaica, on Long Island, 
purchased of certain Indian Chiefs, inhabitants of Staten 
Island, a tract or tracts of land, on part of which the town 
of Elizabeth now stands." — (Smith's history of New Jersey, 
8vo. Burlington, N. J. 1765, page 62.) 

Dentón it appears soon after sold his share in the purchase 
to Capt. John Baker of New York, and John Ogden of 
Northampton, and it is believed went to England, some 
three or four years after. In the month of March, 1665, 
he, together with Thomas Benedict, represented Jamaica 
in the General Assembly of Deputies held at Hempstead, 
in pursuance of the requisition of Governor Nicolls, and 
by which assembly was formed the first code of laws 
for the English Colony of New York, known as the " Duke's 
Laws." At the same Assembly the Deputies adopted an 
Address to his Royal Highness, James, Duke of York ; in 
which among other things it is stated, — " We do publickly 
and unanimously declare our cheerful submission to all such 
laws, statutes, and ordinances, which are or shall be made 
by virtue of authority from your royal highness, your heirs 
and successors forever." 

The people of Long Island considered the language of 
this address too servile for freemen ; and were exasperated 
against the makers of it to such a degree, that the Court of 
Assizes, in order to save the deputies from abuse, if not from 
personal violence, thought it expedient, at their meeting in 
October 1666, to declare, that, " whosoever hereafter shall 
any wayes detract or speake against any of the deputies 
signing the address to his Royal highness, at the general 
meeting at Hempstead, they shall bee presented to the next 
Court of Sessions, and if the justices shall see cause, they 
shall from thence bee bound over to the Assizes, there to 
answer for the slander upon plaint or information." 

The deputies subsequently to the address made to the 


Duke of York, made one to the people, bearing date the 
21st June, 1667 ; in which they set forth their reasons for 
agreeing to the code styled the " Duke's Laws," and also in 
explanation of their address to his Royal Highness — in 
which they state. " Some malicious men have aspersed us 
as betrayers to their liberties and privileges, in subscribing 
to an address to his Royal Highness, full of duty and grati- 
tude, whereby his Royal Highness may be encouraged the 
more to take us and the welfare of our posterity into his 
most princely care and considerador!." 

" Neither can any clause in that address bear any other 
natural sense and construction than our obedience and sub- 
mission to his Majesty's letters patent, according to our 
duty and allegiance." 

" However, that our neighbours and fellow subjects may 
be undeceived of the false aspersions thrown upon upon us 
and the impostures of men disaffected to government mani- 
fested, lest they should further prevail upon the weakness 
of others ; we the then deputies and subscribers of the said 
address, conceive ourselves obliged to publish this narrative 
and remonstrance of the several passages and steps con- 
ducting to the present government under which we now 
live, and we desire that a record hereof may be kept in each 
town, that future ages may not be seasoned with the sour 
malice of such unreasonable and groundless aspersions." — 
(Furman's Notes on Brooklyn, page 107. Wood's Long 
Island, 1828, page 175.) 

This volume forms the first of a series of rare and valua- 
ble works on American history, which the publisher designs 
giving to the public from time to time, as convenience may 
dictate. The selection will be made, as in this instance, 
from those very rare early publications which cannot be 
obtained either in this country or in Europe, except by very 
few, and at great cost. In doing this he feels that he has a 
claim upon all the lovers of the history of their country for 
assistance in his undertaking. 


Brief Description 



Formerly Called 

New Netherlands. 

With the Places thereunto Adjoyning. 

Together with the 

Manner of its Scituation, Fertility of the Soyle, 

Healthfulness of the Climate, and the 

Commodities thence produced. 


Some Directions and Advice to such as shall go 

thither : An Account of what Commodities they shall 

take with them ; The Profit and Pleasure that 

may accrue to them thereby. 


A Brief Relation of the Customs of the Indians 



Printed for John Hancock, at the first Shop in Popes-Head-Alley in 
Cornhil, at the three Bibles, and William Bradley at the three Bibles. 


Reader, — I Have here thorougli the Instigation 

of divers Persons in England, and elsewhere, pre- 

sented you with aBrief but true Relationof a known 

unknown part of America. The known part which 

is either inhabited, or lieth near the Sea, I have de- 

scribed to you, and have writ nothing, but what I 

have been an eye witness to all or the greatest part 

of it : Neither can I safely say, was I willing to 

exceed, but was rather willing the place it self should 

exceed my Commendation, which I question not but 

will be owned by those that shall travel thither : For 

the unknown part, which is either some places lying 

to the Northward yet undiscovered by any English, 

or the Bowels of the earth not yet opened, though 

the Natives tell us of Glittering Stones, Diamonds, 

or Pearl in the one, and the Dutch hath boasted of 

Gold and Sil ver in the other ; yet I shall not feed 

your expectation with any thing of that nature ; but 

leave it till a better discovery shall make way for 

such a Relation. In the mean time accept of this 

from him who desireth to deal impartially with every 









That Tract of Land formerly called The New Neth- 
crlands, doth Contain all that Land which lieth in the 
North parts of America, betwixt New-England and 
Mary-land in Virginia, the length of which Northward 
into the Countrey, as it hath not been fully discover- 
ed, so it is not certainly known. The bredth of it is 
about two hundred miles : The principal Rivers, 
within this Tract, are Hudsons River, Raritan River, 
and Delewerbay River. The chief Islands are the 
Manahatans-Island, Long Island and Staten Island. 

And first to begin with the Manahatans Islands, (see 
Note 1,) so called by the Indians, it lieth within land 
betwixt the degrees of 41. and 42. of North latitude, 
and is about 14 miles long, and two broad. It is 
bounded with Long Island on the South, with Staten 
Island on the West, on the North with the Main Land : 
And with Conecticut Colony on the East-side of it ; 
only a part of the Main Land belonging to New York 
Colony, where several Towns and Villages are setled, 
being about thirty miles in bredth, doth intercept the 


Manahatans Island, and the Colony of Conecticut 
before mentioned. 

New York is setled upon the West end of the 
aforesaid Island, having that small arm of the Sea, 
which divides it from Long Island on the South side of 
it, which runs away Eastward to New England and is 
Navigable, though dangerous. For about ten miles 
from New York is a place called Hell-Gate, (see Note 
2,) which being a narrow passage, there runneth a vio- 
lent stream both upon flood and ebb, and in the middle 
lieth some Islands of Rocks, which the Curren t sets 
so violently upon, that it threatens present shipwreck ; 
and upon the flood is a large Whirlpool, which con- 
tinually sends forth a hideous roaring, enough to 
aífright any stranger from passing any further, and to 
wait for some Charon to conduct him through ; yet 
to those that are well acquainted little or no danger ; 
yet a place of great defence against any enemy com- 
ing in that way, which a small Fortification would 
absolutely prevent, and necessitate them to come in 
at the West end of Long Island by Sandy Hook 
where Nutten (see Note 3,) Island doth forcé them 
within Command of the Fort at New York, which is 
one of the best Pieces of Defence in the North parts 
of America. 

New York is built most of Brick and Stone, and 
covered with red and black Tile, and the Land being 
high, it gives at a distance a pleasing Aspect to the 
spectators. (see Note 4.) The Inhabitants consist 
most of English and Dutch, and have a considerable 
Trade with the Indians, for Bevers, Otter, Raccoon 


skins, with other Furrs ; As also for Bear, Deer, and 
Elke skins ; and are supplied with Venison and Fowl 
in the Winter, and Fish in the Summer by the In- 
dians, which they buy at an easie rate ; And having 
the Countrey round about them, they are continually 
furnished with all such provisions as is needful for 
the life of man : not only by the English and Dutch 
within their own, but likewise by the Adjacent 

The Commodities vented from thence is Furs and 
Skins before-mentioned ; As likewise Tobacco made 
within the Colony, as good as is usually made in 
Mary-land : Also Horses, Beef, Pork, Oyl, Pease, 
Wheat, and the like. 

Long-Island, (see Note 5,) the West end of which lies 
Southward of New York, runs Eastward above one 
hundred miles, and is in sorae places eight, in some 
twelve, in some fourteen miles broad : it is inhabited 
from one end to the other. On the West end is four 
or five Dutch Towns, the rest being all English to 
the number of twelve, besides Villages and Farm 
houses. The Island is most of it of a very good soyle, 
and very natural for all sorts of English Grain ; 
which they sowe and have very good increase of, 
besides all other Fruits and Herbs common in Eng- 
land, as also Tobacco, Hemp, Flax, Pumpkins, 
Melons, &c. 

The Fruits natural to the Island are Mulberries, 
Posimons, Grapes great and small, Huckelberries, 
Cramberries, Plums of several sorts, Rosberries and 
Strawberries, of which last is such abundance in June, 


that the Fields and Woods are died red : Which the 
Countrey-people perceiving, instantly arm themselves 
with bottles of Wine, Cream, and Sugar and in stead 
of a Coat of Male, every one takes a Female upon 
his Horse behind him, and so rushing violently into 
the fields, never leave till they have disrob'd them of 
their red colours, and turned them into the oíd habit. 

The greatest part of the Island is very full of Tim- 
ber, as Oaks white and red, Walnut-trees, Chesnut- 
trces, which yield store of Mast for Swine, and are 
often therewith sufficiently fatted with Oat-Corn as 
also Maples, Cedars, Saxifrage, Beach, Birch, Holly, 
Hazel, with many sorts more. 

The Herbs which the Countrey naturally aíford, are 
Purslain, white Orage, Egrimony, Violets, Penniroyal, 
Alicampane, besides Saxaparilla very common, with 
many more. Yea, in May you shall see the Woods 
and Fields so curiously bedecke with Roses, and an 
innumerable multitude of delightful Flowers not only 
pleasing the eye, but smell, that you may behold Na- 
ture contending with Art, and striving to equal, if not 
excel many Gardens in England : nay, did we know 
the vertue of all those Plants and Herbs growing 
there (which time may more discover) many are of 
opinión, and the Natives do afiirm, that there is no 
disease common to the Countrey, but may be cured 
without Materials from other Nations. 

There is several Navigable Rivers and Bays, which 
puts into the North-side of Long-Island, but upon the 
South-side which joyns to the Sea, it is so fortified 
with bars of sands, and sholes, that it is a sufficient 


defence against any enemy, yet the South-side is not 
without Brooks and Riverets, which empty them- 
selves into the Sea ; yea, you shall scarce travel a 
mile, but you shall meet with one of them whose 
Christal streams run so swift, that they purge them- 
selves of such stinking mud and filth, which the stand- 
ing or low paced streams of most brooks and rivers 
westward of this Colony leave lying, and are by the 
Suns exhalation dissipated, the Air corrupted and 
many Fevers and other distempers occasioned, not 
incident to this Colony : Neither do the Brooks and 
Riverets premised, give way to the Frost in Winter, 
or drought in Summer, but keep their course through- 
out the year. (See Note 6.) 

These Rivers are very well furnished with Fish, as 
Bosse, Sheepsheads, Place, Perch, Trouts, Eels, Tur- 
tles and divers others. 

The Island is plentifully stored with all sorts of 
English Cattel, Horses, Hogs, Sheep, Goats, &c. no 
place in the North of America better, which they 
can both raise and maintain, by reason of the large 
and spacious Medows or Marches wherewith it is 
furnished, the Island likewise producing excellent 
English grass, the seed of which was brought out of 
England, which they sometimes mow twice a year. 

For wilde Beasts there is Deer, Bear, Wolves, 
Foxes, Racoons, Otters, Musquashes and Skunks. 
Wild Fowl there is great store of, as Turkies, Heath- 
Hens, Quails, Partridges, Pidgeons, Cranes, Geese 
of several sorts, Brants, Ducks, Widgeon, Teal, and 
divers others : There is also the red Bird, with divers 


sorts of singing birds, whose chirping notes salute 
the ears of Travellers with an harmonious discord, 
and in every pond and brook green silken Frogs, who 
warbling forth their untun'd tunes strive to bear a 
part in this musick. 

Towards the middle of Long-Island lyeth a plain 
sixteen miles long and four broad, upon which plain 
grows very fine grass, that makes exceeding good 
Hay, and is very good pasture for sheep or other 
Cattel ; where you shall find neither stick ñor stone 
to hinder the Horse heels, or endanger them in their 
Races, and once a year the best Horses in the Island 
are brought hither to try their swiftness, and the 
swiftest rewarded with a silver Cup, two being 
Annually procured for that purpose. There are two 
or three other small plains of about a mile square, 
which are no small benefit to those Towns which en- 
joy them. (See Note 7.) 

Upon the South-side of Long-Island in the Winter, 
lie store of Whales and Crampasses, which the in- 
habitants begin with small boats to make a trade 
Catching to their no small benefit. Also an innumer- 
able multitude of Seáis, which make an excellent oyle : 
they lie all the Winter upon some broken Marshes 
and Beaches, or bars of sand before-mentioned, and 
might be easily got were there some skilful men 
would undertake it. 

To say something of the Indians, there is now but 
few upon the Island, and those few no ways hurtful 
but rather serviceable to the English, and it is to be 
admired, how strangely they have decreast by the 


Hand of God, since the English first setling of those 
parts ; for since my time, where there were six towns, 
they are reduced to two small Villages, and it hath 
been generally observed, that where the English come 
to settle, a Divine Hand makes way for them, by re- 
moving or cutting off the Indians either by Wars 
one with the other, or by some raging mortal Disease. 
(See Note 8.) 

They live principally by ' Hunting, Fowling, and 
Fishing : their Wives being the Husbandmen to till 
the Land, and plant their corn. 

The meat they live most upon is Fish, Fowl, and 
Venison ; they eat likewise Polecats, Sknnks, Racoon, 
Possum, Turtles, and the like. 

They build small moveable Tents, which they re- 
move two or three times a year, having their princi- 
pal quarters where they plant their Corn; their 
Hunting quarters, and their Fishing quarters : Their 
Recreations are chiefly Foot-ball and Cards, at which 
they will play away all they have, excepting a Flap 
to cover their nakedness : They are great lovers of 
strong drink, yet do not care for drinking, unless 
they have enough to make themselves drunk ; and if 
there be so many in their Company, that there is not 
sufficient to make them all drunk, they usually select 
so many out of their Company, proportionable to the 
quantity of drink, and the rest must be spectators. 
And if any one chance to be drunk before he hath 
finisht his proportion, (which is ordinarily a quart of 
Brandy, Rum, or Strong-waters) the rest will pour 
the rest of his part down his throat. 


They often kill one another at these drunken 
Matches, which the friends of the murdered person, 
do revenge upon the Murderer unless he purchase his 
life with money, which they sometimes do : Their 
money is made of a Periwinkle shell of which there 
is black and white, made much like unto beads, and 
put upon strings. (See Note 9.) 

For their worship which is diabolical, it is performed 
usually but once or twice a year, unless upon some 
extraordinary occasion, as upon making of War or the 
like; their usual time is about Michaelmass, when 
their corn is first ripe, the day being appointed by 
their chief Priest or pawaw ; most of them go a 
hunting for venison : When they are all congregated, 
their priest tells them if he want money, there God 
will accept of no other oífering, which the people 
beleeving, every one gives money according to their 
ability. The priest takes the money, and putting it 
into some dishes, sets them upon the top of their low 
flat-roofed houses, and falls to invocating their God 
to come and receive it, which with a many loud hal- 
lows and outcries, knocking the ground with sticks, 
and beating themselves, is performed by the priest, 
and seconded by the people. 

After they have thus a while wearied themselves, 
the priest by his Conjuration brings in a devil amongst 
them, in the shape sometimes of a fowl, sometimes of 
a beast, and sometimes of a man, at which the peo- 
ple being amazed, not daring to stir, he improves the 
opportunity, steps out and makes sure of the money, 
and then returns to lay the spirit, who in the mean 


time is sometimes gone, and takes some of the Com- 
pany along with him ; but if any English at such 
times do come amongst them, it puts a period to their 
proceedings, and they will desire their absence, telling 
them their God will not come whilst they are there. 

In their wars they fight no picht fields, but when 
they have notice of an enemies approach, they en- 
deavor to secure their wives and children upon some 
Island, or in some thick swamp, and then with their 
guns and hatchets they way-lay their enemies, some 
lying behind one, some another, and it is a great fight 
where seven or eight is slain. 

When any Indian dies amongst them, they bury 
him upright, sitting upon a seat, with his Gun, money, 
and such goods as he hath with him, that he may be 
furnished in the other world, which they conceive is 
Westward, where they shall have great store of 
Game for Hunting and live easie lives. (See Note 10) 
At his Burial his nearest Relations attend the Hearse 
with their faces painted black, and do visit the grave 
once or twice a day, where they send forth sad 
lamentations so long, till time hath worn the black- 
ness oíF their faces, and afterwards every year once 
they view the grave, make a new mourning for 
him, trimming up the Grave, not suffering of a 
Grass to grow by it : they fence their graves with 
a hedge, and cover the tops with Mats, to shelter 
them from the rain. 

Any Indian being dead, his ñame dies with him, no 
person daring ever after to mention his Ñame, it being 
not only a breach of their Law, but an abuse to his 

10 denton's description 

friends and relations present, as if it were done on 
purpose to renew their grief : And any other person 
whatsoever that is named after that ñame doth incon- 
tinently change his ñame, and takes a new one, their 
ñames are not proper set ñames as amongst Chris- 
tians, but every one invents a ñame to himself ; 
which he likes best. Some calling themselves Rattle- 
snake, Skunk, Bucks-horn, or the like : And if a 
person die, that his ñame is some word which is used 
in speech, they likewise change that word, and invent 
some new one, which makes a great change and al- 
teration in their language. 

When any person is sick, after some means used 
by his friends, every one pretending skill in Physick ; 
that proving ineífectual, they send for a Pawaw or 
Priest, who sitting down by the sick person, without 
the least enquiry after the distemper, waits for a gift, 
which he proportions his work accordingly to : that 
being received, he first begins with a low voice to 
cali upon his God, calling sometimes upon one, some- 
times on another, raising his voice higher and higher, 
beating of his naked breasts and sides, till the sweat 
runneth down, and his breath is almost gone, then 
that little which is remaining, he evaporates upon the 
face of the sick person three or four times together, 
and so takes his leave. 

Their Marriages are performed without any Cere- 
mony, the Match being first made by money. The 
sum being agreed upon and given to the woman, it 
makes a consummation of their Marriage, if I may 
so cali it : After that, he keeps her during his plea- 


sure, and upon the least dislike turns her away and 
takes another : It is no offence for their married 
women to lie with another man, provided she acquaint 
her husband, or some of her nearest Relations with 
it, but if not, it is accounted such a fault that they 
sometimes punish it with death : An Indian may have 
two wives or more if he please ; (see Note 1 1 ,) but it 
is not so much in use as it was since the English carne 
amongst them ; they being ready in some measure 
to imítate the English in things both good and bad ; 
any Maid before she is married doth lie with whom 
she please for money, without any scandal or the 
least aspersión to be cast upon her, it being so cus- 
tomary, and their laws tolerating of it. They are 
extraordinary charitable one to another, one having 
nothing to spare, but he freely imparts it to his friends, 
and whatsoever they get by gaming or any other way, 
they share one to another, leaving themselves com- 
monly the least share. 

At their Cantica's or dancing Matches, where all 
persons that come are freely entertain'd, it being a 
Festival time : Their custom is when they dance, 
every one but the Dancers to have a short stick in 
their hand, and to knock the ground and sing alto- 
gether, whilst they that dance sometimes act warlike 
postures, and then they come in painted for War 
with their faces black and red, or some all black, some 
all red, with some streaks of white under their eyes, 
and so jump and leap up and down without any order, 
uttering many expressions of their intended valour. 
For other Dances they only shew what Antick 


tricks their ignorance will lead them to, wringing of 
their bodies and faces after a strange manner, some- 
tinies jumping into the fire, sometimes catching up a 
Fire-brand, and biting off a live coal, with many such 
tricks, that will affright, if not please an Englishman 
to look upon them, resembling rather a company of 
infernal Furies then men. When their King or Sa- 
chem sits in Council, he hath a Company of armed 
men to guard his Person, great respect being shewn 
to him by the People, which is principally mani- 
fested by their silence ; After he hath declared the 
cause of their convention, he demands their opinión, 
ordering who shall begin : The person ordered to 
speak, after he hath declared his minde, tells them he 
hath done ; no man ever interrupting any person in his 
speech, ñor oífering to speak, though he make never 
so many or long stops, till he says he hath no more 
to say : the Council having all declar'd their opinions, 
the King after some pause gives the definitive sen- 
tence, which is commonly seconded with a shout 
from the people, every one seeming to applaud, and 
manifest their Assent to what is determined : If any 
person be condemned to die, which is seldom, unless 
for Murder or Incest, the King himself goes out in 
person (for you must understand they have no prisons, 
and the guilty person flies into the Woods) where 
they go in quest of him, and having found him, the 
King shoots first, though at never such a distance, 
and then happy is the man can shoot him down, and 
cut off his Long, (see Note 12,) which they com- 


monly wear, who for his pains is made some Cap- 
tain, or other military Officer. 

Their Cloathing is a yard and an half of broad 
Cloth, which is made for the Indian Trade, which 
they hang upon their shoulders ; and half a yard of 
the same cloth, which being put betwixt their legs, 
and brought up before and behinde, and tied with a 
Girdle about their middle, hangs with a flap on each 
side : They wear no Hats, but commonly wear about 
their Heads a Snake's skin, or a Belt of their money, 
or a kind of a RuíF made with Deers hair, and died 
of a scarlet colour, which they esteem very rich. 

They grease their bodies and hair very often, and 
paint their faces with several colours, as black, white, 
red, yellow, blew, &c. which they take great pride in, 
every one being painted in a several manner : Thus 
much for the Customs of the Indians. 

Within two Leagues of New York lieth Staten- 
Island, it bears from New York West something 
Southerly : It is about twenty-miles long, and four or 
five broad, it is most of it very good Land, full of 
Timber, and produceth all such commodities as Long 
Island doth besides Tin and store of Iron Oar, and 
the Calamine stone is said likewise to be found there : 
There is but one Town upon it consisting of English 
and French, but is capable of entertaining more in- 
habitants ; betwixt this and Long Island is a large 
Bay, and is the coming in for all ships and vessels 
out of the Sea : On the North-side of this Island 
After-skull River puts into the main Land on the 
West-side, whereof is two or three Towns, but on the 

14 denton's description 

East-side but one. There is very great Marshes or 
Medows on both sides of it, excellent good Land, 
and good convenience for the setling of several 
Tovvns ; there grows black Walnut and Locust, as 
their doth in Virginia, with mighty tall streight Tim- 
ber, as good as >any in the North of America : It 
produceth any Commoditie Long-Island doth. 

VHudsons River runs by New York Northward into 
the Countrey, toward the Head of which is seated 
New Albany, a place of great Trade with the Indians, 
betwixt which and New-York, being above one hun- 
dred miles, (see Note 13,) is as good Corn-land as the 
World aífords, enough to entertain Hundreds of Fami- 
lies, which in the time of the Dutch-Government of 
those parts could not be setled : For the Indians, ex- 
cepting one place, called the Sopers, which was kept 
by a Garrison, but since the reducement of those parts 
under His Majesties obedience and a Patent granted 
to his Royal Highness the Duke of York, which is 
about six years ; since by the care and diligence of 
the Honorable Coll Nicholls sent thither Deputy to 
His Highness, such a League of Peace was made, 
and Friendship concluded betwixt that Colony and 
the Indians, that they have not resisted or disturbed 
any Christians there, in the setling or peaceable pos- 
sessing of any Lands with that Government, but 
every man hath sate under his own Vine, and hath 
peaceably reapt and enjoyed the fruits of their own 
labours, which God continug. 

Westward of Áfter-Kull River before-mentioned, 
about 18 or 20 miles runs in Raritan-River North- 


ward into the Countrey, some score of miles, both 
sides of which River is adorn'd with spacious Me- 
dows, enough to maintain thousands of Cattel, the 
Wood-land is likewise very good for corn, and stor'd 
with wilde Beasts, as Deer, and Elks, and an innumer- 
able multitude of Fowl, as in other parts of the 
Countrey : This River is thought very capable for the 
erecting of several Towns and Villages on each side 
of it, no place in the North of America having better 
convenience for the maintaining of all sorts of Cattel 
for Winter and Summer food : upon this River is no 
town setled, but one at the mouth of it. Next this 
River Westward is a place called Newasons, where is 
two or three Towns and Villages setled upon the Sea- 
side, but none betwixt that and Delewer Bay, which 
is about sixty miles, all which is a rich Champain 
Countrey, free from stones, and indifferent level ; store 
of excellent good timber, and very well watered, 
having brooks or rivers ordinarily, one or more in 
every miles travel : The Countrey is full of Deer, 
Elks, Bear, and other Creatures, as in other parts of 
the Countrey, where you shall meet with no inhabit- 
ant in this journey, but a few Indians, where there is 
stately Oaks, whose broad-branched-tops serve for 
no other use, but to keep off the Suns heat from the 
wilde beasts of the Wilderness, where is grass as 
high as a mans middle, that serves for no other end 
except to maintain the Elks and Deer, who never 
devour a hundredth part of it, then to be burnt every 
Spring to make way for new. How many poor peo- 
pie in the world would think themselves happy had 

16 denton's description 

they an Acre or two of Land, whilst here is hundreds, 
nay thousands of Acres, that would invite inhabitants. 

Delewer bay the mouth of the River, lyeth about 
the mid-way betwixt New York, and the Capes of 
Virginia : It is a very pleasant River and Countrey, 
but very few inhabitants, and them being mostly 
Swedes, Dutch and Finns : about sixty miles up the 
River is the principa] Town called New Castle, which 
is about 40 miles from Mary-land, and very good way 
to travel, either with horse or foot, the people are 
setled all along the west side sixty miles above New 
Castle ; the land is good for all sorts of English 
grain and wanteth nothing but a good people to 
popúlate it, it being capable of entertaining many 
hundred families. 

Some may admire, that these great and rich Tracts 
of land, lying so adjoyning to New England and Vir- 
ginia, should be no better inhabited, and that the 
richness of the soyle, the healthfulness of the Ch- 
ínate, and the like, should be no better a motive to 
induce people from both places to popúlate it. 

To which I answer, that whilst it was under the 
Dutch Government, which hath been till within these 
six years ; there was little encouragement for any 
English, both in respect to their safety from the 
Indians, the Dutch being almost always in danger of 
them ; and their Bever-trade not admitting of a War, 
which would have been destructive to their trade, 
which was the main thing prosecuted by the Dutch. 
And secondly, the Dutch gave such bad Titles to 
Lands, together with their exacting of the Tenths of 



all whieh men produced off their Land, that did 
much hinder the populating of it ; together with that 
general dislike the English have of living under 
another Government ; but since the reducement of it 
there is several Towns of a considerable greatness 
begun andsetled by people out of New England, and 
every day more and more come to view and settle. 

To give some satisfaction to people that shall be 
desirous to transport themselves thither, (the Coun- 
trey being capable of entertaining many thousands,) 
how and after what manner people live, and how 
Land may be procured, &c, I shall answer, that the 
usual way, is for a Company of people to joyn to- 
gether, either enough to make a Town, or a lesser 
number ; these go with the consent of the Governor, 
and view a Tract of Land, there being choice 
enough, and finding a place convenient for a Town, 
they return to the Governor, who upon their desire 
admits them into the Colony, and gives them a Grant 
or Patent for the said Land, for themselves and As- 
sociates. These persons being thus qualified, settle 
the place, and take in what inhabitants to themselves 
they shall see cause to admit of, till their Town be 
full ; these Associates thus taken in have equal pri- 
vileges with themselves, and they make a división of 
the Land suitable to every mans occasions, no man 
being debarr'd of such quantities as he hath occasion 
for, the rest they let lie in common till they have 
occasion for a new división, never dividing their Pas- 
ture-land at all, which lies in common to the whole 
Town. The best Commodities for any to carry with 

18 denton's description 

them is Clothing, the Countrey being full of all sorts 
of Cattel, which they may furnish themselves withal at 
an easie rate, for any sorts of English Goods, as 
likewise Instruments for Husbandry and Building, 
with Nails, Hinges, Glass, and the like; For the 
manner how they get a livelihood, it is principally by 
Corn and Cattel, which will there fetch them any 
Commodities ; likewise they sowe store of Flax, 
which they make every one Cloth of for their own 
wearing, as also woollen Cloth, and Linsey-woolsey, 
and had they more Tradesmen amongst them, they 
would in a little time live without the help of any 
other Countrey for their Clothing : For Tradesmen 
there is none but live happily there, as Carpenters, 
Blacksmiths, Masons, Tailors, Weavers, Shoemakers, 
Tanners, Brickmakers, and so any other Trade ; 
them that have no Trade betake themselves to Hus- 
bandry, get Land of their own, and live exceeding 

Thus have I briefly given you a Relation of New- 
York, with the places thereunto adjoyning ; In which, 
if I have err'd, it is principally in not giving it its due 
commendation ; for besides those earthly blessings 
where it is stor'd, Heaven hath not been wanting to 
open his Treasure, in sending down seasonable show- 
ers upon the Earth, blessing it with a sweet and pleas- 
ant Air, and a Continuation of such Influences as tend 
to the Health both of Man and Beast : and the Climate 
hath such an affinity with that of England, that it 
breeds ordinarily no alteration to those which remove 
thither ; that the ñame of seasoning, which is common 


to some other Countreys hath never there been known ; 
That I may say, and say truly, that if there be any 
terrestrial happiness to be had by people of al] ranks, 
especially of an inferior rank, it must certainly be 
here : here any one may furnish himself with land, 
and live rent-free, yea, with such a quantity of Land, 
that he may weary himself with walking over his 
fields of Corn, and all sorts of Grain : and let his 
stock of Cattel amount to some hundreds, he needs 
not fear their want of pasture in the Summer or 
Fodder in the Winter, the Woods affording sufficient 
supply. For the Summer-season, where you have 
grass as high as a mans knees, nay, as high as his 
waste, interlaced with Pea-vines and other weeds 
that Cattel much delight in, as much as a man can 
press through ; and these woods also every mile or 
half-mile are furnished with fresh ponds, brooks or 
rivers, where all sorts of Cattel, during the heat of 
the day, do quench their thirst and cool themselves ; 
these brooks and rivers being invironed of each side 
with several sorts of trees and Grape-vines, the Vines, 
Arbor-like, interchanging places and crossing these 
rivers, does shade and shelter them from the scorch- 
ing beams of Sois fiery influence ; Here those which 
Fortune hath frown'd upon in England, to deny them 
an inheritance amongst their Brethren, or such as by 
their utmost labors can scarcely procure a living, I 
say such may procure here inheritances of lands and 
possessions, stock themselves with all sorts of Cattel, 
enjoy the benefit of them whilst they live, and leave 
them to the benefit of their children when they die : 

20 denton's description 

Here you need not trouble the Shambles for meat, 
ñor Bakers and Brewers for Beer and Bread, ñor run 
to a Linnen Draper for a supply, every one making 
their own Linnen, and a great part of their woollen 
cloth for their ordinary wearing : And how prodigal, 
If I may so say, hath Nature been to fiírnish the 
Countrey with all sorts of wilde Beasts and Fowle, 
which every one hath an interest in, and may hunt at 
his pleasure : where besides the pleasure in hunting, 
he may furnish his house with excellent fat Venison, 
Turkeys, Geese, Heath-Hens, Cranes, Swans, Ducks, 
Pidgeons, and the like ; and wearied with that, he may 
go a Fishing, where the Rivers are so furnished, that he 
may supply himself with Fish before he can leave off 
the Recreation : (see Note 14,) Where you may travel 
by Land upon the same Continent hundreds of miles, 
and passe through Towns and Villages, and never hear 
the least complaint for want, ñor hear any ask you for 
a farthing ; there you may lodge in the fields and 
woods, travel from one end of the Countrey to ano- 
ther, with as much security as if you were lockt within 
your own Chamber ; And if you chance to meet with 
an Indian-Town, they shall give you the best enter- 
tainment they have, and upon your desire, direct you 
on your way : But that which adds happiness to all 
the rest, is the Healthfulness of the place, where many 
people in twenty years time never know what sick- 
ness is ; where they look upon it as a great mortality 
if two or three die out of a town in a years time ; 
where besides the sweetness of the Air, the Countrey 
itself sends forth such a fragrant smell, that it may be 


perceived at Sea before they can make the Land ; 
(see Note 15,) where no evil fog or vapour doth no 
sooner appear but a North-west or Westerly winde 
doth immediately dissolve it, and drive it away : 
What shall I say more ? you shall scarce see a house, 
but the South side is begirt with Hives of Bees, 
which increase after an incredible manner : That I 
must needs say, that if there be any terrestrial Ca- 
naan, 'tis surely here, where the Land floweth with 
milk and honey. The inhabitants are blest with 
Peace and plenty, blessed in their Countrey, blessed 
in their Fields, blessed in the Fruit of their bodies, 
in the fruit of their grounds, in the increase of their 
Cattel, Horses and Sheep, blessed in their Basket, 
and in their Store ; In a word, blessed in whatsoever 
they take in hand, or go about, the Earth yielding 
plentiful increase to all their painful labours. 

Were it not to avoid prolixity I could say a great 
deal more, and yet say too little, how free are those 
parts of the world from that pride and oppression, 
with their miserable effects, which many, nay almost 
all parts of the world are troubled, with being igno- 
rant of that pomp and bravery which aspiring 
Humours are servants to, and striving after almost 
every where : where a Waggon or Cart gives as 
good contení as a Coach ; and a piece of their home- 
made Cloth, better than the finest Lawns or richest 
Silks : and though their low roofed houses may seem 
to shut their doors against pride and luxury, yet how 
do they stand wide open to let charity in and out, 
either to assist each other, or relieve a stranger, (see 

22 denton's description or new york. 

Note 16,) and the distance of place from other Na- 
tions, doth secure them from the envious frowns of 
ill-aífected Neighbours, and the troubles which usu- 
ally arise thence. 

Now to conclude, its possible some raay say, 
what needs a Relation of a place of so long standing 
as New York hath been ? (See Note 17.) In answer 
to which I have said something before, as to satisfie 
the desires of many that never had any relation of it. 
Secondly, though it hath been long settled, yet but 
lately reduced to his Majestie's obedience, and by 
that nieans but new or unknown to the English ; else 
certainly those great number of Furs, that have been 
lately transported from thence into Holland had never 
past the hands of our English Furriers : Thirdly, 
never any Relation before was published to my 
knowledge, and the place being capable of entertain- 
ing so great a number of inhabitants, where they 
may with God's blessing, and their own industry, live 
as happily as any people in the world. A true Rela- 
tion was necessary, not only for the encouragement 
of many that have a desire to remove themselves, but 
for the satisfaction of others that would make a trade 


This book to be sold by John Hancock, at the Jirst 
shop in Pope's Head Alley, at the sign of the three 
Bibles in Cornhil, 1670. 



(Note 1, page 1.) 

The first ñame, which occurs, is that of the Hudson river. It does not appear 
that the discoverer thought of giving it his own ñame. In the narrative of his 
voyage, it is called the Great River of the Mountains, or simply the Great river. 
This term was simply translated by his employers, the servants of the Dutch 
West India Company, who, on the early maps of Nova Bélgica, called it 
Groóte Riviere. It was afterwards called Nassau, after the reigning House, but 
this ñame was not persevered in. After a subsequent time, they gave it the 
ñame of Mauritius, after Prince Maurice, but this ñame, if it was ever much 
in vogue, either did not prevail against, or was early exchanged for the popular 
term of North River — a ñame which it emphatically bore to distinguish it 
from the Lenapihittuck or Delaware, which they called South river. [Zuydt 
Riviere.] That the ñame of Mauritius was but partially introduced, is indicated 
by the reply made by the New England authorities to a letter respecting boun- 
daries of Gov. Kieft, in 1646, in which they declare, in answer to his complaint 
of encroachments on its settlements, their entire ignorance of any river bearing 
this ñame. 

Neither of the Indian ñames by which it was called, appear to have found 
much favor. The Mohegans called it Shatémuc. Shaita, in the cognate dialect 
of the Odjibwa, means a pelican. It cannot be affirmed, to denote the same 
object in this dialect, ñor is it known that the pelican has ever been seen on this 
river. Uc is the ordinary inflection for locality. The Mincees, occupying the 
west banks, called it Mohcgan-ittuck. The syllable itt, before uck, is one of the 
most transitive forms, by which the action of the nominative is engrafted upon 
the objective, without communicating any new meaning. The signification of 
the term is Mohegan river. The Iroquois, (as given by the interpreter John 
Bleecker, and communicated by the late Dr. Samuel L. Mitchill in a letter to 
Dr. Miller in 1811,) called Ca ho ha ta té a * — that is to say, if we have appre- 
hended the word, the great river having mountains beyond the Cahoh or Cahoes 

* Vide Or. Miller's Hlstolical Discourse. 


The three prominent Iridian ñames of the Hudson are therefore the Mohegan, 
the Chatemüc, and the Cahotatea. 

The river appears to ha ve been also called, by other tribes of the Iroquois 
confederacy, Sanataty. The word ataty, here, is the same written atatea, above, 
and is descriptive of various scenes according to its prefix. The English first 
named the river, the Hudson, after the surrender of the colony in 1664. It does not 
appear, under this ñame, in any Dutch work or record, which has been examined. 
It may be observed, that the temí has not exclusively prevailed to the present 
day, among New Yorkers in the river counties, where the ñame of North 
River is still popular. It will be recollected, as a proof of the prevailing custom, 
that Fulton called his first boat, to test the triumph of steam, " The North 

If the river failed to bear to future times, either of its original ñames, the 
island, as the nomina tive of the city, was equally unfortunate, the more so it is 
conceived, as the ñame of the city became the ñame of the state. Regret has 
been expressed, that some one of the sonorous and appropriate Indian ñames of 
the west, had not been chosen to desígnate the state. The colonists were but 
little regardful of questions of this kind. Both the Dutch in 1609 and the Eng- 
lish in 1665, carne with precisely the same forcé of national prepossession — the 
first in favor of Amsterdam, and the second in favor of New York both con- 
nected with the belittling adjective " New." It is characteristic of the English, 
that they have sought to perpetúate the remembrance of their victories, conquests 
and discoveries, by these geographical ñames. And the word New York, if it 
redound less to their military or naval glory, than Blenheim, Trafalgar and 
Waterloo may be cited to show, that this was an early developed trait of cha- 
racter of the English, abroad as well as at home. It would be well, indeed, if 
their descendants in America had been a little more alive to the influence of this 
trait. Those who love the land, and cherish its nationalities, would at least 
have been spared, in witnessing the growth and development of this great city, 
the continued repetition of foreign, petty or vulgar ñames, for our streets and 
squares and public resorts, while such ñames as Saratoga and Ticonderoga, 
Niágara and Ontario, Iosco and Owasco, are never thought of* 

The Indians called the Island Mon-a-ton dropping the local inflection uk. 
The word is variously written by early writers. The sound as pronounced to 
me in 1827 by Metoxon, a Mohegan chief, is Mon ah tan uk, a phrase which is 
descriptive of the whirlpool of Hellgate. Mon or man, as here written, is the 
radix of the adjective bad, carrying as it does, in its multiplied forms, the vari- 
ous meanings of violent, dangerous, &c, when applied in compounds. Ah tun, 
is a generic term for a channel, or stream of running water. Uk, denotes 
locality, and also plurality. When the tribe has thus denoted this passage, 
which is confessedly the most striking and characteristic geographical feature of 

* Vide Letter to Hon. J. Harper. 


the región, they called the island near it, to imply the Anglicised term, Man-hat- 
tan, and themselves Mon-a-tuns, that is to say, " People of the Whirlpool." It 
is well known that the Indian tribes, have, generally, taken their distinctive 
ñames from geographical features. The Narragansetts, as we are told by Roger 
Williams, took that ñame, from a small island off the coast.* Massachusetts, 
according to the same authority, signifies the Blue Hills, and is derived from the 
appearance of lands at sea. Mississaga, signifies they live at the mouth of a 
large river, and by an inflection, the people who live at the mouth of the large 
river or waters. Onondaga, means the people who live on the hill. Oneida, 
the people who sprang from a rock, &c. These ñames aflford no clue to nation- 
ality, they preserve no ethnological chain. 

The tradition that this island derives its ñame from the accidental circumstance 
of the intoxication of the Indiana on Hudson's first visit, in 1609, is a sheer 
inference, unsupported by philology. That the tradition of such an event was 
preserved and related to the early missionaries by the Mohegan Indians, admite 
of no doubt.nor is there more, that the island was referred to as the place where 
their ancestors first obtained the taste of ardent spirits. That the island had no 
ñame prior to 1609, or if well known by a characteristic ñame, that this eider 
ñame was then dropped and a new ñame bestowed, in allusion to this circum- 
stance of the intoxication, is not only improbable, on known principies, but is 
wholly unsustained, as will have been perceived by the above etymology. The 
word for intoxication, or dizziness from drink, in the Algonquin, and with little 
change in all the cognate dialects, is Ke wush kwá bee. The verb to drink in 
the same dialects, is Min e kwá, in the Mohegan " Minahn" words having 
none of the necessary elementa of this compound. Very great care is, indeed, 
required in recording Indian words, to be certain that the word given, is actually 
expressive of the object of inquiry. Some curious and amusing examples of 
mistakes of this kind might be given, did it comport with the limits of this note. 
There were several Indian villages, or places of resort, on the island of Mon- 
á-tun, for which the original ñames have survived. The extreme point of land, 
between the junction of the East and North rivers, of which the Battery is now 
a part, was called Kapsee and within the memory of persons still living was 
known as " the Copsie point" a term which appears to denote a safe place of 
landing, formed by eddy waters. There was a village called Sapokanican, 
on the shores of the Hudson, at the present site of Greenwich. Corlaer's 
Hook was called Naghtognk.t The particle tonk, here, denotes sand. A 
tract of meadow land on the north end of the island, near Kingsbridge, was 
called Muscoota, that is, meadow or grass land. Warpoes was a term bestowed 
on a piece of elevated ground, situated above and beyond the small lake or pond 
called the Kolck. This term is, apparently a derivative from Wawbose, a haré. 

* Collections of the Rhode Island Historical Society, Vol. 3. 
t NechtanK, (Outch notatíon.) 


The Islands around the city had their appropriate ñames. Long Island was 
called Metóac, after the ñame of the Metóacks, the principal tribe located on it. 
It is thus called by Van Der Donck in 1656, and in all the subsequent maps of 
authority, down to Evans", in 1775. Smith calis it Meitowacks. In Governor 
Clinton's discourse, it is printed Meilowacks, but this is evidently a typographical 

Staten Island, we are informed by De Vries, was occupied by the Mon-á-tans 
who called it Monocínong with a verbal prefix. The termination is ong, denotes 
locality. Manon is the ironwood tree, ack denotes a tree, or trunk, and admita 
a prefix from " manadun," bad. By inqairy it does not appear that the Iron- 
wood, although present, ever existed in safficient abundance to render the ñame 
from that characteristic* The other, it is too late to investigate. It is believed 
the expression had an implied meaning, and denoted the Haunted Woods. 

Thus far the colonial maps and records, so far as they have fallen under the 
author's notice. The vocabulary of the Mohegans afibrds, however, a few 
other terms, the application of which may be well assumed from their etymology. 
Of this kind is the term Naosh, for Sandy Hook, meaning a point surpassing 
others. Minnisais, or the lesser island, for Bedlow's island ; and Kioshk, or 
Gull island, for Ellis's island. The heights of Brooklyn are graphically described 
in the term Ihpetonga ; that is, high sandy banks. 

The geological structure of the island was such as to bring it to a much nar- 
rower point, than it now occupies. By the recent excavations for the foundations 
of Trinity Church, and the commercial buildings on the site of the Oíd Presby- 
rian Church in Wall-street, the principal stratum is seen to be of coarse grey sea 
sand, capped with a similar aoil, mixed with vegetable mould and feruginous 
oxide. From the make of the land, the Indian path, on the Trinity plateau, 
forked at the foot of the Park, and proceeded east of the small lake called the 
Kolck [Agiegon] to the rise of ground at Chatham square. Here, or not far 
from it, was the eminence called Warpoes, probably the site of a village, and so 
named from ita chief. The stream and marsh existing where Canal street now 
runs, gave this eastern tendency to the main path. At or beyond Warpoes, 
another fork in the path became necessary to reach the Banks of the Hudson at 
the Indian village of Lapinikan, now Greenwich. In this route laid the emi- 
nence Ishpatena, late Richmond Hill, at the comer of Charlton and Varick 
streets. The path leading from the interjunction at Warpoes, or Chatham 
square, to Nahtonk, or Corlaer's Hook, had no intermediate village, of which the 
ñame has survived. This portion of the island was covered with a fine forest 
of nut wood, oaks, and other hard-wood species, interspersed with grassy glades, 
about the sites of the Indian villages. The upper part of the Island was densely 
wooded. Above Fortieth street it was unfavorable for any purpose but hunting, 
and much of the middle part of it, as between Fifth and Eighth Avenues, was 

S. letter from R. M. Ty»on, Esq. 


cither shoe-deep under water or naturally swampy. This aróse, as is seen at this 
day, from a clayey stratum, which retains the moisture, whereas the whole island 
below this location, particularly below the brow of the sycnitic formation of 
Thirty-seventli street, &c., consisted of gravel and sand, which absorbed the 
moisture and rendered it the most favorable site for building and occupation. On 
the margin of the Hudson, the water reached, tradition tells us, to Greenwich 
street. There is a yellow painted wooden house still standing at the northeast 
comer of Courtlandt and Greenwich streets, which had the water near to it. 
Similar tradition assures us that Broad street was the site of a marsh and small 
creek. The same may be said of the foot of Maiden lañe, once Fly Market, and 
of the outlet of the Muskeeg or swamp, now Ferry street. Pearl street marked 
the winding margin of the East river. Foundations dug here reach the ancient 
banks of oyster shells. Ashibic denotes the probable narrow ridge or ancient 
cliffnorth of Beekman street, which bounded the marsh below. Ocitoc is a 
term for the height of land in Broadway, at Niblo's ; Abic, a rock rising up in 
the Battery ; Penabic, Mt. Washington, or the Comb mountain. These notices, 
drawn from philology, and, in part, the earlier geographical accounts of New Bel- 
gium, might be extended to a few other points, which are clearly denoted ; but 
are deemed sufficient to sustain the conclusions, which we have arrived at, that 
the main configuration of the leading thoroughfares of the city, from the ancient 
canoe-place at Copsie or the Battery, extending north to the Park, and thence 
to Chatham square and the Bowery, and west to Tivoli Garden, &.c, were an- 
cient roads, in the early times of Holland supremacy, which followed the primary 
Indian foot-paths. 

As a general remark, it may be said that the ñames of the Mon-a-tons, or 
Manhattanese, were not euphonous, certainly lessso than those of the Delawares 
or Iroquois. H. E. Schoolcraft. 

Note 2, page 2. 

About six miles from the renowned city of the Manhattoes, in that sound or 
arm of the sea which passes between the main land and Nassau, or Long Island, 
there is a narrow strait, where the current is violently compressed between 
shouldering promontories, and horribly perplexed by rocks and shoals. Being, 
at the best of times, a very violent, impetuous current, it takes these impediments 
in mighty dudgeon ; boiling in whirlpools ; brawling and fretting in ripp'es ; 
raging and roaring in rapids and breakers ; and, in short, indulging in all kinds 
of wrong-headed paroxysms. At such times, wo to any unlucky vessel that 
ventures within its clutches ! 

This termagant humour, however, prevails only at certain times of tide. At 
low water, for instance, it is as pacific a stream as you would wish to see ; but as 
the tide rises, it begins to fret ; at half-tide it roars with might and main, like a 
7 49 


bully bellowing for more drink ; but when the tide is full, it relapses into quiet, 
and, for a time, sleeps as soundly as an alderman after dinner. In fact, it may 
be compared to a quarrelsome toper, who is a peaceable fellow enough when he 
has no liquor at all, or when he has a skin full, but who, when half-seas-over, 
plays the very de vil. 

This mighty, blustering, bullying, hard-drinking little strait, was a place of 
great danger and perplexity to the Dutch navigators of ancient days ; hectoring 
their tub-built barks in the most unruly style ; whirling them about in a manner 
to make any but a Dutchman giddy, and not unfrequently stranding them upon 
rocks and reefs, as it did the famous squadron of Oloffe the Dreamer, when seek- 
ing a place to found the city of the Manhattoes. Whereupon, out of sheer 
spleen they denominated it Helle-gat, and solemnly gave it over to the devil. 
This appellation has since been aptly rendered into English by the ñame of Hell- 
gate, and into nonsense by the ñame of Hurl-g&te, according to certain foreign 
intruders, who neither understood Dutch ñor English — may St. Nicholas con- 
found them ! 

This strait of Hell-gate was a place of great awe and perilous enterprise to 
me in my boyhood ; having been much of a navigator on those small seas, and 
having more than once run the risk of shipwreck and drowning in the course of 
certain holiday-voyages, to which, in common with other Dutch urchins, I was 
rather prone. Indeed, partly from the ñame, and partly from various strange 
circumstances connected with it, this place had far more terrors in the eyes of 
my truant companions and myself, than had Scylla and Charybdis for the navi- 
gators of yore. 

In the midst of this strait, and hard by a group of rocks called the Hen and 
Chickens, there lay the wreck of a vessel which had been entangled in the 
whirlpools, and stranded during a storm. There was a wild story told to us of 
this being the wreck of a pirate, and some tale of bloody murder which I can- 
not now recollect, but which made us regard it with great awe, and keep far 
from it in our cruisings. Indeed, the desoíate look of the forlorn hulk, and the 
fearful place where it lay rotting, were enough to awaken strange notions. A 
row of timber-heads, blackened by time, just peered above the surface at high 
water ; but at low tide a considerable part of the hull was bare, and its great 
ribs, or timbers, partly stripped of their planks, and dripping with sea-weeds, 
looked like the huge skeleton of some sea-monster. There was also the stump 
of a mast, with a few ropes and blocks swinging about, and whistling in the 
wind, while the sea-gull wheeled and screamed around the melancholy carcass. 
I have a faint recollection of some hobgoblin tale of sailors' ghosts being seen 
about this wreck at night, with bare sculls, and blue lights in their sockets instead 
of eyes, but I have forgotten all the particulars. 

In fact, the whole of this neighborhood was like the Straits of Pelorus of yore, 
a región of fable and romance to me. From the strait to the Manhattoes the 
borders of the Sound are greatly diversified, being broken and indented by rocky 
nooks overhung with trees, which give them a wild and romantic look. In the 



time of my boyhood, they abounded with traditions about pirates, ghosts, smug- 
glers, and buried money ; which had a wonderful effect upon the young minds of 
my companions and myself. 

As I grew to more mature years, I made diligent research after the truth of 
these strange traditions ; for I have always been a curious investigator of the 
valuable but obscure branches of the history of my native province. I found 
infinite difficulty, however, in arriving at any precise information. In seeking to 
dig up one fact, it is incredible the number of fables that I unearthed. I will 
say nothing of the Devil's Stepping-stones, by which the arch-fiend made his 
retreat from Connecticut to Long Island, across the Sound ; seeing the subject is 
likely to be iearnedly treated by a worthy friend and contemporary historian, 
whom I have furnished with particulars thereof.* Neither will I say anything 
of the black man in a three-cornered hat, seated in the stern of a jolly-boat, 
who used to be seen about Hell-gate in stormy weather, and who went by the 
ñame of the pirate's spuke, (i.e. pirate's ghost), and whom,it is said, oíd Gover- 
nor Stuyvesant once shot with a silver bullet ; because I never could meet with 
any person of staunch credibility who professed to have seen this spectrum, 
unless it were the widow of Manus Conklen, the blacksmith of Frogsneck ; but 
then, poor woman, she was a little purblind, and might have been mistaken ; 
though they say she saw farther than other folks in the dark.t — W. Irving. 

Note 3, page 2. 

" Governor's Island bore the ñame of Nut island, during the Holland suprema- 
cy, in Dutch Nutten: but whether as is suspected, this was a translation of the 
Indian Pecanuc, or ' nut trees,' is not certain." 

Note 4, page 2. 

Those memorials of the " olden time," the residences of our forefathers, have 
entirely disappeared from the streets of New York. Even Albany, which in De- 
cember, 1789, is described in the " Columbian Magazine," of that date, as hav- 

•For a very interesting and authentic account of the devil and his stepping-stones, see 
the Memoir read before the New York Historical Society, since the death of Mr. Knicker- 
bocker, by his friend, an eminent jurist of the place. 

t This is a narrow strait in the Sound, at the distance of six miles above New York. It is 
dangerous to shipping, unless under the care of skilful pilots, by reason of numerous rocks, 
shelves, and whirlpools. These have received sundry appellations, such as the gridiron, 
frying-pan, hog's back, pot, &c. ; and are very violent and turbulent at certain times of 
tide. Certain vvise men who instruct these modern days have softened the above charac- 
teristic ñame into Hurl-gate, which means nothing. I leave them to give theirown etymo- 
logy. The ñame as given by our author, is supported by the map in Vander Donck's his- 
tory, published in 1C56, by Ogilvie's History of America, 1671, as also by a journal still 
extant, written in the sixteenth century, and to be found in Hazard's State Taper. And an 
oíd MS.. written in French, speaking of various alterations in ñames about this city, observes 
" De Hell-gat, tro d'Enfer, ils ont fait Hell-gate, porte d'Enfer." 



ing its " houses mostly of brick, built in the oíd Low Datch style,with the gable 
ends towarda the street, and terminating at the top with a kind of parapet, in- 
dented like stairs ; the roofs steep and heavy, surmounted with a staff or spire, 
with the figure of a horse, &c, by way of a weather cock, the walls of the 
houses clamped with iron, in the form of letters and numerical figures, designa- 
ting the initials of the proprietor's ñame, and the year in which it was built" — 
has now but two or three buildings of that description ; one of which is next ad- 
joining the Female Academy, in North Pearl street, and was cióse by the 
celebrated Vander Heyden mansión, described so felicitously by Washington 
Irving in his story of " Dolph Heyliger," in Bracebridge Hall. There are 
several houses still remaining on Long Island, venerable for their antiquity, 
and for the historical incidents connected with their existence. One of them 
is the house in Southold, known as "the oíd Youngs* place," which was 
built in 1688. It was the mansión house of the descendants of the Rev. 
John Youngs, the first Christian minister in that part of Long Island. In the 
same town also ¿he edifice known as " Cochran's Hotel," was erected in 1700. 
If space and time permitted, several others might be noticed, in the Eastern 
part of the Island. Approaching westwardly through the Island we meet with 
an ancient brick dwelling on Fort Neck, which a century ago, or more, was 
known as " the Haunted House ;" and had many strange and wonderful stories 
connected with it, and a lonely grave, marked by an oíd tomb-stone, some little 
distance from the house, on the banks of a small stream ; a most solitary spot 
surrounded by a low earth wall. 

Flatbush may still boast of several of these relies of former days. Among 
them is a long oíd one story Dutch brick house, built in the year 1696 ; which 
has the date of its erection, with the initials of its original proprietor's ñame, 
formed by blue and red glazed bricks, arranged in the following manner on its 
front : — 

16. P. S. 96. 

9 9 

One of the oldest houses in the State, and probably the oldest, was taken 
down in Brooklyn about twenty years ago. It was said to have been erected by 
a family who emigrated from Holland, and its history by tradition could be 
traced back about 190 years, carrying it to the period of the Dutch govemment 
in this State as the Colony of " Novum Belgium" — or New Netherlands ; it 
stood on the East side of Fulton street, having been removed for the opening of 
Market street. The frame of this oíd building was discovered to be so good 
and sound, that it is now, with a new outer coveringa dwelling house in Jackson 
street, in the same city; 

In the same Fulton street, on the northerly córner of Nassau street, stood an 
ancient brick house, of whose original date we have no information. It was 


used for holding a session of the Colonial Legislatura, during the prevalence of 
the small pox in the city of New York in 1752 ; and was subsequently occupied 
by Gen. Israel Putnam as his head quarters, during the stay of the American 
Army on Long Island in the summer 1776. This house was taken down in the 
month of May 1832, and its timbers, which were all of oak, (as were those of the 
oíd house mentioned immediately preceding this, and all the other oíd buildings 
of that early period,) and so perfectly sound and hard, that they could not be 
cut without much diíficulty. Most of the beams were worked into the new 
brick buildings which now occupy the same site. 

What an idea does this simple fact afford us of the strength and permanency 
with which every thing was done by our ancestors. They did not build in haste, 
or run up houses during the frosts of winter, but all was done with much care 
and forethought ; — they were building for their posterity as well as for them- 
selves. And as in building, so in every other matter, much time was spent 
in examining every project in all its probable bearings, before it was adventured 
upon ; when once undertaken, it was persisted in with a forcé and spirit almost 
unknown to the present age. To this peculiar characteristic of our forefathers 
we owe all the blessings arising from our Institutions of Government. A slight 
and pardal examination of the history of the United States, for the half century 
preceding the Revolution of 1776, will show us, how many years of patient 
thought and unwearied toil were deemed necessary by the patriots of that day 
to precede the great event of the Declaration of Independence, and to give to 
it the desired stability. They did not dream of getting up a Revolution in a 
few hours, days, or months, now so common in this world, and whose effects, of 
course, are as evanescent as were the delibera tions which gave them birth. 

Another memorial of antiquity, which still remains to us, in Brooklyn, is the 
Cortelyou Mansión, of stone and brick, at Gowannes, which bears on its gable 
end, in large iron figures, the date of its erection, 1699. It is a venerable looking 
edifice ; when viewing it our minds are imperceptibly led to think of how much of 
human joy and sorrow, happiness and misery such a building must of necessity 
have been partners to ; and if it had the power to tell, what a strange romance 
would even the plainest narrative of the facts which have transpired under its 
roof now appear to us. True it is that fact is often much stranger than any ro- 
mance which the mind of man ever conceived. This house was the residence of 
the American General, Lord Sterling, previous to his capture by the British in 
the Battle of Long Island. 

The houses mentioned in this note were among the largest and most impor- 
tant dwellings in the Colony at the period of their erection ; and serve to show 
us what the most wealthy and noble of the land then thought sufficient for all 
their wants, and for the accommodation of their families and friends. In 
the century following there was an evident change in sentiment in this re- 
spect ; the houses were larger, and from being long and narrow with two front 
doors, not unfrequently side by side, and one, or one and a half stories high, they 
became square, and two stories in height, afibrding double the amount of room, 



if not more, than in the oíd style of building in the century immedia tely preceed- 
ing. This new style, even now would be regarded highly respectable in appear- 
ance. There are however but few, very few, instances of it in existence, One 
of the last in Brooklyn, was the oíd Goralemon House, destroyed by fire about 
three years since. It was sometime preceding the American Revolution the 
mansión house of Philip Livingston, Esq., who being attached to the American 
cause, and a member of the Continental Congress, the British army in 1776, 
took possession of his house, and converted it into a naval hospital, for which pur- 
pose it was used during the whole of the revolutionary war. This house was finish- 
ed in the best style of art of that period ; the mantle pieces were of Italian mar- 
ble, beautifully carved in high relief, in Italy, And the gardens attached to the 
house, are spoken of as among the most beautiful in America. 

Some little idea of it may be formed from the following extracts of a letter, 
written from New York to London, dated Dec. 20, 1779. The writer says : — 
" The physician, (the English fleet physician,) had removed all the sick seamen 
from that large house of Livingston's, on Long Island, and had sent them to 
barns, stables, and other holes, in the neighbourhood, and turned the great house 
into a palace for himself, the surgeon and his assistants. This house was capa- 
ble of accommodating four hundred sick." " The hospital was changed into a 
house of feasting ; nothing was to be seen but grand public dinners. These hal- 
cyon days went on till the arrival of Admiral Arbuthnot. The manifest bad 
conduct at the hospital prevented many of the captains from sending their sick 
men to it ; and when Admiral Arbuthnot arrived, they went to him open mouth- 
ed with complaints." On this the admiral determined to examine the matter. 
After surveying the sick, he went to the house. " What with paint and paper, 
the great house appeared in high taste, very elegant indeed. The two hospital 
commanders met him at the door, and introduced him into the grandest apart- 
ment. The Admiral stared about him, and asked who these apartments belong- 
ed to ? Their answer was, " to the physician and surgeon." " A palace," said 
the Admiral, swearing an oath. The result was, he turned them both out of 
office, andbrought the sick sailors into the house again. 

Note 5, page 3. 


May be described as the South Easterly portion of the State of New York ; 
it extends from Fort Hamilton at the Narrows to Montauk Point, a distance of 
about one hundred and forty miles. Its breadth, as far east as Peconic Bay, va- 
ríes from twelve to twenty miles, in a distance of 90 miles. It is divided into 
three counties, Kings, Quéens and SufTolk. It contained in 1840, 110,406 in- 
habitants. The estimated área of the whole, is 1500 square miles, or 960,000 


It issupposed that Long Island was once part of the continent, separated from 
it, by the waters ofthe Sound breaking through at the narrow strait of Hellgate, 
to New York Bay. The Indians have a tradition, that their fathers passed this 
strait dry shod, by stepping from rock to rock.— Gordoris History of New York. 

Note 6, page 5. 

Among the natural curiosities of Long Island will always be ranked by those 
who are acquainted with that Island throughout its length, that beautiful sheet 
of water, known as " Ronconcoa Lake ;" which is situated about an equal dis- 
tance between the West end ofthe Island and Montauk Point, and also about half 
way between the Sound and the shore of the Atlantic. It is nearly circular, and 
if it was upon elevated ground, and in a volcanic district, it would have very 
much the appearance of the cráter of an extinct volcano. For a long time it 
was believed to be unfathomable, but it has been sounded in some parts ; the 
depth is however surprisingly great considering the situation. 

Its great, and supposed unfathomable depth, together with an ebb and flow ob- 
served in its waters at difTerent periods, had early made it the theme of Indian 
story and tradition. They regarded it with a species of superstitious veneration, 
and although it abounded in a variety of fish, (and still does so,) they at the early 
settlement of the country by the white men, refused to eat the fish ; regarding 
them as superior beings, and believing that they were specially placed there by 
the Great Spirit. 

This interesting lake is about three miles in circumference, and its shores con- 
sist of small white pebbles and sand ; in which respect it difiers from any other 
of the lakes in this State. Another peculiarity about it, is, that, a part of it is 
claimed by four towns, viz : Smithtown, Setauket, Islip, and Patchogue ; it ly- 
ing upon the boundary line which divides them. 

It is but a few years since this lake became known to tourists and travellers 
for pleasure generally, (although it has long been known to a few admirers of 
nature's beauties,) and it now comes upon the public notice with all the disadvan- 
tages resulting from a comparison with the better known and more boasted beau- 
ties of the Northern and Western lakes, yet we doubt whether any have visited 
it with a true taste for the beautiful and lovely in the works of Nature, who have 
come away disappointed, and who have not felt their anticipations fully realized. 
Those who go there must not expect to see any thing of the sublime or grand, 
as it is commonly understood, but if they can be pleased with a most lovely 
placid scene, they will enjoy their pleasure to its fullest bent. 


Note 7, page 6. 


Of which the plain before mentioned is part, have been considerad a great na- 
tural curiosity, from the first discovery of the country. To look over such a 
great extent of land without observing a sensible elevation in any part, to relieve 
the eye, until the horizon meets the level, appears like looking over the ocean ; 
and this is greatly strengthened from the circumstance, that there is not a tree 
growing naturally upon the whole región ; a few scattered clumps upon the bor- 
ders of the plain, whose tops are just visible above the surface, in the distance, are 
precisely like small islands. In the summer the rarefaction of the air over so 
large ' a surface, exposed to the Sun's hot rays, occasions the phenomena of 
" looming," as seen in the harbors near the sea, which elevating these tree tops, 
as a mass, and causing the surrounding soil, shrouded in a thin and almost trans- 
parent vapor, to look like water, makes the deception complete. 

There has scarcely a traveller of any note visited this part of North America, 
who does not mention these plains, and regard them worthy of description. The 
Rev. A. Burnaby, who travelled through the Middle Colonies in 1759, visited 
them in July of that year. He describes them as " between twenty and thirty 
miles long, and four or five miles broad ; and says there was not a tree then 
growing upon them, and it is asserted (says he) that there never were any." 
That there should never have been any trees upon this large tract may appear 
strange to us, but it is not a solitary instance of such a want, even upon this 
Island. The " Shinnecock Hills," (so named after a tribe of Indians now ex- 
tinct,) near Southampton, have never had a tree upon them from the first discov- 
ry of the Island to this day, although the surrounding country is well wooded. 

Mr. Burnaby also speaks of the great interest manifested by the inhabitants of 
New York, at that period, almost one hundred years ago, in reference to this 
interesting spot, the Flains, and observes, that " strangers are always carried to 
see this place, as a great curiosity, and the only one of the kind in North Ameri- 
ca." This last remark, which now appears singular to us, was then true, in re- 
ference to the knowledge possessed of the interior of this Continent ; the im- 
mense plains, and prairies of the " Far West," were then unknown, unless it 
might be to a very few of the most adventurous of the Indian traders, who them- 
selves had little or no intercourse with the sea board. 

The North American Gazetteer, 12mo. London, 1776, after mentioning these 
plains, and describing them much in the same manner with Mr. Burnaby, states, 
that the whole región is " without a stick or stone upon it." This is literally 
true, the only stones found in the tract are coarse, sea washed gravel, having 
very much the appearance as if it had once been the bed of a large lake or a 
shallow bay putting up from the ocean. So entirely bare of stone is the 
country about this vicinity for numbers of miles in extent, that the inhabitants 


are obliged to resort for their building stone to the ridge of hills which run 
through the centre of the Island, commonly known as " the Back-bone." 

It will be seen by reference to this work that horse races were run upon those 
plains as early as 1G70. They continued without interraption from that early 
period until the revolutionary contest, and in the year 1775, these plains were 
celebrated for their horse races throughout all the North American Colonies, and 
even in England. These races were held twice a year for a silver cup ; " to 
which, (says the North American Gazetteer, London, 1776,) the gentry of New 
England and New York resorted." This race course was known as the " New 
Market Course," after the celebrated one of that ñame in England, and continu- 
ed to be used through the revolution, and for a long period subsequently. 

The revolutionary contest which caused so much misery and distress through- 
out the continent generally, seems to have made that portion of Long Island 
within the control of the British forces a scene of almost continued amusement. 
They then had the control of New York, Kings County, Queens County, and 
about half of Suffolk County. There were two British regiments in Brooklyn 
during the whole war, and several companies, and parts of regiments posted in 
the different towns through the Island ; and the waggon train, and blacksmith 
and armory department of the British army were located in Brooklyn. These 
circumstances, together with the large garrison in the city of New York, caused 
this Island to be much resorted to by the officers and fashionables of the day, for 
sporting. In the Royal Gazette ofAugust 8th, 1781, printed in New York, 
Charles Loosley advertises a lottery of $12,500, to be drawn at " Brooklyn Hall." 
The same paper contains the following curious advertisement, relating to the 
sports and amusements of that day. 

" Pro Bono Publico. — Gentlemen that are fond of fox hunting, are requested 
to meet at Loosley's Tavern, on Ascot Heath, on Friday morning next between 
the hours of five and six, as a pack of hounds will be there purposely for a trial 
of their abilities. Breakfasting and relishes until the races commence. At 
eleven o'clock will be run for, an elegant saddle, &c, valué at least twenty 
pounds, for which upwards of twelve gentlemen will ride their own horses. At 
twelve, a match will be rodé by two gentlemen, horse for horse. At one, a match 
for thirty guineas, by two gentlemen, who will ride their own horses. 

Dinner will be ready at two o'clock ; after which, and suitable regalemcnts, 
racing and other diversions, will be calculated to conclude the day with pleasure 
and harmony. Brooklyn Hall, 6th, August, 1781." 

What a bilí is here for the amusements of a single day ! and yet this was far 
from being uncommon or extraordinary at that period. Of course there must 
have been a very large amount of wealth circulated by the British officers in 
leading such a continued train of pleasure and sporting. We are not left to in- 
ference on this point ; all who speak of this part of America during that period, 
mention such to be the fact. 

Lieut. Auberry, in a letter from New York to a friend in England, dated 
October 30th, 1781, observes: — 

8 57 


" On crossing the East River from New York, you land at Brooklyn, which is 
a scattered village, consisting of a few houses. At this place is an excellent 
tavern, where parties are made to go and eat fish ; the landlord of which has sav- 
ed an immense fortune this war." 

The tavern referred to in the preceding advertisement and letter, was a large, 
gloomy, oíd fashioned stone building, standing on the north side of Fulton street, 
one door West of the córner of Fulton and Front streets ; the property of the 
Corporation of New York, and was destroyed by fire in 1813. It was occupied 
as a Tavern up to the day it was burnt. 

The " Hempstead Plains," as they are termed, are now estimated to contain 
about seventeen thousand acres of unenclosed land, which the inhabitants of the 
town of Hempstead own in common. The village of Hempstead is situated on 
the southern margin of this great level. From the first settlement of the country 
until within about the last thirty years, it was universally believed, that this great 
tract of land could never be cultivated — that if turned up by the plough it was so 
porous, the water would at once run through it, and leave the vegetation on the 
surface to perish from drought — that nothing would grow upon it but the tall 
coarse grass which seems a native of that región. This belief continued it seems 
even without an attempt to test its accuracy by experiment, until within the 
present century ; when some persons who were in want of more land than they 
possessed, gradually took in small portions adjoining them, and submitted it to a 
course of cultivation. To their surprise it not only answered for grass, but for 
grain, and would also support a growth of trees, if they were only introduced 
upon it. This discovery led to the taking in and enclosing of whole farms, the 
people regarding it as a kind of waste land in which no one had so good a title 
as he who took possession and cultivated it, which opened the eyes of the good 
people of Hempstead to the fact that their great plains, which were before es- 
teemed of no valué except to graze a few cattle, and feed half wild Turkeys, 
(which last, by the way, are the best of the turkey kind our country affords,) 
were truly valuable as farms ; and they accordingly took measures to preserve 
their common rights in what remained of this great tract, — and the time is pro- 
bably not very far distant, when the traveller will ask with surprise what has be- 
come of this extensive región of barren land, which was so long considered one 
of the wonders of the North American Continent ; and will scarcely believe that 
his eye is traversing the same extent when it is directed to those highly cultiva- 
ted fields, and beautiful grass meadows, which will occupy its site. 

Note 8, page 7. 


At the first settlement of the white inhabitants there was a very numerous 
Indian population on Long Isiand, as is evident from the large portion of his 
work, which Dentón devotes to describing their manners and customs. We have 


preserved the ñames of thirteen of their tribes. At various periods discoveries 
have been rnade of the remains and relies of these extinct aborigines. On dig- 
ging a few feet below the surface, at the Narrows, in Kings County, some years 
ago, more than a waggon load of Indian stone arrow-heads were discovered 
lying together, under circumstances calculated to induce the belief that a large 
manufactory of these article once existed at this place ; they were of all sizes, 
from one to six inches long, some perfect, others partly finished. There were 
also a number of blocks of the same kind of stone found in the rough state as 
when brought from the quarry ; they had the appearance of ordinary flint, and 
were nearly as hard ; not only arrow-heads, but axes and other articles of do- 
mestic use, were made from these stones. 

In the same county the most powerful and extensive tribe was the Cañarse 
Indians ; a small tribe called the Nyack Indians was settled at the Narrows. The 
oíd Dutch inhabitants of this county had a tradition, that the Cañarse tribe was 
subject to the Mohawks ; (as all the Iroquois, or Six Nations, were formerly 
called on Long Island ;) and paid them an annual tribute of dried clams and 
wampum. After the white settlement in this county, some persons persuaded 
the Carnases to keep back the tribute ; in consequence of which a party of the 
Mohawk Indians carne down the Hudson River from their village, a little South 
of Albany, and killed their tributaries wherever they met them. The Cañarse 
Indians are now totally extinct. 

In Queens County, the Rockaway, Merrikoke, and Marsapeague tribes of 
Indians were settled on the South side, and the Matinecoe tribe on the North 
side. In this county about the year 1654, a battle was fought between the 
English under Capt. John Underhill, and the Indians, in which the latter were 
defeated with considerable loss. This was the only contest of any importance 
between the white men and the Indians on Long Island, of which we have any 

About thirty miles from Brooklyn, and midway between the North and South 
sides of this Island, is a hill known as Manett, or Manetta hill. This is a cor- 
ruption of the true ñame, which was Manitou hill, or the hill of the Great Spirit. 
Which appellation is founded on the tradition that many ages since the Abori- 
gines residing in those parts suffered extremely from the want of water. Under 
their sufFerings they offered up prayers to the Great Spirit for relief. That in 
reply to their supplications, the Good Spirit directed that their principal Chieftain 
should shoot his arrow in the air, and on the spot where it fell they should dig, 
and would assuredly discover the element they so much desired. They pursued 
the direction, dug, and found water. There is now a well situated on this rising 
ground ; and the tradition continúes to say, that this well is on the very spot 

* The remains of the Fort erected by the Indians in 1653, and which they oceupied pre- 
vious to this battle, are yet to be seen on Fort Neck. This neck of land derives its ñame 
from that fortilication. 



indicated by the Good Spirit. This hill was undoubtedly used in ancient times 
asthe place of general offering to the Great Spirit in the ñame and behalf of 
all the surrounding people, and was of the character of the hill altars so common 
among the early nations. It is from this circumstance that the ñame was pro- 
bably derived. 

In SufFolk County were the Nissaquage, Setauket, Corchaug, Secataug, 
Patchogue, Shinnecoc, and Montauk tribes of Indians. The Manhanset tribe 
was on Shelter Island. These tribes have all disappeared except a few individu- 
áis of the Montauk and Shinnecoc tribes. 

Much was done at various periods towards the civilization of the Indians on 
this Island, by sending Missionaries and teachers to reside among them, and by 
instructing them in the art of cultivating the soil. In 1741, Rev. Azariah Hor- 
ton was on the " Mission to the Long Island Indians," and he describes the 
situation of those Indians at that period, August, 1741, to be as follows : — " At 
the East end of the Island there are two small towns of the Indians ; and from 
the East to the West end of the Island, lesser com pañíes settled at a few miles 
distance from one another, for the length of above one hundred miles." At his 
first coming among them, he says he was " well received by the most, and 
heartily welcomed by some of them ; — they at the East end of the Island espe- 
cially, gave diligent and serious attention to his instructions." Mr. Hortou 
states that he baptized thirty-five adults and forty-four children among these 
Indians. " He took pains wiih them to leam them to read ; and some of them 
have made considerable proficiency." This was during the first year of his 
residence among them, but in the account he gave in the early part of 1743, he 
complains heavily " of a great defection of some of them, from their first Refor- 
mation and care of their souls, occasioned by strong drink — a vice (he says) to 
which the Indians are every where so greatly addicted, and so vehemently dis- 
posed, that nothing but the power of Divine Grace can restrain that impetuous 
lust, when they have an opportunity to gratify it." 

This was the history of every attempt to meliorate the condition of these poor 
tribes. So long as they were in the couree of instruction, and every thing was 
done for them, or they were assisted in doing mattere in order to learn them, things 
went on well ; but the moment they were left to themselves to put in practice 
the instructions they had received, in governing their own towns, in conducting 
their own church service, teaching their own schools, and in cultivating their 
own fields, they began to retrograde ; — the benefits which they had received 
were not communicated by them to their children ; and of course the next gene- 
rntion were almost as much of savages, as their fathers were before the advan- 
tages of civilization were introduced among them. Notwithstanding these 
discouraging circumstances, oft repeated attempts were made to induce the 
remnants of these Aborigines to adopt the habits and practices of civilized life, 
and with but partial success ; — laws were enacted by the State Legislature to 
facilítate these benevolent effbrts, and to prevent trespasses upon the lands of the 
Indians. It seems to have been impossible to satisfy the aboriginal inhabitants 


of this island of the valué of education, or to convince them that it was not 
rather a disadvantage for them to possess it. This trait is not however, peculiar 
to the Iudians of Long Island, it is now found in mil operation in the minds of 
great numbers of the Aborigines west of the Mississippi, and is a most serious 
bar to their advancement in civilized Ufe. They esteem their own education, 
(if it may be so called,) as imme ly superior to that which we offer them, for 
the life which they lead, and which they desire to continué to lead ; and look 
upon the learning and knowledge which we tender to them as only calculated to 
be of use to the white men. Nothing effectual can be done towards civilizing 
and instructing the Indians until they truly become cultivators of the soil for a sub- 
sistence, — until they look to the grain which they raise.and to the cattle and stock 
which they rear for a living, in place of seeking it in the chase, and in fishing 
upon the lakes and rivers. The moment they become truly fixed to the soil, 
(and that will probably not be until after one generation of cultivators shall have 
passed away,) they will see and feel the necessity of knowledge, and will then of 
their own motion seek for it ; — until that time arrives it is thrown away, — they 
place no valué on it, — they on the contrary esteem it an impediment to the course 
of life on which they depend for the means of existence. 

In order to promote friendship and a future good understanding between the 
Indians and the white settlers, on the 3d day of March, 1702-3, they respectively 
entered into a written agreement with each other ; settling all differences, and 
declaring what belonged to the Indians, and what to the whites. 

Under this agreement they continued to live in peace with each other until 
some sime after the cióse of the Revolutionary War, when the Indians began to 
imagine that their ancestors had not sold to the white proprietors, in 1702-3 and 
previously, all the lands they were at this period (about 1787) in possession of. 
This idea becoming strengthened, the Indians turned their cattle into some of the 
fenced fields of the white people, which caused their impounding ; and this in 
the eyes of the Indians became a serious grievance, of which they complained 
to the State Legislature in the spring of 1807. And April 6th of that year, an 
act was passed directing the appointment of Ezra L'Hommedieu, John Smith, 
and Nicoll Floyd, as Commissioners to enquire into these grievance, and to make 
Buch arrangements as they should judge equitable, for the future improvement of 
the lands at Montauk by those Indians. 

These Commissioners made their Report to the New York Legislature on the 
30th of January, 1808, — from which it appears that the Indians were in error in 
believing that their ancestors had not conveyed to the white proprietors all the 
lands they were then in possession of ; and they also appended to their report, 
the original agreement which was made between the Indians and the whites on 
the 3d of March, 1702-3, for the settling of all dirTerences — which the Legislature 
ordered to be filed in the office of the Secretary of State. By their report the 
Commissioners state that " the uneasiness of the Indians, in respect to their rights 
to land on Montauk, has been occasioned principally by strangers (not inhabitants 
of this State,) who, for a number of years past, have made a practice of visiting 


them, and have received from them produce and obligations for money, for coun- 
cil and advice, and their engagements to assist them in respect to their claims to 
lands on Montauk, other than those they now hold by the aforesaid agreement." 
" The neck of land they (the Indians) Uve on, contains about one thousand acres 
of the first quality, on which, by the aforesaid agreement, they have a right to 
plant Indian corn without restriction, as to the number of acres, besides improv- 
ing thirty acres for wheat or grass ; to keep two hundred and fifty swine, great 
and small, and fifty horse kind and neat cattle, and to get hay to winter them. 
They now enjoy privileges equal with their ancestors, since the date of the said 
agreement,,although their numbers have greatly diminished, and, in the opinión 
of your Commissioners, there is no necessity of any further legislative interference 
respecting them." 

In 1816 the Montauks were the only tribe that remainedon the Island, which 
preserved its distinctive character. During that year Governor Tompkins, at the 
request of the Montauk Indians, appointed Richard Hubbel and Isaac Keeler Esqrs. 
Commissioners to enquire into the trespasses committed on their property, and as 
far as practicable, to have them redressed. In their report, the Commissioners state, 
(speaking of the number and condition of the tribe,) " about fifty families, consist- 
ing of one hundred and forty-eight persons, men, women, and children, inhabit 
said point — that fourteen of the women are widows — and that they live in about 
thirty huts, or wigwams, nearly in the same style as Indians have for centuries 
past." These Indians obtained their living principally from the sea, although 
they tilled some land for raising corn, beans, and potatoes in small patches or 
lots. They were in possession of about five hundred acres of land of the best 
quality. They kept cows, swine, poultry, one horse and one pair of oxen. Their 
land through bad tillage was unproductive. Civilization and education were then, 
according to the Commissioners' report, much on the decline, and their house of 
worship, which was formerly in a flourishing state, was then going to ruin. The 
eider Indians had learning sufficient to read and write, but the children were 
brought up in a savage state. The only other remains of the Eastern Long 
Island tribes were a few individuáis of the Shinnecoc tribe, and some few others, 
whose tribes are not distinguished. At this period, and for some time subsequent, 
the young men among these Indian tribes were accustomed to go out as sailors in 
the whaling ships from Saggharbor. 

These Indians have now almost entirely disappeared from the face of the 
earth. In 1829 the Montauk Indians had dwindled away to five or six families. 
When they took care of themselves, and were clean, they were a remarkably 
good looking race of Indians, and some of their females were very handsome 
women. The royal family of the Montauks were distinguished among the Eng- 
lish, by the ñame of Faro. The last of the family, a female, died about 1825. 

Canoe place, on the Sduth side of Long Island, near Southampton, derives its 
ñame from the fact, that more than two centuries ago, a canal was made there 
by the Indians, for the purpose of passing their canoes from one bay to the other, 
(that is across the Island, from Mecox bay to Peconic bay.) Although the trench 


has been in a great measure filled up, yet its remains are still visible, and partly 
flowed at high water. It was constructed by Mongotucksee, (or long knife.) who 
then reigned over the nation of Montauk. Although that nation has now dwindled 
to a few miserable remnants of a powerful race, who still linger on the lands which 
was once the seat of their proud dominión, yet their traditional history is replete 
with all those tragical incidents which usually accompany the fall of power. It 
informs us, that their chief was of gigantic form — proud and despotic in peace 
and terrible in war. But although a tyrant of his people, yet he protected them 
from their enemies, and commanded their respect for his savage virtues. The 
praises of Mongotucksee are still chaunted in aboriginal verse, to the winds that 
howl around the eastern extremity of the island. The Narragansetts and the 
Mohocks yielded to his prowess, and the ancestors of the last of the Mohiccans 
trembled at the expression of his anger. He sustained his power not less by the 
resources of his mind than by the vigor of his arm. An ever watchful policy guided 
his councils. Prepared for every exigency, not even aboriginal sagacity could 
surprise his caution. To facilitate communication around the seat of his do- 
minión, — for the purpose not only of defence but of annoyance, he constructed 
this canal, which remains a monument of his genius, while other traces of his 
skill and prowess are lost in oblivion, and even the nation whose valor he led, 
may soon furnish for our country a topic in contemplating the fallen greatness of 
the last of the Montauks. 

The strong attachment and veneration which the Montauk Indians had for 
their Chief is evidenced by the following fact. Within a short distance of Sagg- 
harbor, in the forest, is a shallow excavation which these Indians were formerly 
very particular in keeping clean ; each one in passing, stopped to clean it out, of 
any dirt or leaves which may have fallen into it. The reason they gave for so 
doing, was, that a long time ago a Montauk Chief having died at Shinnecoc, the 
Indians brought him from that place to Ammagansett to be interred, in the usual 
burying place ; and during their journey, they stopped to rest, and placed the 
body of their dead Chieftain in that excavation during the meanwhile ; — in con- 
sequence of which the spot had acquired a species of sacred character. 

After the death of Mongotucksee, the Montauks were subjugated by the Iro- 
quois or Six Nations, and became their tributaries, as indeed did the most, if not 
all of the Indian tribes on Long Island. On the authority of the Rev. Dr. Bas- 
sett, the Dutch Reformed minister at Bushwick, Long Island, about 1823, and 
who was previously a minister of that Church in Albany, it is said that the Mon- 
tauk Indians paid a tribute to the Six Nations of Indians ; and that the Consis- 
tory of the Dutch Church at Albany, in their desire to preserve peace between the 
Indian tribes, were formerly the means through which this tribute passed from one 
to the other. Wampum, or Indian money, and dried clams were the payments 
in which this tribute was made. 

It may not be a little singular to some to be told that the best Wampum, 
formed of the heart of the shell of the common hard clam, is at this day manu- 
factured on Long Island ; to be sent to the Indians in the Western States and 


Territories, for the purpose both of a circulating médium, and of Conven tions 
and Treaties. In the summer of 1831, several bushels of Wampum were 
brought from Babylon on this Island ; and the person who had them, stated that 
he had procured them for an Indian trader, and that he was in the habit of sup- 
plying those traders with this Wampum. 

Note 9, page 8. 

The first money in use in New- York, then New-Netherlands, and also in 
New-England, was Seawant, Wampum, or Peague, for it was known by all 
those ñames. Seawant was the generic ñame of this Indian money, of which 
there were two kinds ; wompam, (commonly called wampum,) which signifies 
white, and suckanhock, sucki signifying black. Wampum, or wampum-peague, 
or simply, peague. was also understood, although improperly, among the Dutch 
and English, as expressive of the generic denomination, and in that light was 
used by them in their writings and public documents. Wampum, or white 
money, was originally made from the stem or stock of the metean-hock, or perri- 
winkle ; suckanhock, or black money, was manufactured from the inside of the 
shell of the quahaug, (Venus Mercenaria,) commonly called the hard clam, a 
round thick shellfish that buries itself a little way in the sand in salt-water. 
The Indians broke off about half an inch of the purple colour of the inside, and 
converted it into beads. These before the introduction of awls and thread, were 
bored with sharp stones, and strung upon the sinews of animáis, and when inter- 
woven to the breadth of the hand.more or less, were called a belt of seawant, or 
wampum. A black bead, of the size of a large straw, about one-third of an inch 
long, bored longitudinally and well polished, was the gold of the Indians, and 
always esteemed of twice the valué of the white ; but either species was consi- 
derad by them, of much more valué than European coin. An Indian chief, to 
whom the valué of a rix dollar was explained by the first clergyman of Rensse- 
laerwyck, laughed exceedingly to think the Dutch should set so high a valué 
upon a piece of iron, as he termed the dollar. Three beads of black, and six of 
white, were equivalent, among the English, to a penny, and among the Dutch, 
to a stuyver. But with the latter the equivalent number sometimes varied from 
three and six, to four and eight, depending upon the finishing of the seawant. 
Seawant was also sometimes made from the common oyster shell, and both 
kinds made from the hard clam shell. 

The use of wampum was not known in New-England until it was introduced 
there in the month of October, 1627, by Isaac De Razier, the secretary of New- 
Netherland, while on his embassy to the authorities of Plymouth colony, for the 
purpose of settling a treaty of amity and commerce between that colony and 
New-Netherland, when he carried wampum and goods, and with them pur- 
chased corn at Plymouth. To this introduction of wampum into New-England, 


Hubbard attributes all their wars with the Indians which afterwards ensued ; and 
in liis liistory speaks of this circunistance in the following manner: 

•• Whatever were the honey in the niouth of that beast of trade, there was a 
deadly sting in the tail. Forit is said they (the Dutch) first brought our people 
to the knowledge of wampam-peag ; and the acquaintance therewith occasioned 
the Indians of these parts to learn the skill to inake it, by which, as by the ex- 
change of money, they purchased store of artillery, both froni the English, Dutch 
and French, which proved a fatal business to those that were concerned in it. It 
seems the trade thereof was at first, by strict proclamation, prohibited by the 
king. ' Sed quid non mortalis pectora cogis, duri sacri fumes !' Tlie love of 
money is the root of all evil, &c." (See Hubbard's History of New-England.) 

Although the general distinction of this seawant was black and white, yet that 
in use in New-England was black, blue and white ; and that of the Five Nations 
of Indians was of a purple colour. A string of this shell money, one fathom 
long, varied in price, from five shillings, among the New-Englanders, to four 
guilders, (or one dollar sixty-six and a half cents,) among the Dutch. The process 
of trade was this ; the Dutch and English sold for seawant to the Indians of the 
interior, their knives, conibs, scissors, needles, awls, looking-glasses, halchets, 
guns, black cloth, and other articles of aboriginal trafile, (the Indians at this time 
rejected fabrics in which the least white colour in their texture was discoverable ;) 
and with the seawant bought the furs, corn and venison from the Indians on the 
seaboard, who also with their shell money bought such articles from the abori- 
gines residing farther inland ; and by this course the white mensaved the trouble 
of transporting their furs and grain through the country. Thus, by this circu- 
lating médium, a brisk commerce was carried on, not only between the white 
people and the Indians, but also between different tribes among the latter. So 
much was this seawant the circulating médium of many of the European colo- 
nies, in North America, that the different governments found it necessary to make 
regulations on the subject. In 1641 an ordinance in council, in the ciíy of New- 
Amsterdam, (now New-York,) was enacted, and the Dutch Governor Kieft, 
which recited, that a vast deal of bad seawant, or wampum — " uasty roiigh 
things imported from other places" — was in circulation, while the " good, 
splendid seawant, usually called JSIanhattari s seawant, was out of sight, or 
exported, which must cause the ruin of the country !" Thertfore, in order to 
remedy the evil, the ordinance provides, that, all coarse seawant, well stringed, 
should pass at six for one stuyver only, but the well polished at four for a stuyver, 
and whoever offered or received the same at a different price, should forfeit the 
same, and also ten guilders to the poor. This is the first publie expression of an 
apprehension of evil to the country from the exportation of specie, that we have 
met with in our history; but like most other matters of the kind, it seems to 
have regulated itself, and the country went on prospering, from the little city of 
about two hundred and fifty inhabitants, as New-York then was, to the great 
commercial mart with a population of near four hundred thousand as it is at 



That there was some reason for this regulation of our Dutch government is 
evident from the following provisión of the Connecticut code of laws of 1650, 
which is a re-enactment of some laws which liad been in forcé for many years 
previous, by which it is ordered, 

" That no peage, (as they called seawant,) white or black, bee paid or received, 
but what is strunge, and in some measure strunge sutably, and not small and 
great, uncomely and disordcrly mixt, as formerly it hath beene." 

The colony of Massachusetts in 1648 passed a law declaring, that wampam- 
peag, (as they called seawant,) should pass current in the payment of debts to the 
amount of forty shillings ; the white at eight for a penny, and the black at four 
for a penny, " if entire, without breaches or spots ; except in the payment of 
county rates to the treasurer." This law continued in forcé until in the year 
1661, when it was repealed, although seawant continued to form a part of the 
circulating médium of that colony for a long period subsequent to that repeal. 

This wampum currency appears sometimes to have been measured by the 
fathom, in New-England. The Pequot Indians, in the year 1656, paid as a 
tribute to the United Colonies of New-England two hundred and fifteen fathoms 
of wampum, — of which amount the Commissioners of the United Colonies paid 
to Thomas Stanton, their agent among the Indians, one hundred and twenty 
fathoms for his salary, which being deducted, there remained 95 fathoms, which 
together with 51 fathoms at New-Haven, being in all one hundred and forty-six 
fathoms, was divided among the United Colonies, according to the number of 
males enumerated in the year 1655, in the following manner, being the first dis- 
tribution oípublic moneys in the good oíd time of our history: 

To Massachusetts, -------94 fathoms, 2s. 6d. 

" Plymouth, --------18 fathoms. 

" Connecticut, -------20 fathoms, 2s. Od. 

" New-Haven. - - - - - - 13 fathoms, Os. 6d. 

Total, --- 146 
Sundry orders and regulations made by the different governments throughout 
the seventeenth century show that this shell money continued to form a most im- 
portant part of their circulation. The governor and council in the city of New- 
York on the 24th of June, 1673, made an order, declaring that by reason of the 
scarcity of wampum, that which had hitherto passed at the rate of eight white 
and four black pairs, for a stuyver or penny, should then pass at six white, and 
three black pairs, for a stuyver or penny, " and three times so much the valué of 
silver." At this period there was little " certain coin in the government" of New- 
York, and wampum readily passed as change for current payment in all cases. 
This seawant, or wampum, was the only Indian money ever known in North 
America, — it was not orily the money of the Indians, but also the ornament of 
their persons. It distinguished the rich from the poor, the proud from the 
humble. It was the tribute paid by the vanquished to those, the Five Nationa 
for instance, who had exacted contribution. In the fonn of a belt, it was sent 



witli all public messages between the Indian tribes, and preserved as a record of 
all public transactions among the aboriginal people. If a message was sent 
without the belt, it was considered an empty word, unworthy of remembrance. 
If the belt was returned, it was a rejection of the offer or proffer accompanying 
it. Ifaccepted, it was a confirmation, and strengthened friendship, or effhced 
injuries. The belt with appropriate figures worked in it, was also the record of 
domestic transactions. The confederation of the Five Nations was thus recorded. 
These shells had indeed more virtue among the Indians, than pearls, gold and 
silver had among Europeans. Seawant was the seal of a contract — the oath of 
fidelity. It satisfied murders, and all other injuries ; purchased peace, and en- 
tered into the religious as well as the civil ceremonies of the aborigines. A string 
of seawant was delivered by the orator in public council, at the cióse of every 
distinct proposition made to others, as a ratification of the truth and sincerity of 
what he said, and the white and black strings of seawant were tied by the Pagan 
priest, around the neck of the white dog suspended to a pole, and offered as a 
sacrifice to T'haloughjawaagon, the upholder of the skies, the God of the Five 
Nations. (See Yates and Moulton's History of New- York.) 

The wampum, or seawant, continued to be manufactured in different parts of 
the State of New-York until a comparatively recent period. William Smith, 
Esq., in his History of the Colony of New-York, mentions, that a short time pre- 
vious to writing his work, several poor families at Albany made their living by 
manufacturing this Indian money. Several years after that period, we find it still 
made in large quantities upon Statten Island in the harbor of New-York. The 
Rev. Andrew Burnaby in his interesting travels through the Middle Colonies of 
North America, in 1759 and 1760, mentions, that in journeying from Philadel- 
phia to New-York, on the 9th of July, 1760, he crossed over to that island, and 
travelled up it " about nine miles, to a point which is opposite New-York city ;" 
and from thence sailed in a boat to the city, which was then the usual route of 
travelling between these two places. In thus passing through Statten Island, he 
says, " I had an opportunity of seeing the method of making wampum. This 
I am persuaded the reader knows is the current money amongst the Indians. It 
is made of the clam shell ; a shell consisting of two colors, purple and white ; 
and in form not unlike a thick oyster shell. The process of manufacturing it is 
very simple. It is first chipped to a proper size, which is that of a small oblong 
parallelopiped, then drilled, and afterwards ground to a round smooth surface and 
polished. The purple wampum is much more valuable than the white ; a very 
small part of the shell being of that color." 

In my note upon the Indian tribes of Long Island it is stated, that within the 
last fourteen years this seawant was made in the eastern part of Long Island, for 
the use of the Indian traders in the Far West, to be applied to the purposes of 
their traffic, and for the making of treaties with the aboriginal tribes. 

The manner in which the business of the country was carried on in the absence 
of a metallic currency, for one hundred and twenty years after the first settlement 
of New-York and New-England, evinces much ingenuity. For this long period, 



in addition to the seawant, or wampum, the produce of the soil, of almost every 
description, formed the legalized médium by which the trade of our ancestors 
was conducted. 

In New-Amsterdam, now New- York, beaver skins appear to have been much 
used during the seventeenth century, as a médium of exchange between the factor 
of European manufactures and the consumer here ; — as for instance, — in 1661 
bricks imported from Holland were sold in New- York for four dollars and sixteen 
cents a thousand, payable in beaver skins. And not only were these skins used 
for the purposes of foreign exchange, but they also seem under the English 
government to have been a general representative of valué ; and December 2, 
1670, the Mayóos Court of the city of New- York, ordered, upon the petition of 
the widow of Jan Hendric Steelman alias Coopall, that she be allowed out of his 
estáte, " to support her this winter the vallue of tenne beavers." 

Other articles were also used as the representatives of valué in the purchase 
and sale of commodities, both foreign and domestic. Under the Dutch govern- 
ment, as early as 1636, the New-Netherlands became celebrated for its excellent 
growth of tobáceo, much of which was exported to Holland, or the Fatherland. 
Tobacco formed a prominent article in the producís of the Colony of New- York 
for a period of about one hundred years ; by reason of which that article was 
much used as a measure of valué. Previous to the commencement of the eigh- 
teenth century in very many, and indeed a large majority, of the suits brought in 
the different courts in the Colony of New- York, the damages sought to be reco- 
vered were stated at a certain number of pounds of tobáceo, or a certain number 
of beaver skins, instead of a sum of money ; and it was in that manner that the 
verdiets of the juries and the judgments of the courts were rendered. For a con- 
siderable period about the year 1666, in the same colony, the town and county 
rates, or taxes, were paid in beef and pork, at a valué fixed by the legislative au- 
thority ; and in 1675, winter wheat was taken in payment of all debts, by the 
governor's order, at five shillings, and summer wheat at four shillings and six- 
pence per bushel. 

In all the towns in New-England in the early part of the eighteenth century, 
and for a long time previous, it was the custom of shopkeepers, (as all merchants 
were then designated,) to sell their goods for "pay, — money, — pay as money, — 
and trust." Pay, was grain, pork, beef, &c, at the prices fixed by the legisla- 
ture. Money, was pieces of eight reals, (dollars,) Boston, or Bay shillings, (as 
they were termed,) or good hard money, as they frequently called silver coin ; 
and also wampum, which served for change. Pay as money, was provisions of 
any kind taken at a rate one-third lower than the price set by the legislature ; 
and trust, was a credit for such time as the buyer and seller could agree ; in 
which case, if the credit extended beyond a few days, one-fourth or fifth was 
usually added to the price for which the articles would have been sold at a cash 

Madam Knight in her journal, kept of a Journey from Boston to New- York, 


in the year 1704, gives the following humorsome description of " trading" as it 
existcd in New-England at that period. 

" When the buyer comes to ask for a commodity, sometimes before the mer- 
chant answers that he has it, he says, is your pay ready ? Perhaps the chap 
replies, yes. What do you pay in ? says the merchant. The buyer having an- 
swered, then the price is set ; as suppose he wants a sixpenny knife, in pay it is 
twelvepence, — in pay as money eightpence, and in hard money its own price, 
viz. : sixpence. It seems a very intricate way of trade, and what Lex Mercato- 
ria had not thought of." 

Note 10, page 9. 


" The immortality of the soul and a future state is generally believed among them. 
When good men die, they say their souls go to Kichtan where they meej. their 
friends, have splendid entertainments, and enjoy all manner of pleasures. When 
wicked men die, they go to Kichtan Habitation too, and knock at the door, but 
they have no answer from him but Quachet, that is, Walk away, and so they 
wander about in restless discontent and horror forever. When some of the English 
have talk'd with 'em of the Resurrection of the Body, all the answer they could 
get from them was, that it was impossible, and that they should never believe it." 
— Neal's History of New England. 

We have conversed with Indians who were clearly atheists, and treated as 
fabulous a!l notions of the immortality of the soul, and defended their opinions 
with as much ingenuity and acuteness as low and abandoned white people, who 
profess to hold the same opinions. But in some shape or form, almost all savages 
admit the being of God, and the immortality of the soul. The Great " Spirit" is 
termed, in many of their languages, " Wahconda," or Master of Life. Storm and 
thunder are manifestations of his wrath, and success in war and hunting, of his 
favour. Some of the tribes, as the Osages, have forms of prayer, in the use of 
which they are regular and earnest, particularly when starting on expeditions 
of hunting or war. Their prophets occasionally give out, that they have 
had visible Communications with this Spirit, who has made himself sensibly 
manifest to them in the form of some bird or beast. They immediately paint 
their faces black, and observe great mystery on the occasion. Thence they de- 
rive their claims to prophecy, and to be treated with the deference due to medi- 
cine men. 

Their notions of the condition of departed spirits are such as we might expect 
from their character and condition. In some distant región, of a southern tem- 
perature, they place the home of the worthy departed, in the country of the 
" brave and free" spirits, who pass to that land of game and good cheer over a 
bridge scarcely wider than a hair, suspended over a deep gulf. They who have 
hearts that are firm, feet that do not tremble, and unblenching countenances, that 


is to say, who have been good warriors in life, pass steadily and safely over the 
bridge ; while the timid and trembling fall into the gulf below. They will some- 
times talk of these matters with great earnestness and apparent conviction ; but, 
we believe, of all people that have been known on the earth their thoughts, hopes 
and fears dwell the least on any thing beyond this life. It appears inexplicable 
to them that any part of their moral conduct here can have any bearing upon 
their condition hereafter. Of course aduit savages have too often been found 
hopeless subjects, upon whom to incúlcate the puré and sublime truths of our gos- 
pel. The days of the Brainerds and Elliots are either gone by, or the southern 
and western savages are more hopeless subjects, than those of the north. They 
have certainly been found utterly destitute of the plástic docility of the Mexican 
and Peruvian Indians. Charlevoix gave, as a characteristic trait of the Canadian 
and western savages of his day, one that has been found equally applicable to 
to those of the present time. They listen with apparent docility and attention to 
our expositions of our religión, our faith and hopes, and assent to all ; admitting, 
that this may all be trae in relation to people of our race. But it is a deeply 
rooted impression, that they also have their creating and tutelar " Great Spirit." 
They relate in turn their own fables, their own dim and visionary notions of a 
God and hereafter, and exact the same docility and complaisance to their creed, 
which they yielded to ours. — Western Monthly Review, Cincinnati, August, 1827. 
The doctrines of a life beyond the grave was, among all the tribes of America, 
most deeply cherished, and sincerely believed. They had even formed a distinct 
idea of the región whither they hoped to be transported, and of the new and hap- 
pier mode of existence, free from those wars, tortures and cruelties, which throw 
so dark a shade over their lot upon earth. Yet their conceptions on this subject 
were by no means exalted or spiritualised. They expected simply a prolongation 
of their present life and enjoyments, under more favorable circumstances, and 
with the same objects fumished in greater choice and abundance. In that brighter 
land the sun ever shines unclouded, the forests abound with deer, the lakes and 
rivers with fish ; benefits which are farther enhanced in their imagination by a 
faithful wife and dutiful children. They do not reach it, however, till after a 
journey of several months, and encountering various obstacles — a broad river, a 
chain of lofty mountains, and the attack of a furious dog. This favored country 
lies far in the west, at the remotest boundary of the earth, which is supposed to 
termínate in a steep precipice, with the ocean rolling beneath. Sometimes, in the 
too eager pursuit of game, the spirits fall over, and are converted into fishes. The 
local position of their paradise appears connected with certain obscure intima- 
tions received from their wandering neighbors of the Mississippi, the Rocky 
Mountains, and the distant shores of the Pacific. This system of belief labors 
under a great defect, inasmuch as it carcely connects felicity in the future world 
with virtuous conduct in the present. The one is held to be simply a continua- 
tion of the other ; and under this impression, the arms, ornaments, and every thing 
that has contributed to the welfare of the deceased, are interred along with him. 
This supposed assurance oí a future Ufe so conformable to their gross habita and 



conccptions was found by the missionaries a serious obstacle, when they attempted 
to allure them by the hope of a tlestiny, purer and higher indced, but less accord- 
ant with their untutored conceptions. Upon being told that in the promised 
world they would neither hunt, eat, diink, ñor marry a wife, many of them de- 
clared that, far from endeavoring to reach such an abode, they would consider 
their arrival there as the greatest calamity. Mention is made of a Hurón girl 
whom one of the Christian niinisters was endeavoring to instmct, and whose first 
question was, what she would find to eat ? The answer being " Nothing," she 
then asked what she would see ? and being informed that she would see the 
Maker of Heaven and earth.she expressed herself much at a loss what she could 
have to say to him. Many not only rejected this destiny for themselves, but 
were indignant at the efforts made to decoy their children, after death, into so 
dreary and comfortless a región. — Edinburgh Cabinet Library. 

The foregoing sentiments of the American Aborigines with respect to a future 
state, are given in beautiful verse by one of England's greatest poets. 

Lo, the poor Indian ! whose untutor'd mind 
Sees God in clouds, or hears him in the wind ; 
His soul, proud science never taught to stray 
Far as the solar walk, or milky-way ; 
Yet simple Nature to his hope has giv'n, 
Behind the cloud-topt hill, an humbler heav'n ; 
Some safer world in depth of woods embrac'd, 
Some happier island in the watry waste, 
Where slaves once more their native land behold, 
No fiends torment, no Christians thirst for gold. 
To Be, contents his natural desire, 
He asks no Angel's wing, no Seraph's fire ; 
But thinks, admitted to that equal sky, 
His faithful dog shall bear him company. — Pope. 

Note 11, page 11. 

It is an universal custom among the Indians, to marry as many wives as the 
warrior or hunter pleases. This is an affair accurately prescribed by custom. 
If a young hunter has been for a length of time very successful in hunting, like a 
rich Turk he is authorized by public opinión to take as many wives as he has 
proved himself able to maintain. 

In all the Indian tribes, they have contrived to emulate the most polished and 
civilized people, in the extent of prostitution practised among them ; and the 
degraded beings who practice these detestable vices, hold the same estimation. 
But taking into view the position of their females, so often alone in the solitude 
of the desert, the smalluess of the numbers of their societies, and the diminished 



influence of public opinión, that results from it, and that they have no other laws 
than vague opinión, and no religión that operates any moral restraint, — the state 
of moráis, in regard to the intercourse between the sexes, is far better than could 
be reasonably expected. It is matter of admiration, that the vices of licentious- 
ness do not prevail among them to a much greater extent, than among the whites. 
We have been astonished at witnessing so much decorum and restraint among 
them. We feel constrained, too, to place this decorum of intercourse among 
themselves, and that surprizing delicacy with which they deport themselves 
towards white females that fall into their power, to a more honorable source 
than the destitution of passions. They have always appeared to us to be pre- 
cisely on a footing with untrained people of our own race, in regard to passions ; 
and to differ only in a more chastened, and vigorous, and effectual restraint of 

There are different standards of moráis among them, as among the white 
nations. With some tribes sexual intercourse between the unmarried, and even 
adultery is a venial offence ; and in others it is punished with mutilation, death, 
or an infliction, too horrible to ñame. The instance of a young squaw who is a 
mother before marriage, is a very uncommon occurrence ; ñor have we any faith 
in the vulgar opinión of their adroitness in procuring abortion. — Western Monthly 
Revicw, Cincinnati, August, 1827. 

Among the Five Nations in New- York, polygamy was not usual ; and when 
either of the parties became dissatisfied they separated without formality or 
ignominy to either, unless the parting was occasioned by some scandalous of- 
fence in one of them. In the event of such separation the children followed the 
mother. Colden found the reason for polygamy not existing among them to the 
same extent as with other Indians, in their republican institutions. Each tribe was 
in itself a puré republic, managing its own concerns, and uniting as a nation for 
the purposes of war, and carrying on their intercourse with the English and 
French, and also with the aborigines. They esteemed themselves superior by 
nature to the restof mankind, and called themselves Ongue-honwe, the men sur- 
passing all others. This was not a vain opinión held only by themselves, but 
this superiority was conceded to them by all the Indian tribes with whom they 
had any intercourse. The aboriginal nations round about them were their tribu- 
taries, and dared neither make war or peace without their consent. It was their 
custom every year or two to send two oíd chiefs to collect the accustomed tri- 
bute ; and Lieut. Governor Colden, in his History of the Five Nations, (8vo., 
London, 1747, introd., p. 4,) says: "I have often had opportunity to observe 
what anxiety the poor Indians were under while these two oíd men remained in 
that part of the country where I was. An oíd Mohawk sachem, in a poor 
blanket and dirty shirt, may be seen issuing his orders with as arbitrary an au- 
thority, as a Román Dictator." 

The Five Nations also practised upon the maxim formerly used by the Romans, 
to increase their strength, by encouraging the people of other nations to incorpó- 
rate with them. In the early part of the last century they had for their allies, 


the Tuscarora Indians, then inhabiting North Carolina, and we find that in 1713, 
they were about engaging in a war with the Flathead Indians, (then in Virginia 
and Carolina, and now west of the Rocky Mountains,) in support of their allies. 
To prevent this war the Council of the Province of New-York instructed their 
Indian agent to interfere, — but it was without success, — as it seems the commis- 
sioners of Indian affairs, June 11, 1713, wrote the governor, "that the Five 
Nations have returned the belt of wampum given them, not to enter into a war with 
the Flatheads ; and desiringsome principal men of Albany, may be sent to Onon- 
daga, with presents, to hinder their entering into that war." The course recom- 
niended was pursued, and the war prevented ; on which some few years after the 
Five Nations invited the Tuscaroras to emigrate to New-York, and become 
united with their nation, which they did, making the Sixth Nation, and they now 
form a very large and important part of the remnant of the celebrated " Six Na- 
tions." The Tuscaroras continued to hold the land on which they were origi- 
nally settled in North Carolina, until a recent period, when they sold it, and 
divided the proceeds equally among the members of the tribe. They are now 
eultivators of the soil, in Niágara county, New-York, and many of them in pros- 
perous circumstances. 

This custom of adopting others into the confederacy, also existed among the 
families of the different tribes. Their prisoners were frequently thus received into 
the families of those who liad lost one or more of its members in the war. And if 
a young man or boy was received in place of a husband who had been killed, all 
the children of the deceased called that boy father; so that one niight sometimes 
hear a man of thirty years say, that such a boy of fifteen or twenty was his 
father. (Colderis History of the Five Nations, 8vo., London, 1747, introd. p. 9.) 

This league of the Iroquois or Five Nations, is the most interesting portion of 
Indian history, and afTords an example worthy of imitation in civilized states. 
In them we see several weak and scattered tribes, who remaining in their inde- 
pendent state, would soon have been destroyed by their more powerful neighbors, 
had the wisdom to form a permanent league, and to preserve it notwithstanding 
all the jealousies incident to their condition, without a single rupture. And not 
only so, we also find them, when reduced in numbers by wars and other causes, 
below what they deemed necessary for their safety, inviting and receiving into 
their league another tribe, which they selected from a position so far removed 
from their own residence, and their usual course of warlike expeditions, that there 
were no bad feelings to be overeóme by the one in making, or the other in ac- 
cepting the offer ; and they had the address to induce this new tribe, the Tusoa- 
roras, to leave their oíd habitations in a more genial clime, and to come and 
unite with them in western New-York. It was by this exercise of sound wis- 
dom, that the Iroquois notwithstanding their residence near, and continual 
intercourse with the white men, preserved their nation even down to our day, 
while other, and even more numerous individual tribes have wasted away, and 
nothing but their ñames remain. 

It was the Iroquois, who, sensible of the benefits resulting from their own 


league, as early as 1752, called the attention of the commissioners of Indian 
affairs to the necessity of an unión between the British Colonies, for their defence 
against the French. And their advice led to the Congress of 1754, at Albany, 
the most celebrated and important held previous to the revolution ; and which 
was convened by an order of the Lords of Trade, in which they directed that the 
chiefs of the Six Nations should be consulted, in order to concert a scheme for 
the common defence. (A History of British Dominions in North America, 8vo., 
London, 1772.) The discussions in that Congress, and the plans of unión there 
proposed, ultimately led to the adoption of our present form of government. 

The western part of the State of New-York, as early as 1669, was the scene 
of one of those El Dorado expeditions which throw a cast of romance over many 
of our early annals, by a party of twenty-three Spaniards who arrived from New- 
Orleans, by way of the Mississippi, Ohio, and Alleghany Rivers, and also by a 
French party from a colony then seated near the present town of Pompey, — all 
of whom were killed by the Iroquois, in consequence of the jealousies which they 
excited in the minds of the Indians in reference to the designs of each other. 
They were in search of " a nortkern lake, the bottom of which they believed to 
be covered with silver." Such things may now appear to us improbable, but 
those who are conversant with the history of the Spanish adventures during the 
early settlements of America, and the extravagant and wearisome expeditions 
they made, led on by the fables of the El Dorado, which they expected to find 
realized in this western hemisphere ; — and the horrible amount of crime, and loss 
of human life, with which their pursuits after the precious metáis were attended ; — 
or who have read the Journal of the Voyage of De Acugna, and of Grillet and 
Bechamel, in South America, and Southey's account of the expedition of Orsua, 
and the crimes of Aguirre, will not want faith in this statement.* 

Note 12, page 12. 


This word is evidently not of Indian origin, ñor does it seem to have been even 
used by the Indians themselves, no traces being found of it in any vocabulary of 
their language. In all prabability it was a word in common use among the Eng- 
lish of that day, although it has now become entirely obsolete. It is difficult to 
ascertain its meaning as he re applied. Some have supposed this Long to be the 
Bunch or Tuft of hair worn on the top of the head by certain tribes, as a 

* An account of this expedition fonos part of an Essay on the Ancient History of West- 
ern New-York, embracing a period from 1670, extending back to one anterior to Hudson's 
discovery of New-York, containing numerous faets shovving the existence of a civilized set- 
tlement, in this región,— prepared by the Editor, and which he may hereafter give to the 
world, if the publie taste should seem to warrant it. 


proof that they were not afraid to meet the enemy, as well as that they had never 
been made captivos in war, since the practice of scalping was general among 
them. Others think it must have been a chain of ornaments suspended from the 
hair, down the back. 

Note 13, page 14. 

The distance by the Hudson Riverfrom New York to Albany or Fort Orange, 
as it was formerly called by the Dutch, is 145 miles. This river is one of the 
most interesting water courses on the face of the globe ; and as a navigable out- 
let, to the vast and fertile regions of the west, has high claims to attention. It is 
formed of two principal branches, the Hudson proper and the Mohawk. 

Below the head of the tide, the mean breadth of the river does not reach a 
a mile. In all its length, above New York island, it is bordered by a steep 
acclivity, in many places mountainous. It affords rapiclly varying landscapes. 
The channel appears an interminable vista, bounded, on the western shore by 
walls of primitive rock, and on the east, by a highly cultivated country, rising 
boldly from the brink. This contrast continúes to the Highlands ; where enor- 
mous mountain peaks rise suddenly on both sides, to twelve hundred or fifteen 
hundred feet, through which the channel seems to have been rifted by some 
almost inconceivable forcé. It presents the only known instance, except that of 
the St. Lawrence, in which the ocean tiles pass the primitive mountain chain, 
carrying depth for the largest vessels. This depth is found for one hundred and 
twenty miles — five miles above the city of Hudson. North of this point, sloops 
passto Troy, and thence through the lock of the dam to Waterford. Above the 
Highlands, the banks continué bold, rocky, and often precipitous, though not 
mountainous. The farms and villages hang upon the clifis, or rise by stages from 
the waters' edge. In a few places, bottoms occur ; but they are rare and of 
iimited extent. — Gordorís New- York. 

Note 14, page 20. 

Connected with the fi sh and fishing in the harbor of New- York, we have a 
curious fact in Natural History, narrated by at least two officers of the British 
government, who were here during the early part of the Revolutionary War, 
and which is also still existing in the memory of some of our oldest inhabitants. 
At the commencement of the revolution the harbor of New- York abounded in 
fish, among which were lobsters of a large size, which all at once disappeared, 
immediately after the cannonading in the battle of Long Island, and the taking 
possession of New-York by the British army. William Eddis, Esq., in his 
highly interesting " Letters from America, historical and descriptive ; comprising 
occurrences from 1769 to 1777, inclusive," (8vo., London, 1792, page 426,) in 
describing his residence in the city of New-York, shortly before embarking for 



England, after having been obliged to leave his post as Surveyor of the Customs 
at Annapolis, in Maryland, by reason of his adherence to the Crown, mentions 
this fact in the following manner: " Lobsters of a prodigious size, were, till of 
late, caught in vast numbers, but it is a fact, surprising as it may appear, that, 
since the late incessant cannonading, they have entirely forsaken the coast, not 
one having been taken, or seen, since the commencement of hostilities." 

Lieut. Aubury, who was captured with Burgoyne's army, and carne to the city 
of New- York, after his exchange, in 1781, in his " Travels through the interior 
parts of America," (2 vols., 8vo., London, 1791, vol. 2,page 471,) states the same 
fact in equally explicit language. This is no matter of the imagination, the 
writer has also received the same as fact, from some oíd people who knew this 
vicinity in the early part of the revolution. They say, that forty-five years ago 
no lobsters were to be found south of Hellgate, notwithstanding their previous 
great abundance throughout the East River. Since that period these fish have 
gradually been regaining their oíd haunts ; about twenty-five years ago they were 
taken in the neighborhood of Kipp's Bay, and within the last four or five years 
were found to have reached the harbor of New- York. During the last three 
years large numbers of them have been taken on a spit of sand which extends in 
a circular direction from near the Brooklyn shore towards New- York, a short 
distance south of the Fulton ferry, which appears to be their favorite locality ; 
and during this latter period, at the proper times, it was not unusual to see ten 
or a dozen boats engaged in taking that favorite shellfish, which six years before 
was not to be found in our waters. 

What we have gained in respect to lobsters we have lost in another and favo- 
rite fish, the shad. From a manuscript account of the shad fishery at the Nar- 
rows on Long Island, kept by the owner of the most extensive fishery at that 
place, showing the number of fish caught during each season, from 1789 to a 
recent date, and also the largest number taken in one day during each season, it 
appears that the whole number now caught, during the whole season, is scarcely 
equal to the largest number taken in some one single day fifty years ago. 

At the time when Lieut. Aubury wrote his account of New- York, and its 
neighborhood, in October, 1781, Brooklyn, now a city of near fifty thousand inha- 
bitants, was then only noted for its " excellent tavern, where parties are made to 
go and eat fish ;" — it was in our author's language, " a scattered village, consist- 
ing of a few houses," — which was strictly trae, for there were not then more than 
fifty houses in the bounds of the present city. Aubury states that, " at a small 
distance from the town are considerable heights, commanding the city of New- 
York ; on these is erected a strong regular fort, with four bastions." This strong 
fort, then at a small distance from the town, was on a site now in the midst of 
the thick settled portion of the city, with its centre on Pierrepont-street and 
Henry-street. What a change has occurred here in sixty-four years, a period 
during which many of the cities of the Oíd World have scarcely experienced any 


Note 15, page 21. 

The following extract is corroborative of the truth of the foregoing remark : 
" On my return passage from Europe to America, in May, 1840, on board the 
packet-ship Philadelphia, commanded by the good Captain Morgan. During 
the whole of the day on the evening of which we made land, we were most 
anxiously expecting a sight of terr a-firma once more. To our no small joy, 
some time after dark, we espied the revolving light that is placed upon the high- 
lands of Neversink. And strange to relate, our olfactory organs were the second 
sense, that intimated to us our near approach to land. The fragrance of bloom- 
ing flowers, green meadows, and budding vegetation of every kind, was truly 
delicious, and brought to our recollections the odoriferous sensation experienced 
on entering a hot-house in winter. An Italian gentleman, one of the passen- 
gers, who had heard much of America, and was now for the first time about 
visiting it, on experiencing this sensation, exclaimed in the soft poetical language 
of his country, ' Bellissimo, bellissimo, tre bellissimo Italia nudvo !' 

" This was no doubt, in a considerable degree, caused by the great change in 
the temperature of the atmosphere. The thermometer during the whole voyage 
having never reached a higher point than 60,but often fell much lower ; whereas 
now it had risen to 88 with the breeze coming from land, which made us more 
sensible to impressions, particularly of this kind." — W. Gowans' Western Memo- 

Note 16, page 22. 

That this genuine, open hearted hospitality, is still practiced among the pio- 
neers of the Far West, can be fully attested by every one who has been among 

The following extract may be taken as an instance, which is only one out of 
many that could be produced. 

" When, on a pedestrian journey through the new states and territories of the 
west I got into a dreary and comparatively unsettled part of the country. I tra- 
velled one day about fifty miles ; my route lay through a thickly wooded dis- 
trict, and I was compelled to ford a creek or small river twelve or fourteen times, 
which traversed nearly the whole of the path in a serpentine manner. 

" During this day I passed only two or three log-cabins,situated in little open- 
ings in this vast wilderness. Night carne on after I had passed the last about 
ten miles, and I knew not how far I should have to travel before falling in with 
another. This was an uncomfortable situation however. Either to return or to 
remain stationary I knew would not do, so I proceeded onward through the 
gloomy, thick solitary woods. The moon was clear and her light inspired me 
with some confidence, but the further I advanced the more alarmed I became 
lest I should fall in with some of the lords of the forest, such as Indians, bears, 
wolves, &c. In this state of mind I jogged on for some time, till near the hour of 
ten, when I beheld a light shining through among the trees. I descried this 



pleasing spectacle I am sure with as much heartfelt delight as ever did ship- 
wrecked mariner on beholding land. I made up to this light as fast as my 
wearied limbs and swollen feet would carry me, (for my feet had swollen greatly 
on account of being wet during the whole of the day.) This light proceeded 
from one of those small log-cabins situated in a little open spot surrounded with 
tall heavy timber — I knocked at the door and vvas answered by a young woman — 
I asked for admission, which was cherfully granted — I stated to her my condi- 
tion, where from, &c.,and requested permission to femain all night under her 
roof. She said it was particularly unfortunate as it might be improper for her to 
harbour me through the night, as she was all alone with the exception of her 
two little children, her husband having gone 'back many miles to look out for a 
new settlement on the borders ofsome prairie. 

" I asked her what distance it was to the next opening, that is to say, cabin or 
house ; she replied about eight miles. On hearing this I again renewed my sup- 
plications to be permitted to remain all night. At this second request the true 
nature of woman prevailed ; she remarked it would be hard indeed to refuse shel- 
ter (situated even as she was) to one apparently so much fatigued and worn out. 
She immediately prepared supper for me, which consisted of mush, milk, fried 
bacon, and bread made from Indian corn. Being excessively fatigued I had 
scarcely tasted of her bounty when sleep overtaking me I fell into a deep slum- 
ber. I know not how long I had been in this state when she awoke me and 
requested me to go to bed, the only one in the cabin. I learned afterwards, that 
she had betaken herself to one less soft, and more humble, the floor. In the 
morning I awoke quite refreshed and breakfasted on the humble fare she had 
prepared. On my departure she would accept of no compensation whatever, 
either for the entertainment I had received or the inconvenience that I had put 
her to. 

" Good and kind hearted woman ; for this act of Samaritan hospitality, I am, 
and 1 hope ever will continué grateful, and 1 take especial pleasure in recording 
an act so purely benevolent, and I fear of but rare occurrence amongst those who 
esteem themselves much more polished members of society. 

" I related this incident to an American poet, — next time I saw him he had 
the whole story turned into verse, entitled, ' The Beauty of Benevolence.' " — 
W. Gotcans' Western Memorabilia. 

Note 17, page 22. 

The war between the English and Dutch breaking out about this time, (1664,) 
King Charles resolved to dispossess the Dutch of their settlements upon Hudson's 
River. This part of the country was first discovered by^Captain Hudson, an 
Englishman, who sold it to the Dutch about the year 1608 ; but doing it without 
the king's license it was reckoned invalid ; the English who sailed from Holland 
to the West Indies, and settled at Piymouth, designed to have taken possession 
of those parts, but the commander of the ship being a Dutchman, and bribed by 



some of his countrymen, landed them further to the north. The Dutch took 
possession of the country soon after, and began a plantation in the year 1623, but 
were driven thence by Sir Samuel Argall, Governor of Virginia ; they then 
applied to King James, who being a slothful prince, gave them leave to build 
some cottages for the convenience of their ships touching there for fresh water, in 
their passage to and from Brazil : under this pretence they built the city of New- 
Amsterdam, in an island called Manhanatoes at the mouth of Hudson's River, 
and a fort about eighty miles up the river, which they called Orange Fort ; from 
whence they traded with the Indians overland as far as Quebec. Whether the 
English or the Dutch had the best title to this part of the country is of no great 
importance now, since it was taken from them in time of war, and yielded up 
by the peace. 'Tis plain however, that King Charles the Second looked upon 
them as intruders, because on the 12th of March, this year, he made a grant of 
the whole country called Nova Belgia to his brother the Duke of York, who 
gave it the ñame of New-York, and sent a squadron of men-of-war, with some 
land forces, under the command of Sir Robert Carr, to reduce it. Sir Robert 
arrived there in the latter end of the year 1664, landed 3,000 men upon Maha- 
natoes Island, and marched directly to New-Amsterdarn ; the governor of the 
town was an oíd soldier that had lost his leg in the service of the states, but 
being surprised at the unexpected attackof a formidable enemy he was prevailed 
upon by the inhabitants to sunender. Thus this place fell into the hands of the 
English. 'Twas handsomely built by the Dutch, of brick and stone covered 
with red and black tile, and the land being high it affords an agreeable prospect 
at a distance. Above half the Dutch inhabitants remained, and took the oath of 
allegiance to the king, the rest had liberty to remove with their effects. 

Thirteen days after the surrender of New Amsterdam a detachment was sent 
under Colonel Nichols to reduce Orange Fort, which he easily accomplished, and 
called it New-Albany, the Duke of York's Scotch title, and so the whole country 
fell into the hands of the E glish. — Oldmixorís British Empire in America, 
quotedby Neal in his Hi&to/y of New-England. 











Fir'd at the tound, my geniut tpreadt her wing, 
Andfliet where Britain courtt the Weetern tprtng; 
Whtre lawt extend that tcorn Arcadian pride. 
And brighter ttreams thanfam'd Hydaspis glide. 
Therc atl around the gentleit breezet ttray, 
There gentle music melti on ev'ry tpray; 
Creation't mildett chanta are there combin'd; 
Extreme* are only in the master's mind! — Goldsmith. 

Por the Lord thy God bringeth thee into a good land, a land of brooks of water, of fountalns, and 
depths that spring out of valleys and bilis ; a land of wheat and barley, and Tines, and flg-trees, and 
pomegranates ; a tend of otl-olive, and lioney ; a land whereln thou slialt eat bread without scarceness, 
thou shalt not lack any thing in lt ; a land whose stones are iron, and ont of whose bilis thou mayest 
dig brasa. Wben thou hast eaten and art full, then thou shalt bless the Lord thy God tor the good land 
which he b»th given tbee. Deuteronomy 8: 7, 8. 




Enteied according to Aot of Congress, in the year 1S60, by 


In the Clerk's office of the District Court of the United States for the 

Southern DiBtrict of New York. 






The subscriber announces to the public, that he intends publish- 
ing a series of works, relating to the history, literature, biogra- 
phy, antiquities and curiosities of the Continent of America. To 
be entitled 


The books to form this collection, will chiefly consist of re- 
prints from oíd and scarce works, difficult to be procured in this 
country, and often also of very rare occurence in Europe : occa- 
sionally an original work will be introduced into the series, de- 
signed to throw light upon some obscure point of American 
history, or to elucídate the biography of some of the distin- 
guished men of our land. Faithful reprints of every work 
published will be given to the public : nothing will be added, 
except in the way of notes, or introduction, which will be pre- 
sented entirely distinct from the body of the work. They will 
be brought out in the best style, both as to the type, press work 
and paper, and in such a manner as to make them well worthy 
a place in any gentleman's library. 

A part will appear about once in every six months, or oftener, 
if the public taste demand it; eachpart forming an entire work, 
either an original production, or a reprint of some valuable, and 
at the same time scarce tract. From eight to twelve parts will 
form a handsome octavo volume, which the publisher is well 
assured, will be esteemed entitled to a high rank in every col- 
lection of American history and literature. 

Should reasonable encouragement be given, the whole collec- 
tion may in the course of no long period of time become not less 
voluminous, and quite as valuable to the student in American 
history, as the celebrated Harleian Miscellany is now to the 
student and lover of British historical antiquities. 

W. GOWANS, Publisher. 


The prevalent desire for authentic information on the 
early history of our country, encourages the publisher to 
endeavor to gratify such taste, by reprinting this curious 
and rare little Book, only three copies of which are, as far 
as he is informed, in these States. Though small, it throws 
light on the domestic manners and social habits of the 
people of the city of New York, in the latter part of the 
seventeenth century, not to be derived from larger and 
purely historical works. 

Being curious to know the antecedents of its author, and 
having learned incidentally that he was a gradúate of Cam- 
bridge, I addressed the authorities of that University and 
received, in answer, the following polite note, for which I 
beg to return my very sincere acknowledgments. 

"Trinity Coll. Cambridge. ( 
"13 0ct. 1859.$ 
" Dear Sir : 

" The vice chancellor this day put into my hands your 
letter of the 24 Sept. 

" I am sorry to say I can give no information as to the 
parentage of Charles Wolley. I have called upon the 
master of Emmanuel College and inspected the admission 
book in his custody. The information is very slight, it is 
as follows : 




« \ Ch. Wolley of Linc. adraitted sizar 13 June, 1670.' 

" The admission does not state whether he was born in 

the city of Lincoln or merely in the county : it does not 

mention Ch. W.'s father's ñame, or his place of education. 

" The matriculation and degreebooksare inmy custody : 

/"~ / if /-/>/> " darles Wolley was matricu- 

{^orrííf /rouiuy i a ted a sizar of Emm. Coll. on the 

Handwriting of B. A. degree. 9 J u tyj 1670. 

ff He took the degree of 

r (¿í / k'0 $í.<¿ Ba °helor of Arts in January, 

1673-4, and his degree of 

Handwriting in M. A. degree. Master of ArtS ín July, 1677. 

"I send you tracings of his signature at both his degrees. 
" Yours truly, 


E. B. O'Callaghan, Esq. (Registrary of the Univ ty )." 

The year after he graduated Mr. Wolley carne to New 
York. At the period referred to in his Journal, the 
province is described as * poore, unsettled and almost 
without trade;" the city was, " small in size and scanty 
in population ; its buildings mostly wood ; some few of 
stone and brick; 10 or 15 ships, of about 100 tons 
burthen each, frequented the port in a year ; four 
of these being New York built." The annual imports 
were valued at .£50,000, or $250,000; a trader worth 
$2500 to $5000 was "accompted a good substantial 
merchant; a planter whose moveables were valued at 
half that sum was esteemed rich. Ministers were scarce 
and Religions many." * The Church of England ; the 
Reforraed Dutch church ; French Calvinists ; Lutherans; 

*N. Y. Col. Doc. iii., 261. 


Román Catbolics ; Quakers, both "singing and ranting j" 
Sabatarians and Anti-sabatarians ; Anabaptists ; Independ- 
ents and Jews, all were represented. In short some of all 
sorts of opinions, and some of none at all, helped in those, 
as in these, days to compose the beterogeneous population 
of tbe metrópolis. 

Fort James was " seated upon a point of tbe towne, on a 
plot of ground containing abont two acres, between Hudson 
Eiver and y e Sound ; it was a square witb stone walls, four 
bastions almost regular, and in it 46 gunns mounted, and 
stores for service accordingly." * Tbe " great bouse " had 
been covered witb Dutch tiles ; but tbese were removed and 
tbe roof covered witb sbingles, " by reason tbe Tyles were 
usually broken wben tbe gunns were fired." An hospital, 
or officers' quarters, stood in tbe vicinity, between Stone 
and Bridge streets. 

Tbe garrison of the Fort consisted of 

1 Captain (gov. Andros,) whose pay was 8s. stg. per day. 

~ T . S Anthy Brockholes l , -, 

2 Lieuts. ] Chri ¿ opher Bellop \ pay 4s. per day. 

1 Ensign (Csssar Knapton) pay 3s. 

3 Sergeants @ ls. 6 a day ; 4 Corporals and 2 drummers 
@ ls. a day ; 100 privates @ 8d. per day ; 1 master gunner 
@ 2s. ; 4 matrosses @ ls. ; 1 Chirurgeon @ 2s.j 1 Store- 
keeper @ 2s. and " A Cbaplaine" @ 6s. per day. 

The " Chaplaine " here referred to was the Rev. Charles 
Wolley ; his salary amounted to j6121. 6s. 8d sterling, or 
about $600 a year. f 

From his Journal we are led to conclude that he was a 
gentleman of learning and observation ; social of habit 
and charitable in feeling. On his departure from this 

*N. Y. Col. Doc. iii., 260. tlbid, 220. 


country, Sir Edmund Andros bore testimony to his proper 
deportment whilst here, in the following words : 

" A Certifícate to Mr. Charles Wolley to goe for 
England in the Hopewell. 

" S r Edmund Andros Kn* <fcc. Whereas Mr. Charles 
Wolley (a Minister of the church of England) carne over 
into these parts in the Month of August 1678 and hath 
officiated accordingly as Chaplaine under his Royall High- 
nesse during the time of his abode here, Now upon Applica- 
con for leave to returne for England in order to some pro- 
mocón in the church to which hee is presented, hee having 
liberty to proceede on his voyage. These are to certify the 
above and that the s d Mr. Wolley hath in his place com- 
ported himself unblameable in his Life and conversacon. 
In Testimony whereof I have hereunto sett my hand and 
Seale of the province in New York this 15 th day of July in 
the 32 th yeare of his Matyes Raigne. Annoq Dominj 1680. 

" Examined by mee M. N. Secr." * 

Mr. Wolley returned to England in a ship commanded 
by George Heathcote, a Quaker, some particulars of whom 
will be found in Note 47, at the end of this volume. 
He took vvith him as curiosities, "a Grey squirrel, a Parrot, 
and a Raccoon," and if any desire be felt respecting the 
subsequent fortunes of these favorites, we are pleased to be 
able to say, that the same will be found fully satisfied on 
referring to the pages of the Journal. 

We next find our author at Alford in Lincolnshire. Hoping 
to learn something further of his history, I wrote to the 
Rector of that church, who in return was so obliging as to 
take a great deal of trouble to obtain the requisite informa- 

* N. Y. Gen. JEntries, xxxii : 93. 



tion, and communicated the result in the following let- 
ter : 

•' Alford Vicarage 

" Lincolnshire, 
" September 17, 1859. 
" Dear Sir : 

" It would have given rae great pleasure could I have 
assisted you in your enquiries respecting the Rev. Charles 
Wolley, but I am afraid I shall not be able to do so. As 
our registers at Alford begin within five years of the oldest 
in England I thought until your enquiry carne to me that 
this parish might hold its head high in such lore. But 
upon searching them I found a great gap including the 
whole time you are enquiring about and extending from 
1657 to 1732. I immediately wrote off to an American gen- 
tleman (one of the Hutchinson family) who searched them 
last year ; and this morning his answer arrived but threw 
no light upon the missing portion. In the mean time I 
enquired of the oíd people who might be supposed familiar 
"with traditionary ñames but met with no success. 

" One more source is open to me, the oíd parochial (not 

ecclesiastical) books which I will examine before I closo 

this. If this fails me I see not in what way I can be of 


" I am Dear Sir 

" Yours very truly, 

" George Jeans. 
M E. B. O'Callaghan, Esq r . 

" P. S. Sept. 21. The parish books begin in 1701, but 
there is no mention of the ñame. There is just a possi- 
bility it may occur in the records of the Governors of the 
Grammar School, which I will examine. 

11 Sept. 29. I regret to say I have examined the ar- 


chives of the Governors of the Grammar School and 
caunot fiad the ñame through all the years you gave me. 

G. J." 

Still unwilling to abandon my search until all probable 
sources of information had been exhausted, I applied to the 
Lord Bishop of Lincoln, to whose diocese, it appeared by 
the admission book of Emmanuel College, Mr. Wolley 
belonged, requesting that I might be furnished by his Lord- 
ship's orders, with transcripts of any data the records of 
the diocese might supply on the subject of my enquiry. 
The following is an extract from the answer to that appli- 


"The Palace, Lincoln, / 
" Jan'y 19, 1860. $ 
"Dear Sir: 

" I have had the Books and Records of this Registry 
searched, but I have been unable to find even the Ñame of 
the Rov. Chas. Wolley, in this Diocese, and am strongly 
inclined to think that he never held a Benefice in it, other- 
wise the Register Books would shew it. From your ob- 
servation, that he was removed "for his unprofitableness," 
I feel quite sure it was not any Benefice; no beneficed 
Clergyman could be removed from his Benefice on any such 
ground, ñor a Cúrate either, if he objected and had not 
committed any crime. ******* 
Of course you will understand that we have found no 
Record of his Ordination either, and therefore concluded 
it is a mistake altogether. He might be employed tempo- 
rarily as a Cúrate at Alford, without being licensed, and 
then no record of it would be made. ***** 
" I am Dear Sir 

" Yours faithfully, 


" E. B. O'Callaghan, Esq r . 


The cióse of Mr. Wolley's career is thus shrouded in 
obscurity. His ministry appears by his own acknowledg- 
ment, not to have abounded in fruit ; for, apologizing both 
for publishing, and for having delayed the publication of, 
bis Journal, be says, tbat he was " taken oíf, from the 
proper studies and offices of his Function, for his unprofit- 
ableness ;" and therefore concluded, when he could not do 
" what he ought," to do " what he could," and accordingly 
published this Journal. 

It is evident, from various passages in these Reminiscen- 
ces, tbat bis sojourn in this country left a pleasing impres- 
sion on Mr. Wolley's mind. " New York," he says, " is a 
place of as sweet and agreeable air as ever I breathed in. 
and the inbabitants, botb Englisb and Dutch, very civil and 
courteous, as I may speak by experience, amongst wbom I 
have often wished myself and my family." 

I have endeavored to ascertain whether be carried out 
this wisb and returned to this country. The ñame is found 
in our archives, posterior to the original publication of this 
Journal;* and Mr. Valentine states tbat a Charles Wooley 
was admitted a freeman of New York in I702.f Whether 
or not, this was the former Chaplain of Fort James and 
Sojourner at Alford, I must leave to otbers to determine. 

With a view to throw additional ligbt on some passages 
of the Text, and further to illustrate the Men and Manners 
of Days which have long passed away, and all trace where- 
of is buried in ancient MSS. and dust-covered Tomes, 
Notes, historical and biographical, have been added to the 
Journal. In the preparation of these, every care has been 
taken to consult the best autborities within reach, and to 

*N. Y. Doc. Hist., i., 622; N. Y. Col. Doc, iv : 934. 
t Valentine's Hist. of the City of New York, 377. 


state the authority consulted, in order that every one may 
have the means of reéxamining the points selected for 
illustration, if he feel so inclined. It is to be hoped that 
the pains and labor thus bestowed, will prove of profit to 
others and merit general approbation. 

A two Years 



N ew-York: 

And part of its 




By C. W. A. M. 


Printed for John Wyat, at the Rqfe in St. PauVs Church- 
Yard : and Eben Tracy, at the three Bibles on Lon- 
don-Bridge. MDCCI. 


The materials of this Journal have laid by me 
several years expecting that some Landlooper or 
other in those parts would have done it more 
methodically, bul neither hearing ñor reading of 
any such as yet, and I being taken off /rom (he 
proper Studies and Offices of my Function, for 
my unprofitableness, I concluded, that when I 
could not do what I ought, I ought to do what I 
could, which I shall further endeavoar in a second 
Part : in the mean while. adieu. 



In the year 1678, May the 27, we set sail from 
oíd England for New-York in America, in the 
Merchants Ship called the Blossom, Richard Mar- 
tain of New-England Master. (See Note I.) We 
had on board Sir Edmund Andros, (see Note 2,) 
Governor of New-York, Merchants and Factors, 
Mr. William Pinhorne, (see Note 3,) Mr. James 
Graham, (see Note 4,) Mr. John White, Mr. John 
West (see Note 5,) and others ; the 7th of August 
following we arriv'd safe at New-York. 

The City of New-York, by Dr. Heylin (see 
Note 6,) and other Cosmographers, is call'd New- 
Amsterdam, and the Country New-Netherlands, 
being first inhabited by a Colony of Dutch ; but 
as first discover'd by the English it was claim'd 
to the Crown of England by Colonel Nichols, 
in the year 1665, (see Note 7,) then sent over 
Governor; to whom it was surrendred by the 
Dutch upon Articles ; it being a fundamental 
Point consented unto by all Nations, That the first 
discovery of a Country inhabited by Infidels, gives 
a rightand Dominion of that Country to the Prince 
in whose Service and Employment the discoverers 


were sent ; thus the Spaniard claims the West- 
Indies ; the Portugals Brasile ; and thus the Eng- 
lish those Northern párts of America ; (see Note 8,) 
for Sebastian Cabot (see Note 9,) employed by K. 
Hen. 7th, was the first discoverer of those parts, 
and in his ñame took Possession, which his Royal 
Successors have held and continu'd ever since : 
Therefore they are of the Crown of England, and 
as snch they are accounted by that excellent Law- 
yer Sir John Vanghan: (see Note 10,) So this par- 
ticular Province being granted to his then Royal- 
Highness the D. of York, by Letters Patents from 
King Charles the II. was from his title and 
Propriety call'd New- York. 

The Fort and Garrison of this place lieth in the 
degree of 40th and 20 minutes of northern Lati- 
tude, (see Note 11,) as was observ'd and taken by 
Mr. Andrew Norwood, Son of the Famous Mathe- 
matician of that ñame, (see Note 12,) and by Mr. 
Philip Wells, (see Note 13,) and Van Cortland 
Júnior, Robert Rider and Jacobus Stephens, the 
seventh of July 1679, with whom I was well ac- 
quainted, and at that time present with them. 

The Temperature of the Climate. 

By the Latitude above observ'd, New- York lieth 
10 Degrees more to the Southward than Oíd Eng- 
land ; by which difference according to Philosophy 
it should be the hotter Climate, but on the con- 
trary, to speak feelingly, I found it in the Winter 
Season rather colder for the most part: the rea- 
son of which may be the same with that which 


Sir Henry Wolton (see Note 14,) gives for the 
coldness of Venice, as he observ'd from the ex- 
perience of fourteen years Embassie, viz. Though 
Venice be seated in the very middle point, be- 
tween the Equinoctial and the northern Pole, 
at 45 degrees precisely, or there abouts, of Lati- 
tude, yet their winters are for the most part 
sharper than ours in England, though about six 
degrees less of Elevation, which he imputed to 
its vicinity or nigh Situation to the chilly tops 
of the Alps, for Winds as well as Waters are 
tainted and infected in their passage. New-York 
in like manner is adjacent to and almost encom- 
pass'd with an hilly, woody Country, full of Lakes 
and great Vallies, which receptacles are the Nurse- 
ries, Forges and Bellows of the Air, which they first 
suck in and contract, then discharge and ventilate 
with a fiercer dilatation. The huge lake of Cana- 
da, which lies to the northward of New-York, is 
supposed to be the most probable place for dispers- 
ing the cold Northwest-winds which alter the 
nature of this Climate, insomuch that a thick 
winter Coat there is commonly called a North- 
western: So that the Consequence which Men 
make in common disconrse from the Degree of a 
place to the temper of it, is indeed very deceivable, 
without a due regard to other circumstances ; 
for as I have read in the Philosophical Transac- 
tions, the order of the seasons of the year is quite 
inverted under the torrid Zone, for whereas it 
should be then Summer when the Sun is near, 
and Winter when the Sun is farther of ; under the 


torrid Zone it's never less hot than when the Sun 
is nearest ; ñor more hot than when the Sun is 
farthest oíF; so that to the people who live between 
the Equinoctial and the Tropicks, Summer begins 
about Christmas, and their Winter about St. John's 
day, the reason whereof is that when the Sun is 
directly over their heads, it raises abundance of 
Vapours, and draws them so high that they are 
presently converted into water by the coldness of 
the Air ; whence it comes to pass that then it 
rains continually, which does repress the Air ; but 
when the Sun is farther oíF there falls no more 
Rain, and so the heat becomes insupportable ; but 
besides these Observations and Philosophical Solu- 
tions, give me leave to offer one Consideration to 
the Inhabitants of the Northern parts of England, 
viz. Whether they have not taken notice for the 
several years past of some alteration in the Seasons 
of the year; that the Winters have been earlier, 
colder and longer, and the Surnmers shorter than 
formerly within their own memories; for which I 
think I may appeal to the Gardeners. Especially 
as to the fruit of the Vine, no Grapes having come 
to their maturity or perfection in the same Gar- 
dens they used to do: Now to what reasons shall 
we impute these, shall we say in the wordsof that 
Scribe of the Law, Esdras, The world hath lost his 
youth, and the times begin to wax oíd, for look how 
much the world shall be weaker through age? Or 
shall we apologize with Dr. Hakewell, (see Note 15,) 
in his Power and Providence in the Government of 
the World ? For my part I humbly submit to the 


Virtuoso's of Natural and Divine Philosophy ; 
rataer than embarass and envelop my self in pry- 
ing within íhe Curtains of the Primitive Chaos, or 
the Womb of the Creation, or the dark Orb of 

Of íhe Air. 

It's a Climate of a Sweet and wholesome breath, 
free from those annoyances which are commonly 
ascribed by Naturalists for the insalubrity of any 
Country, viz. South or South-east Winds, many 
stagnant Waters, lowness ofshoars, inconstancy of 
Weather, and the excessive heat of the Summer ; the 
extremity of which is gently refresh'd, fann'd and 
allay'd by constant breezes from the Sea ; it does 
not welcome its Guests and Strangers with the 
seasoning distempers of Fevers and Fluxes, like 
Virginia, Maryland, and other Plantations, nature 
kindly drains and purgeth it by Fontanels and 
Issues of running waters in its irriguous Valleys, 
and shelters it with the umbrella's of all sorts of 
Trees from pernicious Lakes ; which Trees and 
Plants do undoubtedly, tho' insensibly suck in and 
digest into their own growth and composition, 
those subterraneous Particles and Exhalations, 
which otherwise woU'd be attracted by the heat 
of the Sun and so become matter for infectious 
Clouds and malign Atmospheres, and tho we can- 
not rely upon these causes as permanent and con- 
tinuing, for the longer and the more any Country 
is peopled, the more unhealthful it may prove, by 
4 iiu 


reason of Jaques, Dunghills and other excrement- 
itions stagnations, which oíFend and annoy the 
bodies of Men, by incorporating with, and infecí- 
ing the circumarnbient Air, but these inconveni- 
encies can scarce be suppos'd to happen within 
our age, for the very settling and inhabiting a new 
Country, which is commonly done by destroying 
its Wood, and that by Fire (as in those parts I 
describe) does help to purifie and refine the Air ; 
an experiment and remedy formerly us'd in Greece 
and other JNations, in the time of Plague or any 
common infection. To conclude this Chapter, I 
my self, a person seemingly of a weakly Stamen 
and a valetudinary Constitution, was not in the 
least indispos'd in that Climate, during my resid- 
ence there, the space of three years: This account 
and description of the place, I recommend as a 
fair encouragement, to all who are inclined to 
Travel ; to which I shall subjoin other inviting 
Advantages and Curiosities in their proper places. 

Oj the Inhubilants. Andjirst ofíhe Indians or Natives. 

There are a clan of highflown Religionists, who 
stilethe Indians the Populus Terrae, and look upon 
them as a repróbate despicable sort of creatures : 
But making the allowances for their invincible 
ignorance, as to a reveal'd Education, I should 
rather cali them the Terrae filii : For otherwise I 
see no diíference betwixt them and the rest of the 
Noble Animáis. They are staíely and well pro- 
portioned in Symmetry through the whole Oeco- 


nomy of their bodies, so that I cannot say I 
observed any natural deformity in any of them ; 
which prolably may be owing to their way of 
nurturing their new born Infants : which is thus, 
as soon as a Woman is delivered, she retires into 
the Wood for a burden or bundle of sticks, which 
she takes upon her back to strengthen her; the 
Children they Swaddle upon a Board, which they 
hang about their heads, and so carry them for a 
year together, or till they can go, this I had con- 
firm'd to me, by my friend Mr. William Asfordby, 
(see Note 16,) who lived in those parts sixteen 
years, and had for his Neighbour one Harman 
the Indian in Marble-Town, in the County of 
Ulster, fprmerly called Sopus, (see Note 17,) in 
the Province of New- York, whose Squaw or Wife 
us'd this way to herself and Children: In nursing 
their Children, the Mother abhors that unnatural 
and Costly Pride of suckling them with other 
Breasts, whilst her own are sufficient for that aífec- 
tionate service ; their hardiness and facility in 
bringing forth is generally such as neitherrequires 
the nice attendance of Nursekeepers, ñor the art of 
a dextrous Lucina, being more like the Hebrew 
Women than the native iEgyptians, delivered be- 
fore the Midwife caneóme to them; like that Insh 
Woman of whom Dr. Harvy (see Note 18,) de 
generatione Animalium, Cap. de partu, Page 276, 
reportsfrom the mouth of the Lord Carew, Earl of 
Totness and Lord President of Munster, (see Note 
19,) who though big with Child accompanied her 
Husband in the Camp, marching from place to 


place, but by reason of a sudden flood which hin- 
dered their Armies march for one hour, the Wo- 
man'spains comingupon her, she withdrew her-self 
to a thicket of Shrubs, and there alone brought forth 
Twins, both which she brought down to the River 
and wash'd both herself and them, wrapping them 
up in a course and Irish Mantle, marches with them 
at her back, the same day barefoot and barelegged 
twelve Miles, without any prejudice to herself or 
them. The next day after, the Lord Deputy Mont- 
joy, (see Note 20,) who at that time commanded the 
Army against the Spaniard, who had besieged Kin- 
sale, with the Lord Carew, stood God-fathers for the 
Children ; but I cannot say of them as it is related 
of the Queen of Navarre, Mother to Henry of 
France, called the Great, who sung a French Song 
in the time of his Birth, seeming to show other 
Women, that it is possible to be. brought to bed 
without crying out. 

As to their Stature, most of them are between 
five or six foot high, straight bodied, strongly com- 
posed, in complexión perfect Adamites ; of a clay- 
ish colour, the Hairof their Heads generally black, 
lank and long, hanging down. And I have been 
several times amongst them, and could never ob- 
serve any one shap'd either in redundance or de- 
fect, deformed or mishapen. They preserve their 
Skins smooth by anointing them with the Oyl of 
Fishes, the fat of Eagles, and the grease of 
Rackoons, which they hold in the Summer the 
best Antidote to keep their skins from blistering 
by the scorching Sun, their best Armour against 


the Musketto's; the surest expeller oí' the hairy 
Excrement, and stopper of the Pores of their 
Bodies against the Winter's cold, their Hair being 
naturally black, they make it more so, by oyling, 
dying and dayly dressing, yet though they be very 
curious about the Hair of their Heads, yet they 
will not endure any upon their Chins, where it no 
sooner grows but they take it out by the Roots, 
counting it a spurious and opprobrious excrement : 
Insomuch, that the Aberginians (see Note 21,) or 
Northern Indians in New-England, cali him an 
English-man's Bastard, that hath but the appear- 
ance of a Beard ; so that I leave it to the other 

Judicat ex mentó non mente puella marilum. 

Of their Apparel. 

Notwithstanding the heat of parching Summers, 
and the searching cold of piercing Winters, and 
the tempestuous dashings of driving Rains, their 
ordinary habit is a pair of Indian Breeches, like 
Adam's Apron to cover that which modesty com- 
mands to be hid, which is a piece of Cloth about 
a yard and a half long, put between their groins, 
1ied with a Snake's Skin about their middle, and 
hanging down with a flap before, many of them 
wear skins about them in fashion of an Irish 
Mantle and of these some be Bears Skins and 
Rackoon Skins sewed or skuered together ; but of 
late years, since they trade with the English and 
Dutch, they wear a sort of Blanket, which our 


Merchants cali Duífles, which is their Coat by 
day and covering by night, I have heard of some 
reasons given why they will not conform to our 
English Apparel, viz. because their Women can- 
not wash them when they are soiled, and their 
means will not reach to buy new, when they have 
done with their oíd, therefore they had rather go 
as they do, than be lowsie and make their bodies 
more tender by a new acquired habit, but they 
might be easily divested of these reasons, if they 
were brought to live in Houses and fix'd Habita- 
tions, as I shall shew hereafter. Though in their 
habit they seem to be careless and indifíerent, yet 
they have an instinct of natural Pride, which ap- 
pears in their circumstantial Órnamenos, many of 
them wearing Pendants at their Ears, and Porcu- 
pine-quills through their Noses, impressing upon 
several partsof their bodies Portraictures of Beasts 
and Birds, so that were I to draw their Effigies it 
should be after the pattern of the Ancient Britains, 
called Picts from painting, and Britains from a 
word of their own Language, Breeth, Painting or 
Staining, as Isidore writes, with whom Mr. Camo- 
den (see Note 22,) concurs; though Dr. Skinner 
(see Note 23.) in his Etymologicon Onomasti- 
con, a Bri. honor & Tain fluvius, ínsula fluviis 
nobilis : But to leave these Authors in their own 
crictical ingenuity, I shall conclude this Chapter 
with a general Sentiment of such Customs that by 
these variety of Pictures depourtraicted in their 
Bodies ; they are either ambitious to illustrate and 
set ofF their natural Symmetry, or to blazon their 


Heraldy, which a certain Author calis Macculoso 
Nobilitas : Or else to render them terrible and 
formidable to all Strangers : or if we may conject- 
ure out of that Rabbinical Critick the Oxford Gre- 
gory upon Cain's Thau, that according to the 
natural Magicians and Cabbalists, Adam and the 
rest of mankind in his right, had marks imprinted 
upon them by the finger of God, which marks 
were, pachad and chesed; the first to keep the 
Beasts in awe of Men; the latter to keep Men in 
love one with another. Whether there be any 
remains of a traditional imitation in the Indian 
World or not, I leave that and other conjectures 
to the Readers diversión. 

Of their Traffick, Money, and Diet. 

They Uve principally by Hunting, Fishing and 
Fowling. Before the Christians especially the 
Dutch carne amongst them they were very dex- 
terous Artists at their Bows, insomuch I have 
heard it afíirm'd that a Boy of seven years oíd 
would shoot a Birdflying: and since they have 
learn'd the use of Guns, they prove better marks- 
men than others, and more dangerous too (as 
appear'd in the Indian War with New-England.) 
The Skins of all their Beasts, as Bears, Bevers, 
Rackoons, Foxes, Otters ; Musquashes, Skunks, 
Deer and Wolves, they bring upon their backs to 
New- York, and other places of Trade, which they 
barter and exchange for Duffles or Guns, but too 
often for Rum, Brandy and other strong Liquors, 


of which they are so intemperate lovers, that after 
they have once tasted, they will never fbrbear, till 
they are inflamed and enraged, even to that de- 
gree, that I have seen Men and their Wives Bil- 
hngsgate it, through the Streets of New-York, as 
if they were metamorphosed into the nature of 
those beasts vvhose Skins they bartered : It were 
seriously to be wished that the Christians would 
be more sparing in the sale of that Liquor, which 
works such dismal effects upon those who are for 
gratifying their sensual Appetites : JBeing unac- 
quainted with the comforts of Christian Temper- 
ance, and the elevated Doctrine of Self-denial and 
Mortification. They had better take to their 
primitive Beverage of water, which Vertuo- 
so's tell us breed no Worms in the Belly ñor Mag- 
gots in the Brain. 

Their Money is called Wampam and Sea-want, 
made of a kind of Cockle or Periwinkle-shell, of 
which there is scarce any, but at Oyster-Bay. 
They take the black out of the middle of the shell 
which they valué as their Gold ; they make their 
White Wampam or Silver of a kind of a Horn, 
which is beyond Oyster-bay : The meat within 
this horny fish is very good. They fashion both 
sorts like beads, and String them into several 
lengths, but the most usual measure is a Fathom ; 
for when they make any considerable bargain, 
they usuallysay so manyFatliom; So many black 
or so many white Wampams make a farthing, a 
penny, and so on : which Wampam or Indian 
Money we valued above the Spanish or English 


Silver in any Payments, because of trading with 
the Indians in their own Coin. (See Note 24.) 
The price of Iridian Commodities as sold by the 
Christian Merchants is as íblloweth. 

s. d. 

Bevers — 00 — 10 — 3 a Pound. 

The Lapps — 00 — 07 — 6 

Minks —00—05—0 

Grey Foxes— 00 — 03—0 

Otters —00—08—0 

Rackoons — 00 — 01 — 5 
Be ver is fifteen pence a Skin Custom at New- 
York, four pence at London ; three pence a Skin 
Freight, which is after the rate of fifteen Pound a 

The valué of other Skins, a DeerSkin 00 — 00 — 6 
a p. A good Bear Skin will give 00 — 07 — 0. A 
black Bever-skin is worth a Bever and a half of 
another colour. A black Otter's-skin, if very good, 
is worth Tvventy Shillings. A Fisher's-skin three 
shillings. A Cat's-skin half a Crown. A Wolf 's- 
skin three shillings. A Musquash or a Muskrat's- 
skin six shillings and ten pence. An Oxe-hide 
three pence a pound wet and six pence dry. Rum 
in Barbados ten pence a Gallón. Molossus three 
pence a pound, and fifty shillings a barrel in win- 
ter, that being the dearest season. Sugar in Bar- 
bados twelve shillings the hundred which contains 
a hundred and twelve pounds ; which at New- 
York yields thirty shillings the bare hundred. In 
Barbados (new Negro' s i. e. such as cannot speak 
English) are bought for twelve or fourteen pound 

5 113 


a head, but if they can speak English sixteen or 
seventeen pound ; and at New- York, if they are 
grown Men, they give thirty five and thirty or 
forty Pound a head ; (see Note 25,) where by the 
by let me observe that the Indians look upon 
these Negroes or Blacks as an anomalous Issue, 
meer Edomites, hewers of Wood and drawers of 

The Price of Provisions : Long Island Wheat 
three shillings a Skipple (a Skipple being three 
parts of a Bushel) Sopus Wheat half a Crown a 
Skipple, Sopus Pease half a Crown a Skipple ; In- 
dian Corn Flower fifteen shillings a hundred, 
Bread 18 a hundred. To Barbados 50s. a Tun 
freight, 4 Hogsheads to a Tun ; Pork 31. the barrel, 
which contains two hundred and 40 pounds, i. e. 
3d. the pound ; Beef 30s. the barrel ; Butter 6d. a 
Pound: amongst Provisions I may reckon To- 
bacco, of which they are obstinate and incessant 
Smoakers, both Indians and Dutch, especially the 
latter, whose Diet especially of the boorish sort, 
being Sallets and Bacon, and very often picked 
buttermilk, require the use of that herb to keep 
their phlegm írom coagulating and curdling. I 
once saw a pretty instance relating to the power 
of Tobacco, in two Dutchmen riding a race with 
short campaigne Pipes in their mouths, one of 
which being huri'd from his Steed, as soon as he 
gathered himself up again, whip'd to his Pipe, and 
fell a sucking and drawing, regarding neither his 
Horse ñor Fall, as if the prize consisted in getting 
that heat which carne from his beloved smoke : 


They never burn their Pipes, but as soon as they 
are out put them into their Pockets, and now and 
then vvash them. The Indians originally made 
Pipes of Flint, and have some Pipes of Steel ; they 
take the leaves of Tobacco and rub them betwixt 
their hands, and so smoke it; Tobacco is two 
pence halfpenny a pound, a merchantable Hogs- 
head contains íbur hundred pound neat, i. e. with- 
out the Cask. A Dutch pound contains eighteen 
ounces. Pipe staves are fifty shillings or three 
pound a thousand, they are sent from New-York 
to the Madera Islands and Barbados, the best is 
made of White Oak. Their best Liquors are Fiall, 
Passado, and Madera Wines, the former are sweet- 
ish, the latter a palish Claret, very spritely and 
generous, two shillings a Bottle ; their best Ale is 
made of Wheat Malt, brought from Sopus and 
Albany about threescore Miles from New-York by 
water ; Syder twelve shillings the barrel ; their 
quaffing liquors are Rum-Punch and Brandy-punch, 
not compounded and adulteratéd as in England, 
but puré water and puré Nants, 

The Indians Diel. 

What they liv'd upon originally is hard to de- 
termine, unless we recur to St. John Baptist's 
extemporary Diet in the Wilderness, for they may 
be properly called i%6/3u)i, i. e. Inhabitants of the 
Wood, so may be supposed to have had their 
victus parabilis, food that wanted no dressing; but 
stories of the first times being meerly conjectural, 


I shall only speak what I wrote down from the 
best information. They have a tradition that their 
Corn was at first dropt out of the mouth of a 
Crow from the Skies; just as Adam de Marisco 
(see Note 26,) was wont to cali the Law of 
Nature Helias's Crow, something flying from 
Heaven with Provisions for our needs. They 
dig their ground with a Flint, called in their 
Language tom-a-hea-kan, (see Note 27,) and so 
put five or six grains into a hole the latter end of 
April or beginning of May, their Harvest is in Oc- 
tober, their Corn grows like clusters of Grapes, 
which they pluck or break ofF with their hands, 
and lay it up to dry in a thin place, like unto our 
Cribs made of reed ; when its well dryed they 
parch it, as we sprekle Beans and Pease, which is 
both a pleasant and a hearty food, and of a pro- 
digious encrease, even a hundred fold, which is 
suppos'd as the highest degree of fruitfulness, which 
often reminded me of the Marquess of Worcester's 
(see Note 28,) Apophthegm of Christ's Miracle of 
five Loves and two Fishes, viz. that as few grains 
of Corn as will make five Loves being sowed in 
the earth will multiply and increase to such ad- 
vantage as will feed 5000 with Bread, and two 
Fishes will bring forth so many fishes as will 
suífice so many mouths, and beca use such are so 
ordinary amongst us every day, we take no notice 
of them : this Indian Corn is their constant Via- 
ticum in their travels and War. Their Squaws 
or Wives and Female Sex manage their Harvest, 
whilest the Men Hunt and Fish, and Fowl; of 


which they bring all varieties to New- York, and 
that so cheap that I remember a Venison bought 
for three shillings; their Rivers are plentifully fur- 
nish'd with fish, as Place, Pearch, Trouts, Eels, 
Bass and Sheepshead, the two last are delicate 
Fish : They have great store of wild-fowl, as 
Turkeys, Heath-hens, Quails, Partridges, Pigeons, 
Cranes, Geese, Brants, Ducks, Widgeon, Teal and 
divers others : And besides their natural Diet, they 
will eat freely with the Christians, as I observed 
once when we were at dinner at the Governor's 
Table, a Sackamaker or King carne in with several 
of his Attendants, and upon invitation sat round 
upon the Floor (which is their usual posture) and 
ate of such Meat as was sent from the Table : 
amongst themselves when they are very hungry 
they will eat their Dogs, which are but young 
Wolves stolen from their damms, several of which 
I have seen fbllowing them, as our Dogs here, but 
they won't eat of our Dogs because they say we 
feed them with salt meat, which none or but few 
of the Indians love, for they had none before the 
Christians carne: so unacquainted were they with 
Acids : They are of opinión that when they have 
ill success in their hunting, fishing, &c. their 
Menitto is the cause of it, therefore when they 
have good success they throw their fat into the 
fire as a Sacrifice ingeminating Kenah Menitto, 
i. e. I thank you Menitto ; their Kin-tau Kauns, 
(see Note 29,) or time of sacrificing is at the 
beginning of winter, because then all things 
are fat, where a great many Sacka-makers or 


Kings meet together, and Feast; every Nation 
or Tribe has its Ka-kin-dowet, (see Note 30,) 
or Minister, and every Sacka-maker gives his 
Ka-kin-do-wet 12 fathom of Wampam mixt, and 
all that are able at that time throw down Wam- 
pam upon the ground for the Poor and Fatherless, 
of whom they have a great many. Now I ara 
speaking of fishing and fowling it rnay not be im- 
proper to add some thing about the art of catching 
Whales, which is thus, two Boats with six Men 
in each make a Company, viz. four Oars-men or 
Rowers; an Harpineer and a Steers-man; about 
Christmas is the season for Whaling, for then the 
Whales come from the North-east, Southerly, and 
continué till the latter end of March, and then 
they return again ; about the Fin is the surest part 
for the Harpineer to strike : As soon as he is 
wounded, he makes all foam, with his rapid vio- 
lent Course, so that if they be not very quick in 
clearing their main Warp to let him run upon the 
tow, which is a line fastned to the Harping-iron 
about 50 fathoms long, its a hundred to one he 
over-sets the Boat : As to the nature of a Whale, 
they copúlate as Land-beasts, as is evident from 
the fernale Teats and Male's Yard, and that they 
Spawn as other Fishes is a vulgar error, Larn. 4. 3. 
even the Sea monsters draw out the breast they 
give suck to their young ones. For further its 
observable that their young Suckers come along 
with them their several courses. A Whale about, 
60 foot long having a thick and free Blubber may 
yield or make 40 or 50 barréis of Oyl, every Barrel 


containing 31 or 32 Gallons at 20s. a Barrel, if it 
hath a good large bone it may be half a Tun or a 
Thousand weight, which may give 251. Sterling oíd 
England Money. A Dubartusis a Fishof the shape 
ofa Whale, (see Note 31,) which have teeth where 
the Whale has Bone, there are some 30 or 40 foot 
long, they are call'd by some the Sea-Wolf, of them 
the Whales are afraid, and do many times run 
themselves ashore in flying from them, this is prov'd 
by the Whalers who have seen them seize upon 
them : the Blubber of the Whale will sometimes 
be half a yard thick or deep, if the Blubber be not 
fat and free, the Whale is call'd a Dry-skin; a 
Scrag-tail Whale is like another, only somewhat 
less, and his bone is not good, for it will not split, 
and it is of a mixt colour, their Blubber is as good 
for the quantity as others : I never heard of any 
Spermaceti Whales, eitñer catch'd or driven upon 
these Shores, which Sperma as they cali it (in the 
Bahama Islands) lies all over the body of these 
Whales, they have divers Teeth which may be 
about as big as a Man's wrist, which the ordinary 
Whales have not, they are very strong, fierce and 
swift, inlaid with Sinews all over their bodies. 
But to leave this Leviathan to his pastime in the 
deep, let us go a shore, and speak something of the 
nature of a Beaver, in hunting of which the In- 
dians take great pains and pleasure ; the Beaver 
hatli two sorts of Hair, one short soft and fine to 
protect him from the cold, the other long and 
thick, to receive the dirt and mire, in which they 
are often bnsie and employed, and to hinder it 


from spoiling the skin ; his teeth are of a peculiar 
contexture, fit to cut boughs and sticks, with 
which they build themselves houses, and lodgings 
of several stories and rooms, to breed their young 
ones in : for which purpose nature hath also fur- 
nish'd them with such forefeet as exactly resemble 
the feet of a Monkey, or the handsof a Man: their 
hind-feet proper for swimming, being like those of 
a Duck or Goose : As to the Castoreum or parts 
conceived to be bitten away to escape the Hunter, 
is a vulgar conceit, more owing to Juvenal and 
other poetical fancies than to any traditional truth, 
or the Etymologies of some bad Gramarians, de- 
riving Castore a castrando, whereas the proper 
Latin word is fiber, and castor, but borrowed from 
the Greek, so called quasi ya^io^, i. e. animal ven- 
tricosum, from his swaggy and prominent belly : 
the particular account of which is in Dr. Brown's 
(see Note 32,) Vulgar Errors : but to be short, the 
bladders containing the Castoreum are distinct 
from the Testicles or Stones, and are found in both 
Sexes ; with which when the Indians take any of 
them they anoint their Traps or Gins which they 
set for these Animáis, to allure and draw them 

As to the nature of Bears, their bringing forth 
their young informous and unshapen, I wholly 
refer you to Doctor Brown's said Vulgar Errors : 
the subslance of their legs is of a particular struct- 
ure, of a thick íattish ligament, very good to eatj 
and so the Indians say of their body, which is 
often their diet ; when they hunt them, they com- 


monly go two or three in company with Guns : for 
in case one shoot and miss the Bear will make 
towards them, so they shoot one after another to 
escape the danger and make their Game sure : 
But without Guns or any Weapon except a good 
Cudgel or Stick. I was one with others that have 
had very good diversión and sport with them, in 
an Orchard of Mr. John Robinson's of New- York; 
(see Note 33), where we follow'd a Bear from Tree to 
Tree, upon which he could swarm like a Cat ; and 
when he was got to his resting place, perch'd upon 
a high branch, we dispatc'd a youth after him with 
a Club to an opposite bough, who knocking his 
Paws, he comes grumbling down backwards with 
a thump upon the ground, so we after him again : 
His descending backwards is a thing particularly 
remarkable : Of which I never read any account, 
ñor know not to what defect in its structure to 
impute it: unless to the want of the iníesíinum 
ccecum, which is the fourth Gut from the Ventricle 
or Stomach, and first of the thick Guts, which by 
reason of its divers infolds and turnings seems to 
have no end, and for that reason perhaps called 
ccecum or blind Gut : which being thick may pro- 
bably detain the meat in the belly, in a descending 
posture: but these conjectures I wholly submit to 
the anatomical faculty : The Indians seems to 
have a great valué for these animáis, both íór their 
skins and carkase-sake, the one good meat, the 
pther good barter : And I may infer the same from 
a present which my acquaintance, oíd Claus the 
Judian, made me of a couple of well grown Bears 

6 121 


Cubs, two or three days before I took Shiping for 
England, he thinking I would have brought them 
along with me, which present I accepted with a 
great deal of Ceremony (as we must every thing 
from their hands) and ordered my Negro boy about 
12 years oíd to tye them under the Crib by my 
Horse, and so left them to any ones acceptance 
upon my going aboard : I brought over with me a 
Grey Squirrel, a Parret and a Rockoon, the first the 
Lady Sherard (see Note 34,) had some years at 
Stapleford, the second, I left at London ; the last I 
brought along with me to Alfbrd, where one Sunday 
in Prayer time some Boys giving it Nutts, it was 
choaked with a shell : It was by nature a very 
curious cleanly Creature, never eating any thing 
but first washed it with its forefeet very caremlly : 
the Parot was a pratling familiar bird, and diverting 
company in my soHtary intervals upon our Voyage 
home. As I was talking with it upon the Quarter 
Deck, by a sudden rowling of the Ship, down drops 
Pall overboard into the Sea and cry'd out amain 
poor Pall : The Ship being almost becalm'd, a kind 
Seaman threw out a Rope, and Pall seiz'd it with 
his Beak and carne safe aboard again : This for 
my own diversión. As the Serpent was the most 
dangerous reptile in Paradise, so is the Rattle 
Snake in the Wilderness. It has its ñame from 
the configuration of its skin, which consists of 
several foldings which are all contracted dum latet 
in herba, whilst it lies on the grass, or at the root 
of some rotten Tree, from whence it often surprizes 
the unwary traveller, and in throwing himself at 



his legs : The dilating of these folds occasion a 
rattling. Wherever it penetrales or bites it certainly 
poysons : they are in their greatest vigour in July ; 
but the all-wise Providence which hath furnish'd 
every Climate with antidotes proper for their dis- 
tempers and annoyances, has afforded great plenty 
of Penny-royal or Ditany, whose leaves bruised 
are very hot and biting upon the Tongue, which 
being tied in a clift of a long stick, and held to the 
nose of a Rattle Snake, will soon kill it by the 
smell and scent thereof ; the vertues of this Plant 
are so effectual, that we read by taking of it in- 
wardly, or by outward application and by fume it 
will expelí a dead Child. And the juice of it ap- 
plied to wounds made by Sword, or the biting of 
venomous creatures is a present remedy : but be- 
sides this, I shall speak of another way of drawing 
out the poyson of these Creatures, which is by 
sucking of it out with their mouths, which one 
Indian will do for another, or for any Christian so 
poyson'd: A rare example of puré humanity, even 
equal to that of the Lady Elenor, the Wife of 
King Edward the first, who when her Husband 
had three wounds given hirn with the poysoned 
Knife of Anzazim the Saracen, two in the Arm 
and one near the Arm-pit, which by reason of the 
envenom'd blade were fear'd to be mortal, and 
when no Medicine could extract the poyson, his 
Lady did it with her Tongue, licking dayly while 
her Husband slept, his rankling wounds, whereby 
they perfectly clos'd, and yet her self receiv'd no 
harm, so sovereign a medicine is a good Tongue, 


beyond the attractive power of Cupping Glasses 
and Cauteries. It were to be wish'd that where 
Penny-royal or Dittany is scarce or unknown, that 
every Country family understood the vertue of 
Rué or Herb-a-grace, which is held as a preserva- 
tive against infectious Diseases, and cures the 
biting of a mad Dog or other venom, which would 
be no invasión upon, or striving with the dispens- 
atory of Pestal and Mortar, Still and Furnace ; 
which legal faculties and professions being esta- 
blished and encourag'd by the wise constitutions 
of Governments, should not be interlop'd and un- 
dermin'd by persons of any other faculties, who 
are too apt to add temporal Pluralities to their 
spiritual Cures. Indeed it is a duty owing to hu- 
man nature, to administer to and assist any one 
tu forma pauperis, but to take a fee a reward or 
gratuity from a Naaman or a person able to employ 
the proper faculty, is to act the Gehazi, and not 
the Prophet Elisha; Miles equis, piscator aquis, an 
hammer for the Smith, an Homer for the School, 
let the Shooe-maker mind his Boot, and the Fish- 
erman his Boat, the Divine his Sermón, and the 
Doctor his Salmón. This digression I hope will 
be taken as it's written with an impartial deference 
to both professions: for as we are taught from 
Jesús the Son of Sirach, to honor the physician for 
his skill, and the Apothecary for his confections, 
Ecclesiasticus chap. 38. 1. 8. so we are taught 
from a greatér than he, to honor and reveré the 
Doctors of souls, the holy Jesús the Son of God, for 
their Spiritual Cures and Dispensatories : But to 


return to the Indians, they have Doctors amongst 
them, whom they cali Me-ta-ovv, (see Note 35,) to 
whom every one gives something for there Cure, 
but if they die nothing at all, and indeed their 
skill in simples costs them nothing, their general 
remedy for all diseases is their sweating : Which 
is thus: when they find themselves any ways in- 
disposed, they make a small Wigwam or House, 
nigh a River-side, out oí which in the extremity 
of the Sweat they plunge themselves into the Wa- 
ter ; about which I discoursed with one of their 
Me-ta-ows, and told him of the European way of 
Sweating in Beds, and rubbing our bodies with 
warm cloths: to which he answered he thought 
theirs the more eífectual way : because the water 
does immediately stop all the passages (as he call'd 
the Pores) and at the same time wash off the ex- 
crementitious remainder of the Sweat, which he 
thought could not be so clearly done by friction or 
rubbing; which practice I leave to the consider- 
ation or rather diversión of the Physicians and 
their Balneo's: but this experiment prov'd Epi- 
demical in Small-Pox, by hindering them from 
coming out. As to their way of living, it's very 
rudely and rovingly, shifting from place to place, 
according to their exigencies, and gains of fishing 
and fowling and hunting, never confining their 
rambling humors to any settled Mansions. Their 
Houses which they cali Wigwams are as so many 
Tents or Booths covered with the barks of Trees, 
in the midst of which they have their fires, about 
which they sit in the day time, and lie in the 


nights ; they are so Saturnine that they love ex- 
tremes either to sit still or to be in robustous mo- 
tions, spending their time in drowsie eonferences, 
being naturally unenclin'd to any but lusory pas- 
times and exercises ; their Diet in general is raw 
Flesh, Fish, Herbs, and Roots or such as the Ele- 
ments produce without the concoction of the fire 
to prepare it for their Stomachs ; so their Horses 
are of a hardy temperament, patient of hunger and 
cold, and in the sharp winter, when the ground is 
cover'd with Snow, nourish themselves with the 
barks of Trees, and such average and herbage as 
they can find at the bottom of the Snow: But now 
I am speaking of Horses, I never could be inform'd 
ñor ever did see an Indian to have been on Horse- 
back : Of which there are great ranges runing wild 
in the Woods, to which they pretend no right : but 
leave them to the Dutch and English Chevaliers to 
tame and manage ; for which I often wondered there 
were not cheif Rangers, and a Charla de Foresta 
to regúlate such Games. When they travel by 
water, they have small Boats, which they cali 
Canoes, made of the barks of Trees, so very nar- 
row, that two can neither sit ñor stand a breast, 
and those they row with long paddles, and that so 
swiftly, that they' 11 skim away from a Boat with 
four Oars, I have taken a particular pleasure in 
plying these paddles, standing upright and steddy, 
which is their usual posture for dispatch : In which 
they bring Oysters and other fish for the Market : 
they are so light and portable that a Man and his 
Squavv will take them upon their Sholders and 


carry them by Land frora one River to another, 
with a wonderftd expedition; they will venture 
with them in a dangerous Current, even through 
Hell-gate it self, which lies in an arm of the Sea, 
about ten miles from New- York Eastward to 
New-England, as dangerous and as unaccountable 
as the Norway Whirl-pool or Maelstrom : in this 
Hell-gate which is a narrow passage. runneth a 
rapid violent Stream both upon Flood and Ebb; 
and in the middle lieth some Islands of Rocks, 
upon which the Current sets so violently, that it 
threatens present Shipwrack ; and upon the Flood 
is a large whirlpool, which sends forth a continual 
hedious roaring; it is a place of great defence 
against an Enemy coming that way, which a 
small Fortification would absolutely prevent, by 
forcing them to come in at the west-end of Long- 
Island by Sandy-Hook, where Nutten-Island would 
forcé them within the command of the Fort of 
New- York, which is one of the strongest and best 
situated Garrisons in the North parts of America, 
and was never taken but once through the default 
of one Captain Manning, who in absence of the Go- 
vernour suffered the Dutch to take it; for which he 
was condemned to an Exile to a small Island from 
his ñame, call'd Manning's Island, where I have 
been several times with the said Captain, whose 
entertainment was commonly a Bowl of Rum- 
Punch. (See Note 36.) In deep Snows the Indians 
with broad Shoos much in the shap of the round 
part of our Rackets which we use at Tennis : will 
travel without sinking in the least ; at other times 



their common ordinary Shooes are parts of raw 
Beasts-skins tied aoout their feet : when they tra- 
vel, for directing others who follow them, they lay 
sticks across, or leave some certain mark on Trees. 
Now I am speaking of the Iridian Shooes, I cannot 
forbear acquainting the Reader that I seldom or 
never observ'd the Dutch Women wear any thing 
but Slippers at home and abroad, which often re- 
minded me of what I read in Dr. Hamond (see Note 
37,) upon the 6th of Ephesiaus, N. B. that the iEgypt- 
ian Virgins were not permitted to wear Shooes, i. e. 
not ready to go abroad: like the custom among 
the Hebrews, whose women were caJPd óixoeig, 
domi 'portee, and oixapaaai home-setters and oixapixai 
house bearers, the Healhen painted before the mo- 
dest women's doors Venus sitting upon a Snail, 
quee domi porta vocatur, called a House bearer, to 
teach them to stay at home, and to carry their 
Houses about with them. So the Virgins were 
called by the Hebrews Gnalnmoth, absconditce, 
hid, and the places of their abodes tsapd^vavai, 
cellce Virginales, Virgins Cells. Contrary to these 
are Whores Pro. 7. II. her feet abide not in her 
house, therefore the Chaldees cali her Niphcalli- 
hara going abroad, and an Harlot the Daughter 
of an Harlot, egredientem filiam egredientis, a goer 
forth, the Daughter of a goer forth ; and when 
Dinah went out to see the Daughters of the Land, 
and was ravish'd by Sichem : Simeón and Levi 
cry out, should he deal with our Sister as with an 
Harlot, which the Targum renders, an sicut exe- 
untem foras : They have another custom diífering 


from other Nations. They feast freely and mer- 
rily at the Funeral of any Friend, to which I have 
been often invited and sometimes a Guest, a cus- 
tom derived from the Gentiles to the latter Jews, 
according to which says Josephus of Archelaus, 
he mourned seven days for his Father, and made 
a sumptuous Funeral Feast for the multitude, and 
he adds that this custom was the impoverishing 
of many Families among the Jews, and that upon 
necessity, for if a Man ornitted it, he was accounted 
no pious Man. The Dutch eat and drink very 
plentifully at these Feasts; but I do not remember 
any Musick or Minstrels, or monumentarii cho- 
raulce mentioned by Apuleius, or any of the Musick 
mentioned by O vid defastis. 

Cantabis mcestis tibia funeribus. 
So that perhaps it may be in imitation of David's 
example, who as soon as his child was dead, 
wash'd and anointed himself and ate his bread as 
formerly, 2 Sam. 12. 20. In all these Feasts I 
observ'd they sit Men and Women intermixt, and 
not as our English do Women and Men by them- 
selves apart. (See Note 38.) 

Of the Iadians Marriages and Burials. 

When an Indian has a mind to a woman (ask- 
ing the consent of Parents) he gives her so many 
Fathom of Wampam according to his ability, then 
his betrothed covers her face for the whole year 
before she is married, which put me in mind of 
Rebekah, who took a veil and covered her self 


when she raet Isaac, Gen. 24. 65. which veil (saith 
Tertullian de velandis virginibus) was a token of her 
modesty and subjection. The Husband doth not 
lie with his Squaw or Wife, whilst the Child has 
done Sucking, which is commonly two years, for 
they say the Milk will not be good if they get 
Children so fast. They bury their friends sitting 
upon their heels as they usually sit, and they put 
into their graves with them a Kettle, a Bow and 
Arrows, and a Notas or Purse of Wampam ; they 
fancy that after their death they go to the South : 
ward, and so they take their necessaries along 
with them ; or perhaps like the uncircumcis'd in 
Ezek. 32. 27. who went down to the Grave with 
Weapons of War, and laid their Swords under 
their heads, the ensigns of Valor and Honor : as 
tho they would carry their strength to the grave 
with them, contrary to that of the Apostle, it is 
sown a weak body, 1 Cor. 15. They mourn over 
their dead commonly two or three days before 
they bury them: they fence and stockado their 
graves about, visiting them once a year, dressing 
the weeds from them, many times they plant a 
certain Tree by their Graves which keeps green 
all the year: They all believe they shall live as 
they do now, and think they shall marry, but must 
not work as they do here; they hold their Soul or 
Spirit to be the breath of Man : They have a Tra- 
dition amongst them that about five hundred years 
agoe, a Man calPd (Wach que ow) carne down 
from above, upon a BarrePs-head, let down by a 
Rope, and lived amongst them sixty years, who 


told thern he carne from an happy place, where 
there were many of their Nations, and so he left 
them. And they have another Tradition of one 
Meco Nish, who had lain as dead sixteen days, all 
which time he was unburied, because he had a 
little warmth about his breast, and after sixteen 
days he lived again, in which interval he told 
them he had been in a fine place where he saw 
all that had been dead. Such Traditions as these 
ought to be lookt upon by the Professors of Chris- 
tianity, as the Epileptick half moon Doctrine of 
that grand Enthusiast Mahomet, beyond whose 
Tomb hanging in the air his Superstitious Arabians 
are not able to lift their minds to the Kingdom of 
Heaven : So that the Mahometans Tomb and the 
Indians Tub may stand upon the same bottom, as 
to their Credit and Tradition : and the Indians 
after their rising again to the Southward shall 
Marry, Eat and Drink, may plead as fair for them 
as the Mahometans earthly Paradise of Virgins 
with fairer and larger eyes trian ever they beheld 
in this world, and such like sensual enjoyments, 
which its even a shame to mention : or the Jews 
worldly Messiah, who ought all to be the dayly 
objects of our Christian prayers and endeavours for 
their Conversión, that they may believe and obtain a 
better Resurrection, even the Necumah (see Note 
39,) the day of Consolation, when we shall be so 
wonderfully changed as to be fit Companions for 
Angels, and reign with our Saviour in his Glory, 
who only hath the words of eternal Ufe. In order 
to which I shall endeavour to oífer some proposals 


in a Second Part, de propaganda Jide ; and so con- 
clude this with some mixt occasional observations, 
with all due respects to some modern Criticks : 
Whether Adam or Eve sewed their fig-leave to- 
gether with needle and thread is not my business 
to be so nice as rem istam acu tangere : But this I 
am well inform'd of, That the Indians, make 
thread of Nettles pilPd when full ripe, puré white 
and fine, and likewise another sort of brownish 
thread of a small weed almost like a Willow, which 
grows in the Wood, about three foothigh, which is 
called Indian Hemp, of which they likewise make 
Ropes and bring them to sell, which wears as strong 
as our Hemp, only it wont endure wet so well, of 
this they make their Baggs, Purses or Sacks which 
they cali Notas, which word signifies a Belly, (see 
Note 40,) and so they cali any thing that's hol- 
low to carry any thing. Their work is weaving 
with their fingers, they twist all their thread upon 
their Thighs, with the palm of their hands, they 
interweave their Porcupine quills into their baggs, 
their Needles they make of fishes or small beast 
bones, and before the Christians carne amongst 
them, they had Needles of Wood, for which Nut- 
wood was esteemed best, called Um-be-re-mak- 
qm, their Axes and Knives they made of white 
Flint-stones ; and with a Flint they will cut down 
any tree as soon as a carpenter with a Hatchet, 
which experiment was tried of late years by one 
Mr. Crabb of Alford in Lincolnshire, for a consider- 
able wager, who cut down a large Tree with a flint, 
handled the Indian way, with an unexpected art 


and quickness. TheymaketheirCandlesof thesame 
wood that the Masts oí" Ships are made of, which 
they cali Woss-ra-neck. (See Note 41.) Thus far oí 
the Indians, in this first part, which were part of my 
own personal observations, and other good inform- 
ations frorn one Claus an Indian, otherwise called 
Nicholas by the English, but Claus by the Dutch, 
with whom I was much acquainted, and likewise 
from one Mr. John Edsal the constant Interpreter 
betwixt the Governor and the Indians, and all 
others upon all important affairs, who was my in- 
tímate acquaintance, and his Son my Scholar and 
Servant, whose own hand-writing is in many of 
my Memorials : One thing I had almost forgot, i. 
e. when the Indians look one another's Heads 
they eat the Lice and say they are wholesome, 
never throwing any away or killing them : In a 
word as they have a great many manly instincts 
of nature, so I observed them very civil and re- 
spectful both in theirbehaviour and entertainment; 
I cannot say that ever I met any company of them, 
which I frequently did in my walks out of the 
Town, but they would bow both Head and Knee, 
saying here comes the Sacka-maken, Kakin-do- 
ivet, i. e. the Governours Minister, whom I always 
saluted again with all due ceremony. They are 
faith-guides in the woods in times of Peace, and 
as dangerous enemies in times of War. Their 
way of fighting is upon Swamps, i. e. Bogs and 
Quagmires, in sculking Ambushes, beyond Trees 
and in Thickets, and never in a body. When they 
intend War they paint their faces black, but *red 



is the sun-shine of Peace. There are several Na- 
tions which may be more properly called Tribes 

Rockoway npon the South of Jamaica upon 
Long-Island, the l. 

Sea-qua-ta-eg, to the South of Huntingdon, the 2. 

Unckah-chau-ge, Brooke-haven, the 3. 

Se-tauck, Seatauchet North, the 4. 

Ocqua-baug, South-hold to the North, the 5. 

Shin-na-cock, Southampton, the greatest Tribe, 
the 6. 

Mun-tauck, to the Eastward of East-Hampton, 
the 7. 

All these are Long-Island Indians. (See Note 

The Tribes which are Friends. 

Top-paun, the greatest, which consists of an 
hundred and fifty fighting young Men. It's call'd 
the greatest because they have the greatest Sachim 
or Sacka-maker, i. e. King, whose ñame is Maim- 

The Second is Ma-nissing, which lies westward 
from Top-paun, two days Journey ; it consists of 
three hundred fighting Men, the Sacka-makers 
ñame is called Taum-ma-hau-Quauk. 

The Third, Wee-quoss-cah-chau. i. e. Westches- 
ter Indians, which consists of seventy fighting 
Men, the Sacka-makers ñame is Wase-sa-kin-now. 

The Fourth, Na-ussin, or Neversinks, a Tribe of 
very few, the Sacka-makers ñame is Onz-zeech. 


May the lover of Souls bring these scattered 
desert people home to his own Flock. 

To return from the Wilderness into New-York, 
a place of as sweet and agreeable air as ever I 
breathed in, and the Inhabitants, both English and 
Dutch very civil and courteous as I may speak by 
experience, amongst whom I have often wished 
my self and Family, to whose tables I was fre- 
quently invited, and always concluded with a 
generous bottle of Madera. I cannot say I ob- 
served any swearing or quarrelling, but what was 
easily reconciled and recanted by a mild rebuke, 
except once betwixt two Dutch Boors (whose 
usual oath is Sacrament) which abateing the 
abusive language, was no unpleasant Scene. As 
soon as they met (which was after they had 
alarm'd the neighbourhood) they seized each 
other's hair with their forefeet, and down they 
went to the Sod, their Vrows and Families crying 
out because they could not part them, which fray 
happening against my Chamber window, I called 
up one of my acquaintance, and ordered him to 
fetch a kit full of water and discharge it at them, 
which immediately cool'd their courage, and 
loosed their grapples : so we used to part our Mas- 
titis in England. In the same City of New-York 
where I was Minister to the English, there were 
two other Ministers or Domines as they were 
called there, the one a Lutheran a Germán or 
High-Dutch, the other a Calvinist an Hollander 
or Low-Dutchman, who behav'd themselves one 
towards another so shily and uncharitably as if 


Luther and Calvin had bequeathed and entailed 
their virulent and bigotted Spirits upon thera and 
their heirs forever They had not visited or spoken 
to each other with any respect for six years to- 
gether before my being there, with whom I being 
much acquainted, I invited them both with their 
Vrovvs to a Supper one night unknown to each 
other, with an obligation, that they should not 
speak one Dntch, under the penalty of a 
Bottle of Medera, alledging I was so imperfect in 
that Language that we could not manage a socia- 
ble discourse, so accordingly they carne, and at 
the first interview they stood so appaled as if the 
Ghosts of Luther and Calvin had snfFered a trans- 
migration, but the amaze soon went oíF with a 
salve tu quoque, and a Bottle of Wine, of which the 
Calvinist Domine was a trae Carouzer, and so we 
continued our Mensalia the whole meeting in 
Latine, which they both spoke so fluently and 
promptly that I blush'd at my self with a passion- 
ate regret, that I could not keep pace with them ; 
and at the same time could not forbear reflecting 
upon our English Schools and Universities (who 
indeed write Latine Elegantly) but speak it, as if 
they were confined to Mood and Figure, Forms, 
and Phrasés, whereas it should be their common 
talk in their Seats and Halls, as well as in their 
School Disputations, and Themes. This with all 
deference to these repositories of Learning. As to 
the Dutch Language in which I was but a smat- 
terer, I think it lofty, majestic and emphatical, 
especially the Germán or High-Dutch, which as 


far as I understand it is very expressive in the 
Scriptures, and so underived that it may take place 
next the Oriental Languages, and the Septuagint : 
The ñame of the Calvinist was Newenhouse, (see 
Note 43), of the Lutheran Bernhardus Frazius, who 
was of a Gentile Personage, and a very agreeable 
behaviour in conversation , I seldom knew of any 
Law-suits, for indeed Attorneys were denyed the 
liberty of pleading : The English observed one 
anniversary custom, and that without superstition, 
I mean the strenarum commercium, as Suetonius calis 
them, a neighbourly commerce of presents every 
New-Years day. 

Toíus ab auspicio, ne foreí annus iners. O vid. 

Some would send me a Sugar-loaf, some a pair 
of Gloves, some a Bottle or two of Wine. In a 
word, the English Merchants and Factors (whose 
ñames are at the beginning) were very unanimous 
and obliging. There was one person of Quality, by 
ñame Mr. Russel, (see Note 44,) younger brother to 
the late Lord Russel, a gentleman of a comely Per- 
sonage, and very obliging, to whose lodgings I was 
often welcome : But I suppose his Fortune was that 
of a younger Brother according to Henry the VIH's. 
Constitution, who abolished and repealed the Ga- 
velkind custom, whereby the Lands of the Father 
were equally divided among all his Sons, so that 
ever since the Cadets or younger Sons of the Eng- 
lish Nobility and Gentry, have only that of the 
Poet to bear up their Spirits. 


Sum pauper, non culpa mea est, sed culpa pareníum 
Qui mefratre meo non genuere prius. 

In my rude English rhiming thus. 
I'm poor (my dad) but that's no fault of mine, 
If any fault there be, the fault is thine, 
Becanse thou did'st not give us Gavelkine. 
The Dutch in New-York observe this custom, an 
instance of which I remember in one Frederick Phi- 
lips (see Note 45,) the richest Miin Heer in that 
place, who was said to have whole Hogsheads of 
Indian Money or Wampam, who having one Son 
and Daughter, I was admiring what a heap of 
Wealth the Son would enjoy, to which a Dutch 
Man replied, that the Daughter must go halves, for 
so was the manner amongst them, they standing 
more upon Nature than Ñames ; that as the root 
communicates it self to all its branches, so should 
the Parent to all his off-spring which are the Olive 
branches round about his Table. And if the case 
be so, the minors and infantry of the best Families 
might wish they had been born in Kent, rather 
than in such a Christendom as entails upon them 
their eider Brother's oíd Cloths, or some superan- 
nuated incumber'd reversión, but to invite both 
eider and younger Brothers to this sweet Climate 
of New-York, when they arrive there, if they are 
enclined to settle a Plantation, they may purchase 
a tract of ground at a very small rate, in my time 
at two-pence or three-pence the Acre, for which 
they have a good Patent or Deed from the Go- 
vernor. Indeed its all full of Wood, which as it 


wiH require some years before it be fit for use, so 
the burning of it does manure and meliorate the 
Soil ; if they be for Merchandice, they pay for 
their freedom in New-York but fix Bevers or an 
equivalent in Money, i. e. three pounds twelve 
shillings, and seventeen shillings Fees : And 
Goods that are brought over commonly return 
cent, per cent. i. e. a hundred pounds laid out in 
London will commonly yield or aíford 200 pounds 
there. Fifty per cent, is looked upon as an indif- 
ferent advance, the species of payment and cerdit 
or trust is sometimes hazardous, and the Commo- 
dities of that Country will yield very near as much 
imported into England, for three and forty pounds 
laid out in Bever and other Furrs, when I carne 
away, I received about four-score in London ; 
indeed the Custom upon the skins is high, which 
perhaps might raise it to eight and forty pounds, 
or fifty ; as for what I had occasion, some things 
were reasonable, some dear. I paid for two load 
of Oats in the straw 18 shillings to one Mr. Henry 
Dyer : to the same for a load of Pease-straw six 
shillings: paid to Thomas Davis for shooing my 
Horse three shillings, for in that place Horses are 
seldom, some not shod at all, their Hoofs by run- 
ning in the woods so long before they are backed 
are like Flints : Paid to Derick, i. e. Richard Se- 
cah's Son for a load of Hay twelve shillings : Paid 
to Denys Fisher's Son a Carpenter, for two days 
work in the Stable eight shillings : for a Curry 
Comb and Horse-brush four shillings : to Jonathan 
the Barber 1/. 4s. the year : to the Shoo-maker for 


a pair of Boots and Shooes 1/. 5s. to the Washer- 
woman or Laundress l/. 5s. 6d. the Year. So all 
Commodities and Trades are dearer or cheaper 
according to the plenty of importation from Eng- 
land and other parts : The City of New- York in 
my time was as large as some Market Towns with 
us, all built the London way; the Garrison side of 
a high situation and a pleasant Prospect, the Island 
it stands on all a level and Champain ; the diver- 
sión especially in the Winter season used by the 
Dutch is aurigation, i. e. riding about in Wagons 
which is allowed by Physicians to be a very 
healthful exercise by Land. And upon the Ice its 
admirable to see Men and Women as it were flying 
upon their Skates from place to place, (see Note 46), 
with Markets upon their Heads and Backs. In a 
word, ifs a place so every way inviting that our 
English Gentry, Merchants and Clergy (especially 
such as have the natural Stamina of a consumptive 
propagation in them ; or an Hypocondriacal Con- 
sumption) would flock thither for self preservation. 
This I have all the reason to affirm, and believe 
from the benign eíFectual influence it had upon 
my own constitution ; but oh the passage, the 
passage thither, hic labor, hoc opus est : there is the 
timorous objection: the Ship may founder by 
springing a Leak, be wreckt by a Storm or taken 
by a Pickeroon : which are plausible pleas to flesh 
and blood, but if we would examine the bilis of 
mortality and compare the several accidents and 
diseases by the Land, we should find them almost 
a hundred for one to what happens by Sea, which 


deserves a particular Essay, and if we will believe 
the ingenious Dr. Carr in his Epistolce Medicinales, 
there is an Emetick Vomiíory vertue in the Sea- 
water it self, which by the motion of the Ship 
operates upon the Stomach and ejects whatever is 
orTensive, and so extimulates and provokes or re- 
covers the appetite, which is the chiefest defect in 
such Constitutions : and besides, there is a daily 
curiosity in conté mplating the wonders of the 
Deep, as to see a Whale wallowing and spouting 
cataracts of Water, to see the Dolphin that hiero- 
glyphick of celerity leaping above water in chase 
of the flying fish, which I have sometimes tasted 
of as they flew aboard, where they immediately 
expire out of their Element ; and now and then to 
hale upthat Canibal of the Sea, I mean the Shark, 
by the bate of a large gobbet of Beef or Pork; who 
makes the Deck shake again by his flapping vio- 
lence, and opens his devouring mouth with double 
rows of teeth, in shape like a Skate or Fiare as we 
cali them in Cambridge ; of which dreadful fish I 
have often made a meal at Sea, but indeed it was 
for want of other Provisions. When I carne for Eng- 
land in a Quaker' s Ship, whose Master's ñame was 
Heathcot; (see Note 47,) who, when he had his 
plum Broths, I and the rest were glad of what Pro- 
vidence sent us from day to day, our water and other 
Provisions, which he told us upon going aboard were 
fresh and newly taken in, were before we arrived 
in England so oíd and nauseous that we held our 
noses when we used them, and had it not been for 
a kind Rundlet of Medera Wine, which the Go- 


vernor's Lady presented me with, it had gone 
worse : but such a passage may not happen once 
in a hundred times ; for as I went from England 
to New- York, I faired very plentifully both with 
fresh and season'd meat, & good drink, Sheep 
killed according to our occasion, and likewise 
Poultry coop'd up and corn'd and cram'd, which 
made the common Sea men so long for a novelty, 
that as I went down betwixt Decks I observ'd two 
Terpaulins tossing something in a Blanket, and 
being very inquisitive they told me they were 
roasting a Cockerill, which was by putting a red- 
hot Bullet into it after it was trust, which would 
fetch all the Feathers off and roast well enough 
for their Stomachs, at which I smiling went again 
above-deck, and made it a publick and pardonable 
diversión ; but as to the Sharks, as our Ship was 
one day becalm'd, and four of our Seamen íor di- 
versión Swimming about the Vessel, we on board 
espied two or three oí them making towards their 
prey, we all shouted and made what noise we 
could, and scared them (tho with much ado) from 
seizing the Men, whilst we drew them up by ropes 
cast out ; when they are sure of their prey they 
turn themselves upon their backs & strike their 
Prey, but in case a Man has the courage to face 
them in swimming they make away, so awful is 
the aspect of that noble animal Man : but suppose 
his Courage or his Strength fails him, and he be- 
comes a prey to any of the watry host, what dif- 
ference betwixt being eaten by fish or by worms 
at the Christian Resurrection, when the Sea must 


give up its Dead, and our scattered parts be recol- 
lected into the same form again ; but to conclude 
all with an Apophthegm of the Lord Bacon's, viz. 
1 One was saying that his Great-Grand-father 
' Grand-father and Father died at Sea. Said an- 
1 other that heard him, and as I were you, I would 
1 never come to Sea ; why saith he, where did 
' your Great-Grand-father and Ancestors die ? he 
' answered where but in their Beds, saith the 
1 other, and I were as you I would never go to Bed. 
But for all this I durst venture a knap in a Cabbin 
at ' Sea, or in a Hammock in the Woods. So 
Reader a good Night. 

Opere in tanto fas est obrepere somnum. 



Note 1, page 21. 

The good ship Blossom belonged to Charlestown, Mass., and was one of the 
"regular traders " of those days. We find that Sir Robert Carr returned to 
England from New York in 1667, in a vessel commanded by Captain Martin. 
Shortly after her arrival at New York with Gov. Andros, Robert Swet her 
boatswain ran away, and a " hue and cry" was sent after bim from tbe office 
of the Provincial Secretary to Long Island and " The Maine." The Blossom 
cleared from New York for England on the 14th October, 1678, with the follow- 
ing passengers: Edward Grifñth, John Déla val, Abram Depeyster, Jacques 
Guyon, Thomas Mollineux, Mrs. Mary Vervangher, Mrs. Francés Lowden, 
Mrs. Charity Clarke, Mrs. Rachel Whitthill her sister, Barent Reinderts, wife 
and five children, and Levynus Van Schaick ; and carried back the governor's 
despatches. We lose sight of the good vessel now until the 6th of July, 1681, 
when she again arrived in New York, from which port she cleared for the Me- 
deiras on the lst of September folio wing, still under the command of Capt. 
Richard Martin. On the 28th September, 1683, she cleared for Boston from 
New York; arrived at Amboy, N. J., from England, on the 15th February, 
1684-5, and cleared at New York for Barbadoes on the 6th of June, 1685. From 
1691 to 1701 we find the " pinke" Blossom a regular trader between the island 
of Barbadoes and New York, but under another commander. — N. Y. State Rec. 

Note 2, page 21. 

Sir Edmund Andros, Knight, Seigneur of Sausmarez, was born in London 6th 
December, 1637. His ancestors were from Northamptonshire. John Andros, 
the first of them connected with Guernsey, was Lieutenant to Sir Peter Meautis, 
the Governor, and married, in 1543, Judith de Sausmarez, the heiress, who 
brought the fief Sausmarez into the family. Their son, John, became a King's 
ward, in the custody of Sir Leonard Chamberlain, the Governor, during a long 
minority, and appears as a Jurat of the Royal court at the coming of the Royal 
Commissioners in 1582. The grandson, Thomas, also a Jurat, was Lieutenant- 
Governor, under Lord Carew, in 161 1. He married Elizabeth, daughter of Amice 
de Carteret, Seigneur of Winsby Manor in Jersey, and Lieutenant- Governor 
and Bailiffof Guernsey, and had many children. Amice, father of Sir Edmund, 

9 145 

66 NOTES. 

was the eldest son, and married Elizabeth Stone, sister of Sir Robert Stone, 
Knight, Cupbearer to the Queen of Bohemia, and captain of a troop of horse in 
Holland ; he was Master of the Ceremonies to King Charles the First when his 
son Edmund was born, who was brought up from a boy in the Royal faraily, 
and in its exile commenced his career of arms in Holland, under Prince Henry 
of Nassau. Upon the restoration of Charles the Second in 1 660, the inhabitants 
of Guernsey thought it right to petition for pardon for having submitted to 
Crómwell. On the 13th August, an Order in Council was issued granting said 
pardon, but declaring, at the same time, that Amice Andros of Sausmarez, 
Bailiff of said Island, Edmund his son, and Charles, brother of Amice, had, to 
their great credit during the late Rebellion, continued inviolably faithful to his 
Majesty, and consequently, have no need of being comprised in the general 
pardon. To reward his loyalty, Edmund was made Gentleman in Ordinary to 
Elizabeth Stuart, Queen of Bohemia, the King's aunt, noted for the vicissitudes 
of her life, and as having given an heirto the Houseof Hanover; her daughter, 
Princess Sophia, being the mother of George the First. He subsequently dis- 
tinguished himself in the war waged by Charles the Second against the Dutch, 
and which ended in 1667. He married in 1671, Mary, daughter of Sir Thomas 
Craven, a sister of Sir W. Craven, of Appletreewick in Yorkshire, and of Combe 
Abbey in Warwickshire, Knight, heir in reversión to the Barony of Craven of 
Hampsted Marshall. On 2d April, 1672, a regiment of dragoons, raised for the 
King's cousin, Prince Rupert, was directed to be armed "with the bayonet or 
great knife ;" this being its first introduction into the English army. Major 
Andros was promoted to this regiment, and the four Barbadoes companies then 
under his command, were advanced to be troops of horse in it. (Origin and 
Services of the Coldstream Guaras, by Col. Mackinnon.) In the same year, the 
proprietors of the Province of Carolina, by patent in the Latin language, dated 
23d April, under their great seal and hands, and making allusion to his services 
and merits, conferred on him and his heirs the title and dignity of Landgrave, 
with four Baronies containing 48,000 acres of land at a quit-rent of a penny an 
acre. The distinction bestowed by the proprietors, honorable as it was, does 
not appear to have been otherwise beneficial, and neither he ñor his heirs, it is 
believed, at any time derived advantage from the large quantity of land an- 
nexed to the dignity. In 1674, on the death of his father, he became Seigneur 
of the Fiefs and succeeded to the office of Bailiff of Guernsey, the reversión to 
which had been granted him. The war which had recommenced with the 
Dutch having terminated, his regiment was disbanded, and he was commis- 
sioned by the King to receive New York and its dependencies, pursuant to the 
treaty of peace, and constituted Governor of that Province. He arrived in this 
country, accompanied by his wife, on the lst of November, 1674, and entered 
on the government on the lOth of that month. He returned to England in 
November, 1677, and was Knighted by Charles the Second in 1678, when he 
resumed his government, the affaírs of which he continued to administer until 



January, 1681 (N. S), when he repaired, by order, to England, and in 1682 was 
sworn Gentleman of the King's Privy Chamber. In the following year, the 
Island of Alderney was granted to him and Lady Mary Andros, for ninety-nine 
years, at a rent of thirteen shillings, and in 1685 he was made Colonel of her 
Royal Highness Princess Anne of Denmark's regiment of horse. In 1686, James 
the Second appointed him Governor, Captain-General and Vice-Admiral of 
Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Maine, New Plymouth and certain dependent 
territorios, and soon afterwards, in addition, of Rhode Island and of Connecti- 
cut, comprehending the whole of New England. He arrived at Nantasket in 
the Kingfísher, 50, on the 19th December, 1686, and was received, a few days 
after, in Boston " with great acclamation of joy." (Cambridge Almanac, 1687.) 
On the 7th April, 1688, New York and New Jersey were placed under his 
jurisdiction. In the month of September following, he held a Treaty with the 
Five Nations of Indians at Albany, and a few weeks after returned to Boston, 
where he had the misfortnne to lose his wife in the forepart of the following 
year. Her Ladyship was buried by torchlight, the corpse having been carried 
from the Governor's residence to the South Church, in a hearse drawn by six 
horses, attended by a suitable guard of honor. In the administration of his 
government, Sir Edmund Andros failed not to become unpopular, and on the 
18th April, 1689, shortly after the receipt of the news of the Revolution, he was 
deposed and imprisoned, and sent back to England in 1690. He continued, not- 
withstanding, in the favor of the Court, and in 1692 William the Third pre- 
ferred him to the governorship of Virginia, to which was adjoined that of 
Maryland. Governor Andros brought over to Virginia the Charter of William 
and Mary's College, of which he laid the foundation. He encouraged manu- 
factures and the cultivation of cotton in that Colony, regulated the Secre- 
tary's office, where he commanded all the public papers and records to be 
sorted and kept in order, and when the State House was burnt, had them care- 
fully preserved and again sorted and registered. By these and other com- 
mendable acts, he succeeded in gaining the esteem of the people, and in all 
likelihood would have been still more useful to the Colony had his stay been 
longer, but his administration closed in November, 1698. (Bevcrly's Virginia, 
I, 37 ; Oldmixon, I, 396-398.) In 1704, under Queen Anne, he was extraordi- 
narily distinguished by having the government of Guernsey bestowed upon 
him, which he held for two years ; he continued Bailiff until his death, and 
was empowered to appoint his Lieutenant-Bailiff, who was likewise authorized 
to ñame a deputy. Sir Edmund Andros was married three times. The second 
wife was of the family of Crispe, which, like his own, had been attached to 
the Royal house in its necessities. He closed his eventful life in the parish of 
St. Anne, Westminster, without issue, in February, 1713 (O. S.), in his 76th 
year. — N. Y. Colonial Documents, II, 740. 

Note 3, Page 21. 

William Pinhorne had been a resident of New York previous to this time, 
and this was his return voyage from England. In May, 1683, he became the pur- 
chaser of the garden previously called Lovelace's Garden-house, in Broadway, 
N. Y., for which he paid the sum of forty pounds sterling. On the grant of a 
charter to the city by Governor Dongan, Mr. Pinhorne was nanied Alderman 
for the East Ward, and was elected Speaker of the Assembly which met in 
October, 1685. On the appointment of Sloughter to the government of New 
York, Mr. Pinhorne was nanied one of his Council, and subsequently member 
of the special commission which tried and condemned Leisler. In March, 1691, 
we find him appointed Recorder of the city of New York, and on the 5th May 
following, fourth justice of the Supremo Court of the Province. He held the 
office of Recorder until September 1, 1692, when he was removed from that, 
and his place in the Council, on account of non-residence. On 22d March, 1693, 
he became secoud justice of the Supremo Court, and having returned to the 
city of New York, was restored to his seat in the Council on lOth of June_ of the 
last mentioned year. Whilst in this situation he succeeded in securing for 
himself and others, an extravagant grant of land on the Mohawk river, west of 
Fort Hunter, fifty miles long and two miles on each side the river, at the rent 
of one beaver skin for the first seven years, and five beaver skins yearly for ever 
thereafter. But Lord Bellomont having arrived in 1698, power passed into 
the hands of the Leisler party, and Mr. Pinhorne was suspended, on the 7th 
June, from his offices of judge and councillor, on a charge of having " spoke 
most scandalous and reproachful words " of the King. This was followed in 
the course of the next year by an Act vacating his extravagant grant on the 
Mohawk. He now retired to his plantation on Snake Hill, on Hackensack 
river, N. J., and was next appointed second judge of -the Supreme Court of 
that Province, of the Council of which he was also a member, and took his seat 
on the bench at Burlington in November, 1704. Here he shared all the obloquy 
which attached to his son-in-law, Chief Justice Mompesson. Lieutenant- 
Governor Ingoldesby having been removed from office; on the earnest applica- 
tion of the people, was succeeded by Mr. Pinhorne, who was at that time pre- 
sident of the Council, and who now exercised the power of commander-in-chief. 
The latter was superceded on the lOth June, 1710, by the arrival of Governor 
Hunter, and the Assembly soon after demanding his remo val from all places 
of trust in the Province, he was dismisstd in 1713. He died towards the cióse 
of 1719.^ Judge Pinhorne was married to Mary, daughter of Lieutenant-Go- 
vernor Ingoldesby, in virtue of whose will (dated31 August, 1711), she and 
her children, Mary and John, became patentees of lauds in the towns of Corn- 
wall and New Windsor, Orange county, N. Y.— N. Y. Colonial Docs., III, 716. 


Note 4, Page 21. 

James Graham was a native of Scotland, and is found a resident merchant 
of the city of New York as early as July, 1678, and a few years later, proprietor 
of lands in UIster county, Staten Island, and in New Jersey. He succeeded 
Mr. Rudyard as Attorney-General of the Province of New York, on lOth of De- 
cember, 1685, and was sworn of the Councilonthe 8th of Oetober, 1687. When 
the government of New England and New York were Consolidated by James II, 
Mr. Graham removed to Boston as Attorney-General to Andros, the odium of 
whose government he shared, and on whose downfall he was committed to 
the castle. He returned to New York in 1691, where his enemies assert that 
he insinuated lúmself into the confidenee of Leisler and his friends, so as to 
procure their interest to be chosen member of the Assembly, of which he was 
afterwards elected Speaker. He became, soon after, the mortal enemy of Leis- 
ler and Mdborne, of whose murder he is charged, by his adversarles, with 
being " the principal author." Thomas Newton, Sloughter's Attorney-General, 
having. left the Province in April, 1691, disapproving, probably, of the harsh 
measures of the government towards the state prisoners, George Farewell was 
appointed to act in his place ; but this appointment not being satisfactory to 
the Assembly, Mr. Graham became again Attorney-General in the following 
May. He was about nine years Speaker of the Assembly, i. e., from 1691-1694; 
1695-1698, and a part of 1699, when the friends of Leisler being in a majority, 
the House voted a bilí of indictment, in the shape of a remonstrance, against 
their opponents, and had the cruelty to expect their Speaker to sign it. To 
enable him to avoid this unpleasant duty, Mr. Graham was called to the Coun- 
cil in May, 1699. His public career may be said to have now closed. He 
appears to have attended the Council for the lást time, on the 29th July, 1700. 
He was superseded in Oetober, of that year, as Recorder of the city of New 
York, after having filled the office from 1683, with an interrnption of only two 
years, ánd was deprived of his office of Attorney-General on the 21st January, 
1701, but a few days before his death, which oceurred at his residence at Mor- 
risania. His will bears date 12th January, 1700-1, and is on record in the Sur- 
rogate's office, New York. He left all his property, share and share alike, to 
his children, Augustine (Surveyor-General of the Province), Isabella (wife of 
Lewis Morris, Esq.), Mary, Sarah, Margaret and John. The other members of 
the family consisted, in 1698, of one overseer, two white servants and thirty- 
three slaves.— New York Colonial Documents, IV, 847. On the 18th July, 1684, 
a license of Marriage was issued out of the Provincial Secretary's office, New 
York, for James Graham and Elizabeth Windebauke.— N. Y. Colonial MSS., 
XXXIII, pt. ii, p. 32. But whether it refers to the Attorney-General whose 
biography is now sketched, we have no means of ascertaining. 



Note 5, Page 21. 

Johx West liad been a resident of New York during Governor Andros' first 
administration, and is found acting as a lawyer there as early as 1675. In the 
following year, he received the appointment of deputy clerk of the Mayor's 
court, and clerk of the Sessions for the North and West Ridings of Yorkshire, 
and was employed in a legal capacity to assist the commission appointed to 
examine into the condition of Governor Lovelace's estáte. He seems next to 
have gone back to England, but on returning to New York, is again found en- 
joying the confidence and patronage pf the government, being employed as 
member of the Court of Admiralty at Nantucket ; justice of the peace at Pema- 
quid, &c. In 1680 he received the appointment of clerk of the Council, Secre- 
tary of the Province, clerk to the Court of Assizes, and clerk of the city of New 
York, but in 1683, he was superseded by James Spragg as Provincial secretary 
and clerk of the Court of Assizes. The latter tribunal, however, was soon 
after abolished, but Mr. West retained his city appointment and received also 
that of clerk of the Sessions. In October, 1684, he married Anne Rudyard, 
daughter of the Lieutenant-Governor of East Jersey, and in 1685 was commis- 
sioned to claim Westfield, Northampton, Deerfield and other towns on the west 
side of Connecticut river, for the Duke of York. When ¡íir Edmund Andros, 
his patrón, returned to power in 1686-7, Mr. West accompanied him to Bos- 
ton ; there he farmed from Edward Randolph the office of secretary, in which 
capacity he extorted what fees he pleased, to the great oppression of the people, 
and thus aided in rendering the government odious. On the overthrow of that 
government, West was seized and committed to the castle at Boston. Many 
of the charges against him are given in the tract entitled " The Revolution of 
New England Justified." After a protracted confinement, it appears that he 
was shi' r ped off to England in 1690. Of his subsequent career I have no know- 
ledge ; but I apprehend that he did not long survive his downfali. His widow 
afterwards became the wife of Robert Wharton. — The above details are collected 
from the N. Y. Records in the office of the Secretary of State, Albany ; By- 
Jield's Account of the late Revolution ; N. Y. Colonial Documents, III ; and 
Hutchinson's History of Massachusctts. 

Note 6, page 21. 

Peter Heylin, D. D., was born in Burford, Oxfordshire, on 29th Nov., 1599, 
and iu 1613 entered Hart Hall, Oxford ; took the degree of B. A. in 1617, and 
was chosen Fellow in 1619. Having already given a course of lectures on Cos- 
mography, he composed his Microcosmus, which was published in 1621, 4to 
{Watts); 1622 {Wood) small 4to. He received holy orders in 1623, and in 
1624-5, a second edition of his Microcosmus appeared, with augmentations and 


NOTES. 1 1 

corrections. He visited France in 1625, and on his return wrote an account of 
his journey, wliich was published some 30 years subsequent to his vi?it. In 
1627, a third edition of the Microcosmus was published. In 1629 he was nomi- 
nated one of the king's chaplains, and in 1631 made rector of Henningford, 
Huntingdonshire, and a prebend of Westminster. The year following, he ob- 
tained the rich living of Houghton in the Spring, which he changed for Ailres- 
ford, Hampshire ; in 1633 proceeded to D. D.,and in 1638, exchanged for South 
Warnborough, Hants. On the breaking out of the civil war, Dr. Heylin aban- 
doned his rectories and followed the king to Oxford, where he became one of 
the editors of the Weekly Newspaper, called the Mcrcurius Aulicus, then pub- 
lished on the royal side. In 1643, his. property was sequestered by order of 
the Parliament, and he thus lost his incomparable library. Now he was obliged 
to shift from place to place to escape his enemies, and finally settled down in 
Minster Level, where he was forced " to the earning of money by writing books." 
Here, he prepared the first folio edition of his Cosmography, which was pub- 
lished in 1652. He next removed to Abendon, in order to ha ve easier access to 
libraries, for he found it (he says) as difficult to make books without books, as 
the Israelites, to make bricks without straw. At length, atthe restoration, this 
worthy oíd loyalist was restored to his spiritualities. Though the list of Dr. 
Heylin's works is considerable, he is best known in this country by his " Cos- 
mographie." It was the last book that its author wrote with his own hand 
(in 1651), for after it was finished, his eyes failed him so that he could neither 
see to write ñor read, and was forced to employ an amanuensis. At length, 
after a life chequered by adversity and prosperity, he paid his last debt to 
nature on Ascensión day, the 8th of May, 1662, and was buried within the 
choir of St. Peter's Church, Westminster. A copy of the inscription on his 
monument is in Hist. and Antiq. Univ. Oxon., and a list of his works is in 
Wood's Athcn. Oxon. II, 183, et seq. 

Note 7, page 21. 

Richard Nicolls was the fourth son of Francis Nicolls, who is described in 
a pedigree of the family entered in the Heralds' College in 1628, as "of the 
Middle Temple, one of the Squiers of the Bath to Sir Edward Bruse, and lyeth 
buried at Ampthill, co. Bedford." His mother was Margaret, daughter of Sir 
George Bruce of Carnock, Knt., the lineal ancestor of the present Earl of Elgin, 
and younger brother of Sir Edward Bruce, the favorite servant of James I, and 
his Master of the Rolls. Richard Nicolls was born in the year 1624, probably 
at Ampthill, at which place his father was buried in the same year. Ampthill 
great park was a royal chase, the custody of which was granted, in 1613, by 
King James I, to Thomas, Lord Bruce, whose son, Robert Bruce, was created in 
1664 Viscount Bruce of Ampthill, and Earl of Aylesbury. In the seventeenth 


12 NOTES. 

century the Nicollses were for many years lessees of Ampthill Park under the 
Bruce family, and resided at the Great Lodge, or Capital Mansión, as it is 
called in the survey of 1649. Here Richard Nicolls passed his boyhood under 
the charge of his mother, who survived her husband, and remained a widow 
until her death in 1652. He had two brothers, who snrvived their father, the 
one, Edward, ten years, and the other, Francis, five years older than himseif. 
His only sister, Bruce, was thirteen years of age at the time of his birth, and 
was married shortly after to John Frecheville (son and heir apparent of Sir 
John Frecheville of Staveley, co. Derby, Knt.), who, in 1664, was created 
Barón Frecheville of Staveley. She died in 1629, without issue, at the age of 

The breaking out of the civil war in 1642 found Richard Nicolls at the uni- 
versity, where, if we can accept the testimony of the epitaph on his monument 
in Ampthill church, he acquired some distinction in his studies. He was not 
permitted, however, to pursue this career ; but in 1643, at the youthful age of 
eighteen, he was called away to take part in the civil war, which was then 
actively waging. As might be supposed from his connections, the sympathies 
and affections of Richard Nicolls were engaged on the rojal side. His mother 
was one of the family— itself connected with the royal line — which had been 
caressed and enriched by King James. His únele, Dr. William Nicolls, a dig- 
nitary of the English Church, was indebted to the favor of King Charles for his 
preferments, having been presented in 1623 to the living of Cheadle in Chester, 
by Charles, Prince oí Wales and Earl of Chester, to whom the presentation 
had fallen by lapse, and was advanced in 1644 to the Deanery of Chester. 

Richard Nicolls joined the royal forces, in which he received ihe command 
of a troop of horse. Each of his brothers commanded a company of infantry 
on the same side, and distinguished himseif by his devotion to the royal cause : 
but the favor which their services gained them was more honorable than ad- 
vantageous. They shared the exile of the royal family, and following their 
banished king in his wanderings, Edward, the eider brother, died at Paris, and 
Francis at the Hague. During the period following the death of King Charles, 
when the royal family remained in Paris, Richard Nicolls was attached to the 
service of James, Duke of York, whose attendants, as we learn from Clarendon, 
shared in a more than ordinary degree in the distresses, and also in the dis- 
order and faction which prevailed in the banished court. In the spring of 1652, 
the Duke of York obtained the permission of his brother and his council to 
join the army under the Marshal Turenne, then engaged in the war of the 
Fronde. Richard Nicolls accompanied him, and had thus an opportunity, to 
adopt the words of the Cardinal Mazarin in proposing to the queen to send her 
son to the wars, of "learning his mestier, under a general reputed equal to any 
captain in Christendom." The duke aiterwards served upon the other side 
under Don John of Austria and the Prince de Conde, and we may conjecture 
^that he was followed throughout these campaigns by Nicolls, who, on the re- 


tura of the royal faraily to their country in 1660, was appointed one of the 
gentlemen of the bedchamber to the duke. 

In 1664, war with Holland being then irnminent, the king granted to his 
brother the Duke of York, the country in North America then occupied by the 
Dutch Settlement of New Netherland. The grant to the Duke of York is dated 
the 12th of March, 1664, and it comprises Long Island, and " all the land from 
the west side of Connecticut river to the east side of Delaware bay, and the 
islands known by the ñames of Martin's Vineyard or Nantucks, otherwise 
Nantucket." Part of this tract was conveyed away by the duke to Lord Berk- 
eley of Stratton and George Carteret of Saltrum, co. Devon, by léase and re- 
léase dated the 22d and 23d of June, 1664, and received the ñame of New 
Jersey from its connection with the Carteret family. 

Letters patent were issued on the 25th of April, 1664, appointing Colonel 
Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carr, Knt., George Cartwright and Samuel 
Maverick, Esquires, Commissioners, with power for them, or any three 
or two of them, or the survivors of them, of whom Colonel Richard Nichols, 
during his Ufe, should be always one, and should have a casting vote, to visit 
all the colonies and plantations within the tract known as New England, and 
" to heare and determine all complaints and appeales in all causes and matters, 
as well military as criminal and civil, and proceed in all things for the provid- 
ing for and settleing the peace and security of the said country according to 
their good and sound discretion, and to such instructions as they or the suc- 
cessors of them have, or shall from time to time receive for us in that behalfe, 
and from time to time to certify us or our privy councel of their actjngs and 
proceedings touching the premisses." 

The instructions furnished to Colonel Nicolls respecting his proceedings with 
the Dutch, required him to reduce them to the same obedience with the king's 
subjects in those parts, without using any other violence than was necessary 
tothoseends; and if necessary, "to use such forcé as could not be avoided 
for their reduction, they having no kind of right to hold what they are in pos- 
session of in our unquestionable territories, than that they are possessed of by 
an invasión of Us." 

The expedition under Nicolls set sail from Portsmouth in June, 1664. It 
consisted of four frigates, and about 300 soldiers. Colonel Nicolls, on board 
the Guyny, arrived at Boston on the 27th July, and required assistance 
towards reducing the Dutch. The council of the town agreed to furnish 200 
men, but the object was effected by Nicolls before this forcé joined him. On 
the 20th August, his forcé being now collected at Long Island, Nicolls sum- 
moned the Dutch governor to surrender. Stuyvesant, the governor, would 
wUlingly have defended the town, but there was no disposition in the burghers 
to support him ; and a capitulation was signed on 27th by Commissioners on 
each side, and confirmed by Nicolls. In the course of the next month, Sir Ro- 


74 NOTES. 

bert Carr and Col. Cartwright reduced all the remaining Dutch settlements in 
New Netherland. 

Upon the reduction of New Amsterdam, Nicolls assumed the government of 
the province, now called New York, under the style of " Deputy-Governor 
under his royal highness the Duke of York, of all his territories in America." 
The American authorities are generally agreed that his rule, though somewhat 
arbitrary, was honest and salutary. English forms and methods of govern- 
ment were gradually introduced ; and in June, 1665, the scout, burgomasters 
and schepens of the Dutch municipality were superseded by a mayor, alder- 
men, and sheriff. His administration lasted three years, and his mode of 
proceeding is thus summed up by William Smith, the historian of New York : 
" He erected no courts of justice, but took upon himself the solé decisión of all 
controversies whatever. Complaints carne before him by petition ; upon which 
he gave a day to the parties, and after a summary hearing, pronounced judg- 
ment. His determinations were called edicts, and executed by the sheriffs he 
liad appointed. It is much to his honor, that, notwithstanding all this pleni- 
tude of power, he governed the province with integrity and moderation. A 
representation from the inhabitants of Long Island to the General Court of 
Connecticut, made about the time of the Revolution, commends him, as a man 
of an easy and benevolent disposition ; and this is the more to be relied upon, 
because the design of the writers was, by a detail of their grievances, to induce 
the colony of Connecticut to take them under its immediate protection." In a 
letter to the Duke of York, dated November, 1665, Colonel Nicolls thus ex- 
presses himself: "My endeavors have not been wanting to put the whole go- 
vernment into one frame and policy, and now the most factious republicans 
can not but acknowledge themselves fully satisfied with the way and method 
they are in." 

Nicolls returned to England in 1667, and resumed his position in the Duke 
of York's household. In 1672 war was again proclaimed against the Dutch. 
The distinction between the land and sea services was not then established , 
and several landsmen volunteered to serve in the fJeet, which was commanded 
by the Duke of York, the Earl of Sandwich, and the Count D'Estrees. Among 
these volunteers were several of the Lord High Admiral's household, and 
among the number Colonel Richard Nicolls. In the engagement which took 
place at Solebay, on the 28th of May, 1672, in which Lord Sandwich lost his 
life by the blowing up of the ship which he commanded, Colonel Nicolls, with 
Sir John Fox, the Captain of the Royal Prince, in which he sailed, and 
others of the volunteers, was also killed. His age at the time of his death was 

Colonel Nicolls left no legitímate issue, and, I believe, was never married. 
His will, dated the lst of May, 1672, on board the Royal Prince at the Nore, 
was proved by his executors in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury in the 
following June. He desires to be buried at Ampthill, and alms to be given to 



the parishes through which his funeral would pass, and a marble monument 
to be erected to his memory, with an inscription mentioning his father and 
mother, his brother William, and his brothers Edward and Francis, the one 
dead at the Hague, the other at Paris during the late usurpation ; and his exe- 
cutors might add what they pleased about his own services in America and 
elsewhere. He prays his executors to be " earnest solicitors with his Highness 
for the money due to him." 

His executors fulfilled his injunctions by erecting a white marble monument 
to his memory in the north-east córner of the chancel of Ampthill church, in 
the upper part of which the cannon ball which caused his death is enclosed, 
with the words " Instrumcntum mortis et immortalitatis.^ The inscription on 
the monument is as follows : 

M. S. 

Optimis parentibus nunc túmulo conjunctus 

Pietate semper conjunctissimus 

Hic jacet 

Richardus Nicolls Francisci Istius ex Margar. Bruce 


IUimo Jacobo Duci Ebor. a Cubiculis intimis ; 

Anno 1643, relictis musarum castris, 

Turmam equestrem contra rebelles duxit. 

Juvems strenuus atque impiger. 

Anno 1664, setate jam et scientia militan maturus, 


Septentrionalem cum imperio missus 

Longam I's'lam coeterasque Ínsulas 

Belgis expulsis vero Domino restituit, 

Provinciam arcesque munitissimas 

Heri sui titulis insignivit, 

Et triennio pro preside rexit 

Academia Literis 

Bello Virtute 

Aula Candore animi 

Magistratu Prudentia 


ubique bonis charus, sibi et negotiis par. 

28 Maii 1672 

nave prsetoria contra eosd. Belgas 

fortiter dimicans, 

ictu globi inajoris transfossus occubuit. 

tratres habuit, 

praeter Gulielmum prsecoci fato defunctum, 

Edvardum et Franciscum 

utrumque copiarum pedestrium centurionem, 

Qui foedse et servilis tyrannidis 

quae tune Angliam oppresserat impatientes, 

exilio praelato (si modo regem extorrem sequi exil : sit) 

alter Parisiis, alter Haga comitis, 

ad coelestem patriam migrárunt. 

Above are the Nicolls arms : Azure, a fess between three lions' heads or ; 
Crest, a tiger sejant.— 2 Abofes and Qucries, HI, 214 ; Nichols's Topographer and 
Genealogist, III, 539-544. 



Note 8, page 22. 

Mere discovery of a country, not followed by actual possession, confers no 
title. This principie of public law was laid down and acted upon by Elizabetb, 
Queen of England, as far back as 1580, when resistingthe exclusive pretensions 
of Spain to the New World. M As sbe did not acknowledge the Spaniards to 
ha ve any title by donation of the Bishop of Rome, so she knew no right they had 
to any places other than those they were in actual possession of ; for their having 
touched only here and there upon a coast, and given ñames to a few rivera, or 
capes, were such insignificant things as could in no ways entitle theni to a pro- 
priety, farther than in the parts where they actually settled, and continued to 
inhabit."* The right derived from the Cabots, which had not even the plea of 
"having touched here and there on a coast" to support it, thus falling to the 
ground— for what was good as against Spain for England, must be admitted 
good also against the latter for the Dutch — the only remaining title in favor of 
England to this continent rests on the colonization of Virginia. This did not 
extend farther north than the Chesapeake or James river. Actual settlement 
and continual habitation, which Queen Elizabeth laid down as necessary to 
make out a title, were, therefore, wanting to establish the English right to the 
country first discovered and now actually possessed by the Dutch. To cali 
these "intruders," was, in the words of Louis XIV, "a species of mockery;" 
they had as good a right to reclaim the American wilderness as any other Euro- 
pean power, and so long as they could show all the prerequisites insisted on 
by England in 1580 to establish a title, theirs must be considered unobjection- 
able. This view of the case is only strengthened by an examination of the 
New England patent, granted by James I to the Plymouth Company. This 
charter conveyed all the country from forty to forty-eight degrees of north lati- 
tude, with this express reservation, however : " Provided, always, that the 
said islands, or any of the said premises. hereinbefore mentioned, ... be 
not actually possessed or inhabited by any other Christian Prince or Estáte." 
The Dutch had actual possession of New Netherland many years before the 
issue of this patent, and the reservation in favor of the rights of others which 
that document contains, was a full and perfect acknowledgment of the sound- 
ness of their title.t— O' Callaghari's History of New Netherland, II, 343-4. 

* Camden, Rerum Anglicarum et Ilibernicarum Annales, rcgnante Elizabetha, 8vo. Leyden, 
1639, p. 328. '• Proscriptio sine possessione haud valeat," was the principie laid down in this 

t See Patent in Hazard, 1, 111. Consult further, " A State and Represen tation of the Bounds 
of the Province of New York against the claim of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay," &c, 
in the Journals of the New York Prov. AssemMy; also, Lettres du Conite d'Estrades, Lond. Svo. 
1748, Til, 340, for the letter of the King of France, in which he States that after examination of 
both sides of the question, the right of the Dutch to the country is, in his estimation, the best 
established— "le mieux fondé." 



Note 9, page 22. 

Sebastian Cabot, an eminent navigator, was the son of John Cabot, a 
Venetian. The place of his birth has been a subject for some difference of 
opinión ; some claiming the honor for Venice ; others, for Bristol, England. 
In 1497, when about twenty years of age, he accompanied his father in the 
voyage in which the continent of the New World was discovered. In the year 
1498, he made another voyage to this continent, which he reached somewhere 
between the 55th and 67th degrees of latitude, when he sailed south and returned 
home. About the year 1517 he sailed on another voyage of discovery, and 
went to the Brazils, and thence to Hispaniola and Porto Rico. Failing in his 
object of finding a way to the East Indies, he returned to England. Having 
been invited to Spain, where he was received in the most respectful manner 
by King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella, he made a voyage of discovery in 
April, 1525 ; visited the coast of Brazil, and entered a great river, to which he 
gave the ñame of Rio de la Plata. He sailed up this river one hundred and 
twenty leagues. After being absent on this expedition a number of years, he 
returned to Spain in the spring of 1531. He made other voyages, of which no 
particular memorials remain. His residence was at the city of Seville. His 
employment as Chief Pilot was the drawing of charts, on which he delineated 
all the new discoveries made by himself and others ; and, by his office, he 
was entrusted with the reviewing of all projects for discovery. His character 
is said to have been gentle, friendly, and social, though in his voyages some 
instances of injustice towards the natives and of severity towards his marin- 
ers, are recorded. In his advanced age he returned to England ; received 
a pensión from Edward VI, and was appointed governor of a company of mer- 
chants, associated for the purpose of making discoveries. He had a strong 
persuasión that a passage might be found to China by the northeast. By his 
means a trade was commenced with Russia, which gave rise to the Russian 
company. The last account of him is, that in 1556, when the company were 
sending out a vessel for discovery, he made a visit on board. " The good oíd 
gentleman, master Cabota," says the journal of the voyage in Hakluyt, "gave 
to the poor most liberal alms, wishiug them to pray for the good fortune and 
prosperous success of our pinnace. And then at the sign of St. Christopher, 
he and his friends banqueted, and for very joy, that he had to see the toward- 
ness of our intended discovery, he entered into the dance himself among the 
rest of the young and lusty company ; which being ended, he and his friends 
departed, most gently commending us to the governance of Almighty God." 
He died shortly afterwards, at the age of 80 years, but the place where he was 
buried is not known. He was one of the most extraordinary men of the «ge in 
which he lived. There is preserved in Hakluyt a complete set of instructions, 
drawn and signed by Cabot, for the direction of the voyage to Cathay in 



China, which affords the clearest proof of his sagacity. It is supposed that he 
was the first who noticed the variations of the magnetic needle. He published 
also a large map, which was engraved by Clement Adams, and hung up in the 
gallery at Whitehall ; and on this map was inscribed a Latin account of the 
discovery of Newfoundland. — Belknap's Amer. Biog., I, 149-158; Mass. Mag., 
II, 467-471; Hakluyt, I, 226, 268, 274; Campbell' s Admiráis, I, 419; Recs' 
Cydopedia ; Petri Martyr. De Novo Orbe, París, 1587, pp. 232, 589 ; BancrqfVs 
Hist. U. States, I, 7-14 ; 2 Notes and Queries, V, 1, 154, 193, 263, 285. 

Note 10, page 22. 
Sir John Vaughan, Kt., was born in Cardiganshire, in 1608, and educated at 
Worcester school and at Christchurch, Oxford, whence he removed to the Inner 
Temple, where he contracted an intimacy with Selden, who made him one of 
his executors. During the Rebellion, he led a retired life, but at the Restora- 
tion was elected to Parliament for Cardiganshire. In 1668, he became Chief 
Justice of the Common Pleas, and died in 1674. His reports and arguments 
were published in 1677, by his son, Edward Vaughan, Esq., in 1 vol. folio. 

Note 11, page 22. 

The precise Latitude of the City Hall, New York, is 40 deg., 42 min., 43 sec. ; 
Longitude west from Greenwich Observatory, 74 deg., 3 sec. See Map B, No. 2, 
Hudson River (lower sheet) ; accompanying Report of the U. S. Coast Survey 
during the year 1855. Washington : Nicholson. 1856. 

Note 12, page 22. 

Richard Norwood is principally famous forhaving been one of the first who 
measured a degree of the Meridian. He wrote Trignometry, or Doctrine of 
Triangles ; Fortification ; the Seaman's Practice ; Epitome and Logarithmic 
Tables ; also, Letters and Papera in the Philosophical Transactions on the Tides 
and on the Whale Fishery. 

Andrew Norwood his son had been a resident of the West Indies, and com- 
municated to the Royal Society, in 1668, " Observations in Jamaica." He 
seems to have immigrated to New York before the assumption of the govern- 
ment by Sir Edmund Andros ; for, in March, 1672, an order was issued to 
lay out two towns or townships on Staten Island, and in September follow- 
ing he received a grant of one hundred and fifty acres of land on the shore 
of Staten Island, near the present Quarantine gronnd. On the 29th of Sep- 
tember, 1676, this grant was increased by Governor Andros to three hundred 
and ninety-seven acres. In September, 1677, he received an additional grant 
of twanty-five acres, making his farm four hundred and twenty acres in all. — 
N. Y. Patents. In 1677 he was appointed snrveyor of that locality, as appears 
by the following 

NOTES. 79 

Commissionfor Mr. Andrew Norwood to be Surveyorfor Staten Island. 
By the Governor. 

These are to authorize and Appoint you Mr. Andrew Norwood to be Surveyor 
of Staten Island, where you are to Survey and lay out such Lotts or Pareéis of 
land, as you shall be employed about, of which to make due returnes accord- 
ing to Law, And in all matters relatiDg tbereunto to bebave yourselfe according 
to the duty and place of Surveyor. Given under my hand in New Yorke, this 
12th day of November, 1677. 

N. Y. Warrants, Orders, Passes, &c, 1674-1678, XXXII, 291. 

It appears that Mr. Norwood returned to, and died in, the West Indies ; for, 
I find that bis will, dated 24th of April, 1684, was adrnitted to probate in the 
island of St. Christopher. In virtue of this will, the above mentioned pro- 
perty on Staten Island, carne into the possession of his son, Henry Norwood of 
Jamaica, who sold it in 1697, to Antony Bigg of Port Royal, for the snm of 
<£300 Jamaica curreney. Biggs sold the property to John Stout of the same 
place, in 1698, for an advance of about ¿£10. — iV. Y. Decd Book, IX, 584. This 
transaction will, when compared with present prices, aflford an opportunity of 
forming an idea of the advance ih valué of real estáte on Staten Island. 

Note 13, page 22. 

Philip Wells. The earliest notice that I can find of this gentleman is in the 
year 1675, when he was authorized to receive the county rates in the absence 
of Sheriff Salisbury, who had gone to England. Henee it is inferred, that he 
carne to New York in 1674 with Governor Andros, whose " Steward " he is said 
to have been. In 1676, he was appointed receiver of the debts due to the late 
Dutch West India Company, and is next called " Commissary to the Garrison 
of Fort James at New York," in which capacity he is empowered to drawfrem 
the collector of that city such duties as that officer might receive, in order to 
support the garrison and pay other expenses of government. On the 26th Nov. , 
1680, Mr. Wells was appointed Surveyor. He became, in 1684, Surveyor- 
General of the Province and held that office until 1687. He was one of the 
commissioners who ran the boundary line between Connecticut and New York 
in 1684, and being a landed proprietor on Staten Island, is found in the com- 
mission of the peace for the county of Richmond in 1685. In 1686, he was 
appointed surveyor on the part of New York, to determine, with similar func- 
tionaries on the behalf of East and West Jersey, the most northerly branch of 
the Delaware river, and to run a line between these three provinces. No line, 
however, was actually run. The instructions to "Philip Wells, Esq., Surveyor- 
General of His Majesty's Province of New York," are in N, Y. Council Minutes, 
V. It was on the occasion of this commission, we presume, that he observed 
the declination of the magnetic needle, as mentioned by Kalm in his notice of 



New York. On quitting the office of Surveyor-General, Mr. Wells retired to 
Staten Island, where we find him residing in 1694. — N. Y. State Records. 

Note 14, page 23. 

Sib Henrt Wotton was born at Bocton Hall, Kent, and educated at Win- 
chester and Oxfprd. He subsequently became secretary to the Earl of Essex, 
but on the fall of that nobleman, retired to the continent. He returned to 
England on the accession of James I, by whom he was knighted, and sent Am- 
bassador to Venice, and several other courts. He was afterwards appointed 
Provost of Eton, took holy orders, and died in 1639. These words are engraved 
on his tomb: Hic jacet hujus sententia? primus auctor: Disputandi pruritus, 
ecclesise scabies. Nomen alias queere. He wrote, The State of Christendom ; 
Elements of Architecture ; Parallels between Essex and Buckingham ; Charac- 
ters of some of the Kings of England ; Essays on Education ; Poems, printed 
in the Reliquise Wottonise ; Two Apologies relating to his Álbum Aphorism : 
An Ambassador is an honest man sent to lie abroad for the good of his country. 
Some of his religious poems are exquisitely beautiful ; that written On a Bed 
of Sickness, has never been surpassed.— Rose. Sir Dudley Carleton gave him 
the soubriquet of Fabritio. — 2 Notes and Queries, VII, 375. 

Note 15, page 24. 

Geokge Hakewell, D. D., was born in Exeter, England, in 1578, and received 
the rudiments of his education in that city. He entered Oxford as a commoner 
in 1595, and in two years after was elected a Fellow of Exeter college. Having 
received holy orders he traveled on the continent of Europe, and in 1610, 
received his divinity degree. In 1611, he was appointed chaplain to Prince 
Charles, and archdeacon of Surrey in 1616. He subsequently opposed the 
marriage of the Infanta of Spain with the Prince, in consequence of which he 
was dismissed from his chaplaincy in 1621. He afterwards was appointed 
rector of Heanton, Devonshire, and in 1641 was elected rector of Exeter college. 
On the civil war breaking out, he gave in his submission to parliament, and 
spent the remainder of his days in retirement at Heanton, where he died in the 
beginning of April, 1649. His remains were deposited in the chancel of his 
church, and over his grave a stone was laid with this Inscription : Reliquia? 
Georgii Hakewell, S. Th. D. Archidiaconi Surrise, collegii Exoniensis et hujus 
Ecclesise Reetoris, in spem resurrectionis hic repositse sunt, An. 1649. aetatis 
suse 72. A list of his works is in Wood's Athena Oxon., II, 66. The most im- 
portant of his writings is : An Apology or Declaration of the Power and Pro- 
vidence of God in the Government of the World, 1627, folio. The learning 
exlñbited in this work is very extensive.— Rose, Biog. Dict., VIII, 174. 


Note 16, page 27. 

William Ashfordby is supposed to have come to this country in 1664. In 
1676 he obtained a patent for one hundred and eight acres of iand in Marble- 
town (Ulster co.), in the neighborhood of " the Indian graves." On the 21st of 
December, 1684, he was appointed High Sheriff of Ulster county, and obtained a 
further grant of eighty-seven acres and a half of land r in the rear of the tract 
first above mentioned. Yet with all this, whether through want of thrift or of 
industry, Mr. Ashfordby did not prosper. He became considerably indebted ; 
had to mortgage his property, and in 1687, the High Sheriff of Ulster county 
" went for England," leaving behind him his debts and a wife and family. In 
August, 1695, a petition was presented to the Governor and Council of New 
York, from his wife Martlia, in behalf of herself and five children, John Bettis 
and Susannah his wife, Mary, Helen, Ann, and Catherine Ashfordby, setting 
forth the fact of his absconding, and praying a grant of the last mentioned 
tract, íbr herself and children. She received a patent accordingly. Mr. Ash- 
fordby having left no male issue, the ñame has become extinct in Ulster co. — 
N. Y. Patenta, IV, 51, VI, 639 ; N. Y. Col. MSS., XXX, 61, XXXI, iii, 83, XL, 
56 ; Council Minutes, VII, 153. 

Note 17, page 27. 

Sopüs, or Esopus, lies on the west side of the Hudson river, 90 miles north 
of the city of New York. The ñame belonged originally to the river which 
discharges into the Hudson at this point, and is a modification of the Algonquin 
word Sipous, the literal signification of which, is "River." The first Dutch 
adventurers traded with the Indians here as early as 1614, and though that 
trade was carried on continuously afterwards, there is no evidence of any im- 
provement having been made thereabouts before 1652-3. The neglect of the 
government to extinguish the Indian title to the land before parcelling it ont 
to actual settlers, led to two wars with the Aborigines, and greatly retarded the 
advancement of the place, which was not erected into a municipality until 
1661, when the district went by the Dutch ñame of Wiltwyck, or Indianville. 
Governor Lovelace, however, was the chief promoter of the settlement of the 
Esopus. For, orders having been given to disband the soldiers who had ac- 
companied Colonel Nicolls to this country, gratuitous grants of land were made 
to them in 1668, and two new towns planted. On the 18th September, 1669, 
by the governor's orders, one was called "Marbleton" and theother "Hurley;" 
the latter, after the seat of the Lovelace family in Berkshire, England. On the 
25th of the same month, Wüttvyck, or " the towne formerly called Sopez, was 
named Kingston ;" some suppose out of respect to the king ; others, however, 
are of opinión that the ñame was borrowed from that of Kingston L'Isle, Berk- 

5a NOTES. 

shire, the seat of the first Lady Lovelace's family. When tbe Dutch recovered 
the oountry in 1673, the ñame of Kingston was changed to Swaenenburgh, and 
so continued until the English returned under Governor Andros, in 1674. The 
district was organized into a distinct county in 1683, by an actof the Provincial 
Legislature, and was called Ulster, to commemorate the Irish title of the Duke 
of York, who was Earl of Ulster in the peerage of Ireland. — , Callaghan , s Hist. 
New Ncthcrland; N. Y. Colonial MSS., XXII, 99; Laws of New York; see 
Note 16 supra. 

Note 18, page 27. 

Wiilliam Harvey, M. D., famous for-his discovery of the Circulation of the 
Blood, was horn in Folkestone, Kent, 2d April, 1578. Having finished his 
education at Cambridge, he passed through several celebrated medical schools 
on the continent, took his degree in 1602, and commenced practice in London, 
where he made his great discovery about the year 1619. He afterwards became 
physician to James I and Charles I. On the breaking out of the civil war he 
retired to Richmond, and in 1651 appeared his second immortal work : Exer- 
citationes de Generatione Animalium. 4to. This great man died 3d July, 
1658, in the 80th year of his age. A monument has been erected to his memory 
at Hempstead in Essex. A splendid quarto edition of all his works was pub- 
lished by the College of Physicians in 1766, to which a life of the author is 
prefixed. — Rose. 

Note 19, page 27. 

Geoege Caeew, was the son of the deán of Exeter and Windsor, of the same 
ñame. Adcpting the profession of arms, he was in the expedition to Cádiz, in 
1588-9, and afterwards served with great reputation in Ireland, where he was 
made President of Munster, when, uniting his forces with those of the Earl of 
Thomond, he reduced several castles and strong places, and obtained many 
triumphs. He was likewise a privy cpuncillor in that kingdom. Upon the 
accession of James I, he was constituted lieutenant-general of the ordnance, 
and governor of the Me of Guernsey, and having married Joyce, only daughter 
and heiress of William Clopton, Esq., of Clopton in the county of Warwick, 
was elevated to the peerage, on the 4th June, 1605, as Barón Carew. He was 
made master-general of the ordnance in 1609, and sworn of the privy oouncil, 
and in 1625 created Earl of Totness. "Besides," says Dugdale, " these his 
noble employments, 'tis not a little observable, that, being a great lover of an- 
tiquities, he wrote an historical account of all those memorable passages, which 
hapned in Ireland, during the term of those three years, he continued there, 
intituled Hibernia Pacata, printed at London, in 1633, and that he made an 
ampie collection of many chronological and choice observations, as also oí 


divers exact maps, relating to sundry parts of that realm, some whereof are 
now in the public library at Oxford, but most of them in the hands of Sir 
Robert Shirley, Bart., of Stanton Harold, in the county of Leicester, bought of 
his executors." His lordship died 27tb March, 1629, at the Savoy in the Strand, 
" in the suburbs of London," leaving an only daughter and heiress.— üwfce ; 

Note 20, page 28. 

Charles Blount, eighth Barón Mountjoy of Thurveston, in the county of 
Derby, succeeded to the title on the death of his brother in 1594. This noble- 
man, when a commoner, being a person of high military reputation, had a 
command in the fleet which defeated the famous Sj:>anish Armada, and a few 
years afterwards succeeded the Earl of Sussex in thegovernorshipof Portsniouth. 
In 1597, his lordship was constituted Lieutenant of Ireland; and in two years 
afterwards repulsed the Spaniards, with great gallantry, at Kinsale. Upon the 
accession of James I, he was reinvested with the same important office, and 
created, by letters patent, dated 21st July, 1603, Earlof Devonshire, being made 
at the same time a Knight of the most noble order of the Garter. The high 
public character of the earl was, however, considerably tarnished by one act of 
his prívate life, the seduction of Penelope, sister of the Earl of Essex, and wife 
of Robert, Lord Rich. By this lady he had several children ; and upon his 
return from Ireland, finding her divorced froin her husband, he married her, 
at Wanstead in Essex, on the 26th of December, 1605, the ceremony being per- 
formed by his chaplain, Wiliam Laúd, afterward Archbishop of Canterbury. 
Camden says, that this nobleman was so eminent for valor and learning, that 
in those respects, "he had no superior, and but few equals," and his secretary 
Moryson, writes, "that he was beautiful in person as well as valiant; and 
learned as well as wise." His lordship died on the 3d April, 1606, and leaving 
no legitímate issue, all his honors became extinct. — Burke, Ext. and Dorm. 

Note 21, Page 29. 

Abergixiaxs. The several scattered tribes from the Pockanockets of Ply- 
mouth colouy to the Piscataqua river, were called Northern Indians, and by 
some Aberginians. — Hutchinson's Mass., I, 407. The ñame enters into Mr. 
Gallatin's vocabulary as an Indian word (Synopsis of Indian Tribes, 312), but 
it seems to be rather a corruption of Aborigines. 

Note 22, page 30. 

William Camden, a learned antiquary, was born in the Oíd Bailey, London, 
on the 2d May, 1551. He received the first rudiments of knowledge at Christ- 
church Hospital, and was afterwards sent to Dr. Colet's free school, near St. 

84 NOTES. 

Paul's. la 1566, he was sent to the university at Oxford, where he remained 
until 1571, when he returned to London. In 1575 he obtained the place of 
second master of Westminster school. He now devoted himself to his favorite 
studies, and in 1582 brought out his Britannia : sive Regnorum Anglise, Scotiae, 
Hiberniae, and Insularum adjacentium Descriptio ; 8vo.; Maps. In 1593, he 
was made head master of Westminster school, and published a Greek Gram- 
mar in 1597. The first part of the Annals of Queen Elizabeth appeared in 1615, 
under this title — Rerum Anglicarum and Hibernicarum Annales regnante Eli- 
zabetha ; the second half followed in 1627, after the author's death ¡ both were 
published in London in folio. After passing through several editions, this 
work was translated into English and printed also in folio. After a Ufe of great 
literary industry and labor, he paid his last debt to nature at Chiselhurst, Kent, 
on the 9th November, 1623. His remains werejnterred in Westminster Abbey, 
where a monument, with a snitable inscription, was erected to his memory. 
A full list of Camden's works will be found in Wood , s Athen. Oxon. I, 412. 

Note 23, page 30. 

Stephen Skinner, M. D., was born in or near London in 1623, and entered 
Christ church, Oxon, in 1638, but before he could obtain a degree, the rebellion 
broke out, so that he was obliged to resort to the continent to continué his 
studies. In 1646, he returned to Oxford and took both the degrees in arts, and 
subsequently received the degree of Doctor of Medicine from the university of 
Heidelberg, and was admitted ad eundem by the university at Oxford, in 1664, 
in which year he settled at Lincoln, where he practised his profession. He 
died in that city on the 5th September, 1667, and was buried in the cathedral. 
His works were published in one folio volume at London, in 1671, with this 
title : Etymologicon linguse Anglicana?, under the care and superintendence of 
Mr. Thomas Henshaw, a learned critic. — Wood's Athen. Oxon. II, 287. 

Note 24, page 33. 

For an interesting account of Indian currency, the reader is referred to Den- 
ton's Brief Description of New York : formerly called New Netherland. New 
York : Gowans, 1845. 8vo p. 42. 

Note 25, page 34. 

The following clippings from newspapers, show the prices of Negro slaves in 
this country in 1859 : 

Sale of Negroes — High Prices. — Twenty-eight negroes were sold on Tues- 
day last, at McDonough, in Henry county, Va. The aggregate amount of the 



sales was $22,309, being an average of $796. We select the following from the 
list, as an evidence of the high prices paid : One boy, field hand, 18 years oíd, 
$1,640; threeboys, 14 years oíd— one $1,440, one $1,282, another $1,207; two 
boys, 10 years oíd— one $902, the other $806; one 7 years oíd, $726 , one wo- 
man, 23 years oíd, with three boys — one 5 years, one 3 years, and one 8 
months, $1,995 ; one woman, 23 years oíd, with two children — a boy 3 years, a 
girl 18 months oíd, $2,305; seven girls sold at the following prices — one 19 
years oíd, $1,200; one 15 years, $1,023; one 16 years, $1,100; one 12 years, 
$400 ; one 7 years, $705; one 7 years, $778. — Atlanta American. 

Prices at Richmond, July 25 : No. 1 men, 20 to 26 years oíd, from $1,450 to 
$1,500; best grown girls, 17 to 20 years oíd, from $1,275 to $1,325; girls from 
15 to 17 years oíd, $1,150 to $1,250; girls from 12 to 15 years oíd, $1,000 to $1,100; 
best plough boys, 17 to 20 years oíd, $1,350 to $1,425 ; boys from 15 to 17 years 
oíd, $1,250 to $1,375 ; boys from 12 to 15 years oíd, $1,100 to $1,200. 

Pkice of Slaves in Missouri. — At a sale of slaves that took place last Mon- 
day, says the St. Louis Republican of the 20th inst., at Bowling Green in this 
state, the following prices were obtained: Negro man, 50 years oíd, $845 ; do., 
55, $795, negro woman, 60, $195; do., 40, 801 ; negro girl, 13, $1,187 ; do., 10, 
$900 ; do., 6, $535. 

Note 26, page 36. 

Adam de Marisco, a native of Somerset, England, was a Franciscan monk 
and a doctor at Oxford, and acquired such a great reputation in the thirteenth 
century, by his learning, as to be surnamed Doctor Illustratus. In Italy, he 
was on intímate terms with and greatly esteemed by, St Anthony of Padua, 
and in England much thought of by Robert Greathead, bishop of Lincoln, 
1235-1254. He was named bishop of Ely circa 1256, but declined the dignity on 
learning that the pope had already nominated Hugh de Balsham to that see. 
He wrote on The Song of Songs ; Questions of Theology ; Paraphrases on St. 
Denis, the Areopagite; and died in, or about the year 1257.— Moreri, Grand 
Dict. Hist. ; Luiscius, Algem. Wordenboek. 

Note 27, page 36. 

Tamahicají is a word common to most of the Algonquin dialects. Its root 
may perhaps be found in the verb ehouen, to strike, or knock. — Mithridatcs, 
III, iii, 354. " Tomahawk " is the Indian word anglicized. 

Note 28, Page 36. 

Henry Somerset, lst Marquis of Worcester, was the son of Edward, 4th Earl 
of Somerset, to whose honors he succeeded in 1628. He was a nobleman of 
great piety and parts, and one of the richest of the English peers. He spent 


86 NOTES. 

his fortune in the service of Charles I, for whom he defended the castle of Rag- 
land against the rebels till the conclusión of the war, when it was surrendered 
on terms (August, 1646), which, however, were hasely violated, and his lord- 
ship died a prisoner, in December of the same year. The Marquis of Woreester 
had early embraced the Catholic faitb, and there appeared after his death, 
"Certamen Religiosum, or a Conference between King Charles I. and Henry 
late Marquis of Woreester, concerning religión;" "The Golden Apothegms of 
King Charles I. and Henry Marquis of Woreester." He was father of Edward, 
2d Marquis of Woreester, famous for his connection with the discovery of the 
Power of Steam, and How t3 Sail against Wind and Tide, which Horace Walpole 
enumerates among "the amazing pieces of folly." — Noble Authors, p. 371, 378. 

Note 29, page 37. 

Kintaükauns. Much ignorance prevails regarding the Indian Kintacaws. 
Some esteem them to have been debauched reveis or bacchanalia, and hold them 
in horror, supposing them to be something akin to devil worship. Tiiose who 
had the curiosity to investígate the matter, have given such accounts of the 
conduct of the Indians, on these occasions, as naturally lead to the conclusión 
that they paid a joint homage and supplication to some invisible being. The 
word is derived from the Delaware Gcntckchen, to dance; and here it is sup- 
posed lies the key of the mystery. The Indians, it is well known, accompa- 
nied, if not celebrated, all their publie acts or events by dances. Van der 
Donck, writing on the subject of the amusements of those people, says: " The 
oíd and middle aged conclude with smoking, and the young with a kintacato."' 
It was not restricted to any particular season of the year. During the Esopus 
war there was a kintecaio at the Danskamcr, above Newburgh, in the month 
of August, " so that the woods rang again ;" in another ínstance an Indian 
desired to be permitted to dance the kintecaw, before being put to death ; and 
another having been led out to the place of execution, " danced the kinte- 
kaye all the way thither." The " Kintacaw," thus appears to have been 
simply a dance, which, however, received its character from the occasion on 
which it took place. It was a calumet kintecaiv on concluding a peace or a 
treaty ; a bear kintecaw, at the conclusión of a successful hunt of that animal ; 
a war kintecaw, on the organization of an expedition against an enemy ; and a 
death kintecaw, when the victim was led bleeding yet dancing to the stake. — 
N. Y. Documcntary History, 8vo, IV, 63, 106 ; Smith's History of New York, 
Alb. ed., 76. See further, Dentones Description of New York (Gowans' ed.), 
p. 11, and Carver's Travels, London, 1778, p. 266, for particulars respectüig 
the dances of the Indians. 


Note 30, page 38. 
Kakindowet — a Minister : from Kahindowinin, to teach, or preach to several 

Note 31, page 39. 

Tms is a corruption of Jubartcs, one of the ñames given to the humpbacked 
w hales. Anderson, in his acconnt of Iceland, gives it as Júpiter jish, and this has 
been erroneously supposed to be the derivation of the term. David Crantz, in 
his history of Greenland, furnishes the clue to its ñame, when he says of the 
Júpiter fish, that the " Spanish whalers cali it Gubartas, from an cxcrcsccncc 
near the tail." Lacepede and Cuvier describe the gibbar and the Jubarte. 
Cuvier especially says that these ñames are given to them by the Basques. 
Now, Jorobado in Spanish means humpback, and its root is evidently the Latin 

The Basque whalers were the first to pursue the whale to its northern haunts, 
and in the begirming of the seventeenth century, when the Dutch and English 
took up the whaling business, the Basques were their instructors. This will 
account for the adoption of the word jubarte into the English and Dutch lan- 
guages. See Histoirc des Peches, vol. 1. Kline and other naturalists give the 
the coast of New England as its peculiar resort, and John Edward Gray, in his 
excellent catalogue of cetácea in the British Museum, gives the Megaptera 
Americana, or Bermuda humpback, which reaches a length of 88 feet, as the 
probable Jubartes of whalers. — N. Y. Historical Magazine, III, 62-3. 

Note 32, page 40. 

Sir Thomas Browne, Kt, was born in London, 19th November, 1605. Having 
been educated near Winchester, he entered Pembroke college, Oxford, in 
the beginning of the year 1623, and having taken his degree in arts, proceeded 
to Leyden, where he was made Doctor of Medicine. He settled at Norwich, 
where he practised his profession for many years. His famous work, Religio 
Medici, was published in 1642. This was followed by Pseud. Epidem. En- 
quiñes into very many received Tenents and commonly presumed Truths, or 
Enquiries into Common and Vulgar Errours ; London, 1646 ; small folio. This 
work, which is still popular, has gone through many editions. Nature's Cabinet 
Unlocked ; Urn Burial ; the Garden of Cyrus, and a volume of Miscellanies, 
are also by the same author, who received the honor of knighthood in 1671, 
and died at Norwich in the year 1682. He was interred in St. Peter's church, 
where a monument was erected to his memory. A copy of the inscription 
on his monument is in Wood's Athcn, Oxon. II, 536. 

Note 33, page 41. 

John Robinson was a merchant of New York as early as 1676, where he mar- 
ried Gritie, widow of Cornelis Dircksen. In 1678 he hired a dwelling house 
on the east side of the city " towards the fortification near the water portt," 
and purchased, in November, 1679, for .£120, the Shottwell farm containing 
38 % acres of land. This farm was sitúate on the east side of the city, and 
was bounded on the S. W. by the land of John Bassett, and on the N. W. by 
John Young's land. It included a run of water called Saw-mill creek, and a 
leather mili which Shottwell had erected thereupon, also a pond of water 
ranging N. E. unto the woods 120 rods. On the first of January, 1680, Mr. 
Robinson sold one-half the Shottwell farm, mili and water privileges, to John 
Lewin and Robert Woolley, merchants of London, for the sum of .£60, and the 
property passed subsequently into the hands of William Coxe, Robinson's 
partner in trade.— N. Y. Book of Deeds, V, 113, VI, 208, 414. Mr. Valentine's 
impression is, that this farm was on the west side of Pearl, and north of Pine 
street. Mr. William J. Davis, another well known antiquary of New lork, 
adds: "In Common Council in 1680, a resolution was passed that the water 
lots between John Robinson's and William Beeckman's lands along the Smith's 
valley be sold at auction to pay some public assessments. (The Smith's valley 
extended from Cedar nearly to Beekman street.) The Damen farm adjoined 
Wall street on the north ; next to which was Mrs. Tysen's, and John Robinson's 
land probably joined her's. Henee, I think it evident that the 'Orchard,' 
extended from about Cedar street to Maiden lañe." Thereabouts, probably, 
in the heart of the Second ward of the city, was the scene of the Bear hunt 
referred to by Mr. Woolley. New York is still famous for hunting Bears, but 
the amusement has been transferred to a locality further to the south, and 
known by the ñame of Wall street. In the same vicinity the first Methodist 
church in the city was erected, and thereabouts, too, the late Washington 
Irving, whose death a nation still mourns, first saw the light of day. 

Mr. Robinson was alderman for the West ward in 1683, 1684 and 1685, but did 
not decease in New York. Dirck van der Cliff, Robinson's brother in law, 
owned, east of the Shottwell farm, an orchard through which a street was 
afterwards run, and called Cliff street, after the said Dirck van der Clifl'. 

Note 34, page 42. 

Elizabeth, daughter and coheir of Sir Robert Christopher, Knt., of Alford 
in Lincolnshire, married Bennett, second Lord Sherard on the Irish peerage, 
by whom she had one son and two daughters. One of these married Edward, 
Lord Viscount Irwin, and the other, the Duke of Rutland. She lost her hus- 


band in the year 1700. Her son Bennett succeeded to the title that year, and 
was created Lord Harborough in 1714, and Earl of Harborough in 1719. His 
lordship married Mary, daugbter of Sir Henry Calverly. 

Note 35, page 45. 

Me-ta-ow. Bishop Baraga, in his Dictionary of the Otchipwc Language, 
says , Midew means an Indian of the order of the Grand Medicine, Midewiwin 
being the ñame of that order. And in the Rev. Mr. Dougherty's Chippewa 
Primer, p. 41 , Metawa means — he dances (at a feast). As part of the Indian cure 
consista of the dancing of the physician, perhaps the root of the Indian word 
in the text may be thus arrived at. 

Note 36, Page 47. 

Captain John Manning carne to New York with Governor Nicollsin 1664, and 
in September of that year accompanied Colonel Cartwright in his expedition for 
the reduction of Fort Orange, where he attended and was a witness to the íirst 
treaty which the English concluded with the Five Nations. — N. Y. Gen. Ent., I, 
42. After the surrender of the place he was left in charge of the fort (Ibid. 45), 
In 1667, he was appointed Sheriff of the city of New York (Ord. War. and Lctters. 
II, 177, 188), and held that office until 1672 inclusive. In 1669 he was named a 
member of the commission sent the same year to the Esopus, to regúlate the 
affairs of that district {Ibid ; Council Min., III, 12, 431, 530, 535) ; also, justjce for 
the West Ridingof Yorkshire, and acted as higli Sheriflf of Yorkshire froin 1671 
to 1673. — Gen. Ent., IV, 201. During the administration of Colonel Lovelace, he 
seems to have been high in the confidence of that governor, of whose council he 
was a member, and who, whenever called by business to any distance from 
the city, always left Fort James and the publie peace in charge of Captain 
Manning (see Instruc, ibid., 243). It was whilst charged with these duties in 
1671 , that an express arrived from Albany at New York with the fearful news of 
the approach of the French. Manning forthwith dispatched an express to 
Governor Lovelace, who was at Staten Island. Instead of approving his officer's 
activity, the latter was snubbed by the governor for his " impatience." — Court 
of Assizc Record, 732. Whether discouraged by this reception or, as he him- 
self admits, hopeless of making any effeetnal defence, he made no resistance 
when the wolf carne actually, in 1673, in the shape of the Dutch, but uncondi- 
tionally surrendered the country to them, andwent back toEngland, where he 
arrived in January, 1674, his wife having died on the passage. He immediately 
waited on the King and the Duke of York and the principal officers of state, on 
which occasion the King gave it as his opinión that Fort James was not tenable. 
Captain Manning returned to New York in the Diamond frigate with Governor 
12 169 

90 NOTES. 

Andros in 1674, and soon after was tried by court martial on charges of treach- 
ery and cowardice. He was acquitted of treachery, but found guilty of every 
other charge, and on 5th February, 1675, sentenced " to be carried back to 
prison and from tbence brought out to the publick place before the City Hall, 
tbere to have his sword broken over his bead, and from that time be rendered 
uncapable of wearing a Sword or serving his Majesty in any publick employ or 
place of benefitt and Trust within the Government." — N. Y. Doc. Hist., 8vo, 
III, 80-100; N. Y. Council Min., III, ii, 24. Thereupon he retired to his 
Island, where, according to Mr. Wooley's account, he does not seem to have 
permitted his disgrace to disturb his philosophy. 

Manning's Island was called Minnahanock by the Indians ;* Varken (or Hog) 
Island by the Dutch ; it had been purchased originally by Governor Van Twiller 
in 1637, and granted in 1651 to Captain Francis Fyn, who figures in a lampoon 
against Governor Stuyvesant about that time (O'Callaghari's New Netherland, 
II, 181, 581). On the breaking out of the war against the Dutch in 1666, it was 
confiscated. On the 8th February, 1668, it was granted to Captain Manning, 
whereupon it passed by the ñame of " Manning's Island." On the lst of August 
following, Captain Manning executed a deed conveying the island to Matthias 
Nicolls, in trust, for the use of the said Manning during his life, and after his 
decease for the use of his wife, if she should survive him, and after their de- 
cease, entailing it on Mary Manningham, daughter of Mrs. Manning by a 
former husband, and the heifs of her body, and for want of such heirs, after 
her death, to her brother Henry Manningham and his heirs. — A T . Y. Patents, I, 
. 99, 146. In 1676 (the year after Captain Manning was " broke "), the above 
named Mary Manningham married Robert Blackwell, "late of Elizabethtown, 
in New Jersey, merchant " (N. Y. Deed Book, I, 1 30) ; the property in conse- 
quence was, after Captain Manning's death, called " Blackwell' s Island," which 
ñame it bears at present. It is now the property of the city of New York, and 
is occupied by a Penitentiary, Alms House, Lunatic Asylum, Hospital, and 
similar institutions. It contains 120 acres, and cost the city of New York 
$50,000. The date of Captain Manning's death is not ascertained. He seems, 
however, to have been alive in 1686, when there was some difficulty between 
him and Mrs. Blackwell respecting the island, and she entered a caveat against 
the issuing of any patent to him for it, for a longer term than his life. 

Note 37, page 48. 

Henry Hammond, D. D., was born on 26th August, 1605, in Surrey, England. 
His father was physician to the Prince Henry, son of James I, after whoni he 
was called. Having gone through his studies at Eton and Oxford, he devoted 

* Minnahanock is derived from the Mohegan word Minauhan, an island, anducí-, a termination 
signifying locaüty, and means literally, " At the Island." 

NOTES. 91 

himself to the study of theology, and received holy orders in 1629, and in 1633 
was appointed rector of Penhurst, Kent. In 1643, he was made archdeacon of 
Chichester, but on the breaking out of the civil war, he became obnoxious to 
the party in the ascendant, on account of his attachment to his sovereign, and 
was obliged to remata concealed for several years, during which he composed 
various works in English and Latin; these were aiterwards published 
in London, 4 vols. folio. His principal works are : Practical Catechism, or 
Abridgment of Christian Moráis; Notes on the New Testament and on the 
Psalms. M. le Clero wrote a criticism on some of these notes. When Charles 
II. was about to be recalled, Dr. Hammond was placed in charge of the diocese 
of Worcester, of which see he, without doubt, would have been appointed 
bishop, had he lived ; but his life was unfortunately cut short on the 25th 
April, 1660, in the 56th year of his age. 

Note 38, page 49. 

Ancient Funeral Cüstoms. — The following is copied from a memoir read 
by Judge Benson before the New York Historical Society in 1816 : "A family 
in Albany, and from the earliest time, of the ñame of Wyngaard. The 
last, in the male line, Lucas Wyngaard, died about sixty years ago, never 
married, and leaving estáte : the invitation to his funeral very general. Those 
who attended, returned after the interment, as was the usage, to the house of 
the deceased at the cióse of the one day, and a number never left it until the. 
dawn of the next. In the course of the night a pipe of wine, stored in the cellar 
for some years before for the occasion, drank ; dozens of papers of tobáceo 
consumed ; grosses of pipes broken : scarce a whole decanter orglass left; and, 
to crown it, the pall-bearers made a bonefire of their scarves on the hearth." 

When Philip Livingston of New York died in 1749, his funeral expenses 
amounted to the sum of five hundred pounds, or $1,260. On that occasion 
two ceremonies were performed ; one at his manor among his tenantry, and 
one at his residence in New York. At each place a pipe of wine was spiced for 
the guests. The bearers at the several places were presented with mourning 
rings, silk scarfs and handkerchiefs. The eight bearers in New York had each 
a gift of a monkey spoon (that is having a monkey carved on the handle), and 
at the manor all the tenantry had a gift of a pair of black gloves and a hand- 
kerchief. In a later period Gk>v. Wm. Livingston wrote in the Independen t 
Reflector of 1753, his objections to extra vagance in funerals, and his wife, it 
was said, was the first who ventured as an example of economy, to substituto 
linen scarfs for the former silk ones. — Wataon's Oldcn Times of New York, 
308. These customs continued down to a late period. Professor Morse 
writing in 1789, says : Their funeral ceremonies are equally singular. None 
attend them without a previous invitation. At the appointed hour they meet 



at the neighboring houses or stoops, until the corpse is brought out. Ten or 
twelve persons are appointed to take the bier all together, and are not relieved. 
The clerk then desires the gentlemen (for ladies never walk to the grave, ñor 
even attend the funeral, unless of a near relation) to fall into the procession. 
They go to the grave, and return to the house of mourning in the same order. 
Here the tables are handsomely set and fnrnished with cold and spiced wine, 
tobáceo and pipes, and candles, paper, &c, to light them. The conversation 
turas upon promiscuous subjeets. — MunselVs Annals of Albany, I, 315. 

Robert Townsend, Esq., of Albany, informs us, that he was told by his 
mother, recently deceased, that a similar custom was observed as late as 1810, 
after the interment of General Ten Broeck, one of the most respectable citizens 
of the state of New York. Those invited to the funeral returned to the family 
mansión, where a cask of Madeira which had been stowed away by the oíd 
gentleman many years before, was, in accordance with the ancient usage, 
broached for the guests ; and several hogsheads of Beer were rolled out on 
the lawn in front of the house for the free use of all comers. It is only proper 
to add, that this singular custom died out with the last generation. 

Note 39, page IH. 

This is a Narragansett word. "After harvest, after hunting, when they enjoy 
a calm of peace, health, plenty, prosperity, then the Indians have Nickommo, 
a feast, especially in winter. He or she who maketh this Nickommo, feast or 
dance, besides the feasting, of sometimes twenty, fifty, an hundred, yea, I have 
seen near a thousand persons at one of these feasts, — give a great quantity of 
money, and all sorts of their goods, according to and sometimes beyond their 
estáte, in several small pareéis of goods or money, to the valué of eighteen 
pence, two shillings, op thereabouts, to one person ; and that person that re- 
ceives tlus gift, upon the receiving it, goes out, and hollows thrice for the 
health and prosperity of the party that gave it, the master or mistress of the 
feast. By this feasting and gifts, the devil drives on their worships pleasantly 
(as he doth all false worships, by such plausible earthly arguments of uniform- 
ities, universalities, antiquities, immunities, dignities, rewards unto submitters, 
and the contrary to refusers) so that they run far and near and ask, Awaun 
Nickommit, Who makes the feast?" — Roger Williams' Key unto the Language 
of the Indians of New England. 

Note 40, page 52. 

Nüt signifies " Belly" in the Etchemin dialect ; Notasung is the corresponding 
Delaware word ; Nutah, the Nanticoke. Reference is made to these Notas, or 
Denotas, by Van der Donck in the " Great Remonstrance of New Netherland," 
where they are described as Bags wherewith the Indians measured their 
corn.— N. Y. Colonial Documents, I, 281. 



Note 41, page 53. 

WASS-RA-XEKsignifies aTorch; the Algonkin word íor Light is, Waselenican. 
Dü Ponceaü, Mem. sur les Langues Indiennes, p. 265; from Washsayah, or 
Wacheyck, the light. — Dougherty's Chippewa Primer, p. 47. 

Note 42, page 54. 

The reader is referred to " Denton's Brief Description of New York :" Gow- 
ans, 1845, p. 36, for further particulars respecting the Long Island Indians. 

Note 43, page 57. 

Wilhelmüs van Nieuwenhüyzen. The Reformed Dutch cliurch of the city 
of New York being, in consequence of the incapacity of the Rev. Mr. Drisius, 
wholly destitute of a minister in 1670, an invitation, or cali, was sent to Holland 
for a clergyman, with a guarantee from Governor Lovelace that he should re- 
ceive an annual salary of 1000 guilders, equal to $400, with a house free of rent, 
and firewood without charge. — N. Y. Col. Doc, III, 189. The Rev. Mr Nieuw- 
enhüyzen carne, in consequence, to New York in the course of the summer of 
1671, as colleague to the Rev. Mr. Drisius, who dying in 1672, Mr. Van Nieuw- 
enhüyzen succeeded as solé minister to the church, being the seventh in suc- 
cessicn from the Rev. Mr. Michaelius. A few years after, namely in 1675, he 
had a difficulty with the Rev. Nicholas Van Renselaer, a minister of Albany, 
who, he asserted, " aloude in y« street," was not "a Lawfull minister ñor his 
adniittance at Albany lawfull;" maintaining "afterwards at Mr. Ebbing's, 
one of the elders," that no one having orders from the Church of England had 
sufficient authority to be admitted to administer the sacraments (Mr. Van 
Renselaer having received holy orders from the Rt. Rev. John Earle, Bishop of 
Salisbury, 1663-1665). The matter begat such excitement that it was brought 
before the governor and council on the 25th September. On that occasion, Mr. 
Van Renselaer exhibited proofs of his having been chaplain to the Dutch am- 
bassador at London, and afterwards minister to the Dutch church at West- 
minster, and lecturer at St. Margaretts Loathbury, London. Mr. Van Nieuw- 
enhüyzen was thereupon called on to declare whether a minister ordained in 
England by a bishop, be not qualified to administer the sacraments. The 
consideration of the case was resumed by the council on the 30th, when Jero- 
nimus Ebbing and Peter Stoutenburg, elders ; Jacob Tennisse Kay, Reyneer 
Willemse, Gerritt Van Tright, Isaac Van Vleck, deacons of the church at New 
York, appeared with their minister before the board. Mr. Van Nieuwenhüyzen 
" rather justified himself in his answer;" but he and his church officers finally 
considered it most prudent to yield to Governor Andros, and to admit, " That 

94 NOTES. 

a Minister ordayned in England by the Bishops is every way capable, &c." — 
N. Y. Council Min., III, 54-59. Smith in his History of New York, erroneously 
calis this clergyman, "Niewenhyt, minister of the church at Albany," and 
then draws equally erroneous references from the dispute above referred to. 
Gideon Schaets was minister of the Reformed Dutch church at Albany at the 
time and for several years after. — N. Y. Boc. Hist., 8vo, III, 878. Equally 
erroneous is another statement, that Mr. Van Nieuwenhuyzen retired toBrook- 
lyn in 1676. Mr. Van Nieuwenhuyzen continued in charge at New York until 
his death, which took place in that city on the 17th February, 1681. Annekie 
Mauritz, his widow, survived him. It is clear, from the evidence of Mr. 
Wooley, that Mr. Van Nieuwenhuyzen was an accomplished scholar, whilst 
from the same evidence it is also clear, that in his ministry he sometimes 
exhibited more zeal than charity. 

Note 44, pagc 57. 

Lord George Russell was the youngest sonof William 5th Earl and lst Dukeof 
Bedford, and brother of the celebrated Lord William Russell who was beheaded 
in 1683. He was graduated at Magdalen college, Oxford, on the 4th February, 
1666-7, when he was created Master of Arts. After making the tour of Europe 
he entered the army, and carne to America. He was in Boston, and presented 
with the freedom of that city in 1680, as we find by the following entry in the 
Records : " 4th February, 1679-80. It is ordered that the hon. George Russell, 
Esq., now resident with us in Boston, be admitted to the freedom of the Cor- 
poration, if he please to accept thereof." He accepted of it and took the oath 
13th February following, before the governor and assistants. He was in garri- 
son as an ensign, at Albany, about the year 1687, and in the city of New York 
in 1689 ; when Captain Baxter and he being " known to be Román Catholicx, 
were for that reason by the Lt. Gov. [Nicholson] and Council to avoid all 
jealousies, sent not only out of the garrisons, but even out of the Province." 
He married Mary, daughter and heir of Mr. Pendleten ; and died in the year 
1692, leaving issue one son, who died unmarried. — Wiffen's Hist. of the Housc 
of Russell, II, 223, 224 ; Brydges' Collins, sub titulo "Bedford ;" Rec. of the 
Col. of the Mass. Bay, V, 264 ; Hutchinson's Hist. of Mass., Salem ed., I, 299 ; 
N. Y. Col. Doc., III, 640, IV, 132 ; N. Y. Council Min., IV, 54. 

Note 45, page 58. 

Frederick Philipse is said to have been a native of East Friesland. He was 
born in the year 1625, and immigrated to New Netberland about the year 1658, 
being by trade a carpenter. After his arrival here, he was employed in that 
capacity for some time in the public service, both at Bergen and at Esopus. 
In 1660 he embarked in trade, as appears by the public Records : 


NOTES. 95 

"20thSept., 1660. It being proposed in Council by the Honbie Director 
General on behalf of Frederick Philipsen, his Honor's late carpenter, tbat said 
Frederick Philipsen is disposed to make a voyage to Virginia with some mer- 
chandize, if the company's sloop be hired to him, &c." — N. Y. Col. MSS., 
XI, 416 ; Aíb. Rec, XIV, 69; XXIV, 415. 

A few years after this he married Margaret Hardenbroeck, the widow of Peter 
Rudolfus, a woman who was an active trader among the Iiidians ; with whom 
he acquired some property, which may be said to have laid the foundation of 
bis fortune ;* for he soon became the wealthiest merchant in New York. He 
was appointed one of tbe aldermen of that city in 1675, and in September of the 
same year was sworn one of the council of Governor Andros. He continued to 
hold a seat in that body twenty-three years, with the exception of the brief 
administration of Jacob Leisler, which he opposed. When Kidd and Red sea 
pirates flourished in New York, Frederick Philipse became implicated like 
many others, in that illegal trade, and was censured by the authorities in Eng- 
land. Finding himself in bad odor, he resigned his seat in the council in 1698. 
Mr. Philipse acquired large tracts of land in Westchester county, N. Y., which 
were erected in the year 1693, into the manor of Philipsborough, where he was 
buried in 1702, in the 78th year of his age. His second wife was Catherine Van 
Cortland, widow of John Dervall. 

Note 46, page 60. 

Skating Geoünds of New York.— Skating has been always a favorite 
exercise in New York, though we must say, that men and women are no longer 
seen "as it were flying upon their skates from place to place with marketing 
upon their Heads and Backs." The Kolck or Collect, a sheet of fresh water 
which covered the ground now occupied by the halls of justice in Centre street, 
and all that neighborhood, communicated in ancient times with Lespinard's 
pond and meadows, lying between North Moore and Green street, near the west 
end of what is at present Canal street. This was the great skating ground of 
the last century, where the gallants of the hour displayed, as a quaint writer 
expresses it, "theire graceful caracoles and pirouettes," ever and anón skim- 
ming at pleasure from one collection of water to the other, under the bridge 
which connected upper with lower Broadway. There William the fourth, late 
King of England, might be se^n when "a Middy," attached to the flag ship of 
Rear-Admiral Digby, attended by superior offlcers, trying his "tacks" on the 
slippery ice, in the winter of 1781-2. Tradition hath it, that a stratagem liad 
been planned by certain of Washington's men to capture this royal scion of the 
house of Hanover, and thereby secure a valuable prize, while enjoying himself 

* The marringe enntract hetween these parties is on record in the Minutes of the Orphaa 
C urt, City Hall, New York. The published pedigree of the family is incorrect, iu many parti- 
cular*, as retarda its founder i ti America. 

in liis healthful exercise on the Collect pond. It is f urther said that the project 
had well nigh succeeded. Seemingly in anticipation of that success, one of the 
American papers wrote : " The hoy William Henry Guelph, lately arrived at 
New York, will perhaps soon be in our power. In that event we shall not 
visit the sins of the father on the child, but send him home to his mother." 

But those times have passed away, and not a pair of those feet which now 
daily promenade, in patent leather boots, past the Hospital at the head of Pearl 
street, has ever skated on the Collect or Lespinard's meadows. I have myself, 
adds Mr. Gowans, seen people skating between Washington market and Jersey 
city. To the spectators on shore, the skaters whilst whirling about on the 
river, did not appear larger than a good sized turkey in the act of fiapping his 
wings; and I have heard that journeys have been performed on skates between 
New York and Albany. 

Modera improvements have driven skating " out of town." When we were 
lads, says the editor of the N. Y. Times and Messenger, the nearest skating 
pond was on Stuyvesant's meadows, which then lay east of the Third avenue, 
and spread away from Eighth street to the river. Next to these, bnt further 
out, was Cato's pond, nearly up to the oíd shot-tower. These were fine large 
skating ponds in our eyes, but so terribly far away, that we made our prepara- 
tions for going to them as if for a serious journey. Our pet place, however, was 
smaller, but handier. It was a pond at the córner of Thirteenth street and 
Broadway, nearly a square large. A block and pump maker's shanty, built on 
piles, stood in one edge of it. Why it was built there, we have, in youth, often 
endeavored to imagine, and after much patience of philosophising, carne to the 
conclusión that it was for convenience, and to try whether his pumps would 
draw water before he sent them away to be putdown in the old-fashionedwells 
at the street corners. 

Accommodation for skaters is, we are happy to record the fact, now provided at 
the public expense. A skating pond of about twenty acres large, admirably 
planned for comfort and adapted for the purpose, has been laid out in the Cen- 
tral Park, where young men have an opportunity of indulging in this liealthy 
exercise free from danger. Instead of trudging away on foot for miles, as their 
fathers had to do to get at the skating place, the youth of the present day have 
but to step into one of the avenue cars and bowl off to the Central Park, strap 
their skates, and cut carlicues till their young legs have had enough of it. 

But don't let those merry scamps of boys altogether monopolize the fun. 
Let the girls mount the swift skate also. It is just as healthy for them : and 
what a charming thing it will be to see íive hundred cherry-cheeked, healthy 
beauties — goddesses in crinoline and mortals in plumptitudinous lovuliness — 
gliding, whirling, and now and then sitting down, without exactly intending 
it, on the slippery ice. Let the ladies patronise the Central Park skating pond. 
They can make themselves adorable enough in Polish skating costume, to drive 
ají the men and boys in New York mad as March liares. Let them remember, 


too, that the pólice arrangements for order, propriety and comfort at the pond, 
are perfect, aud a lady can enjoy herself there with as absoluto comfort as at 
the opera. 

Note 47, page 61. 

George IIeathcote, the Quaker captain. The earliest instance that we find 
on record of a Quaker commanding a ship is in N. Y. Col. Documcnts, II, 461, 
where it stated that such a vessel arrived in the portof New Amsterdam on the 
20th October, 1661, and refused to " strike to the port, being a quaker." The 
ship mentioned in the text was the Hopewell. She was commanded by Georgo 
Heathcot " of Rattilife in the county of Middlesex, Eng." {N. Y. Deed Book t 
IV, 349), a sturdy Quaker, who " on the first of the sixth month 1672," being 
owner and commander of a ship, was imprisoned by Governor Bellingham of 
Massachusetts, " for delivering him a letter and not putting of his hat."— 
Besse's Svffcrings of the Quakcrs, II, 259. Not encouraged by this reception, 
he seems to have subsequently turned his face to New York, from which port 
he sailed for England in August, 1675. — N Y. Council Min., III, part ii, 46. 
He returned the following year, having chartered the ship John and Mary of 
Weymouth, and purchased land in New York " above the smith's garden," 
through which a street 25 feet wide was ordered to be opened in 1686.— N. Y. 
Council Min., V, 146, 151. He was master of the " pink Hopewell" in 1679, 
which vessel cleared for London, July 17, 1680 {Orders and Warrants, XXXII, 
21, 26, 94) ; and in this voyage it was that he was accompanied by the Rev. Mr. 
Wooley. The pink Hopewell, George Heathcote, master, cleared from New 
York again for London, 23d June, 1681 (N. Y. Pass Book, p. 4), on which occa- 
sion he carried William Dyre, the collector of New York, a prisoner to England 
by order of the Court of Assize. Besse says, George Heathcot was fined in Lon- 
don in 1683 for refusing to bear arrns.— Opus sup. cit, I, 462. We find him 
again in New York in 1685, in 1688, asd in 1691. In 1688 he was master of 
the ship Yorke.— N. Y. Deed Book, VIII, 208. He subsequently settled in 
Bucks county, Penn. It has been stated that he died unmarried in New 
York in 1685; but this is clearly erroneous. Mr. Heathcote married the 
daughter of Samuel Groom of New Jersey.— A T . Y. Council Min., V, 71. His 
daughter married John Barber of London ; he had two sisters, one of whom 
was Mrs. Hannah Browne, and the other, Mrs. Anne Lupton ; and he died in 
November, 1710. By his will on file in the Surrogate's office, New York, and 
bearing date 14th November, and proved 24th November of that jeir, he 
liberates his three negro slaves, gives 500 acres of land near Shrewsbury, N. J., 
to Thomas Carlton, to be called Cari ton settlement, and constitutes his " cozen 
Caleb Heathcote," residuary legatee. 














" Here lofty trees, to ancient song i 
The noble sons of potent heat and fioods, 
Prone-rushing lrom ttae clouds, rear high to Heaven 
Their thorny stems ; and broad around them throw 
Meridtan gloom. Here, in eternal prime, 
Unnumber'd fruits, of keen, delicious taste 
And vital spirit, drink amid the cliffs, 
And burning sands that bank the shrubby vales."— Thomson. 

"Itis from the bosom of colonies that civil liberty nearly in all ages has set forth; Greece had no 
Solón till the colonies o( Asia Minor liad attained their highest degree oí splendor ; and while the pa- 
rent country could only boast of a single legislator, whose object was only to fonn citizens, and not 
meiely warriors, nearly every colony of Greece and Slcily possessed its Zallucns or Charondes. In this 
way indeed, every commeicial State may be said to uve again in the colonies it has founded. And 
though Europe should again experience the dreadf'ul mist'ortune to sink under the yoke of despotism or 
anarchy, into the gloomy horrors of barbarUm, Provldence has provided for its re-birth, by scattering 
the seeds of civilization over every part of the globe ; exhibiting in our day the aBtonishíng spectacle, 
never before displayed, of ripened civilization in one part, while in others it is yet in blosBom. or only 
pusbing forth its earliest buds. " A. H. L. Heeben. 




Entered aocording to Act of Congrees, in the year 1862, by 

W. GO W AN S, 

In the Clerk's Office of the Diatrict Court of tho United States for the 

Southern District of New York. 






The subscriber announces to the public, that he intends publish- 
ing a series of works, relating to the history, literature, biogra- 
phy, antiquities and curiosities of the Continent of America. To 
be entitled 


The books to forní this collection, will chiefly consist of re- 
prints from oíd and scarce works, difficult to be produced in this 
country, and often also of very rare occurence in Europe; occa- 
sionally an original work will be introduced into the series, de- 
signed to throw light upon some obscure point of American 
history, or to elucidate the biography of some of the distin- 
guished men of our land. Faithful reprints of every work 
published will be given to the public; nothing will be added, 
except in the way of notes, or introduction, which will be pre- 
sented entirely distinct from the body of the work. They will 
be brought out in the best style, both as to the type, press work 
and paper, and in such a manner as to make them well worthy 
a place in any gentleman's library. 

A part will appear about once every six months, or oftener, 
if the public taste demand it; each part forming an entire work, 
either an original production, or a reprint of some valuable, and 
at the same time scarce tract. From eight or twelve parts will 
form a handsome octavo volume, which the publisher is well 
assured, will be esteemed entitled to a high rank in every col- 
lection of American history and literature. 

Should reasonable encouragement be given, the whole collec- 
tion may in the course of no long period of time become not less 
voluminous, and quite as valuable to the student in American 
history, as the celebrated Harleian Miscellany is now to the 
student and lover of British historical antiquities. • 

W. GOWANS, Publisher. 


The following description of the City and Colony of 
New York carries us back one hundred and sixty-six years 
to the day when William III ruled the destinies of the 
English nation. Its author, the Rev. John Miller, was for a 
time chaplain to the troops in the fort, and solé Episcopal 
clergyman in the colony. Beyond the account here given, 
and which he addressed to Henry Compton, Bishop of 
London, we have few data for his history. He was a 
gradúate of one of the English universities, and was com- 
raissioned chaplain to two companies of Grenadiers in the 
Colony of New York, March 7, 1691-2. He arrived here 
in 1693, and as an act was passed that year for settling a 
ministry, he, in February, 1694, clairaed a right to be in- 
ducted, but the Council decided against his pretensions. 
He left the colony apparently, June 1, 1695, and was taken 
in July by a Prench privateer, destroying his papers to 
avoid giving information to the enemy. His present ac- 
count was therefore drawn up from recollection, and in fact 
is more taken up with a most extraordinary plan of civil 
and ecclesiastical government thau with a detailed descrip- 
tion of the colony in which he had sojourned. After his 
return to England he applied to the Commissioners of 
Trade and Plantation for additional salary, but did not suc- 
ceed in obtaining anything. A short note of information 


teries and block houses on the river sides. Tlie popula- 
tion was about four thousand, one-eighth being slaves 
Yet the commerce was so considerable that in 1696, the 
year when Miller reached Bngland, forty square-rigged 
vessels, sixty-two sloops, and as many boats, were entered at 
the New York custora house. 

Bradford had just introduced printing in 1693, and in 
this very year, 1695, was printing the first New York Al- 
manac for John Clapp, who is entitled to the honor of 
introducing hackney coaches into the city. A Dutch 
church had just been erected in Garden street, called 
Church street for that reason on Miller's map, although 
many a one yet remembers the time when it bore its earlier 
ñame. The Episcopalians were preparing to erect a 
church for themselves, and Miller advised the site of the 
bastión at the córner of Wall and William as the spot, but 
it was begun on the ground intended by Dongan for a 
Jesuit college, and next appropriated as a burial ground, 
the present site of Trinity. 

New York possessed conveniences. It had its regular 
feny to Brooklyn ; its post to Philadelphia. Wells, to the 
number of a dozen, stood in the middle of the street in 
various parts and before the Fort, and the Stadt House, 
New York's first city hall, school house and court house. 
Provisión was made for the prevention of fires, by leathern 
buckets, a system introduced in 1658, and of which at this 
time every house with three fireplaces was required to 
have two, brewers six, and bakers three, under penalty of a 
fine of six shillings. 

Other improvements were talked of and introduced 
within a few years. Before the cióse of the century, 
Broad street was drained by a sewer, the residents on 
Broadway set out trees by consent of the Common Council, 



and every seveuth house on the street hung out its lantborn 
and candle on a pole, the expense of which was shared by 
all ; Maiden lañe and Garden street were laid ont, a night 
watch of twelve men appointed, and a city livery of blue 
with orange list adopted. 

In that day thirty volumes, including a couple of Bibles, 
was a large prívate library; and William Merritt, no friend 
to Leisler, was Mayor. 

On the Hudson, Kingston, encircled with its palisade, was 
the chief place before yon reached Albany, whieh then 
reached from Hndson street to Steuben on Broadway, and 
from the river west to Lodge street, where the oíd fort 
stood, Handlers' (that is Traders') street being the present 
Broadway. Dr. Dellius had his church commanding Broad- 
way and Joncaer or State street, the fort being at the op- 
posite end. Outside the city stockade were the lndian 
houses, where the Indians who carne to trade or treat re- 
mained, and these were kept in repair at the expense of 
the traders. 

The streets of Albany were not in very good condition, 
and the bridges, especially " the great bridge by Majr. 
Schuyler," was sadly out of repair, and the new stockades 
were not up; but theCommon Council were taking steps to 
set all this right, removing houses too near the stockade, 
and digging a public well on Jonker street for the general 

Albany had suffered greatly during the troubles, the num- 
ber of men had fallen from 662 in 1689 to 382 in 1697, and 
the whole population from 2016 to 1449. 

Schenectady had risen from its ruins, and now well de- 
fended was less fearful of a visitation. 

Such was the colony as Miller left it, and his Description 
will bring it more fully before the reader. The moral tone 


teries and block houses on the river sides. The popula- 
tion was about four thousand, one-eighth being slaves 
Yet the commerce was so considerable that in 1696, the 
year when Miller reached England, forty square-rigged 
vessels, sixty-two sloops, and as many boats, were entered at 
the New York custora house. 

Bradford had just introduced printing in 1693, and in 
this very year, 1695, was printing the first New York Al- 
manac for John Clapp, who is entitled to the honor of 
introducing hackney coaches into the city. A Dutch 
chureh had just been erected in Garden street, called 
Church street for that reason on Miller's map, although 
many a one yet remembers the time when it bore its earlier 
ñame. The Episcopalians were preparing to erect a 
chnrch for themselves, and Miller advised the site of the 
bastión at the córner of Wall and William as the spot, but 
it was begun on the ground intended by Dongan for a 
Jesuit college, and next appropriated as a burial ground, 
the present site of Trinity. 

New York possessed conveniences. It had its regular 
ferry to Brooklyn ; its post to Philadelphia. Wells, to the 
number of a dozen, stood in the middle of the street in 
various parts and before the Fort, and the Stadt House, 
New York's first city hall, school house and court house. 
Provisión was made for the prevention of fires, by leathern 
buckets, a system introduced in 1658, and of which at this 
time every house with three fireplaces was required to 
have two, brewers six, and bakers three, under penalty of a 
fine of six shillings. 

Other improvements were talked of and introduced 
within a few years. Before the cióse of the century, 
Broad street was drained by a sewer, the residents on 
Broadway set out trees by consent of the Common Council, 


and every seventh house on the street hung out its lantborn 
and candle on a pole, the expense of which was shared by 
all ; Maiden lañe and Garden street were laid ont, a night 
watch of twelve men appointed, and a city livery of blue 
with orange list adopted. 

In that day thirty volumes, including a couple of Bibles, 
was a large prívate library; and William Merritt, no friend 
to Leisler, was Mayor. 

On the Hudson, Kingston, encircled with its palisade, was 
the chief place before yon reached Albany, which then 
reached from Hndson street to Steuben on Broadway, and 
from the river west to Lodge street, where the oíd fort 
stood, Handlers' (that is Traders') street being the present 
Broadway. Dr. Dellius had bis church commanding Broad- 
way and Joncaer or State street, the fort being at the op- 
posite end. Outside the city stockade were the lndian 
houses, where the Indians who carne to trade or treat re- 
mained, and these were kept in repair at the expense of 
the traders. 

The streets of Albany were not in very good condition, 
and the bridges, especially " the great bridge by Majr. 
Schuyler," was sadly out of repair, and the new stockades 
were not up; but the Common Council were taking steps to 
set all this right, removing houses too near the stockade, 
and digging a public well on Jonker street for the general 

Albany liad suffered greatly during the troubles, the num- 
ber of men had fallen from 662 in 1689 to 382 in 1697, and 
the whole population from 2016 to 1449. 

Schenectady had risen from its ruins, and now well de- 
fended was less fearful of a visitation. 

Such was the colony as Miller left it, and his Description 
will bring it more fully before the reader. The moral tone 


was not what he desired, and he lays the lash on the pre- 
valent vices with an unsparing hand. In his eyes the 
great want was the establishment of the Church of Eng- 
land, and his proposal of bishops is one of the earliest 
allusions to the step, which, natural and just wherever the 
Episcopalians were at all numerous, was strangely opposed 
by the people of New England, who insisted that their fel- 
low Christians, the Episcopalians, should not have their 
church organization in America, and insisted so violently 
and intolerantly that many Episcopalians cowered under 
the storm of their fanaticism, and for peacesake endea- 
vored to prevent any appointment. The Revolution alone 
freed the Episcopalians from this tyrannical interference of 
their neighbors. Had Miller's plan been set forward by 
Government, there might have been some pretext for their 

Another theme of the Chaplain is the conquest of 
Canadá; but here the same feeling of New England was 
shown towards the Catholics of Canadá. They were not to 
profess or enjoy their religión at all. From the period of 
which we write to the year 1763 New England and New 
York sought the subjugation of Canadá, mainly and chiefly 
to overthrow the Catholic religión. Miller's plan of ex- 
termination was thorough, and was doubtless that 
in the minds of most men in the northern colonies. Yet 
strange ordering of Providence, the blood of New England 
was poured out with this view, but left conquered Canadá 
in the enjoyment of the religious liberty of which they 
wished to deprive her ; and then the uprising against the 
Quebec act brought religious freedom at last to all the 
colonies, and the war which some consider as beginning with 
the attempt to prevent Episcopalians from having bishops 
beheld in its course the selectmen of Boston following 



vested Catholic clergyraen through the streets, and soon 
after the cióse of the war, uot only a bishop among the 
Episcopalians at Boston, but even one of the Catholics, and 
that one respected and beloved. 

It will not be uninteresting to view the progress of New 
York from Miller's day to ours, and to give sorae picture of 
the city at present. To begin with the city, the following 
table will show its increase in population : 


. . 4,302 


.. 33,131 


. . 270,068 


. . 8,628 


. . 60,489 


. . 312,852 


.. 10,381 


.. 96,373 


. . 515,394 


. . 21,876 


. . 123,706 


. . 814,254 


. . 23,614 


. . 202,589 

The wjiole population of the state in 1860 was 3,880,727, 
the city containing more than one-fifth of all the inhabit- 
ants of the state. The city has too, a greater population 
than Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Connecticut, Rhode 
Island, New Jersey, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, Minnesota, 
Kansas, California, Oregon, Delaware, Maryland, Arkansas, 
Florida, South Carolina, Mississippi, Louisiana or Texas ; 
twenty-one different states having a smaller population than 
has gathered on the island of Manhattan. 

The appearance of the city has steadily improved. 
Scarcely a trace of the city of the days of the Revolution 
remains. The buildings are nearly all recent ; the stores, 
many of them of white marble, brown stone or iron, are of 
palatial size and form ; the churches and public edifices are 
equally costly and in many cases erected with great taste 
and judgment, possessing no little architectural beauty ; 
what Wall street is for its banks, Broadway is for its stores 
and the Fifth avenue for its dwellings, the finest churches 
being in the last two streets or near them. 

These various buildings are supplied with gas, first man- 


ufactured here in 1823, and with water from the Crotón 
river, introduced in consequence of a vote in favor of it 
in 1835. The pavement of the streets has been gradually 
improved, the oíd cobble stones have given place in many 
parts to the Belgian pavement which has best answered the 
requisites ; and the means of communication through the 
different parts are greatly facilitated by the varions city 
rail roads. Steam brings to the city in the steam boats that 
leave at all points and in the various rail roads her supplies 
and merchandise ; and drives the machinery in her thou- 
sand workshops ; and even in her fire engines bends its 
immense strength to hurí the exhaustless Crotón on the 
consuming edifice. 

For education New York possesses, including the Free 
Acaderay, five incorporated colleges, and ninety-nine public 
schools, besides a large number directed by private indi- 
viduáis or religious denominations. The pupils in the pub- 
lic schools amount to over fifty thousand, and nearly fifteen 
thousand more are taught in other free schools. Her public 
libraries, the Astor, Society, Historical, Mercantile and 
others, though inferior to the great libraries of Europe, 
are rapidly meeting the wants of the people. 

In her ínstitutions for the relief of the miseries and mis- 
fortunes of our race, New York has no reason to avoid 
comparison. Two well conducted city hospitals, three 
more supported by the Catholics, Jews and Episcopalians ; 
several orphan asylums, infirraaries. asylums for the blind, 
the deaf and dumb, and the insane, a Lying-in Hospital, 
houses of protection for servants. In addition to these 
it has an institution not indeed a charity, for the city con- 
tributes nothing to it, but no less admirable, as it is man- 
aged by citizens of New York. This is the Emigrant 
Commission, supported by a tax levied on each emigrant 


arriving, and paid by him as a premium insuring him in 
case of want during five years a competent relief. Of the 
magnitud e of this institution, \ve may judge by the fact 
that from 1847 to 1861 the number of emigrants landing at 
New York was over two million seven hundred and íifty 
thousand, and of tbis great nation not one during the five 
years succeeding his arrival cost the city or any part of 
the state a single cent. 

The Alms House of the city, with the Penitentiary, the 
Juvenile Asylums, are all extensive, and generally conduct- 
ed on wise principies, the government devolving chiefly on 
a single Board of Charities and Corrections. 

Meanwhile the city has its numerous churches and edi- 
fices growing out of them ; its convents, asylums, hospi- 
tals. Many of the churches are large and spacious, with 
costly organs and rich service ; most are well attended by 
worshipers, some by four or five times their capacity each 
Sunday, repeated services at diíferent hours enabling thou- 
sands to use a single edifice. 

While religión and benevolence are thus cared for, New 
York is not without its means of amusement. A spacious 
park of three miles length, has been laid out most econo- 
mically in a period of official squandering, and by its walks 
and drives, its sailing advantages in summer and still 
greater opportunities for skating in winter, gives a guaran- 
tee of the public health, which the improved sewerage 
and widening of many streets in the older parts of the city 
daily insures. A noble Opera House, and a number of 
Theatres, a Museum, attract numbers, and the amusements 
offered are watched with a jealous eye. At no period, per- 
haps, has greater morality marked the plays selected for 
the stage. 

Such in brief is New York in 1882, how altered from 

3 187 


that when Miller made bis notes. The rocky isle alone 
preserves its identity. The picture of the past, therefore, 
possesses but the greater interest. 

Commission of the Rev. John Miller to be Chaplain of Fort 
William, New York. 
From Book of Commissions II, 71-73 in Secretary's Office, Albany, N. Y. 
Marie R. 

William and Mary by the grace of God King and Queen 
r , of England Scotland ffrance and Treland i>efenders 
of the faith &c. To our Trnsty and welbeloved John 
Miller Clerke Greeting We do by these presents consti- 
tute and appoint you to be Chaplain of the two Companies 
of foot in the Colony of Newyorke in America You 
are therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the duty 
of a Chaplain by doing and performing all and all manner 
of things thereunto belonging and you are to observe and 
follow such orders and direccons from time to time as you 
shall receive from your Captains or any your superiour 
Officer according to the rules and discipline of warr Given 
at Our Court at Whitehall the 7th clay of March 169a in 
the fourth yeare of Our Reigne By her Maj tys Command 


Entered with the Com r Gen 1 of the musters. 

D. Crawford. 

The Bishop of London's Licence to the Rev d John Miller. 

Henricus permissione divina Londinensis Episcopus Di- 

r , lecto nobis in Christo Johannis Miller Art : Magistro 

& Clerico Salutem & Gratiam Ad peragendum Offi- 

cium Capellani in Oppido Novi Eboraci apud Americanos in 


precibus commiinibus Aliisq ; ministerijs Ecclesiasticis Ad 
Officium Capellani pertinentibus juxta formam descriptam 
in libro publicarum precum authoritate Parliamenti hujus 
Inclyti Regni Anglias in ea parte edit. & provis. & Ca- 
ñones & Constitutiones in ea legitime stabilitas et publica- 
tas non aliter neqne alio modo Tibi de cujus fidelitate, 
morum integritate Literarum Scientia sana doctrina et dili- 
gentia plurimum confidimns (prestito primitus per te Jura- 
mento tam de agnoscendo Regiam supremam Majestatem 
juxta vim formam et effectum Statuti parliamenti dicti reg- 
lh. London] ni Anglise in ea parte edit. et provis. quam de 
Canónica Obedientia Nobis et Successoribus nostris in óm- 
nibus licitis et honestis per te prsestanda et exhibenda, sub- 
scriptisq ; per te tribus illis articulis mentionatis in tricésimo 
sexto Capitulo libri Constitutionum sive Canonum Ecclesi- 
asticorum Anno Dom. 1604. Regia Autboritate Editorum 
& promulgatorum) Licentiam et facultatem nostram con- 
cedimus et impertimur per prsesentes ad nostrum bene- 
placitum duntaxat duraturas : In cujus rei Testimonium 
Sigillum nostrum (quo in similibus plerumq ; utimur) 
prirsentibus apponi fecimus Dat. nono die Martij Anno 
Dom. 1691, nostrseq translationis anno Décimo Séptimo. 

Certifícate of the Rev d M r Miller having subscribed the Declara- 
tiva according to Act of Parliament. 
Henry, By Divine permission Lord Bisbop of London to 
r , all to wliom these presents shall or may concerne 
health in Our Lord God everlasting. Whereas by 
virtue of An Act of Parliament made in the first 3*ear of the 
reign of Our Sovereign Lord and Lady King William and 
Queen Mary Entituled an Act fQr the abrogating of the 
Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance and appointing other 


oaths It Í8 provided and Enacted That every person at 
his or tbeir respective Admission to be incumbent in any 
Bcclesiasticall promotion or dignity in the Cburch of Eng- 
land sball subscribe and declare before his Ordinary in 
manner and forme as in the said Act is contained Now 
know ye That on the day of the date hereof did personally 
en. London] appear before us M r John Miller Clerke to be 
admitted Chaplain in Newyorke in America and sub- 
scribed as followeth as by the said Act is required : " I 
John Miller Clerke do declare that no forrein Prince 
Person Prelate State or Potentate hath or ought to have 
any Jurisdiction Power Superiority Preéminence or Au- 
thority Ecclesiasticall or Spiritual within this ítealm : 
And that I will conform to the Liturgy of the Church of 
England as it is now by Law Established" In Witness 
whereof We have caused Our Seal Manual to be affixed to 
these presents Dated the 9th day of March in the year of 
Our Lord One thousand six hundred 91 And in the 17 th 
Year of Our Translation. 



The Province and City 


New- York: 


Plans of the City and Several Forts 
as they exifted in the Year 1695. 

By the 
Rev. John Miller. 


Printed and Publiíhed for the Enlightment of 
fuch as would deíire information Anent the New- 
Found-Land of America, 



The following description of New York, as it 
existed a century and a half since, fell into the 
hands of the publisher on the dispersión of the 
library of the late George Chalmers, Esq. 

As it contains sorne curious particulars respecting 
the state of society in the province at the time, 
and is, moreover, of particular local interest, as 
giving plans of the town and the several forts in 
the province, the publisher thought he would be 
rendering an acceptable service to those persons 
who take an interest in tracing the rise and growth 
of the great commercial emporium of the Western 
world by causing a few copies to be printed, and 
thus preserving it írom the chance of being lost or 


The orthography has been modernized, the point- 
ing amended, and a few words, obviously neces- 
sary to complete the sense, have been inserted 
between brackets. 

The author appears to use some peculiar arith- 
metical notation consisting in the employment of 
a superfluous number of ciphers, as page 5, line 4, 
where 300 and 303 are printed for 30 and 33, and 
page 14, where 64,000 is used for 64: these are 
retained, but his obvious meaning is indicated to 
the reader by inserting the true numbers within a 

It may be further necessary to add, that the 
author uniformly uses Cánida instead of Canadá : 
this has been changed to the present usage. All 
other proper ñames are given as in the manuscript. 

To the Right Reverend Father in God, Henry, 
Lord Bishop of London. 

My Lord. 

After having been very near three years resident 
in theprovince of New York, in America, as Chap- 
lain to his Majesty's forces there, and by living in 
the Fort of New York, and constantly attending 
the Governor, had the opportunity of observing 
many things of considerable consequence in rela- 
tion to the Christians and Indians, inhabitants 
thereof, or bordering thereon, and also taken the 
draughts of all the cities, towns, forts, and churches 
of any note within the same, with particular ac- 
counts of the number of our Indians, the strength 
of Canadá, and way thither, and several other 
matters which would have enabled me to give an 
exact account of the present estáte of that province 
and the methods proper to be used for the correc- 
ting certain evils therein, and advantaging thereof, 
principally as to religious aífairs, — I was (obliged 
so to do by several weighty motives, especially 
those of my private concerns) returning home with 
them in July last, when being met and set upon 
by a French privateer and made his prisoner, I 
was obliged to cause them all to be thrown over- 
board, lest I should have given intelligence to an 


enemy to the ruine of the province, instead of a 
friendly information to the advantaging thereof. 
But having had time by my long imprisonment, 
and leisure also sufficient, I thought I could not bet- 
ter employ them than by endeavouring to retrieve 
some part of what I had lost, and put it in such a 
method as might testify the earnest desire I have 
to promote the glory to God, the service of my 
sovereign, and the benefit of my country. What 
I have been able to do through God's assistance, 
the help of my memory, and certain knowledge I 
had of things, your Lordship will find in the follow- 
ing sheets : which however weak and imperfect, 
as it must needs be, I humbly present to your Lord- 
ship as an evidence of my duty and gratitude ; 
submitting it to your wise inspection and serious 
consideration, either to be further improved if it 
seem proper for the end it is designed, or rejected 
if it be unworthy of any respect. Intreating your 
Lordship to pardon what faults and blemishes shall 
be found therein, and heartily praying that the 
Giver of all good things would bless your Lordship, 
(see Note 1,) with health, and prosperity and suc- 
cess in all your affairs, I make bold in all duty to 
subscribe myself, 

My Lord, 
Your Lordship's most faithful, 
And humble servant, 





The province of New York is a country very 
pleasantand delightful, and we]l improved for the 
time it has been settled and the number of its in- 
habitants. It lies in the latitudes of 40 and 41, and 
for the longitude is situated between the 300th and 
303d (30th and 33d) degree north; is in breadth, 
where broadest, from the east to the west, about 
200 miles, and in length, north and south, about 
250, being bounded on the east by New England, 
on the west by New Jersey and the Indian country, 
on the north by the Indian country, and on the south 
by the ocean. It lies almost exactly in the middle 
of the English plantations, which altogether have 
of sea coast, more or less improved by the English, 
both eastward and westward, near 250 leagues. 
This province whereof I speak consists partly of 
islands and partly of the main land: the islands 
of greater consideration are three : New York island, 

28 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

Staten Island, and Nassau (formerly Long) Island ; 
(see Note 2,) the two former make, each of them, 
a county, the first of New York, the second of Rich- 
mond. On Nassau Island are three counties; for 
the western end is King's County, the middle 
Queen's County, and the eastern part SufFolk 
County : to these do belong several other smaller 
islands, which, being at best but so many farms, 
are not worthy consideration. On the main land 
are likewise five counties, namely : West Chester, 
Orange, Dutchess, Ulster, and Albany, (see Note 3,) 
equal in number to, but not so well planted, im- 
proved, and peopled, as the former. The places of 
strength are chiefly three : the city of New York, 
the city of Albany, and the town of Kingstone, in 

The city of New York, more largely taken, is the 
whole island so called, and is in length sixteen 
miles, (see Note 4,) in breadth six, and in circum- 
ference forty-two; but more strictly considered, 
and as a place of strength, is only the part thereof 
within the fortifications, and so is not in length or 
breadth above two furlongs, and in circumference 
a mile. The form of it is triangular, having for the 
sides thereof the west and north lines, and the east 
and south for its arched basis. The chief place of 
strength it boasts of is itsfort, situated on the south 
west angle, which is reasonably strong, and well 
provided with ammunition, having in it about 
thirty-eight guns. Mounted on the basis like- 


wise, in convenient places, are three batteries 
of great guns; one of íifteen, called Whitehall 
Battery, one of five, by the Stadthouse, (see Note 
5,) and the third of ten, by the Burgher's Path. 
(See Note 6.) On the north east angle is a strong 
blockhouse and half moon, wherein are six or 
seven guns ; this part buts upon the river, and is 
all along fortified with a sufficient bank of earth. 
On the north side are two large stone points, 
and therein about eight guns, some mounted and 
some unmounted. On the north west angle is a 
blockhouse, and on the west side two hornworks 
which are furnished with some guns, six or seven 
in number: this side buts upon Hudson's River; 
has a bank in some places twenty fathoms high 
from the water, by reason whereof, and a stockado 
strengthened with a bank of earth on the inside, 
which last is also on the north side to the land- 
ward, it is not easily assailable. As this city is 
the chief place of strength belonging to this prov- 
ince for its defence against those enemies who 
come by sea, so Albany is of principal considera- 
tion against those who come by land, the French 
and Indians of Canadá. It is distant from New 
York 150 miles, and lies up Hudson's River on the 
west side, on the descent of a hill from the west to 
the eastward. It is in circumference about six fur- 
longs, and hath therein about 200 houses, a fourth 
part of what there is reckoned to be in New York. 
The form of it is septangular, and the longest line 

30 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

that which buts upon the river running frorn the 
north to the south. On the west angle is the fort, 
quadrangular, strongly stockadoed and ditched 
round, having in it twenty-one pieces of ordnance 
mounted. On the north west side are two block- 
houses, and on the south west as many: on the 
south east angle stands one blockhouse; in the 
middle of the line from thence northward is a 
horned work, and on the north east angle a mount. 
The whole city is well stockadoed round, and in 
the several fortifications named are about thirty 
guns. Dependent on this city, and about twenty 
miles distance to the northward from it, is the Fort 
of Scanectade, (see Note 7,) quadrangular, with a 
treble stockado, a new blockhouse at every angle, 
and in each blockhouse two great guns; and Nesti- 
gayuna, and the Half-moon; (see Note 8,) places, 
formerly of some account, but now deserted. On 
this city also depends the Fort at the Fíats, four 
miles from Albany, belonging to the River Indians, 
who are about sixty families: it is stockadoed 
round, has a blockhouse and a mount, but no great 
guns. There are in it five Indian wigwams, and 
a house or two serving in case of necessity for the 
soldiers, in number twenty-four, who are the guard 
there. Kingstone is the chief town of Ulster County; 
lies on the west side of Hudson's River, but two 
miles distant from it, from New York eighty-six, 
and from Albany sixty-four miles: it is quadran- 
gular, and stockadoed round, having small horn- 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 31 

works at convenient distances one from the other, 
and in proper places. It is in circumference near 
as big as Albany, but as to number of houses 
not above half so big: on the south side is a par- 
ticular part separated by a stockado from the rest, 
and strengthened with a blockhouse and a horn- 
work wherein are about six guns. 

The number of the inhabitants in this province 
are about 3000 families, whereof almost one-half 
are naturally Dutch, a great part English, and the 
rest French ; which how they are seated, and 
what number of families of each nations, what 
churches, meeting houses, ministers or pretended 
ministers, there are in each county, may be best 
discerned by the table here inserted. As to their 
religión, they are very much divided; few of them 
intelligent and sincere, but the most part ignorant 
and conceited, fickle and regardless. As to their 
wealth and disposition thereto, the Dutch are rich 
and sparing; the English neither very rich, ñor too 
great husbands; the French are poor, and there- 
fore forced to be penurious. As to their way of 
trade and dealing, they are all generally cunning 
and crafty, but many of them not so just to their 
words as they should be. 

The air of this province is very good, and much 
like that of the best parts of France ; not very often 
foggy, ñor yet cloudy or rainy fbr any long time 
together, but generally very clear and thin : the 
north-west winds frequently visit it, and chiefly in 

32 NEW YORK IN 1696. 

winter; ñor does there want in the summer the 
southern breezes, which daily almost rise about 
nine or ten in the morning, and continué till sun- 
set. The weather is, indeed, hotter in summer 
than one would well wish it, and in winter colder 
than he can well endure it ; but both heat and cold 
are in their seasons much abated by the wind last 
spoken of. The coldest wind is generally reckoned 
to be the north west, and it is certainly very sharp 
and piercing, and causes most hard and severe 
frosts; but, in my judgment, the south west ex- 
ceeds it much, but the best of it is that it does not 
blow very often there from that quarter. 

The air and winds being such as I have said, 
the country, consequently, should be very healthful, 
and this is certainly so ; and I daré boldly affirrn 
it to be, on that particular and most beneficial ac- 
count, the best province his Majesty has in all 
America, and very agreeable to the constitution of 
his subjects, so that a sober Englishman may go 
into it, live there, and come out of it again, with- 
out any seasoning or other sickness caused merely 
by the country ; nay, it is so far from causing, that, 
on the contrary, if a man be any thing consump- 
tive, and not too far gone, 'tis ten to one but it will 
cure him; and if inclined to rheums or colds, will 
in a great part, if not wholly, free him from them. 

If the air be good, the land is not bad, but taking 
one place with another, very tolerable, yea, com- 
mendable: there are, 'tis true, many rocks and 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 33 

mountains, but, I believe, the goodness of their 
inside as to metáis and minerals will, when 
searched, make amends for the barrenness of the 
outside : there are also rnany woods and bogs, or 
ratherswamps; but few complainof them, because 
they arTord them mast for their hogs and food for 
their breeding mares and cows, also, in the sum- 
mer time, fur. Walnut, cedar, oak of several kinds, 
and many other sorts of wood proper for building 
of ships or bouses, or necessary for fencing and 
fuel ; turpentine for physical uses, and pitch and 
tar for the seaman's service ; many physical herbs, 
and much wildfowl,assvvans, geese,ducks, turkies, 
a kind of pheasants and partridges, pigeons, &c. 
and no less store of good venison, so that you may 
sometimes buy at your door a quarter for ninepence 
or a shiüing. Henee also they have their furs, 
such as beaver, otter, fisher, martin, musk-rat, bear- 
skin, &e. Indeed, the countenance of them is not 
so beautiful as some of our English writers would 
make us believe ; ñor would I prefer, in that re- 
spect, the wild Indian country before our English 
meadows and closes, much less our gardens when 
in the most flourishing estáte, notwithstanding 
that there are here and there many herbs such and 
as good as we have growing in our gardens to be 
found wild, as mint, sweet marjoram, &c; and, in 
their season, strawberries and walnuts, and sorne 
other sorts of fruits, in great abundance, especially 
grapes, which I am persuaded, if well improved, 

5 203 

34 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

would yield great quantities of strong and pleasant 
wine (see Note 9). 

He that is not pleased with these advantages 
may, if he please to take a little pains in clearing 
the ground by stubbing up the trees and brush- 
wood, have good arable land or pastures, that shall, 
instead of woods and their wild produce, afford him 
good corn and hay, and a reasonable number of fat 
cattle. Indeed, not all alike, for the land toward the 
south is generally a sandy soil, and not very fruit- 
ful, but rather something inclining to barrenness : 
the corn that it produces is small, oftentimes spoiled 
by blasts and mildews, or eaten (especially the 
white peas,) by the worms, but then it produces 
very good Indian corn or maize ; (see Note 10,) 
pleasant fruits, as apples, peaches, melons of sev- 
eral sorts ; good roots as parsneps, turnips, carrots, 
and as good cabbages as need to be eaten : but to 
the northward, and in the Indian country, the land 
is much better ; the soil black and rich, brings forth 
corn in abundance, and that very firm, large, and 
good ; and besides all those fruits aforementioned 
(peaches excepted), cherries, pears, and currants. 

Fish there is in great store, both in the sea and 
rivers; many of them of the same kinds as we 
have in England, and many strange, and such as 
are not to be seen there; some even without ñame, 
except such as was given them from the order they 
were taken in, as first, second, third, &c, (see Note 
11). These are the produce of the country I speak 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 35 

of, and there are yet more than these peculiarly 
proper for the merchant, as train oil and whale- 
bone, though in no very great quantity ; and pipe- 
staves, of which many thousands are yearly trans- 
poned, with several other things, which, with 
some of those before-named, will admit of much 
improvement. The industry that now is used is 
but little; the few inhabitants, having a large 
country before them, care not for more than from 
hand to mouth, and therefore they take but little 
pains, and yet that little produces very good beer, 
bread, eider, wine of peaches, cloth stuíFs, and 
beaver hats, a certain and sufficient sign how plen- 
tiful and beneficial a country it would be did but 
industrious art second nature's bounty, and were 
but the inhabitants more in number than at pres- 
ent they are (see Note 12). 

Merchandizing in this country is a good employ* 
ment, English goods yielding in New York gener- 
ally 100 per cent, ad vanee above the first cost, 
and some of them 200, 300, yea sometimes 400 : 
this makes so many in the city to follow it, that 
whosoever looks on their shops would wonder, 
where there are so many to sell, there should be 
any to buy. 

This, joined to the healthfulness, pleasantness, 
and fruitfulness thereof, are great encouragements 
to people rather to seek the bettering of their for- 
tunes here than elsewhere ; so that it may be hoped 
that a little time will render the inhabitants more 

36 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

numerous than at present they are. Do men 
expect profit in what they carry with them to a 
foreign land ? — they need not fear it here, if their 
goods but suit the country. Would they live in 
health ?— no place so likely to live so in, in this 
part of America. Would they have plenty of neces- 
saries for food and raiment? — New York, in these, 
is not unkind ; but though a stepmother to those 
who come from England, yet furnishes them as 
plentifully, if equally industrious, as their natural 
country does those who stay behind. In short, 
there is nothing wanting to make the inhabitants 
thereof happy but some things which the country 
cannot help them in, ñor yet is guilty of the 
want thereof, to which either themselves do con- 
tribute, or which their ill settlement, or worse gov- 
ernment, has introduced, and some things which 
the few years of their being a province has not yet 
given any favorable opportunities for, ñor permitted 
to be settled among them ; which what they are 
I shall next proceed to discover and speak of in 
the best method and order that I can, and with as 
much brevity as the subject will conveniently admit 
of, after having first presented to the reader some 
draughts or ground plots of the most remarkable 
places already discoursed of, as you will perceive 
by considering these following figures : — > 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 






Chapel in the fort 
Dutch Calvinists 
Dutch Lutheran 

Jews Synagogue 


Dr. Selinus (See Note 

Dr. Perot (See Note 

Saullirown (SeeNote 

15.) _ 
Dr. Selinus 







English 40,Dissent- 



A Meeting House 

Dr. Bonrepos (See 

English 40 
Dutch 44 
French 36 





Dr. Varick died Aug. 
1694, and another 
sent for May 27, 

300 or 400, chiefly 


Jamaica ^ _, 
Hampstedl Meeting 

Newtown j Houses 

Mr. Philips ] without 
Mr. Vesey* J- any 
Mr. Motf J orders. 

300 or 400 English, 
most Dissenters, 
and some Dutch. 


Eight or nine Meet- 
ing Houses ; al- 
most one at every 

Seven Ministers, Dis- 
senters, Presbyte- 
rian, or Independ- 
ent. One lately 
gone to Scotland. 

500 or 600 English, 
and Dissenters for 
the most part. 


A Meeting House at 
West Chester. 

A young man coming 
to settle there with- 
out any orders. (See 
Note 19.) 

200 or 300 English 
and Dissenters ; 
few Dutch. 


20 English & Dutch. 


30 English & Dutch. 


Dutch Calvinist, at 
Kingstone, í'or five 
or six towns. 

A Minister to come, 
his books brought; 
but he missed his 

300, Dutch mostly; 
some English and 


Dutch Calvinist 
Dutch Lutheran 

Dr. Dellius. (See Note 

A Dutch Minister sent 


400 or 500 Dutch, 
all Calvinists, ex- 
cept 12 or 14 Lu- 

*See Note 17. 

f See Note 18. 

38 NEW YORK IN 1695. 



Come we now to consider those things which I 
have said to be either wanting or obstructive to the 
happiness of New York ; and here I shall not speak 
of every slight and trivial matter, but only those 
of more considerable importance, which I count to 
be six. Ist, The wickedness and irreligión of the 
inhabitants; 2d, want of ministers; 3d, differ- 
ence of opinión in religión ; 4th, a civil dissension ; 
5th, the heathenism of the Indians; and, 6th, the 
neighborhood of Canadá: of every one of these I 
shall say something as shall be most material. 

The first is the wickedness and irreligión of the 
inhabitants, which abounds in all parts of the prov- 
ince, and appears in so many shapes, constituting 
so many sorts of sin, that I can scarce tell which 
to begin withal. But, as a great reason of and 
inlet to the rest, I shall first mention the great neg- 
ligence of divine things that is generally found in 
most people, of what sect or party soever theypre- 
tend to be: their eternal interests are their least 
concern, and, as if salvation were not a matter of 
moment, when they have opportunities of serving 
God they care not for making use thereof; or, if 
they go to church, 'tis but too often out of curiosity, 
and to find out faults in him that preacheth rather 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 39 

than to hear their own, or, what is yet worse, to 
slight and deride where they should be serious. 
If they have none of those opportunities, they are 
well contented, and regard it little if there be any 
who seem otherwise and discontented. Many of 
them, when they have them, make appear by their 
actions 'twas but in show; for though at first they 
will pretend to have a great regard for God's ordin- 
ances, and a high esteem for the rainistry, whether 
real or pretended, a little time will plainly evi- 
dence that they were more pleased at the novelty 
than truly affected with the benefit, when they 
slight that which they before seemingly so much 
admired, and speak evil of him who before was the 
sabject of their praise and commendation, and that 
without any other reason than their own fickle 
temper and envious humour. In a soil so rank as 
this, no marvel if the Evil One find a ready enter- 
tainment for the seed he is minded to cast in; and 
from a people so inconstant, and regard less of 
heaven and holy things, no wonder if God with- 
draw his grace, and give them up a prey to those 
temptations which they so industriously seek to 
embrace : henee is it, therefore, that their natural 
corruption without check or hinderance is, by fre- 
quent acts, improved into habits most evil in the 
practice, and difficult in the correction. 

One of which, and the first I am minded to 
speak, of, is drunkenness, which, though of itself a 
great sin, is yet aggravated in that it is an occa- 

40 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

sion of many others. 'Tis in this country a com~ 
mon thing, even for the meanest persons, so soon 
as the bounty of God has furnished them with a 
plentiíúl crop, to turn what they can as soon as 
may be into money, and that money into drink, 
at the same time when their family at home have 
nothing but rags to protect their bodies from the 
winter's cold ; nay if the fruits of their plantations 
be such as by their own immediate labour con- 
vertible into liquor, such as eider, perry, &c, they 
have scarce the patience to stay till it is fit for 
drinking, but, inviting their pot-companions, they 
all of them, neglecting whatsoever work they are 
about, set to it together, and give not overtill they 
have drunk it orT. And to these sottish engage- 
ments they will make nothing to ride ten or twenty 
miles, and at the conclusión of one debauch an- 
other generally is appointed, except their stock 
of liquor fail them. Ñor are the mean and country 
people only guilty of this vice, but they are 
equalled, nay surpassed, by many in the city of 
New York, whose daily practice is to frequent the 
taverns, and to carouse and game their night em- 
ployment. This course is the ruin and destruction 
of many merchants, especially those of the younger 
sort, who, carrying over with thern a stock, whether 
asfactors, or on their own account, spend, even to 
prodigality, till they find themselves bankrupt ere 
they are aware (see Note 21). 

In a town where this course of life is led by 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 41 

many, 'tis no wonder if there be other vices in 
vogue, because they are the natural product of it, 
such are cursing and swearing, to both of which 
people are here much accustomed ; some doing it 
in that frequent, horrible, and dreadful manner as 
if they prided themselves both as to the number 
and invention of them: this, joined with their pro- 
fane, atheistical and scoffing method of discourse, 
makes their cotnpany extremely uneasy to sober 
and religious men, who sometimes, by reason of 
their aífairs, cannot help being of their society, 
and becoming ear-witnesses of their blasphemy 
and folly. 'Tis strange that men should engage 
themselves so foolishly, and run into the commis- 
sion of so great a sin unto which they have no 
sufficient, often not a pretended, provocation, and 
from which they reap no advantage ñor any real 
pleasure : and yet we see them even delight in it, 
and no discourse is thought witty or eloquent ex- 
cept larded with oaths and execrations. Howso- 
ever difficult these sins may be to be corrected in 
a large and populous kingdom, I should scarce 
think them so in a province, where the total 
number of inhabitants wili scarce equal the 64,- 
OOOth (64th) part of those who are computed to be 
in London ; nay, am sure they might be much hin- 
dered, were but the good laws made against them 
put duly in execution. 

'Tis an ordinary thing with vices that one of 
them introduces another, and is a reason of their 

42 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

easy and common success; and so we see it here. 
That where men drink to so high a pitch, and 
pamper their debauched palates with the rich and 
most nourishing viands the country aíFords, 'tis 
certain the flesh must grow high and rebellious, 
so as imperiously to command where it ought to 
obey; nay, not to be contented without variety, 
whatsoever obstacle or impediment lies in the way. 
Reason, that should rule and direct to better things, 
is so far debauched, that she pretends to defend 
the contrary ; and by objecting the troubles and 
confinements of a married state, and extolling the 
sweet and unconfined pleasures of the wandering 
libertines, prevails with many not to think forni- 
cation, nay, not adultery, dangerous sins, but rather 
to be chosen than lawful wedlock, the proper and 
really sufíieient (though not to debauched and pam- 
pered bodies) remedy for the hinderance of these 
evils. I say it is a proper and sufíieient remedy if 
duly practiced, and according to law and reason, 
which in New York it is not; because, 

lst. There are many couples live together with- 
out ever being married in any manner of way ; 
many of whom, after they have lived some years 
so, quarrel, and, thereupon separating, take unto 
themselves, eitherin New York or some other prov- 
ince, new companions; but, grant they do not so, 
how can such expect that God should bless them 
together while they live in open contempt of his 
holy ordinance ? 

NEW YORK IN 1605. 43 

2d. Those who in earnest do intend to be mar- 
ried together are in so much haste, that, com- 
monly, enjoyment precedes the marriage, to which 
they seldom come till a great belly puts it so for- 
ward, that they must either submit to that, or to 
shame ana disgrace which they avoid by marriage ; 
ante-nuptial fornication, where that succeeds, 
being not looked upon as any scandal or sin at all. 

3d. There is no sufficient provisión for the mar- 
rying of people in this province, the most that are 
married here being married by justices of the peace, 
for which there neither is ñor can be in New York 
any law: (see Note 22,) on this account, many 
looking upon it as no marriage at all, and being 
easily inducedto think it so when they find them- 
selves pinched by the contract, think it no great 
matter to divorce themselves, as they term it, and 
marry to others where they can best, and accord- 
ing to their own liking. Whether this manner of 
marrying by justices of the peace be a sufficient 
engagement to the married couple to live together, 
is to me a matter not disputable ; and, in the mean- 
while, the scandal and evil that flowsfrom henee is 
very great : and I myself know at this time a man 
who filis the place and exercises the office of a 
minister and school-master in the island of Barba- 
does that was married to a woman of New York 
by a justice of peace, and, after falling out with 
her, betook himself to another woman, whom he 
got with child, and went afterwards to Barbadoes, 

44 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

where, if he be not married to her, at least he lives 
with her as though she were his wife; the woman 
the meantitne continuing in New York, was soon 
after married to another man. 

4th. Supposingthe way of marrying were lawful, 
yet many justices are so ignorant or mean-spirited, 
or both, that thereby it comes to pass they are often 
prevailed upon to marry a couple together that are 
either one or both of them engaged or married to 
other persons: an eminent instance hereof I knew 
in New York. A woman, dissolute in manners, not 
liking to live with her husband, contracted herself 
to another person, and carne with him to a justice 
ofpeace to be married. The justice, knowing the 
woman to be the wife of another man, refused at 
first to marry them ; but they, understanding he 
had offended in the like matter before, threatened 
to acquaint the Governor therewith, if he would 
not marry them also; which rather than hazard, 
he granted their request ; thus offending the first 
time through ignorance, and the second through 
fear. I carne to know of it by this means : — the 
woman thus married outliving her second husband, 
had inveigled the son of an honest woman of Ñas* 
sau Island to marry her, her first husband still liv- 
ing: his mother, looking upon such a match as his 
ruin, sought al I she could to hinder it, and, as her 
last refuge, carne to me, desiring me to do what I 
could that he might not have a license out of the 
Secretary's office, which I obstructed by entering 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 45 

a caveat, and so prevented it for that time ; and 
what is done in it since I cannot tell : but this am 
sure of, that the too frequent practice of this evil 
is such as loudly calis for redress and amend- 

The great encouragement for gaining a liveli- 
hood that is given to people in this province, where 
whosoever will take pains may have land enough 
whereon to raise an estáte for themselves and heirs, 
and the mean accommodations or at least the no 
great riches, of the first inhabitants, have been the 
reason that thieving and robbing has been very 
little practised in this conntry. But now, of late, 
since some people are become wealthy enough to 
purchase and- have by them what is worth the 
taking away, and that the out-parts of the province 
(where the best land is) towards Canadá are so 
harassed by the French and their Indians, that 
men are fearful to plant and dwell there, and that 
people are fallen into so great debauchery and idle- 
ness, thieving is become more frequent ; and many 
considerable robberies have been committed in my 
time in New York, to the great discouragement of 
industrious people, and increase of vice and sin. 
There are many other wickednesses which I might 
speak of as wanting redress, but there is no need 
of enlarging on their account ; for, were these of 
greater note already spoken of discouraged, the 
rest would of themselves fall to nothing. 

46 NEW YORK IN 1695. 



A second and great inconveniency this province 
suffers under is in relation to a ministry ; for it is 
most certain, that where there are persons of some 
repute and authority living, who give good example 
by their sober Uves and conversations, and dili- 
gence in their duty, sin is mightily discouraged, 
and religión and virtue gain ground upon her daily, 
and increase and flourish; and that, where there 
are none such, vice has a free course, and religión 
continually decays, and, what by the negligence 
ofmen, and the malice and subtility of the enemy 
ofall, goodness runs to ruin. Now, in New York, 
there are either 

1, No ministers at all, that is, the settled and 
established religión of the nation, and of such 
there is not, oftentimes, one in the whole province ; 
ñor at any time, except the Chaplain to his Ma- 
jesty's forces in New York, (see Note 23,) that does 
discharge, or pretend to discharge, the duty of a 
minister, and, he being but one, cannot do it every- 
where; nay, but in very few places but New York 
itself: and being necessitated sometimes to go to 
England, it happens that both the garrison and the 
city are without a minister a year together. It hap- 
pens, also, that he is often changed, which is not 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 4t 

without its inconveniences, but proves very prejudi- 
cial to religión in many cases, as is easy to instance : 
besides, while he doés his duty among them, he 
shall experience their gratitude but very little, and 
be sure to meet with a great many discouragements, 
except, instead of reprehending and correcting, he 
will connive at and soothe people in their sinful 

2, Ur secondly, if there be any ministers, they 
are such as only cali themselves so, and are but 
pretended ministers ; many of them have no orders 
at aJl, but set up for themselves of their own head 
and authority ; or, if they have orders, are Presby- 
terians, Independents, &c. Now all these have no 
other encouragement for the pains they pretend to 
take than the voluntary contributions of the people, 
or, at best, a salary by agreement and subscription, 
which yet they shall not enjoy, except they take 
more care to please the humours and delight the 
fancies of their hearers, than to preach up true reli- 
gión and a christian life : henee it comes to pass 
that the people Uve very loosely, and they them- 
selves very poorly, at best, if they are not forced 
for very necessity, and by the malice of some of 
their hearers, to forsake their congregations. Be- 
sides being of different persuasions, and striving to 
settle such sentiments as they indulge themselves 
in in the hearts of those who are under their min- 
istry, they do more harm, in distracting and divid- 

48 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

ing the people, than good in the amending their 
lives and conversations. 

o, Or thirdly, if there be, or have been any min- 
isters, and those ministers of the Church of England, 
they have been here, and are in other provinces, 
many of them, such as, being of a vicious Ufe and 
conversation, have played so many vile pranks, 
and shewn such an ill light, as has been very pre- 
judicial to religión in general, and the Church of 
England in particular ; or else they have been such 
as, though sober, yet have been very young, and 
so, instead of doing good, have been easily drawn 
into the commission of evil, and become as scan- 
dalous as those last mentioned. Now though, as 
to this last charge, I must not be conceived to speak 
so much in relation to New York as the other 
English plantations, because there has been gen- 
erally, from time to time, but one minister at a 
time as Chaplain to his Majesties forces there, yet 
is not New York wholly unconcerned herein, since, 
there having been several chaplains successive to 
one another, some have not so carried thémselves 
as to be, and that deservedly, without blame : be- 
sides, three that I know of have come by the by, 
whose either life or knowledge, or both, have not 
been commendable ; and, as I am informed, there 
is one there now, and another going from Barba- 
does, the former not free from all exception, and 
the latter lying under very great scandal. 

NEW YORK IN 1696. 49 



The province of New York being peopled by 
several nations, there are manifold and diíferent 
opinions of religión among them; as to which, 
though there arebut very few of any sect who are 
either real or intelligent, yet several of the parti- 
zans of each sort have every one such a desire of 
being uppermost, and increasing the number of 
their own party, that they not only thereby make 
themselves unhappy by destroying true piety, and 
setting np instead thereof a fond heat and blind 
zeal for they know not what, but also industriously 
obstruct the settlement of the established religión 
of the nation, which only can make them happy; 
and have hitherto, either by their craft and cun- 
ning, or their money, prospered in their designs ; 
and to do thus they have but too much pretence, 
from the scandalous lives of some ministers — the 
matter considered under the former head. 



I shall, in the fourth place, reckon as not a small 
unhappiness to the province of New York the divi- 

7 219 

50 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

sion in the civil state happening on this occasion. 
Wheu his present gracious M ajesty carne into Eng- 
land to redeem us from Popery and arbitrary 
power, the news of his success arriving in New 
England, put some people there upon overturning 
the government, which they aífected : how just 
their reasons and proceedings were is not my busi- 
ness to inquire, but this action of theirs put the 
inhabitants of New York upon the like project. 
Colonel Nicholson, the then Lieutenant Governor, 
and the council, thought it best to attend orders 
what they should do from England ; and in the 
meanwhile, the Colonel, to free the people from all 
jealousies and fears, permitted daily a proportion- 
able part of the city train-bands to have the guard 
of the fort with the King's soldiers. But Mr. Jacob 
Leysler, a man of small beginnings, but thence 
grown a merchant, and about this time decaying 
in his fortune, and others of his party, were no 
ways contented with this modérate course pro- 
posed, but, pretending fears of being sold or given 
to the French, and terming all Papists, or popishly 
aífected, who did not favor his designs, seized 
upon the fort and government too, in the manage- 
ment of which he did many good things ; and, if 
people say truth, was guilty of doing many things 
that were irregular, and some very bad, as unlaw- 
fully imprisoning the King's subjects, taking away 
their goods by forcé, designing to kill the natural 
English and all who joined with them, man, 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 51 

woman, and child, &c.;so that when Colonei 
Slaughter carne over in March 1H91, he and one 
Mr. Milburn his son-in-law, who had greatly 
counselled and assisted him in his designs, were 
tried for their lives and condemned, and, what is 
more, hanged, to the great sorrow and regret of 
their whole party, who have vowed revenge, and, 
some say, want but an opportunity to effect their 
purpose. I shall not pretend here to enquire into 
the real intentions or actions of Leysler's party, or 
those who were against them, neither into the 
truth of those things which the one party allege 
against the other; but only say, that, having con- 
sidered what I have seen done and heard said on 
the one side and on the other, I do believe that 
there were some of either side who sought in what 
they did their own advantage ; many who truly 
did intend his Majesty's service ; and many who 
blindiy followed the leading men, neither consid- 
ering what they did, ñor whether they led them; 
and that these injuries, done by either side to their 
opposites, have made a most unhappy división and 
breach among them, which will hardly of a long 
time admit of cure, except some very prudent and 
modérate method be used for that purpose more 
than has already been put in practice (see Note 

52 NEW YORK IN 1695. 



The next thing in this province blameable is the 
heathenism of the natural Indians, who here, in 
the very heart of a Christian country, practice their 
barbarous and devilish customsand modesof wor- 
ship, notwithstanding it is now sixty years and 
more since Christians first inhabited this country, 
and thirty years since the English were possessed 
thereof. Indeed, there is something to be said in 
excuse hereof, that is, the unsettledness of the 
country for a long time, the several changes of gov- 
ernment it has undergone, and the small number 
of the English at present; and something to be 
objected, that is, that it would be first reasonable 
to settle religión among those who are professed 
Christians before we pretend to the conversión and 
settlement of the Indians. To which I answer, 
that, as what is passed must be excused, since it 
can't be helped, so, I see no reason in the objec- 
tion, because a sufficient provisión may be made, 
that one thing may be done and the other not left 
undone ; especially when the Indians are so inclina- 
ble to receive the Christian faith, as they have made 
appear they are, both by that considerable number 
of the Mohawks whom Dr. Dellius has converted, 
(though by a method not so exact and prevalent as 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 53 

might be used,) and those Oneidas converted to 
Popery by the jesuit Millet, (see Note 25,) much to 
the advantage of the French, who have debauched 
so many of our Indians as they have made Christ- 
ians, and obliged, by so doing, some of our Mo- 
hawks so much, that one of them, asi have heard, 
having run away from us to them, and, thereupon, 
being upbraided with his infidelity in forsaking 
his oíd friends, in his own defence made answer, 
that he had lived longamong the English, but they 
had never all that while had so much love for him 
as to instruct him in the concerns of his soul, and 
shew him the way to salvation, which the French 
had done upon their first acqaintance with him; 
and, therefore, he was obliged to love and be faith- 
ful to them, and engage as many of his nation as 
he could to go along with him and to partake of 
the same knowledge and instructions that were 
arTorded and imparted to him, so that it appears to 
be a work not only of great charity but of almost 
absolute necessity to endeavor the conversión of 
the five nations and other Indians, lest they be 
wholly debauched by the French, and become, 
by God's just permission. for our neglect therein, 
of faithíul and true friends, as they have been 
hitherto, most dangerous and cruel enemies. 

54 NEW YORK IN 1695. 



Canadá, (see Note 26,)although not in this prov- 
ince, but far distant from it, is yet a great enemy 
to the peace and happiness of it. First, as it is the 
reason why the most fruitful part thereof lies at 
present waste, forsaken by its former inhabitants, 
and hindered as to its future improvements. 
Second, as it is the reason why His Majesty and 
the remainder of this province are at great charges 
in maintaining Albany and the frontiers against 
the insults of the Frenen and their Indians. Third, 
as they debauch our Indians from their fidelity, 
and instruct them in popery, both which at present 
are, and hereafter will be, much to the damage of 
this province : add hereunto that, by the damage 
they do to the other provinces [of ] New England, 
and are at all times ready to do, they put the king 
of England and his subjeets to a great deal more 
charge to defend themselyes than the king of 
France, or the jesuits (if it be their country, as 
some say it is) are at to defend Canadá against 
us,though we are in all over twenty times their 
number; besides, the governors of New York that 
have been from time to time have so often 
promised our Indians, to encourage them to 
continué the war, that they would send for ships 

NEW YORK IN 1G95. 55 

from England to come and wholly subdue and 
conquer Canadá, that they, seeing they do not 
come, and that Sir Francis Wheeler, when at 
Boston, attempted nothing, begin to be discon- 
tented, and to charge the governor with breach of 
promise, and are very wavering ín their fidelity 
and friendship towards the English; so that it ap- 
pears a matter highly requisite to be endeavoured 
to conquer and subdue Canadá, and that before it 
grow stronger in fortifications than at present it is; 
and, indeed, it is a shame it should not be efíected, 
when we so much exceed them in strength in 
those parts, and when, if it please God to prosper 
us therein, we shall not only be freed from the 
charges which at present every province is at, 
more or less, but Canadá may be so settled that 
it may be a great addition of strength and wealth 
to the English in America, without being, in a little 
time, any charge, but rather a benefit to the crown, 
as by a method to be laid down íbr the subduing 
and re-settlement of it, shall, as I trust, in due 
time and place appear. And now I have finished 
the consideration of the province of New York, 
and of those things therein or relating thereto 
which, being of greater moment or consequence, 
are worthy of blame and correction; and shall now 
lay down the means and method which I conceive 
proper for the remedying thereof, and thereby of 
advantaging and improving the country, which I 
shall do in three chapters: the first treating of the 

56 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

more general means; the second containing a par- 
ticular method for the conversión of the Indians; 
and the third proposing a way for the subduing and 
resettlement of Canadá. 



The great, rnost proper, and as I conceive efiectual, 
means to remedy and prevent all the disorders I 
have already mentioned, and promote the settle- 
ment and improvement of religión and unity, both 
amongthe English subjects that are already Chris- 
tians and the Indians supposed to be made so, is, 
that his Majesty will graciously please to send over 
a bishop to the province of New York, who, if duly 
qualified, impowered, and settled, may, with the 
assistance of a small forcé for the subduing of Can- 
adá, by God's grace and blessing be author of great 
happiness, not only to New York in particular, but 
to all the English plantations on that part of the 
continent of America in general. I doubt not but 
this proposal may, at íirst sight, seem very strange 
and unlikely to be eífected; but if what follows be 
duly weighed and considered, I believe it will not 
appear wholly unreasonable. 

It has heretofore been usual in England, when 
and where the dioceses have been so large that the 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 57 

bishop alone could not suffice for the government 
thereof, to adjoin to him one or more suffragan 
bishops, each of which were wont to execute such 
power, jurisdiction, and authority, and receive such 
profits as were limited in their commission by the 
bishop or diocesan whose suífragans they were. 
Such an one, I humbly conceive, might be very 
well sent over to the north-east partof America, to 
to be there and act as sufTragan to my Lord of 
London. To do this, as I doubt not his Majesty's 
power, so I cannot think my Lord of London will 
be unwilling; and I am sure the great distance of 
the country, being 3000 miles from England, the 
largeness of the provinces considered altogether, 
and number of the people, with the other particu- 
lars already mentioned, do sufficiently require it. 
In hopes, therefore, that such a proposal as this 
will meet with good entertainment, or with a char- 
itable and candid construction, at the least, among 
those who can best promote it, I shall proceed to 
mention some things which will much conduce to 
the bishop's better entertainment and success (see 
Note 27). 

And, first, I shall speak of his personal qualifica- 
tions; second of the place of his residence; third, 
of the powers to be committed to him ; and, fourth, 
of the provisión to be made for his maintenance. 

1. — Among his personal qualifications I must, in 
the first place, reckon his age, his learning, and his 
piety, which, being particulars not fit for me to 

58 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

speak of, I shall pass them by, and leave them to 
the prudent judgment and determination of that 
pious prelate whose suffragan he is to be. But be- 
cause I am something acquainted with the humours 
and inclinations of the inhabitants of that country, 
I shall make bold to add, that it is requisite he be 
a person of an obliging temper and conversation, 
who, having power to compel, will rather persuade 
and win to obedience by kind acts and generous 
usage ; one whose deportment must vindícate his 
person and place from conté mpt, and yet must be, 
when occasions reqnire, someek, complaisant, and 
free, that even the meanest may not have reason 
to count him proud. One whose generous soul 
must always aim at good and laudable actions, and 
whose humility and love to virtue must be so great 
and real as that he will not think much to submit 
to low condescensions, inferior means, and contin- 
ual pains to bring a pious and possible design to per- 
fection : one that can so justly esteem of riches as 
to think it a necessary care to manage his income 
well, that he may have wherewithal to íorward 
and encourage a good work, and yet so little affect 
and love them, as freely to part with them to pious 
and charitable uses; and, lastly, one that will both 
constantly practice those eminent notes of true 
Christianity, love andcharity, himself, and promote 
them among all those who cali themselves disciples 
of the crucified Jesús. 

2. — The place of his residence, as I have already 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 59 

intimated, will most properly be in the province 
and city of New York, for which there are several 
reasons: — first, the healthfulness of the country, 
the air being clear and puré, and the climate most 
agreeable to an English constitution, so that few 
or none contract diseases on that account, but 
many are freed from them ; second, because a 
rnaintenance will be more easily settled for him in 
this province than in any other, after the manner 
I shall presently set down; third, because this is 
the rnost proper place to begin a reformation oí 
disorders in, which are here greater than any 
where else, and yet will be more easily regulated; 
and to settle the government of thechurchoi Eng- 
land, a matter whose foundation being already 
laid, though at present hindered, will yet, with a 
little pains, be put into a good forwardness ; fourth, 
for the site of it, this country isas much as may be 
in the midst of all the other English plantations, 
so that a bishop being placed therein, his good in- 
fluences and care will be readily dispensed for the 
benefit of every part; fifth, because there are 
already such forces in this province, that is, 300 
soldiers in his majesty's pay, as will be sufficient 
to awe troublesome and pragmatical spirits, if 
there be any so bold as to endeavour to make any 
disturbance upon his going over. 

3. — The power and authority requisite for him 
are these following: — first, that he be consecrated 
bishop by the archbishop, and duly impowered by 

60 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

my Lord of London, so that he may act as sufTra- 
gan bishop to hira, not only in New York, but also 
in all the English provinces in that part of Amer- 
ica; second, that his Majesty, uniting the prov- 
inces of New York, Connecticut, New Jersey, and 
Rhode Island into one government, will please 
(see Note 28,) to send him over governor thereof, 
allowing him all the powers and privileges granted 
usually to the governors of New York, with power 
also to go out of his province so often as he shall 
think good to visit the other provinces as bishop 
only, and to constitute, not only for the time of 
his absence but if he see necessary at all other 
times, a lieutenant governor under him. 

Note, that this unión of the four governments 
proposed is not of absolute necessity, only of great 
convenience, so that it may be omitted (especially 
if Canadá be subdued,) and the bishop be made 
governor of New York only, with the powers and 
priviliges before mentioned. 

4. — That a maintenance may not be wanting 
suitable to his place and the great ends he is to 
promote, neither for the present ñor future, it is 

First, that if his Majesty is pleased to unite the 
four governments into one, that then he will please 
also to allow the bishop, as governor thereof, ¿£1500 
per annum, out of which a reasonable part or por- 
tion shall be paid to the lieutenant governor; or if 
New York be continued as it is at present, and he 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 61 

sent over as governor thereof only, that then his 
Majesty will please to allow him .£1000 per ann. 
salary (out of which the lieutenant governor to 
have a reasonable parí,) and all the other profits, 
benefits, and privileges which the present governor 
of New York enjoys ; and also leave and power to 
search for (if he please) and open royal mines, as 
of silver, etc., if he can find any such, either in 
Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, or New 
Jersey, on condition that in so doing he make use 
of the service of negroes only, and to pay to his 
Majesty such a proportion of the metal as, the 
charges and goodness of the ore considered, shall 
seem reasonable 

Second, That, to make up the abatement of his 
salary by that part allowed the lieutenant gov- 
ernor, his Majesty will please, so soon as oppor- 
tunity presents, to give him some considerable pre- 
ferment in England that does not require his per- 
sonal residence. 

Third, That his Majesty will please to allow him 
all licenses of marriage and probates of wills, and 
other things usually belonging to the bishops of Eng- 
land, and at present withheld from my Lord of Lon- 
don, and these to be given to himself as bishop, and 
those who shall be sent after him to serve in that 
station, now only in the province of New York 
and its dependencies, but hereafter in the other 
provinces also, so soon as religión shall come to be 
fully established therein: these particulars, if 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 

granted, will well suffice for apresent maintenance ; 
but then we must not neglect to propose a method 
of providing and settling a future maintenance that 
may be peculiar to himself as bishop, when he is 
so only, not constituted governor, as at present he 
is supposed to be, but when some other gentleman 
is sent over in that station, that he may then have 
wherewithal to maintain his family and keep up 
hospitality. Besides what [is] already considered, 
that will then remain to him, these further partic- 
ulars are necessary to be put in practice: — 

1. That his Majesty wiJl please to give him 
the farm in New York, commonly called the king's 
farm, for a seat for himself and successors, which, 
though at present a very ordinary thing, yet will it 
admitof considerable improvement; and since this 
farm, renting at present for sixty bushels of wheat 
per annum, in the whole at four shillings per 
bushel, amounting to .£12 New York money, is at 
present an advantage to the governor, that I may 
not seem not to care how much I impoverish the 
governor so I enrich the bishop, I further propose 
that the bishop be obliged, when himself is not 
governor, to render an equivalent to the present 
rent, either by giving yearly so many loads of hay, 
or by settling so much land where he please, with- 
in two miles of New York, as shall be sufficient for 
that purpose, or to pay the sum of money itself, 
which shall be best approved of. 

2. That his Majesty will please, by letterspatent, 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 

to grant him the propriety of the Mohawks land, 
that is, so much thereof as is now unpurchased of 
the Indians, on condition that the first improve- 
ment he makes thereof shall be to settle in one or 
two towns, as shall seem best, lOOEnglish families, 
on 5000 or 6000 acres of good land, the whole tobe 
settled on himself as bishop, and his successors; 
and, for his encouragement, so to do with all the 
other land to be irnproved by him afterwards, as 
shall be best for the particular benefit and advan- 
tage of himself and heirs. 

And that the Bishop maybe the betterfurnished 
for some particular works of charity, such as con- 
verting the Indians, building churches, settling 
houses and a maintenance for ministers, etc., it is 
further humbly proposed — 

1. That his Majesty, the Bishops, and other char- 
itably disposed gentlemen, will please to make 
some contributions towards building a church in 
New York. 

2. That his Majesty and my Lord of London, 
will please to give him the best authority and di- 
rections that may be for the obtaining apart of the 
revenue settled in New England forconverting the 
Indians,- such as shall be thought convenient. 

3. That his Majesty will please to allow a chap- 
lain to the soldiers at Albany in particular (to be 
paid out of the ad vanee of theirpay) who arelately 
gone over, and to be sometimes changed with him 
at New York. 

64 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

4. Lastly, it is necessary that the Bishop carry 
overwith him five or six sober young ministers, 
with bibles and prayer books, and other things 
convenient for churches, as shall be thought best. 

Whosoever goes over with these powers, quali- 
fications, and supplies, shall in a short time (throngh 
God's assistance) be able to make a great progress 
in the settlement of religión, and the correction of 
vice and debauchery in those countries; and, to 
be a little more particular, — 

1. To those several vices of irreligión, drunken- 
ness, cursing and swearing, fornication and adul- 
tery, thieving. and other evils accompanying them, 
he may put a stop by causing the good laws of Eng- 
land already made to be put in execution, and by 
providing others where those seem or are deficient ; 
and also, 

2. Which will remedy likewise the second head 
of inconveniences, want of a ministry, by settling 
ministers in those towns already provided for by 
Act of Assembly in some measure, and, as he best 
can, by supplying them with what is wanting, both 
for their private necessities and for the public exer- 
cise of religión, as allotting to them or purchasing 
for them glebe lands, promoting the building of 
churches, ministers' houses, settling schools with 
salaries, &c , by endeavoring so soon as may be, to 
provide for other places which are not provided for 
by that act, by exhorting, and, where good advice 
and persuasions will not prevail, by compelling, 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 65 

ministers to live piously and soberly, and give a 
good example to their flocks. 

3. By not suffering any justice of peace to marry 
in the province within ten miles of the place 
where any minister dwells, and endeavoring to 
promote the establishment of the like law in other 
provinces where it may conveniently be done, by 
causing the ministers and churchwardens to keep 
registers of all christenings, buryings, and marri- 
ages, according as in England is bylaw appointed, 
and always to take great care to prevent the marry- 
ing of any persons who are either one or both of 
them already engaged or married to others. 

4. And where this is duly taken care of, another 
inconveniency will be well provided for. Men, 
although at present of many and difFerent opinions, 
yet may be reconciled, in a great measure, by a 
pious and prudent ministry, who will seek to re- 
duce them by good exhortations, to oblige them 
by neighbourly and charitable kindnesses, to en- 
courage them by their own practice to live in the 
fear of God, and in brotherly love and unity one 
with another. 

5. And though this method will greatly help 
towards the removal of the fourth inconveniency, 
yet it will not be completed without the assistance 
of his civil authority ; that is, by causing a pro- 
clamation, or, if it seem necessary, an Act of As- 
sembly, to be made, prohibiting all people to 
reproach any person for having been of Leysler's 

9 235 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 

or the contrary party ; to yex or sue one another 
in law for any evils suffered in those times, or 
since; or to do any thing that may tend to the 
widening the breach or continuing the remem- 
brance thereof, commanding them to forget things 
past, and to forgive one another; to Uve in peace, 
and to associate together as they did before that 
división, and as if such a thing had never hap- 
pened : and by shewing himself indifíerent to both 
parties, encouraging equally those oí them who 
show themselves honest and virtuous, and trnly 
well affected to his Majesty's interest. Thus may 
these several inconveniencies already mentioned 
be well redressed ; but as for the conversión of the 
Indians, and the conquest of Canadá, they will 
require, each of them, a particular chapter. 



When I speak of converting the Indians, by In- 
dians I mean, principally, those five nations which 
lie between Albany and Canadá, and are called : 
1, Mohawks or Maquaes ; 2, Oneides; '3, Chiugas; 
4, Onundages; and 5, Penecas: (see Note 29,) of 
whom tho' most of the Mohawks are converted to 
Christianity by Dr. Dellius, and some of the Oneides 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 67 

by the jesuit Millet ; yet the first not being yet es- 
tablished in any good order at all, and the last 
being converted to popery, I look upon the work 
as yet wholly to be done ; and if what has been 
already done is not a disadvantage to it, yet that 
little advantage is gained thereby, except a demon- 
stration of inclination of the Indians to embrace 
the Christian religión. And though I mention 
only the five nations, yet do I not speak of them 
so as excluding all other septs and nations of them; 
no — for I hope this, once performed and brought to 
a good pass, may be as a ground work to the con- 
versión of all the rest, as opportunity shall present ; 
yea, possibly may be improved so far as to render 
this part of the continent truly civilized, speaking 
the English language, and submitting to his Ma- 
jesty's government. And to begin, — 

First. — -That the person who undertakes this 
work should be a person of great authority, ability, 
and power, that he may the better persuade with 
them, and be the more respected, and abler to go 
through with such a matter, are things of so great 
advantage, that if they were not tlfings already 
provided for, do deserve certainly to be put in the 
first place; but it being proposed that the bishop 
himself who shall be sent over be the main-spring 
and mover in this work, I therefore, without say- 
ing more thereof, add, 

Second. — That when he goes outof England he 
carry over with him one Dutch and English diction- 

68 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

af y, interleaved with white paper ; paper of several 
sorts and in considerable quantity, for writing and 
printing books thereon ; nails, iron, glass, and lead, 
for the churches and ministers' houses ; tools for 
joiners, carpenters, masons and glaziers, in such 
quantities as shall be thought convenient, or at least 
as the monies given for that purpose will allow. 

Third. — That after his arrival there, he, with 
two other ministers whom he shall best approve of 
to be his assistants, set to learning that Indian lan- 
guage which is best understood by all the five na- 
tions; and for that purpose send for, and entertain 
in some employment about him, Mr. Arnhout, of 
Albany, (see Note 30,) the chief interpreter between 
the English and the Indians, who will be a great 
help to him in composing a dictionary, and learn- 
ing the language; and get an Indian Bible and 
grammar from Boston, which will be likewise of 
some advantage to him. 

Fourth. — That after he can speak Indian well, 
and transíate elegantly, he then, as opportunity 
shall best present, cali all the five nations together, 
and endeavOur, in a discourse composed for that 
purpose, to instruct them, and, by the best argu- 
ments he can, to persuade them to embrace the 
Christian faith and be baptized ; in which if it 
please God he succéeds, as there is great hopes he 
may, then— 

lst.— To desire of the five nations so many sober 
young men of each nation as he shall think con- 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 

venient to live with him some time, and learn to 
read and write in their own language, and also to 
speak the English tongue, and read and write in 
the same; and some others, in number about 
twelve, to learn the trades of joinery, carpentry, 
masonry, and glazing; and, in the meantime, 
while they are learning these things, one of the 
two ministers shall be appointed to instruct the 
Indians in Christianity, as may best be done, and 
to bring over those who do not consent upon the 
first proposal. 

2d. — While the other minister is learning the 
young Indians to read, etc. himself, with his assis- 
tance, may transíate, as of the greatest use and 
necessity, the Common Prayer Book, the thirty- 
nine Articles, the Whole Duty of Man, and Patrick's 
Psalms ; and then afterwards, as they best may, 
( ) Short explanation of the Church Cate- 

chism, Dr. Hammond's Catechism, some short pre- 
paratory form for receiving the holy communion, 
a morning and evening Prayer for private persons, 
and a Primer for children, with a short morning 
and evening Prayer, and Graces before and after 
meat; so many copies of each to be printed as 
shall be thought convenient, and no other book be- 
sides them to be translated or printed in the Iri- 
dian language, especially not the Bible, that the 
(see Note 31,) Indians, through a desire to read 
them, may be stirred up to learn the English lan- 
guage, and so at length may be induced to exchange 

70 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

that for their own ; for otherwise, the Indian nations 
being so many, it will be almost an impossible 
vvork to convert them and provide for their civiliz- 
ing and instruction. 

3d. — After the young men can read and write 
well, and are acquainted with our language, cus- 
toms, and religious service, the manner and way 
thereof (in which they, as also those put to trades, 
are to be inured as mueh as may be), and admitted 
to holy orders, then to dispose of them, settling one 
in every castle, except where two small castles are 
near to one another, for both which one may well 
suffice ; and, for their better settlement, to cause 
to be built a church, a minister's house, and large 
room adjoining to it for a school, of wood or stone, as 
shall seem best and cheapest, (in which work the la- 
bour of those who learn trades will be very helpful) ; 
and after those things are perfected, gathering all 
the heads of the five nations together, to cause a 
maintenance by land to be settled for their minis- 
try, that is the tenth part of their profit or income 
by hunting, fishing, fowling, etc., and of their corn 
and other fruits of the earth, with some peculiar ad- 
vantages upon the account of their being school- 
masters, as it is intended they shall be. Those 
who are instructed in trades are to live among their 
countrymen, to teach them their arts; and that 
they may find employment, they are to be put 
upon buildiñg houses after the English manner, 
keeping cattle and fowls, ploughing the ground, 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 71 

and imitating the English in their other trades, 
ways of living, and customs, and one thing after 
another, that so, by degrees they may leave off 
their savage ways and become civilized, which, 
except it can be effected, it will signify but little 
to plant religión among them ; therefore, so many 
other young sober Tndians as shall be thonght con- 
venient may be taken in the places of those who 
are settled as ministers, and taught and instructed 
after the same manner they were, and put in their 
places too so soon as fit for it, either when any of 
them prove debauched, or improve not in know- 
ledge, or neglect their duty (who in that case shall 
again be under instruction for their amendment or 
better information), or where any of them prove 
of eminent parts above the rest, and more sober 
and religious, who shall then be encouraged and 
allowed fit helps and instructions for the promoting 
the conversión oftheirneighbouringnations, which 
they may well do with the assistance of an English 
minister or two and the countenance of the bishop; 
and so in afew years, if this method be duly pros- 
ecuted, all the Indiansonthis partof the continent 
may, as'tisto be hoped, be converted to Christianity; 
and, when they are civilized, rnay easily be induced 
to submit to the English government by the bishop, 
whom they must needs look upon, respect, and 
obey as their spiritual father, and one who will, to 
be sure, advise them as shall be most for their real 
benefit and welfare. And when they come to such 

12 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

a pass as that way can be made and means settled 
for arts and sciences to flourish among them, there 
is no doubt but many of them will become men 
of sufficient learning so that they may be instructed 
in the way of preaching, and havethe full govern- 
ment and service of the Church of England settled 
among them, or acquainted with our laws, so as 
to be made magistrates, and govern the people by 
our statutes instead of their own rude and barbar- 
ous customs. The first of which when perfected, 
as it will be a great credit to the Church of Eng- 
land, so will the other be of great advantage to the 
civil state thereof; and both, I hope, tend to the 
glory of God and the eternal felicity of immortal 

But, till these designs can be fully accomplished, 
we must be contented to insist upon a method of 
religión that, though not complete as it should be, 
is yet such as the beginnings of Christianity among 
them will bear, and as is proper for weak teachers 
and ignorant hearers, and that to be this that fol- 
lows : — 

The ministers' duty in general among them is to 
be this: to pray for them, to read and administer 
the sacraments to them, to teach their children to 
read and to write, and speak English and their cate- 
chism, and to be thus ordered : 

lst. He is to read Common Prayer among them 
(the lessons out of the Bible excepted) every Sun- 
day and holyday, both morning and evening. 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 73 

2d. On Easter Sunday, Whitsunday, the third 
Sunday in September, and on Christmas-day, after 
Common Prayer read in the morning and a psalm 
sung, he shali read to the people the thirty-nine 
articles of religión, and every other Sunday one 
portion of "The Whole Duty of Man," as they 
shall fall in order, and, when the whole is read out, 
shall begin again. 

3d. Every first Sunday of the month, and on Good 
Friday, Easter-day, Whitsunday, and Christmas 
day, he shall administer the holy sacrament ; and 
then the Sunday preceding such administration, 
upon notice thereof given, shall be read the exhort- 
ation in the Common Prayer-book appointed for 
that purpose. 

4th. Every Sunday in the afternoon, at evening 
prayer, when the first and second lessons should 
be read in place thereof, after a psalm set he shall 
publicly catechise the children ; those that are 
able to read, unto eight years of age, in the Church 
Catechism, from eight to twelve years of age in 
( ) Short explanation thereof, and those from 

twelve to sixteen years of age in Dr. Hammond's 
Catechism, after which they may be admitted to 
the sacrament. The several catechisms shall be 
learned by heart by the children at home and at 

5th. On the working days he shall teach the 
chidren to write, and to read, and to speak English ; 
for their reading using a Horn-book, The Primer, 

10 243 

74 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

the Church Catechism, etc.; for teaching English, 
to use those and the English translations of them, 
together with the other books, and also a grammar, 
with familiar dialogues to be composed for that 
purpose, and the Dictionary. 

And by the just and constant observance of this 
method, there is no doubt but, through God's grace, 
they may be broughtto andcontinued in a reason- 
able knowledge and practice of the Christian reli- 
gión, till such time as, being thoroughly civilized, 
the whole discipline and government of the Church 
of England may be settled among them, and also 
duly practiced and observed by them. 



I am now in the last place to speak of the con- 
quest of Canadá, that is, how it may be effected, 
a business in which, though the Bishop is not so 
much concerned as in the former, especially as to 
the warlike part, yet may he be more than a cipher, 
yea, of particular consideration in the settlement of 
it, if it please God to permit it to be subdued, as in 
the sequel will appear. 

What the strength and condition of Canadá is 
at present is pretty well made evident by the ac- 
count thereof which I sentover about ten or twelve 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 75 

months ago to the Right Reverend Bishop of Lon- 
don, a copy whereof I also had, which I lost (when 
I was taken prisoner) with myother papers, and in 
respectto that itis that this present method is laid 
down ; and though it may be supposed, since that 
time, to be rnade rather stronger than become 
weaker, yet will it not, I think, be able to resist, if 
courageously invaded and prudently assaulted with 
the forces, and in the manner hereafter men- 
tioned : — 

lst. The first thing then to be done, in order to 
the conquest of Canadá, is to pitch upon a general 
for the conducting and carrying it on ; the general, 
then, is to be but one to command all forces, both 
by sea and land, that are sent or appointed for 
this purpose : for long experience has tanght us, 
that equal and divided commands have ruined 
many noble undertakings and great armies. The 
wise and warlike Romans found this true, and, 
therefore, in their wars of greatest raoment and 
danger, they generally had recourse to a dictator; 
and the success in the late invasión of Martinico 
has taught us the truth of it, wherein, as I have 
been credibly informed by impartial and eye-wit- 
nesses, the difference between the land and sea 
generáis was the main, if not only, occasion of the 
miscarriage. As to his prudence, íidelity, experi- 
ence, conduct, and courage, all great virtues and 
necessary in a commander, I have no need to speak 
thereof; his sacred Majesty, who is to pitch upon 

76 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

and commissionate him, being a most excellent 
and incomparable judge in those matters. 

2d. The second thing to be provided for is forts, 
and warlike provisions sufficient for such a design, 
and these to be either sent for [from] England or 
prepared in America. The forces to be sent from 
England are proposed to be three ships of war of 
from forty to sixty guns, well rigged and manned 
according to their rates, furnished with all warlike 
provisions necessary for sea-service and mainten- 
ance of the men; as to which there may be six 
months provisión of beer and water, and of beef, 
pork, oatmeal, peas, and bread, etc., for twelve 
months, canvass for 4000 or 5000 hammocks, or 
rather so many hammocks ready made for the forces 
that are to be raised in America ; and, for the land 
service, 500 soldiers, well armed and accoutred, 
young, stout, well exercised, and, so far as may be, 
unmarried; twenty pieces of ordnance proper for 
battering of walls, with spunges, ladles, worms, 
powder, and bullets, etc., and two or three mortar 
pieces with granado shells, bombs, carcasses, 
spades, mattocks, and also powder and ball for the 
forces to be raised in America, that nothing may 
be wanting, though the enterprise prove mnch 
more difficult than isexpected, it being much bet- 
ter to bring back ammunition than to fail in a de- 
sign for want of it : however, as to the quantities 
and kinds thereof, I snbmit to better judgments, 
and shall only say that it will be a commendable 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 71 

care to see that the officers, both by sea and land, 
be such as are truly faithful and loyal to his Majesty. 
These ships, with all the parliculars aforesaid, are 
to be ready to set sail by the middle, or, at farthest, 
by the latter end of February next. 

The forces to be prepared in America, are to be 
these and in this proportion following: — New Eng- 
land 2000 men, Connecticut 700, Rhode Island and 
Martins-vineyard 200, New York 300, New Jersey 
300, Pennsylvania 300, Maryland 400, Virginia 
1000, and Carolina 300, amounting in all to the 
number of 5500, each man to have in readiness so 
much powder and ball as shall be judged requisite ; 
and, if it be thought expedient, twenty carriages 
also may be made in New York for the twenty guns, 
to be sent over according to measures and direc- 
tions to be sent likewise for that purpose. 

The manner of ordering these forces and mate- 
rials to be prepared shall be laid down under the 
next head, which is concerning the secrecy and 
privacy wherewith these afFairs are to be carried on, 
which ought to be great so that the enemies may not 
get any foreknowledge of it; for, next to strength- 
ening ourselves, nothing is more necessary than to 
endeavour to surprise our enemy, which is done, 
first by rendering him secure; second, by coming 
upon him unawares; and, third, by drawing away 
what strength or provisión he already hath, as far 
as may be, from the place or places against which 
our designs are chiefly laid, which I conceive may 


78 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

be done by ordering affairs in this manner follow- 

lst. To prevent allknowledge, or even suspicion, 
oí' what is intended by the provisions made at home 
and sent over, the ships may be pretended as con- 
voys to the Must fleet, and to the Virginia fleet; and 
as to the stores put aboard them, itmust be done as 
privately as may be, though, of itself, it be a thing 
that will not much be suspected, because it has 
been usual to send over stores to the American 
plantations, neither will the soldiers be much taken 
notice of, they being but 500; besides, they may be 
put on board at Plymouth suddenly, and under pre- 
tence of better manning the ships; or, if there goes 
a squadron ofmen of war to guard the fleet out of 
the Channel, it may be pretended that it is to inure 
them to the sea service; and then they may be 
disposed of to several other ships, as if they were 
to come back again therewith after having seen 
the fleet out of danger; and at sea they may be 
put aboard the ships in which they are to go to 
New York: in short, many ways may be thought 
offor the concealing the intention of so small a 
preparation, and that particularly pitched upon 
which will seem most likely and proper for the time. 
But, then, besides the orders given to the captains 
of the ships publicly, and for that purpose, they 
must likewise have other sealed orders given them 
very privately, with command not to break them 
open till a certain time to be appointed, that is, 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 79 

when they come to sepárate from the fleet, or when 
the fleet itself comes to sepárate, or, if they chance 
to be separated by foul weather, then to break open 
those orders wherein it shall be appointed them 
what port to go to, that is, New York; what com- 
mander to obey, that is the same who ismade gen- 
eral of the land forces; how long to stay, that is, 
either till the design is effected, or til! the coming 
ont of some fleet according as the governor of the 
province where they are shall judge best for his 
Majesty's service; or if there be a great necessity 
and the ships proper, they may be sent out to cruise 
for privateers, or they may be ordered to visit New- 
foundland by the way. One thing seems here 
proper to be mentioned, that is, that when these 
orders are opened, and the soldiers come to have 
some knowledge where they are going, their pay 
may be paid them till such time as they carne 
aboard, and further advantages promised them for 
their encouragement. 

It will not be amiss, if two Frenen ministers, 
that are in orders of the Church of England, be 
sent over with these ships, for, if it please God the 
design prosper, there will be occasion for them. 

2. For the more private carrying on of the design 
as to the forces prepared in the West Indies, it is 
convenient not to let it be so much as known to 
any person there (except that his Majesty shall 
please to communicate it to any of the governors) 
what is the trne cause of raising the forces ordered 

8Q NEW YORK IN 1695. 

to be raised, and that may be done thus : It is now, 
while I am writing this, certain, that the French 
have a design upon the merchants trading on the 
coast of Guinea, and those trading into the West 
Indies. In order to the carrying on of the first, 
they are fitting out at St. Maloes four privateers, 
of from íbrty to fifty guns, and Monsieur de Gatine, 

commissary there, sent fbr one Captain Piles, 

and Henry Pinson his mate, both taken on board 
a small Guineaman, and having good knowledge 
of the coast and trade, and present condition of 
affairs there, to examine them concerning the same. 
And in order to the carrying on of the last, the Eng- 
lish prisoners that carne about four days ago, that 
is, October the 6th, last past, from Nants, do as- 
sure us, that the French are there fitting out seven- 
teen privateers of from twenty-five and thirty to 
forty guns, whereof twelve are already rigged and 
fitted, to be manned in part with English, Scotch, 
and Irish, and to be sent to the West Indies, to 
interrupt and spoil our trade, and make prize of 
our merchantmen there. Hereupon occasion may 
be very well taken, and letters ordered to be writ- 
ten and sent with duplicates thereof by ships in 
December next ensuing, or the beginning of Janu- 
ary, to every one of his Majesty's governors, and 
also to those of the proprietors, wherein to be sig- 
nified to each of them, that there is certain intelli- 
gence from France of their fitting out divers ships 
of war, twenty or more, and that they are intended 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 81 

against our plantations in America. That, there- 
fore, it is his Majesty's strict charge and cornmand, 
that every one of them cause to be armed, in their 
several provinces, such a number of their choicest 
men as shall, by one, two, or three hundred, ex- 
ceed the number before set down, and to meet at 
their chief port town by the Ist of April, and there 
to see that they be well armed, and every man pro- 
vided with a proportion of powder and bail, to be 
appointed and to exercise thern daily till further 
order; and, in the meantime, to see that whatso- 
ever of his Majesty's ships are in their several ports, 
be cleaned and fitted for sea, so as to be ready to 
sail with the first order ; and also to fit and pre- 
pare a sufficient number of good ships and sloops, 
and provisions of bread, beef, beer, pork, and peas, 
etc. for six months, in case there be occasion to 
transport the soldiers from their province to any 
other where it shall appear the enemy does chiefly 
intend his invasión, of which warning may be 
promised them by an express so soon as there 
shall be certain notice thereof. 

And over and above this, orders may be sent to 
the Govérnor of New York, in particular, to make 
the twenty carriages as beíbre ; and to cause to 
attend at New York, from the lst of April till fur- 
ther order, Robert Sanders of Albany, and five others 
that can give the latest and truest account of the 
present state and condition of Canadá, without let- 
tingThem know what they are caused to wait for, 

82 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

but only, in general, that it is for his Májesty's 
service ; and that they shall be paid for the loss of 
their time, or else they may be kept under arms as 
men of special service and courage, which shall 
seera best to him, for concealing the true reason of 
their attendance. As for the carriages, he may pre- 
tend for the making thereof, that he has notice of 
so many guns of such a sort or bigness coming 
over, and order to have carriages for them in as 
much readiness as may be ; that so soon as he has 
them they may be presently fitted for use, and 
planted where he shall think most convenient. 

There may likewise with these, other orders be 
senthim,notto be broken open till the Ist of April, 
wherein it may be signified unto him that his Ma- 
jesty, looking upon the Frenen preparations as in- 
tended against New York, would send some ships 
of war over to his assistance, but that he immedi- 
ately endeavour to stop any intelligence thereof 
from going to Canadá. That he also send the sev- 
eral orders therein enclosed to the governors of the 
several provinces, to cause them forthwith to send 
away the exact number of forces chosen out of 
those armed and exercised according to former 
order, to the port of New York, he in the raean- 
while to make all the preparation he can of victuals 
and lodging to entertain them, and, when they 
shall be arrived, to see they be well armed, and to 
exercise them, and acquaint them with the way of 

NEW YORK W 1695. 83 

camping and engaging, till such time as the ships, 
and a commander-in-chief with them, shall come. 
Again, to divert the enemy from the care of those 
places against which this design is chiefly laid, 
that is Quebeck, and their other places of greatest 
strength, a third order must yet be sent to the'Gov- 
ernor of New York, appointing him to raise the In- 
dians of the five nations, and to join with them 200 
of the garrison and torces about Albany, 200 from 

IMovir T^.nrrltanrl nníl 100 fYnnri flnnnfinl-írM-i t ffnr -fVio 

Vi V 


New England, and 100 from Connecticut (for the 
obtaining whereof orders are also to be sent him 
by the first ships), and to have them ready, so that 
on the lst of May they may be ready to march 
towards Canadá; and there, by endeavouring, or 
pretending to endeavour, something that shall tend 
notably to the advantage of our party and the dis- 
advantage of the French, as the fortifying and 
settling Cadaraque, or, seizing on some French 
garrison, to draw down the Governor of Canadá 
and his forces towards them, but to take great care 
to keep in places of security, and not to be too ac- 
tive, but only while away the time, and delude the 
enemy, unless he sees he can gain a considerable 
advantage without any great hazard of his men. 

Lastly, the commander-in-chief sent from Eng- 
land is to receive his commission for this service 
privately from his Majesty, wherein to be appointed 
commander-in-chief of all the aforesaid forces by 
sea and land, as well as those on Albany side as 
those which are to be transported by sea to Canadá, 

84 NEW YORK IN 1696. 

with orders to sail directly for New York; and 
there, embarking his forces, with all possible speed, 
to make the best of his way for Canadá, to prevent 
as much as he can any notice the enemy may have 
of his coming, and with instructions to make use 
of the foresaid Sanders and the others, appointed 
to give him information of the country and places 
of landing and advantages ; to keep his soldiers 
from plundering, deflouring women, drunkenness, 
swearing, cursing, and all other debauchery; to 
proceed prudently, courageously, and valiantly, in 
the endeavouring to conquer Canadá, till such time 
as it is thoroughly subdued, and then to return as 
shall be ordered and directed by his Majesty. There 
are other things to be added to his instructions in 
case he succeeds, which you will find couched 
among what follows. 

In case, then, that this design succeed, his Ma- 
jesty may please to appoint the bishop proposed to 
be sent over governor of New York, to be also gov- 
ernor of Canadá, and every part and place thereof, 
as it shall come to be subdued, with power to con- 
stitute a lieutenant-governor thereof at his discre- 
tion, till such time as his Majesty's pleasure is 
further known ; with power also, to appoint and 
order all matters ecclesiastical, and civil, as shall 
be best for the setting that province in the possession 
of the English. 

Orders and instructions to be given, both to the 

NEW YORK IN 1696. 85 

bishop as governor, and to the commander-in-chief, 
may [be] these : — 

1. — That special and constant care be taken that 
the soldiers and seamen straggle not from the camp, 
ñor plunder the country,- burn houses, or destroy 
the corn, either growing or in the barn, ñor the 
cattle of what sort soever, but that they preserve 
all things as in a country which it is hoped may 
come through God's assistance to be their own; 
and, therefore, 

2. — All provisions, of what sort or nature soever, 
whether for man or beast, are to be secured for 
and given notice of to the governor and com- 
mander-in-chief, or either of them, that they may 
appoint what quantities thereof shall be sufficient 
for the maintenance of the army, or the prisoners, 
or victualling the ships for their voyage home- 

3. — All prisoners are to belong to the King (slaves 
only excepted), to be civilly treated and used, and 
to be disposed of as the governor shall appoint, 
which may be after this or the like manner : — those 
who are of best quality, with the priests and other 
religious persons, to be sent home to England by 
the ships ofwar; two hundred families of husband- 
men that are willing to stay, to be left and settled 
upon reasonable and encouragable terms, as ten- 
ants to those gentlemen and others to whom lands 
shall be given ; three hundred or four hundred fam- 
ilies more to be appointed for New York, where, 

86 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

if they are willing, they may be encouraged by the 
bishop to settle on vacant land, and in time may 
be converted to Protestantism by Freneh ministers 
sent over íbr that purpose, and obliged to learn and 
use the English tongue and religión, and all the 
rest may be divided proportionably to each prov- 
ince, to be carried thither in the ships belonging 
thereto, where they may be encouraged to settle if 
they will, and, if it be thought for the vveal of the 
province to encourage them, or otherwise to be 
sent prisoners to England in merchant ships, as 
opportunity shall present. 

4. — All the ships taken in the voyage thither, or 
in port there, to be condemned in the first English 
portthey come to, and to bedisposed of by the gov- 
ernor there, as is appointed by law in such cases. 
And all towns, forts, castles, houses, instruments 
of husbandry, as ploughs, carts, harrows, etc., and 
working cattle, as horses, oxen, asses — and all war- 
like provisions, as great guns, small arms, powder, 
ball, swords, bagonets, etc., and the whole country, 
improved, or unimproved, to belong to the king, 
and to be disposed of by the governor as shall be 
best for his majesty's interest and advantage, and 
encouraging their settlement of the province, ex- 
cept as in the article following. 

5. — All things belonging to religión and ecclesi- 
astics, as churches, monasteries, nunneries, with 
the grounds and estates belonging to them, as also 
the money, píate, books, and all things in them 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 81 

and belonging to them, as horses, cows, sheep, in- 
strumenta of husbandry, household stufF, and also 
the books found any where in other houses, to be 
given to pious uses, and to be disposed of by the 
bishop, and settled as shall seem to him best for 
the encouragement of religión in Canadá, New 
York, or elsewhere, in any other of the English 
provinces; only to be excepted, that if there be 
any goods or chattels, whether money, píate, house- 
hold stuff, or other things proved not to belong unto 
religious persons or uses, but put there only for 
concealment and security, etc., they are, in that 
case, to be delivered up, and ordered by the bishop 
to be laid tothe common spoil, and, as such, to be 
divided with the rest among the soldiers. 

6. — All other goods, not before excepted, whether 
money, píate, slaves, household stufF, or merchan- 
dize, etc., shall be gathered together and divided 
between the ofíicers and soldiers, as is usual to be 
done in such cases; in which división the governor 
shall have an equal share with the commander-in- 
chief, and the rest according to their proportion. 
And, for the better and more equal división, it shall 
be appointed, Ist, That all men concerned in the 
service, seamen or soldiers, shall have part of the 
spoil without being defrauded or cozened thereof. 
2d, that the Indian goods, asduffels, shirts, knives, 
hatchets, etc., be particularly set apart to be given 
to our Indians as their part of the prey, and, if 
there be any overplus thereof, it shall be given to 

88 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

those who shall remain in the country to trade 
therewith, either with our own Indians or those of 
Canadá, who, if they will submit quietly, shall not 
be suffered to be prisoners to our Indians, but reck- 
oned friends to us, as at present they are to the 
French. 3d, That every man, of what rank or 
quality soever, shall be bound to deliver up to the 
common heap all the spoil he shall get of what na- 
ture soever; and that whatsoever they shall find in 
houses or any other place which they cannot bring 
away, they shall not spoil it, but leave it undam- 
aged for the benefit of those who shall afterwards 
come to settle there; and that whosoever shall 
orfend in either of these particulars shall, by so do- 
ing, forfeit his part of the spoil, and be otherwise 
punished as the commander-in-chief shall think 

7. — All the arms and warlike stores taken from 
the French to be carefully gathered together, and 
laid up in the fort of Quebeck, and other conve- 
nient places, and there kept ingood orderand con- 
dition, so as to be at all times ready for use. All 
places of strength and great advantage, and dis- 
abled in the taking, or any ways in need to be bet- 
ter fortified, shall be duly taken care of and forti- 
fied in the best manner that may be, and furnished 
with great guns and stores convenient for the de- 
fence thereof; for which purpose the guns and 
mortar-pieces carried over, together with any taken 
by the way, or in harbour there, or on land, with 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 

sufficient quantities of powder, ball, etc., shall be 
left there, to be disposed of in each garrison as shall 
seem necessary. 

For the resettlement of this province the gov- 
ernor may — 

1. — Appoint a house and land and other conve- 
niences for the bishop, and houses, lands, etc. for 
the ministers out of those belonging before to and 
set apart for that use, with schools, a library, etc. 
as best may be done. 

2 — Dispose of the lands, houses, instruments of 
husbandry, etc. on such terms and with such pro- 
visions as shall be reasonable and proper for the 
King's profit, the landlord's advantage, the tenant's 
encouragement, and the clergy's maintenance ; 
and that, first, to those of the soldiery from Eng- 
land, who, being married, will settle there and 
send for their wives over; and, second, to those 
who being unmarried, and of those soldiers or of 
the forces come from any of the neighboring prov- 
inces, and desirous to settle and marry there any 
of the French maids or widows (such as they can 
prevail with), to every man according to his qual- 
ity, place, and merit, and as shall seem best to the 

3. — Send to England, desiring encouragement 
may be given to the French Protestants to come 
over and settle there with their families, which it 
is believed many of them will willingly do, if they 

1* 2iia 

90 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

be assured to have lands, houses, etc., given to 
them on reasonable terms, as it is intended they 
shall. And this is the method which I promised 
to lay down as proper for the subduing and resettle- 
ment of Canadá; which, if it be not so complete 
as it ought to be, or not likely to be so effectual as 
I hoped it might, in the judgment of understanding 
persons, if yet it will serve but as the first lines of 
a draught, or a motive only to enable heads to do 
better, I shall not only be contented, but very glad, 
and not think that I have lost my labour. 

solí eeo gloria. 


Furnished to the Commissioners jor Trade and Planta- 
tions, Sept. 4, 1696. 

"That there are about 3000 Families in New 
York and about 5000 Families in Connecticut 

That he was at Albany when the French carne 
down that way in the year 1693. It was into the 
Mohacs Country, beyond Schenectidy. There 
were of them about 2 or 300, and as many of their 
Indians. The Forcé sent against them was from 
Albany much about the same number (English 
and Indians) under Major Schuyler, who speaks 

NEW YORK IN 1695. 91 

the Indian Language. Other forces sent from New 
York carne too late. Major Schuyler's Order from 
Colonell Ingoldsby who commanded in Albany 
was that when he found he was near the Enemy 
he should fortify himself ; -He did so ; And in the 
mean time while sent out detachments who in 
several attacks killed about 30 or 40 of the Frenen 
party, whereupon the rest fled and have not since 
returned. This was the only incursión of any 
moment that was ever made upon that Country 
before his coming away in June 1695. 

That the town of Albany is fortifyed only with 
stockado. There is but one Minister of the Church 
of England and one Schoolmaster in the whole 
Colony of New York. A Dutch minister there had 
instructed some Indian children. But the English 
in New York had not endeavoured it. There are 
many interpreters. 

That the Trade of Albany is chiefly Beaver. 
Formerly it may have been to the valué of ¿610,000 
a year but is now decay'd, by reason of Warr be- 
tween our Indians and the French, not diverted to 
any other place. The burdens also of that Pro- 
vince have made 2 or 300 families forsake it, and 
remove to Pensilvania and Maryland cheifly and 
some to New England. 

That the presents usually given to the Five Na- 
tionsare not distributed to particular Men amongst 
them : But in general to the whole. It is done in 

92 NEW YORK IN 1695. 

the Governor's ñame as by order from the King. 
Their returns are in Beaver and Otterskins to the 
valué of 20 or 40 £. Those presents of theirs are 
made to the Governor: He is doubtñill if not 
sometimes mentioned Jbr the King. — New York 
Col. Documente, iv, 182. 



1. The chappel in the fort of New York. 

2. Leysler's half moon. 

3. Whitehall battery of 15 guns. 

4. The oíd dock. 
6. The cage and stocks. 

6. Stadthouse battery of 5 guns. 

7. The Btadt (or state) house. 

8. The custom house. 

8. 8. The bridge. 

9. Burghers. or the slip battery of 10 guns 

10. The fly blockhouse and half moon. 

11. The slaughter-houses. 

12. The new docks. 

13. The French Church. 

14. The Jews synagogue. 

15. The fort well and pump. 

kll,.t>u All,.i- 

Kllet'a Alley. 
The works on the west sido of the clty. 
The north-west blockhouse. 
19, The Lutheran church and minister's 

20. 20. The stone points on the north sido of 
the city. 

21. The Dutch Calvinist church, built 1692. 

22. The Dutch Calvinist ministi-r's house. 

23. The burying ground. 

24. A wiudinill. 

25. The king's farm. 

26. Coll. Sungan's garden. 

27. 27. Wells. 

28. The plat of ground designed for the E. mi- 
nister's house. 

29. 29. The stockado, with a bank of earth on 
the inside. 

30. The ground proper for tho buildlng an E. 

31. 31. Shewing the sea flowing about N. 

32. 32. The city gates. 

33. A póstera gate. 

Tig-. 2. 

The Fort inNewYork. 


The chappell. 
The governor's house. 
The officers' lodgings. 
The soldiers' lodgings. 
The necessary house. 
The flag-staff and mount. 

7. The centry boxes. 

8. Ladders to mount the walls. 
The well in the fort. 

The magazine. 
The sallyport. 
The secretary's office. 

13. The fort gate. 

14. A horn-work bcfore it. 

15. The fort well and pump. 

16. Stone mount. 

17. The Iron mount. 
1S. The Town mount. 

19. 19. Two tnortar pieces. 

20. A turn-stile. 

21. Ground for additional building to the gOT- 

ernor's house 

22. The armory oyer the governor's kitchen. 


1 .• The fort of Albany. 

2. The Dutrh Cahinist church. 

3. The Dutch Lutheran church. 

4. The burying place. 

5. The Dutch Cahinist burying place. 

7. 7 The block houses. 

8. The stadt-bouse. 

9. A great gun to clear a gulley. 

10. 10. The stockado. , „ 

11. 11. The gatea of the city, six ín all. 

Fie. 4. 


1. The governor of Albany's house. 

2. The officer's lodgings. 

3. The soldier's lodgings. 

4. The flag-staff and mount. 

5. The magazine. 
9. The Dial mount 

7. The Town mount. 

8. The wcll. 

9. 9. The centry boxes. 

12. 12. The. 

13. 13. The gardens. 

14. The stockado. 
16. The fort gate. 


ThelniianEort afc y e FJatfí, 


1. 1. The blockhouses. 

2. 2. Rivera running beside the fort. 

3. 3. Inilian wigwams. 

4. The flag staff. 
6. A centry box. 
6. The spy-loft. 

7. 7 The sties for hogs. 

8. The blockhouse. designed for a ehurch. 

9. 9. Those and others like them are housei. 

10. A great barn. 

11. 11. The treble stockado. 

12. 12. The fort gates. 


1. The blockhouse. 

2. 1he mount. 

3. 3. The stock atfi. 

4. The I ndiun houses or wigwams coTered. 

6. A wigwam open. 

6. Houses for the soldier's oso. 

7. The fort gate. 



1. The blockhouse. 

2. 2. The church and burying place. 

3. The minister's house. 

4. The part separated and fortified. 

5. The Stockado. 

6. The house where the governor is entertein- 


7. 7. The town gates. 

8. 8. The gates to the sepárate fortified part 


Note 1, page 26. 

He^ky Compton, Bishop of London, to whora Miller addíesses hiswork, 
was the youngest son of Spencer, Earl of Northampton, and born in 1632. 
After his education at Oxford, he remained abroad till the Restoration, wheh 
he became a cornet in a regiment of horse. Disliking the army, however, 
he entered the church. He was made Canon of Christ Church, Oxford, in 
1669, became Bishop of Oxford in 1674, and the n£xt year of London, which 
see he filled till his death in 1713. He bad superintended the religious edu- 
cation of the princesses Mary and Anne, daughters of James, and was a 
strong upholder of the Church of England, against Dissenter and Catholic. 
During the reign of James, he was for a time, in fact, suspended, and his 
powers vested in a commission, so that we naturally find him among those 
who welcomed William. He crowned that prince, and for a time enjoyed 
his favor, but lost it, as did all of the high church party. During Anne's 
reign, he regained part of his former influence. As a prelate, he seems to 
have been zealous and disinterested, giving large sums to rebuild churches, 
and increase the income of poor vicars. In the affairs of America, he was 
one of the first of the English bishops who took any considerable interest. 
He was the author of A Treatise on the Holy Communion, 8vo., 1677; Episco- 
palia, or Letters lo his Clergy, London, 1686 ; Letters to a Clergyman, 168S : 
A Charge, 1696 ; Ninth Confefence with his Clergy, 1701 ; Letter concerning 
jlllegiance, 1710 ; besides being translator of one or two minor works, but he 
attained no eminence as a man of letters. By the Chartér of Gov. Fletcher, 
he was made the first Rector of Trinity Church, New York. 

Note 2, page 28. 
The ñame of Long Island was changed to Nassau Island in 1692. — Lates 
of the Colony of New York (ed. 1719), page 17. But the ñamo never 
obtained, and it still retains its original and appropriate title. On De 
Laet's map appears the ñame Matouwacs. Early French maps cali it 
the Isle of the Holy Apostles and Ascensión Island. An English colony 
on a gratid scale was projected here by Ployden, and a very curious 



tract written at the time, exalting the advantages of the island, has been re- 
cently printed, entitled: The Commoditiet of the iland, called Manatí ore 
Long lie which is in the continent of Virginia. Staten Island means Island of 
the States, and was so called in honor of the States General of Holland. 

Note 3, page 28. 

The Counties received their ñames under James, and nearly all refer to him 
and the 3tuart family. Kings and Queens were named after Charles II, and 
his Queen Mary ; Duke's County, now in Massachusetts, and Dutchess were 
named after James and his wife ; New York, Albany and Ulster, represent 
hís titles on the English, Scotch and Irish peerages, and Orange was named 
in compliment to the Prince of Orange, who deprived him of his crown. 

Note 4, page 28. 

The length in a straight line is only 13 miles from the Battery to Kings» 

Note 5, page 29. 

The Stadthouse or Town Hall, was originally at the head of Coenties Slip, 
and was erected in 1642, by Kieft as a tavern, but in 1652, on the organizing 
of the city government, became the Stadt Huys. This house was the scene of 
some important events. Here, in 1664, the articles of capitularon were signed 
which became the law of the colony, here too, the surrender of the colony to 
the Dutch again was made. It was made the first school house in 1652, and 
the first Court of Admiralty was held here in 1668. In 1696, a plan was 
adopted for a new city hall, at the head of Broad street, where the custom 
house now stands. This was completed in 1700, at a cost of near £4000, 
and the oíd Stadt Huys was sold for £920. This new city hall was that in 
which Washington was inaugurated president. 

The fortifications at the Stadt Huys in 1688, were "a half moon most ruined 
and washed away by the sea," with three demi culverins. 

Note 6, page 29. 

The Burgers Path was the present Oíd Slip. This too, in 1688, was stated 
to be " most ruined and beaten down by the water." Its armament was four 
seekers and one minian. The reader who wishes to compare the state of the 
fortifications further will find a full description of their condition in 1688, in 
Valentinas Manual for 1855, p. 551-3. 



Note 7, page 29. 

Scanectade (Schenectady), is the Mohawk. The ñame means beyond the 
openings. It was given by the trihe to Albany, and retained on the división 
by the presen t town. 

Note 8, page 29. 

Nestig ayuna. According to Dr. O'Callaghan (N. Y. Colonial Documentg, 
IV, 184), " Canesteguine is laid down on Mitchell's Map of North America, 
1755, and on Sauthier's Map of the Province of New York, 1779, on the 
north bank of the Mohawk river, a little west of the Cohoes Falls, in what is 
now Sarataga county." Lord Cornbury (Ib. IV, 968), says that it was four- 
teen miles from Albany in the woods. 

The Half Moon was fourteen miles above Albany upon the river (Ib.). 
Colonel Rómer, the engineer, in 1698 (Ib. IV, 440, 682), represented the forts 
at Albany and Schenectady as wretched, and like Gov. Fletcher and his 
suceessors, urged the erection of regular stone forts there, and the restoration 
of the forts at Kanestigionne and Half Moon, as the barriera of the frontiers. 

Note 9, page 34. 

Wine. The culture of grapes for manufacture into wine, early attracted the 
attention of Europeans, especially of the Spaniards and French, who were prac- 
tically familiar with the proper mode of cultivation and the process of wine 
making. Full half a century before a plan was formed for colonizing Long 
Island chiefly to raise wine. Even in Canadá, the missionaries inaugurated 
it by making wine of wild grapes for altar purposes, as early as the middle of 
the seventeenth century, and a good table wine was, it is said, made at Montreal 
not long after ; but the French government, with the jealousy usual at the 
time, prohibited the planting of vineyards and the enterprise was accordingly 
abandoned. Some French colonists in Rhode Island, also manufactured wine 
about this time.— N. Y. Col. Doc., IV, 787. Massachusetts sought to es- 
tablish vineyards at an early day, and Governor's Island was granted to 
Winthrop in 1632, on condition of his planting a vineyard there. — Young*t 
Pilgrims, 152. 

In more recent times vine growing has been carried on with great 
success. The failure of imported vines induced the attempt to improve the 
native grape, and these have succeeded beyond all expectation. The Cat- 
awba grape and wine have acquired more popularity, and have given wealth 
and ñame to Nicholas Longworth of Cincinnati. In New York, the largest 
vineyards are thote of Dr. Underhill at Crotón Púint. 



In 1769, the government of Virginia embarked in vine growing, under the 
direction of Andrew Estave, but the experiment failed, and the lands and 
negroes were sold in 1776.— Hist. Mag., IV, 219. 

Note 10, page 34. 

From the ennmeration of roots it would seem that the potato was not yet 
cultivated to any extent, and it probably was not for thirty or forty years 
after. Potatoes are mentioned as being purchased for the dinner on the inau- 
guration of President Levetett at Harvard College in 1707.— Hút. Mag., V, 

Note 11, page 34. 

The Duteh ñame for Shad was Elft, which also meant Eleven. Misled by 
this, or in jest, the early settlers called the Streaked Bass, Twaalf (t. e. Twelve), 
and the Drum, Dertien (i. e. Thirteen). — Benton. This gave rise to the state- 
ment here made by Miiler. 

Note 12, page 35. 

Mandfactüees. New York early attempted mannfactnres, and at this 
time, traded largely in staves, cloth stuffe and hats ; but this spirit of enter- 
prise did not harmonize with English views. Lord Cornbury well ex- 
pressed those views in these words: " All these Colloneys which are bnt 
twigs belonging to the Main Tree (England), ought to be kept entirely de- 
pendent upon and snbservient to England, and that can never be, if they are 
suffered to goe on in the notions they have, that as they are Englishmen, 
soe they may set np the same manufactures here as people may do in Eng- 
land, for the consequence will be that if once they can see they can cloathe 
themselves, not only comfortably but handsomely too, without the help of 
England, they who are already not very fond of submitting to Government 
would soon think of putting in Execútion designa they had long harbourd in 
their breasts." — Cornbury to Sec. Hodges. Cosby, at a latter date, wrote to the 
Eoard of Trade in regard to the prejudicial increase of hat making {Letter 
of Dee. 18, 1732), and Smith (vol. II, p. 278) notes that " hats were exported 
to the West Indies with great success, till lately prohibited by an act of 

Note 13, page 37. 

Rev. Hesbt Seltks was ordained at Amsterdam, Feb. 16, 1660, for the 
Church at Breuckelen (Brooklyn). He officiated there and at the Governor's 
Bowery from September, 1660, to 1664, when he returned to Holland. De- 


NOTES. 103 

clining an invitation in 1672, he returned to this country in 1682, oti the 
death of Mr. Drisius, and was pastor of the Reforined Dutch Clmrch in the 
city of New York, until his death in 1701, being the eighth in succession 
from Dom. Michaelius. He was a man of learning and a poet, and his reputa- 
tion was not confined to the Dutch nation and its colonies. He seems too, to 
have been laborious in the ministry. In the Leisler troubles, he, like most 
worthy men, incurred the hostility of the self-created governor. — O'Cal- 
laghan's Col. Doc., III, 646. As a poet, he is in point of time, next to Steen- 
dam, and Mr. Murphy states that a MS. volume of his poems exists. 

Note 14, page 37. 

Rev. P. Peiret signed the address against Leisler in 1690 (Col. Doc, III, 
748-9), and died in 1705.— Doc. Hiet. of New York, II, 247; III, 250. 

Note 15, page 37. 

As to Saúl Brown, Dr. Fischel kindly informs me that he was simply a 
merchaut, who officiated for a short time as reader in the Synagogue. He 
carne to this city from Newport, R. I., where he liad a brother David, whose 
ñame appears in the petition to the Assembly of Rhode Island, in behalf of 
the Jews of Newport, June 24, 1684.— Bartlett's Colonial Records of R. /., III, 

Note 16, page 37. 

Rev. David de Bonrepos was a French Protestant minister, who accom- 
panied the first Huguenot emigrants from France. He was the first minister 
at New Rochelle, but the industrious historian of Westchester county can 
give us no details as to his labors, and we know the fact merely from a letter 
addressed by him to Leisler. — N. Y. Doc. Hist., II, 304. In 1695, he was, as 
here stated by Miller, on Staten Island, but the next year describes himself 
in a deedas of New York.— Bolton's Hist. of the Church in Westchester Co., 396. 

Note 17, page 37. 

It is an extremely curious fact, that the Mr. Vesey, dissenter, " without 
orders," here referred to by Mr. Miller, should almost immediately become 
the first resident Rector of Trinity Church, a benefice to which Mr. Miller 
himself liad laid claim. The Rev. Win. Vesey was a native of Massachusetts, 
and if we can believe Lord Bellomont, the son of a Jacobite, who liad been 
pilloried at Boston for his adherence to the cause of the unfortunate James 
II. William was graduated at Harvard in 1691, and seems almost immediately 
to have gone to Long Island, where he was at the time Mr. Miller wrote. — 


104 NOTES. 

Doc. Hist. III, 265. When a body of church wardens and vestrymen was 
created for New York, they asked in 1695, the opinión of the Assembly as to 
their right to cali a dissenting minister, and being sustained by that body 
called Mr. Vesey. Trinity Church was erected about the same time, and as 
Mr. Vesey was popular, Gk>v. Fletcher seems to ha ve induced him to conform 
to the Church of England, and become Rector of Trinity. He accordingly 
proceeded to Boston, and was received into the Church of England, and 
armed with necessary documents, sailed for England, where he was ordained. 
He officiated for the first time as Rector of Trinity, on the 6th of February, 
1697, and continued to discharge the duties of his post for nearly half a 
century, dying on the llth of July, 1746. 

Note 18, page 37. 

Mr. Mot was probably the Rev. John Morse, minister of Newtown. Alarmed 
by the act of 1693, which they regarded as an attempt to enforce the estab- 
lishment of the Church of England, and provoked at it, as imposing an un- 
just burtheu on them, the people of Newtown, resolved that " the town will 
cali a minister to preach the gospel amongst us upon liking." They accord- 
ing invited Mr. John Morse, born at Dedham, Mass., March 31, 1674, and 
graduated at Harvard in 1692. He officiated at Newtown, from Sept. 15, 
1694, till his death in October, 1700. His ordination seems to have taken 
place in 1697.— Riker's Annals of Newtown, 126-131. 

Note 19, page 37. 

" The young man coming to settle in Westchester without orders," was 
Warham Mather. — Bolton's Westchester. 

Note 20, page 37. 

The Rev. Godefbidüs Dellids, was Dutch minister at Albany, from 1682 
to 1699, and during much of the time, a conspicious cLaracter in the aftairs 
of the colony. He carne over in accordance with an agreement made .by 
contract at Amsterdam, July 20, 1682, by wliich he was to officiate as assistant 
minister at Albany, for four years from his leaving Texel at 800 guilders per 
annum in beaver or 600 bushels of wheat. — MunseWs Jtnnals of Albany, I, 
105 ; VI, 80. He missed the vessel on which he was to sail from England, 
and had to return to Holland, but finally arrived in August, 1683, when a 
subscription was made to meet bis salary. — Ibid, I, 105. 

He did not seem to have formed much attachment to the New World, as 
in 1685, he accepted a cali to Heuclem, and was about to return to Holland í 
but he evidently married and settled down, laboring not only ainoug the 


NOTES. 105 

Dutch, but also among the Mohawks, of whom he was the first Protestant mis- 
sionary, and over whom he acquired great influence. 

Leisler found in Dominie Dellius, oue not disposed to recognize his au- 
thority. A letter of Father Lamberville to the Dutch clergyinan, thanking 
hiin for an act of kindness to Milet a missionary held captivo at Oneida, was 
in Leisler's eyes, sufficient ground for putting Dellius in prisou, in 1690.— N. 
Y. Col. Doc, III, 732. On <retting free he retired to New Jersey, Long Island 
and iinally to Boston. Sloughter recalled him in 1691. — Ibid, 772. Under 
Pletcher, he enjoyed great influence, and was employed to treat with the 
Indians. He availed himself of the occasion to obtain a grant of an immense 
tract of land, afterwards set aside as extravagant and illegal. The Earl of 
Bellomont at first regarded him with favor, and sent him with Schuyler to 
Canadá in 1698, but soon after complained of him in the most violent ternas, 
and brought such accusations against him that he was deprived of his church 
and ministerial function by act of the legislature in 1699. — Col. Doc, IV, 510. 

On this he proceeded to England, and subsequently, it is said, to HoU 
land. — Annals of Albany, I, 88. 

His register shows many Indians baptized and received as church members, 
from 1689 to 1699 (Ib. I, 96-101, II, 163-174, III, 61-82), the first being an 
ludían, aged 40 years, of the Ockkweese, Arnout Viele being sponsor. It 
was proposed to send Dellius out in 1705, as a missionary of the Propagation 
of the Gospel, but Col Heathcote opposed it. — Doc. Hist. III, 124. 

He was alive in 1714, and applied to the Assembly for some arrears due 
him, part of which he obtained. — Annals of Albany, X, 223. 

Dr. Dellius seems to have been a worthy clergyman, enjoying the esteem 
of his own flock, of the Catholic clergy of Canadá, of the Episcopal clergy- 
man at New York, of the New England divines, as well as of the Bishop of 
London and his own Church ; and we must conclude Bellomont to have 
been prejudiced. The extent of Dellius' knowledge of the Mohawk, and his 
labors seems to have been, however, limited. 

Note 21, page 40. 

As Miller wrote while Pletcher was still in power, he makes no allusion to 
the piracies by which New York merchants of that day profited, yet the cases 
of Coats and Tew could not have been unknown to him, ñor the part taken 
by the merchants in Hoare's cruises. As it was a time of war, Fletcher is- 
sued commissions to enable them to act as privateers against the French, but 
the real object was well known, and Fletcher's conduct led to his recall and 
to the appointment of Lord Bellomont with strict orders to stop all piraoy. 
His attempt to do so by means of Capt. Kidd, and the piratical course of that 
commander are well known ; but the end was effected, Kidd was the last of 
the New York pirates, and our merchants turned to less lucrative, but leas 
14 875 

106 NOTES. 

criminal investments. Au account of the whole subject will be found in 
Valentine's Manual for 1857, p. 455-479. 

A communication evincing much research touching the history and fall of 
Capt. Kidd, was drawn up by the Hon. Henry C. Murphy and published in 
the Democratic Review, between 1840 and 1850. 

Gabriel Furman, Esq., the editor of the new edition of Daniel Denton's 
Description of New Netherlands, 1670, was an enthusiastic believer in the au- 
thenticity of a report which obtained great currency about 1840, that nearly 
all the ill-gotten treasures of Capt. Kidd, which were supposed to be very 
large, lay at the bottom of the Hudson river, near Caldwells, a little below 
Peekskill on the opposite shore. 

He had amassed a large amount of material obtained from every accessible 
Bource, respecting the life and exploits of this famous outlaw, which he had 
intended to be given to the public in due time, but alas, alas, that grim and 
inexorable messenger, death, put an untimely stop to his useful career, as has 
been the case with thousands upon thousands of others, and will continué to 
be so as long as frail man inhabits this wandering globe. 

Note 22, page 43. 

Mr. Miller is here greatly in error. The States General of Holland in 1590, 
directed marriage to be performed by a magistrate, and the law was in forcé in 
New Netherland till the conquest. By the Duke's Laws, published March ] , 
1664, title Marriages, it was made lawt'ul " for any Justice of Peace to joyne 
Parties in Marriage." See the title in N. Y. Hist. Society's Collections, Series 1, 
I, 362. This has never been altered and is to this day the law of the state 
of New York. The rule of the Catholic Church which prevailed prior to the 
Reformation, does not require the intervention of a clergyman to perfect the 
marriage, the parties themselves forming the contract, and the officer, civil 
or ecclesiastical, being merely the witness thereto, and this is the law in New 

That bigamy prevailed we may infer from the fact that one of Mr. Miller's 
immediate successors, the Rev. Symon Smith, was presented by the grand jury 
in 1699, for marrying Elizabeth Buckmaster, wife of Edward Buckmaster, to 
Adam Baldridge.— Hist. Mag., VIII, 189. 

Note 23, page 46. 

The only Episcopal clergymen up to this time in the colony, if we except 
the Rev. Nicholas Van Rensselaer (ordained by John Earle, Bishop of Salis- 
bury, 1663-5), were the chaplains to his Majesty's forces. These were : 

1678-80, Rev. Charles Wolley, A. M. 1683, Rev. Dr. Gordon. 1684-6, 
Rev. Josias Clarke. 1686-9, Rev. Alexander Innes. 1693-5, Rev. John Mil- 



¡er. 1699-1700, Rev. Symon Smith. Rev. Brisac. 1704, Rev. Ed- 

mund Hott. 1704, Rev. John Sharpe. 

The establishment of the Church of England, however, dates from the con- 
quest. As the kings of England from the time of Henry VIII., united in 
their persons the papal and regal powers, the extent of ecclesiastical was 
conterminous with that of the regal, and where the sovereign was king he was 
head of the Church, and the Church consequently existed in the eye of the 

By the articles of capitulation of the Dutch authorities, in 1664, it was 
agreed that : " The Dutch here shall enjoy the liberty of their consciences in 
divine worship and church discipline;" but the English then in the colony, 
or those who might thereafter come in, could not claim any such privilege, 
ñor Dutch or English claim exemption from the payment of church rates as 
established in England. 

New York from this time was deemed a part of the diocese of London, or a 
dependence on the metropolitan see of Canterbury. The Duke of York, 
however, as a Catholic, felt doubtless no especial zeal in establishing the An- 
glican Church, and if a chaplain of the Established Church attended his ex- 
pedition, his ñame does not seem to have been recorded. 

The Duke's Laws, promulgated in 1664, directed : 1. The erection of a 
church in each parish; 2. Eight overseers to be chosen by the householders 
of the parish, who with the constable were to choose two as church-wardens ; 
3. Ministers to produce to governor, proof of ordination by some Protestant 
bishop or minister in some part of his majesty's dominions or the dominions 
of some foreign prince of the reformed religión. The duties of overseers 
were, among otherthings, the makingand proportioning the levies and assess- 
inents for building and repairing the churches, provisión for the poor, and 
maintenance of the minister. Subsequent laws directed churches to be 
built in three years, reduced the number of overseers to four, and at last im- 
posed a double rate in towns that had not made a sufficient maintenance for 
their minister.— Duke's Laws, New York Hist. Soc. Coll., 1, I, 336, 407, 428. 

In 1674, James, by an order of July 1, established a regiment atNew York, 
with a chaplain, who was to receive a salary of £121 6«. 8d., " to commence 
from y« time y e Soldiers come on board and to be paid at New Yorke, and to 
be estimated after ye rates of Beaver there." — N. Y. Coll. Doc., III, p. 220. 

The first of these chaplains, the Rev. Charles Wolley, is the first clergyinan 
of the Church of England of whose labors here we have any record. He was 
the author of a Journal of a Residence in New York, published in London, 
in 1701, and reprinted by Mr. Gowans of New York, in 1860. In the intro- 
duction to this latter edition, Dr. O'Callaghan has given the result of his labors 
to trace the history of the pioneer of the Episcopal Church in the city of New 



The place of ministration was the chapel in Fort James, and even this was 
for many years shared with the Dutch clergyman and his congregation ; but 
from 1674 a regular series of Episcopal chaplains succeeded, as to whom, how- 
ever, we have few details. 

In 1677, the Bishop of London, whose jurisdiction extended to all the col- 
onies, complained of the neglect to establish a ministry in the various col- 
onies (Ib., page 253), and the next year Andros wrote: " The Duke maintains 
a chapline which is all the certaine allowance or Church of England, but 
people's free gift to y e ministers." — 76., page 262. 

This condition lasted till James' accession to the throne, the Legislature 
convened in 1683, which established freedom of worship, making no change 
in the state of affairs. In 1686, Dongan wrote: " The Great Church which 
serves both the English & the Dutch, is within the Fort, which is found to 
bee very inconvenient therefore I desire that there may be an order for their 
building another, ground already being layd out for that purpose, & they 
wanting not money in Store wherewithall to build it." — 76., page 415. 

King James found the machinery of the government in the hands of a 
party who controlled him and his successors, and the plan of actually estab- 
lishing the Church took a decidedform. The instructions sent out to Dongan 
in 1686 diíFer essentially from those which emanated from James, as Duke. 
This Cathoüc governor, under a Catholic king, of a province where the mass 
of the people were Dutch Calvinists, was required to see that the Book of 
Common Prayer was read every Sunday, and the Blessed Sacrament admin- 
istered according to the Rites of the Church of England. No minister was 
to be preferred to any benefice without a certifícate from the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, whose power in matters ecclesiastícal was to extend to all but 
the collating to benefices, marriage licenses, and probate of wills, which im* 
portant points were reserved to the governor. — N. Y. Col. Doc., III, 688. 

During the two ensuing years we find nothing done, however, to carry out 
this part, the governor being doubtless not over zealous in the matter. 

Some most strangely haveassumed Leisler's conduct to have been a struggle 
in behalf of the Dutch Church against the Established Church ; but, unfor- 
tunately, the documents all militate against this convenient theory. All 
parties were so unanimous in their denunciations of James and Catholicity, that 
no domestic clashings of Protestants appear. Kicholson, who alone represented 
the Church of England, retired. The council who claimed to hold the reins 
of government, were mostly of the Dutch Church. — 76., p. 588. And on the 
other hand see Leisler's Letters to the English Bishops. Leisler, though a 
deacon in the Dutch Church, was no friend of the Dutch or French clergy- 
men in the city.— N. Y. Coi. Doc., III, 646, n.; 651, n. Of an Episcopalian 
party at the time no trace appears in any document, and the only Epis- 
copal clergyman, the Rev. Alexander Innes, who had beeü chaplain in the 
fort from 1686, took his departure soon after the commencement of the 


NOTES. 109 

troubles, bearing, as Leisler states, testimoniáis from the French and Dutch 
clergymen. The Episcopalians must have been few (" Here bee not many 
of the Church of England" (Ib., 616), said Dongan), or they would have 
organized as a Church, like the Dutch and French Calvinista and the Luth* 

Leisler's acts were not recognized in England, where Nicholson had been 
regarded as lieutenant-governor, and Sloughter subsequently appointed. Thu 
latter was sent by the Dutch Stadtholder, as king of England, to rule over 
former subjects of Holland ; but the power that controlled the Catholic James, 
controlled the Reformed Dutch William, and the latter, like the former, gave 
his governor of New York instructions to establish the Church of England. 
The instructions to Sloughter are a copy of those to Dongan, with the addi- 
tional injunction as to the maintenance for each orthodox minister. — N. Y. 
Col. Doc., III, 688. 

Sloughter on his arrival made this an early object of his care. On the 18th 
of April, 1691, the Assembly, on the recommendation of the governor to in- 
troduce a " Bill for settling the Ministry and allotting a maintenance for them 
in each respective City and Town within this Province, that consists of Forty 
Families and upwards," sent to the attorney -gene ral to draw such a bilí. The 
act as framed, was read on the lst of May, but, " not answering the intention 
of the house, was rejected, and ordered that another be brought in." — Journal* 
of the dssembly. The explanation of this is, doubtless, that the attorney-general 
drew such an one as would lead to the establishment of the Church of England, 
in conformity with Sloughter's instructions. The death of the governor left the 
matter in this state, yet the subject was not entirely dropped. On August 23, 

1692, it was ordered that a bilí may be drawn for the better observance of the 
Lord's day, and that each respective town within this province have a min- 
ister or reader to read Divine service. But Col. Benjamiri Fletcher, the new 
governor, was a man zealously attached to the Church of England. On his 
arrival and at the first meeting of the Assembly he urged the settlemeut of a 
ministry. The house took it up reluctantly. On the first of April, 

1693, it was "Ordered that the Committee formerly appointed for the 
settling of the Ministry and Schoolmasters do forthwith proceed upon that 
business." — Journal, 30. But the session carne to a cióse without any 
action in the matter, which drew out a sharp rebuke from the governor. — 
Smith's New York, I, 130. \Vhen the new Assembly met in September, 
he again recommended the matter in such urgent terms, that a committee 
was appointed on the 12th, and three days after, their report was read and 
approved, and " It was ordered that a bilí be brought in for the establishment 
of it (a ministry) accordingly." The speaker on the 19th, brought in a "Bill 
for settling the Ministry and raising a maintenance for them in the City and 
County of New York, County of Richmond and Westchester, and Queen's 



Couuty." Itpassed two readings, and was referred back. On the 21st it 
carne up again amended, and passed the house, who transmitted it to the 
governor. The next day Fletcher and his council returned it with an amend- 
ment, requiring the minister, when called by the wardens and vestry, to be 
presented to the governor for approval and coilation, but the house replied, 
"that they conld not agree thereunto, and pray that it may pass withoutthat 
amendment, having in drawing of the bilí due regard to the pious intent of 
settling a ministry for the benefit of the people." 

The governor replied to the house warmly, declaring that he had by letters- 
patent right to collate or suspend any minister in the colony (Ib.), but never- 
theless gave his assent to the bilí. 

The act of Sept. 22, 1693, obtained by so much endeavor, did not on its 
face establish the Church of England. It provided that a good sufficient 
Protestant minister to officiate and have care of souls should be called, in- 
ducted, and established within a year in the city and county of New York, 
one in Richmond, two in Westchester, and as many in Queens; 2, that New 
York and Westchester should each raise £100 for the maintenance of their 
respective ministers; 3, that ten vestrymen and two church -wardens should be 
annually chosen by all the freeholders ; 4, that wardens pay the maintenance 
to the minister in four quarterly payments. — Laws of the Colony of New York. 

We have seen that under it Fletcher claimed the right of inducting : the 
Rev. Mr. Miller, the writer of this tract, took a broad view of it. Consid- 
ering apparently that the act established a benefice or living, and that the go- 
vernor by his commission had the right of presentation, he, in February, 1694, 
demanded to be inducted into the parish of Trinity, but his claim was not 
acknowledged.— O' Callaghan, Col. Doc., IV, 182, n. 

The vestrymen and church-wardens were actually chosen, and seem even 
to have acted. In 1695, five of them, aminority, applied to the Legislature to 
know whether they could cali a dissenting clergyman, and the Assembly gave 
it, as their opinión, that they could. — Journal, 53. April 12, 1695. 

Meanwbile the Episcopalians in the city of New York began, under the en- 
couragement of Fletcher, to take steps to organize, and build a church, and 
having secured the ground commenced the erection of Trinity. On the 6th 
of May, 1697, Caleb Heathcote and others, " present managers of the affairs 
of the Church of England in the Citty of New York," petitioned Fletcher for 
a charter. This petition recites the act of 1693, that there was then no Church, 
that petitioners had built one, asks to be incorporated, and that the mainten- 
ance given under the act be assigned to the pastor, and a grant of lands near 
the church be given. — Doc. Hist., III. The governor on the same day issued 
a charter in the ñame of the king, though by what authority does not appear, 
which recites the act, assumes it to apply solely to the Church of England, 
incorporates the managers as church-wardens and vestr/men of Trinity 

NOTES. 111 

Church, declares it to be the only parish church, and then proceeds : "And 
our Royal pleasure is, and we by these presente do declare that the said Rector 
of the said Parish Church is a good sufficient Protestant minister, according 
to the true intent and meaning of the said Act of Assembly, made in the afore- 
said fifth yearof our Reigne, eutitled an Act, &c; and such we do further 
ofourlike speeiall grace, certain knowledge and meer motion, give, grant, 
Ratify, endow, appropriate, and confirm unto the said Rector and his succes- 
sors forever the aforesaid yearly maintenance of £100." 

The rector named in this charter was the Bishop of London, whose income 
was thus increased by a tax levied on all the inhabitants of the city of New 
York, and this by a mere act of the governor against the intention and will 
of the Legislatura. It would be curious to study the details of this transaction, 
and ascertain how Fletcher was able to carry it through, as he apparently did, 
without eliciting a protest from the members of the Reformed Dutch Church ; 
but the submission was to all appearance absolute, and though sorue of 
Fletcher's extravagant grants were set aside, including a léase to Trinity 
Church, in August, 1697, no allusion is made to the charter of Trinity, and 
by the consent of the goverued, the church-wardens and vestrymen to be 
elected by all the freeholders of the city, under the act of 1693, found most 
of their powers vested in the church-wardens and vestrymen of Trinity 
Church elected by the Episcopal ians only. 

Dr. Berrian in his History of Trinity Church (page 13), is singularly inaccu- 
rate as to this charter. He says : " In the fifth year of the reign of William 
and Mary, 1697, by an act of Assembly, approved and ratified by and with 
the consent and authority of the Governor, a royal grant and confirmation 
were made of a certain church and steeple, &c." But there is no such act 
in the Colony Laws, and 1697 was not 5 William and Mary, and Fletcher's 
Royal Charter, is the only known charter of Trinity. 

Note 24, page 51. 
It would not be easy to give «. more guarded and températe account of the 
Leisler rebellion, than that here given by Mr. Miller. Leisler's conduct 
became a party question, and the popular party made him their greatmartyr. 
Yet it is very evident that lie was neither the champion of the rights of the 
people as against the aristocratic element in the colony, the champion of the 
colony as against the mother country, ñor the defender of the Dutch church 
and its liberties, against the encroachments of the Church of England. All 
these grounds have been taken at different times, but the documenta of the 
period show no tokens of such struggles as to cali for any championsbip of 
the kind. Leisler seems to have been a vain, ignorant, ambitious man, 
-deluded perhaps in the outset, by a belief in the plots his fancy conjured 


112 NOTES. 

up, but once in a little power, resolved to push it to its utmost. Mortified 
at the treatment of the government in England which totally ignored him, lie 
in a fit of disappointed ambition, resolved to resist the Governor actually sent 
out. He fired on the troops from England, and shedding blood, deserved 
his fate. Yet his execution was a political blunder ; it became the stock of 
a party which for years, by its triumphs and defeats, retarded the prosperity 
of the colony. His Life by the talented Charles F. Hoffman, in Sparks' 
American Biography, is almost a romance, and we must await the day when 
O'Callaghan or Brodhead shall write the history of New York in that day, 
as now revealed, to have the real history of Jacob Leisler. Forour own part, 
we add merely these few data : 

Jacob Leisler was a Germán, who carne out as a soldier in the West India 
Company's pay, in 1660. After the English conquest, he became a merchant, 
and acquired wealth. In a voyage to Europe, in 1678, he was taken by the 
Turks, and forced to pay a heavy ransom. In 1683 he was appointed Com- 
missioner of a Court of Admiralty . In 1689, he usurped the government ; 
In 1691, he was taken by Gov. Sloughter, tried, convicted, and May 16, 1691, 

The Documentary History of New York, II, 1-250, and the Colonial Documenta, 
III, 572-796, contain the chief materials on Leisler's reign. 

Note 25, page 53. 

The Rev. Peter Milet was a Jesuit missionary who carne to Canadá prior to 
1667. He went to Onondaga in 1668, on the invitation of and in company 
with the celebrated Garacontié. He labored here till 1671, when he replaced 
Bruyas at Oneida, and made this his missionary field till 1684, when on the 
breaking out of war, he proceeded to the camp of De la Barre. He was chap- 
lain at Fort Frontenac in 1687, when Denonville seized the chiefs, and re- 
mained there till June, 1689, when, lured out to attend a dying Indian, he 
was taken prisoner and with much ill-treatment hurríed off to Oneida. Here 
he was doomed to die, but he was too well known, and too much esteemed. 
His life was spared, a matron having adopted him. In this condition as a 
prisoner he remained till October, 1694, a source of great trouble to the 
colony of New York, the Indians refusing to give him up or send him home. 
After his return to Canadá he remained on the mission till after 1701. 

The anecdote of the Indian mentioned here by Miller is found elsewhere, 
the Indians frequently making the contrast as the Abnakis did in Maine, and 
the Iroquois in the next century in regard to Oswegatchie. 


Note 26, page 54. 
The French colonies in North America, now represented solely by the little 
islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, include on a French map a hundred 
years oíd all north of México, except Florida, and a very narrow strip along 
the Atlantic. Its history begins in the unrecorded voyages of the Basqne and 
Bretón fishermen, the voyages of Verrazani and Cartier. Its first settlements 
were Port Royal, founded in 1604, and Quebec, founded in 1608. These 
colonies, were, however, neglected by the French government, which seems 
to have regarded them only as a field for the operations of the fisher or fur- 
trader, or the nobler operations of the Christian missionary. When an 
English forcé under Argal destroyed Port Royal in 1612, France scarcely 
noticed it, and when another English expedition, led by a refugee named 
Kirk, reduced both Quebec and Port Royal in 1629, the French government 
made so little effort that she recovered possession only in 1632 of the ruins. 
Froni this point, however, the colonization proceeded more rapidly, checked 
only by a constant war with the Five Nations south of Lake Ontario, whose 
hostility was a necessary consequence of the friendship of the Hurons of 
Upper Canadá, and the Algonquins of the St. Lawrence. The nearest 
Europeans to the Five Nations were the Dutch, who by supplying them with 
arms reudered them a deadly scourge to Canadá, liad the French Govern- 
ment at all regarded the valué of its colony, it would have purchased or 
wrested New Netherland from Holland, and thus have controlled the Iro- 
quois. Even New England, whose friendly Indiana were molested by the 
Mohawks, would have viewed the step without alarm. But France lay 
dormant, till one day the Governor of'Canada marching to reduce the Mo- 
hawks, found the English flag waving at Albany, and learned that the Eng- 
lish king liad ordered his governor of New York to unite with Connccticut 
and Massachusetts in reducing Canadá. The Dutch liad, but from avarice, 
aided the Five Nations; witli the English it was policy, and from this date, 
February 22, 1666, when Charles II first ordered it, for a liundred years New 
England, New York and the Five Nations were stimulated in every way to 
crush Canadá. Religious fanaticism was evoked, and the extirpation of their 
Román Catholic neighbors was made so completely a part of their religious 
feeling, if not religious creed, that it furnishes the key to most of the events 
of the succeeding century, and when baífled by the power which called it 
forth contributed in no small degree to basten the American Revolution, and 
still influences politicy and literature. But while England thus menaced 
Canadá, France was not idle. She now, too, began to plan the conquest of 
New York and of Boston ; and from the date of the English Revolution 
of 1688, the Border war continued till the fall of Canadá. 

1 5 2S."! 

114 NOTES. 

M. de Calliéres in 1689 proposed the conquest of New York, but the plan 
resulted only in the attack on Schenectady ; the next year Phipps attacked 
Quebec by sea, hoping to be supported by Winthrop by way of Lake Cham- 
plain, but the latter was unable to proceed, and Phipps repulsed, enabled 
Louis XIV to commemorate by a medal the liberation of Quebec. 

The French then repeatedly invaded the territory of the Five Nations, and 
in 1701 hoped under Iberville to reduce New York, but in 1709 New York 
and New England, uuder Colonel Vetch and Francis Nicholson, made an- 
other attempt to invade and conquer Canadá, but the plan again failed, and 
the troops never took the field. In 1711, however, the attempt was again 
made by a laúd forcé under Nicholson, and a fleet under Sir Hovenden 
Walker, but Walker's fleet was wrecked on the St. Lawrence, and as before 
Nicholson's army dispersed. 

In 1745 the French retaliated by advancing into New York and destroying 
Saratoga. This led to another abortive Canadá expedition in 1745-6. Still 
pursuing the plan of subduing the French province, a triple army took the 
field in 1755 ; but Braddock was defeated and killed on the Monongahela by 
Beaujeu, and in New York the troops did not, even with tbeir defeat of Dies- 
kau, make much progress towards conquest. In 1759, Amherst again led 
an army northward, but winter set in before he could enter Canadá. Wolfe's 
victory at Quebec, however, opened the way, and in 1760, Amherst's army 
of English and provincials entered Canadá in triumph, and the wishes of the 
colonies nurtured for three quarters of a century were gratified. 

The toleration which England granted the Canadians was quite naturally 
in the eyes of the colonists a grievous wrong. It contributed in no small 
degree to basten the revolt of the older colony, and in 1775 an army entered 
Canadá to wrest it from England, whom they had aided to capture it. Foiled 
then, America in 1812 again endeavored to accomplish her long cherished 
design, but having again failed, the flag she helped to rear above the homes 
of the French still waves. 

Note 27, page 57. 

The first proposal for an American Episcopate, of which we have any au- 
thentic record, was in 1672 or the year following. In one of these years, a 
resolution was taken by the king (Charles II) in council, to send a bishop to 
Virginia, and the individual was actually selected on whom the proposed 
honor should be conferred. Dr. Alexander Murray, who had been the com- 
panion of the king in his travels, was the person nominated to be the first 
bishop in America. — Dr. Hawks. P. E. Hist. Society Coll.] I, 137. 


Note 28, page 60. 
This unión of the Colonies was a subject frequently brought up. It was 
one of James II's ideas, and William attempted it. The endeavor to imite 
Connecticut to New York is well known, and the aprJbintment of Bellomont 
to Boston and New York was a reverting to the days of Andros. In the New 
York Colonial Documents, there is a curious summary of the reasons of the 
different colonies for opposing such a unión. Williarn Penn's plan of such 
a unión will be found in vol. IV, p. 296. 

Note 29, page 66. 

The Iroquois consisted of five nations, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas, Onon- 
dagas, Sénecas, occupying the heart of what is now the State of New York. 
The Mohawks lay on their river of that ñame, the Oneidas, Onondagas, 
Cayugas, successively to the west, near their lakes, and westof all, towardsthe 
Niágara, lay the Sénecas. These ñames, except the first, are corruptions of their 
own. The Mohawks called themselves Gagnieguehague, but as the tribe collect- 
ively was styled Ganniagaari, the She Bear; the neighboring Algonquin tribes 
called them Maqua, the Bear, a ñame which the Dutch and English accepted . 

These five nations formed a league, and in their idea, constituted a complete 
cabin, henee the ñame for the whole was Hotinonsionni, meaning "they 
form a cabin." 

The family of tribes to which they belonged was widely extended. On 
both sides of the Niágara were the Attiwandawonk, or Neuters, absorbed by 
the Sénecas, beyond them, on Lake Hurón, were the Tionontates, or Dinon- 
dadies, now called Wyandots, and dwelling in our west; still further on, 
were the five nations of the real Wyandots, of whom one nation and frag- 
ments of others were absorbed by the Sénecas, and other Iroquois tribes, and 
such as escaped war and famine removed to Quebec t 

Some distance inland, to the south of Lake Erie, lay the Erie; east of them 
the Tiogas ; on the Susquehanna the Andastogues, or Susquehannas, called 
Minquas, by the Dutch. The Patuxents and Piscatoways, of Maryland, were 
apparently of the same stock, and so certainly were the Meherrin, Nottoway 
and Chowans, of Virginia. The Tuscaroras of Carolina, were the most southerly 
tribe of the family* unless we are to class the Cherokees as really belonging 

* Mr Gallatin supposed this family divided into two groups, but he failed to identify the 
Susquehannas with the AndasteB, and liad confounded these la«t with the Guyandottes, who 
were nimply tho Wyandots, both words being English forma of the ñamo which the French 
wrote Wendat. The Iroquois origin of some of the Maryland tribes he had not observed, 
and wo may hercafter identify some more of those in Virginia as belonging to thi» family. 
We possess vocabularies of the following dialects. 1 Hochelaga, 2 Wendal, 3 Tionontate, 
4 Mohawk, 5 Oneida, 6 Cayuga, 7 Onouduga, 8 Séneca, U Susquehauna, 10 Nottoway, 11 



The five nations, or Iroquois, according to their own traditions and those of 
the neighboring tribes, dwelt fonnerly on the St. Lawrence, as far down as 
Gaspé, Quebec, and Three Rivers. The Algonquins drove them back, and 
Cartier, in 1534, found their first village on the Island of Montreal, although 
8ome were still intermingled With the Micmacs. • 

Of their history during the rest of the sixteenth century, we are almost 
entirely ignorant. The Mohawks, in a war with the Susquehannas or Andastes, 
had been nearly annihilated. At the beginning of the seventeenth, we hear 
of the Iroquois through the French in Canadá, the Dutch in New York, the 
English in Virginia. Champlain having secured the friendship of the vari- 
ons Algonquin tribes on the St. Lawrence, and of their allies, the Hurons 
in Upper Canadá, hoped by active hostilities to drive the Iroquois to peace ; 
and in May, 1609, set out with a war party of Hurons and Algonquius to 
attack the Mohawks. They ascended the Sorel to Lake Champlain, and on 
the 29th of July, met and defeated a Mohawk war party, on the banks of the 
Lake. The next year the French and their allies, defeated another party 
on the Sorel, and for some years the Mohawks, deterred by fire-arms, seem 
to have held aloof. 

Meanwhile Champlain had proceeded to the Hurón country, and in Sep- 
tember, 1615, joined an expedition against the Entouhonorons, apparently 
the Onondagas, and in October attacked their fort, but failed to take it, 
although Champlain built a tower to overtop their palisade. This victory elated 
the Iroquois Cautons, who had secured the friendship of the Dutch by the 
treaty of Tawassgunshee, in 1618. Obtaining fire-arms, they invaded Canadá 
in 1621, attacked a French party near Montreal, and invested Quebec. A 
short lived-peace was concluded in 1624. Full of proud defiance, they con- 
tinued the war with the Mohegans, and in 1625 killed the Dutch commander 
at Albany, Van Krieckebeck, who had rashly joined a Mohegan war party. 

This victory made the Dutch henceforth neutral, and the fall of the French 
power in Canadá gave the Iroquois time to deal such blows on the Hurons 
and Algonquins that they never recovered. In vain did the French, who 
recovered Canadá in 1632, endeavor to shield their allies. The Iroquois war 
parties scoured the country far and near, spreading on all sides the terror of 
their ñame. Whether from policy or from accident, they rarely cut off Eng- 
lish settlers. 

In 1639 they destroyed Ehwae, a town of the Dinondadies ; in 1642, cut 
off the Hurons from the French, and defeated the Hurón flotilla under Ahas- 
istari. The missionary Jogues then taken and led to the Mohawk. Though 
a party of Mohawks was repulsed at the walls of Fort Richelieu, the next 
year they led another missionary in triumph to their village. They also 
destroyed another Hurón town, and cut off many parties of Algonquins, not- 
withstanding the skill and bravery of the able Pieskaret. 

In the summer of 1645, the Mohawks made peace with the French and their 


allies, at Three Rivers, and the French hoped by converting them to Chris- 
tianity to make the peace durable, but Father Joguea, the missionary, on 
proceding to their town, in 1646, was put to death. They plundered Three 
Rivers in 1647, cut olí' by treachery their great antagonist, Pieskaret, and 
couipletely ravaged the Hurón territory. 

The forcé sent out by the League must have been very large. Every stra- 
tegic point near the French settlements or on their trading routes was occu- 
pied, and a large urmy entering the territory of the Hurons and of the 
Attiwandaronks, or Neuters. The Hurons lost many, and deeming their 
frontier too exposed, abandoned Taenhatentaron and St. Johns. 

But the Iroquois, on the 4th of July, 1648, tookand destroyed the fortified 
town of Teananstayae, or St. Joseph's, killing the missionary Daniel and his 

After destroying the town of St. Ignatius, in March, 1649, they attacked 
the strong town of St. Louis, which after severe loss, they carried by storm, 
putting all to death, the missionaries Brebeuf and Lalemant expiring in the 
most exquisite tortures. An attetnpt was then made on the town of St. 
Mary's, but the Hurons made a stand before the town, and though defeated, 
the Iroquois suffered too severely to think of advancing. 

The Hurón nation was destroyed; one tribe, the Scanonaerat and a part of 
the Arendahronon, submitted to the victors, and removed to the Séneca 
country. Fifteen towns were burnt by the inhabitants, who fled in various 
directions, some to the Tionontates, some to the Eries, others to the Andastes 
on the Susquehanna. The missionaries with one remnant remained at St. 
Mary's, but in the spring removed to Charity Islán d in Lake Hurón, and the 
whole Hurón country was deserted. 

The successful Iroquois the next year surprised one of the Dinondadie towns 
and the remnant of that nation dispersed, a part joining the fugitivo Hurons 
on Charity Island. The Neuters were completely subdued in this campaign, 
and absorbed by the victorious Iroquois, who carried them off, leaving the 
whole of Upper Canadá a desert. 

In the following year they pursued the remnant of the Hurons and Din- 
ondadies, who abandoned Charity Island, the former chiefly descending to 
Quebec, the latter retreating to Manitouline, where after surprising an Iro- 
quois party, they were for a time unmolested. 

In 1651, the Mohawks nearly annihilated the Attikamegues or Whitefish 
Indians above Three Rivers, and blockaded that French town, killing the 
governor, Duplessis Bochart, who attempted to raise the siege. In an at- 
tempt to take the town, however, the Mohawks lost their great war chief, 
Aontarisati, but they kept up the seige and menaced Montreal and Quebec ; 
but at last proposed peace. 

At the same time Onondagas carne to Montreal, as the Eries were waging a 
harrassing war on the western cantons. Peace was accordingly made in May 


118 NOTES. 

1653. In pursuance of this peace a part of tbe Hurons on Isle Orleans 
removed to Onondaga, and the Jesuit missionaries began tlieir labors in the 
Iroquois cantons. Tbe menacing attitude of the Eries and Susquebannas 
induced thein to invite a Frencb colony, and Dupuis, in 1655, began a set- 
tlement at Onondaga which proved but of sbort duration. The Iroquois 
invaded the Erie territory with a large forcé led by Achiongeras, and after 
an obstínate fight took Gentaienton, a considerable town, slaughtering an 
immense number. A few subsequent campaigns caused tbe Erie ñame to 
disappear. The Onnontiogas, Ahondi, Atiragenratka, Gentaguega, Atiaonrek 
and Takoulgue were also snbdued about this time or shortly before. When 
tbe overthrow of these various tribes left them nought to fear, the Iroquois 
plotted tbe destruction of the French colony of St. Mary's at Onondaga, 
and the destruction of the missionaries who had begun to labor in the vari- 
ous tribes, and the French escaped only by stratagem in 1658. 

In 1655 the Mohawks renewed their treaty with the Dutch, who were 
threatened by the River Indians ; and now firm in this support, renewed the 
war with the French and carried it on with vigor till 1667. At the same time 
they attacked the Abnakis who refused tribute, the Illinois and Dinondadies in 
the West, and the Susquebannas in the South. 

Stuyvesant in 1662 proceeded with the Governor of Nova Scotia, and New 
England deputies to Albany, to obtain redress for the outrages committed in 
Maine, but the Mohawks were obstínate. 

One Onondaga chieftain, Garacontié, labored earnestly for peace and the 
civilization of his countrymen, and effected a general peace between the 
Western Cantons and the French in 1665. The Mohawks and Oneidas held 
aloof, continuing their war a,gainst the French and their allies. Tracy, the 
French Governor, erected three forts on the Sorel to check their incursions, 
and sent De Courcelle to ravage the Mohawk towns; he did not indeed succeed, 
but his inroad in 1666 gave great alarm, and Tracy himself led another arniy 
into the Mohawk country which took Caughnawaga, Oct. 17, 1666. This pro- 
duced a general peace, the French missionaries resumed their labors, and by 
the powerful aid of Garacontió who became a Christian, gained many from 
heathenism to the ennobling doctrines of the Gospel. This mission begun 
by Fremin lasted till 1685, and its results still remain in the three villages of 
Catholic Iroquois in Canadá. 

On the capture of New York by th« English, a new policy was adopted by 
government. Nicolls protested feebly in 1666 against the invasión by De 
Courcelles of British territory, but the Iroquois were still really their own 
masters making peace with the French, war with Philip, war with Maryland 
and Virginia, Shaw/iee and Susquehanna. The war with the last named 
tribe'began in 1661 and ended in 1675, with the overthrow of the nation, who 
became incorporated witb their conquerors, forming a clan apart. 

The war of the Mohawks with the Mohegans began soon after the com- 

NOTES. 119 

mencement of the war betweeu the western Cantons and the Susquehannas. 
On the 18th of August 1669, a Mohegan army attacked Caughnawaga, but it 
was relieved by the other towns, and the Mohawks pursued the Mohegans in 
their retreat. They subsequently attacked a Mohegan town, but were also 
repulsed : the government of New York then restored peace. 

Meanwhile the ruissionaries, aided by Garacontie, were making considerable 
progress. His death, in 1675, was a severe blow to the missions. At this 
time, many of the Iroquois conveits, and oíd Hurón Christians in Iroquois 
towns, began to emigrate to Canadá. Catharine Ganneaktena, an Erie, found- 
ed the village at Laprairie in 1668, which was soon visited by Garonhiague, 
or Hot Ashes, an Oneida chief, and Kryn, the Great Mohawk. Both settled 
there, the latter leading from Caughnawaga no less than fifty emigrants for 
conscience sake at one time. The village thus founded is now at Caughna^ 
waga (C. E.) and St. Regis. A second grew up atthe Mountain of Montreal, 
which is now at the Lake of the Two Mountains. 

The Mohawks, after a battle with a portion of Philip's army, made a treaty 
with New England in 1677, and two years after with Maryland where roving 
braves had committed ravages. 

Franco meanwhile was encircling the Iroquois territory. A fort ro3e at 
Cataracouy where Kingston now stands ; La Salle erected a block house at 
Niágara and a fort in Illinois. The energetic Dongan, Governor of New York, 
took alarm and resolved to drive the French north of the lakes. Under his 
impulse an army of 800 Iroquois marched in May 1683 against the Illinois, 
Miamis and Ottawas, the allies of France. 

Their attack on Fort St. Louis led to a new war. De la Barre, the Governor 
of Canadá, invaded New York with a large forcé, but after reaching Hungry 
Bay in 1684, patched up a sham peace, and made a precipitate retreat. The 
Iroquois had fearlessly awaited him, having just met in council the governors 
of New York and Virginia and New England deputies. After De la Barre's 
retreat, Dongan encouraged the Cantons to renew hostilities with the western 
French Indians, and made every effort to induce them to expel the mission^ 
aries. The treachery of Denonville, in seizing some Iroquois chiefs at Catara- 
couy in 1687 and sending them in chains to France, was however the finishing 
stroke. The Cantons expelled the missionaries and prepared for war witli 
the French, as they were already at war with the Illinois, Miamis, Hurons and 

Denonville, however, invaded the Séneca country with a large forcé of 
regulars, provincials, and Indians. The Sénecas ambushed his path — a des- 
perate fight ensued July 13, 1687, betvveen them and the Indians in the French 
service, who finally, though with the loss of Ogeratarihen and Tageretouan, 
Iroquois chiefs, and Gonhiagui, the Dinondadie, forced the ambuscade. The 
Sénecas then retreated and burned Gaensera, Totiakton and other towns, of 
all which the French took possession with all the forras of law. A fort was 



erected at Niágara as a check on the Indians. Though instructions from 
England prevented Dongan from pursuing his plans, an Iroquois army belea- 
guered Fort Frontenac, and a flotilla of canoes attacked an armed French 
vessel on Lake Ontario. Negotiations however ensued and peace was made 
at Montreal, June 15, 1688. The Indian allies of the French opposed peace, 
Abnakis attacked Mohawks at the Sorel, and alniost at the Mohawk castles, 
the Caughnawagas took the field, Kondiaronk, the Dinondadie, by duplicity 
induced the Iroquois to believe the French merely plotting their ruin. 

Andros and Leisler both urged the Cantons to action. A large forcé set out 
and on the 25th of Aug., 1689, surprised the village of Lachiue by night, butch- 
ering on the spot, or by slow torture, two hundred of the wretcbed inhabitants. 

War now existed between England and France, and the work of Dongan 
in assuring the Iroquois to the English canse, was producing its effect. After 
destroying Lachine, Leisler planned the capture of Fort Frontenac with an 
Iroquois forcé. But the vigorous Frontenac had just returned to Canadá 
bringing back the captivo chiefs, and offering to negotiate. 

On their refusal he imitated the example so fatally set by Leisler. Lachine 
justified the use of Indians in destroying the English frontier towns. In 
February, 1690, Schenectady fell as Lachine had done. A terrible border war 
ensued. French envoys were seized at Onondaga, the frontiers were ravaged 
by hostile parties, an English Mohawk band under Schuyler advancing to 
Laprairie; but the principal operation was the ad vanee of a large forcé of New 
York and Connectiout militia, and 1,300 Indians against Montreal, to cooper- 
ate with Phipps. Sickness broke out however, and four hundred Iroquois 
died in the camp. The defeat of Phipps completed the failure of the project. 

The next year Schuyler again led his Indians to the very gates of the French 
camp at Lachine and in a well fought battle on August 11, 1691, killed St. 
Cyrque, the French commander, but was utterly routed by Valrennes on his 
honieward march. This and the ravages of Black Kettle, a great Onondaga 
chief, induced Frontenac to invade the Mohawk country, and on the 16th of 
February, 1693, he surprised the three towns of the iribe. A Jesuit, Milet, 
formerly a missionary now a prisoner at Oneida, labored to obtain peace, 
Tegannisorens, Garakontié II and Ourewaré did the same. 

A series of councilsand negotiations ensued at Onondaga, Albany and Mon- 
treal, and New England, New Jersey, New York and Canadá alike sought to 
control the action of the League. As the Western Cantons continued the 
war, Frontenac, in 1696, advanced to Onondaga, whichthe nativesburnt; and 
wasting that cantón and Oneida he returned without meeting an enemy. 
Heavy losses in the west coming cióse on this induced the Iroquois to ask 
for peace, which was soon followed by the general peace of Ryswick (1697). 

In this war, the first waged by the Cantons as English subjeets, the Iroquois 
paid dearly for the privilege; in nine years their fighting men dwindled down 
from 2,800 to 1,300. They accordingly renewed their treaties with the Eng- 



lish, but made new treaties with the French, and when the English renewed 
war maintained their neutrality, as did the Catholic Iroquois in Canadá. 
After much exertion, a forcé joined Nicholson's expedition, but again the 
braves of the League perished by disease. Schuyler who had urged the step, 
dow took five chiefs to England, and induced themto join Nicholson's (1711) 
expedition, a failure like the rest. 

By the peace of Utrecht in 1713, France abandoned all claim to the 

The warriors of the League then struck at Southern tribes, the Conoys, 
Tuteloes, and their kindred Tuscaroras, but when these last were overthrown 
by the English, gave them a refuge and a place as a sixth nation, yet without 
sachems. The Choctaws and Catawabas were next exposed to their murderous 
war parties. 

The League was however declining, vices began to sap their strength, dis- 
ease and war had weakened them, no new nations could be brought in as 
vassals. The French had endeavored to christianize them, the Dutch and 
English had hitherto done little. But about the time when Miller wrote, the 
matter was seriously taken up. The labors of Dellius had been but partial. 
Lord Bellomont, the successor of Fletcher, made great efforts to establish 
missions, the Society for Propagating the Gospel joined, but no mission was 
really established till 1705, when Rev. Bernard Freeman took up his resi- 
dence at Schenectady. His labors were continued by Barclay, Van Driessan, 
and others, and an Episcopal Church formed in this cantón. 

The increase of English population drove many, however, to Canadá, and 
others to the banks of the Ohio, where the Sénecas and Shawnees formed a 
town, and where the remnant of the Susquehannas appear, under the ñame 
of Mingoes. Unprincipled traders and land speculators had so oppressed 
them, that when war broke out with France, in 1744, the six nations abso- 
lutely refused to take up arms, and it was not till Colden had employed 
promises and caresses, and Johnson his rising influence, that they took the 
field, but as on previous occasions, when they joined English expeditions, lost 
fearfully by smallpox. Some raids were made by the Caughnawagas from 
Canadá, and by the Cantons into that province, but the Six Nations met 
severe losses, and in 1747, again resolved on neutrality. They indeed lost all 
British feeling, and the colony of New York began to dread them, while 
nevertheless it refused them justice. The Moravians, next to the Jesuits the 
most successful with the red men, at this very juncture offered to found mis- 
sions, but the government would not adopt any plan for the civilization and 
due management of the Indian tribes. 

Availing himself of the discontent, Picquet, a French priest, in 1749, estab- 
lished a new Christian village at Oswegatchie, now Ogdensburgh, and soon 
drew numbers from the Cantons. When war broke out, in 1754, Johnson 
induced the Mohawks to join the expedition against Crown Point. In the 

16 291 


battle with Dieskau, they engaged their kindred Caughnawagas, losing Hen- 
drick, their king or chief, and many of their bravest warriors. On this the 
Cantons again resumed their neutral ground, and did not again appear onthe 
fleld, till 1759, when a thousand joined Johnson in the expedition against 
Niágara, and rendered essential service in the defeat of Aubry. A large body 
also attended Amherst the next year, but abandoned him after the fall of Fort 
Levi, as he checked their savage desires. 

While the Cantons themselves had thus reluctantly acted in the war, 
the Canadian Iroquois of Sault St. Louis or Caughnawaga, the Lake of the 
Two Mountains and Oswegatchie were constantly in the field. All now 
passed under the British rule, and the Cantons saw how blindly they had 
acted. Their territory was now to be swept away by the increase of the 
British colonies. The Iroquois plotted the overthrow of the Euglish, but 
Keashuta the Séneca lacked the requisitos of a leader. When Pontiac 
divulged his scheme, Keashuta joined him. The Tuscaroras drove the trad- 
ers from Fort Pitt and slaughtered them at Beaver Creek. The Sénecas 
destroyed Fort Venango and every soul in it, then with the Delawares be- 
sieged Fort Pitt. 

Sir William Johnson used constant effort to save the rest of the Cantons, and 
regain those in arms. In a council at Johnson Hall, in September, 1763, the 
eastern Cantons took up the hatchet against the Sénecas and Tuscaroras. 
Yet at that very moment the Sénecas were slaughtering the English train 
near Fort Schuyler. As Pontiac's power declined, Johnson's influence pre- 
vailed, and in April, 1764, the Six Nations made a treaty with him, which 
was confirmed in a national council at Niágara; Keashuta soon after sub- 
mitted, and Pontiac's war closed by the treaty of Oswego in July 1766. 

Two years after, the king or head chief of the Cherokees made at Onon- 
daga a treaty of peace and friendship with the Six Nations. 

In November, 1768, Johnson, in the treaty of Fort Stanwix, agreed with 
Tyorhansen of the Mohawks, Canaghagueson of the Oneidas, Seguareesera 
of the Tuscaroras, Otsinoghiyata of the Onondagas, Tegaca of the Cayugas 
and Guastrax of the Sénecas, on a line beyond which the whites were not to 
encroach. This line started at the mouth of the Tennessee, ran along the 
Ohio to Kitanning, thence to the fork of the west branch of the Susquehan- 
na, along that branch to Tiadaghton Creek, then to the east branch, following 
it to Owego, then to the Delaware, and finally to Wood Creek. All other 
lands were surrendered in consideration of the sum of £10,460 7s. 3d. 

New Englan d missionaries, especially Kirkland at Séneca, now attempted 
to convert the Cantons, and in 1770 the Society for the Propagation of the 
Gospel again attempted the work. The book of Common Prayer was re- 
printed. In Canadá, Oswegatchie was abandoned and its people joined 
other villages, but the Tarbells, Groton boys, naturalized at Caughnawaga, 
finding themselves viewed with jealousy, had founded St. Regís in 1756. 


In 1774, Cresap provoked the western Iroqaois to war, and Logan, of the 
oíd Susquehanna tribe, retaliated with fearful vengeanee, till his power was 
broken in the terrible and well fought battle of Point Pleasant. 

When the American Colonists rose against the Home government, from 
whom the Cantons had received but favors, Johnson's dying effort was to 
bind the Cantons to the crown. All but the Oneidas, who were inflnenced 
by Kirklaud, espoused the side of England during the revolution, and under 
Sir John Johnson and Colonel Guy Johnson, seconded by Brant, the real 
war chief of the Mohawks, proved a terrible scourge to the Americans. The 
Johnsons convened councils at Oswego — the Provisional government held a 
general congress at Albany, in August, 1775, the last in which the Cantona 
together treated with New York. But it failed to change the position they 
had taken. Strangely enough, the Americans succeeded better with the 
Caughnawagas, who positively refused to aid the English, and who, when 
Carleton threatened to deprive them of their land, laconically answered : 
We have arms. They subsequently even offered to send a body of warriors to 
Washington, but the hero was averse to employing Indians in the war, 
although Mohawks were actually in the field at St. Johns and at the Cedare 
against the Americans. 

In 1777, it was formally announced that the council fire at Onondaga was 
extinguished. Brant led the Indians to the siege of Fort Schuyler, and to 
the battle of Oriskany, where the Mohawks especially suffered. Those in 
Burgoyne's army proved, however, of little service. 

In December, 1777, Congress addressed the Cantons, as a last appeal for 
neutrality, but in vain. Johnson and Brant from Niágara, were hounding 
on the warriors to ravage the frontiers. In February, 1778, Lafayette held a 
council at Johnstown. There were few Mohawks or Cayugas, no Sénecas. 
A treaty was made with the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, and proffered to the 

In June, Brant defeated Captain Patrick ; in July he cut to pieces a body 
of 50 miiitia ; and made Wyoming a scene of slaughter never to be forgot- 
fen. Col. Butler, to chastise this, destroyed Unadilla and Oghkwaga, but 
Brant took vengeance in the slaughter of Cherry Valley, and peremptorily 
ordered the Oneidas to join him. The Onondagas fluctuated till Van Schaick 
marched against them. Then they openly took sides with the English 
and joined in the predatory war. 

To check this, General Sullivan and Clinton in August, 1779, entered 
their territory, and defeating Brant at the Chemung, wasted their whole dis- 
trict, destroying Chemung and many other towns. All was now desolation, 
misery and ruin amid the fugitivea who crowded around Niágara. Brant 
was however unbroken; he retaliated by invading Oneida, destroying the 
castle, church and dwellings ; and followed up the blow by ravaging Harpers- 
field, Schoharie and Canajoharie. 

124 NOTES. 

Sir John Johnson, with a forcé of Tories and Indians amounting to 1550 
men, soon after advanced to Schoharie, and after defeating an American de- 
tachment under Col. Brown, engaged Van Rensselaer, but was defeated in 
1780. The peace left the Iroquois completely at the niercy of the Americans. 
All but the Oneidas and Tuscaroras resolved to emigrate, and the British 
government assigned, first, Quinté Bay to the Mohawks, and in 1784 a dis- 
trict on Grand River to all the Cantons. The American government, by the 
treaty of Fort Stanwix, October 22, 1784, confirmed the Oneidas and Tusca- 
roras in their possessions, guaranteeing to the others the lands in their actual 
occupation, on their ceding to the General government all west of a line be- 
ginning on Lake Ontario at the mouth of Oyonwayea Creek, tlien south to 
the mouth of Buffalo Creek, and thence to the north line of Pennsylvania, 
which it followed west and south to the Ohio. Brant was greatly opposed 
to this, and endeavored to form a great Indian unión against the Americans, 
but the Iroquois made a new treaty with St. Clair, in 1789, at Fort Harmar, 
and gradually settled down to a state of peace. 

When the western Indians, following Brant's plan, began war in 1790, 
Pickering negotiated another treaty with all the Cantons except the Mohawk, 
which renewed in 1794, settled all questions in controversy. New York 
meanwhile, in 1785 and 1788, purchased the lands of the Oneidas, Tuscaro- 
ras, Onondagas and Cayugas, except a reservation for each. 

The last council with Pickering, in November, 1794, was attended by some 
of the greatest men of the League, Honayawus or Farmer's Brother, and 
Cornplanter or Gyantiwoha, who had both fought under Beaujeu, and Sago- 
yewatha or Red Jacket, the most eloquent Indian of his day. 

From this time the various Cantons have ceded most of their lands. The 
Cayugas began in 1795, and dispersed, some joining the Sénecas, some going to 
Grand River, and others to the west The condition of peace led to some 
improvement. Brant among the Mohawks employed his time in translating 
the book of Common Prayer and part of the Bible, and till his death in 1807, 
labored for the real good of his countrymen. The Quakers, as early as 1796, 
began their civilizing labors among the Oneidas, and soon after among the 
Sénecas. The Oneidas, already converted in part to Christianity, were 
rapidly becoming a civilized people. Among the heathen portion, who had 
now forgotten their ancient deities and worshiped only Hawen-niio, the 
Lord God of the Christians, aróse the prophet Ganeodiyo, who produced a 
great reformation, especially in regard to the use of intoxicating liquors. 

In 1803, the Rev. E. Holmes, a Baptist clergyman began a mission among 
the Tuscaroras; and in 1805, the Rev. Mr. Cram of the Evangelical Mission- 
ary Society of Massachusetts attempted to found a mission among the Sene- 
cas, but was repulsed by Red Jacket. 

Tecumseh drew some Sénecas to his standard, and in the war of 1812 the 
Canadá Iroquois were very actively engaged, and rendered great service to 



the English cause. The American Indians at first sought neutrality, but took 
the field after a time, and the two sections of the League were thus carrying 
on the destruction of the nation. After the battle of Chippewa, both sides, 
however, laid down the hatchet. 

Onondaga was deemed the centre and head of the League. Each tribe was 
divided into families, the Bear, Wolf, and Tortoise, with subordinate 
ones not uniform in all the tribes. Each of the families had certain heredi- 
tary sachemships. The sachems were the rulers of the nation. They suc* 
ceeded in the female Une, and the great sachem of Onondaga, the Atotarho 
or Sagochiendaguete, was the head of the League. No one could marry a 
person of the same family, even though of another tribe. The rules on this 
point were very minute They adored originally, Aireskoi, or Tharonhia- 
wagon, but learning the ñame Dieu, from the French, address God as Niio, 
which enters into tbe common form, Hawennii, God who art master. The 
worship of Aireskoi was by offerings of the flesh of animáis, tobáceo, and the 
like, and at times by human sacrifice. They honored also genii, or spirits, 
especially those of maize, pumpkius, and beans. Their worship had certain 
great feasts of the year, some, especially the Hononouaroia, marked by very 
strange rites. 

They interred the dead temporarily, and about every tenth year, collected 
all the remains in one long grave, lined with furs, and containing kettles, 
arrows, and various articles. These are the bonepits occasionally met in ex- 

Prisoners were treated with great cruelty, forced to run the gauntlet, 
mutilated, and often bürnt at the stake. The invention of this savage cus- 
tom, and of scalping, was attributed by the Algonqnins to the Iroquois. The 
dress of the men, was a mere breech cloth between the thighs, the euda 
hauging over a girdle, and that of the women, a short petticoat of furs, both 
wearing moccasons and leggins, and at times a mantle, and afterwards a blan- 
ket. Their houses were of bark, laid over a good frame like an arbor round - 
ing on top. These houses were ranged in streets, and surrounded by a 
palisade, beyond which lay their fields. 

Their numbers never, probably, since 1600, exceeded 15,000, if they ever 
reached that point, and are now about 9,000, which may safely be taken as 
their average population . 

On the restoration of peace, the Rev. J. C. Crane founded, in 1817, a 
Séneca mission that still subsists, the tribe dividing into a Christian band, 
under Pollard, and a heathen band adhering to Red Jacket, who persisted 
in his hostility till his death in 1830, although his family had become 
Christians. The Methodists established and still continué a mission at Oneida. 

In 1826 and 1839, the Sénecas, or rather a few drunkards in their ñame, 
sold to the Ogden company all but the Tonawanda reservation, and the 
tribe lost 200,000 acres. This led to emigration. In 1840, 430 Oneidas and 


126 NOTES. 

500 Sénecas removed to Grand River. Others at an earlier date, settled at 
Sandusky, and were subsequently removed by the General government, 
west of the Mississippi. ln 1820, the Oneidas purchased a tract on Green 
Bay, and a party removed thither. Among these Eleazer William», subse- 
quently the soi distant Louis XVII, labored as an Episcopal missionary. 

A party of Sénecas, Tuscaroras and Cayugas, about 1846, set out for the 
lands west of Missouri, were imposed upon, and nearly all perished. The 
survivors returned heart-broken to New York. 

In 1849, the Sénecas abandoned the oíd Sachetn system and adopted a 
constitution with electivo chiefs, and both sexes adopted more closely the 
dress of the whites. At the same time, the state authorized each tribe to 
divide the land held in common among the individuáis or families. Pro- 
visión was also made for schools and for the education of Indian teachers at 
the State Normal School. 

The Catholic villages in Lower Canadá have had an uneventful history. 
Caughnawaga, Aquasasne or St. Regis and Canasadaga or the Lake of the Two 
Mountains, are quiet villages, where the Indians live much like the whites 
around them, more indolent, but possessing churches, schools and council 

Note 30, pagt 68. 

Abnout Cobnelisson Vielb, the Government interpreter, figures frequently 
in accounts of this time. He was taken prisoner in 1687, by Denonville, on 
his expedition against the Sénecas, and carne on bearing a letter to Gov. 
Dongan. Having sided with Leisler he lost his office under Fletcher, but 
was restored by Bellomont and rendered good service. 

Note 31, page 69. 

Mb. Milleb's advice may seem strange, but its wisdom seems to have 
been admitted. The Bible has never been translated into any of the Iroquois 
dialects. In the commencement of the last century, the Rev. Mr. Freeman 
translated St. Matthew, a part of Génesis and Exodus, and a few Psalms. 
This was never printed ; but in the Mohawk Booik of Common Prayer, printed 
in New York, in 1715, Génesis I, II, III; Matthew, I (in part), II, V, and 
Psalms, I, XV, XXXII, appeared. The same parts of Génesis were reprinted 
with the prayer book at New York, in 1769. Not possessing a copy of the 
prayer book printed at Quebec in 1780, I can not say whether it contained 
any part of the Bible. St. Mark translated by Brant was printed with the 
Common Prayer, London, 1787, and reprinted at New York in 1829 ; St. 
John was printed at New York in 1818 ; St. Matthew in 1831 ; St. Luke in 
1833 ; Acts and Romans and Galatians in 1835, and Isaiah in 1839. 


NOTES. 127 

In the other dialects no part of the Bible has been printed except St. Luke 
which appeared in Séneca in 1829. 

Thus not only no Bible, but not even a Testament has ever been printed 
in any of the languages of the Five Nations, the rulers of central New York, 
although the Bible societies of New York have printed both in tongues of 
far distant nations. See Dr. O'Callaghan's Catalogue qf American Bibles, pp. 
26, 146, 201, 214, 228, 244-5, 263, and his History of the Translation of the 
Book of Common Prayer into the Mohawk Language, in the Historical Maga- 
xine, I, 14. 











Who lores fair nature,fails not here toflnd 

Hercharmsin al l raricty comblned ; 

Her mugir liantl profuse han here beatowed 

Hill, vu'lley, moun.tuw, glen, (nal foaming flood, 

Innum'ro'iix isfe/s rroirñed ivith xhrubx andflowers, 

Moidened iriili rnuibom sj/ray, and sparkling showers, 

Sweetly bestrew each rirer's rraggy bed, 

While frotrnini/ rock* abare. Un ir sorrow xpread ; 

Meadoux and grores enrobed in liring green, 

Adorn their bunks and deck the beau/eous scene— Drtden. 

" Agriculture is so universally understood among them, that neither man ñor 
woman is ignorant of it. They are instructed in it from their childhood, partly 
at school and partly by practice, being frequently led into the fields near the town, 
where they not only see others at work, but become exereised in it themselves. 
Beside agriculture, so common to them, every man hath some peculiar trade, as 
the manufacture of wool or flax, masonry, smith's or carpenter's work. They 
wear one sort of clothes, without any other distinction than what is necessary 
for different sexes, and the married and unmarried. The fashion never changes, 
is easy and agreeable, 'suited to the climate, and for summer as well as winter. 

Sir Thomas More. 


i 1865. 

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1865, by 
W. G O W A N S . 
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for 1 
Southern District of New York. 







The subscriber announces to the public, that he intends publish- 
ing a series of works, relating to the history, literature, biogra- 
phy, antiquities and curiosities of the Continent of America. To 
be entitled 


The books to form this collection, will chiefly consist of re- 
prints from oíd and scarce works, difficult to be produced in this 
country, and often also of very rare occurrence in Europe; occa- 
sionally an original work will be introduced into the series, de- 
signed to throw light upon some obscure point of American 
history, or to elucidate the biography of some of the distin- 
guished men of our land. Faithful reprints of every work 
published will be given to the public ; nothing will be added, 
except in the way of notes, or introduction, which will be pre- 
sented entirely distinct from the body of the work. They will 
be brought out in the best style, both as to the type, press work 
and paper, and in such a manner as to make them well worthy 
a place in any gentleman's library. 

A part will appear about once every six months, or oftener, 
if the public taste demand it ; each part forming an entire work, 
either an original production, or a reprint of some valuable, and 
at the same time scarce tract. From eight or twelve parts will 
form a handsome octavo volume, which the publisher is well 
assured, will be esteemed entitled to a high rank in every col- 
lection of American history and literature. 

Should reasonable encouragement be given, the whole collec- 
tion may in the course of no long period of time become not less 
voluminous, and quite as valuable to the student in American 
history, as the celebrated Harleian Miscellany is now to the 
student and lover of British historical antiquities. 

W. GOWANS, Publuher. 


r%cvt ftf3nái 

the author of 
1 this book, was 

the son of the 
Rev. Thomas Budd, of the parish of Martock, 2 Somerset- 
shire, England. The latter was " an established preacher 
of the national church, and having been convinced of the 
truth as professed by the Quakers, separated himself from 
that church, renounced his benefice, and became a minister 
of the gospel, without money and without price. 3 " He did 
notflinch from whathe conceivedto be the line of duty, and 
having permitted a meeting for religious worship to be held 
at hishouse,whichtherabblebrokeinupon and dispersed, 
was arrested as a disturber of the peace, and although dis- 
charged from custody the end was not yet. 4 Persecution 
for opinión sake raged throughout England; the most 
cruel opposition followed any attempt to exercise religious 

1 Fac-simile autograph of the author. 

2 Martock, Somersetshire, a parish and market town in the hundred of 
Martock on the river Parret, 1GG miles from London. * * The town 
consists chiefly of one long street with a market house near the centre. 
The living All Saints, a discharged vicarage, with the curacy of Load in 
the Archdeanry of Wells and Diocese of Bath and Wells at present has a 
valué of £194. Parish contains G,930 acres ; established population in 
1849, 3,479. See 3d vol. Clarke's British Gaz., Lond., 1852. 

3 Besse's Sufferings of the Quakers, I, 580, in note. 

4 See note at end of introduction. 


liberty. Budd was a marked man. In 1661 he was re- 
quired to take the " oath of obedience" prescribed by the 
statute lst James I, passed "for the better discovering of 
papist recusants." 

Although willing to affirm, and entirely loyal, he could 
not take an oath and comply with the requirements of 
an oppressive statute perverted to an oppressive purpose. 
He was arrested, indicted, found guilty, and receiving sen- 
tence of prsemunire, lingered out his few remaining 
years in the jail at Ilchester, where he died on the 22d of 
June, 1670, ñrm in his faith. 1 

The father's dying wish was answered. Thomas Budd 
attached himself to the society of Friends, and leaving 
England arrived at Burlington, New Jersey, in the year 
1678, an ardent upholder of the rights of conscience, 
thoroughly imbued with the spirit of liberty, and ready to 
lend his influence to their fundamental establishment " for 
all people" within the province. 

John Cripps, in a letter dated at that place 19th 4 m., 
1678, and written to a relation in England, refers to Budd 
as having had " far more experience" of "West Jersey 
than some other individual, whose ñame he does not give, 
" could have had in the short time he was among us." 
The writer further states that Budd also had written " and 
endeavored to satisfy, as near as he could, of the truth of 
thiügs." 2 

1 " A faithful man, having been a prisoner at Ilchester about 8 years and 
4 months under sentence of praemunire, departed this life in much peace, 
declaring some hours before his death that he had renewed his engagements 
and covenants with God, and was therein well satisfied, and expressed a 
firm hope and belief, that God would support him as in life, so in death, 
with the right hand of his righteousness. He also rejoiced and praised 
God that his children did walk in the way of the Lord." — Besse, I, 609. 

2 Smith's New Jersey, 100,108. 



From this we conclude that Budd carne in the begin- 
ning of 1678. 1 During his residence in West Jersey he 
held several important offices and was a leading man in 
the province. 

In the year 1681, he was, by act of Assembly, appointed 
with Thomas Gardiner one of the receivers general to 
collect £200 for the purpose of defraying the debts of the 
province, and in the same year was chosen one of the 
commissioners for "settling and regulation of lands," a 
mcmber of the governor's council and one of the regu- 
lators of weights and measures. 2 

In 1682 and '83, he was elected to the Assembly and 
rechosen land commissioner and councillor, and in the 

1 The following is a list of all the vessels which arrived in the Delaware 
from Great Britain between the years 1075 and 1079. It is probably not 
complete, although there is no available source within our knowledge to 
make it more so. After 1679 the arrivals were much more numerous. 

The " Griffith," from London, arrived in 1675 with Fenwicke and his com- 
pany, and landed at the spot called by him Salem. Smith, p. 79, says this 
was the first English ship that carne to West Jersey, and Proud states (I, 
137), that " it wasneartwo years before another followed," which was the 
"Kent," Gregory Marlow, master, and which arrived from London at 
New Castle, 16, 6m., August, 1677. — Smith, 93. "Phenix," Matthew Shear- 
er, master, arrived 6th m., 1677. — From a copy in possession of editor of 
a MS. Registry of Arrivals. "Flie Boat Martha," of Burlington, York- 
shire, sailed from Hull in Aug., 1677. — Smith, 102. A copy of MS. Registry 
of Arrivals says the Martha, Thomas Wildtuys, master, arrived in 7thm., 
1677. "Willing Mind," John Newcomb, master, from London, arrived 
Nov., 1677 —Smith, 102. MS. Registry of Arrivals says 28th 7th m., 1677. 
"Shield," of Hull, Daniel Towes, master, arrived lOth month (O. S.), 1678. 
— Smith, 108. " Elizabeth and Sarah," Richard Ffriend, master, arrived 
29th 3 m., 1679. — MS. Registry. " Elizabeth and Mary," of Weymouth, 
arrived 4th 4th m., 1679. — MS. Registry. "Jacob and Mary," Richard 
Moore, master, arrived 12th 7th m., 1679.— ¿fS. Registry. 

2 Smith, 130, 152 ; see also Leaming and Spicer's Laws. 


latter year with Thomas Gardiner again commissioned 
one of the treasurers of the province. 1 

Budd and Francis Collins, in 1683, were each to have 
1,000 acres, "parts of landsto be purchasedof the Indians 
above thefalls," the present site of Trenton, N. J., in con- 
sideration and discharge for building a market and court 
house, at Burlington. 2 

And in the same year Budd was appointed by the 
Assembly to draw up a letter to Edward Byllinge, and also 
an instrument containing the state of the case of the pro- 
prietors with Edward Byllinge. 3 

Such was the satisfaction he gave in the handling of 
this business that it led to further employment in it. 

In 1684 the Assembly resolved " that the matter relat- 
ing to the demand and consideration of the right of the 
Corporation and freeholders to the government, against 
Edward Byllinge's pretence to the same, be proceeded in, 
and a demand to Edward Byllinge for his confirmation of 
what he hath sold be first made" and Budd, with Thomas 
Jennings, were appointed to negotiate the affair in Eng- 

The poverty of the province was such that it was 
unable to provide funds to defray the expenses and salaries 
of its commissioners, and Jennings and Budd with 
Thomas Oliver became bound for 100 pounds sterling in 
the public account for the charges of the commission, and 
received fifteen hundred acres above the falls as their 
security, the title to be made when the land was purchased 
of the Indians. 4 

In 1684 Budd sailed upon his mission, and it was during 
his stay in England that Good Order was published, and 

1 Leaming and Spicer's Laws, 442, 445, 458. s Idem., 467. «ídem., 482. 
* ídem, 485, 487. 



which appears to have been given to the printer on the 
25th of October, 1685. 

In the latter end of the year he returned to West Jer- 
sey, and was with his brother, James Budd, chosen a mem- 
ber of the Assembly, and became one of the chief promo- 
ters in the erection of the new Meeting House at Burling- 
ton. 1 

This, so far as the records inform, was his last appearance 
in public life in that province, and it is likely he shortly 
afterwards removed to Philadelphia, for on the 17th 9th m., 
1685, he petitioned the provincial council of the province 
of Pennsylvania for a special court to end a difterence be- 
tween Philip Th : Lehman and himself. 2 He probably at 
this time began to give his attention to mercantile pur- 

"We meet no further reference to him until the 7th of 12th 
mo., 1688-9, when we find his application to the pro- 
vincial council of Pennsylvania conjointly with others re- 
presenting their "design in setting up a bank for money, 
and requesting incouragement from the governor's coun- 
cil for their proceeding therein." Blackwell, Penn's 
deputy governor, replied "that some things of this 
nature had been proposed and dedicated to the proprietor 
by himself some months since," that he hoped shortly to 
hear from Penn and encouragingly suggested that he knew 
" no reason why they might not give their personall bilis 
to such as would take them as money, to pass as Mer- 
chants usually did bilis of exchange, but that it might be 
suspected that such as usually clipp'd or coyned money 
would be apt to counterfeit their bilis unless more than 
ordinary care were taken to prevent it which might be 
their ruine, as well as ye peoples that should deal with 

^dem., 602. a Provincial Minutes of Pa., 163. 


them." 1 Although Budd's ñame cloes not head the 
petition we little doubt that he was the originator of the 
movement, as he had already, in his tract, urged the estab- 
lishment of a bank, and that the mind of Blackwell had 
been directed to project by the arguments which Budd had 
already put into print. The information volunteered by 
the governor was not new to the petitioners, and if we 
hear no more about the establishment of a bank the seed 
sown by Budd did not lie dormant, and the scheme whose 
utility our author had so well recommended in his pub- 
lication, eventual ly took shape in the erection of a Loan 
Office, whereby all the benefits Budd had predicted hap- 
pily resulted. 

The public spirit manifested by Budd was exhibited in 
an enterprise, the first of the kind attempted in Philadel- 
phia. Having become, about the year 1689 or 1690, the 
owner of property on the west side of Front street, adjoin- 
ing the Draw Bridge, or dock, at the Blue Anchor Tavern 
on the south, and extending along Front street towards 
Walnut street, he erected a row of houses which were 
known as Budd's Row or Budd's Buildings. Two of the 
original houses were standing in the beginning of this 

In 1689 he again went to England and returned to 
Philadelphia in the following year. 

In 1691 the unhappy schism occurred in the society of 
Friends by the desertion of George Keith. Some of the 
principal persons who adhered to Keith, and were men of 
rank, character and reputation in these provinces, and di- 
vers of them great preachers, and much followed, were 
Thomas Budd, &c. 2 

As in all convulsions, civil or religious, so in this, the 

* Provincial Min. of Penn.,I, 236. »L Proud, 369, in note. 


father was often found arrayed againstthe son, and brother 
against brother, and the melancholy result of the breach 
was visible for many years. Keith was properly disowned 
by the society in 1692, and doubtless also Budd, although 
we discover no evidence of that fact upon record. The 
schism produced, as is usual on sueh occasions, an abund- 
ance of published controversy. 

Samuel Jennings had rendered himself obnoxious to 
Keith, and the latter in a publication entitled Plea of the 
Innocents* reflected upon Jennings and the magistracy. 
The result was a presentation bythe grand jury of Phil- 
adelphia, of Keith and Budd as the authors of the attack, 
an eventual trial, anda sentence of¿£5 against each, which 
was however never exacted. 1 Budd did not desert Keith 
but fully identified himself with his cause, and finally 
went to England with him in 1694 to deferid him before 
the yearly meeting. 

From this year, 1694, to the period of his death, or 
rather of the date of the probate of his will at Philadel- 
phia, that is in March, 1698, we find little about Budd. 
We have no information as to his age or personal appear- 
ance. His will indicates the possession of no real estáte, 
save that which he devised to his son Thomas, and in 
which his son lived, " being the córner house nearest the 
dock." To his two daughters he gives £100 each, and 
his will contains no residuary clause. 

The inventory of his personal eíTects amounts to but 
457 pounds, although from the records and the account 
filed by his executor, who was his eldest son, and his 
mercantile partner, he owned other real estáte than that 
mentioned in his will. By his wife Susanna, who sur- 
vived him, and was a prominent Friend and who adhered 

ildem., 373. 


to the society, he appears to have liad four children ; John, 
the eldest son, to whom we have referred, and of whom 
more presently; Thoraas, who died at Philadelphia in 
1699, leaving issue, Maiy and George, whose descend- 
ants we are unable to trace, and daughters Mary, born 
at Burlington, 2d 7th mo., 1679, who married William 
Alien and was an ancestress of Chief Justice Alien, of the 
supreme court of the province of Pennsylvania, and Rose, 
also born at Burlington, 13th lst month, 1680, but of 
whom we know nothing more. 

John,' the eldest son, and who it seems was at one time 
sheriff of Philadelphia county, having left and been 
probably disowned by the society, became a Presbyterian 
and active in the religious concerns of the First Presby- 
terian Church of Philadelphia, then under the charge of 
the Rev. Jedediah Andrews. He afterwards removed to 
the township of New Hanover, then in Hunterdon, now in 
the eastern part of Morris county, New Jersey, adhering 
to his adopted faith and attaching himself to the church 
at Hanover, or Whippany as it was sometimes called. 1 He 
held the position for many years of agent to the Proprie- 
taries. In his will recorded in the office of secretary of 
state at Trenton, dated Sept. 6, 1749, and proved 16 May, 
1754, in which latter year we presume he died, he states 
he was "very aged." His wife Sarah survived him and 
he had several children although we can give the ñame 
of but one, Berne, who left sons John C, and David, and 
a daughter Sarah. John C, just named, also left sons, 
Berne W., a physician, and Vincent, both dead, and John S., 
who still lives near Chatham, N. J., and eight daughters. 
David, already mentioned, had issue, "William T., Israel 
"W., and one daughter. John Budd, the son of the author, 

iWebster's Hist. of the Presb. Church, 315, 415, 482. 


was the owner of considerable real estáte in Philadelphia, 
and its vicinity, and of some 20,000 acres of land in New 
Jersey. We are informed, however, that tliese large posses- 
sions were of little avail to his descendants, from the fact 
that his widow, having married his former agent, joined 
with the latter in couveying land ; and the titles thus at- 
tempted to be made were for so long a time allowed to re- 
mam uuimpeached that the statute of limitations barred 
the prosecution of any claim. 

Our author liad several brothers, James, of whom we 
have spoken and who was drowned at Burlington ; John, 
who died at Philadelphia in 1704 without issue, and Wil- 
liam Budd. who died in 1723 at his farrn in Northampton 
Township, Burlington County, about four miles west of 
Mount Holly, and who by his will left a benefaction to the 
Episcopal Church of St. Mary's at Burlington, of which he 
appears to have been a steadfast member, and where he is 
buried, and also land in Northampton Township 1 , on 
which to build a Church. His descendants are very nu- 
merous in Pennsylvania, and in southern New Jersey, and 
we believe that with the exception of those of the ñame 
who trace their origin to Thomas Budd, and who are com- 
paratively few, all the rest in the regions referred to 
are descended from the first William. Rachel Budd, a 
grand-daughter of the latter, married Wm. Bradford, whose 
ancestor was the famous printer of that ñame, and became 
the motherof Wm. Bradford, born 14 Sept., 1753, and who 
was appointed in 1794, by Washington, Attorney General 
of the United States. Ann, a daughter of the first Wil- 
liam Budd, married James Bingham, whose descendant 

1 " I give unto the Episcopal Church of England 100 acres of land, reserved 
out of my son's, for a Church to be built thereon, and a school to be kept ; 
the said Church to be built thereon within ten years after my decease." 
— Will of William Budd, of Northampton, made 1708. — Records at Trenlon. 

3 mi 


Ann, the daughter of "William Bingham, intermarried 
with Alexander Baring, whose son, Wm. Bingham Bar- 
ing, became Lord Ashburton. 

A work quaintly entitled : "England's Improvement 
by Sea and Land. To outdo the Dutch without fight- 
ing. To pay debts without money. To set at work all 
the poor of England with the growth of our own Lands. 
To prevent unnecessary suits in Law. With the benefit 
of a voluntary Register, &c., by And rew Yarranton, 1 Gent., 
London, 1677," 8vo, pp. 195, iscopiously quoted byBudd, 
and doubtless suggested to him the composition of this 

It does not, however, in the least diminish Budd's merits 
as an author that he should have had a model and have 

1 Yarranton, at the end of his book gives the following curious account 
of himself and his various employments. " I was an Apprentice to a Lin- 
nen Draper when this King was born (Charles II), and continued at the 
Trade some years. But the shop being too narrow and short for my large 
mind, I took leave of my Master, but said nothing. Then I lived a coun- 
try life for some years, and in the late Wars I was a soldier, and some- 
times had the honor and misfortune to lodge and dislodge an Army : In the 
year one thousand six hundred and fifty-two, I entered upon Iron works. 
and pli'd them several years, and in these times I made it my business to 
survey the three great rivers of England, and some small ones ; and made 
two navigable and a «fehird almost completed. * * * If any 
gentleman, or others please to put pen to paper in opposition to what is 
here asserted I shall give him a civil return, bound up with the second 
part, where these seven heads shall be Treated on." His 6th head con- 
tains the following announcement. 

"6thly. How to employ six thousand young lawyers, and three thou- 
sand Priests, for the good of the Public and mankind, who now have 
neither practice ñor cure of souls." 

Yarranton published besides his "England's Improvement," another 
work entitled " Yarranton's Improvement by Clover." 

Some account may be found of himin"Dove's Elements of Political 
Science, pp. 402-470, Lond., 8vo, 1854," which account has also been 
published separately in 12mo, and the best biographical sketch is in 
Smile'a Industrial Biography, pp. 60-76, Lond., 8vo, 1863. 


freely used it, for no one can read this production without 
being struck with the forecast and originality of many of 
his views, and above all, with the public spirit which in- 
spired the publication of a work whose solé aim seems to 
have been, to set forth to his countrymen the advantages 
presented in the ehoice of a new home in the wildernesa 
of Pennsylvania and New Jersey. 

The publisher has done good service to the historical 
student in selecting it as one of his valuable series of 
books relating to American history. 

We beg to express our acknowledgments to the Rev. 
John M. Thomson, of Hanover, K J.; Miss Sarah B. 
Comly, of Biberry Philad.; Messrs. Nathan Kite, and 
John William Wallace, of Philadelphia, for information 
concerning Thomas and William Bndd ; to Mr. J. D. Hall 
(in office of the Secretary of State, Trenton), for facili- 
ties in examining records ; to Dr. E. B. O'Callaghan, of 
Albany, and Mr. William A. Whitehead, of Newark, 
for valuable references, and to Messrs. Wm. J. Allinson 
and C. Baquet, of Burlington, N. J. 


The following is the account of Budd's examination, 
and to which reference has been made on the first page of 
the introduction. It is a picture of the times, and provea 
how straightforwardness and honest shrewdness sometimes 
baffle those who seek to entrap. 

The history of the persecution of the Quakers is full 
of examples as striking as this selected, in which the 
parties questioned were driven by the replies received to 
conclusions as undesirable as they were unexpected — into 


dilemmas from which there was no escape even by 

"On the 7th of the month called April, this year (1657) was a meeting 
at tbe house of Thomas Budd, in the parish of Martock, to wliicb five 
Priests carne, attended by a rabble furnisbed witb staves, cudgels, pitch- 
forks and such like rustic arms. Tbey rusbed into the meeting with so 
much confusión and noise tbat the preacher could not be heard. Their 
coming indeed made it a riotous assembly, which the moment before was a 
congregation of grave and serious Christians of sober and virtuous conver- 
sation, and some of them of considerable estates. However, the Priest 
who brought the mob and caused the riot, complained to the magistrates 
that the meeting held at Thomas Budd's was a riotous assembly, to the 
destruction of the public peace. Whereupon one Captain Raymond, with 
his soldiers, was ordered to disperse the next meeting that shou'd be 
held there. Accordingly he carne thither on the 23d of the same month, 
when Thomas Salthouse was preaching and took him, together with 
Thomas Budd, into custody, and conducted them next day to Robert Hunt, 
Justice of the Peace, they were by him and others examined. 

Jusíices. What is your ñame ? 

T. S. Thomas Salthouse. 

Justices. Do you acknowledge subjectión to the present government of 
this Nation ? 

T. S. I own the higher power, and the wholesome laws of this land, 
which are grounded upon the law of equity, by which I stand to be 
judged, and am now brought before you in submission to the present gov- 
ernment by Captain Raymond's order. I expect the privilege of a free 
born Englishman, to wit : Liberty of conscience, to wait upon and worship 
God in spirit, according as is exprest in the Instrument of government. 

Justices. We require you to be uncovered before the Magistrate. 

T. S. I am sensible that I am in the presence of the Lord God of 
Heaven and Earth, and I know of no offence in standing before Him with 
my hat on ; and if it be no offence to Him, who is the Lord and Master, I 
hope its none to modérate men, though magistrates, that are but his ser- 

Justices. How are you maintained ? How do you live? 
T. S. I want for nothing ; I have food and raiment, and am therewith 
Justices. An highwayman would say so much for himself. 


T. S. Do you look upon me to be such an one ? To whom Lave I been 
burdensome ? or where is mine accuser that hath any thing to lay to my 
charge ? 

Justices. Here is Captain Raymond doth accuse you. 

T. S. It's well he is present. His words cannot be wrested. Captain 
Raymond ! What hast thou to lay to my charge, or accuse me of ? 

Capt. Raymond. You slighted me, and gave me no good account of your 
business, or whence you carne, or where you lived. 

T. S. That was not a fit time to examine me, the company being in 
confusión and disorder and several speaking to me who had no authority. 
Though I denied not to answer them, ñor do I now deny either my ñame, 
birth, or outward habitation. I have a father and mother living, whohave 
a good estáte in the outward, from whom I have been, and may expect to 
be, supplied, when I have need of anytbing in tbe outward. 

Justices. There is a scripture that you little mind : He that will not 
work, neither let him eat. 

T. S. I own that scripture, and must answer you with another : 
Cursed is he that doth the work of the Lord negligently. 

budd's examination. 

Jusíice Hunt. Do you know what calling he is^of ? (Referring to Salt- 

T. B. I know not of what calling he hath been formerly, but I believe 
he is called to preach the gospel. 

Justice Hunt. What ground have you to believe that he is called to the 
ministry ? 

T. B. Because the word preached by him has reached my heart. 

Priest Walkcr. Can you own that man to be a true minister, that will 
not acknowledge the scriptures to be the word of God ? What say you 
Mr. Budd. Are the scriptures the word of God, yea, or no? 

T. B. Christ is the word ; and the scriptures a true declaration of him. 

Priest. But do you own the scriptures, both of the oíd and new tcsta- 
ment, to be truth ? 

T B. Yea, I do. 

Priest. Gentlemen, I shall desire you to give me leave to ask Mr. Budd 
some further questions. 

T. B. Thou art no Justice of the Peace, therefore I am not bound to 
answer thee. 

Priest. But seeing the gentlemen have given me liberty, let me ask you 
did you ever take tithes when you were a minister? 

T. B. I have never sued any man for tithes, while I acted as a minister 


in the national way ; and if any are free to give their tithes to the minister 
I nave notbing against it ; but for ministers to enforce the payment of 
tithes from the people by lawsuits, I know no law in scripture that will 
warrant such a practice. 

Justice Hunt. If men were free to pay these dues, the minister would 
have no need to sue them. 

T. B. Possibly they may not profit by their ministry and therefore they 
are not free to pay them. 

Justice Hunt. Thougu they are evil ministers, yet the people are not 
to withold their dues from them ; for Judas had a maintenance as well as 
the rest of the Apostles. 

T. B. If any are free to maintain a Judas, they may use their liberty. 

I desire to ask one question more of Mr. Budd : Do you own the resurrec- 
tion of the just and unjust ? 

T. B. Yea, I do. 

Justice Cari/. Mr. Budd, your friends are much grieved that you have 
been a man so much given to change. 

T. B. I wish all my friends would turn all their grief into grief for 
their own sins. And not only I, but Paul himself doth witness a change, 
Baying of himself, that he was a persecutor, a blasphemer and injurious, 
but God shewed mercy. 

Justice Hunt. Did not you preach Christ formerly, when you were a 

T. B. Yea, I did preach Christ in a national manner, but now I witness 
him in life and power. 

Justice Hunt. Do you own magistrates and government ? 

T. B. Yea, I do. 

Justice Hunt. Is not honor due to magistrates ? 

T. B. Yea, to such magistrates as are a terror to evil doers. 

Priest. But there is honor due to evil magistrates. 

T. B. What, as being evil ? 

Priest. Yea. 

T. B. Wilt thou set it down in writing under thy hand f 

Justice Hunt. Nay, it is not due to them as evil but as magistrates. 

T. B. This I own : That there is honor due to the power, for there is 
no power but of God. 

Justice Hunt. Do you then distinguish between the peraon and the 
power ? 

T. B. Yea. 



Justicc Hunt. So then it seems there is honor due to the power, but 
none to the person : How then is this honor expressed ? 

T. B. Not by flattering titles and compliments, but by love, service, 
dutyand obedience." — Besse's Sufferings of the Quakers, I, 578. 

This examination shows with what a noble spirit of un- 
daunted innocence and intrepidity these men maintained 
their religious right of assembling together for the wor- 
ship of God, foi' which they stood ready to sacrifice their 
liberty, and even life itself. Notwithstanding this cón- 
vincing proof, both of the meekness and magnanimity by 
which true Christian sufferers in the cause of a good con- 
8cience are supported, the issue was that the justices sent 
Thomas Salthouse to prison. 

Good Order Eftablijhed 


Pennfilvania & New-Jerfey 



Being a true Account of the Country; 
With its Produce and Commodities there made. 

And the great Improvements that may be made by 

means of $)ttt)lf ctt Stores ottfeá for tyc mjj, 

jflUV and üílftf CflMtlOtf); alio, the Advantages 

liauU, and the Probability of its arifing, if thofe 
diredtions here laid down are followed. With 
the advantages of publick <&V%UMCU#. 

Likewife, feveral other things needful to be under- 
ftood by thofe that are or do intend to be con- 
cerned in planting in the faid Countries. 

All which is laid down very plain, in this fmall 
Treatife ; it being eafie to be underftood by any 
ordinary Capacity. To which the Reader is 
referred for his further fatisfaólion. 

By Th ornas Budd. 

Printed in the Year 1685. 

Those that have generous Spirits, whose desires and 

Endeavours are to bring the Creation into 

Order, do I dedícate This, the first 

Fruits of my Endeavours. 

ITaking into consideration the distressed Condition 
that many tlwusand Families lie under in my 
Native Country, by reason of the deadness of Trade, and 
want of work, and believing that many that have great 
store of Money that lies by them unimploy'd, woidd be 
willing and ready to assist and encourage those poor dis- 
tressed People, by supplying them with Monies, in order 
to bring them out of that Slavery and Poverty they groan 
under, if they might do it with safety to themselves. 
These Consideration s put me on writing this small Treat- 
ise, whereinlhope the Readerivill havefull Satisfaction, 
that tJie Rich may lielp to relieve the Poor, and yet reap 
great Profit and Advantage to themselves by their so doing, 
which if it so happen that Rich and Poor are benefitted 
by following the Advice Itere given, then will be answered 
to the Jwarty Desires of (See note No. 1). 

Your True and Well-wishing Friend 

It is to be noted, that the Government |of these 
Countries is so settled by Consessions, and such care 
taken by the establishment of certain fundamental 
Laws, by which every Man's Liberty and Property, 
both as Men and Christians, are preserved; so that 
non shall be hurt in his Person, Estáte or Liberty for 
his Religious Perswasion or Practice in Worship to- 
wards God. (See note No. 2). 

PENNSYLVANIA and New-Jersey in America 
lieth about forty and forty two Degrees of North 
Latitude, and is severed the one from the other by 
the River of Delaware on the West, and separated 
from New York Collony by Sandylioock-Bay, and part 
of Hudsons River on the East. The dayes in the 
Winter are about two hours longer, and in the Sum- 
mer two hours shorter than in Englaml, the Summer 
somewhat hotter, which causeth the Fruits and Corn 
somewhat to ripen faster than in Englaiid, and the 
Harvest for Wheat, Rye and Barley, being about the 
latter end of June. In the Winter season it is cold 
and freezing Weather, and sometimos Snow, but com- 
monly very clear and Sun-shine, which soon dissolves 
it. (See note No. 3). 

The Country is well Watered, the River of Dela- 
ware being navigable for Ships of great burthen to 
Burlingüm (see note No. 4), which from the Capes, or 
entrance, is accounted an hundred and forty Miles ; 
and for Sloops to the Falls, which is about ten miles 

The Bay of Sandy-Hooch (see note No. 5), on East- 
Jersey is a safe and excellent Harbour for any Fleet of 
Ships, which can lie there in all Weathers, and go in 


and out to Sea in Winter, as well as Summer, and 
Ships of great Burthen can lie cióse to the Town of 
New-Perth, (see note No. 6) which renders it a good 
Scituation for Navigation, from whence in six Hours 
time at most, Ships can go out into the Sea; and 
cióse by the Town of Fértil runs up Rariton River. 
From the Falls of Delaware River the Indians go in - 
Cannows up the said River, to an Iridian Town called 
Minisincks, which is accounted from the Falls about 
eighty miles ; but this they perform by great Labour 
in setting up against the Stream ; but they can come 
down with ease and speed ; the River from the Falls 
runs from the North and North-West about twenty 
miles, as I my self observed in my Travel so far by 
the River, but by the Indians Information, it cometh 
about more Easterly farther up. I have been in- 
formed, that about Minisincks (see note No. 7), by the 
Rivar-side, both in New-Jersey and Pennsylvania is 
great quantities of exceeding rich open Land, which 
is occasioned by washing down of the Leaves and Soil 
in great Rains from the Mountains, which Land is 
exceeding good, for the raising of Hemp and Flax, 
Wlieat, or any other sorts of Corn, Fruits, Roots &c. 
Where in time may be conveniently settled a Manu- 
facture for the making of Linnen Cloth, Cordage, 
Twine, Sacking, Fishing-Nets, and all other commodi- 
ties commonly made of Hemp or Flax : And after 
great Rains, we may bring down great quantities of 
Goods in flat-bottom-Boats, built for that purpose, 


which will then come down, by reason of the Land- 
floods with speed. 

And into this River, betwixt the Capes and the 
Falls, run many navigable Rivers and Cricks, some of 
them fifteen or twenty Miles, and others less, which 
Rivers and Cricks are made by the plenty of Springs 
and Brooks, that run out of the Country, many of 
which Brooks are so considerable, as to be fit to drive 
Mills. And above the falls, in travelling of twenty 
Miles by the Rivers side, I went over twenty runnings 
of water, five or six of them being fit to build Mills 

The Country for the most part is pretty leavel, un- 
til we come about ten Miles above the Falls, where it 
is Mountanious for many Miles, but interlaced with 
fertile Valleys. The Bay and River of Delaware, and 
the Rivers and Cricks that runs into it, are plentifully 
stored with various sorts of good Fisli and Water- Fowl 
as Swans, Geese, Dueles, Wigeons, de. And a consi- 
derable Whale-Fishery (see note No. 8), may be car- 
ried on in the Bay of Delaware, and on the Sea-Coasts 
of New-Jersey, there being TF7¿rt?e-Fisheries already be- 
gun, plenty of Whales being by experience found 
there, and the Winter-time being the time for the 
catching them, they will not thereby be hindred of 
raising there Summer-Crops; and the Oyl and Bone 
being good commodities to be sent for Eiigland, there 
also being in the Bay of Delaivare and Sandy-Hobck, 
Drums, SIweps-Heads, Bass, and other sorts of large 


Fish, which may be fit to salt up in Casks to keep for 
use, and Transportation also. There are great plenty 
of Oysters, which may be pickled and put up in small 
Casks for use. Likewise, in Delaware River are great 
plenty of Sturgion, which doubtless might be a good 
Trade, if mannaged by such Persons as are skilful in 
the boyling and pickling of them, so as to preserve 
them good to Barbadoes, and other adjacent Islands. 
There are also in the Spring great quantities of a sort 
of Fish like Herrings: with plenty of the Fish called 
Sliads, but not like the Shads in England, but of an- 
other kind, being a much better sort of Fish ; the In- 
habitants usually catch quantities, which they salt up, 
and pack them in Barréis for Winter's Provisión. 

The Lands from the Capes, to about six Miles above 
New-Castle (which is byestimation ninety Miles) is for 
the most part very rich, there being very many navi- 
gable Cricks on both sides of the River, and on the 
River and Cricks are great quantities of rich fat Marsh 
Land, which causeth those parts, to some fresh People, 
to be somewhat unhealthful in the latter part of the 
Summer, at which time some of them have Agües : 
Also in and near these Marshes, are small Flies, called 
Musketoes, which are troublesome to such People as are 
not used to them ; but were those Marshes banked, 
and drained, and then plowed and sowed, some Years 
with Corn, and then with English Hay-seed, I do sup- 
pose it would be healthful, and very little troubled 
with Musketoes; and if Cattle did commonly feed on 
this Ground, and tread it as in England, I suppose it 


would not be inferior to the rich Meadows on the 
River of Tliames ; and were quantities of this Land 
laid dry, and brought into Tillage, I suppose it would 
bear great Crops of Wheat, Pease and Barley, Hemp, 
and Flax, and it would be very fit for Hop-Gardens, 
and for English Grass, wliich might serve for rich 
Pastures or Meadow. Also these Marslies are fit for 
Rape, and were Rape-Wú\s built, and the design man- 
naged, so as it would be if it were in Emjland or Hol- 
Icmd, a great Trade might be carried on, and many 
hundred Tuns of Rape-Oy\ might be made yearly, and 
sent to England, to the Planters inrichment ; and not 
only so, but would be for Merchants advantage, they 
thereby having Goods to freight their Ships, which 
would tend to the benefit of the Inhabitants in 

And if those Trades and Designs are carried on to 
eífect, as are mentioned in this Treatise, there would 
naturally folio w Trade and Imployment for Ship- 
wrights, Boat-wriglits, Coopers, Carpenters, SmitJis, Ro- 
pers, Mariners, Weavers, Butchers, Bahers, Brewers ; 
and many other sorts of Trades would have full Im- 

From six Miles above New-CíwÜe to the Falls of 
Delaware (which is about sixty Miles) and so to the 
Head of the said River, the Water is clear, fresh, and 
fit for Brewing, or any other use. 

The Air clear and good, it being supposed to be as 
healthful as any part of England. 

The Land is in Veins, some good, and some bad, 


but the greatest part will bear good Corn, as Wheat, 
Bye, Barley, Oats, Iridian Corn, Buck-Wheat, Pease 
and Lidian Beans, &c. 

Fruits that grow natural in the Countries are 
Strawberries, Cramberries, Hucldeberries, Blackberries, 
Medlers, Grapes, Plums, Hickery-Nuts, Walnuts, Mul- 
berries, Ghestnuts, Hasselnuts, &c. 

Garden Fruits groweth well, as Gabbage, Golworts, 
Collifloioers, Sparagrass, Garrots, Parsneps, Turnups, 
Ot/nions, Cowcumbers, Pamkins, Water-Mellons, Musk- 
Mellons, Squas7ies, Pbtatoes, Currante, Goosberries, Roses, 
Cornations, Tulips, Garden-Herbs, Flowers, Seeds, 
Fruits, &c. for such as grow in England, certainlj will 
grow here. 

Orchards of Apples, Pears, Quinces, Peaclies, Apre- 
cocks, Plums, Cheries, and other sorts of the usual 
Fruits of England may be soon raised to good advant- 
age, the Trees growing faster than in England, where- 
of great quantities of Sider may be made. And were 
Glass-houses erected to furnish us with Bottles, we 
might have a profitable Trade, by sending Sider to 
Jamaica and Barbadoes, &c. ready bottled, which is 
cornmonly so sent from Herefordshire to London. 

It is supposed that we may make as good Wines as 
in France, (if Vineyards were planted on the sides of 
Hills or Banks, which are defended from the cold 
North-West Winds) with such Vines as the French- 
men cornmonly make those Wines of ; for the Climate 
is as proper as any part of France, therefore it is ra- 
tional to believe, that the Wines will be as rich and 


good as in France. There are some Vineyards already 
planted in Pemisylvania, and more intended to be 
planted by some French-Protestants, and others, that 
are gone to settle there. (See note No. 9). 

Several ottier Commodities may be raised here, as 
Rice which is known to have been sown for a tryal, 
and it grew very well, and yielded good encrease. 

Also Annis-Seeds I have been informed groweth 
well, and might be a profitable Commodity, there be- 
ing great Quantities used in Englaiid by Distillers. 

Liquorish doubtless would grow very well. And I 
question not but that Mather, Woad, and other Plants 
and Roots for Dyers use might be raised. Shuemack 
groweth naturally. Also several useful Drugs grow 
naturally, as Sassafrass, Sassaperdla, Callamus, Aro- 
matices, Snxxke-Root, Iallappa, &c. 

The Pine-Tree groweth here, out of which is made 
Pitcli, Tar, Rosin, and Turpén tine : In New-England 
some make quantities of Tar out of the knots of Pim 
Trees, with which they supply themselves and others. 

There are many other sorts of Plants, Roots and 
Herbs of great Virtue, which grow here, which are 
found to cure such Distempers as the People are insi- 
dent to. 

Hops in some places grow naturally, but were IIop- 
Gardens planted in low rich Land, quantities might 
be raised to good advantage. 

There is no Lime Stone as we yet know of, but we 
make Lime of Oyzter Shels, which by the Sea and 


Bay side are so plentiful, that we may load Ships with 

There are several sorts of good Clay, of which 
Bricks, Earthen-Ware, and Tobacco-Pipes are made ; 
and in some places there are Quaries of a ruf hard 
Stone, which are good to wall Cellars, and some Stone 
fit for Pavement. 

The Trees grow but thin in most places, and very 
little under-Wood. In the Wbods groweth plentifully 
a course sort of Grass, which is so proving that it soon 
makes the Cattel and Horses fat in the Summer, but 
the Hay being course, which is chiefly gotten on the 
fresh Marshes, the Cattel loseth their Flesh in the 
Winter, and become very poor, except we give them 
Corn : But this may be remydied in time, by drain- 
ing of low rich Land, and by plowing of it, and sow- 
ing it with English-Gra,ss-see&, which here thrives very 

The Hogs are fat in the Woods when it is a good 

The Woods are furnished with store of Wild Fowl, 
as Turkeys, Phesants, Heath^Cocks, Patridges, Pidgeons, 
Blackhirds, &c. And People that will take the pains 
to raise the various sorts of tame Fowl, may do it with 
as little trouble, and less charge, than they can in 
England, by reason of what they find in the Woods. 

Bees are found by the experience of several that 
keep them, to thrive very well. 

I do not question but that we might make good 
strong sound Beer, Ale and Mum y that would keep well 


to Barbadoes the Water being good, and Wheat and 
Barley in a few Years like to be very plentiful : Great 
quantities of Beer, Ale and Mum is sent yearly from 
London, and other places, to Barbadoes, Jamaica, and 
other Islands in America, where it sells to good ad- 
vantage ; and if Beer, Ale and Mum (see note No. 10), 
bold good from England to those places, which 'tis 
said is above one thousand Leagues ; I question not 
but if it be well brewed in a seasonable time of the 
Year, and put up in good Casks, but it will keep good 
to be Transported from Delaware River to those 
Islands aforesaid, which by computation, is not above 
half so far. If Merchants can gain by sending Beer, 
Ale and Mum from England, where Corn is dear, 
and Freight is dear, by reason of the length of the 
Voy age, we in all probability must get much more, 
that buy our Corn cheap, and pay less Freight. 

llower and Bislcet may be made in great quantities 
in a few Years, the Wheat being very good, which 
seldom fails of finding a good Market at Barbadoes, 
Jamaica, and the Carieb Islands : great* quantities are 
sent yearly from London, and other places, which if 
they can make Profit of it, we much more for the 
Reasons already given. 

Pork is but about half the price as 'in England, 
therefore the Inhabitants will seldom have their 
Market spoiled by any that come from England, of 
which Commodity the Inhabitants in a few Years 
will have Quantities to sell to the Merchant, which is 
salted, and packed in Barréis, and so transported to 


Jamaica, Barbadoes, Nevis, and other Islands. Hams 
of Bocón are also made, much after the same manner 
as in Wést-Falia, and the Bacon eats much like it. 

Our Beef in the Fall is very fat and good, and we 
are likely in a few Years to have great Plenty, which 
will serve our Families, and furnish Shipping. 

Our Mutton is also fat, sound and good being only 
fed with natural Grass ; but if we sprinkle but a little 
English Hay-Seed on the Land without Plowing, and 
then feed Sheep on it, in a little time it will so en- 
crease, that it will cover the Land with English Grass, 
like unto our Pastures in England, provided the Land 
be good. We find the Profits of Sheep are consider- 

Our Butter is very good, and our Cheese is indifíer- 
ent good, but when we have Pastures of English Grass, 
( which many are getting into ) then I suppose our 
Glieese will be as good as that of England. 

Our Horses are good serviceable Horses, fit both for 
Draught and Saddle, the Planters will ride them fifty 
Miles a day, without Shoes, and some of them are in- 
diíferent good shapes ; of which many Ships are 
freighted yearly from New-England with Horses to 
Barbadoes, Nevis, and other places ; and some Ships 
have also been freighted out of Pennsylvania and New- 
Jersey with Horses to Barbadoes ; but if we had some 
choise Horses from England, and did get some of the 
best of our Mares, and keep them well in the Winter, 
and in Pastures inclosed in the Summer, to prevent 
there going amongst other Horses, we might then 


have a choice breed of Horses, which would tend 
much to the advantage of the Inhabitants. ( See 
note No. 11). 

The Commodities fit to send to England, besides 
what are already named, are the Skins of the several 
wild Beasts that are in the Country, as Mies, Deer, 
Beaver, Fislier, Bear, Fox, Rackoon, Marten, Otter, 
Woolf, Muslcquash, Mink, Cat, &c. 

PotasJies may be here made, and Soap, not only to 
the supply of our selves, but to sell to our Neighbours. 

Also Iron may be here made, there being one Iron- 
Work already in East- Jersey. (See note No. 12). 

Likewise, we may furnish Merchants with Pipe- 
Staves, and other Coopers Timber and Hoops. 

The Woolen Manufacture may be mannaged in 
Pennsylvania and New-Jersey, to good advantage, the 
upper parts of the country being very fit for the keep- 
ing of Sheep, the "Wool being found to be good, and 
the Sheep not subject to the Rot: The Ewes 
commonly after the first time, being two Lambs at 

But it may be queried, How sJiaü the Sheep be pre- 
served /rom the Woolf? 

I answer; Get such a Flock as it may answer the 
charge, for a boy to make it his full Employment to 
look after them, and let them be penned at Night in 
a House or Fold provided for that purpose. If one 
man have not enough to imploy a Shepherd, then let 
several joyn their Stock together. 

But it may be queried, Where shall Wool be gotten to 


carry mi the Woollen Manufacture, untill we Jiave of our 
own raising ? 

Ianswer; in Road-Island, and some other adjacent 
Tslands and Places. Wool may be bought at six Pence 
a Pound, and considerable quantities may be fchere 
had, which will supply until we can raise enough of 
our own. 

Also, we may have Cotton-'W oo\ (see note No. 13) 
from Barbadoes, and other adjacent Islands in returns 
for our Provisions that we send them. So that the 
making of Cotton-Cloth and Fustians may be likewise 
made to good advantage, the Gotton-Wool being pur- 
chased by the growth of our own Country; and the 
Linnen-Yarn being spun by our own Families, of Flax, 
of our own growth and ordering. 

The Tanning-Traáe and Shomaking may here be 
mannaged to good advantage, Bidés being plenty, 
and to be had at modérate Prices, and Barh to be had 
for only the charge in getting it. 

A Shinner that can dress Skins in Oyl, may do 
very well ; for we have ETk skins, and plenty of Buck 
and Doe skins, which the Inhabitants give (at New 
York, where there are such Trades) one half for dress- 
ing the other. 

There ought to hepublick Store- Houses provided íbr 
all Persons to bring their Flax, Hemp and Linnen 
Cloth to, where it may be preserved clean and dry at 
a very small Charge, and the owner at liberty to take 
it out at his own will and pleasure, or to sell, transfer 
or assign it to another. Now the Hemp, Flax and 
Linnen Cloth being brought into the publick Store- 


House, and the Quantity, Quality and Valué of it there 
registred in the Book, to be kept for that purpose ; 
and the Person that hath put in the said Hemp, Flax 
and Linnen Cloth, taking a Note under the Hand and 
Seal, from the Store-house Register, of the quantity, 
quality and valué of the Hemp, Flax and Linnen 
Cloth, brought into the publick Store-House, with the 
time it was delivered ; these Notes will pass from one 
man to another all one as Money : As for Example, 
Suppose I am a Merchant, that am furnished with 
divers sorts of goods, I sell them to a Planter, and 
receive their Notes which they had from the Store- 
house Registry, in pay for my goods, to the valué of 
one hundred Pounds. I buy of the Clothier in Woolen 
Cloth to the valué of sixty pounds, and of the Roper 
in Cordage to the valué of forty pounds ; I pay them 
by these Notes on the Store-house; the Clother he 
buys Woolen Yarn of the Master of the Spinning- 
School, to the valué of sixty pounds, and payes him by 
these Notes on the publick Store ; the Master of the 
Spinning-School buys of the Farmer in Wool to the 
valué of sixty pounds, and pays him by these Notes ; 
the Farmer buyeth of the Merchant in Goods to 
the valué of sixty pounds, and pays him by these 
Notes ; the Merchant receiveth on demand, from 
the publick Store, in Linnen Cloth to the valué of 
sixty pound, at receiving thereof he delivereth up the 
Notes to the Register of the publick Store, which are 
cancelled, and then filed up as Waste paper. The 
6 ,o. 


Roper, wlien he pleaseth, receives on demand, in 
Hemp to the valué of forty pounds out of the publick 
Store, by which he is made capable of imploying his 
Servants in making of Cordage ; but he that hath no 
occasion to take out this Hemp or Flax, or Linnen 
Cloth, may pass these Notes from one man to another, 
as often as they please, which is all one as ready 
Money at all times. 

Were the Flax and Hemp Manufacturies carried 
on to that height as it might be, it would greatly 
advance these Countries; for did we make our own 
Sail-cloth and Cordage, we could make Ships, Sloops 
and Boats at much easier Rates than they can build 
for in England, the Timber costing us nothing but 
Labour. And were more Saw-Mills made (see note No. 
14) (of which there are divers already) to cut Planks 
and other Timber, both Ships and Houses might be 
built at easier Rates. 

Many Ship Loads of Hemp is brought yearly from 
the East Countries to England, which is afterward 
there made into Cordage, Twine, Sacking, Fishing- 
Nets &c. and then transported from thence to Jamaica, 
Barbadoes, Virginia, New-England, and other parts of 
America, so that doubtless materials made of Hemp, 
must be sold in America by the Retailer, at double the 
price as it cost where it grew ; by which it appears 
that at those prices we should have double for our 
labour, to what they have, and our Provisions as Cheap 
as theirs, it being raised on Land that cost us little. 


1. Now It might be well if a Law were made by 
the Governours and general Assemblies of Pennsyl- 
vania and New-Jersey, that all Persons inhabiting in 
the said Provinces, do put their Children seven years 
to tlie publick School, or longer, if the Parents please. 
(See note No. 15). 

2. That Schools be provided in all Towns and 
Cities, and persons of known honesty, skill and un- 
derstanding be yearly chosen by the Governour and 
General Assembly, to teach and instruct Boys and 
Girls in all the most useful Arts and Sciences that 
they in their youthful capacities may be capable to 
understand, as the learning to Read and Write true 
Mnglish, Latine, and other useful Speeches and Lan- 
guages, and fair Writing, Arithmetich and Boolc- 
heeping ; and the Boys to be taught and instructed in 
some Mystery or Trade, as the making of MatJiernati- 
cal Instruments, Joynery, Twinery, the making of Cloclcs 
and Watches, Weaving, Shoe-making, or any other use- 
ful Trade or Mystery that the School is capable of 
teaching ; and the Girls to be taught and instructed 
in Spinning of Flax and Wool, and Knitting of Gloves 
and Stockings, Sewing, and making of all sorts of 
useful Needle-Work, and the making of Straiv-Work, 
as Hats, Baskets, ác. or any other useful Art or 
Mystery that the School is capable of teaching. 

3. That the Scholars be kept in the Morning two 
hours at Reading, Writing, Boolc-keeping, &c. and other 
two hours at work in that Art, Mystery or Trade 


that he or she most delighteth in, and then let them 
have two hours to diñe, and for Recreation ; and in the 
afternoon two hours at Eeading, Writing, &c. and the 
other two hours at work at their several Imployments. 

4. The seventh day of the Week the Scholars may 
come to school only in the fore-noon, and at a certain 
hour in the afternoon let a Meeting be kept by the 
School-masters and their Scholars, where after good 
instruction and admonition is given by the Masters, 
to the Scholars and thanks returned to the Lord for 
his Mercies and Blessings that are daily received from 
him, then let a strict examination be made by the 
Masters, of the Conversation of the Scholars in the 
week past, and let reproof, admonition and correction 
be given to the OíFenders, according to the quantity 
and quality of their faults. 

5. Let the like Meetings be kept by the School- 
Mistrisses, and the Girls apart from the Boys. By 
strictly observing this good Order, our Children will 
be hindred of running into that Excess of Riot and 
Wickedness that youth is incident to, and they will 
be a comfort to their tender Párente. 

6. Let one thousand Acres of Land be given and 
laid out in a good place, to every publick School that 
shall be set up, and the Rent or income of it to go to- 
wards the defray ing of the charge of the School. 

7. And to the end that the Children of poor People, 
and the Children of Indiana may have the like good 
Learning with the Children of Rich People, let them 


be maintained free of charge to their Parents, out of 
the Profits of the school, arising by the Work of the 
Scholars, by which the Poor and the Indians, as well 
as the Rich, will have their children taught, and the 
Remainder of the Profits, if any be, to be disposed of in 
the building of School-houses, and Improvements on 
the thousand Acres of Land, which belongs to the 

The manner and Profits of a Spinning-School in 
Germany, as it is laid down by Andrew Yarenton in 
his own words, in a Book of his, call'd, EnglandJs Im- 
provements by Sea and Land, take as followeth. 

' In Germany, where the Thred is made that 
' makes the fine Linnens, in all Towns there are 
' Schools for little Girls, six years oíd, and upwards, to 
' teach them to spin, and so to bring their tender 

* fingers by degrees to spin very fine ; their Wheels go 

' all by the Foot, made to go with much ease, whereby^ 
' the action or motion is very easie and delightful : The 
' way, method, rule and order how they are govern'd 
' is, lst. There is a large Room, and in the middle 

< thereof a little Box like a Pulpit : 2dly, There are 

* Benches built round about the Room, as they are in 
' Play-houses, upon the benches sit about two hun- 
í dred Children spinning, and in the box in the middle 

< of the Room, sits the grand Mistress with a long 
' white Wand in her hand ; if she observe any of them 

< idle, she reaches them a tap, but if that will not do, 
' she rings a bell, which by a little Cord is fixed to 


í the box, and out comes a Woman, she then points to 
' the Oflfendor, and she is taken away into another 
1 Room and chastized ; and all this is done without 
í one word speaking : In a little Room by the School 
' there is a Woman that is preparing, and putting Flax 
' on the DistafFs, and upon the ringing of a Bell, and 
' pointing the Rod at the Maid that hath spun off her 
' Flax, she hath another Distaíf given her, and her 
' Spool of Thred taken from her, and put into a box 
' unto others of the same size, to make Cloth, all being 
' of equal Threds. lst. They raise their Children, as 
' they spin finer, to the higher Benches : 2. They sort 
i and size all the Threds, so that they can apply them 
' to make equal Cloths ; and after a young Maid hath 
í been three years in the Spinning- School, that is taken 
' in at six, and then continúes until nine years, she 
' will get eight pence the day, and in these parts I 
' speak of, a man that has most Children, lives best. 

Now were Spinning-Schools settled in the principal 
Cities and Towns in Pennsylvania and New-Jersey, and 
a Law made to oblige the Parents of Children, to put 
their Children to School, we should then .soon come 
into such a way of making Linnen-Cloth, as that we 
should not only have sufficient for our own supply, but 
also should have quantities to sell to the Inhabitants 
of our own neighbouring Provinces, where it will sell 
at considerable Prices, they being usually supplied from 
England, where it must be dear, after Freight, Custom, 
and other charges at Importation, with the Merchants 


profit considered; and yet nevertheless this Cloth, 
thus dear bought will sell in New-England, Virginia, 
and some other places in America, at thirty Pound per 
cent profit, above the íirst cost in England, and the 
Moneys paid by Bills of Exchange, and the Retalier 
makes commonly on Goods thus bought not less than 
twenty Pounds per cent, profit : So that if all things 
be considered, the Cloth is sold in America, to the 
Planter at full double the price as it cost from the 
maker in France or Germany, from whence its brought 
to England, by which it doth appear, that if we do get 
such Prices for the Cloth that we make, then we shall 
have double for our Labour to what they have ; there- 
fore it may be well that a Law were made for the 
encouragement of the Linnen Manufacture by the Gov- 
ernours and General Assemblies, that all Persons 
inhabiting in Pennsylvania, or New-Jersey, that keep a 
Plow, do sow one Acre of Flax, and two Acres of 
Hemp, which would be a means of supplying us with 
Flax and Hemp, to carry on the Manufacturies of 
Linnen- Cloth and Cordage; and also would be very 
profitable to the Planter, by imploying his Family in 
the Winter season, when they would have otherwise 
but little else to do, viz. the Men and Boys in Break- 
ing and Dressing of it, and making it fit for use, and 
the Women and Girls in Spinning it, and nevertheless 
they may carry on their Husbandry as largely, as if 
nothing of this was done; the Husbandry — Affairs 
being chiefly betwixt the Spring and Fall. 


Now to that end that a Bank of Monies and Oredit 
may be in Pennsylvania and New-Jersey, a Law may be 
made, that all Monies lent on Interést be at 8 1. per 
cent, by the year, and that all Bills and Bonds be 
entred on the publick Registry, and by Act of As- 
sembly be made transferable by Assignments, so as the 
Property may go along with the Assignment ; thereby 
a Bond or Bill will go in the Nature of Bills of Ex- 
change ; and so A. owing 200 1. to B. he assigns him 
the Bond of C. who owed him 200 1. and C. owing D. 
200 1. assigns him the Bond of E. who owed him 
200 1. and so one Bond or Bill would go through 
twenty hands, and thereby be as ready Monies, and do 
much to the Benefit of Trade. Also, that all Lands 
and Houses be put under a publick Registry, and 
entred in the Book, with an account of the valué of 
them, and how occupied and tenanted, a particular 
thereof being given under the Hand and Seal of the 
Office to the Owners. We having thus fitted our selves 
with a publick Registry of all our Lands and Houses, 
whereby it is made ready Money at all times, without 
the charge of Law, or the necessity of a Lawyer ; and 
a Law being made for the payment of such large In- 
terést for Monies lent, and the security being so unde- 
niably good, a Bank will in time arise, and such a 
Bank as will be for the Benefit and advantage of 
Penn&ilvania and New-Jersey, and Trade universal. 
(Seenote No. 16). 

Suppose myself, and some others have in Houses 


and Lands in Pennsiívania or New-Jersey, worth 3000 
i. and are minded to mannage and carry on the Linnen 
Manufacture, but cannot do it, without borrowing on 
Interest 2000 1. therefore we come to the Bank in 
Pennsiívania or New-Jersey, and there tender a particu- 
lar of our Lands and Houses, and how occupied or 
tennanted, being worth 3000 1. in Pennsiívania or New- 
Jersey, and desire them to lend us 2000 1. and we will 
Mortgage our Land and Houses for it; the answer 
will be, We will sena 7 to the Registers Office y our par- 
ticular, and at the return of the Messenger you shall have 
your answer: The Registers send answer, it is our 
Lands and Houses, and occupied, and tenanted, and 
valued according to the particular, there needs no 
more words but to tell us the Money, with which we 
carry on the Trade briskly, to the great benefit and 
advantage of some hundreds of People that we set to 
work, and to the supplying of the Inhabitants with 
Cloth made of Flax, grown, drest, spun and wove in 
our own Provinces ; which Trade we could not man- 
nage and carry on without this credit, but having this 
credit, we go on with our Trade comfortably, and the 
Lender will have his ends answered, and his Moneys 
well secured. And its certain, such an Anchorage, 
Fund, and Foundation, will then bring out the Monyes 
unimployed from all Persons in these Provinces, even 
People of all degrees will put in their Monyes, which 
will be put out again into Trade to Merchants, and 

• 345 


sucli as stand in need of ready Monyes ; and thereby 
Trade is made easie, and much convenienced. 

Suppose ten Families purchase in Pennsilvaíiia or 
New-tiFersey five thousand Acres of Land, and they lay 
out a small Township in the middle of it, for the 
conveniency of neighbourhood, to each Family one 
hundred Acres for Houses, Gardens, Orchards, Corn- 
fields and Pastures of English Grass, the remainder to 
lie in common, to feed their cattel; and suppose that 
by that time they have built their dwelling Houses, 
Cow-houses, Barns, and other Out-houses, and have 
made Enclosures about their home-lots, that their 
Monyes is all expended, and without a further 
supply to buy Oxen and Horses to plow their Land, 
and Cows to find their Families in Milk, Butter and 
Cheese, and Sows to breed a stock on, they will live 
but meanly for some time, therefore to amend their 
condition they come to the Bank, and there tender 
a particular of their Lands, valued to be worth 1500 
1. on which they desire to take up 1000 1. to pur- 
chase a Stock of Oxen, Horses, Cows, Sows, Sheep 
and Servants, by which they will be enabled to 
carry on their Husbandry to great advantage, and 
the benefit of the Province in general; and it may 
be that in two or three years time, they may be 
able to pay in this Money, with Interest, to the 
owner; and in two or three years more may be able 
to bring into the Bank, to be lent out to others, one 
thousand pounds of their own Estates. 


As to the benefit of pubück (Brcmarics on Delaware 
River, to keep the Com for all Merchants, Bakers and 
Farmers that please to send it thither, that so the 
destruction and damages occasioned by Rats and Mice, 
may be prevented. In this Granary, Corn at all times 
may be taken in, from all Persona that please to send 
it, and the Corn so sent may be preserved sweet, safe, 
and in good Order, at a small charge for a whole year, 
and the owner at liberty to take it out at his own will 
and pleasure, or to sell, transfer or assign any part of 
the said Corn to any Person or Persons for the pay- 
ment of his Debts, or to furnish himself with Cloth- 
ing, or other Necessaries from the Merchant; and 
the Granary-keepers to give good security that all 
tilinga should be faithfully done & discharged. Now 
the Corn being brought into the publick Granary, and 
there registered in the Register-Book, to be kept for 
that purpose ; and the Person that hath put in said 
Corn, taking a Note under hand and seal, from the 
Granary-Register, of the quantity of Corn brought 
into the Granary, with the time it was delivered, and 
the matter and kind of the Corn, then these Advan- 
tages will ensue : 

First, Preservation from the Rats and Mice, Straw 
to supply his Cattel, the Chaff for his Horsea, and 
the light Corn to feed his Pigs and Poultry; his 
Husbandry mannaged with rule and order to his advan- 
tage ; no forc'd liaste, but thrashing and carrying the 
Corn to the Granary in times wherein his servants 


have leisure; so in seeding time & harvest all People 
are freed from that. Besides, there being at all times 
sufficient quantities of Corn in the Granaries to load 
Ships, Merchants from Barbadoes, and other places, 
will come to buy Corn ; of one Farmer he may buy 
one hundred Bushels, of another fifty, and so he may 
buy the Corn that belongs to sixty or eighty Farmers, 
and receive their Notes which they had from the 
Granary-Office, which Corn he letteth lie in the 
Granary until he have occasion to use it, then he 
orders his Baker to go with those notes to the Granary- 
Office, and receive such quantities as he hath a mind 
shall be made into Flower and Bisket, which the 
Baker does accordingly, and gets it packt up in Casks, 
and sent to Barbadoes ; the remainder, if he please, he 
may sell to some other Merchant that lives at Barba- 
does, or some other place, and when sold, may deliver 
the said Merchant the Notes on the Granary-Office, at 
sight whereof they may receive their Corn, if they 
please, or they may pass those Notes from one to 
another, as often as they please, which is all one as 
Money, the Corn being lodged safe, and kept in the 
publick Granary, will be the occasion of imploying 
much of the Cash of Pennsilvania and New- Jersey ; 
most People near these publick Bank-Granaries, will 
be dealing to have some Corn in Bank-Credit ; for that 
cannot miss of finding an encrease and benefit to them 
in the rise of Corn. 

The best places at present for the building of 


Granarles, are, I suppose, Burlington in West-Jersey, 
Philadelphia and New-Castle in Pennsilvania, and New 
Perth in East- Jersey, which places are excellently 
situated, there being many Navigable Rivers, whereby 
Trade is very communicable, and the Corn may be 
brought in Boats and Sloops from most places now 
inhabited, by water to these publick Granaries, for 
small charge, and from the Granaries may be carried 
to Water-Milis to grind, which are some of them so 
conveniently situated, that Boats may come to the 
Mill-Tayl, which is also a great conveniency to those 
that trade much in Corn. 

Now I will demónstrate, and shew you the length, 
breadth and heighth the Granaries ought to be of, to 
hold this Corn ; as also the Charge of building one of 
them, and the way how it should be built for the best 
advantage, with the way of ordering and managing 
the Corn, that it may keep good, sweet and clean, 
eight or ten years. The Granarks must be three 
hundred Foot long, eighteen Foot wide betwixt inside 
and inside, seven Stories high, each Story seven Foot 
high, all to be built of good well bumt Brick, and laid 
in Lime and Sand very well ; the ends of the Grana- 
ries must be set North and South, so the sides will be 
East and West; and in the sides of the Granaries, 
there must be large Windows to open and shut cióse, 
that when the Wind blows at West, the Windows may 
be laid open, and then the Granary man will be 
turning and winding the Corn, and all Filth and 


Dross will be blown out at the Window. When the 
Weather is fair, then throw open the Windows, to let 
in the Air to the Corn ; and in the middle, there must 
be Stoves to be kept with Fire in them in all moist or 
wet times, or at going away of great Frosts and Snow, 
to prevent moistness either in the Brick-walls, Timber, 
Boards or Corn. There must be in each side of the 
Granarles, three or four long Troughs or Spouts fixt 
in the uppermost Loft, which must run about twenty 
Foot out of the Granary; and in fine Weather, the 
Granary men must be throwing the Corn out of the 
uppermost Loft, and so it will fall into another Spout 
made ten Foot wide at the top, and through that 
Spout the Corn descends into the lowermost Loft, and 
then wound up on the inside of the Granary, by a 
Crane fixt for that purpose, and the Corn receiving the 
benefit of the Air, falling down thirty Foot before it 
comes into the second Spout, cleanseth it from its filth 
and Chaff ; these Spouts are to be taken oíf and on, as 
occasion requires, and to be fixt to another of the 
Lofts, that when Vessels come to load Corn, they may 
through these Spouts convey the Corn into the Boats 
or Sloops, without any thing of Labour, by carrying it 
on the Backs of men. 

The charge of one Granary three Hundred Foot 
long, eighteen Foot wide, seven Stories high, seven 
Foot betwixt each story, being built with Brick in 
England, as by the Account of Andrew Yarenton, take 
as followeth ; Six hundred thousand of Bricks builds a 


Granary, two Bricks and a half thick the two first 
Stories, two Bricks thick tJie three next Stories, Brick 
and a half thick tlie two uppermost Stories; and the 
Brick will be made and delivered on the Place for eight 
Shillings the Thousand, the laying of Brick three Shil- 
lings the Thousand, Lime and Sand two Shillings the 
Thousand; so Brick-laying, Lime and Sand will be 
thirteen Shillings the Thousand, one hundred and fifty 
Tuns of Oak for Summers-Joists and Roof 170 1. 
Boards for tlie six Stories, sixty tliousand Foot, at 
los. 4d. The one hundred Foot and ten thousand 
Foot for Window-Doovs and Spouts at the same rate, 
48 1. Laths and Tiles 100 1. Carpenters work 70 1. 
Iron, Nails and odd things 60 1. So the charge of 
a Granary will be 800 1. There will be kept in this 
Granary fourteen thousand Quarters of Carn, which 
is two thousand Quarters in every Loft, which will be 
a thousand Bushels in every Bay ; six labouring men, 
with one Clerk, will be sufficient to manage this Granary, 
to turn and wind the Gorn, and keep the Books of 
Accounts; fifteen pounds a piece alloiced to the six men, 
and thirty pound a year to the Clerk and Register, will 
be Wages sufficient; so the Servants Wages will be 120 1. 
per annum, allow ten in tJie hundred for Monies laid out 
for building the Granaries, which w 80 1. so the charge 
will be yearly 200 1. Now if tlw Country-man pay six 
pence a Quarter yearly for keeping his Ccrrn safe and 
sweet in the Gtranary, fourteen thousand Quarters will 
come to 350 1. for Granary-Rent yearly. 



Admit I have a Propriety of Land in Pennsílvania 
or New-Jersey, either place then alloweth me to take 
up five thousand Acres, with Town or City-Lots, upon 
condition that I settle ten Families on it, therefore I 
send over ten Families of honest industrious People, 
the charge of each Family is 100 1. as by the account 
of particulars appears, as folio weth. 

1. s. d. 
05 00 00 

For one hundred Acres of Land 

For the Passage of the Family, five 

For fresh provisions to use on Ship-" 
board, over and above the Ships allow- 
ance, as Rice, Oatmeal, Flmcer, Butter, 
Sugar, Brandy, and some odd things 
more, which I leave to the discretion of 
those that go, 

For 3 hundred weight of six penny, 
eight penny and ten penny Nails, to be 
used on sides and Roof of the House, - 

For a Share and Coulter, a Plow- 
Chain, 2 Scythes, 4 Sickles, a horse 
Collar, some Cordage for Harness, 2 
Stock Locks, 2 weeding Hoes, 2 grub- 
bing Hoes, one cross-cut Saw, 2 Iron 
Wedges, 1 Iron Pot, 1 frying Pan, 2 
falling Axes, 1 broad Ax, 1 Spade, 1 
Hatchet, 1 Fro to cleave Clapboard, 
Shingle and Coopers Timber, 

25 00 00 

05 00 00 

05 00 00 

05 00 00 


For Portridge, Custom-house charge | '• s. d*. 

and freight,&c. on the goods, - _ j 02 00 00 

p Vmnrlrprl ) 

03 00 00 


For Insurance of the one hundred ) 
pound j 

In all - - - 50 00 00 


05 00 00 
07 10 00 

The remaining fifty Pounds may do well to lay out 

in these goods, which are the most vendable in the 

Country, viz. 

1. s. d. 
Ten pieces of Serge, at - - - 20 00 00 
Six pieces of narrow blew Linnen, 

containing about two hundred Yards, - 
200 Els of brown Ossembrigs, at 


Half a piece of three quarters Dowlis, 03 10 00 
Three pieces of coulered Linnen - 02 10 00 
Two pieces of Yorkshire Kerseys, - 04 00 00 
One piece of red Peniston, above 40 ) 

yards,at l&d,per Yard, - - -j 

One piece of Demity, - - - 00 1500 
In Buttons and Silk, Tape and Thred ) 

suitable to the Clothes, - - - { 

In All - - 50 00 00 
And when you come into the Country, you may lay 

out the above-mentioned goods to purchase a stock of 

Cattel and Provisions, ác. which for goods at the first 

cost in England, will buy at the prices under-men- 

tioned, viz. 

15 00 00 

03 10 00 
02 10 00 


1. s. d. 
One pair of working Oxen, at - 06 00 00 

One Mare 3 1. and four Cows and 

Calves, 12 1. - 

One Bull 2 1. ten Ewes 3 1. 10 s. - 05 10 00 
Four breeding Sows, and one Boor, - 04 00 00 
One fat Ox to kill for winter Provi- j 

sions, j 

400 pound of Pork, at 3 half pence ) 

per pound, j 

24 pound of Butter, at 4 d. per pound, 00 08 00 
One Barrel of salted Fish, - - 00 10 00 

One Barrel of Malassas to make Beer, 01 08 00 
40 Bushels of Indian Corn, at 1 s. 1 

8 d. per Bushel, j 

20 Bushels of Kye, at 2 * per Bushel, 02 00 00 
20BushelsofWheat,at3*.j*»-fli«fcZ, 03 00 00 
6 Bushels of Pease and Indian Beans, 

at 3 8. per Bushel, - 

2 Bushels of Salt, at 2 s. per Bushel, - 00 04 00 
50 pound of Cheese of the Country- 

making, at 3 d. per pound, - 

12 pound of Candles, dX^d. per pound, 00 05 00 
In Sugar, Spice, and other things, - 00 17 10 

03 06 08 

00 18 00 

00 12 06 

In All - - 50 00 00 

Note, That the above-mentioned Prices is for goods 
at first cost in England, which in Country Money 


would be something above one third higher, viz. a Cow 
and Calf valued in goods at first cost at 3 d. is worth 
in Country Money 5 1. and other things advance much 
after the same proportion. 

My five thousand Acres of Land cost me 100 1. I 
liad of the ten Families for the one thousand Acres 
disposed of to them 50 1. my Town or City Lots will 
yield me currant 50 1. by which it appears I am noth- 
ing out on the four thousand Acres that is left. 

I get my five thousand Acres surveyed and laid out 
to me, out of which I lay out for the ten Families one 
thousand Acres, which may be so divided, as that each 
family may live near one to the other; I indent 
with them to let the Money lie in their hands six 
years, for which they to pay me each family, 8 1. a 
year, in consideration of the one hundred pound a 
family laid out for them, and at the expiration of the 
six years, they to pay me my 10001. viz. each family 
100 1. as by agreement ; my Money being paid me, I 
am unwilling to let it lie dead, therefore I lay out in 
the middle of my Land one thousand Acres, which I 
divide into ten lots, in form and manner as before, 
then I indent, with íifty servants to serve me four 
years a piece, I place them on the Land, viz. five on 
each lot. Their Passage, and in goods to purchase 
Cattel and Provisions, &c. is to each five servants 
100 1. as before is explained ; Now I order a House to 
be built, and Orchards, Gardens and Inclosures to be 


made, and Husbandry aífairs to be carried on on each 
lot; so that at the four years end, as the servants 
time is expired, I shall have ten Farms, each contain- 
ing four hundred Acres ; for the one thousand Acres 
being laid out in the middle of my Land, the remain- 
ing three thousand Acres joyns to it. 

My servants time being expired, I am willing to 
see what charge I am out upon these ten Farms and 
Stock, in order to know what I have gain'd in the ten 
years past, over and above 8 l. per Cent. Interest, that 
is allowed me for the use of my Money : I am out by 
the first charge 1000 1. & the Interest thereof for four 
years, at 8 l. per Cent, is for the four years 320 1. so 
that the whole charge on the ten Farms, Principal 
& Interest, comes to 1320 1. Now if I valué my ten 
Farms but at 400 1. each, which is 20 s. per Acre, one 
with another ; then the whole will be 4000 1. besides 
the first Stock of Cattel and Hogs, &c. to each .Planta- 
tion, with its Increase for four years, which Stock cost 
at first to each Farm 30 1. in goods at first cost, but is 
worth 40 1. sterling, at which rate the Stock on the 
ten Farms cost 400 1. and if we account the four years 
Increase to be no more than the first Stock, yet that is 
400 1. by which it appears that the ten Farms, and the 
stock on them is worth 4800 1. out of which deduct 
the Money laid out, which with Interest is 1320 1. So 
that the Neat profit, besides 8 1. per Cent, allowed for 
Interest, is for this ten years improvement, 3480 1. and 
twenty Families set at liberty from that extream 


Slavery that attended thern, by reason of great Pov- 
erty that they endured in England, and must have so 
continued, had not they been thus redeemed by coming 
into America. It may be thought that this is too 
great an undertaking for one man, which if it be, then 
I propose that ten joyn together in this community, 
and each man send over five Servants, of which let 
one of them be an honest man that understands 
Country business, as an Overseer, which if we allow 
him over and above his Passage and Diet 20 1. a year 
for his four years service, this amounts to 80 1. which 
is for the ten farms 800 1. which being deducted out of 
the 3480 1. there only remains 2680 1. clear profit to the 
ten men, which is for each man 268 1. for his ten years 
improvement of his 100 1. and his 100 1. back again with 
Interest for all the time at 8 1. per Cent, per annum, 
the whole producing 448 1. for his 100 1. first laid out. 

Some may object, and say, They cannot believe the 
Land of each farm, with its Improvements, will sell at 
20 s. an Acre, that is, at twelve years purchase is 1 s. 8 d. 
per Acre per annum. because three hundred Acres of it 
is as it was, viz. Rough Woods. 

I Answer ; That although it be so, yet these Woods 
are made valuable by the twenty Families that are 
seated near them, the first ten families having been 
settled ten years, the last four years ; for some are 
willing to have their children live near them ; and 
they having but one hundred Acres in all, it will not 
be well to divide that, therefore they will give a good 


price for one hundred Acres, to settle a Child upon, to 
live by them, as experience sheweth; for in Rhode- 
Islaíid, which is not far froni us, Land rough in the 
Woods, not better than ours, will sell at 40 s. an Acre, 
which is 3 s. 4 d. per Acre per annum. Therefore, 
Reader, I hope now thou art convinced that there is a 
probability that what I here inform thee of, will prove 
true, causalties of Fire, &c. excepted. 

The Indians are but few in Number, and have been 
very serviceable to us by selling us Venison, Indian 
Corn, Pease and Beans, Fish and Fowl, Buch Skins, 
Beaver, Otter, and other Skins and Furs ; the Men 
hunt, Fish and Fowl, and the Women plant the Corn, 
and carry Burthens ; they are many of them of a good 
Understanding, considering their education; and in 
their publick meetings of Business, they have excel- 
lent Order, one speaking after another, and while one 
is speaking all the rest keep silent, and do not so much 
as whisper one to the other : We had several Meetings 
with them, one was in order to put down the sale of 
Rum, Brandy, and other strong Liquors to them, they 
being a People that have not Government of them- 
selves, so as to drink it in moderation; at which time 
there were eight Kings, (& many other Indians) one 
of them was Ockaniclwn, whose dying Words I writ 
from his Mouth, which you shall have in its order. 

The Indian Kings sate on a Form, and we sate on 
another over against them ; they had prepared four 


Belts of Wampum, (Seenote No. 17) (so their current 
Money is called, being Black and White Beads made 
of a Fish Shell) to give us as Seáis of the Covenant 
they made with us; one of the Kings by the consent 
and appointment of the rest stood up and made this 
following Speech ; The strong Liquors was first sold us 
by the Dutch, and they were blind, they had no Eyes, 
they did not see that it ivas for our hurt ; and the next 
People that carne amongst us, were the Sweeds, who con- 
tinued tlie sale of those strong Liquors to us : they were 
also Blind, they had no Eyes, they did not see it to be 
hurtful to us to drink it, although we know it to be hurt- 
ful to us ; but if People will sell it us, we are so in love 
with it, that we cannot forbear it ; when we drink it, it 
maíces us mad ; we do not know what we do, we then 
abuse one another ; we throw each other into the Fire, 
seven Scoi'e of our People have been killed, by reason of 
tlie drinking of it, since the time it was first sold us : 
Those People that sell it, they are blind, they have no 
Eyes, but now tliere is a People come to Uve amongst us, 
that have Eyes, they see it to be for our Hurt, and we 
know it to be for aur Hurt : They are willing to deny 
themselves of the Profit of it if for our good ; these People 
have Eyes; we are glad such a People are come amongst us. 
We must put it down by mutual consent ; the Cask must be 
sedled up, it must be made fast, it must not leak by Day ñor 
by Night, in the Light, ñor in the Dark, and we give you 
these four Belts of Wampam, which we would have you 
lay up safe, and keep by you to be Witness of this Agree- 


ment ihat we make with you, and we ivould have you tell 
your C hilaren, tliat these four Belts of Wampam are giren 
you to be Witness betwixt us and you of this Agreement. 

A Letter fronn New-Jersey in America to a Friend in 
Bear Friend ; 

IHaving this short oppertunity, have nothing to 
present thee with, but the Dying-Words of an 
Indian King, who died in Burlington, and was buríed 
amongst Friends according to his desire ; and at his 
Burial many Tears were shed both by the Indians and 
Miglish; so in Love, and great haste, I rest thy 

John Gripps. (See note No. 18). 

The Dying-Words of Ockanichon, spoken to Jachkursoe, 
whom he appointed King after him, spoken in the 
Presence of several, who were Eye and Ear Witnesses 
of the Truth tliereof 

IT was my desire, that my Brother's Son, Jahkursoe 
should be sent for to come to hear my last Words, 
whom I have appointed King after me. My Brother's 
Son, this day I deliver my Heart into thy Bosom, and 
would have thee love that which is Good and to keep 
good Company, and to refuse that which is Evil ; and 


to avoid bad Company. Now inasmuch as I have 
delivered my Heart into thy Bosom I also deliver my 
Bosom to keep my Heart therein ; therefore ahvayes 
be sure to walk in a good Path, and never depart out 
of it. And if any Indiana should speak any evil of 
Indians or Christians, do not joyn with it, but to look 
to that which is Good, and to joyn with the same 
alwayes. Look at the Sun from the Rising of it to 
the Setting of the same. In Speeches that shall be 
made between the Indians and Christians, if any thing 
be spoke that is evil, do not joyn with that, but joyn 
with that which is good ; and when Speeches are made, 
do not thou speak first, but let all speak before thee, and 
take good notice what each man speaks, and when thou 
hast heard all, joyn to that which is good. Brothers 
Son, I would have thee to cleanse thy Ears, and take 
all Darkness and Foulness out, that thou mayst take 
notice of that which is Good and Evil, and then to 
joyn with that which is Good, and refuse the Evil ; 
and also to cleanse thy Eyes, that thou mayest see 
both Good and Evil ; and if thou see any Evil, do not 
joyn with it, but joyn to that which is Good. Broth- 
er's Son, Thou has heard all that is past ; now I would 
have thee to stand up in time of Speeches, and to stand 
in my Steps, and follow my Speeches as I have said 
before thee, then what thou dost desire in lieason will 
be granted thee. Why shouldst thou not follow my 
Example, inasmuch as I have liad a mind to do that 
y orí 


wliich is Good, and therefore do thou also the same ? 
Whereas Sélvoppy and /Swanpis were appointed Kings 
by me in my stead, and I understanding by my Doctor, 
that Sehoppy secretly advised him not to cure me, and 
they both being with me at John Hollinshead's House, 
there I my self see by them that they were given more 
to Drink, than to take notice of my last Words, for I 
had a mind to make a Speech to them, and to my 
Brethren the English Commissioners, therefore I refused 
them to be Kings after me in my stead, and liave 
chosen my Brothers Son Iahkurosoe in their stead to 
succeed me. 

Brothers Son, I desire thee to be plain and fair with 
all, both Irtdians and Ghristians, as I have been. I 
am very weak, otherwise I would have spoken more ; 
and in Testimony of the Truth of this, I have here- 
unto set my Hand. 

The mark £ of Ockanickon, King, now deceased. 
Henry Jacob Falelánbery, Intrepreter. 

Friendly Reader, when Ockanickon had given his 
Brothers Son this good Counsel, I thought meet to 
speak unto him as followeth ; There is a great God, who 
created all things, and this God giveth Man an under- 
standing of what is Good, and what is Bad, and after 
th Life rewardetli the Good with Blessings, and the Bad 
according to their Doings ; to which he answered and 
said, It is very true, it is so, there are two Wdyes, a broad 
Way, and a strait Way ; there be two Paths, a broad 


Path and a strait Path ; the worst, and the greatest 
Niimber go in the broad Path, the hest and fewest go in 
the strait Path. T. B 

Something in Rélation to a Conference had with the 
Indians at Burlington, shortly after we carne into the 

THe Indians tolcl us, they were advised to make 
War on us, and cut us oíf whilst we were but 
few, and said, They were told, that we sold them the 
Small-Pox, with the Mach Coat they liad bought of 
us, which caused our People to be in Fears and 
Jealousies concerning them ; therefore we sent for the 
Iridian Rings, to speak with them, who with many 
more Indians, carne to Burlington, where we had Con- 
ference with them abcut the matter, therefore told 
them, That we carne amongst them by their own con- 
sent, and had bought the Land of them, for which we 
had honestly paid them for, and for what Commodities 
we had bought at any time of them, we had paid 
them for, and had been just to them, and liad been 
from the time of our first coming very kind and 
respectful to them, therefore we knew no Reason that 
they had to make War on us; to which one of them, 
in the behalf of the rest, made this following Speech 
in answer, saying, ' Our Young Men may speak such 
' Words as we do not like, ñor approve of, and we can- 


'not help that : And some of your Young Men may 
'speak such Words as you do not like, and you cannot 
' help that. We are your Brothers, and intend to live 

* like Brothers with you : We have no mind to have 
' War, for when we have War, we are only Skin and 
' Bones ; the Meat that we eat doth not do us good, 
'we alwayes are in fear, we have not the benefit of 
' the Sun to shine on us, we hide us in Holes and 
' Corners ; we are minded to live at Peace : If we 
' intend at any time to make War upon you, we will 
' let you know of it, and the Reasons why we make 
' War with you ; and if you make us satisfaction for 
' the Injury done us, for which the War is intended, 
' then we will not make War on you. And if you 
' intend at any time to make War on us, we would 
' have you let us know of it, and the Reasons for which 
' you make War on us, and then if we do not make 
' satisfaction for the Injury done unto you, then you 
'may make War on us, otherwise you ought not to do 
' it. You are our Brothers, and we are willing to live 
' like Brothers with you : We are willing to have a 

* hroad Path for you and us to walk in, and if an Inclian 

* is asleep in this Path, the English-m&n shall pass him 

* by, and do him no harm ; and if an English-ma,n is 
' asleep in this path, the Iridian shall pass him by, and 
' say, He is an Englisli-man he is asleep, let him alone, 
' he loves to Sleep. It shall be a plain Path, there must 
'not be in this path a stump to hurt our feet. And as 


' to the Small-Pox, it was once in my Grandfathers 
' time, and it could not be the English that could send 

* it us then, there being no English in the Country, and 

* it was once in my FatJwrs time, they could not send it 
' us then neither ; and now it is in my time, I do not 
1 believe that they have sent it us now : I do believe it 
'is the Man abo ve that hath sent it us. 

Some are apt to ask, How we can propose safely to 
live amongst such a Heathen People as the Indians, 
whose Principies and Prac tices leads them'to War and 
Bloodshed, and our Principies and Practices leading 
us to love Enemies, and if reviled, not to revile again ; 
and if smitten on the one cheek to turn the other, and 
we being a peaceable People, whose Principies and 
Practices are against Wars and Fightings ? 

I Answer: That we settled by the Indians consent 
and good liking, and bought the Land of them, that 
we settle on, which they conveyed to us by Deed under 
their Hands and Seáis, and also submitted to several 
Articles of agreement with us, viz. ftTot tO tSO U0 
BUS XttJttPfi ; but if it should so happen, that any 
of their People at any time should injure or do harm 
to any of us, then they to make us satisfaction for the 
Injury done ; therefore if they break these Covenants 
and Agreements, then they may be proceeded against 
as other Oífendors, viz. to be kept in subjection to the 
Magistrates Power, in whose hand the Sword of Jus- 
tice is committed to be used by him, for the punish- 


ment of Evil-doers, and praise of them that do well ; 
therefore I do believe it to be both lawful and expedi- 
ent to bring Offendors to Justice by the power of the 
Magistrates Sword, which is not to be used in vain, 
but may be used against such as raise Rebellions and 
Insurrections against the Government of the Country, 
be they Indians or others, otherwise it is in vain for 
us to pretend to Magistracy or Government, it being 
that which we own to be lawful both in Principie and 

Q. Whether thjere be not Bears, Wolves, and other 
Ravenous Beasts in the Country ? 

I Answer: Yes. But I have travell'd alone in the 
Country some hundreds of Miles, and by missing of 
my way have lain in the Woods all night, and yet I 
never saw any of those Creatures, ñor have I heard 
that ever man, woman . or child were hurt by them, 
they being afraid of Mankind ; also, encouragement is 
given to both Indians and others to kill Wolves, they 
being paid for every Wolfs head that they bring to the 
Magistrate, the valué of ten Shillings ; and the Bears 
the Indians kill for the profit of their Skins, and sake 
of their Flesh, which they eat, and esteem better than 
Deers flesh. 

Q. Whether there be not Snakes, more especially 
the Rattle-Snake ? 

Ans. Yes, but not many Rattle-Snakes, and they 
are easily discovered ; for they commonly lie in the 


Paths for the benefit of the Sun, & if any Person 
draws nigh them, they shake their Tail, on which the 
Rattles grow, which make a noise like a childs Rattle ; 
I never heard of but one Person bitten in Pennsilvania 
or New-Jersey with the Rattle-Snake, and he was helpt 
of it by live Chickens slit assunder and apply'd to the 
place, which drew out the Poyson; and as to the 
other Snake, the most plentiful is a black Snake, its 
bite, 'tis said, does no more harm than the prick of a 

I have mentioned before, that there are a sort of 
troublesom Flies call'd Muslcetoes (much like the Gnats 
in England) in the lower parts of the Country, where 
the great Marshes aro, but in the upper parts of the 
Country seldom one is seen. 

There are Crows and Black birds, which may be 
accounted amongst the inconveniences, they being 
destructive to the Lidian Gorn, the Crows by picking 
up the Corn just as its appearing in the blade above 
ground, and the Black-birds by eating it in the Year, 
before it be full harcl, if not prevented by looking after ; 
but other sorts of Corn they seldom hurt. 

It is rational to believe, that all considérate Persona 
will sit down and count the cost before they begin to 
build ; for they must expect to pass through a Winter 
before a Summer, but not so troublesom a Winter as 
many have imagined ; for those that come there to 
settle now, may purchase Corn, Cattel, and other 


things at the prices mentioned, and many have Houses 
in some of the Towns of Pennsilvania and New-Jersey 
on Rent, until they build for themselves, and Water- 
Milis to grind their Corn, which are such Conveniences 
that we that went first partly missed of. 

Thus, Kind Reader, I have given thee a true Descrip- 
tion of Pennsilvania and New-Jersey, loith the Rivers 
and Springs, Fish and Fowle, Beasts, Fruits, Plants, 
Corn and Commodities that it doth or may produce, with 
severa! other things needful for thee to know, as well In- 
conveniences as Conveniences, by which I keep clear of 
that just Reflection of such as are more apt to see faults 
in others, than to amend them in themselves. 

T. B. 

WHereas I unavisedly published in Print a Paper 
(see note No. 19), dated the LSthof July, 1685. 
entituled, A true and perfect Account of the disposal of the 
one hundred Shares or Proprieties of the Province of West 
New-Jersey, by Edward Bylling : In which Paper I 
gave an Account of the purchasers Ñames, and the 
several Proprieties granted to them, part of which I 
took from the Register, the remainder from a List 
given in by Edward Bylling, to the Proprioters, as 
mentioned on the said Paper, which Paper I find hath 
pro ved Injurious to the aforesaid Edward Bylling, 
although not so intended by me. Therefore in order 


to give him Satisfaction, and all others that are con- 
cerned, I do acknowledge he hath, since the pub- 
lishing of that Paper, shewed me some Deeds, wherein 
he hath several Proprieties conveyed back to him 
again, from the original Purchasers and Judge, he may 
make good Titles to the same. 

A Letter by Thomas Budd, sent to his Friends in 
Pennsilvania and New-Jersey. 

Dear Friends; 

YOu are often in my Remembrance, and at this 
time I feel the tender Bowels of our heavenly 
Father's Love flowing in my Heart towards you, in 
a sence of those great Exercises that many of you 
have, do and may meet withal in your Spiritual Travel 
towards the Land of Promise. 

I am also sensible of the many Exercises and inward 
Combáis that many of you met withal, after you felt 
an inclination in your Hearts of Transplanting your 
sel ves into America : Oh the Breatldngs and fervent 
Prayers, and earnest Desires that were in your Hearts 
to the Lord, That you might not goexcept it was his good 
Pleasure to remove you, for a purpose of his own : This 
you eárnestly desired to be satisfied in, and many of 
you received satisfaction, that it was your places to 

10 3IÍÍ) 


lea ve your Nati ve Country, Trades, and near and dear 
Kelations and Friends to transplant your selves into 
a Wilderness, where you expected to meet with many 
Tryals and Exercises of a differing kind, than what 
you had met withal in your Native Country; but 
this you contentedly gave up to, but not without 
earnest desire, and fervent Prayers to the Lord for his 
Wisdom to govern you, and his Fatherly Care to pre- 
serve you, and his comfortable presence to be with you, 
to strengthen and enable you chearfuly to undergo 
those new and unaccustomed Tryals and Exercises, 
that you were sensible would attend you iñ this 
weighty undertaking, the Lord heard your Prayers, 
and answered your Desires, inasmuch as that his 
Fatherly Care was over you, and his living Presence 
did accompany you over the great Deep ; so that you 
saw his wonderful Deliverence, and in a sence thereof, 
you praised his Ñame for the same. 

The Lord having thus far answered our Souls desire, 
as to bring us to our desired Port in safety, and to 
remain with us, to be a Counsellor of good things unto 
us, let us now answer this Kindness unto us by a 
righteous ConversatÁon, and a puré, holy and innocent 
Life, that others beholding the same, may be convinced 
thereby, and may glorifie our heavenly Father. 

The Eyes of many are on us, some for Good, and 
some for Evil ; therefore my earnest Prayers are to 
the Lord, That he would preserve us, and give us Wis- 


dom, that we may be governed aright before him, and 
that he would give a good Understanding to those that 
are in Authority amongst us, that his Law may go 
forth of Sion, and his Word from Jerusalem : Be not 
backward in discharging that great Trust cómmitted 
to you in your respective Offices and Places, that you 
may be help-meets in the Restoration. 

And be careful to suppress, and keep down all Vi ce, 
and disorderly Spirits, and incourage Virtue, not only 
in the general, but every one in his perticular Family ; 
there is an incumbant Duty lieth on all Masters of 
Families over their Family, therefore my desire is, 
that we may cali our Families together at convenient 
times and Seasons, to wait upon the Lord, and to seek 
to him for Wisdom and Counsel, that his Blessings may 
attend us and our Families, and our Children may sit 
about our Table as Olive-branches full of Virtue, then 
shall we be full of Joy and Peace, and living Praises 
will spring to the Lord, in that his Blessings and Fa- 
therly Care hath been thus continued towarcls us. 

Dear Friends ; be tender and helpful one towards 
another, that the Lord may bless and fill you with his 
divine Love, and sweet refreshing Life, which unities 
our Souls to each other, and makes us as one Family of 
Love together : Let us not entertain any hard Thoughts 
one of another, but if diíference should happen 
amongst us, let a speedy and peaceable end be put 
untoit; for if Prejudices enter, it will eat out the 


precious Life, and make us barren and unfruitful to 
God. We are not without our daily Exercises, Travels 
and Teruptations, therefore do desire the Lord may 
put it into your Hearts, to Pray for our Preservation, 
and our safe return to you, that we may meet together 
again in the same overcoming Love of God, in which 
we parted from you. 

My Heart is full of Love to you, and do long to see 
your Faces, and to enjoy your Company, that I may 
more fully express that puré Love of God that springs 
in my Heart unto you, then I can do by Writing. 
Therefore I desire you may rest satisfied with these 
few Lines, and receive them as a token of unfeigned 
Love. From 

Your dear Friend, 

Thomas Budd. 
London, the29th) 
of the 8th V 

Month, 1684. J 

Some material Things omitted in the foregoing part. 

IT is to be noted, that the Tide runs to the Faíls of 
Delaware, it being one hundred and fifty Miles 
from the Capes, or entrance of the said River (which 
Falls, is a ledge of Rocks lying a cross the River) and 
also it runs up in some of the Cricks, ten or fifteen 
Miles, the said River and Cricks being navigable for 


Ships of great Burthen, there having lain over against 
Burlington, a Ship of about the burthen of four hun- 
dred Tuns afloat in four Fathom, at dead low Water, 
and the Flood riseth six or eight Foot; and there being 
no Worm that eats the bottoms of the Ships, as is 
usually done in Virginia and Barbadoes, &c. which 
renders the said Countries very fit for Trade and Nav- 
igation ; And in the said River and Cricks are many 
other sorts of good Fish, not already named, some of 
which are Cat-fish, Trout, Eales, Pearch, &c. 



Note 1, page 27. 
Budd's treatise was, perhaps, the most thorough attempt that had as 
yet been made, to cali tbe attention of bis countrymen to the advantages 
of a settlement in the then almost wilderness región of Pennsylvania and 
New Jersey, and the writer, it will be found, brought to the undertaking, 
a liberal and enlightened spirit, no small share of knowledge and sagacity, 
and the experience of many years' residence in the new country. 

Note 2, page 27. 

Our author, so far as relates toNew Jersey, refers to ítem 7 of the Con- 
cession and Agreement, of 1664, of Berkeley and Carteret. "That no 
person qualified as aforesaid (that is either a subject of the king of Eng- 
land, or who shall become such) within the said province, at any time, 
shall be any ways molested, punished, disquieted, or called in question, 
for any diflference in opinión or practice in matters of religious concern- 
ments, who does not actually disturb the civil peace of the said province ; 
but that all and every such person and persons, may from time to time 
and at all times, freely and fully have and enjoy bis and their judgment 
and consciences, in matters of religión throughout the said province, they 
behaving themselves peaceably and quietly, and not using this liberty 
to licentiousness, ñor to the civil injury or outward disturbance of others ; 
any law statute or clause contained or to be contained, usage or custom of 
this realm of England to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstand- 

The language of the xvi chapter " of the Charter or fundamental laws 
of West New Jersey, agreed upon " in 1676, is still more emphatic and 
comprehensive, and breathes the spirit of men who had suflFered for con- 
ecience sake. 

" That no men, ñor number of men upon earth, hath power or authority 
to rule over men's consciences in religious matters ; therefore it is con- 
sented, agreed and ordained that no person or persons whatsoever, within 


the said province, at any time or times hereafter, shall be any ways, upon 
any pretense whatsoever, called in question, or in the least punished or 
liurt, either in person estáte or privilege, for the sake of his opinión, judg- 
ment, faith or worship towards God in matters of religión ; but that all 
and every such person and persons, may from time to time, and at all 
times, freely and t'ully have and enjoy his and their judgments, and the 
exercise of their consciences, in matters of religious worship throughout 
all the said province." — Smith's History of New Jersey, 513, 529. 

Also see the lOth article of the proposals agreed upon the 9th Nov., 1681, 
by Gov. Jenings and the Assembly. Id., 128. 

The same principies are asserted in the Laws agreed upon in England, 
on the 5th May, 1682, between Penn and the future freemen of his Pro- 

Law 35th. "That all persons livingin this province who confess and ac- 
knowledge the one almighty and eternal God, to be the creator, upholder 
and ruler of the world, and that hold themselves obliged in conscience to 
live peaceably and justly in civil society, shall in no ways be molested or 
prejudiced for their religious persuasión or practice in matters of faith 
and worship, ñor shall they be compelled at any time to frequent or niain- 
tain any religious worship, place or ministry whatever." 

Note 3, page 29. 

Our author's account shows less change in the temperature of the re- 
gión he describes, than is generally attributed to it. 

For a description equally interesting and instructive, see Surveyor Col- 
den's narrative of the temperature and climate of the same territory, 
written in 1723. — Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York, 
edited by Dr. O'Callaghan, V, 690. 

The reader is also referred to the statements of Thomas Rudyard, Sam- 
uel Groóme, Gawen Lawrie and others, in Smith's New Jersey, 167 to 189. 

Note 4, page 29. 

" When the Yorkshire commissioners found the others were like to settle 
atsuch a distance, they told them if they would agree to fix by them, they 
would join in settling a town and that they should have the largest share, 
on consideration that they ( the yorkshire commissioners ) had the best 
land^in the woods : Being few, and the Indians numerous, they agreed 
to it. 


NOTES. 81 

" The commissioners employed Noble, a surveyor, who carne in the first 
ship, to divide the spot. After the main street was ascertained, he divided 
the land on each side into lots ; the easternmost among the Yorkshire 
proprietors, the other among the Londoners: To begin a settlement ten 
lots, of nine acres each, bounding on the west were laid out; that done 
some passengers from Wickaco, chiefly those concerned in the Yorkshire 
tenth, arrived the latter end of October. The London commissioners em- 
ployed Noble to divide the part of the island yet unsurveyed, between the 
ten London proprietors, in the manner before mentioned : The town tkua 
by mutual consent laid out, the commissioners gave it the ñame first of 
New Beverley, then Bridlington, but soon changed it to Burlington." — 
Smith's History of New Jersey, 98, 104. 

Beverley was a town in Yorkshire, England, as was Burlington. The 
latter is styled "Burlington or Bridlington," a seaport town of England in 
the East Riding of Yorkshire, situated on a bay called Burlington Bay, 
formed by Flamborough Head, which is about 5 miles distant, nearly N. E. 
Considerable trade is carried on here ; and that part of it called Burling- 
ton Quay, which is built on the coast, a mile from the town, is much re- 
sorted to for sea-bathing. The remains of Burlington Church, founded in 
the reign of Henry I, prove that it must have been a very fine structure. 
A weekly market is held here, and two annual fairs. Pop. 5637. 20 
miles from Scarborough." — Thomson's New Universal Gazetteer, Lond., 

" Mr. William Hustler, grandfather to Sir William, was a great bene- 
factor to it. The key which is chiefly frequented by colliers and inhabited 
by sea-faring people, lies near two miles from the town, which is about 5 
furlongs length and gives title of Earl to the noble family of Boyle. 
Here was formerly a priory." — England's Gazetteer, London, 1751. 

Note 5, paye 29. 

De Vries, in his voyage of 1633, says : " The Bay inside of Sandy Hook 
is a large one, where fifty to sixty ships can lie, well protected from the 
winds of the sea. Sandy Hook stretches a full half-mile from the hills, 
forming aflat, sandy beach, about eight or nine paces wide, and is covered 
with small blue plum trees, which there grow wild." The same sort of 
fruit is found there, it is said, at this day.— Voyayes from Holland to 
America, A. D. 1632 to 1644. By David Petersen De Vries. Translated 
from the Dutch by Mr. Henry C. Murphy, New York, 1853 p. 63, and 
privately printed by Mr. James Lenox. 


De Vries's admirable narrative, and for which, in its English versión, all 
are so much indebted to Mr. Murphy, who has faithfully preserved the 
epirit of the original, we have never found in fault. The truthfulness, 
courage, good sense, self reliance and resources of De Vries render the 
statement of his adventures invaluable to the historical student, a valué 
greatly enhanced from the fact, that he is the only author who speaks of 
many matters connected with the early history and topography of the 

Note 6, page 30. 

See a historical sketch of New Perth in Whitehead's Contributions to the 
History of East Jersey. 

Note 7, page 30. 

The date of the Dutch settlement at Minesink, Minisincks or Meenesink, is 
involved in doubt, and is one of the most interesting problems connected 
with the history of Pennsylvania. We shall not even venture a conjecture 
upon the subject. The occupation extended from the beginning of the 
fíats at the northern base of the Blue Mountains, along both sides of the 
Delaware ; and a very interesting account of it may be found in a com- 
munication addressed in 1828 to Mr. Samuel Hazard, the editor of the 
Register, by Samuel Preston, of Stockport, Wayne County, Penna. 

In 1787 Preston, who was deputy under John Lukens, surveyor general, 
received from the latter the facts, which form the subject of this narrative. 
It appears that the first information of the settlement did not reach the 
Provincial Government until about 1729, for in that year, it passed a law 
that all purchases made of the Indians in that región should be void. In 
1730 "Nicholas Scull, the famous surveyor, was appointed an agent to in- 
vestígate the facts," who took with him, as an assistant, John Lukens; and 
hiring Indian guides, they had a fatiguing journey, there then being no 
white inhabitants in the upper part of Bucks or Northampton counties, 
and after great difficulty in leading their horses through the Water Gap 
to Meenesink Ilats, they arrived at that place, and found it "all settled with 
Hollanders." The "remarkable Samuel Depui told them that when the 
rivers were frozen he had a good road to Esopus from the Mine lióles, on 
the Mine road, some hundred miles, that he took his wheat and eider there, 
for salt and necessaries, and did not appear to have any knowledge or 
idea where the river ran, of the Philadelphia market, or of being in the 
government of Pennsylvania." 


" They were of the opinión that the first settlements of Hollanders, in 
Meenisink, were many years older than William Penn's charter (in 1081) 
and as Depui had treated them so well they concluded to make a survey of 
his claim in order to befriend hiru if necessary. Wben they began to sur- 
vey, the Indians gathered round ; and an oíd Indian laid his hand on N. 
Scull's shoulder and said 'put up iron string, go home.' That they quit 
and returned." This closed the statement of facts as derived from Lukens. 

The following is Preston's narrative : 

"I had it in charge from John Lukens to learnmore particulars respect- 
ing the Mine road to Esopus, &c, &c. 

"I found Nicholas Depui, Esq. (son of Samuel), living in a spacious 
stone house, in great plenty and afliuence. The oíd Mine boles were a 
few miles above on the Jersey side the river, by the lower point of Paaquar- 
ry Fiat, that the Meene-sink settlement extended 40 miles or more, on 
both sides the river. That he had well known the Mine road to Esopus, 
and used, before he opened the boat channel, to drive on it several times 
every winter with loads of wheat and eider, as also did his neighbors, to 
purchase their salt and necessaries in Esopus, having then no other market 
or knowledge where the river ran to ; that after a navigable channel was 
opened, through Foul Rifts, they generally took to boating, and most of the 
settlement turned their trade down stream and the mine road became less 
and less traveled. 

"This interview with the amiable Nicholas Depui, Esq., was in the 
month of June, 1787 ; he then appeard to be perhaps about 60 years of age. 
I interrogated him as to the particulars of what he knew, as to when and 
by whom the Mine road was made, what was the ore they dug and hauled 
on it, what was the date and from whence or how carne the first settlers of 
Meene-sink in such great numbers as to take up all the flats on both sides 
the river for 40 miles. 

" He could only give traditional accounts of what he had heard from 
older people without date, in substance as folio ws: 

" That in some former age there carne a company of miners from Holland, 
supposed from the great labor that had been expended in making that road 
about 100 miles long, that they were very rich or great people in working 
the two mines, one on Delaware, where the mountain nearly approaches the 
lower point of Paaquárry flat, the other at the north foot of some moun- 
tain near half way between Delaware and Esopus, that he ever understood 
abundance of ore had been hauled on that road, but never could learn 
whether it was lead or silver. 

" That the first settlers carne from Holland to seek a place of quiet, being 
persecuted for their religión. I believe that they were Arminians, they 


followed the mine road to thc large flats on Delaware, that smoothed cleared 
land, and such an abundance of large apple trees suited their views, that 
they bona fide bought the improvements of the native Indians, most of 
irhom then removed to Susquebanna, that with such as remained there 
was peace and friendship until the year 1755. 1 then went to view the 
Paaquarry Mine boles, there appeared to have been a great abundance of 
labor done there at some former time, but the mouth of these boles were 
caved full and overgrown with bushes. I concluded to myself if there 
ever liad been a rich mine under that mountain, it must be there yet in 
cióse confinement. 

" The other oíd men I conversed with gave their traditions similar to 
Nicholas üepui, and they all appeared to be the grandsons of the first 
Bettlers and generally very illiterate as to dates or anything relating to 

" In the summer of 1789 I began to build on this place, when there carne 
two venerable gentlemen, on a surveying expedition ; they were the late 
General James Clinton, the father of the late De Witt Clinton, and Christo- 
pher Tappan, Esq.; he was the clerk and recorder of Ulster county ; for 
many years before they had both been surveyors under General Clinton's 
father, when he was surveyor general. In order to learn some history 
from gentlemen of their general knowledge, I accompanied them in the 
woods ; they both well knew the mine holes, mine roads, and as there were 
no kind of documents or records thereof, united in opinión, that it was a 
work transacted while the state of New York belonged to the government 
of Holland, that it fell to the Englishin the year 1664, and that the change 
of government stopped the mining business and that the road must have 
been made many years before such digging could be done, that it must 
undoubtedly have been the first good road of any extent ever made in any 
part of the United States. That from the best evidence that I have been 
able to obtain, I am clearly of opinión that Meenesink was the oldest 
European settlement of equal extent ever made in the territory afterwards 
named Pennsylvania. And these enterprising Arminians and followers of 
Hugo De Grotius, by their just and pacific conduct to the natives, so as to 
maintain peace and friendship with them for perhaps one hundred years, 
have left a traditional memorial of their virtue that time ought not to 

It seems the best interpretation Scull could make of the word Meenesink, 
was " the water is gone," and Mr. Preston offers the following theory : "From 
every appearance of so much alluvial or made land, above the mountain, 
there must, in some former period of the world, have been a great dam 
against the mountain, that formed all the settlement named Meenesink into 


a lake, which extended and backed the water at least 50 miles, as appears 
by the alluvial or made land. What height the dam was, is quite uncer- 
tain; had it been as high or half as high as the mountain, the water 
would have run into the North river, at or near the oíd mine roadorHud- 
son and Delaware canal. From the water made land, and distance that it 
appears to have backed over the falls in the river, the height must, at a 
modérate calculation, have been between 150 and 200 feet — which would 
have formed a cataract in proportion to the quantity of water similar to 

"By what convulsión of nature, or in what age of the world, can never 
be known; but, in my opinión, from every observation that I have been able 
to make, in so frequently passing through the Gap by water and land, it 
appears that the dam must have been sunk into some tremendous subter- 
raneous cavern, and to a depth that cannot be known or estimated. * * 
The distance through the mountain is called two miles, and say, the river 
will average near half a mile wide, the water as still as a mili pond ; so 
that a raft will float either up or down as the wind blows. As to the depth 
of the water, I have been told by oíd men, that formerly they could not 
find any bottom by sounding with the longest ropes or cords they could 
" Nicholas Scull was esteemed a first rate man of his day as to science and 
general knowledge. Ninety-eight years ago he was on Depuis' Island, and 
from the vast size of a hollow buttonwood and apple tree he concluded that 
the water must have been gone one thousand years or more, for trees to 
have grown to such an uncommon size." After some further speculations 
on the subject Mr. Preston naively adds, "if any person thinks my hypothe- 
sis erroneous, the Water Gap will not run away. They may go and examine 
for themselves," and we know no spot better deserving scientific explora- 
tions.— Razará' s Register, I, 428, 439, 440. 

The discrepance between Depuis's alleged ignorance of the existence 
of Philadelphia or where the river ran, and the statement in the text, will 
present itself to the reader. We are unable to offer any explanation. 

The year 1615 is the alleged date of the settlement of Esopus by the 
Hollanders (Answer of Dutch to English Manifestó, Doc. Reí. Col. History 
ofNew York, edited by Dr. O'Callaghan's, II, 325 ; O'Callaghan's New Neth., 
I, 390), and it is probable that the settlers at Meenesink must have found 
thcir way there from the former place. Our author does not allude to the 
existence of copper mines, but so early as 1059 the directors of the Dutch 
West India Company say " we lately saw a small piece of mineral, said to 
have been brought from New Netherland, which was such good and puré 
copper that we deemed it worth enquiry of one Kloes de Ruyter about it, ai 

we presume he must know, if the fact is as stated." He asserted that there 
was a copper mine at Menesink. — Hazard's Annals, 255, and Doc. Reí. 
Col. History of New York II, 633. Tkjs was, it is likely, from the mine at 
Paaquarry fíat, the present Pahaquarry, in the ñortheast córner of War- 
ren county, New Jersey. Any discovery of copper must have been made 
between the years 1641 and 1649, for, in a Journal of New Netherland begun 
in the former year {Doc. Reí. Col. Hist. of N. Y., I, 180), it is stated that 
in the interior are pretty high mountains, exhibiting generally pretty 
etrong indications of minerals, and in a document dated 1649 (Id., 262), 
fully an hundred different samples of minerals are said to have been 
lost on their way to Holland. 

In 1715 Governor Hunter of New York, in his letter to the Lords of Trade 
referred to a copper mine in New York, "brought to perfection, of which in 
one month a ton of ore had been sent to England ;" but he does not state 
its location — Doc. Reí. Col. Hist. N. Y., V, 462. The same authority states 
that in 1720 "there was iron enough, that copper wasrarer, lead at a great 
distance in the Indian settlement, and coal mines on Long Island, but not yet 
wrought," and in 1721 "a great quantity of iron ore was stated to existin 
New Jersey, and some copper." — Id., 556, 603. 

Note 8, page 31. 

Our knowledge of the first attempt at establishing a whale fishery up- 
on the Delaware is derived from the account contained in the narrative of 
that most minute, truthful and graphic of all voyagers, David Pietersz. de 
Vries, to which we have before referred. This navigator, with whom was 
associated eight others, formed themselves into a patroonship, and "at the 
same time equipped a ship with a yacht for the purpose of prosecuting the 
voyage, as well as to carry on the whale fishery in that región, as to plant 
a colony for the cultivation of all sorts of grain, for which the country is 
very well adapted, and of tobáceo. This ship, with the yacht, sailed from 
the Texel, the 12th of December, 1630, with a number of people and a 
large stock of cattle, to settle our colony upon the South river, 1 which 
lieson the 38th and half degree, and to conduct the whale fishery there, as 
Godyn represented that there were many whales which kept before 
the bay, and the oil at sixty guilders a hogshead he thought would 
realize a good profit, and consequently that fine country be cultivated." 
This attempt was unsuccessful; the captain on his returntb Holland report- 
ing that they had arrived too late in the season for their purpose. " It was 
therefor again resolved to undertake a voyage for the whale fishery, and 
that I myself (De Vries) should go as patroon, and as conimander of the 
■hip and yacht and should endeavor to be there in December, in orderto 

iThe Delaware. 

NOTES. 87 

conduct the whale fishery during 'the winter, as the chales come in the 
winter and remain till March." De Vries accordingly sailed and found, on 
his arrival at Swanendae¿, thatthe little colony had been murdered by the 
Indians ; not a soul was left to tell the tale, and its particulars and the 
cause which led to the sad event were ascertained from the natives them- 
selves. Our navigator allowed his people to prosecute their undertaking 
at Swanendael, while he sailed up the river. On his return he found seven 
whales had been caught, " but there were only thirty-two cartels of oil 
obtained, so that the whale fishery is very expensive when such meagre 
fish are caught. We could have done more if we had had good harpooners, 
for they had struck seventeen fish and only secured seven, which was aa- 
tonishing. They had always struck the whales in the tail. I afterwarda 
understood from some Basques, who were oíd whale fishers, that they 
always struck the harpoon in the fore part of the back. This voyage was 
an expensive one to us, but not so much, since I had laid in a good cargo 
of salt in the West Indies, which brought a good price. Having put our 
oil in the ship, taken down our kettle and hauled in wood and water, we 
gotready to sail." — De Vries's Voyages, translated by Mr. Henry C. Mur- 
phy, and privately printed by Mr. James Lenox, New York, 1853. — Thif 
appears to be the most circumstantial narrative extant of any attempt to 
prosecute whale fishing, as a commercial enterprise. The trade seems to 
have continued of some importance, and so late as 1693 was made the 
Bubject of an enactment, for in that year a law was passed, in which a 
preamble set forth that, Whereas, the whalery in Delaware Bay has been in 
80 great a measure invaded by sirangers and foreigners, that the greatest 
part of Oyl and Bone recovered and got by that imploy, hath been exported 
out of the Province to the great detriment thereof, to obvíate which mis- 
chief Be it enacted, &c, that all Persons not residing within thePrecinctsof 
this Province, or the Province of Pennsylvania, who shall kill, or bring on 
shore any whale or whales within Delaware Bay or elsewhere within the 
Boundaries of this Government shall pay one full entire Tenth of all th» 
Oyl and Bone, made out of the said Whale or Whales unto the present 
Government of the Province for the Time being. — Leaming and Spicer, 519 
and 520, Chapter ix of Laws of the Province of West New Jersey. 

Note 9, page 35. 
The cultivation of the grape, especially with reference to the production 
of wine, very early attracted the attention of the emigrants to America, 
of which fact some remarkable evidence is upon record. And it is curious 
to compare the sanguine expectations upon this subject, and upon the 
raising of silk, with the results of two hundred and fifty years' experience. 

88 NOTES. 

Our progenitors, mostly coming from a land where the sun was oftener 
clouded than unobscured, warmed into enthusiasm under the genial influ- 
ences of a more southern sky. Their spirits wer^ led captive, and their 
descriptions, imbued with the language of poetry, held forth to the fortún- 
ate adventurer all the good the most fruitful imagination could conceive of 
what the earth might produce or the air and water contained for the com- 
fort and advantage of the race. 

In a curious tract entitled A Declaration of the State oí the Coto- 
nie and AflFaires in Virginia : with the Ñames of the Adventurors, and 
Summes adventured in that Action. By his Majesties Counseil for Virgi- 
nia, 22 Iunij, 1620. London : Printed by T. S., 1620, 8vo, pp. 30 and 39, 
the advantages are set forth in terms sufficient to allure the most unimagina- 
tive aspirant for better fortune. " And first to remove that unworthy 
aspersión, wherewith ill-disposed mindes, guiding their Actions by corrupt 
ends, have, both by Letters from thence, and by rumours here at home, 
sought unjustly to staine and blemish that Countrey, as being barren and 
unprofitable ; — Wee have thought it necessary, for the full satisfaction of all, 
to make it publikely knowne, that, by diligent examination, wee have assured- 
ly found, those Letters and Rumours to have been false and malicious ; procur- 
ed by practise, and suborned to evill purposes, and contrarily disadvowed 
by the testimony, upon Oath, of the chiefe Inhabitants of all the Colony ; 
by whom we are ascertained, that the countrey isrich, spacious, and well 
watered ; températe as for the climate ; very healthfull after men are a 
little accustomed to it ; abounding with all God's naturall blessings: The 
Land replenished with the goodliest Woods in the world, and those full of 
Deere, and other Beasts for sustenance : The Seas and Rivers (whereof 
many are exceeding faire and navigable) full of excellen IFish, and of all 
Sorts desireable ; both Water and Land yeelding Fowle in very great store 
and variety ; In Summe, a Countrey, too good for ill people ; and wee hope 
reserved by the providence of God, for such as shall apply themselves 
faithfully to his service, and be a strength and honour to our King and 
Nation. But touching those Commodities for which that Countrey is proper, 
and which have beene lately setup for the adventurors benefit: wee referre 
youtoatrue noteof them latety delivered in a great and generall Court, and 
hereunto annexed for your better information * * * The riche Furres, 
Caviary and Cordage, which we draw from Russia with so great difficulty, 
are to be had in Virginia, and the parts adjoyning, with ease and plenty. 
The Masts, Planckes and Boords, the Pitch and Tarre, the Pot-ashes and 
Sope-ashes, the Hempe and Flax ( being the materials of Linnen), which now 
wee fetch from Norway, Denmarke, Poland, and Germany, are there to be had 
in abundance and great perfection. The Iron which hath so wasted our 

NOTES. 89 

English Woods, that itself in short time must decay together with them, ís 
to be had in Virginia (where wasting of woods is a benefit) for all good 
conditions answerable to the best in the world. The Wines, Fruits, andSalt 
of France and Spaine ; The silkes of Persia and Italie, will be found also ¡n 
Virginia, and in no Kinde of worth inferior: Wee omit here a multitude of 
other naturallcomtuodities, dispersed up and downe the divers parts of the 
world : of Woods, Rootes and Berries, for excellent Dyes : of Plants and all 
other Druggs, for Physicall service : of sweet Woods, Oyles, and Gummes, 
for pleasure and other use : of Cotten-Wooll and Sugar-Canes : all which 
may there also be had in abundance, with an infinity of other more : And 
will conclude with these three ; Corne, Cattle, and Fish, which are the 
substance of the foode of man. The Graines of our Countrey doe prosper 
there very well : of Wheate they b.ave great plenty : But their Haze being 
the naturall Graine of that Countrey, doth farre exceede in pleasantnesse, 
strength and fertility. The Cattle which we have transported thither 
(being now growne neere to five hundred), become much bigger of Body, 
than the breed from which they carne : The Horses also more beautifull 
andfuller of courage. And such is the extraordinary fertility of that Soyle, 
that the Does of their Deere yeelde two Fawnes at a birth, and sometimes 
three. The Fishings at Cape Codd, being within those Limits, will in 
plenty of Fish be equall to those of Newfound Land, and in goodnesse, and 
greatnesse, much superiour. To conclude, it is a Countrey, which nothing 
but ignorance can thinke ill of, and which no man, but of, a corrupt minde 
and ill purpose can defame." 

The importance attached to the production of wine was discussed in a 
subsequent tract entitled " Virginia : More especially the south part thereof 
Ilichly and truly valued, viz : The fertile Carolana, and no lesse excellent 
Isle of Roanoak, of Latitude from 31, to 37. Degr. relating the meanes of 
raysing infinite profits to the Adventurors, and Planters. The second Edi- 
tion, with Addition of The Discovery of Silkworms, with their benefit, 
And Implanting of Mulberry Trees. Also the Dressing of Vines, for the 
rich Trade of making Wines in Virginia. Together with the making of the 
Saw-mill, &c, &c. By E. W. Gent," London, 1650, pp. 50, 8vo. 

The author signs himself in his preface Ed Williams, but we have not 
been able to ascertain the date of publication of his first edition, he saya 
" That wild Vines runne naturally over Virginia, occular experience de- 
clares who delighting in the Neighbourhood of their beloved Mulbery-trees 
inseparable associates over all that countrey, and of which in this their 
wildnesse, Wines have been made, of these vines iftransplanted and cultivat- 
ed, there can be made no doubt but a Rich and Generous Wine would be 
produced ; But if wee set the Greeke, Cyprian, Candían or Calabrian 

12 385 

90 NOTES. 

Grape, thosc Countries lying parallel with this, there neede not be inade 
the smallest question, but it would be a staple, which would enrich this 
Countrey to the envy of France and Spaine,and furnish the Northerne parts 
of Europe, and China itself, where they plant it not (of which more heere- 
after), with the Noblest Wine in the World, at no excessive prices. * * * For 
the advance of which noble staple, I should propose that the Greeke, and 
other Rich Tines, being procured from the Countries, to which they are 
genial, every Planterin thatCountry might be enjoyned to keep a constant 
Nursery, to the end when the ground is cleared that they niay be fit for 
removal and the Vineyard speedily planted. 

' ' Further, that some Greek and other Vignevons might be hired out of these 
Countries to instruct us in the labour, and lest their envy, pride, or jealousie 
of being layd aside when their mysterie is discovered may make them 
too reserved in communicating their knowledge, they may be assured, 
besides the continuance of their Pensión of a share of the profits of every 
mans Vintage. * * That before their going over a general consultation may 
be had whith them, what ground is proper, what season fit, what preven- 
tion of casualties by bleeding or splitting, what way to preserve or restore 
Wine when vesseld, which speeies of Wine is fittest for transportation over, 
or retention in the Countrey, which for duration, which for present spending: 
It being in experience manifest that some Wines retine themselves by purge 
upon the sea, others by.the same meanes suffer an evaporation of their 
Spirits, joyne to this that some Wines collect strength and richnesse, others 
contract feetlenesse and sowernesse by seniority," pp. 6, 8. 

Our author closes his delineation in these quaint sentences, and highly 
colored as they must, to his unimaginative countrymen, have seemed, the 
lapse of two centuries and a half does not falsify his predictions. The 
"opulence" he describes exists; the "Edén," of his beloved Virginia may 
not have been realized, but the future has great good in store when the 
clouds which now envelop her shall have passed away. 

" The incomparable Virgin hath raised her dejected head, cleared her en- 
clouded reputation, and nowlike the Eldest Daughter of Nature expresseth 
a priority in her Dowry ; her browes encircled with opulency to be believed 
by no other triall, but that of experience, her unwounded wombe has 
of all those Treasuries which indeere Provinces to respect of glory, and 
may with as great justice as any Countrey the Sunne honours with his 
eye-beames, entitle herself to an afifinity with Edén, to an absolute perfec- 
tion above all but Paradize. 

"And this those Gentlemen to whom she vouchsafes the honour of her Em- 
abrces, when by the blessings of God upon their labours sated with the 
beauty of their Cornefield, they shall retire into their Groves checkered with 

NOTES. 91 

Vines, Olives, Mirtles, from thence dilate themselvesinto tbeir Walkes cov- 
ered iua manner, paved with Oranges and Lemmons, whence surfeited with 
variety, they incline to repose in theirGardens upon nothing less pérfumed 
then lloses and Gilly-flowers. Wken they shall see their numerous Heards 
wanton with the luxury of their Pasture, confesse a narrownesse in their 
Barnes to receive their Corne, in bosomes to expresse fully their thankeful- 
ness to the Almighty Author of these blessings, will chearefully confesse: 
Whilst the Incomparable Roanoake like a Queene of the Ocean, encircled 
with an hundred attendant Islands and the most Majestick Carolana shall in 
such an ampie and noble gratitude by her improvement repay her Adven- 
turers and Creditors with an Interest so far transcending the Principal," 
pp. 44, 45. 

The grape grew indigenously in Pennsylvania and New Jersey and 
attracted the attention not of the early navigators only, but of the first 
settlers, and in their descriptions of the country, is frequently spoken of 
by both. It was found in great abundance along the shores of the Dela- 
ware, and De Vries in the account of his voyage of 1633, p. 40, appears to 
have been the first who mentions it, remarking, "this is a fine country in 
which many vines grow wild, so thatwe gave it the nameof Wyngxrts kill." 
The creek to which he refers may have been the present Oldmans creek in 
New Jersey, or he may have intended to indícate the región between Naa- 
mans creek and Wilmington, Delaware. Lindstrom, the SwedisL engineer, 
in his MS. map of the Delaware (of 1651), entitles the point of land 
immediately south of Oldmans creek, " Drufwe udden, Le Cap des /¿a¡«inj," 
and the country below Naamans creek, on the opposite shore, " Windrufwe 
udden, Le Cap des Raisins." Penn had great expectaions from the culti- 
vation of the grape, and frequently mentions it, with reference to the 
production of wine, as do others who carne with or followed him — expecta- 
tions which have not as yet been to any extent realized. 

Note 10, page 37. 

"Mum; a malt liquor, which derives its ñame from the inventor, 
Múrame, a Germán. It was formerly exported from Germany in large 
quantities, but is now less used." — Encyclopmdia Americana. 

Andrew farranton, in his work entitled Enyland's Improvements by Sta 
and Land, recommends its manufacture and says : 

" Slratford upon Avon, in Warwickshire, will be a very good place to 
build Granaries to receive Corn ; * * * There may as much Mum be 
made there, as at present is made at Brunswick : And there Mum may be 
made and sent into Ireland, West Indies, France, Spain, and into the 
Mediterranean ; And these Granaries will be the occasion of getting away 

92 NOTES. 

the Mum-Trade from Brunswick ; This shews as like a Romance as doth 
the Title-page of my Book, unless I do give you reasons for what I say, 
and shew you how it may be brought to pass, the whieh I will do : Ob- 
serve, the Mum at Brunswick is made of Wheat, and the Wheat that it is 
made of, is brought from the Granaries at Magdenburg and Shenibank, and 
it grows in the vale of Parinburg ; when it comes to Brunswick it is malted, 
and so made into Mum ; and when made, then sent by Land to the river 
Elb, and so to Hamborough : and from thence disposed by Merchantsunto 
all Parts : But the Mum at Brunswick is a Medicine, and drinks very nau- 
seous, and is not there drinkable at all; but that which makes it good 
palitable and strong is its being long at sea; There it is forc'd into a fer- 
mentation, and that keeps it working, whereby it alters the very property 
of the liquor ; and were it not to be sent to sea, that trade at Brunswick 
would not be worth anything; and to convince you further of the reason 
of what I say, take this one thing, and that will conflrm you in the truth 
of the rest. Our English Beer Brewed at London, and carried to sea, and 
landed at Hamborough, and so carried up the Elb as far as Draisden, the 
Duke of Saxonies'' Court, and in those Parts, it is sold for six pence a quart ; 
and it is not like the Beer either for Tast, Strength, or Pleasantness, as it 
was when here ; the Sea having put it into a fermentation causeth it to 
drink pleasant strong and delightful, even comparable to March-Beev in 
England four Years oíd, which is well-brewed and grown very mellow." 
p. 118. 

An inquiry which a friend, 1 in behalf of the editor, took the pains to in- 
sert in the London Notes and Queries, has elicited some curious information 
on this topic : 

"In Playford's Second Book of the Musical Companion, N. Pearson, 1715, 
is the following Catch in Praise of Mum : 

There' s an odd sort of liquor And as strong as six horses, 

New come from Hamborough, Coach and all, 

'Twill stick a whole wapentak As I told you 'twill make you 

Thorough and thorough ; As drunk as a drum : 

'Tis yellow, and likewise Tou'd fain know tho ñame on't f 

As bitter as gall, But for that, my friend, mum. 

In a curious little book — Political Merriment, or Truths to Set to Some 
Tune, 1714 — isa short poem "In Praise of Brunswick Mum" (p. 96), and 
at page 3, same work, " An Excellent Bailad," concluding with a stania 
relating to mum. Pope also says, somewhere, 

The clamorous crowdis hush'd with mugs of mum, 
Till all, tun'd equal, sound a general hum." 

2T. and Q., 3d s., vii, p. 41. 
i Mr. Thomas Stewardson Jr., of Philadelphia, to whose friendly aid we are indebted 
for further information. 

NOTES. 93 

Mum. "It may be worth recording that the word mum is at least as oíd 
as the beginning of the 16th century. In the treatise De Generibus El- 
nosorum et Ebrietate Vitanda, written A.D. 1515, occurs a chapter on the 
various kinds of beer then in use in Germany. Among a host of other 
ñames occurs that of Mommon sive Mommun Brunsvigeii." 

John Eliot Hodgkin, 
From Notes and Queries, 3d s., vii, 163. 

" Barclay, in his Dictionary, states this to be a strong liquor, brought 
from Brunswick or Germany. x\sh defines it 'beer brewed from wheat.' 
I have, however, a curious oíd dictionary in 18mo, no ñame, but about 
1700, which says: ' Mum, a kind of physical beer, made (originally) at 
Brunswick or Germany with husfcs of Walnut infused.' Is this correct? 
If so, is the manufacture carried on there now ? Or is there any record of 
Walnuts being used in brewing ? And again, is the green shell, or what 
part of the fruit used ? Broom tops formerly were employed in England 
for giving a bitter to beer, and are so to the present day in Italy. Many 
sorts of bitter have also been tried. This is the first, however, I have 
heard of Walnut in any form." A. A., Poet's Córner. 

The following is from a manuscript note book in my possession, bearing 
date 1738 : 

"Mum is a sort of sweet malt liq'r, brewed with barley and hops and a 
small mixture of wheat ; very thick, scarce drinkable till purified at Sea. 
It is transported into other countries. Hides and Mum chief trade of 
Brunswick, Wolfenbottel." W. Tishwick, 

Notes and Queries, 3d series, viii, 100. 

Note l\, page 39. 

Considerable attention was paid, at an carly period, to the breed of 
horses in the colonies. The.founder of Pennsylvania was very fond of the 
propagation of good stock, and, according to Mr. Dixon, "the love of fine 
horses, which the Englishman shares with the Arab, did not forsake him 
in the New World. At his first visit to America, he carried over three 
blood mares, a fine white horse, not of full breed, and other inferior ani- 
máis, not for breeding but for labor. His inquines about the mares were 
as frequent and minute as those about the gardens ; and when he went 
out for the second time, in 1699, he took with him the magnificent colt, 
Tamerlane, by the celebrated Godolphin Barb, to which the best horses in 
England trace their pedigree." — Dixon's Penn., Amer. ed., p. 297. 

In a letter by Penn, addressed from Philadelphia in 1683 to The Com- 

94 NOTES. 

mittee of the Free Society of Traders, Residing in London, he says : " Wo 
have no want of horses, and some are very "good and shapely enougk; two 
skips have been freighted to Barbadoes, with horses and pipe staves, since 
my coming in." 

The breed of horses in New England, at least so far as related to Massa- 
chusetts, appears, prior to 1688, to have deteriorated ; for in that year a 
Btringent law was passed, for the purpose of correcting the evil. And 
in Connecticut, as well as in Rhode Island, much care was given to the 
rearing of good stock. — Palfrey's Hist. of New England, iii, p. 54, in note. 

Note 12, page 39. 

Our author here refers to the iron works of Col. Morris, which were in 
Monmouth county — Morris Papers, p. 3; Whitehead's East Jersey, 271. 
These were the first works in New Jersey, as those at Durham, below 
Easton, near the Delaware, were the first in Pennsylvania. 

The earliest allusion to the existence of iron that we have been able to 
discover may be found in a tract, entitled "A True Declaration of the 
Estáte of the Colonie in Virginia, with a confutation of severall scanda- 
lous reports as have tended to the disgrace of so worthy an enterprise, 
Published by advice and direction of the Councell of Virginia," London, 
1610. Sir Thomas Gates represented that " there are divers sorts of Min- 
eralls especially of Iron oare, lying upon the ground for ten miles circuite, 
of which we have made triall at home that it makes as good iron as any in 
Europe. " 

In a subsequent and rare tract, probably by Sir Edwin Sandys, styled A 
Declaration of the State ofthe Colonie and Aff 'aires in Virginia, &c, Lon- 
don, 1620, and to which allusion has been made. The writer states that in 
1619, there were sent to that colony " out of Warwickshire and Staffordshire 
about one hundred and ten : and out of Sussex about forty; all framed to 
iron- workes." Among the " commodities" to which " these people are di- 
rected principally to apply, next to their own necessary maintenance," he 
enumerates "Iron: for which are sent 150 Persons, to set up three Iron 
workes ; proofe having been made of the extraordinary goodness of that 
Iron." What success attended this adventure we have not been able to 
discover. Williams, in his tract entitled " Virginia," &c, London, 1650, 
and to which a more particular reference is made in a note, says : " But 
that in which there will be an extraordinary use of our Woods is the Iron 
milis, which if once erected, will be an undecaying staple, and of this 
forty servants will by their labour raise to the Adventurer foure thousand 
pound yearely : Which may easily be apprehended, if wee consider the 
deereness of Wood in England, where notwithstanding this great clog of 

NOTES. 95 

difficulty, the Master of tbe Mili gaines so much yearely, that he cannot 
but reckon himselfe a provident Saver. Neither does Virginia yeeld, to 
any other Province whatsoever, in excellency and plenty of this oare: 
And I cannot promise to myselfe auy other then extraordinary successe 
and gaine, if this noble and usefull Staple be but vigorously followed. 

«'And indeed it had long ere this growne toa full perfection, if the trea- 
chery of the Indians had not crushed it in the beginning, and the back- 
wardnesse of the Virginia Merchants to reerect it, hindred that countrey 
from the benefit arising from that universall staple." 

In an appendix is to be found " A Valuation of the Commodities growing 
and to be had in Virginia: valued in the year 1621," where iron is set 
down at " Ten pounds the Tun." We think this may be accepted in proof 
that the colonists of 1619 had succeeded in smelting iron ore, but that the 
production had been hindered by the causes mentioned by Williams. The 
tract published in 1650 was a second edition; and if merely a republica- 
tion of the first edition, we have no means of assigning a date to the facts 
which he relates. It is, however, we think, to be presumed that if any 
fresh attempts had been made towards the establishment of works the 
author would have mentioned the circumstance. 

The Dutch government were, it appears, at a very early period. alive to 
the valué of the discovery of minerals ; for in 1646, Hudde received direc- 
tions from William Kieft, director general of the New Netherlands, "to 
inquire about certain minerals in this country." " For this purpose, he 
went to Sankikans and tried to penétrate to the great falls, where, if the 
samples might be credited, there was a great hope of success, when," saya 
Hudde, "I would pass the first fall, 1 a sachem, named Wirakeken, stopped 
me, and asked where I would go. I answcred I intended to go upward. 
He replied I was not permitted, and asked what is my object. He at 
last informed me that the Swedish governor told one Meerkedt, a sa- 
chem residing near Tinnekonk, that we intended to build a house near 
the great falls, and that in the vessels which we expected near 250 men 
would arrive to be sent from tbe Manhattans, who would kill all the 
savages below on the river, and that this fort was to be garrisoned in the 
house which we intended to build, and would prevent the savages residing 
up the river to come to their assistance, so that no more would be able to 
escape ; and in proof of all this, that we would first come up in a small 
vessel to visit and explore the spot, and that we would kill two savages ai 
a pretext, but that Printz would never permit it, and would certainly expel 
us from the river." All attempts to go up to the falls being ineffectual, as 
he was stopped every time, the project was necessarily abandoned by 

i At Trenton, N. J. 


Hudde." — Hazard's Annals of Penn., 87. Thus, owing to tke watchful 
jealousy of the Swedish governor Printz, in exciting the fears of the 
Indians, the discovery of iron and other ore was delayed. It is probable 
the región to which Hudde desired to penétrate was either the Meenesink, 
and where in all likelihood a Dutch colony already existed, or it may have 
been the country in the neighborhood of Durham, in Bucks county, Penn- 
sylvania, where the earliest attempt at the manufacture of iron was made. 

Campanius, the Swedish historian, of what afterwards constituted the 
States of Pennsylvania, Delaware and New Jersey (Stockholm, 1702), and 
whose work was translated by Mr. Du Ponceau, and published by the 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, although minutely describing the pro- 
ductions of the country, does not allude to the existence of iron. An,d it is 
equally curious that Penn, in his letter of 1683 to the Society of Free 
Traders, and which was the result of cióse personal observation, says noth- 
ing of iron, although his object is evidently to impart information for the 
benefit and encouragement of emigrants. — See Letter in Proud's Penn., 1, 246, 
In a description of Pennsylvania entitled " Some Accounts of the Province," 
and published by him previously to his embarkation (London, 1681), he 
speaks of iron among the "commodities " "that the country is thought 
to be capable of." — Hazard's Register, I, 307. 

The earlier statistics upon the subject of iron are very meagre. Mr. 
French has attempted to collect them and states that the pig and bar iron 
exported to Great Britain by the American Colonies from 1728 to 1748, 
and from 1750 to 1755, inclusive, "amountedto 58,000 tons," and upon 
separating the items we find the remarkable fact that during these years the 
total amount exported from Pennsylvania was 8,012 tons against 48,912 
from Maryland and Virginia. — History of Rise and Progresa of the Iron 
Trade in the United States, &c. By B. F. French, 1858. 

The mother country was jealous of her colonies, and when competition 
was found likely to interfere with home production, an act of Parliament 
was passed to crush the incipient spirit of enterprise. It was as to iron, 
however, discovered that it would be promotive of home interests to allow 
the creation of the raw material, in the form of pigs and bars, but not its 
further manufacture, so it was enacted that the iniportation of pig and bar 
iron should be encouraged, but that the " erection of any Mili or other 
Engine for slitting or rolling of iron, or any plating Forge to work with a 
Tilt Hammer, or any Furnace for making steel should not be permitted," 
and the respective Governors were required to return a list of such as were 
erected prior to the 24th of January 1750. We consequently find that William 
Branson and Stephen Paschall were returned as the owners of a Furnace l 

i At the N. W. comer of Walnut and 8th streets, built in 1747, Philadelphia. 

NOTES. 97 

in Philadelphia, for making steel, and John Hall as the owner of a Plating 
Forge with Tilt Hammer in Biberry Township, Philadelphia county, 
both erected, however, prior to 1750. No such works were returned as 
existing in Bucks or Lancaster counties and that "one such Mili" hadbeen 
erected in 1746 by John Taylor, in Thornbury Township, Chester county, 
Colonial Records, V, 458; Id., IX, G32 ; Pensylvania Archives, II, 52. 

The lapse of one hundred years made a great change in the productivo 
capacity of the iron works of Penn.sylvania, for in 1850 we find her in pos- 
session of 504 establishments ; of these 64 were Anthracite Blast Furnaces, 
230 Charcoal Hot and Cold Blast, 4 Coke and Hot Blast, G Bloomeries, 121 
Forges, 79 Rolling Mills. Of the Furnaces five were unfinished, and of the 
rest, qwing to the depressed state of the manufacture, more than half 
were out of blast. Of the G2 counties then constituting the state 45 posscssed 
iron works. The amount of capital invested was $20,502,076, of which 
$1,837,000 belonged to capitalista in Alleghany county. 
The actual make in 1849 in Pennsylvania by Furnaces of all 

descriptions, was 253,035 tons 

By Forges 29,240 " 

" Rolling Mills 108,358 " 

For which facts we are indebted to a valuable work entitled "Docu- 
ments relating to the Manufacture of Iron in Pennsylvania," &c. By Mr. 
Charles E. Smith, Philadelphia, 1850. 

The total manufacture in 1849, and in Pennsylvania itself amounted to 
390,633 tons, exceeding, so far as imperfect statistics enable us to judge, by 
more than six times the total production of the whole country beginning 
with the year 1728 and ending with 1755, exclusive of the year 1749, of 
which we have no account. 

In 1859, probably owing to the reverses in the trade, the number of 
iron works in Pennsylvania were but 410: In New Jersey there were 80, 
in Maryland 34 and in Virginia, which at one time stood prefminent in the 
manufacture, but 82. 

Note 13, page 40. 

According to the " Declaration oflhe State oflhe Colonie and Affaires of Vir- 
ginia, &c," London, 1620, p. 4, already quoted, the cotton plant appears to 
have been indigenous to that colony. 

In Williams's Virginia, London, 1650, also cited, " cotton wool, at Sd. the 
pound," is named in the " Valuation of the Commodities growing and to be 
had in Virginia: valued in the year 1621." "And since those times im- 
proved in all more or lesse," &c. 

13 393 


Note 14, page 42. 

In a work by Ed. Williams, entitled Viirginia's Discovery of Silke 
Wormes, with their benefit, &c, Togetber with the making of theSaw-mill, 
very usefull in Virginia for cutting of Timber, &c, pp. 78, London, 1650, is a 
representaron of a saw-mill, in which, from casual observation, very little, 
if any difference, can be observed from the mili of the present day. 

The author, at the cióse of his tract, remarks : "This Engine is very 
common in Norway and Mountaines of Sweden, wherewith they cut great 
quantity of Deal-bords; which Engine is very necessary to be in a great 
Towne or Forrest, to cut Timber, whether into planks or otherwise. 

This heer l is not altogether like those of Norway ; for they make the 
piece of Timber approch the Sawes on certaine wheels with teeth; but 
because of reparations which those toothd wheeles are often subject unto, 
I will omit that use: and in stead thereof, put two weights, about 2 or 300 
pound weight apiece, whereof one is marked A the other B. The Cords 
wherewith the sayd weights doe hang, to be fastned at the end of the 2 
peeces of moving wood, which slide on two otber peeces of fixed wood, by the 
means of certaine small pulleys, which should be within the house, and so 
the sayd weights should alwayes draw the sayd peeces of moving wood, 
which advancingalwayes towards the Sawes risingand falling, shall quickly 
be cut into 4. 5. or 6. peeces, as you shall pleas put on Saws, and placed at 
what distance you will havc for the thickness of the planks or bords ye 
will cut : and when a peece is cut, then let one with a Lever turne a 
Rowler, whereto shall be fastned a strong Cord which shall bring backe 
the sayd peece of wood, and lift again the weights: and after putaside the 
peece already cut, to take againe the Sawes against another peece of wood. 
Which once done the ingenious Artist may easily convert the same to an 
Instrument of threshing wheat, breaking of hempe or flax, and other as 
profitable uses." 

Note 15, Page 43. 

The first legislation upon the subject of education, on this continent was 
attempted by the Virginia Company, in the establishment of a College for 
the training of Indian children, and for this purpose lañd was granted for 
its support and in 1619 and 1620 fifty "men were sent, by their labours to 
bear up the charge of bringing up thirty of the Infidels children, in true 
Religión and civility" and one hundred "tenants for the Colleges Land." 

The management of the College was by the CXXV chapter of the Orders 
and Constituttons ordained by the Treasuror Counseil and Companie of Virginia 
placed in the hands of a committee who were appointed by the Quarter 

i Referring to the representation. 

NOTES. 99 

Court, for a year, and were required "to take into their care the matter of 
the College to be erected for the conversión of Infidels." — A Declaration of 
the state of the Colonie in Virginia, 6, 3, 30. 

In tlie Great Charter of Liberties, as it was styled by the people, or Frame 
of Government, as it was designated by Penn, and which, as its preamble 
sets out, was "contrived, and composed to the great end of all government, 
viz. to support power in reverence with the people, and to secure the peo- 
ple from the abuse of power ; that they may be free by their just obedience 
and the magisti-ates, honorable for their just administration, for liberty 
without obedience in confusión and obedience without liberty is slavery" 
it. was provided "that the Governor and Provincial council shall erect and 
order all publie schools and reward the authors of useful sciences and 
laudable inventions in the said province."' 

At a council held at Philadelphia the 26th lOth month (December), 1683, 
and at which Penn was present, this power seems to have been for the 
first time exercised, and the following entry which portrays the simplicity 
of the times, and the solicitude of the government upon the subject, may 
be found not uninteresting. 

" The Govr and Provincial Council, having taken into their Serious 
Consideration the great Necessity there is, of a Scool Master for the In- 
struction and Sober Education of Youth in the Towne of Philadelphia, 
Sent for Enock flower, an Inhabitant of the said Towne, who for twenty 
year past hath been excercised, in that care, and Imployment in England, 
to whom, having Communicated their Minds, he Embraced it upon these 
following Termes : to Learne to read English 4, s. by the Quarter, to Léame 
to read and write 6, s. by ye Quarter, to Learne to read, Write and Cast 
accot 8, s. by ye Quarter ; for Boarding a Scholler, that is to say dyet, 
Washing, Lodging and Scooling, Tenn pounds for one whole year." — Colo- 
nial Records, I, p. 91. 

In the following month it was proposed, in the council " That care be 
taken about the Learning and Instruction of Youth to Witt : a scool of Arta 
and Siences." This proposition does not appear to have been carried out 
but the suggestion is remarkable as presenting the earliest indication in 
the history of the Province, of an attempt to secure advantages upon a 
scale more extended, than those aiforded by instruction in the simpler 
branches of education. The Friends Public School which was established 
in 1G89, had its origin perhaps, in this expression of the opinión of the 
Council. This noted Institution, which to this day in Philadelphia, flour- 
ishes in full vigor, was incorporated in 1697, and its charter was confirmed 
by a fresh Patent from Penn in 1701 and by another in 1708, whereby the 
corporation was " For ever there after to consist of fifteen discreet and 


religious persons, of the people called Quakers, by the ñame of the over 
seersof the Public School, founded in Philadelphia, at the request, cost, and 
charges, of the people called Quakers:" Its last charter, confirming all the 
preceedingandenlargingthe powersof the Corporation was conferredinlTll. 
The benefits were not restricted to the Society, and Robert Proud the 
Historian of the State, and who at a subsequent period was the head 
Master thus speaks of it : " This was the first Institution of the kind, in 
Pennsylvania, intended not only to facilitate the acquisition of the more 
generally usedparts of learning, among all ranks, or degrees, of the people 
(the poorer sort being taught gratis, and the rich or more wealthy, still 
paying a proportion for their childrens' instruction) but also the better, 
and more extensively to promote a virtuous and learned education, than 
could be eífected by any other manner, was the end of the design ; which 
to the preamble in the said present charter, is thus expressed, viz : 

" Whereas, tbe prosperity and welfare of any people depend in great 
measure, upon the good education of youth, and their early introduction 
in the principies of true religión and virture, and qualifying them to serv» 
their country and themselves by breeding them in reading, writing, and 
learning of languages, and useful arts and sciences, suitable to their sex 
age and degree ; which cannot be eífected in any manner so well as by 
erecting public schools, for the purposes aforesaid," &c. 

" For these laudable purposes, therefore, a number of the principal inha- 
bitants of Philadelphia, being Quakers, in the Fifth month the year (1689), 
agreed with George Keith, who then resided at Freehold, now called 
Monmouth, in New Jersey, to undertake the charge. He accordingly 
removed to Philadelphia, and was the first master of that school ; but con- 
tinued only about one year". — Proud's History of Penn., I, 343. 

Keith who afterwards became famous in the controversial history of the 
Province was succeeded by his usher Thomas Makin. 

Makin was afterward clerk of the assembly, but is better known as the 
author of a Latin poem "Descriptio Pennsylvanise, Anno, 1729." In the 
following lines he alludes to his connection with the grammar school. 
"Hic in gymnasiis linguse docentum et artes 
Ingenuse : hic multis doctor et ipse fui. 
Una achola hic alias etiam supereminet omnea, 
Romano et Grceco quse docet ore loqui." 
Which Proud renders, 

"Here schools for learning, and for arts are seen, 
In which to many I' ve a teacher been : 
But one, in teaching, doth the rest excel, 
Toknow and speak the Greek and Latin well."— Proud, ii, 370. 


The provisión on the subject of public schools incorporated in the first 
and the succeeding frames of government of the province again found a 
place in the constitution of 1776. 

"A school or schools shall be established in each county, by the Legisla- 
ture, for the convenient instruction of youth, with such salaries to the 
masters paid, by the Public, as mny enable them to instruct youth at lotr 
prices : And all useful learning shall be duly encouraged and promoted 
in one or more universities." Sec. 44, ch. ii. 

At the period of the adoption of this constitutional enactment but one 
college existed in the province. The academy established in 1749 through 
the agency of a few public spirited individuáis among whom veas Dr. 
Franklin, was incorporated in 1753. In 1755 a college was grafted upon 
it, andin 1779 the property of the institutions was vested, by an act of as- 
sembly in trustees, and the "University of the State of Pennsylvania" was 
created. Academies now began to multiply and were incorporated, and to 
some extent endowed by the state. Dickinson and Franklin Colleges 
were incorporated. 

In 1770 a new constitution was established in which was this direction. 

" Article vii, sect. i. The Legistature shall, as soon as conviently may be, 
provide by law, for the establishment of schools throughout the state, in 
such manner that the poor may be taught gratis. 

"Sect. ii. The arts and sciences shall be prometed in one or more semi- 
naries of learning." 

This requirement of the constitution was disregarded for twelve years, 
when, on the first of March, 1802, an act of assembly was passed, by 
which the guardians and overseers of the poor in the city of Philadelphia, 
of the district of the Northern Liberties, and of every township and bo- 
rough throughout the commonwealth, were directed to ascertain the ñames 
of all those children whose parents or guardians were judged to be unable 
to provide an education, and to subscribe at the usual rates, and send such 
children to any neighboring school. This act expired in 1805, but was in 
terms reenacted in 1809. 

It was almost immediately from necessity, an unpopular statute, and 
although in some instances obeyed, it was in many abused. 

In 1818 the city and county of Philadelphia was erected into the first 
school district ; and the first general act which appears to have been of 
any benefit was passed in the same year. The foundation of our present 
system of common schools in Pennsylvauia was laid in 1824. 

Eleven years afterwards (in 1835), the number of schools in Pennsylva- 
nia was 762; of teachers, 808; and the average number of scholars in 

102 NOTES. 

attendance was 32,544. By the report of the superintendent for the year 
ending first June, 1864, the number of schools had increased to 12,930; of 
teachers to 15,907; of scholars to 471,267; and the amount expended in 
the state, exclusive of Philadelphia, was over two millions of dollars. 

The annual message of Mr. Alexander Henry, mayor of Philadelphia, 
to the councils, presented in April, 1865, states that the amount expended 
in that city during the year 1864, by the board of controllers was $875,889 ; 
and that the number of pupils, irrespective of 3,297, "whose admission 
was denied for want of accommodation," was 71,838, exceeding in the city 
alone, according to the best computation, by 22,000, the entire amount 
of taxables in the province one hundred years ago. 

Public Schools in New Jersey. 

We are indebted for the following interesting sketch of the origin of the 
system of public instruction in New Jersey to the valuable report of Mr. 
F. \V. Record, state superintendent, made to the legislature of that state 
in the year 1863. 

"There was a peñod in the history of our commonwealth when the 
governor, council and deputies in general assembly arrived, for the first 
time, at the conclusión that ' the cultivating of learning and good manners 
tends greatly to the good and benefit of mankind ;' and, under tbe impres- 
sion that it was a part of their business to do some little ' good and benefit' 
for mankind, they passed an act, entitled ' An act to establish Schoolmas- 
ters within this Province.' This was actually making a beginning, and a 
very good beginning too, and, perhaps, it was all that was necessary at 
the time ; but no sooncr had the work of establishing schoolmasters fairly 
commenced, than it was found necessary to do something more than mako 
a mere beginning. It became apparent, within three years, that the ' cul- 
tivating of learning and good manners' was destined to be a flourishing 
business, # and that the general assembly must do something more than 
'establish Schoolmasters.' Accordingly, we now find them discussing the 
propriety of appointing men in the different townships to look after the 
schoolmasters, and to make good bargains with them, and to see that they 
moved their respective schools around from one locality to another, so that 
all the inhabitants of each and every township should have a fair chance 
at the 'cultivation of learning and good manners.' Thus from time to 
time, as circumstances required, other laws were passed, whose object was 
to extend the work, the beginning of which appeared so insignificant ; and 
in the process of years, educational matters were reduced to something 
bearing a resemblance to system. Schools and schoolmasters became, in 
time, a necessity ; and when, after the revolution, neighboring states 

NOTES. 103 

began to make provisión for tbeir permanent establishment and mainte- 
nance, a desire was also manifested hci-e to do something in the same 
direction. Various projects for crcating a fund for the support of schools 
vvere discussed. but notbing could be ngreed upon that did not cali for an 
onerous tax upon the people. In the year 1813 the state carne into pos- 
session of forty thousand dollars, by the sale of certain bank stock which 
it was deemed undesirable for her to hold; and the friends of education, 
believing this to be a favorable opportunity, undertook to make this surplus 
in the treasury a nucleus for a permanent fund for the support of schools. 
Mr. James Parker, of Perth Amboy, still among the honored living, was 
unwearied in his efforts to secure the appropriation of this money for pur- 
poses of education. He introduced into the legislature a resolution to this 
effect ; but the session being near its cióse, the subject was postponed, 
and, when brought up again during the following year, was once more put 
off in consequencc of the demands of war. Faithful, however, to the 
cause which he had so nobly espoused, Mr. Parker, on his return to the 
assembly of 1816-17, again revived the subject, introducing the following 
resolution, which was adopted on the lst of February, 1817. 

" 'Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire into the expedi- 
ency of creating a fund for the support of free schools in this state.' 

"Placed, according to parliamentary usage, at the head of this commit- 
tee, he acted with so much promptness that on the fifth of the same month 
a bilí was reported, entitled ' An act to créate a Fund for the Support of 
Free Schools,' which was passed by the assembly on the eleventh, and was 
introduced into and passed by the council on the twelfth. Thus the 
foundation of the school fund of New Jersey was laid." 

From the report for the year 1864, of Mr. C. M. Harrison, the state su- 
perintendent of public schools, and the annual message, presented in 
January, 1865, by Governor Parker, it appears that the total amount 
expended in 1864 for school purposes was $637,079.82 ; that the number 
of school buildings was 1.452, of teachers 2,012, and of scholars 149,672. 

Note 16, page 48. 
The suggestion in the text is derived from Yarranton's England's Im- 
provements, who, in referring to the success of the Dutch, mentions as one 
of its causes, first that "tkey have fitted themselves with a public register 
of all their lands and houses, whereby it is made ready money at all times, 
without the charge of law or the necessity of a lawyer." "Thirdly, By a 
Public Bank, the great sinews of trade, the credit thereof making paper 
go in trade equal with ready money, yea, better, in many parts of the 

104 NOTES. 

worid than money." He presents this illustration of the system "Now I 
am a Dutchman, and have One hundred pounds a year in the Province of 
West-Friezland near Groningen, and I carne to the Bank at Amsterdam, and 
there tender a Particular of my Lands, and how tenanted, being One hun- 
dred pounds a year in West Friezland, and desire them to lend me Four 
thousand pounds, and I will Mortgage my Land for it. The Answer will 
be, I will send by the Post to the Register of Groningen your Particular, 
and at the return of the Post you shall have your Answer. The Register 
of Groningen sends Answer, It is my Land and tenanted according to the 
Particular. There is no more words, but to tell out your Monies. Observe 
all you that read this, and tell your children this strange thing, That Paper 
in Holland is equal with moneys in England, I refuse the Moneys, I tell 
him I do not want Moneys, I want credit, and having one son at Ventee, 
one at Noremberge, one at Hamburgh, and one at Dantzick, where Banks 
are, I desire four Tickets of Credit, each of them for a Thousand pounds, 
with Letters of Advice directed to each of my sons, which is immediately 
done, and I mortgage my Lands at three in the hundred. Reader I pray 
observe, that every Acre of Land in the Seven Provinces trades all the 
world over, and it is as good as ready money; In England * * * many 
Gentlemen at this day at five hundred pounds a year in Land, cannot have 
credit to live at a Twelve penny Ordinary. If this be so, it is very clear 
and evident, that a man with one hundred pounds a year in Holland, so 
convient as their Titles are, and at the paying but three in the hundred 
interest for the Moneys lent, may sooner raise three families, than a Gen- 
tleman in England can either raise one, or preserve the family in being, 
for the reasons already given. But were the Free Lands of England under a 
voluntary Register, all these Miseries would vanisli, and the land would 
come to thirty years Purchase, which I shall show you in its proper place 
* * * I can both in England and Wales Register my Wedding, my Burial, 
and my Christening, and a poor Parish Clerk is intrusted with the Keeping 
of the Book, and that which is Registered there, is good by our Law : But 
I cannot Register my Land to be honest to pay every man his own, to pre- 
vent those sad things that attend families for want thereof, and to have 
the great benefit and advantage that would come thereby. A Register will 
quicken trade, and the Land registered will equal as cash in a mans hands 
and the credit thereof will go and do in trade what ready moneys now 
doth. Observe how it advanceth trade in Holland, and of how little Ad- 
vantage it is to the Trade in England. I having one hundred pounds a 
year in Holland, meet with a Merchant upon the Exchange at Amsterdam 
and agree with him for goods to the valué of Four thousand pounds for six 
months. If he demands security I go to the Bank, and give him security 

NOTES. 105 

by a ticket of my Land, and by the credit of that Ticket the Mercbant is 
immediately in Trade again as liigh as the commodity, was, he sold. But 
if 1 niake a Bargain at London for Four thousand pounds worth of Goods 
for six months, the next discourse is, whal security ? Then the Buyer and 
the Seller agree to meet at the Tavern at four of the clock in the Afternoon: 
There Buyer produceth his security, many times not approved of ; so the 
Mercbant cannot put oft his commodities, ñor the chapman have the Goods 
he stands in need of. But if the Buyer or any Friend of his that would 
credit him, had Land under a Register, then a Ticket upon such Lands 
given to the Mercbant would be equal to him as Ileady Moneys ; and I say 
better too * * * But you will say, I talk that Gentlemen in England cannot 
have Moneys for Land ; It is not so: And that I say Lawyers know no 
Titles, I ought to have my pate crack t ; for money is plentiful, and Law- 
yers are cunning enough to spy out good Titles. 

" As to both I would it were true for the sake of the poor Gentlemen 
and the Lawyers too. But as to the greatest part of them, that have a 
Thousand pounds a year, the world knows they are so far from borrowing 
Four thousand pounds, that they cannot borrow Four bundred pounds; 
and I daré say some Lords also. 

"Nay, to my knowledge three eminent Lawyers have been put to much 
charge and trouble in their Estates lately purchased by them in Montgom- 
ei-y, Hereford, and Worcester shires by reason of former incunibrances : 
Now if an Eminent Lawyer cannot purchase an Estáte without so much 
trouble, hazard, and charge, upon a Title settled at least Fifty years ago by 
all the Judges of England and in the Excheqer chamber ; upon what secu- 
rity can the Banks be understood to lay out their moneys safe ? And the 
poor countrymen are yet in a worse condition. * * * Of late years 
the monied Men in England sent their moneys into Lombard street, and 
there received a note from a Goldsinith's Boy which was all they had to 
shew for their Moneys. And certainly there was a Reason, wherefore 
the great monied men did take such slender security for their Moneys: 
The Reason was because the Land security was so uncertain and bad, and 
it was so troublesome and chargeable getting their Moneys again when 
they had occasion to use it, that forc't them to Lombard street." — Yar- 
ranton, pp. 7, 10, 17. 

The embarrassment resulting from the want of a more abundant médium 
of exchange, than that afforded by the coin of other countries, and the 
stillrarer circulation of the Bine Tree curreney of New England, issued 
by the mint established in Boston in 1652, was early felt in Pennsylvania 
and in New Jersey. 

14 401 


Whether the policy of emitting bilis of credit was sound or not the public 
did not lack an opportunity of coming to a judgment, so far as the subject 
was presented by the pamphlets publisbed, not in Pennsylvania and New 
Jersey only, but in olher portions of the country. No question has, from 
the beginning of our history, been more thoroughly examined than that of 
the currency. And although there doubtless were sound reasons to be 
presented on both sides, we believe no one will refuse to concede that, so 
far as concerns Pennsylvania and New Jersey, the weight of the argument 
was in favor of the friends of paper money. Certain it is, that the pros- 
perity of both provinces began very sensibly to increase from the date of 
the establishment of a loan office, and the issuing of bilis of credit. The 
measure was forced upon the people. 

Paper money was first issued in New Jersey in 1709. As the act, au- 
thorizing its issue, is not to be found in any of the numerous editions of 
the laws of that state, and but one copy of it is positively known to exist, 
we present it without abridgment, and beg to express our obligations to 
Mr. Charles E. Green, of Trenton, to whose industrious research we are 
indebted for the transcript. 

At a General Assembly held at Burlington from the 13th day of May to 
the 30th day of June, 1709, in the 8th year of the reign of Queen Anne, 
the followinglaw was passed: 

Chap. XX. An Act for enforcing the Currency of Bills of Credit for Three 
Thousand Pounds. 
Be it enacted by the Lieut. Governor, Council and General Assembly, and 
by the authority of the same. That Bills of Credit shall be issued forth 
to the valué of £3000, and no more, pursuant to the valué of money spe- 
cified in an act for the support of her Majesty's Government of New 
Jersey for one year ; which Bills shall be in manner and form folio w- 
ing, viz : 

(This indented Bill of shillings, due from the colony of New Jersey 

to the possessor thereof, shall be in valué equal to money, and shall be 
accordingly accepted by the Treasurer of this Colony, for the time being, 
in all public payments, and for any fund at any time in the Treasury. 
Dated, New Jersey, the lst of July, 1709. By order of the Lieutenant 
Governor, Council and General Assembly of the said Colony.) 
Which Bills shall be signed by Mr. Thomas Pike, Capt. Thomas Farmer, 
Mr. John Royce and Capt. Elisha Parker, or any three of them, who are 
hereby appointed and directed to sign the same, and lodge the same in 
the Treasurer's hands, to be issued out by the Treasurers, under the 
hands of the said Capt. Thomas Farmer, Mr. John Royce and Capt. 

NOTES. 107 

Elisha Parker, or any two of them, for provisions, and every other 
thing whatever, necessary for and relating to the expedition against 
Canadá : and further to be issued out by the Treasurers, by warrants 
under the hand of the Lieutenant Governor, or Commander in Chief for 
the time being, for such pay as shall be due to such Captains and Lieu- 
tenants as go on said expeditions according to an act of General Assembly, 
entitled, An act for encouragement of Volunteers to join the expedition 
to Ganada : and further to be issued out by the said Treasurer, by war- 
rants under the hands of the Captains aforesaid, for payment of such 
rewards as are given to volunteers who go on said expedition, according 
to the afore-recited act of General Assembly. 

Which Bills shall be received, taken for the valué as aforesaid, and equal to 
the current coyn passing in this colony for goods bought or sold, in any 
payment to be made for debts contracted, or that shall be contracted : 
and the tender of the said Bills for the payment and discharge of any 
debt, or debts, bargains, sales, bonds, Bills, mortgages and specialties 
whatsoever, shall be as good and eífectual in the law, to all intents, 
constructions and purposes, as if the current coyn of this Colony had 
been offered aud tendered to any person or persons whatsoever, for the 
discharge of ye same, or any part thereof. 

And Be it further enacted, &c. That the said Bills of credit shall be printed 
and numbered, expressing in every of them the sum of moneys they 
shall be current for; and to prevent counterfeiting any of the said bilis, 
they shall be dated and indented on the top thereof, with the arms of the 
Queen of Great Brittain, stampt or printed on the left side thereof, to- 
wards the bottom of every of the said Bills; and the inclent shall pair 
with and suit a counterpart thereof, bound in a book for that purpose, 
and subscribed by the parties herein appointed to do ye same, to be kept 
by the Treasurers, of the same tenor and date, and so near in similitude, 
in all circumstances, as possible may be, to such Bills of credit that are 
issued and made current in payment, as aforesaid. Two hundred of 
which said bilis shall be for £5 each bilí ; Two hundred of them for 
forty shillings each ; six hundred of them for twenty shillings each ; 
One thousand of them for two shillings each ; and Two thousand of them 
for five shillings each Bill, amounting to, in all, three thousand pounds. 

Provided alway, and this the true intent and meaning of this Act. That 
the said Signees shall not sign a quarter number of the said bilis of 
credit than what shall amount to or pass, or be current for more than 
three thousand pounds money aforesaid. 

And be it further enacted, &c. That for the better currency of the said 
Bills of credit, the Collectors and Treasurers of this Colony, for the time 

108 NOTES. 

being, shall, and are hereby required and directed to take and receive all 
and every the said Bills, according to the valué therein expresssed, with 
the proportional advance of Two and a half per cent, on all and every 
the said bilis that shall be offered and tendered to them the said Collectors 
and Treasurers, for any money due for the first payment of the said 
£3,000 Tax ; and Five per cent on all and every the bilis that shall be 
offered and tendered to the sd. Collectors and Treasurers for money due 
for the second and last payment of the sd. three thousand pound Tax. 
And on their receipt of eacli payment of the sd. £8,000 Tax, they shall 
appoint the person that signed the sd. bilis to meet him or them the 
sd. Treasurer or Treasureís, wlio are hereby required and directed to 
meet and joyn with him orthem to examine and compare the said bilis so 
to be canceled, as aforesaid, and keep the same on a file, in order to be 
further examined by the Governour Council and General assembly, for 
the time being, or such as they shall appoint, when filing and requiring 
the same. 

And be it further enacted, &c. That the said Commissioners or signees, 
shall take an oath before any justice of the Peace of this Province, being 
of the Quorum, in the words following: 

I, A. B., do on the holy Evangelists, sincerely swear, that I will, to the 
best of my knowledge and skill, truly, sincerely and faithfully discharge 
the trust reposed in me, relating to and concerningthe signing and issu- 
ing Bills of Credit, mentioned in, and pursuant to ye true intent and 
meaning of An act for the enforcing the currency of Bills of credit for 
three thousand pounds. 

So help me God. 

And be it further enacted, &c. That such person or persons as shall be 
convicted of Counterfeiting any of the said bilis of credit, shall incur the 
pains and penalties of Felony, without the benefit of Clergy, and suffer 

And be it further enacted, &c. That the said bilis of credit shall be cur- 
rent as aforesaid, between man and man, the Treasurers excepted, only 
until the first day of June, which will be in the year of our Lord, 1711, 
and shall and may be received by the Treasurers until the first day of 
September then next following, and no longer. 

And be it further enacted, &c. That the Three Thousand pound Tax passed 
this session, shall be paid to the said Treasurers in the said Bills of 
credit, and in no other specie whatsoever. 

In 1716 another act was passed authorizing the creation of about 4,000 
pounds proclamation money. In 1723 40,000 pounds were issued, of 
which 4,000 were principally applied to the redemption of the oíd bilis. 
' 404 


The remainder it was directed, should be lent on tbe morfgnge of real es- 
táte and the deposit of píate. The bilis were made on legal tender under 
beavy penalties for a reí'usal to take tbem, and to tbe period of tbe revo- 
lution about six bundred tbousand pounds bad been issued. — Hist. of the 
early seülement of Cumberland Co., N. J. ¡ cb. 17 and 18 ; Bridgeton Chro- 
nicle of April 15 and 22, 1865. By Hon. Judge Elmer, of tbe Sup. Ct. of N. J. 
We are pleased to state tbat it is Judge Elmer's purpose to considerably 
enlarge tbese interesting sketcbes and to give tbem to tbe public in a more 
permanent form. 

Tbe first act authorizing tbe creation of bilis of credit was passed by 
Pennsylvania in 1722, and was drawn witb great care. Tbe wisdom of its 
provisions, and tbe pains taken to guard against fraud placed tbe scbeme 
upon a firm basis, and secured a confidence in tbe safety of tbe issue wbich 
for years was unimpaired. 

Massacbusetts preceded Pennsylvania and New Jersey in tbe adoption of 
tbe new system [An Historical Account ofMassachusetts Currency. By Joseph 
B. Felt, Boston, 1839) baving in 1690 autborized tbe creation of paper 
money. — The necessity of tbe case suggested tbe only expedient to avert 
an inconvenience, and tbe experiment would doubtless bave been origin- 
ated on tbis side of tbe Atlantic, even had examples upon the other not 
already existed. The Pennsylvania act was entitled "An act for emit- 
ting and making current Fifteen Thousand Pounds in Bills of Credit,'' and 
the preamble sets forth these reasons : "Forasmucb as through the Extreme 
scarcity of money the trade of the Province is greatly lessened and the 
payment of the Public Debts of tbis Government rendered exceeding difü- 
cult and likely so to continué unless some médium in commerce be lawfully 
made current instead of money, be it," &c. The act is based upon 6th Annc 
for ascertaining tbe rates of foreign coin in the loan office, and declared 
to be intended for the "benefit of the Poor industrious sort of people of 
the Province at an easy rate of interest to relieve tbem from tbe present 
difficulty tbey labor under." The security required was of the best descrip- 
tion. Tbe trustees were autborized to accept the pledge of píate, and mort- 
gages upon lands, bouses, or ground rents free of incumbrance, the estáte 
to be in fee, and in the case of lands or ground rents, to be in valué double 
that of the amount mortgaged, but in the case of bouses treble, and the 
guards against attempts at fraud were judicious. 

Eleven thousand pounds were to be issued at five per cent, of wbich one- 
eighth of the principal was to be paid annually and no applicant was au- 
tborized to receive more than one hundred pounds. The bilis were made 
a legal tender and the refusal to accept tbem in discbarge of debts, &c, 
worked a forfeiture of the debt, and persons offering land or chattels 


cheaper for bilis than for silver subjected the ofFender to a penalty. 
As neccssity required, fresh loans were from time to time created, and tbe 
province continued to prosper under them. Such was the result of the 
system in Pennsylvania, so admirably planned and executed that Govern- 
or Pownall in his work on the administration of the colonies bestows high 
praise on the paper system of Pennsylvania. — "I will venture to say," he de- 
clares, "that therenever was a wiser or a better measure, never one calcu- 
lated to serve the interests of an increasing country, that there never was 
a measure more steadily pursued or more faithfully executed for forty 
years together than the Loan office of Pennsylvania founded and adminis- 
tered by the assembly of that province" — Younge on Paper Money, p. 8. 

The emission of Pennsylvania paper money was never excessive. In 
1759 it reached 185,000, the largest amount in circulation at any one time. 
The contests which were of so frequent occurrence between the governor 
and the assemblies, and with the mother country, and the absence of a unión 
of the colonies, rendered the system of bilis of credit very unstable. Had 
it been possible to have devised a permanent and uniform médium of circu- 
lation the general progress of the country would have been much in advance 
of the condition in which it was found at the period of the revolution. 

The fir.ances were thrown into confusión by that event, and the expendi- 
tures which it involved. An attempt to avoid the misfortunes of the past, 
and initiate a currency of more general credit and circulation resulted, 
under the recommendation of Robert Morris, in the incorporation by 
congress, on the 31st of ^December, 1781, of [the Bank of North America, 
at Philadelphia, which on the lst April, 1782, also received a charter 
from Pennsylvania. Such, howeveí-, was the efFect of the spirit of political 
faction, that. the incorporation by the state was repealed, and pamphlets 
were written to show that congress, under the confederation, had no 
power to charter such an instituí ion. 

The credit which the loan office had established for itself, induced some 
to prefer that system to the operation of a bank. The latter, notwith- 
standing, from year to year gained strength, and the benefit derived was 
so considerable, that the charter which had been repealed by the Legislature 
was again conferred, and the Bank of North America, under its perpetual in- 
corporation, derived from the congress of the confederation, exists to thisday 
in undiminished vigor and usefulness, the parent institution of the country. 

Note 17, Page 63. 
The reader is referred to a valuable note on the subject of wampum by 
Mr.Gabriel Furman, at p. 42 of Denton's Descripíion of New York. Vol. I 
of Gowans's Bibliotheca Americana. 



Note 18, Page 64. 

John Cripps was a person of prominence in the early history of West 
Jersey. In 1682 he was a justice of peace for the jurisdiction of Burling- 
ton and also a member of the assembly. Cripps arrived in 1677 in the ship 

Note 19, Page 72. 
We have never met with a copy of this paper. 




Consisting of a series of reprints of rare oíd books and pamphlets, relat- 
ing to the early settlement of North America ; namely, History, Biography, 
Topography, Narrative and Poetry. Each book or pamphlet, reprinted 
accurately and carefully from the original text, with an Historical Intro- 
duction and copious Notes, illustrative, biographical, historical, &c, &c- 

No. 1. Dentón, Daniel. — A brief History of New York, formerly 
NcW Netheiland (1670). A new edition with copious Notes, by the 
Hon. Gabriel Furman, New York, 1845, fine paper. $2.50. 

No. 2. Wooley, Charles. — A two years' Journal in New York 
and parts of its Territories in America (1679). A new edition, with 
copious Historical and Biographical Notes, by E. B. O'Callaghan, 
M.D. To match Denton's New Netherland. New York, 1860. $2.50. 

No. 3. Miller, John. — A Description of the Province and City 
of New York, with plans of the City and several Forts as they existed 
in the year 1695. New edition, with copious Historical and Biograph- 
ical Notes, by John Gilmary Shea, LL.D. New York, 1862. $2.50. 

No. 4. Budd, Thomas. — Good Order Established in Pennsylva- 
nia and New Jersey, in America, being a true account of the country ; 
with its produce and commodities there made in the year 1685. A new 
edition with an introduction and copious Historical and Biographical 
Notes, by Edward Armstrong, Esq. New York, 1865. $2.50. 

The above four books, touching the early history of the New-World, 
now New York, were all produced by residents at the time on the spot, and 
witnesses to what they relate. In consequence, like all fragments or large 
treatises, written by eye-witnesses, they possess an interest and authority 
not connected with the works of copyists or reproducers. These new 
editions are vastly enhanced in intrinsic valué by the Historical and Bio- 
graphical Notes, added by their respective editors, all well known as being 
amply capable of doing justice, as commentators on American subjects. 
Copies of the original editions of these books are worth $100. 

The edition of the small paper copies was quite limited, and only fifty 
copies each of the large paper were produced. These volumes will here- 
after possess a valué far exceeding the origináis, for this two-fold reason : 
First, there are but few produced, and second, they constitute as it were, 
landmarks in the early history of the North American Colonies, as well as 
divers other parts of the new found land of America. 


















Our western world, with all its matclúess floods, 

Our vast transparent lakes and woods, 

Stamped with the traits of majesty sublime, 

Unhonored weep tte silent lapse of time, 

Spread their wild grandeur to ttie uncomñous sky, 

In sweetest seasonspass unheeded by ; 

While scarce one muse returns the songs they gave, 

Or seeks to snatch their glories from the grave. 

Álexander Wilson, The Ornithologist. I 
The greater part of the magnificent countries east of the Alleghanies isina high \ 
state of cultivation and commercial prosperity, ivith natural advantages not sur- > 
passed in any country. Nature, however, still ma/rttuins her siray in sotne jmrts, l 
especially where pine-barrens and swamps prevail. The territory of the United ' 
States covers an área of 2.903,CG6 square miles, about one-half of u-hich is capable \ 
of producing everything that is useful to man, bul not more than a twenty-sixth l 
part of it has been cleared. The climate is generally healthy, the soil fertile, > 
abounding in mineral treasures, and it possesses every advantaqe from navigable 
rivers and excellent harbors Mrs. Somerville. 

Not entered accordiDg to Act of Congress, in the year 1869, by 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the 
Southern District of New York. 






The subscriber announces to the public, that he intends publishing 
a series of works, relating to the history, literature, biography, 
antiquities and curiosities of the Continent of America. To be 


The books to form this collection, will chiefly consist of re- 
prints from oíd and scarce works, difficult to be produced in this 
country, and often also of very rare occurrence in Europej occa- 
sionally an original work will be introduced into the series, de- 
signed to throw light upon some obscure point of American 
history, or to elucídate the biography of some of the distin- 
guished men of our land. Faithful reprints of every work 
published will be given to the public; nothing will be added, 
except in the way of notes, or introduction, which will be pre- 
sented entirely distinct from the body of the work. They will 
be brought out in the best style, both as to type, press work and 
paper, and in such a manner as to make them well worthy a place 
in any gentleman's library. 

A part will appear about once in every six months, or oftener, 
if the public taste demand it; each part forming an entire work, 
either an original production, or a reprint of some valuable, and 
at the same time scarce tract. From eight or twelve parts will 
form a handsome octavo volume, which the publisher is well 
assured, will be esteemed entitled to a high rank in every collec- 
tion of American history and literature. 

Should reasonable encouragement be given, the whole collection 
may in the course of no long period of time become not less 
voluminous, and quite as valuable to the student in American 
history, as the celebrated Harleian Miscellany is now to the student 
and lover of British historical antiquities. 

W. GOWANS, Publisher. 

r Viek> Eert, t&¿ ^(Ww_ wíufo Tnpcmous KcuuC 
JTatí drawTU exa£k-th¿ Trovinct Jíary LaiuL 
IXújtty'ií br dtoiy in futí Setenes ef Witt 
r Xhatt¡tofe t¿at rauí mufí j-~aJ[ vv Lente ivith it 
léorwSucí Hts La£twr Hee t&fetvtS t£e vraift 
As Mieíías Tcets t&e tile -rvreatí af 'Bays . 


George Alsop, the author of this curious tract, was born 
according to the inscription on his portrait, in 1638. He 
served a two years' apprenticeship to some trade in 
London, but seems to have been wild enougb. His 
portrait and his language alike bespeak the rollicking 
roysterer of the days of the restoratiou, thoroughly 
familiar with all the less reputable haunts of London. 
He expresses a hearty contempt for Cromwell and his 
party, and it may be that the fate which confined him to 
a four years' servitude in Maryland was an order of trans- 
portation issued in the ñame of the commonwealth of 
England. He speaks disdainfully of the "mighty low 
and distracted life" of such as could not pay their passage, 
then, according to Leah and Bachel (p. 14), generally 
six pounds, as though want of money was not in his case 
the cause of his emigrating from England. He gives the 
letters he wrote to his family and friends on starting, but 
omits the date, although from allusions to the death of 
Cromwell in a letter dated at Gravesend, September 7th, 
he evidently sailed in 1658, the protector having died on 
the 3d of September in that year. 

In Maryland he fell to the lot of Thomas Stockett, Esq., 
one of three brothers who carne to Maryland in 1658, 

2 4i 7 


perhaps at the same time as Alsop, and settled originally 
it would seem in Baltimore county. It was on this estáte 
that Alsop spent the four years which enabled him to 
write the following tract. He speaks highly of his treat- 
ment and the abundance that reigned in the Stockett 

Alsop's book appeared in 1666. One of the laudatory 
verses that preface it is dated January, 1665 (§), and as it 
would appear that he did not remain in Maryland after 
the expiration of his four years, except perhaps for a short 
time in consequence of a fit of sickness to which he 
alludes, he probably returned to London to resume his 
oíd career. 

Of his subsequent life nothing is known, and though 
Allison ascribes to him a volume of Sermons, we may 
safely express our grave doubts whether the author of 
this tract can be suspected of anything of the kind. 

The book, written in a most extravagant style, contains 
no facts as to the stirring events in Maryland history 
which preceded its date, and in view, doubtless, of the 
still exasperated state of public feeling, seems to have 
studiously avoided all allusion to so unattractive a subject. 
As an historical tract it derives its chief valué from the 
portion which comprises its Relation of the Susquehanna 

The object for which the tract was issued seems evident. 
It was designed to stimulate emigration to Maryland, and 
is written in a vulgar style to suit the class it was to reach. 
While from its dedication to Lord Baltimore, and the 
merchant adventurers, we may infer that it was paid for 
by them, in order to encourage emigration, especially of 


Much of the early emigration to America was effected 
by what was called the redemption system. Under this, 
one disposed to emigrate, but unable to raise the £6, 
entered into a contract in the folio wing form, with a 
merchant adventurer, ship owner or ship master, and 
occasionally with a gentleman emigrant of means, under 
which the latter gave him his passage and supplies: 

The Forme of Binding a Servant. 

[From A Eelation of Maryland, &c, 1635.] 

This indenture inade the day of in the yeere 

of our Soveraigne Lord King Charles &c betweeae of the 

one party, and on the other party, Witnesseth that the 

said doth hereby covenant, promise and grant to and 

with the said his Executors and Assignes, to serve him 

from the day of the date hereof, vntill his first and next arrivall in 

Maryland, and after for and during the tearme of yeeres, in 

such service and employment as the said or his assignes 

shall there employ him, according to the custome of the countrey in 

the like kind. In consideration whereof, the said doth 

promise and grant, to and with the said to pay for his 

passing and to find him with Meat, Drinke, Apparell and Lodging, 
with other necessaries during the said terme ; and at the end of the 
said terme, to give him one whole yeeres provisión of Come and 
fifty acres of Land, according to the order of the countrey. In 

witnesse whereof, the said hath hereunto put his hand 

and seale the day and yeere above written. 
Sealed and delivered j 
in the presence of i 

The term of service, at first limited to five< years (Rela- 
tion of Maryland, 1635, p. 63), was subsequently reduced 
to four (Act of 1638, &c), and so remained into the next 



century (Act of April, 1715). Thus a woman in the Sot 
Weed Factor, after speaking of her life in England, says : 

Not then a slave for twice two year, 

My cloaths were fashionably new, 

Ñor were my shifts of linnen Blue ; 

But things are changed; now at the Hoe, 

I daily work and Barefoot go, 

In weeding Corn or feeding Swine, 

I spend my melancholy Time. 

Disputes aróse as to the time when the term began, and 
it was finally fixed at the anchoring of the vessel in the 
province, but not more than fourteen days were to be 
allowed for anchoring after they passed the Capes (Act of 
1715). When these agreements were made with the mer- 
chant adventurer, ship owner or ship captain, the servants 
were sold at auctions, which were conducted on the prin- 
cipie of our tax sales, the condition being the payment of 
the advances, and the bidding being for the term of 
service, descending from the legal limit according to his 
supposed valué as a mechanic or hand, the best man being 
taken for the shortest term. Where the emigrants made 
their agreement with the gentleman emigrant, they pro- 
ceeded at once to the land he took up, and in the ñame of 
the servant the planter took up at least one hundred acres 
of land, fifty of which, under the agreement, he conveyed 
to the servant at the expiration of his term of service. 

Alsop seems to have made an agreement, perhaps on 
the voyage, with Thomas Stockett, Esq., as his first letter 
from America mentions his being in the service of that 
gentleman. His last lettei»is dated at Gravesend, the 7th 
of September, and his first in Maryland January 17 (1659), 
making a voyage of four months, which he loosely calis 
five, and describes as "a blowing and dangerous passage." 


Through the kindness of George Lynn Lachlin Davis, 
Esq., I have been enabled to obtain from J. Shaaf Stockett, 
Esq., a descendant of Captain Stockett, some details as to 
Iris ancestor, the master of our author, during his four 
years' servitude, which was not very grievous to him, for 
he says, " had I known my yoak would have been so 
easie (as 1 conceive it will) I would have been here long 
before now, rather than to have dwelt under the pressure 
of a Rebellious and Trayterous government so long as I 

A manuscript statement made some years later by one 
Joseph Tilly, states : " About or in y 9 year of o r Lord 1667 
or 8 I became acquainted w th 4 Gent n y' were brethren & 
then dwellers here in Maryland the eider of them went by 
y e ñame of Coll Lewis Stockett & y e second by y e ñame 
of Capt n Thomas Stockett, y e third was Doct r Francis 
Stockett & y e Fourth Brother was M r Henry Stockett. 
These men were but y 11 newly seated or seating in Anne 
Arunndell County & they had much business w* the Lord 
Baltimore then pp etor of y e Provinces, my hpuse standing 
convenient they were often entertained there: they told 
mee y* they were Kentish men or Men of Kent & y 1 for 
that they had been concerned for King Charles y 8 first, 
were out of favour w th y e following Governm' they Mort- 
gaged a Good an estáte to follow King Charles the second 
in his exile & at their Return they had not money to 
redeem their mortgage, w oh was y* cause of their coming 
hither. Joseph Tilly." 

Of the brothers, who are said to have arrived in the 
spring or summer of 1658, only Captain Thomas Stockett 
remained in Maryland, the others having, according to 
family tradition, returned to England. As stated in the 


document just given, they settled iti Anne Arundell 
county, and on the 19th of July, 1669, " Obligation," a 
tract of 664 acres of land was patented to Captain Thomas 
Stockett, and a part still after the lapse of nearly two 
centuries remains in the family, being owned by Frank H. 
Stockett, Esq., of the Annapolis bar. 

By his wife Mary ( Wells it is supposed), Captain Thomas 
Stockett had one son, Thomas, born April 17, 1667, from 
whose marriage with Mary, daughter of Thomas Sprigg, 
of "West River, gentleman (March 12, 1689), and subse- 
quent marriage with Damarris Welch, the Stocketts of 
Maryland, Kentucky, Pennsylvania, New York and New 
Jersey are descended. 

The arms of this branch, as given in the family archives, 
are " Or a Lyon rampant sable armed and Langued Gules 
a cheife of y e second a castle Tripple towred argent 
betwixt two Beausants — to y e crest upon a helm on a 
wreath of y e colours, a Lyon Proper segeant supporte on a 
stock ragged and trunked argent Borne by the ñame of 
Stockett with a mantle Gules doubled Argent." These 
agree with the arms given by Burke as the arms of the 
Stocketts of St. Stephens, county of Kent. 

Thomas Stockett's will, dated April 23, 1671, was 
proved on the 4th of May in the same year, so that his 
death must have occurred within the ten intervening days. 
He left his estáte to his wife for life, then his lands to his 
son Thomas, and his posthumous child if a son, and his 
personal estáte to be divided among his daughters. His 
executors were his broth.ers Francis and Henry and his 
brother (in-law) Richard Wells. His dispositions of pro- 
perty are brief, much of the will consisting of pious 
expressions and wishes. 


To return to the early Maryland emigration, at the time 
there was evident need for some popular tract to remove a 
prejudice that had been created against that colony, espe- 
cially in regard to the redemptioners. The condition of 
those held for service in Maryland had been represented 
as pitiable indeed, the labor intolerable, the usage bad, 
the diet hard, and that no beds were allowed but the bare 
boards. Such calumnies had already been refuted in 
1656 by Hammond, in his Leah and Bachel. Yet it 
would seem that ten years later the proprietor of Mary- 
land found it necessary to give Alsop's flattering picture 
as a new antidote. 

The original tract is reproduced so nearly in fac simile 
here that little need be said about it. The original is a 
very small volume, the printed matter on the page being 
only 2| inches by 4£. (See note No. 1). 

At the end are two pages of advertisements headed 
" These Books, with others, are Printed for Peter Dring, 
and are to be sold at his Shop, at the Sun in the Poultrey, 
next door to the Rose Tavern." 

Among the books are Eliana, Holesworth's Valley of 
Vision, Robotham's Exposition of Solomon's Song, K 
Byfields' Marrow of the Oracle of God, Pheteplace's 
Scrutinia Sacra, Featly Tears in Time of Pestileuce, 
Templum Musicum by Joannes Henricus Alstedius, two 
cook books, a jest book, Troads Englished, and ends with 
A Comment upon the Two Tales of our Eenowned Poet 
Sir Jefiray Chaucer, Knight, 

At the end of this is the following by way of erratum : 
" Courteous Reader. In the first Epistle Dedicatory, for 
Felton read Feltham." 




Oí the PROVINCE of 


Wherein is Defcribed in four diftinól 

Parts, (Viz.) 

I. 7 he Scituation, and plenty of the Province. 
II. The Laws, Cufioms, and natural Demea- 
nor of the Inhabitant. 

III. The worfi and befi Vfage of a Mary- 

Land Servant, opened in view. 

IV. The Trafique, and Vendable Commodities 

of the Countrey. 


ñ ítnall Treatife on the Wilde and 

Naked INDIANS (or Sufquehanokes) 

of Mary-Land, their Cuftoms, Man- 

ners, Abíurdities, & Religión. 

Together with a Colleétion of Hifto- 

rical LETTERS. 


London, Printed by T. J. for Peter Dring, 
at the fign of the Sun in the Poultrey; 1666. 



Absolute Lord and Proprietary of the Pro- 

vinces of Mary-Land and Avalon (see 

note ÍTo. 3) in America. 

My Lord, 

IHave adventured on your Lordships acceptance 
by guess ; if presumption has led me into an 
Error that deserves correction, I heartily beg Indemp- 
nity, and resolve to repent soundly for it, and do so 
no more. What I present I know to be true, Expe- 
rientia docet; It being an infallible Maxim, TJiat 
there is no Qlobe lihe the occular and experimental view 
of a Countrey. And liad not Fate by a necessary 
imployment, consin'd me within the narrow walks of 
a four years Servitude, and by degrees led me through 
the most intricate and dubious paths of this Countrey, 
by a commanding and undeniable Enjoyment, I could 
not, ñor should I ever have undertaken to have writ- 
ten a line of this nature. 


If I liave wrote or composed any thing that's wilde 
and confused, it is because I am so my self, and the 
world, as far as I can perceive, is not much out of the 
same trim; therefore I resolve, if I am brought to 
the Bar of Common Law for any thing I have done 
here, to plead Non campos rnentis, to save my Bacon. 

There is an oíd Saying in English, He rnust rise 
betimes that would every one. And I am afraid 
I have lain so long a bed, that I think I shall picase 
no body ; if it must be so, I cannot help it. But as 
Feltham (see note No. 4) in his Resolves says, In tliings 
that mmt be, His good to be resolute ; And therefore 
what Destiny has ordained, I am resolved to wink, 
and stand to it. So leaving your Honour to more 
serious meditations, I subscribe my self, 
My Lord 

Your Lordship most 

Humble Servant, 

George Alsop. 

To all the Merchant Adventurers for MARY-LAND, 

together with those Commanders of Ships 

that saile into that Province. 


You are both Adventurers, the eme of Estáte, the 
other of Life : I could tell you I am an Adven- 
turer too, if Idurst presume to come into your Company. 
I liare ventured to come abroad in Print, and if I should 
he laughed at for my good meaning, it would so break 
the credit of my understanding, that I should never daré 
to shew my face upon the Exchange of (conceited) Wits 

This disli of Discourse ivas intended for you at frst, 
but it was manners to Jet my Lord have the first cut, the 
Pye being his own. I beseech you accept of the matter 
asHis drest, only to stay your stomachs, and Fie ptromise 
you tlie next shall be better done, 'Tis all as lean serve 
you in at present, and it may be questionable whether I 
have served you in this or no. Here L present you with 
A Character of Mary-Land, it may be you will say 'tu 
wealdy done, if you do Lcannot help it, 'lis as well as I 
could do it, considering several Obstacles that like blocls 
were thrown in my way to hinder my proceeding : The 
majo)* part thereof was written in the Ínterin itting time 
of my sickness, therefore I hope the afflicüng weakness of 


my y Microcosm may plead a j'ust excuse for some imper- 
fections of my pen. I protest what I Jiave writ is from 
an experimental, hnowledge of ihe Gountry, and not /rom 
any imaginary supposition. If I am blamed for what I 
have done too much, it is the first, and I will irrevocably 
promise it shall be the last. Therés a Maxim upon 
Tryals at Assizes, That if a thief be taken upon the first 
fault, if it be not to hainous, they only burn him in the 
hand and let him go (see note No. 5) : So Idesire you 
to do by me, if you find any thing that bears a criminal 
absurdity in it, only burn me for my first fact and let 
me go. But I am affraid I have kept you too long in 
the Entry, I shall desire you therefore to come in and 
sit down. 

G. Alsop. 



The Reason why I appear in this place is, lest the 
general Reader should conclude I have nothing 
to say for my self ; and truly he's in the right on't, 
for I have but little to say (for my self) at this time : 
For I have had so large a Journey, and so heavy a 
Burden to bring Mary-Land into England, that I am 
almost out of breath : I'le promise you after I am 
come to my self, you shall hear more of me. Good 
Reader, because you see me make a brief Apologetical 
excuse for my self, don't judge me; for I am so self- 
conceited of my own merits, that I almost tliink I 
want none. De Lege non judicandum ex sola linea, 
saith the Civilian ; We must not pass judgement upon 
a Law by one line : And because we see but a small 
Bush at a Tavern door, conclude there is no Canary 
(see note No. 6). For as in our vulgar Resolves 'tis 
said, A good face needs no Batid, and an ill one descrees 
none : So the French Proverb sayes, Bon Vien il n'a 
faut point de Ensigne, Good Wine needs no Bush. I 
suppose by this time some of my speculative observers 


have judged me vainglorious ; but if they did but 
rightly consider me, they would not be so censorious. 
For I dwell so far from Neighbors, that if I do not 
praise my self, no body else will : And since I am left 
alone, I am resolved to summon the Magna diaria of 
Fowles to the Bar for my excuse, and by their irrevo- 
cable Statutes plead my discharge. Far its an ill 
Bird will befoule her own Nest : Besides, I have a 
thousand Bülings-gate (see note No. 7) Collegians that 
will give in their testimony, That they never knew a 
Fish-waman cry stinhing Fish. Thus leaving the 
Nostrils of the Citizens Wives to demónstrate what 
they please as to that, and thee (Good Reader) to say 
what thou wilt, I bid thee Farewel. 

Geo. Alsop. 


B O K. 

\l7Hen first Apollo got my brain with Childe, 
™ » He rnade large promise never to begnile, 
But like an honest Father, he would keep 
Whatever Issue from my Brain did creep : 
With that I gave consent, and up he threw 
Me on a Bench, and strangely he did do; 
Then every week he daily carne to see 
How his new Physick still did work with me. 
And when he did perceive he'd don the feat, 
Like an unworthy man he made retreat, 
Left me in desolation, and where none 
Compassionated when they heard me groan. 
"What could he judge the Parish then would think, 
To see me fair, his Brat as black as Ink ? 
If they had eyes, they'd swear I were no Nun, 
But got with Child by some black Africk Son, 
And so condenan me for my Fornication, 
To beat them Hemp to stifle half the Nation. 
Well, since 'tis so, Ble alter this base Fate, 
And lay his Bastard at some Noble's Gate; 
Withdraw my self from Beadles, and from such, 
Who would give twelve pence I were in their clutch 


Then, who can tell ? this Child which I do hide, 

May be in time a Small-beer Col'nel Pride (see note 

But while I talk, my business it is dumb, [No. 8). 

I must lay double-clothes unto thy Bum, 

Then lap thee warm, and to the world commit 

The Bastard Off-spring of a Eew-born wit. 

Farewel, poor Brat, thou in a monstrous World, 

In swadling bands, thus up and down art hurl'd ; 

There to receive what Destiny doth contrive, 

Either to perish, or be sav'd alive. 

Good Fate protect thee from a Criticks power, 

For If he comes, thou'rt gone in half an hour, 

Stiff'd and blasted, 'tis their usual way, 

To make that JSTight, which is as bright as Day. 

For if they once but wring, and skrew their mouth, 

Cock up their Hats, and set the point Du-South, 

Armes all a kimbo, and with belly strut, 

As if they had Parnassus in their gut : 

These are the Symtomes of the murthering íall 

Of my poor Infant, and his burial. 

Say he should miss thee, and some ign'rant Asse 

Should find thee out, as he along doth pass, 

It were all one, he'd look into thy Tayle, 

To see if thou wert Feminine or Male ; 

"When he'd half starv'd thee, for to satisfie 

His peeping Ign'rance, he'd then let thee lie ; 

And vow by's wit he ne're could understand, 

The Heathen dresses of another Land : 

Well, 'tis no matter, wherever such as he 

Knows one grain, more than his simplicity. 

ÍTow, how the pulses of my senses beat, 

To think the rigid Fortune thou wilt meet ; 


Asses and captious Fools, not six in ten 

Of thy Spectators will be real men, 

To Umpire up the badness of the cause, 

And aereen my weakness from the rav'nous Laws, 

Of those that will undoubted sit to see 

How they might blast this new-born Infancy : 

If they should burn him, they'd conclude hereafter, 

'Twere too good death for him to dye a Martyr ; 

And if they let him live, they think it will 

Be but a means for to encourage ill, 

And bring in time some strange Antvpod , ans, 

A thousand Leagues beyond Phüippians, 

To storm our Wits ; therefore he must not rest, 

But shall be hang'd, for all he has been prest : 

Thus they conclude. — My Genius comforts give, 

In Resurrection he will surely live. 

To my Friend Mr. George Alsop, on his Character of 

YJ^T Ho such odd nookes of Eorths great mass describe, 
T T Prove their descent from oíd Columbus tribe: 
Some Boding augur did his Ñame devise, 
Thy Genius too cast in tti same mould and size ; 
His Ñame predicted he ivould be a Rover, 
And hidden places of this Orb discover ; 
Me made relation of that World in gross, 
Thou the particulars reiaiVst to us : 
By thisjirst Peny of thy fancy we 
Discover what thy greatcr Coinés will be ; 
This Embryo thus well polisht doth presage, 
The manly Atchievements of itsfuture age. 
Auspicious ivinds blow gently on this spark, 
TJntill its flames discover what's yet dark ; 
Mean while this short Abridgement we embrace, 
Expecting that thy busy soul will trace 
Some Mines at last which may enrich the World, 
And all that poverty may be in oblivion hurl'd. 
Zoilus is dumb, for thou the mark hast hit, 
By interlacing History with Wit : 
Thou hast described its superficial Treasurc, 
Anatomizad its bowels at thy leasure ; 
That MARY-LAND to thce may duty owe, 
Who to the World dost all her Glory shew ; 
Then thou shalt make the Prophesie fall true, 
Whofll'st the World (like tK Sea) with knowledge neto. 
"William Bogherst. (See note No. 9.) 

To my Friend Mr. George Alsop, on his Character of 

THis plain, yet pithy and concise Description 
Of Mary-Lands plentious and sédate condition, 
With other things herein by yon setforth, 
To shew its JRareness, and declare its Worth ; 
Compos'd in such a time, when most men were 
Smitten with Sickness, or surpriz'd with Fear, 
Argües a Genius good, and Courage stout, 
In bringing this Design so well about : 
Such generous Freedom waited on thy brain, 
The Work was done in midst of greatest pain; 
And matters flow'd so swiftly from thy source, 
Nature design' d thee (sure) for such Discourse. 
Go on then with thy Work so well begun, 
Let it comeforth, and boldly see the Sun; 
Then shaü'i be known to all, thatfrom thy Youth 
Thou heldst it Noble to maintain the Truth, 
' Gainst all the Rabble-rout, that yelping stand, 
To cast aspersions on thy MARY-LAND : 
But this thy Work shall vindicale its Fame, 
• And as a Trophy memorize thy Ñame, 
So ifwithout a Tomb thou buried be, 
This Book's a lasting Monumentfor thee. 

II. W., Master of Arts. (See note No. 10). 

From my Study, 
Jan. 10, 1665. 





Of the situation and plenty of the Province of Mary-Land. 

MARY-LAND is a Province situated upon the 
large extending bowels of America, under the 
Government of the Lord Baltemore, adjacent North- 
wardly upon the Confines of New-England, and 
neighbouring Southwardly upon Virginia, dwelling 
pleasantly upon the Bay of Chaisapilce (see note No. 
11), between the Degrees of 36 and 38, in the Zone 
températe, and by Mathematical computation is eleven 
hundred and odd Leagues in Longitude from England, 
being within her own imbraces extraordinary pleasant 
and fertile. Pleasant, in respect of the multitude of 
Navigable Rivers and Creeks that conveniently and 
most profitably lodge within the armes of her green, 
spreading, and delightful Woods; whose natural 
womb (by her plenty) maintains and preserves the 
several diversities of Animáis that rangingly inhabit 
her Woods ; as she doth otherwise generously fructifie 


this piece of Earth with almost all sorts of Vegetables, 
as well Flowers with their varieties of colours and 
smells, as Herbes and Roots with their several effects 
and operative virtues, that offer their benefits daily to 
supply the want of the Inhabitant whene're their 
necessities shall Sub-poena them to wait on their com- 
mands. So that he, who out of curiosity desires to 
see the Landskip of the Creation drawn to the life, or 
to read Natures universal Herbal without book, may 
with the Opticks of a discreet discerning, view Mary- 
Land drest in her green and fragrant Mantle of the 
Spring. Neither do I think there is any place under 
the Heavenly altitude, or that has footing or room 
upon the circular Globe of this world, that can parallel 
this fertile and pleasant piece of ground in its multi- 
plicity, or rather Natures extravagancy of a super- 
abounding plenty. For so much doth this Country 
increase in a swelling Spring-tide of rich variety and 
diversities of all things, not only common provisions 
that supply the reaching stomach of man with a 
satisfactory plenty, but also extends with its liberality 
and free convenient benefits to each sensitive faculty, 
according to their several desiring Appetites. So that 
had Nature made it her business, on purpose to have 
found out a situation for the Soul of profitable Inge- 
nuity, she could not have íitted herself better in the 
traverse of the whole Universe, ñor in convenienter 
terms have told man, Dwell here, Uve plentifully and 
be rich. 


The Trees, Plants, Fruits, Flowers, and Roots that 
grow here in Mary-Land, are the only Emblems or 
Hieroglyphicks of our Adamitical or Primitive situa- 
tion, as well for their variety as odoriferous smells, 
together with their vertues, according to their several 
efFects, kinds and properties, which still bear the Ef- 
figies of Innocency according to their original Grafts ; 
which by their dumb vegetable Oratory, each hour 
speaks to the Inhabitant in silent acts, That they 
need not look for any other Terrestrial Paradice, to 
suspend or tyre their curiosity upon, while she is 
extant. For within her doth dweH so much of 
variety, so much of natural plenty, that there is not 
any thing that is or may be rare, but it inhabits 
within this plentious soyle : So that those parts of 
the Creation that have borne the Bell away (for many 
ages) for a vegetable plentiousness, must now in 
silence strike and vayle all, and whisper softly in the 
auditual parts of Mary-Land, that None but s7w in this 
dwells singular ; and that as well for that she doth 
exceed in those Fruits, Plants, Trees and Roots, that 
dwell and grow in their several Clymes or habitable 
parts of the Earth besides, as the rareness and super- 
excellency of her own glory, which she flourishly 
abounds in, by the abundancy of reserved Rarities, 
such as the remainder of the World (with all its 
speculative art) never bore any occular testimony of 
as yet. I shall forbear to particularize those several 
sorts of vegetables that flourishingly grows here, by 


reason of the vast tediousness that will attend upon 
the description, which therefore makes them much 
more fit for an Herbal, than a small Manuscript or 
History. (See note No. 12). 

As for the wilde Animáis of this Country, which 
loosely inhabits the Woods in multitudes, it is impos- 
sible to give you an exact description of them all, 
considering the multiplicity as well as the diversity of 
so numerous an extent of Creatures : But such as has 
fallen within the compass or prospect of my knowledge, 
those you shall know of ; videlicet, the Deer, because 
they are oftner seen, and more participated of by the 
Inhabitants of the Land, whose acquaintance by a 
customary familiarity becomes much more common 
than the rest of Beasts that inhabit the Woods by 
using themselves in Herds about the Christian Plan- 
tations. Their flesh, which in some places of this 
Province is the common provisión the Inhabitants 
feed on, and which through the extreme glut and 
plenty of it, being daily killed by the Indians, and 
brought in to the English, as well as that which is 
killed by the Christian Inhabitant, that doth it more 
for recreation, than for the benefit they reap by it. 
I say, the flesh of Venison becomes (as to food) rather 
denyed, than any way esteemed or desired. And this 
I speak from an experimental knowledge ; For when 
I was under a Command, and debarr'd of a four years 
ranging Liberty in the Province of Mary-Land, the 
Gentleman whom I served my conditional and pre- 


fixed time withall, had at one time in his house four- 
score Venisons, besides plenty of other provisions to 
serve his Family nine months, they being but seven 
in number ; so that before this Venison was brought 
to a period by eating, it so nauseated our appetites 
and stomachs, that plain bread was rather courted 
and desired than it. 

The Deer (see note No. 13) here neither in shape 
ñor action differ from our Deer in England : the Park 
they traverse their ranging and unmeasured walks in, 
is bounded and impanell'd in with no other pales than 
the rough and billowed Ocean : They are also mighty 
numerous in the Woods, and are little or not at all 
affrighted at the face of a man, but (like the Does of 
Wlwtskms Park) (see note No. 14) though their hydes 
are not altogether so gaudy to extract an admiration 
from the beholder, yet they will stand (all most) till 
they be scratcht. 

As for the Wolves, Bears, and Panthers (see note 
No. 15) of this Country, they inhabit commonly in 
great multitudes up in the remotest parts of the Con- 
tinent; yet at some certain time they come down 
near the Plantations, but do little hurt or injury 
worth noting, and that which they do is of so degene- 
rate and low a nature, (as in reference to the fierceness 
and heroick vigour that dwell in the same kind of 
Beasts in other Countries), that they are hardly worth 
mentioning: For the highest of their designs and 
circumventing reaches is but cowardly and base, only 


to steal a poor Pigg, or kill a lost and half starved 
Calf. The Effigies of a man terrifies them dreadfully, 
for they no sooner espy him but their hearts are at 
their mouths, and the spurs upon their heels, they 
(having no more manners than Beasts) gallop away, 
and never bid them farewell that are behind them. 

The Elke, the Cat of the Mountain, the Rackoon, 
the Fox, the Beaver, the Otter, the Possum, the Haré, 
the Squirril, the Monack, the Musk-Rat (see note 
No. 16), and several others (whom Pie omit for 
brevity sake) inhabit here in Mary-Land in several 
droves and troops, ranging the Woods at their 

The meat of most of these Creatures ís good for 
eating, yet of no valué ñor esteem here, by reason of 
the great plenty of other provisions, and are only 
kill'd by the Indians of the Country for their Hydes 
and Furrs, which become very profitable to those that 
have the right way of traífiquing for them, as well as 
it redounds to the Indians that take the pains to catch 
them, and to. slay and dress their several Hydes, 
selling and disposing them for such commodities as 
their Heathenish fancy delights in. 

As for those Beasts that were carried over at the 
first seating of the Country, to stock and increase the 
situation, as Cows, Horses, Sheep and Hogs (see note 
No. 17), they are generally tame, and use near home, 
especially the Cows, Sheep and Horses. The Hogs, 
whose increase is innumerable in the Woods, do dis- 


frequent home more than the rest of Creatures that 
are look'd upon as tame, yet with little trouble and 
pains they are slain and made provisión of. Now 
they that will with a right Historical Survey, view 
the Woods of Mary-Land in this particular, as in 
reference to Swine, must upon necessity judge this 
Land lineally descended from the Gadarean Terri- 
tories. (See note No. 18.) 

Mary-Land (I must confess) cannot boast of her 
plenty of Sheep here, as other Countries; not but 
that they will thrive and increase here, as well as in 
any place of the World besides, but few desire them, 
because they commonly draw down the Wolves among 
the Plantations, as well by the sweetness of their 
flesh, as by the humility of their nature, in not 
making a defensive resistance against the rough deal- 
ing of a ravenous Enemy. They who for curiosity 
will keep Sheep, may expect that after the Wolves 
have breathed themselves all day in the Woods to 
sharpen their stomachs, they will come without fail 
and sup with them at night, though many times they 
surfeit themselves with the sawce that's dish'd out of 
the muzzle of a Gun, and so in the midst of their 
banquet (poor Animáis) they often sleep with their 

Fowls of all sorts and varieties dwell at their several 
times and seasons here in Mary-Land. The Turkey, 
the Woodcock, the Pheasant, the Partrich, the Pigeon, 
and others, especially the Turkey, whom I have seen 


in whole hundreds in flights in the Woods of Mary- 
Land, being an extraordinary fat Fowl, whose flesh 
is very pleasant and sweet. These Fowls that I have 
named are intayled from generation to generation to 
the Woods. The Swans, the Geese and Ducks (with 
other Water-Fowl) derógate in this point of setled 
residence ; for they arrive in millionous multitudes in 
Mary-Land about the middle of Septeniber, and take 
their winged farewell about the midst of March (see 
note No. 19) : But while they do remain, and belea- 
gure the borders of the shoar with their winged 
Dragoons, several of them are summoned by a Writ 
of Fieri facías, to answer their presumptuous contempt 
upon a Spit. 

As for Fish, which dwell in the watry tenements 
of the deep, and by a providential greatness of power, 
is kept for the relief of several Countries in the world 
(which would else sink under the rigid enemy of 
want), here in Mary-Land is a large sufficiency, and 
plenty of almost all sorts of Fishes, which live and 
inhabit within her several Rivers and Creeks, far 
beyond the apprehending or crediting of those that 
never saw the same, which with very much ease is 
catched, to the great refreshment of the Inhabitants 
of the Province. 

All sorts of Grain, as Wheat, Rye, Barley, Oates, 
Pease, besides several others that have their original 
and birth from the fertile womb of this Land (and no 
where else), they all grow, increase, and thrive here 


in Mary-Land, without the chargable and laborious 
manuring of the Land with Dung ; increasing in such 
a measure and plenty, by the natural richness of the 
Earth, with the common, beneficial and convenient 
showers of rain that usually wait upon the several 
Fields of Grain (by a natural instinct), so that Famine 
(the dreadful Ghost of penury and want) is never 
known with his palé visage to haunt the Dominions 
oí Mary-Land. (See note No. 20). 

Coala" st thou (O Earth) Uve thus obscure, and now 
Within an Age, shewforth ihyplentious brow 
Of rich variety, gilded with fruitful Fame y 
That ( Trum-peUlike) doth Heraldize thy Ñame, 
And tells the World there is a Land nowfound, 
That all Earth' s Globe carítparallel its Ground? 
Dwell, and be prosperous, and with thy plenty feed 
The craving Carfcesses of those Souls that need. 



Of the Government and Natural Disposition of the People. 

MARY-LAND, not froni the remoteness of her 
situation, but from the regularity of her well 
ordered Government, may (without sin, I think) be 
called Singular: And though she is not supported 
with such large Revenues as some of her Neighbours 
are, jet such is her wisdom in a reserved silence, and 
not in pomp, to shew her well-conditioned Estáte, in 
relieving at a distance the proud poverty of those that 
wont be seen they want, as well as those which by 
undeniable necessities are drove upon the Rocks of 
pinching wants : Yet such a loathsome creature is a 
common and folding-handed Beggar, that upon the 
penalty of almost a perpetual working in Imprison- 
ment, they are not to appear, ñor lurk near our 
vigilant and laborious dwellings. The Country hath 
received a general spleen and antipathy against the 
very ñame and nature of it ; and though there were 
no Law provided (as there is) to suppress it, I am 
certainly confident, there is none within the Province 
that would lower themselves so much below the dig- 
nity of men to beg, as long as limbs and life keep 
house together ; so much is a vigilant industrious care 


He that desires to see the real Platforra of a quiet 
and sober Government extant, Superiority with a 
meek and yet coramanding power sitting at the 
Helme, steering the actions of State quietly, through 
the multitude and diversity of Opinionous waves that 
diversly meet, let him look on Mary-Land with eyes 
admiring, and he'll then judge her, The Miracle of 
this Age. 

Here the Román Catholick, and the Protestant Epis- 
copal (whom the world would perswade have pro- 
claimed open Wars irrevocably against eaeh other), 
contrarywise concur in an unanimous parallel of 
friendship, and inseparable love intayled into one 
another: All Inquisitions, Martyrdom, and Banish- 
ments are not so much as named, but unexpressably 
abhorr'd by each other. 

The several Opinions and Sects that lodge within 
this Government, meet not together in mutinous con- 
tempts to disquiet the power that bears Rule, but 
with a reverend quietness obeys the legal commands 
of Authority. (See note No. 21). Ilere's never seen 
Five Monarchies in a Zealous Rebellion, opposing the 
Rights and Liberties of a true setled Government, or 
Monarchical Authority : Ñor did I ever see (here in 
Mary-Land) any of those dancing Adamitical Sisters, 
that plead a primitive Innocency for their base 
obscenity, and naked deportment; but I conceive if 
some of them were there at some certain time of the 
year, between the Months of Janvary and February, 


when the winds blow from the North-West quarter of 
the world, that it would both cool, and (I believe) 
convert the hottest of these Zealots from their burn- 
ing and fiercest concupiscence. (See note No. 22) . 

The Government of this Province doth continually, 
by all lawful means, strive to purge her Dominions 
from such base corroding humors, that would predomí- 
nate upon the least smile of Liberty, did not the Laws 
check and bridle in those unwarranted and tumultuous 
Opinions. And truly, where a kingdom, State or 
Government, keeps or cuts down the weeds of destruc- 
tive Opinions, there must certainly be a blessed har- 
mony of quietness. And I really believe this Land or 
Government of Mary-Land may boast, that she enjoys 
as much quietness from the disturbance of Rebellious 
Opinions, as most States or Kingdoms do in the 
world : For here every man lives quietly, and follows 
his labour and imployment desiredly; and by the 
protection of the Laws, they are supported from those 
molestious troubles that ever attend upon the Com- 
mons of other States and Kingdoms, as well as from 
the Aquafortial operation of great and eating Taxes. 
Here's nothing to be levyed out of the Granaries of 
Corn; but contrarywise, by a Law every Domestick 
Governor of a Family is enjoyned to make or cause 
to be made so much Corn by a just limitation, as shall 
be sumcient for him and his Family (see note No. 23) : 
So that by this wise and Janus-like providence, the 
thin-jawed Skeliton with his starv'd Carkess is never 


seen walking the Woods of Mary-Land to affrighten 

Once every year within this Province is an Assem- 
bly called, and out of every respective County (by the 
consent of the people) there is chosen a number of 
raen, and to them is deliver'd up the Grievances of the 
Country ; and they maturely debate the matters, and 
according to their Consciences make Laws for the 
general good of the people ; and where any former 
Law that was made, seems and is prejudicial to the 
good or quietness of the Land, it is repeal'd. These 
men that determine on these matters for the Repub- 
lique, are called Burgesses, and they commonly sit in 
Junto about six weeks, being for the most part good 
ordinary Householders of the several Counties, which 
do more by a plain and honest Conscience, than by 
artificial Syllogisms drest up in gilded Orations. (See 
note No. 24). 

Here Suits and Tryals in Law seldome hold dispute 
two Terms or Courts, but according as the Equity of 
the Cause appears is brought to a period. (See note 
No. 25). The Temples and Grays-Inne are clear out 
of fashion here : Marriot (see note No. 26) would 
sooner get a paunch-devouring meal for nothing, than 
for his invading Counsil. Here if the Lawyer had 
nothing else to maintain him but his bawling, he 
might button up his Chops, and burn his Buckrom 
Bag, or else hang it upon a pin untill its Antiquity 
had eaten it up with durt and dust: Then with a 


Spade, like his Grandsire Adam, turn up the face of 
the Creation, purchasing his bread by the sweat of his 
brows, that before was got by the motionated Water- 
works of his jaws. So contrary to the Genius of the 
people, if not to the quiet Government of the Province, 
that the turbulent Spirit of continued and vexatious 
Law, with all its querks and evasions, is openly and 
most eagerly opposed, that might make matters either 
dubious, tedious, or troublesom. All other matters 
that would be ranging in contrary and improper 
Spheres, (in short) are here by the Power moderated, 
lower'd and subdued. All villanous Outrages that 
are committed in other States, are not so much as 
known here : A man may walk in the open Woods 
as secure from being externally dissected, as in his 
own house or dwelling. So hateful is a Robber, that 
if but once imagin'd to be so, he's kept at a distance, 
and shun'd as the Pestilential noysomness. (See note 
No. 27). 

It is generally and very remarkably observed, That 
those whose Lives and Conversations have had no 
other gloss ñor glory stampt on them in their own 
Country, but the stigmatization of baseness, were here 
(by the common civilities and deportments of the 
Inhabitants of this Province) brought to detest and 
loath their former actions. Here the Constable hath 
no need of a train of Holberteers (see note No. 28), 
that carry more Armour about them, than heart to 
guard him: Ñor is he ever troubled to leave his 


Feathered Nest to some friendly successor, while he 
is placing of his Lanthern-horn Guard at the end of 
some suspicious Street, to catch some Night-walker, 
or Batchelor of Leachery, that has taken his Degree 
three story high in a Bawdy-house. Here's no New- 
gates for pilfering Felona, ñor Ludgates for Debtors, 
ñor any Bridewels (see note No. 29) to lash the soul 
of Concupiscence into a chast Repentance. For as 
there is none of these Prisons in Mary-Land, so the 
merits of the Country deserves none, but if any be 
foully vitious, he is so reservd in it, that he seldom 
or never becomes popular. Common Alehouses (whose 
dwellings are the only Receptacles of debauchery and 
baseness, and those Schools that trains up Youth, as 
well as Age, to ruine), in this Province there are 
none; neither hath Youth his swing or range in such 
a profuse and unbridled liberty as in other Countries ; 
for from an antient Custoni at the primitive seating 
of the place, the Son works as well as the Servant (an 
excellent cure for untam'd Youth), so that b.eíbre they 
eat their bread, they are commonly taught how to 
earn it ; which makes them by that time Age speaks 
them capable of receiving that which their Párente 
indulgency is ready to give them, and which partly 
is by their own laborious industry purchased, they 
manage it with such a serious, grave and watching 
care, as if they had been Masters of Families, trained 
up in that domestick and governing power from their 
Cradles. These Christian Natives of the Land, espe- 


cially those of the Masculine Sex, are generally con- 
veniently confident, reservedly subtile, quick in 
apprehending, but slow in resolving ; and where they 
spy profit sailing towards them with the wings of a 
prosperous gale, there they become much familiar. 
The Women diífer something in this point, though 
not much : They are extreme bashful at the first 
view, but after a continuance of time hath brought 
them acquainted, there they become discreetly fami- 
liar, and are much more talkative then men. All 
Complemental Courtships, drest up in critical Rarities, 
are meer strangers to them, plain wit comes nearest 
their Genius; so that he that intends to Court a 
Mary-Land Girle, must have something more than 
the Tautologies of a long-winded speech to carry on 
his design, or else he may (for ought I know) fall 
under the contempt of her frown, and his own windy 
Oration. (See note No. 30). 

One great part of the Inhabitants of this Province 
are desiredly Zealous, great pretenders to Holiness; 
and where any thing appears that carries on the 
Frontispiece of its Effigies the stamp of Religión, 
though fundamentally never so imperfect, they are 
suddenly taken with it, and out of an eager desire to 
any thing that's new, not weighing the sure matter in 
the Ballance of Reason, are very apt to be catcht. 
(See note No. 31). Quakerism is the only Opinión 
that bears the Bell away (see note No. 32) : The 
Anabaptista (see note No. 33) have little to say here, 


as well as in other places, since the Ghost of John of 
Leyden haunts their Conventicles. The Adamite, 
Ranter, and Fift-Monarchy men, Mary-Land cannot, 
nay will not digest within her liberal stomach such 
corroding morsels : So that this Province is an utter 
Enemy to blasphemous and zealous Imprecations, 
drain'd from the Lymbeck of hellish and damnable 
Spirits, as well as profuse prophaness, that issues from 
the prodigality of none but cract-brain Sots. 

' Tis said the Gods lower down that Chain above, 
That tyes both Prince and Subject up in Love; 
And if this Fiction of the Gods be tme, 
Few, Mary-Land, in this can boast but you : 
Live ever blest, and let those Clonds that do 
Eclipse most States, be always Lights to you ; 
And dwelling so, you may for ever be 
The only Emblem of Tranquüity. 



The necessariness of Servitude provcd, with the common usar/e of 
Servants in Mary-Land, together with their Priviledges. 

AS there can be no Monarchy without the Supre- 
macy of a King and Crown, ñor no King with- 
out Subjects, ñor any Paren ts without it be by the 
fruitful off-spring of Children; neither can there be 
any Masters, unless it be by the inferior Servitude of 
those that dwell under them, by a commanding en- 
joynment: And since it is ordained from the original 
and superabounding wisdom of all things, That there 
should be Degrees and Diversities amongst the Sons 
of men, in acknowledging of a Superiority from Infe- 
riors to Superiors ; the Servant with a reverent and 
befitting Obedience is as liable to this duty in a 
measurable performance to him whom he serves, as 
the loyalest of Subjects to his Prince. Then since it 
is a common and ordained Fate, that there must be 
Servants as well as Masters, and that good Servitudes 
are those Colledges of Sobriety that checks in the 
giddy and wild-headed youth from his profuse and 
une ven course of life, by a limited constrainment, as 
well as it otherwise agrees with the modérate and dis- 
creet Servant : Why should there be such an exclusive 


Obstado in the minds and unreasonable dispositions 
of many people, against the limited time of convenient 
and necessary Servitude, when it is a thing so requi- 
site, that the best of Kingdoms would be unhing'd 
from their quiet and well setled Government without 
it. Which levelling doctrine we here of Eityland in 
this latter age (whose womb was truss'd out with 
nothing but confused Rebellion) have too much expe- 
rienced, and was daily rung into the ears of the 
tumultuous Vulgar by the Bell-weather Sectaries of 
the Times : But (blessed be God) those Clouds are 
blown over, and the Government of the Kingdom 
coucht under a more stable form. 

There is no truer Emblem of Confusión either in 
Monarchy or Domestick Governments, then when 
either the Subject, or the Servant, strives for the 
upper hand of his Prince, or Master, and to be equal 
with him, from whom he receives his present subsist- 
ance : Why then, if Servitude be so necessary that no 
place can be governed in order, ñor people live without 
it, this may serve to tell those which prick up their 
ears and bray against it, That they are none but 
Asses, and deserve the Bridle of a strict commanding 
power to reine them in : For I'me certainly confident, 
that there are several Thousands in most Kingdoms 
of Christendom, that could not at all live and subsist, 
unless they had served some prefixed time, to learn 
either some Trade, Art, or Science, and by either of 
them to extract their present livelihood. 


Then methinks this may stop the mouths of those 
that will undiscreetly compassionate them that dwell 
under necessary Servitudes; for let but Parents of 
an indifferent capacity in Estates, when their Child- 
rens age by computation speak them seventeen or 
eighteen years oíd, turn them loóse to the wide world, 
without a seven years working Apprenticeship (being 
just brought up to the bare formality of a little read- 
ing and writing) and you shall immediately see how 
weak and shiftless they'le be towards the maintaining 
and supporting of themselves; and (without eitjier 
stealing or begging) their bodies like a Sentinel must 
continually wait to see when their Souls will be 
frighted away by the palé Ghost of a starving want. 

Then let such, where Providence hath ordained to 
live as Servants, either in England or beyond Sea, 
endure the prefixed yoak of their limited time with 
patience, and then in a small computation of years, 
by an industrious endeavour, they may become Mas- 
ters and Mistresses of Families themselves. And let 
this be spoke to the deserved praise of Mary-Land, 
That the four years I served there were not to me so 
slavish, as a two years Servitude of a Handicraft 
Apprenticeship was here in London ; Volenti enim nil 
difficile: Not that I write this to seduce or delude 
any, or to draw them from their native soyle, but out 
of a love to my Countrymen, whom in the general I 
wish well to, and that the lowest of them may live in 
such a capacity of Estáte, as that the bare interest of 


their Livelihoods might not altogether depend upon 
persona of the greatest extendments. 

Now those whose abilities here in Enyland are 
capable of maintaining themselves in any reasonable 
and handsom manner, they had best so to remain, 
lest the roughness of the Ocean, together with the 
staring visages of the wilde Animáis, which they 
may see after their arrival into the Country, may 
alter the natural dispositions of their bodies, that 
the stay'd and solid part that kept its motion by 
Doctor Trigs purgationary operation, may run beyond 
the byas of the wheel in a violent and laxative con- 

Now contrarywise, they who are low, and make 
bare shifts to buoy themselves up above the shabby 
center of beggarly and incident casualties, I heartily 
could wish the removal of some of them into Mary- 
Land, which would make much better for them that 
stay'd behind, as well as it would advantage those 
that went. 

They whose abilities cannot extend to purchase 
their own transportaron into Mary-Land (and surely 
he that cannot command so small a sum for so great 
a matter, his life must needs be mighty low and 
dejected), I say they may for the debarment of a four 
years sordid liberty, go over into this Province and 
there live plentiously well. And what's a four years 
Servitude to advantage a man all the remainder of 
his dayes, making his predecessors happy in his suffi- 


cient abilities, which he attained to partly by the 
restrainment of so small a time ? 

Now those that commit themselves into the care of 
the Merchant to carry them over, they need not 
trouble themselves with auy inquisitive search touch- 
ing their Voyage; for there is such an honest care 
and provisión made for them all the time they remain 
aboard the Ship, and are sailing over, that they want 
for nothing that is necessary and convenient. 

The Merchant commonly before they go aboard the 
Ship, or set themselves in any forwardness for their 
Voyage, has Conditions of Agreements drawn between 
him and those that by a voluntary consent become 
his Servants, to serve him, his Heirs or Assigns, 
according as they in their primitive acquaintance 
have made their bargain (see note No. 34), some two, 
some three, some four years ; and whatever the Mas- 
ter or Servant tyes himself up to here in Engla7id by 
Condition, the Laws of the Province will forcé a per- 
formance of when they come there : Yet here is this 
Priviledge in it when they arrive, If they dwell not 
with the Merchant they made their first agreement 
withall, they may choose whom they will serve their 
prefixed time with; and after their curiosity has 
pitcht on one whom they think fit for their tura, and 
that they may live well withall, the Merchant makes 
an Assignment of the Indenture over to him whom 
they of their free will have chosen to be their Master, 
in the same nature as we here in England (and no 


otherwise) turn over Covenant Servants or Appren- 
tices from one Master to another. /Then lot those~"f 
whose chaps are always breathing forth those filthy 
dregs of abusive exclamations, which are Lymbeckt 
from their sottish and preposterous brains, against 
this Country of Mary-Land, saying, That those which 
are transported over thithér, are sold in open Market 
for Slaves, and draw in Carts like Horses ; which is 
so damnable an untruth, that if they should search to 
the very Center of Hell, and enquire for a Lye of the 
most antient and damned stamp, I confidently believej 
they could not find one to parallel thisj/ For khow, 
That the Servants here in Mary-Land of all Colonies, 
distant or remote Plantations, have the least cause to 
complain, either for strictness of Servitude, want of 
Provisions, or need of Apparel : Five dayes and a half 
in the Summer weeks is the alotted time that they 
work in ; and for two months, when the Sun predomi- 
nates in the highest pitch of his heat, they claim an 
antient and customary Priviledge, to repose themselves 
three hours in the day within the house, and this is 
undeniably granted to them that work in the Fields. 

In the Winter time, which lasteth three months 
(viz.), December, Jcuwary, and Febrimry, they do little 
or no work or imployment, save cutting of wood to 
make good fires to sit by, unless their Ingenuity will 
prompt them to hunt the Deer, or Bear, or recréate 
themselves in Fowling, to slaughter the Swans, Geese, 
and Turkeys (which this Country afíbrds in a most 


plentiful manner) r For every Servant has a Gun, 
Powder and Shot allowed him, to sport him withall 
on all Holidayes and leasurable times, if he be capable 
.of using it, or be willing to learn) 

Now those Servants which come over into this 
Province, being Artificers, they never (during their 
Servitude) work in the Fields, or do any other imploy- 
ment save that which their Handicraft and Mechanick 
endeavours are capable of putting them upon, and are 
esteem'd as well by their Masters, as those that imploy 
them, above measure. He that's a Tradesman here 
in Mary-Land (though a Servant), lives as well as 
most common Handicrafts do in Ixmdon, though they 
may want something of that Liberty which Freemen 
have, to go and come at their pleasure ; yet if it were 
rightly understood and considered, what most of the 
Liberties of the several poor Tradesmen are taken up 
about, and what a care and trouble attends that thing 
they cali Liberty, which according to the common 
translation is but Idleness, and (if weighed in the 
Ballance of a just Reason) will be found to be much 
heavier and cloggy then the four years restrainment 
of a Mary-Land Servitude. He that lives in the 
nature of a Servant in this Province, must serve but 
four years by the Custom of the Country ; and when 
the expiration of his time speaks him a Freeman, 
there's a Law in the Province, that enjoyns his Master 
whom he hath served to give him Fiffcy Acres of Land, 
Corn to serve him a whole year, three Suits of Apparel, 


with things necessary to them, and Tools to work 
withall ; so that they are no sooner free, but they are 
ready to set up for themselves, and when once entred, 
they live passingly well. (See note No. 35). 

The Women that go over into this Province as Ser- 
vants, have the best luck here as in any place of the 
world besides ; for they are no sooner on shoar, but 
they are courted into a Copulative Matrimony, which 
some of them (for aught I know) liad they not come to 
such a Market with their Virginity, might have kept 
it by them untill it liad been mouldy, unless they liad 
let it out by a yearly rent to some of the Inhabitants 
of Lewknors-Lane (see note No. 36), or made a Deed 
of Gift of it to Mother Goney, having only a poor 
stipend out of it, untill the Gallows or Hospital called 
them away. Men have not altogether so good luck 
as Women in this kind, or natural preferment, with- 
out they be good Rhetoricians, and well vers'd in the 
Art of perswasion, then (probably) they may ryvet 
themselves in the time of their Servitude into the 
prívate and reserved favour of their Mistress, if Age 
speak their Master deficient. 

In short, touching the Servants of this Province, 
they live well in the time of their Service, and by 
their restrainment in that time, they are made capa- 
ble of living much better when they come to be free ; 
which in several other parts of the world I have 
observed, That after some servants have brought their 
indented and limited time to a just and legal period 


by Servitude, they have been much more incapable of 
supporting themselves from sinking into the Gulf of a 
slavish, poor, fettered, and intangled life, then all the 
fastness of their prefixed time did involve them in 

Now the main and principal Reason of those inci- 
dent casualties, that wait continually upon the resi- 
dences of most poor Artificers, is (I gather) from the 
multiciplicity or innumerableness of those several 
Companies of Tradesmen, that dwell so closely and 
stiflingly together in one and the same place, that 
like the chafing Gum in Watered-Tabby, they eat into 
the folds of one anothers Estates. And this might 
easily be remedied, would but some of them remove 
and disperse distantly where want and necessity calis 
for them ; their dwellings (I am confident) would be 
much larger, and their conditions much better, as well 
in reference to their Estates, as to the satisfactoriness 
of their minds, having a continual imployment, and 
from that imployment a continual benefit, without 
either begging, seducing, or flattering for it, encroach- 
ing that one month from one of the same profession, 
that they are heaved out themselves the next. For 
I have observed on the other side of Mary-Land, that 
the whole course of most Mechanical endeavours, is 
to catch, snatch, and undervalue one another, to get 
a little work, or a Customer ; which when they have 
attained by their lowbuilt and sneaking circumvent- 
ings, it stands upon so flashy, mutable, and transitory 


a foundation, that the best óf his hopes is commonly 
extinguisht before the poor undervalued Tradesman 
is warm in the enjoyment of his Customer. 

Then did not a cloud of low and base Cowardize 
eclipse the Spirits of these men, these things might 
easily be diverted ; but they had as live take a Bear 
by the tooth, as think of leaving their own Country, 
though they live among their own National people, 
and are governed by the same Laws they have here, 
yet all this wont do with them; and a ll the Reason 
they can render to the contrary is,Jíhere's a great 
Sea betwixt them and Mary-Land, and in that Sea 
there are Fishes, and not only Fishes but great Fishes, 
and then should a Ship meet with such an inconsi- 
derable encounter as a Whale, one blow with his 
tayle, and then Lord have Mere?/ upon us : Yet meet 
with these men in their common Exchange, which is 
one story high in the bottom of a Celler, disputing 
over a Black-pot, it would be monstrously dreadful 
here to insert the particulars, one swearing that he 
was the first that scaled the Walls of Dundee, when 
the Bullets flew about their ears as thick as Hail- 
stones usually fall from the Sky; which if it were but 
rightly examined, the most dangerous Engagement 
that ever he was in, was but at one of the íiashy 
battels at Finsbury (see note No. 37), where com- 
monly there's more Custard greedily devoured, than 
men prejudiced by the rigour of the War. Others of 
this Company relating their several dreadful exploits. 



ánd when they are just entring into the particulars, 
let but one step in and interrupt their discourse, by 
telling them of a Sea Voyage, and the violency of 
storms that attends it, and that there are no back- 
doors to run out at, which they cali, a handsom 
Retreat and Charge again ; the apprehensive danger 
of this is so powerful and penetrating on them, that a 
damp sweat iminediately involves their Microcosm, 
so that Margery the oíd Matron of the Celler, is fain 
to run for a half-peny-worth of Angélica to rub their 
nostrils; and though the Port-hole of their bodies 
has been stopt from a convenient Evacuation some 
several months, theyl'e need no other Suppository to 
open the Orifice of their Esculent faculties then this 
Relation, as their Drawers or Breeches can more at 
large demónstrate to the inquisitive search of the 

Now I know that some will be apt to judge, that I 
have written this last part out of derision to some of 
my poor Mechanick Country-men : Truly I must 
needs tell those to their face that think so of me, that 
they prejudice me extremely, by censuring me as 
guilty of any such crime : What I have written is 
only to display the sordidness of their dispositions, 
who rather than they will remove to another Country 
to live plentiously well, and give their Neighbors 
more Elbow-room and space to breath in, they will 
croud and throng upon one another, with the pressure 
of a beggarly and unnecessary weight. 


That which I have to say more in this business, is 
a hearty and desirous wish, that the several poor 
Tradesmen here in London that I know, and have 
borne an occular testimony of their want, might live 
so free from care as I did when I dwelt in the bonds 
of a four years Servitude in Mary-Land. 

Be just {Domestick Monarchs) unto them 

That dweU as Household Subjecis to each Eealm ; 

Let not your Power make you be too severe, 

Where therés smallfaults reign in your sharp Career : 

So that the Worlds base yelymg Greio 

May'nt bark what I have wrote is wrü untrue, 

So use your Servants, if there come no more, 

They may serve fflght, instead of serving Four. 



Upon Trafique, and what Merchandizing Commodities this Province 
affords, also hoio Tobacco is planted and fit for Commerce. 

TRafique, Commerce, and Trade, are those great 
wheeles that by their circular and continued 
motion, tura into most Kingdoms of the Earth the 
plenty of abundant Riches that they are commonly 
fed withall : For Trafique in his right description, is 
the very soul of a Kingdoin; and should but Fate 
ordain a removal of it for some years, from the richest 
and most populous Monarchy that dwells in the most 
fertile clyme of the whole Universe, he would soon 
find by a woful experiment, the miss and loss of so 
reviving a supporter. And I am certainly confident, 
that England would as soon feel her feebleness by 
withdrawment of so great an upholder; as well in 
reference to the internal and healthful preservative of 
her Inhabitants, for want of those Medicinal Drugs 
that are landed upon her Coast every year, as the 
external profits, Glory and beneficial Graces that 
accrue by her. 

Paracelsus might knock down his Forge, if Trafique 
and Commerce should once cease, and grynde the hilt 
of his Sword into Powder, and take some of the Infu- 
sión to make him so valorous, that he might cut his 


own Throat in the honor of Mercury : Gatea might 
then bum his Herbal, and like Joseph of Arimathea, 
build him a Tomb in his Garden, and so rest from his 
labours : Our Physical Collegians of Londou would 
have no cause then to thunder Fire-balls at Nich. Cul- 
peppers Dispensatory (see note No. 38). All Herbs, 
Roots, and Medicines would bear their original chris- 
tening, that the ignorant might understand them: 
Álbum grecum would not be Álbum grecum (see note 
No. 39) then, but a Dogs turd would be a Dogs turd 
in plain terms, in spight of their teeth. 

If Trade should once cease, the Custom-house would 
soon miss her hundreds and thousands Hogs-heads of 
Tobacco (see note No. 40), that use to be throng in 
her every year, as well as the Grocers would in their 
Ware-houses and Boxes, the Gentry and Commonalty 
in their Pipes, the Physician in his Drugs and Medi- 
cinal Compositions ; The (leering) Waiters for want 
of imployment, might (like so many Diogenes) intomb 
themselves in their empty Casks, and rouling them- 
selves oíf the Key into the Thames, there wander up 
and down from tide to tide in contemplation of Aris- 
tones unresolved curiosity, un til the rottenness of their 
circular habitation give them a Quietus est, and fairly 
surrender them up into the custody of those who both 
for profession, disposition and nature, lay as near 
claim to them, as if they both tumbled in one belly, 
and for ñame they jump alike, being according to the 
original translation both Sharlces. 


Silks and Cambricks, and Lawns to make sleeves, 
would be as soon miss'd at Court, as Gold and Silver 
would be in the Mint and Pockets : The Low-Country 
Soldier would be at a cold stand for Outlandish Furrs 
to make him Mutis, to keep his ten similitudes warm 
in the Winter, as well as the Furrier for want of 
Skins to uphold his Trade. 

Should Commerce once cease, there is no Country 
in the habitable world but would undoubtedly miss 
that flourishing, splendid and rich gallantry of Equi- 
page, that Trafique maintained and drest her up in, 
before she received that fatal Eclipse : England, 
France, Germany and Spain, together with all the 

But stop (good Muse) lest I should, like the Parson 
of Paneras (see note No. 41), run so far from my Text 
in half an hour, that a two hours trot back again 
would hardly fetch it up : I had best while I am 
alive in my Doctrine, to think again of Mary-Land, 
lest the business of other Countries take up so much 
room in my brain, that I forget and bury her in 

The three main Commodities this Country aífords 
for Trafique, are Tobacco, Furrs, and Flesh. Furrs 
and Skins, as Beavers, Otters, Musk-Rats, Rackoons, 
Wild-Cats, and Elke or Buífeloe (see note No. 42), 
with divers others, which were íirst made vendible by 
the Indians of the Country, and sold to the Inha- 
bitant, and by them to the Merchant, and so trans- 


ported into England and other places where it becomes 
most commodious. 

Tobacco is the only solid Staple Comraodity of this 
Province : The use of it was first found out by the 
Indians many Ages agoe, and transferr'd into Chris- 
tendom by that great Discoverer of America Columbus. 
It's generally made by all the Inhabitants of this 
Province, and between the months of March and Apríl 
they sow the seed (which is much smaller then Mus- 
tard-seed) in small beds and patches digg'd up and 
made so by art, and about May the Plants commonly 
appear green in those beds : In June they are trans- 
planted from their beds, and set in little hillocks in 
distant rowes, dug up for the same purpose; some 
twice or thrice they are weeded, and succoured from 
their illegitimate Leaves that would be peeping out 
from the body of the Stalk. They top the several 
Plants as they find occasion in their predominating 
rankness : About the middle of September they cut 
the Tobacco down, and carry it into houses, (made 
for that purpose) to bring it to its purity : And after 
it has attained, by a convenient attendance upon 
time, to its perfection, it is then tyed up in bundles, 
and packt into Hogs-heads, and then laid by for the 

Between November and January there arrives in 
this Province Shipping to the number of twenty sail 
and upwards (see note No. 43), all Merchant-men 
loaden with Commodities to Trafique and dispose of, 


trucking with the Planter for Silks, Hollands, Serges, 
and Broad-clothes, with other necessary Goods, priz'd 
at such and such rates as shall be judg'd on is fair 
and legal, for Tobacco at so much the pound, and 
advantage on both sides considered; the Planter for 
his work, and the Merchant for adventuring himself 
and his Commodity into so far a Country : Thus is the 
Trade on both sides drove on with a fair and honest 

The Inhabitants of this Province are seldom or 
never put to the afirightment of being robb'd of their 
money, ñor to dirty their Fingers by telling of vast 
sums : They have more bags to carry Corn, then 
Coyn ; and though they want, but why should I cali 
that a want which is only a necessary miss ? the very 
eífects of the dirt of this Province affords as great a 
profit to the general Inhabitant, as the Gold of Perú 
doth to the straight-breecht Commonalty of the 

Our Shops and Exchanges of Mary-Land, are the 
Merchants Store-houses, where with few words and 
protestations Goods are bought and delivered; not 
like those Shop-keepers Boys in London, that contin- 
ually cry, What do ye lack Sir? What dJye buy? 
yelping with so wide a mouth, as if some Apothecary 
had hired their mouths to stand open to catch Gnats 
and Vagabond Flyes in. 

Tobacco is the currant Coyn of Mary-Land, and 
will sooner purchase Commodities from the Merchant, 


then money. I must confess the N&w-England men 
that trade into this Province, liad rather have fat 
Pork for their Goods, than Tobacco or Furrs (see note 
No. 44), which I conceive is, because their bodies 
being fast bound up with the cords of restringent 
Zeal, they are fain to make use of the lineaments 
of this Non-Canaanite creature physically to loosen 
them ; for a bit of a pound upon a two-peny Rye loaf, 
according to the original Receipt, will-bring the cos- 
tiv'st red-ear'd Zealot in some three hours time to a 
fine stool, if methodically observed. 

Medera-Wines, Sugars, Salt, Wickar-Chairs, and 
Tin Candlesticks, is the most of the Commodities they 
bring in : They arrive in Mary-Land about September, 
being most of them Ketches and Barkes, and such 
small Vessels, and those dispersing themselves into 
several small Creeks of this Province, to sell and dis- 
pose of their Commodities, where they know the 
Market is most íit for their small Adventures. 

Barbadoes (see note No. 45), together with the 
several adjacent Islands, has much Provisión yearly 
from this Province : And though these Sun-burnt 
Phaetons think to outvye Mary-Land in their Silks 
and PuíFs, daily speaking against her whom their 
necessities makes them beholding to, and like so 
many Don Diegos that becackt Paids, cock their Felts 
and look big upon't ; yet if a man could go down into 
their infernáis, and see how it fares with them there, 
I believe he would hardly find any other Spirit to 


buoy them up, then the ill-visaged Ghost of want, 
that continually wanders from gut to gut to feed upon 
the undigested rynes of Potatoes. 

Trafique is Earth's great Atlas, ihat supporis 
The pay of Armies, and the height of Courts, 
And makes Mechanicks Uve, that else would die 
Meer starving Martyrs to their penury : 
None but the Merchant of this thing can boasi, 
He, like the Bee, comes haden from each Coast, 
And to all Kingdoms, as within a Uive, 
Stoius up those Biches that doth make them thrive : 
Be thrifty, Mary-Land, keep wliat ihou hast in store, 
And each years Trafique to thy self get more. 


A Relation of the Customs, Manners, Absurdities, and 

Religión of the Susquehanock (see note No. 46) 

Indians in and near Mary-Land. 

AS the diversities of Languages (since Babels con- 
fusión) has made the distinction between people 
and people, in this Christendompart of the world ; so 
are they distinguished Nation from Nation, by the 
diversities and confusión of their Speech and Lan- 
guages (see note No. 47) here in America: And as 
every Nation diífers in their Laws, Manners and Cus- 
toms, in Europe, Asia and África, so do they the very 
same here; That it would be a most intricate and 
laborious trouble, to run (with a description) through 
the several Nations of Indians here in America, consi- 
dering the innumerableness and diversities of them 
that dwell on this vast and unmeasured Continent : 
But rather then I'le be altogether silent, I shall do 
like the Painter in the Comedy, who being to limne 
out the Pourtraiture of the Furies, as they severally 
appeared, set himself behind a Pillar, and between 
fright and amazement, drew them by guess. Those 
Indians that I have convers'd withall here in this 
Province of Mary-Land, and have had any occular 
experimental view of either of their Customs, Man- 
ners, Religions, and Absurdities, are called by the 


ñame of Susquehanocks, being a people lookt upon by 
the Christian Inhabitants, as the most Noble and 
Heroick Nation of Indians that dwell upon the con- 
fines of America ; also are so allowed and lookt upon 
by the rest of the Indians, by a submissive and tribu- 
tary acknowledgement ; being a people cast into the 
mould of a most large and Warlike deportment, the 
men being for the most ]3art seven foot high in lati- 
tude, and in magnitude and bulk suitable to so high 
a pitch ; their voyce large and hollow, as ascending 
out of a Cave, their gate and behavior strait, stately 
and majestick, treading on the Earth with as much 
pride, contempt, and disdain to so sordid a Center, 
as can be imagined from a creature derived from the 
same mould and Earth. 

Their bodies are cloth'd with no other Armour to 
defend them from the nipping frosts of a benumbing 
Winter, or the penetrating and scorching influence of 
the Sun in a hot Summer, then what Nature gave 
them when they parted with the dark receptacle of 
their mothers womb. They go Men, Women and 
Children, all naked, only where shame leads them by 
a natural instinct to be reservedly modest, there they 
become cover'd. The formality of Jezabels artificial 
Glory is much courted and followed by these Indians, 
only in matter of colours (I conceive) they diífer. 

The Indians paint upon their faces one stroke of 
red, another of green, another of white, and another 
of black, so that when they have accomplished the 


Equipage of their Countenance in this trim, they are 
the only Hieroglyphicks and Representatives of the 
Furies. Their skins are naturally white, but altered 
from their origináis by the several dyings of Roots 
and Barks, that they prepare and make useful to 
metamorphize their hydes into a dark Cinamon brown. 
The hair of their head is blaok, long and harsh, but 
where Nature hath appointed the situation of it any 
where else, they divert it (by an antient custom) from 
its growth, by pulling it up hair by hair by the root 
in its primitive appearance. Several of them wear 
divers impressions on their breasts and armes, as the 
picture of the Devil, Bears, Tigers, and Panthers, 
which are imprinted on their several lineaments with 
much difficulty and pain, with an irrevocable determi- 
nation of its abiding there : And this they count a 
badge of Heroick Valour, and the only Ornament due 
to their Héroes. (See note No. 48). 

These Susquehanock Indians are for the most part 
great Warriours, and seldom sleep one Suramer in the 
quiet armes of a peaceable Rest, but keep (by their 
present Power, as well as by their former Conquest) 
the several Nations of Indians round about them, in a 
forceable obedience and subjection. 

Their Government is wrapt up in so various and 
intricate a Laborynth, that the speculativ'st Artist in 
the whole World, with his artificial and natural 
Opticks, Cannot see into the rule or sway of these 
Indians, to distinguish what ñame of Government to 

10 481 


cali them by ; though Purchas (see note No. 49) in 
his Peregrination between London and Essex, (which 
he calis the whole World) will undertake (forsooth) 
to make a Monarchy of them, but if he had said 
Anarchy, his word Avould have pass'd with a better 
belief. All that ever I could observe in them as to 
this matter is, that he that is most cruelly Valorous, 
is accounted the most Noble : Here is very seldom 
any creeping from a Country Farm, into a Courtly 
Gallantry, by a sum of money ; ñor feeing the Heralds 
to put Daggers and Pistols into their Armes, to make 
the ignorant believe that they are lineally descended 
from the house of the Wars and Conquests ; he that 
fights best carries it here. 

When they determine to go upon some Design that 
will and doth require a Consideration, some six of 
them get into a córner, and sit in Juncto; and if 
thought fit, their business is made popular, and imme- 
diately put into action ; if not, they make a full stop 
to it, and are silently reserv'd. 

The Warlike Equipage they put themsefves in 
when they prepare for Belonas March, is with their 
faces, armes, and breasts confusedly painted, their 
hair greased with Bears oyl, and stuck thick with 
Swans Feathers, with a wreath or Diadem of black 
and white Beads upon their heads, a small Hatchet, 
instead of a Cymetre, stuck in their girts behind them, 
and either with Guns, or Bows and Arrows. In this 
posture and dress they march out from their Fort, or 


dwelling, to the number of Forty in a Troop, singing 
(or rather howling out) the Decades or Warlike 
exploits of their Ancestors, ranging the wide Woods 
untill their fury has met with an Enemy worthy of 
their Revenge. What Prisoners fall into their hands 
by the destiny of War, they treat them very civilly 
while they remain with them abroad, but when they 
once return homewards, they then begin to dress them 
in the habit for death, putting on their heads and 
armes wreaths of Beads, greazing their hair with fat, 
some going before, and the rest behind, at equal dis- 
tance from their Prisoners, bellowing in a strange and 
confused manner, which is a true presage and fore- 
runner of destruction to their then conquered Enemy. 
(See note No. 50). 

In this manner of march they continué till they 
have brought them to their Berken City (see note 
No. 51), where they deliver them up to those that in 
cruelty will execute them, without either the legal 
Judgement of a Council of War, or the benefit of their 
Clergy at the Common Law. The conimon and usual 
deaths they put their Prisoners to, is to bind them to 
stakes, making a fire some distance from them ; then 
one or other of them, whose Genius delights in the art 
of Paganish dissection, with a sharp knife or flint cuts 
the Cutis or outermost skin of the brow so deep, untill 
their nails, or rather Talons, can fasten themselves 
firm and secure in, then (with a most rigid jerk) dis- 
robeth the head of skin and hair at one pulí, leaving 


the skull almost as bare as those Monumental Skeli- 
tons at Chyrurgions-Hall ; but for fear they should 
get cold by leaving so warm and customary a Cap off, 
they immediately apply to the skull a Cataplasm of 
hot Embers to keep their Pericanium warm. While 
they are thus acting this cruelty on their heads, 
several others are preparing pieces of Iron, and barréis 
of oíd Guns, which they make red hot, to sear each 
part and lineament of their bodies, which they per- 
form and act in a most cruel and barbarous manner : 
And while they are thus in the midst of their tor- 
ments and execrable usage, some tearing their skin 
and hair of their head oíf by violenee, others searing 
their bodies with hot irons, some are cutting their 
flesh oíf, and eating it before their eyes raw while 
they are alive; yet all this and much more never 
makes them lower the Top-gallant sail of their 
Heroick courage, to beg with a submissive Repentance 
any indulgent favour from their persecuting Enemies; 
but with an undaunted contempt to their cruelty, eye 
it with so slight and mean a respect, as if it were 
below them to valué what they did, they courageously 
(while breath doth libertize them) sing the summary 
of their Warlike Atchievements. 

Now after this cruelty has brought their tormented 
lives to a period, they immediately fall to butchering 
of them into parts, distributing the several pieces 
amongst the Sons of War, to intomb the ruines of 
their deceased Conquest in no other Sepulchre then 


their unsanctified raaws; whicli they with more appe- 
tite and desire do eat and digest, then if the best of 
foods should court their stomachs to particípate of the 
most restorative Banquet. Yet though they now and 
then feed upon the Carkesses of their Enemies, this is 
not a common dyet, but only a particular dish for the 
better sort (see note No. 52) ; for there is not a Beast 
that runs in the Woods of America, but if they can by 
any means come at him, without any scruple of Con- 
science they 'le fall too (without saying Grace) with a 
devouring greediness. 

As for their Religión, together with their Rites and 
Ceremonies, they are so absurd and ridiculous, that 
its almost a sin to ñame them. They own no other 
Deity than the Devil, (solid or profound) but with a 
kind of a wilde imaginary conjecture, they suppose 
from their groundless conceits, that the World liad a 
Maker, but where he is that made it, or whether he 
be living to this day, they know not. The Devil, as 
I said before, is all the God they own or worship; 
and that more out of a slavish fear then any real 
Reverence to his Infernal or Diabolical greatness, he 
forcing them to their Obedience by his rough and 
rigid dealing with them, often appearing visibly 
among them to their terrour, bastinadoing them 
(with cruel menaces) even unto death, and burniug 
their Fields of Cora and houses, that the relation 
thereof makes them tremble themselves when they 
tell it. 


Once in four years they Sacrifice a Childe to him 
(see note No. 53), in an acknowledgement of their 
firm obedience to all his Devillish powers, and Hellish 
commands. The Priests to whom they apply them- 
selves in matters of importance and greatest distress, 
are like those that attended upon the Oracle at 
Delphos, who by their Magic-spells could command a 
pro or con from the Devil when they pleas'd. These 
Indians oft-times raise great Tempests when they 
have any weighty matter or design in hand, and by 
blustering storms inquire of their Infernal God (the 
Devil) How matters shall go with them either in publick 
or prívate. (See note No. 54). 

When any among them depart this life, they give 
him no other intombment, then to set him upright 
upon his breech in a hole dug in the Earth some five 
foot long, and three foot deep, covered over with the 
Bark of Trees Arch-wise, with his face Du-West, only 
leaving a hole half a foot square open. They dress 
him in the same Equipage and Gallantry that he used 
to be trim'd in when he was alive, and so bury him 
(if a Soldier) with his Bows, Arrows, and Target, 
together with all the rest of his implements and 
weapons of War, with a Kettle of Broth, and Corn 
standing before him, lest he should meet with bad 
quarters in his way. (See note No. 55). His Kinred 
and Relations follow him to the Grave, sheath'd in 
Bear skins for cióse mourning, with the tayl droyling 
on the ground, in imitation of our English Solemners, 


that think there's nothing like a tayl a Degree in 
length, to follow the dead Corpse to the Grave with. 
Here if that snuffling Prolocutor, that waits upon the 
dead Monuments of the Tombs at Westmimter, with 
his white Rod were there, he might walk from Tomb 
to Tomb with his, Here lies the Dulce of Ferrara and 
his Dutchess, and never find any decaying vacation, 
unless it were in the moldering Consumption of his 
own Lungs. They bury all within the wall or 
Pallisado'd impalement of their City, or Gonnadago 
(see note No. 56) as they cali it. Their houses are 
low and long, built with the Bark of Trees Arch-wise, 
standing thick and confusedly together. They are 
situated a hundred and odd miles distan t from the 
Christian Plantations of Mary-Land, at the head of a 
River that runs into the Bay of Ghwsapike, called by 
their own ñame The Susquehanoclc River, where they 
remain and inhabit most part of the Summer time, 
and seldom remo ve far from it, unless it be to subdue 
any Forreign Rebellion. 

About November the best Hunters draw off to 
several remote places of the Woods, where they know 
the Deer, Bear, and Elke useth ; there they build them 
several Cottages, which they cali their Winter-quarter, 
where they remain for the space of three months, untill 
they have killed up a sufficiency of Provisions to sup- 
ply their Families with in the Summer. 

The Women are the Butchers, Cooks, and Tillers 
of the ground, the Men think it below the honour of 


a Masculine, to stoop to any thing but that which 
their Gun, or Bow and Arrows can command. The 
Men kill the several Beasts which they meet withall 
in the Woods, and the Women are the Pack horses to 
fetch it in upon their backs, fleying and dressing the 
hydes, (as well as the flesh for provisión) to make 
them fit for Trading, and which are brought down to 
the Miglish at several seasons in the year, to truck 
and dispose of them for course Blankets, Guns, Pow- 
der and lead, Beads, small Looking-glasses, Knives, 
and Razors. (See note No. 57). 

I never observed all the while I was amongst these 
naked Indians, that ever the Women wore the 
Breeches, or dared either in look or action predomí- 
nate over the Men. They are very constant to their 
Wives; and let this be spoken to their Heathenish 
praise, that did they not alter their bodies by their 
dyings, paintings, and cutting themselves, marring 
those Excellencies that Nature bestowed upon them 
in their original conceptions and birth, there would 
be as amiable beauties amongst them, as any Alex- 
andria could aíford, when Mark AntJiony and Cleo- 
patra dwelt there together. Their Marriages are 
short and authentique ; for after 'tis resolv'd upon by 
both parties, the Woman sends her intended Husband 
a Kettle of boyl'd Venison, or Bear ; and he returns 
in lieu thereof Beaver or Otters Skins, and so their 
Nuptial Rites are concluded without other Ceremony. 
(See note No. 58). 


Before I bring my Heathenish Story to a period, I 
have one thing worthy your observation : For as our 
Grammar Rules have it, Non decet quenquam me iré 
currentem aut mandantem : It doth not become any 
man to piss running or eating. These Pagan men 
naturally observe the same Rule ; for they are so far 
from running, that like a Haré, they squat to the 
ground as low as they can, while the Women stand 
bolt upright with their armes a Kimbo, performing 
the same action, in so confident and obscene a posture 
(see note No. 59), as if they had taken their Degrees 
of Entrance at Ventee, and commenced Bawds of Art 
at Legorne. 


A Collection of some Letters that were written by 

the same Author, most of them in the 

time of his Servitude. 

To my much Honored Friend Mr. T. B. 


IHave lived with sorrow to see the Anointed of the 
Lord tore from his Throne by the hands of Pari- 
cides, and in contempt haled, in the view of God, 
Angels and Men, upon a public Theatre, and there 
murthered. I have seen the sacred Temple of the 
Almighty, in scorn by Schismatics made the Recep- 
tacle of Theeves and Robbers; and those Religious 
Prayers, that in devotion Evening and Morning were 
oífered up as a Sacrifice to our God, rent by Sacri- 
legious hands, and made no other use of, then sold to 
Brothel-houses to light Tobacco with. 

Who then can stay, or will, to see things of so great 
weight steer'd by such barbarous Hounds as these : 
First, were there an Egypt to go down to, I would 
involve my Liberty to them, upon condition ne'er 
more to see my Country. What? live in silence 
under the sway of such base actions, is to give con- 
sent; and though the lowness of my present Estáte 
and Condition, with the hazard I put my future dayes 
upon, might plead a just excuse for me to stay at 
home; but Heavens forbid: I'le rather serve in 


Chains, and draw the Plough with Animáis, till death 
shall stop and say, It is enough. Sir, if you stay 
behind, I wish you well : I am bound for Mary-Land, 
this day I have made some entrance into my intended 
voyage, and when I have done more, you shall know 
of it. I have here inclosed what you of me desired, 
but truly trouble, discontent and business, have so 
amazed my senses, that what to write, or where to 
write, I conceive my self almost as uncapable as he 
that never did write. What you'le find will be Ex 
tempore, without the use of premeditation; and though 
there may want something of a flourishing stile to 
dress them forth, yet I'm certain there wants nothing 
of truth, will, and desire. 

Heavens bright Lamp, shine forth some of thy Light, 

But just so long to paint this dismal Night ; 

Then draw thy beams, and hide thy glorious face, 

From the dark sable actions of this place ; 

Leaving these lustful Sodomites groping still, 

To satisfie each dark unsatiate will, 

Untill at length the crimes that they commit, 

May sink them down to Hells Infernal pit. 

Base and degenerate Earth, how dost thou lye, 

That all that pass hiss, at thy Treachery ? 

Thou which couldst boast once of thy King and Orown, 

By base Mechanicks now art tumbled down, 

Brewers and Coblers, that have scarce an Eye, 

Walk hand in hand in thy Supremacy ; 

And all those Courts where Majesty did Throne, 

Are now the Seatsfor Oliver and loan : 


Persons of Honour, which did before inherit 
Their glorious Tilles from deserved merit, 
Are all grown silent, and with wonder gaze, 
To view such Slaves drest in their Courtly rayes ; 
To see a Drayman that knows nought bul Yeast, 
Set in a Throne like Babylons red Beast, 
While heaps of Parasites do idolize 
This red-nos' d Bell, withfawning Sacrifice. 
What can we say f our King they've Muríhered, 
And those wetl born, are basely buried : 
Nobles are slain, and Royalists in each street 
Are scorn'd, and ldck , d by most Men that ihey mcet : 
Religión 's banisht, and Heresie survives, 
And none bul Convenlicks in this Age Ihrives. 
Oh could those Romans from their Ashes rise, 
That liv'd in ISTero's time : Oh how their cries 
Would our perfidious Island shake, nay rend, 
With clamorous screaks unto (he Heaven send : 
Oh how ihey'd blush to see our Crimson crimes, 
And know the Subjects Authors of these times : 
When as the Peasant he shall take his King, 
And without cause shall f all a murthering him ; 
And when thafs done, with Pride assume the Chair, 
And Nimrod-like, himself to heaven rear ; 
Command the People, make the Land Obey 
His baser will, and swear to what heH say, 
Sure, sure our God has nol these evils sent 
Toplease himself, butfor mans punishment : 
And when he shall from our dark sable Skies 
Wtíhdraw these Clouds, and let our Sun arise, 
Our dayes will surely then in Glory shine, 
Both in our Temporal, and our State divine : 


May this come quickly, though I may never see 
This glorious day, yet Iwould sympathie, 
Andfeel ajoy run through each vain of blood, 
Though Vassalled on Voiher side the Floud. 
Heavens protect his Sacred Majesty, 
From secret Plots, ¿> treacherous Vülany. 
And that those Slaves that now predomínate, 
Hang'd and destroy'd may be their best of Faie ; 
And though Great Charles be distantfrom his own, 
Heaven I hope wül seat Mm on his Throne. 

Yours what I may, 
G. A. 

From the Chimney Córner upon a 
low cricket, where I writ this in 
the noise of some six Women, 
Aug. 19. Anno 

To my Honored Father ai his House. 

BEfore I daré bid Adieu to the oíd "World, or 
shake hands with my native Soyl for ever, I 
have a Conscience inwards tells me, that I must offer 
up the remains of that Obedience of mine, that lyes 
cióse centered within the cave of my Soul, at the 
Alter, of your paternal Love : And though this Sacri- 
fice of mine may shew something low and thread-bare, 
(at this time) yet know, That in the Zenith of all 


actions, Obedience is that great wheel that moves the 
lesser in their circular motion. 

I am now entring for some time to dwell under the 
Government of Neptune, a Monarchy that I was never 
manured to live under, ñor to converse with in his 
dreadful Aspect, neither do I know how I shall bear 
with his rough demands; but that God has carried 
me through those many gusts a shoar, which I have 
met withall in the several voyages of my life, I hope 
will Pilot me safely to my desired Port, through the 
worst of Stormes I shall meet withall at Sea. 

We have strange, and yet good news aboard, that 
he whose vast mind could not be contented with 
spacious Territories to stretch his insatiate desires on, 
is (by an Almighty power) banished from his usuped 
Throne to dwell among the dead. I no sooner heard 
of it, but my melancholly Muse forced me upon this 
ensuing Distich. 

Poor vaunting Earth, gloss'd with unceríain Pride, 
That IWd in Pomp, yet worse than others dy'd : 
Who shall blowforth a Trumpet to thy praise? 
Or cali thy sable Actions shining Payes ? 
Such Lights as those blazeforth the vertued dead, 
And make them live, though they are buried. 
Thou'st gone, and to thy memory let be said, 
There lies that Oliver which of oíd betray'd 
His King and Master, and after did assume, 
With sweüing Pride, to govern in his room. 
Rere Pie rest satisfied, Scriptures expound to me, 
Tophet was madefor such Supremacy. 


The death of this great Rebel (I hope) will prove 
an Ornen to presage destruction on the rest. The 
World's in a heap of troubles and confusión, and 
while they are in the midst of their changes and 
amazes, the best way to give them the bag, is to go 
out of the World and leave them. I am now bound 
for Mary-Land, and I am told that's a New World, 
but if it prove no better than this, I shall not get 
much by my change; but before I'le revoke my 
Resolution, I am resolv'd to put it to adventure, for I 
think it can hardly be worse then this is : Thus com- 
mitting you into the hands of that God that made 
you, I rest 

Your Obedient Son, 
G. A. 

From aboard a Ship at Oraves- 
end, Sept. 7th, Auno 

To my Brother. 

I Leave you very near in the same condition as I 
am in my self, only here lies the difference, you 
were bound at Joyners Hall in London Apprentice- 
wise, and I conditionally at Navigators Hall, that 
now rides at an Anchor at Gravesend ; I hope you 
will allow me to live in the largest Mayordom, by 
reason I am the eldest : None but the main Continent 
of Anierk.a will serve me for a Corporation to inhabit 


in now, though I am aífraid for all that, that the 
reins of iny Liberty will be something shorter then 
yours will be in Londan : But as to that, what Des- 
tiny has ordered I am resolved with an adventerous 
Resolution to subscribe to, and with a contented 
imbracement enjoy it. I would fain have seen you 
once more in this Oíd World, before I go into the 
New, I know you have a chain about your Leg, as 
well as I have a clog about my Neck : If you can't 
come, send a line or two, if not, wish me well at least: 
I have one thing to charge home upon you, and I 
hope you will take my counsel, That you have 
alwayes an obedient Respect and Reverence to your 
aged Parents, that while they live they may have 
comfort of you, and when that God shall sound a 
retreat to their lives, that there they may with their 
gray hairs in joy go down to their Graves. 

Thus concluding, wishing you a comfortable Servi- 
tude, a prosperous Life, and the assurance of a happy 
departure in the immutable love of him that made 

you, Vale. 

From Gravesend, Sept. 7. Anno 

Your Brother, 
G. A. 



To my much Honored Friend Mr. T. B. at his House. 

IAm got ashoar with much ado, and it is very well 
it is as it is, for if I had stayed a little longer, I 
had certainly been a Creature of the Water, for I had 
hardly flesh enough to carry me to Land, not that I 
wanted for any thing that the Ship could afford me in 
reason : But oh the great bowls of Pease-porridge that 
appeared in sight every day about the hour of twelve, 
ingulfed the senses of my Appetite so, with the 
restringent quality of the Salt Beef, upon the internal 
Inhabitants of my belly, that a Galenist for some days 
after my arrival, with his Bag-pipes of Physical ope- 
rations, could hardly make my Puddings dance in any 
methodical order. 

But to set by these things that happened unto me- 
at Sea, I am now upon Land, and there I'le keep my 
self if I can, and for four years I am pretty sure of 
my restraint ; and had I known my yoak would have 
been «o easie, (as I conceive it will) I would have 
been here long before now, rather then to have dwelt 
under the pressure of a Bebellious and Trayterous 
Government so long as I did. I dwell now by provi- 
dence in the Province of Mary-Land, (under the quiet 
Government of the Lord Baltemore) which Country 
a bounds in a most glorious prosperity and plenty of 
all things. And though the Infancy of her situation 
might plead an excuse to those several imperfections, 
(if she were guilty of any of them) which by scandal- 


ous and imaginary conjectures are falsly laid to her 
charge, and whicli she valúes with so little notice or 
perceivance of discontent, that she hardly alters her 
visage with a frown, to let them know she is angry 
with such a Rascality of people, that loves nothing 
better then their own sottish and abusive acclama- 
tions of baseness : To be short, the Country (so far 
forth as 1 have seen into it) is incomparable. 

Here is a sort of naked Inhabitants, or wilde 
people, that have for many ages I believe lived here 
in the Woods of Mary-Land, as well as in other parts 
of the Continent, before e'er it was by the Christian 
Discoverers found out; being a people strange to 
behold, as well in their looks, which by confused 
paintings makes them seem dreadful, as in their 
sterne and heroick gate and deportments, the Men 
are mighty tall and big limbed, the Women not alto- 
gether so large; they are most of them very well 
featured, did not their wilde and ridiculous dresses 
alter their original excellencies : The men are great 
Warriours and Hunters, the Women ingenious and 
laborious Housewives. 

As to matter of their Worship, they own no other 
Deity then the Devil, and him more out of a slavish 
fear, then any real devotion, or willing acknowledge- 
ment to his Hellish power. They live in little small 
Bark-Cottages, in the remote parts of the Woods, 
killing and slaying the several Animáis that they 
meet withall to mak» provisión of, dressing their 


several Hydes and Skins to Trafique withall, when a 
conveniency of Trade presents. I would go on fur- 
ther, but like Doctor Case, when he had not a word 
more to speak for himself, / am affraid my beloved I 
have kept you too long. Now he that made you save 

you. Amen. 

Yours lo command, 

G. A. 

From Mary-Land, Fébr. 6. Anno 

And not to forget Tom Forge I beseech you, tell 
him that my Love's the same towards him still, and 
as firm as it was about the overgrown Tryal, when 
Judgements upon judgements, had not I stept in, 
would have pursued him untill the day of Judge- 
ment, &c. 

To my Father ai his House. 

AFter my Obedience (at so great and vast a dis- 
tance) has humbly saluted you and my good 
Mother, with the cordialest of my prayers, wishes, 
and desires to wait upon you, with the very best of 
their effectual devotion, wishing from the very Center 
of my Soul your flourishing and well-being here upon 
Earth, and your glorious and everlasting happiness in 
the World to Come. 


These lines (my dear Parents) come from that Son 
which by an irregular Fate was removed from his 
Native home, and after a five months dangerous pas- 
sage, was landed on the remote Continent of America, 
in the Province of Mary-Land, where now by provi- 
dence I reside. To give you the particulars of the 
several accidents that happened in our voyage by 
Sea, it would swell a Journal of some sheets, and 
therefore too large and tedious for a Letter : I think 
it therefore necessary to bind up the relation in 
Octavo, and give it you in short. 

We had a blowing and dangerous passage of it, and 
for some dayes after I arrived, I was an absolute 
Copernicus, it being one main point of my moral 
Creed, to believe the World had a pair of long legs, 
and walked with the burthen of the Creation upon 
her back.' For to tell you the very truth of it, for 
some dayes upon Land, after so long and tossing a 
passage, I was so giddy that I could hardly tread an 
even step ; so that all things both abo ve and below 
(that was in view) appeared to me like the Kentish 
Britains to William the Conqwror, in a moving 

Those few number of weeks since my arrival, has 
given me but little experience to write any thing 
large of the Country ; only thus much I can say, and 
that not from any imaginary conjectures, but from an 
occular observation, That this Country of Mary-Land 
abounds in a flourishing variety of delightful Woods, 


pleasant groves, lovely Springs, together with spacious 
Navigable Rivers and Creeks, it being a most helthful 
and pleasant situation, so far as my knowledge has 
yet had any view in it. 

Herds of Deer are as numero us in this Province of 
Mary-Land, as Cuckolds can be in London, only their 
horas are not so well drest and tipt with silver as 
theirs are. 

Here if the Devil had such a Vagary in his head as 
he had once among the Qadareans, he might drown 
a thousand head of Hogs and they'd ne're be miss'd, 
for the very Woods of this Province swarms with 

The Christian Inhabitant of this Province, as to the 
general, lives wonderful well and contented : The 
Government of this Province is by the loyalness of 
the people, and loving demeanor of the ^roprietor 
and Governor of the same, kept in a continued peace 
and unity. 

The Servant of this Province, which are stigmatiz'd 
for Slaves by the clappermouth jaws of the vulgar in 
England, live more like Freemen then the most 
Mechanick Apprentices in London, wanting for 
nothing that is convenient and necessary, and accord- 
ing to their several capacities, are extraordinary well 
used and respected. So leaving things here as I 
found them, and lest I should commit Sacriledge 
upon your more serious meditations, with the Tau- 
tologies of a long-winded Letter, I'le subscribe with a 


heavenly Ejaculation to the God of Mercy to preserve 
you now and for evermore, Amen. 

Your Obedient Son, 
G. A. 

From Mary-Land, Jan. 17. Anno 

To my much Honored Friend Mr. M. F. 

YOu writ to me when I was at Gravesend, (but I 
had no conveniency to send you an answer till 
now) enjoyning me, if possible, to give you a just 
Information by my diligent observance, what thing 
were best and most profitable to send into this 
Country for a commodious Trafique. 

Sir, The enclosed will demónstrate unto you both 
particularly and at large, to the full satisfaction of 
your desire, it being an Invoyce drawn as exact to 
the business you imployed me upon, as my weak 
capacity could extend to. 

Sir, If you send any Adventure to this Province, 
let me beg to give you this advice in it; That the 
Factor whom you imploy be a man of a Brain, other- 
wise the Planter will go near to make a Skimming- 
dish of his Skull : I know your Genius can interpret 
my meaning. The people of this place (whether the 
saltness of the Ocean gave them any alteration when 
they went over first, or their continual dwelling under 


the remote Clyme where they now inhabit, I know 
not) are a more acute people in general, in matters of 
Trade and Commerce, then in any other place of the 
World (see note No. 60), and by their crafty and sure 
bargaining, do often over-reach the raw and unex- 
perienced Merchant. To be short, he that undertakes 
Merchants imployment for Mary-Land, must have 
more of Knave in him then Fool ; he must not be a 
windling piece of Formality, that will lose his Im- 
ployers Goods for Conscience sake ; ñor a flashy piece 
of Prodigality, that will give his Merchants fine 
Hollands, Laces, and Silks, to purchase the benevo- 
lence of a Female : But he must be a man of solid 
confidence, carrying alwayes in his looks the Effigies 
of an Execution upon Command, if he supposes a 
bafíle or denyal of payment, where a debt for his 
Imployer is legally due. (See note No. 61). 

Sir, I had like almost to forgot to tell you in what 
part of the World I am : I dwell by providence Ser- 
vant to Mr. Thomas Stocket (see note No. 62), in the 
County of Baltemore, within the Province of Mary- 
Land, under the Government of the Lord Balternore, 
being a Country abounding with the variety and 
diversity of all that is or may be rare. But lest I 
should Tantalize you with a relation of that which is 
very unlikely of your enjoying, by reason of that 
strong Antipathy you have ever had 'gainst Travel, 
as to your own particular: Fie only tell you, that 
Mary-Land is seated within the large extending armes 


of Amerita, between the Degrees of 36 and 38, being 
in Longitude from England eleven hundred and odd 

G. A. 

From Mary-Laná, Jan. 17. Anno 

To my Honored Friend Mr. T. B. at his Home. 

YOurs I received, wherein I find my self much 
obliged to you for your good opinión of me, I 
return you millions of thanks. 

Sir, you wish me well, and I pray God as well that 
tliose wishes may light upon me, and then I question 
not but all will do well. Those Pictures you sent 
sewed up in a Pastboard, with a Letter tacked on the 
outside, you make no mention at all what should be 
done with them : If they are Saints, unless I knew 
their ñames, I could make no use of them. Pray in 
your next let me know what they are, for my fingers 
itch to be doing with them one way or another. Our 
Government here hath had a small fit of a ítebellious 
Quotidian, (see note No. 63), but five Grains of the 
powder of Subvertment has qualified it. Pray be 
larger in your next how things stand in England: I 
understand His Majesty is return'd with Honour, and 
seated in the hereditary Throne of his Father; God 

13 505 


bless him from Traytors, and the Church from Sacri- 

legious Schisms, and you as a loyal Subject to the 

one, and a true Member to the other; while you so 

continué, the God of order, peace and tranquility, 

bless and preserve you, Amen. 


Your real Friend, 

G. A. 

From Mary-Land, Febr. 20. Anno 

To my Honored Father at his House. 

~W 7""~Y T"Ith a twofold unmeasurable joy I received 
Y Y your Letter : First, in the consideraron of 
Gods great Mercy to you in particular, (though weak 
and aged) yet to give you dayes among the living. 
Next, that his now most Excellent Majesty Charles 
the Second, is by the omnipotent Providence of God, 
seated in the Throne of his Father. I hope that God 
has placed him there, will give him a heart to praise 
and magnifie his ñame for ever, and a hand of just 
Revenge, to punish the murthering and rebellious 
Outrages of those Sons of shame and Apostacy, that 
Usurped the Throne of his Sacred Honour. Near 
about the time I received your Letter, (or a little 
before) here sprang up in this Province of Mary-Land 
a kind of pigmie Rebellion : A company of weak- 


witted men, which thought to have traced the steps 
of Olive?- in Rebellion (see note No. 63). They 
began to be mighty stiíf and hidebound in their pro- 
ceedings, clothing themselves with the flashy pre- 
tences of future and imaginaiy honour, and (had they 
not been suddenly quell'd) they might have done so 
mucli mischief (for aught I know) that nothing but 
utter ruine could have ransomed their headlong follies. 

His Majesty appearing in England, he quickly (by 
the splendor of his Rayes) thawed the stiftness of 
their frozen and slippery intentions. All things 
(blessed be God for it) are at peace and unity here 
now : And as Lather being asked once, What he 
thought of some small Opinions that started up in his 
time? answered, Tliat he thought them to be yood honest 
people, exempting their error : So I judge of these men, 
That their thoughts were not so bad at first, as their 
actions would have led them into in process of time. 

I have here enclosed sent you something written in 

haste upon the Kings coming to the enjoyment of his 

Throne, with a reflection upon the former sad and 

bad times ; I have done them as well as I could, con- 

sidering all things : If they are not so well as they 

should be, all I can do is to wish them better for your 

sakes. My Obedience to you and my Mother alwayes 


Your Son 

G. A. 

From Mary-Land, Febr. 0. Anno 


To my Cosen Mris. Ellinor Evins. 

E' re Iforget the Zenit h ofyour Love, 
L et me be banisht from the Thrones above; 
L ight let me never see, when I grow rude, 
I níomb your Love in base Ingratitude : 
~N or may Iprosper, but the state 

f gaping Tantalus be my fate; 

R ather then I should thns preposierous grow, 
E arth would condem.n me to her vaults below. 
Y ertuous and Noble, could my Genius raise 

1 mmortal Anthems to your Vestal praise, 
~N one should be more laborious ihan I, 

S aint-like to Canonize yon to the Sky. 

The Antimonial Cup (dear Cosen) you sent me, I 
had; and as soon as I received it, I went to work 
with the Infirmities and Diseases of my body. At 
the first draught, it made such havock among the 
several humors that had stolen into my body, that 
like a Conjurer in a room among a company of little 
Devils, they no sooner hear him begin to speak high 
words, but away they pack, and happy is he that can 
get out first, some up the Chimney, and the rest down 
stairs, till they are all disperst. So those malignant 
humors of my body, feeling the operative power, and 
medicinal virtue of this Cup, were so amazed at their 
sudden surprizal, (being alwayes before battered only 
by the weak assaults of some few Empyricks) they 
stood not long to dispute, but with joynt consent 


made their retreat, some running through the sink of 
the Skullery, the rest climbing up my ribs, took my 
mouth for a Garret-window, and so leapt out. 

Cosen, For this great kindness of yours, in sending 
me this medicinal vertue, I return you my thanks : 
It carne in a very good time, when I was dangerously 
sick, and by the assistance of God it hath perfectly 
recovered me. 

' I have sent you here a few Furrs, they were all I 
could get at present, I humbly beg your acceptance 
of them, as a pledge of my love and thankfulness unto 
you ; I subscribe, 

Your loving Cosen, 

G. A. 

From Mary Land, Dec. 9. Armo 

To My Brother P. A. 


I Have made a shift to unloose my self from my 
Collar now as well as you, but I see at present 
either small pleasure or profit in it : What the futu- 
rality of my dayes will bring forth, I know not ; For 
while I was linckt with the Chain of a- restraining 
Servitude, I had all things cared for, and now I have 
all things to care for my self, which makes me almost 
to wish my self in for the other four years. 

Liberty without money, is like a man opprest with 
the Gout, every step he puts forward puts him to 


pain ; when on the other side, he that has Coyn with 
his Liberty, is like the swift Post-Messenger of the 
Gods, that wears wings at his heels, his motion being 
swift or slow, as he pleaseth. 

I received this year two Caps, the one white, of an 
honest plain countenance, the other purple, which I 
conceive to be some antient Monumental Relique; 
which of them you sent I know not, and it was a 
wonder how I should, for there was no mention in 
the Letter, more then, that my Brother had sent me a 
Cap: They were delivered me in the company of 
some Gentlemen that ingaged me to write a few lines 
upon the purple one, and because they were my 
Friends I could not deny them; and here I present 
them to you as they were written. 

Haile f rom the dead, orfrom Mernity, 
Thou Velvit Relique of Antiquity ; 
Thou which appeafst here in thy purple hew, 
Tell's how the dead within their Tombs do doe ; 
How those Ghostsfare within each Marble Cell, 
Where amoñgst them for Ages thou didst dwell. 
What Brain didst cover there ? tell us that we 
Upon our knees vayle Hats to honour thee : 
And ifno honoufs due, tell us whose pate 
Thou basely coveredst, and we'ljoyntly hate: 
Let's know his ñame, that we may shew neglect ; 
If otherwise, we'l kiss thee with résped. 
Say, didst thou cover NoWs oíd brazen head, 
Which on the lop of Westminster high Lead 


Stands on a Pole, ereeted to the sky, 
As a grana Trophy to his memory. 
From his perfidious skull didsl ihoufall down, 
In a dis-dain to honour such a crown 
Wiih three-pile Velvet f tell me, hadst thou thy fall 
From the high top of that Cathedral ? 
None of the Héroes of the Román stem, 
Wore ever such a fashion'd Diadem, 
Didst thou speak Turkish in thy unlanown dress, 
Thou'dst cover Great Mogull, and no man less ; 
But in thy make methinks thou'rt too too scant, 
To be so great a Monarch's Turberant. 
The Jews by Moses swear, they never knew 
E're such a Cap drest up in Hebrew : 
Ñor the slrict Order of the Romish See, 
Wears any Cap that looks so base as thee ; 
His Holiness hales thy Lowness, and instead, 
Wears Peters spired Steeple on his head : 
The Cardinals descent is much more fíat, 
For want of ñame, baptized is A Hat ; 
Through each slrict Order has my fancy ran, 
Boih Ambrose, Austin, and the Franciscan, 
Where I beheld rich Images of the dead, 
Yet scarce fiad one a Cap upon his head : 
Episcopacy wears Caps, but not like thee, 
Though several shap'd, wiih much diversity : 
' Twere best I think 1 presently sjiould gang 
To Edenburghs slrict Presbyterian ; 
But Caps they've none, their ears being made so largc, 
Serves them to turn it like a Garnesey Barge ; 
Those keep their s/culls warm against JSorth-west gusts, 
When they in Pulpit do poor Calvin curse. 


Thou art not Fortunatus, for Idaily see, 
That which I wish is farthest ojffrom me : 
Thy low-buill staie none ever did advance, 
To chrisien thee the Cap of Maintenance ; 
Then till I know from whence thou didst derive, 
Thou be caWd, the Cap of Fugitive. 

You writ to me this year to send you some Smoak ; 
at that instant it made me wonder that a man of a 
rational Soul, having both his eyes (blessed be God) 
should make so unreasonable a demand, when he that 
has but one eye, nay he which has never a one, and 
is fain to make use of an Animal conductive for his 
optick guidance, cannot endure the prejudice that 
Smoak brings with it : But since you are resolv'd 
upon it, I'le dispute it no further. 

I have sent you that which will make Smoak, 
(namely Tobacco) though the Funk it self is so 
slippery that I could not send it, yet I have sent you 
the Substance from whence the Smoak derives : What 
use you imploy it to I know not, ñor will I be too 
importúnate to know ; yet let me tell you this, That 
if you burn it in a room to affright the Devil from 
the house, you need not fear but it will work the 
same effect, as Tobyes galls did upon the leacherous 
Fiend. No more at present. Vale. 

Your BrotTwr, 
G. A. 

From Mary-Land, Dec. 11. Anno 


To my Honorcd Friend Mr. T. B. 

THis is the entrance upon my fifth year, and I 
fear 'twill prove the worst: I have been very 
much troubled with a throng of unruly Distempers, 
that have (contrary to my expectation) crouded into 
the Main-guard of my body, when the drowsie Senti- 
nels of my brain were a sleep. Where they got in I 
know not, but to my grief and terror I find them 
predominant : Yet as Doctor Dunne, sometimes Dean 
of St. Pauls, said, That the bodies diseases do but mellow 
a man for Heaven, and so fermenta him in this World, 
os he shall need no long concoction in the Grave, but 
hasten to tJie Resurrection. And if this were weighed 
seriously in the Ballance of Religious Reason, the 
World we dwell in would not seem so inticing and 
bewitching as it doth. 

We are only sent by God of an Errand into this 
World, and the time that's allotted us for to stay, is 
only for an Answer. When God my great Master 
shall in good earnest cali me home, which these 
warnings tell me I have not long to stay, I hope then 
I shall be able to give him a good account of my 

Sir, My weakness gives a stop to my writing, my 
hand being so shakingly feeble, that I can hardly 
hold my pen any further then to tell you, I ám yours 

14 513 


while I live, which I believe will be but some few 

If this Letter come to you before Fme dead, pray 
for me, but if I am gone, pray howsoever, for they 
can do me no harm if they come after me. 

Your real Friend, 

G. A. 

From Mary-Land, Dec. 13. Anno 

To my Parents. 

FRoni the Grave or Receptacle of Death am I 
raised, and by an omnipotent power made capa- 
pie of oífering once more my Obedience (that lies 
cióse cabbined in the inwardmost apartment of my 
Soul) at the feet of your immutable Loves. 

My good Parents, God hath done marvellous things 
for me, far beyond my deserts, which at best were 
preposterously sinful, and unsuitable to the sacred 
will of an Almighty : But he is rnerciful, and his mercy 
endures for ever. When sinful man has by his Evils 
and Iniquities pull'd some penetrating Judgment upon 
his head, and finding himself immediately not able to 
stand under so great a burthen as Gods smallest 
stroke of Justice, lowers the Top-gallant sayle of his 
Pride, and with an humble submissiveness prostrates 
himself before the Throne of his sacred Mercy, and 


like those three Lepars that sate at the Gate of 
Samaría, resolved, If we go into tlie City we símil perish, 
and if we stay Jiere we ¿hall perish also : Tlierefore we 
will throw our selves into the ha?ids of the Assyrians aud 
ifwe perish, we perish: This was just my condition as 
to eternal state ; my soul was at a stand in this black 
storm of aífliction : I view'd the World, and all that's 
pleasure in her, and found her altogether flashy, aiery, 
and full of notional pretensions, and not one firm 
place where a distressed Soul could hang his trust on. 
Next I viewed my self, and there I found, instead of 
good Works, lively Faith, and Charity, a most horrid 
neast of condemned Evils, bearing a supreme Prero- 
gative over my interna! faculties. You'l say here 
was little hope of rest in this extreme Eclipse, being 
in a desperate amaze to see my estáte so deplorable : 
My better Ángel urged me to deliver up my aggriev- 
ances to the Bench of Gods Mercy, the sure support 
of all distressed Souls : His Heavenly warning, and 
inward whispers of the good Spirit I was resolv'd to 
entertain, and not quench, and throw my self into the 
armes of a loving God, If I perish, I perish. Tis 
beyond wonder to think of the love of God extended 
to sinful man, that in the deepest distresses or agón íes 
of Aífliction, when all other things prove rather 
hinderances then advantages, even at that time God 
is ready and steps forth to the supportment of his 
drooping Spirit. Truly, about a fortnight befoiv [ 
wrote this Letter, two of our ablest Physicians ren- 


dered me up into the hands of God, the universal 
Doctor of the whole World, and subscribed with a 
silent acknowledgement, That all their Arts, screw'd 
up to the very Zenith of Scholastique perfection, were 
not capable of keeping me from the Grave at that 
time : But God, the great preserver of Soul and Body, 
said contrary to the expectation of humane reason, 
Arise, take up tliy bed and walh. 

I am now (through the help of my Maker) creeping 
up to my former strength and vigour, and every day 
I live, I hope I shall, through the assistance of divine 
Grace, climbe nearer and nearer to my eternal home. 

I have received this year three Letters from you, 
one by Capt. Conway Commander of the Wheat-SJieaf, 
the others by a Bristol Ship. Having no more at 
present to trouble you with, but expecting your 
promise, I remain as ever, 

Your dutiful Son, 

G. A. 

Mary-Land, April 9. Anno 

I desire my hearty love may be remembered to my 
Brother, and the rest of my Kinred. 



Note \,page 15. 

After liaving resolved to reprint Alsop's early account of Maryland, as an 
addition to my Bibliotheca Americana, I immediately fell in with a difficulty 
whicli I liad not counted on. After much inquiry and investigation, I could 
find no copy to print from among all my earnest book collecting acquaint- 
ances. At length some one informed me that Mr. Bancroft tlie historian 
had a copy in his library. I immediately took tlie liberty of cálling on him 
and making known my wants, lie generously offered to let me have the 
use of it for tlie purpose stated, I carried the book lióme, liad it carefully 
copied, but unfortunately during the process I discovered the text was 
imperfect as well as deficient in both portrait and map. Like Sisyphus I 
had to begin anew, and do nearly all my labor over ; I sent to London to 
learn if the functionaries in the British Museum would permit a tracing of 
the portrait and map to be made from their copy, the answer returned was. 
that they would or could not permit this, but I might jierfect my text if I 
so choosed by copying from theirs. Here I was once more at sea without 
compass, rudder, or chart : I made known my condition to an eminent and 
judicious collector of oíd American literature in the city of New York, he 
very frankly informed me that he could aid me in my difficulty by letting 
me have the use of a copy, which would relieve me from my present 
dilemma. I was greatly rejoiced at this discovery as well as by the gene- 
rosity of the owner. The following day the book was put into my possession, 
and so by the aid of it was enabled to complete the text. Here another 
difficulty burst into view, this copy liad no portrait. That being the only 
defect in perfecting a copy of Alsop's book, I now resolved to proceed and 
publish it without a portrait, but ])erhaps fortunately, making known this 
resolve to some of the knowing ones in book gathering, they remonstrated 
against this course, adding that it would ruin the book in the estimation of 
all who would buy such a rarity. I was inclined to listen favorably to this 
protest, and therefore had to commence a new eflbrt to obtain a i>ortrHÍt. 
I then laid about me again to try and procure a copy that had one : I knew 
that not more than three or four collectors in the country who wcre likely 
to have such an heir-loom. To one living at a considerable distance from 
New York I took the liberty of addressing a letter on the subject, wherein I 
made known my difficulties. To my great gratification this courteous and 
confiding gentleman not only immediately made answer, but sent a perfect 
copy of this rare and much wanted book for my use. I immediately had the 


portrait and map reproduced by the photo-lithographic process. During 
the time the book was in my possession, wliich was about ten days, so 
fearful was I tbat any harm should befall it that I took the precaution to 
wrap up the precious little volume in tissue paper and carry it about with 
me all the time in my side pocket, well knowing that if it was either injured 
or lost I could not replace it. I understand that a perfect copy of the 
original in the London market would bring fifty pounds sterling. I had 
the satisfaction to learn it reached the generous owner in safety. 

Had I known the difiiculties I had to encounter of procuring a copy of 
the original of Alsop's singular performance, I most certainly woiúd never 
have undertaken to reproduce it in America. Mr. Jared Sparks told me 
that he had a like difficulty to encounter when he undertook to write the 
life of Ledyard the traveler. Said he : "a copy of his journal I could find 
nowhere to purchase, at length I was compelled to borrow a copy on very 
humiliating conditions ; the owner perhaps valued it too highly." I may 
add that I had nearly as much difficulty in securing an editor, as I had in pro- 
curing a perfect copy. However on this point I at last was very fortúnate. 


115 Nassau street, March 23d, 1869. 

Note 2, page 19. 

Cecilius, Lord Baltimore, eldest son of George Calvert, lst Lord Baltimore, 
and Anne Wynne of Hertingfordbury, England, was born in 1606. He 
succeeded to the title April 15, 1632, and married Anne, daughter of Lord 
Arundel, whose ñame was given to a county in Maryland. His rule over 
Maryland, disturbed in Cromwell's time, but restored under Charles II, has 
always been extolled. He died Nov. 30, 1675, covered with age and repu- 
tation. — O'Callaghan's N Y. Col. Doc, n. p. 74. 

Note 3, page 19. 

Avalon, the territory in Newfoundland, of which the first Lord Baltimore 
obtained a grant in 1623, derived its ñame from the spot in England where, 
as tradition said, Christianity was first preached by Joseph of Arimathea. 

Note 4, page 21. 

Owen Feltham, as our author in his errata correctly gives the ñame, was 
an author who enjoyed a great reputation in his day. His Resolves appeared 
first about 1620, and in 1696 had reached the eleventh edition. They were 
once reprinted in the 18th century, and in full or in part four times in the 


19th, and an edition appeared in America about 1830. Hallam in Bpite o£ 
this popularity calis him " labored, artificial and shallow." 

Note 5, page 24. 

Burning on the hand was not so much a punishment as a mark on tliose 
wlio, convicted of felony, pleaded the benefit of clergy, which they were 
allowed to do once only. 

Note 6, page 25. 
Literally : " Good wine needs no sign." 

Note 7, page 26. 

Billingsgate is the great fish market of London, and the scurrilous 
tongues of the fish women have rnade the word synonymous with vulgar 

Note 8, page 28. 

Alsop though cautiously avoiding Maryland politics, omits no fling at the 
Puritans. Pride was a parliament colonel famous for Príde's Purge. 

Notes 9, 10, page» 31, 33. 

William Bogherst, and H. W., Master of Arts, have eluded all our efiForts 
to immortalize them. 

Note 11, page 86. 

Chesapeake is said to be K'tchisipik, Great Water, in Algonquin. 

Note 12, page 38. 

Less bombasí and some details as to the botany of Maryland would have 
been preferable. 

Note 13, page 39. 
The American deer (Cariacus Virginianus) is here evidently meant. 


Note 14, page 39. 

Whetston's (Whetstone) park: "A dilapidated street in Lincoln's Inn 
Fields; at the back of Holborn. It contains scárcely anything but oíd, half- 
tumble down houses ; not a living plant of any kind adorns its nakedness, 
so it is presumable that as a park it never had an existence, or one so remote 
tliat even tradition bas lost sight of tbe fact." 

Note 15, page 39. 

Tbe animáis bere mentioned are tbe black wolf (canis occidentalis), tbe 
black bear, tbe pantber {felis concolor). 

Note 16, page 40. 

Tbese animáis are well known, tbe elk {alces Americanus), cat o' tbe 
mountain or catamount {felis concolor), raccoon {procyon lotor), fox (vulpes 
fuhus), beaver (castor fioer), otter (lutrá), opossum (didelphys Virginiana), 
bare, squirrel, musk-rat (fiber zibethicus). The monack is apparently the 
Maryland marmot or woodchuck (arctomys monax). 

Note 17, page 40. 

The domestic animáis carne chiefly from Virginia. As early as May 27, 
1634, they got 100 swine from Accomac, with 30 cows, and they expected 
goats and hens (Belation of Maryland, 1634). Horses and sheep had to be 
imported from England, Virginia being unable to give any. Yet in 1679 
Dankers and Sluyters, the Labadists, say: "Sheep they bave none." — 
Collections Long Island Eist. Soc, i, p. 218. 

Note 18, page 41. 

Alluding to the herds of swine kept by the Gadarenes, into one of which 
the Saviour allowed the devil named Legión to enter. 

Note 19, page 42. 

The abundance of tbese birds is mentioned in the Relations of Maryland, 
1634, p. 22, and 1635, p. 23. The Labadists with whose travels the Hon. 

NOTES. 113 

H. C. Murphy has enriched our literature, found the geese in 1679-80 so 
plentiful and noisy as to prevent their sleeping, and the ducks filling the 
sky like a cloud.— Long Maná Rut. ColL, i, pp. 195, 204. 

Note 20, page 43. 

Alsop niakes no allusion to the cultivation of maize, yet the Lahadists 
less than twenty years after describe it at length as the principal grain 
crop of Maryland. — Ib., p. 216. 

Note 21, page 4o. 

Considering the íacts of history, this picture is sadly overdrawn, Maryland 
having liad its full share of civil war. 

Note 22, page 46. 

The fifth monarchy men were a set of religionists who aróse during the 
Puritan rule in England. They believed in a fifth universal monarchy of 
which Christ was to be the head, under whom they, his saints, were to 
possess the earth. In 1660 they caused an outbreak in London, in which 
many were killed and others tried and executed. Their leader was one 
Venner. The Adamites, a gnostic sect, who pretended that regenerated 
man should go naked like Adam and Eve in their state of innocencr. were 
revived during the Puritan rule in England ; and in our time in December, 
1867, we have seen the same theory held and practiced in Newark. X. .1. 

Note 23, page 46. 

In the provisional act, passed in the first assembly, March 19, 1638, and 
entitled " An Act ordaining certain laws for the government of this pro- 
vince," the twelfth section required that "every person planting tobáceo 
shall plant and tend two acres of corn." A spocial act was íntroduced tb.e 
same session and read twice, but not passed. A new law was passed, how- 
ever, Oct. 23, 1640, renewed Aug. 1, 1642, April 21, 1649, Oct. 20, 1654, 
April 12, 1662, and machi perpetual in 1676. These aets unpoeed a fine of 
fifty pounds of tobáceo for every half acre the offender fell short, besides 
fifty pounds of the same current leaf as constables' fees. It was to this 
persistent enforcement of the cultivation of cereals that Maryland so soon 
became the granary of New England. 
15 521 


Note 24, page 47. 

The Assembly, or House of Burgesses, at first consisted of all freemen, but 
they gradually gave place to delegates. The influence of the proprietary, 
however, decided the selection. In 1650 fourteen burgesses met as dele- 
gates or representatives of the several hundreds, there being but two 
counties organized, St. Marys and the Isle of Kent. Aun Arundel, called 
at times Providence county, was erected April 29, 1650. Patuxent was 
erected under Cromwell in 1654. — Bacon's Laws of Maryland, 1765. 

Note 25, page 47. 

Things liad changed when the 8ot Weed Factor appeared, as the author 
of that satirical poem dilates on the litigious character of the people. 

Note 26, page 47. 
The allusion here I have been unable to discover. 

Note 27, page 48. 

The colony seems to have justified some of this eulogy by its good order, 
which is the more remarkable, considering the height of party feehng. 

Note 28, page 48. 

Halberdeers; the halberd was smaller than the partisan, with a sharp 
pointed blade, with a point on one side like a pole-axe. 

Note 29, page 49. 
Newgate, Ludgate and Bridewell are the well khown London prisons. 

Note 30, page 50. 
Our author evidently failed from this cause. 


Note 31, page 50. 
A fling at the various Puntan schools, then active at borne and abroad. 

Note 32, page 50. 

The first Quakers in Maryland were Elizabetb Harris, Josiah Ojie, and 
Thomas Thurston, wbo visited it in 1657, but as early as July 23, 1659, the 
governor and council issued an order to seize any Quakers and wbip thera 
from constable to constable out of the province. Yet in spite of this th-y 
had settled meetings as early as 1661, and Peter Sharpe, the Quaker 
physician, appears as a landholder in 1665, the very year of Alsop's publi- 
cation.— Norria, Early Frienda or Quakera in Maryland (Maryland Hist. 
Soc, March, 1862). 

Note 33, page 50. 

The Baptists centering in Rhode Island, extended across Long Island to 
New Jersey, and thence to New York city ; but at'this time had not reached 
the south. 

Note 34, page 56. 

A copy of the usual articles is given in the introduction. Alsop here refutes 
current charges against the Marylanders for their treatment of servante. 
Hammond, in bis Leah and Rachel, p. 12, says : " The lalxmr servants are 
put to is not so hard, ñor of such continuance as husbandnien ñor hande- 

craftmen are kept at in England The women are not (as is reported) 

put into the ground to worke, but occupie such domestic imployments and 
housewifery as in England." 

Note 35, page 59. 

Laws as to the treatment of servants were passed in the Provisional act 
of 1638, and at many subsequent assemblies. 


Lewknors lañe or Charles street was in Drury lañe, in the parish of St. 
Qi\e&.—Seymour'a Hiatory of London, u, p. 767. Finsbury is still a well 
known quarter, in St. Luke's parish, Middlesex. 


Note 38, page 65. 

Nicholas Culpepper, " student in physic and astrology," whose English 
Physician, published in 1652, ran through many editions, and is still a book 
published and sold. 

Note 39, page 65. 

Doga dung, used in dressing morocco, is euphemized into álbum grawum, 
and is also called puré; those who gather it being still styled in England 
pure-finders. — Mayhew, London Labor and London Poor, n, p. 158. 

Note 40, page 65. . X 

He has not mentioned tobáceo as a crop, but describes it fully a few pages 
after. In Maryland as in Virginia it was the curreney. Thus in 1638 an 
act authorized the erection of a water-mili to supersede hand-mills for 
grinding grain, and the cost was limited to 20,000 lbs. of tobáceo. — McSherry's 
Mistory of Maryland, p. 56. The Labadists in their Travete (p. 216) 
describe the cultivation at length. Tobacco at this time paid two shillings 
English a cask export duty in Maryland, and two-pence a pound duty on 
its arrival in England, besides weighing and other fees. 

Note 41, page 66. 

The Parson of Paneras is unknown to me : but the class he represents is 
certainly large. 

Note 42, page 66. 

The buffalo was not mentioned in the former list, and cannot be consi- 
dered as synonymous with elk. 

Note 43, page 67. 

For satisfactory and correct information of the present commerce and 
condition of Maryland, the reader is referred to the Census of the United 
States in 4 vols., 4to, published at Washington, 1865. 


Note 44, page 69. 

This is a curious observation as to New England trade. A century later 
Hutchinson representa Massachusetts as receiving Maryland flour from the 
Pennsylvania milis, and paying in money and bilis of exchange.— 1M. of 
Massachusetts, p. n, 397. 

Note 4o, page 69. 

The trade with Barbadoes, now insignificant, was in our colonial times 
of great importance to all the colonies. Barbadoes is densely peopled and 
thoroughly cultivated ; its imports and exports are each about five millions 
of dollars annually. 

Note á6, page 71. 

The Susquehannas. This Relation is one of the most valuable portions 
of Alsop's tract, as no other Maryland document gives as much concerning 
this tribe, which nevertheless figures extensively in Maryland annals. 
Dutcli and Swedish writers speak of a tribe called Minquas (Minquosy, 
Machceretini in De Laet, p. 76); the French in Canadá (Champlain, the 
Jesuit Belations, Gendron, Particularitez du Pays des Hurons, p. 7, etc.), 
make frequent allusion to the Gandastogués (more briefly Andastés), a tribe 
friendly to their allies the Hurons, and sturdy enemies of the Iroquois; 
later still Pennsylvania writers speak of the Conestogas, the tribe to which 
Logan belonged, and the tribe which perished at the hands of the Paxton» 
boys. Although Qallatin in his map, followed by Bancroft, placed the 
Andastés near Lake Erie, my researches led me to correct this, and identify 
the Susquehannas, Minqua, Andastés or Gandastogués and Conestogas as 
being all the same tribe, the first ñame being apparently an appellation 
given them by the Virginia tribes ; the second that given them by the 
Algonquins on the Delaware ; while Gandastogué as the French, or Cones- 
toga as the English wrote it, was their own tribal ñame, meaning cabin- 
pole men, Natío Perticarum, from Andasta, a cabin-pole (map in Creuxias, 
Historia Canadensis). I forwarded a paper on the subject to Mr. School- 
craft, for insertion in the government work issuing under his supervisión. 
It was inserted in the last volume without my ñame, and ostensibly as Mr. 
Schoolcraft's. I then gave it with my ñame in the Hittorical ifagcuine, 
vol. II, p. 294. The result arrived at there ha« been accepted by Bancroft, 
in his large paper edition, by Parkman, in his Jesuíta i/t the WiUU mes», bv 
Dr. O'Callaghan, S. F. Streeter, Esq., of the Maryland Histórica] Society, 
and students generally. 


From tlie Virginian, Dutch, Swedish and French authorities, we can thus 
give their history briefly. 

The territory now called Canadá, and most of the northern portion of the 
United States, from Lake Superior and the Mississippi to the mouth of the 
St. Lawrence and Chesapeake bay were, when discovered by Europeans, 
occupied by two faniilies of tribes, the Algonquin and the Hurón Iroquois. 
The former which included all the New England tribes, the Micmacs, Mohe- 
gans, Delawares, Illinois, Chippewas, Ottawas, Pottawatamies, Sacs, Foxes, 
Miamis, and many of the Maryland and Virginian tribes surrounded the 
more powerful and civilized tribes who have been called Hurón Iroquois, 
from the ñames of the two most powerful nations of the group, the Hurons 
or Wyandots of Upper Canadá, and the Iroquois or Five Nations of New 
York. Besides these the group included the Neuters on the Niágara, the 
Dinondadies in Upper Canadá, the Eries south of the lake of that ñame, 
the Andastogués or Susquehannas on that river, the Nottaways and some 
other Virginian tribes, and finally the Tuscaroras in North Carolina and 
perhaps the Cherokees, whose language presents many striking points of 

Both these groups of tribes claimed a western origin, and seem, in their 
progress east, to have driven out of Ohio the Quappas, called by the 
Algonquins, Alkansas or Allegewi, who retreated down the Ohio and 
Mississippi to the district which has preserved the ñame given them by the 

After planting themselves on the Atlantic border, the various tribes 
seem to have soon divided and become embroiled in war. The Iroquois, at 
first inferior to the Algonquins were driven out of the valley of the St. 
Lawrence into the lake región of New York, where by greater cultivation, 
valor and unión they soon became superior to the Algonquins of Canadá 
and New York, as the Susquehannas who settled on the Susquehanna did 
over the tribes in New Jersey, Maryland and Virginia. (Du Ponceau's 
Campanius, p. 158.) Prior to 1600 the Susquehannas and the Mohawks, 
the most eastern Iroquois tribe, carne into colusión, and the Susquehannas 
nearly exterminated the Mohawks in a war which lasted ten years. (Reía- 
tion de la Nouv. France, 1659-60, p. 28.) 

In 1608 Captain Smith, in exploring the Chesapeake and its tributarles, 
met a party of sixty of these Sasquesahanocks as he calis them (i, p. 120-1), 
and he states that they were still at war with the Massawomekes or 
Mohawks. (De Laet Novus Orbis, p. 79.) 

DeVries, in his Voy ages (Murphy's translation, p. 41-3), found them in 
1633 at war with the Armewamen and Sankiekans, Algonquin tribes on the 
Delaware, maintaining their supremacy by butchery. They were friendly 
to the Dutch. When the Swedes in 1638 settled on the Delaware, they 
renewed the friendly intercourse begun by the Dutch. They purchased. 
lands of the ruling tribe and thus secured their friendship. (Hazard's 
Annals, p. 48). They carried the terror of their arms southward also, and 


in 1634 to 1644 they waged war on the Yaomacoes, the Piscataways and 
Patuxents (Bozman's Maryland, II, p. 161),iand were so troublesome tliat in 
1642 Governor Calvert, by proclamation, declared them public enemies. 

When the Hurons in Upper Canadá in 1647 began to sink under the 
fearful blows dealt by the Five Nations, the Susquehannas sent an embassy 
to offer them aid against the common enemy. (Oendron, Partieu- 
laritez du Pays des Hurons, p. 7), Ñor was the offer one of Hule valué, 
for the Susquehannas could put in the field 1,300 warriors (Relation de la 
Nouvelle France, 1647-8, p. 58) trained to the use of fire anns and Euroj)ean 
modes of war by three Swedish soldiers whom they had obtained to instruct 
them. (Proud's Pennsyhania, i, p. 111 ; Bozman's Maryland, n, p. 273. 
Before interposing in the war, they began by negotiation, and sent an 
embassy to Onondaga to urge the cantons to peace. {Relation, 1648, p. 58). 
The Iroquois refused, and the Hurons, sunk in apathy, took no active steps 
to secure the aid of the friendly Susquehannas. 

That tribe, however, maintained its friendly intercourse with its European 
neighbors, andin 1652 Sawahegeh, Auroghteregh, Scarhuhadigh, Rutchogah 
and Nathheldianeh, in presence of a Swedish deputy, ceded to Maryland 
all the territory from the Patuxent river to Palmer's island, and from the 
Choptauk to the northeast branch north of Elk river. (Bozman's Maryland, 
II, p. 683). 

Four years later the Iroquois, grown insolent by their success in almost 
annihilating their kindred tribes north and south of Lake Erie, the Wyan- 
dots, Dinondadies, Neuters and Eries, provoked a war with the Susque- 
hannas, plundering their hunters on Lake Ontario. (Relation de la Nouvelle 
France, 1657, pp. 11, 18). 

It was at this important period in their history that Alsop knew and 
described them to us. 

In 1661 the small-pox, that scourge of the native tribes, broke out in their 
town, sweeping off many and enfeebling the nation terribly. War had 
now begun in earnest with the Five Nations ; and though the Susquehannas 
had some of their people killed near their town (Hazwd's Atináis, 341-7), 
they in turn pressed the Cayugas so hard that some of them retreated 
across Lake Ontario to Canadá (Relation de la Nouvelle France, 1661, p. 3», 
1668, p. 20). They also kept the Sénecas in such alarm that they no longer 
ventured to carry their peltries to New York, except in caravans escorted 
by six hundred men, who even took a most circuitous route. (Relation, 1661, 
p. 40). A law of Maryland passed May 1, 1661, authorized the governor to 
aid the Susquehannas. 

Smarting under constant'defeat, the Five Nations solicited French aid 
(Relation de la Nouvelle France, 1662-3. p. 11, 1663-4, p. 33 ; Charle, -<>i.r. n, 
p. 134), but in April, 1663, the Western cantons raised an army of eight 
hundred men to invest and storm the fort of the Susquehnnnn*. They 
embarked on Lake Ontario, according to the French account, and then went 
overland to the Susquehanna. On reaching the fort, however, they found 


it well defended on the river side, and on the land side with two bastions in 
European style with cannon mounted and connected by a double curtain of 
large trees. After some trifling skirmishes the Iroquois had recourse to 
stratagem. They sent in a party of twenty-five men to treat of peace and 
ask provisions to enable tbem to return. The Susquehannas admitted them, 
but immediately burned them all alive before the eyes of their countrymen. 
{Belation de la Nouvelle Franee, 1663, p. 10). The Pennsylvania writers, 
(Hazard's Annals of Pennsylvania, p. 346) make the Iroquois forcé one 
thousand six hundred, and that of the Susquehannas only one hundred. 
They add that when the Iroquois retreated, the Susquehannas pursued 
them, killing ten and taking as many. 

After this the war was carried on in small parties, and Susquehanna 
prisoners were from time to time burned at Oneida, Onondaga, Séneca and 
Cayuga {Belations de la Nouvelle Franee, 1668 to 1673), and their prisoners 
doubtless at Canoge on the Susquehanna. In the fall of 1669 the Susque- 
hannas; after defeating the Cayugas, offered peace, but the Cayugas put 
their ambassador and his nephew to death, after retaining him five or six 
months ; the Oneidas having taken nine Susquehannas and sent some to 
Cayuga, with forty wampum belts to maintain the war. {Belation de la 
Nowoelle Franee, 1670, p. 68.) 

At this time the great war chief of the Susquehannas was one styled 
Hochitagete or Barefoot {Belation de la Nouvelle Franee, 1670, p. 47) ; and 
raving women and crafty medicine men deluded the Iroquois with promises 
of his capture and execution at the stake {Belation, 1670, p. 47), and a 
tamo us medicine man of Oneida appeared after death to order his body to 
be taken up and interred on the trail leading to the Susquehannas as the 
only means of saving that cantón from ruin. {Belation, 1672, p. 20.) 

Towards the summer of 1672 a body of forty Cayugas descended the 
Susquehanna in canoes, and twenty Sénecas went by land to attack the 
Susquehannas in their fields ; but a band of sixty Andasté or Susquehanna 
boys, the oldest not over sixteen, attacked the Sénecas, and routed them, 
killing one brave and taking another. Flushed with victory they pushed 
on to attack the Cayugas, and defeated them also, killing eight and wound- 
ing with arrow, knife and hatchet, fifteen or sixteen more, losing, however, 
fifteen or sixteen of their gallant band. {Belation, 1672, p. 24.) 

At this time the Susquehannas or Andastés were so reduced by war and 
pestilence that they could muster only three hundred warriors. In 1675, 
however, the Susquehannas were completely overthrown {Etat Present, 
1675, manuscript ; Belation, 1676, p. 2 ; Belation» Inédites, n, p. 44 ; Col- 
den 's Five Nations, i, p. 126), but unfortunately we have no details whatever 
as to the forces which effected it, or the time or manner of their utter defeat. 

A party of about one hundred retreated into Maryland, and oceupied 
some abandoned Indian forts. Accused of the murder of some settlers, 
apparently slain by the Sénecas, they sent five of their chiefs to the Mary- 
land and Virginia troops, under Washington and Brent, who went out in 


pursuit. Although coming as deputies, and showing the Baltiuiore medal 
and certifícate of friendship, these chiefs were cruelly put to death. The 
enraged Susquehannas then began a terrible border war, which was k«j)t 
till their utter destruction (S. F. Streeter's Destruction of the Susquehannas, 
Historical Magazine, I, p. 65). The rest of the tribe, after making overtures 
to Lord Baltimore, submitted to tlie Five Nations, and were allowed to 
retain their ancient grounds. When Pennsylvania, was settled, tliey became 
known as Conestogas, and were always friendly to the colonists of Penn, as 
they liad been to the Dutch and Swedes. In 1701 Canoodagtoh, their king, 
made a treaty with Penn, and in the document they are styled Minquas, 
Conestogos or Susquehannas. They appear as a tribe in a treaty in 1742, 
but were dwindling away. In 1763 the feeble remnant of the tribe became 
involved in the general suspicion entertained by the colonists against the 
red men, arising out of massacres on the borders. To escape danger the 
poor creatures took refuge in Lancaster jail, and here they were all 
butchered by the Paxton boys, who burst into the place. Parkman in bis 
Conspiraey of Pontiac, p. 414, details the sad story. 

The last interest of this unfortunate tribe centres in Logan, the friend of 
the white man, whose speech is so familiar to all, that we must regret that 
it has not sustained the historical scrutiny of Brantz Mayer (Tahgahjute ; 
or, Logan and Capt. Michael Cresap, Maryland Hist. Soc., May, 1851 ; and 
8vo, Albany, 1867). Logan was a Conestoga, in other words a Susquehanna. 

Note 47, page 71. 

The language of the Susquehannas, as Smith remarks, differed from that 
of the Virginian tribes generally. As already stated, it was one of the 
dialects of the Huron-Iroquois, and its relation to other members of the 
family may be seen by the following table of the numeráis : 


or Minqua. 

































































Note 48, page 73. 

Smith thus describes tliem : " Sixty of tliose Sasquesahanocks carne to vs 
with skins, Bowes, Arrows, Targets, Beads, swords and Tobacco pipes for 
presents. Such great and well proportioned raen are seldome seene, for 
they seemed like Giants to the English ; yea and to the neighbours, yet 
seemed' of an honest and simple disposition, with mucli adoe restrained 
from adoring vs as Gods. Those are the strangest people of all tbose 
Countries, both in language and attire ; for their language it may well 
beseeme their proportions, sounding from them as a voyce in a vault. 
Their attire is the skinnes of Beares, and Woolues, some have Cassacks 
made of Beares heads and skinnes, that a mans head goes through the 
skinnes neck, and the eares of the Beare fastened to his shoulders, the nose 
and teeth hanging downe his breast, another Beares face split behind him, 
and at the end of the Nose hung a Pawe, the halfe sleeues comming to the 
elbowes were the neckes of Beares and the armes through the mouth with 
the pawes hanging at their noses. One had the head of a Wolfe hanging 
in a chaine for a Iewell, his tobáceo pipe three-quarters of a yard long, 
prettily carued with a Bird, a Deere or some such devise at the great end, 
sufficient to beat out ones braines ; with Bowes, Arrowes and Clubs, suitable 
to their greatnesse. They are scarce known to Powhatan. They can 
make near 600 able men, and are palisadoed in their Townes to defend 
them from the Massawomekes, their mortal enemies. Five of their chief 
Werowances carne aboord vs and crossed the Bay in their Barge. The 
picture of the greatest of them is signified in the Mappe. The calfe of 
whose leg was three-quarters of a yard about, and all the rest of his limbes 
so answerable to that proportion, that he seemed the goodliest man we ever 
beheld. His hayre, the one side was long, the other shore cióse with a 
ridge over his crowne like a cocks combe. His arrowes were five-quarters 
long, headed with the splinters of a white christall-like stone, in form of a 
heart, an inch broad, and an inch and a halfe or more long. These he wore 
in a Woolues skinne at his backe for his quiver, his bow in one hand and 
his club in the other, as described." — Smith's Voyages (Am. ed.), i, p. 119-20. 
Tattooing referred to by our author, was an ancient Egyptian custom, and 
is still retained by the women. See Lañé» Modern Egyptiam, etc. It was 
forbidden to the Jews in Lemticus, 19 : 28. 

Note 49, page 74. • 

Purchas, his Pügrimage, or Relations of the World, and the Religions 
observed in all Ages and Places discovered, from the Creation unto this 
present," 1 vol., folio, 1613. In spite of Alsop, Purchas is still highly 



Note 50, page 75. 

As to their treatment of prisoners, see Lafitau, Mocurs des Sauvages, II, 
p. 260. 

Note 51, page 75. 

Smitli thus locates tlieir town : " The Sasquesahannocks inhabit vpon tbe 
clieefe spring of these foure branches of the Bayes head, one day's journey 
higher than our barge could passe for rocks," vol. i, p. 182. Campanius 
thus describes tbeir town, whicli he representa as twelve miles from New 
Svveden : " They live on a high mountain, very steep and difficult to climb ; 
tliere they have a fort or square building, surrounded with palisades. There 
they have guns and sniall iron cannon, with which they shoot and defend 
themselves, and take with them when they go to war." — Campanius' 8 Nye 
Scerige, p. 181 ; Du Ponceau's translation, p. 158. A view of a Sasquesa- 
hannock town is given in Montanas, De Nieuwe en Onbekendc Wt i rt Id 
(1671), p. 136, based evidently on Smitli. De Lisle's Map, dated June, 1718, 
lays down Canoge, Fort des Indiens Andastés ou Susquehanocs at about 
40° N. ; but I find the ñame nowhere clse. 

Note 52, page 77. 

Scalping was practiced by the Scythians. (Ilerodotus, book iv, and in the 
second book of Macchabees, vil, 4, 7). Antiochus is said to have caused two 
of the seven Macchabee brothers to be scalped. " The skin of the head with 
the hairs being drawn off." The torture of prisoners as here described 
originated with the Iroquois, and spread to nearly all the North American 
tribes. It was this that led the Algonquins to give the Iroquois tribes the 
ñames Magoué, Nadoué or Nottaway, which signified cruel. LajUau, 
Mocurs des Sauvages, n, p. 287. 

Note 53, page 78. 

The remarks here as to religión are vague. The Iroquois and Hurons 
recognized Aireskoi or Agreskoe, as the great deity, Btyling him also 
Teharonhiawagon. As to the Hurons, see Siga ni, Hittoire da ('amula, 
p. 485. The sacrifico of a child, as noted by Alsop, was unknown in the 
other tribes of this race, and is not mentioned by Campanius in regard to 
this one. 



Note 54, page 78. 

The priests were the medicine men in all probability ; no author men- 
tioning any class that can be regarded properly as priests. 

Note 55, page 78. 

The burial rites here described resemble those of the Iroquois {Lafitau, 
Moeurs des Sauvages, n, pp. 389, 407) and of the Hurons, as described by 
Sagard (Histoire du Canadá, p. 702) in the manner of placing the dead 
body in a sitting posture ; but there it was wrapped in furs, encased in bark 
and set upon a scaffold till the feast of the dead. 

Note 56, page 79. 

Sagard, in his Hurón Dictionary, gives village, andata ; he is in the fort 
or village, andatagon ; which is equivalent to Connadago, nd and nn being 
frequently used for each other. 

Note 57, page 80. 

For the condition of the women in a kindred tribe, compare Sagard, 
Histoire du Canadá, p. 272; Grand Voy age, p. 130; Perrot, Moeurs et 
Coustumes des Sauvages, p. 30. 

Note 58, page 80. 

Among the Iroquois the husband elect went to the wife's cabin and sat 
down on the mat opposite the fire. If she accepted him she presented him 
a bowl of hominy and sat down beside him, turning modestly away. He 
then ate some and soon after retired. — Lafitau, Moeurs des Sauvages, i, 
p, 566. 

Note 59, page 81. 

Sagard, in his Histoire du Canadá, p. 185, makes a similar remark as to 
the Hurons, a kindred tribe, men and women acting as here stated, and he 
says that in this they resembled the ancient Egyptians. Compare Henne- 
pin, Moeurs des Sauvages, p. 54 ; Description d'un Pays plus grand que 
VEurope, Voy ages au Nord,\, p. 341. 


Note 60, page 96. 

This cliaracteristic of the active trading propensities of the early settlers 
will apply to the present race of Americana in a fourfold degree. 

Note 61, page dG. 

One who brought goods to Maryland without following such adrice as 
Alsop gives, describes in Hudibrastic verse bis doleful story in the Sot Weed 
Factor,- recen tly reprinted. 

Note 62, page 96. 
For an account of this gentleman, see ante, p. 13. 

Note 63, page 97. 

The rebellion in Maryland, twice alluded to by our autbor in hi8 lettere, 
was a very trifling matter. On the restoration of Charles II, Lord Baltimore 
sent over bis brotber Philip Calvert as governor, with autbority to proceed 
against Governor Fendall, who, false alike to all parties, was now scbeming 
to overthrow the proprietary government. The new governor was "m 
structed on no account to permit Fendall to escape with bis life ; but Philip 
Calvert was more clement than Lord Baltimore, and though Fendall made 
a fruitless effort to excite the people to opposition, he was, on bis voluntary 
submission, punished by a merely short imprisonment. This clemency he 
repaid by a subsequent attemjrt to excite a rebellion. — McMahon's History 
of Maryland, pp. 213-14, citing Council Proceedings from 1656 to 1668, 
liber H. H., 74 to 82.