HOMERIC GRAMMAR
D. . MONRO
Bonbon
HENRY FROWDE
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE
AMEN CORNER, E.G.
UNIVERSITY OP
CALIFORNIA
SAN DIEGO
A GRAMMAR
OF THE
HOMERIC DIALECT
BY
D. B. MONRO, M.A.
PROV03T OF ORIEL COLLEGE, OXFORD
SECOND EDITION, REVISED AND ENLARGED
L'objet de cette science est de rechercher dans 1'esprit de 1'homme
la cause de la transformation des idionies
M. BUBAL
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1891
I All rights reserved]
PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
BY HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
DEDICATED TO THE MEMORY
OP THE REV.
JAMES KIDDELL
LATE FELLOW AND TUTOR OP BALLIOL
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
IT may be said, without fear of giving offence, that a new
Grammar of the Homeric dialect is sorely wanted. The
admirable Griechische Formenlehre of the late H. L. Ahrens
is now just thirty years old, and is confined, as its title indi-
cates, to the inflexions. Not only has the course of discovery
been going on since Ahrens wrote (and with hardly less
rapidity than in the first years of the new science), but the
historical method has been carried into the field of syntax.
And apart from ' comparative philology,' the researches of
Bekker, Cobet, La Roche, and many other students have
brought together a wealth of material that only needs careful
analysis and arrangement to make it accessible to the general
body of learners.
The plan of this book has sufficient novelty to call for some
explanation. I have not attempted to write a Comparative
Grammar, or even a Grammar that would deserve the epithet
1 historical : ' but I have kept in view two principles of arrange-
ment which belong to the historical or genetic method. These
are, that grammar should proceed from the simple to the com-
plex types of the Sentence, and that the form and the mean-
ing should as far as possible be treated together. Now the
simplest possible Sentence apart from mere exclamations
consists of a Verb, or word containing in itself the two ele-
ments of all rational utterance, a Subject and a Predicate.
We begin, therefore, by analysing the Verb, and classifying
(i) the Endings, which express the Person and Number of the
Subject ( 1-7), and serve also to distinguish the ' Middle ' or
Reflexive use ( 8), and (2) the modifications of the Stem
which yield the several Tenses and Moods. These modifica-
tions, we at once perceive, are more numerous than the mean-
ings which they serve to express, and we have therefore to
viil PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
choose between classifying according to formation i. e. ac-
cording to the process by which each Tense- Stem and Mood-
Stem is derived from the simple Verb-Stem or Root, and the
ordinary classification according to meaning (Present, Future,
Perfect, Aorist, &c.). The former course seemed preferable
because it answers to the historical order. The problem is to
find how pre-existing forms common to Greek and Sanscrit,
and therefore part of an original ' Indo-European ' grammar
were adapted to the specifically Greek system of Tense-mean-
ings. I have therefore taken the different formations in turn,
beginning with the simplest ( 9-20, 23-27, 29-69, 79-83),
and introducing an account of the meaning of each as soon as
possible ( 21, 28, 70-78). This part of the subject naturally
includes the accentuation of the different forms of the Verb
( 87-89).
The next great division of the subject is concerned with the
first enlargement of the Sentence. A word may be added
which taken by itself says nothing contains no Subject and
Predicate but which combines with _and qualifies the primi-
tive one-word Sentence. The elements which may gather
in this way round the basis or nucleus formed by the Verb
are ultimately of two kinds, Nouns and Pronouns ; and the
relations in which they may stand to the Verb are also two-
fold. A Noun or Pronoun may stand as a Subject limiting
or explaining the Subject already contained in the Person-
Ending or may qualify the Predicate given by the Stem of
the Verb. These relations are shown by the Ending, which
again may be either a Case-Ending or an adverbial Ending.
We begin accordingly by an account of the Declensions, sup-
plemented by a list of the chief groups of Adverbs (Chapter V).
When we pass from the Endings to the Stems of Nouns
and Pronouns, we find that they are essentially different. A
' Nominal Stem' consists in general of two parts, (i) a predi-
cative part, usually identical with a Verb-Stem, and (2) a
Suffix. Each of these two elements, again, may be complex.
The addition of a further Suffix yields a fresh Stem, with a
corresponding derivative meaning ; and thus we have the dis-
tinction between Primitive or Verbal and Secondary or De-
nominative Nouns. The Suffixes employed in these two
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. ix
classes are generally distinct, and deserve a more careful
enumeration than is usually given in elementary grammars.
The predicative part, again, may be enlarged by a second
Nominal Stem, prefixed to the other, and qualifying it nearly
as a Case- form or Adverb qualifies the Verb. The Compounds
thus formed are of especial interest for the poetical dialect of
Homer. The analysis which I have given of the chief forms
which they present must be taken to be provisional only, as
the subject is still full of doubt. With respect to the mean-
ing I have attempted no complete classification. It is always
unsafe to insist on distinctions which may be clear to us, but
only because we mark them by distinct forms of expression.
The chapter on the formation of Nouns should perhaps
have been followed by one on the formation of Pronouns.
The material for such a chapter, however, lies for the most
part beyond the scope of a grammar. It is represented in this
book by a section on Heteroclite Pronouns ( 108), which
notices some traces of composite Pronominal Stems, and in
some degree by another on the Numerals ( 130).
When we come to examine the syntactical use of the Cases,
we find ourselves sometimes dealing with sentences which
contain at least two members besides the Verb. Along with
the constructions which may be called ' adverbial ' (using the
term Adverb in a wide sense, to include all words directly
construed with the Verb), we have the constructions in which
the governing word is a Noun or Preposition. And in these
again we must distinguish between the government of a Case
apparently by a Noun or Preposition, really by the combined
result of the Noun or Preposition and the Verb, and the true
government by a Noun alone, of which the dependent Genitive
and the Adjective are the main types. These distinctions,
however, though of great importance in reference to the deve-
lopment of the use of Cases, cannot well be followed exclu-
sively in the order of treatment. I have therefore taken the
Cases in succession, and along with them the chief points
which have to be noticed regarding the ' concords ' of Gender
( 166-168) and Number ( 169-173).
In the Infinitive and Participle (Chapter X) we have the
first step from the simple to the complex Sentence. The pre-
X PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
dicative element in the Verbal Noun is treated syntactically
like the same element in a true or ' finite ' Verb ; that is to
say, it takes ' adverbial ' constructions. Thus while retaining
the character of a Noun it becomes the nucleus of a new
imperfect Sentence, without a grammatical Subject properly
so called (though the Infinitive in Greek acquired a quasi-
Subject in the use of the Accusative before it), and standing
to the main Sentence as an adverb or adjective.
While the Infinitival and Participial Clauses may thus be
described as Nouns which have expanded into dependent
Sentences, the true Subordinate Clause shows the opposite
process. In many instances, especially in Homeric syntax,
we can trace the steps by which originally independent
Sentences have come to stand in an adverbial or adjectival
relation. The change is generally brought about, as we shall
see, by means of Pronouns, or Adverbs formed from Prono-
minal stems. Hence it is convenient that the account of the
uses of the Pronouns (Chapter XI) should hold the place of an
introduction to the part in which we have to do with the
relations of Clauses to each other.
The next chapter, however, does not treat directly of sub-
ordinate Clauses, but of the uses of the Moods in them. It
seemed best to bring these uses into immediate connexion
with the uses which are found in simple Sentences. In this
way the original character of Subordinate Clauses comes into a
clearer light. If anything remains to be said of them, it finds
its place in the account of the Particles (Chapter XIII) ; in
which also we examine the relations of independent Sentences,
so far at least as these are expressed by grammatical forms.
The last chapter contains a discussion of the Metre of
Homer (Chapter XIV), and of some points of 'phonology'
which (for us at least) .are ultimately metrical questions.
Chief among these is the famous question of the Digamma.
I have endeavoured to state the main issues which have been
raised on this subject as fully as possible : but without much
hope of bringing them to a satisfactory decision.
A book of this kind is necessarily to a great extent a
compilation, and from sources so numerous that it is scarcely
possible to make a sufficient acknowledgment of indebted-
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. xi
ness. The earlier chapters are mainly founded on the great
work of G. Curtius on the Greek Verb. More recent writers
have cleared up some difficulties, especially in the phono-
logy. I have learned very much from M. de Saussure's
Me'moire sur le systeme primitif des voyelles, and from several
articles by K. Brugmann and Joh. Schmidt, especially the last.
I would mention also, as valuable on single points, the papers
of J. Paech (Vratisl. 1861) and H. Stier (Curt. Stud. II) on the
Subjunctive, B. Mangold on the 'diectasis' of Verbs in -da>
(Curt. Stud. VI), F. D. Allen on the same subject (Trans, of
the American Phil. Assoc. 1873), Leskien on o-o-in the Fut. and
Aor. (Curt. Stud. II), and K. Koch on the Augment (Brunsvici
1868). On the subject of Nominal Composition I may name
a paper by W. Clemm in Curt. Stud.VIL, which gives references
to the earlier literature of the subject, and one by F. Stolz
(Klagenfurt 1874). On the forms of the Personal Pronouns
there is a valuable dissertation by P. Cauer (Curt. Stud. VII) :
on the Numerals by Joh. Baunack (K. Z. XXV) : on the Com-
parative and Superlative by Fr. Weihrich (De Gradibus, &c.
Gissae 1869). Going on 'to the syntax of the Cases, I would
place first the dissertation of B. Delbriick, AUativ Localis
Instrumental, &c. (Berlin 1867), and next the excellent work
of Hubschmann, Zur Casuslehre (Miinchen 1875). On the
Accusative I have obtained the greatest help from La Roche,
Der Accusativ im Homer (Wien 1861): on the Dual from
Bieber, De Duali Numero (Jena 1864). On the Prepositions
I have used the papers of C. A. J. Hoffmann (Liineburg 1857-
60, Clausthal 1858-59), T. Mommsen (see 221), Giseke, Die
allmaliche Entstehung der Gesdnge der Ilias (Gottingen 1853),
La Roche, especially on into (Wien 1861) and eiri (in the Z.f.
ost. Gymn.), Rau on -napd (Curt. Stud. Ill), and the articles in
Ebeling's Lexicon. On this part of syntax the fourth volume
of Delbruck's Forschungen is especially instructive. Of the
literature on the Infinitive I would mention J. Jolly's Geschichte
des Infinitivs im Indogermanischen (Miinchen 1873), also a
paper by Albrecht (Curt. Stud. IV), and a note in Max
Mtiller's Chips from a German Workshop (IV. p. 49 ff.). The
use of the Participle has been admirably treated by Classen,
in his Beobachtungen uber den homerischen Sprachgebrauch
Xll PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
(Frankfurt 1867). A paper by Jolly in the collection of
Sprachwissenschaftliche Abhandlungen (Leipzig 1874) is also
suggestive. On the subject of the Pronouns the chief source
is a dissertation by E. Windisch in Curt. Stud. II. On the
Article almost everything will be found in H. Foerstemann's
Bemerkungen ilber den Gebrauch des Artikels bei Homer (Mag-
deburg 1861). The controversy on the Reflexive Pronoun is
referred to in 255. On the Homeric uses of the Moods,
besides Delbriick's great work, I would mention Jolly's
monograph entitled Ein Kapitel vergleichender Syntax (Miin-
chen 1872), and L. Lange's elaborate papers on d (Leipzig
1872-73). It is to be regretted that they have not yet been
carried to the point of forming a complete book on the
Homeric use of et. For the general theory of the subject
Prof. Goodwin's Greek Moods and Tenses is of the very highest
value. Regarding the cognate question of the uses of av and
KW the main principles have been laid down by Delbrlick.
It is worth while to mention that they were clearly stated
as long ago as 1832, in a paper in the Philological Museum
(Vol. I. p. 96), written in opposition to the then reigning
method of Hermann. For the other Particles little has been
done by Homeric students since Nagelsbach and Hartung.
I have cited three valuable papers; on re by Wentzel, on
T! (r/e) by Praetorius, and on M by A. R. Vierke. I would
add here a paper on the syntax of Causal Sentences in
Homer, by E. Pfudel (Liegnitz 1871). On all syntactical
matters use has been made of the abundant stores of Kiihner's
Ausfuhrliche Grammatik. And it is impossible to say too
much of the guidance and inspiration (as I may almost call
it) which I have derived from the Digest of Platonic Idioms
left behind by the lamented friend to whose memory I have
ventured to dedicate this book.
On the collateral subjects of Metre I have profited most by
Hartel's Homerische Studien, La Roche, Homerische Unter-
suchungen (Leipzig 1869), Knos, De digammo Homerico
(Upsaliae 1872-79), and Tudeer, De dialectorum Graecarwni
digammo (Helsingforsiae 1879).
OXFORD, July 18, 1882.
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.
THE rapid progress of linguistic science during the nine
years that have passed since this Grammar was first published
has necessitated considerable alteration and enlargement in a
new edition. Much has been discovered in the interval ; much
that was then new and speculative has been accepted on all
sides ; and much has been done in sifting and combining the
results attained. The Morphologischen Untersuchungen of
Osthoff and Brugmann have been followed by Brugmann's
admirable summary of Greek grammar (in Iwan Miiller's
Handbuch], and his comprehensive Grundriss der vergleichen-
den Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen. Of three
portions of this work that have already appeared (Strassburg
1886-90-91), the last (treating chiefly of the Declensions)
came too late to be of service to the present book. The part
which deals with the Verb has not yet been published : and the
volume on Comparative Syntax, promised by Delbruck the
first complete work on this part of the subject is also still to
come. It will doubtless be a worthy sequel to the Altindische
Syntax, which now forms the fifth volume of his Syntaktische
Forschungen. Among other books which have appeared since
the publication of this Grammar, or which were not sufficiently
made use of for the first edition, I would mention Job.
Schmidt's Pluralbildungen der indogermanischen Neutra
(Weimar 1889), G. Meyer's Griechische Grammatik (second
edition, Leipzig 1886), the new edition of Mr. Goodwin's
Moods and Tenses (London 1889), the treatises in Schanz's
series of Beitrage zur historischen Syntax der griechischen
Sprache, Aug. Fick's two books (see Appendix F), articles by
Wackernagel, Frohde and others in Kukris Zeitschrifj; and
Bezzenberger's Beitrage, the long series of papers by Aug.
xiv PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.
Nauck collected in the Melanges gre'co-romains (St. Peters-
burg 1855-88) a book not often seen in this country,
and the dissertations of J. van Leeuwen in the Mnemosyne.
The two writers last mentioned are chiefly concerned with
the restoration of the Homeric text to its original or pre-
historic form. Their method, which is philological rather
than linguistic, may lead to some further results when the
numerous MSS. of the Iliad have been examined and have
furnished us with an adequate apparatus criticus.
Although very much has been re-written, the numbering of
the sections has been retained, with a few exceptions ; so that
the references made to the first edition will generally still hold
good. The new sections are distinguished by an asterisk.
I will not attempt to enumerate the points on which new
matter has been added, or former views recalled or modified.
The increase in the size of the book is largely due to the fuller
treatment of the morphology. Additions bearing on questions
of syntax will be found in 238, 248, 267, 270*, 362, 365.
On the whole I have become more sceptical about the theories
which seek to explain the forms of the Subordinate Clause
from parataxis, or the mere juxta-position of independent
clauses. In general it may be admitted that the complex
arose in the first instance by the amalgamation of simpler
elements : but we must beware of leaving out of sight the
effect of 'contamination' in extending syntactical types once
created. The neglect of this consideration is in reality
another and more insidious form of the error from which
recent writers on morphology have delivered us, viz. that
of explaining grammatical forms as the result of direct
amalgamation of a stem with a suffix or ending, without
duly allowing for the working of analogy.
OXFOKD, March 21, 1891.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER, I. The Person-Endings.
PAG
i. Sentences Subject and Predicate . . . i
2. Stem and Endings . . . . . i
3. The Person-Endings . . . . . . i
4. Thematic Vowel Non-Thematic forms . . .2
5. Table of Person-Endings . . . . .2
6. Influence of the Ending on the Stem . . .6
7. The forms of the 3 Plural . . . .8
8. Meaning of the Middle . . . . -9
CHAPTER II. The Tenses.
9. Verb-Stem Tense-Stem . . . . .10
10. Formation of Tense-Stems . . . . .11
IT. The Simple Non-Thematic Present . . . .12
12. Variation of the Stem Examples . . .12
13. The Simple Non-Thematic Aorist . . . 14
14. Metathesis . . . . . . 15
15. Aorists in -a and -Kd . . . . .16
1 6. The Non-Thematic Reduplicated Present . . . 17
17. The Presents with -VTJ (-va) and -vu . . . .18
1 8. Thematic forms . . . . .18
19. Non-Thematic Contracted Verbs Presents . . .20
20. Aorists . . .22
21. Meaning of Non-Thematic Tenses . . .22
12. The Perfect . . . . . . .22
23. Reduplication . . . . . .26
24. The forms of the 3 Plural . . . -27
25. Long and Short Stems . . . .28
26. The Perfect Participle . . . .28
27. Thematic forms . . . . -3
28. Meaning of the Perfect . . . . 31
29. The Simple Thematic Present . . . . 32
30. With Short Stem . . . . -33
31. The Thematic Aorist . . . . . .34
32. Remarks . . . . . 3^
33. Doubtful forms . . . . -37
34. Thematic Aorists in Homer . . . -38
xvi TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
35. The Reduplicated Thematic Present . . . -39
36. The Reduplicated Aorist (Thematic) . . . -39
37. Aorists in -a . . . . . .40
38. Tense- Stems formed by a Suffix . . . .40
39. The Aorist in -<r& . . . . . .40
40. Aorists with Suffix -or- . . . . 42
41. The Aorist in -<r, -o-o (Thematic) . . . -43
42. Passive Aorists the Aor. in -t\-v . . . -44
43- > fo]-v . -44
44. Meaning of the Passive Aorists . . -44
45. Suffixes of the Present-Stem . . . -45
46. T-Class (-re, -TO) . . . . . .46
47. Nasal Class (-ve, -vo, &c.) . . .^ .46
48. Iterative Class (-O-KS, -O-KO) . . . . -47
49. Iterative Tenses . . . . -47
50. I-Class (-if, -10) . . . . . .48
51. Verbs in -iw, &c. . . . . .48
52. Epenthesis . . . . . -49
53. Assimilation of i . . . -49
54. Compensatory lengthening . . . -5
55. Verbs in -aw, -ew, -oco Assimilation . . 50
56. Contraction . . . . -54
57. Synizesis . . . . . .55
58. Meaning of Verbs of the I-Class . . .56
59. Desideratives . . . . .56
60. Frequentatives . . . . .56
61. Intensives . . . . .56
62. Collateral forms of the Present in Homer . . 56
63. The Future in -<rw . . . . . -57
64. The Future in -<ro> . . . . . . 58
65. Futures from Perfect and Aorist Stems . . -59
66. Future Middle . . . . -59
67. The Augment (Historical Tenses) . . . .60
68. The Pluperfect . . . . .61
69. Loss of Augment . . . . .62
70. Meaning of the Present and Aorist Stems . . .62
71. Present-Stem Relative progress . . .63
72. Essentially progressive action . . .64
73. Past process (the Imperfect) . . .64
74. Descriptive Imperfect . . . .64
75. Aorist-Stem . . . . . .65
76. Aorist of the immediate past . . .65
77. Aorist Participle (coincidence) . . .66
78. Aorist of present time : 66
Aor. in Similes gnomic Aor. . . 67
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xvii
CHAPTER III. The Moods.
PAGE
79. The Moods Infinitive and Participle . "'.." . 67
80. The Subjunctive Non-Thematic Tense-Stems . . 68
81. Contraction . . ' . . .69
82. Thematic Tense-Stems . . . -7
83. The Optative . . . . . . .72
84. The Verbal Nouns . . . . . -73
85. The Infinitive . . . . -74
86. The Participle . . . . -75
CHAPTER IV. Accentuation of the Verb.
87. General rule of accentuation of Verbs . . -75
88. Accent in Composition . . . 76
89. The Infinitive and Participle . . -77
CHAPTER V. Nouns and Pronouns.
90. Nominal and Pronominal Stems . . . 78
91. Declensions . . . . . . . 78
92. The Vocative. . . . . -79
93. The Case-Endings . . . . . -79
94. Stems in -i, -v and -cr . . . .80
95. Stems in -a . . . . . .81
96. Cases The Nominative Singular . . . .81
97. The Accusative Singular . . , . .82
98. The Genitive Singular . . . -83
99. The Dative Singular . . . .83
99*. Plural . . . . . .84
100. The Accusative Plural . . . .84
101. The Genitive Plural . . . -85
102. The Dative Plural . . -:.. -85
103. The Dual ...... 86
104. The Instrumental in -<t>i(v) . . .86
105. Contraction, Synizesis, Hyphaeresis . . -87
1 06. Variation of the Stem . . . . .88
107. Heteroclite Nouns > . . . . -9
1 08. Heteroclite Pronouns . . . . 92
109. Adverbial Endings . . . . . -93
1 10. Case-forms as Adverbs . . . -94
in. Accentuation of Nouns . . . . -97
1 1 2. The Vocative . . . . .98
CHAPTER VI. Formation of Nouns.
113. Nominal Stems Primary and Secondary . . -99
114. Primary Suffixes .... 100
114*. Variation of Suffixes . .104
115. Accentuation . . .107
116. Gender . ... - v ' .108
xviii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
117. Secondary Suffixes . . . . . .no
1 1 8. Compound Suffixes . . . . .in
1 1 8*. Suffixes of different periods . . .in
119. Gender . . . . . .112
1 20. Denominative Verbs . . . . 113
121. Comparison of Adjectives . . . . .114
122. Meaning of Comparatives and Superlatives . 116
123. Composition . . . . . . .116
124. Form of the Prefixed Stem . , . 117
125. Form of the Second Stem . . . .120
126. Meaning of Compounds . . . .122
127. Stems compounded with Prepositions . . 123
128. Accentuation of Compounds . , .124
129. Proper Names . . . . .124
130. Numerals . . . . . . -125
CHAPTER VII. TTse of the Cases.
131. Relation of Nouns and Pronouns to the Verb . .127
132. The Accusative Internal and External Object . .128
133. Neuter Pronouns . . . . .129
134. Neuter Adjectives . . . . .119
1 35- Cognate Accusatives . . . .129
136. Other Adverbial Accusatives . . .130
137. Accusative of the part affected . . .131
138. ,, of Time and Space . . .132
139. ,, with Nouns .... 132
140. ,, of the External Object . . . 133
141. Double Accusatives . . . . 134
142. The Dative ....... 135
143. The 'true' Dative ..... 135
144. The Instrumental Dative . . . . 137
145. The Locatival Dative . . . 139
146. The Genitive . . . . . .140
147. The Genitive with Nouns . . . .141
148. ,, in the Predicate . . .142
149. of Place . . . 143
150. of Time .... 143
151. The quasi-Partitive Genitive . . . 144
152. The Ablatival Genitive . . . 147
153. The Genitive of Price .... 148
154. The Case-Ending -<f>i(v) ..... 148
155. Instrumental ..... 149
156. Ablative . , . . . . 149
157. Locative . ... . . . 150
158. Dative and Genitive . . . -150
159. Forms in -0ev and -ws The Ending -9v . . . 151
160. The Ending -ws . . . . 152
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xix
PAGE
161. The Nominative Impersonal Verbs . . * 152
162. Nominative in the Predicate . . . 153
163. Interjectional Nominative . . . 155
164. The Vocative . . . . . *55
165. Substantive and Adjective . . . . . . 156
1 66. Gender of Adjectives . . . . 157
167. ,, Pronouns . . . . 158
1 68. Implied Predication .... 158
CHAPTER VIII. Use of the Numbers.
169. Collective Nouns . . . . , .158
170. Distributive use of the Singular . . .. . 159
171. Plural of Things . . . .. . .160
172. Neuter Plural with Singular Verb , .160
173. The Dual . . . . ... .161
CHAPTER IX. The Prepositions.
174. Definition . . . . . . .163
175. Adverbial use of Prepositions . . . . 163
176. Tmesis ....... 163
177. Ellipse of the Verb . . . . .164
178. Use with Oblique Cases ..... 165
179. Use with the Genitive . . . .166
1 80. Accentuation ' Anastrophe ' of Prepositions . .166
1 80*. Apocope ....... 169
181. d/*0t ........ 170
182. afjtyi with the Dative . . . . 171
183. Accusative .... 171
184. ,, Genitive .... 172
185. rrtpl ........ 172
1 86. 7re/K with the Dative . . . . 173
187. Accusative .... 174
1 88. Genitive . . . . 174
189. vapa , . . . . . . . 175
190. irapa with the Dative . . .-' . 175
191. Accusative . . . .176
192. ,, " Genitive .... 176
193. fterd ... '. 177
194. fitrd with the Dative . . * '77
195. Accusative . . .178
196. ,, Genitive 178
197. TK . . . . . - . 179
198. M with the Dative . . . . i?9
199. Accusative . . .180
200. Genitive . . 181
ba
xx TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
201. VTTO . . . . . . . .l8l
202. vno with the Dative . . . 182
203. Accusative .... 182
204. ,, Genitive . . . .183
205. irpori (TT/WJ), irori . . . . . .184
206. irpori with the Dative . . . .184
207. Accusative . . . .184
208. Genitive .... 184
209. ava with the Dat. with the Gen. . . . 185
210. ava with the Accusative . . . .185
211. Kara . . . . . . . .186
212. Kara with the Accusative . . . .186
213. Genitive . . . . 187
214. 5i . . . . . . . 187
215. Sid with the Accusative .... 187
216. Genitive . . . .188
217. Mp . . . . . . . .188
218. virip with the Accusative . . . .188
219. Genitive .... 188
220. ivi (tv} ....... 189
221. ffvv, \>v ....... 189
222. (IS ........ 190
223. f . . 190
224. air6 . . . . . . . .191
225. np6 ........ 191
226. avri . . . . . . . 192
227. Double Prepositions ..... 192
228. Improper Prepositions ..... 193
229. Homeric and Attic uses . . . . 194
CHAPTEB X. The Verbal Nouns.
230. Nature of the Verbal Nouns .... 195
231. The Infinitive original meaning . . . .196
232. Infinitive with Nouns .... 198
2 33- )> with Impersonal Verbs . . . 198
234. ,, as the Subject .... 199
2 35- with Kelatives .... 201
236. with vpiv and ir&pos . . . 201
237. Accusative with the Infinitive . . . 201
238. Tenses of the Infinitive .... 203
339. Dative with the Infinitive .... 204
240. Predicative Nouns Attraction . . . 204
241. Infinitive used as an Imperative . . . 206
242. Origin and History of the Infinitive . . 207
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxi
PAGE
243. The Participle uses . . . . . 209
244. Tenses of the Participle . . . .211
245. Implied Predication . . . . .212
246. The Genitive Absolute . . . .212
246*. The Verbal Adjectives . . . .214
CHAPTER XI. Use of Pronouns.
247. Subordinate Clauses Deictic and Anaphoric Pronouns . 215
248. Interrogative Pronouns . . . . .215
249. oSe, roa6aSf, roioaSf, d>5e, tvOaSe . . . .216
250. KCIVOS . . . . . . . 217
251. OVTOS ........ 217
avr6s, avTUS . . . . . . .218
The Reflexive Pronoun . . . . .219
254. The Possessive (6s, os . . . .220
255. eos, os as a general Reflexive . . .221
256. The Article . . . . . . .224
257. The Substantival Article .... 224
258. The Attributive . . .226
259. With connecting Particles . . .227
260. With Adjectives . . . .228
261. The defining Article .... 229
262. The Article as a Relative . . . .231
263. The Article with T . . . .232
264. Homeric and Attic use of the Article . .232
265. os 77 o . . . . '" 234
266. os re, os ns . . ... . 235
267. Correlative Clauses . . . .236
268. ovvtKa ...... 240
269. O, OTl, OTf . . . . .241
270. o, on, o re as Conjunctions . . . 244
270*. Indirect Discourse . . . . -245
271. Form of the Relative Clause . . . 245
372. Double Relative Clauses . 247
CHAPTER XII. Use of the Moods.
273. Classification of Sentences ... 248
274. The Subjunctive in Principal Clauses . . .251
275. Affirmative ..- 251
276. Negative . .- 2 53
277. Interrogative . 2 53
278. Prohibitive . . . ' 2 54
279. Homeric and Attic uses ..... 255
280. The Subjunctive in Subordinate Clauses Clauses with
jt fc . . - 2 55
281. Clauses with 1*17. . . 256
282. Relative Clauses Final . -. -257
283. ,, Conditional . 258
XX11 TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
284. Relatival Adverbs . . . . .260
285. ws, circus. ..... 260
286. iva ...... 261
287. 5<ppa ...... 262
288. (us, tls o . . . . . 262
289. ort, oiroTt ..... 263
290. fvrt, i^os . . . . .265
291. Clauses with tl, &c. .... 265
292. Conditional Protasis .... 265
293. Final Clauses with et 267
294. Object Clauses with t . . 267
295. The Subjunctive with ws d . . .268
296. liret with the Subj. . . .- . . 268
297. vpiv . . . .269
298. The Subjunctive after Secondary Tenses . . 270
299. The Optative in Simple Sentences . . . .271
300. With Ktv or av . . . . 273
301. The Optative in Subordinate Clauses . . . 275
302. Clauses with ije j^e . . . -275
303. Clauses with fiy . . . .276
304. Kelative Clauses Final and Object . .276
305. ,, Conditional . . . 278
306. Relatival Adverbs us, onus, Iva . . . 279
307. (<us, 5<f>pa . . . . .281
308. ore, diruTe . . . . .282
309. lirct . . . . . . .283
310. irptv . . . . . . 283
311. ' Conditional Protasis . . .- .284
312. et Optative of Wish .... 285
313. ti Ktv Conditional Protasis . . . 285
314. (I Final and Object Clauses . . 286
315. History of the Subjunctive and Optative
Uses in Independent Clauses . - . .287
316. ,, Subordinate Clauses . . .287
317. Original meaning ..... 289
318. Conditional Protasis with et 290
319. Final Clauses with fl . . . .291
320. ef 5' 076 . . . . . . 291
321. Conclusion ...... 292
322. Homeric and Attic Uses . . . . 293
323. The Indicative Modal Uses . . . . 293
324. Conditional Apodosis .... 294
324*. Ellipse of the Apodosis .... 295
325. Past Tense by Assimilation . . .296
326. Future Indicative . . ' . . . 296
327. The Imperative . . . . . . 298
328. Prohibition . . . . . . 299
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxiii
CHAPTER XIII. The Particles.
PAGE
329. Classification of the Particles .... 299
330. icai . ... 300
331- re . . . . ... 301
332. re in general statement .... 301
333- 8 . . -34
334. 8e of the Apodosis ..... 305
335. Enclitic 5e . . . . . .307
336-7. dAAa, avrap, arap, aS, avre, enirrjs .... 308
338. 3 308
339. rir), eirtff] . . . 309
340. ijf, 77 . . ... 310
341. Dependent Interrogative . . . . 311
342-5. fidv, itijv, pkv . . . 312
346. rot . 315
347-8. dpa, yap . 316
349-352. ovv, MI, vv, OTJV . . . . 319
353- P 320
354- 7 e 32i
355- ov, /7 distinction of usage . . . . .322
356. ov5(, firjU, ovoeis . 323
357. Double negatives ..... 323
358. Uses of JUT; Indicative .... 324
359. ov and fir) in Conditional Clauses . . . 325
360. ov with the Infinitive and Participle . . 326
361. m - 326
362. Ktv and dV ....... 327
363. Summary of uses difference of dv and Ktv . 331
364. Original meaning of ov and icev . , . 334
365. Order of Particles and Enclitic Pronouns . . . 335
CHAPTER XIV. Metre and Quantity.
366. The Hexameter ...... 338
367. Diaeresis and Caesura . . -338
368. Spondaic verses . . 34
369. Quantity of Syllables . 34 1
370. Position ... 34 2
371. Lengthening before />, A, /*, v, a, 8 . . . 344
372. Origin of the lengthening . . . 345
373. Final -u of the Dat. Sing. . . 34 6
374. Final -a of the Neut. Plur. . 347
375. Short Syllables ending in a Consonant . . 347
376. Elision, &c. . 349
377. Crasis ... 35
378. Synizesis ... 35 1
378*. Contraction . 35 1
XXIV TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
379. Hiatus . -355
380. Long vowels before Hiatus . . -355
381. Shortening of diphthongs before Hiatus . . 356
382. Hiatus after short syllables . . . 357
3Sj. Doubtful Syllables . 357
384. Doubtful vowels ..... 358
385. Doubling of consonants .... 360
386. Metrical licence ..... 360
387. Vocatives ...... 360
388. The Digamma ...... 361
389. Nature of the evidence from metre . . 361
390. Words with initial f 363
391. Words with initial af ("f ) .... 370
392. f inferred from metre only . . . 371
393. Loss of f , esp. before o, <a . . . 37?
394-5. Initial 8/r, fp, &c. . 374
396. f not initial ..... 375
397. Loss of initial a and i ..... 376
398. Traces of f Summary ..... 376
399. Theories of the Digamma ..... 376
400. Hypothesis of alternative forms . . -377
401. Explanation from fixed phrases, &c. . . 377
402. Hiatus, &c., as a survival .... 378
403. Explanation from the nature of the f . . 379
404-5. f in other Greek dialects in Ionic . . . 379
APPENDIX C. On 77 and tt in Homer .... 384
F. Fick's theory of the Homeric dialect . . 386
Other Notes and Corrections .... 396
INDEX I. Homeric Forms ..... 403
II. Subjects ...... 424
III. Chief passages referred to .... 431
ERRATA.
Page 70, line 6, far yvys read
,, 83, , 23, for Kprj6tvTOs read Kpvotvros
93,
149,
185,
223,
245,
259,
30, for OriprjOt read OvprjOt
38, before 18. 305 insert II.
i, for II. read Od.
32, for olos read olos
36, for three read two, and dele 16. 131.,
1 2, for govering read governing
309, ,, 12, for 22. 280 read 16. 61
329, ,, 10, for <pi\rjv read <pi\ov
HOMERIC GRAMMAR.
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY. THE PERSON-ENDINGS.
1.] ALL language of which grammar takes cognisance consists
of SENTENCES. The simplest complete Sentence expresses the
combination of a SUBJECT that about which we speak (or think);
and a PREDICATE that which we say (or think) about the
Subject. On the sentences which are (apparently or really) without
a Subject, see 161, 163.
2.] In Greek (and generally in languages whose structure
resembles that of Greek) every Verb is a complete Sentence,
consisting of two parts, the Stem, which expresses the Predicate,
and the Ending, which expresses the Subject. Thus IO--TI he
(or it] is, (/>a-0i say t/tou, ijXdo-^v we came, are Sentences; the
several Predicates are expressed by the Stems ecr-, $a-, fi\do-,
and the Subjects by the Endings -ri, -0i, -pev. As the Endings
of a Verb may always be translated by Personal Pronouns they
are called the Person-Endings.
It may happen that the ending has been lost by phonetic corruption, as in
tXop* (for Xo.pe-T) he took. This however does not form a real exception,
because in Greek such words are used exactly as if the lost ending were
still sounded. In English it is different : took can only be used to express a
Predicate. The original Subject is lost to the mind as well as to the ear.
It should be noticed that the term 'Verb' is used in Grammars
with a double meaning, sometimes of a single form as when we
say that frimro-^v is 'a Verb' sometimes collectively, as when
we say that kriniTo-^v is a 'part' of 'the Verb TVTTTO).' Here 'a
Verb' means a group of forms, derived from a common root.
3.] There are three main sets of Person-Endings :
1. Those used in the Tenses called 'Principal' (the Present,
Perfect, and Future Indicative), and in the Subjunctive ; these
are called the Primary Endings.
2. Those used in the 'Historical Tenses' (the Imperfect,
Aorist, and Pluperfect), and in the Optative; these are called
the Secondary Endings.
3. The Endings of the Imperative.
B
2 THE VERB. [4.
4.] The further modifications which the Endings undergo
depend chiefly upon the final letter of the Stem.
In certain forms the Ending is preceded by O or E : that is
to say, O before the nasals p, v, and E before other letters ; e. g.
TVTTTO-ptv, TvirrE-Tc, TinTTQ-vn (older and Dor. form of Tv-nrovcri).
We shall call this the Thematic Vowel,* and the Stems which
contain it Thematic Stems. The term will naturally include the
corresponding Subjunctives, in which the final letter of the Stem
varies in the same way between TJ and &>, as ruimi-p.v, Tuimj-re, &c.
and the I Sing, in -&>. These long vowels doubtless represent a
primitive contraction of the Thematic vowel with some other
element : but the exact process can hardly be determined.
The forms which do not contain this variable e or o are called
Non-Thematic. Among these, again, we have to distinguish a
group of Tenses with Stems ending in -a, viz. the Perfect, the
First Aorist, and some forms peculiar to the Ionic Dialect, as
the Plpf . (e. g. rjbea / knew], the Injpf . TJO, / was, rj'ia I went. In
these Stems the -a changes in the 3 Sing, to -c(').t
The distinction between Thematic and Non-Thematic applies in strictness
only to forms, but may generally be extended to Tenses and Moods. Thus the
Pres. and Impf. of TVTTTCD are Thematic, the same Tenses of <prj/j.i are Non-
Thematic. In every Verb the Future is Thematic, the Optative is Non-Thematic,
&c. But the distinction does not apply to ' Verbs ' (in the collective sense of
the term), because almost every Verb is made up of forms of both kinds.
5.] In the following Table of the Person-Endings found in
Homer the Endings distinguished by larger type are those of the
Non-Thematic Tenses. The Endings in smaller type are, first,
those of the forms with -a, and, under them again, those of the
Thematic forms. In the Dual and Plural (except the 3 Plur.)
the Endings are the same throughout.
* This vowel has also been termed the ' Connecting ' or 'Auxiliary' Vowel
names given on the supposition that it is originally euphonic, inserted in
order to allow the Stem and the Ending to be distinctly heard in pronunciation.
The name ' Thematic ' implies a different theory, viz. that it serves to form a
' Theme ' from a simpler element or ' Root,' as XY- from the Root \ty- ; see
Curt. Chron. p. 40. On this theory the Stem Xcy-e, Xfy- is originally the same
as the Theme or Stem of the Noun Ao-yo-s. See the remarks of Brugmann,
Grundriss, ii. 8, n. I.
In the former edition the -to of the i Sing, was explained as -o-p,t (Sanscr.
d-mi). It is now generally thought that -co and -\u. are originally distinct,
and represent respectively the Thematic and Non-Thematic Endings of
the primitive Indo-European Verb. If so, the Sanscrit -ami has extended from
the Non-Thematic to the Thematic conjugation ; and similarly the -ojxai of
Greek fpfpopai (Sanscr. bhare). See Meyer, G. G. p. 404.
j- The a of these Stems is of course quite different from the final vowel of
the Stem in such forms as (ja-^v, tara-fMi, rtT\a-6t, where it is part of the
Verb-Stem or ' Root.'
PERSON-ENDINGS.
o
b
Crt
2 J 3
I
b- b-
I t
a ft
b b ~? T
t*? e>
u>
I
O ?> b to
b b ^ b
L a S
>S o
c*
i
h h
02
r
3
15 s
GO
S b
t fr r *i
&D
_c
CC
3
P
4 PERSON-ENDINGS. [5.
Remarks on the Table of Person-Endings.
1 Sing. On the Subj. in -w-fu see 82, and on the Optatives
which take -fu in the i Sing-, see 83.
2 Sing. The original -at remains only in tv-trl thou art.
The form Is (or enclitic tis) is read in nine places, but there is only one
(Od. 17. 388) in which the metre does not allow tcra' to be read instead.
Probably, therefore, tcroi is the genuine Homeric form. The Attic fl is not
found in Homer.
The Ending -<r0a occurs in the Pf. oto-fla thou knowest (albas in
Od. i. 337, is a very doubtful reading), Plpf. 778170-00, (Od. 19.
93), the Impf. tfo-00, and Irjo-fla thou wast, e4>T)<r9a thou saidst, and
the Pres. elo-Oa thou wilt go, TiOrjafla (Od. 9. 404., 24. 476),
8i8our0a (II. 19. 270), perhaps ^o-Oa (Od. 14. 149) : also in
some Subjunctives, e0eA77<r0a, enrrjo-fla, (3ov\evr](Tda (II. 9. 99),
irfa-da (II. 10. 67); and in the Optatives fidXolcrOa (II. 15. 571),
/cAcuoi0-0a (II. 24. 619), and irpo<pvyot(rda (Od. 22. 325).
The history of this -<H)a can still be traced. Originally -Oa (Sanscr. -tha)
was the Ending of the 2 Sing. Pf. Ind. : hence ot<r6a for olS-Oa (Sanscr. vettha
for ved-tha), and ^r-0o (Sanscr. dsitha) properly Pf. from the root <r-. Having
in these cases appeared accidentally as an ending -<r6o, it was transferred in
this form to other Tenses and Moods.*
The forms JjcrOas, ot<r9as which appear in some MSS are due to the common
2 Sing, in -ds. Aristarchus rejected them in Homer.
In the Middle the <r of -om, -CTO when it follows a vowel is
g-enerally lost : so always in the Secondary Tenses, as epapva-o,
baivv-o, ecrcrv-o, eeura-o, contracted c/cpe/io) (II. 15. 18), e7re</)/3ao-a)
(II. 21. 410), e/cTTjo-co (Od. 24. 193) for which, however, the
metre allows us to write l/cpe/xa', &c. and the Opt. -oi-o. In
the Pres. and Pf. Indie, and the Imper. the usage is not uniform :
bvva-o-ai (II. I. 393), oyo-o-ai (Od. 17* 37$); wap-iora-o-ai (II. TO.
279., Od. 17. 450), imo-bdiJ.va-(rai (Od. 1 6. 95), balm-vat (Od.
21. 290), jue/x^Tj-o-at (II. 23. 648), Imper. urra-o-o (seven times),
ovt]-(To (Od. 19. 68), Kei-o-o (II. 21. 122) : but /xejiw?-at H- 21.
442), p.fp.vr] (II. 15. 1 8, where we may read //e'/utzV),
(three places in the Iliad), 8i'rj-at (Od. n. 100), Imper.
(Od. 10. 333), Qa-o (Od. 18. 171), papva-0 (II. 15. 475), itap-
lara-o (II. io. 291, according to Aristarchus, Trap- urra-o-o MSS.).
The loss of <r was in accordance with Greek phonetic law, and originally
universal ; but new forms in -ecu, -<ro were produced on the analogy of forms
such as A.'o t^for AX' ffo )> % ffo (f r %ff-ffo), irtirvaaai (for irt-nvQ-aai), rtrvfo, &c.,
in which the <r is preserved by the preceding consonant.
Verbs in -eo>, which would properly form -ccai, -ceo, sometimes
* On this point recent writers have gone back to the explanation given by
Bopp, Vergl. Gr. II. pp. 292, 498.
5-] PERSON-ENDINGS. 5
suffer Hyphaeresis (cp. 105, 4), and drop one e ; as pvOeai (Od.
2. 202), curo-aipeo, eKAeo. But we find also pvOelai. (Od. 8. 180),
z>etcu (Od. ii. 114., 12. 141) where it is possible to substitute
the uncontracted /xufle'ecu, peeai and cuSeto (II. 24. 503).
In the Imper. the Ending -9i is common in Non-Thematic
Tenses : i-0i, o-Tij-di, K\v-6t, KcuXv-Oi, eora-0i, opw-Qi, <pdvrj-di
(II. 18. 198), 5t'5a>-0i (Od. 3. 380), ejuTUTrATj-fli (II. 23. 311). We
find -s in 6e-s, bo-s, irpoe-s (Tjyjo-iTjjui), and the thematic eyt-(nre-s //?.*> 73,
tell (cp. Attic o-xe-s).
In the forms iffrij (II. 21. 313), Saivv (II. 9. 70), Selicvv (Hes. Th. 526), the long
final vowel probably conies by analogy from the Pres. and Impf. Singular
forms (by the ' proportion ' Impf. lAe-ye-s, f\eyf : Imper. \tye : : to-nys, larrj :
fffTij). For the forms HaO-iara, riOti, SiSov, &c., see 18.
3 Sing. The original -TI remains only in |O--TI(Z;), in which
the phonetic change of -TI to -o-i is prevented by the preceding <r.
On the Subjunctives in -TJ-O-I see 82.
3 Plur. The Ending -d<n (for -am) is found in e-acrt (for J)|.^
*eV-acri) they are and t-do~t they go.
Stems in a, e, o, u form -cicri, -ei<ri, -oucri, -uai (for -a-n-i, &C.),
as (j)acri, lo-rao-i, Ti6el(n, StSoCcri, ^fv/vvcn. (not TiQ-a<n, &c., as in
Attic). On the accent of these forms, see 87, 2.
The Perfect Act. has -dai and -ao-t. The latter occurs only f-J-
twice in Homer, ir^vn-aa-L (Od. 7. 114), AeXo'yxao-tv (Od. 1 1.
304) ; for other examples in Ionic see Curt. Verb, ii 166. In
these forms the a belongs to the Ending, since -aai is for -cm,
which corresponds to the -ITI of the Doric <J>O.-VTI, Aeyo-vrt (as
-orai in the Mid. to -I'Tai). The forms with -dai belong to two
essentially distinct groups; see 7.
The secondary -ay (for -avrj is found in all Aorists which form
the i Sing, in -a. It may also be traced in the Impf. of ei/xi,
in the form rjv (Hes. Th. 321, 825), for r\av (Sanscr. dsan}.
Non-Thematic -v occurs in the forms e^a-y, !/3a-y, lora-y, .i.<^
(f)9a-v, fbv-v (II. II. 263), tyv-v (Od. 10. 397), IKTO-^, Impf. lf-v
(in vv-LV, p.fd-iv), Ttpo-Tidt-v (read by Aristarchus in Od. i.
112), fbibo-v (H. Cer. 327), and many Passive Aorists, as !/3Aa-
/3e-y, 8i-eVjLiaye-i', aye-y, aAe-y, ba.fj.e-v, Trdyf-v, r/yepOf-v, Koa-^rjOf-v,
Ka.T-eKTo.6e-v. On the form ^lavO^v (II. 4. 146) see 40. In
these tenses -v is commoner in Homer than -aoV. But -croV is
the only Ending found in the two Imperfects rj-<rav and ffi-a-av,
l-aav, and in the Pluperfect : see 68.
In the Middle, the forms -emu, -dro are regular after conso- 43 1lM:
nants and the vowel i (including the diphthongs ei, TJ, 01, &c.) ;
the forms -CTCU, -I/TO after d, e, o. After u, t\ both forms are
found: e.g. eipv-arcu, dpv-aTO, but AeAu-vrai, K.e\v-vrai ; /3e/3A77-M//-/^
arat (II. IT. 656), but /^uvrj-zm), ^v^\rj-iTO ; even r\vro (11. 3.
153) as well as ^f-aro (for ^cr-aro).
PERSON-ENDINGSDUAL. [6.
The Imper. Endings -rcotrar, -o-0a><rai> are post-Homeric.
1 Dual. -ptQov occurs only once, in TieptitoptBov, II. 23. 485.
Elmsley (on Ar. Ach. 733) maintained that this form was a
fiction of the grammarians. It is defended by G. Curtius ( Verb.
I. 97 f.), and there seems no valid reason for rejecting it.
2 and 3 Dual. In the Historical Tenses, according to the
ancient grammarians, the regular Endings are
2 Dual Act. --TQV, Mid. -
3 - T ^ v >
This scheme, however, is open to some doubt ; for
(1) Homer has three instances of the 3 Dual Impf. in -TOV, where the metre
does not admit of -rrjv, viz. SIWK(-TOV (II. 10. 363), envx^-fov (II. 13. 34^),
\a.<p\iaatrov (II. 18. 583). Three others in -o-0ov occur as various readings,
where the metre admits of either -aOov or -aOrjy, viz. d<piice-a0ov, read by some
ancient critics (probably Zenodotus) in II. 13. 613 : Oojprjffat-adov, the reading
of A. (the Cod. Venetus) and Bust, in II. 16. 218: virt-adov, a marginal
variant of A. in II. 23. 506.
(2) Three forms of the 2 Dual in -TTJV were read in the text of Zenodotus,
viz. Kape-TTjv (II. 8. 448), \a.pt-rr]v (II. lo. 545), fiOtXe-rijv (II. II. 782).
Aristarchus read nap.t-Tov, \af3e-Tov, ij^eAe-Tov. The metre gives no help to a
decision.
(3) In Attic the examples of the 2 Dual in -TTJV, -o-0T]v are so common that
Elmsley (on Ajr^ Ach. 733) held these to be the only correct forms, thus
making the Dual of Historical Tenses uniformly end in -TJV, as the Dual of the
Principal Tenses ends in -ov. Cobet maintains the same view (Misc. Grit.
pp. 279 ff.). But the account of the Greek grammarians is strikingly borne
out by the forms of the Sanscrit Dual. In Sanscrit we find that in the
Historical Tenses the 2 Dual ends in -tarn, 3 Dual in -tarn, answering perfectly
to the Greek -TOV, -TTJV. This therefore is to be regarded as the original rule.
The exceptions which have been quoted are evidently due to the tendency
towards uniformity : and it is to be noticed that this tendency seems to have
acted in Homer in the direction of making all Duals end in -TOV, -trQov,
whereas in Attic the tendency was to extend the Endings -TTJV, -crfhjv to the
Second Person.
The Imper. Ending -rw is found in eo-ra>j' (II. I. 338) and
KOjuemoi; (II. 8. 109). As to co-row in Od. I. 373, where it is
usually taken as a Plural, see 173.
Variation of the Stem.
6.] In Thematic Stems it is plain that the Ending influences
only the final e(o), leaving the rest of the Stem unaffected.
Non-Thematic forms, on the other hand, are liable to variations
in quantity which affect the main vowel of the Stem. These
variations are governed 'by the general rule that when there are
two forms of a Stem the longer is found with the Endings of the
6.] VARIATION OF STEM. 7
Sing. Indie. Act., the shorter with all other Endings, viz. those of
the Dual and Plural, the Imperative, and the Middle. Thus : _
(i) a, } o interchange with the corresponding long vowels
d (in Ionic rj), i\, <a as ^TJ-^I, e-^rj-y, but i Plur. <a-/xeV, Imper.
<t>d-6i, Mid. e-0a-ro; T^TJ-JU, Mid. rt^e-/xai; St'Sa)-/xi, Mid.
(2) t with ei and 01 : as ei-/xt, i Plur. l-pev, Imper. l-6i ; olba,
i Plur. i5-juez>.
(3) o with eu and u : as e-\eva, Mid. yy-ro ( 15); biKvv-[j.i,
i Plur. bfiKvv-p.v. Sometimes with ou, as eiA^Aowfla, stem
Note however that all vowels are liable to be shortened before
the combination vr, as in the 3 Plur. loray (but eo-rrj-jixev), &c.,
and the Participle, a-ravr-os, yvovr-os. Also before i of the
Optative, a-raLriv, yvoirjv.
The same law governs the interchange of
(4) a with er and ov : as yzyova (yevos), I Plur. yeya-juer ;
neTtovOa (-nevO-os), Part. Fern. -nevaO-vla.*
(5) op with ep and op : as tydopa, Mid. ZfyQap-Tai (Pres.
<0eipo) for (f)0p-t(a) ; and, with Metathesis (pa for ap, &c.),
rerpo^e, Mid. re^paTT-rai (rpe<^)-a)).*
The combinations ap^pS) and SA(Xa) represent the primitive ' liquid
vowels,' r and 1. They appear in place of the consonantal p and X when
these are phonetically impossible : e. g. e<f>0aprai is for k-<pOp-r<u, the p
of the root <p8ep- passing into ap where Sanscr. ar would pass into ^.
Similarly, a represents the ' nasal vowels ' m and n : thus irS0- is for irvO-.
Before another vowel t\i, cv sometimes pass into SJA, fiv, as in fxravov for
t-K7v-ov (root KTfv-~), in the same way that u and i before a vowel may appear
as uv, iy.
Sometimes the longer Stem contains an additional consonant,
viz. in the Perfects and Aorists in -KO, as e'ar?]Ka, i Plur. eara-
//>; edrjKa, I Plur. etfe-juev.
These are the principal variations which can be exemplified
within the limits of a single Tense. When we compare one Tense
with another, we observe further the interchange of
(6) Stems with the vowel e or o and Stems in which the vowel
is lost ; as IX-CD (for *a-e%-<i)), f-<T\_-ov ; irer-eo-^ai, Aor. uWo-flai
(cp. Tror-doyMat).
This definition will cover the reduction of p, X, ep., v to p, X, p, v (instead
of ap, SX, a) ; as in ejp-tro (Yp- in 7'/><w), e-^-rro (iri\-a>), t-Tf-rn-ov (rt'/x-
* Similarly, aX(Xfi) with eX and oX : but it is difficult to find examples in
Greek. The form iri-irXa-^v perhaps answers to an original Sing. *m-irt\-nt
(cp. Sanscr. piparmi, PI. pipr-mas, Brugmann, M. U. I. p. 44), and the form
*T(-ro\-a (Lat. tetulf).
8 THIRD PERSON PLURAL. [7.
vca), t-ii(-(pv-ov (<f>v-, cp. </>oi/-os). Thus we have an apparent interchange of two
short Stems, as <|>v- in tite-tyv-ov with <J>S- in iri-tya-Tcu, &c.
When loss of < would make the word unpronounceable, it is sometimes
retained in the short form, as in i-rtic-ov, rac-ftv (Stems rtK-, TOK-).
Again, there are in general two longer forms of each Stem, one
marked by the predominance of the sounds e, rj, the other by
that of o, at. The chief interchanges which are due to this cause
are
(7) e and o, including the combinations ei, eu, ep, eX, eji, *v and
01, oo, op, oX, oji, ov. It is needless to give further examples.
(8) d (Ionic YI) and w: I-TTT-T? flew, UTTJO-O-CO cower, and Tre-Tmo-
j / tf. f j > /
KO ; cp. </>i]-ju(, and (fxa-vt], ob-r]yos and ay-coy-^.
(9) TJ and w : priy-vvfjii and e/a-pcoya ; cp. dpT/yco and dpcoy-o's,
r/Oos and elco^a.
(10) In a certain number of Stems the only variation is
between u and o : 8i-8co-//i (80-), o8-co8a, oA-coAa.
The Endings which are found with the long Stem have been
called the Light, the others the Heavy Endings.
The short form of the Stem is usually called the Weak Stem.
Of the longer forms that which contains the vowel o (ot, ou, ov,
op, oX) may be distinguished as the 0-form : the other will be
simply called the Strong form.
The different variations may be represented in a tabular form :
Strong 0(77) 77 co i fv fp(pe) eA e/u, ev e
O-form co co co 01 ov op(po) oA o/x ov o
Weak aeoifl p A. ) /u, ) y ) nil
. dp(pa) aA
7.] The 3 Plur. offers some exceptions to the general rule :
(1) The Ending -ao-i (for -on, -NTI) is used with the long
Stem of the Pf., as AfAo'y^-acrt, TT((pvK-d<n. Cp. Mid. TfTfv^-arai,
f-TTV-)(-aTO ( 22, 5).
(2) The long Stem is also found in a few forms of the Pf.
with the Ending -dai, as Tr(Troi6d<n, eoT?jKa<ri ( 24), and of the
Aor. in -a, as e^fvav, e^rjxay, fbatKav ( 15)-
(3) The Endings -(<r)d<n, -rav (for -2ANTI, -2ANT) are found
with the weak Stem. The leading examples are :
With Simple Stems : i-crav, (--(pa-crav, l-$e-o~cu>, e-8o-(raz>, &c.
Presents : ri^e-ao-i, 8i8o-ao-i (Att.) ; (-TtOe-o-av, f-bibo-crav, &c.
Perfects : tg-ap-t (i8-o-ao-t), larav ; et^ao-i (Att. 3 Plur. of eot/ca).
/3e/3d-ao-t, yeyd-'ao-i, jae/Ltd-ao-t ; Plpf . j3e(3a-crav, /xe/za-o-ay.
t crratn (for !ora-a<n), reOvaa-i ; eora-cray, Te6va-(rav.
TTftyv-acri, 8e8t-acri ; 8ei'8i-o-cu>.
The hiatus shows that -dai is for -cracri, the Primary Ending
8.] MIDDLE VOICE. 9
answering to -aw. The corresponding Mid. -o-aroi is found in
Doric (yey/adx/raTcu, Tab. Heracl. i. 121, in C. I. 5774).
The contraction in lo-raai, T0va<n, is evidently due to the impossibility of
4crra.-a.o-i,, T0va-aoa in the hexameter. Brugmann regards them as wrongly
accented, and would write earaat, riOvaai, i. e. fcrra-VTi, Tt'Ova-vn (Curt. Stud.
ix. 296). This is open to the objection (i) that it separates them from
j8fj8d-a<n, ytyd-a<n, (MfM-affi ; and (2) that in all other Stems which form
a Pf. or Aor. in -KO the Endings -VTI and -v are confined in Homer to the
forms with -K : thus we find
TTf(J)OK-aai and ir<jru-a<ri, but not irc<|>u<n
lo"nr|Kacn,, &c. ,, Pfpd.-a.cri, Pef3acn
(oiBacri Hdt.) ,, io-acri f8-acri.
iOrjKa-v !0-crav ,, ?0-v
cSoiKa-v eBo-crav 8o-v (Hesiod).
The weak form with -VTI, -v is therefore confined to Verb-Stems ending in a
vowel, as in 4>acri, -nOeio-i (for QavTi, riOt-vri). And in these the short vowel
is due to the (original) following -NT, as in e-o-rav, f\yep9tv, d\6-vTs, &c.
For a plausible hypothesis as to the origin of the Ending -crav see 40.
Regarding -(cr)a<ri (i.e. the Ending -a<ri preceded by hiatus) no satisfactory
view has been put forward.
Meaning of the Middle.
8.] The original force of the Middle Person-Endings is ' Re-
flexive/ that is to say, they denote that the action of the Verb
is directed towards the agent.
Greek has no Passive Endings distinct from those of the
Active and Middle : it is desirable therefore to speak, not of
Passive forms, but of the Passive meaning or use of a form.
The chief uses of the Middle are
(i) The use to signify that the agent is also the indirect object
of the action that the action is done by some one/or or toward
himself, or in his own interest : evvv-pai I put (clothes, &c.) on
myself; 8e'xo-/xai I take to myself; aop 6i> e/ouo-o-djuevos having
drawn him his sharp sword ; ^/aeiro TOOV took Ms bow with him ;
let him bear away (as his prize}.
(2) The use in which the agent is the direct object of the
action, as AOVO-JUCU I wash myself. This is comparatively rare.
(3) The Intransitive use, in which the reflexive sense is faint,
as $aive-Tai appears (but fyatvei tavTov he shows himself]. So,
generally, when the action centres in the agent ; as in Verbs of
bodily action (epx ^ 611 ? weYojuai, aXXojuai, ol^o^ai, &c.), and in such
uses as \a/3e'o-0cu to gain a hold (not to take a thing), bebpay^vos
clutching ; f^ aTO ^ re her arms ; also in Verbs of feeling and
thinking (cuo-fldz/ojuai, albeop-ai, /3ovAo]uai, otojuai, p/janpMU
' ' '
ora^at, jxeo/xai, (popai, &c.). So in French, ' je m'ape^ois '
I perceive, ' je me doute ' 1 suspect, ' il se peut ' it may be.
10 THE TENSES. [9.
(4) The Reciprocal use ; d/xei/3oVeyos taking Ids turn ; Aeye<r0at
to tell over (in talk) ; dpeV/ceo-tfai to make friends with ; vvcrcro-
^e'yooy (II. 14. 26) as they pierced each other; fpeibeo-dov (II. 23.
7,35) P^h each other, strive. Hence the Middle form of
Fr. se battre and its equivalents, dyo>i;io/Aat,
(5) The Passive use, as lx e ~ rat is possessed, e/SArj-ro was struck, -'
btbe-ro was hound, eK-ire-no-Tai # drunk up. This is not a very
common use of the Middle. It may be illustrated from the
similar use of some Reflexive Verbs in French, as ' je me trouve '
1 am found, 'il se mange ' it is eaten.
The Middle is rather more common in Homer than in later
Greek. For example, in the class of Verbs of feeling and thinking
we may add the Homeric Ipajuat, ya.vvfj.ai, eASojucu, cA^ojaai, 060-
/uat, oi'Ojuat, aTfVOfj,ai, Kf^apovro, obixrao-Oai. And the use is ex-
tended to Verbs of seeing and hearing, as 6/3<2-jx,ai (Aor. iSe'-<r0ai),
a.Kovo-[ji,aL (used as well as 6po>, i8eu>, OKOWCO), 8^pKOjuai, oorao/xat,
o-Ke7Troju,at, ^pd^bjuaij cp. the Attic o-KOTroS-yiai 7 consider.
Conversely, Homer has the Act. ouo 7 think, expect, as well as
the Mid. oio-f*ai 7 harbour the thought, suspect (cp. the distinction
in French bet weenie </owfe and^'e wze doute).
Sometimes (esp. in Homer) the Middle appears to be used
because the Verb implies acting- arbitrarily, as a superior, &c. ;
e. g 4 . /3tdb/xcu 7 z/se force towards, a-ivop-ai, 8rjXeo/o.ai, &c. 7 <^o
mischief for pleasure; e^u'Aaro z<zr/e a favourite of; bU-vrai run
in a race, bUo-dat. to chase (but biov I fled] ; 8ei8io-o-eo-^at to terrify;
KfK\(To shouted in command*
A use intermediate between the Reflexive and the Passive
(pointed out by Riddell, Dig. 88) may be exemplified in
anrJx_OfTo got himself hated, incurred hatred, KTZLVOVTCIL (II. 13. no)
let themselves le slain, AeiVeo-fle (II. 23. 409) get left behind : cp.
II. 13. 525., 15. 645, Od. 3. 284.
On the Futures only used in the Mid., see 66.
CHAPTER II.
THE TENSES.
P.] Verb-Stem and Tense-Stem. A comparison of the dif-
ferent forms of a Greek VEKB usually enables us to see that
some one syllable or group of syllables is present in 4hem all :
as TUTT- in the forms of TVTIT^, or |3ouXeu- in those of
* Cp. Icelandic ' heita' I promise, ' heitaz' I threaten.
10.] THE TENSES. 11
This we shall call the Verb-Stem. A Verb-Stem not derived from
more primitive elements is called a Root.
Again, the different forms belonging to any one TENSE are
based upon a common part, which we shall call the Tense- Stem.
This part may be the same as the Verb-Stem ; or it may con-
tain an additional element, as 8t- in bi-bo-pev, bi-bo-ir^-v, &c. ;
-re, -TO in rir7r-re-re, ruTT-ro-fjifv, I-TUTT-TO-Z;, rvTT-ro-i-jut, &c.
The Subjunctive and Optative, again, are distinguished by
a Suffix to the Tense-Stem : e.g. bo-irj-v, bibo-irj-v, rvnro-i-jui,
(TTt](ra-L-p.L. The new Stems so formed may be called Mood-
Stems.
Finally, the Stems used in the ' Historical' Tenses the Impf.,
Aor., and Plpf. are formed from the Tense- Stem by prefixing
the Augment.
The Stems of the augmented forms are therefore parallel to the Mood-Stems,
the only difference being that they are formed by a prefix, while the Mood-
Stems are formed by a suffix. They may be described as Time-Moods of the
several Tenses, combining the notion of Past Time, which is expressed by
the Augment, with the meaning contained in the Tense-Stem.
Each Tense-Stem furnishes an Infinitive and a Participle.
Thus we have (supplying one or two links by analogy) from
the three Tense-Stems J3aXXe (or -o), (JaXe (or -o),
Principal Tense /3aAAe-re wanting /3e/3A?7Ka-re.
Historical e-/3dAAe-re e-/3dAe-re e-/3e/3A.rjKe-a.
Subjunctive /3aAA?j-re /SdATj-re /3e/3A.?jKT7-re.
Optative /3dAAo-t-re /3dAo-i-re /Se/SArj/co-i-re.
Imperative /3dAAe-re /3aAe-re /3e/3A?7Ka-re.
Infinitive /SaAAe'-juei'ai /3aAe'-e> /Se/SArjK-eixu.
Participle /3dAAo-i>ros j3a\6-vros /Se/SArjK-oYos.
It is evident that there might have been a Future 'Time-
Mood ' as well as a Past for each Tense-Stem. In English indeed
we can distinguish progressive action in the future as well as in
the present and past : 1 shall be writing as well as / am writing
and / was writing. See Goodwin's Moods and Tenses, 65;
Driver's Use of the Tenses in Hebrew, 4. Modern Greek
has two such Futures, 6a ypci^co I will be loriting and 0a ypd\^aj
/ will write, related to each other as eypatyov and eypatya.
10.J Formation of Tense-Stems. Leaving out of sight the
meanings of the several Tenses, and looking to the mode of their
formation, we may distinguish the following groups :
(i) With the Verb-Stem serving as Tense-Stem
The Simple Non-Thematic Present, as fa-pi.
The Simple Non-Thematic Aorist, as Z-firj-v.
The Aorist in -a, as e-x>-a.
12 TENSES. [ll.
(2) With Tense-Stem enlarged from Verb-Stem
The Non-Thematic Reduplicated Present, as n'-flrj-fu.
The Present in -nrj-fu and -ni-fu, as ovci'S-yTj-jLu, 8eiK-z>i5-/u.
The Perfect.
(3) With the Thematic Vowel
The ordinary Thematic Present, as Aeyoo.
The Present with short Stem, as ayco.
The Simple Thematic Aorist, as e-Aa/3-o-z;.
(4) With Reduplication (Thematic)
The Thematic Reduplicated Present, as yi-yv-o-fj.ai.
The Thematic Reduplicated Aorist, as ijy-ay-o-v.
(5) With other Suffixes (Non-Thematic)
The Aorist in -ad, and in -o-e, -o-o.
The Aorist in ~i\~v (Aor. II Pass.).
The Aorist in -OTJ-K (Aor. I Pass.).
(6) With other Suffixes (Thematic)
The Present in -TO (T-Class of Curtius).
The Present in -cw (Nasal Class).
The Present in -O-KW, and the Iterative forms.
The Present in -*u> (I-Class).
The Future in -o-w, -(a)w.
The Non-Thematic Present and Aorist.
11.] The Simple Non-Thematic Present. The chief Presents
in which the Tense-Stem is the same as the Verb-Stem are
et-fu (for eo--fu) / am, e?-/u 1 go, ty^-pi / say, r\ he said, Kei-rat
lies, r\<r-ra.i sits (3 Plur. et-arat, properly ^f-arai, for *^<r-arai),
7rt-crra-/xai / know, aya-/xat / wonder, epa-pai. I love, bvva-p.ai. I
am able, e-Kpeju' (f r e-Kpe/xa-o) didst hang, 8ea-ro seemed, bU-vrai
race (tv-bU-orav tried to scare), ovo-vai dost blame (u>va-ro II. 17.
25), ari-Tov How, K.iyj\-Tir\v caught, epv-ro protected, oreu-rai in
ready, threatens, e8-ju,erac to eat : also tero desired (te'/xevo? eager),
if it is to be separated from uj/xt and referred to fte/xcu, Sanscr.
m (see 397). For tA?j0i see 16.
On the Non-Thematic forms of Contracted Verbs (such as
see 19.
12.] Variation of the Stem according to the ' weight ' of the
ending is carried out consistently in <f>iq-/u and et-ju. Thus
Pres. 0rj-/xi, (jtrj-s, (frrj-a-L, Plur. <^>a-/xeV, <^a-Te, (^acrt.
Impf. l-^rj-y, f-Qrj-s and e-(j)r]-a-6a, I-^TJ, I Plur. ^>a-^v (for
e-(})aij.v), 3 Plur. ^a-arav and tyav, Part. 0ay.
12.] NON-THEMATIC PRESENT. 13
Mid. 2 Plur. <j>d-o-6e, Impf. e-$a- W z,, e-^a-ro, Imper. $a-o,
<f)a-o-6a>, Inf. $d-cr0ai, Part. (f)d-p.vos.
And similarly
Pres. el-pi, ei-o-0a, ei-o-i, 3 Du. t-roy, Plur. i-/xey, f-re, Wi.
Impf. 3 Du. I-TTJV, 3 Plur. la-ay, Imper. \-Qi, t- T a>, t-re, Inf.
i-fxeyai (once i), and ieWt.
The i Sing, fj'ia does not represent the original form of the Impf., which
would be fja (forget, Sanscr. dyam). Hence rj'Ca with the 3 Sing, fjei and 3 Plur. Ih.-fMf-l
Tjio-av, rfo-av must be formed like pSta and other Pluperfects in -so. ( 68, a) ; '
the e of the original fjea, rjeo-av being changed to t under the influence of *-ptv, uj^U.
&c. (Wackernagel, K. Z. xxv. 266). For -crav see 40.
The forms fj'iov (i Sing, and 3 Plur.), lev, Part. Iwv, are evidently produced
by confusion with the Thematic conjugation ( 30, cp. also 18).
The Verb elju I am is inflected as follows :
Sing. Dual. Plur.
!l. ftpi (l/*ev (for lff-/V)
2. lff-rt, els (5) eff-rov ea-re
3. fff-ri(v~) (ff-r6v elai (Dor. IJ/TI), e-aat.
, I. ^a, a (Th. ov) ^ey
J 2. ^ff^a, 7;<T0a ^re
J 3- ^e*', ^", eJ/"; ^V rjff-rijV ^aav, eaav, %v (Hes.).
(Dor. ^s)
Imper. (ff-roj, ea-re, ta-reav Inf. fjtfitvat, Z/j.(vai, f/J.fv, elvai Imper. Mid.
fff-<ro (Od. i. 302).
The root e<r- is not reduced before Heavy Endings, as in the
corresponding Sanscr. forms (Dual s-vas, s-thas, s-tas, Plur. s~mas,
-tha, s-anti, Opt. sydm), and the Lat. sumus, sunf, slm. The loss of
o- in etjut, et/jieV, fj^tv (for eo--/xt, &c.) is according to Greek phonetic /1W-/--5
law : the Attic ecr-^ev is a new formation, due to the analogy of
e<r-TL, <r-Te, &c. On the other hand ?jre (II. 16. 557) follows
rifjitv ; the older ?jo--re survives in Attic. The a of rivav belongs
to the ending -crav ( 40), not to the root.
In the Impf. it is probable that we have an admixture of
forms from the original Perfect : thus jfo--0a (Sanscr. dsitha) is
Pf., rja, for *?7(ra, is both Pf. (Sanscr. dsa] and Impf. (Sanscr.
dsam], tfev may be Pf . (Sanscr. dsa} or thematic Impf. (answering
to the Homeric i Sing. !oz>) ; the original 3 Sing. Impf. survives
in the Dor. 779 (Vedic as). Again, the 2 Sing. l?jo-0a and 3 Sing.
fr]v, rjf]v seem to require a stem (e)o-rj-, found also in Lat. e-rdm
(Brugmann, M. U. i. p. 35), The -v of the 3 Sing, is unex-
plained : it does not appear to be the v e^eAKuoriKoV, for we find
no form *^e alongside of rjev.
Note that the i Sing, fjv is not found in Homer.
The Homeric forms of ei/te were discussed some years ago by L. Meyer
(K. Z. ix. pp. 385, 423). He maintained that the Homeric 3 Sing. Impf.
was fyv or (without augment) lev : the forms fy, *T]V and fjtjv being due to
14 TENSES. [13.
corruption or misreading. The facts certainly give much countenance to this
view, which has been adopted by Curtius (Stud. i. 2, 292) and Nauck. It
can hardly be accidental that out of 54 places in which TJV occurs in the thesis
or second half of the foot, there are 50 in which it is followed by a vowel, as
II. 2. 77 Ntcrrcup os pa IluXoio a.va TJV rJ/xaOoei/ros.
Od. 17. 208 a.fuf>l 5' ap' aiydpcav vSa.TOTpt<ptcov ty a\ffos.
Moreover, out of 72 instances of Jhrjv there are 63 in which it is followed by
a consonant (including f ). On the other hand, in 26 places Tjv occurs in the
first half of the foot, and in 2 places it ends the line (in the phrase ovb' dpa ircas
rfv] ; and it is not easy to correct many of these so as to admit rjev or ev.
Again, jjv and irjv have some support in the 2 Sing, forms TJoOa, erjaOa. (For
erjaOa Curtius proposed teaOa, but there is no good reason for this.) And
tT)v is found on an Ionic inscription of the sth century (Rohl, no. 382). On the
whole it seems that the argument for ttv is stronger than the argument against
fy and trjv. Perhaps we must recognise two Stems, giving four forms : a Stem
to--, whence TJV, without augment lev, and a Stem (e)^- (Lat. e-ram), whence
?-T]v, without augment TJV. The rare tfyv occurs followed by a vowel (so that
we cannot read Tjev) in 3 places only, viz. Od. 19. 283 (al. tir), ffe/), 23. 316.,
24. 343. It may be due to mere ' contamination ' of fyv and trjv. But no
theory can be accepted as satisfactory that does not account for the fixed -v of
all these forms.
The o of la is treated as long in 3 places, II. 4. 321., 5. 887., Od. 14. 352.
In Od. 14. 222 TOIOS ' tv iro\(/j.a> it is elided ; but perhaps the et> may be omitted.
The vowel remains long before Heavy Endings in the Stems
drj-, 3 Du. ar)-Tov, Inf. arj-^evai, Mid. arj-ro, Part, ai/j-
Ki Xn~) 3 -D
Part.
except that it is shortened before -vr and -i ( 6), as in the Part.
deWes blowing, 3 Plur. aei<ri (for ae-vri, in Hes. Th. 875), and the
Opt. /ctxe-iTj may fnd. The vowel is also long in epu-ro protected,
Inf. pv-<rQai; and in all forms of jcetfitu, ^/zai, arfvp-ai. nltTYvf*!
A similar Non-thematic inflexion, in which the final vowel of
the Stem is long except before -KT and -i, appears in the ^Eolic
conjugation of verbs in -fit, as ye'\ai-/u / laugh, aivrj-^i I praise
(Hes. Op. 681), 0tA7j-/xi Hove (i Plur. ^>iA?j-/xz;, 3 Plur.
Part. </uA7/-/Aeyos), a-d^-fiL I save. See 19.
13.] The Simple Non-Thematic Aorist. This term includes
the ' Second Aorists/ such as ?-/3r/-y I-OTJJ-I; &c., and also those
so-called First Aorists in which the -d of the i Sing. Active is
added directly to the Verb-stem, as in e-xeu-a.
Variation of quantity is rare in the Active, but the Stem is
usually shortened in the Middle. The chief forms are : l-p^-y
/ went, 3 Du. pd-rrjv (but also !-/37jr7ji>), 3 Plur. virfp-fia-a-av,
Imper. jxera-/3?70i, Inf. ^Tj-juevai : C-OTTJ-I' / stood, Du. <rr-i\-ri\v t
Plur. e-oTTj-fiei', e-oT7j-re, -crrr]-(rav, Imper. (TTrj-Oi,, a-Trj-re, Inf.
e-<j>0r] came before, Part. <t>6d-[jLfvos : e^-e-irnj flew out
I4-] NON-THEMATIC AORIST. 15
Ql3d
(Hes. Op. 98), 3 Du. Kara-Ttrri-T^v cowered, Mid. l-Trra-ro flew :
e-(r|3T] was quenched ; -T\TJ-C / endured, Plur. %-TXrj-fj.fv, 1-rArj-re,
Imper. rA?j-rco, rA?/-Te ; l-y^w-i/ / knew, 3 Du. yixo-rrjy, 3 Plur.
!-yya>-o-az' j eir-e-TrXur-s C?zY/<^ *07 0Z7r, Part.
>m /z'w, Inf. PI&-VO.I. ; dXw-rai to be taken, Part. dAovs : 2-<|)6t.To
perished ; KTi'-fieyos z7^ ; e-8o &z under, 3 Du. e-Su-rrjy, 2 Plur.
l-8i)-re, Imper. bv-0L, Inf. c-/xez;ai ; I-<j>u grew, 3 Plur. -<pv-crav
(H. Ven. 265) : XU-TO was loosed (once Au-ro, II. 34. i). /cA{5-0i
^mr, Plur. KAC-re (Part. K\v-p.tvos as a Proper Name in Homer).
On the forms eo-o-u-ro, e-xu-ro see 15.
The vowel is invariably long in friJ.-$\ri-n]v the two encountered,
Mid. /3Af/-ro was struck; irXtj-To was filled; irXTj-ro cawze near;
aTT-onrj-To profited, Imper. ovrj-ao, Part, ovri-^fvos ; ap.-TtvS-To
recovered breath ; e-orpw-ro was strewed : see 14.
On the other hand the vowel is short throughout in Kar-e-KTa-j>
(II. 4. 319, where some ancient critics read /care'/cra), 3 Sing. l-KTa
(the quantity is proved by Od. II. 410 I/era <rw ovAo/xevr/ K. r. A.),
I Plur. e-KTa-p.V, Part. Kara-Kras, Mid. -KTO.-TO, Inf. KTa-arQai,
Part. Kra-^ei/o?. The longer form of the root is KTZV- (Pres.
KTfiva) for /crev-to)). A similarly irregular 3 Sing, in -d is found
in OUTCI he wounded, Inf. ovrd-^fvai, Part. Mid. ovrd-jjievos :
perhaps also in dir-Tjupa-s, air-r]vpa. For^ comparing the Part.
a-no-vpas, Mid. a-no-vpa-ntvos (Hes. Sc. 173), we may conjecture
that the Indie, should be written cnr-evpa-s, air-evpa (or aTt-e-Fpa-s,
d-Tr-e-fpa), where Fpa- is the weak form of a root Fep- (Meyer,
G. G. 524). We have -a for -fv also in dir-e-^a-ro died
(Hesych.), from the root ^cc- (Pf. 7re^)a-rai).
On the Non-Thematic Aorists with Stems ending in a con-
sonant, such as aAro, e-7raAro, >pro, Se'/cro, ACKTO, /XIKTO, &c., with
the Inf. TikpQai and the Participles app-fvos, iKfteros, acr/xeroy,
see 40.
14.] Metathesis. This term has been employed to explain a
number of forms in which a short vowel is lost before a liquid,
and the corresponding long vowel follows the two consonants
thus brought together : as ^-/SATJ-TTJJ; met, Mid. f3\f)-To was struck
(/3dA-, e'A-os), -T\r] endured (raAct-s), TrXij-ro drew near (-Tre'Aa-y),
TrAry-ro was filled (Sanscr. par-], l-or/aoo-ro was scattered (orope-),
K\r]-r6s called (naX-to), KeA-ojaai), Ka(ri--yvr]-Tos kinsman (yev-), /ne-
ftrr?-/xai (/xev-), 8jurj-ro? ^aztf? (8a/u.a-), &c. But this long vowel
a, TJ, or a) is clearly of the same nature as therj of (r^-crut (<rex-)
e^t-o-n-Tj-o-co (o-e-n--), Trf-irrr]-(as (TTCT-, 7rt-7rr-a)), ar/jiit (root^ av in
avpa), or the w of Tre-Trrco-Ka (TTCT-), l-yrco-j; (root ^z), ^-o? (root
^7?, hence Greek (rj- and ^-, for yi-i], yi-w). In these and many
similar cases ' metathesis ' is out of the question. Moreover we
find several Stems of the same character with the long vowel o,
T6 TENSES. [15.
as pv-a-Bai to shield (Fpv-), pv-ros drawn (Fepv-, Fpv-], rpC-w (cp.
rp-rj-) root tar"). Hence it is probable that the long- vowel is of
the nature of a suffix, by which a new verbal stem is formed from
the primitive stem or ' root/ This vowel usually does not vary
with the Person-ending's, but is long in all forms of the Tense.
It cannot be an accident, however, that the same Stems appear
also as disyllables with a short final vowel : raX-a, 7reX-a, <rro/o-e,
/caX-e (in jcaXe-crai), yer-e (in yeW-ms), 8aju-a, Trer-a, Fep-v in fpv-
o-ai, and many others. What then is the relation between these
forms and the monosyllabic rA-rj, TT\-TJ, orp-oo, xX-rj, yv-rj, 8/1-77,
TJT-TJ ? Apparently the difference is ultimately one of accent.
The same disyllabic would become raX-a or rA-rj as the stress
fell upon the first or the second syllable*.
15.] Aorists in -d and -Kd. These consist of (i) four Aorists
from stems ending- in -u, (2) three Aorists in -K&, and (3) the
isolated forms 7/retKa and euro.
The four Aorists eWeu-a (weak stem <rv-) / urged, I-xcu-a or
e-xe-a 1 poured, e-iaj-a (weak stem K.O.V-} I burned,, TjXeu-aro avoided
(Opt. dXe-atro, Inf. dXe-a<r0ai) form the I Sing-, with -a instead
of -v. Thus e-xeu-a is formed like e-^ry-y, except that, after the
diphthong- eu the final -m of the ending passed into -a, as in the
Impf. ?]a (for Tjcr-a). So too in the Accusative of Nouns we
have -v after a single vowel (Xo'yo-v, TTO'XI-I;, l%6v-v), but -d after
TJU, eu or a consonant : vfj-a (for vrjv-a or vfjF-a), 7ro8-a, as in
Latin ndv-em, ped-em. The forms without u, as ex ea * Kr 1 a > are
obtained by v passing into the semi-vowel (ex e ~ a ^ or ^X ^ a )-
The original inflexion then was l-xeu-a (e-xef-a), l-xeu-s,
e-xev(-r), Plur. e-xv-pev, l-xv-re (cp. l-Kra-jite^ 13), c-^fv-av,
Mid. f-\v-ro (like e-<jf)a-ro, l-Kra-ro), &c. Thus ex 1 ' 7 " an ^ <TCTVTO
are primitive forms, standing to exeva, eWeua as e-0a-ro to
How then are we to account for such forms as e-
e-x^a-ro, 0-eua-ju.eyos, i^Xeva-ro? They are obtained from the
i Sing, and 3 Plur. by treating the stem plus the -a as a new
stem or base, to which the Person-endings are then attached.
Thus e-xeva-y, -\va-^fv, t-\tva-To are duplicate forms, related
to e-xef-s, f~xy-fj.v, e-xu-ro as the later otba-s, otda-/*ei> to olo-fla,
* Joh. Schmidt, K. Z. xxiii. 277 ; Brugmann, M. U. i. 1-68 ; Frohde, B. B.
ix. 1 19. The whole subject, as Brugmann has recently warned us (Grundriss, ii.
8, n. i), is full of uncertainty, and it is possible that forms such aspele- represent
the ' root ' or primitive word, from which not only pie- (irA.^-, Lat. ple-nus) and
pele-, but a.lso pel- (Sanscr. pi-par-tf) and pi- (iri-Tr\a-nev'), are derived. We are
dealing here, not with the derivation of Greek, &c. from Indo-European,
where the comparison of other languages, such as Sanscrit, may give us help,
but with the formation of Indo-European itself, to which the comparative
method is ex hypothesi inapplicable.
1 6.] NON-THEMATIC TENSES. 17
rs-/xez>. The 3 Sing-, in -e(V), follows the analogy of the Thematic
conjugation (e^eue like lAeye).
The three Aoristsin -Kd, c-6rjKa I put, e-Tj/ca I sent forth, t-
I gave, are inflected as follows :
1 Sing. 1-07} Ka I Plur. f-Oe-pt
2 f-dijKa-s 2 Du. e-0e-roi> 2 l-0e-re
3 , 3 M^ 3
Imper. 6e-s, 0e'-rco, Plur. 0e'-re, OG-VTCDV.
Inf. 0e'-/zeyai, de-pev, delvai, Part. 0ei?, dt-vros, &c.
Mid. e-0e-/AT7i' &c. with 6e- as stem throughout.
Thus Qr\K.a-, r}Ka-, 8o>Ka- alternate with 0e-, e-, 80- as long and
short Stems respectively. The only forms in Homer which do
not conform to this scheme are the i Plur. lv-^Ka-^fv (Od. 12.
401), and the 3 Sing. Mid. d^Ka-ro (II. 10. 31., 14. 187, also
Hes. Th. 175). The primitive 3 Plur. e-bo-v occurs in Hes. Th.
30, and in Doric : e-0e-z> only on inscriptions (C. I. 29).
The Homeric forms with the stem I- do not take the augment :
in Attic we have (e. g.) el-pev el-re (for e-e-/xei; e-e-re).
In respect of the -a of the Stem the 2 Sing, e-^xa-s is
formed like -\va-s, and the occasional examples of the type
f-6r/Ka-^v, f-6r]K.a-To are parallel to e-xeva-/zev, e-xeva-ro. That
is to say, the -a comes from H-Or^xa, f-6r]Ka-v. The relation of
e-0?]Ka-/xei>, e-077/ca-ro to !-0e-/xez>, e-0e-ro, is complicated by the
use of a new Verb-Stem (#17-*- instead of #77-). Thus it is the
same as the relation of eoTTJ/ca-juev to eora-^ev ( 22).
The Aorist ^ei/ca (without augment eVeiKa) shows no variation
of stem ; I Plur. eveuca-/t>tez>, 3 Plur. fivtma-v and eVeiKa-r, Imper.
ereuca-re, Mid. 3 Plur. qpcfca-pro.
On the Aorist enra see 37.
16.] The Non-Thematic Reduplicated Present. These
Presents are formed by Reduplication, usually of the initial
consonant with t; ridrj-a-i puts, 8i8a>-/xi I give, Irj-a-i (for 0-^0-77-0-1 ?)
sends, torao-i (o-i-ora-) they set, irijUTrAao-i they fill (the jn is
euphonic : it is dropped after p. in e/x-7rt7rA7j-0i), 81877 lounA,
(3i(Bd-s striding ; with Attic Reduplication, ovivrj-vi. (for O^-OI'TJ-)
benefits : perhaps also 1X77-^1 be appeased (?Aa-^cti I propitiate, Horn.
H. xxi. 5 : Stem tAa for o-t-o-Aa, Meyer, G. G. p. 437).
In these Present Stems the quantity of the vowel in the Stem
regularly varies under the rules laid down in 6 (i).
The vowel is long in e^-TrtVATj-^i (II. 21. 311), fATj-flt, 8i'So>-0i
(Od. 3. 380)*, and the Inf. Tt^-juemi (II. 23. 83, 247) and Part.
* The variation is perhaps less regular in the Irnper. ; cp. K\V-$I. In
Sanscr. the 3 Sing. Imper. has the strong Stem.
C
1 8 TENSES. [17.
(II. 10. 34). Also in bl(ji-fj.ai I seek (for *8t-8trj-),
the Homeric Verb answering to Attic (^-rc'to.
IT]IH is now generally connected with Lat. sero (for si-so, cp. Iffrrjpi sisto).
Earlier scholars (as Bopp) derived it from the root yd (Lat. ja-c-w~}. Possibly
it represents both <ri-oi]|ii (sd-) and I-ITJIU (ya-). In meaning it is much nearer
to jacio than to sero.
17.] Present Stems in -IT) (-m) and -cu. The Tense-Stems
of this class which may be called the Non-Thematic Nasal
class form the Present- Stem from the Verb -Stem by the
Suffixes -it), -vu (which with Heavy Endings regularly become
-I/a, -vv).
The Presents with -it] (-v&) are nearly all peculiar to Homer,
Sa/A-i>?]-|Lu / subdue t K.Lp-vr] mixed, Trep-va-s selling, crulb-va-Tai is
scattered, TuX-m-rca comes near, ^ap-va-rai fights. Note c for e in
Kip-, 0x18-, iriX-; cp. the later Verbs TTLT-VO>, KTIV-WIM.
A few Presents with -vu are common to all periods of Greek,
8euc-yu-ju.i / show, o^-vv-^i I swear, ^(vy-w-jj,!. I join, oAAu/^u (for
o\-w-p.i) I destroy ; but they are mainly Homeric or poetical ;
op-vv-&i arouse, bai-vv feasted, ay-w-rov break, (rrop-vv<ra spread-
ing, a7r-ofj.6py-vv wiped away, fepy-vv shut in, prjy-vva-i they break,
ya-w-Tcu is gladdened, rd-vv-Tat is stretched, rj-w-ro was finished,
K.L-VV-VTO were moved, ri-vv-vrai punish, ai-w-rai takes, t-nal-vv-To
surpassed, ap-vv-trQ^v icon, a^-w-^ai I am vexed, uity-w-vro were
opened, ZVVVTO (for t<r-w-To) put on, &VVV-TO (for fa<r-vv-) girded
himself, 6p(y-vv-s stretching out, <r/3vw-p.vd(ov (Hes. Op. 590).
In the Verbs in -vrjp.i the Verb-Stem is nearly always disyllabic : cp. Sojxd-
ffai (irav-Sajjux-To;/), &c.), Kepa-ffcu, irTa-erat, irtpa-ffat, crK8d-<ra, irt'Xa-s. So in
some Verbs in -vv(u ; cp. 6\i6-acu, 6Xt-<ra, oropt-crcu. Thus we may regard
Sap-a and Sap-vy, O/JL-O and 6/x-vv, &c., as twin forms obtained by the addition
of a different suffix to the same original root 5a//-, op-, &c. ( 14). It is to
be observed also that Presents in -vrjpi are often found along with forms in
-afoi and -aw : Sap-vrjpi, Attic Sap-afa ; nip-vrjpi, Kfp-dai : irtp-vqpi, wep-Aca :
aKtS-vrjpi, ffK(8-ata : m\-ir)pi, TTf\-aaj. Cp. K&p-vca, Kapa-ros ( 47).
The Verb-Stem, it will be seen, has most commonly its weak form
(note especially TS-w-rai, Pf. T'-TS-TCU), sometimes the strong form, as in
The forms in -occuju and -VKU(U are post-Homeric.
18.] Thematic forms. Some forms of Non-Thematic Tenses
follow the conjugation of the corresponding Contracted Verbs in
-ow, -eu, -ow ( 56); especially in the Impf. Indie, and the
Imperative. Thus we find :
eSajura (as if from *8a/uu>aco), fKipva (Od. 7. 182, &c.), irirz/a :
Imper. Kad-icrra (H. 9. 202).
en'0ei, tet (d^)-it, irpo-iei, &c.), act (v. 1. a?j) blew, facets : Imper.
1 8.] THEMATIC FORMS. 79
, I8i'8ou : Imper. 8i8ou (Od. 3. 58).
(II. 6. 523, Od. 4. 372), juefl-iei (II. 10. 121), ritfet (II. 13.
732), 7rap-Ti0eT (Od. i. 192), for which the MSS. usually have
avUis, &c. : 818015 (II. 9. 164), 81801 (II. 9. 519, Od. 4. 237). So
for Trpotet in II. 2. 752 we should read -Trpotei.
Add the Part. /3t/3<3z;ra (II. 3. 22, cp. 13. 807., 16. 609), Fern.
/3i/3w<ra (Od. ii. 539); for which Bekk. writes fiifiAvTa, /3i/3ao-a.
Editors differ in their manner of dealing with these forms. Bekker in his
second edition (1858) restored the 2 Sing. Pres. rifys, fi)s, tiiSus, and Impf. ;
tTcOrj, IT), tSldca, but left the 3 Sing. nOei, StSoT and Imper. TiOft, ift, SiSov. '
Nauck proposes to restore KaOiarrj (Imper.) and the Impf. eSd^vt], ir'nvr), -
tKipvT]. In the case of riOrmi, fyfu, 8t6w/xi the weight of authority seems to be
for the spelling which follows the Thematic conjugation, viz. -eTs, -ofs in the
2 Sing. Pres., and -eis, -e, -ovs, -ov in the Impf. (Cobet, Misc. Grit. p. 281, is
extremely positive on this side). But Verbs which have T| in the Dual and
Plural (arj-rov, ix i ?' T7 ? 1 ') should follow the analogy of the Passive Aorists :
hence ar], K'IX^S. And we may leave undisturbed the form SiSrj he bound (II.
ii. 105), for which no one has proposed to read SiSet.
The i Sing, rrpo-tdv (Od. 9. 88., 10. 100., 12. 9) stands alone, and is doubtless
a mere error for vpoirjv (Bekker, ed. 1858). Mfa- *^*^m **v*A>jV ^ cU
Porson (in his note on Eur. Or. 141) condemns wiets, ri0eis,
&c. on the ground that if n0eis were right we ought also to
have ri0(3, n0ei, nBov^ev, ritfeire. It is possible, however, that
a form like n0eis may have crept in through the analogy of the
Verbs in -eco, although no 'Verb' ntfe'to was in use. It is ^>
characteristic of the working of analogy to be partial and
gradual. In Homer we find the corresponding 3 Sing. Pres.
bajj-va, riflei, /xetftet, 81801 forms which are guaranteed by the
metre. The forms so guaranteed are indeed few, and perhaps
were not found in the oldest text of the poems ; but they are
supported by similar forms in Herodotus and other Ionic writers*.
Similarly, in the Presents formed with -vv there is evidence of
a tendency to introduce the Thematic -iwe(o). The instances are :
100 op-vv-ov (II. 12. 142), wpyye (II. 14. 278), {cvyvvov (II. 19.
393), fyiWrw (II. 19. 1 75)^Taw-ouo-t, TCLVV-OVTO (four times), J '
* In considering this and similar questions it should be remembered (i)
that we do not know when the Homeric poems were first written down ;
(2) that we do not know of any systematic attention having been paid to
spelling, accentuation, &c. before the time of the Alexandrian grammarians ;
(3) that the tendency of oral recitation must have been to substitute later for
earlier forms, unless the metre stood in the way ; (4) that this modernising
process went on in different parts of Greece, and therefore need not represent
the exclusive influence of any one dialect ; (5) that the older Ionic alphabet
confused e, ei, i] and o, ov, w.
C 2
20 TENSES. [19.
ravv-eiv (II. 17. 391), awo> (II. 4. 56, but may be Fut.). As to
8cuz>v-?] (2 Sing 1 . Sub.]'. Mid.) see 80.
Also, the Verb pvofj.ai protect, save, is for the most part Non-
Thematic (Zpv-cro, fpv-ro, 3 Plur. pii-aTo, Inf. pC-o-0cu), but partly
Thematic (pve-rai, pve-ro, pvo-vrai, &c.), see n. And the
Aor. l-/cAu-oz> is Thematic, except the Imper. nXv-Oi, KAu-re.
It should be observed that in all the foregoing cases the Thematic form is
obtained by combining thematic endings with the final vowel of the Stem.
In other cases the original final vowel is lost, as t'x<('') for f-^'x 7 ?! Si'fiw for
Sift-pat, and the like.
19.] Won - Thematic Contracted Verbs. The following
Homeric forms are usually regarded as instances of 'irregular
Contraction ' of Verbs in -aco, -ea>, -oa> :
(-aw) : avvavrri-Trjv met, o-uATj-TTjz' spoiled, Trpocravbri-Trjv spoke to,
(poirri-Ti]v went about, Ki-rj scraped, oprj-^vai to pray, yor/-|uez>ai to
bewail, TTfivri-fJifvai. to hunger, 6r\-vQou. to milk, ofy&n
(-6w): a.TTL\T/]-Triv threatened, 6p:apTr)-Tr]v met, icaA^-jutei/at to call,
Ttevdri-y-tvai to mourn, TroOri-^evai to regret, <pi\rj-p:fvai to love, (poprj-
? }"fjLfvai, (popfy-vaL to carry, aAiTTy-jueros sinning, repo-?j-/xei'ai to get
dry ( 42).
(-ow) : o-aa) 3 Sing. Impf . and also 2 Sing. Imper of <rao'co
I keep safe.
These forms cannot be explained by the ordinary contraction
with the Thematic e or o : e. g. (poiTrj-Trjv cannot come from *<oi-
Ta^Ttjv, (popij-vai. from *<popf-vcu, dAtr^-jueyo? from *dAtreo-jxei>os,
o-ao) from o-aoe, &c. On the other hand, as Curtius has shown
(Stud. iii. 377-401, Verb. i. 352 ff.), they agree exactly with
those Non-Thematic forms in which the rowel before the Ending
is long except before -vr and -i, such as the Pres. Kix^-M^at, arj-
uez'ot ( 1 2), the Aor. oTTj-jotevai, T\rj-vai, yv<&-fivai } &c. and (as
we may add by anticipation) the Passive Aorists in -i]v and -Q^.
Moreover, the same type of inflexion appears in the peculiar
' Verbs in -fu ' of the ^Eolic dialect, as 0iAr/-/it, I Plur. 0iAj/-/xe^,
3 Plur. QiXfHTi (for ^I'Ae-vn), Part. <pi\^-p:ei>os ', and also in the
Latin Verbs in -are and -ere, except in the i Sing.; e.g. ama-
mini is parallel to bprj-pfvai, docemini to ^opi]-^vai, docemus,
doce-nt to ^>tArj-/iei', <^iAet<rt.
Further traces of this formation may be seen in those Attic
verbs in -aw and -ow which take t\ and w instead of d and oo
respectively (as aco, r)s, ^7, &c., piyo'co, Inf. ptywy), and in the
Opt. in -wrjv, -oirjv (for which however in the case of verbs in
-ew we expect -tirjv, as in Kiyetr]v and ^Eolic ^tAeirj).
These facts seem to show that the formation now in question
is of high antiquity, and Curtius even maintained that it was
older than the ordinary conjugation of the verbs in -dw, -ew, -ow.
1 9-] NON-THEMATIC CONTRACTED VERBS. 21
In these verbs, as he pointed out, there is evidence to show that
the vowel before the thematic ending was originally long (e.g.
in Homeric bi^dav, Treivduv, i>Trv<aovTts, ^Eolic TTO^CO, dStKTyet, &c.).
The forms in -du, -rjw, -wu, again, may represent an older (and
^Eolic) -dp, -tjfti, -ifu, just as 8eiKw<o is for older 8efez>ujiu : and
these again may be explained by contraction from -airjjut, -rjirj/xt,
-oHT/^t, the Greek representatives of the Sanscrit -aydmi. The
Latin amo, doceo, PI. amdmus, docemns, would fall into this
scheme, if we suppose that they belong to the stage at which the
thematic endings had not extended beyond the I Sing.
Against this theory it is urged by Brugrnann (M. U. i. 86)
that the thematic conjugation of these verbs is found also in
Sanscrit, Zend, Slavo-Lithuanian and Germanic all which mem-
bers of the Indo-European family, if Curtius is right, must have
recast their derivative verbs on the same thematic model. It is
more probable therefore that these verbs were originally thematic,
and according to the final vowel of the base appeared as verbs in
-aco (as vixa-co), -e<w (as 7ro0e-o>), or -out (as drjio-w). On this
assumption, again, the Homeric forms now in question may be
variously explained. Where we find i\ for ee or ae, as Jn
<fttA?7pi,epat, yo-fnLeva.i (instead of the ei, a required by the ordinary
rules), we may suppose, with "Wackernagel (K. Z. xxvii. 84), that
the contraction belongs to an earlieftpre- Hellenic) period. The
existence of such, a period is proved (e. g.) by tSe temporal
augment, as in ?](o-)a for an original _e^eo-a. _Then the participles
aX.tr?7jx6poy, (fttXfWpoy and the like may be explained by supposing
a form in -f^evos, cp. Lat. leg-imini, docemini, so that (f)i\rnj.fvos
would be a primitive contraction from ^lAe-e/Aepos (^lAe-ie-^evos).
The solution however is confessedly incomplete. It does not
(directly at least) explain ^Eolic <tA?]//ei>, <f>t\i<n, Lat. amarmis,
docenms, amant, docent. It only explains the long vowel of
$tA?;-o-o), tylXri-a-a, ^lATjro's, &c. 3 if we also suppose that the -te
oj the Present was carried through all the tenses. And it does
not give any satisfactory account of the common contracted
forms, rt/care, (/uAetre, firjAoure, &c., since these must have come
from riKaere, ^tAeere, STjAoere, &c. at a period in which tlio
ordinary Greek rules of contraction were in force.
A wholly different explanation is proposed by Brugman,n
himself (I. c.). He shows, as we have seen ( 14), that there is
a large class of non-thematic forms with steins ending ia a long
vowel d. 77, co which is of the nature of a suffix. Such are
f-p\-rj-v (/3aA-, p\-ri)"f-irrri-v (irer-, TTT-TJ), e-yvw-v (yfv-, yv-co-),
and many others, which have their representatives in all languages
of the Indo-European family. By an extension of this type has
been formed the specifically Greek class of the Passive aorists in
-r]v, as f-<f)avr]-v, t-rv-nrj-v and one or two in -coy, as e-dA&>-z>.
22 TENSES. [20.
Similarly, again, the analogy of the 'verbs in -/u/ and especially
of those tenses which do not vary the quantity of the stem (as
KI'XTJ/XI, arj/zt, TtXrj-ro, Zyvoav) has affected the derivative verbs, and
has thus produced the non-thematic forms in question $iA?)|uiewu
like a?j/ieyai, dAtrrj/jieyos like KL-^rifj.fvos, and so on. The forms
Ti6ri-fj.(vaL (II. 23. 83, 247), TiOri-^vov (II. io. 34) are probably
due to the influence of the same group of Verbs. A similar
process explains the JEolic conjugation of verbs in -/zi (ye'Acu/u,
<jf>tA?7ju.i, 8oKtV<of*i), the difference being that in ^Eolic it was carried
much further. In Homer we have nothing answering to the
i Sing. <iAr7/ii, the I Plur. ^lArjfiey, the 3 Plur. </uAei(n, or the
corresponding Imperfect forms.
We cannot be sure, however, that all' the examples of this type which
appeared in the original text of Homer have been preserved. Wackernagel
has observed that nearly all the words now in question are forms which
would be unfamiliar in the Greece of classical times. The list is made up
chiefly of duals (npoaavSriTrji', <poiT-f]Tt]v, &c.) and Infinitives in -fitvat. It is not
improbable (e.g.) that the familiar form Trpoar)v8a has supplanted an original
Non-Thematic irpoar]v5r). On the other hand in II. n. 638 tm 8' atyetov c?;
rvpov the metre points rather to the uncontracted Kvde.
20.] Aorists. Of the Aorist Stems noticed in 13, several
are probably derived from Nouns, and do not differ in formation
from the Presents discussed in the preceding section : e. g. t-yrjpu.
(yrjpa-s), /3ia>-ra> (/3io-s), eTr-e-TiAco-s (-TrAoo-s), aAw-rat, perhaps
a-jr-ovri-To. Regarding the Passive Aorists, see 42-44.
21.] Meaning of the Won- Thematic Pres. and Aor. The
Presents formed by Reduplication, and by the Suffixes -w\ and
-w, are nearly always Transitive or ' Causative ' in meaning, as
torij-jutt, o-KiS-vrj-fii, op-vv-^i : whereas the simpler Verbs, whether
Present or Aorist, are usually Intransitive as Zarri-v, e<r/3?7.
Regarding the Tense-meaning, it is enough to point out here
that the difference of the Present and Aorist is not given by the
form of the Tense : thus the Impf. e-^7j-y is the same in forma-
tion as the Aor. f-j3r]-v, c-orrj-v.
The Perfect.
22.] The Perfect-Stem is formed by Reduplication, and is
liable to vary with the Person-Endings ( 6). This variation is
the rule in the Homeric Perfect. In Attic it survives in a few
forms only; it is regular in oida and eorrjKct.
The weak form of the Stem is the same (except for the Re-
duplication) as in the Tenses already discussed. The long Stem
is often different, showing a predilection for the O-form.
The variation appears in the interchange of
22.] THE PERFECT. 23
(1) T] (d) and a: as Te0?jA.-ei bloomed, Part. Fern.
apqpe w fitting, dpap-uia; AeXrjK-tos, AeXa/c-ina yelling, ,
bleating', A.eA.aorat (AeA.a0-rcu, A^-co) ^a# forgotten,
sharpened, 7re</>az>-rai has appeared; o-eo-r/Tre i* rotten
TfTrjKa (T?)K-&>), re^rjTra (Aor. Part. ra$-toi>), TreTTTjye
(Tray-?)), Kf^n^-ora, KK\r)y-<as, TreTrXrjy-cos, rerp?7x-ei (rapa^-);
TreTracr-ju.Tjy 7 &zfZ ea^ (Trar-eojuat), /cfKao-jaevos (icaS-) excelling,
eppaS-arcu #r<? sprinkled, 8e'8a<r-rai w divided (but 3 Plur. 8e8a-
arat, from 8ai-, 51, 2). In the last four cases the strong form
does not actually occur.
8e'8?]e i* o# /?re is for *8e'8Tjue (SeSrjf-e) : the weak Stem is Sfiu-
(8atoo for Saf-tco, cp. Katco, eKTja). Similarly ye'yrjfle rejoices is for
*yeyr;u0e (Lat. gaud-eo).
a for T| occurs in eaye w broken (Hes. Op. 534 : eayr/ as Subj.
is only Bekker's conj. in II. n. 558, see 67): also in lad-ora
pleasing, as to which see 26, 2.
w and d : this interchange cannot be exemplified from Homer :
cp. Attic eppcoya (pay-, Mid. (rw-e'pprjK-rai). w is also found in
ai'(oya Ibid, yeyco^e calls aloud, but the corresponding weak Stems
are unknown.
(2) u and e : eicofle is accustomed (cp. e0coi>, 17^0?, root crFrjO-) :
fir-^-aro were shut to (of gates), from eTr-e'xo) : (rvv-o^K-oTe
(better perhaps tnw-oKcoxo're, see Cobet, Misc. Grit. p. 303) leaning
together, from 0-w-e'x.co (cp. OKO>X?? *^y or buttress, av-oK.<ayji =
avoyji staying, cessation).
rj and e : in pt^Xe is a care, fb-rjb-ds having eaten.
' (3) w and o : in 8e'5o-rcu (Sco-), eK-weiro-rai w ^m wp, oXcoAe
w (?c6-^ opcope is aroused, oTrw-Tra / have seen, o6w8- *ze^ : perhaps
also opwpei watched (II. 23. 112 errl 8' d^p f<r6\os dpwpei =
w ^<? eTrt-oupos), cp. 30.
7rpo-/3e/3ouXa (II. i. 113) seems to follow the Pres. /3ov\o/xat :
we expect */3e'^3coXa (/3oA-, 30).
(4) 01 and X: o!8a, i Plur. iS-jaer; ireWtfa, i Plur. Plpf. I-
veme-nev ; loiKa, Dual IIK-TOV, Part. Fern. ft'ic-wToj Ae'AoiTra, Aor. iJ
e-AtTT-oi;; 8ei8co //ear, for Se'Sfoia (by loss of i and contraction), iTj
I Plur. bfibi.-p.fv (for
This account of the isolated i Sing. 8e8o> was given by G. Mahlow (IT. Z.
xxiv. 295 \ and has been adopted by most scholars. The original Homeric
form was probably SeCBoa (or St'Sf oa), which can be restored in all the passages
where the word occurs. Others (as Cobet) would substitute 8C8io, a form
which is found in several places, sometimes as an ancient v. 1. for 5'5<w.
it is difficult on his view to account for the change from StiSta. Rather, an
original SC8oa (or 848foa) was altered in two ways, (i) by contraction, whicl
gave it the appearance of a Present in , and (2) by change of o k
the influence of BtiSt-ptv, &c.
24 TENSES. [22.
(5) eu and u : Tre^euy-ws having escaped) Mid.
Tfrev^-arai are made, 3 Sing-. rlrvK-rai. ; KfKtvOe hides (Aor.
e(evy-fj.<!voL joined (vy-6v). Other weak Steins : Kexv-rai, C<T<TV-
rat ( 15), 7T<liiV(r-fj.at. (TTU^-), KCK/VV-^I listen.
ou interchanging with u is much less common : dXijhovOa J /
cw#<? (eAi;i9-), perhaps SeSouTr-oros (cp. KT^TT-OS).
U appears in fj.efj.vKe (Aor. fj.vKe), jBefSpv^ev roars, as in the Pres.
fj.VK.aofj.ai, flpv^o).
(6) op (po), o\ and dp (pa), dX (for r, /, 6, 5) : bi-e(f>6opas art
destroyed ($0ap-) ; efj.fj.ope /^<? a share, Mid. efyxap-TO was appor-
tioned ; rerpo^e ?> thickened (rpa</>-) ; e7n-oebpofj.e rz<* over;
sees ; lopyas /^-^ ^owtf ; loX-Tra 7 /Sew. Weak forms :
eyo? pierced, re'rpaTr-ro (rpeTr-a))^ e-reraA-ro (reAAco).
But ep, eX in eep-p-ei-os strung (Lat. *dro), epx" arctt are packed in
Part. eepy-p-eVai (fe'py-co), and eeA-jiieVos cooped in : cp. 31, 6.
pi appears in /3e/3pt0e z* heavy, epptya J dread, Tre^piK-uTat
Irisflhiff, TfTply-vlai chirping, with no corresponding weak Stem.
In these words pi seems to come from original ep, p, or r;
cp. 29, 4.
(7) of and d (for w) : yeyore z* ^om, I Plur. yeya-/xei>; TTfirovda
I suffer, 2 Plur. Tre'Tracrfle (for TreTra^-re), Part, -nt-nad-via ; fj.efj.ovas
art eager, 2 Plur. fj.tfj.a-Te; AeAo'yx-ao"t /^aw as portion (Aor. lAax-
ov) ; 7r^)a-Tat /# 5/a/ (0oy-os), re'ra-rat /* stretched (ro'y-os), 5e8a-
ws ( 31, 5). But we find af in /cexavS-ws containing (Aor. ex^ e )
(8) o and e: as in re'roKa (Hes. Op. 59 T ^ C P- A r - e-re/c-oy);
ai / aicait (cp. 7rpo-8oK-at ambusli}; eo--<rat ar^ clothed ;
v mounted up (of a stream of blood, II. u. 266), eTr-er^vo^l
: ay;]yep-aro ?^-i?re assembled (cp. dyop-?j) : KexoTr-ws striking.
Properly the form with o should interchange with a form with-
out a vowel (TOK- with TK-, &c.), but when this is impossible
e remains in the weak Stem : see 6, 6.
dvT)vo0 answers in meaning to the Attic avOeoj, to lie on the surface, come forth
upon : the Pres. would be avtO-u (related to av9-os as a\(y-ca to oA-y-os). So
ev-T|vo0 supposes tvtO-w, weak form tvQ-.
(9) Stems which take the suffix K*.
* A word may be said here on the origin of the Perfects in -KU. They may
be regarded as formed in the ordinary way from Stems in which a Root has
been lengthened by a suffixed K, as in 6X(-K-to, cpv-K-u ( 45), -itTqo'o-a) (.for
irT-q-K-iw, cp. e-iTTa-K-ov}, 8ei5icrcrop.aL (for dfi-SfiK-io-iMii). Thus oAwAeica, is the
regular Pf. of oXcKu, and iriTTa)Ka, SeiSoiKa, answer to the weak stems WT&-K;
S^I-K-. So P|3ir]Ka, ?<TTi]Ka answer to (possible) Presents */37j-/y ^cp. fiait-Tpov},
*ffrri-Kca. It is not necessary to suppose an actual Stem in K in each case ; a few
instances would serve to create the type. The reason for the use of the longer
Stems &TI-K, ffrrj-K, &c., was probably that the forms given by the original
Stems were too unlike other Perfects. The characteristic -8. would be lost by
contraction with the preceding vowels.
22.] THE PERFECT. 25
When the Stem ends in a vowel, certain forms of the Pf . Act.
take K, thus filling the hiatus which would otherwise be made
between the Stem and the Ending : as in eorrj-K-as, bfiboi-K-a,
Tfdapa-rj-K-da-t.. The Perfects of this type including those of
which no forms with K are actually found may be divided again
into
(a) Perfects with variable root-vowel : eorrjKa I stand, i Plur.
f(TTa-fj.fv ; Sei'SoiKO, I fear, i Plur. 8ei8i-juey; TTf(f)VK, 3 Plur. irf(f)v-
do-i : /3e/3r]Ka, Inf. /3e/3a-/^ez>; Tfdvr]Ka, Imper. Tf6vd-di; rerAr/Ka,
Imper. rerAa-0t. Add also ^f^v-Kf is closed (of a wound), bfbv-K
is siink in, though the short form is not found.
(b) Perfects with invariable long vowel, especially i\ and u
(discussed in 14) : /3e/3A?j-K-et struck, Mid. ^e^Aij-rat (cp. u/*-
^SATj-Tijy, pkri-fj.fvos) ', KfKfJi.rj-K.-as art weary ; TreTrArj-^eyos brought
near, KfK\r]-[ji,ai, ftprj-Tai, jae/xyrj-juat, TfTfj.rj-fj.fvos ; fiefll
having eaten (Fut. Mid. /Se/Spw-o-erat), jue'ju^Aw-K-e is gone,
Similarly, from disyllabic Stems, 8e8arj-/ce (Aor. f-bdrj-v) has
learned (Od. 8. 134), rer^-Ke (Od. 10. 88), and the Participles
Kf \apri-oT a (e-^dprj-v), fifpaprj-oTa, KfKatfrj'-OTa, TfTir]-oTfs.
To this class belong the Perfects of derivative Verbs in -aw,
-ew, -ow, -uo), as ftf/3ir]-K-fV (II. IO. 145, 173., 16. 22), VTr-e/x^juu-
xe (II. 22. 49!^ 8e8e47Tz;i7-K6t (Od. 17. 359), re0a/)(r?j-K-a<n (II. 9.
420, 687) : Ke/corrj-oVa, KfKOprj-oTa, an-a^-^o-i, dA-aA)]-jMai, dAa-
irap-cj>xi]-Kv (II- 10. 252, with v. 1. irapyx<"ff} is formed as if from *irap-oixta>,
for nap-oixofMit.
dSrj-K-oTes (Od. 12. 281, and fourjtimes in II. 10) means displeased, disgusted, jf-: < ^'
and should probably be written daSrjKorfs, from daSe'tu (for d-af aS-ew).
The Subj. f\TiKT|<ri (Od. 21. 36), Opt. IK^KOI (H. Apoll. 165) point to a Pf.
i\T]Ka or Pres. I\TJ-K<U.
(TO) A Perfect in -0a may be recognised in fyprjy6p-6a<n keep
awake (II. 10. 419) : perhaps in the Opt. pffipvOois (II. 4. 35).
In general the Perfects of derivative Verbs are formed with an
It is a confirmation of this view that the Stem with -KO, is in the same form
as the Present Stems with a suffixed K, y, 9' ( 45), or OK ( 48).
A similar theory may be formed of the Perfects in -0a, of which the germs
have been mentioned above. fieppu-Oa is related to a Part. Pe&pco-us ( 26, 4)
as rtdvTj-Ko. to rtOvrj-ws, and to a Mid. *@t@pca-/jai (cp PePpu-aerai') as @&\Tj-iea
to Pf@\T]-(j.a.t. If in a few more cases, such as Pf&pi-0a (dpi-), ticaOa (sue-tus\
yeyrj-Oa (yaf-ica'), we had had short forms of the Stem without 0, the suffix -0a
would have been felt to characterise the Pf. Act. ; that is to say, the type of
the ' Pf. in -0a ' would have been created, and might have spread as the Pf. in
-Ka has done.
The Aorists in -Ka are to be accounted for in the same way. The K may be
traced in the Pres. SwKca (on the inscription of Idalion, see Curt. Stud. vii. 243)
and in the Noun QT\K-T\, which points to a Verb-Stem OTJ-K-.
26 THE PERFECT. [23.
invariable Stem : as KfKopvd-^vos, 7re7roAi<r-ro, obtobvcr-rcu,
But no such Perfects are used in the Active.
23.] The Reduplication takes the following forms :
(1) An initial consonant is repeated with e. This is the
general rule : we need only notice the Perfects in which an
original consonant has been lost, viz. :
A labial semi- vowel (F) in e-eA.-ju.eVos cooped in (for fe-feA-
ptvos), dpvarai (fepu-) are drawn up, elAu-ro (feAu-, volvo),
e-opya (Ffpy-ov), f-oXira, eotKa, Mid. r/u~ ro (unless this
comes from efo-Kco).
A sibilant (<r) in e-orrjKa (for ^W-oTTj/ta), e-ep-juieVos strung
together (Lat. sero]. But the <r is retained in o-eVrjire.
(2) Stems beginning with two consonants (except when the
second is p X p. or v), or with , usually prefix e only : as 8t-e'-
(pdopas, e-(p0iaTo, e-KT?7o-0ai (but Ke'Kr?j/iai, Hes. Op. 437); *-
et>yju.eWi. But we find 7re-7m](>?, ire'-Trrairrat. And in eoTTjKa
the rough breathing represents original <r-.
The group af has been lost in e-a^ws (either o-e-crfaSws or
e-o-rdSa)?) pleasing, and dada, eco^a (Lat. sue-sco].
The group Sf has the effect of lengthening the vowel of the
reduplication in 8et'8otKa, 8et8t-ju,er, &c., which represent original
bt-bFoi-Ka, 8e'-8/ : r-fxei>, &c.
Initial p, which generally stands for Fp (sometimes <rp), gives
epp-, as in fpprjKTai (Fpyy-), eppt^corat. Sometimes fip-, as eip??rai
(FpT]-, cp. ver-bum), and eipvarat (pvopai, Fpu- protect). One Stem
reduplicates p, viz. pe-puTrcojue'ra, from puTroco.
Similarly we have e/x/xope, Mid. et/xap-rat (o-/xap-), and eVo-urai
(a-evco, root Kteu- : also eiA?]<pa (post. Horn., cp. eAAa/3oy, 67.)
We must distinguish between (i) phonetic loss, as of or or F,
and (2) substitution of initial e- for the reduplication. The latter
may be seen (e.g.] in e-Krfja-dai, which cannot be derived by
phonetic decay from Kf-KrijaOai. The distinction will serve to
explain the difference between ei/xaprat, which is the proper
representative of an original (rt-apap-Tai, and ep.p;ope, which fol-
lows the general tendency to double an initial jx, v, X or p after
the augment.
(3) Attic Reduplication ; as oTr-coTra / have seen, eA-?yAa-ro was
driven, eyp-?jyopa / am awake.
The syllable which follows the Attic Reduplication may vary
in quantity, as aprjpe, Fern. Part, apdpvla ; epTjpi-rre, Mid. epe'piTrro.
Usually it is long, as eA?jAarcu, dpijpo/xe'vo?, aKiy^e/xe'yos, 6ba>bv<rrai,zi-
i7p?]peioTo, epTjpio-rcu (Hes. fr. 2J? 9), 3 Plur. dyrjyeparo, eprjpebaTai, \tltl ^
dpcope'^arai. But it is short in a/ca^ry/zcn, dAaAr/p:ai,
24-] REDUPLICATION. 2/
(4) Temporal Augment (see 67) : e. g. e^-^-rai (aTrrco),
(5) In a few cases there is no Reduplication :
olba, for Folba, Sanscr. veda.
e/>X- arai are , shut i n (F*py-)> Plpf. fp^-aro and (with augment)
(epx.a-TO. tik/u-d * rvtf HI
ttjixai / am clothed with (/W-), tV-am, Plpf. ecr-o-o, eo--ro and
(with augment) e-e<r-ro, Du. a-9riv, 3 Plur. eiaro, Part, ei/xews.
Reduplication is not to be found in the ft of et/xai, ei/xe'ros,
since these are for feV-^ai, feo-'/ueVos (as et/xa for fe'o-jixa). The
3 Sing. Pf. occurs once in Homer, in Od. 1 1. 191, where the best
MSS. have rja-rat, others etorai and etrat. The true form is
probably lorcu, preserved in an oracle in Hdt. i. 47 (cp. eWai).
a^ia^ma (II. 2. 316) crying around can hardly be divided
aiJ-fy-iayma, since the Stem ia)(- has initial F ( 390). But a
Stem frjx- (ff/x 7 ? c r y}> weak form fax^ without Reduplication
would give the Fern. Part. Fa\vla, whence anfa-axyla.
These examples make it doubtful whether initial F was origin-
ally reduplicated in the Pf. stem. In Sanscr. the roots which
begin with va (answering to Gr. fe-) take u-, as imdca (vac-, Gr.
feTr-). Thus the fe- of FeFoiKa, fefeAfxeVos, &c. may be later, due
to the analogy of other Perfects.
Se'x-arat await (II. 12. 147), Plpf. e-Se'y/^y (Od. 9. 513., 12.
230), Part, bcypevos (II. 2. 794., 9. 191., 18. 524., Od. 20! 385),^
with the same Pf. meaning that we have in Se'8eyjuat (aioalt, not
receive, 28) : while in other places e-8e/cro, &c. are no less
clearly Aorists. It seems that we must recognise a Pf. form
*8e'yM at (Buttm. G. G. ii. 149., Curt. Verb. ii. 144), probably
older than 8e'5ey//cu.
(6) The Reduplication in Sei-Se'x-arat they welcome, seems to be
that of the ' Intensive' forms, as in 8ei-8uncoju,ai : see 61. The
form belongs to 8ei/c-z>u|u,i, not 8e'x-ojucu (see Veitch).
24.] In the 3 Plur. ^
1. The long Stem with -ao-i (-a-NTI) is comparatively rare :
TTTTOidd<n (II. 4 325), lorrjKao-i (II. 4. 434, v. 1. IOTTJKWO-I), Kara-
TfdvriKda-i (II. 15. 664), re^apo-TjKacrt (II. 9. 42O, 682), typriyopOdat.
(II. 10. 419).
These forms evidently result from generalising the Stem in -a. So we have
otSa-s (Od. i. 337), oiBS-jxev, otSaat in Herodotus (and in Attic, see Veitch s. r.).
2. The final consonant of the Stem, if a labial or guttural, is
aspirated before the -drai, -a.ro of the Mid.; as Tn-
are entrusted, rerpd^-aro were turned, epx' arat (^ e P7~) are
' are stretched out, 8a8ex-arat (b
28 THE PERFECT. [25.
welcome, KeKpwp-cmu (Hes. Op. 386). The aspirated forms of
the Act., such as eiAr/t/m, Ke/co</>a, are entirely unknown to
Homer.
It has been pointed out by Job. Schmidt (K. Z. xxviii. 309) that the aspira-
tion in these cases is due to the analogy of the forms in which a similar
aspiration is caused by the ending : nrpa^-arm because of the 2 Plur. Ttrpa<j>-6(,
Inf. TfTpatp-Oai. This explains why a final denial is not affected : for 8 before
passes into tr.
3. An anomalous c for t appears in &i-e'x-arai (Se'/c-wjut, see
23, 6), ep-rjpe'8-arai (epetSa), cp. ^picr-^eVos Hesych.), and OK-
4. A final 8 of the Stem sometimes appears only in the 3
Plur. : as a/crj^e'S-arat, IppdS-arat (paiVa), I Aor. pdcraare), eArjAdS- ^ '
aro. But the last of these forms is doubtful ; it occurs only in
Od. 7- 86 xdAKeoi / bt * y 7"P TOI^OI eArjAdSar', where some good
MSS. have e
25.] Interchange of Stems. The original variation between
the Strong and the Weak form is disturbed by various causes.
1. The O-form of the Stem is found instead of the weak form
in d\i]\ov6-fjiev we are come (for dX-fiKvd-^v), ao>pro was hung
aloft (cp. aep-dev], eypr\yopde keep aivake, with the Inf. typriyopOcu
(II. IO. 67, cp. eyprjyoprt IO. 182); avajy/xev (H. Apoll. 528); cp.
eoty//ey (in Tragedy), 6e8otyjuey (Et. M.).
2. The strong Stem of the Pres. takes the place of the weak
Stem in crvv~fppr]KTai. (Attic lppo>ya), Ae'AetTT-raij !evy-ju.>cUj
7)pr?pei(7TO (epei'Sco) ; also in eep-/iez;o? ; A.-jLieWs, ep^-arai ( 22, 6),((
So Kex. a ^'S-ws (for Kex^S-fcos, ^aySdva)). ;'
eo-rrjre, commonly read in II. 4. 243, 246, is an error for
eoTJjre : see j6.
3. The influence of the Present may further be traced in the
Perfects which take I for ei ( 22, 4), and u, eo for ou ( 2,2, 5).
So e8rj-(os (but eScoS?;), 7rpo-/3e/3ouAa (/3ovAo/xat).
In all these cases it is worth noticing that the change does
not affect the metrical form of the word : e. g. we may read
fl^\vdfjiv, eppa/crat, evyfj.tvai, ^p^pioro, &c. and some of these
may be the true Homeric forms.
The weak Stem appears to take the place of the O-form in
Sei'Sta (as to which see 22, 4), and in ava-jBeflpv^fv (II. 17. 54)
gushes up. For the latter Zenodotus read avaptfipoy^v doubt-
less rightly, since this is the correct Pf. of dya-/3pexco.
In Attic Reduplication the second vowel of a disyllabic Stem
may be short, as in eXr/kvOa (less common in Homer than
eiA?jAou0a), and /carepTjpiTre (II. 14. 55)-
26.] The Perfect Participle was formed originally from the
26.] PARTICIPLE. 29
weak Stem, but there are exceptions in Homer, due partly to
the F of the Masc. and Neut. Suffix (-fws, -ula, -fos), partly to
the general tendency to adopt the form of the Sing. Indie, as the
Stem. Thus the Homeric Pf. Part, is intermediate between the
primitive formation with the weak Stem (as in Sanscrit), and the
nearly uniform long Stem of Attic. In particular
i. When the Ending -ws (-o'ro?) follows a vowel, one or both
of the concurrent vowels may be long : /zejud-o're, p.e/ma-<2re (both
for jxejud-fo're). So yeyd-coras ; /3e/3a-<3ra ; TreoJv-core ; KeK^rj-oYas
and /ce/cpj-cora ; Teflmj-oros, re^rj-oSra, also reflyeom ; TreTJTTi-ora
and TreTmj-cores (717770-0-0)) : TreTrreoira (?rnjTa>). Both vowels are
short in
w also appears in Terpiy-coras (II. 2. 314), KeKArjy-wras (II. 16.
430). For the latter there is a v. 1. KK\riyovTas (see 27) ; and
so perhaps we may read rerpfyoyras.
2. When -cos (-oYos) follows a consonant, the Stem generally
takes the long form, as in the Sing. Ind. Act. : aprjp-tas, /xe/^/c-
toS, A.eA?)K-cds, eotK-co?, TreTrot^-ws, eopy-ws : except etS-ws (oZ5a),
cue-cos or ei'K-tos (II. 21. 254)> eaS-ora (aydtii'to, root
As these exceptions show, the strong form is not original : thus flSws is for
fiS-fws, eaSoTO for IcrfnS-foTa. So we have /j.f/taws (perhaps nf/mvws'), not
Htpovvs. When f was lost the original quantity of the syllable was preserved
by lengthening the vowel : and in determining the new long vowel the
analogy of the Sing. Ind. naturally had much influence.
3. A long vowel appears in the Feminine db-vla (II. 17. 4,
elsewhere Ibvla, Schol. II. 20. 12), doiK-vla (II. 18.418, elsewhere
ei'K-uta)*, TeOyrj-vla, TreTrArjy-tna, rer/^x-uia (as Plpf. rerp^x-a)'
fiefipW-vla, TTply-vla, Tre^pt/c-iua, KeKATjy-uta (Hes. Op. 449). Later
forms, aprjp-vla (Hes. Th. 608), Tt6r]\-vla (Horn. H. xlviii. 4).
The form /3e/3<2o-a (Od. 20. 14) is an anomaly, apparently
formed from the Masc. /3e/3cds on the analogy of Participles in
-ovs, -ovcra and -ets, -eio-a.
4. The K of the Indie. Act. ( 22, 9) appears in rerux^-K-ws
(II. 17. 748), geSarj-K-o'res (Od. 2. 6l), d8rj-K-o'res (II. IO. 98,
312, 399, 471., Od. 12. 281), and /3e/3pa>-K-cos (II. 22. 94., Od.
22. 403).' These instances are hardly sufficient to prove that
the form is Homeric, since we might read renews, 8e8a?joVe?,
&c. (like Kfxapiw, KfKorrjus, &c.) A form ^e^pcocos is sup-
ported by Attic /3e/3p<Sres (Soph. Ant. 1022). reOvrj-K-us (for
* The form COIKXOO, is found in
KaXri KaaffifiTda Otois 5epas (oimiTa
quoted by Athenaeus xiv. p. 632 as an instance of a line defective in quantity.
It does not occur in the text of Homer, but seems to be a variant for II. 8. 305
KaaTtavttpa Se^as i'iicvM Gtrioiv.
30 THE PERFECT. [27.
the Homeric Tedvy-us) is not earlier than Theognis. Similarly
yeyov-u>s for yeyacos first appears in H. Merc. 17.
5. The form TTfcpv^-orcs flying (only in II. 20 and 21), seems
to be formed from the noun (f>va, without the intervention of
any Tense-Stem. This account will apply also to
KKoir-c5s (II. 13. 60), from KOTT-OS striking.
8e8ouir-6Tos (II. 23. 679) having fallen with a thud. (The
regular form would be SeSourrTj-o)?, or rather perhaps ey Sou 7717 -coy,
cp. e-ySouTTTj-o-az;.)
dpn]-p,eVos, in which the a of aprj is retained, against analogy.
It is in favour of this view that many Denominative Verbs
form the Pf. Part, without the corresponding Indicative, as
KeKo-n]-ws and the others given above ( 22, 9). That is to say,
the Participle is treated as a derivative Adjective, which may
be formed independently of the corresponding verb.
27.] Thematic Perfects. By this term we understand the
forms which arise when a Perfect is inflected like a Present in -w.
This change took place universally in Syracusan Doric, oc-
casionally in other dialects. The chief Homeric instances are
as follows :
aywya : 3 Sing, avutyei, which has a Present sense in several
places (though more commonly it is a Plpf.), Dual ai/coye-roy ;
also fivayov, avayov, aycoye, Opt. arwyoi/xt, Imper. oz>a>ye-Ta>,
dzjcoye-re. Such a form as yvnyov may be regarded either as
a thematic Plpf. of avaya, or as Impf . of a new thematic Pres.
di>ooyco. This remark applies also to the next three cases.
ye'vu^a : eyeya>i>e, Inf. yeyawe-juez; (also yeyutvftv or yeya)i>eu>,
II. 12. 337). tWoiM
jreTT\T)Y<us (only in the Part.) : eTreTrArjyoi' and TTeirXrjyov, Inf.
Tre'TrArjye-^ei', Mid. TreTrA^ye-ro. Similarly
fj.ep.T]Kajs (Part.) : e/ie/xrjKOi;. LHtf
KK\r]y<i5s : Plur. KfKkriyovTes (II. 12. 1 25-, 1 6. 430., 17.
759)5 perhaps Terpiyorres ( 2,6, i), and KeKoirui' (v. 1. for
II. 13. 60, Od. 18. 335). '
(ic'fjinfifUH : the Opt. jue//i>eWo (II. 23. 361) is apparently ob-
tained by transference of quantity from a thematic /ie/xz^-oiro ;
but we may read ^e'/^rjro, 3 Sing, of the regular Opt. /xe/x^'-^Tjj;
(II. 24. 745). For this, again, some MSS. have /xe/xwn/^, as
if from */xe^o-^ai. The 2 Sing. Ind. fiejurr/ (II. 15. 1 8) also
points to juejuro/xat, but we may read ^^.vr\ (i. e. /xe/xrrjat).
fj^fipXc-rai (II. 19. 343) and fxe'(j.f3\e-To (/leA-co) may be variously
explained. Perhaps /xejueA-, the short Stem answering to
became by metathesis /ie/*A-, /meju/3Ae- : cp. ij^porov for
6pwpe-Tai (Od. 19. 377, 524, Subj. d/3wp?j-rat II. 13. 27 1).
(v. 1. in Od. 22. 56, see 25, 3). We may add the
2,8.] MEANING. 31
Pluperfects SeiSie feared, dnfji/oGei/ (II. n. 266), 67r-^i/o0ei' (II. 2.
219., 10. 134) : perhaps also the Optatives in -oijii, -015, &c. viz.
pJ3pti>8-ois (II. 4. 35), /3e/3A7]/cot (II. 8. 270), Tre^evyoi, (H. 21.
609), lArjKoi (H. Apoll. 165); see 83.
28. | Meaning of the Perfect. The Perfect denotes a lasting
condition or attitude (efts). If we compare the meaning of any
Perfect with that of the corresponding- Aorist or Present, we
shall usually find that the Perfect denotes a permanent slate, the
Aor. or Pres. an action which brings about or constitutes that
state. Thus, 8auo / kindle, 8e8rje blazes, or (better) is ablaze;
Kv0e hid, KKtv0 has in hiding ; op-vv-rai bestirs himself, opcope is
astir ; a>Ae-ro was lost, oAa>Ae is undone; ^fpape made to Jit,
aprjpejlts (Intrans.) ; rapdo-o-o) I disturb, rerpT^et was in disorder ;
/u,eipo-/xat / divide, e/^/xope has for his share ; pvopai I save, shelter,
ftpy-arai keep safe ; TV%(D I make, re-ru/c-rai is by making (not
has been made] ; (pv grew, 7re<pv/ce is ly growth.
Thus the so-called Perfecta praesentia, /3e/3?]Ka, eorijKa, ye'yrjfla,
jtxe/iz/'Tj/xai, irtTToida, oloa, eoi/ca, KeKrrj//,ai, &c., are merely the
commonest instances of the rule.
Note the large number of Homeric Perfects denoting attitude,
temper, &c. Besides those already mentioned we have irap-
/xeju/3Aa>Ke is posted beside, oeoopKe is gazing, epptye shudders, re'rrjKa
/ am wasting, /xe/xu/ce is closed (of wounds), SeSd/cpuo-cu art in
tears, Se'Sefo be in waiting, opcope'xaro were on the stretch, TreTror/j-
arat are on the wing, Ke'/c/^Ka / am weary, 7rpo/3e/3ouAa / prefer,
8et8ia I fear, eoATra I hope, riQr\t:a I am in amazement, re'rArjKa-s
thou hast heart, irfauvrai has his senses, SeiSe'x-a/at welcome (in
the attitude of holding out the hand, while Sei/cw-/xez>os denotes
the action], together with many Participles Kex^yw? agape,
K6Ka0Tjws panting^ Treirrrjcos cowering, a-vv-o\(i)KOT bent together,
KKorr](as in wrath, TCTITJCOJ vexed, dSrj/cwy disgusted, /xe/xTjAw? in
thought, TrecpvAay/xeVos on the watch, 8e8payju,eVos clutching, AeAtrj-
eager, /cexoAco/xeyo? enraged, &c. So in later Greek ; frjv-
os (Thuc. 2. 49) in eruption, eo-TrouSaoyxero? in haste.
Verbs expressing sustained sounds, esp. cries of animals, are
usually in the Perfect : yeycore shouts, fiefipvxf roars, Ke/cArjyws,
AeArjKw?, /xe^r]K&)s, jue/xvKws, rerpiywy, d/xcj!) Latvia. So in Attic,
fioQv KOI Ke/cpayw? (Dem.).
With Verbs of striking the Perfect seems to express con-
tinuance, and so completeness : xeKOTr^s, n-eTrArjyws, /3e/3oA?j-aro
^, /3e/3Arj/cei
. (Cp. Ar. Av. 1350 6s av Treir^yri rov irarepa VCOTTOS v
Note the number of Imperatives of the Perfect in Homer:
ordered,
32 TENSES. [29.
(In later Greek this use seems to be confined to the Middle : /XT)
i>e(t)6j3t](rd do not be in alarm, TreTrauo-o keep silence.}
The number of Homeric Perfects which can be rendered by
have is comparatively small. The chief instances in the Active are,
eopya-s t/iou hast (lone, OTTCOTTCI / have seen, Ae'AoiTre has left, 7re7racr0e
ye have suffered, e8rjS-a>?, /3e/3p<oK-ws having eaten ; they are
somewhat commoner in the Middle. Yet in the use of these
Perfects (and probably in the Perfect of every period of Greek)
we always find some coniinn.ing result implied. There is nothing
in Greek like the Latin idiom fuit Ilium ( = Ilium is no longer),
vixi ( = 1 have done with living), &c.
The Intransitive meaning- prevails in the Perfect, so that the
Act. is hardly distinguishable from the Mid. : cp. re'reu^e and
retUKrai, Trefpevytas and jre^uy/j.ez-'os, ytyova and yeyeVrj-^ai. Com-
pare also the Pf. Act. with the Pres. Mid. in such instances as
oAooAa and oAAu/xat, -ntTioida and irfidoftai, /3e/3ouAa and /3ovAo/iai,
eoA-a and lATro/xai. The forms rerpo^a, Z<p6opa are Intrans. in
Homer, but Trans, in Attic : and an Intrans. or almost Passive
meaning is conspicuous in the Homeric group of Participles
KKorr]u>s enraged, renews ( =: rertTj-^e^os) vexed, /ceKoprjws ( = KCKopr]-
fievos) satiated, /3e/3ap?jws heavy, K.e\apr]<j)s rejoicing, Kf.Ka(pi](as ^
panting ( 22, 9, V).
Thematic Tenses.
29.] The simple Thematic Present. The Stems which fall
under this description generally contain the same vowels (or
diphthongs) as the strong Stem of the Non-Thematic Present
( 6, 1 2). They may be classed according to the stem-vowel,
as follows :
(1) tj, Ionic for a: Arj0-e-ro forgot, TTJKO/XCU / waste aicay,
sharpens, o-TjTrerai is rotted, K7J8ei vexes.
: dpTjyei helps, Ar/yet ceases, ^TjSerai d-evises. The i\ of these
Stems is ' pan-Hellenic/ i. e. answers to T), not a, in other dialects.
(2) ei : ei8-e-rcu seems, et/ce yield, \dj3fiv to pour, Aenrei leaves,
Trei^o) / persuade, (rrflfiov trod, orci'xetv to march, iret/ccre comb,
fiftfi drops, <^>ei8eo spare, aei8e sing, aAfi^e anointed, a/u,ei/3e ex-
changed, fpeiKOfJifvos torn, l/)6i8e stayed, Ipeiire knocked, down, rei-
<t>p.fv to snow (so to be read instead of vl^fp-fv in II. 12. 280).
For IKO) 7 wze the Doric form is CIKCO.
(.3) 6U : favy-<i> I JJy, 77ev0o/xcu J /am (by hearing), fpeuyerai
belches, *pcudu>v reddening, o-7rev8ety to hasten, tyevbovrai play
false, evofj-evoi being singed, fa-o-tvovro were urged on, vtvov nodded,
8evo/iai I need ; also, with loss of o before the Thematic vowel,
Iv-vtov swam (veF-ov), 0eei runs, irAecoy sailing, T!vke.i breathes,
os, %&, pours, KAe'o/xai 1 am famed.
3-] THEMATIC PRESENT. 33
The^ forms with ei for e, as ed-eiv, TrAeiW, irvetav,
(for Qk-f.iv, &c.) should probably be written with eu,
TrAev-ety, &c. See Appendix C.
(4) ep (pe) : 8epK-o-//at 1 behold, Tfp-nfiv to rejoice, TSfpBfro was
sacked, ee'pyet confines, repo-erat is dried, fp-nfi creeps, <nrfpvova-t
urge, Ippcor sweeping, Sepoy flayed, dtpfa-Oai to be warmed, peVe
sank downwards, eVpeTre shone, rpeVe turned, rpe^>ei nurtures,
<rrpe<pet twists.
eX : fXTT-o-fj-ai I hope, ^fXirfa-Oai to play, eA/ca aVa^
milked, /ceAojuai 7 command, Tre'Aet tfwm*, e0e'Aa> 7 aw willing.
pi from cp appears in rpi/3-e//,ez;ai fo r# (Lat. ter-o], X/H-OJ>
anointed (Sanscr. gharsh-ati), ppWov were heavy.
lp (pi, pi) for r appears in certain combinations : Kip-vrnu (17), Kpivoa, Kpi-ros
(cerno, certus), pifa for fpS-ta, Spi-ov for Spf-ov (SpO-y) : xplos (Lat. cenus), KptOrj
for Kpa-Orj, hordeum, 0. Germ, gerste (Meyer, G. G. p. 35 : Thurneysen, K. Z. xxx.
352).
(5) ev : iTfv-f-a-Oai to labour, o-reWi groans, /xeW 7 wa^, (pdfyyfo
ut, eA^yxet reproves, <rirfvb(av making libation.
TreptTTO) I send, e7ri-ju,eju<po/xcu I blame, Tffj.fi (II. 13. 70*]} cuts,
built, f3pf[j.fL roars, vffj.fi apportions, l-rpejixe trembled.
(6) e : Aey-e ^o/^ ex" 6 * -^ have, I8ci ea^s, eTrerai follows, Trererat
^iV*, 8e'xo//,ai 7 receive, fvv-firf say, l-crre<|>e ^^ a# a covering ; with
loss of o-, rpei (rpeei, for rpe<r-ei, cp. a-rpe(r-ros) trembles, fl (Ceet)
^oz7*, vfofjiat. (cp. Z;O'O--TOS) I return.
The Thematic forms of elfu, viz. eov, Opt. lot, Part. ewz>,
belong to this head, since ea- is the strong stem. So too Keonrai
(for Kfi-ovrai), 3 Plur. of /cei-p-cu.
w (instead of TJ) appears in rpcSy-eiv ^o $waw (rpay-), Siw/cetv ^o
c^a^e. Both forms appear to be derivative (with suffixed y> K >
45) : rpw-yco may be connected with rop-flv ( 31, 4). SKO-KCO
is related to SiV/xai ( 1 1) : it has been supposed to be a Thematic
Perfect, with loss of reduplication (i.e. from *Se-5>-Ka).
v appears in rpt^x-ouo-t waste away, ava-^v^-fi.v to cool, fpvK-fi
restrains. These also are derivative ( 45).
o appears in Ao'e washed (Od. 10. 361, H. Apoll. 120), Inf.
Aou<T0cu (Od. 6. 216). Xo- is for Xof-, cp. Lat. lav-ere. A Pres.
*Aoua> is inferred from the form XovfvOai (II. 6. 508 = 15. 265),
for which we may read AoeW0cu (from the derivative Pres. Ao&o).
30.] Thematic Present with weak Stem. Of this formation
there are a few instances : ay-o> 7 drive, bring (Aor. ?/y-ayoz;),
axop-ai 7 am vexed (Aor. ?//c-axe), \^O.\OVT<H. fight, /3Aa/3ercu fails,
breaks down, /3oAercu wishes, opovrai, watch, oOop.ai I care, cuas
dost hear, ano-bpvcpoi (Opt.) tear off, ap X et leads, ayx* choked -,
also the Thematic forms of et/xi, viz. Impf . rj-iov, Opt. 101, Part. luv.
D
34 TENSES. [31.
Note that y/>d</>a> is not found in Homer except in the Aor.
The forms p6XErai (II. n. 319), ejJoXovro (Od. I. 234), p6Xc<r0 (Od. 16. 387)
were restored by Wolf : see Buttmann's Lexil. s. v.
The form pXdperai (II. 19. 82, 166, Od. 13. 34) occurs in gnomic passages
only, where an Aorist would be equally in place ( 78, 2).
opovrai (Od. 14. 104), opovro (Od. 3. 471) occur in the phrase iirl b' avipes
iaQkoi opovrai, where eiri opovrai seems to be = 'act as tiriovpoi,' 'are in charge.'
dtw only occurs as a Pres. in the phrase OVK duets ; = have you not heard ?
Elsewhere aJiov is used as an Aorist (Schulze, K. Z. xxix. 249).
A Pres. 5pv4>u) cannot be inferred with certainty from the Opt. a.Troopv(f>oi
(II. 23. 187., 24. 21), which may be an Aorist.
The forms apx^, *YX W are difficult because original apx-, &YX- would shorten
the vowel (before a semi-vowel and mute), and consequently the Stem would
be indistinguishable from original apx-, fi"YX"' That in dpx-w the Stem is weak
may be inferred from the Nouns <ipx-6s, dpx-t| ( 109) : the 0-form may be
found in opxapos, the strong form possibly in epx-ofuu. Again ayx-w niay be
identified with Sanscr. dh-ati (for ngh-ati) : the strong form being YX~ i n
6fX~ f *- vs (De Saussure, Mem. p. 276 ff.).
31.] The Thematic Aorist. The Verb-Stem is in the weak
form : we may distinguish the following groups : '
(i) With d as Stem vowel (the strong Stem with < or i\) : Aa0e
was unseen by, Aa/ce crackled, t?A.-Aa/3e took, evae (for l-o-faSe)
pleased, IJMK&V bellowing, fyayov ate, bi-f-T^ayov (rju^ya)) parted, av-
-Kpayov cried aloud (Attic. c Pf. KCKpaya), apero gained, aATjrat
(Subj.) shall leap, <--xpae Assailed (xpau-), Sa^rai (Subj.) shall be
burned (8au-), <j)ae shone (<|>au-, cp. 7ri$avo-Ka>), Aae seized, pinned
(Xdu-, cp. aTro-Aauo)), aXdero was healed, rj\<f)ov (Opt. ak<f)oi) earned,
met (Part. a
The forms <j>d (Od. 14. 502) and Xd, Part. \acw (Od. 19. 229, 230) are placed
here provisionally. Each occurs once, in a context which does not decide
between Aor. and Impf.
The existence of an Aor. -f ax-ov has been made probable by W. Schulze
(K. Z. xxix. 230). He shows that the form uix ov > generally taken as the Impf.
of lax ( 35), is an Aor. in meaning, and constantly occurs after elision
(pey iax ov > ^ & ' a X ov > (v-taxov). Consequently we can always read / r <ix ov
(ntja faxov, eirl ol F&X.OV, tm-faxov}, or with augment {5axov (cp. tvaSe for
!-f a8). In II. 20. 62 KOI ?ax would be read oi tvaxf. The alternative is to
suppose that i-f L^a\ov became eiaxov by loss of f and contraction (Wacker-
nagel, K. Z. xxv. 279) : but contraction in such a case is very rare in Homer,
and the Aor. meaning of faxov has to be accounted for. On the other hand
if we accept Schulze's view we have still to admit a Pres. (or Aor. ?) Participle
(2) With e (strong TJ) : <{9<i)v doing as he is ivont (cp. rjd-os for
<rFr)0-os), perhaps JJ.CO-OVTO bethought them
31-] THEMATIC AORIST.
35
The forms neSovro, &c. are generally referred to a Verb /'5o-/xc : but
no such Present is found, and the other Moods Subj. Opt. Imper. and
Inf. always admit the Aor. meaning. As to tOcov see 243, I. If an Aor.
it should be accented kQ&v.
(3) With i (strong 1 ei) : e-orix-oz> (oreix<>) marched, f-i
obeyed, l/ceo-flai to come to, Xtreo-^ai to entreat, ^fptTre (epet7ra>) fell
down, fipiKt (epetKjw) was torn, i]XiTtv offended (Mid. dXireo-0ai),
aiov heard, 8ie feared (Sf i-), 8toz> ran, e-Ktov moved, Z-TTIOV drank,
oAi<r0e slipped, /cpue cracked.
With ai, aldo^vov burning, ai8ero /<?# *^z;#<? ( 32, 2);
lxpai<r/* atKM7* ( 32, 3).:-:.
ECov I ran (II. 22. 251) is not to be connected with Sit feared, but with 5wl'
-Stt-ffav, Sie-vrai chase, of which we have the Thematic Subj. SIOJ/MI, Opt.
SJ'OJTO, Inf. SifoOai. That they are Aorists appears (e.g.) from II. 16. 246 tird
Kt SlrjTcu ichen he shall have chased.
IKIOV is probably an Aor., since *KO does not occur. The accentuation of
the Part. KIWV is in favour of this, but not decisively (cp. luv, l&v}.
(4) With u (strong- eu) : KvOe hid, Qvyov fled, rvy^. hit
Tru^o'jLiTjy / heard tell, Ho-ruyov felt disgust, i-KTvire sounded, rjpvye bel-
lowed, i]Kvdov I came, <!K\VOV heard, ap-Trwe recovered Ireath.
With au, ave shouted, avrf (Subj.) kindle, fTt-avptlv to gain from,
enjoy. With eu, type found.
tK\vov is clearly an Aor. in Homer. The Pres. icXvco, which occurs in
Hesiod (Op. 726 ov -yap TOI 76 K\tov<rtv) and in Attic poets, is perhaps only a
mistaken imitation of the Homeric style.
(5) With dp, pa, p (strong- ep, pe) : f-TrpaO-o-^fv (irtpO-o)) we
sacked, Kar-ebpaOov went to sleep, f-opaxov (8epKO)uai) looked, Hbpafjiov
(8po'/xos) ran, f-rpcnrov turned, Irpa^e (rpe'<pa)) was nurtured, rapTrw-
epTra)) let us take our pleasure, e/3paxe rattled, 5/xapre (also
e) missed, en-rape sneezed, ^yp-ero (fyfp-) was roused, ayp-
(ayep-) assembled ( 33).
With d\, \ (strong- e\) : f-j3a\-ov (j3e'X-os), l-irX-ez/, eTrXero
turned, came to be ( 33).
With op, oX : f-TTop-ov furnished, eflope leaped, Irope pierced,
wpeTo was stirred up, !/c-px>X-e came out, oXeVflai to perish.
The e of the strong Stem appears in etAoy, eX-oz; took, cp-eV^ai
to ask (cp. 22, 6).
It will be seen that ap, pa, aX are generally placed between
consonants, where p, X would be unpronounceable. The only
exceptions are, eTrrapoi/ and efiaXov. On the other hand op, oX only
appear before a vowel.
(6) With a (strong ef, ep.) : t-irad-ov (irevO-os) suffered, pad-ov
learned, eXaxov obtained as share, %x aoe (^ut. x^oM 01 ) contained,
to bite, bdrjraL shall learn (8a<r-, strong form *&*-, cp.
36, 5).
D 2
36 TENSES. [32.
at>, dp. (before a vowel) : H-KTCLV-OV killed, Zdave died, e-Ka/x-oy
u-earied, rd/xe cut (cp. e-Sd/z-rj, 42).
tv appears in yev-icrQai to become.
(7) With loss of c : l-o^-oj; ^^ (f^-<a for <re'x-co), eo-Trero jfo/-
lowed, Inf. e-Tn-o-Treo-tfai (eTro/^cu for creTT-o/xai), e7n-7rreV$ai (TTCT-) fo
/y ore/-, ero ?a (for e-o-8-ero, Ahrens, GV. .F. 95).
The e is retained in e-reK-ov brought forth, a-n-eyQ-eaOai to incur
hatred, eay^dov held (?). In these cases loss of e is phonetically
impossible.
d-ir-Tix^t-TO is an Aor. in Homer (the Pres. being dw-fx^avo-fmi), although a
Present ex&o-^ai is found in Attic. The simple fixOero (Od. 14. 366, t\6t(j6ai
Od. 4. 756, tx.6oij.fvoy Od. 4. 502) is called Impf. by Veitch ; but the meaning
in the three places seems to be the same as in dir-Tj\6fTo not was tuiteful, but
came to be hated,
The only ground for taking rx0ov to be an Aor. is the Inf. <rx6''-v (II.
23. 466, Od. 5. 320). Possibly this may be a Pres. Inf. in -v ( 85, 2),
preserved owing to the impossibility of ayiOtiv in the hexameter.
32.] The foregoing list calls for some further remarks.
T. Comparing the Second Aorists of later Greek, we are struck
by the number of instances in Homer in which the Thematic
e or o follows another vowel.
In expae, <ae, Xae, 8d?]rai (for ef-xpaf-e, (pdf-e, Aaf-e, Saf-rjrai)
the hiatus is due to the loss of F. So in Xo'e (for Ao'fe). Simi-
larly CT is lost in Sdrjrai (Saa-) shall learn.
In several cases the Thematic inflexion is found intermingled
with Non-thematic forms. Thus we have enXvov, Imper. K\v6i
afjL-TTWf, Mid. ap-Trvv-To ; i-mov, Imper. -nWi (Ar. Vesp. 1489);
8ioy / ran, ev-bie-o-av chased (8iTj-/xt). The presumption is that
the Non-thematic forms are older, the others being derived from
them as Zov I was and 7)10^ 1 went from corresponding parts of
flfj.1, ci/xi (cp. 1 8). Similarly we may account for IKIOV (KI- in
Pres. Ki-jtvpai), ana perhaps bif feared, aiov heard.
2. Another characteristic group is formed by the Aorist Stems
in which we find initial a either entering into a diphthong (cu-,
av-) or followed by a double consonant : viz. aid-, alb-, av- (in
ave), av- (in avrf kindle), avp-, a\0-, a\(f>-, avr-. Some of these
which are usually counted as Present Stems require separate
notice :
al0- occurs in Homer only in the Part. alOoptvos burning : as
to the adjectival use of Participles see 244. The Stem is found
in the Sanscr. idh-ati burns.
al8- occurs in the Indie. albcTo, Imper. aiSeo, Part, albdpevos ;
the corresponding Pres. is always ai5eo/x,at.
aue shouted may always be an Aor. (II. u. 461., 13. 477., 20.
33-] THEMATIC AORIST. 37
48, 51). We may identify this au- with u in Sanscr. u-noti calk,
The d- is a distinct syllable in the Aor. av-a-f, cp. dvrrj.
auirj (Od. 5. 490, v. 1. avoi) makes good sense as an Aor., ex-
pressing the act of kindling. The Stem is weak (aua- = Sanscr.
usJi- in ush-ds, ^Eol. avu>s) ; the strong form appears in et!-a>,
Lat. uro.
fTT-avpelv exhibits the Thematic form answering to
dfTo-vpds ( 13). </-'
a\0-ero ; found only in II. 5. 417, is clearly an Aor.
dX<}>- occurs in fi\<pov, Opt. aA$oi, with Aor. meaning.
&vr- in TjvTfTo, a~vv-avTe(r6r]v, Inf. avTv9ai, Part.
always with clear Aor. meaning. Accordingly arreoOai in II. 15.
698 (the only place where it occurs) was accented by Tyrannic
dcreVOai.
The a- of ai0-, avo--, &c. is discussed by De Saussure along with that of dpx-,
ei-yx- in a passage quoted above ( 30 note). He regards it as 'prothetic,' so
that the Stems in which it appears are generally in the weak form. The -fi-
ef ait- may answer to either f or w in the strong form ; thus ai/8-ri : aftiS-a
= avaj : dftg-ea f^ Sanscr. vaksh-") = avx-rj ' (v\-ofjuii, perhaps fir-avptiv : tvp-ttv.
A. similar d- appears in d-fjitifia), d-/j.t\y<a, aelpw ; perhaps in d-XirtaOai, a-fiaprtTv
(but in these it may be originally significant, infra, 3).
In d.X9-, dX 4>-, dvr- the form is weak (perhaps d\9- is to a strong d\fO- as
0X7-0$ : d\(y-ca or d\K--q : d\- in dAeYw), or else the strong and weak forms
coincided (as in dpx-, dyx-> 3)-
It appears then that in the Tenses with which we are dealing the strong
Stem has generally disappeared, and the Present has been derived afresh from
the weak Stem, by means of one of the various Suffixes. Thus we have at8-,
Pres. aiS-eoficu ; ave, Pres. aurlca ; aup-, Pres. tir-avp-iaica) ; dvr-, Pres. dvnau,
clfTtafcu. The process has been the same in d\iT-ta6at and Pres. dXtr-aivw,
dfj.apT-fiv and a/Mpr-dva), eup-fit> and evp-iffKca, IxOtaQai and an-rxQ-avoiMi, o\ia&t
and o\ia6-avoj, also in Attic alaO-iaOai and alffG-avofMi. The last is interesting
as the only post- Homeric Second Aorist which is used in good Attic prose.
3. A few Thematic Aorists seem to be formed from the Stems
of Nouns of the O-declension. Thus expato-jute availed is generally
derived from xp^t^os useful (Curt. Verb. ii. 13). So, according
to Curtius, tfepfie-re warm ye, 6(pp.-To grew warm, from deppos ;
o7rAe-0-0cu (II. 19. 172., 23. 159) to get ready, from o-n\ov (oTrAe-o));
yoov (II. 6. 500) bewailed, from yo'os (yo-dco) ; ap,apT-clv to miss,
from a-p.ap-ro- without part in.
Some at least of these instances may be otherwise explained. For oirAo-0ai
we may read oTrXetcr&u (the uncontracted bn\itoe<u is impossible in the
hexameter). -y^ ov in U- 6. 500 at plv eri fa&v yoov "EKTopa K. r. \. makes better
sense as an Impf. : Tick reads 700^, 3 Plur. of an ' .Eolic ' 7017;". Possibly y6ov
is for yofov by hyphaeresis ( 105, 4).
33.] In several cases it is difficult to say whether loss of e is
characteristic of an Aor. Stem, or is merely phonetic, due to
38 TENSES. [34.
' syncope.' Thus we have aytpovro, Part, aypo^fi-oi : axfreXov
ouyht and the Attic SxfrXov owed: WAco and the syncopated forms
e-Aet 1 , eTrAero, Part. eTrtTrAo/xero?, &c. (not eTreAer, eTre'Aero, &c.
in Homer).
d-yipovro v:cre assembled, Inf. aytpfaOm (so accented in M-SS.) imply a Pres.
ayfpca ; but the Part, ayp-opfvoi seems to be an Aor. The is only lost in
the Part., whereas in the undoubted Aor. typ-tro the form lytp- never occurs
(Opt. typoiro. Inf. typ(ffOat\ In II. 7. 434. , 24. 789 dfuftl iTvpt)i> . . . type A.aos
Cobet '^Misc. Crit. p. 415) proposed to read rjyptro, from dytp-. The emendation
gives a good sense, but is not absolutely necessary.
oS<|>Aov ought ( = irould that'; bears a different sense from the Aor. i4>Aov,
but is indistinguishable from the Impf. w<pe\\oi> (Od. 8. 312 ru pf/ ydvaaOai
6(f>e\\ov, so II. 7. 390., 24. 764, Od. 14. 68., 18. 401). Hence tixpt^ov is pro-
bably an older form of the Imperfect which has survived in this particular
use.
t-rrAev, tirAt-TO, &c. must be Aorists, since
(i) eir\fTu occurs in the 'gnomic' use, e.g.
II. 2. 480 fflfrt /Sous a.yf\ij(})i pfy' (oxos firkfro iravrw
and so in II. 24. 94, Od. 7. 217. This use is not found with the Impf.
(2~) (ir\tTo with the meaning of a Present can only be explained as an Aor.
= the English Pf., has turned out, lias come to be, (and so is) : see 78, and cp. II.
i 2. 271 vvv tn\(To tpyov airavrcav now it has become : with another Aor. similarly
used, II. 15. 227 iroA.il KtpSiov tTr\(To, on vTroftffv it is better that he has yielded:
also II. 6. 434., 7. 31., 8. 552., 14. 337., 19. 57, Od. 20. 304, &c.
The Part, occurs in kiti--n\6^(vov tros (Od.) and Trtpi-ir\onfv<av matmDv, with
much the same force as the Pres. Part, in the equivalent phrase iw/nTfAAo-
pivwv iviavrwv. But, as we shall see, an Aor. Part, may have the meaning of
an adjective ( 244) : cp. vdtenda dies,
34.] Comparison of the Thematic ' Strong ' Aorists found in Homer with
those of other periods of Greek brings out strikingly the relation between the
Homeric and the later dialect.
It may be assumed that the Strong Aorists, like the Strong Preterites in
English, were a diminishing class, never added to (except by learned imitators
of the Epic style\ and gradually superseded by the more convenient forms in
-era. Hence the comparative frequency of these Aorists in an author indicates
either an early date or (at least" the use of an archaic style.
Curtius enumerates altogether 117 Strong Aorists, of which 84 are found in
Homer. Of these 84, again, about 30 occur also in prose, while as many more
are \ised in the later poetical style (eXa/cov, tieiov, l/cAvcr, noKtlv, itoptiv, &c.).
Of the non-Homeric examples only one, viz. alaOiaQai, belongs to the language
of prose; about 15 are found in good early poetry (e.g. Sucw, OiytTy, Kavtlv,
BKaartiv, in Attic dramatists" ; most of the others are evidently figments of
learned poets, imitated from actual Homeric forms, e.g. (Saw (from Homeric
btSatv}, tnnnpov ^from fwpos and the Homeric Pf. l/x/xo/jf), tSovtrt.
These facts seem to show both the high antiquity of the Homeric language
and the position which it held us the chief though not the only source of the
poetical vocabulary of historical times.
36.] REDUPLICATED PRESENT AND AORIST. 39
35.] The Reduplicated Thematic Present. This formation
appears in a few instances only :
jii-j-v-fTe await
4<r)(ei holds, for *o-t-<r)(-ei, from *(r^-.
i-t sits, for *o-i-<rb-i, from o-e8-.
ylyverai becomes (yey-).
TLKTU>, for rt-TK-o), from TCK-.
vfoopai 1 go, pass, for zn-vcr-ojucu, or vL-var-io-^ai, from ye<r- :
related to yeo/xat ( 29, 6) as tercet) to l^co.
8ie sought (Thematic form answering to Sifrj-fAai, 16).
lav-et? sleepest (Aor. aetra, for aFf-cra, I slept, cp. cu!ft> and ae'fco).
In this group of Verbs the Root is in the weak form ; the
vowel of the reduplication is always i.
idxw (for fi-faxca) is generally placed in this class. The Pres. Indie, does
not occur, and the past Tense taxov is an Aor. in II. 5. 860., 14. 148., 18. 219
ore T' iaxe ffa\m^ ( 79), and may always be so in Homer. As to its original
form see 31, i, note. Thus the evidence for iixw is reduced to the Part.
l<ix<ov, and that is not used in a way that is decisive between the Pres. and
the Aor.
36.] The Reduplicated Aorist. These Tenses are formed
with the weak Stem, and either (i) reduplication of an initial
consonant with e, or (2) Attic Reduplication. The following are
the chief examples :
(1) a : eK-XeXafl-oy made to forget, XeXa/3eo-0ai to seize, KeKaSojy
severing, KCKabovro yielded, Kc^apovro rejoiced, a^-TreTraXwi; brandish-
ing on high, reraywy grasping, ijy-ay-ov led, e-?j7ra<e deceived,
i] pape fitted, rjKa^f. vexed.
(2) i : TreTTi'tf-otjuei; may persuade, Tttfy&evQai to spare.
(3) u : TfTVK-ovro made for themselves, irwiiOoi. may hear by
report, KCKvOuxri. shall hide.
(4) dp (pa), aX, X : rerapTr-ero was pleased, Tre^paSe showed forth,
aX-aXfce warded off, e-Ke-KX-ero shouted (xeX-).
(5) a, v (for ec) : XeXax^re (Subj.) make to share, Se'Saey taught
(cp. 31, 5); e-7re-</>z;-e slew (cp. Tre-^a-rai is slain).
(6) Loss of e : e-re-T/>te found, caught (re/x- ?); eeinov said (per-
haps for f-Ff-Frjr-ov)* ', also ten era followed, if it is taken to be
for crecr77-ro.
* The difficulty in the way of this explanation is that in the old Attic
inscriptions which distinguish the original diphthong ei (written El) from the
sound arising from contraction or ' compensatory ' lengthening (written E),
the word e'we is always written with El (Cauer in Curt. Stud. vin. 257). In
Sanscr. the corresponding form is avocam, for a-va-vac-am (vac becoming MC).
Answering to this we expect in Greek etvwov (Vogrinz, Or. d. horn. Dial p. 123).
40 TENSES. [37.
The forms which point to *O--CTJT-TO, viz. ((nrwvrai (Od. 12. 349),
(Od. 19. 579., 21. 77), (ffirea0<u (II. 12. 350, 363^, towS/wi/os (II. 10. 246., 12.395.,
13. 570), can be easily altered (e.g. by writing a'/ia o-iroi(xt)v for a/t' to-irotjxTjv).
We always have tiri-antaOaj., iiri-arrofKvos, p.tTaair6nfvos (never f<p-tffir6fj.fvos, &c.) ;
i. e. tan- only creeps in when a preceding final vowel can be elided without
further change.
(7) A peculiar Reduplication is found in ripvuaKf (Pres.
checked, and ^vliia-nt ((vnrri) rebuked.
These Aorists are exclusively Homeric, except fjyayov and
feLTrov (Attic flirov). They are mostly Transitive or Causative in
meaning ; compare f-Xa\o-v I got for my share, with \e\axo-v I
made to share; aprjpe is fitting, with ^fpape made to Jit, &c.<^'^''V
The Inf. 88aa-aOai, (Od. 16. 316) is not to be connected with the Perf. Part.
8e8a-cos, but is for StSataBat, Inf. Mid. of the Reduplicated Aorist EtSatv taught.
Thus the sense is to have meself taught.
37.] Aorists in -a. Besides the usual forms of t-enro-v (ei-
TTO-V) we find a 2 Sing. et7ra-s (II. i. 106, 108), or l-enra-s (II. 24.
379), 2 Plur. etTra-re (Od. 3. 427). Answering to the Attic
rjVfyK.ov Homer has ^vet/ca, Opt ei>ei/ca-i, &c. : but Inf. ei/ei/ce'-/zez;
(II. 19. 194). In these two cases the form in -ov is probably
older.
Tenses with Suffix (Non-Thematic).
38.] The Tense-Stems which remain to be discussed are
formed (like the Presents in -vr^i and -WIJLI) by means of a
characteristic Suffix. Of these Tense-Stems three are Non-
Thematic, viz. those of the Aorists formed by the Suffixes -ao,
-TJ, and -0Tj.
It is important to notice the difference between these formations and the
Perfect and Aorist Stems which take -K&. The Suffix -K& in such cases is not
characteristic of the Tense-Stem. It is only found as a rule with certain
Person-Endings.
39.] The Aorist in -o-a (called ' Sigmatic ' and ' Weak* ' Aor.).
The Suffix -ad is joined to the Verb-Stem (usually in its strong
form), as eppri^e (prjy-), ffKfi-^ra-v (dAei<-), f-irvtv-o-a-v (irvev-),
I8eio-e (for l-8fet- ere) feared, H-firi-o-d-v, f-Qv-cra.
The following are the chief varieties :
i. Verb-Stems ending in a Dental or o-, preceded by a short
vowel, form -craft or -a& : thus we have fiptva-a and ^petra (for
Tj-per-cra, from eper-) ; co--o-aro, eo-a<r0cu (feo--) ; trf3f<r-<rai,
* The term ' Weak ' implies formation by means of a Suffix. It was sug-
gested by the analogy between the two Aorists and the Strong and Weak
Preterites of the Teutonic languages.
39-] AORIST IN -2 A.
41
o-cu; eo-a?,, 4(/>-eWa-ro (e8- for *<rf 8-) ; e-0Aao-e and 0Ad<r-o-e,
(riracra-To, e-8acr-o-a-To, ecr-e-/Aao--o-a-ro, i><io--Ta ( 51, 2); xdVo-a-ro
(cp. l-xa8e), k-^pacra-^v (tppab-), paWa-re (pdS-), Trao-d-jurjy (irar-);
eAAia-d-p-Tjz; (Air-), a>7/cra-ro (o8u<r-).
Verbs in -&> form the Aorist in this way, as w-jrao-a, ico/u<ro-a,
gfLvia-ev, TJ'p/zoo-e ; or (less commonly) in -d, as egevdpiga, 6cuai,
/xep/^pt^e, lyyudAife. dp7rdo forms i}p-nae and fjpirao-e.
2. Derivative Verbs in -au, -ea>, -oa>, -uw usually form the Aor.
with a long- vowel (in -rjcra, -axra, -Do-a). But the Verbs in -u
often form the Aor. in -eo-o-a, -eo-a ; not only the Verbs derived
from Noun-Stems in -co-, such as reAeco, vaxe'co, d/c^e'o), but also
several Verbs derived from Masc. Nouns in -o-s; e.g. eKopeV-craro
was satiated (Pf. Ke/copTj-jneyo?), KoreV-o-aro was enraged (nKOTr]-<as),
Ttodtaav longed for (noOri-fievaL), aAeo-o-ay ground.
Other examples of ao- in the Aor., though the Verb-Stem
cannot be shown to end in <r or a Dental, are : r\yd<rva.To (aya-pai)
was amazed, erdXa-o-o-a endured, Kepa-o-ae mixed, ircpa-ao-a sold,
r]Xa-o-(Ta drove, qpa-crdfitji' loved, eSdfia-o-cra tamed, IXd-o-aon-oi
(Subj.) snail appease, icaX^-crom to call, 6X^-o-<rai to destroy, erdco-
o-cra stretched, eKdiru-o-a-e panted, epu-ao-ajjiei' ^r^w, ae-aa 5/^5^ Xoe-
o-craTo washed, fyo-aai to swear, di/o-o-o-aro ^a^e light of', see 51.
Note that when -aa is preceded by a short vowel there is always
a collateral form in -o-o-a : the only exceptions are orope'-o-ai
to strew and Kpefid-om to hang, and these are due to metrical
reasons.
Most of the Aorists in -fio-cro, -r<ra, &c. are evidently due to the analogy
of those in which -<ra was originally preceded by a short vowel and a dental
or tr. That is to say, kra\a-affa, tK&Xi-aaa, &c. do not follow the type of
epprjga, Tjkftifa (as (0rj-aa, ((pv-ca did), but the type of tQ\aa-aa, ireKta-aa. Thus
-crcra becomes the Tense Suffix after a short vowel, just as -<rfi is after a long
vowel or diphthong.
The forms \ovae, \ovffcu, \ovaavro, \ovaaaOai, &c., which suppose an Aor.
* t-Xov-o-a can nearly always be written Xo-. The exceptions are, II. 14. 7
0eplj.r]vr) KO.I \ovar) O.TTO fiporov (read \offf-ij re diro), Od. 6. 210 \ovffare r'tv irorap.^,
6. 219 aito\ovaofj.ai.
3. With Verb-Stems ending in p., v, p, A, the or is usually lost,
and the preceding vowel lengthened, e becoming et : as e-yij/ua
(ya/^i-), Kpf]rjvai. (Kpaav-, 55), e77-e-reiAa (reA-), e-^)tAa-ro (<|)iA-),
?/yetpa (eyep-), yjipa-To (x a p-)* A few Stems retain o- : Sp-o-a,
ap-crai, a.7ro-ep-o-e, e-Kep-<re, nvp-cra-s, (pvp-cra), eA-<ra-i>, KeA-<rai,
Kevo-ai. This is the rule when p or A of the Stem is followed by
a dental, as in l-7repo-e (for e-7rep0-cre), ^ftepo-e (dfiepSco). But v
* The form fjpa-TO, which is usually taken to be an Aor. of ap-vv-fuu, may
stand to aptaOcu as (-irra-ro to irrtaOai, wva-ro to ovo-pai, bit-vrai to $if-o6ai (see
however Cobet, Misc. Grit. p. 400).
42 TENSES. [40.
before 8 is lost in l-o-Treio-a (for e-o-TrevS-o-a) : cp. -rmo-o/xcu for
Tr4vQ-<ropat, &c. The form /ceVo-cu (II. 23. 337) is later.
The Verb-Stem 6<f>\- makes an Aor. Opt. 6<j>eX\ie : see 53.
40.] Primitive Aorists with Suffix -o--. Originally the
Sigmatic Aorist was inflected like the Aorist in -d already
described ( 15) : that is to say, the a appeared in the I Sing.
(perhaps also 3 Plur. -df) and the Stem was liable to variation
between a strong and a weak form. Thus from a Stem rev*-,
TVK-, with the regular phonetic changes, we should have had
Active, I Sing. !reua.
2 ereu (for e-reu/c-o--?).
-(T-T).
3 ; (for f-TVK-
I Plur. erevyfj-fv (or eruyjxev).
2, IreuKre (or eruKre).
3 fTfvav.
Middle, I Sing, krvy^v (for f-TVK-<r~nr]v).
2, trvgo (for e-ruK-o--<ro), Imper.
3 fTVKTo (for e-ruK-or-ro.
3 Du. erv^drjv (for e-
Inf. Tv\dai (for rux-cr-aflat or
Part. Tvy/xeyoy (for T-VK-CT-^VOS).
Several forms belonging to this scheme have survived 111
Homer :
lAe^a, Mid. tXiywv, eXexro, Imper. Ae^o, Inf.
Part. Kara-Xeyjiievos.
e/cro, Imper. 8efo, Inf. Se'x^ai.
Mid. fp.iK.To and JXIKTO.
fTrrja, Mid. /car-eTTTjKro (II. II. 378).
fiifpa-a, Mid. Inf. irtpQai.
irr]Xa, Mid. ay-eTraAro, TraAro.
(^Aa-To), aA<ro, aAro (better aAo-o, aAro), Part. e
a>/3<ra, Mid. S/)TO, Imper. opao, Inf. opdai, Part,
ripa-a, Part, appevos.
(rjcra-To), Part, ao-fjievos.
s), eAe'AiKro (read feAi^apieyos, efeAi/cro, 53).
seized (yefi-).
a, 3^ Du. \iiavQr\v (cp. TrtyavOe for Tre
txro (Hes. Th. 481), Part. iKpevos coming.
Add ewKTo (Thebais, fr. 3), /ceWo (Alcm. fr. 141).
The ' regular ' forms, such as e8e'aTo, i^Aaro, rfcraro, are to be
explained like exeva-ro, &c. ( 15). On this view e5e'aro and
^fAaro are related to Se'jcro and aAro precisely as exeuaro to x^ r j
and similarly TJO-CI-TO to aa-^fvos as exevaro to x^efo?.
The form \i.ia.vQi\v (II. 4. 146) is now generally taken as 3 Plur.,
for ep.ia.vdfv, or ffjudvdrja-av. The 3 Plur. in -TJK is found occa-
41 ] AORIST IN -2E(O). 43
sionally on inscriptions in other dialects (Meyer, G. G. p. 468) ;
but that is very slight ground for admitting it in Homer. In
any case it is later than -ev, and due to the analogy of the other
Person-Endings *.
The Homeric forms of the Subj. also pre-suppose a Stem without final o :
e.g. the Subj. ^a-o-^fv points to an Indie. *e-0rjff-fjifv ( 80). The existence
of such Indicatives in an earlier period of the language is proved by the San-
scrit Aorists with S, many of which join the Person-Endings directly to the
Stem, without an ' auxiliary' a (except in the i Sing, and 3 Plur.) ; e. g. the
Kootjz gives ajaish-am, 3 Sing, ajais (for a-jai-s-f), i Plur. ajaish-ma, &c.
Upon this stage of inflexion Joh. Schmidt has based a very probable
explanation of the 3 Plur. Ending -ouv (K. Z. xxvii. p. 323). It is evident
that owing to the loss of <r the Tense-Stem of such forms as tTtvyntv, erev/crf,
(TVKTO appears as rev*- or TVK-, instead of TV-, rug-. Consequently the form
tTtvav would be felt as ertvic-ffav that is to say, -crav would become in fact
the 3 Plur. Ending. Such an Ending would then be easily transferred to
other Tenses, eSo-cav, tara-aav, &c. The usual theory is that -<rav in these
forms comes from the regular Aor. in -<ro. But this does not explain why it
is confined to the 3 Plur. why we have (e.,g.} tSo-ffav but not iSo-oafitv.
41.] Aorist in -ae(o). Several Stems form a Weak Aorist as
a thematic tense, with e or o instead of a : viz. lo-v, e-/3?7<re-To,
f-bva-f-ro (8uo-o-/za>os Od. I. 24); Imper. TreXdo-o-e-Toy (II. 10.
442), ae-Te, oto-e-re, Ae'e-o, opo-e-o; Inf. a^t-ptvai (II. 23. 50,
in), ola-efjifvaL (II. 3. 120) : perhaps also l-Treo-o-r (wer-).
The forms ^(re-ro, eSoo-ero were preferred by Aristarchus to
those in -o-dro: see Schol. A on II. 2. 5/9., 3. 262., 10. 513.
They were regarded by ancient grammarians as Imperfects
(Schol. A on II. i. 496); and this view is supported by one or
two passages, esp. Od. 10. 107, where f} ^tv dp es Kpr\vr\v Kare?j-
(TTo must mean she was going down to the spring (when the mes-
sengers met her). So in the Part., Od. j. 24 01 \j.lv
'TTtepiovos ol 8' aviovros, and II. 5- 46 vv ITTTTOIV e7
pierced as he was mounting his chariot, cp. 23. 379.
The forms !o-v, d^-(jivai, &c. answer closely to the Sanscr. Preterite in
-sa-m, as d-diksha-m. tireo-ov is difficult to explain as t-irer-aov, both (i) because
it can hardly be accidental that we never have t-ntaaov, and (2) because it
has to be separated from the Doric everov. Possibly there was a primitive
non-Thematic *t-irrra, t-jres, tnts (for l-irtr-y, f-irtr-r}, Du. tirfarov, &c., 3 Plur.
t-nfT-av, from which both tirer-ov and Zirfff'ov might be derived in much the
same way as i-Krav-ov from the primitive e-KTtva, Plur. <t-KT&-p.ev ( 1 3).
* One of the reviewers of the former edition (Cauer in the Jahresb. d. philol.
Vereins) objects that the Dual does not suit the context ('hier gar nicht in den
Zusammenhang passt'). The subject is |xt)poi, which is Dual in sense ; and
the Dual might well be restored throughout the sentence (roiu roi, t/LtviKat,
luavOrjv al'(j.a.Ti /J.r)puj tvtpvte, Kvrjuai rt K.T.\.~). The explanation of fuAvthjv as
a Dual is due to Buttmann (Ausf. Spr. ii. 244, ed. 2).
44 PASSIVE AORISTS. [42.
42.] The Aorist in -i\-v. The Stem of this Tense is formed
by suffixing TJ to the weak form of the Verb-Stem. This TJ
becomes e in the 3 Plur. (-fv for original -e.r), the Opt. and the-;
Part. (/. e. before i and VT). The Person-Endings are those of the
Active, but the meaning is either Intransitive or Passive : e. g.
e-xop-T? rejoiced, f-bai] was taught, f-(pdv-r) appeared, rpa^-Tj was
nurtured, t-aA-rj shrunk (Stem feA.-), 8i-e'-r/xay-e-i> parted asunder,
e-Tray-rj, e-Sa/^t-Tj, e-ay-Tj, e-/3Aa/3-ei>, e-juty-r;, rdpTr-Tj-^ef and (with
Metathesis) rpa7r-7j-ojuei; (repTr-co), &c.
The Stem is long in e-TrA^y-ry (cp. f-ireTTXriy-ov, TrXrjy-ij), and
once in fdyr] (a. in II. II. 559)*- The Inf. repo-jj-jueycu (repo-T/zxu),
which occurs in II. 16. 519, Od. 6. 98, need not be an Aorist:
see the similar forms in 19. The Part. dva-f3po\ev (Od. II.
586) is not connected with ava-fitfipo^fv ( 25); see Buttmann,
Lexil.
There is evidently a close relation between these ' Passive ' Aorists and the
forms discussed in 14 (such as t-@\r)-v, (-TTTIJ-V, -TXTJ, e-a&ri}, and we can
hardly doubt that they are nothing more than an extension by analogy of that
older type (see Brugmann, M. U. i. 71). The chief difference is that (as in the
Thematic Aorist) the Stem is usually disyllabic, retaining the short vowel^of
the root : thus we have i-Sapy, but Spr)- in Se-Sftrj-rai, &c.
The Aorists with Stems in a and (0(519) are parallel to the Aorists in -ij.
Thus yrjpa-vai, piu-vai, dXu-vai only differ in the quality of the vowel from
8af|-vat, d\f|-vai : and there might have been numerous Aorists in -civ and -GJV
along with those in -ijv, just as there are derivative Verbs in -aw, -oo> as well
as in -o.
43.] The Aorist in -Qt]-v. The Stem of this Tense is formed
by the Suffix -Or]. The Person-Endings are the same as those of
the Aorist in -rj, and the meaning is Reflexive or Passive.
In later Greek the Verb-Stem is mostly in the strong form,
as f-b^\-0r]-v, -Xfi(f)-6riv, -tv%-9riv ; but this does not seem to
have been the original rule : e. g. Homer has t-rv\-6r) was made,
Attic f-rcvx-Or]. So we find the weak Stem in Kar-f-Kra-dfv >
(/crei- 1 -), ra-0Tj (rev-), rdp(j)-6r] (repTT-co), Tpaty-dfj-vai (rp^'mo). c-ora-
07} (Od. 17. 463), Av-0T7, fg-f-(rv-6ri, e-(p0t-0ey.
The Stems of K\ivta and Kpivu> vary in regard to the v : we
have f-K\iv-drf and -K\t-6t], Kpn'-0e-ires and 8t-e'-Kpt-0e-i;.
44.] Meaning of the Passive Aorists. The Aorist in -KJ
appears to have originally had an Intransitive sense, of which the
Passive sense was a growth or adaptation. Thi transition is
* In the former edition Bekker's reading iayft (Pf. Subj ) was given as the
probable correction for this passage. But the sense required is rather that of
the Aor. were (i.e. had been) broken than the Pf. are in a broken state. Cp.
Hes. Op. 534 o5 T' fm vtara ia-/t whose back is broken down, i.e. bowed. As to the
a of (ayi) see 67, 3.
45-] THEMATIC PRESENT WITH SUFFIX. 45
seen (e.g.] in ex"/ 07 ? rejoiced, fbdrj learned, pvrj floived,
appeared. In these instances the Passive grows out of the
Intransitive meaning (as in the Middle forms it grows out of
the Reflexive meaning). Similar transitions of meaning may be
found in the Perfect ( 28, fin.}, the Aorist (eo-^T? was quenched),
and even in the Present, as ^mr&rrctp to be driven out, jceirat is
laid down (as Pf. Mid. of ri'0?]^t), and 7rdo-x&> itself.
The Aorist in -Qi\-v is often indistinguishable in meaning
from the Aor. Middle. There appears to be ground for dis-
tinguishing it from the Aor. in -T\V as originally reflexive rather
than intransitive (Wackernagel, K. Z. xxx. 305.) In many cases
Middle forms are used in Homer interchangeably with those
in -fa]-v : thus we find ddo-aro and aacrOt], aiSero rjSea-aro and
aibeo-dr)T, at^acrdai and dlxOrjvat., bwrjcraro and bvvda-drj, Kopecro-aro
and Kopecrdrjv, \wf]<ra<rQa,i and \wr\<rQj\va.i, cnr-evaa-vaTo and vdo-Orj,
f<ppaa-djj.rjv and (<ppd(r6r]s, dtcraro and wicr^r/, f\o\<aa-aTo and
exoAo>0T7, epeuraro and epeurflr;, wp/iTjcraro and topju^Tj, &c. ; also
f(j>dtTo and f(pdtOev, ap.TnvTO and djj.Trvvv6r], AVTO and \v6rj, exraro
and fKTadev, ACKTO and eAe'x^Tji', JMIKTO and k
This observation has recently suggested a very probable account of the
origin of the Aor. in -Orj-v. The 2 Sing. Mid. Ending in Sanscr. is -thus, to
which would correspond Greek -6-rjs. Hence the original inflexion was (e.g.)
t-\v-p.r)v, t-\v-0rjs, 6-A.v-To, &c. Then f\v6rjs was regarded as e-\v6rj-s, that is to
say, \v6rj- was taken as the Tense-Stem, and the inflexion was completed on
the model of the already formed Aorists in -t\v (Wackernagel, I. c.).
The Aorists in -i\-v and -Oij-v are formations peculiar to Greek, and were
doubtless developed along with the separation of Present and Aorist forms
which had hardly been completed in the time of Homer (Curtius, Verb.
ii. I ft). It is worth notice that the three Aorists that have a distinctive
Suffix agree in avoiding the Thematic Endings, while the Impf. tends to adopt
them, as in TiOei, cSCSov, wjivve, &c. The reason doubtless was that the
Thematic inflexion already prevailed in the Present. Thus a distinction of
form was gained which was especially needed for the Aorists in -tj-v. Forms
like 1 4>iXi (which at first, as we see from <pi\-q-^fvai, subsisted side by side
with <}>iXi]) were adopted as Imperfects, while tjxCY 1 ! & c - were retained as
Aorists.
Thematic Present (with Suffix).
45.] In the forms to which we now proceed the Verb-Stem
receives a suffix which serves to distinguish the Present Stem ;
as TVTT-TCO, Ka/z-yo), (3d-<rKa>, KreiVa) (for KTfv-tco).
These suffixes may be compared with other elements used in
the same way, but not always confined to the Present ; as K in
oAe-Kco / destroy, epv-Kco / restrain, SIW-KW I chase, y in T^-yco
/ cut, x in rTj-x^evai to swim, Tpv-xovvL they ivaste, a-^-x^tv to
smear, <r in av(*> (aug-eo), 6 in crxe'-tfe held, to-dew (e8-0e>) to eat,
46 T-CLASS NASAL CLASS. [46.
j3pi-6o-v were heavy, vXrj-dfv was full, tpc-Of provoke,
Hazes, nivv-0ci diminishes, <f>6ivv-di wastes, Zpya-dtv kept
OaXe-Oo-vres blooming, /xer-e-Kta-0ov moved after, T/epe-flo-
flutter, fjyfpe-Oo-vTo were assembled (ayep-, in dyetpoo), &c. These
elements were called by Curtius Root-Determinatives (Chron. p.
22 ff.) the name implying that they are of the nature of suffixes
modifying or ' determining' the meaning of a simple Root. But
their origin and primitive significance are quite unknown (Brug-
maim, Grundriss, ii. 8, n. 2).
46.] The T-Class. The suffix -re (o) is usually found with a
Verb-Stem ending in a labial mute (TT, ft, <), as cviir-re rebuke
(fvlir-i]), xaA.e7r-rei annoys, dorpcur-Tei lightens, <TK(TT-TO look out,
KAeV-re, KOTT-re, run-re, e-/nap7r-re ; airra) (a</>-) fasten, KpinTT<av
(<pv(p-a} hiding, 0a7rre (0a</>-) bury, pdirreiv to sew, string together;
/3Aa7rrei (/3Aa/3-) harms.
The Stem is in the weak form; the corresponding long forms
are generally wanting.
This suffix is combined with Reduplication in i-d-jr-ru* (for l-
icbr-ra), cp. Lat. jac-io] I hurl, which occurs in Od. 2. 376 Kara
Xpda KaXov Id-TTTrj shall maltreat (lit. knock about) her fair flesh*.
ITT may be for TT-I-, and, if so, these Verbs would belong to the I-Class ( 50).
In some cases, however, the IT represents an original guttural. Thus we find
tviffffca (tviK-ia})j as well as fviirroa (WIT-JJ) ; ireffffcu, later irtvTca (ittir-wv) vi^ai,
later viirroi (aitoviirreaOai in Od. 18. 179 is doubtful). Here iviaau, irtcraw, vifa
are formed by the suffix -k(o), and consequently kviirra, ireirrai, viirrca must be
otherwise explained. So in <r*^jrTo/n, since oxeir- is for <rrrK- (Lat. spec-to),
the form with ITT must be at least later than the metathesis. Hence if we
adhere to the supposition that -TTT- is for -irjt- we must explain these four
forms as due to the analogy of other Verbs in -irr(o) already in existence.
47.] The Nasal Class. The suffix is -ve (o) after a vowel or
ji : <j)0d-vei comes Jirst, ri-vu>v paying (a penalty], bv-vc sank in, 6v~
vov bustled, Kap-ve grew weary, rdp-vf cut ; -ai'e(o) after a mute,
rjp-dpT-avf missed, *]\b-av6 made fat, \r]d-dvet makes to forget, 018-
dvfi swells, Kvb-dvet glorifies, c-Ktvd-avov hid, an-fyQ-aveat. becomest
hateful: often with the weak Stem and v inserted,
pleases (a8-), Xavd-avofj-riv, f-^avb-avov, f-\d-y\-avov,
The suffix -ai'c(o) is combined with Reduplication (as in 35)
* With l-air-TO) may be connected l-A(J>-0Ti, which occurs in the phrase iirl
8' aaTris idtftOrj KOI ic6pvs (II. 13. 543., 14. 419% of a warrior's shield, which falls
with or after him. For the aspirate (la^Orj for k-ia(p&rf) compare It]Ka,
teo-ro, &c. This explanation was given by Ebel, in K. Z. iv. 167. The
scholar to whom I owe this reference, F. Froehde, derives it from Sanscr.
vapami, ' I throw, strew about : ' so drrToeinfc = ' one whose words are thrown
about at random ' (Besz. Beitr. iii. 24). See Ciu-tius, Verb. ii. 364 (2 ed.).
49-] ITERATIVE CLASS. 47
in m/x-TrA-dverat (II. 9. 679), ifr^ava (for *<rt-(rx-dra>), idvu> (for
The class of Verbs in -vw is derived from the Non-thematic
Verbs in -^u-. Sometimes, as has been noticed ( 18), -v\i takes
the Thematic e or o after it, as in o^-vvw for o^vv-u,i ; but in
other cases, especially when -vu follows a vowel, u. becomes F and
is lost. Thus &-vu- gives dwo> 1 accomplish, and also avfrai (d)
draws to a close : so rLvv-rai punishes and TLVCO, <j>6ivv- (in <f)6iirv-
0o>) and <0tW The vowel of dyco, <j)6dv(a, nVco, fyQLva is long in ;
Homer, short in Attic (cp. Homeric tiv-os for ev-Fos, Attic
ev-os) ; whereas in KAivco, K.pLvu> (for KAtv-ico, KOLV-IO)) it is
always long. Note also that -i'e(o) for -^(o) is confined to the
Present, while the v of /cAu>o>, &c. appears in other Tenses
(Solmsen, K. Z. xxix. 78).
eXauKu has been explained as *eXa-i/u-o>, but there is no parallel
for epen thesis of u.
The d of iKavca, Ki%dva> points to -av-Fu, but the forms have
not been satisfactorily explained.
48.] Stems formed by -<e(o), the Iterative class of Curtius.
(1) Without Reduplication, as /3d-<rKe go, ($6-<rK.fi feeds, ^d-o-Ke
said, [Ad-o-Ko-jrrcu propitiate, yKaaKova-i flit about, 0vfj-<TKO-v died,
dp(p-(TK.ov(ri leap, 7rpo-/3Ao)-(r/ce-/ixei' to go before (/3Aa)- for /xAa)-)./^''
(2) With Reduplication, ui-uzw-o-Ke-rai is reminded, xi-KAn-a-Key ^ Y^i
77 J / 77 / 7 7
caUea, yt-y^w-o-Kco 1 know, Tn-qxiv-crKf showed.
Stems ending in a consonant sometimes insert i, as a7r-a0-i-
cncei deceives, dp-dp-i-crKe fitted, evp-tcrKco I find (Od. 19. 158), CTT-
avp-ia-KovraL get benefit from (II. 13. 733). A final consonant is
lost before ox in 8i-8a<r/ce'-|u,ei; (for 8i-8ax-<rKe-), fo-Kco and cur/ceo
(cp. tK-eAos), n-rucTKe-ro (rvx- or TU^-), 8-8i<rKTo welcomed (8i/c-) j
probably also in plvyo-v (for fjuy-o-Ko-v) and irdo-x<o (for
, .
49.] Iterative Tenses. The sufiix -<rKe(o) is also used to
form a number of Past Tenses with Iterative meaning, as lovce /tfjk>ttf(
(for eo--o-Ke) ttftt? ^<? ^e, l^e-o-Ke w*^ ^o ^o/</, KoAe-ecr/ce, TreAe-o-Ke-o /y/
(II. 22. 433), viK.a-a-KO-u.fv (Od. II. 512), rpcoTrd-ovcero (II. II f trW
/CON <> ^**J/ V y'/i o S foitntloV f
500), piTTTa-(TK, oL%v-(TK, 7ro)Ae-cTK-To, (j)6f-(TK, KG. ', and trom
Aorist Stems, as o-rd-<r/ce, SO'-CTKO-Z;, eiTre-o-Ke, </)dr/-o-/ce", epTyrv-o-a-
o-xe, Sa-o-d-o-xe-ro, wa-a-o-Ke, &c. These formations differ from
the Present Stems described above (i) in carrying distinctly the
notion of repeated action and (2) in being confined to the Past 17 ?
Indicative. They are peculiar to the Ionic dialect, and the
forms derived from Aorists in -cm are only found in Homer.
-(j>acnco-v has sometimes a distinctly Iterative meaning in Homer, as
Od. 8. 565 ~Ka.vai.06ov, bs t<t>affKt noffeiSdur' a-y&aaaOa.i, and the Pres. <fxi<ric<u does
^. tl'Sot " *'J ^/^ ^ '" '-^^7^ f i'p**r"S W* I**f6*. S'I35, t*m,l'Ji fl
48 PRESENT. [50.
not occur. It may be regarded as a link between the two groups of Stems
with -CTK.
It is remarkable that in the Latin Verbs in -sco we may distinguish in the
same way between the regular Inceptives, such as lique-sco, puer-a-sco, and
the Presents, such as pa-sco, pro-flc-iscor, in which the Inceptive meaning
is hardly, or not at all, perceptible. Originally, no doubt, there was a single
group of derivative Stems in O-KC(O) with the meaning of continued or re-
peated action.
50.1 The I-Class. The suffix was probably -te(o) in a pre-
historic period of Greek : it appears in Stems of the following
forms :
a. In -iw, -caw, -eiw, -uia> or -ua> (for -t-tco, -a-ta), &c.), the i
blending with the final vowel of the Stem.
b. With epenthesis of i, in -aifo, -cupu (for -ar-tco, -ap-ico).
c. With assimilation, in -AXu> (for -A-tco), -OXTOJ (for -K-J^W, -T-ICO),
and -w (for -S-to>, -y-tco).
d. By compensatory lengthening in -ci^w, -eipu, -i^u, -Ow, -upo>
(for -fv-LU), -ep-too, -tV-io>, -vv-td), -vp-ico). That the i of -eii>o>,
-etpco is not a true diphthong (and therefore not due to epenthesis)
is shown by the corresponding Doric -rjyco, -Tjpo).
e. In -aw, -e, -ou>, -auw, -euw, -oow (for -a-tco, &C.).
a. Verbs in -uo, &c.
51.] The Verbs in which the original i becomes i, thus form-
ing -tco, -atco, -aco, -via, are almost confined to the Homeric
dialect. The chief examples are as follows :
(1) -iu : fo-OUi eats, 18101; I sweated, ^r\vif. 6e angry, pao-rie whip, '
ava-KriKL gushed forth, KOVLO-VTCS raising dust. In these verbs '
(except perhaps the first two) the Verb-Stem ends in i, so that f - :
(e. g.) Kovio-vres is for Kovi-io-vres ; so probably Ttco / honour, \
(pdiu / waste away, for rt-tco, <^^t-tco. The i therefore is naturally 'f>l~/ f
long, but may be shortened before a vowel ; hence it is usually
doubtful in quantity. T/oi>t'V(iHJt)toff TT^o(f265 t
Trtt'f'-'fpSd) r i : '"'-' ""i' iij V : > : -> ftitlfll
(2) 'au : usually with loss of <r or F, vatovvi dwell (Aor. vacr-aa, '
racr-^T]), p,aLcrdai to feel one's way (Fut. /^acr-o-erat), AiAaieai
desirest (Ai-Aa(r-); KOICO (for Kuf-to), cp. Aor. CKTJO for H-KrjF-a),
KAatco (for KAa^-ico), 8aie kindled (bdv-), valov swam (cp. rau-s),
yatcof rejoicing (yav-pos, Lat. gau-deo) ; Kepaie mix, ayaiop-evos in-
dignant (cp. f-Kepa(r-(Ta, riyd(r-(raTo, but the cr in these words is
not original, 39, 2); perhaps also (p6aL<a (if Trapa-ipOaiycri, in
II. 10. 346 is Pres. Subj., see K. Z. xxiii. 298).
Saito divide forms its Tenses from two roots, (i) 8ai-, 3 Plur. Pf. 88a-arat, cp.
Sai-vvfti, 8ai-s, Sai-rpos, and (2) 8ar-, Pf. BtSaa-TGi, Pres. BaT-cojxai (cp. HOT-
53-] /-CLASS. 49
(3) -eiw : irfv0i-TW (probably for nevOev-ie-Tov) mourn,
vos fighting, olvofiapeiav drunken, reAeio-v brought to pass,
splitting, aKtio-ptvoi being healed, yei/ceoj-o-t shall quarrel, d/
shrink, vjuveuo (Hes.).
When the diphthongs cu, ci come before a vowel there is a
tendency to drop the i ; as dya-io-jucu, 2 Plur. ayda-a-Oe (for dyd-//f f
-o-0e, 55) ; Kfpa-ia), 2 Plur. Kepda-o-0e ; re'Xe-io-y,~also -reXe-o-y ;
ycuoz; swam, also vd-ei, ud-oim; perhaps also ddrjrai ^a/7 fe
destroyed (root Sai- ; see Schulze, 1 K. Z. xxix. p. 258). Where
this tendency does not show itself, as in TTCUCO, TJTCUCO, 0-a'o>, it
will usually be found that the diphthong belongs to the whole
Verb, not merely to the Present Stem.
So perhaps Ipciao-Oe ye loved, IXdovrai appease, fXwv drove (Part. l\atuv\ ticXcov
broke : unless these forms are obtained by simple change from the Non-
Thematic tpa-fMi, &c. ( 1 8).
For the Presents in -eiw from -efo (Ofica, ir\(i<u, &c.), see 29, 3.
(4) -uiw : oTTuie had, to wife (for oirucr-i(u).
Most of the Presents in -uo> are of this Class (original -uico), as
</>v<o (Aeolic <j)vi(a), Ova) (l^vtey Hesych.), Xvco, bvca, I6vu>, -r}irva>,
ot^uco. The vowel is doubtful, but only because it comes before
another vowel (as was noticed in the case of Verbs in -ico).
tOvto generally has v ; but v in Iir-i0vovo-i (II. 18. 175), which ought to be so
divided, not iit\.-Qvov<n. It is a Denominative from I9vs (v) aim.
The Verbs in -euu, -ouu are probably also of the I-Class (for
-ewo), -outco). For, as Curtius points out (Verb. i. 360), they
are chiefly Denominatives, and it is contrary to analogy to form
a Verb by suffixing the Thematic e (o) to a Noun-Stem.
b. Epenthesis of i.
52.] It will suffice to give a few examples :
-vu : jj,aivo-ij,ai, <a<W, fiatvto (fBafj.-^, and with reduplication,
-pw : atpco, o-Kaipo), acnraiput, juap/xatpco, Kap/catpco, )(aipa>.
aipw (for ap-tco) is distinct from dcipco, which by contraction would become
c[fxu : cp. atiSca, aSoj (Brugmann, K. Z. xxvii. 196).
This Class includes also the numerous Denominatives in -curw,
-aipw : see 1 20. The Stem is in the weak form.
c. Assimilation of t.
53.] Examples : -XXw : aXXo-/xat, /3dXXa>, iraXXco, oreXXto, reXXco ;
from Nonns, dyye'XXco, vavriXXopat. ; with Reduplication
drtrdXXco I rear, tend, cp. drdXXo) / cherish.
Epenthesis (instead of Assimilation) is found in 6<J>eiX I owe.
-CTCTOJ : o<r<ro-/Aai (OK.-}, TreVo-ft) (TTCK-), eXuro-co (IXiK-),
UX-), XtWo-/iat (Xir-), Kopva-o-a) (KO/SU^-), Trrwo-cra)
E
50 /-CLASS. [54-
-<o : for -860) in /cAv^o), <|>pdu>, ya^o-pai ; for -ytto in ab-p.cu,
pea>, Tpia> ; with reduplication, fj,ifj.vdC<a I loiter, /3t/3d&> / cause
to go, eAeAiiio 1 make to quiver (II. i. 530)*.
d. Compensatory lengthening.
54.1 Examples : -en/u (for -ey-j-w), in reiz>o>, /cretva),
-eipw (for -ep-iw), in etpo>, Keipco, p;eipoju,ai, Tmpco, crTreipco, refpco,
, dyetpa), deip&>, eyetpa), efleipco.
-icw (for -ic-iw), in K\tvu>, Kpivca, optyw.
-ui'u (for -uc-j,co), in TrAwco, evrvva*.
-upw (for -up-*u), in Kvpco, /xvpo/xat, (frvpoo, d8vpo/xat.
e. Verbs in -aa), -ea>, -oco.
55.] Assimilation. This term is applied to certain forms of
the Verbs in -aco, in which, instead of contraction, we find
assimilation of one of two concurrent vowels to the other, as opo'co
for 6pa&), opaas for 6p(iets.
The chief varieties are as follows :
() Forms with simple Assimilation, the vowel being long
gives fj.va>6-ij.voi.
fj.vda<r6
fj,vda (3 Sing. Mid.).
(V) With shortening of the first vowel
opdco gives 6po&)
edr]-s fda-s
airide-crflcu amaa-cr0ai.
Cp. btbda-o-Oai. from e8ae-<r0ai ( 35) and dyda-o-0e from dyde-
<r#e ; Fut. eAoco, Kpe/xoa) from eAaa>, Kpejadco.
(c) With lengthened second vowel
opdo-vres gives opoco-vre?
6pdoi.-T 6po<ri-re
6paei-s opaa-y.
This is the commonest form of Assimilation : cp. byidca-vTo,
bri'idu>-v from Srjtoo), dpoa>o"i (Od. 9. Io8) from dpda>, KaT-rjiriocavTo
(II. 5. 417), eorrparocoz/ro (II. 4. 37^)^ pvn6u>vra (Od.).
* Cobet (Msc. Crrt.), following Bentley, has sought to show that the forms
of tXeXi^cd belong in reality to IXi<r<rco (f eXitrovu). He is doubtless right in
substituting feXixOtvres for tXeXixOtvres wheeling about : but it seems necessary
to retain cXeXi<i> where the meaning is to set trembling (with intensive re-
duplication, like daxtC cu > oAoAva>, &c.).
55-] ASSIMILATION. 51
(d) With lengthened second vowel (the first being also long),
in very few forms
bpaovcri gives Spwoxri
/J-aLIJ-doVO-L jUCU/ZtoCOfTt
f)j3dov(ra
Other isolated examples are: p-cvoivr/ycn. (IJ. 15. 82); dAo'co
(Od. 5. 377), 2 Sing. Imper. of dA&juat (for etXaeo dAaow);
KejcpaWrai, Kprjrjvai, Kpaialvu* ; (j)adi>0T] ''(for $atv-6r}) ; (ro'coo-t
(Subj.), (row?, o-oo) (Opt., cp. 83), <rcooi>res (o-ao'co). Similar
phenomena may be seen in <po'cos for <pdos (or <paos), <roos for
oraos, <paa.VTa.TOs for (paeWaros, znjTndas 1 for vrjirieas, 7fpo5oi;es (II.)
for Trprjoves, dorv/iJoconjs for do-ru/SoTjrTjs : also in a form Atyeuoo
(for Atvei'ao) read by Zenodotus in II. 5. 263, 323. fro w/ (p3/lfoitf.
1. These forms were regarded by the older grammarians as
the result of a process called f distraction/ (the exact reverse of
contraction), by which a long vowel, a or w, could be separated
into two distinct vowels (da, o, &c.). The first attempt to
account for them in a more rational way was made by L.
Meyer (K. Z. x. 45 fL). According to him they represent an
intermediate stage in the process of contraction. The order, he
argued, Is 6pdu> opo'co 6p<3 : i.e. in opoco the a has been assimilated
to the following u, but is not yet uttered in one breath with it.
In the forms opoWre?, opo'oxri, &c. he pointed out that the long
vowel is never wanted for the metre, and accordingly he wished
to read opo'oires, opoovai., &c. To this last proposal exception
was taken by G. Curtius (Erlauterungen, p. 96), who made the tfudit
counter-supposition that, as the a of these Verbs was originally
long, the successive steps might be opaovres, opwoirts and
(by metathesis of quantity) opoWres. The stage -wo- is
exemplified in juyojo'/xevoy.
2. The main objection to this theory lies in the circumstance
that the forms opoco, opaas and the like are exclusively ' Epic/
"that is to say, they are confined to Homer, Hesiod, and their
direct imitators. If they had been created by any natural
development of Greek sounds, we should expect to find them
in other dialects. But neither in Ionic nor elsewhere is there
any trace of their existence in living speech. It must be
admitted, too, that neither Meyer nor Curtius has given a
satisfactory account of the long vowel in opoWi, opoWro,
opoWres, &c. A form opo'oyre?, as Curtius pointed out, would
give opovvTfs, not opwires. And if there has been metathesis
of quantity, why do we never find 6po'<o/zei> for 6pdofj.ev } or opaare
for opaere ?
3. An entirely different theory was put forward by J. Wack-
52 /-CLASS. [55.
ernagel (Bezz. Beitr. iv. 259). The true Homeric forms, in his
view, are the original uncontracted opaoo, opaeis, &c. and these have
passed into the opo'co, opdqs, &c. of our Homer by a process of
textual corruption consisting of two stages : ( i ) contraction,
according to the ordinary rules of Attic, into 6p<3, 6pqs, &c.
which would obviously give forms of different metrical value
from the original words, and then (2) restoration of the metre
by a kind of ' distraction ' (in the old sense of the term), i.e.
the insertion of a short vowel before the new contracted ->, -as,
&c. Thus ovx opaeis first became ov% opas, and then metri
gratia ov\ opaas*.
4. Paradoxical as this may seem, there can be little doubt
that it is substantially right. The forms in question, as Wacker-
nagel justly argues, are not a genuine growth of language.
They are the result of literary tradition, that is to say, of the
modernising process which the language of Homer must have
undergone in the long period which elapsed before the poems
were cared for by scholars. The nature of this process is
excellently described and illustrated in his dissertation. In
many cases, too, he shows that when the later form of a word
ceased to fit the metre, some further change was made by
which the metrical defect was cured, or at least disguised.
Corruption of this latter kind may often be traced in the
various readings of MSS.
But must we suppose that 6poo>, &c. went through the two
changes which Wackernagel postulates ?
5. The case is unique, not only from the large number of
forms involved, and the singularly thorough and systematic way
in which they have been introduced into the text, but also from
the circumstance which he has himself so well pointed out,
viz. their unreal conventional stamp. They are hardly more
' modern ' in the sense of being familiar through contemporary
speech than the forms which they have displaced. Wacker-
nagel has shown how ecos and reo>s supplanted the original ^os
and TTJOS, even where the result was absolute ruin to the verse ;
as in Od. 19. 367, where nearly all the MSS. have ecus ucoio.
Similarly the loss of the old Gen. in -oo ( 98) has produced
the forms AioAou, 'I<trou, 'lAfou, &c. scanned . These
examples, however, prove too much; for if such unmetrical
forms could remain in the text without further change, why
do we never find the slightest trace of an unmetrical 6/>o> ?
6. It is a further objection to this part of WackernageFs
theory that in several words the original -au, -acts, -aouo-a, &c.
* This theory was criticised by Curtius in the Leipziger Siudien, iii. pp. 1925.
55-] ASSIMILATION. 53
have been retained. The instances are, mierda>, -dei (Hes. Th.
775)5 -dou<ri, -cW, -aovra, vAdet, -doim, doiSidei, -aoixra, 6/xo-
o-rixdei, yodoi/xez>, -dotev, /cpaSdcoj', eAdcoz;, lAdovrai, rrjAefldouras ;
with a, dvajuatjudeij Tmydcov, -doyra, Si^dcoy. (The forms which
have lost a f, as Ade, </>de, fypaov, do not concern us now.) A
third variety is exhibited by the form vaicTaao-av (-<r?js, -077, -<ras),
which occurs in MSS., usually as a variant along with '-aovvav
and -ouxrav. These facts are enough to show that the causes which
produced the Homeric -ow, -aa$, &c. were not of universal efficacy.
7. Is there, then, any way from opdoo, opdeis to opo'co, dpdas
except through the contracted 6pS>, dpas ? We have to deal with
a time when 6p<3, opas were the forms of ordinary speech, while
opdo), dpdets were only known from the recitation of epic poetry.
Under such conditions it is surely possible that the poetical
forms were partially assimilated to the colloquial forms that
opdco, opdety were changed into opo'co, dpdas by the influence of
the familiar 6p<3, opas. Similarly kiqvbavt for tavbave. was
doubtless due to the presence of the later rjvbave, not to any
process of contraction and distraction. The principle is con-
stantly exemplified in language ; cp. the change of typacrl, the
original Dat. Plur. of (pp^v, into <ppe<n through the association
of the other Case-forms.
8. With this modification of WackernageFs view it is easier^ f
to account for the occasional retention of the original -aw, -acts/
&c. If opdco, opda? are due to the presence of op<3, opas in every-"
day language, we may expect to find a different treatment
of words which went out of use in post-Homeric times. Thus fi
mierdoo does not pass into ycuero'co because there was no raterw '
alongside of it in common use. Similarly eAo'co, tXaav are '
accounted for by the Attic eA<3, eAay; but the Homeric Pres.
Part. eAdcoy is unaffected. Two instances call for a different
explanation, viz. Tmydo) and 8n/fdo), since they are not rare or
poetical words. But these are exceptions which prove the rule.
As is shown by the Attic contraction (Tteivfjs, &c.), they are not
really Verbs in -aw. Whatever may be the origin of the a in the
Homeric Treivdcoy, Six/maw, &c., they do not belong to the group
with which we are now concerned.
9. An example of the process supposed by Wackernagel may
be found in the Homeric rpcoTrdo), rpcoxdco, oTpa)$d<o, -rrwrdo/iai c/w
(as to which see Nauck, Mel. gr.-rom. iv. 886). The forms
which occur are always contracted, but in every instance except
one (II. 13. 557 orpco^ar') the uncontracted form can be
restored if at the same time the root-vowel is shortened. Thus
in II. 15. 666 nrjbe rpooTrao-tfe <p6(3ovb<- we may read /xrjSe rpo-
7j-decr0e (pofiovbe. The verb 7ra>rdop,ai only occurs once (II. 12.
54 /-CLASS. [56.
287 XidoL TTMT&VTO 0a/zetai), while the form Trordo/zai is well
attested. In the other cases the restoration is supported by
etymology (rpoTrdo) from rpoTrrj, &c.), and by the considerable
traces of rpoTrdco, rpoxdco, orpo^dco in our manuscripts (see Leaf on
II. 15. 666). The process must have been that (e.g.) original
TpoTTa.<rdf became Tpo7rao-0e (which is also found in MSS.),
and then
10. In the Impf. Act. assimilation is unknown, mainly
because the metre generally allows contraction. We find
however (i) several uncontracted forms, viz. ovrae (Od. 22. 356),
nepaov (II. 16. 367), vXaov (Od. 16. .5), Kareo-Kiaov (Od. 12. 436) :
expdere, exP aov (^ or fXP"^ ere *XpaFov) do not belong- to this
head. Also (2) some verbs show the New Ionic -co- for -ao-,
viz. 6p.oK\ov, o/xo/cAeo/xez- 1 , Troreotrai, ptvoLvtov, TJVTCOV, Tpoirtov.
For <|>dos we find the two forms <oais and </>ows (II. 16. 188 taya*f(v
but never <f>6os or <cDos *. The exclusion of <t>wos is remarkable, since it is
related to (f>aos as nvwontvos to nvd<j/j.evos. The reason doubtless is that (j>dos
came under the influence of <pws (cp. opaqs and op-as). On the other hand ados
became aoos owing to the later awos. The change of Trprjovts to irpuovts is
similarly due to -npuivis. In the case of aarvQowrTjs (for -/SOTJTT/S) there is no
evidence of a form -^tur^s, but such a form would be according to the rules of
Ionic contraction (Puaas for (lorjoas, &c. ).
56.] Contraction. The extent to which contracted forms
of verbs were admitted in the original text of Homer is a
matter of much dispute. In this place we are properly con-
cerned only with verbs of the I-Class (-aw, -cu, -ow, for -a-iw, -C-J.M,
-o-i<a), not with those in which a different spirant has been lost
(as rpe'co for rpeV-co, TrXeco for TrAef-o)).
i. In the verbs in -au contraction is frequent. If the
resolved form were written wherever the metre admits it, we
should still find that in about half the whole number of cases
the contraction must remain. It is worth notice too that con-
tracted forms are often used in phrases of a fixed type, as eirea
TTTtpoevTa Trpoo-TjvSa (or 7rpocrrjv8a)y) ro'8' 6(f)OaXp.ol(rtv 6p&fj.ai
opa (opav) (f>dos TjeAtoto dyeipeai ?}8e /xeraAAas eavba, jj.r) KevOe,
and the like f. It has indeed been noticed that there is an
apparent preference for the resolved -ao^ of the i Sing-, and
3 Plur. Impf. ; but this must be accidental. We must conclude
then that contracted and uncontracted forms of verbs in -aw
were used in the language of Homeric times with equal freedom :
or at least if this be thought improbable that they subsisted
together as alternative forms in the poetical dialect.
* fyous may represent an ancient Plur. <j>dci>s (Joh. Schmidt, Pluralb. p. 142).
f Mangold, Curt. Stud. vi. 194. J Menrad, pp. 122-124.
57-] CONTRACTION SYNIZESIS. 55
/fW/J'Tv'TJ!
2. Verbs in -eu rarely contract -co or -e&>, except in the f/XtvV
Participle (-eu/xei>os for -eofjitvos). This rule is confirmed from
New Ionic inscriptions (Erman, Curt. Stud. \. 292), as well n \ j
as the MSS. of Herodotus. For eo in 7rotev/x?]i; (II. 9. 495), >}
0rjewro (II. 7. 444), oxXewrai (II. 21. 261), eyeycovew (Od. 9. 47, **
&c.) and a few similar forms we should write -co (see 57). i^mX^wro
The contraction of -ee, -e is established by the large number Mwvtvu
of instances * in which it is required by the metre. Moreover J ?
it is not merely a license, necessary for the sake of admitting
certain forms into the hexameter (such as rapfleis, vtiKflv. *?$
/ \
reXeircu, T/yetcr^at, oyzapayet, e^nXei, olvo-^ofi). Among theaj&t.
instances of contraction in the last foot we find 29 of -ei for -ee
(as xoAo? 5e piu> aypio? $pei), and 16 of -ei for -eei (as KCU ju,e
yXvKv? Ifjiepos cupei) ; also the forms <tXei (II. 2. 197 TI/AT) 8' CK
Ato's ecrri, <^>iAei 6e e pirjrtera Zeus, also II. 7. 280., 10. 245, 552.,
1 6. 94, Od. 15. 74), So/cei (Od. 2. 33, and six times in the
phrase cos ju.ot boK.fi elvai, aptcrra), reAet (II. 4. 161), KaXei (II.
3. 390, Od. 17. 382), fyofiei (II. 17. 177). On the other
hand the uncontracted form has the support of the metre in
about a hundred places, and against the instances now quoted
of <iA.ei, &c. we have to set about thirty of the corresponding
uncontracted <iAe'ei, So/ceeis, -ei, reAeet, KoAe'ei, <j>ofiffiv. The
uncontracted form therefore seems to have a slight preference,
when the metre allows either.
In the MSS. of Homer contraction is generally introduced as far as possible,
according to the tendencies of Attic : but the open forms occasionally survive,
chiefly in the fourth foot (in such forms as irpoattyaivft Oeios ovetpos Kal yrte
ofma IStadat Kara 6' rjpee Ilr}\(iaiva). And the metre clearly points to the
open form in several other places : as
II. II. 55^ (=17. 663) rds re rpeei. (affvpevSs iff p.
21. 362 cty 5 \ffirjs fi evSov KT\.
16. 201 aTf(i\((r( Ipwefffftv.
Od. 10. 548 doartfTt f\vicvv vitvov.
3. Verbs in -oco generally contract; -^oXovfjLai, Kopv^ovrai,
yowov^at.. For the ' assimilated ' forms SrjtocoiTo, KarrjTnocovTO, vir\'(-
eorparo'coyra, pvn6u>vTa ( 55) we ought, on the analogy of the
Verbs in -aw, to substitute brjloovro, &c.
57.] Synizesis. The vowel e sometimes coalesces with a fol-
lowing o or w, so as to form one syllable^ for the purpose of the
metre ; e. g. deXTrreoyres, ?}Xa0Teoy, rryiveov, e-nopdtov (at the end
of a verse), oi'/ceWo, eiXeWi, XP^^ VOS - Whether the pronun-
ciation of these words differed from that of the contracted forms
is a question which perhaps there are no means of determining.
* About 160 according to the list in Menrad, pp. 132-142.
56 /-CLASS. [58.
Meaning of Verbs of the I-Class.
58.1 Verbs in -cw are mainly Intransitive, whether formed
from Adjectives, as dTnorea) I am unbelieving, or abstract Nouns,
as juox^e'ft) / labour. But there is also a group of Causatives in
-eo), as $o/3eo> I put to flight, o^(a, <o/o&o. /nm^.p-'/
Verbs in -ou are chiefly formed from Adjectives in -oy, and are
Causative, as x 1 ?/ 30 '* I ma >ke desolate. Exceptions are, vTrvv-ovrfs
sleeping, /5iyo'o> / shudder, /3too> / live.
59.] Besideratives. One instance in -oreiw is found in Homer,
O\I/LOVTS (II. 14. 37) going to see. A suffix -j,e(o) may be found
in KaKKfiovTfs going to bed (na.r6.-Kei-iJ.cu), in-o^va going to drink,
bpaivas (II. 10. 96) thou art for doing.
60.] Frequentatives, expressing habitual action, in -raco, -rao,
-Tea) : as V)^fTao-^ai, ycuerdco, olvoTro-rafa, frj-reoo (8i-^-/xai
TtfTOMVTi, \KV<TTO.a)V.
In -iaw, KeAeurioW snouting (as if from an abstract Noun
ri'a), KuSto'coy glorying.
In -caw, as epvuavotoxn keep restraining,
In -0aw, as TTjAe^ooxra blooming
61.] Intensives, expressing actions intensified by repetition.
These are generally reduplicated Verbs of the I-Class, the
reduplication containing either a diphthong or a second con-
sonant, as 8a-8iV0-f(r0ai to terrify, 6a6-6aAAcoi> working curiously,
K-TraL-(f)acrcriv to rush in front, Trap.-(f>aiv(i)v gleaming, /3a/x-/3au>a>y
staggering, p.apfj.aipovTs glittering, Kcip-Keupe chattered, irop-^vpe was
troubled (lit. of water), Tia-fyXa&vTa splashing, TIO.-T:TO.(V^V peeping
round, /xat-ju.dei rages, Sez/StAAcoy (for 8eA.8- ?) winking.
62.] Collateral forms of the Present. It is characteristic of
the Homeric language that Present Stems formed in different
ways from the same Verb-Stem often subsist together in actual
use, as alternative forms expressing the same (or nearly the
same) meaning. Thus we have XTJ^-OJ, A.Tjtf-dvco, XavOava* ; -neudo-
; (pv-KO-pcu, tpv-
K-dvto, pv-K-av6-d)<n ; dAeu-o/xai, dAv<r/ca), a\vo-Kav(a, dAucr/cci^a) ;
Ta.-vv-p.ai, Ta-vv<a, Tfivca, rirat^co ; TCV^, ruyxd^to, ri-TV-crKO-/xat ;
It may be conjectured that these different forma originally expressed corre-
sponding shades of meaning. In some cases a more specific meaning may
still be traced ; e. g. <|>aaKa> / allege (i. e. keep saying, or perhaps try to say) has
something of the Iterative force (cp. ptirraoxc he kept flinging about) which in
63.] FUTURE. 57
OVTJ'O-KCO, SiSao-Kco, &c. has been softened or generalised into the ordinary
meaning of the Present. Similarly the reduplication in pijjas striding,
lH[Avdfco 1 stay waiting, Tiraivto I stretch is to be compared with that of the
Intensive Verbs. The Perfect, too, may be regarded as a refined and
generalised kind of Intensive ; cp. the forms \\T)ita, KtKpaya, [xe^vJKa, &c.
with xapxaipio, 6\oXva>, 7ra4>\djco, &C.
Future in -<ra>.
63.] The Stem of the Future is formed by suffixing -o-e(o)
to the Verb-Stem (in the strong form) ; as ^Tj-o-ei, 8a>-<ra>, 8eio>
(SeiK-), e/c-Treptrco (irepO-), TreiVo/xat (-rrekO-), ^etVerai (x^S-), eo/xai .
(Sex-), ei-o-ojuat (eT-p-i).
The Stem ea- gives eo--o-o/iat and eo-ojicu (3 Sing, eo-e-rai and
e0--rai) ; so eo--0-a> (Ftv-). The Futures $pdo-o-o-juai (or $pd<ro-/*ai),
/uacro-e-rai, a7ro-8a(ro-o-jLiat (8ci(ro-i'Tat) J x." " " " 111 " 01 ' are formed like
the corresponding Aorists in -<ra ; see 39.
Other Verbs which have an Aorist in -<rcro (-ad) the Verb-
stem ending in a &w/? vowel ( 39, a) usually form the Future
without <r. Thus we find :
Aor. TeAeWat Fut. reAe'-a>, rs/^aJ &q
KaAe-oucra (II. 3. 3^3)-
oAeirat, oAe-eo-^e (also oAe<nreis, oAe<rcrei)pV?
Kpe/xoco (for
Trep&av (for
Sa/xo'co, 8ajua (for
r/Aao-o-a eAo'a), Inf. eAaay (for eAa-a),
(for o/xo'-ojuat : 3 Sing.
on the analogy of oAetrcu,
?/,/"
avvo).
epixraa epvco, !pv-eor0at.
eppwaro pvecr^ai (II. 2O. 195)'
d^rioco (also dvrictcreis, Od. 22. 28).
dyAat'eicrflat.
It is not easy to determine (even approximately) the number
of Future Stems formed like the Aorist in -aad. In several
instances the reading is uncertain : e. g. between epvo-o-eo-^at and
epwo-ao-tfcu (II. 21. 1/6, Od. 21. 125), dyaWeo-0<u and aya<r<ra<rQai
(Od. 4. 181), dwWo-0cu and d^o-ao-^ai (Od. 16.^373)^ Trape-
Ado-o-ets, -Tj-apeAdo-craty and ^apeAd(T(rai (U. 23. 427), diroupiWouo-i
and d7roup??o-ot;<n (II. 22. 489). Several forms may be either
58 TENSES. [64.
Fut. or Aor. Subj. : yowdrrojucu (II. I. 427), oTracnro/xey (II. 24.
I.53)j ev^ciora) (Oil. 4. 408), Arjtcro-o/xai (Od. 23. 3,57)> epucnrercu
(II. 10.44), oAeVco (Od. 13. 399), apta-a-ofjieOa. There remain:
dpK<m (II. 21. 131 in Od. 16. 261 we should read dp/ceo-^),
aiSeWrai (II. 22. 124., 24. 208), droVcrerai (II. 9. 55)> yo-vv^trfrai
(II. 14. 504), oAe'<ro-et? (II. 12. 250), oAeWei (Od. 2. 49), and a
few forms of derivative Verbs in -ao>, -ia>> viz. carder croixn
(II. 4. 324), OavfjidrrcreTai (II. 1 8. 467), e^OTrXLcrcrovcri (Od.
6. 69), avTLCKTfis (Od. 22. 28). On the whole it would appear
that the Futures with aa (or <r representing original <TCT) are con-
fined to the stems which ended in or or a dental. In a very few
instances they are due to analogy, like the corresponding- Aorists
in -o-o-a. Distinct Stems are used in ap-ndfa, Aor. TJ'pTrao-ev and
t, Fut. apnau>v ; d$i/(nra>, Aor. dcpucnrd/xeiJos, Fut. dt/wfew.
From jxaxo-jtat, besides Aor. fiaxtaaaOai, Fut. fiaxt-ovrai, the MSS. give an
Aor. \La.\fcrcraTo, Fut. jta)(T]cro}jiai. The ancient critics were divided as to these
forms : Aristarchus wrote |Aax"H craTO > (xaxTjcrofiai, others \La\ea-fraro, \ia\-
eo-CTO|j.ai. The form (MXfaffa-To is supported by ^axtaaaOai ; on the other hand
IMx^ ao l^ ai is supported by fjaxrjrrjs, fiaxn^oiv, &c. Considering the number of
cases in which the language has avoided forming the First Aorist and the
Future in the same way, the probability would seem to be that the MSS. are
right.
For yvvaiica yano'0'Tai avros, which the MSS. give in II. 9. 394, Aristarchus
read ywaiKd ye nacrcrerai avrus: doubtless rightly, the trochaic caesura in thef--'
fourth foot being unknown in Homer ( 367, 2 : Veitch, p. 130). The usual
Fut. is yapfca.
Verb- Stems ending in a liquid (p, \, \i, v) insert e and drop the
a, as /xey-e-co, dyyeA-eW, /cep-e'eiv, Kpav-ttcrOai,, drptJi'-e'co, KTef-eo)*,
and (with contraction) fK-tyavel (II. 19. 104), *cara-(crem (II. 23.
412). But some Stems in p form -paw, as <5ia-$0e'p-o-ei, op-aovcra '
(II. 21. 335), 6fp-<r6iJ.evos (Od. 19. 507).
Similarly pa.yjajj.ai. forms [j.a^4-ovTaL (II. 2. 366), and with con-
traction ^axeircu (II. 2O. 26).
The derivative Verbs in -aco, -eco, -oco, -vco form -TJCTOO, -coo-co,
-v(ru>, the vowel being invariably long.
Exceptional : 5t5(o-(roju,ev (Od. 13. 358), bibuxreiv (Od. 24. 314).
On the anomalous Futures eSo/xcu, -Trio/xai, biju>, KCICO, /3etojuai, see
59, 80.
64.] The Future in -aea>. The Suffix -o-ee(o) is found in
co--o-arai (II. 2. 393., 13. 317, Od. 19. 302), and 7re<re'ovrcu (II. n.
824) which is perhaps for ^Trer-o-eo-rrai (but see 41). Also,
* The forms KaTa-Kravtowa-i (II. 6. 409) and KaTaKTaveecrOt (II. 14. 481) are
probably corrupt (Cobet, V. L. p. 195). Kravtovra (II. 18. 309) involves a use
of the Fut. Part, which is hardly to be defended : see 86.
66.] FUTURE. 59
the accent of the Futures Ko^i-oS, aei/a-<3, JCTC/H-OUTI, ay\cu-eto-0cu
points to contamination of the forms in -aw and in -ew.
According to some ancient grammarians the Fut. of avvoi, kpvca, &c. should
be written awSi, tpvai, &c. ; see Schol. II. n. 454., 20. 452. This form in -a!a
is found in Attic (ir\tvao\>nai, &c. : see however Rutherford's New Phrynichus,
pp. 91-95) ; it answers to the Doric Fut. in -auo.
65.] Futures from Perfect and Aorist Stems. A Future
Perfect meaning appears in /xe/xv^-o-o/iat 1 shall remember, fce/cA^-a-?/
thou wilt Lear the name, eioTj-o-erat will be said, KexoAw-o-ercu he
will be in wrath, Se&^o/xai I will await, irec^-a-erai will appear
(II. 1 7. 1 55), Tre^Tj-o-eat thou wilt be slain, rere^erai will be made,
AeAefyerai will remain behind, /3e/3p&>(rerai will be devoured. In
these cases the Fut. answers to a Perfect in actual use.
For ir<|>Y|<rcai J. Wackernagel (K. Z. xxvii. 279) would read ircc|>ci<rcai (for
jre-^fp-crecu, related to ncpa.-ra.i. as rercu^frai to rirvKrai). But the stem ir4>v-
does not occur in the inflexion of the Verb, and there is no analogy to suggest
it. More probably nttyrjaeai is formed from -nefparai on the analogy of t<pa-ro
and (ftrj-ffca, Svva-pai and Swij-tro/xaj, &c.
Active Futures of the kind occur in II. 15. 98 ov8e ri
6/z<Ss Qv/Jibv KexapTj-o-eVez; / do not suppose I shall gladden
the heart of all alike (cp. Od. 23. 266 ov jue'y roi 6vnbs K.e\apri-
o-eTcu will not be gladdened] : II. 22. 223 TTfTrid^-a-o) I will persuade :
Od. 21. 153, 170 KKabri-<ri will deprive. These forms maybe
either connected with the Perfect (Kf^aprj-ora rejoicing), or with
the Reduplicated Aorist (neyapo-vro were gladdened, Treirtdflv to
persuade]. The latter view is supported by two other Futures of
the kind ; Ke/caSrj-o-o'/iefla we will give way, answering to the Aor.
KKabu>v, Mid. Ktudbo-vTo ; and 7re<i8?7-o-erai will spare, answering
to 7re(/)t8e-cr^ai to spare. It will be seen that the Active forms
of this kind have a distinctly causative meaning, whereas (e.g.]
\aipri (TO) and 771^77 crco are intransitive.
Futures from the Passive Aorists. Of this formation two
examples at most can be found in Homer : /xty^-cre-o-^at (II. i o.
365), and Scuj-o-e-cu (Od. 3. 187., 19. 325). It has been already
noticed ( 9) that there is nothing in the Greek Future answer-
ing to the distinction between the Aorist and the Imperfect,
though a priori such a distinction is quite conceivable.
It is worth noticing that in the Doric dialect this group of
Futures takes the Active endings : as
66.] The Fut. is sometimes found with Mid. Endings while
the corresponding Pres. is Act. The examples in Homer are :
roficu ; 9e'w, 0euo-ou.ai ; icXaiw, KXauaojiai
, aei'o-ojicu ; Kara-^euw, Kara-t'eucrop.ai ; Oaujid^w,
60 TENSES. [67.
With these are usually reckoned the Verbs in which the Pres.
is of a different formation, as OJAOUJKH (o/z-w/xt), ireoreWTai (-TrnrrcoV
), 4>0rjaorrai ((/>$ay<o), |3i]crofjiai (/3aifft)), Kap.eirai (/cd/xi/co),
), dp.apTr|(rea9ai (a/xaprafO)), Oa^e'ecrOai (^y//(7Ka)),
also the Futures to which no Pres. corresponds,
as eurofAcu (otSa), Seurofiai. (8et8ia), oij/ojiai (OTT-).
It may help to explain these cases if we consider that the Fut.
Act. is apt to have a Transitive sense, as in OTTJO-CO, /3?jToo, </>v<ro>.
Hence there was a tendency to have recourse to the Middle
whenever a distinctly intransitive sense was wanted.
Historical Tenses the Augment.
67.] The Augment takes two forms, the Syllabic and the
Temporal.
The Syllabic Augment is the prefix I-, and is used for Stems
beginning- with a consonant. The Temporal Augment is a
simple lengthening of the initial vowel of a Stem, the vowels d
and e becoming ?j ; as rjyo-v (ayo-), ?;Aa-cra-z> (eAa-), uce-ro (IKC-),
>p-ro (op-), 7jA.7JA.a-ro (Pf. eA.7/Aa-rat), yvfov (aivea>), <j>x fro (otx~
fxai). So the Impf. ?Ja / went (Sanscr. di/am], from the stem
el (ei-jut) : as to the form ijia see 12.
Many seeming exceptions are due to the loss of the original
initial consonants, F, <r, i. The loss of one of these consonants
may g-enerally be presumed whenever we find the Syllabic instead
of the Temporal Augment. Thus
F has been lost in k-ayr] and e-ae (ay^ujui), f-aXi] (Ff\-}, e-ei7re,
e-ecr-cra-ro (e'yru/xi), etSoz; (for e-i'8o-y), e-utOeo-v ; so perhaps, with
contraction of ee to , dpv-a-a (Fepv-), and etAo-r.
For g'iSov there is an ^olic form tviSov (t-ftSof, cp. eJoSe), which should
perhaps be restored in some at least of the numerous places where the present
text of Homer has fiatSe ^Nauck, Mel. gr.-rom. ii. 407).
or in l-eVtra-ro (for e-e<ro-a-, from o-e8-), and, with contraction,
et77-To ((re?:-), etcra-v (cre8-), etx -!' (^^X"^ tfpno-v ((repir-). In
these cases the <r passed into the rough breathing-, which was
then thrown back on the Augment : but e?xoz> has the smooth
breathing owing to the following x. Also eta (eaco for a-fFaca).
L (or y] perhaps in CTJKO (for e-tTjKa) and, with contraction,
), and 7rap-ei077 (-e-e^7/). But see 16.
Several Homeric forms have been supposed to point to a Syllabic Augment
T|- (instead of '-). One of these tji'a I went has been already explained (12).
As to the others we have to note as follows :
(i) TJeipv (II. 10. 499) is not from etpo to join together (Lat. sero\ but from
dei'pu : for, as Cobet has shown (Misc. Crit. p. 326), atipto is a technical word in
the sense required (cp. II. 15. 680 owae/percu 'iirirovs, also the words w<apis, for
(w-aop-is, and nap-rjopos).
68.] AUGMENT. 6l
(2) In several words (as usually written) the initial vowel of the Stem is
lengthened after l-f - : f|v8ave (for i-'favSave}, t-u>vo\6ti (poivo\o(<u), dv-t-covev
&v-(-yt (dj/a-f 01700), also t-dyT) (fay-vvfj.i), with a in one place (II. n. 559),
and the Plpf. forms cuXim (loAira, f eXrr-), ctopyci (topya, ftpy-}, oK6i (eoiica,
f r-). In some of these there may be merely confusion with the later use of
the Temporal Augment : e. g. trjvSavf is doubtless due to the Attic fySavt, a
form which arose after the loss of f. Hence recent editors write tavSavf,
fotvoxoft, di/tofyov, also !oAff, fopyft, (oiicei. ftitvfaJ/'wk. y*.A%.
(3) A different explanation is required for (&yt\ (a), supported as it is by
Attic Icbpcoi' (opa<a) and laXtov (a in a\>vat, &c.)*. These point to an Augment
tj-, the combinations ijf o, t)f a passing into eco, ca (as in paatXtus, -ed for -ijf or,
-i?f a). Such an Augment is also found in T|i8ijs, rjeiSti (Plpf. of o?5a), and
T]io-K. There is much probability in the suggestion of G. Meyer (G. G. p. 423)
that this TJ- is a Temporal Augment obtained from the prothetic - so often
found before f : e.g. in f-tiad/j.evos (f 5-). Thus TJUTKS would be the aug-
mented form of ('tonal, not of <ro>.
(4) The forms dvtarys, a"V are peculiarly difficult on account of the Homeric
Pres. oty-vvm, Aor. wi'fa, and Lesbian oeiyco (Pres. Inf. dfiyrjv, Coll. 214, 43).
We might read dv-6tiye, &c., but the ordinary forms 0170; (Hes. Op. 817),
av-oiyoa, &c. would still be unexplained.
Initial p is nearly always doubled, initial X, JA, c, a- very often.
This may often be explained as the assimilation of an original
initial F or or : thus eppry^a is for e-Fprja, and so eppee (F(py-)
and Fpey-), eppiyr/cre (Fply-). Again t-ppeev is for l-o-peev, iivvfov
for f-a-veov, I \\aj3e perhaps for e-ov\.a/3e (Joh. Schmidt^ Pturalb.
p. 434). So e8eio-ey (which Ar. wrote $>ei<rez;) is for e-Sfeto-ey : and
eo-o-eua probablyfor l-Kieua(Sanscr. root ^w). So too in e-ydovTrrjo-ay
the Y reappears which is lost in the unaugmented bovirt](Tv.
There are instances, however, to which this explanation does
not apply, as e/xjua^e. These are probably due to the influence
of forms such as those already mentioned upon the traditional
poetic dialect (Curtius, Stud. iv. 479 ff. ; for a different view see
HarteFs Homerische Studien). Cp. 371.
68.] The Pluperfect. The Perfect Stem forms the corre-
sponding Historical or Past Tense the Pluperfect in two
ways :
i. Simply, with the Augment (often omitted) and the
Secondary Person-Endings. All Middle forms of the Tense are
of this kind, as e-reruK-ro, e^-rJuTo, rera-cr^rjy, 7)X?jAa-ro. In the
Active the examples are comparatively few, viz. 8et8te (II. 18.
34), avrivodev (II. II. 266), and eir-evf\vo6 (II. 2. 219); Plur.
', Dual eiK-rr/y,
* 77 Aw was taken (Od. 22. 230 ay 5' rj\(u f}ov\fj *rA.) should perhaps be written
tdXcy. The Stem 'fa\ca- appears in the Moods (dXcucu, aKyrjv, ah.wvat, dAovs),
except in the form d\6vrf (II. 5. 487), where the metre requires a.
62 TENSE MEANING. [69-
With these may be placed the Thematic forms e-ye'ycore (II.
14. 469), az/coyo-i', avcoye, e-TTeTrAriyo-v, TreTrATyye-ro, e/xe/^ijKor, in
Hesiod fitetyvKov : see 27-
2. By Composition, with the Augment and the Suffix -ea
(probably for -eaa), joined to the longer form of the Stem : e. g.
e-Te0?/7r-ea, 7re7roi0ea, ?}ya>y-fa. The 3 Sing-, usually has -ec(i')
contracted -*i(f), as e-7re77oi'0ei, rjv&yeiv, SeSr/et, ^pTjpet, /3e/3?7Kei.
The Plur. occurs only once in Homer, in eouc-eo-av (II. 13. 102) :
the Dual never.
To this group belongs 7}5ea I knew, 2 Sing. rjeforjs (for e-fet'Seas),
also rjSrjo-fla, 3 Sing. 7/ei'8ei, ?j8ei (or, as Aristarchus read, 1761817,
778/7). As to the augment TJ- see 67. In respect of form ?jj8ea
is a Sigmatic Aorist, standing for e-fei'Serra, Sanscr. dvedisAam,
and is only a Pluperfect because it is used as the past tense
answering to 0180, (M. U. iii. p. 16).
69.] Loss of Augment. The Augment is so often dropped in c| J f
Homer that the augmented and the unaugmented forms are
almost equally numerous. It has been observed however * that
the forms without the Augment are comparatively rare in the
speeches, the proportion of augmented to unaiigmented forms
(excluding speeches which mainly consist of narrative matter)
being about jo to 3, whereas in narrative it is about 5 to 7. It
would appear therefore that the Augment is chiefly omitted
where the context shows that past time is meant ; and this is
confirmed by the remarkable fact that the Iteratives, which are
only used as Historical Tenses, do not take the Augment.
The only clear instance of an Iterative form with the Augm. is t-j
KOVTO (Od. 20. 7). On the forms t-<paaKo-v, -<aa/c see 49. rr*f>tn.i6ntro (% f2/J r ll<**
Meaning of the Present and Aorist Stems.
70.] The forms which contain the Present Stem, (the Pre-
sent and Imperfect Indie., with the Moods of the Present)
denote progressive action (incipient, continued, repeated, &c.), as
opposed to a single fact or event.
It is easy to understand why a language which distinguished these two
kinds of action should have no Aorist for present time (*J3-fjiu, *\a.fia>, &c.).
The present is not a space of time, but a point ; what is present therefore is
not (generally speaking") a whole action or event, but the fact that it is in
course of happening. So in English we usually say, not I write now, but J am
writing now. The mere effort of regarding an action as in present time almost
obliges us to give it a progressive character.
The forms tlju, eijii, 4>"np.L. ^Y^j YP C * < I >U) > & c - i n which the Stem has the form
generally found only in Aorists ( n, 30), may be regarded as surviving
* Konrad Koch, De Augmento apud Hwnerum omisso, Brunswick, 1868.
7I-] IMPERFECT. 63
instances of the ' Present Aorist,' i.e. of a Present not conveying the notion of
progress. We may compare the English use of / am, I go (now archaic in the
sense of I am going}, I say (says he), &c. In these cases the use of a distinctly
progressive form has not been felt to be necessary.
A past action may usually be regarded, if we choose, as a
single fact, irrespective of its duration (e/3ao-i'Xeuo-> Irrj r/na/coin-a
he reigned, not he continued reigning}. But an action which is
thought of as contemporary with some other event is almost
necessarily regarded as progressive. Accordingly, answering to
the Present / am writing (now}, we have the Past Tense 1 was
writing (when he came).
It follows from what has been said that a Pres. or Impf. may
be used either (i) because the action intended is essentially
progressive, or (2) because the time is fixed by reference (a) to
the moment of speaking, or (ft) to a point of time in the past.
E.g. 8iSco/u may mean either 1 seek to give, 1 offer, or I am giving;
fbibov either he offered or he was giving. In the second of these
uses the notion of progress is only relative, arising from the
relation of time under which the action is thought of *.
71.] From the relative notion of progress or continuance is
derived the general rule that the Impf. is used of a subordinate
action or circumstance : II. 8. 87 o<$>p 6 yepcoy aTrerajure ro'$p'
"EKropos axce'es ITTTTOI y\6ov while he was cutting the chariot came.
Some varieties of this use may be noticed :
(1) The Impf. shows that a Verb stands in a special connexion
with the Verb of another clause ; II. i . 3-5 ^/v^as "AiSi Trpoia^fv
fjpuxav, avTovs 8e eXcopia reuxe KVV(T(TIV sent down the souls of heroes
to Hades, while it made themselves a prey to dogs.
Od. 8. 532 '$' aXXou? fj,ev iravras eXdVOafe Sa/cpua Xei/3coz>, 'AX-
KIVOOS Se fjuv oto? e7re(ppao-ar' 7)8' euo'rjo-e while he was unobserved by
the others, Alcinous observed him.
So II. 7- 33 &s apa <a>z>Tj0-a? 8a>Ke i$o? apyuporjXoy,
Aia? 8e ^oo-r^pa Si'Sou (gave in exchange).
Od. 8. 63 TOV Trept Mover' ec/uAr/o-e, 8i8ou 8' ayaOov re Kanov re,
d<0aX|iz<3z> juey a/xepcre, 8t'8ou 8' fjbelav aotb^v.
(2) In oratio obliqua, as II. 22. 439 ?;yyeiX' orri pa ol TTOO-IS
fj.ifj.ve TruXawy.
(3) The action or point of time to which the Verb in the
Impf. is subordinate may be merely implied :
II. 4. 155 Oavarov vv roi opjci' tTapvov it was death then to you
that I made (in making the treaty].
So in the common use with apa : as cri/ 8' OVK apa rolos tt]<jOa
you were not as I thought ( = you are not, it now seems).
* Aken, Hauptdata, p. 9.
64 TENSE MEANING. [72.
72.] Essentially progressive action (incomplete or continu-
ous) is exemplified
(1) In the Verbs which form the Aor. from a different Verb-
Stem: 6pdu) / u'atch (Lat. tneor, whereas flbov means I descried)}
Xe'yco 1 relate, set forth (but el-nov I said] ; <pepu) I carry (but
jjvcyKov 1 brought) ; so rpe'xo), epxopai (expressing different kinds
of motion).
(2) In other Verbs of motion, esp. (3aiv(a and torjj/u, as II. 21.
313 IOTTJ bf [j.tya Kvpa raise up a great wave, and often in the
Mid., as II. 2.' 473 fv 7re8io> IO-TCLVTO were drawn up in the plain,
TTapiararo came and stood beside, &c.
Note i. We should read icrroo-av (not rr&aav as a First Aor.) in
II. 2. 525 arixas Icrraauv (Bekk., La R., from the best MS.}.
12. 56 TOVS lo-ratrav vfts 'AXHW^ which the Greeks had planted; see 73.
Od. 3. 180 Ttrparov fipap erjv or' tc'Ap^ti vrjas ttaas
TvSdStca trapot . . . icrracrav (see Ameis a. ?.).
8. 435 at SJ \otrpo\oov rpinoS' to-Taaav )
, , , - a \ Bekk. . La Roche.
Is. 307 avTiKa \afiirrripas r/)ts icrrao-av )
2. The Verb ay is often so used : IL i. 367 TT)V SI SitirpdOofitv rt KM TJ^ofitv . **^
fv0d5f iravra. ; II. 7. 363 KTrj/Mira S* oaa' a.-ybyct\v the treasures which I brought
(=Aare brought} ; IL 9. 664 TT)V \ta&o0tv ^ye whom he had brougM. In this
Verb, however, the Aorist meaning appears distinctly in the Participle ;
II. 6. 87 >7 8 J-wd-yowo ytpaias assembling ( = having assembled*) ; IL I. 311 tlotv
ofywv brought and seated (cp. 3. 48., 4. 392., n. 827., 22. 350). Perhaps these
uses should be connected with the Aoristic form of the Stem ( 70).
(3) In Verbs expressing the beginning of a motion, as Stpwro
bestirred himself (but wpro arose) ; a<pifi, irpoifi, Iwe/iTre ; p.v9&v
began speech.
This usage extends to all words which imply a continuous
result ; KfXevfi, e/ce'Aeue, e7rere\Ae, ^ree ; OVK ea mil not allow ;
AeiTTco (to leave = to keep at home).
(4) dicou'a) and ireuflofiat sometimes mean to know by hearing ; as
II. II. 497 ovbf mo "EjcTfop iTfvdfTo Hector was not yet aware: 14.
125 TO. Se fie'AAer' aKovepev ye are like to have heard it; Od. 3. 87,
I ^7> J 93- So in Attic pav6dv(i> I understand, ala-6a.vofj.ai I am
aware, -nwddvofMai I learn (Goodwin, 28).
73.] A process thought of in relation to the present time, or
to a point in the past, is expressed by the Impf. ( = Engl. I have
been doing, I had been doing) : e. g.
H. 6. 282 \tzya. yap p.iv 'OAv^ios erpe<e Trijp.a ha* reared Mm up
to be a mischief (a, process). Cp. II. i. 414 TL vv d !r/>e$ov; why
have 1 reared thee ? 9. 524 fTTv06p.6a we have been accustomed to
hear. So the Participle, II. 3. 44 <pdvr$ who have been saying.
74.] The 'historical Present* is not found in Homer, but
7<5.] AORIST MEANING. 65
somewhat the same effect is often given by the use which may
be called the descriptive Imperfect. E.g.
II. 2. 150 vfjas ITT' eovrevopro, TTOO&V 6' virtv
iVrar' detpo/xeyrj, rot 8' dAATjAotcri
cnrreo-flai vr]G>v ?)' eA/ceju,ej; eis aAa 8i
ovpovs T ^KaOaLpov K.r.A.
The Impf . appears sometimes to be used in a description along
with Aorists for the sake of connexion and variety (i. e. in order
to avoid a series of detached assertions) : e.g. in II. i. 437-439.,
2. 43-45-; 4- 113-119, Od. 4. 577-580.
75.] The Aorist gives the meaning of a Verb without the
accessory notion of progress or continuance. It does not describe,
or transport us to a time in the past when the action was
present (as the Impf. does), but makes us think of it as now past.
Hence it asserts a single occurrence, an action, or series of
actions, regarded as an undivided whole, or completion, a culmin-
ating point, in which the action is summed up. Thus /^ioyo I am
toiling, e/^ioyrjo-a (II. I. 162) 1 have toiled ; voe'co I think of, eyorjo-e
perceived, understood ; flapae'co / feel confident, Oapa-rio-as talcing
courage, and so Seto-as, dAy^tras, /ztcrrjo-e, ^e/xeo-rjcre, &c., of the
access of a feeling; br]piv9^Tr]v (II. 16. 756) joined in strife;
TTaTrTrjvas casting a glance; <o>z>?jo-a? either raising his voice or
having spoken: ir } ^juari ba.KpV(ravT$ (II. 19. 229) performing the
due weeping for the day.
76.] The Aorist is often used in Homer of the immediate past
that which in an especial sense is thought of as now past :
II. 2. 1 14 vvv 8e KdKTJv aitdrriv /SouAcvcraro, /cat /ze
bvcrifXta "Ap-yos t/cecr0ai.
Od. I. 182 vvv 8' <58e vv vrjt Karr\KvQov (cp. 23. 27).
II. 2O. 1 6 rnrr' O.VT', apyiKepavve, deovs a-yopr/vbe
Sometimes the Aor. seems to give the question a tone of im-
patience: II. 2. 323 TITTT av( fyeveade ; 4. 243 rtyO' OVTCOS
lorrjTe reflrjTroVes ; (vulg. eorrjre, an impossible form), cp, 20. 178
TI vv Toa-a-ov 6/jiiAov TroAAot' e77eA0o)i' ecmjs ; 21. 5^^-j ^2. 122.,
Od. 4. 810., 10. 64. Cp. the Attic use of rt ou, as Soph. O. T.
IOO2 rt 6r)r' eyo) ov)(t . . . e^eAu(rd/irjy ; (Goodwin, 62).
When the Aor. is used of an action which is subordinate to
another in the past,* it implies completion before the main
action : II. 2. 642 ovb' ap Ir' avrbs erjy, Odve 8e avdbs MeAeaypos
he was no longer living, and yellow-haired Meleager had died.
A similar use of the Aor. is regular in the Subj., as II. T. 168
eiret Ke KO/XCO when I have grown weary : and in the Participle, as
&s tlirwv having thus spoken. The Aor. in these uses expresses,
not past time as such (with reference to the moment of speak-
F
66 TENSES. [77.
ing-), but completion with reference to (i. e. usually before) the
time of the principal Verb.
77.] The Participle of the Aor. is sometimes used to express
exact coincidence with the action of the principal Verb : as pfj 8e
diacra went with a spring, ^(.vcra^ivr] Trpo&rjvba spoke a he, aAro
XaOatv leaped unseen, Here a Pres. Part, would imply that there
was a distinct subordinate action : the Aor. expresses something
that coincides .with, or is part of, the main action.
This is especially found with Verbs expressing the manner
(tone, gesture, &c.) with which a thing is said or done : II. 6. 54
o/xoKATJoras 1 CTTOS rjvba shouted the words ; II. 8. 219 ironrvva-avTi.
do&s drpvvai 'A^aiovs to make hot haste in stirring up the Greeks ;
II- J 3- 597 X e V a TrapctKpe/xdo-as : II. 10. 139., 16.474.,, 17. 334.,,
2O. 161, Od. 2. 422., 17. 330 (cp. (f)(vyiv Ttapaareia-avTi Arist.
Eth. Nic. 4- 3- 15).
78.] The Aor. sometimes appears to be used of present time.
(i) As in
II. 14. 95 vvv Se <ret> wvofra^v Tiayyv <peWs olov lenrfs.
The Aor. here expresses a culminating point, reached in the im-
mediate past, or rather at the moment of speaking : / have been
brought to the point of blaming, i. e. / blame.
II. 20. 306 ifi-r] . . i^O-qpe has now come to hate.
II. 3. 415 T<*>S oz <j' cur)(drip<ti &s vvv l/cTrayA' e^tATjcra come to
hale you as I now love you (lit. have got to love ; cp. Od. 8. 481).
So eTrAero has come to be, is ( 32); Attic rj(r6r]v, fTTr/vfa-a, &c.
In these cases the Aor. is used because the stress is on the nature
of the action as something completed, though the completion is
in present time*.
By a slight boldness of expression the Aor. may even be used
of an event completed in future time :
II. 9. 412 ci pev K avOi p.vu>v Tpwoup TTO^LV a^(pLij.a.^u>fjLai.,
wAero /ieV /X06 VOCTTOS, drop KAeos aQOtrov Icrrai*
= my return will have been, lost, i. e. will be ipso facto lost. The
* So Eur. Med. 791 a^uufa, I. A. 510 a-rrfirrvaa : where, as Aken observes, 'die
Handlung geschieht erst mit dem Aussprechen ' (Grundz. 18). These Aorists
are sometimes explained of the past time at which the action began. As a
reviewer of the former edition put it, ' Greek speakers, in describing feelings
excited by the previous remarks of other speakers, frequently refer those
feelings to the time when they were felt, and not to the present time of the
description' (Saturday Rev., Feb. 17, 1883). That is to say, tiryvtaa means
I praised (when I heard}. But this kind of subordination to a past event is
precisely what is expressed by the Impf., not the Aor. The reviewer goes on
to explain tirXtro in II. 19. 57 by the presence of the particle ap (^ dp ri r6S"
(ir\fTo this icas as we can now see}, ' as in the common r\v apa'. This would
only be possible if lirAtro were an Impf. ; see 33.
79-] AORIST MEANING. 67
speaker puts himself at the (future) point of time given by the
context, and uses the Tense which then becomes appropriate.
(2) Again
When .an assertion is made irrespective of time, the Pres. or
Aor. is used the Pres. for continuous and the Aor. for single or
momentary action. Hence the use
In similes, as II. 3. 23 wore \{<DV f\6.pr] as a lion is gladdened
(but in v. 25 Kareo-0iei goes on devouring] : II. 4. 75 olov 8' dorepa
?/Ke . . row 8e re TroAAot aTro (nrivOrjpes 1'eirai.
The only examples of the Impf. in a simile are II. 15. 274.,
21. 4955 in the phrase ovb' apa . . ala-i^ov fjev, where it is vir-
tually a Present.
Also in ' gnomic ' passages, reflexions, general sayings, &c. :
II. T. 218 os Ke dfols eTUTreWrjrcu paXa T e/cAuoz; OVTOV.
9. 320 KarOav 6ju<3? o T' aepyos avrip, o re TroXAa eopyw?.
These uses of the Aor. are very common in Homer.
The Impf. may possibly be found in a gnomic passage, II. 13. 730-732
dAAo; fjiiv yap tSojKe 6tos TroAt/i^ta tpya
aAA.a> 8' fv arrjOeaai rtOti voov fvpvoira Zevs,
where the MS. reading riOi may be defended as an Impf. marking subordina-
tion to the Aor. 8ice : cp. the examples in 71. 2.
Much light has been thrown upon the history of the Aorist by the com-
parison of the use in Sanscrit (Delbriick, S. F. ii, and A. S. p. 280). If the
result has not been to determine the original force of the Aorist, it has at
least shown that the question cannot be settled from the material furnished
by Greek alone. The use which predominates in Greek, the historical use to
assert the happening of a single event in the past, is almost unknown to the
earliest Sanscrit. In the Veda the Aor. is employed, as often in Homer ( 74^,
of what has happened in the immediate past. In the early Sanscrit prose (the
Brahmanas) the Aor. is used of what has happened to the speaker himself.
It is worth noticing that these uses, in which the Aor. answers approximately
to the English Pf. with have, are found in later Greek in the case of the verbs
whose Pf. retains its original meaning. As Mr. Gildersleeve puts it, ' when
the Perfect is used as a Present, the Aorist is used as a Perfect. So (KTrjffaftrjv
I have gained possession of, itiicrufKU I possess' (Am. Journ. of Phil. iv. 429). Hence,
if the Greek Perfect is originally a kind of present, there is a presumption
that the Aor. was originally akin in meaning to our Perfect. On this view the
ordinary historical Aor. is a derivative use.
CHAPTER III.
THE MOODS.
79.] The Moods of the Verb (properly so called) are the
Subjunctive, the Optative, and the Imperative. It is convenient
however to rank the two Verbal Nouns, the Injinitive and the
68 MOODS. [80.
l^articijjh 1 , along with them. The meanings of the Moods and
Verbal Nouns cannot well be discussed until we come to the
chapters dealing- with Complex Sentences.
T/te Suljunctii'e.
80.] Non-Thematic Tense-Stems usually form _the_ JSubj. by
taking the Thematic "\ owel, with the Primary Endings ;_exceDt
that when the Thematic Vowel enters into a diphthong, or is fol-
lowed by two consonants, it becomes TJ or w instead of e or o.
Thus the scheme is
Sin
Act.
Dual. Plur.
Mid. Act. Mid. Act. Mid.
-0/j.at
-dfjiev -o/xe$a,
-eat
-erov -r](rOov
-ere -rfcj-Qf
-ercu
-erov -rjadoi-
-600-1(7;) -coyrat.
The long 17 or u, it will be seen, comes in place of e or o
wherever it can do so without disturbing the metre. Examples :
Strong Aorists : t-$Qr\, Subj. $Qr}-r\ :
I-/3//, Subj. /3?/-o) (or ^3eto)), v7re/3-/3?;-77, /3?j-o/iez> (or fiei-opev) :
e-orij, Subj. o-rri-tjs, 0-777-77, a-Trj-erov, 0-TTj-oiJi.ev, (rr^-ft)(rt :
e-yyco, Subj. yv&-u>, yz-'co-ojitey,
e-8i>, Subj. bvu), $v-r]S, bwj :
e-^SArj-ro, Subj.
e-$0t-To, Subj.
aA-ro, Subj. aA-erat :
Stem Or]-, Subj. 0a-a> (or 0^-co), 6i]-fls, dd-o^v (or
a-o-0ei-o/jiai :
Stem 77-, Subj. e(/>-ei'-o, 0^-77-77 :
Stem 8co-, Subj. 8w-77 and bu>-^<TL, Sco-ojixey, 8w-axri.
Presents : dpi, Subj. e-co (for Icr-w), -779, I-TJ and I-TJO-I, l-c
et-/j,t, Subj. t-co, l-rjcrOa, 1-770-1, i-o/xev (t) :
^>Tj-/ti, Subj. 07/-7J :
Kixrj-i'at, Subj. Ki)(et-cd, Ki^d-o^v (or
so epei-o/xei' as if from ^Hpy-i.
Passive Aorists : f-ha.fj.ri, Subj.
so 8aet-co, aAoj-a), a\<a-rj, 0-07777-77, (^0^77-77,
For baivvTj, 2 Sing. Subj. Mid. (Od. 8.' 243., 19. 328), we
may read daivve', '. e. 8atw-e-ai.
Perfects : TreVot^a, Subj. TreTroiO-ps, 7firoid-ofj.fv : eppiye, Subj.
eppty-770-t : fte^rjKe, Subj. Trpo-/3e^K-rj : so eoTTjK-Tj, aprjp-ri, /ne^A-Tj,
dAwA-77, dpaip-77, Pefipvx-rj : also IATJKTJO-I Od. 21. 65. unless we
dAwA-77, dpaip-77, Pefipvx-rj : also IATJKTJO-I (Od. 21. 365.) unless we
assume a Pres. iA?7/ca> ( 45).
Pf. Mid. Trpoa-apripfTat (Hes. Op. 431).
ot5a, Subj. ei'Se'oo, 1877?,
8l.] SUBJUNCTIVE. 69
For !Bo, &c., Tyrannic wrote ei8o>, nS^s, 18^, i8w<n (Schol.Od. i. 174),
uniform with dSonev, fiStre. Both forms may be accounted for: l8u> is
Subj. of e-fe/Seet ( 68) ; etSco with the Plur. fiS-o-fitv, eiS-t-rf, is Subj. of a
Non-Thematic *fi8-(j,i, Sanscr. ved-mi (M. U. iii. 18). The form i8a>, read by
most MSS. in II. 14. 235, is a mere error for elStw. * VM
Aorists in -o-a : e-^Sr/o-a-^er, Subj. ^a-o^v : 7/yetpa, Subj.
dyeip-o/xey : e-Tia-a, Subj. rtV-ere, 7to--axn : ?7juefya-70, Subj.
d/xety-erat : ^Aeva-ro, Subj. dA.ev-erai : and many more. These
Subjunctives properly belong- to the older inflexion of the
Sigmatic Aorist without -d ( 40).
To these should be added some forms used as Futures :
ai, eSon-ai shall eat (cp. Sanscr. ad-mi, Lat. est for ed-t).
8r)-eis, 8^-o/jie^ S^-ere shall find, with the strong Stem answer-
ing to 8a(cr)- in SeSaev, &c.
fSei-o-fjicu *^0$ &f, from the stem jSiT-; also in the form
Pe'ojicu. Evidently (Seiopu : |3iui/ai : : 8i]a> : Saf^ai.
It will be found that the Homeric uses of these words are all such as can
be referred to the Subj. On moftcu and Ketco see 59. The form STJIS may
be ;i trace of an older inflexion, -to, -ts, -ct, answering to -ojxev, -ere.
It will be seen that the strong form of the Stem is found in
the Subjunctive, as $77-77, b(o-ojj,ev, eorr/K-rj. Apparent exceptions
are, (i) the Subj. of et/xi in which the I of to/xev (for et-o/xe
unexplained, while the forms !-&>, t-Tjcri may be Thematic, (as are
Opt. iot, Part, icoy); and (2) the forms d$-e-7/ (Aor. of d^-tTj-fxi),
These forms are the result of transference of quantity, <rre-a>- for
0-777-0-, &c v and it is important to notice that the last six are
always scanned as disyllables, thus forming the transition to the
contracted fydGxri, oroi/xei;, &c.
Anomalous lengthening is found in (ier-eiw (II. 23. 47) for (JIT--W.
On the ei for t\ in /3et'-co, ^ei-co, 8a/xet-o), &c. see Append. C.
81.] Subjunctives with lengthened Stem-vowel. The
formation of the Subj. by means of the Thematic vowel must
have been confined originally to Stems ending in a consonant, or
in one of the vowels i, u. The hiatus in such forms as $77-77,
o-r77-o/xei>, yv(a-op.v is enough to prove that they are not primitive.
In Vedic Sanscrit, accordingly, while as-a-ti, han-a-ti are Subj. of
as-ti, han-ti, we find sthd-ti, da-ti as the Subj. answering to the
Aorists d-sthd-t, d-dd-t. These would become in Homer OTTJ-O-I,
8o)-o-i or (with the usual i of the 3 Sing.) o-r/J-o-t, 8o)-crt. Similarly
we may infer an original Plural or^ey, 0-77776, 0-777^71 (0-77^0-1);
o</xey, 857e, 8wv7t (8wo-t); and so on. The principle of the
formation is that the Stem ends in a simple long vowel not one
that has arisen from specifically Greek contraction.
70 MOODS. [82.
Traces of this type of Subj. are found in the Greek dialects :
bvvj.-pa.L (for 8wo>|u.at), Ka0-ord-rai, Trpo-TiOrjVTi, &c. (Meyer, G. G.
p. 502). In Homer it may be recognised in the 3 Sing, forms
(f)fj(TLV (Od. I. 1 68), $0770-1 (II. 23. 805), 770-1 (II. 15. 359), iJL(0-ir](ri
(II. 13. 234), 8cp(Ti ; perhaps in 8<3, 8w?, 8<2ju.ez>, 8<3o-6, Ttepi-btofjifOov,
fTTt-b(ap.fOa ; yvvs, yv&nfv, yvGxri ; eiri-firiTov, TTfiprjOiJTOv, &c.
which are usually regarded as contracted from the regular
Homeric 8wco, SWT;?, buto^v, &c. and in bvvrj-rai., eTri-oTTjrcu
( 87, 3).
How then did the Homeric forms of the type of $77-77, OTTJ-
op,fv, yvto-ofMfv arise? Doubtless by a new application of the
process already familiar in l-o-ptv (ei-/xt), $0i-e-rai, \ev-e-rai.,
TreTroi^-o-juer, &c. We may compare the extension of the Endings
-drai, -a-ro to the Pf. /3e/3A77-arai, in imitation of K^/cAY-arai,
flpv-arai (5).
Contraction appears in the 3 Sing. $77 (Od. 19. 122), 0-777 (Od.
l8 - 334), #/ (Od. 2. 358), Qavy (II. 9. 707), yp (II. I. 411., 16.
273) unless we suppose that these are obtained by dropping the
-cri of $77-0-1, &c. on the analogy of the Thematic -77. Also in the
I Plur. /xe0-<3/Atz> (II. IO. 449), (rvv-dt^da (II. 13. 381)^ baut^ev
(II. 2. 299), jbte/xy-w/xe^a (Od. 14. 168; and the 3 Plur. 2<n (II.
14. 274, Od. 24. 491), fiSxriv (Od. 14. 86); but it is probably
more correct to write these words with cw (like 0de'a>o-i, ew/xev,
&c.), except when a vowel precedes (as in 5a<3^er).
The two forms of the Subj. present a certain analogy to the two kinds of
derivative Verbs the Attic -aew, -tta, -o<u, and the jEolic -apt, -rj/u, -wfu. Thus
Swa-pai, Tt0T)-vTt are related to Svvca-fMt, nOioifft nearly as <pi\rjij.(v, <pt\aai to
KeiTai occurs as a Subj. in II. 19. 32., 24. 554, Od. 2. 102., 19. 147. It has
been explained as contracted from K-T<U, the regular form answering to the
Non-Thematic KI-T<H (Curt. Stud. vii. 100). The best MS. (Ven. A of the
Iliad) gives KT\rai. The true reading is probably K&TOI (related to Kfitrai as
TeAeo) to TtXetco).
SWWWTOI, construed with ore Ktv (Od. 24. 89) is regarded by Curtius as a
Subj. (Verb. ii. 67). But the example is uncertain ; the clause refers to past
time, so that ore Ktv with the Subj. is quite irregular ( 298).
ao<o and creeps or <ro&>s (II. 9. 424, 68iJ are probably Optatives ; see 83.
82.] Thematic Tense-Stems form the Subj. by changing e
into T) and o into w.
The Subjunctive of the Thematic Aor. and Pres. frequently
employs the Person-Endings -/at and -o-i : e.g. e0e'A.-co^i, efo'A-Tjo-i ;
eurcojui, eiTnjcri; dyayco/xt, ay ayTjeri; rvx^p-i, TTJ^^O-I; t8co/it, KreiVco/it;
ayycri, afibr]<n, ap^Tjo-t, aAaAK^o-t, /3aA7j(ri, cATjo-i, Ka^rja-i, &c.
(Bekker, //. .Z?. i. 218). These Endings are 'also found (but
rarely) with Non-Thematic Stems : Pres. l-r/o-i, -770-1 (which
however may be Thematic), Aor. 8(0-770-1 (II. I. 324), Pf. ppiy-r\<ri
82.] SUBJUNCTIVE. 71
(II. 3. 353). The 2 Sing, sometimes takes -oOa; e0e\-?jo-0a,
&C.
The Subj. in -tojxi had almost disappeared at one time from the text of
Homer, having been generally corrupted into -oijii, sometimes -copai. It was
restored by Wolf, chiefly on the authority of the ancient grammarians. Some
of the best MSS. (especially Ven. A) have occasionally preserved it.
It is interesting to observe the agreement in form between the Thematic
Indie, and the Non-Thematic Subj. ; e. g. Indie, ayw and Subj. yvu-ui, in
contrast to Subj. tOf\ai-fu : just as ayo-pey and -yvw-o/zev agree in contrast to
A few forms of the Aorist in -o-d follow the analogy of the
Thematic Stems, as opa--u>^v (II. 7. 38), o/xr-Tjre (II. 23. 2io),
br]Xri(r-r)TaL (II. 3. 107), jxi'Tjo-wjuefla (II. 15. 477, &c.), Travtrcojiey
(II. 7. 29), TTava-wp-ecrda (II. 7. 290., 21. 467), Trejux/fcojuev (Od. 2O.
383), ViTT\ri(aiJiv (II. 12. 7 2 )> $06wql> (Od. 16. 369), -rrepcio-Tjre
(Od. 15. 453), avTida-rjrov (II. 12. 356), Tpeoor/re (Od. 16. 293., 19.
12), Seio-rjre (II. 24. 779), jSouXevo-co/^ev (Od. 1 6. 234).
In most of these instances the original reading is probably either a Pres.
Subj. or an Opt. Thus in II. 21. 467 the best MSS. have irauwpecrOa, and in
Od. 20. 383 there is good authority for ir<|i.ir<i>|xev (in II. 15. 72 the MSS. are
divided between irovko and irav<r). Similarly we may read irav<0|xcv and
viir\Tio-o-oj|i,ev. Again <j>0io-o>n.v follows a Past Tense ( 298), irpi<rr]T an
Opt. ( 308, i, 6) : read <j>0io-aifj.v, irp4(raiT. For avruicnjTOv we may have
either the Opt. avrvdo-ai/rov or a Pres. Subj. dvTidTjTOv. For Tptoo-i)T we should
perhaps read rp<at\rt (cp. the Pres. Ind. T/W), and for ftov\evacanev 0ov\eveui*.fv.
There are no clear instances of Thematic Stems forming the
Subjunctive with a short vowel (e or o).OcU3-U l /2.ri(ts-i
The forms (xio-yai, Kario-x** 1 - (H- 2 - 2 3 2 > 2 33)> fc> r non<u, KaTio^tiai, are
like p'pX-r]tti (II. 1 1 . 380) in which the TJ forms a short syllable.
In II. 14. 484 r<? teal n Tts tv\erai dvrip KT\. Hermann's conjecture Ka T
TVS is found in two of La Koche's MSS., and in any case the ice is unsuitable
to the sense. The true reading is probably K<U TIS T' ( 332).
In Od. 4. 672 us &v (mffftvyfpus vavTi\\tTai write vavri\T<u, the Aor. Subj.
Three places remain to be mentioned :
II. I. 66 at Ktv TTCUS apvwv KV'HTTJS alyuv re T(\ei<uy
ftovkerai avriaaa? f/fuv avb \oiybv dfjivvetv,
Curtius adopts the suggestion of Stier, ^ov\t\r' avnaffas (Curt. Stud. ii. 138).
II. IO. 360 us 5' ore tcapxapoSovrf Svu Kvvf, elSore 0-fipr)?,
fj Kfpdff fj% \ayuov firfiyerov enpevts alfl
\upov av vkrifvO', 6 Sf rt upoOtriai /te/wj/cuw.
Here ITCYTOV is difficult because the Subj. irpoOtt) 01 - i s usec * ^ n tne next
clause. Possibly the author of book 10 used the archaic form in -yn as an
Indicative.
II. 12. 42 dis 8' or' Av (f Tt Kvvtafft KO! dvSpaai 0i)p(VTrjffi
icdirpios 17* Aw trrpefpfrat.
The use of OT' dv in a simile is doubtful in Homer (see 289). Should we
read its 8' 6V fvavra ? Cp. II. 20. 67.
72 MOODS. [83.
The Optative,
83.] The Optative Stem is formed from the Tense Stem by
the Suffix IT) or i, as 8180-177-1;, TV\O-I-TO.
i. Non-Thematic Tenses (except the Aorist in -cm) take j
before Light Endings, i before Heavy Endings; as tli\-v (for
f<r-ir]-v\ Ot-fy-V) 80-07, Ki^e-irj, redva-irj-s, 8a//-irj ; but Plur.
The 3 Plur. ends in -lev, as e-?ej>, 8a/me-iei;, bo-lev : once -tTj-
viz. (TTa-Lr)(rav (II. 17. 733).
The i is lost in 8^7 (Od. 9. 377., 18. 348., 20. 286, for
fK-bv[j.fv, XfXvro (Od. 1 8. 238 La Roche), baivvro (II. 24. 665),
8at2n/-aro (Od. 18. 248), ^dlro, a-no-^dL^v (for (j>0i-i-TO, cbro-
2. In Thematic Tenses the scheme of Endings is :
Sing. Dual. Plur.
1. -OI/AI Mid. -
2. -OLS -oio
3. -01 -otro
Mid.
-OLTOV -OL(r9oi>
-oirrjy -olcr&r]v
Mid. -
-otre
-oiaro.
3. The Aorist in -a& forms the Optative in two ways
(1) In -<reid the (so-called) ^Eolic Optative.
(2) In -aai-/u with Endings as in the Thematic Tenses,
putting a for o throughout.
The scheme of the Homeric forms is :
1 Sing, -at/xi Plur. -at/xer
2 -etas, rarely -ais -cure
3 -ete(i;), sometimes -at -etuj; (-atev II. 24. 38).
The Mid. Endings are of the second kind, -ai^v, -cuo, -euro, &c.
The Perfect forms the Opt. from the weak Stem, as rerAa-tTj,
reOva-irj-s, to-ra-trj. The Opt. of otSa is formed (like the Plpf.,
see 68, 2) from an Aor. t-Ftibf-cra (dbtirj-v for fet8eo--tr7-i;).
The instances of the Pf . Opt. with Thematic -oi-/u, -oi-s, &c. < YU> j
are doubtful. pepX^Koi is the reading of Aristarchus in II. 8. 270,
where the best MSS. have (SepX^Kei. In II. 21. 609 yvto^tvai os
T Ticfavyoi, os T tdav KrA., the reading ire^euyei is given by one
good MS. (D.), and evidently agrees better with etfare. peflpwGois
(II. 4. 35) points to a form /3e'/3/)co0a, of which however there is
no other evidence. IXifjicoi (H. Apoll. 165) may be Pf. or Pres.
Irregular forms :
Thematic lot-y, eoi (II. 9. 142, 284), tot (II. 14. 2i), 8tot-ro
(Od. 17. 317). Homer has also U-trj (II. 19. 209), to be compared
with flbeir], 8e8tet?7.
84.] VERBAL NOUNS.
73
The so-called '^EohVOpt. of Contracted Verbs (-urj-v, -oirf-v)
appears in $1X0117 (Od. 4. 692) and c^opou? (Od. 9. 320).
In II. 14. 241 most authorities give irurxoiT]s as an Opt. (rSi icev emaxoi^
\inapoiis iroSas ti\anivafav. Three of the chief MSS. (A. B. C.) have ^ricrxoies,
and this was quoted by Herodian, apparently as the only reading known to
him (see Ludwich, A.H.T. i. 374). The Syr. palimpsest has moxoias. All
three forms are anomalous ; lma\p'n)s finds a parallel in dyayolrjv (Sappho)
and one or two other forms, but can hardly be Homeric.
The forms crows (II. 9. 681), croeo (II. 9. 424) are so written by modern
editors. Most MSS. have cro^s, cro^. In the former place we learn that Ar.
doubted between erctcps and creeps (or creeps, for the accent here is conjectural).
The ancient grammarians apparently took both forms as Opt. (which suits
the sense, 304, a). Some wrote cracps, crato (or creeps, crow), deriving them
directly from craow : others creeps, creep, from creoco or croco. It is not difficult to
restore the uncontracted craoots, craooi, or, if the Subj. is preferred, <raoT)s,
craoT) (so Nauck).
For the 3 Plur. in -oi-v Bekker finds one instance of -ov-v, viz. in Od. 20.
382, where the common text has
TOVS gfivovs & vrfl TTO\VK\T)I$I (ia\6vTts
fs ^IK(\OVS ire^aifj.(v odtv Ke roi aiov aAc6o,
for which he would read a\c|>oi.v. The I Sing, in -oi-v (instead of the
anomalous -oi-fti) was not unknown in Attic (Bekker, H. B. p. 1 1 1 ff) *.
irapa-c|)0a-ii)-cn (II. 10. 346), with Primary instead of Secondary Ending, is
perhaps a pseudo-archaic form, made on the analogy of the Subjunctives in
The Verbal Nouns.
84.] Infinitives and Participles are not properly speaking
Verbs since they do not contain a Subject and Predicate but
Nouns : the Infinitive is a kind of Substantive and the Parti-
ciple an Adjective. In certain respects however they belong-
to the scheme of the Verb :
1. They answer in form and meaning to the Tense Stems;
each Tense Stem has in general an Infinitive and a Participle
formed from it.
2. They are distinguished as Active and Middle (or Passive)
in sense.
3. They are construed with the same oblique cases of Nouns,
and the same Adverbs and Adverbial phrases, as the correspond-
ing Verbs.
* It must not be supposed, however, that the i Sing, and the 3 Plur. in
otv are primitive forms. The termination -oiv was originally impossible in
Greek (as -em and -om are in Sanscrit) ; we should expect -oia, -oiav (Sanscr.
-et/am, -eyus). Hence -oi-|u probably made its way into Greek in place of
*-o.a, as -erai-p.1 in the Aor. in place of -ema (see Brugmann, in Curt. Stud. ix.
313). The 3 Plur. form airorivotav is found in the Eleian dialect.
74 INFINITIVE. [85.
85.] The Infinitive Active is formed
(i) In Non-Thematic Tenses (except the Aor. in -<ru) by the
Suffixes -fxeycu, -fiey, -emi, -vai.
Of these -fierai is the most usual, as fle'-jueyat, -yvta-p-evai., ^iyr\-
fjievai, 15-jmeyat, Te6va.-iJ.fvai, ^evy-vv-fjifvai. : -\iev occurs after short
vowels, as i-/xei>, bo-ptv, rfdva-pev, op-vv-^v ; also in J-npev (five
times, but always where we may write e/x/xei/), lb-p.ev (II. 11.719),
and evy-vv-fj.ev (II. 1 6. 145), in which the long u is irregular.
The full Suffix -^cai only occurs in i-eWt ; but there are many
other Infinitives in -vai, all of them containing a long vowel or
diphthong in which an e may be supposed to have been absorbed ;
as bovvat (for bo-evai, see Max Miiller, Chips, iv. 56), dflvai,
(TTrjvaL, fir/vcu, bvvat,, yv&vai., dAwvcu, /3i<3i>ai, arjvai, (f)oprj~vai,
Sibovvai (II. 24. 425). The original form of the Suffix seems to
have been -fevcu, I >. o?iv'<*\
From dfu (tcr-) are formed f^tvai, t^ev, (fitvcu, tpev, and Hvcu. Of these
e/xej/aj, Zpfv are irregular ; they follow the analogy of Oifufvai, &c. Cp. the
I Plur. f*tv (Soph. El. 21). From (J-pt are formed t-^evcu, t-pfv, and l-tvai.
In one place (II. 20. 365) ipevai is scanned with I perhaps in imitation of
epfifvat (Solmsen, K. Z, xxix. 72).
The common Attic Present Infinitives Iff-rd-vat, rt6t-vai, 8i86-vm, titm-vv-vai,
&c., as well as the Perfect Infinitives in -tvcu, are entirely unknown in
Homer.
(2) In Thematic Tenses by -c-ftcmi, -e-fiey, -eiv as dit
The Ending -c-eii/ only occurs in the Thematic Aor., and is
anomalous ; compare /3aA-e'-eu> (Stem /3aXe-) and /3aAA.-az; (Stem
/3aAAe-). The original ending was doubtless -ecc : thus
Stem /3aAe-, Inf. /3aAe'-ev, contr. /3aAetv.
/3aAAe-, /3aAAe-;, ,, /iJaAAeir.
In the Aor. the metre usually allows us to restore -eec (see
Renner, Curt. Stud. i. 2. p. 33).
It is possible that the forms /SaXt'-etr, &c., are genuine, since -eev might pass
into -iv from the analogy of the Pres. Inf. in -iv, just as in_the Rhodian
dialect -cjtev became -cjwiv. Leo Meyer (Vergl. Gr. ii. 284) proposed to read
&a\(-/jKv, &c. But, as Renner points out (I. c.~), the change from -ev to -iv is
very much slighter, indeed is a mere matter of spelling. Original Pa\tptv,
&c. would probably have been retained.
(3) The Aor. in -<rd forms -<rai, as o-r^-o-ai.
(4) The Inf. Middle is formed by -a8ai : ft\rj-(r6ai, ve^a-crOat,
IcTTd-aQai, Ibf-a-Qai, /3aAAf-o-0ai, (JTri-cra-a-dai.
The Infinitive is originally a Case-form of an abstract Noun
(nomen actionis}. Thus -fiemi consists of the Nominal Suffix -\L*V
( 114) with the Dative ending -ai : t5-juei>-cu 'for knowing'
87-] PARTICIPLE.
75
(Sanscr. vifl-mdn-e). Similarly bovvai is bo-Fev-ai (dd-vdn-e) ' for
giving-/ Probably the Infinitives in -a<u and -(r9ai also are
Datives (Max Miiller, I.e.). Infinitives in -JJLCO and -ev appear to be
Locatives formed without Case-ending ( 99). If so, the Infini-
tives in -fii> and -cc (-en/) originally differed in meaning from
those in -y.tvai, -evai, &c. In Greek, however, the sense of the
Inf. as a Case-form is lost, so that the different forms are all
construed in exactly the same way.
86.] The Participle. The Aorist, the Present, and the Future
Tense Stems form the Active Participle by the Suffix -rr- : thus
we have, Non-Thematic ora-vr-, ri.9t-vT- ; Thematic /3oAo-/;r-,
orrj-o-o-yr-, &c.
The vowel before rr is always short, as yvo-vr-, piye-vr-.
The Perfect Stem takes -or or -oo- (originally -For, -foa), Fern,
-uid (for -u<r-j.d, the -uo- originally a weak form for -foa). The
Middle Participle is formed by -JACKOS, which in the Perfect is
accented -/AeVos.
For the Verbal Adjectives in -TO-S, see 1 14. The Verbal in
is post-Homeric.
CHAPTER IV.
ACCENTUATION OF THE VERB.
87.] The general rule is that the accent is thrown back as far
as possible ; and the chief departures from this rule are found in
the Infinitives and Participles, which are in reality Nouns. In
the forms of the Verb properly so called the following exceptions
have to be noted :
i. elfu and <{>T]fu. The 2 Sing. Imper. <a-0i is oxytone.
The disyllabic forms of the Pres. Indicative, dpi, eoW, ^rj/xi,
$170-1', &c., are enclitic, and, when they do not lose the accent
altogether, are oxytone ; but IOTI is accented in the ordinary way
when it occurs at the beginning of a sentence, or after certain
words (OVK, nai, o>s).
Such was the commonly accepted account ; but the ancient grammarians
were not agreed as to the enclitic character of the Dual and Plural forms (on
or6v see Charax 1151 ; on 4>a(XEV. <f>a,T, 4>acr(, ibid. ; on tajjuv, or, eurt, Eust.
1457, 48). Again, one grammarian denies that <|>T)(I( was ever enclitic
(Charax 1152) ; another holds that it should be written 4>YJtu, at least in such
instances as tyfjfu yap ovv Karavevaat, KT\. (Tyrannic ap. Eust. 1613, 18). In
all likelihood the original forms were, Sing, tern, ^H- 1 ; Plur. crp,tv, <j>a(jicv,
and we may suppose that <j>tj(xi and or are not properly oxytone, but are
unaccented forms made oxytone as enclitics (w^wOrj Sia rf)i> iirovvav avrois
76 ACCENT. [88.
t^KXiaiv Apoll. Synt.\ The Sanscrit Verbs of the same kind follow the rule
of accenting the Stem in the Sing., the Ending in the Dual and Plur. ; and
this must be connected with the difference of quantity between strong and
weak Steins ( 6;. See Benfey, Vcdica und Linguisticu, pp. 90 S.
The 2 Sing-, els is enclitic, though the corresponding Attic
form eZ is not; but see 5. As to $r/? there is a contradiction ;
it is not enclitic according- to Arc. 142, 8, but enclitic according
to Schol. A. II. 17. 147 both notices being supposed to rest on
the authority of Herodian (ed. Lentz, i. 553, 4 and ii. 105, 5)
2. The 3 Plur. torao-t, rifleun, bibovo-i, bei.Kvv(n, are properi-
spomena (Herodian, i. 459, ed. Lentz).
This can hardly have been the original accentuation, since they are not
contracted forms, but represent 'lara-VTi, &c. Probably it comes from the
Attic ia-rani (contracted from lara-aai, cp. nQi-aai, &c.)- The Doric forms are
written nOtvri, &c. by Eustath. Od. 1557, 45 ; but we do not know that this
represents the usage of any living dialect.
3. Subjunctives such as tyavfj, 5aw/zei> are circumflexed, as
being contracted forms (for (f)avipj, 8a^o/xe^). On eiSeoo, dbfjs,
ei8//, ei8eco(ri see 80.
Optatives in which -ITJ- becomes -i- before Heavy Endings are
accented on the i throughout, as 8iaKptz>#eu-e, Sa/xaer.
But Middle forms to which there is no corresponding Active
follow the general rule : Swoo/xat, Swrjai (so Herodian, but
Tyrannic wrote bwS)fj.ai,, bvvfjai, Schol. II. 6. 229), KfpwvTai (II.
4. 260), eTTtcrr/jrat ( 280); eTHorairo, ovaio, oi-'oiro.
4. The Imperatives ei-rre', eA^e, are oxytone (and so in Attic
evpe, t8e, Aa/3e). Similarly Tyrannio wrote TnOlaOe, \a(3l<T0
(Schol. V. II. 18. 266) ; cp. the Attic fiakov, &c.
The rule in Sanscrit is that the Verb loses the accent, except in subordinate
clauses, or when it begins the sentence. Hence the verbs ei\t.i and 4>tjjii in
fact retain the original accentuation, which was doubtless that of the Indo-
European language. The Imperatives el-ire, cXOt, &c., are evidently words that
would often be used to begin a sentence.
The ordinary accent of a Greek verb, the so-called ' recessive ' accent, repre-
sents the original enclitic condition. The Opt. 4>aiTjv, for example, is originally
oxytone. On the Sanscrit rules it loses its accent, and we should have (e. g.)
t-y'.o-4>aiT]v. But owing to the Greek rhythmical law this is impossible.
Accordingly the accent goes back as far as the Greek rules will allow, and
we have i^uj-ipairjv.
5. The__fin_al_ -eu of__the_ Endings -JA<UJ -<rai, -raij -n:ai, ajid of
the Inf. is treated as short. These are all cages in whjcb. -ai
represents the original final sound of the word. But the -ai -j>f
the Opt.,, which is for original -air, counts as long.
88.] Accent in Composition. Unaugmented forms of Com-
pound Verbs are accented as though the Verb were an enclitic
89.] ACCENT. 77
following- the Preposition : hence <n>v-exov, Trpo'-e?, irapa-0e?, Trepi-
/cetrat, a^o-cr^vTai. If the final syllable of the Preposition is
lost by elision or apocope the accent falls on the first syllable ;
hence {/'<-eA/<e, Kar-Oave.
But the accent falls if possible upon the Augment : hence
Trpo(r-{f3av, eTr-eo-^oy, tir-rjXOe. In other words, the Augment is
treated in accentuation as a Preposition.
The fcrm^_|(rra(._keeps the accent (irq/a-e <rrai 7 &c.) perhaps
because it is formed by synCope from &rerat.
The Subj. v/A-/3AT7rai (Od. 7. 204) ought to be properispo-
menon, if it is a contracted form; cp. /3A.?jerai (Od. 17. 472).
The grammarians however wrote d-n-o-flco/icu (in spite of CLTTO-
0Lop.aL, II. 1 8. 409) and 8ia-0o>,uai (Herodian, i. 469, 7, ed. Lentz).
We have to recognise in such cases the encroachment of the
common Thematic type, though we may doubt whether the
change reaches back to the earliest form of the text of Homer.
According to Herodian, the 2 Sing. Imperative <vi-o-irs is paroxytone, but
the other Imperative form Jfvi-crire, and the Indie, forms fvi-o-ire-s, tvicrire, are
proparoxytone ; see Schol. on II. 24. 388. That is to say, the Imper.
vi-<nre-s is regular, the others are accented as if compounds of urn-co.
The Imperative iri<rx in Hes. Scut. 446 may be divided tir-iax* or em-ax*,
and in the latter case we may write ITTICTX* (with the MSS.), or Zmcrxf, like
the tviairt of Herodian.
The MSS. vary between (Imper.) evierirts and tvio-ire : in the two places of
the Iliad (i i. 186., 14. 470) the Venetus has Ivio-ires : on the other hand in the
only Homeric passage in which the metre gives any help (Od. 4. 642) it is
decisive for fvio-rre. The accent in the MSS. nearly always follows Herodian's
rule.
89.] The Infinitive and Participle. Infinitives in -w and
-|i,cfai follow the general rule : those in -yw fayyfl thft &mn&
accent as the corresponding forms in -ptvai, as $euye-/Aei>. On
the Aor. Inf. in -elv, see 85, 2.
The forms in -KCU, -acu accent the penultimate, as Uvai, aX&vai,
epva-at. The Middle forms of the Thematic Aorist and Perfect
are also paroxytone, as irifleVflai, AeAa0e'<r0ai, KK\rj(r6ai, TeruyQai..
The ancient grammarians doubted between aKayyadai, a\a\ri<r6cu
and aKaxwdat, dXaX?/(r^at. The former were adopted in the
common texts, and were explained as ^Eolic forms of the Pres.
Infinitive (Herodian, ii. in, 21, ed. Lentz).
It may be conjectured that the forms in -jievai and -JAV were originally
accented on the suffix, like Sanscr. vidmdne, dardne. If so, this is one of the
cases in which the accent of an archaic form in Homer has been lost.
Active Participles, except the Thematic Present and Future,
accent the Suffix, as 5t8ov?, 0rpe</>0eis, jue/xaws, Xafiwv, reraywr.
So the Presents ea>z>, lav.
78 NOUNS AND PRONOUNS. [90.
The Part, of the Pf. Middle is paroxytone. But
follows aK.ayj]a<QaL.
In Composition the Infinitive and Participle retain the accent
of the simple word; in other words, they dp not become enclitic.
Hence we have Impf. a-vv-exov, but Neut. Part. ___<rvv-x.ov.
CHAPTER V.
NOUNS AND PEONOUNS.
90.] The words to which we now proceed are incapable of
forming Sentences except in combination with a Verb.
The relation of such words to the Verb is shown in general
either by a Case-Ending as in the words which are said to
be ' declined/ or by an Adverbial Ending (such as -us, -*v, &c.).
The Ending in either case is suffixed to a Stem or Theme. Thus,
Xoyo- is the Stem of the Case-forms, Nona. Ao'yo-s, Ace. Ao'yo-i>,
Gen. Ao'yo-io, &c. : auto- is the Stem of the Case-forms at/ro'-s,
O.VTO-V, avro-lo, and also of the Adverbs avro-Oev, avro-Oi.,
aiircos, &c.
The Stems now 'in question belong to two great classes, those
of Nouns and of Pronouns, called Nominal and Pronominal Stems
respectively. The term 'Noun' includes Substantives and Ad-
jectives. The other ' parts of speech' Adverbs, Prepositions,
Conjunctions may ultimately be resolved into Case-forms or
Adverbial forms either of Nouns or Pronouns.
The distinction between Nouns and Pronouns brings before us in a new
form the fundamental antithesis involved in the division of a Verb into a
Stem which 'predicates,' and a Person-Ending which marks the Subject.
A Noun either denotes a single object or group of objects (i. e. when it is a
'proper name'), or denotes objects through their permanent attributes, as
belonging to a class ; whereas a Pronoun denotes an object by its local
position, or momentary relation to something else, as ' this ' or ' that,' ' here '
or ' there,' ' same ' or ' other.' This contrast is shortly expressed by saying
that Nominal Stems are Predicative, and Pronominal Stems Demonstrative ; the
former name or describe, the latter only ' point out ' what is intended.
Accordingly, Nominal Stems are in general either identical with, or formed
from, the Stems of Verbs : Pronouns are found to contain the same elements
as those which furnish the Person-Endings of Verbs. The simplest forms
obtained by analysis are thus of two kinds. They were first clearly dis-
tinguished by Bopp, and called by him Verbal and Pronominal Roots respectively
(Vergl.-Gr. 105).
The Cases.
91.] Declensions. The main distinction is that between the
Consonantal Declension (including that of Stems in -\. and -u),
93-] CASE-ENDINGS. 79
which forms the Genitive in -os, and the Vowel Declensions, of
which three may be distinguished :
(1) Stems in -o (chiefly Masc. and Neut.) : Gen. -oio.
(2) -d, -T] (chiefly Fern.) : Gen. -as, -ijs.
(3) -e (Personal Pronouns) : Gen. -eio.
92.] Vocative. A Noun used in addressing a person by his
name or title has properly no Case-Ending. Accordingly the
Vocative Case consists in general of the simple Stem ; e. g. Zev
/3a(riAeu, Alav (for Alan--), Stoyeves, oo ava (for draKT-).
In II. i. 86 KdX^av (Voc. of KdA)(as) was read by Aristarchus,
KdA)(a by Zenodotus. On the other hand in II. 12. 231 Ar.
read IIouAvSa/uia, but Zen. FIovAuSd/xay. The form AaoSdjua in
Od. 8. 141 probably has the authority of Aristarchus.
Stems in -o form the Voc. in -e, as $i'Ae eicupe. Some Stems
in -o(rj) shorten the final vowel, as vv^a, Voc. of vv^rj, and
the Masc. o-u/3<Srd, T^epoTreura, Too'rd, KVvGtiia, &c. But the
long vowel of the Stem is used in the Voc. 'EpjjLfCa, 'ArpeiSrj,
vtyayopr], alvapcTr] (II. 16. 31). Feminines in -w or -w form the
Voc. in -01, as Arjrol (II. 21. 498). Evidently -w : -01 : : TJ : a.
The words of address, Trdmra, arra, rerra, /xata, may be ranked
as Vocatives. So ^eie, as to which see the note on 96.
93.] Case-Endings. These are given in the following Table.
The Endings of the Consonantal Declension are in larger type :
the two Vowel Declensions of Nouns are numbered (i), (2), and
the Pronominal Declension (3).
Sing. Dual. Plur.
Nom. -9 -6 -9 y Neut. -a
(1) -o-s, Neut. -o-v -o> -01
(2) -a(r)), - k d; -TJ-S -a -at
Ace. "V -d -e -df, Neut -a,
-co -ovs (for -o~vs)
-a -as (-a-vs)
Gen. -O? -OUV -CDV
(1) -oio, -oo, -ou -oi'iv -<&v
(2) -rjs; -ao, -eco -dcoy, -ecor
(3) -eio, -eo, -eu -l(v) -euav, -e<oy
Dat. -6 -ouv -cri(v} y -ecr(ri
1) -to (LOC. -Ol) -OUV -Ol(Tl(v), -OlS
2) -n (Loc. -ai ?) -fl*"^). -r?s
\ * "f \ - Y(n\
L. -<bi,(v) -$iM
Instrum. -<
<So DECLENSION. [94.
94.] Stems ending in i, u. and or are liable to lose the final
letter before the Case-Endings which begin with a vowel.
I . Steins in -i]u } -eu : e. g.
yt]u-s, Gen. mj-o's (for vi]F-6s), rarely r-e-o's. The e arises by
shortening 1 from TJ ; so Wes, veG>v , yeWo-i, yeas all less common
than the corresponding 1 forms with TJ-, vfjfs, vr]S>i>, vijea-cn, vfjas.
The forms VTJV-S, vrjv-ai are irregular, since original au before a consonant
would appear in Greek as ov (cp. Zevs for original dyetts]. Hence the true
Greek form is preserved in the Instrum. va-<()iv ( 104) and the Compounds
ravcri-K\VTus, Navai-icda, &c. The ) of vrjv-s and vrjv-ai is taken by analogy from
the other Cases.
3aoriXeu-s, Gen. /3acrtA?/-os (but Dat. Plur. fiacriXev-cn).
riir)Xeu-s, Gen. rfr]Ar/-os and n?;Ae'-os. In oblique Cases of
Stems in -eu the e seems to be nearly confined to proper names ;
cp. TuSe'os TvSe'i TuSea, 'Arpe'os 'Arpe'i, rjcre'a, NrjA.e'a, &c.
On Zews, (3ovs see 106, 2.
2. Stems in -i and -u form the same Cases in two ways :
(1) Retaining* the Stem-vowel, as KOVL-S KOVL-OS, Tldpi-s
Yldpi-os, l\vs tASos, l\6v-s l\dv-6s. orv-s cru-o's, <rv-i, crv-es.
It is probable that this form of declension was originally
confined to monosyllables.
(2) Inserting* and dropping 1 i or u : as TroVt-s, Dat. TroVe-t,
acrrv acrre-os, TTTJXV-S 7r?j)(e-os, 7roAv-s 7roAe-os. Here the
Stem of the oblique Cases ends in -ei, -eu : hence Gen.
-eos for -ei-os, -ef-os, &c.
forms several of its Cases in three ways :
(1) Gen. -rro'Ai-os, Dat. TTO'AI (for 7ro'At-t ; 99), Plur. Nom.
Tro'Ai-es, Gen. iioKi-tov, Dat. TroAi-etra-i, Ace. TroAt-as and
TTO'AIS ( 100).
(2) Gen. TroAeos (so Bekk. reads in II. 2. 811., 21. 567,
with the scanning- ^ - ; cp. Tro'Aeus in Theognis), Dat.
Tro'Aei, Trro'Aet (II. 17. 152, perhaps should be Trro'Ait, cp.
the Cyprian form TrroAi^i).
(3) Gen. TTO'ATJ-OS, Dat. ir6\rj-'i } Plur. Nom. 77o'Arj-es, Ace.
The stem TroArj- which furnishes the last of these three forms
of inflexion has been traced by Joh. Schmidt (K. Z. xxvii. p. 287)
to a primitive Locative in -t\ (cp. Sanscr. agni, Loc. agnd), to
which the ordinary Loc. -r was suffixed. From this new Loc.
7io'Ar/-t the other Cases were then formed by analogy.
The Nouns in -a (from -id) answer to the original Stems in
-T, as Ibvla, for iSixr-ta, Sanscr. mclush-l,
f|v-s or Ii5-s good makes Gen. trj-os, perhaps by transference of quantity for
ije-oy. Other Adjectives in -vs form --os, -H, &c.
3. Stems in -eo-, -a<r, -OCT drop the a, as eVe-os, Ke'pa-os, ai8o'-os.
9 6 -] SINGULAR. 8l
95.] Original o_afi_the i fin^_vowd_of the Stem becomes. i\ ;
except (i) after <-, ei, a, as in 0ed, and the proper names 'Epjueias,
Alveias, Avyeias, Nau<n/cda, 'Peia (Ar. on II. 14. 203), 4>eid (II. 7.
135, Od. 15. 297), and (a) in the Gen, in -do and -aw.
Other exceptions "totne scheme given above will be best
treated under the separate Cases.
96.] Nominative Singular. The final -9 is retained after
vowels and mutes, but lost with Stems ending in p, as Trar^p, ju^o-rojp.
Stems ending in v either (i) take final -9 (with loss of v], as
els (for ev-s), Ois Ace. Olv-a, /ueAas Gen. /xe'Aav-os, or (2) do not
take -9, but lengthen^ preceding vowel, as yd&v Gen. yQov-6s,
TTOI^V Gen. TTotjuey-os. So with Stems in -vr : bovs Gen. SoVr-oy,
but I8<av. Originally it seems that all monosyllables took -s
and all others -v (J. Schmidt, K. Z. xxvii. 392). If so, x^ v >
<^)p-f]v, &c. are forms due to the -v of the oblique Cases : and on
the other hand bibovs, ri0ei?, &c. have followed the analogy of
corresponding monosyllabic words, bovs, Oeis, &c.
There is a remarkable group of Masc. Stems in -CI(TJ), with
Nom. Sing, in -d, viz.
Titles of gods : ye^eAryyepera, oTepoTrTjyepera, /xrjrtera,
(Zfvs] ; a,Ka/crjra ('Epjixeias a.) ; Kvavo^alra
Titles of heroes : tTTTrora, i777TTjA(ira, at)(ju,7jra;
One proper name, ueVra (II. 2. 107).
Except ue'ora these words are only found as adjectives : thus
we_have qiXM^ 7 "^ Au/cdcoz;, Kvavo^alra Yloa-eibdoyv, but aix/^ 7 " 7 ]^
Kvai'o^airrjs when the same words are substantives.
The accent generally follows the forms in -77-5 where suck
forms exist ; thus iTTTrora, al^rjTa, like iTTTroVtys, CU^TJTTJS. But
it is thrown back in evpvoTra, jixTjriera, d/cciKTjra, ancient epithets
only known from the traditional Homeric use.
These are in reality Vocatives which have been turned into Nominatives.
That is to say, they belonged originally to certain established forms of address
ftrjriera Ztv, Kvavo\aira HofftiSaov, lirnora : IIt]\tv, &c. and were not inflected
when the names to which they were attached came to be used in the Nona.
In this way the rhythm, which doubtless had a traditional sacredness, re-
mained unaltered, and the whole phrase retained something of its vocative
character. The feeling which might lead to this is that expressed by Eumaeus
in Od. 14. 145 S.
TOV fj.lv lywv, Si tiv*, leal ov -aapcovr' &von&(iv
tu5f'o/tcu' irfpl yap [i (<pi\(i Kat Kr)5fTO Ov/*y'
d\\d fuv fj6fiov Ka\toa teal v6ff<f>iv (ovra.
I call him by the title -qOeios even in his absence, the word jjOeios being only used as
a form of address. Cp. also in (2). The Nominatives in -d are evidently
part of the archaic and conventional style of Epic poetry. They are commoner
in the Iliad than in the Odyssey in the proportion of 3 to I. The ancient
grammarians regarded them as ./Eolic, but without sumcient reason.
G
82 DECLENSION. [97.
The form eupvoira also appears as an Ace., and has accordingly been ex-
plained from a Nom. tvpv-oty. It is improbable however that it is a different
word from the Nom. Voc. tvpvoira. Probably the fact that it had the appear-
ance of an Ace. of one of the numerous Compounds in -o^ led to an extension
of use *.
97.] Accusative Sing. The Ending -d is found after con-
sonants and the diphthongs TJU, eu ; as vrjv-s vfja (for vrjva, vt]Fa),
/3ao-iAev- $ /3a<n\rja, Tvbtv-s TvSea f. Otherwise the Ace. takes -v
e. g. TTO\L-V, l%6v-v, (3ov-v.
But eupu-s makes eupea in the phrases evpe'a TTOVTOV, evpea
the common form being
The original Ending is -m, which becomes -v after a vowel and -& (for ^)
after a consonant. The preference for d after rjv, tv is due to the semi-
consonantal nature of the v in these combinations. We may compare the
Aorists tKTja (for tKrjv-a), ex (va (also x* a )> & c -> an( i on the other hand (8v-v,
t<pv-y.
Several Stems form the Ace. in -iv and also in -iSa : Ipi8a and
Zpiv (Od.), (f)vXoTnba (Od. II. 313) and fyvXo-niv, y\avKu>TTiba
(II. 8. 373) and yXavK.G>Ttiv (Od. I. 156), avaXntia and avaXniv
(Od. 3. 375)? oTTiba and OTTIV, Kvirpiba and Kvirpiv ; Oovpiv, 'Ipiy,
avXiv, QfTiv. Cp. also \api-v (for ^aptr-a), and Kopv-v (for
Kopvd-a), found in the line II. 13. 131 ( = 16. 315),
do"7rt? ap d(T7rt5' epeibe, Kopvs KOpvv, avzpa 8' avrjp.
In Attic there are many more such forms ; opviv, &c.
Note that no oxytones form the Ace. in -ic.
The Accusatives afjv (Od. 12. 313), "Apijv, Mcy^v are probably formed
directly from the Nom. aijs, "Aprjs, Me-y^y, on the analogy of Masc. Nouns in
-ij-s. On the other hand Zfjv (Ztvi), PUV (^oCs), are very ancient forms, 7
answering to the Sanscr. dyam, gam (Joh. Schmidt in K. Z. xxv. 17) : see
106, 2.
A final 8 is lost in the Neut. Pronouns o, TO, TOVTO, cuewo, &\\o
(Lat. id, is-tud, illml, aliud), and in ri (Lat. quid] : perhaps also
in the Personal Pronouns, Ace. Sing. ep.e (^e), <re', I, Dual vd>,
(T(f)to, <r(p&f, Plur. a^fjLf, vp.p.f, o-</>e (Curt. Stud. vi. 417 ff.; Max
Miiller, Chips, iv. 44). vyjvSJCJJS
* It will be shown hereafter ( 116, 2) that the Masc. Nouns in -TTJS are
probably derived from Feminines in -TIJ, of abstract or collective meaning.
Hence it is possible that the Homeric Nominatives in -rfi come directly from
these Feminines : so that (e. g.) fajTiesa. meant literally Counsel rather than
Counsellor. The abstract word may have been used as a title, like 0lij
Tlpiafjioio and the like. According to Joh. Schmidt (Pluralb. p. 400) evpvoira is
originally a Neuter: see 107, 2.
t The forms TuSi? (II. 4. 3$) and MJ;TT (II. 15. 339) are probably false :
see Nauck, Mel. gr.-rom. iii. 222.
99-] SINGULAR. 83
98.] Genitive Singular. The Stems in -o form the Gen. in e,{.$381
-oio, -oo, -ou. Of these forms only -oio and -ou are read in the
existing text of Homer; but there are sufficient traces of -oo,
and indeed several places where it is called for by the metre.
Thus we must read jin^iM p*
II. 2. 5 J 8 vices 'I^n'roo p.-ya6vp.ov.
15. 66 (=21. 104) 'lAtoo
22. 313 dypioo, npoo-Oev e /crA.
Od. 10. 36 8<3pa Trap' AtoAoo p,eyaA?jropos.
60 ftijv els AioAoo icAvra Sahara.
II. 9. 440, &c. 6/Aotioo TrroAe'/xoio (for 6fj,odov TroAe'fzoio).
2. 325 oo rcAe'o? ovTror' dAeirai | / t ^
Od. I. 70 oo Kpdros eo-/ce /xeyioroi> J * ' '
II. 2. 73 J 'Ao-KArjTTioo 8vo 7rai8e.
15. 554
5. 21 a8eA(/>eo'o Kra//,eWio : so in
6. 61 (=7-
Od. 14. 239
Also in the two lines fituM^
II. 6. 344 eiVe<c' e/xeto KUJ^OS
9. y^lfos TroAe/xou eparat e7Ti8r;//,tou OKpvoevros,
since oKpuo'ets does not occur elsewhere, but Kpvoea-aa (II. 5. 740),
(II. 9. 2), Kpvepo's &c., we should probably read
Kpvoevros.
A trace of -oo may also be found in the fact that Nouns in
-ao sometimes form the Gen. in -euo, which is for -aoo ; e. g.
Masc. Stems in -a(rj) form the Gen. in -do (original -ao-io),
less commonly -ew (by transference of quantity). This -eu is
often scanned as one syllable ; after another vowel it is written
-w, as Bope-o) (for Bope-eco), c Ep/u,et-co, Alvft-u>, eu'jufieAt-co. (So in
Ionic, Curt. Stud. v. 294., viii. 172.)
The Pronominal Stems in -,e, viz. ejue (jue), o-e (for rfe), and I
or ee, form the Gen. in -e-io, -eo and (by contraction) -eu. Thus
we find 6JACIO, e/xeo (II. I O. 1 24), ep,ev ; <reto, o-eo, o-ei; ; cto, eo, e3.
For oreto there is also a longer form reoto (II. 8. 37=468), and
for eo in one place (II. 19. 384) Zenodotus read eou.
99.] Dative Singular. In Homer the i of the Dat. is some-
times long (as in Latin), chiefly in forms which otherwise could
not be easily brought into the verse; in the Iliad, 'AviXA^?,
vTrepfj-tvei, Kpdrei', <ra.Kf'i, Trro'Aei, crdfve'i, epi&i; in the Odyssey,
'Obva-rfi, eWi, 8eWi, vbari, But we find also Zr]v\
(II. 15. 104), Trap vr]l re ^vfiv (Od.) See 373.
G 2
84 DECLENSION. [99*.
The Dat. of Neuters in -as was commonly written -a ; but the
long- a is anomalous, and -ai is now read by La Roche from good
MSS. (in <re'Acu, /ce'pcu). The forms in -a appear to have be-
come established in later Greek (Hdn. II, 316, 10, ed. Lentz).
Stems in -i, Gen. -i-os, form the Dat. in -I, as /cozn, /XTJTJ,
p-aart, KVI']<TTI, (Ti, ye/xeWt (with v. 1. ye/zeWei II. 6. 335). So
Bekker restored the forms TTO'AI (II. 5- 686, &c.), ayvpi (II. 16.
661), o\ln, vfipi, bwdfj-i, TToVt, for which the common texts give
forms in -ei.
Stems in -u, Gen. -u-os, form the Dat. in -01 (a diphthong
which in later Greek can only occur before a vowel), TrXydvl (II.
22. 458), vtKVi, dpyj](TTV{., ol^vi, lvl, OpijvvL. But 8pu-9, crv-v
form the disyllables bpv-i, o-v-t.
It is possible, however, that the Datives in -I are Instrumental forms, and
similarly that the Datives in -m have taken the place of Instrumental in -v.
For the Vedic and Zend Instrum. in -j, -v see Osthoff, M. U. ii. 139.
Sanscrit Nouns in -an and -as sometimes form the Locative from the Stem
without any Case-ending (Whitney, 425, c). Traces of this are to be found in
Greek in the form altv (cp. ate/), and the Inf. in -jxev and -v ( 85).
Stems in -o sometimes form a Locative in -01, as well as the
true Dat. in -w, e. g. oi/co-t. So ^.a/za-t an d perhaps 7rdAa-i.
Cp. the adverbial ending -ei ( no).
Pronominal Stems in -e form -01; ejuot (enclitic pioi), oroi
(encl. rot), eot and ot. For croi there is another form reti> (II. 1 1 .
20 1 ) : so in Doric we find e/uV and tiv, lv.
99*.] Plural. Several Stems in -o which are Masc. (or Fern.)
in the Sing, form a Neut. Plur. : KcXevOos, Plur. /ce'Aeufloi and
more commonly /ce'Aeufla ; //rjpo's, Plur. /^irjpoi and \njpa ; KVK\OS,
Plur. KVK\OL and KVK\O. ; 16s, Plur. lot and la : Tdprapos, Plur.
Tdprapa (Hes.). There is probably a slight change of meaning,
the Neuter expressing vague mass or quantity rather than
plurality : cp. bpvfj.d thicket, and post-Homeric 8eo>ta, 0eo-jua, o-tra,
Lat. loca, joca. Thus KcXevda means a group of paths, and could
not be used (e.g.] in such a passage as II. 10. 66 TroAAat yap ava
crrparoV et<rt xeAeu^ot. So KV/cAa of a set of wheels, Taprapa of
one place so called, &c.
100.] Accusative Plural. Stems in -i and -u which admit an
Ace. Sing, in -v often form the Plur. in -is, -us (for -ivs, -vvs) :
thus ois (II. II. 245), aKohis (Od. 10. 7), fiovs TJVI.S (II. 6. 94).
So we should read TTO'AIS (with Bekker) for Tro'Aei?. Again we
have bpvs, yews, K\ITVS, -ypairrvs, <rvs and (rv-as, lx&vs and i%0v-as
(Od. 22. 384), fypvs (II. 16. 740) and 6<j>pv-as (Od. 9.389), VCKVS
(Od. 24. 417) and vtw-as, fiovs and po-as. c
( I f
102.] PLURAL. 85
Stems in -u, Gen. -eo?, have only -eas in Homer : except
TTO\VS, read by Zenodotus in II. 2. 4, perhaps in other places (II. i.
559-> I 3- 734-, *5- 66., 20. 313., 21. 59, 131, Od. 3. a6., 4. 170),
where the MSS. have iroAeas or
The MS. of Schol. A in II. 2. 4 gives iroXeis as read by Zen., but the context
shows that the true reading of the scholium is TroXvs. But there is no trace
of this form in any of the other places.
The Personal Pronouns have rj^as (once ij^as), vp.ea$, o-(/)eas
(once <r(pds end., II. 5. 567), as well as ajufie, v^pe, o-$e. The
forms in -as are later, the result of adding the common ending of
the Ace. Plur. : see on the Ace. Sing.
101.] Genitive Plural. Stems in -d(rj) and -a form the Gen.
Plur. in -awy, less commonly -ew. The -ecor is generally scanned
-eoiv, and after a vowel is written -&v, as KXi<n-&v,
Tpv<pa\i-(av, 2,Kai-&v (cp. the Gen. Sing, in -do, -eu>).
The Pronominal Stems Tjp.e-, up,e-, o-<|>e- form ^jueuoy and
fytt&v and v[j.tov, o-(petu>v o-$ecoz> (encl.) and ox^wz;.
These forms are plausibly explained by supposing that origi-
nally the Gen. was in -eio, as in the Singular. Then *d/zfxeio,
*vfj.p.(lo, were assimilated to the Gen. Plur. in -w, and o-Qeiwv
followed the same analogy later (Brugmann, K. Z. xxvii. 397).
102.] Dative Plural. The two Endings of the Dat. Plur. are
-o-i(k) and -eo-o-i(i'). Many Nouns in Homer form the Case in both
ways, e. g. fiov-cri and /3o-e<rcri (for j3ov-fcr(ri), yjep-<ri and xei'p-ecrcri,
Trocrcri or TTOCTL (for 7ro8-(rt) and 7ro8-e<r(ri, avbpd-(Ti and avbp-(T(n,
lJiVT](TTrip-<Ti and /xyrjo-rTjp-eo-o-t. The accent is often different, the
forms in -eo-<n being always proparoxytone. The ending -o-i^)
originally belongs to the Locative Plur. (Sanscr. -su].
A final dental or -<r with -on forms -crai, and this aa may be
reduced to o-, as in TTOO-O-I and TTOO-I, e7reo--(ri and eirco-t, 8e7ra<r-o-6
and SeTracrt. But -eai for the ending -eom is very rare : yjeip-t<ri>
ty-ecrt, cuy-fcn, o6-6(ri, avaKT-ecri. occur once each.
An ending -o-o-i (instead of -<rt) occurs in a few stems in -o
(Gen. -uo?) : yeW-<r<n (II. II. 416), VCKV-O-VI (Od.), 7nYu-0-<n (Od.).
This is an extension of the type e7reo--<n, &c. : cp. tpi<r<ri (II. 13.
2") for tpt8-o-t. Or possibly, as Brugmann suggests (G. G. p. 62),
these are forms in -uo-i, -10-1, the vowel retaining its original
quantity (cp. 116, 3 and 4).
Final i or u of the Stem becomes c in eiraA^e-o-t, iroXe-<ri (TTO\V-S),
from the analogy of the other Cases, as firdX^t-os, Tio\e-os.
Similarly on the analogy of forms with -com (as in eireo-at) we
have the rare forms 7roA.-eWi (TTO\-VS), 'jreAe'/c-ecro-i (7re'AeK-us).
The Ending -eo-cn(i') is itself the result of a similar analogy.
In eTreo-o-i, /SeAeatri, &c. the -eo-ai was felt as characteristic of the
86 DECLENSION. [103.
Case, and then combined with other Stems; hence K
(rv-eam, &c. Thus forms like cTre-eo-at (for e7re<r-eo-(n) really
contain the Suffix e<r twice over. (Bopp, Vergl. Gr. 292 of the
first edition ; Meyer, G. G. p. 355.)
Stems in -o and -a (TJ) form the Dat. Plur. in -oun(i') and -t]<ri(i')
respectively, also in -015 and -cus or -rjs. The latter forms are
common in the existing text of Homer, but (as was pointed out
by Gerland, K. Z. ix. 36, and again by Nauck, Mel. gr.-rom. iii.
244) in the great majority of instances the loss of i may be
regarded as due to elision : e.g. for crois erapoio-i we may write
(Tola' erapoio-i. The Fern, -eus appears only in the forms 0eaty
(Od. 5. 119), a/crcus (II. 12. 284), and Trdaais (Od. 22. 471).
Hence it is a question whether the forms in -015, -<us are
Homeric.
The Endings -oi<ri, -TJCTI are those of the Locative (Sanscr.
-eshu, -dsu). Originally -TJO-I was without i (as in the adverbial
J A6rivr](TL, dvpdffi). The Endings -015, -<us are probably not to be
derived from -oto-i, -TJO-I, but from the original Instrumental of
Stems in -o. This was in Sanscr. -di#, in Greek *-OHS, becoming
-ois : and from this again by an easy analogy the corresponding
Fern, -cus was formed.
The Pronouns of the First and Second Person use two forms,
viz. (i) -lv in r)iuv (encl. ^f/uv) and vfuv (encl. vfj.iv), and (2) -l(v)
in afj.p.i,(v), vfj,fjn.(v), also rjfuv, vfj.lv. This is evidently the same
Suffix as in fpiv, reiv, kiv, and the form -lv is presumably the
older (for which -lv was perhaps adopted from the analogy of
the Dat. in -<rlv).
The 3 Plur. a(f>l(v) is originally in all probability the Instrum.
Plur. of the Stem o-fe- (for (rF-<f>Lv) : cp. Lat. sibi, for s-bi. If
so, the other Case-forms <r</>e', a^eicoz;, atyi-ai as well as the
corresponding Duals <T$OJ, &c. are the result of analogy.
1O3.] Dual. The Nom. Ace. in -5, from Stems in 5, tj is
only found as a Masc. : 'ArpeiSd, Kopvnrd (II. 1 8. 163), o>/cu7rtVd
(II. 8. 42) : but Fern. Trpo^az'eVre, TrA^yeWe (of two goddesses, II.
8- 378, 455); .
The Genitive and Dative Ending in all Nouns is -ouv, as
-nob-ouv, ?7T7r-ouV. The contracted form -OIK and the Fern, -cuy
do not occur. The Personal Pronouns have :
i. Nom. Ace. v&'i, v& (y&'iv II. 1 6. 99, afy&'iv Od. 23. 52?);
Gen. Dat. r&ir.
2. Nom. Ace. o-^xSV, o(f)to; Gen. Dat. a^wt'y (o-ffxpv Od. 4. 62).
3. Ace. a(f)(t) (encl.) ; Dat. <r<j><i>tv (encl.).
104.] Instrumental. The Homeric poems have preserved
many instances of an Ending -<i(i>); e.g. opeo--</>iy,
105.] CONTRACTION, &C. 87
vav-^iv, (jvyo-cfri, /3ir]-<pi, Korv\r]bov-6-(f)iv (Od.) : probably also the
Pronoun o--(pi(z>), Lat. si-bi. These are relics of an original
Instrumem fa^Case, c W<<^
105.] Contraction, &c. The loss of i, u and o- between vowels
( 94) does not generally lead to contraction in the Homeric
dialect : note that
1. The Dat. Sing, of Stems in -eo- and -u (Gen. -eos) often
forms ei (for -e-'i), but nearly always before a vowel, so that the
ci is scanned as a short syllable ( 380); e.g. rei'xet VTTO Tpwcoy, rj
eirei T) epyw, &c. No such rule will be found to hold for the Dat.
Sing, of Stems in -i, as iro'Aei, dyvpei &c. either because -ei from
-ci-i became monosyllabic earlier than -ei from -ecr-i or -ef-i ; or
because, as has been suggested ( 99), the true form of the Dat.
is TTO'AI, ayvpl, &c.
Exceptions, real or apparent, to this rule are
II. 6. 1 26 o-cS Odpa-fi (read Odpa-e'i o-<3, cp. II. 7. 153 Odpnf'i o>).
17. 647 fv 8e <aei KCU oAe<ro-oy (read kv <ciei).
23. 515 ov TL Ta\i ye (read ov rd^e'i ye).
33. 639 TrA^ei (read TtXr]Qvl}.
Also a&ei, Dat. of ovbas (II. 5. 734., 8. 385., 14. 467., 17. 92.,
23. 719., 24. 527), for which read ovbai or ovba ( 99).
2. The combinations -ea, -eo, -ea> are often scanned as one
syllable by ' Synizesis/ as 0eoi' (II. I. 18), o-aKea (II. 4. 113), revxa
(II. 7. 307, &c.) ; so with the Pronouns ^e'as, v^tas, a<^e'as.
In II. I. 1 8 vpw fi.lv Of ol SoTev 'O\vfjnria SW/JMT' ex VTfs *^e word 0ot is not
certain, since 'O\vfj.ma S&IJMT' exovrts the lords of Olympus is used as a Substan-
tive, and Ofoi is therefore unnecessary (Fick, Ilias p. 75).
3. The Gen. Sing, has -eus for -e-os in a few words; 'Epe'/3evs,X37
Bdpaevs, 6tpevs, Od^fvs chiefly awaf ei'p^eVa. It is probably
better to write -cos and admit Synizesis.
On -eu in e/xeu, creC, ev, rev see 37^^-
4. Nouns with Stems in -eco- (as K\eos, 8eos) and some Nouns
in -ds are liable to ' Hyphaeresis/ or dropping a vowel before
another vowel: as /cAe'a (for KAe'e-a), and so 8u(7K\ea, d/cAea,
a/cAe'-es ; v^s, r?]Aet, y7jAea (Neut. Sing. vrjAees) ; ^eow5?js, 0eou5e'a
(for 6co-bFris god-fearing], virepSea (II. 17. 330); ye>a, Se'ira, Kepo,
K/>ea, a</)e'Aa (for ye'pa-a, &c.), X pea rf^fe (Hes. Op. 647)- Cp.
bat (for 5at-t), Dat. of bdi-s ; also aTroaipeo for aTrooipe-eo ( 5).
The forms K\*a (d/f\a, Sv(r*x4a), St'-ira, Kt'pa, o-^e'Xa are only found before
hiatus ; e. g. K\a only occurs in the phrase it\la dvSpwv : so that we must
either suppose -a to be shortened by the hiatus, or (better) read *AY dvSpwv,
&c. But vP occurs before a consonant (II. 2. 237 7po wtffffifUf, and ao
88 DECLENSION. [106.
9- 334> Od. 4. 66). Kpfo. occurs in the phrase Kpta fSfttvcu, and in one or two
other places before a vowel ; but more frequently it is followed by a consonant,
and is to be scanned Kpta or Kpta (necessarily so in Od. 9^347, where it ends Gwlt/ifm
the line). Possibly the a is shortened by the analogy of the ordinary Neut.xs' f^ l t
Plur. forms in -& (Meyer, G. G. p. 348). Or, as is now maintained by Joh. -
Schmidt (Pluralb. p. 321 ff.), Kpta, yipa, &c. are stems in -&, originally distinct^/
from the corresponding stems in -So-, and are therefore properly Singular, but
capable of being used in a collective sense. On this view tepia meant flesh,
Kpiaa pieces of flesh: cp. pfjpa and pnjpot ( 99*). Schmidt does not admit
hyphaeresis in most of these words, holding that it only occurred when three
vowels came together in the oldest Greek: so that (e.g.) we may have St'a
for Sfffa (Sffifff-a), but not K\ea for K\f^ta.
5. There are also several contracted forms from Stems in -eeo-
which offer some difficulty : d/cA^eis (II. 12. 316), dxAeiws (Od. I.
341., 14. 371), ctkAeuSs (II. 22. no), fiJK\flas (II. io. 281, Od.
21. 331 ; al. eu/cATjas), aya.K\fjos (dya/cAetos Hesych.), Ha.TpOKh.rjos,
TIa.TpOK\rja, 'Hpa/cATjos, 'Hpa/cA^a, 'Hpa/cA^i', BafluKAT/a, Aio/cATjos,
Ato/cA?/a ; axprjeTs, ^p.\pfiS>v (also ^a^pr]S)v Hesych.) ; tijppelos ;
bfiovs (II. IO. 37^., 15- 4) '> o'^etou?, <mrji, o"nea-<ri and crrnjecrcri.
But the T] or ei always occurs where it can be resolved into
ee, as Harpo/cAec'-os, euppee-os, aKAee-cos, &c. ; moreover the long
final syllable so lost (e. g. in writing d/cAee'-e?, 8ee-os, a-nte-os) is
never necessary to the metre. Hence we can hardly doubt that
these are the true Homeric forms. So Kpei<2i> (Gen. Plur. of
Kpe'as) should be Kped-coy (as in H. Merc. 130), or perhaps /cpeeW
(see 107, 3); and ^axp^eis, ^axpeiwy should be ^axpae'e?, C a XP a "
e'cov. For a"TTf(rai we can read <nreeai i,
The Voc. of riarpoKAeTjs should be written in the uncontracted
form ITarpoKAees in the phrase ITaTpo'/cAees ITITHV (which ends the
line in II. 16. 20, 744, 812, 843), and also whenever it comes
before the Bucolic Diaeresis ( 368). When it stands at the be-
ginning of the line (II. 16. 693, 859) we should perhaps read
ndrpo/cAos : see 164.
6. The Case-forms of Nouns in -s and -w (Gen. -oos) ought
generally to be written without contraction ; thus r/ w?, Dat. ?}<n,
Ace. rjo'a (see 368); ai8w?, Dat. alboi, Ace. alboa: Ibpvs, Ace.
i5po'a (II. io. 574)- -B u ^ the Genitive in -ovs (yous, ATJTOU?, &c.)
is required by the metre in several places. Naturally the
contraction of oo was earlier than that of two unlike sounds, as
01, oa. See L. Meyer, Decl. 23.
106.] Variation of the Stem. The phonetic influence of
the Ending on the form of the Stem, which plays so large a part
in the inflexion of Non-Thematic Tenses, was originally no less
important in the Nouns. In Sanscrit a Nominal Stem of the
consonantal Declension appears in general in at least two forms,
106] STEM VARIATION. 89
a ' strong' and a 'weak' form; the strong form being used in
the Norn, and Ace. Sing, and Dual and the Nom. Plur., the
weak form in other Cases. The weak form, again, may have
two degrees, which are then called the ' weak ' or ' middle ' and
the ' weakest ' form. A few traces of these variations remain
in the Greek Declension :
1. In the words of relationship, TTCITTJ/), ^rrjp, &c. and in avrip.
Thus we find Nom. TraTYjp, Ace. Trarep-a, but Gen. irarp-os (irare'p-os
only Od. II. 500), Dat. -jrarp-t (sixty times in Homer, Trare'p-i
thrice) ; p)Tt]p, Ace. /x?jTepa (only), Gen. and Dat. p,rjTp-6s, jUTjrp-i,
less commonly pifrcp-of, /urjrep-i. dnfjp uses avep- and avfip- (for
avp-) almost promiscuously ; the latter is also seen in the Dat.
PI. avlpa-a-i (for avbp-(ri). The Gen. Plur. SaepuK (II. 24. 769) is
scanned as a spondee : it should probably be written aiFp-G>v,
the stem ScuFp- standing to Sai/p (for 8af?jp) as avbp- to avr\p
(Ebel, K. Z. i. 293).
2. Zfvs, for fyr)v$ (Sanser. dyduth forms the Gen. and Dat. from
the Stem 8iF. The original Ace. is Zrjv, Sanser. dydm (with loss
of u] : Aia follows the analogy of AID'S, Au. Similarly (3ov$, for
*/3o)Ss (Sanser. gdus], Gen. /3oF-6s, Ace. in Horn. /3&v (Sanser. gam).
KVUIV, Voc. KVOV, forms the other Cases from the Stem KUV-.
Cp. Sanser. gvan, Ace. gvdn-am, Gen. gun-as, &c. The Ace.
Kvv-a (like Aia) follows the analogy of the Gen. and Dat.
Similarly, *Fpr\v a lamb (surviving in TroXv-pprjv-fs) forms Gen.
apv-6s (for Frv-6s), &c.
3. Adjectives in -eis, Gen. -en-os (Stem -fen--), form the Dat.
Plur. in -eo-o-i, -0-1. To explain this we must first suppose the
weak Stem in Far- (with a for ec, cp. 31, 5 an( ^ 37 )> which
would give a Dat. Plur. in -aacri, -an ; this form then was assim-
ilated to the other Cases by change of a to e. A form in -a<n
has survived in (ppavi* for $pecu (<|>pa: $pev = Far : fen-). In the
same way 8cu/zo<n, 7rot)u,e<Ti, &c. are not for Scu'/xov-o-t, votfjdv-<ri, but
for *8cu^a-<n, *7roi/ia-o-i. The Adverb dy/cas has been explained
as dyKao-(t), the true Dat. Plur. of dyKow.
4. The primitive variation sometimes gives rise to parallel
forms of a word : e.g. TJTW^ and TTTO. a hare (TTTTJO-O-O)), which
originate in the declension TTTW, Ace. TrrwK-a, Gen. TiraK-os. So
from TTOVS and Lat. pes, peel-is we may infer original irovs (or
rather TTUS), Ace. 77080 or 7r<38a, Gen. 7re8-o's : and so in other
cases f.
* Found in Pindar, also in an Old Attic inscription given by Job. Schmidt,
K. Z. xxv. p. 38.
f Much, however, remains uncertain in the attempts that have been made
to reconstruct the primitive declension of these and similar words. The
Sanscrit forms would furnish a fairly complete key, but for two defects : (i)
90 DECLENSION. [107.
107.] Heteroclite Nouns. This term is applicable to Nouns
that employ distinct Stems. The chief variations are
1. Between the vowel Declension (Stems in -o and -d, -?j) and
the corresponding- consonantal forms :
8i7m>x-s ', Acc. 8t7rru)(-a.
epoypo-s ; Plur. epfyp-es, epir/p-as.
(di'8pd-n-o8o-i> post-Horn.) ; Dat. Plur. dySpaTrdS-ecro-i.
dA/o; ; Dat. dA/c-i.
v(Tfj.ivri ; Dat. vcr^lv-i.
Acc. l&K-a.
s, Gen. 'Ai8a-o ; also "A'ib-os, Dat. "A'ib-i.
(or (pvXaKovs, as Aristarchus accented the
word) ; also QvXaK-as, Dat. Plur. $uAaK-eo-o-t.
, Dat. Plur. ocr(7CH(7i (Hes. Sc. 426).
7roAAo'-s and TIO\V-S are both declined throughout : so bducpvo-v
and bditpv,
2. With forms in -T or -dr :
yovv, Gen. yowo's (for yovF-os), Plur. yow-a, yovr-coy,
yowz>-e<7(7i ; also yowar-os, &C.
8o'pu, Gen. bovpos (for bopF-os), &c. ; bovpar-os, &c.
oveipo-s ; Plur. 6Vet'par-a.
Trpd<ru>TTo-v ; Plur. Trpoo-ajTrar-a, Dat. TrpocrcoTrao-i. Hence
the form 2>7ra (ets wTra IbtcrOai,, Kar' f.v-u>-na iu>v} may
be a Neut. Sing. : cp. ^Eolic 6n-no.ro. eyes *.
oSs ; Gen. oi!ar-os, Dat. Plur. ovacn and oxri.
(cp. ^/xep-a); r//xar-o?, &c. (cp. Tj/xdr-tos). So impap
(ireipar-a), rjTiap, ovOap, ei8ap, ovtiap, qbpeTap,
are'ap.
i58ar-os. See 114*, 8, d.
, Acc. yjzpi-v (cp. \api-fis) ', Plur. xap""-f ?> & c -
s, ju,eAi-rj8e'a) ; p,eAtr-os, &c.
XP ~ l/ > X/ 30 '""' a ^ so X/" 07 " ' 5 (^- IO - 575)
-a (Od. 18. 172, 179).
We should add the whole class of Nouns in -/la, Gen. -JAOT-OS :
since the -p.a of the Nom. Acc. is not for -/xdr, but answers to
the Latin -men, Gen. -min-is.
3. Between -cur- and -ca- :
re'pa?, repaa, repd-coy, repd-ecrari ; but re^pea (in the sense
of ' stars/ II. 18.485).
the Sanscr. a may represent either c or o, so' that (e. g.) padds may be woSoy or
ireSos, and similarly a may be t\ or o> : and (2) Sanscr. a often answers to
Greek o, so that (e. g.) padam may point to either noSa or iruiSa. See Joh.
Schmidt, K. Z. xxv. 23 ff., Brugmann, Grundr. i. 311, p. 251.
* The old explanation of oimu from 6ir-/ta, by 'progressive assimilation,'
seems to be groundless.
107'] HETEROCLITE NOUNS. 9!
oSSas, ovfe-os, &c. : so K&O.S, icwe-a, Kre'pa?, /crepe-a (and
New Ionic yepea, &c. ; Attic /3pe'rous, Kve<povs).
This variation doubtless arose from the Ionic change of So, aw into o, &>.
Thus the first appeared in the Gen., giving (e. g.) repas, repeat, repot, Plur.
rtpaa, rfpecav, repaai or repd-taai. Then e was extended to other Cases, and on
the other hand a was sometimes restored, as in repacav, upfacuv. See 106, 4,
and Joh. Schmidt, Pluralb. p. 325.
4. Comparatives in -<av (Gen. -ov-os) sometimes form Cases as
if by contraction with a Stem in -oo-; d/xeiVco (for a^Lvotr-a,
ap.ewo-a), TrAeious (for 7rAetoo--es), apeiovs (114* 7; I2l).
5. Other variations are
f)vioxo-s ; Ace. 77^10x77-01, Nom. Plur. ^wox^-e?.
Ai0io7r-6s, &C., but Ace. AlOio-nrj-as.
'AvTi<f)a.Tr]-s, Ace. 'Ayri0ar?J-a.
v A/)?jy, Voc. 'Apes ; Gen. "Aprj-os and y Ape-os, &c. ; Ace.
"Apr/a and once y Aprj-y (II. 5. 909).
Ca?js, Ace. farj-v (Od. 13. 313) : see 97.
Aaa-y, Ace. Xaa-v ; Gen. Aa-os, Dat. Aa-'i, Dual Aae, Plur.
Aa-es, Aa-coy, Aa-eo-cri. The latter forms are doubtless
by hyphaeresis ( 105, 4) for Aaa-os, &c.
ypfjvs, Dat. ypr]i, as if from a monosyllabic yprju?.
/xeya (for ^fyn, cp. magn-us), Masc. ptya-s, peya-v ; the
other Cases from the derivative stem /xeya-Ao-.
Three apparently distinct Stems are used in vios son, viz. ,
(1) vio-s, Voc. vie; the forms utou, vtw, uioicrt are very
rare in Homer.
(2) (viv-), Ace. vU-a, Gen. vie-o?, Dat. ute-t, Plur. ute-e?,
ule-as : and from these by hyphaeresis
(3) Ace. vl-a, Gen. vl-os, Dat. vl-i, Dual uT-e^ Plur. ut-es,
vt-as, uia-o-6 ; cp. yprjvs, Aaa?.
The form uiao-6 (instead of viv-cn) follows the type Trarpda-L, &c.
The Neut. Kaprj head forms
(i) Gen. Kap^ar-os, Kaprjr-os, Dat. /capTjar-t, Kaprjr-i.
(3) Gen. Kpaar-os, Dat. Kpaar-i, Plur. Kp(iar-a(da).
(3) Ace. Sing, /cpar-a (Od. 8. 92), Gen. Kpdr-os, Dat.
Kpdr-i, Plur. Gen. Kpdr-wv, Dat. Kpao-t. The Dat. Sing.
form KpaT(T(pi. (II. 10. 156) is quite anomalous*.
* We might add the stem fcpt]-, in /card Kpfj9ev down from the head, cp. Kprj-
Sffj.rov, Kprj-vrf. The relations of these forms have hardly yet been satisfactorily
cleared up : see especially Joh. Schmidt, Pluralb. p. 363 ff. It is highly
probable that Kfpas is originally the same word, so that the original declen-
sion, answering to Sanscr. firos, prshnds, &c., was /ct'pas, Gen. icpa(a}v6s and
p<f(<r)-arat (like f6vv, Gen. yovf-6s and f6ff-aT09, &c.). The form a/Mj must
92 DECLENSION. [108.
The declension of fpws, ^i\<as and l5pJ>s in Homer is open to some doubt ;
it is clear however that the Stems in -T are post- Homeric.
Nom. fpos occurs in II. 14. 315, Ace. fpov in the phrase If tpov tvro put away
dtsire, Dat. fp<p in Od. 18. 212 ; Nom. epow is read in II. 3. 442., 14. 294, but
the metre allows fpos in both places, iparr-a occurs first in H. Merc. 449.
Nom. -ycXws occurs in II. i. 599, Od. 8. 326, 343, 344 : in the two last
passages (in the Song of Demodocus) the metre is rather against yi\os. The
Dat. y&< occurs in Od. 18. 100 (most MSS. yiXu) ; the Ace. Y^OV or ycXu in
Od. 1 8. 350., 20. 346 (MSS. ff\ojv, fi\ov, and 7A.o>). Thus the word may be
either yi\o-s (Gen. -ov) or ycXcos, Ace. yi\u> (for yik.ti)~a or Y^' a ) ' C P- 0*80;
for alSoa. The Stem ft\oa- appears in -yeXoios, cp. aJSoibs, rjoios.
From tSpus we have Ace. ISpSi ; but this must be read ISpoa in one place
(II. 10. 574 iSpcD jroAA.oi' at the end of the line), and always may be so read.
The Dat. is ISpf (II. 17. 385, 745), possibly to be written ISpoi. Hence iSpan is
probably like x/** 5 -
Two other Case-forms of this type are lx (II. 5. 416), Ace. of l\wp, and
KVKeiw (II.) or KVKCW (Od.), Ace. of xvicdw. Cp. also alu (Aesch. fr. 413), Ace.
of alwv.
The history of all these instances is very similar. The original Stem ended
with a spirant (commonly a), the loss of which in the oblique Cases caused
hiatus (-oos, -ot, -oo, &c.) : then these forms were replaced by adopting Stems
in -T and -v. Cp. 114*, 6-8.
108.] Heteroclite Pronouns. The following points remain
to be noticed :
1. The stems efie (^e) and , e do not form a Nom. Sing.
It is evident that the original Nom. coalesced at a very early period with
the Stem of the Verb, becoming the ending -\u. ; just as the French je has
ceased to be used except in a fixed place before the Verb, so that it is hardly
a separate word.
In the Plural also the Nom. was not originally formed from the same Stems
as the oblique Cases. Both a/</xe-s, vftpe-s and f/fit-es, vpt-ts are comparatively
late, and due to the analogy of the Nominal declension (Meyer, G. G. p. 388).
2. The Interrogative and Indefinite TI'S is declined from three
Stems, viz.
(1) TI-, giving Neut. TI (for n'8), also the Plur. Neut. traceable
in aa-aa (for a ria). The Indef. cwraa occurs in Od. 19. 218 oirnoT
aa-a-a, where it would be better to write o-jnrold Vo-a (for ria).
(2) re-, giving Gen. re'o, reG (cp. 6/xeo, &c.), Dat. re'co, TW (II. 16.
227, H. Apoll. 170).
Gen. Tf(v ()), Dat. in 6-re'oi<n (eoi), II. 15. 491.
(3) -FW-, giving Ace. riv-a, Dat. (very rarely) riv-i, Plur. Nom.
rives (only in the Od.).
. have been originally a derivative, introduced to mean head when Ktpas had
come to be limited to the sense of horn. From it again Ka/nj-aros, &c. were ob-
tained by analogy.
109.] ADVERBS. 93
In the Compound OO--TIS the first part is sometimes declined as
o?, rj, o, sometimes undeclined, giving- o-w, o-reu, &c. The Neut.
Plur. is once o-riv-a (II. 22. 450), usually cWa. ''M^J > >/
In the forms with rr, -mr (as OTTI, OTTTTCO?) we have to recognise %r*j>
the original Neuter 08 (Sanscr. yad). Thus 08 TI becomes or TI
(not OOTI, since TI is a distinct word, not a Suffix). In orreo,
which occurs in the Odyssey (i. 124., 17. 121., 22. 377), 68- is
indeclinable (cp. o-m), and so in OTTTTCOS, OTTTTOO-OS, oirirolos, &c.
For the assimilation we may compare Ka8 8e, /cirrr Tiebiov, &c. (for
KO.T be, KO.T 7re8ioi>).
3. The Article is declined from two Stems :
6-, Fern, a-, which gives 6, 17, ol, al : perhaps also cos thus, if it
is distinct from the Relatival <as as.
TO-, Fern. TO.-, which gives the other Cases, and second forms
of the Nom. Plur. TOI, rai : also the Adverb TWS thus.
The Compound o-be uses the Stem o- for the forms o-8e, ^-8e,
ot-8e, cti-be, and the Adverb 5-8e. The second part is sometimes
declined in the Dat. Plur., rour-8e0-<nz; or rolcr-bea-iv (II. 10. 462
and Od.). The -8e is enclitic : hence the accent, Tjf-8e, not ^8e.
Strictly, therefore, it should be written o 8e, ^ 8e, &c.
The forms f^avrov, veavTov, &c. are post-Homeric. The earliest
instance of a Compound of this kind is the word eaurry, in Hes.
Th. 216.
Adverbial Suffixes.
109.] The Suffixes employed in Homer to form Adverbs are
as follows :
-0i expresses the place where: the chief instances are from
Pronouns and Prepositions, TO'-#I, o-Qi, 116-61, av-6i, avro-di, Kfl-di
(e/cet-0i only Od. 17. 10), ere'/)a>-0i, cKaoro-01, aAA.o-0i, eKTO-di,
Hvbo-dt, a-no-TTpo-Oi., v^ro-Qi, tyyv-Qi ; from Nouns, vuo-di, 6->]pr]-di
(Od. 14. 352), oiKO-06, rjti-Oi,, ovpavo-Oi, Krjpo-Oi ; 'IAio'-0i, Kopiv66-
di, 'A/3u8o'-^i. Note that eject is not found in Homer.
-0a place ; v-0a, evrav-Qa., vTrcu-Oa (cp. also brjda, niwvQa).
-Qe(v) place, from Prepositions ; 7rpo'0--0e(v), 3vw-$f(v) and OTU-
place whence, used with nearly the same Stems as -61;
o-0ev, no-dfv, fv-0fv, Kfl-6fv, a\Xo-dev, v^o-dcv, Ttavro-Ofv, aptyo-
Tep<-6ev, ere'poo-tfey. From Nouns, -f]S>-6^v, Aio'-^fv (H-)' ovpavo-
6tv, iTnro-dev, &c.
This Suffix is often used with the Prepositions e and CLTTO, as
(K Ai6-0v, air ovpavo-dev, &c. With the Stems e/xe, o-e, I, it
forms a Genitive; as II. I. 280 o-0ev 8' eyo> OVK dAeyt'C 40 -
form 0fv is only found in the Iliad.
-0oi, only in tvTav-Ooi there (Od.).
94 DECLENSION. [lIO.
-TOS place ; eVro's, eK-ro's. Originally, perhaps, it expressed
the place whence, as Lat. caeli-tus, (Uvini-tus. '
-TiS; in av-rts iac-, a0w' (Attic av-0ts).
-CT place whither ; itd-cre, oTnro-cre, Ket-<re, Irepco-o-e, d/A<poTtpa>-
(Tf } ojuo'-cre. From Nouns, TrdVro-cre, KUKAo'-cre.
-4>i(^), -<|>is, in vocr-<t>i(v) apart, AtKpt-<i's sideways (II. 14. 463).
This may be the Instrumental Ending -$i(i').
-<{>a, in /j,e<r-(f)a until, lit. meanwhile (II. 8. 58).
-Xi, in T/-XI w^re (lit. which way, Lat. yM).
-X a > with Numerals ; 8t-\a tfwo ways, rpi-\a, TTVTa-\a, tTiTa-\a.
-X^a, in the same sense, Tpi-yQa, rerpa-x#d.
-KIS, -KI ; with Numerals, in 8eKa-/a?, rerpd-Kis, eivd-ias, eiKO<rd-
KIS; and with similar meaning TroAAa/as and iroAAdict, 6o-<ra/ci,
The original Suffix is -KIS or -KI (not -fiKis), but in consequence of its having
been used at first with Stems ending in -o (reTpa-, Inra-, Seica-, elva-}, the com-
bination -a-Kis came to be felt as the Suffix, and was extended to other words
by analogy. A similar explanation applies to the o of vevra-xa.
-KCIS expresses manner ; dt'8pa-Kas = Lat. viritim.
-8e place whither, suffixed to the Accusative; o?KoV-8e, -TroAe-
fjiovbe, aAa8e. This Suffix is peculiar in being an enclitic; in
strictness we should write OIKOV 8e, TroAe/xov 8e, &c.
-8i expresses direction or manner ; xa/id-Sis, apv-bis, dAAu-8is,
e7ra/ioi)3a-6is (Od. 5. 481).
110.] Case-forms as Adverbs. The Suffixes which follow
have been explained, with more or less probability, as Case-
Endings.
-a manner ; ap-a Q\t. fittingly], a/x-a, p.dX-a, dap-a, ra^-a, <ra$-a,
/cdpr-a, pei-a or pe-a, aJK-a, ?jK-a, at\|^-a, Aty-a, criy-a, pi^up-a, TTVK-a,
Ai7r-a ; in Attic Kpv(p-a, i7pe'/x-a.
The Adverbs in -a belong to an early stage of Greek, most of them being
confined to Homer. They have generally been taken to be primitive
Instrumental forms (so Brugmann, M. U. ii. 158, G. G. 83). It is a question,
however, whether the original Instr. ending was -& or -e : see Joh. Schmidt,
K. Z. xxvii. 292. Those which answer to adjectives in -v-s, viz. rdxa, SIKU,
Arya, Kapra, Oafta, are explained by Joh. Schmidt as older Neut. Plur. forms
(raxf-a, &c.}, cp. anro Neut. Plur. of alvv-s, and itpia&a. (for vptafif-a ?) Fern.
of Trpe'ovSti-y. This will not apply to apa, /xoXa (since dp- fa, /M\-fa would give
apa, jtaXa). Some may be stems in -M, like p(ya : cp. Xrya and \ifoivoa (-niai),
\iira and \nraivoi, TTVKO. and TTVKV-OS, also the stems icpta-, ytpa- ( 105, 4).
-T) or -TJ way, direction ; 17, TT/, TTTJ, 0777; (or 7777, OTTTJ), TTCLVT-T],
kadp-i]. These forms represent the Instrumental of the way by
which (Lat. qua, &c.).
It is a question whether they should be written with iota subscr. or not.
The ancient grammarians prescribed iota (Apoll. de Adi: 625, i), and this is
HO.] ADVERBS. 95
confirmed by the forms a, oirq., d\\a, itavra. on Doric inscriptions (Ahrens,
ii. 369). In Homer however the final vowel of irdvrij (or -77) is frequently
shortened before another vowel, which is rarely done in the ease of final -jj
( 380). It is not unlikely therefore that the original Instrum. Fern, -q took
iota subscr. from the analogy of the Dat. Fern, in -$. There were also Doric
adverbs of place in -t\ or ^ (7717 rro/ca, tKartpy, see Ahrens, ii. 362, Brugmann,
M. V. ii. 244), in which t\ is of course pan-Hellenic ; but Ionic Try, &c. are
connected by the meaning with the Doric forms in -9. Cp. also \d9pr) (-#)
with Attic \a0pa (or -a). The form -navr-rj is an extension of the ending -TJ
to the consonantal declension (as with the adverbs in -cos).
-ei, -i time, manner ; avTo-vv\-el (or -l] that very night, II. 8.
197; Tpi-crToi\-t in three rows, dvai/xcor-i (l] bloodlessly, d/xoyTjr-i,
d/ua^Ti, avovTrjTi, dznSpam, avotiarri, eyp?]yopri : with i, CKTJTI
with the will, deKTjr-i without the will, /leAe'ioT-i limb by limb,
/u,eyaAa)OTi in mighty fashion.
Short -t is certain in (KIJTI, dftcijri, fuKtlari, fjieyaXoiffrl, and is not excluded
by the metre in d/^oyrjri and ana\T)-ri. Where the syllable is long the MSS.
are usually divided between -ei and -i. The evidence of inscriptions is
strongly in favour of -, (H. W. Smyth, The reduction o/ei to i in Homer, p. 10) :
but -t can hardly be due to mere itacism, and we have further to explain the
forms in -I. The generally accepted view is that -i is the original Locative
ending of the o- declension, which is preserved in the Doric adverbs tl, irti,
rovret, rrjvei, &c., also in oticfi (Menander fr. 456). On this view short i must
be the corresponding ending of the consonantal declension, and the analogy
of forms of that declension must have been extended so as to create a new
adverbial ending -rl (cp. eyeprl: in Soph.). The -i of avauparri, &c., if not a mere
error, may be due to contamination between -t and -t.
oUC has been taken to be a Loc. from the stem alfta- (of which the Doric
alfs is the Ace.). Mr. H. W. Smyth (I. c.) justly objects to this that the
Homeric form would be aif ei : and this form, we may add, would become
alei, not aiej. Hence he derives it from the stem alf o-, Lat. aevo-m.
A different account of the Adverbs in -i and -i is given by Mahlow
(Die langen Vocale, p. 121). Noticing that they are mainly compounds,
especially with 8, priv., he compares the numerous Latin adjectives such as
ex-animi-s, in-ermi-s, im-belli-s, and shows that change to an I-stem is found in
similar words in other European languages. This I- stem in the Ace. Neut.
gives the adverbs in -t, in the Loc. those in -i or -I. On this view the doubt
between -ei and -i is the same that we meet with in the Dat. of Nouns in
-t-s ( 98).
-ws manner ; a Suffix of which there are comparatively few
examples in Homer : the commonest are from Stems in -o, viz.
ra>9, u>s, TT&S, ovT-a>s (also ovr-o)), 6/x-<3s, $i'A.-a>s, alv&s, KapTraXtjuo)?,
d(nra<Tuos, pri'ibiuis, CKTrdyAcos, Kparep&s, /xeydXco? (rare) ; from other
Stems, d<pae-o)s, Trepi^paSe-cos 1 .
-w, chiefly from Prepositions; etcr-co, e^-oo, 7rpoVo--a>, d-TnW-o),
av-(a, Kdr-co, Trporep-co (further on], e/caore'p-a), eKao-rdr-a) (farther,
farthest], do-o-orep-co nearer.
Two others are Adverbs of manner, 5-8 e, ovr-co (for which
is only written when a vowel follows in the same sentence).
96 DECLENSION. [lIO.
The ending -cos has long been considered to be the Greek form of the
original Ablutival -ot (Lat. -orf) of o- stems In Greek, however, a final -d
would disappear (as in d'AAo, Lat. aliu-d, &c.) and consequently the theory
applies only to the forms without -s, viz. w5e and ov-ria. The difficulty was
met by Curtius (Curt. Stud. x. 219) with the suggestion that -T would pass into
-S before a dental or <r : e. g. OVTQJS aoi, OVTCUJ T'I()IJ/J.I for OVTOJT croi, OVTQJT riOrjiu.
When two forms ovrai and ovrcas had thus come into existence as ' sentence-
doublets ' (^like ou and OVK, sf and ), it would be natural to use OVTOJS when
it served to prevent hiatus, and the more regular OVTOJ in other cases. This
explanation was rejected by later scholars (as Brugmann and G. Meyer), and
is certainly not quite satisfactory. If Curtius is right we should expect SIT 54
to become SiaSe rather than cD5e. His view is however defended by Job..
Schmidt (Pluralb. p. 352).
The ending -co in av-ca, &c. may be either the Ablatival -ot, or (more
probably) an Instrumental ending -o (Mahlow, Die langen Vocale, p. 86). In
Latin, as Mahlow shows, it is probable that the Instrum. is represented by
the adverbs in -o, as moclo, cito, the Abl. by archaic -od, later -o. If -cos and -co
were alternative Ablative endings sentence-doublets it seems possible that
the adoption of -cos rather than -co in the Adverbs of manner was partly
determined by the circumstance that -co was already familiar in the In-
strumental use.
The extension of -cos, -co to the consonantal declension presents no
difficulty. It may be observed, perhaps, that the proper Ablat. of that
declension was unsuited for adverbial use, 'because it was the same in form
as the Genitive : e. g. raxt'os was already = of a swift, and accordingly a new
word raxtcas swiftly was coined on the model of <t>i\cas, &c.*
-ou place ; TTOV, 6fj.ov, dy\ov, rrjAoCj v\l/ov, avrov, all perispo-
mena. They are the same in meaning as the corresponding
Adverbs in -60i.
-Sor, -%i\v, -8a, forming Adverbs o manner, are evidently
Accusatives from Stems in -80-, -817- ( 114); e.g. <rxt-bov nearly,
lit. holding-wise^ d-noa-Ta-bov aloof, ffj.f3a-bov on foot, d^a-bov
openly, iXa-bov in crowds; so (Sorpv-bov, Ttvpyrj-bov, pvbov, oiu>&>x.a-
bov, &c. ; fid-br]v steppingly, Tfj.rj-br]v, Kpv(3-briv, K\rj-br]v, e7riypa/3-
brjv, &c. (all from Verbs), also a peculiar group in -d-8T)c, as
fiTL(TTpo(f)d-briv wheeling about, TrpoTpoird-brjv headlong, eT
dva(f)av-bd, avroa^e-bd. It is evident that these are much more
numerous than the Noun-Stems in -So, -Brj can ever have been.
In such cases we have to explain, not the derivation of the indi-
vidual forms, but the origin of the type.
Other Adverbs obtained from Accusatives are : aKrjv in silence,
* As adverbs of the Gen. Abl. form (ra\(o^, &c.) must have existed at one
time alongside of those in -COT from o- stems, the conjecture may be hazarded
that this adverbial -os was one of the influences which determined the choice
of -<os rather than -co for original -ot. If so, such a form as wAvr-us is a sort of
contamination of the Gen. Abl. vavT-6s and the forms in -<o(s).
III.] ACCENT. 97
avrrjv (avriov, evavriov, &c.) opposite, irdXiv backivards, brjpov long,
vyj&^v hand to hand, d^abi-qv openly, d-npidT^v without purchase;
perhaps also ayyj. near, ij\j/t aloft, t$t mightily. The form i</u is
generally taken as the Instrum. of l-^ force ( 104): but this
does not explain how it comes to be used as a Stem in the Adj.
l(pi-a (p-T/Aa), as well as in Compounds, 'l^L-dvaao-a, &c. (Bekker,
H. B. i. i6o).<f^7JX^-/-/ip
Many Adverbs are formed with a final -s, which is liable to be
lost before a word beginning with a consonant, as oimo(s) and
the Adverbs in -KI(S) already mentioned; other Homeric in-
stances are, axpi(s) and ju,e'xpi(s) until, ldv(s) straight towards,
Hea-(rr]yv(s) between, drpe'nxa(s) quietly : also the Prep. d/x^i, Adv.
dfj.(f)Ls, and Homeric dvTiKpv, later avTiKpvs. Similar Adverbs in
which -s is not lost are, aAi-s, poyi-s, xcapi-s ; dyxas, tua-s, ireAa-?,
fvrvTrds (II. 24. 163); eyyv-s; X^ e '~ s > an( ^ those in -Si-s, as
oAAuSts, dp.oL/3rjb(s. Note also the group formed by -s subjoined
to a monosyllabic Verbal Stem ; Trvg with the fist, tiri-pi.^ in con-
fusion, a-TTa once, jxai/f idly, d-8a with the teeth (Sa/c-vaj). The
nature of this -s is obscure. Brugmann (K. Z. xxiv. 74) connects
it with the -s of the Prepositions e, aty, a^i-s, holding that
it is Ablatival. Joh. Schmidt (Pluralb. 357) supposes a group of
Neuter stems, like the nouns in -a?, -es, &c.
Accentuation of Case-forms.
111.] For the purpose of accentuation Nouns may be divided
into those in which the accent remains on the Stem (and as far
as possible on the same syllable of the Stem), and those in which
it passes in the Gen. and Dat. to the Case-Ending.
Nouns of the Vowel-Declensions generally belong to the first
of these groups. The last syllable if accented has the acute in
the Nom. and Ace., the circumflex in the Gen. and Dat., and in
the Adverbs in -ou and -ws : e. g. xaXos, KaAow, KaAw &c., Adv.
KoAcos ; but Ace. Plur. KaAovs. On the Nouns in -a, see 96.
One or two Feminines with Nom. Sing, in -a accent the
Ending in those Cases in which the last syllable is long, as \iia.,
Gen. /ZITJS ; ta, Dat. lp ; rap<|>os thick, Fern, rap^eia, but Plur.
rapfaiai, Ace. rap^eta? ; ayuia street, Gen. ayvifjs, Plur. ayviai,
ayvids. So da^iai and da^ids answer to a Nom. Sing. 0aju,eia,
Masc. *6aiJLVs (cp. 0ajue'-es, 0a/-ie'a?) ; and Kava-reiprjs (II. 4. 342,
&c.) is Gen. of Kauorfipa.
atircDS in the very way (from avr6s], is made barytone by the authorities.
The word is only Homeric, and the original accentuation awrtos had evidently
been lost, perhaps by a confusion with ovrus.
The oxytone Adverbs in -i and -i, as avToi/t>x<> acvovSi, pctawrl, may date
from a time when the Loc. of the o- declension was regularly oxytone the
accent determining the appearance of e for o.
H
98 DECLENSION. [lI2.
The second group consists of
(1) Nouns with monosyllabic Stem, as irou's, nob-os, irob-t,
TTOb-o'lLV, TTob-5)V, TTOCTCrl; KOWK, KVV-OS, KVV-t, KVV-toV, KU(Ttj O^p,
6t]p-6s, Qr]p-i, 6rjp-&v, 6r)p-(r(.
(2) The words Trarrip, /ATJTTJ/), dvydrrjp, avrip, yacrr-qp ; Gen.
TTCLTp-ds, jurjrp-os, dvyarp-os, avbp-os, yaarp-os &c.
The accent of jUTjrqp and dvyarr\p is anomalous : cp. the Accu-
satives /xTjrep-a, Ovyarep-a. Probably the Nona. Sing, was
originally oxytone. The change of accentuation may be ex-
plained by supposing that the Nom. was influenced by the accent
of the Vocative that in fact the Voc. pro tanto took the place
of the Nom. (cp. 96). It is evident that the Voc. of these words
would be especially familiar to the ear.
The Dat. ending -com never takes the accent j hence Tro'8-eo-cri,
vrj-f<r<Ti, avbp-ecra-t,, KVV-(T<TI,, &c. The reason doubtless is that
these are forms that have followed the analogy of the Stems in
-ev, as e7re<r-<n, /3e'Aeo"-<n, &c.
The Genitives iraiS-uv, 8a8-uK, Tpw-w^ SjicS-uv, Ow-wi', are bary-
tone ; perhaps because the Stems are originally disyllabic.
It appears that in an earlier stage of the language the shifting of the accent
to the Case-Ending was always accompanied by ' weakening ' of the Stem
( 106). The few instances of the type of KVKOV, Gen. KVV-OS, and ira-nfip,
Gen. iraTp-os, are to be regarded as surviving examples of the older declension.
112.] The Vocative in the Consonantal Declension sometimes
retracts the accent, as Trarrip, Voc. irdrfp ; barjp, Voc. 8ae/> ; 810-
s, Voc. bioyeves.
Proper Names with a long vowel in the penultimate are often
properispomena, as SapTrribdtv, Voc. Sapirrjbov ; 'Azmjwop, Voc.
'Avrfjvop; Maxdw, Voc. Maxaoi;. Otherwise they are mostly
proparoxytone, as 'Ayafie//i;oi>, "AiroAAor.
Oxytones in -eus form the Voc. in -eu, as Zev, 'Obvcrev. This
may be regarded as a retraction of the accent, since the cir-
cumflex stands for a double accent, viz. an acute followed by a
grave in the same syllable (Zei! = Zcv).
Originally the Vocative, unless it stood at the beginning of a sentence, was
enclitic. Hence the barytone accent is to be explained as in the case of the
Verb ( 87), viz. as the result of an original loss of accent.
H3-] NOUN FORMATION.
99
CHAPTER VI.
FORMATION OP NOUNS.
113.] Nominal Stems. Some Nouns are formed with Stems
identical with Verb-Stems ; TrTv%-es folds (TrnWoo for TJTVX~I.(D),
ori'x-es ranks (orfC\<o } e-<mx-oi>), <A.o' flame ($A.ey&)), TTT&K-O.
cowering (7rr?jcr0-a>, f-nran-ov), 8<3 house, for 8a>;x, cp. 8a- (r/7w) in
bd-TTtbov (lit. home-floor), pai/r-as &0z0tf (peTr-oo), p&y-as clefts,
openings (priy-vvni), 0a>s jackal (0ea>), OTT-O. &w'ce (Fen-), <pi', 0/n,
2rv. In these Nouns the Stem is usually either in the weak
form or in the O-form ( 38).
Originally the Stem was long (and accented) in the Nom. and Ace., weak
(with the accent on the Case-Ending) in the Gen. and Dat. Instances of this
variation have been given in 106 ; cp. 114*.
Commonly however a Nominal Stem is formed from a Verb-
Stem by means of one or more Suffixes, which we may call
Nominal Suffixes. These are of two kinds :
1. Primary, by which Nouns are formed from Verb- S terns ;
as -o in dy-o-s leader, -TI in <d-ri-s saying. Nouns so formed
are called Primitive (sometimes Verbal: but this term is better
known in a more restricted sense, 84).
2. Secondary, by which Nouns are formed from other Nouns ;
as -to in bina-io-s just, -eu in i-n-Tr-ev-s horseman. These Nouns
are called Denominative.
The Suffixes which mark the Feminine Gender might be
classified as Secondary ; thus the Stem KaXrj- might be said to
be formed by a fresh suffix from KaXo-, the Stem b^rfipa- (for
bfj.T]-Tp-t.a) from 8/xrj-rep-, &c. But it is more convenient to
treat the Feminine Endings as mere inflexions, along with
the corresponding Masc. forms.
In the same way we might treat Suffixes like -rpo (in irj-rpo-s
healer, apo-rpo-v plough) as compounded of --njp or -rep (iV?/
healer, apo-Tijp ploughman], and a secondary -o. Practically,
however, -rpo is a single Primary Suffix : and this applies also
to -JJLI'O (in fitXe-pvo-v dart], which might be resolved into JM> + tv + o,
and to many similar cases.
H 2
100 NOUN FORMATION. [114.
Pi imitire Nouns.
114.] Primary Suffixes. The form of the Verb-Stem in
Primitive Nouns is liable to the same variations as in the Tenses
( 38). It will be seen that these variations are connected with
the accent ; but this part of the subject will be best treated
separately ( 115).
The chief Primary Suffixes are as follows :
-O, Fern, -a, -7] ; the Verb-Stem taking three forms
(1) The weak form ; as dy-o'-s leader, vy-o-v yoke, <pvy-ri
flight : with reduplication, layji (F i-f a^-r\] cry, I-OTO-S (<rra-) web.
(2) The O-form ; as TOK-O-S (i"fK-) offspring^ dpcoy-o-? (dpTjy-&>)
helper, CTTTOVO-IJ (cr7re'r8-co) libation, TTOT-TJ ji iffl/f, po?/ flow.
(3) Attic reduplication ; as dy-a>y-?j leading, d/ccoK?) point, e5a>8?7
eating, OTTOO-TH) sight, 6bu>OTJ smell. The radical vowel appears as co.
-i : as Tpo<f)-i (rpe'^-co) thick, rpoV-t-s keel of a ship, typov-i-s
under si and ing (with the Verb-Stem in the O-form).
-ici : seldom with Stems of clearly Verbal meaning, as in <f)va
(<f>vy-ia) flight, o-^ifa (<rxi8-ia) chip ; more often with roots used
as Nouns, as bla (oiF-ia), ire'^a (-TreS-), /xma (/u,vo--), Tricrcra (TTIK-) ;
and as a Fern, suffix in Adjectives (infra].
The Greek -ia takes the place of -t, the original declension of which is lost in
Greek : see Brugmann, Grundr. ii. 109, p. 313 ; Joh. Schmidt, Pluralb. p. 42.
-V : with two forms of declension
(1) Gen. --09, with the weak Stem; chiefly in Masc. and
Neut. Adjectives, as ra^-v-s swift, Tap<f)-v-$ (rpe'(-a>) thick; fiaO-
v-?, Aiy-v-s, yXvK-v-s, fiapvs, (3paovs, Kparus, Tta\vs, evpvs (for
f-Fpv-, root fep-). But rjov-s has the strong 1 Stem : and WKV-S
the O-form.
Fern, -eid (for -ef-ia), -ed, as 7;8eta, a>Kea.
(2) Gen. -u-os ; in Substantives (chiefly Fern.), as TtXrjO-v-s
multitude, 16-v-s path, aim, l\vs mud, VZK-V-S (Masc.) corpse, yevv-s
chin, -yrjpv-s voice, cry.
As to the declension of Nouns in -is, Gen. -ios, and -vs, Gen. -vos, see 94.
-GO", with the strong form of the Stem, as rel^-os wall, re^x-
e-a arms, err-os word, TrevO-os suffering, (3ev0-os depth (cp. J3a0-v-s),
Ofp-os warmth, summer, yd-os pleasure.
Fern, -etu (for -eo--ia), as ?}piyei;eta.
The O-form of the Stem is found in o^-os chariot (cp. the
Pf. o/c<>x a > 26, 5); the weak form in 0<i\-os blossom (but cp.
vfo-OrjX-'js), KapTos (also Kpdros), ^apo-os(cp. 0ep(r-ir7js,'AA.i-^epo--rjs),
ax* os grief. The forms 7ra^-o?. j3ad-os are not Homeric.
1 14.] PRIMARY SUFFIXES.
Note however that in Homer the Substantive is Odpo-os (for which
occurs only once, II. 14. 416), the Adj. always Opcunjs ; so that a distinction of
quantity is kept up in place of the original distinction between * Otpaos and
Qpaavs. On Otpaos as the original Greek form see Osthoff, M. U. ii. 49.
I and o appear in these Stems as in the Present tense ( 29) :
e. g. ply-os cold, ^v^-os warmth) Kvb-os glory.
-wo-, -oa; in T)CO? (Sanscr. ush-ds) dawn, atSws shame, and in
the older declension of ye'Acoy, i5po>9, alvv, ixp ( 1O 7 ad Jin.).
The Stem is probably in the weak form ; see 30.
-a<T ', as 5e'p>as ' build.' The Stem is in the strong form ;
indeed the Stem-vowel is always c, except in yijpas old age,
was jleece, and ovbas floor ; cp. yepas, Senas, /cepas, KV(pas, /cpeas,
Krepa?, Trepa?, crefias, o-eAa?, o-Kfiras, crcpe'Aas, repas : also *epas
(epavvos for epacr-vos) and *ye\as (e-yeAacr-o-a).
-V, -w, - v ) -w : e. g. rep-rjy, Gen. -ev-o$ (retpco) ^o/i(, apcr-i\v
male, av^-r\v neck ; Trtir-ov (Voc.) tender one, dprjy-o'v-es defenders,
reKrcov, Tj-ept-KTi'oyes ; ayK-wy, Gen. -<3y-o? elbow, aywy, aWtoy.
Fern, -aim (-ay-ta), in Aeaiya : imitated by way of sarcasm in
0e'-aii>a (II. 8. 5). "
-Z^Tj -orr, in Participles, and in a few Substantives, as paK.-o>v
a serpent, lit. the ' staring ' animal (8e'p*:-ojuai), riv-av, yepcov.
-ax, in oblique Cases of Neuter Nouns as ((JScop), vbar-os, &c.
The d of this Suffix represents the weak form of a nasal syllable ;
see 38, and 1 14*, 8, c.
-O.VT, notably in Compounds, as d/cap-as, dap;a9, 7roA.vrA.as.
-w, in rdAas, p.e'Aas : perhaps originally Stems in -avr, which
have followed the analogy of -ei>, -ov (Meyer, G. G. p. 304).
-60, -<p 5 -ap; as d^p (df-7/p) az>, ai^-?7p (aW-co) 4n^^ *^,
6a-7jp husband's brother (levir] ; eA-a>p ^oo^, vb-ap water ; /xax-ap
yrea^ (II. ii. 68), lap spring.
-op in the Homeric aop sword, r\Top breast is perhaps only the
^Eolic form of -ap (-r). As to the Nom. and Ace. Neut. forms
in -wp see 1 14*, 8, d.
-10, -10 is very rare in Greek as a Primary Suffix : Brugmann
gives epefo-ia ruins and (post-Horn.) ay-ios, arTvy-ios, <r<pdy-i.ov,
irdy-ios. We may add ra^-irj dispenser, irev-ir] poverty : also bios
(bi.F-io-$) bright, Tre(6s (wc8-) on foot, Kpab-ir) (KTJP for Ktip-b) heart,
in which the Stem is a Root-Noun.
The word d-oo-<rq-TT|p helper pre-supposes a Stem oo-o-o- for OOK-I.O-, answering
to Latin soc-iu-s (seq-, Gr. ITT-).
In aXAos (al-ius), neoffo^(rr'ediu3), 8f i(5s the Suffix appears to give the force of
a Comparative : see Brugmann, Grutulr. ii. 63, p. 125.
102 NOUN FORMATION. [114.
-IOCT, -too-, -UT : the Comparative Suffix, as TrXeoo
~\d<TTos (irXe-KT-Tos) : see 114*, 7.
-Fo : /caw's (K(v-Fos) empty, ovXos (oX-fos) whole, Xai-o's lae-
vus, 6p66s ard-uus.
-Fev, -Fov, -fwK, -f i : TTiaivfat, altov age, life (Loc. aiev, see 99),
a-TreipMV (d-TT(p-F(Dv, cp. Tretpatrco for Trep-Fv-ia)) : -Ftv appears in
the Inf. in -tv-ai, as ei8eVai for fiS-feV-cu ( 84).
-fwcT, -for, Fern, -uid; in the Pf. Part., and in the Nouns
opy-wa fathom, ap-n-via storm-wind, ay-ma, street.
-Fap as Trlap (for -rrl-Fap) fatness, oveiap (6vr]-Fap ?) help, flbap
(fb-Fap) food, etXap shelter, &c. ; -Ftp in Trieipa, Fern, of niu>vfat.
The ancient grammarians noticed that the Stem before -dp is
long- (Herodian ii. 769 ed. Lentz).
-fJLO ', with the O-form, as TTOT-P.O-S (TSZT-} fall, Kop-po-s
a trunk, oX-^to-s (^eX-) a rolling stone, pa>x~/>ios (^y-) gully.
-/it ; in (pi]-{j.L-s report, bvva-fj.i-s power.
-p.lv in prjy-fj.lv beach on which the waves break, Dat.
fght : also Nom. vtrp-ivr].
-p.ev, -p-ov, -p.w ; TTvd-p.r]v (Gen. -pteV-os) base, dur-fi^y breath,
Xtju.77^ haven, Trotpujy shepherd, Sei-fuoy (-/nov-os) fearing, \ivr\-\u^v
mindful, ir\-\m>v shooter, rep-paw end, 0^-fj.tav-a (Ace.) a ^a/?.
Also the Infinitives in -fiey-ai (Dat.) and -liek (Loc.) : see 84.
-flax ; as 8ei-/ia, Gen. -par-os, fear, ovop.a name, &c.
Of these Suffixes -p.ov and -p.dr go with the strong form, of
the Stem, -p.w with the weak form.
With -o, -T) are formed -p.wo (in Participles), and -JAKO, -finj, as
(3t\-fjivo-v a dart, XL-pLvt] a marsh ; -p.va (-juv-ta), in ij.fpi-fj.va care.
-p.ap, -pop ; as re/c-fiap and ren-pup a device ; -^epo, in t-/i6po-s
desire.
-VO, -wo ; as bft-vo-s fearful, Trrr\-vo<s flying, re^-in] art, -noi-irq
atonement ; fy-avo-v handle, opf-navy sickle, rpim-avov auger, ar<p-
avos.
-v<r Tfj.f-vo$ enclosure, fy-vos imprint, yX^-z'os jewel.
-co ; 6prj-vv-s afoot-stool.
-po, -Ao ; generally with the weak Stem ; iriK-po-s bitter,
&K-po-s point, fb-pr] seat: also \vith an auxiliary a, aOev-apo-s
strong, aTraXos tender, cm/3apos, \nrapos.
-pi ; in ib-pt-s knowing, ax-pi-s mountain-top.
-pu, -Xu : bdx-pv tear, 0fj-\v-s female (dr}-<rdai).
-T : By? 0r)-T-6$, vv VVK-T-OS ; but chiefly in Compounds, as
TTpo-j3\rjs, a-
II4-] PRIMARY SUFFIXES. 103
-T, -TIT: Ace. apy-eV-a white (II. 21. 127), also apyrJTa (II. 8.
133), Dat. dpye'ri and apyiJTi. (II. n. 818), xeA-qs, Ae/3-r?s.
-TO ', found with Stems
(1) In the O-form, as KOI-TO-S, KOI-TJJ (jcet-juai) lair, (pop-ro-v
burden, VOV-TO-S going, return (yeo/uai for ye<r-o-/Aai), ot-ros
(ei-joa) course, fortune, ftpovrrj (/3pep.-&>) thunder.
(2) In the weak form, as ora-ro'-s stalled, bpa-ro-s flayed;
a.K.-rr\ beach ; btK-Trj-s beggar, 7rapai-/3d-r?7-?.
For the use of -TO to form Superlatives and Ordinal Numerals
see i2i and 130.
-TL, -OH ; generally with the weak Stem, as <pa-ri-s saying,
-TTUT-TI-S (for TTiO-Tts) trusty TI-O-I-S vengeance, boa-is, /3oVis, /3p<2<ris,
yevecrts, i>e/xe<rt?, dvv&is, apo<ris.
-wr\, as KAitn'rj a ^r^, vTro-o-xe-o-trj promise.
-TIMI in $u>-TLvr] (from 8<3-ns) ^j/^.
-Tl); Pp-T&-sf0od t K\l-rv-s a slope, jumyor-rv-s wooing, bai-ru-s
feasting, ebrj-rv-s eating. This Suffix is especially common in
Homer : dyoprjTV?, a\aa>Tvs, (Borjrvs, ypaTrrus, eAeijTO?, KiOapiarvs,
aKOVTLcrTVS) dapiarus, op^rjorvs, oTpvvrvs, pva-TaKTvs,
-TGp, in TTarrip, JUTJTT/P, dvyar^p, flvd-rep-fs, yaar^p,
-n]f>, -rap, -Tup ; as bo-rrjp-a and 8w-rop-a (Ace.) giver, j3orrjp-fs
and (Bfaropts herdsmen, lorcop witness, atp-rjTutp shooter, tir-anr-rip
' driver,' huntsman, 8t-o7rr?jp ^, ATJI'OTTJP spoiler, KOO-^T^P arrayer,
yci](T-T(ap-a (/xrjS-o/jiat) adviser: also of things, with a touch of
personification, KprjTTjp, </o0r?jp, A.a/x.7rr?jp. Fern. -Tpa (-rep-ia),
as 8/ji?7-rtpa subduer.
-Tp-o, as irj-rpos healer, apo-rpo-v plough, crKiJTr-rpov, Ae/crpoy.
-^, -18, -el8 ; as Ace. eA.ir-i'8-a ^ojt?e y AeuK-<i-a white.
-80, -07} : KeA.a-8o-s wowe (jceA-o^at), Ko/i^-Srj tending, K\a-bos
branch, opabos, xpopabos, pdfibos.
This Suffix is chiefly seen in the Adverbs in -8of, -8ir|i>, as
<TXf-8o-y wmr, (3d-br]-v at a walk, &c. : see no, and cp. the
secondary forms ora-8-ios, &c. ( 118).
The Suffixes -0-po, -0-Xo, -0-/io are produced by combining- the
Verbal suffix or Root-determinant -0 ( 45) with -po, -\o, -jio :
thus oAe-^-pos, yfve-9-Xrj, vTa-d-pos presuppose the Verbs *oAe-0co,
^yeve'-^co, *o-Ta-d(i> (cp. ev-a-raO-ris, also arrj-dos) formed like irX^-
0<i>, 4>Aeye-0o>, ^ivy-dca, &c. Practically, however, they are single
Primary Suffixes : -Ojxo is especially common in Homer, cp. dp-
6jj.6s, api-0juo's, Kr]X^-0^6s, f\Krj-Op.6s, opyy-Onos, Kw(fl-9p,6s: \v-
Opov, pee-Jpa, /xeA7r/j-0pa, pf-Xa-Qpov, fiepf-6pov. Cp. also -0fta in
t-0/za-ra
104 NOUN FORMATION. [l!4*-
Similarly from Verb-Stems with the suffix -T we have \al-r-p.a
gulf (cp. ACU-/U.OS throat}, dv-r-p-rf breath, also av-T-\j.r\v (root av-),
(pe-T-fjLos oar, t<p--T-p.r] injunction.
114*. Variation of Suffixes.
1. Primary Suffixes were originally liable to variation of
the kind already noticed ( 106). From the Sanscrit declension,
in which the variation is preserved with singular fidelity, it
appears that a Suffix in general has three different forms or
degrees of quantity, called by Sanscrit grammarians the strong,
the mil) die, and the weakest form. Just as in the declension of
dyaus, Gr. Zev?, we find (i) dydu- in the Norn., (a) clyau- in the
Loc. dyav-i (Lat. Jovi for diev-i), and (3) div- or diu- in other
Cases, so in (Id-id ' giver ' we have (i) -tar- in the Ace. dd-far-am,
(2) -tar- in the Loc. dd-tdr-i, and (3) -tr- in the Dat. dd-tr-e,
Instrum. dd-tr-d.
Similarly we have the series -dr, -ar, -r ; -man, -man, -mn ;
-van, -van, -vn ; -an, -an, -n, &c. : the rule being that the first
or strong form contains a long vowel, which in the second is
short, and in the third disappears altogether.
In the combinations -va, -ia the a is lost and the semivowel
becomes a vowel, thus giving -u, -i.
2. In Greek we find the same Suffixes as in Sanscrit, with the
further distinction that the vowel may be TJ or o>, e or o. Thus
we may have -Twp, -rop, -rjp, -rep, -rp; -\uav, -fioc, -}it\v, -\ifv, -pv
(-p.a, -pav) ; -wo-, -o<r, -<r; -fwa, -F<xr, -Fe<r, -UCT ; -IWCT, -io<r, -lea,
-icr ; and so in other cases. Sometimes both sets of forms
occur with the same root; as 8co-ra>/), 8corop-os and 8o-r?jp,
8orr/p-os.
The interchange of o and e in the Suffix -o (as ^)iAo-s, Voc.
belongs to this head.
The three forms of a Suffix are hardly ever to be seen in the
Greek declension ; one of them being usually taken as the
Stem of all the oblique Cases. Thus the strong form is
generalised in pirja--7a>p, -rcop-os, the second in 8a5-ra)/3, -rop-os,
to the exclusion of the original ^/xrjorp-os, *b&)Tp-6s, &c. The
' weakest ' form, however, often appears in derivatives ; e. g.
770ip.riv, TTOifj.ev-os, Tioi^v-r] : beipuv, beifj-ov-os, Sei/.icura) (for -/xay-ico,
-jur-ia)) : OepaTHtiv, Fern, depai^v-rj, also Qepa-naiva (for -TTV-IO) :
iTj-rr/p, larp-o's : v8cop, vbp-os : reK-puop, TfKp.aipop.ai (for re*c/iap-
io-/xai), &c. Cp. Lat. car-5(n], Gen. car-n-is.
3. The relation of the forms -<av (-pur, -Fw), -top (-rup), &c.
to -r\v, -P.TJK, -Fr\v, -Tjp, -TTJP, &c. has been the subject of much
controversy. It is generally agreed that the difference is not
original, but arises in each case by differentiation from a single
JI4*] VARIATION OF SUFFIXES. 105
form. Probably it is due to shifting of accent, the Suffixes with
tj being generally accented, while those with <> are found in
barytone words. Thus we have the pairs borrip and 8o>ra>p,
pr\Ti]p and pjyrcop, ftorrjpes and /^coropes, -TrarTjp but <]E>para)p, also
Lat. sor-or (Sanscr. svdsd). In composition, too, the loss of
accent is regularly accompanied by the change from TJ, e to u, o :
Many exceptions, however, remain unexplained.
4. The Nouns of Relationship (the group Trarr^p &c.) with one
or two similarly inflected words (dor^p, yaor^p) are distinguished
from the Nouns of the Agent in -Trip (-rcop) by the use of the
shorter form -rep in the Accusative : Trare'p-a, Sanscr. pitdr-am,
but Sorr/p-a, Sanscr. ddtar-am. Similarly among Stems in -n
apa-rjv, apvtv-a answer to Sanscr. vrsh-a, vrshan-am (instead
of -dn-am). This peculiarity has been explained as the result
of an original difference of quantity. That is to say, the form
pitar (Gr. irarep-) has been taken to be the strong Stem, because
it is the Stem of the Ace. If so, the tj of the Nom. has to
be explained as due to the analogy of the -rjp of 8or?7p, &c.
But this view cannot well be reconciled with the fact that
the Stem pitar- occurs not only in the Ace. pitdram but also
in the Loc. pitdr-i. The Loc. is a Case which regularly takes
the middle Stem; cp. ddtdr-am, Loc. ddtdr-i, dcmdn-am, Loc.
dgman-i. Hence we must recognise a group of Stems in -? and
-n forming the Ace. with the middle form. Thus the original
declension would.be (e.g.], Strong form, Nom. ita-r^p, Middle
form, Ace. Tra-rep-a, Loc. ira-rep-i, Voc. Tra-rep, Weakest form,
Gen. 7ra-rp-o's. The cause of this difference in the treatment
of the Accusative has still to be found *.
5. The Stems in -ant, -mant, -vant, (Gr. -oi>r, &c.) interchange
with shorter forms in -at, -mat, -vat, Gr. -ar, -jiar, -Far. ^
In Greek the Suffix -orr is used to form the Part. Pres., as
<pepoyr-a. The chief trace of -ar is the Doric lacro-a (eo--ar-ia)
for eoCo-a. The forms -fiar, -far are found in the Neuters,
such as Set-jnar-os, Treiparos, (TTfp-far-os), &c. So in Latin
nomen, nominis, for no-mn-is (Sanscr. nd-mn-as).
On the other hand some Stems in -v take -vt in the oblique
Cases : AeW, A.e'oz>r-os, but Fern. Ae'cuva (for Xt-Fv-ia, cp. Lat.
led, leon-is): depaitvv, -ovros, but Oepd-jr-v-i] : irp6<pp(DV, Fern. '
Trpotypaarcra for Tipofppa-Tid. Cp. 107, 2. .T'o/A'Ytf
6. The Suffix of the Pf. Part. Act. presents anomalies, both in
Sanscrit and Greek, which are not yet satisfactorily explained.
The Sanscr. -vdms, -vas, -us and Greek -/W, -For, -o<r (in -uia for
* Collitz in Bezz. Beitr. x. 37 ff.
J06 NOUN FORMATION. [lI4*.
-v(T-ia) seem to represent the original gradation ; but the r of
the Masc. and Neut. oblique cases is peculiar to Greek, as the
nasal to Sanscrit. If we suppose a primitive declension (e.g.]
Fib-Fu>s, Ace. Fib-Faxr-a, Gen. Fib-va-os, &c. this might become
Ace. FtS-Fov-a, Gen. Fib-Focr-os, &c. (by the same levelling which
we have in ba>-Tu>p, Ace. bui-rop-a, Gen. 8w-rop-os), then Ace.
Ftb-Fo-a, Gen. Fib-F6-os &c. At this stage the endings -OT-OS,
-oT-a &c. may have been introduced through analogy perhaps
of the Pres. Part. However this may be, this is one of several
instances in Nominal Declension of T creeping in to form a Stem
for the oblique Cases.
7. A Suffix which originally was closely parallel to the -Fu>s
of the Pf . is to be seen in the -iw or -iw of the Comparative ;
Sanscr. -yams, -ya$, (-*#)> Greek -iuc, -iov, -to- (in -IO--TOS). Here
the v, in spite of the Sanscr. nasal, is as difficult to explain
as the T of the Pf . However the older endings -o-a, -o-es (for
-o<r-a, -o(T-s) are preserved in the Ace. Sing. Masc. and Nom.
and Ace. Plur. Neut. (a^eiVco for a^iv-ocr-a), and the Nom.
Plur. (apdvovs, &c.). In the Latin -ior, -ior-is, &c. there is no
trace of a nasal. We may compare the variation in ai&v,
KVKU>V ( 107 ad Jiii)*.
8. Heteroclite forms occur when different Suffixes are brought
into a single declension. In particular
(a) Suffixes ending in -v interchange with Suffixes in -p.
Thus we find -nitav, Gen. TTLOV-OS fat, but Fern. -nUipa (iri-fep-ta)
and the Neut. Substantive Tiiap fatness. Also ^et/xwy, but
Xei/jiep-tos. (Cp. the Lat. femur, femin-is, and jec-ur, jecin-or-is,
which is for an older jecin-is.}
() Similarly along with rjws we have Tjep-ioy at dawn^ and the
Adv. T\pi (Sanscr. us/ids and ushdr).
(c] Final jr^ is introduced in the Suffix; as in rjira-T-os (f or '
f]Trv-T-os, cp. the Sanscr. yakrt, Gen. yakn-as, and the
''' -
- . . , - , . . - - ,
* The suffixes of the Pf. Part. Act. and the Comparative have lately been
the subject of much controversy : see Brugmann, K. Z. xxiv. 79 ff., Grundr.
1 35> '36, pp. 403, 417 ; Joh. Schmidt, K. Z. xxvi. 341 ff., 378 ff., Plurdfb. p.
157 ; Collitz, Bezz. Beitr. x. 25, 63. The chief difficulty lies in the nasal of the
Sanscrit strong Cases. Such a gradation as -vans (or -vens), -res, -us, or -ions,
-ios (or --ies), -is, is unexampled. Joh. Schmidt takes the nasalised forms
(Sanscr. -vams-, -tarns) as his point of departure, but has been unable to explain
-ros, -ias, -us, -is to the satisfaction of other scholars.' Those who assume a
primitive -ros, -ios have hitherto been equally unsuccessful in accounting for
Sanscr. -raws, -iams and Greek -vav. The explanation of the T of -OT-OS, &c. is
also difficult, but there it is at least certain that it is of secondary origin. It
is to be noted that the traces of -ior in the Comparative are confined to strong
Cases, as Ace. Sing, ,-ocr-a, Nom. Plur. -o<r-s. Hence the Gen. -jov-os, Dat.
-lov-i, &.c. perhaps did not take the place of middle forms -io<r-os, -to<r-i, but of
the primitive weak forms (-ICT-OS, -ia-1 ?).
II5-] ACCENT. 107
Neuters in -ap, -wp, Gen. -dr-os, as Tteipap, -arcs (for Trep-fap,
-Fv-T-os) : also in Neuters in -fia, Gen. -jjtar-os (for -H^-T-OS).
(cT) It is probable that the Neuters in -wp viz. vbwp, lAcop,
Tre'Aoop, ee'A8o>p, reKjucop, vvKTwp (Ace. used adverbially) were
originally Collective or Abstract nouns (Joh. Schmidt, Pluralb.
p. 193). On this view vbwp waters (Germ, gewasser) is properly
a different word from the stem *vba or *vbap which we infer
from the oblique Cases : re'jc/xcop is originally a Collective or
Abstract from re'/cjuctp : and similarly eAoop, ee'A8o>p, TreAcop, vvKrap
(cp. vvKTfp-is), which only occur in the Nom. Ace., are nouns
formed like x fL ^ v (x*W a )> t8ws (albear- in aiSeojucu, av-atbris),
ye'Acos (yeAao-- in yeAdw), &c. When #8cop, &c. were brought into
use as Nominatives answering to Neuter oblique Cases, they
naturally followed these in respect of gender. Cp. 1 10 (ad fin.}.
115.] Accentuation. The accent is often connected with the
form of the Suffix, and sometimes varies with the meaning.
But the rules that can be given on this subject are only
partial.
1. Stems in -o are generally oxytone when they denote an
agent, barytone when they denote the thing done ; e. g. <popo'-s
bearer, but tyopo-s that which is brought ; dyo-s leader, dpcoyo-s
helper, O-KOTT-OS watcher, rpo(po-s nurse, TOKO-S offspring. But
vofjio-s pasture, Aoiyo'-s pestilence (perhaps thought of as an
agent, ' destroyer').
2. Stems in -TJ are generally oxytone, but there are many
exceptions (as SIK-TJ, fjid^-rj).
3. Most stems in -18, and all in -Q&, are oxytone. But those
which admit an Ace. in -w are all barytone.
4. Adjectives in -u-s are oxytone; except Orj^-v-s and the
isolated Fern. 0aAeia. Substantives in -u-s are mostly oxytone ;
but see 116, 4.
5. Neuters with Stems in -cor (Nom. Ace. -os) are barytone,
but Adjectives in -YJS, and Fern. Nouns in -us, Gen. -005, are t
oxytone. J Ji*fa>i cjnyriT*.^ -^ A c^u^^-fil^- ^wtoy^p f^
6. Nouns in -rjp and -t\v are oxytone, except /XTJTTJP, dvydTrjp
(but see ill, 2), apa-^v, rlptyp.
Nouns in -wp and -we are mostly barytone, but there are
many exceptions, esp. the Abstract Nouns in -Swe, the Sub-
stantives in -/iur, as Satrujuwy, ^ye/icoy, K7j8e/icoy, and most Nouns
in -WK, Gen. -ojyo?, as ayvv, dy/ca>z>, xetjuwi;, reAapvwy.
7. Stems in -TO with the O-form are barytone, with the weak
form oxytone ; e. g. KOI-TO-S, VOO--TO-S, but ora-ro'-s, &c.
8. Stems in -n\ are mostly oxytone. Accordingly the Prim-
108 NOUN FORMATION. [ll6.
itive Masculines in -TTJ-S, which are Nouns of the Agent, can
generally be distinguished from the Denominatives in -TTJV
( 11 7) : e.g. ayoprjr^s a speaker, but vavrr/s a ship-man.
9. Abstract Nouns in -TI, -CTI are barytone ; in -TU oxytone.
It will bo seen that, roughly speaking, when the Verbal Stem is in the
weak form, the Suffix is accented, and vice versd : also that words with an
active meaning (applicable to a personal agenC] are oxytone, those with a
passive meaning (expressing the thing dotte) are barytone.
116.] Gender. The Gender of Nouns is determined in most
cases by the Suffix. The following rules do not apply to Com-
pounds,, as to which see 125.
j . Stems in -o are Masc. or Neut., with some exceptions, as
6b6s, arapTtos, /ceAeu^o?, vfjaos, </>?jyos, a/xTreAo?, voaos, TCKppos,
\l/rj(j)os, o-7roSos, \l/dfj.ados, pd/35o?, SOKO'S, pivos, Trpo-y^oos. In
these the change of gender seems to be due to the meaning.
K\VTOS is used as a Fern, in II. 2. 742 /cAuros 'iTTTroSdjuaa. In
Od. 4. 406 TtiKpov aTioTtveiova-ai . . ob^v it is best to take
TiiKpov as an adverb, not with d8/ji?]i> : cp. II. 6. 182.
ilwAos has the two epithets Tj/xafloas and i}ya0e?j, and is probably
therefore of both Genders.
2. Stems in -TJ (for -a) are mainly Fern. ; but
Stems in -TT] denoting an agent are Masc., as SC'K-TTJ-S a
beggar, alw^-Ti]-? a warrior. Also, TTO'P/OJ-S the ring of a spear,
f-Trj-s comrade, rajnirj-s dispenser, v^t]vLi]-^ a youth, perhaps dyyeA-
ITJ-S a messenger; also the proper names Bopea-s, 'Ep/xeta-s,
Atreta-s, Avyeta-s, Tetpe(rta-?, 'AyxtVrj-s, 'At8rj-s.
The Masc. Nouns in -as, -TQS are probably formed originally
from Feminine abstract or collective Nouns in -a, -tj. The first
step is the use of the word as a concrete : cp. Od. 22. 209
o/AJjAtKuj 8e pot eo-crt thou art one of the same age (6/x^At^) with me ;
II. 12. 213 bijfjiov eovra leing one of the common people. So in
Latin magistrates, potesfas (Juv. 10. ico), optio : English a
relation (=& relative). The next step is the change to the Masc.,
which leads to the use of the Endings -TJS, Gen. -ao on the
analogy of the Masc. -os, Gen. -oio. We may compare Fr.
un trompette bearer of a trumpet, Italian il podesth the magistrate,
where the change of meaning is marked by the gender only.
So errj-s is probably from a word (rfe'-rrj kindred, vr)vir]-5 from
a Fern, z^znr/ youth, dyyeAtrj-? (if the word exists, see Buttmann,
Lexil. s. v.) from dyyeAt'rj. The Masc. ra/xt'rj-s may be formed
from the concrete Fern. ra/xiTy, the office of household manager
being generally filled by a woman (yvvr] ra^ir] Od.). And so
the Nouns in -T s owe their origin to the older abstract or col-
lective Nouns in -TTJ, as ciK-r?/, fipovrrj, dpf-rr/, yere-r?/,
&c. See Delbriick, Synt. Forsch. iv. pp. 7-13.
Il6.] GENDER. 109
3. Stems in -ia, -18, -a8 are Fern. ; also most Stems in -i.
But IJ.O.V-TL-S is Masc., and some Adjectives Ib-pi-s, rp6(f)-i-s,
evvi-s are of all genders.
Masc. Nouns in -o sometimes form a Fern, in -i, -18, -8 : as
6ovpo-s, Fern. Oovpi-s (Ace. Qovpt-v, Gen. dovpib-os) ; <pop-To-s
burden, (pop-ri-s (Gen. <opri5-o?) a ship of lurden ; TOK-OS, Fern.
TOKab-fs ; ACUKO-?, Fern. XtvKab-a (irer/)^?').
Originally (as in Sanscrit) the chief Feminine Suffix was -i. The metre
shows that the long i should be restored in yvi-s (&ovv fyiv eupvpirwirov II. 10.
292, Od. 3. 382), /3\offvpwins (II. ii. 36), and 0ou>ins (II. 18. 357, where Yen. A
has /SOCUTTJ m/wa"Hp77). The I appears also in d^fS-oj, m^piS-as, li)jrA.oa/xT8-s.
4. Adjectives in -u generally form the Fern, in -eia or -ca
(for -ef-ia), as r]bfla, &>/cea. But 6r]Xv-s as a Fern, is commoner tlt& /.^*
than OrjXtia; and we also find rjbvs durpj (Od. 12. 369), TTOV\VV J '
e^>' vypr\v (II. 10. 27)-
On the other hand most Substantives in -u-s are Fern, (and
oxytone), and this u is frequently long, as in I0v-s aim (whereas
the Adj. Wv-s straight has o), Tr\r]6v-s multitude, l\v-s mud,
'Epivv-s, and the Abstract Nouns in -TO-S, as f3pa>-Tv-$, 6p\ri<r-Tv-s,
K\I.-TV-S. But there are a few Masc. Substantives in -u-s, viz.
6pr)vv-s, crrdxv-s, fiorpv-s, vfKV-s, l%6v-s.
5. The Suffix -co- is almost confined in Homer to Neut. Sub-
stantives of abstract meaning : the only clear example of an
Adjective is vynfc (II. 8. 524). For eAeyxe-es (II. 4. 242., 24.
239) we should probably read eXeyxea. In II. 4. 235 (ov yap
e-TH \/^ev8ea-(n Trarrjp Zevs ccra-er' apcoyos) we may equally well
read \^ev8eo-on (Zeus will not help falsehood}. The Gen. (ppabe-os
(II. 24. 354) may come from <pa8?js or tppabvs.
It seems very probable that these words are to be accounted for in much
the same way as the Masculines in -TTJS, viz. as abstract turned into concrete
Nouns by a simple change of gender. The transition to a concrete meaning
may be observed in if/tvSos in such uses as II. 9. 115 ov -y<i/> if/tvSos !/*<iy dras
na.T(\eas not falsely (lit. not falsehood) hast thou related my folly. So Ayx a
reproaches !
6. Suffixes which are used to express an abstract or a collective
meaning are generally Feminine ; e. g. KOKO'-S coward, KOKJ/
cowardice; 60-67 piety ; <va, <$>vy-ri flight; /3ov\ri counsel,
also the body of counsellors, a council; <ppov-i-s understanding;
vi(p-as (-ab-os) a snow-storm; TrXrjd-v-s multitude (collective
and abstract) ; and the Nouns in -TIS (-<"s), -TUS, -ws, -Swc.
It is probable that all the Collective Nouns in -w, -ws, -p
( 114, 8, d] were originally Feminine. The change of gender
may be traced in atwy (Fern, in Homer), and iSpws (Fem. in
^Eolic). In the case of cpco?, ye'Acos it may be connected with
the confusion between -wa-stems and -o-stems ( 107 ad fin.}.
It is to be noted that no nouns in -jjtwc form the Fem. with -jo.
110 NOUN FORMATION. [117.
Denominative Nouns.
117.] Secondary Suffixes. The following are the chief
Secondary or ' Denominative ' Suffixes. (Note that -o and -TJ of
the Primitive Stem disappear before Secondary Suffixes beginning
with a vowel*.)
-LO, -j ; as biKa-io-sjust, app.ov-ir] a joining, apd p.- to-s friendly,
albolo-s (for albo(r-io-s) reverenced, yeXouo-s (probably to be
written yeXw-to-s) laughable, cop-io-s in season, a-ofy-ii] skill,
tr/coTT-iry watch, dvayKa-irj necessity.
-GLO, -eo (chiefly used to denote material, especially the
animal which furnishes the material of a thing) ; e. g. linr-eto-s,
ravp-tio-s, aiy-eio-s, /3o-eio-? and /36-fo-s, KOV-OJ, \a\K-fio-s and
\a\K-eo-s, Kvav-eo-s, bovpar-eo-s, <pX6y-eo-s, ^yd0-fo-s (from
ayado-s), baibdX-eo-s, &c. These must be distinguished from the
Adjectives in which eio stands for <r-to, as reXeio-s (for reA.e<r-
io-s), oveibfio-s, 'Apyfio-s.
-V ', linT-fv-s Norseman, apia-r-ev-s one who does best, xaA.K-eu-9,
iep-ev-s, vop-ev-s, 2/xty0-ev-s, &c. all from Nouns in -o.
-l$7], -loSnj; in patronymics, as 'Arpe-iSq-s, Ylr]\rj-'idbr]-s }
'Ao-KX?j7rt-d8/j-s. Cp. the compound -i8-ios ( 118).
-OO, -cpo ; as Xiyu-po-s shrill, bvo<f)-fpo$ dark ; /xeya-po-y.
-IfJUO ', aolb-ifj.o-s matter of song, pop- ipo-s fated, &c.
-VO, -ivo ; as (paeivos (</>ae<r-) shining, (pfftevvos (fpefiecr-) dark,
tpavvos lovely ; Qrjy-ivo-s oaken, dap- ivo-s^of spring, &c.
-Ivo ; oTratp-lvos of autumn, dy^iar-lvos .
-7)VO ', TrtTf-rjvos flying (-Trer-eo--).
-GVVO, -nKtj ; yr]06-<rvvo-s joyful; Iwiro-ovvr) horsemanship, &c.
~1>T (for -FCVT), Fern, -eo-o-a ; v\r\-tvr-a, Fem. vX^-eo-o--a
wooded, bivrj-fvT-afull of eddies, Xeipio'-evr-a like the lily, ft
-I/CO ; only found in opfyav-iKo-s orphan, Tiap6fv-iKTi virgin, and
a few Adjectives from proper names, as Tpco-tKo'-s, *AX<H-UCO-S,
ITeXao-y-i/co-s. In these words it is evident that there is no
approach to the later meaning of the Suffix.
* This is probably not the result of an ' elision,' but analogous to the weak-
ening of a Suffix (cp. 114, i). Thus the Stem of ao(f>6-s, Voc. aotye, is related
to the form cro<(>- (in ffcxfi-irj) as irdrtp to irarp- in varp-os, irarp-tos (Brugmann,
Grundr. ii 59, p. 102).
II 8*.] SECONDARY SUFFIXES. Ill
~Tf] ; vav-rr]-s, iTnro'-ra, roo-ra (Voc.), aypo-rai,
KOpwy-Trj-s, VTrrjvij-rrj-s, 770X177-717-9 and TroXt-TTj-s, 6bi-Tr]-s. Some
of these are perhaps Primitive : e. g. al^rj-rri-s may come from
an obsolete ^cuxjuaw to wield the spear : see 1 20.
-T77T; (piX6-Tr]T-a love, brj'io-TTJr-a battle.
-l<yy ; (/>o'p/iiy a lyre, <n>piy a reed-pipe, o-aX7riy a trumpet,
Xai'yy-es pebbles, orpo^aXiyf eddy, pa0a/jiiyy-e? drops.
The i of -181), -ijio, -ivo, -IKO was probably not part of the original Suffix, but
was the final vowel of the Stem. We may either suppose (e. g.) that (tap-i-pos
was formed directly from a Stem fiop-i (cp. noipa for pop-ia), or that it followed
the analogy of aktci-nos, <pvi-/Jios, &c. Cp. the account given in 109 of the
u of -am. It is remarkable that o, which is regular as a ' connecting vowel '
of Compounds, is extremely rare before Suffixes (except -rrj, -TT/T, -avvo).
Note that the -e'i- of the Patronymics 'Arpe-iSrjs, TlT)\f-i'di]s, &c. does not
become a diphthong in Homer.
Of the use of Secondary Suffixes to form Diminutives there is
no trace in Homer. It may be noted here as another difference
between Homeric and later Greek that the Verbals in -T&>S are
entirely post- Homeric.
118.] Compound Suffixes. There are some remarkable in-
stances in Homer of a Secondary amalgamating with a Primary
Suffix. E. g.
-ciX-eo ; a^-aXeo-s dry, dpy-aXeo-9 (for dXy-aXe'o-s) painful, Qap<r-
aXeo-s, Kap</>-aXe'o-y, Kep8-aXeo-s, Xeuy-aXeo-?, /xuS-aXe'o-s, pcay-
aXe'o-j, (r/xepS-aXe'o-s. It is used as a Secondary Suffix in Xe-n-r-
oXeo-s thin, oTrr-aXeo-s roast.
-dX-ifio ; Ki)8-aXt)ixo-s glorious, KapTr-a.XifJ.o-s swift, TrerK-aXtjuo-s
shrewd.
-two (for -e<T-ivo or -ecr-vo) (fra-eivo-s shining, ai-Tr-etfo-s lofty,
dXey-eivo-s painful ; Secondary in epar-eivo-y, /ceXaS-eivo-s, voO-
(ivo-s. This Suffix takes the form -ewo in apy-two-s shining and
cpefi-wvo-s murky.
-8-u), -18-10, -08-10 : (TTa-bio-s, a^d-bios, ^xe-StTj ((r\-bo-v),
Trav-o-u-StTj ; also as a Secondary Suffix in Kovplbios,
prj-tStos, Tni>e$p-iioi> : Kpv7TT-dbi.os, bix.6-abi.os, pivv
-8-of, in Ti]Kf-b6v-L (Dat.) wasting, ar}bu>v nightingale : -8wnf] in
fieXe-Soopai cares.
-b-avo, in piye-bavos horrible, rjTtebavos, TrevKfbavos, ovTibav6"s.
118*.] Suffixes of different Periods. In the great variety of
Suffixes discovered by the analysis of the Greek Noun it is im-
portant to distinguish those which are ( living ' in the period of
112 NOUN FORMATION. [119.
the language with which we are concerned, and those which only
survive in words handed from an earlier period. Thus in Homer
the oldest and simplest Suffixes, as -o, -i, -u, -ecr, -a<r, -tv, -ep, -Fo t
evidently belong 1 to the latter class. They are no longer capable
of being 1 used to form new words, because they are no longer
separable in meaning from the Stems to which they are attached.
On the other hand the Nouns in -po-<s, -jiwi', -/xa, -rt\p, -rpo-v, -ai-s,
-TU-S, and the Denominatives in -io-s, -epo-s, -i^o-s, -TTJ-S, &c. are
felt as derivatives, and consequently their number can be in-
definitely increased by new coinage. Again the use of a Suffix
may be restricted to some purpose which represents only part of
its original usage. Thus -rr) ceased, as we have seen, to form
abstract Nouns, but was largely used to form Masculine Nouns
of the Agent. So too the Suffix -80, -Srj survived in two isolated
uses, (i) in Adverbs in -So-p, -8rj-i' and (2) in Patronymics.
Compare in Latin the older use of -tus in the adjectives cautus,
cert-us, &c. with the living use in amd-ft's, &c. Sometimes too a
Suffix dies out in its original form, but enters into some combin-
ation which remains in vigour. Thus -vo survives in the form
-wo, and in -ei^o (-ecr-i-o).
The distinction of Primary and Secondary Suffixes is evidently
one which grew up by degrees, as the several forms came to be
limited to different uses. In this limitation and assignment of
functions it is probable that the original meaning- of the Suffix
seldom had any direct influence*. The difference between the
Suffixes of the two great classes is mainly one of period. The
elements which go to form them are ultimately much the same,
but the Primary Suffixes represent on the whole earlier strata of
formation.
119.] Gender. The rules previously given ( u 6) apply to
Denominative Nouns; the exceptions are few. Note II. 18.*'-"^
222 oira \a\KOV (\a\Kf r]V Zenod.j, 19. 88 aypiov ari]v (the 22 '
passage is probably corrupt, since it appears that the Homeric
form of arr] is the uncontracted acmy, aFdrrj), 20. 2tJ9 ( = Od. 5.
410) aAos 770X1010, Od. 3. 82 Trprjt.s - . 877/1109, 4. 442 o\owraros
08/177, 23. 233 d(T7rd(rtos yij (al. acnraaiuis).
The origin of the Masc. patronymics in -Srj-s may be ex-
plained in the same way as the Nouns of the Agent in -TTJ-S
( i J 6, 2). We may suppose them to be derived from a group
of Collective Nouns in -8>] : e.g. 'ArpetST] meaning the family of
Atreus, 'Arpdbrj-s would mean one of the 'Arpfibrj f.
* On this point see Brugmann (Gwndr. ii. 57, p. 99). It will be seen
that he gives no countenance to the view (which has been put forward in
Germany and elsewhere) that the Suffixes were originally without meaning.
f It may be conjectured that the epithets in -uov, such as Kpoviuv, '
120.] DENOMINATIVE FORMS. 113
120.] Denominative Verbs. Some apparent anomalies in the
Denominative Verbs may be explained by the loss of an inter-
mediate step of formation. Thus, there are many Verbs in -euw
not formed from Nouns in -eu-s, as /3ouAewa> (j3ov\-ri), dyopevco
(ayopfy, dripevv (drip) ; so that, instead of the three stages
VOIJLO-S, Denom. Noun von-ev-s, Denom. Verb j,-op>ev-&>
apioro-s, dpto-r-ev-s dpio-r-ev-co
the language goes directly from any Noun to a Verb in -euw.
Again, the Verbs in -iw ( 60) presuppose Nouns in -MJ,
. which are seldom found in use : S^pido-fiat (cp. brjpL-s from which
an intermediate Srjpi'-rj might be formed), ^Tidca (cp.
(paArjpioWra, e^tdao-^at (Od. 21. 429),
Similarly, a Primitive Noun may appear to be Denominative
because the Verb from which it is formed is wanting. E.g. if
in the series
avL-t] vexation, din-doo, avi-q-po-s
oiv-s ffrief, oiv-a>, 6'iv-p6-s
the Verb were passed over, we should appear to have a Deno-
minative Noun in -po-s. Again, if the Primitive Noun in
-t) and the Verb in -aw were both wanting, we should prac-
tically have the Compound Suffix -rj-po : and this accordingly is
the case (e. ^.) in al\(r-r]p6-s (atya) swift, dv-r]\ri (6v-<a), ity-j/Ao'-s
(tfv/a), <v-7?Ai-s.
In this way are formed the peculiar Homeric -wptj, -W\TJ, which
are used virtually as Primary Suffixes (forming abstract Nouns) ;
eAir-cdpTj hope, OaXir-wprj comfort, dAecopv; (dAe^) escape, repir-coATj
delight, <^ei8-coA77 sparing, irav(r-a>Xri ceasing. Note that the dif-
ference between -cop?? and -o>Arj is euphonic ; -a>prj is found only
when there is a preceding A in the Stem.
The Verb-Stem in Denominative Verbs is not always the
same as that of the Noun from which it is formed : in par-
ticular
i . Verbs in -ew, -ow lengthen the final -o of the Noun-Stem
to -?j and -<a ; as <po/3o-s, f-(f)6j3r]-o-a
The ground of this peculiarity must be sought in the fact that the De-
nominative Verbs were originally confined (like the Tenth Class of Sanscrit)
to the Present Tense and its Moods. Consequently the other Tenses, the
Fut., the Aor., and the Pf., were formed not directly from the Noun, but
from the Stem as it appeared in the Present Tense. Hence such forms as
Ovpavicavts, are derived from Collectives in -wv ( 116, 6). Thus from ovpavicav
(Sing. Fern.) the heavenly powers we might have oi/pavioives heavenly ones, and finally
ovpavicav as a Sing. Masc. Cp. <f>vyds originally ' a body of exiles,' then <v7o5s
'exiles,' then Qvyds 'an exile.' So in French, first la gent ' people/ then les gens,
finally un gens-d'armes.
I
114 NOUN FORMATION. [l2I.
<f>o&Ti-a<u, (-ff>6l3T)-ffa, ir(-<]>60ri-fuu go back to a period when the Pres. was either
2. Verbs in - form Tenses and derivative Nouns as if from
a Verb-Stem in -8 ; as {//3/n-s, vfipi-fa, v/SpioTTJs (as if v/3pi8-T7j-s,
although there is no 8 in the declension of vfipi-i).
3. Verbs in -iu from Nominal Stems in -po, -Xo, -1*0 often
suppress the final -o, as nadapo-s, Kadaipo) (for Ka0ap-ia>) ; iroi-
Kt'Ao-s, TToiKtAAco (for 7roiKiA-ia>), -TToiKi'A-fiara. So perhaps airi-
vucrcro) from cnrlvvro-s, and even ep&ro-<o from eper-?j-s. We may
compare the loss of -o, -tj before a Suffix such as -10 : see 117
(foot-note).
Comparatives and Superlatives.
121.] The Suffixes which express comparison either between
two sets of objects (Comparative) or between one and several
others (Superlative) are partly Primary, partly Secondary.
Hence it is convenient to treat them apart from the Suffixes of
which an account has been already given.
The Comparative Suffix -\.w is Primary : the Positive (where
there is one) being a parallel formation from the same (Verbal)
Root. The Homeric Comparatives of this class are :
yAuK-i&)v (yAvK-v-s), ala^-iov (aia\-p6-s}, iracr<T(av (for Tia^-Lu^v,
Tra\-v-s), Ppda-crcav (/3pax-v-s), ddcrcrtav (rax-v-?), Kpeuro-a)z> (for
, Kpar-v-s)- icaK-woy, i>Ti-o\iov-fs better written
Aiy-o-s), fjii<i)V (ptey-a-s), p.a\Xov (paX-a), acrcrov
f\.ax-vs), rjvcrtov (TJ/CO), \((pfav and \fpf-i<av,
(dpe-TTj), Kcpb-iov (xepS-os), piy-iov (pty-os), KaAA.-toj;
fiXy-iov (aAy-os), TrAe-ia)^ /letcoi', (/uA-uoi;, afjifivtov, fitkr-iov, Acij-
'iov, Ppabtoiv (Hes.).
The Stem is properly in the strong form, as in Kpeio-a-oiv (but
jcpar-vs, Kapr-ioTos) ; but it is assimilated to the Positive in
iidcr(riv, Ppda-cTtov, yAuKicor. In 0d(T>T(av, eAao-o-cop the a points to
forms *dayx-i(av, *eAayx-ia>y, in which the nasal of the original
*0fyX-ia>z>, *c\y\-i<i>v was retained, but the e changed into d.
The Superlative -IOTO is used in the same way ; we have :
7Jf5-ioro-s (f/b-v-s), &K-HTTO-S
Aeyj(-ioTO-s (eAeyx-oy), OIKT-IOTO-S (otaT-o-s), /xT
(3dd-i(rro-s (f3ad-v-s), pr)-'i<rro-$ (peta, lorpTji'-a), (pe'
also, answering to Comparatives given above, aZcrx~ i(rro ~ s >
-S) TO.\-i<TTa, Kapr-icrro-s, KaK-tcrro-s, p-ey-io-ro-s, /u,oA-i<rra,
rJK-i<rro-s, ap-taro-s, Kep8-ioro-j, p'l'y-iora, KdAA-ioro-s,
-s, TrAe-toro-s : finally the anomalous Trpwr-ioro-y.
The Suffix -IOK has taken the place of -too- ( 107, f j); the
' weakest ' form may be traced in -IO--TOS. The middle form -wa
I2I-] DEGREES OF COMPARISON.
perhaps appears in the two Comparatives irXees more (II. n. 395,
Ace. 7rA.eas II. 3. 1 29) and \tpeia worse (Ace. Sing, and Neut.
/j//> Plur., also Dat. Sing-, yjjrrfi, Nom. Plur. x*/ 37 /**)- Original
TrAeees (for 7rA.e-6e<r-es) became nA.ee? by Hyphaeresis ( 105, 4) :
and so ^P fia i for x P f - Lf(r -a *. The weakest form of -toy would
be -ic, which may be found in iiplv (cp. Lat. pris-cus), and the
Attic Tt\f-lv. Evidently TrAeoo-- : 7rAei<r- : 7rAe-ii = prios : pris- :
irplv.
Traces of a Comparative Suffix -cpo appear in eWpoi those
beneath (Lat. inf-eru-s, sup-em-s).
The Suffix -TO or -arc is found in the Ordinals rpi-ro-s, &>c.,
and with the Superlative meaning in vir-aro-s, ve'-aro-s, irufj.-
aro-s. p.ecrcr-aros, lo-^-aro-s, and Trpwros (for Trpo-aro-s) ; also
combined with Ordinal Suffixes in the Homeric rpi-T-aro-s,
e/38op>aro-s, oybo-aro-s. The form -dro is probably due to the
analogy of the Ordinals reVpa-ro-s, eva-To-s, SeKa-ro-s, in which
the a is part of the Stem f.
A Suffix -fio may be recognised in irpo-po-s foremost man (Lat.
iitfi-mu-s, sum-mu-s, pri-mu-s, ulti-mu-s, mini-mus).
The common Suffixes -repo, -TO,TO appear with a Verb-Stem in
<pfp-TpO-S, (fxIp-TdTO-S (cp. <pp-i(TTO-s), fic\-TpO-S (^oA.-O/Xai),
(piX-repo-s, 0tA-raTo-s (cp. e-^tAa-ro loved), 6eu-repo-s, bev-raro-s
(bev-<a to fail, to come short of\}. So (padv-Taros, for (paev-raros
((pacha)). Otherwise they are used with Nominal Stems : as
7T/3e(r/3i'-repo-s, ^atnAev-repo-s, /xeAav-repo-s, KW-TO.TO-V, /naKap-
Taro-s, a^apto-repos (d-xapir-repos) : and Pronouns, as fjfjic-Tepos,
vij.-Tpos, Tro-repos, afj.<p6-Tpos, (Ka-repos, fTfpos (for $-Tepos, d-
owe, with assimilation to kv-}. Final o of the Stem becomes u
when a long syllable is needed to give dactylic rhythm ; as
Ka/cw-repo-s, KaKoetya>-repo-s . Ill avirjpecr-Tepos (Od. 2. 190) the
Stem follows the analogy of 0viJ.-rjpes, &c. In ^apieo--repos (for
Xapt^ar-repos) there is the same assimilation as in the Dat. PI.
Xapieo-crt ( 106, 3). In /muxo^-raro-s innermost the Stem appears
to be a Locative case-form ; cp. Trapot-repot more forward, and
* So G. Mahlow and J. Schmidt, K. Z. xxvi. 381. A different analysis is
given by Collitz in Bezz. Beitr. ix. 66 and Brugmann (Grundr. ii. 135, p. 402),
who explain Tr\tts as pte-is-es, i. e. from the weakest form of the Stem. This
view does not apply so well to x/> f '- a > since it leaves unexplained the diverg-
ence between it and the Superl. \tipia-ros. It may be noticed as an argument
for the supposition of Hyphaeresis that we do not find the Gen. ir\tos, x^>os,
just as we do not find Hyphaeresis in the Gen. of Nouns in -eos, -eijs ( 105, 4).
Cp. however, the absence of trace of a Gen. dpe'ivo-os ( 114, J, foot-note').
f Ascoli in Curt. Stud. ix. p. 339 if.
J This very probable etymology is given by Brugmann, K. Z. xxv. p. 298.
According to Brugmann the w of aofyurfpos, &c. is not a metrical
lengthening, but comes from the adverbs * ao<j>w, &c. (related to ffofws as OVTU
to OVTOJS, no), like the later tcarA-Ttpos from KCLTU, &c.
I 3
ll6 COMPOSITION. [l22.
later forms like Karw-Tepo-s. dvw-raro-s, &c. ; so probably in
repos and vTrep-repos. On the analogy of vTttp-repos we can
explain eWp-repos (cp. virep-Oe : Zvep-df, &c.). The form ytpai-
repos, again, may be suggested by iraXairepos, through the
relation yepaio's : TraAcuo's and the likeness of meaning (Meyer,
G. G. p. 372). The words 8ei-repo's, dpiorepos are formed like
Comparatives, but are distinguished by their accent.
The Suffix -rcpo is combined with the Suffix -iov in do-<ro-
Tc'pco (Adv.) nearer, eir-curo-yrepoi drawing on, \ipo-T(po-s and
-s worse.
-Tpo, -TaTo are combinations of -TO (in rpi-ro-s, &c.) with the Suffixes -po
and -OTO respectively. The tendency to accumulate Suffixes of comparison is
seen in Iv-tp-repos (-TOTOS), vir-fp-rtpos (-TOTOS), aaao-ripca, xtipo-repos and xtptio-
rtpos ; Tpi-T-aTos, f@86-fji-aTos, vporr-ia-ros ; Lat. -tssimw-s (for -is-ti-wu-s),
inag-is-ter, min-is-ter.
122.] Comparative and Superlative Meaning. The Stem is
often that of a Substantive, as /cw-repo-s more like a dog, fiaa-iXtv-
raro-s most Jdnglt/ ; so that the Adjectival character is given by
the Suffix.
The meaning^is^j^ftcsnj not that an object has more of a
quality than some other object or set of objects, but that it has
the quality in contradistinction to objects which are ^c^thout it.
Thus in -rrpo-repo-s the meaning is not more forward, but forward,
opposed to w-repo-s behind. So vnep-repo-s and eye'p-repo-s,
Sefi-repo-s, and dpto--repo-s, bev-repo-s, &c. The same thing
appears in the Pronouns ^/xe'-repo-s, vfie'-repo-s e-repo-s, iro-Tepo-s.
eKa-repo-s, d/x^o-repo-s, &c. ; ^/ze-repo-s is not more belonging
to u%, but belonging to us (not you). So in the Homeric Com-
paratives :
dypo-Tfpo-s of the country (opp. to the town).
6peV-Tepo-s of the mountains (opp. to the valley).
6fd>-Tfpa.L, opp. to /carat/fora! avQp&'noi.vi.v (Od. 13. ill).
6r]\v-Tpai female (opp. to male).
\ ' the class of youths.
OTrAo-repoi j
Cp. II. 19. 63 Tpoxri TO Kfpbiov that is a gain to the Trojans (rather
than to us). Hence the Comparative is sometimes used as a softened
way of expressing the notion of the Positive : as II. 19. 56 apeiov
'good rather than ill'; II. i. 32 o-awrepos safe (as we speak
of being ' on the safe side ') : so Qaa-aov with an Imper. Hence
too the idiomatic use of the double Comparative, Od. i. 164
eAcKppo'repoi Trobas flvai rj a(f>vioTepoL to be light of foot rather than
wealthy.
Composition.
123.] It is a general law of Greek and the kindred languages
12 4-] PREFIXED STEM. Ijy
that while a Verb cannot be compounded with any prefix except
a Preposition, a Nominal Stem may be compounded with any
other Nominal Stem, the first or prefixed Stem serving to limit
or qualify the notion expressed by the other.
The Homeric language contains very many Compounds formed
by the simple placing together of two Nominal Stems : as TTTO \ i-
iTop6o-s sacker of cities, po8o-8<kruAo-s rose-fingered, reAeo--$o'po-s
bringing to an end, fiovXr]-<l>6po-s bringing counsel, vty-ayoprj-s
talking loftily, 7rpo>0-??/3?]-s (for Trpcoro-^rj-s) in the prime of
youth, &c.
124.] Form of the Prefixed Stem. The instances which
call for notice fall under the following heads :
a. Stems in -o, -rj :
The great number of Nominal Stems in -o created a tendency
(which was aided by the convenience of pronunciation) to put -o
in place of other Suffixes. Thus we have
-o for -T), as vAo-Tojuo-s wood-cutter, &c.* tnibwfc
-o for -e<r, in eipo-Ko/xo-s wool-dresser, /xeyo-et/cTj? pleasing to the
spirit ; and for -aa, as yrjpo-KOfjic-s tending old age.
-jio for -pov, as a.Kfji6-dTo-v anvil-block ; and for -jia, as ai/xo-
<popvKTo-s dabbled with blood, Kvpo-boKr), &c.
-po for -pa, in 7rarpo-/cao-iyzn]Tos, /xi]rpo-7rara)p, avopo-<povos,
and the like. In avopa-nooov the short Stem (as in avbpd-cri,)
is retained, but probably this form is due to the analogy of
TfTpd-TTooov : slaves and cattle being thought of together as the
two main kinds of property in early times (Brugm.).
-o inserted after a consonant ; iraib-o-<p6vo-s child-slayer,
ap-juar-o-Tnyyo-s chariot-builder, vbaT-o-Tpe<j)ris wafer-fed, eXe-o-
6p(TT-To-s (eAe<r-o-) grown in a marsh, ^ep-o-^om-s fying in air,
bovpo-boKr] (8opf-o-) spear-holder, Kepao-oo-s (jcepao--) worker in
horn. Sometimes the -o is a real Suffix ; e.g. in 8t-o-yen;s (dif-io)
Zeus-sprung ( = biov ycvcs Hx<i>v).
Stems in -rj instead of -o appear in 6a\afj.r]-ir6\o-$ attendant of
a chamber, Trvprj-tyopo-s bearing wheat, fXa(pr]-j36\o-s, e Karri -/36\o-s,
Kpava^-TTfbo-s, i>Trepri-<pavo-s. We may suppose that there was
a collateral Stem in -TJ (e.g. 6aXd^r] is found, but in a different
sense from 6d\ap.o-s Od. 5. 432), or that the Compound follows
the analogy of /3ouX?j-^)opo-s, &c.
Fern, -u becomes either -o, as aeXXo'-Tros storm-foot ; or -YJ, as
xo-s earth-holder, juotpTj-yev^s born by fate.
* It is possible however that Feminine Nouns in -17 were regarded as formed
from Stems in -o, the long vowel being of the nature of a Case-ending ( 113).
This is especially applicable to Adjectives : e. g. dicp6-iro\is comes directly from
Masc. dnpo-s (Brugm.).
Il8 COMPOSITION. [124.
The result of these changes is to make o the ' connecting vowel ' in the
great majority of Compounds. In later Greek this form prevails almost
exclusively.
I. Stems in -i :
The Compounds which contain these stems are mostly of an
archaic stamp : apyi-Trob-es withswift (or white) feet, apyi-obovT-es
ivhite-toothed, dpyi-Kt'pawo-s with bright, lightning, rep7n-/cepauro-s
hurling thunderbolts (repTroo = rp^7ro>, Lat. torqueo), ciAt-7ro8-es
trailing (?) the feet (of oxen), aAt-TrAoo-s washed by the sea, also
aAi-arys, dAi-7rop(pupo?, 'AAi-apros, c AAi-a>i>ot, 'AAi-fle'poT/s (cp.
aAi-evs fisherman), alyi-fioro-s fed on by goats, alyL-Ki^r deserted by
goats, xaAi-(ppa>i; of light mind, 8ai-<ppa>v warlike (or prudent],
dAei-KaKo-s % defender against ill, \a6i-Krjbris forgetting care, TTVKI-
p.rjbi]s with shrewd counsel, KaAAt-ywaiK-a with beautiful women
(cp. /caAAi-p-os), Kvbi-dveipa glorifying men (cp. Kvbi-6<ov) ; with the
Proper Names, AlOt-oir-fs, Yleipi-Ooo-s, 'A\Ki-voo-s, 'AA/a-p,e8eoi>
(cp. av-a\Ki-s), and the words beginning- with dpi- and epi-.
The meaning of several of these words is very uncertain,
owing to the merely ornamental and conventional way in
which they are used in Homeric poetry. It seems to follow
that they are survivals from an earlier period, one in which
the number of Stems in -i was probably greater than in Homeric
times.
Loss of o may be recognised in apri-nos ( = apnos rows 7ro'8as),
t-8a>pos grain giving (feia), Kparai-yvaAo? of strong pieces, ATJI-
(po/3os, perhaps also fxiai-cpwos, 'AA^at-pieyrj?, TaAai'-mopos : cp.
yepcu-repos from yepcuo-s.
c. Stems in -at :
This group is mainly Homeric : epucri-TrroAi (Voc.) deliverer of
the city (with v. 1. puo-i-irroAi II. 6, 305), depo-t-TroS-es lifting the
feet (i. e. with high action), TrAr^-iTnro-s smiter of horses, Xvai-
loosening the limbs (of sleep), rawer t-iTTepo-s, TaAa<n-<ppcoi>,
o-s, Tepx/a-xopr; (Hes.), fvo<ri-^d(av (evvocri-yaios,
, &c.),
5w; and Proper Names, flpajreo-i-Aao-s, 'Ap&i-voo-s,
Av(r-avbpos, ITeto--77y(op, netcri-orpaTo-s, 'Opcri-\o\o-s, '
vftDS, 'Ho-L-obos (Hes.), &c.
There are a few Stems in -rt ; ^wrt-areipa feeding men, Kaori-
dvtipa (cp. Kf-Kacr-fjifvos).
We may add the Hesiodic <pepe'cr-/3ios life-bearing, and cpepeo--
o-aKT]? shield-bearing with 4>epe<r- apparently for <^epeo-t-.
These Stems were originally the same as those of the abstract
Nouns in -rt-s, -<ri-s : cp. Te'pi/ri-^dp/;, rep^i-^poros, &c. with
1 24.] PREFIXED STEM. 119
Tp\l/i,-s, TrAT^-iTTTTOs with 7rAryi-9. But in many cases new Stems
have been formed under the influence of the sigmatic Aorist, with
a difference of quantity, as in </>D<n-bo-s life-giving (<v<n-s), Avcri-
jueXrjs, <p6lo--iJi(3poTo-s. Compare also rajueo-i-xpcos with T^TJO-I-S,
ITeio-t-crrpaTO-s with TTtcrrt-s, &c.
The group of Compounds is also to he noticed for the dis-
tinctly Verbal or participial meaning given by the first part of
the word; cp. the next group, and 126.
d. Stems in -e :
These are nearly all Verbal, both in form and meaning : eAfce-
Xmoy-es trailing the chiton, /xeve-8rjto-s withstanding foemen (so
l^eve-\apiJ.ri-s, |uei>e-TTToAep;o-s, Meve-Acto-s, Meve-crOfvs, &c.) : ex e '~
dv^o-s restraining passion, eyt-fypav possessing judgment, fye-TrevKes
carrying sharpness, 'Exe-7rft>Ao-s, 'Exe-znjos, 'Exe-KArjs ; dye-Aeuj
driving spoil, apxe-KaKO-s beginning mischief, dyxe-juaxo-s fighting
close, Aexe-TTOuy with beds of grass : 'Apx^-Aoxo-s, <I>epe-KAos, MeAe-
aypo-s ; (pepe-otKos carrying his house (of the snail in Hes.), eype-
KySoi/xos stirring tumult : also (if e is elided) ^ev8-ayyeAo-s
bringing false news, atQ-o-fy fiery, juo-y-ay/ceia the meeting-place of
glens, dAe^aye/xos keeping off wind, 'A\e-avbpos.
Stems in -<re ; aKepo-e-/co'ju,rj-s with unshorn hair, ITepo-e-^oVeta.
"With the Stems in -c may evidently be placed raXa-, in raAa-
(ppu>v with enduring mind, raAa-epyo-s enduring in work, raAavpivos
(for raAa-fptvo-s) bearing a shield of hide, raAa-Trer^Tjs bearing
sorroiv, raAa-Tretptos bearing trial ; and T\TJ- in TArj-TroAejuos &c. :
also TO.VU-, in raw-yAcocro-os ^z^ outstretched tongue, long-tongued,
Tavv-(pv\\os long-leaved, raw-y\<ji>\wes long-notched (arrows), and
^po- in 'Epv-Aao?, defender of the host.
e. Stems in -v :
a for n appears in 6vofj.d-K\VTOs of famous name, Kwa-pma. for
Kua-juuia on the analogy of nvv-a.
f. Case-forms :
Nom. Ace. in Numerals, as Zv-bfKa, bvu-beKa.
The Dative is probably to be recognised in aprji-^aTo-s slain in
war (and so 'Aprji-9oo-s, ' Aprji-\VKo-s), Trvpi-rjKifc sharpened by fire
(TTVpi-Kava-To-s, nvpL-(p\rye0a)v), bu-irfT^s falling in the sky ; the
Dat. Plur. in KTjpeo-o-i-cpo'prjro-s brought by the fates, ope<n-Tpo</>o-*
nursed in mountains, eyxecn'-^wpo-s great with spears, evTeo-6-epyo-s
working in harness, T^i^cn-TrK^Ta (Voc.) drawing near to (assailing]
walls, Nauo-t-Kaa, Mrjdeori-Kcia-rr;, Ilao-t-^Tj, Xepari-ba^as ; a
Locative form in ^a^ai-^vv^ sleeping on the ground, 6801-
7ro'po-s a wayfarer, ^opoi-Tvifli] figuring in the dance, ITuAoi-
yfvrjs born at Pyhis, 7raAai-(/)aro-s of ancient fame, and perhaps
(to express manner] in i0cu-yei>?js duly born, oAoo-rpox<>-s rolling.
Cp. e/x-7rupt-^37jrr/s made to stand over the fire, i. e. a kettle.
120 COMPOSITION. [l25-
This use of the Dative may have been suggested by the Stems in -i and -at.
Compounds such as f\tcfffi-irerr\os, wXtcri-Kapvos, d\<ptai-@oioS) containing forms
which sounded like the Dat. Plur. of Stems in -cr, may have served as types
for the group tyx fa ^'l Jlcu P 0! > Ttixtfft-irkriTTjs, optff't-rpotyos, &c. in which the Dat.
Plur. takes the place of the Stem. Cp. Tlpurtai-Xaos.
Conversely, <f>(p(a-f3io-s life-bearing, and <ptp(ff-aa.KTi$ (Hes.) ought to be
* (pfpfai-fiio-s, but have followed the type of opta-/3to-s, Tf\ea-(f>6po-s, &c.
The forms 5u-$tAo-s, dp?]i-$iAo-s, dprjt-Kra/xevo-?, Sai'-Krd/iepo-?,
bovpi-K^vro-s, Sovpi-KAetro-s, vavtn-KXvro-s, should probably be
written as separate words, Au <iAos, "Apry'i /crd/ieros, &c. As to
-KTCxjiei'OS see 125' 6 : as to -K\UTOS, -K\eiTOS, Cp. 128.
The Genitive is very rare : ovbev6a--(Dpo-s not ivorth caring for,
The Accusative may be recognised in 5iKa<r-7roAo-s busied about
suits (5iKat), a.TaXa-<j)p(i)v with childish thought ( = draXa $poyeW,
which is also used in Homer), aKaAa-ppeiY^s gently flowing, 'A\K&-
Ooos (cp. Dat. dA/c-i), 77o8a-ri7rrpoi>, also TTUV- (altogether} in ^a/i-
irav, Trav-aio\os, Ttav-diroTnos, Tra/x-Trpcoros, &c.
An ending -TJ (for -6i) may be seen in j;e7y-$aros new-slain,
This is perhaps an Instrum.. as TTOI-TT; ( no).
125.] Form of the second Stem. i. The use of a Root-
Noun, i. e. a Verbal Stem without a distinct Nominal Suffix
( 113), is more common in Composition than in simple Nouns:
as, bi-uy-s yoked in a pair, bi-Tr\aK-a two-fold, ^p-vift-a hand-
washing, otv-oTT-a wine-like, vrjioa (vy-Fib-a) ignorant, alyt-Xnr-os
(Gen.) left by goats, iroXv-ait; much starting, ^ou-TrA^ an ox-whip.
The Stem, it will be seen, is in the Weak form.
2. Nouns in -<os (Gen. -o-os) and in -os (Gen. -e-os) form the
Compound in -rjs, Neut. -cs, as av-atb^s without shame (albas),
0u/x-aAy?7? grieving the spirit (aAyos).
The Stem in these Compounds is often weak, though in the
simple Neuters in -05 it is strong ( 114) : e.g. alvo-TraO^s (as well
as Ta\a-Trev6ri$, vy-TrevO^s, from -nerdos}, ayyj.-padr\s (jSevOos, TTO\V-
fievdris), olvo-fiapris, Trpcoro-Tray?/?, a-(nvri$, dvpo-baKris, dpt-^paSTjy,
erep-aAKTj?, rrjAe-^at-Tjs, &c. So we find aixcSs (II. 22. 336) as
Adv. to deiKrjj, and dAAo-i'Se'a (Od. 13. 194) alongside of 6eo-
^s, fj.vXo-ei.bris, &C.
This weakening of the Stem, accompanied by shifting of the accent to the
suffix, apparently represents the original rule words like TaA.a-irev(W|s being
formed afresh from the Simple Noun. Conversely, the analogy of the Com-
pounds has given rise to the forms ir49os, pa0os, pipes, &c. and also to the
simple Adjectives such as tf^evSrjs, ffcuprjs.
3. Stems in rjv (c^-) usually take uf (oc-) in Composition : as
<$>pr]v (Gen. <f)pev-6s) forms -np6-(bp(av, Gen. Ttpo-typov-os : and
1 25.] SECOND STEM. 121
Neuters in -jia form Compounds in -puv, Gen. -jtoi'-os, as av-
aifjiov-es (at/xa) bloodless. Cp. cnreipcov boundless (irftpap, Trepau-oo).
So too TrarTjp, ^Tjrrjp, avr^p, &C. form -wp (Gen. -op-os), as fj-rjTpo-
Trdrcop, fv-riva>p.
4. Some Stems take a final -T, as a-(3\fj-T-a (Ace. Sing.) un-
thrown, d-K/x?/-r-es unwearied ; so eTri-jSAifo a-bfj.ris, d-yi>?.
5. In Adjectives the Suffix is often replaced by one ending in
-o ; as o-Trarpo-s of one father, /3ap/3apd-<pWo-s with strange voice
(from (pwi 1 ??), xpucr-TjAaKaro-s with goldtn distaff (^Aa/cdrrj), 6ur-
cowjuo-? of evil name (wojua), a-o-irepjuo-s without seed (o"7rep//.a),
&c. In other cases the Suffix is retained, and thus we find in
Compounds (contrary to the general rules of Noun-formation)
Masc. Stems in -t\, as apyvpo-biin]-$,
and -18, as AeuK-a<r7ri8-es.
Masc. and Fern. Stems in -ea, as jaeAi-rjS^s honey-sweet, ripi-
yeVeta (for -eo--ia) early born.
Fern. Stems in -o, as \pvtr6-6povo-s ("Hp?]), pobo-ba.KTv\o-s
('Hws), and many other adjectives 'of two terminations/
A Masc. Stem in -/WIT, viz. e/3uo--a/3fiar-es (ITTTTOI).
6. The use of a Participle in the second part is rare : it is
found in some Proper Names, as OuK-aAeycov, ITupt-<|>Aeye'0a>i>,
&fo-K\vfj.fvos : also where it is a mere Adjective without any
Tense-meaning, as TroAv-rAa?, cp. d-8djaas. In other cases we can
write the words separately, as itoXiv TrAayx^e^ras, banpv \^v,
/xeAovcra, Kaprj Ko/xocoire?, cu z'aterdcoi', evpu peco^, eu
oppevos, "Aprji Krdjbteroj, 8at jcrd/>iero?, &c.
7. Abstract Primitive Nouns are not used in the second part :
thus we do not find e7re(r-/3oA?7, but e7reo--/3oAuj (through a con-
crete e7reo--/3o'Ao-s) : and so /So-r/Aao-uj (not /3o-7jAa<ri-s), avbpo-
Kracrt-rj, ev-8tK-i?j, d/xa-rpoxiT?, dAao-o-KOTTtTj. Except after Prepo-
sitions ; as dju,<pt-/3ao-t-s, eiri-K\rjcrt-?, irpo-xoT], 7rpo-8oK7].
Note however TraAtco^ts (for -rraAi-uo^i-s), /3ou-Avro'-s ^<? ^'we
o/^ unyoking, /3ov-/3pooo-ri-?.
8. When the latter part of a Compound is derived from a
disyllabic Verbal Stem beginning with a vowel, its initial vowel
is often lengthened : as
e\a- drive, tTnr-rjAdra, e-7jAa-ro?, /So-TjAa-o-uj.
epa- love, TT-r)pa-TOS, TroAu-r/pa-ros.
dfA6\y- milk, av-rip.\KTOs, 'iTTTT-rj/xoAyoi.
dp6-w plough, av-ripo-Tos.
dXey-w mre, Sucr-TjAey-eos (Gen.), a7r-7jAey-^a>?.
epe'cj)-oj cover, Kar-Tjpe^-T/y, d^-Tjpe^)-?js, v-rr
ip-u change, e^-7jp.oi^-os.
r- row, (piA-r/per-/^?, 5oAi)(-r7per/^os.
K- carry, Si-rji'eK-rj?, TroS-TjyeK-^j, 8oup-7jre/c-7]y.
122 COMPOSITION. [126.
- come,
- assemble, 6/x-Tjyep-ee?,
pc,8- strive, ap-t^-i] pi ores striven about.
So 7708-171^09, ev-cow/^tos (7roAu-coM;ju,os, &c.),
ev-r](f)fvris (from &<pevos wealth}, yapty-GtvvJ;, 7re/x7r-w/3oA.ov, di>-
?;/ceoTos, dy-an'oro?, ept-owrjs (ova- help}, tar-copeta (opos), St-rj/coVtot
and rpi-rjKo'crioi (fKaTov),^'<^^-^p^(^f>'^fy
Similar lengthening is found, but less frequently, in the first
part of the Compound; a>Aeo-i'-/cap7ros, TjAtro'-ju^yo?, 'flpei-0wa.
Also in other derivatives, as rivp.6-fis, rivop-eri, rrjAetfo'coo-a (0a Ae'0co), -
riyepeOovrai (dyep-).
126.] Meaning of Compounds. The general rule is that the
prefixed Stem limits or qualifies the meaning of the other : as
co/xo-yepow hale old man, 8i]/u.o-yepcoz> e?/r<fer of the people, Tpi-yp(uv
(Aesch.) thrice aged ; Imro-bafj-o-s tamer of horses, ITTTTO-^OTO-S
pastured by horses, ITTTTO'-KO/XOS with plume of horse-hair, ITHJ-O-
K\vdos making way with horses ; /3adv-$tvqeis deep-eddying.
The prefixed Stem may evidently express very different rela-
tions that of an Adjective, as wjmo-yepcov, (3a6v-bivr]s, or a
Genitive, as Srj^o-yepcoy, ITTTTO-KO/XO?, or an Object, as i7r7ro-8aju,os,
or an Adverb of manner or place or instrument, as 6/x-r/yepees,
7yepo-(pom?, &c. and various attempts have been made to
classify Compounds according to these relations. Such attempts
are usually unsatisfactory unless the differences of meaning upon
which they are based are accompanied by differences of gram-
matical form.
In respect of form an important distinction is made by the
fact that in the second part of many Compounds a Substantive
acquires the meaning of an Adjective without the use of a new
Suffix; e.g. pooo-baKTv\o-s, literally rose-finger, means not a rosy
finger, but having rosy fingers ; so i7T7ro'-/co/>ios with a horse-plume,
iTrmo-xairrj-s with horse's mane (as a plume], /3aOv-bivr]-s ( = /3aOv-
Siz/ry-ets), &c. Such Compounds are called by Curtius Attributive.
The formation is analogous to the turning of abstract into con-
crete Nouns by a mere change of Gender (instead of a Suffix),
1 16. Thus bto-yevris (= blov yeros )(>*>) is to blov yfvos as
\lrfvbri$ false to \j/evbos falsehood.
Among the meanings which may be conveyed by a Stem in
a Compound, note the poetical use to express comparison: as
deAAo-TTos storm-foot, i. e. with feet [swift] as the storm,
honey-voiced, pobo-b&KTvXo-s, KW-MTTI-S, &c. So too
like the wind in feet, 0u/zo-AeW like a lion in spirit.
The order of the two Stems may be almost indifferent ; i. e. it
may be indifferent which of the two notions is treated as quali-
fying the other; e.g. Tiob-toKrjs swift of foot ( = O>KVS TOVS 7ro5as)
1 27.] MEANING OF COMPOUNDS. 123
is the same in practical effect as &KV-TTOVS swift-foot, with swift
feet (wKei? TTooas ex&>z>).
In the Compounds called by Curtius Objective, i. e. where the
relation between the two parts is that of governing and
governed word, the general rule requires that the governed word
should come first, as in nnro'-Sa/io-s horse-taming. This order
appears to be reversed in certain cases in which the first Stem
has the force of a Verb. The Stems so used are
1. Stems in -e ( 124, d\ as eAjce-xtrcoyes, tyt-<ppu>v, &c.
2. Stems in -ai ( 124, c], as eAKe-o-t-Tre-n-Xos, (^i-cr-rjycop, &c.
3. Some of the Stems in -i, as eiAi-TroSes, Kvbi-aveipa, a^apri-
voos (Hes.), Aafli-KT/STjs, XaQi-<pp<t>v, repTTL-Kepavvos ( 124, 6) ; and
in -o, as (iAo-7rroAe|ios loving war, (piXo-Kf promos, <iAo-Kreaz>oj,
$vyo-7rroAe)Lios flying from ^var, d/zapro-eTnfc blundering in speech,
r}XLT6-p.r]vos astray as to tJ/e month : also the Compounds of raAa-,
rArj-, as TaAa-Trez^s enduring sorrow, TArj-Tro'Ae/ios, &c., and TOKU-,
as Tavv-Trrepos (Hes.), which is=the Homeric raywi-Trrepos.
In most of these cases the inversion is only apparent. For
instance, eAKfo-i-TreTrAos means trailing the robe as distinguished
from other ways of wearing it ; the notion of trailing is there-
fore the limiting one. So rawa-i-TTTepos means long-winged;
s, TAr;-7roAe/uos. Neo-Trro'Ae/xos describe
varieties of the genus ' warrior/
Nevertheless w 7 e must recognise a considerable number of
Compounds in which the Prefixed Stem is Verbal in form as well
as in meaning. A similar group has been formed in English
(e. g. catch-penny, make-shift, do-nothing, &c.), and in the Romance
languages (French vau-rien, croque-mitaine, Italian fa-tutto, &c.).
These groups are of relatively late formation, and confined for
the most part to colloquial language. The corresponding Greek
forms represent a new departure of the same kind.
The process by which the second part of a Compound passes
into a Suffix cannot often be traced in Greek. An example
may be found in -airo-s (iroS-a-Tro's, T/jueS-a-rro's, aAAo8-a7ro$), =
Sanscr. -anc, Lat. -inauu-s (long-inqmis, prop-inquus\ In the
adjectives in -ov(, as olvo\jr, aLOo-fy, TIVO^, v&po\jf, ^po^r, the
original sense of the Stem -oir is evidently very faint. In the
proper names AldCo-rres, AoAoires, "E\Ao7res, OeAo^, &c. it becomes
a mere Suffix.
127.] Stems compounded with Prepositions. These are of
two readily distinguishable kinds :
i . The Preposition qualifies ; as (Tn-fj.apTvpo$ witness to (some-
thing], iTfpi-KTiov-ts dwellers around, d/^i'-^aAo-s with crest on
both sides, Trpo-typuv with forward mind. Forms of this kind are
124 NOUN FORMATION. [128.
sometimes obtained directly from Compound Verbs : e.g.
from e-e'x&), not from e and 0x09.
2. The Preposition governs, i. e. the Compound is equivalent
to a Preposition governing a Noun ; fv-vv%-io-s in the night.,
Kctra-x^op-io-s under-ground, aTro-6vp.-i.o-s displeasing (lit. away
from the mind}, &c. ; also (but less commonly) without a
Secondary Suffix, as ey-Ke$aAo-s brain (lit. within the head), eV-
dpovpo-s attached to the soil.
The placing of the Preposition before the governed Stem is a
departure from the general rule stated above. It may be held,
however, that the Preposition serves (in some of these Com-
pounds at least) as the limiting or qualifying member of the
word. Compare wx-w-s by night, v-vv%-io-s within the night :
it is evident that the tv limits the sense of vfyios in essentially
the same way as irav- in Trav-vTv^-io-s all the night. So /cara-
X#oV-io-s is nearly equivalent to -^Oov-io-s ; the Preposition
merely makes it clear in what sense the Suffix -10 is to be
understood ' belonging to the earth ' by being under it.
128.] Accentuation. The Accent generally falls on the last
syllable of the prefixed Stem, or if that is impossible, then as
far back as possible ; \pv<ro-Qpovos, deAAo-Tros, e7r-7/paro-s (eparo-?),
alv-aperrj-s (dper?j), &c. The chief exceptions are the follow-
ing:
i. When the second Stem ends in -o and has the force of
an Active Participle, it is oxytone, or, if the penult is short,
paroxytone ; as v-$op/3o-s, S?7//,io-epyo-s, roo-<j)6po-s. Except
Compounds with Prepositions, as CTU-KAOTTO-S, -Trpo-jxaxo-?, VTTO-
; also those in -OXQ-S, and one or two more, 7rroAi-7rop0o-s,
2. Adjectives in -TJS (Stems in -ea), Nouns in -eu-s, Nouns of
the agent in -nr)p and -TTJ-S. and Abstract Nouns in -t\ and -j
retain their accent ; oiyo-/3aprj9, fjvi-o-^ev-s, /u,TjAo-y3or^p-as, ITTTTO-
But a few Adjectives in -TJS are barytone, as v^i-irerr;?, nob-
aAx-Tjprj?, ra^u-T/Kijs ; also the Fern, forms ^pt-yeyeia, ATJI-
/3oreipa, 8u(T-apKTTO-roKeta, jono-y-ayKeia.
3. When the second Stem is a long monosyllable, it is
accented : /3ou-7rA?], airo-ppo^, 7rapa-/3Aci)7r-es, 7rapa-7rA^y-as, d-
jSATjs, &c. ( 125, 3). Hence the Fern, forms fio-wir-i-s, yXavK-
&TT-I-S, &c. (as if from /3o-wi//-, yAauK-wx/^, &c.).
129.] Proper Names in Greek are generally Compounds ;
the exceptions are chiefly names of gods, as Zeus, "Hp>7, 'Adrivrj,
&c., and of certain heroes, as Ildpi?, ITpia/xo?, Atas, Tew/epos, &c.
PROPER NAMES NUMERALS. 125
Note that the gods whose names are Compound, as AL
A?y-/!/,)JTr7p, Ilepo-e-cpoVeia, are less prominent in Homer.
The second part of a Proper Name is liable to a peculiar
shortening- ; Ilarpo-KAo-s, 4>epe-KAos, for IlaTpo-KAojs, ^ept-KXerjs,
20e'z/e-Aos for 20ez;e-Aao-?, Atyi-<r#os for AlyL-a-6tvr]s, lyieveo-flews
for Mevf-a-6evri$ ; cp. Evpvp.L^r]s (Od. 9. 509), patronymic of
EvpvpeboDv. In these names the shorter form has (or had
originally) the character of a ' nick-name/ or pet name.
In general, however, the ' pet ' name is formed by dropping
one of the two Stems altogether: the other Stem taking a
Suffix in its place*. Thus we have in Homer the names
in -TO-S, as "EKO-TOS (for KaTrj-/3o'Aos), Evpv-Tos (Epu-/3ar?js,
Evpv-aXos, &c.), "I<pi-Tos, v E^e-ros, ATJI-TOS.
in -rap, as "Ax-rcop (for 'Aye-Aaos or some other name begin-
ning 'Aye-), "Ex-rap ('Exe-), MeWcop (Meve-), KaA?j-Ta>p, 'Afj.vv-
TCdp, &C.
in -TTJ-S, as epo-i-rrjs (cp. epcr-Aoyos, &c.), IIoAi-rTjs, 'OpeV-
TT]s, Qvtar-rris, MeV-rrj? (cp. MeV-rcop).
in -wv, as AoA.-ooi>, 'Ayd0-a>v (cp. AO.KU>V = AaKe8atp.oVios).
in -60-s, as Hep(r-fvs (from Ilepo-e-tpoVos), Olv-tvs (cp. Oiz;o-
jj-aos, &c.) ; Optor-ews, Aeovr-evs, &c.
in -io-s ; AoA-tos (Ao'A-o\^, &c.) 'O5-ios, Tux-tos, 4>^-ios,
KaA?7(r-ios, and many more.
in -ia-s, -a-s ; FUA-ujs, Tetpecr-tas ; 'Ep/xeta?, Aiveias, Auyetas.
In these names the Suffix is not used with its proper force,
but merely in imitation of the corresponding groups of Common
Nouns. This is evident from the fact that so many of these
words are inexplicable as Simple Nouns. Note especially the
names in -TO-S and -UK from Adjectives, as Evpv-ro-s, "I<pi-To-s,
'Aya9-(Dv ; and those in -eu-s from Nouns of the consonantal
declension ( 1 1 8), as Aeovr-ev-s, Aly-cv-s, and even from Verbs,
as FTepfr-ev-s *.
The first part of the Compound has probably been dropped in
(cp. ITept-KAv/^ez'os), Qoatv (cp. '\inio-66(^v\ &c.
130.] Numerals. Although the Numerals are not properly
to be counted as ' Nouns/ it will be convenient to notice here
the chief peculiarities of formation which they exhibit.
1. There are two Fern, forms for els, viz. //ia and la ; also a
Neut. Dat. <j> (II. 6. 422). The Stem d- (for sm-) in #-7ra,
a-7rAoos, &c. is to be regarded as a weak form of the Stem 4c-
(sam). The weak form sm- is to be traced in /xux, for o-p.-to.
2. The forms Su'o and Sou are equally common in Homer.
* Aug. Fick, Die griechischen Personennamen tiach ihrer Bildung erklart, GSttingen,
1874.
126 NOUN FORMATION. [130.
For the number 1 2 we find the three forms 5ua>8e<ca, SwSexa, and
bvoKaiofKa ; also the Ordinals 6uoo8e'Karos and (rarely) 8<o5eKaros.
3. Besides recrcrap-es there is a form -nivvp-ts, applied to horses
in II. 15. 680 and 23. 171, to other objects in II. 24. 233 and
three times in the Odyssey (5. 70., 16. 249., 22. in).
The Stem Terpd- appears in the Dat. reVpa-o-i, also in the
Ordinal (rerpa-ros and re'rap-ros), and most derivatives, as
rerpa-Kts, rerpa-)(#d, TtTpa-tyaXos four-crested, &c. (butcp. reo-crapd-
/3otos ftw^/fc jfo-iw are;/) : also with loss of the first syllable in
The variation in the Stem of this Numeral has been fully discussed by Job.
Schmidt (K. Z. xxv. p. 47 if.). He shows that the Stem had three forms ( 1 14*).
The strong form is seen in Sanscr. catvdras, which would lead us to expect
Greek *TtT/ r a)/js (hence perhaps Dor. Ttropts} ; the weakest in the Sanscr.
Ordinal turiya. for ktur-iya, in which the shortening affects both syllables, and
the first is consequently lost. This weakest Stem appears in rpv-<pa\fta a four-
ridged helmet, and is not derived from the form rerpa-. It probably fell into
disuse owing to its unlikeiiess to recrcrapcs ; accordingly it has only survived
in words in which the meaning ' four' had ceased to be felt.
The form viavpfs may be akin to Lesbian irtocrvpfs or irtavpts, but there is no
decisive ground for regarding it as ^Eolic.
4 OKTO), like 5vo), is a Dual in form. The primitive ending
-uu (Sanscr. ashtdu] may be traced in oySoos (oybtoF-os, oyScoo?,
Lat. octdvus).
5. Under Iwia. note the varieties Iva-ros and dva-ros ninth,
probably for cyfa-ros ; so dvd-Kis. clvd-m^es, flva-eres ; also tvv-
(for ei've-Tjjuap), ewe-copos of nine seasons, ewrj/covra (for evvf-
, cp. rpL-rjKovTa, &c.) and fVfvijKovTa the last a form diffi-
cult to explain.
The numbers above ten are generally denoted by Compounds
of the kind called Copulative (Sanscr. dvandva] : Suw-Se/ca two and
ten.
The analogy of the Numerals ending in -d (e-nrd, Scica, with
the Stems reTpa-, ftva-) has led to the use of d as a connecting
vowel in Numerals generally; hence Trevra-erej and efa-eres
(Od. 3. 115), OKTa-Kvr/juos, re<rcrapa-/3oto, feiKO(rd-/3oios. But in-
versely o is found for d in irevrriKovTo-yvos (II. 9. 579); cp.
124. a.
131.] ADVERBIAL WORDS. I2J
CHAPTER VII.
USE OP THE CASES.
Introductory.
131.] The Case-Endings and Adverbial Endings serve (as has
been said in 90) to show the relation in which the words to
which they are suffixed (Nouns, Pronouns, Adverbs, &c.) stand
to the Verb of the Sentence.
This relation may be of three kinds :
1. The Noun or Pronoun may express the Subject of the
Verb : or rather (since a Subject is already given by the Person-
Ending) it may qualify or define the Subject so given. E. g. in
the sentence /3ao-iAev? 1800-0-1 the-king he-gives /3a<riAevs explains
the Subject given by the Ending -o-i.
2. The Noun &c. may qualify the Predicate given by the
Stem of the Verb. E. g. in TCLVTO. bibw-<n, e/xot 8i'8o>-<n, /caAws
8i8to-<n, a7ro-8i8co-(Ti the Noun (Pronoun, Adverb, Preposition)
qualifies the meaning expressed in the Stem Si8>-.
Constructions of these two kinds are found in Sentences which involve the
addition of one word only to the Verb. Those of the second kind might be
called ' Adverbial ' using the term in the widest sense, for a word construed
with a Verb- Stem.
Note that a Nominative may be used ' adverbially ' : e.g. pcwnXeiis IO--TI may
mean he-is king (as well as the king he-is). See 162.
3. The Noun &c. maybe connected with, and serve to qualify,
another Noun or Adverbial word. E.g. in the sentences /3a<n-
Ae'oos vibs dfdaxri, Kvpov /SacriAeajs Treptyiyyerai, the word /SacriAecos
is not connected with the Verb, but with a Noun.
If the former constructions are ' Adverbial,' these might be called ' Ad-
nominal ' or ' Adjectival.' The Sentences in which they are found must
contain at least two words besides the Verb ; they are therefore of a higher
order of structure than the two former kinds.
From these relations, again, more complex forms of structure
are derived in several ways, which it will be enough to indicate
in the briefest manner.
A Verb compounded with a Preposition becomes for the
purposes of construction a new Verb, with a syntax of its own.
Similarly, the phrase formed by a Verb and a Noun (Case-
form or Adverb) may be equivalent in the construction to a
single Verb, and may take a further Adverb, or govern Cases of
Nouns accordingly. E. g. in KUKO. /5eei TLV& he does evil to some
128 USE OF CASES. [132.
one the Ace. nva is governed by the phrase Ka/ca pe'Cei : in
ura TtKeo-crt honoured like his children the Dat. rtKeo-o-i is governed
by Tier ura.
Again, the new Case-form or Adverb so ' governed ' by a
Verb and Noun may belong in sense to the Noun. Thus in
the sentence /xe'y' to\os iTrXero he is greatly eminent, since eo\os
expresses the meaning which /ue'ya is intended to qualify, we
may consider that practically /xe'ya is construed with !oxos
alone. Evidently a qualification of this kind will generally
apply only to an Adjective * (just as the degrees of comparison
are essentially adjectival). In this way it comes about that an
Adverb may in general be used to qualify an Adjective ; and
that very many Adjectives and Adverbs 'govern' the same Cases
as the Verbs which correspond to them in meaning. E.g. in
<rvt c?KeXos aXnr\v the Adj. el/ceXos takes the construction of
a Verb meaning to le like.
In a strictly scientific treatment of the Cases the various constructions
with the Verb should come before the constructions with Nouns and Pre-
positions. Such a treatment, however, would have the inconvenience of
frequently separating uses of the same Case which are intimately connected.
E. g. the construction dA/yef rty Kf>a\^v (2) cannot well be separated from the
extension of the same construction in iityas IOTI rb ffuifM (3). The Nomina-
tive, too, is used not only as the Subject, but also as the Predicate, or part of
it. It will be best therefore to take the several Cases in succession, and to
begin with the ' oblique ' Cases.
The Accusative.
132.] Internal and External Object. The uses of the Ac-
cusative have been divided into those in which the Ace. repeats,
with more or less modification, the meaning given by the Verb,
and those in which the action of the Verb is limited or directed
by an ' Object ' wholly distinct from it. E. g. in the sentence
eA/cos o fji ovracre, lit. the wound which he wounded me, o (e'A/cos)
qualifies ovrao-t by a word which expresses to some extent the
same thing as the Verb owuo-e : whereas /^e qualifies it in a
different way. As the latter kind of Ace. had been known as
the Ace. of the EXTERNAL OBJECT, so the former has more
recently been termed the Ace. of the INTERNAL OBJECT. We
shall take first the different uses which fall under the description
of the ' Ace. of the Internal Object/
The foundation of this division (as Delbriick observes, Synt.
Forsch. iv. p. 29) is the circumstance that all Accusatives which
* In later Greek Adverbs are constantly used to qualify substantives : as
6 di Qaai\fvs, 6 irplv xpjvos, &c. But this use only becomes possible when we
have the Article to show how the Adverb is to be understood.
J 35-] ACCUSATIVE. I2 9
do not express the external Object of an action may be explained
in nearly the same way. The real difficulty arises when we
try to find a principle which will explain these different Accu-
satives and at the same time exclude the relations expressed
by other Cases or Adverbial forms. No such principle can be
laid down. The fact seems to be that the Accusative originally
had a very wide ' Adverbial ' use, which was encroached upon by
the more specific uses of other Cases. The different constructions
included under the ' Internal Object ' have all the appearance of
fragments of an earlier more elastic usage.
133.] Neuter Pronouns may be used in the Accusative ' ad-
verbially/ i. e. to define the action of the Verb : as II. i. 289 a
TLV ov TTL<ra-6ai ouo in which 1 think that some o?ie will not obey ;
II. 14. 249 aAAo TTivvo-(rev gave another lesson ; Od. 23. 24 TOVTO
dvrja-ei will do this benefit; Od. 10. 75 TOO'' IK&VCIS earnest as thou
dost ; II. 5. 827 MTC ail y "Apr/a TO ye Sei'8t0i fear not Ares as to
this ; To'8e x oe angry at this; rci8e /xa^erat does these mad
things ( = is mad with these acts).
This use includes the Adverbial ri why ? (e.g. TL fjhOes in re-
gard to what have you come ? = what means your coming?) : TO
therefore ( 262, 3), o, on because, that ( 269) : rt in any way,
ovbev not at all, d^oTepov for both reasons (II. 7. 418), ooia
in two ways (Od. 2. 46), vdvTa altogether, &c. ; also the com-
bination of Pronoun and Adverb in TO iipiv, TO Trdpos, &c. the
time before (see 260, b).
134.] Neuter Adjectives are often used in this way ; as evpv
ptei flows in a broad stream, dea KfKXrjyvs uttering shrill cries ; so
TTp>Tov, TTp>Ta in the first place, iroXv, TroAAoV, TroAAa much, /xeya
greatly, oXfyov, TVT06v little, Icrov, Icra equally ; oaov, TOO-OV, Tolov ;
avTiov, tvavTiov; vcrTepov, vorara, p,a\\ov, judAiora, acrcrov, ay^tora ;
v (Neut. of rjvs or ei;s), f]bv, OCLVOV, oeivd, alva, ttaXov, /caAa. WKvd,
ju,acpa, abivd, fiapv, ftapla, 6^v, rap^ea, vTre'p/xopa, eyfie'^ta, o^a,
*X a \ an( i many more.
In general there is no difference perceptible between the Neut.
Sing, and Neut. Plur. But compare TvrQov for a little space,
and TVT0a Kfdo-at. split into little pieces (Od. 12. 388).
Note the combination of Pronoun and Adjective in TO TTP&TOV,
TO, Trpwra, TO TPITOV, TO TfTapTov : also in Ta aAAa in other respects.
This construction is very common in Homer, and may almost
be said to be the usual Homeric mode of forming an Adverb.
It has been already observed that Adverbs in -ws are com-
paratively rare in Homer ( no).
135.] Cognate Accusative. This term denotes that the Verb
K
J3 o USE OF CASES. [i3 6 -
is construed with a Substantive in the Ace. of 'cognate' form,
or at least of equivalent meaning 1 .
A Connate Ace. is generally used to introduce the Adjective
or Pronoun which really qualifies or defines the predication con-
tained in the Verb: e.g. a-pr^KTov iroXf^ov TioX^i^iv to wage a
war without result (cp. the adverbial use of a Neut. Adj. in
uXXiiKTOv -noXepiCtiv to war wit/tout ceasing] ; os KCV apL<TTt}v /3ouAr>
fiovXtvay w/io shall give the lest counsel ( = apiara fiovXevoy) ;
t <i'Aet iravrobiv (/uAo'rTjra treated with all manner of love; Itvai TTJV
O.VTIJV obovtogo the same way. So e7u-/cA77<ni> KaAeowi call by way
of surname : and with a Noun in the Plural, fiovXas fiovXevfiv to
give counsel (from time to time) ; bdo-a-avTo p.oipas divided into the
several shares ; ai'x^as ai'x/zao-o-oixri yecorepoi (with repetition for
the sake of emphasis), &c.
"With a Pronoun referring to a cognate Noun ; Ato/Sr/s . . fjv
eMf Aa)/37j<ra0-0e, eA/cos o p.t fipoTos omacrtv, vit6(r\f(ns rjv -nep VTTC-
<rrr]v, &c.
136.] Other Adverbial Accusatives. The following uses
may be placed here as more or less analogous to the Cognate
Accusative :
(i) Substantives expressing a particular sphere or kind of the
action denoted by the Verb : as
II. 6. 292 7/yaye 2i.bovir]6V . . Ti]V obbv fjv 'EAe'znjj; irep avrj-yaye
the voyage on which he brought back Helen : (cp. Od. 6. 164
?)A0o/> yap KCU /ceure . . rrji> obbv 17 8r) KrA.) ; so obbv oi^fa-Oat,
obbv ^y?;cracr^at to lead on the way ; and again t^tcriiqv f \delv
to go on an expedition (and in Od. 21. 20 ee<m/v iroXXrjv obov
yXOev went a long way on an expedition^ ayyfXirjv fXOovra going on
a message ; fiovXas (apxo>v a-yadas taking the lead in good
counsels ; Od. 8. 23 aeOXovs . . TOVS . . eTreipTjo-air' 'O8u<n/os;
Od. 19. 393 ov\yv rrjv Trore /xiy crvs 7/Aacre. So baivvvra ydfjiov
holding a wedding -feast, baivv rdffrov gave a funeral feast (whereas
the cognate bairrjv batwp.vovs means holding an ordinary feast) ;
vv6.yu>nev "Aprja let us join battle, epiba pr\ywvro fiapfiav broke in
grievous strife.
So probably we should explain II. I. 31 f^ov Ae^os avriouxrav,
like II. 15. 33 </HAo'r?js re KCU evvi] fjv eftiy?;s (cp. Pind. N. I. 67
orav dfol . . yiydvreo-cnv p.d-^av avTidfacri). Also Od. 6. 259 o<pp'
av p.ev K dypovs lo^v nal epy' av6p<i>T;u>v so long as our way is
through -fields and tillage of men, dypovs = 6bbv fv aypois.
Note that this construction is chiefly applied to the familiar
spheres of action battle, council, feasting. &c.
i2) Abstract Nouns expressing an attribute of the action.
1. 9. 115 ov TI \fffijbos e/xa? aras Kare'Aeay with no falsehood-
I37-] ACCUSATIVE.
hast thou recounted my folly : Od. 7. 297 ravra TOI . . a
So ge'/xas (in phrases like Se/za? Trupo's //<? /re), and the Adverbs
, abrjv, \Lf)v, with many others (see no), are originally the
Accusatives of Abstract Nouns.
Add the poetical expressions such as -nvp o^daX^ol
with look ofjire, /xeuea Trveiovrts breathing martial fury.
The phrase irvp Stoopic&s is a boldness of language (compared e. g. with Sttvov
oepKufj.fvoi) analogous to that which we observed in Compounds such as utAAc-
iros with storm-(Uke) feet, as compared with w/tv-iroots, &c. ; see 126.
(3) The words fpyov, erros, jj.vdos, with Pronouns, are used
nearly as the Neuter of the same Pronouns : as
II. i. 294 -nav fpyov tnreio/jieu I shall yield in every matter (TIO.V
fpyov = TTavTa) : 5. 757 ov ve/zeo-i'^T? "Apci raSe Kaprepa epya (constr.
like To'8e x^ )> C P- 9- 374-
Od. 3. 243 ITTOS aAAo /xeraXATjcrai to ask another question.
II. 5- 7*5 V P" oX^-ov TOV pvdov inrtarTrjiJLev our promise was idle.
(4) Words expressing the sum or result of an action are put
in the Ace. ; as II. 4. 207 !/3aAey . . TW ju,ez> fcAeos a/x/xt 8e irevOos ;
24. 735 P^<* x et P s eAcov 0,770 TTVpyov Xvypov oke&pov : Od. 6. 184.
So Tioivriv in condensation, itpotyaaiv on the pretence, eTUKArjo-iy
nominally, y^apw as a favour (only in II. 15. 744).
The use of Substantives to qualify a Verb evidently bears the
same relation to the use of Neut. Adjectives as Nouns in Appo-
sition bear to ordinary Adjectives qualifying Nouns.
Note. Many of these constructions have been treated as varieties or ex-
tensions of the ' Cognate Accusative.' E. g. from 6Sov ikOfiv have been
explained, on the one hand, o8dv rftriaaaOai, oSov avriyayt, &c., on the other,
dyyeXirjv tXOeiv, &c. ; so Salvwro yafjiov, Saivv racpov, have been regarded as
modelled on Sairrjv 5aivva6ai ; pvOov virfffrrjfMfv as justified because a promise is
a fJLvffos, if/(v5os KaTt\(as because if/tvSos = a false tale, and so on. It must not
be supposed, however, that these analogies explain any of the uses in question,
or that the ' Cognate ' Ace. is prior to the others, either in simplicity or in the
order of development. If we compare the Cognate Ace. with the use of
Neuter Adjectives and Pronouns, we see that (e. g.) dpiara fiov\(veiv is simpler,
and doubtless earlier in type, than dpioTrjv f}ov\i)v f}ov\(vetv, a ittp \mi<nt}v than
viroaxffftf TJ V ftp vitfffTrjv, TOL viriaTrj^tv than r&v fivOov vir(ffrr)/j.fv. Again,
SaivvaOai ^a^ov is probably an earlier phrase than the tautologous SaiwaOai
SaiTr/v, rtjv fivOov vnoaTrjfcu than inr<jffx faiv viroffr^vai, &c. The repetition in
the Noun of the Stem already given in the Verb is a feature of complexity
which itself needs explaining. The Cognate Ace., in short, is only a special
form of the use of the Ace. as a defining or qualifying word. Grammarians have
explained other constructions by its help because it is familiar ; but in so
doing they have fallen into the error of deriving the simple from the complex.
137.] Accusatives of the ' part affected/ Many verbs that
are Intransitive or Reflexive in sense take an Ace. restricting
K 2
133 USE OF CASES. [138.
the force of the Verb to a part or attribute of the subject : as
Ka.fj.vei x e V a a ' is hand i s weary, nvpl xeipas eot/ce his hands are as
Jire, (3\iJTo Ki'i]jj.r]v was wounded in the shin, dAAaa)*> 7repiei//,i voov I
am beyond others in understanding; <peW repTrer' &KOva>v was
pleased at heart listening ; ov A.?/ye /leWs ceased not in his fury ;
yevos b 3 TIV e/c Trora/xoio descent he was from the river, ycverjv
ea>Ki (II. 14. 474) was like in descent, i.e. bore 'a family like-
ness ' ; adava.Tii<n be pas KOI elbos (pi&iv to rival the immortals in
form and feature. See 141.
These uses differ from other Accusatives of the sphere of an
action in the distinctly concrete nature of the words employed.
The Ace. does not express the notion of the Verb, or an attribute
of it, but merely denotes a thing by reference to which it is
limited or characterised. Thus in /co/wet \fipa. the Ace. limits
the action na^v et ' feels hand-weariness/ The relation is local
or instrumental, though not so expressed. The meaning ' in or
with the hand ' is conveyed, because it is the only one possible
the only way in which the notion hand can qualify the notion
weariness.
The ( Ace. of the part affected/ or f Acc. of reference/ is
characteristic of Greek : hence it is called Accusativus Graecus by
the Latin grammarians. It is unknown, or nearly so, in
Sanscrit. We cannot infer, however, that it originated with the
Greeks, especially as it is found in Zend (Delbriick, Synt.
Forsch. iv. 33) : but it may have been extended in Greek. The
alternative Case is generally the Instrumental: cp. II. 3. 194
evpvTepos &fiOi(riv Ibe (rT^pvOKrtv Ibe<r0ai, but 3. 47 ^ o/Ajuara Kai
Kt<pa\riv uceAos Ait Or the sense may be further defined by a
Preposition : Trpos (rrrjOos, Kara <ppe'i>a, &c,
138.] Accusative of Time and Space. The word expressing
duration of time is put in the- Ace., as era p.rjva p-tvcov waiting a
'' month, xei/xa e#8ei sleeps through the winter, rpls avagaa-dai yeW
avbp&v to reign for three generations of men.
The Accusative of Space expresses the extent of an action, as
II. 23. 529 Aenrero bovpbs epcoTjv was a spear's throw behind.
These Accusatives are to be compared with the Neuter Adjec-
tives of quantity, as TroAv, oAiyov, TVT&OV, TO<TOV } &c.
139.] Accusative with Nouns. The chief uses are :
(1) Neut. Adjectives, as /xey' e^o^os greatly surpassing.
(2) Cognate Accusative, as II. 15. 641 aptivtov iravroias aperas
better in every kind of excellence. This is rare in Homer.
(3) Ace. of the ' part affected ' ; o/x/xara feat Kf(pa^r]v ueAos like
in eyes and head, (cp. x^ipas eotxe), [3oi]v ayaOos good in shouting,
140.] ACCUSATIVE.
yeWs Kaubs KCU ava\Kis a coward by right of descent. With a Sub-
stantive : \elpds T
140.] Accusative of the External Object. Under this head
it is unnecessary to do more than notice one or two points :
(1) The ceremonial words cnrapx 00 ' K-o.Tap\o^ai, &c. are con-
strued according 1 to the acquired meaning- : as rpt'xa? ditdp^fiv to
cut off hair as a preliminary, cp. Od. 3. 445 (with the note in
Riddell and Merry's edition). So II. 24. 710 TOV . . Ti\Xf<r9r)v
mourned him by tearing their hair: and. opiaa rejweiy to make a
treaty (by slaying a victim).
(2) The Verbs dirov, avbdw, &c. may take an Ace. of the per-
son spoken to: II. 5. 170 ITTOS re' fj.iv dvriov qvba: II. 13. 725
TlovXvbdfjias Qpavvv "E/cropa enre. Cp. II. 9. 59., 17. 651, Od. 4.
1 55- But this construction is rare with the simple Verbs : it is
found passim with Compounds (Trpoa-rjvba, Trpoo-e'enre, &c.).
(3} An Ace. may be used of the person about whom something
is told, known, thought, &c.
(a) If a person or a thing is treated as the thing said, known,
&c. (not merely spoken or known about] : as II. i. 90 ovb* rjv
'Ayctju.e'juyoi'a CITTTJ? not even if you say Agamemnon (cp. owo/na
etTreiz;) ; 3. 192 eur' aye /xoi KOI rovbe tell me this man too. So
with otba when it means only to know what a thing is : as II. 6.
150 o0p' eii ei8?/s ^jaere'prjy yevcr/v, 7roAA.ot 8e [Ji.iv avbpes i&acriv :
and with fjLe'fjLCTjfjiai, as II. 9. 5 2 7 ju.e'juy?7^ai ro'8e epyoy; II. 23.
361 ws /ueju,ve'&)To bp6p.ovs that he might remember the courses
(i.e. remember how many there were); Jl. 6. 222 TuSe'a 8' ov
fjiiJ.vr]fjiaL (of remembering his existence). ^Hie^Acc._imp_lies
that the person is the whole fact remembered. But with a Gen.
means I remember something about, I bethink myself
(b) If the real Object of the Verb is a fact expressed by a
limiting word or clause : as II. 2. 81 \^eu8o's Key $cu/j,ey we should
call it false ; II. 6. 50 at /cez> ejxe fabv TTeirvOoLTo if he heard (f me
alive (of my being alive) ; II. 5. 702 t-nvdovro ^era Tpwea-my
"A/orja heard of Ares (as) among the Trojans. Especially with a
Participle, as Od. 17. 549 ei K avrov yvcaw vrj^prfa -navr eW-
TTovra if I find him telling (that he is telling) nothing but truth
( 245, 2). And with a subordinate clause, as II. 2. 409 j?8ee
yap Kara 6vp.bv a8eA$eov a>? e-Troyeiro ; II. 8. 535 avpiov rjv apeTrjv
StaetVerai ei K' ffj-ov eyxos ftetVrj irepxoiJ.vov he will know about
his valour, whether he will withstand my spear (i. e. whether his
valour is such that &c.) ; cp. 13. 375., 18. 601., 20. 311.
(4) The Ace. of the object to which motion is directed (termi-
nus ad quern] is common with uye'o/xai, IKCO, iKawo (which always
134 USE OF CASES. [141.
imply reaching a point), but is comparatively rare with other
simple Verbs, such as et/uu, ep^o/iou, i>e'o/xai, ayco, ^ye'ojtxai. The
words so used with these Verbs are mostly Nouns denoting house
(5<3, II. 7. 363, &c. ; bopov, Od. 7. 22, II. 22. 482; OLKOV, Od. 14.
167), Vy (Od. 6. 1 14., 15. 82), wtfife? land (II. 7. 335., 15. 706):
cp. also II. I. 322 Hp^earOov K.\icrLr]v ; 6. $7 i>i><iyov<ra yepouas vr\ov\
21. 40 Afjfjivov fiTfpa<T<rv; Od, 4. 478 AtyvTrroio {5S<op eAflrjs.
Compound Verbs esp. with the Prepositions ei's, eiu, Trpo's, VTTO,
rrapa usually take an Ace. of this kind.
There is no reason to infer from these and similar instances that the
Accusative is originally the Case of the terminus ad quern. It is natural that a
Verb of motion should be denned or qualified by a Noun expressing place, and
that such a Noun should generally denote the place to which the motion is
directed. But this is not necessary. The Ace. is used with Verbs denoting
motion from, as 4>vryo>, voer<|>ifofiai, tnroeiica) (II. 15. 228) ; and even with other
Verbs of motion it may express the terminus a quo if the context suggests it, as
avtSiifftro KV/JM rose from the wave, virepwia, ica.Ttfla.ivt came doion from the upper
chambers. '
The uses with Prepositions are treated of in the sections dealing
with the several Prepositions (181-218).
141.] Double Accusatives. It is needless to enumerate the
different circumstances in which a Verb may be construed with
two Accusatives. Many examples will be found among the
passages already quoted ; and it will be seen that the combina-
tion of an Ace. of the External Object with one of the various
' Accusatives of the Internal Object ' is especially frequent. Thus
with Verbs of saying the Ace. of the thing said may be combined
with an Ace. of the person spoken to : as II. 5. 170 CTTOS re fj.iv
avriov r]vba (so 9. 58., 1 6. 207, Od. 23. 91). Again, with Verbs
of taking away there may be an Ace. of the thing taken and the
person from whom it is taken : as II. 8. 108 ovs -nor' OTT' Alvtiav
IAo/xr/i>, II. 6. 70 CTreira be KOI ra e/crjAot veKpovs afj. nebiov cruAr/o-ere
(cp. 16. 58., 17. 187). So with Verbs of cleansing; II. 16. 667
K\ai.vf(f)s at/ia Kadrjpov tXdiav e/c /3eA.ecoi> Sapirribova (cp. 18.345);
also Od. 6. 224 x/ 30 ' vL&ro bios 'Odvo-o-evs aX^v, and (with three
Accusatives) II. 21. 122 01 <r' wreiArji' atju,' aTroAix/zTjcroiTat. In.
such cases the Verb almost seems to be used in different senses
cleanse Sarpedon, cleanse awa.y the blood, &c.
In some cases the two Accusatives are not to be explained
independently, but one is construed with the phrase formed by
the Verb in combination with the other. Thus we cannot say
pe'^eir riva to do to a person, but we may have naxbv pt&iv rivd to
do evil to a person or thing : e.g. >JAi,M$-$
II. 9. 54 os KCU'ci TroAA' UpbtfrKtv e^ou* Qlvijos
647 u>$ l* a
I43-] DATIVE. 135
The notion ' doing ' given by pe'&> is so vague that an Ace. of
the person would be ambiguous : but the more definite notions
of doing evil, &c. become susceptible of the construction. So
with d-neiv, as Od. I. 302 Iva rts (re eii flny may speak well of thee:
cp. II. 6. 479.
A similar account is to be given of the ' Accusative of the
Whole and Part/ which is very common in Homer; e.g. rbv
Pake. KV-THJ^V him he smote on the shin, <re </>vyez> epKos OOOVTWV has
escaped you over the fence of teeth. The second Ace. has been
sometimes explained as parallel in construction to the first, the
part being added ' epexegetically ' or in 'Apposition'' to the
whole. But it is impossible to separate rbv /3dA.e KVTJ/UTJZ; from
flXrjTo Kvqfjufv : in both the Ace. of the part is a limiting Accusa-
tive. The difference between this and a double Ace. arising from
Apposition appears if we consider that
Tp&as 8e r/ao/xos alvbs vTTTjXvfle yma fccurrop
is equivalent to TpoSes Irpc/xov TO, yvla fcaoro?, where eKaaros is
(as before) epexegetic of Tpwe?, but yvla is an Ace. qualifying
the Verb.
The Dative.
142.] Comparison of the Case-system of Greek with that of
Sanscrit shows that the Greek Dative does the work of three
Sanscrit Cases, the Dative, the Instrumental, and the Locative.
There is also reason to think that distinct forms for these three
Cases survived down to a comparatively late period in Greek
itself. This is made probable (i) by the traces in Homeric
Greek of Instrumental and Locative Case-forms, and (2) by the
readiness with which the uses of the Greek Dative (especially
in Homer) can be re-apportioned between the three Cases the
original or true Dative, and the two others.
143.] The true Dative expresses the person to or for whom
something is done, or who is regarded as chiefly affected or
interested: e.g.
II. I. 283 'AxiAAT/i' jue0e'ju,ez> yo\w to put away his anger for (in
favour of] Achilles ; cp. Od. n. 553-
Od. i . 9 Tol<riv d^etXero took away- for (i. e. from) them.
II. 21. 360 TI pot eptSos KCU dpcoyTjs; what is there for me (that
concerns me) in strife and help ?
Od. 7. 303 \i.T\ /iot TOVVCK afjLvfj.ova vfiKee Kovpyv chide not for me
on that account the blameless maiden ; cp. II. 14. 5 OI
Od. 9. 42 ws JIXTJ ris /J.OL a.Tffjt./36iJ.fvos KIOI IOTJS that for me no one
should go away wronged (i. e. that I might see that no one &c.).
II. i. 250 T(5 bvo yeyeai tyOiaro he had seen two generations pass.
136 USE OF CASES. [143.
II. 12. 374 eTreiyojufyoio-i tf IKOVTO they came for them when hard
pressed, i. e. their coming 1 was (what such a thing is) to hard
pressed men. So 11. 14. 108 ejuot 8e KW do-jueVo) euj it would be
for me when welcoming it, i. e. would be what I welcome : Od. 21.
115 OV K [JLOL a\VVfJ.Vi^ KT\.
The Dat. with Verbs of giving, showing, telling (a fact), praying,
helping, pleasing t favouring, being angry, &c., and the corresponding
Adjectives (<iAos, expo's, &c.), is evidently of this kind.
The so-called Dativus commodi, ' Ethical Dative/ &c. need not
be separated from the general usage. Note however that
1. The Dative of the Personal Pronouns is very often used
where we should have a Possessive agreeing with a Noun in the
Clause; as II. I. 104 oWe 8e ol Trvpl ei/cr^i; his eyes were like fire ;
Od. 2. 5 W^epi. juoi /uin/orr/pes eTre'xpctov the suitors have assailed
my mother ; so II. i. 55, 150, 188, 200, &c.
2. S^xoF 1011 with the Dat. means to take as a favour: II. 15. 87
e/zto-ri 8eKro SeTTas accepted the cup from Themis (as a compli-
ment) ; or to take as an attendant does, II. 2. 186., 13. 7 Io v J 7'
207, Od. 15. 282. For the Gen. see 152.
-,., f 3. dKou'w with the Dat. means to hear favourably ; II. 16. 515
aKoveiv az>ept Krj8o/xerw ; and so K\v6i /xoi in prayers (II. 5. H5>
Od. 2. 262). See 151, d.
4. The Dat. with Verbs meaning to give commands (KeAevo),
err] fjiaiv u>, &c.), and to lead the way (ap\u>, fiytopai, ^ye/xoye^co) is
apparently the true Dat. But this does not apply to Verbs
meaning to have power, to le king (as /cpareco, avao-0-co) : e.g. avav-
o-e/^ev 'Apyetoto-t probably means to be king among the Argives
(Loc.). See 145 (7, a).
5. The ' Dat. of the Agent ' with Passive Verbs seems to be a
special application of the true Dat.; cp. II. 13. 168 o ot KKicrir\<$>i
Xe'XeiTrro which for him was ( = which he had) left in the tent, ?x e ^'
"E/cropt was had as wife by Hector. So Tpaxny bapvafj-tvovs,
IlTjAeuozn bap-eis, &c. because the victory is gained by the victor ;
and so in Attic, ?}0poia07] Kvpw ro 'EXXrjviKov ' Cyrus got his Greek
force collected/ The restriction to Past Tenses is intelligible,
because the past fact is thought of as a kind of possession or
advantage (cp. the English auxiliary have of past events). This
view is strongly supported by the Latin Dat. of the Agent, which
is not common except with Verbals and Past Participles (Roby,
1146). Evidently no&i* facienda' things for us to do/ nobis
facta = ' things we have got done/
The true Dat. of Nouns denoting things is rare in Greek
(perhaps only used when the thing is regarded as an agent, or
stands for a person, as ITpiajuo6o (3ir) for
I44-] INSTRUMENTAL DATIVE. 137
In this respect Latin offers a marked contrast ; cp. the various uses,
especially of abstract Substantives, explained by Mr. Roby under the headings
'indirect object' (1143, n. n), 'work contemplated' (1156), 'predicative
dative' (11586.). The source of the difference evidently is that the Dat.
is not liable, as in Greek, to be confounded with the Loc. and Instrum.
It will be seen however that the Greek Infinitive is in fact the Dat. of an
abstract Substantive.
144.] The Instrumental Dative. The so-called Instrumental
Case appears to have been employed to express whatever accom-
panies or shares in an action : not only the instrument or cause,
but any attendant object or circumstance. Hence it covers the
ground of the Datives of ' circumstance/ ' manner/ &c.
The Dat. of circumstance &c. is common with abstract or semi-
abstract words : as r}xy with noise (jcAayy?7, dAaA?]r<3, tvo-tri], &c.) ;
criyri, CTUOTJTJ ; albol with reverence (Od. 8. 172); avayKrj, fiirj,
(nrovbrj : KaKtj aio-rj with evil fortune ; (frvyy (IKOZTO) in flight ;
Kepbocrvvrj in his cunning ; yerer/ l>y descent.
In Homer it often expresses the reason or occasion (for which MAtk)>
8ia with the Ace. is regular in later Greek) : Od. 3. 363 0iAo'rrjri
cTTovTai accompany o^lt of friendship (propter am or em) ; Od. 9. 19
os TTO.O-L boXoia-tv avQptoTioKri |u,eA<o who am regarded by men for my
craft (cp. 73. 299); II. 16. 628 oVeiSetots c-TreWo-i \u>pri<Tov<Ti
give way for reviling words ; Od. 14. 206 rtero . . oA/3o> re
re fcai wacri; Od. 17. 423 oltriv T' ev (oovcri KOL a(f)veiol
things because of which men live well and are called opulent. So of
an almost personal agent, Od. 14. 299 fj 5' !0eez> Bope'rj az>e/^fc> the
ship coursed on with (driven by) the North wind.
The ' comitative ' or ^sociative^ sense is chiefly found in
Plural, which denotes attendants, surroundings, adjuncts, &c. ; II.
1 8. 506 Toia-iv fTTfir r/j'io-o-ov with these (the sceptres) they started
up ; Od. 4. 8 tTTTrcHo-i KCU apfj.a(n TrefjiVf sent with horses and chariots
(cp. 4. 533) ; Od. u. 161 vr)i re KCU erapoio-t with a ship and com-
rades ; II. 12. 28 Kvpao-L irc^-jre let go with the waves ; II. 2. 818
jue/iao'res eyxetrjcn ardent with their spears; 1^ 6. 243 jfecrn/s
al6ovo-ri<n reruy/xeVov built with smooth porticoes (cp. Od. 9. 185,
&c.) : II. 2. 148 67rt T rinvei a(rTayvtv<rt> bends forward with the ears
(of a field of corn) : II. 6. 513 revxecn Traptyaivcav glittering with
his armour ; similarly II. 100 (rrrj^eo-t -na^aivovra's shining with
(naked) breasts. For the corresponding Sing. cp. Od. 10. 140 vrji
KarTjyayo'jueo-fla ; Od. 9. 68 7rS>p(r avepov Boperjv AaiAavrt ^eo-Treo-trj ;
Od. 12. 24tvirVtp0e 6e yata (pdi>f<rK i/m/xfiw nvaverj the ground
showed beneath with its dark sand; II. 15. 282
O.KOVTL.
This Dative is idiomatically used with avros : as II. 8. 24
Key -yairj cpva-aip avrfj 5e OaXaa-o-rj with the earth and sea as well
138 USE OF CASES. [144.
(without their losing hold) : Od. 14. 77 6fpp O.VTOIS o/3eXotcrt liot
with the spits as they were*.
The Dative with Verbs meaning to lie with, to follow, to join,
to agree icitJi, to be like, &c., and again with the Prepositions <ruv
and afj.a, and the various Pronouns and Adjectives meaning the
same, equal, like, &c., is generally Instrumental.
The Dat. with Verbs meaning to fght, strive, &c. may be the
Instrumental or (more probably) the true Dat. Words_meanim^
to trust &c. probably take an Instrumental Dat. oTfhe ground of
trust, a true Dat. of the person trusted or obeyed : cp. the Lat.
construction of confidere with a Dat. or Abl.
With Verbs meaning to be pleased the Dat. is doubtless Instru-
mental : as II. 21. 45 TpiTTo olvi <$>i\oi<Ti had- pleasure with his
friends (so Od. 14. 245). This is still more clear in II. 5. 682
\o-pf] 8' o.pa ol Trpocriozm and II. 23. 55^ X a W u>v 'AiHiAojyp on KT\.
' rejoiced at the fact (of his coming, &c.)/
The Instrum. is used in Sanscrit of the space over which action
extends. The nearest approach to this in Greek is the Dat. of
the way by which : cp. the Adverbs ft, Ty, rfjbe, Try, OTTTJ, iravry.
But see 158, note.
The Dat. is probably Instrumental (not Locative) in Od. i. 197
KaTfpvKtTai, tvpti TTovTu (by, not on, the sea). Also with de'xo^ai,
&c., as II. 6. 136 vTreSe'faro KOA.TT&}, Od. 1 6. 7 viroSeofiai <HKO>.
In later Greek 8e'xo/xcu is construed with OIKW, 7ro'A.et, &c. without
a Preposition.
Note the occasional use of the Instrumental Dat. with Verbs
of buying, as II. 7. 475 olviCovro aAAoi p.ev x.aAK(5 KT\., Od. 15. 483
TTpiaTO Kreare(T(T; koitnv (cp. II. 4. 161 <ruv re fieyaA.w a7rTi<ray) :
with Verbs of abounding, II. 17. 56 fipvci avOe'i XCUKW ( i5i> e) '
* Delbriick (Synt. Forsch. iv. p. 58) notices the difficulty of finding a special
explanation of the ' sociative ' use of the Dat. in combination with avros. It
may help towards such an explanation to observe that the use of a Case-form
in a particular sense not unfrequently depends upon the presence of a quali-
fying word in agreement with it. E. g.
(fiol flovkopivca eari it is for me what I desire.
Toi\ov TOV tTtpov by the waU on the other side.
fitacrov Sovpos (\wv taking the spear by the middle.
^ cl TfOviwros dicovaai if he were to hear of his being dead.
fi\8tro Tpoifflv Safnfa.fj.ti'ovs he was rexed at their being subdued by Trojans.
In each of these instances the qualifying word indicates the sense in which
the Case is used, and so makes the use possible. The ' ethical Dat.' is sug-
gested by f$ov\ontvw, the Gen. of place by ertpov, the Gen. of part by fj.t<raov,
the fact abowl the person by rtOvdaros, the cause of feeling by Sapvanevovs.
Now, in such a phrase as avrois o/3f \oicri spits and all, the force of avros is ' with-
out change,' ' as before,' and so the phrase means with the meat sticking to the
spits as before (cp. avrcas, avrov, avOC). Thus the sociative sense is emphasised
by the addition of avrois. Without such an addition there would generally be
nothing to decide between the different possible meanings of the Dative, and
consequently a Preposition (avv or a/xo) would be needed.
1 45-] LOCATIVAL DATIVE. 139
also with a Verb of e cognate ' meaning, as Oavov OIKTIOTO) Oavdrut
(Od. II. 412), peW tbaTL (Od. 5. 70).
145.] The Locatival Dative. The Dative without a Preposi-
tion denoting the place of an action is much commoner in Homer
than in later Greek, though already restricted to a comparatively
narrow range. It is used
(1) Of towns and countries: 'lAiw eio-i are in Ilios, <bpvyiri
vai(TK dwelt in Phrygia : so OI/AV/XTTW, Aa/ceSai/^ioiu, ATjAa). 2^epi7j,
Kv6ripoLO-i, &ril3p, Kprfrrj, "Apyei, *EAAa8i, &C. So too v Aii.
(2) Of the great divisions of the world, the chief spheres of
action, &c., as aWepi, ovpavti, ovpecri, ayp<3 ajield, bop.<t> in the house,
ro/xw at pasture, TTOI/TW out at sea, aiytaAw on the shore, x 6 '/ 30 "*? on
dry land (II. 4. 424-5), OVOCL on the ground, Trebly, xQovl ; xop> at
the dance, /idx??, /3ovAr/, ayopfj, Tpa-n^H a ^ table (Od. 21. 35), o-e'Acu
T>vp6$ in the Jire light.
But the Dat. in ept8t ^vvtrjKe pa^ca-dai (II. i. 8), vapHvt ^x 6 "
<rdai (II. 2. 863), &c. is one of manner (Instr.), rather than of
place.
(3) Of the parts of a thing, especially of the body ; w^w and
W/ZOKTI, Kf:(pa\p, XP *- > Kapbtr/, $pe<n, Qv^v ; aKpOTaTrj Kopvtyfj,
eo-x<m'?7 TroAe/uoto, juvx*? "Apyeos (^aAdjuoio, &c.), ^eVw epKei,
Trpwrrjcrt irvXrjcri, yovvu> aXcorjs, ficvOtcri Ai/xz;rj?, Tap(pe<nv vAr;?, &C.
The Dat. of the part wzVA which a person does something may
be Instrumental; as x 6 / 30 "' J*ax 1 f <ro f* a * Ke ^ a ^f/ Karavevo-ojuat, eKcoy
deKovrt ye 0u/x<3. Butjbhe Locative mode of exp_ression is the
prevailing one ; cp. ey x et/ P ea "" 1 ^j3' ^ffta, ey 6(pda\p.olcrLv Ibf<r0ai,
lyyw T/o-ty ert 0pen', er ^v//a) /le/iaaires, &c. Hence the common
use of x et P l/ ; X 6 P"^ ^ c - with ex^, alpeco, Aaju/3dyco, and the use of
0v/xw, (^peo-t, &c. with Verbs of knowing, thinking, feeling, are
doubtless Locatival.
(4) With some Verbs that imply locality, mi'co, r(Qt\\i.i,
7/jucu (Od. 20. 22 Trruxt OvAv/rTrcuo fjfjievos); esp. fcAtW, as II. II.
371 o-r^Ar; K^K\L^VOS, and (in the derived sense) 11.5. 709
(5) Of fo'0z<? : ?//nan rw ore KrA. on the day when fyc., Ocpe'i in
summer, &pp yfipfplvri in the season of winter, &c.
(6) After a Verb of motion (where we expect ei? or irpos with
the Ace.): as II. 5. 82 ire8fy via* fell on the plain ; II. 7. 187^.
j8dAe threw into the helmet ; II. 3. IO evr' opeos Kopu^>f/<n Noro?
M'xArjz; ^fl spread a mist over the tops of the mountains ;
ro xPM?7 ^^^ 0^ (^ ^^^) *' combat. This idiom
helps to show that the use of the Accusative for the terminus ad
qnem of motion does not represent the original force of that Case.
140 USE OF CASES. [146.
The Dat. after the Prepositions \>, em, impel, /xerd, OTTO, d^d,
irepi, djji4>i, and the Verbs compounded with them, is generally
Locatival. It is used (like the simple Dat.) after Verbs of
motion: see 194, 198, 202, 206.
The sense may admit or require a true Dat. : cp. II. I. 174
Trap' fjjioi ye KOI aAAot others are at hawl with me (Loc.), or I have
others at t//i/ command (true Dat.). So II. 7. 73 v fj.lv fv yap laert
may mean there are among you (Loc.), or you have (true Dat.)
among yon. Cp. Lat. inesse alicui or in ahqno.
(7) The Locatival Dat. of persons is chiefly found in the
Plural :
(a\ with Kpareu, dvdo-<ru>, |3a<nXeua> : II. 2. 669 Oeolvi Kal av6pu>-
TTOHTLV avdaa-fi. is king among gods and men ; Od. I. 71 oov Kpdros
tort /xeytoToy TTCUTIV Kt>KA<M7re(r(ri ; II. 13. 217 os Trd<rrj TlXevpSivi
Kal alircivri KaXvb&vt. AtrcoAounzj avacrcre. Cp. the equivalent con-
structions with Prepositions, as II. I. 252 /xera Se rptraroio-iv
Od. 7. 62 6s ey ^airy^ty ayacro-e, and the compound
This group of uses is almost confined to Homer.
(^) in phrases introducing a speech, as roto-t 8' ayeorTj, roia-i 8e
fjivOtav ?}px e an d the like; cp. II. 19. 175 tv 'Apyeiotcriy ayaora?,
9. 528 tv S' T5ju,iy epeco, Od. 10. 188 /^,era Ttacnv ttnrov, 16. 378
epeet ' ey Tracrty dyacrrds.
(c) meaning ' in the sight of,' ' in the opinion of/ &c. as II. 2.
285 Tracnv eXey^LCTTov de^evai. /xepoTrecrcri fipoTolcn : 1 1. 58 os Tpuxr!
^eos o>s rt'ero oifay. Cp. II. 23. 73 ^' o-^iVt rioi;. So in
Sanscrit the Loc. is used of the person wz'^i or before whom con-
duct is judged : ' may we be guiltless before Varuna ' (Delbriick,
A. p. 118).
(d) occasionally with Adjectives implying eminence &c., as II.
6. 477 apnrpfTTfa TpoWcri distinguished among the Trojans, Od. 15.
227 rfuAt'otcri p,ey' e^o^a 8co/xara vaiav.
The Genitive,
146.] The Greek Genitive, as appears at once by comparison,
with Latin or Sanscrit, stands for the original or ' true ' Geni-
tive, and also for the Ablative. The uses of the Gen. may
therefore be divided (theoretically at least) between these two
Cases. The distinction however is more difficult than in the
case of the Dative ; partly, perhaps, because the Case-forms of
the Ablative were earlier lost than those of the Locative and
Instrumental, but also from the peculiar syntactical character of
the Genitive.
The Ablative (like the cases already treated of) belongs originally to the
second group of constructions distinguished in 131, i. e. it is construed with
I47-] GENITIVE. 141
the predicate given by a Verb. The Genitive is originally of the third group ;
and properly qualifies a Noun. Hence the Ablative and Genitive uses are
generally distinguished partly in meaning, partly in grammatical structure.
But they are not always distinguished by the structure, since (i) the Ablative
(like the Ace. and Dat.) may be construed with an Adjective, and (2) the true
Gen. may be predicative (like an Adj.), and thus apparently construed with
a Verb. To give a single example : dewv yovos tcrri might be (theoretically) =
fie is offspring from-gods (Abl.), and on the other hand 6eo>v ^eyove may \>Q = he is
offspring of-gods (Gen., see 148).
147.] The Genitive with Nouns. The manner in which a
Genitive serves to define or qualify the ( governing'' Noun may
be very various. E.g. TpaW \6\os may mean anger of (i. e. felt
by] the Trojans, or (as in II. 6. 33,5) anger at the Trojans, or anger
on account of the Trojans (as in II. 15. 138 \6\ov vlos CTJOS means
anger about the death of his son). Compare also
fpKos TroXe/xoio a bulwark in (or against) war.
tpjcos doovriov the fence (made] of teeth.
rtpas /xepoTro)!' a.v6pu>7ru>v a sign to men.
XaOpr] A.aojji4bovTos with secrecy from Laomedon.
/3u/ acKovros with force used to one unwilling.
Kv^ara -navroiav av^u^v the waves raised by all winds.
oju,(/>aAot Kacrorirepoio bosses made of tin.
'lAiou 7TTo\U0pov the town of Ilios.
'Oi'ArJos Ta\vs Atas swiff Ajax son of Oileus.
baijjiovie feiyoov unaccountable stranger !
z>ofios vArjy pasture ground in the wood.
VOCTTOS yaujs <&aiTJKu>v return to the land of the Phaeacians.
VTTO\I/I.OS aAAooy suspected by others.
eTTiorpo^oj av9pu>7T(av going about among men.
atyvfibs /3ioroto rich in substance.
iOvs Ato/izijSeos straight for Diomede.
The different uses of the Genitive often answer to the dif-
ferent meanings given by the Suffixes which serve to form
Adjectives from Nouns ( 117). Compare, for instance, II. 2. 54
Neorope'r; Trapa vqt ITuAotyez/eos ySao-tA^o? by the ship of Nestor
the Pylian king ; II. 6. 180 Qtlov yeros ovb' avOpunrav the offspring
of gods, not of men ; TOOV aiyo's (II. 4. 105) a bow of goat's horn,
but ao-Kos atyetos a bag of goatskin ; 'O'i\rjos rayys Alas and Alas
'OtAta^Tj?; TeAa/xwi'ios vios the son of Telamon ; and so in the
Pronouns, e/xeio -TTO^TJ (II. 6. 362), but 077 7ro9ij (II. 19. 321).
These uses have been classified as Objective and Subjective, Possessive,
Partitive, Material, &c. In many cases however the variety of relations
expressed by the Gen. eludes this kind of analysis. Such classifications,
moreover, are apt to lead us into the fallacy of thinking that relations which
are distinct to us, because expressed by different language, were distinctly
conceived by those who expressed them all in the same way ; the fallacy, in
142 USE OF CASES. [148.
short, of supposing the distinctions of thought to be prior to the language
which embodies them.
The relation of the Genitive to the governing Noun is in many ways
analogous to the relation of the Accusative to the Verb, and also to that
which subsists between the first part of a Compound Noun and the second.
In each of these cases the relation is that of a defining or qualifying word to
the notion defined or qualified, and it is one which may be of various kinds,
as may be suggested by particular combinations of meaning.
Notice, as especially frequent in Homer
(1) the use of a Gen. after Nouns meaning 1 grief \ anger, &c.,
to express the object or cause of the feeling- : as a\os fjvioypio grief
for the chariot-driver (II. 8. 124, 316, &c.), a\os vtOtv (II. 4. 169) ;
obvi'i] 'HpaK\7/os (II. l5- 25) ', TtivQos 770180? a7ro^>6 'ijueVoto (II. 1 8.
88); KT/SC' e/iwy krapuv (II. 22. 272, Od. II. 382); and so in the
much-disputed phrase 'EA.e'z>?js op/x^/xara re (rrova^ds re (II. 2. 356,
590), which can only mean efforts and groans about Helen.
(2) the ' partitive ' use after n'y (Interrog.) and ris (Indef.),
often with several words interposed : as II. i . 8 rts T' ap o-^coe
6eu>v KT\. ; II. I. 88 ov rts e/^eu WVTOS . . \flpas eirourei a~up.Tra.v-
Aa.va.uv no one shall . . . of all the Greeks.
The partitive Gen. is also seen in the Homeric phrases Sia
bright one among goddesses, 8Ta yvvaiK.G>v, bai^ovie tiv<av,
TiavTiav apibdKfTov avbp&v (II. 14. 320) : where the governing
word implies some kind of distinction or eminence. So when
there is a contrast, as
II. II. 761 TiavTts 8' fv^(TO(avTo 6tG>v Ait NeVropi r 3 avbpS>v,
148.] Genitive in the Predicate. Among the various uses
of the Gen. in construction with a Verb the first to be noticed
are those in which the Case evidently retains its attributive or
adjectival character. This use is rare in Homer : examples are,
at/xaro's 1 ets ayadoio thou art of good blood, eiroir](rev craKos atoAoy
7rra/3oetoi> ravpav arpe(/>e'coi> made a shield seven hides thick, of
(hides of] goodly bulls. In classifying the Greek uses of the
Gen. the chief object is to separate constructions of this kind (in
which the Case is ultimately the adjectival or ' true ' Gen.) from
those in which it represents an Ablative, and therefore is essen-
tially akin to the Adverbs.
* Prof. Max Miiller (Lectures, I, p. 103) shows how the Genitive Ending -oio
(for -o-o-j,o) may be explained as a Suffix of the same kind as those which
form Adjectives from Nouns. If his hypothesis is admitted, the Genitive is
simply ' an Adjective without Gender,' in respect of form as well as use. And
even if the identification on which he chiefly relies (of the Case-ending -sya
and Suffix -tya with the Pronoun syas, syd, tyad) should be thought open to
question, there can be little doubt that the Case is originally ' adnominal ' or
adjectival in character.
15-] GENITIVE. 143
This use of the Gen. is singularly common iu Latin : see Roby, 1282.
The reason for this difference between Greek and Latin evidently is that in
Latin the Gen. is not confounded with the Abl. The same explanation has
been given of the free use which Latin makes of the predicative Dative
( 143, ott).
149.] Genitive of Place. A Gen. expresses a vague local
relation (within, in the sphere of, &c.), in the following uses :
(1) After a negative
II. 17. 37 2 vf<j)os 8' ov (fraiveTO Tracnjs yair]s OVT opcatv.
Od. 3. 251 ?? OVK "Apyeos rjtv 'A^auKOv. Cp. 14. 98., 21. 109.
(2) When two sides or alternative places are contrasted
II. 9. 219 avrbs 8' avTiov l^tv 'Qbvcrtrfjos detoio
roi\ov TOV erepoio. Cp. 24. 598.
Od. I. 23 AWiOTras, rot 8tx#a 8e8aiarat, eo-xaroi avbp&v,
ol jutey bvaofjitvov 'Tirepiovos, ol 8' dinoWos,
and so perhaps Od. 12. 27 77 oAos 57 ciri yrjs, and Od. 4. 678 avXrjs
fKTos eu>v in the court outside (cp. 9. 239).
(3) With Verbs of motion, to express the space within which
the motion takes place, as II. 2. 785 SieVpTjo-ow -rreSuno made
their way over the plain : so lu>v TroAe'os TreSi'oio, ITTTTCO drt;bjuei><o
TreSt'oio, 7re8toto biu>Kiv, KOVLOVTCS 7re8ioto, &c. ; IO. 353 eA/ce^erat
veiolo ^Sa^etrj? TTYIKTOV aporpov : 24. 264 tva TTprja-a-w^ev obolo, cp.
Od. 2. 404., 3. 476. This use of the Gen. is almost confined to
set phrases ; accordingly it is only found with the Gen. in -oio
(the archaic form).
The difference of meaning between this Genitive and the
Accusative of Space ( 138) seems to be that the Acc^ measures
the action of the Verb, whereas the Gen. only gives a local rela-
tion in which the action stands. When an Ace. of quantity and
a Gen. are both used, the Ace. often seems to govern the Gen. ;
e. g. 6/xi'Aov Tto\\6v e-nekdutv advancing far in the throng, Trape^eA-
6tlv TTfbiow .TvrOov, to ffo a short space of plain beyond. 'So with
Adverbs : evda KOL tvff Wvcre p.a-yj] TreStoio : abrjv eAacrcu TroAe'/xoto ;
and with a negative : OVK "Apyeos Tjev = he was nowhere in Argos.
Thus the Gen. has a partitive character.
150.] Genitive of Time. This Gen. expresses a period of
time to which the action belongs, without implying anything as
to its duration ; e. g.
Od. 14. 16 1 rovb' aiiTov XvKafiavTos fXevo-erai he will come (some-
time in] this very year. So II. 5. 523 vTr\vepir}s in calm weather ;
8. 470 riovs in the morning ; 11.691 T&V irporfpaw ereW informer
years ; 22. 27 oTrwprjs eio-t goes in autumn.
It appears from the corresponding construction in Sanscr. and
144 USE OF CASES. [151.
Zend that this is the true Genitive (Delbruck, Synt. Forsch. iv.
P- 4.5)-
For the ' Gen. Absolute' which is akin to the Gen. of time
see 246.
151.] The quasi- partitive Genitive. Under this term we
may include a number of constructions in which the Gen. is
used (in preference to some other Case) because the action of the
Verb does not affect the person or thing- in a sufficiently direct
and unqualified way : e.g. in Acoroto (f)ayu>v eating of the lotus
(not eating up the lotus) ; Trre'puyos Aa/3e took by the wing (noi took
the wing') ; XovecrQai Trora/xoTo to bathe in a river (but \ovtiv voart
to bathe with water),*
The chief uses to which this view may be applied are :
(a] With Verbs that imp\j fastening to, holding by, &c. : II. I.
197 av6ijs be Ko'po?? e'/Ve rTrjAetWa took Achilles by the hair.
So x t pos eAwy taking by the hand (but Se^trepr/y eAe x^P a ^^
the right hanil}, -nobbs eA./ce dragged by the foot, brjvev -nobos fastened
by the foot, KOZHOS SeSpay/xeVo? clutching the dust, Atcra-eV/cero yovvfav
entreated by seizing the knees, epeitraro yaCrjs propped himself against
the earth (i. e. his hand touching it), /^eVo-ou bovpbt t\u>v taking his
spear by the middle ; and with a metaphorical sense, irepio-^eo
7Tcuo's take charge of thy child, cre'o eerat will defend upon thee.
* Delbriick (Synt. Forsch. iv. p. 39) aptly quotes from J. Grimm the saying
that ' the Accusative shows the fullest, most decided mastering of an object
by the notion contained in the Verb of the sentence. Less " objectifying" is
contained in the Gen. ; the active force is tried and brought into play by it,
not exhausted.' The contrast, however, is to be traced not merely between
the Gen. and the Ace., but generally between the Gen. and all the Cases
which are used primarily with Verbs. Thus the Gen. of Space and Time may
be compared with the Locative, the Gen. of Material with the Instrumental ;
and perhaps other Genitives with the Abl. ( 151,6, note, 153, note).
It is important to observe here (especially since we have adopted the term
' quasi- Partitive ' for these uses) that the partitive relation is not the only
one which may lie at the root of the construction. The Gen. expresses any
relation, however indefinite, in which one Noun may stand to another.
1. The Gen. of Place noticed in 149 (2) is not partitive; for Svcropfvov
'firfpiovos (e. g.~) does not mean within sunset, but on the side of, belonging to, sunset.
The Gen. is like the Latin ' novarum rerum esse 'to be on the side of change ; cp.
Liv. 22. 50 ad Cannas fugientem consulem vix septuaginta secuti sunt,
alterius niorientis prope totus exercitus fuit.
2. The Gen. of Time is similar. Such a Gen. as 1701)? in tJie morning is to be
compared with the use of the Adj. in tarirtpioi a.<pinovTo they came in the evening,
lit. belonging to the evening, as men of the evening. It differs from the Dat. of
Time negatively, in the want of a distinct Locative meaning.
3. The Gen. of the person with Verbs of hearing, &c. ( 151. d} is clearly not
partitive. The thing heard is not part of, but something belonging to, the person.
But the Gen. of the sound heard may be partitive ; and so is doubtless the Gen.
of material, 151, e.
As to the Gen. of price, see 153. If a true Gen., it is not partitive.
I5I-] GENITIVE. 145
The Gen. in this group of uses is probably akin to the Gen. of
the space within which action takes place, 149. Compare, for
example, epeuraro yai?/s with te rot'^ou rou erepov, passages
given under the same head by Kiihner (418, 8, a}. Or it may
be Ablatival : cp. Trpv^v^Ofv Ad/3e, 159.
(b] With Verbs meaning to touch, to hit (an object aimed at), to
reach (a person), to put in or on (a chariot, ship, wall, &c.), with
the derivative meanings, to attain to, get a place or share in, &c. ;
as dAATyAow etyixovTo got at each other ; rv^e -yap p a^dOoio /3a0eiTjs
he happened to fall in deep sand ; so veKpovs 7rupKcu% eTrez^eov
lieaped the corpses on the funeral pile ; so metaphorically, KO.K&V
eTTi/Sao-Ke/xey to bring into mischief ; avriaav 7roAe'p,o6o to join in
war, avTioMV eKaro^rjs (but II. 1.31 ep.6i> Ae'xos avTiouxrav because
Ae'xos is the whole object, cp. 136, i).
(c) With Verbs meaning to aim at, strive after, desire, care for,
complain of, grieve for, be angry about, &c. ; as Mavros d/coVrKre
threw a dart at Ajax, ov TraiSos dpefaro held out his arms for his
child, <TKOTT\(I)V eTTi/xateo feel for the rocks (but eTre/zcuero tirnovs
touched up the horses), e-rreiyo'/xeyos "Ap^os hasting to (eager for]
battle, T>V ov TI juerarpeTrTj ov8' dAeyt^ets 1 these you do not regard or
heed, KwcAcoTros Kex'^wrat is enraged on behalf of the Cyclops ; and
many similar instances.
Kiihner ( 416, Anm. 9) quotes II. 5. 582 xW^V dy/coiya
rv)^b)i> fieVoz> as a use of Tvy\av(D with the Ace. But it is possible
to construe dyKwya with /3dAe in the earlier part of the sentence.
(<7) With Verbs meaning to hear, perceive, know of, remember,
and the like ; the Gen. expressing
(1) the person from whom sound comes ;
(2) the person about whom something is heard, known, &c.
(3) the sound heard (but the Ace. is more usual).
The particular thing heard or known is often indicated by a
Participle agreeing with the Genitive : e.g.
II. I. 257 ei cr<p<2iu> rd8e Trdvra TrvOoiaro papvaptvotiv ( = if they
heard of all this fighting on your part].
II. 4. 357 cbs yv5> x^o/xeWto ( = o>s ey^co avrov ort
Od. 2. 22O el 8e K Te6vr]G>Tos dovo-a> : SO 4. 7^8, &c.
The Verb oT8a, when it means to know about, to be skilled in,
takes a Gen., as II. II. 657 ovbe TI ot5e irev6fos knows nothing of
the sorrow. So Od. 21. 506 ^o'p/xiyyos eTnordjiez'Os /cat aoibfjs : II.
16. 811 oiba(TKoiJ.fvos TToAe'/xoio.
So jjL^p.R)|jiai takes a Gen. when it means IletMnk myself of ,
am affected by the memory (II. 2. 686, Od. 15. 23): see 140,
4, a. Cp. Lat. memini with the Gen. or Ace., perhaps with a
similar difference of meaning (Roby, 1332).
L
146 USE OF CASES. [151.
(e) The Gen. of material, &c. The construction so termed is
found with Verbs that imply the use of a material (especially
one of indefinite quantity), a stock drawn upon, &c. E.g.
II. 1. 470 Kovpot jjifv KprjTTJpas eTte(TTe\l/avTo TtoToio filled up the
cups to the brim with liquor ; 9. 214 Trao-cre 8' dAo's sprinkled with
salt. So irvpos in the phrases npijo-cujKvpos to burn with fire, >
Tivpbs fxeiAioW/xei> to propitiate (the dead) with fire.
II. 18. 574 yj)V(Toio TfTfv^aro were made of gold.
Od. 3. 408 aTToo-T&fiovTes aXfLcparos shining with fat.
And with a distinctly partitive force :
Od. I. 140 x a / n CM e ' j;r ? Trapfovriav favouring him (with good
things] from her store ; 9. 102 Aooroio (pay<av eating of the lotus;
and so with yevo> to give a taste of.
II. 5. 268 rf)s yeverjs ocAei/'e stole (a strain] from the brood.
9. 580 TTfbiOio Tapfo-dai to cut off (a TffjLtvos) from the plain.
14. 121 'A8p7joT06o 8' eyTj/ie Qvyarp&v married (one) from the
daughters of Adrastus (so Od. 9. 225., 12. 64., 15. 98).
The Gen. with Verbs meaning to stint, grudge, spare is pro-
bably of the same nature (to stint being = to give little).
The Genitives in Aoveo-0ai -Trora/ioio to bathe in a river, \fipas
vi\l/dij.vo$ TToXirjs a\6s washing his hands in the sea, &e. are inter-
mediate between this group and the Genitives of Space ( 149).
A Gen. of the person may be used with Verbs meaning to gain
profit from; e.g. II. I. 410 Iva. iravrfs firavpcavTai. j3acri\f)os : 1 6.
31 ri (rev aAXos 6vri<rfTai ; Od. 1 1. 452 vtos evnr\r]<r6fjvai (vlos = the
company of his son) : also with iretpaojuai to try (Od. 8. 23) ; cp.
the Gen. with yeva>.
Note also the elliptical expression, II. 21. 360 TI /not !/n8os /cai
aptoyrjs what (share) have I in combat and aid ?
Most of these Genitives are clearly l partitive/ and all of
them can be explained as ' true ' Genitives. There is a similar
use of the Gen. in Sanscrit with Verbs meaning to enjoy, &c.
(Delbruck, A. S. 109). Some however may be Ablatives. In
particular, the Gen. of material with Tewx">, iroie'o>, &c. is so re-
garded by Delbriick (Synt. Forsch. iv. p. 48) on the ground of the
Sanscrit use. It may be that in certain cases the original usage
allowed either Gen. or Abl., according to the shade of meaning
to be expressed ; just as with Verbs of filling Latin employs the
Gen. or the Abl.
(/) W^h Verbs meaning to rule, be master ; viz.
dfcuriru, Gen. of the place or thing, as II. i. 38 TeW8oio re ?<i
avdcrcrfLs : Od. 24. 30 TLJJ.TJS fjs Trep avacrcrfs : of the people, only II.
10. 32, Od. 11.376. The Gen. of the thing and Dat. of the
people combined, II. 20. 180 Tp&Wcriv ava^tiv TI/XTJS TTJS Ylpid^ov.
: Od. 1. 401., II. 285.
: II. i. 79 'ApyeiW xpareei has power over the Argives.
] ABLATIVAL GENITIVE. 147
(7T|(xati'w : II. 14. 85 (TTparov a\\ov crrj/xatVeiy : SO r/yov^ai, &C.
Oefuoreuci) : Od. 9. 114 OefJiKTrevci, be KO.<TTOS Tratb(av 178' dAovcov.
It is probable, from the analogy of Sanscrit, that this is the
t rue Gen. ; but the original force of the Case is obscure.
152.] The Ablatival Genitive. The Ablative expressed the
object (person, place, or thing) from which separation takes
place, and is represented by the Gen. in various uses : as
avebv TroXiijs aAo's rose from the grey sea.
\aovro KfXevdov gave way from the path.
eVxoyro /Aax 7 ? 5 were stayed from the fight,
iraibbs ee'pyet pvlav keeps off a fly from her child.
oto 8o'ju,oio was chased from his house.
lAuo-ay delivered from ill.
rrjs defrauded of a share.
e8e'aro received from her son.
ri(j)vcra-To olvos wine was drawn from casks.
A617T6TO was left behind Antilochus.
yovv yovvos ajuet/3a)i; exchanging knee past knee (=putting them
in front by turns].
T begin from (a point], II. 9. 97, Od. 21. 142.
a> I miss, lose, fail in.
T/owas a^vvf. ve&v keep off the Trojans from the ships: so with
va), TTvv6a.vofj.ai, <!K\VOV hear from : see 151, d.
7oieo) I make of (material] : see 151, e.
For the Gen. with Verbs of buying, selling, &c., see 153.
Adjectives implying separation (want, freedom, &c.) may take
an Ablatival Gen. by virtue of their equivalence to Verbs of
similar meaning ; or they may be construed as Nouns, that is
to say, with a true Gen. E.g. \etos rrerpaojy might be smooth
(i. e. cleared) from rocks, or smooth as to rocks. Cp. the similar
Latin Adjectives which take either Abl. or Gen.
The Gen. with Adjectives of comparison represents the Abla-
tive (cp. the Latin construction). It expresses the point from
which the higher degree of a quality is separated: cp. the Gen.
with Verbs of excelling and falling behind, and with Adjectives
of similar meaning, as Od. 21. 254 jSwjs eTnSeve'es ei/i/ey 'Obvcrfjos
we are wanting in strength behind (compared with] Ulysses.
In Sanscrit the Abl. is used with numerals to express the point from which
we count. A trace of this may be seen in the elliptical form ScaSfK&Trj ort KT\.
the twelfth day (from the day) when &c. (II. 21. 81, cp. Od. 3. 180).
The Gen. with ef, airo, -napa, Ttp6<s, Ttpo, virep, TTfpi (beyond], VTTO
(from under), Kara (down from), and the Verbs compounded with
them, is Ablatival ; with some of the ' improper Prepositions/ as
L 2
I4S USE OF CASES. [153.
avV, T?/Ae, iiTfp. ro'(T(/H, afi</>t's, IKUS, e/cro'?. ax//-, TrdXiv, it may
be either the Ablative or the true Genitive. "When motion from
is not implied, the Case is probably the true Gen. ; see 228.
It should be observed that the use of the Ablatival Gen. with
simple Verbs is comparatively restricted in Homer. It is not
used, as it is in Sanscrit, with simple Verbs of going, coming,
bringing (e.g. we could not substitute the Gen. for the form in
-Qf.v in such phrases as KXicrfyOev lovva, aypoOfv fp\o[j,tvr], olnoQfv
f)ye, ' \\Lodfv jue $epoozj, &c.), but only with Verbs which imply
xepara/iou or distance from a point, or which are compounded with
Prepositions such as e, euro, &c.
Later poets secrn to be more free in this respect (probably because they
treated the usage as an archaism, adopted as being poetical; : e. g. Soph. 0. T.
142 flaPpuv 'iaraadt, Ant. 418 x^o^s atipas, Phil. 630 vtuis a-jovra, &c. Further
extensions are, the use for the place from which something is seen, as Soph.
El. 78, 324, and for the ayent, Eur. Or. 497, El. 123.
153.] Gen. of Price. Verbs meaning to change places with
take an Ablatival Gen., as yow yovvbs a//.et/3o)i> (quoted in the
last section) : hence the constructions
II. 6. 235 re^x^' /-tei/3e XP'' ' 601 X a ^ Ket/a)z; exchanged armour,
(jolden (passing in exchange] for bronze.
II. I. ill Xpuo-rjiSo? ayXa anoiva ... begaa-dai to accept a splen-
did ransom for Chryse'is ; so Od. II. 327 ^ \pva-ov (fiiXov avbpbs
(be^aro who took gold for (to betray) her husband.
II. II. 106 \vo-fi> aiioivtov released for a ransom.
Hence we may explain the construction with Verbs meaning
to value at, set off against (a price) ; as II. 23. 649 TI/XTJS fjs re fx'
eoi/ce reri/x?jo-0cu ; so with the Adjectives avra^ios, &c.
It is possible however that a word expressing value or price may be con-
strued as a Gen. with a Noun. As we can say Tei/'xa 4/caTo//j3oia armour worth
a hundred oxen, we might have rtuxa IKO.TOV fiotuv (as in Attic prose, e. g. Seta
f.awv \ojpiov a plot worth ten minae) ; cp. the Latin magni emere, magni facere, &c.
Case-forms in -$i(v).
154.] The Case-Ending -4>i(^) is found in a number of
Homeric forms which appear to be construed indifferently as
Datives or Genitives. It will be shown, however, that there is
ground for believing these forms to have been used for the Dat.
only in the instrumental and locatival senses (the latter being
comparatively rare), and for the Gen. only in the ablatival
sense. They formed, therefore, a ' mixed Case/ composed of the
same elements as the Latin Ablative, viz. the original Instr.
Abl. and Loc.
In respect of usage these forms are archaic : that is to say,
they are confined for the most part to lines and phrases of a
I56-] FORMS IN -(N). 149
fixed conventional type. In several instances the survival is
evidently due to the influence of the metre : thus 8<xicpu<S<f>i, CTTTJ-
Seoxju take the place of baKpwov, orrjdfatv ; ooreo^ic and iKpio^i^ of
doreW, doreoKn, and iKpuoy, iKpioio-i forms impossible in a hexa-
meter. So Si* opeoxfdj KCIT' opcoxju, oir' o\e<r$i } for bC dpe'coy, KUT'
155.] Instrumental. The forms in -<f>i(c) appear to have been
forms of the Instrumental (Sing, and Plur.), and the majority of
the Homeric examples may be referred to that Case : ere'prj^t
with the other hand (II. 16. 734, &c.), 8ef6rep7?$i (Od. 19. 480);
j3iT7</u by force (II. 16. 826, 6d. I. 403, &c., and in the phrase
Kpareprj(f)L pirjfyi), also in strength (/3uj</u </>eprepos, Od. 6. 6, &c.) ;
avaynai^i bapcvras (II. 2O. 143); yVrj<f)i i/ewraro? (II. 14. 112,
&c.) : 8a/cpuo'0i *Aif<r0ev were filed with tears (II. 17. 696, &c.).
In the c comitative ' use, avrola-iv oxta-fav chariot and all, ITT-
TtoKTiv Kal oxeo-fav with horses and chariot (II. 12. 114, Od. 4. 533) >
with Prepositions, aju' 1701 <^aivo\jAvr](^iv, crvv t-mroicnv KOL oy^crfyiv
(often in the Iliad), also Trap' oyjea-fyiv (construed with Verbs of
rest, II. 5. 28, 794., 8. 565., 12. 91., 15. 3) unless o^eo-^tv is a
Loc. ( 157); with words expressing- agreement, likeness, &c., as
TraAa/xijepiu dpijpet fitted' his hand, 0eo<piz> prja-Tap draAazros (II. 7-
366, &c.).
With Verbs of trusting ; II. 4. 303 ITTTTOOT^TJ re KCU y
cHs ; so dyXairj^t (II. 6. 510), /Si'rjcpi (several times).
156.] Ablative. Forms used as Ablatival Genitives are
II. 2. 794 vav<j)iv a(f)opfjir]dflv start from the ships.
13. 700 vav(j)iv afj.vv6iJ.fvoL defending the ships ( 152).
3. 368 K 8e fioi f'yxos ^X^ 7 ? ^oXd^fpLv.
IO. 458 dTro /xey . . KVVrjv Ke<f)a\.r)(j)i.v eAorro.
Od. 5. 152 baKpv6(f)iv Te'p<rovro werg dried from tears.
8. 279 Kadvirepde jj.f\adp6(f)i.v efeKe'xwro.
With the Prepositions
e| : as e evvrjtyi, ex do<j)iv, e/c Tra<r<ra\6(f)i, e/c vovrfytV) ex <m;-
ef 'Epe'/Secr^ti;, &c.
dir : as a7ro vevpTJtyiv, avrotyw, -^a\KO(f)i, <rrq$ff$t, vavcfri, &c.
irapd when it means /row : II. 12. 225 wapa vav<f>iv f\ev(roij.(6'
aiira K&evda, Od. 14. 498 Trapa vavtyiv eTrorpweie vttffQo*. So
1 8. 305 ?rapa vavtyiv avfa-rrj bios '
8. 474 Trpu> op^ai Trapa yau^i 7ro8w/cea
16. 281 fKiroptvoL Trapa yav^t Trobu>Ka
fj.rjvi.0p,bv p.ev aTTOppi^at, <^)iAorrjra 8' l
In these three places the notion of leaving the ships is implied,
so Trapd i>av$i has the meaning of Tiapd ve&v.
J.50 USE OF CASES. [157.
down from : KOT' ope<r$i (II. 4. 452., J I. 493).
it-no from under : v-n oyjEafyi (II. 23. 7), tnro (yyofyiv (II. 24. 576).
With this use of -<J>i we may compare the use of the Dative with and diro,
which is one of the peculiarities of the Arcadian and Cyprian dialects
(Meister, ii. 119, 296). The parallel of the Latin Abl. has been noticed.
157.] Locative. This use is found in several clear instances,
as well as others of an indecisive kind :
II. 19. 323 4>0u7<i in Phthia ; II. 13. 168 /cAio-irjcpi XeXeiuro was
left in the tent ; 6vpri<pt.v out of doors, foris (Od. 9. 238., 22. 220);
K<pa\rj<pi.v fdrjKe put on the head (II. 10. 3O,-_257,x26i ; cp. 496,
Od. 20. 94); II. ii. 474 <as t T * ba<poivol dfjpes opecrfav : 19. 376
ro bf Kcuercu v^rod' opecr<pii> : 22. 139 Tjure /ap/cos opeoxpiy KT\. ;
22. 189 <BS 8' ore vefipov opeoxpi KVMV xrA. ; II. 2. 480 Tjure /3oCy
dyeArjcpi /xey' Ho)(os CTrXero TrdVrcop : 1 6. 487 aye\T]<pi
coming into the herd.
With the Prepositions : lv, as II. 24. 284 ev x ft P*
^>ij/( = Od. 15. 148): irpos, in Od. 5. 432 Trpos Korv\r)bov6(pi.v
(sticking] to the suckers: dfi<j>i, in Od. 16. 145 (pOu-vOd 8' a^
ooTfofpt xpvs : uiro, in vir o%(r<pi, VTTO fryofpi (II. 19. 404, unless
the meaning is from under).
With 4m on, at, in the combinations fi>l lupiofpiv, ITT'
m vevprjQiv (all in the Od.) the Case may be Loc. or Gen.
irop' auToii occurs four times in the Iliad (12. 302., 13. 42., 20. 140., 23.
640). In three of these places there is a v. 1. trap' avroOi (or irapavroOi), which
generally gives a better sense, and which is required by the grammar in
13. 42 eXirovTO St vrjas 'Ax<wSi' atpriffttv KTevlfiv rt wap avro<pi ( = irapa vrjvffi^.
So 19. 255 tv avr6<piv rjaro ffiyy where airoOt (Nauck) is probably right. It
seems that the Endings -9i and -<i were confused, possibly at a very early
I>eriod.
158.] The true Dat. and Gen. There is only one example of
the true Dat., viz. II. 2. 363 o>? (ppTjrpr] (pp^Tprj<pLv aprj-yrj, <pv\a 8e
tf)v\ot$ that phratria may bear aid to p/iratria, and tribe to tribe.
The instances of the true Gen. are
(1) II. 21. 295 Kara 'IA.io'</u /cAvra reject \abv \(rai to coop up
the army within thefamotis walls of Ilios.
(2) II. 21. 367 relpe 8' dur/x^ 'H^at'oroio f3irj<pi Tio\v<ppovo$ the
breath of Hephaestus ('H^aioroio /Suj) wore him out.
(3) Od. 12. 45 TroAi/s 8'd/x^)' 6(TT(6<piv Bis avbp&v iruQontv<uv there
is around a great heap of bones, of men rotting. But this may be an
Instr. of material, = ' a heap (is made) of bones/
(4) II. 16. 762 K<pa\fj(piv (TTfl \dftev ov^l /ue^iei (Gen., 151, a) ;
and ii. 350 ov8' a<pdfj.apTf urvovcofiews Kf(pa\rj<piv (but the Gen.
might be construed with d^u/xapre, as an Abl.).
I59-] FORMS IN -8EN AND -ftS. 151
(5) Certain uses with Prepositions; viz. em in II. 13. 308 rj
7H b^i.o(f)Lv . . TI 77' apicrTp6(f)Lv towards right or left ; irpoo-Se in
II. 5- i7 TtpovQ' 'LTTTTOUV KOL oyjecrfyiv : Sid through, in 8ta 8e <rrr\-
6f(T(f)iv eAao-o-ev (II. 5. 41, &c.), also IO. 185 fpyr\rai bC ope<r<pi.
The first four of these references evidently do not prove much. The first
would be a clear instance of the true Gen. if we could be sure of the text : but
there is some probability in favour of MXCoo ( 98), proposed by Leo Meyer
(Ded. p. 35). In II. 21. 367 we may perhaps take Etirjipi as an Instr. : hot
breath vexed him through (by reason of) the might of Hephaestus.
Again, the use with irl may be locatival, with -rrpoaOe ablatival (as with
irpo). The uses with Sid are more important, because they are not isolated,
but form a distinct group. It is improbable that Sid through should take an
ablatival Gen. or a Locative. The Sanscrit Instr. is used of the space or time
over which an action extends (Delbriick, A. S. 88) : and so the Abl. in Latin
(Roby, 1176, 1189). This use appears in Greek as the Dat. of the way by
which, and perhaps in the phrases Trepiiovri ra> Otpet, &c. It may be thought
possible that Si' 6pecr<f>i and SIOL oTr)6fff<t>i are fragments of this use. If so, one
or two other uses assigned above to the Loc. may be really Instr. ; especially
opea<f>i, II. II. 474., 22. 139, 189.
On the other hand, if the forms in -<|>i(v) constitute a ' mixed Case ' (Locative,
Instrumental, and Ablative), there must have been a tendency to extend its
sphere from the Loc. and Instr. to the Dat., and from the Abl. to the Gen.
Thus the few instances of forms in -<t>i(v) standing for the true Dat. and Gen.
may be first steps towards an amalgamation of five Cases (such as we have
in the Greek Dual). One or two are probably among the ' false archaisms '
which doubtless exist in Homer, though not to the extent supposed by some
commentators : see 216.
Forms in -Qev and -ws.
159.] The Ending -0ec expresses the point from which motion
takes place ; hence it is common in construction with Verbs of
motion, and after the Prepositions e| and dire. Cp. also
II. 3. 276 Zeu Trarep "IbrjOev fieSeW ruling from Ida.
8. 397 "IbijOev eirei i6e when he saw, looking from Ida.
15. 716 "E/cra>p 8e Trpvp-vr/Ofv CTTCI Aa/3e when he had got hold
from (i. e. in the direction from, beginning with] the stern ; so
ere'pa>0ev on the other side, aju</>o7-e'pa>0ei> on both sides.
Of time ; rj&Oev from (beginning with] dawn.
In a metaphorical sense ; of an agent (regarded as the source
of action), as II. 15. 489 Aio'tfev /3A.a$0eW (3t\efJ.va : Od. 16.^447
ov5e TI fj.iv 6a.va.TQv rpo/xeWtfai avu>ya ZK. ye /xz^jo-rr/pcoy 6e66fv 5' OVK
ear' dA.eW0cu. Also, II. IO. 68 Trarpodev e/c yeixiTjs ovopafav naming
.
from (on the side of] the father. And in two phrases. II. 7. 39, 226
olodev oios quite alone, and II. 7. 97 alvodev alvus quite terribly,
where the force of the Ending- is indistinct.
It is to be observed that (except in the Personal Pronouns)
this form is not found with Verbs meaning to deprive of, free
Jj2 USE OF CASES. [160.
from, defend, surjmss, or with the corresponding Adjectives and
Adverbs. Hence it cannot be held to be equivalent to an Ab-
lative ( 152), and probably differed from the Abl. in expressing
motion from rather than separation.
On the other hand, the Pronominal forms ejue'0ev, vtOfv, edev
are freely construed
(1) as Ablatives: Ttpo tOtv, virep crtdev, avev f^0(v; and with
a Comparative, II. I. 114 ov tOtv eon \eptiu>v, &c. Cp. also II.
9. 419 juciAa yap edev . . \eipa trjv t>7repecrxe.
(2) as true Genitives: II. 4. 169 ciAAa /xot alvbv a\os <re6fv
eo-o-erai / shall have terrible grief for thee ; with Verbs of hearing
(II. 2. 26, &c.), remembering (Od. 4. 592), caring (II. i. 180 vtOev
6' eya> OVK dAeyi^co), reaching or touching (dynamo, ireipdfa, &c.) :
and with acrcror, Trpoo^e, avra, avriov, eVeKa, e/cijn.
160.] The Ending -us is generally derived from the Ablative
of Stems in -o ( no), although -of. would not regularly become
-us, and the transition of meaning is not a very easy one. The
chief examples in common use in Homer are
From Pronominal Stems : u>s, TOO?, TTWS, 6/xwy, din-coy, aAAcos.
From Stems in -o : alvu>s, ao-Tracruos, e/cTrayAa)?, eTTtorajMeroos,
s, KaKcos, KapTraAt/xa)?, KpaiTTv&s, Kparfp&s, orpaAea)?,
s, p?;t'8tcos, orepews, aruycpa)?, )(aAe7rcos, /xeyaAcos, KaAw?,
From other Stems : TTO.VTMS, Atye'cos, arpeKecos, acr^aAews, d</>pa-
Kparea)?,
It will be seen that comparatively few of these Adverbs come from the s/u-<
familiar Adjectives. Thus na\ws, aiaxp&s, fjttyd\ws, Ta\fojs, <t>i\cas are very rare
in Homer ; and there is no Adverb of the kind from Se/oy, Zeros, 6/>0os, @af,vs,
^'//e Nominative.
161.] Impersonal Verbs. It is evident that in a language
which distinguishes the Person and Number of the Verb by the
Ending, it is not essential that there should be a distinct word
as Nominative. CCT-TI (e.g.) stands for he is, she is, it is; the
person or thing meant by the Ending may be left to be gathered
from the context. In certain cases, however, the Subject meant
by an Ending of the Third Person is too indefinite to be expressed
by a particular Noun, such as the context could supply to the
mind. For instance, in the sentence ovrcos eo--rt it is so, the real
Subject given by the Ending -n (in English by the word it) is
not a particular thing already mentioned or implied, but a vague
162.] NOMINATIVE. 153
notion ' the case/ ' the course of things/ &c.* Verbs used with
a vague unexpressed Subject of this kind are called IMPERSONAL.
The vague Subject maybe a Plural, as II. 16. 128 OVKZTI (pvKTa
TT\ovT<u the case no longer allows of flight, Od. 2. 203 i<ra eo-o-ercu
things will be even.
A Neuter Pronoun used as the Subject sometimes gives a
vague meaning, not far removed from that of an Impersonal
Verb; e.g. II. I. 564 ei 8' ovrco TOVT eori if this is so (cp. ovrcos
eori it is so) ; (r6\bv KCU TO re'ru/crat it is a good thing too.
An Impersonal Verb is often followed by an Infinitive, or
dependent Clause, which supplies the want of a Subject. See
234, 2.
162.] Nominative in the Predicate. In certain cases the
Predicate of a sentence may be limited or modified by a Nomina-
tive in agreement with the Subject. This is especially found
1. With Adjectives of time ; as kvn&pioi afpLKovro they came in
the evening, evvv^Los Trpo^.o\u>v coming forth by nighty tvbov riavvv\i.ot
islept all night, x^Cos Zfir) went yesterday.
Such Adjectives seem to answer most nearly to the Gen. of
time within which, but may also express duration, as ira^rj/xeptos
and Travvv^ios.
2. In describing the attitude, manner, position, &c. in which an
action is done : as TtaXivopcros aTre'oTTj stood off with a start back-
wards, VTITIOS o#8a epdadr) was dashed face upwards on the ground;
so TTC^OS ei\ri\ov6a, Aa/3pos tnaiyLfav, Ttpotypw rerATjKas (cp. irpo-
(frpovttos), d/xerpoeTrrjs e/coAwa, &c.
3. The Pronouns 08 e and Ketros are sometimes used instead of
Adverbs of place : II. 5- 604 /cat vvv ol Trapa Kflvos "Aprjs now too
yonder is Ares at his side ; 10. 434 pvjiKes 018' airdvfvOe here are
the Thracians apart ; Od. 6. 276 TIS 8' o8e Nauo-iKaa eTrerai ; So
OVTOS in II. IO. 82 TIS 8' OVTOS KT\.
4. With Verbs meaning to be, to become, to appear, to be made,
called, thought, &c.; as /cd/moroi rpdfav they were nurtured the
mightiest, (i.e. to be the mightiest); et<r<o7roi tytvovro ve&v they
came to be in front of the ships: ^'8e d/norrj ^aiVero /3ovA?j this ap-
peared the lest counsel.
In all such cases the Nominative which goes with the Verb not only qualifies
the notion given by the Verb-Stem, but also becomes itself a Predicate (i. e.
the assertion of an attribute). E. g. Kdpriarot rpa<ptv implies that they were
KapTurroi. A Noun so used is called a SECONDARY Predicate.
The use of tljti as the ' logical copula ' is merely a special or ' singular ' case
See Riddell's Digest, 95-100: Sigwart, Imperswalien.
154 USE OF CASES. [162.
of this type of sentence. The Verb has then little or no meaning of its own,
but serves to mark the following Noun as a Predicate. The final stage of
the development is reached when the Verb is omitted as being superfluous.
5. With Impersonal or half-Impersonal Verbs meaning to be,
&c. ; the Predicate being
(a) a Neuter Adjective ; as p(fp<ri/ufc eon it is fated ; ye/zeo--
oTjroy 8e* Kfv etrj it would be worthy of indignation ; ov rot deuce's it
is not unmeet for tkee : with a Pronominal Subject, eo-$Aoj> yap TO
re'ruKrai it is a good thing.
In the Plural, OUKC'TI (pv/cTa -neXovrai there is no more escaping ;
cp. Aotyta epya ra5' eVcrerai this will be a pestilent business.
In one or two instances the Adverbial form in -ws is used in
phrases of this kind : II. 1 1. 762 &s eov et iror' IW ye such 1 was
if I was ; II. 9. 551 Koup^recro-i KO.K>S yv things went ill for the
Ciiretes ; II. 7. 424 biayvutvai ^oAeTrois fjv it roas hard to distinguish;
II. II. 838 TTWS T 6.p eoi rd8e epya; Od. II. 336 irws v/xfuy avrjp
08 e <f>aivfTai et^at. This may be regarded as older than the
Neut. Nominative, since it indicates that the Verb is not a mere
1 copula/ but has a meaning which the Adverb qualifies. Cp.
II. 6. 131 brjv r\v lived long ( = brjvaib$ TJV) : also the Adverbial
Neut. Plur., as Thuc. I. 25. 4 oVres . . o/zoia, 3. 14. I i<ra KOL
(b} an abstract Noun ; as II. 17. 556 o-ot /xev 8rj Meve'Aae Kar?j-
(/>eiT; Kal ovfibos tcr(TTai (I xrA. to thee it will be a humbling and
reproach if Sfc. ov ye'p,e(ris it- is no wrong ; OVK apa TLS x&pis yev it-
was no matter of thanks ; ei 8e' p.ot aTcra bnt if it is my fate : with
a Pronominal Subject, AW^TJ rd8e y eo-o-erat this will be a shame.
The use of an abstract Noun instead of an Adjective is a
license or boldness of language of which we have already had
examples; see 116 and 126.
It is worth while to notice the tendency to import the ideas
of obligation, necessity, &c. into these phrases : e.g. ou i>e'fie<ris it is
not (worthy of, a matter of] indignation, 6Vei8os eWerou it will be
(ground of} reproach. So in Latin vestra existimatio est = it is
matter for your judgment.
The Latin idiom called the Predicative Dative (Roby, Pt. II. pp. xxv-lvi)
may be regarded as a less violent mode of expression than this Nom., since
the Dat. is a case which is originally ' adverbial,' f. e. construed with the
Predicate given by the Verb-Stem. Jn other words, dedecori est is a less bold
and probably more primitive way of saying it is disgraceful than dedecus est ;
just as KOXWS TJV is more primitive than KOXOV rjv.
6. The ordinary use of the Participle belongs to this head : as
SiaoTTjrrji; epiVayre parted after having quarrelled. In this use the
Participle qualifies the Verb-Stem, and at the same time makes
a distinct assertion : see Chapter X.
164.] VOCATIVE. 155
163.] Interjectional Nominative. The Nom. is not unfre-
quently used in Homer without any regular construction, as a
kind of exclamation : e.g.
II. 5. 405 aol 8' em TOVTOV avrJKe 0ea yXavKWTris 'AflTjinj,
V-^TTIOS, ov8e TO ot8e KrA. fool ! he knows not fyc.
Similarly o-xerAios cruel! bv<rp:opos the unhappy one! (Od. 20.
194) : and so II. i. 231 brnj.oj36pos ^acrtAevs / Cp. the interjectional
use of albu>$ shame ! (II. 5. 787., 13. 95., 16. 422).
A similar account may be given of one or two passages in
which commentators generally suppose ( anacoluthon ' : viz.
II. IO. 436 TOV 8r/ KaAAiorous ITTTTOVS Ibov 1786 /xeyioroti?'
Aei>KoYepo6 x'ovos, OeUw 8' <W/xoicrit> 6/xoiot
whiter than snow they are ! &c. ; and so in the equally abrupt
II. IO. 547 a-iv&s aKTivetrcnv eoi/cores TjeAtoio.
2. 353 aa-Tpd-nruiv e7Ti8ei' emiVi/xa (r?7/xaTa (fraivcav (he did so
I tell you) by lightning on the right fyc.
Od. i. 5 1 vfjo-os bevbpriea-a-a, dea 8' evl Scofxara vaiei an island (it
i-s) well wooded, and a goddess has her dwelling there !
These forms of expression, when we seek to bring them under the general
laws of the grammatical Sentence, resolve themselves into Predicates with an
unexpressed Subject. On the logical Propositions of this kind see Sigwart
(Logik, I. p. 55). The Predicate, he shows, is always expressed in a word (or
words) ; but the Subject, when it is of the kind which would be expressed by
a Pronoun (it, this, &c.) may be indicated by a gesture. The simplest examples
of the type are the imperfect sentences used by children, such as horse ! for
this is a horse. When such sentences are introduced into literary language,
they give it an abrupt and interjectional character, as in the examples quoted.
We might add the phrases such as ov repeais it is no wrong ( 162), in which
the want of a Verb makes the expression somewhat interjectional. Compare,
for instance, ov vfptais with alSus, 'A/xyt?ot shame on you, Greeks ! also the
so-called ellipse in commands, as dAA.' apo but up !
The Vocative.
164.] Regarding the use of the Vocative in Homer the chief
point to be noticed is the curious one (common to Greek and
Sanscrit) that when two persons are addressed, connected by re,
the second name is put in the Nominative.* For instance
II. 3. 277 Ze Trarep V 18rj^ey /ie8eW Kvbiarrf ^yia-re,
'He'Aios ff os /crA.
Similarly, the Vocative is not followed by 8e or any similar
Conjunction, but the Pronoun (TV is interposed; as II. i. 282
(TV 8e Travf KT\. but, son of Atreus, cease Sfc.
* Delbriick, Synt. Forsch. iv. p. 28.
Ij6 ADJECTIVES. [165.
The Nominative is often used for the Voc., especially, it would
seem, in order to avoid the repetition of the Voc. ; e.g. II. 4.
189 <iAos 2) Meye'Xae. On this point however it is not always
possible to trust to the accuracy of the text. Cobet (Misc. Crit.
p. 333) has good grounds in the metre for proposing to change
a great many Vocatives into Nominatives : e.g.
II. 23. 493 Alay 'ISo/xeyeu re (read Alas 'ISo/xevevs re).
II. 2. 8 o5Ae oVeipe (read ovAos).
Od. 8. 408 x n 'P e Trarep u> eu'e (read Tranjp).
II. 18. 385 rnrre 0e'ri Tavinrt-nXf. indvti$ (Qe'ris 1 Zenod.). ^
Adjectival Use of the Noun.
165.] Substantive and Adjective. This seems a convenient
place for one or two remarks on the distinction expressed by
these terms.
It will be seen from 114 and 117 that there is no general
difference in the mode of forming Substantives and Adjectives.
Certain Suffixes, however, are chiefly or wholly employed in the
formation of abstract and collective Nouns : as in the Feminine
Nouns in -ri-s, -TV-S, -b(av, the Neuters in -/xa(r), the Denomin-
atives in -TT]s (Gen. -TTJT-OS).
In respect of meaning and use the distinction between the
concrete Substantives and Adjectives is practical rather than
logical. Certain Nouns are mainly used as qualifying words in
agreement with other Nouns ; these are classed as Adjectives.
In such combinations as /3o{5s ravpos, avepes dA^rjo-rcu, x a ^ K *? es
avbpes, fiacnXevs Kvpos, 'Aya/jit/it'ow 'ArpeiSrjs, where the qualifying
word is one that is not generally used as an Adjective, we speak
of the ' adjectival use ' of a Substantive. Conversely, when an
Adjective stands by itself to denote an individual or group of
objects, the use is called ' substantival ' : e.g. KOKO'S a base fellow,
K.O.K.O. eril-s, TVKTOV KO.KOV a made mischief. This is a use which
arises when the objects to which an Adjective applies are such
as naturally form a distinct class. Thus the Suffixes which form
Nouns in -TJJ-S, -Typ, -rcop and -eus are practically confined to
Substantives.
Abstract and Collective Nouns, it is evident, are essentially
Substantives. Thus there is a clear distinction, both in form
and meaning, between Abstract and Concrete Nouns; but not
between Substantives and Adjectives.
The common definition of an Adjective as a word that expresses ' quality '
(' Adjectives express the notion of QUALITY,' Jelf, ii. p. 7) is open to the ob-
jections (i) that an abstract Substantive may be said to express quality, and
(2) that every concrete Noun of which the etymological meaning is clear
1 66.] ADJECTIVES. 157
expresses quality in the same way as an Adjective. E. g, the definition does
not enable us to distinguish /tax^Tjjy from (iaxfifuar.
It is evident that the use of a Nominative in the Predicate as jScwriAevs Ian
he is king is strictly speaking an adjectival use.
The corresponding distinction in the Pronouns does not need
much explanation. The Personal Pronouns are essentially Sub-
stantives (being incapable of serving as limiting or descriptive
words) ; the Possessive Pronouns are essentially Adjectives. The
others admit of both uses; e.g. OVTOS this one, and avr\p OVTOS (in
Attic 6 avrip OVTOS) this man.
166.] Gender of Adjectives. In a few cases the Gender of
the Adjective is independent of the Substantive with which it
is construed.
i. When a person is described by a word which properly
denotes a thing (viz. a Neuter, as TCKVOV, TZKOS, &c., or an
abstract Noun, /3iij ITpiajuoto, &c.), the concord of Gender is not
always observed. Thus we have <|>iAe TKVOV (but </>iAov re/co?,
e^aA?]) ; again
II. II. 690 \da>v yap p e/ca/cco(re /3i?j 'Hpa/cA^efy ( = Heracles).
Od. I J . 90 ?]A0e 8' 67Ti ^V\TI Qrjj3aiov Tetpeo-tao
In such cases grammarians speak of a ' construction according
to the meaning' (/cara (rivta-iv). The term is unobjectionable,
provided that we remember that constructions according to the
meaning are generally older than those in which meaning is
overridden by idiom or grammatical analogy.
2. Where an Adjective refers to more than one Noun, it fol-
lows the most prominent : or (if this is at all doubtful) the Masc.
is used of persons, the Neut. of things: e.g.
II. 2. 136 at 8e TTOU ^/xerepat r dAo^oi /cat jnJTri
r/ar' evi /xeyapois 7rori8ey/xei>ai
because the wives are chiefly thought of : but
II. 18. ^14 retxos jue'v p" aXoxpi re (i'Aat /cat i>?j7ria
pvaT e^eoraores, /xera 8' <Wpes ovs ex? yijpas
because the boys and old men are also in the speaker's mind.
Od. 13. 435 apfpl 8e P.LV paKos aAAo KCLKOV ftd^ev TySe yir&va,
pa)yaAea pvnoutvra.
The Neut. Plur. is especially used of sheep and cattle : II. I J .
244 7rp<30' tKaTov (3ov$ b&Kfv, eTretra 8e \i\C vnivTi], atyas 6/j.ov /cat
ois ; II. II. 696 CK 8' 6 yepcoz; dyeArjv re fio>v KCU TT&V p.ey' olG>v
etAero, Kpivapevos rptTj/coVt' i)8e vo^TJas (three hundred head] : cp.
also II. 5. 140, Od. 12. 332.
3. A Noun standing as Predicate may be Neuter, although
the Subject is Masc. or Fern. : as ov/c ayadov iroXvKoipavtr]. This
is a kind of substantival use.
158 USE OF THE NUMBERS. [167.
167.] Gender of Pronouns. A substantival Pronoun de-
noting 1 a person may retain its proper Gender although the
antecedent is a Neuter, or an abstract word ; as II. 22. 87 tyiXov
ddkos, bv TKOV avr-ff.
Conversely a Neuter Pronoun may be used substantially of a
thing which has been denoted by a Masc. or Fern, word :
II. 2. 873 bs Kal ^vaov ex 00 '' 7<"o'Ae|uoi>8' lev r\vT Kovprj,
y?j7rios, ov5e TI 01 TO y 7T7jpK(re \vypbv o\0pov.
Cp. II. ii. 238., 1 8. 460, Od. 12. 74 (with the note in Merry and
RiddelPs edition).
On the other hand, a Pronominal Subject sometimes follows
the Gender of a Noun standing as Predicate, as avrr] SIKTJ eort
this u the manner, r\ fleets errri which is right. .But the Neuter
is preferred if a distinct object is meant by the Pronoun; as
Od. i. 226 OVK. Zpavos ra.be y eori what I see is not a club-feast.
168.] Implied Predication. An Adjective (or Substantive
in an adjectival use) construed with a Noun in an oblique Case
may be so used as to convey a distinct predication ; as OVKC'T'
fj.ol $i'Aa TO.VT ayopeveis = t/tis (that you now speak] is not pleasing
to me.
So after Verbs meaning to make, cause to be, call, think, &c. ;
w* 8e Xi6ovs Troirjo-e Kpoviav Zeus made the people (to be) stones.
This use is parallel to that of the Nominative in the Predicate ( 162) : cp.
the forms of sentence XaoZ e^ivovro A./0oi, \aovs liroirjat \iOovs. In the latter the
predicative Noun (hiOovs) is construed with an oblique Case, instead of with
the Subject. A Noun so used is called a TERTIARY PREDICATE : cp. 162, 3.
CHAPTER VIII.
USE OP THE NUMBERS.
169.] Collective Nouns. The Subject of a Plural Verb may
be expressed by means of a Collective Noun ; as &>s Qaa-av rj
TT\-qdvs thus they said, the multitude (cp. II. 15. 305-, 23. 157).
Conversely, a Participle construed with a Collective Noun and
Singular Verb maybe Plural: as II. 18. 604 Trfpua-rad' o/ziAos
repTTO/ierot. Cp. II. 1 6. 281 fKivqdev 8e </>aA.ayyes eA7ro//evoi, also
Od. ii. 15.
In these instances, again, the construction is said to be ' ac-
cording to the meaning' ( 166). The principle is evidently
that an abstract or collective word may be used in ' apposition '
to a concrete word. It may be noticed however that the com-
17-] SINGULAR.
159
binations such as opiXos - repTro'^eyoi are only found when there is
some pause between the words ; otherwise the Genitive would be
used (construed as in TpoW Karcbva-fO' o^uAoy, &c.).
170.] Distributive use of the Singular. The word
is often used in the Sing-, with a Plural Verb, as ZjBav OIKOVOC
/ca(rros they went home, each one, 5e8ji>o7^ea-f9a CKCUTTOS we are each
one obedient. Other words in a clause may follow fKaoros in
respect of Number.: as II. 2. 775 frnroi 8e irap apuaviv ola-iv
CKaaros the horses each Reside his chariot ; II. 9. 656 ol 8e IKCO-TOS
eXcbf Se'Tras ap.(pi.KV7r\Xov o"77eurazrres Trapa ^7705 \cra.v Tta\iv. Even
the Verb is made Sing, in II. 16. 264 01 8' aAKip.oi> 777-0/3 exovres
7rpoVo-a> vras Tre'rerai xai ap.vvei. olcn reKeo-<n : but this is a slight
boldness of expression.
On the same principle we may explain the Sing, in Od. 4. 300
at 8' l(Tav f< peyapoio baos juera \fpvlv (^ovcrac ( = each with a torch
in her hands); II. 13. 783 rerv/MjiieW Kara \flpa (each of the two)
wounded in the -hand ; II. 3. 235 ovs KCV eu yvoirjv *cai T' ovvo^a
p.vdr]a-aifj.rjv. So in II. 17. 260 TU>V 8' aAA.coi> TIS KCV . . ovvo^ar
etTTot we should doubtless read ovvo^a (Fet-noi).
Similarly the Dual is used of a group of pairs :
II. 16. 370 TroAAoi 8' kv ra^pw ep7jo-app;are? a>Kees UTTTOI
aavT tv Trpwra) pu/xw XLTTOV ap/iar' aya/cra)i/
where the Dual agavre (like the Sing, pu/xw) refers to owe chariot.
Probably, too, we should read ap/xa avanTdav (i. e. FavaKTonv). So
II. 23. 362 ol 8' a/xa Traire? ec|)' ITTTTOUV //.aoriya? aeipav, Od. 20.
348 oWe 8' apa <r<pe<av baKpv6(piv 7riju,TTAai>ro, also II. 9. 503,
Od. 19. 444.
The Dual is often used in this way in Aristophanes : cp. Av. 622 avartivovrts
TUJ \tipe, and other instances given by Bieber (De duali numero, p. 44).
In II. 5. 487 ftri ircas us a\f/lai Xivov aKovre iravaypov, the Dual dA.<We is ex-
plained by Schol. B VIM ?j /cal al yvvaiK(s. If so, it is a distributive use : ' see
that ye be not taken, man and wife in one net.' But more probably it refers
to Hector and Paris.
In speaking of the characteristics of a group or class it is
common to pass from the Plural to the Singular, or vice versa ;
e.g. Od. 4. 691 77 T ecrrt SIKTJ 0eio>z> /3a<riA7ja>z;, aAAov K c^daiprjcri
fipor&v KT\. it is the way of kings, (a king) will hate one Sfc. ; and
in the same clause, II. 10. 259 pwerat 8e Kapr; 0aA.fp<3y alfr&v (of
a kind of helmet) ; II. 2. 355 iipiv nvo. Trap Tpwcoy dAo'^o) jcara-
KoijUTj^yai beside the wife of some Trojan ; II. 19. 7 aAAa' TIV olu>
. . VTT' eyxeo? 77p.erepoio before the spear of one of us. The distri-
butive TIS is equivalent to a Plural.
Hence a peculiar vague use of the Plural, as II. 3. 49 w6v
avbp&v al\p.r]Ta<t)v the bride of some warrior's son (lit. daughter-in-
l6o USE OF THE NUMBERS. [171.
law of warriors, i.e. of this or that warrior); 4. 142
ffj.fji.fvaL iinritiv (v. 1. ITTTTO)) ; 21. 499 TrATjKrt^ifcrfl' dAo'xoicn, Atos
(less directly personal than
171.] Plural of Things. The Plural form is not confined in
Greek (or indeed in any language) to the expression of ' plurality '
in the strict sense, i. e. to denote a group composed of distinct
individuals, but is often used (esp. in Homer) of objects which
it is more logical to think of in the Singular. Many words,
too, are used both in the Sing, and the Plur., with little or no
difference of meaning.
Notice especially the uses of the Plural in the case of
(1) Objects consisting of parts : TOOV and ro'^a bow and arrows:
o^os and o^a, app.a and ap/xara a chariot : bS>fj.a, ptyapov a hall or
room, 5(o/xara, jueya/m a house: Xturpov and Ae'/crpa a bed.
Trv\ai a gate is only used in the Plur. ; Qvpr\ is used as well as
Ovpa.i, but only of the door of a room (Od\ap.o$).
(2) Natural objects of undefined extent : \l/d[j,aOos and -fydpaQoi
(as we say sands], aAes (once aAs) salt, Kovirj and KOZHCU dust, vvpos
and TrvpoL wheat, pftQpov and pttOpa, /cC/aa (in a collective sense)
and KVfjLara, bditpv and bdupva, Kpla (seldom /cpeas) meat, (rdpKfs
(once Sing.)^^.
(3) Parts of the body : V&TOV (or v&ros the Nona. Sing, does
not occur in Homer) and vara, (rrrjdos and (more commonly)
oTTj^ea, Trpocr&Trov and Trpoo-coTra the countenance, (pprjv and (pptves.
(4) Abstract words : AeAao-^eyo? i-miocrvvcuav forgetting horse-
manship, Troba>Kftr)(Ti TTTroi6a>s trusting to speed of foot, avaXittiyvi
bafjifVTfs overcome by want of prowess, TroAutSpeiT/o-i vooio through
cunning of understanding : so aracrflaAiai, a(ppabiai, ayrjvopiai, decri-
(ppocrvvai, TfKfocrvvaL, fj.f9r]fj.ocrvvai, &c. ; note also TrpoboKai ambush,
TTpo^oai mouth of a river, b&pa gift (II. 20. 268 xpvo-osyap epvKajce,
dcopa ^eoio), KVV&V \j.i\.isr]Qpa the sport of dogs, (pvKrd escaping, tcra
fairness ( 161).
The Plural in such cases is a kind of imperfect abstraction ; the particular
manifestations of a quality are thought of as units in a group or mass, not
yet as forming a single thing.
(5) Collective words : /xrjAa flocks ; so Tipo^ara is only Plur. in
Homer (cp. 7rpo/3acris Od. 2. 75).
(6) Pronouns and Adjectives ; see the examples of adverbial
133, !34J cp- also 161.
172.] Neuter Plural. The construction of the Neut. Plur.
with a Singular Verb is the commoner one in Homer, in the pro-
portion of about three to one. When the Plural is used, it will
1 73-] NEUTER PLURAL DUAL. l6l
generally be found that the word is really Plural in meaning
(i. e. that it calls up the notion of distinct units). Thus it is
used with
Nouns denoting agents ; as IQvta applied to the men of the
Greek army (II. 2. 91, 464), to birds (II. 2. 459), to swine
(Od. 14. 73) ; so with 4>{!A' avOput-nav (Od. 15. 409).
Distinctly plural parts of the body: Trrepa, x f &- fa > ovara,
/xe'Aea : so TrediAa (of the shoes of Hermes).
Numerals: Se'/ca oro'p-ara (II. 2. 489), ovara reWapa (II. II.
634), reWapa Se'pjiiara (Od. 4. 437), aiTro'Aia eV8e*a Travra
(Od. 14. 103); so with Travra and TroAAa (II. n. 574., 15.
714., 17. 760, Od. 4. 437, 794., 9. 222., 12. 411), and when
the context shows that distinct things are meant : as II. 5.
656 T>V [lev bovpara (the spears of two warriors), 13. 135
A few instances occur in fixed phrases, which may represent
an earlier syntax ; XVVTO 8e yvla (but also Avro yovvara), a^^ava
epya ytvovro, &c. Note especially the lines ending with Tre'Acwrai
(ra re Trrepa vrjvcrl TreAourai, or r' r//xara juaKpa TreAo^rai, <f>VKTa
Tre'Aozmu, &c.).
The exceptions to the use of the Sing, are fewest with Pro-
nouns and Adjectives : doubtless on account of their want of a
distinct Plural meaning (see the end of last section).
173.] The Dual is chiefly used (i) of two objects thought of
as a distinct pair, and (2) when the Numeral bva> is used.
i. Thus we have the natural pairs x e 'P e > ^X 66 ' TCVOVTZ,
l*ripu>, oWe, d<p0aAjuo>, and (in the Gen. Dat.) 7ro8o?u', p
ora0/xo) door-posts ; iTnroo the horses of a chariot, /3o'e a yoke of oxen,
apvf a pair of lambs (for sacrifice); bovpe (in IL 13. 241., 16. 139
of the two spears usually carried, but 8vo bovpe is more common) ;
7Toraju,o) (II. 5. 773) of the two rivers of the Troad, and so Kpowco
(II. 22. 147). So of the two warriors in a chariot (II. 5. 244,
272, 568), two wrestlers (II. 23. 707), two dancers (Od. 8. 378),
the Sirens (Od. 12. 52, &c.); the 'ArpeiSa and Alavrf.
The Numeral is generally added in speaking of two wild
animals (Oijpe bva, AeWre 8vo>, &c.) : KaVpw (II. II. 324) and
AeWre (II. 16. 756) are hardly exceptions, since the context shows
that two are meant. Also aterw (Od. 2. 146) of two eagles sent
as an omen, and yinre (Od. n. 578) of the vultures that devoured
Tityos.
The Dual in II. 8. 185-191 (where Hector calls to four horses
by name) might be defended, because two is the regular number ;
but probably v. 185 is spurious. In II. 23. 413, again, al K
diroKij6?jo-arre (pepw/xetfa ^Cipov aed^ov the Dual is used because
M
162 USE OF THE NUMBERS. [173.
it is the horses that are chiefly in the driver's mind, although he
associates himself with them. In II. 9. 182-195 the Dual refers
to the two envoys, Phoenix being overlooked.
Again, when two agents have been mentioned together, or
are represented as acting together in any way, the Dual may
be used: as II. i. 531 r&> y &s ftovXcvcravre (of Thetis and
Achilles), 16. 823 (of a lion and boar fighting), Od. 3. 128., 13.
372, &c. Similarly, of the meeting of two rivers, II. 4. 453
(S [JLHryayKeiav (rup-ftaXXfTOv o/3/n/ior vbap (cp. 5- 774)-
The Dual Pronouns wi and <r<J>w'i are used with comparative
regularity: see II. i. 257, 336, 574., 5. 34, 287, 718, &c. This
usage may be a matter of traditional courtesy. Hence perhaps
the scrupulous use where the First Person Dual is meant; II. 4.
407 ayayovd' ('Diomede and I') ; 8. 109 depa-novTe our attendants;
II. 313 rt TtaOovTf XfXa.aiJ.e6a KT\. ; 12. 323 u> TTCTTOV fl . . <u-
yoWe; Od. 3. 128 e.va 6vjj.bv e^ovre (' Ulysses and I'). In Od. 2.
78 for airaLTL^ovTfs eo>? should be read aitaiTi^ovd' 1705, since
Telemachus there is speaking of his mother and himself. So with
the Second Person, II. 1.216 (Athene and Here), 322 (the heralds),
3. 279., 7. 279.
In II. 3. 278 KCU ot vTrtvtpOf Kafiovras dvOp&irow riwa&ov, OTIS K iiriopicov opoaffri
the two gods indicated by the Dual are doubtless Hades and Persephone, as
appeal's from II. 9. 456 Oeol 5' tTt\(iov firapds, Ztvs rt Karax^ovios KOI tiraivti
Tltpattpovtia, and 9. 569, where Althaea beats upon the earth KiK\-fi<rKova'
'AiSrjv Kal tiraiv^v Tlfpattyovfiav. And since these were the gods especially
called upon as witnesses and avengers of wrong, it is probable that they are
meant in Od. i. 273 Otol 5' ImiMprvpoi tarosv. The omission of the names
may be a mark of reverence. If this view is correct, it removes the difficulty
as to ?<TTUV (Meyer, G. G. 577, i).
2. Of the use with the Numeral the most significant examples
are Od. 8. 35, 48 K.ovpu> 8e npivQtvre bva KOL TTfvrriKOi'Ta fir\TT]v :
where the Dual is used by a kind of attraction to the word ova).
The Dual is never obligatory in Homer, since the Plural may
always be used instead of it. Hence we often have a Dual Noun
or Pronoun with a Plural Verb or Adjective, and vice versa.
The Neut. Dual (like the Neut. Plur.) may go with a Sing.
Verb : thus we have oacre with all three Numbers.
Certain of the ancient grammarians Zenodotus among them supposed
that Homer sometimes used the Dual for the Plural. But Aristarchus showed
that in all the passages on which this belief was founded the Dual either had
its proper force, or was a false reading.
The use of the Dual in Attic is nearly the same as in Homer : in other
dialects it appears to have become obsolete. This was one of the reasons that
led some grammarians to maintain that Homer was an Athenian.
I7 6 -] PREPOSITIONS. 163
CHAPTER IX.
THE PKEPOSITIONS.
Introductory.
174.] Prepositions are words expressing some local relation,
and capable of being 1 used as prefixes in forming Compound
Verbs. The Prepositions are also used in construction with
oblique Cases of Nouns and Pronouns.
The Adverbs that are construed with oblique Cases, but do
not enter into composition with Verbs, are called Improper
Prepositions.
The list of Homeric Prepositions is the same (with perhaps
one exception, see 226) as that of later classical Greek. In
the use of Prepositions, however, there are some marked differ-
ences between the two periods ( 229).
There are no 'Inseparable' Prepositions in Greek: see how-
ever 221.
175.] Adverbial use. In post- Homeric Greek it is a rule
(subject to a few exceptions only) that a Preposition must either
(i) enter into Composition with a Verb or (2) be followed im-
mediately by and 'govern' a Noun or Pronoun in an oblique
Case. But in the Homeric language the limitation of the Pre-
positions to these two uses is still far from being established. A
Preposition may not only be separated from the Case-form which
it governs (a licence sometimes found in later writers), but may
stand as a distinct word without governing any Case. In other
words, it may be placed in the sentence with the freedom of an
Adverb : e.g. apfyi may mean either on both sides (of an object
expressed by an oblique Case) or simply on loth sides ; ei> may
mean in (taking a Dat.), or simply inside ; and so of the others,
e.g.
ye'Aao-o-e 5e 77a<ra irepi yQ&v all the earth smiled round about,
i-nal 8e* re KO'/X/TTOS obovrav yiyvtTo beneath arose rattling of teeth.
These uses, in which the Preposition is treated as an ordinary
' Adverb of place,' may be called in general the adverbial uses.
176.] Tmesis. The term TMESIS is sometimes applied gener-
ally to denote that a Preposition is ( separated ' from the Verb
M 2
164 PREPOSITIONS. [177.
which it qualifies, thus including all 'adverbial* uses, but is
more properly restricted to a particular group of these uses, viz.
those in which the meaning is the same as the Preposition and
Verb have in Composition : e. y.
o$ Kara (3ovs 'T-Treptoi/os 'HcXfoto i"]<rOiov who ate itj) (narri^diov)
the oxen of the sun.
ovs TtoT air' Alvdav ekofjirjv which I took from (d<|>eiAo/irjz>) Aeneas.
VTTO 8' ea-^fTo jjLia-dov and promised (vTreV^cro) hire.
V&TOL fia\u>v turning his back.
OTTO upet r^rj^as cutting off his hands by a sword.
This is the sense in which the word T^OIS was employed by the Greek
grammarians, who looked at the peculiarities of Homer as deviations from the
later established \isage, and accordingly regarded the independent place of
t he Preposition as the result of a ' severance ' of the Compound Verb. We
may retain the term, provided that we understand it to mean no more than
the fact that the two elements which formed a single word in later Greek
were still separable in the language of Homer.
The distinction between Tmesis (in the strict sense) and other
' adverbial ' uses cannot be drawn with any certainty. The
clearest cases are those in which the compound Verb is necessary
for the construction of other words in the sentence ; e. g. in air'
AlvcLav eAo'jurjy or VTTO 5 lo^ero [j-icrdov. On the other hand, the
use is simply adverbial in
Trepi (frpevas fyiepos alpet desire seizes his heart all round (because
the Compound Trepiatpeoo means to strip off, to take away from
round a thing).
o>s TOVS ^ye/xoVe? 8teKoVp;eoi' . . jbterci 6e Kpeuoj; 'Ayapie'/xya>p and in
the midst the king Agamemnon.
a>? Tpwes Trpo fj.ev aAAoi dp/jpore?, avrap tit aAAoi the Trojans,
arrayed some in front, others behind.
177.] Ellipse of the Verb. In certain cases, viz. when the
Verb is understood, a Preposition may represent the whole Pre-
dicate of a clause :
oluivol 8e ire'pi TrAe'e? j}e yvvaiKes about (him) are more 8fc.
HvO' tvi p.fv $iAo'r?7s therein is love.
ov rot ITTI 8eos there is no fear for thee.
dAA' ava but up !
Trapa 8' avrip the man is at hand.
Trap' e/xoiye Kal aAAoi others are at my command (not are beside
me, but=7rapei(n in its derived sense).
So when a Verb is to be repeated from a preceding clause ; as
II. 24. 229-233 evOfv 8&>e/ca p.fv TrepiKaAAe'a? eeAe ireirhovs . .
CK 8e 8v' aWavas rpiirobas : II. 3. 267 &pvvro 8' avru' eiretra ava
avbp&v 'Ayajute'/xj/coi', av 8' 'OSvo-evs (sc. w
178.] TMESIS USE WITH CASES. 165
178.] Use with oblique Cases. Prepositions are frequently
used in Greek with the Accusative, the locatival and instru-
mental Dative, and the ablatival Genitive ; much less commonly
(if at all) with the true Genitive.
It may be shown (chiefly by comparison with Sanscrit) that
the government of Cases by Prepositions belongs to a later stage
of the language than the use of Prepositions with Verbs. In the
first instance the Case was construed directly with the Verb, and
the Preposition did no more than qualify the Verbal meaning.
E.g. in such a sentence as eis Tpofyv r)A0e the Ace. Tpoirjv
originally went with fj\0. If however the construction Tpoir/f
77X6*6 ceased to be usual except with fls, the Preposition would be
felt to be necessary for the Ace., i. <?. would ' govern ' it.
In Homer we find many instances of a transitional character,
in which a Case-form which appears to be governed by a Prepo-
sition may equally well be construed directly with the Verb,
modified, it may be, in meaning by the Preposition.
Thus we have apfyl with the Dat. in the recurring form
ap.(pi 8' ap' wfxoicriz; /3aA.ero t$os,
but the Preposition is not necessary for the Case, as we see from
its absence in ro' W^OKTIV tyav, &c., and again from forms such
as
ev i(pos apyvpor]Kov
where the Preposition is best taken in the adverbial use. Cp.
II. 17. 523 fv 6e 01 eyx os | vribvioi.cn /u,oA' 6v Kpabatvo^fvov \V(
yvla, where lv is adverbial.
Again, we seem to have dfi<|>i governing the Accusative in
II. II. 482 o>s pa TOT' ap.<p' 'Obvcrrja . . TpStes firov.
But d|A4i must be taken with ITTOK, as in II. n. 776 crfp&'i pfv
aptpl (Bobs CTTCTOV K/ae'a. So in VTTO (vybv r/yaye brought under t/it
yoke the supposition of Tmesis is borne out by the form vitayf
(vybv w*ceas faitovs. And in the line
II. I. 53 fvvij^ap fj*v ava (rrparbv <)X eTO K fa a Qeolo
the rhythm is against taking ava a-Tparov together ( 367, i),
and points therefore to av<px. TO -
Again, the ablatival Genitive in
77X0' e a\6s came out from the sea
may be explained like rei'xeos eeA.0eii>, &c. ; and in vrjbs artb
npvp.vris x^aSis TreVe like v^bs a-noQpu<TK.u>v, and numerous similar
constructions.
Thus the history of the usage of Prepositions confirms the
general principle laid down in a previous chapter ( 131), that
the oblique Cases, with the exception of the true Genitive, are
166 PREPOSITIONS. [179.
primarily construed with Verbs, and that consequently the con-
struction of these Cases with Nouns and (we may now add)
Prepositions is always of a derivative kind.
179.] Use with the Genitive. Where the Genitive with a
Preposition is not ablatival, it may usually be explained in two
ways, between which it is not always easy to choose :
1 i ) It may be derived from one of the uses with Verbs dis-
cussed in 149-151. E.g. the Genitive in
os T flo-LV Sia bovpos which goes through the wood
is probably the Genitive of the space within which motion takes
place. For etcrii; bia bovpos has the same relation to TreSioto
iajKeii> and TTCO'IOIO bia-npria-creiv, that rjXOfv ds Tpoirfv has to
Tpoir]v ri\Qtv and Tpoirjy ela-rjXOev.
(2) It may be of the same kind as the Genitive with a Noun :
e.g. the construction with avrl may be the same as with the
Adverbs avra, avriov, avria, &c., and the Adjectives avrios, (vav-
rios, &c., and this is evidently not akin to any of the construc-
tions with Verbs, but falls under the general rule that a Noun
or Pronoun qualifying a Noun is put in the Genitive ( 147).
It is held by Curtius (Elucidations, c. 17) that the Genitive with
awl, Trpo, 8 id, v-nep, VTTO, when they do not necessarily imply motion
from, is of the same kind as the ordinary Genitive with Adjectives
and Adverbs, i. e. the true Genitive. This view is supported by
the Improper Prepositions, which nearly all govern the Genitive,
whatever their meaning : e.g. eyyvs and e/cds, tvros and euros, aura,
IJ.XP L > tvt Ka > & c - For in these cases the construction evidently
does not depend upon the local relation involved, but is of the
same kind as in be^as irvpos, \apiv "Tpututv, &c.
On the other hand, it is pointed out by Delbriick (Synt. Forsck.
iv. p. 134) that such a construction of the Genitive is unknown
in Sanscrit, and this argument, which applies to Trpo, VTTO, uTrep
(Sanscr. prd, upa, updri], is confirmed by the Latin construction
of. pro, sub, super with the Abl. He would allow the supposition
however in the case of dvri (the Sanscrit dnti being an Adverb),
and perhaps Sid ; regarding these words as having become Prepo-
sitions more recently than the others.
180.] Accentuation. The rules for the accentuation of Com-
pound Verbs have been already given in 88. They proceed on
the general principle that (except in the augmented forms) the
accent falls if possible on the Preposition; either on the last
syllable (as d?ro'-8os), or, if that is elided, then on the first (as
V7r-aye).
In regard to the other uses, and in particular the use with
180.] ACCENTUATION. 167
Cases, the general assumption made by the Greek grammarians
is that all Prepositions are oxytone. They do not recognise the
modern distinction according to which lv, els, and e| are unac-
cented. This distinction rests entirely on the practice of the
manuscripts (Chandler, p. 254), and apparently arises from the
accident of the smooth breathing and accent falling on the same
letter (Wackernagel, K. Z. xxix. 137).
Disyllabic Prepositions, however, are liable in certain cases
to become barytone. The exact determination of these cases was
a matter of much difficulty with the ancients, and unfortunately
we cannot now determine how far their dicta rest upon observa-
tion of usage, and how far upon analogy and other theoretical
considerations. The chief points of the accepted doctrine are :
(n) The disyllabic Prepositions, except dp,<pi, avrl, ava, and
8td (except also the dialectical forms naral, vital, itapai, airai,
v-ncip, itporOj, are liable to ' Anastrophe/ that is to say, when
placed immediately after the Verb or the Case-form to which
they belong, they throw back the accent ; as AOVO-TJ euro ( = a-no-
AOIATTJ), %x. v KaTa > $ ^h f*4x$ * vl > Zt<t>vpov VTTO, &c. Some held
that the insertion of Se before the Preposition did not prevent
Anastrophe, and accordingly wrote Sere 8' a-no, &c.
(2) Also, according to some, if the Prep, stands at the end of
a verse, or before a full stop (Schol. A on II. 5- 283).
(3) Also, when it is equivalent to a Compound Verb ( 177) ;
as evi, firi, irepi, irdpa (for lz>-e<rri, &c.). So ava (for dvdorqfli) ;
although ava according to most authorities was not liable to
Anastrophe. Some wrote itapa yap Otoi etVi /ecu rj^lv (II. 3. 440),
on the ground that in Trdp-eto-t the accent is on the syllable Trap-.
(4) Two Prepositions are barytone in the adverbial use,
CI-ITO when it is = aito6tv at a distance, and
Wpi when it is = Treptcr<r<3s exceedingly.
To which some added VTTO (as rpo/xeei 8' vito yvla, &c.).
(5) Monosyllabic Prepositions when placed after the governed
word take the acute accent (as an equivalent for Anastrophe) ;
but only when they come at the end of the line. Some however
accented Od. 3. 137
KaA.ecrcrap.eVa) dyop?)i> es Trdi/ras 'A^aiovs.
Most Prepositions, as appears from the Sanscrit accent, are
originally barytone, and the so-called Anastrophe is really the
retention of the accent in certain cases in which the Preposition
is emphatic, or has a comparatively independent place in the
sentence. Just as there is an orthotone eon and an enclitic c<m
( 87, i), so there is an orthotone itepi and a 'proclitic' Trept,
written Trept before a governed Noun, but in reality unaccented.
l68 PREPOSITIONS. [l8o.
This view will serve to explain one or two minor peculiarities
of Greek usage. Thus (i) it is the rule that when the last
syllable of a Preposition is elided before a Case-form, the accent
is not thrown back. This is intelligible on the ground that the
Preposition is in fact without accent ; and the same account will
apply to the same peculiarity in the case of ctAAa and nva. On
the other hand, (2) in the case of elision before a Verb (as VTT-
aye) the accent is retracted, because the Preposition is then the
accented word.* Again, (3) the general rule of the ^Eolic
dialect, that all oxy tones become barytone, does not extend to
Prepositions, because they are not real oxytones.
The word en (Sanscr. dti) is a Preposition which happens to
have survived (with the original accent) in the adverbial use
only : cp. vpos = besides.
One or two suggestions may be added in reference to the
Prepositions which are generally said to be incapable of
Anastrophe :
dvd was thought by some to be capable of Anastrophe, and
this view is supported by the adverbial use ava up !
d/ji<j>i is probably a real oxytone, like the Adverb d/x</us. The
corresponding Sanscrit Preposition abhi is oxytone, contrary to
the general rale.
The assertion that umu', irapai, Trpo-ri, &c. are not liable to
Anastrophe is difficult of interpretation. It may mean only that
these words are not Attic, and by consequence that later usage
furnished the grammarians with no examples.
If this is the true account of Anastrophe, it is probable that
the Prepositions retained their accent in all quasi-adverbial uses,
including Tmesis not only when they followed the Verb or
governed Noun. The doctrine of the grammarians is unin-
telligible unless it admits of this extension. For if we write
Trap' ffj-oi ye KCU aXXot because Trdpa = Trapi.(n, we must also write
irdpa yap 0eoi eio-i, where Trdpa is equally emphatic. In Sanscrit
too the Preposition when separated from its Verb is accented.
It is not so clear how far the later rules for Prepositions in
Composition are to be applied to Homer. In Sanscrit there is
an important difference between Principal and Subordinate
Clauses. In a Principal Clause the Verb loses its accent, unless
it begins the sentence ( 87) ; the Preposition (which usually
precedes the Verb, but is not always immediately before it) is
accented. Thus we should have, on Sanscrit rules, such forms
* See Wackernagel, K. Z. xxiii. 457 ff. On this view, however, the original
accent would be diro-8os, Ivi-o-ires, irapa-(rxs, &c. It may perhaps be preserved
in the Indie. Jvi-o-ires and Imper. fvi-o-ire (see 88, where a different ex-
planation of these forms was suggested).
i8o*.] ACCENTUATION. 169
as Trepi 8ei8ict, irfpi TTCIVTOIV oi8e, &c. But in Subordinate Clauses
the accent is on the Verb, and the Preposition commonly forms
one word with it, as in TrepiSei'Sia. If the Preposition is separated
from the Verb, both are accented. In classical Greek two
changes have taken place: (i) the Preposition and Verb are
inseparable, and (2) the accent is placed almost uniformly ac-
cording to the ' law of three syllables ' ( 88) : if it falls on the
Preposition, as in (rv/x-^Tj/it, /car-e^ey, or on the Verb, as in <rup.-
<$>r\(Ti, /car-e'xei, the reason is purely rhythmical. The first of
these changes had not taken place in the time of Homer. As to
the second we are practically without evidence. We do not
even know when the law of three syllables obtained in Greek.
It may be observed however that
(1) When a word of three syllables could not be unaccented,
the form Tre'pt 8ei8ia became impossible ; but it does not follow
that Trepi lost its accent at the same time. An intermediate
wept, 8etdia is quite admissible as a hypothesis.
(2) In many places in Homer it is uncertain whether a
Preposition is part of a Compound or retains its character as
a separate word. Thus we find
II. 4. 538 TToAAol 8e irepl KTCWOVTO KOL aAAoi (Wolf, from
Ven. A.).
1 6. 497 f[j.(v Trept fj.dpva.0 xaAK<3 (ir^pl sic Ven. A.).
1 8. 191 oTfCro yap ' H<cuoT060 Trap' oicre/xev Iz/rea KaAa (so Ar.).
I. 269 Kal p.v rolcriv eya> fie'0' 6ju.tA.eov (Ar.).
with the variants TrepiKmVovro, Trepijotapvao, Trapoia-fp-ev, fj.eOop.l-
\eov. And the existing texts contain a good many Compounds
which we might write divisim without loss to the sense ; as
II. 1 8. 7 vj]v<nv eTTiKAoveWrai, Od. 8. 14 TIQVTOV e7ri7rAay)(0ets, Od.
16. 466 aorv Kara/3Aa>o-KOZ>ra, II. 2. 150, 384., 3. 12., 4. 230.,
5- 332, 763, 77*; 6 - 100, & c -
In reference to such forms we may fairly argue that the
tendency of grammarians and copyists, unfamiliar with the free
adverbial use of the Prepositions, would be always towards
forming Compounds; hence that modern critics ought to lean
rather to the side of writing the words separately, and giving
the Prepositions the accent which belonged to them as Adverbs.
With regard to the accent of Prepositions in the ordinary use
with Case-forms it is still more difficult to decide. A Sanscrit
Preposition generally follows the Noun which it governs : hence
it does not furnish us with grounds for any conclusion about the
Greek accent.
180*.] Apocope. Most Prepositions appear in Homer under
several different forms, due to loss of the final vowel combined
(in most cases) with assimilation to a following consonant.
i;o PREPOSITIONS. [l8l.
Thus we find
Trap a and Trap :
dz-d, av, ap. (jScu/btoicn, (f>6vov) :
Kara, KaS (8e), Ka / 3-(/3aAe), Kar-(^afe), Kap (pooy),
Kay (yo'fv), KctK (Ke<paA?)?), KaA-(Ai77e),
eiy) :
_2E2I~) C P-
eri. e
OTTO,
This phenomenon appears to be connected with the loss of
accent which the Preposition suffers when closely connected with
a Verb or Case-form. That is to say, from the adverbial forms
Trapa, Trpo'n, Kara, evi, ava (or ava), &c. were formed in the first
instance the unaccented Trap, Trpos, Kar or Ka. Iv, av. Then the
pairs Trapa and Trap, &c. were used promiscuously. Finally one
form was adopted as normal.
181.] The Preposition dp}>i means on both gitles, or (if the
notion of two sides is not prominent) all round. It is doubtless
connected with ap.$o> loth.
The adverbial use is common; e.g. with a Verb understood,
Od. 6. 292 v Se Kpr]vi] met, d//(pl 8e Aetp-wy and around is a
meadow.
It is especially used in reference to the two sides of the body :
II. 5- 3 IQ afj.(f)l 8e ocrcre KeAat^Tj vv eKaAuv^e black night covered
fils eyes on loth sides (i.e. both eyes); II. 10. 535 dft^)i KTVTTOS
ovaTa /3dAAet : II. 1 8. 414 crTroyyo) 5' d/x<^)t Trpo'cra)7ra /ecu
)(eip' ai:oij.6pyi'v : Od. 2. 153 Trape.i/zs dp.0i re 8eipds : O4r--
ol 3
So II. 6. 1 17 d/x0t 8e /itv a~(j)vpa rvTrre KOI av^iva Sepyxa
//e shield smote him on the ankles on both sides and on the neck.
Here d/A<J>f is generally taken to mean above and beneath j wrongly,
as the passages quoted above show.
This use of a^i is extended to the internal organs, esp. the
midriff ((^pe'res) regarded as the seat of feeling : as
II. 3. 442 ov yap Tito Trore // o>8e ep<u? (ppe'ras
6. 355 eTrei o-e ^taAtora TroVos ^pe
1 6. 481 eV0' apa re (^peVes ep^arai
Od. 8. 54 1 fiaAa TTOV /jtiy a)(os ^>peV
So Hesiod^ Theog. 554 ^wa-aro 5e c/>peVas d/u<pi : Horn. H. Apoll,
183.]
273, H. Ven. 343 ; Mimnerm. i. 7 $/)eW d/x^l nanoi
Hence read
II. I. 103
and similarly in II. 17. 83, 499, 573.
182.] The Dative with dji4>i is a natural extension of the
ordinary locatival Dative the Preposition being adverbial, and
not always needed to govern the Case. Compare (e. g.)
II. I. 45 TO w/zoto-ty ex^v (Loc. Dat., 145, 3).
2O. 150 a[jL(pl 8' ap apprjKTOv v(pc\r]v <uju,oi(ny etravro.
, 1 1. 527 dju$' &IJ.OHTIV ex et craKos ^w shield on both sides on
his shoulders, i.e. across his shoulders.
In a metaphorical sense dji<ju is applied to the object about
which two parties contend : as II. 3. 70 aptf 'EAez/rj KCU Kr^ao-t
Trao-t /u,axe0-0cu : so of a negotiation, II. 13. 382 o~vva>iJ.9a afj-tpl
ydju,a> we shall agree about the marriage ; II. 7. 408 d//.$l 8e vexpol-
O-LV as to the question of the dead; II. 16. 647 d/x,<i t^orw
IlarpoKAou jj-ep^rfpi^v. Cp. the use with ire/)i' ( 186). So too
in Sanscrit the Loc. is used with Verbs otjighting to express the
object over which the fighting is.
It is a further extension of this use when dfjuju with the Dat.
is construed with Verbs meaning to speak, think, &c., as Od. 4.
151 dju(/>' 'OSuoTjt fjiv6f6fMr]v. This last variety (in which the
notion of two sides disappears) is confined to the Odyssey : cp. 5. /i<~w k*
287, 14. 338, 364.
A true Dative may follow dfi<f>i, but cannot be said to be
governed by it; e.g. in II. 14. 420 dju,$t 8e ol ftpd^ Ttvyjea his
arms rattled about him the Dat. is 'ethical/ as in II. 13. 439
pf}ev 8e ol dju^t yj.TG>va. So in II. 4. 431 d/i(/>i 8e Trao-t revx ea
TTOiKtA' eAa/xTre, the Dat. is not locatival, but the true Dat. The
two kinds of Dat. may be combined, as II. 18. 205 d/i^l 8e 01
The construction of dfi<J>t with the Dat. is not found in Attic
prose. It survives in the poetical style, and in Herodotus.
183.] The Accusative with dp,cf>i is used when the Verb ex-
presses motion, as
II. 5. 314 d/>ut 8' fbv (j)i\ov viov e\f.vaTo Tn/xe'e A.euKw.
Also to express extent, diffusion over a space, &c. (ideas naturally
conveyed by terms denoting motion) :
Od. II. 419 us ap.(pl KprjTTJpa TpavtCas re TrA
as we lay (scattered] about fyc.
Accordingly it is especially used in Homer ~
(i) of dwellers about a place, as II. 2. 499, 751 &c.
1/2 PRErOSITIONS. [184.
(2) of attendants or followers ; as II. 2. 445 01 8' a^fi 'Arpeuova
. . 6vvov they bustled about Agamemnon.
The description about (a person} does not exclude the person
who is the centre of the group ; e.g. in II. 4. 294 (Agamemnon
found Nestor) ovs erdpovs o-re'XXoyra . . d//</u /ze'yav IleXdyorra
'AAdoTopd re Xpo/Mov re, where Pelagon &c. are included under
the word e'rapot. This is an approach to the later idiom, oi d/x^i
Yl\a.Ta)va=2 J {ato and his school.
It should be observed that the motion expressed by the Verb
when djji4>i takes an Ace. is not motion to a point,, but motion
over a space. Hence this Ace. is not to be classed with Accusa-
tives of the terminus ad quern, but with the Accusatives of Space
( I 3^)- This remark will be confirmed by similar uses of other
Prepositions.
184.] The Genitive with dfi<j>i is found in two instances,
II. 1 6. 825 jj.d)((r0ov TtioaKos a^ 0X17775 fight over a small
spring of water.
Od. 8. 267 dei'8eu> d/x<' "Apeos ^tXorrjros KrX.
Another example may perhaps lurk in
II. 2. 384 eS 8e' rij ap/zaros afj.(f)ls Ibvv KrX.
if we read d/z$t Fiouv (having looked over, seen, to his chariot).
With this meaning compare II. 18. 254 d/x,$l /udXa $pdeo-0e :
and for the construction the Attic use of Trep6op<S/iai with a Gen.
=to look round after, take thought about (Thuc. 4. 124) : also the
Gen. with a^i^a^<rdai II. 16. 496., 18. 2O., 15. 391.
irepi.
185.] The Preposition irepi (or ire'pi, 180) has in Homer the
two meanings around and beyond.
Both these meanings are common in the adverbial use; the
second often yields the derivative meaning beyond measure, ex-
ceedingly, as
II. 1 6. 1 86 Tre'pi /xez> flet'eiz/ ra^vv exceeding swift to run.
1 8. 549 irfpi 6avp.a reVv/cro was an exceeding wonder.
Od. 4. 722 Tre'pt ydp ^ot 'OXv/A7nos aXye' eSco/ce for Zeus has
given to me griefs beyond measure.
The meaning beyond is found in Tmesis, II. 12. 322 iro'Xe/Aou
Trept roVSe </>uyoVrs escaping this war: II. 19. 230 TroXe/xoio -rrepi
o-ruyepoto Xiircoyrat shall remain over from war : and in Composi-
tion, Treptei/xi / excel, Treptyiyvo/xai 1 get beyond, surpass, TreptoiSa /
know exceeding well (II. 13. 728 ftovXy Trepu'8/zez/ai dXXcoy to be
knowing in counsel beyond others ; cp. Od. 3. 244., 17. 317). The
Gen. in such constructions is ablatival ( 152).
1 86.] 'AM*I, KEPI. I7 3
186.] The Dative with irepi (as with a^i) is Locatival;
as II. 1 . 303 epcoTjo-et Trepl bovpi will gush over (lit. round upon] the
#pear ; 2. 389 Trept 8' eyxet X 6 V a Ka/xetrai Aw Aa#^ will be weary
with holding the spear ; 2. 416 x""<ya Trepi 0r?j0eo-<n Satai fo tear
^e chiton about (round on) the breast. Also of an object of con-
tention, over; as II. 16. 568 Trepl 770184 . . -TTOWS efy ^e toil (of
battle) might be over his son, cp. II. 17. 4, 133, Od. 5. 310: and
in a derivative sense, Od. 2. 245 piax7?o-a<r0ai Trept 8am' zto /^tf
flfowtf a feast.
1 . It is a question which meaning is to be given to irepi in
II. 5. 566 iff pi yap Sie irot/j.evi \aSjv (so 9. 433., II. 55')).
IO. 240 eStiffev 8 irpl av0w Mei'tAdo;.
17. 242 oaaov kfj.fi Ke<pa\rj irepi Seitita (or irepioetSia).
and in the Compound (II. II. 508 T> pa irepiSiiaav, 15. 123 irepibeiaaaa Qtoiffi, 21.
328., 23. 822). Most commentators here take irepi = exceedingly and the Dat. of
the person as a Dativus ethicus : irepl ydp Sit voipem for he feared exceedingly
for the shepherd, &c. But it is difficult to find Homeric analogies for such a use
of the Dative, and the meaning over, on behalf of is supported by later writers :
H. Merc. 236 x ca ^ fvov ""*P<- &ovai, H. Cer. 77 a\vvij.fvriv irtpl iraiSi, Hdt. 3. 35 ntpl
tojvToi SfipaivovTa, Thuc. I. 60 StSiores irept rA. ; also by the use of d|x<j)i with
the Dat. ( 182) in nearly the same meaning.
2. Much difficulty has been felt about the use of irepi in a group of phrases
< >f which the following are the chief instances :
II. 4. 53 ray Siairtpaai, or' av roi dnexOwTai ntpl Kr)pi (cp. 4. 46, &C ).
Od. 6. 158 Kftvos 8' av irepi afjpt fMucapraTos efoxoc aAAwr.
II. 21. 65 irepi 8" ij0e\e Ov/ty (so 24. 236).
22. 70 a\vaffovTts irepl OV/M.
Od. 14. 146 irepl yap p.' e<pi\ei Kal KrjSero 0vi*a>.
II. 16. 157 roiaiv rt irfpl <f>ptalv affirtros d\/cf].
Od. 14. 433 rrepl yap <f>pealv aifftjia ySij.
In all these places the Dative may be construed as a Locative (although
K-qpt without irepi is only found in H. 9. 117) : the only question is whether
the Preposition is to be taken in the literal local sense round, all over, or in the
derivative sense exceedingly. In favour of the latter it may be said that the
same combinations of Preposition and Verb are found without a Dat. such as
Ktjpi or Ovjxto, where accordingly irepi must mean exceedingly ; compare
II. 13. 430 TTJV wf pi K?ipi <f>i\rjae varri
Od. 8. 63 rov irepl Moiio-' e(f>t\T)ff(
Od. 14. 433 nepl yap <pptolv alatfia rjSr)
2. 88 iff pi KepSea olSe
II. 16. 157 Toifftv re ntpl (f>peclv acrireros dAwJ )
Od. 12. 279 iripi TOI fifvos )
Od. 5. 36 irepl KTJPI Oebv ais ripjaovai )
II. 8. 161 irepl /J.(v ae T'IOV Aavaot. '
Again, in II. 4. 46 raw /xoi irepl Kijpi niaKero the meaning beyond is required
by the Gen. rdaiv; cp. 4. 257 irfpl n*v ae TIOJ Aavaaiv t*)Qttt***, 7. 289 irepl 5"
ey\ei 'Axaia/v (fteprarus effot, 17. 22 irepl oQive'i &\ep.eaivfi. So with the Ace. in
II. 13. 631 irepl <f> P evas I/</icrai a\\<uv.
'
174 PREPOSITIONS. [187.
On the other side, the representation of a feeling as something surrounding
or covering the heart, midriff, &c. is common in Homer. Thus we have
II. II. 89 ff'lTOV Tf f\VKfpO?0 TTfpl (ppfVdS IflfpOS diptT.
Od. 9. 362 iirfl KvK\(uira ntpl <pptvas ij\v0(v olvos.
So of a sound, II. 10. 139 irtpl <peVas ij\vO' Iwrj (cp. Od. 17. 261). And more
frequently with djji^i ; cp. Od. 19. 516 irvitival 8e poi d/^up' dStvbv KTJP otiai
fi.(\f8wts uSvpofifvijv tptOovat ; and the other passages quoted at the end of
181. Similarly irepl K-fjpi, trtpl 4>p<Ti, may have been meant in the literal
sense, the feeling (fear, anger, &c.) being thought of as fiUing or covering the
heart. On the whole, however, the evidence is against this view; unless
indeed we explain rap! Ktjpi as a traditional phrase, used without a distinct
sense of its original meaning.
The occasional use of the Dat. with irepi in Attic is probably
due to familiarity with Homer.
187.] The Accusative with irepi is used (as with dfKju) when
motion or extent in space is expressed : as II. i. 448 fKaro^^v
earrja-ay Trept /Scafio'y placed the hecatomb round the altar ; 2. 750
TTfpl Actibu>vr]v OLKL ZdevTo made their dwellings round Dodona.
Generally speaking 1 the Accusative implies surrounding in a less
exact or complete way than the Dative. It makes us think of
the space about an object rather than of its actual circumference.
Occasionally, of course, the circumference is the space over
which motion takes place, or extent is measured : as II. 12. 297
pen/re pd/38ot<rt birjvK.e(nv Ttepl KVK^OV round in a circle ; II. i
Trepi roiyjov to stand along the wall all round it. t/ 1-
188.] The Genitive with irepi is used in three distinct ways :
1. With irepi meaning beyond (in the figurative sense, = excel-
ling) it expresses the object of comparison : II. i. 287 Trepi TTO.V-
TU>V eju/Lieyai to surpass all, Od. I. 235 &UTTOV fTroir/a'av Trept TtavTutv
have made him unseen more than all men, 4. 23 1 e-rrio-ra/ieyos Trepl
TrdvTtov. This use is distinctively Homeric. The Gen. is abla-
tival, as with Adjectives of comparison ( 152).
2. With trepi = round, over (in the local sense) the Gen. is very
rare ; the instances are
Od. 5- 68 178' avrov TfTavvcTTO ?rept (TTretou? y
130 TOV fjJfv eycoi; eVaaxra Trept rpOTTio? /3e/3awra.
The Gen. may be akin to the (partitive) Gen. of place ( 149) :
the vine e. g. grew round in or over (but not covering] the cave.
3. With -nepi=over (the object of a contest), as II. 16. i &>s ol
/xez> Trept vybs eiioWAjuoio payjovTO, 12. 142 afjiiivecrOai Trept vrj&v to
defend the ships ; sometimes also in the figurative sense, about,
II. II. 700 Trept TptTroSo? yap ejueA\oi> 0evo-e<r0ai, Od. 9. 423 a>s re
190.] HEPI, IIAPA.
Trepi \jsvxns as when life is at stake ; and of doubt, II. 20. 17 77 rt
Trepi Tpuxav Kal 'Axcuwy /xep/Ai7piei?. The use with Verbs of aw^r
and fear is closely akin; II. 9. 449 7raAA.a/a8os Trepi x^ 7 " J 17.
240 vemvos Tre'pi 8ei'8ia (unless we read Trepixwo-aro, irepio'eiSia).
The weapons of the contest are said to be f ought over in Od. 8.
225 epieo-/coy Trepi roo>y; so II. 15. 284 OTTTTOTC Kovpoi epio-o-eiai;
Trepi p.v9a)v. And this is also applied to the quarrel itself, II. 16.
476 crvviTYiv epifios Trept Qvpofiopoio (cp. 2O. 253).
Under this head will come the Gen. in II. 23. 485 rpnroSo?
Trept8w//e0ov ^ us wager a tripod, Od. 23. 78 ffjuiOfv Trepi8o)(rop.ai
avr?ys / will stake myself. Whatever may be the original meaning
of irepiSocrOcu, it is construed as i=to join issue, contend (Lat.
pignore certare) : cp. the Attic use Trept8i8op.ai TIVI Trepi (Gen. of
the thing staked).
By a not unnatural extension, Trepi with the Gen. follows Verbs
meaning to speak, know, &c., but only in the Odyssey; viz. i.
135 ( = 3' 77) ^ va V- lv "Kepi TrctTpos aTrotxo/xeyoto epoiro ; 15. 347 ffor'
aye piot Trept /xrjrpoj KrA. ; 17. 5^3 ^ a 7"P e ^ 7re P^ KetVou; also
i. 405., 7. 191., 16. 234., 17. 371., 19. 270. Note that the cor-
responding use of dfi<j>i with the Dat. is similarly peculiar to the
Odyssey ( 182).
The origin of this group of constructions is not quite clear. It may be
noted, however, that they answer for the most part to constructions of the
Gen. without a Preposition ; cp. afnvvtaOat irfpl vrjwv and d/^wfadai v^uv ; and
again tine irtpl fjtrjTpos, olSa wept tcdvov, &c. with the examples given in 151, d.
impel.
189.] The Preposition irapd (irapai, by Apocope irdp) means
alongside. It is common in the adverbial use (see 177),
and also in Tmesis and Composition. Note the derivative
meanings
(1) at hand, hence at command ; as II. 9. 43 Trap rot 680? the
way is open to you; Od. 9. 125 ov yap KuKAwTreo-o-i ye'es Trapa.
(2) aside; as II. II. 233 Trapat 8e' ot erpaTrer' eyxos the spear
was turned to his side (instead of striking him).
(3) hence figuratively, Trapa p ^Tra^e cozened me ' aside' away
from my aim : and so TrapTreTri0a)j> changing the mind by per-
suasion, TiapetTrajy talking over, &c. ; also, with a different
metaphor, wrongly.
(4) past, with Verbs of motion, as epxo/xat, eA.awa>, &c.
190.] With the Dative irapd means beside, in the company of,
near. It is applied in Homer to both persons and things
(whereas in later Greek the Dat. with irapci is almost wholly
Jj6 PREPOSITIONS. [191.
confined to persons) ; thus we have Trapa I/TJI, Trapa vr)va-L (very
frequently), Trap' ap/xacri, Trapa fiu>fj.<p, nap Ttocri, Trapa orafyza), &c.
This Dat. is either locatival or instrumental : see 144. It
may be used after a Verb of motion (e.g. II. 13. 617), see 145, 4.
191.] The Accusative with irapd is commonly used
(1) when motion ends beside or near a person or thing: as II.
3. 406 ijcro Trap" avTov lovcra go and sit by him ; II. 7. 190 TOV
\j.ev Trap Tro5' fbi> \a^,dbis /3aAe.
Hence the use of the Ace. often implies motion: as II. u. 314
-ap' e/x' IOTCKTO place yourself beside me ; Od. I. 333 err?) pa Trapa
(TTadpov came and stood beside the pillar ; II. 6. 433 Aaoi; Se a-njo-ov
Trap' fptveov. Similarly of the place near which a weapon has
struck, as II. 5. 146 K\i]iba Trap' ui^ov TrAr/fe struck the collar-bone
by the shoulder.
(2) of motion or extent alongside of a thing (esp. a coast, a
river, a wall, &c.) ; II. I. 34 /3ij 5' a.Kt<av Trapa diva went along
the shore ; Od. 9. 46 TroAAa 8e /x?/Aa ecrfya^ov Trapa diva sacri-
ficed many sheep along the shore; II. 2. 522 Trap -nora^bv
Zvaiov dwelt by the side of the river ; II. 3. 272 Trap u/>eo?
KovAeoi; atopro hung beside the sword-scabbard, r,
(3) of motion past a place; as II. u. 166, 167 ol 8e Trap' "IAou
aijij.a . . Trap 1 (piveov ecra-evovTo they sped past the tomb of Ilus,
past the fig-tree ; 11. 6. 42 Trapa rpoyov e^eKvAurflrj rolled out
past the wheel; II. 16. 312 ovra o'avra (rrepvov yv\j.vu>dvTa
nap' do-TriSa passing the shield (implied motion, OVT a = thrust
at and struck). The derivative meaning beyond ( = in excess
of) is only found in Homer in the phrases Trap bvvapw (II.
13. 787) and Trapa fwlpav (Od. 14. 509): but cp. the Adj.
TrapaiVios against fate.
192.] With a Genitive irapd properly means sideways from,
aside from. As with the Dative, it is used of things as well as
persons (whereas in later Greek it is practically restricted to
persons). On the other hand it is confined in Homer to the local
sense ; thus it is found with Verbs meaning to go, bring, take, &c.
not (as afterwards) with aKova, navdavu), olba, or the like. An
apparent exception is
II. II. 794 i 8e nva <f>pf<riv $<ri OfOTrpoirirjv dAeeu>a,
Kai Tivd ol Trap Zyvos CTre'^paSe Trorna /jiTjrr/p,
where however the notion of bringing a message is sufficiently
prominent to explain the use. So II. n. 603 <p^eyajLtc^os Trapa
sending his voice from the ship ; and Hes. Op. 769 ai8e yap
et<n Aioy Trapa, i. e. coming from Zeus. The later use is to
1 94-] IIAPA, META. 177
be seen in Emped. 144 6eov irapa p,vdov aKovvas, Xenophanes 3. i
aj3po(TVvas 8e ^aOovres dz/'ox^eA.eas' Trapa Avb&v.
The original meaning- sideways or at the side from is visible in
some of the uses with a Gen. denoting a thing : as II. 4. 468 trap'
ao-nioos fe<f)adv6r] appeared beyond (outside the shelter of] the
shield: so probably II. 4. 500 vlov UpianoLo vodov /3oAe . . -nap
tTTTrcoi; &>/ceida>i> struck him (aiming) pqst^the chariot. So too a A*.
sword is drawn Trapa fj-r/pov sideways from the thigh. The same
meaning lies at the root of the frequent use of irapd in reference
to the act of passing from one person to another (as in 7ra/>aSi8a>/u
and 7rapa8e'xo/xai), hence of gifts, messages, &c.
It is usual to regard irapa with the Gen. as meaning from the side of, from
beside, de chez. But this is contrary to the nature of a prepositional phrase.
The Case-ending and the Stem must form a single notion, which the Pre-
position then modifies ; hence (e. g. ) irapa ftr/pov means beside from-the-thigh, not
from beside-lhe-thigh. This is especially clear where the Preposition is joined to
a Verb ; Od. 19. 187 irapair\d-faaa MoA.eioij' driving-aside from- Maleae : and in
II. 4. 97 TO w Kfv ty nafj.iTparra irap' asyXaa Supa ^>e//ojo
the rhythm connects irapa with <pepoio rather than with roC thou unit bring-
aside (= trans- fer) from-him. So with other Prepositions: airo T 'polys offfrom-
Troy, not from off-Troy : /car" ovpavov down from-heaven, not from under-heaven.
As to viro with the Gen. =from under, see 204.
193.] The Preposition fierd in the adverbial use means mid-
way, in the middle ; e.g. with a Verb understood, II. 2. 446 /xera
8e *rA.. and among them fyc. Hence alternately, as Od. 15. 460
\pvo-eov opfjiov eyjav, fxerd 8' riXfKTpounv lepro strung with electrwm,
between (the gold}; so in succession, afterwards, as Od. 21. 231
Trpwros cyw, juera 8' i!ju,/ies I first and you in turn; Od. 15. 400
/xera yap re *cai aAye<n repTrerat avrip = a man has his turn of being
pleased even in the course of his sufferings.
The notion of alternation appears in Compounds with fierd, as
fj.fTaj3d\\(o, //eraorpe$&> : in Tmesis, Od. 12. 312 fierd 8' aorpa
/3e/3?7Ke the stars have changed their place. So jueTaTravo/xevoi (II.
17. 373) means with turns or intervals of rest.
194.] With the Dative ficrd means between or (less exactly)
among. The meaning between is found in phrases such as /ucra
Xepo-i, jmera TTOCTO-I, /xera $pe<ri' (on the double character of the
(frpeves cp. 181); also, of two parties, per' fyufrarfyoun.
The use in reference to several objects (among) is mostly
restricted to persons, since it conveys the idea of association of
units forming a group, &c. (whereas ev is more local). Hence
//cr' do-rpdo-i (II. 22. 28, 317) is said of a star among other stars
(with a touch of personification): and in II. 21. 122 xeiao fj.fr
178 PREPOSITIONS. [195.
Ix0v<ri there is a sarcastic force lie ihere with the fish for company,
Cp. also the phrase Od. 5- 224 /zera Kal ro'8e roio-i yeveo-flco let thus
be as one among them. The expression in II. 15. 118 juefl' atfxan
KOI Kovirja-L is equivalent to a Collective Noun, = ' the crowd
of wounded and fallen/ So II. 21. 503 /xera orpo^dAiyyi KOW'TJS,
a somewhat bolder phrase of the same kind ; /j
The Dat. with nerd is locatival (whereas with (riv and a/xa it
is comitative). This appears in the restriction to Plurals or Col-
lectives, also in the use with Verbs of motion, as II. 4. 16 <iAorr)ra
JU.CT' a.fj.(poTpot.(n /3aAco/xei> ( 145? 6).
The construction of (lerd with the Dative is in the main
Homeric. It is occasionally imitated in later poetry.
195.] With the Accusative fierd has the two meanings among
and after.
The meaning among is found after Verbs of motion with
Plurals, and also with Collective Nouns, as p.eO' o^yvpiv, /xe0'
o/xiAoy ', so //era belirvov to (join the company at] a feast, juera r
?/0ea /cat vofjLov tTnrcDV = to the pasture ground where other horses are.
It occurs without a Verb of motion in II. 2. 143 7ra<n /xera
Ti\\]Qvv to all among the multitude ; II. 9. 54 jneTa Travras 6/ATjAiKas
e-TrAeu apLo-Tos (so Od. 1 6. 419). And with a Singular in II. 18.
552 Spay/zara fj.fr' oy\i.ov itiTiTov the handfuls of corn fell in the
middle of the furrow (between the ridges).
Of the other meaning we may distinguish the varieties
(1) after , following ; II. 13. 513 eiratai p.fO' eoy /3e'A.os follow-
ing his weapon, Od. 2. 406 /^.er' lyvia [Salve dtolo.
(2) after, in order to find (with a Verb of motion), as /xer'
has come in search of me, Od. I. 184 es
(3) in succession to, next to; rbv oc /xera KT\. and after him
8fc. ; II. 8. 289 Trpwrw rot juer' f/xe itpea-firiiov fv x^pt 077<roo ^o
myself; of rank, II. 7. 228 olot . . /nere'cxcrt KCU /ACT'
(i ^e second rank] after Achilles.
196.] With the Genitive fierd occurs in five places (with a
Plural Noun), in the meaning among or with
II. 13. 700 ftera Bouora>z> fiiayjovro.
21. 458 ov8e /^ie0' T/juecof Treipa KrA.
24. 400 TtSi' /xera TraAAo/jtevo? KAr;/5(a Aax. ^-
Od. IO. 320 /xer' aAAcoi; Ae'^o eratpaw.
16. 140 //era b[j.a>u>v T ein oi/cw Trire KrA.
Of these instances the first is in a passage probably inserted
afterwards to glorify the Athenians ; the second is in the 0ewir
j, and therefore doubtful; in the third we should perhaps
198.] META, 'EHI. 179
write ftcTa-rraXXofiecos and construe of them casting lots in turn I was
chosen. But the last two indicate that the use had crept
colloquial language as early as the Odyssey, taking the place of
auV or ajxa with the Dative. See 221.
em.
197.] The Preposition em means over, upon ; sometimes after
(as we speak of following upon) ; with, at (i. e. close upon) ; in
addition, besides, esp. of an addition made to correspond wiih or
complete something else ; also, attached to, as an inseparable in-
cident or condition of a person or thing ; and conversely, on the
condition, in the circumstances, &c.
Examples of these meanings in the adverbial use are
II. i. 462 em 5' aWo-na olvov Aei/3e poured wine over (the meat).
13. 799 irpb ptv T aAA', avrap kit a\\a in front behind.
Od. i. 273 0eot 8' em fj.dprupoi eorcoy the gods lie witnesses thereto.
5. 443 * 1J- ' <TKTras fjv avepoio there was thereto (the place
Vfa,s furnished with) a shelter from the wind.
II. 1 8. 529 KTCWOV 8' em /x?7Ao/3or77pas killed the shepherds with
the sheep.
I. 233 em jue'yay opKov o/xoCjuai I will swear in confirmation.
With a Verb understood, em = is present, is in the case, as Od. 2.
58 ov yap ITT' av^p there is no man (for the purpose) ; II. i. 515 oi;
rot eirt 8e'os there is no fear with or for you (as part of your circum-
stances); II. 21. no ITTI roi /cat e/xoi flavaros <fea^ e* my lot too
(cp. 6. 357 ola-iv em Zevs 0^xe KaKov fi^pov).
It is very much used in Composition. Note the meaning over
in eTrt-TrAe'o) to sail over, also e7r-ot)(o/xai fo ^0 w^r, review, (iti-
TrcoAe'ojuat, e77-aAao//ai (II. 17. 650 /ia^?] 8' em Trao-a (fraavOr) the fight
was lighted up all over] ; besides, in em-Si'Sco/iu, &c. ; to (of bring-
ing aid, joining, &c.) in e-Tr-a/njyft), eTT-oAe'^o), 4-7r-apapio-K&>, eir-
aAAao-o-o), &c. ; /br, in e-Tri-KAw^co z!o ,^m /<?r (so as to attach to) ;
hence of assent, em-vevco, em-rA^i/ai, em-eifcco (with a general
affirmative meaning, on as opposed to 0/T, for as opposed to
198.] With the Dative em has the same group of meanings ;
note especially
(1) em vrjvcri by the ships, eV oeo-0-i with the sheep (of a shep-
herd), em Kreareo-o-i with (in charge of) the possessions ; II. 4.
235 em ^evbfa-aiv lo-trer' apcoyo's wz7^ d<? a helper with (on the
side of) falsehood (or false men, reading i/^evSeWt).
(2) II. 4. 258 dAAoio) em e/jy<a t (engaged ^o) other work,
so aTeAevTTjro) em epya> w>^* a ?o;-^ unfinished: so II. 4. 178
eirt Tracrt m a// c'^* r/m/^ wz'^.
N 2
iHo PREPOSITIONS. [199.
(3) Od. 17. 454 V K a-P a " ot/ y *- eiSe'i KOI (frptvcs fjcrav with
form thou hast not understanding too; II. 13. 485 T(38' c^i
0V|UG> with this spirit (too}; Hes. Theog. 153 la^ys
cm a8ei.
(4) Od. n. 548 roiwS' eir' deflAw with such a prize (when such
a thing is prize) ; /xi<r0(o ITTI pjjr<j> for fxed hire (given the
hire, hence in view of it). Ifeoz
(5) 7r' fjijLaTifor the day, i. e. as the day's work, in a single
Note also that em meaning upon very often takes the
iifter Verbs of motion, as KaT^vfv CTT' ovbci poured on to the
ground : hence with the meaning against, as CTT aX\riXoi<riv IOVTCS,
IJ.apva.<rQai CTT d^Spdcrt, &c.
199.] With the Accusative em implies (i) motion directed to
a place, seldom (2) to a person ; or (3) motion or (4) diffusion,
extent, &c. over a space or (5) time.
1. After Verbs of motion the Ace. does not (like the Dat.)
distinctly express that the motion terminates on the place : e.g.
e-Tri \96va is merely to or towards the ground, but tirl yQovi implies
alighting on it. Cp. II. 18. 565 arapTriTos fjei> CTT' avrriv there was
a path leading to it ; II. 2. 218 firl aTr]0os o-vro^coKore bent in over
the chest.
Hence the phrases expressing attitude, as cm oro'/xa, CTTI yovva,
&c. Two forms, ITTI 8e^ta and CTT' dpiorepa, are used even when
motion is not expressed ; as II. 5. 355 cSpey l-Treira fiaxrjs kit
apLfrrepa dovpov "Aprja ijfj.evov. Note however that e^' dptorepot?
and eTr' dptarepcoj; are metrically impossible.
2. The use with persons in the meaning towards, in quest of,
is rare, and almost confined to the Iliad : as 2. 18 /3?y 8' op' CTT'
'Arpcibriv 'Ayanfyvova, TOV 8' fKi^avfv : also 5* 59-> IO - J ^> 54^
85, 150., IT. 343, 805., 12. 342., 13. 91, 459-; J 4- 24v 16. 535.,
21. 348, Od. 5. 149.
3. The meaning over, with Verbs of motion, is very common ;
eTTi TTOVTOV (lo>v. TrAecov, <f)evy<av, &c.), CTrl yara^, em \06va, km KV-
p-ara, &c. Also with Verbs of looking, as II. i. 350 6poW eir'
GLTteLpOVa TTOVTOV.
Hence such phrases as em orixas, of troops &c. moving in ranks,
i. e. over or along certain lines : as II. 3.113 LTTTIOVS tpv^av firl
(rrixas : and so Od. 5. 245 e^i ffrdfyoji; Wvvf straightened along
(hence by] the rule.
So with Plural Nouns, II. 14. 381 ol\6^voi em iravTas going
over them all, Od. 15. 492 TroAAd fipoT&v cm dore' dXw/Aeyo?; and
of a distribution, Od. 16. 385 8ao-<rd/nei'oi Kara ^oipav c
i. e. equally, so as to go round.
2oi.] 'Em, TITO. 181
4. The instances in which extent (without motion} is implied
are chiefly found in the Odyssey (2. 370, &c.). Examples from
the Iliad are : 9. 506 (ftOdvei. 8e' re iravav eV alav she is beforehand
all the world over (so 23. 742) : 10. 213 KAe'os euj iravras eV
avOpwiTovs, 24. 202, 535- It will l> e seen that they are from
books 9, 10, 23, 24.
Notice also the use with Neuters expressing quantity ; as II. 5.
772 Tocrvov em Qp^crKovm to such, a distance they bound ; also em
TroAAoy a long way, em l<ra to an equal extent ; and esp. the com-
mon phrase o<rov T em, see II. 2. 616, &c.
5. Of time: II. 2. 299 jxeiVar' em \povov wait for (lit. otw) a
time ; Od. 7- 288 evbov Ttavvvy^ioi KOI eV 170) nal jueVoy ?l/xa/> tf^s
all night and on through morning and midday.
200.] The Genitive with em is used in nearly the same sense
as the Dative, but usually with less definitely local force; in
particular
(1) with words expressing the great divisions of space, esp.
when a contrast is involved (land and sea, &c.) ; as eirl
Xe'p<rou, CTT' rfiTfipov, fir' aypov ; Od. 12. 27 ?7 aXos 17 eTu y???
aAyTjo-ere (cp. II. 13. 565). This is evidently a Gen. of
place, 149. For the difference of Gen. and Dat. cp. II. i.
485 CTT' ^Treipoto epucrcray vtyov em v/^a/xa^ots'.
(2) where the local relation is a familiar one; as CTTI vrjos, ki:'
aTT^rj?, c0' ITTTTCOI;, eTrl Opovov, CTT' ovbov, firl iivpyov, eV
ayK&vos, e-ri jueAt??? (epeio-^eis). Thus em v?jvo-t means <??i or
beside ships, em TTJOJZ; on board ships.
(3) with Verbs of motion, upon (of the terminus ad queni), as
II. 3. 293 KareOrjKev em x dov * > so bearing down on, as II. - 1
3. 6 TTCTovTai e?r' 'HKeavoio podav : II. 5- 7 TrporpfirovTO jtxe- /* ' :
CTTI vrj&v : Od. 3. 171 yeoi/xe^a y?7(rou em ^U/JITJS
e cowr#tf #y ^e w/a^ Psyria. So perhaps II. 7. 195
) (ny?/ e</>' v^idtav (keeping the words) to yourselves.
(4) of time; eV clprivr^s (II. 2. 797, &c.) ; em Trporepcoy avdpu-
TIVV (II. 5. 637, &c.). Cp. the Gen. of Time, 150.
In later prose the Gen. is very common, and the uses become
indistinguishable from those of the Dat.
i
OTTO.
201.] The Preposition uiro (also uTrai) usually means beneath,
as in II. 2. 95 VTTO 8e a-TfvaxiCfro yala the earth groaned beneath
(their tread]. The original sense, however, seems to have been
upwards, as in the Superlative vV-aros uppermost (cp. in/a aloft,
VTT-TI.OS facing upwards). On this view we can understand why
1 82 PREPOSITIONS. [2O2.
UTTO is not applied (like icard) to express downward motion.
Hence, too, it is especially used of supporting a thing, as II. i.
486 VTTO 5' epjuara fia/cpa rdinxrcrav : and on the same principle it
expresses resistance to a motion (whereas Kard implies yielding,
going with the stream &c.) ; as II. . 505 VTTO 8' f<rrp<f>ov ^yto^es
the drivers wheeled them up, i. e. to face (the Trojans) : and so
vTr-aiTiacras meeting face to face, vTfo-y.f.vut to stand against (as we
say, up to] ; and with the derived notion of answering, v-Tr-aeiSco
/ sing in correspondence, V7ro-Kpu>op.cu ( = Att. a-noKpivo^aC), VTTO-
)3aAAa> I take up (a speaker), inr-aKova* I hear in reply, i. e. show
that I hear (by answering or obeying).
So too the Compounds 6<|>-op&>, uir-oij/ios, urnS-Spa, &c. do not
express looking down, but looking upwards from under ; even in
II. 3. 217 <rr<i<jxei> viral 8e iSea/ce Kara \9ovos o)u,;xara irT/^as it is
the face that is bent downwards : ep. II. 19. 17.
From the notion of being immediately under is derived that of
being moved by, i. e. of agency or cause. The transition may be
seen in V7ro-ei/ca) I give way (before], V7ro-rpea> &c. ; so II. 16. 333
was warmed by (the blood).
202.] With the Dative fat is very common in the simple local
meaning, under. It is sometimes found with Verbs of motion,
as Od. 4. 297 8e/m' ^ ir ' ai^ovcnj Bf^fvai ; and even when motion
from is intended, in II. 18. 244 lAucrai> v(f) apuacriv wxeas ITTTTOUS.
In this case however we have to consider that ap^droiv is metri-
cally impossible.
The derived sense under the charge or power is found in such
uses as II. 5- 231 v<$) rjvio^ (of horses), 6. 139 Zevs yap ot VTTO
(r/cTJTrrpo) eSa/xacro-e, 6. 171 0e<3z; VTT' aiiv^ovi -TTO/XTTT/ : also, with the
notion of an effect produced (where the Gen. would therefore be
rather more natural), VTTO x e P"' (oanijvai, davteiv, &c.), VTTO bovpi
(-Tv-ntis, &c.) ; II. 13. 667 yoyo-fa) VTT' dpyaXe'^ <}>6i(r0aL, Od. 4. 295
UTTIXI) VTTO yAuKeptp rapTr&Sjue^a : and often of persons, as II. 5- 93
VTTO Tu8ei8?7 -jrvKtvat K\OVCOVTO
203.] The Accusative is used with UTTO (i) of motion ^o a
point under, as
II. 2. 216 VTTO "lAjoj; 77X^6 c/we under (the walls of] Troy.
17. 309 TOV fia\.' VTTO K\7]i5a fjilorriv (so often with Verbs of
striking, &c.).
Also (2) of motion passing under, and hence of extent under : Od.
15. 349 i TTOW In f&joucrii; VTT' auyas i)eAtoio i. e. anywhere that the
sun shines (cp. VTT' rjaj T ^Kiov re an equivalent phrase).
II. 2. 603 o\ 8' lx oj; 'ApKaSirji' VTTO Kt>AA.7jj;77? opos.
3. 37 1 "yX e ^^ V- lv "ToAvKeoros l/xas a-TroA^i; VTTO 8eip?7i> (i.e.
passing under the throat).
204.] "rno. 183
In one or two places it is applied to time : II. 16. 202 Tcavd 1 VTTO
//.Tjvifljuo'y all the time that my anger lasted ; so perhaps II. 22. 102
vvyQ' 1 VTTO rrivb' dAoTjz; (but night is often regarded as a space of
darkness).
204.] The Genitive with uiro is found in two or three distinct
uses :
(i) with the force of separation from : as II. 17. 235 veKpbv VTT
Aiavros fpvetv from under Ajax ; Od. 9. 463 VTT apveiov
so II. 19. 17 oWe beivbv VTTO jSAe^apcoi; a>s ei cre'Aay
In this use the Gen. is ablatival, cp. 152. Originally OTTO
with an Abl. probably meant upwards from : see 192-
(2) of place under, with contact (especially of a surface) ; as
II. 8. 14 VTTO \dovos eon flepeOpov- Od, U-S2
Od. 5' 34^ T obe Kpribep.vov VTTO crTepvoio Tavva-aai.
II. I. 501 beiTprj b' ap' VTT' arOepe&vos eAoOcra taking hold of
him under the chin.
4. 1 06 VTTO orepyoto Tv^ricras.
16. 375 tty 4 S' aeAAa o-KibvaO' inr6 ve(j>ta)v, i. e. seeming to
reach the clouds (cp. 15. 625., 23. 874).
These uses of the Gen. are evidently parallel to some of those
discussed in 149 and 151 ; compare (e.g.) into veQeuv with
the Gen. of space within which (Tre&uno diwKetr, &c.), and vit
avOepe&vos eAouo-a with KO/IXTJS eAe ( 151 a ) took by the hair.
They are doubtless to be regarded (like the Gen. with em, 200)
as varieties or developments of the Genitive of Place.'
As with the Dative, the notion under passes into
(3) the metaphorical (or half metaphorical) meaning under the
influence of, by the power of; as II. 3. 61 os T tlcriv bia bovpbs
VTT avepos under the man's hand ; Od. 19. 114 aperwwi 8e Aaoi
VTT' avrov under his rule ; and many similar uses.
Cases may be noted in which the agency intended is indirect
(where later writers would rather use bia with an Ace.) :
II. 1 6. 590 rjv pa T av-qp a<j)er) Tret/xa/xcvos 17 ev ae'0A&> ft 1/6
?}e Kat tv TToAe^w brjtwv VTTO 0vp.opai<rT<j)v,
= under the stress of an enemy (so 18. 220) ;
II. 23. 86 evre /xe . . 7/yaye^ v/xeVepo'y5' avbpoKTaa-irjs VTTO \vypfjs
by reason of a homicide (committed by me).
As a sound is said to be over or about (irepi, d/x0t) the person
hearing, so he is under the sound : hence (e.g.) with a half meta-
phorical meaning II. 15. 275 T&V be 6' virb tax^s e$az>rj Ais. So
of other accompaniments, as II. 18. 492 baibuv VTTO kap.TTOneva.wv
by the light of blazing torches.
184 PREPOSITIONS. [205.
irpcm.
205.] The Preposition irpori (irpos, TTOTI) expresses attitude or
direction towards an object. It is found in the adverbial use;
Od. 5. 255 Trpoy 8' apa iri]bd\iov Tnw/o-aro he made a rudder to be
put to (the raft); hence commonly in addition, besides a use
which remained in later Greek.
It is a question whether ir-pori and TTOTI are originally the same
word. The present text of Homer does not indicate any differ-
ence of usage.
206.] With the Dative irpori means resting on, against, beside
a thing : as II. 4. 1 12 TTOTL yaiy ayK\ivas resting (the boio] against
the ground : Od. 5- 329 irpos aAA?jArj(rty t\ovTai hold on to one
another. With Verbs of motion it implies that the motion
ends on or beside the object; Od. 9. 459 6ei.voiJ.tvov npbs ovbe'i. *A]\
The later meaning besides, in addition, is only found in Od. 10.
68 aacrdv fi' erapoi re KOKOI 77/369 rotcri re virvos.
207.] With the Accusative irp<m is very common, meaning
toivards : as irpbs TTO\IV towards the city (not necessarily reaching
it), II. 8. 364 fcAateovce trpbs ovpavov cried out to heaven ; hence to,
on to (mostly with Verbs of motion), as Od. 4. 42 e/cAtrav irpbs
eVwTTta leaned against the walls : against (persons), as Trpos ^ai^ova
<pu>ri nayjtcrdai to Jight with a man in opposition to a god ; also
addressing (persons), with Verbs of speaking, &c. ; in one place
of time, Od. 17. 191 TTOTI ecnrepa towards evening.
Note that the literal local sense appears in all the Homeric
uses of irpoTi with the Ace. : the metaphorical uses, viz. in respect
of, for the purpose of, in proportion to, according to, &c., are later.
208.] With the Genitive irport expresses direction without the
idea of motion towards or rest on the object : as Od. 13. no at
[&.v irpbs /3ope'ao . . at 8' av Trpos VOTOV i. e. not at or facing the
north and south, but more generally, in the direction fixed by
north and south ; II. 10. 428-430 Trpos fj.fv ctAos . . irpbs 0vju/3pjjs :
II. 22. 198 TTort TTTo'Atos in the direction of Troy ; Od. 8. 29 ije irpbs
e(nrepiu>v avdpdt-nMv (=from east or west).
Among derived senses we may distinguish
(1) at the hand of, from (persons), as II. i. 160
Ttpbs Tptowv, II. 831 TO. ere Trport (pacriv ^
(2) on the part of, by the will of, as II. i. 239 ot re
Tipbs Atos etpvarat who uphold judgments on behalf of Zeus ;
II. 6. 456 Trpbs aAA?)y IOTOJ; vcpaivois at another's bidding :
and, perhaps in a metaphorical sense, Od. 6. 207 irpbs yap
Atos etcrii; aTraires eu>ot re 7iT(\oi re.
210.] HPOTI, 'ANA. 185
(3) before, ~by (in oaths and entreaties); as II. 13. 324 -rrpos
Trarpos yovvd(op.ai I entreat in the name of thy father. The
Preposition here implies that the god or person sworn by is
made a party to the act ; cp. Od. 1 1 . 66 vvv 8e <re T&V 01:16 fv
yovva^o^ai ov TrapeoWcoy, Trpo's T aXo^ov KOI Trarpo's KT\. on the
part of the absent ones I entreat fyc.
It will be seen that irpori with a Gen. is seldom used in the
strictly local sense except when there is a contrast between two
directions. Hence the use approaches closely to that of the Gen.
of Place given in 149 (2) ; compare (e.g.] irpbs fioptao irpos
VOTOV with Od. I. 24 ot p.v bvcropevov *Tvcptayos ol 8' aviovros.
The Case is accordingly 'quasi-partitive'' (i.e. true) Genitive,
and has no ablatival character.
dcd.
209.] The Preposition &v& (oV) means up, upwards, up through.
It is rarely used as a pure Adverb (the form avu> being preferred)
except in the elliptical oVa up ! But it has a derivative adverbial
sense in II. 18. 562 jue'Acu/es 8' ava jSorpves rj<rav there were dark
grapes throughout. Tmesis may be seen in II. 2. 278 ava 8' 6
TTToXiTTopOos 'Obva-crfvs loTT}, and in ava 8' Icr^ero (fo4o\cro), &c.
In Tmesis and Composition it sometimes expresses reverse action,
as ava-Xvut. So ava-f3d\\a> to put off.
a.v& is seldom used with the Dative ; the meaning is up on (a
height of some kind), as II. i. 15 xpu<re'&> <**> o-/c^7rrp&) raised on a
golden staff; 15. 152 ava Tapyapo); so 8. 441., 14. 352., 18. 177.,
Od. ii. 128^23. 275., 24. 8. This use is occasionally found in
Pindar (Ol. 8. 67, Pyth. i. 10), and lyric parts of tragedy, but is
not Attic.
With the Genitive d^d is only used in three places in the
Odyssey (2. 416., 9. 177^ 15. 284), and only of going on board
a ship (ava vrjos /3atVo)). The meaning up from is only found in
Composition : avebv voXiijs dXos, &c.
210.] With the Accusative dcd means up along, up through,
of motion or extent : ava aa-rv, a/i Ttebiov, ava 8w/xara, av' obov, av
c EAAd8a, &c. ; II. 5. 74 av obovras VTTO yXSxraav ra/xe x a ^ KO ' s ^ ne
spear cut its way up through the teeth and under the tongue ; so
ava oTo'/xa, used literally (II. 16. 349., 22. 452, &c.), and also of
words uttered, II. 2. 250 fiao-iXfjas ava oroV fyav having the kings
passing through your mouth (i. e. talking freely of them) ; similarly
ava 6vp.6v of thoughts rising in the mind. Note also the applica-
tion to mixing, as Od. 4. 41 Trap 5' tfiaXov (etas, ava be *cpi \(VKOV
f^av ', cp. Od. 9. 209 (with the note in Merry and Riddell's
edition). The Accusative is evidently one of Space ( 138),
1 86 PREPOSITIONS. [211.
The use with collective Nouns, as av o^ikov through the press,
V.ayj]v ava, au <j>ovov av vciivas, &c. seems to be peculiar to the
Iliad.
The use in II. 14. 80 ava VUKTO, may be explained either of
time or of space: cp. uiro VUKTO, ( 203), Sici vuina ( 215).
The meaning up on, up to (of motion) may be traced in II. 10.
466 6rJKv ava /XU/HKIJZ; : Od. 22. 176 KIOV' av v\^rjA.?jz; cpvcrai. draw
(the cord] up to a high pillar ; perhaps in the phrase ava 6' appara
' tfiaivov (Od. 3. 492, &c.).
KttT{.
211.] The Preposition nard (by Apocope K<18, &c.) means
cloicn, and is parallel in most uses to avd. It is never purely
adverbial (xarco being used instead, cp. av(t>), but is common in
Tmesis, as II. I. 436 Kara 8e TTpv^vijcri ebrja-av, 19. 334 Kara Trajn-
Trav TeOvdiJLfv, &c., and in Composition. Besides the primary
sense (seen in /car-ayco / bring down, Kara-vevM / nod downwards,
i. e. in assent, &c.) it often has the meaning all over, as Kara-eiwo>
/ clothe, Karaxe'co I pour over ; hence completely, as Kara Travra
(payelv to eat all up, Kara-Kreu>a> I kill outright: also in the place,
as before, as /cara\enra> / leave where it was, &c.
Kara is not used with the Dative. If such a use ever existed
it was superseded by UTTO (just as avd, with the Dat. gave way to
em). The possibility of the combination may be seen from the
phrases /car' avroQi, /car' avOi.
212.] With the Accusative Kara means down along, down
through, as Kara poov down stream ; cp. II. 16. 349 ava <rro'//a KOI
Kara plvas (of blood). But it is very often used (like ava) of
motion that is not upward or downward, except from some
arbitrary point of view ; as Ka0' obov along the way, Kara 7rroA.ii>
through the city, &c. : again, Kara Qpeva Kal Kara Ovuov in mind
and spirit.
Other varieties of use are :
(1) with collective Nouns (chiefly in the Iliad), as Kara arrparov
through the camp, Tr6h.ep.ov Kara, Kara K\OVOV, &c.
(2) with Plurals (less common), as Kar' OVTOVS going among
them, Kar' avdpu>Trov$ dXaXija-^at.
(3) of the character or general description of an action, as Kara
7rpfjiv (aA.aA?70-0e) on a piece of business, fi\6ov Kara XP e '
7r\a(6p.fvoi Kara Arjida (all in the Odyssey).
(4) to express place ; esp. of wounds, e.g, Kar' couov about (some-
where on) the shoulder. Cp. II. I. 484 IKOITO Kara o-rparov
arrived opposite (within the space adjoining) the camp ; Od.
5. 441 TroroftoTo Kara crro/xa te vlav.
2 1 5.] KATA, AIA. !8;
(5) to express agreement (from the notion of falling in with], in
the phrases Kara dvpov, Kara KOCT^OV, Kara juoipav, KOT' aurar.
(6) distributively : as II. 2. 99 ep?jn;0ei> 8e Ka0' eSpas their
several seats ; and so in 2. 362 Kpu>' aySpas Kara <SAa Kara
(pprjrpas.
(7) Kara o-(peas (//,axeo-0ai) $y themselves (to the extent consti-
tuted by themselves) : so II. I. 271 Kar' eju' avroV.
These uses may generally be identified in principle with some of the
Accusatives mentioned in 136-138. Thus the Ace. in ?i\6ot> tcard XP**
is like dyye\ir]v tXQtiv : in /rarct Koapov it is like the adverbial Sfpas, 0*771', &c. :
Kpivt KO.T& <pv\a fj.olpas SaffaaOat ; and OT' Sipov like the Ace. of the ' part
affected.'
213.] With the Genitive KCIT< has two chief meanings :
(1) down from ; as Kar' ovpavov down from heaven, tad'
aAro leaped from the chariot. This Genitive is clearly abla-
tival in origin.
(2) down on (in, over, &c.) : as II. 3. 217 Kara \dovbs op.juara
TTTjfas facing his eyes on the ground ; Kara 8' d<p#oA./u,<Si> Ke'xvr'
ax\vs a mist was shed over his eyes ; Kara yat?js down in the
earth. <J<(>/2'<)3>
Comparing the similar uses of Im ( 200), UTTO ( 204, 2), and
irpoTi ( 208), we can hardly doubt that the Gen. in this latter
group is originally akin to the Genitives of Place ( 149).
Sid.
214.] The Preposition 8 seems to mean properly apart, in
twain. It is not used freely as an Adverb ; but the original
sense appears in the combinations 8ta7rpo, Sia/xTrepes, and in
Tmesis and Composition, as 8ta-o-r^ai to stand apart ; Sia-rajxvco
/ cut asunder; bia KTrja-iv bareovTo divided the possession. From
the notion of going through it means thoroughly^ as in 8ia-7rep0&>
/ sack utterly.
In several Compounds, as bia-ra^vca, 8i-aipeco, 8ia-8a7rra>, the
notion of division is given by the Preposition to the Verb ; e. g.
<ka-Ta|uz>a> I separate by cutting, &c.
215.] The Accusative with 8i< is often used to denote the
space through which motion takes place : as
II. i. 600 8ia bu>fj.ara TronrvvovTa bustling through the palace (so
8ia (TTre'os, 8ta ftrfa-cras, 8ia pcoTTTji'a, &c.).
14. 91 [jivdov ov ov KV o.vf\p -ye 8ia o-rop.a irafiTrar ayotro
( = with which a man would not sully his mouth: cp. dz;a
oro'p-a, 2io).
Od. 9. 400 wKeov ev <nrrj(r<ri bi anpias dwelt in caves about 6*. i&
(^cattered through] the headland*.
l88 PREPOSITIONS. [2l6.
So II. 2. 40 bia Kparepa? ixrutvas lasting through hard fights :
and 8 to, VVKTO. (chiefly in the Odyssey, and books ip and 24 of
Iliad)."
This use is distinctively Homeric. Sometimes also 8ui with the
Ace. is used in Homer to express cause or agency ; as II. I. 73 r)v
bia (j.avTO(rvvr]v (Calchas led the army) by virtue of his soothsaying;
Od. 8. 520 8ta ^fyadvjjiov 'AOr/vriv (to conquer) by the help of
Athene ; so II. jo. 497., 15. 41, 71, Od. 8. 82., u. 276, 282,
437v> T 3- JST., 19. 154, 523. These places do not show the
later distinction between by means of and by reason of.
216.] The Genitive with Sid implies passing through some-
thing in order to get beyond it; esp. getting through some
obstacle: as
II. 4- 135 OL ^- t^ v &P &o"rijpos eA.?jA.aro.
So of a gate, II. 3. 263 bia S/canSz; fyov ITTTTOVS : and of lower and
upper air, &c. 6Y Tjepos aldzp LKavtv, 8Y aldepos ovpavbv IKC,
TrebCovbe 8ta re^ecov. So again 5ta Ttpo^ayjMv, oV 6/itAou &c. of
making way through the press.
The Ace. is used where we expect this Gen. in II. 7. 247 e 5e
Sia TjTvxas- jjAtfe we^ through six folds : but this may be partly
due to the metrical impossibility of Trruxwi>. Conversely, in II.
10. 185 os re Ko.6' v\r]v fpxnraL bi op(r<pi. the Ace. would be right,
and Speo-<}>i is perhaps a false archaism: but cp. 158.
217.] The Preposition uirep (or uireip) means higher, hence
over, beyond. It is not found in the adverbial use, or in Tmesis,
or with a Dative.
In Composition uWp expresses going across or beyond, hence
excess, violation of limits, &c.
218.] With the Accusative uirep is used
(1) of motion or extent over a space, as II. 23. 227 vnelp a\a
KibvaTcu ijcos. This use is not common; II. 12. 289., 24. 13,
Od. 3. 68i) 4. 172., 9. 254, 260.
(2) of motion passing over an object: as II. 5. 1 6 vnep a^ov,
apicrrfpov T/A.U0' d/oK?7 ; Od. 7. 135 virtp ovbbv e/STjVeTo.
(3) metaphorically, in excess of, in violation of: v-jrep alcrav,
inrcp polpav, vvfp opKia: also, somewhat differently, II. 17.
327 vTitp 0eov in spite of God.
219.] With the Genitive oire'p is used both of position and of
motion over an object, esp. at some distance from it ; as orr; 8'
ap inrep Ke^aA^?; II. 15. 382 vrjbs vnep roi^v (of a wave com-
221.] AIA, 'THEP, ENI, 2TN. 189
ing) over the sides of a ship: II. 23. 327 oaov T opym trip alrjs a
fathoms length above ground.
Metaphorically it means over so as to protect, hence in defence
of, on behalf of; as II. 7. 449 mxo? eretxiVo-avro ve&v vrnp ;
II. I. 444 eKa.ToiJ.(3r)v pVfcu inrep &ava<av. So II. 6. 524 00' virep
artdev aurxe' CLKOVO) when I listen to reproaches on your account (of
which I bear the brunt). But Hes. Op. 217 SIKJJ 8' vvep vfipios
<-"X et justice rises (prevails) over insolence.
In respect of form uWp (for v-ntpi, Sanscr. updri) is a Compara-
tive of uiro ; cp. the Superlative vnaros, and the Lat. superus,
summus. Hence the Gen. is ablatival, like the Gen. with words
of comparison; see 152.
Irt
n
220.] The Preposition Ivi (also tlvi, elv, lv) means within,
it is used adverbially (as II. 5. 740 kv 5' Ipis, ev o' aA/c?7 &c.), in
Tmesis (as ey r' apa ol <u xtipi), and with a (locatival) Dative.
Notice, as departures from the strict local sense, the uses
(1) with Plurals denoting- persons ( = ^T& among"), as ev vp.lv
(II. 9. 121, 528., 10. 445), cv van (Od. 2. 194., 16.378), tvl
ffQitri (II. 23. 703). (iil / lfO l 2.Q7 } ?>lW*'l)
(2) with abstract words (rare in the Iliad) ; h TrdvTeva-i. TTOVOHTI
(II. 10. 245, 279), (v iravTea-cr Ipyoto-i (II. 23. 671), fv aAye(Tt
(II.
24. 568) ; daXiri cvi (II. 9. 143, 285), ev vrjiner) (IL 9.
491) ; (v (^tAorrjrt ; kv poiprj aright (II. 19. 1 86), at<rr/ ey ap-
yaAe'ry (II. 22. 61), ev Kapo's afo-?? (II. 9. 378) ; & 8e' $ rijuf}
(II. 9. 319).
These two uses are nearly confined in the Iliad to books 9, 10,
23, 24. ', $&L &
aoc.
221.] The Preposition o-uc (or uV) means in company with.
It is not used as a pure Adverb, but is found in Tmesis, as II. i.
579 o^v 8' TIIMV balra Tapdrj and disturb (<rwrapacr<ra>) our feast.
It is used with an Instrumental Dative ( 144).
To express equally with, or at the same time as, Homer uses ajxa
with a Dat. ; while true commonly means attended by, ivith the
help of, &c. Hence <rvv fvrccn with armour on, <rvv vrjvo-C in ships,
<rvv 6'pKO) on oath, vvv 'AOrjvp aided by Athene: so II. 4. 161 <rvv re
jueyoAo) fatrurap they pay with a great price.
The use of <ruv with the Dative has been recently shown by Tycho Mommsen
to be confined, generally speaking, to poetry. The Attic prose writers (with
the singular exception of Xenophon) use (xcrd with the Gen. ; the practice of
the poets varies, from Homer, who hardly ever uses (lerA with the Gen., down
to Euripides, who uses it about half as often as <rvv. It is evident that in
190 PREPOSITIONS. [222.
post-Homeric times p.er4 with the Gen. became established in the ordinary
colloquial language, while o~uv with the dat. was retained as a piece of poetical
style, but gradually gave way to living usage. See Tycho Mommsen's dis-
sertation Mra, aw und apa bei den Epikern (Frankfurt am Main, 1874).
222.] The Preposition eis (or es) expresses motion to or into.
It is not used adverbially (the Adverb being eto-o>), and seldom
in Tmesis : II. 8. 115 ro> 8' et? a/i^orepco Ato/xTjSeos ap/xara jSTjrrjv.
The motion is sometimes implied: as II. 15. 275 e<dmj Xis
TjiryeVetos et? ooov : 1 6. 574 * s IIi^X?/ 1 Ue'revo-f (came as suppliant).
Of time; es Tje'Atoy Karabvvra to sun-set ; so ts rl how long ? eis o
until: Od. 14. 384 es 0e'pos T) es oTrwp-qv as late as summer or
autumn.
Metaphorical uses : II. 2. 379 ei 8e TTOT' Is ye /xiar /3oi>Aevo-ojuer
^ we tf>fe counsel to one purpose ; II. 9. 102 eiireu; eis ayadov to
speak to good effect (so n. 789., 23. 305).
It
223.] The Preposition e (or CK) usually expresses motion out
from an object. It is not used purely adverbially, but there are
many examples of Tmesis : as e epoy evro, ex 8e ol rjvio^os TT\rjyr)
(frptvas his charioteer lost (lit. was struck out of) his wits, IK re KOI
o\/re reXei (II. 4. 161) ^e? brings it to pass (eKreXei) /fl^.
With a Gen. (ablatival) e^ is used of motion from or out of.
Sometimes the idea of motion is implied:
II. 13. 301 CK PTJKTJS 'EQvpovs fj.tTa Oapricrcrto-dov armed them-
selves to come from Thrace after the Ephyri.
14. 129 Hv9a 8' eTTeir' avrot fjitv e)(a)/xe^a Srj'ior^ros ex /SeXecor
^o/</ back from fighting (going) out of range: cp. 16. 122,
678., 18. 152.
So of direction: II. 14. 153 "Hpr? 8' etVeiSe . . crraa e QvXvfji-
TToto stood and looked from Olympus; Od. 21. 420 (drew the
bow) avToOfv CK bi<f)poio Kadrmfvos from the chair as he sat ; II. 19.
375 OT' ay ex TTorroto creXas VOMT^CTI (fravrifl when a meteor appears
to sailors at sea (seeing it from the sea) : of choosing out of, II. 15.
680 eK TroXecoy Tiio-vpas <rvvafipTai ITTTTOVS, and similarly, II. 18.
431 O(T(T ffj.ol K Trcurewv Kpovibrjs Zevs aAye' iStoxe to me (taken
from, hence) more than all.
e| is also used of an agent as the source of action ; as II. 5. 384
TXijfj.v . . e avbp&v have endured at the hands of men; cp. II. 22.
280, Od. 7. 70., 9. 512: also II. 24. 617 6euv e/c K?j5ea TreWei
endures heaven-sent troubles, and Hes. Theog. 94 yap Mowcuav
KOI fKT]^6\ov 'AiroXXcovos ar8pes dot8ol eaair. The meaning in
225-] EI 2, *EB, 'AHO, HPO. 191
consequence of (a thing) occurs in II. 9. 566 e dpecoy /^?jrpos K)(O-
Aw//eyos, and in the Odyssey (3. 1 35., 5. 468, &c.).
Of time: e/c roiofrom that time, ef dpx??s /^om the first (Od. I.
188, &c.), e/c veorTjros (II. 14. 86).
With an abstract word, II. 10. 107 e/c x'^ u dpyctAe'oto /^era-
(TTptyri $iAoz> Tjrop. Note also : II. IO. 68 Trarpofler ex yez;e?js
6z/o/idC<z> calling them by the father s name according to family; II.
9. 343 (486) e/c 6vfj.ov from the heart, heartily (but II. 23. 595 e*
dvpov Treo-eeiy fo /a^ away from a persons favour],
diro.
224.] The Preposition Awo means off, away, at a distance from.
It is not used adverbially, but is common in Tmesis ; as II. 8.
1 08 ovs TTOT' aii Alvfiav eAo'p)z> which I took from Aeneas. In
Composition it generally gives the Verb the notion of separating;
e.g. aTro-KoirTu) is not / hew at a distance, but I separate by hew-
ing : so aTreKo'oTxeoy cleared away (Od. 7. 232), and similarly cbro-
8vo), aTro/3aAAa>, aTroAovco, aTiopprj-yvv^i, diroKcnnKO (all used in
Tmesis). Hence we must explain II. 19. 254 airb rpi^as apd-
fjLfvos cutting hair as an dirapxTJ, or first offering ; cp. Od. 3. 446.,
14. 422.
Sometimes d has the force of restoration or return, as in a-no-
6i8o)/xi, aTro-yoareo) (cp. a\|f backwards}. So airo-enrelv means
either to speak out or to forbid, refuse. In a few cases it has an in-
tensive force, as in d'Tro/x.Tji'uo, aTtriyjStTo, aTro^au/xd^o).
With the Genitive diro generally expresses motion away from,
not implying previous place within the object (whereas e means
proceeding from). It is also used of position, as II. 8. 16 ocrov
ovpavos eor' a-rrb yaiT/s as far as heaven is from earth ; Od. I. 49
(friXav UTTO Trrj/xara -naa^fi suffers woes far from his friends ; meta-
phorically, II. i. 562 OTTO dvfjLov /xSAAoy fyol Ifreoi you will be the
more out of favour with me; a-no SO'^TJS away from expectation.
This Gen. is clearly ablatival.
225.] The Preposition irpo means forward, in front. It is
seldom used as an Adverb; II. 13. 799 irpb ptv T aAA', xrA. ; II. 16.
1 88 eayaye Trpo 0o'ooo-8e brought forth to the light: and of time,
II. i. 70 Trpo T fovra the past. In one or two other instances we
may recognise either the free adverbial use or Tmesis : II. i. 195
Trpo ydp rJKf, I. 442 Trpo' p.' eire/A^e, Od. l. 37 Trpo ot eiTrop,ei>.
Traces of a use of irpo with the Locative may be seen in the
phrases ovpavodi Trpo in the face of heaven, '\Xi6Qi Trpo in front of (y6j tf$\
Troy, and (perhaps in the temporal sense) 7}<30i Trpo' before dawn. /{So f6f
In these cases the meaning is to the front in, hence immediately
before. Jljuu^ (%. <MtZf/( : fTod). tk^t hVrf,* HZ.
f f
193 PREPOSITIONS. [226.
With a Genitive, on the other hand, irpo means in front with
respect to, in advance of; hence, in a more or less metaphorical
sense, in defence of, as II. 8. 57 """po r wftftw *at Trpo ywaiKoSy.
The Case is here the ablatival Gen. (as with vnep and words of
comparison).
But in II. 4. 382 Trpo obov tyevovro the Gen. is partitive, got
forward on the way; and so perhaps II. 16. 667 -npo </>o/3oio for-
ivard in the flight, i.e. having betaken themselves to flight (so
Diintzer a. I.].
The temporal sense is rare in Homer; Od. 15. 524., 17. 476
7T/>o yapoLo before marriage j II. 10. 224 xat re TT/JO 6 ro> tvorjo-e
one thinks of a thing before another.
dcrt.
h
226.] The only certain Compound with dm in Homer appears
to be avTi-(pp(r0ai to oppose (II. I. 589., 5. 701., 22. 482, Od.
16. 238) : for the Verbs dvri/3oA.eo> meet and diriropeoo pierce may
be derived from the Nouns dvri-/3oAos, avri-ropos : also in II. 8.
163 we may read yvvaiKos ap } avrl re'rt>o, not dyrereYuo (cp. Od.
8. 546 o-vrl Kaa-Lyvi]Tov fetvo's 6' IK^TTIS re re'ruKrai), and in Od. 22.
74 for dyrio^eo-^e (/5o/^ _/? against} avr' itrxeo-^e (*'. e. avra lo-^eo-^e,
cp. Od. I. 334 avra itapeiaatv a-^o^vr] \mapa Kpr/beuva).
drri also resembles the Improper Prepositions (esp. the Adverbs
avra, O.VTLOV, &c.) in being used with the Gen., but not with the
Dat. or Ace. It means in place of, hence in the character of,
equivalent to: as II. 21. 75 avrt roi dp' Uerao.
Double Prepositions.
227.] It is characteristic of Homer to form a species of com-
pound by combining two Prepositions. We have
df4<j>! irpi, like our round about : also irfpi T <V<i re round and
about: used adverbially, as II. 22. 10 oyQai b' d/x^l Trept /xeyaA^
layov 5 i n Composition, d/x^iTrepio-r/ow^a (II. 8. 348), &c.
irape| out besides, out along, out past : adverbial in Od. 14. 168
aXXa 7ra/)e jue/uvw/xe^a : with the Ace., ?rape aAa alongside the sea,
7ra/)e ri]v vfjcrov past the island ; 7rape/c voov beyond ( = contrary to)
reason: with the Gen., 7rape 6801; aside from the way.
6ire', with a Gen. away from under, as II. 13. 89 </>eve<r$at
8ie'|, with a Gen. n,^ through, as SICK vpoOvpov, bien fteyapoto.
diroirpo ^w^e a^ay, used adverbially and with a Gen.
Stairpo right through, adverbially and with a Gen.
irepnrpo round about ; II. II. 180 Trepnrpo yap ey\f'i Ove.
228.] IMPROPER PREPOSITIONS. 193
In all these instances the meaning- and construction are mainly
determined by the first of the two Prepositions (so that e. g. irape'
is used nearly as irapa, 8ie| and Sicorpo as Sid, &c.). The second
does little more than add some emphasis.
The treble Preposition vntKirpo is found in Composition : {nrfKvpoO(<a, vtrf/c-
TTpoplai, &c. The sense is represented by dividing the words inrdc-irpoOeea, &c.
A curious variety is found in the Compound irpo-TipoKv\iv56/j.fvos rolling forward
before, where a second irpo is added to give emphasis to the first.
Improper Prepositions.
228.] The term ' Improper Preposition ' may be applied to
any Adverb used to govern a Case. The following are some of
the most important words of the kind :
Used with a Genitive : ayxi near, close to, fyyvdi, tyyvs near,
avra, avriov; &c. facing, i:p6aOe(v) before, Trdpoide(v) in front of,
oTti(r6t.(y) behind, jueo-aTjyvs between, evros, HvTocrOf, evoo6ev within,
eco out, KTOS, fKToOi, K.TocrQe(y) outside, i-vepOe beneaf.h, avfv,
avtvdt(v] apart from, without, arep without, vovfyi away from, ends,
(Ka.Tpd(v) apart from, jueV^a until, TTfprjv beyond, TrdXiv lack from,
avTiKpv straight to, Idvs straight towards, r?/A.e, Tr\\6Qifar off, vnaiOa
under, clVexa (eVexa) on account of, eKTjri by the favour of. The
Gen. with some of these words may be ablatival ( 152). In
general, however, it appears to be used with little or no refer-
once to the meaning of the governing Adverb, and merely in
order to connect the two words. Hence these constructions are
best brought under the general rule that a Noun governs the
Genitive ( 147).
With a Dative : apa together with, /ziya in company with, 6/>t3s
in like manner.
etui's takes a Gen. in the meaning aside from (II. 8. 444., 23.
393, Od. 14. 352). It is also found with the Ace. in the same
sense as apfyl, in the phrase dtol Kpovov a^tyls eoVres, II. 14. 274.,
15. 225 (see also II. u. 634, 748, Od. 6. 266); and once with
a Dat., viz. in II. 5, 723 o-t8?]pea) aozn adepts. Also as an Adv.
= around in II. 9. 464., 24. 488.
eiffw generally takes an Accusative, as tf IAioz> eio-co to Ilium : but
a Gen. in Od. 8. 290 6 8' eto-co Sw/zaros ^ei went inside the house
(not merely to the house).
The word ws was supposed to govern an Accusative in one
place in Homer, viz. Od. 17. 218 o>? cuei TOV ojuoioy ayet 0eos &>s
TOV opoiov. But the true construction is (as Mr. Ridgeway has
pointed out) o>s o>s as God brings like as he brings like, i. e. deals
with a man as he dealt with his like (see Journal of Philology,
vol. xvii. p. 113).
Note the frequency of Compounds formed by one of these words following a
Preposition : iv-avra, tta-avra, av-avra, K&T-avra, irap-avra., tv-avriov, Kar-fv-
O
194 PREPOSITIONS. [229.
avridV : tn-irpoaOtv, irpo-irapotOt, fttT'OiriaQtv, air-avtvOtv, av-arfpdfv, diro-voff(f>i,
i/w-fffpde, Ka.T-a.VTiKpv. Cp. a.v-fii\a, Si-afAirtpfs, naT-avTu6t, &c. These are not
true Compounds (o-uvOtra), but are formed by irapdOto-is, or mere juxta-
position : i. a. they do not consist of two members, of which the first is wholly
employed in limiting or qualifying the second, but of two adverbial words
qualifying the same Verb. Thus they are essentially akin to the combinations
formed by a Preposition and its Case : see 178.
Homeric and Attic uses of Prepositions.
229.] The development of the language between the Homeric
and the Attic period is especially shown in the uses of Preposi-
tions. It may be convenient here to bring together some of the
chief points.
1 . Most of the Prepositions, but esp. dfi<j>ij ircpi, impd, Itri, uiro,
irpoTi, eVi are used in Homer adverbially, i. e. as distinct words
Afterwards they become mere unaccented words or prefixes.
2. A variety of the same process shows itself in the disuse of
Tmesis. Besides the Prepositions already mentioned, this applies
to fierd, dyd, Kara, Sid, e, dire, els.
In these processes of development we have seen that the loss
of independent meaning is accompanied by a change (which is
in all probability simply a loss) of accent.
3. The construction with the Dative (which is mostly loca-
tival) is the one in which the Preposition retains most nearly its
own 'adverbial' meaning so much so that it is often doubtful
whether the Preposition can be said to ' govern ' the Case at all.
Accordingly we find that this construction is comparatively rare
in Attic. It is virtually lost (except as a poetical survival) with
dp.<t>i, irepi, p-CTd, dvd, and ow.
4. On the other hand the Genitive is more frequent in Attic,
and not confined (as it generally is in Homer) to uses in which
it has either an ablatival or a quasi-partitive sense. Thus it is
used with dji^i, ircpi, and p-crd : also with Bid of motion through.
In such uses as these the Case ceases to have a distinct meaning :
it merely serves (as with the Improper Prepositions) to show
that the Noun is governed by the Preposition.
5. The development of meaning is chiefly seen in the exten-
sion from the literal sense of place to various derivative or
metaphorical senses. Some of these senses are beginning to be
used in the Homeric language : e.g. dp.<}>i with the Dat. = about,
concerning ; ircpt with the Gen. (probably also the Dat.) in the same
meaning ; irapd with the Ace. = in excess of, in violation of; p-erd
with the Ace. = after ; cm with the Ace. = towards (a person) :
Sid with the Ace. = owing to : e| = in consequence of. Others may
safely be counted as post- Homeric ; note in particular
230.] INFINITIVE AND PARTICIPLE. 195
i with the Acc. = about, nearly (of time and number); also =
concerning, in relation to:
with the Dat. = in the opinion of; with the Kcc. = during
the continuance of; also compared with :
with the Ace. = answering to; also during the time of:
with the Gen. = about, against :
4iri with the Dat. = in the power of:
with many phrases in which the force of the Preposition is
vague, such as 81' opyrjs, ava Kparos, irpos (3iav, e/c TOV ep.(f)a-
vovs, &c.
6. There are slight but perceptible differences between the
usage of the Iliad and that of the Odyssey ( 182, 188, 196, 199,
215). Some uses, again, are peculiar to one or two books of the
Iliad, esp. 9, 10, 23, 24 : see 199 (4), 220, 223 (fin.).
CHAPTER X.
THE VERBAL NOUNS.
Introductory.
23O.] The preceding chapters deal with the Simple Sentence :
that is to say, the Sentence which consists of a single Verb, and
the subordinate or qualifying words (Case-forms, Adverbs, Pre-
positions) construed with it ( 131). We have now to consider
how this type is enlarged by means of the Verbal Nouns.
The Infinitive and Participle, as has been explained ( 84),
are in fact Nouns : the Infinitive is an abstract Noun denoting
the action of the Verb, the Participle a concrete Noun expressing
that action as an attribute. They are termed ' Verbal ' because
they suggest or imply a predication, such as a finite Verb ex-
presses (e. g. epxerai aycoy avrovs implies the assertion ayei avrovs),
and because the words which depend upon or qualify them are
construed with them as with Verbs (ay<av avTovs, not aycoy avr&v
bringer of them). Thus they have the character of subordinate
Verbs, ' governed ' by the finite Verb of the sentence, and
serving at the same time as centres of dependent Clauses.
The distinction between Infinitives and other abstract Substantives, and
again between Participles and other primitive Adjectives, was probably not
always so clearly drawn as it is in Greek. The Infinitives of the oldest
Sanscrit hardly form a distinct group of words ; they are abstract Nouns of
various formation, used in several different Cases, and would hardly have
2
196 INFINITIVE. [231.
been classed apart from other Case-forms if they had not been recognised as
the precursors of the later more developed Infinitive. The Participles, too,
are variously formed in Sanscrit, and moreover they are not the only Nouns
with which the construction is ' adverbial ' instead of being ' adnominal.'
The peculiarity of the Verbal Nouns in point of meaning may be said to
consist in the temporary and accidental character of the actions or attributes
which they express. Thus irpa-rmv and irpo|ai suggest a particular doing,
momentary or progressive, at or during a time fixed by the context ; whereas
irpais means doing, irrespective of time ; -npaitrup one who does, generally or
permanently, a doer; and so in other cases. The distinction is especially
important for Homer. In the later language there are uses of the Infinitive
and Participle in which they lose the Verbal element, and have the character
of_ordinary Nouns ; e. g. TO itparTtiv is nearly equivalent to irpdi?, oi trparTovrts
to irpa/cropts, &c.
The Infinitive.
231.] Form and original meaning. The Greek Infinitive
is a Case-form usually the Dative of an abstract Verbal
Noun (nomen actionis). As a Dative it expresses an action to
which that of the governing Verb is directed, or for which jt
takes place, viz. a purpose, effect, bearing, &c. of the main
action. Thus 86fie>-<u to give, being the Dative of a Stem So-fiey
giving, means ' to or for giving,' hence in order to give, so as io
give, &c. But owing to the loss of all other uses of the Dative
in Greek ( 143), and the consequent isolation of the Infinitive,
its meaning has been somewhat extended. For the same reason
the Infinitives derived from other Cases ( 85) are no longer used
with different meaning, but are retained merely as alternative
forms.
The Dative meaning evidently accounts for the common con-
structions of the Infinitive with Verbs expressing wish, command,
power, expectation, beginning, and the like : as etfe'Aco b6fj.evai. lit.
I am willing for giving , bvva^ai i&e'eiy 1 have power for seeing, &c.
In Homer it may be said to be the usual meaning of the Infini-
tive. It is found in a great many simple phrases, such as
vver)K pa^a-Bai urged together to fight (so that they fought),
80? ayeiv give for leading away (to le led away), olbe vorjcrat knows
(has sense] to perceive, (3i) 8' Uv ai stepped to go ( = took his way,
cp. yovvar efw/xa ^euye'/xeyat) ; Trpooj/ce TivOecrdai., Trejuire z>e'eo-0ai,
3>/>ro Trerecrflai, &c. Cp. also
II. I. 22 (Trev(j)riiJ.ri<rav ' AVOUCH, atSeurflat /crA. the Greeks uttered
approving cries for (to the effect of) respecting, fyc. j so 2. 290
obvpovTai otKorSe Pvftfftu.
2. 107 'Ayajue'/ii'oi'i XeiTre <f>opijvai, TroAATjcriz; vr}<roicn KGU ""Apyet
iraim avatra-eiv left (the sceptre) to Agamemnon to bear, there-
with to rule over many islands and Argos.
231.] INFINITIVE. 197
Od. 4. 634 e/jie Se XP ^ yiyverai avTrjs y HAi8' es fvpv^opov 8ia/37/-
pfvai I have need of it for crossing over to Elis.
The notion of purpose often passes into that of adaptation,
possibility, necessity, &c. ; e. g.
II. 6. 227 TroAAoi juei; yap e/xot Tp<Se? . . KTeivfiv there are many
Trojans for me to kill (whom I may kilt); cp. 9. 688 etVi KCU
oi8e ra8' ei7re/u,ez; ^S foo are ^re to tell this, n. 342 eyyvs
l<ray 7rpo(f)vyclv were near for escaping, to escape with.
13. 98 eiSerat T/juap VTTO Tp<0eo-<n bapfjvai the day is come for
being subdued (when we must be subdued} by the Trojans ; cp.
Od. 2. 284.
Again, from the notion of direction or effect the Infinitive
shades off into that of reference, sphere of action, &c. ; as II. 5.
601 olov 8rj Bav^a^o^v "Enropa blov al^p,r]Tr]v r' ejueyai KrA. for
being a warrior ; Od. 7. 148 0eot oA/Sia bolev ^coejiAe^ai may the
gods grant blessings for living, i.e. in life ; a/Ho-reveovce fj.d%(T0at.
teas best for (and so in)fghting, evx^rai 6tvat boasts for (of) being.
In the passages quoted the Infinitive is so far an abstract Noun
that the action which it denotes is not predicated of an agent.
The agent, if there is one in the speaker's mind, is not given by
the form of the sentence ; e.g. eyyvs tvav Ttpotyvyelv (were near
for escaping) might mean ^vere near so as to escape or (as the
context of II. u. 342 requires) were near so that he could escape ;
bvvai eTmyo'/xeros would usually mean eager to set, but in Od. 13.
30 it means eager for (the sun's) setting. Hence 'the apparently
harsh change of subject in such a case as
Od. 2. 226 KCU ot tow ei> vrjvcrlv cTre'r/aeTrey olnov airavra
TcAfarftu re yepoj/rt KCU e/r7re8a "navra (pv\do-creiv *<X '
to the intent that it should obey the old man and he should guard
all surely (lit. for obeying for guarding). And so in II. 9. 230 tv
SOITJ 8e tra&frtpfv ^ aTroAeV^at vrjas, where vrjas is first Object,
then Subject. The harshness disappears when we understand
that the abstract use is the prevailing one in Homer.
It may also be noticed here that
(1) With Verbs of privative meaning, the Infinitive may be
used as with the corresponding affirmative words : as eppty' avn-
/3oA?/<Tai shudders as to (from) meeting ; Od. 9. 468 ava 8' d(ppv<ri.
vfvov eKao-r<{) KAaieiv I nodded backwards to each for weeping (=for-
bidding him to weep), II. 22. 474 ffyov diroAeo-flat. But the proper
use also appears, as in II. 22. 5 OLVTOV fjielvat. e7re'8?j<re fettered so
that he remained. Here the context must determine the meaning.
(2) With (frpovto), oio), &c. the Infinitive may express the
effect or conclusion : I think to the effect , hence / think jit ; as
II. 13. 263 ov yap dtco . . TroAefuCetp I have no mind to fyc. So
198 INFINITIVE. [232.
flTTelv to speak to the intent that, to bid, as Od. 3. 427 etTrare 6'
euro) onutijcriv . . ireVecrflai. Other examples are given in 238.
In this use, as was observed by Mr. Riddell (Dig. 83), the 'dictative
force' the notion of thinking right, advising, &c. comes through the
Infinitive to the governing Verb, not vice versa. The same remark holds of
the use with fern, it is possible, lit. it is (a case) for (something to happen).
232.] Infinitive with Nouns, &c. It will be useful to bring
together instances in which the Infinitive depends upon some
qualifying word Preposition, Adverb, Adjective, &c. construed
with the Verb :
II. I. 258 cu TTfpl IJLZV f$ov\i]V Aarawr Trepi 6' ecrre payjEaQai excel
them in fighting.
i. 589 apya\eos yap 'OAi^x-tos ajri^epecrflai the Olympian is hard
to set oneself against ; cp. 20. 131.
4. 510 eTret ov a(f)t Ai'0os XP S ovo * cribrjpos -^aXKOv avacr^fcrdat
since their flesh is not stone or iron for withstanding (so as to
be able to withstand] bronze.
8. 223 rj p fv p.e(r<rar<{) eo-xe yeycoye/uev d/x(ore p&>cre for shouting
(=zso that one could shout) both ways.
13. 775 *L TOI 6vp.bs avainov alridao-dat since your mind is for
blaming (is such that you must blame] the innocent.
Od. 17. 2O ov yap em orafyioio-i ptvtiv en r^Ai/cos ei/xi I am not
yet of the age to remain.
17. 347 at8ci)s 6' OVK aya9ri Kex/^jtieVa) d^8pt 7rapeiz;at shame is not
good to be beside a needy man (is not a good ' backer ' for).
21. 195 "noioi K etr' 'Oovcrrji. fajjajvepev et TtoOev tX6oi;how would
you behave in regard to fighting for Ulysses ?
Od. 2. 60 fifitK 5' ou vv n roioi anwefuv may be either we are not like him,
so as to defend, or simply ice are not fit to defend. The construction of the Inf.
is the same in either case : the difference is whether roioi means ' of the kind '
with reference to ofos 'OSvcrfffvs taice or to the Inf. dfuwffjitv. The latter may
be defended by Od. 17. 20 (quoted above).
This construction is extended to some Nouns even when they
are not used as predicates ; as dtUiv rax^s swift to run, Bav^a.
ibe<T0ai a wonder to behold (cp. the use of the Accusative with
Adjectives, 131 fin.].
233.] Impersonal Verbs. The Infinitive is used with !<rri
f/iere is (means, room, occasion, fyc.], louce it is Jit, ireirpwrai it is
determined, eifxapro it was fated. For em cp.
II. 14. 313 Keicre fj*v eort KCU vcrrepov 6p}j.ri6rjvai.
Od. 15. 392 aide 8e VVKTCS d^e'o-^aroi* lori /xev evSeir,
eari 8e TfpTto^voifTiv anovtiv there is (enough] for
sleeping and for listening.
234-] INFINITIVE AS SUBJECT, &C. 199
It is very common with a negative : OVK IOTI, ov TTCOS e<m, &c.
meaning there is no way, it may not be that, fyc.
The Impersonal use is also found in phrases of the two kinds
noticed in 162, 4; viz.
(a) With a Neuter Adjective ; as apyaheov 8e /^tot cort 0eo-0ai
/crA. it is difficult for me to make 8fc. ; fji6pi[j.ov 8e ot ear' dAeacrtfai
it is fated for him to escape ; so with alcryjpov, re/xeo-orrjro'y, ai<n/zoy,
apKiov, fie\Tepov, and the like.
(I) With an abstract Noun : as
II. 14. 80 ov yap TLS pe/zefris (pvyteiv KdKov there is no wrong
in escaping ill.
Od. 5. 345 6'0i roi /j.olp' fo-rlv aAvai where it is thy fate to fyc.
II. 330 dAAa KCU u>pr] evoetv there is a time for fyc.
So with al<ra, juopos, Of/jus, XP f( &> avdyKri, albas, beos, eA.7ra>p7j, &c.
followed by an Infinitive to express what the fate, need, shame,
&c. brings about, or in what it consists.
These examples throw light on two much-debated passages :
II. 2. 291 77 fJ.r)v Kal irovos early avirjQivTa vftaffat
verity there is toil for a man to return in vexation, i. e. ' I admit that the toil is
enough to provoke any one to return.' Thus understood, the expression is a
slightly bold use of the form of sentence that we have in wpij karlv eCSecc, fiotpa
iarlv d\vai, Ovpus eartv avainov ainaaffOai, &c. The other interpretation, ' it
is toil to return vexed,' though apparently easier, is not really more Homeric ;
and it certainly does not fit the context so well.
II. 7. 238 o?S' errt 5eia, olS' kit' dpiarefM voj^rjaai 05>v
d.^a\(t]v, TO /j.oi effTt ra\avpivov iro\(j.ifiv
I know how to turn my shield of seasoned ox-hide to the right and to the left, wherefore
1 have that wherewith to war in stout-shielded fashion ( = 1 have a good claim to the
title of raXavpivos -iro\ftia"rfis, elsewhere an epithet of Ares). Here TTI is
used as in tanv dJSeiv, &c.
In II. 13. 99-101 ^ jJ.tya 0avfj.a TO&' o<f>0a\(toiaiv dpwftai, fpaias t<p' -fjneTepas Iff at
vtas the Inf. follows Oav^a, or rather the whole phrase 6avpa r65e 6pa>/j.cu
(=$avjM effn) : opaco does not take an Inf. ( 245).
234.] Infinitive as apparent Subject, &c. In the Imper-
sonal uses the Infinitive appears to stand as Subject to the Verb ;
apyaXeov eort QktrQai making is hard ; ov /u,ey yap TL K.O.&OV /3acri-
Aeue'juey to oe a king is not a lad thing. This construction how-
ever is not consistent with the original character of the Infinitive.
It is plain that ea-riv tvbeiv can never have meant ' sleeping is/
but ' there is (room &c.) for sleeping ' : and so apya\eov eori
0(r6aL is originally, and in Homer, it (the case, state of things, fyc.)
is hard in view of making. It is only in later Greek that we have
the form apyaXtov eort TO OtvQai., in which 0t<r0cu is an inde-
clinable Neuter Noun.
The process by which the Infinitive, from being a mere word
200 INFINITIVE. [234.
of limitation, comes to be in sense the Subject or Object of the
principal Clause, can be traced in sentences of various forms :
(1) With a personal Subject; e.g. in
II. 5- 75 T l)s ^rwerpcwmu p.ey a? ovpavos OuAv/zTro'y re
rinev avaKhlvai TTVKIVOV ve<pos i]b' finOfli'ai
the meaning 1 ' to them is entrusted the opening- and shutting 1 of
the thick cloud of heaven/ is expressed by saying f to them
heaven is entrusted for opening and shutting the cloud/ So
II. T. 107 aiet rot ra KaV e<m $iAa (pecri p,ai>reiW0ai.
4. 345 fi'da <pi'A' oTrraAe'a /cpe'a ebpfvai.
Cleaning you love to prophesy tvils (fo eat roast flesh, fyc.].
(2) The Impersonal form (dpyaAeW eori) only differs from the
other in the vagueness of the Subject, which makes it easier for
the Infinitive to become the Subject in sense, while it is still
grammatically a word limiting the vague unexpressed Subject.
The use of a Neuter Pronoun as Subject (e.g. TO ye KO\OV
aKoue'/zei; the thing is good, to listen] may be regarded as a link
between the personal and impersonal forms of expression : cp.
161 (note], also 258.
(3) Similarly an Infinitive following the Object of a Verb may
become the logical Object; as
II. 4.^47 ?? peVere Tp<3as cr\&ov eA^epez-- ; do ye wait for the
Trojans for their coming on ? I. e. for the coming on of the
Trojans.
14. 342 "HpT], jUTjre df&v TO ye beibiOi /xTjre TLV avbputv o\l/e<T0ai
do not fear any one of gods or of men for their leing about to
see, i. e. that any one will see : cp. Od. 22. 39, 40.
A further development of this use leads, as we shall see, to the
1 Accusative with the Infinitive/
(4) Again, the Infinitive sometimes takes the place of a vague
unexpressed Object. Thus oiSe vofja-ai means knows (enough] to
perceive: the full construction being such as we have in II. 2. 213
os p eTrea (ftpecrlv r)(riv aKCxrpa re TroAAa re rjbei. . . ept^epe^ai who
knew (had a store of] words wherewith to wrangle. So too 8t5&)pi
with an Infinitive is originally construed as Od. 8. 44 rw yap pa
0eos Trept 8akei> aoibrjv Tepireiv : II. n. 2O TOV Trore' 01 Kiwpijs 5a>ce
ivrjiov di-ai ; thence it comes to mean ' to give (such a state of
things) that some event shall happen/ i. e. to grant the happening ;
as 8os Tivaa-Oai grant that I may punish. In such a passage as II.
3. 322 TOV 8os a.TTO(f)9i^fvov bvvai, /crA. we may take TOV with bos
or as an Ace. with the Inf. bvvai.
A Neuter Pronoun, too, may serve as a vague Object, ex-
plained by an Infinitive; e.g. II. 5. 665-6 TO pev ov m eTre^pa-
<rar' . . e^epvcrat : cp. Od. 21. 278 Kat TOVTO eiros Kara poipav eetire,
vvv uev Travo~ai. roov KT\.
237-] WITH RELATIVES WITH HPIN. 2OI
(5) The Infinitive may also be equivalent in sense to the Geni-
tive depending on a Noun; as
II. 7- 49 v yap ris <peia> veKV(ai)\KaraTf6vr](^T(i)v
yiyvtr 67ret /ce 6dv(acri 7rvpos ^e<Ai0-a-e'|iiez> a>/ca
7. f. there is no grudging about the appeasing of the dead.
Hence is developed an idiomatic use of the Genitive parallel to
that of the Accusatives de quo: see Shilleto on Thuc. I. 61, i.
235.] With Relatives. It is remarkable that the use of the
Infinitive with u>s, ws re, otos, oaos, &c. is rare in Homer. The
familiar construction of d>s re only occurs twice : II. 9. 42 eWo--
crurat u>s re vttfrQai is eager to return, and Od. 17. 2O ov yap eTrt
(TTa6[j.ol(n n<lvi.v eri rrjAt'/cos ei/xi, a>s r' eTnreiAajueVw . . 7H0e'cr0ai.
The other instances are: Od. 21. 173 rotoy olo'y re ep-evai *wcy5
owe a* fo; Od. 5. 484 oa-trov re . . epwrtfat so far as to shelter ;
Od. 19. 160 avi]p olos re ^aAio-ra OIKOU K?]8e<T0ai, 21. 117 otos r' . .
236.] With TT-piV and irdpos. This use is common in Homer :
as II. T. 98 Trpiv y UTTO irarpl (f>i\<f 8op.evai before they give back to
her father ; n. 573 Trapes XP 0/a ^ fVKOV *T7avpeti> before touching the
white flesh.
The tense is nearly always the Aorist : the exceptions are, Od.
19. 475 Trplv dp.(pa(pdaor0cu (a verb which has no Aorist), and II.
1 8. 245 irdpo? bopiToio jue'6ea-0ai. Perhaps however pie'8eo-0ai is an
Aorist : see 31, 2.
n-pic with the Indicative first appears in H. Apoll. 357 Trpiv ye
ot Ibv e<pTj/cez>. For the use with the Subj. see 297.
Jhe origin of this singularly isolated construction must evidently be sought
in the period when the Infinitive was an abstract Noun ; so that (e. g.~) Trplv
Supevai meant before the giving. The difficulty is that a word like irpCv would
be construed with the Ablative, not the Dative : as in fact we find Ablatives
used as Infinitives in Sanscrit with purd ' before ' ^Whitney, 983). It may
be conjectured that the Dative Infinitive in Greek was substituted in this
construction for an Ablative. Such a substitution might take place when
the character of the Infinitive as a Case-form had become obscured.
It is held by Sturm (Geschichlliche Entwickelung dr Construdionen mit irpiv,
p. 15) that the Inf. has the force of limitation: e.g. npiv ovraaai 'before in
respeot to wounding,' before the time of wounding. But on this view the
sense would rather be 'too soon to wound.' It is better to say, with Mr.
Goodwin ( 623^, that -npiv is 'quasi-prepositional' : and if so the Infinitive
had ceased to be felt as a Dative when the use arose.
The restriction to the Aor. Inf. may date from the time when Infinitives
or Case-forms on the way to become Infinitives ( 242) were chiefly formed
from the same Stem as the Aorist. Cp. the Aor. Participles which are with-
out Tense-meaning ( 243, i).
237.] Accusative with the Infinitive. Along with the use
of the Infinitive as an abstract Noun, we find in Homer the
202 INFINITIVE. [237?
later use by which it is in sense the Verb of a dependent Clause,
the Subject of the Clause being in the Accusative.
In the examples of the Ace. with the Infinitive we may dis-
tinguish the following- varieties or stages of the idiom :
1 . The Ace. has a grammatical construction with the govern-
ing Verb : e.g.
II. I. 313 \aovs 8' 'ArpetSj;? aTTO\vjj.aii'fcrOat avaiye Agamemnon
ordered the people to purify themselves ( = that they should
purify).
5. 601 olov bi] 9avfjLa.frij.ev "E/cropa blov atxW" 7 ^ r ' fytvcu KT\.
(for being a warrior, how he was a warrior).
This might be called the natural Ace. with the Infinitive.
2. The Ace. has not a sufficient construction with the Verb
alone, but may be used if it is accompanied by an Infinitive of
the thing or fact : e.g.
/3ovXofjJ eyo> \adv v&v 1/x/xewu / wish the people to lie safe (the
safety of the people).
ovvfK a.Kov(T Ttipecrdcu Tpoms because he heard of the Trojans
being hard pressed.
ro) ov i/e/xecrt^o/x' 'Axcttov? arr-^a^aav wherefore I do not think it a
shame in the Greeks to chafe.
In this construction the logical Object is the fact or action
given by the Infinitive, to which the Ace. furnishes a Subject or
//gent, and thus turns it from an abstract Noun to a predication
(so that e.g. reipe<r$ai Tpaias is virtually =-OTI ereipoyro Tp<3es).
It is found with Verbs that usually take only a ' Cognate Ace/
(Neuter Pronoun, &c.), as <^>7}juu, eZTrov, O.K.OVO), 7riw#ayojuai. oT8a, duo,
(fopoveo), e0e'A.a>, (3ov\0fj.ai, eATro/xai, re/^iecrt^b/jiat, <|)^oyeco, &c. Thus
it is in principle a particular form of the Accusativus de quo (see
140, 3, b, also 234, 3).
3. The Ace. has no construction except as the Subject of the
Infinitive. This Ace. is chiefly found in Homer
(a) after Impersonal Verbs ( 162, 4) : as
II. 1 8. 329 aju,0co yap TreTrpcoTat 6/xotrjy yalav epeScrai
it is fated for both to tyc.
19. 182 ov [j.ev -yap TL ye/iecrcrTjToy f3a<n\rja avbp 1 aTrapeVacurflai
it is no shame that a king should fyc.
(lj) after Trpiv and irdpos ; as Tiplv eXdclv vlas 'A^aiwy before the
Greeks came, irdpos ra8e Ipya yeveo-^ai before these things
came to pass.
The other examples are from the Odyssey, viz.
Od. 4. 2IO w? vvv Ne'oropi 8wK 8ta/x7repes r//iara itavTa
Q.VTOV jjitv \nrap>s yripacrn^v (10. 533., 14. 193)-
238.] ACCUSATIVE WITH INFINITIVE. 203
This may be called the purely idiomatic Ace. with the Infini-
tive. It has evidently been formed on the analogy of the older
varieties.
238.] Tenses of the Infinitive. So long as the Infinitive is
merely a Verbal Noun., it does not express anything about the
time of the action as past, present, or future. But when it is
virtually a predication, the idea of time comes in ; e.g.
II. 5- 659 dAA' olov Tivd (fracn jBirjv 'HpaKXrjeirji;
ejujueuat (' what they say he was ') : cp. Od. 8. 181 .
14. 454 ov nav aSr' duo . . aAioy Tfrfbrjrrat
dAAd rts 'Apyeuoy KOjUicre XP'-
The Future Infinitive is used with <pr)jj,C, oioo, eATrojuat, i
p-at, op.vvfj.1, and other Verbs implying expectation or promise ; also
with /^eAAco when it means to be about to.
When the Inf. expresses, not simple expectation as to the
future, but fitness, obligation, necessity, or the like ( 231, 2), the
Aorist or Present is used. Thus II. 13. 262 ov yap duo -noXtpi&iv
means, not ' I do not think I shall fight/ but I do not think fit, I
have no mind, to Jight ; so II. 3. 98 (ppovta) biaKpivOiinevai my mind
jft (=8o/cei fjioi) that they should be parted : 9. 608 <pp<Wo> rertjizT;-
<rQai I claim to be honoured: 22. 235 vota> cppeo-i ri^a-acrdai I see
(understand] that I should honour thee ( = 1 purpose to honour
thee) : 24. 5^ vo*<& 8e KCU avrbs "E/cropd roi ASo-cu : and so in a
prophecy, Od. 2. 171 (prjjj.1 Te\tvTr)6i)vat. aTtavra I say that alljmist
be accomplished : and
II. 13. 665 o? p ev ei8o>s Kijp 1 6\oi]v firl VTJOS efiaive,
TroAAoKi yap ol eenre yepoor ayadbs YloXmbos
voixra VTT' dpyaAer; (frdivdai ols fv fj.ydpoi<nv
that he must perish (according to Ids fate).
So with juoipa and Otocparov eori : also with p,e'AAo> when it means
to be likely : II. n. 364 o> fie'AAets evyjecrQai to whom it is like that
you pray ; Od. 9. 475 VK op' 1/xeAAes di/aAKtSo? avbpbs eraipous
{bjjievai he proves to be no helpless man whose comrades yon ate ; II.
21. 83 /xeAAaj TTOV cnr^OfffOai, it must be that I am become hateful ;
II. 1 8. 362 /le'AAei /Sporos TeAeVcrai a man is likely to accomplish
(i. e. it may be expected of him). .Qyt
The instances in which a Pres. or Aor. Inf. appears to be used
of future time may be variously accounted for. The Inf. ie'mi
has a future sense in II. 17. 709 ovSe jutr oo vvv Uvai xrA. ; so
II. 20. 365., Od. 15. 214. Again in Od. 9. 496 KOI 8?) <4^>
avro'0' dAeV^ai the Aor. is used for the sake of vividness we
thought 'we are lost' : cp. II. 9. 413 wAero \itv p.ot VOVTOS ( 78).
Similarly II. 3. 112 eATro/xerot nava-ao-dai. may be hoping that they
had ceased (by the fact of the proposed duel); cp. II. 7. 199., 16.
204 INFINITIVE. [239.
281. So Od. 13. 173 os f(fta(TKf rTorretSacoy' ayaTacrflat who saiil
ihat Poseidon was moved to indignation ( = on -fiydfraaro).
In several places tho reading is uncertain, the Fut. being of the same
metrical value as the Aor. or tho Pres. (-o-0at and -ao-0ai, -i|iv and -ijeiv,
&c.). In such cases the evidence of the ancient grammarians and the MSS. is
usually indecisive, and we are justified in writing the Fut. throughout, ac-
cording to the general rule. Thus
II. 3. 28 <f>aro yap riaeaOat (so Ven. A. : most MSS. TiaaaOai}. Hence \ve
may read (f^dro -ya/j rifffffOat in Od. 20. 1 21.
22. 118 (aAA* diroSdfffffaOai (so Aristarchus : most MSS. -acr0ai).
22. 1 20 /i?7 TL KaraKpfyetv, dAA' avSixi iravra SdffeffGai (MSS. -acrOai).
23. 773 e/jcAAof iTrcufea&u (the best MSS. have -acrOai).
20. 85 (t/TTtcrxeo) tvavrifiiov 7TToAe//tw (so A. D. : other MSS. iTO\eiu(iv^.
1 6. 830 77 TTOV t(f>i]i76a TTohtv /cfpaiffift> (MSS. -i|iv).
Od. 2. 373 opoaov pf) . . rdSe ftvOrjataOat (so Ar. : MSS. -aerOai).
Two exceptions remain: Od. 2. 280 k\Ttcaprj rot e-neira Tf\evrr)ffai rdSt epya (rt-
\evTrjfffti' in one of Ludwich's MSS.): II. 12. 407 kirei ol Ovpos ke \IKTO /cCSoy
dpeaOai (some good authorities give te'ASero).*
The only example of an Inf. representing an Optative is
II. 9. 684 Kal 8' av rots aAAotcrti' e0rj Trapa^vQr\(ra(rQai
which is the report of the speech (v. 417) Kai 8' av . . 7rapafzu0Tj-
<raifj.r]v. But cp. Od. 3. 125 01 ^ e ' K Qa^s fJ-vOrjcra^ai yon
tcould not think that . . icould speak.
239. J Dative with the Infinitive. An idiomatic use of the
Dative arises when the Noun which stands as logical subject to
an Inf. of purpose is put in the same Case with it, i. e. in the
Dative. Thus the construction in
alrr-^pbv -yap ro'Se y eort /cat ecro-o/xeyotcrt TtvOtcrOai
is idiomatic (as compared with a<$>G>iv bos ayeiv, &c.) ; because the
meaning is, not ' is shameful for future men/ but ' is shameful
for (with a view to) the hearing of future men.' The principle
is evidently the same as has been pointed out in the case of the
Nominative and the Accusative ( 234). Because the action of
the Infinitive stands in a Dative relation to the governing Verb,
the agent or Subject of the action is put in the Dative.
This construction is found in the ' double Dative ' of Latin (e. g. laaontvoioi
irvOeffOai would be in Latin posteris auditui), and of Sanscrit (Delbruck, A, S.
p. 149). It is usually classified as ' Attraction ' the Dat. of the person being
regarded as following the Dat. of the thing or action. In Greek it evidently
goes back to the time when the Inf. was still felt as a Dative.
240.] Predicative Nouns ' Attraction/ Corresponding to
the Nominative in the Predicate ( 162), an Infinitival Clause
* See Madvig, Bemerkungen iiber einige Purikte der griech. Wortfugungskhre, p. 34 :
Cobet, Misc. Grit. p. 328.
240.] ATTRACTION. 205
may have a Predicative Accusative, in agreement with its (ex-
pressed or understood) Subject : as II. 4. 341 a<p>'iv p-tv T eTre'oi/ce
fj-tTa Ttp&TOKriv covras eora/xey it becomes you that you should stand
among the foremost ; II. 8. 192 TT/S vvv KXeos ovpavov IKCI Ttacrav
\pv<rtir]v e/xevai a^ose /a/e reaches heaven that it is all gold.
Or the words which enter in this way into an Infinitival Clause
may follow the construction of the principal Clause, and thus be
put in the Norn. or Dat. ; as
II. I. 76 KCII p.01 ofj-ocrcrov, 77 \iiv fJ.oi Trpofppcw . . apri^tiv
12. 337 ov TTW? 01 erjv fiuHTavri yeycoi>eu>.
Here Trp6<ppcv is said to be 'attracted'' into the Nom. (agreeing
with the subject of ojucxrow), and PUHTCLVTI into the Dat. (agreeing
with 01).
The difference of meaning given by the two constructions is
generally to be observed in Homer, at least in the case of the
Dative. A Noun or Participle is put in the Ace. if it is closely
connected with the Inf., so as to become an essential part of the
predication : whereas a Dat. construed with the principal Clause
expresses something prior to the Inf. (either a condition or a
reason). Thus
11. I. 541 a 't To ' (p&OV k(TT\V f/J-fV OTTO VOJ<pt,V C.OVTO.
Kpv~raoia (ppovtovra 8i/cae/!xez>,
means ( you like to decide apart from me/ i. e. ' you like, when
you decide, to be apart from me ' : whereas with eorrt the sense
would be ' when you are apart from me you like to decide/ So II.
15. 57 f'" 73 "?? " 1 rTocraSaau'i O.VO.K.TI "navra^vov iroAe'/zoto 6/ceV0cu
' shall bid Poseidon to cease from war and come' not 'when he
has ceased, to come/
But with a Dat.
II. 6. 41 fp-ol 8e K Ktpoiov euj cr^v cupafJiapTOvcrri yflova
it were better for me, if (or when) I lose tkee, to fyc.
II: 8. 2i8 ei jar) eTri (ppeai OTJK 'Aya/xejuroyt TTOTV ta
avr(3 TTonrvvcravTi. do&s drpvvai 'A^atovs
' who had of himself made hot haste/ CUTW as in the phrase
/jte/xawre /cal avru> (13. 46., 15. 604).*
II. 15- 496 ov ol dei/ces afj.vvoiJ.fvw Tttpl 7rarp?j? TtOvd[j.fi>
to die when fghting for his country.
So II. 5. 253-, 13- 9 6 -> 20. 356., 21. 185., 22. 72.
There are some exceptions, however, if our texts are to be
trusted ; i. e. there are places where a word which belongs to the
predication is put in the Dat. owing to a preceding Dat. : e.g.
II. 15. 117 ei TTf'p ftoi KCU fjiolpa At6? TrArjyeWt Kepavvia
ojuou vKVf<r<ri (cp. Od. 19. 139, 284).
* This is pointed out by Dingeldein, De pariidpio Homerico, p. 8.
206 INFINITIVE. [241.
This seems to be always the case when there are two successive
Participles, the first of which is properly in the Dat. : as
II. 12. 410 dpyaAeW 8e p.ot errrt KOL Ifydinq) irep eovri
/Mouz'o) pr^a/xt'yw OeaOat irapa vi]V(rl Ke'Aeu$or.
Here the meaning- is, ' to break through and make'&c., and
therefore prj^d^fi-ov would be correct ; but after eoWi the change
from the Dat. to the Ace. would be very harsh. So II. 13. 317-
319, Od. 10. 494-5. In other places the text may be at fault.
As attraction became the rule in later Greek, and the two
Case-forms are generally of the same metrical form, it would be
easy for a Dat. to take the place of an Ace. : e.g, in II. 9. 398-
400 Hvda 8e p.oi . . eTreVrruro 6vp.bs dyTjvcop yj]\Lo,vn . . Kr?]/ia<n Tep-
t, where for y^/iam, the reading of Aristarchus, others gave
, which conforms to the principle laid down.
When the Subject of the Infinitive is also Subject of the
governing Verb the Nominative is generally used : as II. I. 76
(quoted above), i. 415., 4. 101-3., 8- 498, &c. An exception is
Od. 9. 224 Hi'O' e/j.e /jifv TrpcoTiafl' erapoi kifraovr eireecro-i,
rvp&v alvvfjievovs levai TrdAiz;
that they might take of the cheeses and so go back.
241.] Infinitive as an Imperative. This use is often found
in Homer, but chiefly after an Imperative, so that the Infinitive
serves to carry on the command already given :
II. I. 322 epx^a-Oov KAioiTju 'Ayapcfjivovos 'Arpei'Sao, (/
X^ipos f\6vr } ayefjifv
2. 8 10 /SacTK 5 Wi . . dyopeue'/iey a>s
3. 459 f^So'Tfj KOI Tip.r]v airoTivfJi.fV.
Od. 4. 415 Kai TOT' e7rei0' vfj.lv jueXeTO) KapTOs Te /3uj re,
avdi 8' exety KT\. (cp. v. 419, 422 ff.).
Or after a Future, to express what the person addressed is to do
as his part in a set of acts :
II. 22. 259 I'fKpbv 'Axaiouriv 8w<ra) irdXiv, &s e av pe'^etv.
Od. 4. 408 ewacrco efciTjs* crv 8' tv Kpivaa-Oai, eraipovs.
So after a clause which leads up to a command; II. n. 788
aAA' cv ot (f)d(rdai, (Achilles is the mightier) but do you advise him
well: 17. 691., 20. 335. Cp. also, II. 10. 65 avQi /xe'i>eii> (answer
to the question am I to remain here /) : 5. 1 24 Bapa-eav vvv . .
(j.dxe<*6aL (in answer to a prayer) without fear now you may fight.
The use for the Third Person is rare : in a command, II. 6.
8692 enre 8' e-eira ju?jrept ar/ KCU e/xr}' fj 8e . . deivai KT\. ; 7. 79
n&p-a 8e otKa5' efioy Sojue^ai TrdAiv (let him take my arms) but give
back my body; so 17. 155., 23. 247, Od. 11. 443: in a prayer,
with a Subject in the Accusative,
242.] ORIGIN OF THE INFINITIVE. 207
II. 2. 4 J 2 ZeO K.v$i(TT, jueytore, KeAaii^e?, aWtpi vaLutv,
ju,7j Ttplv fir' r]e\Lov Swat KT\. (cp. 3. 285., 7- J 79)-
Od. 17. 354 Zeu ava, T^Ae/xa^ov /xot ey az/Spaoriv oA/3ioz> drat.
An Infinitive of wish is used with the Subject in the Norn.,
once of the Second Person, and once of the First Person :
Od. 7. 311 at yap Zev re Trdrep /cat 'AOrjvair) Kal "AiroXkov
TOIOS ecoy otos e<r<Tt, ra re (frpovtutv a r eya> irep,
7raia r t\M\v f^fj,v Kal e/xos ya/x/3po? /caAeecr#ai.
. roios u>v . .
The force of the Infinitive in all these uses seems to be that of
an indirect Imperative. The command is given as something-
following on an expressed or implied state of things. Thus we
may connect the idiom with the use of the Infinitive to imply
jitness, obligation, &c. ( 231); compare eio-l KO! ol'5e ra8' enre'/zez;
these are here to say this with Kal 8e nv etTre/ixevat it is your part to
say. There is a similar use of the Infinitive in Sanscrit, with
ellipse of the verb to be (Delbriick, A. S. p. 15 : Whitney, 982,
c,d).
It should be noticed, however, that other languages have developed a use of
the Infinitive in commands, to which this explanation does not apply : as
Germ, schritt fahren ! In these cases we may recognise a general tendency
towards the impersonal form. It is very probable that the ordinary 2 Sing.
Imper. \eye represents an original use of the Tense-stem without any Person-
ending (Paul, Principien, p. 108).
242.] Origin and history of the Infinitive. That the Greek
Infinitive was originally the Dative of an abstract Noun is
proved by comparison with Sanscrit. ' In the Veda and Brah-
mana a number of verbal nouns, nomina actionis, in various of
their cases, are used in constructions which assimilate them to
the infinitive of other languages although, were it not for these
other later and more developed and pronounced infinitives, the
constructions in question might pass as ordinary case-construc-
tions of a somewhat peculiar kind' (Whitney, 969). In the
Veda these Infinitives, or Case-forms on the way to become
Infinitives (werdende Infinitive, Delbr.), are mostly Datives, ex-
pressing end or purpose, and several of them are identical in
formation with Greek Infinitives ; as ddvane Soucai (boFevai),
vidmane fiSp-evai, -d/iyai -aflat,* -ase -aat. In Greek, however, the
Dative Ending -at is not otherwise preserved, and the ' true
Dative ' construction is not applied to things ( 143) : conse-
* So Delbriick and others ; but see Max Miiller's CJiips, Vol. IV. p. 58.
208 INFINITIVE. [242.
quently these forms stand quite apart from the Case-system,
and have ceased to be felt as real Case-forms. Thus the Greek
Infinitive is a survival, both in form and in construction, from a
period when the Dative of purpose or consequence was one of
the ordinary idioms of the language. In Latin, again, this
Dative is common enough, and often answers in meaning to the
Greek Infinitive ; compare (e.ff.) u>j>t] to-rlv tiibtiv with munifioni
tempus relinquere (Roby, 1156), afj.vveiv cirri KOL aAAoi with
auxilio esse, &c. The retention of the construction in Latin is
connected, on the one hand with the fact that the Latin Dative
is a 'true Dative/ on the other hand with the comparatively
small use that is made in Latin of the Infinitive of purpose.
Similarly in classical Sanscrit the Dative of purpose &c. is ex-
tremely common, but the Dative Infinitives have gone entirely
out of use (Whitney, 287 and 986) a result of the ' struggle
for existence' which precisely reverses the state of things in
Greek.
The growth of the Dative of purpose into a distinct subordinate
Clause was favoured by the habit of placing it at the end of the
sentence, after the Verb, so that it had the appearance of an
addition or afterthought. This was the rule in Vedic Sanscrit
(see Delbriick, A. S. p. 25). It may be traced in Greek, not
merely in collocations like epi8i vver)K fta^eo-flai, &c v but eyen
in such forms as
II. 5. 639 aAA' oldv TLVO. <pacn /3ir]v 'Hp
fjip.fvai (what they call him as to being),
where the Inf. appears to be added epexegetically after a slight
pause: cp. II. 2. 249., 17. 27., 21. 463, 570, Od. i. 233, 377.,
6- 43 > I7-4I6.
The development of the Infinitival Clause which we find in
Greek and Latin may be traced chiefly under two heads ; (i) the
construction of the ' Accusative with the Infinitive/ by which
the predication of the Infinitive was provided with an expressed
Subject ( 237) : and (2) the system of Tenses of the Infinitive,
which was gradually completed by the creation of new forms,
esp. the Future Infinitive, peculiar to Greek, and by the use of
the Present Infinitive as equivalent in meaning to the Present
and Imperfect Indicative. In the post- Homeric language the
Infinitive came to be used" as an equivalent, not only for the
Indicative, but also for other Moods.
The use of the Infinitive as an indeclinable Noun is subsequent
to Homer ; it became possible with the later use of the Article.
Some of the conditions, however, out of which it grew may be
traced in Homeric language. The first of these was the complete
separation of the Infinitive from the Case-system ; so that it
243-] PARTICIPLE. 209
ceased to be felt as a Case-form, and could be used in parallel
construction to the Nom. or Ace. : as
II. 2. 453
7. 203 bos VIKTJV AlavTL /ecu dyAaoy eS^o? dpecrflai.
Again, an Infinitive following a Neuter Pronoun, and expressing-
thelogical Subject or Object, easily came to be regarded as in
' Apposition ' to the Pronoun : as
Od. I. 370 cTret TO ye /caA6z> aK.ovtiJ.tv tvrlv aoibov.
II. 358 /ecu /ce TO j3ov\oip,rjv, K.ai Ktv TroAv Ktpbiov eirj,
TrAetOTepry avv X et P' (j>farjv es TrarpiS' iKecrdai.
The only instance which really comes near the later ( Articular
Infinitive' is Od. 20. 52 o.vit] /ecu TO fyvXacrcreiv ( 259). The use
of the Infinitive with an Article in the Gen. or Dat. is wholly
post-Homeric.
The Participle.
243.] Uses of the Participle. Following out the view of the
Participle as a Verbal Adjective, we may distinguish the follow-
ing uses :
i. The Participle is often used as an ordinary Adjective quali-
fying a Noun ; as 0eol aiev eoVres, fiporol alrov eSovres, itiQoi TTOTI
Tolxov dprjpoVes, craKos Ttrvyp-fvov, and the like. In one or two
cases it is Substantival : as TO yap ye'pas eorl davovraov, i^D^ai
A few Participles have lost their Verbal character altogether :
esp. otiAo/xeuos miserable, o^/aevos happy, t/c/xevo? secundus, ao-/xeyoy
glad, fKa>v willing, eOav (better 0<6v, since it is an Aor. in form,
31, i) according to wont, TrepiTrAo'jueyos (in the phrase TrepnrAo-
[jifv(ov fviavr&v the revolving years) -, also the Substantival fj-ebovres
rulers, TCVOVTCS muscles, d/xei/SoyTes rafters, atOov&a a portico, Spd/ccoz;
a serpent, yepcoy, novva. The word K/OCIWV ruler retains a trace of
the Verb in evpv KpeiW widely riding. Cp. also the compounds
TroAv-TAas, d-Ka/xas, d-8d//,as, Xvud-fias.
2. Much more frequently, the Participle qualifies or forms
part of the predication ( 162) : e.g. in such combinations as
OLaar^Trjv epi(ravT parted having quarrelled
fij(f)poi>t(t)v dyoprjo-aTo spoke with good thought
the Participle has the same construction as the Adjective in
TraAtVopo-os d^eWr/, or TTpotypav TerArjKas ( 162, 2). Thus it
serves to express a predication which the speaker wishes to sub-
ordinate in some way to that of the governing Verb.
The Participle may express different relations : attendant cir-
P
210 PARTICIPLE. [243.
cvmstance or manner (as in the examples quoted) ; cause, as II. 1 1 .
313 rt TraOovTf XfXaa-jjLtOa dovpibos a\Krjs ', opposition, as often
with KCU and irep, &c. (Goodwin, 832-846).
3. Finally, a Participle construed in ' Apposition ' to a Noun
in an oblique Case may imply a predication ( 168); as KCLTTVOV
a.TToQpu<TK.ovTa vorjcrai. to descry the smoke rising (i. e. when it rises,
or that it rises, &c.). Note that
(a} A Participle of this kind often has the character of a distinct
Clause, coming at the end of a sentence, and after a metrical
pause : as
II. 4. 420 bfivbv 8' /3pa\f xaAKo? ^l GTT)0O'(nv avanros
opwpivov (as he roused himselj ").
Od. 23. 205 ws </>aro, rfjs b' O.VTOV AUTO yovvara /cat (piXov yrop
armar drayyovcrr/s (when she recognised the token].
(6] Not unfrequently the word with which the Participle should
be construed is understood : especially when it is a Partitive or
quasi-Partitive Gen. ( 147, 151) :
II. 2. 153 avTT) 8' ovpavbv t/cep oiKa.be Ifft^viov a, cry rose to
heaven (of men) eager to return home : so II. 1 2.
339- J 3- 291, 498., 15- 68 9-
5. 162 TTo/anos ?je /3o6? v\.o-)(ov Kara fiovKOnevdtov a heifer or
cow (of those) that are feeding in a thicket.
5. 665 TO i^v ov TIS f7f(f)pd(raT' ovb' evolve pripov ee/wcreu
bopv (JiftXivov, otyp' e7ri/3ai//, crircvbovTcav no one
. . . (of them} in their^ haste : cp. 15. 450 TO ot
ov TLS epvKdKev lcp.i'(av Trcp.
1 8. 246 6p9>v 8' earaortor dyoprj ye'z>er' an assembly was held
upstanding (of them standing up).
Od. 17. 489 TrjAe/xaxos 8' tv ptez/ Kpabfy jueya -ntvQos aee
^Arj/ieVou (for his having been wounded}.
So with the Dative; II. 12. 374 e7myo/ze'j>oi<ri 8' IKOVTO came as a
relief (to them} when they were hard pressed ; Od. 5. 152 *care/3ero
8e yXuKus alvv voorov 6bvpofJLV(f.
(c) The Subject thus understood may be indefinite :
II. 2. 291 TTOVOS ftrrlv avir)9VTa veeaOai (see 233).
6. 267 ovbe Try <!<TTI KeAaii>e$e'i Kpoviowi
aij^ari KOI Xv0pu> T!fita\ayy.ivov fv^eTaaarOai
for one who is bespattered . . to pray.
13. 787 Tta-P bvvap.iv 8' OVK <[rTTt Kal ((Tavfjifvov 7roAe/xt'eiz>.
So II. 2. 234., 14. 63, Od. 2. 311 : cp. the phrase oaov re yeycoi-e
fiorio-as as fur as a man makes himself heard by shouting.
(d) The Participle is sometimes found in a different Case from
244-] TENSES. 211
a preceding Pronoun with which it might have been construed.
Thus we have
II. 14- 25 Ad/ce 8e oxi Ttepl xpol \CL\KOS dreiprjs
(construed with xpi instead of a<f>i).
1 6. 53 * orri 01 &JK'
(with T]KOU<T instead of ol).
Od. 9. 256 us f(f)a6\ rjiuv 8' avre /care/cAdo-flr; <j)i\ov r]rop
beio-avTuv (so II. 3. 301, Od. 6. 157., 9. 458).
II. 2O. 413 TQV /3dAe . . . v&ra Trapatcro-ovTos wounded him . . .
in the lack as he darted past.
Od. 4. 646 TI (Tf /Si?; acKOvros cnrrjvpa.
II. IO. 187 a>s T&V v?/8u/jtos VITVOS cnrb fi\e(f)dpouv 6\(a\fi.
VVKTO, (f)vXa(rcro^VOLcrt. KCKTJV : SO II. 14. 1413.
Od. 17. |])55 jueraAA.?70-ai rt e ^v/xos
We need not consider these as instances of ' Anacoluthon ' or
change of the construction. The Participle, as we saw, does not
need a preceding Pronoun : it may therefore have a construction
independent of such a Pronoun. And it is characteristic of
Homer not to employ concord as a means of connecting distant
words when other constructions are admissible.
244.] Tenses of the Participle. The distinction between the
Present and Aorist Participle has already been touched upon in
76-77> an <l the meaning of the Perfect Participle in 28.
It may be remarked here, as a point of difference between the two kinds of
Verbal Noun, that the Aorist Participle almost always represents an action
as past at the time given by the Verb (e. g. Sis diruv OT' ap' e'fero having thus
spoken he sat down), whereas the Aor. Inf. generally conveys no notion of time.
This however is not from the Participle itself conveying any notion of past
time. Indeed it is worth notice that the Participles which are without
Tense-meaning are chiefly Aorists in form ( 243, i).
The Future Participle is used predicatively with Verbs of
motion : ?}A0e \vo-6[j.evos came to ransom, naXiovcr ie went to call,
riy fTTLKovprja-ovra, firebpa.^ reject crvX^a-u>v, &c. The exceptions
to this rule are
(1) eo-o-o/ieros future, in II. I. 70 rd r e<ro-o/xez;a TT/OO T eoVra
things future and pant ; 2. 119 K<XI eo-o-o/xxncri
(2) e-Tn/rJrjcro/xei'os, in II. 5. 46 (16. 343) vv nnrcoy
23. 379 aiei yap 8t</>pou e7n/3?](roju.ei>otcrii> cucrr/z>. But see 41 .
(3) II. 1 8. 309 KCU re KTCLveovra /care'/cra, see 63.
(4) Od. ii. 608 cue! ySaAe'orn eoixws like one about to cast.
P 2
212 PARTICIPLE. [245.
245.] Implied Predication. Where the Participle is pre-
dicative, we often find the Noun or Pronoun taking- the place in
the construction of the whole Participial Clause : as II. 17. i ov8'
H\a6' 'Arpf'oj viov IlarpoKAos Tpcoecrcn 8a/j,ets that Patroclus had
fallen : Od. 5- 6 p.e'Ae yap 01 eeoz; fv Sweden irvpQrjs it troubled her
that he was fyc. : II. 6. 191 yi'yraxr/ce Oeov yovov rjvv eovra knew
him for the offspring of a god: Od. 10. 419 croi /xey voa-rrjcravTi
e%dpri[j.ev we were gladdened by thy return: II. 13. 417 a^os yeVer'
eua/xez>(Ho there icas vexation at his boasting : II. 5- 682., 14. 504.,
*7- 3 8 ; 564-, 1 8. 337, &c.
We have here the idiom already observed in the use of the
Infinitive ( 237) by which the weight of the meaning- is shifted
from the grammatical Subject, Object, &c. to a limiting or
qualifying word. Note especially that
1. The Aor. Participle may be used in this way to express a
fact which coincides in time with the Verb of the sentence : as
II. 6. 284 ei Kflvov ye i8oi/xt KareA0oW v Ai'8os et<ra>. So especially
when the time of the fact is the important point, as es Tje'Aioj;
KaraovvTa till sun-set: II. 13. 38 /xe^otey poorJjo'ajTa O.VO.K.TO.
should await the master s return : 13. 545 0oWa /xtrao-rpe^^eVra
ooneucras.
2. With Verbs of saying, hearing, knowing, &c., also of rejoicing
and grieving, the Ace. with a Participle is used like the Ace* with
the Inf. (both being evidently applications of the Accusativus de
quo, 140, 3, b] : e.g.
II. 7. 129 TOVS vvv ei TiTiixrcrovTas ixf) "Exropi iravTas anova-ai
if he were to hear of their shrinking.
Od. 4. 732 et yap eya> T^vdo^v ravrriv obbv bp^aivovra.
23. 2 be<nroLvri epe'oucra <$>L\ov TTOCTLV evbbv kovra.
II. I. 124 ouSe ri 77ou iOfj.ev wrj'ia Kei/ieya iroXXci.
Od. 7- 211 ovs Tivas v/xets lore /laAtor' d^e'o^ray oi^vv-
II. 8. 378 17 yon . . yrj^^o-et Trpo^ayeiVa w^ rejoice at our ap-
pearing.
13. 353 ?/x^ eTO y^P P a Tpcocrty bapva^vovs he was vexed at
their being subdued by the Trojans.
A further extension, analogous to the Ace. with the Inf. after
Impersonal Verbs, may perhaps be seen in Od. 6. 193 3>v eirtoix
iKeY?7i> raAaTm'pioz/ avTLacravTa. which it is jit that a suppliant should
meet with.
246.] Genitive Absolute. This is a form of implied predi-
cation, in which the Noun or Pronoun has no regular construc-
tion with the governing Verb. The Participial Clause expresses
246.] GENITIVE ABSOLUTE. 213
the time or circumstances in which the action of the Verb takes
place :
II. i. 88 ov Tts e/xeu S>vros KT\. no one, while lam living shall fyc.
2. 55 1 TreptreAAo/ieWy eviavT&v as years go round.
5. 203 avbpStv eiAo/xe'woj> where men are crowded ; so avbp&v
AiK/.Kurrcoy, avftp&v Tpe&crdvTtov, 7roAA<3z> eA/coWcoy, &c.
Od. I. 390 /cat Key TOUT' efle'Aoijui Atos ye 8t5oyros apt(rOai that too
I would be witting to obtain if Zeus gave it.
The Subject is understood in Od. 4. 19 p-o\irfjs f^dp-^ovros when
the singer began the music.
The Aorist Participle is less common in Homer than the Pre-
sent, especially in the Odyssey : the instances are, II. 8. 164,
468., 9. 426., 10. 246, 356., ii. 509., 13. 409., 14. 522., 16. 306.,
19. 62, 75., 21. 290, 437., 22. 47, 288, 383, Od. 14. 475., 24.
88, 535 (Classen, Beob. p. 180 ff.).
The ' Genitive Absolute ' must have begun as an extension of
one of the ordinary uses of the Gen. ; most probably of the Gen.
of Time ( 150). For, iJeAiou aviovros within the time of the suns
rising is a Gen. like 7701;? in the morning, VVKTOS by night, &c., and
answers, as a phrase denoting time, to aju,' TjeAiw narabvim at sun-
set, e? Tje'Atoz; KaraovvTa up to sun-set, &c. So we may compare
TOV& aiirov Xvifd/Bavros eAevo-erat he will come within this year with
77 <re0ei; evddb' SOVTOS eAevcrerat he will come within your being here ;
and again TreptreAAojueycoy tviavT&v in the years as they go round,
with rS>v TrpoTtpow erecoy in the former years. The transition may
be seen in lapos vov lirraft/tvow in the spring when it is beginning.
Compare also the phrases eTreiyo/xeMtiy avfp.<av, Bopeao
&c. with yrjye/jttrjs in calm weather, &c.
The circumstance that the Ablative is the ' Absolute ' Case in Latin is far
from proving that the Greek Gen. in this use is Ablatival. In Sanscrit the
Case used in this way is the Locative, occasionally the Genitive : and the
Latin Abl. Absolute may represent a Locative of time at which, or an Instru-
mental of circumstance ( 144). The hypothesis that such Participial Clauses in
Greek expressed space of time within which (rather than point of time, or cir-
cumstance) is borne out by the interesting fact, noticed above, that in Homer
this construction is chiefly found with the Participle which implies con-
tinuance, viz. the Present : whereas in Latin the Abl. Abs. is commonest
with the Perfect Participle.
An approach to a ' Dative Absolute ' may be seen in such uses as
II. 8. 487 Tpcaalv ptv fi' atKOvfftv (Sv <paos,
12. 374 fireijofj.(voKri 8' IKOVTO.
Od. 21. 115 ov Kf pot dxfvfifvy rdSe Sahara iroTVta iffiTrjp XeiVoi ( = it
would be no distress to me if &c.}
which are extensions or free applications, by the help of the Participle, of the
true Dat. (DaMvus ethicus).
214 VERBAL ADJECTIVES. [246*.
246.*] The Verbal Adjectives. The formations to which this
term is applied resemble the Participles in some of their
characteristics.
Several groups of Nouns are used as Participles or ' Gerun-
dives ' in the cognate languages, such as the Latin forms in
-tu-s, the Sanscr. in -ta-s, -na-s, -ya-s, -tavya-s, &c. Of the cor-
responding Greek forms the Verbal in -TO-S is the most important,
and approaches most nearly to the character of a Participle.* It
is used mainly in two senses :
(1) To express the state corresponding to or brought about by
the action of a Verb : TVK-TOS made, KpvirTos secret, nXv-ros heard
about, famed, ora-ros standing (in a stall), r/\rj-ros enduring (II. 24.
49), dyaTTTj-To's object of love, tpite-Tov creeping thing, fyv-rov growth,
plant, TTIVV-TOS wise. So with d- priv., a-KAauro? unweeping, a-
naa-ros fasting, a-Trvcrros not having news, also of whom there is no
news, a-TrtoTos faithless, &c. The force of the Verb in these
words is intransitive rather than passive, and they have no
reference to time as past or present. Compare the Latin aptus,
cautus, certtis, catus,falsus, scltus, &c. We may note that there
is a similar (but more complete) divergence of use between the
Sanscr. Participles in -na-s and the Greek Adjectives in -vo-s, as
arvy-vos.
(2) To express possibility, as KT-TJ-TO'S that can le acquired,
\rj'i(TTos that can be taken as plunder (II. 9. 406), prjKTos vulnerable
(II. 13. 323), d/z-/3a-ro? approachable. This meaning is chiefly
found in Compounds with d- priv, : as a-Av-ros that cannot be v"
loosed, appr]KTOs, a-<pVKTOs, a-Xavros, a~K.iyj]Tos, a-0-/3e(rro?, a-T\rjTos,
a-4>di-Tos, &c. : and in other negative expressions, as OVK 6vo-
fxaoros, oti/cer' oyocrra, ov/cer' aveKT&s, ov TL vfn.<rar]T6v. Hence, ^VlH
as Brugmann observes, it is probable that this use of the Verbal
in -TOS began in the use with the negative.
It is evident that in respect of meaning the Verbals in -TOJ are closely
akin to the Perfect Participle. Compare (e. g.) TVKTOS and rervy/jifvos, ffraros and
(ffrtjais, mvvTos and irtirvv^fvos. Hence the readiness with which in Latin
they have taken the place of the Pf. Part. Passive. The extension by which
they came to convey the notion of past time took place in the Perfect tense
itself, in Latin and Sanscrit.
The Verbals in -TCO-S (for -ref-io-s) are post- Homeric. The
earliest instance seems to be <a-reto'-s, in Hesiod, Th. 310
hevrepov avris IriKrey a^ri^avov, ov TI </>aret;, KepjSepov KT\.
See the fine observations of Brugmann, Grundr. ii. 79, p. 207.
248.] PRONOUNS. 215
CHAPTER XI.
USES OF THE PRONOUNS.
Introductory.
247.] The preceding chapter has dealt with the two gram-
matical forms under which a Noun, by acquiring a verbal or
predicative character, is developed into a kind of subordinate
Clause. We have now to consider the Subordinate Clause pro-
perly so called : that is to say, the Clause which contains a true
(finite) Verb, but stands to another Clause in the relation of a
dependent word. E.g. in the Sentence Aevo-<rere yap TO ye Travres
o /mot yepas epytrai aAA?? ye see that my prize goes elsewhere, the
Clause o [i.oi yepas epxerai aAAr/ stands in the relation of Object
to the Verb of the principal Clause.
As the grammatical structure of Subordinate Clauses is shown
in general by means of Pronouns, or Conjunctions formed from
Pronominal Stems, it will be proper to begin with an account
of the meaning and use of the different words of this class.
The Greek Grammarians divided the Pronouns (arrcoz'vjiu'ai)
into bfiKTiKai ' pointing/ and avatyopiKai 'referring' or ' repeating/
These words have given us, through the Roman grammarians,
the modern terms Demonstrative and Relative ; but the meaning,
as often happens in such cases, has undergone a considerable
change. A Deictic Pronoun it will be convenient to adopt
the Greek words is one that marks an object by its position in
respect to the speaker : /, thou, this (here), yonder, &c. ; an Ana-
phoric Pronoun is one that denotes an object already mentioned
or otherwise known, the term thus including many ' Demon-
stratives ' (that same man, the man, &c.), as well as the ' Relative.'
In all, therefore, we may distinguish three kinds of Pronouns :
1. DEICTIC, in the original sense.
2. ANAPHORIC, i. e. referring to a Noun, but Demonstrative (in
the modern sense).
3. RELATIVE, in the modern sense.
This however, it should be observed, is a classification of the uses of Pro-
nouns, not of the words or Stems themselves : for the same Pronoun may be
Deictic or Anaphoric, Demonstrative or Relative, according to the context. It
is probable, indeed, that all Pronouns are originally Deictic, and become
Anaphoric in the course of usage.
248.] Interrogative Pronouns. The Interrogates used in
Homer are ris ( 108), Trorepos, irooroy, TTOIOS, irfj, wfiy, TTOV, -nodi,
PRONOUNS. [249.
, Tro're, TroVe. The form TTOO-OS only occurs in the compound
rj^ap (II. 24. 657)'
The Pronoun ris is used both as a Substantive and as an
Adjective. The adjectival use is chiefly found in the Odyssey
(e.g. I. 225 TLS bats, ris be o/xtAos 08' eTrAero ; 13. 233 TLS yij, TLS
brjfjios, rives dWpes eyyeyaao-t ;) and in the 24th book of the Iliad
(11. 367, 387). The only clear instance in the rest of the Iliad
is 5. 633 ris rot di/ay/oj ; for in II. I. 362., 1 8. 73, 80 TI is
probably adverbial.
Notice also as peculiar to the Odyssey the combination of rts
with o8c, as Od. 6. 276 ris 8' o8e NarxriKaa e'-Trerai ; 2O. 351 r
KO.KOV ro'8e Trac^ere ; The corresponding 1 use with ourog is only
found in II. 10. 82 ris 8' OVTOS . . px*ai; cp. H. Merc. 261 rtVa
TOVTOV airr]i>fa pvOov eenras ;
The use of the Interrogative in Dependent Questions is rare :
II. 5- 85 Tvbeib^v 8' OVK hv yvofys Trorepoicrt
Od. 15. 423 etpwra 8^ tTreira rts etrj KOI irodev
17. 368 dAA^Aou? T flpovro TLS flrj Kal TtoOfv f\0oi.
IJ. 373 avrbv 8' ov (rd(j)a otba Tr60fv yevos ev^erat etvat.
With these it is usual to reckon the anomalous
II. 1 8. 192 aXAou 8' ov rev oZ8a reu av /cXura rev^ea 8vco.
But in this case we have the further difficulty that the form of
the Principal clause leads us to expect a Relative, not an Interro-
gative the Indefinite aAXou reu standing as Antecedent : cp. Od.
2. 42 ( 282). Hence there is probably some corruption in the
text.
The use of the Interrogative in a Dependent Question doubt-
less grew out of the habit of announcing that a question is going
to be asked. A formula, such as dAA' aye /not ro'8e etTre Kat drpe-
xecos KaraAe^oy, or Kat JUCH rour' ayoptvcrov TrjTVfj.ov o0p' tv et8<3,
though grammatically a distinct sentence, may be regarded as on
the way to become a governing clause. It is a step to this when
there is no Pronoun as object not ' tell me this/ but simply ' tell
me' : as Od. 4. 642 i^epres /not J-VI<TTT, TTOT (fx fro Ka ^ T ' iv ^ avraJ
Kovpoi fTTOvr' KrA. ; 1J. 144 etTre, ai>a, TTWS KrA. ; 24. 474 etTre p.oi
flpofj^vrj, rt vv rot voos HvboOi. KevOei ; It is to be observed that
nearly all the passages of this kind are to be found in the
Odyssey and in the loth and 24th books of the Iliad. The only
instance in the rest of the Iliad is 6. 377 et 8' aye ^ot, 8/xwai,
--* TTTJ l/3rj *rA.
oSe, xeicos, OUTOS.
249.] The Pronoun 88e is almost purely Deictic. It marks an
object as near the speaker, this here, this on my side, &c.; as val
fxa ro'Se a-KijTrrpov by this sceptre (in my hand} ; "Exropos i^8e yvvij this
25 1.] 'OAE, KEINO2, O'YTO5. 217
is the wife of Hector ; Od. I. 76 ^jueTs 1 ot8e TrepKppa&fjifOa let us
here consider ( 162, 2): I. 226 OVK Zpavos rdSe y eori what I see
here is not a club-feast. It is especially applied to a person or
thing to which the speaker turns for the first time, as
II. 3. 192 enr' aye juot Kal roi>8e, <j>i\ov re/cos, os ri? 08' ecrri.
Hence the use to denote what is about to be mentioned the new
as opposed to the known. This is an approach to an Anaphoric
use, in so far as it expresses not local nearness, but the place of
an object in the speaker's thought. So in
II. 7- 35^ olcrOa Kal a\\ov fj.v9ov aptivova roSSe vorjvai
the speech is the present one, opposed to a better one which
should have been made.
The derivatives Too-oaSe, -roiocrSe, o8e, ec0<8e, are similarly
Deictic : as II. 6. 463 x 7 ? 7 "" TOLOV& avbpos from want of a man
such as I am now.
250.] The Pronoun KCIVOS is sometimes used in the Deictic
sense, pointing to an object as distant :
II. 3. 391 Kfivos o y fv 0aAd/x(j> yonder he is in the chamber.
5- 604 Kat vvv ol irapa Kflvos "Aprjs there is Ares at his side.
So of an absent object : as Od. 2. 351 K&VOV oiojue^rj TOV Kdfj.fj.opov
thinking of that (absent] one, the unhappy.
Hence in an Anaphoric use, nelvo<s distinguishes what is past or
done with, in contrast to a new object or state of things :
II. 2. 330 Kflvos rws dyo'peue he (on that former occasion), fyc.
3. 440 vvv }*.\v yap Meye'Aaos ez't/cTjcrey <rvv ^
Kflvov 8' avris eyw.
Od. I. 46 Kal \(r)v Kelvos ye eoiKor6 /ceirai d
Here KCII/OS marks the contrast with which the speaker turns to
a new case. The literal sense of local distance is transferred to
remoteness in time, or in the order of thought.
251.] The Pronoun OUTOS is not unfrequently Deictic in
Homer, expressing an object that is present to the speaker, but
not near him, or connected with him. Hence it is chiefly used
(like iste in Latin) of what belongs to or concerns the person
spoken to, or else in a hostile or contemptuous tone. Instances
of the former use are :
II. 7- no acppaCvfis, MeyeXae 8iorpe</>es, ov8e' rt (re x/"J
TO. 82 ris 8' OVTOS Kara vfjas ava orparoy <!p\ai olos ;
Od. 2. 40 ovx f Ka ? ovros avrip the man you want is not far off.
6. 218 or^6' ovTd) aTtoTtpoOtv (as you are}.
2l8 PRONOUNS. [252.
Again, ovro? is regularly used of one of the enemy ; as
II. 5- 2j7 TOVTO) b' 0V TTtlAlf O-SriS a~OL(TTOV COKCt? ITTTTOl.
22. 38 jjLi'i [J.OL fj.Lfj.vf, (pi\ov re/cos, avtpa TOVTOV.
Similarly, with a tone of contempt,
II. 5- 7^1 a(ppova TOVTOV avtvTes (cp. 831, 879).
Od. I. 159 TovTot(nv fjiev TavTa /xe'Aei (of the Suitors).
More commonly, however, OUTO? is Anaphoric, denoting an
object already mentioned or known. In later Greek it is often
employed where Homer (as we shall see) would use the Article.
CIUTOS.
252.] The Pronoun auros is purely Anaphoric : its proper use
seems to be to emphasise an object as the one that has been men-
tioned or implied, the very one, that and no other. It conveys
no local sense, and is used of the speaker, or the person addressed,
as well as of a third person. Specific uses are
(i) To distinguish a person from his surroundings, adjuncts,
company, &c. : as
II. 3. 195 Ttv^ea fj.fv ot Ketrcu CTTI \dovl 7rovAt>/3oreip?7,
avTos 8e /crA.
9. 301 avTos Kal TOV b&pa he and his gifts,
14. 47 Trplv Ttvpl vrjas evnrprjffai, KTtlvai 8e KCU O.VTOVS.
17. 152 os TOL Tro'AA' o(/>eAo5 yeVero TrroAet re KOI O.VT<J)
to thy city and thyself.
So of the body, as the actual person, in contradistinction to the
soul or life (^v^ri), H. I. 4, Od. u. 602, &c.
Hence, too, aur6s = ^ himself (without the usual adjuncts) :
II. 8. 99 Tvbetbris b' avTos jrtp ecoy 7rpo/xdx oto " ti; ^M'X^ 7 ?'
So Achilles in his complaint of Agamemnon, II. i. 356 eAo>i> yap
tX* i yepas O.VTOS airovpas, i. e. at his own will, without the usual
sanction: cp. 17. 254., 23. 591.
This meaning appears also in avTti>s = merely ', as
Od. 14. 151 oAA' eyo) OVK avT(i)s fJ.v9r](rofJLai dAAa crvv opK<a.
Cp. II. I. 520 f] be Kal aijTtos . . ya/ca as if is (without such pro-
vocation) she reproaches me.
The Gen. CLVTOV, &c. is used to strengthen the Possessives : as
Od. 2. 45 IfAOP O.VTOV xpetos : II. 6. 490 TO. tr O.VTT)S epya : II. IO.
204 w avTov dv}j,<p (suo ipsius animo): Od. 16. 197 w avTov ye row.
Hence in II. 9. 342 rrjv O.VTOV <f>i\fi where the use of the
Art. is not Homeric we should probably read f[v aurou.
253-] ATTO2 REFLEXIVE PRONOUN. 219
(2) To express without change, the same as before :
II. 12. 225 ov Kocrjuft) irapa vavffriv eAeucro'juefl' avra Ke'Aeufla.
Od. 8. 107 ?7PX ^ T< ? avTqv oobv i]V Trep ol aAAot /crA.
Hence the use with a Dat., noticed in 144 ; as Od. 8. 186 avr<3
<apei with his cloak as it was (without putting it off) ; and so
avroOi, avrov in the place, without moving ; and avrcos without doing
more, hence without effect, idly : as
II. 2. 34^ o,VT(i)s yap p e7ree<r(r' epi8au>ojuep.
(3) The unemphatic use, as it may be called, in which it is an
ordinary Anaphoric Pronoun of the Third Person (Eng. he, she,
it]. In this use the Pronoun cannot stand at the beginning- of
a Clause (the emphatic position), or in the Nominative an
unemphasised Subject being sufficiently expressed by the Person-
Ending of the Verb. The use is derived from that of the
emphatic auros in the same way that in old-fashioned English
' the same ' often denotes merely the person or thing just men-
tioned : and as in German derselbe and cler namliche are used
without any emphasis on the idea of sameness.
(4) The Reflexive use of core's is very rare : Od. 4. 247 aAAo> 5*
avrov (jbcori KaTaKpvKTav ijla-Ke, and perhaps II. 20. 55 * v 0> a ^ TO * s
epi8a priyvvvTo /3apeiay (among them there, in heaven itself}. On
II. 9. 342 TT]v avrov (pi\fi see above (i). In II. 12. 204 Ko'vp-e yap
avrbv f-^ovra it is best to take avrov in agreement with
(of the eagle). In II. 19. 355 read avToOi ( 157).
The Reflexive Pronoun.
253.] The Pronoun eo (i.e. the Personal Pronoun declined
from the Stems ee- or 4- and a<j>e-) is sometimes Reflexive (i. e.
denotes the Subject of the Sentence or Clause), sometimes a
simple Anaphoric Pronoun. In the latter use it is always un-
emphatic.
(i) The Reflexive sense is chiefly found either (a) after a Pre-
position, as d/x0i iraTTT^vas looking round him, and so GOTO eo, em
ol, Trpori ol, juera cr^ifcrt, Kara o-cpe'as, &c. ; or (b} when it is rein-
forced by auros, as II. 2O. 171 ee 8' avrov CTrorpwei juaxecracr^ai
stirs himself up tojight. Other examples are few in number:
II. 2. 239 os Kai vvv 'A^iATja, eo ;u,ey' ap-fiuova $<Sra /crA.
5- 800 rj oAtyoy ol Tialoa eotKo'ra yeiVaro TvSeus.
So II. 4. 400., 5. 56., 24- 134, Od. ii. 433., 19. 446, 481. We
should add however such Infinitival Clauses as
II. 9. 305 eTrei ov nva (frr)criv bpoiov ol ep-evai KrA.
where the reference is to the Subject of the governing Verb : so
220 PRONOUNS. [254.
II. 17. 407, Od. 7. 217, &c. Compare also the similar use in
Subordinate Clauses, as
II. II. 439 yvG> 8' 'OSwevj o ot ov TI re'Aos KaraKaipiov TJAflev.
The strictly Reflexive use is commoner in the Iliad than in the
Odyssey. Excluding Infinitival and Subordinate Clauses, there
are 43 examples in the Iliad, against 1 8 in the Odyssey. Note
that the use is mainly preserved in fixed combinations (diro Io,
TTpOTl Ol, &C.).
(2) The Anaphoric (non-Reflexive) use is very much commoner.
In this use which is doubtless derived from the other by loss
of the original emphasis the Pronoun is enclitic : whereas in
the Reflexive use it is orthotone.
Accentuation. According to the ancient grammarians this Pronoun is
orthotone (i) when used in a reflexive sense, (2) when preceded by a Pre-
position, and (3) when followed by a Case-form of ovros in agreement with
it. The first and second rules, as we have seen, practically coincide : and the
third is not borne out by the usage of Homer. In such places as Od. 2. 33
tide ol avry Zfvs dyaOov Tt\fafit, II. 6. 91 nai ol iroAii <pi\-raTos a.i>Ty, Od. 8. 396
Evpva\os S( f avrov ('OSvaffea) aptaaaaOto, add II. 24. 292, Od. 4. 66, 667., 6. 277
the Pronoun is evidently unemphatic, and is accordingly allowed to be enclitic
by good ancient authorities. This is amply confirmed by the instances of |uv
aurov (II. 21. 245, 318, Od. 3. 19, 237, &c.), and the parallel use of ovros with
the enclitic jtoi, TOI, &c.
In one instance, viz.
Od. 4. 244 avrov fuv trtyyrjffiv atiKt\irjai San&ffffas
it would seem that (uv has a reflexive sense. The reading, however, is not
certain, some ancient authorities giving aurov p,v or avrov jxcv.
254.] The Possessive eos, os is nearly always Reflexive. Oc-
casionally it refers to a prominent word in the same Sentence
which is not grammatically the Subject : as
II. 6. 5 cu \&v en fabv yoov "EnTOpa & evl OIKW.
Od. 9. 369 OVTLV eye!) Trvparov e8o/iai /xera ots erapoi<ri.
Cp. II. 16. 800., 22. 404, Od. 4. 643., ii. 282., 23. 153. And^i/S^j
it is occasionally used in a Subordinate Clause to refer to the
Subject, or a prominent word, of the Principal Clause :
Od. 4. 618 iropev 8e I 4>ai8i/xos ^fpcos
/3ao-iAev?, 50' eo? 80/^,0$ a
fie voarfyragra (cp. 4. 74 1 )-
II. IO. 256 Tu6ei5rj \ikv 8<3/ce ^eyeTrroAefi
(fracryavov afj.(j)r]Kfs, TO 8' eoy irapa v$. Ae'XetTrro.
1 6. 753 e^ATjro -n-po? (TTrjOos, eTj re' \LIV aiAeo-e^ aXKrj.
It will be seen that where los does not refer to the grammatical
Subject it is generally emphatic : e.g. in the line last quoted, erj
\ his own prowess, not that of an enemy. This indicates the
255-] "EOS. 221
original force of the Pronoun, which was to confine the reference
emphatically to a person or thing just mentioned.
255.] Use of 46s, os as a general Beflexive Pronoun. It has
been a matter of dispute with Homeric scholars, both ancient and
modern, whether 16s (os) was confined to the Third Person
Singular (his own) or could be used as a Reflexive of any Number
and Person (own in general my own, thy own, their own, &c.).*
The question is principally one of textual criticism, and depends
in the last resort on the comparative weight to be assigned to the
authority of the two great Alexandrian grammarians, Zenodotus
and Aristarchus. It is connected with another question, of less
importance for Homer, viz. whether the forms eo, ot, I are con-
fined to the Singular, and those beginning with o-<|>- to the Plural.
(1) In regard to the latter of these questions there is no room
for doubt. The only instance in dispute is II. 2. 197, 198, where
Zenodotus read
dvfj.bs 8e jj-eyas eori Siorpecpeooy ^SacrtX^coy
Ti/xr) 8' e/c Atos eari, <pL\fl 8e e jurjriera Zev?,
and so the first line is quoted by Aristotle (Rhet. 2. 2). Arist-
archus read iorpe<e'os fiaa-iXijos. However, admitting Zenodotus
to be right, e need not be a Plural. The change from Plural to
Singular is not unusual in passages of a gnomic character, e.g.
Od. 4. 691 rj T ecru Suo/ deiow
aAAoy K' tyJSaipricri (SpoT&v, aAAou /ce
(2) Again, the ' general ' Reflexive use, if it exists in Homer,
is confined to the Adjective 46s, os. The only contrary instance
is II. 10. 398 (Dolon tells Ulysses that he has been sent by
Hector to find out)
i?e (f)v\d(T(rovTai vrjes doal ws TO Trapos irep,
rj 7)817 x ^P f(T(rLV ^0' r/p-erepr/crt 8ap,ei>res
<f)viv /3ouAewnre /xera cnpuny, ov8' efle'Aoire KT\.
So the MSS., but Ar. read /Bovhevovcn, e^e'Aouo-t, making Dolon
repeat the exact words of Hector (11. 309-311) ; and this reading,
which gives o-^tVi its usual sense, is clearly right. The Optative
is not defensible (esp. after the Indie. (puAdo-o-oyrcu), and was
probably introduced by some one who thought that Dolon, speak-
ing of the Greeks to Ulysses, must use the Second Person Plural.
But the Third Person is more correct ; for Ulysses is not one of
* The question was first scientifically discussed by Miklosich, in a paper
read to the Vienna Academy (I, 1848, p. 119 ff.). He was followed on the
same side by Brugmann (Ein Problem der homerischen Textkritik und der ver-
gkichenden Sprachwissenschaft, Leipzig, 1876).
222 PRONOUNS. [255.
the Greeks who can be supposed to be 'consulting among them-
selves/
The form f is found as a Plural in Horn. II. Ven. 267. In
later Epic poets the Substantival eto, &c. are used as Reflexives
of any Person or Number: see Theocritus 27. 44, Apollonius
Rhodius i. 893., 2. 635, 1278., 3. 99 (Brugmann, Probl. p. 80).
But the use is exclusively post-Homeric.
(3) The case is different with the Adjective. We find forms
of e6? (Ss) read by Zenodotus in a number of places in which our
MSS. and editions following the authority of Aristarchus have
substituted other words. Thus in
II. 3. 244 to? (paro, TOVS 8' 7)877 KaTe^fv'(pv(TL^oos ata,
fv AaKfbaifj.oi'1 av9i, (|>tAr/ tv irarpibi yair]'
for <tA?7 Zenodotus read e^ (their own]. So, again, in
II. I. 393 dAAa crv, et bvvaarai ye, Trepur^eo 71011869 7709,
and in similar passages (II. 15. 138., 19. 342., 24. 550), it is
known from the Scholia that Aristarchus read erjos, Zenodotus
eoio ( thine oivn). Again, in
II. II. 142 vvv [J.ev 877 TOTJ 7rarpo9 detxea TtVere \(a[3r]V
Zenodotus read ou 77017509 (your oivn father). It is probable that
he read ou in the similar places II. 19. 322, Od. 16. 149, &c. ^f
Besides the instances of undoubtedly ancient difference of read-
ing, there are several places where one or more MSS. offer forms
of eos in place of ep.6s and 0-69. Thus
II. 14. 221 o rt (Tjpetrt crfja-i fJiei'OLVqs (fjcn D).
19. 174 <rv 8e (f)p(rl vficnv lai'Ofjs (?i<nv in several MSS.).
Similar variations (with <pe<n) are found in Od. 5. 206., 6. 1 80.,
13. 362., 15. in., 24. 357. Again
Od. I. 402 Sco/jiacri (Toicnv avatrcrois (olviv ten MSS.).
Similarly in Od. 8. 242., 15. 89 (eotou for e/xoicrt) : also
Od. 7- 77 KCt ' a ^l v * s warpiSa yalav (f)v 69 in one MS.).
13. 6l (TV 8e repTreo T(58' ez/'i OLKU> (u> evl one MS.).
Another instance of variation is detected by Brugmann in
II. 9. 414 ct Se KCV otKa8' IKW/XI (f)ikt]v 9 7rarpt8a yaiav,
where the MSS. (except A) have IKCO/ZCU, pointing to kr\v (my
The existing text of the Odyssey contains three passages
which Brugmann claims as instances of a general Reflexive
sense, viz. Od. 4. 192 (as to which see Merry and RiddelFs note),
* Brugmann carries his theory into other passages where he supposes
Aristarchus to have corrected the text in order to get rid of the use of cos for
the First or Second Person : but the examples quoted above will suffice to give
an idea of the strength of his argument.
255-] "EOS. 223
Od. 13. 320 (where there is some reason to suspect an interpola-
tion), and
Od. 9. 28 ov TOL eyw ye
^s yauys bvvaiJ.at yXvuepatrepov aAAo IbecrOai.
But there is no reason to take TJS otherwise than in v. 34 &s ovbtv
yXviaov rjs Trarpibos ovSe TOKrjutv ylyvtrai nothing is sweeter than a
man's own country, fyc. The reference of the Pronoun is to a
typical or imaginary person, as in Od. i. 392 ai\j/a re ol 5<2 d$-
vtiov Tre'Aerai a man's house (when he is a king) quickly grows
rich.
We have seen that post-Homeric poets use the substantival
2o, &c. in the sense in question. The corresponding use of the
adjective eds, os is still more common, as Brugmann shows. It is
found in Hesiod for the Third Person Plur. (Op. 58, Theog. 71),
and in Callimachus, Apollonius Rhodius, and Quintus Smyrnaeus
(Pro6l. pp. 28, 78-83).
(4) In attempting to arrive at a conclusion on this matter we
must begin by understanding that the issue does not lie between
supposing on the one hand that Aristarchus was entirely right,
and on the other hand that he introduced a strange form like erjos
on his own authority, and merely to satisfy a theory. The latter
is improbable, not only from the respect for manuscript authority
which is expressly attributed to him, but also because the various
readings are not all capable of being explained on this supposi-
tion. Thus, (i) the word et]os is proved to exist by Od. 14. 505.,
15. 450, and in the latter place coto, though excluded by the
sense, is found as a variant. Also (2) efjos is found for eoto
meaning his own in II. 14. 9., 18. 71, 138. It cannot therefore
be regarded as certain that erjos was systematically introduced
merely to get rid of koio = my own, thy own. Again, (3) the use
of the Article in rov Trarpos, TTJS //rjrpo?, TOV Traibos, is not clearly
un-Homeric (see 258). And if in II. u. 763 oto? rijs aperrjs
airovria-eTai Bentley was right in reading ^s (cp. 17. 25), it follows
that the Article might creep in for ou, TJS, &c. apart from the in-
tention of carrying out a grammatical theory.
On the other side it must be conceded that the generalised
Reflexive use of ids, 05, if not of the substantival Io, &c. is of
high antiquity, so that sporadic instances of it may have occurred
in the genuine text of Homer. If so, the error of Aristarchus
will consist in a somewhat undue purism.
Brugmann holds that the general Reflexive sense is the primary
one, belonging to the Stem sva in the original Indo-European
language, and surviving in the Homeric use of 16s, os. But even
if the readings of Zenodotus which give this sense are right, it
does not follow that they represent the oldest use of the Pronoun.
224 PRONOUNS. [256.
Bmgmann has himself given excellent instances of the extension
to the First and Second Person of a Reflexive Pronoun originally
confined to the Third (Prodi, pp. 1 19 ff.). In the present case it
is significant that the generalised use of the substantival forms
to, &c. is clearly post-Homeric. If cos (09) is sometimes used in
Homer, as well as afterwards, of the First and Second Persons,
it is natural to see in this the result of an extension of usage.
The case is different with the use of the Stem sva for the Plural.
That use, as we see from the Latin se and situs, was the original
one. It is noteworthy that this undoubtedly primitive use is pre-
cisely the one of which there is least trace in Homer.
6 r\ TO.
256.] The Article 6 TJ TO may be defined as a purely Ana-
phoric Pronoun, conveying some degree of emphasis. It differs
from oSe OVTOS and eKeivos in the absence of Deictic meaning :
for while it usually marks some contrast between objects, it does
not distinguish them as near or far, present or absent, &c. On
the other hand it is distinguished from the non- Reflexive use of
avros and eo by greater emphasis.
Three chief uses of 6 TJ TO may be distinguished :
1. The use as an independent Pronoun; 6 rj To = he she it.
This may be called the SUBSTANTIVAL use : it embraces
the great majority of the instances in Homer.
2. The use as an ' Article ' in the later sense of the term, i. e.
with a Noun following. This may be called the ATTRI-
BUTIVE use.
3. The use as a Relative.
257.] The Substantival Article. This use of the Article is
very much the commonest in Homer, and it is also the use from
which the others may be easily derived.
The Substantival Article either (i) is simply ' resumptive/
recalling a person or thing already mentioned, as 6 yap for he,
TOV pa him I say, avTos KOL TOV b&pa the man and his gifts: or
(2) marks a contrast, as 6 8e but the other.
The following points of usage are to be noticed :
I . The most frequent we may almost say the regular place
of the Article is at the beginning of a Clause, followed
by fieV, Be, yap, Spa, or preceded by auTdp, dXXd, TJ TOI, or
an equivalent Particle. Hence the familiar combinations
6 p.fv, 6 Of. 6 yap, KCU yap 6, avrap 6, 77 TOI 6, TOV pa, dAAa
TOV, &c. of which it is needless to give instances.
The later Substantival use with \t.iv and 8 is a surviving frag-
257-] THE SUBSTANTIVAL ARTICLE. 225
ment of this group of uses. A few others are found in Attic
poets, as 6 -yap (Aesch. Sept. 17, Soph. El. 45, O. T. 1082).
The use to contrast indefinite persons or things (6 /^ez> 6 6"e =
one another, ol yikv ol Se = some others) is not very common in
Homer.
The use of the Article with an adversative Particle (8e', avrdp,
dAAd) generally marks a change of Subject : 6 8e but the other, &c.
But this is not always the case: e.g. II. 4. 491 TOV jj.e.v a/zap0',
6 8e AtvKov . . . /3e/3A7jKei him he missed, but smote Leucus (so II.
8. 119, 126, 302., II. 80, &c.) ; II. I. 496 e'ri? S' ov Ar?0er'
e^er/ie'coy TratSos eov, dAA' i] y d^eSiWro KrA. : cp. II. 5- 321.,
6. 1 68, Od. i. 4, &c. The Article in all such cases evidently
expresses a contrast : not however between two persons, but be-
tween two characters in which the same person is thought of.
This last use in which the Article is pleonastic, according to
Attic notions occurs in Herodotus, as 5. 120 TO. fj.ev irporepov
ol Rapes e/3oi>Aevoz>ro /xer^Kay, ot 5e CLVTIS 7roAep;eTi' e ap-^fjs aprtovro.
We may compare it with the pleonastic use of the Pronoun in
II. II. 131 iwypei 'Arpe'os we', cry 8' aia 8e'^at avowa,
where the effect of inserting au is to oppose the two acts denoted
by
2. The Article is frequent in Disjunctive sentences :
II. 12. 240 et T firl 8e^i" IUKTI irpos 770) T' Tje'Aioy re,
tl T eif dptorepa rot ye KrA. (or else to left].
Od. 2. 132 a>ei o y' r\ T&m\itv.
Here also it serves to contrast the alternative things said about
the same Subject.
3. The principle of contrast often leads to the placing of two
Articles together : II. 21. 602 r/os 6 TOV TTCOLOIO Stw/cero,
10. 224 KCU re irpo 6 TOV evor)<rev. So an Article and a
Personal Pronoun, ei> 8e <rv roun (II. 13. 829, &c.) ; cp.
II. 8. 532 etcrojuiat et *e p 6 Tvei'8rj? Kparepo? AiojUTjSr/?
Trap vr/wj' Trpos reixos aTrwcrerat, ^ Key eya> roV.
Note that when the second of the two is in the Nom., it
usually takes ye : hence TOV o ye, rr) p" ol ye, &c.
4. The Article often stands for the object to be defined by a
following Relative Clause, e.g.
II. 9. 615 KaXov TOI crvv e/xot TOV KT/Seiv os K* e/xe KIJ^TJ.
I. 272 rwy ot vvv fipOToi eto-i &c.
The use is to be classed as Anaphoric ; the intention of saying
something about the object is equivalent to a previous mention.
So in Latin the Anaphoric is is used to introduce qui.
Q
226 PRONOUNS. [258.
The Neuter Article is similarly used to introduce Clauses be-
ginning with ore, o>?, and the like :
II. 15. 207 evOXov Kal TO re'ru/crat or' ayyeAos aurt/xa elbfj.
Od. 9. 442 ro 8e znjTTtos OVK eVo'rjtrei; &s ol /crA.
II. 3. 308 Zei>? ju.ev irou ro ye oT8e . . . oTTTrorepw KrA.
So II. 14. 191., 20. 466., 23. 545. It may even introduce an
independent sentence, as
Od. 4. 655 dAAd ro Oavpafo' tbov ei>0a8e MeVropa blov.
5. The uses in which the Article is least emphatic (i. e. does
not begin the Clause, or express a contrast) appear to be
(a) after Prepositions : esp. in the Dat. Plur. after fierd, irapd,
irpori, ow, ev, ajxa : as II. I. 348 ^ 5' deVoucr' ajua rottn yvvr] K(,(V.
This is to be connected with the fact that the forms Io, ol, o-<f>i<ri,
&c. are not used with Prepositions in the simple Anaphoric sense
( 2 53)> an< ^ tn us the Art. is used instead of them.
() when the Neuter Article is used for a fact or set of facts ;
as II. 4. 353 otyecu r\v e6t\r]<T0a KOL at KCV roi ra /ie/^7]ATj. Here
again the want of a corresponding form of eo makes itself felt.
This use is chiefly found in the Nom. and Ace. ; but also in
rowe/ca therefore, e/c roiofrom that time, &c.
258.] The Attributive Article. The Attributive Article is
found in Homer in a limited range of cases, and has evidently
grown out of the use of the Substantival Article followed by a
Noun in ( Apposition ;' e.g. II. 4. 20 &s e<a0', at b' eTre'/iufay
^AOrjvairj re /cat "Hprj thus he spoke, but they murmured, Athene and
Here : II. I. 348 f) ' de'/coucr' a/xa rourt ywrj Ktey. So with pi^ II.
21. 249 Iva iJ.iv Travcrete TTOVOIO | blov 'A)(tA.A?7a, cp. Od. II. 57-
In such cases the Pronoun is still substantival, the Noun being
added by way of afterthought.
It is a step towards an Attributive use when the Article needs
the addition of the Noun to explain it ; e. g.
II. 4. 5i TOV p' 'Qbva-fvs erapoio )^o\.ca(rafj.vos /3aAe bovpl
Kopcrrjv' 57 ' erepoto 8ta Kporatyoio
Here rj 8^ would not be clear without aixju??. So in
II. I. 408 at KV TTCOS (OfXrjrnv eTrt Tpwecnriy apfjai,
TOVS 8e Kara Trpv^vas re Kat d/x^>' aAa eAtrat '
Od. 15. 54 ro " y^p Te ^ei^os /it/A^o-Kerat rj^ara iravTa
avbpbs ^eivoboKOV.
So too with Proper Names, when a new person is about to be
mentioned the Art. anticipates the Noun : e.g.
II. 2. 42 avTap 6 (3ovv te'pevo-ei> az;a avbp&v '
259-] THE ATTRIBUTIVE ARTICLE. 227
And where the Neut. TO is followed by an epexegetic Infinitive :
Od. I. 370 fTTfl TO ye KaXbv aKOvepev ecrriz; dot8oO.
II. 1 7- 406 eVei oi8e TO eA-n-ero Trap-nav,
fKirepa-fiv TiroA LtOpov avtv i-dev.
In all these cases the combination of Article and Noun is not
sufficiently close to constitute an Attributive use ; but they serve
to show how such a use is developed.
The Attributive uses in Homer may be classified as follows :
1. Uses with connecting Particles, where some contrast is made
in passing to the new sentence or clause.
2. Uses with certain Adjectives that imply contrast.
3. Uses to mark a person or thing as definite.
259.] Article of Contrast with, connecting Particles. The
uses that fall under this head, though not very numerous, are
characteristic of Homer. The following are the chief :
(a) The Article with an adversative 8e, aurdp, &c. is not un-
frequently used to bring out the contrast in which the Noun
stands to something already mentioned : e. g.
II. 2. 217 (f>o\Kos ITJU, \(j)X6s 8' erepoy iroba, ro> be ol w/u,co KT\.
but then his shoulders ; so r&> 8e ol oWe (II. 13. 616), &c.
II. 22. 4O5 &>S TOV fjiev KCKOVLTO KCLpf] (ITTav, f) Se' VV PJTTJP KT\.
lut on the other hand his mother fyc.
II. I. 382 rJK b' err' 'Apyetoicri KO.KOV /3eAos, 01 8e vv Xaol
dvfja-Kov TTa(ro~vTpoL, TO, 8' eW^ro K^Aa ^eoio.
4. 399 Tolas ITJZ; TuSevs AirwAios* dAAa TOV vibv <rA.
So we should explain the Article in II. i. 20 -jralba be /xoi \v-
o-aire <$>i\.r]v, ra 8' avowa 8e'xeo-^at release my daughter, and on the
other side accept ransom. The usage is common in the Iliad, but
perceptibly rarer in the Odyssey.
() The use of the Art. with jieV in contrast with something
that follows is rare : 11. II. 267 amap eiret TO fj.ev eA/cos ere'po-ero :
cp. 8. 73., 9. i v 13. 640., 19. 21., 20. 75, Od. 3. 270 (seemingly
the only instance in the Odyssey). There is a similar use with
the Art. following the Noun in Od. i. 116 /AZ^OTT^KOZ; TU>V p.h>
aKebacnv Kara 8w//,ara Oeirj, KrA.
(c) The corresponding use with copulative and illative Par-
ticles, KO.I, re, ?)8e', nal yap, is much less common : cp.
II. I. 339 TTpos re QeStv fj,a.Kapa)v irpos re Qvr\rG>v
' Kal irpbs TOV /3aa-tA?jos ainqveos.
1 5- 36 tora> vvv ro8e yata Kal ovpavbs evpvs
Kal TO Karet/So'/xevoy 2ruyos vbwp (cp. 18. 486).
228 PRONOUNS. [260.
Od. 22. 103 Swcrco 8e o~vj3u>TT] | /cat T<3 /3ouKo'Aw aAAa.
II. 14. 503 ovbe yap rj Flpojuaxoio bdp.ap KT\.
The Article singles out its Noun as the special object intended,
or turns to it with fresh emphasis. So with an Infinitive, Od.
20. 52 ai'Lr) KOL TO fyvXaavfiv, where we need not take TO <i>A.ao--
o-e> closely together. So Hes. fr. 192 17811 8e xat TO irvOea-Oai KT\.
also Op. 314 ro epyaeo-0ai
These uses should be carefully distinguished from the later Definite Article.
For instance, in II. i. 20 rcL airoiva, does not mean this or the ransom, in contra-
distinction to other ransoms. It means the other, the ransom, in contrast to the
person ransomed. Again, the 4th book of the Iliad begins ol Se Oeoi, which
we naturally take to mean simply but the gods. But, taking in the last line
>f the 3rd book, we have
oiy I^XIT' 'ATpftSrjs, (nl 5' rjvfov oAAoi 'A\aioi'
ol 5f 0(ol Trap Zijvl Ka6-qfj.fvoi rjyopowvTO.
Clearly the Article marks the turning from the one scene to the other, from
the battlefield to Olympus. Thus the Attic ol (0eo) distinguishes the gods
from other beings : the Homeric of (8e 6foi) marks, not this permanent dis-
tinction, but the contrast arising out of the particular context.
The difference appears also in the use with Proper Names. In Attic the
Article shows that a particular known person is spoken of ; in Homer it
marks the turning of attention to a person ushers in the name, as it were.
In short, the Homeric Article contrasts, the Attic Article defines.
260.] With Adjectives. The Article is used before adjectival
words that imply a contrast or distinction, especially between
definite or well-known alternatives : in particular
(a) aXXos and crepes, passim : also auros = same.
(b) Comparatives and Superlatives ; ol TrAeoves, ol apto-Tot, &c.
So in the adverbial expressions TO -rrpiv, TO irdpos, TO. -jrp&Ta, and
the like, in which the Neut. Article is used adverbially (TO Trdpos
= then formerly}. It is quite different when a Masc. or Fern.
Article is used with an Adverb, as ol HvepOe Oeoi (II. 14. 274),
avbpG>v T&V ToYe (II. 9. 559)> r " r> ^Sofli Kal TO. dvpr)(f>i.v (Od. 22.
220), a use which is extremely rare in Homer.
(c) Ordinal Numerals : as TT; SCKOTTJ : so TO TJ/UOT;. Also
Cardinal Numerals, when a division is made; as II. 5. 271 TOVS
IJ.V Tffrarapas O.VTOS e\(^v aTiTaAA.' e?rt <f)a.Tvr], TO> 6"e bv' Alveiq
b&Kfv four he kept, and the (other) two he gave to Aeneas : II. 1 1 .
1 74 -nacrcis' Ty 8e r ifj KT\. (the lion chases) all, but to one Sfc.
(fl) Possessives ; TOV tybv \6\ov, TO. era K^\a, &c.
(e) A few words expressing the standing contrasts of great
and small, many and few, good and evil, &c., esp. when the con-
trast is brought out by the context :
U. I. 106 fj.dvTL KCIK&V, ov 7i(a TtoTf fj.01 TO Kpr/yvov fiiras'
alei TOI TO. xa/c' ea-Tt <pi\a (ftpecrl /xapTeve aflat.
26l.] THE ATTRIBUTIVE ARTICLE. 229
3. 138 T<3 e Ke viKricravTi (f)iXr] KeKA^o-T; a/coms
(^<? conqueror being one of two definite persons).
So rj TrXrjdvs (II. 2. 278., 15. 305) the many (in contrast to a
single man, or to the few) : TO \di6v (II. 13. 745) ; roy Senior
ITTTTOJ; (II. 23. 336) ; Alas 6 /ieya? ^<? greater Ajax : dtovs . . TOV?
vTTOTaprapLovs (II. 14. 279) the gods of the lower world: avaKTts oi
yeot (Od. 14. 61) masters of the younger generation: l^Ova-t TO!?
oAtyoio-i (Od. 12. 252) the smaller kinds offish. So
II. I. 7O OS $8?J Ttt T' COVTO. TO. T (TCr6[J,Va TTp6 T eoWd.
The use to contrast indefinite individuals (one another] is rare
in Homer : II. 23. 325 TOV Trpov^ovra Soxevet waits on the one in
advance: II. 16. 53 oTnrore STJ TOV opolov avyp etfeArjcrii; d/zepo-ai :
II. 9. 320 Kardav 6/i3s o T' aepyo? avrjp o TC TroXXa eopyws : Od.
17. 21 8 &>s dei TOV opolov ayet 0eos a>s Tor opoiov.
(/) Patronymics and geographical epithets: e.^. II. 11. 613
Ma^doyt TravTd IOIKC TW 'Ao-KATj-TridS?? (cp. 13. 698., 14. 460., 23.
295, 303, 525) : II. 2. 595 afj.vpiv TOV 0p?/tKa : 11. 6. 2OI TreSt'or
TO AXriiov, cp. 2. 68 1., i o. ii : and so perhaps II. 21. 252 alfTov
. . TOV OrjprjTfjpos an, eagle, the hunting kind. This use is rare.
(g) In a very few places, a Genitive : II. 20. 1 8 f Tt^s rfjs
Upidfj.ov: Od. 24. 497 wet? ot AoAtoio : II. 9. 342., 10. 408., 23.
348, 376, Od. 3. 145-
261.] The defining Article. The few and somewhat isolated
uses which fall under this description may be grouped as follows :
i . The use before a Relative is combined with ' Apposition '
to a preceding Noun : as
11.5- 319 ^8' vibs Ka-navijos \rj9eTO crvvQecriatov
Tawv as eTreVeAAe KTA. (cp. 5. 33 1 deduiv raaiv at ).
This is the primitive order, the Article being ' resumptive ' the
injunctions, those namely which, fyc. So ^juan TW ore , and com-
monly in the Iliad. The later order that in which the Noun
follows the Article appears in a few places of the Iliad :
5. 265 Trjs yap TOI yez>erjs rjs T/xot ire/a KTA. (cp. v. 268),
also 6. 292., 8, 186., 19. 105. It is commoner in the Odyssey.
2. Occasionally the Article conveys a hostile or contemptuous
tone: II. 2. 275 Tov Aw/S^TT/pa : 13-53 Auo-o-coSTjs : 21. 4 21
?; Kwapvia : 22. 59 TOV ^VO-TTJVOV : Od. 2. 351 TOV Ka^opov : 12.
113 Tr)v oAorjy : 14. 235 Trjv ye crTuyepTjy 68oy : 18. 26 6 /ioAo/30o's :
18. 333 TOV dArjTTjz; : 19. 372 at KVVCS at8e. So in II. 3. 55 r\ Te
Ko/jirj TO Te etSos.
In Od. 1 8. 114 Tow-oy TOV ava\Tov does not mean (as it would
in Attic) ' this avaXTos,' but ' this man cbaATo? that he is,' Cp.
230 PRONOUNS. [261.
II. 13. 53 f] p' o -/ 6 Xvo-a-utbrjs KT\., where 6 \vcr<Tu>or]s the mad-
man is used as a single term, in Apposition to o ye. This use
which is characteristic of Homer may be regarded as a relic
of the Deictic force of 6 ?; TO. It answers to the later use of
euros, Latin iste.
3. The use of the Article to show that the Noun denotes a
known person or thing the defining Article of later Greek is
rare in Homer. It is found in the Iliad
(a) with yepuiv, yepaio's, ava, T/pco? : where however the
Pronoun is the important word, the Noun being subjoined as a
kind of title : TOIO avaKTos = ' of his lordship ' (cp. the German
allerhochst derselhe). Accordingly, when the name is added the
Art. is generally not used ; as ye'pcoy i-TrTjAdYa n^Aevs (not 6
ye'pcoy).
(U) with ZTTOS and pv6os, in certain phrases, as Trolov TOV pvOov
eeiTres ; In these cases the Noun is of vague meaning, adding
little to the Article : cp. ewei TOV pvOov aKovae with eirei TO y
a/couo-e. So in the formula o^ocrev Te TeAevTTjo-e'i* Te TOV opKov,
perhaps with a touch of ceremonial verbiage.
In the Odyssey it occurs with several other Nouns : 6 eu f o?
(passim); f) vrja-os Od. 5. 55., 9. 146., 12. 2OI, 276, 403, &c. ; Ta
fjiijXa Od. 9. 464., 1 1. 4, 20 : 6 /xo'xAos Od. 9. 375, 378 : TO rogov Od.
21. 113, 305. The other examples in the Iliad are chiefly found
in books x, xxiii, xxiv : see II. 10. 97, 277, 321, 322, 330, 408,
497-, 23. 75, 257, 465-, 24. 3 88 > 8o1 ; also 2 - 8 v 7- 412., 20. 147.
We may perhaps add a few uses with words of relationship :
II. II. 142 vvv p.V or) TOV TtaTpos dei/ce'a TurtTe Aw/3rjv.
But here the Art. is resumptive with emphasis : (if ye are sons
of Antimachus) ye shall now pay for his, your father's, outrage.
II. 19. 322 0^6' et KV TOV TTdTpOS O.TTO(f)OllJ.VOlO TTU&H/iTJV
not even if I heard of such a one as my father being dead : Od.
2. 134 e/c yap TOU iraTpbs KUKO. Treuro/xai for from my father (for one)
I shall suffer (cp. II. 15. 641 TOU ye'reT J e*c miTpos KT\.) : Od. 16.
149, II. 21. 412. See however 255.
It has been a question whether the Article is ever equivalent
to a Possessive Pronoun. If so it would be a kind of defining
Article defining a thing as belonging to a known person. In
most of the instances, however, the reference to a person is given
by a distinct Pronoun : II. 19. 331 o>s dv JJLOI rdy -nafba KT\. : Od.
II. 492 dAA' aye JJ.OL TOV Traioos KTA. : Od. 8. 195 xat K aAaos TOI
. . TO cnjfj.a: Od. 1 8. 380 0^8' dv /xoi T^Z; yao-Te'p' KTA.: Od. 19.
535 aAA' aye /xot TOJ; ovfipov KT\. : II. I. 167 o~oi TO ye'pas TTO\V
Hfl&v. Hence the Art. in these places has much the same
262.] THE ARTICLE AS A RELATIVE. 23!
function as with a Possessive (/xot TOV Traiba = Tov f^bv Tralba) ; it
reinforces the Pronoun which conveys the idea of possession.
This account does not apply to rrjs evvrjs (II. 9. 133, 275., 19.
176), and Try? dper^s (Od. 2. 206). But here the Art. is probably
substantival : rr/s ewr/ her couch, TTJS apery her perfection. In
23. 75 Kat /xoi 86s TJ]V x*tya the Art. is quite anomalous.
262.] The Article as a Relative. The Article at the begin-
ning of a clause may often be translated either as a Demonstra-
tive or as a Relative. It has the character of a Relative when
the clause which it introduces is distinctly subordinate or paren-
thetical : as
II. I. 36 'ATToAAow dWfcri, TOV rjVKO[j,os TZKC ATJTOJ
Apollo son of the fair-haired, Leto.
The use of 6 TJ TO as a Relative is less common in Homer than
that of os r\ 6, and is restricted in general to clauses which refer
to a definite antecedent. Thus in the line just quoted the clause
TOV rivKop-os re/ce ATJT&> does not define Apollo, i. e. does not show
who is meant by the name ; it assumes that a definite person is
meant, and adds something further about him.
From this principle it evidently follows that
(1) The Art. when used as a Relative must follow the Noun or
Pronoun to which it refers ; whereas a Relative Clause often
precedes. The only exceptions are
II. I. 1,25 dAAd ra fxey TroXiaiv ee7rpa0o/zey, ra 8e8a0rai.
Od. 4. 349 (=17. 140) dAAd ra \i.tv /xot eeiTre . . r<3z> KrA.
We may perhaps read aAAa & a /xey ( 332).
(2) The Art. cannot stand as correlative to a Demonstrative
(i.e. we must have TO o that which, not TO TO). Hence in
II. 7. 45^ ToC 8' eTrtATjowTai, TO eya> Kat 4>oi/3os 'ATro'AAcou KTA.
TOV TO are not meant as correlatives : the sense is and will forget
the other (a wall} which fyc. But some MSS. have o T ty&. So
Od. 13. 263 (T^S ATjiSos) Trjs etre/c' ey&> TiaOov aAyea ^u/x<3 my
share of the spoil (spoil) for which I had suffered fyc. Exceptions
are ; Od. 14. 227 avTap ejuot Ta 0iA' ecrKe Ta TTOV 9ebs ev (frpecrl 6rJKev r
19. 573 TOVS TreAeKeas TOVS KTA. (perhaps also Od. 9. 334).
(3) The Art. is not used in epexegetic clauses, as II. 2. 33 8 "
yrjTTtaxois, ots ov Tt /xe'Aei KTA., II. 5- 63 apxeKaKOW, at Train Kaifbv
KTA., II. 15^ 52*5 AafjiTTTibr]s } ov Ad//,7Tos eyetvaTO.
Instances at variance with the general principle are to be
found in II. 5. 747 ^pwcoy TOICTII; Te KOTto-o-eTat (olviv T in some
MSS.), II. 9. 592 Krfbf o<f avOptoTroicn Tre'Aei T<3v acrTu dAwTj, also
II. 17. 145., 1 8. 208, Od. i. 17., 6. 153., ii. 545., 1 6. 257., 23.
232 PRONOUNS. [263.
355) & c - It is probable however that the text is sometimes at
fault, the Art. having been substituted for 05, especially in order
to avoid hiatus : e.g.
II. 17. 145 otos ai>v \aolcn rol 'IAi<i> (Aaois ot fiAtw).
Od. 1 6. 263 ecr^Aco roi rovrco y fTrajJ-vvropf roi/s dyopevets,
(where ovs is not excluded by the hiatus, 382).
As the Art. usually adds some new circumstance about a
known antecedent, it sometimes has the effect of representing a
fact as unexpected: as II. i. 392 TT\V \ioi bocrav vies 'A\aiG>r
(Briseis] idiom the Greeks gave me ( = although the Greeks had
given her to me) : Od. 16. 19 povvov rrjAwyeroy, rw CTT' dAyea
TroAAa p-oyjjo-rj his only son, after he has endured many sorrows about
him (cp. 19. 266., 23. 6) : II. I. 160 Trpos Tpcowr, rG>v ov TI /xera-
rpeVet the Trojans while you pay no heed to them. So in
II. I. 319 A??y' tpioos TT)V Ttp&Tov eTnjTm'ATji' 'AxiA^i,
the meaning is not the same quarrel which he had declared, but
his quarrel now that he had declared it. And so
Od. 19. 393 OV\r]V, Tf]V 7TOre fJ.IV (TVS 7/Aa<T
a wound one that once a boar gave him. Similarly rfj = af a place
where (II. 14. 404., 21. 554., 23. 775).
The Ace. Keut. r<S used adverbially means wherefore ( 133),
as
II. 3. 176 dAAa TO. y' OVK eyevovro' TO xai KAatouo-a rerrj/ca.
So II. 7. 239., 12. 9., 17. 404., 19. 213., 23. 547. There is one
instance in the Odyssey, in the song of Demodocus (8. 332).
The Relatival use does not extend to the Adverbs rws, ro're,
(TTJOS), or to the derivative adjectives roTos, roVos, &c.
263.] The Article with re serves as a Relative. In accordance
with the use of re in Homer ( 332) o re expresses a constant or
general characteristic, but only of a definite Antecedent : as
II. 6. 112 "E/cropi Ilpta/itd^j TOV re oruye'oucri not dAAoi.
15. 621 Kvp,ard re rpo<oei>ra, rd re Trpoo-epevyercu amT\v.
Od. 1 8. 273 ovAo/ze'inj? e/ie^er, r^s re Zei>? oA/3ov aTrrjVpa.
It is especially used in similes (where a typical case is described),
as II. 13. 390 TTLTVS /3Ato0/)T7 T-ffv T ovpecri /crA. : II. 5- 7^3^ 1I -
554., 12. 146., 13. 571., 15. 581., 23. 712, &c.
264.] Homeric and Attic Article. After the account given
in the preceding of the Homeric uses of the Article it is
hardly necessary to show in detail where they differ from the
corresponding uses in Attic Greek. What we have chiefly to
observe is that the difference is often greater in reality than it
appears to be at first sight. Familiar as we are with the de-
264.] HOMERIC AND ATTIC ARTICLE. 233
fining 1 Article of modern languages, and of Attic Greek, we
naturally import it into Homer whenever it is not made impos-
sible by the context. But even when a Homeric use falls under
the general head of the 'defining Article' ( 261), the effect is
perceptibly different from that of the ' Definite Article ' properly
so called. In Homer the Article indicates, not that a person or
thing is a known or definite one, but that it is presented to us in
an antithesis or contrast. Objects so contrasted are usually
definite, in the sense that they are already known or suggested
by the context : and hence the readiness with which the later
defining sense can be applied to passages in Homer. Thus avrap
o y rjpa>$ can usually be translated but the hero (before mentioned},
as though 6 distinguished him from other heroes. But when we
find that au-r&p 6 in Homer constantly means but he, or but the
other, and that it may be followed by an epexegetic Noun (as
avrap 6 flow ttpevcrev dva avbp&v ' A-yaufj.vu>v ), we see that 6 is
more important than a mere Article, is in fact a Substantival
Pronoun, to which rjpws is added as a kind of epithet but he the
hero.
This point has been explained in connexion with the use of the
Attributive Article, 259, a. It may be further illustrated from
instances in which the Article marks contrast, but not definition,
and consequently cannot be translated by the. Such are :
II. 15. 66 iroAeas oAeVarr' al(r)oi>s
TOVS aAAous, juera 8' vlbv fj.bv SapTnjSoW blov
not the others, but others as well, certain others.
II. 5- 672 77 TTpoTepco Aios vlbv epiy8ov7roto SKOKOI,
?f o ye rS>v TT\e6va>v AVKLUIV OTTO Qvubv eAoiro
or should take the lives of more Lycians instead. Here 01 irXtoves
does not mean ' the greater number/ but ' a greater number/ in
contrast to the one person mentioned.
II. 22. 162 &>? 8' or' de0Ao(/>opoi Trepi rep/xara fj.u>vv)(s fonrot
pifj-fpa juaAa rpca^uxn' TO 8e jueya /ceirai ae0Aoy
and there a great prize lies ready. So Od. 20. 242 avrap 6 . .
6pm but a bird. The same thing is shown by /XVTJOTTJPCOZ; T&V
aw KT\. ( 259, 6). It is evident that TWC is used, not because
the suitors are definite persons, but because a contrast is made
by fieV.
The same remark applies to the use with Adjectives ( 260),
especially to the use by which they are turned into Substantives,
as TO Kpriyvov, TO, Ka/ca. In Homer Ta Kaica is said because in
the particular context /caica evils are opposed to good. In Attic
TO KaKa or TO KUKOV implies that evils form a class of things,
distinguished from all other things. This again is a difference,
234 PRONOUNS. [265.
which does not come out in translating Homer, and is therefore
apt to be overlooked.
The use with Cardinal Numerals ( 260, c) is to be similarly
explained. It is not peculiar to Homer, but is regular in Attic
also, where it may be regarded as a survival of the Homeric use
of the Article.
The use of the Art. in Hesiod shows some advance. Thus the use to form
a class is no longer confined to the case of a particular contrast given in the
context: Op. 280 TO. O'IKCU' dyoptvrrai, Op. 353 TUV <pi\tovra fyiXtiv not rw
irpoffiovTi iTpoativai. The use with Adverbs is commoner, Op. 365 TO OvprjQiv,
Op. 457 TWV T-puffOfv. The Prepositional phrase in Op. 364 TO kv ottcy Ka.Ta.Kti-
fj.fvoi' is quite post-Homeric. The same may be said of the ' articular' Inf. in
Op. 314 TO tpfd^fffOai a^ttvov ( 259, 3). It will be found that the Art.
occurs nearly twice as often in Hesiod as in Homer.
It is a further question, and one that cannot be fully discussed here,
whether any uses of the Article found in our text of the Iliad and Odyssey
are post-Homeric, and evidence of a later origin of the books or passages
where they occur. It will be seen that in the case of the uses which have
been noticed as rare or exceptional most of the examples come from books ix,
x, xxiii, and xxiv. See especially the uses treated of in 260 f,g, and 261, 3.
Others again seem to belong to the Odyssey; see 261, 3, and cp. 259, a.
The use of the Article in the loth book of the Iliad seems clearly later than
in any other part of Homer : e. g.
II. IO. 97 o(vp' es TOVS <pv\a,Kas Karaprjo/jifv.
2 77 X a ip ( * T V opvtff 'OSvaevs.
322 ?J fi\v TOIIS 'iirnovs re Kal ap/iara rA. (so 330).
408 irws 5" at row a\Xoiv Tpuw (pv\aKoi KT\.
Also TTtoiov TO IpaiiKov (v. n), 6 T\^uv 'OSvfftvs (v. 231, 498), TTjvvvKra (v. 497).
So in the Catalogue of the Ships we have Qapvpiv TOV Qp-fjiKa. (II. 2. 595), and
tKoy"Apyos (2. 681).
05 rj o.
265.] The Pronoun os rj o, and the Adverbs formed from the
same Stem, esp. ws r ore, coos, are occasionally used in a Demon-
strative or quasi-Demonstrative sense; viz.
(T) After K<XI, ou8?, p.T]8c : as II. 21. 198 dX\a /cat 6? 8a'8oiKe
even he fears : II. 6. 59 M 7 ?^' ^ fyvyoi may not even he escape: and
often in the combinations Kal u>s even so, ov5' u>s not even so. So
ovb' fvOa not even there (Od. I. 18).
(2) With p,eV and 8e, to express a contrast between indefinite
objects : as
II. II. 64 As "EKTCO/J ore fiev re fxera irpwroio-i (frdvfcrKCv,
aAAore 8' ef 7rv/xaroio-t KT\. (so 1 8. 599-j 2- 49)-
12. 141 oi 8' 77 rot ^os /xey /cr\. up to a certain time.
17. 178 ore 8' avrbs eirorpwei but sometimes Sfc.
(3) In the Adverb <3s so ; especially as the second member of
2,66.] THE RELATIVE. 235
the Correlation u>s ws as so. A single 5s is often used where
it may be either a Relative or a Demonstrative, as in the formula
o>s 0aro, a>s d-nvv, &c. : cp. the Latin quae quum dixisset, &c. The
other instances in which we have to translate o>s as a Demon-
strative are rare : e.g. II. 3. 339 &s 8' CLVTOIS and in like manner.
Among- Demonstrative uses of os it is usual to count the use
with yap, as os yap, o>s yap, iva yap. This however is an error,
arising from the occasional use of yap where it cannot be trans-
lated/or.- see 348, 3.
Some commentators find a Demonstrative os in
Od. 4. 388 rov y' (i ircas tru Svvaio \oxriffdiJ.fvos \e\al3fffOai,
os Ktv rot tirryaiv 65uv KT\.
Here however the clause os eV roi KT\. is not the Apodosis, but a Relative
Clause expressing purpose. The peculiarity of the passage is merely that the
Apodosis is left to be understood : if you can seise him, (do so) , that he may tell
you &c. : cp. Od. 5. 17., 10. 539.
These idioms are usually regarded as the remains of an earlier
use of os in the simple Anaphoric sense. The growth of a
Relative out of a Demonstrative has been already exemplified in
the Article ( 262). But the Relatival use of 05 is so ancient
that any attempt to trace its growth from an earlier syntax must
be of very uncertain value.
266.] 05 re, 5s TIS. The simple 05 may be used in any kind of
Relative Clause, although in certain cases ( 262) the Article is
preferred. Thus we ha ve-
il. 4. 1 96 ov TIS oLcrTfvaas e/3aA; (a particular fact).
i . 403 ov Bpidptctiv KoAeovcri (a constant, characteristic fact).
In these two places the Art. might be put in place of os : but
not in
II. 2. 205 ets /3ao-iAevs, &> iScoxe (a characteristic fact, defining),
i. 218 os Ke 0eoTs e-TrtTrei^rjrai (definition of a class).
So os is used to convey a reason (which implies a general cause
or tendency): as Od. I. 348 Zei/s amos os re 6"i'8coo-u> KrA.. ; cp.
II. 2. 275., 5. 650., 8. 34.
If the Relative is meant to refer to an indefinite number of
individuals falling under a common description, os TIS is gene-
rally used, = 20^0 being any one, whoever.
If , again, the Relative Clause generalises by making us think,
not so much of all possible individuals in a class, as of different
times and circumstances, in other words, if it lays stress on the
general and permanent element in facts os TC is used : e.g.
II. i. 279 CTK^TTTOV^OS (3a(Tt.\vs, <f Tf Zeus Kvbos iSw/ce to whom
as king, to whom in every such case.
236 PRONOUNS. [267.
II. 4. 361 TO. yap (pporeeis a r eyw T> ep (such things as fyc.}.
5. 545 'AA<peioG os r fvpv peei (cp. 5- 876).
9. 117 avyp ov re Zev? K?)pi <ptA?/<TT7.
Od. 7. 74 oto-tV r' eu <j>povtr](n they to whom she is icell inclined.
Thus 09 re is constantly used in comparisons: as II. 3. 61 (Tre'AeKvs)
os r' et<m> Sta Sovpos VTT' avtpos os pa re fkyjjr] vrfiov eKrd/AVTjcri.
SO WS T, 001 T, oOeV T, OTC TC I f0O, T, IW TC ; OCTOS T, OlOS T.
Od. 12. 22 8io-0aj;ees, ore r' aAAoi a.Tra OirfiffKOVff' av9p(t>Troi.
19. 179 Kraxro's, jueyaA.?) TroAis, ey^a re Mfrcas KrA.
Thus Homer has ^ve Relatives, viz. os, Ss re, 05 TIS, 6, 3 TC, each
with a distinct use : Attic retains only 05 and os TIS.*
267.] Correlative Clauses. I. We have first to distinguish
between the simple structure in which the Relative Clause only
qualifies a Noun or Pronoun in the Principal Clause, as
T&V ot vvv Pporoi eiVi of those who are now living.
fv TTfbi<f o0i irep KrA. in the plain where fyc.
and the parallel structure, in which the Relative is an Adverb of
the same form as the Antecedent ; as
rws 8e or' a7rex#7?poo ws vvv eKTrayA' e^iArjcra.
ro(ppa 5' em Tpweo-o-i rt^ei KpaTos, ofyp av 'A^aioi xrA.
r^ i/xev 77 Kef 8?) <rv, KeAa;e<pe's, ^yeju.ovevTjs.
Here the notion given by the adverbial ending manner, time,
way, &c. is the point of comparison, and must be understood to
qualify both clauses.
In both these kinds of compound sentence the Demonstrative
Antecedent may often be omitted, but this is especially the case
with the second, in which a Relatival Adverb implies a corre-
sponding Demonstrative. Thus &>s e^iArjo-a implies rws &>s e(pi-
Ar/o-a : o(pp' av is equivalent to ro'o^pa ocpp' av, &c.
In this way, then, it came about that &>s (lit. in which manner]
means in the manner in which: and so o$pa to the time up to
which, ft 6y the way by which, odi at the place where, ore at the
time when, and so on.f The whole Relative Clause in fact serves
as an Adverb (of manner, time, way, &c. as the ending may
determine), construed with the Verb of the Principal Clause.
Such clauses accordingly are called adverbial: while clauses
which merely qualify a Noun or Pronoun are adjectival.
* It is worth notice that os TVS in Attic has some of the uses of os T : see
Jowett, Thucyd. ii. p. 372, Stein, Hdt. 4. 8.
t In the corresponding sentences in English it is often the Relative that is
wanting : thus TTJ lutv 77 tctv ^e/aoveuijj to go by t)ie way [by which] you lead. This
forms a characteristic difference between Greek and English Syntax.
267.] RELATIVE CLAUSES. 237
2. The omission of the antecedent from the governing clause
leads to various idiomatic uses :
(a] The Relative Clause comes to be equivalent to a Noun
or Pronoun in any Case which the governing clause may
require : thus
II. 5- 481 TO. T ee'A8erai os K' e7ri8eu?7s which (he) desires who
is in need.
I. 230 8<2/>' aTToaipeicrflai os rts crtOev avriov fiTrrj to take
away gifts (from him, from any one] who fyc.
7. 401 yvutrov 8e KCU os jizdAa VTJTTIO'S CCTTIV.
Od. 15. 281 avrap KeWi (/uA^a-eat otd K ex&>ju.ei> you will be
entertained (with such things) as we have.
II. 14. 8 1 jBeXrepov os (frevycav Trpoffrvyrj KUKOV it is better (for
one) who ly flying escapes evil, i.e. it is better
when a man fyc. : cp. Od. 15. 72, II. 3. 109.
(b] The omission is especially characteristic of clauses with
ore when (for TO ore the time when) : II. 15. 18 77 ov ^^vrj ore
do you not remember (the time] when : II. 8. 229 TTJ/ e/3ay fi>\(a\ai }
ore 817 /crA. where are gone the boastings (of the time] when fyc. : II.
19. 337 XvyprjV ayy\[rjv or' airQ^Bi^voio TrvdrjTai : and with
Numerals, II. 2T. 80 i^cbs 8e juot eo-rtv 178^ 8uft>8cKaTJj ore KrA. this
is the twelfth morn (from the time] when fyc. So in II. 2. 303
X#ta re /cat TT/HOI^' ore means a day or two (from the time] that.
Hence too the forms ets ore to the time that, irpiv y ore before the
time when.
Similarly with 80i where, as IKQ.VQV odi they came (to the place]
ii- here.
(c] With a Verb of saying or knowing the Relative Clause
has apparently the force of a dependent question :
II. 2. 365 yv&crr) t-neiO' os 6' f]yefji.6v(ai> Kanos, os re vv Aawi',
.778' os K' efr^Aos erjcrt
you will recognise (yiyv&a-Kto, not ot8a) of the leaders him who is
a weakling, and who of the people, and again him who shall be
(found to be] brave.
So II. 13. 278., 21. 609, Od. 3. 185., 17. 363 : compare the
form with the antecedent expressed
II. 23. 498 ro're 8e yvuxTtvOf exao-ros
ITTTTOUS 'Apyeicoy, 01 bevTfpoi ot re TrdpoiOev.
The construction is the same with a Verb which implies
knowing, finding out, or the like : e.g.
xArj/ao) vvv 7re7rdAao-0e 8ia/x7repes os Ke
<.-a*t lots (tojind him] whose portion it shall be.
238 PRONOUNS. [267.
3. The suppressed antecedent, again, may have no clear or
grammatical construction :
(a) This is especially found when the Relative Clause ex-
presses a reason, as
Od. 4. 61 1 ai/xaros et? ayadolo, (j)i\ov WKO?, of ayopevet?
lit. you are of good Hood (seeing the things] such as you speak, i.e.
as I see by the manner of things that you speak.
II. 14. 95 vvv 8e treu wroo-a/jiTjy irayxy typevas olov eeiTres
/ llame your thought, because of the hind of thing you have said.
Od. 2. 239 vvv 8' aAAto 8?7p,<> i>ejueo-tb|uat, olov airavTcs
rjcrd' av<p at the way that ye all sit silent.
II. 17. 586 "E/cra)/), TIS KC tr' er' aAAos 'A^aiaiy rap^Tjo-eiey,
otoy 6?) MeWAaou vTre'rpecras ;
%'^0 would fear you any more, seeing the way you shrank- before
Menelaus ?
Od. 15. 212 0109 fKflVOV Ovp.OS V7Tep/3iOS, 0V (Tf
II. 1 6. 17 ^e OT; y' 'Apyeuoi> dAoc^vpeai ws
Od. 10. 326 0auju,a /A' Ixei <ws KrA. I wonder at the way that fyc.
This is the idiom generally described by saying that otos is put
for oTi TOLOVTOS, w$ for on ovro)?, and so on. So when os intro-
duces a reason ( 266) we might say that it is for on ovros (e.g.
Zevs cttnos os re $ioa>rn = oTi OVTOS bibatcn). The peculiarity, how-
ever, of the clauses now in question is that the Relative can have
no grammatical Antecedent, that is to say, that the Correlative
which it implies as an Antecedent has no regular construction
in the Principal Clause.
(V) This is also found after Verbs of knowing, &c. the Rela-
tive Clause expressing the Object or thing known : as
II. 2. 409 i7ee yap Kara Ov^ov abfXtycov &>s eTroveiro
he knew of his brother (as to the manner) in which he laboured.
24. 419 6rjol6 Kfv . . olov eepo-yjeis Karat.
Od. 7- 327 eiSrjo-eis . . otrcrov apiorai vrjes e//ai.
This is evidently an extension of the form yv&a-ri os KCKO'S (supra,
2 c), with the difference that the suppressed Correlative in the
Principal Clause is without a regular construction.
(c) Sometimes the Relative Clause is used without any
Principal Clause, as an exclamation : e.g.
II. 7- 455 & KOTTOI, 'Ewocriyai' fvpvaOevts, olov cetTres.
Od. I. 32 a> TTO'TTOI, otoy brj vv dtovs /3porol atnoooyrai.
II. 5- 60 1 a> 0tAoi, otoy 8r/ 0av//,db/x,; "EKropa.
The ellipse gives an expression of surprise : (to think} what a
thing you have said ! (to see) how men blame the gods ! (to remember)
267.] RELATIVE CLAUSES. 239
how we wondered at Hector! The want of a construction has
much the same effect as with the exclamatory use of the Nomin-
ative ( 163). Similarly
Od. 4. 240 TtavTa /uej; OVK av eyo> ^vdricro^ai ovb' 6vop.r]V(a,
o(r<roi 'Oova-(rfjos raA.a(ri0poz>os clffiv aedXoi'
dAA.' olov Tob' epee KrA.
I will not tell of all Ms feats : but (just to mention} what a feat
this was that he did fyc. So Od. 4. 2^., II. 517; cp. also II.
5. 638 dAA' olov rivd (f)a<ri KTA. (Just to instance) the kind of man
that they tell fyc.
If the explanation now given of these Relative Clauses is right, it is
evidently incorrect to accent and punctuate as is done by editors (e.g.) in
II. 6. 1 08 <pav Sf riv' dOavdrwv t ovpavov dffrepoevTos
Ipoafftv dXe^Tjaovra KareKOt^ev us [or us] eA.tA.Jx0f
taking it as an Independent Clause ' so they wheeled.' The same editors do
not hesitate to write in II. 16. 17 6\o<j>vp(ai, us o\eKovrai, where the construction
is precisely the same.
It is sometimes maintained that in all such cases we have a survival of the
primitive ' parataxis ' that (e. g.) 6\<x{>vpeai us oXtKovrai was originally b\oq>v-
peai, us o\(Kovrai you lament, they so perish, hence you lament how they perish, or
that they thus perish. On the same view the exclamatory olov eenres is not
elliptical, but represents the original independent what a thing you hate said !
(See Mr. Leaf on II. 2. 320 OaviM^o^ev olov ervx^rf). This hypothesis, however,
is not borne out by the facts of language. In the first place, it is strange that
the traces of parataxis should be found with the Relatives us, olos, oaos, &c.
rather than with the corresponding Demonstrative forms. Again, if the
Relative retained an original Demonstrative use, we should expect to find
this, like other survivals, in some isolated group of uses : whereas the clauses
now in question are very various in character. Again, the passages which
favour the notion of parataxis are indistinguishable in structure from others
to which it cannot be applied, such as most of the examples given under 2.
Yet we cannot separate TO. r' eeXStrcu os K fmSevrjs from <piAij<rat old K Zx (a l Jl(V >
or that again from wi'otrd/i^v ofo^ eft-ires. In particular it will be found that
the theory does not apply to clauses which are conditional so well as to those
which give a reason. The exclamatory use olov feints and the like does not
furnish a good argument, because the pronoun used in a simple exclamation
would not be Demonstrative, but InteiTOgative (iroTov eetires, &c.). The most
decisive consideration, however, is that the Relatival use of os and its de-
rivatives is common to Greek and Sanscrit, and may be regarded therefore as
Indo-European. Consequently there is a strong presumption against any
hypothesis which explains the Homeric use of the Relative from a still earlier
or pre-Indo- European stage of language.
4. Sometimes an Antecedent is not construed with the Govern-
ing Clause, but follows the Case of the Relative. This is allowed
if the Antecedent is separated from its own clause, as
II. 14. 75 V *1 S O<T(U TT/xSrcu flpvarat. ay\i flaAacrcrrjs
(so II. 6. 396., IO. 416., 14. 371).
240 PRONOUNS. [268.
This ' Inverse Attraction ' may be placed with the forms in
which the Antecedent is wanting, because it can only arise when
the original construction of the Antecedent (eA/ao/xey vijas ovai )
lias been forgotten.
5. Again, the Correlative structure is liable to an extension,
the characteristic of which is that the Relatival Adverb has no
proper construction in Us own clause.
This may be most clearly seen in the use of ouceica, (i.e. ov
ZvfKa)for which reason : e.g.
II. I. lio w? or) roSo' ere/cd crfyiv eKrj/So'Ao? aAyea rtv^ti,
ovvfK eya> . . OVK H0e\ov KT\.
Apollo causes sorrow for this reason, that I would not fyc. Here
we cannot translate owe/ca for which reason : the reason does not
precede, but is given by the Relative Clause. That is, the first
eVeKa is rational ; the second is logically unmeaning. Hence the
owe/cot can only be due to the correlation : as it is usually ex-
pressed, ovvKa is attracted to the antecedent rowe/ca. Then
since ovveKa comes to imply a correlative TOVVSKO. the antecedent
TovvfKa is omitted, and the relatival ovvfKa by itself comes to
me&nfor the reason that, because.
The process may be traced more or less distinctly in all the
Relatival Adverbs. Thus us (in which manner} comes to mean in
xuch manner that : and so 54>pa for so long that, Ivo. (lit. where) to
the end that. Also, as will be shown presently, o, on and o re are
Adverbial Accusatives, meaning literally in which respect, hence
in reject that, because : cp. tiTitlv o TL fy&a-aTO to say for what he
was angered with ^UXTO-TO on he was angered for (the reason)
that. The qualifying force of the Adverb is transferred from its
own clause to the Verb of the Governing Clause.
On the same principle e* TOV ore from the time when becomes
e| o5 (for CK TOV ov ) : and ei's TO ore becomes eis o to the time
that.
268.] ouVeKo. This Conjunction (which may be treated as a
single word) is used in two ways :
(#) to assign a cause or reason :
(U) to connect the fact expressed in the Relative Clause with
a Verb of saying , knowing, &c.
The second of these uses is evidently derived from the first by a
kind of degeneration, or loss of meaning. The fact told or
known is originally given as the ground of the saying or know-
ing. The transition may be seen in
Od. 7. 2,99 elv\ TI TOI juez> TOVTO y fvaCcn^ov OVK fv6f](T
irats e/x7j, ovvKa a-' ov n /^er' a/x</H7roAoicri yvvaliv
269.] 'O, 'OTI, 'O TE. 241
my daughter did not judge aright in this, became she did not fyc.,
more simply, in this, that she did not fyc. Again
Od. 5- 215 oloa Kal avros
TraWtt jixeiA', owe/ca o^eio Tttptypav ITjjyeXoTreta KrA.
/ know all, inasmuch as Penelope is fyc. ; i.e. I know that she is.
This use is found with Verbs of saying in Od. 13. 309., 15. 42.,
1 6. 330, 379. In the Iliad it occurs only once, viz. II. n. 21
TTtvOero . . /ze'ya KAeos, owe*' 'A^atoi KrA.
Note that (except in Od. 13. 309., 16. 379) the Verb is fol-
lowed by an Ace. of the thing ; so that the Relative Clause does
not directly take the place of the Object. Thus (e. g.) irevOero
KAeo? oweKd is literally heard a rumour the grcund of which was
that &c.
A peculiar use to state a consequence which is made the ground
of inference may be seen in II. 9. 505 T\ 5' w Ar7j <r9evapri re KCH
apTLTtos, ovveKa Trda-as 7roAAoz> vireKTrpoOcft Ate is strong and sound
of foot, (as we know} because she fyc.
269.] o, on, o re. The Ace. Neut. of the Relative, when used
adverbially ( 133), yields the three ' Conjunctions ' o, 8, o re,
which mean properly in respect that, hence usually (a) became, or
(b) that (after a Verb of saying, knowing, &c.). The antecedent
r<5 is generally wanting, but is found in a few instances : as II.
19. 421 ro o?8a KCU avros, o rot KrA.: II. 5. 406 ov8e ro oi8e . .
orrt />iaA' ov brjvaios KrA.: II. J. I2O Aevo-crere ro ye Travres, o juot
KrA. ; also II. 15. 217., 19. 57., 20. 466, and Od. 13. 314 (seem-
ingly the only instance in the Odyssey). These places, however,
serve to show the origin of the idiom. We have here the
phenomenon already noticed in 267, 5, viz. the^ Relative has no
construction in its own Clause, but reflects the construction of
the Demonstrative in the principal Clause. E.g. II. 20. 283
Tappr/a-as o ol ayxt -ndyrj /Se'Aos dreading because the dart stuck
near him represents an older rap/Srjo-as (ro) 6 Trayr; /3e'Ao?.
The adverbial Accusative with rap/3?yo-as would express the
nature or ground of dread (as in ro' ye 8e$ii0i, ro'8e x^ e 5 & c -) 5
hence the meaning dreading in respect of (or because of) this, that
the dart stuck. Accordingly we find 5 = because chiefly with Verbs
of feeling, which regularly take a Neuter Pronoun of the ground
of feeling.*
* The Clauses of this type are the subject of Dr. Peter Schmitt's monograph,
Ueber den Ursprung des Substanlivsatses mit Relativpartikeln im Griechischen (Wiirz-
burg, 1889). He rightly takes o (on, &c.) to be an Ace. of the ' inner object '
( J 33)' but he seems to have overlooked the real difficulty ; which is that o
supplies an object to the Verb of the principal Clause, not to the Verb of its
own Clause. Thus he says ' 6pa> b voaus war ursprunglich : ich weiss, was du
krankst ; oIS 1 o at tvTJvtfft ich weiss, was er dich gelobt hat' (p. 21). But the
K,
242 PRONOUNS. [269.
(1) 5 in respect that, because may be exemplified by
II. 1 6. 835 Tpojoi (^lAo-nToAe'/zoto-i fxeraTrpe'Tro), o crfyiv d/zwa>
?}p.ap avaynaiov (for that I keep off}.
Od. I. 382 TrjAe'/xaxou Qav^a^ov o 0ap<raAe'cos dyo'peue.
So II. 9. 534 (x^a-a^vri), Od. 19. 543., 21. 289 (OVK dycnras o).
The use to state a consequence as a ground of inference (like
that of owe/co, in II. 9. 505, 268) occurs in
Od. 4. 206 TOLOV -yap /cat Trarpos, o /cat TreTryu/zeVa. /Sd^iets
for you are of a ivise father, (as I know] because you speak wisely :
so Od. 18. 392, and probably also
II. 21. 15 TLS Trodev ets avpS>v, o /xeu erX?]s avrios eA0ety ;
who are you that you dare &c.
The transition to the use of o = that may be seen in
Od. 2. 44 ovT TL 8?j/zioi> dAAo 7Ti$ai;<rKO/jiai ov8' dyopevco
dAA' e/xoz> avrou xP e ^ 0? o /lot KaKoy e/x7recrez> OIKM
?0/m^ J fe/i? is 7^ ow case (which consists in the fact) that evil haft
fallen on my house. It is common with oto"a, yiyywa-Kco (II. 5- 433?
&c.) ; duo (II. 15. 248): and is found with Verbs of seeing, as II. I.
1 2O AeticnTere yap TO ye Trdyres o /xot yepas fp^erai dAArj y^ S^e ^zV,
Ma^ ^ ^n>e ^oe* elsewhere (II. 19. 144., 22. 445, Od. 17. 545).
(2) on lecause is common after the Verbs of feeling. We need
only stop to notice some instances (parallel to those of 8 just
quoted) in which ort is = as I know because:
II. 16. 33 i'rjAee'?, OVK apa trot ye mm/p TJU iTTTrora
ov8e eVts uriTrjp, yAau/cr) 8e o~e rtxre
TreVpat T' 97At/3arot, ort roi i>oos eortf
meaning- wo^ 7 /fozcw ^a^ ^OK are no child of Peleus fyc., lecause
your mind is relentless. So
II. 21. 410 vriiTVTi, oiibl vv TTW ?rep eTre^pdcra) ocrcrov dpeicor
ev^oju.' eywv ejuewu, ort ^ot ju,eVos
Od. 5- 339 Kajup-ope, rtirre rot <38e ITocretSdcoi' f
a>8v(rar' e/cTrdyAcos, ort rot KaKa TroAAd
Poseidon so enraged against you (as he seems to be) since he
two meanings, J fcwow? t'w what respect you, are sick and I know that you are sick are
quite distinct, and are given by essentially different constructions of the
Relative. Let us take as example a Clause which follows a Verb of feeling :
exwaaro on ol /3 Aos *K<f>vfe x f ip<->s- The construction with f-xuaaro is the Ace.
of the ' inner object' (as roSe \uto, TO 7* StiStOi, &c.). But on is in a different
Clause from (x&ffaTo : the full construction would be tx<*> ffaTO ( T ) rt -
Schmitt would say that o n ttetyvyf also is an Ace. of the ' inner object,'
that the sentence meant originally was angered in respect of this in respect of which
it flew out. It is surely more probable that cxwcraro o TI was like If o\> from the
time that, ?s o to the time that, oweicafor the reason that, &c. ( 267, 5), so that o TI
was an Ace. by Attraction, and had no real construction with its own Verb.
369.] 'O, 'OTI, 'O TE. 243
causes you many evils? So II. 10. 142., 21. 488., 24. 240, Od.
14. 367., 22. 36.
The transition to the meaning that may be seen in
II. 2. 255 rjo-ai oveibifav on 01 ptdAa iroAAa 8i8oC<n
reproaching him in respect that, with the fact that, fyc. 24. 538.
It is the regular meaning with Verbs of knowing: II. 8. 175
yiyz/coo-Kco 8' on juot irp6(f)p(t)v KareVeuo-e Kpovtoiv I know that 8fc.
Cp. II. I. 536 ovSe' fj.iv "Hprj r}yvo(.i]<Tev ibov<r on ol KrA. : 24. 563
KOU 8e (re yiyzxoovca) . . orn 0e<2i> ris o-' Tjye.
The use of on = that is commoner in the Iliad than in the
Odyssey (where us and oSveaa. partly supply the place, see 268).
(3) The form o re (so written by Bekker to distinguish it
from ore when) is found in Homer with the same varieties of
meaning as o and on. Thus we have 5 TC = because in
II. l. 244 \u>6p.vos o T apicrrov 'A^aiS^ ovbtv eri<ra?
angry became fyc.; II. 6. 126., 16. 509, Od. 8. 78. So
Od. 5- 356 <& M ot ^y^> M 7 ? T fa M 01 vfpaivrjo-w 8o'Aov avre
adavdrtov, o_re ju,e cr)(e8iTjs aTio/3rjvai dvwyei ' -^MJLM ^
i. e. there is a snare in this bidding me to get off the raft. So
probably II. I. 518 77 877 Xoi'yia epy' o re p KT\. it is a pestilent
thing that you fyc. ; II. 19. 57 ^7 &P TL T $ > a.p-4>oTpoi,<nv apetor
l-TrAero o re KT\. : and the exclamatory use ( 267, 3, c) in II. 16.
433 w fxot eywr, o re xrA. alas for me that Sfc.
Again, o re is=as I know because, in ^^
II. 4. 31 baifj-ovirj, TL vv o-e ITpia/xos Ilpidjaoio re
rocrcra KaKa ptov(riv, o r' do-7repx e ?
how do Priam and his sons do you such evil, (as they must do) since
you are furiously enraged?
II. 15. 467 w TTOTTOI, 77 6"?) Trciyxu jW'dx 7 ? 5 e7 M^ea /cetpei
baifj,cav T/fiere'pTjs, o re ju,06 ^3tov eK^SaAe \Lpos
(as I judge from this) that he has thrown the bow from my hands.
So Od. 13. 129 o re' ju,e fipoTol ov rt rlovcrifor that mortals honour
me not: Od. 14. 89 oi8e 8e rot to-ao-t ..or' OTJK e^e'Aouo-i ^<?y ytwow
something (as is plain) because they are not willing: Od. 21. 254
ro0-o-oV8e /3irjs e7ri8euees ei/xev . . o r' OTJ bvvdfji(r6a we are so want-
ing in strength, as appears by the fact that we are not able.
With Verbs of knowing, again, 8 re has the meaning that
II. I. 411 yi>(S 8e Kat 'Arpet8rj? evpu/cpeutiy 'Ayaju.e/Ai'coy
771; arTjy, o r' apicrrov ^A-^ai&v ovSer erio-ey
his folly, in that he failed to honour fyc.
Od. 14. 365 eya) 8' ev oT8a Kal avros
VO<TTOV e/j,eto aya/cros, o r' fi\Qtro 7ra<n ^eoio-i
o/' Me return of my lord, that (as it showed] he was hated
K, 2
244 PRONOUNS. [270.
by all the gods. So II. 8. 251 elbovO' o r' ap KrA. saw that fyc. ;
and with yiyzxao-Koo, II. 5. 231, &c.
The existence of a distinct 5 TC with the meaning because or
Hi at depends upon its being shown that in places such as those
now quoted the word cannot be either on that or ore when. The
latter explanation of the reading ore (or or') is often admissible,
e.g. in II. 14. 71 flo'ea p.fv yap ore , oT8a 8e vvv ore ; cp. II. 15.
207 f<r9\bv KCU ro rervKrai or' . . dbfj, and instances in Attic, as
Soph. O. T. 1133 naroibev TJ/XOS KrA. he knows well of the time
when fyc., Eur. Troad. 70 018' TJVIK Alas etAxe. But the supposi-
tion of a distinct o re is supported by a sufficient number of ex-p
amples in Homer, e.g. II. 5. 33 * yiyv^<riunv o T co>aAKis erjv $eos,
and generally by the complete correspondence of meaning thus
obtained between o, on, and o re. On the other hand it is ex-
tremely improbable that the i of on was ever capable of elision.
In this respect on that stands on the same footing as n and on.
Moreover, the adverbial use of these words, which gives them the
character of Conjunctions, is only a slight extension of the ordinary
Ace. of the Internal Object ( 133). Hence if the Neut. of os
and os ns is used in this way, it is difficult to see any reason why
the Neut. of the equally familiar os re should be excluded. The
ancient authorities and the MSS. vary in some places between
ore and on (as in II. 14. 71, 72., 16. 35, Od. 13. 129), and on
such a point we have no good external authority.
270.] o, on, o re as Conjunctions. In a few instances it is
impossible to explain these Relatives by supplying an Accusative
TO in the principal Clause. Thus in
Od. 2O. 333 vvv 6' tfbr] ro'Se 877X01;, o r' ovKe'ri vocrrifjios eort
the Antecedent is a Pronoun in the Nona. Similarly in
II. 5- 349 ?? vx. o(X*S orrt ywaiKas avdhKibas ^irepoTrevets ;
the principal Clause is Impersonal, and the Antecedent might be
a Nom. (is it not enough] or Gen. (is there not enough in this), but
hardly an Accusative. Again in
II. 8. 362 ov8e rt T>V /xe/ju^rai, o o! \j.aXa TroAAa/as KT\.
17. 207 T&V TTotvriv, o rot KrA. (as amends for the fact that]
the Relative Clause serves as a Genitive : cp. Od. 1 1 . 540 yr\do-
(Tvvp o ol KrA., 12. 374 ciyyeAos riXOev . . o ol KrA.
Add II. 9. 493 ra (frpovtav o /xoi KrA., 23. 545 Ta <f>pov4(i)V OTL ol
KrA. : and also Od. 2. 1 16 ra fypovtovcf ava 6vfj.dv a ol KrA., where
the v. 1. o for a has good MS. authority.
In these instances, then, the forms o, &c. have ceased to be felt
as Case-forms, and may properly be termed Conjunctions.
The Mood in all Clauses of this kind is the Indie. not the
Opt., as in some Attic uses (Goodwin, 714).
271.] RATIO OBLIQUA. 245
It may be worth while pointing out the parallel between this extension of
the Relative Clause and the development which has been observed in the use
of the Infinitive ( 234). In the first instance the Clause serves as epexegesis
of an Ace. with a Verb of saying, knowing, feeling, &c. ( 237, 2) : /) SeidtOi nva
otyeaOai fear not any one, for being likely to see ; rapPf/cras (r<5) & ayx i it&yi} &f &os
fearing (this}, that the spear stuck near him. Then the Ace. is used without
reference to the construction of the principal Verb and consequently the
dependent Clause may stand to it as logical Subject : ov TI vfneaayrov fiamXfja
arrapeaaaoQai for a king to make his peace is no shame ; oi>x (i\is on fiireponfteis is
(the fact) that you deceive not enough ; where the Clause in both cases serves as a
Nom. Finally the Clause is used as an indeclinable Noun of any Case : ruv
Hf/j.vi)Tai o KT\. remembers this, that &c. ; to which corresponds the so-called
' articular Infinitive,' or Inf. with the Article as a Substantive.
The three forms 5>, 5 T, 5-ri do not differ perceptibly in meaning. Hence
the reduction in Attic to the single on is no real loss.
270*.] Indirect Discourse. Clauses introduced by o (o re,
on), ws, ouyeica after Verbs of saying and knowing are evidently of
the nature of oratio obliqua, or indirect quotation of the words of
another person.
The Homeric language has no forms of Syntax peculiar to
Indirect Discourse (such as the use of the Opt. or Pres. Indie.
after a Secondary Tense). Every assertion is made from the
speaker's own point of view : consequently what was present to
the person quoted must be treated as now past. Accordingly the
Present Tense of the oratio directa becomes the Impf ., the Pf .
becomes the Plpf . The Future is thrown into past time by the
help of /xe'AAco, as in ovbe TO 77877 o ov TieicrecrOai e/zeAAez; he knew
not that he would not be persuaded. The only exception to this is
Od. 13.^340 TjoY o vo<TTri<reLs I knew that you will (i.e. would]
return. For an instance of the Opt. with &s after a Verb of say-
ing see 306, a : and cp. the Dependent Question, 248.
The Clauses now in question are commoner after Verbs of know-
ing, hearing, remembering, &c. than after Verbs of saying. Of the
former kind there are about 70 in Homer ; of the latter, which
may be counted as examples of true Indirect Discourse, there are
16. Of these, again, only three are in the Iliad (16. 131., 17.
654., 22. 439). This confirms the view that these Clauses are
originally causal, the meaning that being derived from the mean-
ing because ( 268). If we confine ourselves to of (o re) and oVt
the proportion is still more striking, since out of more than 5
instances there are only four with a Verb of saying *.
271.] Form of the Relative Clause. It is characteristic of
the Relative Clause that the Verb to be is often omitted : as
II. 8. 524 fJ.vOos 8' 6s jixey vvv vytrfc, eiprjjue'vos eora>,
* The figures are taken from Schmitt (Ursprung des Substantivsatses'), but in-
clude instances of o re which he refers to OT6 when.
246 PRONOUNS. [271.
and so ocrcroi 'Axatot, 01 ?rep api<rroi, r\ rts dptWrj, os r' curios os re
KOI ov/a, &c. Hence we should write in II. n. 535- 5 20. 500
arruyes at Trepi Si<ppoz>, in II. 21. 353 t^dvfs o*i Kara 8tvas. So
with the Adverbs ; as Od. 10. 176 o<pp' tv vrft dofj /3pa><ris re -noa-is
re #0 long as there is food and drink in the ship.
1. This ellipse leads to a peculiar ' Attraction ' into the Case of
the Antecedent, found chiefly with oaos re, as
Od. JO. 113 TT]V bf yvvaina \ evpov CKTJJZ; r opeos /copixpTjy,
which is equivalent to roVrjv OCTIJ ecrrt Kopixpjj ; and so ovov re,
Od. 9. 322, 325., 10. 167, 517., i J. 25 ; also olov re, Od. 19. 233.
The only instance in the Iliad is somewhat different :
II. I. 262 ov yap 7TO) TOLOVS ibov . . olov YltipLQoov KrA.
The later Attraction of the Relative into the Case of the
Antecedent is not found in Homer. Kiihner gives as an example
"i'lT 5- 265 rfs yap Tot yfverjs rjs Tpcot Trep evpuoTra Zevs 8a>Ke. But
there the Gen. is partitive : ' the brood from which Zeus gave '
( 151 e). So II. 23. 649 ( 153).
2. Another effect of this omission may be found in the use of
double Relatival forms, especially ws ore as (it is~] when ; which
again may be used without any Verb following : e. g.
II. 13. 471 ctAA' e//ei/ o>s ore rts (TVS ovpevw ctA/d TreTroiflcos,
o? re ju.e'i'et KrA.
So ws el and ws ci TC as (it would be) if, as in II. 5. 373 ris vv <re
roia' epe^e . . a>s et ri KO.KOV pefovo-av.
A similar account is probably to be given of the peculiar double
Relative
II. 8. 229 TTT/ e/3av e^xcoAat, ore 877 <pa/^ei> etvai aptcrrot,
as OTro'r' fv AT^/X^W Kveav\fes riyopdacrde
when once (whenever it was] you made boast in Lemnos.
3. The want of a finite Verb also leads to the construction of
otos, ws, &c. with the Infinitive. This is only beginning in
Homer : see 235. It arises by a kind of mixture or ' contami-
nation ' of two simple constructions, viz.
(1) the ordinary Inf. with the Demonstratives rotos, -njAtKos,
&c. ( 232) ; as roiot a^vv^v of the kind to defend (Od. 2. 60),
ju,eVeiz> en rrjAtKos of the age for remaining (Od. 17. 20);
(2) the Correlative form, such as II. 5. 483 rotor otoV K* i)e
$e'poiei> 'Axatoi i] KW ayoitv: II. 7. 231 ^juets 8' dp.ev roiot ot av
Thus (e.g.) Od. 21. 172 roiov . . oto'y re pur^pa /3to{) r'
*cai oia-Tutv combines the forms rotoz> e/xe^at of the kind to be and
olo's re (ecm) of the kind that (is). In other words, the con-
272.] FORMS OF THE RELATIVE CLAUSE. 247
struction of roios is transferred to the Correlatives roTos otos.
Then roios is omitted, and we get otos with the Inf. The same
may be said of d>s re with the Inf., which is post-Home'ric.
272.] Double Relative Clauses. When a Relative introduces
two or more Clauses connected by KCU or 8e, it need not be con-
strued with any Clause after the first : e. g.
II. I. 162 to em Tro'AA' e^oyrjo-a, bdcrav 6"e /xoi utes 'A-^ai&v
for which 1 toiled, and which the sons of the Greeks gave me.
Od. 2. 114 T<5 orea) re Trarrjp /ce'Aerai KCU avbavet, airy ,pfl
and who is pleasing to herself. The Relative is not repeated in
any Clause of this form ; but its place is often taken by another
Pronoun (usually an enclitic, or an unemphatic euro's) :
II. I. 78 TI yap oiojucu avbpa xoAcoo'e'/^ei', 6s /xe'ya TrdvToov
3 Apyeuoz> Kpareei xat ol vtlOovrai 'A)(atot.
Od. 9. 19 e?// 'O8ucrei>s AaeprtaSrjs, 6? Tracn o"oAot<ny $*'
avQpd)Troi<ri /xe'Aaj, KOI fieu /<Aeos ovpavbv ucet.
This idiom, it should be observed, is not peculiar to Homer,
but prevails in all periods of Greek (Kiihner, II. p. 936).
On the same principle, when a succession of Clauses is intro-
duced by a Relatival Adverb, the first Verb may be in the Subj.
or Opt., while the rest are in the Indie. This is especially
noticeable in similes, as
II. 2. 147 ^s ' ore KivT^a">] Zf<f>vpos (3a9v
Aa/3pos e7raiyi'(/oz>, e-7u r' ?y/xv
4. 483 rj pa T cv eta/xei'f? e'Aeos /^eyaAoto
AeiTj, drop re' ol obt erf aKporarr;
Successive Relative Clauses not connected by a Conjunction
are frequent in Homer. The Relative may be repeated for the
sake of emphasis: Od. 2. 130 So/xcoi; aeKovcrav a-nSxrai r\ p ere^' T/
p' fOp\l/. Or the second Clause is epexegetic of the first : as
II. 5- 403 o-xerAios, o/3ptp,oepyo'?, 6s OVK o0er' aiauAa pe^coy,
6s TO^OHTIV e/crj8e Oeovs (so 6. 13 1 ._, 17. 674, &c.).
Or it marks the return to the main thread of the narrative : as
Od. 14. 288 8r) rore ^>oivi^ rjXQtv avr\p, aTrar^Aia et5wy,
rpw/crrj?, 6s 8^ TroAAa K.CLK av9p(airoi(nv ewpyei,
6's p,' aye 7rap7rem0a>y KT\. (cp. II. 15. 461-3).
Where different Pronouns are used as Relatives in successive
Clauses, the reason of the variety may often be traced. Thus in
II. 16. 157 t b* \VKOL As <j)[JiO(payoi, rouriv re Trept (ppe<rlv acnreTos
aA/c?7, ol T eAa^oy . . bavTova-iv, the Art. TOIO-I gives a characteristic
of all wolves, the Rel. ol passes to the wolves of the particular
simile. In both the meaning is general, accordingly re is used.
Again, we find 05 re introducing a general assertion, while 05
248 MOODS. [273.
relates to a particular fact : as II. 4. 442 i] r oXtyrj n\v Trp&Ta
KOpv<T(TTat, . . rj (T(f)iv Kal Tore KT\. ', 5 545 'AA0etou, os T' evpv peei
UV\LMV bia yair/s, os rejcer' 'O/xriAoxov : and in the reverse order,
II. 1 8. 520 ol 8' ore 8?j /5' LKO.VOV odt <r<f)(<nv elxe Ao^o"ai ey Trora/AO),
o#i r' dpSjuos Irjy.
The difference between os TIS and os re appears in Od. 6. 286
Kal b } aXXrj vc/xecrw rj TIS Toiaurd ye pebi, ^ T* deKTjri </>iA.a>i> irarpos
Kal fj,r]Tpos OVTU>V avbpa<rL fj-iary-qrai.. Here ^ TIS insists on the in-
clusion of all members of the class (any one who ), r\ re prepares
us for the class characteristics (one of the kind that ).
CHAPTER XII.
USES OP THE MOODS.
Introductory.
273.] Classification of Sentences. Before entering upon an
examination of the Homeric uses of the Moods, it will be con-
venient to give some account of the different kinds of Sentences
and Clauses with which we shall have to deal.
A Simple Sentence or the principal Clause in a Complex
Sentence may be purely Affirmative. Or, the affirmation may
be turned (either by the use of a suitable Pronoun or Particle,
or by the tone and manner in which it is uttered) into a ques-
tion: i.e. the Sentence may be Interrogative. Or, a predication
may be framed in order to be denied : in which case a Particle is
added to make the Sentence Negative. Or, the Sentence may
express Wish, Purpose, or Command ; and any of these may again
be combined with a Negative, so as to express some variety of
Prohibition. Or, once more, the Sentence may be Conditional,
i. e. may assert, deny, command, &c. subject to a hypothesis ; and
this hypothesis or condition may be expressed by a subordinate
Clause, or by an Adverb or adverbial phrase (then, in that case,
or the like) : or the condition need not be expressed at all, but
conveyed by the drift of the context.
A subordinate Clause may fre so loosely connected with the
principal Clause as to be virtually an independent sentence.
We have seen that this is generally the case (for example) with
Clauses introduced by the Article ( 262). The Clauses which
chiefly concern us now are
i . Dependent Interrogative Clauses.
273-] KINDS OF SENTENCE. 249
2. Prohibitive Clauses (fj"i = lest).
3. Relative Clauses proper (introduced by os).
4. Clauses introduced by a Relatival Adverb (&>s, 60 i, o0ez;, ore,
ecos, 6<ppa, &c. ; also eV0a, Iva, and eVei).
5. Clauses introduced by el ^.
This classification is based upon the grammatical form of the
Clause. If we look to the relation in point of meaning between
the two Clauses of a Complex Sentence, we find that subordinate
Clauses fall into a wholly different set of groups. Thus there
are
(j) Clauses expressing cause or reason: as
II. 2. 274 v %v 8e ro8e /*ey' apicrrov kv 'Apyeioio-ty epeei>,
Ss TOV A.co^3rjr^pa eVeo-/3oA.oi> fa~^ ayopacov.
And clauses like II. 4. 157 cos o-' HfiaXov Tp<3es since the Trojans
have thus shot at you ; 6. 166 olov ajcouo-e at hearing such a thing
( 267, 3) : as well as in the regular Causal use of o, on, o re
( 269), and ouyeica.
(2) Clauses expressing the Object of Verbs of saying, knowing,
thinking, &c. (i. e. tlaefact or thing said, &c.) : as
II. 2. 365 yvuxrri e7rei0' os ff 1 Tjye^oVcoy KCIKOS, os re vv Aaah'.
Od. 6. 141 6 8e /xep/x?7pt^ey 'O8uo-o-evs | T) . . ?] KrA.
II. 1 8. 125 yvolfv 8' ws 8r) Srjpoy eya) TroAe'/ixoto Tre'Trau/xai.
6oi 7rei/)7j(rerai at Ke Otrjo-iv (tries if it will run),
(3) Clauses expressing condition or limitation; which may be
introduced
By os : as T&V ot rw fiporoi flcn of the mortals now living : 6s K
e-7ri8evi7s he who is in want: os Ke 0eoTs eTrnrei^TjTat he who
shall obey the gods : o ri ot eta-airo whatever seemed to him.
By a Relatival Adverb : of manner, as ws emre'AAa) as I bid,
a>s av eywy et-n-co as I shall speak ; of time, eirei, ore, &c., also
4'us and 8<})pa when they mean so long as ; of place, as oTnrdOi
TK.6ro.rov TICOLOV where is the richest of the plain.
By el the common form of Conditional protasis.
It will be convenient to term all these Clauses ' Conditional '
the word being taken in a wide sense, so as to include every
Clause of the nature of a definition or limitation, as well as those
in which actual priority in time is implied.
(4) Final Clauses, expressing end or purpose : introduced
By os ; as II. 4. 190 eTri^Tjo-et </mpju,ax' a Kev Travoycrt. will apply
drugs which shall stay : II. 14. 107 vvv 8' eij os . . t
may there be one who may tell.
By as, oirws, Iva. the ordinary forms expressing purpose.
250 MOODS. [273.
By Iws (better written rjos in Homer *) and 5<|>pa, when they
mean till such time that. To these we may add els o until, which
(like o{W/ca) is practically a single word.
By ci or at : as II. i. 420 eiju.' O.VTT] . . at /ce Tn'flrjrai I go in the
hope that he will listen.
By fj.ri lest (=iva /XT/).
It is important to observe that the several groups of Clauses now pointed
out are generally indistinguishable in respect of grammatical form ; so that
Clauses of the same form (introduced by the same Pronoun or Particle, and
with a Verb of the same Tense and Mood) often bear entirely different
meanings. This will be shown in detail in the course of the present chapter ;
meanwhile a few instances may be noted as illustrations.
1. Final Clauses introduced by os are in the same form as the Conditional
or limiting Clauses such as os e rvx7, OTTI KW enrfls, &c.
2. The regular Final Clauses with us and SITUS are in the same form as the
limiting dis av f-fuv enow as I shall speak, OTTUS e&(\riaiv as he pleases, &c.
3. Clauses with Itos and 6<}>pa may either be Conditional (when the Con-
junction means so long as), or Final (when it means unfit).
4. The Final Clause with l is indistinguishable in form from the ordinary
Conditional Protasis : compare at ice mOrjrai to see if he mil listen with II. 24.
592 ^77 fj.oi ndrpoK\e ffKvSfj.aivf/Afv at Kf irvOtjai be not angry in case you hear.
5. Clauses with |XT| may either be Final (when fvfj = ii>a jtij), or Object-
Clauses after a Verb of fearing (StiSca ^17).
From these examples it is evident that in this as in so many parts of Greek
grammar the most important differences of meaning are not expressed by
corresponding distinctions of form. The Pronoun or Conjunction which
connects the subordinate with the principal Clause generally leaves the real
relation between the two Clauses to be gathered from the context.
These different kinds of Sentence are distinguished to some
extent by means of Particles, of which it will be enough to
say here that
(1) Strong Affirmation is expressed by rj, and the same Par-
ticle is employed in Interrogation (especially with ironical force).
(2) Negation is expressed by OUKI (OUK, ou), Prohibition by pr\.
(3) The Particle el, in its ordinary use, marks a Conditional
Protasis, i.e. a Clause stating a condition or supposition.
(4) The Particles Ke(c) and oV mark a predication as being
Conditional, or made in view of some limitation to particular
conditions or circumstances.
* It is often convenient to use the Attic form fo>s as the name of the
Particle, but this cannot be the true Homeric form. The metre shows that it
must be a trochee ; and the Doric &s (Ahrens, Dial. Dor. p. 200) represents
contraction of aos : cp. the Cretan TCLUS for rtais (Hesych.). Hence we should
have in Homer either jjos (the older Ionic form, cp. vnos) or aos, which would
properly be Doric or JMic, like Xads &c. Of these ijos is evidently the
more probable. t ^A JYU?, &. tf-JT* Y-'/i
Q '
275-] SUBJUNCTIVE IN PRINCIPAL CLAUSES. 251
The Subjunctive in Principal Clauses.
274.] The Subjunctive in a Simple Sentence, or in the Prin-
cipal Clause of a Complex Sentence, may be said in general
to express either the will of the speaker or his sense of the neces-
sity of a future event. Like the English must and shall, by
which it may usually be rendered, it is intermediate in meaning
between an Imperative and a Future. Sometimes (as in lo/xev
let us go, or in Prohibitions with nty it is virtually Imperative;
sometimes it is an emphatic or passionate Future. These
varieties of use will be best understood if treated with reference
to the different kinds of sentence Affirmative, Interrogative,
Negative, Prohibitive, &c. in which they occur.
275.] In Affirmative sentences the force of the Subj. depends
in great measure on the Person used.
(a) In the First Person the Subj. supplies the place of an ;
Imperative, so far as such a thing is conceivable : that is, it
expresses what the speaker resolves or insists upon doing ; e. g.
II. 9. 121 Vfj.lv 8' fv iravTzacn Trepi/cAuTa 8<3p' OPO/A^ZKU
(where the list of gifts immediately follows).
Od. 2. 222 cr^jua re ot xeva> /cat eTTt /crepea /crepet<o
TroAAa /zdA' ocr<ra eot/ce, /cat <Wpt /Ltrjre'pa 8<o<ra>
(the Subj. expresses the decisive_action to be ^
taken by Telemachus, viz. to acknowledge his
father's death : the Fut. 8o>o-co expresses what
would follow as a matter of course).
12. 383 bvcrofJiaL fls 'At8ao /cat (V ve/cvecrcri tpaeivo)
(said by way of a threat).
Hence after a Clause containing an Imperative the Subj. is used
to show what the speaker will do as his part of what he desires
to be done : as
II. 6. 340 dAA' aye vvv firfaeivov, apry'ia T*.v\ea 8ua>
do you wait, and I will put on my armour.
22. 416 o-)(e'o-0e, 0tA.oi, Kai p olov eao-are KTjSo'juezxn Trep
eeA.0oz>Ta TroArjos iKe'crfl' km vijas 'A^aL&v,
Atcro-coju,' avfpa TOVTOV KT\.
450 Setire, bvu> //oi eirea-^oz/, tScoju,' OTIV epya reruKTai.
So after the phrases d\X' aye, el 8' aye, as Od. 6. 126 dA\' ay' eywy
avrbs TreipTjo-o/xai ^Se t8co/xat : 9. 37 et 8' aye rot /cat vovrov e/xoy
TroAv/cjjSe" evto-TTco. On the phrase el 8' aye see 321.
To show that a purpose is conditional upon something else
being done, the Subj. may be qualified by the Particle Ke(y) :
II. I. 137 et Se' /ce /XT) btaoxnv, eyo> be KCV avrbs eAcoftat
if they do not give her, I will (in that case] fyc.
252 SUBJUNCTIVE. [275.
II. 14- 235 irctOev, eyo> 8e Ke rot eiSeco
ofoy, #f/ / will feel thankfulness.
16. 129 Svcreo revx ea dacrcrov, eya> Se Ke Xaof dyetpco.
Od. 17. 417 T( ? " XP*? So'/^ieyai Kal \a>'iov rj4 Trep aAAot
(TLTOV eya> 8e' KC* ere /cAeuo KrA..
So too II. T. 183 TTjy /xez; . . 7re'ju.\|fa>, ey&> 8e K' aya> B/n<r7ji8a I will
send her (as required), M6? ^e I will take Briseis the Subj. ex-
pressing the speakers own threatened action, and KCK marking
that it is the counterpart to what is imposed upon him. It will
be found that tcec is used when the Clause with the Subj. is
introduced by 8e, but not when it follows without a connecting
Particle. I. e. it is when the two Clauses are set against one
another by 8^ that it becomes necessary to express also the con-
ditional nature of the second Clause.
This use of KCK with the Subj. is not found except in Homer.
The First Person Plural is similarly used, as Od. 3. 17 dAX' aye
vvv lOvs Kie NeWopos iTTTroSajuoto' elSo/^ey /crA.. And so in the
common Hortatory Subj., as </>evyo>/xez> let us fly.
(#) A Subj. of the Second and Third Person in an Affirmative
sentence is usually an emphatic Future, sometimes approaching
the force of an Imperative. The only example of a, pure Subj.
(i. e. without icei/ or ay) in this use appears to be the phrase (cat
Trore TIS eiTrrjo-i and men shall say (II. 6. 459, 479., 7. 87).
With aV we find
II. I. 205 fjs VTre/DOTrXtrjcri ra^' civ Trore Ov^bv oArjrat
(in effect a threat of what the speaker will do).
22. 55 v ^ v &' a ^ TroAAa TrdOpa-L </>iA.ou awo Trarpos
but now he must suffer much fyc.
With Key the examples are rather more numerous :
Od. J. 396 T&V Key ns ro'8' ^ritnv, eTret Gave bios '
let one of them have this (emphatic assent).
4. 80 avbp&v 8' rj nev TLS juot epiVo-ercu r/e Kal OVK(.
4. 391 Kal 8e KC roi efarTjcri KrA..
IO. 57 ^"0 at J r V 8e KC TOI Tivoir] Bopeao (pepr^cn
sit still, and her the breath of Boreas shall bear
along (solemn prophetic assurance).
II. 9. 701 d\X' 77 rot Ketvov juey eacro/zey, 17 Key ?r/<riy
^f Ke fjifvrj (let him go or let him stay) : cp. Od. 14. 1 83.
Note that where two alternatives are not expressed by the same
Mood, the Subj. gives the alternative on which the stress is laid :
II. II. 431 crrifj,pov ^ boiolcnv e7reveai . .
Tf] Kfv e/xaJ VTTO bovpl Tvntls CLTTO 6vy.ov
277-] PRINCIPAL CLAUSES. 353
II. 18. 308 oTTjcrojuai, ij /ce (^epr/o-i /u,eya Kparos r; Ke
7 #^aH stand firm, let him gain the victory ( = though
he shall gain] or I may gain it.
Od. 4. 692 ak\ov K (xOaiprjo-L fipor&v, aAAoz> Ke (/uAofy
a m^ wz?^ (w $w/ to) hate one, he may love another.
A curious combination of Opt. and Subj. is found in
II. 24. 654 avriK av e^eiiroi 'Aya^e/ivoin, Troi/xeri Aa<3z;,
KCU Key avafiXrjcns Aver to? veKpolo yeVrjrai
/^e would straightway tell Agamemnon, and then there must be a
delay in the ransoming of the dead. The Subj. appears to express
the certainty of the further consequence, as though the hypo-
thetical case (avriY av eeiirot) had actually occurred.
276.] In Negative Clauses properly so called (i. e. distinguished
from Prohibitions) the Subj. is an emphatic Future. We find
(a) The pure Subj. (expressing a general denial):
II. I. 262 ov yap mo TOIOVS Ibov avepas ovoe i8co/xat
/ have not seen I never shall see.
7. 197 ov yap TLS fj. (3irj ye fK&v ae/covra Stryrat
no man shall chase me against my will.
15. 349 ovbf vv TOV ye
yycoTot re yvoorcu re Ttvpbs AeX^coo-i davovra.
Od. 1 6. 437 ^ K '0' OVTOS avrjp ovb' etro-erai ovSe yevrjrat
there is not, there never will or can 6e, the man
who, &c. (so 6. 201).
24. 29 nolp' 0X077, TT]V ov TLS dAeverai (cp. 14- 4 o )-
(6) The Subj. with &v:
II. 3. 54 OVK av TOI xpato"M?7 Kidapis KrA.
be sure that then your lyre will not avail you.
II. 386 et /xey 8r) avrifiiov crvv revx. e(rt irfiprjOffys,
OVK av TOL \paicr\JiT]cn /3tos KrA.
The reason for w in these places is obvious : in the following
instances it seems to be used because there is a contrast :
II. 2. 488 irXrjOvv 8' OVK av eyo> /jtufl^ao/xai ovb' ovoiurjvto
but the multitude I cannot declare or tell by name.
Od. 6. 221 avrt]v b' OVK &v eycoye AoeWojutai (avrrjv is emphatic :
cp. Od. 4. 240., II. 328, 517).
277.] In Interrogative sentences the Subj. generally expresses
necessity, submission to some command or power; as II. 10. 62
avOi ju,eVo> . . Tje 0eco KrA. am I to remain here, or am I to run fyc. ;
Od. 15. .509 in; yap eyw, $i'Ae TCKVOV, l<a ; re 8wfia0' iKco/iat KrA.
where am I to go ? to whose house Sfc. : Od. 5- 465 & M 01 e X^? rt/
254 SUBJUNCTIVE. [278.
; rt vv fj.01 /iTj/aora yevrjrat ; what am I to suffer ? what is to
become of me ? And rhetorically, with an implied negation
II. 1 8. 1 88 77(3? r' dp io> juera p.<SAoz> ; fyovcrL 8e
how can I go into the battle ? They have my arms.
II. I. I5O 77(2? ri? rot TTp6(f)p(i)V f-TTffTlV 7TfiOr]TaL '
One or two passages given by Delbriick under this head should
perhaps be classed as Subordinate Clauses. A transitional instance
may be seen in Od. 22. 166 o-v 8e /xot i^jxepre? fvi(nrs, i] i*iv
cnroKTeivto . . 776 (rot tvdab' ayo> KrA. fe// me, am I to kill him, or
bring him here ? Here the Clause may be a distinct sentence ;
but not so II. 9. 618 a/xa 8' ?}ot (paivofj.vr](f)i.v <pao-o-ofie0' % Kf
vetop-fO' KrA., because this does not express an actual but an in-
tended future deliberation. So in Od. 16. 73 /^rpt 8' ejur/ bi\a
Ovfjios vl (tjpeo-i ju.epju.rjpi'fei ^ avrou 77ap' epioi re fJ-evri KT\. the form
of expression is changed from the First to the Third Person, as
in oratio obliqua ( 280).
278.] With the Prohibitive Particle pi the Subj. has the cha-
racter of an Imperative. We may distinguish however
(a) Direct forbidding, usually with the First Person Plural
(answering to the Hortatory Subj.), and the Second Person Sing.;
sometimes also with the Third Person, as
II. 4. 37 epoy O77(os efle'Aeis' JU.T; rouro ye velxos
aot KCU e/xoi jue'y' epto-/jta fj.fr' aju,</>ore'poto-i
/ do not want this to become a quarrel.
Od. 22. 213 MeWop, ju?j (T 67reW<n TrapatTreTrt^r/o-ij; '
*^e ^a^ Ulysses does not persuade you.
And with the First Person Sing., as II. i. 26 ^77 o-e
not catch you ; II. 21. 475 M o-eu aKovo-co.
(^) Fear, warning, suggestion of danger, &c. ; e.g.
II. 2. 195 /m?j TI x^ coo "/ xej;o s P e '^?? (I fear he will fyc.).
5- 487 py TTOJS o>? airier i Xivov a\6vTf iravdypov
avbpacn 8uo-/xeveecro-iz; e'Awp /cat KVp^a ytvr]<rde
see that yon do not become a prey fyc.
22. 123 p7 fMV ey&> /xey ?KO)fiat icof, 6 8e JM' OVK eAe?jo-ei.
Od. 5. 356 a) /iot eyw, jar; rt? /ixot v^aivycriv 8o'Aoy avre
aOavdrav (I hope some god is not weaving fyc.).
1 8. 334 /ITJ rt? rot rd^a "Ipou apeivtov aAAo? avacnrj
see that a better than Irus does not rise up.
The construction is the same in principle when a Clause of this kind follows
a Verb of fearing ; and it is sometimes a question whether the Clause is
subordinate or not. Thus the older editors (including Wolf) punctuated
II. n. 470 SdSoj, pi) TI iraOyfft as though SciSw were parenthetical. It is
280.] PROHIBITION SUBORDINATE CLAUSES. 255
probable, however, that in such cases the Clause with JATJ has acquired a sub-
ordinate character, serving as Object to the Verb (thing feared) ; see 281.
On the other hand, the Clauses now in question are often explained by
supposing an ellipse of a Verb of fearing : pr) pfrj for SeCSu fir) pegy. This is open
to the objection that it separates Clauses which are essentially similar. For
fir) perj 1 mil not have him do (hence I fear he may do") is identical in form with
firj ptgr/s I will not have you do. In this case, then, we have the simple Sentence
fir) perj, as well as the Compound SdSca fir) ptrj, into which it entered.
Similar questions may arise regarding Final Clauses with (x-f|. Thus in II.
I. 586-7 Ttr\aOi, fir}rep ffirj, . . firj <re . . iSajfiai we may translate endure, mother ;
let me not see you &c., or (bringing the two Clauses more closely together) endure,
lest I see you &c. So in II. 8. 522, Od. 13. 208. No clear line can be drawn
between independent and subordinate Clauses : for the complex Sentence has
been formed gradually, by the agglutination of the simple Clauses.
The combination jifj ou prohibition of a negative is ex-
tremely rare in Homer. In II. 5. 233 JUT) r&> \tkv Seuravre \io.rr\-
O-CTOV ovb' 0f \TJTOV, and II. 16. 128 /UTJ 877 vrjas eAoxri Kal ov/cert
(frvKTa TreAcoircu, the Particles are in distinct Clauses. It occurs
in a Final Clause, II. I. 28/1x77 vv roi ov \paLa-^ri KT\., II. 24.569 :
and after SeiSw in II. 10. 39 Set8<w /J,T) ov rts rot KT\.
The Subj. in this use does not take aw or ov, the prohibition
being- always regarded as unconditional.
It is well known that the Present Subj. is not used as an Im-
perative of Prohibition (with pi). The rule is absolute in
Homer for the Second Person. The Third Person is occasionally
used when fear (not command") is expressed ; the instances are,
Od. 5. 356 (quoted above); 15. 19 JUT? vv TI . . ^e'pijrcu ; 16. 87 7x77
fjnv KepTOfj-ecaa-iv. The restriction does not apply to the First
Person Plur v as II. 13. 292 /xrj/ce'n ravra Xeyw/xe^a. We shall
see that a corresponding rule forbids or restricts the use of pr\
with the Aorist Imperative ( 327).
279.] Homeric and Attic uses. In Attic the use of the
Subj. in independent Clauses is either Hortatory, or Deliberative,
or Prohibitive. Thus the use with av ( 275, a), the use in Affirma-
tion ( 275, 1], and the Negative uses ( 276) do not survive.
The Subjunctive in Subordinate Clauses.
280.] Clauses with %\l ife. Doubt or deliberation between
alternative courses of action is expressed by Clauses of the form
(t|) 1] (TJ) with the Subj., dependent on a Verb such as </>pa-
ep/xrjpi'cX &c., or an equivalent phrase : e. g.
II. 4. 14. Tfjuas 8e </>ao)/Ae0' OTTCOS lorai rdSe epya,
?/ p O.VTI.S TToAejuoy re KdKov Kal <pv\omv alvrjv
oparofj.fv, r] (fnXoTrfra /xer' dju^orepoicrt /SaXo^f.
Od. 19. 524 &s K^l e/xoi bi\a dv^oy dpwperai <-v9a Kal <lv6a,
176 fteVco . . T] 77877 ap eirco/xat KT\. (cp. 22. 167).
256 SUBJUNCTIVE. [281.
This form is also found (but rarely) expressing, not the speaker's
own deliberation, but that of a third person :
Od. 16. 73 p-fjrpl 8' fp.fl bt\a dvfjibs fvl (frpecrl /xepjuTjpi^ei,
77 avrov Trap" e/xoi re jueVrj /cat 8<2ju,a KOfJ,tfl t KT\.
The speaker (Telemachus) here expresses himself from his
mother's point of view, only putting the Third Person for the
First.
So of doubt as to which of two possible results of the speaker's
action will be realised :
II. 13. 327 eiSo/xey, 7?e TO> ev^oj dpeo|uei>, 776 rts T/JUUP.
16. 243 ftcrercu ?) pa /cat oilos eTrtcrrrjrat 7roA.ejuieiz>
77/xerepos OepcnrtoV, 77 ol KT\.
where eTrumrrai (is to know ,r= will prove to know) is used nearly
as the Latin Subj. in Indirect Questions.* An example after a
Past Tense is found in II. 16. 646 ff. ; see 298 fin.
281.] Clauses with ftrj. These are mainly of two kinds
(i) Final Clauses : the Verb of the principal Clause being
(a) an Imperative, or equivalent form : as
II. 3. 414 JUT] //,' lpe#e, o-^erXirj, JUT) xcocra/uieyTi ere
() a Present or Future in the First Person : as
Od. 6. 273 T&V dXeetyo) (frrjijuv abtVKea, JUTJ ris
In these places the governing Verb shows that the purpose ex-
pressed is the speaker's own. The only instance of a different
kind is
II. 13. 648 a^ 8' kT&pu>v els fOvos ex^C ero K *?
TrdvTocre Tia-nTaivav, JUTJ rts \poa \a\K<a f
Here (if the reading e-navpri is right) the poet describes the fear
as though it were present to himself (see however 298^.).
The two groups of Clauses under discussion agree in using
only the pure Subj. (not the Subj with KS.V or ay). In this re-
spect they adhere to the form of the Simple Prohibitive Clause
( 27).
(2) Clauses following a Verb that expresses the fear of the
speaker, as Sei7>o> ^77 TI TidO-yon. I fear that he will suffer. Here
the Clause with p.^, although of the same form as the indepen-
dent Clauses given in 278, is practically subordinate, and serves
as Object to the Verb. The Verb, it is to be observed, is always
in a Present Tense, and in the First Person : i. e. it is the
speaker's own present fear that is expressed.
* It is impossible to agree with the scholars who explain tiriar^rai here as
an Indicative ; see G. Meyer, G. G. 485.
282.] RELATIVE CLAUSES FINAL. 257
Such a Clause may be Object to a Verb of knowing, fyc., as
II. IO. 100 bva"iJ.VS 8' oVSpes (r^fbbv rjfarai, ovSe ri iSp.ez>
ju,?7 7ra>s KCU 8ia IWKTO. /xevoiz^oraxn ju,d)(eor0at.
The fear expressed by HT) -n-ws KT\. is subordinated (or on the way
to be subordinated) to iS/iey : we do not know (said apprehensively)
whether they will not le eager fyc. So Od. 24. 491 te\Q<av ns
LOOL JUT) 8?) crxe8oz> So-i KioVres some one go out and look whether they
are not near. And in the Prohibitive use
II. 5- 41 1 <ppaeV$(o /AT; TIS ot djueiycov aero /^id)(Tjrai,
/AT/ 8?)i> KrA. fe /hV ,?<? fo it that no one fyc., lest fyc.
Od. 22. 367 etTre 8e Trarpl /mrj //e irepurdevetov dTjXTjcrerat.
So with a Verb of swearing, Od. 12. 298 o/AoWare ju?/ TTOV rts . .
avp sivear that no one shall slay : Od. 18. 55.
282.] Eelative Clauses. These fall into the two groups of
Final Clauses and Conditional or limiting- Clauses.
The Relative Clauses called Final in the strict sense of the
word are those which follow a Clause expressive of will ; and the
reference to the future is shown in most cases by nev : e. g.
II. 9. 165 dAA' ayere K\T]TOVS drpvvo^fv, ot KC ra^tora 6e(-ll*/Z.
eA.0a>cr' es K\i(TLr]v.
24. 119 b&pa b' 'A^tXA^ii (f)fpp:i> rd Ke Ovfj-ov lr\vr\.
Od. 13. 399 a}jL(f)l be \al(f)o$
eo-(ra), o Ke crrvyeTjcrty i8oi)z/ avdpaiiros e^oyra.
19. 403 ovop.' evp0 OTTI Ke Orjai,.
With ellipse of the antecedent, so that the Clause supplies an
Object to the governing Verb
II. 7- I7 1 KA?/p<a vvv TreTraAao-fle o'tapnrepes os KC \d\ricri,.
In other instances the notion of End is less distinctly con-
veyed, so that the Subj. need only have the emphatic Future
meaning ( 275, 1) : as
II. 21. 126 fj.\aivav (frplx viraft-ei
l\6vs, os Ke 0ayr/crt AVKO.OVOS dpye'ra Srj/zoy.
Od. IO. 538 tvda TOL O.VTLKO. fjiavTis eAevtrerai, op^a/xe Aaa>y,
os xev TOL eiTrrjcrt KrA. (so 4. 389, 75^v IJt I 35)-
The prophetic tone prevails in these places: cp. II. 8. 33 dAA'
e/jiTTJjs Aaj>a<2v o\o(f)vp6ij.ed' atx/xrjracoy, o? Key 8?) . . oAcoyrai, where
the Subj. is used as in an independent sentence.
The chief examples of a, pure Subj. in a Final Clause are
II. 3. 286 TI/AT/I; 8' 'Apyeiots a7ronpe/xei> rjv nv eoiKez>,
rjf re Kai (rcrop.fvot<n /xer' avdp&TioLcri. TreAr/rai.
Od. 1 8. 334 /ut?; TIS rot rd^a 'Ipos d/xetVa)y dAAos
os TIS <r' . . 8a>/>iaro
S
258 SUBJUNCTIVE. [283.
So II. 1 8. 467 irapeWerai ota TLS . . #au/xao-<rercu (unless this is
Fut.) : also the Object Clause II. 5- 33 papvao-d', 6777rorepoio-i Trarrjp
Zevs Kvbos dptr] to fight (out the issue) to which of the two Zeus
shall give victory (i. e. till one or other wins). The want of KCC or
&v is owing 1 to the vagueness of the future event contemplated,
i. e. the wish to exclude reference to a particular occasion.
The Relative is sometimes used with the Subj. after a Nega-
tive principal Clause where there is necessarily no actual
purpose :
Od. 6. 2O I OVK eo-0' OVTOS avrjp . . os KCV . . ?KJ]rcu (v. I. ucoiro).
II. 23. 345 OVK Icr0' os /ce cr eA 770-1 /crA..
and without KCK, II. 21. 103 vvv 8' OVK eo-0' os TLS Qavarov (pvyy
(v. I. <vyoi). In these places the construction evidently follows
that of ou and OUK S.v with the Subj. in Simple sentences (OVK
eo-0' os cpvyr] = ov rts </>vy#). Otherwise we should have the Opt.
( 34, ) '
The Subj. is quite anomalous in
Od. 2. 42 ovre nv' ayyeXtijp ffrparov l\vov (p\op.tvoio,
ijv x f>l*iv <ra<pa etir<u, ore irportpds f irvOoifajv.
But here the speaker is repeating what has been said in the Third Person
(30, 31), and with the regular Opt. (tiiroi, irvGoiro). He evidently uses siirw
because eiiroip.i does not fit the metre.
It is worth notice that the Relative of purpose with the Subj. is much
commoner in the Odyssey than in the Iliad. Of the group which Delbruck
describes as Subjunctives of Will with KV, eleven are from the Odyssey, two
(II. 9. 166., 24. 119) are from the Iliad (Synt. Fvrsch. I. pp. 130-132). In Attic
the idiom survives in a few phrases, as x e * Tl *'"]? (Goodwin, 65, n. 3).
283.] Conditional Relative Clauses. The numerous Clauses
which fall under this heading may be divided again into two
classes distinguished by the presence or absence of MC or 3.v.
(a) The pure Subj. is used when the speaker wishes to avoid
reference to particular cases, especially to any future occasion or
state of things. Hence the governing Verb is generally a Pre-
sent or Perfect Indicative : examples are
II. i . 554 T ^ $P^C e at > "o" "' etfeArjcrfla (whatever you choose).
14. 8 1 /Se'Arepoz; os (pevyutv Tipo^vyy KO.KOV ije 0X0)77.
Od. 8. 54*5 awl naaiyvriTov dvos 6' i
avepi os T' oXiyov TTfp f
In Similes this usage is extremely common ; as
II. 5- 5 <*" r ^>' oTHapivto fvaXiyKiov, os re
\ap.irpov Trafj.<paivr](rt (3. 62., 5- 138., IO. 185, &c.).
Od. 13. 31 ci)s 5' or' avrjp bopnoio AtAaierai, w re Ttavrj^ap
veibv av t\Kr)Tov j36f olvottf. TTT^KTOV aporpov*
283.] RELATIVE CLAUSES CONDITIONAL. 259
Where the principal Verb refers to the future, and *& or SLV is
not used, the intention is to make the reference quite general
and sweeping ; e.g.
Od. 2O. 334 dAA 3 aye cry rd8e fujrpi 7rapeo/^ei>os KardAeoy
yrnj.acrd' os TLS aptoros avyp KCU TrAcTora
Forms of the 3 Sing. Plqpf. are sometimes given by the MSS. and older
editions in Clauses of this kind : as irctjwicei (II. 4. 483), l<rrr|Kei (II. 17. 435),
&c. These were corrected by Hermann (Opusc. ii. 44), reading ire<J>vKT),
!<rrf|KT), &c. : see La Roche on II. 4. 483.
(6) The Subj. with MV indicates limitation to particular cir-
cumstances in the future. Hence it is used (with few exceptions)
when the Covering Verb is a Future, or implies futurity (an
Imperative, Subjunctive or Optative) : as
II. I. 139 6 of Kfv Ke^oAwo-eTat ov KCV i/cw/xai.
Od. 2. 25 Ke/cAure brj vvv yxeu, 'I0aK?7<rioi, OTTL KZV eiTroo.
II. 21. 103 vvv 8' OVK 1(70' os TLS 6dvarov <pvyri, ov KG 0eos ye xrA.
Od. I. 316 b&pov 8' OTTL Ke pot bovvai $i'Aoi> rjTOp av&yr),
avTis avpxo[ji.v(t> o6jj.vai (cp. Od. 6. 28).
And after a Verbal in -TOS expressive of necessity :
II. I. 527 ov8' dreAevrTjroi/ o TI KCV KT\.
3. 65 ov TOI d-TTO/SATjr' eort . . ovcra Kv xrA.
The reference to a particular future occasion may be evident
from the context : as :
Od. 6. 158 Kflvos 8' av Trepl Krjpi fxafcapraros f^o-^ov a
os Ke o" ee'SyoKn ^QptVas ot/coz>8' dydyrjrai.
In the following places this rule appears to be violated by K(V) being used
where the reference is general; II. I. 218., 3. 279., 6. 228, 229., 9. 313, 510, 615.,
ii. 409., 14. 416., 16. 621., 17. 99., 19. 167, 228, 260., 21. 24, 484., 23. 322., 24.
335, Od. 4. 196., 7. 33., 8. 32, 586., 10. 22, 74, 328., 14. 126., 15. 21, 55, 70,345,
422., 19. 564., 20. 295., 21. 313, 345. There is strong reason, however, to be-
lieve that in most of these instances the appearance of the Particle is due to
alteration of the original text. Of the three forms icev, K, K', the first is on
the whole the most frequent in Homer. But out of the 35 places now in
question the form KV only occurs in six (not counting II. 14. 416 os Ktv "Srjrai,
where KV is more than doubtful on account of the f) ; and these six are all
in the Odyssey (8. 586., 15. 21, 55, 345., 20. 295., 21. 313). This can hardly be
mere accident, and the obvious explanation is that in most of these places,
at least in the Iliad, 8s K and 6s K* have been substituted for os T and os T'.
Thus we should probably read (e. g.~)
II. I. 218 os re 0eofs firiirfiOrjTat, ftaXa r' fK\vov avrov.
9. 508 6s fJ-tv T' alSffftrat Kovpas At^s . .
510 &J 8e T' av-qvrirai Kai re KT\. (cp. 23. 322).
(instead of the strange correlation jicv re 8 KC).
The real exceptions are most commonly passages in which a Singular is used
after a Plural antecedent : as
S 2
260 SUBJUNCTIVE. [284.
Od. 20. 294 ov 7<l/> na\f>v artuflfiv Ob>8e 5'iKaiov
ftvovs Trj\(fMxov, oy Ktv raSt 5<i>/j.a0' tKrjrai.
With the change of Number we seem to pass from a general description to a
particular instance. So in Od. 15. 345, 422, and perhaps in II. 3. 279., 6. 228.,
1 6. 621, Od. 7. 33 : see 362, 6.
(c) The use of &v in the Clauses of this kind is very rare. In
the two places II. 8. 10 and 19. 230 the reference to the future
is plain. The remaining instance is Od. 2 r . 293 os re KCU aAAous
/3Aairret, 6s av /crA., where there is the change from the Plural to
the Singular just noticed.
284.] The Relatival Adverbs. The most important are : the
Adverbs of manner, ws and oirws ; wo-, originally an Adverb of place
( = where) ; and the Adverbs of time, 3<|>pa, Iws (^09), eis o, OTE and
It will be best to take these words separately.
285.] u
(1) Final Clauses with us or oirus and the Subj. generally
depend upon an Imperative, or some equivalent phrase, i. e. they
express the aim or purpose of something which the speaker him-
self does, or wills to be done : as
II. I. 32 dAA.' Wi JU.TJ p epe0i{ie, trawrepo? c5s Ke z/er/cu.
7. 293 ayadbv Kal WKT\ TnOto-Qai,
ws crv T V(f)pr/vr]S TTavTas KT\.
The only instance in which the purpose expressed is not the
speaker's own is
Od. 14. 181 TOV 8e nvr]<TTripes ayavol
oixad' lovra Aox<3o"iy, OTTCOS airo (f>v\ov oA?jrai.
(2) With Verbs that by their own meaning imply aim or pur-
pose a Clause of this kind becomes an Object Clause : thus
II. 4 66 ireipav 8' co? KC Tp<2es . . ap^uxri. KrA. (so Od. 2.
9-II2 <ppatoiJ.<T0' ws KCV \t.iv apcrcrdij.ev
Od. I. 76 r]fj.fls 8' otSe irpL<t>pa<Ji>iJ,0a
VOO-TOV, oircos lA^Tjcri (how he is to come).
3. 19 AiVcreo-0ai 8e /xiy avrbs OTTWS
entreat him so that he shall speak (i. e. to speak).
Here the Clause expresses the thing to be tried, thought about,
&c., rather than a consequence of such action.
The purpose is sometimes that of some other person, e.g.
Od. i. 205 <ppacr(rTat <Sy /ce vf-qrai he will devise how he is to
return (cp. 2. 368., 14. 329).
II. I. 558 Ty rr' oio) Karavevcrai krfiTv^ov o>s 'A^iA^a
s, oAecn/s 8e xrA. (^a.? nodded to the effect fyc.).
286.] 'G2, 'Oims, 'INA.
Regarding KCK and 8.\> observe that in Final and Object Clauses
after us the Subj. with KCV is the commonest, occurring 32 times,
while the Subj. with av and the pure Subj. occur each 8 times.
After OTTUS, which has a more indefinite meaning (in some suck
manner that), the pure Subj. occurs 7 times, the Subj. with KCC
twice (Od. i. 296., 4. 545, both Object clauses).
(3) In Conditional or limiting Clauses :
(a) After a Present the Subj. is pure in the phrase OTTO)? efleAr/o-t
as he pleases (Od. I. 349., 6. 189). In II. 16. 83 Trettfeo b' &s rot
eyo) pvQov re'Aos kv (ppevl 0efo> the pure Subj. indicates that 0euo
is really an unconditional expression of will : ( listen to me I
will tell you ' : cp. the independent sentences such as II. 6. 340
firiiJ.et.vov, aprjia rev^ea 8vco ( 275> #)
The use of &s and ws re in similes belongs to this head : e. g.
II. 5- J^i o>s 8e Ae'coy kv /3oucrt Qopuv e av\tva a^y KrA.
II. 67 01 8' cos T a^rjrrjpfs tvavrioi. dAA?yAoi(ny
0-yjj.ov tXavv&criv KT\.
In this use, as in the corresponding use of the Relative ( 283),
the Subj. is pure, the case supposed being not a particular one
actually expected, but a typical or recurring one.
Delbriick (Synt. Forsch. I. p. 161) makes the curious observa-
tion that if the simile begins (as in the second instance quoted)
with a Demonstrative denoting the subject of the comparison,
then the Adverb used is always <Ss re. This rule appears to be
without exception.
(6) The Subj. with &v occurs in the formula <as av ey<ai> etTrco
7m0o>/Ae0a, which refers to a speech about to follow.
The use of t&v in
II. 2O. 242 Zevs 8' apcrrjv &vbpcr<nv d^e'AAet re fJ-ivvOei. re
OTTTTCOS KV fdf\rjCriV
is perhaps due to the contrast between opposite cases : so with ore,
289, 2, *.
286.] ira is used in Final Clauses only. With a Subj. it
usually expresses the speaker's own purpose ; even in
Od. 2. 306 ravra 8e rot /xdAa -navTa. reAeur/jo-ouo-ty 'A^atot,
vrja /cat ecurous eperas, Iva dacr<rov ?/c?jat
the meaning is ' I undertake that the Achaeans will do this for
you/ Exceptions (out of about 80 instances) are: II. I. 203 rj
iva vfipiv Iby is it that you may see fyc. : II. 9. 99., 12. 435^ 24. 43,
Od. 8. 580.', 10. 24., 13. 327.
An Object Clause with !m is perhaps to be recognised in
Od. 3. 327 Auro-eo-flat 8e [JLLV avrbs "iva
262 SUBJUNCTIVE. [287.
if the reading is right. The line may be an incorrect repetition
of 3. 19.
The pure Subj. only is used with Iva, except in Od. 12. 156 Iva
ei8o'res 17 KC ddvaipfv ?/ Ktv dAeva/xewi Qo.vo.rov Kal nrjpa Qvyoipcv,
where two alternatives are given by the correlative T) KCK r\ tifv :
cp. 275, b. But some MSS. have rje Qavo^^v.
As Mr. Gildersleeve points out (Am. Jour, of Phil. iv. 425) iva is the only
purely final Particle, i. e. the only one which does not limit the purpose by the
notion of time ((typa, <ws) or manner (dis, OTTOW). Hence Clauses with tvo do not
take KV or dv, because the purpose as such is unconditional.
287.] 3<|>pa is sometimes Final, sometimes Conditional.
(1) In Final Clauses 5<|>pa either retains a distinctly temporal
force meaning so long till, till the time when, or passes into the
general meaning to the end that. Thus we have
(a) o$pa. = until (as shall be], used with KCK or 3^ as
II. I. 509 T0<j>pa 8' CTTI Tpwe0-<n riOti Kpdros, o$p' av 'Amatol
vibv fjJidv rt'craxny, o^)eAA.&)(rtv re e TI/XT/.
22. 192 aviyvevav 0eei e/x7re8oy, o(f>pa KCV (vpfl-
With this meaning the pure Subj. is found in II. i. 82 lx et KOTOV
o(ppa reAeo-cr?7 he keeps his anger until he accomplishes it a general
reflexion : also in II. 12. 281 (in a simile).
(b] 3<J>pa=^o the end that, used with the pure Subj., rarely with
KCK or o.v. The transition to this meaning may be seen in
II. 6. 258 dA.A.a fxer', o(j)pa *ce TOI pieAtrj8ea olvov eyec/cco
stay till I bring (= giving me time to bring].
(2) Clauses with o<f>pa may be classed as Conditional when it
means so long as; e.g.
II. 4. 345 ZvOa <iA' OTrraAea K/oea 18/xerat . . o<pp'
Od. 2. 123 ro(j>pa yap ovv fiiorov re Tfbv Ka\ /cr^/xa
o(f)pa K Kfivr] TOVTOV ex.?! voov.
The use of icer or ac in these Clauses is governed by the same
rule as with os, viz. it is used when the reference is to the future,
and is not expressly meant to be general (as II. 23. 47 o
COXHCTI ptereico). As to the form o(f>p' av fj.v KCV, see 363, 4.
In II. 6. 112 avepes lore, $tAoi, p-vricrao-Oe 8e Oovpibos d
oQp' av eycb ^TJCO (cp. 8. 375., 17. 186, Od. 13. 412., 19. 17) the
Clause seems to mean until I go, i. e. long enough for me to go.
Delbruck however counts the uses of dtypa in II. 6. 112, &c. as
Conditional (Synt. Forsch. i. p. 170).
288.] !o>s (TJOS) and els o, used with the Subj., always take K&V.
The meaning until, with implied purpose, is the usual one : as
289.] J O*PA, "Ens, 'GTE, f onoTE. 263
II. 3. 290 avrap eyo> KCU e-Treira fxax^o-o/xai eive/ca Kovprjs
avdi fj.v(tiv, rjos /ce re'Aos 1 iroAe/xoto Kt^eta).
9. 48 you 8' eya> 20eVeAo's re ^a^o-o^d' ds 6 *e
The Conditional meaning is only found in the recurring- ex-
pression ets o K avT^r] kv oTTjflecro-i /xeVrj KCU jixot c/u'Aa yowar' dpcopr;
(II. 9. 609., 10. 89)^*0 fo^ a 7
289.] ore, oir^re :
(1) Clauses with ore and oTnJre may be counted as Final in a
few instances in which the governing Clause contains an expres-
sion of time:
(a) with the pure Subj.
II. 21. Ill Icrcrerat r) 170)5 17 SetArj 17 /^ecroz; ?f/>iap,
oirTTore rts Kai e/xeto "Apei CK Ov^bv e\]rat.
So II. 19. 336 eju.Tji' TrortSey/xeroi' atet Auyprjy dyyeAiTjf, or' a-no^di-
/xe'yoto TTv6t]TaL waiting for the message when he shall hear fyc., i. e.
' waiting for the time when the news shall come that &c.' Here
the clause with ore becomes a kind of Object Clause.
() with KCI/ or ac :
II. 4. 164 eo-crercu ?7/xap or' av TTOT' dAcoATy KrA. (6. 448).
The use of ac gives definiteness to the expectation, as though a
particular time were contemplated. Cp. also II. 6. 454 6Vcroz> creu
(jueAei), ore Ke'v ns . . baKpvofira-av ayrjrcu as I am concerned for you
(in respect of the time) when Sfc., and 8. 373 eorcu /ACIV or' ay xrA.
It is obvious that in these places the Clause is not strictly
Final, since the Subj. expresses emphatic prediction ( 275, #)
rather than purpose. But they have the essential characteristic
of Final Clauses, viz. that the time of the Clause is fixed by that
of the governing Verb.
(2) Clauses with ore or OTTOTC which define the time of the
principal Clause may be regarded as Conditional. In regard to
the use of Key and o.v they follow the rules which hold in the case
of Conditional Relative Clauses ( 283) : viz.
(a] The pure Subj. indicates that the speaker is supposing a
case which may occur repeatedly, or at any time : as
Od. 7. 71 ol \t.(v pa 6ebv &s eicropocoires
8ei8e'xarcu iMvdounv, ore crretx?? "' ava aoru
who look on him as a god, and salute him when he walks fyc.
II. I. 163 ov \.v troi Trore Ivov ex 00 y^P a ^ OTTTTOT' Amatol
Tpactiv eKTrepcnwcr' c5 vaio/jievov TTTo\if9pov
whenever the Greeks sack a Trojan town. So in maxims, &c. :
II. I. 80 Kpetcrcrcoy yap /3acriAeis ore -%&<szrai avbpi
264 SUBJUNCTIVE. [289.
II. 15. 207 eaOXbv KCU TO rervKrai or' ayyeAos aiat/xa elbrj.
And in similes, as II. 2. 395 ore Kiy?j<n7 No'ros eA0coy. So with the
regular us ore a# when, ws OTTOTC as * a#y case when.
In a few instances ws 8' or' av is found instead of us 8' OT : viz.
II. 15. 170 ws 8' or' av (K vf>ea>v irrrjrai KT\.
I 9- 375 & s ^' T ' av * K ""ovroio at\as vavryai (ftavfiy
Od. 5. 394 wy 5' or' av dffndffios fltoros iraiSeaai <pavrjy
23. 233 us 5' or' av affirdaios 77? vrjxontvoiat tyavriri
II. II. 269 ws 6' or' av uSivovaav x]7 /3\os oii 7VJ/ar*a
17. 520 d)s 8' or' ai' o^iii' txfav rr(\fKW Kr\.
Also II. 10. 5., 24. 480, Od. 22. 468. The resemblance that runs through these
instances would seem to indicate some common source of the peculiar dtv.
In the one or two places where the pure Subj. occurs after a
Future there is an evident intention to speak quite generally : as
II. 21. 322 ovSe ri iuv XP ^ OTal TVfj,j3o^6r]s ore \iw QOLTTTUXTLV
'Amatol': so Od. 1 6. 268., 23. 257. But icec is used in the similar
passage II. IO. 130 ov ris ^e/xeo~?]o-erat . . ore Key nv firoTpvvrj.
(6) Key or av connects a supposition with a particular event or
state of things : hence it is usually found after a Future,
Subjunctive, or Imperative, as
II. 4. 53 r "S biairfpcraL 6V av TOL a7rex#o)i;rai.
Od. I. 40 ex yap 'Opeorao ricns eo-crerat 'Arpeidao
OTnror' av fjflricrr] re Kai r}s ifieiperat atrjs.
II. 2O. 130 8eurer' eiret^', ore KeV rts *crA.
Od. 2. 357 eo-Tre'pio? yap eywj; aip?](ro)aat OTTTro're Kev 8r) KrA..
So after juotpa (Od. 4. 475), followed by an Inf.
In other places it is not so clear why an event is treated as
particular. Perhaps KW or ay may be used with ore, oTrore
(T) When a contrast is made between supposed cases, as
II. 6. 224 r<3 vvv (rol /xev ey&> fivos (f)i\os "Apyet
ei/^,1, (TV 8' ey AUKITJ, ore Key rwy brj^ov
20. 166 TTpStrov jixey . . aAA.' ore Key rts KrA..
Od. 20. 83 dAAa ro pikv nal avturbv exei KaKov, OTTTTOTC Key rts
KrA.
11.17 ^' OTror' ay o-retx^o-t . . ov^' or' ay ai/r KrA.
(Here we should read oTro're o-ret'xrjo-i, 363, 4).
,So perhaps II. 2. 397 'ffayrouoy dye'/xcoy, or' &y ey^' ^ ey^a yeycoyrat :
9. IOI Kprj^yat 8e KOI dAAw, or' ay rtya KrA. and Od. 13. 100 ey-
roa^ey 8e r' ayeu Se<rpxno ^eyoucn y^es euo'O'eA/xot, or' <!iy op/nou
/xerpoy tKcoyrat (in contrast to those outside). But cp. the remark
as to or' ay in the last note.
(2) When there is a change from Plural to Singular :
II. 9. 501 Aio-0-o'p.eyoi, ore Ke'y ns vwep^S^rj Kai djaaprT/.
292.] CLAUSES WITH El. 365
Od. II. 3l8 dAA' avrr] 81/07 ecr fipoT&v, ore TLS KG davr)(ri.
This last instance is doubtful, since the order ore TLS e is not
Homeric ( 365). We should probably read ore ris re.
29O.] cure, Tjjjios. The word cure is only once found with a
pure Subj., viz. Od. 7. 202 (in a general assertion) : CUT' &v occurs
after a Future (II. I. 242., 19. 158), and an Imperative (II. 2. 34);
also in one or two places where the use of ac is more difficult to
explain, viz. II. 3. 227 (read eSre 7rroAie0poi> eAotytev), Od. I. 192.,
17. 330, 333., 18. 194. The combination CUTE iceV is not found.
The pure Subj. with tfpos occurs in one place
Od. 4. 400 T//XOS 8' ije'Aios jue'croy ovpavov d/x^t^SejSTjKTj
where the reference is general, ' each midday/
The Subjunctive with el, fyc.
291.] Clauses with. el. The use of the Particle el (or al), in
the Clauses with which we have now to do, is to make an assump-
tion or supposition. In most cases (i) this assumption is made
in order to assert a consequence (<d = if) : in other words, it is a
condition. But (3) an assumption may also be made in order to
express end : ei/u . . at e TriOrjTat, I go suppose he shall listen=
' I go in order that if he will listen (he may do so) : ' accordingly
the Clause may be virtually a Final Clause. Again (3) with
certain Verbs an assumption may be the Object : e. g. TLS 018' ei
*cey . . 6piv(t> who knows suppose 1 shall rouse = who knows whether
I shall rouse. We shall take these three groups of Clauses in
order.
292.] Conditional Protasis with el. The chief point of in-
terest under this head is the use of nev or w. The rules will be
found to be essentially the same as those already laid down for
the corresponding Clauses with the Relative ( 383, V) and the
Relatival Adverbs (see esp. 389, I], and to be even more uni-
form in their application.
(a) The pure Subj. is used in general sayings, and in similes :
II. I. 80 Kpfi(T(T(av yap j3a(n\cvs ore x^crercu avbpl
ei irep yap re \6\ov ye KCU avTrjpap KaTai
dAAd re Kai /^ero77i<r0ei> e^et Koroi>.
12. 238 TU>V ov rt /xerarpeVo// ovb' dA.eyia>,
el r' em 8ei' LUXTL irpbs rjG> T Tje'AioV re,
ei r' eir' dpto-repd ro^ ye KrA.
Od. 1 6. 97 K.a<n.yvriTois . . olcri irep avrfp
*cal et /ueya veuoy
266 SUBJUNCTIVE. [292.
II. II. Il6 T] 8' et Trep re Tv^-fla-i KT\. (so II. 4. 261., 9. 481.,
10. 225., 16. 263., 21. 576., 22. 191, Od. 1. 188.,
7. 204., 12. 96., 14. 373.
If the principal Verb is a Future (or implies reference to the
future), the pure Subj. with el indicates that the supposed occa-
sion is indefinite, one that happens repeatedly, or at any time,
or may not happen at all ; so II. 1 . 340 ei Trore 8r) aSre XP 61 ^ ^ M e "-
ye'mjrat KrA. ; 12. 245 ei Trep ydp r' aAAot ye TrepiKre><ap,e0a itavrfs
KrA. ; Od. 1 . 204 ov8' ei Tre'p re crt8?]pea 8e'crp,ar' fXV (TI " This form
is naturally employed by a speaker who does not wish to imply
that the occasion will actually arise : thus in
II. 12. 223 &$ T/pets ei Trep re iru\as KOL retxos ' A^cu&v
p?jo'p.e$a (rOevf'i p.eyaAa), et^cotrt 8' ' Ayjcuol,
ov Kocrp-o) Trapa vav<pLV eAeuo-op;e^' aira xeAeu^a
Polydamas is interpreting- an omen which he wishes to remain
unfulfilled. Similarly II. 5. 248 et y ovv erepo's ye (pvyrjo-i : II. 22.
86 ei Trep yap (re KaTaKTavrj, ov cr' er 3 eycoye /cAawop-at ev AexfO"0"i
Od. 5- 221 et 8' au rts pairjo-t ^ewv KrA. : Od. 12. 348 et 8e x ^"
<ra^ez>o's rt . . vrj 1 e^e'Ar/ dAeVat xrA. The object of the speaker in
these examples is to treat the supposed case as imaginary or un-
practical.
(#) The Subj. with iceo or av indicates that a particular future
occasion is contemplated: 'hence
II. 4. 353 otyeai r\v f6eXycr6a Kal at KCV rot ra p,ep,?7AT/.
1 1 . 404 p.eya fj,tv KCLKOV (sc. Icrrat) at Ke ^>e'/3cop.ai.
34. 592 p-?7 P-OL . . (r<vbjjLai.VfMV } at Ke Trv^rjat KrA.
Od. 2. 21 8 et pie'v Kfv Trarpos /Storoy Kat VOCTTOV a
77 r' ay rpDxop.evo? Trep ert rAatrjy f
II. 112 et 8e' Ke o-tvrjat, rore rot reKp-atpop-' o\e6pov
(I prophesy your destruction).
So, though the Verb of the governing Clause is a Present
II. 6. 442 at8eop,at Tpwas Kat TpcodSas eAKeoriTreTrAous,
at Ke KrA. (=Ifear what they will think if Sfc.].
8. 477 (Tf0v 8' eyo) OVK dAeyt^co
Xa)op,evi7?, 0^8' et Ke ra yetara ireipad' tKTjat
= 1 do not care for you, (and shall not] even if fyc>
Instances of nev or ac in a sentence of general meaning are
II. 3. 25 p.dAa yap re Kareo-^tet, et Trep ay avTov
(revavTai KrA. (ey^w i the case when , 363, I, I}.
11. 391 77 r' aAAcos VTT' ep.eto, Kat et K' oXLyov Trep eTravp?j,
d^u /Se'Aos TreAerat.
12. 302 et Trep yap x' evpTjcri Trap' avrd^>t KrA.
294-] CLAUSES WITH El. 267
Od. II. 158 TOV ov TTCO? ecrrt ireprjcrcu.
TTfbv eovr , r\v JUTJ rts Xfl ffapyt& vrja.
But with ei ice there is the same doubt as with os *e ( 283), and
eirei KC ( 296). As to r\v, which occurs in a general saying in II.
i. 1 66 and Od. u. 159, see 362.
293.] Final Clauses with ei. After a principal Verb expres-
sive of the speaker's will (an Imperative, or First Person), a Final
Clause may be introduced by ei Key or ^ : as
II. 8. 282 /3dAA' ovrcos et Key rt </>CKOS Aavaolcri yevr]ai.
II. 791 TO.VT enrols 'A-^iXfj'i battypovi ei Ke iri^r/rat.
Od. 4. 34 bfvp" tKo'/xetf' at /ce 7ro0t Zeus . . irava-y KT\.
The effect of using el (instead of o>? or tva) is to express some
degree of uncertainty. The end aimed at is represented as a
supposition, instead of being a direct purpose.
In the existing text the pure Subj. occurs only in II. 14. 165
apicrrjj (fraivero /3ov\.r) eA.0eu; . . et TTCOS i/xeipatro . . r<5 8' . . x e %
(where we should perhaps read ^euat ; or change \evri eirt to
X^uete); and in Od. 5. 471 ei 8e KW . . Karabpaday, fl //e /^eflrjrj
piyoy KOI Ka/xaros, yAuxepos 8e /xot vTrros eTre'A^r/, where the MSS.
have the Opt. jueflefy, eTre'Atfot. But if ^ has sometimes crept in
instead of ei, as is probable ( 362) there may be other examples :
as
II. 22. 4^8 A.iV<ra)/x' avepa TOVTOV . . rjv TTCOS /crA.
Od. I. 281 epx eo Tftva-ofjievos Trarpbs br)V ol^o^voio,
i]V ris rot etTnjori KrA.
294.] Object Clauses with el. This term will serve to de-
scribe the form of Clause in which the supposition made by ei
takes the place of an Ace. of the thing. It may be regarded as
a special form of the Final Clause (cp. 285, 2): thus II. 18.
600 &>s ore ris rpo^bv . . TieipTjo-erat ei /ce 0e'7/cri ' tries in respect to
the supposition that it will run/ hence tries whether it will run :
so
II. 4. 249 o0pa i8rjr' ei K v^w uirepo-xf; X^P a Kpoi>ta)i>.
15. 32 o(j)pa 1877 172; rot \pai(r^r] /crA.
that you may see whether it will avail. Note that the Subj. here
has a distinctly future meaning, as in Final Clauses ; the same
words taken as a Conditional Protasis would mean if it has
availed. So after eiireu/, II. 7. 375 nal 8e ro'8' [leg. ro] etTre'/Aevat
TTVKivbv ITTOS, al K etfe'Aaxrt say the word supposing that they shall
be willing ( = ask if they will agree), II. 17. 692 etTretv, al /ce ra-
\i<TTa VKVV e7rt vfja crauxTT] : and oT8a in the phrase rts olb' et <cev
who knows but (II. 15. 403., 16. 860, Od. 2. 332), and ov \mv ot8'
et' (II. 15. 16).
268 SUBJUNCTIVE. [295.
The use of the Accusativus de quo ( 140, 3) should be noticed;
especially after otSa, anticipating- the Clause with el : as
II. 8. 535 cu'P 102 ' $ v apeTi]v StaetVerat ei K efj.bv
meaning ' he will know as to his prowess whether it will enable
him to withstand my spear/ So Od. 22. 6 CTKOTTOV aAAoz; . . euro-
jucu at K TvyaiJ.!, (cp. 140, 3, ).
In one place the Clause with el serves as explanation of a
Neuter Pronoun in the Nominative:
II. 2O. 435 aAA' 77 TOI juev raura 0e<3y ey yowacn KeTrai,
et /ce ere xeipo'repos Trep ea>y OTTO Ovp.bv e'Aco/jiai.
295.] The Subj. with ws el occurs in a single place only, viz.
II. 9. 481 KCU jue (^uArjo-' ws et re Trarrjp bt> 7rcu8a (^lATjcnj.
Here the assumption ei . . $1X170-77 is made for the purpose of
comparison. Thus the meaning is nearly the same as with s
ore ( 289, 2), and the Clause is essentially Conditional.
296.] e-rrei with the Subj. The use of e-n-ei implies that the
action is prior in time to the action of the principal Clause;
hence Clauses with eirei properly fall under the definition of the
Conditional Clause.
A pure Subj. after eirei is found in four places, one a gnomic
passage, Od. 20. 86 eTret ap /3Ae'<ap' d/x^iKaAvT/nj (sleep makes men
forget everything] when it has spread over their eyelids ; the other
three in similes, viz. II. TI. 478., 15. 363, 680. In II. 16. 453
the best MSS. give avrap e-Tret 8r) rov ye AI-TITJ tyvyji re KCU aicof,
Tre/xTreii' /jtiv KT\., others t-nqv 77. The pure Subj. implies that
the command is meant to be general in form : cp. 292, a.
icei> or ac is invariably used when the principal Verb is future.
It is also found after a Present, and even in similes : e.g.
II. 2. 474 TOVS 8' c3s T aiTroAia TrAare' aly>v aiTroAoi avopes
peia biaKpivaxTiv, CTTCI Ke vop.<p juiyecocriy.
Soe-irei Ke(f), II. 7. 410., 9. 324., 21. 575, Od. 8. 554., JI.
22i v 24. 7: and lTrf\v, 11.6.489., 19. 223, Od. 8. 553., 10. 411.,
IT. 192., 14. 130., 19. 206, 515. In II. i. 168 should perhaps
be read eTrel Ke/ca/jto> (instead of eTret *e Ka/aco), and so II. 7- 5
eirei KeKtijuaxri, and II. 17. 657 ^T*I ^p K^KCL^O-I.
Regarding eirei Ke(k) in this use there is the same question as
with os K ( 283). Out of 10 instances there is only one in
which the form KCK appears, viz. II. 21. 575 eTrei KV vAay/jtov
a/coTJo-Tj, and there Zenodotus read Kvvv\ayfj.bv, which is strongly
supported by the metre ( 367, 2). Thus there is the same
reason as before for supposing that ice is often merely a corrup-
297-] *EIIEI IIPIN. 269
tion of T. The use of e-irei re is sufficiently established in Homer
( 332)-
The form *Trf\v is open to doubt on other grounds, which it
will be better to discuss in connexion with other uses of the
Particle S.v ( 363).
297.] irpiV with the Subj. In general, as we have seen ( 236),
irpiV is construed with an Infinitive. If, however, the event is
insisted upon as a condition, the principal Verb being an Im-
perative or emphatic Future, the Subj. may be used ; as
II. 1 8. 134 aAXa (TV p.ev JU.TJ TTCO Karabvcreo juwXoy "Aprjos
Trpiv y e/xe 8eCp' eXOov&av ev 6(p9a\fj.ola'Lv iSrjcu
do not enter the battle lief ore you see me coming hither.
Od. IO. 174 <o </>i'Aoi, ov yap irplv Kara8i>o-ojue#' a^vvfjievoi irep
fls 'Atbao bofj-ovs Trplv /^,op<n/^oy ??M a P eTreAfl??.
So II. 18. 190., 24. 551, 781, Od. 13. 336., 17. 9. The Subj. is
used in these examples without nev or av, because it is not meant
to lay stress on a particular occasion when the condition will be
fulfilled. When such an occasion is contemplated Homer some-
times uses irplv y' or' av before the time when (Od. 2. 374., 4. 477) :
cp. II. 1 6. 62 ov Trplv jj.rjviOp.ov Kara7rau<re^ei>, dXA' OTTOT' av KT\.
The use of irpiv av with the Subj. is post-Homeric.
It is evident that a conditional Clause of this kind can only
occur after a negative principal Clause. ' Do not do this before
I come ' makes my coming into a condition, and a condition
which may or may not be realised : but ' do this before I come '
is merely a way of fixing the time of doing.
This construction is usually explained from Parataxis : thus it is held that
in II. 24. 551 ovSt fjuv dvar'fjfffis irpiv ual KO.KOV d\\o irdQrjaOa stands for
ovSe fiiv dvffTrjffdS' irpiv KOI KO.KOV aAXo vdOr/ffOa,
you will not raise Mm, sooner shall you suffer passing into ' you will not raise him
before you suffer.' So Sturm (p. 26), and Goodwin ( 624). But (i) this use
of the Subj. in a Principal clause without KV or av, whether as a Future
( 275, 6) or as an Imperative, is not Homeric, and therefore cannot be used
to explain a use which is only beginning in Homer. And (2) the change
from you will not raise, you will suffer before you do to you will not raise before you suffer
is not an easy one : it involves shifting irpiv as an Adverb from one clause to
another. Above all (3) it is probable that the new construction of irpv with
the Subj. was directly modelled on the existing use with the Inf. : that is to
say, irpiv TrdQyaOa simply took the place of irpiv ira&tlv when a more definite
conditional force was wanted. This is confirmed by the analogy of the later
change to the Indie. : thus in Aesch. P. V. 479 irpiv y tyiii afyiaiv 5a is used
instead of irpiv ipl Stiai because the poet wishes to make the assertion eSeifa.
So with the transition from the Inf. to the Indie, after wart (Goodwin, 585):
the finite mood is not a survival of parataxis, but is used when the Infinitive
is not sufficiently positive.
270 SUBJUNCTIVE. [298.
298.] Subjunctive after a Secondary Tense. The rule in
Homer is that the Subj. is not used in a Subordinate Clause to
express a, past purpose, condition, &c. It may be used however
(i) when the governing- Verb is a ' gnomic ' Aorist :
II. I. 3l8 os K Oeols fTTiTrei^Tjrat //aXa T enXvov CLVTOV.
Od. 2O. 85 o -yap T' eTtt\r]<rv a
kcrQKStv rfit KCLK&V, firel ap /3Ae</>ap'
Or an Aor. used to express a general denial, as
Od. IO. 327 ovbf yap ovbt rts aXXos dvrjp rdbf (pdpp.aK <WrAjj,
os Kf trig KT\. (cp. Od. 12. 66).
Or in a simile, as II. 4. 486 e^e'rajx', ocppa irvv Ka^rj KT\.
Further (2) if the action expressed by the Subordinate Clause
is still future at the tune of speaking ; as
II. 5- !27 ax\vv 8' av rot CLTT 6<p6a\fjL&v tXov rj Trplv eTrijev,
otyp' fv yiyywcrKTjs ri^kv debv r/bf KCU avbpa
I have taken away the mist that you may know fyc.
7. 394 Kat 8e rob' 7]i>wyei el-xelv ITTOS, at K' #eA.?jre KT\.
1 8. 189 fJ-rfTrjp b* ov pe (pi\r] irpiv y eta 6(tipi^(r<rf(rOai.
vpiv y avrr)v . . t8co/xat (before I shall see her fyc.).
Od. II. 434 ot re /car' ato^o? fX eue Ka ' twofJ.tvricriv oir(r(ra)
dr]XvTpri(n yvvai^l, Kal 17 K' evepyos erjcrt.
So II. 9. 99., 20. 126., 24. 781. In these places the govern-
ing Verb is generally to be translated by the English Perfect
with have (cp. 73).
Th.3 real exceptions to this rule are not numerous, and may be
due in several cases to alteration of the text through the in-
fluence of the later usage. The reading is uncertain (e.g.] in
Od. 14. 327 TOV 8' es Awbtovriv (pdro ftr/fjifvai. ocppa deolo
(=19. 296) e/c bpvbs wl/iKOjjiOio Atos (BovXrjV firaK.ovcrri,
where the Subj. was read by Aristarchus, the Opt. firaKovo-ai. by
Aristophanes and Herodian. Again in
Od. I O. 65 TJ V-* v <*' evbvKfws d7T7reju.7rojLiey, o<pp* &v lurjai
the best MSS. have IKTJCU, but others have o(pp' av f/coto and 6<pp'
See also II. 15. 23, Od. 15. 300., 22. 98 : and cp.
H. 5- 5^7 M 7 ? Ti TTCI&HJ pfya 8e <r<pas a7ro<r<|)7jAete
15. 59^ fM/3aAot . . Qenbos b' eai<nov dprjv
In these places the MSS. generally have Trddrj, tp.pd\ri : but the
Opt. in the clause following has led the editors to adopt 7rd0oi,
e//./3dAoi.
Other places where the Subj. is contrary to the rule now laid
down are II. 13. 649., 14. 165., 16. 650 (see La R.)., 19. 354., *'<"
24. 586, Od. 9. 102., 10. 24.. 1 6. 369., 17. 60., 22. 467. In all
299-] OPTATIVE IN PRINCIPAL CLAUSES. 271
the Opt. may be substituted without affecting- the metre ; and
when we consider the number of places where the MSS. vary
between Subj. and Opt. forms, we can hardly doubt that it would
generally be right to make the change.
The Homeric rule is observed by Plato (see Riddell, Dig.
90, 91), but not by Attic writers in general.
The Optative in Simple Sentences.
299.] The uses of the Optative in Simple Sentences range
from the expression of a wish on the part of the speaker to the
expression of mere supposition, or admission of possibility.
Without Key or oV the Optative may express
(a) Simple wish or prayer : as
II. I. 42 TLaeiav Aavaol e//,a baxpva croicn /3eAe(rcri.
Od. i . 403 JJ.T) yap o y eA0oi xrA. never may he come fyc.
Regarding the Opt. of wish with el or at, eide, ai0, &c. see 311.
(6) A gentle or deferential Imperative, conveying- advice, sug-
gestion, or the like : as
II. 4. 17 ft 8' o-v Trees roSe Trao-i (f)i\ov xai fibv yeVoiro,
ft roi [lev otice'oiro Tro'Ais ITpitx/xoto KT\.
( = 2 presume the city is to remain inhabited}.
Od. 4. 735 <*AA.(i TIS orprjp&s AoAtov KaAeVeie ye'poyra
(as we say, would some one call fyc.}.
1 8. 141 T<5 /XT? ris Trore irdfJiTrav avrjp aOefj-icmos eirj,
dAA' o ye <ny?7 b>pa OeG>v lx ot
/ would have a man not be lawless, but fyc.
Note especially this use of the Second Person, as in
Od. 4. 193 7u0oio juoi pray listen to me: so in the formal
phrase 77 pd vv pot TI iridoio (II. 4. 93, &c.).
II. ii. 791 TO.VT ftTtois 'AxiA??t suppose you say this to Achilles.
Od. 15. 24 dAAa (TV y \\Q&v OVTOS tTrtrpev^eias e/cacrra.
11. 3. 406 rffro Trap' avrbv lovo-a, dt&v 8' aTro'et/ce KC \ev6ov,
fiTjS' ert o-oicrt Trobfo-fnv vTrocrrpev/^eias "OX.vfJi.Trov.
Hence in II. i. 20 we should read (with the best MSS.) iralba
' e/xot XuVaire (not AiSo-ai re, Wolf's conjecture).
(c] Rhetorical wish, implying willingness, or indifference to the
happening of some evil : as in imprecations
II. 2. 340 ey Tivpi 8r/ /3ouAai re yezxnaro ju,7j8ea 8'
6. 164 TfOvairjs, ai rfpoir', ^ Kaxra
( = 1 care not if you were dead, unless you
Od. 7- 224 Ibovra jue Kai AITTOI aia>z> KTrjcnv ejurjy KrA.
( = 1 am content to die when I have seen fyc.}.
272 OPTATIVE. [ 2 99-
(d] Concession or acquiescence :
II. 21. 359 AT}-/ eptSos, Tp<3as 8e KCU atriKa 8Tos 'A^iXXei/s
acrreos eeXdcreie (cease strife, and I consent that fyc.J.
Od. 1. 402 Krr/fxara 8' avrbs 6^01? KCU Stojuao-i (rouriz; dz>d<T<rots.
2. 232 dXX' atet x a ^ e7ro/? r ' *"? Ka ' o-lcrvXa pebi
(i. e. he may as well be imjust as just).
Pies. Op. 270 vvv 8r) eya) p/r' avro? kv avOpunroKn 8iKaios
eiTjf JU.^T' e/xos wo?.
The following are instances of the First Person used in this way :
II. 1 5- 45 wrap TOL KCU Kftvu> ey<o Trapa/xu^rjo-ai/xr/v
/ am willing to advise him (a concession).
So II. 4. 318 fjL&Xa fj.4v TOI eycoz/ e#e'Xoi/u KrX., but some MSS.
have \iiv KCV.
II. 23. 150 vvv 8' eTrel ov yeo/xai ye <$)i\n]v I? TrarptSa yatay,
ITarpOKXa) ^'pcot KO^TJV OTrcio-atjUt <pepecr0cu
^mce 7 aw wo^ fo return, I may as well Spc.
Od. 1 6. 383 aXXa (j)6eu>^V eXwres err' dypoO vocr(f)i TroXrjo?
^ ev 68w ; piorov 8' airot *cat Kr?/ju,aT' ex^/xey
8aorcrti/xeyot /cara polpav (f) r^eas, otKia 8' aure
Here what the Suitors are to do for themselves is put in the
Subj., what they do or allow to be done for Penelope in the Opt.
Compare Hdt. 7- 5- 4 TO n\v vvv ravra irprjffcrois ra irep iv \fpal. X (y > '
5e Aiyvmov T^V fv@piffaffav arparrjKartt ITTI ras 'AOrivas, i. e. ' I rnnsent to your
doing what you have in hand, but when it is done, march against Athens.'
(e) Strong denial is sometimes implied, under the form of de-
precation, by the Opt. with p^ : as
Od. 7. 316 jj.r) TOVTO (pi'Xozj Ait Trarpi yeVorro let us not admit
that this is the will of father Zeus.
22. 462 /AT) p\v 8r) Ka0ap<3 davaT<j> airb Ov^ov IXotjUTjy.
(/) Admission of possibility, i. e. willingness to suppose or
believe that the thing will happen. This use is rarely found
without Key or S.v : an instance is
Od. 3. 231 peta 9eos y e0eXa>i> Kai rrj\o0v avbpa trawcrai.
This is said as a concession : ' we men must allow that a god can
save even from afar/ So perhaps II. 10. 247, 557 : also
II. 15. 197 OvyarepecrcrLv yap re KOL uldcri /3eXrepoy fir] xrX.
Here the Opt. is in contrast to the preceding Imper. \M\ ri JJL
8ei8icro-(:'o-0ft> : ' let him not threaten me : for his own children it
may be well enough that he should scold/ Other instances are
negative, viz.
II. 19. 321 ov /xei> ydp n KCtKwrepoz; dXXo
300.] WITH KEN OR 'AN. 273
Od. 14. 122 yepov, ov rty Kelvov avyp a\aXr]fJ.vos e
dyyeAAwy Tmcreie yvvaiKa. re KCII <iAoi> viov.
So in the Relative clauses, II. 5. 303 (= 20. 286) o ov bvo y
avbpe (f)pOLv, Od. 3. 319 66 ev OVK eATroiro ye Ovfj.> eA0e/xei>. And
in one or two interrogative clauses, with implied negation : II.
II. 838 77(3? r' ap' eoi rdbe tpya ; Od. 5- IO ri? b' av K<t>v bia-
bpdp,oL (since we should probably read ris 8e F(K(bv). In such
case the absence of KCV or av marks the negation as sweeping
and unconditional. We should compare the corresponding
Homeric use of ou with the pure Subj., which differs in the
degree of confidence expressed : ovbe i8co/xcu / am sure I shall
never see, ov Trafloi/xi / suppose I shall never suffer.
300.] With KV or av the Optative does not express wish (which
is essentially unconditional), or even direct voillingness on the part
of the speaker, but only willingness to admit a consequence : hence
expectation in view of particular circumstances : e.g.
II. I. IOO rore KV fj,iv tAcKr<ra/zez>oi 7re7ri0oi|uez>
then we may expect to appease him and gain grace.
The character of a Clause of this kind depends chiefly on the
manner in which the condition is indicated. The following are
the main points to be observed :
(a) An Opt. with Ki> or ay often follows an independent Clause
with a Future, Imperative, &c. :
II. 22. 1 08 A? peov<nv, e/xoi 8e TOT av -noXv Ktpbiov et>/ KrA.
Od. 10. 269 (j)vy<tifj.fv' en yap KV dAv^atjuei' KUKOV r^ap.
II. 3. 410 Kel(re 8' eya)i> OVK e?/u, vffj.fo-crr]Tov 8e Ktv et?/.
(^) Or the preceding Clause may contain a wish :
II. 7- 157 e '^' & s ^/3coot//i, /3i?7 8e pot. eju,7re8os etrj'
T<a KC rax.' a-VTr\(rei KrA.
Cp. II. 4. 93 (where the preceding Opt. is a gentle Imper.).
(c) The case supposed may be in past time, so that the Opta-
tive expresses what would have followed on an event which
did not occur : e. g.
II. 5- 3 1 ! KOI vv Kev ev9' dTroAoiro ava avbp&v Alveias,
ti poj ap } 6v vorjcrf KrA.
^- 5-73 tvQa. K CTretra Kat adavaTOs Trep e7reA0a>i>
6riT)(raiTo lbu>v.
So II. 2. 8l7,"3. 220., 4. 223, 429, 539., 5- 85, 311, 388., 12. 58.,
13- i37> 343-. 15- 697., 17. 70, 366, 398, Od. 7. 293., 13. 86.
This use of the Optative is confined to Homer, and is chiefly .
found in the Iliad.
A somewhat similar idiom occurs in Herodotus ; e. g. Hdt. i . 2 firjffav 5' &v
OVTOI KpfjTts 'these may have been Cretans' ( = probably were\ 7. 180 raxo 8'
T
274 OPTATIVE. [300.
av TI Kal rov owofMTos inavpotro. But there the meaning is different not
would have happened ( = did not), but would be found to have happened (if we knew
more).
(</} The case supposed may be vague or imaginary :
II. 8. 143 avr^p Se Kfv ov TI Aios voov dpvcra-aLTO,
where the emphatic avrip suggests a condition: if a man, he
cannot fyc.; cp. Od. 4. 78., 23. 125, also
Od. 12. I O2 Tt\r](riov dAAryAcov' /ecu Kfv 8io'iaTe;<reia?
one may (on occasion arising} shoot an arrow across.
9. 131 ov fj.v yap TL KOKTJ ye, 0e'pot 8e itev a>pia irdvTa.
It is natural that an admission that something may happen
should generally be made more or less in view of circumstances,
given or supposed. Hence the use of KCC or Q.V with an Opt. of
this force became the prevailing use, and exceptions are rare,
even in Homer.
The principal clause or Apodosis of an ordinary Complex Con-
ditional Sentence belongs to this head. It is erroneous, how-
ever, to regard the varieties now explained as complex sentences
with the Protasis understood. In this, as in some other cases,
the complex is to be explained from the simple, not vice versa.
In some instances the Opt. with nev appears to be concessive
(expressing willingness). Delbriick (Synt. Forsch. I. p. 200) gives
as examples
II. 22. 252 vvv avTf /xe Ov/j-os avrJKe
a-Ti]fj.fvaL avria velo' eAoi/u KCV ri KCV akoirjv.
Od. 8. 57 ra &t xev 6eb$ rj reA.eWiei>
i] K dre'Aeor' ei?j, w? ol $tAoz> eTrAero 6vp.S.
To which may be added Od. 14. 183 ^ KCV aAoir; ?/ /ce Qvyoi KT\.
(but II. 13. 486 is different). Possibly the use of *ev in these
places is due to the opposition made between the two alterna-
tives : cp. 285, 3, d, 286, and 289, 2, b.
II. 24. 618 ciAA' aye 8r) KGU va>i /xe5w/ze0a, 8e yepate,
(riTOV eireira Key avre tyiKov iralba /cAatotcr^a.
Hes. Op. 33 TOV Ke KopecrcraiJLevos veiKea Kal brjpiv d^eAAots.
Also Od. 1 6. 391., 21. 161. But these instances need not be
separated from others in which expectation rather than conces-
sion is recognised. We may notice as on the border between the
two meanings
(a) Uses of the First Person (esp. in the Odyssey) : e. g.
Od. 15. .506 fi&dtv 8e Kfv vp.p.iv oboL-noptov iiapaOd^v.
22. 262 w $iA(H, ^877 \i.iv Ktv eycov etTroijui Kat a/x^iy KT\.
1 6. 304 dAA' oZoi (TV T' ey<o re yvvaiK.G>v yvwo/xef Wvv,
Kat K reo 8fi<ocoi; avbp&v en Tr
302.] DEPENDENT DELIBERATIVE USE. 275
14. 155 Ttplv bf /ce, KCti fJidXa Trep Kf^P^^os, ov TI
So Od. 2. 219., 4. 347., 12. 387., 15. 313, 449., 1 8. 1 66., 19. 579.,
20. 326., 21. 113, 193, II. 9. 417., 24- 664.
(/3) Negative Clauses, with the Second Person :
II. 14. 126 rw OVK av fj.e . . (frdvTes | [J.V00V a.Tifjiri(rat.T
I do not think you will (/ expect you not to) fyc.
Od. 2O. 135 OVK av \i.iv vvv, T&KVOV, avairiov atrto'wo.
So II. 2. 250 T<j> OVK av /3ao-tA?/as ava oro//,' Zyjav ayopevois is to be
understood as ironical courtesy (you will not if you are advised by
me). This, again, when turned into a question yields another
form of polite Imperative; as II. 3. 52 OVK av brj fxeiVetas will you
not await? So II. 5. 32, 456., 10. 204, Od. 6. 57., 7. 22.
The fact that ou is the negative Particle in all these instances
shows that the Optative is grammatically more akin to a Future
than to an expression of wish. So far as wish is intended, the
use is a rhetorical one, implying what it does not directly express,
like the similar use of the Future Indicative in Attic.
It will be seen that, except in one or two rare Homeric uses
of the pure Opt., the usage of the Opt. in independent Sen-
tences is nearly the same in Homer as in later Greek.
Optative in Subordinate Clauses.
301.1 The classification which has been followed in discussing
the Siibordinate Clauses with the Subjunctive will also be the
most convenient in the case of the Optative. Indeed there is so
close a parallelism between the uses of these two Moods that
little is now left to do except to take clauses of the several types
already analysed, and show in each case the difference which
determines the use of one Mood rather than the other.
The reason for using an Optative will generally be found in
the circumstance that the governing Verb is incompatible with
a subordinate clause expressing either the will or the assured
expectation of the speaker. If the> occasion to which the whole
sentence refers is past, or is a mere possibility, or an imaginary
case, these two meanings of the Subjunctive are generally out of
place and we can only have the Mood which expresses a wish,
or an admission of possibility. Hence it is a general rule to
which however we have found important exceptions ( 298)
that the Optative must be used when the principal Verb is an
Optative, or one of the Secondary Tenses.
302.] Clauses with ^ rje. The Optative in the Homeric
examples is generally to be explained as the translation of the
Subjunctive into oratio obligua ; that is to say, it expresses a
doubt or deliberation thrown back into the past.
T 2
276 OPTATIVE. [303.
Thus (a) we have past deliberation in
II. 16. 713 >te yap ?}e jj.d\OLTO Kara xXovov avrts eAacnra?,
?'/ Aaovs es rel^os ouoK^afiev aA?/rat
/a' debated should he fight 8fc., or should he call to the people fyc. :
so II. i. 189., 5. 671, Od. 4. 117., 6. 141., 10. 50, &c.
(b) Past doubt is less common : the examples are
Od. 4. 789 6pfjiaivov(r ?/ 01 Qa.va.rov (pvyoL utos a
TI o y VTrb fj.vr](TTrjp(nv virep(f)i.a.\OL(n
15. 304 crv/3(orecG TreipTjrtC/oz;
?/ /^,ii> er' eySuKeW <iAeoi fxetvat re
at/rou ei>t <rra0/x&), ^ orpwete iroAii'Se
Ttysses tried the swineherd whether would he still be hospitable
and bid him stay, or fyc.
In this use we once find Key KCV, viz. Od. 15. 300 6pfj.aiv<av
KV Oavarov (frvyoi 7] KV aAotTj (La Roche reads
303.] Clauses with firj. These are of two kinds, answering
to the similar Clauses with the Subj. ( 281) :
(1) Final Clauses : a single example will suffice :
II. 5- 845 8w' "A'ibos KWi]v /XTJ jj.iv Iboi o/3/n/xos "Aprjs
(so that) Ares should not see her.
(2) Object Clauses, with Verbs of thinking, &c. :
II. 21. 5!^ ju.e/ji/3Aero yap ol rei^os ei;8/^7jroto TTO'ATJO?,
fj,r) Aayaot Trepcretai; (his care was that) the Greeks
should not fyc. : so Od. 16. 179., 19. 390.
Od. 21. 394 TTipa>iJLevos tvda Kal Zv9a
fjir) Kepa tTres eSotev a7rot)(o/^eroto a^axros
^o *ge that worms should not have eaten it.
So in the common use with Verbs ot fearing: as II. 18. 34
oeiote yap /XT) Aaijuop eTra/xTjo-ete he feared lest 8fc. But in
II. 9. 244 raCr' aivu>s 8ei8otKa Kara <j>ptva ^rj ol aTmAas
eKreAe'(ra)(n ^eot, ^/xiy 8c ST) atcrt^oy eir/ KrA.
the Subj. is used for the immediate object of the fear (the gov-
erning Verb being a Perfect), and the Opt. for the more remote
event : see 304, a. The true reading however may be cirj, a
Subj. like /xer-etco (II. 23. 47).
These Object Clauses may be regarded as the negative forms
answering to the Clauses expressing past deliberation. As in the
corresponding uses of \>.r\ with the Subj. and Opt. in principal
Clauses ( 278), the Mood is never qualified by nev or w.
304.] Relative Clauses Final and Object. Sometimes the
Opt. in a Relative Clause is used precisely as in an independent
sentence; the wish or supposition being expressed from the
304.] RELATIVE CLAUSES FINAL. 2/7
speaker's present point of view, not subordinated to the point
of view fixed by the governing Verb. Thus in
Od. 4. 698 dXAa 77oAv ncl6v re /cat dpyaAewrepoy aAAo
/AznyoTTjpe? (j)paovTai, o JUT) reAeVete Kpoviav
we have an independent parenthetical wish : and in
II. 3. 234 vvv 8' aAAous {J.ev TTCLVTCIS 6p<3 . . ovs KCV ev yvofyv KT\.
5- 33 ( = 3O> 286) /xeya epyov, b ov bvo y avbpe (pepotey
a parenthetical expectation ( zgg,f). In other places the Rela-
tive Clause is connected, by implication at least, with the action
of the principal Clause, and expresses an intended or expected
consequence. We may distinguish the following cases :
(i) In Final Clauses
(a] The choice of the Opt. shows want of confident expectation
of the result intended :
II. 1. 62 dAA' aye 877 Tiva fj-avTiv fpeiOfJ-ev T) lepfja, . .
os K eiTroL KT\. (with the view that he may tell : cp.
7. 342., 21. 336, Od. 5. 166).
7. 231 fifJ.cls 8' et/xey roiot ot av <re'0ezj diTta<rat/x,ey
Kal TroAees ( = many of its are ready to meet thee).
Od. IO. 431 TI KO.K&V l/xeipere TOVTGW,
KipKTjs e? fjifyapov Karaftr]p.vai, rj Ktv aTravras
fj crvs 176 XVKOVS iroiTjo-erat 176 Xfovras,
01 Key 01 juteya 8w/xa <jbuAacrorot/xey Kat
Here TroiTjo-erat (Subj.) expresses the immediate result,
fjifv the further and therefore (in the nature of things) less confi-
dently asserted consequence.
In this group of Clauses the Opt. always takes Kec or 5^ (cp.
the corresponding Subj., 282).
($) The Opt. with icef is especially common after a principal
Clause of negative meaning (in which case the consequence is
necessarily matter of mere supposition] : as j\<***it *( H312-
II. 5- JQ2 ITTTTOI 8' ov Trapecuri Kat ap/zara rS>v K em/Sair/p.
Od. I. 253 tf ^ KO^OV a r noi\o^vov '
SevT/, o K nvr)<TTrjp<
5. 1 6 ov yap 01 Trdpa y^es e7r?7per/iot Kal traipot,
ot Kev p;iv 7re'/ii7rot>.
The pure Opt. occurs in II. 22. 348 OVK !o-0' o? . .
(c) The Opt. is used if the governing Verb is an Optative, or
a Secondary Tense : e.g.
II. 14. 107 vvv 8' efy os T7yo-8e y' apelvova MTLV fvttnroi.
Od. 6. 113 ws 'Obvo-fvs lypotro, ?8ot r' evwTTiSa Kovpr]v,
77 ot 4>at7jKO)j; avbp&v
278 OPTATIVE. [305.
Od. 5- 240 ava TrciAai, TrepiKrjXa, ra 01 TrAwotey eAa<p<3s
dry, such as would float.
(2) After Verbs that express asking or finding out the Clause
acquires the force of a dependent Interrogative, and so of an
Object Clause :
Od. 9. 331 avrap rows ciAAous /cA^pw TteTtaXhcrQai av&yov
os ris roA/ATjo-etez; *crA. (jfcr ^tf ^aw) ft^w should Sfc.
II. 3. 316 /cATjpous iraAAoy . . omrorfpos d(peir/
^ey <?<z^ lots for which of the two should throw.
14. 57 (=16. 283) TrcnrTrjvev 8e eKaoros OTTTJ <pvyoi.
So II. 6. 177., 10. 503, Od. 9. 88., 10. 101, no., 19. 464. As
to the form of the Relative Clause see 267, 2, c.
The Dependent Interrogative properly so called is rare in
Homer :
II. 5- 85 Tu8ei'8?)j> 8' OVK av yvoirjs Trore/aoicri
Od. 1 5- 4^3 eZpwra 8r) iTretra T^S e??; /cai itoOtv
17. 368 dAATjAous r' epeoz/ro rts etvj Kat TtoOev
It is evidently akin to the Optatives with ij rj which express
past doubt ( 302, V) : rs et?j w^o he should be comes to mean who
he should prove to be. Cp. the Subj. in the corresponding Clauses
relating to present time ( 280).
305.] Relative Clauses Conditional. When the event to
which the condition attaches is matter of wish or mere expecta-
tion, or is in past time, the condition is generally expressed by
the Optative. Hence we find the Optative
(a) With an Optative of wish in the principal Clause :
II. 3. 299 oTTiroTepoi TtpoTtpoi vTiep opKia Ttrjfji^veiav,
<38e cr0' eyKe'^aAos x.ajua8ts peoi a>s o8e olvos.
Od. I. 47 &>s aTToAoiTO xai aAAos ons roiaura ye ptoi.
(5) With an Optative of expectation :
II. 9. 125 ov Kfv aXrj'ios elrj avrjp & rocrcra yivoiro
he will not be poor to whom such things come.
12. 228 <38e x' vTTOKpivairo deoTrpoiros os <rd(pa
ei8eirj repcuop Kai ol ntiQoiaTO Aaot
so will a diviner answer, who knows
Od. 4. 222 os TO KaraySpo'^eiey . .
ov Kv 0rj/xe/)6o's ye /3aAoi Kara
The Opt. of the governing Clause may be itself subordinate :
Od. 2. 53 ws K' CIVTOS ee8yc)(ratTo Ovyarpa,
boir) b' (a K' e^eAoi Kai 01 K^apL(rp,4vos eA^ot.
306.] RELATIVE CLAUSES CONDITIONAL. 279
(c) After a Present or Future, in one or two places where the
time is purposely vague :
Od. 6. 286 KOI 8' aXXrj vefj-ea-ti, rj TIS TOLO.VTO. ye pebi
= 1 am ready to be angry with any other who fyc.
19. 51 *at yap 8*) KOiroio rd\ ecrcrerat ^8eos o3pr/,
ov TWO. y VTTVOS eXoi /crX. (eXrj La R.)
The Opt. avoids assuming that the case will ever occur.
The reading is very doubtful in II. 5. 407 6rn /noA.' ov orjvatos 6s dOavaroun
, the Ambrosian and some others having ndxrjrcu.
(cT) When the principal Verb is in a past Tense ; the Relative
Clause generally expressing indefinite frequency , iteration, &c.: as
II. 2. 1 88 ov nva jjifv /Saa-iXrja KCU f^o\ov avbpa KI^IT/,
TOV 8' ayavols eTreeo-criv epijT-yo-ao-Ke.
15. 22 ov 8e Xa/3ot/xt pi-nracrKOv reraya>z> xrA.
Od. 22. 315 TTavetTKOv p.vri(TTrjpas OTIS roiavra ye peoi.
In these uses, and generally, the Opt. is pure. Exceptions are
Od. 4. 600 o&pov 8' orrt KC /AOI 8otr/9 /cei/xTyXtoy lorco
(where the Opt. may be substituted for the Subj. for the sake of
courtesy, to avoid assuming the certainty of the gift),
Od. 21. 161 r] 8e' K eireiTa
yr\\iaiff os Ke irXeiora Tropoi *cal /^opcrijoio? eXdot.
Clauses formed by a Relative and the pwre Optative are strictly parallel to
the Conditional Clauses formed by a Relative and the pure Subjunctive, such
as x.aipti 5e piv os rts tGdpr/, or pt\T(pov 8s <f>tv-f<uv itpotyvfri ( 283, a). In both
groups of Clauses the reference is indefinite ; but with the Subj. the instances
must be thought of as future instances, and consequently the governing Verb
must not imply that they are past or imaginary.
It may happen that the condition is expressed by the Subj.
(because regarded as certain to be fulfilled), while the main action
is uncertain, and therefore put in the Opt. : as
II. 14. 126 TW OVK av jute ye'fos ye K.O.KOV KOI avaXniba
fj.v6ov drtpiTjo-atre Tre^ao-^eVoy, ov K' eu
2O. 250 OTtirolov K et77r/(T0a eTros, roiov K ^7raovcrat?.
So with el, as Od. 2. 2l8 et [iiv Ktv aKovcru), tf T hv rXairjv, cp.
u. 104, no., 12. 137. But the general rule is to let the sub-
ordinate Clause follow the Mood of the governing Verb : hence
the so-called ' Attraction ' of the Optative.
306.] Clauses with o>s, SITUS, ira and the Opt. are either Final
or Object Clauses (not Conditional in Homer, see the note at the
end of this section).
(i) In Final Clauses the Opt. may be used either (a) to
2SO OPTATIVE. [306.
indicate that the consequence is not immediate or certain (the
governing- Verb having a present or future meaning), or (1}
because the governing Verb is an Opt., or (c) a Secondary Tense.
Thus we have the Opt.
(a) After a Present, &c. in the principal Clause; especially
when the Clause bears a negative meaning (so that the occasion
is necessarily imaginary) : ,'Ai<;
II. I. 343 ovSe TI ole vofjcrai. apa Trpocrcra) /cat omcro-co,
OTTTTO)? 01 Trapa VT}V(rl (To'oi ^a^oLVTo 'Amatol.
(\j.a\(.oivTo however is not a good Homeric form, and makes an
intolerable hiatus : read probably ^a\iovrai, cp. 326, 3).
Od. 2. 5 2 ^ KO-Tpbs ptv e? O?KOV aTreppLyacn veecrOai.
'iKapiov, a>s K' avrbs ftbvuxraiTO Ovyarpa.
But also after an affirmative Clause :
Od. 23. 134 f]yi(r6u> (pi\OTTaiyiJ.ovos op\it]Q^oio t
cos Kef TIS <pair] ydfj.ov e/x/xerat euros aKOVU>v
so that any one ivho happens to hear may think fyc.
12. 156 aXA' epe'co jj.ev fy&v iva etSo'res i] Ke Qav^ev
i] Kfv aXfvd^fvoL Oduarov KOL Krjpa (pvyoipfv
(the Opt. of the less emphatic alternative, 275, ).
17. 249 TOV TTOT eyutv fal vrjbs eiJcrcreA/Ltoio /xeAatV?]?
a^to rijX.' 'IdaKrjs, Iva pot, fltoTov TTO\VV crA^oi
(irore indicates a distant occasion).
13. 401 Kvva>cru> 8e rot ocr(re Trdpos TreptKaAAe* eoVre,
w? av deiKeXtos TTCKTI, //,yrjor^p(7t (f>avfir]s (so 1 6. 297)-
24. 532 to-xecr#e . . cos KZV . . 5iaK/HZ>0etre (leg. biaKpivdrjTt ?).
(5) After an Optative, either of wish or of expectation : espe-
cially in the Odyssey, as
Od. 14. 407 Ta\ivTa juot tvbov eraipot
etey, IV kv KkicrLri \apbv reruKotjixe^a bopirov.
15* 537 r< ? Ke TX a yvofys &$&& TIS ere . . jaajcapt^bi.
So Od. 1 8. 369., 20. 8 1 : and a fortiori after an implied prohibi-
tion
Od. 3. 346 Zev? ro y' aAe^Tjo-ete . . ws v/xei? . . Ktotre
^1??^ awr^ ^^ ^ow should go 8fc.
(c) After a Past Tense a use of which it is needless to give
examples.
Regarding the use of KW and av, it is to be observed that
1 . The Opt. with Iva, and SITUS is always pure.
2. The Opt. with ws takes nev or av in a few places where
there is clear reference to a single occasion, as in Od. 2. 52
307.] "iis, 'Oim2, f iNA, 'Ens, J O*PA. 281
(quoted above), II. 19. 331, Od. 17. 362; and in the combinations
ds w TIS (Od. 15. 538), <3s KeV TIS (Od. 23. 135).
(2) The corresponding Object Clause with ws and Sirws is found
(a) after Verbs of trying, considering hoiv, &c. as
II. 2. 3 AA' o ye /xep/xrjpi^e Kara <pptva d>s '
' dAeVai 8e KtA.
The reading Ti^o-ei' is supported by Ven. A, which has TIJATJOTTJI
(VKTIKOV Schol. A. B.) : all other authorities have TIJITJOTJ, and all have oXIo-Q.
II. 9. 181 TTipav ws TTfTTiOoLfv (bade them try how to persuade).
21. 137 wpfjirjvfv 8' ava dvpbv OTTCOS Travo-ete (so 24. 680).
Od. 14. 329 OTTTTtoS VO<TTr\(Ttl 'I0aKI]S fS TtiOVa br}[J.OV.
This reading is proved (against voffrrjffy of the MSS.) by the parallel Od. 19.
298 OTTTTCUJ voffrrjafif <f>i\i)v es irarpiSa yaiav. Cp. also Od. 9. 420., II. 479.
In one place ws with the Opt. follows a Verb of saying, viz. in Od. 24. 237
(fj.fp/j.rjpige") fl-neiv ws t\0ot Kal IKOIT' (is irarpiSa ycuav to tett how he had come. This
is the only Homeric instance of ws with the Opt. in oratio obliqua. The next
is H. Ven. 215 etirev 5% fKaara, ws lot dOavaros KT\.
An example of OTTCOS and the Opt. with iterative meaning (nearly = ore,
308, i, d) occurs in Hesiod, Theog. 156 ital TCVI/ fj.lv oirws TIS irpSira ytvotro
Trdvras airoKpiinraaKf. This use is to be classed as Conditional, like the cor-
responding uses of ws and omos with the Subj., 285, 3.
307.] Clauses with lus (rjos) and 3<j>pa. These also are Final
in character : i. e. the Conjunction has the meaning till the time
that, hence (commonly) in order that, not while, so long as.
The notion of time is distinct in
Od. 12. 437 i'wA.eju.ecos k^jo^v o</>p' ee/xe(rei> OTTto-o-co
until it should vomit forth again($o 12.428., 20. 80).
Od. 23. 151 flpvcrOai /ne'ya b&^a 8taju,7repes r}os IKOITO
till he should come (so 5. 386., 9. 376).
It is indistinct, or lost, in the ordinary use of 3<{>pa, as
II. 6. 170 8etcu 8' Tjzxoyet w TrevflepcS o<pp aTroAotro.
Od. 12. 427 9jA0e 8' tTTt Noros 3)Ka } ^epcoy e/xw aAyea 0uju<3,
o<f)p' In rrjv 6Xoi]v ai>a/x,er/>?7<rai/u Xdpvpbw
to the end that 1 should measure again fyc.
and with !&> in Od. 4. 799 fiyan 8e \iiv . . rjos UrjveXoTTfiav
7rav(TL KXavd^olo, and other places in the Odyssey (5. 386., 6.
80., 19. 367).
The corresponding form of Object Clause with these Conjunc-
tions may be traced in one instance of each, viz. II. 4.^465 AeAitj- t E~tfO t Z
fjievos otypa r^tora rev^ea crv\r}<Tie, and Od. 19. 367 apcd/xevos r]os
IKOLO. Here, after a Verb of wishing, the meaning until passes
into the simple that.
282 OPTATIVE. [308.
With lus and o<j>pa the Opt. is nearly always pure : but we
have o4>p' &v in Od. 17. 298 (until], 24. 334 : and e'us nev in
Od. 2. 77 ro'cppa yap av Kara acrrv TroriTrriKrcroijue^a fj.v9<t)
X/>?/p,ar' &iraiT[ovTcs } ecos K' a-no Travra So^etrj,
where there is a stress on the particular time contemplated. So
II. 15- 69 eK TOV 8' av TOL eTretra Tra\iu>t.v Ttapa vi]G>v
alfv eyw rei/^oijuit 8tap,7repes, ets o K 'A)(atot
"JAioz; atTrv eAotey (the only instance with els o).
The similar uses of eore, axpi, /xe'xpi are post-Homeric.
The chief instance of o<J>pa with an Opt. following a Fut. or Subj. is II. 7.
339 TTv\as -noL-fjaofjifv . . 5<ppa . . 65us (trj. But the example is open to doubt,
partly because there may be a Subj. fit) (see 80), partly because the line also
occurs (7. 349) where the governing Verb is an Imperfect, and it may have
been wrongly inserted in v. 339. In other places as II. 7. 72, Od. 5. 378.,
15. 51., 22. 444 where some editions have Opt. forms, the Subj. is to be
restored. It is true that the Opt. is found after the Future with other
Conjunctions, to express remoteness or uncertainty ; but a word which
literally means titt the time that could not naturally be used to express a remote
end or consequence.
308.] Clauses with, ore, OTVOTC, &c. Most Clauses of this kind
are essentially
(i) Conditional. The Verb of the principal Clause may be
(a) An Optative of wish : as
II. 2J. 428 TOLOVTOL vvv TrdvTs, o(roi TptoecTcriv aputyoi,
tltv or' 'Apyetoicri juaxoi'aro (cp. II. 1 8. 4^5> &C.).
() An Optative of expectation : as
Od. 13. 390 KCU K TpLrjKoo-iounv ty&v avbpea-o-i fj.axoLfj.rjv
crvv croi, TIOTVOL 6ed, ore juoi Trpo^pacro-' e7rap?jyois.
II. 14. 247 Zr]vos 8' OVK av eytoye Kpoviovos aa-aov iKoifj.-qv,
ot>8e Karew?j(raip.' ore JUTJ avros ye /ceAevot.
(c) A Future : in one place, viz. II. 13. 317 alirv ol ecrcretreu . .
vfjas tvLTTpfjvai ore p,r/ aiiros ye Kpov[u>v ep./3dA.ot xrX., where the
speaker does not wish to imply the fulfilment of the condition.
In Od. 24. 343 ivQa. 5' dvcL ffra<pv\al iravroiai taffiv, uirirore S^ Atos Sipai (irtfipi-
atiav the Present taoriv is open to suspicion, because all the rest of the
description is in the past tense ; with which the Opt. is in harmony.
In II. 4. 263 ZffTrjx Sis Tttp ffj-oi, mttiv ore Ov^os avu^oi the Opt. is read by most
MSS. It maybe regarded as an Opt. of the remoter event ( 305, c), depending
on iriffiv, which is an Inf. of purpose (Goodwin 555). But La Koche reads
dfuyr).
(d) A Past Tense, generally of an event which happens re-
peatedly or habitually, as
II. i. 610 fvOa Trdpo? KOijuafl' ore fj.iv y\VKvs VTTVOS IK.O.VOI.
310.] OTE, 'OHOTE, 'EHEI, IIPIN. 283
21. 265 6Wa/a 5' op/xTjo-eie KT\. as often as he started fyc.
Od. 8. 87 ?f rot ore \r\tiev . . fXfVKcv (iterative).
So with ore after irpiV, in II. 9. 486 OVK e0e'A.eo-/ces . . npiv y ore
8r) . . a<raifjn=^ou would only . . when fyc.: cp. 297.
In these cases the Opt. after a past tense answers to the pure
Subj. after a Present, 289, 2, a. In one place the Opt. with
ore represents the Subj. with ore KCV, viz. in Od. 20. 138 dAA' ore
orj KOLTOLO KOL VTTVOV /jUfx,z>?7cr/coiTo, 17 p.ev be^vi,' avayev VTrooropeo-ai
bfj-tofjai bade them spread the couch against the time when he should
bethink him Sfc.
In this group of uses the Opt. is pure, except in
II. 9. 524 ovTO> KOI T&V Tipoa-Oev e7rev0o|u.e#a KAea avbp&v
ypuKtiv, ore Kfv TIV eTua</>eAos ^.0X05 TKOI,
where the K&V may be accounted for by the change from the
Plural to the Singular : cp. 283, I, c.
(2) After a Past Tense of a Verb of waiting oTnSre with the
Aorist Opt. forms a kind of Object Clause; as II. 7. 415 TrortSe'y-
juez^ot oTTTroV ap } f\6oi waiting for (the time] when he should come j
so II. 9. 191., 1 8. 524, and (after jueWres) 4. 334. Cp. 289 (i).
309.] Clauses with eirei. The few examples of this use show
the same varieties as with ore. Thus, (a) after another Opt.
II. 9. 304 vvv yap x? "EitTOp' eAois, eirel av /xaAa roi
24. 226 avTiKa y&p p. Kara/cre^eiey '
dy*cas kKovr e/xoy viov, kitT]V yoou e^ Zpov ftr)V.
Od. 4. 222 os TO K.arapp6t;tifv, f-nrjv Kprjrijpi piytiri, KT\.
(b] After a Present, in the statement of a supposed conse-
quence
Od. 24. 254 Toiovro) 8e eoiKas, eiret Xowairo <payot re,
evSe'/xevat (such a one as would sleep after that fyc.}.
(c) After a Past tense, in the iterative sense :
II. 24. 14 dAA.' o y eTrel Qeufcfv KT\., Od. 2. 105 (=19. 150.,
24. 140) fTrrjv batbas TtapaOeiTO (v. I. eTre^).
The use of S.v is intelligible in the first of these passages (II. 9.
304), since it refers to an event in the immediate future;
perhaps also in II. 24. 227, after an Opt. of concession. But as
to the form lirf\v see 362.
310.] irpiV. The peculiar way of expressing a condition by a
Negative followed by irpiv ( 297) is transferred to the past, the
Subj. becoming an Opt., in one passage
II. 21. 580 OVK e0eAez> </>evyeii> nplv
284 OPTATIVE. [311.
The Optative with el, 8fc.
311.] Optative with el Conditional Protasis. The Clause
with el expresses a supposition, made in order to lead up to the
Clause which expresses the expected consequence : as
Od. I. 163 ei Kflvov y 'I0d7jz;8e t8otaro voa-Trjcrai'Ta,
TTavres K aprjaaiar' eAacpporepot Tiobas ctvai KT\.
II. 7- 129 TOVS vvv ei TTTti>(T<rovTas i$<p' "E/cropt TTavras a.KOV<rai,
TroAAa Ktv aOavdroKri (ptAas ava xfipas deipat.
The Clause with el may follow the other, as
II. 22. 2O 77 0-' av TLcrai^rjv, ei piot bvvafj,is ye Trapeu}.
The apodosis is generally given by the Opt. with Key, as in the
examples quoted : but we may have the Subj. with Key, the
Future, or the Present. In such cases there is some change of
tone between Protasis and Apodosis : as II. n. 386 et p.i> 6?;
avrifiiov trvv Tevxccn TtfiprjOetrjs, OVK av roi -yjpaLcr^a-i KT\., where
the Subj. is more peremptory than the Opt. : cp. Od. 17. 539 and
(Fut.) II. 10. 222. So with the el-Clause following the other,
as II. 9. 388 Kovp-qv 8' ov ya/xe'co, ovb' et ept^bt / shall not wed the
maiden (and would not) even if she rivalled fyc. ; cp. II. 2. 488,
Od. 17. 539. The instances of the Opt. following a Present are
nearly all in the Odyssey : I. 414 OVT ovv dyyeAtrj en TtdOo^ion
fiirodev eA^oi, also 7. 52., 14. 56. In these cases the Present has
the force of a general statement (see Goodwin, 409-501). So
when the Verb is understood, as
II. 9. 318 ttnj p.olpa pevovTi /cat et /xaAa rts iroA.e/it^bt.
Od. 8. 138 ov yap eycoye Tt <pr/ju,t xaKwrepov dAAo ^aAci(rcrTjs
avbpa ye a~vy\evai, et Kai /idAa /caprepos etr;
no matter if he is very strong ( = even if he should le).
The combination <>s el (or 6s ei re) expresses supposition for the
purpose of comparison; the principal Clause being in a past
Tense, as
II. 2. 780 ot 8' op' Icrav &>s et re Trwpt \6(i)v Traa-a ve/xotro
(cp. II. II. 467., 22. 410, Od. 9. 314., 10. 416, 420., 17. 366).
Or else negative
II. II. 389 OVK dXeyco &>y e? p:e yvvr] /3dA.ot ^ irais a<ppcoy.
The use of el with the Opt. in the iterative sense (if ever,
whenever), which is common in later Greek, is not Homeric : the
only passage which might be quoted as an example is
II. 24. 768 dXX' ei ris /*e *at aAXo? ei>t jueydpoKriv tviitroi . .
dAAa (rv TOV y eTreecrcrt Trapat^d/ieros Karepu/ces.
313-] CLAUSES WITH EL 285
312.] Optative with el Wish. The Conditional Protasis,
when used without an Apodosis, becomes a form of expressing
wish :
II. 35- 569 'AyriAox', ov TIS treio vewrepos aAAos '
oijTf TTOcrlv 6dcrcra>v OVT' aAKt/xo? a>s
ft Tivd 770V Tpaxoy f^dXpevos avbpa
So II. 10. in., 1 6. 559., 34. 74. More frequently a wish is in-
troduced by el yap or at yap, as in
at yap, Zev re Trarep /cat 'AOrjvair] KOL v ATroAAoz>, KrA.
Such a wish is sometimes used as a form of asseveration, as
II. 1 8. 464 at yap piv Qavaroio bv<nj^os a>8e bvvafariv
i>6(T(f)iv aTTOKpvi/rcu, ore p-iv pdpps alvbs IKO.VOI,
a>s ol re^x ea KaXa irapecroreTai
i. e. fair arms shall be his as surely as I wish I could save him
from death : so II. 8. 538, Od. 9. 533 : and ironically
Od. 31. 403 at yap br] TOCTCTOVTOV 6vr](nos <Wia<reiei>,
&>s OVTOS Trore TOVTO bwiqaeTat. evravva-acrOai.
Here also we must place the wishes expressed by ei0e or aifle,
which have generally the character of hopeless regret : as ei0' ^>?
^/3woi/u xrA. It may be noted that in the Odyssey wish is not
expressed by el except in the combinations el yap and e!0e.
A wish is often followed by a Clause expressing an expected
consequence of its fulfilment ; as
II. 3. 371 at yap, Zei) re Trarep . .
r<3 Ke rax' W^ " 616 TroAts Dpia^oio ayaxros.
Od. 7. 331 ZeS Trarep, aW ocra eiire reAeur?yo-eiey anavTa
'AAKivoo?' TOV jueV Kfv eirl fetdcopov apovpav
acr/3e(rrof KAeos eirj.
So we should probably punctuate
II. 13. 485 ei yap 6//T]AiKU7 ye yeroi/izefla r&)8' em
au^a Kv ije ^epoiro p,e'ya Kparos Tje
Or we may take aT\/>a Key KrA. closely with the preceding line,
and then it becomes the Apodosis to a Conditional clause. Other
examples of this ambiguity are given in 318.
313.] Optative with ti Kev Conditional Protasis. This is
a comparatively rare form; it can generally be explained in
accordance with the other uses of KCC :
II. 5. 373 ei rovro) Ke Aa/3o6juei> apoip.fOd Ke KAe'os ccr9\6v wi
if (as I propose) we take them, we should fyc.
(But perhaps we should read rowrco ye.)
9. 141 et 8e Kfv "Apyos iKoifj-eO' 'A^auKov KrA.
if (as a further step) we reach Argos fyc.
286 OPTATIVE. [314.
II. 23. 59 ! ITTTTOV bf rot avrbs
baxru), Ti]v ap6fj.r]v' el K.ai vv KCV olitodfv #\Ao
fji(lov eTraiTTjo-etas, atyap Ke rot ai>TLKa bovvai
ftov\oLfj.r]v if (after that] you demand more fyc.
Od. 2. 76 et x' vpels ye </>dyotre, ra)(' #y Trore /cat rum etrj
/*(#* I say is better, see v. 7 4) you devour, then fyc.
See also II. 2. 123., 8. 196, 205., 13. 288., 23. 592, Od. 2. 246.,
12. 345-, 13- 389., 19. 590. And with the Clause with el fol-
lowing the other
II. 6. 49 rcou Kev rot xapurairo TTarrjp aTrepeun'
ct jeez; ejLte ^cooy TieirvQoiT e?rt
So II. i. 60., 10. 381 ; cp. Od. 7. 315., 8. 353, and the use of
ei Kc wo^ eye in case, II. 9. 445., 19. 322., 22.
There is one instance of the Opt. with el Sc, viz.
II. 2. 597 e ^ "RtP Q- v a ^ ra t Moucrat
314.1 Opt. with el Final and Object Clauses. These are
generally found after a past Tense in the Principal Clause ; e.g.
II. 2. 97 KTjpv/ce? (3o6<i)VTs eprjTvov, ei TTOT' durrjs
a-^oiaT ,a.KovcrfLav 8e /crA.(m view that they should 8fc.]
Od. 4. 317 fjXvdov, ei rtm JJ.QI. K\r]r]b6va irarpos fvicnrois
I have come in case you may tell me some fyc.
With Verbs of seeking, trying, desiring, &c. the Clause with el
has the character of an Object Clause : as
II. 4- 88 Ylavbapov avrideov bir)iJ,fvr] et TTOU (pevpoi
seeking in the hope of finding ( = seeking to Jind).
So II. 12. 333, Od. 13. 415., 22. 381.
With Verbs of telling, knowing, seeing, thinking, &c. this idiom
is almost confined to the Odyssey ; e. g.
Od. I. 115 oo-0-o/ieyos' Trare'p' etrOXov fvl (frpeviv, ei irodtv fXOuv
p,vrj(TTrip(av T&V fJLfv (TKfbacriv Kara Sw^ara deCrj
i. e. with the thought in his heart, whether his father would
come and scatter the suitors: cp. 5. 439., 9. 317, 421., 18. 375.
Od. 12. 112 ei b' aye brj /u.ot TOUTO, 6ed, zn^epres
tell me as to the hope that 1 may escape fyc.
In a few places an Object Clause of this kind follows a present
Tense :
Od. 2. 350 bv crv <vA.ao-(rei?
Kflvov oiofjifvov TOV Ka^opov fl TtoOev f\doi.
14. 119 Zevs . . otbe . . e? Ke fj.iv dyyetXat/xt Ibutv.
2O. 224 dAA' ert TOV bvirrrivov oto/xat d TioQe.v . .
31 6.] SUMMARY OF USES. 287
So in the only example of the kind found in the Iliad :
II. II. 792 T(S b' olb' el Kfv 01 o~uv baifjiovi Ovpov opivats ;
The pure Optative is used in all the places quoted, except the
two in which ei K*V follows otSe (II. n. 792, Od. 14. 119). In
these the structure is the same as in the corresponding indepen-
dent Clauses ( 300). That is to say, the phrase ris olbev ei is
treated as a mere ' perhaps ' (Lat. nescio an).
An Opt. in a Final Clause depending upon a Subj. is perhaps to be found
in Od. 5.471 d Sf Ktv . . KaraSpaOa) (i pe neOdr) (so all MSS. : /w^TO Bekk.). Cp.
293-
History of the Subjunctive and Optative.
315.] Uses in Independent Clauses. The uses of the Subj.
and Opt. in independent Clauses have been shown to fall in each
case into two main groups. In one set of meanings the Mood
expresses desire on the part of the speaker ; to this belong the Subj.
of command and prohibition, and the Opt. of wish. In the other
the Mood is a kind of Future; the Subj. being an emphatic or
confident Future (like our Future with shall], the Opt. a softened
Future, expressing expectation, or mere admission of possibility
(the English may or should],
These two sets of meanings may be called the ' quasi-Impera-
tive/ and the ' quasi-Future/ We must remember however that
they are not always clearly separable, but are connected by trans-
itional or intermediate uses : such as (e.g.] the Subj. which ex-
presses necessity ( 277), and the Opt. of concession ( 299, d],
316.] Uses in Subordinate Clauses. Passing over for the
present the question whether the quasi-Imperative or the quasi-
Future use is to be regarded in each case as representing the
original meaning of the Mood, we proceed to consider the uses in
Subordinate Clauses. Here the main distinction is that between
' Final ' and ' Conditional/ if these terms are used with some
latitude : especially if we rank with the Final Clauses not only
those which distinctly express the end or purpose of an action,
but also all Clauses which are referred to the time of the govern-
ing Verb. It is true that this distinction does not always apply;
e.g. to the Subj. in
Aava&v oXotyvpofjitO' al^p.rjTcuDi',
oi Kfv T) KaKov olrov avaTrXrjcravTes oAcozmu*
or to the Opt. in
aA.Aa
288 SUBJUNCTIVE AND OPTATIVE. [316.
For there the Relative Clause is in sense a parenthesis, and is
construed accordingly as an independent Sentence. Again, in
tcrcrerat ?)/ J iap 6V av TTOT' d\u>\rj KT\.
$pacro-o'|ui,e0' 776 veutfj-fO' e<p' ^//erep' ??e ju.efco/xei'.
bfibif yap ^T] Aatjuor a-Tror/ixrjo-ete /crA..
and generally in 0/6^ Clauses, the Subordinate Clause does not
express end ; but the time from which it is regarded as spoken is
fixed by the governing Verb, in the same way that the time of a
true Final Clause is fixed by the action of which it gives the end.
For the present purpose, accordingly, there are two kinds of
Clause to be considered, (i) Final and Object Clauses, and (2)
Conditional Clauses.
Regarding the meaning of the Subjunctive and Optative in
Final Clauses there can be little doubt. The Subj. in most
instances follows either a First Person (Present or Future), or an
Imperative : that is to say, it expresses the immediate purpose
with which the speaker announces his own action, or commands
the action of others. Hence, by a natural transference, it comes
to express the purpose of another person (viz. the Subject of the
Principal Clause). Similarly the Opt., whether as the Mood of
wish or of expectation, comes to express a wish or expectation not
now felt, but spoken of. Again, by virtue of its character as a
softened or less confident Future, it naturally expresses a purpose
that does not lie within the speaker's own sphere of action or
direct influence.
It should be noticed, too, that the relation which we imply by
the term f Final Clause ' may exist without grammatical Sub-
ordination, i. e. without a Particle such as Ira or <as to introduce
the clause. Thus in II. 6. 340 dAA' aye vvv t-nipeivov aprjia rev^ea
bvu> the meaning would not be altered by saying k-ni^ivov Iva bv<a.
So in II. 1 8. 121-125 vvv 8e xAeos &poifirjv KCU . . crTovaxrja-ai
ecpeuyy, yvolev 8' o>s brj brjpov ey&> 7roA.ejuoto TreTrau/xcu : the last wish
is evidently also the result hoped for from the fulfilment of the
preceding wishes (so that yvoitv 8e = a>? yvoiev}.
In Conditional Clauses, on the other hand, the condition or
supposition is not subordinated to the time of the governing
Verb, but is made from the present point of view of the speaker.
The question arises : What is the original force of the Subj. and
Opt. in this use ?
In the case of the Subj. we naturally look to the quasi-Im-
perative use. It is common to use the Imperative as a way of
stating a supposition ; as when we say ' let it be so/ meaning ' if
it is so ' (cp. Latin eras petito, dabitur}. This view is confirmed
by the fact that negative Conditional Clauses take pi, not ou :
that is to say, they are felt to be akin to prohibition rather than
denial. Thus os /XTJ t\6rj literally means not ( who will not come '
{AacJviLnt.Aklaul C*y'. <n*4 & **"+ fi*<AL <ltj +a*~J' &
ORIGINAL MEANING. 289
(os OVK av eA0r?), but ' who shall not come/ i. e. whom we are not
to suppose coming 1 .
Similarly we may understand the Opt. in these Clauses as the
Mood of concession ; ' admitting- this to be so ' : and so in a neg-
ative sentence, o? /ur) lA0ot ' whom I agree to suppose not coming-/
For the choice of the Mood does not depend on the greater or less
probability of the supposition being- true, but on the tone in which
it is made on the degree of vividness, as Mr. Goodwin says, with
which it is expressed (Moods and Tenses, 455).
It may be objected that on this view we ought to have ei ov,
not ei fj,ri, whenever the Verb is in the Indicative. But there is
no difficulty in supposing- that ^f\ was extended to the Indicative
on the analogy of the Clauses with the Subj. and Opt. ; just as
JUT) &<pt\ov is an extension from the common use of fir) in wishes.
And this is strongly supported by the circumstance that in fact
ei ou with the Indicative occurs several times in Homer :
II. 15- 162 ei Se fxot OVK eWeo-o-' eTUTrei'crerai KT\. (so 1 7 8).
2O. 129 et o' 'Ax/Aew? ov ravra 6eS>v IK Treyo-erat o^rjs.
24. 296 ei 8e roi ov Swcrei 46z> ayyeAoy KTA.
Od. 2. 274 et 8' ov KCLVOV y e<ro-i yoyos /crA.
See also II. 4. 160, Od. 12. 382., 13. 143. On the other hand,
in the very few examples of i ou with a Subj., the ou goes
closely with the Verb, viz. II. 3. 289 (OVK etfe'Acoo-tz;), 20. 139
(OVK ei(oo-i). On the whole, therefore, it is probable that the
Subj. in Conditional Clauses represents the tone of requirement
in which the speaker asks us to suppose the condition to be true :
and that the Opt. implies concession, or willingness to make the
supposition involved.
317.] Original meaning. Whether the use of the Subj. as an emphatic
Future was derived from its use to express Will, or vice versa, and whether the
Optative originally expressed wish or supposition, are questions which take us
back to a very early period in the history of Indo-European speech. The two
Moods are found in the same uses (generally speaking) in Homer and in
the Veda : the formation of these uses therefore belongs in the main to the
period before the separation of the different languages, to the period, indeed,
when, the original parent language was itself in course of formation. The pro-
blem therefore is one on which comparison of the earliest forms of the known
Indo-European languages can hardly throw any light. It is as though we
were asked to divine whether the use of shall in commands (thou shalt not kill)
or in predictions (ye shall see me) is the older, without recourse to earlier
English, or to other Germanic languages. Some considerations of a general
character may however be suggested :
(a) The Subj. is strongly differentiated from the Imperative by its Person-
Endings, and especially by the existence of a First Person.
(6) In most languages it will be found that the Imperative meaning is
expressed in more than one way. Thus in Sanscrit we find the Imperative
U
2QO SUBJUNCTIVE AND OPTATIVE. [318.
proper, the Injunctive, the Subj., and the Optative : in Greek the Imper., the
Subj. and certain uses of the Future. The reason of this is evident. Variety
in the expression of will and wish is one of the first needs of human society.
The form which has been appropriated to express command is unsuitable to
courteous request, still more unsuitable to humble entreaty. Accordingly other
forms re used, precisely because they are not Imperatives. In time these
acquire a quasi-Imperative character, and fresh forms are resorted to as the
same want of a non-Imperative mode of expression is again perceived.
(c) The use of the Secondary Endings in the Optative points to the con-
clusion that in its origin it was a Mood of past time. The tendency to use
a past Tense in wishes, and in some kinds of suppositions, may be amply
illustrated from English and other modern languages.
((T) The uses with ou go far to show that the quasi-Future sense of the
Subj. and Opt. is at least as primitive as the quasi-Imperative sense. If the
strong negation ou jfvrjrcu is derived by gradual change of meaning from a
prohibition, the appearance of ov is difficult to explain.
(e) The use of the Subj. as an Imper. may be compared to the Attic use of the
Future in a 'jussive ' sense, and in Final Clauses to express purpose (Goodwin,
P- 373)- The change from an expression of will to one of expectation is one
to which it would be much more difficult to find a parallel.
318.] Conditional Protasis with ct. The derivations that have been pro-
posed for the Particle el or ai are too uncertain to furnish ground for any
theory as to the manner in which the Conditional Protasis may have been
formed. The question arises for us on the passages in which el with the Opt.
is used to express a wish. Thus in ei TVS KaXscreie I pray some one to call we may
take the Clause as Conditional, with a suppressed Apodosis (oAo)s av txoi or
the like). Or we may follow L. Lange in holding that the Clause is not
Subordinate at all, the Particle el being originally a kind of affirmative
Interjection, used to introduce expressions of wish and supposition ; and we
can thus explain the ordinary Complex Conditional Sentence as made up of
two originally independent Clauses, viz. (i) a wish or supposition, introduced
by el, and (2) an assertion of the consequence to be expected from its being
realised. On this theory the Clause of Wish introduced by el is not an in-
complete Sentence, derived from a Complex Sentence by omission of the
Apodosis, but is one of the elements from which the Complex Sentence was
itself developed.
The latter of these views has a priori the advantage of deriving the complex
from the simple : and it has some apparent support in Homeric usage.
We find in Homer
(1) Wish, standing alone :
ws anoXono KCLI aXAos OTIS Toiavra yt pt^ot.
(2) Wish followed by an independent Clause expressing expectation of a
consequence :
Od. 15. iSo ovTca vvv Ztvs Oeirj, tpiySoinros ir6ffis"Hpr)s -
TO) Ktv TOI Kal KetOi Oew a/s (vx(TOa>fJir]v.
II. 13. 55 ff<t>a>i'v S' S>St 6twv ns ivl <pp(al noirjfffitv,
av-Tui 0' fffrafifvai xparfpus teal dvooyffitv oAAow
TW Kt teal tffavfjievov titp iporriaiuT airb vr)<av.
330.] EI-CLAUSES. 291
(3) Wish, with el, i yap, ei0e, &c., but without ' Apodosis ' :
II. 4. 189 at yap 8;) OVTCOS fir], <pi\os Si Mei/e'Xae.
II. 670 fW &s fiftwoiiu, fitr) 5e fiot efineSos etrj, KT\.
(4) Wish, with el, el yelp, i0e, &c., followed by a Clause of Consequence :
II- 7- I 57 *'&' & s fi&tooipi, 0iri Se pot efiireSos eii)'
TO) Ke rax' avriiaeie KT\.
Od. 15. 536 at yap TOVTO, (five, tiros re\effeie Kpovtcav
yvoirjs x ''>7 *A*^ 8iW/MS ical X e fy fs firovrat.
(5) Supposition, with el, followed by a Clause of expectation :
II. 7. 129 TOVS vvv el irruffffovras v(p' "Eteropi iravras d/eovffai,
TroAAci Kfv dOavarotffi <pi\as dvd ^ft/oas deipai.
The similarity in these examples is manifest. The type in the first four
sets consists of a Clause of Wish, either alone (i and 3) or followed by a Clause
of Consequence (2 and 4). Again, (5) only differs from (4) in punctuation,
so to speak : the two Clauses are taken together, and thus the el-Clause is
no longer an independent supposition, but is one made with a view to the
consequence expressed in the Clause with Kev. And this, it is contended, was
the result of a gradual process, such as we find whenever parataxis passes
into hypotaxis.
319.] Final Clauses with el. An argument for Lange's view of the original
force of el is found in the use in Final Clauses, such as eT/ju ei ice mGrjrai. The
meaning here is essentially different from that of the Conditional sentence
I go if he listens ; and on the ordinary hypothesis, that el originally expressed
a condition, it is difficult to account for the two uses. But if el is a mere
interjection, introducing wish or supposition, it is intelligible that the Clause
should be Conditional or Final, as the context may determine.
320.] The formula el 8' dye, with the varieties el 8' dyer* (II. 22. 381) and
el 8e (II. 9. 46, 262), is often used in Homer to introduce an Imperative or
Subjxinctive ( 275). It has generally been supposed to be elliptical, standing
for el 8' e0e\eis dye, or the like. And el 8' tfleXeis is actually found with
an Imperative in a few places : II. 19. 142 el 8' eOe\ets eiripfivov, Od. 16. 82., 17.
277 (cp. 3. 324). It has been pointed out, however, by Lange, in his
dissertation on this question,* that el 8' eOeAeis is only found where it
introduces a distinct second alternative. Thus in Od. 16. 82 the context is :
' I will send the stranger wherever he desires ; or if you choose (ei 8' eO(\ets~)
take him into your house.' So Od. 3. 323 d\\' 'I0i vvv avv vrjt . . el 8' iOe\(ts
ire6s KT\. But with el 8' uye this is not the case. We find it at the beginning
of a speech ; as
II. 6. 376 el 8" dye fiot, S/j.aiai, vrj^eprea fivBriaaaOe.
Od. 2. 178 to yepov, el 8' dye vvv pavTeveo KT\. : so II. 16. 697., 17- ^5>
Od. 12. 112., 22. 391., 23. 35.
Or in the Apodosis of a Conditional sentence, as
Od. 4. 831 (I fj.ev Si) Of 6s efffft, OeoTo re (icXves avofjs,
tl 8' dye not KT\. : so II. 22. 379-381.
Or to express an appeal which is consequent upon something just said : as
II. I. 301 TUIV OVK dv n tyepois dve\&v dfKOvros l/xefo'
ei 8' 0176 ^v ireiprjacu (ay, come now and try] : cp. II. 8. iS.
* De formula Homerica el 8' aye commentatio, Lipsiae 1873.
U 2,
292 SUBJUNCTIVE AND OPTATIVE. [321.
II. I. 523 i/jiol 8e ice ravra fieXrjfferai o</>/>a reKiaaca'
(I 8' aye roi -e<paAjj Karavevaoftai (so come, I will twd my head).
23. 579 ei 6* 0:7' eyuiv avros St/taaa), KOI /*' ov rtvd tpij/J.t
d\\ov eirntKri^eiv Aavawv Wtia yap earac
J AvTt\o\, el 5' dye Sevpo . . opvvOi KT\.
come I will be judge myself . . so come, Antilochus, take this oath :
see also Od. i. 271., 9. 37., 21. 217., 24. 336.
Hence, Lange argues, it is probable that el does not express condition, but has
an interjectional character (cp. Latin eia age" : and if so it may be the same
with the use in Clauses expressing wish.
321.] Conclusion. Notwithstanding these arguments, the common ex-
planation of the el-Clause of wish (as primarily a Clause of supposition)
seems to be the more probable one.* For
(i) The uses of el present a marked correspondence with those of the
Relative and its derivatives. Note especially the use of art pri as almost
exactly = tl ^77.
(2]> The analogy eira : :: s-ireira : iirtl makes it likely that el was
originally temporal. The fact that itra is not Homeric takes something from
the force of this argument.
(3) The use of alternative forms of wish, and the use of some form of
supposition to express wish, are phenomena which can be exemplified from
many languages : cp. the Latin o si, German icenn, wenn nur, &c. And ellipse
of the apodosis occurs with el-clauses of other kinds ; see 324.*
(4) The el-clause, whether of supposition or of wish, is specifically Greek,
whereas the chief meanings of the Optative wish, concession, supposition
are much older, being common to Greek and Sanscrit. Hence the el-clause
was formed at a time when the Opt. of wish had long been established in
use. The presumption surely is that the el-clause, when it came to be used
as a form of wish, was a new way of expressing wish. It would probably
be adopted at first as a less direct form, suited for wishes couched in a
different tone (as eWe is confined to hopeless wish).
(5) The only use of el not obviously expressive of supposition is that which
is seen in the isolated phrase ti 8' aye, of which Lange has given an exceed-
ingly probable analysis. Possibly however the el of ei 8' dye is not the same
word as el if, but an interjection, like eltv and Latin eia. We may go further,
and point out that the 5e of et 6' dye has been shown by Lange himself
to be out of place, hence the true form may be ?' dye, like Latin eia age.
It may be observed, in conclusion, that the question of the el-clause is
quite distinct from the question of the original meaning of the Optative.
It is possible to combine Lange's theory of el with Delbruck's earlier view
of the Optative as originally the Mood of wish,f but Lange himself does not
do so. He regards the el-clause of supposition (Fallsetzung) as developed
independently of the el-clause of wish. His main thesis is that el does not
* This is also the conclusion maintained by Mr. Goodwin, who discusses
the question very fully in the new edition of his Moods and Tenses (pp. 376 If.).
f This view was proposed in Delbruck's Syntaktische Forschungen (vol. i. p. 13),
but is withdrawn in his recent work (AUindische Syntax, 172).
INDICATIVE. 293
imply a correlative particle, or an apodosis (xa\ws av ex 01 or the like), so that
the two meanings of fl ytvoiro suppose it happened and would that it happened
belong to originally distinct meanings of the Opt. ytvoiro. That is to say, the
development of el if with various Moods Opt., Subj., Indie. was parallel to
an entirely distinct development of interjectional el with the Opt. of wish.
322.] Homeric and Attic uses. The main difference between Homer and
later writers in regard to the Moods may be said to be that the later uses are
much more restricted. Thus the Subj. is used by Homer in Principal Clauses
of every kind Affirmative and Negative, as well as Prohibitive, Interrogative,
&c. In Attic it is confined to the Prohibitive use with HTJ, and the idiomatic
' Hortatory ' and ' Deliberative ' uses.
Again, in Subordinate Clauses the important Homeric distinction between
the 'pure' Subj. and the Subj. with dv or Kev is almost wholly lost in Attic.
In Clauses of Conditional meaning, whether Relatival, Temporal, or intro-
duced by el, the Subj. with dv has become the only generally allowable con-
struction : the pure Subj. being confined to a few instances in poetry. With
the Optative, on the other hand, an equal uniformity has been attained by
the loss of the use with dv or Kev. In short, of the four distinct Homeric
constructions
1. os X9fl (art i\6ri, fl t^Oy, &c.)
2. os &v (or os Kev) *X6i) (or' av IA0]?, tav t\6r/, &c.)
3. os IXOoi (art f\0oi, fl f\6ot, &c.)
4. os S.v (or os Kev) eXOoi (or av f\6oi, lav t\6oi, &c.)
the language dropped the first and last : with the result that as av always
accompanied the Subj. and was absent from the Opt., it ceased to convey
a distinct meaning, independent of the meaning given by the Mood. In
other words, the use became a mere idiom. The change, though apparently
slight, is very significant as an evidence of linguistic progress.
In regard to Final Clauses the most noticeable point is the use of the
Relative with a Subjunctive. In this respect Homeric Greek agrees with
Latin : while in later Greek the Subj. was replaced, generally speaking,
by the Future Indicative. It is also worth observing here that in Homer,
as has been said ( 316), the Final Clause in the great majority of instances
expresses the speaker's own purpose, not a purpose which he attributes to a
person spoken of : see 280, 281, 285, 286. In other words, the subordina-
tion of the Clause to the governing Verb does not often go so far as to put
the Third Person for the First (e. g. <f>pafffftrat us e vfrjraihe will consider
' hvw am 1 to return'). The further license by which a past purpose is thought
of as if still present so that the Subj. is used instead of the Opt. is not
Homeric ( 298).
Modal Uses of the Indicative.
323.] The Indicative is primarily the Mood of assertion:
from which it is an easy step to the use in Negative and In-
terrogative sentences. It is also used in Greek (as in other
languages) to express mere supposition : thus we have ci in a
Conditional Protasis with all Tenses (d yv, cl eari, lorcu),
294 INDICATIVE. [324.
where there need be no implication either for or against the truth
of the supposition thus made. Further, the Indicative may be
used in certain cases in a Conditional Apodosis, expressing an
imaginary consequence. Again, it may be used in Final and
Object Clauses referring to the past or to the future. All such
uses, in which the Indicative does not assert, may be called
Modal Usea.
The tendency of language appears to be to extend the Modal Uses of the
Indicative, and consequently to diminish the range of the other Moods. It
is found possible, and more convenient, to show the modal character of
a Clause by means of Particles, or from the drift of the context, without
a distinct Verbal form. It will be seen, on comparing the Homeric and Attic
usage, that the Indicative has encroached in several points upon the other
Moods.
324.] Conditional Clauses (Apodosis). The Secondary Tenses
or Tenses of past time (Aor. Impf . and Plupf .), are used with KC^
or 6^ to express a supposed consequence : as
II. 4. 420 beivbv ' e/Spa^e \U\KOS em ar^dea-aiv az/a/cros
fear would have seized even the stout-hearted.
This way of speaking of a conditional event ordinarily implies
that the condition on which it depended was not fulfilled. For
if (e.g.] the assertion tf\Qev he came is true, we can hardly ever
have occasion to limit it by saying r\\Qtv av he came in that case.
Hence a Past Tense with KCI/ or oV naturally came to be used
where the event in question had not happened, owing to the
non-fulfilment of the condition.
The rule does not apply to events that occur repeatedly, or on no particular
occasion ; for there is no contradiction in saying of such an event that it
happened when a condition was fulfilled. Hence the use in the iterative sense
(as Hdt. 3. 119 K\aieaict av KOI 68vptaicfTo, Thuc. 7. 71 et nvts i5oiti> . . avfOdparj-
adv Tf av rX.). This use, however, is not Homeric. In Od. 2. 104 tvOa icev
r/fiaTir) fj.(v ixpaivtaittv has slender authority, most MSS. reading fvOa KO.I.
Another supposed instance is
Od. 1 8. 263 iirifwv T" uiKviroScav (iri^TOpas, ot ice rdxtffra
tKpivav fifya vtinos KT\.,
where the commentators (Fasi, Ameis, Merry) take ?Kpivav as a ' gnomic '
Aorist. The words as they stand can only mean ' who would most speedily
have decided mighty strife' (so Goodwin, 244) : but this does not suit the
context. The difficulty is best met by reading 01 re : cp. 283, b.
An exceptional use of a different kind is
Od. 4. 546 ^ yap piv faov 76 Ki\fi<jea.i, rj ittv 'Opfarrjs
KTtlvtv vircxpOdfifvos.
Here KV marks the alternative ( 283, n. 2) : either you will find him alive or (in
the other case) Orestes has killed him (i.e. must have kitted him"). Thrown into
324-*] CONDITIONAL CLAUSES. 295
a Conditional form the sentence would be : 'if you do not find him alive,
then Orestes has killed him.' So with an Infinitive
II. 22. I OS 4/101 8 TOT* &V TTO\V KtpSlOV fit]
avrrjv T) 'Axi^a KaTcucTeivavTa vteaOai
776 Key avrca o\laOai tvK\fius irpb iroA^os.
In the Protasis KV with the Indicative occurs only once, viz. II. 23. 526 ci
5e K' en irporepca ~ytvfro fy>o/*os (see Leaf's note a. I. ). This may be compared
with the occasional use of KCV with i and an Opt. ( 313). The rarity of the
use with an Indie, need not be felt as a difficulty : cp. the oracle in Hdt. i.
1 74 Ztvs yap K' (OrjKf vrjaov t? K' t/3ouA.To, also Erinna, fr. 4, 4, and Ar. Lys.
1098 (Hartung, ii. p. 240).
In later Greek the Imperfect with ay may express either a
continuous action which would have occurred at some past time,
or an action (continuous or momentary) which would have been,
occurring at the moment of speaking. The latter of these uses,
as Mr. Goodwin points out ( 435), is not Homeric. He sees
an approach to it in II. 24. 220 d //,; yap TLS ju' aAXos e/ce'Aeuev
were it any one else who bade me. Another may be found in Od.
2O. 307 KCU Ke rot avrl ya/xoio Trarrjp rd(f)ov d/x^eTrofetro tvOabe (if
you had struck the stranger] your father would have had to busy
himself here with your burial in place of wedding : cp. also Od. 4.
178 KCLI KC dap fvOdb' (ovres e/xto-yo'//e0', owe Key ^jue'as a\Ae
The Impf. without &v or KCC may express what ought to have
been, if the meaning of fitness, obligation, &c. is given by the
Verb or Predicate. Thus we have Od. 20. 331 Ktpbiov rjtv it
would have been belter. So in Attic with exprj*', e8ei, and similar
words.
The Opt. with dV or KCK, as we have seen ( 300, c), is not un-
frequently used in Homer with the same meaning as the Aor.
or Impf. with oV has in later Greek. This is one of the points
in which the use of the Indicative gained on that of the
Optative.
324.*] Ellipse of the Apodosis. We may notice here the
cases in which el with an Indie, or Subj. is not followed
by a corresponding Clause expressing the consequence of the
supposition made. This occurs
(a] When two alternative suppositions are made, the second
being the one upon which the speaker wishes to dwell : as II. i .
135 el l^v buxrova-L yepas . . ei 8e Ke JUT) Swcocrty, eya> 8e /cei> avros
eA.a>juai if they give (there is nothing to be said), but if not, &c.
(V) When the consequence is sufficiently implied in the el-
Clause : as II. 6. 150 d 8' f0e'A.eis K<U ravra barjfj.evai if you wish
to be told this (I will do so): II. 7. 375 at K' efle'Aaxn
296 INDICATIVE. [325.
if they wish to cease (let them): Oil. 2t. 260 drap TreAoceas ye KCU
ei K' et<5p.ez' a-arras ttiTa\J.ev : II. 19. 147., 2O. 213. , 21.487, Od.
4. 388. , 15. 80.
(c) AVhen the speaker prefers to suggest the consequence in an
indirect way : as II. I. 580 ei Trep yap K' e0e'A?;crir 'OA?Jp,7rioy dorepo-
TTTjnjs e t5e'a)y oru<peAiai, 6 yap 77oAi> ^e'praro's eorty //' ^ wishes
(he will),/'w//t' /<? xlrong enough ; [jl. 14. 33 ij, 21. 567, Od. 3. 324.
There is a similar omission of the apodosis in Causal Clauses
with 7ret at the beginning of a speech, as II. 3. 59 "E/crop, eTrei
/xe Kar' cu<rui> eVeiKeoras: II. 6. 382 "E/crop, eVei p.aA' aycoyas KrA. ;
II. 13. 68, 77.5, Od. i. 231., 3. 103, 2ii. The full form appears
in II. 6. 333 eVei p.e KUT' alcrav eVeiKeo-a? . . TOVVZK.O. TOL epeco.
In such sentences as <t 5' edt\eis . . So.rjfj.tvai some commentators obtain an
apodosis by taking the Inf. as equivalent to an Imperative : ' if you wish,
then learn &c.' But this is exceedingly forced, and indeed impossible in
some places, e.g. II. 7. 375, Od. 21. 260. Elsewhere the apodosis is forgotten
(anacoluthon) ; so after el in II. 22. m, after tirei in II. 18. 101, Od. 4, 204.,
6. 187, 262., 8. 236., 17. 185.
325.] Past Tense by 'Assimilation/ When a Past Tense
relating to an event which has not happened is followed by a
Subordinate Clause, the Verb of the Subordinate Clause may
also be in a Past Tense (the event which it expresses being
equally imaginary) : as
II. 6. 345 <2s p.' <x/>eA' ?//u,art TO) ore . .
olyjEvdai Trpcx^e'poucra KOK?; av^oio 6vt\Xa }
fvda fj. KVfJi divoepcre KrA.
and so v. 350 avbpbs eimr' oicpeAAcn' . . os 7)877 KT\., and Od. i. 218:
also the use with irpt^ Od. 4. l 78 ovbe Key 7}/xe'as aAAo bieitpivev . .
Ttpiv y ore bi] davaTOLO /xe'Aay vf(j)os dju^eKaAuv^e^ nothing would
have parted iis lefore the dark cloud of death had wrapped us round.
This idiom is the same in principle as the use of Past Tenses
in Final Clauses, which is common in Attic with Iva. and ws : as
Soph. O. T. 1393 ri p.' ov Aa/3coy exretfas evOvs, ws !5eia /XTJ irore
/crA. ^/m^ go I might never have shown fyc. When the context has
once shown that we are dealing with a purely imaginary event,
the Indicative serves to carry on the train of suppositions. The
Indie, is similarly used in an Object Clause after a Verb of
fearing, as Sei'Sco JUT) 877 uavra 0ea z'Tjp.epre'a
326.] Future Indicative. The following points have to be
noticed :
i. Homer not unfrequently uses KEK with the Future, the
effect being (as with the Subj.) to indicate a limitation or con-
dition : as
II. i. 139 6 8e' Key Ke^oAwaerai and he (if I do so) will be angry.
326.] FUTURE. 397
II. I. 532 dAAa o-y /xezj vvv O.VTLS aTroort^e JMTJ rt vorja-ri
"HpTj* e/xoi 8e /ce ravra ju,eA?/(rerai (to me, as my part}.
4. 76 /cat *e rts <S5' epe'et 2# W^ cas<? men will say.
This use of K.W is chiefly found after 8e, as II. i. 139., 6. 260., 8.
419., 14. 267, &c. : and in Relative Clauses, as II. 12. 226., 17.
241., 22. 70, Od. 5. 36., 8. 318., 16. 438: perhaps with ore, II.
2O. 335 ore Key <n;/x/3A?7<reai unless we read o-vjuySArjeat as 2 Aor.
Subj. (Dindorf, 7%^. Ling. Gr. s. v. dAA<o). Cp. the use of KW
with the Subj., 275, b.
The Future with Q.V is very rare : see II. 9. 167., 22. 66.
2. The use of the Future with the force of a gentle Imperative
has been ascribed to Homer, but without sufficient ground.
Where it appears to take the place of an Imperative it will be
found in reality to express the indifference of the speaker ; as
II. 6. 70 dAA' avbpas /crewo/xezr eVetra 8e /cat ra e/crjAot
VfKpovs aju, if&tcv cn;A.T](reTe reflz^cSras
then you can (if you like) strip the dead of their arms.
2O. 137 Tweets juey Ka0e&)/ieo-0a . . Tro'Aejuos 5' avbpecrcri
/jieA?;o-et (we will leave war to men).
The forms oicrere and aT, which are sometimes given as instances of this
use, do not belong to the Future, but are Imperatives of an Aorist ( 41).
3. The Future is occasionally found in Final Clauses with
nearly the force of the Subj. : viz. with the Conjunctions OTTWS in
Od. I. 57 tfe'Ayet OTTCOS 'iOdn-qs e^tA^o-erai charms so that he may
forget Ithaca, also in II. i . 344 (if with Thiersch we read OTTTTCOS
. juaxeWrcu 'Amatol for the anomalous juaxeot^ro), and with o<(>pa,
as
H. 8. no Tpuxrlv e0' urTroSdjuoi? I0vvofji,cv, oippa Kal "EKrcop
eio-erai /crA. (so II. 16. 242, Od. 4. 163., 17. 6).
So with pi, II. 2O. 301 /^ TTCOS /cat KpovCbys KexoAwo-erai, Od. 24.
544-
The Future with KCK in Relative Clauses sometimes appears to
express end, as in II. I. 174 Trap' e/xotye /cat aAAot ot /ce //e rt/xTjcrova-t :
cp. 2. 229., 23. 675, Od. 8. 318., 16. 438. So without KW in II.
24. 154, Od. 14. 333. In all these places, however, as in the
corresponding uses of the Subj. ( 282), and Opt. ( 304), it is
difficult to say how far the notion of end is distinctly expressed :
in other words, how far the future action is subordinated to that
of the main Verb.
4. The use of the Future in Object Clauses (common in Attic
after Verbs of striving, &c.) may perhaps be seen in II. 12. 59
et reAeoucrt, also Od. 5- 24., 13. 376.
It is sometimes impossible to decide whether a form is a Future or
an Aorist Subj. : e.g. in Od. I. 269 at 5% (f>pdeaOat avaiya OTTTTUS ice
298 IMPERATIVE. [327.
dircoo-coi, where the Verb may be a Future, as in the places now quoted, or a
Subj., according to the commoner Homeric construction. So in II. 10. 44, 282.,
17. 144.
The use of the Future in Final Clauses is probably later than that of the
Subjunctive. In general, as we have seen, the Subj. is akin to the Imperative,
and therefore expresses the speaker's purpose directly, by its own force ;
whereas the Fut. Ind. properly expresses sequence. Thus Ot\y(t us \aOrjTai
literally means ' charms so that he shall forget ' : OiXfti oircos \^afrai ' charms
so that he will forget.' The same conclusion seems to follow from the rule
that oirws and ctypa may be used with a Future, but not <I>3 or ivoj Good win,
324). For us in the manner that fits a direct purpose better than omos in
some such manner that, or ocfipa till the time that. It would seem probable, then,
that in Final Clauses the Future is a less emphatic and positive expression of
end. Thus when Achilles prays (II. 16. 242), 'embolden him so that Hector
will know,' the Future conveys a shade of indifference, as though Hector's
knowledge Avere the natural consequence rather than the direct object.
And so in II. I. 175 o'i K( /xe ri^ffovcri who will (I presume) honour me.
5. In Clauses with el the Future is chiefly used of events re-
garded as necessary, or as determined by some power independent
of the speaker : as
II. 14. 6l finals 5e <paiu/jie0' OTTCOS eorcu ra8e epya,
fl n voos pefei (if wit is to be of any avail).
17. 418 et TOVTOV Tpwecrcri p.dr]o-o^v (if we are going to Sfc.J.
So II. i. 61, 294., 5. 350., 12. 248, 249., 13. 375., 15. 162., 24-
57, Od. 2. 115.
We may compare the Conditional Relative Clause
II. 23. 753 opvwrQ' OL KCU TOVTOV de'0Aou Tretp^freo^e
rise, ye that will make trial of this contest.
And with Key
II. 15- 213 at Ktv avtv ffj.e0v . . 7re(/H8?7<TeTai KrA.
So II. 2. 258., 5. 212., 17. 588, Od. 15. 524-
The Imperative.
327.] The Homeric uses of the Imperative present little or no
difficulty. We may notice the use in concession, ironical or real:
II. 4. 29 ep5', drop ov rot TrdVres e7ratz>e'oju.ey 0eot aAAot.
The forms aye and ayere are often combined with other Im-
peratives for the sake of emphasis : and sometimes aye is treated
as indeclinable, and used where the context requires a Plural ; as
II. 2. 331 dAA' aye p-tjuij/ere irdirres /crA. (so I. 62., 6. 376, &c.).
Similarly t0i is a kind of Interjection in II. 4. 362 dAA' Wi, TO.VTO.
8' oTTurdcv dpeo-o-o'/ie0' KrA. : and so we have fido-K Wi (like elir'
aye). And SeOre hither ! is evidently an Imperative : cp. II. 14.
128 Seur' to/xei> Tro'Ae/zoVSe. The corresponding 2 Sing, doubtless
enters into the formation of Seupo ; but it is not clear how that
word is to be analysed.
329-] PARTICLES. 299
328.] Prohibition. The Aorist Imperative is very rarely used
with JIT] : examples are
II. 4. 410 TO) \ii\ \J.OL Trarepas Trod' o/ioi'rj ZvOeo TifirJ
(so Od. 24. 248 av be JUT) \6\ov cvdeo 0u/i(j>).
1 8. 134 a~v juey /XTJ TTCO KaraStKreo putXov "Aprjos.
Od. 1 6. 301 //,?] ris eTmr' 'OSucrr/os aKOixrara).
II. 1 6. 200 pr) AeAa0e<r0a>.
For the rule which is the complement of this one, forbidding- the
use of the Present Subj. with pfj, see
Kegarding the origin of this curious idiom a very probable conjecture has
been made by Delbriick (Synt. Forsch. iv. p. 120). lB_the_yeda it has been
shown by Grassmann that the prohibitive Particle ma is never found with
the forms of the Imperative proper, but only with the so-called -spurious
Conjunctive ' or ' Injunctive.' Hence it may be inferred that he Imperative
was only used originally in positive commands, not in prohibitions. Again,
it appears that in Sanscrit the Imperative is nearly confined to the Present
Tense : and in Greek the forms of the First Aor. Imper. (K\t\(/ov, Mid. K\tyaC)
are certainly of late origin. The fine distinction which is made, in the
Imperative as well as in other Moods, between the continuous action
expressed by the Present Stem and the momentary action expressed by the
Aorist belongs to the specific development of Greek. Accordingly Delbriick
suggests that the extension of the Imperative to express prohibition took
place at a time when the Aorist Imperative had not come into general use :
and hence it was only carried into the Present Tense. In other words, the
form p.T\ K\iTT6 came into use in pre-historic Greek as an extension of the
positive KXtirre, and superseded \i-f[ KXt'iri-QS : but |Atj K\ei|/i)s kept its ground,
because the form K\(\|/OV did not then exist. This account of the idiom seems
much more probable than any attempt to explain it on psychological grounds.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE PARTICLES.
329.] Under the term Particles it is convenient to group
together a number of words that are mainly used to show the
relations between other words, and between Clauses. In respect
of this office they are akin to the various syllables or letters used
as Endings : and with them go to constitute what are called the
'formal elements 7 of the language, in contradistinction to the
roots or stems which compose its ' matter/
The Particles which connect successive Clauses in any way
form the Conjunctions. As such they may be distinguished,
according to the nature of the connexion which they indicate,
300 PARTICLES. [330.
as Copulative (icai, re, r|8^, &c.), Adversative (8e, dXXd, aurdp), Dis-
junctive (r\ rj), Conditional (el, ay, Key), Illative (apa, ST), coy),
Causal (yap), &e.
Those Particles, again, which affect single Clauses may either
serve to show the character of the whole Clause (as Affirmative,
Interrogative, Conditional, &c.), or to influence particular words
in it. We cannot, however, make a satisfactory classification of
the Particles on the basis of these uses, because some of them
are employed in several distinct ways : and moreover they enter
into vaiious combinations in which they often acquire new
meanings. It will be best therefore to take them separately,
beginning with the most familiar.
330.] The uses of KCU are in the main the same in all periods
of Greek. It is (i) a Copulative Conjunction, conveying the
idea of addition to what has preceded : Zrjzn c/>o'cos epeoucra KCU
aAAois to Zeus and the others besides : &s ap ec/>?7 KCU KrA. thus he
spoke and thereupon fyc. : and (2) a strengthening or emphasising
Particle meaning also, even, just : as
II. i. 63 ?} KCU oveipoitokov or even a dream-prophet.
3. 176 ro KCU KAcu'oucra re'rjjKa which is the very reason that
I am wasted with weeping.
It is especially used with words that imply comparison, increase
or diminution, extension of time or the reverse, &c. ; as KCU aAAoj
another (not this only), KCU OVTOS himself (as well as others) : KCU
TraAcu long ago (not merely now), KCU av6is another time (if not
now), KCU /iaAa, KCU Atijy (in a high degree, not merely in an
ordinary degree) : so with Comparatives, KCU /^cibp, Kai piyiov,
&c. Both terms of a comparison may be strengthened in this
way; as
II. I. 8 1 ei TTfp yap re xoAoz> ye KCU avrrf^ap Kara7re'\//r7,
ctAAa re KCU /^eroTricr^ei; KrA.
Notice, too, the use at the beginning of an Apodosis, esp. with
Adverbs of time, as
II. i. 477 yp-os 5' rffny^vfta (fxivr] /5o6ocmKrt>Ao? ijcos,
KCU ror' eTretr' KrA. di'$'3V,W
KOI precedes the word which it emphasises, but is sometimes
separated from it by other Particles, enclitic Pronouns, &c. : as
II. i. 213 KCU Trore roi r/ns roVcra (not merely compensation but)
three times as much: 2. 292 KCU yap ris 0' eVa i^ijva p.v(av a man
who .stays even one month. So 7. 281 KCU lbp.fi> airavres ( = icr^ev
KCU TravTfs).
Kal el and el KOI. The combination Kal el indicates that the
332.] KAI, TE. 301
wlole condition is an extreme one : even on the supposition that .
But with the order el KCU the K<H emphasises particular words : ei
KCU [j.a\a /caprepo? eori even if he is (I will go so far as to say)
very strong. Hence el K<U usually implies that the supposition is
more or less true.
T.
331.] The enclitic re has two main uses which it is essential to
distinguish ; besides one or two special uses of less importance.
(a) As a Conjunction re connects clauses and single words.
It is especially used when a new fact or new .object is to take
its place pari passu with what has been already said : /cwe<r<ni>
oia)yot(7t re TT&O-I to dogs and birds as well : al 7ra<n KUKOV Tpcoecro-i
ytvovTo ol T avrw which -were a bane to all the Trojans, and to
himself (equally). This meaning is given still more distinctly
by the Correlative re re : thus we have the pairs avbpuiv re 0ecoi>
re, bijuos re TTO\LS re, jcAayy?/ r' tvo-ny re, &c. and the pairs of
Clauses expressing simultaneous action, such as
a\ls T' avextoprjo-ev, u>\pos re' \t.iv etAe Trapeia?.
Hence re re sometimes marks that two things are mutually
dependent: 6\iyov re tyiXov re= f not less dear because small/
XvcrofJievos re Qvyarpa (frepwv r' aTrepeioV cnroiva = ' bringing vast
ransom for the deliverance of his daughter ' : II. 5. 359 KO'/XIO-CU re
/ue bos re' JJ.OL nnrovs.
The combinations re K<U and re T|8e' (or I8e') are also common
in Homer, and not sensibly different in meaning from re re : as
(ri^a>eV r' ap' eTretra Kat & TreTrATjyero jurjpa).
\\aivdv r' qbe \n5>va.
As to the place of re the general rule is that it follows the
first word in the Clause. Hence when standing first in the pair
re re it does not always follow the word which it couples : e. g.
II. 6. 317 eyyvfli re Ilptd/xoto /cat "E/cropos near loth Priam and
Hector ; II. 5- 878 crot r' e7U7rei0oz>rai /cai 8e5ft?j/xeo-^a e/cacrros (cp.
2. 136, 198., 4. 505., 7. 294-5).
The use of re as a Particle of transition (to begin a fresh sentence after a
pause) is not Homeric, though common in later Greek. This may indicate
that the use as a connecting Particle was originally confined to the Correlative
T T (Delbriick, Synt. Farsch. iv. p. 145).
332.] (fj) In its other use which is distinctively Homeric
re serves to mark an assertion asjjeneral or indefinite. Hence it
is found in gnomic passages : as
II. I. 218 os xe 0eo6j eTrnrefttyrai, /xaAa r' <-K\VOV avrov.
9. 59 TOV 8e jixe'y' &vr](rav /cat r' <-K\VOV eva/ieVoio.
Od. 6. 185 fj.aXi.a-Ta 8e' r' e/cAvoz>
302 PARTICLES. [332.
II. 1 6. 688 dAA' atet re Aio? Kpeurcrcov voos ?}e' ?rep avbpu>v.
19. 221 au/m re 0i>Ao7ri8os -Tre'Aerai Ko'pos (cp. Od. I. 392).
Pics. Th. 87 au//d re Kat p,e'ya retKO? emora/ueVais KareVatxre.
So in many short maxims, such as pe^Oev 8e' re VIJTTIOS eyz^co
oTpeTrrot 8e' re Kat 0eot avrot. In similes it is very common, and
is often repeated in the successive Clauses; e,g,
II. 4.482 6 8' kv K.ovLr\o'L y^o-nai irevev, atyeipos u>s,
fj pa r' kv eta/zerr) e'Aeos /xeydAoto irftyvKfl
Aetr;, drdp re ot obt evr' aKpordrr; 7re<pwacri'
rrji; /xe'v 6' ap/xaroTn/yos di>7Jp at^covt o-t8?yp&)
e^e'ra//,'j o<ppa /crA.
1 6. 156 ot Se AVKOI &?
co/zo(/)dyot, rotcrty TC ?rept (frpecrlv dcrTreros dAK77,
01 T' e\a(j)ov Ktpabv jueyay ovpecri Srjwo-ayres
racrty 8e r napr[iov atp-art (poivdv
' dyeA7j86y tacnv cnrb upr/vys jaeAaw8pou
ovre? yAwcrcrrjo-ty apaiycnv ^.e'Aay iyScop
aKpov, epevyo/xeyot (povov at/xaro?' ey 8e' re ^u/xo?
(TTr\df(TLV aTpojAos eari, TreptcrreVerat 8e re ya(rrr/p.
So where the meaning 1 is frequentative :
Od. 4. I O2 dAAore /xe'y re yoo> <ppeW re'pTro/ixat (cp. 5- 55-> *2. 64).
II. 19. 86 Kat re /^te reiKetecrKoy (20. 28, Od. 5* SS 1 ^ &C.).
So II. I. 521 yetKei Kat re' /xe' <^)rj(7t KrA. </ ay$ (habitually) ^a^
7^. : cp. 9. 410., 17. 174, Od. i. 215., 4- 3 8 7-> i- 33o., 17- 25.
Hence it is used of names, as II. I. 403 avbpes 8e' re Trdvres (KaAe-
ouo-t), 2. 814., 5. 306, &c. ; of characteristic attributes, as
II. 2. 453 v$' o ye IlTjyetw cru/x/ito-yerat . .
dAAd re' pttf Ka6virfp6ev e-Trippeei lyvr' eAaioy.
5. 340 t)(Gjp, old? Tre'p re peet juaKapeo-<ri ^eortrt.
And generally of any fixed condition of things, as II. 4. 247 eV0a
re vrjes etpvar' VTrpvfj.voL : 5- 477 ^ ^^P T> ^wfoowpot evet/iey : 15.
187 rpets yap r' eK KpoVou et^ey d8eA(/>eot (a fact of permanent
significance) : 22. 116 T/ r' eTrAero vetVeos dpx??. It may be laid
down as a general rule that T in the combinations /xeV re : 8e' re,
KoT re, yap re, dAAd re. and the like, is not a Conjunction, and
does not affect the meaning of the Conjunction which it follows.
In a Conditional sentence of gnomic character the re is often
used in both members, as
II. I. 8 1 et Trep ydp re \6\ov ye Kat
dAAd re Kat pteroTrtrrfley ex
The use with the Article and the different forms of the Rela-
tive has been already discussed in the chapter on the Pronouns
(see 263, 266). It was there pointed out that re is used when
the Clause serves to describe a class, as
332-] TE. 303
dyptct iravra, rd Te Tpe</>ei ovpecriv vXrj.
peia 8' dptyycoTos yoVos avepos cp re Kpovi&v KT\.
or to express a permanent characteristic, as
yrjpas /ecu 0drcm>s, rd r' eir' avOptoiroia-i -TreAoirai.
XOAOS, OS T' efperjKe TTO\V(j)pOvd 776/3 X a ^- e7I '^ l ' at '
AcoTocpdycoi', 01 T' avOivov ei8ap iSova-iy.
So cos re, ore re, u>a re, 2c9a re, ocros re, otos re, tus ei re, &c. Of
these w? re (or wore) and 0165 re, with the adverbial are and e<f>' w
re, are the only forms in which this use of re has remained in
Attic Greek, eirei re, which is regular in Herodotus, is rare in
Homer: see II. n. 87, 563., 12. 393.
Further, the Indefinite TIS is not unfrequently strengthened in
its meaning (any one) by re (cp. Latin quisque] :
II. 3. 12 TOdfTOV TLS T' e7TtAev<Tcrei ocrov T em \aav ir)<riv.
14. 90 ortya, JUT; TIS r' aXXos . . CX/COVO-TJ (so Od. 19. 486).
So Kai -yap TIS Te, *cai \itv ris Te. and in Relative Clauses, os TIS Te,
ore TIS Te, cos TIS Te, &c. : also r\v TIS Te (Od. 5- 120).
Notice also the use with the disjunctive rj after a Comparative,
in Od. 16. 216 ct8w>o)Te/oo*> ?/ T' otcouoi. This is akin to the use in
similes. So in II. 4. 277 /AeAcWepov ?7UTe Trio-era blacker than pitch.
The true reading is probably fje re, as was suggested by Bekker
(H. B. i. p. 312) : see however Buttmann, Lexil., s. v. Tjure. On
T) re Y] re either or see 340.
The two uses of re may sometimes be distinguished by its
place in the sentence. Thus TC is a Conjunction in II. 2. 522 ot
T apa and w/to (cp. ei T' apa, OVT apa), and in II. 23. 277 aOd-
varoi Te ycip eio-t KTA. ; also in the combinations ovTe Tts, ^T TIS.
With the indefinite re we should have the order apa Te, ydp Te,
TIS Te. Both uses may even occur in the same clause ; as II. 5. 89
TOV 8' OVT dp Te ye'(/>upcu eepy/xeVcu l<r^av outer iv.^
The places in which re appears to be used in statements of
single or definite facts can generally be corrected without diffi-
culty. In several places 8e T' (ov8e' T', p-qbe T) has crept into the
text instead of 8' IT'. Thus we find
II. I. 406 TOV KCU vTre'Seto-aiJ /jtdfcapes 0eot ovbe T' eS^o-ay
(Read ovb' IT', they no longer bound, gave up binding').
2. 179 <*\\ Wi vvv KaTa Xaov ' A\aiG>v /zrjSe T' epcoei.
(Read ^778' IT' with four of La Roche's MSS.).
II. 437 ov8e' T lao-e
(Read ovb' IT' with the Lipsiensis, and so in II. 21. 596).
* The account now given of the uses of T was suggested (in substance) by
Dr. Wentzel, whose dissertation (Ueber den Gebrauch der Partikel -ri bei Homer,
Glogau, 1847) appears to have been overlooked by subsequent writers.
304 r ARTICLES. [333.
II. 23. 474 at 8e r' arevOev
(Rend at 6' er' with the Townleianvs],
Similarly we should read ouS' IT' in II. 15. 709., 17. 42., 21. 248.,
22. 300., 23. 622, 730., 24. 52, Od. J2. 198. In such a matter
manuscript authority is evidently of no weight, and it will be
found that the MSS. often have Se T' where the editors have
already corrected ' er' (e.g. in II. i. 573., 2. 344., 12. 106, Od.
2. 115., ii- 380., 21. 186., 24. 401). In II. n. 767 the editions
have root 8e r' Zvbov, but all MSS. you e Hvbov : so perhaps we
may correct II. 21. 456 v&'i 8e T' a\//oppoi Ktojuei'. Perhaps ITI
should be restored in II. 16. 836 ere 8e r' et'0<le yC^e? eozrrat,
Od. 15. 428 TTtpan-av Se' re 8e>p' ayayoWes. <W /'-
Two isolated Epic uses remain to be noticed :
1 i ) After an Interrogative in the combination T' apa, T' ap : as
II. I. 8 rt? T ap oxpcoe Ot&v eptSi ^we'rjKe i^a^ea-Qai. ;
18. 188 TTUIS r' ap' too /jiera n&Xov ; (so TIT) r' ap II. 13. 307).
Od. i. 346 (j.rJTp p.ri, TL r' apa (f)6ov&Ls /crA.
The ancient grammarians regarded rap as a single enclitic
Particle (so Herodian, Schol. II. i. 65). As the force of the TC
seems to have merged in the compound,, this is probably right :
just as Y' ap having become a single Particle is written yap. But
if so, we must also recognise the form rapa.
(2) With Y] in strong Affirmation : as r\ r' e^ajur/y 1 did indeed
tkinJc. This may originally belong to the same head as the in-
definite use : ij re = surely anyhow. But a distinct force of the Te
is no longer perceptible.
The Latin que, which is originally identical with re, shows the same
separation into two main uses. In the use as a Conjunction the agreement
between Te and que is close. It is less so in the other use, chiefly because T
in Homer is still a distinct word, whereas que in Latin is confined to certain
combinations, viz. at-que, nam-que (cp. Kai re, a\\a rf, yap rf, &c.), ita-que, the
Indefinite qmsque (with the corresponding forms ubique, quandoque, uterque, &c.),
and the Relative quicunque. The two uses are also united in the Sanscrit ca,
which as a connecting Particle agrees closely with Te, and is also found after
the Indefinite has, especially in the combination yah kdq ca (os TS T). See
Delbruck, Synt. Forsch. iv. p. 144, A. S. 284.
8e.
333.] The chief use of the Adversative Particle 8e is to show
that a Clause stands in some contrast to what has preceded.
Ordinarily, however, it merely indicates the continuation of a
narrative (i. e. shows that the new fact is not simultaneous]. It
is especially used to introduce a parenthesis or subordinate state-
ment (whereas Te introduces something parallel or coordinate :
334-] AE. 305
vovcrov ava crrparoy Spcre KaKrjv, dAeKoyro 8e Aaoi,
ovvfKa KrA.
Here a prose writer would say oXeOpiav, or wore avoKKvaiQai TOV
\aov, or ?5c/>' ^? 6 Aao? aTrcoAAvro, &c. So
'ArriAo)(os 8e M^Scora /3aA', f]vo%ov Oepdirovra,
ecr$Aoz> 'ATVfj.vidbr]v, 6 8' vTreorpecpe utovv^as ITTTTOVS,
/. <?. f struck him as he was turning the horses/
8^ is nearly always the second word in the Clause. It is occa-
sionally put after (i) a Preposition and Case-form, as tir O.VT&V
8' &p.o0Tr)(Tav, or (2) an Article and Numeral, as rf/ SeKar?? 8' KrA.:
but not after other combinations. Hence K<H 8^, as II. 7. 113
KCU 8' 'A^iAev? and even Achilles (never K<H 'AxiXcos Se, as in later
Greek).
334.] 8e of the Apodosis. While 8e generally stands at the
beginning o a new independent Sentence, there are certain uses,
especially in Homer, in which it marks the beginning of the
principal Clause after a Relatival, Temporal or Conditional
Protasis. This is found where there is an opposition of some
kind between the two members of the Sentence : e. g.
II. 4. 261 e6 TTfp yap T #AAoi ye Kaprj Ko^.6u>VTes 'A^atoi
baiTpbv TTiVoxnv, crop 8e TrXelov bliras KrA. (so 1 2. 245)-
5- 260 ai Kv /xoi 77oAv^3ouAos 'A #77^77 Kvbos operi
afjL(f)OTep(i) KTflvai, cry 8e . . kpVK.aK.eziv KrA.
Od. 7. 108 ocrcrov ^airjKe? Trept TTCLVTUIV Ibpies avbp&v
vfja OOTJV evi TToVrw eAauvepiey, a>s 8e yvvalKCs
la-rbv rex^crcrai (cp. Od. 14. 178, 405., 18. 62).
With oo and /u/j, giving ov8e, jU7;8e, as
II. 5- 7^^ o(f>pa fj.ev fs TTO\IJ.OI> ircoAecrKero bios '
ovbe Trore Tpwes KrA.
6. 58 fA7]8' OP riva yacrrept
Koupoy eoyra c^epot, /xrjS' 69 (pvyoi.
Od. I. 1 6 aAA' ore 8^ eros 7]A0e . . ovS' ev^a KrA.
10. 17 aAA' ore 8?/ KCU eyw 686y T/reoy . . oi8e' rt Keivos KrA.
This use, which was called by the ancient grammarians the 8e'
aTroSortKoV, or ' 8e of the apodosis/ has been variously explained
by scholars.
i . In many places the Clause introduced by this 8^ stands in a
double opposition, first to the immediate protasis, and then to a
preceding sentence. Thus in
II. 2. 716 ot 8' apa Mrj^wyrjy
rS>v 8e 4>iAoKrrjr>]s
X
3 C6 PARTICLES. [334-
Philoctetes is opposed as commander to the people of Methone,
arid the whole statement is opposed to the previously mentioned
peoples with their commanders. So in a period composed of two
pairs of correlated Clauses, as
II. I. 135 aXX' ei fjiev baxrovo-i ye pas . .
ei 8e /ce /AT) 5<a><rip, eya> 8e Kev avrbs eAa)/xai.
9. 508 6s jjLev T aiSeVerat Kovpas Aios acrcrov
TOV 8e /xey' &VT}(rav /cat r' e/cAuou
os 8e' K' dvTjvrirai KO re ore/sews
Ai<T<roj>rai 5' apa rai ye Ata KrA.
Here the 8e of the last Clause appears to carry on the opposition
of the second pair to the first, and so to repeat the 8e of its own
protasis. This use of 8^ in apodosis to repeat or carry on the op-
position of the whole sentence is regular in Attic; e.g. Xen.
Anab. 5. 6, 20 et 8e /3ovAecr0e . . irXola 8' vp.lv Trdpeort : Isocr. 4. 98
& 8' eorty i8ia . . ravTa 8' (JJLOV epyoy ecrrlv dntiv (Kiihner, 533,
2). It has been regarded as the key to the Homeric usage now
in question : * but this would compel us in many cases to give
different explanations of uses to which the same explanation is
evidently applicable. For instance, in the four lines last quoted,
if we account for the 8^ of AtWoircu 8' apa *crA. as a repetition of
the 8^ of its protasis os 8e' K' /crA., how do we treat the 8^ of the
first apodosis (TOJ> 8e KrA.)? The two forms are essentially
similar.
2. The 8e of the Apodosis is commonly regarded as a survival
from a period in which the Relative Clause or Conditional Pro-
tasis was not yet subordinate, so that the Apodosis, if it followed
the other, still needed or at least admitted of a connecting
Particle. Such an explanation is attractive because it presents
us with a case of the general law according to which the complex
sentence or period is formed by the welding together of originally
distinct simple sentences. f It is to be observed, however, that
the phenomenon in question is not necessarily more than a par-
ticular use of 8. The survival may be, not of a paratactic form
of sentence, but only of a use of 8e where it is not a Con-
junction. Such a use has been already seen in the Particle KOI.
In the correlation dAA.' ore 8rj KCII ro're 8?) we need find nothing
* So in the first edition of this book, following the discussion of Nagelsbacli
in his Anmerkungen zwr Ilias (p. 261 and p. 271, ed. 1834). The Excursus on
the subject was omitted in later editions. For the view adopted in the text
the author is indebted almost wholly to Dr. R. Nieberding, Ueber die paratak-
tische Anknupfung des Nachsatses in hypotaktischen Satsgefugen, insbesondere bei Homer ,
Gross Glogau, 1882.
\- On the danger of explaining the Syntax of complex sentences by
recourse to a supposed survival of paratactic structure there is a timely warning
given by Brugmann, Gr. Gr. 203.
335-] AE. 307
more than the ordinary use of K<XI with the meaning also, even ;
that is to say, it emphasises the sequence of the apodosis, just as
it often emphasises single words or phrases. Similarly 8e may
have been used to mark the adversative character of an apodosis.
3. These points may be illustrated by the parallel between KCU
also, even and ouSe or p]8e'=#0^ even, also not. In this use 8^ is
clearly not a Conjunction, but merely serves to mark the natural
opposition between the negative and some preceding affirmation
(expressed or implied). Thus it is closely akin to the use in
apodosis, the difference being only that it belongs to a single
word rather than a Clause.
4. It is a confirmation of this view that among the cases of 8e
in the apodosis we never find one in which the protasis is intro-
duced by the corresponding /J^K.* Where this is apparently the
case it will be found that the fxeV refers forward, not to the 8^ of
the immediate apodosis, but to a new sentence with 8 or some
equivalent Particle : e.g.
II. 2. 188 ov nva jjikv ftacriXija KOL fo\ov avbpa /ax a/r ?>
TOV 8' ayavols e7reW(rii> KT\.
ov 8' av 8?7//ou T avbpa 1801 /crA.
where the correspondence is not ov fjicv TOV 8e , but ov juev ov
8' aS . See also II. 9. 508, 550., 12. 10., 18. 257., 20. 41, Od.
9. 56., u. 147., 19. 339.
It has been observed that when the Protasis is a Relative
Clause, 8e of the Apodosis is generally found after a Demonstra-
tive. The only exceptions to this rule are, II. 9. 51 os be K
(ivr]vr\ro.(. . . Xi(r<TOVTai 8" apo, rai ye KT\., and II. 23. 319 d\X' os
/xe'y 6' ITTTTOKTL . . iTTTrot 8e TtXavotoVTdi. KrA. (Schomann, Opusc.
Acad. ii. p. 97.)
335.] Enclitic 8e. There are two uses which may be noticed
under this heading :
(1) The 8e of o-8e, roo-oa-Se, roioa-Se is properly an Enclitic (as
the accent shows).
The form rota-Seai or Toio--8ea<ri may be a trace of an inflected
Pronoun akin to 8^ (related to it perhaps as ru to re) ; or it
may be merely a form created by the analogy of other Datives
in -eoxri, -eai.
(2) The 8e which is suffixed to Accusatives expressing motion
to is generally treated as an Enclitic in respect of accent : as
oTfcoVSe, TToXenovof. The ancient grammarians, however, wrote 8^
as a distinct orthotone word, hence OIK.OV 8e, iro\f^ov 8e, &c. (but
were made exceptions).
* Nieberding, op. cil. p. 4.
X 2
}0 PARTICLES. [336.
It seems likely that the -Be of these two uses is originally the same. The
force in both cases is that of a local Adverb. Whether it is to be identified
with the Conjunction 8 is a further question.
dXXd, aurdp, drdp, au, aure.
336.] The remaining- Adversative Particles do not need much
explanation.
dXXd and aurdp are used (like Be) in the apodosis, especially
after a Clause with el irep : as
II. i. 8 1 d TTfp yap re . . ctAAa re (cp. 8. 153., 19. 164).
22. 390 ei 8e 6av6i>TO>v Trep . . avrap eyob /crA..
aurdp and drdp express a slighter opposition than a'XXd, and
accordingly are often used as Particles of transition ; e.g. in such
formulae as &s ol fj.ev . . avrap *crA. A similar use of dXXd may
l>e seen with Imperatives ; as dAA' Wi, dAA' aye jxot ro'8e etTre, and
the like. It is evident that the stronger Adversative is chosen
where greater liveliness of tone is to be conveyed.
337.] aS and afire (again, on the contrary] have nearly the same
force as aurdp, but do not begin the sentence : hence vvv av, rts
5' av, TL-rrr awe, &c. : and so in correspondence to pv or 77 rot,
as II. 4. 237 T&V rj rot . . ^/xeis avre KT\. They also serve to
mark the apodosis of a Relative or Conditional Clause, as II. 4.
321 et ro're Kovpos ea, vvv aSre' /ae y^pa? OTra^ei. Thus they have
the two chief uses of 8e.
Originally, doubtless, au meant backwards, but in Homer this
sense is only found in the form auns : though perhaps it sur-
vives in the sacrificial word avepva-av.
The form OJAWS is later, the Homeric word being IJXTTTIS.
o(juos is usually read in II. 12. 393 opus 8' ov \rj9ero x&PW, and Od. n. 565
ivOa \ ofuos Ttpoaffprjv. In both places however the Scholia indicate that the
word was anciently circumflexed by some authorities.
338.] The Particle rf at the beginning 1 of a sentence gives it
the character of a strong affirmation :
II. i. 240 77 TTOT 'AxtXA^os TTodr) iferai be sure that one day fyc.
So, with an ironical tone,
II. I. 229 ?? TTO\V AcoioV eort Kara (rrparov cvpvv '
It is often used interrogatively, esp. in questions of surprise
indignation, irony, &c. : as
II. 2. 229 T] In Koi xpucrou eirio'eveai KT\.
3.39-] 'AAAA, ATTAP, 'ATAP, AT, 'H. 309
15. 54 3 eA.Treo-0' r\v vfjas eAr/ KOpvOatoXos "E/crcop
(fj-pabbv ieo-0at KrA. (do you really hope fyc.}.
Od. 3. 312 ?/ o^x. aAts a>s /crA. (is it not ?=.surely it is) : cp.
358, c.
Occasionally, in short parenthetical sentences, if has a concessive
force, it is true that, hence and yet, although : as
II. 3. 314 TTO-vpa jjifv, dAAa /^dAa Atye'a)?, ettet ov T
ov8' a^a^apTOfnrjs' ?y KOI yevei wrepos
7. 393 ov (f)r]<ri,v bdxrfiv' fj jujjy Tpcoe's ye Ke'Aoyrai ( 344).
II. 363 e av zw e</>uyes tfdmroy, KiW' ^ re rot ay^i
?|A0e KOKoV (so T8. 13).
32. 280 ?j rot !</>?7y ye ( = though I did think ; so 22. 280).
The question whether $ (or i]) can be used to introduce a Dependent In-
terrogative depends upon a few passages. Bekker favours rj in this use, and
reads accordingly, e. g. II. I. 83 <ri 8e Qpaffat fj j*e aawatis. The majority of the
editors recognise it in three or four places :
II. 8. ill ftafrat ij Kal kpbv Sopv /MilvfTai KT\.
Od. 13. 415 <pxtTO TTfuffoptvos /j,tTa aov K\tos, TI itov tr' firjs.
16. 137 dXA.' dye /zot roSf flir% KOI drpocfas KaTa\fov,
fj Kal AatpTT/ avrfiv ofibv d.yyt\os \0<a.
19. 325 wws yap (fj.fi) av, (iv(, Saijcrtat, ij TI ywatKwv
In all these places, however, there is manuscript support for el, and so La
Roche reads in the two last. For the use of el with the Subj. see 294, witli
the Opt. 314. It is difficult to derive the use of TJ which Bekker supposes
either from the emphatic ^, or from the disjunctive rjt or r\ (Horn. Bl. p. 59).
In any case there is no sufficient ground for deserting the MSS.
rf is often combined more or less closely with other Particles :
as *! Te ( 33 2 > 2), 11 pfr, &c. ( 343-5). *f T l ( or n-roi], ^8rj (for
TI by), and the correlative rjfiei' -qSe. In these combinations if
strengthens the other Particle. Note that
fjfieV T|8e are used of slightly opposed things, especially when
alternation is implied : as
Od. 2. 68 Auro-o/x,ai r^ev Zrjvbs 'OAu/tATrtou 7]8e e/xtcrroy,
rj T avbpS>v ayopas ri^v Avet ^8e Ka^t^et'
i. e. l assembles and dissolves again in turn ' (Lat. turn turn).
Cp. II. 8. 395 r\\J*v avaK\lvat, . . 178' einOelvat : and so II. 7- 3 OI >
Od. i. 97., 8. 383, and probably II. 6. 149 i^ev $vei yb' a-no-
A?jyei. The original emphasis may sometimes be traced, as in
the formula II. 14. 234 7}/xez> 8?j -nor fj.bv ITTOS exAues ?}5' en Kai
vvv TTfidfv surely you have heard, me before, and even so listen now.
Tj8^ is also used ( = and) without a preceding T||uieV : but not to
begin a fresh sentence. Cp. 331 Jin. for the similar use of re.
339.] T] after TI, firei. In most editions of Homer we find the
} 10 PARTICLES. [340.
forms TIII (or TIT/) and eTrct?/, which are evidently rt, ewei with a
suffix -T] of an affirmative or emphasising kind.
The ancient grammarians seem generally to have considered
this T| as a distinct word. They lay down the rule that after
7rei it is circumflexed, after rt oxytone. The form CTTCI 77 is
supported hy the fact that it is chiefly found in the combination
tirel if iroXu KrA. (II. I. 169., 4. 56, 307, &c.) ; also w T ith /idXa (II.
I. 156 cTret ?) /zdAa TroAAa /ierai/ KT\., Od. IO. 465 eVei 77 p.a\a
-oAAa Kt-aa-de, cp. ?) y.aXa, II. 17. 34), and KCU (II. 2O. 437, Od.
1 6. 442).
The case of rt is different. There is no ground for writing
rt 77 (like eTret ?]). The form rt ?/, which is adopted by the most
recent editors on the authority of the ancients, is not satisfactory.
If this ?/ was originally the affirmative 77, the change of accent
would indicate that it had lost its character as a separate word.
And this is confirmed by the combination rt 77 8e (TV KrA. (II. 6.
55. &c.), which as now written is contrary to the general rule
for the place of 8e. Moreover the ancients were not unanimous
on the point, since Trypho wrote TIT? in one word (Apollonius,
tie Couj. p. 523).
It may be observed that the opinion of the grammarians as to
ri?/ has more weight than in the case of eTrei %, since rt'rj and on?/
were Attic. We may suspect therefore that the accentuation
eiret ?} rests on mere inference.
"With riTj is to be placed the emphatic Nom. TU'C-TJ thou, a form
which occurs in the Iliad only (cp. the Doric eycj^-r)).
, T-
340.] T| and TJ are used in Homer as equivalent forms of the
same Particle: which is (i) Disjunctive (or) and (2) used after
Comparatives (t/ian).
The use of the Correlative rje' (T)) TJC (T\) = either or is also
common in Homer: as II. I. 504 rj eVei 17 !/>y&> : 3. 239 ij oty
ecnrt&Orjv . . rj 8evpa> ptv fTtOvro KT\.
When a question is asked in a disjunctive form, the accent of
the Particle t|e_, rj is thrown back, i. e. it is written TJC or rf :
II. 13. 251 ?}<:' rt /3e'/3ATjat, fieXeos 8e ere retpet d*cooK^,
?)e Tfv dyyeAiTjs juer' e/x' favOes ;
Od. 4. 362 'AzmW, ?) pa TI Ibfj-fv hi (fipta-iv, ?/e KCU OVKI;
So when the first part of the question is not introduced by
a Particle ; II. 10. 534 \^evo-o/iai 77 erv/>ioy epeco ; shall I speak
falsehood or the truth ? Od. I. 226 dXa-nlvr] r]e ya/ios; cp. 4. 314,
372. Indeed the first half of the sentence need not be inter-
rogative; as Od. 21. 193 CTTOS rt /ce ^e^ai^v, r] avrbs
341 .] 'HE, "H. 311
1 would say a word ; or shall I keep it to myself? (so perhaps II.
14. 190).
One of the members of a disjunctive question may be itself
Disjunctive: e.g.
II. 6. 377 TTT) l/3rj ' Avbpofj.d)^r] AeuKwAevo? e/c
Tje irr\ S yaXoa>v 77 eivarepc
77 es 'Adrivafys efoi'^erai /crA.
Here T} eu-arepcoy offers an alternative for yaAoW, but the main
question is between these two alternatives on one side and es
'Adrjvairjs *rA. on the other.
Most editors of Homer recognise an interrogative use of the
form TJ, but erroneously.' 35 ' The questions in which rje is found
are all disjunctive, so that we must write TJC ije (II. 6. 378., 13.
251-, 15- 735-i l6 - is, 13, 17, Od. i. 408., 2. 30., ii. 399). In
Od. 13. 233 ris y?; ; ris STJ/ZOS ; rives avepes eyyeyaao-iz> ;
77 TTOTJ us vfi<rutv evSeitAos, rje ri? axr^ | /cei0' /crA.
if irou means surely methinks : the sense being", ( what land is this ?
It must be some island or else promontory/ Hence we should
read rje in the last clause, not ife (as Ameis, &c.).
rje or t] = than is found after Comparatives ; also after Verbs
implying comparison, as /3ovAo/iai I prefer, fyQavu* I come sooner.
The correlative T) re r\ re appears in three places, viz. II. 9.
276 r/ T avop&v i] re yvvaiK.G>v (where it seems to be=^i& ^8e),
H. 410 i] T } e/3Ai]r' ?) r' e^3aA' aAAov, and 17. 42 ^ r' dAK^j ^ re
<o'/3oio (where however Aristarchus read rjS' fjSe). The single
r\ re occurs with the meaning or in II. 19. 148 ?; r' 6x4^ Tapa
<roi : and with the meaning than in Od. 16. 216 ( 332). Con-
sidering the general difficulty of deciding between el and r\ in
the text of Homer, we cannot regard the form TJ re as resting on
good evidence : see the next section.
341.] Dependent Interrogative Clauses. A Disjunctive
question after a Verb of asking, saying, knowing, &c. is generally
expressed by the Correlatives TJC* (T)) ife (r|) : as
Od. l. 174 KCU fioi TOUT' ayopevcrov fTr\rv^ov, ofyp eu et8<3,
^e vtov jj-eOeTTCis, ?j KOI Trarpwio's eo-<ri xrA.
II. 2. 99 rA^re c/)iAoi Kai /xeivar' CTTI yjiovov, o<ppa ba&fj,ev,
rj fTfbv KdX\as navrfverai, TIC KOI OVKI.
Other examples have been given in the account of the Subjunc-
* This has been well shown by Dr. Praetorius, in a dissertation to which I
am largely indebted (Der homerische Gebrauch von j) (ije) in Fragesatzen, Cassel,
1873). The rule as to the accentuation in a disjunctive question rests upon
the unanimous testimony of the ancient grammarians, and is now generally
adopted. The MSS. and the older editors give T| or rj only.
312
PARTICLES. [342.
live ( 280) and the Optative ( 302). In general it will be seen
that these Dependent Clauses are the same in form as the cor-
responding direct questions.
In a very few instances the first member of a sentence of this
kind is without rje (TJ) : as
Od. 4. 109 ovSe TI ibfj-ev \ Cwei o y i\ reflnjKC (4. 837., n. 464). 3
So II. IO. 544 el?:' aye . . OTTTTCOS Tovcrb ITT-OVS \dj3frov, /caraSwres
o/xiAoi> TpaW, ?) TLS cr(/Kde -nopev KT\., Od. 4. 643.
The combination el ife (if) is often found in the MSS. of
Homer; see II. 2. 367., 8. 532, Od. 4. 28, 712, 789., 16. 238,^
260., 17. 308., 1 8. 265., 24. 217. La Roche (following Bekker)
reads ij ife (if) in all these places.
The common texts have in one place i T ?),
II. 2. 349 ~fvw/j.fvai ei re ^e)Sos ijrd(7xe<ns ^ KO.I OVK'I.
In this instance, if the reading is right, there is a slight irregularity : the
speaker beginning as if he meant to use ei T i re, and changing to the
familiar fy KCU OVK'I. But the best MSS. have i re i T.
A change of construction may also be seen in Od. 24. 235-8 /jfpfi.r)pif( . .
KVffaat KOI irfpupwan . . q irpSir' (tptoiTO he debated about embracing d:c., or should he
first ask &c.
p&v, ii.r\v, fieV.
342.] The three words pdv, p,^, jieV agree so nearly in meaning
and usage that they are to be regarded as etymologically con-
nected, if not merely varieties of the same original form. The
two former (with the long a, TJ) express strong affirmation ( =
surely, indeed, &c.). The shorter form jieV is also originally a
Particle of affirmation, but has acquired derivative uses of which
the chief are : (i) the concessive use, preparing us for a Clause
with an Adversative 8e, avrap, dAAa, &c. : and (2) the use in the
second of two Clauses with the meaning yet, nevertheless.
Taking the generally received text of Homer, we find that jidv occurs 24
times, and that there are only two places in which it is not followed by
a vowel. The exceptions are. II. 5. 895 dAA.' ov IM.V a' tn Srjpov di/t'fo/xat 0X7*'
XO"Ta, where p.dv may be due to the parallel II. 17. 41 dAA' oil pav tn Srjp^v
direiprjTos -nuvos ecrrcu, and II. 5. 765 ajpei pav ol (i. e. pot) eiropaov KT\. (cp. II.
7. 459 dy pei pav or' av KT\.}. On the other hand (IT|V> which occurs 10 times,
is followed by a consonant in every place except II. 19. 45 ical firjv ot TOT* 7'
fls dyoptjv law. These facts have not yet been satisfactorily explained.
Bekker in his second edition (1858) wrote H.TJV throughout for jxav, and sought
to distinguish \i-r\v and p.v as far as the metre allowed according to Attic
usage (H. B. pp. 34. 62). Cobet on the contrary proposed to restore |iv for
(x-qv (Misc. Crit. p. 365), and so far as these two forms are concerned his view
is probable enough. But how are we to explain the peculiar facts as to |tdv ?
We can hardly account for it except as a genuine Homeric form, and such
a form must have been used before consonants as well as vowels. If so, we
345-] MAN > MHN . MEN- 313
can only suppose that an original [xdv was changed into fiev whenever it came
before a consonant, and preserved when the metre made this corruption
impossible.
It is to be observed also that p,Av and JJI,T|V are almost confined to the
Iliad, in which jidv occurs 22 times and JATJV 7 times. In the Odyssey jjwlv is
found twice, viz. in u. 344., 17. 470, and |rf|v three times, in n. 582, 593., 16.
440 ( = 11. 23. 410). It appears then that [juv is the only form which really
belongs to the language of the Odyssey. Consequently the substitution
of jxev for [x.av in the Iliad may have taken place very early. The change
of p,v to \LT\V probably belongs to the later period when \i-i\v had been
established in Ionic and Attic prose.
343.] pav has an affirmative and generally a hortatory or
interjectional force: as in aypei pav nay come! (II. 5. 765., 7.
459), and 77 pax, ov \i.av, used when a speech begins in a tone of
surprise, triumph, or the like ; as
II. 2. 370 77 fj.av avT ayoprf VIKO.S, yipov, vtas 'A^ai&v.
12. 318 ov pav d/cAr/eis AUKITJI; Kara Koipaveovcrtv
^erepot^ao-iA^es (cp.4. 512., 13. 414., 14.454, &c.).
An approach to the force of an emphatic yet appears in
II. 8. 373 eorai juay or' av avre $i\r}V yAavK()7na eurTj*
and in dAA' ov pav (II. 5. 895., 17. 41, 418, &c.), ^ p.av (II. 8.
512., 15. 476., 22. 304).
344.] fir^ with a hortatory force occurs in II. i. 302 ei 8' aye
fj,r)v Trtiprja-ai come, do but try. The combination TJ pp is affirma-
tive (rather than merely concessive), not so much admitting as
insisting upon an objection or reply : II. 2. 291 77 [M\V Kal TTOVOS
eori' it is true enough that there is toil: 7. 393 77 fj.rjv T/)(3es ye
KcXovrcu I assure you that the Trojans lid him: 9. 57 77 ^v Kal veos
fa-o-i we must remember that you are young. In Kal \vf\v it empha-
sises the fact introduced by KCU : II. 19. 45 /cat /AT)I> oi ToVe y els
a-yoprjv Ivav observe that even these then tvent.
345.] fAeV is very common in Homer. The original simply
affirmative force appears especially in the combinations if jAeV,
Kal jieV, and the like, in which it is indistinguishable in sense
from \>.-(\v*
i] jieV is regularly used in oaths, and is even found with an
Inf. in oratio obliqua, as II. i. 76 KOI pot. ofj,oa-(rov 77 /xe'v /xot . .
dpr/feiy. So in a strong asseveration, as II. 7. 97 77 pev brj AW/STJ
rcioe y eo-o-erai this will really be a foul shame, Od. 19. 235 77 i^v
TioKXai y OVTOV kdr}r)(ravTo ywaixe? you may be sure that many
women gazed with wonder at it. In these and similar passages jteV
* On the uses of |*^v see the dissertation of Carl Mutzbauer, Der homerische
Gebrauch der Partikel MEN, Kflln, 1884-86.
314 PARTICLES. [345-
strengthens a purely affirmative if, and there is no sense of con-
trast. The adversative use may be perceived, as with the simple
TJ ( 338) and ?) y.i]v, when a speaker insists on his assertion as
true along- with or in spite of other facts: e.g. in Od. 10. 64
TTWS ?]A0es, 'O8u(re9 ; rts rot KO.KOS c\P a 8atp,ooy 5 tf V^ v <* ^vbvKfms
aTTTreiJ.~oiJ.v surely ice sent you on your icay with due provision :
and in the common form of reproach, II. n. 765 3> TTZTTOV, 77 p.ey
(rot ye Meromos c58' eTrereAAe (cp. 5. 197., 9. 252). So with
ironical emphasis, II. 3. 430 77 i^v brj -npiv y cv^f KT ^- w fy gure fy
yon boasted fyc., cp. 9. 348.
The corresponding- negative form pj jieV occurs in formal oaths
( 35^) b}> ant i with the Opt. in a sort of imprecation in Od. 22.
462 JUIT) [MV bi) Kadapia Oavaru OTTO dvfj.bv e\oip.fjv KT\. (cp. p.rj pav).
Denial insisted upon in view of some state of things is expressed
by ou fieV, as II. 4. 372 ov p.fv Tu8ei' y <38e tyi^ov Trrtoo-Ka^ejufy fyv
(icfiy do you shrink ?j surely Tydeus did not.
The form ical jieV answers closely to the Attic KCII fj.i]v, which is
used to call attention to a fact, especially as the ground of an
argument ; as II. 18. 362 /ecu juey 877 TTOV ris /^e'AAei (Spores KT\. fl
mortal, remember, will accomplish his will: (much more a great
(/odd ess) : II. i . 269 KOL ^tv rolo-iv eyw /xeflo/n'Aeoz; (these were the
mightiest of men} : yes, and I icas of their fellowship. Sometimes
the fact is first indicated, then dwelt upon in a fresh clause with
Kal ficV ; II. 9. 497 orpeTrrot 8e re Kat 6tol avrot, . . KO.I \ikv rovs
Ovtccrui KrA. even gods may be moved . . they are indeed turned from
their anger by sacrifice fyc.: cp. 24. 488, Od. 7. 325., 14. 85.
Similarly when a new point in the narrative is reached : as II. 6.
194 Kat fjitv ol AVKIOI re'/zevo? TCL^LOV yes and (besides what the king
gave) the Lycian people made him a re'/xe^o? (cp. 6. 27., 23. 174.,
24. 732).
The adversative sense but yet, but surely is chiefly found
after a negative, jieV being used either alone or in combination
with an adversative Conjunction (dAAa, drap) : as
II. I. 602 baivvvT, ovbe rt 6vfj.6s e8evero 8atros eto-rjs
ov fj.ev $o'p/ityyos nor yet the phor minx.
2. 73 ^^^ V* v V Q ' 01 avapyoi Haav, Trodeov ye fj-fv ap^ov.
Od. 15. 405 ov n 7repLTT\i]9r]s AtTjy roVoz;, dAA' aya6i] /xeV.
II. 6. 123 ov [j.ev -ydp TTOT omoTra . . drop fj^v vvv ye icrA.
Also after a question
II. 15. 203 7) ri fierao-rpe'\|/-ets ; orpeurat \L*.V re (frpeves ((rOk&v.
T\ ith the Article p.eV is sometimes used to bring in a
parenthesis, which may be simply affirmative, or indicate some
opposition :
II. I. 234 val JJLO. ro'Se (TKijirTpov, TO fjitv ov irore <f)v\\a KOI
346.] MEN, TOI. 315
oovs (f>v(Ti, ( = by this sceptre, even as it shall
never fyc.).
5. 892 /XTJT-jOo's rot p.eVOS f(TTLV ad(T)(TOV, OVK fTTlClKTOV,
"Hprjs, Tyv /u,eu eyw cnrovbfi bafj-vrj^ e7re'eo-<ri
she is indeed one whom I can hardly tame.
Cp. II. 10. 440., 15. 40., 16. 141. A less emphatic use (merely
to bring out a new point in the story) is not uncommon : as II.
2. IOI IOTIJ crKfjiTTpov X (>)V ) T ^ v KT ^* C P' H- I ^ > ^4 I 3 I -> 23.
328, 808, Od. 9. 320, 321. Further, the interposed statement
may have a double reference, a corresponding Clause with 8e or
serving- to resume the narrative : as
II. 8. 256 dAAa TroAv 7rp<Sros Tpcocoy eAep avbpa KOpuorTjy,
'Aye'Aaoz;' 6 jj.tv <pvyab' fTpanev ITTTTOI;?,
i KrA. (so z'foW. 268271).
Again, the return to the main story after a digression may be
marked by a similar form : e.g. in Od. 6. 13 (after a parenthetical
account of the Phaeacians and Alcinous) TOV fjiev e/Brj irpos 8w/xa
KrA. now if was to his house that she went: cp. Od. 9. 325.
TOI.
346.] The enclitic TOI seems properly to express a restricted
affirmation, generally qualifying a preceding statement : at least,
yet surely, &c. It is especially used of a concession, whether
made by the speaker or claimed from the person addressed : as
II. 4. 405 rj^-fls TOI Ttareputv jiiey' ap-eivoves evxo'/ue#' etrai : 5- ^Oi
Tvbevs TOI p,u<pbs p.ev Zrjv be^as, dAAa juaxrjrrys Tydeus, you must
admit, 8fc. : 5. 892 ^rpo's rot /^evos eo-rty aaa-^fTov I admit (as an
excuse) : 8. 294 ov \iiv rot OO-TJ bvva^is ye Trdpeori iravo^ai : cp. 5.
873., 6. 211., 10. 250, Od. 2. 280, &c. So again in maxims,
Od. 2. 276 Travpoi yap rot -nalbfs K.T\.few children, it must lesaid,
&c. : II. 23. 315 ju^rt rot bpvTopos KrA. it is by understanding, after
all, that the woodman Sfc. : Od. 9. 27 ov rot lycoye ^s yafys bvva^aL
KrA. I cannot, when all is said, 8fc. : II. 22. 488, Od. 8. 329, &c.
TOI is combined in Homer with Adversative Particles, as auTdp
TOI, dXXa TOI (II. 15. 45, Od. 1 8. 230); and with jx^ (but not
closely, as in the later jueWot but}. So with the Affirmative Vf in
-r\ TOI (or IITOI), which expresses a restricted concession (II. i. 140,
211., 5. 724, &c.). But the combinations K<HTOI and yet, ToiW
*o then, and the Disjunctive TJTOI either, or, are post-Homeric.
TOI has the first place in the sentence in the compound Toiyap,
which is used to begin speeches ; as II. I. 76 rotydp eyojy epe'o> so
then I will speak. It is generally used with the First Person,
and has a kind of apologetic force (=/ will say, since 1 must
speak}. In Attic it survives in the compounds rotydproi, rot-
yapovv : and the same meaning is commonly expressed by roLvvv.
316 PARTICLES. [347-
It has sometimes been thought that TOI is originally the same as the Dat.
of Tv, moaning 'I tell you' or the like. The orthotone rot-yap (or TOI yap,
as some MSS. read) is difficult to explain on this view. It has also been
explained as the Locative of TO : cp. the Dat. TW = IH that case, therefore. Or it
may be from the same stem as TIS and Te (as Kuhner holds, 507) : cp. vov
(Srj irov) = somehow, thence surely. But the Loc. of this stem exists already
in the form iroi whither.
Spa, ya'p.
347.] The Adverb Spa properly means fittingly, accordingly
(root ap- toft]. The forms Sp and pa seem to be varieties pro-
duced by difference of stress, answering to the different values
which the Particle may have in the sentence. Of these ap re-
tains its accent, but pa, the shortest form, is enclitic.
The ordinary place of Spa is at the beginning of a Clause
which expresses what is consequent upon something already said.
But occasionally it follows a Participle in the same Clause, as in
the formula 77 TOI o y &s etTrwy K.Q.T ap eero (cp. II. 2. 310., 5.
748).
It is to be observed, however, that Spa may indicate a reason
(as well as a consequence) : that is to say, we may go back from
a fact to the antecedent which falls in with and so explains it.
E.g. II. I. 429 x^wojueroy Kara dvp.ov kv(ju>voio yvvaiKOS, Tr\v pa . .
aTrqvpatv whom (and this was the reason of his anger] they had taken
away. So in the combinations os pa, e-rrei pa, on pa, oSven' Spa =
because (and this is the explanation] : also in yap pa, as II. i. 113
KOI yap pa KAuraifii'Tjcrrp^S' 7rpo/3e/3ouA.a.
Spa is also found in the first of two correlative Clauses, as
e T p o y evx<o.T7s e7n/xe/xerai et
&s ayay ws ^rjr ap rts 1877 /xrjr' ap re
The parallel form of the sentence enables us to regard the first
Clause, by anticipation, as falling in with and completing the
second.
The Attic Jpa is unknown to Homer. Whether it is identical with apa
seems doubtful. It is worth while noticing that Spa answers in usage to the
Homeric combination $ pa (is it then ?).
348.] The Causal Particle y&p is originally a compound of yc
and Spa, but the two elements have so completely united into a
new whole that the fresh combination ydp pa is found in Homer.
yap serves to indicate that the Clause in which it is used is a
reason or explanation, usually of something just mentioned or
suggested: as TW yap tvi (ppfal 6i]Kf 0ea Aeu/cwAeyos "Hprj' KTjSeTo
yap Aava&v, KT\. Thus it follows the sequence of thoughtby
which we go back from a consequent to an antecedent whereas
348.] *APA, TAP. 317
apa more commonly (though not always) indicates the sequence
of the facts themselves.
Compare the double use of o, on, 5 T (i) to express a cause, (2) to express
a consequent used as an argument (cp. roiov -yap aal irarpos, 8 /cat 7reirvvfj.(va
flafas, and other examples in 269). To understand the ordinary use of yap
we have only to suppose that when a speaker was going back upon an
antecedent fact, he generally used the combination -ye apa (7' ap, yap), rather
than the simple apa. The principle of this usage is that a causal relation
may be indicated by a distinction of emphasis, such as Y would express (as
indeed -y alone sometimes has a distinctly causal force).
As subordinate or exceptional uses, we have to note the fol-
lowing :
1. The use of yap to introduce a mere explanation, which
became very common in Attic (e.g. Thuc. i. 8 ^ap-npiov 8e'*
A?jAou yap *rA.) and may be traced back to Homer. Thus
II. 8. 147 dAAa To'8' alvbv a^os Kpabfyv KOL Qvpov lufatW
"Efcrcrip yap irore (prjo'fi KT\.
This idiom by which the Clause with yap becomes a kind of Object-Clause,
in apposition to a Pronoun may be compared with the use of on and ouveica
with the meaning that, instead of because: see 268, 269. In both cases the
language does not clearly distinguish between the ground of a fact (which is
properly a separate and prior fact), and a mere analysis, or statement of
circumstances in which a fact consists.
2. The inversion (as it may be regarded) by which the Clause
with yap precedes the fact explained ; as
II. 2. 802 "E/crop, crol 8e //aAtor' e7rtre'AAop:ai a>8e ye pVfar
iroAAot yap Kara aorv \iiyo. rTpta/xou ziriKovpoi,
aAA?7 8' aAAcoi; yXSxra-a TroAuo-Trepecov avOput-rr&v'
Toicriv tKaoros avrjp m)iuuv&m (II. 13. 73^-> 23.
890, Od. i. 337., 9. 319., 10. 174, 190, 226,
383., ii. 69., 12. 154, 208, 320, &c.).
Here the speaker begins by stating something that leads up to
his main point. Sometimes, especially when the reason is stated
at some length, the main point is marked as an inference by TO?
so, therefore: as
II. 7. 328 TroAAot yap reOvatn K.apt] K0/u,oa>i>res r A\<uoi,
rS>v vvv at/xa KeAatvoi' . .
331 T(3 <re XP*7 Ti6kt\jLOv fj.fv a/jt' 7701 navcrai 'AyjoLi&v.
So II. 13. 228., 15. 739., 17. 221, 338., 23. 607; there is no
instance in the Odyssey.
When the Clause with ydp precedes, it may be opposed to the
preceding context : hence the yap may be combined with adver-
sative Conjunctions, as
II. 12. 326 vvv b' e/XTrrj? yap K?jpes efaa-TCHTiv OavaToio . .
lopw KT\. (cp. II. 7. 73., 17. 338., 24- 223)-
318 PARTICLES. [348.
Od. 14. 355 aAA' ov ydp crfyiv <pa.LVTO Kepbiov elvat
paitvQai Trporepu)' rot fj.ev irdXiv aims eficuvov
vqbs (Tri yXa(pvpijs (cp. Od. 19. 59 1).
dXXA yap also occurs without a subsequent Clause :
Od. IO. 2O I K\alov be Aiyecos, 6a\epbv Kara bdxpv ydovrff
dAA' ov yap Tts 7rp?/is eyiyvero p,vpop.voL(ri.
Here it has the force of ' but be that as it may/ ' but the truth
is ' (Riddell, Dig. 147). That is, dXX& ydp meets what has
preceded not by a simple opposition, but by one which consists in
going back to a reason for the opposite : which may be enough
to convey the speaker's meaning.
In these uses of yap the peculiarity is more logical than gram-
matical. The yap (or rather the Spa contained in it) indicates
that the Clause gives a reason or explanation, which the speaker
chooses to mention before the consequent or thing to be explained.
The use only strikes us because the English for is restricted to
causal clauses placed in the more natural order.
With 8e ycp and dXXd ydp it is incorrect (as Riddell shows,
/. c.) to treat the Clause with ydp as a parenthesis (writing e.g.
vvv 8' I/UTTJJS yap KTA.). The Clause so introduced is always in
opposition to the preceding context, so that the 8^ or dXXd has its
full force.
3. After the Relative os, tj, o : as
II. 12. 344 d/x</>orepo> fj,v /xaAAoy o ydp K o% apio-rov cnrdvTMv
eirj (so II. 23. 9, Od. 24. 190).
Od. I. 286 (Meve'Xaos) os yap bevraTos fj\dev (cp. 17. 172).
So with ws ydp=for thus, and wo. ydp (II. 10. 127).
These are generally regarded as instances of the original use of
os as a Demonstrative ( 265). But it is only the use of ydp that
is peculiar; or rather, this is only another case in which ydp is
not translated \>yfor. It will be seen that os ydp may always be
replaced by 85 Spa without changing the sense.
4. In abrupt questions, and expressions of surprise : as
II. I. 123 7r<3s ydp rot Swo-owi yepas fj.fyfiOvfj.oi 'A^atoi ;
why, how are the Greeks to give you a prize ?
1 8. 182 'Ipi 6f.d, TIS yap o-e de&v fj.oi dyyf\ov 77*6 ;
I. 293 17 yap Kv SeiXo's re /cai ovTibavos KaAeot/xrjz; KT\.
why, I should be a coward 8fc.
So in the formulae of wish, el ydp, at ydp, &c. In all such cases
the yap seems to be mainly inter jectional. Properly it implies
that the speaker is taking up the thread of a previous speech ;
and as it were continuing the construction : the new Clause being
one that gives a reason, or affects to do so ironically. Particles
so used easily acquire an irrational character. We may compare
350.] TAP, OTN, AH, NT, 0HN. 319
the use of 8e and r apa. in questions, &<s in expressions of wish,
dXXd before an imperative ( 336) : also the English use of why,
well, and similar pleonasms.
OUf, 8r], KU, 6t]K.
349,] ow in Homer d6es not properly express inference, or even
consequence (like apa). Its use is to affirm something with refer-
ence to other facts, already mentioned or known ; hence it may
generally be represented by a phrase such as after all, be this as it
may, &c. E.g.
II. 2. 350 (j)r][u yap ovv for 1 do declare that Sfc.
Od. II. 350 feiro? Se rA^Tto, fj.a\a Trep VOCTTOLO xart<To)z;,
eju/Trrjs ovv fTiifjielvai fs avpiov (nevertheless to wait).
Like apa, it is used to emphasise correlative Clauses, but only
with the negative oore oure and JJH^TC p(]Te : as
Od. 6. 192 OVT' ovv fo-BiJTOs Sewjo-ea/, ovre reu aAAou.
II. 16. 97 at yap. . /x?jre TLS ovv Tpcocoy . . ju,r;re ris 'Apyeicoy, KTA.
(SO II. 8. 7., 17. 20., 20. 7, Od. I. 414., 2. 200.,
ii. 200., 16. 302., 17. 401).
The combination y' 00^ (not to be written yovv in Homer)
occurs only twice, with the meaning in any case :
II. 5- 258 et y ovv erepos ye 0vyrjcri if one of the two does
(after all) escape.
1 6. 30 JUT) e/xe y' ovv OVTOS ye A.a/3oi xoAo?
(cp. 19. 94 Kara 8' ovv ertpov ye irtbrjcrev).
As an emphatic Particle of transition ouv is found in fiey ouv (II.
9. 550, and several times in the Odyssey), much more frequently
in the combinations lire! our, o>s GUI'. In these an approach to the
illative force may perhaps be observed.
350.] 8^ is properly a temporal Particle, meaning now, at
length (Lat. jam] : hence it implies arriving at a result, as e ov
by TO -Tr/xSra OLaa-rriTrjv from the time that the point was reached
when they quarrelled : ei 01] if it has come to this that, and so if
finally, if really. With Superlatives it expresses that the highest
stage has been reached, as II. I. 266 Kaprio-roi STJ Ktlvoi KT\. these
were quite (finally] the mightiest. So in questions, -TTW? 877 how has
it come to be that ; and prohibitions, JUTJ 817 do not go so far as to .
8rj may begin a sentence in Homer, as II. 15.437 Te5/cpe irt-nov,
8r) v&'iv oTre'/craro TTIOTOS eraipos : and often in the combinations
8t) TOTC (turn vero), and STJ ydip. The original meaning is best
seen in these forms (where 877 is emphatic), and in rftr\ (for 77 8??),
and ttrel r\.
As 811 is one of the words which unite with a following vowel,
320 PARTICLES. [351.
so as to form one syllable, it is sometimes written 8', and so is
liable to be confused with 8 This occurs especially in the com-
binations 8fj a5, 8fj auros, 8rj OU'TOJS : as II. I. 131 JUT) br) o#ro>s, 340
ct Trore br) avTf, IO. 385 TITJ br] oimos, 2O. 22O 6s 8r) a$z;eio'raros
KtA. So in el 8' ctye the sense generally requires 8rj : see 321.
Note that SrJTa, Sfj0ei> (cognate or derivative forms) are post-
Homeric ; as also are the combinations STJTTOU, Kal 8^.
351.] vu is obviously a shortened form of vvv now. It is used
as an affirmative Particle (like 8^, but somewhat less emphatic),
especially in combinations such as r\ pd vu, KCU vu ice, ou vu, firj vu,
eTrei w, and after Interrogatives, as TI'S vu who now, TI vu why now
(see Od. i. 59-62).
The form cu is exclusively Epic : vw (ii), which is used by
Attic poets (Ellendt, Lex. Soph. ii. p. 183) appears in II. 10.
105 oaa -nov vvv 6e'A.7rerai, and II. 23. 485 ev/>o vvv, rj Tpi-rrobos
KT\. : but it is probably not Homeric.
In II. 10. 105 the sense is distinctly temporal, and accordingly we should
probably read vw tK-ntrai. The temporal sense also suits II. 23. 485, where
moreover there is a variant 5tvp6 76 vw rpiiroSos, found in the Scholia on
Aristophanes (Ach. 771, Eq. 788).
352.] Qi\v is an affirmative enclitic, giving a mocking or
ironical force, like the later SI^TTOU and StjOeK (which is perhaps
originally 877 Qr]v] : as II. 2. 276 ov drjv JJ.LV naXiv aims av^a-fi
0viJ.bs ayrivutp his bold spirit will not I imagine impel him again:
II. 13. 620 Aefyere' Orjv OVTCD -ye methinks in this fashion you will
leave fyc. It is only Epic.
irep.
353.] The enclitic Particle irep is evidently a shorter form of
the Preposition irepi, which in its adverbial use has the meaning
beyond , exceedingly ( 185). Accordingly irep is intensive, denoting
that the word to which it is subjoined is true in a high degree,
in its fullest sense, &c. : e.g.
II. 23. 79 Aax e ytwoptvov itep was my fate even from my birth.
Od. 1. 315 /XTJ jti' en vvv /care'puKe XtXat.6^v6v irep 68010.
8. 187 (TTifiapa>Tpov OVK oklyov Trep.
II. 2. 236 oiKa8e TTcp <rvv vr)V(ri vftop-eOa
( = let its have nothing short of r etui n home).
8. 452 crfy&'iv 8e Trpiv Trep rpo/xos lA.Aa/3e (paibifjia yvla
even beforehand trembling seized your knees.
13. 72 aptyvwToi 8e Ofoi irep gods } surely, are easily known.
Od. 4. 34 ai KC TToOt. Zei>s | (om<r(D ire/) iravirrj oi'^vos.
354-] HEP, TE. 321
So with Relatives, o$ Trep the very one who, s eo-eTat Trep (Attic
uxrirep Kai tvTai} jiist as it will be, ore Trep just when. Also ei Trep
even if. and ije Trep or 17 Trep fmz la,
Usually, however, Trep implies a sense of opposition ; a. e. it
emphasises something as true in spite of a preceding assertion :
as ov TI SwTjcreat a^vv^fvos Trep ^o& wilt not lie able, however much
vexed, TroXees Trep eoVTes many as they are, Ttivovra Trep I/XTTI/S ew#
though drinking, &c. ; and with Substantives, II. 20. 65 ra re
(TTvye'ovcrt 6eoi Trep which even the gods (gods though they are)
dread. So II. I. 353 f^ei [*' eYeices ye, fuvw0&butv Trep eovra
since you are my mother, short-lived though I am. Or it may
imply compensation for the absence of something else : II. i. 508
oAAa (TV Trep p,i.v rivov do thou /totiour him (since Agamemnon will
not); 17. 121 at Ke VCKVV ?rep 'AxiAArJ'i Trpocpe'pco/xey yvpvov drop
ra ye revxX ^rX.
The intensive icai and irep are often used with the same word
or phrase: as /cat di/^e' Trep even though late, KOL Trpos bai^ovd ?rep
eym though it were against a higher power, /cat Treos Trep eajy though
only on foot : d 8e Kai "Exropa Trep (/>6Xe'et?, &c. So with ou8^ wo^
even, as ov8e ^eot Trep not even the gods, ov5' ws Trep wo^ et?ew *o,
ovbf vv crot Trep wo^ even to you.
The combination KCU -rrep (or Kaiircp) occurs in Homer in one
place only, viz. Od. 7- 224 Kai Trep TroXXa iradovra.
When KOI precedes a word followed by irep, it is always = even
(not and}. Hence in II. 5. 135 Kat Trpiv Trep p-e/xaws means even
though formerly eager, and is to be taken with the preceding line,
not with the succeeding STJ Tore fj.iv KT\. Thus there is no ana-
coluthon, as is generally assumed.
Y e -
354.] Y is used, like Trep, to emphasise a partumlar word or
phrase. It does not however intensify the meaning, or insist on
the fact as true, but only calls attention to the word or fact,
distinguishing it from others : e. g.
II. I. 8 1 ei Trep yap Te %6X.ov ye Kat atTTj/xap KaTaittyrj,
dXXd Te Kat ^Toincrdev e\f t K.OTOV.
Here y e shows that the word ^0X09 is chosen in order to be con-
trasted with KOTO?. So too
II. 2. 379 et Se' TTOT' es ye /utiay /3ouXevo-ojuef, ov/ceV eTretTa KTX.
(if we could ever agree, instead of contending).
Again, where an idea is repeated
II. 5- 35O d 8e crv y es TroXejuoy moXTjo-eai, r\ Te' a' dfco
pty?]o-ety TroXe/xdy ye.
Cp. also II. i. 299 eTret p.' acpe'Xea-tfe' ye So'^Tes since you have but
Y
322 PARTICLES. [355-
taken away what you gave (where we should rather emphasise
ooVres) : Od. 4. 193 ov rot lycoye re'pvro/x' obvpopfvos . . ye/xeo-oxaficu
ye fj.v ovbfv KAcueiv KrA. I (lo not take pleasure in lamenting, but
yet I do not #ay that 1 complain of a man weeping fyc. : 9. 393 TO
yap avTf (nb-qpov ye Kpdros eort that is the strength of iron (in par-
ticular] : IO. 93 ov p.V -yap TTOT' de'ero Kujud y kv avrw, ovre jue'y'
OVT o\Lyov, AevKTj b' TJV dp.<pi ya\r\vr] no wave at all (nothing that
could be called a wave) rose in it, &c.
So too ye emphasises a word as a strong- or appropriate one,
or as chosen under the influence of feeling (anger, contempt,
&c.). As examples may be quoted, Od. 9. 458 rw *e' ot eyKe'cpaAds
ye . . paiotro KrA. : 17- 244 r<5 Ke rot dyAaias ye 8iao-/ce8do-eiey aira-
(ras : II. J. 198 eTm ovb' e/ie vr/'ibd y OVTO>S eAiro/xai KT\, So in the
phrase et TTOT' tr\v ye, which means if he lived at all, and thus is
a form of asseveration; e.g. II. 3. 180 8a?/p OVT e/xos eo-xe KWU-
Kibos et TTOT' lt\v ye he was my brother-in-laiv if he was anything,
i. e. that he was so is as sure as that there was such a person.
ye is common with the Article ( 257, 2) and the Personal
Pronouns (so that it is usual to write oye, eycoye as one word),
also with o8e, OUTOS, KCICOS, and the corresponding Adverbs
w8e, Tore, &c. It serves chiefly to bring out the contrast which
these Pronouns more or less distinctly imply. Similarly with
words implying comparison, as uAAos and erepos, -npiv, irdpos, &c.
When a special emphasis is intended, Homer usually employs
irep, as Od. i. 59 ov8e vv <roi Trep ez>Tpe'irerat (pi'Aoy ?)rop not even are
you moved (who are especially bound to care for Ulysses). So too,
as Nauck has pointed out (Mel. gr.-rom. iv. 501), Trdpos ye
means before (not now), while Trdpos Trep means even before (not
merely now]. Hence in II. 13. 465 os o-e irdpos ye ya/^3pos ewr
eflpei/fe the ye of the MSS. is right; and so we should read (with
A against other MSS.) II. 17. 587 bs TO -ndpos ye fjioXOaKos
Tjs, but (again with A) in II. 15. 256 os ae Trdpos irep
pvo/xat.
In a Conditional Protasis (with os, ore, ei, &c.), ye emphasises
the condition as such: hence el ye if only, always supposing that ;
cp. Od. 2. 31 r\v x viuv o-d<pa etTrot, ore Trpo'repo's ye TtvQoiTO which
he would tell you, if and when he had been first to hear it. On the
other hand, ei irep means supposing ever so much, hence if really
(Lat. si. quiflem]. So when irpiv expresses a condition ( 297) it
takes ye, as II. 5. 288 trpiv y rj erepoV ye ireo-oWa KrA.
355.] OUKI, OUK, ou. The full form OUKI occurs in the formula
?)e Kal OVKI or else not (II. 2. 238, &c.), and one or two similar
phrases: II. 15. 137 os T atnos os re /cat OVKI, and II. 2O. 255
rro'AA' ^red re Kat OUK.
357-] or, MH. 323
The general use of ou is to deny the predication to which it is
attached (while /*?j forbids or deprecates). In some instances,
however, ou does not merely negative the Verb, but expresses the
opposite meaning : ov 0rjjut is not I do not say, but I deny, refuse ;
OVK ed) I forbid, &c. (Kriiger, 67, i, i).
The uses of ou in Subordinate Clauses, and with the Infinitive
and Participle, will be best treated along with the corresponding
uses of rf ( 359, 360).
According to Delbruck (Synt. Forsch. iv. p. 147) the negative Particle was
treated originally like the Prepositions, i.e. it was placed immediately before
the Verb, and closely connected with it : as in the Latin ne-scio, ne-queo, nolo,
and in some parallel Slavonic forms. The same relation appears in the
accent of ov (prj^t, and in the use of ou in the combinations OVK IfleAw, ov Ida;,
&c., in which ou is retained where general rules would require U.TI ( 359).
356.] ou8e, fiTjSe. These forms are generally used as negative
connecting Particles (but not, and not}. Sometimes however they
have a strengthening or emphatic force, corresponding to the
similar use of KCU in affirmative sentences ; as II. 5. 485 rvvr] 8'
eorrjKas, arap ou8' aAAoicri /ceA.eueis you stand still (yourself}, and
(what is more) do not call on the others to fight : and in combina-
tion with TTp, as II. 4. 387 evO' ovbe elvos nep tvv KT\. So KCH
os even he, ou8' 6s not even he, &c.
ouSeis is originally an emphatic form (like the later ou8e cts).
In Homer the Neut. ouSeV is occasionally found, sometimes as an
emphatic Adverb, = not at all, as II. i. 244 o r' apurrov 'AXO.MV
ovbev Irio-as (so II. I. 412., 1 6. 274., 22. 332, 513., 24. 370, Od.
4. 195., 9. 287) : sometimes as a Substantive, nothing at all
(Nom. and Ace.), as Od. 9. 34 &>s ovbtv J\VKLOV no single thing is
sweeter (cp. 18. 130., 22. 318). The adjectival use is found with
CTTOS (Od. 4. 350., 17. 141), also in II. 10. 216 TT) p\v Krcpas ovbev
opolov, and perhaps II. 22. 513 oiibtv <roi y o</>eAos (where ouBeV
may be adverbial). The Gen. Neut. appears in the Compound
ovbev6o--apos worth nothing (II. 8. 178). The Masc. occurs only
in the phrase TO ov /xeVos ovbevi el/ccoy (II. 22. 459, Od. n. 5 I 5) <
The form u.T)86is is post-Homeric, except the form fxr]8cV, which
occurs only in II. 18. 500 6 5' avaivero prjbev e
357.] Double negation. This characteristic feature of Greek
is caused by the tendency to repeat the negative Particle with
any word or phrase to which the negation especially applies : as
II. I. 114 7ret ov eOev corn \fpei(av, ov Se'juas KT\. since she is not
inferior not inform &c. The emphatic ouSe and pjS^ are chiefly
used in this way : as ov pav ov8' 'A^iX^vs KT\. no, not even Achilles
&c. : II. 2. 703 oi8e jj.lv ovb' ot avapyoi <i<rav : Od. 8. 280 ra y'
Y 2
PARTICLES. [358.
ov Ke ri? ov8e IboiTO, ovbe 6fu>v (JLaKapcDV '. II. 6. $8 /jtrj8' ov TWO.
yaore'pi MT/TTJP /coupon eoVra <epot /X7j8' 6?
358.] f"i is commonly used (as we should expect) with the
Moods expressive of command or wish, viz. the Imperative, the
Subjunctive and the Optative. These uses having been dis-
cussed ( 278, 281, 299, 303, &c.), it only remains to notice
some idiomatic uses in which p.f\ is found with the Mood of
simple assertion or denial.
With the Indicative w is used in Homer
(a) In the phrase /IT) wc^eA/W (or w(peAoy) would that I had not
Sfc. Logically the |iT) in this idiom belongs to the following
Infinitive (cp. 355).
() In oaths, to express solemn or impassioned denial :
II. IO. 329 ?OTCO vvv Zev? avros, epiySovTro? TTOO-IS "Hprjy,
IJLT] p.ev rot? iTTTroifnv avyp TTO)(ri(rTai aAAos
(/ swear that no one else shall ride $*<?.).
15. 36 icrrto vvv ro8e yata . . .
41 /ir) 81' ejurjy lorTjra FTocretScicoy fvo(r(^0u>v \ TTrjfjiaivei.
In this use HTJ denies by disclaiming (as it were) or protesting
against a fact supposed to be within the speaker's power (=far
be it from me that fyc.). We should probably add
II. 19. 258 frrrco vvv Zei? Trpwra K.T\.
pi] }j.fv eyco Kovprj Bpt(TT]t8t X e v' ^w6Kflj
where the MSS. have eTrej^iKai. The Indie, form was restored
conjecturally by Stephanus.
(c) After TJ, to express incredulity. &c. :
Od. 6. 2OO 77 JU.TJ TTOV nva bvcr^fVfMv (fxicrO' e/x/zeyai avbpQv
(surely you do not suppose it is any enemy /)
9. 405 rj JUTJ TIS creu p.?}Aa (SpoT&v afKovros eAawei ;
17 p.ry rts cr' avrbv Kreivet 8oAw ?)e jSojcpi ;
(surely no one is driving off your sheep ? $*<;.)
This is the common type of ' question expecting a negative
answer/ viz. a strong form of denial uttered in a hesitating or
interrogative tone. Compare the quasi-interrogative use of TJ
( SS^) to indicate surprise or indignation.
(d) After Verbs of fearing which relate to a past event :
Od. 5. 300 8et'8o) /XT) 8r) Trdvra 0ea ^r/piepre'a eiTrev.
Here, as with the Subj. ( 281, i), the Clause with JATJ passes into
an Object-Clause. The difference is that the Indicative shows
the event to be past.
So perhaps Od. 13. 216/07 Tt ' A 40 ' oixovrai I fear they are gone : but the better
reading is OIXUVTCU, the Subj. being understood as in II. i. 555 rf at
359-1 MH- 325
lest she hare persuaded thee (i. e. prove to have persuaded) ; cp. Od. 21. 395
fj.r) Kepa nres tSotev lest worms should (be found to) have eaten ( 303, i). Cp. Matth.
xvi. 5 l-ne\a.9ovro aprovs Xa&ew they found that they had forgotten (Field's Otium
Norc-icense, Pt. 3, p. 7)-
The use of the Past Indicative after Verbs of fearing is closely parallel to the
use in Final Clauses, noticed in 325. While the Clause, as an expression of
the speaker's mind about an event his fear or his purpose should have
a Subj. or Opt., the sense that the happening of the event is matter of past
fact causes the Indicative to be preferred. Cp. the Modal uses noticed in
3 2 4~3 2 6, and the remark in 323 as to the tendency in favour of the
Indicative.
The essence of these idioms is the combination of the impera-
tive tone shown in the use of /i^ with the Mood proper to a
simple assertion. The tendency to resort to the form of pro-
hibition in order to express strong or passionate denial may be
seen in the use of /JM/) with the Optative in deprecating a sup-
position ( 299, e), and of ^r\ with the Subj. in oaths, as Od. 1 2.
300., 18. 56.
359.] Conditional Clauses. The rule which prescribes P.TJ as
the negative Particle to be used in every Clause of Conditional
meaning does not hold universally. In Homer
(a) When the Verb is a Subjunctive or Optative \L-t\ is used :
the very few exceptions being confined to OVK etfe'Aco (II. 3. 289.,
15. 492) and OVK eao> (II. 20. 139), which are treated almost as
Compounds ( 355). Cp. the use of OVK e0eAa> in Final Clauses,
as II. 5. 233 /ATJ . . jj.a,Tri<rTov ovb' fde\r]Tov KrA.
(b) With the Relatives 0$, Saos, &c. when the Verb is an
Indicative ou is generally used ; as
II. 2. 143 Tracrt jLiera TrXrjOvv, com ou (3ov\rjs
Od. 3. 348 a>s re rev rj napa ua.^.'nav avdpovos Tje
&> ov TI xAaiyai /crA. (a general description).
II. 2. 338 vriTTia\ois, ot? ov TI /xe'Aei /crA. (so 7- 236., 1 8. 363).
The only clear instance of P.TJ is II. 2. 301 core Se Trdvres jj-dprvpoi.,
ovs W KT/pes efiav Qa.va.roio (frepova-ai, where the speaker wishes to
make an exception to what he has just said. In Od. 5. 489 o> /AT)
Trdpa yfLTovfs aAAot we may supply either eio-i or IWi : the latter
is found in the similar cases Od. 4. 164., 23. 118. But Hesiod
uses pj with the Indie.; see Theog. 387, Op. 225.
(c) With el and the Indicative oo is used when the Clause
with el precedes the Principal Clause : as
II. 4. 1 60 el Kcp y&p re KCU avTiK 'OAu/XTTtos OVK ere'Aeo-o-e,
and similarly in II. 9. 435., 15. 213, Od. 19. 85, and the (eight)
other places quoted in 316. But when the Clause with el fol-
lows the other, j*VJ is used, as in the sentences of the form
II. 2. 155 Hvda Kfv . . VOO-TOS TV^dri | et /XT) *rA.
326 PARTICLES. [360.
The onlv instance in which this rule fails seems to be
Od. 9. 410 d ptv 5?; jJ.i] TLS (re fiia&Tai olov fovra,
rovvov y ov TTOJS eon Aios ^cyaXov aXta<TQai.
Here pi TIS may be used rather than oif TIS in order to bring out
more clearly the misunderstanding- of the Ouns of Polyphemus.
This curious law was pointed out by A. R. Vierke, in a valuable dissertation
He, ya\ particulae cum indicatiro conjundae vsu antiquiore (Lipsiae, 1876). With
ivgard to the ground of it, we may observe that a Clause with d in most cases
precedes the apodosis ; and this is probably the original order. When it is
inverted it may be that the use of (rf| instead of oi has a prohibitive character,
as though the condition were added as an afterthought, in bar of what has
been already said. In any case the inversion throws an emphasis on the
Clause, which would account for the preference for U.TI ; see 358.
360-] Infinitive and Participle. It appears from comparison
with the forms of negation in the oldest Sanscrit that the nega-
tive Particles were originally used only with finite Verbs. The
negation of a Noun was expressed by forming it into a Com-
pound with the prefix an- or a- (Greek &v-, d-) : and the Infini-
tives and Participles were treated in this respect as Nouns. The
first exception to this rule in Greek was probably the use of ou
with the Participle a use which is well established in Homer.
ou with the Infinitive is used in Homer (as in Attic) after
Verbs of saying, thinking, knowing, &c. ( 237); as in II. 16. 61
?} rot ftprjv ye ov -nplv }j.r]viQ^bv KaTairavcr^ev KT\. : Od. 5- 342
fio/ceeis 5e xot OV
This use however is to be compared with that noticed above ( 355), in
which an ou which belongs in sense to the Infinitive is placed before the
governing Verb ; as ov <7?ov Swcrftv lie says he will not give. Sometimes the
Homeric language seems to hesitate between the two forms, or to use them
indifferently : compare (e. g.~) II. 12. 106 oi>5' IT' t<pai>To ffxrjfffffO' KT\. and (a few
lines further) 1. 125 t(pai>To yap ovKtr' 'Axaiovs a\i\ata(f KT\. Occasionally
the negative is used with the Verb and repeated with the Infinitive :
II. 17. 641 end ov \u.v oio/iai ovS( ireirvffdat (cp. 12. 73).
Od. 3. 27 ov yap otca \ ov o~e Ofwv atKrjTi ytvtffdai KT\.
It may be conjectured that the use of ou with the governing Verb is the more
ancient ; the use with the Infinitive is obviously the more logical.
361.] |iri with the Infinitive and Participle. The Homeric
uses of this kind are few and simple in comparison with those of
later Greek.
The Infinitive when used for the Imperative ( 241) naturally
takes fir) instead of ou : as II. 4. 42 /XTJ n biaTpififiv TOV ffj.bv xo'A.or,
dAXa // eao-ai.
An Infinitive which stands as Object of a Verb of saying, &c.
takes fiVj when it expresses command or wish : as II. 3. 434 -nav-
Kf\op.ai /urjSe KT\. I bid you stop and not fyc. (so 9. 12) : Od.
362.] MH, KEN, 'AN. 337
I. 37 e^ret npo ol enro/xey rjfj.ls JOI^T' KrA. we told kirn before not to
fyc. So Od. 9. 530 bos pi] 'Qbvcra-rja . . iKeV0cu grant that Ulysses
may not come.
Again, a dependent Infinitive takes fx^ in oat/ts, as II. 19. 176
djixi'Derco . . \LT\ 77ore rrjs fvvrjs e7ri/3T7|ixez;ai KrA. let him swear that he
never fyc. ; cp. Od. 5. 184 torco vvv ro8e yata . . \M\ ri crot avrai
nijjjLa KO.KOV /3ouAeuoreju,ey aAAo, and II. 19. 258 (but see 358 b}.
So generally after Verbs of promising, &c. as II. 14. 45 cos TTOT'
Trr]TT^(Tv . . JUT) vplv KrA. threatened that he would not $<?.;
II. 1 8. 5 o 5' avaivfTo nqbev eAecr0at refused to accept anything
(see Mr. Leafs note a. L]. This use of \i.r\ is evidently parallel
to the use with the Indicative, 358. Compare also II. 19. 22
of eTTteiKes epy' e^ez; aOavdrcav /ixrjSe fBporbv avbpa reAeVcrat, where
the /Ail may be emphatic (such as we must not suppose any mortal to
have made}* Or this may be an instance of the use of pj in
Relative Clauses containing a general description ( 359, ).
The use of JJLTJ with the Participle appears in one Homeric
instance :
Od. 4. 684 fj.r] fj.vr]<TTV(ravTS /x^8 5 aAAo$'
wrara Kat Trvfj-ara vvv evddbe
Here firj belongs to 6/xi\?]o-az;rs, and expresses a wish : ( may they
(after their wooing) have no other meeting, but sup now for the
last time/ For the parenthetical ^vr^arTfva-avTfs and the repeti-
tion of the negative with aAAore, cp. the parallel place Od. II.
613 /XT) T)^vr]a-dp.vos jurjS' aAAo rt rex^^cratro.
Kef and ac.
362.] The Particles KCK atjd SK, as we have seen, are used to
mark a predication as conditional, or made with reference to a
particular or limited state of things : whereas re shows that the
meaning is general. Hence with the Subj. and Opt. M.V or a.v
indicates that an event holds a definite place in the expected
course of things : in other words, icef or &v points to an acfaial
occurrence in the future. f
KCC is commoner in Homer than of. In the existing text KCI/
occurs about 630 times in the Iliad, and 520 times in the
Odyssey : while &v (including rjf and eirTJi/) occurs 192 times in
* This would be akin to the later use with Verbs of belief. As to the Verbs
which take P.TJ see Prof. Gildersleeve in the Am. Jour. Phil. vol. i. p. 49.
+ ' Im Allgemeinen steht das Resultat durchaus fest : KV beim Conjunctiv
und Optativ weist auf das Eintreten der Handlung hin' (Delbriick, Synt.
Forsch. i. p. 86). This view is contrary to the teaching of most grammarians
(see especially Hermann on Soph. O. C. 1446). It will be found stated very
clearly in an article in the Philological Museum, vol. i. p. 96 (Cambridge 1832).
328 PARTICLES. [362.
the Iliad and 157 times in the Odyssey. Thus the proportion
is more than 3:1, and is not materially different in the two
poems.
It is part of Fick's well known theory that w was unknown
in the original Homeric dialect (see Appendix F) : and a syste-
matic attempt to restore the exclusive use of KCC in Homer has
been made by a Dutch scholar, J. van Leeuwen,* who has pro-
posed more or less satisfactory emendations of all the places in
which av now appears. It is impossible to deny the soundness
of the principles on which he bases his enquiry. When the
poems were chiefly known through oral recitation there must
have been a constant tendency to modernise the language. With
Attic and Ionic reciters that tendency must have led to OP
creeping into the text, sometimes in place of KCK, sometimes
where the pure Subj. or Opt. was required by Homeric usage.
Evidence of this kind of corruption has been preserved, as Van
Leeuwen points out, in the variae lectiones of the ancient critics.
Thus in II. i. 168 eirei KC KO/XCO is now read on the authority of
Aristarchus ; but eirrjv /ceKa/xoo and CTTTJZ; *e /ca/xo> were also ancient
readings, and eTnju is found in all our MSS. Similarly in II. 7.
5 Aristarchus read tirei KC /cci/zoo<rii>, and the MSS. are divided
between cuei /ce and eTrryy KC (or firrjv KCK.). There is a similar
variation between the forms r\v and ei ice (or at ice) in the phrases
cu K' tQt\r\a-6a, al K c^eArjcri, &c. Thus in II. 4. 353 ( = 9. 359)
the MSS. nearly all have
o\l/a.L yv tdt\fl(r6a KCU at KV TOL ra
but at K' t6fXr](T0a, which gives a better rhetorical effect, is found
in II. 8. 471 otyeai al K' f6e\rj(rOa (so all MSS., rjv eU as a v. I. in
A), also in II. 13. 260., i8.'457, Od. 3. 92, &c. Similarly in
II. 1 6. 453 * w " fi*l v 7 M-nri the v. I. \irr\v is given by good
MSS. (D, G, L, and as a variant in A). And the line II. u.
797 MvpfjubovtoV) at, Kfv TI $o'cos Aai>aoi<n yeVrjai is repeated in
II. 1 6. 39 with the variation r\v irou for ai icek. In such cases we
can see the intrusion of &v actually in process.
Again, the omission of 3u> may be required by the metre, or by
the indefinite character of the sentence ( 283) : e.g. in II. 15. 209
OTTTTOT' av Icro^opov 0&7)<rt both these reasons point to OTTTTOTC
Fifrofjiopov KT\. So in II. 2. 228 evr 1 av Trrokiedpov eXco/xey read
evre TTT., and in Od. n. 17 ovd' oTroV av orrei'xrjo-i read ovd" o-rrdre
(ore Ke, which Van Leeuwen proposes in these two places, is not
admissible, since the reference is general).
Several reasons combine to make it probable that the forms r^
* De particularum Ktv et av apud Homerum usu (Mnemosyne, xv. p. 75). The
statistics given above are taken from this valuable dissertation.
363.] 'AN IN HOMER. 329
and ltr(\v are post-Homeric. The contraction of d 3f, euel &v is
contrary to Homeric analogies ( 378*), and could hardly have
taken place until o.v became much commoner than it is in Homer.
Again,, the usage with regard to the order of the Particles
excludes the combinations rjv be, ijv Trep, r\v yctp for which
Homer would have d 8' av, et irep av, d yap av ( 365). Again,
T\V cannot properly be used in a general statement or simile, and
whenever it is so used the metre allows it to be changed into el :
e.g. in II. i. 166 arap fy TTOTC 80107/05 uc^rai : Od. 5- I3O fa TIS
re (f)lh.riv mHijo-er' a.KOiTr]v (17 TIS re in several MSS.) : Od. II. 159
ijv \H] TIS e'x?7 evepyea i>rja : Od. 12. 288 i]v TTUIS e^aim'Tjs eA0?7 : II.
20. 172 ijv riva TTf(f)vri (in a simile). Similar arguments apply
with even greater force to irf]v. Of the 48 instances there are
1 8 in general sentences, and several others (II. 4. 239., 16. 95,
Od. 3. 45., 4. 412., 5. 348.^11. 119., i5 ; 3 6 -> 21. 159) in wnicl1
the reference to the future is so indefinite that eirei with a pure
Subj. is admissible. It cannot be accidental that in these places,
with one exception (Od. n. 192), eir^ is followed by a consonant,
so that e-n-ei can be restored without any metrical difficulty. On
the other hand, in 13 places in which eiri]i' is followed by a vowel
the reference is to a definite future event, and accordingly we
may read e-irei K'. In the combination firrjv 8ry, which occurs
seven times, we should probably read e-Tret 877, or in some places
firei KW (as in Od. 1 1. 221). The form eTrei8<i> occurs once, in a
simile (II. 13. 285) : hence we should read eirel 811 (not eim' Ktv,
as Bekker and Nauck, or at KW as Menrad).
The distinction between general statements and those which refer to an
actual future occurrence has hardly been sufficiently attended to in the con-
jectures proposed by Van Leeuwen and others. Thus in Od. 5. 121 ijv ris re
(f>i\ov iroirjatT aicoirrjv (in a general reflexion) Van Leeuwen would read at KCV
ris re : and in Od. 1 2. 288 rjv rrws e^airivrjs e\0rj he proposes ai KC irov. So in
II. 6. 489, Od. 8. 553 iirr)v ra -nptara yevrjrat (of the lot of man) he bids us read
t'lret K. If any change is wanted beyond putting irt for tirqi', the most
probable would be liret T : see 332. On the other hand he would put iret
for e7TT[v in such places as Od. I. 293 aura/3 firi)v Sr) ravra r(\fVTr)ffris re ical 6prjs
(cp. Od. 5. 363., 18. 269), where a definite future occasion is implied, and
consequently t-rrei KV (which he reads in Od. 4. 414) would be more Homeric.
In Od. 6. 262 avrap firrjv TTO\IOS em/J^o/iei/ we should perhaps read end TroAeoy
(-) : see 94, 2.
In a few places the true reading may be ! or tiret with the Opt. : as Od. 8.
511 alffa yap r\v a.Tro\ea8ai, tnfiv TTO\IS antyiitaXfyri (e-ntl . . a.fj.({>iKa\inf/at, as in II.
19. 208 we should read end Tiffai/teOa) : Od. 21. 237 ( = 383) fjv 5 TIS . . oucovarj
(JO] TI 6vpaf TrpoP\waKiv (tl 8 TIS . . aicovffai) : II. 15. 504., 17. 245., 22. 55, 487.
The form or' av occurs in our text in 29 places, and in 2 2 of these the metre
admits ore K' (x')> which Van Leeuwen accordingly would restore. The
mischief however must lie deeper. Of the 2 2 places there are 1 3 in which
2r' av appears in the leading clause of a simile (us 8' OT' av ), and in three
330 PARTICLES. [362.
others (II. 2. 397. Od. u. 18., 13. ioi v the sense is general ; so that ore K' is
admissible in six only (II. 7. 335, 459., 8. 373, 475, Od. 2. 374., 4. 477). It
cannot be an accident that there are so many cases of or' av where Homeric
usage requires the pure Subj., and no similar cases of ore Kfv : but for that
very reason we cannot correct them by reading ort K'. Meanwhile no better
solution has been proposed, and we must be content to note the 16 places as
in all probability corrupt or spurious.
It is one thing-, however, to find that av has encroached upon
y in Homer, and another thing- to show that there are no uses
of av which belong- to the primitive Homeric language.
The restoration of Ke(y) is generally regarded as especially easy
in the combination OUK av, for which ou Key can always be written
without affecting either sense or metre. The change, however,
is open to objections which have not been sufficiently considered.
It will be found that OVK. av occurs 61 times in the ordinary text
of Homer : while ou Key occurs 9 times, and ou KC 7 times. Now
of the forms Key and KC the first occurs in the Iliad 272 times, the
second 222 times. Hence, according to the general laws of
probability, ou Key and ou KC may be expected to occur in the same
proportion : and in the ordinary text this is the case (9 : 7). But
if every OUK av were changed into ou Key, there would be 70
instances of ou Key against 7 of ou KC. This clearly could not be
accidental : hence it follows that OUK av must be retained in all or
nearly all the passages where it now stands.* And if OUK av is
right, we may infer that the other instances of av with a negative
22 in number are equally unassailable.
Another group of instances in which ay is evidently primitive
consists of the dactylic combinations 5s irep ay, rf irep ay, ei irep av.
Van Leeuwen would write os /ce vep, &c. ; but in Homer irep
usually comes immediately after the Relative or el, and before Key
( 365)- Similarly ouSe yap ay (II. 24. 566) and To<|>pa yap av (Od.
2.77) cannot be changed into ovbf /ce -yap, rotypa /ce yap, since the
order yap Key is invariable in Homer. In these uses, accordingly,
ay may be defended by an argument which was inapplicable to
OUK fiy, viz. the impossibility of making the change to KCK.
The same may be said of the forms in which oV occurs under
the ictus of the verse, preceded by a short monosyllable (w ), as
II. I. 205 fjs V7repo~A.i77<ri rd^' av TTOTC OV/JLOV dAeVo-Ty.
Od. 2. 76 et x v^tls 7 e $ayotre, ra^ av Trore KOL runs fir).
U. 9-77 Tl/ ? o.v Tab* yrj^creie (so ris ay, II. 24. 367,
Od. 8. 208., 10. 573).
* It will be seen that the argument is of the same kind as that by which
it was shown above ( 283 6) that Te must have been often changed into K.
The decisive fact in that case was the excessive occurrence of K : here it is the
absence of any such excess which leads us to accept the traditional text.
363.] KEN, 'AN. 331
II. 4. 164 eWerat Tjjuap or av TTOT' KrA. (cp. I. 519., 4. 53->
6. 448., 9. 101).
8. 46 o</>p' ei2?7 yAai>K<37Tis OT' Sy to Trarpi /^d^rai ( = 420).
So Kal av and TOT' av (see the instances, 363, 2, c], aru 8' av (II. 6.
329), os av (Od. 21. 294, cp. Od. 4. 204., 18. 27, II. 7. 231). In
this group, as in the last, we have to do with recurring forms,
sufficiently numerous to constitute a type, with a fixed rhythm,
as well as a certain tone and style.
The combination of av and Rev in the same Clause is found in
a very few places, and is probably not Homeric. In four places
(II. ii. 187, 202, Od. 5. 361., 6. 259) we have o$p' av ptv KW
KT\., where the place of av is anomalous ( 365). For OVT av K*V
(II. 13. 127) we should probably read OVT dp KZV, and so in Od. 9.
334 TOVS dp Ke (or rather ovs ap /ce) KCU rjOeXov avrbs eAe<r0ai (cp.
II. 7- 182 ov ap' rjOfXov avToC). In Od. 1 8. 318 3\v irep yap /ce
should be et Trep yap K (supra). ?<M*J
363.] Uses of KCV and oV. It will be convenient, by way of
supplement to what has been said in the chapter on the uses of
the Moods, (i) to bring together the chief exceptions to the
general rule for the use of KCV or a v in Subordinate Clauses ; and
(2) to consider whether there are any differences of meaning or
usage between the two Particles.
i . In Final Clauses which refer to what is still future, the use
of K6v or oV prevails ( 282, 285, 288, 293, 304). But with
certain Conjunctions (especially o>y, OTTO)?, Iva, o<pa) there are
many exceptions : see 285-289, 306-307. When the purpose
spoken of is not an actual one, but either past or imaginary, the
Verb is generally ' pure.'
In Conditional Clauses the Subj. and Opt. generally take KCV
or fiv when the governing Verb is in the Future, or in a Mood
which implies a future occasion (Imperative, Subjunctive, Op-
tative with KCV or av). On the other hand in similes, maxims,
and references to frequent or indefinite occasions, the Particle is
not used. But
(a] Sometimes the pure Subj. is used after a Future in order
to show that the speaker avoids referring to a particular occasion :
cp. II. 21. HI Icro-erai rj 17015 rj 8eiA?j TJ pieVoy Tj/uap OTnrore . .
e'Arjrat, and the examples quoted in 289, 2, a and 292, a,
(V) In our texts of Homer there are many places in which KCV
or av is used although the reference is indefinite : but the number
is much reduced if we deduct the places in which it is probable
that KG (or K') has crept in instead of Te (T') : see 283, b. The
332 PARTICLES. [363.
real exceptions will generally be found where a Clause is added
to restrict or qualify a general supposition already made :
II. 3. 25 fj.a\a yap re Kare<r0iei, ei Trep av avrov
(jewozrrai (even in the case ichen fyc.}.
Od. 21. 293 oli'os ere rpcoet p-eAi^S?;?, os re KOI aAAous
/3Aa7rrei. os ov fuz> xapdov eA?7 (in the case of him
who takes it greedily).
So II. 6. 225., 9. 501, 524., 20. 166, Od. 15. 344., 19. 332
( 289, 292, 296). In these places we see the tendency of the
language to extend the use of KCC or oV beyond its original limits,
in other words, to state indefinite cases as if they were definite
a tendency which in later Greek made the use of S.v universal in
such Clauses, whether the event intended was definite or not.
The change is analogous to the use of the Indicative in a general Conditional
protasis ; when, as Mr. Goodwin expresses it, ' the speaker refers to one of
the cases in which an event may occur as if it were the only one that is,
he states the general supposition as if it were particular ' (Moods and Tenses,
467). The loss of the Homeric use of re, and the New Ionic use of 6 T| TO
as a Kelative with indefinite as well as definite antecedents, are examples of
the same kind.
2. Up to this point the Particles Key and ek have been treated
as practically equivalent. There are however some differences of
usage which remain to be pointed out.
(a) In Negative Clauses there is a marked preference for V
In the ordinary text of the Iliad oV is found with a negative 53
times (nearly a third of the whole number of instances), KCK is
similarly used 33 times (about one-twentieth). The difference is
especially to be noticed in the Homeric use of the Subj. as a kind
of Future ( 2/5, 276). In affirmative clauses of this type ice^
is frequent, &v very rare : in negative clauses oV only is found.
(b) K.ZV is often used in two or more successive Clauses of a
Sentence: e.g. in both protasis and apodosis, as
II. I. 324 ei 8e' Ke fjt.ii Wijoiy, eyw K.CV O.VTOS
In Disjunctive Sentences, as
II. 1 8. 308 0r?;o-o/icu, '] K (freprjo-i p.eya Kpdros 17
Od. 4. 692 oAAoy K \daipr\(TL fipOT&v, aAAoy ice (f)i\oirj.
And in parallel and correlative Clauses of all kinds :
II. 3. 41 /cat Ke TO /JouAoi'/iTjy /ecu K(v TTO\V Kepbiov fir).
23. 855 os fieV Ke /SaAr/ . . 5s 8e' /ce p.r]pivdoio rvyri, KT\.
Od. II. no ras ei \ikv K acru'e'as eaa? voarov re ^fbrjai,
KCU KCV er' eis 'Wa.K7]v fca/ca Trep Trao^ovres
ei 5e' Ke a-ivrai KT\.
363.] KEN, 'AN. 333
S.v, on the other hand, is especially used in the second of two
parallel or connected Clauses : as
II. 19. 328 dAAa \pr\ TOV ju,ey KaraflaTrreiy os K 6dvr)(n . .
o'cro-oi 8' av TToAe/xoto Tre/jt oruyepoio Atmovrat KT\,
Od. 19. 329 6s fj.fv cnrr]vr]S avrbs 07 KOL cnrrjvea fibfj . .
6s 8' OK auvfjitov avros frj KT\.
So II. 21. 553 fZ \i.iv Kfv . . d 8' &v KrA.; II. 3. 288 ff. et fxev jeer
a 8e Ke ei 8' &v (the last an alternative to the second).
The only instance of oV in two parallel Clauses is
Od. II. 17 ovO' 6-TTo'r' av tTTix.r)(n npos ovpavbv acTTepdevTa
ovO' or' av a\}r tm yalav KT\.
and there we ought to read oTidre orreixTjo-i, according 1 to the
regular Homeric use of the Subj. in general statements ( 289,
2,4
(c) There are several indications of the use of o.v as a more
emphatic Particle than Key. Thus the combination TJ T' oV surely
in that case occurs 7 times in the Iliad, rj re icei> only twice.
Compare the force of KCU a.v in
II. 5- 362 ( = 457) os vvv ye Kat av Ait Trarpt
Od. 6. 300 /aeia 8' apiyvu>T t&rL, Kal av Trdts
So II. 14. 244 aAAov fxei' *cei> . . pe^a Kareui'?](rat/Ltt, KOI
petdpa 'QKeavov I would put any other to sleep, even Oceauus, fyc.
Cp. also TOT' oV (then indeed, then at length), in
II. 1 8. 397 TOT av TtaOov aAyea dvfj,<a.
22. 1 08 e/xot 8e TOT' av noKv nepbiov flrj xrA.
24. 213 rJr' av rtrd epya yevotro.
Od. 9. 211 TOT' av ov roi aTtocryjicrQai (f)t\ov rjev.
And TIS Sly (^we' tandem) in II. 9. 77 TIS av rd8e yrj^o-etev ; II. 24.
367 Tts av or] rot vdos fir] ; Od. 8. 208 ris av ^)iAeovrt /xd^otro ;
Od. 10. 573 T ' s av @ fov V K fdeXovTa KrA.
The general effect of these differences of usage between the
two Particles seems to be that oV is used either in an adversative
sense with a second or opposed alternative or when greater
emphasis has to be expressed.
This account of the matter is in harmony with the pre-
dominance of of in negative sentences. When we speak of an
event as not happening in certain circumstances, we generally do
so by way of contrast to the opposite circumstances, those in which
it will happen ; as OVK av roi x/>cuo-/x?7 Kitfapts the lyre will not avail
yon (viz. in battle whatever it may do elseivhere).
The accent of the Particles must not be overlooked as a con-
firmation of the view now taken. Evidently ac is more likely to
convey emphasis than the enclitic nee. We may find an analogy
334 PARTICLES. [364.
in the orthotone and adversative 8e, which stands to re and the
correlated re re somewhat as we have supposed Q.V to stand to
364.] Original meaning of dv and KV. The identity of the Greek dv with
the Latin and Gothic an has been maintained with much force and ingenuity
by Prof. Leo Meyer. The following are some of the chief points established
by his dissertation.*
1. The Latin an is used by the older poets in the second member of a
disjunctive question, either direct, as egone an ille injurie facimus? or indirect,
as utrum scapulae plus an collus calli habeat nescio (both from Naevius % The use
in single questions is a derivative one, and properly implies that the question
is put as an alternative : as
Plaut. Asin. 5. i, 10 credam istuc, si te esse hilarum videro. AR. An tu
me tristem putas ? do you then think me (the opposite, via.} sad ?
Amph. 3. 3, 8 derides qui scis haec dudum me dixisse per jocum. SO. an
illut joculo dixisti ? equidem serio ac vero ratus.
In these places t we see how an comes to mean then on the contrary, then in the
other case, &c. So in Naevius, eho an vicimus ? what then, have we conquered ?
2. In Gothic, again, an is used in questions of an adversative character :
as in Luke x. 29 an hvas ist mis nehvundja (' he willing to justify himself, said' :
and who is my neighbour ? ' John xviii. 37 an nuh thiudans is thu ' art thou a
king then ? '
3. These instances exhibit a close similarity between the Latin and the
Gothic an, and suggest the possibility of a Disjunctive Particle (or, or else]
coming to express recourse to a second alternative (if not, then \ and so
acquiring the uses of the Greek dv. This supposition, as Leo Meyer goes on
to show, is confirmed by the Gothic aiththau and thau, which are employed
(i) as Disjunctive Particles, or, or else, and (2) to render the Greek dv, chiefly
in the use with the Past Indicative. Thus we have, as examples of aiththau
Matth. v. 36 ni magt ain tagl hveit aiththau svart gataujan thou canst not
make one hair white or black.
Matth. ix. 1 7 aiththau distaurnand balgeis (neither do men put new wine into
old bottks) else the bottles break.
John xiv. 2 niba vfiseina, aiththau qvethjau if it were not so, I would have told
you [= it is not so, else I would have told you],
John xiv. 7 ith kunthedeith mik. aiththau kunthedeith &c. if ye had kmncit
me, ye should have known &c.
Similarly thau is used (i) to translate tj in double questions, as in Matth.
xxvii. 17 whom will ye that I release unto you, Barabbas or (thau) Jesus? and
after a Comparative ( = than) : frequently also (2) in a Conditional Apodosis,
esp. to translate dv with Past Tenses, as
Luke vii. 39 sa ith vesi praufetus ufkunthedi thau this man, if he were a
prophet, would have known.
* 'AN im Griechischen, Lateinischen und Gothischen, Berlin 1880. The parallel
between the Greek dv and the Gothic thau and aiththau was pointed out by
Hartung (Parlikeln, ii. p. 227).
f Taken from Draeger's Historische Syntax, i. p. 321, where many other
examples will be found.
365.] KEN, 'AN' ORDER OF PARTICLES. 335
Sometimes also with the Present (where there is no dv in the Greek), the
meaning being that of a solemn or emphatic Future :
Mark xi. 26 ith jabai jus ni afletith, ni thau . . afletith if ye do not forgive
neither will . . forgive (ov5e . . a^ati),
Matth. v. 20 ni thau qvimith (except your righteousness shall exceed &c.} ye shall
in no case enter &c. (ov pr) flaf\0r)T}.
This use evidently answers to the Homeric icev or dv with the Subj. and Fut.
Ind. : ni thau qvimith = OVK av f^Orjre, ni thau afletith = ovS' av a^ati.
4. If now we suppose that dv, like aiththau and thau } had originally two
main uses, (i) in the second member of a Disjunctive sentence ( = ehe, or else},
and (2) in the Conditional apodosis (=in that case rather), we can explain the
Gothic and Latin an from the former, the Greek dv from the latter. The
idiomatic ' ellipse ' in ?j jap av . . varara \wfiriffaio else you would outrage for the
last time will represent an intermediate or transitional use. We can then
understand why dv should often accompany negatives, and why it should be
used in the latter Clause of a sentence. The main difference of the two uses
evidently is that in the first the Clauses are co-ordinate, in the second the
Clause with dv is the apodosis or principal Clause. Thus the two uses are
related to each other as the two uses of 8 (i) as an adversative Conjunction,
(2) in the apodosis.
5. The use of dv in Final Clauses may be illustrated by that of thau in Mark
vi. 56 bedun ina ei thau . . attaitokeina irapeica\ovv avrov iva KOV . . (tycuvrai
that they might touch if it were but Sfc. With iva, us, &c. dv may have had
originally the same kind of emphasis as icdv in this passage : ' that in any
case,' 'that if no more then at least &c.' The use in a Conditional Protasis
following the Principal Clause may be compared with Luke ix. 13 niba thau . .
bugjaima (we have no more} except we should buy ( = unless indeed we should buy).
The Particle K(V) is found in JEolic, in the same form as in Homer (see
Append. F), and in Doric, in the form ica. It is usually identified with the
Sanscrit kam, which when accented means well (wohl, gut, bene\ and as an
enclitic appears to be chiefly used with the Imperative, but with a force
which can hardly be determined (Delbriick, A. S. pp. 150, 503). A parallel
may possibly be found in the German wohl, but in any case the development
of the use of Ke(v) is specifically Greek.
Order of the Particles and Enclitic Pronouns.
365.] The place of a Particle in the Homeric sentence is
generally determined by stricter rules than those which obtain in
later Greek : and similar rules are found to govern the order of
the enclitic Pronouns and Adverbs.
i . The two enclitics irep and y e , when they belong to the first
word in a clause, come before all other Particles. Hence we
have the sequences ei Trep yap et Trep av TOV Trep 877 TioOfov ye
fj.v, &c. Exceptions are to be found in II. Q. 46 eis o KC irep
Tpoirjv 8ta7re'p<roju,ez; (read perhaps eis ore irep), II. 7- 3^7 e ' K ^ 7re / 3
vjiz/^u . . ytvoiTo, Od. 3. 321 oOev re' ire/a, II. 8. 243 avrovs 5?/ Ttep
eacrov.
336 PARTICLES. [365.
2. jieV and Se, also TC in its use as a connecting word, come
before other Particles. Hence we have ol 8e 877 et 8e' Kei> eyo>
8e' KC' rot el 8' az> ov fxer yap ovre Ke ovr' apa, &c.
ply may be placed later when it emphasises a particular word, or
part of a clause, especially in view of a following clause with 8^,
as II. 9. 300 el be rot 'ArpeiSijs fj.ev a.Trr\\deTO . . <rv b' aAAous irep
KrA., Od. 4. 23., ii. 385., 1 8. 67, &c. ; and in such collocations
as (roi 8' 77 rot pev eyo> KrA., evfl' 77 rot rovs juez> KrA. Cp. also
Od. 15. 405 ov TL 7repti7A770?7S AITJV TO<TOV } dAA' ayaOr] /ueV.
The form o$p' av p.ev nev is probably corrupt, see 362 ad Jin.
3. Of the remaining Particles ydp comes first : as 77 -yap /ce
rts yap Ke ei irep -yap Ke ro<ppa -yap av -&s yap v\> TOI, &c.
Among the other Particles note the sequences KCU vv nev f f apa
by oiTTTOTe K.ev brj ?/ pa vv T(S rot w. But apa is sometimes
put later in the clause, as ws elitav K.O.T ap' e^ero, cp. II. 5. 748
"Hp?j 8e /xaoriyi do&s ein^aLeT ap' "LTTTTOVS.
re in its generalising use comes after other Particles : hence be
re p.ev re yap re dAXd re b' apa re os pd re ovr' ap re
ov vv re.
4. The Indefinite ns and the corresponding Adverbs, TTOU, -n-us,
iru, iroTf, &c. follow the Particles. Hence we have ore Kev rts
a! Kev TTCOS or' av ?rore ov pa rts 877 TTOV vv TTOV 77 TTOV ri (re,
&c.
But re follows TIS ( 332), as in /cai yap ris re, os ris re. And
sometimes os TIS is treated as a single word, as in ov TWO. p.ev (II.
2. 188), os rts 8e' (II. 15. 743), os rts Ke (II. IO. 44, Od. 3. 355).
Similarly we find ei irore in the combination et wore 877, as well as
the more regular el 877 jrore.
TIS sometimes comes later, as II. 4. 300 o(ppa KUL OVK eOthtov rts
KrX., especially after a Gen. which it governs, as II. 13. 55 vfy&'iv
8' <58e Qe&v rts *cr\. ; cp. also II. 22. 494 TU>V b' eAeTjo-dVrcoy Korv-
Xyv TIS rvTdov eire^ev, and Od. 21. 374.
So iroTe, as in II. 4. 410 r<S JUTJ j^ot Trarepas Trod' o\j.oir] evQeo Tifj.fi,
II. 6. 99 ou8' 'Axt^a -rroO' <5Se xrA., II. IO. 453, Od. 2. 137. In
these places TTOTC seems to be attracted to an emphatic word. Cp.
iroo in II. 12. 272, vodev in Od. 18. 376.
5. The enclitic Personal Pronouns come after the Particles and
Pronouns already mentioned : ov Trore pe 77 TTTJ fxe ov8e' vv TTOJ
/ze ov yap TT<O Trore fj.oi eyw 8e KC rot e?ret ap Ke o-e OTTTro're KeV
\u.v a? Kev TTOJS IJLIV ov yap TCU> o-(piv 77 TTOV ris a-fpiv, &c.
Sometimes however an enclitic form follows the emphatic Pro-
noun odros : as II. 5. 459 <P fTretr' avrw fioi e7re'o-o-vro, II. 22.
346 at yap TTOJS avroV p.e KrA..
Occasionally an enclitic is found out of its place at the end of
365.] ORDER. 337
a line which has the bucolic caesura : II. 3. 368 ovb' e/3aAoV \iiv
(v. I. ovb' e8djua<ro-a), 5. 104 d ereo'v /xe, 7. 79 o$pa irvpos /oie, II.
380 ws o<peX6v TOL : so with TIS, II. 4. 315 ? o$eAev rts ; and
without bucolic caesura, II. 17. 736 e-rrl 8e Trro'Ae/xos re'raro cr0iv.
6. The negative Particles ou and p-r), which regularly begin the
clause, are often put later in order that some other word may be
emphasised, and in that case the Indefinite ris, Trore, &c. follow
ov or JJLTI : as /jterdAATjcrdv ye fj.fv ov ri (for ov \LZV TI juterdAAT]<rdv ye),
KeivoLvi. 8' ay ov ris (for oil 8' av TLS Keivo6o~t). (TV Se JUT? Tt, ro ju,ei>
01! Trore, &c. Similarly Key and at' are attracted to the negation,
as in TrXrjOvv b' ovusav eyco (for ov8' av eyo> irXrjdvv), and when the
negative is repeated, as in ot>Se yap ot>8e' Ktv KT\. : cp. Od. 15. 321
OVK av [J.OL eptcr(reie /3poros aAAoy.
7. The place of the enclitic is perhaps explained by the pause
of the verse in Od. 15. 118 66' eos So'juos djoi^eKdAv^e | KeW jixe
vo(JTr\<ravTa, Od. 14. 245 avrap eTretra | Aiyu7TToV8e jue KrA. (unless
we read /ceio-' e/Ae, Aiyu7rroV5' ejxe, cp, Od. 16. 310); and so in
II. I. 205 fjs vwepOTrAiTjo-t rd^' av Trore OVJJLOV oAeVcrrj.
I. 256 dAAot re Tpwes ju,eya Key /ce^apoiaro
5- 362 Tu8ei'8j]?, o? yCy ye Kai av Ait ?rarpi
22. 1 08 a>s cpfovcnv' e/j,oi 8e ror' av TroAv Kepbiov eir
Od. I. 217 <*>s 87; eyw y' o(pf\ov juaKapo? vv reu e//juevat
The second half of the line is treated as a fresh beginning of a
sentence.
Without assuming that the Homeric usage as to the place of Particles and
Enclitics is invariable, we may point out that in several places where these
rules are violated the text is doubtful on other grounds. Thus
II- 3- J 73 & s o(f>e\(v Odvaros JJ.QI aSrfv. Read wy p wpe\tv 6a.va.Tos faSttiv :
for the elision p(ci} cp. II. 6. 165 os /x' eOtXev <(>I\<JTT)TI nifrj/j.evai ( 376).
II. 6. 289 tvO' effav ol irtir\oi KT\. Read IvOa f taav (see 376). Similarly
in II. 20. 282 /ca5 8' a^os ot \vro Van Leeuwen reads <i5 5< p' axos x^ TO -
Od. I. 37 eirfl irpo ol ftiropev 7)/*(Ts. Bekker would omit wpo (Horn. El. ii. 21).
Od. 2. 327 etrfi vv irfp ifrat alvais (read vv re fierai ?).
Od. 15. 436 opKy Tnarwdfjvai a-nr)iJ.ova p OIKO.O' airafeiv. Omit /*'.
Od. II. 218 dXA.' avrrj SiKr] earl PpoTuiv, ore Ktv T Oavcaffiv, with u. I. (in
five MSS.) OT T/y /ce Gavyaiv. Read ore ris re Oavrjaiv ( 289 ad fin.).
II. 20. 77 TOW yap pa na\iffTd I Bvp.b'i avayei : so Aristarchus, but the other
ancient reading was paXiara. -ye.
II. 21. 576 ft w*p ycLp <pda.fj.fv6s fuv tf ovrday KT\. : for jiiv the 'city-editions'
had TIS, but neither word is needed.
Od. 7. 261 (=14. 287) d\A.' ore fir) o-ySooc pot (trnrKofKVov eros tf\0ev : Dind.
reads 078^0x01', to avoid the unusual synizesis. Read dAA.' ore 817 /^' oyowov :
an earlier o^Scuos ( = Lat. octdvus) is almost necessary to account for 07600?
(Brugmann, M. U. v. 37).
Z
^8 METRE. [366.
II. :. 273 d roiru ice \d0oifji(v KT\. For KC (without meaning here) read yt.
II. 14. 403 inel rtrpaiTTo TT/XJS lOv ol. The sense seems to require irp^j IBvv
in the direction of his aim, cp. vaaav iv' Wvv for every aim, dv' iOvv straight onwards
;I1. 21.303, Od. 8. 377).
II. 24. 53 I*T) . . vff*fffcn]0tcafj.tv ol j)/fs. Read-0ijo/iei', omitting of.
A less strict usage may be traced in the roth book of the Iliad : cp. 1. 44
rj ris Kfv, 242 (I p-tv 89 trapov ft KfXtvfTf JJL avrov (\faOat, 280 vvv avrf fUtXiara.
[it <pfAaj, 344 dAX' iwptv piv, 453 oiiKtr' (irfira aii TTTJ/M ITOT' eaatcu. The subject,
however, needs more detailed investigation.
CHAPTER XIV.
METKE AND QUANTITY.
The Hexameter.
366.] The verse in which the Homeric poems are composed
the heroic hexameter consists of six feet, of equal length, each of
which again is divided into two equal parts, vizi an accented
part or arsis (on which the rhythmical beat or ictus falls), and an
unaccented part or thesis. In each foot the arsis consists of one
long- syllable, the thesis of one long or two short syllables ;
except the last thesis, which consists of one syllable, either long
or short.
The fifth thesis nearly always consists of two short syllables,
thus producing the characteristic ^ ^ which marks the
end of each hexameter.
The last foot is probably to be regarded as a little shorter than
the others, the time being filled up by the pause at the end of
! the verse. The effect of this shortening is heightened by the
dactyl in the fifth place, since the two short syllables take the
full time of half a foot.
367.] Diaeresis and Caesura. Besides the recognised stops
or pauses which mark the separation of sentences and clauses
there is in general a slight pause or break of the voice between
successive words in the same clause, sufficient to affect the
rhythm of the verse. Hence the rules regarding Diaeresis and
Caesura.
By Diaeresis is meant the coincidence of the division between
words with the division into feet. The commonest place of
diaeresis in the hexameter is after the fourth foot : as
rjpuxav avrovs
This is called the Bucolic Diaeresis.
367.] THE HEXAMETER. 339
Caesura (TO^TI) occurs when the pause between two words falls
within a foot, so as to ' cut ' it into two parts. The caesura
which separates the arsis from the thesis (so as to divide the
foot equally) is called the strong or masculine caesura : that
which falls between the two short syllables of the thesis is called
the weak or feminine or trochaic caesura.
The chief points to be observed regarding caesura in the
Homeric hexameter are as follows :
J. There is nearly always a caesura in the third foot. Of the
two caesuras the more frequent in this place is the trochaic (ro/j,rj
Kara rpirov Tpo^aiov), as
avbpa juot fvveire Mova-a \ TToXvTpo-nov os fj.<iXa TroAAct.
The strong caesura, or ' caesura after the fifth half -foot ' (TO/XT)
TTvOr]iJii.[j,fpris), is rather less common : as
\jJr\viv aei8e, Ota, \ TlrjXrj'iabta) 'A\ 1X7/05.
In the first book of the Iliad, which contains 61 1 lines, the
trochaic caesura of the third foot occurs in 356, and the cor-
responding strong caesura in 247.*
On the other hand, there must be no diaeresis after the third
foot ; and in the few cases in which the third foot lies wholly in
one word there is always a strong caesura in the fourth foot
(TO/AT) f^OrjfJLLfjifptjs), as
o? Kf Oeols fTTnridr]T(u \ juaAa T' HK^VOV avrov
"HpTj T' TjSe rio(rei8o:a)i> | nai riaAAas 'AOrivrj.
The division between an enclitic and the preceding word is
not sufficient for the caesura in the third foot : hence in Od. 10.
58 we should read
avTap ewei o-troto T' | fTTaa-a-dp-eO' ?}Se Trorrjros
not o-iroto re Tracro-a/xe^' (as La Roche).
The remaining exceptions to these rules are
II. I. 179 otKao' Iwv ffiiv vrjvffi rt ays KCU cots frdpoiai,
which is an adaptation of the (probably conventional) form avv vrjt T' e^ri ical
(fjiois trapoiai (1. 183). We may help the rhythm by taking vrjvai re ays closely
together, so as to avoid the break in the middle of the line.
II. 3. 205 77877 fap KCU Sfvpo WOT' ffKv&t Sfos 'OSvffffevs.
II. 10. 453 Oliver' eiretTa av irfjijA iror' efffftat 'Apffioiai.
Where irorf, as an enclitic, is in an unusual place in the sentence ( 365, 4),
but it is perhaps in reality an emphatic ' one day." Similarly, in
II. 3. 220 $0177$ aOTOi/ Tf rtv' t/j./jifvai d(f>pova T' avrtus,
viva, may be slightly emphatic. Or should we read rbv eppfvat ?
II. 15. 1 8 ^ ou Htf-v-g ore T' (Kpefua inf/60fi', UK rt iroSouv.
We may read ore re itpk^ca : but possibly the peculiar rhythm is intentional,
as being adapted to the sense.
* In this calculation no lines are reckoned twice, short monosyllables being
taken either with the preceding or the following word, according to the sense.
Z 2,
340 METRE. [368.
2. Trochaic caesura of the fourth foot is very rare, and is only
found under certain conditions, viz.
(1) when the caesura is preceded by an enclitic or short mono-
syllable (such as fitV, Be, &c.) ; as
Kat Kev TOVT ede'Aoifu Aio's ye 8i8o'rros dpe'crflai.
(2) when the line ends with a word of four or five syllables;
as <f.!?*;11 > K?I--
avrap 6 p.ovvos er]v p.era TreWe KacriypTjTTjcri.
TroAAd 8' ap' evda /cat Hvd' Wvcre \ /max*; TreStoio.
The commonest form of this kind of caesura (especially in the
Iliad) is that in which these two alleviations are both present;
as
epcrtr' d/cptro/ivfle, Atyvs Trep ecou ayopTjnjs.
The first fifteen books of the Iliad contain eleven instances of
trochaic caesura in the fourth foot, of which seven are of this
form.
In II. 9. 394 the MSS. give
n^Aevs drjv /mot eVetra ywauca | ya/xecro-erai avros.
But we should doubtless read, with Aristarchus,
yvrat/cd ye /macro-erai avroy.
Similarly we should probably read rd Se'/x' ov/c opa /xe'AAoi; 6vrj<rctv
(II. 5. 205, &c.), instead of 1/ieAAoi; : and conversely flaAepr; 8'
22. 1 86), instead of /xtat'yero, X&vvro. In Od. 5. 272 we may
treat ctye bvovra as one word in rhythm. But it is not easy to
account for the rhythm in Od. 12. 47 tirl 8' ovar' dAetyai Iratpcor.
The result of these rules evidently is that there are two chief
breaks or pauses in the verse the caesura in the third foot, and
the diaeresis between the fourth and fifth and that the for-
bidden divisions are the diaeresis and caesura which lie nearest to
these pauses. Thus
Best caesura \JL> \J\j ^ I ^ <JO <JL>
Worst diaeresis <Jw > Jw >JO I Jw Jw
i
Again
Best diaeresis JO vJO JO - JO | JO
Worst caesura JO JO JO ^> I w JO
It is also common to find a diaeresis with a slight pause after
the first foot ; cp. the recurring &s <dro, &? e<par', &$ o ye, avrap
6, and forms of address, as rexi-ov, 8aiji(W, o> <p'\oi, w TTO-OI, &c.
Hence the occasional hiatus in this place, as II. 2. 209 rixf/, os
icrA., II. I. 333 avrdp 6 lyvco yariv fvl </>pecrt. V v
368.] Spondaic verses. The use of a spondee in the fifth
369-] QUANTITY OF SYLLABLES. 341
place occurs most commonly in verses which end with a word of
four or more syllables, as
ore/A/^ar' e^cou tv \epcrlv Kr]/3oXov 'AiroAAoovos.
"Apc'i 8e {(avrjv, (rrtpvov Se LToo-eiSaftm.
It is also found with words of three long syllables, as
T(5 8' -tjbi] bvo fjJkv -yevfal juepoTrcop avOptojratv.
And once or twice when the last word is a monosyllable : as
vtoprjarai fi&v (II. 7. 238), e0-r?7/cei /m's (II. 19. 117).
A spondee in the fifth place ought not to end with a word.
Hence we should correct the endings $> Slav &c. by reading t|6a,
and 8?7/xou <f>rjij.is (Od. 14. 239), by restoring the archaic 817^00. In
Od. 1 2. 64 the words \ls Trerpr) at the end of the line are scanned
together.
Words of three long syllables are very seldom found before the
Bucolic diaeresis. Examples are :
II. 13. 7 J 3 ^ y&P cr ^ )t vTabLr] | va-fj.lvri \ i^ip-Vf <f)i\ov nfjp.
Od. 10. 492 V^xf? XP r ) cro l J '* vovs I @J?/3cuou | Teipeoriao.
The rarity of verses with this rhythm may be judged from the
fact that it is never found with the oblique cases of avOpwnos
(avdputnutv &c.), although these occur about 150 times, and in
every other place in the verse : or with aXXyXav &c., which occur
about 100 times.
Syllabic Quantify Position.
369.] The quantity of a syllable that is to say, the time
which it takes in pronunciation may be determined either by
the length of the vowel (or vowels) which it contains, or by the
character of the consonants which separate it from the next
vowel sound. In ancient technical language, the vowel may be
long by its own nature (</>vo-ei), or by Disposition (fleVei).
The assumptions that all long syllables are equal, and that a
long syllable is equal in quantity to two short syllables, are not
strictly true of the natural quantity in ordinary pronunciation.
Since every consonant takes some time to pronounce, it is evident
that the first syllables of the words o<pi.s, dtypvs, o^r/, o/x/3/oo?
are different in length ; and so again are the first syllables of
T I2ros, &TPWOV. Again, the diphthongs g, TJU, &c. are longer than
the single vowels tj, w, &c., and also longer than the diphthongs
ci, eu, 01, ou. In short, the poetical 'quantities' must not be sup-
posed to answer exactly to the natural or inherent length of the
syllables. The poetical or metrical value is founded upon the
natural length, but is the result of a sort of compromise, by
which minor varieties of quantity are neglected, and the syl-
lables thereby adapted to the demands of a simple rhythm.
34 2 METRE. [370.
It has been shown, however, that the general rule of Position rests upon a
sound physiological basis. ' The insertion of a consonant may be regarded as
equivalent in respect of time to the change of a short vowel into a long one.'
Brucke, Die physiologischen Gruyuttagen der neuhochdeutschen Verskunst, p. 70 ;
quoted by Hartel).
370.1 Position. The general rule is that when a short vowel
is followed by two consonants the syllable is long.
Regarding this rule it is to be observed that
(1) Exceptions are almost wholly confined to combinations of
a Mute (esp. a tennis) with a following Liquid. But even with
these combinations the general rule is observed in the great
majority of the instances.
(2) Most of the exceptions are found with words which could
not otherwise be brought into the hexameter : such as 'A^poStTTj,
'Afi^iTpvaiV, fipOT&v, Tpdirtfa, Trpocrrjvba, &C.
(3) The remaining exceptions are nearly all instances in which
the vowel is separated by Diaeresis from the following con-
sonants : as II. 1 8. 122 Kai rtva TpandSooz;, 24. 795 KOI TO. ye
The chief exceptions in Homer are as follows * :
rp : in 'Afjuptrpvcav, trpa<f>T)v {II. 23. 84 but see the note on 42 in the
Appendix, p. 390), rtrpcuniKKov (IL 24. 324), <papfTprjs (II. 8. 323), 'Orpwrtvs
(II. 20. 383-4) ; and in a\\6rpios (unless we scan -toy, -tov, &c.).
Before rpdirtfa, rplatva, rpirrj (rpirfKovra, &c.), rpandofjitv (rpairovro, Trpo-rpaire-
aOat, &c.}, rpdyovs, rpovois, rpftptt (Od. 5. 422., 13. 410), rfxxpov (Od. 19. 489",
Tptfiov (Od. II. 527).
Before a diaeresis, KOI nva Tpoj'iaSojy (II. 18. 122).
irp : in a\\oirpuaaX\os (II. 5. 831) ; before irpoarjvSa, irpoaonrov, vpoticrrjs, Trpoaca,
and other Compounds of irpo and npos (irpoKei/itya, irpoffatas, &c.) ; also before
Tpuy oAXi^Xovy, vpo dffrtos, and one or two similar phrases (cp. IL 13. 799.,
17. 726).
Before Tlpianibrjs (II.), irpiv (II. I. 97 ovS' o 7* vpiv KT\., cp. 19. 313, Od. 14.
334- J 7- 597) 5 *pSrrs (Od. 3. 320., 17. 275), irpotxpaaOai V 0d. 23. 106).
Kp: in Saxpvoiffi (Od. 18. 173), SaK/wn-Awtji/ (Od. 19. 122), iviicpvtye (Od. 5. 488},
KeK/JVfj./j.iva (Od. 23. Ilo).
Before Kpoviwr, Kpuvov vcus, Kparaioi, Kparaifs, icparos f-tya. (II. 20. 121), Kpa-
veia, Kpv$>r)$6v, KpaScuvea, KpartvTaaiv, Kptiuv.
Add II. II. 697 ei\tro npiva.ij.fvos; Od. 8. 92 Kara, xpara (KO.K upara?^, 12. 99
5 rf Kpdrl.
Pp : in Pporos and its derivatives, as affponj, dfjupifiporos : also before Ppaxicuv.
8p : in an<pt-opv<pr]s (II. 2. 70x3), and before Spdiuvv, Apvay, 5/w/wvy. Also II.
1 1 . 69 TO 5 Spay para (unless we read SapyfjuiTa, as Hartel suggests).
Op : in aX\6-Opoos (Od. I. 183, &c.), and before Opovtav, &c. and Opaaeiatuv.
Also in H. 5. 462 rf-fyropi
* They are enumerated by La Roche, Homerische Untersuchungen, pp. 1-41,
with his usual care and completeness.
37o.] POSITION. 343
<j>p : in ' A(ppo5iTt] : and Od. 15. 444 f^uv 5' fni-<ppaaafT' o\(0pov. Cp. Hes. Op.
655 vpoTrecppaS^fva.
Xp : before xp' oy or XP^ WS (Od. 8. 353) : and in II. 23. 186 poSofvrt 8 xpitv,
II. 24. 795 nal TO. 76 xpwtfayr'.
T\ : in ffxff\'irj (II. 3. 414), which however may be scanned .
K\ : in narpoK\e (II. 19. 287), (K\t0r) (Od. 19. 470 should perhaps be read
tTfpcaof K\iOr]}, irpoa(K\ive (Od. 21. 138, 165 read perhaps Trp6ffn\ive or iicXivf) :
and before KAuTai/injoTp?;, KXeewat', K\VUV, /cXe^Swv, K\i6fjfai (Od. I. 366). Also,
in Od. 12. 215 TUTTTtre K\rf&ta<nv, 20. 92 TTJJ 5' a/xi K\cuovffr]s.
IT\ : in the Compounds Txo''-' r ^'7'''a (II. 5. 31, 455), irpcaro-Trkoos, irpoatir\ae
(Od. ii. 583 read perhaps irpoa-ir\at) : before H\draia, irXttav sailing, ir\t<uv
more (II. 10. 252), ir\eov full (Od. 20. 355). Add II. 9. 382 ( = 0d. 4. 127) Aiyvn-
rias, o9i wXeiffra (with v. 1. f ir\tiara, cp. Od. 4. 229), and II. 4. 329 avrap o
ir\r)ffiov.
\\ : in Od. 10. 234 ical /'A.t x^ w P v ) J 4- 4 2 9 a^J 8^ x^- a " /e "''
To these have to be added the very few examples of a vowel remaining short
before O-K and 5 : viz.
<TK : before ^xanavSpos, atcfirapvov (Od. 5. 237., 9. 391), CHIT) (Hes. Op. 589).
J: before ZaKwQos (II. 2. 634, Od. i. 246, &c.), Ze'\6ta (II. 2. 824, &c.).
<TT : before artdros in Od. 21. 178, 183 unless it is a case of Synizesis.
A comparison of these exceptions will show that in a sense
we are right in attributing them to metrical necessity. There
are comparatively few instances in which the two consonants
do not come at the beginning of a word of the form w - , so that
the last syllable of the preceding word must be a short one.
On the other hand, the extent to which neglect of position is
allowed for metrical convenience is limited, and depends on the
natural quantity of the consonants in question, i. e. the actual
time occupied by their pronunciation. Sonant mutes (mediae)
are longer than surd mutes (tenues] ; gutturals are longer than
dentals or labials ; and of the two liquids X is longer than p.
Thus shortening is tolerably frequent before irp and rp, less so
before KP, ir\, K\, Op, xp. With other combinations of mute and
liquid, as 4>p, |3p, 8p, and with O-K and , it seems to be only ad-
mitted for the sake of words which the poet was absolutely com-
pelled to bring in : such as 'A(/>po8tVr/, SKa/xaySpo?, ZanvvOos,
Pporos, with its compounds, &c. No exceptions are found before
yp, y\, <A., KV, KJU, or any combination other than those men-
tioned. In short, the harshness tolerated in a violation of the
rule usually bears a direct relation to its necessity. It was im-
possible to have an Iliad without the names Aphrodite and
Scamander, but these are felt and treated as exceptions.
The word dvSpo-njs, which appears in the fixed ending \iirova' dvSporrjTa /cat
ij0rji>, should probably be written dBpoTrjs. As the original (ip offtporos becomes
either p.pp (as a-^/3poTor, fyOiai-nfiporos), or 0p (as vv a-Pporrj, a/Mpt-Pporos') , so
vp might become vSp (as dv$p6s}, or 8p. So perhaps 'Ewa\ia> avSpefyovT-ri should
be 'EvvaA/au dSpupovTy ( ww ) : cp. dvSpe-Qovos (Hdn. ap. Eustath. 183, 6).
344
METRE. [371.
The })k';i on which a short vowel is allowed before 2a//ai/8pos and axiirapvov
may be extended, as Pick points out (Bezz. Beitr. xiv. 316), to some forms of
OKL^vrjui now written without the <r, viz. KtSaaOtv (II. 15. 657), KtSaffOtVTts, &c.
Metrical necessity, however, would not justify the same license with aKiSvarcu
(tviKiSvarai II. 2. 850, &c.), l-<7/6caTo, k-GKtlaaat (for which tfftctSaat is available).
Neglect of Position is perceptibly commoner in the Odyssey than in the
Iliad. Apart from cases in which the necessities of metre can be pleaded,
viz. proper names and words beginning with -, it will be found that the
proportion of examples is about 3:1. It will be seen, too, that some marked
instances occur in Books 23 and 24 of the Iliad. In Hesiod and the Homeric
Hymns the rule is still more lax. Thus in Hesiod a vowel is allowed to be
short before KV (Op. 567, Fr. 95), and irv (Theog. 319). In the scanty : )
fragments of the Cyclic poets we find mirpaiTai (Cypria), WOT/M (Little Iliad), jrl-i-
'A7x<<rao K^VTOV KT\. (ibid.'), a/c/></3a (Iliupersis).
371.1 Lengthening before p, X, JA, v, a, 8. - There are various
words beginning- with one of these letters (the liquids p, X, ft, v,
the spirant a, and the media S) ; before which a short final vowel
is often allowed to have the metrical value of a long syllable.
Initial p appears always to have this power of lengthening a
preceding vowel ; but in the case of the other letters mentioned
it is generally confined to certain words. Thus we have ex-
amples bef ore r
X, in Aurcro/xai, A?7ya), Aet/3a>, Atyvs, Aiapos, AiTrapos, Ais, Xairapr],
Ao'0o9, and occasionally in a few others : but not (e.g.] in
such frequently occurring words as AVKLOS, Ae'xos, Aenro>.
ft, in jixeyas, //.e'yapov, juoipa, /xaAaKos, /xeAos, fj,e\ir], ju,aari, p.60os :
but not (e.g.] ^.d\0fj,ai, fj,evos, /xe'Aas, /^.aKap, /j,{5^o?,/*<KAoc
v } in vevpri, vetyos, vityas, vv^.(j)r], VOTOS, yTjroj, vvo-cra : once only
before vt]vs (II. 13. 472) : not before VZKVS, voos, ve/neo-is, &c.
v, in o-fvoo, <rdp : once before <n> (II. 20. 434), and once before
o-v0eos (Od. 10. 238).
8, in Se'os, Seiko's, bei-cras &c. (Stem Sfei-), ^r\v, brjpov ( 394).
This lengthening, it is to be observed, is almost wholly con-
fined to the syllables which have the metrical ictus : the excep-
tions are, TroAAa Ato-a-o/xeVrj (II. 5. 358, so II. 21. 368., 22. 91),
TtVKva pcoyaAeT]^ (Od. 13. 438, &c.), TroAAa pWrafetncez; (II. 24.
755). Further, it is chiefly found where the sense requires the
two words to be closely joined in pronunciation : in particular
(1) In the final vowel of Prepositions followed by a Case-form :
as 67Ti prjyfuvL, TTOTI Xofyov, VTTO At7rap(H(n, Kara juoipav, (vl jueyapw,
Kara \i6Qov, 8ta ve(peu>v, airo v(vpfj<j)iv, Kara <rv(f)fdi(nv, Kara bfwovs,
(Ttl brjpov, and similar combinations.
(2) In fixed phrases : c2s re At's (II. II. 239., 17. 109., 18. 318),
KAatoi- 8e Atye'cos (Od. 10. 2OI, &c.), aT7?j/xoya re \iapov re (II. 14.
164, &c.J, KaA?j re //eyaArj re, et8os re /xeye^o's re, Tpaies 6e /xeya-
372.] LENGTHENING BEFORE LIQUIDS. 345
i, rpi7ro5a /ne'yau, n?jAid5a /zeAir/i;, <3s re vi(pdoes, crvv Se
Ka\v\lff, ore (revatro, ov ri /xdAa br\v } and the like.
These facts lead us to connect the lengthening- now in
tion with the peculiar doubling of the initial consonant which we
/->, j , , tj. y / \ \
see in Compounds, as aTro-ppiTmo, fv-ppoos, a-pprjKros, rpi-AAt<rros, L/ .
fv-p.jj.e\ir]S) ayd-vvHpos, e7n-(r<rev(o, ev-0~(reAp:o?, d-65e^s : and after ^J**^
the Augment ( 67), as e-ppiv^a, e-pprjfa, e-ppeoz;, e-AAtWero, '
l-/x/xope, e-vvfov, e-0-o-eua, e-56eto-a (so the MSS., but Aristarchus
wrote e8ei(ra). The words and stems in which this doubling- ^
occurs are in the main the same as those which lengthen a pre-
ceding final vowel : and the explanation, whatever it be, must
be one that will apply to both groups of phenomena.
With most of these words the lengthening of a preceding
vowel (or doubling of the consonant, as the case may be) is
optional. But there is no clear instance in Homer of a short
vowel remaining short before the root Sfei- (e.g. in the 2 Aor.
biov, the i Aor. eSeitra, the Nouns Se'o?, bfivos, 8eiAos, even the
proper names Aeio-r/z/cop, &c.), or the Adverb b^v. The same may
be said of p'a/co?, pr/yvvfja, pvopai, prjros, ptTTTco, piov, also p,a\aKOS,
/xeAt?], vL<pd$. Lengthening is also the rule, subject to few
exceptions, with AtVo-o/uat, Aocpo?, re'<pos, vvprj, pivos, poos, pa/38os,
pt^a, and some others (La Roche, H. U. pp. 47 fL).
372.] Origin of the lengthening.* The most probable account
of the matter is that most of the roots or stems affected originally
began with two consonant* , one of which was lost by phonetic
decay. Thus initial p may stand for Fp (as in Fpr\y-vvpC), or ap
(as *o-pe'co, Sanscrit sravdmi): At? is probably for Afi's (with a
weaker Stem than the form seen in AeT-wy) : vvos is for a-vvos
(Sanscr. snv.sJid] : vi(p-ds goes back to a root sneib/i (Goth, snaivs,
snow) : fjiolpa is probably from a root smer : o-e'A/xa is for afe'Ajua
(Curt. s. v.) : and Set- in 8ei-i>o's &c. is for Sfei- (cp. bei-boiKa for
be-bFoiKo.}. It is not indeed necessary to maintain that in these
cases the lost consonant was pronounced at the time when the
Homeric poems were composed. We have only to suppose that
the particular combination in question had established itself in the
usage of the language before the two consonants were reduced
by phonetic decay to one. Thus we may either suppose (e.g.]
that Kara poov in the time of Homer was still pronounced Kara
apoof, or that certain combinations Kara-a-pew, eu-o-poos, Kara
a-poov, &c. passed into Kara-ppe'o), eu-ppoos, Kara ppoov (or Kara
poov). There are several instances in which a second form of a
word appears in combinations of a fixed type. Thus we have
* On this subject the chief sources of information are, La Roche, Homerische
Untersuchutujen (pp. 49-65) ; Hartel, Homerische Studien (Pt. i. pp. 1-55) ; and
Knos, De Digammo Homerico Quaestiones (Pt. iii. 225 ff.).
346 METRE. [373.
the form TTTO'AI?, in TTOT! TrroAios, 'A)(iAA?}a TrroAiVopfloi;, &c. :
-nro'Ae^o?, in /zeya TjroAe/xoio /ue/AT/Aws, aj/a TrroAe/xoio yetyvpas.
Similarly a primitive ySoC-jros survives in epi-ybownos (also ept-
SovTro?), 6-y8ov7rT]<re : and yvoos in d-yyoe'co. Cp. also the pairs
(Tfj.iKpos and jui/cpo's, o-Kibva.iJ.ai and xi8ya/xat, OTJS and 5s, w and
crvf. It is at least conceivable that in the same way the poet of
the Iliad said p-olpav and also Kara crfjiolpav, /^et8idcoi> but $tAo-
07x6187}?, Srjv TJZ; at the beginning of a line, but fj.d\a Fr\v at the
end : and so in other cases.
It is true that the proportion of the words now in question
which can be proved to have originally had an initial double
consonant is not very great. Of the liquids, the method is most
successful with initial p, which can nearly always be traced back
to vr or sr. And among the words with initial v a fair propor-
tion can be shown to have begun originally with or (vtvpri, vvos,
vi(pas, veo), vv^rjj. The difficulty is partly met by the further
supposition that the habit of lengthening before initial liquids
was extended by analogy, from the stems in which it was
originally due to a double consonant to others in which it had
no such etymological ground. This supposition is certainly well
founded in the case of p, before which lengthening became the
rule.
373.] Final t of the Dat. Sing. The final i of the Dat.
(Loc.) Sing, is so frequently long that it may be regarded as a
' doubtful vowel/ ' The examples are especially found in lines
and phrases of a fixed or archaic type :
77 pa, Kal V 8eu>o> crd/cei ?Aacr' ofiptfjiov eyxos.
o#ra> TTOV Ait /ze'AAet vTrep/xevet (pi\ov eZz^at (thrice in the II.).
TO TpLTOV aW vbdTl (Od. 1O. 52O., II. 28).
avrov Trap vrj't re pieVeiy (Od. 9. 194., IO. 444).
jj\vdov etKooTo) lr es /crA. (6 times in the Od.).
So in Alavn 8e /ndAiora, 'Obvcrarrj'i be //.aAicrra, &c. and the fixed
epithet Ad $i'Aos. Considering also that this vowel is rarely
elided ( 376), it becomes highly probable that i as well as t was
originally in use.f sW5
It is an interesting question whether these traces of -i as the ending of the
Homeric Dat. are to be connected with the occasional -I of the Locative in the
Veda (Brugmann, Grundr. ii. 256, p. 6 10). The Vedic lengthening appears
to be one of a group of similar changes of quantity which affect a short final
vowel, and which are in their origin rhythmical, since they generally serve
to prevent a succession of short syllables (Wackernagel, Das Dehnungsgesetz der
griechischen Cvm.posita, p. 12 if., quoted by Brugmann I. c.). The same thing
may evidently be said of the Homeric -i in many of the cases quoted, as
t The priority in this as in so many inferences from Homeric usage belongs
(as Hartel notices) to H. L. Ahrena (PhiMogus, iv. pp. 593 ff.).
375-] SHORT FINAL SYLLABLES. 347
nartpi, ffatcfi, trti. Hence it is probable that the lengthening dates from the
Indo-European language, and is not due in the first instance to the require-
ments of the hexameter. But in such a case as 'OSvffffrj'i it may be that the
Greek poet treats it as a license, which he takes advantage of in order to avoid
the impossible quantities w (cp. oi&purtpos for the unmetrical oi^vp6r(po^.
374.] Final a. The metrical considerations which lead us to
recognise -t in the Dat. Sing-, might be urged, though with less
force, in favour of an original -d as the ending of the Neut.
Plur. We have
II. 5- 745 ( = 8. 389) ej 8' o^ea <Ao'yea Ttocrl /3?j(rero.
8. 556 $ati>er' dptTrpeTre'a, ore /crA.
11. 678 (Od. 14. 100) roVa Trwea ol>v (v.L
20. 255 Tro'AA' erect re /cat ovnL
21. 352 ra Trepl KaAa peeflpa.
23. 240 api<f>pabea 8e re'ruxrai.
24. 7 OTToa-a roAvTretxre.
Od. 9. 109 ao-Trapra Kat d
IO. 353 7rop</wpe
12. 396 OTiraAea re /cat w/j,d.
14. 343 pcoyaAe'a, ra KOI CLVTOS.
23. 225 apt$pa8e'a Kare'Aefas.
In the majority of these instances, however, the final a is
preceded by the vowel e, from which it was originally separated
by a spirant (oxe-cr-a, 7rop(vpe-t-a). Cp. II. I. 45 dju,^>r/pe^>ea re
(^aperpTjv, 5- 57^ riuAcufteWa eA^rTjy, 5- 827 "Apr/a ro ye, 14. 32^0
FTepo-TJa Ttavrav, Od. I. 40 ex yap 'OpeWao rtVu. As two suc-
cessive vowels are often found to interchange their quantity
(paankija, /3a<nAe'd), so perhaps, even when the first vowel re-
tains its metrical value, there may be a slight transference of
quantity, sufficient to allow the final vowel, when reinforced by
the ictus, to count as a long syllable. Cp. 375, 3.
The scanning ea (in II. 4. 321 et ro're Kovpos ea vvv *crA., cp.
5. 887, Od. 14. 352) may be explained by transference of quantity,
from irfa.
375.] Short syllables ending in a consonant are also occa-
sionally lengthened in arsis, although the next word begins with
a vowel : as
ovre TTOT S TroAejuojJ a/xa Aaa>
aW o</>eAes ayovos T e)x,ez>ai /crA.
\fp(rlv VTT' 'Apyetcoy <$>dly.tvos fv 7rarpt8t yat'rj.
The circumstances under which this metrical lengthening
is generally found differ remarkably, as has been recently
348 METRE. [375.
shown,* from those which prevail where short final vowels are
lengthened before an initial consonant. In those cases, as we
saw ( 371), the rule is that the two words are closely connected,
usually in a set phrase or piece of epic commonplace. In the
examples now in question the words are often separated by the
punctuation : and where this is not the case it will usually be
found that there is a slight pause. In half of the instances the
words are separated by the penthemimeral caesura, which always
marks a pause in the rhythm. Further, this lengthening is
only found in the syllable with the ictus. The explanation,
therefore, must be sought either in the force of the ictus, or in
the pause (which necessarily adds something to the time of a
preceding syllable), or in the combination of these two causes.
In some instances, however, a different account of the matter
has to be given : in particular
(1) "With <5s following the word to which it refers : as II. 2.
1 90 KdKov OK (^/ ), and so 0eos o>s, Kwes cy?, opviQfs <os, aOd-
varos eos, &c. In these instances the lengthening may be re-
ferred to the original palatal i or y of the Pronoun (Sanscr. gas,
yd, yad=os, rj, o). It is not to be supposed that the actual
form iws existed in Homeric times : but the habit of treating
a preceding syllable as long by Position survived in the group
of phrases. Others explain this <3s as 'fws (Sanscr. sva-), com-
paring Gothic sve 'as' (Brugmann, Gr. Gr. 98) ; or vats (108, 3).
(2) In the case of some words ending with -is, -IK, -us, -UK,
where the vowel was long, or at least ' doubtful/ in Homer.
In p\o(rvpG>Tris and ?}yts the final syllable is long before a
vowel even in thesis. So the i may have been long in Oovpis (cp.
the phrase Oovpiv e7riei/xeVos aXnr\v} : and traces of the same
scansion may be seen in the phrases efpt? a^orov /xe^aiua, Ail piJTiv
drdAayros, although epis, jurjris are more common.
Final -us (Gen. -uos) is long in Feminine Substantives ( 116,
4), as Idvs aim (u in thesis, II. 6. 79., 21. 303), TrArjtfvs (II. n.
305), ax^vs (U. 20. 421), iAus (Gen. -uos), Pparvs (Od. 1 8. 407)
and other Nouns in -TVS : also in the Masc. IxQvs, VCKVS, ftorpvs
(Porpvbov), and perhaps ireAe/cus (II. 17. 520). tf/i'ruv'Z 77 4
(3) Where the vowel of the final syllable is preceded by
another, especially by a long vowel ; as olitfjas aXo\6v re (II. 6.
366), 'A)(iAA?7os oAooy nijp (II. 14. 139), 6s Aaoz> 7/yetpa (Od. 2.41),
8/iwes fvi ot/co) (Od. II. 190), Tthtlov eAe'Aenjro (Od. 8. 475), XP ^ S
u7raAvai (with v. 1. xpeicos, Od. 8. 355) : and so in in/as (a, II. 2.
165., 1 8. 260), VTJOS (Od. 12. 329), Tpwes (U. 17. 73o),(j3op's (U. i !.
776palso "Aprja, Ylfpo-ija. and the other examples given in 374.
In such cases there is a tendency to lengthen the second
* By Hartel, in the Homeric Studies already quoted, i. p. 10.
376.] ELISION. 349
vowel, as in the Attic forms /3ao-iA.a, 'AxtAAeW, &c. In Homer
we may suppose that the second of the two vowels borrows some
of the quantity of the other, so that with the help of the ictus it
can form the arsis of a foot. Actual lengthening of the second
vowel may be seen in Homer in the form air-ri<i)pos hanging loose
(cp. fjifT-rjopos and the later /xer-ecopo?) also in bva-arfc^v (Gen. Plur.
of Suo-aTjs).
(4) In the Ending -<uiV of the Dual, as w/xouy (II. 13. 5] i., 16.
560, Od. 6. 219), ITTTTOUV, (TTa.6ij.olLv : also in vu>'iv, <r(p&'iv. We
may compare the doubtful i of rjp.lv, vjj.lv, and the two forms of
the Dat. Plur. in Latin (-bus, -bis). Similarly there are traces
of I in juf (II. 5. 385., 6. 501., 10. 347., 11. 376, &c.). In the
case of -oiiV and -wlV the account given under the last head
would apply.
In a few places it appears as though the 3 Plur. of Secondary Tenses in -v
(for -VT) were allowed to be long: as t<pai> airtovTfs (Od. 9. 413), KO! Kvvtov
ayaira^6fj.(vot (Od. 17. 35, &c.\ &c. This is confined (curiously enough) to the
Odyssey and the Catalogue of the Ships. In the latter it occurs seven times :
in the Odyssey eleven times, in the rest of the Iliad once (7. 206).
Elision, Crasis, fyc.
376.] A final vowel cut off before a word beginning with a
vowel is said to suffer Elision (l/c0Ai\/us) : as pvpC 'Amatols aAye'
e^rj/ce. Whether an elided vowel was entirely silent, or merely
slurred over in such a way that it did not form a distinct syllable,
is a question which can hardly be determined.
The vowels that are generally liable to elision are a, e, o, i.
But
(1) The o of 6, TO, irp<5 is not elided.
Final -o is not elided in the Gen. endings -oio, -do, and very
rarely in the Pronouns e/xeTo, &c. This however may be merely
because the later forms of these endings, viz. -ou, -ea>, -eu, took
the place of -oi'(o), -6t'(o), -ei'(o) when a vowel followed. In the
case of So this supposition is borne out by the fact that -eu is
often found before a vowel, as YIr]\r]'idbf(a 'A^iXrjos (I. FI^A^'iaSa') :
and by the rarity of the contraction of eo to 6u ( 378*). There
is less to be said for elision of -o in the ending -oio. That ending
in Homer is archaic ( 149), therefore the presumption is against
emendations which increase the frequency of its occurrence. And
the cases of -ou remaining long before hiatus are not exceptionally
common (Hartel, H. S. ii. 6).
(2) The i of TI, irept is not elided in Homer; regarding on see
269. But irepi is elided in Hesiod : as 7repoi)(erai, iifpia.^.
(3) The -i of the Dat. Sing, is rarely elided; but see 105, i.
Exceptions are to be seen in II. 4. 259 7)8' kv 8cu0' ore KT\. ; 5. 5
350 METRE. [377.
do-rep' facopivw KT\.; II. 3. 349.; 10. 277., 12. 88., 16. 385., 17.
45, 324., 23. 693., 24. 26, 6d. 5. 62, 398., jo. 1 06., 13. 35., 15.
364., 19. 480. The i of the Dat. Plur. is often elided in the
First and Second Declensions, and in the forms in -aai of the
Third Declension. On the other hand, elision is very rare in the
forms in -eo-i, -fieri, -o<ri, &c.
The diphthong- -cu of the Person-Endings -jiai, -om, -rat, -n-oi,
-a9ai is frequently elided : as fiovXoii eyw, Kclfroi/r' kv TrpoOvpoun,
Trplv \vcraa-0' erdpovs. But not the -ai of the I Aor. Inf. Act. or
of the Inf. in -cai : hence in II. 21. 323 read rv^o^orjs, not the
Inf. ru/i/3o)(07?o-'.
The diphthong- -01 of the enclitic Pronouns p.oi and om (TOI) is
elided in a few places : II. 6. 165 os p IfleXfz; ^iXorrjn ju,ty?;/iewu
OVK fOeXovay; 13. 481 KO. p oiw ap.vvT (so Od. 4. 367); 17. IOO
T(3 fj,' ov TIS rejuecTTjcrerai : also II. I. I7v> 9- ^73') *$. 544v 2 3-
310, 579, Od. i. 60, 347., 23. 21 (Cobet, Misc. Crit. p. 345).
Other instances may be recovered by conjecture : thus in II. 3.
173 ws o<eXez> Odvaros p.oi aoelv should probably be cos /u,' o
OdvaTos abttiv ( 365) ; and in II. 24. 757 v ^ v ^ M ot *pa"nei-s
Leeuwen reads vvv 8e p eepo^ei?.
In the case of the enclitic ol ('foi) elision involved the disap-
pearance of the Pronoun from the later text. In II. 6. 289 ( =
Od. 15. 105^ fv6' ea-av ol TreTrXot the original was probably hOa
T(ot) ta-av (cp. Od. 15. 556 evOa. ol tf<rav ves). In II. 5. 310 ( =
II. 356) dfj.(f)l be ocrcrf ntXaivri vv e/caAu^e read aju,<t 8e *F'. In
Od. 9. 360 &s (fxir, ardp ol O.VTI.S, where some MSS. have &s
e<|)ar', avrdp ol avris, read avrdp V.*
377.] Crasis. When a final vowel, instead of being elided,
coalesces with the initial vowel of the next word, the process is
termed Crasis.
The use of Crasis in Homer is limited. It is seen in OUVCKO
and rouceica, also in roXXa for ra aXXa (II. i. 465, &c.), KCIUTOS for
Kal O.VTOS (in II. 6. 260., 13. 734, Od. 3. 255., 6. 282 the three
last being passages where K' avros for Ke avros is inadmissible),
and x'Hf^s for KCU f^els (II. 2. 238). In these cases either Crasis
or Elision is required by the metre. Most texts also have
wpurros, ou|j.<Ss (II. 8. 360), wurcSs for 6 avTOS (II. 5- 396), Kdyw,
Twfwo, TT|fiT] : also irpou- for 7rpo-e- (in Trpov(j)ai,v, Trpov^ova-as, &c.).
But since the full forms 6 aptoros, &c. are equally allowed by the
* J. van Leeuwen, Mnemos. xiii. 188 ff. Of the numerous other emendations
of this kind which he proposes few are positively required. The style of
Homer constantly allows an unemphatic Pronoun to be supplied from the
context. Moreover, he frequently proposes to insert enclitics in a part of the
sentence in which they seldom occur ( 365). It would be difficult (e.g.) to
find a parallel for iirti p d<p(\rdf 'fe 8ovrs or \ ft P^ ^ vticrapiov ftavov 'f
\afiovaa.
37^*-] SYNIZESIS CONTRACTION. 351
metre we cannot but suspect that the spelling with Crasis may-
be due to later usage. The forms KCLKCLVOS, Ka/ceio-e, &c. (for
Kat Kflvos, &c.) are certainly wrong, as fK&vos is not the Ho-
meric form.
378.] Synizesis is the term used when the two coalescing
vowels are written in full, but ' sink together ' (<rvviava>) into
one syllable in pronunciation.
The Particle r\ unites with the initial vowel of a following
vowel, especially with av, avros and OVTO>S ( 350) ; also with
' AvTip-d^oib (II. II. 138), aQveioTaros (II. 2O. 22o), dypr]v (Od.
12. 330). _
Synizesis is also found with tf, in the combination 77 ov\ (II. 5.
439, &c.), 77 els o Kfv (II. 5. 466), T] eiTre/xerat (Od. 4. 682) ; with
cirei ou (Od. 4. 352, &c.) ; with pi aAAoi (Od. 4. 165); and in
II. 17. 89 do-/3e'0T<i>' ovb' vlbv Aa0ez> 'Arpeos: where we may
perhaps read do-^eoro)' ovb' via Aa0' 'Arpe'os.
1 8. 458 tneT e/xw a>Ku/Mo'p< (one or two MSS. give vl' eju<3).
Od. I. 226 eiAa7ru>?7 ?}e ya/xos /crA.
In II. i. 277 nT/Aci'S?/ 20eA', and Od. 17. 375 aptyvwTe the
case is different : a short vowel is absorbed in a preceding long one.
Other examples of Synizesis are to be found in the mono-
syllabic pronunciation of ea, eo, eu, both in Verbs ( 57) and
Nouns ( 105, 3). It will be seen that in the cases now in
question (apart from some doubtful forms) an E-sound (TJ, ei, e)
merges in a following a or o.
The term Synizesis may also be applied to the monosyllabic
pronunciation of the vowels in Alyv-nrLr] (Od. 4. 229), &c.
o-xerAirj (II. 3. 414), 'loriaia (II. 2. 537). It has been thought
that in these cases the i was pronounced like our y : but this is
not a necessary inference from the scansion. In Italian verse,
for instance, such words as mio, mia count as monosyllables, but
are not pronounced myo, mya. For 770X105 (^ in II. 2. 81 1., 21.
567) it is better to read Tro'Aeo? ( 107) ; and for Tro'Aias (Od. 8.
560, 574) TTO'AIJ. The corresponding Synizesis of o is generally
recognised in the word 'EwaAuo (commonly scanned oa in the
phrase 'EwaAua avSpei^oVrrj) : but see 370 ad fin.
378.*] Contraction. The question of the use of contracted
forms has been already touched upon in connexion with the dif-
ferent grammatical categories which it affects: see 56, 81,
105. It will be useful here to recapitulate the results, and to
notice one or two attempts which have been made to recover the
original usage of Homer in this respect.*
* See especially J. van Leeuwen, Mnemosyne, Nov. Ser. xiii. p. 215, xiv.
p. 335 : and Menrad, De contractionis et synizeseos usu Homerico (Monachii, 1886).
352 METRE. [37 8 *-
1. Contraction is most readily admitted between similar
sounds, or when the second is of higher vowel pitch, i. e. higher
in the scale o, o>, a, TJ, e. Thus we have many instances with
the combinations , oo, ae, oe ; few with ea, aw, ao, still fewer
with ew, o.
2. In most cases in which contraction is freely admitted we
find that the sound which originally separated the vowels was
the semi-vowel t or i/. In case of the loss of o- it is compara-
tively rare ; with F it is probably not Homeric at all ( 396).
Hence (e. (/.} although it is common with the combinations ee,
eci in most Verbs in -eu ( 56), it is not found in yjiu> (X^-M)
and is extremely rare in rpe'co (rpeV-co, see 29, 6). But it is
admitted with loss of <u, as in the Gen. ending -ou from -
(-010, -oo), and the Verbs in -ew from stems in -co-, as
(a) On these principles we should expect the 2 Sing, endings -ecu., -eo, -tjai,
-ao (for -tffai, &c.) to remain uncontracted ; and this view is borne out on the
whole by the very careful investigation made by J. van Leeuwen. Omitting
the Verbs in -aco and -sto we find that there are about 522 occurrences of these
endings, and that of these 434 present uncontracted forms : while in 66
instances the contracted syllable comes before a vowel, so that it can be
written with elision of -<u or -o (e.g. II. 3. 138 ntK\r)fft' atcoins, for K(tc\r)ari :
II. 9. 54 eirAe' aptaros, for IrrXeu). In the case of -to this mode of writing finds
some support in the MSS. : e.g. if/tvSe 1 (II. 4. 404), iravf' (II. 9. 260, Od. i. 340),
fvX*' (II. 3- 430, Od. 4. 752), also ?ire', read by Aristarchus in II. 10. 146 (tirev
MSS.). Against these 500 instances there are only 22 exceptions, 7 in the
Iliad and 15 in the Odyssey, some of which can be readily corrected. Thus
II. 4. 264 ( = 19. 139) opatv TToAe^oVSf should be opao irroA.e/w'Se (Nauck) :
in II. 2. 367 yvuafai 8' d omit 8t (Barnes) : in II. 24. 434 for os ^e Kt\ri read
os K(\(CU, and so in Od. 4. 812., 5. 174? "In Od. 18. 107 for tiravpri read the
Act. firavpris ' v Van L.) : as in II. i. 203 we may retain iS-ys v so the MSS. ; Ar.
ify, but the corruption lies deeper). The greater frequency of instances in
the Odyssey (and in book xxiv of the Iliad) is hardly enough to indicate a
difference of usage within the Homeric age.
(b) In the corresponding forms of Verbs in -ao> and - there is a concur-
rence of three vowels, which in our text are always reduced to two syllables,
either by contraction, as in aidtio, fj-vdaat, vtica, ia>aq, or by hyphaeresis
( 105), as nvOtai, a'tpeo, tK\fo, muAecu (Od. 4. 811). A single vowel appears in
Tffipq. for iTfipa-fat, f^w for ^pd-to. The metre requires alStio, atpto, tK\fo,
iruj\(ai ; for napa it allows irtipdat (becoming vdpa' in II. 24. 390, 433, Od. 4.
545). The isolated form oprjai (Od. 14. 343) for 6pd-eai should perhaps be
opdai or upaa. If the ending is in its original form it belongs to the Non-
Thematic conjugation ( 19) : another example may be found in opijro (or
O/MJTO), read by Zenodotus in II. i. 56.
(c) In the Future in -eto (for -taai) contraction is less frequent than in the
Present of Verbs in -eco (-eica or -eatca}. Forms such as oAefrai, Kafjitirat, pa^tiTai,
bfj.tiTa.1, KOfj.iS>, KTfpiat, KTeptovat, evidently could not otherwise come into the
verse. In II. 17. 451 o-^wiV 5' tv yoweffffi /SaAw we may read @a\<u (Fick).
37*]
CONTRACTION. 353
II. 4. 161 (K n no! b\(/l Tt\fi we should take rt\ti as a Present. The remaining
exceptions are, tcrevti in II. 15. 65, 68 (probably an interpolation), Kara/tTevft
in II. 23. 412, and tKcpavtiiu II. 19. 104.
(d) Similarly in the declension of stems in -r the ending -es is rarely
contracted. In the phrase (paivovrat (or (paivtaOat) ivapytis (II. 20. 131, Od. 7.
201., 16. 161) Tick happily reads evapyts, to be taken as an adverb. The same
remedy is applicable in II. 9. 225 oairbs nlv (iarjs ovtc ZmSeveTs, and II. 13. 622
a\\r)s nlv \uf}ijs re ical atcrxeos OVK iiriSevets, where the Nom. Plur. is unex-
plained : read OVK firiBtvis there is no lack. dd^i-lSS
(e) The contraction of so to v is rare in the Gen. of stems in -<r ( 105, 3),
but frequent in the Pronominal Genitives e^ev (/<ei>), aev, tv, -rtv. Here again,
however, we are struck by the number of cases in which we can substitute the
forms in -ao or -o, with elision of -o. In our MSS. the elision actually occurs
in t/ief (II. 23. 789, Od. 8. 462) and <rP (II. 6. 454, also Horn. H. xxxiv. 19). In
II. 17. 173 vw Se aev uvoaanr/v Zenodotus is said to have read vvv of at, i.e.
probably vvv 54 at'. The full forms in -eio or -so occur 121 times, and may be
restored without elision 9 times, with elision 56 times. To these we should
add the instances in which we may put the form */* eo (6 times) or pe' (19
times). There remain altogether about fifty-five exceptions, which are discussed
by J. van Leeuwen (Nnemos. xiii. 215). In the phrase Kftc\vre (MV, which -
occurs 19 times, he would read p,oi, according to the Homeric construction
( T 43 3)- So in the formula Keic\vT( or) vvv ptv, 'Wcucriaiot (5 times in the
Odyssey), where however we are tempted to restore epa' (cp. II. 3. 97 K(K\VTC ie-2W
vvv KOI (fJLfio\ He suggests putting the Dat. for the Gen. also in Od. 10. 485
01 fjifv (pOivvdovat <pi\ov tcfjp, Od. 15. 467 01 fiev irarfp 1 dfufxirevoi'To, Od. 1 6. 92 ^
(j.d\a p.fv KaraSaTTTfr' O.KOVOVTOS (f>i\ov jjrop. In the last passage it is needless
to alter the Gen. O.KOVOVTOS ( 243, 3, d), and we may even read in II. i. 453
fjiol ndpos tK\vts (vcifji(voio (cp. II. 1 6. 531 orn ol UK fJKOvat /J.(yas Oeos tva-
fievoio). The substitution of the Dat. seems the most probable correction
in various places where Leeuwen proposes other changes : Od. 4. 746 /ieC 8"
A.ero ptfav opKOv (cp. II. 22. 119 Tpaialv 8' av . . op/tov Aai^at N , II. 2. 388 ISpuffft
ptv rev T\afiu}f a/jupl arfiOefftyt, II. 22. 454 at yap aw' ovaros eir) ep.tv tTtos (cp. 18.
272) ; also II. i. 273., 9. 377., 16. 497., 19. 185., 20. 464., 24. 293, 311, 750, 754,
Od. 5. 311., 9. 20., 13. 231., 19. 108., 24. 257 ; and perhaps II. 19. 137 Kai ptv
ipptvas ((\ero Zevs (unless the pf of some MSS. is right), so II. 9. 377 and II. 9.
335. In Od. 19. 215 vvv fj.lv Sri atv, (ive, ot<u iraprjaeaSat ft KT\. Leeuwen
restores the Ace. at (as in II. 18. 600). In Od. 17. 421 ( = 19. 77) we may
perhaps read /cat on Kf\pr]fj.tvos (\6oi (orl as in II. 20. 434 o?5a 8" on av fj.lv T\.).
The remaining exceptions are II. 5. 896 l 70^ (/j,fv ytvos fffal, II. 23. 70 ov ^tv
fjiev faovros aicrjSfis, II. 24. 429 oeat tfj.tv irapa, and II. I. 88 ov TIS l/tei) >VTOS tcr\.,
where the contraction >VTO$ and the Dat. Plur. KO/ATJS before a consonant are
also suspicious (Fick, Ilias, p. xvii).
(/) The contraction of oa, oe (from oa-a, off-*) is doubtful in the Nouns in
-to and -cos ( 105, 6), but appears in the forms of the Comparative, viz.
afttiva}, dpfioj, dptiovs, Kan'iovs, Tr\eiovs, and peifa (Hesiod). The uncontracted
forms in -oa, -oes do not occur, since the metre allows either -o>, -ows or else
the later -ova, -ovs. But in such a phrase as d/ieiVw 8' aiatfia iravra (where
Nauck reads aptivova} we may suspect that d/j.eivoa was the original form. Jil/tfo^W
(g) Vowels originally separated by f are so rarely contracted that instances /7Z?/ *j }
in our text must be regarded with suspicion. Thus OKCOV (d-f(ncav~) should r^-7 .
A a
354 METRE. [378*.
always bo aixuv : d-n] (afarrf) may be written aari) except in II. 19. 83
(pptfflv t/j.fla\ov dypiov drr/v (where the use of ajpiov as a Fern, is also anomalous,
119). In II. 3. TOO., 6. 356., 24. 28 (where cm;? comes at the end of the line)
the better reading is apxv- KOI\OS may be /coi'Aos (cp. Lat. cavus\ except
in Od. 22. 385. el8ov (e-f^tSov) may be tiSov, except in four places (II. n. 112.,
19. 292, Od. 10. 194., ii. 162). iroXtas (Ace. Plur. of iro\vs) is not uncommon,
but should probably be TTO\VS ( 100) : iro\(aii> occurs once (II. 16. 655). Other
instances with Nouns in -vs and -vs are rare (Nauck, Mel. gr.-rom. iii. 219;
Menrad, p. 60). The Fern, in -ta is not contracted from -efi'a, -ei'a but comes
directly from -tfia. So oios, oltov for oft-os, ofi-aiv (cp. otaai for cu-ecrdi), and
8tos for S/yF-io?. ps and TSCOS, which occur several times in our text, are
nearly always followed by a Particle (ntv, irtp, &c.), which has evidently
been inserted for the sake of the metre (eoiy \nkv for rjos, &c.). For dAAoeiSta
in Od. 13. 194 we should doubtless read a\Xo-'id(a. ( 125, 2\
e'lpvcra may be from t-fpvffa (but see Schulze in K.Z. xxix. 64) : as to faxov,
which has been supposed to stand for tiaxov, from k-flfaxov, see 31, i.
The most important example of contraction notwithstanding f is the word
Tra'is (irafs, iraiSus, &c.). Other words which present the same difficulty are :
acre (Od. n. 61), aaaro (II. 19. 95) in both places Nauck would read oWe
dO\o(popos (11. 9. 266., ii. 699), aO\evcw (II. 24. 734), 3.6\ov (Od. 8. 160), a<ra/v
we slept (Od. 16. 367), la (II. 5. 256) and other forms of law (II. 10. 344., 23. 77,
Od. 21. 233), via (Od. 9. 283), pta (II. 12. 381., 17. 461., 20. loi, 263), />e'a
(Od. 9. 347), \tio6ai (Od. 10. 518), Ti^ra (II. 18. 475), rexvfjffcrai (Od. 7. no),
ij\ios (Od. 8. 271), faiff(p6pos (II. 23. 226), nXioiv (Od. I. 184), reOvewTi (Od. 19.
331), TreirreaiTa, -ras (II. 21. 503, Od. 22. 384), (Sffiuaa. (Od. 20. 14), voov (II. 24.
354), Kaipovaatav (Od. 7- i7)) the compounds of eiWa (yvrjfj.apj fweapos*
fvvtopyvios and the proper names 'Evpv/c\eta 'A.vTiK\fia (-K\itia Nauck).
Some of these may be disposed of by more or less probable emendation :
others occur in interpolated passages (e. y. rj\ios in the Song of Demodocus) :
others (as irXtoav, Te6veus} may be explained by the loss of f before to, o ( 393 ).
On the whole they are too few and isolated to be of weight against the
general usage of Homer.
The general result of the enquiry seems to be that the harsh-
ness of a synizesis or a contraction is a matter admitting of
many degrees. "With some combinations of vowels contraction
is hardly avoided, with others it is only resorted to in case of
necessity. We have already seen that the rules as to lengthening
by Position ( 370) are of the same elastic character. And as there
is hardly any rule of Position that may not be overborne by the
desire of bringing certain words into the verse, so there is no
contraction that may not be excused by a sufficiently cogent
metrical necessity. Thus the synizesis in such words as'Itrrftuo,
AlyuTTTiovs, xpvtrtoun stands on the same footing as the neglect
of Position with UKa/xa^Spos or (TKetrapvov : and again the syni-
zesis in rt/xeVea, dtrtrea?, or the conti action in TrovfVfjifvos,
/3aXe5/xat is like the shortening of a vowel before
or the purely metrical lengthening of a short vowel ( 386).
On the same principles harshness of metre may be tolerated
for the sake of a familiar phrase : e.g. the hiatus a^Oira aid in
3 8 -] HIATUS. 355
II. 13. 22 (a(f)OiTov ad in II. 2. 46, 186., 14. 238). So when the
formula /ecu fj.iv <fx*>vri(ras eVea KrA. is used of a goddess (II. 15.
35, 89) it becomes /cat \iiv ^vrjcraa-a Hirea. Again the harsh
lengthening in /xe'poTres avOpu-noi (II. 18. 288, at the end of the
line) is due to the familiar jue/>omoz> dz;0p&>7rcoz>.
Hiatus.
379.] Hiatus is a term which is used by writers on metre in
more than one sense. It will be convenient here to apply it to
every case in which a word ending with a vowel or diphthong is
followed by a word beginning with a vowel, and the two vowel-
sounds are not merged together (as by elision, crasis, &c.) so as
to form one syllable for the metre.
It would be more scientific, perhaps, to understand the word
Hiatus as implying that the two vowels are separated by a
break or stoppage of vocal sound, so that the second begins with
either the rough or the smooth ' breathing/ Thus it would be
opposed to every form of diphthong (including synizesis), the
characteristic of which is that the two vowels are slurred
together, by shifting the position of the organs without any
perceptible interruption of the current of breath. This definition,
however, might exclude the case of a long vowel or diphthong
shortened before an initial vowel (as rrjv b' ey&> ov, where the
final u seems to be partly merged in the following oo). Again
when a final i or u comes before a vowel without suffering
elision, it is probable that the corresponding ' semi- vowel ' ( = our
y or w] is developed from the vowel-sound, and prevents com-
plete hiatus.
380.] Long vowels before Hiatus. The general rule is that
a long final vowel or diphthong coming before a vowel forms a
short syllable in the metre. This shortening is very common in
Homer : cp. II. 1 . 299 ot/re crot ovre ru aAAo>, e^ei /crA., where
it occurs in three successive feet.
But the natural quantity may be retained before hiatus when
the vowel is in the arsis of the foot, as 'Arpet'Sr; 'Aya/xe'/xfozn, os K
enrol on KrA. And in a few instances a long vowel or diphthong
is allowed to remain long in thesis, as II. 1 . 39 S/ziytfeu' et wore'
rot /crA.
The readiness with which long syllables are allowed before
hiatus varies with the several long vowels and diphthongs;
partly also it depends on the pauses of the sense.
The long diphthongs (as they may be called), viz. TJ and w,
are the most capable of resisting the shortening influence of
hiatus ; next to them are eu and ou, and the long vowels TJ and
w : while ei, 01 and cu are at the other end of the scale. A
A a 2
356 METRE. [381.
measure of this may be gained by observing- how often each of
these terminations is long before a vowel, and comparing the
number with the total number of times that the same termina-
tion occurs. Thus it appears that out of every 100 instances
of final u, it is long before hiatus about 23 times. Similarly
final -T] is long 19 times, -co 6-7 times, -oo 6 times, -TJ 5*7
times, -w 4 times, -ei 1-8 times, -01 i'6 times, and -<u only 1*3
times. Thus hiatus after <> and TJ is scarcely avoided, while
after ei, 01 and ai it is very rare.
In a large proportion of the instances in which a long vowel
retains its quantity before hiatus it will be found that the hiatus
coincides with a division either in the sense or the rhythm. Of
the examples in the arsis of the foot, more than half occur
before the penthemimeral caesura, where there is almost always
a pause : while in thesis the same thing is chiefly found to occur
either after the first foot, as II. 2. 209 fixfi> & s ore KrA.., Od. 1 1 .
1 88 dyp<5, ovbf KrA.. ; or after the fourth foot (in the Bucolic
diaeresis).
381.] Shortening of diphthongs before Hiatus. Regarding
the nature of the process by which a diphthong before hiatus was
reduced to the time or metrical value of a short syllable two
probable views have been maintained.
i . Curtius holds that whenever long syllables are shortened by
the effect of hiatus something of the nature of Elision takes
place. Thus t\ and o> lose the second half of the vowel sound,
while ai, ei, ot lose the t. In support of this he points to the
facts of Crasis : thus KOI eyw in becoming /cdyw may be supposed
to pass through the stage KCL eyo>.
2. According to an older view, which has been revived and
defended with great ingenuity by Hartel,* the i or u in a
diphthong is turned into the corresponding spirant ; so that KOL
eyw becomes Ka-i-eyw, and ex HvXov k\6<av becomes ec
It is certainly in favour of this latter supposition that it does
not oblige us to suppose the frequent elision of the two vowels
which in general are the least liable to be elided. The explana-
tion however is not a complete one. It does not account for the
shortening of TJ and w, which on the principle assumed by Hartel
would become Tjt, on. On the whole it seems most probable that
the shortening in question was effected, for diphthongs as well as
for simple long vowels, by a process in which ancient gram-
marians would have recognised rather 'Synizesis' viz. the
slurring of vowels together without complete loss of any sound
* Homerische Studien, iii. pp. 7 S.
383-] HIATUS DOUBTFUL SYLLABLES. 357
than either Elision or Contraction. And this conclusion is sup-
ported by the general tendencies of the Ionic dialect, which was
especially tolerant of hiatus, and allowed numerous combinations
of vowels, such as ea, eo, ecu, cot, to have the value either of one
syllable or two.*
382.] Hiatus after short syllables. The vowels which are
not liable to elision may generally stand before hiatus : thus
we find favTTJpi aprjpori. ( 376, 3), irpb obov, 77/30 'AXCU.&V, avrap 6
e/x/ue/xaws, erapoto evrjeos, and the like.
Hiatus is also tolerated occasionally in the pauses of the verse :
(1) In the trochaic caesura of the third foot : as
II. I. 569 K.aL p a.Ktov(ra Kadija-ro, TTi,-yva.^\jra(ra /crA. Od //-/yV
Od. 3. 175 Ttpveiv, o<ppa ra^tora VTTK KT\.
(2) In the Bucolic diaeresis : as
II. 8. 66 offrpa pep 7?cW TIV Kal ueeTO iepov fjfj.ap.
Od. 2. 57 ^^o.TTiv6.^ovcnv TTivovcrL re aWoira otvov.
The vowel of the Person-endings -TO, -vro seems to be especially capable of
standing before hiatus in these places. It appears in more than a fourth of
the whole number of instances given by KnSs (pp. 42-45).
Hiatus in the Bucolic diaeresis is commoner in the Odyssey than in the
Iliad, in the proportion 2:1. Hiatus after the vowel e is also comparatively
rare in the Iliad : KnOs reckons 22 instances (many of them doubtful), against
40 in the Odyssey. It is worth notice that in both these points books
xxiii and xxiv of the Iliad agree with the Odyssey, also that book xxiv of the
Odyssey contains an unusual number of instances of hiatus, both legitimate
(11. 63, 215, 328, 374, 466) and illegitimate (11. 209, 351, 430).
Illegitimate hiatus, like other anomalies, may be diminished by emendation.
Thus in Od. 5. 135 176^ t<f>affKov we may read 178* f t(pa,ffKov : in 5. 257 kirtxtvaro
vKrjv we may insert dp', on the model of II. 5. 748 lire/tat'ex" ap' iwirovs. But in
II. 13. 22 &(pOira aid must stand because acpdtros aid is a fixed phrase. It is
unlikely, then, that Hiatus was ever absolutely forbidden in Epic verse.
Doubtful Syllables.
383.] Besides the cases in which the metrical value of a
syllable may be made uncertain by its place in a particular
verse i. e. by the circumstances of Position, Hiatus, Ictus, &c.
there are many instances in which the ' natural ' quantity of
the vowel appears to be indeterminate.
* The use of o for tv in Ionic inscriptions shows, not indeed that v and o
were identical in pronunciation, or that o was a true diphthong, but certainly
that so was very like ev, and might be monosyllabic in scansion. Probably
monosyllabic o (when it was not a mere error for v) stood to v as the
Synizesis eo, ?, eoi, &c. to the contracted t\, <a, 01. See Erman in Curt.
Stud. v. 292 ff.
358 METRE. [384-
Under the heading 1 of l doubtful vowels ' should be classed, not
only the words in which the same letter may stand either for a
long or a short vowel, as "Aprj?, avrjp, but also those in which the
change is shown by the spelling-, i. e. in which a short vowel
interchanges with a long vowel or diphthong : as veo's and vyos,
ovopa and owo/xa, &c. And with these variations, again, we
may place, as at least kindred phenomena, the doubtful syllables
which arise from the interchange of single and double con-
sonants : 'Obv(r(revs and 'OSvcrevs, 'AxtAAevs and 'A^iXevy. As
we speak of doubtful vowels, these might similarly be called
' doubtful consonants/
In all such words the variation of quantity may either mean
that there were two distinct forms between which the poet had
a choice, or that the quantity as it existed in the spoken language
was in fact intermediate. The former case would usually arise
when a vowel or syllable which had come to be short in the
spoken language was allowed to retain its older quantity as a
poetical archaism. In the latter case the poet could give the
syllable either metrical value; or (as in so many instances) he
might treat the syllable as ordinarily short, but capable of being
lengthened by the ictus, or by the pauses of the verse.
384.] Doubtful vowels appear to rise chiefly in two ways :
(i) By the shortening of a long vowel or diphthong before a
vowel : viz.
a, in iXaos (a in II. i. 583, a in II. 9. 639., 19. 178).
tj, in the oblique cases of vrjvs (except the Dat. vrj't) and of
several Nouns in -eus, as Urjkrjos, n^Xeos : the forms rjarai,
and carat (^/xat): d^?/ and d</>er/ ( 80); TJUS and tvs,
ATJIOTOI and Ae'iorr/ (II. 9. 408) ; perhaps also in pTjtKts,
617105, ij'ia, which shorten TJ when the case-ending is naturally
long (Qpri'iKcov, 8r]iW, ?)tft>y, &c. scanned v ^ -, unless we
suppose contraction or synizesis).
,/^/T^ h * n itpoS) Kovif], Xir\v\ Comparatives in -IMP: Patronymics, as
Kpoviav : lopev, ITJJUI (d^fei, &c.), laiva), and Verbs in -iw, as
TCO, oio) ( 51, i) : probably also in the abstract Nouns in
-IT], the i being treated as long in vTrepoTrAtr/, Trpo^u/xir/,
v7roei'T7, drtjuirj, d/co/uoTiVo.?// (
0, in Verbs in -uu (51, 4).
0, in rjpoDos (- w ^ in Od. 6. 303) : 77/30), leg. rjpati (II. 7. 453).
01, in dei for aiet, IJUTTCUOS ( ^ w in Od. 20. 379), and the Com-
pound yapauvvai, xafj.aitvva.bfs : also Verbs in -aiw, as
ayai6fj.vos and dydao-0e, Ke'paie and /cepoao-tfe, valov and vdfi,
vaovtri.
384-] DOUBTFUL VOWELS.
ei, in coKca, (3adtr]s (for aiKeia, /3a$eu7?) : Adjectives in -eio?, as
XaA/ceios and \d\Ktos : peta and pea : TrAeioz;, &c. and
TrAeWes : /3eio/xcu and /3eo/xat ( 80), and many Verbs in
- ( 5i, 3)-
01, in dAoo's and oAoto's ; also otos (^ ^), as in II. 13. 275 ^'
apeTi]v olds e<r<n, cp. II. 1 8. 105, Od. 7. 312., 20. 89.
eu, in 8evo/xai and Seofiat, exeua an< ^ ^X ea ^ ijAewaro and aXeacrOai.
vi, in wds (II. 4. 473.,, 5. 6 12, &c.).
The Gen. endings -aw, -CWK fall under this head, if -ewe repre-
sents an older Ionic -r\uv.
In some cases of this kind our texts have et where it is
probable that the original vowel was t] : so in irXtlosfull (Attic
TrAe'tos from TrXijos), xpeios deljt and \pei<S> need (from XP 1 !^ XP<*-)-
See Appendix C.
Sometimes ei has taken the place of eu before another vowel,
as in the Verbs 0e'o), Tryeco, irAe'co, \fo>, xAeco ( 29, 3). also in
Aeioucrt, Dat. Plur. of AeW (\ev(av or AeTcoy), and perhaps in the
Pf. etoofla (cp. eve'^coKe Hesych.), ei'ouanai (II. 18.418). Similarly
a may stand for au, as <dea ey^ ((pav-j, arjp (cp. avpa) and other
derivatives of afrjjut (aAta?js, djcp-d?js), decraju.ei' we #/^ (tava)),
dao-d/xrji; (afdrrj), and probably jutf/xcto'res 1 , aior, det'Sco, v A't'8os. We
even find 01 for ou (from o/ 7 ), in oiereas for o-fere'a? o/" /^<? a^e
(II. 2. 765), TTVOITJ for TTvoFri : cp. o'tes (- ^ ^ in Od. 9. 425).
TJ for eu may perhaps be seen in rieibrjs, ?)et8et (e-Aei8eas, -ee) :
but see the explanation suggested in 67, 3.
Interchange of quantity is occasionally found : oreco/xey,
Kre'a>ju,ei>, ^>^ecojaey for or?]o/xey, &c. ( 80) : ecos and re'o>? (if these
forms are Homeric) for ^os and rrjos. So the Gen. ending -eu,
for -do (-T)O).
(2) By compensatory lengthening, of
e to ei, in elvos (evFos) but >ii7, Keiz/o's and /cere's, Treipap and
ire'pos (aTretpeVios), eivaros, etveKa.
o to ou, jiowos (but iJLovu>9fi$ II. n. 470) ; ovpo? ( watcher] but
op-da) : ovpea and opos (dpfos ?).
a in Trape'xrj (-Trap-cre'xft)), Od. 19. 1 13 ; u in (rvvex*s> H- I2 - 3 ^-
Under this head we should place double forms arising by Epen-
thesis, as erapo? and eratpos (for erap-tos) : tvi, zv and eiV.
But aTrepeio-tos boundless should be a-Repr/a-ios, from "^Tre'prj (Tre'prji').
Other variations, of which no general account can be given,
are seen in "Aprjs, avr\p, d/xdco I reap (d generally in the simple
Verb, a in the compounds) ; ^)iAos (t in <pi'Ae Kacriyvrjre} ; artros
and TITOS ; tJScop, di-Tt/cpv ; bvo and 8wco, Sevpo and (once) 5ev'poo,
and Atwwo-o?. The chief cases of a doubtful vowel
360 METRE. [385.
being 1 long 1 without the help of the ictus are, aprj, a\&vcu (oAoVre
with d in II. 5. 487), irpiv, ip-as, 7Ti(pavo-K<i>.
385.] Double consonants, causing doubtful syllables: chiefly
o-o-, in the First Aorist ( 39, i), and Dat. Plur. ( 102) ; also
O(T(TOS, fie'0-o-oy, re//efro-do> (where acr TI), 'OStxnrevs. So for
Ivacri ( w) we should write JWao-t (for iS-o-ao-t, 7, 3).
XX, in 'AxiAAev?.
KK, in TreAeKKw (KK = KF?), cp. ireAe/cus.
As to inr and TT, in OTTTTCOS, orrt, &c. see 1 08, 2.
386.] Metrical licence. In a few cases the use of a vowel as
long appears to be merely due to the necessities of the metre.
Such are :
a in adavaros, dKajuaro?, a7roz>ee<r0at, aTroSico/^ai, ayopaao-fle.^/rfV^
e in fiTLTOvos (Od. 12. 423), ^fyvpiT] (Od. 7. 119).
i in ITpia^iSrj?, did (in Sia ^.ev a<nribos KT\. II. 3. 357> & c )
u in 6vya.Tpes (II. 2. 492, &c.), bwafMtvoio (Od. I. 276, &c.).
In these cases there is every reason to believe that the vowel
was naturally short, and the lengthening must therefore be
regarded as a necessary licence, to be compared with the neglect
of Position before ^Ka^avbpos, &c. ( 370), or the synizesis of
AlyvTiTir] and 'loriaia ( 378^.). The diphthong of dapivos (cap),
dpfcrir], ovAo'/xevos, ovvofj.a, OvAv/A-Troio, is of the same nature. The
ou of irovXvs perhaps began in compounds in which it was required
by the metre, as irovAu/So'reipa, &c., and was extended to the
simple word. It is apparently a poetical form only (but see
H. W. Smyth, Vowel System, p. 98).
Similarly a short vowel between two long syllables is some-
times treated as long: as in T^ydoo-^e (Od. 5. 122), 'Hpa/cA^efy
(properly -/cAeei?]), 'OiKAaV (Od. 15. 244). So rer/jaKu/cAos is
scanned - - w in Od. 9. 242, but ^ w - ^ in II. 24. 324.
Vocatives.
387.] The short final syllable of the Vocative appears in
several places as a metrically long syllable : as
II. 4. 155 $tAe K.a.(Tiyvr]T(, Odvarov xrA. and so 5- 359 : also
II. 19. 400 s,avde re Kai BdAie, 21. 474 vrjiwTif,
^ Od. 3. 230 TTjAe'fiaxe.
4. 338 a> ule IleTewo KT\.Od.\}-fj3
18. 385 o/xro eVt TawTreTrAe: so Od. 24. 192 Aaeprao Trai.
14. 357 no<re&aop eird/xure: so II. 24. 569., Od. 8. 408, &c.
23. 493 Atav 'ISo^evei; re.
389-] DIGAMMA. 361
The reason may be found (as Hartel thinks*) in the nature of
the Vocative as an interruption of the natural flow of a sentence.
It is very possible, however, that the Nominative ought to be
read in these places : see 1 64.
The Dlgamma.
388.] In seeking to arrive at general conclusions as to the
rules and structure of the Homeric hexameter, it was necessary
to leave out of sight all the words whose metrical form is
uncertain on account of the possible or probable loss of an
initial consonant. It is time to return to this disturbing
element of the enquiry.
The scholars who first wrote on this subject had few materials
for their investigations outside of the Homeric poems. To them,
therefore, the ' Digamma ' was little more than a symbol the
unknown cause of a series of metrical anomalies. In the pre-
sent state of etymological knowledge the order of the enquiry
has been to a great extent reversed. It is known in most cases
which of the original sounds of the Indo-European languages
have been lost in Greek, and where in each word the loss has
taken place. Hence we now come to Homer with this know-
ledge already in our possession. Instead of asking what sounds
are wanting, we have only to ask whether certain sounds, of
whose former existence we have no doubt, were still living at
the time when the poems were composed, and how far they can
be traced in their effect on the versification.
389.] Nature of the evidence from metre. The questions
which are suggested by the discovery in Homer of traces of a
lost ' Digamma ' cannot be answered without some reference to
the very exceptional circumstances of the text.
Whatever may be the date at which writing was first used
in Greece for literary purposes, there can be no doubt that the
Homeric poems were chiefly known for some centuries through
the medium of oral recitation, and that it was not till the time
of the Alexandrian grammarians that adequate materials were
brought together for the study and correction of the text.
Accordingly when these scholars began to collect and compare
the manuscripts of Homer, they found themselves engaged in a
problem of great complexity. The various readings, to judge
from the brief notices of them preserved in the Scholia, were
very numerous; and they are often of a kind which must be
attributed to failure of memory, or the licence of oral recita-
tion, rather than to errors of transcription. And the amount of
* Homerische Studien, i. p. 64.
362 METRE. [389.
interpolation must have been considerable, if there was any ground
for the suspicions so often expressed by the ancient critics.
It follows from these circumstances that an attempt to restore
the lost F throughout the text of Homer cannot be expected to
succeed. Such an attempt necessarily proceeds on the assump-
tion that the text which we have is sound as far as it goes, or
that it is so nearly right that we can recover the original by
conjecture. With an imperfect text the process can only be
approximate. We may be satisfied if the proportion of failure
is not greater than the history of the text would lead us to
expect.
The loss of the f-sound, moreover, must have been itself a
cause of textual corruption. It led to irregularities of metre,
especially to frequent hiatus, and there would be a constant
tendency to cure these defects by some slight change. The
insertion of the v (faXwo-TiKov was almost a matter of course
(see however 391). The numerous alternative forms used in
the poetical language, and the abundance of short Particles such
as ye, re, pa, &c. made it easy to disguise the loss of F in many
places. We cannot be surprised, therefore, if we have often to
make the reverse changes.
A few instances will serve to show the existence in pre-Alexandrian times
of corruption arising from the tendency to repair defects of metre.
In II. 9. 73 the MSS. have iroXcroi 8' dvdcro-eis, Aristarchus read iroXt'crvv
yap dvacrcreis. Both are evidently derived from iroXtovv 8i dvdo-crcis (t. e.
favdcro-sis), corrected in two different ways.
In II. 13. 107 the MSS. have vvv 8' ficaOtv, the reading of Aristarchus : but
Zenodotus and Aristophanes had vvv S IKO.S (i. e. f e'as).
In II. 9. 88 the reading of Aristarchus was TiOevro 8< Sopira IKOCTTOS : other
ancient sources had Sopirov (the reading of most MSS.).
In II. 14. 235 irtiOev, 4-yo; ot ice rot tlotca x-P lv ^A""" 01 if^vra, the order x^P lv
clStu was preferred by Aristarchus.
Two very similar instances are
II. 5. 787 KOJC' \tyx ta , ^os ayrjToi (Ar. cXcyxccs).
9. 128 fwaiKas afj.vfj.ova. (pya idvias (Ar. duvfiovas).
In Od. 5. 34 rjfiari K tlKoar$ . . iieoiro the 'common' texts of Alexandrian
times (al Koivorepcu) omitted the K', which is not necessary, and may have
been inserted in imitation of TJ/JUITI /ce rpn-ary KT\. (II. 9. 363).
In Od. i. no of fj.lv ap' olvov efuayov some MSS. omit dp'. So in Od. 3. 472
most MSS. have olvov olvoxoewrts (wig. evoivox-).
In Od. 2. 331., 8. 174., 13. 125 the e of avre is elided before a word with f.
But in each case there is MS. authority for reading avi.
In Od. 8. 526 the MSS. are divided between dawatpovr' taioovaa and aairai-
povra ISovffa.
It should be observed that the argument from these instances is equally
good, whether the readings ascribed to Zenodotus, Aristarchus, Ac. are
conjectures made by them, or were derived (as is more probable) from older
sources. They equally serve to illustrate the process by which traces of an
39-] INITIAL DIGAMMA. 363
original p were liable to be gradually effaced. And it is not likely that there
was any deliberate attempt to emend Homer on metrical grounds. It is
enough to suppose that the metre helped to determine the preference given
(consciously or unconsciously) to one or other of the existing variants.
390.] Words with initial F. The former existence of the F in
a given Homeric word may be inferred either from its appear-
ance in some other dialect of Greek, or (where this kind of
evidence fails) from the corresponding- forms in the cognate
languages. Thus an original feiKotn is supported by the forms
ft/can and feucari on Doric and Boeotian inscriptions, by the
Laconian /3euc<m (given by Hesychius), and again by Latin
viffinti, Sanscrit vimc t ati, &c. : an original feo-n-epos by the form
FfcnrapLwv on a Locrian inscription, as well as by Latin vesper:
original / r i8ei>, Folba, &c. by /Yoropes on inscriptions, yolba and
yoCbrjfjn in Hesychius (erroneously so written, as Ahrens showed,
for Folfta and foi'Srj/xi), and also by Latin video, Sanscrit vedmi,
veda, Engl. wit, &c. We do not, however, propose to discuss the
external evidence, as it may be called, by which the loss of an
initial F is proved, but only to consider the degree and manner
in which the former existence of such a letter can be shown to
have affected the versification of Homer. For this purpose it
will be enough to give a list of the chief words in question, and
in a few cases a statement, by way of specimen, of some of the
attempts made to restore the F to the text.*
aycuju.
The initial F is to be traced by the hiatus in II. 5. 161 e
av%eva a^p, II. 8. 403 Kcmi 0' ap^ara cico (similar phrases in
8. 417., 23. 341, 467); less decisively by the lengthening of the
final -iv of the preceding word in II. 4. 214 vaXiv ayev 6ees oy/coi.
The evidence against an initial consonant is very slight. In Od.
1 9. 539 Tiacri /car' av^evas rjfe we should read avyev eae (Bekk.),
understanding the Singular distributively ( 170). In II. 23.
392 for nnmoi> 8e 01 ^e may be read linteiov ol eae.
* The first systematic attempt to restore the digamma was made by Heyne
in his edition of the Iliad (1802). It was based upon Bentley's manuscript
annotations, of which Heyne had the use. The first text with restored f was
published by Payne Knight (1820). Much was done by the thorough and
methodical Quaestiones Homericae of C. A. J. Hoffmann (Clausthal, 1842-48).
The f was again printed in the text of Bekker's second edition (Bonn, 1858).
The light of the comparative method was brought to bear upon it by Leskien
(Rationem quam I. Bekker in restituendo digammo secutus est examinavit Dr. A.
Leskien, Lipsiae, 1866). The most complete treatise on the subject is that of
KnOs (Upsaliae, 1872). The most important contributions, in addition to
those mentioned, have been made by Leo Meyer (K. Z. xviii. 49), and by W.
Hartel (Horn. Stud. iii). Most of the conjectures given in this chapter come
from one or other of these sources.
364 METRE. [390.
aya (amenta. ava.<T(Tti.v).
The words of this group occur in Homer about 300 times, and
in about 80 instances they are preceded by a final short vowel
which would ordinarily be elided. This calculation does not
include the phrase Ifyi avd<r<rfiv, or the numerous examples of
hiatus after the Dat. Sing, in -i and the Genitives in -oio, -eio, -oo.*
The cases in which a slight correction of the text is needed to make room
for the p are as follows :
II. I. 288 irdvTtffot 6' dvdaativ (read iraoxv 8f).
9. 73 iro\(f<r<ri 5' dvaaotts (read iroXn.v 8c, 389).
2. 672 Xa/xjiroio T' O.VOKTOS (read Xopoirov T).
7. 162 (=23. 288) irporros p.tv ava (read perhaps irpirurra).
15. 453 KpoTtovrer ava (read Kporcovrt, the Dual).
16. 371 ( = 507) \iirov dpftar' dva/crcav (read app.a. 170).
523 av vfp fiot, afaf, roSf KapTtpbv ?\KOS dxfaacu (read ().
23. 49 orpwov, ava ;read orpwe, the Pres. Imper.).
517 os par' avoK-ra (read os T or os pa).
Od. 9. 452 ^ av y' O.VO.KTOS (omit Y')-
17. 189 -xaXtirai 5e T' avcutrojv (omit T').
21. 56 ( = 83) TOOV avoKTOs (read r6a).
The Imperfect fjvaao-c, which occurs five times, can always be changed into
lavaaoe. The remaining passages are :
II. 19. 124 ffov yivof ov ol aditis dvaaatfuv 'Apyfioiffiv (a verse which is
possibly interpolated).
20. 67 ivavTa noadSaaivos OVOJCTOS (in the probably spurious 0to/tax'a).
24. 449, 452 voirjaav avaxrt.
Od. 14. 40 dvTiOfOV fdp dvtucTOS KT\.
395 e fifv Ktv voffr^ay di>a.
438 Kv8aiv 6 6v(tov avaicTos.
24. 30 %s -nfp avaffcres.
apm (apves, &C.).
The F is supported by three instances of hiatus, viz. II. 4. 158
al[j.a r apvG>v, 4. 435 ^Tra apv&v, 8. 131 7/ure apvcs : and by the
metrical length given to the preceding syllable in II. 3. 103 ts
bitypov apvas, 1 6. 352 \VKOI dpv(r(ri.
The passages which need correction are
II. 3. 103 otfftTt 5' dpv' (the 8t is better omitted).
1 19 ijS' apv (K(\evfv (read 18J dpv')-
22. 263 ovSt KVKOI Tf icai dpvts (omit TC).
Od. 4. 86 Iva. T apves d<pap Ktpaol Tf\(0ovffi ^omit T').
9. 226 ipi<f>ovs T /col apvas.
* For a complete analysis of the examples in the Iliad see Dawes, Miscel-
lanea Critica, Sect. IV.
390.] INITIAL DIGAMMA. 365
Note, however, that the evidence for f is confined to the Iliad, and that
the derivative dpveios shows no trace of it.
aoru.
The presence of an initial consonant is shown by hiatus in
nearly 80 places. In two places the text is uncertain : II. 24.
320 vTTp aoreos (but 8ta ao-reoy in the Bankes papyrus, and
several MSS.), Od. 3. 260 e/cas ao-reos (e/cas "Apyeos in most MSS.).
Two passages admit of the easiest correction :
II. 3. 140 avdpos re -nportpoio KOI dffreos (read irportpov).
15. 455 roiis piv o 7" 'Aorvvofup (omit yf or n*v}.
Two remain, viz.
II. II. 733 afjupiaravfo 8% dffrv (dp.<j)*aTav Bekk.).
18. 274 VVKTO. fifv dv ayopfi aOtvos f^o/j.ti' a<nv Be wvpyot (fT Bekk.).
The changes made by Bekker in these places are not improbable, but are
hardly so obvious as to exclude other hypotheses.
e'ap, ciapico?.
Hiatus is found in II. 8. 307 vorirjo-i re elapii'fj(n, and a short
final syllable is lengthened in Od. 19. 519 aeibyo-iv lapos. In the
phrase &py ev dapivr} we should doubtless omit the If, as in
Od. 5. 485 wpij xei/*epfy (Bentl.).
The F appears in ava ei/coo-i (Od. 9. 209), and the combination
(which occurs 9 times, including- the compounds with
In II. ii. 25 xpvaoio teal etKoffi readxpvcroti : and in the combination re teal
tiKoffi (in three places) omit T. In the recurring fi\vQov fiKoarw irei KT\.
Bekker reads JiXOov CCIKOO-TU (Cobet well compares Od. 23. 102 t\0oi ffucoary
T\.). On Od. 5. 34 Ttnta.fi K el/coary KT\. see 389.
CIKO).
Two instances of hiatus indicate F, in II. 24. 100, 718, besides
many places in which the word is preceded by a Dat. Sing., as
ovbtvi IKU>V, Kcipret
Two places may be easily corrected : II. 4. 509 nqS' (t/ttrf (read ^ eiKtrf,
with asyndeton, as Od. 24. 54 taxeaO' 'Apyeiot, /i^ ((xvytre}, and 12. 48 TTJ r'
tiKovffi (omit re). In Od. 12. 117 for Oeoiatv virdfeai read 0eoTs virofifai (Bekk.)
There remains II. i. 294 el Si) act rrac tpyov inrfi^ofjiai.
The F of eoiKa appears from hiatus in 46 instances (not counting-
the numerous places in which it follows a Dative in -i). The
adverse instances are II in number, besides the form cTr-eoiKe
(which occurs n times). The corresponding Present CIKW is
generally recognised in II. 18. 520 oQi vfyiviv eice Xoyf)<rai where
it suited them to 6e in ambush. The form etaicw has hiatus before
366 METRE. [390.
it in 3 places, but twice rejects F (Od. 9. 321., n. 363). The
adjective ciKcXos or IKC\OS usually needs an initial consonant (ex-
cept II. 19. 282, Od. ii. 207).
It seems probable that this is the same word as uc to yield. The notion of
giving icay easily passes into that of suiting or fitting, hence conforming to,
resembling.
ituLv, IKTJTI, IiojXos.
Hiatus indicating F is found in 22 places (not reckoning ov TI
l. 8. 8i,&c.).
In Od. 4. 649 for aiirfa kicojv we may read OVTGS ty<in> (cp. Od. 2. 133, where
both these forms are found in good MSS.). In Od. 17. 478 io6i' ZKT)\OS two
MSS. have taQ' (i. e. <r6e). The remaining exceptions are ; with IKWV, II. 23.
434, 585, Od. 5. 100 (where we may read ris Kt, or perhaps ris SJ fKwv . .
SiaSpafjioi ; the Opt. without av being used as in negative Clauses, 299 /) :
with (Ki]Xos, II. 8. 512, Od. 2. 311 (IvQpaivtaO' ivurjKov Bekk.).
IKCIS, eKttTOS, &C.
Traces of F are to be seen in the hiatus vvv 8e eifds (II. 5. 791.,
13. 107), aXXa CKO.S (Od. 15. 33), ovSe e/cq/SoXiai (II. 5. 54) : and
in the lengthening in ' Airo'XAcoros e/cdroio (II. 7. 83., 20. 295),
euVAo/ca/ios 'Exa/x^S?/, &c.
The exceptions are, II. I. 21, 438., 17. 333., 20. 422., 22. 15,
302, Od. 7. 321 mostly admitting of easy correction.
IKCIOTOS.
The original F of this word (recently found on a Locrian
inscription, see Curt. Sfitd. ii. 441 ff.) is traced by means of
hiatus in 115 places. The adverse instances, however, are about
50 in number, and the proportion that can be removed by
emendation is not so large as in most cases (see L. Meyer, K. ..
viii. 1 6 6. About a fourth of the exceptions appear in the re-
curring phrase jj.evos KCU dv^ov e/caorov.
The form ItcaTepfc shows slight traces of initial f in Od. 6. 19 araOnoilv
(Ka.T(p6(, ii. 578 TVJT S fuv tKartpOf, 22. 181 rui o' tarav exdrfpOf. It is pre-
ceded by elision in II. 20. 153 (omit f), and in II. 24. 273, Od. 7. 91 (omit 8' .
etXu (eXaai, eaXirjy), aXwyai, aXis.
The F is shown by hiatus in II. i. 409 a/i<' aXa eX<rat : 16. 403
rjoTo aXeis (and five other examples of this Tense, viz. II. 5. 823.,
21. 571, 607., 22. 308, Od. 24. 538): H. 18. 287 /ceKo'pTjo-^e eeA-
pevoi : II. 12. 172 i?e aXStvai (so 14. 8l), II. 21. 281 efytapro aXStvai
(so Od. 5. 312., 24. 34), II. 81. 495 77} ye aXw/xez/ai. Before
hiatus occurs in about 12 places: cp. also II. 23. 420
O.\LS r\(
In II. 21. 236 KO.-T avrov a\ts toav some MSS. read ftrav aXts, and at L 344
the same transposition may be made. The only other instance against f is
n. 17. 54 30' oXu dva&ePpvxev (avapt&pox*v Zenod.), where Bentley read 8 oAis
390.] INITIAL DIGAMMA. 367
eXuraw, eiXuw.
Before IXi<ro-o> hiatus is found in four places, and the recur-
ring phrases KOL e'Aixas [Bovs and etAi-rroSa? eAt/ca? fiovs point in
the same direction. The only exceptions are Od. 12. 355 /3o<rKe-
' e'AiKes /crA., and II. 1 8. 401
It is probable that in many places the forms l\ \IKTO, i\t\ix9r), &c. are old
errors for ef (\IKTO, If eX/xfli/, &c. : see Dawes, Misc. Crit. 177 : also Heyne on
II. i. 530.
Traces of p in clAucd should perhaps be recognised in Od. 5. 403 (tptvyoufvov,
eiA-vro) and 15. 479 adtceffiv iAu/Vot : cp. II. 20. 492 <p\6ya el\v(f>d(i. In II. 18.
522 'iovr' d\vn(voi it is easy to read Ifov (as Bekker). The Aor. Part. IXvcrteis
has no f : but it may be from a different Verb-stem (see Buttm. Lexil. s. v.
eXircj
The initial F of this word is proved by 10 instances of hiatus
(including- KCU eAm'So?, Od. 1 6. 101., 19. 84). The Perfect loAira
also shows traces of F in the reduplicated syllable, viz. in Od. 2.
275-, 3- 375v 5- 379-
In II. 8. 526 tvxofnai e\ir6/j.fvos should be evxop? leArro/xej/oj (Hoffm.) or
perhaps (as Zenodotus read) IXirojxai euxo^evos. In four places f cAiru can be
restored by very slight corrections :
II. 15. 701 Ipaialf 5' i\TTTo (Tpcoorl Be Heyne).
1 8. 194 oAXd at avros 08', eATro/x' (avros teXirofJi Heyne).
Od. 2. 91 (=13. 380) iravras /iV p e\irei (omit f>').
Two others are less easy ; II. 15. 539 7ro\/t'C V-tvtav, tn fr tXirero (pfvcav 8' tn
(\Trero Bentl.), and II. 24. 491 tiri r' f\.irerai (ical f^nerai Bentl.).
The passages which tell against f'fo\ira are II. 20. 186 xa^nws 8e a' ioK-na
TO pfeiv (read o-J loXiro), 21. 583 /tdA.' eoXway (jj.a\a f\Tre Hoffm.), 22. 216 vSii y'
fo\na (omit Y')> Od. 8. 315., 24. 313.
tiros, .
The F of liros is supported by about 26 instances of hiatus, and
a much larger number in which preceding syllables are length-
ened (as in the common line aaL piv aju.ei/So'jiiei'os ITTCO KrA.).
Of the apparent exceptions, about 35 are removed by reading Jfireoxri for
tir(Tffi (as in II. 5. 40 x f 'P s lAoucr' eirtfffffi irpofftjvSa, read Aoti<ra lirecrert;.
This is justified by the fact that in similar words (esp. /3A.os) the form in
-crcn. is less frequent than that in -<r<n. A group of 1 1 may be corrected
by scanning <hrea as a disyllable (w -) in the formula (peavqaraaa tireo irTepowra
irpoarjvSa. Another small group of exceptions is formed by phrases such as
Od. 4. 706 oif/t fit 817 fuv eirtaaiv KT\., where perhaps I may be put for niv.
There remain two instances in the Iliad (5. 683., 7. 108), and seven in the
Odyssey (n. 146, s6r., 14. 509., 15. 375., 16. 469., 17. 374., 24. 161).
In iirii> the F is proved by about 80 instances of hiatus, be-
sides lengthening such as we have in the forms 55e 8e rts
w5 apa ol dvovTi, &c. The exceptions number about 35.
368 METRE. [390.
Of these exceptions 10 are found in the recurring line otpp fluu ra /
(vi ffTT)Ot<rat KtXtvti. It has been suggested as possible that eiiru has here
taken the place of an older ?ir<o (f tircu), or lo-irw (cp. ?<TJTT). This supposition
would of course explain other instances of neglected f , as II. i. 64., n. 791,
Od. i. 10, 37, &c.
ep8w. IpyOK, &C.
The Verb 2p8w is preceded by hiatus in two clear instances, II.
14. 261, Od. 15. 360. In II. 9. 540 TTO'AA.' IpSeovcev there is an
ancient v. /. eppetey. In II. 10. 53 on KVVTO.TOV IpSoi we may
read KuWara. But there are several instances on the other side
in the Odyssey (viz. i. 293., 5. 342, 360., 6. 258., 7. 202., 8. 490.,
ii. 80).
The reduplicated form lopya (for feTopya) is preceded by hiatus
in 7 places. Instances on the other side are, II. 3. 351 o /xe -npo-
repos KCLK lopye (where the Aor. epeev is more Homeric, cp. 28),
21. 399 ocrcra p.' eopyas (pa-era eopyas Ambr.), 22. 347 ^ a V" topyas
(here also jne may be omitted), Od. 22. 318 ovbev (opyu>s (read oo
Tt ^ cp. 356).
The Noun epyov, with its derivative epyab//cu, occurs in Homer
about 250 times, and the F is required to prevent hiatus in about
1 65 places. There are about 1 8 instances against F.
etpcu. epe'w.
The F of eipw is required by hiatus in the three places where
it occurs, viz. Od. 2. 162., n. 137., 13. 7; that of ^pc'w by
about 50 instances of lengthening (such as dAX' IK roi epew, &>s
T>OT TIS epe'ei, and the like), against which are to be set three
instances of elision (II. 4. 176., 23. 787, Od. 12. 156).
. e<T0i]s.
The F is shown by hiatus in more than 80 places, including
the instances of the Perfect Mid. (efyiai, Wcu, &c., see 23, 5).
The contrary instances are of no weight. The superfluous p"
may be omitted in CTTCI p' (o-a-avro (three places), and T similarly
in Od. 14. 510., 24. 67. This leaves II. 3. 57, Od. 6. 83., 7. 259.
e/ie'u.
The F (which is inferred from Lat. vomci) may be restored by
reading c/V/xeo-o-e for aTre'/^eo-o-e (II. 14. 437) and alpa FffJ-eav, or
possibly Ffn<av (L. Meyer), for alp e/xecoy (II. 15. ii).
Hiatus occurs in six places, after the Prepositiocs iron' (Od. 17.
191) and em'. There are no instances against F.
ITOS.
The F is supported by the lengthening of the preceding
syllable in five places, such as II. 24. 765 eeuooroz; eros C
39-] INITIAL DIGAMMA. 569
In the only adverse instance, II. 2. 328 Toa-a-avr erect, we may
read and scan roa-o-avra erea, as in the case of e-nea
The F in layu* and layji is chiefly indicated by 23 instances of
a peculiar hiatus, viz. after a naturally short final vowel in arsis ;
as fj be /Me'ya ld\ov(ra, ^jueT? be la\ovTes, yevero ta^T?, and the like.
There are 3 instances of lengthening by Position. The F is
also proved by avia\os ( a-FiFa^os) without a cry. The excep-
tions are confined to the Aor. or Impf. layov (i), which never
admits F in Homer : see 31, i, note.
The derivative lyx 7 ?* 15 follows hiatus in two places (II. i. 157,
Od. 4. 72) : elsewhere in Homer 17^77 only occurs at the beginning
of the line. The compound bvo--t]x^s (noXeiJiOLo bva-rj-^eos, II. 2.
886, &c.) is best derived from axos (see Wackernagel, Lehnungs-
getetz, p. 42).
iSeii', oiSa. etSos.
In the different forms of the Second Aor. ISeif the F is shown
by upwards of 1 80 instances of hiatus, and about 1 2 instances of
lengthening of a short syllable. The Indicative (elbov in Attic)
is nearly always a trisyllable (i. e. eFibov] in Homer. On the
other side we have to set nearly 50 instances of neglected F,
about half of which are susceptible of easy emendation (such as
putting Ibelv for Ibeeiv, omitting superfluous Se, and the like).
In the Perfect oI8a there are about 125 instances of hiatus,
against 24 which need emendation. Of these, however, only
about seven or eight present any difficulty. The proportion
is much the same with the other forms, as elbopai, etcro/uai, &c.,
and the Nouns elbos ( 1 1 instances of hiatus, two adverse), ftmop,
, &c.
toe (to'ets,
The F is supported by hiatus in Od. 4. 135., 9. 426, and is
nowhere inadmissible.
is, t<|>i, (t$ta), tfs.
These words, with the derived proper names 'I^iayao-o-a, tf l</>iros,
&c., show F in about 27 places, while seven or eight places need
slight emendation, r^flijuo?, which shows no trace of F, is
probably from a different root.
tcros.
The F is traced in about 30 instances of hiatus ; the adverse
passages being 8 or 9 in number. In three of these, containing
the phrase aTep.j36p.evos KLOL ttrrj? (II. II. 705, Od. 9. 42, 549) ^ e
form icrrjs should perhaps be changed to aunjs share. Or we may
recognise the ^Eolic form of the word, viz. Wo (Fick, Odyssee,
p. 20). The other places are easily corrected.
B b
370 METRE. [391.
iTUSj iWrj.
The F is shown by hiatus (II. 4. 486, Od. 10. 510). The
Particle re may be left out before /cat treat in II. 21. 350.
OIKOS.
The F is required in 105 places by hiatus, in 14 by the length-
ening- of a short syllable. About 25 places are adverse.
The F is required by hiatus in nearly 100 places. The adverse
places are about 20 (including the names OtVews and OtVo'/Aaos).
391.] Words with initial of ('F). Since the change of initial
o- into the rough breathing must have been much earlier than the
loss of F, it may be presumed that words which originally began
with of were pronounced at one time with the sound F ( = our
wli}. The following are the chief examples in Homer :
to, ot, t, os, &c.
The F is proved by hiatus in upwards of 600 instances, by
lengthening of a preceding short syllable in 136 instances.
There are also about 27 places in which a short vowel in arsis is
lengthened before it : as OTTO e'o, Trporl ol (<~> ), dvyarepa ijv,
Trarept co, &c. About 43 places do not admit F without some
change ; of these 30 are instances of the Possessive 85.
This Pronoun is noticeable as the only word in which the
original F is recognised in the spelling of our texts. The move-
able -v is not used before the forms ot, e: thus we have 8ate
ot, cos /ce ot, &c. ; and, similarly, ov ot, ov %0(v (not oux. ot, ov%
eOtv). This rule is observed not only in Homer but also in the
later Elegiac and Lyric 
