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D. B. MONRO, M.A. 



L'objet de cette science est de rechercher dans 1'esprit de 1'homme 
la cause de la transformation des idioines 




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IT may be said, without fear of giving offence, that a new 
Grammar of the Homeric dialect is sorely wanted. The 
admirable Griechische Formenlehre of the late H. L. Ahrens 
is now just thirty years old, and is confined, as its title indi- 
cates, to the inflexions. Not only has the course of discovery 
been going on since Ahrens wrote (and with hardly less 
rapidity than in the first years of the new science), but the 
historical method has been carried into the field of syntax. 
And apart from ' comparative philology,' the researches of 
Bekker, Cobet, La Roche, and many other students have 
brought together a wealth of material that only needs careful 
analysis and arrangement to make it accessible to the general 
body of learners. 

The plan of this book has sufficient novelty to call for some 
explanation. I have not attempted to write a Comparative 
Grammar, or even a Grammar that would deserve the epithet 
' historical : ' but I have kept in view two principles of arrange- 
ment which belong to the historical or genetic method. These 
are, that grammar should proceed from the simple to the com- 
plex types of the Sentence, and that the form and the mean- 
ing should as far as possible be treated together. Now the 
simplest possible Sentence apart from mere exclamations 
consists of a Verb, or word containing in itself the two ele- 
ments of all rational utterance, a Subject and a Predicate. 
We begin, therefore, by analysing the Verb, and classifying 
(i) the Endings, which express the Person and Number of the 
Subject ( 1-7), and serve also to distinguish the ' Middle ' or 
Reflexive use ( 8), and (2) the modifications of the Stem 
which yield the several Tenses and Moods. These modifica- 
tions, we at once perceive, are more numerous than the mean- 
ings which they serve to express, and we have therefore to 


choose between classifying according to formation i. e. ac- 
cording to the process by which each Tense-Stem and Mood- 
Stem is derived from the simple Verb-Stem or Ko.ot, and the 
ordinary classification according to meaning (Present, Future, 
Perfect, Aorist, &c.). The former course seemed preferable 
because it answers to the historical order. The problem is to 
find how pre-existing forms common to Greek and Sanscrit, 
and therefore part of an original * Indo-European ' grammar 
were adapted to the specifically Greek system of Tense-mean- 
ings. I have therefore taken the different formations in turn, 
beginning with the simplest ( 9-20, 22-27, 29-69, 79~&3)> 
and introducing an account of the meaning of each as soon as 
possible ( 21, 28, 70-78). This part of the subject naturally 
includes the .accentuation of the different forms of the Verb 

( 87-89)- 

The next great division of the subject is concerned with the 
first enlargement of the Sentence. A word may be added 
which taken by itself says nothing contains no Subject and 
Predicate but which combines with ^and qualifies the primi- 
tive one- word Sentence. The elements which may gather 
in this way round the basis or nucleus formed by the Verb 
are ultimately of two kinds, Nouns and Pronouns ; and the 
relations in which they may stand to the Verb are also two- 
fold. A Noun or Pronoun may stand as a Subject limiting 
or explaining the Subject already contained in the Person- 
Ending or may qualify the Predicate given by the Stem of 
the Verb. These relations are shown by the Ending, which 
again may be either a Case-Ending or an adverbial Ending. 
We begin accordingly by an account of the Declensions, sup- 
plemented by a list of the chief groups of Adverbs (Chapter V). 

When we pass from the Endings to the Stems of Nouns 
and Pronouns, we find that they are essentially different. A 
' Nominal Stem 5 consists in general of two parts, (i) a predi- 
cative part, usually identical with a Verb-Stem, and (2) a 
Suffix. Each of these two elements, again, may be complex. 
The addition of a further Suffix yields a fresh Stem, with a 
corresponding derivative meaning ; and thus we have the dis- 
tinction between Primitive or Verbal and Secondary or De- 
nominative Nouns. The Suffixes employed in these two 


classes are generally distinct, and deserve a more careful 
enumeration than is usually given in elementary grammars. 
The predicative part, again, may be enlarged by a second 
Nominal Stem, prefixed to the other, and qualifying it nearly 
as a Case-form or Adverb qualifies the Verb. The Compounds 
thus formed are of especial interest for the poetical dialect of 
Homer. The analysis which I have given of the chief forms 
which they present must be taken to be provisional only, as 
the subject is still full of doubt. With respect to the mean- 
ing I have attempted no complete classification. It is always 
unsafe to insist on distinctions which may be clear to us, but 
only because we mark them by distinct forms of expression. 

The chapter on the formation of Nouns should perhaps 
have been followed by one on the formation of Pronouns. 
The material for such a chapter, however, lies for the most 
part beyond the scope of a grammar. It is represented in this 
book by a section on Heteroclite Pronouns ( 108), which 
notices some traces of composite Pronominal Stems, and in 
some degree by another on the Numerals ( 130). 

When we come to examine the syntactical use of the Cases, 
we find ourselves sometimes dealing with sentences which 
contain at least two members besides the Verb. Along with 
the constructions which may be called ' adverbial ' (using the 
term Adverb in a wide sense, to include all words directly 
construed with the Verb), we have the constructions in which 
the governing word is a Noun or Preposition. And in these 
again we must distinguish between the government of a Case 
apparently by a Noun or Preposition, really by the combined 
result of the Noun or Preposition and the Verb, and the true 
government by a Noun alone, of which the dependent Genitive 
and the Adjective are the main types. These distinctions, 
however, though of great importance in reference to the deve- 
lopment of the use of Cases, cannot well be followed exclu- 
sively in the order of treatment. I have therefore taken the 
Cases in succession, and along with them the chief points 
which have to be noticed regarding the { concords ' of Gender 
( 166-168) and Number ( 169-173). 

In the Infinitive and Participle (Chapter X) we have the 
first step from the simple to the complex Sentence. The pre- 


dicative element in the Verbal Noun is treated syntactically 
like the same element in a true or * finite ' Verb ; that is to 
say, it takes ' adverbial ' constructions. Thus while retaining 
the character of a Noun it becomes the nucleus of a new 
imperfect Sentence, without a grammatical Subject properly 
so called (though the Infinitive in Greek acquired a quasi- 
Subject in the use of the Accusative before it), and standing 
to the main Sentence as an adverb or adjective. 

While the Infinitival and Participial Clauses may thus be 
described as Nouns which have expanded into dependent 
Sentences, the true Subordinate Clause shows the opposite 
process. In many instances, especially in Homeric syntax, 
we can trace the steps by which originally independent 
Sentences have come to stand in an adverbial or adjectival 
relation. The change is generally brought about, as we shall 
see, by means of Pronouns, or Adverbs formed from Prono- 
minal stems. Hence it is convenient that the account of the 
uses of the Pronouns (Chapter XI) should hold the place of an 
introduction to the part in which we have to do with the 
relations of Clauses to each other. 

The next chapter, however, does not treat directly of sub- 
ordinate Clauses, but of the uses of the Moods in them. It 
seemed best to bring these uses into immediate connexion 
with the uses which are found in simple Sentences. In this 
way the original character of Subordinate Clauses comes into a 
clearer light. If anything remains to be said of them, it finds 
its place in the account of the Particles (Chapter XIII) ; in 
which also we examine the relations of independent Sentences, 
so far at least as these are expressed by grammatical forms. 

The last chapter contains a discussion of the Metre of 
Homer (Chapter XIV), and of some points of 'phonology' 
which (for us at least) are ultimately metrical questions. 
Chief among these is the famous question of the Digamma. 
I have endeavoured to state the main issues which have been 
raised on this subject as fully as possible : but without much 
hope of bringing them to a satisfactory decision. 

A book of this kind is necessarily to a great extent a 
compilation, and from sources so numerous that it is scarcely 
possible to make a sufficient acknowledgment of indebted- 


ness. The earlier chapters are mainly founded on the great 
work of G. Curtius on the Greek Verb. More recent writers 
have cleared up some difficulties, especially in the phono- 
logy. I have learned very much from M. de Saussure's 
Mtmoire sur le systeme primitif des voyelles, and from several 
articles by K. Brugmann and Joh. Schmidt, especially the last. 
I would mention also, as valuable on single points, the papers 
of J. Paech (Vratisl. 1861) and H. Stier (Curt. Stud. II) on the 
Subjunctive, B. Mangold on the 'diectasis' of Verbs in -a&> 
(Curt. Stud. VI), F. D. Allen on the same subject (Trans, of 
the American Phil. Assoc. 1873), Leskien on o-crin the Fut. and 
Aor. (Curt. Stud. II), and K. Koch on the Augment (Brunsvici 
1868). On the subject of Nominal Composition I may name 
a paper by W. Clemm in Curt. Stud. VII, which gives references 
to the earlier literature of the subject, and one by F. Stolz 
(Klagenfurt 1874). On the forms of the Personal Pronouns 
there is a valuable dissertation by P. Cauer (Curt. Stud. VII) : 
on the Numerals by Joh. Baunack (K. Z. XXV) : on the Com- 
parative and Superlative by Fr. Weihrich (De Gradibus, &c. 
Gissae 1869). Going on to the syntax of the Cases, I would 
place first the dissertation of B. Delbruck, Ablativ Localis 
Instrumental, &c. (Berlin 1867), and next the excellent work 
of Hubschmann, Zur Casuslehre (Mlinchen 1875). On the 
Accusative I have obtained the greatest help from La Roche, 
Der Accusativ im Homer (Wien 1861): on the Dual from 
Bieber, De Duali Numero (Jena 1864). On the Prepositions 
I have used the papers of C. A. J. Hoffmann (Luneburg 1857- 
60, Clausthal 1858-59), T. Mommsen (see 221), Giseke, Die 
allmdliche Entstehung der Gesdnge der Ilias (Gottingen 1853), 
La Roche, especially on VTTO (Wien 1861) and CTH (in the Z.f. 
ost. Gymn.), Rau on -napd (Curt. Stud. Ill), and the articles in 
Ebeling's Lexicon. On this part of syntax the fourth volume 
of Delbruck's Forschungen is especially instructive. Of the 
literature on the Infinitive I would mention J. Jolly's Geschichte 
des Infinitivs im Indogermanischen (Miinchen 1873), a ^ so a 
paper by Albrecht (Curt. Stud. IV), and a note in Max 
Mliller's Chips from a German Workshop (IV. p. 49 ff.). The 
use of the Participle has been admirably treated by Classen, 
in his Beobachtungen uber den homerischen Sprachgebrauch 


(Frankfurt 1867). A paper by Jolly in the collection of 
Sprachwissenschaftliche Abhandlungen (Leipzig 1874) is also 
suggestive. On the subject of the Pronouns the chief source 
is a dissertation by E. Windisch in Curt. Stud. II. On the 
Article almost everything will be found in H. Foerstemann's 
Bemerkungen uber den Gebrauch des Artikels bei Homer (Mag- 
deburg 1861). The controversy on the Reflexive Pronoun is 
referred to in 255. On the Homeric uses of the Moods, 
besides Delbriick's great work, I would mention Jolly's 
monograph entitled Ein Kapitel vergleichender Syntax (Mun- 
chen 1872), and L. Lange's elaborate papers on et (Leipzig 
1872-73). It is to be regretted that they have not yet been 
carried to the point of forming a complete book on the 
Homeric use of ei. For the general theory of the subject 
Prof. Goodwin's Greek Moods and Tenses is of the very highest 
value. Regarding the cognate question of the uses of av and 
KW the main principles have been laid down by Delbriick. 
It is worth while to mention that they were clearly stated 
as long ago as 1832, in a paper in the Philological Museum 
(Vol. I. p. 96), written in opposition to the then reigning 
method of Hermann. For the other Particles little has been 
done by Homeric students since Nagelsbach and Hartung. 
I have cited three valuable papers; on re by Wentzel, on 
7} (rje) by Praetorius, and on jj by A. R. Vierke. I would 
add here a paper on the syntax of Causal Sentences in 
Homer, by E. Pfudel (Liegnitz 1871). On all syntactical 
matters use has been made of the abundant stores of Kiihner's 
Ausfuhrliche Grammatik. And it is impossible to say too 
much of the guidance and inspiration (as I may almost call 
it) which I have derived from the Digest of Platonic Idioms 
left behind by the lamented friend to whose memory I have 
ventured to dedicate this book. 

On the collateral subjects of Metre I have profited most by 
Hartel's Homerische Studien, La Roche, Homerische Unter- 
suchungen (Leipzig 1869), Knb's, De digammo Homerico 
(Upsaliae 1872-79), and Tudeer, De dialectorum Graecarum 
digammo (Helsingforsiae 1879). 

OXFORD, July 18, 1882. 


THE rapid progress of linguistic science during the nine 
years that have passed since this Grammar was first published 
has necessitated considerable alteration and enlargement in a 
new edition. Much has been discovered in the interval ; much 
that was then new and speculative has been accepted on all 
sides ; and much has been done in sifting and combining the 
results attained. The Morphologischen Untersuchungen of 
Osthoff and Brugmann have been followed by Brugmann's 
admirable summary of Greek grammar (in Iwan Muller's 
Handbuch), and his comprehensive Grundriss der vergleichen- 
den Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen. Of three 
portions of this work that have already appeared (Strassburg 
1886-90-91), the last (treating chiefly of the Declensions) 
came too late to be of service to the present book. The part 
which deals with the Verb has not yet been published : and the 
volume on Comparative Syntax, promised by Delbruck the 
first complete work on this part of the subject is also still to 
come. It will doubtless be a worthy sequel to the Altindische 
Syntax, which now forms the fifth volume of his Syntaktische 
Forschungen. Among other books which have appeared since 
the publication of this Grammar, or which were not sufficiently 
made use of for the first edition, I would mention Joh. 
Schmidt's Pluralbildungen der indogermanischen Neutra 
(Weimar 1889), G. Meyer's Griechische Grammatik (second 
edition, Leipzig 1886), the new edition of Mr. Goodwin's 
Moods and Tenses (London 1889), the treatises in Schanz's 
series of Beitrdge zur historischen Syntax der griechischeri 
Sprache, Aug. Tick's two books (see Appendix F), articles by 
Wackernagel, Frb'hde and others in Kuhrts Zeitschrift and 
Bezzenberger 1 s Beitrdge, the long series of papers by Aug. 


Nauck collected in the Melanges gre'co-romains (St. Peters- 
burg 1855-88) a book not often seen in this country, 
and the dissertations of J. van Leeuwen in the Mnemosyne. 
The two writers last mentioned are chiefly concerned with 
the restoration of the Homeric text to its original or pre- 
historic form. Their method, which is philological rather 
than linguistic, may lead to some further results when the 
numerous MSS. of the Iliad have been examined and have 
furnished us with an adequate apparatus criticus. 

Although very much has been re-written, the numbering of 
the sections has been retained, with a few exceptions ; so that 
the references made to the first edition will generally still hold 
good. The new sections are distinguished by an asterisk. 

I will not attempt to enumerate the points on which new 
matter has been added, or former views recalled or modified. 
The increase in the size of the book is largely due to the fuller 
treatment of the morphology. Additions bearing on questions 
of syntax will be found in 238, 248, 267, 270*, 362, 365. 
On the whole I have become more sceptical about the theories 
which seek to explain the forms of the Subordinate Clause 
from parataxis, or the mere juxta-position of independent 
clauses. In general it may be admitted that the complex 
arose in the first instance by the amalgamation of simpler 
elements : but we must beware of leaving out of sight the 
effect of * contamination ' in extending syntactical types once 
created. The neglect of this consideration is in reality 
another and more insidious form of the error from which 
recent writers on morphology have delivered us, viz. that 
of explaining grammatical forms as the result of direct 
amalgamation of a stem with a suffix or ending, without 
duly allowing for the working of analogy. 

OXFORD, March 21, 1891. 


CHAPTER I. The Person-Endings. 


1. Sentences Subject and Predicate . . . i 

2. Stem and Endings . . . . . i 

3. The Person-Endings . . . . . i 

4. Thematic Vowel Non-Thematic forms . . .2 

5. Table of Person-Endings . . . . .2 

6. Influence of the Ending on the Stem . . .6 

7. The forms of the 3 Plural . . . .8 

8. Meaning of the Middle . . . . -9 

CHAPTER II. The Tenses. 

9. Verb-Stem Tense- Stem . . . . .10 
10. Formation of Tense-Stems . . . . .11 
IT. The Simple Non-Thematic Present . . . .12 

12. Variation of the Stem Examples . . .12 

13. The Simple Non-Thematic Aorist . . . 14 

14. Metathesis . . . . . . 15 

15. Aorists in -a and -KCI . . . . .16 

1 6. The Non-Thematic Reduplicated Present . . . 17 

17. The Presents with -v] (-vd) and -vu . . . .18 

1 8. Thematic forms . . . . .18 

19. Non-Thematic Contracted Verbs Presents . . .20 

20. Aorists . . .22 
21. Meaning of Non-Thematic Tenses . . .22 

22. The Perfect . . . . . . .22 

23. Reduplication . . . . . .26 

24. The forms of the 3 Plural . . . . 27 

25. Long and Short Stems . . . .28 

26. The Perfect Participle . . .28 

27. Thematic forms . . . . -30 

28. Meaning of the Perfect . . . . 31 
29. The Simple Thematic Present . . . .32 

30. With Short Stem 33 

31. The Thematic Aorist . . . , . . -34 

32. Remarks . . . . . -36 

33. Doubtful forms . . . . -37 

34. Thematic Aorists in Homer . . . -38 



35. The Eeduplicated Thematic Present . . . -39 

36. The Reduplicated Aorist (Thematic) . . . .39 

37. Aorists in -a . . . . . . .40 

38. Tense- Stems formed by a Suffix . . . .40 

39. The Aorist in -<ra . . - . . . .40 

40. Aorists with Suffix -<r- . . . . . 42 

41. The Aorist in -o-, -o-o (Thematic) . . . -43 

42. Passive Aorists the Aor. in -ij-v . . . 44 

43- . 0T )- V 44 

44. Meaning of the Passive Aorists . . -44 

45. Suffixes of the Present-Stem . . . . -45 

46. T-Class (-T, -TO) .... .46 

47. Nasal Class (-ve, -vo, &c.) . . . . .46 

48. Iterative Class (-&K, -CTKO) . . . . -47 

49. Iterative Tenses . . . . -47 

50. I-Class (-i, -to) . . 48 

51. Verbs in -wo, &c. . . . . .48 

52. Epenthesis . . ,. . . -49 

53. Assimilation of i . . . -49 

54. Compensatory lengthening . . . .50 

55. Verbs in -aw, -to, -oto Assimilation . . 50 

56. Contraction . . . . -54 

57. Synizesis . . . . . .55 

58. Meaning of Verbs of the I-Class . . .56 

59. Desideratives . . . . . 56 

60. Frequentatives . . . . .56 

61. Intensives . . . . .56 
62. Collateral forms of the Present in Homer . . 56 

63. The Future in -<ro> . . . . . -57 

64. The Future in -crew . . . . . .58 

65. Futures from Perfect and Aorist Stems . . -59 

66. Future Middle . . . . -59 

67. The Augment (Historical Tenses) . . . .60 

68. The Pluperfect . . . . .61 

69. Loss of Augment . . . . .62 
70. Meaning of the Present and Aorist Stems . . .62 

71. Present- Stem Relative progress . . -63 

72. Essentially progressive action . . .64 

73. Past process (the Imperfect) . . .64 

74. Descriptive Imperfect . . . .64 
75. Aorist-Stem . . . . . .65 

76. Aorist of the immediate past . . .65 

77. Aorist Participle (coincidence) . . .66 

78. Aorist of present time : 66 

Aor. in Similes gnomic Aor. . -67 


CHAPTER III. The Moods. 


79. The Moods Infinitive and Participle . . .67 

80. The Subjunctive Non-Thematic Tense- Stems . . 68 

8 1. Contraction . . . . .69 

82. Thematic Tense-Stems . , . . -7 

83. The Optative . . . ... . .72 

84. The Verbal Nouns . ... . . -73 

85. The Infinitive >.' ... . -74 

86. The Participle . . . . -75 

CHAPTER IV. Accentuation of the Verb. 

87. General rule of accentuation of Verbs . . -75 

88. Accent in Composition . . . 76 

89. The Infinitive and Participle . . -77 

CHAPTER V. Wouns and Pronouns. 

90. Nominal and Pronominal Steins . . . 78 

91. Declensions . . . . . . -78 

92. The Vocative. . . . . -79 

93. The Case-Endings . . . . . 79 

94. Stems in -t, -u and -<r 80 

95. Stems in -a . . . . . .81 

96. Cases The Nominative Singular . . . .81 

97. The Accusative Singular . . . .82 

98. The Genitive Singular . . . 83 

99. The Dative Singular . . . .83 
99*. Plural . . . . . .84 

100. The Accusative Plural . . . .84 

101. The Genitive Plural . . . .85 

102. The Dative Plural . . . . .85 

103. The Dual ...... 86 

104. The Instrumental in -<j>t(v) . . .86 

105. Contraction, Synizesis, Hyphaeresis . . . 87 

1 06. Variation of the Stem . . . . .88 

107. Heteroclite Nouns . . . . . .90 

1 08. Heteroclite Pronouns . . . . .92 

109. Adverbial Endings . . . . . -93 

no. Case-forms as Adverbs . . . -94 

in. Accentuation of Nouns . . . . -97 

112. The Vocative . . . . .98 

CHAPTER VI. Formation of Nouns. 

113. Nominal Stems Primary and Secondary . . -99 

114. Primary Suffixes ...... 100 

114*. Variation of Suffixes . . '. .104 

115. Accentuation . . . V .107 

116. Gender .... . . 108 




117. Secondary Suffixes . . . . . .no 

1 1 8. Compound Suffixes . . . . .in 
1 1 8*. Suffixes of different periods . . .in 

119. Gender . . . . . .112 

120. Denominative Verbs . . . .113 
121. Comparison of Adjectives . . . . .114 

122. Meaning of Comparatives and Superlatives . 116 

123. Composition . . . . . . .116 

124. Form of the Prefixed Stem . . . 117 

125. Form of the Second Stem . . . .120 

1 26. Meaning of Compounds . . . .122 

127. Stems compounded with Prepositions . .123 

128. Accentuation of Compounds . . .124 

129. Proper Names . . . . .124 

130. Numerals . . . . . -125 

CHAPTER VII. Use of the Cases. 

131. Eelation of Nouns and Pronouns to the Verb . .127 

132. The Accusative Internal and External Object . .128 

133. Neuter Pronouns . , . . .129 

134. Neuter Adjectives . . . . .129 
T 35- Cognate Accusatives . . . .129 

136. Other Adverbial Accusatives . . .130 

137. Accusative of the part affected . . . 131 

138. of Time and Space . . .132 

139. ,, with Nouns .... 132 

140. of the External Object . . . 133 

141. Double Accusatives . . . . 134 
142. The Dative ....... 135 

143. The ' true ' Dative . . . . . 135 

144. The Instrumental Dative . .. . 137 

145. The Locatival Dative . . . .139 
146. The Genitive . . .... 140 

147. The Genitive with Nouns . . . .141 

148. in the Predicate . . .142 

149. of Place . . . .143 

150. of Time . . . .143 

151. The quasi- Partitive Genitive . . 144 

152. The Ablatival Genitive . . . . 147 

153. The Genitive of Price . . . .148 
154. The Case-Ending -<J>t(v) . . . . .148 

155. Instrumental ..... 149 

156. Ablative . . . . . . 149 

157. Locative . ... . . . 150 

158. Dative and Genitive . . , .150 
159. Forms in -Oev and -cos The Ending -0v . . . 151 

160. The Ending -ws . . . . .152 



161. The Nominative Impersonal Verbs . . .152 

162. Nominative in the Predicate . . . 153 

163. Interjectional Nominative . . . . 155 

164. The Vocative . . . . . . 155 

165. Substantive and Adjective . ., . . . 156 

1 66. Gender of Adjectives . . . .157 

167. Pronouns - . . . 158 
- 1 68. Implied Predication . . . . .158 

CHAPTER VIII. Use of the Numbers. 

169. Collective Nouns . . . . . .158 

'170. Distributive use of the Singular . . . .159 

171. Plural of Things . . . . . . 160 

172. Neuter Plural with Singular Verb . .160 

173. The Dual . . . . . . .161 

CHAPTER IX. The Prepositions. 

174. Definition . . . . . . -163 

175. Adverbial use of Prepositions . . . . 163 

176. Tmesis . . . . . . .163 

177. Ellipse of the Verb . . . . .164 

178. Use with Oblique Cases . . . . . 165 

179. Use with the Genitive . . . .166 

1 80. Accentuation ' Anastrophe ' of Prepositions . .166 
1 80*. Apocope ....... 169 

181. dft^i . . . . .0 . . . 170 

182. afjupi with the Dative . . . .171 

183. Accusative . . . . 171 

184. ,, Genitive . . .172 
185. vcpi ... . . . . . .172 

1 8 6. 7T6/H with the Dative . . . . 173 

187. ,, ,, Accusative . . . . 174 

1 88. Genitive . . . . 174 
189. irapa .... ... 175 

190. irapa with the Dative . . * . : . 175 

191. Accusative . .- / .176 

192. ,, Genitive . . / .176 
193. jierti . . .177 

194. (if TO. with the Dative . . . 177 

195. ,, Accusative . . . .178 

196. ,, ,, Genitive .- 178 
197. km . . . * . . .179 

198. 7rt with the Dative . . . . 179 

199. Accusative . . . .180 

200. Genitive . . . .181 


201. V7T<5 . . . . . . .l8l 

202. VITO with the Dative . . . .182 

203. Accusative . . . .182 

204. Genitive . . . .183 
205. rrpori (7r/>($s), irori . . . . . .184 

206. irpori with the Dative . . . .184 

207. Accusative . . . .184 

208. Genitive . . . .184 
209. ova with the Dat. with the Gen. . . .185 

210. ova. with the Accusative . . . .185 

211. Kara . . . . . . . 186 

212. Kara with the Accusative . . . .186 

213. Genitive . . . .187 
214. Sid . . . . . . .187 

215. Sia with the Accusative . . . .187 

216. Genitive . . . .188 
217. virtp ........ 188 

218. vrrep with the Accusative . . . .188 

219. ,, Genitive .... 188 

220. \vi (Iv) . , . . . . . 189 

221. avv, vv ....... 189 

222. tlS ........ 190 

223. If ... 190 

224. anu ........ 19! 

225. irp6 . 191 

226. dvri ........ 192 

227. Double Prepositions . . . . .192 

228. Improper Prepositions . . . . . 193 

229. Homeric and Attic uses . . . . 194 

CHAPTER X. The Verbal Nouns. 

230. Nature of the Verbal Nouns . . . -195 

231. The Infinitive original meaning . . . .196- 

232. Infinitive with Nouns . . . .198 

2 33- with Impersonal Verbs . . . 198 

234. as the Subject .... 199 

235. with Relatives . . . .201 

2 36. with npiv and irapos . . .201 

237. Accusative with the Infinitive . . .201 

238. Tenses of the Infinitive . . . .203 

239. Dative with the Infinitive .... 204 

240. Predicative Nouns Attraction . . ,204 

241. Infinitive used as an Imperative . . . 206 

242. Origin and History of the Infinitive . . 207 



243. The Participle uses . . . . . 209 

244. Tenses of the Participle . , . .211 

245. Implied Predication . < . . .212 
, 246. The Genitive Absolute . . . .212 

246*. The Verbal Adjectives . . . .214 

CHAPTEB XI. Use of Pronouns. 

247. Subordinate Clauses Deictic and Anaphoric Pronouns . 215 

248. Interrogative Pronouns . . . . .215 

249. oSe, ToaocrSe, rotoaSe, <8e, evOaSe . . . .216 

250. KCIVOS . . . . . . .217 

251. euros . . . . . . . .217 

252. OTTO'S, avrcDS ....... 218 

253. The Keflexive Pronoun . . . . .219 

254. The Possessive cos, 6s . . . .220 

255. Jos, os as a general Reflexive . . .221 
256. The Article ....... 224 

257. The Substantival Article .... 224 

258. The Attributive . . . .226 

259. With connecting Particles . . .227 

260. With Adjectives . . . .228 

261. The defining Article . . . .229 
262. The Article as a Relative . . . -231 

263. The Article with re . . .232 

264. Homeric and Attic use of the Article . .232 

265. os TJ o . . . . . . . 234 

266. OS T, OS TIS . . . . . . 235 

267. Correlative Clauses . . . .236 

268. OVVCKO. ...... 240 

269. O, OTt, T . . . . . . 241 

270. o, cm, o re as Conjunctions . . . 244 

270*. Indirect Discourse .... 245 

271. Form of the Relative Clause . . . 245 

272. Double Relative Clauses . . . 247 

CHAPTEB XII. Use of the Moods. 

273. Classification of Sentences . . . . .248 

274. The Subjunctive in Principal Clauses . . .251 

275. Affirmative ...... 251 

276. Negative ...... 253 

277. Interrogative . . . . -253 

278. Prohibitive ...... 254 

279. Homeric and Attic uses . . . . 255 
280. The Subjunctive in Subordinate Clauses Clauses with 

W if .255 

281. Clauses with p.-fj . . . . . 256 

282. Relative Clauses Final .... 257 

283. ,, Conditional . . .258 



284. Relatival Adverbs . . . . .260 

285. us, oircas .... .260 

286. 'iva ...... 261 

287. oQpa . . . . . .262 

288. eojs, els o . 262 

289. ore, oirore ... . 263 

290. VT, %HOS . . . ' .265 

291. Clauses with el, &c. .... 265 

292. Conditional Protasis .... 265 

293. Final Clauses with et 267 
294. Object Clauses with et . . .267 

295. The Subjunctive with us el . . .268 

296. eTret with the Subj. ..... 268 

297. -npiv . 269 

298. The Subjunctive after Secondary Tenses . .270 
299. The Optative in Simple Sentences . . . .271 

300. With K(v or ay . . . . 273 

301. The Optative in Subordinate Clauses . . .275 

302. Clauses with i?e j^e . . . -275 

303. Clauses with fJL-fj . . . .276 

304. Relative Clauses Final and Object . .276 

305. Conditional . . .278 

306. Relatival Adverbs o>s, OTTWS, Iva. . . -279 

307. eoas, oQpa . . . . .281 

308. ore, oTTore ..... 282 

309. eim . . . . . . . 283 

310. irpiv . . . . . . .283 

311. el Conditional Protasis . . . .284 

312. et Optative of Wish . . . .285 

313. ei Kev Conditional Protasis . . .285 

314. i Final and Object Clauses . . . 286 
315. History of the Subjunctive and Optative- 
Uses in Independent Clauses . . .287 

316. ,, Subordinate Clauses . . .287 

317. Original meaning ...... 289 

318. Conditional Protasis with et . . .290 

319. Final Clauses with et . . . .291 

320. t 8' aye . . . . . .291 

321. Conclusion ...... 292 

322. Homeric and Attic Uses .... 293 
323. The Indicative Modal Uses .... 293 

324. Conditional Apodosis . . . . 294 
324*. Ellipse of the Apodosis .... 295 

325. Past Tense by Assimilation . . . 296 

326. Future Indicative ..... 296 
327. The Imperative ...... 298 

328. Prohibition ...... 299 



CHAPTER XIII. The Particles. 


329. Classification of the Particles . . . . 299 

330. /cat . . . . . . . . 300 

331. re . . . . . . . .301 

332. re in general statement . . . 301 

333- Se . . . . . 304 

334. 5e of the Apodosis ..... 305 

335. Enclitic 8e . . . . . . 307 

336-7. dAAa, avrap, arap, av, avr(, e/Mnjs .... 308 

338. ^ 308 

339. TIT), fTTft-fi .309 

340. , 3 .31 

341. Dependent Interrogative . . . .311 

342-5. fjidv, HTJV, fj.ev . . . . . .312 

346. rot . 315 

347-8. apa, -yap . . 316 

349-352. ovv, 817, vv, erjv . . 319 

353- p - 320 

354. 76 .. . 321 

355. ov, u.i\ distinction of usage . . . . -322 

356. ovoe, ^U, ovfeis . . 323 

357. Double negatives . . . . .323 

358. Uses of /; Indicative .... 324 

359. ov and \ii] in Conditional Clauses . . . 325 

360. ov with the Infinitive and Participle . .326 

361. M ,, 326 
362. Kfv and dV ....... 327 

363. Summary of uses difference of av and Kei> . 331 

364. Original meaning of av and itev . . . 334 

365. Order of Particles and Enclitic Pronouns . . -335 

CHAPTER XIV. Metre and Quantity. 

366. The Hexameter ...... 338 

367. Diaeresis and Caesura . . . -338 

368. Spondaic verses . . 34 
369. Quantity of Syllables . . . . . 34 1 

370. Position . . . . . -34 2 

371. Lengthening before />, X, /*, v, cr, 5 . . . 344 
372. Origin of the lengthening . . . 345 

373. Final -t of the Dat. Sing. .... 346 

374. Final -a of the Neut. Plur. . . . 347 

375. Short Syllables ending in a Consonant . . 347 
376. Elision, &c. . . 349 

377. Crasis * . . . 35 

378. Synizesis . . . . 35 1 
378*. Contraction . . . . 35 1 



379. Hiatus 355 

380. Long vowels before Hiatus . . -355 

381. Shortening of diphthongs before Hiatus . . 356 

382. Hiatus after short syllables . . - 357 
383. Doubtful Syllables . . . . . -357 

384. Doubtful vowels ..... 358 

385. Doubling of consonants . . . . 360 

386. Metrical licence ..... 360 

387. Vocatives ...... 360 

388. The Digamma . . . . .361 

389. Nature of the evidence from metre . .361 

390. Words with initial f 363 

391. Words with initial af ( e f ) . . . .370 

392. f inferred from metre only . . . 371 

393. Loss of p , esp. before o, w . . . .372 
394-5. Initial 5f, fp, &c. 374 
396. f not initial ..... 375 

397. Loss of initial a and i . . . . . 376 

398. Traces of f Summary ..... 376 

399. Theories of the Digamma ..... 376 

400. Hypothesis of alternative forms . . -377 

401. Explanation from fixed phrases, &c. . . 377 

402. Hiatus, &c., as a survival . . . -378 

403. Explanation from the nature of the f . -379 
404-5. f in other Greek dialects in Ionic . . -379 

APPENDIX C. On 77 and et in Homer .... 384 
F. Pick's theory of the Homeric dialect . . 386 

Other Notes and Corrections .... 396 

INDEX I. Homeric Forms ..... 403 

II. Subjects . . . . . . 424 

III. Chief passages referred to . . . .431 


Page 70, line 6, for yvus read yvws 

,, 83, ,, 23, for /eprjotvTos read ttpvoevros 

,, 93, ,, 30, for OrjprjOi read OvprjOi 

149, 38, before 18. 305 imert II. 

,, 185, i, for II. read Od. 

,, 223, ,, 32, for olos read olos 

,, 245, ,, 36, for three read two, and dele 16. 131., 

259, ,, 12, for govering read governing 

,, 309, ,, 12, for 22. 280 read 16. 61 

,, 329, ,, 10, for <pi\i)v read <t>i\ov 




1.] ALL language of which grammar takes cognisance consists 
of SENTENCES. The simplest complete Sentence expresses the 
combination of a SUBJECT that about which we speak (or think); 
and a PREDICATE that which we say (or think) about the 
Subject. On the sentences which are (apparently or really) without 
a Subject, see 161, 163. 

2.] In Greek (and generally in languages whose structure 
resembles that of Greek) every Verb is a complete Sentence, 
consisting of two parts, the Stem, which expresses the Predicate, 
and the Ending, which expresses the Subject. Thus CO--TI he 
(or it) is, <pa-6t say thou, tfkOo-pev we came, are Sentences; the 
several Predicates are expressed by the Stems e<r- 5 $a-, rj\Qo-, 
and the Subjects by the Endings -TI, -Oi, -pv. As the Endings 
of a Verb may always be translated by Personal Pronouns they 
are called the Person-Endings. 

It may happen that the ending has been lost by phonetic corruption, as in 
e\aj3e (for tAa/36-T) he took. This however does not form a real exception, 
because in Greek such words are used exactly as if the lost ending were 
still sounded. In English it is different : took can only be used to express a 
Predicate. The original Subject is lost to the mind as well as to the ear. 

It should be noticed that the term ' Verb' is used in Grammars 
with a double meaning, sometimes of a single form as when we 
say that eruTrro-juezj is f a Verb' sometimes collectively, as when 
we say that MTTTO-^V is a f part' of f the Verb TVTTTCO.' Here 'a 
Verb' means a group of forms, derived from a common root. 

3.] There are three main sets of Person-Endings : 

1. Those used in the Tenses called 'Principal' (the Present, 
Perfect, and Future Indicative), and in the Subjunctive ; these 
are called the Primary Endings. 

2. Those used in the ' Historical Tenses' (the Imperfect, 
Aorist, and Pluperfect), and in the Optative; these are called 
the Secondary Endings. 

3. The Endings of the Imperative. 


2 THE VERB. [4- 

4.] The further modifications which the Endings undergo 
depend chiefly upon the final letter of the Stem. 

In certain forms the Ending is preceded by O or E : that is 
to say, O before the nasals fx, K, and E before other letters ; e. g. 
nr7rrO-fAj>, TUTrrE-re, TVTtrO-vTi (older and Dor. form of TVTTTOVO-L). 
We shall call this the Thematic Vowel,* and the Stems which 
contain it Thematic Stems. The term will naturally include the 
corresponding Subjunctives, in which the final letter of the Stem 
varies in the same way between YJ and u>, as Tuirrw-jxeK, Tu'imi-Te, &c. 
and the I Sing, in -<>. These long vowels doubtless represent a 
primitive contraction of the Thematic vowel with some other 
element : but the exact process can hardly be determined. 

The forms which do not contain this variable e of o are called 
Non-Thematic. Among these, again, we have to distinguish a 
group of Tenses with Stems ending in -d, viz. the Perfect, the 
First Aorist, and some forms peculiar to the Ionic Dialect, as 
the Plpf . (e. g. 7]6ea / knew], the Impf . rja I was, rfia I went. In 
these Stems the -a changes in the 3 Sing, to -e^.f 

The distinction between Thematic and Non-Thematic applies in strictness 
only to forms, but may generally be extended to Tenses and Moods. Thus the 
Pres. and Impf. of TVTTTCU are Thematic, the same Tenses of tyr^i are Non- 
Thematic. In every Verb the Future is Thematic, the Optative is Non-Thematic, 
&c. But the distinction does not apply to ' Verbs ' (in the collective sense of 
the term), because almost every Verb is made up of forms of both kinds. 

5.] In the following Table of the Person-Endings found in 
Homer the Endings distinguished by larger type are those of the 
Non-Thematic Tenses. The Endings in smaller type are, first, 
those of the forms with -a, and, under them again, those of the 
Thematic forms. In the Dual and Plural (except the 3 Plur.) 
the Endings are the same throughout. 

* This vowel has also been termed the ' Connecting ' or 'Auxiliary' Vowel 
names given on the supposition that it is originally euphonic, inserted in 
order to allow the Stem and the Ending to be distinctly heard in pronunciation. 
The name ' Thematic ' implies a different theory, viz. that it serves to form a 
' Theme ' from a simpler element or ' Boot/ as \y- from the Boot \( 7- ; see 
Curt. Chron. p. 40. On this theory the Stem \ey-e, \ty-o is originally the same 
as the Theme or Stem of the Noun \6yo-s. See the remarks of Brugmann, 
Grundriss, ii. 8, n. I. 

In the former edition the -co of the I Sing, was explained as -o-ju (Sanscr. 
d-mi). It is now generally thought that -<u and -p,t are originally distinct, 
and represent respectively the Thematic and Non-Thematic Endings of 
the primitive Indo-European Verb. If so, the Sanscrit -ami has extended from 
the Non-Thematic to the Thematic conjugation ; and similarly the -opai of 
Greek tplpopai (Sanscr. bhare). See Meyer, G. G. p. 404. 

f The a of these Stems is of course quite different from the final vowel of 
the Stem in such forms as tya-p-iv, tara-^ai, TtVAa-0t, where it is part of the 
Verb-Stem or Boot.' 




O b 

b ? 

o ^> b b 

b ^t 

*? <? 

b b ^ 

^ t" ? 


I 2 
b ^ ^ 

b b 

g i 

b S f-f 


g r 

r <"> o 
t. ^ , , 

? o 1 
. 5S f 

w \ 


e g 

F b ? 





^ ^ 3 ^ >e S g Y 

\ \ 

O O 

t t 









Remarks on the Table of Person-Endings. 

1 Sing. On the Subj. in -w-fu see 82, and on the Optatives 
which take -ju in the I Sing, see 83. 

2 Sing. The original -o-i remains only in Icr-o-i thou art. 

The form ets (or enclitic ds) is read in nine places, but there is only one 
(Od. 17. 388) in which the metre does not allow eW to be read instead. 
Probably, therefore, lo-crC is the genuine Homeric form. The Attic e? is not 
found in Homer. 

The Ending -o-0a occurs in the Pf. ota0a thou hiowest (oi8as in 
Od. I. 337, is a very doubtful reading), Plpf. fjbr](r0a (Od. 19. 
93), the Impf. rfar0a and erjo-fla thou wast, e<}n]cr0a thou saidst, and 
the Pres. elo-fla thou wilt go, Ti0T)a0a (Od. 9. 404., 24. 47^); 
8i8oia0a (II. 19. 270), perhaps <j>iffor0a (Od. 14. 149) : also in 
some Subjunctives, zQtXricr&a, enrr/o-fla, (Bovhevyorda (II. 9. 
lya-Oa (II. IO. 67) ; and in the Optatives (3d\oi<r0a (II. 15. 
K\aiOL(r6a (II. 24. 619), and TTpo<pvyot,<T0a (Od. 22. 325). 

The history of this -<r0a can still be traced. Originally -0a (Sanscr. -tha) 
was the Ending of the 2 Sing. Pf. Ind. : hence olo-0a for oi8-6a (Sanscr. vettha 
for wd-tha\ and TJ<r-0a (Sanscr. dsitha) properly Pf. from the root r-. Having 
in these cases appeared accidentally as an ending -<r0a, it was transferred in 
this form to other Tenses and Moods.* 

The forms fj<r0as, oto-0as which appear in some MSS are due to the common 
2 Sing, in -as. Aristarchus rejected them in Homer. 

In the Middle the <r of -o-ai, -ao when it follows a vowel is 
generally lost : so always in the Secondary Tenses, as tpapva-o, 
baCvv-o, e<Tcru-o, eeiVa-o, contracted e/cpejuta> (II. 15. 18), ejrecjkpao-Go 
(II. 21. 410), fKTTja-u) (Od. 24. 193) for which, however, the 
metre allows us to write eKpe/xa', &c. and the Opt. -oi-o. In 
the Pres. and Pf. Indie, and the Imper. the usage is not uniform : 
bvva-orai (II. I. 393), ovo-vai (Od. 17. 378), Trap-iVra-o-ai (II. TO. 
279., Od. 17. 450), vTTo-bdfjLva-arai (Od. 1 6. 95), baivv-vai (Od. 
21. 290), fji^vr]-(TaL (II. 23. 648), Imper. tWa-cro (seven times), 
6vr}-(TO (Od. 19. 68), Ket-cro (II. 21. 122) : but juufjmzn?-ai (II. 21. 
442), ^IJLVU (II. 15. 1 8, where we may read n^vr)'), j8e/3Xryat 
(three places in the Iliad), bi^-ai (Od. n. 100), Imper. ^e-o 
(Od. 10. 333), $d-o (Od. 1 8. 171), jjidpva-o (II. 15. 475), vap- 
ia-ra-o (II. 10. 291, according to Aristarchus, Trap-tcrra-o-o MSS.). 

The loss of o- was in accordance with Greek phonetic law, and originally 
universal ; but new forms in -aai, -ao were produced on the analogy of forms 
such as Aeo (foT Ac^-ao), fjffo (for ijer-tro), irtTrvaaai (for ireirvO-ffaC), T^TU^O, &c., 
in which the <r is preserved by the preceding consonant. 

Verbs in -eo>, which would properly form -eeai, -eco, sometimes 

* On this point recent writers have gone back to the explanation given by 
Bopp, Vergl. Gr. II. pp. 292, 498. 


suffer Hyphaeresis (cp. 105, 4), and drop one e ; as /owfleat (Od. 
2. 202), aTTo-ai/oeo, e/cAeo. But we find also /wtfetat (Od. 8. 180), 
velai (Od. 1 1. 114., 12. 141) where it is possible to substitute 
the uncontracted /uud&ai, z>eeai -and atSeto (II. 24. 503). 

In the Imper. the Ending -0i is common in Non-Thematic 
Tenses : t-0i, o-rrj-fli, KXv-6i, KexXv-Oi, e.ara-0t, opvv-Oi, (f)dvrj-6i 
(II. 18.^198), btia>-0L (Od. 3. 380), ^7uVAr7-0 t (II. 23. 311). We 
find -s in 0e-?, 8o-s, Trpot-s (Trpo- 117^1), and the thematic vi-cnr-s 
tell (cp. Attic o-^e-j). 

In the forms iffrrj (II. 21. 313), SatVt) (II. 9. 70), SfiKvv (Hes. Th. 526), the long 
final vowel probably comes by analogy from the Pres. and Impf. Singular 
forms (by the ' proportion ' Impf. e\ef-$, e\tye : Imper. \eye : : iffrr]*, lartj : 
forr)}. For the forms Ka6-i<rra, ri6fi, StSou, &c., see 18. 

3 Sing. The original -TI remains only in eo--rt(z>), in which 
the phonetic change of -TI to -<ri is prevented by the preceding a. 

On the Subjunctives in -YJ-O-I see 82. 

3 Plur. The Ending -dai (for -ana) is found in e-do-t (for 
^eo--acrt) they are and t-dcri they go. 

Stems in a, e, o, u form -dvi, -eiai^ -ouai, -uo-i (for -a-m, &c.), 
as ^>a(rt, loraori, rt^etcrt, bibova-i, {tvyvva-i (not TiOt-acrt, &c v as in 
Attic). On the accent of these forms, see 87, 2. 

The Perfect Act. has -do-t and -ao-i. The latter occurs only 
twice in Homer, Tre^K-ao-t (Od. 7. 114), AeXoyxao-iz; (Od. n. 
304) ; for other examples in Ionic see Curt. Verb. ii. 166. In 
these forms the a belongs to the Ending, since -ao-i is for -an, 
which corresponds to the -m of the Doric Qa-vrC, Xtyo-vn (as 
-arai in the Mid. to -rrai). The forms with -dai belong to two 
essentially distinct groups; see 7. 

The secondary -w (for -avr) is found in all Aorists which form 
the i Sing, in -a. It may also be traced in the Impf. of et/xt, 
in the form j\v (Hes. Th. 321, 825), for ^av (Sanscr. asan). 

Non-Thematic -v occurs in the forms !<a-y, e^3a-y, lora-r, 
<}>0a-v, Zbv-v (II. II. 263), tyv-v (Od. 10. 397), %KTCL-V, Impf. It-v 
(in vv-LV, jue^-tev), Ttpo-TiOt-v (read by Anstarchus in Od. I. 
112), tbibo-v (H. Cer. 327), and many Passive Aorists, as e/3Aa- 
P-V, bi-tTfjiaye-v, ayt-v, a\-v, bd}j.-v, irdyt-v, riyp0-v, Koa-^Oe-v, 
KdT-tKTaOf-v. On the form ^dvOrjv (II. 4. 146) see 40. In 
these tenses -v is commoner in Homer than -o-oTk. But -aoV is 
the only Ending found in the two Imperfects rj-<rav and rfi-a-av, 
i-aav, and in the Pluperfect : see 68. 

In the Middle, the forms -orai, -arc are regular after conso- 
nants and the vowel t (including the diphthongs ei, TJ, 01, &c.) - y 
the forms -^rai, -VTO after d, c, o. After u, rj both forms are 
found: e.g. tlpy-arai, etpv-aro, but AeAf-z^rat, ntyv-vrai ; /Qe/SArj- 
arat (II. IT. 656), but /utejot^-z^ro, v/x/3Ar7-rro ; even rjvro (11. 3. 
153) as well as rj-aro (for ^V-aro). 


The Imper. Endings -ro>o-ai>, -o-O&ffav are post-Homeric. 

1 Dual. -jJieOo^ occurs only once, in Tre/nSwjuiefloz^ II. 23. 485. 
Elmsley (on Ar. Ach. 733) maintained that this form was a 
fiction of the grammarians. It is defended by G. Curtius ( Verb. 
I. 97 f.), and there seems no valid reason for rejecting it. 

2 and 3 Dual. In the Historical Tenses, according to the 
ancient grammarians,, the regular Endings are 

2, Dual Act. -TOV, Mid. -<r0oi>. 
3 " rt \ v i ' aQl \ y - 

This scheme, however, is open to some doubt ; for 

(1) Homer has three instances of the 3 Dual Impf. in -TOV, where the metre 
does not admit of -rrjv, viz. Stowe-rop (II. 10. 363), CTCI/X^-TOI/ (II. 13. 345), 
Xa(f>vffff6Tov (II. 18. 583). Three others in -o-0ov occur as various readings, 
where the metre admits of either -aOov or -oQrjv, viz. dtyiKe-aOov, read by some 
ancient critics (probably Zenodotus) in II. 13. 613 : Oup-qffae-crOov, the reading 
of A. (the Cod. Venetus) and Eust. in II. 16. 218: -nkri-aQov, a marginal 
variant of A. in II. 23. 506. 

(2) Three forms of the 2 Dual in -TTJV were read in the text of Zenodotus, 
viz. K(Hi.k-Tt\v (II. 8. 448), \a0f-Trjv (II. 10. 545), -^eeXc-rrji/ (II. u. 782). 
Aristarchus read Ka^t-rov, \dfie-Tov, rjOeke-rov. The metre gives no help to a 

(3) In Attic the examples of the 2 Dual in -TTJV, -<r0T]v are so common that 
Elmsley (on Ar. Ach. 733) held these to be the only correct forms, thus 
making the Dual of Historical Tenses uniformly end in -TJV, as the Dual of the 
Principal Tenses ends in -ov. Cobet maintains the same view (Misc. Crit. 
pp. 279 ff.). But the account of the Greek grammarians is strikingly borne 
out by the forms of the Sanscrit Dual. In Sanscrit we find that in the 
Historical Tenses the 2 Dual ends in -tarn, 3 Dual in -tarn, answering perfectly 
to the Greek -TOV, -rrjv. This therefore is to be regarded as the original rule. 
The exceptions which have been quoted are evidently due to the tendency 
towards uniformity : and it is to be noticed that this tendency seems to have 
acted in Homer in the direction of making all Duals end in -TOV, -o-0ov, 
whereas in Attic the tendency was to extend the Endings -TTJV, -o-0irjv to the 
Second Person. 

The Imper. Ending -TW> is found in eorcoz/ (II. I. 338) and 
Ko/xemoy (II. 8. 109). As to eorojz; in Od. I. 273, where it is 
usually taken as a Plural, see 1 73. 

Variation of the Stem. 

6.] In Thematic Stems it is plain that the Ending influences 
only the final e(o), leaving the rest of the Stem unaffected. 
Non-Thematic forms, on the other hand, are liable to variations 
in quantity which affect the main vowel of the Stem. These 
variations are governed by the general rule that when there are 
two forms of a Stem the longer is found with the Endings of the 


Sing. Indie. Act.^ the shorter with all other Endings, viz. those of 
the Dual and Plural, the Imperative, and the Middle. Thus : 

(i) a, e, o interchange with the corresponding long vowels 
d (in Ionic r]), rj, w ; as <r;-/n, e-^rj-z;, but i Plur. <a-juez;, Imper. 
(f)d-0i, Mid. e-0a-ro; rftty-fu, Mid. rfde-juuu; Sta>-/[xt, Mid. 

(2) t with i and 01 : as et-jut, I Plur. l-ptv, Imper. l-Qi ; olba, 
I Plur. tS-uezJ. 

(3) " with eu and u : as e-xeva, Mid. yy-ro ( 15); 
i Plur. btiKvv-nev. Sometimes with ou, as eiArjAovfla, stem 

Note however that all vowels are liable to be shortened before 
the combination VT, as in the 3 Plur. ea-rav (but lo-rrj-juei;), &c., 
and the Participle, o-razrr-os, yvovr-os. Also before i of the 
Optative, crra^z/, yvoir\v. 

The same law governs the interchange of 

(4) a with i> and ov : as yeyom (yez^oj), I Plur. yeya-/xei> ; 
TTTTov6a (ircvO-os), Part. Fern. 'n-eTrafl-ma.* 

(5) P with ep and op : as tyOopa, Mid. tfyQap-rai (Pres. 
(j)0Lp(t> for <0ep-to>) ; and, with Metathesis (/oa for ap, &C.), 
rerpo^e, Mid. reO pair-Tat (rpe^-co).* 

The combinations ap(pa) and aX(Xa) represent the primitive ( liquid 
vowels/ r and |. They appear in place of the consonantal p and \ when 
these are phonetically impossible : e. g. fyOapTai is for l-</>0/>-rcu, the ep 
of the root (f>0ep- passing into ap where Sanscr. ar would pass into r. 

Similarly, a represents the ' nasal vowels ' m and n : thus ira0- is for irvO-. 
Before another vowel |x, v sometimes pass into ajx., av, as in tnravov for 
f-KTv-ov (root /frej/-), in the same way that u and i before a vowel may appear 
as uv, iy. 

Sometimes the longer Stem contains an additional consonant, 
viz. in the Perfects and Aorists in -ica, as e'orrjKa, I Plur. e'ora- 
juez>; eflTjKa, I Plur. !0e-/uez\ 

These are the principal variations which can be exemplified 
within the limits of a single Tense. When we compare one Tense 
with another, we observe further the interchange of 

Stems with the vowel or o and Stems in which the vowel 
as ex" 60 (-^ or ^^X' 40 ); t-<rx.~ ov > W&"-<r0<tt, Aor. 7rr-eo-0ai 
(cp. TTor-aojutat). 

This definition will cover the reduction of ep, c\, ejx, v to p, X, \L, v (instead 
of ap, aX, a) ; as in typ-ero (c-yep- in 7t/)cy), '4-ir\-eTo (TreA-cu), f-Tf-r^-ov (re/i- 


is lost ; 

* Similarly, oX(Xa) with X and oX : but it is difficult to find examples in 
Greek. The form iri-irXa.-iJ.ev perhaps answers to an original Sing. *m-ir\-(u 
,(cp. Sanscr. piparmi, PI. pipr-mas, Brugmann, M. U. I. p. 44), and the form 
rt-T\a-fj,fv to *T-ToX-o (Lat. tetuli}. 


veo), f-irf-<f>v-ov (4>v-, cp. <pov-os). Thus we have an apparent interchange of two 
short Stems, as <j>v- in Hire-Qv-ov with 4><*- in irf-(pa-Tai, &c. 

When loss of c would make the word unpronounceable, it is sometimes 
retained in the short form, as in t-Tf/c-ov, TCH-CIV (Stems TCK-, TOK-'). 

Again, there are in general two longer forms of each Stem, one 
marked by the predominance of the sounds e, i\, the other by 
that of o, w. The chief interchanges which are due to this cause 

(7) e and o, including the combinations ei, u, cp, eX, ejx, ev and 
01, ou, op, oX, ou., ov. It is needless to give further examples. 

(8) a (Ionic Yj) and : e-Trrrj flew, -rmjo-ora) cower, and 7re--jrra)- 
KO j cp. <j>r)-ni and ^o)-^, od-r/yos and dy-o)y-rj. 

(9) T) and w : prjy-zwjuu and ep-pwya ; cp. dp^yco and d/ocoy-o?, 
7700s and etcufla. 

(10) In a certain number of Stems the only variation is 
between o> and o : t-So)-jut (So-), o-coa, oA-coAa. 

The Endings which are found with the long Stem have been 
called the Light, the others the Heavy Endings. 

The short form of the Stem is usually called the Weak Stem. 
Of the longer forms that which contains the vowel o (01, ou, OK, 
op, oX) may be distinguished as the 0-form : the other will be 
simply called the Strong form. 

The different variations may be represented in a tabular form : 
Strong a(rf) 77 o> t ev *p(p*) *X */* v e 
O-form co co a) 01 ov op(po) oA. ojot oz; o 
Weak a e o t v p X \ v \ nil 

ap(pa) d\ 

} p \ v 
) a > a 
a/A J a/ 

7.] The 3 Plur. offers some exceptions to the general rule : 

(1) The Ending -ao-i (for -cm, -NTI) is used with the long 
Stem of the Pf., as AeAoyx-ao-t, Tre^vK-acri. Cp. Mid. rere^x-arai, 

-TTVX~aTO ( 2,2, t 5). 

(2) The long Stem is also found in a few forms of the Pf. 
with the Ending -do-i, as 7re77cn0ao-t, eorrJKao-t ( 24), and of the 
Aor. in -a, as leeway, 0r]Kav, ^5a>icaz; ( 15). 

^3) The Endings -(o-)do-t, -o-ar (for -2ANTI, -2ANT) are found 
with the weak Stem. The leading examples are : 

With Simple Stems : l-o-av, e-Qa-o-av, t-Ot-vav, e-8o-o-az/, &c. 
Presents : rt^e-ao-t, 8i8o-ao-t (Att); 1-riOc-vav, -bibo-<rav, &c. 
Perfects : Ivavi (t8-o-ao-t), to-av ; etfao-t (Att. 3 Plur. of 

/3e/3d-ao-t, yeyd-ao-t, /ixe/xd-ao-t ; Plpf . fiepa-crav, 

karaa-i (for ecrrd-ao-t), TtQva<ri ; eWa-(raz;, 

TT<f)v-a(TL, btbi-aa-i ; 8et6t-(ra^. 
The hiatus shows that -don is for -o-acrt, the Primary Ending 


answering to -aw. The corresponding 1 Mid. -o-arai is found in 
Doric (yeypa^arai, Tab. Heracl. i. 131, in C. I. 5774). 

The contraction in lo-racri, TcOvaai is evidently due to the impossibility of 
4(rr<i.-acri, T0vd-a<ri in the hexameter. Brugmann regards them as wrongly 
accented, and would write tarafft, Tfdvaai, i. e. rra-VTi, rtOva-vri (Curt. Stud. 
ix. 296). This is open to the objection (i) that it separates them from 
&tfia-aai, feya-affi, p-f^a-aai ; and (2) that in all other Stems which form 
a Pf. or Aor. in -KO, the Endings -VTI and -v are confined in Homer to the 
forms with -K : thus we find 

ire<J>vK-acu and ir<f>v-a<n,, but not irccfwox 
l<rrT|Ka<n, &c. J3f(3d-acn., J3ej3ao-i 
(oi8ao-t Hdt.) torao-t 18-ao-i 

e0T]Ka-v 0-<rav 0-v 

eScoKa-v e8o-<rav I8o-v (Hesiod). 

The weak form with -vn, -v is therefore confined to Verb-Stems ending in a 
vowel, as in 4>acr, -nOelo-i (for (f>avri, ri6f-vri). And in these the short vowel 
is due to the (original) following -NT, as in e-o-rav, j\yepQev, d\6-vTS, &c. 

For a plausible hypothesis as to the origin of the Ending -o-av see 401. 
Kegarding -(<r)dcri (i. e. the Ending -a<ri preceded by hiatus) no satisfactory 
view has been put forward. 

Meaning of the Middle. 

8.] The original force of the Middle Person-Endings is * Re- 
flexive/ that is to say, they denote that the action of the Verb 
is directed towards the agent. 

Greek has no Passive Endings distinct from those of the 
Active and Middle : it is desirable therefore to speak, not of 
T?sissive forms, but of the Passive meaning or use of a form. 

The chief uses of the Middle are 

(1) The use to signify that the agent is also the indirect object 
of the action that the action is done by some one for or toward 
himself, or in his own interest : eWv-jxai I put (clothes, &c.) on 
myself '; 8e'xo-/zat / take to myself ', aop dfi; epva-a-d^vos having 
drawn him his sharp sword ; fjpeiTo TOOV took his bow with him ; 
<e/)0-0a> let him bear away (as his prize). 

(2) The use in which the agent is the direct object of the 
action, as Xovo-^ai I wash myself. This is comparatively rare. 

(3) The Intransitive use, in which the reflexive sense is faint, 
as (f)aLV-Ta.L appears (but (fratvzi, kavrov he shows himself}. So, 
generally, when the action centres in the agent ; as in Verbs of 
bodily action (ep^o/mat, TreVojucu, aAAojuat, ot^ojuat, &c.), and in such 
uses as Xa(3t(rOai to gain a hold (not to take a thing), bebpay^vos 
clutching ; exevaro threw her arms ; also in Verbs of feeling and 
thinking (ato-^a^ojuat, at8eo^at, /3oi;A.of/,cu, oto/xat, /u^/mirj/uuit, em- 
o-ra/xat, jue'Ao/xat, ^e/x^o/xat, &c.). So in French, ' je m'ape^ois ' 
I perceive, ' je me doute } 1 suspect , ' il se peut ' it may be. 



(4) The Reciprocal use ; apeifioiievos taking his turn ; 
to tell over (in talk) ; d/oeV/ceo-flai to maJce friends with vvo-aro- 
jjievtov (II. 14. 26) as they pierced each other ; eptibecrOov (II. 33. 
735)jpush each other \ strive. Hence the Middle form of 
Fr. se battre and its equivalents, aycoznbjuia6, 

(5) The Passive use, as exe-rcu is possessed, e/SA^-ro ftvzs struck, 
o w#s bound, eK-TreTro-rat z's drunk up. This is not a very 
common use of the Middle. It may be illustrated from the 
similar use of some Reflexive Verbs in French, as * je me trouve ' 
1 am found, *il se mange ' it is eaten. 

The Middle is rather more common in Homer than in later 
Greek. For example, in the class of Verbs of feeling and thinking 
we may add the Homeric fyapai, yaw/mat, eA8o//at, lATrojutat, 060- 
//ai, oro/xcu, orevo/uku, K^apovro, dbva-acrOai.. And the use is ex- 
tended to Verbs of seeing and hearing, as 6pw-/xat (Aor. t8e'-o-0ai), 
aKOvo-jxai (used as well as 6/)<3, t^etz;, aKovio), bpKO[j,ai, oWo/oiai, 
o-KeTrrojuat, <^pafo//atj cp. the Attic o-KOTrov-juai 7 consider. 

Conversely, Homer has the Act. duo / ^iw>&, expect, as well as 
the Mid. oto-juat / harbour the thought, suspect (cp. the distinction 
in French between y<? doute and^'tf me doute). 

Sometimes (esp. in Homer) the Middle appears to be used 
because the Verb implies acting arbitrarily, as a superior, &c. ; 
e.g. /3tab/xat / use force towards, arivo^ai, 6r]Xeo/^at, &c. / do 
mischief for pleasure; ec/uAaro made a favourite of', bit-vrai run 
in a race, Ua-Qai to chase (but btov I fled) ; SetSuro-ecrflat to terrify, 
KK\To shouted in command* 

A use intermediate between the Reflexive and the Passive 
(pointed out by Riddell, Dig. 88) may be exemplified in 
anrixOtTo got himself hated, incurred hatred, KTZIVOVTOLL (II. 13. no) 
let themselves be slain, AetVecrfle (II. 23. 409) get left behind : cp. 
U- 13- 525-> 15- 645> O<1. 3. 284. 

On the Futures only used in the Mid., see 66. 



9.] Verb-Stem and Tense-Stem. A comparison of the dif- 
ferent forms of a Greek VERB usually enables us to see that 
some one syllable or group of syllables is present in them all : 
as TUTT- in the forms of TVTTTO), or |3ouXeu- in those of 

* Cp. Icelandic ' heita' I promise, heitas ' I threaten. 


This we shall call the Verb-Stem. A Verb-Stem not derived from 
more primitive elements is called a Root. 

Again, the different forms belonging to any one TENSE are 
based upon a common part, which we shall call the Tense-Stem. 
This part may be the same as the Verb-Stem ; or it may con- 
tain an additional element, as 8t- in 5i-8o-juez;, 8t-8o-tV^ 5 &c. ; 

-T, -TO in TVTT-T-T, TV7T-TO-fJiV, <--TV1T-TO-V, TVTT-TO-L-fJil, &C. 

The Subjunctive and Optative, again, are distinguished by 
a Suffix to the Tense-Stem : e.g. bo-irj-v, 8180-177-^ TVTITO-I-\J,I, 
orrjo-a-t-jott. The new Stems so formed may be called Mood- 

Finally, the Stems used in the ' Historical ' Tenses the Impf., 
Aor., and Plpf. are formed from the Tense- Stem by prefixing 
the Augment. 

The Stems of the augmented forms are therefore parallel to the Mood- Stems, 
the only difference being that they are formed by a prefix, while the Mood- 
Stems are formed by a suffix. They may be described as Time-Moods of the 
several Tenses, combining the notion of Past Time, which is expressed by 
the Augment, with the meaning contained in the Tense-Stem. 

Each Tense-Stem furnishes an Infinitive and a Participle. 
Thus we have (supplying one or two links by analogy) from 
the three Tense-Stems j3a\Xe (or -o), |3a\e (or -o), j3e|3XT)Ka. 


Principal Tense ^SaAAe-re wanting /3e/3A^Ka-re. 

Historical e-/3aAAe-re e-/3dAe-re e-/3e/3A?JKe-a. 

Subjunctive /SaAArj-re /SaArj-re /3e/3Ar?K?7-Te. 

Optative /3dAAo-i-re /3aA.o-t-re /3e/3A?JKo-i-re. 

Imperative /3aAAe-re /3aAe-re /3e/3A?]Ka-re. 

Infinitive j3a\\-^vai /3aAe-eiz; 

Participle f3d\\o-vTos fiaXo-vros 

It is evident that there might have been a Future ' Time- 
Mood ' as well as a Past for each Tense-Stem. In English indeed 
we can distinguish progressive action in the future as well as in 
the present and past : 1 shall be writing as well as / am writing 
and / was writing. See Goodwin's Moods and Tenses, 65 ; 
Driver's Use of the Tenses in Hebrew, 4. Modern Greek 
has two such Futures, 0a ypa</>a> / will be writing and 0a ypcn//^ 
I will write, related to each other as ey/>a$oz> and ypa\j/a. 

10.] Formation of Tense-Stems. Leaving out of sight the 
meanings of the several Tenses, and looking to the mode of their 
formation, we may distinguish the following groups : 
(i) With the Verb-Stem serving as Tense-Stem 
The Simple Non-Thematic Present, as fa-pi. 
The Simple Non-Thematic Aorist, as t-pr]-v. 
The Aorist in -a, as e- 

12 TENSES. [ll. 

(2) With Tense-Stem enlarged from Verb-Stem 

The Non-Thematic Reduplicated Present, as ri-Or]-^. 
The Present in -nq-jju and -yu-ju, as a-Kib-vrj-^i, beiK-vv-fjn,. 
The Perfect. 

(3) With the Thematic Vowel 

The ordinary Thematic Present, as A.eyo>. 
The Present with short Stem, as ayco. 
The Simple Thematic Aorist, as e-Aa/3-o-z;. 

(4) With Reduplication (Thematic) 

The Thematic Reduplicated Present, as 
The Thematic Reduplicated Aorist, as ij-y-dy-o-v. 

(5) With other Suffixes (Non-Thematic) 

The Aorist in -ad, and in -<r, -o-o. 
The Aorist in -YJ-I> (Aor. II Pass.). 
The Aorist in -0Tj-i> (Aor. I Pass.). 

(6) With other Suffixes (Thematic) 

The Present in -TW (T-Class of Curtius). 

The Present in -vw (Nasal Class). 

The Present in -cncco, and the Iterative forms. 

The Present in -w (I-Class). 

The Future in -o-w, -(<r)w. 

T/ie Non-Thematic Present and Aorist. 

11.] The Simple Non-Thematic Present. The chief Presents 
in which the Tense-Stem is the same as the Verb-Stem are 

et-jutt.(for eo--/xt) I am, et-jmt 1 go, </>r?-/u / say, 77 he said, Ket-rat 
lies, fja--Ta<, sits (3 Plur. et-arat, properly 7/-arai, for ^o--arat), 
e7rt-(rra-/xat / know, aya-/uat / wonder, epa-/utat / love, bvva-^ai I 
am able, e-Kpe/mco (for e-Kpe/xa-o) didst hang, 8ea-ro seemed, bie-vTai 
race (tv-^U-a-av tried to scare), OVO-O-CLL dost blame (&VO.-TO II. 17. 
25)5 CLY]-TOV How, Kixrj-Triv caught, pv-TO protected, crreu-rat is 
ready, threatens, 18-juevat to eat : also tero desired (te'juez/os eager), 
if it is to be separated from fy/u and referred to ftejuat, Sanscr. 
vi (see 397). For l\r)Qi see 16. 

On the Non-Thematic forms of Contracted Verbs (such as <popr)-ntvos*) t 
see 19. 

12.] Variation of the Stem according to the ' weight ' of the 
ending is carried out consistently in 4>T)-ju and et-jxi. Thus 
Pres. $?]-/u', (f)TJ-s, (frrj-o-i, Plur. ^a-juteV, <^)a-re, tyacri. 
Impf. Z-(j)r)-v, e-^-s and Z-tyrj-a-Oa, l-^r;, I Plur. fya-ptv (for 
e-</>a/xez>), 3 Plur. e-^a-o-av and !</>ai>, Part. (f>ds. 


Mid. 2 Plur. <f)a-(T0, Impf. e-tyd-fjiriv, l-$a-ro, Imper. $a-o, 
(f)d-(T0(D, Inf. (a-o-0at, Part. (/>a-jueyoy. 

And similarly 

Pres. et-jut, el-o-Oa, et-o-t, 3 Du. -roi>, Plur. i-^ez;, t-re, tacrt. 

Impf. 3 Du. t-rrjv, 3 Plur. frrazj, Imper. l-Qi, I-TO), t-re, Inf. 
t-juerat (once t), and teVai. 

The i Sing, rfia does not represent the original form of the Impf., which 
would be TJa (for ^a, Sanscr. dyam). Hence fjfawith the 3 Sing. f^i and 3 Plur. 
fjtcrav, -rjo-av must be formed like rj Sea and other Pluperfects in -co, ( 68, 2) ; 
the of the original tjea, rjecrav being changed to i under the influence of i-pev, 
&c. (Wackernagel, J. Z. xxv. 266). For -<rov see 40. 

The forms ijiov (i Sing, and 3 Plur.), tcv, Part, uov, are evidently produced 
by confusion with the Thematic conjugation ( 30, cp. also 18). 

The Verb etju I am is inflected as follows : 

Sing. Dual. Plur. 

1. lfJLl - l/iV (for 6(T-/V) 

2. lcT-07, ?? ( 5) Iff-TGV fff-Tf 

3. Icr-Tt(v) lo'-Toi' ctVt (Dor. li'Tt), 

1. ^a, a (Th. eoi') 

2. ^o-^a, 7;a0a 

| 3- ^ 6I/ ' ^"> % I/ 3 ^^ tfff-ryv fjffav, cow, ^ (Hes.). 

(Dor. ^s) 

Imper. ZG-TOJ, cV-re, ta-rtav ; Inf. l/xfifvcu, efifvai, tptv, elvai ; Imper. Mid. 
60--0-0 (Od. i. 302). 

The root ea- is not reduced before Heavy Endings, as in the 
corresponding- Sanscr. forms (Dual s-vas, s-thas, s-tas, Plur. s-mas, 
-tha, s-anti, Opt. si/dm), and the Lat. sumus, sunt, slm. The loss of 
o- in etjut, elfjLev, TJ^V (for Iv-pi, &c.) is according to Greek phonetic 
law : the Attic ecr-^ez; is a new formation, due to the analogy of 
eo--rt, o--re, &c. On the other hand ^re (II. 16. 557) follows 
rj^v ; the older ^o--re survives in Attic. The <r of ricrav belongs 
to the ending -crav ( 40), not to the root. 

In the Impf. it is probable that we have an admixture of 
forms from the original Perfect : thus rjo--0a (Sanscr. dsitha) is 
Pf., fa, for *??(ra, is both Pf . (Sanscr. dsa) and Impf. (Sanscr. 
dsam), ^v may be Pf. (Sanscr. dsa) or thematic Impf. (answering 
to the Homeric i Sing, loz;) ; the original 3 Sing. Impf. survives 
in the Dor. 77? (Vedic as). Again, the 2 Sing, erjo-fla and 3 Sing. 
er]v, fj-qv seem to require a stem (e)o-r]-, found also in Lat. e-rdm 
(Brugmann, M. U. i. p. 35), The -v of the 3 Sing, is unex- 
plained : it does not appear to be the v e$eA.Kt>0TiKoV, for we find 
no form *^e alongside of rjev. 

Note that the i Sing, fy is not found in Homer. 

The Homeric forms of dpi were discussed some years ago by L. Meyer 
(K. Z. ix. pp. 385, 423). He maintained that the Homeric 3 Sing. Impf. 
was Tjcv or (without augment) ev : the forms TJV, hr]v and -q-rjv being due to 

14 TENSES. [13. 

corruption or misreading. The facts certainly give much countenance to this 
view, which has been adopted by Curtius (Stud. i. 2, 292) and Nauck. It 
can hardly be accidental that out of 54 places in which rjv occurs in the thesis 
or second half of the foot, there are 50 in which it is followed by a vowel, as 

II. 2. 77 NCO-TOJ/) os pa IlvAoiO dvag rjv r/ftaOoevTOS. 

Od. 17. 208 ajjL(f)l 8' dp' alyetpwv vScLTOTpttyecw r\v d\ffos. 

Moreover, out of 72 instances of ITJV there are 63 in which it is followed by 
a consonant (including f). On the other hand, in 26 places TJV occurs in the 
first half of the foot, and in 2 places it ends the line (in the phrase ou5' dpa ircas 
rjv) ; and it is not easy to correct many of these so as to admit TJCV or cev, 
Again, fy and V nave s<> me support in the 2 Sing, forms ^aOa, ^a$a. (For 
e?7<r0a Curtius proposed ceatfa, but there is no good reason for this.) And 
ITJV is found on an Ionic inscription of the 5th century (Kohl, no. 382). On the 
whole it seems that the argument for eev is stronger than the argument against 
fy and erjv. Perhaps we must recognise two Stems, giving four forms : a Stem 
<r-, whence TJCV, without augment ev, and a Stem (1)0-77- (I^t. e-raw), whence 
-TJV, without augment ^v. The rare ijrjv occurs followed by a vowel (so that 
we cannot read ^v) in 3 places only, viz. Od. 19. 283 (al. e???, ijeiv\ 23. 316., 
2 4- 343- It may be due to mere * contamination ' of j}fv and ZTJV. But no 
theory can be accepted as satisfactory that does not account for the fixed -v of 
all these forms. 

The a of ea is treated as long in 3 places, II. 4. 321., 5. 887., Od. 14. 352. 
In Od. 14. 222 roios e' kv -noKl^a it is elided ; but perhaps the \v may be omitted. 

The vowel remains long before Heavy Endings in the Stems - 
dr]-, 3 Du. ar}-Tov, Inf. ctrj-^euai, Mid. cfoj-ro, Part, d 
KL Xn~> 3 -D u - Impf. K.iyji-TT)v, I Plur. e-Ki^rj-juez;, Inf. 

Part. KL^fj-fjLevoSj * 

except that it is shortened before -vr and -t ( 6), as in the Part. 
deWes blowing, 3 Plur. aeto-t (for ae-z>n, in Hes. Th. 875), and the 
Opt. Kixe-irj may find. The vowel is also long in epiJ-ro protected, 
Inf. pv-crOai, ; and in all forms of Ketjuai, ^juat, orcv/xat. 

A similar Non-thematic inflexion, in which the final vowel of 
the Stem is long except before -IT and -i, appears in the j^Eolic 
conjugation of verbs in -ju, as ye'Aai-j/t / laugh, aivr\-\ki I praise 
(Hes. Op. 681), (/Arj-ju Hove (i Plur. (j)i\rj-^v, 3 Plur. 
Part. ^>tX?;-jULe^os), crdco-jut I save. See 19. 

13.] The Simple Non-Thematic Aorist. This term includes 
the ( Second Aorists/ such as -(3r]-v e-o-r?;-^ &c., and also those 
so-called First Aorists in which the -d of the i Sing. Active is 
added directly to the Verb-stem, as in e-xev-a. 

Variation of quantity is rare in the Active, but the Stem is 
usually shortened in the Middle. The chief forms are : e-fa-v 
I went, 3 Du. (3d-rr]v (but also f-firjrriv), 3 Plur. virtp-fid-a-av, 
Imper. /merd-/3rj^t, Inf. /3rj-/xef at : Z-VT*]-V I stood, Du. OTTJ-TT/Z^ 
Plur. e-o"n7-fxei>, e-o-rrj-re, l-oTrj-o-ay, Imper. <jrr\-Qi, or^-re, Inf. 
came before, Part. QOd-pevos : ef-e-irTT) flew out 


(Hes. Op. 98), 3 Du. Kara-TTT^-T^v cowered, Mid. e-Trra-ro flew: 
e-or|3T) was quenched ; e-rXt]-^ / endured, Plur. e-rArj-fxei^ e-rArj-re, 
Imper. rA?j-rco, rArj-re ; e-yi/w-i/ 7 yfoztfw, 3 Du. yvto-rrjv, 3 Plur. 
-yvo)-(rav ; eir-e-irXw-s <fc'<fo *fll7 0#tfr, Part. em-TrAco? ; piw-rw fe 
>m //#<?, Inf. fiiG)-vai ; dXA-rat fo #<? taken, Part. aAovs : -4>9l-To 
perished ; KTI-JJICI/OS $^ ; e-8u sank under, 3 Du. t-bv-Trjv, 2 Plur. 

, Imper. bv-di, Inf. bv-ptvai ; -<|>u ^m0, 3 Plur. -<pv- 

-ro, II. 

(H. Ven. 265) : XU'-TO MW loosed (once A-ro, II. 24. i). K\v-6i 
hear, Plur. KX-re (Part. K\V-[JLVOS as* a Proper Name in Homer). 
On the forms eo-o-u-ro, e-x^-ro see 15. 

The vowel is invariably long in fuju,-3X^-TifjK the two encountered, 
Mid. (3\rj-To was struck', irXTJ-ro was filled; irXTJ-To came near; 
aTT-onrj-To profited, Imper. ovrj-o-o, Part, o^rj-juez/os ; a/x-iri/u-To 
recovered breath ; K-orpw-To w^ strewed : see 14. 

On the other hand the vowel is short throughout in /car-e'-icTd-i> 
(II. 4. 319, where some ancient critics read Kare'/crd), 3 Sing. e'-Kra 
(the quantity is proved by Od. II. 410 e:ra o-w ovXo^vrj K. T, X.), 
I Plur. t-KTa-fJLtv, Part. /cara-Kra?, Mid. e-Kra-ro, Inf. Kra-o-0ai, 
Part. KTa-fjLevos. The longer form of the root is Krei>- (Pres. 
KTtivto for Kre^-tco). A similarly irregular 3 Sing, in -d is found 
in oura lie wounded, Inf. ovra-^vai, Part. Mid. ovra-fjievos : 
perhaps also in dir-Yjupa-s, a^-r\vpa. For ; comparing the Part, 
airo-vpas, Mid. aTro-vpd-^voy (Hes. Sc. 173)^ we may conjecture 
that the Indie, should be written air-evpa-s, aiT-evpa (or air-e-Fpa-s, 
air-e-fpa), where Fpa- is the weak form of a root Fep- (Meyer, 
G. G. 524). We have -a for -tv also in dW-^a-ro died 
(Hesych.), from the root fav- (Pf. 7re(jf)a-rat). 

On the Non-Thematic Aorists with Stems ending in a con- 
sonant, such as aAro, e-TraAro, 2>/>ro, SCKTO, Aexro, IJLIKTO, &c., with 
the Inf. 7re'/)0ai and the Participles a/>juei>o?, tK/xez^o?, aa^evos, 
see 40. 

14.] Metathesis. This term has been employed to explain a 
number of forms in which a short vowel is lost before a liquid, 
and the corresponding long vowel follows the two consonants 
thus brought together: as fv//-y3A?j-r?]z; met, Mid. (3\rj-ro was struck 
(/3aA-, /3eA-os), 1-rAr; endured (raAa-s), vXrj-To drew near (ireAa-?), 
t 7rA7J-ro was filled (Sanscr. par-], e-orpco-ro was scattered (orope-), 
KXrj-ros called (KaA-eco, KeA-ojutat), /caa-t-y^-ro? kinsman (ytv-), jute- 
/mz/T7-jucu (]Jiv-), b^LTj-ros tamed (8ajua-), &c. But this long vowel 
a, TJ, or w is clearly of the same nature as therj of 0^77-0-0) (o-e^-), 
ert-(77r?7-crco (O^CTT-), Tre-Trrrj-cos (Trer-, Trt-Trr-o)), ar]jU6 (root fit' in 
avpa), or the &> of Tre-Tmo-Ka (TTCT-), l-yz^co-f (root gan), ^co-os (root 
^', hence Greek {ry- and fco-, for yi-rj, yt-co). In these and many 
similar cases ' metathesis ' is out of the question. Moreover we 
find several Stems of the same character with the long vowel a, 

T6 TENSES. [15. 

as pv-a-OaL to shield (Fpv-), pv-ros drawn (Ftpv-, Fpv-), rpv-a> (cp. 
rp-Tj-, root tar). Hence it is probable that the long 1 vowel is of 
the nature of a suffix, by which a new verbal stem is formed from 
the primitive stem or * root/ This vowel usually does not vary 
with the Person-endings, but is long in all forms of the Tense. 
It cannot be an accident, however, that the same Stems appear 
also as disyllables with a short final vowel : raA-a, 7reA-a, <rrop-e, 
KaA.-e (in KaXe-o-at), yer-e (in yeV-o-ts), 6aju-a, Trer-a, Fep-v in tpv- 
o-at, and many others. What then is the relation between these 
forms and the monosyllabic rA-rj, rrX-r], o-rp-o), K\-rj, yv-n], S/x-ry, 
TIT-?/ ? Apparently the difference is ultimately one of accent. 
The same disyllabic would become raA.-a or rA-?? as the stress 
fell upon the first or the second syllable*. 

15.] Aorists in -d and -Kd. These consist of (i) four Aorists 
from stems ending in -u, (2) three Aorists in -K&, and (3) the 
isolated forms tfveiKa and eiTra. 

The four Aorists lao-eu-a (weak stem tri;-) / urged, l-x^u-ct or 
e-Xe-a I poured, e-iaj-a (weak stem KCLV-) I burned, TjXeu-aTo avoided 
(Opt. dXe-atro, Inf. aXt-a<rdai) form the I Sing, with -a instead 
of -v. Thus -xev-a is formed like z-tyrj-v, except that, after the 
diphthong eu the final -m of the ending passed into -d, as in the 
Impf. r]a (for r)<r-a). So too in the Accusative of Nouns we 
have -v after a single vowel (\6yo-v, ii6\i-v, i\Qv-v), but -d after 
rju, eu or a consonant : vfj-a (for vr}v-a or vfjF-a), TroS-a, as in 
Latin ndv-em, ped-em. The forms without u, as exea, eKr;a, are 
obtained by v passing into the semi- vowel (e'xe-a for ^Fa). 

The original inflexion then was -\v-a (e-xef-a), e-x^v-?, 
e->(v(-r), Plur. e-x#-juezJ, e-x^-Te (cp. e-Kra-^e^ 13), -\ev-av, 
Mid. -\V-TO (like e-<a-ro, e-Kra-ro), &c. Thus \VTO and J-CTO-VTO 
are primitive forms, standing to ^xeva, ea-o-eva as e-$a-ro to 

How then are we to account for such forms as 
e-Xva-ro, o-eua-jutevos, fatva-To? They are obtained from the 
i Sing, and 3 Plur. by treating the stem plus the -a as a new 
stem or base, to which the Per son- endings are then attached. 
Thus l-xeua-s, e-xeva-/xez>, t-ytva-To are duplicate forms, related 
to e-xi>-s, l-x^-juer, e-xv-ro as the later o!8a-?, oi8a-/xi> to oto-0a, 

* Job. Schmidt, -KT. Z. xxiii. 277 ; Brugmann, M. U. i. 1-68 ; FrOhde, B. B. 
ix. 1 19. The whole subject, as Brugmann has recently warned us (Grundriss, ii. 
8, n. i), is full of uncertainty, and it is possible that forms such as pete- represent 
the ' root ' or primitive word, from which not only pie- (ir\r)-, Lat. ple-nus) and 
pele-, but alsopeZ- (Sanscr. pi-par-tl} and pi- (7n-7rAa-//i'), are derived. We are 
dealing here, not with the derivation of Greek, &c. from Indo-European, 
where the comparison of other languages, such as Sanscrit, may give us help, 
but with the formation of Indo-European itself, to which the comparative 
method is ex hypothesi inapplicable. 


i8-juer. The 3 Sing, in -e(i>), follows the analogy of the Thematic 
conjugation (ex eve like eAeye). 

The three Aoristsin -icd, e-0r;/ca I put, e-rj/ca I sent forth, e-oa)Ka 
I gave, are inflected as follows : 

1 Sing. -6r]Ka I Plur. e-0e-/xez> 

2 e-flq/ca-s- 2 Du. e-0e-roz> 2 e-0e-re 

Imper. 0e'-y, #e'-ra>, Plur. 0e'-re, Qi-vrav. 

Inf. Oe-fjievaL, Oe-pev, Oelvai, Part, 0eis, Oe-vros, &c. 

Mid. t-Qt-wv &c. with 6e- as stem throughout. 

Thus 6r]K.a-, 77*01-, SCOKCI- alternate with 0e-, e-, So- as long and 
short Stems respectively. The only forms in Homer which do 
not conform to this scheme are the I Plur. eV-?j/ca-/iezj (Od. 12. 
401), and the 3 Sing. Mid. OrjKa-ro (II. 10. 31., 14. 187, also 
Hes. Th. 175). The primitive 3 Plur. e-oo-*> occurs in Hes. Th. 
30, and in Doric : e-Oe-v only on inscriptions (C. L 29). 

The Homeric forms with the stem I- do not take the augment : 
in Attic we have (e. g.) et-juezj et-re (for e-e-jmev e-e-re). 

In respect of the -a of the Stem the 2 Sing. e-tfrjKa-j is 
formed like e-xeva-?, and the occasional examples of the type 
-6rjKa-}JLv, e-flrj/ca-ro are parallel to e-ytva-nev, e-xem-ro. That 
is to say, the -a comes from e-0?)Ka, c-OrjKa-v. The relation of 
e-0?7Ka-//,ez>, z-OrJKa-To to !-0e-//ez>, e-0e-ro, is complicated by the 
use of a new Verb-Stem (flrj-K- instead of #17-). Thus it is the 
same as the relation of eomJKa-/xez> to e'ora-juei> ( 22). 

The Aorist tfveiKa (without augment eVeiKa) shows no variation 
of stem ; I Plur. eveiKa-^v, 3 Plur. TJVLKCL-V and ViKa-v, Imper. 
eW/ca-re, Mid. 3 Plur. ^ei/ca-zro. 

On the Aorist etTra see 37. 

16.] The Non-Thematic Reduplicated Present. These 
Presents are formed by Reduplication, usually of the initial 
consonant with t; riOrj-cri puts, 8t6o)-^t I give, ITJ-O-I (for 0-60-17-0-1?) 
sends, laraa-i (o-i-o-ra-) they set, m/UTrAao-t they fill (the ja is 
euphonic : it is dropped after //, in l^-TrtTrAry-^t), bibr] bound, 
j3i(3a-s striding ; with Attic Reduplication, 6vivr}-<Ti (for OV-OVK]-} 
benefits : perhaps also iXt]-Qi be appeased (tXa-fxat I propitiate, Horn. 
H. xxi. 5 : Stem tAa for o-t-o-Aa, Meyer, G. G. p. 437). 

In these Present Stems the quantity of the vowel in the Stem 
regularly varies under the rules laid down in 6 (i). 

The vowel is long in k^-ni'nX^-Qi (II. 21. 311), t'Arj-fli, 6tda>-0i 
(Od. 3. 380)*, and the Inf. rt^ij-juerat (II. 23. 83, 247) and Part. 

* The variation is perhaps less regular in the Imper.; cp. K\v-0i. In 
Sanscr. the 3 Sing. Imper. has the strong Stem. 


1 8 TENSES. [17. 

(II. 10. 34). Also in bifn-^ai I seek (for 
the Homeric Verb answering to Attic C^-rew. 

tiqjjit is now generally connected with Lat. sero (for si-so, cp. 'iffrrjfjii sisto). 
Earlier scholars (as Bopp) derived it from the root yd (Lat. ja-c-io\ Possibly 
it represents both ai-cnrjfu (sa-) and I-IKIJAI (?/-). In meaning it is much nearer 
to jacio than to sero. 

17.] Present Stems in -nrj (-m) and ->u. The Tense-Stems 
of this class which may be called the Non-Thematic Nasal 
class form the Present-Stem from the Verb- Stem by the 
Suffixes -vr], -vv (which with Heavy Endings regularly become 
-I'd, -vv). 

The Presents with -nrj (-/&) are nearly all peculiar to Homer, 
bajj,-vr]-fjLL I subdue, nlp-vr] mixed, nep-va-s selling, o-Kib-va-Tai is 
scattered, mA-i/a-rat comes near, y^ap-va-rai fights. Note I for e in 
Ktp-, <TKi8-, m\- ; cp. the later Verbs TILT-VM, Kriv-vvfju. 

A few Presents with -vu are common to all periods of Greek, 
biK-vv~iJiL I show, ofji-vv-fjLL I swear, {evy-vv-fj.1 I join, oXXv/u (for 
oX-w-jiu) / destroy ; but they are mainly Homeric or poetical ; 
op-vv-Oi arouse, bai-vv feasted, ay-vv-rov break, orrop-vva-a spread- 
ing, oLTr-opopy-vv wiped away, tpy-w shut in, pi]y-vv<n they break, 
yd-vv-TCLi is gladdened, ra-vv-rai is stretched, fi-vv-ro was finished, 
KI-VV-VTO were moved, rt-vv-vrat, punish, al-vv-rai takes, e-Kai-vv-ro 
surpassed, ap-vv-a-Orjv won, a\-vv-\ I am vexed, &'iy-vv-vTo were 
opened, ZVVVTO (for e<r-z;v-ro) put on, O>VVV-TO (for ODO--VV-) girded 
himself, opty-vv-s stretching out, crfB^vvv-^va^v (Hes. Op. 590). 

In the Verbs in -VTJJXI the Verb-Stem is nearly always disyllabic : cp. 8a|xd- 
ffat (7rai/-8ap,<i-Ta;p, &c.), Kepa-aat, Ttfra-aai, irepa-crat, o-KeSd-o'at, WXa-s. So in 
some Verbs in -vvju ; cp. opb-aai, 6\l-ffai, o-rope-o-at. Thus we may regard 
Sap-a and Safji-vr), dfi-o and op-vv, &c., as twin forms obtained by the addition 
of a different suffix to the same original root 5a//-, 6/*-, &c. (14). It is to 
be observed also that Presents in -vijfu are often found along with forms in 
-acw and -a<a : SafA-vijfJU) Attic Sa/x-a^cy ; Kip-vijfjii, /eep-aca : fikp-vrnu, irep-dcij : 
fficiS-vrjfjii, <TK8-a<u : m\-vrjiju t Tre\-&fa. Cp. K&fj.-vca, Kafia-ros ( 47). 

The Verb-Stem, it will be seen, has most commonly its weak form 
(note especially Tfi-vv-rai, Pf. rt-Ta-rat), sometimes the strong form, as in 

The forms in -awupi and -ei/yuju are post-Homeric. 

18.] Thematic forms. Some forms of Non-Thematic Tenses 
follow the conjugation of the corresponding Contracted Verbs in 
-au, -ew, -ow ( 5^)^ especially in the Impf. Indie, and the 
Imperative. Thus we find : 

ebdiJiua (as if from *8o,ju,z;aa)), tKipva (Od. 7. 182, &c.), irirva : 
Imper. Ka0-urra (II. 9. 202). 

et (d^)-tt, irpo-Ui, &c.), aei (v. 1. ar\) blew, Ki\is : Imper. 
tet uz/-tet. 


ebibovs, ebibov : Imper. bibov (Od. 3. 58). 

Examples occur also in the Pres. Indie,; ba^va (3 Sing. Act.) 
in Od. ii. 221 (with v. 1. bd^var)-, bapvq (2' Sing. Mid.) in 
II. 14. 199 (with v. 1. bafjiva, for bapva-ai) ; ai/-teis (II. 5. 880), 
pfO-ieis (II. 6. 523, Od. 4. 372), ptd-iel (II. 10. 121), Ti0ei (II. 13. 
732), 7rap-rt0et (Od. I. 192), for which the MSS. usually have 
azn'eis, &c. : SiSois (II. 9. 164), 61801 (II. 9. 519, Od. 4. 237). So 
for vpolci in II. 2. 752 we should read 

Add the Part, fiifiuvra (II. 3. 22, cp. 13. 807., 16. 609), Fern. 
/3i/3wo-a (Od. 1 1 . 539) ; for which Bekk. writes /3i/3ayra, /B 

Editors differ in their manner of dealing with these forms. Bekker in his 
second edition (1858) restored the 2 Sing. Pres. rldijs, i'rjs, 5i8<vs, and Impf. 
triOr), i'r), IS'iSca, but left the 3 Sing, ride?, SzSof and Imper. rtflet, i'ei, SiSov. 
Nauck proposes to restore KaOiartj (Imper.) and the Impf. tSanvrj, irirvrj, 
fKipvrj. In the case of rieijfu, irjfj.i, SiScajM the weight of authority seems to be 
for the spelling which follows the Thematic conjugation, viz. -efs, -of? in the 
2 Sing. Pres., and -ety, -, -ous, -ou in the Impf. (Cobet, Misc. Crit. p. 281, is 
extremely positive on this side). But Verbs which have t) in the Dual and 
Plural (drj-rov, /ax 1 ?" 7 " 7 ?") should follow the analogy of the Passive Aorists : 
hence ofy, f'x 7 7 r ' And we may leave undisturbed the form 8i8rj he bound (II. 
ii. 105), for which no one has proposed to read Si8a. 

The i Sing, trpo-teiv (Od. 9. 88., 10. 100., 12. 9) stands alone, and is doubtless 
a mere error for itpoirjv (Bekker, ed. 1858). 

Person (in his note on Eur. Or. 141) condemns ?;znets, 
&c. on the ground that if n0ets were right we ought also to 
have Tid&, TiQd, nOov^v, ritfetre. It is possible, however, that 
a form like ri0et? may have crept in through the analogy of the 
Verbs in -eco, although no 'Verb' rtfe'co was in use. It is 
characteristic of the working of analogy to be partial and 
gradual. In Homer we find the corresponding 3 Sing. Pres. 
bafjLva, n0et, ju,e0tt, bibol forms which are guaranteed by the 
metre. The forms so guaranteed are indeed few, and perhaps 
were not found in the oldest text of the poems; but they are 
supported by similar forms in Herodotus and other Ionic writers*. 

Similarly, in the Presents formed with -w there is evidence of 
a tendency to introduce the Thematic -we(o). The instances are : 

op-vv-ov (II. 12. 142), &fj.vv (II. 14. 278), &vyvvov (II. 19. 
393), o/xinWra) (II. 19. i75)> Taw-awn, TOLVV-OVTO (four times), 

* In considering this and similar questions it should be remembered (i) 
that we do not know when the Homeric poems were first written down ; 

(2) that we do not know of any systematic attention having been paid to 
spelling, accentuation, &c. before the time of the Alexandrian grammarians ; 

(3) that the tendency of oral recitation must have been to substitute later for 
earlier forms, unless the metre stood in the way ; (4) that this modernising 
process went on in different parts of Greece, and therefore need not represent 
the exclusive influence of any one dialect ; (5) that the older Ionic alphabet 
confused e, t, t] and o, ou, w. 

C 2 

20 TENSES. [19. 

Tavv-iv (II. 17. 391), aria* (II. 4. 56, but may be Fut.). As to 
-. S 

v-rj (2 Sing-. Subj. Mid.) see 80. 

Also, the Verb pvo^ai protect, save, is for the most part Non- 
Thematic (Zpv-o-o, epu-ro, 3 Plur. pv-aro, Inf. p-o-0at), but partly 
Thematic (pue-rat, pve-ro, pvo-vTai, &c.), see n. And the 
Aor. e-nXv-ov is Thematic, except the Imper. K.\.v-Qi, KXv-rt. 

It should be observed that in all the foregoing cases the Thematic form is 
obtained by combining thematic endings with the final vowel of the Stem. 
In other cases the original final vowel is lost, as i've(i/) for e-icix 7 ], 8to> for 
ilfrj-ftatj and the like. 

19.] Won - Thematic Contracted Verbs. The following 
Homeric forms are usually regarded as instances of 'irregular 
Contraction ' of Verbs in -aco, -eco, -oco : 

(-aw) : (jvvavTf]-Tif]v met, crvXr^-Trji' spoiled, Trpocravbrj-Trjv spoke to, 
$oiTr\-Ti]v went about, /a-rj scraped, apri-^evai to pray, yor/-//,Jai to 
bewail, -neivri-pevai to hunger, drj-o-Oai to milk. 

(-ew) : a7ri\Yi-Tr]v threatened, o/xaprrj-r^y met, KaXrj-fjLtvai to call, 
iTv6ri-jjivaL to mourn, Tro^-juerai to regret, (^ikri-^vai to love, cf)opf]- 
fjLtvai, (j)op7J-vai to carry, aAir?]-juero9 sinning, re/)o-?}-juerat to get 
dry ( 4^). 

(-ow) : o-aco 3 Sing. Impf. and also 2 Sing. Imper of o-ao'co 
I keep safe. 

These forms cannot be explained by the ordinary contraction 
with the Thematic e or o : e. g. ^oirr]-Tr]v cannot come from *(/>ot- 
Taerrjv, fyoprj-vai from *<f>op*4-vai, aXiTr]-^vo<5 from " 5f aAireo'-/xej>oj, 
p-aco from <rdo, &c. On the other hand, as Curtius has shown 
(Stud. iii. 377-401, Verb. i. 352 ff.), they agree exactly with 
those Non-Thematic forms in which the vowel before the Ending 
is long except before -vr and -\. } such as the Pres. Kiyji-^tvai, af]- 
u.vai ( 12), the Aor. crr?]-juierai, rXrj-vaL, yrw-jme^at, &c. and (as 

we may add by anticipation) the Passive Aorists in -t\v and - 

Moreover, the same type of inflexion appears in the peculiar 
* Verbs in -jxi ' of the ^Eolic dialect, as ^iXrj-jjn, I Plur. ^i\r]-^v, 
3 Plur. (f)i\L(n (for c^tAe-rrt), Part. (friXrj-iJLtvos ; and also in the 
Latin Verbs in -are and -ere, except in the I Sing. ; e. g. ama- 
mini is parallel to apr}-nevai, docemini to ^opr]-^vai, docemus, 
doce-nt to <j>tX-r]-}j,fV, $>t\i<n. 

Further traces of this formation may be seen in those Attic 
verbs in -aw and -ow which take rj and w instead of d and ou 
respectively (as faco, (fts, (ft, &c., ptyoco, Inf. piy&v), and in the 
Opt. in -(*>T]v, -oirjv (for which however in the case of verbs in 
-ew we expect -eirjy, as in KL\LT]V and ^Eolic ^lAetr;). 

These facts seem to show that the formation now in question 
is of high antiquity, and Curtius even maintained that it was 
older than the ordinary conjugation of the verbs in -aw, -ew, -ow. 


In these verbs, as he pointed out, there is evidence to show that 
the vowel before the thematic ending was originally long (e. g. 
in Homeric 8n/raa>y, TTivd<dV, VTTV<&OVT$, .^Eolic TTO^OO, adi/crjei, &c.). 
The forms in -aw, -r]a> 5 -ww, again, may represent an older (and 
^Eolic) -oifu, -rjfu, -wjii, just as bLKvva> is for older beiKvvjju : and 
these again may be explained by contraction from -dt^juu, -^trj/ou, 
-oHrj/xt, the Greek representatives of the Sanscrit -aydmi. The 
Latin amo, doceo, PI. amdmus, docemus, would fall into this 
scheme, if we suppose that they belong to the stage at which the 
thematic endings had not extended beyond the I Sing. 

Against this theory it is urged by Bruginann (M. U. i. 86) 
that the thematic conjugation of these verbs is found also in 
Sanscrit, Zend, Slavo-Lithuanian and Germanic all which mem- 
bers of the Indo-European family, if Curtius is right, must have 
recast their derivative verbs on the same thematic model. It is 
more probable therefore that these verbs were originally thematic, 
and according to the final vowel of the base appeared as verbs in 
-aoo (as z>tKa-o)), -eco (as Trofle-o)), or -oco (as drji'o-co). On this 
assumption, again, the Homeric forms now in question may be 
variously explained. Where we find rj for ee or ae, as in 
(f)i\rilJLV(u, yori^tvai (instead of the ei, d required by the ordinary 
rules), we may suppose, with Wackernagel (K. Z. xxvii. 84), that 
the contraction belongs to an earlier (pre-Hellenic) period. The 
existence of such a period is proved (e. g.) by the temporal 
augment, as in ??(cr)a for an original e-eo-a. Then the participles 
aAinj/xez/o?, <iA?jju,eros and the like may be explained by supposing 
a form in -cjute^oj, cp. Lat. leg-imini, docemmi, so that </HA?jjuiez;os 
would be a primitive contraction from c/uAe-e/xeuos (c/HAe-ie-/zz>os). 
The solution however is confessedly incomplete. It does not 
(directly at least) explain JEolic ^uA^/xezj, (/uAeto-t, Lat. amdmus, 
docemus, amant, docent. It only explains the long vowel of 
<iA7J-o-a>, e^iAiy-o-a, QikrjTos, &c., if we also suppose that the -te 
of the Present was carried through all the tenses. And it does 
not give any satisfactory account of the common contracted 
forms, viKaT, <tA.etre, SrjAoCre, &c., since these must have come 
from VIKCLT, </uAe'ere, drjAo'ere, &c. at a period in which the 
ordinary Greek rules of contraction were in force. 

A wholly different explanation is proposed by Brugmann 
himself (I. c.). He shows, as we have seen ( 14), that there is 
a large class of non-thematic forms with stems ending in a long 
vowel d, 17, a) which is of the nature of a suffix. Such are 
I-/3A-T7-ZJ (/3aA-, /3A-?}), Z-TTTYJ-V (TTCT-, TTT-T]), e-yrco-j; (yev-, yv-(D-) f 
and many others, which have their representatives in all languages 
of the Indo-European family. By an extension of this type has 
been formed the specifically Greek class of the Passive aorists in 
-r)v, as t-Qavrj-v, t-Tvirrj-v and one or two in -coz>, as e-dAco-z;. 

22 TENSES. [2O. 

Similarly, again, the analogy of the * verbs in -ju/ and especially 
of those tenses which do not vary the quantity of the stem (as 
KI'XIMU, arj/u, 77X77-7-0, tyvav) has affected the derivative verbs, and 
has thus produced the non-thematic forms in question fyiXrmtvai 
like drjjuewu, aXiTri^vos like KIXWCVOS, and so on. The forms 
riflrJ-juezxH (II. 23. 83, 247), nOri-^vov (II. 10. 34) are probably 
due to the influence of the same group of Verbs. A similar 
process explains the ^Eolic conjugation of verbs in -juu (ye'Acujut, 
^uAry/xt, SoKtV^M 1 )' ^ ne difference being that in JEolic it was carried 
much further. In Homer we have nothing answering to the 
I Sing. (f)i\r]fjLi f the I Plur. <iA?7juei>, the 3 Plur. (/uAeto-t, or the 
corresponding Imperfect forms. 

We cannot be sure, however, that all the examples of this type which 
appeared in the original text of Homer have been preserved. Wackernagel 
has observed that nearly all the words now in question are forms which 
would be unfamiliar in the Greece of classical times. The list is made up 
chiefly of duals (irpoaavbrjTrjv, (poirrjTrjv, &c.) and Infinitives in -fifvai. It is not 
improbable (e.g.) that the familiar form TrpoaTjvba has supplanted an original 
Non-Thematic irpoff^vSr}. On the other hand in II. n. 638 km 5' aiyeiov Kvr\ 
rvpov the metre points rather to the uncontracted Kvde. 

20.] Aorists. Of the Aorist Stems noticed in 13, several 
are probably derived from Nouns, and do not differ in formation 
from the Presents discussed in the preceding section : e. g. e-yrjpu 
(yfjpa-s), /3tw-ro) (/3io-s), 7r-e7rAo)-s (77X00-9), ah&-vai, perhaps 
cnr-6vr)-To. Regarding the Passive Aorists, see 42-44. 

21.] Meaning of the Non- Thematic Pres. and Aor. The 

Presents formed by Reduplication, and by the Suffixes -vv\ and 
-w, are nearly always Transitive or ( Causative ' in meaning, as 
torq-ju, (TKid-pq-juij op-vv-^i : whereas the simpler Verbs, whether 
Present or Aorist, are usually Intransitive, as eo-rrj-z;, $ o-/3 77. 

Regarding the Tense-meaning, it is enough to point out here 
that the difference of the Present and Aorist is not given by the 
form of the Tense : thus the Impf. e-ffrrj-v is the same in forma- 
tion as the Aor. e-Sr-z; e-crn-zj. 

The Perfect. 

22.] The Perfect-Stem is formed by Reduplication, and is 
liable to vary with the Person-Endings ( 6). This variation is 
the rule in the Homeric Perfect. In Attic it survives in a few 
forms only; it is regular in otda and e'o-rrjKa. 

The weak form of the Stem is the same (except for the Re- 
duplication) as in the Tenses already discussed. The long Stem 
is often different, showing a predilection for the O-form. 

The variation appears in the interchange of 


(1) tj (d) and a: as re07JA.-et bloomed, Part. Fern. 
apr/pe is fitting ', dpap-ina; A.eA.rjK-ws', A.eA.aK-wa yelling, 
jxe/xa/c-tua bleating', AeAaorat (AeAa0-rai, ArJ^-co) ^#s forgotten, 
aKct)(-juez;os sharpened, Tre^a^-rat /to appeared; o-eVijTre w rotten 
(<ra7rpos), TtrrjKa (T^K-CO). reflrjTra (Aor. Part, ra^-a)^)^ TreTnjye 
(Tray- 77), K.e^r]v-6ra, fce/cA^y-a?, TreTrXryy-c^j, rerpr?x-ei (rapa)(-) j 
TreTracr-joi^v / ^#6? eaten (Trar-eojucu), KeKaay/.a'os' (K&8-) excelling, 
eppci8-arai <2T sprinkled, 5e6ao--rat ^s divided (but 3 Plur. SeSai- 
arai, from 8at-, 51, 2). In the last four cases the strong form 
does not actually occur. 

0# /r<? is for ^Srjue (SeSr^f-e) : the weak Stem is 8du- 
for daf-ta), cp. Katco, eKr^a). Similarly ye'yrjtfe rejoices is for 

(Lat. gaud-eo). 

a for YJ occurs in eaye w broken (Hes. Op. 534 : eayrj as Subj. 
is only Bekker^s conj. in II. n. 558, see 67) : also in ead-o'ra 
pleasing, as to which see 26, 2. 

o> and d : this interchange cannot be exemplified from Homer : 
cp. Attic Ippcoya (pay-, Mid. crvv-tpprjK-Tai). w is also found in 
avaiya Ibid, yeyco^e calls aloud, but the corresponding weak Stems 
are unknown. 

(2) w and c : etcofle is accustomed (cp. ZQav, rjOos, root crFr]0-) : 
TT-u>\-aTo were shut to (of gates), from eTr-e^o) : O-VV-OX^K-OTC 
(better perhaps <rw-oKO))(o're, see Cobet ; Misc. Grit. p. 303) leaning 
together, from o-w-exco (cp. OKCOXTJ a stay or buttress, 

avoyji staying, cessation). 

TJ and e : in jueju^Xe z* <z ^r^ 5 e8-r;8-a)s having eaten. 

(3) o> and o : in 6e'8o-rai (8a>-), eK-TreTro-rat w r/^w 

25 ?*^, opu>p is aroused, oirtoTTa I have seen, d8co8-et smelt : perhaps 
also opwpet watched (II. 23. 112 em 6' d^r)p eo-0/Vos 
w^ M eiTL-ovpos), cp. 30. 

7rpo-/3e/3ovXa (II. I. 113) seems to follow the Pres. 
we expect ^/Se^coXa (fioX-, 30). 

(4) 01 and t : 0160, I Plur. i8-juei/ ; TrtiroiOa, I Plur. Plpf . I- 

; eotKa, Dual &K.-TOV, Part. Fern. et'K-ma ; AeAotTra, Aor. 
e-AtTT-oy; 8et8co I fear, for Segfota (by loss of i and contraction), 
I Plur. 8e#)t-ju> (for 

This account of the isolated i Sing. ScCSco was given by G. Mahlow (-ZT. Z. 
xxiv. 295), and has been adopted by most scholars. The original Homeric 
form was probably ScCSoa (or Se'Sfoa), which can be restored in all the passages 
where the word occurs. Others (as Cobet) would substitute BcCBta, a form 
which is found in several places, sometimes as an ancient v. 1. for 5f idea. But 
it is difficult on his view to account for the change from Se/Sm. Rather, an 
original SeCSoa (or SeS/^oa) was altered in two ways, (i ) by contraction, which 
gave it the appearance of a Present in -co, and (2) by change of o to t under 
the influence of Seidi-fj-ev, &c. 

24 TENSES. [22. 

(5) eu and u : Tre^evy-ws having escaped, Mid. 

raL are made, 3 Sing. reruK-rat ; KKevOe hides (Aor. 
efeuy-joievoi joined ((vy-6v). Other weak Stems : ntyv-Tai, 
rat ( 15), TTtTTVcr-iJiai (TTV^-), KKkv-6i listen. 

ou interchanging with u is much less common : eiA?]A.oi>0a / am 
come (\v9-), perhaps btbovir-oTos (cp. KTVTT-OS). 

u appears in jLte'juwke (Aor. /Ae), f3ej3pv^v roars, as in the Pres. 

(6) op (po), o\ and dp (pd), dX (for r, /, 6, 5) : bi-f^dopas #?^ 
destroyed (<pddp-) ejujuope ^s # share. Mid. ei//ap-To w#<? appor- 
tioned TTpo(f) is thickened (rpa$-) ; eTrt-Se'Spo/xe raw* cwtfr ; 
8e8opx 5^e^ ; eopyas ^5^ f/o^d 1 ; eoA.7ra / ^<9^. Weak forms : 
7T7rap-/xei;o9 pierced, rerpa7r-ro (rpeTT-co), e-reraA-ro (re'AAa)). 

But ep^ cX in eep-jUKfuos strung (Lat. ^fo)^ epx~arat are packed in, 
Part. eepy-/xe'uai (fepy-co)^ and eeA-/u,eW cooped in : cp. 31, 6. 

pt appears in /3e'/3pft)e w heavy, epptya / dread, TT<pplK-vlaL 
Iristling, rerpty-mat chirping, with no corresponding weak Stem. 
In these words pi seems to come from original ep,, p_, or r; 
cp. 29, 4. 

(7) oi> and d (for w) : yeyore w ^or^ I Plur. yiya-^v ; 
1 suffer, 2 Plur. TreTrao-^e (for TreTrafl-re), Part. TTTrdd-vla ; 
<zr ^ eager, 2 Plur. jme'jua-re ; A6Aoy)(-ao"t /^^^'^ ^ portion (Aor. 
oz;) ; Tre'^a-rai 2* */am (</>oi;-os), rera-rat 2* stretched (TOV-OS), 
tos ( 31, 5). But we find av in Ke)(ar8-d)s containing (Aor. ! 

(8) o and e: as in reroKa (Hes. Op. 591, cp. Aor. t-TK-ov) ; 
8e'8ey-/xat / %^ (cp. irpo-boK-ai ambush}', eV-o-ai r^ clothed; 
avrjvofcv mounted up (of a stream of blood, II. n. 266),, t-n-<iVj}voQt 
is upon : dyrjyep-aro wer^ assembled (cp. dyop-rj) : KeKOTr-cos striking. 
Properly the form with o should interchange with a form with- 
out a vowel (TOK- with TK-, &C.), but when this is impossible 
e remains in the weak Stem : see 6, 6. 

dvif|vo06 answers in meaning to the Attic avQkta, to be on the surface, come forth 
upon: the Pres. would be di/f'0-cu (related to avO-os as d\4y-ca to d'A/y-os). So 
supposes tvtO-o), weak form kvO-. 

(9) Stems which take the suffix 

* A word may be said here on the origin of the Perfects in -Ka. They may 
be regarded as formed in the ordinary way from Stems in which a Root has 
been lengthened by a suffixed K, as in oXe-K-co, epv-K-co ( 45), -rrTT|o-cra> (for 
iTTij-K-LQ}, cp. -TTTCL-K-OV\ SeiSio-<TO|juu (for Thus oXwXeica is the 
regular Pf. of oXeKco, and ireirrcoKa, SeiSoiKa, answer to the weak stems TTTOL-K-J 
Sfi-K-. So p(3-r]Ka, corrTjKa answer to (possible) Presents *@r)-Kca (cp. fian-Tpov], 
*crrrj-KQ}. It is not necessary to suppose an actual Stem in K in each case ; a few 
instances would serve to create the type. The reason for the use of the longer 
Stems @T)-K, arrj-Kj &c., was probably that the forms given by the original 
Stems were too unlike other Perfects. The characteristic -a would be lost by 
contraction with the preceding vowels. 

2,2,.] THE PERFECT. ' 25 

When the Stem ends in a vowel, certain forms of the Pf. Act. 
take K, thus filling 1 the hiatus which would otherwise be made 
between the Stem and the Ending : as in ZO-TYJ-K-CLS, 8ei'8oi-K-a, 
TeOapa-ij-K-da-L. The Perfects of this type including those of 
which no forms with K are actually found may be divided again 

(a) Perfects with variable root- vowel : eorr/Ka I stand, i Plur. 
t(TTa-fjiv ; 8et8otKa I fear, I Plur. 8ei8t-^ei> ; Tre^uKe, 3 Plur. Ttetyv- 
d(Ti: fiefirjKa, Inf. /3e/3a-/xez; ; T0vr]Ka } Imper. rtOva-Qi 

Imper. rerXa-Qi. Add also jue/ow-Ke is closed (of a wound), 
is sunk in, though the short form is not found. 

(b) Perfects with invariable long vowel, especially t] and w 
(discussed in 14) : /Se/SA^-K-et struck, Mid. j3e'j3A.rj-rai (cp. fvjut- 
(3Xrj-Tr]v, /SArj-jueroj) ; KCKfjirj-K-as art weary, 7^7T\r]-fjLvos brought 
near, KK\r]-fjLaL, eiprj-rcu, fjLfjivr]-fjLaL, rerjur^-jaeVoj ; /3e/3pco-K-a)j 
having eaten (Fut. Mid. /3/3p&>-o-ercu), ju4t/3Aa>-/c-e is gone, TreTrpw- 
piws fated. 

Similarly, from disyllabic Stems, 8e8ar/-K (Aor. -bdr]-v) has 
learned (Od. 8. 134), rer^x^-Ke (Od. 10. 88), and the Participles 

To this class belong the Perfects of derivative Verbs in -aw, 
-ew, -ow, -uw, as ^J3ir]-K-V (II. IO. 145, 172., 16. 22), V7i-epvr]^v- 

K (II. 22. 49lX b$L7TVYI-Kl (Od. 1 7. 359), T0ap(Tri-K-d(TL (II. 9. 

420, 687) : KKOT7]-ora, KKOpr]-oTa, aK-d^rj-fjLai, aX-aXri-^ai, oXa- 

\VKTf] -)U,at. 

(II. 10. 252, with v. 1. irapa;x cw CI ') i g formed as if from *Trap-oixe&, 

dS-rj-K-oTes (Od. 12. 281, and four times in II. 10) means displeased, disgusted, 
and should probably be written daSrjKoTes, from daSe'cu (for d-o/a5-ecw). 

The Subj. {XTJKTJO-I (Od. 21. 36), Opt. Ixjicoi (H. Apoll. 165) point to a Pf. 
Pres. I\T]-KQ}. 

(TO) A Perfect in -0a may be recognised in eypriyop-Oaa-L keep 
awake (II. 10. 419) : perhaps in the Opt. /3e/3/ow0ois (II. 4. 35). 
In general the Perfects of derivative Verbs are formed with an 

It is a confirmation of this view that the Stem with -KO, is in the same form 
as the Present Stems with a suffixed K, 7, 9 ( 45), or <r ( 48). 

A similar theory may be formed of the Perfects in -0a, of which the germs 
have been mentioned above. @e@pca-0a is related to a Part. @0paj-ajs ( 26, 4) 
as TeOvij-fca to rcOvrj-ajs, and to a Mid. */3f&paj-na.i (cp 0f@pw-crTai) as &$\r]-ita. 
to (Bephrj-fAai. If in a few more cases, such as 0el3pT-Oa (0/H-), ficaOa (sue-tus\ 
767?7-0a (ydf-ica), we had had short forms of the Stem without 0, the suffix -0a 
would have been felt to characterise the Pf. Act. ; that is to say, the type of 
the ' Pf. in -0a ' would have been created, and might have spread as the Pf. in 
-Ka has done. 

The Aorists in -Ka are to be accounted for in the same way. The K may be 
traced in the Pres. Sowcu (on the inscription of Idalion, see Curt. Stud. vii. 243) 
and in the Noun OTJK-T], which points to a Verb-Stem OTJ-K-. 

26 THE PERFECT. [23. 

invariable Stem : as MKopvO-fjievos, 7re / 7roAto--ro, oSwSixr-rat, KZKOVI- 
IJLGVOS. But no such Perfects are used in the Active. 

23.] The Reduplication takes the following forms : 

(1) An initial consonant is repeated with e. This is the 
general rule : we need only notice the Perfects in which an 
original consonant has been lost, viz. : 

A labial semi-vowel (F) in e-eA-//eVos cooped in (for fe-feA- 
Hevos), tlpvarai (Ftpv-) are drawn up, etAv-ro (feAu-, volvo\ 
e-opya (Ftpy-ov), e-oA-Tra, eotKa, Mid. ?;IK-TO (unless this 
comes from eta-Kco). 

A sibilant (o-) in f-arqjca (for ^o-e-oTrjKa), e-ep-jueVos strung 
together (Lat. sero). But the o- is retained in o-eVrjTre. 

(2) Stems beginning with two consonants (except when the 
second is p X fA or v], or with , usually prefix e only : as 6i-e- 
(frOopas, e-$0iaro, e-Krrjo-flai (but KeKrrjjucu, Hes. Op. 437), e- 
feuy/u.eVat. But we find 7re-7m}co?, ire-irTavrai. And in eorr/Ka 
the rough breathing represents original o--. 

The group vF has been lost in c-aScus (either o-e-o-FaSvs or 
e-o-fdScos) pleasing, and iu>6a, eco^a (Lat. sue-sco]. 

The group 8f has the effect of lengthening the vowel of the 
reduplication in 6t8otKa, 8et5t-)u,r, &c., which represent original 
be-SFoi-KCi, be-bFl-iJiev, &c. 

Initial p, which generally stands for Fp (sometimes ap), gives 
epp-_, as in tpprjKrai (Fprjy-), epptfcorat. Sometimes etp-_, as eip>;rcu 
(Fpv}-, cp. ver-bum), and dpvarai (pvo^at, Fpv- protect). One Stem 
reduplicates p, viz. pe-puTroojuieW, from pvTroco. 

Similarly we have e/xjuope, Mid. etftap-rat (o-jj.ap-) } and eWirrai 
(o-e^a), root Ktev- : also etAr^a (post. Horn., cp. \\aJ3ov, 67.) 

We must distinguish between (i) phonetic loss, as of <r or f, 
and (2) substitution of initial I- for the reduplication. The latter 
may be seen (e.g.) in e-Kr?jo-0ai, which cannot be derived by 
phonetic decay from Kt-KTrjcrOai. The distinction will serve to 
explain the difference between efyiaprai, which is the proper 
representative of an original o-e-or^ap-rat, and ejujuope, which fol- 
lows the general tendency to double an initial jx, v, \ or p after 
the augment. 

(3) Attic Reduplication ; as O7r-co7ra / have seen, eA.-7JA.a-ro was 
driven, eyp-rjyopa / am awake. 

The syllable which follows the Attic Reduplication may vary 
in quantity, as apr/pe, Fern. Part, apdpvla ; eprjpiTre, Mid. epepnrro. 
Usually it is long, as cATJAarat, dprypojuez^oj, aK.riyjeiJ.tvos, obutbvcrTai, 
?}p?jpeioTo, eprjpio-rai (Hes. fr. 219), 3 Plur. ayrjye'paro, ep^pe'Sarat, 
dpcope^arat. But it is short in 


(4) Temporal Augment (see 67) : e. g. ty-ijir-Tai 

(5) In a few cases there is no Reduplication : 
0180, for Folba, Sanscr. veda. 

are shut in (Ftpy-), Plpf. Zp^-aTo and (with augment) 

t/xai / am clothed with (feo--), tv-crai, Plpf. eV-o-o, eo--ro and 
(with augment) e-eo--m, Du. tcr-Q^v, 3 Plur. eiaro, Part. etjuteVos. 
Reduplication is not to be found in the et of et/^ai,, el/zeroj, 
since these are for Fta-pai, fea^e'ros (as etjua for FO-JJLO). The 
3 Sing. Pf. occurs once in Homer, in Od. IT. 191, where the best 
MSS. have rja-Tai, others eto-reu and etrat. The true form is 
probably e'orcu,, preserved in an oracle in Hdt. I. 47 (cp. eWcu). 

apfyiayma (II. 2. 316) crying around can hardly be divided 
apfy-iayma, since the Stem tax- nas initial f ( 390). But a 
Stem fr/x- (Frjxri cry], weak form fax-* without Reduplication 
would give the Fern. Part. Fd^vla, whence a^i-ayma. 

These examples make it doubtful whether initial F was origin- 
ally reduplicated in the Pf. stem. In Sanscr. the roots which 
begin with va (answering to Gr. fe-) take u-, as uvdca (vac-, Gr. 
fW-). Thus the fe- of FeToiKa, F e/"eAju,eVos, &c. may be later, due 
to the analogy of other Perfects. 

Se'x-arai await (II. 12. 147), Plpf. e-de'y/^ (Od. 9- 513., 12. 
230), Part, beyptvos (II. 2. 794., 9. 191., 18. 524., Od. 20.385), 
with the same Pf. meaning that we have in 8e6eyjmat (await) not 
receive, 28) : while in other places l-Sexm, &c. are no less 
clearly Aorists. It seems that we must recognise a Pf. form 
*e'yjotai (Buttm. G. G. ii. 149., Curt. Verb. ii. 144), probably 
older than 5e8eyjuat. 

(6) The Reduplication in Sei-5e'x-oVat they welcome, seems to be 
that of the e Intensive ' forms, as in 8a-6iVKo/*cu : see 61. The 
form belongs to btiK-vvfju, not Sex-ojuai (see Veitch). 

24.] In the 3 Plur. 

1. The long Stem with -a<ri (-a-NTI) is comparatively rare : 
TreTroiOda-i (II. 4 325), eorrj/cao-t (II. 4. 434, v. 1. eorTJKcocri), Kara- 

T0vriKd<n (II. 15. 664), T#a/)o-rJKao-t (II. 9. 420, 682), typrjyopOdo-i 
(II. 10. 419). 

These forms evidently result from generalising the Stem in -a. So we have 
oi8a-s (Od. i. 337), oi8a-[jiv, oiSaffi in Herodotus (and in Attic, see Veitch s. v.). 

2. The final consonant of the Stem, if a labial or guttural, is 
aspirated before the -arai, -CLTO of the Mid. ; as eTTt-rer^a^-arat 
are entrusted, rer/)a(/>-aro were turned, epx-arat (Fepy-) are shut in, 

(dpey-a>) are stretched out, 

28 THE PERFECT. [2-5. 

welcome -, KKpv(p-araL (Hes. Op. 386). The aspirated forms of 
the Act., such as eiAr^a, KeKo<pa, are entirely unknown to 

It has been pointed out by Joh. Schmidt (K. Z. xxviii. 309) that the aspira- 
tion in these cases is due to the analogy of the forms in which a similar 
aspiration is caused by the ending : rer/ja^-axou because of the 2 Plur. Ttrpaty-Of, 
Inf. T6Tpa<f>-Oat. This explains why a final dental is not affected : for 8 before 
passes into <r. 

3. An anomalous e for t appears in Sei-Se'^-aTat (dclic-yttyUj see 
23, 6), ep-rjped-arat (epa'So), cp. ^pKr-jueWs Hesych.), and d/c- 

4. A final b of the Stem sometimes appears only in the 3 
Plur. : as aK^^b-arai, 6ppa6-arat (patVa), I Aor. pd(r<7are), eXr^XdS- 
aro. But the last of these forms is doubtful ; it occurs only in 
Od. 7 86 ~^a\KOL //,ez> yap rot^ot tXrjXabar' , where some good 
MSS. have 

25.] Interchange of Stems. The original variation between 
the Strong 1 and the Weak form is disturbed by various causes. 

1. The O-form of the Stem is found instead of the weak form 
in e&i|Aov0/i2> we are come (for flXfav$-pv), otopro was hung 
aloft (cp. atp-Oev), yp?jyop0e keep awake, with the Inf. eyp?5yop0ai 
(II. IO. 67, cp. eyprjyoprt IO. 182); avuyptv (H. Apoll. 528); cp. 
eoiy/xez> (in Tragedy), oe'dotyjueu (Et. M.). 

2. The strong Stem of the Pres. takes the place of the weak 
Stem in crvv-ppr]KTat, (Attic eppcoya), AeAetTr-rai, e^evy-joceVat, 
YiprfpeidTo (ept8co) j also in p-fjLvo$ } eA.-ju,e7'os, ep)(-arat ( 22^ ^"). 
So K%avb-tos (for Kxab-Fd>s, xavbdva)). 

eo-rrjTt, commonly read in II. 4. 243, 246^ is an error for 
eoTTjre : see 76. 

3. The influence of the Present may further be traced in the 
Perfects which take I for ei ( 22, 4), and u, eu for ou ( 22, 5). 
So e8r]8-&)s (but eo)6?j), TTpo-(3e(3ov\a (/3o^Aojmai). 

In all these cases it is worth noticing tliat the change does 
not affect the metrical form of the word : e. g. we may read 
l\ri\v9fjLv, eppa/crat, efvyjueWt, T7p?jpioTO; &c. and some of these 
may be the true Homeric forms. 

The weak Stem appears to take the place of the O-form in 
8et8ta (as to which see 22, 4), and in dm-/3e/3pi>x^ (II. 17. 54) 
gushes up. For the latter Zenodotus read &vafitppo\<ev doubt- 
less rightly, since this is the correct Pf. of ava-ppey&. 

In Attic Reduplication the second vowel of a disyllabic Stem 
may be short, as in eArjAufla (less common in Homer than 
fl\rf\ovBa) } and Karep?7pi7re (II. 14. 55). 

26.] The Perfect Participle was formed originally from the 

26.] PARTICIPLE. 29 

weak Stem, but there are exceptions in Homer, due partly to 
the F of the Masc. and Neut. Suffix (-fcos, -ina, -fos), partly to 
the general tendency to adopt the form of the Sing. Indie, as the 
Stem. Thus the Homeric Pf. Part, is intermediate between the 
primitive formation with the weak Stem (as in Sanscrit), and the 
nearly uniform long Stem of Attic. In particular 

1. When the Ending -us (-o'ro?) follows a vowel, one or both 
of the concurrent vowels may be long : /ote/xa-ore, ^ejua-core (both 
for /xejud-fo're). So yeya-wraj ; /3e/3a-<3ra ; Tret^u-wre ; KeK/^-oVa? 
and KKfjiri-a)Ta j reOvrj-oros, TeOvrj-tira, also re^z^ecori ; TreTrr^-ora 
and TreTmj-wre? (777770-0-0)) : TreTrreoora (TTITJTO)). Both vowels are 
short in lora-o'ros. 

w also appears in rerpty-wras (II. 2. 314), Ace/cA^y-wra? (II. 16. 
430). For the latter there is a v. 1. KeKXriyovras (see 27) ; and 
so perhaps we may read rerpfyoyra?. 

2. When -ws (-o'ro?) follows a consonant, the Stem generally 
takes the long form, as in the Sing. Ind. Act. : a/^p-co?, jite/^K- 

?, eoiK-co?, TreTrotfl-co?, copy-cos 1 : except ei'8-co? (oida), 
or eiK-coj (II. 21. 254), ea8-o'ra (ar8ara), root 

As these exceptions show, the strong form, is not original : thus elSdis is for 
fiS-fws, laSora for tfffa^-p6ra. So we have /jiff^adus (perhaps /le^auws), not 
fiffiovws. When f was lost the original quantity of the syllable was preserved 
by lengthening the vowel : and in determining the new long vowel the 
analogy of the Sing. Ind. naturally had much influence. 

3. A long vowel appears in the Feminine eifi-wa (II. 17. 4, 
elsewhere Ibvla, Schol. II. 20. 12), doiK-vla (II. 18.418, elsewhere 
et'K-ma)*', reOvq-vla, TrcTrAr/y-ma, rerpryx-wa (as Plpf. rerprjx-et), 
/3e/3pt0-wa, rerpty-ina, Tre^ptK-ma, Ke/cAr/y-wa (Hes. Op. 449). Later 
forms, aprjp-vla (Hes. Th. 608), re^A-vta (Horn. H. xlviii. 4). 

The form ^3e/3coo-a (Od. 20. 14) is an anomaly, apparently 
formed from the Masc. /Se/Scos on the analogy of Participles in 
-ov?, -oo-a and -et? 5 -eio-a. 

4. The K of the Indie. Act. ( 22, 9) appears in reri>x??-K-a>9 
(II. 17. 748), 5e8ar]-/c-or? (Od. 2. 61), d8r/-/c-ores (II. 10. 98, 
312, 399, 471., Od. 12. 281), and /3e/3pco-K-coy (II. 22. 94., Od. 
22. 403). These instances are hardly sufficient to prove that 
the form is Homeric, since we might read reri^coj, deSaTyoYe?, 
&c. (like /cexap>?w9, /<eKor/?cos, &c.) A form /3e/3pa>cos is sup- 
ported by Attic /3e/3p<3re? (Soph. Ant. 1022). reflz^-K-cos (for 

* The form eoiKi/ta is found in 

KaXf} KaacriTrfia OeoTs Sefjias toitcvia 

quoted by Athenaeus xiv. p. 632 as an instance of a line defective in quantity. 
It does not occur in the text of Homer, but seems to be a variant for II. 8. 305 
tcaXr) KaffTidveipa 8e/xas kitev'ia Oeyffiv. 

30 THE PERFECT. [27. 

the Homeric refl^-coj) is not earlier than Theognis. Similarly 
yeyor-co? for yeyacos first appears in H. Merc. 17. 

5. The form ne^vC-ores flying (only in II. 20 and 21), seems 
to be formed from the noun $i;a, without the intervention of 
any Tense- Stem. This account will apply also to 

KCKOTT-CUS (II. 13. 60), from KOTT-OS striking. 

8e8oim-oT09 (II. 23. 679) having fallen with a thud. (The 
regular form would be 8e8ov:r?7-co?, or rather perhaps ey 5 ovirr] -co?, 
cp. -ybovTrr]-(rav.) 

dpY)-jAeVos, in which the a of ap-rj is retained, against analogy. 

It is in favour of this view that many Denominative Verbs 
form the Pf. Part, without the corresponding Indicative, as 
KeKOTY)-ws and the others given above ( 22, 9). That is to say, 
the Participle is treated as a derivative Adjective, which may 
be formed independently of the corresponding verb. 

27.] Thematic Perfects. By this term we understand the 
forms which arise when a Perfect is inflected like a Present in -w. 
This change took place universally in Syracusan Doric, oc- 
casionally in other dialects. The chief Homeric instances are 
as follows : 

aywya : 3 Sing, aucoyet, which has a Present sense in several 
places (though more commonly it is a Plpf .), Dual av&ye-rov ; 
also yvtoyov, avo&yov, circoye, Opt. aucoyoijut, Imper. d^coye-rco, 
dvcoye-re. Such a form as ijvtoyov may be regarded either as 
a thematic Plpf. of az;o>ya, or as Impf . of a new thematic Pres. 
dycoyco. This remark applies also to the next three cases. 

yeyum : eyeyowe, Inf. ycyaW-jtxei; (also yeyuviv or yeyoweiz;, 
II. 12.337). 

(only in the Part.) : ^TrXrjyov and TienXrjyov, Inf. 
, Mid. TreTrArjye-ro. Similarly 
ws (Part.) : ejue'/xr/Kou. 

(us : Plur. KK\riyovTs (II. 12. 125., 1 6. 430., 17. 756, 
759)5 perhaps TCTpiyoi/Tcs ( 26, i), and iceKo-iro^ (v. 1. for /ce/co7rcoy, 
II. 13. 60., Od. 1 8. 335). ' 

(xc/jL^jjiai : the Opt. jue/owe'toro (II. 23. 361) is apparently ob- 
tained by transference of quantity from a thematic 
but we may read //e'juz^ro, 3 Sing, of the regular Opt. 
(II. 24. 745)' F r this, again, some MSS. have juejuiWju,?^, as 
if from */xe/uz>o-^cu. The 2 Sing. Ind. ^/jivy (II. 15* i&) also 
points to jutjuro/i/,at, but we may read /ae/ui^' (i. e. /ute/jtz^ai). 

fj^jjipXc-Tai (II. 19. 343) and (xe^pXe-To (jmeA-co) may be variously 
explained. Perhaps juejueA-, the short Stem answering to 
became by metathesis /xe/xAe-, /jie/x/3Ae- : cp. ijfjippoTov for 

opwpe-rai (Od. 19. 377, 524, Subj. 6pu>pr)-raL II. 13. 2/l). 
&I!]&-TCU (v. 1. in Od. 22. 56, see 25, 3). We may add the 

28.] MEANING. 31 

Pluperfects Sci'Sie feared, forivoQev (II. n. 266), t-n-tvT\vofev (II. 2. 
219., 10. 134) : perhaps also the Optatives in -oiju, -015, &c. viz. 
/3e/3pco0-ots (II. 4. 35), /3e/3A?JK(H (II. 8. 270), irefavyoi (II. 2J. 
609), tATJKOi (H. Apoll. 165); see 83. 

28.] Meaning of the Perfect. The Perfect denotes a lasting 
condition or attitude (e'is). If we compare the meaning of any 
Perfect with that of the corresponding Aorist or Present, we 
shall usually find that the Perfect denotes a permanent state, the 
Aor. or Pres. an action which brings about or constitutes that 
state. Thus, 5aio> I kindle, btbrjt Hazes, or (better) is ablaze ; 
KV& hid, KKV0 has in hiding ; op-vv-Tai bestirs himself, opcope is 
astir; wAe-ro was lost, oAcoAe is undone; tfpape made to Jit, 
apt] pe fits (Intrans.) ; rapao-o-co I disturb, rerprj^et was in disorder ; 
/xetpo-juat / divide, ef/ujuope has for his share ; pvopai I save, shelter, 
eipv-arcu keep safe ; TV^ I make, re-ri>/c-rat is by making (not 
has been made) ; e$v grew, iretyvKt is by growth. 

Thus the so-called Perfecta praesentia, /Se/fy/ca, eorrjKa, ytyr]Qa, 
fjL^vrjfjiai, TteiroiOa, ola, lotKa, KCKT^fiat, &c., are merely the 
commonest instances of the rule. 

Note the large number of Homeric Perfects denoting attitude, 
temper, &c. Besides those already mentioned we have Trap- 
fjLfjLJ3\MK is posted beside, bebopKt is gazing, epptye shudders, r^rrjKa 
I am wasting, /ote/mvKe is closed (of wounds), SebaKpvo-at, art in 
tears, 8e'Seo be in waiting, opcope'xaro were on the stretch, TreTror??- 
arat are on the wing, KK/xr]Ka / am weary, 7rpo/3e'/3oi>A.a / prefer, 
SetSta I fear, eoATra / hope, r^Orjira I am in amazement, rerA?7/ca-9 
thou hast heart, irtTrvvTaL has his senses, 8i8e'x-arat welcome (in 
the attitude of holding out the hand, while bu<vv-iJivos denotes 
the action), together with many Participles /cex^wy agape, 
KKa$r]to$ panting, TreTn-rjws cowering, ow-oxa>KoYe bent together, 
KKOTr)(&s in wrath, rertrycoj vexed, aSrjKws' disgusted, jue/x7]Aco9 in 
thought, TT<pvXayfjivos on the watch, b^bpa-y^vos clutching, AeAir?- 
ptvos eager, KexoAwjueVos enraged, &c. So in later Greek ; ffrv- 
OTJKOS (Thuc. 2. 49) in eruption, faTrovbaa-jji^vos in haste. 

Verbs expressing sustained sounds, esp. cries of animals, are 
usually in the Perfect : ye'yo)z>e shouts, fitfipvyje roars, /ceKArjywj, 
AeA^Kco?, /u6^tr]K&)9, ^tf/xuKO)?, rerptyw?, aptyiayvia. So in Attic, 
po&v Kal K6Kpayo)s (Dem.). 

With Verbs of striking the Perfect seems to express con- 
tinuance, and so completeness : KeKOTrws, -Tre^A^yws, /3e/3oA?j-aro 
was tossed about, ^3e/3ArJKet made his hit, ^prjpaoro was driven 
home. (Cp. Ar. Av. 135 bs hv TreTrArJy?/ roz; Trarepa z^eorroj wz/.) 

Note the number of Imperatives of the Perfect in Homer : 
t, jue'juare, blbe^o, TtQvaOi, beibiOi, KtKhvdi, CLVO^^L ; Mid. 
let it be ordered, rerpd^^a) let him keep himself turned. 

32 TENSES. [29. 

(In later Greek this use seems to be confined to the Middle : /xr) 
7re$ o'/3 T] 0-0e do not be in alarm, Trerraucro keep silence?) 

The number of Homeric Perfects which can be rendered by 
have is comparatively small. The chief instances in the Active are, 
eopya-s tliou Jiast done, 0770)770, / have seen, AeAoi77e has left, TTtirao-Oe 
ye have suffered, eT]8-co?, /3e/3pa)/c-cos having eaten they are 
somewhat commoner in the Middle. Yet in the use of these 
Perfects (and probably in the Perfect of every period of Greek) 
we always find some continuing result implied. There is nothing 
in Greek like the Latin idiom fuit Ilium ( = Ilium is no longer}, 
vixi ( = 1 have done with living}, &c. 

The Intransitive meaning 1 prevails in the Perfect, so that the 
Act. is hardly distinguishable from the Mid. : cp. re'reu^e an< ^ 
rervKrai, Tre<ei;y&)9 and 77<|>uyjuieVo9, yeyova and yeyeVrj-ju-cu. Com- 
pare also the Pf. Act. with the Pres. Mid. in such instances as 
oAo)Aa and oAAu/xai, TreTtoiOa and Tmflojutcu, /3e/3oi;Aa and /3o?;Aojuat, 
eoA.7ra and e'A770/xai. The forms rerpo(/>a, tcj)0opa are Intrans. in 
Homer, but Trans, in Attic : and an Intrans. or almost Passive 
meaning is conspicuous in the Homeric group of Participles 
KtKorrjtos enraged, rert^cos ( reri^-jueVos) vexed, /ceKop^o)? ( = KKopr]- 
jjivos) satiated, /Be/Sapr/cos heavy, K\aprj(as rejoicing, /ceKa^rioos 
panting ( 22, 9, 6). 

Thematic Tenses. 

29.] The simple Thematic Present. The Stems which fall 
under this description generally contain the same vowels (or 
diphthongs) as the strong Stem of the Non-Thematic Present 
( 6, j 2). They may be classed according to the stem- vowel, 
as follows : 

(i) T), Ionic for a: Arj0-e-ro forgot, r?7Ko/xat I ^vaste away> 
0rjyet sharpens, o^erat is rotted, K?j8ei vexes. 

rj : aprjyei helps, Ar/yet ceases, pj5erai devises. The T) of these 
Stems is ' pan-Hellenic/ i. e. answers to TJ, not a, in other dialects. 
ei : eft)-e-rai seems, euce yield, Aec/Setz; to pour, AetTret leaves, 
/ persuade, o-rei/3or trod, cre^eiy to march, Tm/cere comb, 
e/3ei drops, </>et8eo spare, aei8e sing, aAet(/) anointed, ajuei/3e ex- 
changed, epetKOju.ei'oj torn, epei8e stayed, epeiTre knocked down, vL- 
(j)fjiv to snow (so to be read instead of vlfyeptv in II. 12. 280). 
For tKO) 1 come the Doric form is eiKco. 

(.3) u : ^^y- 1 j'fy, 7Tv0o}jLaL I learn (by hearing), epevyerat 
Welches, tpevdcw reddening, o-irevbeiv to hasten, \}svbovTai play 
false, v6jjivoL being singed, fcrcrtvovTo were urged on, vcvov nodded, 
8ei;o/xat / need ; also, with loss of u before the Thematic vowel, 
Zv-vtov swam (vtF-ov), 0eet runs, TrAecoy sailing, nveei breathes, 
pL flows, x^et pours, KAe'ojucu 1 am famed. 


The forms with ci for c, as Qd-eiv, TrXet'ew, w&av, 
(for Ot-tiv, &c.) should probably be written with eu, 
7rXev~etz>, &c. See Appendix C. 

(4) ep (pc) : 8epK-o-jutat 7 behold, rep-Trety fo rejoice, -zrep^ero w## 
sacked, eepyet confines, repo-erat <$ dried, epTret creeps, vntpyjnvcri 
w?Y7, Upptov sweeping, bepov flayed, 0epeo-0at fo # warmed, peire 
&z^/ downwards, eVpe-Tre shone, rpeVe turned, rpe<et nurtures, 
orpe^et twists. 

eX : e-XTT-o-joiat Z hope, juteX7recr#at fo play, eXicet draws, ajueXye 
milked, K&O/UKU / command, -IT\L turns, e0eXa> J^ willing. 

pi from p appears in rpt/3-e'/zez>at fo r^5 (Lat. ter-o), \pl-ov 
anointed (Sanscr. gharsh-ati), fipWov were heavy. 

ip (pi, pi) for g- appears in certain combinations : icip-vrjfju ( 17), /f/>(Vcu, Kpl-ros 
(cerno, certus), pifa for FpS-ia, dpi-ov for lpf-ov (Spv-s) : Kplos (Lat. cervus), KpiQij 
for Kpa-Orj, hordeum, O. Germ, grmta (Meyer, G. (?. p. 35 : Thurneysen, JT. Z. xxx. 

(5) " : Ktv--<r0ai to labour, o-reVet groans, [Ltvalwail 
'it, eXe'yxet reproves, o-TreVScoz; making libation. 

Tre/xTTO) I send, 7rt-/x,eju,(/)o/xat I blame, re/utet (II. 13. 
^^^, /3pe/x,et roars, z>e/u,et apportions, e-rpe/ixe trembled. 

(6) c : Xey-e ^/r^ ex-co / ^w, e8et ^^5, eVerat follows, Trererat 
j^^, 6exo//at / receive, j-vv-eirt say, e-ore^e s^ 5 covering ; with 
loss of cr, rpet (rpe'et, for rpeo--t, cp. a-rpeo--ros) trembles, et (C^ 1 ) 
^<?^, Wo/mat (cp. z/oV-ros) I return. 

The Thematic forms of elju', viz. lo^. Opt. lot, Part. coz>, 
belong to this head, since ea- is the strong stem. So too Kconrcu 
(for Kei-oi>rat), 3 Plur. of Ket-juat. 

w (instead of 77) appears in rpcoy-eiz; ft? ^waw (rpay-), Stco/cetv ^o 
ctotf. Both forms appear to be derivative (with suffixed y, K , 
45) : rpw-yco may be connected with rop-ety ( 31, 4). 8to>-Ko> 
is related to dtV/xat ( 1 1) : it has been supposed to be a Thematic 
Perfect, with loss of reduplication (z'.e. from ^Se-duo-Ka). 

v appears in rp^x-ovo-t wfl^ife away, ava-^v\-tiv to cool, ep^K-et 
restrains. These also are derivative ( 45). 

o appears in XoV washed (Od. 10. 361, H. Apoll. 120), Inf. 
Xoo-0at (Od. 6. 216). Xo- is for \oF-, cp. Lat. lav-ere. A Pres. 
"^Xovco is inferred from the form Xoveo-0at (II. 6. 508 = 15. 265), 
for which we may read XoeW0at (from the derivative Pres. Xoe'co). 

3O.] Thematic Present with weak Stem. Of this formation 
there are a few instances : ay-co / drive, bring (Aor. ^y-ayoz^), 
axo/xat / am vexed (Aor. ^K-ax e )> ju^X oi;rat fiff^t jSXa^Qerat fails, 
breaks down, /3o'Xerat wishes, opovraL watch, o6o} I care, afets 
<^6>*^ hear, airo-bpy^oL (Opt.) ^<2/* o^*, apx et leads, ayx^ choked ; 
also the Thematic forms of et/u, viz. Impf . ^f-t'oz>, Opt. tot, Part. to>z/. 

34 TENSES. [31. 

Note that ypa</>o> is not found in Homer except in the Aor. 

The forms p6\erai (II. n. 319), l|36\ovTO (Od. i. 234), |36\(r06 (Od. 16. 387) 
were restored by Wolf : see Buttmann's Lexil. s, v. 

The form pXa/krai (II. 19. 82, 166, Od. 13. 34) occurs in gnomic passages 
only, where an Aorist would be equally in place ( 78, 2). 

opovrcu (Od. 14. 104), opovro (Od. 3. 471) occur in the phrase eirl V dvepes 
laflAoi opovrai, where cirt opovrai seems to be = 'act as firiovpot,' 'are in charge.' 

dto) only occurs as a Pres. in the phrase OVK ai'eis ; = have you not heard ? 
Elsewhere aiov is used as an Aorist (Schulze, K. Z. xxix. 249). 

A Pres. 8pv4>w cannot be inferred with certainty from the Opt. aTrotipv<f>oi 
(II. 23. 187., 24. 21), which may be an Aorist. 

The forms apx", ayX** are difficult because original apx-, a-yx- would shorten 
the vowel (before a semi-vowel and mute), and consequently the Stem, would 
be indistinguishable from original apx-, ayx-- Tna * in apX'" tne Stem is weak 
may be inferred from the Nouns apx- 6s, dpx-t| ( 109) : the 0-form may be 
found in opxapos, the strong form possibly in epx-ofjiai. Again a-yx-" may be 
identified with Sanscr. dh-ati (for ngh-atf) : the strong form being eyx- in 
67X' 6 ^ US (De Saussure, Mem. p. 276 ff.). 

31.] The Thematic Aorist. The Verb-Stem is in the weak 
form : we may distinguish the following groups : 

(i) With d as Stem vowel (the strong Stem with <J or YJ) : Aa0e 
was unseen by, Aa/ce crackled, lA-Aa/3e took, tvabe (for e-a-faSe) 
pleased, /xaKoaz/ bellowing, <f>ayov ate, 8i-e-r//,ayoz> (r/xriyco) parted, av- 
-Kpayov cried aloud (Attic Pf. KeKpaya), apero gained, aArjrat 
(Subj.) shall leap, e-xpae assailed (xp^u-), barren (Subj.) shall be 
burned (8au-), ^>ae shone (<|>au-, cp. Trt^avo-KO)), Aae seized, pinned 
(Xdu-, cp. aTro-Aavco), ^A^ero was healed, ri\^>ov (Opt. ^A^>ot) earned, 
met (Part. avT-6p,vos). 

The forms <j>de (Od. 14. 502) and XAe, Part, \cuuv (Od. 19. 229, 230) are placed 
here provisionally. Each occurs once, in a context which does not decide 
between Aor. and Impf. 

The existence of an Aor. -f ax-ov has been made probable by W. Schulze 
(K. Z. xxix. 230). He shows that the form taxov, generally taken as the Impf. 
of lax" ( 35), is an Aor. in meaning, and constantly occurs after elision 
, tirl 5' taxov, fir-iaxov). Consequently we can always read /"&X OV 
, km 8% fax 01 '* Im-fax ") > or with augment va\ov (cp. euaSe for 
f-f aSc). In II. 20. 62 KOI ?axc would be read Kal (vaxf. The alternative is to 
suppose that l-flf axov became etaxov by loss of f and contraction (Wacker- 
nagel, K. Z. xxv. 279) : but contraction in such a case is very rare in Homer, 
and the Aor. meaning of taxov has to be accounted for. On the other hand 
if we accept Schulze's view we have still to admit a Pres. (or Aor. ?) Participle 

(2) With e (strong YJ) : tOav doing as he is wont (cp. 77^-05 for 
<rFr)0-os), perhaps ptb-ovTo bethought them 


The forms ^SovTo, &c. are generally referred to a Verb /'8o-//cu : but 
no such Present is found, and the other Moods Subj. Opt. Imper. and 
Inf. always admit the Aor. meaning. As to c0oov see 243, i. If an Aor. 
it should be accented 19 wv. 

(3) With i (strong 1 ei) : e-o-rt^-oz^ (orei'xco) marched, e-ni 

^ inia-Qai to come to, AireVdcu to entreat, ^piTre (epetTro)) fell 
down, TJptK (epeiKco) was torn, fi^irtv offended (Mid. dA-ireo-flai), 
aiov heard, 8te feared (%Fi-), OLOV ran, e-/aoz> moved, l-moy drank, 
oW0e dipped, KpUe cracked. 

With 01, aWfytvov burning, atSero felt shame ( 32, 2); 
eXpaio-jue Bailed ( 32, 3). 

8Cov I ran (II. 22. 251) is not to be connected with 8ie feared, but with 
(v-5ie-aav, Sif-vrai chase, of which we have the Thematic Subj. Stcu/on, Opt. 
StotTo, Inf. SicaOat. That they are Aorists appears (e.g.) from II. 16. 246 k-nti 
K SirjTcu when he shall have chased. 

Ktov is probably an Aor., since *#u does not occur. The accentuation of 
the Part. KUUV is in favour of this, but not decisively (cp. \&v, luv). 

(4) With u (strong eu) : KV0 hid, fyvyov fled, TV\Z hit upon, 
TTv06^r]v I heard tell, torvyovfelt disgust, ^KTVTTC sounded, rjpvye del- 
lowed, 7JX.v6ov I came, ZK\VOV heard, a/u-Trzwe recovered breath. 

With CM, ave shouted, avy (Subj.) kindle, tTt-avpetv to gain from, 
enjoy. With eu, tvpe found. 

K\vov is clearly an Aor. in Homer. The Pres. K\VO>, which occurs in 
Hesiod (Op. 726 ou yap roi ye K\vov<riv} and in Attic poets, is perhaps only a 
mistaken imitation of the Homeric style. 

(5) With ctp, pa, p (strong ep, pe) : f-TrpdO-o-^v (ir<lp0-u>) we 
sacked, Kar-ebpaOov went to sleep, t-bpaKov (SepKojuai) looked, Zbpafjiov 
(bpofjios) ran, Z-Tpa-jrov turned, trpafa (rpe^co) was nurtured, rapTtto- 
fji0a (repTra)) let us take our pleasure, e/3paxe rattled, a/xapre (also 
^/ut/3pore) missed, 7rrape sneezed, lyp-ero (eyep-) was roused, dyp- 
optvoi (dyep-) assembled ( 33). 

With dX, X (strong cX) : t-fiaX-ov (/3e'A-os), l-7rX-e^, eTrAero 
turned, came to be ( 33). 

With op, oX : l-TTop-ov furnished, e0ope leaped, erope pierced^ 
wpero was stirred up, ef/c-juioA-e came out, oAeo-^at to perish. 

The of the strong Stem appears in eUoz;, e'A-oz/ took, p-e'0-0ai 
to ask (cp. 22, 6). 

It will be seen that up, pd, aX are generally placed between 
consonants, where p, X would be unpronounceable. The only 
exceptions are, e-nrapov and '{3aXo>. On the other hand op, oX only 
appear before a vowel. 

(6) With d (strong w, CJA) : c-TtaO-ov (irevd-os) suffered, paQ-ov 
learned, Zhaxov obtained as share, e^aSe (Fut. x^tcrojutat) contained, 
to bite, bdrjraL shall learn (Sao--, strong form *8eya-, cp. 
;, 36, 5). 

D 2 

36 TENSES. [32. 

o.v, ajx (before a vowel) : Z-KTCLV-OV Jellied, t-Oave died, t-Kap-ov 
wearied, rajute cut (cp. f-ba^-r], 42). 

ey appears in ytv-ivQai to become. 

(7) With loss of e : e-<rx-ov held (ex-o> for o-e'x-co), ecnrero /<?/- 
lowed, Inf. e7U-o-7re<r#ai (eVo/xat for treTr-ojucu), e7rt-7rreo-0ai (T^T-) fo 
j% #?;<?/*, efero <? (for e-o-6-ero, Ahrens, 0. J^. 95). 

The e is retained in e-reK-oz/ brought forth, air-tyQ-wQai' to incur 
hatred, 2<rxe0oz> Wd (?). In these cases loss o5 e is phonetically 

dir-T|x0 - TO is an Aor. in Homer (the Pres. being air-tx9a.vo-^at), although, a 
Present 6x#o-^cu is found in Attic. The simple ijx^fTO (Od. 14. 366, e'x^ftr^at 
Od. 4. 756, t-xOoptvos Od. 4. 502) is called Impf. by Veitch ; but the meaning 
in the three places seems to be the same as in an-^ \0ero not was hateful, but 
came to be hated. 

The only ground for taking 6<rx0ov to be an Aor. is the Inf. (rxcOeetv (II. 
23. 466, Od. 5. 320). Possibly this may be a Pres. Inf. in -v ( 85, 2), 
preserved owing to the impossibility of ax* fiv i n ^ ne hexameter. 

32.] The foregoing list calls for some further remarks. 

T. Comparing the Second Aorists of later Greek, we are struck 
by the number of instances in Homer in which the Thematic 
e or o follows another vowel. 

In exP ae J $^5 ^" e > barren, (for e-xp^-^ ^f-e, Aaf-e, daf-rjrat) 
the hiatus is due to the loss of F. So in Aoe (for AoTe). Simi- 
larly cr is lost in Sarjrai (&a<r-) shall learn. 

In several cases the Thematic inflexion is found intermingled 
with Non-thematic forms. Thus we have *K\VOV, Imper. K\v6i ; 
afjL-iTvvc, Mid. ap-Ttvv-To ; tviov, Imper. irWi (Ar. Vesp. 1489); 
biov I ran, tv-bit-a-av cfiased (6177-^1). The presumption is that 
the Non-thematic forms are older, the others being derived from 
them as lor / was and ri'Lov 1 went from corresponding parts of 
efyu, et/u (cp. 1 8). Similarly we may account for ZKLOV (KI- in 
Pres. KL-wiJiai), and perhaps bie feared, aiov heard. 

2. Another characteristic group is formed by the Aorist Stems 
in which we find initial a either entering into a diphthong (at-, 
av-) or followed by a double consonant : viz. aid-, alb-, av- (in 
ave), av- (in avrj kindle), avp-, akO-, a\(f>-, CLVT-. Some of these 
which are usually counted as Present Stems require separate 
notice : 

al6- occurs in Homer only in the Part. aWo/jLtvos burning : as 
to the adjectival use of Participles see 244. The Stem is found 
in the Sanscr. idh-ati burns. 

al8- occurs in the Indie. atero_, Imper. cuSeo, Part, albopcvos ; 
the corresponding Pres. is always cu8e'o//cu. 

aue shouted may always be an Aor. (II. n. 461. _, 13. 477., 20. 


48, 51). We may identify this au- with u in Sanscr. u-noti calls. 
The d- is a distinct syllable in the Aor. av-o-e, cp. dvrrj. 

auT) (Od. 5' 490? v. 1. avoi) makes good sense as an Aor., ex- 
pressing the act of kindling. The Stem is weak (auo-- = Sanscr. 
ush- in ush-ds, ^Eol. cwcos); the strong form appears in e# 
Lat. uro. 

7r-avpiv exhibits the Thematic form answering to aTT- 
aTTo-vpas ( 13). 

aXe-ero,, found only in II. 5. 417, is clearly an Aor. 

dX<f>- occurs in ri\(j)ov, Opt. a\(j)OL, with Aor. meaning. 

drr- in ^i/rero, (rvv-avTeo-Orjv, Inf. dvrecrdai, Part. 
always with clear Aor. meaning. Accordingly arreo-0cu in II. 15. 
698 (the only place where it occurs) was accented by Tyrannic 

The a- of al0-, aua--, &c. is discussed by De Saussure along with that of dpx-, 
dyx- in a passage quoted above ( 30 note). He regards it as 'prothetic/ so 
that the Stems in which it appears are generally in "the weak form. The -fc- 
of au- may answer to either fe or ev in the strong form ; thus avS-rj : 
= av<a : d^e^-ca (Sanscr. vaksh-} = avx-'H : eux-o/xai, perhaps tir-avptiv : 
A similar d- appears in d-jue//3<y, d-^\yca, aeipca perhaps in a-XirtaOai, a- 
(but in these it may be originally significant, infra, 3). 

In d\0-, d\<|>-, dvr- the form is weak (perhaps d\9- is to a strong d\fO- as 
d\y-os : d\cy-o} or d\rc-ri : d\fK- in dA^w), or else the strong and weak forms 
coincided (as in apx-, dyx-> 3)- 

It appears then that in the Tenses with which we are dealing the strong 
Stem has generally disappeared, and the Present has been derived afresh from 
the weak Stem, by means of one of the various Suffixes. Thus we have ai8-, 
Pres. alS-eofjiai ; atie, Pres. dvTfca ; avp-, Pres. fir-avp-ia/toj ; dvr-, Pres. avridou, 
The process has been the same in d\ir-faOai and Pres. d\ir-aivoj, 
and dfrnpr-dvoj, eup-eiv and cvp-iffKca, ex^eo'^at and dir-fxQ- avo f* at > o\taOt 
and 6\iffO-dvca, also in Attic alaO-caOai and alaO-dvonm. The last is interesting 
as the only post-Homeric Second Aorist which is used in good Attic prose. 

3. A few Thematic Aorists seem to be formed from the Stems 
of Nouns of the O-declension. Thus expense availed is generally 
derived from XP 7 ? "^? useful (Curt. Verb. ii. 13). So, according 
to Curtius, 0pfjie-T warm ye, 0p/u,e-ro grew warm, from flep/zo's ; 
oTrAe-o-^at (II. 19. 172., 23. 159) to get ready, from oTrAor (oTrAe-co); 
yoov (II. 6. 500) bewailed, from yo'os (yo-aa>); ajmapr-etz; to miss, 
from d-/xap-ro- without part in. 

Some at least of these instances may be otherwise explained. For oirXeo-Oai 
we may read oirXctcrOai (the uncontracted 6n\erOai is impossible in the 
hexameter), yoov in II. 6. 500 at plv crt faov yoov "Enropa K. r. \. makes better 
sense as an Impf. : Tick reads y6ar, 3 Plur. of an ' ^Eolic ' y6r] jwt. Possibly y6ov 
is for y6fov by hyphaeresis ( 105, 4). 

33.] In several cases it is difficult to say whether loss of c is 
characteristic of an Aor. Stem, or is merely phonetic, due to 

38 TENSES. [34. 

* syncope. 5 Thus we have ayepozro, Part, aypo/xez/ot : o>(/>eXov 
and the Attic ox^Xoy owed : TreXco and the syncopated forms 
TrXero, Part. eTrf/rXo/xez/oy, &c. (not eTrcXez;, eTre'Xero, &c. 
in Homer). 

d-yepovTo were assembled, Inf. ayepeaOai (so accented in MSS.) imply a Pres. 
aytpca ; but the Part, ayp-opfvoi seems to be an Aor. The e is only lost in 
the Part., whereas in the undoubted Aor. Zyp-cro the form fyep- never occurs 
(Opt. ZypoiTO, Inf. 7/>e<r0ai). In II. 7. 434., 24. 789 aptyl Trvprjv . . . Zypero Xaos 
Cobet (Misc. Crit. p. 415) proposed to read tfypfTo, from ayfp-. The emendation 
gives a good sense, but is not absolutely necessary. 

4>6Xov ought ( = would that} bears a different sense from the Aor. &<|>\ov, 
but is indistinguishable from the Impf. &q>e\\ov (Od. 8. 312 TOJ ^ yeivaaOai 
o^eAXov, so II. 7. 390., 24. 764, Od. 14. 68., 18. 401). Hence u(pc\ov is pro- 
bably an older form of the Imperfect which has survived in this particular 

e-rrXcv, eirXe-TO, &c. must be Aorists, since 

(1) 7r\To occurs in the 'gnomic' use, e.g. 

II. 2. 480 iyuT6 jSovs a-ye\7](l>i fjity' foxos TT\CTO iravrwv 
and so in II. 24. 94, Od. 7. 217. This use is not found with the Impf. 

(2) lirXcro with the meaning of a Present can only be explained as an Aor. 
= the English Pf., has turned out, has come to be, (and so is) : see 78, and cp. II. 
12. 271 vvv 677A.6TO epyov airavToiv now it has become : with another Aor. similarly 
used, II. 15. 227 TroAu KepSiov ZirXfro, on viroeigev it is better that he has yielded: 
also II. 6. 434., 7. 31., 8. 552., 14. 337., 19. 57, Od. 20. 304, &c. 

The Part, occurs in firi-rr\6iJ.vov troy (Od.) and 7re/H-7rA.o/iei/cwi> tviavruv, with 
much the same force as the Pres. Part, in the equivalent phrase irfpireXXo- 
H&'<uv kviavrwv. But, as we shall see, an Aor. Part, may have the meaning of 
an adjective ( 244) : cp. volvenda dies. 

34.] Comparison of the Thematic 'Strong' Aorists found in Homer with 
those of other periods of Greek brings out strikingly the relation between the 
Homeric and the later dialect. 

It may be assumed that the Strong Aorists, like the Strong Preterites in 
English, were a diminishing class, never added to (except by learned imitators 
of the Epic style), and gradually superseded by the more convenient forms in 
-era. Hence the comparative frequency of these Aorists in an author indicates 
either an early date or (at least) the use of an archaic style. 

Curtius enumerates altogether 117 Strong Aorists, of which 84 are found in 
Homer. Of these 84, again, about 30 occur also in prose, while as many more 
are used in the later poetical style (eAa/cor, HKIOV, $K\VOV, poXelv, iropeiv, &c.). 
Of the non- Homeric examples only one, viz. alo-9eo-0ai, belongs to the language 
of prose; about 15 are found in good early poetry (e.g. Sucttv, Oiyeiv, Kavelv, 
ftXaareiv, in Attic dramatists) ; most of the others are evidently figments of 
learned poets, imitated from actual Homeric forms, e.g. ZSaev (from Homeric 
Se'Saef), e/*/xopoi> (from popos and the Homeric Pf. fypopc}, efiovire. 

These facts seem to show both the high antiquity of the Homeric language 
and the position which it held as the chief though not the only source of the 
poetical vocabulary of historical times. 


35.] The Reduplicated Thematic Present. This formation 
appears in a few instances only : 
/u'-/xz/-ere await (jxei>-o>). 

holds, for *o-t-cr)(-t, from * 
ifet sits, for *o-t-o-8-et, from (re8-. 
ytyverair becomes (yev-). 
TiKTO), for rt-TK-o), from rex-. 
vfoo[j,ai / ^0, j?a##, for zn-rtr-ojuat, or zn-zxr-fco-jucu, from yeo-- : 

related to veo/xat ( 29, 6) as to-xco to ex<^ 
6ife sought (Thematic form answering to 8lf-/iatj 16). 
icw-eis sleepest (Aor. aeo-a, for dfe-o-a, I slept, cp. a#<o and deo>). 
In this group of Verbs the Root is in the weak form ; the 
vowel of the reduplication is always i. 

(for f t-faxcw) is generally placed in this class. The Pres. Indie, does 
not occur, and the past Tense taxov is an Aor. in II. 5. 860., 14. 148., 18. 219 
ore T' taxf aa\iri~f ( 79), and may always be so in Homer. As to its original 
form see 31, i, note. Thus the evidence for ldx<o is reduced to the Part. 
ldxv, and that is not used in a way that is decisive between the Pres. and 
the Aor. 

36.] The Reduplicated Aorist. These Tenses are formed 
with the weak Stem, and either (i) reduplication of an initial 
consonant with e, or (2) Attic Reduplication. The following are 
the chief examples : 

(1) a : eK-A.e'Aa0-oz> made to forget, AeAa/3eV0ai to seize, KeKabvv 
severing, KCKCLOOVTO yielded, neyapovro rejoiced, a/x-Tre-TraXcoz; brandish- 
ing on high, reraywz; grasping, ijy-ay-ov led, e-?J7ra</>e deceived, 
ripape fitted, ^Ka^e vexed. 

(2) t : 7re7ri0-ot/ixei> may persuade, 7re0i8eV0at to spare. 

(3) " : TZTVK-OVTO made for themselves, TTZTTI/OOITO may hear ly 
report, KeKvOaxn shall hide. 

(4) ap (pa), a\, X : rerap-Tr-ero was pleased, 7re'$pa8e showed forth, 
aX-aAKe warded off, e-Ke'-K\-ero shouted (KZ\-). 

(5) a, v (for CK) : AeXdx~^T (Subj.) make to share, 8e'8a> taught 
(cp. 31, 5); !-7re-<i>-e slew (cp. W-^a-rai is slain). 

(6) Loss of c : l-re-r/ute found, caught (re/x- ?); tti-nov said (per- 
haps for e-fe-feTr-oz;)* ; also eo-Trero followed, if it is taken to be 
for o-0"7T-ro. 

* The difficulty in the way of this explanation is that in the old Attic 
inscriptions which distinguish the original diphthong et (written El) from the 
sound arising from contraction or ' compensatory ' lengthening (written E), 
the word eirre is always written with El (Cauer in Curt. Stud. viii. 257). In 
Sanscr. the corresponding form is avocam, for a-va-vac-am (vac becoming we). 
Answering to this we expect in Greek eevirov (Vogrinz, Gr. d. horn. Dial. p. 123). 

40 TENSES. [37. 

The forms which point to *a-o"ir-TO, viz. eatrcavrai (Od. 12. 349), 
(Od. 19. 579., 21. 77), ffireff6< (II. 12. 350, 363), fairofJifvcs (II. 10. 246., 12.395., 
13. 570), can be easily altered (e.g. by writing o>a o-irot|XT]v for a/ <TITOIJJLTJV). 
We always have (ni-airfadai, kiri-a-n6p.tvos, /jKraffiroufvos (never ety-effnofjifvos, &c.) ; 
i. e. fan- only creeps in when a preceding final vowel can be elided without 
further change. 

(7) A peculiar Reduplication is found in fipvKCLKt (Pres. epw;-a>) 
checked, and rivtirairc (evmrf) rebuked. 

These Aorists are exclusively Homeric, except rjyayov and 
eeiirov (Attic et-nw). They are mostly Transitive or Causative in 
meaning ; compare -Xa\o-v I got for my share, with XeAa^o-v / 
made to share; aprjpe is fitting, with r/pape made to jit, &c. 

The Inf. SeBaa-aOai (Od. 16. 316) is not to be connected with the Perf. Part. 
8e8a-ws, but is for ScSaeaflat, Inf. Mid. of the Eeduplicated Aorist SeSaev taught. 
Thus the sense is to have oneself taught. 

37.] Aorists in -a. Besides the usual forms of 1-eiTro-u (et- 
TTO-V) we find a 2 Sing. ei7ra-s (II. I. 106, 108), or e-enra-s (II. 24. 
379), 2 Plur. e^Tra-re (Od. 3. 427). Answering to the Attic 
tfveyKov Homer has rjveiKa, Opt evclka-t, &c. : but Inf. ez/etK-/x,ez; 
(II. 19. 194). In these two cases the form in -ov is probably 

Tenses with Suffix ^Non-Thematic). 

38.] The Tense-Stems which remain to be discussed are 
formed (like the Presents in -z^jui and -vvpi) by means of a 
characteristic Suffix. Of these Tense-Stems three are Non- 
Thematic, viz. those of the Aorists formed by the Suffixes -aa, 
-T), and -Orj. 

It is important to notice the difference between these formations and the 
Perfect and Aorist Stems which take -/fa. The Suffix -a in such cases is not 
characteristic of the Tense-Stem. It is only found as a rule with certain 

39.] The Aorist in -<ro (called ' Sigmatic ' and ' Weak* ' Aor.). 
The Suffix -aa is joined to the Verb-Stem (usually in its strong 
form), as epprjfe (prjy-), TJ\ei\l/a-v ($-) 5 e-nvev-o-a-v (irvev-), 
e8eto-e (for e-8/et-o-e) feared, e-^rj-a-d-v, e-^u-o-a. 

The following are the chief varieties : 

I. Verb-Stems ending in a Dental or a-, preceded by a short 
vowel, form -aaa or -aa : thus we have -rjpecra-a and ^pecra (for 
7)-per-o-a, from eper-) ; eV-craro, eWo-0at (feo--) ; o-/3eV-o-at, rpeV- 

* The term ' Weak ' implies formation by means of a Suffix. It was sug- 
gested by the analogy between the two Aorists and the Strong and Weak 
Preterites of the Teutonic languages. 

39-] AORIST IN -2A. 41 

acu ', eVay, e$-eWa-ro (16- for *o--) ; e-0Aa(re and 0Aao--o-, 
(ntacra-To, e-8a<r-(ra-ro, eo--e-/xao--(ra-ro, vd(T-va ( 51, %) '> X a(T(ra ~ TO 
(cp. -)(ae), -<j)pa(rd-iJir]v (<ppab~), pa<T(ra-re (pad-), iraa-d-^v (mir-) j 
eAAia-a-^i; (Air-), wSva-a-ro (d6uo--). 

Verbs in -w form the Aorist in this way, as wTrao-a, 
, ijpfM)(T ', or (less commonly) in -fa, as tevapia, 
, eyyvaAife. apirdfa) forms rjpTragt and rjpiraa-c. 

2. Derivative Verbs in -aw, -ea>, -oa>, -u&> usually form the Aor. 
with a long vowel (in -rycra, -axra, -Do-a). But the Verbs in -w 
often form the Aor. in -etra-a, -eo-a ; not only the Verbs derived 
from Noun-Stems in -ea, such as reXeco, ^eiKt'co, aKr/8eco, but also 
several Verbs derived from Masc. Nouns in -o-s; e.g. e/copeV-o-aro 
w^ satiated (PL KeKoprj-jute^oy), KoreV-craro w<s enraged (KCKor^-wj), 
7r60(rav longed for ('jro0ij-/jLvai) ) a\ta-arav ground. 

Other examples of o-o- in the Aor., though the Verb- Stem 
cannot be shown to end in o- or a Dental, are : T^do" " 0111 " (aya-pai) 
was amazed, erdXa-ao-a endured, K^pa-o-o-e mixed, Trepa-oraa sold, 
rjXa-o-ora drove, v\pa-(rd^v loved, eSdjia-aaa tamed, IXd-o-aoi'Tai 
(Subj.) shall appease, icaX^-o-aai to call, dX^-o-o-ai to destroy, Irdw- 
acra stretched, eKdiru-o-ae panted, epu-oraajxci/ ^/^w, a-aa $&p^ Xoe- 
aaaTo washed, ojjio-aai to swear, o^d-o-o-aro made light of', see 51. 
Note that when -<ra is preceded by a short vowel there is always 
a collateral form in -o-o-a : the only exceptions are arope-o-at 
to strew and Kpejxd-aai to hang, and these are due to metrical 

Most of the Aorists in -So-o-a, -co-o-a, &c. are evidently due to the analogy 
of those in which -era was originally preceded by a short vowel and a dental 
or <r. That is to say, IraXa-aaa, fK&\f-affa, &c. do not follow the type of 
(ppr)a, ij\i^a (as tprj-ffa, fyv-aa did), but the type of tQ\aa-aa, IrcAccr-o-a. Thus 
-o-o-a becomes the Tense Suffix after a short vowel, just as -aa is after a long 
vowel or diphthong. 

The forms \ovaf, \ovffai, Kovaavro, \ovffaa6ai, &c., which suppose an Aor. 
*-\ov-o-a can nearly always be written Xoe-. The exceptions are, II. 14. 7 
Oepjjirjvri real Xovari airo @p6TOv (read \otffr) re diro) 7 Od. 6. 210 \ovffare T' kv -norap.y, 
6. 219 diroXovffOfjiai. 

3. With Verb- Stems ending in p, v, p, X, the a- is usually lost, 
and the preceding vowel lengthened, e becoming et : as 
(ya/a-), Kprjijvai (Kpdav-, 55)> TT--TL\a (reA-), -(f)i\a-To 
ryyetpa (eyep-), yr\pa-To (x a />-)*- A few Stems retain cr : Sip-era, 
ap-a-at, d-Tro-ep-cre, !-Kep-(re, KVp-cra-s, 0vp-(ra), IX-o-a-z;, KeA-rrat, 
KeWat. This is the rule when p or A of the Stem is followed by 
a dental, as in l-Trepcre (for e-7rep0-(re), ^/utepcre (d/xep5o>). But v 

* The form tjpa-TO, which is usually taken to be an Aor. of ap-vv-nm, may 
stand to dptaOai as I-TTTU-TO to irreaOai, uva-ro to ovo-pai, Sic-vrat to Sie-aOai (see 
however Cobet, Msc. Grit. p. 400). 

42 TENSES. [40. 

before 8 is lost in e-<r7reicra (for e-cr7rez>5-0-a) : cp. TreiVojueu for 

o^ai, &c. The form /ceWai (II. 23. 337) is later. 
The Verb-Stem o^eX- makes an Aor. Opt. o^e'XXcie : see 53. 

40.] Primitive Aorists with Suffix -<r-. Originally the 
Sigmatic Aorist was inflected like the Aorist in -d already 
described ( 15) : that is to say, the a appeared in the I Sing. 
(perhaps also 3 Plur. -&v) and the Stem was liable to variation 
between a strong and a weak form. Thus from a Stem TCUK-, 
TUK-, with the regular phonetic changes, we should have had 

Active, I Sing. ereva. 

2 Tv (for -TVK-(T-s). 

3 Ttv (for -TVK-O--T). 
I Plur. ereuy/xez/ (or 

2, TVKT (or 

3 Tvav. 

Middle, I Sing, ervy^v (for e- 

a ervfo (for e-TUK-cr-o-o), Imper. 

3 erv/cro (for e-rv/c-(r-ro 

3 Du. Tvx.Orjv (for e- 

Inf. Tvyjdai (for TVK-v-crOai or 

Part. TvyjjLfvos (for TVK^cr-fjievos. 
Several forms belonging to this scheme have survived in 
Homer : 

!Aea, Mid. eAey^y, eXcKro, Imper. Aefo, Inf. /cara-Aex0ai, 
Part. Kara-Xey^ez^os. 

(e6efa-ju^^), SCKTO, Imper. Se'fo, Inf. ge'x^at. 
e/uufa, Mid. e/xtxro and IUKTO. 

7H?a, Mid. KaT-7TT]KTO (II. II. 378). 

TTp<ra, Mid. Inf. nepOai. 

em/Aa, Mid. ay-e7raXro, TraXro. 

(r/Xa-ro), aXo-Q, aXro (better ^Xo-o, aXro), Part. TT-aX^ei/os. 

ajpa-a, Mid. 2pro, Imper. o/xro, Inf. op^at, Part, opjutero?. 

?Jpcra, Part. ap{JLVOS. 

(fja-a-To), Part, aa^vos. 

(eXeXtfa-jixeyos), eXeXcKro (read feXifajuteyoj, efeXiKro, 53). 

yevro seized (yep-). 

jj.triva, 3 Du. \uavQr\v (cp. TretyavOc for Tre^av-o-^e). 

t/cro (Hes. Th. 481), Part. IK^VOS coming. 
Add t-i/Kro (Thebais, fr. 3), KeWo (Alcm. fr. 141). 

The * regular ' forms, such as e5efaro, rjkaro, rjfo-aro, are to be 
explained like ^va-ro^ &c. ( 15). On this view ee'faro and 
TJfXaro are related to SCKTO and d'Xro precisely as ex e ^ aro ^ X^ ro ' 
and similarly rjo-a-ro to avptvos as exe^aro to yyptvos. 

The form ^iav6t]v (II. 4. 146) is now generally taken as 3 Plur., 
for tjjiiavOtv, or fyiMria-av. The 3 Plur. in -TJI> is found occa- 

41.] AORIST IN -SE(O). 43 

sionally on inscriptions in other dialects (Meyer, G. G. p. 468); 
but that is very slight ground for admitting it in Homer. In 
any case it is later than -ec, and due to the analogy of the other 
Person-Endings *. 

The Homericr forms of the Subj. also pre-suppose a Stem without final a : 
e.g. the Subj. /3i7<r-o-juei> points to an Indie. *t-firja-p.v ( 80). The existence 
of such Indicatives in an earlier period of the language is proved by the San- 
scrit Aorists with 8, many of which join the Person-Endings directly to the 
Stem, without an ' auxiliary' a (except in the i Sing, and 3 Plur.) ; e. g. the 
~Rootji gives ajaish-am, 3 Sing, ajais (for a-jai-s-f), I Plur. ajaish-ma, &c. 

Upon this stage of inflexion Joh. Schmidt has based a very probable 
explanation of the 3 Plur. Ending -<rav (K. Z. xxvii. p. 323). It is evident 
that owing to the loss of <r the Tense-Stem of such forms as Zrfvynev, erey/cre, 
trvKTO appears as TCVK- or TUK-, instead of TV-, ru-. Consequently the form 
erevgav would be felt as trtvic-aav ; that is to say, -o-av would become in fact 
the 3 Plur. Ending. Such an Ending would then be easily transferred to 
other Tenses, c8o~aav, fffra-crav, &c. The usual theory is that -o-av in these 
forms comes from the regular Aor. in -o-a. But this does not explain why it 
is confined to the 3 Plur, why we have (e.g.} tSo-aav but not ISo-c 

41.] Aorist in -o-e(o). Several Stems form a Weak Aorist as 
a thematic tense, with e or o instead of a : viz. to-z/, e-/3rjo-e-To, 
-bvo--TO (bvcro-ptvos Od. I. 24); Imper. TreXao-o-e-roz; (II. 10. 
443), afc-re, otcre-re,, opo-c-o; Inf. dfe-juei>ai (II. 23. 5> 
ill), ol<r[jLvai (II. 3. 1 20) : perhaps also e-TToro-v (TTCT-). 

The forms ej^ae-ro, eouorero were preferred by Aristarchus to 
those in -o-dro: see Schol. A on II. 2. 579-j 3- 262., 10. 5*3- 
They were regarded by ancient grammarians as Imperfects 
(Schol. A on II. i. 496); and this view is supported by one or 
two passages, esp. Od. 10. 107, where f) dp* es Kpi']vr]v Kare/3?j- 
(TTo must mean she was going clown to the spring (when the mes- 
sengers met her). So in the Part., Od. I. 24 ot \L\V bva-o^vov 
'Tvtpiovos 01 8' drtoVros, and II. 5. 46 zwf ' fa-new ^TnfBrjo-o^vov 
pierced as he was mounting his chariot, cp. 23. 379. 

The forms !o-v, d-(jiv<u, &c. answer closely to the Sanscr. Preterite in 
-sa-w, as d-diksha-m. eireo-ov is difficult to explain as e-irer-aov, both (i) because 
it can hardly be accidental that we never have fireaffov, and (2) because it 
has to be separated from the Doric tirerov. Possibly there was a primitive 
non-Thematic *4'-7rcTa, e-wc?, eires (for l-irtr-s, I-TTCT-T), Du. eireorov, &c., 3 Plur. 
Z-irer-av, from which both eirer-ov and eirea-ov might be derived in much the 
same way as t-Krav-ov from the primitive t-KTtva., Plur. Z-KTO.-^ ( 1 3). 

* One of the reviewers of the former edition (Cauer in the Jahresb. d. philol. 
Vereins) objects that the Dual does not suit the context ('hier gar nicht in den 
Zusammenhang passt'). The subject is p-Tjpoi, which is Dual in sense ; ^and 
the Dual might well be restored throughout the sentence (roiw roi, M<vf\ae, 
HiavOr)i> aipaTi wpw (tyvee, re /c.r.X.). The explanation of [xidvOrjv as 
a Dual is due to Buttmann (Ausf. Spr. ii. 244, ed. 2). 


42.] The Aorist in -v\-v. The Stem of this Tense is formed 
by suffixing TJ to the weak form of the Verb-Stem. This ij 
becomes e in the 3 Plur. (-ev for original -C^T), the Opt. and the 
Part. (i. e. before i and VT). The Person-Endings are those of the 
Active, but the meaning is either Intransitive or Passive : e. g. 
e-xap-f? rejoiced, e-Scb? was taught, e-tydv-rj appeared, rpdty-rj was 
nurtured, Z-dk-rj shrank (Stem feA-), St-e-r/ixay-e-y parted asunder, 
e-Tray-r/, e-da/x-r?, e-ay-r?, -(B\a(3-v, l-piy-i), TdpTr-rj-^v and (with 
Metathesis) rpaTr-rj-o/xez; (rep-Tr-co), &c. 

The Stem is long in e-TrArjy-?? (cp. l-TreTrAr/y-oi^ TrXryy-?]), and 
once in eayrj (a in II. II. 559)*. The Inf. repo-rj-juez/at (repcn^ac), 
which occurs in II. i6 519, Od. 6. 98, need not be an Aorist : 
see the similar forms in 19. The Part, ava-ppo^v (Od. n. 
586) is not connected with ava-fieppo^v ( 25); see Buttmann, 

There is evidently a close relation between these ' Passive ' Aorists and the 
forms discussed in 14 (such as -^\rj-v, t-Trrrj-v, e-rA^, c-triS?;), and we can 
hardly doubt that they are nothing more than an extension by analogy of that 
older type (see Brugmann, M. U. i. 71). The chief difference is that (as in- the 
Thematic Aorist) the Stem is usually disyllabic, retaining the short vowel of 
the root : thus we have l-8a/7, but b^rj- in Se-S/xTy-Tat, &c. 

The Aorists with Stems in a and to ( 19) are parallel to the Aorists in -TJ. 
Thus Y^pa-vai, {3iw-vai, a\w-vai only differ in the quality of the vowel from 
8afj-v<u, dX^-vat : and there might have been numerous Aorists in -dv and -cov 
along with those in -TJV, just as there are derivative Verbs in -aw, -oa> as well 
as in -to. 

43.] The Aorist in -Qi)-v. The Stem of this Tense is formed 
by the Suffix -Or]. The Person-Endings are the same as those of 
the Aorist in -77, and the meaning is Reflexive or Passive. 

In later Greek the Verb-Stem is mostly in the strong form, 
as e-8?Jx-077-z>5 e-Act^-^v, t-^vy^-Q^v ; but this does not seem to 
have been the original rule : e. g. Homer has e-rv^-Orj was made, 
Attic t-Ttvx-Or]. So we find the weak Stem in Kar-e-Kra-0ez; 
(KTV-), ra-6r] (TV-), rap<-0r/ (repr-co), Tpaty-Orj-vai, (rpeTrco), e-ora- 
07? (Od. 17. 463), \v-0-r), e-e-o-?J-0T7, e-(0t-0z;. 

The Stems of /cAiVa) and Kpfoo) vary in regard to the v : we 
have -K\iv-0r] and e-KA-0ri, KpLv-Ot-vres and 8t-e / -/cp6-0e-i>. 

44.] Meaning of the Passive Aorists. The Aorist in -TJ 
appears to have originally had an Intransitive sense, of which the 
Passive sense was a growth or adaptation. This transition is 

* In the former edition Bekker's reading ia.yr\ (Pf. Subj ,) was given as the 
probable correction for this passage. But the sense required is rather that of 
the Aor. were (i. e. had been) broken than the Pf. are in a broken state. Cp. 
Hes. Op. 534 ov T' f-nl vwra taye whose back is broken down, i. e. bowed. As to the 
a of 60x777 see 67, 3. 


seen (e.g.] in e\apy] rejoiced, eSarj learned, pvrj flowed, e 
appeared. In these instances the Passive grows out of the 
Intransitive meaning (as in the Middle forms it grows out o 
the ReflexiveTneaning). Similar transitions of meaning may be 
found in the Perfect ( 38, fin.), the Aorist (eV/Sr; was quenched), 
and even in the Present, as eKTUTrreiv to be driven out, Ketrai is 
laid down (as Pf. Mid. of nflrjjuii), and TTCIO-XCO itself. 

The Aorist in -bt\-v is often indistinguishable in meaning 
from the Aor. Middle. There appears to be ground for dis- 
tinguishing it from the Aor. in -t\v as originally reflexive rather 
than intransitive (Wackernagel, K. Z. xxx. 305.) In many cases 
Middle forms are used in Homer interchangeably with those 
in -fa\-v : thus we find dacraro and aacrOrj, atSero r)8e(raro and 
aibea-0r]T, ai^acrOai and aiyQr]vai, Swrjcraro and ^vvacrOt], KopeVo-aro 
and Kopea-Orjv, ^vr\<raa-Bai and farq<r0qi?fu, aTr-erao-o-aro and vda-dr], 
and (j)pa&6r]s, oicraTo and coiurflrj, f^o^^craro and 
i, IpeiVaro and epeurfty, wpjuTJcraro and ^p^Q-r], &c. ; also 
and f-tfrOiOev, a/uOTuro and afjiTrvvvOr], XVTO and \vOr], e/craro 
and Kra0v, Ae/cro and c^^Orjv, JMKTO and 

This observation has recently suggested a very probable account of the 
origin of the Aor. in -Oirj-v. The 2 Sing. Mid. Ending in Sanscr. is -thas, to 
which would correspond Greek -O-rjs. Hence the original inflexion was (e.g.) 
f-\v-f*T)v, f-Xv-Brjs, f-\v-ro, &c. Then eXvOrjs was regarded as -\vOr)-s, that is to 
say, \vQrj- was taken as the Tense-Stem, and the inflexion was completed on 
the model of the already formed Aorists in -ijv (Wackernagel, I. c.). 

The Aorists in -t\-v and -Orj-v are formations peculiar to Greek, and were 
doubtless developed along with the separation of Present and Aorist forms 
which had hardly been completed in the time of Homer (Curtius, Verb. 
ii. i ff.). It is worth notice that the three Aorists that have a distinctive 
Suffix agree in avoiding the Thematic Endings, while the Impf. tends to adopt 
them, as in ertOet, e'SCBov, wp.vv, &c. The reason doubtless was that the 
Thematic inflexion already prevailed in the Present. Thus a distinction of 
form was gained which was especially needed for the Aorists in -TJ-V. Forms 
like cj>L\t (which at first, as we see from (piXrj-nevai, subsisted side by side 
with 6'<j>t\T)) were adopted as Imperfects, while tjx^Y 7 ! & c - were retained as 

Thematic Present (with Suffix). 

45.] In the forms to which we now proceed the Verb-Stem 
receives a suffix which serves to distinguish the Present Stem ; 

aS TVTT-TO), KCL^-VO), (3a-(TK<*), KTlVh> (for KTV-L(i>). 

These suffixes may be compared with other elements used in 
the same way, but not always confined to the Present ; as K in 
oA.e'-K(> / destroy, e/w-Kco / restrain, 8ic>-Ka> I chase, y m Tjurj-ya) 
I cut, x in vr)-x-pfv<u to swim, Tpv-yovvi they waste, o-/x7]-xetz/ to 
smear, a in avfco (aug-eo), 6 in crxe-^e held, ea-tfety (eS-fleiz;) to eat, 


fipl-Oo-v were heavy, vXfj-Otv was full, epe-0e provoke, 
blazes, pivv-Qti diminishes, fyQivv-Oti. wastes, pya-0V kept off, 
6aXe-6o-vTs blooming, /uer-e-Kia-0oz> moved after, rjpe-0o-vTai 
flutter, riytpe-Oo-vTo were assembled (ayep-, in dyeipa)),, &c. These 
elements were called by Curtius Root-Determinatives (Chron. p. 
22 ff .) the name implying that they are of the nature of suffixes 
modifying or ' determining' the meaning of a simple Hoot. But 
their origin and primitive significance are quite unknown (Brug- 
mann, Grundriss, ii. 8, n. 2). 

46.] The T-Class. The suffix -re (o) is usually found with a 
Verb-Stem ending in a labial mute (TT, /3, <$>), as ZVLTT-TC rebuke 
(IvlTt-rf), \a\tTT-Ti annoys, dorpaTr-rei lightens, o-Kerr-reo look out, 

KAeTT-re, KOTT-re, TVTT-T, (--{JLCLpTT-TC ', aTJTO) (d<-) fasten, KpVTTTMV 

(Kpv(f)-a) /tiding, Odirre (6a$-) bury, pdnrtiv to sew, string together-, 

p\dTTTL (/3Aa/3-) harms. 

The Stem is in the weak form; the corresponding long forms 

are generally wanting. 

This suffix is combined with Reduplication in l-d-n-r^ (for l- 

r-ro), cp. Lat. jac-io) I hurl, which occurs in Od. 2. 376 Kara 

KaA.6z; IdirTy shall maltreat (lit. knock about] her fair flesh* . 

JTT may be for tr-i-, and, if so, these Verbs would belong to the I-Class ( 50). 
In some cases, however, the IT represents an original guttural. Thus we find 
kviffoo) (fvi/t-i<u), as well as kvi-nrca (kviir-rf} ; irtaao), later itiirTo) (irtir-ojv) ; vifa, 
later vi-nroj (aTrovi-nreoOai in Od. 1 8. 179 is doubtful). Here eviffffca, irtaao), vifa 
are formed by the suffix -k*(o), and consequently fvinrca, -jreirroj, viirrca must be 
otherwise explained. So in ffKfirTo^ai, since O-KCTT- is for o-irK- (Lat. spec-io"), 
the form with TIT must be at least later than the metathesis. Hence if we 
adhere to the supposition that -ITT- is for -TTJ,- we must explain these four 
forms as due to the analogy of other Verbs in -irre(o) already in existence. 

47.] The Nasal Class. The suffix is -ye (o) after a vowel or 
fi : ^)6d-vL comes first, TL-VH>V paying (a penalty), bv-ve sank in, Ov- 
vov bustled, Kajot-^e grew weary, rdfji-vc cut ; -dV(o) after a mute, 
f]}jidpT-av missed, ij\b-av made fat, \r}6-aveL makes to forget, otd- 
dvti swells, Kvb-dveL glorifies, -Kevd-avov hid, a-n-eyO-avtau becomest 
hateful: often with the weak Stem and v inserted, ai>8-dm 
pleases (ab-), XavO-avo^v, k-\av-avov, -\dy^-avov, Tvy\-av, 

The suffix -ai/e(o) is combined with Reduplication (as in 35) 

* With l-dir-Tw may be connected l-<iicj)-0T], which occurs in the phrase (irl 
8' d<nris 4a<077 KOI Kopvs (II. 13. 543., 14. 419^ of a warrior's shield, which falls 
with or after him. For the aspirate (ta<J>6irj for t-iatyQij} compare =T)KCI, 
<TTO, &c. This explanation was given by Ebel, in K. Z. iv. 167. The 
scholar to whom I owe this reference, P. Froehde, derives it from Sanscr. 
rapdmi, ' I throw, strew about : ' so anTocirfjs = ' one whose words are thrown 
about at random' (Bezz. Beitr. iii. 24). See Curtius, Verb. ii. 364 (2 ed.). 


in mjut-TrA-ayerai (II. 9. 679), la-)(dvu> (for ^cri-cr^-ava^, tfarco (for 

The class of Verbs in -vu is derived from the Non-thematic 
Verbs in -w-. Sometimes, as has been noticed ( 18), -i>u takes 
the Thematic c or o after it, as in dju-z/vco for o^vv-^i ; but in 
other cases, especially when -w follows a vowel, u. becomes F and 
is lost. Thus &-vu- gives avva 1 accomplish, and. also averai (d) 
draws to a close : so Tivv-rai punishes and TLVO>, (frOivv- (in tyOwv- 
0co) and (j)0Lva). The vowel of ava>, (frOdva, rtvu>, (frdiva) is long- in 
Homer, short in Attic (cp. Homeric fety-o? for feV-foj, Attic 
dv-os) ; whereas in KAu>a>, K/nVco (for /cAi^-to), /cpiz;-ia>) it is 
always long. Note also that -ye(o) for -vFe(o) is confined to the 
Present, while the v of KAtz>o>, &c. appears in other Tenses 
(Solmsen, K. Z. xxix. 78). 

eXauVw has been explained as *e\a-yu-a>, but there is no parallel 
for epenthesis of u. 

The d of IKCU/O), Ki%av(a points to -av-Fw, but the forms have 
not been satisfactorily explained. 

48.] Stems formed by -crKe(o), the Iterative class of Curtius. 

(1) Without Reduplication, as /3a-(nce go, (36-a-KeL feeds, (fxi-o-Kt 
said, tAa-cnco-zmu propitiate, ^XaorKouo-t flit about, 6vfj-<rKo-v died, 
6p(p-(TKov(n leap, Trpo-/3Aa>-(TKe-/ J c6z; to go before (/3A.a>- for juAco-). 

(2) With Reduplication, jut-/u^?}-o-Ke-rat is reminded, Ki-K^rj-a-Ktv 
called, yt-yrco-crKa) 1 know, iri-(j)av-(TK showed. 

Stems ending in a consonant sometimes insert i, as a7r-a</)-t- 
o-Ki deceives, ap-dp-i-crnc fitted, evp-icrKu I find (Od. 19. 158), ITT- 
avp-io-Kovrai get benefit from (II. 13. 733). A final consonant is 
lost before one in 8t-8ao-Ke-juez; (for 8i-8ax-<rKe-), &TKO) and eto-KO) 
(cp. 4/c-eAos), TI-TVO-KC-TO (rvK- or ri;^-), bci-biarKtTo welcomed (clu-); 
probably also in utaryo-v (for juty-o-Ko-r) and Trao-^co (for 

49.] Iterative Tenses. The suffix -<rKe(o) is also used to 
form a number of Past Tenses with Iterative meaning, as lo-Ke 
(for ecr-cnce) used to be, exe-<e used to hold, KaAe-eo-Ke, TreAe-o-Ke-o 
(II. 2,2. 433)^ rtKa-o-KO-jue^ (Od. 11. 512), rpcoTra-a-Kero (II. II. 
568), pnrra-cr/ce, o^^e-(7Ke, ircaAe-crKe-ro, a>$e-(7Ke, &c. ; and from 
Aorist Stems, as ora-crKe, 6o-(rKO-z^, etTre-cr/ce, <f)dv-(TK, eprjTV-cra- 
(TK, ba-a-d-a-K-To, wo-a-0-Ke, &c. These formations differ from 
the Present Stems described above (i) in carrying distinctly the 
notion of repeated action and (2) in being confined to the Past 
Indicative. They are peculiar to the Ionic dialect, and the 
forms derived from Aorists in -aa are only found in Homer. 

c-4>acrKo-v has sometimes a distinctly Iterative meaning in Homer, as 
Od. 8. 565 Naycrifloov, 6s etyaffice HoffaSacav' dydaatrOai, and the Pres. <a07ccu does 

48 PRESENT. [50. 

not occur. It may be regarded as a link between the two groups of Stems 
with -one. 

It is remarkable that in the Latin Verbs in -sco we may distinguish in the 
same way between the regular Inceptives, such as lique-sco, puer-a-sco, and 
the Presents, such as pa-sco, pro-fic-iscor, in which the Inceptive meaning 
is hardly, or not at all, perceptible. Originally, no doubt, there was a single 
group of derivative Stems in <TK(O) with the meaning of continued or re- 
peated action. 

50.] The I-Class. The suffix was probably -te(o) in a pre- 
historic period of Greek : it appears in Stems of the following 1 
forms : 

a. In -uo, -caw, -etw, -uicj or -uw (for -t-to), -a-to), &c.), the t 
blending with the final vowel of the Stem. 

b. With epenthesis of i, in -cuvw, -aipu (for -av-iu*, -ap-ta>). 

c. With assimilation, in -XXw (for -A-tco), -o-crw (for -K-tco, -T-too), 
and -la (for -8-tco, -y-to>). 

d. By compensatory lengthening in -eiyw, -eipw, -iixo, -Gf<o, -upw 
(for -v-L(A, -ep-ta), -ti>-ta), -i5z/-ta>, -vp-to)). That the ei of -iva), 
-etpo) is not a true diphthong (and therefore not due to epenthesis) 
is shown by the corresponding Doric -rjuco, -rjpco. 

e. In -aw, -ea>, -oa>, -aua>, -euw, -ouw (for -a-tco, &c.). 

a. Verbs in -ia>, &c. 

51.] The Verbs in which the original t becomes i, thus form- 
ing -tco, -atco, -etco, -utco, are almost confined to the Homeric 
dialect. The chief examples are as follows : 

(1) -i&> : 0-0 Ui eats, Ibiov I sweated, pr\vie le angry, juiao-rte whip, 
ava-KrjKi gushed forth, KOVIO-VTZS raisin?/ dust. In these verbs 
(except perhaps the first two) the Verb-Stem ends in i, so that 
(e. g.) KOVIO-VTZS is for Koi^t-to-^res ; so probably rtco / honour, 
(j)6ia> I waste away, for rt-tco, ^t-to). The i therefore is naturally 
long, but may be shortened before a vowel ; hence it is usually 
doubtful in quantity. 

(2) -aw : usually with loss of a or F, vaiovcn dwell (Aor. vav-cra, 
vav-Qri), juaiWflai to feel ones way (Fut. jaacr-o-erat), AtXcueat 
desirest (At-Xaa--); Kata> (for Kaf-tco, cp. Aor. Krja for e-K^f-a), 
KXatco (for KAaf-ta)), Sate kindled (bdv-), vaiov swam (cp.,vav-s), 
yaiaiv rejoicing (yav-pos, Lat. gau-deo] ; /ce'pcue mix, dyatojuevo? in- 
dignant (cp. -Kpaa--ora } ^yao--o-aro, but the o- in these words is 
not original, 39, 2) ; perhaps also <0auo (if 7rapa-t/)^atr/o-t in 
II. 10. 346 is Pres. Subj., see K. Z. xxiii. 298). 

8aito divide forms its Tenses from two roots, (i) 8<u-, 3 Plur. Pf. SeSai-arat, cp. 
, 5at-s, Sai-rpos, and (2) Bar-, Pf. 8'8a(T-Tca, Pres. 8ar-ojxat (cp. irar- 

53-] /-CLASS. 49 

(3) -iw : TrvOi-Tov (probably for TrevOccr-ic-Tov) mourn, 
fighting, olvoflapeicw drunken, reAeio-z> brought to pass, 

splitting, aKm-fjievoL being healed, veiKeirj-o-i shall quarrel, 
shrink, fyweia> (Hes.). 

When the diphthongs at, ei come before a vowel there is a 
tendency to drop the i ; as aya-io-pai, 2 Plur. ayda-o-de (for dya- 
-o-#e, 55) ; Kepa-ia), 2, Plur. Kepaa-o-0e ; re'Ae-io-z;, also re'Ae-o-z; ; 
valov swam, also yd-et, va-ovcri; perhaps also Sdryrai shall be 
destroyed (root Sat- ; see Schulze, K. Z. xxix. p. 258). Where 
this tendency does not show itself, as in iraia), -Trraia), creta), it 
will usually be found that the diphthong belongs to the whole 
Verb, not merely to the Present Stem. 

So perhaps Ipci.a<r0 ye loved, IXdovrai appease, \a>v drove (Part. t\acav\ eicXcov 
broke : unless these forms are obtained by simple change from the Non- 
Thematic (pa-pai, &c. ( 18). 

For the Presents in -eta; from -e^w (Otica, irXtio), &c.), see 29, 3. 

(4) -uia> : ornate had to wife (for O7n;o--t<o). 

Most of the Presents in -ua> are of this Class (original -mco), as 
<t>vd) (Aeolic <j)VLa>), 0vco (t6viv Hesych.), Xvco, bva, I0va>, YITTUCO, 
dtCvco. The vowel is doubtful, but only because it comes before 
another vowel (as was noticed in the case of Verbs in -io>). 

lOtico generally has t; ; but v in eir-UKiovo-i (II. 18. 175), which ought to be so 
divided, not em-Gttovo-i. It is a Denominative from lOvs (0) aim* 

The Verbs in -cuw, -ouw are probably also of the I-Class (for 
-evict, -OVL(*>). For, as Curtius points out (Verb. i. 360), they 
are chiefly Denominatives, and it is contrary to analogy to form 
a Verb by suffixing the Thematic e (o) to a Noun-Stem. 

b. Epenthesis of i. 
62.] It will suffice to give a few examples : 

ai, <}>aiv<i>, /SatVo) (/3aju-ta>), and with reduplication, 

-pw : atpco, (TKacpa), a<r7ratpa>, /xap/xatpa), KapKaipco, 
atpco (for ap-ioi) is distinct from acipco, which by contraction would become 
apoj : cp. det'Scy, qSca (Brugmann, K. Z. xxvii. 196). 

This Class includes also the numerous Denominatives in -an>, 
-atpw : see 1 20. The Stem is in the weak form. 

c. Assimilation of t. 

53.] Examples : -XXw : aAAo-juai, /3aAAa>, TraXXco, o-reXAa), reAXco; 
from Nouns, dyyeAXco, vavri\Xo^ai ; with Reduplication taXXco, 
artrciAAco I rear, tend, cp. araXXco I cherish. 

Epenthesis (instead of Assimilation) is found in 6<|>iXo> I owe. 
-o-aw : oWo-/xcu (OK-), -TreVo-a) (TTCK-), eAta-cra) 
^-), XtVo-o-jixat (Atr-), Kopvcro-a) (nopvO-), Trrcocro-a) (TTTCOK-). 


50 /-CLASS. [54 

,w : for -8to) in /cXvfco, <pd([co, ya^o-pai j for -yto> in ab-/ 
i, rpio ; with reduplication, /uu/zmo> 7 loiter , /3i/3df&> / c?^e 
:Xt^o) 7 ^a^e ^ quiver (II. I. 530)*. 

<#. Compensatory lengthening. 

54.] Examples : -eu/w (for -ei/-iw), in retVo), KTCWCO, Oeiva). 
-tpo> (for -ep-tw), in etpo>, Ketpco, /utetpo/xat, Tretpco, o-Tretpco, retpw, 

, dyetpa), detpco, eyeipco, #etpa). 
-IKW (for -IK-IW), in K\iv(t), Kpiva), opivw. 
-u^w (for -ui>-jta>), in TrXwa), ZVTVVW. 
-opw (for -up-j,w), in Kvpco, /uvpojuat, (j>vpa>, 

e. Verbs in -aa>, -ea), -oco. 

55.] Assimilation. This term is applied to certain forms of 
the Verbs in -aco, in which, instead of contraction, we find 
assimilation of one of two concurrent vowels to the other, as opo'w 
for 6pdc), opdas for opdetj. 

The chief varieties are as follows : 

() Forms with simple Assimilation, the vowel being long 


pvaq (% Sing. Mid.). 
(b) With shortening of the first vowel 
opdco gives opdco 

edrj-s taq-s 

Cp. btbda-o-Oai from e8ae'-a-0at ( 35) and dyda-o-^e from dyde- 
(T0 ; Fut. eAoco, Kpe/uda) from eAaco, Kpejutdco. 

(<?) With lengthened second vowel 

opdo-ures gives opoco-vres 

opdot-re 6pda)-re 

6pdet-5 6pda-9. 

This is the commonest form of Assimilation : cp. 8?)t'oa>-i>To, 
br)'i6(p-v from dr/tda), dpdaxrt (Od. 9. 108) from dpdco, Kar-r]7rio'<DVTO 

(II. 5' 417)3 ZVTpaTOtoVTO (II. 4. 37&)j pVTTOdOVTa (Od.). 

* Cobet (Mtsc. Crt't), following Bentley, has sought to show that the forms 
of IXe\io> belong in reality to IXCo-oxa (f eAio-o-oo). He is doubtless right in 
substituting f 6\ix0vT6s for l\\ix0VTs wheeling about : but it seems necessary 
to retain cXcXC^co where the meaning is to set trembling (with intensive re- 
duplication, like d/caxi'Co>, 6\o\vfa, &c.). 


(d) With lengthened second vowel (the first being also long), 
in very few forms 

bpdowi, gives 


Other isolated examples are : juepotw^o-t (II. 15. 82) ; aXoo> 
(Od. 5. 377), 2 Sing. Imper. of dXaojuat (for dXaeo dXaou); 
KtKpdavTCLL, Kprjrjvai, Kpaiaiva) J (fradvdrj (for (j>a^v-Or]J ; troaxri 
(Subj.), o-oci)?, cro'(i> (Opt., cp. 83), o-dWres (o-ao'a>). Similar 
phenomena may be seen in <o'a>y for (f>dos (or o3ao?), o-o'os for 
o-aoy, (padvTdTOs for (fratvTaros, vrjiridas for vrjTneas, Trpvoves (II.) 
for TT proves, dorv^ocorrjs for doru/SoTJrrj? : also in a form Atz^ettoo 
(for Atreiao) read by Zenodotus in II. 5. 263, 323. 

1. These forms were regarded by the older grammarians as 
the result of a process called ' distraction/ (the exact reverse of 
contraction), by which a long vowel, a or a>, could be separated 
into two distinct vowels (<xa, ow, &c.). The first attempt to 
account for them in a more rational way was made by L. 
Meyer (A'. Z. x. 45 ff.). According to him they represent an 
intermediate stage in the process of contraction. The order, he 
argued, is 6/mco opo'eo 6p<3 : i.e. in opo'co the a has been assimilated 
to the following o>, but is not yet uttered in one breath with it. 
In the forms opoWre?, opo'coo-t, &c. he pointed out that the long 
vowel is never wanted for the metre, and accordingly he wished 
to read opo'oure?, opoovan, &c. To this last proposal exception 
was taken by Gr. Curtius (Erlauterungen,, p. 96), who made the 
counter-supposition that, as the a of these Verbs was originally 
long, the successive steps might be opaovrey, opwovres and 
(by metathesis of quantity) opoWres. The stage -wo- is 
exemplified in nvtoopevos. 

2. The main objection to this theory lies in the circumstance 
that the forms opoo), opdas and the like are exclusively * Epic/ 
that is to say, they are confined to Homer, Hesiod, and their 
direct imitators. If they had been created by any natural 
development of Greek sounds, we should expect to find them 
in other dialects. But neither in Ionic nor elsewhere is there 
any trace of their existence in living speech. It must be 
admitted, too, that neither Meyer nor Curtius has given a 
satisfactory account of the long vowel in opo'coo-i, opoWro, 
opoWres, &c. A form opo'oirej, as Curtius pointed out, would 
give opovvres, not opwz/res. And if there has been metathesis 
of quantity, why do we never find opo'cojuei; for opdo^v, or opddre 
for opoiere? 

3. An entirely different theory was put forward by J. Wack- 

53 /-CLASS. [55- 

ernagel (Bezz. Beitr. iv. 259). The true Homeric forms, in his 
view, are the original uncontracted opao), opaeis, &c. and these have 
passed into the opo'co, opdqs, &c. of our Homer by a process of 
textual corruption consisting of two stages : (i) contraction, 
according to the ordinary rules of Attic, into opw, opas, &c. 
which would obviously give forms of different metrical value 
from the original words, and then (2) restoration of the metre 
by a kind of ' distraction ' (in the old sense of the term), i.e. 
the insertion of a short vowel before the new contracted -w, -as, 
&c. Thus o^x opaei? first became o^x opas, and then metri 
gratia ov^ opdqs*. 

4. Paradoxical as this may seem, there can be little doubt 
that it is substantially right. The forms in question, as Wacker- 
nagel justly argues, are not a genuine growth of language. 
They are the result of literary tradition, that is to say, of the 
modernising process which the language of Homer must have 
undergone in the long period which elapsed before the poems 
were cared for by scholars. The nature of this process is 
excellently described and illustrated in his dissertation. In 
many cases, too, he shows that when the later form of a word 
ceased to fit the metre, some further change was made by 
which the metrical defect was cured, or at least disguised. 
Corruption of this latter kind may often be traced in the 
various readings of MSS. 

But must we suppose that optxo, &c. went through the two 
changes which Wackernagel postulates ? 

5. The case is unique, not only from the large number of 
forms involved, and the singularly thorough and systematic way 
in which they have been introduced into the text, but also from 
the circumstance which he has himself so well pointed out, 
viz. their unreal conventional stamp. They are hardly more 
' modern ' in the sense of being familiar through contemporary 
speech than the forms which they have displaced. Wacker- 
nagel has shown how ecos and recos supplanted the original rjos 
and rrjos, even where the result was absolute ruin to the verse ; 
as in Od. 19. 367, where nearly all the MSS. have eW ucoio. 
Similarly the loss of the old Gen. in -oo ( 98) has produced 

the forms Ato'Aou, 'I^trov, 'lAiou, &c. scanned . These 

examples, however, prove too much; for if such unmetrical 
forms could remain in the text without further change, why 
do we never find the slightest trace of an unmetrical 6p<3 ? 

6. It is a further objection to this part of Wackernagel's 
theory that in several words the original -aw, -aeis, -aouo-a, &c. 

* This theory was criticised by Curtius in the Leipziger Studien, iii. pp. 192 ff. 


have been retained. The instances are, z/aterdia), -dei (Hes. Th. 
775)5 -aov<ri, -da)i>, -aozrra, t)Adei, -doixn, dotStaet, -dova-a, 6/xo- 
orixaj yoaet/xev, -doiez;, Kpabdwv, cAdcou, iXaozrat, rryA.e^aoj'ray ; 
with a, dyajmcujudei, Treivdav, -dovra, bitydav. (The forms which 
have lost a F, as Ade, </>de, \paov, do not concern us now.) A 
third variety is exhibited by the form mierdoxraz; (-err/?, -077, -<ra?), 
which occurs in MSS., usually as a variant along with -dovvav 
and -ouo-av. These facts are enough to show that the causes which 
produced the Homeric -ow, -aas, &c. were not of universal efficacy. 

7. Is there, then, any way from dpdo>, opdcis to 6/xxo, opdas 
except through the contracted 6p<3, opas ? We have to deal with 
a time when 6po>, opas were the forms of ordinary speech, while 
opdco, opdeis were only known from the recitation of epic poetry. 
Under such conditions it is surely possible that the poetical 
forms were partially assimilated to the colloquial forms that 
opdco, opdeis were changed into 6po'o>, opdas by the influence of 
the familiar 6p<3, opas. Similarly tijvbave for tdvbave was 
doubtless due to the presence of the later ijvbavt, not to any 
process of contraction and distraction. The principle is con- 
stantly exemplified in language j cp. the change of (ppacri, the 
original Dat. Plur. of $pr\v, into <peo-i through the association 
of the other Case-forms. 

8. With this modification of WackernageFs view it is easier 
to account for the occasional retention of the original -aw, -acts, 
&c. If 6po'a>, opdas are due to the presence of 6/)<S, opas in every- 
day language, we may expect to find a different treatment 
of words which went out of use in post- Homeric times. Thus 
raterdco does not pass into i/ateroo) because there was no ratercS 
alongside of it in common use. Similarly eAo'co, fXdav are 
accounted for by the Attic eA<3, eAay; but the Homeric Pres. 
Part. eAdooi; is unaffected. Two instances call for a different 
explanation, viz. ireivda) and Stx/raa), since they are not rare or 
poetical words. But these are exceptions which prove the rule. 
As is shown by the Attic contraction (Tret^rJ?, &c.), they are not 
really Verbs in -aw. Whatever may be the origin of the a in the 
Homeric Treivdatv, 8tx//da)z^, &c., they do not belong to the group 
with which we are now concerned. 

9. An example of the process supposed by Wackernagel may 
be found in the Homeric rpa>7raft), rpcoxaw, o-rpw^dco, Trcordojiiai 
(as to which see Nauck, Mel. gr.-rom. iv. 886). The forms 
which occur are always contracted, but in every instance except 
one (II. 13. 557 oTpox^ar') the uncontracted form can be 
restored if at the same time the root-vowel is shortened. Thus 
in II. 15. 666 jurjSe r/>o>7rao-0e </>o'/3oi>8e we may read /mrjSfc rpo- 
mieo-0e </>o'/3oy6e. The verb Trcordo^at only occurs once (II. 12. 

54 /-CLASS. [56. 

287 Ai0oi TTWT&VTO fla/xetai), while the form Trorao/xat is well 
attested. In the other cases the restoration is supported by 
etymology (rpoTrao) from rpoTnj, &c.), and by the considerable 
traces of rpoTraco, rpo^a^, a-rpo^dco in our manuscripts (see Leaf on 
II. 15. 666). The process must have been that (e.g.] original 
rpoTrdecrOe became r/>o7racr0e (which is also found in MSS.), 
and then 

10. In the Impf. Act. assimilation is unknown, mainly 
because the metre generally allows contraction. We find 
however (i) several uncontracted forms, viz. ovrae (Od. 22. 356), 
irepaov (II. 1 6. 367), v\aov (Od. 16. 5), Kareovaaoz; (Od. 12. 436) : 
)(paT, fxpaov (for fypaFT Z\paFov) do not belong to this 
head. Also (2) some verbs show the New Ionic -eo- for -ao- } 
viz. ojnoKAeo^, ojuiOKAeojuiei', -Troreo^rat, /xeiW^eoz;, r/irreoz;, r 

For <}><ios we find the two forms (poas and Quas (II. 16. 188 
but never </>oos or <pwos *. The exclusion of <cDos is remarkable, since it is 
related to <aos as ^VOJOULCVOS to nvaopevos. The reason doubtless is that <paos 
came under the influence of $ws (cp. opaqs and o/a-as). On the other hand aaos 
became 06os owing to the later auios. The change of irpyoves to irpuoves is 
similarly due to -rrpuvfs. In the case of daTvPowTijs (for -jSoijTjys) there is no 
evidence of a form -&ajTr)s, but such a form would be according to the rules of 
Ionic contraction (fiwaas for fiorjaas, &c.). 

56.] Contraction. The extent to which contracted forms 
of verbs were admitted in the original text of Homer is a 
matter of much dispute. In this place we are properly con- 
cerned only with verbs of the I-Class (-aw, -ew, -oa>, for -a-tw, -e-tu, 
-o-j-w), not with those in which a different spirant has been lost 
(as rpeo) for rpeV-co, -TrXeco for TrXeT-co). 

i. In the verbs in -aw contraction is frequent. If the 
resolved form were written wherever the metre admits it, we 
should still find that in about half the whole number of cases 
the contraction must remain. It is worth notice too that con- 
tracted forms are often used in phrases of a fixed type, as en-ea 
TTTepoevra iTpoo-rjvSa (or Trpoo-rjvbav) rob' 6<pda\fjiola-LV 6/xS/xai 
opa (opav) (f>dos ^\LOLO appeal ?}8e /uteraAAas t^avba, /ZTJ nevOt, 
and the like f. It has indeed been noticed that there is an 
apparent preference for the resolved -aov of the i Sing, and 
3 Plur. Impf. : ; but this must be accidental. We must conclude 
then that contracted and uncontracted forms of verbs in -aw 
were used in the language of Homeric times with equal freedom : 
or at least if this be thought improbable that they subsisted 
together as alternative forms in the poetical dialect. 

* 4>6o>s may represent an ancient Plur. <j>dcos (Joh. Schmidt, Pluralb. p. 142). 
f Mangold, Curt. Stud. vi. 194. J Menrad, pp. 122-124. 


2. Verbs in -eo> rarely contract -eo or -ew, except in the 
Participle (-ivjuero? for -eojue^oj). This rule is confirmed from 
New Ionic inscriptions (Erman, Curt. Stud. v. 292), as well 
as the MSS. of Herodotus. For eu in TTOL^V^V (II. 9. 495), 
O^tvvro (II. 7. 444), o^XevvTai (II. 21. 261), eyeyoWw (Od. 9. 47, 
&c.) and a few similar forms we should write -eo (see 57). 

The contraction of -ce, -ei is established by the large number 
of instances * in which it is required by the metre. Moreover 
it is not merely a license, necessary for the sake of admitting 
certain forms into the hexameter (such as rap/3 eij, z>etKetz>, 
reAeiTai, T/yeta-flcu, o-^apayei, e(/uAei, olvo\6fi). Among the 
instances of contraction in the last foot we find 29 of -ei for -ee 
(as -^oXos 6c piv aypio? i?/>t), and 16 of -ei for -eei (as naC jute 
y\VKvs Ifjitpos cupei); also the forms <iAei (II. 2. 197 ri/x,r) 8' e* 
Acoj eon, (/uAet 5e e /wjricra Zevy, also II. 7. 280., TO. 245, 552., 
1 6. 94, Od. 15. 74), 8oKet (Od. 2. 33, and six times in the 
phrase <o? jotot do/cei eTrat aptora), reAet (II. 4. 161), KaAet (II. 
3. 390, Od. 17. 382), <^o/5et (II. 17. 177). On the other 
hand the uncontracted form has the support of the metre in 
about a hundred places, and against the instances now quoted 
of <iAet, &c. we have to set about thirty of the corresponding 
uncontracted ^xAc'ei, Soxe'ei?, -ei, reAeei, KdA&i, tftofStfiv. The 
uncontracted form therefore seems to have a slight preference, 
when the metre allows either. 

In the MSS. of Homer contraction is generally introduced as far as possible, 
according to the tendencies of Attic : but the open forms occasionally survive, 
chiefly in the fourth foot (in such forms as irpofff(f><jwe Oeios oveipos /cat yrec 
ffTjfia iSeaOat Kara 8' rjpee Hrj^dcava). And the metre clearly points to the 
open form in several other places : as 

II. II. 553 ( = 17. 663) TO.S re rplet eaavjjievos irep. 
21. 362 us 8t AejS?;? &i wSov KT\. 
16. 201 a7reiA.T6 Tpweffffiv. 
Od. 10. 548 acuTeere *y\vtcvv virvov. 

3. Verbs in -oco generally contract; yoXovpai, 
yovvovpai. For the 'assimilated'' forms brj'iouvro, 
eo-rparo'co^ra, pviroavra ( 55) we ought_, on the analogy of the 
Verbs in -aw, to substitute brfioovTo, &c. 

57.] Synizesis. The vowel c sometimes coalesces with a fol- 
lowing o or w, so as to form one syllable for the purpose of the 
metre ; e. g. deATrreo^rej, r)\aa-Teov, rjyfoeov, k-nopQeov (at the end 
of a verse), otKeotro, etAecocrt, )(pea)/xeyoy. Whether the pronun- 
ciation of these words differed from that of the contracted forms 
is a question which perhaps there are no means of determining. 

* About 160 according to the list in Menrad, pp. 132-142. 

56 /-CLASS. [58. 

Meaning of Verbs of the I- Class. 

58.] Verbs in -cw are mainly Intransitive, whether formed 
from Adjectives, as aTrtcrreo) / am unbelieving, or abstract Nouns, 
as fjio-^O^M I labour. But there is also a group of Causatives in 
-eo), as <o/3eo) I put to flight ', o^eco, c^opeco. 

Verbs in -ow are chiefly formed from Adjectives in -09, and are 
Causative, as x 7 ?/ 30 ' 60 I make desolate. Exceptions are, vTr^w-oz^res 
sleeping, piyo'co / shudder, /3too> / live. 

59.] Besideratives. One instance in -<mw is found in Homer, 
6\l/eLovTs (II. 14. 37) going to see. A suffix -ie(o) may be found 
in KaKKiovTs ffoinff to bed (xara-Ket-juat), 7u-o//,em going to drink, 
(II. 10. 96) thou art for doing. 

60.] Frequentatives, expressing habitual action, in -raco, -rao, 
-reco : as euxerdo-jxat, yaterdco, oiz/o7ro-rdco, f^-reco (dl-Cq-fuu), A.a/x- 

In -taw, KeAetmoW shouting (as if from an abstract Noun 
Tia), Kv8io'coz; glorying. 

In -I'aw, as pvKav6()(n keep restraining^ 
In -6aw, as rr]A.e0oWa blooming (6aX-{Q<s>). 

61.] Intensives, expressing actions intensified by repetition. 
These are generally reduplicated Verbs of the I-Class, the 
reduplication containing either a diphthong or a second con- 
sonant, as Sei-SiVo-eo-tfat to terrify, 6ai-8aAA<oz; working curiously, 
tK-TTai-tyao-creiv to rush in front, iran-tyaLVtov gleaming, fiaij.-fiaivu>v 
staggering, fjiap^aipovTes glittering, /cap-Kaipe chattered, nop-fyvpe was 
troubled (lit. of water), Tra-^dfovra splashing, ita-TtTaivtov peeping 
round, /xat-//dei rages, bevbiXXcw (for 8eX8- ?) winking. 

62.] Collateral forms of the Present. It is characteristic of 
the Homeric language that Present Stems formed in different 
ways from the same Verb-Stem often subsist together in actual 
use, as alternative forms expressing the same (or nearly the 
same) meaning. Thus we have A?j0-a>, Xr]Q-avu>, Xavdava ; TTC^O- 
/uat, Tivvdavo-ncu. ; /3a-o-/cco, /3cuz>a>, /3i/3a-s, /3t/3a-a), (BifBdo-Oatv ', IKCO, 
t/carco, tK-^e-o-juat ; ex^o, to-x^o, lo-^dva), la-^avda) ; epu-KO-juat, epw- 

cpv-K-avo-Gxn ; dAev-o/uat, dAvo-Kco, dA.vo-/caz>co, dAv(TKa^a) ; 

LI, ra-vvd), retVco, rtratVco ; re^x 00 ? Tuyxdz/co, ri-rv-0-KO-jmai ; 

It may be conjectured that these different forms originally expressed corre- 
sponding shades of meaning. In some cases a more specific meaning may 
still be traced ; e. g. 4>danc(i> I allege (i. e. feeep saying, or perhaps n/ to say) has 
something of the Iterative force (cp. tirrao-K fte kept flinging about) which in 

63.] FUTURE. 57 

0VT)<TKO), SiSdo-Kw, &c. has been softened or generalised into the ordinary 
meaning of the Present. Similarly the reduplication in plJ3as striding, 
jup,vaa> 1 stay waiting, Ttraivco I stretch is to be compared with that of the 
Intensive Verbs. The Perfect, too, may be regarded as a refined and 
generalised kind of Intensive ; cp. the forms \\-r]Ka, KCKpaya, p.|xvKa, &c. 
with Kapicaipco, 6XoXv<o, ira<|>X(ia>, &c. 

Future in 

63.] The Stem of the Future is formed by suffixing -cre(o) 
to the Verb-Stem (in the strong form) ; as $?7-(rei, a>-<rco, 8etfo> 

SSeiK-), eK-Trepcro) (irep0-^ Treicrojuai (irekO-), xe&rerai (x^S-), eojucu 
Sex-)' et-o-o/xai (eT-|iu). 

The Stem e<r- gives lo--crojotat and eo-ojuat (3 Sing. eVe-rat and 
eo--rai) ; so ecr-tra) (F*a-). The Futures (/)paa-cro-juiat (or $pao-o-/txai), 
H&o-a-t-Tat,, a-Tro-Sao-a-o-juat (6ao-o-z;rat), x^ " " '^ 7 " 011 are formed like 
the corresponding Aorists in -o-a ; see 39. 

Other Verbs which have an Aorist in -o-o-a (-<ra) the Verb- 
stem ending in a short vowel ( 39, 2) usually form the Future 
without o-. Thus we find : 
Aor. reXeVo-at Fut. reXe-co. 

KaAe'a-crcu /coAe-ova-a (II. 3. 383). 

oAe(T(rat dAetrat, oA.e-e<r^e (also 

Kp6juoo) (for 

7repaa-(re irepaav (for 

8ajucoa), 8aju,a (for 

eAo'co, Inf. t\aav (for eXa-co, 

d/xoi5juat (for djuto-ojaat : 3 Sing, 

on the analogy of oXetrcu, 

avvcras CLVVCD. 

fppVVCLTO pV(T0(U (II. 2O. 

a^rtatras drrtoco (also drriaoreis, Od. 22. 28). 



It is not easy to determine (even approximately) the number 
of Future Stems formed like the Aorist in -o-aa. In several 
instances the reading is uncertain : e. g. between epvo-o-eo-flat and 
(pvo-orao-OaL (II. 21. 1/6, Od. 21. 125), dyaWeo-tfai and ayava-acrQai 
(Od. 4. 181), avva-a-ta-Oai and avva-acrdai (Od. 16. 373), Trape- 
Xdo-o-et?, TrapeXdo-a-ats and TrapeXdo-crat (II. 23. 427)5 airovpia-crova-L 
and dTToupTjo-ouo-t (II. 22. 489). Several forms may be either 

58 TENSES. [64. 

Fut. or Aor. Subj. : yoiwao-o/xai (II. I. 427), oiracra-o^v (II. 24. 
I 53)> tvvd(ra> (Od. 4. 408), Aryio-o-o/xat (Od. 23. 357), cpvo-a-erai 
(II. 10. 44), dAeo-o) (Od. 13. 399), apeo-o-o'/xetfa. There remain : 
ap/ceVei (II. 21. 131 in Od. 16. 261 we should read apK.tarrj), 
atSeVerai (II. 22. 124., 24. 208), (Wcrcrerai (II. 9. 55), ycu>W(Trcu 
(II. 14. 504), dAeWeis (II. 12. 250), oAeWei (Od. 2. 49), and a 
few forms of derivative Verbs in -ao, -i&, viz. at'xjutdo-o-oixri 
(II. 4. 324), Oav^acra-^Tai (II. 1 8. 467), e^oTrAuro-oixri (Od. 
6. 69), aimao-eis (Od. 22. 28). On the whole it would appear 
that the Futures with o-o- (or o- representing original <ro) are con- 
fined to the stems which ended in o- or a dental. In a very few 
instances they are due to analogy, like the corresponding Aorists 
in -o-aa. Distinct Stems are used in apirdfa, Aor. rjpTraarev and 
apTrd^ai, Fut. apiiau>v j a<pva'(rti) ) Aor. a^vcrffdjjievos, Fut. atyv^eiv. 

From fxaxo-p-ai, besides Aor. paxeaavOai, Fut. (JLaxe-ovrai, the MSS. give an 
Aor. (iaxr<ra,To, Fut. na-XTjo-ofjuu. The ancient critics were divided as to these 
forms : Aristarchus wrote p,axT|craTO, p,axT|o"0}jiai, others p-axeo-aaro, jxax- 
60-crojjiat. The form /iaxeao-a-ro is supported by pa.ytoa.aQai ; on the other hand 
yuax'70'o^at is supported by paxrjrrjs, fj-axn^v, &c. Considering the number of 
cases in which the language has avoided forming the First Aorist and the 
Future in the same way, the probability would seem to be that the MSS. are 

For yvvaifta. Yap.<r<rTai avros, which the MSS. give in II. 9. 394, Aristarchus 
read yvvaiKa ye (xdo-creTai avros : doubtless rightly, the trochaic caesura in the 
fourth foot being unknown in Homer ( 367, 2 : Veitch, p. 130). The usual 
Fut. is yafj.(oj. 

Verb-Stems ending in a liquid (p, \, |i, v) insert e and drop the 
cr, as fjiv--(ti, dyyeA-eW, Kep-eeir, Kpav-tcr9ai, orpvv-ta), Krcz^-eoo*, 
and (with contraction) e/c-cjfmyet (II. 19. 104), Kara-Kreret (II. 23. 
412). But some Stems in p form -paw, as 8ta-^)^e/)-(7et, op-aovcra 
(II. 21. 335), eep-vo^vos (Od. 19. 507). 

Similarly judxojucu forms juta^e-o^rat (II. 2. 366), and with con- 
traction juaxetrai (II. 2O. 26). 

The derivative Verbs in -aco, -eco, -ooo, -vco form -770-0), -tooro), 
-vcro), the vowel being invariably long. 

Exceptional : SiSw-orojuiei; (Od. 13. 358), ai6a><mz; (Od. 24. 314). 

On the anomalous Futures Ido/xai, -7rto//at, 6rja>, Ketw, /3eto/xat, see 
59, 80. 

64.] The Future in -aew. The Suffix -aee(o) is found in 
e<r-(mrai (II. 2. 393-, 13. 317, Od. 19. 302), and Treo-e'ozrcu (II. n. 
824) which is perhaps for ^Trer-o-eo-^rat (but see 41). Also, 

* The forms Kara-KTaveovo-i (II. 6. 409) and KaraKTaveetrOe (II. 14. 481) are 
probably corrupt (Cobet, V. L. p. 195). Kraveovra (II. 18. 309) involves a use 
of the Fut. Part, which is hardly to be defended : see 86. 

66.] FUTURE. 59 

the accent ot the Futures KOJUU-W, aeiK6-o>, KTepi-ovo-i, dyAai-eio-0at 
points to contamination of the forms in -<rw and in -eo>. 

According to some ancient grammarians the Fut. of dvvoj, kpvoi, &c. should 
be written dvvu>, kpvu, &c. ; see Schol. II. u. 454., 20. 452. This form in -aw 
is found in Attic (n\cvaov/jiai, &c. : see however Kutherford's New Phrynichus, 
pp. 91-95) ; it answers to the Doric Fut. in -<rue. 

65.] Futures from Perfect and Aorist Stems. A Future 
Perfect meaning appears in jote^-o-o/uat 1 shall remember, KeKA^-o-rj 
thou wilt bear the name, ei/)?j-<rerai will be said, KexoAco-o-ercu he 
will be in wrath, 8eeojuai / will await, 7re(/>?7-<7ercu will appear 
(II. 17. 155); ^e^rj-o-eat thou wilt be slain, rere^fereu will be made, 
AeAen/rerai will remain behind, /3e/3/o&>(rerai will be devoured. In 
these cases the Fut. answers to a Perfect in actual use. 

For ir<J>T|o-ai J. Wackernagel (K. Z. xxvii. 279) would read Trefcio-ecu (for 
nt-<pcv-aea.i, related to Tre^d-rat as TCTeu^erai to rtrvKrai). But the stem irc^ev- 
does not occur in the inflexion of the Verb, and there is no analogy to suggest 
it. More probably irftyrjaeai is formed from Tre'^arat on the analogy of t<pa-To 
and <prj-ffca } 8uj/a-/xcu and Swrj-Gopai, &c. 

Active Futures of the kind occur in II. 15. 98 ouSe rt $77 jut 
fji&s Ovfj-bv ntyjcLpiq-a-eptv I do not suppose I shall gladden 
the heart of all alike (cp. Od. 23. 266 ov ptv rot tfvjuo? Kexapr/- 
orerat will not be gladdened] : II. 22. 223 -n^iOri-a-^ I will persuade : 
Od. 21. 153, 170 KeKa^TJ-o-et will deprive. These forms may be 
either connected with the Perfect (K.tyapr]-6Ta rejoicing), or with 
the Reduplicated Aorist (^xapo-vro were gladdened, irtmdeiv to 
persuade). The latter view is supported by two other Futures of 
the kind ; KeKa8i7-o-o/>te^a we will give way, answering to the Aor. 
KeKab&v, Mid. KKabo-vTo ; and 7re<t6?j-o-erai will spare, answering 
to 7re<i6e-or0ai to spare. It will be seen that the Active forms 
of this kind have a distinctly causative meaning, whereas (e. g.) 
Xat/>?j(Ta> and 7ri0rjo-o> are intransitive. 

Futures from the Passive Aorists. Of this formation two 
examples at most can be found in Homer: /ixtyTJ-o-e-o-flcu (II. 10. 
365), and barj-a-e-ai (Od. 3. 187., 19. 325). It has been already 
noticed ( 9) that there is nothing in the Greek Future answer- 
ing to the distinction between the Aorist and the Imperfect, 
though a priori such a distinction is quite conceivable. 

It is worth noticing that in the Doric dialect this group of 
Futures takes the Active endings : as 

66.] The Fut. is sometimes found with Mid. Endings while 
the corresponding Pres. is Act. The examples in Homer are : 

ctjJiij e'aojJLcu ; 6ea>, Ocuaojxcu ; K\ai'cu, K\ ; ^euya}., <f> 
dei'ow, aetcrojjuu ; Kara-ccua), Kara-KcJcrofMU j 6aup,aa>j Oau/xdcrcreTat. 

60 TENSES. [67. 

With these are usually reckoned the Verbs in which the Pres. 
is of a different formation, as (ojut-wjuu), Treaeoi>T<u (TTLTTTM 
T^e(70ai(rtKra)), <|>0i]croi/TCu ((0az;a>), j3^(rojxat (/3au>co), icap-emu (Kajutrco 

ireiaojjiat (7rao-)(co) : also the Futures to which no Pres. corresponds, 
as eurojuicu (oi6"a), Setcrojxai (6"ei'6ta), ovj/ojiai (OTT-). 

It may help to explain these cases if we consider that the Fut. 
Act. is apt to have a Transitive sense, as in OTTJO-CO, /3?jo-co, ^wo-co, 
Hence there was a tendency to have recourse to the Middle 
whenever a distinctly intransitive sense was wanted. 

Historical Tenses the Augment. 

67.] The Augment takes two forms, the Syllabic and the 

The Syllabic Augment is the prefix I-, and is used for Stems 
beginning with a consonant. The Temporal Augment is a 
simple lengthening of the initial vowel of a Stem, the vowels a 
and becoming r/ ; as fyo-v (ayo-), r/Aa-o-a-z; (eAa-), ue-ro (t/ce-), 
o)p-ro (op-), ^ATyAa-ro (Pf. eArjAa-rai), fjveov (atz/eco), wxtro (O'LXO- 
jxat). So the Impf. rja / went (Sanscr. dyam} y from the stem 
t (6t-/xt) : as to the form rfia see 12. 

Many seeming exceptions are due to the loss of the original 
initial consonants, F, <r, t. The loss of one of these consonants 
may generally be presumed whenever we find the Syllabic instead 
of the Temporal Augment. Thus 

F has been lost in e-ayry and e-afe (ayw/u), e-aArj (feA-), e-enre, 
e-eV-0-a-ro (eWfjui), elbov (for l-i'8o-jA e-w^eo-z^ ; so perhaps, with 
contraction of ee to ei, etpv-a-a (Fepv-), and 

For ci'Sov there is an JEolic form cutSoi' (c-ftSoi/, cp. euaSe), which should 
perhaps be restored in some at least of the numerous places where the present 
text of Homer has cftrtSe (Nauck, Mel. gr.-rom. ii. 407). 

a in e-eV<7a-ro (for e-edcra-, from o-eS-), and, with contraction, 
efore-ro (o-eir-), eto-a-z; (cre6-), etxo-^ (o'cx-)j etp7ro-i> ((repw-). In 
these cases the a passed into the rough breathing, which was 
then thrown back on the Augment : but etxor has the smooth 
breathing owing to the following \. Also eta (eaco for 

t (or y) perhaps in 77 Ka (for e-ir]Ka) and, with contraction, 
(e-e-jue^), and irap-eidr] (-e-e^r;). But see 16. 

Several Homeric forms have been supposed to point to a Syllabic Augment 
TJ- (instead of -). One of these i^i'a I went has been already explained ( 1 2). 
As to the others we have to note as follows : 

(i) i]eipev (II. 10. 499) is not from ei'pco to join together (Lat. sero\ but from 
oei'pw : for, as Cobet has shown (Misc. Crit. p. 326), deipcu is a technical word in 
the sense required (cp. II. 15. 680 ffwacipfrai 'iirnovs, also the words vvcapis, for 
vv-aop-is, and nap-rjopos). 

68.] AUGMENT. 6l 

(2) In several words (as usually written) the initial vowel of the Stem is 
lengthened after t-f- : et|v8av (for f-'favSavf}, e-covoxoci (foivoxoeaj), dv-e-cpycv, 
av-e-q>g (di/a-forycw), also e-a.yi\ (^ay-vvfjLi), with d in one place (II. n. 559), 
and the Plpf. forms twAim (eo\7ra, f eA.7r-), ceopyei (eopya, fepy-}, WKt (eota, 
ft*-). In some of these there may be merely confusion with the later use of 
the Temporal Augment : &. g. liyi/Sai/e is doubtless due to the Attic rjvSave, a 
form which arose after the loss of f. Hence recent editors write tavSave, 
(oivo\6(i, avzoiyov, also t6\irei, lop-yet, eoiKfi. 

(3) A different explanation is required for tbyi] (a), supported as it is by 
Attic Iwpcov (ppaoj) and laXcov (a in aX&vai, &c.)*. These point to an Augment 
TJ-, the combinations ijfo, t\fa. passing into ecu, ea (as in QaatXecas, -ed for -rjfos, 
-t]fo.\ Such an Augment is also found in iqciSTjs, TjeiBet (Plpf. of o?5a), and 
Tjurice. There is much probability in the suggestion of G. Meyer (G. G. p. 423) 
that this T|- is a Temporal Augment obtained from the prothetic I- so often 
found before f : e.g. in -ei0dfj,evos (f 6i8-). Thus 4]unce would be the aug- 
mented form of HffK<u, not of iffKoa. 

(4) The forms dvtco-yc, dvtage are peculiarly difficult on account of the Homeric 
Pres. ofy-vvfu, Aor. ona, and Lesbian oet-yco (Pres. Inf. oeiyrjv, Coll. 214, 43). 
We might read av-6fiyf, &c., but the ordinary forms oryco (Hes. Op. 817), 
dv-o'r/ca, &c. would still be unexplained. 

Initial p is nearly always doubled, initial X, jm, v, a- very often. 

This may often be explained as the assimilation of an original 
initial F or a- : thus epprjfa is for -Fpr]a, and so eppefe (Fepy-) 
and Fpy-), epptyr/cre (Fply-). Again eppeei; is for e-o-peez^, tvvov 
for e-a-vtov, lAAa/Se perhaps for ^-o-Aa/3e (Joh. Schmidt^ Pluralb. 
p. 434). So tbbzLo-ev (which Ar. wrote !86i(rez>) is for e-Sfeto-ev : and 
eo-o-eva probably for e-Ktei>a(Sanscr. root gyu). So too in e- 
the y reappears which is lost in the unaugmented 

There are instances, however, to which this explanation does 
not apply, as ejot/xa^e. These are probably due to the influence 
of forms such as those already mentioned upon the traditional 
poetic dialect (Curtius, Stud. iv. 479 ff. ; for a different view see 
Kartells Homerische Studien). Cp. 371. 

68.] The Pluperfect. The Perfect Stem forms the corre- 
sponding Historical or Past Tense the Pluperfect in two 
ways : 

i. Simply, with the Augment (often omitted) and the 
Secondary Person-Endings. All Middle forms of the Tense are 
of this kind, as e-reru/c-ro, e$-rJ7rro, TTa-(T0r]v, ^ArjAa-ro. Tn the 
Active the examples are comparatively few, viz. 8et6te (II. 18. 
34), avrivo0v (II. II. 266), and tir-cvrivoOe (II. 2. 219); Plur. 
-7re < 7U0-jutei', e-8et8t-ju,ey, e-betbL-crav, tffra-arav, fiefta-crav, 
Dual eiK-rrjz;, e 

* ^Acy was taken (Od. 22. 230 or) 8' T/ACU jSovA^ KT\.) should perhaps be written 
f&\ca. The Stem c fa\ca- appears in the Moods (aXwca, a\wt]v, aXwvai, a\ovs), 
except in the form d\6vTC (II. 5. 487), where the metre requires a. 


With these may be placed the Thematic forms l-yeya>i>e (II. 
14. 469), az/ooyo-jj, aycoye, -7T7rXr;yo-^, TreTrATJye-ro, ejue/^KOz;, in 
Hesiod eVe^Tj/coz; : see 27. 

3. By Composition, with the Augment and the Suffix -ea 
(probably for -ecra), joined to the longer form of the Stem : e. g. 
-re#TJ7r-ea, ireTroitfea, Tj^coy-ea. The 3 Sing, usually has -ee(i>) 
contracted -ei(i'), as e-TreTroiflei, TT^wyeiz;, SeSTJet, riprjpti, ^e/3rJKet. 
The Plur. occurs only once in Homer, in eouc-e<raz> (II. 13. 102) : 
the Dual never. 

To this group belongs ?j5ea I knew ^ 2 Sing. 77616779 (for e-fetSeaj), 
also rjbrja-Oa, 3 Sing. TjeiSei, r/8ei (or, as Aristarchus read, 7761877, 
77877). As to the augment TJ- see 67. In respect of form 77860, 
is a Sigmatic Aorist, standing for e-fctdeo-a, Sanscr. dvedisham, 
and is only a Pluperfect because it is used as the past tense 
answering to 0180, (M. U. iii. p. 16). 

69.] Loss of Augment. The Augment is so often dropped in 
Homer that the augmented and the unaugmented forms are 
almost equally numerous. It has been observed however * that 
the forms without the Augment are comparatively rare in the 
speeches, the proportion of augmented to unaugmented forms 
(excluding speeches which mainly consist of narrative matter) 
being about jo to 3, whereas in narrative it is about 5 to 7. It 
would appear therefore that the Augment is chiefly omitted 
where the context shows that past time is meant ; and this is 
confirmed by the remarkable fact that the Iteratives, which are 
only used as Historical Tenses, do not take the Augment. 

The only clear instance of an Iterative form with the Augm. is e-f 
KOVTO (Od. 20. 7). On the forms e-tyaatco-v, c-^aa/ff see 49. 

Meaning of the Present and Aorist Stems. 

70.] The forms which contain the Present Stem (the Pre- 
sent and Imperfect Indie., with the Moods of the Present) 
denote progressive action (incipient, continued, repeated, &c.), as 
opposed to a single fact or event. 

It is easy to understand why a language which distinguished these two 
kinds of action should have no Aorist for present time (,*J3fjp,i,, * \df3c.), &c.). 
The present is not a space of time, but a point ; what is present therefore is 
not (generally speaking) a whole action or event, but the fact that it is in 
course of happening. So in English we usually say, not I write now, but I am 
uniting now. The mere effort of regarding an action as in present time almost 
obliges us to give it a progressive character. 

The forms tljxi, eijxt, ^jit, ayu>, Ypd<j>o>, &c., in which the Stem has the form 
generally found only in Aorists ( u, 30"), may be regarded as surviving 

* Konrad Koch, De Augmento apud Homerum omisso, Brunswick, 1868. 

71.] IMPERFECT. 63 

instances of the ' Present Aorist,' i.e. of a Present not conveying the notion of 
progress. We may compare the English use of I am, I go (now archaic in the 
sense of I am going], I say (says he), &c. In these cases the use of a distinctly 
progressive form has not been felt to be necessary. 

A past action may usually be regarded, if we choose, as a 
single fact, irrespective of its duration (e/Sao-tAevo-ez; err? Tpi&Kovra 
he reigned, not he continued reigning}. But an action which is 
thought of as contemporary with some other event is almost 
necessarily regarded as progressive. Accordingly, answering to 
the Present / am writing (now), we have the Past Tense 1 was 
writing (when he came). 

It follows from what has been said that a Pres. or Impf . may 
be used either (i) because the action intended is essentially 
progressive, or (2) because the time is fixed by reference (a) to 
the moment of speaking, or (ft) to a point of time in the past. 
E.g. 8iSo>/xt may mean either / seek to give, 1 offer, or / am giving; 
toibov either he offered or he was giving. In the second of these 
uses the notion of progress is only relative, arising from the 
relation of time under which the action is thought of *. 

71.] From the relative notion of progress or continuance is 
derived the general rule that the Impf. is used of a subordinate 
action or circumstance: II. 8. 87 o$p' 6 yfyvv aTrerajuye roc/)/)' 
"EKTopos <KS forgot f]\6ov while he was cutting the chariot came. 

Some varieties of this use may be noticed : 

(1) The Impf. shows that a Verb stands in a special connexion 
with the Verb of another clause; II. i. 35 ^uxas'Ai'St Trpoiatytv 
fjpuHdv, avrovs 8e eAco/na reGx* KVV(TCTIV sent down the souls of heroes 
to Hades, while it made themselves a prey to dogs. 

Od. 8. 532 IV0' a\\ovs fjiev TTCLVTCLS e\dV6ai>e baKpva Xtifiav, 'AA- 
KLVOOS 8e' piv otos eTrec^/oao-ar' ?j8' horjcrt while he was unobserved by 
the others, Alcinous observed him. 

So II. 7- 33 As apa c/)a>i>7J<ras 8<oKe i<pos apyvporjXov, 

Atas 8e faxrrTJpa Si&ou (gave in exchange). 
Od. 8. 63 TOV irepl Mova- 3 (f)i\rj(T, Si&ou 5' ayaBov re KCLKOV re, 
6<p6a\fJiG>v fjiv djixepcre, 8t'8ou 8' fjbelav aoibijv. 

(2) In oratio obliqua, as II. 22. 439 ^yyeiA/ orrt pa ol TTOCTI? 

(3) The action or point of time to which the Verb in the 
Impf. is subordinate may be merely implied : 

II. 4. 155 Oavarov vv rot opKL iTapvQv it was death then to 
that I made (in making the treaty). 

So in the common use with apa : as a-v 8' OVK apa rotos 
you were not as I thought ( = you are not, it now seems). 

* Aken, Hauptdata, p. 9. 


72.] Essentially progressive action (incomplete or continu- 
ous) is exemplified 

(1) In the Verbs which form the Aor. from a different Verb- 
Stem : opdo) I watch (Lat. tueor, whereas tlbov means / descried) 
Aeyco 1 relate, set forth (but elirov I said) ; 0epo) / carry (but 
tfvtyKov I brought) ; so rpe^co, tpyo^ai (expressing different kinds 
of motion). 

(2) In other Verbs of motion, esp. fiaiva and urrryjuu, as II. 21. 
13 i(TTif] be /ze'ya Ku/xa raise up a great wave, and often in the 

id., as II. 2. 473 * v ^8i(j> Ivravro were drawn up in the plain, 
came and stood beside, &c. 

3 1 

Note i. We should read torao-av (not rra<rav as a First Aor.) in 
II. 2. 525 ffrixas urreurav (Bekk., La K., from the best MS.). 

12. 56 Toi>s urrao-av ine? 'Axatwf which the Greeks had planted ; see 73. 
Od. 3. 1 80 TfTparov ^fjiap fr/v or' tv 'Apye'i vrjas fi'aas 

IvSfi'Seo) erapoi . . . to-rao-av (see Ameis a. Z.). 
8. 435 at 8e \otTpoxoov rpiiroS' ta-rao-av 

, , ~ Bekk. , La Eoche. 

lo. 307 avritea XafAirTTjpas rpeis icrracrav ) 

2. The Verb dyw is often so used : II. i. 367 rfjv 8e 8if-rrpa.eofj.ev re /fat r\yo\nev 
fvOa.Se -navro. ; II. 7. 363 KTrjp.ara 5* oaa' dyofji^v the treasures which I brought 
( = have brought) ; II. 9. 664 rrjv A.fcr/3oOv 3\yc whom he had brought. In this 
Verb, however, the Aorist meaning appears distinctly in the Participle ; 
II. 6. 87 r/ Se ^vvdyovcra 76patas assembling ( = having assembled) j II. i. 311 flffev 
ay<ov brought and seated (cp. 3. 48., 4. 392., n. 827., 22. 350). Perhaps these 
uses should be connected with the Aoristic form of the Stem ( 70). 

(3) In Verbs expressing the beginning of a motion, as &pwro 
bestirred himself (but oopro arose) ; d</uet, Trpotei, e-TrejutTre ; pvOav 
^pX e began speech. 

This usage extends to all words which imply a continuous 

result ' K\Vl, Kt\V, TTT\\ y ^T6 j OVK tt Will not alloW J 

AetVa) (to leaver to keep at home). 

(4) (XKOU'CO and ireuOojiai sometimes mean to know by hearing ; as 
II. II. 497 o8e 7TO) f/ EKrcop TrtvOero Hector was not yet aware: 14. 
125 TO. 5e jutcXXer' aKovt^ev ye are like to have heard it ; Od. 3. 87, 
187, 193. So in Attic navOdva) I understand, alcrOdvo^aL I am 
aware, TivvOdvo^ai I learn (Goodwin, 28). 

73.] A process thought of in relation to the present time, or 
to a point in the past, is expressed by the Impf . ( = Engl. / have 
been doing, 7 had been doing) : e. g. 

II. 6. 282 /xeya yap \iiv 'OAv/u/Trios e'rpec^e Tnj/xa has reared him up 
to be a mischief (a process). Cp. II. i. 414 rt vv cr Tpe<pov ; why 
have 1 reared thee? 9. 524 e7rei>0o//,e0a we have been accustomed to 
hear. So the Participle, II. 3. 44 tydvTts who have been saying. 

74.] The 'historical Present' is not found in Homer, but 


somewhat the same effect is often given by the use which may 

be called the descriptive Imperfect. E.g. 

II. 2. 150 vrjas eV eo-<reiWro, TTOO&V 6' virevepOe KOVLT] 
IOTCIT' detpojuanj, rol 6' dAA^Aotcrt KeAeuoy 
a77T(T0ai vif]G)v 776 \K[j,v ctj aAa 8?au, 
ovpovs T ^KadaLpov K.r.A. 
The Impf . appears sometimes to be used in a description along 

with Aorists for the sake of connexion and variety (i. e. in order 

to avoid a series of detached assertions) : e.g. in II. i. 437-439., 

2- 43-45-, 4- 112-119, Od. 4. 577-580. 

75.] The Aorist gives the meaning of a Verb without the 
accessory notion of progress or continuance. It does not describe, 
or transport us to a time in the past when the action was 
present (as the Impf. does), but makes us think of it as now past. 
Hence it asserts a single occurrence, an action, or series of 
actions, regarded as an undivided whole, or completion, a culmin- 
ating point, in which the action is summed up. Thus /xoyeco I am 
toiling, fyoyrja-a (II. I. 162) 1 have toiled ; z/oeco I think of, ezxfycre 
perceived, understood ; dapvea) I feel confident, Oaporricras taking 
courage^ and so 8et(raj, aXyr\(ras, //.urrjcre, i>ejmecn]<re, &c., of the 
access of a feeling; brjpLv6r]Tr]v (II. 16. 756) joined in strife; 
Ttairrrivas casting a glance; (fxavrja-as either raising his voice or 
having spoken: eir* TI^CLTI baKpv(ravTs (II. 19. 229) performing the 
due weeping for the day. 

76.] The Aorist is often used in Homer of^ the immediate past 
that which in an especial sense is thought of as now past : 

II. 2. 114 vvv 8f KaKrjv airarriv /SouAewraro, /cat 
SuovcAta Apyos i/ce<r0at. 

Od. I. 182 vvv 5' <S8e fuv vrft KarfavOov (cp. 23. 27). 

II. 2O. 1 6 rtTrr' avr 3 , apyiKtpavvz, Oeovs ayoprfvoe 

Sometimes the Aor. seems to give the question a tone of im- 
patience: II. 2. 323 TtiTT areco eye'reo-fle; 4. 243 ri<0' o#ra>s 
co-Tyre TedrjTTOTcs ', (vulg. (TTT]T, an impossible form), cp, 20. 178 
rt vv rocruov 6/xtAov TroAAo/; eTTeA^ci)^ eVrr]? ; 21. 5^2-, 22. 122., 
Od. 4. 810., 10. 64. Cp. the Attic use of ri ou, as Soph. O. T. 
1 002 rt (>T)T' eyco ov)(t . . . efeAvcra/xrjzJ ; (Goodwin, 62). 

When the Aor. is used of an action which is subordinate to 
another in the past, it implies completion before the main 
action : II. 2. 642 ovb' ap er' avrbs j]v, 6av 8e avOb$ MeAeaypos 
he was no longer living, and yellow-haired Meleager had died. 

A similar use of the Aor. is regular in the Subj., as II. i. 168 
eTret Ke Ka/otco when I have groivn weary : and in the Participle, as 
o)j tiTTtov having thus spoken. The Aor. in these uses expresses, 
not past time as such (with reference to the moment of speak- 

66 TENSES. [77. 

ing), but completion with reference to (i. e. usually before) the 
time of the principal Verb. 

77.] The Participle of the Aor. is sometimes used to express 
exact coincidence with the action of the principal Verb : as (Sfj 8e 
aka(ra went with a spring, ^f^vcra^vrj Trpocrrjvba spoke a lie, aXro 
XaOtov leaped unseen, Here a Pres. Part, would imply that there 
was a distinct subordinate action : the Aor. expresses something 
that coincides with, or is part of, the main action. 

This is especially found with Verbs expressing the manner 
(tone, gesture, &c.) with which a thing is said or done : II. 6. 54 
ojuto/cArjo-as tiros rjvba shouted the words ; II. 8. 219 TtonrvixravTi 
Oo&s orpvvai 'AXCUOVS to make hot haste in stirring up the Greeks ; 
II. 13. 597 xeipa Trapa/cpejuaa-as : II. 10. 139., 16. 474., 17. 334., 
20. 161, Od. 2. 422., 17. 330 (cp. (frevytiv napavdaavTi Arist. 
Eth. Nic. 4. 3. 15). 

78.] The Aor. sometimes appears to be used of present time. 

(i) As in 

II. 14. 95 vvv 8e (TV tovocrafjiriv Trdy\v typtvas olov eetTre?. 
The Aor. here expresses a culminating point, reached in the im- 
mediate past, or rather at the moment of speaking : I have been 
brought to the point of blaming, i. e. / blame. 

II. 20. 306 r/6rj . . fyOript has now come to hate. 

II. 3. 4^5 T s G ^ ^ cLTT\dr^p(^ cos vvv eK'TrayA.' <f)ikr)ora come to 
hate you as I now love you (lit. have got to love ; cp. Od. 8. 481). 

So TT\TO has come to be, is ( 32); Attic rja-0r]v, eTn/Wo-a, &c. 
In these cases the Aor. is used because the stress is on the nature 
of the action as something completed, though the completion is 
in present time"*. 

By a slight boldness of expression the Aor. may even be used 
of an event completed in future time : 

II. 9. 412 et fxeV K' av9i fjitvav Tpuxav TTO^LV aju^i/^ax^at, 
wAero pev jutot roVroj, arap KAe'os a^Oirov la-rat* 
will have been lost, i. e. will be ipso facto lost. The 

* So Eur. Med. 791 a>/ya,L A. 510 aireirTvaa : where, as Aken observes, 'die 
Handlung geschieht erst mit dem Aussprechen ' (Grundz. 18). These Aorists 
are sometimes explained of the past time at which the action began. As a 
reviewer of the former edition put it, ' Greek speakers, in describing feelings 
excited by the previous remarks of other speakers, frequently refer those 
feelings to the time when they were felt, and not to the present time of the 
description' (Saturday Rev., Feb. 17, 1883). That is to say, IrrT/Vetra means 
I praised (when I heard}. But this kind of subordination to a past event is 
precisely what is expressed by the Impf., not the Aor. The reviewer goes on 
to explain TT\TO in II. 19. 57 by the presence of the particle dtp (^ ap n r68' 
en-Aero this was as we can now see), 'as in the common fy dpa. This would 
only be possible if eirXero were an Impf. ; see 33. 


speaker puts himself at the (future) point of time given by the 
context, and uses the Tense which then becomes appropriate. 

(2) Again 

When an assertion is made irrespective of time, the Pres. or 
Aor. is used the Pres. for continuous and the Aor. for single or 
momentary action. Hence the use 

In similes, as II. 3. 23 wore AeW t\apT] as a lion is gladdened 
(but in v. 25 /careo-fliei goes on devouring) : II. 4. 75 olov 6* dorepa 
rjK . . TOV 8e re iroXXol CLTTO o-TTivOfjpes teurai. 

The only examples of the Impf. in a simile are II. 15. 274., 
21. 495> m the phrase ovb' apa . . ai(n^6v fjv, where it is vir- 
tually a Present. 

Also in ' gnomic ' passages, reflexions, general sayings, &c. : 

II. T. 218 6s K Oeols eTTtTret^rat pa\a r ZK\VOV avrov. 

9. 320 KarOav' OJJL&S 6 T aepyoj avrip, 6 re 7roAA.a eopycoj. 

These uses of the Aor. are very common in Homer. 

The Impf. may possibly be found in a gnomic passage, II. 13. 730-732 
dAAo; fjilv yap 4'5o6 Oebs TroXf^-fjia tpya 
d\\q> 8' fv crrjOeffffi TiOfi voov evpvoira Zevs, 

where the MS. reading TiOsi may be defended as an Impf. marking subordina- 
tion to the Aor. cScoice : cp. the examples in 71. 2. 

Much light has been thrown upon the history of the Aorist by the com- 
parison of the use in Sanscrit (Delbruck, 8. F. ii, and A. S. p. 280). If the 
result has not been to determine the original force of the Aorist, it has at 
least shown that the question cannot be settled from the material furnished 
by Greek alone. The use which predominates in Greek, the historical use to 
assert the happening of a single event in the past, is almost unknown to the 
earliest Sanscrit. In the Veda the Aor. is employed, as often in Homer ( 74^ 
of what has happened in the immediate past. In the early Sanscrit prose (the 
Brahmanas) the Aor. is used of what has happened to the speaker himself. 
It is worth noticing that these uses, in which the Aor. answers approximately 
to the English Pf. with have, are found in later Greek in the case of the verbs 
whose Pf. retains its original meaning. As Mr. Gildersleeve puts it, ' when 
the Perfect is used as a Present, the Aorist is used as a Perfect. So e/cTr)aafj.rjv 
I have gained possession of, ic4r^fuu I possess' (Am. Journ. of Phil. iv. 429). Hence, 
if the Greek Perfect is originally a kind of present, there is a presumption 
that the Aor. was originally akin in meaning to our Perfect. On this view the 
ordinary historical Aor. is a derivative use. 



79.] The Moods of the Verb (properly so called) are the 
Subjunctive) the Optative, and the Imperative. It is convenient 
however to rank the two Verbal Nouns, the Infinitive and the 

68 MOODS. [80. 

Participle, along with them. The meanings of the Moods and 
Verbal Nouns cannot well be discussed until we come to the 
chapters dealing with Complex Sentences. 

The Subjunctive. 

80.] N on- Thematic Tense-Stems usually form the Subj. by 
taking the Thematic Vowel, with the Primary Endings ; except 
that when the Thematic Vowel enters into a diphthong, or is fol- 
lowed by two consonants, it becomes TJ or w instead of or o. 
Thus the scheme is 

Sing. Dual. Plur. 

Act. Mid. Ad. Mid. Ad. Mid. 

-0) -o/xat 

-77S -eat 

-ere -r/crtfe 

-OXTL^vJ -toVTCLl. 

The long t\ or a>, it will be seen, comes in place of or o 
wlierever it can do so without disturbing the metre. Examples : 

Strong Aorists : t-<pOrj, Subj. (f)0rj-rj : 

e-/3/7, Subj. /3?]-a) (or /3eta>), virp-(3ri-r], ^r\-o^v (or 

e-oTT], Subj. (TTrj-rjs, (rrri-r}, 0r?7-eroz>, oT^-Ojuey, 0T/]-co(rt 

e-yi/co, Subj. yz;co-a), 

e-6u, Subj. bv co, bv-, 

e-/3A.77-ro, Subj. 

-(J>OL-TO, Subj. 

aA-ro, Subj. aA-erat : 

Stem Or]-, Subj. ^et-co (or 07J-eo), Oi'i-ys, dd-optv (or 

Stem ?/-, Subj. e(^-et-co, az/-rj-r/ : 
Stem 6<o-, Subj. Sco-ry and dw-r/o-i, but-o^v, Sw-coo-t. 
Presents : ct/xt, Subj. e-co (for eV-co), I-T;?, e-ry and e-r?(rt, 
et-jutt, Subj. i-o), t-r/o-^a, t-r/(Ti, t-o/aey (t) : 
4>r7-ju, Subj. ^-77 ': 

KlX^-^t, Subj. KIX^-O), KLXi-OlJ,V (or 

so pi-ofjiv as if from ^"e/orj-jui. 
Passive Aorists : e-Sd^, Subj. 5a/uet-o), 
so 5aet-a), aAco-oo, a\(&-r], (ra7r?y-r/, i^ai 
For baLvvy, i Sing. Subj. Mid. (Od. 8.' 243., 19. 328), we 
may read dcuwe', i. . 8atw-e-at. 

Perfects : Trtiroida, Subj. TreTro 1^-97?, 7TiroiO-o^v : eppiye, Subj. 
e/>pty-rycrt : jB^fB^Kf, Subj. TTpo-(3priK-ri : so k(rrr\K.-ri, ap?jp-?y, jue/xrJA-?/, 
d/VcoA-r/, opcop-7/, /3e/3pux"?7 : a ^ so tA?JKr/(n (Od. 21. 365.) unless we 
assume a Pres. tArj/co) ( 45). 

Pf. Mid. TTpoa-apripeTaL (Hes. Op. 431). 
, Subj. et'6eco, et6f/9, et6r} 5 et8o/xer, etdere, 


For 6iSo, &c., Tyrannic wrote i8&>, ei'S^s, ciSt), ctSwcrt (Schol. Od. i. 174), 
uniform with efSo/uei/, ei'Sere. Both forms may be accounted for : eiBeco is 
Subj. of l-fet'Sea ( 68) ; ei'8a> with the Plur. eiS-o-fifv, fi'S-e-re, is Subj. of a 
Non-Thematic *f6iS-|ti, Sanscr. ved-wi (If. 7. iii. 18). The form ISeu, read by 
most MSS. in II. 14. 235, is a mere error for eiStco. 

Aorists in -ad : i-)3ij<ra-jiV, Subj. /3i?<r-o/mi> : ?/yetpa, Subj. 
: e-ri(ro, Subj. riV-ere, rtV-coa-t : TJjueix/fa-ro, Subj. 
: TJAcva-ro, Subj. dAev-erat : and many more. These 
Subjunctives properly belong 1 to the older inflexion of the 
Sigmatic Aorist without -a ( 40). 

To these should be added some forms used as Futures : 

eS-o-jxai, cSocrai shall eat (cp. Sanscr. ad-mi, Lat. <?? for ed-t). 

&YJ-eis, Srj-ofAer, S^-cre shall find, with the strong Stem answer- 
ing to 8a(o-)- in de'Sacy, &c. 

Pei-o-fiai *^fl# /#, from the stem j3iT-; also in the form 
jSeofiai. Evidently |3eiopu : |3iwmt : : STICD : Safji/ai. 

It will be found that the Homeric uses of these words are all such as can 
be referred to the Subj. On irtofjuu and Ketco see 59. The form 8-fjeis may 
be a trace of an older inflexion, -to, -is, -i, answering to -op.6v, -ere. 

It will be seen that the strong form of the Stem is found in 
the Subjunctive, as <?]-??, dw-ojutez;, lorrj/c-ry. Apparent exceptions 
are, (i) the Subj. of et/iu in which the I of tojuez> (for et-o/xez>) is 
unexplained, while the forms i-co, t-rjo-i may be Thematic, (as are 
Opt. tot, Part, tcoz;); and (3) the forms d^-e'-r? (Aor. of d(-iV/zt), 
/xtye-coo-t, <0e'-coo-t, ore'-cojuez', Kre-cojuez^, ^)^e-a)juer, ^e'-co/otez^, e-copiezJ. 
These forms are the result of transference of quantity, o-re-o)- for 
(TTTj-o-, &c., and it is important to notice that the last six are 
always scanned as disyllables, thus forming the transition to the 
contracted $0<3o-t, 0r<3juez>, &c. 

Anomalous lengthening is found in fxer-eto) (II. 23. 47) for p,T--co. 

On the ei for TJ in /3et'-o) } tfet'-o), 8a/xet-co, &c. see Append. C. 

81.] Subjunctives with lengthened Stem-vowel. The 
formation of the Subj. by means of the Thematic vowel must 
have been confined originally to Stems ending in a consonant, or 
in one of the vowels i, u. The hiatus in such forms as ^rj-r/, 
oT?j-ojuez;, yvto-ofjiev is enough to prove that they are not primitive. 
In Vedic Sanscrit, accordingly, while as-a-ti, han-a-ti are Subj. of 
as-ti, han-ti, we find sthd-ti, dd-ti as the Subj. answering to the 
Aorists d-st/id-t, d-dd-t. These would become in Homer o-rrj-o-t, 
Sw-o-t or (with the usual t of the 3 Sing.) arfi-cri, Sw-o-t. Similarly 
we may infer an original Plural o-rij^v, crr^re, oTT^rt (o-rrjo-t); 
5w/utezj, Store, b&vTL (Soio-t); and so on. The principle of tie 
formation is that the Stem ends in a simple long vowel not one 
that has arisen from specifically Greek contraction. 

70 MOODS. [82. 

Traces of this type of Subj. are found in the Greek dialects : 
bvvd-fJiaL (for 8wo>/icu), naO-tord-Tai, 7rpo-Ti6r]VTi, &c. (Meyer, G. G. 
p. 502). In Homer it may be recognised in the 3 Sing, forms 
Qyviv (Od. I. 1 68), (f)6fi(n (II. 23. 805), fja-L (II. 15. 359), |ue0-ir/(ri 
(II. 13. 234), 8o>o-t ; perhaps in 6<3, 8o>?, b&fjiev, SGxri, '7repi-8a>ju,e0oi>, 
e7u-8a>jute0a ; yuws, yv&jJLtv, yv&vi ; irL-(3fJTov, TrcLprjOfjrov, &c. 
which are usually regarded as contracted from the regular 
Homeric 8o>o>, 8co?7?, Scooter, &c. and in fc/pq-rai, eTU-or^rai 

( 87, 3)- 

How then did the Homeric forms of the type of <I}-T/, on}- 
ojute^, -yv(&-ofjLv arise? Doubtless by a new application of the 
process already familiar in l-o-pev (et-jat), $0i-e-rat, x*v-e-Tat, 
7re7roi0-o-/uiey, &c. We may compare the extension of the Endings 
-cum, -&TO to the Pf. (3(3\ij-aTaL, in imitation of KeKAi-arcu, 
dpv-arai ( 5)- 

Contraction appears in the 3 Sing. <f/ (Od. 19. 122), arfj (Od. 
1 8. 334), #/ (Od. 2. 358), <f>ai7i (II. 9. 707), yr<5 (II. I. 411., 16. 
273) unless we suppose that these are obtained by dropping the 
-en of <fj-o-i, &c. on the analogy of the Thematic -77. Also in the 
I Plur. /ote^-wjutfci; (II. IO. 449), a-vv-^cOa (II. 13. 381), ba&fjitv 
(II. 2. 299), jme^z;-cojuie0a (Od. 14. 168; and the 3 Plur. o)<rt (II. 
14. 274, Od. 24. 491), fi&o-iv (Od. 14. 86); but it is probably 
more correct to write these words with ew (like $0e'axri, ecojuter, 
&c.), except when a vowel precedes (as in dawjuez;). 

The two forms of the Subj. present a certain analogy to the two kinds of 
derivative Verbs the Attic -aw, -fa;, -oo>, and the JMic -api, -rjfti, -cw/xi. Thus 
Svvd-fjLai, riOrj-VTi are related to tivvoa-nai, nOecuffi nearly as tyfaijuev, <j)i\ei<n to 
(piXtofJifv, <f>i\fovffi. 

Kirau occurs as a Subj. in II. 19. 32., 24. 554, Od. 2. 102., 19. 147. It has 
been explained as contracted from KCI-CTCU, the regular form answering to the 
Non-Thematic Kei-rat (Curt. Stud. vii. 100). The best MS. (Yen. A of the 
Iliad) gives icfjTai. The true reading is probably KWTCU (related to /mercu as 

O>VVVVT<H, construed with ore K(V (Od. 24. 89) is regarded by Curtius as a 
Subj. (Verb. ii. 67). But the example is uncertain ; the clause refers to past 
time, so that ore KW with the Subj. is quite irregular ( 298). 

o-oco and creeps or crows (II. 9. 424, 68 1) are probably Optatives ; see 83. 

82.] Thematic Tense-Stems form the Subj. by changing e 
into TJ and o into w. 

The Subjunctive of the Thematic Aor. and Pres. frequently 
employs the Person-Endings -pi and -<ri : e.g. <9e'A-o>juu, e0e'A-r?(ri ; 
enrcofu, enrrjcrij dyayco/jtt, ayay r\(Ti; r^co/xt, n^r/o'i; TScojuu, Kretfco/zi; 
ayr/a-t, detSrya-t, ap^r/o-t, aAaAKrja-t, /3aAr;o-t, e'A^a-t, /cajmr/o-fc, &c. 
(Bekker, ^f. ^. i. 218). These Endings are 'also found (but 
rarely) with Non-Thematic Stems: Pres. l-r/o-t, f-ryo-i (which 
however may be Thematic), Aor. gw-^o-t (II. i. 324), Pf. t 


(II. 3. 353). The 2 Sing, sometimes takes -o-Oa; 
enr-?]cr$a, 7rtr/(r$a, &c. 

The Subj. in -cop,t had almost disappeared at one time from the text of 
Homer, having been generally corrupted into -oiju, sometimes -wp,ai. It was 
restored by Wolf, chiefly on the authority of the ancient grammarians. Some 
of the best MSS. (especially Ven. A) have occasionally preserved it. 

It is interesting to observe the agreement in form between the Thematic 
Indie, and the Non-Thematic Subj. ; e. g. Indie, dyw and Subj. yvw-co, i n 
contrast to Subj. e0e\cw-/ : just as ayo-pfv and yvw-opev agree in contrast to 

A few forms of the Aorist in -<ra follow the analogy of the 

Thematic Stems, as opo--o)jutev (II. 7. 38), o/xr-r/re (II. 23. 2io), 

brjXricr-rjTat, (II. 3. 107), juu'rjo-w/^efla (II. 15. 477, &c.), itaixTtoptv 

(II. 7. 29), Travcr(a^(rOa (II. 7. 290., 21.467), Tre^cojuey (Od. 2O. 

83), ezn7rArjcojU,ez> (II. 12. 7 2 )> QMwpW (Od. 16. 369), 


(Od. 15. 453), avTLao-rjTov (II. 12. 356), rpwo-r/re (Od. 16. 293., 19. 

12), 8etVryr (II. 24. 779), fiov\V(Tu>ij,ev (Od. 16. 234). 

In most of these instances the original reading is probably either a Pres. 
Subj. or an Opt. Thus in II. 21. 467 the best MSS. have iravcojjieo-Oa, and in 
Od. 20. 383 there is good authority for ir}Jiir&>|jiev (in II. 15. 72 the MSS. are 
divided between iravw and iravo-co). Similarly we may read iraija>p,6v and 
vur\T|o-<r(on,v. Again <|>0Co-<o|A6v follows a Past Tense ( 298), irpd(nr)T6 an 
Opt. ( 308, i, &) : read 4>0<r<u|Jiv, irepdcraiTe. For dvTtdonrjTOv we may have 
either the Opt. avTido-airov or a Pres. Subj. dvTidrjTOv. For Tpw<rr]T we should 
perhaps read Tpwir]Te (cp. the Pres. Ind. rpwd}, and for jSovA-eucrcujiiei/ Pov\evojfj.ev . 

There are no clear instances of Thematic Stems forming the 
Subjunctive with a short vowel (e or o). 

The forms fuo-yccu, Kario-xecu (II. 2. 232, 233), for \ii<ryr\a.i, KdTio-XTjai, are 
like p|3\T](H (II. 1 1 . 380) in which the t\ forms a short syllable. 

In II. 14. 484 r$ tcai K6 TIS evxerai dvrjp KT\. Hermann's conjecture Kal rl 
TIS is found in two of La Koche's MSS., and in any case the ice is unsuitable 
to the sense. The true reading is probably Kat TIS T' ( 332). 

In Od. 4. 672 ws av emap.v'Yfpws vaim'AXcTcu write vcumXeTcu, the Aor. Subj. 
Three places remain to be mentioned : 

II. I. 66 at KIV Tftas apvwv /tviffrjs alyuiv re rf\ei<uv 

QovXerai avriaaa^ -f^uir curb \oiyov apvveiv. 

Curtius adopts the suggestion of Stier, j3ov\i]T' avnaffas (Curt. Stud. ii. 138). 
II. 10. 360 ws 5' ore fcapxopoSovre Svo> Kvve, et5ore Orjprjs, 
ri KCfjiaS' ijc \a-yojov (ireiyeTov aid 
\wpov av' vKrjevO^j 6 8e T irpoOerjffi /^e/zTy/fwy. 

Here iirdyerov is difficult because the Subj. irpoOcTjo-i is used in the next 
clause. Possibly the author of book 10 used the archaic form in -fl<n, as an 

II. 12. 42 us 8' or' av ev Tf Kvveaai real dvSpaai OrjpevTrjcri 

Kairpios rje \eojv ffrpe^erai. 

The use of or' dv in a simile is doubtful in Homer (see 289). Should we 
read ws 5' or' tvavra ? Cp. II. 20. 67. 

72 MOODS. [83. 

The Optative. 

83.] The Optative Stem is formed from the Tense Stem by 
the Suffix IYJ or i, as 8180- ir)-v, TV\O-I-TO. 

i. Non-Thematic Tenses (except the Aorist in -crd) take u] 
before Light Endings, i before Heavy Endings; as et^-z; (for 
<r-ij]-v\ Ot-irj-V) 8o-t?7, Ki^e-ir), TeOva-irj-s, ba^-irj ; but Plur. 

The 3 Plur. ends in -ter, as e-tez^ Sa/mc-tev, 8o-tej> : once - 
viz. a-Ta-if](rav (II. 17. 733). 

The i is lost in bvr] (Od. 9. 377., 18. 348., 20. 286, for bv-trj) 9 
cK-bvfJiev, \\VTO (Od. 1 8. 238 La Roche), baivvro (II. 24. 665), 
datzw-aro (Od. 1 8. 248), </>0tro, aTro-^dijmqz* (for 0i-t-ro, cbro- 

2. In Thematic Tenses the scheme of Endins is : 

Sing. Dual. Plur. 

1. -oi/n Mid. - 

2. -CHS -CHO 

3. -ot -otro 



Mid. - 


3. The Aorist in -<r& forms the Optative in two ways 

(1) In -o-eid the (so-called) ^Eolic Optative. 

(2) In -<roi-fu with Endings as in the Thematic Tenses, 
putting a for o throughout. 

The scheme of the Homeric forms is : 

1 Sing, -at/xt Plur. -atjuteu 

2 -etas, rarely -ats -atre 

3 -ete(y), sometimes -at ,, -etaV (-aiev II. 24. 38). 

The Mid. Endings are of the second kind, -ai^v, -aio, -atro, &c. 

The Perfect forms the Opt. from the weak Stem, as rerXa-tr/, 
TtOva-tr)-s, eo-ra-tV The Opt. of oT8a is formed (like the Plpf., 
see 68, 2) from an Aor. e-fet'Se-o-a (etSeuj-i/ for Feibo--Lr]-v). 

The instances of the Pf. Opt. with Thematic -oi-fu, -oi-s, &c. 
are doubtful. j3e|3X^Koi is the reading of Aristarchus in II. 8. 270, 
where the best MSS. have pejSXrJKei. In II. 21. 609 yv^^vai os 
re Tre^evyot os r' 0av' KrX., the reading ire^euyei is given by one 
good MS. (D.), and evidently agrees better with eQave. |3eppw0oi9 
(II. 4. 35) points to a form /3e'/3/30)0a, of which however there is 
no other evidence. IX^KOI (H. Apoll. 165) may be Pf. or Pres. 

Irregular forms : 

Thematic eot-s, cot (II. 9. 142, 284), tot (II. 14. 2,1), 8tot-ro 
(Od. 17. 317). Homer has also U-trj (II. 19. 209), to be compared 

84.] VERBAL NOUNS. 73 

The so-called 'JEolic'Opt. of Contracted Verbs (-(prj-v,-onj-v) 
appears in <j>i\otrj (Od. 4. 692) and Qopoir] (Od. 9. 320). 

In II. 14. 241 most authorities give eirurxoujs as an Opt. (rS> feev ciriax ^] 5 
Xtirapovs -noSas tikanivafav. Three of the chief MSS. (A. B. C.) have emcrxoics, 
and this was quoted by Herodian, apparently as the only reading known to 
him (see Ludwich, A.H.T. i. 374). The Syr. palimpsest has Imcrxoias. All 
three forms are anomalous ; fmaxoiijs finds a parallel in dyayoirjv (Sappho) 
and one or two other forms, but can hardly be Homeric. 

The forms crows (II. 9. 681), crow (II. 9. 424) are so written by modern 
editors. Most MSS. have O-OTJS, cr6r|. In the former place we learn that Ar. 
doubted between craws and crows (or creeps, for the accent here is conjectural). 
The ancient grammarians apparently took both forms as Opt. (which suits 
the sense, 304, a). Some wrote craws, craw (or crows, crow), deriving them 
directly from craow : others crows, crow, from crww or crow. It is not difficult to 
restore the uncontracted craoois, craooi, or, if the Subj. is preferred, craoTjs, 
craoTj (so Nauck). 

For the 3 Plur. in -oi-v Bekker finds one instance of -ot-v, viz. in Od. 20. 
382, where the common text has 

TOVS fivovs kv VTJI iro\vK\.r]i8i @a\6vTfs 
fs 2iKc\ovs ireftif/ufifv oOw Kt rot aiov a\(j>oi, 

for which he would read a\c|>oiv. The I Sing, in -oi-v (instead of the 
anomalous -ou-jxt) was not unknown in Attic (Bekker, H. B. p. 1 1 1 if) *. 

irapa-c{>0a-iTr)-cri (II. 10. 346), with Primary instead of Secondary Ending, is 
perhaps a pseudo-archaic form, made on the analogy of the Subjunctives in 

The Verbal Nouns. 

84.] Infinitives and Participles are not properly speaking 
Verbs since they do not contain a Subject and Predicate but 
Nouns : the Infinitive is a kind of Substantive and the Parti- 
ciple an Adjective. In certain respects however they belong 4 
to the scheme of the Verb : 

1. They answer in form and meaning to the Tense Stems; 
each Tense Stem has in general an Infinitive and a Participle 
formed from it. 

2. They are distinguished as Active and Middle (or Passive) 
in sense. 

3. They are construed with the same oblique cases of Nouns; 
and the same Adverbs and Adverbial phrases, as the correspond- 
ing Verbs. 

* It must not be supposed, however, that the i Sing, and the 3 Plur. in 
-otv are primitive forms. The termination -ow was originally impossible in 
Greek (as -em and -om are in Sanscrit) ; we should expect -otcf, -oiav (Sanscr. 
-eyam, -eyus). Hence -OI-JJLV probably made its way into Greek in place of 
*-oia, as -crai-p,i in the Aor. in place of -cmS (see Brugmann, in Curt. Stud. ix. 
313). The 3 Plur. form diroTtvotdv is found in the Eleian dialect. 

74 INFINITIVE. [85. 

85.] The Infinitive Active is formed 

(i) In Non-Thematic Tenses (except the Aor. in -o-a) by the 
Suffixes -jAeycu, -flee, -eixu, -yea. 

Of these -jjiemi is the most usual, as 0e-/zei>ctt, yrco-juez/at, fxiyrj- 
juemi, tb-fJLevai, TeQva-pevai, fevy-zw-jueyat : -jxei/ occurs after short 
vowels, as t-juez;, do-jutez>, rcOvd-^v, op-vv-ptv ; also in ejujuez> (five 
times, but always where we may write ejutjuez/), t6-/xez;(Il. 11.719), 
and ^tvy-vv-^tv (II. 16. 145), in which the long u is irregular. 

The full Suffix -eVai only occurs in t-eVat ; but there are many 
other Infinitives in -mi, all of them containing a long vowel or 
diphthong in which an e may be supposed to have been absorbed ; 
as bovvcu (for So-eWi, see Max Miiller, Chips, iv. 56), Oelvcu, 
(TTrjvai, firjvciLj bvvcu, yv&vai) aXoivai, /3t<Sz>ai, afjvai, (poprj-vai, 
bibovvai (II. 24. 425). The original form of the Suffix seems to 
have been - 

From t/tt (<r-) are formed Iftjuei/at, 6/*juei>, cfttvcu, ffJifv, and eFi/at. Of these 
eleven, fpfv are irregular ; they follow the analogy of Offifvai, &c. Cp. the 
I Plur. efiv (Soph. El. 21). From cf-/it are formed "1-jj.fvcu, t-pfv, and i-4vcu. 
In one place (II. 20. 365) ipcvcu is scanned with I perhaps in imitation of 
e/i/icvat (Solmsen, K. Z. xxix. 72). 

The common Attic Present Infinitives Iffrd-vai, TtOt-vai, 8i56-vai, 8eiK-vv-vai, 
&c., as well as the Perfect Infinitives in -eVcu, are entirely unknown in 

(2) In Thematic Tenses by -e-pecai, -c'-pei', -cii/ ; as etV- 

The Ending -e-cii/ only occurs in the Thematic Aor., and is 
anomalous ; compare j3a\--iv (Stem fiaXt-) and fid\\-iv (Stem 
/3aAAe-). The original ending was doubtless -itv : thus- 

Stern (3a\-, Inf. fia\4-V, contr. (3aXeiv. 
/3aA.Ae-, j8(iAXe-er, ,, f3d\\iv. 

In the Aor. the metre usually allows us to restore -CCK (see 
Renner, Curt. Stud. i. 2. p. 33). 

It is possible that the forms (3a\f-eiv, &c., are genuine, since -cev might pass 
into -6iv from the analogy of the Pres. Inf. in -civ, just as in the Rhodian 
dialect -ejjiev became -fp,eiv. Leo Meyer (Vergl. Gr. ii. 284) proposed to read 
@a\-fj,fv, &c. But, as Renner points out (I. c.), the change from -ecv to -ceiv is 
very much slighter, indeed is a mere matter of spelling. Original /SaXe^ev, 
&c. would probably have been retained. 

(3) The Aor. in -ad forms -aai, as OTTJ-CT-CU. 

(4) The Inf. Middle is formed by -a0cu : (3\r)-a-9ai, 7re<a-cr0cu, 

The Infinitive is originally a Case-form of an abstract Noun 
(nomen actionis]. Thus -fxemi consists of the Nominal Suffix -per 
( 114) with the Dative ending -<u : U-^v-ai f for knowing ' 

87.] PARTICIPLE. 75 

(Sanscr. vid-man-e). Similarly bovvai is bo-Fev-ai (dd-vdn-e) { for 
giving/ Probably the Infinitives in -o-tu and -<r0ai also are 
Datives (Max Miiller, I.e.). Infinitives in -JACK and -zv appear to be 
Locatives formed without Case-ending ( 99). If so, the Infini- 
tives in -jAj> and -tv (-eu>) originally differed in meaning from 
those in -^evai, -evai, &c. In Greek, however, the sense of the 
Inf. as a Case-form is lost, so that the different forms are all 
construed in exactly the same way. 

86.] The Participle. The Aorist, the Present, and the Future 
Tense Stems form the Active Participle by the Suffix -IT- : thus 
we have, Non-Thematic vra-vr-, TiOt-vT- ; Thematic paXo-vr-, 
(TTrj-ao-vr-, &c. 

The vowel before vr is always short, as yvo-vr-, juiye-ir-. 

The Perfect Stem takes -or or -oo- (originally -For, -Fov), Fern, 
-uid (for -vv-ia, the -uo- originally a weak form for -foo-). The 
Middle Participle is formed by -JAC^CS, which in the Perfect is 
accented -jmeVos. 

For the Verbal Adjectives in -ro-j, see 114. The Verbal in 
is post-Homeric. 



87.] The general rule is that the accent is thrown back as far 
as possible ; and the chief departures from this rule are found in 
the Infinitives and Participles, which are in reality Nouns. In 
the forms of the Verb properly so called the following exceptions 
have to be noted : 

I. elfu and <J>T]jjit. The 2 Sing. Imper. </>a-0i is oxytone. 

The disyllabic forms of the Pres. Indicative, efyu, eoW, C^TJJUI', 
(fyrja-i, &c., are enclitic, and, when they do not lose the accent 
altogether, are oxytone ; but eort is accented in the ordinary way 
when it occurs at the beginning of a sentence, or after certain 
words (OVK, KCU, wj). 

Such was the commonly accepted account ; but the ancient grammarians 
were not agreed as to the enclitic character of the Dual and Plural forms (on 
CO-TOY see Charax 1151 ; on 4>ap,V, <J>ar, 4>aat, ibid. ; on eo-jjuv, lore, clcri, Eust. 
1457, 48). Again, one grammarian denies that <|>T]|A was ever enclitic 
(Charax 1152) ; another holds that it should be written <|>TJIU, at least in such 
instances as (prj/jii yap ovv Karavevaat, KT\. (Tyrannic ap. Eust. 1613, 18). In 
all likelihood the original forms were, Sing. Icm, $T\\LI, Plur. eo-fxev, <J>ajxv, 
and we may suppose that <(>Tj[xC and IOTI are not properly oxytone, but are 
unaccented forms made oxytone as enclitics (wgvvOij 8ia T^V ttrovaav avrots 

76 ACCENT. [88. 

Apoll. Synt.). The Sanscrit Verbs of the same kind follow the rule 
of accenting the Stem in the Sing., the Ending in the Dual and Plur. ; and 
this must be connected with the difference of quantity between strong and 
weak Sterns (6). See Benfey, Vedica und Linguistica, pp. 90 ff. 

The 2 Sing, els is enclitic, though the corresponding Attic 
form et is not; but see 5- As to $779 there is a contradiction; 
it is not enclitic according to Arc. 142, 8, but enclitic according 
to Schol. A. II. 17. 147 both notices being supposed to rest on 
the authority of Herodian (ed. Lentz, i. 553, 4 and ii. 105, 5). 

2. The 3 Plur. to-rao-t, ri#eia-t, 8i8ocri, btiKvvo-i, are properi- 
spomena (Herodian, i. 459, ed. Lentz). 

This can hardly have been the original accentuation, since they are not 
contracted forms, but represent iVra-i/Tt, c. Probably it comes from the 
Attic Iffrdai (contracted from lara-aai, cp. rtOe-affi, &c.). The Doric forms are 
written rtfleWt, &c. by Eustath. Od. 1557, 45 ; but we do not know that this 
represents the usage of any living dialect. 

3. Subjunctives such as (fravfj, Sacojueu are circumflexed, as 
being contracted forms (for (f>avrm, 6a?jojuz>). On ei8eco, etSrjs, 
flbfi, etdecocrt see 80. 

Optatives in which -IT]- becomes -i- before Heavy Endings are 
accented on the i throughout, as 8iaK/ny0etre, Sajueiez/. 

But Middle forms to which there is no corresponding Active 
follow the general rule : bvv<*>[, bvvrjai. (so Herodian, but 
Tyrannio wrote bw&fjiai, bvvijai, Schol. II. 6. 229), Kepuvrai (II. 
4. 260), eTuoTTfrai ( 280); eTuarairo, OVCLLO, OVOLTO. 

4. The Imperatives eiTre, eA0, are oxytone (and so in Attic 
cvpt, i8e, Aa/3e). Similarly Tyrannio wrote mfle'o-tfe, Aa/3eV0e 
(Schol. V. II. 1 8. 266) ; ep. the Attic /3aAo, &c. 

The rule in Sanscrit is that the Verb loses the accent, except in subordinate 
clauses, or when it begins the sentence. Hence the verbs ijxi and ^TJ^I in 
fact retain the original accentuation, which was doubtless that of the Indo- 
European language. The Imperatives c'ure, X0, c., are evidently words that 
would often be used to begin a sentence. 

The ordinary accent of a Greek verb, the so-called ' recessive ' accent, repre- 
sents the original enclitic condition. The Opt. ({XUTJV, for example, is originally 
oxytone. On the Sanscrit rules it loses its accent, and we should have (e. g.) 
tYw-<j>avr)v. But owing to the Greek rhythmical law this is impossible. 
Accordingly the accent goes back as far as the Greek rules will allow, and 
we have eyvj-fpairjv. 

5. The final -ai of the Endings -JACU, -erai, -rai, -rrai, and of 
the Inf. is treated as short. These are all cases in which -at 
represents the original final sound of the word. But the -at of 
the Opt., which is for original -air, counts as long. 

88.] Accent in Composition. Unaugmeiited forms of Com- 
pound Verbs are accented as though the Verb were an enclitic 

89.] ACCENT. 77 

following the Preposition : hence (rvv-zyjov, 7r/>o'-e?, 7rapa-0e5, 
Kirai, cLTTo-o-^vraL. If the final syllable of the Preposition is 
lost by elision or apocope the accent falls on the first syllable; 
hence {/(^-eAKe, Kdr-9av. 

But the accent falls if possible upon the Augment : hence 
TTpoa--^av, 7r-c(rxov, e7r-?jA0e. In other words, the Augment is 
treated in accentuation as a Preposition. 

The form lo-rat keeps the accent (7701/0- eo-rcu, &c.); perhaps 
because it is formed by syncope from eo-erai. 

The Subj. (vfjL-pXrjTCLL (Od. 7. 204) ought to be properispo- 
menon, if it is a contracted form; cp. /SA^erai (Od. 17. 47 2 )- 
The grammarians however wrote a^o-Oao^ai (in spite of cbro- 
fleiojuai, II. 1 8. 409) and 8id-0co//,at (Herodian, i. 469, 7, ed. Lentz). 
We have to recognise in such cases the encroachment of the 
common Thematic type, though we may doubt whether the 
change reaches back to the earliest form of the text of Homer. 

According to Herodian, the 2 Sing. Imperative tvi-o-ires is paroxytone, but 
the other Imperative form vi-crire, and the Indie, forms tvi-o-ire-s, tvicnrf, are 
proparoxytone ; see Schol. on II. 24. 388. That is to say, the Imper. 
evi-o-irc-s is regular, the others are accented as if compounds of icrirco. 

The Imperative lirwrxe in Hes. Scut. 446 may be divided ir-tffx f or Im-axe, 
and in the latter case we may write iTnVx 6 (with the MSS.), or irtax f > like 
the cviffne of Herodian. 

The MSS. vary between (Imper.) evio-ircs and Ivtcrire : in the two places of 
the Iliad (n. 186., 14. 470) the Venetus has IVIO-TTCS : on the other hand in the 
only Homeric passage in which the metre gives any help (Od. 4. 642) it is 
decisive for vi<rir. The accent in the MSS. nearly always follows Herodian's 

89.] The Infinitive and Participle. Infinitives in -eiv and 
-jjiemi follow the general rule : those in -pey have the same 
accent as the corresponding forms in -ptvai, as <pvy^-fjiv. On 
the Aor. Inf. in -i>, see 85, 2. 

The forms in -vcti, -aai accent the penultimate, as teVat, aX&vai, 
cpva-ai. The Middle forms of the Thematic Aorist and Perfect 
are also paroxytone, as 7rt0e'o-0ai, AeAa0eV0ai, KKArjo-0ai, TtrvyQai. 
The ancient grammarians doubted between aKaxrjffOai, aXaX-^aQai 
and aKaxrjo'Oai, aXaXfj<r0cu. The former were adopted in the 
common texts, and were explained as ^Eolic forms of the Pres. 
Infinitive (Herodian, ii. in, 31, ed. Lentz). 

It may be conjectured that the forms in -jACvat and -JACV were originally 
accented on the suffix, like Sanscr. vidmdne, ddrdne. If so, this is one of the 
cases in which the accent of an archaic form in Homer has been lost. 

Active Participles, except the Thematic Present and Future, 
accent the Suffix, as 8180?;?, arpt^&f?, juejuaco?, Aa/3cozj, 
So the Presents ewy, twr. 


The Part, of the Pf. Middle is paroxytone. But aKax^eros 
follows anayycrQai. 

In Composition the Infinitive and Participle retain the accent 
of the simple word ; in other words,, they do not become enclitic. 
Hence we have Impf . (rvv-tyjovj but Neut. Part. <rvv-\ov. 



90.] The words to which we now proceed are incapable of 
forming Sentences except in combination with a Verb. 

The relation of such words to the Verb is shown in general 
either by a Case-Ending as in the words which are said to 
be ' declined/ or by an Adverbial Ending (such as -ws, -Qtv, &c.). 
The Ending in either case is suffixed to a Stem or Theme. Thus, 
Xoyo- is the Stem of the Case-forms,, Nom. Ao'yo-s, Ace. \6yo-v, 
Gen. \6yo-io, &c. : auro- is the Stem of the Case-forms avro-s, 
CLVTO-V, avro-lo, and also of the Adverbs avro-Otv, avro-Oi., 
avro>?, &c. 

The Stems now in question belong to two great classes,, those 
of Nouns and of Pronouns, called Nominal and Pronominal Stems 
respectively. The term ' Noun ' includes Substantives and Ad- 
jectives. The other ' parts of speech' Adverbs, Prepositions, 
Conjunctions may ultimately be resolved into Case-forms or 
Adverbial forms either of Nouns or Pronouns. 

The distinction between Nouns and Pronouns brings before us in a new 
form the fundamental antithesis involved in the division of a Verb into a 
Stem which 'predicates/ and a Person-Ending which marks the Subject. 
A Noun either denotes a single object or group of objects (L e. when it is a 
'proper name'), or denotes objects through their permanent attributes, as 
belonging to a class ; whereas a Pronoun denotes an object by its local 
position, or momentary relation to something else, as ' this ' or ' that/ ' here ' 
or ' there/ ' same ' or < other/ This contrast is shortly expressed by saying 
that Nominal Stems are Predicative, and Pronominal Stems Demonstrative ; the 
former name or describe, the latter only 'point out' what is intended. 
Accordingly, Nominal Stems are in general either identical with, or formed 
from, the Stems of Verbs : Pronouns are found to contain the same elements 
as those which furnish the Person-Endings of Verbs. The simplest forms 
obtained by analysis are thus of two kinds. They were first clearly dis- 
tinguished by Bopp, and called by him Verbal and Pronominal Roots respectively 
(Vergl-Gr. 105). 

The Cases. 

91.] Declensions. The main distinction is that between the 
Consonantal Declension (including that of Stems in -i and -u), 

93-] CASE-ENDINGS. 79 

which forms the Genitive in -o<s, and the Vowel Declensions, of 
which three may be distinguished : 

(1) Stems in -o (chiefly Masc. and Neut.) : Gen. -oio. 

(2) -d, -Y] (chiefly Fern.) : Gen. -as, -rjs. 

(3) -e (Personal Pronouns) : Gen. -eio. 

92.] Vocative. A Noun used in addressing a person by his 
name or title has properly no Case-Ending. Accordingly the 
Vocative Case consists in general of the simple Stem ; e. g. Zei; 
j3a(riA5, Alav (for Alarr-), $ioyVs, 2> ava (for dmicr-). 

In II. i. 86 KaAxai/ (Voc. of Kd\x. as ) was rea( ^ by Aristarchus, 
KdX^a by Zenodotus. On the other hand in II. 12. 231 Ar. 
read YlovXybdpa, but Zen. IlovXvbdfjiav. The form Aao6djua in 
Od. 8. 141 probably has the authority of Aristarchus. 

Stems in -o form the Voc. in -e, as $t'Ae tKvpe. Some Stems 
in -0(77) shorten the final vowel, as VVJJL^CL, Voc. of vv^rj, and 
the Masc. oT>/3<Sra, r]TTpOTTVTd, ro^ora, KVV&TTO., &c. But the 
long vowel of the Stem is used in the Voc. 'EpjAcla, 'Arpefdij, 
v\l/ay6pr], alvaptrr) (II. 1 6. 31). Feminines in -w or -w form the 
Voc. in -01, as Arjrol (II. 21. 498). Evidently -o> : -01 : : Y\ : a. 

The words of address, TraTTTra, arra, rerra, /otata, may be ranked 
as Vocatives. So ?7$ete, as to which see the note on 96. 

93.] Case-Endings. These are given in the following Table. 
The Endings of the Consonantal Declension are in larger type : 
the two Vowel Declensions of Nouns are numbered (i), (2), and 
the Pronominal Declension (3). 

Sing. Dual. Plur. 

Nom. -9 -e -69, Neut. -a, 

(1) -o-s, Neut. -o-v -co -ot 

(2) -a(j), -ta ; -TJ-S -a -at 

Ace. -z/ ? -a. -e -a?, Neut -a 

!i) -co -CD? (for -o-vs) 

2) -a -ay (-a-z^s) 

Gen. -o? -066V 

-oto, -oo, -OD -oitr -a>i; 

-r;9; -do, -eco -aajj^, -ecoy 

-to, -eo, -eu -t(z^) -etcoz;, -ecoz; 

Dat. -6 -OUV -O"i(v} y - 

(i) -a) (Loc. -ot) -our -otcrt(i;), -ots 

f aj -ry (Loc. -at ?) -??<M 5 "/?s 

(3) -ot -r(v) -t 

Instrum. -<pl(v ) - 

80 DECLENSION. [94. 

94.] Stems ending in i, u, and o- are liable to lose the final 
letter before the Case-Endings which begin with a vowel. 

1. Stems in -t]u, -eu : e. g. 

w\v-s, Gen. vr]-6s (for vtjF-os), rarely ^e-o'?. The e arises by 
shortening from i] ; so z/ees, veo>v, vtecra-i, yea? all less common 
than the corresponding forms with TJ-, vijes, vr]&v, vritvvi, v?ias. 

The forms VTJV-S, vyv-ai are irregular, since original an before a consonant 
would appear in Greek as av (cp. Zcvs for original dyeus}. Hence the true 
Greek form is preserved in the Instrum. va-4>iv ( 104) and the Compounds 
vavffi-tcXvTos, Nauo-i-tfaa, &c. The TJ of vrjv-s and vrjv-ai is taken by analogy from 
the other Cases. 

|3ao-iXeu-s, Gen. j3acri\rj-os {but Dat. Plur. j8aoiXev-(n), 
nrjXeu-s, Gen. TlrjXrj-os and n^Xe-oj. In oblique Cases of 

Stems in -eu the e seems to be nearly confined to proper names ; 

cp. Tudeos TuSe'i Tv8ea, 'Ar/oe'o? 'Arpei, rja-ea, Nr]Xea, &c. 
On Zeuj, /3oi;s see 106, 2. 

2. Stems in -i and -u form the same Cases in two ways : 

(1) Retaining the Stem- vowel, as KOVI-S KoVt-o?, Ilapt-s 
riapt-o?, l\vs l\vos, IxOv-s l%6v-S, av-s arv-6s, cru-t, (rv-e?. 

It is probable that this form of declension was originally 
confined to monosyllables. 

(2) Inserting e and dropping i or u : as TroVt-?, Dat. iroo-e-i", 
acrrv acrre-os, irfj^v-s Tr^x.e-09, TTO\V-S TroA.e-0?. Here the 
Stem of the oblique Cases ends in -ei, -eu : hence Gen. 
-eos for -et-os, -ef-o?, &c. 

forms several of its Cases in three ways : 

(1) Gen. 7roOu-oj, Dat. 770X1 (for jroAi-i, 99), Plur. Nom. 
7ro'Ai-es, Gen. iroXi-tov, Dat. iroXl-ecrcri, Ace. 7roAt-as and 
zroXis ( 100). 

(2) Gen. -rro'Aeoj (so Bekk. reads in II. 2. 8u v 21. 567, 
with the scanning v^ cp. -TroAev? in Theognis), Dat. 
TToAei, -n-roAefc (II. 17. 152, perhaps should be TJTO'AU, cp. 
the Cyprian form TrroAt^t). 

(3) Gen. Tro'Arj-o?, Dat. iroAr;-t, Plur. Nom. Tro'A^-es, Ace. 

The stem TroAry- which furnishes the last of these three forms 
of inflexion has been traced by Joh. Schmidt (K. Z. xxvii. p. 287) 
to a primitive Locative in -TJ (cp. Sanscr. agni, Loc. agnd), to 
which the ordinary Loc. -t was suffixed. From this new Loc. 
TTO'ATJ-I the other Cases were then formed by analogy. 

The Nouns in -a (from -ia) answer to the original Stems in 
-I, as Ibvia, for lbvo--La, Sanscr. vidush-l. 

qij-s or lij-s good makes Gen. et]-os, perhaps by transference of quantity for 
fjf-os. Other Adjectives in -iis form --os, --i, &c. 

3. Stems in -e<r, -ao-, -oo- drop the a, as eTre-oj, Kepa-o?, at8o-oj. 

96.] SINGULAR. 8l 

95.] Original d as the final vowel of the Stem becomes T) ; 
except (i) after e, ei, a, as in Bed, and the proper names 'Epjueias, 
, Auyeiaj, NaucrtKaa, 'Peta (Ar. on II. 14. 203), 3>aa (II. 7. 

135, Od. 15. 297), and (2) in the Gen. in -do and -awi>. 

Other exceptions to the scheme given above will be best 
treated under the separate Cases. 

96.] Nominative Singular. The final -s is retained after 
vowels and mutes, but lost with Stems ending in p, as Trarrjp, //^oro)/). 

Stems ending in v either (i) take final -s (with loss of v), as 
eis (for h-s), Ois Ace. 6iv-a, /xe'Aas Gen. peXav-os, or (2) do not 
take -s, but lengthen a preceding vowel, as yfl&v Gen. -^Oov-os, 
TIQI\M\V Gen. 7T(n/xez/-os. So with Stems in -vr : bovs Gen. bovr-os, 
but Ibtov. Originally it seems that all monosyllables took -s 
and all others -v (J. Schmidt, K. Z. xxvii. 392). If so, \6<&v 9 
(frprjv, &c. are forms due to the -v of the oblique Cases : and on 
the other hand 81807;?, n0ei?, &c. have followed the analogy of 
corresponding monosyllabic words, Sovs, 0ei?, &c. 

There is a remarkable group of Masc. Stems in -d(^), with 
Nom, Sing, in -d, viz. 

Titles of gods : zje^eArjyepera, oTepoTnjyepeYa, jut^rtera, wpvova 
(Zeus) ; aKaKryra ('Ep/xetaj a.) ; Kvavo^alra (rio(rei8da)z;). 

Titles of heroes : iTTTro'ra, iTTTnjAcira, cuxfxrjra; rjKVTa (Krjpv). 

One proper name, veVra (II. 2. 107). 

Except 0veVra these words are only found as adjectives : thus 
we have cdyjLYira AVKCLMV, Kvavo^aLTa IIo(rei8aa)i;, but at^ju^r^Sj 
KvavoxaLTqs when the same words are substantives. 

The accent generally follows the forms in -rj-s where such 
forms exist ; thus tTTTrora, atxjurjra, like tTnnm)?, ai)(f/,r7rr}s. But 
it is thrown back in evpvoTra, jutryrtera, aKaKrjra, ancient epithets 
only known from the traditional Homeric use. 

These are in reality Vocatives which have been turned into Nominatives. 
That is to say, they belonged originally to certain established forms of address 
fjLT]TiTa Zi), KvavoxatTa HofftiSaov, iTTirora Hr)\(v, &c. and were not inflected 
when the names to which they were attached came to be used in the Nom. 
In this way the rhythm, which doubtless had a traditional sacredness, re- 
mained unaltered, and the whole phrase retained something of its vocative 
character. The feeling which might lead to this is that expressed by Eumaeus 
in Od. 14. 145 if. 

TOT fttv eydiv, Si ftVe, ai ov Trapcovr' bvopAfav 

al50fj,at' irtpl yap fj.' t<j)i\fi nal KrjSfro OV/AW' 

dAAa fjuv fjQfTov /caAecy KO.I voff<f>iv (6vTa. 

I call him by the title T|0los even in his absence, the word jjflcfo? being only used as 
a form of address. Cp. also in (2). The Nominatives in -a are evidently 
part of the archaic and conventional style of Epic poetry. They are commoner 
in the Iliad than in the Odyssey in the proportion of 3 to i. The ancient 
grammarians regarded them as ^Eolic, but without sufficient reason. 


82 DECLENSION. [97. 

The form eupvoira also appears as an Ace., and has accordingly been ex- 
plained from a Nona, evpv-o^. It is improbable however that it is a different 
word from the Nom. Voc. evpvoira. Probably the fact that it had the appear- 
ance of an Ace. of one of the numerous Compounds in -oif/ led to an extension 
of use *. 

97.] Accusative Sing. The Ending -a is found after con- 
sonants and the diphthongs rju, cu ; as vrjv-s vfja (for vrjva, vr]Fa), 
(3a(TL\v-s /Sao-tXrjaj TuSev-s Tu8ea f. Otherwise the Ace. takes -v ; 
e. g. TTO'A.I-Z;, lyOv-v, (Bov-v. 

But eupu-s makes cupea in the phrases evpea TTOVTOV, 
the common form being eupu-i>. 

The original Ending is -m, which becomes -v after a vowel and -a (for m} 
after a consonant. The preference for o after rjv, ev is due to the semi- 
consonantal nature of the v in these combinations. We may compare the 
Aorists Ktja (for IKTJV-CI), ex va (also x ea )> & c -> an( l on the other hand e8v-v, 


Several Stems form the Ace. in -w and also in -iSa : epi8a and 
i-piv (Od.), (f)v\o7nba (Od. n. 313) and cfrvXoiTLv, y\auK(o7rt8a 
(II. 8. 373) and y\avK&iriv (Od. I. 156), avd\Ktba and avaXK.iv 
(Od. 3. 375)5 oinba and o-mv, Kvirpiba and Kvirpiv ; Oovpiv^Ipw, 
av\LV) QCTLV. Cp. also \dpL-v (for ^dpiT-a), and Kopv-v (for 
KopvO-a), found in the line II. 13. 131 (=16. 315), 

do-ms ap' d(T7rt5' epetSe, Kopvs Kopvv, avepa 8* avrip. 
In Attic there are many more such forms ; opvw, &c. 

Note that no oxytones form the Ace. in -w. 

The Accusatives Ja-qv (Od. 12. 313), "ApTjv, Mcy-qv are probably formed 
directly from the Nom. C ai 7 y > "Apys, Me7?;j, on the analogy of Masc. Nouns in 
-TJ-S. On the other hand Z-qv (Zeus), (3uiv (jSoGs), are very ancient forms, 
answering to the Sanscr. dydm, gam (Joh. Schmidt in K. Z. xxv. 17) : see 
106, 2. 

A final 8 is lost in the Neut. Pronouns o, TO, TOVTO, Ktlvo, a\Xo 
(Lat. id, is-tud, illucl, aliud), and in r( (Lat. quid) : perhaps also 
in the Personal Pronouns, Ace. Sing. c//e (ju.e), <re, e, Dual va, 
(r^w, o-^)coe, Plur. a^e, v/x/xe, cr^e (Curt. Stud. vi. 417 f.; Max 
Miiller^ Chips, iv. 44). 

* It will be shown hereafter ( 116, 2) that the Masc. Nouns in -TTJS are 
probably derived from Feminines in -TTJ, of abstract or collective meaning. 
Hence it is possible that the Homeric Nominatives in -ra come directly from 
these Feminines : so that (e. g.) p^ritTa meant literally Counsel rather than 
Counsellor. The abstract word may have been used as a title, like (3ir) 
Tlpia/jioio and the like. According to Joh. Schmidt (Pluralb. p. 400) fvpvoira is 
originally a Neuter : see 107, 2. 

f The forms Tu5^ (II. 4. 348) and ^KIGTTJ (II. 15. 339) are probably false : 
see Nauck, Mel. gr.-rom. iii. 222. 

99-] SINGULAR. 83 

98.] Genitive Singular. The Stems in -o form the Gen. in 
-oio, -oo, -ou. Of these forms only -oio and -ou are read in the 
existing- text of Homer; but there are sufficient traces of -oo, 
and indeed several places where it is called for by the metre. 
Thus we must read 

II. 2. 5*8 fte'e? 'l^uro 

i5- 66 (=21. 104) 'IXtoo 
22. 313 dypioo, TTpocrOzv de KT\. 
Od. IO. 36 8d)pa Trap' Aio'Aoo 

60 (3fjv ets Aio'Aoo K\VTCL Sahara. 
II. 9. 440, &c. ojuouoo TjroAe'juioio (for ojuouov 

2. 32^ oo /cAeo? OVTTOT dAetrat ) / \ 
r\A ' * > f (f r ooi; )- 

Ud. I. 7O 00 KpCLTOS (TK jJ,yi(rTOV ) ^ 

II. 2. 73 1 'AflncAqvfoq 8vo TratSe. 

15. 554 aV\l/tOO KTCLJJulvOLO. 

5. 21 a8eA<eo'o KTa^voio : so in 

6. 6 1 ( = 7- I: 2O._, 13. 788) adeA^eo'o 
Od. 14. 239 xa\irrj 5' 

Also in the two lines 

II. 6. 344 ^fo^K 1 fjLLO KVVOS 
9. 723 os iroXfjjiov eparat 
since oKpuo'ct? does not occur elsewhere, but /cpvo'ea-o-a (II. 5- 74)> 
(II. 9. 2), Kpvepos &c., we should probably read 


A trace of -oo may also be found in the fact that Nouns in 
-aos sometimes form the Gen. in -euo, which is for -aoo ; e. g. 
Ilere-ooo, II?]z;eXe-6oo. 

Masc. Stems in -<X(Y]) form the Gen. in -do (original -do-io), 
less commonly -ew (by transference of quantity). This -ew is 
often scanned as one syllable ; after another vowel it is written 
-w, as Bope-co (for Bope-eco), ^pjuei-o), At^et-o), eu/otjueAt-o). (So in 
Ionic, Curt. Stud. v. 294., viii. 172.) 

The Pronominal Stems in -e, viz', ejxe (/xe), (re (for rfe), and e 
or 6, form the Gen. in -e-io, -eo and (by contraction) -ev. Thus 
we find e/xeto, e/xeo (II. JO. 124), e/x#; o-eco, o-O, o-eS; eto, eo, ev. 
For o-eto there is also a longer form reoto (II. 8. 37=468), and 
for co in one place (II. 19. 384) Zenodotus read eou. 

99.] Dative Singular. In Homer the i of the Dat. is some- 
times long (as in Latin), chiefly in forms which otherwise could 
not be easily brought into the verse; in the Iliad, 'AxtAAr/t', 
VTrepjaeVet, Kpdr66, <raKt, irroAet, o*$eWt', ept6t; in the Odyssey, 
'Qbvo'crfj'C, eret, StTrat, vban, But we find also Z?]i>t' 
(II. 15. 104), Trap w\t re ptveiv (Od.) See 373. 

84 DECLENSION. [99*. 

The Dat. of Neuters in -as was commonly written -a ; but the 
long 1 a is anomalous, and -at is now read by La Roche from good 
MSS. (in o-e'Aat, /cepat). The forms in -a appear to have be- 
come established in later Greek (Hdn. II, 316, 10, ed. Lentz). 

Stems in -i, Gen. -1-09, form the Dat. in -t, as KO'ZH, /oirjrt, 
fjida-TL, Kvrjo-Ti, ert, re/xecrcrt (with v. 1. z;e//,eo-<ret II. 6. 335)- So 
Bekker restored the forms TTO'AI (II. 5- 686, &c.), ayvpi (II. 16. 
661), ox/a, vppi, bvvdjjiL, irocri, for which the common texts give 
forms in -ei. 

Stems in -u, Gen. -u-os, form the Dat. in -ui (a diphthong 
which in later Greek can only occur before a vowel), 7rXr]6vl (II. 
22. 458), VCKVI, opyya-Tvi, oi'fut, lvl } 6pr)vvi. But bpv-s, crv-y 
form the disyllables bpv-i, o-v-'L 

It is possible, however, that the Datives in -i are Instrumental forms, and 
similarly that the Datives in -vt have taken the place of Instrumental in -v. 
For the Vedic and Zend Instrum. in -T, -u see Osthoff, M. U. ii. 139. 

Sanscrit Nouns in -an and -as sometimes form the Locative from the Stem 
without any Case-ending (Whitney, 425, c). Traces of this are to be found in 
Greek in the form aU'v (cp. ate/), and the Inf. in -jxev and -ev ( 85). 

Stems in -o sometimes form a Locative in -ot, as well as the 
true Dat. in -w, e. g. o/co-t. So xa/zct-t and perhaps TtaXa-i. 
Cp. the adverbial ending -i ( no). 

Pronominal Stems in -e form -ot; e/uot (enclitic jotot), o-ot 
(encl. rot), lot and ol. For o-ot there is another form rstv (II. 1 1 . 
20 1 ) : so in Doric we find \\LIV and tiv, lv. 

99*.] Plural. Several Stems in -o which are Masc. (or Fern.) 
in the Sing, form a Neut. Plur. : K&vOos, Plur. K\v0oi and 
more commonly K\ev0a ; prjpos, Plur. prjpoL and /^?jpa ; KVK\OS, 
Plur. KU/cAot and K^/cXa; to's, Plur. tot and Id: Taprapoy, Plur. 
Tdprapa (Hes.). There is probably a slight change of meaning, 
the Neuter expressing vague mass or quantity rather than 
plurality : cp. bpvfjid thicket, and post-Homeric 6eo-//,a, Oecr^d, crtra, 
Lat. loca, joca. Thus Kc\v9a means a group of paths, and could 
not be used (e.g.] in such a passage as II. 10. 66 -rroAAat yap ava 
(TTparov etVt KeAeu^ot. So KVK\a of a set of wheels, Tdprapa of 
one place so called, &c. 

100.] Accusative Plural. Stems in -i and -u which admit an 
Ace. Sing, in -v often form the Plur. in -Is, -us (for -tr?, -vvs) : 
thus ot? (II. n. 245), dKot'rt? (Od. 10. 7), fiovs rjvis (II. 6. 94). 
So we should read Tro'Ats (with Bekker) for Tro'Aets. Again we 
have bpvs, yeVv?, K\ITVS, ypa-nruy, vvs and crv-as, l\0vs arid fydv-as 
(Od.. 22. 384), 6<j)pvs (II. 16. 740) and d^pv-as (Od. 9.389), V 
(Od, 24. 417) and veKV-as, (Bovs and (36-as. 

102.] PLURAL. 85 

Stems in -u, Gen. -eos, have only -eas in Homer : except 
7roAs, read by Zenodotus in II. 2. 4, perhaps in other places (II. i. 
559-> I 3- 734-, i5- 66 -> 20. 313., 2,1. 59, 131, Od. 3. 262., 4.1 70), 
where the MSS. have -rroAe'as or TroAeis. 

The MS. of Schol. A in II. 2. 4 gives iroXels as read by Zen., but the context 
shows that the true reading of the scholium is iroXvs. But there is no trace 
of this form in any of the other places. 

The Personal Pronouns have ^/xeas (once rj^as), v^as, o-^eas 
(once creeds encl., II. 5. 567), as well as ajtx/xe, #/a,//,e, o-(/>e. The 
forms in -as are later, the result of adding the common ending of 
the Ace, Plur. : see on the Ace. Sing. 

101.] Genitive Plural. Stems in -ci(v]) and -d form the Gen. 
Plur. in -au^, less commonly -ewy. The -ea)z> is generally scanned 
and after a vowel is written -<3i>, as KAi(ri-<3z>, irapei-Qv, 

v(f)aXi-Qv } SKCU-WZJ (cp. the Gen. Sing, in -do, -ew). 

The Pronominal Stems rjfAc-, UJJLC-, a(J>e- form ^eicoz/ and T^jtieW, 
and vfjiecov, ox^etW ox^ecoz; (encl.) and ax^wz;. 

These forms are plausibly explained by supposing that origi- 
nally the Gen. was in -eto, as in the Singular. Then 
"^v/oijuteto, were assimilated to the Gen. Plur. in -<av and 
followed the same analogy later (Brugmann, K. Z. xxvii. 397). 

102.] Dative Plural. The two Endings of the Dat. Plur. are 
-<TI(V) and -e<r<ri(v). Many Nouns in Homer form the Case in both 
ways, e. g. flov-cri and /3o'-ecr<n (for /Sov-eo-o-t), yjep-cri and x.etp-eor(7t, 
TTOo-o-t or TToa-i (for TTob-a-i) and TroS-ecro-t, avbpd-(n and avbp-ecra-i, 
Hvrjo-TTJp-cri and juyrjo-r^p-ecro-t. The accent is often different, the 
forms in -eo-crt being always proparoxytone. The ending -ai(i') 
originally belongs to the Locative Plur. (Sanscr. -su). 

A final dental or -o- with -at forms -om, and this <r<r may be 
reduced to <r, as in TTOO-O-L and -Troo-t, eTrecr-o-t and eVeo-t, 5e7rao--o-t 
and SeTracrt. But -eat for the ending -caat is very rare : ^etp-eo-t, 
ty-ecrt, aiy-<Ti, ot-ecrt, d^aKT-ecrt occur once each. 

An ending -aat (instead of -at) occurs in a few stems in -u 
(Gen. -vos) : yevv-crcn (II. II. 416), veKV-a-a-L (Od.), TTITV-O-O-L (Od.). 

This is an extension of the type e7reo--o-i, &c. : cp. Ipia-cn (II. 13. 
27) for tpt-cri. Or possibly, as Brugmann suggests (G. G. p. 62), 
these are forms in -uai, -tat, the vowel retaining its original 
quantity (cp. 116, 3 and 4). 

Final t or u of the Stem becomes e in e7raAfe-<n, -TroXe-o-t (770X7;-?), 
from the analogy of the other Cases, as 7raAfe-oj, -rroAe'-os. 
Similarly on the analogy of forms with -eaai (as in eTreo-fn) we 
have the rare forms TroA-eo-o-t (ITO\-V$), TreAeK-eo-trt (TreAeK-vs). 

The Ending -eaai(v) is itself the result of a similar analogy. 
In eTrecrcri, /SeAeo-dt, &c. the -eo-dt was felt as characteristic of the 

86 DECLENSION. [103. 

Case, and then combined with other Stems; hence 
o-u-eo-at, &c. Thus forms like eTre-eo-at (for e7reo--e<r(n) really 
contain the Suffix eo- twice over. (Bopp, Vergl. Gr. 292 of the 
first edition ; Meyer, G. G. p. 355.) 

Stems in -o and -a (rj) form the Dat. Plur. in -oiai(i/) and -T)CU(I/) 
respectively, also in -ois and -cus or -T)S. The latter forms are 
common in the existing text of Homer, but (as was pointed out 
by Gerland, K. Z. ix. 36, and again by Nauck, Mel. gr.-rom. iii. 
244) in the great majority of instances the loss of t may be 
regarded as due to elision : e.g. for o-oty Irapourt we may write 
o-oio-' erapotcrt. The Fern. -cus appears only in the forms Qtais 
(Od. 5. 119), CLKTOLS (II. 12. 284), and iraa-ais (Od. 22. 471). 
Hence it is a question whether the forms in -ens, -cus are 

The Endings -oicn, -go-i are those of the Locative (Sanscr. 
-dsu). Originally -TJO-I was without i (as in the adverbial 
i, 6vpaai). The Endings -015, -cus are probably not to be 
derived from -oi<n, -TJOTI, but from the original Instrumental of 
Stems in -o. This was in Sanscr. -dis, in Greek "^-wis, becoming 
-ois : and from this again by an easy analogy the corresponding 
Fern, -cus was formed. 

The Pronouns of the First and Second Person use two forms, 
viz. (i) -lv in fjiuv (encl. rjpw) and v^lv (encl. vpiv), and (2) -l(v) 
in a^i(v), #jutjuu(z/), also rjjuv, v\uv. This is evidently the same 
Suffix as in e//iz>, rtiv, ttv, and the form -lv is presumably the 
older (for which -lv was perhaps adopted from the analogy of 
the Dat. in -a-lv). 

The 3 Plur. a^v) is originally in all probability the Instrum. 
Plur. of the Stem crfe- (for aF-^iv] : cp. Lat. sibi, for s-bi. If 
so, the other Case-forms o-^e, o-^etcoy, vfyi-cn as well as the 
corresponding Duals O-(G>, &c. are the result of analogy. 

103.] Dual. The Nom. Ace. in -a, from Stems in a, t\ is 
only found as a Masc. : 'ArpetM, Kopvard (II. 18. 163), a>KD7rerd 
(II. 8. 42): but Fern. Trpo^cweWe, TrA^yez^re (of two goddesses, II. 
8. 378, 455); 

The Genitive and Dative Ending in all Nouns is -ouV, as 
7To5-otti;, faiT-ouv. The contracted form -oik and the Fern, -cu^ 
do not occur. The Personal Pronouns have : 

i. Nom. Ace. v&'i, vv (v&'iv II. 16. 99, aQwiv Od. 23. 52?); 
Gen. Dat. vQ'iv. 

2. Nom. Ace. o-^wt, or^w; Gen. Dat. a<fr&'iv (crcjxZv Od. 4. 62). 

3. Ace. a-</>o) (encl.) ; Dat. ox/xoiV (encl.). 

104.] Instrumental. The Homeric poems have preserved 
many instances of an Ending -(j>i(v) ; e.g. opo--(j)Lv, crr?j0eo--(/H, 

105.] CONTRACTION, &C. 87 

vav-(f)iv, (vyo-^i, /3i??-<K KorvXrjbov-o-Qiv (Od.) : probably also the 
Pronoun o--$t(z>), Lat. si-6i. These are relics of an original 
Instrumental Case. 

105.] Contraction, &c. The loss of i, u and o- between vowels 

S!J 94) does not generally lead to contraction in the Homeric 
ialect : note that 

1. The Dat. Sing, of Stems in -e<r and -u (Gen. -eos) often 
forms ei (for -e-t), but nearly always before a vowel, so that the 
ci is scanned as a short syllable ( 380); e.g. ret'xei VTTO Tp&W, r) 
eTret rj e/oyw, &c. No such rule will be found to hold for the Dat. 
Sing, of Stems in -i, as TroAet, ayvpti &c. either because -ei from 
-et-i became monosyllabic earlier than -ei from -eo--t or -ef-t ; or 
because, as has been suggested ( 99), the true form of the Dat. 
is TTO \l, ayvpl, &c. 

Exceptions,, real or apparent, to this rule are 

II. 6. 126 o-(5 Odparti (read 6dp<T'i o-o>, cp. II. 7. 153 Odpve'i o>). 
17. 647 ev Se </>ai Kal oktcraov (read ev $ae'i). 
2 3- 5 J 5 ^ rt TX t 7 e (read ov ra\d ye). 
^3. 639 7rA?j0ei (read -nXrjOvl). 

Also o5et, Dat. of oi!6aj (II. 5/734., 8. 385., 14. 467., 17. 92., 
23. 719., 24. 527), for which read ov5at or ovba ( 99). 

2. The combinations -ea, -eo, -cw are often scanned as one 
syllable by < Synizesis/ as foot (II. I. 18), o-aKea (II. 4. 113), 

(II. 7. 207, &c.) ; so with the Pronouns ^/xeas, vjuteas, (T<f>{as. 

In II. i. 1 8 u//" / A"" ^ 6 i Sorey 'O\vfjuria d&paT' Zxovrfs the word Ocoi is not 
certain, since 'Q\vp.ina Swftar' 6X OVTS ^ G lords of Olympus is used as a Substan- 
tive, and 0e of is therefore unnecessary (Fick, Ilias p. 75). 

3. The Gen. Sing, has -eus for -e-os in a few words ; ' 
Odpo-fvs, Otpevs, OdiJiptvs chiefly aira etpqjue'va. It is probably 
better to write -cos and admit Synizesis. 

On -eu in [j.v, rev, tv, TV see 378*. 

4. Nouns with Stems in -eeo- (as KAe'o?, 6eos) and some Nouns 
in -ds are liable to ' Hyphaeresis/ or dropping a vowel before 
another vowel : as KAe'a (for KAee-a), and so bv(TK\ta, d/cAe'a, 
aKAe-e? ; vr)\r}S, lAjXA", i/qAea (Neut. Sing. z/rjAees) ; ^eo^Sri?, ^eovSea 
(for Oeo-bFris god-fearing), vnepbta (II. 17. 330); yepa, 6e7ra, Kepa, 
Kpea, (r</)eAa (for ye'/>a-a, &c.), xP e ' a ^^* (Hes. Op. 647). Cp. 
8at (for 6at-t), Dat. of 6at-? ; also aTroatpeo for a7roatpe-eo ( 5). 

The forms K\a (d/cAe'a, 5u<rAca), Stira, Kepa, cr^eXa are only found before 
hiatus ; e. g. tcX^a only occurs in the phrase tc\ea dvSp&v : so that we must 
either suppose -5. to be shortened by the hiatus, or (better) read /tAce' avSpuv, 
&c. But -yP a occurs before a consonant (II. 2. 237 yepa irffaefj.v, and so 

88 DECLENSION. [106. 

9. 334, Od. 4. 66). Kp4a occurs in the phrase Kpea ISfiei/cu, and in one or two 
other places before a vowel ; but more frequently it is followed by a consonant, 
and is to be scanned icpcS or icpca (necessarily so in Od. 9. 347, where it ends 
the line). Possibly the a is shortened by the analogy of the ordinary Neut. 
Plur. forms in -a (Meyer, G. G. p. 348). Or, as is now maintained by Joh. 
Schmidt (Pluralb. p. 321 ff.), Kpta, ffpa, &c. are stems in -a, originally distinct 
from the corresponding stems in -So-, and are therefore properly Singular, but 
capable of being used in a collective sense. On this view fcpta meant flesh, 
icpeaa pieces of flesh: cp. prjpa and fjirjpoi ( 99*). Schmidt does not admit 
hyphaeresis in most of these words, holding that it only occurred when three 
vowels came together in the oldest Greek: so that (e.g.} we may have 5tct 
for 8fefa (5fetff-a), but not Aea for KXefea. 

5. There are also several contracted forms from Stems in -ceo- 
which offer some difficulty : d/cA^eis (II. 12. 316), d/cAetws (Od. I. 
2,41., 14. 371), eikAeiois (II. 22. no), eikAeias (II. 10. 281, Od. 
21. 331; al. eikArjas), aycLKXjjos (dyaKAetos Hesych.), Harpo/cAr/os, 
UarpoKAfja, 'HpctKArjos, 'HpaKArJa, < HpaK\rj'C ) BatfvKA^a, A60/cA??os, 
AiOKA?ja ; faxpritls, a\peiG>v (also a\pr]&v Hesych.) ; 
Setovs (II. IO. 376** 15* 4) ) "^Lovs t <77n/i, (riTzaro'L and 

But the v\ or ei always occurs where it can be resolved into 
ce, as UarpoKAee-o?, evppee-os, aKAee-cos, &c. ; moreover the long 
final syllable so lost (e. g. in writing d/cAee-ej, 8ee-o?, (77ree-os) is 
never necessary to the metre. Hence we can hardly doubt that 
these are the true Homeric forms. So K/oeio>z> (Gen. Plur. of 
Kpeas) should be K/>ea-a>z; (as in H. Merc. 130), or perhaps K/>eeW 
(see 107, 3); and fax/^ei?, faxpetooz/ should be faxpaee?, C a XP a " 
e'cou. For o-Trea-at we can read oWeo-i. 

The Voc. of HarpoKAeV should be written in the uncontracted 
form IlarpoKAees in the phrase narpo/cAees i-mrtv (which ends the 
line in II. 16. 20, 744, 812^ 843), and also whenever it comes 
before the Bucolic Diaeresis ( 368). When it stands at the be- 
ginning of the line (II. 16. 693, 859) we should perhaps read 
see 164. 

6. The Case-forms of Nouns in -ws and -w (Gen. -009) ought 
generally to be written without contraction ; thus ?)&>?, Dat. TJO'I, 
Ace. f]6a (see 368); at8a>y, Dat. albo'C, Ace. alboa: tfyws, Ace. 
ibpoa (II. 10. 574)- -B u "t the Genitive in -ovs (rjovs, ArfTovs, &c.) 
is required by the metre in several places. Naturally the 
contraction of oo was earlier than that of two unlike sounds, as 
01, oa. See L. Meyer, Decl. 23. 

106.] Variation of the Stem. The phonetic influence of 
the Ending on the form of the Stem, which plays so large a part 
in the inflexion of Non- Thematic Tenses, was originally no less 
important in the Nouns. In Sanscrit a Nominal Stem of the 
consonantal Declension appears in general in at least two forms, 


a ' strong 3 and a 'weak' form; the strong form being- used in 
the Nom. and Ace. Sing, and Dual and the Nom. Plur., the 
weak form in other Cases. The weak form, again, may have 
two degrees, which are then called the ' weak ' or ' middle ' and 
the ' weakest ' form. A few traces of these variations remain 
in the Greek Declension : 

1. In the words of relationship, 7rar?jp, pjrr}/), &c. and in avrip. 
Thus we find Nom. iron-rip, Ace. mirep-a, but Gen. irarp-os (irarep-os 
only Od. II. 500), Dat. narp-L (sixty times in Homer, Trare'p-t 
thrice) ; PITTJP, Ace. jutryrepa (only), Gen. and Dat. jurjrp-o's, /uqrp-f, 
less commonly firjrep-os, /xTjrep-t. &vr\p uses avtp- and avdp- (for 
avp-) almost promiscuously ; the latter is also seen in the Dat. 
PL avSpa-a-i (for avbp-<rt). The Gen. Plur. Saepw^ (II. 24. 769) is 
scanned as a spondee : it should probably be written <uFp-S>v, 
the stem bcuFp- standing to 8arjp (for baFrjp) as avbp- to avrjp 
(Ebel, K. Z. i. 293). 

2. Zevs, for b^vs (Sanscr. dydus] forms the Gen. and Dat. from 
the Stem biF. The original Ace. is ZTJV, Sanscr. dydm (with loss 
of u) : Aia follows the analogy of AID'S, Au. Similarly fiovs, for 
*/3o>{)s (Sanscr. gdus\ Gen. floF-os, Ace. in Horn. (3&v (Sanscr. gam). 

KVWV, Voc. K.VOV, forms the other Cases from the Stem KUV-. 
Cp. Sanscr. gvan, Ace. $vdn-am, Gen. gun-as, &c. The Ace. 
KVV-CL (like At a) follows the analogy of the Gen. and Dat. 

Similarly, *Fpriv a lamb (surviving in TroXv-ppr]v-s) forms Gen. 
apv-6$ (for Frv-6s)j &c. 

3. Adjectives in -eis, Gen. -CJ/TOS (Stem -Fevr-), form the Dat. 
Plur. in -eoro-i, -ecri. To explain this we must first suppose the 
weak Stem in Far- (with a for CK, cp. 31, 5 and 37), which 
would give a Dat. Plur. in -ao-o-i, -dai ; this form then was assim- 
ilated to the other Cases by change of d to e. A form in -aai 
has survived in ^pavi* for ^peat (<|>pa: <bpev = Far : FWT). In the 
same way dcujuoo-i, Troi/xetTt, &c. are not for Scu/zo^-o-i, TTOL^V-CTL, but 
for ^dat/xa-o-t, *7rotjua-o-t. The Adverb ay/cas has been explained 
as dyKao-(t), the true Dat. Plur. of ayKvv. 

4. The primitive variation sometimes gives rise to parallel 
forms of a word : e.g. Trrcof and Trraf a hare (TTTTJO-O-O)), which 
originate in the declension Trrwf, Ace. TrrwK-a, Gen. TrraK-oy. So 
from TTOVS and Lat. pes, ped-is we may infer original TTOVS (or 
rather -n-cus), Ace. 7ro8a or 7rd)8a, Gen. 7re8-os : and so in other 
cases f . 

* Found in Pindar, also in an Old Attic inscription given by Job. Schmidt, 
K. Z. xxv. p. 38. 

t Much, however, remains uncertain in the attempts that have been made 
to reconstruct the primitive declension of these and similar words. The 
Sanscrit forms would furnish a fairly complete key, but for two defects : (i) 

90 DECLENSION. [107. 

107.] Heteroclite Nouns. This term is applicable to Nouns 
that employ distinct Stems. The chief variations are 

1. Between the vowel Declension (Stems in -o and -a, -77) and 
the corresponding consonantal forms : 

bLTTTV^O-S ', ACC. biTTTV)(-a. 

pir]po-s ; Plur. epiTjp-e?, epfyp-ay. 

(avbpaTTobo-v post-Horn.) ; Dat. Plur. avbpaTrob-eo-an. 

a\Ki] ; Dat. aA/c-i. 

va-y.ivTf] ', Dat. va-^lv-i. 

l&Kij ; Ace. tok-a. 

'Aibrj-s, Gen. 5 Ai8a-o ; also "AiS-o?, Dat. "Ai8-i. 

(or <f)v\aK.ovs } as Aristarchus accented the 
word) ; also fyvXaK.-as, Dat. Plur. <i>ActK-e(7(7i. 

, Dat. Plur. oo-o-oio-t (Hes. Sc. 426). 
TroAAo'-j and iroXv-s are both declined throughout : so b&Kpvo-v 
and baKpv. 

2. With forms in -T or -<XT : 

yovv, Gen. yovvos (for yovF-ds), Plur. yovv-a, yovv-av, 

yovv-ecro-L j also yovvar-os, &c. 

bopv, Gen. bovpos (for bopF-os), &c. ; bovpar-os, &c. 
ovtipo-s ; Plur. ovtipar-a. 

-v ; Plur. Trpoo-coTrar-a, Dat. Tr/ooo-coTrao-t. Hence 
the form ajTra (efc 2)7ra tSeV^at, Kar* li'-coTra t8o>z^) may 
be a Neut. Sing. : cp. ^Eolic oTTTrara <?^<s *. 
? ; Gen. ovar-os, Dat. Plur. oi5a(7t and a>(7t. 

(cp. Tyjuep-a); ^/xar-os, &c. (cp. i7//dr-tos). So 
), ^irap } ovdap, elbap, oveLap, (jbpeta/), 

s. See 114*, 8, ^. 

} Ace. \api-v (cp. xapt'-as) ; Plur. )(dptr-es, &c. 
etAt-i;oy_, /xeAt-ry^ea) ; /^eAtr-os, &c. 

\po-6s, XP" l/ j XP'" a ^ a ^ so X/ ^ 7 "" ' 5 (H- I0 - 575) 

(Od. 1 8. 172, 179). 

We should add the whole class of Nouns in -jia, Gen. -j 
since the -jxa of the Nom. Ace. is not for -ju,ttr, but answers to 
the Latin -^<?/^ Gen. -min-is. 

3. Between -a<r- and -e<r- : 

rtpas, repaa, repd-cor, repd-e(7(7t ; but retpea (in the sense 
of ' stars/ II. 18.485). 

the Sanscr. a may represent either e or o, so that (e. g.) padds may be 77-080? or 
TrcSo?, and similarly a may be TJ or co : and (2) Sanscr. a often answers to 
Greek o, so that (e.g.) pddam may point to either 77080 or 7ro)5a. See Joh. 
Schmidt, K. Z. xxv. 23 ff., Brugmann, Grundr. i. 311, p. 251. 

* The old explanation of Smra from on-pa, by 'progressive assimilation,' 
seems to be groundless. 


ovbas, ov$-os, &c. : so K<Sas, Kwe-a, /crepa?, Krepe-a (and 

New Ionic yepea, &c. ; Attic fiptrovs, Kvetyovs). 
This variation doubtless arose from the Ionic change of So, aw into co, aj. 
Thus the first appeared in the Gen., giving (e. g.} repas, repeos, ripai, Plur. 
repaa, repecav, repaai or rcpa-tafft. Then e was extended to other Cases, and on 
the other hand a was sometimes restored, as in Ttpdcav, Kpeawv. See io5, 4, 
and Joh. Schmidt, Plur alb. p. 325. 

4. Comparatives in -wz; (Gen. -ov-o$) sometimes form Cases as 
if by contraction with a Stem in -o<r; a/otetz/o) (for a^Lvoa-a, 

(for TrAeiW-es), apeiovs ( IJ4* 7; I2l). 

5. Other variations are 

Ace. fjvioxTJ-a, Nom. Plur. r)VLo^ij-s. 
r-fS, &c., but Ace. At^toTrij-aj. 

j-s, Ace. ' AvTi<paTTJ-a. 
"Aprjs, Voc. 9 Apes ; Gen. v Apr]-oj and v Ape-os, &c. ; Ace. 

"ApTja and once *Apr]-v (II. 5- 99)- 
fa7Jj ; Ace. fa-v (Od. 12. 313): see 97. 
A.aa-9, Ace. Xaa-v ; Gen. Aa-oj, Dat. \a-'i, Dual Aae, Plur. 
Aa-ej, Ad-coy, Aa-eorcrt. The latter forms are doubtless 
by hyphaeresis ( 105, 4) for \da-os, &c. 
ypfjiJS) I)at. yprjf, as if from a monosyllabic ypryus. 
jueya (for jiteyw, cp. magn-us), Masc. juteya-s, /xeya-z^; the 
other Cases from the derivative stem jueya-Ao-. 

Three apparently distinct Stems are used in vtos #ow, viz. 

(1) wo'-s, Voc. vie; the forms vtoi;, viw, vioivi are very 
rare in Homer. 

(2) (utu-), Ace. vte-a, Gen. vtt-os, Dat. ute-t, Plur. vii-es, 
vie-as : and from these by hyphaeresis 

(3) Ace. vl-a, Gen. vl-os, Dat. vl-i, Dual ut-e, Plur. ul-cs, 
vl-as, vid-a-i ; cp. yprjvs, Aaay. 

The form vtda-t (instead of vM-cri) follows the type ^arpacn, &c. 

The Neut. xdpr; head forms 

(1) Gen. Kaprjar-os, Kaprjr-os, Dat. Kaprjar-i, Kapr]T-i. 

(2) Gen. Kpdar-oSj Dat. Kpaar-i, Plur. Kpdar-a(aa). 

(3) Ace. Sing. Kpar-a (Od. 8. 92), Gen. Kpdr-os, Dat. 
Kpdr-i, Plur. Gen. Kpar-utv, Dat. Kpdo-t. The Dat. Sing, 
form /cpdrecn/u (II. 10. 156) is quite anomalous*. 

* We might add the stem KPT)-, in Kara KprjOev down from the head, cp. /ep-f]- 
8f/j.vov, Kprj-vij. The relations of these forms have hardly yet been satisfactorily 
cleared up : see especially Joh. Schmidt, Pluralb. p. 363 ff. It is highly 
probable that /eepas is originally the same word, so that the original declen- 
sion, answering to Sanscr. qiras, prs/mds, &c., was tee pas, Gen. Kpa(a}v6s and 
os (like y6vv, Gen. yovf-os and yovf-aros, &c.). The form Kaprj must 

93 DECLENSION. [108. 

The declension of J-pcos, -yeXcos and i8pu>s in Homer is open to some doubt ; 
it is clear however that the Stems in -r are post-Homeric. 

Nom. epos occurs in II. 14. 315, Ace. fpov in the phrase e Zpov tvro put away 
desire, Dat. Jlpcp in Od. 18. 212 ; Nom. epcas is read in II. 3. 442., 14. 294, but 
the metre allows epos in both places, cpur-a occurs first in H. Merc. 449. 

Nom. -ycXws occurs in II. i. 599, Od. 8. 326, 343, 344: in the two last 
passages (in the Song of Demodocus) the metre is rather against -ycXos. The 
Dat. ycXcp occurs in Od. 18. 100 (most MSS. -ycXco) ; the Ace. -y^Xov or -yeA" in 
Od. 1 8. 350., 20. 346 (MSS. ye\Q}v, y\ov, and ye\a}). Thus the word may be 
either yA.o-s (Gen. -ou) or "y*Xo>s, Ace. ytXco (for yt\u>-a or y*Xo-a) : cp. aiSw 
for aidoa. The Stem ye\off- appears in yeXoios, cp. aidoios, ijofos. 

From ISpus we have Ace. IdpSi ; but this must be read I8p6a in one place 
(II. 10. 574 fSpcD TroAAoV at the end of the line), and always maybe so read. 
The Dat. is ISpy (II. 17. 385, 745), possibly to be written ISpoi. Hence I8pws is 
probably like XP^ S - 

Two other Case-forms of this type are Ixw (H. 5. 416), Ace. of ix&P, and 
KVK6LW (II.) or KVKO> (Od.), Ace. of KVKthv. Cp. also auo (Aesch. fr. 413), Ace. 
of ai&v. 

The history of all these instances is very similar. The original Stem ended 
with a spirant (commonly o-), the loss of which in the oblique Cases caused 
hiatus (-oos, -01, -oa, &c.) : then these forms were replaced by adopting Stems 
in -T and -v. Cp. 114*, 6-8. 

1O8.] Heteroclite Pronouns. The following points remain 
to be noticed : 

1. The stems CJAC (jxe) and ee, e do not form a Nom. Sing. 

It is evident that the original Nom. coalesced at a very early period with 
the Stem of the Verb, becoming the ending -|xi ; just as the French je has 
ceased to be used except in a fixed place before the Verb, so that it is hardly 
a separate word. 

In the Plural also the Nom. was not originally formed from the same Stems 
as the oblique Cases. Both a/i/ze-s, and i7/ie-es, u/xe-cs are comparatively 
late, and due to the analogy of the Nominal declension (Meyer, G. G. p. 388). 

2. The Interrogative and Indefinite rts is declined from three 
Stems_, viz. 

(1) TI-, giving Neut. ri (for rt'6), also the Plur. Neut. traceable 
in aa-a-a (for a TLO). The Indef. aoxra occurs in Od. 19. 318 6777:01' 
aoraa, where it would be better to write oTTTrotd Va-a (for ria). 

(2) re-, giving Gen. re'o, rev (cp. e/xeo, &c.), Dat. reo), rw (II. 1 6. 
227, H. Apoll. 170). 

Gen. reW (eo>)_, Dat. in 6-reotcrt (eot), II. 15. 491. 

(3) rw ~> &i v i n ff Ace. riv-a, Dat. (very rarely) riv-i, Plur. Nom. 
(only in the Od.). 

have been originally a derivative, introduced to mean head when rtepas had 
come to be limited to the sense of horn. From it again Kaprj-aros, &c. were ob- 
tained by analogy. 

109.] ADVERBS. 93 

In the Compound OO--TLS the first part is sometimes declined as 
09, rjf, o, sometimes undeclined, giving- o-rtj, o-rev, &c. The Neut. 
Plur. is once O-TIV-CL (II. 22. 450), usually oVo-a. 

In the forms with TT, -mr (as o'rrt, 077770) s) we have to recognise 
the original Neuter 08 (Sanscr. yad ). Thus 08 rt becomes or rt 
(not oo-rt, since rt is a distinct word, not a Suffix). In orreo, 
which occurs in the Odyssey (i. 124., 17. 121., 22. 377), 68- is 
indeclinable (cp. o-ru), and so in OTTTTCO?, 0777700-09, 677710109, &c. 
For the assimilation we may compare Kab 8e, KQITT trfbiov, &c. (for 
Kar 8e Kar 

3. The Article is declined from two Stems : 

6-, Fern, a-, which gives 6, f), ot, at : perhaps also cos thus, if it 
is distinct from the Relatival o>? as. 

TO-, Fern. rd-, which gives the other Cases, and second forms 
of the Nom. Plur. rot, rat : also the Adverb rws thus. 

The Compound o-8e uses the Stem o- for the forms o-8e, 17-86, 
ot-8e, at-8e, and the Adverb <S-8e. The second part is sometimes 
declined in the Dat. Plur., rotV-Seo-o-iz; or roto--8eo-ti> (II. 10. 462 
and Od.). The -8e is enclitic : hence the accent, ?J-8e, not ^8e. 
Strictly, therefore, it should be written o 8e, rj 8e, &c. 

The forms tyavTov, vtavrov, &c. are post- Homeric. The earliest 
instance of a Compound of this kind is the word !aur?j, in Hes. 
Th. 216. 

Adverbial Suffixes. 

109.] The Suffixes employed in Homer to form Adverbs are 
as follows : 

-0t expresses the place where : the chief instances are from 
Pronouns and Prepositions, ro'-0i, o-0t, iro-0i, av-di, avro-di, Ktl-Qi 
(e/cet-0t only Od. 17. 10), lre'pw-01, eKao-ro-^t, aAXo-^t, e'/cro-tft, 
e^8o-^t, a7ro-7rpo-^t, tyo-Qi, tyyv-Oi ; from Nouns, veto-^t, 6ripr]-0i, 
(Od. 14. 352), ot/co-01, jiS>-di, ovpavo-6i, Krypo'-^t; 'IXto'-^t, KopivOo- 
Oi, 'A/3v8o'-0t. Note that Ket is not found in Homer. 

-6a place ; ev-6a, tvrav-Qa, vTrai-Oa (cp. also 8ry^a, y^ivvvQa). 

-0e(i') place, from Prepositions ; 7rpo / cr-^e(r), O7rto--#e(z>) and oTrt- 

-0ei/ jt?^^<? whence, used with nearly the same Stems as -0i ; 

Tepa>-0ev, cTp(D-0v. From Nouns, ?}<3-0z;, Ato-^ez; (II.), ovpavo- 

0V, LTT'n6-0V ) &C. 

This Suffix is often used with the Prepositions ef and 0,770', as 
K Ato'-^ez;, 0,77' ovpavo-0v, &c. With the Stems ejue, (re, e, it 
forms a Genitive; as II. I. 280 a-0ev 8' eyto OVK dAeytfco. The 
form 0tv is only found in the Iliad. 

-00L, only in VTav-0ol there (Od.). 


-TOS place ; h-ros, IK-TO?. Originally, perhaps, it expressed 
the place whence, as Lat. caeli-tus, divini-tus. 

--us, in OLV-TIS back, again (Attic av-Qis). 

-ere place whither ; Tro-o-e, oTTTro'-o-e, Ket-cre, erepco-cre, d/ut^ore/oo)- 
(T, 6/xo-o-e. From Nouns, iravro-a-e, KVK\O-(T. 

-c|>i(f), -4)19, in v6(T-<$)i(v) apart, \iKpi-Qis sideways (II. 14. 463). 
This may be the Instrumental Ending- -<pi(i>). 

-<f>a, in ju,eo--^>a ?m?^7, lit. meanwhile (II. 8. 58).' 

-Xt, in ??-x l where (lit. which way, Lat. ^). 

-X a ? with Numerals; 6t-xa #w0 wtf^s, Tpi-yjn, irlvra-xa, <-Trra-\a. 

-X^a, in the same sense, rpi-yQa, Terpa-yQa. 

-KIS, -KI ; with Numerals, in 8eKa-/as, rerpd-Kis, elva-Ki j, etxoo-a- 
KIS; and with similar meaning TroAAa/as and -zroAAa/a, oo-a-a/a, 

The original Suffix is -KIS or -KI (not -SKIS), but in consequence of its having 
been used at first with Stems ending in -a (rerpa-, eirra-, Se/fa-, eti/a-), the com- 
bination -a-Kis came to be felt as the Suffix, and was extended to other words 
by analogy. A similar explanation applies to the 3 of -nevTa-xa. 

-Kas expresses manner ; d^8pa-Ka? = Lat. viritim. 

-8e place whither, suffixed to the Accusative ; oiKoV8e, -rro'Ae- 
ciA.a8e. This Suffix is peculiar in being an enclitic; in 
strictness we should write OLKOV 8e, TTO^JJLOV 6, &c. 

-815 expresses direction or manner ; \ajjui-bts, apv-bis, aXXi>-8t?, 
lirafiot/3a-5ts (Od. 5. 481). 

110.] Case-forms as Adverbs. The Suffixes which follow 
have been explained, with more or less probability, as Case- 

-a manner ; ap-a (lit. fittingly), aja-a, paX-a, dd^-a, ra\-a, a-d(f)-a, 
KapT-a, pet-a or pe-ct, a>K-a, ^K-a, at\/r-a, Aty-a, trty-a, /oi/x^)-a, TTVK-CL, 
AtV-a ; in Attic Kpvty-a, r\p^-a. 

The Adverbs in -a belong to an early stage of Greek, most of them being 
confined to Homer. They have generally been taken to be primitive 
Instrumental forms (so Brugmann, M. U. ii. 158, G. G, 83). It is a question, 
however, whether the original Instr. ending was -a or - : see Joh. Schmidt, 
K. Z. xxvii. 292. Those which answer to adjectives in -v-s, viz. rax, </"*, 
Arya, Kapra, Oa^a, are explained by Joh. Schmidt as older Neut. Plur. forms 
( Ta xF~ a > & c -) C P- a ' tir u Neut. Plur. of alirv-s, and -npkafia. (for irpeofif-a. ?) Fem. 
of irp(a(3v-s. This will not apply to apa, p.a\a (since ap-fa, paX-fa would give 
apa, juaXa). Some may be stems in -n, like neya : cp. \iya and \iyatvca (-ww), 
Atwa and Xiiraivoj, -mjKa and ITVKV-OS, also the stems Kpea-, yepa- ( 105, 4). 

-T] or -Y] way, direction ; fj, rfj, TTTJ, oTrry (or irfj, oirrj), Trdvr-rj, 
\a6pr\. These forms represent the Instrumental of the way by 
which (Lat. guti, &c.). 

It is a question whether they should be written with iota subscr. or not. 
The ancient grammarians prescribed iota (Apoll. de Adv. 625, i), and this is 

110.] ADVERBS. 95 

confirmed by the forms a, OTTO, d\\q, itavra on Doric inscriptions (Ahrens, 
ii. 369). In Homer however the final vowel of irdvrr) (or -77) is frequently 
shortened before another vowel, which is rarely done in the case of final -T) 
( 380). It is not unlikely therefore that the original Instrum. Fern. -TJ took 
iota subscr. from the analogy of the Dat. Fern, in -TJ. There were also Doric 
adverbs of place in -TJ or ^ (7717 TTOKO., l/carf/^, see Ahrens, ii. 362, Brugmann, 
M. V. ii. 244), in which t\ is of course pan-Hellenic ; but Ionic 7777, &c. are 
connected by the meaning with the Doric forms in -a. Cp. also XdOpij (-77) 
with Attic XaOpa (or -a). The form itavr-rj is an extension of the ending -TJ 
to the consonantal declension (as with the adverbs in -cos). 

-i, -i time, manner ; avro-vv\-i (or -t) that very night, II. 8. 
197; Tpi-<TToi\-l in three rows, avai^r-i (t) bloodlessly, 
a^a\j]Ti, avovrrjTi, diu8pom, aiwtorl, eyp^yoprt : with i, 
with the willy deKrjr-i without the will, /xeAeior-t limb by limb, 
/xeyaAcoori in mighty fashion. 

Short -t is certain in ftcrjTi, detcrjTi, peXfiffTi, fjieyaXooffrl, and is not excluded 
by the metre in d/j.oyrjTi and d^ax^Tt. Where the syllable is long the MSS. 
are usually divided between -t and -t. The evidence of inscriptions is 
strongly in favour of -t (H. W. Smyth, The reduction o/i to t in Homer, p. 10) : 
but -I can hardly be due to mere itacism, and we have further to explain the 
forms in -t. The generally accepted view is that -ci is the original Locative 
ending of the o- declension, which is preserved in the Doric adverbs ef, tret, 
TOVTCI, TrjVfT, &c., also in ottcfi (Menander fr. 456). On this view short t must 
be the corresponding ending of the consonantal declension, and the analogy 
of forms of that declension must have been extended so as to create a new 
adverbial ending -rt (cp. eyepri in Soph.). The -I of dvai^cari, &c., if not a mere 
error, may be due to contamination between -i and -t. 

aUC has been taken to be a Loc. from the stem a-lfta- (of which the Doric 
alts is the Ace.). Mr. H. W. Smyth (I c.) justly objects to this that the 
Homeric form would be aipei : and this form, we may add, would become 
cue?, not aid. Hence he derives it from the stem atfo-, Lat. aevo-m. 

A different account of the Adverbs in -t and -t is given by Mahlow 
(Die langen Vocale, p. 121). Noticing that they are mainly compounds, 
especially with a priv., he compares the numerous Latin adjectives such as 
ex-animi-s, in-ermi-s, im-belli-s, and shows that change to an I-stem is found in 
similar words in other European languages. This I- stem in the Ace. Neut. 
gives the adverbs in -I, in the Loc. those in -ei or -t. On this view the doubt 
between -t and -t is the same that we meet with in the Dat. of Nouns in 
-t-s ( 98). 

-us manner; a Suffix of which there are comparatively few 
examples in Homer : the commonest are from Stems in -o, viz. 
Twj, w?, 770)?, o{;r-cos (also oirr-o)), 6/x-ws, ^)tA-coj, alv&s, KapTTaXijjLws, 
do-Tracna)?, pr^t'Suo?, eKTrayAco?, KparepQs, /x-eyaAcos (rare) j from other 
Stems, d<^)pa8e-a)9, TrepK^paSe-a)?. 

-w, chiefly from Prepositions; etcr-a>, ef-a>, 7rpo'<r(r-&), o7nW-a>, 
az;-a>, Kar-co, Trporep-co {further on), e/caoWp-a), eKao-rar-a> {farther^ 
farthest^), dcro-orep-a) nearer. 

Two others are Adverbs of manner, &-b, OVT-M (for which 
is only written when a vowel follows in the same sentence). 


The ending -cos has long been considered to be the Greek form of the 
original Ablatival -6t (Lat. -od) of o- stems In Greek, however, a final -d 
would disappear (as in aAAo, Lat. aliu-d, &c.) and consequently the theory 
applies only to the forms without -s, viz. cD8e and ovrca. The difficulty was 
met by Curtius (Curt. Stud. x. 219) with the suggestion that -T would pass into 
-s before a dental or cr : e. g. ovrcas <rot, ovrcas Tidijfu for OVTQJT croi, OVTOJT riOijm. 
When two forms OVTOI and ovrcas had thus come into existence as ' sentence- 
doublets ' (like ov and OVK, l and l/c), it would be natural to use OVTOJS when 
it served to prevent hiatus, and the more regular OVTCU in other cases. This 
explanation was rejected by later scholars (as Brugmann and G. Meyer), and 
is certainly not quite satisfactory. If Curtius is right we should expect SIT 6e 
to become oJcrSe rather than wSe. His view is however defended by Joh. 
Schmidt (Pluralb. p. 352). 

The ending -co in av-w, &c. may be either the Ablatival -ot, or (more 
probably) an Instrumental ending -6 (Mahlow, Die langen Vocale, p. 86). In 
Latin, as Mahlow shows, it is probable that the Instrum. is represented by 
the adverbs in -o, as modo, cito, the Abl. by archaic ~od, later -o. If -cos and -co 
were alternative Ablative endings sentence-doublets it seems possible that 
the adoption of -cos rather than -co in the Adverbs of manner was partly 
determined by the circumstance that -co was already familiar in the In- 
strumental use. 

The extension of -cos, -co to the consonantal declension presents no 
difficulty. It may be observed, perhaps, that the proper Ablat. of that 
declension was unsuited for adverbial use, because it was the same in form 
as the Genitive : e. g. raxeos was already = of a swift, and accordingly a new 
word Taxeus swiftly was coined on the model of c/Acus, &c.* 

-ou place ; TTOV, 6fj.ov, ayyov, rr]\.ov, v^ov, avrov, all perispo- 
mena. They are the same in meaning as the corresponding 
Adverbs in -661. 

-8oi/, -Sr^, -8a, forming Adverbs of manner, are evidently 
Accusatives from Stems in -5o-, -brj- ( 114); e.g. <rxe-5oV nearly ', 
lit. holding-wise, aTToora-bov aloof, (fjifia-bov on foot, 
openly, l\a-bov in crowds ; so fiorpv-bov, irvpyry-bov, pvbov, 
bov, &c. ; (Ba-byv steppingly, TfjLYj-brjv, Kpvfi-brjv, K\ri-briv, e7riypti/3- 
br]v, &c. (all from Verbs), also a peculiar group in -d-8r]i', as 
TTL(TTpo(j)d-br]v wheeling about, TrpoTpoird-b-qv headlong, 
fjLTabpofjid-br]V, a^okd-brjv j jjiiy-ba, Kpv(3-ba, diroa-Tabd, 
dvatyav-bd, a{roo-xe-8a. It is evident that these are much more 
numerous than the Noun-Stems in -So, -8rj can ever have been. 
In such cases we have to explain, not the derivation of the indi- 
vidual forms, but the origin of the type. 

Other Adverbs obtained from Accusatives are : aK^v in silence, 

* As adverbs of the Gen. Abl. form (raxeos, &c.) must have existed at one 
time alongside of those in -COT from o- stems, the conjecture may be hazarded 
that this adverbial -os was one of the influences which determined the choice 
of -cos rather than -co for original -ot. If so, such a form as ndvr-ojs is a sort of 
contamination of the Gen. Abl. iravr-os and the forms in -co(s). 


avrrjv (avTiov, tvavTiov, &c.) opposite, itaXiv backwards, brjpov long, 
(T^b(j\v hand to hand, a^abi^v openly, aitpiarriv without purchase; 
perhaps also ay\t near, in/a aloft, i<t mightily. The form T0i is 
generally taken as the Instrum. of i-$ force ( 104): but this 
does not explain how it comes to be used as a Stem in the Adj. 
i$i-a (fJiijXa), as well as in Compounds, 'Ityi-dvacro-a, &c. (Bekker, 
//. K i. 1 60). 

Many Adverbs are formed with a final -s, which is liable to be 
lost before a word beginning- with a consonant, as ovru>(s) and 
the Adverbs in -KI(S) already mentioned; .other Homeric in- 
stances are, axpi(s) and /xexpi(?) until, i0u(j) straight toivards, 
lMcr(rr]-yv(s) between, drpe'/uia(s) quietly : also the Prep, a^i, Adv. 
dju^i?, and Homeric avTLKpv, later avriKpvs. Similar Adverbs in 
which -s is not lost are, aAc-j, /u,o'yt-s, x<opi-$ ; ayxcis, efcd-s, TreAa-s, 
e^rvTrds' (II. 24. 163); eyyu-s; x^^~ s t an( ^ those in -8i-s, as 
aAAuSu, djuoi/SrjSt?. Note also the group formed by -s subjoined 
to a monosyllabic Verbal Stem ; TTV with the jist, eTu-juuf in con- 
fusion, a-Traf once, ^a\\f idly, d-8af with the teeth (8aK-i>a>). The 
nature of this -s is obscure. Brugmann (K. Z. xxiv. 74) connects 
it with the -s of the Prepositions ef, w\r y d/x<i-?, holding that 
it is Ablatival. Joh. Schmidt (Pluralb. 357) supposes a group of 
Neuter stems, like the nouns in -as, -es, &c. 


Accentuation of Case-forms. 

111.] For the purpose of accentuation Nouns may be divided 
into those in which the accent remains on the Stem (and as far 
as possible on the same syllable of the Stem), and those in which 
it passes in the Gen. and Dat. to the Case-Ending. 

Nouns of the Vowel-Declensions generally belong to the first 
of these groups. The last syllable if accented has the acute in 
the Nom. and Ace., the circumflex in the Gen. and Dat., and in 
the Adverbs in -ou and -ws : e. g. xaAos, KaXov, KaAw &c., Adv. 
KaA<? ; but Ace. Plur. KaAoi;?. On the Nouns in -a, see 96. 

One or two Feminines with Nom. Sing, in -a accent the 
Ending in those Cases in which the last syllable is long, as jj-ta, 
Gen. IJLLTJS ', la, Dat. Ifj ; Tap<|>us thick, Fern, rap^eta, but Plur. 
Tap(f)Lai, Ace. rap^eta? ; ayuia street, Gen. ayw^s, Plur. dywat, 
dyvta?. So Oa^iai and 0a/xetas answer to a Nom. Sing. 0a/xeta, 
Masc. *dajjiv$ (cp. ^a/xe-es, tfajue'as); and Kawreipr/s (II. 4. 342, 
&c. is Gen. of 

in the very icay (from avr6s'}, is made barytone by the authorities. 
The word is only Homeric, and the original accentuation avrws had evidently 
been lost, perhaps by a confusion with cirrous. 

The oxytone Adverbs in -ei and -i, as avTovv\ti, dcrirovSt, /ieXctoT/, may date 
from a time when the Loc. of the o- declension was regularly oxytone the 
accent determining the appearance of for o. 



The second group consists of 

(i) Nouns with monosyllabic Stem, as TTOUS, 1708-0'?, irob-'i, 

TOS-WV, TTOCTvl', KUWI>, KVV-OS, KVV-i, KVV-&V, KlKTi; 6rjp, 

Orjp-i, 077p-<S z>, O-rjp-a-L. 

(3) The words iranr/p, /^TT}/), dvydr^p, avrjp, yavrrip ; Gen. 
Trarp-oj, /xrjrp-o'?, fluyarp-o'j, avbp-os, yaa-rp-os &c. 

The accent of ^rrjp and Ovydrrjp is anomalous : cp. the Accu- 
satives fj-rjTtp-a, 6vyarep-a. Probably the Nom. Sing, was 
originally oxytone. The change of accentuation may be ex- 
plained by supposing that the Nom. was influenced by the accent 
of the Vocative that in fact the Voc. pro tanto took the place 
of the Nom. (cp. 96). It is evident that the Voc. of these words 
would be especially familiar to the ear. 

The Dat. ending -eom never takes the accent ; hence Tro'5-ecro-t, 
r?5-eo-o-t, avSp-ta-a-i, K.vv-(r<n, &c. The reason doubtless is that 
these are forms that have followed the analogy of the Stems in 

-CO", aS TT<T-(Tl ) /3&<T-<rij &C. 

The Genitives iraiS-wK, 8a8-w^ Tpw-wi/, Spu-wi/, Ow-wy, are bary- 
tone ; perhaps because the Stems are originally disyllabic. 

It appears that in an earlier stage of the language the shifting of the accent 
to the Case-Ending was always accompanied by 'weakening' of the Stem 
( 106). The few instances of the type of KVWV, Gen. KVV-OS, and -Tra-rrip, 
Gen. -rraTp-ds, are to be regarded as surviving examples of the older declension. 

112.] The Vocative in the Consonantal Declension sometimes 
retracts the accent, as Trcm}/), Voc. Trdrep ; 8a?}p, Voc. 8ae/> ; 8to- 
Voc. 8toyej>e9. 

Proper Names with a long vowel in the penultimate are often 
properispomena, as Sap-mjo'wz;, Voc. Sapvrjbov ; 'Arr?j^cop, Voc. 
'A^r^op; Maxdow, Voc. Maxaou. Otherwise they are mostly 
proparoxytone, as 'Aya/zejuz>oz>, 'ATroAAoz;. 

Oxytones in -eu's form the Voc. in -eG, as Ze, 'O8uo-e{5. This 
may be regarded as a retraction of the accent, since the cir- 
cumflex stands for a double accent, viz. an acute followed by a 
grave in the same syllable (Ze Zo>). 

Originally the Vocative, unless it stood at the beginning of a sentence, was 
enclitic. Hence the barytone accent is to be explained as in the case of the 
Verb ( 87), viz. as the result of an original loss of accent. 





113.] Nominal Stems. Some Nouns are formed with Stems 
identical with Verb-Stems ; Trrv^-es folds (TTTT^O-O-CO for -Tiri^-to)), 
o-n'x-e? ranks (o-reixco, e-o-rt^-oi;), </>A.o' flame (ojAeyo)), Trrok-a 
cowering (777-77 o-o-co, -7rraK-o^), 8co house, for 8a>//, cp. Sa- (dm) in 
6<-7re8o2; (lit. house-floor}, pum-as twigs (pe7r-a>), pa>y-a? clefts, 
openings (pr\y-vv^i), 0a>? jackal (0ea>), O7r-a tw'00 (Ft*-), <j>pt, 6p(, 
2r?j. In these Nouns the Stem is usually either in the weak 
form or in the O-form ( 38). 

Originally the Stem was long (and accented) in the Nom. and Ace., weak 
(with the accent on the Case-Ending) in the Gen. and Dat. Instances of this 
variation have been given in 106 ; cp. 114*. 

Commonly however a Nominal Stem is formed from a Verb- 
Stem by means of one or more Suffixes, which we may call 
Nominal Suffixes. These are of two kinds : 

j. Primary, by which Nouns are formed from Verb- Stems ; 
as -o in ay-o'-s leader, -TI in (a-rt-s saying. Nouns so formed 
are called Primitive (sometimes Verbal : but this term is better 
known in a more restricted sense, 84). 

2. Secondary, by which Nouns are formed from other Nouns ; 
as -10 in Si/ca-io-s- just, -eu in iTTTr-ev-j horseman. These Nouns 
are called Denominative. 

The Suffixes which mark the Feminine Gender might be 
classified as Secondary ; thus the Stem KaXrj- might be said to 
be formed by a fresh suffix from KaXo-, the Stem S/^reipa- (for 
bfjLT]-Tp-La) from 8/0177 -rep-, &c. But it is more convenient to 
treat the Feminine Endings as mere inflexions, along with 
the corresponding Masc. forms. 

In the same way we might treat Suffixes like -rpo (in Irj-rpo-s 
healer, apo-Tpo-v plough) as compounded of -TTJP or -Tp (tTj-TTJp 
healer, apo-TTJp ploughman), and a secondary -o. Practically, 
however, -rpo is a single Primary Suffix : and this applies also 
to -fjii/o (in ptXt-^vo-v dart), which might be resolved into fxo + ev + o, 
and to many similar cases. 

H 2 

100 NOUN FORMATION. [114. 

Primitive Noiins. 

114.] Primary Suffixes. The form of the Verb-Stem in 
Primitive Nouns is liable to the same variations as in the Tenses 
(38). It will be seen that these variations are connected with 
the accent ; but this part of the subject will be best treated 
separately ( 115). 

The chief Primary Suffixes are as follows : 

-0, Fern, -a, -77 ; the Verb-Stem taking- three forms 
(i) The weak form; as ay-6-s leader, vy-6-v yoke, $vy-r\ 
flight: with reduplication, layj\ (Fi-Fa^-^) cry, I-OTO-S (ora-) web. 
(3) The O-form ; as TOK-O-S (re/c-) offspring, dpcoy-o-j (ap7?y-a)) 

er, (nrovb-r) ((nrv$-u>) libation, 'noT-r] flight, por] flow. 
(3) Attic reduplication ; as ay-coy-rj leading, OLKCO/CTJ point, 80)877 
"*~" sight, d8co8rj smell. The radical vowel appears as o>. 

-i : as rp6(j)-L (rpe$-co) thick, Tpoir-i-s keel of a ship, 
understanding (with the Verb-Stem in the O-form). 

-ia : seldom with Stems of clearly Verbal meaning, as in (frvfr 
(tyvy-ia) flight, <ryj.a (<rxi5-ia) chip ; more often with roots used 
as Nouns, as 5ta (SiF-ia), Trefa (TTC^-), fjivla ((JLVCT-), TrtVa-a (TTIK-) ; 
and as a Fern, suffix in Adjectives (infra). 

The Greek -to, takes the place of -I, the original declension of which is lost in 
Greek : see Brugmann, Grundr. ii. 109, p. 313 ; Joh. Schmidt, Pluralb. p. 42. 

-V : with two forms of declension 

(1) Gen. --09, with the weak Stem; chiefly in Masc. and 
Neut. Adjectives, as rax-v-j swift, rap(f)-v-s (rpe^-co) thick; (BaO- 
v-9, A.ty-v-9, yXvK-v-s, J3apv$, jSpabvs, KpaTVs, iraxys, cvpvs (for 
^-Pp v . } root Ftp-). But f)bv-$ has the strong Stem : and WKV-S 
the O-form. 

Fern, -cid (for -ef-ia), -ed, as ^Seta, a>Kea. 

(2) Gen. -u-os ; in Substantives (chiefly Fern.), as Tr\r)0-v-s 
multitude, 10-v-s path, aim, iXvs mud, VCK-V-S (Masc.) corpse, yevv-s 
chin, yijpv-s voice, cry. 

As to the declension of Nouns in -is, Gen. -IDS, and -vs, Gen. -vos, see 94. 
-(T, with the strong form of the Stem, as retx-os wall, rtv%- 

e-a arms, ITT-OJ word, TrevO-os suffering, pv0-os depth (cp. (3a0-v-s), 
Otp-os warmth, summer, rjb-os pleasure. 

Fern, -eta (for -o--ta), as r/ptyeVeta. 

The O-form of the Stem is found in ox-os chariot (cp. the 
Pf. oKcoxa, 26, 5) ; the weak form in Oa\-os blossom (but cp. 
vfo-OrjX-ris), /capros (also Kparos), 0apo-o?(cp. epa'-trrys/A 
ax-os grief. The forms ndO-os, {Ba0-os are not Homeric. 


Note however that in Homer the Substantive is 0dpo-os (for which dpaaos 
occurs only once, II. 14. 416), the Adj. always flpao-us ; so that a distinction of 
quantity is kept up in place of the original distinction between * Oepffos and 
Opaavs. On Olpaos as the original Greek form see Osthoff, M. U. ii. 49. 

t and o appear in these Stems as in the Present tense ( 29) : 
e.g. ply-os cold, \l/v-^-os warmth, Kvb-os glory. 

-wcr, -oo-; in ^cos (Sanscr. ush-ds) dawn, albas shame, and in 
the older declension of ye'AoK, 16/50)9, ol&v, t'xwp ( 107 ad fin.). 
The Stem is probably in the weak form ; see 30. 

-a<T ', as 8eju-aj 'build' The Stem is in the strong form; 
indeed the Stem- vowel is always e, except in yrjpas old age, 
fleece, and ovb as floor ; cp. ytpas, Senas, Kepas, Kvttyas, 
, Trepas, ere/Say, o~\as, ar^-nas, o-^e'Aas, repots : also 
(epavvos for pav-vos) and *yeAa? (e-yeAao--o-a). 

-6l>, -w, -ov, -wi> : e. g. Tep-rjv, Gen. -V-os (retpco) soft, apa--r]v 
male, av^-r\v neck ; ire-ir-ov (Voc.) tender one, apriy-ov-es defenders, 
TKTO)v, 7Tpi-KTiovs ', ayK-tov, Gen. -&V-OS eluow, ayvv, aWojv. 

Fern, -aim (-az^-ta), in Xeat^a : imitated by way of sarcasm in 
et-aiva (II. 8. 5). 

-IT, -on-, in Participles, and in a few Substantives, as bpaK-u>v 

a serpent, lit. the ' staring ' animal (8epK-o/xdt), Ttv-av, ytpw. 

-ar, in oblique Cases of Neuter Nouns as (vba>p), vbar-os, &c. 
The a of this Suffix represents the weak form of a nasal syllable ; 
see 38, and 1 14*, 8, c. 

-O.VT, notably in Compounds, as aK.a^as, abacas, Tro\vT\as. 

-a.v, in rd\as, fxeAas : perhaps originally Stems in -avr, which 
have followed the analogy of -ei>, -ov (Meyer, G. G. p. 304). 

-6Q, -wp) -ap; as arjp (aF-^p) air, alO-r]p (aW-u>) bright sky, 

ba-rip husband's brother (levir) ; e'A-cop booty, vb-ap water ; /ua/c-ap 
great (II. II. 68), eap spring. 

-op in the Homeric aop sivord, ^rop breast is perhaps only the 
^Eolic form of -ap (-r). As to the Nom. and Ace. Neut. forms 
in -wp see 114*, 8, d. 

-CO, -k is very rare in Greek as a Primary Suffix : B ragman n 
gives epetV-ta ruins and (post-Horn.) ay-tos, orrvy-ios, o-^ay-iov, 
irdy-ios. We may add ra^-ir] dispenser, irev-ir] 'poverty : also bios 
(biF-io-s) bright, irefos (7re8-) on foot, Kpab-trj (nyp for Kr/p-8) heart, 
in which the Stem is a Root-Noun. 

The word d-oo-cnr)-Tif|p helper pre-supposes a Stem ocro-o- for aoK-io-, answering 
to Latin soc-iu-s (seq-, Gr. ITT-). 

In aAAos (al-ius}, peaaos (medius), 8ei6s the Suffix appears to give the force of 
a Comparative : see Brugmann, Grundr. ii. 63, p. 125. 

102 NOUN FORMATION. [114. 

-iodr, -too-, -ur : the Comparative Suffix, as TrXeco (7rXe-too--a) 
TrXeio-Tos (7rXe-ia--ros) : see 114*, J. 

-Fo : Kivo$ (Ktv-Fos) empty, ovXos (oX-fos) whole, Xai-os Icte- 
rus, 6p96s ard-uus. 

-F*v, -Fov, -Fuv, -Fv : iriaivfat, alvv age, life (Loc. attv, see 99), 
a-TTip(t>v (d-Trep-Ftov, cp. TTtipaivo) for Trep-f^-tco) : -Ftv appears in 
the Inf. in -tv-ai, as dbtvai for Fib-Fev-cu, ( 84). 

-fwo-, -for, Fern, -met; in the Pf. Part., and in the Nouns 
6py-via fathom, apir-via storm-wind, ay-tna street. 

-Fap ', as map (for Ttl-Fap) fatness, oveiap (6vr]-Fap ?) help, et8ap 
(eb-Fap) food, etA.ap shelter, &c. ; -fep in Tueipa, Fern, of Tiiavfat. 
The ancient grammarians noticed that the Stem before -a/> is 
long (Herodian ii. 769 ed. Lentz). 

-JUiO ', with the O-form, as TTOT-JUO-S (irer-) fall, Kop-jmo 
torc/, oX-juo-j (^eX-) rolling stone, pcox-j^os (/5r?y-) ^?^%. 

-jxi ; in (j)TJ-iJiL-s report, bvva-fja-s power. 

-\tiv in priy-fuv beach on which the waves break, Dat. v 
fght : also Nom. vo-^ivr]. 

-jj.6^, -fA.o^ -jjiwi' ; TTvO-fjLrjV (Gen. -/iez/-os) base, avr-priv breath, 
\L[jLrjv haven, TTOL^V shepherd, 8et-/xo)z; (-JJLOV-OS) fearing, fjivrj-jJiav 
mindful, r\-^v shooter, rep-paw end, Orj-p&v-a (Ace.) a heap. 
Also the Infinitives in -jxey-ai (Dat.) and -jxek (Loc.) : see 84. 

-fjiar ; as 8et-jua, Gen. -/xar-o?, /mr, orojua ^^^ &c. 

Of these Suffixes -^v and -JJLCIT go with the strong form of 
the Stem, -y.w with the weak form. 

With -o, -YJ are formed -fxei/o (in Participles), and -jj^o, -\LVT\, as 
(3t\-iJivo-v a dart, Xi-^vn] a marsh ; -jxyd (-pv-ia), in ptpi-^va care. 
fiwp ; as TK-fj.ap and roc-juuop device ; -p*po, in t-j 

-Z^O, -o^o ; as 8et-ro-s fearful, TIT^-VOS flyina, T^-VTJ art, TTOI-VTI 

atonement ; o\-avo-?v handle, bpeiravr] sic&le, Tpvir-avov auger, o-re'<- 

-veer Tejj,-vos enclosure, fy-vos imprint, yX^-ros jewel. 

-v\i 6prj-vv-s afoot-stool. 

-OO, -Ao ; generally with the weak Stem ; TTIK-PO-J bitter, 
aK-po-s point, Zb-prj seat: also with an auxiliary a, o-^er-apo-s 
strong, airaXos tender, o-rt/3apos, Xnrapo'j. 

-pi ; in io-pL-s knowing, a/c-pi-s mountain-top. 

-pu, -Xu : baK-pv tear, 6rj-\v-s female (Orj-crdaC). 

-T : OTIS Or]-T-6$, vv VVK.-T-OS ; but chiefly in Compounds, as 
7rpo-/3X?js, a 


-ex, -IJT : Acc. apy-er-a white (II. 21. 127), also apyfjra (II. 8. 
133), Dat. dpye'rt and dpyrjri (II. II. 818), KeX-^s, AeJQ-rjs. 

-7*0 ; found with Stems 

(1) In the O-form, as KGI-TO-?, KOL-TY] (/cet-^cu) /air, (j)6p-ro-v 
burden, VOCT-TO-S going,, return (pco/mat for rc<r-o-ftat), ot-ros 
(ei-juu) course, fortune, /3porr?j (/3pejm-a>) thunder. 

(2) In the weak form, as o-ra-ro-s stalled, bpa-To-s flayed ; 
aK-T?j beach; 6e/c-r?]-s beggar, irapai-fia-Trj-s. 

For the use of -TO to form Superlatives and Ordinal Numerals 
see 121 and 130. 

-T6, -o-i j generally with the weak Stem, as <j)a-Ti-s saying, 

TTLCT-TL-S (for inO-ris) trust, TL-O-L-S vengeance, boa-is, /3o<rtJ, /3p<S(m, 
yevecns, re/xeo-ts, CLVVO-LS, apoo-ts. 

-o-tT)^ as K\urtvj a tent, v-no-ory^-a-ir] promise. 

-Ttimj in bto-Tivr] (from 8<S-rts) ^^. 

-Tl^ j fipto-TU-sfood, K\I-TV-S a slope, fjivrfcr-TV-s wooing, bai-ru-s 
feasting, tbrj-Tv-s eating. This Suffix is especially common in 
Homer : dyop^rv?, dAacor^s, ftorjTVSj ypairrvs, eAeryr^j, K.iOapi(TTvs, 
aKovTL(rTV$, dapLOTvs, dp\r](TTVS, orpwrvs, pva-raKTvs, ravvcrrvs. 

-TGO, in Trarijp, ^r\rr]p, tfvyarrjp, etz;a-rep-e9, ycumjp, a 
-TT)p, -rop, -Twp ; as bo-rrjp-a and 8co-rop-a (Acc.) giver, 
and /3coropes herdsmen, tortop witness, a<-7]ra)p shooter, 
' driver 1 huntsman, 8t-o7rr?jp ^o^, A^torrip spoiler, Koo-/x?jra)p arrayer,^ 
jar/cr-rcop-a (jUTJS-o/xat) adviser: also of things, with a touch of 
personification, KprjrTjp, fa)om}p, Xa^iiTr\p. Fern, -retpa (-rep-ta), 
as 6/x?i-reipa subduer. 

-rp-o, as Irj-rpos healer, apo-rpo-v plough, a-Kfjir-Tpov, Xinrpov. 

-8, -18, -a8 ; as Acc. \7r-to-a hope ; A.evK-d6-a rf&?. 

-So, -S?7 : Ke\a-5o-s fl0/'*0 (KeA-o/xat), Ko^i-brj tending, K\d-bo$ 

branch, o/xa5o?, xPV a ^ 09 ^ pafibos. 

This Suffix is chiefly seen in the Adverbs in -Soy, -Siqi', as 
(rxe-So'-zj w^r, fia-brj-v at a walk, &c. : see no, and cp. the 
secondary forms ord-8-tos, &c. ( 1 1 8). 

The Suffixes -0-po, -6-Xo, -0-jxo are produced by combining the 
Verbal suffix or Root-determinant -0 ( 45) with -po, -Xo, -JAO : 
thus oA.e-0-pos, yV-6-\rj, crra-O-^os presuppose the Verbs *oAe-0a>, 
^ye^e-^co, *o-rd-^co (cp. i5-0ra0-?J9, also a-Trj-Oos) formed like 77X77- 
^o). <f)\y-0(*>, jjLLvv-da), &c. Practically, however, they are single 
Primary Suffixes : -6jio is especially common in Homer, cp. ap- 

0JUO'S, dpL-6fJLOS, K^-OfJLOS, \Kr]-6[J.6s, OpX^'O^OS, KVvCrj-OjJLO S I \V- 

Opov, pee-^pa, ^\Trr]-Opa, p\a-Qpov, /3epe-0poi>. Cp. also -Ofta in 
t-0//,a-ra going. 


Similarly from Verb-Stems with the suffix -T we have Aat-r-fta 
gulf (cp. XCLL-JJLOS throat), av-r-pri breath, also dv-r-jju^v (root av-), 
p-r-fji6s oar, e</>-e-r-/z?j injunction. 

114*. Variation of Suffixes. 

1. Primary Suffixes were originally liable to variation of 
the kind already noticed ( 106). From the Sanscrit declension, 
in which the variation is preserved with singular fidelity, it 
appears that a Suffix in general has three different forms or 
degrees of quantity, called by Sanscrit grammarians the strong, 
the middle, and the weakeit form. Just as in the declension of 
dyaus, Gr. Zevj, we find (T) dyau- in the Nom., (2) dyau- in the 
Loc. dyav-i (Lat. Jovi for diev-i), and (3) div- or diu- in other 
Cases, so in dd-ta 'giver ' we have (i) -tar- in the Ace. dd-tdr-am, 
(2) -far- in the Loc. dd-tdr-i, and (3) -tr- in the Dat. dd-tr-e, 
Instrum. dd-tr-a. 

Similarly we have the series -dr, -dr, -r ; -man, -man, -mn ; 
-van, -van, -vn ; -an, -an, -n, &c. : the rule being that the first 
or strong form contains a long vowel, which in the second is 
short, and in the third disappears altogether. 

In the combinations -va, -ia the a is lost and the semivowel 
becomes a vowel, thus giving -u, -i. 

2. In Greek we find the same Suffixes as in Sanscrit, with the 
further distinction that the vowel may be tj or <u, e or o. Thus 
we may have -rwp, -rop, -nrjp, -rep, -rp; -jj,wi>, -pov, -\w\v, -per, -pv 
(-jua, -fJiav) ; -wa, -o<r, -ear ; -faxr, -focr, -^ecr, -u<r ; -iwo-, -ioa, -i<r, 
-10- ; and so in other cases. Sometimes both sets of forms 
occur with the same root; as 8a>-ra>p, 8corop-os and o-T7Jp, 

The interchange of o and e in the Suffix -o (as 0tAo-s, Voc. 
</>tAe) belongs to this head. 

The three forms of a Suffix are hardly ever to be seen in the 
Greek declension; one of them being usually taken as the 
Stem of all the oblique Cases. Thus the strong form is 
generalised in jurjor-rcop, -ra>p-os, the second in 6a>-ra)/>, -rop-os, 
to the exclusion of the original ^/xrjo-rp-o's, *Sa>rp-o'j, &c. The 
* weakest ' form, however, often appears in derivatives ; e. g. 
TrotjueV-05, iroifjiv-r] : dci/xwz;, 8ei/xoz;-o9, Sei/xatrco (for -pav-iut, 
: Ofpdirtov, Fern. Ocpatrv-rj, also Otpa-naiva (for -TTV-LO) : 
larp-os : vbu>p, vbp-o$ : re'K-/u,<op, rK/xa/po/xat (for re/c^ap- 
&c. Cp. Lat. car-d(n), Gen. car-n-is. 
3. The relation of the forms -wi> (-fxw^ 5 -Fw), -wp (-Twp), &c. 
to -T^, -JJ-TJI/, -Fi]v, -T)p, -TT)p, &c. has been the subject of much 
controversy. It is generally agreed that the difference is not 
original, but arises in each case by differentiation from a single 


form. Probably it is due to shifting of accent, the Suffixes with 
T] being generally accented, while those with w are found in 
barytone words. Thus we have the pairs orr\p and 6&>ro>p, 
pj]Ti]p and prjrcop, fiorrjpts and /3corope?, Trarrjp but ^parcop, also 
Lat. sor-or (Sanscr. svdsa). In composition, too, the loss of 
accent is regularly accompanied by the change from tj, e to w, o : 
Trarrjp, /^rpo-Trarcop ; ^//.rjrijp, Trav-bafJidraip ; avrip, v-^voop ; <pri?, 
a$pu>v, &c. Many exceptions, however, remain unexplained. 

4. The Nouns of Relationship (the group Trar^p &c.) with one 
or two similarly inflected words (aorrjp, yaorTJp) are distinguished 
from the Nouns of the Agent in -rr]p (-ro>p) by the use of the 
shorter form -rep in the Accusative: 7rarep-a, Sanscr. pitdr-am^, 
but 6orr;p-a, Sanscr. ddtar-am. Similarly among Stems in -n 
apcrrjv, apatv-a answer to Sanscr. vfsh-a, vrshan-am (instead 
of -dn-am). This peculiarity has been explained as the result 
of an original difference of quantity. That is to say, the form 
pitar (Gr. irarep-) has been taken to be the strong Stem, because 
it is the Stem of the Ace. If so, the TJ of the Nom. has to 
be explained as due to the analogy of the -yjp of 8or?jp, &c. 
But this view cannot well be reconciled with the fact that 
the Stem pitar- occurs not only in the Ace. pitdram but also 
in the Loc. pitdr-i. The Loc. is a Case which regularly takes 
the middle Stem; cp. ddtar-am, Loc. ddtdr-i, dcmdn-am, Loc. 
dgman-i. Hence we must recognise a group of Stems in -r and 
-n forming the Ace. with the middle form. Thus the original 
declension would be (e. g.}, Strong form, Nom. Tra-rrjp, Middle 
form, Ace. -jra-rep-a, Loc. 7ra-rep-t, Voc. ira-rep, Weakest form, 
Gen. Tra-rp-os. The cause of this difference in the treatment 
of the Accusative has still to be found *. 

5. The Stems in -ant, -mant, -vant } (Gr. -ovr, &c.) interchange 
with shorter forms in -at, -mat, -vat, Gr. -ar, -jmaT, -Far. 
In Greek the Suffix -OVT is used to form the Part. Pres,, as 
<j>tpovT-a. The chief trace of -ar is the Doric eWo-a (e<r-ar-ta) 
for eouo-a. The forms -fidr, -Far are found in the Neuters, 
such as 5et-/^ar-o?, -rmparos, (irp-Far-os), &c. So in Latin 
nomen, no minis, for no-mn-is (Sanscr. nd-mn-as). 

On the other hand some Stems in -v take -M- in the oblique 
Cases : AeW, Aeovr-os, but Fern. Xtaiva (for Ae-fr-ta, cp. Lat. 
led, ledn-is) : QepaTttov, -ovros, but depaTT-v-rj : TTfxtypoW) Fem. 
7rp6(f)pao-cra for Trpotypa-Tifi. Cp. 107, 2. 

6. The Suffix of the Pf. Part. Act. presents anomalies, both in 
Sanscrit and Greek, which are not yet satisfactorily explained. 
The Sanscr. -vdms, -vas, -us and Greek -/W, -For, -uo- (in -uia for 

* Collitz in Eezz. Beitr. x. 37 ff. 


-v(T-ia) seem to represent the original gradation ; but the T of 
the Masc. and Neut. oblique cases is peculiar to Greek,, as the 
nasal to Sanscrit. If we suppose a primitive declension (e. g.) 
Fi$-Fu>s, Ace. Fib-F^xr-a, Gen. Ftb-vcros, &c. this might become 
Ace. Fib-F6ar-a, Gen. Fi$-F6cr-os, &c. (by the same levelling which 
we have in bu>-T(*>p, Ace. 6co-rop-a, Gen. 8a>-rop-os), then Ace. 
Fti-Fo-a, Gen. Fib-Fo-os &c. At this stage the endings -oY-oj, 
-o'r-a &c. may have been introduced through analogy perhaps 
of the Pres. Part. However this may be, this is one of several 
instances in Nominal Declension of T creeping in to form a Stem 
for the oblique Cases. 

7. A Suffix which originally was closely parallel to the -fco? 
of the Pf . is to be seen in the -Iw or -IWK of the Comparative ; 
Sanscr. -yams, -yas, (-is), Greek -wv, -toy, -to- (in -LCT-TOS). Here 
the v, in spite of the Sanscr. nasal, is as difficult to explain 
as the T of the Pf . However the older endings -o-a, -o-cs (for 
-oa-a, -OCT-CS) are preserved in the Ace. Sing. Masc. and Nom. 
and Ace. Plur. Neut. (d/xetVco for a^iv-ocr-a), and the Nom. 
Plur. (afjiivovs } &c.). In the Latin -ior, -ior-is, &c. there is no 
trace of a nasal. We may compare the variation in atcor, 
KVKZUV (107 ad Jin}*. 

8. Heteroclite forms occur when different Suffixes are brought 
into a single declension. In particular 

(a) Suffixes ending in -v interchange with Suffixes in -p. 
Thus we find TTIODV, Gen. KIOV-OS fat, but Fern. irUipa (irl-Fep-ia) 
and the Neut. Substantive iriap fatness. Also xeijutou, but 
XLfjip-Los. (Cp. the ~La,t. femur, femin-is, &nd.jec-ur, jecin-or-is, 
which is for an older jecin-is.) 

(#) Similarly along with TJWS we have yep-Los at dawn, and the 
Adv. ripi (Sanscr. us has and ushdr). 

(e) Final T is introduced in the Suffix; as in fjira-T-os (for 
f)irv-T-os, cp. the Sanscr. yakrt, Gen. yakn-as, and the other 

* The suffixes of the Pf. Part. Act. and the Comparative have lately been 
the subject of much controversy: see Brugmann, K. Z, xxiv. 79 ff., Grundr. 
!35j "36, pp. 403, 417 ; Joh. Schmidt, K. Z. xxvi. 341 ff., 378 ff., Pluralb. p. 
157 ; Collitz, Bezz. Beitr. x. 25, 63. The chief difficulty lies in the nasal of the 
Sanscrit strong Cases. Such a gradation as -vons (or -vens), -ves, -us, or -ions, 
-ios (or ies), -is, is unexampled. Joh. Schmidt takes the nasalised forms 
(Sanscr. -vdms-, -lams') as his point of departure, but has been unable to explain 
-vas, -ias, -us, -is to the satisfaction of other scholars. Those who assume a 
primitive -vos, -ids have hitherto been equally unsuccessful in accounting for 
Sanscr. -vams, -iams and Greek -J.GOV. The explanation of the r of -OT-OS, &c. is 
also difficult, but there it is at least certain that it is of secondary origin. It 
is to be noted that the traces of -uxr in the Comparative are confined to strong 
Cases, as Ace. Sing. -o<r-a, Nom. Plur. -ocr-es. Hence the Gen. -JLOV-OS, Dat. 
-j-ov-i, &c. perhaps did not take the place of middle forms -IOCT-OS, -IQO--I, but of 
the primitive weak forms (-HT-OS, -ia-1 ?). 

1 15.] ACCENT. 107 

Neuters in -ap, -wp, Gen. -dr-os, as Tretpap, -arc? (for Trep-fap, 
-Fv-T-o$) : also in Neuters in -pd, Gen. -jadr-os (for -fxy-T-os). 

(d) It is probable that the Neuters in -wp viz. #co/>, e'Acop, 
n-e'Awp, eeAScop, reK/jia>p, vvKTup (Ace. used adverbially) were 
originally Collective or Abstract nouns (Joh. Schmidt, Pluralb. 
p. 193). On this view tfScop waters (Germ, gewdsser) is properly 
a different word from the stem *vba or *vbap which we infer 
from the oblique Cases : re'/c/xcop is originally a Collective or 
Abstract from re/cjuap : and similarly e'Acop, eeAScop, Tre'Aoop, vvnTap 
(cp. vvKTp-is), which only occur in the Nom. Ace., are nouns 
formed like xei/zcoz; (xei//a), atScos (atSeo-- in aiSeojutat, av-aibris), 
ye'Ao)? (yeAao-- in yeAaco), &c. When #5cop, &c. were brought into 
use as Nominatives answering to Neuter oblique Cases, they 
naturally followed these in respect of gender. Cp. 1 10 (ad fin.). 

115.] Accentuation. The accent is often connected with the 
form of the Suffix, and sometimes varies with the meaning. 
But the rules that can be given on this subject are only 

1. Stems in -o are generally oxytone when they denote an 
agent, barytone when they denote the thing done ; e. g. (^opo-s 
bearer, but $o'po-s that which is brought ; dyo-j leader, dpcoyo-s 
helper, O-KOTT-OS watcher, rpo^o-s nurse, TOKO-S offspring. But 
ro/xo-s pasture, Aotyo-s pestilence (perhaps thought of as an 
agent, ' destroyer''). 

2. Stems in -rj are generally oxytone, but there are many 
exceptions (as 8tK-r;, jutax.-^). 

3. Most stems in -18, and all in -a8, are oxytone. But those 
which admit an Ace. in -iv are all barytone. 

4. Adjectives in -u-s are oxytone; except Ofj\-v-s arid the 
isolated Fern. 0aAeia. Substantives in -u-s are mostly oxytone ; 
but see 116, 4. 

5. Neuters with Stems in -eo- (Nom. Ace. -05) are barytone, 
but Adjectives in -rjs, and Fern. Nouns in -&>s, Gen. -oos, are 

6. Nouns in -rjp and -t\v are oxytone, except juTJrryp, Bvyar-qp 
(but see HI, 2), aparjv, Ttpr)v. 

Nouns in -wp and -WK are mostly barytone, but there are 
many exceptions, esp. the Abstract Nouns in -8wf, the Sub- 
stantives in -jAwy, as baLTv^v, fjyefjLtov, Kr^e/xwz;, and most Nouns 
in -w, Gen. -iovos } as ayvv, dy/ccoz;, )(eiju(oi>, reAajuwr. 

7. Stems in -TO with the O-form are barytone, with the weak 
form oxytone ; e. g. KOI-TO-J, VOO--TO-S, but ora-ro'-s, &c. 

8. Stems in -TT] are mostly oxytone. Accordingly the Prim- 


itive Masculines in -rrj-s, which are Nouns of the Agent, can 
generally be distinguished from the Denominatives in -TTJS 
( 117) : e. g. ayoprjrris a speaker, but vavrris a ship-man. 
9. Abstract Nouns in -TI, -at are barytone ; in -TU oxytone. 
It will be seen that, roughly speaking, when the Verbal Stem is in the 
weak form, the Suffix is accented, and vice versa : also that words with an 
active meaning (applicable to a personal agenf) are oxytone, those with a 
passive meaning (expressing the thing done) are barytone. 

116.] Gender. The Gender of Nouns is determined in most 
cases by the Suffix. The following rules do not apply to Com- 
pounds, as to which see 125. 

1 . Stems in -o are Masc. or Neut., with some exceptions, as 
obos, arapiros, KeAeuflos, vrjaos, (frrjyos, aju/TreAo?, vocros, ratypos, 
\lsf)(pos, 0-77080?, \l/dij,a8os, pa/35o?, SOKO'J, pivos, TT/OO'-XOOJ. In 
these the change of gender seems to be due to the meaning. 

K\VTOS is used as a Fern, in II. 2. 742 K\VTOS 'iTTTroSa/^eta. In 
Od. 4. 406 TriKpbv a-JTOTrveiovo-ai, . . objjnjv it is best to take 
TTLKpov as an adverb, not with 68ju?jy : cp. II. 6. 182. 

FIvAo? has the two epithets fffjLaOoeis and TjyaOer], and is probably 
therefore of both Genders. 

2. Stems in -TJ (for -a) are mainly Fern. ; but 

Stems in -TTJ denoting an agent are Masc., as SeK-rrj-s a 
beggar, alyj^r)-Tr\-s a warrior. Also, iropKrj-s the ring of a spear, 
Tr]-s comrade, rajuu?]-s dispenser, verjvirj-s a youth, perhaps ayyeA- 
117-9 a messenger ; also the proper names Bo/>ea-?, 'Ep/xeuz-s, 
Alvfta-$, A^yeta-9, Tet/oecrta-?, 'Ay^to-?]-?, 'Afity-s. 

The Masc. Nouns in -as, -r]s are probably formed originally 
from Feminine abstract or collective Nouns in -a, -TJ. The first 
step is the use of the word as a concrete : cp. Od. 22. 209 
6/^A.iKtT) 8e /xot eo-o-t thou art one of the same age (6/xrpuf) with me ; 
II. 12. 213 brjjjiov eovra leing one of the common people. So in 
Latin magistrates, potestas (Juv. 10. ico), optio : English a 
relation ( = a, relative). The next step is the change to the Masc., 
which leads to the use of the Endings -TJS, Gen. -ao on the 
analogy of the Masc. -05, Gen. -oio. We may compare Fr. 
un trompette bearer of a trumpet, Italian il podesta the magistrate, 
where the change of meaning is marked by the gender only. 
So errj-s is probably from a word crfe-rrj kindred, vtrjvirj-s from 
a Fern, verfvirj youth, ayyt\(-r\-<s (if the wor<J exists, see Buttmann, 
Lexil. s. v.) from ayyeAtV The Masc. ra/mtry-s may be formed 
from the concrete Fern, rctjiurj, the office of household manager 
being generally filled by a woman (yvvr] ra^ir) Od.). And so 
the Nouns in -T ,s owe their origin to the older abstract or col- 
lective Nouns in -TYJ, as aK-r?}, /fyozmj, dp-rr\, yei'e-r?j, 
&c. See Delbriick, Synt* Forsch. iv. pp. 7-13. 

II 6.] GENDER. 109 

3. Stems in -ia, -IS, -a8 are Fern. ; also most Stems in -t. 
But IJLCLV-TI-S is Masc., and some Adjectives 'ib-pi-s, rp6(j)-i-s, 
fvvt-s are of all genders. 

Mase. Nouns in -o sometimes form a Fern, in -i, -18, -u8 : as 
0ovpo-s, Fern. 6ovpi-s (Ace. Oovpi-v, Gen. 6ovpib-os) ; (/>op-To-s 
burden, <f)6p-TL-s (Gen. <o/oTi8-os) a skip of burden ; TO'K-O?, Fern. 
TOKab-$ ; /\VKO-S, Fern. \tvt<do-a (jr^Tprji'). 

Originally (as in Sanscrit) the chief Feminine Suffix was -I. The metre 
shows that the long i should be restored in fyi-s (0ovv fyiv evpv^rojTrov II. 10. 
292, Od. 3. 382), 0\offvpSjius (II. ii. 36), and fioSnns (II. 18. 357, where Ven. A 
has jSocDm 7roTi/ta"H/>?7). The I appears also in aifitS-os, Kvr)(j,i8-a$, ei'irXoKa/MS-fs. 

4. Adjectives in -u generally form the Fern, in -eia or -ea 
(for -ef-ia), as ^8eta, co/cea. But OrjXv-s as a Fern, is commoner 
than 0r?Aeia; and we also find fjbvs avr^ri (Od. 12. 369), TTOV\VV 
ec/)' vyprjy (II. IO. 27). 

On the other hand most Substantives in -u-s are Fern, (and 
oxytone), and this u is frequently long, as in lOv-s aim (whereas 
the Adj. idv-s straight has o), ir^Ov-s multitude, lXv-s mud, 
'Epi^-? > and the Abstract Nouns in -TU-S, as ppw-rv-s, opyyv-Tv-s, 
K\I-TV-$. But there are a few Masc. Substantives in -u-s, viz. 
Opijvv-s, vra\v-s, (Borpv-s, VZKV-S, lyjdv-s. 

5. The Suffix -co- is almost confined in Homer to Neut. Sub- 
stantives of abstract meaning : the only clear example of an 
Adjective is vyiris (II. 8. 524). For eAeyx^-e? (U. 4- 242., 24. 
239) we should probably read eXeyxea. In II. 4. 235 (ov yap 
eTrt \l/vbea-(TL Trarrjp Zei/j eo-o-er' apwyos) we may equally well 
read \/^v8eo-crt (Zeus will not help falsehood). The Gen. (fipabe-os 
(II. 24. 354) may come from $pa6?js or typabvs. 

It seems very probable that these words are to be accounted for in much 
the same way as the Masculines in -TITJS, viz. as abstract turned into concrete 
Nouns by a simple change of gender. The transition to a concrete meaning 
may be observed in ^/euSos in such uses as II. 9. 115 ov yap ^eSSos l^ds dras 
KaT\eas not falsely (lit. not falsehood) hast thou related my folly. So \fyx fa 
reproaches ! 

6. Suffixes which are used to express an abstract or a collective 
meaning are generally Feminine ; e. g. KCLKO-S coward, KCLKI] 
cowardice; ocrCr] piety ; <f>v{a, (f)vy-ri flight; fiovXrj counsel, 
also the body of counsellors, a council; <ppov-i-s understanding; 

-a-os) a 

vi<j)-a$ (-a-os) a snow-storm; TrXrjO-v-s multitude (collective 
and abstract); and the Nouns in -TIS (-o-is), -TUS, -ws, -8wi>. 

It is probable that all the Collective Nouns in -uv, -&>s, -wp 
( 114, 8, d) were originally Feminine. The change of gender 
may be traced in alvv (Fern, in Homer), and td/xo? (Fern, in 
.ZEolic). In the case of I/KOJ, yeAcos it may be connected with 
the confusion between -wo--stems and -o-stems ( 107 ad Jin.). 
It is to be noted that no nouns in -pu\> form the Fern, with -to. 

110 NOUN FORMATION. [117. 

Denominative Nouns. 

117.] Secondary Suffixes. The following are the chief 
Secondary or ( Denominative ' Suffixes. (Note that -o and -t\ of 
the Primitive Stem disappear before Secondary Suffixes beginning 
with a vowel*.) 

-O, -"i; as 5ljca-to-?/tffj ap/iou-irj a joining) apQ^-io-s friendly, 

aiSoio-s (for aZSor-io-s) reverenced, yeXouo-s (probably to be 
written yeAw-io-s) laughable, &P-LO-S in season, 0-0^-177 skill, 
(TKOTT-iT? watch, dvayKa-ir] necessity. 

-LO, -eo (chiefly used to denote material, especially the 

animal which furnishes the material of a thing) ; e. g. ftnr-eto-s, 
ravp-io-$, aly-Lo-s, (36-io-s and /3o-eo-?, K.vv-tr], \d\K.~fio-s and 
~)(dh.K-to-$, Kvdv-zo-s, bovpdr-zo-s, ^)A.oy-eo-j, r]yd6-o-s (from 
aya06-s), 8cu6aA-eo-?, &c. These must be distinguished from the 
Adjectives in which eio stands for O--LO, as re'Aeto-s (for 
to-s), ovtibtio-s, 'Apyeto-s. 

-eL' j iirir-ev-s horseman, apivT-ev-s one who does lent, xa 
Lp-v-s, von-tv-s, "2^Lv9-v-s, &c. all from Nouns in -o. 

-LOT], -ia8r| ; in patronymics, as 'Arpe-tSrj-s, Or; A rj- 'Cabrj-s, 
'Ao-KX?;7rt-a6r]-s. Cp. the compound -18-109 ( 118). 

-DO, -po ; as \Lyv-po- $ shrill, bvo<f>-cp6s dark ; y^iya-po-v. 

-IfJUO ', aoib-ifjio-s matter of song, pop-ipo-s fated, &c. 
-VO, -IKO ; as (frauvos (^aecr-) shining, p(3evvos (epe^Seo--) ^af/?:, 
epavvos lovely ; <f>riy-Lvo-s oaken, tlap-ivo-s of spring, &c. 
-Ii'oj oTTcop-tro? of autumn, dy)(ioT-iz>os. 
-7JVO ; 7TT-riv6s flying (TTT-(T-). 

-CTVVO, -aunrj ; yrjOo-o-vvo-s joyful ; linro-aijvr) horsemanship, &c. 

"6Z^T (for -FZVT), Fern, -eo-o-a ; vAr/-ez;r-a, Fem. -uA.7?-ea-0--a 
wooded, bLVTj-evT-afull of eddies, Aeipto-err-a /i/fo ^^ ^7y, &c. 
-^/CO ; only found in op<$>av-iK.6-s orphan, vapOtv-iKri virgin, and 

a few Adjectives from proper names, as Tpco-tKo-s, 'A)(at-tKo-9, 
ITeXao-y-tKo-s. In these words it is evident that there is no 
approach to the later meaning of the Suffix. 

* This is probably not the result of an ' elision/ but analogous to the weak- 
ening of a Suffix (cp. 114, i). Thus the Stem of <ro(p6-s, Voc. <ro</>t, is related 
to the form <ro<J>- (in ao<f)-ir)) as irdrep to irarp- in irarp-os, Trdrp-tos (Brugmann, 
Grundr. ii. 59, p. 102). 


-T7) ', vav-Trj-s, i7T77o-ra, rofo-ra (Voc.), dypo-rai, 

Kopvvi]-rr]-s, vTrr]vij-Tr]-s, TroAiTJ-r?;-? and TroAi-rry-s, 6bi-rrj-s. Some 
of these are perhaps Primitive : e. g. al^rj-rri-s may come from 
an obsolete *al)yjida) to wield the spear : see 120. 

-T7]T ', (friXo-TriT-a love, brj'io-TrJT-a battle. 

', (j>opiJLiy a lyre, a-vpiy^ a reed-pipe, o-aAmyf a trumpet, 
Aeuyy-es pebbles, o-rpo^aAtyl eddy, pa0ajuuyy-es drops. 

The I of -iB-rj, -ijxo, -tvo, -IKO was probably not part of the original Suffix, but 
was the final vowel of the Stem. We may either suppose (e. gr.) that fj.6p-i-/j.os 
was formed directly from a Stem p.op-i (cp. poipa for pop-ia), or that it followed 
the analogy of aA/a-/uos, <ui-;uos, &c. Cp. the account given in 109 of the 
a of -ams. It is remarkable that o, which is regular as a ' connecting vowel ' 
of Compounds, is extremely rare before Suffixes (except -TIJ, -rrjr, -awo). 

Note that the -ti- of the Patronymics 'ATpe-tdrjs, nrj\-i'5r]s t &c. does not 
become a diphthong in Homer. 

Of the use of Secondary Suffixes to form Diminutives there is 
no trace in Homer. It may be noted here as another difference 
between Homeric and later Greek that the Verbals in -Wos are 
entirely post- Homeric. 

118.] Compound Suffixes. There are some remarkable in- 
stances in Homer of a Secondary amalgamating 1 with a Primary 
Suffix. E. g. 

-d\-o ; af-aA.e'o-s dry, dpy-aXeo-s (for dXy-aXe'o-j) painful, Oapcr- 
aAeo-s, Kap(f)-a\o-$, Kep8-aA.eo-j, A.euy-aA.eo-s 1 , juv5-aA.eo-s, pcoy- 
aAeo-s_, a-jue/)8-aAeo-s. It is used as a Secondary Suffix in Xeirr- 
aA.eo-s thin, 07rr-aA.eo-s roast. 

-a\-i|jio; Ki)8-aAtjuo-j glorious, Kap7r-aAt/xo-j swift, 

(for -ecr-ivo or -ea-j'o) ; <f)a-iv6-s shining, alir-eivo-s lofty, 
o-s painful ; Secondary in par-Lvo-s, KeAa8-6i^o-j, iroO- 
wo-s. This Suffix takes the form -evvo in apy-evvo-s shining and 
p(3-vvo-s murky. 

-8-10,, -18-10, -a8-to : (TTa-bio-s, d/x0a-8to?_, d)(e-8iT] 
-o-v-biT] ; also as a Secondary Suffix in Kovpibios, 

--ov, in rr]K-bov-L (Dat.) wasting, dr^Scoy nightingale : -8wnr) in 

^ in piye-bavos horrible, rjirebavos, irevKtbavos, ovrLbavos. 

.] Suffixes of different Periods. In the great variety of 
Suffixes discovered by the analysis of the Greek Noun it is im- 
portant to distinguish those which are ( living' in the period of 


the language with which we are concerned, and those which only 
survive in words handed from an earlier period. Thus in Homer 
the oldest and simplest Suffixes, as -o, -t, -u, -e<r, -cur, -ev, -ep, -Fo y 
evidently belong to the latter class. They are no longer capable 
of being used to form new words, because they are no longer 
separable in meaning from the Stems to which they are attached. 
On the other hand the Nouns in -po-s, -|m.wi>, -jxa, -TY]p, -Tpo-i>, -ai-s, 
-TU-S, and the Denominatives in -to-s, -epo-s, -i^o-s, -rrj-s, &c. are 
felt as derivatives, and consequently their number can be in- 
definitely increased by new coinage. Again the use of a Suffix 
may be restricted to some purpose which represents only part of 
its original usage. Thus -n\ ceased, as we have seen, to form 
abstract Nouns, but was largely used to form Masculine Nouns 
of the Agent. So too the Suffix -So, -Srj survived in two isolated 
uses, (i) in Adverbs in -8o-i>, -^-v and (2) in Patronymics. 
Compare in Latin the older use of -tus in the adjectives cautus, 
certus, &c. with the living use in amd-tns, &c. Sometimes too a 
Suffix dies out in its original form, but enters into some combin- 
ation which remains in vigour. Thus -vo survives in the form 
-tfo, and in -ei^o (-eo--ro). 

The distinction of Primary and Secondary Suffixes is evidently 
one which grew up by degrees, as the several forms came to be 
limited to different uses. In this limitation and assignment of 
functions it is probable that the original meaning of the Suffix 
seldom had any direct influence*. The difference between the 
Suffixes of the two great classes is mainly one of period. The 
elements which go to form them are ultimately much the same, 
but the Primary Suffixes represent on the whole earlier strata of 

119.] Gender. The rules previously given ( 116) apply to 
Denominative Nouns; the exceptions are few. Note II. 18. 
222 ova yja.\K.tov (\]v Zenod.), 19. 88 aypiov ar^v (the 
passage is probably corrupt, since it appears that the Homeric 
form of CLTY] is the uncontracted darry, aFArr)), 20. 299 ( = Od. 5. 
410) aAos TToAtoto, Od. 3. 82 TTprjis . . 6?j/j,to9, 4. 442 oAowraroy 
68ju?7, 23. 233 CLO'irdo'Los yfj (al. d<T7ra(ruos). 

The origin of the Masc. patronymics in -Srj-s may be ex- 
plained in the same way as the Nouns of the Agent in -TTJ-S 
( i j 6, 2). We may suppose them to be derived from a group 
of Collective Nouns in -8rj : e.g. 'ArpetST) meaning the family of 
Atreus, 'ArpetSrj-s would mean one of the 'ArjoetSi] t. 

* On this point see Brugmann (Grundr, ii. 57, p. 99). It will be seen 
that he gives no countenance to the view (which has been put forward in 
Germany and elsewhere) that the Suffixes were originally without meaning. 

f It may be conjectured that the epithets in -iwv, such as Kpovicav, ' 


12O.] Denominative Verbs. Some apparent anomalies in the 
Denominative Verbs may be explained by the loss of an inter- 
mediate step of formation. Thus, there are many Verbs in -euw 
not formed from Nouns in -eu-s, as (3ov\V(t> (/3oi>A-?j), 
(ayoprj), Or]pV(a (6t]p) ; so that, instead of the three stages 

vofjio-s, Denom. Noun vo^-ev-s, Denom. Verb vo^-tv-co 

a/HOTO-9, apL(JT-V-$ ,, ,, apl(TT-V-(O 

the language goes directly from any Noun to a Verb in -euw. 

Again, the Verbs in -taw ( 60) presuppose Nouns in -ITJ, 
which are seldom found in use : S^pido-pai. (cp. bfjpi-s from which 
an intermediate brjpi-rj might be formed), pjnaoj (cp. //rjri-s), 
KV$i6o)v, aoibidovcra, e8/no'a)zrro, /^ei8toa)z>, OaXTTiocov, (f)Vcri6a>VT$, 
<f)a\Tipi6a)VTa, k^naaaOai (Od. 21. 429), 8eieAt?7<ra?. 

Similarly, a Primitive Noun may appear to be Denominative 
because the Verb from which it is formed is wanting. E. g. if 
in the series 

avi-f] vexation, avi-au>, avL-y-po-s 
oifu-s grief, 6iv-o>, oify-po-s 

the Verb were passed over, we should appear to have a Deno- 
minative Noun in -po-s. Again, if the Primitive Noun in 
-i] and the Verb in -ao> were both wanting, we should prac- 
tically have the Compound Suffix -rj-po : and this accordingly is 
the case (e. g.} in aty-rjpo-s (atya) swift, Ov-r]Xri (0v-a>), i 

In this way are formed the peculiar Homeric -wpr], -wXr], which 
are used virtually as Primary Suffixes (forming abstract Nouns) ; 
eATT-coprj hope, 6a\7T-u>pTJ comfort, aXecop?} (dXef) escape, repTr-coX?} 
delight, (^etS-ooArj sparing, Travcr-coArj ceasing. Note that the dif- 
ference between -a^prj and -coArj is euphonic ; -copr] is found only 
when there is a preceding X in the Stem. 

The Verb- Stem in Denominative Verbs is not always the 
same as that of the Noun from which it is formed : in par- 

i. Verbs in -ew, -ou lengthen the final -o of the Noun-Stem 
to -77 and -to ; as <po(3o-s, f-(^6f3r]-(ra ; XO'AO-?, e-xoAoo-ora. 

The ground of this peculiarity must be sought in the fact that the De- 
nominative Verbs were originally confined (like the Tenth Class of Sanscrit) 
to the Present Tense and its Moods. Consequently the other Tenses, the 
Fut., the Aor., and the Pf., were formed not directly from the Noun, but 
from the Stem as it appeared in the Present Tense. Hence such forms as 

Ovpaviowes, are derived from Collectives in -cov ( 116, 6). Thus from ovpavicav 
(Sing. Fern.) the heavenly powers we might have ovpavicav fs heavenly ones, and finally 
ovpavicav as a Sing. Masc. Cp. Qvyas originally a body of exiles,' then QvydSfs 
' exiles,' then Qvyas an exile.' So in French, first la gent ' people,' then Us gens, 
finally un gens-d'armes. 



<f>o{ST]-<rca, -(j>ofir)-aa, ire-<p6fir)-(jia.i go back to a period when the Pres. was either 

2. Verbs in -w form Tenses and derivative Nouns as if from 
a Verb-Stem in -8 ; as v{3pi-s, vfipi-fa, vpt<m}$ (as if vfipib-Trj-s, 
although there is no 8 in the declension of vf3pi-s). 

3. Verbs in -uo from Nominal Stems in -po, -Xo, -vo often 
suppress the final -o, as KaOapo-s, KaOatpa) (for Ka0ap-ico) ; TTOL- 
KiXo-s, TroiKiAAo) (for -TroiKiA-ia)), 7roiKiA.-/zara. So perhaps CLTTL- 
vvo-o-o) from airtvvTo-s, and even IpeWco from epe'r-rj-s. We may 
compare the loss of -o, -rj before a Suffix such as -10 : see 1 1 7 

Comparatives and Superlatives. 

121.] The Suffixes which express comparison either between 
two sets of objects (Comparative) or between one and several 
others (Superlative) are partly Primary, partly Secondary. 
Hence it is convenient to treat them apart from the Suffixes of 
which an account has been already given. 

The Comparative Suffix -ioi> is Primary : the Positive (where 
there is one) being a parallel formation from the same (Verbal) 
Root. The Homeric Comparatives of this class are : 

y\VK-ltov (yXvK-v-s), alar^-iov (alo-^-po-s), -naa-vtov (for Tfa^~t(^v > 
v-s), /3pao-cra>z> (j3pax-v-$), Baa-aav (Ta^-v-s), Kpeuro-a>z> (for 
tco^, Kpar-v-s), KOK~IVI vTT-o\iov-s better written VTTO\L- 
, oA.t'y-o-s), jutetfcor (/oiey-a-s), jtxaAAoi> (/xaX-a), aa-<rov 
o-cor (T^KQ), ^fipa^v and \epe-itoV) 

(dpe-r?i), Kepb-iov (Ktpb-os), piy-iov (/5ty-os), KaXK-iov ( 
aXy-iov (aAy-os), TrA-e-tco^ /^tetcoz;, ^>tX-^a>r, d/xetVcoz;, /SeAr-ioz;, Aa>- 
toz;, (3pabi(Dv (Hes.). 

The Stem is properly in the strong form, as in Kpeio-o-av (but 
Kpar-vs, KapT-io-Tos) j but it is assimilated to the Positive in 
7rc(r(ra)z>, ppacra-tov, y\.VK.i&v. In Oaa-rrav, eXaa-o-coz/ the a points to 
forms *6ayy^-i(i>Vy *eAayx-ta>z^ in which the nasal of the original 
, *eXeyx-to)z; was retained, but the e changed into d. 

The Superlative -IOTO is used in the same way ; we have : 

&K-KTTO-S ft> 

s, otKr-tcrro-s otKr-o-s), jjurf 
(3d6-LCTTO-s ((BaO-v-s), pTJ-to-ro-s (peta, for prj'i-a), fytp-icrTO-s (</>ep-a)); 
also, answering to Comparatives given above, ato-x-ioro-s, 
Tra^-io-TO-?, rd\-KTTa y Kapr-tcrro-s, KCLK-KTTO-S, /xey-toro-s, /x,aA.-taTa, 
ay)(-to-ra, rJK-i(TTO-$, ap-toro-s, Kep8-t(rro-s, pi'y-iara, 
aAy-toro-s, TrAe-to-ro-s : finally the anomalous Trpoa 

The Suffix -toy has taken the place of -100- ( 107, 7); the 
4 weakest ' form may be traced in -IO--TOS. The middle form -iea 


perhaps appears in the two Comparatives -rrAe'ej more (II. n. 395, 
Ace. -rrAe'as II. 2. 129) and \tpeia worse (Ace. Sing, and Neut. 
Plur., also Dat. Sing. \tprji, Nom. Plur. \tpr)s). Original 
TrAeees (for 7rAe-te<r-es) became TiAe'es by Hyphaeresis ( 105, 4): 
and so x / P eta * s f r x e P e ~ teo "~ a * The weakest form of -iok would 
be -iv, which may be found in irpiv (cp. Lat. pris-cus), and the 
Attic TrAe-tz;. Evidently TrAeocr- : -n-Aeto-- : ir\-lv = prios : pris- : 

Traces of a Comparative Suffix -epo appear in ey-epot those 
beneath (Lat. inf-eru-s, sup-eru-s). 

The Suffix -TO or -aro is found in the Ordinals rpi-ro-s, &c., 
and with the Superlative meaning in VTT-CLTO-S, v^-aro-s, TIV^- 
CLTO-S. jueVo--aro?, eo-x-aro-s, and Trpcoroj (for irpo-aro-s) ; also 
combined with Ordinal Suffixes in the Homeric rpt-r-aro-j, 
/38o/x-aTo-9, dy8o-aro-?. The form -aro is probably due to the 
analogy of the Ordinals rerpa-ro-s, tva-ro-s, 8e'/ca-ro-s, in which 
the a is part of the Stem f. 

A Suffix -po may be recognised in Trpo'-^o-s foremost man (Lat. 
infi-mu-8, sum-mu-s, pri-mu-s, ulti-mu-s, mini-mus). 

The common Suffixes -repo, -TCITO appear with a Verb- Stem in 
(^ep-repo-s, (pep-raro-s (cp. (frep-icrTO-s), /3eA-repo-s (^oA-o/xat), 
(j)i\-Tpo-$ } ^)tA-raro-s (cp. e-(/uAa-ro loved), btv-Tpo-s, bev-raro-s 
(8ev-a> to fail, to come short o/'J). So (^adv-raros, for <^aeV-raros 
((/>ae^a)). Otherwise they are used with, Nominal Stems : as 
7rp(rf3v-Tpo-$, /3a(nAV-repo-s 3 juteAai'-repo-s, KVV-TCITO-V, jj.aKap- 
TCLTO-S, axapiVrepos (d-xaptT-repos) : and Pronouns^ as ^jue-repoy, 
v/xe-repoj, 'Tro-repo?, d/x0o-repos, l/ca-repos, erepos (for a-repos, a- 
##<?, with assimilation to er-). Final o of the Stem becomes w 
when a long syllable is needed to give dactylic rhythm; as 
/caKw-repo-s, KCLKoivu>-Tpo-s . In avir)p(T-Tpos (Od. 2. 190) the 
Stem follows the analogy of flu/x-^pes, &c. In ^apLcr-Tpos (for 
there is the same assimilation as in the Dat. PI. 

XapUa-a-L ( 106,, 3). In /x^xot-raro-s innermost the Stem appears 
to be a Locative case-form ; cp. 7rapo-repoi more forward, and 

* So G. Mahlow and J. Schmidt, K. Z. xxvi. 381. A different analysis is 
given by Collitz in Bezz. Beitr. ix. 66 and Brugmann (Grundr. ii. 135, p. 402), 
who explain TrAecs as ple-is-es, i. e. from the weakest form of the Stem. This 
view does not apply so well to x*P fl - a , since it leaves unexplained the diverg- 
ence between it and the Superl. \eipiff-Tos. It may be noticed as an argument 
for the supposition of Hyphaeresis that we do not find the Gen. irAeos, x*P ftos > 
just as we do not find Hyphaeresis in the Gen. of Nouns in -cos, -e-rjs ( 105, 4). 
Cp. however, the absence of trace of a Gen. dftdvo-os ( 114, 7, foot-note). 

f Ascoli in Curt. Stud. ix. p. 339 ff. 

J This very probable etymology is given by Brugmann, K. Z. xxv. p. 298. 

According to Brugmann the to of <7o</>ft;Tepos, &c. is not a metrical 
lengthening, but comes from the adverbs * aoipai, &c. (related to ao<pws as OVTOJ 
to OVTQJS, no), like the later tcara-repos from Korea, &c. 

I 2 


later forms like Karw-repo-s, ai'co-raro-s, &e. ; so probably in Tra\ai- 
repos and virep-repos. On the analogy of vTr^p-repos we can 
explain 6i>^p-repos (op. V7rep-0e : eWp-06, &c.). The form ye pat- 
repos, again, may be suggested by TroAafrepos, through the 
relation yepeuJs : TraAaios and the likeness of meaning (Meyer, 
G. G. p. 372). The words defi-rtpos, dpiorepo'y are formed like 
Comparatives. but aiv distinguished by their aivont. 

The Suffix -repo is combined witli the Suffix -IOK in acrcro- 
(Adv.) nearer, ^Tr-cKroiJrepot drawing on, \ipo-Tpo-s and 

-Tpo, -TSro aiv combinations of -TO (in Tpt-ro-s, &c.) with the Suffixes -po 
and -Sro respectively. The tendency to accumulate Suffixes of comparison is 
soon in 4v-^p-T<por (-raros), &jr-^/>-Te/>os (-raros), d<r<ro-T^p, x (t P^~ Tf P os an( i X 6 /**^' 
T/H>S ; T/u'-T-aros, i)S8J-/i-oToy, wp<wT-rToy ; Lat. -tsstmw-s (for -is-W-mw-s), 
uiag-is-ter, min-is-to. 

122.] Comparative and Superlative Meaning. The Stem is 
often that of a Substantive, as icw-repo-s wore like a dog, /3ao-iA.u- 
raro-s wosf kingly ; so that the Adjectival character is given by 
the Suffix. 

The meaning is often, not that an object has more of a 
quality than some other object or set of objects, but that it has 
the quality in contradistinction io objects which are without it. 
Thus in irpo'-repo-s the meaning is not more forward, but forward^ 
opposed to w-repo-s behind. So vWp-repo-s and Wp-rcpo-s, 
deW*po'-s, and apio--repo-j, fifu-repo-s, &c. The same thing 
appears in the Pronouns //^c-r t/ H>-s\ rjut'-re/io-*. t-rtpo-s\ Tro'-rtpo-s, 
iKci-rcpo-s, a/x^>o-Tpo-s, &c. ; 7/fx^-repo-s is not wor^ belonging 
to its, but belonging to us (not you). So in the Homeric Com- 
paratives : 

dypo'-repo-s o/" Me? country (opp. to the town). 

<$p&r-repo-s (^ M<? Mountains (opp. to the valley). 

0c5-rpat, opp. to Karcu/3arcu arOpviroicrw (Od. 13. III). 

Oii\v-T(paifetHa?<; (opp. to male), 
^ / 

Cp. II. 19. 63 Tpoxrl ro K^powv that is a gain to the Trojans (rather 
than to n*). Hence the Comparative is sometimes used as a softened 
way of expressing the notion of the Positive : as II. 19. 56 apctov 
'good rather than ill'; II. I. 32 o-awrepos safe (as we speak 
ot' luMiig ' on the satV side '^ : so ('a ( r ( ror with an linper. llenee 
too the idiomatic use of the double Comparative, Od. i. 164 
^Aa<f>po'repo4 TroSas cuxu 17 d(/>vciorepo4 to be light of foot rather than 

123.] It is a general law of Greek and the kindred languages 

124-] PREFIXED STEM. 1 17 

that while a Verb cannot be compounded with any prefix except 
a Preposition, a Nominal Stem may be compounded with any 
other Nominal Stem, the first or prefixed Stem serving to limit 
or qualify the notion expressed by the other. 

The Homeric language contains very many Compounds formed 
by the simple placing together of two Nominal Stems : as TtroXl- 
TropOo-s sacker of cities, pobo-baKrv\o-s rose-jingered, reAe<r-$o'po-s 
bringing to an end, /3ovA?7-(/>o'po-y bringing counsel, ity-ayJprj-s- 
talking loftily, 7rpco0-r//3r7-s (for Trpcoro-^rj-s) in the prime of 

124.] Form of the Prefixed Stem. The instances which 
call for notice fall under the following heads : 

a. Stems in -o, -YJ : 

The great number of Nominal Stems in -o created a tendency 
(which was aided by the convenience of pronunciation) to put -o 
in place of other Suffixes. Thus we have 

-o for -Y|, as vAo-rojuio-s wood-cutter, &c.* 

-o for -co-, in e2po-Ko'/xo-j wool-dresser, juez>o-etK?/s pleasing to tin- 
spirit ; and for -da, as y^po-Ko/xo-s tending old age. 

-|AO for -fxoi>, as ciKfjio-OtTo-v anvil-block ; and for -jutd, as at//o- 
<j>6pvKTo-s dabbled with blood, KvfjLo-boKrj, &c. 

-po for -pa, in 7ra.Tpo-Ka(TL~yvr)To$, /urjrpo-Trcirajp, avbpo-tyovos, 
and the like. In avbpa-irobov the short Stem (as in avbpd-o-L) 
is retained, but probably this form is due to the analogy of 
Terpdnobov : slaves and cattle being thought of together as the 
two main kinds of property in early times (Brugm.). 

-o inserted after a consonant ; muS-o-^oVo-s 1 child-slayer, 
ap-juar-o-TTTjyo'-s chariot-builder, vSar-o-rpe^r/s water-fed, t\-6- 
Optir-To-s (eAecr-o-) grown in a marsh, ^ep-o-^otrt-s flying in air, 
bovpo-boKrj (bopF-o-) spear-holder, Kepao-foo-s (Kepaa--) worker in 
horn. Sometimes the -o is a real Suffix ; e.g. in 6t-o-yez;rjs (biF-^o) 
Zeus-sprung ( = blov yeVos ^x 00 ^)- 

Stems in -Y) instead of -o appear in flaAa/^-Tro'Ao-? attendant of 
a chamber, nvpri-tyopo-s bearing wheat, ^Aa(/)?7-j8oAo-9, Kar?]-/3oAo-s, 
Kpa^aTJ-TreSo-?, vTrepri-Qavo-s. We may suppose that there was 
a collateral Stem in -TJ (e. g. 6a\a^ri is found, but in a different 
sense from Oakafjio-s Od. 5. 432), or that the Compound follows 
the analogy of /3ouAr;-0opo-s, &c. 

Fern, -d becomes either -o, as AeAAo-Troy storm-foot ; or -YJ, ;is 
yatr/-oxo-s earth-li older, /uo6pi]-ye^?/s born by fate. 

* It is possible however that Feminine Nouns in -77 were regarded as formed 
from Stems in -o, the long vowel being of the nature of a Case-ending ( 113). 
This is especially applicable to Adjectives : e. g. &Kp6-iro\is comes directly from 
Masc. ditpo-s (Brugm.). 


The result of these changes is to make o the ' connecting vowel ' in the 
great majority of Compounds. In later Greek this form prevails almost 

I. Stems in -t : 

The Compounds which contain these stems are mostly of an 
archaic stamp : dpyi-Trod-es- with swift (or white) feet, apyi-ooovr-es 
white-toothed, dpyi-Kepawo-s with bright lightning, repTU-Kepawo-s 
hurling thunderbolts (repTrco = rpeTro), Lat. torgueo), eiAi-7ro8-e? 
trailing (?) the feet (of oxen), aAi-TrAoo-s washed by the sea, also 
aAi-av}?, aAt-Trop^upoj, 'AAi'-apro?, 'AXi-favoi, 'AAi-flepo^s (cp. 
aAi-evs fisherman), atyi-/3oro-? fed on by goats, atyi-An//- deserted by 
goats, ya\i-<$)p(>v of light mind, bat-<t>pa>v warlike (or prudent), 
dAei-KaKo-y defender against ill, Xa^t-K^Srj? forgetting care, TTVKL- 
/utT/Srj? with shrewd counsel, /caAAi-ywaiK-a with beautiful women 
(cp. KaAAt-joios), Kvbi-avtipa glorifying men (cp. Kv8t-oW); with the 
Proper Names, Al0i-OTT-s, Ueipi-Ooo-s, 'AAKt-z/oo-s, 'AAKi-/ute'8a>i> 
(cp. av-a\Ki-s), and the words beginning with apt- and epi-. 

The meaning of several of these words is very uncertain, 
owing to the merely ornamental and conventional way in 
which they are used in Homeric poetry. It seems to follow 
that they are survivals from an earlier period, one in which 
the number of Stems in -t was probably greater than in Homeric 

Loss of o may be recognised in aprt-Tro? ( = apnos TOVS -rroSas), 
fei-8a)pos grain giving (feia), Kparai-yvaXos of strong pieces, Arjt- 
cf)o(3os, perhaps also /oiiai-<oVos, 'AA.tfai-jua'Tjs, raAat-Trcopos : cp. 
yepat-repos from yepato-s. 

c. Stems in -o-i : 

This group is mainly Homeric : epwt'-TrroAt (Voc.) deliverer of 
the city (with v. 1. pucn-TrroAt II. 6. 305), atpcrL-Trob-es lifting the 
feet (i. e. with high action), TTATJ^-ITTTTO-S smiter of horses, Aucrt- 
loosening the limbs (of sleep), rartxn-Trrepo-s, - 

rp\^t-/m/3poro-s, Tep^i-xopf] (Hes.), evovi-yOav (e^z/ocrt-yaios, 
(^vAAoj, &c.), 7r?7ye(rt-juaAAo-s, coAeo't-KapTro-s, dA<^)(rt 
7r7rAo-s, fyQiv-rivap, TrArja'-ifmo-s, epvor-ap/xar-cs, p^ 
Gtvv' } and Proper Names, Ilpwreo-t-Aao-s, 'Apa-i-voo-s, 
Avcr-avbpos, rietor-^cop, rTetcrt-oTparo-s, 'Op(Tt-Ao)(o-9, } Ava(3r]a-i- 
yecos, 'Ho-t-oSos (Hes.), &c. 

There are a few Stems in -TI ; ^cort-areipa feeding men, Kaort- 
dveipa (cp. Kt-Kav-fjitvos). 

We may add the Hesiodic <epe'o--/3ios life-bearing, and </)peo-- 
o-aK?}? shield-bearing with 4>epe<r- apparently for <epe<ri-. 

These Stems were originally the same as those of the abstract 
Nouns in -rt-j, -<n-s : cp. Tep^t-^op^ rep^t-jut^poroj, &c. with 

1 24.] PREFIXED STEM. 119 

Tp\j/L-s, TtXri-nnros with 7rAr/i-?. But in many cases new Stems 
have been formed under the influence of the sigmatic Aorist, with 
a difference of quantity, as in tyva-i-foo-s life-giving ($i;o-t-s), Ai5o-6- 
H\rjs, (frOlo-i-fjLJBpoTO-s. Compare also ra/jte<n-xp&>s with T/UTJO-I-?, 
neKn-OTpaTO-s with TTICTTL-S, &C. 

The group of Compounds is also to be noticed for the dis- 
tinctly Ferial or participial meaning given by the first part of 
the word ; cp. the next group, and 1 26. 

d. Stems in -e : 

These are nearly all Verbal, both in form and meaning : eA/e- 
Xtrcoz/-es trailing the chiton, fj.V-bri'lo-s withstanding foemen (so 
/ue^e-xappj-?, /ut^e-TrroAejuto-s, Mei>e-Aao-s, Mevc-orOtvs, &c.) : ex e '~ 
0viJ,o-s restraining passion, eyt-typav possessing judgment, ex^-Trev/ces 
carrying sharpness, 'Exe-TrcoAo-y, 'Exe-z/rjo?, 'Exe-KArjs ; dye-Aeirj 
driving spoil, ap^t-KaKo-s beginning mischief, ayyj.-ij.ayo-s fighting 
close, Aexe-Troiij with beds of grass : ' Apxe-Aoxo-s, <J>epe-KAos, MeAe- 
aypo-s ; c^e/oe-otKos carrying his house (of the snail in Hes.), eype- 
Kvboijjios stirring tumult : also (if e is elided) x/feuS-ayyeAo-? 
bringing false news, aW-oty fiery, nia-y-a.yK.Gia. the meeting-place of 
glens, dAeaz;e^os keeping off wind, 'AXe-avopos. 

Stems in -ae ; aKepo-e-Ko/utry-s w/^ unsworn hair, riepo-e-^oVeta. 

With the Stems in -e may evidently be placed raXa-, in raAa- 
(f)p(*>v with enduring mind, raAa-epyo-? enduring in work, Ta\avpivos 
(for Ta\a-Fpwo-s) bearing a shield of hide, raAa-Trei^rj? bearing 
sorrow, raAa-Tretptoj bearing trial ; and T\YJ- in TArj-Tro'Aejuos &c. : 
also TO.W-, in raz/v-yAcoo-o-os w^^ outstretched tongue, long-tongued, 
Tavv-(f)v\\os long-leaved^ rai^u-yAwxt^es long-notched (arrows), and 
^pu- in 'Epw-Aaoj, defender of the host. 

e. Stems in -v : 

a for n appears in OVOHO.-K.\VTOS of famous name, Kwa-jjivia for 
Kva.-yt.via on the analogy of Kvv-a. 
f. Case-forms : 

Nom. Ace. in Numerals, as ei/-6e/ca, bvu-btKa. 

The Dative is probably to be recognised in apYfi-fyaTo-s slain in 
war (and so 'Aprjt-floo-?, 'Aprjt'-AuKo-s), Trupt-ryK?]? sharpened by fire 
(irvpi-KavarTo-s, riupi-^Aeye^a)^), du-Trcr?}? falling in the sky ; the 
Dat. Plur. in KTypetrcri-^opiyro-s brought by the fates, dpeo"t-rpo^)o-j 
nursed in mountains, eyxeo"t-joto>po-y great with spears, evreo-t-epyo-s 
working in harness, Ttiyt(Ti-T:\r\Ta (Voc.) drawing near to (assailing] 
walls, Nawt-Kaa, Mrydeo-i-KaoTrj, liatn-Qir], Xcpo-t-Sa/xas ; a 
Locative form in yanai-evvr}? sleeping on the ground, 6601- 
Tropo-s a wayfarer, \opoi-rvnir] figuring in the dance, ITvAoi- 
ytvris born at Pylus, TraAat-^aro-s of ancient fame, and perhaps 
(to express manner) in i0at-yez>?js duly born, 6Aoot-rpoxo-s rolling. 
Cp. e/x-TTvpt-^rjrrys made to stand over the fire, i. e. a kettle. 


This use of the Dative may have been suggested by the Stems in -i and -<rl. 
Compounds such as lA.tffert-7re7rA.os, ajkeai-Kapnos, dA<e<rt-)3co?, containing forms 
which sounded like the Dat. Plur. of Stems in -co-, may have served as types 
for the group jx a ' l -f ica P s > l* w X* <rMr M 1 T?*i opeai-rpo<pos, &c. in which the Dat. 
Plur. takes the place of the Stem. Cp. Tlpurfffi-Xaos. 

Conversely, (peplcr-Pio-s life-bearing, and (pepeff-ffaKrjs (Hes.) ought to be 
* (pepeai-fiio-s, but have followed the type of opeff-ftio-s, TA.ecr-<o/Jo-s, &c. 

The forms 8u-(iAo-s, ap7]'L-(f)i\o-$, d/jrji-KrajuezJO-?, 8at-Krajotero-s, 
bovpL-KXvro-s, bovpL-KXtiTo-s, vavcrL-KXvTo-s, should probably be 
written as separate words, Ati <i'Aoj, "Apr^'i Krcijue^o?, &c. As to 
-KTafxei'os see 125, 6 : as to -K\UTOS, -KXetTos, Cp. 128. 

The Genitive is very rare : ovbevocr-apo-s not worth caring for., 

The Accusative may be recognised in biKacr-iroXo-s busied about 
suits (8tKcu), aTaXa-ffrptov with childish thought ( = drctAa (f)povta>v, 
which is also used in Homer), dKaAa-ppeirr;? gently flowing, 'AA/cd- 
Ooos (cp. Dat. dAfc-i), Troba-vivTpov, also nav- (altogether) in 7rd/ix- 


An ending -TJ (for -a) may be seen in ve?j-(/>aros new-slain, 
This is perhaps an Instrum., as iravTr) ( no). 

125.] Form of the second Stem. I. The use of a Eoot- 
Noun, i. e. a Verbal Stem without a distinct Nominal Suffix 
( 113), is more common in Composition than in simple Nouns : 
as, 5l-vy-es yoked in a pair, bi-K\aK-a two-fold, ^p-vi(3-a hand- 
washing, olv-OTT-a wine-like, vfi'i'ba (vrj-Fib-a) ignorant, atyi'-Anr-o? 
(Gen.) left by goats, 7roA.v-at' much starting, j3ov-ir\ri an ox-whip. 
The Stem, it will be seen, is in the Weak form. 

2. Nouns in -c&s (Gen. -o-os) and in -os (Gen. -e-os) form the 
Compound in -rjs, Neut. -es, as av-atbris without shame (albus), 
6vp-a\yr)<$ grieving the spirit (aAyo?). 

The Stem in these Compounds is often weak, though in the 
simple Neuters in -05 it is strong ( 114): e.g. alvo-iraOris (as well 
as TaXa-TTv6ris, vf]-7revOf]s, from Trei^os), dyxi-/3a0r}9 ([BtvOos, TTO\V- 
fievOris), olvo-/3apri$, Trpcoro-Tray?/?, a-cnvris, Qvno-oiK.r\s, api-fypabris, 
Tep-aAK?j?, rrjXe-ffravris, &c. So we find dt/cco? (II. 22. 336) as 
Adv. to deiKrjy, and dAAo-t'8ea (Od. 13. 194) alongside of 0eo- 
rJ5, &c. 

This weakening of the Stem, accompanied by shifting of the accent to the 
suffix, apparently represents the original rule words like TaAa-irv0T|s being 
formed afresh from the Simple Noun. Conversely, the analogy of the Com- 
pounds has given rise to the forms TrA0os, |3a0os, j3dpos, &c. and also to the 
simple Adjectives such as if/evdrjs, 

3. Stems in rjv (ei>-) usually take u>>> (oi>-) in Composition : as 
<j>priv (Gen. </>pei>-o's) forms Trpo-typtov, Gen. vpo-typov-os : and 

1 25.] SECOND STEM. 121 

Neuters in -fxa form Compounds in -pay, Gen. -jutoy-os, as av- 
cu/xor-es (al/jia) bloodless. Cp. aireipoDV boundless (irelpap, 7repau>o)). 
So too Trarrip, ju,rjr?]p, avr\p, &c. form -wp (Gen. -op-os), as jurjrpo- 

4. Some Stems take a final -T, as d-/3Ar/-r-a (Ace. Sing-.) ^#- 
thrown, d-Kju,?7-r-es umvearied ; so e7n-/3A?js, d-8ju?]9, a-y^coj. 

5. In Adjectives the Suffix is often replaced by one ending in 
-o ; as o-Trarpo-s" 0/ 1 0#0 father, (3ap(3apo-(f)(t)vo-s with strange voice 
(from (frtovr)), \pv(T-T}XaK.aTo-s with golden distaff (^Aa/ccm/), bv<r- 
(dvvfjio-s of evil name (OVOJJLO), a-cnrtpfjio-s without seed (o-Tre'pjua), 
&c. In other cases the Suffix is retained, and thus we find in 
Compounds (contrary to the general rules of Noun-formation) 

Masc. Stems in -r\, as bpyupo-bivrj-s, 
and -18^ as AeuK-ao"7ri8-e9. 

Masc. and Fern. Stems in -ecr, as /xeAi-r]?fc honey-sweet, rjpi- 
yVta (for -eo--ta) early lorn. 

Fern. Stems in -o, as \pva -o-Qpovo-s (''Hpr;), po8or8aKri;Xo-s 
('Hcos), and many other adjectives 'of two terminations/ 

A Masc. Stem in -par, viz. epua--apjutar-? (ITTTTOI). 

6. The use of a Participle in the second part is rare : it is 
found in some Proper Names, as OvK-a\eyav, TIvpi-fafytQtov, 
Qeo-KXviJLevos : also where it is a mere Adjective without any 
^s<?-meaning, as TroAv-rAas, cp. a-ba^as. In other cases we can 
write the words separately, as irdXiv vXayxplvras, bdnpv xewv, -navi 
/xeAouo-a, Kapr] Ko/xoWre?, tv vaitTaaov, evpv p^wv, eu Krijute^oy, 7f6Xw 
opfJLtvos, "Apr]'C KTafjievos, 8 at Krafjitvos, &c. 

7. Abstract Primitive Nouns are not used in the second part : 
thus we do not find 67recr-/3oA?j, but 7reo--^oAtr/ (through a con- 
crete 7reo--/3o'Ao-s) : and so /So-rjAaortrj (not /3o-?jAao-i-s), avbpo- 
KTao-i-r], ev-StK-tr;, afjLa-Tpo^irj, dAao-o-KOTTt?/. Except after Prepo- 
sitions; as afjL(pi-(Ba(TL-s, em-KA-rjo-t-s, Trpo-xo?}, Trpo-boKrj. 

Note however waAtafis (for TraAt-tcoft-s), /3ov-Avro-s ^ fc^ 
o/ unyoking, j8ov-^pcoo-ri-s. 

8. When the latter part of a Compound is derived from a 
disyllabic Verbal Stem beginning with a vowel, its initial vowel 
is often lengthened : as 

e\a- drive, tTnr-ryAara, ef-TJAa-ros, /So-TjAa-o-irj. 

epa- /0#, eTT-rypa-ros, 

djjieXy- milk, av-rifjL\K.TOs, ' 

a.po-u plough, av-ripo-Tos. 

dXey-w car^, dw-rjAey-e'os (Gen.), 

epe<|)-a) cover, Ka 

dfjLip-w change, 

eper- r<?w, ^)t 

- carry, 8t-r]i'K-?]y, TroS-ry^eK-^j, $ovp-rivK-ri$. 


e\u(6)- come, 

dyep- assemble, ojut-rjyep-ees', $i>//,-T7yep-ecou ( = OVJJLOV dyeipo)i>). 

cpiS- strive, afji(f)-ripL(TTos striven about. 

So TTob-rivjjLOs, v-u>vv[j.os (TTokv-tovvjjLOs, &c.), 
ev-r](t>vr)$ (from atyevos wealth}, yoftx/A-wzwf, 77e/ui77-&>/3oAoz', dz;- 
Tf/ceaTo?, di'-coioTos, epi-ovzn/s (oVa- help), v77-a>peia (opos), 8i-?]KoViot 
and rpi-T)KoVioi (e/caroV). 

Similar lengthening is found, but less frequently, in the first 
part of the Compound; o>Aeo-i-Kap7709, T^Atro-jutryroj, 'ilpei-0wa. 
Also in other derivatives, as ^yejuo'-eu, rjvop-er), rrjAetfo'coo-a (0aAe'0co) 3 

126.] Meaning of Compounds. The general rule is that the 
prefixed Stem limits or qualifies the meaning of the other : as 
a>//,o-yepa)z; hale old man, S^juto-yepcoy /r/r of the people, rpi-yepojz; 
(Aesch.) thrice aged ; t7nro'-6a/uio-s tamer of horses, LTTTTO-POTO-S 
pastured by horses, ITTTTO'-KOJUIOS with plume of horse-hair, 177770- 
Ke'>0os making way with horses ; /3a^v-5i^rjets deep-eddying. 

The prefixed Stem may evidently express very different rela- 
tions that of an Adjective, as wjuto-yepcoz/, (3a6v-ivrjs, or a 
Genitive, as 6r//xo-yepcoz;, t7777o-KOjuto9, or an Object, as 177770-6 ajuo?, 
or an Adverb of manner or place or instrument, as o/x-rjyepe'es, 
?)epo-0otrt?, &c. and various attempts have been made to 
classify Compounds according to these relations. Such attempts 
are usually unsatisfactory unless the differences of meaning upon 
which they are based are accompanied by differences of gram- 
matical form. 

In respect of form an important distinction is made by the 
fact that in the second part of many Compounds a Substantive 
acquires the meaning of an Adjective without the use of a new 
Suffix e. g. po8o-5aKri>Ao-5, literally rose-finger, means not a rosy 
finger, but having rosy fingers ; so t7777o'-KOju,o9 with a horse-plume, 
i7777io-)(a inj-s with horse's mane (as a plume), (3a6v-bivr]-s ( = {3a6v- 
Stz^rj-etj), &c. Such Compounds are called by Curtius Attributive. 
The formation is analogous to the turning of abstract into con- 
crete Nouns by a mere change of Gender (instead of a Suffix), 
1 16. Thus bio-yvris (= blov yeVos ZXMV) is to $lov yeVos as 
\//-eu5rjj false to \^e8o? falsehood. 

Among the meanings which may be conveyed by a Stem in 
a Compound, note the poetical use to express comparison: as 
deAAo'-77os storm-foot, i. e. with feet (swift) as the storm, /uieAt-yrjpu-s 
honey-voiced, poSo-dd/cruAo-s, Kvv-a>7n-s, &c. So too 7rob-^v[JLo-s 
like the wind in feet, Ovpo-Xecov like a lion in spirit. 

The order of the two Stems may be almost indifferent ; i. e. it 
may be indifferent which of the two notions is treated as quali- 
fying the other; e.g. irob-toKrjs swift of foot ( = &KV$ rovs irobas) 


is the same in practical effect as WKV-TTOVS swift-foot, with swift 
feet (oo/cets irobas X (t)V )' 

In the Compounds called by Curtius Objective, i. e. where the 
relation between the two parts is that of governing and 
governed word, the general rule requires that the governed word 
should come first, as in linTo-ba^o-s horse-taming. This order 
appears to be reversed in certain cases in which the first Stem 
has the force of a Verb. The Stems so used are 

1. Stems in -e ( 124, d\ as 

2. Stems in -ai ( 124, <?), as eAKe-o-i-TreTrAo?, (f)0i-o--r)v(t)p } &c. 

3. Some of the Stems in -i, as eiAi-TroSes, KvOi-avipa, a^apri- 
voos (Hes.), \aOi- Krjbrjs, \a0i-(j)pa>v, TtpTti-Kepavvos ( 124, b) ; and 
in -o, as (jfuAo-TrroAejuos loving war, ^>tAo-Keproju,os, (fn.\o-KTeavos, 
<vyo-'7jToAejuos > flying from war, ajuapro-eTr?}? blundering in speech, 
TJAiro-jui^os astray as to the month : also the Compounds of raXa-, 
rArj-, as Ta\a-7Tv6r)s enduring sorrow, TAry-TroAejoto?, &c., and TO.VU-, 
as Tavv-TTTpos (Hes.), which is = the Homeric razwo-i-Trrepos. 

In most of these cases the inversion is only apparent. For 
instance, eAKeo-i-7re / 7rAos > means trailing the robe as distinguished 
from other ways of wearing it ; the notion of trailing is there- 
fore the limiting one. So rawa-l-in-cpos means long-winged; 
fzez>e-7rro'Ae/x,os, ^vyo-TiTo'Aejuos, TArj-Tj-oAe/xo?, Neo-Trro'Ae^os describe 
varieties of the genus ' warrior/ 

Nevertheless we must recognise a considerable number of 
Compounds in which the Prefixed Stem is Verbal in form as well 
as in meaning. A similar group has been formed in English 
(e. g. catch-penny, make-shift, do-nothing, &c.), and in the Romance 
languages (French vau-rien, croque-mitaine, Italian fa-tutto, &c.). 
These groups are of relatively late formation, and confined for 
the most part to colloquial language. The corresponding Greek 
forms represent a new departure of the same kind. 

The process by which the second part of a Compound passes 
into a Suffix cannot often be traced in Greek. An example 
may be found in -cnro-s (irob-aTTos, f}fjLb-cnr6s, dAAo8-a7ros), = 
Sanscr. -a he, Lat. -inquu-s (long-inquus, prop-inquus). In the 
adjectives in -oty, as oti/ox/^, aWo\jf, r\vo^, vG>po\\r, jaepo\^, the 
original sense of the Stem -oir is evidently very faint. In the 
proper names AWioires, AoAoTre?, f/ EAAo7re?, IleAo^, &c. it becomes 
a mere Suffix. 

127.] Stems compounded with Prepositions. These are of 
two readily distinguishable kinds : 

i. The Preposition qualifies; as eTrt-juaprvpos witness to (some- 
thing), 7rept-Krtoy-? dwellers around, a^fyi-fyaXo-s with crest on 
both sides, Trpo-^pcoz; with forward mind. Forms of this kind are 

124 NOUN FORMATION. [128. 

sometimes obtained directly from Compound Verbs : e.g. 
from eW)(a>5 not from e and o^os. 

2. The Preposition governs, i. e. the Compound is equivalent 
to a Preposition governing- a Noun ; ev-vv^-io-s in the night, 
K.ara-\Q6v-Lo-s under-ground., a^o-Ov^-io-s displeasing (lit. awat/ 
from the mind\ &c. ; also (but less commonly) without a 
Secondary Suffix, as ey- KetyaXo-s brain (lit. within the head), tir- 
apovpo-s attached to the soil. 

The placing of the Preposition before the governed Stem is a 
departure from the general rule stated above. It may be held, 
however, that the Preposition serves (in some of these Com- 
pounds at least) as the limiting or qualifying member of the 
word. Compare VI>X-LO-S by night^ CV-VV^-LO-S within the night : 
it is evident that the \v limits the sense of VV^LOS in essentially 
the same way as nav- in 7rav-vv%-(.o-s all the night. So Kara- 
xQov-io-s is nearly equivalent to yj)6v-io-s ; the Preposition 
merely makes it clear in what sense the Suffix -10 is to be 
understood ' belonging to the earth ' by being under it. 

128.] Accentuation, The Accent generally falls on the last 
syllable of the prefixed Stem, or if that is impossible, then as 
far back as possible ; ^pva-o-Opovos, deAAo-Troj, eTr-TJparo-s 1 (eparo-s), 
alv-aptrrj-s (dper??), &c. The chief exceptions are the follow- 

i. When the second Stem ends in -o and has the force of 
an Active Participle, it is oxytone, or, if the penult is short, 
paroxytone ; as v-tyoppo-s, Srj/xto-epyo'-j, Too-<popo-s. Except 
Compounds with Prepositions, as eTU-KAoTro-s, Trpo-^a^o-s, VTTO- 
Tpoiro-s ; also those in -QXO-S, and one or two more, 7jroA.i'-7ro/)0o-s, 

2. Adjectives in -t]g (Stems in -ea), Nouns in -cu-s, Nouns of 
the agent in -TKJP and -TT)-S. and Abstract Nouns in -rj and -it] 
retain their accent ; olvo-fiapris, vivi-oy^v-s, fjLrjXo-fioTTJp-as, ITTTTO- 
KOpuoT?]-?, e7r-io)y?7, ap/jia-TpO'^L^ oAaocrKOTUT}. 

But a few Adjectives in -TJS are barytone, as vx/n-Tren]?, -7706- 
XK-riprjs, ravv-i]K.j]s ; also the Fern, forms Tjpi-yeVeia, Aryi- 
a, bv(T-api(TTO-TOKLa, fJucry-ayKeia. 

3. When the second Stem is a long monosyllable, it is 
accented : /3ov-T7Arj a7ro-ppw, 7rapa-/3Ao)7r-es 5 irapa-TrXfjy-as, a- 
fiXris, &c. ( 125, 2). Hence the Fern, forms /3o-a)7r-t-s, yXavK- 
a>7r-6-s, &c. (as if from /So-oty, yXavK-w\ls, &c.). 

129.] Proper Names in Greek are generally Compounds; 
the exceptions are chiefly names of gods, as ZCT;?, "Hpr;, 'A^TJz^, 
&c., and of certain heroes, as Ilapi?, npta/xoj. Alas, TeOKpos, &c. 


Note that the gods whose names are Compound, as Ai 
Ar]-fjn]Tr]p, Ylepa--<f)6via, are less prominent in Homer. 

The second part of a Proper Name is liable to a peculiar 
shortening ; Tldrpo-KXo-s, 4>epe-/cA.oj, for Tlarpo-KX^s, 4>epe-KAerys, 
20ve-\os for 20ei>e'-Aao-?, Atyi-o-0os for AlyL-a-0vr]s, MevecrOevs 
for Mtve-a-Oevrjs ; cp. Evpvpftrjs (Od. 9. 509), patronymic of 
Evpu/zeScoy. In these names the shorter form has (or had 
originally) the character of a { nick-name/ or pet name. 

In general; however, the ' pet ' name is formed by dropping 
one of the two Stems altogether : the other Stem taking a 
Suffix in its place"*. Thus we have in Homer the names 

in -TO-S, as r/ EKa-ros (for eKarry-/3oXos), Evpv-Tos (Evpv-jSdrrjs, 
TZvpv-a\o$, &c.), "I<i-ro9, "E>(e-Tos, AIJ'L-TOS. 

in -rwp, as "AK-Tp (for 'Aye-Ados or some other name begin- 
ning 'Aye-) 3 "E/c-rcop ( J Exe-), Mez;-ra>p (Meue-), KaArj-rcop, 'A/xw- 
rwp, &c. 

in -TKJ-S, as epo-i-r??? (cp. eptn'-Aoyoj, &c.), Uo\t-Trjs t 'OpeV- 
njs, IXEO--TT7?, MeV-r^s (cp. MeV-rcop). 

in -wi', as AoA-a)^, 'Aya^-o)y (cp. A(iKO)i; = AaKe8aiju,oVtos). 

in -eu-s, as TItpar-evs (from riep0-e-</>oz;os), Oiv-tvs (cp. Olvo- 
&c.). Hpa^T-evS) AeovT-tvS) &c. 

in -to-s ; AoX-Los (AoA-o\/^, &c.) 'OS-tos, T^X-IO?, ^jot-io?, 
i]o--io?, and many more. 

in -ia-s, -eia-s ; HeA-ir]?, Tcipeflr-tas ; 'Ep/xetas, Ati/etas, Avyetas. 

In these names the Suffix is not used with its proper force, 
but merely in imitation of the corresponding groups of Common 
Nouns. This is evident from the fact that so many of these 
words are inexplicable as Simple Nouns. Note especially the 
names in -TO-S and -wi/ from Adjectives, as Evpv-ro-s, I(/H-TO-S, 
'Aya0-ooz> ; and those in -eu-s from Nouns of the consonantal 
declension ( 118), as Aeo^r-eu-?, Aty-ev-s, and even from Verbs, 
as IIep(r-ev-s "*. 

The first part of the Compound has probably been dropped in 
(cp. riept-KAi;/xeros), Qoav (cp. 'iTTTro-tfoW), &C. 

13O.] Numerals. Although the Numerals are not properly 
to be counted as ' Nouns/ it will be convenient to notice here 
the chief peculiarities of formation which they exhibit. 

1. There are two Fern, forms for els, viz. /xta and t a ; also a 
Neut. Dat. t'w (II. 6. 422). The Stem d- (for sm-) in &-TTCL& 
a-TrAoos, &c. is to be regarded as a weak form of the Stem eV- 
(sam). The weak form sm- is to be traced in pia, for <rju-ia. 

2. The forms Su'o and 8uw are equally common in Homer. 

* Aug. Fick, Die griechischen Persomnnamen nach ihrer Bildung erklart, Gottingen, 

126 NOUN FORMATION. [130. 

For the number 1 2 we find the three forms 8vo>8eKa, 6a>8eKa, and 
bvoKafofKa ; also the Ordinals bvafteKaros and (rarely) dcoSe/caros. 

3. Besides reo-orap-cs there is a form iria-vp-ts, applied to horses 
in II. 15. 680 and 23. 171, to other objects in II. 24. 233 and 
three times in the Odyssey (5. 70., 16. 249., 22. in). 

The Stem rerpa- appears in the Dat. rerpa-o-t, also in the 
Ordinal (rerpa-ros and rerap-ro?), and most derivatives, as 
TTpd-KL$ } Trpa-^0d, rerpd-^aAos four-crested, &c. (but cp. reo~crapa- 
fioios worth four oxen) : also with loss of the first syllable in 

The variation in the Stem of this Numeral has been fully discussed by Joh. 
Schmidt (JT. Z. xxv. p. 47 ff.). He shows that the Stem had three forms (114*). 
The strong form is seen in Sanscr. catvdras, which would lead us to expect 
Greek *TTfo>/>es (hence perhaps Dor. T tropes) ; the weakest in the Sanscr. 
Ordinal turiya, for ktur-iya, in which the shortening affects both syllables, and 
the first is consequently lost. This weakest Stem appears in rpv-^>a\fia a four- 
ridged helmet, and is not derived from the form rcrpa-. It probably fell into 
disuse owing to its unlikeness to Ttcro-apes ; accordingly it has only survived 
in words in which the meaning ' four ' had ceased to be felt. 

The form iriavpfs may be akin to Lesbian ireaffvpfs or irtffvpes, but there is no 
decisive ground for regarding it as JEolic. 

4. OKTCO, like bva, is a Dual in form. The primitive ending 
-wu (Sanscr. ashtau) may be traced in oy8oo? (oyScof-os, oyScooj, 
Lat. octdvus). 

5. Under eiWa note the varieties eva-ros and etm-ro? ninth ^ 
probably for e^fa-ros; so etra-Kis, cU-nugcr, etm-eres; also tvv- 

(for ezW-rjjmap), ez/ue'-copo? of nine seasons, tvvr\K.ovTa (for tvvt- 
cp. rpi-TJ/cozmz, &c.) and VvrjKovTa the last a form diffi- 
cult to explain. 

The numbers above ten are generally denoted by Compounds 
of the kind called Copulative (Sanscr. dvandva) : 8uo>-8eKa two and 

The analogy of the Numerals ending in -d (e^rra, 8e'/ca, with 
the Stems rerpa-, etm-) has led to the use of <* as a connecting 
vowel in Numerals generally; hence Tre^rd-eres and !fa-eres 
(Od. 3. 115); oKTa-KvrjiJLOs, reo"crapa-/3oioj, eetKO<ra-/3oios. But in- 
versely o is found for a in Trevrr/Ko^ro-yvos (II. 9. 579); cp. 





131.] The Case-Endings and Adverbial Endings serve (as has 
been said in 90) to show the relation in which the words to 
which they are suffixed (Nouns, Pronouns, Adverbs, &c.) stand 
to the Verb of the Sentence. 

This relation may be of three kinds : 

1. The Noun or Pronoun may express the Subject of the 
Verb : or rather (since a Subject is already given by the Person- 
Ending) it may qualify or define the Subject so given. E. g. in 
the sentence fiaa-iXevs 5t8co-o-t the-king Tie-gives /Bao-tAetfs explains 
the Subject given by the Ending -o-i. 

2. The Noun &c. may qualify the Predicate given by the 
Stem of the Verb. E.g. in ravra didco-cn, e/ixot 8i8o)-cri, KaA<Sj 
8i'8&)-o-i, aiTo-biba-a-i the Noun (Pronoun, Adverb, Preposition) 
qualifies the meaning expressed in the Stem 8i8w-. 

Constructions of these two kinds are found in Sentences which involve the 
addition of one word only to the Verb. Those of the second kind might be 
called ' Adverbial ' using the term in the widest sense, for a word construed 
with a Verb-Stem. 

Note that a Nominative may be used ' adverbially ' : e.g. Pa<ri\vs IO--TI may 
mean he-is kitig (as well as the king he-is). See 162. 

3. The Noun &c. maybe connected with, and serve to qualify, 
another Noun or Adverbial word. E.g. in the sentences /3curi- 
Xetos vios 6tSoocri, Kvpov /3a(riA.ea>s Treptyiyuerai, the word /3aa*iAecos 
is not connected with the Verb, but with a Noun. 

If the former constructions are ' Adverbial/ these might be called ' Ad- 
nominal' or 'Adjectival.' The Sentences in which they are found must 
contain at least two words besides the Verb ; they are therefore of a higher 
order of structure than the two former kinds. 

From these relations, again, more complex forms of structure 
are derived in several ways, which it will be enough to indicate 
in the briefest manner. 

A Verb compounded with a Preposition becomes for the 
purposes of construction a new Verb, with a syntax of its own. 

Similarly, the phrase formed by a Verb and a Noun (Case- 
form or Adverb) may be equivalent in the construction to a 
single Verb, and may take a further Adverb, or govern Cases of 
Nouns accordingly. E. g. in KO.KCL /ocfet TLV& he does evil to some 

128 USE OF CASES. '[132, 

one the Ace. nva is governed by the phrase KCLKCI pe'fet : in rUv 
la-a TK(T(TL honoured like his children the Dat. re/ceo-o-t is governed 
by riev laa. 

Again, the new Case-form or Adverb so c governed ' by a 
Verb and Noun may belong in sense to the Noun. Thus in 
the sentence /otey' Ifo^o? eTrAero he is greatly eminent, since Ifo^os 
expresses the meaning which //,eya is intended to qualify, we 
may consider that practically jue'ya is construed with !OXG? 
alone. Evidently a qualification of this kind will generally 
apply only to an Adjective * (just as the degrees of comparison 
are essentially adjectival). In this way it comes about that an 
Adverb may in general be used to qualify an Adjective ; and 
that very many Adjectives and Adverbs 'govern' the same Cases 
as the Verbs which correspond to them in meaning. E.g. in 
<n>i etKeAos aXK.r]v the Adj. euceAos takes the construction of 
a Verb meaning to be like. 

In a strictly scientific treatment of the Cases the various constructions 
with the Verb should come before the constructions with Nouns and Pre- 
positions. Such a treatment, however, would have the inconvenience of 
frequently separating uses of the same Case which are intimately connected. 
E. g, the construction dA/ycf rrjv K(j>a\r]v (2) cannot well be separated from the 
extension of the same construction in fjteyas carl TO aSifia (3). The Nomina- 
tive, too, is used not only as the Subject, but also as the Predicate, or part of 
it. It will be best therefore to take the several Cases in succession, and to 
begin with the ' oblique ' Cases. 

The Accusative. 

132.] Internal and External Object. The uses of the Ac- 
cusative have been divided into those in which the Ace. repeats, 
with more or less modification, the meaning given by the Verb, 
and those in which the action of the Verb is limited or directed 
by an c Object ' wholly distinct from it. E. g. in the sentence 
\KO$ 6 jute OVTCKT, lit. the wound which he wounded me, o ('AKOS) 
qualifies ovracre by a word which expresses to some extent the 
same thing as the Verb ovracre : whereas jme qualifies it in a 
different way. As the latter kind of Ace. had been known as 
the Ace. of the EXTERNAL OBJECT, so the former has more 
recently been termed the Ace. of the INTERNAL OBJECT. We 
shall take first the different uses which fall under the description 
of the ' Ace. of the Internal Object/ 

The foundation of this division (as Delbriick observes, Synt. 
Forsch. iv. p. 29) is the circumstance that all Accusatives which 

* In later Greek Adverbs are constantly used to qualify substantives : as 
u dd Pamtevs, 6 irplv xpwos, &c. But this use only becomes possible when we 
have the Article to show how the Adverb is to be understood. 

I35-] ACCUSATIVE. 129 

do not express the external Object of an action may be explained 
in nearly the same way. The real difficulty arises when we 
try to find a principle which will explain these different Accu- 
satives and at the same time exclude the relations expressed 
by other Cases or Adverbial forms. No such principle can be 
laid down. The fact seems to be that the Accusative originally 
had a very wide ' Adverbial ' use, which was encroached upon by 
the more specific uses of other Cases. The different constructions 
included under the ' Internal Object ' have all the appearance of 
fragments of an earlier more elastic usage. 

133.] Neuter Pronouns may be used in the Accusative ' ad- 
verbially/ i. e. to define the action of the Verb : as II. i. 289 a 
TLV ov 7Tia-eor0ai 6ia> in which 1 think that some one will not obey ; 
II. 14. 249 aAAo 7rivv(r(rv gave another lesson ; Od. 23. 24 TOVTO 
ovria-ei will do this benefit; Od. 10. 75 ro'6' LK&VCLS comest as thou 
dost; II. 5. 827 pjre (TV y "Aprja TO ye 8et'8i0i fear not Ares as to 
this ; Tobt x<*> e a n 9 r y at this; ra8e juaiz/erai does these mad 
things ( = is mad with these acts). 

This use includes the Adverbial rt why ? (e. g. TL rjAfle? in re- 
gard to what have you come?=wh&t means your coming?) : TO 
therefore ( 262, 3), o, OTL because, that ( 269) : rt in any way, 
ovbtv not at all, a/x<o'repoz; for loth reasons (II. 7. 418), 8ota 
in two ways (Od. 2. 46), navTa altogether, &c. ; also the com- 
bination of Pronoun and Adverb in TO npiv, TO napes, &c. the 
time before (see 260, b). 

134.] Neuter Adjectives are often used in this way ; as evpv 
ptti flows in a broad stream, dea KeKArjyofo uttering shrill cries ; so 
irp&Tov, Trpoora in the first place, iroXv, TroXXov, iroXXd much, /x,eya 
greatly, o\iyov, TVT06v little, tow, tcra equally ; ocrov, TOVOV, Tolov ; 
&VTLOV, tvavTiov; va-Tpov, vVrara, jaaAXoz^, juuiAiora, acra-ov, ay^La-Ta ; 
v (Neut. of TJVS or i;'9), f)bv, beivov, beivd, alva, KaXov, KaXa. irvKva, 
jaa>cpa, abiva, fiapv, /3ape'a, 6v, rap^ea, VTrep/xopa, hbe&a, ox.a, 

*X a > an( ^ man y more. 

In general there is no difference perceptible between the Neut. 
Sing, and Neut. Plur. But compare TVT06v for a little space, 
and TVT0a Kedo-at split into little pieces (Od. 12. 388). 

Note the combination of Pronoun and Adjective in TO irpuTov, 
TCL Trpwra, ro TPLTOV, TO TTapTov : also in TCL aAAa in other respects. 

This construction is very common in Homer, and may almost 
be said to be the usual Homeric mode of forming an Adverb. 
It has been already observed that Adverbs in -ws are com- 
paratively rare in Homer ( no). 

135.] Cognate Accusative. This term denotes that the Verb 

130 USE OF CASES. [136. 

is construed with a Substantive in the Ace. of ' cognate ' form, 
or at least of equivalent meaning. 

A Cognate Ace. is generally used to introduce the Adjective 
or Pronoun which really qualifies or defines the predication con- 
tained in the Verb: e.g. airprjKTov -Tro'Aejuou TToXejjLifciv to wage a 
war without result (cp. the adverbial use of a Neut. Adj. in 
aXXrjKTov TToAejuu'Cetz; to war without ceasing] ; 05 KCV apio-ryv (3ovXr]v 
povXtva-rj who shall give the lest counsel ( = apicrra (BovXevcrrj) ; 
e^>tA.t TravTotrjv <iAoY?]ra treated with all manner of love; Icvai rrjv 
ai)Tj]v obovtogo the same way. So eTu-KArjcny KaAeoixrt call by way 
of surname : and with a Noun in the Plural, (BovXas fiovXevew to 
give counsel (from time to time] ; ^aaa-avro jutotpa? divided into the 
several shares ; al^as atxjuaa-o-oixri VtoTpoi (with repetition for 
the sake of emphasis), &c. 

With a Pronoun referring to a cognate Noun ; Aco/itys . . rjv 
fjL Ao>/3ij(rao-0e, eA/cos o jue (Bporos ovracrtVy VTTOO-^CTLS rjv ircp VTre- 


136.] Other Adverbial Accusatives. The following uses 
may be placed here as more or less analogous to the Cognate 
Accusative : 

(1) Substantives expressing a particular sphere or kind of the 
action denoted by the Verb : as 

II. 6. 292 rjyayz ^ibovtifjOev . . rrjv obbv rjv 'EAez^y Trep a^ryyaye 
the voyage on which he brought lack Helen: (cp. Od. 6. 164 
yXOov yap KCU Keure . . Tr)v obbv fj 877 KrA.) ; so obbv ot>(cr^at, 
obbv rjyrja-aa-daL to lead on the way ; and again efeo-uyz; eXOelv 
to go on an expedition (and in Od. 21. 20 teo-ir]v TroXXrjv obov 
yXdev went a long way on an expedition)^ ayycXirjv cXOovra going on 
a message ; fiovXas eapyu*v ayaOas taking the lead in good 
counsels ; Od. 8. 23 a0Xovs . . TOVS . . CTretpTJo-ayr' 'Obvcrfjos ', 
Od. 19. 393 ovXrjV rr]v TTOTC JJLLV crvs rjXaa-. So baivvvra yapov 
holding a wedding-feast, baivv rd(pov gave a funeral feast (whereas 
the cognate bair-qv baivvjjievovs means holding an ordinary feast) 
vvdy<t>iJiv "Aprja let us join battle, e/n8a pr^yvvvro fiapelav broke in 
grievous strife. 

So probably we should explain II. I. 31 \\LQV Ae'xos avrLoaxrav, 
like II. 15. 33 (^Ao'rr;? re KCU e^^ rjv ^iyrjs (cp. Pind. N. I. 67 
orav 0eot . . yiyavTevo-iv payav avTiafavi). Also Od. 6. 259 otyp* 
av jjLv K aypovs tojuteu Kat epy' avOpunrutv so long as our way is 
through "fields and tillage of 'men , aypovs = obbv v dypoty. 

Note that this construction is chiefly applied to the familiar 
spheres of action battle, council, feasting. &c. 

(2) Abstract Nouns expressing an attribute of the action. 

II. 9. 115 ov TL \l/evbo$ jjias aras KareAefas with no falsehood 

I37-] ACCUSATIVE. 131 

hast thou recounted my folly : Od. 7. 297 ravra rot . . 

So bc^as (in phrases like 8e//a? irvpos like fire), and the Adverbs 
, abrjv, Xirjv, with many others (see no), are originally the 
Accusatives of Abstract Nouns. 

Add the poetical expressions such as irvp o(/>0aAju<no-t 8e8opKa>s 
with look of fire, jmeyea Tr^eto^re? breathing martial fury. 

The phrase irvp 5e8o/>/i>s is a boldness of language (compared e. g. with Stivbv 
Septcofjievoi} analogous to that which we observed in Compounds such as deAAo- 
iros with storm- (like) feet, as compared with wKv-noScs, &c. ; see 126. 

(3) The words epyov, CTTO?, ^v0os, with Pronouns, are used 
nearly as the Neuter of the same Pronouns : as 

II. I. 294 TTCLV Zpyov vTreifojuiai I shall yield in every matter (nav 
epyoi> = 7razrra) : 5. 757 ^ vcpforifr) v Apt ra6e Kaprepa tpya (constr. 
like ro5e x^ )f C P- 9- 374- 

Od. 3. 243 en-OS- aAAo /ixeraAArjo-at to ask another question. 

II- 5- 7 I 5 tf P' aA.60i^ roz; pvQov VTI^O-T^^V our promise was idle. 

(4) Words expressing the sum or result of an action are put 
in the Ace. ; as II. 4. 207 ffia\v . . rw /xez; KXeoj a/xjut 8e itivQos ; 
24- 735 P l ^ et %ipbs eAcay 0,770 irvpyov Xvypov okeOpov : Od. 6. 184- 
So TTOIZ;?^ m compensation, irpoffraa-iv on the pretence, MK\r]<nv 
nominally, y^apiv as a favour (only in II. 15. 744). 

The use of Substantives to qualify a Verb evidently bears the 
same relation to the use of Neut. Adjectives as Nouns in Appo- 
sition bear to ordinary Adjectives qualifying Nouns. 

Note. Many of these constructions have been treated as varieties or ex- 
tensions of the ' Cognate Accusative.' E. g. from 6Sov \0(iv have been 
explained, on the one hand, 65ov rjyrjaaffOai, 65ov dvrjyaye, &c., on the other, 
dyyeXirjv lA0e?z/, &c. ; so Salvvvro yajj.ov, Saivv rcupov, have been regarded as 
modelled on Sairrjv SaivvffOcu ; /u)0oi/ vireffrrjfjLev as justified because a promise is 
a /AvQos, ipevdos /carfXegas because if/evSos = a false tale, and so on. It must not 
be supposed, however, that these analogies explain any of the uses in question, 
or that the ' Cognate ' Ace. is prior to the others, either in simplicity or in the 
order of development. If we compare the Cognate Ace. with the use of 
Neuter Adjectives and Pronouns, we see that (e. g.) dpiara @ov\eveiv is simpler, 
and doubtless earlier in type, than dpiffrrjv ftovXty @ov\evfiv, a rrep virearrjv than 
r\v irep vjreffTrjv, ra vireaTtjfAfv than rbv /jivdov vrreffTrjf^ev. Again, 
^ap.ov is probably an earlier phrase than the tautologous SaiwaOai 
, TOV p.vOov viroaTrjvcu than viroax* <Jlv vTroffrrjvat, &c. The repetition in 
the Noun of the Stem already given in the Verb is a feature of complexity 
which itself needs explaining. The Cognate Ace., in short, is only a special 
form of the use of the Ace. as a defining or qualifying word. Grammarians have 
explained other constructions by its help because it is familiar ; but in so 
doing they have fallen into the error of deriving the simple from the complex. 

137.] Accusatives of the ' part affected/ Many verbs that 
are Intransitive or Reflexive in sense take an Ace. restricting 

K 2 

133 USE OF CASES. [138. 

the force of the Verb to a part or attribute of the subject : as 
KCLfJiveL x^P a ^ s hand i s weary, irvpl ^Ipas eotKe his hands are as 
fire, (3X.i]To KvrjiJL-qv was wounded in the shin, aAAaW Treptet/n voov I 
am beyond others in understanding ; fypiva re'pTrer' aKovwv was 
pleased at heart listening ; ov Xrjye juteWs ceased not in his fury ; 
yevos 6' r\v eK Trora/xoto in descent he was from the river, yevtT]v 
ewKet (II. 14. 474) was like in descent, i. e. bore ' a family like- 
ness ' -, aOavcLTycn befjias KOL et8os eptfetz; to rival the immortals in 
form and feature. See 141. 

These uses differ from other Accusatives of the sphere of an 
action in the distinctly concrete nature of the words employed. 
The Ace. does not express the notion of the Verb, or an attribute 
of it, but merely denotes a thing by reference to which it is 
limited or characterised. Thus in Ko^et X e V a ^ ne ^cc. limits 
the action Kapvei ' feels hand-weariness/ The relation is local 
or instrumental, though not so expressed. The meaning ( in or 
with the hand ' is conveyed, because it is the only one possible 
the only way in which the notion hand can qualify the notion 

The ' Ace. of the part affected/ or 'Ace. of reference/ is 
characteristic of Greek : hence it is called Accusative Graecus by 
the Latin grammarians. It is unknown, or nearly so, in 
Sanscrit. We cannot infer, however, that it originated with the 
Greeks, especially as it is found in Zend (Delbriick, Synt. 
Forsch. iv. 33) : but it may have been extended in Greek. The 
alternative Case is generally the Instrumental: cp. II. 3. 194 
cvpvrepos w/xoto-ti; tde a-repvoKriv tdeVflat, but a. 478 ojutjmara /cat 
Kt<f)a\r)v uceAos Atf. Or the sense may be further denned by a 
Preposition : npbs OTTJ^OS, Kara <t>pva> &c. 

138.] Accusative of Time and Space. The word expressing 
duration of time is put in the Ace., as tva /x,rji>a jueWz; waiting a 
month, xeijuta ei>'8ei sleeps through the winter } Tpls avd^acrOai yeW 
avbp&v to reign for three generations of men. 

The Accusative of Space expresses the extent of an action, as 
II. 23. 529 AetVero bovpbs 6po>rjz> was a spear's throw behind. 

These Accusatives are to be compared with the Neuter Adjec- 
tives of quantity, as TIO\V, oXlyov, rvrOov, rocrov, &c. 

139.] Accusative with Nouns. The chief uses are : 

(1) Neut. Adjectives, as /xey' efoxos greatly surpassing. 

(2) Cognate Accusative, as II. 15. 641 afjLLva)v iravTOias dperas 
better in every kind of excellence. This is rare in Homer. 

(3) Ace. of the ' part affected ' ; o^ara KCLL K(j>a\r)v ueAos like 
in eyes and head, (cp. xetpas eotKe), fiorjv ayaOos good in shouting, 

140.] ACCUSATIVE. 133 

yevos /ca/cos- /cat avaXms a coward by right of descent. With a Sub- 
stantive : xi/od? r al)yj.r]TrjV eju6i>at. 

140.] Accusative of the External Object. Under this head 
it is unnecessary to do more than notice one or two points : 

(1) The ceremonial words anap^a, /carapxo//,ai, &c. are con- 
strued according to the acquired meaning : as rpi\as airap^iv to 
cut off hair as a preliminary, cp. Od. 3. 445 (with the note in 
Riddell and Merry's edition). So II. 24. 710 TOV . . rtAAecrflrjz; 
mourned him by tearing their hair: and op/ua Ttpveiv to make a 
treaty (by slaying a victim). 

(2) The Verbs euror, avbda), &c. may take an Ace. of the per- 
son spoken to: II. 5. 170 eVo? re \LIV avriov rjvba: II. 13. 725 
UovXvbdfjias Opavvv "E/cropa cnre. Cp. II. 9. 59., 17. 651, Od. 4. 
155. But this construction is rare with the simple Verbs : it is 
found passim with Compounds (Trpocrr^Sa, TrpocreetTre, &c.). 

(3) An Ace. may be used of the person about whom something 
is told, known , thought, &c. 

(a) If a person or a thing is treated as the thing said, known, 
&c. (not merely spoken or known about] : as II. I. 90 ovb* rjv 
'Aya^fjivova enrr/? not even if you say Agamem,non (cp. ovvo^a 
ei7Tiz>) ; 3. 192 eur' aye /uot /cat rovbc tell me this man too. So 
with oi8a when it means only to know what a thing is : as II. 6. 
150 ofyp ei) t6r/s T^ereprju ytver\v, -rroAAot 8e JJLLV avbpzs Ivacriv : 
and with ^l^v^^ai, as II. 9. 527 /ote/u,^ryjoiat ro5e epyov ; II. 23. 
361 a>? //ejutrewro bpojjiovs that he might remember the courses 
(i.e. remember how many there w r ere) ; II. 6. 222 Tu8ea 8' ov 
/xe'/uwr^at (of remembering his existence). The Ace. implies 
that the person is the whole fact remembered. But with a Gen. 
means I remember something about, I bethink myself 

(b) If the real Object of the Verb is a fact expressed by a 
limiting word or clause : as II. 2. 81 tyevbos K.V <palfjiV we should 
call it false ; II. 6. 50 at KZV e/^te fabv Tre-nvQoiTo if he heard of me 
alive (of my being alive) ; II. 5. 702 tirvOovro jutera Tpwea-a-iz; 
"Apr] a heard of Ares (as) among the Trojans. Especially with a 
Participle, as Od. 17. 549 et K avrbv yvto<*> ^jueprea TTCLVT eW- 
Ttovra If I find him telling (that he is telling) nothing but truth 
( 245, 2). And with a subordinate clause, as II. 2. 409 97866 
yap Kara Bv^bv abeXffrtbv ws 67roi>6tro ; II. 8. 535 a^/nor f)v aperrjv 
8ia6ur6rat 6t K' fjibv ly^o? juetVry 67T6pxV ez;oz; ^ 6 *^ ^WOtP about 
his valour, whether he will withstand my spear (i. e. whether his 
valour is such that &c.) ; cp. 13. 275., 18. 601., 20. 311. 

(4) The Ace. of the object to which motion is directed (termi- 
nus ad quern) is common with invio^ai, I'/cco, Uaz/co (which always 

134 USE OF CASES. [141. 

imply reaching a point), but is comparatively rare with other 
simple Verbs, such as et/uti, Ip^o/jiai, vtopai, ayo>, ^yeojmat. The 
words so used with these Verbs are mostly Nouns denoting 1 house 
0), II. 7. 363, &c. ; Sopor, Od. 7. 22, II. 22. 482; olitov, Od. 14. 

167), city (Od. 6. 114., 15. 82), rc^fe land (II. 7. 335., 15. 706): 
cp. also II. I. 322 p^(T0ov K.Xi(r'n]v ; 6. 37 vvdyov(ra yepataj 
21. 40 Arjfjivov TTpao-(rV, Od, 4. 478 AlyvTTTOio vbu>p eA0r/s. 
Compound Verbs esp. with the Prepositions ei ?, cm, Trpo's, 
irapa usually take an Ace. of this kind. 

There is no reason to infer from these and similar instances that the 
Accusative is originally the Case of t the terminus ad quern. It is natural that a 
Verb of motion should be denned or qualified by a Noun expressing place, and 
that such a Noun should generally denote the place to which the motion is 
directed. But this is not necessary. The Ace. is used with Verbs denoting 
motion from, as favyv, vo<r<j)i^ofxat, tnroeuca) (II. 15. 228) ; and even with other 
Verbs of motion it may express the terminus a quo if the context suggests it, as 
aveSvffcro Kvpa. rose from the wave, virepajia narefiaive came doivn from the upper 

The uses with Prepositions are treated of in the sections dealing 
with the several Prepositions (181-218). 

141.] Double Accusatives. It is needless to enumerate the 
different circumstances in which a Verb may be construed with 
two Accusatives. Many examples will be found among- the 
passages already quoted ; and it will be seen that the combina- 
tion of an Ace. of the External Object with one of the various 
' Accusatives, of the Internal Object ' is especially frequent. Thus 
with Verbs of saying the Ace. of the thing said may be combined 
with an Ace. of the person spoken to : as II. 5. 170 ITTOJ re fjav 
avriov rjvoa (so 9. 58., 1 6. 207, Od. 23. 91). Again, with Verbs 
of taking away there may be an Ace. of the thing taken and the 
person from whom it is taken : as II. 8. 108 ofc TTOT' cbr' Alveiav 
tXo^v, II. 6. 70 eTretra be KOI ra e/c^Aoi veKpovs ap irebiov <ruA?jo-ere 
(cp. 16. 58., 17. 187). So with Verbs of cleansing', II. 16. 667 
KtXaivetyts at/xa KaOrjpov eA.0a)i> e/c /3A.eW SapTrrjbova (cp. 18.345); 
also Od. 6. 224 XP' a vt&To bios 'Obvo-crevs aX^v, and (with three 
Accusatives) II. 21. 122 ot o-' &Ti\i]v cu//,' aTroAtx^o-oz^rat. In 
such cases the Verb almost seems to be used in different senses 
cleanse Sarpedon, cleanse away the blood, &c. 

In some cases the two Accusatives are not to be explained 
independently, but one is construed with the phrase formed by 
the Verb in combination with the other. Thus we cannot say 
pt&iv rivd to do to a person^ but we may have Kct/coz; pe&iv nva to 
do evil to a person or thing : e. g. 

II. 9. 54O OS KCLKO. TTO'AA' pbCTKV tOtoV Oti^OS oX(DT)V. 


I43-] DATIVE. 135 

The notion ' doing ' given by pe'o> is so vague that an Ace. of 
the person would be ambiguous : but the more definite notions 
of doing evil, &c. become susceptible of the construction. So 
with etTrety, as Od. I. 303 tva ris ere ev enrr; may speak well of thee : 
cp. II. 6. 479. 

A similar account is to be given of the ' Accusative of the 
Whole and Part/ which is very common in Homer; e.g. TOV 
/3aXe KvrjfJirjv him he smote on the shin, ere (frvyzv epKos OOOVTMV has 
escaped you over the fence of teeth. The second Ace. has been 

-L <L/ / / 

sometimes explained as parallel in construction to the first, the 
part being added ' epexegetically ' or in 'Apposition'' to the 
whole. But it is impossible to separate TOV /3aA.e KVYI^V from 
/3Ar?ro Kvrjfjiriv : in both the Ace. of the part is a limiting Accusa- 
tive. The difference between this and a double Ace. arising from 
Apposition appears if we consider that 

Tpcoa? 8e r/oo/xos alvbs vir^XvOe yvla e'/cacrroy 
is equivalent to Tp<3es Irpejuioz/ TO, yvla eKacrroj, where Ifcaoros is 
(as before) epexegetic of T/x3e?, but yvla is an Ace. qualifying 
the Verb. 

The Dative. 

142.1 Comparison of the Case-system of Greek with that of 
Sanscrit shows that the Greek Dative does the work of three 
Sanscrit Cases, the Dative, the Instrumental, and the Locative. 
There is also reason to think that distinct forms for these three 
Cases survived down to a comparatively late period in Greek 
itself. This is made probable (i) by the traces in Homeric 
Greek of Instrumental and Locative C&se-forms, and (2) by the 
readiness with which the uses of the Greek Dative (especially 
in Homer) can be re-apportioned between the three Cases the 
original or true Dative, and the two others. 

143.] The true Dative expresses the person to or for whom 
something is done, or who is regarded as chiefly affected or 
interested : e.g. 

II. I. 283 'AxiAAr/'i /me0e'jix> yQ\ov to put away his anger for (in 
favour of] Achilles ; cp. Od. n. 553. 

Od. i. 9 rola-iv d$ei'A.ero took away for (i. e.from) them. 

II. 21. 360 TI juot tpibos Kal apcoyrjs; what is there for me (that 
concerns me) in strife and help ? 

Od. 7. 303 fjirj fjioi TOVVK afjiv^ova vLK Kovpr]v chide not for me 
on that account the blameless maiden ; cp. II. 14. 501. 

Od. 9. 42 a)? JUTJ ris ^OL areju,/3o'juew)9 KLOL 60-779 that for me no one 
should go away wronged (i. e. that I might see that no one &c.). 

II. i. 250 raJ bvo yei;eat IfyQiaro he had seen two generations pass. 

136 USE OF CASES. [143. 

II. 12. 374 TTLyojjivoLa-L b' VKOVTO they came for them when hard 
pressed, i. e. their coming 1 was (what such a thing- is) to hard 
pressed men. So 11. 14. 108 cjuol 8e Kv ao-juteVo) eir; it would be 
for me when welcoming it, i. e. would be what I welcome : Od. 1 1 . 

115 OV K fJLOl a^VVfJ^Vid KT\. 

The Dat. with Verbs of giving, showing, telling (a fact), praying, 
helping , pleasing , favouring , being angry, &c., and the corresponding 
Adjectives (^tAos, ex^po's, &c.), is evidently of this kind. 

The so-called Dativus commodi, ( Ethical Dative/ &c. need hot 
be separated from the general usage. Note however that 

1. The Dative of the Personal Pronouns is very often used 
where we should have a Possessive agreeing with a Noun in the 
Clause; as II. I. 104 cWe 8e ot irvpl eucrrjy his eyes were like fire ; 
Od. 2. 5 MTpi jutot {j,i"r](TT7Jpes cTrexpaoz; the suitors have assailed 
my mother ; so II. i. 55, 150, 188, 200, &c. 

2. Sexojjiai with the Dat. means to take as a favour: II. 15. 87 
e'juiort dcjcro de-Trots accepted the cup from Themis (as a compli- 
ment); or to take as an attendant does, II. 2. 186., 13. 710., 17. 
207, Od. 15. 282. For the Gen. see 152. 

3. dKouw with the Dat. means to hear favourably ; II. 16. 515 
CLKOVZLV avpi KrjbofjLevu' and so K.\.vQL /uoi in prayers (II. 5. H5> 
Od. 2. 262). See 151, d. 

4. The Dat. with Verbs meaning- to give commands (/ceAewo, 
(Trjjjiaivu), &c.), and to lead the way (apx&), ?yyeo/zai, rjye^ovev^ is 
apparently the true Dat. But this does not apply to Verbs 
meaning to have power, to be king (as K/>are'o>, dvaa-ora)) : e.g. avav- 
cre/aei; 'Apyetoto-t probably means to be king among the Argives 
(Loc.). See 145 (7, a). 

5. The c Dat. of the Agent ' with Passive Verbs seems to be a 
special application of the true Dat.; ..<op. II. 13. 168 o ot 
XeAetTrro which for him was ( = which he had) left in the tent, 
"Exropt was had as wife by Hector. So Tpoxrtz; 

OrjAeiWi bafjiLs, &c. because the victory is gained by the victor ; 
and so in Attic, fiOpoia-Ori Kvpu TO 'EXXyviKov ' Cyrus got his Greek 
force collected/ The restriction to Past Tenses is intelligible, 
because the past fact is thought of as a kind of possession or 
advantage (cp. the English auxiliary have of past events). This 
view is strongly supported by the Latin Dat. of the Agent, which 
is not common except with Verbals and Past Participles (Roby, 
1146). Evidently nobis facienda = ' things for us to do/ nobis 
facta = ( things we have got done/ 

The true Dat. of Nouns denoting things is rare in Greek 
(perhaps only used when the thing is regarded as an agent, or 
stands for a person, as FTpia/xoio (Bur) for 


In this respect Latin offers a marked contrast ; cp. .the various uses, 
especially of abstract Substantives, explained by Mr. Roby under the headings 
'indirect object' (1143, n. n), 'work contemplated' (1156), 'predicative 
dative' (11580".). The source of the difference evidently is that the Dat. 
is not liable, as in Greek, to be confounded with the Loc. and Instrum. 
It will be seen however that the Greek Infinitive is in fact the Dat. of an 
abstract Substantive. 

144.] The Instrumental Dative. The so-called Instrumental 
Case appears to have been employed to express whatever accom- 
panies or shares in an action : not only the instrument or cause, 
but any attendant object or circumstance. Hence it covers the 
ground of the Datives of ' circumstance/ f manner/ &c. 

The Dat. of circumstance &c. is common with abstract or semi- 
abstract words : as rixV w ^ ^oise ( K ^ a "/7^ aAaArjrw, hoity, &c.) ; 
criyrj, o-ia)7r7j ; albol with reverence (Od. 8. 172); avdyKy, (3irj } 
cnrovbfj : KaKrj alcrrj with evil fortune ; <pvyfi (UCOZ-TO) in flight ; 
Kpbo(rvvrj in his cunning ; yevcfj by descent. 

In Homer it often expresses the reason or occasion (for which 
bid with the Ace. is regular in later Greek) : Od. 3. 363 <iA.onjri 
ZTTOVTCLI accompany out of friendship (propter amorem) ; Od. 9. 19 
os Tracri bdXounv av6ptoiroio-L jmeXo) who am regarded by men for my 
craft (cp. 13. 299); II. 16. 628 oueidetW eVe'ecro-i xdoprfo-ovcrL will 
give way for reviling words ; Od. 14. 206 riero . . oA/3a> re TrXovrv 
re /cat wacrtj Od. 17. 4^3 ^"^ T' *v ^coovcrt /cat a<jf>z>eiol KaAeorrai 
things because of which men live well and are called opulent. So of 
an almost personal agent, Od. 14. 299 rj 6' efleeu Bope'rj avepa the 
ship coursed on with (driven by) the North wind. 

The c comitative ' or ' sociative ' sense is chiefly found in the 
Plural, which denotes attendants, surroundings, adjuncts, &c. ; II. 
1 8. 506 Tola-iv 7TLT rj'L(T(Tov with these (the sceptres) they started 
up ; Od. 4. 8 l-mtoHTi KOI ap}j,a(ri TrejUTre sent with horses and chariots 

(cp. 4. 533) ; Od. u. 161 vrji re Kai erapoto-t with a ship and com- 
; II. 12. 

rades; II. 12. 28 KVfjiao-L TT^fjiTT let ffo with the waves ; II. 2. 818 
jme/xaores eyxet^at ardent with their spears; II. 6. 243 feo-rrj? 
al6ovo"r)(TL T^rvy^vov built with smooth porticoes (cp. Od. 9. 185, 
&c.) : II. 2. 148 em r rjfj.vL a<rTaxye<r<ri bends forward with the ears 
(of a field of corn) : II. 6. 513 re^ea-t Tra^aivcDV glittering with 
his armour ; similarly n. 100 o-rrj^eo-t im^aivovTas shining with 
(naked} breasts. For the corresponding Sing. cp. Od. 10. 140 vr\i 
KaT7]yay6fjL(rda Od. 9. 68 eTrcS/oo-' av^ov Boptrjv \ai\airi ^ecrTreo-ir; ; 
Od. 12. 241 vTTVp0 8e yala (j)dv(TK \^a/x/x&) Kvavtrj the ground 
showed beneath with its dark sand; II. 15. 282 eTrta-rafxero? 

This Dative is idiomatically used with avros : as II. 8. 24 avrrj 
Kv yairj ^^ avrrj 6e OaXda-a-rj with the earth and sea as well 

138 USE OF CASES. [144. 

(without their losing hold) : Od. 14. 77 Slpp avTols o/3eXotcrt hot 
with the spits as they were*. 

The Dative with Verbs meaning to be with, to follow, to join, 
to agree with, to be like, &c., and again with the Prepositions vvv 
and dfjia, and the various Pronouns and Adjectives meaning the 
same, equal, like, &c., is generally Instrumental. 

The Dat. with Verbs meaning to fight, strive, &c. may be the 
Instrumental or (more probably) the true Dat. Words meaning 
to trust &c. probably take an Instrumental Dat. of. the ground of 
trust, a true Dat. of the person trusted or obeyed : cp. the Lat. 
construction of confidere with a Dat. or Abl. 

With Verbs meaning to be phased the Dat. is doubtless Instru- 
mental : as II. 21. 45 TpircTO oto-t <f>C\ouri had pleasure with his 
friends (so Od. 14. 245). This is still more clear in II. 5. 682 
yapri ft apa ol TrpocrtoVrt and II. 23. 55^ xaipav 'AzmA.o'x<*> on KT\. 
' rejoiced at the fact (of his coming, &c.)/ 

The Instrum. is used in Sanscrit of the space over which action 
extends. The nearest approach to this in Greek is the Dat. of 
the way by which : cp. the Adverbs f l} rr\, rgbe, irjj, OTH/, Travrr). 
But see 158, note. 

The Dat. is probably Instrumental (not Locative) in Od. i. 197 
KCLTpVKraL ev/oe'i TToVrw (by, not on, the sea). Also with 6e'x.ojuiai, 

. 1 6. 


&c v as II. 6. 136 vTTtotfaro KO^TT^, Od. 1 6. 70 VTroSefojiat otKa>. 
In later Greek de'xo/xcu is construed with OIKO>, Tro'Aei, &c. without 
a Preposition. 

Note the occasional use of the Instrumental Dat. with Verbs 
of buying, as II. 7. 475 olvi&vro aAAoi plv xA.K<S /crA.., Od. 15. 483 

Tr/naro Kreareo-o-u; toiviv (cp. II. 4. 161 <rvv re jueydAw aireTLa-av) : 
with Verbs of abounding, II. 17. 56 j3pvi avOtl Aei>K<S ( 151, e) : 

* Delbriick (Synt. Forsch. iv. p. 58) notices the difficulty of finding a special 
explanation of the ' sociative ' use of the Dat. in combination with avros. It 
may help towards such an explanation to observe that the use of a Case-form 
in a particular sense not unfrequently depends upon the presence of a quali- 
fying word in agreement with it. E. g. 

ffjioi ^ovKop-tvca kari it is for me what I desire. 

TOIXOV rov erepov by the wall on the other side. 

\nkaaov Sovpos tXwv taking the spear "by the middle. 

ci TOVC(UTOS afcovffai if he were to hear of his being dead. 

T]\6tTo Tpoxrlv he was vexed at their being subdued btj Trojans. 
In each of these instances the qualifying word indicates the sense in which 
the Case is used, and so makes the use possible. The ' ethical Dat/ is sug- 
gested by @ov\o(j.(t>a>, the Gen. of place by ercpov, the Gen. of part by ptffffov, 
the fact about the person by reOvt&ros, the cause of feeling by 
Now, in such a phrase as avrois dpeXoivi spits and all, the force of avros is ' with- 
out change/ 'as before,' and so the phrase means with the meat sticking to the 
spits as before (cp. avrws, avrov, a30i). Thus the sociative sense is emphasised 
by the addition of avrois. Without such an addition there would generally be 
nothing to decide between the different possible meanings of the Dative, and 
consequently a Preposition (avv or ajuct) would be needed. 


also with a Verb of e cognate 9 meaning, as Oavov otKrtora> Oavdrto 
(Od. II. 412), peov vban (Od. 5. 70). 

145.] The Locatival Dative. The Dative without a Preposi- 
tion denoting the place of an action is much commoner in Homer 
than in later Greek, though already restricted to a comparatively 
narrow range. It is used 

(1) Of towns and countries: lAica eto-t are in Ilios, <&pvyirj 
vai(TK dwelt in Phrygia : so OvX-u^Tra, AaKe8ai/uozn, A?jA(i>, ^^pirj, 
Kv6rtpoLa-i, 77/377, KPTJTT?, "Apyei, 'EAAa5t, &c. So too y At8i. 

(2) Of the great divisions of the world, the chief spheres of 
action, &c., as alOepi, ovpav>, ovpecri, dyp<5 afield, 8oju,w in the house, 
roju<3 at pasture, TTOVTM out at sea, cuyiaAw on the shore, x*P (T( i! > on 
dry land (II. 4. 4245), ovbti on the ground, Tre^tw, x&ovi ; xP$ a ^ 
the dance, /udx??j (3ov\rj, ayopfj, rpairefrj at table (Od. 21. 35)5 o'e' 
nvpos in the jire light. 

But the Dat. in pi8t vver]K nay^vOai (II. T. 8), vo-fMVi /^x 6 ' 
<r6ai (II. 2. 863), &c. is one of manner (Instr.), rather than of 

(3) Of the parts of a thing, especially of the hody ; o>//a> and 

e^aAr}, X.pot', Kapbir), ^peai, 0v/uu3 ; aKpoTarrj Kopvtyfj, 
TroAejxoto, jW-^X^ "Apyeos (^aAa//oto, &c.), jutetra) epKCt, 
TTJA^rrt, youi^a) aAcor/s, flzvOtcn A^JU^T/?, rdp(f)(nv v\r]$, &c. 
The Dat. of the part te^A which a person does something may 
be Instrumental; as x 6 ) 00 "" 6 ) ? i " / ;tat Ke^aAf) Karaveva-ofjiai, IKCOZ; 
aeKovri ye ^ujuw. But the Locative mode of expression is the 
prevailing one ; cp. eu x et/ P e(r(n ^^' ^ /z;ia J ^ ofyQaXpoiviv IbtvOai, 
eyra) rjo-iy ez;l (frpeori, ev Qvpa ju,e/xa<Sre?, &c. Hence the common 
use of x et P^ X^ "^ ^ c - w ^ n ^X 60 * a ^p^, Aajut^dz^a), and the use of 
flvjuo), <^peo-6, &c. with Verbs of knowing, thinking, feeling, are 
doubtless Locatival. 

(4) With some Verbs that imply locality, zWo>, riOr]^i t Ketjucu, 
i5/xai (Od. 20. 22 vrrvxt OvXvfjLiroio rj[jLvos) ', esp. K\LV(t) } as II. II. 
371 O-TTJATJ KeKAi/xe^os, and (in the derived sense) II. 5. 709 Ai'/^?/ 

(5) Of time : r^an rw ore KrA. on the day when fyc., Ocpc'i in 
summer, tipy y^iptpivri in the season of winter, &c. 

(6) After a Verb of motion (where we expect ets or irpos with 
the Ace.): as II. 5. 82 -TreStw TreVe fell on the plain ; II. 7. 187 
KW67] jSdAe threw into the helmet ; II. 3. 10 eSr' opeoy Kopu^rycrt No'ro? 
Kar/xeuez; o/xt'x^ 7 ?^ /^^? spread a mist over the tops of the mountains ; 
TrpoKdAeWaro x<W?7 ^^^ 0^ (^ ^^0 *' combat. This idiom 
helps to show that the use of the Accusative for the terminus ad 
quem of motion does not represent the original force of that Case. 

140 USE OF CASES. [146. 

The Dat. after the Prepositions 4i>, em, impel, JAT<, 6ir6, Q.V&, 
irepi, &p$i, and the Verbs compounded with them, is generally 
Locatival. It is used (like the simple Dat.) after Verbs of 
motion: see 194, 198, 202, 206. 

The sense may admit or require a true Dat. : cp. II. i. 174 
Trap' e//ot ye KCU aAAoi others are at hand with me (Loc.), or I have 
others at my command (true Dat.). So II. 7. 73 vfjiiv \v yap eWi 
may mean there are among you (Loc.), or you have (true Dat.) 
among you. Cp. Lat. inesse alicui or in aliquo. 

(7) The Locatival Dat. of persons is chiefly found in the 
Plural : 

(a) with Kpare'w, di'doraa), jBaaiXeuw : II. 2. 669 0eot(ri /cat av6pu>- 
TTOLO-LV avdo-(Ti is king among gods and men ; Od. I. 71 oov /cparos 
eVri /ueyioTou -Trao-t^ Kv/cAwTretro-i ; II. 13. 217 6s irda-rj nAeupam 
KCU alirtLvfi Ka\vbS>vi PdraXolaiv ava<r(r. Cp. the equivalent con- 
structions with Prepositions, as II. I. 252 juera 8e TPLTCLTOLO-LV 
avacra-e, Od. 7- 62 6? v ^airj^Lv avao-a-c, and the compound 
fjLJ3a(ri\v<i). This group of uses is almost confined to Homer. 

() in phrases introducing a speech, as roto-t 8' (Worry, rouri Se 
/a^foz; ??px e 5 an d the like; cp. II. 19. 175 eV 'Apyetoio-iz; d^ao-ra?, 
9. 528 ez; 8' Vjuttv epew, Od. IO. 1 88 /utera Tracrtz; teLirov, 16. 378 
e/oeet 8' ez> Traa-ti; d^aoras. 

(c) meaning ' in the sight of,' ' in the opinion of/ &c. as II. 2. 
285 TTCLCTLV eAeyx^crroj; Beptvai /xepoVeo-o-t (3poTol(ri : 1 1. 58 6s Tpcoo-t 
^eoj wy rtero 8rjjua). Cp. II. 23. 703 evl a-0ta-t rtoz;. So in 
Sanscrit the Loc. is used of the person with or before whom con- 
duct is judged : ' may we be guiltless before Varuna ' (Delbriick, 
A. &p. 118). 

(d) occasionally with Adjectives implying eminence &c., as II. 
6. 4^7 apnrpeTrea Tpcueo-crt distinguished among the Trojans, Od. 15. 
227 YlvXioicn jotey' ^o^a Sw/xara 

The Genitive. 

146.] The Greek Genitive, as appears at once by comparison 
with Latin or Sanscrit, stands for the original or ' true ' Geni- 
tive, and also for the Ablative. The uses of the Gen. may 
therefore be divided (theoretically at least) between these two 
Cases. The distinction however is more difficult than in the 
case of the Dative ; partly, perhaps, because the Case-forms of 
the Ablative were earlier lost than those of the Locative and 
Instrumental, but also from the peculiar syntactical character of 
the Genitive. 

The Ablative (like the cases already treated of) belongs originally to the 
second group of constructions distinguished in 131, i. e. it is construed with 

147-] GENITIVE. 141 

the predicate given by a Verb. The Genitive is originally of the third group ; 
and properly qualifies a Noun. Hence the Ablative and Genitive uses are 
generally distinguished partly in meaning, partly in grammatical structure. 
But they are not always distinguished by the structure, since (i) the Ablative 
(like the Ace. and Dat.) may be construed with an Adjective, and (2) the true 
Gen. may be predicative (like an Adj.), and thus apparently construed with 
a Verb. To give a single example : Otwv yovos kari might be (theoretically) = 
he is offspring from-gods (Abl.), and on the other hand OeoJv feyovf may be = /ie is 
offspring of -gods (Gen., see 148). 

147.] The Genitive with Nouns. The manner in which a 
Genitive serves to define or qualify the { governing- ' Noun may 
be very various. E. g. Tpvcov xo^os may mean anger of (i. e. felt 
by) the Trojans, or (as in II. 6. 335) anger at the Trojans, or anger 
on account of the Trojans (as in II. 15. 138 \6\ov vios erjos means 
anger about the death of his son). Compare also 

pKos TroXe/xoto a bulwark in (or against) war. 

UpKos obovrcDv the fence (made) of teeth. 

repas juepo'moy avOpuHrcav a sign to men. 

XdOprj AaoptbovTos with secrecy from Laomedon. 

fiirj atKovros with force used to one unwilling. 

Kv/xara iravroLutv avt^tov the waves raised by all winds. 

o/u,(|>aA.oi Kaaxrirepoto bosses made of tin. 

'\\iov TTTo\i0pov the town of Ilios. 

'0't'A.ryos Ta\vs Alas swift Ajax son of Oileus. 

baifjioviz ^eivtov unaccountable stranger ! 

VOJJLOS v\rj$ pasture ground in the wood. 

VOCTTOS yair]s 3>air\K.u>v return to the land of the Phaeacians. 

virotyios aAAcoj; suspected by others. 

e-nwrpo^oj av0pu>T7(j)v going about among men. 

a(j)Vibs PLOTOLO rich in substance. 

lOvs Aio/u?}8eos straight for Diomede. 

The different uses of the Genitive often answer to the dif- 
ferent meanings given by the Suffixes which serve to form 
Adjectives from Nouns ( 117). Compare, for instance, II. 2. 54 
Neorope'rj Trapa vrjt HvXoiytveos fiao-iXrjos by the ship of Nestor 
the Pylian king ; II. 6. 180 Qtiov yez'os ot>6' avOptoirav the offspring 
of gods, not of men ; rofov atyo'j (II. 4. 105) a bow of goat's horn, 
but dcTKos atyetos a bag of goatskin ; 'Ot'A.T/os ra-^vs Ataj and Atas 
'OtXtciaryy ; TeAajuiajzno? vios the son of Telamon ; and so in the 
Pronouns, ejueto TioQr] (II. 6. 362), but 077 iroOfj (II. 19. 321). 

These uses have been classified as Objective and Subjective, Possessive, 
Partitive, Material, &c. In many cases however the variety of relations 
expressed by the Gen. eludes this kind of analysis. Such classifications, 
moreover, are apt to lead us into the fallacy of thinking that relations which 
are distinct to us, because expressed by different language, were distinctly 
conceived by those who expressed them all in the same way ; the fallacy, in 

142 USE OF CASES. [148. 

short, of supposing the distinctions of thought to be prior to the language 
which embodies them. 

The relation of the Genitive to the governing Noun is in many ways 
analogous to the relation of the Accusative to the Verb, and also to that 
which subsists between the first part of a Compound Noun and the second. 
In each of these cases the relation is that of a defining or qualifying word to 
the notion defined or qualified, and it is one which may be of various kinds, 
as may be suggested by particular combinations of meaning. 

Notice, as especially frequent in Homer 

(1) the use of a Gen. after Nouns meaning grief, anger, &c., 
to express the object or cause of the feeling : as a^os- jjvioyoLO grief 

for the chariot-driver (II. 8. 124, 316, &c.), axoy crtQev (II. 4. 169) ; 
obvvrj 'Hpa/cXr/os (II. 15- 25) j irtvOos iraibbs a/no^Qi^ivoio (II. 1 8. 
88); Kriot' fy&v trapuv (II. 22. 2J2, Od. ii. 382); and so in the 
much-disputed phrase 'EAeVjjs o/ojurjjuara re arova^ds re (II. 2. 356, 
590), which can only mean efforts and groans about Helen. 

(2) the ' partitive ' use after rts (Interrog.) and TIS (Indef .), 
often with several words interposed : as II. 1 . 8 TLS r ap o- 
Oe&v KT\. ; II. I. 88 ov TLS ejuteu f&vros . . x W a * CTroicret 

rcoz> AavaQv no one shall . . . of all the Greeks. 

The partitive Gen. is also seen in the Homeric phrases 8ta 
Otdav bright one among goddesses, dia yvvaiK&v, daijuuwe fctvtov, 
TrdvTMv apibiKTov avop&v (II. 14. 320) : where the governing 
word implies some kind of distinction or eminence. So when 
there is a contrast, as 

II. II. 761 TravTS ' ev^eroco^ro 0e<3z> Ati Neoropt r' avbp&v. 

148.] Genitive in the Predicate. Among the various uses 
of the Gen. in construction with a Verb the first to be noticed 
are those in which the Case evidently retains its attributive or 
adjectival character. This use is rare in Homer : examples are, 
ets ayaOolo thou art of good blood, eTrotryo-ez^ O-CIKOJ aloXov 
ravpav farpe^eW made a shield seven hides thick, of 
(hides of) goodly bulls. In classifying the Greek uses of the 
Gen. the chief object is to separate constructions of this kind (in 
which the Case is ultimately the adjectival or ' true ' Gen.) from 
those in which it represents an Ablative, and therefore is essen- 
tially akin to the Adverbs. 

* Prof. Max Miiller (Lectures, I, p. 103) shows how the Genitive Ending -oio 
(for -o-o-j-o) may be explained as a Suffix of the same kind as those which 
form Adjectives from Nouns. If his hypothesis is admitted, the Genitive is 
simply ' an Adjective without Gender,' in respect of form as well as use. And 
even if the identification on which he chiefly relies (of the Case-ending -sya 
and Suffix -tya with the Pronoun eyas, syd, tyad) should be thought open to 
question, there can be little doubt that the Case is originally ' adnominal ' or 
adjectival in character. 

150.] GENITIVE. 143 

This use of the Gen. is singularly common in Latin: see Roby, 1282. 
The reason for this difference between Greek and Latin evidently is that in 
Latin the Gen. is not confounded with the Abl. The same explanation has 
been given of the free use which Latin makes of the predicative Dative 
( 143, note}. 

149.] Genitive of Place. A Gen. expresses a vague -local 
relation (within, in the sphere of, &c.), in the following uses : 

(1) After a negative 

II. 17. 372 vtcfros b' ov (paiveTo 770,0-77? yatrjs OVT opeW. 

Od. 3. 251 r\ ov/c'Apyeos jjev 'A^auKov. Cp. 14. 98., 21. 109. 

(2) When two sides or alternative places are contrasted 
II. 9. 219 avrbs 6' avriov l&v ^Obvo-afjos 0etoto 

roi^ou TOV erepoto. Cp. 24. 59 8 
Od. I. 23 AWioiras, rol bixQa SeScuarat, ecrxarot avbp&v, 

oi IJLZV bvffOfjievov 'Tirtpiovos, ol 8' aviovros, 

and so perhaps Od. 12. 27 r) oAos TJ CTT! yijs, and Od. 4. 678 av\rjs 
KTOS <*>v in the court outside (cp. 9. 239). 

(3) With Verbs of motion, to express the space within which 
the motion takes place, as II. 2. 785 dteTrprjcrow TreStoto made 
their way over the plain : so lav Tro/Ve'os irebioLo, t'Trrrco 

TreSi'oto, Trebioio io)Ke^ KOVLOVTZS irebiOLO, &c. ; 10. 353 e 
veiolo (3a6ir]s TTTIKTOV aporpov : 24. 264 Iva Trp^ora-cojuez; 6oto, cp. 
Od. 2. 404., 3. 476. This use of the Gen. is almost confined to 
set phrases ; accordingly it is only found with the Gen. in -oio 
(the archaic form). 

The difference of meaning between this Genitive and the 
Accusative of Space ( 138) seems to be that the Ace. measures 
the action of the Verb, whereas the Gen. only gives a local rela- 
tion in which the action stands. When an Ace. of quantity and 
a Gen. are both used, the Ace. often seems to govern the Gen. ; 
e. g. 6/uuA.ou TTO\\OV TT\6(6v advancing far in the throng, Trapef eA- 
Otiv irebioLo rvrOov to go a short space of plain beyond. So with 
Adverbs : tvOa KOL ZvO* Wv&e fJ'CL^rj irebioio : abrjv eAaorat TroAe/xoto ; 
and with a negative : OVK "Apyeos ^v ^e was nowhere in Argos. 
Thus the Gen. has a partitive character. 

15O.] Genitive of Time. This Gen. expresses a period of 
time to which the action belongs, without implying anything as 
to its duration; e.g. 

Od. 14. 161 Tovb' avrov XvitdfiavTos eAevo-erai he will come (some- 
time in) this very year. So II. 5. 523 z^e/uur/? in calm weather ; 
8. 470 fiovs in the morning ; n. 691 r&v vpoTtpwv ereW informer 
years ; 22. 27 o-n-wprjs eto-t goes in autumn. 

It appears from the corresponding construction in Sanscr. and 

144 USE OF CASES. [151. 

Zend that this is the true Genitive (Delbruck, Synt. ForscJi. iv. 

P- 45)- 

For the c Gen. Absolute ' which is akin to the Gen. of time 

see 246. 

151.] The quasi-partitive Genitive. Under this term we 
may include a number of constructions in which the Gen. is 
used (in preference to some other Case) because the action of the 
Verb does not affect the person or thing- in a sufficiently direct 
and unqualified way : e. g. in Acoroio <pay(6v eating of the lotus 
(not eating up the lotus) j Trrepuyos Aa/3e took by the wing (not took 
the wing) ; \ovea-0ai, -Trora/ototo to bathe in a river (but Xovav vban 
to bathe with water).* 

The chief uses to which this view may be applied are : 

(a) With Verbs that imply fastening to, holding by, &c. : II. I. 
197 gavOrjs e Ko'/zrjs eAe rirjAeiWa took Achilles by the hair. 

So x*ipos eAcoz; taking by the hand (but bt&repriv eAe \lpa took 
the right hand], 77080? e'A/<e dragged by the foot, brja-tv vobos fastened 
by the foot, KOVLOS 5eo"pay//.eVos clutching the dust, AtoWo-Kero yovvav 
entreated by seizing the knees, epeiVaro yairjs propped himself against 
the earth (i. e. his hand touching it), jueo-orou bovpbs eAcoz; taking his 
spear by the middle ; and with a metaphorical sense, Trepurxeo 
take charge of thy child, o-e'o eerat will depend upon thee. 

* Delbruck (Synt. Forsch, iv. p. 39) aptly quotes from J. Grimm the saying 
that ' the Accusative shows the fullest, most decided mastering of an object 
by the notion contained in the Verb of the sentence. Less " objectifying " is 
contained in the Gen. ; the active force is tried and brought into play by it, 
not exhausted.' The contrast, however, is to be traced not merely between 
the Gen. and the Ace., but generally between the Gen. and all the Cases 
which are used primarily with Verbs. Thus the Gen. of Space and Time may 
be compared with the Locative, the Gen. of Material with the Instrumental ; 
and perhaps other Genitives with the Abl. ( 151, e, note, 153, note). 

It is important to observe here (especially since we have adopted the term 
' quasi- Partitive ' for these uses) that the partitive relation is not the only 
one which may lie at the root of the construction. The Gen. expresses any 
relation, however indefinite, in which one Noun may stand to another. 

1. The Gen. of Place noticed in 149 (2) is not partitive ; for Svffofjievov 
'Yirepiovos (e. g.} does not mean within sunset, but on the side of, belonging to, sunset. 
The Gen. is like the Latin ( novarum rerum esse ' to be on the side of change ; cp. 
Liv. 22. 50 ad Cannas fugientem consulem vix septuaginta secuti sunt, 
alterius morientis prope totus exercitus fuit. 

2. The Gen. of Time is similar. Such a Gen. as -fjovs in the morning is to be 
compared with the use of the Adj. in tairtpioi atyiKovro they came in the evening, 
lit. belonging to the evening, as men of the evening. It differs from the Dat. of 
Time negatively, in the want of a distinct Locative meaning. 

3. The Gen. of the person with Verbs of hearing, &c. ( 151, <X) is clearly not 
partitive. The thing heard is not part of, but something belonging to, the person. 
But the Gen. of the sound heard may be partitive ; and so is doubtless the Gen. 
of material, 151, e. 

As to the Gen. of price, see 153. If a true Gen., it is not partitive. 

151.] GENITIVE. 145 

The Gen. in this group of uses is probably akin to the Gen. of 
the space within which action takes place, 149. Compare, for 
example, epeuraro yairjs with te TOL\OV TOV ere'pou, passages 
given under the same head by Kuhner ( 418, 8, a). Or it may 
be Ablatival : cp. TTpvfjivr]0v Ad/3e, 159. 

(V) With Verbs meaning to touch, to hit (an object aimed at), to 
reach (a person), to put in or on (a chariot, ship, wall, &c.), with 
the derivative meanings, to attain to, get a place or share in, &c. ; 
as aXXri\(*)v C^LKOVTO got at each other ; ri^e yap p ajjiddoio paOtir/s 
he happened to fall in deep sand ; so venpovs irvpKa'ifjs eirtvrivcov 
heaped the corpses on the funeral pile ; so metaphorically, K.OLK.&V 
fTnf3a(TK^V to bring into mischief ; avriaav TroAe/xoto to join in 
war, avnotov l/caro^/S^s (but II. I. 31 (JLOV Ae^oj avriouLxrav because 
Ae^os is'the whole object, cp. 136, i). 

(c) With Verbs meaning to aim at, strive after, desire, care for, 
complain of, grieve for, be angry about, &c. ; as Alavros CLKOVTHTG 
threw a dart at Ajax, ov Tratbos dpearo held out his arms for his 
child, o-KOTre'Acou e-TTtjuateo feel for the rocks (but e-Trejutatero LTTTTOVS 
touched up the horses), eTreiyo/xeyos 1 "Aprjos hasting to (eager for) 
battle, T>V ov n joterarpe-Trrj ovb' dAeyifeu these you do not regard or 
heed, KVK\(*)TTOS Kexo'Awrat is enraged on behalf of the Cyclops ; and 
many similar instances. 

Kuhner ( 416, Anm. 9) quotes II. 5. 582 xW^V ayK&va 
TVX&V fjLcaov as a use of rvy\ava) with the Ace. But it is possible 
to construe ayK&va with /3aAe in the earlier part of the sentence. 

Si) With Verbs meaning to hear, perceive, know of, remember, 
the like ; the Gen. expressing 

(1) the person from whom sound comes ; 

(2) the person about whom something is heard, known, &c. 

(3) the sound heard (but the Ace. is more usual). 

The particular thing heard or known is often indicated by a 
Participle agreeing with the Genitive : e. g. 

II. I. 257 e ' ox/xSi'z; ra Traira TrvOoiaro ^apva^voi'iv { if they 
heard of all this fighting on your par t\ 

II. 4. 357 ws yuo) ytooiitvoio ( = &>s eyva avrov on 

Od. 2. 220 t 8e K TtOvri&Tos aK.ovcra> : so 4. 728, &c. 

The Verb oI8a, when it means to know about, to be skilled in, 
takes a Gen., as II. n. 657 ovbe TL ote nevOeos knows nothing of 
the sorrow. So Od. 21. 56 ^opjottyyoj eTrto-rdjute^os KCU doiSrys : II. 
16. 811 bubavKoiJitvos TroAe/moto. 

So fjiejjivT)jjLai takes a Gen. when it means I bethink myself of , 
am affected by the memory (II. 2. 686, Od. 15. 23) : see 140, 
4, a. Cp. Lat. memini with the Gen. or Ace., perhaps with a 
similar difference of meaning (Roby, 1332). 


146 USE OF CASES. [151. 

(e) The Gen. of material, &c. The construction so termed is 
found with Verbs that imply the use of a material (especially 
one of indefinite quantity), a stock drawn upon, &c. E.g. 

II. l. 470 KOVpOL juei> Kprjrrjpas tTrto-rtyavTo TTOTOIO filed up the 
cups to the brim with liquor ; 9. 214 7ra<r<re 5' aAo's sprinkled with 
salt. So irvpos in the phrases irpijcraL Tivp6s to burn with fire, 
Tfvpbs jueiAio-ore'juey to propitiate (the dead) with Jire. 

II. 1 8. 574 xpixroio TTv^aTo were made of gold. 

Od. 3. 408 a7rooTtA/3oFres dAeu|>aros shining with fat. 
And with a distinctly partitive force : 

Od. i. 140 \api(p^vri itaptovTav favouring him (with good 
things) from her store ; 9. 102 Acoroio Qaytov eating of the lotus; 
and so with yevo> to give a taste of. 

II. 5. 268 rrjs ye^erjs ocAex/re stole (a strain) from the, brood. 

9. 580 irebioLo TCLfjLto-Oai to cut off (a Tjjivos) from the plain. 
14. 121 'ASpTJoroio ' eyTjjue Ovyarp&v married (one) from the 
daughters of Adrastus (so Od. 9. 225., 12. 64., 15. 98). 

The Gen. with Verbs meaning to stint, grudge, spare is pro- 
bably of the same nature (to stint being = to give little). 

The Genitives in Aoueo-flai Trorajuoto to bathe in a river, xetpas 
vi^rapevos 770X1^9 aAo? washing his hands in the sea, &c. are inter- 
mediate between this group and the Genitives of Space ( 149). 

A Gen. of the person may be used with Verbs meaning to gain 
profit from; e.g. II. I. 410 Iva. 7rdvTs (iravpcovTai (3a(nXfjos : 1 6. 
31 TI (rev aAAo? o^o-erat ; Od. 1 1. 452 vlos tviTTXrja-OTJvai (vlos = the 
company of his son) : also with -jreipao/xai to try (Od. 8. 23); cp. 
the Gen. with yewo. 

Note also the elliptical expression, II. 21. 360 ri /mot e/>i5os KCU 
apwyrys what (share) have I in combat and aid ? 

Most of these Genitives are clearly f partitive/ and all of 
them can be explained as ' true ' Genitives. There is a similar 
use of the Gen. in Sanscrit with Verbs meaning to enjoy, &c. 
(Delbruck, A. S. 109). Some however may be Ablatives. In 
particular, the Gen. of material with re^xto, Troieto, &c. is so re- 
garded by Delbriick (Synt. Forsch. iv. p. 48) on the ground of the 
Sanscrit use. It may be that in certain cases the original usage 
allowed either Gen. or Abl., according to the shade of meaning 
to be expressed ; just as with Verbs of filling Latin employs the 
Gen. or the Abl. 

(f) With Verbs meaning to rule, be master ; viz. 
di/daao), Gen. of the place or thing, as II. I. 38 Teue'doto' re t$t 

di/ao-o-eis : Od. 24. 30 rtju?js r}s ircp aracrcres : of the people, only II. 
jo. 32, Od. ii. 376. The Gen. of the thing and I)at. of the 
people combined, II. 20. 180 TpoWo-iz; ava^tiv rt/x^j rrj? npta/xou. 
{JaaiXeu'w : Od. 1. 401., TI. 285. 

II. I. 79 'Apyetwi; Kpareet has poiver over the Argives. 


o-Y]|jLaiVw : II. 14. 85 (TTparov a\\ov a-rjfjiaiveiv : so riyov^ai, &c. 
OejjLurreuw : Od. 9. 1 14 0fJLL(TTVL 8e ocao-ros iratbav 778' a\6^a)v. 
It is probable, from the analogy of Sanscrit, that this is the 
true Gen. ; but the original force of the Case is obscure. 

152.] The Ablatival Genitive. The Ablative expressed the 
object (person, place, or thing) from which separation takes 
place, and is represented by the Gen. in various uses : as 
avtbv noXifjs aAo's rose from the grey sea. 
K\vdov gave way from the path. 
/xax 7 ?? were stayed from the fight. 
eepyei pvlav keeps off a fly from her child. 
8ia>Kro oto So'jototo was chased from his house. 
KaKo'rrjros eAixraz; delivered from ill. 
areju/3o'/xei>o9 fcrjs defrauded of a share. 
7rai8o? ede^aro received from her son. 
TTL0(v -fi^vcra-^To otvos wine was drawn from, casks. 
*Az;TiAo'xoio AetTrero was left behind Antilochus. 
yovv yovvbs a/zet/Scoz; exchanging knee past knee (=putting them 
in front by turns). 

7 begin from (a point), II. 9. 97, Od. 21. 142. 
ct) I miss, lose, fail in. 
Tputas a/xwe vt&v keep off the Trojans from the ships: so with 

va), TrvvOdvofjiai, <-K\VOV hear from : see 151, d. 
) Troteo) I make of ' (material) : see 151, e. 

For the Gen. with Verbs of buying, selling, &c v see 153. 

Adjectives implying separation (want, freedom, &c.) may take 
an Ablatival Gen. by virtue of their equivalence to Verbs of 
similar meaning ; or they may be construed as Nouns, that is 
to say, with a true Gen. E.g. Aetos Trerpacoi; might be smooth 
(i. e. cleared?) from rocks, or smooth as to rocks. Cp. the similar 
Latin Adjectives which take either Abl. or Gen. 

The Gen. with Adjectives of comparison represents the Abla- 
tive (cp. the Latin construction). It expresses the point from 
which the higher degree of a quality is separated: cp. the Gen. 
with Verbs of excelling and falling behind, and with Adjectives 
of similar meaning, as Od. 21. 254 fiirjs emdeue'e? etjuez; 'Obv<rfjo$ 
we are wanting in strength behind (compared with) Ulysses. 

In Sanscrit the Abl. is used with numerals to express the point from which 
we count. A trace of this may be seen in the elliptical form ScabcK&TT) ore KT\. 
the twelfth day (from the day) when &c. (II. 21. 81, cp. Od. 3. 180). 

The Gen. with ef , aTro, irapa, wpo's, Trpo, virep, -rre/H (beyond), VTTO 
(from under), Kara (down from), and the Verbs compounded with 
them, is Ablatival ; with some of the ( improper Prepositions/ as 

L 2 

348 USE OF CASES. [153. 

X<wpi?, avtv, TTJAe, arep, vocrtyi, a/uu^i's, IKQ?, eKro'j, a\//-, TtdXiv, it may 
be either the Ablative or the true Genitive. When motion from 
is not implied, the Case is probably the true Gen. ; see 228. 

It should be observed that the use of the Ablatival Gen. with 
simple Verbs is comparatively restricted in Homer. It is not 
used, as it is in Sanscrit, with simple Verbs of going, coming, 
bringing (e.g. we could not substitute the Gen. for the form in 
-Qev in such phrases as KXicrirjOev lovva, aypoOtv p\opevr], olitoOtv 
?|ye, 'IAio'0ei> fxe <j>tpa>v, &c.), but only with Verbs which imply 
separation or distance from a point, or which are compounded with 
Prepositions such as e, OTTO', &c. 

Later poets seem to be more free in this respect (probably because they 
treated the usage as an archaism, adopted as being poetical) : e. g. Soph. 0. T. 
142 ftaPpcav 'iffraaOf, Ant. 418 xO v s ddpas, Phil. 630 rea-s d-yovra, &c. Further 
extensions are, the use for the place from which something is seen, as Soph. 
El. 78, 324, and for the agent, Eur. Or. 497, El. 123. 

153.] Gen. of Price. Verbs meaning to change places with 
take an Ablatival Gen., as yovv yovvos CL^L^U^V (quoted in the 
last section) : hence the constructions 

II. 6. 235 re^x/ afjLifi \pva-a xa\Kuoz> exchanged armour, 
golden (passing in exchange] for bronze. 

II. I. ill XpvoTj&os ayAa' airowa ... 6eao-#at to accept a splen- 
did ransom for Chryseis ; so Od. n. 327 77 \pvo-ov ^tAou avopbs 
e8ea,TO who took gold for (to betray) her husband. 

II. n. 1 06 eAucre^ aTToivcov released for a ransom. 

Hence we may explain the construction with Verbs meaning 
to value at, set off against (a price) ; as II. 23. 649 TI/XT/S rjs re' jtx' 
TtrifjifjcrOai ; so with the Adjectives cbraftoy, &c. 

It is possible however that a word expressing value or price may be con- 
strued as a Gen. with a Noun. As we can say reject 4aTo^j3oia armour worth 
a hundred oxen, we might have rtvx^a (Karov &owv (as in Attic prose, e. g. Se/ca 
JJLVUJV \(apiov a plot worth ten minae) ; cp. the Latin magni emere, magnifacere, &c. 

Case-forms in 

154.] The Case-Ending -4>i(0 is found in a number of 
Homeric forms which appear to be construed indifferently as 
Datives or Genitives. It will be shown, however, that there is 
ground for believing these forms to have been used for the Dat. 
only in the instrumental and locatival senses (the latter being 
comparatively rare), and for the Gen. only in the ablatival 
sense. They formed, therefore, a * mixed Case/ composed of the 
same elements as the Latin Ablative, viz. the original Instr. 
Abl. and Loc. 

In respect of usage these forms are archaic : that is to say, 
they are confined for the most part to lines and phrases of a 

156.] FORMS IN -*I(N). 149 

fixed conventional type. In several instances the survival is 
evidently due to the influence of the metre : thus 8aKpu6<ju, onrj- 
take the place of baupvaiv, (TTiiBt&v ; ooreotfuy and iK.pi6$iv } of 
oVreoim, and iKpiav, iKpLoicri forms impossible in a hexa- 
meter. So 8 1* opecr<f>i ; KUT* Specie,, UTT* o^eo^t, for 6t' dpeaw, K.O.T 

155.] Instrumental. The forms in -$i(v) appear to have been 
forms of the Instrumental (Sing, and Plur.), and the majority of 
the Homeric examples may be referred to that Case : cre'pq^t 
with the other hand (II. 16. 734, &c.), 8efirepr?</H (Od. 19. 480); 
j3iT](f)L ly force (II. 16. 826, 6d. I. 403, &c., and in the phrase 
Kpa.Tpfj(f)L fitrj^i), also in strength (ftirj^i (/>eprepo?_, Od. 6. 6, &c.) ; 
avayKatr](f)i ba^vras (II. 2O. 143); yVrj(f)L z/ecoraros (II. 14. 112, 
&c.) : ba.Kpv6(f>i TT\ija-0v were filled with tears (II. 17. 696,, &c.). 

In the ' comitative ' use, avroivw oyta-fyLv chariot and all, nr- 
TIOKTIV KOL oxeo-Qiv with horses and chariot (II. 12. 1 14, Od. 4. 533); 
with Prepositions, aju' ?)ot <$>aivoi*,vr]($>iv, crvv linroKTiv Kai O^O-^LV 
(often in the Iliad), also Trap o%ea-(j)iv (construed with Verbs of 
rest, II. 5. 28, 794., 8. 565., 12. 91., 15. 3) unless d^o-(f)Lv is a 
Loc. ( 157); with words expressing agreement, likeness, &c., as 
ira\diJ.r](f)LV dprj/oet fitted his hand, Qtofyiv JUTJOTCO/) ardAairos (II. 7. 
366, &c.). 

With Verbs of trusting ; II. 4. 303 iinroa-vvrj re Kal 
; so dyAair^t (II. 6. 510), /3tr](/)t (several times). 

156.] Ablative. Forms used as Ablatival Genitives are 
II. 2. 794 vavfyiv atyopfjiriOtltv start from the ships. 
13. 700 vav<piv a^jivvo^voL defending the ships ( 152). 

3. 368 e/c 6e pot ey^os ^t'X^ 1 ? TiaXa^ri^iv. 
10. 458 0,770 ju,ei> . . Kvverjv K(j)aXrj(f)Lv ZXovro. 
Od. 5. 152 ba,Kpv6(j)Lv TtpaovTo were dried from tears* 

8. 279 Ka6vTTp0 }jLt\a0p6(f)LV efeKexf^ro. 
With the Prepositions 
c : as e evvrjtyi, K dtofyiv, CK TracraaXo^L, CK Trovrotyiv, CK OT?/- 

f Ep^(T(f)LV, &C. 

diro : as onro vtvprj<piv, avrotyiv, x a \KO(f)L ) OTrfOfa'fav, vav<j)L, &e. 
irapd when it means /row ; II. 12. 225 'Trapci vavtyiv eAeuff-d/jie^' 
rrd KeXtvBa, Od. 14. 498 Trapd vavtyw 7rorpWte z/eeo-^at. So 
1 8. 305 Trapd vavtyiv dyeVrrj 8tos ' 

8. 4/4 Tr/H^ opQai irapa vavfjx, 
16. 281 \TTOfJivoL Trapa vav(j)L 7ro8a>Kea 

In these three places the notion of leaving the ships is implied, 
so Trapa vavffri has the meaning of napa 

1.50 USE OF CASES. [157. 

down from: KCIT o/oeo-^t (II. 4. 452., 1 1. 493). 

under : VTT oyjtcrfyi (II. 23. 7), VTTO vy6$w (II. 24. 576). 

With this use of -<j>t we may compare the use of the Dative with ! and diro, 
which is one of the peculiarities of the Arcadian and Cyprian dialects 
(Meister, ii. 119, 296). The parallel of the Latin Abl. has been noticed. 

157.] Locative. This use is found in several clear instances, 
as well as others of an indecisive kind : 

II. 19. 323 ^6ir](f)L in Phthia ; II. 13. 168 KXivirifyi AeAetTrro was 
left in the tent ; Qvp^iv out of doors, for is (Od. 9. 238., 22. 220); 
Kt(j)a^rj(j)Lv 0rjK put on the head (II. 10. 30, 257* 261 ; cp. 496, 
Od. 20. 94); II. ii. 474 s et re 8a$oiz;ot 07/pes opta-fyiv : 19. 376 
TO 8e Kaierai v\l/oO' optvfyiv : 22. 139 T^re /apKos Sptovfup /crA. ; 
22. 189 a>s 8' ore vtflpbv opeo-^u KVWJ; KrA. ; II. 2. 480 ?}i;re 
dye'Arjc/H /xey' eo)(os eTrAero Tiavrav : 1 6. 487 aye'A?7<i 
coming into the herd. 

With the Prepositions : ei/, as II. 24, 284 ez; x ei p Nt 
<|)ti;( = Od. 15. ^48): irpos, in Od. 5- 432 irpos Korv\.r)bov6(piv 
(sticking} to the suckers: dfjuju, in Od. 16. 145 <f)6ivv6ei 8' a^ 
Goreo'c^t \p<6s: UTTO, in -UTT' oyjtcrfyi, VTTO fyyofyi (II. 19. 404, unless 
the meaning is from under}. 

With eiri 0#, fl^, in the combinations eTrt iKpiofyiv, eV 
eirl vtvprjtyiv (all in the Od.) the Case may be Loc. or Gen. 

irap' avro<{>i occurs four times in the Iliad (12. 302., 13. 42., 20. 140., 23. 
640). In three of these places there is a v. 1. imp' ainoQi (or irapavroOi), which 
generally gives a better sense, and which is required by the grammar in 
13. 42 C\.ITOVTO Se vrjas 'A^atcDj/ alprjfftiv KTfVfeiv TC trap avr6(pi ( = jrapa vrjvai}. 
So 19. 255 ITT' avro(piv rfaro ffiyy where avroOi (Nauck) is probably right. It 
seems that the Endings -0i and -<j>t were confused, possibly at a very early 

158.] The true Dat. and Gen. There is only one example of 
the true Dat._, viz. II. 2. 363 o>s (frprjrpri <$>pj\Tpr}<$)iv apTJyrj, fyvKa 8e 
(f)vkois that phratria may bear aid to phratria, and tribe to tribe. 

The instances of the true Gen. are 

(1) II. 21. 295 Kara J IAio'<|H K\vra rei'^ea Xabv ee'Ao-at to coop up 
the army within the famous walls of Ilios. 

(2) II. 21. 367 retpe b' dirrjUTj *H(aurroio fi{r)(f)L TioX.v<j)povos the 
Ireath of Hephaestus (^H^atVroto j3ir]) wore him out. 

(3) Od. 12. 45 TroAi/s 8'a/x^)' dcrreo^ti/ 0ls avbp&v nvOo^v^v there 
is around a great heap of bones } of men rotting. But this may be an 
Instr. of material, = ( a heap (is made) of bones/ 

(4) II. 16. 762 K(f)a\fj(J)iv TTlkd(3v oiyl pcOifi (Gen., 151, a); 
d ii. 

and ii. 350 ovb' a^a/uapre TLTVOTKO^LCVOS /ce^aA^tz; (but the Gen. 
might be construed with d(/>a/xapre, as an Abl.). 

1 59-] FORMS IN -0EN AND -112. 151 

(5) Certain uses with Prepositions; viz. em in II. 13. 308 r) 
cirl b*(t(tyiv . . TI eV api(TTp6(f)Lv towards right or Left ; irpoaOe in 
II. 5. 107 itpfotf tirnotiv Koi oxto-Qiv : Sid through, in 8ta 5e OTTJ- 
0(T(f)Lv (?Xaa-(Tv (II. 5- 4 1 * &c.), also 10. 185 

The first four of these references evidently do not prove much. The first 
would be a clear instance of the true Gen. if we could be sure of the text : but 
there is some probability in favour of 'IXCoo ( 98), proposed by Leo Meyer 
(Ded. p. 35). In II. 21. 367 we may perhaps take pi-rjQi as an Instr. : hot 
breath vexed him through (by reason of ) the might of Hephaestus. 

Again, the use with cm may be locatival, with irpoaOe ablatival (as with 
irpo). The uses with Sid are more important, because they are not isolated, 
but form a distinct group. It is improbable that did through should take an 
ablatival Gen. or a Locative. The Sanscrit Instr. is used of the space or time 
over which an action extends (Delbriick, A. S. 88) : and so the Abl. in Latin 
(Roby, 1176, 1189). This use appears in Greek as the Dat. of the way by 
which, and perhaps in the phrases irfpuovri TW 0e/>et, &c. It may be thought 
possible that 81' opecr<f>t and 5<d oTt\Qia$i are fragments of this use. If so, one 
or two other uses assigned above to the Loc. may be really Instr. ; especially 
opeaft, II. ii. 474., 22. 139, 189. 

On the other hand, if the forms in -<f>i(v) constitute a ' mixed Case ' (Locative, 
Instrumental, and Ablative), there must have been a tendency to extend its 
sphere from the Loc. and Instr. to the Dat., and from the Abl. to the Gen. 
Thus the few instances of forms in -<|H(V) standing for the true Dat. and Gen. 
may be first steps towards an amalgamation of five Cases (such as we have 
in the Greek Dual). One or two are probably among the ' false archaisms ' 
which doubtless exist in Homer, though not to the extent supposed by some 
commentators : see 216. 

Forms in -Qev and -ws. 

159.] The Ending -Qev expresses the point from which motion 
takes place ; hence it is common in construction with Verbs of 
motion, and after the Prepositions e and dir<5. Cp. also 

II. 3. 276 Ze Trarep "IbrjOtv juedeW ruling from Ida. 

8. 397 "lbi]0v 7Tt t5e when he saw, looking from Ida. 
15. 716 "Eicrcop 8e irpv^vrjOev eiret Aa/3e when he had got hold 
from (i. e. in the direction from, beginning witJi) the stem ; so 
ere'pcotfey on the other side, a/u$ore'pa>0ev on both sides. 

Of time ; f]S>Qtvfrom (beginning with) dawn. 

In a metaphorical sense ; of an agent (regarded as the source 
of action), as II. 15. 489 Ato'0ez> /3Aa</>0ei>ra /3e'Ae/mm : Od. 16.447 
ovbe ri }JLLV Bavarov rpojuteea-^at avu*ya e/c ye juprjanypaw 6e60v 5' OVK. 
ear' aA.e'ao-0ai. Also, II. IO. 68 irarpoOev CK yVr}s ovo^d^v naming 
from (on the side of) the father. And in two phrases, II. 7. 39, 2,26 
olodtv otoj quite alone, and II. 7. 97 alvoOcv alv&s quite terribly, 
where the force of the Ending is indistinct. 

It is to be observed that (except in the Personal Pronouns) 
this form is not found with Verbs meaning to deprive of , free 

USE OF CASES. [160. 

from, defend, surpass, or with the corresponding Adjectives and 
Adverbs. Hence it cannot be held to be equivalent to an Ab- 
lative ( 152), and probably differed from the Abl. in expressing 
motion from rather than separation. 

On the other hand, the Pronominal forms fyeOtv, vtQtv, eOev 
are freely construed 

(1) as Ablatives: Trpb tOev, virtp vtQev, avtv ZfjitOtv ; and with 
a Comparative, II. I. 114 ov kQtv eort ^epeiW, &c. Cp. also II. 
9. 419 /xaAa yap 0tv . . X^ L P a ^ v Wp^tf)(<, 

(2) as true Genitives: II. 4. 169 dAAa JJLOL alvov axos o-0v 
eo-o-ercu I shall have terrible grief for thee ; with Verbs of hearing 
(II. 2. 26, &c.), remembering (Od. 4. 592), caring (II. i. 180 a-6tv 
8' eyo> OVK dAeytfeo), reaching or touching (dyrid(Jo, Treipafoo, &c.) : 
and with ao-ow, irpoo-Oe, avra, avriov, VKa } 

160.] The Ending -us is generally derived from the Ablative 
of Stems in -o ( no), although -of, would not regularly become 
-&>s, and the transition of meaning is not a very easy one. The 
chief examples in common use in Homer are 

From Pronominal Stems : ws, r<3j, TT&S, ojawj, cwrcos, aXXcos. 

From Stems in -o : alv>$, ao-Trao-tW, eKTrayXcoj, eTTKrra/xeVa)?, 
OaparaXeas, Ka/cws, KapTra\i^s } KpcuirvSts, KpaTcp&s, drpaAecoj, TTVKL- 
v&s, pr/t'Stcos, orepeaijj arvyepa)?, ^aAe'jr&is, /^teydAcaj, KaA<3? 3 

From other Stems : Trarrcoj, Atyeco?, drpeKecoj, do-^aAeco?, acfrpa- 


It will be seen that comparatively few of these Adverbs come from the sftor^ 
familiar Adjectives. Thus /taXo/s, CU<TX/WS, ncfaXeos, raxfojs, ^tAcws are very rare 
in Homer ; and there is no Adverb of the kind from Sctvoy, laos, bpQos, 

The Nominative. 

161.] Impersonal Verbs. It is evident that in a language 
which distinguishes the Person and Number of the Verb by the 
Ending, it is not essential that there should be a distinct word 
as Nominative, ea-rt (e.g.) stands for he is, she is, it is ; the 
person or thing meant by the Ending may be left to be gathered 
from the context. In certain cases, however, the Subject meant 
by an Ending of the Third Person is too indefinite to be expressed 
by a particular Noun, such as the context could supply to the 
mind. For instance, in the sentence ovrcoj (r-rt it is so, the real 
Subject given by the Ending -TI (in English by the word it) is 
not a particular thing already mentioned or implied, but a vague 

162.] NOMINATIVE. 153 

notion ' the case/ ' the course of things/ &c.* Verbs used with 
a vague unexpressed Subject of this kind are called IMPERSONAL. 

The vague Subject may be a Plural, as II. 16. 128 OVKZTL (J)VKTGL 
TTtXovTat the case no longer allows of flight, Od. 2. 203 tcra eo-o-erat 
things will be even. 

A Neuter Pronoun used as the Subject sometimes gives a 
vague meaning, not far removed from that of an Impersonal 
Verb; e.g. II. I. 564 et 8' OVTM TOVT eort if this is so (cp. OVTMS 
eon' it is so) ; <r6\bv KOL TO reVv/crai it is a good thing too. 

An Impersonal Verb is often followed by an Infinitive, or 
dependent Clause, which supplies the want of a Subject. See 
234, 2. 

162.] Nominative in the Predicate. In certain cases the 
Predicate of a sentence may be limited or modified by a Nomina- 
tive in agreement with the Subject. This is especially found 

1. With Adjectives of time ; as lo-Trepiot afyiKovro they came in 
the evening, evvv^ios TTpo^o\u>v coming forth by night, tvbov -navvv^LOi 
slept all night, x0 L os tfa wen *' yesterday. 

Such Adjectives seem to answer most nearly to the Gen. of 
time within which, but may also express duration, as ^aurj^pLos 
and Travvv)(Los. 

2. In describing the attitude, manner, position, &c. in which an 
action is done : as -naXivopcros a-nivrr) stood off with a start lack- 
wards, VTTTLOS o$8et ZptiarOr) was dashed face upwards on the ground ; 
so Trefo? eiA.?jAoi>0a, \afipbs e7raiyifa>j>, Ttpofypw rerXr^/cas (cp. Trpo- 
</>poyea)j), djuer/ooe' 77179 eKoAwa^ &c. 

3. The Pronouns o8e and Ketz^oj are sometimes used instead of 
Adverbs of place : II. 5. 604 KOL vvv ot irdpa KZLVOS "Aprjs now too 
yonder is Ares at his side ; 10. 434 0p?ji'Kes ot6 5 airdvtvOt here are 
the Thracians apart; Od. 6. 276 n's 5' 68e Navo-tKcia eTrerat ; So 
OVTOS in II. JO. 82 rts 8' OVTOS KrA.. 

4. With Verbs meaning to 6e, to become, to appear, to be made, 
called, thought, &c. ; as /ca/moroi rpdtyev they were nurtured the 
mightiest, (i. e. to be the mightiest) ; et(ra>7rot tytvovro vtGtv they 
came to be in front of the ships: rjbe aplarr] (ftaivero fiov\r) this ap- 
peared the best counsel. 

In all such cases the Nominative which goes with the Verb not only qualifies 
the notion given by the Verb-Stem, but also becomes itself a Predicate (t. e. 
the assertion of an attribute). E. g. /cdpriaroi rpa^ev implies that they were 
KapTwrroi. A Noun so used is called a SECONDARY Predicate. 

The use of eljju as the ' logical copula ' is merely a special or ' singular ' case 

* See Kiddell's Digest, 95-100: Sigwart, Impersonalien. 

154 USE OF CASES. [162. 

of this type of sentence. The Verb has then little or no meaning of its own, 
but serves to mark the following Noun as a Predicate. The final stage of 
the development is reached when the Verb is omitted as being superfluous. 

5. With Impersonal or half-Impersonal Verbs meaning to be, 
&c. ; the Predicate being 

(a) a Neuter Adjective ; as juo'po-i/xoz; ecm it is fated ; ye/xeo-- 
arrjrov Be* KV eiT? it would be worthy of indignation ; ov rot aeiKe's it 
is not unmeet for thee : with a Pronominal Subject, to-OXbv yap TO 
TeTVKTaL it is a good thing. 

In the Plural, OVK^TL (frvKTa tf&oprat there is no more escaping ; 
cp. Aoiyia epya ra8' eWerai this will be a pestilent business. 

In one or 'two instances the Adverbial form in -ws is used in 
phrases of this kind : II. n. 762 o>? eW et TTOT eW ye suck 1 was 
if I was ; II. 9. 55 r KovpTJreo-ort /caK<3? fjv things went ill for the 
Curetes ; II. 7. 424 bLayv&vai, xaAeTnSs 1 r\v it was hard to distinguish; 
II. II. 838 TTCOS T ap' eot ra8e epya ; Od. II. 336 TTW? v^iv avrjp 
ode (fraivtTaL eii/at. This may be regarded as older than the 
Neut. Nominative, since it indicates that the Verb is not a mere 
' copula/ but has a meaning which the Adverb qualifies. Cp. 
II. 6. 131 byv fy lived long ( = Srjmios fjv) : also the Adverbial 
Neut. Plur., as Thuc. I. 25. 4 o^res . . o/xoia, 3. 14. i ta-a KCLI 
tKerat eoyzeV. 

(b) an abstract Noun ; as II. 17. 556 <rot JJLZV 8r/ MereAae Karry- 
<f)ir] KOI ovidos cVo-erat et KrA. ^ ^^ ^ w?7^ be a humbling and 
reproach if fyc. ; ov re/xea-ts it is no wrong ; OVK apa rts x^P t? ^ ez; ^ 
?<;a^ o matter of thanks ; et 8e /xot ato-a ^?^ if it is my fate : with 
a Pronominal Subject, ACO/STJ ro"8e y* eWercti ^M w?7/ 6^ shame. 

The use of an abstract Noun instead of an Adjective is a 
license or boldness of language of which we have already had 
examples; see 116 and 126. 

It is worth while to notice the tendency to import the ideas 
of obligation, necessity, &c. into these phrases : e.g. ov re/uteo-ts it is 
not (worthy of, a matter of] indignation, ovtibos eWerai it will be 
(ground of) reproach. So in Latin vestra existimatio est = it is 
matter for your judgment. 

The Latin idiom called the Predicative Dative (Roby, Pt. II. pp. xxv- Ivi) 
may be regarded as a less violent mode of expression than this Nom., since 
the Dat. is a case which is originally ' adverbial/ i. e. construed with the 
Predicate given by the Verb-Stem. In other words, dedecori est is a less bold 
and probably more primitive way of saying it is disgraceful than dedecus est ; 
just as KO.KWS fjv is more primitive than KCIKOV -fjv. 

6. The ordinary use of the Participle belongs to this head : as 
diaorrjrr/z; eptVavre parted after having quarrelled. In this use the 
Participle qualifies the Verb-Stem, and at the same time makes 
a distinct assertion : see Chapter X. 

164.] VOCATIVE. 155 

163.] Interjectional Nominative. The Nom. is not unfre- 
quently used in Homer without any regular construction, as a 
kind of exclamation : e.g. 

II. 5- 4O5 aoi * cirl TOVTOV avfJKe Oca yXavK&TTis 'AOrivr), 

vrjTTios, ov8e TO oi6e KT\. fool ! he knows not fyc. 
Similarly o-xerAios cruel! bvo-fjLopos the unhappy one! (Od. 20. 
194) : and so II. i. 231 br]fjLoj36pos pacnkevs I Cp. the inter jectional 
use of albas shame ! (II. 5. 787., 13. 95., 16. 422). 

A similar account may be given of one or two passages in 
which commentators generally suppose ' anacoluthon ' : viz. 

II. 10. 436 rov 877 KaAAioTovs fonrovs Ibov ?)5e 

AevKorepoi ^LOVOS, deiLv 6 GLV^OKTIV 
whiter than snow they are ! &c. ; and so in the equally abrupt 

II. 10. 547 ctiVwy aKTiv(T(nv eouores ?]eAioio. 

2. 353 a<TTpaTTT(Dv e7Ti8ei' vaL(TL[jLa (njjuara <j)aiV(*>v (he did so 
I tell you) by lightning on the right fyc. 

Od. I. 5 l VTJO-OS 8ez;6prjeo-a-a, ^ea 8' vl 8co//ara vaUi an island (it 
is) well wooded, and a goddess has her dwelling there I 

These forms of expression, when we seek to bring them under the general 
laws of the grammatical Sentence, resolve themselves into Predicates with an 
unexpressed Subject. On the logical Propositions of this kind see Sigwart 
(Logik, I. p. 55). The Predicate, he shows, is always expressed in a word (or 
words) ; but the Subject, when it is of the kind which would be expressed by 
a Pronoun (it, this, &c.) may be indicated by a gesture. The simplest examples 
of the type are the imperfect sentences used by children, such as horse ! for 
this is a horse. When such sentences are introduced into literary language, 
they give it an abrupt and interjectional character, as in the examples quoted. 
We might add the phrases such as ov vejj.f<ns it is no wrong ( 162), in which 
the want of a Verb makes the expression somewhat interjectional. Compare, 
for instance, ov vepeffts with aidus, 'A/yyetbt shame on you, Greeks! also the 
so-called ellipse in commands, as d\\' ova but up ! 

The Vocative. 

164.] Regarding the use of the Vocative in Homer the chief 
point to be noticed is the curious one (common to Greek and 
Sanscrit) that when two persons are addressed, connected by re, 
the second name is put in the Nominative.* For instance 
II. 3. 277 ZeO TTcirep "IbrjOtv /xeSeW K$)tore jue'yiare, 

'HeAtos ff 6s KT\. 

Similarly, the Vocative is not followed by 8e or any similar 
Conjunction, but the Pronoun a-v is interposed; as II. I. 282 
<ru 8e nave KT\. but, son of Atreus, cease Sfc. 

* Delbriick, Synt. Forsch. iv. p. 28. 

156 ADJECTIVES. [165. 

The Nominative is often used for the Voc., especially, it would 
seem, in order to avoid the repetition of the Voc. ; e.g. II. 4. 
189 <i'Aos & Mez; On this point however it is not always 
possible to trust to the accuracy of the text. Cobet (Misc. Grit. 
p. 333) has good grounds in the metre for proposing to change 
a great many Vocatives into Nominatives : e.g. 

II. 23. 493 Aiay 'lbofjiVv re (read Alas 'ISojueueuy re). 

II. 2. 8 oi)Ae ovLp (read ov\os). 

Od. 8. 408 x a V e irdrep 2> etz;e (read irar-qp). 

II. 18. 385 ri:rre 0e'ri rawTTCTrAe i/abeis (0e'ris Zenod.). 

Adjectival Use of the Noun. 

165.] Substantive and Adjective. This seems a convenient 
place for one or two remarks on the distinction expressed by 
these terms. 

It will be seen from 114 and 117 that there is no general 
difference in the mode of forming Substantives and Adjectives. 
Certain Suffixes, however, are chiefly or wholly employed in the 
formation of abstract and collective Nouns : as in the Feminine 
Nouns in -n-s, -ru-s, -Sow, the Neuters in -jua(r), the Denomin- 
atives in -rrjs (Gen. -rrjr-os). 

In respect of meaning and use the distinction between the 
concrete Substantives and Adjectives is practical rather than 
logical. Certain Nouns are mainly used as qualifying words in 
agreement with other Nouns ; these are classed as Adjectives. 
In such combinations as fiovs ravpos, avepes dAc^o-rai, \a\Krjcs 
avbpcs, ficHnXtvs Kvpos, 'Ayajxe'jui'a^'ArpeiSTjj, where the qualifying 
word is one that is not generally used as an Adjective, we speak 
of the ' adjectival use ' of a Substantive. Conversely, when an 
Adjective stands by itself to denote an individual or group of 
objects, the use is called ( substantival ' : e.g. KCLKOS a base fellow, 
KCLKa evils, TVKTOV KCLKOV a made mischief. This is a use which 
arises when the objects to which an Adjective applies are such 
as naturally form a distinct class. Thus the Suffixes which form 
Nouns in -rrj-s, -rrjp, -rco/o and -eus are practically confined to 

Abstract and Collective Nouns, it is evident, are essentially 
Substantives. Thus there is a clear distinction, both in form 
and meaning, between Abstract and Concrete Nouns; but not 
between Substantives and Adjectives. 

The common definition of an Adjective as a word that expresses ' quality ' 
(' Adjectives express the notion of QUALITY,' Jelf, ii. p. 7) is open to the ob- 
jections (i) that an abstract Substantive may be said to express quality, and 
(2) that every concrete Noun of which the etymological meaning is clear 

1 66.] ADJECTIVES. 157 

expresses quality in the same way as an Adjective. E. g. the definition does 
not enable us to distinguish /xax^T^s from naxh paw. 

It is evident that the use of a Nominative in the Predicate as /SatriAtvs tan 
he is king is strictly speaking an adjectival use. 

The corresponding distinction in the Pronouns does not need 
much explanation. The Personal Pronouns are essentially Sub- 
stantives (being incapable of serving as limiting or descriptive 
words) ; the Possessive Pronouns are essentially Adjectives. The 
others admit of both uses; e.g. OVTO$ this one, and avr]p ovros (in 
Attic 6 avrjp ovros) this man. 

166.1 Gender of Adjectives. In a few cases the Gender of 
the Adjective is independent of the Substantive with which it 
is construed. 

i. When a person is described by a word which properly 
denotes a thing (viz. a Neuter, as TGKVOV, re'/coj, &c., or an 
abstract Noun, /3i'r] Hpiapoio, &c.), the concord of Gender is not 
always observed. Thus we have $iAe TZK.VOV (but <$>L\ov TC'KOS, 
/ce(/>aA?j) ; again 

II. n. 690 \6uv yap p eKa/oorre (3ir) 'HpaKArjeirj ( = Heracles). 

Od. I J. 90 f)\$ 6"' eTrt \l/vxn rj{3aiov Tetpeo-iao 

In such cases grammarians speak of a ' construction according 
to the meaning' (Kara (ri/vea-iv). The term is unobjectionable, 
provided that we remember that constructions according to the 
meaning are generally older than those in which meaning is 
overridden by idiom or grammatical analogy. 

2. Where an Adjective refers to more than one Noun, it fol- 
lows the most prominent : or (if this is at all doubtful) the Masc. 
is used of persons , the Neut. of things: e.g. 

II. 2. 136 al 5e TTOV ^jmerepai r' aAo)(ot /cat vrjina TZKVCL 

rjaT tvl jueydpots -TrortSey^ei'at 
because the wives are chiefly thought of : but 

II. 18. 5^4 Tefyos ^v p aXo^oi re ^uAat Kai W^TTLO. re/era 

pvar e^eo-raoVes, /xera 5' ai/epes ovs e^e y^pa? 
because the boys and old men are also in the speaker's mind. 
Od. 13. 435 ^M^t 6e ^iv paKOs aAAo KCLKOV /SaAez; ?)e ^tr<Sra, 

pcayaAea pvirotovra. 
The Neut. Plur. is especially used of sheep and cattle : II. I J . 

244 77/00)0' tKCLTOV /3o{5? b&KV, iTTCtra 6" X 1 ^ 1 ' 5w^<TT1|, aiyttS OfJiOV KOL 

ot's ; II. II. 696 K 6' 6 ytpcoy ayeArp re fio&v KOL TT&V /ue'y' oi&v 
etAero, Kpivapevos rpir/KoVt 1 ?}8e rojuiTyas (three hundred head) : cp. 
also II. 5. 140, Od. 12. 332. 

3. A Noun standing as Predicate may be Neuter, although 
the Subject is Masc. or Fern. : as OVK ayaOov iroXvuoipavir]. This 
is a kind of substantival use. 


167.] Gender of Pronouns. A substantival Pronoun de- 
noting a person may retain its proper Gender although the 
antecedent is a Neuter, or an abstract word ; as II. 22. 87 <^i\ov 
OdXos, ov TKOV avTrj. 

Conversely a Neuter Pronoun may be used substantially of a 
thing which has been denoted by a Masc. or Fern, word : 

II. 2. 873 os K.OLL y^pvvov ex cor TroAe/xoVd' iV rjvre Kovprj, 

VrfTTlOS, OVO TL OL TO y 7TYIpK(r \VypOV oteQpOV. 

Cp. II. ii. 238., 1 8. 460, Od. 12. 74 (with the note in Merry and 
RiddelFs edition). 

On the other hand, a Pronominal Subject sometimes follows 
the Gender of a Noun standing as Predicate, as avrrj 81*07 errrt 
this is the manner, r\ OCJJLIS eori which is right. But the Neuter 
is preferred if a distinct object is meant by the Pronoun; as 
Od. i. 226 OVK flpavos rdo y eo-rt what I see is not a club-feast. 

168.] Implied Predication. An Adjective (or Substantive 
in an adjectival use) construed with a Noun in an oblique Case 
may be so used as to convey a distinct predication ; as ov/ceV 
6/xot $t'Aa TCLVT ayoptvis = t/iis (that you now speak) is not pleasing 
to me. 

So after Verbs meaning to make, cause to be, call, think, &c. ; 
Xaovs 8e XiOovs Troujo-e Kpovtav Zeus made the people (to be) stones. 

This use is parallel to that of the Nominative in the Predicate ( 162) : cp. 
the forms of sentence Aao2 eytvovro XiOoi, \aovs liroirjffe \iOovs. In the latter the 
predicative Noun (At0ovs) is construed with an oblique Case, instead of with 
the Subject. A Noun so used is called a TERTIARY PREDICATE : cp. 162, 3. 



169.] Collective Nouns. The Subject of a Plural Verb may 
be expressed by means of a Collective Noun; as wy tyda-av f} 
TrXrjOvs thus they said, the multitude (cp. II. 15. 305., 23. 157). 

Conversely, a Participle construed with a Collective Noun and 
Singular Verb maybe Plural: as II. 18. 604 ircpita-Tatf ojuuAo? 
Te/oTTOjueroi. Cp. II. 1 6. 281 Kivr]0v 8e <f)d\ayys eXTro^voL, also 
Od. II. 15. 

In these instances, again, the construction is said to be ( ac- 
cording to the meaning' ( 166). The principle is evidently 
that an abstract or collective word may be used in c apposition ' 
to a concrete word. It may be noticed however that the com- 

170.] SINGULAR. 159 

binations such as ojuuAo? - repTro'/meyot are only found when there is 
some pause between the words ; otherwise the Genitive would be 
used (construed as in Tpwcoz; Kare8v<re0' ojuuAoz>, &c.). 

170.] Distributive use of the Singular. The word HKCLOTOS 
is often used in the Sing, with a Plural Verb,, as e/3az> diKovbe 
e/caoTo? they went home, each one, 8e8ju,?j/[Ae(r0a eKan-ro? we are each 
one obedient. Other words in a clause may follow HKCIOTOS in 
respect of Number : as II. 2. 775 LTTTTOL 8e Trap' apuaviv olviv 
e/caoroy the horses each beside his chariot ; II. 9. 656 ol 8e ocao-rc? 
eA(oz> 8e7ras afji(f)LKVTTX\ov (TTTLoravTs Trapa vfjas l(rav irdXiv. Even 
the Verb is made Sing, in II. 16. 264 ot 8' &\KL{JLOV r\rop exoz/res 
7rpoV(ra> Tras Trererat KO! a/xwet oto-t rocecnn : but this is a slight 
boldness of expression. 

On the same principle we may explain the Sing, in Od. 4. 300 
at 8' Ivav ec joteyapoio baos jotera xepo"iz> tyovcrai ( = each with a torch 
in her hands)', II. 13. 783 rerujujue'ya) Kara x e *-P a (^^ of the two) 
wounded in the hand ; II. 3. 235 ovs Ktv v yvoir)v Kat T ovvo^a 
IJLvdrjcraiiJirjv. So in II. 17. 260 r<Sz> 8' aAAaif rts Kez; . . owo/xar' 
etTrot we should doubtless read ovvo^a (fetTrot). 

Similarly the Dual is used of a group of pairs : 

II. 16. 370 'TroAA.oi 8' kv rafypto epixrapjutare? a>Kees linrot. 
a^avr GV TTptoTij) pVjJLto XLTTOV a/)/xar' avaKT(t)V 

Avhere the Dual aavT (like the Sing, /ou/xcp) refers to one chariot. 
Probably, too, we should read ap/xa avanTav (i. e. FCLVCLKTUV). So 
II. 23- 3^ ^ ^' ^ a 7r ^ 1 ' rf S' 6^)' tTTTrottV juaartyas aeipav, Od. 2O. 
348 o(T(re 8' apa (r^ecoy baKpvo<piv 'Trt/xTrAavro, also II. 9. 5^3j 
Od. 19. 444. 

The Dual is often used in this way in Aristophanes : cp. Av. 622 dvareivovrfs 
TO; x 6 *P > an( l other instances given by Bieber (De duali numero, p. 44). 

In II. 5. 487 fir] irus us atyiai \lvov aXovre iravaypov, the Dual d\6vrf is ex- 
plained by Schol. B vpfis /cal al ywai/cfs. If so, it is a distributive use : ' see 
that ye be not taken, man and wife in one net/ But more probably it refers 
to Hector and Paris. 

In speaking of the characteristics of a group or class it is 
common to pass from the Plural to the Singular, or vice versa ; 
e.g. Od. 4. 691 i] T carl 8607 Qziuv fiaviXritov, a\\ov K f^Oaiprjcn 
fipor&v KT\. it is the way of kings, (a king) will hate one fyc. ; and 
in the same clause, II. 10. 259 /werai 8e Kaprj OaXep&v al&i&v (of 
a kind of helmet) ; II. 2. 355 irpiv TLVCL Trap Tpcowz; aAo'x&> Kara- 
KOLfjLf]9rjvaL beside the wife of some Trojan ; II. 19. 70 dAAa' nv ota> 
. . VTI' yxo? f]fjiTpoio before the spear of one of us. The distri- 
butive TLS is equivalent to a Plural. 

Hence a peculiar vague use of the Plural, as II. 3. 49 wov 
avbp&v alwr]Td(Dv the bride of some warrior's son (lit. daughter-in- 

l6o USE OF THE NUMBERS. [171. 

law of tvarriors, i.e. of this or that warrior); 4. 142 

fJLjJLVai, tTTTTCOr (v. 1. J/TTTKp) j 2T. 499 vX.tfKT^fO' 

(less directly personal than aA.o'x<?>). 

171.] Plural of Things. The Plural form is not confined in 
Greek (or indeed in any language) to the expression of ' plurality ' 
in the strict sense, i. e. to denote a group composed of distinct 
individuals, but is often used (esp. in Homer) of objects which 
it is more logical to think of in the Singular. Many words, 
too, are used both in the Sing, and the Plur., with little or no 
difference of meaning. 

Notice especially the uses of the Plural in the case of 

(1) Objects consisting of parts : rooz> and roa low and arrows: 
o)(oj and o-^ea, ap//a and apjuara a chariot : 8c5juta, jueyapou a hall or 
room, 8&>juara, jueyapa a house : X&rpo? and Ae'/crpa a bed. 

irv\aL a gate is only used in the Plur. ; Ovpr] is used as well as 
Ovpai, but only of the door of a room (0d\a}JLo$). 

(2) Natural objects of undefined extent : \/mjua0o? and x/rajua#oi 
(as we say sands), aAe? (once aAs) salt, Kovirj and KOVIOLI dust, nvpos 
and irvpoL wheat, p&Opov and p&Qpa, KV/ZO, (in a collective sense) 
and Kv^ara, baKpv and baKpva, Kpea (seldom Kpeas) meat, o-apKe? 
(once Smg.)fles//. 

(3) Parts of the body : V&TOV (or i;5ro? the Nom. Sing, does 
not occur in Homer) and V&TCL, crrrjOos and (more commonly) 
or?70ea, TrpocrtoTrov and TrporrtoTra the countenance, (f)prjv and (f>pV$. 

(4) Abstract words : XeXao-juiei'o? iinrocrvvaav forgetting horse- 
manship, TTo8coKt?7(rt Tre-TTot^d)? trusting to speed of foot, avaX^irjcn 
6a/xeVr? overcome by want of prowess, TroAutSpetr/o-t vooio through 
cunning of understanding : so aravOaXiai, a^)pa8tat, ayr}vopiai, a<n- 

i, TeKTOcrvvai, fjL0r)iJLoa"uvai, &c. ; note also 7rpo8oKcu ambush, 
mouth of a river, 6o>pa gift (II. 20. 268 xp0-o? yap epwca/ce, 

8a>pa ^oto), KVV&V juteA7rr]^pa the sport of dogs, (frvKrd escaping, tcra 

fairness ( 161). 

The Plural in such cases is a kind of imperfect abstraction ; the particular 
manifestations of a quality are thought of as units in a group or mass, not 
yet as forming a single thing. 

(5) Collective words : pr^a flocks j so irpoftara is only Plur. in 
Homer (cp. 7rpo/3ao-tj Od. 2. 75). 

(6) Pronouns and Adjectives ; see the examples of adverbial 
uses, 133, 134; cp. also 161. 

172.] Neuter Plural. The construction of the Neut. Plur. 
with a Singular Verb is the commoner one in Homer, in the pro- 
portion of about three to one. When the Plural is used, it will 


generally be found that the word is really Plural in meaning 
(?'. e. that it calls up the notion of distinct units). Thus it is 
used with 

Nouns denoting agents ; as e#z>ea applied to the men of the 
Greek army (II. 3. 91, 464), to birds (II. 2. 459)> to swine 
(Od. 14. 73) ; so with QvX.' avOpunwv (Od. 15. 409). 
Distinctly plural parts of the body: Trre/oa, x ^ a > ovara, 

jue'Aea : so irebiXa (of the shoes of Hermes). 
Numerals: btKa oro'/xara (II. 2. 489), ovara reWapa (II. II. 
634), reVcrapa o"epju,ara (Od. 4. 437)^ atTroAta ez/Ka iravra 
(Od. 14. 103); so with irdvTa and TroAAd (II. II. 574., 15. 
714., 17. 760, Od. 4. 437,, 794., 9. 222., 12. 411), and when 
the context shows that distinct things are meant : as II. 5. 
656 r&v fj^v bovpara (the spears of two warriors), 13. 135 

A. few instances occur in fixed phrases, which may represent 
an earlier syntax; \VVTO 8e yvla (but also X.VTO yovvaTa), 
epya yevovTo, &c. Note especially the lines ending with. 
(TO, re Trrepa vrjval 77e'Aoz;rat, 6Ye T r/juara juta/cpa irtXovT 
77e'Aoi;ra6, &c.). 

The exceptions to the use of the Sing, are fewest with Pro- 
nouns and Adjectives : doubtless on account of their want of a 
distinct Plural meaning (see the end of last section). 

173.] The Dual is chiefly used (i) of two objects thought of 
as a distinct pair, and (2) when the Numeral 8vo> is used. 

I. Thus we have the natural pairs x W > ^X ' ftvovrt, w/za>, 
jotrjpo), oVde, oc^OaXjjuO) and (in the Gen. Dat.) Trobol'iv, /3\(f)dpouv : 
(rra0ju,o> door-posts ; 177-770) the horses of a chariot, /3o'e a yoke of oxen^ 
apv a pair of lambs (for sacrifice); bovpe (in II. 13. 241., 16. 139 
of the two spears usually carried, but bvo bovpe is more common) ; 
77ora//d) (II. 5. 773) of the two rivers of the Troad, and so Kpovvu 
(II. 22. 147). So of the two warriors in a chariot (II. 5. 244, 
272, 568), two wrestlers (II. 23. 707), two dancers (Od. 8. 37 8), 
the Sirens (Od. 12. 52, &c.); the 'ArpetSa and Alavre. 

The Numeral is generally added in speaking of two wild 
animals (Ofjpe 6" wo, AeWre o"wo_, &c,) : Kairpa) (II. 1 1. 324) and 
AeWre (II. 1 6. 75^) are hardly exceptions, since the context shows 
that two are meant. Also aterco (Od. 2. 146) of two eagles sent 
as an omen, and yvne (Od. n. 578) of the vultures that devoured 

The Dual in II. 8. 185191 (where Hector calls to four horses 
by name) might be defended, because two is the regular number ; 
but probably v. 185 is spurious. In II. 23. 413, again, at K' 
ai70KT]d?jo-az>re (/>e/>a>/xe0a \tipov atQXov the Dual is used because 


162 USE OF THE NUMBERS. [173. 

it is the horses that are chiefly in the driver's mind, although he 
associates himself with them. In II. 9. 182-195 the Dual refers 
to the two envoys, Phoenix being overlooked. 

Again, when two agents have been mentioned together, or 
are represented as acting together in any way, the Dual may 
be used: as II. I. 531 ro> y o>? fiovhevn-avre (of Thetis and 
Achilles), 16. 823 (of a lion and boar fighting), Od. 3. 128., 13. 
372, &c. Similarly, of the meeting of two rivers, II. 4. 453 
ey jjLL(rydyKiav orv[j,(Bd\\TOV ofipijjiov vbutp (cp. 5- 774)- 

The Dual Pronouns v&'i and o-<j>&u are used with comparative 
regularity: see II. i. 257, 336, 574., 5. 34, 287, 718, &c. This 
usage may be a matter of traditional courtesy. Hence perhaps 
the scrupulous use where the First Person Dual is meant ; II. 4. 
407 ayayovtf (' Diomede and I') ; 8. 109 OepairovTe our attendants; 
II. 313 TL 7ra66vT XfXda-fJL^da KrA. j 12. 323 co ireirov el . . (f>v- 
yovTt ; Od. 3. 128 eva Ovpbv ZX. OVT ('Ulysses and I'). In Od. 2. 
78 for a7raLTiovTs eW should be read a-nairifyvQ' rjos, since 
Telemachus there is speaking of his mother and himself. So with 
the Second Person, II. 1.216 (Athene and Here), 322 (the heralds), 

3- 379-j 7- 279- 

In II. 3. 278 KCU ol virevepOf KapovTas dv0p<uirovs rivvaOov, OTIS K kiriopnov opoffcri 
the two gods indicated by the Dual are doubtless Hades and Persephone, as 
appears from II. 9. 456 Oeol 5' Te\eiov eirapds, Zeus re Karaxdovios /cat ITTCUVI) 
Ilepaecpoveia, and 9. 569, where Althaea beats upon the earth KiK\^ffKovff' 
'AiSrjv KOI kiraiv^v Uepa(p6vfiav. And since these were the gods especially 
called upon as witnesses and avengers of wrong, it is probable that they are 
meant in Od. I. 273 Qfol 8' eirifMprvpoi fffruv. The omission of the names 
may be a mark of reverence. If this view is correct, it removes the difficulty 
as to 60-Ttov (Meyer, G. G. 577, i). 

2. Of the use with the Numeral the most significant examples 
are Od. 8. 35, 48 K07;pa) 6e KpivQtvrt $v(& Kal TrevTr/Koi'Ta firjrriv : 
where the Dual is used by a kind of attraction to the word ova. 

The Dual is never obligatory in Homer, since the Plural may 
always be used instead of it. Hence we often have a Dual Noun 
or Pronoun with a Plural Verb or Adjective, and vice versa. 

The Neut. Dual (like the Neut. Plur.) may go with a Sing. 
Verb : thus we have oWe with all three Numbers. 

Certain of the ancient grammarians Zenodotus among them supposed 
that Homer sometimes used the Dual for the Plural. But Aristarchus showed 
that in all the passages on which this belief was founded the Dual either had 
its proper force, or was a false reading. 

The use of the Dual in Attic is nearly the same as in Homer : in other 
dialects it appears to have become obsolete. This was one of the reasons that 
led some grammarians to maintain that Homer was an Athenian. 

176.] PREPOSITIONS. 163 




174.] Prepositions are words expressing some local relation, 
and capable of being used as prefixes in forming Compound 
Verbs. The Prepositions are also used in construction with 
oblique Cases of Nouns and Pronouns. 

The Adverbs that are construed with oblique Cases, but do 
not enter into composition with Verbs, are called Improper 

The list of Homeric Prepositions is the same (with perhaps 
one exception, see 226) as that of later classical Greek. In 
the use of Prepositions, however, there are some marked differ- 
ences between the two periods ( 229). 

There are no ' Inseparable ' Prepositions in Greek: see how- 
ever 221. 

175.] Adverbial use. In post-Homeric Greek it is a rule 
(subject to a few exceptions only) that a Preposition must either 
(i) enter into Composition with a Verb or (2) be followed im- 
mediately by and * govern ' a Noun or Pronoun in an oblique 
Case. But in the Homeric language the limitation of the Pre- 
positions to these two uses is still far from being established. A 
Preposition may not only be separated from the Case-form which 
it governs (a licence sometimes found in later writers), but may 
stand as a distinct word without governing any Case. In other 
words, it may be placed in the sentence with the freedom of an 
Adverb : e.g. d/x<i may mean either on loth sides (of an object 
expressed by an oblique Case) or simply on both sides ; ev may 
mean in (taking a Dat.), or simply inside ; and so of the others, 

yeAao-o-e 8e irao-a irepl y6d>v all the earth smiled round about, 
inral 8e T KOJJLTTOS dbovrwv yi-yvero beneath arose rattling of teeth. 

These uses, in which the Preposition is treated as an ordinary 
' Adverb of place,' may be called in general the adverbial uses. 

176.] Tmesis. The term TMESIS is sometimes applied gener- 
ally to denote that a Preposition is { separated ' from the Verb 

M 2 

164 PREPOSITIONS. [177. 

which it qualifies, thus including 1 all 'adverbial' uses, but is 
more properly restricted to a particular group of these uses, viz. 
those in which the meaning is the same as the Preposition and 
Verb have in Composition : e. g. 

ot Kara fBovs 'Tirepiovos 'HeA.toto ijcrOiov who ate up (Kar?7<:r$ioz>) 

the oxen of the sun. 

ovs TTOT a-TT 5 AlvLav kXo^v which I took from (d<^etXo/xr;^) Aeneas. 
VTTO b' cohere pio-Oov and promised (vTreo-^ero) hire. 
/xera v&ra fiaXuv turning his back. 
Xt/oas aTTo i$ei r/^as cutting off his hands ~by a sword. 

This is the sense in which the word TIATJOXS was employed by the Greek 
grammarians, who looked at the peculiarities of Homer as deviations from the 
later established usage, and accordingly regarded the independent place of 
the Preposition as the result of a ' severance ' of the Compound Verb. We 
may retain the term, provided that we understand it to mean no more than 
the fact that the two elements which formed a single word in later Greek 
were still separable in the language of Homer. 

The distinction between Tmesis (in the strict sense) and other 
1 adverbial ' uses cannot be drawn with any certainty. The 
clearest cases are those in which the compound Verb is necessary 
for the construction of other words in the sentence ; e. g. in air 
Alveiav kXo^rjv or virb 6"' cohere fjucrOov. On the other hand, the 
use is simply adverbial in 

iipl (frptvas tjotepo? aipel desire seizes his heart all round (because 
the Compound Treptaipeco means to strip off, to take away from 
round a thing). 
&y rovs f)yiJ,6vs dteKoV/xeoz; . . juerd 8e /cpetW 'Ayajute/xvcor and in 

the midst the king Agamemnon. 

&s Tp&cs irpb fj.ev aAAot dprj/ooYe?, avrap CTT' aAXot the Trojans, 
arrayed some in front, others behind. 

177.] Ellipse of the Verb. In certain cases, viz. when the 
Verb is understood, a Preposition may represent the whole Pre- 
dicate of a clause : 

olavol be TTepi 77\s $ yvvalKts about (him) are more fyc. 

v8' vi fjiv (friXoTris therein is love. 

ov rot eTTt Seos there is no fear for thee. 

dAA' ava but up ! 

Ttdpa & avrip the man is at hand. 

irdp ejutotye Kal aAAot others are at my command (not are beside 
me, but = 7rdpeia-t in its derived sense). 

So when a Verb is to be repeated from a preceding clause ; as 
II. 24. 2^9233 evdev Swde/ca fjitv TrepiKaAAe'a? efeAe TreTrAov? . . 
e/c 6e 6v' aWwvas Tpinooas : II. 3. 267 &pvvro 6' avriV eTretra 
avpS>v 'Aya/^e/xz/co^j av 5' 'Obvvtvs (sc. 


178.] Use with oblique Cases. Prepositions are frequently 
used in Greek with the Accusative, the locatival and instru- 
mental Dative, and the ablatival Genitive ; much less commonly 
(if at all) with the true Genitive. 

It may be shown (chiefly by comparison with Sanscrit) that 
the government of Cases by Prepositions belongs to a later stage 
of the language than the use of Prepositions with Verbs. In the 
first instance the Case was construed directly with the Verb, and 
the Preposition did no more than qualify the Verbal meaning. 
E.g. in such a sentence as et? Tpotr/y ?fA0e the Ace. Tpoirjy 
originally went with fj\0. If however the construction Tpbirjv 
??/\.0e ceased to be usual except with ei?, the Preposition would be 
felt to be necessary for the Ace., i. e. would * govern ' it. 

In Homer we find many instances of a transitional character, 
in which a Case-form which appears to be governed by a Prepo- 
sition may equally well be construed directly with the Verb, 
modified, it may be, in meaning by the Preposition. 

Thus we have djuuf>i with the Dat. in the recurring form 

djm0t 6' a/o 5 w/xot(7tp /3aA.ero fi$o?, 

but the Preposition is not necessary for the Case, as we see from 
its absence in ro'f ' &{jLoi,<nv tyjav, &c., and again from forms such 

where the Preposition is best taken in the adverbial use. Cp. 
II. 17. 523 V Se 06 eyxos | vribvtoicri juaA' 6v Kpaoaivofjitvov Ai/e 
ywa, where lv is adverbial. 

Again, we seem to have &p$t governing the Accusative in 

II. II. 482 o>? pa TOT afji(f) 3 'Obvcrfja * . Tpwes CTTO^. 
But dp|>i must be taken with I-nw, as in II. n. 776 o-(/><3t /zci; 
aju^t 005 iTTov Kpea. So in VTTO fvybv ^fyaye brought under the 
yoke the supposition of Tmesis is borne out by the form vTraye 
fvyov coKtas ITTTTOVS. And in the line 

II. I. 53 iwfyuip i^v ava a-Tparbv <px TO K fa a Qeoto 
the rhythm is against taking ava crTpaTov together ( 367, i), 
and points therefore to drw^ero. 

Again, the ablatival Genitive in 

77X0' ef aAo? came out from the sea 

may be explained like rei^co? efeA.$etJ>, &c. ; and in vrjos CLTTO 
Trpvuvris xandbis TreVe like vr]bs airo9p(pa-K(ov, and numerous similar 

Thus the history of the usage of Prepositions confirms the 
general principle laid down in a previous chapter ( 331), that 
the oblique Cases, with the exception of the true Genitive, are 

166 PREPOSITIONS. [179. 

primarily construed with Verbs, and that consequently the con- 
struction of these Cases with Nouns and (we may now add) 
Prepositions is always of a derivative kind. 

179.] Use with the Genitive. Where the Genitive with a 
Preposition is not ablatival, it may usually be explained in two 
ways, between which it is not always easy to choose : 

(1) It may be derived from one of the uses with Verbs dis- 
cussed in 149-151. E.g. the Genitive in 

os T tiviv bia bovpos which goes through the wood 
is probably the Genitive of the space within which motion takes 
place. For elcnv 5m bovpos has the same relation to Tredioto 
biu>Kiv and TreSioio biaTtprio-cTtLv, that r\\0tv ei? Tpofyv has to 
Tpoirjv TjXOfv and Tpoirjv ef<njA0er. 

(2) It may be of the same kind as the Genitive with a Noun : 
e.g. the construction with avrt may be the same as with the 
Adverbs avra, avriov, avria, &c., and the Adjectives avrios, tvav- 
rios, &c., and this is evidently not akin to any of the construc- 
tions with Verbs, but falls under the general rule that a Noun 
or Pronoun qualifying a Noun is put in the Genitive ( 147). 

It is held by Curtius (Elucidations, c. 1 7) that the Genitive with 
ami, TT/OO, 8ta } virep, vita, when they do not necessarily imply motion 
from, is of the same kind as the ordinary Genitive with Adjectives 
and Adverbs, i. e. the true Genitive. This view is supported by 
the Improper Prepositions, which nearly all govern the Genitive, 
whatever their meaning : e.g. tyyvs and exas, euro's and CKTOS, avra, 
//-e'x/ot, VKa, &c. For in these cases the construction evidently 
does not depend upon the local relation involved, but is of the 
same kind as in Sejutas irvpos, \dpLV Tpcocoz;, &c. 

On the other hand, it is pointed out by Delbruck (Synt. Forsch. 
iv. p. 134) that such a construction of the Genitive is unknown 
in Sanscrit, and this argument, which applies to irpo, VTTO, virep 
(Sanscr. prd, tipa, updri), is confirmed by the Latin construction 
oijoro, sub, super with the Abl. He would allow the supposition 
however in the case of dm' (the Sanscrit dnti being an Adverb), 
and perhaps 8i ; regarding these words as having become Prepo- 
sitions more recently than the others. 

ISO.] Accentuation. The rules for the accentuation of Com- 
pound Verbs have been already given in 88. They proceed on 
the general principle that (except in the augmented forms) the 
accent falls if possible on the Preposition; either on the last 
syllable (as a7ro'-8os), or, if that is elided, then on the first (as 

In regard to the other uses, and in particular the use with 

l8o.] ACCENTUATION. 167 

Cases, the general assumption made by the Greek grammarians 
is that all Prepositions are oxytone. They do not recognise the 
modern distinction according to which lv, els, and e are unac- 
cented. This distinction rests entirely on the practice of the 
manuscripts (Chandler, p. 254), and apparently arises from the 
accident of the smooth breathing and accent falling on the same 
letter (Wackernagel, K. Z. xxix. 137). 

Disyllabic Prepositions, however, are liable in certain cases 
to become barytone. The exact determination of these cases was 
a matter of much difficulty with the ancients, and unfortunately 
we cannot now determine how far their dicta rest upon observa- 
tion of usage, and how far upon analogy and other theoretical 
considerations. The chief points of the accepted doctrine are : 

(1) The disyllabic Prepositions, except d/>t(|)t, dvru, avd, and 
6id (except also the dialectical forms Karat, viral, Trapai, aTrai, 
virtip, Trport), are liable to ( Anastrophe ; ' that is to say, when 
placed immediately after the Verb or the Case-form to which 
they belong, they throw back the accent ; as Aovo-rj airo ( = airo- 
\ova-rj), )^v Kara, w ITU, j^ax?7 tvt, Zecfrvpov VTTO, &c. Some held 
that the insertion of 8e before the Preposition did not prevent 
Anastrophe, and accordingly wrote So-e 6' OTTO, &c. 

(2) Also, according to some, if the Prep, stands at the end of 
a verse, or before a full stop (Schol. A on II. 5. 283). 

(3) Also, when it is equivalent to a Compound Verb ( 177) ; 
as ezn, errt, Trepi, irdpa (for eu-eori, &c.). So am (for avavTriQi) ; 
although avd according to most authorities was not liable to 
Anastrophe. Some wrote Trdpa yap 0eoi etVt /cat rj^Civ (II. 3. 440), 
on the ground that in Trdp-eco-t the accent is on the syllable Trap-. 

(4) Two Prepositions are barytone in the adverbial use, 

airo when it is = aTioQev at a distance, and 
irepi when it is = Trepto-o-ws exceedingly. 
To which some added VTTO (as rpo/xeet 5' VTTO yvia, &c.). 

(5) Monosyllabic Prepositions when placed after the governed 
word take the acute accent (as an equivalent for Anastrophe) ; 
but only when they come at the end of the line. Some however 
accented Od. 3. 137 

KaAecrcrajue^a) ayopi]v es Trarra? 'A)(atouj. 

Most Prepositions, as appears from the Sanscrit accent, are 
originally barytone, and the so-called Anastrophe is really the 
retention of the accent in certain cases in which the Preposition 
is emphatic, or has a comparatively independent place in the 
sentence. Just as there is an orthotone eort and an enclitic eon 
( ^7, i), so there is an orthotone Trept and a 'proclitic' Trept, 
written Trepl before a governed Noun, but in reality unaccented. 

1 68 PREPOSITIONS. [180. 

This view will serve to explain one or two minor peculiarities 
of Greek usage. Thus (i) it is the rule that when the last 
syllable of a Preposition is elided before a Case-form, the accent 
is not thrown back. This is intelligible on the ground that the 
Preposition is in fact without accent ; and the same account will 
apply to the same peculiarity in the case of ctAAa and nvd. On 
the other hand, (a) in the case of elision before a Verb (as v-n- 
aye) the accent is retracted, because the Preposition is then the 
accented word.* Again, (3) the general rule of the JEolic 
dialect, that all oxytones become barytone, does not extend to 
Prepositions, because they are not real oxytones. 

The word en (Sanscr. dti) is a Preposition which happens to 
have survived (with the original accent) in the adverbial use 
only : cp. Trpo'j = besides. 

One or two suggestions may be added in reference to the 
Prepositions which are generally said to be incapable of 
Anastrophe : 

dw was thought by some to be capable of Anastrophe, and 
this view is supported by the adverbial use ava up / 

dfi<j)i is probably a real oxytone, like the Adverb a^Cs. The 
corresponding Sanscrit Preposition abhi is oxytone, contrary to 
the general rule. 

The assertion that uiroi, irapai, irpoTi, &c. are not liable to 
Anastrophe is difficult of interpretation. It may mean only that 
these words are not Attic, and by consequence that later usage 
furnished the grammarians with no examples. 

If this is the true account of Anastrophe, it is probable that 
the Prepositions retained their accent in all quasi-adverbial uses, 
including Tmesis not only when they followed the Verb or 
governed Noun. The doctrine of the grammarians is unin- 
telligible unless it admits of this extension. For if we write 
Trap' [j,ot ye ical aAAoi because 7rapa = Trdpi,cri ) we must also write 
Trdpa yap 0eot eio-i, where napa is equally emphatic. In Sanscrit 
too the Preposition when separated from its Verb is accented. 

It is not so clear how far the later rules for Prepositions in 
Composition are to be applied to Homer. In Sanscrit there is 
an important difference between Principal and Subordinate 
Clauses. In a Principal Clause the Verb loses its accent, unless 
it begins the sentence ( 87) ; the Preposition (which usually 
precedes the Verb, but is not always immediately before it) ig 
accented. Thus we should have, on Sanscrit rules, such forms 

* See Wackernagel, K. Z. xxiii. 457 ff. On this view, however, the original 
accent would be diro-8os, evt-o-ires, irdpa-crxes, &c. It may perhaps be preserved 
in the Indie, cvi-aires and Imper. tvt-cnrc (see 88, where a different ex- 
planation of these forms was suggested). 

l8o*.] ACCENTUATION. 169 

as wept 6et5ta, we'pt Travruv oi6e, &c. But in Subordinate Clauses 
the accent is on the Verb, and the Preposition commonly forms 
one word with it, as in weptei'8ta. If the Preposition is separated 
from the Verb,, both are accented. In classical Greek two 
changes have taken place: (i) the Preposition and Verb are 
inseparable, and (2) the accent is placed almost uniformly ac- 
cording to the ' law of three syllables ' ( 88) : if it falls on the 
Preposition, as in <ju-<?7fu, Kar-exeu, or on the Verb, as in cru/x- 
(/>rj<m, Kar-e'xet, the reason is purely rhythmical. The first of 
these changes had not taken place in the time of Homer. As to 
the second we are practically without evidence. We do not 
even know when the law of three syllables obtained in Greek. 
It may be observed however that 

(1) When a word of three syllables could not be unaccented, 
the form we'pt 8et8ta became impossible ; but it does not follow 
that wept lost its accent at the same time. An intermediate 
we'pt 8et8ta is quite admissible as a hypothesis. 

(2) In many places in Homer it is uncertain whether a 
Preposition is part of a Compound or retains its character as 
a separate word. Thus we find 

II. 4. 538 woXAot Se wept KTCWOVTO KCU aXXot (Wolf, from 

Ven. A.). 

1 6. 497 e/xeu we'pt papvao \a\Kip (wept sic Ven. A.). 
1 8. 191 (TTVTO yap c H(a(rroto wap' ot<reju,ei> eVrea KaXa (so Ar.). 

I. 269 Kat fjiv Tolo-iv eya> /xe'0' 6/xtXeoz> (Ar.). 

with the variants weptKretz>oi>ro, wept/xapuao, wapot<re'ju,ey, jme0o/K- 
Aeov. And the existing texts contain a good many Compounds 
which we might write divisim without loss to the sense ; as 
II. 1 8. 7 vf]V<Tiv ewtK\(Woi>rat, Od. 8. 14 TTOVTOV ewtwXay^etj, Od. 
1 6. 466 aa-rv Kara/3Aa)(rKOzrra_, II. 2. 150^ 3^4^ 3- I2 "> 4- 2 3-> 

5- 332, 763, 77^ 6 - 10 ; &c - 

In reference to such forms we may fairly argue that the 
tendency of grammarians and copyists, unfamiliar with the free 
adverbial use of the Prepositions, would be always towards 
forming Compounds; hence that modern critics ought to lean 
rather to the side of writing the words separately, and giving 
the Prepositions the accent which belonged to them as Adverbs. 

With regard to the accent of Prepositions in the ordinary use 
with Case-forms it is still more difficult to decide. A Sanscrit 
Preposition generally follows the Noun which it governs : hence 
it does not furnish us with grounds for any conclusion about the 
Greek accent. 

180*.] Apocope. Most Prepositions appear in Homer under 
several different forms, due to loss of the final vowel combined 
(in most cases) with assimilation to a following consonant. 

170 PREPOSITIONS. [181. 

Thus we find 

Trapd and IT dp : 

avd, av, a/x, (/Soo/xouri, fyovov) : 

Kara, tab (6e), Ka/3-(/3aAe), Kar-(0ai>e), Kap (poor), Kajut-(/xoznr}), 
Kay (yovv), KCIK (KecjbaArjs), KaA-(AtTre), Kcbr 

l, TTpOS (for TTpOr-), Cp. TTOTt, 

ip (for vWpt), i/Trep : 
ein, eii> (elvi), eV : 

This phenomenon appears to be connected with the loss of 
accent which the Preposition suffers when closely connected with 
a Verb or Case-form. That is to say, from the adverbial forms 
irdpa, TTPOTL, Kara, hi, ava (or dvd), &c. were formed in the first 
instance the unaccented Trap, Trpos, /car or Ka, tv, av. Then the 
pairs irdpa and Trap, &c. were used promiscuously. Finally one 
form was adopted as normal. 

181.] The Preposition dfx<|>t means on loth sides, or (if the 
notion of two sides is not prominent) all round. It is doubtless 
connected with CLJJL^M both. 

The adverbial use is common; e.g. with a Verb understood, 
Od. 6. 392 tv de Kprjvr) vdti, apfyl 8e Aei/uwz; and around is a 

It is especially used in reference to the two sides of the body : 
II. 5. 310 a/x$fc 8e oo-de KeAaiurj vv exaAvx^e black night covered 
his eyes on both sides (i.e. both eyes); II. 10. 535 a/^i KTVTTOS 
ovara /3aAAet : II. 1 8. 414 o-Tro'yya) 5' d^l TrpoVcoTra Kal a/x^)(o 
Xetp' aTtofjiopyvv : Od. 2. 153 Trapetas ajou^H re tpas : Od. 9. 389 
Trayra 6e ot /3Ae'</>ap' djuqbt Kal d^pva? KrA. 

So II. 6. 117 d/x(/u 6e /ouy vfyvpa TUTTTC KOL avytva Sepjua KcAat^oV 
//^ shield smote him on the ankles on both sides and on the neck. 
Here &p$l is generally taken to mean above and beneath ; wrongly, 
as the passages quoted above show. 

This use of djx<j>t is extended to the internal organs, esp. the 
midriff (c/;peVes) regarded as the seat of feeling : as 

II. 3. 442 ov yap 7TW Trore ^ <56e epco? </>peWs dj 

6. 355 f 776 ' "f /utaAtcrra TTOVOS (ppevas d// 
1 6. 481 er^' apa re ^pe'^es ep^arat d/x</)' dbivbv Krjp. 
Od. 8. 54 1 jU'd'Aa TTOV fxtv a^o? typevas d^(j)Lfte(3r]Kv. 

So Hesiod ; Theog. 554 x<><"" 6e <pptvas a^i : Horn. H. Apoll. 

183.] 'AM*I. 171 

273, H. Ven. 243 ; Mimnerm. I. 7 $peWs d/mc^t Ka/cat retpovo-t 
Hence read 

II. I. 103 
and similarly in II. 17. 83, 499, 573. 

182.] The Dative with djji<|>i is a natural extension of the 
ordinary locatival Dative the Preposition being adverbial, and 
not always needed to govern the Case. Compare (e. g.} 
II. I. 45 ro'' &{jLOLcriv tyjuv (Loc. Dat., 145, 3). 
2O. 150 dju^t 6"' ap J appj]KTOv V<$>tXr]V &HOKTIV tcravro. 
II. 527 d/,t(/>' &fjLOL(riv e'xet (TOKO? to s/W^ 0w 0^ Vfe* on 

his shoulders, i. e. across his shoulders. 

In a metaphorical sense &p$l is applied to the object about 
which two parties contend : as II. 3. 70 d/x^>' 'EAeVrj KCU 
nayjeaQai : so of a negotiation, II. 13. 382 
we shall agree about the marriage ; II. 7. 408 
as to the question of the dead; II. 16. 647 

^p^pifcov. Cp. the use with -Trept ( 186). So too 
in Sanscrit the Loc. is used with Verbs oi-fghting to express the 
object over which the fighting is. 

It is a further extension of this use when djA<J>t with the Dat. 
is construed with Verbs meaning to speak, think, &c., as Od. 4. 
151 cLfjiff) 1 'OSva-rj'C fjLvOtojjiriv. This last variety (in which the 
notion of two sides disappears) is confined to the Odyssey : cp. 5. 
287., 14. 338, 364. 

A true Dative may follow d|ji<j>i, but cannot be said to be 
governed by it; e.g. in II. 14.420 a^fyl 6e ot fipayje Ti>\ta his 
arms rattled about him the Dat. is ' ethical/ as in II. 13. 439 
pr/fey 8e ot a^tyl \LrQva. So in II. 4. 431 d//,</u 6e Tratrt re^x ea 
TrotKtX' \afjL7T, the Dat. is not locatival, but the true Dat. The 
two kinds of Dat. may be combined, as II. 18. 205 a^l 6e ot 
K</>aA.rj vtyos lore^e. 

The construction of djx<f>i with the Dat. is not found in Attic 
prose. It survives in the poetical style, and in Herodotus. 

183.] The Accusative with dfx<|>i' is used when the Verb ex- 
presses motion, as 

II. 5' 3 J 4 ttjuu/>t 8' kov cf)i\ov vibv k\^varo Trr/xe'e A.euKo>. 
Also to express extent, diffusion over a space, &c. (ideas naturally 
conveyed by terms denoting motion) : 

Od. II. 419 o)j djuu^t Kprjrrjpa rpaTTt&s re 7T\r]Oovo-as 
as we lay (scattered} about Sfc. 

Accordingly it is especially used in Homer 

(i) of dwellers about a place, as II. 2. 499, 751, &c. 


(2) of attendants or followers ; as II. 2. 445 ot 6' a^ 'Arpeuora 
. . Qvvov they bustled about Agamemnon. 

The description about (a person] does not exclude the person 
who is the centre of the group ; e.g. in II. 4. 294 (Agamemnon 
found Nestor) oiis trapovs a-TtXXovra . . afJL<pl [Ltyav YlzXayovra 
'AXda-Topa re Xpopiov re, where Pelagon &c. are included under 
the word eVapot. This is an approach to the later idiom, ot apfyl 
Yl\aTcova= Plato and his school. 

It should be observed that the motion expressed by the Verb 
when djji4>i takes an Ace. is not motion to a point, but motion 
over a space. Hence this Ace. is not to be classed with Accusa- 
tives of the terminus ad quern, but with the Accusatives of Space 
( 138). This remark will be confirmed by similar uses of other 

184.] The Genitive with dp}>t is found in two instances, 
II. 16. 825 n&xeo-Oov TTLOCLKOS ajj,(fS oXCyqs fight over a small 

spring of water. 

Od. 8. 267 aiOiv a//$' "Apeo? (/uA.oYrjTO? KT\. 
Another example may perhaps lurk in 

II. 2. 384 ei! e rtj apju.aros' ajuu/us t8a>z> KT\. 

if we read dfx$t FLOVV (having looked over, seen to his chariot). 
With this meaning compare II. 18. 254 <V$t paXa <paeo-0e : 
and for the construction the Attic use of Trepto/xS/xai with a Gen. 
=to look round after, take thought about (Thuc. 4. 124) : also the 
Gen. with d/x^H/iax^ai H. 16. 49^v *8. 20., 15. 391. 

185.] The Preposition ircpt (or irepi, 180) has in Homer the 
two meanings around and beyond. 

Both these meanings are common in the adverbial use; the 
second often yields the derivative meaning beyond measure, ex- 
ceedingly, as 

II. 1 6. 1 86 7re/H /mez; Otieiv rayvv exceeding swift to run. 
1 8. 549 Tre'pi Oavfjia rervKTo was an exceeding wonder. 
Od. 4. 722 Tre/31 yap jxoi 'Ohvpinos aXyt 68a>Ke for Zeus has 

given to me griefs beyond measure. 

The meaning beyond is found in Tmesis, II. 12. 322 noXtpov 
TTfpl Tovbe (frvyovTts escaping this war: II. 19. 230 77oA6ju,oio 77ept 
oruyepoTo AtVco^rat shall remain over from war : and in Composi- 
tion, 77ept / 6tjuu / excel, Trepiyiyvopai I get beyond, surpass, 77epuu8a / 
know exceeding well (II. 13. 728 ( itepdbptvai aXXav to be 
knowing in counsel beyond others ; cp. Od. 3. 244., 17. 317)- The 
Gen. in such constructions is ablatival ( 152). 

1 86.] 'AM*I, HEPI. 173 

186.] The Dative with irept (as with aju^t) is Locatival; 
as II. I. 303 epco?io-et TTpl bovpi will gush over (lit. round upon) the 
xpear ; 2. 389 TTfpl 8' eyx^t X e 'P a Ka/oteirai his hand will be weary 
with holding the spear ; 2,. 416 yj.T&va. Tre/n orrjtfeo-o-i baiai to tear 
the chiton about (round on) the breast. Also of an object of con- 
tention, over; as II. 16. 568 ircpl TrcuSt . . TTOVOS eir; the toil (of 
battle) might be over his son, cp. II. 17. 4, 133, Od. 5. 310 : and 
in a derivative sense, Od. 2. 245 juax^'o-aa-0ai Tiept am /^/^ 
flfowtf a feast. 

1. It is a question which meaning is to be given to ircpC in 

II. 5. 566 irepl yap 8ie iroiuevi \awv (so 9. 433., II. 586). 
IO. 240 eSfiffev 8e irepl avQ> Mevf\da>. 
17. 242 offffov efj.p Ke<pa\ri irepi SeiSia (or irepiSeiSia'). 

and in the Compound (II. II. 508 r& pa irepidfiffav, 15. 123 irfplfieiaaaa Oeoiffi, 21. 
328., 23. 822). Most commentators here take ircpl = exceedingly and the Dat. of 
the person as a Dativus ethicus : ire pi yap 5ie iroifjievi for he feared exceedingly 
for tJie shepherd, &c. But it is difficult to find Homeric analogies for such a use 
of the Dative, and the meaning over, on behalf of is supported by later writers : 
H. Merc. 236 x ca ^P- (VOV 7r6 / 9 ' Povoi, H. Cer. 77 &x vv ^ vr J v 7re P* watSt, Hdt. 3. 35 ire pi 
tojvrSi 5ei/j.aii>ovTa, Thuc. I. 60 SeStorcs trepl KT\. ; also by the use of dp,<J>i with 
the Dat. ( 182) in nearly the same meaning. 

2. Much difficulty has been felt about the use of irepi in a group of phrases 
of which the following are the chief instances : 

II. 4. 53 ras biairfpffaij or' av rot direx^ OJVTaL ir*pl ffrjpi (cp. 4. 4^, &c.). 
Od. 6. 158 Kfivos 5' av irepl Krjpi fj-aKapraros eoxov d\\cav. 
II. 21. 65 TTfpl 8' fjOe\e 6vu> (so 24. 236). 

22. 70 d\vaaovTfs TTfpl 0vjji>. 
Od. 14. 146 irepl yap ft' ecpiXet Kal KrjSero QvjJiSt. 
II. 1 6. 157 roiaiv re trfpl typealv dcfrrfros d\Kr]. 
Od. 14. 433 irepl yap (pptalv aiffipa ySrj. 

In all these places the Dative may be construed as a Locative (although 
K-rjpt without irepi is only found in II. 9. 117): the only question is whether 
the Preposition is to be taken in the literal local sense round, all over, or in the 
derivative sense exceedingly. In favour of the latter it may be said that the 
same combinations of Preposition and Verb are found without a Dat. such as 
K-qpi or OVJJLW, where accordingly irepi must mean exceedingly ; compare 
II. 13. 430 rr)v irepl Krjpi Q&rjffe irarrip 

Od. 8. 63 TOV irfpl MoiJa' l^tA^o-e 
Od. 14. 433 irepl yap <ppeolv a'iaiua r}8r] 

2. 88 irfpl KfpSfa olde 

II. 16. 157 TOiffiv T6 irfpl (ppealv dffireTOs d\K7] 
Od. 12. 279 Trept TOI fjievos 

Od. 5. 36 irfpl Krjpi Of of dis Tifurjffovffi ) 
II. 8. 161 irepl ufv fff riov Aavaoi. ) 

Again, in II. 4. 46 rdwv uoi irepl Krjpi TitoKfro the meaning beyond is required 
by the Gen. raw, cp. 4. 257 TTfpt pkv oe rica Aava&v ra\virw\(tiv, 7. 289 Trept 5* 
eyx* 1 'AxaiGiv (pepTaros effai, 17. 22 irepl a&ive'i @\eufaivei. So with the Ace. in 
II. 13. 631 rrept (/>peVas euutj/ai d\\cav. 

174 PREPOSITIONS. [187. 

On the other side, the representation of a feeling as something surrounding 
or covering the heart, midriff, &c. is common in Homer. Thus we have 
II. II. 89 airov re ^Xvittpoio Trept (ppevas fyepos alpeT. 
Od. 9. 362 liret Kv/cXcana ircpl <ppvas ^\v6fv olvos. 

So of a sound, II. 10. 139 irepl tpptvas ij\vO' 10*17 (ep. Od. 17. 261). And more 
frequently with dfju|>i ; cp. Od. 19. 516 TrvKival Se f)t apcp' dSivbv rcfjp d(iai 
/ieAeSoii/es 68vpofjievrjv epeOovffi ; and the other passages quoted at the end of 
18 1. Similarly irepl KTJpi., irepl <j>pccr[, may have been meant in the literal 
sense, the feeling (fear, anger, &c.) being thought of as filling or covering the 
heart. On the whole, however, the evidence is against this view; unless 
indeed we explain ircpl K-qpi as a traditional phrase, used without a distinct 
sense of its original meaning. 

The occasional use of the Dat. with irepi in Attic is probably 
due to familiarity with Homer. 

187.] The Accusative with irepf is used (as with dfj.<f>i) when 
motion or extent in space is expressed : as II. I. 448 2jcar<?/tij3ip> 
cvTycrav Trept /3a>juioz; placed the hecatomb round the altar ; 2. 75 
Trept Atob&vrjv OIKL eOcvro made their divettings round Dodona. 
Generally speaking the Accusative implies surrounding in a less 
exact or complete way than the Dative. It makes us think of 
the space about an object rather than of its actual circumference. 
Occasionally, of course, the circumference is the space over 
which motion takes place, or extent is measured : as II. 12. 297 
pa\js pdfiboio-i birjVKt(nv Trept KVK\OV round in a circle ; II. 18. 274 
Trept rol\ov to stand along the wall all round it. 

188.] The Genitive with irepi is used in three distinct ways : 
i . With irept meaning beyond (in the figurative sense, = excel- 
ling) it expresses the object of comparison: II. I. 287 Trept irav- 
T&V [jLfJivaL to surpass all, Od. I. 235 ftforov tTroirja-av Trept TTCLVTCDV 
have made him unseen more than all men, 4. 23 r eTuo-rd/oteuos Trep! 
TTCLVTUV. This use is distinctively Homeric. The Gen. is abla- 
tival, as with Adjectives of comparison ( 152). 

2. With irept = round, over (in the local sense) the Gen. is very 
rare ; the instances are 

Od. 5. 68 778' avrov TTavv(TTO 7Tpt (TKeiovs y 

130 rov jjifv ya)v eo-dcocra Trept rpmrios p 
The Gen. may be akin to the (partitive) Gen. of place ( 149) : 
the vine e. g. grew round in or over (but not covering) the cave. 

3. With ircpi = over (the object of a contest), as II. 16. i o>j ot 
fjitv 7Tpl vr]bs euo-o-eA^oto payjovro, 12. 142 d/xwe<r0at irepl vrj&v to 
defend the ships ; sometimes also in the figurative sense, about, 
II. II. 700 Trept TpLirobos yap ejuteAAou 0eweo-0at, Od. 9. 423 cos re 

190.] KEPI, IIAPA. 175 

l \ffvxys as when life is at stake ; and of doubt, II. 20. 17 ?J rt 
t Tpcocou KCU 'Axatair //epjutrjptfeis. The use with Verbs of anger 

Siudfear is closely akin; II. 9. 449 TraAAa/ado? Trepi ^wo-aro; 17. 

240 VCKVOS Trept 6et6ta (unless we read irepiyj&oraro, TrepiSeiTua). 
The weapons of the contest are said to be fought over in Od. 8. 

225 tpl&OTKOV TTept TO^toV ; SO II. I5' 284 OTTTTOre KOVpOL pi(TO-tiaV 

iTpl ivuQdov. And this is also applied to the quarrel itself, II. 16. 
476 (Tvvirr]v ep,8o? Trept OvfjiofBopoLO (cp. 2O. 253)- 

Under this head will come the Gen. in II. 23. 485 77)1770809 
7rpib&fji0ov let us wager a tripod, Od. 23. 78 e/me'0; irept8d)(ro//at 
avrfjs / wz7/ <$&z/<2 myself. Whatever may be the original meaning 
of irepi86a0cu, it is construed as if=fo> join issue, contend (Lat. 
pignore certare) : cp. the Attic use 7rept8t5ojuiat TIVI Trept (Gen. of 
the thing staked). 

By a not unnatural extension, -n-epi with the Gen. follows Verbs 
meaning to speak, know, &c., but only in the Odyssey; viz. i. 
135 ( = 3- 77) ^ a ^ Lv ' 7r P^ Trarpos a.7roi)(0ju.ez;oto epotro; 15. 347 ^' 
aye /xot -rrept //ryrpos KrA. ; 17* 5^3 ^ a 7^P ^ '"'^P^ KCIVOV ; also 
i. 405., 7. 191^ 16. 234., 17. 371., 19. 270. Note that the cor- 
responding use of djji(|)i with the Dat. is similarly peculiar to the 
Odyssey ( 182). 

The origin of this group of constructions is not quite clear. It may be 
noted, however, that they answer for the most part to constructions of the 
Gen. without a Preposition ; cp. afivvf&Oai irfpl vrjwv and a^vvfcrOat vrjuv ; and 
again dire Trfpl fjLrjrpos, ol8a irfpl Kfivov, &e. with the examples given in 151, cl. 


189.] The Preposition impel (irapai, by Apocope irdp) means 
alongside. It is common in the adverbial use (see 177), 
and also in Tmesis and Composition. Note the derivative 

(1) at hand, hence at command ; as II. 9. 43 Trap rot 6809 the 
way is open to you; Od. 9. 125 oif yap Kv/cAwTreo-o-t z>e'es irdpa. 

(2) aside; as II. II. 233 Trapat 8e ot erpaTrer' !yx.s Me spear 
was turned to his side (instead of striking him). 

(3) hence figuratively, irapd // ^ira(f) cozened me ( aside,' away 
from my aim : and so TrapTT7ri6tov changing the mind by per- 
suasion, TiapeiTTcoy talking over, &c. ; also, with a different 
metaphor, wrongly. 

(4) past, with Verbs of motion, as ep^o/^at, eA.awa>, &c. 

190.] With the Dative irapd means beside, in the company of, 
near. It is applied in Homer to both persons and things 
(whereas in later Greek the Dat. with irapd is almost wholly 

176 PREPOSITIONS. [191. 

confined to persons) ; thus we have Trapa vr\i, Trap a vrjva-i (very 

frequently), Trap' ap/xaort, Trapa /Sco/xa), Trap TTOO-, Trapa ora0ju,<S, &c. 

This Dat. is either locatival or instrumental : see 144. It 

may be used after a Verb of motion (e.g. II. 13. 617), see 145, 4. 

191.] The Accusative with irapd is commonly used 

(1) when motion ends beside or near a person or thing-: as II. 
3. 406 rjcro Trap' avrov lovo-a go and sit by him ; II. 7. 190 rov 
fj,v Trap Trod' tbv xajmaSt? /3aAe. 

Hence the use of the Ace. often implies motion: as II. n. 314 
Trap' e/x' torao-o place yourself beside me ; Od. I. 333 orr} pa Trapa 
(TTaO^ov came and stood beside the pillar ; II. 6. 433 A.aoz> 6"e OTTJOW 
Trap' pLVov. Similarly of the place near which a weapon has 
struck, as II. 5. 146 /cArj'iSa Trap' apov TrArjfe struck the collar-bone 
by the shoulder. 

(2) of motion or extent alongside of a thing (esp. a coast, a 
river, a wall, &c.) ; II. I. 34 /3r} 8' d/ceW Trapa diva went along 
the shore ; Od. 9. 46 TroAXa 8e jzr)A.a lcr(/>abzj Trapa 0u;a sacri- 
ficed many sheep along the shore ; II. 2. 522 Trap Trora/oioz; 

Zvaiov dwelt by the side of the river ; II. 3. 272 Trap ueos 
KoiAeoy acopro ^^^ beside the sword-scabbard. 

(3) of motion past a place; as II. u. 166, 167 ot 6e Trap' "IXou 

(r^a . . Trap' pii>ov tcra-evovro they sped past the tomb of Ilus, 

past the fig-tree ; II. 6. 42 Trapa rpo^ov ^Kv\ia-0r] rolled out 

past the wheel ; II. 16. 312 ovra Qoavra (rrepvov yv^v^Oevra 

Trap' aa-niba passing the shield (implied motion, ovra=.thrust 

at and struck). The derivative meaning- beyond ( = in excess 

of) is only found in Homer in the phrases Trap bvvafjuv (II. 

13. 787) and Trapa poipav (Od. 14. 509): but cp. the Adj. 

TrapatVtos against fate. 

192.] With a Genitive -n-apd properly means sideways from, 
aside from. As with the Dative, it is used of things as well as 
persons (whereas in later Greek it is practically restricted to 
persons). On the other hand it is confined in Homer to the local 
sense ; thus it is found with Verbs meaning to go, bring, take, &c. 
not (as afterwards) with aKova), navOdva, olba, or the like. An 
apparent exception is 

II. II. 794 t 8e nva (ppecrlv fj<ri 0OTTpOTrir] 
Kat TLVCL ol Trap Zrjvos ire<ppab 
where however the notion of bringing a message is sufficiently 
prominent to explain the use. So II. n. 603 (f)0-ydiJLi>os Trapa 
vr]6s sending his voice from the ship ; and Hes. Op. 769 at'6e yap 
?//oiepat eto-i Atos Trapa, i. e. coming from Zens. The later use is to 

1 94.] IIAPA, META. 

be seen in Emped. 144 0eo Trdpa pvQov aKovaas, Xenophanes 3. i 
afipoa-vvas Se juafloWe? dz/'ox^eAeas Trapa Avb&v. 

The original meaning sideways or at the side from is visible in 
some of the uses with a Gen. denoting a thing: as II. 4. 468 Trap' 
ao-iTibos efe<adi>0?/ appeared beyond (outside the shelter of) the 
shield: so probably II. 4. 500 vibv Ilpidjuioio voBov /3aAe . . Trap' 
fanrcov a>Ketda>zj struck him (aiming) JP#^ ^ chariot. So too a 
sword is drawn Trapd jjLr/pov sideways from the thigh. The same 
meaning lies at the root of the frequent use of irapd in reference 
to the act of passing from one person to another (as in Trapa8i8co/u 
and Trapa8e'xojitai), hence of gifts, messages, &c. 

It is usual to regard irapA with the Gen. as meaning from the side of, from 
beside, de chez. But this is contrary to the nature of a prepositional phrase. 
The Case-ending and the Stem must form a single notion, which the Pre- 
position then modifies ; hence (e. g.) irapa prjpov means beside from-the-thigh, not 
from beside-the-lhigh. This is especially clear where the Preposition is joined to 
a Verb ; Od. 19. 187 irapair\ay^aaa MaXawv drivitig-aside from- Maleae : and in 

II. 4. 97 TOV KCV Srj irtifMrpuTa wop' ayXad bwpa (pepoio 

the rhythm connects Trapd with <pepoio rather than with rovthou will bring- 
aside ( = trans-fer) from-him. So with other Prepositions: diro Ipoirjs off from- 
Troy, not from off-Troy : KOLT ovpavov down from-heaven, not from under-heaven. 
As to viro with the Gen. =from under, see 204. 

103.] The Preposition jxerd in the adverbial use means mid- 
way, in the middle ; e.g. with a Verb understood, II. 2. 446 /xera 
5e KrX. and among them fyc. Hence alternately, as Od. 15. 460 
Xpv&eov OPIJ.OV CXMV, //era 8' r}^KTpoL(nv eepro strung with etectrum 
between (the gold}\ so in succession, afterwards, as Od. 21. 231 
Trpooros eyco, /xera 8' U/ut/xes I first and you in turn; Od. 15. 400 
/mera yap re Kat aAyeo-t rep?rerat avrip = a man has his turn of being 
pleased even in the course of his sufferings. 

The notion of alternation appears in Compounds with ^era, as 
/xera/3aAAo), jueraorpe^a) : in Tmesis, Od. 1 2. 312 //era 8' ao-rpa 
/3e'/3r?Ke the stars have changed their place. So jueraTravojuterot (II. 
17. 373) ^eans with turns or intervals of rest. 

194.] With the Dative JAT< means between or (less exactly) 
among. The meaning between is found in phrases such as juera 
Xepo-i', fjLTa Troo-o-t, juera <peo-i' (on the double character of the 
</>peVes cp. l8l); also, of two parties, juter' ft/uu/>ore'pot(Ti. 

The use in reference to several objects (among) is mostly 
restricted to persons, since it conveys the idea of association of 
units forming a group, &c. (whereas h is more local). Hence 
/' do-rpdo-t (II. 22. 28, 317) is said of a star among other stars 
(with a touch of personification): and in II. 21. 122 /ceicro juer' 


178 PREPOSITIONS. [195. 

there is a sarcastic force lie there with the fish for company. 
Cp. also the phrase Od. 5. 224 //era /cat rode rotcrt yeyeV0a> & tfto 
fo as one among them. The expression in II. 15. 118 /xe0' atfxart 
Kat Koviyari is equivalent to a Collective Noun, ( the crowd 
of wounded and fallen/ So II. 21. 503 /utera o-rpo$aAiyyi KOVLTIS, 
a somewhat bolder phrase of the same kind. 

The Dat. with (xerd is locatival (whereas with <r6v and apa it 
is comitative). This appears in the restriction to Plurals or Col- 
lectives, also in the use with Verbs of motion, as II. 4. 16 <iA.o'r?7ra 
/zer' aju0orepot(rt /^aAcojute^ ( 145? 6). 

The construction of JACT< with the Dative is in the main 
Homeric. It is occasionally imitated in later poetry. 

195.] With the Accusative fAT< has the two meanings among 
and after. 

The meaning among is found after Verbs of motion with 
Plurals, and also with Collective Nouns, as /^e0' o^r\yvpiv, //.e0' 
ofjuhov, so fjiTa btliTvov to (join the company at) a feast, /xera T 
rjOea Kal VOIJLOV iTnr(*>v = to the pasture ground where other horses are. 

It occurs without a Verb of motion in II. 2. 143 TTCKTI juera 
TT\rj0vv to all among the multitude ; II. 9. 54 /xera Travras 6>??AiKas 
eTrXev a/oio-ros (so Od. 16. 419). And with a Singular in II. 18. 
552 8payjotara /uer' oyjuoz; TTLTTTOV the hand/ills of corn fell in the 
middle of the furrow (between the ridges). 

Of the other meaning we may distinguish the varieties 

(1) after, following ; II. 13. 513 cTraffcu /me0' kbv fitXos follow- 
ing his weapon, Od. 2. 406 /uer' tx^ta /3atz;e ^eoto. 

(2) after, in order to find (with a Verb of motion), as jmer' e// 

o/" me, Od. I. 184 es 

(3) ^ succession to, next to; TOV 8e /oiera KrX. ^ a/^r him 
fyc. ; II. 8. 289 Trpwra) rot fxer' e/xe irpeorfiri'iov kv x^pt ^ri<rco ^o 
myself '; of rank, II. 7. 228 otot . . juereWi Kal /mer' 
w ^^ second rank] after Achilles. 

196.] With the Genitive jxe-ni occurs in five places (with a 
Plural Noun), in the meaning among or with 
II. 13. 700 l^tTa Boicorwy cfJid^ovTo. 
21. 458 ovde ju,e0' j]\^i(>v Treipa 
24. 400 rwz; /xera TraAXo/xeros 
Od. IO. 320 /*er j aAAa>z> Xefo cratp 

1 6. 140 jutera Sjucocoz; r' ez;t ot/co) -Trtz^e KrA. 

Of these instances the first is in a passage probably inserted 
afterwards to glorify the Athenians ; the second is in the 0ewy 
J, and therefore doubtful; in the third we should perhaps 

198.] META, "EIII. 179 

write jjicTaTraXXfyeyos and construe of them casting lots in turn I was 
chosen. But the last two indicate that the use had crept into 
colloquial language as early as the Odyssey, taking the place of 
auv or 3/jia with the Dative. See 221. 

197.] The Preposition em means over, upon ; sometimes after 
(as we speak of following upon) with, at (i. e. close upon) ; in 
addition, besides, esp. of an addition made to correspond with or 
complete something else ; also,, attached to, as an inseparable in- 
cident or condition of a person or thing ; and conversely, on the 
condition, in the circumstances, &c. 

Examples of these meanings in the adverbial use are 
II. i. 462 em 8' aWoTTa olvov Aei/3e poured wine over (the meat). 

13. 799 Trpb \kiv r aAA', avrap en' aAAa in front behind. 
Od. i. 273 Oeol ' em juaprvpot iorav the gods le witnesses thereto. 
5. 443 7r ' o-KeVay r\v av^oio there was thereto (the place 

w&sfurnwked with) a shelter from the wind. 
II. 1 8. 529 KTclvov 8' em fj,T]\o(3oTr]pas killed the shepherds with 

the sheep. 

i. 233 em jue'yaz> op/coy o/xoujuiat I will swear in confirmation. 
With a Verb understood, em = is present, is in the case, as Od. 2. 
58 ov yap eV dz/rjp ^er*? is no man (for the purpose) ; II. i. 515 ov 
rot TTL beos there is no fear with 01 for you (as part of your circum- 
stances) ; II. 21. no eTrt rot KCU e/xot Odvaros death is my lot too 
(cp. 6. 357 oto-tu em Zei;s 0r/Ke KO.KOV popov). 

It is very much used in Composition. Note the meaning over 
in eTrt-TrXe'o) fo & oi'^-r, also eTr-otxojutat ^ ^70 o^er, review, em- 
-TrcoAe'ojutat, eTr-aXao/xat (II. 17. 650 fxax. 1 ? 8* ^wi -Trao-a (j>adv6r] the fight 
was lighted up all over} ; besides, in e7rt-8i'8coju,t, &c. ; ^o (of bring- 
ing aid, joining, &c.) in e7r-ap?jya> 5 eTr-aXe'^oo, eTr-apaptcrKco, e-Tr- 
aAAaa-cra), &c. ; j^br, in e7n-KA.G>06o j^ ^t?m /br (so as to attach to) ; 
hence of assent, eTrt-^evco, em-rA^at, em-etKO) (with a general 
affirmative meaning, on as opposed to off, for as opposed to 

198.] With the Dative em has the same group of meanings ; 
note especially 

(1) em vr]V(TL ly the ships, eV oeo-o-t with the sheep (of a shep- 
herd), em Kreareo-o-t with (in charge of) the possessions ; II. 4. 
235 tm \lfVO(T(rtv ea-crer' apooyo's w^ ^<? helper with (on the 
side of) falsehood (QT false men, reading i/reu8eVo-t). 

(2) II. 4. 258 dAXoto) em epyw m (engaged upon) other work, 
so dreAeur?jrw em epyw ^^ ^ wor^ unfinished: so II. 4. 178 
em 77ao-t m a// c^^5 r/m^ with. 

N 2 

l8o PREPOSITIONS. [199. 

(3) Od. 17. 454 OVK apa <roi y em ei8ei KOL </>peVes y<rav with 
form thou hast not understanding too ; II. 13. 485 7"a>8' em 

0vju(3 with this spirit (too); Hes. Theog. 153 icryvs . . //eyaXw 
em etSei. 

(4) Od. II. 548 roiw8' e-Tr' de'0Aa> with such a prize (when such 
a thing 1 is prize) ; jjuo-0u> em p^rw for fixed hire (given the 
hire, hence in view of it). 

(5) ITT' rjfjiaTifor the day, i. e. as the day's work, in a single day. 
Note also that em meaning upon very often takes the Dat. 

after Verbs of motion, as Kare'xeuezj &r' o#8ei poured on to the 
ground : hence with the meaning against, as eV dAA?jAoio-ii; 
eV avbpd(TL, &C. 

199.] With the Accusative em implies (i) motion directed to 
a place, seldom (2) to a person ; or (3) motion or (4) diffusion, 
extent, &c. over a space or (5) time. 

1. After Verbs of motion the Ace. does not (like the Dat.) 
distinctly express that the motion terminates on the place : e.g. 
em x^ova is merely to or towards the ground, but em y& ov l implies 
alighting on it. Cp. II. 1 8. 565 drapm-ros rje/; e^r' avTr\v there was 
a path leading to it ; II. 2. 218 em arrjOos a-wox&>Ko're bent in over 
the chest. 

Hence the phrases expressing attitude, as em a-ro^a, em yovva, 
&c. Two forms, ITTI Sefta and e^r' dptorepa, are used even when 
motion is not expressed ; as II. 5. 355 &p*v eTretra /acixr/? eir' 
apL(TTpa Oovpov v Api]a rjfjievov. Note however that e^r' dptcrrepots 
and eV dptorepwi; are metrically impossible. 

2. The use with persons in the meaning towards, in quest of, 
is rare, and almost confined to the Iliad : as 2. 18 fir) 8' ap' eTr' 
*Arpet8r]z> 'Ayajue'/u>oz;a, roz> 8' (Ki^avev : also 5- 59-5 IO ' I ^> 54^ 
85, 150., ii. 343, 805., 12. 342., 13. 91, 459-. J 4- 24-, 16. 535., 
21. 348, Od. 5. 149. 

3. The meaning over, with Verbs of motion, is very common ; 
em TTOVTOV (to>i>. TrAeW, (frtvyav, &c.), eTrt yaiav, em \Q6va, irl KV- 
jmara, &c. Also with Verbs of looking, as II. I. 350 6p6u>v CTT' 
aiTipova TTOVTOV. 

Hence such phrases as em o-rtxas, of troops &c. moving in ranks, 
i.e. over or #/cw^ certain lines: as II. 3. 113 tVn-ov? <lpvav em 
o-rtxa? : and so Od. 5. 245 em ard6^v Wvvt straightened along 
(hence by) the rule. 

So with Plural Nouns, II. 14. 381 olyjo^tvoi em iravras going 
over them all, Od. 15. 492 -rroAAa ppor&v em acrre' dAw/xez/o? ; and 
of a distribution, Od. 16. 385 baa-crd^voi, Kara polpav e<' fjjjitas 
i. e. equally, so as to go round. 

aoi.] "Em, Tno. 181 

4. The instances in which extent (without motion) is implied 
are chiefly found in the Odyssey (2. 370, &c.). Examples from 
the Iliad are : 9. 506 tyOdvti 5e' re iravav eV alav she is beforehand 
all the world over (so 23. 742) : 10. 213 KAe'os eir; Trdvras eV 
avOptoirovs, 24. 2O2, 535- It w iU b e seen that they are from 
books 9, 10, 23, 24. 

Notice also the use with Neuters expressing quantity ; as II. 5. 
772 TOCTUOV TTL 0p(^(TKov(TL to such a distance they bound ; also e^ri 
TroAAoV a long way, eirl Icra to an equal extent ; and esp. the com- 
mon phrase ocrov T em, see II. 2. 616, &c. 

5. Of time: II. 2. 299 jueiVar' em \povov wait for (lit. over) a 
time ; Od. 7. 288 e!oz> jravvv^LOL /cat eV ?5<S KCU ^orov fjfjiap slept 
all night and on through morning and midday. 

200.] The Genitive with em is used in nearly the same sense 
as the Dative, but usually with less definitely local force; in 

(1) with words expressing the great divisions of space, esp. 
when a contrast is involved (land and sea, &c.) ; as em 
Xtpvw, eV riirtipov, CTT* aypov ; Od. 12. 27 T) aAos 77 cTrl yfjs 
aAyrjo-ere (cp. II. 13. 565). This is evidently a Gen. of 
place, 149. For the difference of Gen. and Dat. cp. II. i. 
485 tK rjireipoio epvcra-av v\l/ov m \l/afjid6ois. 

(2) where the local relation is a familiar one; as ITU vyos, k-n 
airrivris, l^> 'iTnrtov, firl dpovov, CTT' ovbov, eVl Tivpyov, CTT' 
dyKo>z;oj, 7il jueAirj? (epeto-^et?). Thus CTTI vijva-i means on or 
beside ships, em vrj&v on board ships. 

(3) with Verbs of motion, upon (of the terminus ad quern), as 
II. 3. 293 KartOrjKtv irl x^ouo's j so Bearing down on, as II. 
3. 6 TreVoyrat eTr' 'llKearoto poaaiv : II. 5- 7^^ ^pOTpeirovro jute- 
Aat^awz; eTrt vr]&v: Od. 3. 171 z>eoi//,0a z;7](rou eTTt tyvptrjs 
taking the course by the island Psyria. So perhaps II. 7. 195 
(e#xe<r0e) cny?} e^>' vjJLftwv (keeping the words) to yourselves. 

(4) of ^W; eV clpyvris (II. 2. 797, &c.) ; em Trporepojz; d^pw- 
TTO>I> (II. 5. 637, &c.). Cp. the Gen. of Time, 150. 

In later prose the Gen. is very common, and the uses become 
indistinguishable from those of the Dat. 

201.] The Preposition UTTO (also UTTCU') usually means beneath^ 
as in II. 2. 95 virb Se arTevayi&TO yala the earth groaned beneath 
(their tread). The original sense, however, seems to have been 
upwards, as in the Superlative vir-aros uppermost (cp. v\jfL alofi, 
facing upwards). On this view we can understand why 

1 82 PREPOSITIONS. [202. 

uiro is not applied (like icard) to express downward motion. 
Hence, too, it is especially used of supporting a tiling 1 , as II. i. 
486 VTTO 5' epjixara /xa/cpa ravvao-av : and on the same principle it 
expresses resistance to a motion (whereas Kara implies yielding, 
going with the stream &c.) ; as II. 5- 55 v & to"rp<pov yvioxijts 
the drivers wheeled them up, i. e. to face (the Trojans) : and so 
v-n-avTiaa-as meeting face to face, viro-iJitvw to stand against (as we 
say, up to) j and with the derived notion of answering, U7r-aet8a) 
I sing in correspondence, V7ro-/cpii>o//ai ( = Att. aTro/cpt^ojutat), VTTO- 
/3dAAa> / take up (a speaker), vir-aKovto I hear in reply, i. e. show 
that I hear (by answering or obeying). 

So too the Compounds u<f>-opw, uir-6\|uos, uiro-Spa, &c. do not 
express looking down, but looking upwards from under ; even in 
II. 3. 217 (TTaa-Kcv viral d~e t<TKe Kara ^dovos o/xjuara TTTJfas 1 it is 
the face that is bent downwards : cp. II. 19. 17. 

From the notion of being immediately under is derived that of 
being moved by, i. e. of agency or cause. The transition may be 
seen in vTro-etKco I give way (before], vTro-Tpea> &c. ; so II. 16. 333 
was warmed by (the blood). 

202.] With the Dative UTTO is very common in the simple local 
meaning, under. It is sometimes found with Verbs of motion, 
as Od. 4. 297 btjJivi VTT' alOovorrj Otpfvai ; and even when motion 
from is intended, in II. 18. 244 eAtxraz> v(f)' ap/ix,acrtzj a>Keas nr7rot>y. 
In this case however we have to consider that apjuarow is metri- 
cally impossible. 

The derived sense under the charge or power is found in such 
uses as II. 5. 231 vcj)' rjvtox^ (of horses), 6. 139 Zev? yap ot VTTO 
(TKt]7rTp(f eSa/jiao-o-e, 6. 171 Ot&v VTT' ajjiVfjiovi Tro^irfl : also, with the 
notion of an effect produced (where the Gen. would therefore be 
rather more natural), VTTO \cpa-i (ba^rjvai, Qavteiv, &c.), VTTO doupt 
(rvTrets, &c.); II. 13. 667 vovcrto vV dpyaXery (f)Oia-0aL, Od. 4. 295 
virvto viro yAvKepo) rapTrce)/x0a : and often of persons, as II. 5. 93 
VTTO Tvbdbrj irvKLval KXoveovTO 

203.] The Accusative is used with UTTO (i) of motion to a 
point under, as 

II. 2. 2i6 VTTO *I\LOV tfXOe came under (the walls of) Troy. 
17. 309 TOV /3dA.' VTTO K\r]lba /xeVryz; (so often with Verbs of 

striking, &c.). 

Also (2) of motion passing under, and hence of extent under : Od. 
15. 349 e ' 7rov ^ rt Ctooww VTT' avyas 976X1010 i. e. anywhere that the 
sun shines (cp. VTT' 770) T r}eXto^ re an equivalent phrase). 
II. 2. 603 ot 5' %yov 'ApKabirjv VTTO K.v\\rjvr)s opoj. 

3. 371 yx e be i*iv Tro\VK(TTo$ t/xds avaXriv it-no Setprjz; (i.e. 
passing under the throat). 

204.] "rno. 183 

In one or two places it is applied to time : II. 16. 202 irdvO' VTTO 
fji^viOfjiov all the time that my anger lasted ; so perhaps II. 22. 102 
vvyO' VTTO Trjvb' d\oi]v (but night is often regarded as a space of 

204.] The Genitive with UTTO is found in two or three distinct 
uses : 

(i) with the force of separation from : as II. 17. 235 veKpov VTT 
Atazrros tpvtiv from under Ajax ; Od. 9. 463 VTT' dpveiov 
so II. 19. 17 oWe btivbv VTTO /3A.e<apa>z> &>s et cr 

In this use the Gen. is ablatival, cp. 152. Originally u-n-o 
with an Abl. probably meant upwards from : see 192. 

(2) of place under i with contact (especially of a surface] ; as 
II. 8. 14 VTTO yQovos eort fitpeOpov. 

Od. 5- 346 To'8e K/)rj8ejuiz>oz> vita oreproto Tavvo-crai. 
II. I. 501 Seftreprj 8' ap VTT ai'Oepe&vos eAoSo-a taking hold of 
him under the chin. 

4 I O6 VTTO (TTtpVOlO TV^O'aS. 

16. 375 faffi 8' aeXAa <TKibva6' VTTO ve^tuv, i.e. seeming to 

reach the clouds (cp. 15. 625., 23. 874). 

These uses of the Gen. are evidently parallel to some of those 
discussed in 149 and 151 ; compare (e.g.) VTTO vetyeav with 
the Gen. of space within which (-TreStoto SicoKecz;, &c.), and VTT' 
av0pe(ovos \ovcra with /CO/XT?? e'Ae ( 151 a) took by the hair. 
They are doubtless to be regarded (like the Gen. with eiu, 200) 
as varieties or developments of the Genitive of Place. 

As with the Dative, the notion under passes into 

(3) the metaphorical (or half metaphorical) meaning under the 
influence of, by the power of; as II. 3. 61 os T eTo-tr 8ia bovpbs 
VTT avtpos under the man's hand ; Od. 19. 114 aperwcri 8e Aaot 
VTT avrov under his rule ; and many similar uses. 

Cases may be noted in which the agency intended is indirect 
(where later writers would rather use bid with an Ace.) : 
II. 1 6. 590 rjv pd T avrjp dtytrj TTLpu>iJ,VOS rj V ae'flAco 
176 /cat V TToXejuta) brjicav VTTO OvfjLOpa'ia-Tttov, 

under the stress of an enemy (so 18. 220); 
II. 23. 86 VT /ne . . riyayev vfjiercpovb' avbpoKTaa-iqs VTTO Xvyprjs 

by reason of a homicide (committed by me). 

As a sound is said to be over or about (Trepi, a/x^)t) the person 
hearing, so he is under the sound : hence (e.g.) with a half meta- 
phorical meaning II. 15. 275 T &v * & v/no t' a X^ s tydvrj Xiy. So 
of other accompaniments, as II. 18. 492 ba'tbtov VTTO 
by the light of blazing torches. 



205.] The Preposition irpori (irpos, iron) expresses attitude or 
direction towards an object. It is found in the adverbial use; 
Od. 5 255 upas 8' apa TrrjbaXiov Trotrjo-aro he made a rudder to be 
put to (the raft)-, hence commonly in addition, besides a use 
which remained in later Greek. 

It is a question whether irp<m and TTOTI are originally the same 
word. The present text of Homer does not indicate any differ- 
ence of usage. 

206.] With the Dative irpori means resting on, against, beside 
a thing : as II. 4. 1 12 Trorl yat?? dyKAtVas resting (the bow) against 
the ground : Od. 5- 329 irpbs aXXr\\.ri<Tiv tyjovrai hold on to one 
another. With Verbs of motion it implies that the motion 
ends on or beside the object ; Od. 9. 459 dtivojjitvov 77/50$ o#8et. 

The later meaning besides, in addition, is only found in Od. 10. 
68 aacrav //,' erapot re KaKot irpbs roto-t re virvos. 

207.] With the Accusative irpori is very common, meaning 
towards : as Trpos iroAu; towards the city (not necessarily reaching 
it), II. 8. 364 KAai'eo-/ce Trpos ovpavov cried out to heaven ; hence to, 
on to (mostly with Verbs of motion), as Od. 4. 42 %K\ivav npbs 
eVo>7rta leaned against the walls : against (persons), as 717)09 batpova 
$o>rt payjEvOai to fight with a man in opposition to a god ; also 
addressing (persons), with Verbs of speaking, &c. ; in one place 
of time, Od. 17. 191 Trort eWepa towards evening. 

Note that the literal local sense appears in all the Homeric 
uses of irpori with the Ace. : the metaphorical uses, viz. in respect 
of, for the purpose of, in proportion to, according to, &c., are later. 

208.] With the Genitive irp<m expresses direction without the 
idea of motion towards or rest on the object : as Od. 13. no at 
plv Kpbs /3ope'ao . . at 5' av TT/>OS z>oYou i. e. not at or facing the 
north and south, but more generally, in the direction fixed by 
north and south ; II. 10. 428-430 irpos pev aXos . . Trpo? &v^pr]s : 
II. 22. 198 Trort Trro'Atoj in the direction of Troy; Od. 8. 29 ?Je 7jy>os 
rj cnrpiu>v avOpvircov (=.from east or west). 

Among derived senses we may distinguish 

(1) at the hand of, from (persons), as II. I. 160 
irpbs Tpwcov, II. 831 ra o~e Trport fyavL 

(2) on the part of, by the will of, as II. I. 239 ot re 

Trpds Atoy elpvarai who uphold judgments on behalf of Zeus ; 
II. 6. 456 vrpos aAArjy to-roz; v^atW? at another's bidding: 
and, perhaps in a metaphorical sense, Od. 6. 207 TT/>OS yap 
Atos daiv airavTes fetz/ot re TTT^OL re. 

210.] IIPOTI, 'ANA. 185 

(3) before, ~by (in oaths and entreaties) ; as II. 13. 324 
Trarpo? yovva&pai I entreat in the name of thy father. The 
Preposition here implies that the god or person sworn by is 
made a party to the act ; cp. Od. 11.66 vvv 8e ere T&V oiuOtv 
yovva^o^ai ov Trapeovrav, irpos r ako^ov KOI irarpos KrA. on the 
part of the absent ones I entreat fyc. 
It will be seen that irp<m with a Gen. is seldom used in the 

strictly local sense except when there is a contrast between two 

directions. Hence the use approaches closely to that of the Gen. 

of Place given in 149 (2) ; compare (e.g.) irpbs /3opeao Tipo? 

VOTOV with Od. I. 24 01 juey ^vcro^vov *YTTpiovos ot 8' CIVIOVTOS. 

The Case is accordingly ' quasi-partitive ' (i. e. true) Genitive, 

and has no ablatival character. 

209.] The Preposition fad (&v) means up, upwards, up through. 
It is rarely used as a pure Adverb (the form ava being preferred) 
except in the elliptical wo. up ! But it has a derivative adverbial 
sense in II. 18. 562 f/e'Aayes ' ava j3orpvs r\(rav there were dark 
grapes throughout. Tmesis may be seen in II. 2. 278 ava 6' 6 
TTToAiTropflos 'Obva-crtvs lorry, and in ava 6' co^ero (avtoyjeTo), &c. 
In Tmesis and Composition it sometimes expresses reverse action, 
as ava-\va>. So di>a-/3aAAo) to put off. 

di>< is seldom used with the Dative ; the meaning is up on (a 
height of some kind), as II. 1. 15 XP V(T ^ ava wfiitrpy* raised on a 
golden staff; 15. 152 ava Tapyapw; so 8. 441., 14. 352., 18. 177., 
Od. ii. 128., 23. 275., 24. 8. This use is occasionally found in 
Pindar (Ol. 8. 67, Pyth. i. 10), and lyric parts of tragedy, but is 
not Attic. 

With the Genitive dw is only used in three places in the 
Odyssey (2. 416., 9. 177., 15. 284), and only of going on board 
a ship (ava vrjos /3atVa>). The meaning up from is only found in 
Composition : avebv TroAtf/s dAos, &c. 

210.] With the Accusative &vd means up along, up through, 
of motion or extent : az^a aoru, aju Ttebiov, ava 8w/xara, av 65oV, av 
*EAAd8a, &c. ; II. 5- 74 av> obovras VTTO y\G>cr<rav ra/xe ^aAKOs the 
spear cut its way up through the teeth and under the tongue ; so 
ava o-TOfxa, used literally (II. 16. 349., 22. 452, &c.), and also of 
words uttered, II. 2. 250 J3a<n\r}as ava oroV fyav having the kings 
passing through your mouth (i. e. talking freely of them) ; similarly 
ava 6vfji6v of thoughts rising in the mind. Note also the applica- 
tion to mixing, as Od. 4. 41 Trap 8' <ifia\ov feia?, ava 8e /cpt \ZVKOV 
ejuufai;; cp. Od. 9. 209 (with the note in Merry and Riddell's 
edition). The Accusative is evidently one of Space ( 138). 

1 86 PREPOSITIONS. [211. 

The use with collective Nouns, as av o^ikov through the press, 
^GL\f]v ava, afj. (frovov av VCKVCLS, &c. seems to be peculiar to the 

The use in II. 14. 80 d^A CU'KTO, may be explained either of 
time or of space: cp. UTTO I/UKTO, ( 203), 8td vuura ( 215). 

The meaning up on, up to (of motion) may be traced in II. 10. 
466 6rJKv ava fjLVpLKrjv : Od. 22. 176 KIOZ/ av v\l/rjXriv pv(rai draw 
(the cord] up to a high pillar ; perhaps in the phrase dvd 0' ap^ara 
TroiKiA' tfiaivov (Od. 3. 492, &c.). 


211.] The Preposition Kara (by Apocope icdS, &c.) means 
down, and is parallel in most uses to avd. It is never purely 
adverbial (KCLTM being used instead, cp. aw), but is common in 
Tmesis, as II. I. 436 Kara 8e irpvfjLVTJo-L ebrja-av, 19. 334 Kara Tra/u,- 
Trav TtOvajjitv, &c., and in Composition. Besides the primary 
sense (seen in Kar-dyco / bring down, Kara-vVM 1 nod downwards, 
i. e. in assent, &c.) it often has the meaning all over, as Kara-izwo> 
/ clothe, Kar ax too I pour over ; hence completely, as Kara Trdvra 
fyayslv to eat all up, Kara-KretVco I kill outright: also in the place, 
as before, as KaraA.ei7rco / leave where it was, &c. 

Kara is not used with the Dative. If such a use ever existed 
it was superseded by UTTO (just as avd with the Dat. gave way to 
em). The possibility of the combination may be seen from the 
phrases Kar avToOi, nar av0i. 

212.] With the Accusative icard means down along, down 
through, as Kara poov down stream ; cp. II. 16. 349 ava arj/xa Kat 
Kara ptvas (of blood). But it is very often used (like av a) of 
motion that is not upward or downward, except from some 
arbitrary point of view ; as Ka0' obov along the way, Kara TtroXiv 
through the city, &c. : again, Kara Qpeva Kat Kara 6v^6v in mind 
and spirit. 

Other varieties of use are : 

(1) with collective Nouns (chiefly in the Iliad), as Kara orparoV 
through the camp, -Tro'Ae/ioy Kara, Kara K\OVOV, &c. 

(2) with Plurals (less common), as Kar 5 avrovs going among 
them, Kar' av9pu>Trovs aXa\it](TOai. 

(3) of the character or general description of an action, as Kara 

(dA.aA.77cr0e) on a piece of business, rjX.0ov Kara XP e/os > 
i. Kara Xrjiba (all in the Odyssey). 

(4) to express place ; esp. of wounds, e. g. Kar' a>juoz> about (some- 
where on) the shoulder. Cp. II. I. 484 IK.OVTO Kara o-rparov 
arrived opposite (within the space adjoining) the camp j Od. 
3. 441 TTora/^oto Kara o-ro'juta tfe vtav. 

2 1 5.] KATA, AIA. 187 

(5) to express agreement (from the notion of falling in wifJi), in 
the phrases Kara 0i>juoi>, Kara Koarfjiov, Kara nolpav, Kar J alcrav. 

(6) distributively : as II. 2. 99 tpr\rvQtv 8e Ka0' e5pas in their 
several seats ; and so in 2. 362 Kpiv avbpas Kara </>Aa Kara 

(7) Kara (7<eas (n,a\t<rBai) by themselves (to the extent consti- 
tuted by themselves) : so II. i. 271 KCLT JJL avrov. 

These uses may generally be identified in principle with some of the 
Accusatives mentioned in 136-138. Thus the Ace. in TJKOov Karoi x/> e/OJ 
is like dyyeXiijv tXQelv : in /card rcoffftov it is like the adverbial Sffias, afcrji', &c. : 
Kpivc KO.TCL <}>v\a = fjioipas 8a<raa6ai ; and KOT' a>/ioj> like the Ace. of the ' part 

213.] With the G-enitive xard has two chief meanings : 

(1) down from ; as Kar' ovpavov down from heaven, KaO 1 ITTTTCOZ; 
aXro leaped from the chariot. This Genitive is clearly abla- 
tival in origin. 

(2) down on (in, over, &c.) : as II. 3. 217 Kara xOovbs o/x/xara 

fixing his eyes on the ground ; Kara 5' d<p6akfjiS>v K^VT 
a mist was shed over his eyes j Kara yairjs down in the 

Comparing the similar uses of em ( 200), uiro ( 204, 2), and 
208)^ we can hardly doubt that the Gen. in this latter 
group is originally akin to the Genitives of Place ( 149). 

214.] The Preposition Sid seems to mean properly apart, in 
twain. It is not used freely as an Adverb ; but the original 
sense appears in the combinations biairpo, bia^-Kepts, and in 
Tmesis and Composition, as Sia-o-rrjmt to stand apart ; 8ta-rajutz;a> 
/ cut asunder ; bia KTTJCTLV bartovro divided the possession. From 
the notion of going through it means thoroughly^ as in dia-7rep0co 
/ sack utterly. 

In several Compounds, as 6ia-rajuro>, 6i-aipao } 8ta-8a7rra), the 
notion of division is given by the Preposition to the Verb; e.g. 
I separate by cutting, &c. 

215.] The Accusative with Sid is often used to denote the 
space through which motion takes place : as 

II. I. 600 8ta Swjuara 7roi7rwoz>ra bustling through the palace (so 

ia (TTreo?, 8ta /3rjo-o-as, 8ta /ocoTTTJia, &c.). 

14. 91 jjivOov ov ov Kev avrip ye 8ta crro/jia TrajJLTTav ayotro 
( = with which a man would not sully his mouth : cp. ava 
oro/xa, 2io). 

Od. 9. 400 wKeoy v o-7rr}eo-(rt bi aKptaj dwelt in caves about 
(scattered through] the headlands. 

188 PREPOSITIONS. [2l6. 

So II. 2. 40 bia Kparepa? va-fjitvas lasting through hard fyhts : 
and bia VVKTCL (chiefly in the Odyssey, and books 10 and 24 of the 

This use is distinctively Homeric. Sometimes also Sid with the 
Ace. is used in Homer to express cause or agency ; as II. I. 73 fjv 
bia ^avro(Tvvr]v (Calchas led the army) by virtue of his soothsaying ; 
Od. 8. 520 bia ^eydOvfjiov ' Mr\vf]v (to conquer) by the help of 
Athene ; so II. jo. 497.*, 15. 41, 71, Od. 8. 82., n. 276, 282, 
43 7 v T 3- I 2i v I 9- I 54> 5 2 3- These places do not show the 
later distinction between by means of and by reason of. 

216.] The Genitive with 8id implies passing through some- 
thing in order to get beyond it; esp. getting through some 
obstacle: as 

II. 4. 135 bia l&v ap fooarrjpos eAryAaro. 

So of a gate, II. 3. 263 bia SKOUOW fyov tWou? : and of lower and 
upper air, &c. bi T^'po? aWtp iKavtv, bi alOepos ovpavbv txe, 
Trtbiovbz bia v(j>z<tiv. So again 8ta Trpojua^coz;, 8t* 6/ztAoi> &c. of 
making way through the press. 

The Ace. is used where we expect this Gen. in II. 7. 247 ef 8e 
bia irrvxas J?A0e went through six folds : but this may be partly 
due to the metrical impossibility of TTTUXW^. Conversely, in II. 
10. 185 oy re Ka0' v\rjv tpxnTai bi opeo-^t the Ace. would be right, 
and op<r<|>i is perhaps a false archaism: but cp. 158. 

217.] The Preposition uWp (or uireip) means higher, hence 
over, beyond. It is not found in the adverbial use, or in Tmesis, 
or with a Dative. 

In Composition uire'p expresses going across or beyond, hence 
excess, violation of limits, &c. 

218.] With the Accusative uire'p is used 

(1) of motion or extent over a space, as II. 23. 227 vTretp a\a 
KibvaraL 770)?. This use is not common; II. 12. 289., 24. 13, 
Od. 3. 68., 4. 172., 9. 254, 260. 

(2) of motion passing over an object: as II. 5- 16" 
api(TTpbv 7/A.U0' aKcoKrj ; Od. 7. 135 i^P o{>6oi 

(3) metaphorically, *' &z?cm o/j in violation of: virp alo-av, 
virep iJioipav, Mp opKia: also, somewhat differently, II. 17. 
327 vTTp dtov in spite of God. 

219.] With the Genitive uire'p is used both of position and of 
motion over an object, esp. at some distance from it ; as OTT} 5' 
ap vTrtp K(j)a\r]s ; II. 15. 382 vrjbs inrep roi^tov (of a wave com- 

221.] AIA, "rilEP, ENI, 2TN. 189 

ing 1 ) over the sides of a ship: II. 23. 327 ocrov r opyvi virep atrys a 
fathom s length above ground. 

Metaphorically it means over so as to protect, hence In defence 
of, on behalf of; as II. 7* 449 TCL^OS TL\i(r<ravTo ve&v virep ; 
II. I. 444 eKaro/x/rtyy peat virep &ava>v. So II. 6. 524 00' virep 
(Tdv al(j-\ aKovo) when I listen to reproaches on your account (of 
which I bear the brunt). But Hes. Op. 217 due?] 8' virep vfipws 
icryei justice rises (prevails) over insolence. 

In respect of form uirep (for virepi, Sanscr. updri) is a Compara- 
tive of uiro ; cp. the Superlative viraros, and the Lat. superus, 
summus. Hence the Gen. is ablatival, like the Gen. with words 
of comparison ; see 152. 


220.] The Preposition ivl (also etci, tlv, iv) means within, In ; 
it is used adverbially (as II. 5. 740 ez> 8 J e/ns, tv 6' aA*?} &c.), in 
Tmesis (as eV r' apa ol 0u x et PO> an( ^ w ^ n a (locatival) Dative. 

Notice, as departures from the strict local sense, the uses 

(1) with Plurals denoting persons ( = ^ra among), as h viuv 

(II. 9. 121, 528 V 10. 445), V TTCLO-L (Od. 2. 194., 16.378), 0>t 

o-(f)i(ri (II. 23. 703). 

(2) with abstract words (rare in the Iliad) ; tv navreo-cri -TJWOKTI 
(II. 10. 245, 279), tv iravTta-ff epyoto-t (II. 23. 671), ez> aAyeo-t 
(II. 24. 568) ; Qa\iri tvi (II. 9. 143, 285), Iv vr\-niir\ (II. 9. 
491) ; ev ^lAorryrt ; v ^oiprj aright (II. 19. 186), aia-rj tv ap- 
yaXtT] (II. 22. 6l), tv Kapos aia-rj (II. 9. 378) ; ev 6e Ifj n/xrj 
(II. 9. 319). 

These two uses are nearly confined in the Iliad to books 9, 10, 
23, 24- 

221.] The Preposition ow (or uV) means in company with. 
It is not used as a pure Adverb, but is found in Tmesis, as II. i. 
579 avv 8' fjiJiiv balra rapd^rj and disturb (o-wrapao-o-co) our feast. 
It is used with an Instrumental Dative ( 144). 

To express equally with, or at the same time as, Homer uses Sjuia 
with a Dat. ; while ow commonly means attended by, with the 
help of, &c. Hence vvv cWeo-t with armour on, vvv VTJVO-L in ships, 
on oath, crvv 'Ad^vrj aided by Athene : so II. 4. 161 crvv re 
they pay with a great price. 

The use of o-vv with the Dative has been recently shown by Tycho Momrnsen 
to be confined, generally speaking, to poetry. The Attic prose writers (with 
the singular exception of Xenophon) use jjierd with the Gen. ; the practice of 
the poets varies, from Homer, who hardly ever uses jjierd with the Gen., down 
to Euripides, who uses it about half as often as o-viv. It is evident that in 


post-Homeric times \ier& with the Gen. became established in the ordinary 
colloquial language, while <rvv with the dat. was retained as a piece of poetical 
style, but gradually gave way to living usage. See Tycho Mommsen's dis- 
sertation Mera, avv und ajua bei den Epikern (Frankfurt am Main, 1874). 

222.] The Preposition eis (or es) expresses motion to or into. 
It is not used adverbially (the Adverb being eicra>), and seldom 
in Tmesis: II. 8. 115 T&> 8' eis a/x$orepa> Aiojm?j8eos ap/xara ft^rrjv. 

The motion is sometimes implied: as II. 15. 275 <f)dvr] Xls 
ijuyeVetos eis obov : 16. 574 es IlrjA?}' iKe'revcre (came as suppliant). 

Of time ; es r\iXiov Karabvvra to sun-set ; so es ri how long ? eis o 
until: Od. 14. 384 es Otpos rj es oTT^prjv as late as summer or 

Metaphorical uses : II. 2. 379 ei 8e* TTOT' es ye ptav (3ov\vorofj.ev 
if we take counsel to one purpose ; II. 9. 102 elirelv eis ayaQov to 
speak to good effect (so n. 789., 23. 305). 

223.] The Preposition e (or IK) usually expresses motion out 

from an object. It is not used purely adverbially, but there are 

many examples of Tmesis : as e tpov eWo, e/< 8e r ot rjvio^os TrArjy?] 

</>peVas ^25 charioteer lost (lit. w<zs struck out of] his wits, IK re KCU 

6\l/ reXet (II. 4. 161) he brings it to pass (eKreAet) late. 

With a Gen. (ablatival) e is used of motion from or out of. 
Sometimes the idea of motion is implied: 

II. 13. 301 e* PT^KT/S 'Etyvpovs /ueVa Qapricra-ea-dov armed them- 

selves to come from Thrace after the Ephyri. 
14. 129 eV0a 6' eVeir' avrol fjiev fx^fJLeOa Srytorrjros eK j3e\ea>^ 
hold back from fighting (going] out of range: cp. 16. 122, 
678., 18. 152. ' 

So of direction: II. 14. 153 "Hprj 6' etVetde . . o-raa' If OvXvp- 
1:010 stood and looked from Olympus; Od. 21. 420 (drew the 
bow) avrodev e/c btypoLo KaQriptvos from the chair as he sat ; II. 19. 
375 or' av K TTOVTOIO o-e'Xas vavTyo-i (fravrirj when a meteor appears 
to sailors at sea (seeing it from the sea) : of choosing out of, II. 15. 
680 e/c TroAeW iria-vpas crv^aeiperat LTTTTOVS, and similarly^ II. 18. 
431 ocro-' e/xot eK naa-ttov Kpovioys Zevs aAye' e'ScoKe to me (taken 
from, hence) more than all. 

e is also used of an agent as the source of action ; as II. 5. 384 
rA%iez> . . ef avop&v have endured at the hands of men ; cp. II. 22. 
280, Od. 7. 70., 9. 512: also II. 24. 617 0&v e/c K7J8ea 
endures heaven-sent troubles, and Hes. Theog. 94 eK yap Movo-a 

az^Spes aot8ot eaom The meaning 

225-] EI 2, 'EB, 'AHO, HPO. 191 

consequence of (a thing) occurs in II. 9. 566 e apeW ^rjTpbs MXO- 
Aa>jueW, and in the Odyssey (3. 135., 5. 468, &c.). 

Of time: CK roiofrom that time, e apxfc from the first (Od. I. 
1 88, &c.), K veorrjros (II. 14. 86). 

With an abstract word, II. 10. 107 e* \6Xov dpyaAeoio juera- 
orpe\//-T7 fyiKov Tyrop. Note also : II. 10. 68 TrarpoOtv K -yevfijs 
ovondfav calling them by the father s name according to family ; II. 
9. 343 (486) K dv^ov from the heart, heartily (but II. 23. 595 ft 
Ovpov Treo-eeiz> to fall away from a persons favour). 


224.] The Preposition diro means off, away, at a distance from. 
It is not used adverbially, but is common in Tmesis ; as II. 8. 
1 08 ovs Tror' an Alveiav kXo^v which I took from Aeneas. In 

Composition it generally gives the Verb the notion of separating ; 
e.g. CLTTO-KOTTTO) is not / hew at a distance, but / separate by hew- 
ing : so aTreKoVjueozj cleared aivay (Od. 7. 232), and similarly aTro- 
bva>, aTTo/SaXXco, aTroAova), anoppriyvv^i, aTTOKairva) (all used in 
Tmesis). Hence we must explain II. 19. 254 airb rplyas apa- 
fjievos cutting hair as an dtrapx'n, or first offering ; cp. Od. 3. 446.^ 
14. 422. 

Sometimes diro has the force of restoration or return, as in aTro- 
St'dcojuu, aTTo-voo-rea) (cp. a\^ backwards). So aTro-etTretz; means 
either to speak out or to forbid, refuse. In a few cases it' has an in- 
tensive force, as in aTrojoirjzna), aTrTJx^ero, a7ro0ai^aa>. 

With the Genitive diro generally expresses motion away from, 
not implying previous place within the object (whereas e| means 
proceeding from}. It is also used of position, as II. 8. 16 oa-ov 
ovpavos eor' OTTO yairjs as far as heaven is from earth Od. I. 49 
(j>L\d)v airo 7r?7/xara -rracrxei suffers woes far from his friends j meta- 
phorically, II. i. 562 aTro Ovpov /uaXAoy e//ot eo^ou you will be the 
more out of favour with me; aito bo^s away from expectation. 
This Gen. is clearly ablatival. 


225.] The Preposition irpo means forward, in front. It is 
seldom used as an Adverb; II. 13. 799 npb ^v T aAA', KT\. ; II. 16. 
1 88 efayaye Trpo ^oaxrSe brought forth to the light: and of time, 
II. I. /o Trpo T tovTa the past. In one or two other instances we 
may recognise either the free adverbial use or Tmesis : II. I. 195 
Trpo yap rJK, I. 442 Trpo r \ eTrejix^e, Od. l. 37 Trpo ot enro/zer. 

Traces of a use of Trpo with the Locative may be seen in the 
phrases ovpavoOi Trpo in the face of heaven, '\\i66i Trpo in front of 
Troy, and (perhaps in the temporal sense) 77(0^1 Trpo' before dawn. 
In these cases the meaning is to the front in, hence 'immediately 

192 PREPOSITIONS. [226. 

With a Genitive, on the other hand, irpo means in front with 
respect to, in advance of; hence, in a more or less metaphorical 
sense, in defence of, as II. 8. 57 ^po TZ vafoav KOL irpb yvvaiK&v. 
The Case is here the ablatival Gen. (as with virep and words of 

But in II. 4. 382 irpb obov lytvovro the Gen. is partitive, got 
forward on the way ; and so perhaps II. 16. 667 TT/OO </>o'/3oio for- 
ward in the flight, i. e. having betaken themselves to flight (so 
Diintzer a. I.]. 

The temporal sense is rare in Homer; Od. 15. 524., 17. 476 
irpb ydfjLOLo before marriage ; II. 10. 224 KCU re Trpo 6 rov eWrjo-e 
one thinks of a thing before another. 


226.] The only certain Compound with dm in Homer appears 
to be avTi-<f)ep(rOai to oppose (II. I. 589., 5. 701., 22. 482, Od. 
16. 238) : for the Verbs cbri/3oAeo> meet and dz>rirope'o> pierce may 
be derived from the Nouns dz/ri-/3oAo?, dz>ri-ropos- : also in II. 8. 
163 we may read yvvaiKos ap } avrl re'ri>o, not dvrereYufo (cp. Od. 
8. 54^ CLVT! Ka(nyvTt]Tov feii/os 0' iKcrrjs re re'ru/crai), and in Od. 22. 
74 for avTio"(r0 (hold up against) avr' to-xeo-^e (i. e. avra tcr^ecr^e, 
cp. Od. I. 334 avTU TtapeLaajv a"^ofjLevr] Xnrapa Kpr^Sejura). 

&vn also resembles the Improper Prepositions (esp. the Adverbs 
aura, CLVTLOV, &c.) in being used with the Gen., but not with the 
Dat. or Ace. It means in place of, hence in the character of, 
to: as II. 2,1. 75 a 

Double Prepositions. 

227.] It is characteristic of Homer to form a species of com- 
pound by combining two Prepositions. We have 

dfi,<|)l ircpi, like our round about : also Trept T dju^t re round and 
about: used adverbially, as II. 22. 10 oyQon b' a^l Trept /xeyaA.' 
layov ; in Composition, aju(^t7repto-rpa)(/)a (II. 8. 348), &c. 

irape| out besides, out along, out past: adverbial in Od. 14. 168 
aAAa 7rape juejuvcojue^a : with the Ace., 7rape aAa alongside the sea, 
7rape Trjv vrjcrov past the island ; Trape* voov beyond (=-contrary to) 
reason: with the Gen., Tiapef 6601; aside from the way. 

e|, with a Gen. away from under, as II. 13. 89 <eveo-0at v 

, with a Gen. right through, as te/c npoOvpov, 8te/c jueyapoto. 
diroirpo quite away, used adverbially and with a Gen. 
Siairpo right through, adverbially and with a Gen. 
Trcpnrpo round about ; II. ll. 180 TreptTrpo yap eyx" ^e. 


In all these instances the meaning 1 and construction are mainly 
determined by the first of the two Prepositions (so that e. g. impel 
is used nearly as irapd, 8ie' and Sia-rrpo as Sid, &c.). The second 
does little more than add some emphasis. 

The treble Preposition ttireKirpo is found in Composition : v-rrffcnpoOea}, vircrt- 
irpopecu, &c. The sense is represented by dividing the words viretc-TrpoOeci}, &c. 

A curious variety is found in the Compound -npo-irponvXivSo^fvos rolling forward 
before, where a second irpo is added to give emphasis to the first. 

Improper Prepositions. 

228.] The term ' Improper Preposition' may be applied to 
any Adverb used to govern a Case. The following are some of 
the most important words of the kind : 

Used with a Genitive : ayy^i near, close to, eyyv&i,, eyyus near, 
avra, avriov, &c. facing, Trp6<T&t(y) before, 7rdpoL6t(v) in front of, 
o7TLcr6t(v) behind, /ixea-o-^yvj between, ezrro'j, vro(T0, evboOtv within, 
eco out, CKTOS, KTo6i, KTO(r0(v) outside, VpOe beneath, avev, 
avV0(v) apart from, without, are/) without, vovfyi away from, e/cas, 
KaTp9e(v) apart from, pea-tya until, vepriv beyond, irdXiv back from, 
avTLKpv straight to, lOvs straight towards, TT/Ae, r^KoQifar off, vnaiOa 
under, eu>eKa (eW/ca) on account of, e/ojrt by the favour of. The 
Gen. with some of these words may be ablatival ( 152). In 
general, however, it appears to be used with little or no refer- 
ence to the meaning of the governing Adverb, and merely in 
order to connect the two words. Hence these constructions are 
best brought under the general rule that a Noun governs the 
Genitive ( 147). 

With a Dative : a//,a together with, />uy8a in company with, 6ju,<2s 
//* like manner. 

apjus takes a Gen. in the meaning aside from (II. 8. 444., 23. 
393, Od. 14. 352). It is also found with the Ace. in the same 
sense as afjupi, in the phrase #eot Kpovov a/x^t? eoVres, II. 14. 274., 
15. 225 (see also II. n. 634, 748, Od. 6. 266); and once with 
a Dat., viz. in II. 5- 723 criS^p^o) CLOVL a^is. Also as an Adv. 
= around in II. 9. 464., 24. 488. 

ctaw generally takes an Accusative, as "IXiov euro) to Ilium : but 
a Gen. in Od. 8. 290 6 8' etcrco Sco/xaroj rJL went inside the house 
(not merely to the house). 

The word &> was supposed to govern an Accusative in one 
place in Homer, viz. Od. 17. 218 o>? atet TOV o^olov ayet 0eo? a>s 
TOV ofjiolov. But the true construction is (as Mr. Ridgeway has 
pointed out) o>? o>? as God brings like as he brings like, i. e. deals 
with a man as he dealt with his like (see Journal of Philology , 
vol. xvii. p. 113). 

Note the frequency of Compounds formed by one of these words following a 
Preposition : tv-avra, fta-avra, dv-avra, KO.T-a.VTa., irdp-avTa, tv-avTiov, 


194 PREPOSITIONS. [229. 

avriov : cfA-irpoffOeV) irpo-napoiOfj fj.fT-6irioOev, air-ai'fvdfv, air-are pOev, di 
viT-evepOe, Kar-avriKpv. Cp. dV-5iX> Si-afJLtrepes, Kar-avruOt, &c. These are not 
true Compounds ((ruvOera), but are formed by irapaSeoas, or mere juxta- 
position : i. e, they do not consist of two members, of which the first is wholly 
employed in limiting or qualifying the second, but of two adverbial words 
qualifying the same Verb. Thus they are essentially akin to the combinations 
formed by a Preposition and its Case : see 178. 

Homeric and Attic uses of Prepositions. 

229.] The development of the language between the Homeric 
and the Attic period is especially shown in the uses of Preposi- 
tions. It may be convenient here to bring together some of the 
chief points. 

i . Most of the Prepositions, but esp. djj,<f>i_, irepi, impd, em, uu<5_, 
irpori, eVi are used in Homer adverbially, i.e. as distinct words 
Afterwards they become mere unaccented words or prefixes. 

2. A variety of the same process shows itself in the disuse of 
Tmesis. Besides the Prepositions already mentioned, this applies 
to jxerd, dyd, tcard, Sid, e|, diro, els. 

In these processes of development we have seen that the loss 
of independent meaning is accompanied by a change (which is 
in all probability simply a loss) of accent. 

3. The construction with the Dative (which is mostly loca- 
tival) is the one in which the Preposition retains most nearly its 
own ( adverbial ' meaning so much so that it is often doubtful 
whether the Preposition can be said to ' govern ' the Case at all. 
Accordingly we find that this construction is comparatively rare 
in Attic. It is virtually lost (except as a poetical survival) with 

djJKJH, TTepl, fXerd, d^d, and OW. 

4. On the other hand the Genitive is more frequent in Attic, 
and not confined (as it generally is in Homer) to uses in which 
it has either an ablatival or a quasi-partitive sense. Thus it is 
used with &p$i, -rrepi, and jxerd : also with 8id of motion through. 
In such uses as these the Case ceases to have a distinct meaning : 
it merely serves (as with the Improper Prepositions) to show 
that the Noun is governed by the Preposition. 

5. The development of meaning is chiefly seen in the exten- 
sion from the literal sense of place to various derivative or 
metaphorical senses. Some of these senses are beginning to be 
used in the Homeric language : e.g. d^i with the Dat. = about > 
concerning ; -irepi with the Gen. (probably also the Dat.) in the same 
meaning ; mxpd with the Ace. = in excess of, in violation of; perd 
with the Ace. = after ; em with the Ace. = towards (a person) : 
Sid with the Ace. = owing to : e = in consequence of. Others may 
safely be counted as post- Homeric ; note in particular 


t with the Ace. = about > nearly (of time and number) ; also = 
concerning ', in relation to: 
irapd with the Dat. = in the opinion of; with the Ace. = during 

the continuance of; also compared with : 
card with the Ace. = answering to ; also during the time of : 

with the Gen. = about \ against : 
Im with the Dat. = in the power of: 

with many phrases in which the force of the Preposition is 
vague, such as 81' opyrjj, ava Kparos, irpos (3tav t e/c TOV eju.$a- 
vovs, &c. 

6. There are slight but perceptible differences between the 
usage of the Iliad and that of the Odyssey ( 182, 188, 196, 199, 
215). Some uses, again, are peculiar to one or two books of the 
Iliad, esp. 9, 10, 23, 24 : see 199 (4), 220, 223 (fin.). 



230.] The preceding chapters deal with the Simple Sentence : 
that is to say, the Sentence which consists of a single Verb, and 
the subordinate or qualifying words (Case-forms, Adverbs, Pre- 
positions) construed with it ( 131). We have now to consider 
how this type is enlarged by means of the Verbal Nouns. 

The Infinitive and Participle, as has been explained ( 84), 
are in fact Nouns : the Infinitive is an abstract Noun denoting 
the action of the Verb, the Participle a concrete Noun expressing 
that action as an attribute. They are termed ' Verbal ' because 
they suggest or imply a predication, such as a finite Verb ex- 
presses (e. g. p^Tai ayav avrovs implies the assertion ayei CIVTOVS), 
and because the words which depend upon or qualify them are 
construed with them as with Verbs (ayav avrovs, not ayav avr&v 
bringer of them). Thus they have the character of subordinate 
Verbs, ' governed ' by the finite Verb of the sentence, and 
serving at the same time as centres of dependent Clauses. 

The distinction between Infinitives and other abstract Substantives, and 
again between Participles and other primitive Adjectives, was probably not 
always so clearly drawn as it is in Greek. The Infinitives of the oldest 
Sanscrit hardly form a distinct group of words ; they are abstract Nouns of 
various formation, used in several different Cases, and would hardly have 

O 2 

196 INFINITIVE. [231. 

been classed apart from other Case-forms if they had not been recognised as 
the precursors of the later more developed Infinitive. The Participles, too, 
are variously formed in Sanscrit, and moreover they are not the only Nouns 
with which the construction is l adverbial ' instead of being ' adnominal.' 

The peculiarity of the Verbal Nouns in point of meaning may be said to 
consist in the temporary and accidental character of the actions or attributes 
which they express. Thus irpdrTeiv and irpa^at suggest a particular doing, 
momentary or progressive, at or during a time fixed by the context ; whereas 
irpais means doing, irrespective of time ; irpaKTup one who does, generally or 
permanently, a doer; and so in other cases. The distinction is especially 
important for Homer. In the later language there are uses of the Infinitive 
and Participle in which they lose the Verbal element, and have the character 
of , ordinary Nouns ; e. g. TO irpdrTfiv is nearly equivalent to 7r/>ot?, ol irpaTTovrts 
to irpaKTOpts, &c. 

The Infinitive. 

231.] Form and original meaning. The Greek Infinitive 
is a Case-form usually the Dative of an abstract Verbal 
Noun (nomen actionis). As a Dative it expresses an action to 
which that of the governing Verb is directed, or for which it 
takes place, viz. a purpose, effect, bearing, &c. of the main 
action. Thus 86jjiei>-ai to give, being the Dative of a Stem SO-JAC^ 
giving, means ' to or for giving,' hence in order to give, so as to 
give, &c. But owing to the loss of all other uses of the Dative 
in Greek ( 143), and the consequent isolation of the Infinitive, 
its meaning has been somewhat extended. For the same reason 
the Infinitives derived from other Cases ( 85) are no longer used 
with different meaning, but are retained merely as alternative 

The Dative meaning evidently accounts for the common con- 
structions of the Infinitive with Verbs expressing wish, command, 
power, expectation, beginning, and the like : as e0e'Aco bo^vai lit. 
I am willing for giving, ^vva^ai i8eeiy 1 have power for seeing, &c. 
In Homer it may be said to be the usual meaning of the Infini- 
tive. It is found in a great many simple phrases, such as 
fvWqicc nax.or0aL urged together to fight (so that they fought), 
bos ayeiv give for leading away (to be led away), ot8e vorjo-ai, knows 
(has sense) to perceive, (3rj b y ttvai stepped to go ( = took his way, 
cp. yovvar ercojua (f)vyefJLvai) ; TT/ooerjKe irvOlcrdaL, TTC^TTC ve<rdai 9 
60/oro ireTeo-dai, &c. Cp. also 

II. I. 22 eTrevtyrifjLrio-av 'AXCUOI, aibeivQai KT\. the Greeks uttered 
approving cries for (to the effect of) respecting, 8fc. ; so 2. 290 

2. 107 'AyafjLefjLvovi AetTre (froprjvai, TroAATyo-tu vrja-oivi KOL "Apye'i 
iravrl ava<T(rLv left (the sceptre) to Agamemnon to bear, there- 
with to rule over many islands and Argos, 

231.] INFINITIVE. 197 

Od. 4. 634 efxe 5e XP ^ ytyveran. avrrjs "HAi5' e? fvpv^opov 5ia/3rj- 
joierai / have need of it for crossing over to Elis. 

The notion of purpose often passes into that of adaptation, 
possibility, necessity, &c. ; e. g. 

II. 6. 227 -TroAAol IJLV yap e/xoi Tpcoes . . KTWiv there are many 
Trojans for me to kill (whom I may kill)-, cp. 9. 688 etVt KCH 
ot8e ra' ctTre/xe^ ^^ #00 fl/ 1 ^ ^f<? ^ tell this, II. 342 eyyus 
eo-az> TTpotyvyelv were near for escaping, to escape with. 

13. 98 et8erat rj[j.ap VTTO Tpweo-a-t bajjLrjvai, the day is come for 
being subdued (when we must be subdued) by the Trojans ; cp. 
Od. 2. 284. 

Again, from the notion of direction or effect the Infinitive 
shades off into that of reference, sphere of action. &c. ; as II. 5. 
601 olov 5rj 6av[jiaofjLv (f E,Kropa blov aixju^r^u r e//,ez>cu K.T\. for 
being a warrior ; Od, 7. 148 0eoi oA/3ia 8otez; fa)eju,e^at may the 
gods grant blessings for living, i. e. in life ; a/norevea-Ke y,a\cr6ai 
was best for (and so in)Jighting t v\frai tlvai boasts for (of) being. 

In the passages quoted the Infinitive is so far an abstract Noun 
that the action which it denotes is not predicated of an agent. 
The agent, if there is one in the speaker's mind, is not given by 
the form of the sentence ; e. g. eyyi/y torav TTpocfrvye'iv (were near 
for escaping) might mean ivere near so as to escape or (as the 
context of II. n. 342 requires) were near so that he could escape ; 
ovvai 7fLy6fjivos would usually mean eager to set, but in Od. 13. 
30 it means eager for (the sun's) setting. Hence the apparently 
harsh change of subject in such a case as 

Od. 2. 226 KCU ot i'coi> ev vrjvo-lv eTreVpeTrezJ O!KOV airavra 

TTi0(T0ai re ytpovTi KCU eju/rreda TrdvTa $v\a<T<Tav 
to the intent that it should obey the old man and he should guard 
all surely (lit. for obeying for guarding). And so in II. 9. 230 tv 
8oirj 8e o-acoo-e'/mez; r) aitoXivQai z^r/aj, where vrjas is first Object, 
then Subject. The harshness disappears when we understand 
that the abstract use is the prevailing one in Homer. 

It may also be noticed here that 

(1) With Verbs of privative meaning, the Infinitive may be 
used as with the corresponding affirmative words : as eppty' O.VTL- 
(BoXfjcraL shudders as to (from) meeting ; Od. 9. 468 ava 6' ofypvvi 
vtvov eKaoTO) KXatetr I nodded backwards to each for weeping (=for- 
bidding him to weep), II. 22. 474 elyov cnro\(r0ai. But the proper 
use also appears, as in II. 22. 5 CLVTOV jaeimt eTre'Sr/o-e fettered so 
that he remained. Here the context must determine the meaning. 

(2) With (f)pov&), 6to), &c. the Infinitive may express the 
effect or conclusion : / think to the effect , hence I think fit ; as 
II. 13. 263 ou yap otco . . TroXepi&iv I have no mind to fyc. So 

198 INFINITIVE. [232. 

i7reii> to speak to the intent that, to bid, as OcL 3. 427 eiTrare 5' 
to-a) 8juta)?jo-tz> . . TrevecrOai. Other examples are given in 238. 

In this use, as was observed by Mr. Eiddell (Dig. 83), the ' dictative 
force' the notion of thinking right, advising, &c. comes through the 
Infinitive to the governing Verb, not vice versa. The same remark holds of 
the use with &TTI it is possible, lit. it is (a case) for (something to happen). 

232.] Infinitive with Nouns, &c. It will be useful to bring 
together instances in which the Infinitive depends upon some 
qualifying word Preposition, Adverb, Adjective, &c. construed 
with the Verb : 

II. i. 258 pt'vcpl fj-tv /SovXqy Aava&v ircpl 6"' ecrre id\(r6ai excel 

them in fighting. 
I. 589 apya\os yap 'OA.u/xTuos' ai>rt<epeo-0ai the Olympian is hard 

to set oneself against ; cp. 20. 131. 
4. 5*0 TT\ ov (7<t Ai0os XP^ ? ovbe crioiipos \a\Kov avacr^ea'daL 

since their flesh is not stone or iron for withstanding (so as to 

be able to withstand] bronze. 
8. 223 rj p tv /mecra-aro) eV/ce yeyawe/xev d/^orepooo-e for shouting 

( = so that one could shout} both ways. 
13. 775 7Tt rot Ov^bs avaiTiov atridao-0at since your mind is for 

blaming (is such that you must blame) the innocent. 
Od. 17. 20 ov yap em o-ra#/uioi<Tt ptveiv Irt r^AtKO? etjutt I am not 

yet of the age to remain. 
17. 347 cttSw? 8* OVK ayaOrj K\pJ]i*.tv<$ avbpl iraptlvai shame is not 

good to be beside a needy man (is not a good ' backer ' for). 
2 1 . 195 TTOUH K LT 'Obvo-rJL ajjivve^v el TToOtv t\0oi; = /ww would 

you behave in regard to fighting for Ulysses? 

Od. 2. 60 57/ictV 8' ov vv TI roToi dfjivvffjLfv may be either we are not like him, 
so as to defend, or simply we are not fit to defend. The construction of the Inf. 
is the same in either case : the difference is whether TOIOI means ' of the kind ' 
with reference to ofos 'Odvaaevs Zaitf or to the Inf. dfivve/j.v. The latter may 
be defended by Od. 17. 20 (quoted above). 

This construction is extended to some Nouns even when they 
are not used as predicates; as 6eteiv rax^s swift to run, Oavpa 
i5eo-0ai a wonder to behold (cp. the use of the Accusative with 
Adjectives, 131 fin.). 

233.] Impersonal Verbs. The Infinitive is used with eon 
ihere is (means, room, occasion, fyc.), KOIKC it is fit , ireirpwrat it is 
determined, eifxapTo it was fated. For eort cp. 

II. 14. 313 KL(T juter eari KCU v(TTpov 
Od. 15. 392 at8e 8e WKre? d^eo-^arot* eort 

lort 8e TepvoptvoKTiv aKovtiv there is (enough) for 
sleeping and for listening. 


It is very common with a negative : OVK eo-ri, ov mo? 2<m, &c. 
meaning 1 there is no way, it may not be that, fyc. 

The Impersonal use is also found in phrases of the two kinds 
noticed in 162, 4 ; viz. 

(a) With a Neuter Adjective ; as apyaXtov 8e ji/,06 lort Oecr&ai 
KrA. it is difficult for me to make fyc. ; y^opL^ov 8e ot ear' dAeaa-0cu 
it is fated for him to escape ; so with alv^pov, ^^eo-o-rjrov, ai<ri\j,ov, 
ct.pK.ioV) /3e'Are/>oz>, and the like. 

(5) With an abstract Noun : as 

II. 14. 80 ov yap TLS re/xea-ij (hvyetiv K.OLK.OV there is no wrong 

in escaping ill. 
Od. 5. 345 6'0i rot /xotp' eoriz; dAveu where it is thy fate to fyc. 

II. 330 dAAa KCU u>prj evbtiv there is a time for fyo. 
So with o2<ja } nopos, 0e//,t?, XP 66 ^? avdyKri, ato'coy, 8eoj, eA7ra)p?7, &c. 
followed by an Infinitive to express what the fate, need, shame, 
&c. brings about, or in what it consists. 

These examples throw light on two much-debated passages : 

II. 2. 291 77 p-ty real irovos fariv avitjd^vTa Vfa0ai 

verily there is toil for a man to return in vexation, i. e. i I admit that the toil is 
enough to provoke any one to return.' Thus understood, the expression is a 
slightly bold use of the form of sentence that we have in uprj tarlv cuSeiv, ^otpa 
fffrlv dXufat, OV/JLOS kanv dvainov alnaaaOai, &c. The other interpretation, ' it 
is toil to return vexed/ though apparently easier, is not really more Homeric ; 
and it certainly does not fit the context so well. 

II. 7. 238 oTS' kirl Segid, old' ITT' apiffTfpa vw^aai 0uv 
da\T]v, TO fj.oi Zffri ra\avpivov iro\/j,ieiv 

I know how to turn my shield of seasoned ox-hide to the right and to the left, wherefore 
1 have that wherewith to war in stout-shielded fashion ( = 1 have a good claim to the 
title of raXavptvos iroXcjxio-TTjs, elsewhere an epithet of Ares). Here {-cm is 
used as in tffnv fvSeiv, &c. 

In II. 13. 99-101 77 fj-f^a Oavfjia rob' 6(pOa\^otffiv opwpai, TpcDcts 10' rjucTcpas itvai 
veas the Inf. follows Oav^a, or rather the whole phrase roSe opw^ai 
( = 0avfj.d eari) : opdco does not take an Inf. ( 245). 

234.] Innnitiv as apparent Subject, &c. In the Imper- 
sonal uses the Infinitive appears to stand as Subject to the Verb ; 
dpyaAeW eart da-Qai = making is hard ; ov fjiv yap TL KCUOJ> fiacri- 
\VfjiV to be a king is not a lad thing. This construction how- 
ever is not consistent with the original character of the Infinitive. 
It is plain that lortz; evbciv can never have meant ' sleeping is/ 
but ' there is (room &c.) for sleeping ' : and so apyaXtov ecrrt 
dtcrOai is originally, and in Homer, it (the case, state of tilings, fyc.) 
is hard m view of making. It is only in later Greek that we have 
the form apyaXtov crrl TO dtvQai, in which Ota-Oai is an inde- 
clinable Neuter Noun. 

The process by which the Infinitive, from being a mere word 

200 INFINITIVE. [234. 

of limitation, comes to be in sense the Subject or Object of the 
principal Clause, can be traced in sentences of various forms : - 

(1) With a personal Subject; e.g. in 

II. 5- 75O Trjs eTTtreYpaTmu /aeyas ovpavbs Ov^vfjuros re 

rjfjicv avcLKXlvai TTVKLVOV vetyos rjb' e-jnOelvai 

the meaning ' to them is entrusted the opening and shutting of 
the thick cloud of heaven/ is expressed by saying 'to them 
heaven is entrusted for opening and shutting the cloud/ So 
II. T. 107 aid TOI TO, KCIK' eort <tAa (/>petrt fjiavTtvta-Oai. 

4. 345 ^vOa <|>tA' oTrraAe'a Kpe'a e'Sjueyai. 
Meaning you love to prophesy tvils (to eat roast flesh, fyc.). 

(2) The Impersonal form (apyaAeW ecm) only differs from the 
other in the vagueness of the Subject, which makes it easier for 
the Infinitive to become the Subject in sense, while it is still 
grammatically a word limiting the vague unexpressed Subject. 

The use of a 

Neuter Pronoun as Subject (e.g. TO ye 
the thing is good, to listen] may be regarded as a link 
between the personal and impersonal forms of expression : cp. 
161 (note), also 258. 

(3) Similarly an Infinitive following the Object of a Verb may 
become the logical Object ; as 

II. 4. 347 ?? juteVere Tpwas cr\tov eA0e/meF ; do ye wait for the 
Trojans for their coming on ? i. e. for the coming on of the 

14. 342 r/ Hp?7, jurjre Oe&v TO ye ei'8i0i //,?jre nv &vbp&v ctyeo-0ai 
do not fear any one of gods or of men for their being about to 
see, i. e. that any one will see : cp. Od. 22. 39, 40. 
A further development of this use leads, as we shall see, to the 
' Accusative with the Infinitive/ 

(4) Again, the Infinitive sometimes takes the place of a vague 
unexpressed Object. Thus ote ror/o-oi means knows (enough) to 
perceive: the full construction being such as we have in II. 2. 213 
09 p eVea (j)p(rlv i](Tiv a/coo^a re TroAAa re fjbL . . ept^juez^at who 
knew (had a store of) words wherewith to wrangle. So too 8i6co^t 
with an Infinitive is originally construed as Od. 8. 44 rw yap pa 
0eo9 Trept bG)Kv CLOIOTJV T^pifftP : II. II. 2O TOV Trore ot Kivvprjs Sw/ce 
^tivrjiov tlvai ; thence it comes to mean ' to give (such a state of 
things) that some event shall happen/ i. e. to grant the happening ; 
as 86? rtVacrflai grant that I may punish. In such a passage as II. 
3. 3^2 Tov ^^s aiTO(j)OL^Lvov bvvai KrA. we may take TOV with 5os 
or as an Ace. with the Inf. bvvai. 

A Neuter Pronoun, too, may serve as a vague Object, ex- 
plained by an Infinitive; e.g. II. 5. 6656 TO JJL^V ov rts eTr 
crar' . . ttpv<jai : cp. Od. 21. 278 /cat ro{5ro eTroj Kara jjiolpav 
vvv juev iravvaL TOOV KrA. 


(5) The Infinitive may also be equivalent in sense to the Geni- 
tive depending on a Noun; as 

II. 7- 49 V "/UP TIS </>ei8o> VKV(6V KaTaT0VT](dT(i)V 

yiyVtT 7Tl K OdvtiKTL TTVpOS ^i\l(T(ri^V &>KCL 

i. e. there is no grudging about the appeasing of the dead. 
Hence is developed an idiomatic use of the Genitive parallel to 
that of the Accusativus de quo: see Shilleto on Thuc. i. 61, i. 

235.] With Relatives. It is remarkable that the use of the 
Infinitive with obs, <3s re, otos, oaos, &c. is rare in Homer. The 
familiar construction of o>s re only occurs twice : II. 9. 42 eTreV- 
crvrai cos re v(T0ai is eager to return, and Od. 17. 20 ov -yap em 
(TTaO[jLol(TL fJLevtiv TL rrjAtKOs eijut, cos r' eTTtreiAajuero) . . TH^eV^at. 
The other instances are: Od. 2,1. 173 rotor olov re e'ju,ei>ai such 
a one as to be ; Od. 5. 484 ocro-ov re . . epixrflai so far as to skelter ; 
Od. 19. 1 60 av7]p otos re juaAto~ra OIKOU K?]6ecr$aij 21. 117 otos r' . 

236.] With irptV and irdpos. This use is common in Homer : 
as II. T. 98 TTpiV y ttTro Trarpt </>tXa) 8o'/>tez/at before they give back to 
her father ; LI. 573 Trapos xpoa \VKOV eTrcwpeiV before touching the 

The tense is nearly always the Aorist : the exceptions are, Od. 
19. 475 Kplv a/^a0dao-0at (a verb which has no Aorist), and II. 
1 8. 245 Trapes bopiroLo jme'deo-flat. Perhaps however /utedecr^at is an 
Aorist : see 31, 2. 

irpti/ with the Indicative first appears in H. Apoll. 357 irpiv ye 
01 Ibv tyrJKtv. For the use with the Subj. see 297. 

The origin of this singularly isolated construction must evidently be sought 
in the period when the Infinitive was an abstract Noun ; so that (e. g.} irplv 
86fj*vai meant before the giving. The difficulty is that a word like irpiv would 
be construed with the Ablative, not the Dative : as in fact we find Ablatives 
used as Infinitives in Sanscrit with purd 'before ' (, Whitney, 983). It may 
be conjectured that the Dative Infinitive in Greek was substituted in this 
construction for an Ablative. Such a substitution might take place when 
the character of the Infinitive as a Case-form had become obscured. 

It is held by Sturm (Geschichtliche Entwickelung der Constructionen mit irpii', 
p. 15) that the Inf. has the force of limitation: e.g. irplv ovraaai 'before in 
respect to wounding/ before the time of wounding. But on this view the 
sense would rather be 'too soon to wound.' It is better to say, with Mr. 
Goodwin ( 623"!, that irpiv is 'quasi-prepositional' : and if so the Infinitive 
had ceased to be felt as a Dative when the use arose. 

The restriction to the Aor. Inf. may date from the time when Infinitives 
or Case-forms on the way to become Infinitives ( 242) were chiefly formed 
from the same Stem as the Aorist. Cp. the Aor. Participles which are with- 
out Tense-meaning ( 243, i). 

237.] Accusative with the Infinitive. Along with the use 
of the Infinitive as an abstract Noun ; we find in Homer the 

202 INFINITIVE. [237. 

later use by which it is in sense the Verb of a dependent Clause, 
the Subject of the Clause being in the Accusative. 

In the examples of the Ace. with the Infinitive we may dis- 
tinguish the following varieties or stages of the idiom : 

1 . The Ace. has a grammatical construction with the govern- 
ing Verb : e.g. 

II. I. 313 \aovs 8' 'Arpdbrjs aTTO\v^aivcr9aL cbcoye Agamemnon 
ordered the people to purify themselves ( = that they should 

5. 601 olov 6r) Oav^a^o^v "EnTopa blov a2)(M r ? T1 ? z; r ' fy-ewt KrA. 

(for being a ivarrior, how he was a warrior}. 
This might be called the natural Ace. with the Infinitive. 

2. The Ace. has not a sufficient construction with the Verb 
alone, but may be used if it is accompanied by an Infinitive of 
the thing or fact: e.g. 

/3ovAo/i/,' eyo) Xabv cr&v ejutfxerat / wish the people to be safe (the 

safety of the people). 
OVVK CLKOV(T Tip(rOaL TpcSaj because he heard of the Trojans 

being hard pressed. 
no ov uejueo-ifoju' 'Axcuoifj dd^aXdav wherefore I do not think it a 

shame in the Greeks to chafe. 

In this construction the logical Object is the fact or action 
given by the Infinitive, to which the Ace. furnishes a Subject or 
agent, and thus turns it from an abstract Noun to a predication 
(so that e.g. reipeo-flai T/xSas is virtually =. or 6 ereipoyro Tpwej). 
It is found with Verbs that usually take only a ' Cognate Ace/ 
(Neuter Pronoun, &c.), as 4>?]/xt, eiTroy, aKovo), TrvvQavopai. oi8a, duo, 
<ppove<D, efo'Aco, /3ouAo/otat, eXTro/otai, ^ejutea-tfo/xat, (^(Woo, &c. Thus 
it is in principle a particular form of the Accusativus de quo (see 
140, 3, b, also 234, 3). 

3. The Ace. has no construction except as the Subject of the 
Infinitive. This Ace. is chiefly found in Homer 

() after Impersonal Verbs ( 162, 4) : as 

II. 1 8. 329 aju<oo -yap TreVpcorat o^oiriv yaiav epewai 

it is fated for both to fyc. 

19. 182 ov \jJtv yap TL vfJL(T(rr]Tbv (3a(ri,Xfja avp aTraptcraaa-Oai 
it is no shame that a king should Sfc. 

(b) after irpiV and irdpos ; as irplv tXQtlv uta? ''Ayjcui&v before the 
Greeks came, Trdpos rae epya ytvtvdai before these things 
came to pass. 

The other examples are from the Odyssey, viz. 

Od. 4. 2IO ws vvv Ne'oro/n 8o)Ke SiajutTrepe? ^juara irdvra 

avrov i&v XiTrapw? yrjpaa-Ke^v (10. 533 v M- 1 93) 


This may be called the purely idiomatic Ace. with the Infini- 
tive. It has evidently been formed on the analogy of the older 

238.] Tenses of the Infinitive. So long as the Infinitive is 
merely a Verbal Noun, it does not express anything about the 
time of the action as past, present, or future. But when it is 
virtually a predication, the idea of time comes in ; e.g. 

II. 5- 659 aAA' olov TLVCL </>ao-t (3ir]V 'HpaKArje^u 

e/z/xerai (' what they say he was ') : cp. Od. 8. 181. 
14. 454 ov [Jiav avr dfo) . . aXwv 77778?} am aK.ovra, 
dAAa ris 'ApyeiW Ko'juio-e \pot. 

The Future Infinitive is used with c^jut, duo, eA7ro/*at, vina-yvto- 
HaL, o/Aisvjuit and other Verbs implying expectation we promise ; also 
with /ixe'AAco when it means to be about to. 

When the Inf. expresses, not simple expectation as to the 
future, but fitness, obligation, necessity, or the like ( 231, 2), the 
Aorist or Present is used. Thus II. 13. 262 ov yap duo TroXe/^ifet^ 
means, not ' I do not think I shall fight/ but I do not think Jit, I 
have no mind, to fyht ; so II. 3. 98 <p<Wo> biaKpivOifotvaL my mind- 
is (=6oKt jutot) that they should be parted : 9. 608 (frpovta) reri/xTJ- 
aOai I claim to be honoured: 22. 235 z>oeo> </>peo-t rtjur/o-ao-flat / see 
(understand] that I should honour thee ( 1. purpose to honour 
thee) : 24. 5^ voi<& 6"e Kal avrbs "E/cropa rot Xvarai : and so in a 
prophecy, Od. 2. 171 (j)r]fu reAevrrj^at a-navra I say that all must 
be accomplished : and 

II. 13. 665 09 p ev t8o)5 Kr\p 6\oi]v em vrjos t(3aLV, 

TToXkcLKL yap ol leiTre yepoo/^ ayaObs Ho\vibos 
vovo-ut VK apya\y (frOiaOai ots tv fjiydpoi(nv 
that lie must perish (according to his fate). 

So with juotpa and OeacfraTov CCTTL : also with jue'AAoo when it means 
to be likely : II. n. 364 w /uteAXets e^en-^at to whom- it is like that 
you pray ; Od. 9. 475 ^ K -P lju.cAXS avd\K.ibos avbpbs eratpou? 
e8/xerat he proves to be no helpless man whose comrades you ate ; II. 
21. 83 jue'AAa) 77ov a,7re'x0ecr0at U must be that I am become hateful ; 
II. 1 8. 362 jueAAet fiporbs reAeVa-at a man is likely to accomplish 
(i. e. it may be expected of him). 

The instances in which a Pres. or Aor. Inf. appears to be used 
of future time may be variously accounted for. The Inf. UVcu 
has a future sense in II. 17. 709 ovbz \i.w otco vvv Uvai K.T\. ; so 
II. 20. 365., Od. 15. 214. Again in Od. 9. 496 /cat 8r) tyd^v 
avroO* dAecr^at the Aor. is used for the sake of vividness we 
thought 'we are lost 3 : cp. II. 9. 413 wAero juteV JJLOL VOVTOS ( 78). 
Similarly II. 3. 112 eATro'/xerot Ttavvacrdai may be hoping that they 
had ceased (by the fact of the proposed duel) ; cp. II. 7. 199.., 16. 

204 INFINITIVE. [239. 

281. So Od. 13. 173 os t(f)a(TK TIo(Tibaa)v ayavavQai who said 
that Poseidon was moved to indignation ( = 6 

In several places the reading is uncertain, the Fut. being of the same 
metrical value as the Aor. or the Pres. (-ecrOcu and -ao-0ai, -i^ctv and -i^eiv. 
&c.). In such cases the evidence of the ancient grammarians and the MSS. is 
usually indecisive, and we are justified in writing the Fut. throughout, ac- 
cording to the general rule. Thus 

II. 3. 28 <pdro ^dp rifffaOcu (so Ven. A. : most MSS. riaaaOai]. Hence we 

may read fydro yap riaeaOai in Od. 20. 121. 
22. 118 (oAA' diroSdcrfffaOai (so Aristarchus : most MSS. -0,0-80,1,). 

22. 1 20 pi] Tt KaraKpvfieiv, dXA' dV8ix<* iravra baffeffOai (MSS. -ao-Qat). 

23. 773 6fjie\\ov k-nai^aOai (the best MSS. have -a<r0ai). 

20. 85 (uTrttr^eo) tvavrifiiov TnoXepi^fiv (so A. D. : other MSS. iro\C[ju(iv^. 

1 6. 830 77 TTOV Z(pT)crOa iro\iv Kepaif/j,(v (MSS. -ijcp-ev). 
Od. 2. 373 ofjioffov /XT) . . rdSe fjLvdrj<Ta6ai (so Ar. : MSS. -ao-Ocu). 
Two exceptions remain : Od. 2. 280 lATrcupr; rot erretra reXevrrjaai rdSf (pja (TC- 
\evTrjaeiv in one of Ludwich's MSS.): II. 12. 407 fird oi 6vpos le-VrreTO KV&JS 
dpfaOai (some good authorities give le'ASero).* 

The only example o an Inf. representing an Optative is 

II. 9. 684 KOL 6' av rot? aXXoKTiv (-(far] 7rapajjLvdY]cra(T0aL 
which is the report of the speech (v. 417) /cat 8' av . . irapa^vOr]- 
aaifjiriv. But cp. Od. 3. 125 ovde /ce (frairis . . ju,i>07J<racr0ai yon 
would not think that , . would speak. 

239.] Dative with the Infinitive. An idiomatic use of the 
Dative arises when the Noun which stands as logical subject to 
an Inf. of purpose is put in the same Case with it, i. e. in the 
Dative. Thus the construction in 

al(T-%pbv -yap robe y eort Kdt Icnro/xeVoKri m>0eV0at 
is idiomatic (as compared with afyStiv bbs ayeiz;, &c.), because the 
meaning is, not ' is shameful for future men/ but ' is shameful 
for (with a view to) the hearing of future men.' The principle 
is evidently the same as has been pointed out in the case of the 
Nominative and the Accusative ( 234). Because the action of 
the Infinitive stands in a Dative relation to the governing Verb, 
the agent or Subject of the action is put in the Dative. 

This construction is found in the ' double Dative ' of Latin (e. g. taffontvoioi 
irvetffOai would be in Latin posteris auditui}, and of Sanscrit (Delbriick, A. S. 
p. 149). It is usually classified as ' Attraction ' the Dat. of the person being 
regarded as following the Dat. of the thing or action. In Greek it evidently 
goes back to the time when the Inf. was still felt as a Dative. 

240.] Predicative Nouns ' Attraction/ Corresponding to 
the Nominative in the Predicate ( 162), an Infinitival Clause 

* See Madvig, Bemerkungen uber einige PunMe der griech. Wortfugungskhre, p. 34 : 
Cobet, Misc. Grit. p. 328. 

240.] ATTRACTION. 205 

may have a Predicative Accusative, in agreement with its (ex- 
pressed or understood) Subject : as II. 4. 341 aty&'iv pev r eTreot/ce 
fjLtra TTptoTOicriv copras kcrra^v it becomes you that you should stand 
among the foremost ; II. 8. 192 rrj? vvv KA.eos ovpavov uet Traa-av 
Xpvcreirjv ejueuat whose fame reaches heaven that it is all gold. 

Or the words which enter in this way into an Infinitival Clause 
may follow the construction of the principal Clause, and thus be 
put in the Nom. or Dat. ; as 

II. I. 76 KCU fjiOL ojuoo-o-oz;, 77 ^iv ju,ot Trpotypav . . ap?jfiu 

12. 337 ov TTW? ot erjv {3a>cravTL yeyawelv. 

Here Trpo^pcoz; is said to be 'attracted'' into the Nom. (agreeing 
with the subject of o/xoo-o-ou), and pvcravn into the Dat. (agreeing 
with ot). 

The difference of meaning given by the two constructions is 
generally to be observed in Homer, at least in the case of the 
Dative. A Noun or Participle is put in the Ace. if it is closely 
connected with the Inf., so as to become an essential part of the 
predication : whereas a Dat. construed with the principal Clause 
expresses something prior to the Inf. (either a condition or a 
reason). Thus 

II. i. 541 alet rot $i\ov evrlv 6jueC OTTO vo;j<pLV eoVro, 

means ' you like to decide apart from me/ i. e. ' you like, when 
you decide, to be apart from me ' : whereas with court the sense 
would be l when you are apart from me you like to decide/ So II. 
15. 57 fiirricri, Uoo-etSdcort avaKTL nav^a^vov TroAe/xoto fccVdat 
' shall bid Poseidon to cease from war and come' not f when he 
has ceased, to come/ 
But with a Dat. 

II. 6. 410 ejuot 8e K Kepbiov elrj crev a<pafJLapTOva-r, ^Qova 
it were letter for me, if (or when) I lose thee, to fyc. 

IL 8. 218 et /xr) eTTt (f)p(rl OIJK 'AyaptfJiVOVi Trorvia 
avTto TroiTTvvcravTi Oo&s orpvvai 'A^aiovs 

' who had of himself made hot haste/ avrw as in the phrase 
fjL^au>T KCU avTu> (13. 46., 15. 604).* 

II. 15. 496 ov ot aetKes ajuvuo/xeVa) trepl Trdrprjs reOvafJiev 

to die when fghting for his country. 
So II. 5. 253., 13. 96., 20. 356., 21. 185., 22. 72. 

There are some exceptions, however, if our texts are to be 
trusted ; i. e. there are places where a word which belongs to the 
predication is put in the Dat. owing to a preceding Dat. : e. g. 
II. 15. TI7 ct Tre'p /mot Kat fjLolpa AIOJ -rrA^yeVrt Kpavv 

Ki(rdai 6[jiov VKV<T(TL (cp. Od. 19. 139, 284). 

* This is pointed out by Dingeldein, De participio Homerico, p. 8. 

206 INFINITIVE. [241. 

This seems to be always the case when there are two successive 
Participles, the first of which is properly in the Dat. : as 
II. 12. 410 apyaXtov 8e [JLOI eori KOL t(0tjuto> Trep 

jjiovvto p?7a//,eV<p OtaOaL irapa vr}V<r\ 
Here the meaning is, * to break through and make ' &c., and 
therefore p^dpevov would be correct ; but after eoVri the change 

from the Dat. to the Ace. would be very harsh. So II. 13. 317- 
319, Od. 10. 494-5. In other places the text may be at fault. 
As attraction became the rule in later Greek, and the two 
Case-forms are generally of the same metrical form, it would be 
easy for a Dat. to take the place of an Ace. : e.g. in II. 9. 398- 
400 fvOa 8e fjioi . . eTreVavro OVJJLOS ayr^cop yr\\Lavri . . KTYHJLCLCTL rep- 
7re<r0at, where for y^am, the reading of Aristarchus, others gave 
Y^CU/TCI, which conforms to the principle laid down. 

When the Subject of the Infinitive is also Subject of the 

governing Verb the Nominative is generally used : as II. I. 76 

(quoted above), I. 415-9 4- 101-3., 8. 498, &c. An exception is 

Od. 9. 224 V0' JJL fj,v 7rpcori(T 

rvp&v alvv^vovs livan 
that they might take of the cheeses and so go lack. 

241.] Infinitive as an Imperative. This use is often found 
in Homer, but chiefly after an Imperative, so that the Infinitive 
serves to carry on the command already given : 

II. I. 322 tpyjEvOov K\Lcrir]V 'Ayajuejui/ouos 'ArpeiSao, 

Xeipos kXovr' ay{j.V Bpiarjiba. 
2. 8 10 /3acTK 5 WL . . ayopei>e'/x,ez> a>s eTTtreXAa). 

3. 459 ^OT, KCU TL^J]V aTTOTlVe[JiV. 
Od. 4. 415 KCU TOT 7766^' V[UV fJL\T(D KttpTO? T (3if] T, 

avOi 8' exetv KrA.. (cp. v. 419, 422 f.). 

Or after a Future, to express what the person addressed is to do 
as his part in a set of acts : 

II. 22. 259 VKp6v ' * A.yjcaio'ia'iv 8o><To> TTCL\IV, &s e &v pe^ety. 

Od. 4. 408 Vvd(T(ti ^LT]S' (TV b' V KplVCLvQai, tTCLlpOVS. 

So after a clause which leads up to a command; II. u. 788 
aAA.' ev ol (f)d(T0aL (Achilles is the mightier) but do you advise him 
well: 17. 691., 20. 335. Cp. also, II. 10. 65 aWi ptveiv (answer 
to the question am I to remain here?): 5. 124 Qapvtav vvv . . 
^dx(r6ai (in answer to a prayer) without fear now you may fght. 

The use for the Third Person is rare : in a command, II. 6. 
8692 etTre 6' eTretra ju^rept <rr/ /cat ejuT/' rj 8e . . Otivai KrA. ; 7 79 
oa>jaa 8e oiKaS' fybv 6oVe^at irdXiv (let him take my arms) but give 
back my body ; so 17. 155., 23. 247, Od. II. 443 : in a prayer ; 
with a Subject in the Accusative, 


II. 2. 4*2 Zei5 Kvbi(TT, /xeytore, KeA.atzt(/)ej, alOcpi vaiwv, 

JXT) TT/HZJ 7r' r]tkiov bvvai, KT\. (cp. 3. 285., 7. 179). 
Od. 17. 354 Zei) aVa, Trj\fjLaxov /xot ez> avopdviv o\(3ioi> tlvai. 
An Infinitive of wish is used with the Subject in the Nom., 
once of the Second Person, and once of the First Person : 
Od. 7. 311 at yap Ze re -TrdVep Kat 'AOrjvair) Kat "AiroXXov 
rotos ea>u otos efrat, ra re (frpovewv a T ey&> Trep, 
TratSa r' e/xr)z; e^e/xev Kat e/xo? yafjifipos KC 

it yap . . otoj N?)ptKOi> etAoy . . rotos e 

\ > / 
Kat afjivvtiv. 

The force of the Infinitive in all these uses seems to be that of 
an indirect Imperative. The command is given as something 
following on an expressed or implied state of things. Thus we 
may connect the idiom with the use of the Infinitive to imply 
fitness, obligation, &c. ( 231); compare etcrt Kat ot6e rad' etVejue^ 
these are here to say this with Kat 8e ay etTre/xeuat it is your part to 
say. There is a similar use of the Infinitive in Sanscrit, with 
ellipse of the verb to be (Delbriick, A. S. p. 15 : Whitney, 982, 

It should be noticed, however, that other languages have developed a use of 
the Infinitive in commands, to which this explanation does not apply : as 
Germ, schritt fahren ! In these cases we may recognise a general tendency 
towards the impersonal form. It is very probable that the ordinary 2 Sing. 
Imper. \4ye represents an original use of the Tense-stem without any Person- 
ending (Paul, Principien, p. 108). 

242.] Origin and history of the Infinitive. That the Greek 
Infinitive was originally the Dative of an abstract Noun is 
proved by comparison with Sanscrit. * In the Veda and Brah- 
mana a number of verbal nouns, nomina actionis, in various of 
their cases, are used in constructions which assimilate them to 
the infinitive of other languages although, were it not for these 
other later and more developed and pronounced infinitives, the 
constructions in question might pass as ordinary case-construc- 
tions of a somewhat peculiar kind' (Whitney, 969). In the 
Veda these Infinitives, or Case-forms on the way to become 
Infinitives (werdende Infinitive, Delbr.), are mostly Datives, ex- 
pressing end or purpose, and several of them are identical in 
formation with Greek Infinitives ; as ddvane BoOmi (boFevai,), 
vidmane fiSfAemi, -dhyai -aBai,* -ase -<rai. In Greek, however, the 
Dative Ending -<u is not otherwise preserved, and the 'true 
Dative ' construction is not applied to things ( 143) : conse- 

* So Delbruck and others ; but see Max Mailer's Chips, Vol. IV. p. 58, 

208 INFINITIVE. [242. 

quently these forms stand quite apart from the Case-system, 
and have ceased to be felt as real Case-forms. Thus the Greek 
Infinitive is a survival, both in form and in construction, from a 
period when the Dative of purpose or consequence was one of 
the ordinary idioms of the language. In Latin, again, this 
Dative is common enough, and often answers in meaning to the 
Greek Infinitive; compare (e.g.] co/>ry ta-rlv evfeiv with munitioni 
tempws relinquere (Roby, 1156), a^vveiv eiVi KOI aAAoi with 
auxilio esse, &c. The retention of the construction in Latin is 
connected, on the one hand with the fact that the Latin Dative 
is a 'true Dative/ on the other hand with the comparatively 
small use that is made in Latin of the Infinitive of purpose. 
Similarly in classical Sanscrit the Dative of purpose &c. is ex- 
tremely common, but the Dative Infinitives have gone entirely 
out of use (Whitney, 287 and 986) a result of the * struggle 
for existence ' which precisely reverses the state of things in 

The growth of the Dative of purpose into a distinct subordinate 
Clause was favoured by the habit of placing it at the end of the 
sentence, after the Verb, so that it had the appearance of an 
addition or afterthought. This was the rule in Vedic Sanscrit 
(see Delbriick, A. S. p. 25). It may be traced in Greek, not 
merely in collocations like epcSt fcvvtrjKf fjia^crOai, &c., but even 
in such forms as 

II. 5* 639 4AX* olov TLVOL (fraa-i ftirjv ' 

coeval (what they call him as to being), 

where the Inf. appears to be added epexegetically after a slight 
pause : cp. II. 2. 249., 17. 27., 21. 463, 57, Od. i. 233, 377., 
6. 43., 17. 416. 

The development of the Infinitival Clause which we find in 
Greek and Latin may be traced chiefly under two heads ; (i) the 
construction of the ' Accusative with the Infinitive/ by which 
the predication of the Infinitive was provided with an expressed 
Subject ( 237) : and (2) the system of Tenses of the Infinitive, 
which was gradually completed by the creation of newjftn/w, 
esp. the Future Infinitive, peculiar to Greek, and by the use of 
the Present Infinitive as equivalent in meaning to the Present 
and Imperfect Indicative. In the post- Homeric language the 
Infinitive came to be used as an equivalent, not only for the 
Indicative, but also for other Moods. 

The use of the Infinitive as an indeclinable Noun is subsequent 
to Homer ; it became possible with the later use of the Article. 
Some of the conditions, however, out of which it grew may be 
traced in Homeric language. The first of these was the complete 
separation of the Infinitive from the Case-system; so that it 

243-] PARTICIPLE. 209 

ceased to be felt as a Case-form, and could be used in parallel 
construction to the Nom. or Ace. : as 

II. 2. 453 <r t rt 8' atyap Tro'Aejuos 1 yXvuuov yiver 976 

7. 203 86s VIKTIV AlavTL Kal ay\abv v%o$ api<r6ai. 
Again, an Infinitive following a Neuter Pronoun, and expressing 
the logical Subject or Object, easily came to be regarded as in 
' Apposition ' to the Pronoun : as 

Od. I. 370 eTret TO ye KCL\OV aKOVt^zv ecrrlv aoibov. 

II. 358 KCti K TO ftovXoi^V, KCH KV TToXv KpbiCV Lf], 

The only instance which really comes near the later ( Articular 
Infinitive ' is Od. 20. 52 CLVLT] /cat TO (j)vXacro-iv ( 259). The use 
of the Infinitive with an Article in the Gen. or Dut. is wholly 

The Participle. 

243.] Uses of the Participle. Following out the view of the 
Participle as a Verbal Adjective, we may distinguish the follow- 
ing uses : 

I. The Participle is often used as an ordinary Adjective quali- 
fying a Noun; as 0eot altv eoWe?, [BpoTol O-ITOV ebovTts, TtlQoi TTOTL 
Tofyov apr]poTs, (raws TtTvyfjLtvov, and the like. In one or two 
cases it is Substantival : as TO yap ytpas eort davovTuv, i/r^at 
e^ScoAa Ka^ioVrcoy, 'OA^/>t7Tta Sw/xar' fyovTts. 

A few Participles have lost their Verbal character altogether : 
esp. ovAo'juez>os miserable, ovrjuevos happy , IK^VOS secundus, acr^vos 
glad, CKG>V willing, 0(*>v (better t06v, since it is an Aor. in form, 
31, i) according to wont, TrepmXofjLtvos (in the phrase 
jueVcou cviavT&v the revolving years) ; also the Substantival 
rulers, TtvovTes muscles, a^i(3ovTs rafters, aWovva a portico, 
a serpent, ytpav, ^ova-a. The word Kpeiwv ruler retains a trace of 
the Verb in cvpv K/oetW widely ruling. Cp. also the compounds 

2. Much more frequently, the Participle qualifies or forms 
part of the predication ( 162) : e.g. in such combinations as 

diao-njrrjz; eptVa^re parted having quarrelled 
V(f)poi>())v ayoprjcraTo spoke with good thought 

the Participle has the same construction as the Adjective in 
naXivopa-os ch-eWrj, or Trpotypav reYArj/cas ( 162, 2). Thus it 
serves to express a predication which the speaker wishes to sub- 
ordinate in some way to that of the governing Verb. 

The Participle may express different relations : attendant cir- 



cumstance or manner (as in the examples quoted) ; cause, as II. 1 1 . 
313 TL iraOovre XeXda-fjLcOa 6ovpibos aA.*?}? ; opposition, as often 
with Kai and irep, &c. (Goodwin, 832-846). 

3. Finally, a Participle construed in ' Apposition ' to a Noun 
in an oblique Case may imply a predication ( 168); as Kairv6v 
a7ro0p(p(TKovTa vofjcrai to descry the smoke rising (i. e. when it rises, 
or that it rises, &c.). Note that 

(a) A Participle of this kind often has the character of a distinct 
Clause, coming at the end of a sentence, and after a metrical 
pause : as 

II. 4. 420 btivbv 8' fipa\ \aXKbs m o-rrjOco-orLV CLVCLKTOS 

opvvfjievov (as he roused himself). 

Od. 23. 205 &? (fraTo, TTJS b' avrov XVTO yovvara KOI QiXov ryrop 
tricar' avayvovcrrjs (when she recognised the token). 

(b) Not unfrequently the word with which the Participle should 
be construed is understood : especially when it is a Partitive or 
quasi-Partitive Gen. ( 147, 151) : 

II. 2. 153 avrrj 8' ovpavbv IKCV cn/cade UjueWz/ a cry rose to 
heaven (of men) eager to return home : so II. 1 2. 
339., 13. 291, 49 8 -> !5- 68 9- 
5. 162 iropTios rj /3o6s vXoyov Kara poa-KOfjLevdwv a heifer or 

cow (of those) that are feeding in a thicket. 
5. 665 TO /xei> ov TIS 7T(f)pd(TaT y ovb' fvorjvt jur/poO e^-epvcrat 
bopv fjii\ivov, o(f)p' TTL/3aLTj, (TTrtvbovTtov no one 
. . . (of them) in their haste : cp. 15. 450 TO ot 
ov rts tpVKaKtv LC^VMV ircp. 
1 8. 246 opO&v 8' OTaoT(t>v ayopri ytver an assembly was held 

upstanding (of them standing up). 

Od. 17. 489 Trj\fjLa\o$ 8' \v \L\V Kpabirj peya irevOos aefe 
fiXrjfjitvov (for his having been wounded). 

So with the Dative ; II. 12. 374 eTmyo/xeroto-i 8' LKOVTO came as a 
relief (to them) when they were hard pressed ; Od. 5. 152 Karet/3ero 
8e yXvitvs aiotv vocrrov d8vpojuter(o. 

(c) The Subject thus understood may be indefinite : 
II. 2. 291 -TToVoj eortz; avnqQtvTa veea-dai (see 233). 

6. 267 o8e 777] (TTL K\CLlV(f)L KpOVLMVL 

at/^art KOL XvOpa f n r noi\ay^vov ev)(eraacr0at 

for one who is bespattered . . to pray. 
13. 787 Ta/> ovvajJiiv 8' OVK eort Kat kcrcrv^vov iioX^i^iv. 

So II. 2. 234., 14. 63, Od. 2. 311 : cp. the phrase ovovre ytycave 
/3o?JGras as far as a man makes himself heard by shouting. 

(d) The Participle is sometimes found in a different Case from 

244-] TENSES. 211 

ceding Pronou 
we have 

II. 14. 25 AttKC 

a preceding Pronoun with which it might have been construed. 
Thus we have 

(construed with xpoi instead of <n}>i). 

1 6. 531 OTTL OL 0)K 7]KOV(T fJLtyaS 0OS va[JiVOLO 

(with TJKouo-e instead of ol). 

Od. 9. 256 s e$a0' 5 fifuv ft avre KareKAao-flrj <piXov r\rop 
LcravTu>v (so II. 3. 301, Od. 6. 157.., 9. 458). 
II. 2O. 413 TOV /3aAe . . . V&TCL irapa'LO'O'ovTOS wounded him . . . 

in the lack as he darted past. 

Od. 4. 646 rj ere fiir) acKOvros airrjvpa. 

II. 10. 187 &s T&V vijbviJios VTTVOS curb y3Ae^)apo6tV 


Od. 17. 555 jueraAA^o-at ri e Ov^bs 

afji<pl TroVet KeAerat Kal K?j8ea we 

We need not consider these as instances of * Anacoluthon ' or 
change of the construction. The Participle, as we saw, does not 
need a preceding Pronoun : it may therefore have a construction 
independent of such a Pronoun. And it is characteristic of 
Homer not to employ concord as a means of connecting distant 
words when other constructions are admissible. 

244.] Tenses of the Participle. The distinction between the 
Present and Aorist Participle has already been touched upon in 
7^~77) an( i t ne meaning of the Perfect Participle in 28. 

It may be remarked here, as a point of difference between the two kinds of 
Verbal Noun, that the Aorist Participle almost always represents an action 
as past at the time given by the Verb (e.g. o;s dtruv KO.T' dp' cfero having thus 
spoken he sat down), whereas the Aor. Inf. generally conveys no notion of time. 
This however is not from the Participle itself conveying any notion of past 
time. Indeed it is worth notice that the Participles which are without 
Tense-meaning are chiefly Aorists in form ( 243, i). 

The Future Participle is used predicatively with Verbs of 
motion : ?jA^e Xvv^vos came to ransom, KaAeovo-' It went to call, 
riy eTTLKOVprja-ovTa, eTreSpajue Tev^ea (rvXrjcrtov, &C. The exceptions 
to this rule are 

(1) kacro^vos future, in II. I. 70 ra T ecro-ojaez/a TT/OO r eoVra 
things future and past ; 2. 119 Kal eo-0-ojuez>oi<n 

(2) CTrijQijo-Jjoiei'o?, in II. 5. 46 (16. 343) vo LTTTTMV 

23. 379 atel yap otypov eTU/SrycrojueWicnzJ e'LKTrjv. But see 41 . 

(3) II. 1 8. 309 Kat re Kravlovra /care/era, see 63. 

(4) Od. ii. 608 at'et /3aAeoz;rt lot/cws like one about to cast. 

P 2 

212 PARTICIPLE. [245. 

245.] Implied Predication. Where the Participle is pre- 
dicative, we often find the Noun or Pronoun taking- the place in 
the construction of the whole Participial Clause : as II. 17. i ovb* 
\aO' 'Arpeos vlbv riarpoKAos Tpwecrcrt dajueis that Patroclus had 
fallen : Od. 5- 6 /meAe yap ot eooz; ev 6&>//ao-t vv^rjs it troubled her 
that he was fyc. : II. 6. 191 ytyz^cocrKe fleow yoVoi' 7]iii> eozrra knew 
him for the offspring of a god: Od. 10. 419 o-ot y^v vovrricravTi 
^apr]^v we were gladdened by thy return: II. 13. 417 a^oj yeVer' 
vanvoio there was vexation at his boasting : II. 5. 682., 14. 504., 
17- .53 8 ; SH, 18. 337,&c. 

We have here the idiom already observed in the use of the 
Infinitive ( 237) by which the weight of the meaning- is shifted 
from the grammatical Subject, Object, &c. to a limiting or 
qualifying word. Note especially that 

i . The Aor. Participle may be used in this way to express a 
fact which coincides in time with the Verb of the sentence : as 
II. 6. 284 ei K&VOV ye tSoijuu KareAtfoW "A'ibos eicrco. So especially 
when the time of the fact is the important point, as Is r)t\iov 
KarabvvTa till sun-set: II. 13. 38 jAtvoitv voo-T^cravra avatara 
should aivait the master s return : 13. 545 <fo>i>a 

2. With Verbs of saying, hearing, knowing, &a, also of rejoicing 
and grieving, the Ace. with a Participle is used like the Ace. with 
the Inf. (both being evidently applications of the Accusativus de 
quo, 140, 3, b) : e.g. 

II. 7 129 TOVS vvv et 7TTto(T(rovTa$ yep f/ E/cropt iravras axioixyai 

if he were to hear of their shrinking. 
Od. 4. 732 et yap eya> TrvOo^v ravrr]v obbv bppalvovTa. 
23. 2 deorTTOiV?? epeovcra fyiXov TTOO-LV Zvbbv tovra. 

II. 1 . 1 24 OV$i TL TTOV lbfJiV (uW/jjia KLjJ,Va 770 AAtt. 

Od. 7* 2il ovs TLvas vfjitls to-re /oiaAtcrr' o^ovTas oi(vv> 
II. 8. 378 rj vSti . . yr]d^crL Trpo^ai^etVa will rejoice at our ap- 

13. 353 7Jx^ TO 7 a P P a Tpcoo-ti; ba^va^vovs he was vexed at 
their being subdued by the Trojans. 

A further extension, analogous to the Ace. with the Inf. after 
Impersonal Verbs, may perhaps be seen in Od. 6. 193 8>v eTre'otx' 
IK^TTIV raAaTretptoy avTiavavTa which it is Jit that a suppliant should 
meet with. 

246.] Genitive Absolute. This is a form of implied predi- 
cation, in which the Noun or Pronoun has no regular construc- 
tion with the governing Verb. The Participial Clause expresses 


the time or circumstances in which the action of the Verb takes 
place : 

II. i. 88 ov TIS tfjLv &VTOS KT\. no one, while lam living shall tyc. 
2. 551 TrepireAAo^eVcoz/ tviavr&v as years go round. 
5. 203 avbp&v etAo/*eVo>z> where men are crowded ; so avbp&v 

AiKju&>jjro>i>, avbp&v Tpe<roravT(*>v, -TroAAoSv \KOVTMV, &c. 
Od. i. 390 KCU Kev TOVT efleAotjuu ALOS ye bibovros a/oecr#at that too 

I would be willing to obtain if Zeus gave it. 
The Subject is understood in Od. 4. 19 {JLoXirijs ^dp^ovros when 
the singer began the music. 

The Aorist Participle is less common in Homer than the Pre- 
sent, especially in the Odyssey: the instances are, II. 8. 164, 
468., 9. 426., 10. 246, 356-, ii. 59" I 3- 409-> J 4- 522., 16. 306., 
19. 62, 75., 21. 290, 437., 22. 47, 288, 383, Od. 14. 475., 24. 
88, 535 (Classen, Beob. p. 180 ff.j. 

The * Genitive Absolute ' must have begun as an extension of 
one of the ordinary uses of the Gen. ; most probably of the Gen. 
of Time ( 150). For, ^eAtou aviovros within the time of the suns 
rising is a Gen. like rjovs in the morning, VVKTOS by night, &c., and 
answers, as a phrase denoting time, to arf i?eA.lcp KarabvvTi at sun- 
set, cs f\i\iov KaTabvvra up to sun-set, &c. So we may compare 
rovb' avrov XvitdfiavTos eAewerat he will come within this year with 
r\ o-*0v v6ab' eoVro? eAevo-erat he will come within your being here ; 
and again TrepireAAojueVcoz; tviavr&v in the years as they go round, 
with rS)v irpoTpa)v erecoz> in the former years. The transition may 
be seen in eapos viov ivrapevoio in the spring when it is beginning. 
Compare also the phrases brtiyophtov avipav, Bopeao Treo-oWos, 
&c. with vr]Vnir]s in calm weather, &c. 

The circumstance that the Ablative is the ' Absolute ' Case in Latin is far 
from proving that the Greek Gen. in this use is Ablatival. In Sanscrit the 
Case used in this way is the Locative, occasionally the Genitive : and the 
Latin Abl. Absolute may represent a Locative of time at which, or an Instru- 
mental of circumstance ( 144). The hypothesis that such Participial Clauses in 
Greek expressed space of time within which (rather than point of time, or cir- 
cumstance) is borne out by the interesting fact, noticed above, that in Homer 
this construction is chiefly found with the Participle which implies con- 
tinuance, viz. the Present : whereas in Latin the Abl. Abs. is commonest 
with the Perfect Participle. 

An approach to a ' Dative Absolute ' may be seen in such uses as 
II. 8. 487 Tpaxrlv \ikv ' afKOvaiv eSy <paos. 

12. 374 eireiyoftfvoiffi 5' IKOVTO. 
Od. 21. 115 ov nk ftoi a.yyv\Lkv(a rd5e SwfJtara irorvta nyTrjp \fiiroi ( = it 

would be no distress to me if (fee.) 

which are extensions or free applications, by the help of the Participle, of the 
true Dat. (Dativus ethicus). 


246.*] The Verbal Adjectives. The formations to which this 
term is applied resemble the Participles in some of their 

Several groups of Nouns are used as Participles or ' Gerun- 
dives ' in the cognate languages, such as the Latin forms in 
-tu-s, the Sanscr. in -ta-s, -na-s, -ya-s, -tavya-s, &c. Of the cor- 
responding Greek forms the Verbal in -TO-S is the most important, 
and approaches most nearly to the character of a Participle.* It 
is used mainly in two senses : 

(1) To express the state corresponding to or brought about by 
the action of a Verb : TVK-TOS made, Kpv-xTos secret, K^V-TOS heard 
about, famed, ora-ro's standing (in a stall), r/\r/-ros enduring (II. 24. 
49), dyaTrrj-To's object of love, e/oTre-roV creeping thing, fyv-rov growth, 
plant, TTIVV-TOS wise. So with a- priv., a-K\avros unweeping, a- 
Traoros fasting, CL-TTVO-TOS not having news, also of whom there is no 
news, a-TTioros faithless, &c. The force of the Verb in these 
words is intransitive rather than passive, and they have no 
reference to time as past or present. Compare the Latin aptus, 
cautus, certus, catus, falsus, scUus, &c. We may note that there 
is a similar (but more complete) divergence of use between the 
Sanscr. Participles in -na-s and the Greek Adjectives in -vo-s, as 

(2) To express possibility, as KT^-TOS that can be acquired, 

that can be taken as plunder (II. 9. 406), prjKros vulnerable 
(II. 13. 323), aju-/3a-ro's approachable. This meaning- is chiefly 
found in Compounds with d- priv. : as CL-\V-TOS that cannot be 
loosed, appr]KTos, a-<$>VK.ros, a-Aaaros, d-Ki'xrjTos, a-o-pearos, a-T\r)Tos, 
a-</>0i-ros, &c. : and in other negative expressions, as OVK ovo- 
^aorros, OVKT ovocrra, OVK.&T avKT&$, ov TL v^<T(Tr]r6v. Hence, 
as Brugmann observes, it is probable that this use of the Verbal 
in -TOS began in the use with the negative. 

It is evident that in respect of meaning the Verbals in -TOS are closely 
akin to the Perfect Participle. Compare (e. g.} TVKTOS and rervyiJ.evos, araros and 
(ffTTj&s, irivvTos and TTCITVV^VOS. Hence the readiness with which in Latin 
they have taken the place of the Pf. Part. Passive. The extension by which 
they came to convey the notion of past time took place in the Perfect tense 
itself, in Latin and Sanscrit. 

The Verbals in -re'o-s (for -ref-io-s) are post-Homeric. The 
earliest instance seems to be (^a-reto-s, in Hesiod, Th. 310 
avns ertKrez> a^r\\avov, ov n (f)aTi,6i>, Ktpficpov KT\. 

* See the fine observations of Brugmann, Gmndr. ii. 79, p. 207. 

248.] PRONOUNS. 215 



247.] The preceding chapter has dealt with the two gram- 
matical forms under which a Noun, by acquiring a verbal or 
predicative character, is developed into a kind of subordinate 
Clause. "We have now to consider the Subordinate Clause pro- 
perly so called : that is to say, the Clause which contains a true 
(finite) Verb, but stands to another Clause in the relation of a 
dependent word. E.g. in the Sentence Aevo-o-ere yap TO ye iravres 
o (AOL yepas epyerai a^y y e see that my prize goes elsewhere, the 
Clause o fjiOL yepas epx rat a^V stands in the relation of Object 
to the Verb of the principal Clause. 

As the grammatical structure of Subordinate Clauses is shown 
in general by means of Pronouns, or Conjunctions formed from 
Pronominal Stems, it will be proper to begin with an account 
of the meaning and use of the different words of this class. 

The Greek Grammarians divided the Pronouns (aprcozw/uat) 
into btLKTiKai ' pointing/ and ava^opiKai 'referring-' or ' repeating/ 
These words have given us, through the Roman grammarians, 
the modern terms Demonstrative and Relative ; but the meaning, 
as often happens in such cases, has undergone a considerable 
change. A Deictic Pronoun it will be convenient to adopt 
the Greek words is one that marks an object by its position in 
respect to the speaker : /, thou, this (here), yonder, &c. ; an Ana- 
phoric Pronoun is one that denotes an object already mentioned 
or otherwise known, the term thus including many ' Demon- 
stratives ' (that same man, the man, &c.), as well as the ' Relative.' 
In all, therefore, we may distinguish three kinds of Pronouns : 

1. DEICTIC, in the original sense. 

2. ANAPHORIC, i. e. referring to a Noun, but Demonstrative (in 

the modern sense). 

3. RELATIVE, in the modern sense. 

This however, it should be observed, is a classification of the uses of Pro- 
nouns, not of the words or Stems themselves : for the same Pronoun may be 
Deictic or Anaphoric, Demonstrative or Kelative, according to the context. It 
is probable, indeed, that all Pronouns are originally Deictic, and become 
Anaphoric in the course of usage. 

248.] Interrogative Pronouns. The Interrogatives used in 
Homer are rts ( 108), iroYepos, TTO'OTOS, irolos, TTT/, TTWS, TTOU, -rro'tft, 

$16 PRONOUNS. [249. 

, TTo're, TroVe. The form TTOO-OS only occurs in the compound 
(II. 24. 657)- 

The Pronoun TIS is used both as a Substantive and as an 
Adjective. The adjectival use is chiefly found in the Odyssey 
(e.g. I. 225 Tt<? bats, ris be o//t\o? 08' eTrAero ; 13. 233 rty yr?, TIS 
8r?//os, r^s avtpes eyyeycWt ;) and in the 24th book of the Iliad 
(11. 367, 387). The only clear instance in the rest of the Iliad 
is 5. 633 rtj rot avdyKrj ; for in II. I. 362., 1 8. 73, 80 TI is 
probably adverbial. 

Notice also as peculiar to the Odyssey the combination of TIS 
with oSc, as Od. 6. 276 TIS 8' 6'8e Navo-tKaa eWat ; 20. 351 TI 
KCLKOV To'8e -n-ao-xere ; The corresponding use with OUTOS is only 
found in II. 10. 82 Tts 8' OVTOS . . e/>x at > C P- H. Merc. 261 nW 
TOVTO/^ airrjuea jjivOov eetTras ; 

The use of the Interrogative in Dependent Questions is rare : 
II. 5- 85 Tvbe'Lbrjv 8' OVK. av yvo'u)s Trorepotcrt 

Od. 15. 423 etpcoTa 8r) eTretTa Tts etr] Kat Tro^ey eA 
17. 368 aAArjAovs T* tlpovro TIS elr) Kat iioOev 
17. 373 avroi' 8' ov o-a<a ot8a iroOev yez/os e^erat etz>at. 

With these it is usual to reckon the anomalous 

II. 1 8. 192 aX\ov 8' ov rev ot8a rev az> K\VTCL re^x 6a ^^ a> - 
But in this case we have the further difficulty that the form of 
the Principal clause leads us to expect a Relative, not an Interro- 
gative the Indefinite aXXov ret> standing as Antecedent : cp. Od. 
2. 42 ( 282). Hence there is probably some corruption in the 

The use of the Interrogative in a Dependent Question doubt- 
less grew out of the habit of announcing that a question is going 
to be asked. A formula,, such as aAA' aye /xot ro8e etTre Kat arpe- 
Kecos KaraAefou, or Kat juot rewr' ayopevcrov enjrvjuozJ ofyp tv et8a>, 
though grammatically a distinct sentence, may be regarded as on 
the way to become a governing clause. It is a step to this when 
there is no Pronoun as object not ' tell me this/ but simply ( tell 
me ' : as Od. 4. 642 rrj/xepres jmot Irto-Tre, TTOT o^ero Kat rives avr<3 

KOVpOL TTOVT KT\. ; II. 144 etTTt, OLVOL^ TT&S KT\. ', 24. 474 CtTTe JJLOL 

etpojuevry, rt v6 rot voos evboBi KevOeL ; It is to be observed that 
nearly all the passages of this kind are to be found in the 
Odyssey and in the loth and 24th books of the Iliad. The only 
instance in the rest of the Iliad is 6. 377 d 8* aye /aot, 8/xwat, 


249.] The Pronoun o8e is almost purely Deictic. It marks an 
object as near the speaker, this here, this on my side, &c.; as val 
jua ro r 8e o-KiJTrrpov by this sceptre (in my hand) ; r/ EKropoy rj'Se yvvrf this 


is the wife of Hector ; Od. I. 76 ^jutet? oi8e Trtpifypa&ntQa let us 
here consider ( 162,, 2): I. 226 OVK tpavos ra8e y eort wto I see 
here is not a club-feast. It is especially applied to a person or 
thing to which the speaker turns for the first time, as 

II. 3. 192 etTr' aye /mot KOL roV8e, (f)L\ov re/cos, os rts 06' eor. 
Hence the use to denote what is about to be mentioned the new 
as opposed to the known. This is an approach to an Anaphoric 
use, in so far as it expresses not local nearness, but the place of 
an object in the speaker's thought. So in 

II. 7- 35^ otcrda KOL a\.\ov jJivOov afjitivova roOde vofjffai 
the speech is the present one, opposed to a better one which 
should have been made. 

The derivatives roo-oaSe, roioo-Se, <58e, e^OdSe^ are similarly 
Deictic : as II. 6. 463 \r\Tti roiovft avbpos from want of a man 
such as I am now. 

250.] The Pronoun KCII/OS is sometimes used in the Deictic 
sense, pointing to an object as distant : 

II. 3. 391 K&VOS o y h 0aAaju&> yonder he is in the chamber. 

5. 604 /cat vvv 01 7ra/>a Keiuos *Apr]s there is Ares at his side. 
So of an absent object : as Od. 2. 351 KCWOV OLO^YJ rov Kd^opov 
thinking of that (absent} one, the unhappy. 

Hence in an Anaphoric use, icetyos distinguishes what is past or 
done with) in contrast to a new object or state of things : 
II. 2. 330 KWOS rw? ayoptve he (on that former occasion), Sfc. 
3. 440 vvv jueu yap Mez^Aaos ZviKrjorev crvv 

Kelvov 8' avTis eyca. 
Od. I. 46 Kat \irjv Ketvo? ye eoi/coYi Ketrat 

aXXd juot dju,(/>' 'Obvcrrji KT\. 
Here KCI^OS marks the contrast with which the speaker turns to 
a new case. The literal sense of local distance is transferred to 
remoteness in time, or in the order of thought. 

251.] The Pronoun OUTOS is not unfrequently Deictic in 
Homer, expressing an object that is present to the speaker, but 
not near him, or connected with him. Hence it is chiefly used 
(like iste in Latin) of what belongs to or concerns the person 
spoken to, or else in a hostile or contemptuous tone. Instances 
of the former use are : 

II. 7' HO a^paivcis, MereXae 8ior/)e$es, ov5e' rl ere \pr\ 

Tavrr)s a(j)po<ruvr]s. 
TO. 82 rty 8' OVTOS Kara vfjas ava orrparov e/o^eat otos / 

Od. 2. 40 o^x e/ca? OVTOS av^p the man you want is not far off, 

6. 218 ar?j0' ovrco aTT07rp60i> (as you are). 

2l8 PRONOUNS. [252. 

Again, ovros is regularly used of one of the enemy ; as 
II. 5- 257 TOVTO) b' ov irdXiv CLVTLS airoia-CTov co/cees LTTTTOL. 

2,2,. 38 /Ut?7 fJLOL jUUjLlZ;e, <pi\OV re'/COS, aVpCL TOVTOV. 

Similarly, with a tone of contempt, 

II. 5- 76 J a<j>pova TOVTOV avevTes (cp. 831, 879). 
Od. I. 159 TOVTOLCTIV [JLev TCLVTCL /xeAet (of the Suitors). 

More commonly, however, OUTOS is Anaphoric, denoting an 
object already mentioned or known. In later Greek it is often 
employed where Homer (as we shall see) would use the Article. 


252.] The Pronoun auros is purely Anaphoric : its proper use 
seems to be to emphasise an object as the one that has been men- 
tioned or implied, the very one, that and no other. It conveys 
no local sense, and is used of the speaker, or the person addressed, 
as well as of a third person. Specific uses are 

( i ) To distinguish a person from his surroundings, adjuncts, 
company, &c. : as 

II. 3. 195 Tev\OL fjiev 01 /cetrai ITTI \0ovl TrouAv/Soretprj, 

aiiroj 8e /crA. 

9. 301 CLVTOS /cat TOV b&pa he and his gifts. 
14. 47 Ttp^v Tfvp\ vijas euiTrpr/crai, /creu>cu 8e /cat CIVTOVS. 

17. 152 OS TOL TTO'AA.' 0(j)\OS yVTO WToXcf T Kdl CLVTto 

to thy city and thyself. 

So of the body, as the actual person, in contradistinction to the 
soul or life (^rvyji), H. 1 . 4, Od. 1 1 . 602,, &c. 

Hence, too, auros = by himself (without the usual adjuncts) : 
II. 8. 99 Tvbe'lbrjs b' CLVTOS nep Icou TTpofJid^oio-tv tpiyQir}. 

So Achilles in his complaint of Agamemnon, II. I. 356 eAo>z> yap 
exct yepaj CLVTOS airovpas, i. e. at his own will, without the usual 
sanction: cp. 17. 254., 23. 591. 

This meaning appears also in avTti>s = merely, as 

Od. 14. 151 aAA.' eya) ov/c atfroos ^v6r\(ro^ai dAAa crvv opKto. 

Cp". II. I. 520 7} 8e Kat avTtos . . z;et/ct as it is (without such pro- 
vocation) she reproaches me. 

The Gen. avroi), &c. is used to strengthen the Possessives : as 
Od. 2. 45 ^ov avTov xpelos : II. 6. 490 ra <r avTrjs epya : II. IO. 
204 to avTov Ovpu (suo ipsius animo): Od. 16. 197 <o avTov ye row. 

Hence in II. 9. 342 Tr\v CLVTOV ^tAeet where the use of the 
Art. is not Homeric we should probably read fy auroG. 




(2) To express without change, the same as before; 

II. 12. 225 ^ KO(TjU6) Trapa vav(j)iv eAewojuefl* avra KeAevfla. 

Od. 8. 107 ??px e ^ r( ? <WTT]V o8oz/ r\v TTC/O 01 aAAoi KrA. 
Hence the use with a Dat., noticed in 144 ; as Od. 8. 186 avr& 
</>apei M^ ^'<s e/0#/ as it was (without putting it off) ; and so 
avroOi, avrov in the place, without moving ; and avra> $ without doing 
more, hence without effect, idly : as 

II. 2. 342 avrats yap p eTre'eoV e/Hau;ojuiez>. 

The unemphatic use, as it may be called, in which it is an 
linary Anaphoric Pronoun of the Third Person (Eng. he, she, 
it). In this use the Pronoun cannot stand at the beginning of 
a Clause (the emphatic position), or in the Nominative an 
unemphasised Subject being sufficiently expressed by the Person- 
Ending of the Verb. The use is derived from that of the 
emphatic auros in the same way that in old-fashioned English 
' the same ' often denotes merely the person or thing just men- 
tioned : and as in German derselbe and der ndmliche are used 
without any emphasis on the idea of sameness. 

(4) The Reflexive use of avros is very rare : Od. 4. 247 aAAw 6' 
avrov (/>6orl KaraKpvirr^v ryi'o-Ke, and perhaps II. 20. 55 %v 6 s ouroij 
epia ptfyvvvTo ftapelav (among them there, in heaven itself). On 
II. 9. 342 rrjv avrov <iA.e'ei see above (i). In II. 12. 204 
avrov t\ovra it is best to take avrov in agreement with 
(of the eagle). In II. 19. 255 read avroOi ( 157). 

The Reflexive Pronoun. 

253.] The Pronoun eo (i.e. the Personal Pronoun declined 
from the Stems ee- or e- and a<j>e-) is sometimes Reflexive (i. e. 
denotes the Subject of the Sentence or Clause), sometimes a 
simple Anaphoric Pronoun. In the latter use it is always un- 

(i) The Reflexive sense is chiefly found either (a) after a Pre- 
position, as d/x<t I Trairrrjvas looking round him, and so OTTO eo, CTTI 
ot, Tiyxm ot, /xera er^iVi, Kara o-tyeas, &c. ; or (b) when it is rein- 
forced by auros, as II. 20. 171 ee 5' avrov tnorpvvti /uaxeVao-flai 
stirs himself up tojight. Other examples are few in number: 

II. 2. 239 6s Kat vvv 'A)(tA.?7a, eo /^e'y' a^eivova <a>ra KrA.. 

5. 800 77 oXiyov ot 7rat8a eotKoVa yeiVaro Tvbevs. 
So II. 4. 400., 5. 56., 24. 134, Od. ii. 433., 19. 446, 481. We 
should add however such Infinitival Clauses as 

II. 9. 305 eTrei ov nva $770-11; 6/xoioz> ot e/xez/at KT\. 
where the reference is to the Subject of the governing Verb : so 

220 PRONOUNS. [254. 

II. 17. 407, Od. 7. 217, &c. Compare also the similar use in 
Subordinate Clauses, as 

II. II. 439 yv& ' 'OSwei'S o ot ov n reXo? KaraKaipLov r)\@ev. 

The strictly Reflexive use is commoner in the Iliad than in the 
Odyssey. Excluding* Infinitival and Subordinate Clauses, there 
are 43 examples in the Iliad, against 1 8 in the Odyssey. Note 
that the use is mainly preserved in fixed combinations (diro e'o, 

TTpOTl Ot, &C.). 

(2) The Anaphoric (non-Reflexive) use is very much commoner. 
In this use which is doubtless derived from the other by loss 
of the original emphasis the Pronoun is enclitic : whereas in 
the Reflexive use it is orthotone. 

Accentuation. According to the ancient grammarians this Pronoun is 
orthotone (i) when used in a reflexive sense, (2) when preceded by a Pre- 
position, and (3) when followed by a Case-form of avros in agreement with 
it. The first and second rules, as we have seen, practically coincide : and the 
third is not borne out by the usage of Homer. In such places as Od. 2. 33 
(We ot aura) Zeus ayaBov TeAeaete, II. 6. 91 /cat ot iro\v (f>i\Ta.Tos airy, Od. 8. 396 
Evpva\os Se 4 avrbv ('Odvffffta) dpfaaaffOo}, add II. 24. 292, Od. 4. 66, 667., 6. 277 
the Pronoun is evidently unemphatic, and is accordingly allowed to be enclitic 
by good ancient authorities. This is amply confirmed by the instances of |*tv 
atirov (II. 21. 245, 318, Od. 3. 19, 237, &c.), and the parallel use of auros with 
the enclitic \ioi, rot, &c. 

In one instance, viz. 

Od. 4. 244 auToV fuv irXrj'yfiffiv dcitceXiriffi Sapaffffas 

it would seem that p,iv has a reflexive sense. The reading, however, is not 
certain, some ancient authorities giving atrrdv jtlv or avirov jjiev. 

254.1 The Possessive eos, os is nearly always Reflexive. Oc- 
casionally it refers to a prominent word in the same Sentence 
which is not grammatically the Subject : as 
II. 6. 500 at (J<V TL a>oz> yoov "'EKTOpa a> zvl 
Od. 9. 369 OVTLV eyw vvfjiaTov e'8o/xat /xera ot? 
Cp. II. 16. 800., 22. 404, Od. 4. 643., ii. 282., 23. 153. And 
it is occasionally used in a Subordinate Clause to refer to the 
Subject, or a prominent word, of the Principal Clause : 
Od. 4. 618 Kopcv 8e e <J>at8tjuo? rjpus 

a(Ti\vs, ##' 16s 6o/ 
poorijowra (cp. 4. 74 1 )- 
II. IO. 256 TuSetSr/ ^ev Sake ju,ei>e7JTo'A.eju,o? 

(fraa-yavov a/x^r^Ke?, TO 5* tbv Trapa vrfi 

1 6. 753 ^/3A.ryro TTpoj (TTrjOos, kri re /xtz; wXeo-ev 

It will be seen that where eos does not refer to the grammatical 

Subject it is generally emphatic : e. g. in the line last quoted, 4r) 

d\K?} his own prowess, not that of an enemy. This indicates the 

255-] ^02. 221 

original force of the Pronoun, which was to confine the reference 
emphatically to a person or thing just mentioned. 

255.] Use of 46s, os as a general Reflexive Pronoun. It has 
been a matter of dispute with Homeric scholars, both ancient and 
modern, whether 46s (os) was confined to the Third Person 
Singular (Ms own) or could be used as a Reflexive of any Number 
and Person (own in general my own, thy own, their own, &c.).* 
The question is principally one of textual criticism, and depends 
in the last resort on the comparative weight to be assigned to the 
authority of the two great Alexandrian grammarians, Zenodotus 
and Aristarchus. It is connected with another question, of less 
importance for Homer, viz. whether the forms Io x ot, I are con- 
fined to the Singular, and those beginning with <r<|>- to the Plural. 

(1) In regard to the latter of these questions there is no room 
.for doubt. The only instance in dispute is II. 2. 197, 198, where 
Zenodotus read 

Ovfjibs Se joteyas ear! 8iorpe(ea>z> (BacnX^Mv 
rtjurj 8' K Aio's cart, $ 8e e jurjriera Zevj, 

and so the first line is quoted by Aristotle (Rhet. 2. 2). Arist- 
archus read bioTpetyeos pacnXijos. However, admitting Zenodotus 
to be right, I need not be a Plural. The change from Plural to 
Singular is not unusual in passages of a gnomic character, e.g. 
Od. 4- 691 T/ T eori biKr] 0i(tiv /3acrtA.77<oz>* 

aAAoz> K c^daiprjcTL (Bpor&v, a\\ov Ke (4X0177. 

(2) Again, the ' general ' Reflexive use, if it exists in Homer, 
is confined to the Adjective 46s, os. The only contrary instance 
is II. 10. 398 (Dolon tells Ulysses that he has been sent by 
Hector to find out) 

rj (f)vXd(rcrovTaL vf]s Goal ws TO irdpos Trep, 
77 tfbr] \eip(T(nv ix^ ^/xerepr/a-t ba^VTfS 
(J)VLV povXtvoiTe juera (rtytfTiv, ov5' e^eAotre KT\. 
So the MSS., but Ar. read fiovXevovcri, tQeXovvi, making Dolon 
repeat the exact words of Hector (11. 309-311) ; and this reading, 
which gives o-^tVt its usual sense, is clearly right. The Optative 
is not defensible (esp. after the Indie. ^vXaa-o-ovrai), and was 
probably introduced by some one who thought that Dolon, speak- 
ing of the Greeks to Ulysses, must use the Second Person Plural. 
But the Third Person is more correct ; for Ulysses is not one of 

* The question was first scientifically discussed by Miklosich, in a paper 
read to the Vienna Academy (I, 1848, p. 119 ff.). He was followed on the 
same side by Brugmann (Ein Problem der homerischen Texfkritik und der ver- 
gkichenden Sprachwissenschaft, Leipzig, 1876). 

222 PRONOUNS. [255. 

the Greeks who can be supposed to be c consulting among them- 

The form I is found as a Plural in Horn. H. Ven. 267. In 
later Epic poets the Substantival eto, &c. are used as Reflexives 
of any Person or Number : see Theocritus 27. 44, Apollonius 
Rhodius i. 893., 2. 635, 1278., 3. 99 (Brugmann, Probl. p. 80). 
But the use is exclusively post-Homeric. 

(3) The case is different with the Adjective. We find forms 
of 46s (os) read by Zenodotus in a number of places in which our 
MSS. and editions following the authority of Aristarchus have 
substituted other words. Thus in 

II. 3 244 &s (f)aTo, TOVS ' rjbr] KCLT^V <pv(Tioo$ ala, 
fv AaKebai/jLOVL avQi, <iA.?7 ev irarpibL yairj* 
for 4>iX?7 Zenodotus read lij (their own). So, again, in 

II. I. 393 dAAa (TV, ei bvvaa-ai ye, Trepto-^eo 7rai86s eijo?, 
and in similar passages (II. 15. 138., 19. 342., 24. 550), it is 
known from the Scholia that Aristarchus read erjos, Zenodotus 
loto { thine own). Again, in 

II. II. 142 vvv jJitv by TOV irarpos aeiKea rtcrere Xtofirjv 
Zenodotus read ou Ttarpbs (your own father]. It is probable that 
he read ou in the similar places II. 19. 322, Od. 16. 149, &c. 

Besides the instances of undoubtedly ancient difference of read- 
ing, there are several places where one or more MSS. offer forms 
of eos in place of ep>s and 0-65. Thus 

II. 14. 221 on (f)p(rl (rfj<ri fjievoLvqs (770-1 D). 

19. 174 o-v be (f)pcrl afjcrLv lavOfis (fi<riv in several MSS.). 
Similar variations (with typecri) are found in Od. 5. 206., 6. 180., 
13. 362., 15. in., 24- 357- Again- 

Od. I. 402 6o)^ao-t (TOI(TIV avdcrcTOLs (olviv ten MSS.). 
Similarly in Od. 8. 242., 15. 89 (loto-t for e/xoto-i) : also 
Od. 7- 77 Ka ' a *l v *$ TTarpiba yaiav (r)v $ in one MS.). 

13. 6l (TV b Tp7T0 T(35' V\ OU6) ((O hi OUC MS.). 

Another instance of variation is detected by Brugmann in 

II. 9. 414 et 8e Kev otKaS' tKa)//t ^>i\.r\v es irarpiba yaiaVj 
where the MSS. (except A) have ucco/xai, pointing to e?V (my 

The existing text of the Odyssey contains three passages 
which Brugmann claims as instances of a general Reflexive 
sense, viz. Od. 4. 192 (as to which see Merry and Riddell's note), 

* Brugmann carries his theory into other passages where he supposes 
Aristarchus to have corrected the text in order to get rid of the use of 16s for 
the First or Second Person : but the examples quoted above will suffice to give 
an idea of the strength of his argument. 

255-] "E^. 223 

Od. 13. 320 (where there is some reason to suspect an interpola- 
tion), and 

Od. 9. 38 ov rot eyw ye 

rjs yair]s bvvafJLai yAuKepwrepoz/ aAAo IbecrOai. 

But there is no reason to take ^s otherwise than in v. 34 &? ovbev 
yXvKiov rjs Trarpibos ovbe TOKYJO^V yiy^ercu nothing is sweeter than a 
man's own country, fyc. The reference of the Pronoun is to a 
typical or imaginary person, as in Od. I. 392 atya re ot 6<S d<- 
vtiov 7re'A.rai a man's house (when he is a king) quickly grows 

We have seen that post-Homeric poets use the substantival 
!o, &c. in the sense in question. The corresponding use of the 
adjective cos, os is still more common, as Brugmann shows. It is 
found in Hesiod for the Third Person Plur. (Op. 58, Theog. 71), 
and in Callimachus, Apollonius Rhodius, and Quintus Smyrnaeus 
(Probl. pp. 28, 78-83). 

(4) In attempting to arrive at a conclusion on this matter we 
must begin by understanding that the issue does not lie between 
supposing on the one hand that Aristarchus was entirely right, 
and on the other hand that he introduced a strange form like erjos 
on his own authority, and merely to satisfy a theory. The latter 
is improbable, not only from the respect for manuscript authority 
which is expressly attributed to him, but also because the various 
readings are not all capable of being explained on this supposi- 
tion. Thus, (i) the word CTJOS is proved to exist by Od. 14. 505., 
15. 450, and in the latter place eoto, though excluded by the 
sense, is found as a variant. Also (2) efjos is found for eoio 
meaning Ms own in II. 14. 9., 18. 71, 138. It cannot therefore 
be regarded as certain that erjos was systematically introduced 
merely to get rid of toio = my own, thy own. Again, (3) the use 
of the Article in rov Trarpo'?, rrjs /Mjrpos, TOV iraibos, is not clearly 
un-Homeric (see 258). And if in II. II. 763 oto? rrj? aperr/s 
aTTourjcrerai Bentley was right in reading rjs (cp. 17. 25), it follows 
that the Article might creep in for ou, TJS, &c. apart from the in- 
tention of carrying out a grammatical theory. 

On the other side it must be conceded that the generalised 
Reflexive use of 16s, os, if not of the substantival to, &c. is of 
high antiquity, so that sporadic instances of it may have occurred 
in the genuine text of Homer. If so, the error of Aristarchus 
will consist in a somewhat undue purism. 

Brugmann holds that the general Reflexive sense is the primary 
one, belonging to the Stem sva in the original Indo-European 
language, and surviving in the Homeric use of eos, os. But even 
if the readings of Zenodotus which give this sense are right, it 
does not follow that they represent the oldest use of the Pronoun. 

224 PRONOUNS. [256. 

Bragmann has himself given excellent instances of the extension 
to the First and Second Person of a Reflexive Pronoun originally 
confined to the Third (Probl. pp. 1 19 ff.). In the present case it 
is significant that the generalised use of the substantival forms 
Io, &c. is clearly post-Homeric. If eos (os) is sometimes used in 
Homer, as well as afterwards, of the First and Second Persons, 
it is natural to see in this the result of an extension of usage. 
The case is different with the use of the Stem sva for the Plural. 
That use, as we see from the Latin se and suus, was the original 
one. It is noteworthy that this undoubtedly primitive use is pre- 
cisely the one of which there is least trace in Homer. 

6 ^ TO. 

256.] The Article 6 rj TO may be defined as a purely Ana- 
phoric Pronoun, conveying some degree of emphasis. It differs 
from o6e OVTOS and eKet^o? in the absence of Deictic meaning : 
for while it usually marks some contrast between objects, it does 
not distinguish them as near or far, present or absent, &c. On 
the other hand it is distinguished from the non-Reflexive use of 
avros and co by greater emphasis. 

Three chief uses of 6 f\ TO may be distinguished : 

1. The use as an independent Pronoun; 6 rj TO lie she it. 

This may be called the SUBSTANTIVAL use : it embraces 
the great majority of the instances in Homer. 

2. The use as an ' Article ' in the later sense of the term, i. e. 

with a Noun following. This may be called the ATTRI- 
BUTIVE use. 

3. The use as a Relative. 

257.] The Substantival Article. This use of the Article is 
very much the commonest in Homer, and it is also the use from 
which the others may be easily derived. 

The Substantival Article either (i) is simply ' resumptive/ 
recalling a person or thing already mentioned, as 6 yap for he, 
TOV pa him I say, avrbs KCU TOV o&pa the man and his gifts: or 
(2) marks a contrast, as 6 8e but the other. 

The following points of usage are to be noticed : 
I . The most frequent we may almost say the regular place 
of the Article is at the beginning of a Clause, followed 
by fjieV, Be, yap, apa, or preceded by auTdtp, dXXd, rj TOI, or 
an equivalent Particle. Hence the familiar combinations 
6 juo;, 6 8e, 6 yap, KCU yap 6, avrap 6, r\ rot 6, TOV pa, aAAa 
TOV, &c. of which it is needless to give instances. 
The later Substantival use with piv and 8e is a surviving frag- 


ment of this group of uses. A few others are found in Attic 
poets, as 6 yap (Aesch. Sept. 17, Soph. El. 45, O. T. 1082). 

The use to contrast indefinite persons or things (6 juez> 6 6"e= 
one another, ot [L\V ot be = $ome others) is not very common in 

The use of the Article with an adversative Particle (6e, avrap, 
a\Xd) generally marks a change of Subject : 6 8e but the other, &c. 
But this is not always the case: e.g. II. 4. 491 rov ptv a\j.apB\ 
6 8e AevKov . . . /3e/3ArJKet him he missed^ but smote Leucus (so II. 
8. 119, 126, 302., II. 80, &c.) ; II. I. 496 0e'rts 6' ov A?j0er' 
e^erjueW TTCLLOOS tov, dXA.' rj y dueSiWro KT\. : cp. II. 5- 321., 
6. 1 68, Od. i. 4, &c. The Article in all such cases evidently 
expresses a contrast : not however between two persons, but be- 
tween two characters in which the same person is thought of. 

This last use in which the Article is pleonastic, according to 
Attic notions occurs in Herodotus, as 5. 120 ra JJLZV irporepov 
ot Rapes (3ov^vovTO juier?7/cai>, ot e CLVTIS TroAe/xetz; e^ap^r}? apreovTo. 
We may compare it with the pleonastic use of the Pronoun in 

II. ii. 131 fwypet 'Arpeo? vU, (TV ft afta 5e^at airoiva, 
where the effect of inserting au is to oppose the two acts denoted 
by wy/ t an( i Se^at avoiva. 

2. The Article is frequent in Disjunctive sentences : 

II. 12. 240 et T 7rt 6e^t" i(ti(ri Trpoj 770) r r}Xidv re, 

et T ZTT dpiarepa rot ye KrX. (or else to left}. 
Od. 2. 132 Ca>et o y r/ riQv^tv. 

Here also it serves to contrast the alternative things said about 
the same Subject. 

3. The principle of contrast often leads to the placing of two 

Articles together : II. 21. 602 rjos 6 TOV TreStoio 6tco/cero, 

10. 224 Kai re Trpo 6 TOV v6r](Ttv. So an Article and a 

Personal Pronoun, tv 8e av roto-t (II. 13. 829, &c.); cp. 

II. 8. 53^ ffcro/ykii et Ke /m' 6 Tu8et8r]? /cparepo? Ato/X7j6r^j 

Trap vrj&v Trpos ret^oj aTiwo'erat, rj Kv eya> TOV. 
Note that when the second of the two is in the Nom., it 
usually takes y e : hence rou o ye, TTJ p ' ot ye, &c. 

4. The Article often stands for the object to be denned by a 

following Relative Clause, e.g. 

II. 9. 615 Ka\6v rot crvv e/xot TOV Kqbeiv os K* e/ute K^by. 
I. 272 rwr ot vvv ySporot eto-t &c. 

The use is to be classed as Anaphoric ; the intention of saying 
something about the object is equivalent to a previous mention. 
So in Latin the Anaphoric is is used to introduce qui. 


22<5 PRONOUNS. [258. 

The Neuter Article is similarly used to introduce Clauses be- 
ginning with ore, o>9, and the like : 

II. 1 5- 207 ecrOXbv KOL TO re'rvKrat or' ayyeAos atort/xa et6"?j. 
Od. 9. 442 ro 6e vrjinos OVK i'6r](rev 00? ot /crA. 

II. 3. 308 Zei>s IJLCV TTOV TO ye ot6e . . . OTTTrorepa) /crA. 
So II. 14. 191., 20. 466., 23. 545. It may even introduce an 
independent sentence, as 

Od. 4. 655 dAAa TO 0ai>juaa>' tbov v6abe MeVropa blov, 

5. The uses in which the Article is least emphatic (i. e. does 
not begin the Clause, or express a contrast) appear to be 

(a) after Prepositions : esp. in the Dat. Plur. after jxe-ni, iraprf, 
irpori, ow, Iv, fifia : as II. T. 348 77 6' de'/covo-' ajua roto-t yvvrj Kiev. 
This is to be connected with the fact that the forms eo, ot, O-<JHO-I, 
&c. are not used with Prepositions in the simple Anaphoric sense 
( 253) and thus the Art. is used instead of them. 

(#) when the Neuter Article is used for a fact or set of facts ; 
as II. 4. 353 otyeai TJV efle'Arja-fla ica! at KV rot ra /oteju-TJAi]. Here 
again the want of a corresponding form of e'o makes itself felt. 
This use is chiefly found in the Nom. and Ace. ; but also in 
therefore, e* Tolofrom that time, &c. 

258.] The Attributive Article. The Attributive Article is 
found in Homer in a limited range of cases, and has evidently 
grown out of the use of the Substantival Article followed by a 
Noun in ' Apposition ; ' e.g. II. 4. 20 &s e<a0', at b' i:^v^av 
*A0?jpali) re /cat "Hpr; thus he spoke, but they murmured, Athene and 
Here: II. I. 348 77 6' atKovcr a/xa roto-t yw^ Ktez^. So with jui>, II. 
2J. 249 Iva IJLLV 7ravcTL TTOVOIO | blov 'AxtAArja, cp. Od. n. 57 O< 
In such cases the Pronoun is still substantival, the Noun being 
added by way of afterthought. 

It is a step towards an Attributive use when the Article needs 
the addition of the Noun to explain it ; e. g. 

II. 4. 501 TOV p y 'Obvo-evs erapoto xoAcoo-a/xeroj /3aAe bovpl 
Kopcrrjv' f] 5' erepoto 6ta Kjoora^oio 

Here f\ 8e would not be clear without at^p}. So in 
II. I. 408 at KeV 770)9 e$eA?7>Ttz> e?7t Tpa>eo"crtz/ apr)ai, 
TOVS 8e Kara Ttpv^vas re Kat d/x^)' aAa eAo~at 
Od. 15* 54 ro ^ 7^P re ^et^os jut/jt^rjo-Kerat ?//otara TrdVra 

avbpbs ^LvoboKOv. 

So too with Proper Names, when a %w person is about to be 
mentioned the Art. anticipates the Noun : . g. 
II. 2. 402 avTap 6 /3ow te'pewez; ai'a^ avbp&v '. 


And where the Neut. TO is followed by an epexegetic Infinitive : 
Od. I. 37 TTi TO ye Ka\bv dKOue/uev eortz; aoibov. 
II. 17. 406 7Tt ovbe ro eATrero -Tra/utTraz;, 

Kirep(Tiv TiToXitOpov avev 0V. 

In all these cases the combination of Article and Noun is not 
sufficiently close to constitute an Attributive use ; but they serve 
to show how such a use is developed. 

The Attributive uses in Homer may be classified as follows : 

1. Uses with connecting Particles, where some contrast is made 

in passing to the new sentence or clause. 

2. Uses with certain Adjectives that imply contrast. 

3. Uses to mark a person or thing as definite. 

259.] Article of Contrast with connecting Particles. The 

uses that fall under this head, though not very numerous, are 
characteristic of Homer. The following are the chief : 

(a) The Article with an adversative 8e, aurdp, &c. is not un- 
frequently used to bring out the contrast in which the Noun 
stands to something already mentioned : e. g. 

II. 2. 217 4>o\Kos fr]v, xcoAo? ' frcpov 7ro'8a, r<o 8e ot w/xco KrA. 
lat then his shoulders ; so ra> 6e ot oWe (II. 13. 616), &c. 

II. 22. 405 &$ T v l^ v KCKoVtro Kaprj aVar, fj be vv ^Trjp KrX. 
lut on the other hand his mother fyc. 

II. J. 382 rJKt $' ITT' 'A/>yeuH<n KCLKOV fieXos, ot 5e vv Aaot 
Ovfjo-Kov ira(To-VTpoi, ra 8* eTrw^ero K^Xa ^eoto. 
4. 399 rotos rjv Tvbevs AtrwAtos* aAAa rov vlbv KrA. 
So we should explain the Article in II. i. 20 iralba 8e /mot \v- 
o-atre (friXrjv, ra 8' hiroiva 8ex (T ^ at ^lease my daughter, and on the 
other side accept ransom. The usage is common in the Iliad, but 
perceptibly rarer in the Odyssey. 

(6) The use of the Art. with jxeV in contrast with something 
that follows is rare : 11. II. 267 avrap ejret TO jjJev e'A/co? e 

cp. 8. 73., 9. i., 13. 640., 19. 2J V 20. 75, Od. 3. 270 (seemingly 
the only instance in the Odyssey). There is a similar use with 
the Art. following the Noun in Od. i. 116 JUZ^OTTJ/OCOZ; T&V //er 
(TKebacriv Kara 8a>/xara 0ir], /crA. 

(c) The corresponding use with copulative and illative Par- 
ticles, Kat, re, ^8e, /cat yap, is much less common : cp. 

II. 1. 339 TTpos re Ot&v /xaKapcou Trpos re 6vrjT&v avdp&TttoV 

Kat irpbs TOV jSao-tA^os a^rjveos. 

1$. 36 ta-ra) vvv roe yata Kat ovpavbs tvpvs virepOev, 
Kat ro KaTL(36jJivov 2n;yos v8co/o (cp. 18, 486). 

228 PRONOUNS. [260. 

Od. 22. 103 8co(ro) 6e arvfltoTrj | /cat T<3 /3oi>KoA.a> aA.A.a. 

II. 14. 53 ovbe yap f] Tlpo^d^oio bdpap KrX. 
The Article singles out its Noun as the special object intended, 
or turns to it with fresh emphasis. So with an Infinitive, Od. 
20. 52 ai'ir) Kal TO <f)v\do-(Tiv, where we need not take TO 
(rciv closely together. So Hes. fr. 192 fjbv 6e /cat TO irvOea-Oai 
also Op. 314 TO pydcr6ai 

These uses should be carefully distinguished from the later Definite Article. 
For instance, in II. i. 20 ra airotva does not mean this or the ransom, in contra- 
distinction to other ransoms. It means the other, the ransom, in contrast to the 
person ransomed. Again, the 4th book of the Iliad begins ol Sc 0eot, which 
we naturally take to mean simply but the gods. But, taking in the last line 
of the 3rd book, we have 

uts <paT* 'ATpeidijs, ITTI S' yveov aAAot 'A^atoi' 

of Se Oeol Trap Zrjvl itaOrjfjievoi rj^opoaivro. 

Clearly the Article marks the turning from the one scene to the other, from 
the battlefield to Olympus. Thus the Attic of (0eot) distinguishes the gods 
from other beings : the Homeric of (5 0eof) marks, not this permanent dis- 
tinction, but the contrast arising out of the particular context. 

The difference appears also in the use with Proper Names. In Attic the 
Article shows that a particular known person is spoken of; in Homer it 
marks the turning of attention to a person ushers in the name, as it were. 
In short, the Homeric Article contrasts, the Attic Article defines. 

260.] With Adjectives. The Article is used before adjectival 
words that imply a contrast or distinction, especially between 
definite or well-known alternatives : in particular 

(a) aXXos and erepos, passim : also aur<5s = same. 

(b) Comparatives and Superlatives ; ot TrAeoz/es, ot apto-Tot, &c. 
So in the adverbial expressions TO TrptV, TO irdpos, ra TTP&TCL, and 
the like, in which the Neut. Article is used adverbially (TO irdpos 
= then formerly]. It is quite different when a Masc. or Fern. 
Article is used with an Adverb, as ot ez/e/)0e tfeot' (II. 14. 274), 
avbp&v T&V ToVe (II. 9. 559), rd r tvboOi KOL ra Ovpijtyiv (Od. 22. 
220), a use which is extremely rare in Homer. 

(c) Ordinal Numerals : as rfj deKcm? : so TO rjfjLLcrv. Also 
Cardinal Numerals, when a division is made; as II. 5. 271 TOVS 
fj.v Teo-o-apa? CLVTOS tyjuv aTtVa/XA.' eTrt (frdrvrj, TO> 6e 6w' AtVet'a 
$&Kv four he kept, and the (other) two he gave to Aeneas : II. n. 
1 74 nda-as' TQ 5e T Irj KT\. (the lion chases] all, but to one fyc. 

(d) Possessives ; TOZ> t^bv yjo\ov, ra era KrjXa, &c. 

(e) A few words expressing the standing contrasts of great 
and small, many and few, good and evil, &c., esp. when the con- 
trast is brought out by the context : 

II. T. 1O6 jJidvTL KCIK&V, OV 7TCO 7TOT6 f/,Ot TO 

atet Tot Ta K.OLK ea-Tt ^t'Aa (ftpecrl 


3. 138 r(3 8e K6 viKr\(ravTi (/u'Ar; KK\^arr] O.KOITLS 

(the conqueror being one of two definite persons). 
So j] irXrjOvs (II. 2. 278., 15. 305) the many (in contrast to a 
single man, or to the few) : TO xdi^ov (II. 13. 745) ; TOV 8etw 
ILTTTTOV (II. 23. 336) ; Ata? 6 juteya? the greater Ajax : 0eoi>? . . rovs 
vKOTaprapiovs (II. 14. 279) the gods of the lower world: oVa/cre? ot 
VOL (Od. 14. 61) masters of the younger generation: l^Ovcn rots 
oAtyotcrt (Od. 12. 252) the smaller kinds offish. So 

II. 1 . 700? fl^ TOL T tovTO. rd T ecra-o'ju,z>a irpo r ovra. 
The use to contrast indefinite individuals (one another) is rare 
in Homer : II. 23. 325 rbv irpov^ovra 8o/cevet waits on the one in 
advance: II. 16. 53 oTrrrore bri TOV ojjiolov avyp e^eArjcrtz; d/xepo-at : 
II. 9. 320 KarOav ojucSs 1 o r' aepyo? ain)p o re -TroAAa eopycos : Od. 
17. 21 8 a>s del roi> ojutotov ayet ^eo? a>s roz^ o^olov. 

(/") Patronymics and geographical epithets: <?.^. II. 11. 613 
Ma^ao^t -Traz^ra eotxe r<3 'Ao-KAr]7ria8^ (cp. 13. 698., 14. 460., 23. 
295* 33> 525) : H- 2 - 595 Qa-IAVpiv rbv pTJt/ca: 11. 6. 201 Tredtoz^ 
ro 'AXij'iov, cp. 2. 681., 10. II : and so perhaps II. 21. 252 aterou 
. . TOV driprjTTJpos an eagle, the hunting kind. This use is rare. 

(g) In a very few places, a Genitive: II. 20. 181 rt/xTJs rrjs 
Upid^ov: Od. 24. 497 wet? ot AoAtoto : II. 9. 342., 10. 408., 2^. 
348, 376, Od. 3. 145. 

261.] The defining Article. The few and somewhat isolated 
uses which fall under this description may be grouped as follows : 

i . The use before a Relative is combined with ' Apposition ' 
to a preceding Noun : as 

II. 5. 319 ovb' wo? Kanavrjos eA?J0ero (TvvQecriaav 

raw as eTre'reAAe KrA. (cp. 5. 33 1 Oedav rdc^v at ). 
This is the primitive order, the Article being ' resumptive ' the 
injunctions, those namely which, fyc. So rj^an ra> ore , and com- 
monly in the Iliad. The later order that in which the Noun 
follows the Article appears in a few places of the Iliad : 

5. 265 rfjs yap rot yere% 975 Tpon Trep KrA. (cp. v. 268), 
also 6. 292., 8, 186., 19. 105. It is commoner in the Odyssey. 

2. Occasionally the Article conveys a hostile or contemptuous 
tone: II. 2. 275 TOV Aoo/Sr/rrypa : 13-53 o AiKro-coSrjs : 21. 421 
?/ KVvdjJiVLa : 22. 59 T 1 ' bvffTrivov : Od. 2. 351 TOV K-d^opov : 12. 
113 Tr]v oAo?^ : 14. 235 T^V ye crTvyeprjv obov : 18. 26 6 jj,o\o(3pos : 
1 8. 333 roz; aXrirr]v : 19. 372 at KVVZS at'8e. So in II. 3. 55 rjf re 
KO/XT] ro re et6o?. 

In Od. 1 8. 114 roroz; roz^ avaXrov does not mean (as it would 
in Attic) ' this dvaXros,' but ' this man avaXros that he is. 3 Cp. 

PRONOUNS. [26r. 

II. 13. 53 y p o y 6 Xvo-o-tobris KT\., where 6 Xvo-orubrjs the mad- 
man is used as a single term, in Apposition to o ye. This use 
which is characteristic of Homer may be regarded as a relic 
of the Deictic force of 6 ^ TO. It answers to the later use of 
OUTOS, Latin iste. 

3. The use of the Article to show that the Noun denotes a 
known person or thing the defining Article of later Greek is 
rare in Homer. It is found in the Iliad 

(a) with ye'po>z;, yepaio's, ava, rjpais : where however the 
Pronoun is the important word, the Nonn being subjoined as a 
kind of title: roto avaKros = 'o his lordship ' (cp. the German 
allerhochst derselbe). Accordingly, when the name is added the 
Art. is generally not used ; as yepaw tTTTnjAara Urjhevs (not 6 

() with eVo? and pvOos, in certain phrases, as irolov rbv pvOov 
eenrej; In these cases the Noun is of vague meaning, adding 
little to the Article : cp. eTret TOV fjivOov a/covcre with eTrei TO y' 
a/cowe. So in the formula o/xocreV Te TeAe^Tr/crez; Te TOV opKov } 
perhaps with a touch of ceremonial verbiage. 

In the Odyssey it occurs with several other Nouns : 6 et^oj 
(passim) ; 77 vrjo-os Od. 5. 55., 9. 146., 12. 201, 276, 403, &c. ; Ta 
/xTJAa Od. 9. 464., 1 1. 4, 20 : 6 juo'xAos Od. 9. 375, 378 : TO rogov Od. 
21. 113, 305. The other examples in the Iliad are chiefly found 
in books x, xxiii, xxiv : see II. 10. 97, 277) 3 2I > 3 22 > 33^ 4^ 5 
497., 23. 75, 257, 465., 24. 388, 8or, also 2. 80., 7. 412., 20. 147. 

We may perhaps add a few uses with words of relationship : 
II. II. 142 vvv \v ST) TOU TTarpos aeiKe'a TtVeTe \u>j3r]v. 

But here the Art. is resumptive with emphasis : (if ye are sons 
of Antimachus) ye shall now pay for his, your father s> outrage. 

II. 19. 322 0^8* et KV TOV TTCLTpOS CL7TO(p9LfJLVOLO TTvOoijJiriV 

not even if I heard of such a one as my father being dead : Od. 
2. 134 K yap TOV TtcLTpbs KCLKCL Titivo[k<Li for from my father (for one) 
I shall suffer (cp. II. 15. 641 TOV yivtr K vaTpbs KT\.) : Od. 16. 
149, II. 21. 412. See however 255. 

It has been a question whether the Article is ever equivalent 
to a Possessive Pronoun. If so it would be a kind of defining 
Article defining a thing as belonging to a known person. In 
most of the instances, however, the reference to a person is given 
by a distinct Pronoun : II. 19. 331 o>s av pn TQV Tratba KTA. : Od. 
ll. 492 aAA' aye /xot TOV iraibbs KTA. : Od. 8. 195 KCH K dAaos Tot 
. . TO oTJjuta: Od. 18. 380 ovb* dv //ot TTJV yavTtp KT\. : Od. 19. 
535 &\)C aye /uot TOI; ovzipov KT\. : II. I. 167 o-ot TO ye'/oa? TroAv 
fjLifov. Hence the Art. in these places has much the same 


function as with a Possessive (jutot rov Traiba = Tov e/utov TratSa) ; it 
reinforces the Pronoun which conveys the idea of possession. 

This account does not apply to TTJS tvvfjs (II. 9. 133, 275., 19. 
176), and rfjs apery? (Od. 2. 206). But here the Art. is probably 
substantival : rrjs VVTJ her couch^ r?}? aper?} her perfection. In 
23. 75 KO.L IJLOL 86s TT]v x W a the Art. * s quite anomalous. 

262.] The Article as a Relative. The Article at the begin- 
ning- of a clause may often be translated either as a Demonstra- 
tive or as a Relative. It has the character of a Relative when 
the clause which it introduces is distinctly subordinate or paren- 
thetical : as 

II. I. 36 'ATToAAooin dvaKTL, rbv rjiJKOfjLOs Te'Ke ATJTCO 

Apollo son of the fair-haired Leto. 

The use of 6 rj TO as a Relative is less common in Homer than 
that of 09 rjf o, and is restricted in general to clauses which refer 
to a definite antecedent. Thus in the line just quoted the clause 
rov rivKonos Tece A^rw does not define Apollo, i. e. does not show 
who is meant by the name ; it assumes that a definite person is 
meant, and adds something further about him. 
From this principle it evidently follows that 

(1) The Art. when used as a Relative must follow the Noun or 
Pronoun to which it refers ; whereas a Relative Clause often 
precedes. The only exceptions are 

II. I. 125 AAa ra juez; TroAtW ee7rpa00juez>, ra Se'Saarai. 
Od. 4. 349 (=17. 140) dAAa ra jueV /xot eeiTre . . r&v KrA. 
We may perhaps read aAAa 0' a juey ( 332). 

(2) The Art. cannot stand as correlative to a Demonstrative 
(i.e. we must have TO o that which^ not TO TO). Hence in 

II. 7- 452 TOV 5' TTl\.r]<TOVTOLl) TO 6yO) KClt 4>0t/3o? 'ATTo'AAo)^ KTA. 

Toi; TO are not meant as correlatives : the sense is and will forget 
the other (a wall) which fyc. But some MSS. have o T eyco. So 
Od. 13. 263 (rrjs A?7t8o9) TTJS etz/CK* eyo> iraOov ciAyea 0uju,<3 my 
share of the spoil (spoil) for which I had suffered fyc. Exceptions 
are, Od. 14. 227 avrap e/xot Ta ^>tA' eo-^e TCL TTOV 0eos Iv (frptcrl drJKev, 
19. 573 TOI;? TrcAeKeas TOI;? KTA. (perhaps also Od. 9. 334). 

(3) The Art. is not used in epexegetic clauses, as II. 2. 338 

l?, OtS OV TL fji\l KTA., II. 5^ 63 CLp^KCLKOVSy at 7Ta(TL KaKOV 

KTA., II. 15. 5^^ AafMTer&tySj o^ Aa/xTroj tyeivaro. 

Instances at variance with the general principle are to be 
found in II. 5- 747 ^P^coz; roivlv TC KOTeo-o-eTat (olo-iv T in some 
MSS.), II. 9. 592 K?]8e' oV* av0p(t)TroLO"L TreAet T<3u atrTu aAwr^, also 
II. 17. 145., 18. 208, Od. i. 17., 6. 153., ii. 545., 16. 257., 23. 

233 PRONOUNS. [263. 

355, &c. It is probable however that the text is sometimes at 
fault, the Art. having been substituted for os, especially in order 
to avoid hiatus : e.g. 

II. 17- 145 ^ os ^ v ^ttouri rot ' (Xaots o* 
Od. 1 6. 263 &6\u> rot TOVTO) y ^ira^vvTope TOVS 
(where ovs is not excluded by the hiatus, 382). 

As the Art. usually adds some new circumstance about a 
known antecedent, it sometimes has the effect of representing a 
fact as unexpected: as II. i. 392 Tr\v juot boarav vies 'Axai&v 
(jBriseis) whom the Greeks gave me ( = although the Greeks had 
given her to me) : Od. 16. 19 povvov rrjAuyeroy, r<3 eV d'Ayca 
Tj-oAAa jmoyijo-Tj his only son, after he has endured many sorrows about 
him (cp. 19. 266., 23. 6) : II. I. 160 -rrpo? Tp&w, ra>i> o# rt jxera- 
rpeTret ^<? Trojans while you pay no heed to them. So in 

II. I. 319 Aijy' tpibos T7\v irp&Tov eTnjTmA.Tjrr' 'Ax^% 
the meaning is not the same quarrel which he had declared, but 
his quarrel now that he had declared it. And so 

Od. 19. 393 ovXriv, TTIV Trore JJLIV (TVS r/Acto" 

a wound one that once a loar gave him. Similarly rfj at a place 
where (II. 14. 404., 21. 554., 23. 775). 

The Ace. Neut. TO used adverbially means wherefore ( 133), 

II. 3. 176 dAXa rd y QVK eyeVo^ro* ro Kal K\aiov(ra rerrjKa. 
So II. 7. 239., 12. 9., 17. 404., 19. 213., 23. 547. There is one 
instance in the Odyssey, in the song of Demodocus (8. 332). 

The Relatival use does not extend to the Adverbs rcos, ro're, 
re'cos (r?jos), or to the derivative adjectives rotos, roVos, &c. 

263.] The Article with re serves as a Relative. In accordance 
with the use of re in Homer ( 332) o re expresses a constant or 
general characteristic, but only of a definite Antecedent : as 
II. 6. 112 '"E/cropt ripiajutt8r/, TOV re oruyeouat KCU aAAot. 

15. 621 K^ju-ard re Tpotyotvra, rd re 7rpoo-epei;yerat avTrjv. 
Od. 1 8. 273 ovAo/xeVrjs e//e^e^, rfjs re Zeu? oXfiov air^vpa. 
It is especially used in similes (where a typical case is described), 
as II. 13. 390 TTLTVS /3Ao>0/)77 rrjz; r' ovpeo-t KT\. : II. 5- 783^ n. 

554., 12. 146., 13. 57 1 -. i5- 58i., 23. 712, &c. 

264.] Homeric and Attic Article. After the account given 
in the preceding of the Homeric uses of the Article it is 
hardly necessary to show in detail where they differ from the 
corresponding uses in Attic Greek. What we have chiefly to 
observe is that the difference is often greater in reality than it 
appears to be at first sight. Familiar as we are with the de- 


fining Article of modern languages, and of Attic Greek, we 
naturally import it into Homer whenever it is not made impos- 
sible by the context. But even when a Homeric use falls under 
the general head of the ' defining Article'' ( 261), the effect is 
perceptibly different from that of the ' Definite Article ' properly 
so called. In Homer the Article indicates, not that a person or 
thing is a known or definite one, but that it is presented to us in 
an antithesis or contrast. Objects so contrasted are usually 
definite, in the sense that they are already known or suggested 
by the context : and hence the readiness with which the later 
defining sense can be applied to passages in Homer. Thus avrap 
o y 7Jpo)s can usually be translated but the hero (before mentioned), 
as though 6 distinguished him from other heroes. But when we 
find that aurap 6 in Homer constantly means but Jie, or but the 
other , and that it may be followed by an epexegetic Noun (as 
avrap 6 (3ovv I4pv<rv ava avbp&v 'Ayajueju^o)^), we see that 6 is 
more important than a mere Article, is in fact a Substantival 
Pronoun, to which rjpas is added as a kind of epithet but he the 

This point has been explained in connexion with the use of the 
Attributive Article, 259, a. It may be further illustrated from 
instances in which the Article marks contrast, but not definition, 
and consequently cannot be translated by the. Such are : 

II. 15. 66 -TToXea? oXtcravT al&ovs 

TOVS dkXovs, fjLTa 6' vlov tubv 2>apirr]$6va blov 
not the others, but others as well, certain others. 

II. 5- 672 TJ Trpore/xo Atos vlov epiyboviroio 6"ia>Koi, 

77 o ye Ttov irXtovtov AVKLMV aTro Qvpbv eAoiro 

or should take the lives of more Ly dans instead. Here ot TT\OVS 
does not mean ' the greater number/ but ' a greater number/ in 
contrast to the one person mentioned. 

II. 22. 162 ws 5' OT aeOXotyopoi 7re/)t repjmara fJLu>vv^S iTnroi 
piu(f)a jj,d\a TP^UKTL' TO /uteya Ketrat ae#Aoz> 

and there a great prize lies ready. So Od. 20. 242 avrap o . . 
opvLs but a bird. The same thing is shown by fjivrjo-Trjpcov T&V 
pw KT\. ( 259, b). It is evident that TWK is used, not because 
the suitors are definite persons, but because a contrast is made 
by jjieK. 

The same remark applies to the use with Adjectives ( 260), 
especially to the use by which they are turned into Substantives, 
as TO Kpyyvov, TO. KaKa. In Homer ra KUKCL is said because in 
the particular context KaKa evils are opposed to good. In Attic 
ra KaKa or TO Kattov implies that evils form a class of things, 
distinguished from all other things. This again is a difference, 

234 PRONOUNS. [265. 

which does not come out in translating Homer, and is therefore 
apt to be overlooked. 

The use with Cardinal Numerals ( 260, <?) is to be similarly 
explained. It is not peculiar to Homer,, but is regular in Attic 
also, where it may be regarded as a survival of the Homeric use 
of the Article. 

The use of the Art. in Hesiod shows some advance. Thus the use to form 
a class is no longer confined to the case of a particular contrast given in the 
context: Op. 280 rcL SiKat' dyopevrrat. Op. 353 rov <pi\ovra <pt\(Tv nal rS> 
irpoaiovri irpoffftvai. The use with Adverbs is commoner, Op. 365 TO 0vprj(f>iv, 
Op. 457 TIV irpoaOev. The Prepositional phrase in Op. 364 rb kv OIKO> Karafed- 
ptvov is quite post-Homeric. The same may be said of the * articular ' Inf. in 
Op. 314 TO (pjafcaOai d^eii/ov ( 259, 3). It will be found that the Art. 
occurs nearly twice as often in Hesiod as in Homer. 

It is a further question, and one that cannot be fully discussed here, 
whether any uses of the Article found in our text of the Iliad and Odyssey 
are post-Homeric, and evidence of a later origin of the books or passages 
where they occur. It will be seen that in the case of the uses which have 
been noticed as rare or exceptional most of the examples come from books ix, 
x, xxiii, and xxiv. See especially the uses treated of in 260 /,#, and 261, 3. 
Others again seem to belong to the Odyssey ; see 261, 3, and cp. 259, a. 
The use of the Article in the loth book of the Iliad seems clearly later than 
in any other part of Homer : e. g. 
II. IO. 97 dfvp' Is TOVS 

2 77 X a *jP fe T V opvit? ' 

322 ^ n\v TOVS 'LTTTTOVS Te KOI dpfiara /crA. (so 330). 

408 7ra)s 5' al T$)v a\\(av Tpdjow <pvXaKai KT\. 

Also irfSiov rb Tpu'iKov (v. Il), 6 r^pcair 'OSvffevs (v. 231, 498), rrfv VVKTO. (v. 497). 
So in the Catalogue of the Ships we have Qapvpiv rov prj'iKa (II. 2. 595), and 
TO nf\a.aytfcbv"Apyos (2. 681). 


cf cf 

T O. 

265.] The Pronoun os rj o, and the Adverbs formed from the 
same Stem, esp. w?, ore, ea>?, are occasionally used in a Demon- 
strative or quasi-Demonstrative sense ; viz. 

(T) After KCH, ou8e, p]8e' : as II. 21. 198 dAAa /cat 6s 8et8otKe 
even he fear*: II. 6. 59 p]5' 6? $vyot may not even he escape: and 
often in the combinations KOI o>? even so, ovb* cos not even so. So 
ovb' vOa not even there (Od. I. 18). 

(2) With fxeV and 8e, to express a contrast between indefinite 
objects : as 

II. II. 64 &s "Efcrcop ore juieV re //era Trpcorota't <pav(TKv, 

dAAore 8' eV ^v^aroKri KrX. (so 18. 599., 2O. 49). 
12. 141 ot 6' ^ rot ^os [JLtv KT\. up to a certain time. 
17. 178 ore 8' CLVTOS eTrorpwet but sometimes fyc. 

(3) In the Adverb (3s so ; especially as the second member of 

266.] THE RELATIVE. 235 

the Correlation ws ws as so. A single <3s is often used where 
it may be either a Relative or a Demonstrative, as in the formula 
&s (f)aTo, o>s tlirtov, &c. : cp. the Latin guae quum diosisset, &c. The 
other instances in which we have to translate cos as a Demon- 
strative are rare : e.g. II. 3. 339 &s ' avr&s and in like manner, 

Among Demonstrative uses of os it is usual to count the use 
with ydp, as os yap, o>s yap, %va yap. This however is an error, 
arising from the occasional use of yap where it cannot be trans- 
lated for: see 348, 3. 

Some commentators find a Demonstrative os in 

Od. 4. 388 rov y' (i TTcas av Svvaio \oxf}ffafj.fvos XzXafitadai, 

os Ktv TOI fiTrgaw u86v KT\. 

Here however the clause os KW rot KT\. is not the Apodosis, but a Relative 
Clause expressing purpose. The peculiarity of the passage is 7 merely that the 
Apodosis is left to be understood : if you can seize him, (do so), that he may tell 
you &c. : cp. Od. 5. if., 10. 539. 

These idioms are usually regarded as the remains of an earlier 
use of os in the simple Anaphoric sense. The growth of a 
Relative out of a Demonstrative has been already exemplified in 
the Article ( 262). But the Relatival use of os is so ancient 
that any attempt to trace its growth from an earlier syntax must 
be of very uncertain value. 

266.] os re, os ns. The simple os may be used in any kind of 
Relative Clause, although in certain cases ( 262) the Article is 
preferred. Thus we have 

II. 4. 196 ov ris di'o-rewas Zj3a\v (a particular fact). 

I. 403 bv B/oia/oeow KaAe'ouo-i (a constant, characteristic fact). 

In these two places the Art. might be put in place of os : but 
not in 

II. 2. 205 els j3ao-L\vs, o> e8o>Ke (a characteristic fact, defining). 

I. 21 8 09 K 0eots TTL77idr]TaL (definition of a class). 
So os is used to convey a reason (which implies a general cause 
or tendency) : as Od. i. 348 Zevs amos os re 6t8coo-tz/ KT\. ; cp. 
II. 2. 275., 5. 650., 8. 34. 

If the Relative is meant to refer to an indefinite number of 
individuals falling under a common description, os TIS is gene- 
rally used, = wtio being any one, whoever. 

If, again, the Relative Clause generalises by making us think, 
not so much of all possible individuals in a class, as of different 
times and circumstances, in other words, if it lays stress on the 
general and permanent element in facts os re is used : e. g. 
II. I. 279 oTK/77iro{5)(os /3ar7tAev?, w re Zevs Kvbos eSco/ce to whom 
as king, to whom in every such case. 

236 PRONOUNS. [267. 

II. 4. 361 ra yap <poz;e'eis a T eyco Trep (such things as fyc.). 
5. 545 'AA(/>eioi3 os r vpv pe'ei (cp. 5. 876). 
9. 117 avrjp ov re Zei>s Krjpi ^uAr/o-r?. 

Od. 7. 74 ola-iv T ev (frpoveyai they to whom she is well inclined. 
Thus os re is constantly used in comparisons: as II. 3. 6 1 (-TreAeKVs) 
os r' etcrty 6ta bovpbs vif avepos os pa re re^ry z/7jtoi/ eKra/jwrjo-t. 

SO WS T, o6t T, oOey T, OT T I eVOtt T, iVtt T ! OOX>S T, OlOS T. 

Od. 12. 22 8to~0ai>ees, ore r' aAAoi a^ra^ ^r/crKOixr' avOpc&TTOi. 

19. 179 Kwoa-o's, juteyaXr] TroA-ts, ey^a re MtVcos KrA. 
Thus Homer has ^e Relatives, viz. os^ os re, os rts, 6, o re, each 
with a distinct use : Attic retains only os and os rts.* 

267.] Correlative Clauses. I. We have first to distinguish 
between the simple structure in which the Relative Clause only 
qualifies a Noun or Pronoun in the Principal Clause, as 

T&V ol vvv (Bporoi et<n of those who are now living. 

V 7re8uj> oBi Trep KrA. in the plain where fyc. 

and the parallel structure, in which the Relative is an Adverb of 
the same form as the Antecedent ; as 

robs 8e & aTT\6ripu> o>s vvv eWayA' e^)tAr](ra. 

Tofypa 6' irl Tpweo-crt rt^et Kparos, o<$>p CLV 'A^atot KrA. 

rrj 'L^v fj Kev brj <rv, KeAat^e^e's, T/ye/xoz/e^s. 

Here the notion given by the adverbial ending manner, tiwc, 
way^ &c. is the point of comparison, and must be understood to 
qualify both clauses. 

In both these kinds o compound sentence the Demonstrative 
Antecedent may often be omitted, but this is especially the case 
with the second, in which a Relatival Adverb implies a corre- 
sponding Demonstrative. Thus o>s e^uAr/o-a implies rws cos e</n- 
\rja-a : 6%>' av is equivalent to ro^pa o$p' av, &c. 

In this way, then, it came about that cos (lit. in which manner] 
means in the manner in which: and so o<pa to the time up to 
which, fi by the way by which, odu at the place where, ore at the 
time when, and so on.f The whole Relative Clause in fact serves 
as an Adverb (of manner, time, way, &c. as the ending may 
determine), construed with the Verb of the Principal Clause. 
Such clauses accordingly are called adverbial: while clauses 
which merely qualify a Noun or Pronoun are adjectival. 

* It is worth notice that os TIS in Attic has some of the uses of os re : see 
Jowett, Thucyd. ii. p. 372, Stein, Hdt. 4. 8. 

t In the corresponding sentences in English it is often the Relative that is 
wanting : thus rrj 'i^v rj Kfv rjyeiAovfvris to go by the way \by which] you lead. This 
forms a characteristic difference between Greek and English Syntax. 


2. The omission of the antecedent from the governing clause 
leads to various idiomatic uses : 

(a) The Relative Clause comes to be equivalent to a Noun 
or Pronoun in any Case which the governing clause may 
require : thus 

II. 5. 481 ra T ee'ASerai os K eiriScuTjs which (he) desires who 
is in need. 

I. 230 bS>p* anooLipti&Qai os ris crzOev avriov elirrj to take 
away gifts (from him, from any one) who fyc. 

7. 401 yvcarbv 8e KCU 6s /maAa vrfinos <TTIV. 
Od. 15. 281 avrap KiOi $tA?j(reai old K e'xco/^er you will be 

entertained (with such things) as we have. 

II. 14. 8 1 /3eArepo# 6s (frevywv irpocpvyrj K.OLK.OV it is better (for 
one] who by flying escapes evil, i. e. it is better 
when a man fyc. : cp. Od. 15. 72, II. 3. 109. 

(b) The omission is especially characteristic of clauses with 
ore when (for TO ore the time when) : II. 15. 1 8 77 ov jme'/^rj ore 
do you not remember (the time] when : II. 8. 229 TTTJ J3av e^xojAai, 
ore 8?) KrA. where are gone the boastings (of the time] when fyc. : II. 
19. 337 \vypj\v ayytXtrjv 6V aTtofyOi^ivoio TrvOrjTai : and with 
Numerals, II. 2T. 80 TJWS 8e juot eo-rty 1786 SuooSeKarr? ore /crA. ^w 
?> the twelfth morn (from the time] when fyc. So in II. 2. 303 
\QiCa re /cat TrpoD'if ' ore means f/y or ^o (from the time] that. 
Hence too the forms ets ore to the time that, irpiv y ore before the 
time when. 

Similarly with 061 where, as faavov 60 1 they came (to the place) 

(c) With a Verb of saying or knowing the Relative Clause 
has apparently the force of a dependent question : 

II. 2. 365 yvuxry evret^ os & fiytpovtov KOKO'S, os re' w Xa&v, 

rib' os K (T0\6s eryo-t 

you will recognise (yiyvu>o-K(a, not ot8a) of the leaders him wJio is 
a weakling, and who of the people, ami again him who shall be 
(found to be] brave. 

So II. 13. 278., 21. 609, Od. 3. 185., 17. 363 : compare the 
form with the antecedent expressed 

II. 23. 498 ro're 8e yvuHrearQe exacrros 

ITTTTOVS 'A/>yeW, o\ 8ei/repoi ot re irdpoiOtv. 

The construction is the same with a Verb which implies 
knowing, finding out, or the like : e.g. 

KAr^po) vvv 7re7rdAa0'0e 8ta/x7repes os Ke 
cast lots (to find him] whose portion it shall be. 

238 PRONOUNS. [267. 

3. The suppressed antecedent, again, may have no clear or 
grammatical construction : 

(a) This is especially found when the Relative Clause ex- 
presses a reason, as 

Od. 4. 6 II atjutaro's ets dyafloto, (fri\ov re/co?, of ayopeveis 
lit. you are of good Hood (seeing the things) such as you speak, i.e. 
as I see by the manner of things that you speak. 

II. 14. 95 vvv 8e (rev a)VO(rdfjir]V Tiayyv (frptvas olov eet7T? 
/ blame your thought, because of the kind of thing you have said. 

Od. 2. 239 vvv 6' aAAo> brjjji(f z>juiea-ib/xat, olov cnraz/res 
970-0' av<p at the way that ye all sit silent. 

II. 17. 586 r/ EKTa>p, TLS Ke (T CT aXXos 'A^ai&v Tapfiri(rLv, 

olov 8r) Mev\aov vTrerpecra? j 

who would fear you any more, seeing the way you shrank before 
Menelaus ? 

Od. 15. 212 otoS KLVOV OvjJLOS VTTtpfiLOS, OV (T [JLeOrj(Tl. 

II. 1 6. 1 7 TI^ <n> y 'Apyetcoz/ dAo^vpeat ws oAeKoi/rat. 
Od. 10. 326 ^au/ua // exet a>s KrA.. I wonder at the way that fyc. 
This is the idiom generally described by saying that otos is put 
for ort TOLOVTOS, ws for ort oi^rcos, and so on. So when os intro- 
duces a reason ( 266) we might say that it is for ort OVTOS (e.g. 
Zevs CLITLOS os re 5t8o)n-t = ort OVTOS bfatHn). The peculiarity, how- 
ever, of the clauses now in question is that the Relative can have 
no grammatical Antecedent, that is to say, that the Correlative 
which it implies as an Antecedent has no regular construction 
in the Principal Clause. 

(b) This is also found after Verbs of knowing, &c. the Rela- 
tive Clause expressing the Object or thing known : as 

II. 2. 409 fjb yap Kara Ov^bv abeXtyeov o>? 7roz;etro 
he knew of his brother (as to the manner) in which he laboured. 

24. 419 6f]ol6 KV . . olov p(TT^LS KfLTaL. 

Od. 7. 327 et8rja-ei? . . oo-crov a/norai vrjes ejucu. 
This is evidently an extension of the form yz^o-rj os Ka/co's (supra, 
2 c), with the difference that the suppressed Correlative in the 
Principal Clause is without a regular construction. 

(c) Sometimes the Relative Clause is used without any- 
Principal Clause, as an exclamation : e.g. 

II. 7. 455 <*> TTOTTOL, 'Evvoo-iyai' evpvcrOevts, olov eetTres. 
Od. i. 32 o> TTOTTOL, olov 8?] vv 6eovs (3porol amoWrcu. 
II. 5- ^Ol a> <pi\oi, olov 8rj 0av[j,ao}jiV f 'EiKTOpa. 

The ellipse gives an expression of surprise : (to think) what a 
thing you have said ! (to see) hoiv men blame the gods ! (to remember) 


how we wondered at Hector ! The want of a construction has 
much the same effect as with the exclamatory use of the Nomin- 
ative ( 163). Similarly 

Od. 4. 240 Trdvra jj^v OVK &v eyw fJLvOrjo'OfJLaL 

OCTO~Ol 'Qbv(T(T7]0$ TakCL(TL<f)pOv6s t 

dAA' olov rob' e/>ee KT/V. 

I will not tell of all his feats : but (just to mention) what a feat 
t/iis was that he did fyc. So Od. 4. 269., n. 517 ; cp. also II. 
5. 638 dAA' olov TWO. fyacri /crA. (Just to instance) the kind of man 
that they tell fyc. 

If the explanation now given of these Eelative Clauses is right, it is 
evidently incorrect to accent and punctuate as is done by editors (e. g. ) in 
II. 6. 1 08 <pav oe nv' a.6a.varwv l ovpavov dffrepofVTOS 

Tpcaaiv aXe^aovra KaT(XOt{j.ev us [or us] l\e \i\Qev 

taking it as an Independent Clause ' so they wheeled.' The same editors do 
not hesitate to write in II. 16. 17 b\o<pvpfai, us 6\eKovrai, where the construction 
is precisely the same. 

It is sometimes maintained that in all such cases we have a survival of the 
primitive ' parataxis ' that (e. g.) o\o(j)vpfcu us 6\tKovrai was originally b\o<pv- 
peai, us 6\fKovrai you lament, they so perish, hence you lament hoiv they perish, or 
that they thus perish. On the same view the exclamatory olov ecnres is not 
elliptical, but represents the original independent what a thing you have said ! 
(See Mr. Leaf on II. 2. 320 Gav^a^o^ev olov CTUX^). This hypothesis, however, 
is not borne out by the facts of language. In the first place, it is strange that 
the traces of parataxis should be found with the Eelatives ws, olos, oaos, &c. 
rather than with the corresponding Demonstrative forms. Again, if the 
Relative retained an original Demonstrative use, we should expect to find 
this, like other survivals, in some isolated group of uses : whereas the clauses 
now in question are very various in character. Again, the passages which 
favour the notion of parataxis are indistinguishable in structure from others 
to which it cannot be applied, such as most of the examples given under 2. 
Yet we cannot separate ra r' eeA-Serat 6s K ImSev^s from (/uA^o-eat ofa K cxopev, 
or that again from u'-'oaa^irjv olov genres. In particular it will be found that 
the theory does not apply to clauses which are conditional so well as to those 
which give a reason. The exclamatory use olov eenrts and the like does not 
furnish a good argument, because the pronoun used in a simple exclamation 
would not be Demonstrative, but Interrogative (TroTov eeiires, &c.). The most 
decisive consideration, however, is that the Relatival use of os and its de- 
rivatives is common to Greek and Sanscrit, and may be regarded therefore as 
Indo-European. Consequently there is a strong presumption against any 
hypothesis which explains the Homeric use of the Relative from a still earlier 
or pre-Indo-European stage of language. 

4. Sometimes an Antecedent is not construed with the Govern- 
ing Clause, but follows the Case of the Relative. This is allowed 
if the Antecedent is separated from its own clause, as 

II. 14. 75 V V S ^" a6 7rp<3rat elpvarai ayx> 6a\dcr(rr]s 

(SO II. 6. 396., 10. 416., 14. 371). 

240 PRONOUNS. [268. 

This ' Inverse Attraction } may be placed with the forms in 
which the Antecedent is wanting, because it can only arise when 
the original construction of the Antecedent (e'A.Kcoju,ey vrjas ocrai ) 
has been forgotten. 

5. Again, the Correlative structure is liable to an extension, 
the characteristic of which is that the Relatival Adverb has no 
proper construction in its own clause. 

This may be most clearly seen in the use of out/eKo, (i. e. ov 
VKa)for which reason : e.g. 

II. I. no a>? $rj TOV& eW/ca a(j)LV /ci]/3o'A.o? aAyea rev;(et, 

OVVZK eya> . . OVK efleAov KrA. 

Apollo causes sorrow for this reason, that I would not fyc. Here 
we cannot translate OVVCKOL for which reason : the reason does not 
precede, but is given by the Relative Clause. That is, the first 
VK.a is rational ; the second is logically unmeaning. Hence the 
ovvKa can only be due to the correlation : as it is usually ex- 
pressed, ovveKa is attracted to the antecedent rowe/ca. Then 
since ovvKa comes to imply a correlative rowe/co, the antecedent 
rovvKa is omitted, and the relatival ovvtKa by itself comes to 
meanjfor the reason that, because. 

The process may be traced more or less distinctly in all the 
Relatival Adverbs. Thus ws (in which manner] comes to mean in 
such manner that : and so ctypa for so long that, Iva. (lit. where) to 
the end that. Also, as will be shown presently, o, on and o re are 
Adverbial Accusatives, meaning literally in which respect, hence 
in respect that, because : cp. eiTretz; o TL e^craro to say for what he 
was angered with ^wcraro on he was angered- for (the reason} 
that. The qualifying force of the Adverb is transferred from its 
own clause to the Verb of the Governing Clause. 

On the same principle e* TOV ore from the time when becomes 
e ou (for K TOV ov ) : and ets TO ore becomes els o to the time 

268.] OUMCKO. This Conjunction (which may be treated as a 
single word) is used in two ways : 
(a) to assign a cause or reason : 
(I) to connect the fact expressed in the Relative Clause with 

a Verb of saying, knowing, &c. 

The second of these uses is evidently derived from the first by a 
kind of degeneration, or loss of meaning. The fact told or 
known is originally given as the ground of the saying or know- 
ing. The transition may be seen in 

Od. 7- 2/99 ^'j ^ TOL [JLV TOVTO y Vai(TlfJLOV OVK VOrj(T 

tf, ovvKa or' ov TI /xer' aju<^H7roAoicri 

269.] 'O, C OTI, 'O TE. 241 

my daughter did not judge aright in this, because she did not fyc., 
more simply, in this, that she did not Sfc. Again 

Od. 5- 215 olba KOL avTos 

TrdvTa /jtciA', OVVZKCL <reto Trept^pcoy n^zJeAoTreta KT\. 
I know all, inasmuch as Penelope is fyc. ; i. e. 1 know that she is. 
This use is found with Verbs of saying in Od. 13. 309., 15. 42., 
1 6. 330, 379. In the Iliad it occurs only once, viz. II. n. 21 
Trevflero . . joteya KAe'oy, OVVZK *A\aioi KrA. 

Note that (except in Od. 13. 309., 16. 379) the Verb is fol- 
lowed by an Ace. of the tiling ; so that the Relative Clause does 
not directly take the place of the Object. Thus (e. g) irevOtTo 
xAe'cs- oijveKo, is literally heard a rumour the grcund of which was 
that &c. 

A peculiar use to state a consequence which is made the ground 
of inference may be seen in II. 9. 505 ^ 5' "Arrj cr0ez'ap?j re KCU 
apTiiros, ovvKa Tracra? TroAAoz/ v7rKTTpo0i Ate is strong and sound 
of foot, (as we know) because she Sfc. 

269.] o, OTI, o TC. The Ace. Neut. of the Relative, when used 
adverbially ( 133), yields the three ' Conjunctions ' 6, OTI, o TC, 
which mean properly in respect that, hence usually (a) because, or 
(b) that (after a Verb of saywg, knowing, &c.). The antecedent 
TO is generally wanting, but is found in a few instances: as II. 
19. 421 ro olba Kal avTos, o rot KrA. : II. 5. 406 ovde TO oi8e . . 
orrt |maA' ov brjvaios KrA. : II. I. I2O Aeuo-o-ere TO ye TTCLVTZS, o juot 
KrA. ; also II. 15. 217., 19. 57., 20. 466, and Od. 13. 314 (seem- 
ingly the only instance in the Odyssey). These places, however, 
serve to show the origin of the idiom. We have here the 
phenomenon already noticed in 267, 5, viz. the Relative has no 
construction in its own Clause, but reflects the construction of 
the Demonstrative in the principal Clause. E.g. II. 20. 283 
Tapfirfo-as 6 ol ayxt trayr] /3e'Aos dreading because the dart stuck 
near him represents an older Tapfirio-as (TO) o irdyY) /3e'Aos. 
The adverbial Accusative with rap/3?jo-a? would express the 
nature or ground of dread (as in ro ye 8e#H0t, ro6e x^ 60 > & c -) 5 
hence the meaning dreading in respect of (or because of) this, that 
the dart stuck. Accordingly we find o = because chiefly with Verbs 
of feeling, which regularly take a Neuter Pronoun of the ground 
of feeling.* 

* The Clauses of this type are the subject of Dr. Peter Schmitt's monograph, 
Ueber den Ursprung des Substantivsatzes mit Eelativpartikeln im Griechischen (Wiirz- 
burg, 1889). He rightly takes o (on, &c.) to be an Ace. of the ' inner object ' 
( 133), but he seems to have overlooked the real difficulty ; which is that o 
supplies an object to the Verb of the principal Clause, not to the Verb of its 
own Clause. Thus he says ' opcD 6 vocrt is war urspriinglich : ich weiss, was du 
krankst ; oT8' o <re I^Veae ich weiss, was er dich gelobt hat' (p 21). But the 


242 PRONOUNS. , [269. 

(1) o in respect that, because may be exemplified by 

II. 1 6. 835 Tpcotn (tA.07rroA.e/xoto-t //,ra,7rpe7rco, o o-tyiv afjivva) 

ripap avayKaiov (for that I keep off}. 
Od. I. 382 Tr]\jjia\ov Oav^afov o 0ap(raA.ea)j dyo'peue. 
So II. 9. 534 (xcocrajueV??), Od. 19. 543., 21. 289 (OVK ayairqs o). 

The use to state a consequence as a ground of inference (like 
that of ovWa in II. 9. 505, 268) occurs in 

Od. 4. 206 TOLOV yap /cat irarpo's, o /cat TTtirvvfJitva /3afeis 
for you are of a wise father, (as I know) because you speak wisely : 
so Od. 18. 392, and probably also 

II. 21. 150 rt? TroOev et? avbp&v, o /xeu ^rXrjs dzmos eA.0etz; ; 

<? y<w ^z^ you dare &c. 

The transition to the use of o = that may be seen in 
Od. 2. 44 OVT TL OYJIJLIOV oAAo 7ri(avcr/cojuat 0^8' dyopeva) 

dAA' ejutoy avro \peios, o juot /ca/coi> IjUTreo-ev ot/ca> 
^// '# ^y ow^ case (which consists in the fact) that evil has 
fallen on my house. It is common with ota, yty^wo-KO) (II. 5. 433, 
&c.), duo (II. 15. 248): and is found with Verbs of seeing, as II. i. 
1 2O \V(T(TTe -yap TO ye TTCLVTCS o //ot yepa? epxerai a\\rj ye see this, 
that my prize goes elsewhere (II. 19. 144., 22. 445, Od. 17. 545). 

(2) on because is common after the Verbs of feeling. "We need 
only stop to notice some instances (parallel to those of o just 
quoted) in which on is = as I know because: 

II. 16. 33 vr]\5, OVK apa (rot ye irarrjp y\v nnrora TIr]\V$, 
ovbe erts /xrir^p, yAat>/C7) 8e (re rt/cre OdXao-a-a, 
Trerpat T 7}A.tj8arot, ort rot voos t&Tiv airrjvris 

meaning now 1 know that you are no child of Peleus fyc., because 

your mind is relentless. So 

II. 21. 4IO VrjTTVTL, Ovbt VV 7TCO TTp T7(j)pd(r(ti O(T(TOV dptW 

ev^o/x' ey&)z; ejuerai, ort juot /xeVo 
Od. 5- 339 Ka/x/xope, rtTrre rot a>5e IIoo-et8aa)^ 

tobvcrar eKTrayAcos, ort rot Kaxa iroAAa 
Poseidon so enraged against you (as he seems to be) since he 

two meanings, I /mow m w/za< respect you are sick and I know that you are sick are 
quite distinct, and are given by essentially different constructions of the 
Relative. Let us take as example a Clause which follows a Verb of feeling : 
fX<b ffaTO on ol jSe'Aos Hretpvye x ft P*- The construction with k^waaro is the Ace. 
of the ' inner object ' (as roSe X^ eo > T0 7 6 deidiQi, &c.). But ort is in a different 
Clause from kxuaaro : the full construction would be lx t * /<raTO ( T O) on. 
Schmitt would say that o n eKtyvy* also is an Ace. of the ' inner object,' 
that the sentence meant originally was angered in respect of this in respect of which 
it flew out. It is surely more probable that kx^aaro o n was like If civ from the 
time that, ets o to the time that, ovveitafor the reason that, &c. ( 267, 5), so that o TI 
was an Ace. by Attraction, and had no real construction with its own Verb. 

269.] f O, 'OTI, 'O TE. 243 

causes you many evils? So II. 10. 142., 21. 488., 24. 240, Od. 
14. 367., 22. 36. 

The transition to the meaning that may be seen in 
II. 2. 255 50"tti 6vf&t<AV on ol jixaXa TroAAa bibovo-i, 
reproaching him in respect that, with the fact that, fyc. 24. 538. 
It is the regular meaning with Verbs of knowing: II. 8. 175 
yiyz;&>crKa) 6' ort j/,oi irpotypav KareVewe Kpoviav I know that Sfc. 
Cp. II. I. 536 ovbf fJLLv"Hpr] riyvoirja-cv Ibovv on ol /crA. : 24. 563 
Kat 5e ere yiyvva-KO) . . orri Oe&v TLS a? ??ye. 

The use of on = that is commoner in the Iliad than in the 
Odyssey (where ws and ouycica partly supply the place, see 268). 

(3) The form o re (so written by Bekker to distinguish it 
from ore when) is found in Homer with the same varieties of 
meaning as o and 6. Thus we have o re = because in 
II. l. 244 \(t)6fjivos o T apiOTov 'A)(cu<3z> ovbv erto-a? 
angry because Sec. ; II. 6. 126., 16. 59> Od. 8. 78. So 
Od. 5- 35^ &> M ot ^7^5 M 7 ? T LS M ot ixf^cLLvrjo'Lv bokov avT 
aOavaTtoV, o re jue (T^eStrj? aTrojSrjvai d^coyet 

i. e. there is a snare in this bidding me to get off the raft. So 
probably II. I. 518 77 brj Aotyta epy* o re tf KrA. *V w a pestilent 
thing that you fyc. ; II. 19. 57 ^ a P TL T * afjL(f)OTpoL(nv apaov 
eTrXero o re KrX. : and the exclamatory use ( 267, 3, c) in II. 16. 
433 & M ot ^ywr, o re KrA. alas for me that Sec. 
Again, o re is = as I know because, in 

II. 4 31 baifjiovirfy TL vv ere riptajLtoj Uptdnxoto re 7rcues 
rocrcra Kaxa peov(nv, o r* dcr7rep)(es fxe^eat^eis 
^<9W f/0 Priam and his sons do you such evil, (as they must do) since 
you are furiously enraged? 

II. 15. 467 a) TTOTTOL, q brj Trdyxy jud^r?? eTrt jarj6ea 
baifjLoov ^juereprjj, o re /mot jQcoy eK/3aA.e 
(5 I judge from this) that he has thrown the bow from my hands. 
So Od. 13. 129 o re jote fipoTol ov rt Tiovvifor that mortals honour 
me not: Od. 14. 89 ot5e Se rot tcracrt ..or' OVK eQtXovo-i they know 
something (as is plain) because they are not willing: Od. 21. 254 
rocrcroVSe fiirjs eTTideue'e? etjutei^ . . o r' ov bvvdfjiecrOa we are so want- 
ing in strength, as appears by the fact that we are not able. 
"With Verbs of knowing, again, o re has the meaning that 
II. I. 411 yv 6"e KCU 'Arpet'8?]? evpVKpeiaiv ' AyajjLefJiVtoV 

fjv aTt]v, 6 T api(TTOV 'A^ai&v ovbev ertcrez; 
may know his folly, in that he failed to honour fyc. 
Od. 14. 365 eyw 8' tv olba Kal avTos 

VWTOV e/xeto avaKTos, o T ij^OtTo Ttavi ^eotcrt 
/ know of the return of my lord, that (as it showed) he was hated 

n 2 

244 PRONOUNS. [270. 

by all the gods. So II. 8. 251 &oz>0' o T ap KrA. saw that fyc. ; 
and with. ytyz^coo-KO), II. 5- 23 1 ; & c - 

The existence of a distinct 5 TC with the meaning because or 
that depends upon its being shown that in places such as those 
now quoted the word cannot be either cm that or ore when. The 
latter explanation of the reading ore (or 6Y) is often admissible, 

e.g. in II. 14. 7 1 J?^ a I JL * V y^-P T > ^ a ^ ^^ ^ re C P' -^ I 5- 
207 ZcrOXbv KOL TO TCTVKTCLL or . . etSrj, and instances in Attic, as 
Soph. O. T. 1133 KCLToibev ?]/x,o9 KrA. he knows well of the time 
when fyc., Eur. Troad. 70 018' VVLK Alas etAKe. But the supposi- 
tion of a distinct o re is supported by a sufficient number of ex- 
amples in Homer, e.g. II. 5. 331 yiy^coovccoi; o r' ava\Kis ZT]V Ocos, 
and generally by the complete correspondence of meaning thus 
obtained between o, 6, and o re. On the other hand it is ex- 
tremely improbable that the t of on was ever capable of elision. 
In this respect cm that stands on the same footing as TI and on. 
Moreover, the adverbial use of these words, which gives them the 
character of Conjunctions, is only a slight extension of the ordinary 
Ace. of the Internal Object ( 133). Hence if the Neut. of os 
and 05 TIS is used in this way, it is difficult to see any reason why 
the Neut. of the equally familiar os TC should be excluded. The 
ancient authorities and the MSS. vary in some places between 
ore and cm (as in II. 14. 71, 72., 16. 35, Od. 13. 129), and on 
such a point we have no good external authority. 

270.1 o, cm, o re as Conjunctions. In a few instances it is 
impossible to explain these Relatives by supplying an Accusative 
TO in the principal Clause. Thus in 

Od. 2O. 333 vvv 6' TI^T] ro'Se 877X01;, o r ov/ceri roVri/xo's eari 
the Antecedent is a Pronoun in the Nom. Similarly in 

II. 5. 349 r] o^x. dXis OTTI yvvalKas avd\mas ^TrepOTrevet? ; 
the principal Clause is Impersonal, and the Antecedent might be 
a Nom. (is it not enough) or Gen. (is there not enough in this), but 
hardly an Accusative. Again in 

II. 8. 362 ov8e TL T&V fi^Furqrat, o ot /otaAa TroAAaKis KrA.. 

17. 207 T&V iroivriv, o rot KrA. (as amends for the fact that) 
the Relative Clause serves as a Genitive: cp. Od. n. 540 yrjtfo- 
a-uvrj o ot KrA., 12. 374 ayyeAo? r)\6tv . . o ot KrA. 

Add II. 9. 493 r " fypw&tw o f*ot KrA., 23. 545 T ^ 4 > P ov ^ (tiV 0/n * 
KrA. : and also Od. 2. 1 16 ra <f>povtov<r ava 6v[ji6v a ot KrA., where 
the v. I. o for a has good MS. authority. 

In these instances, then, the forms o, &c. have ceased to be felt 
as Case-forms, and may properly be termed Conjunctions. 

The Mood in all Clauses of this kind is the Indie. not the 
Opt., as in some Attic uses (Goodwin, 714). 

271.] ORATIO OBL1QUA. 245 

It may be worth while pointing out the parallel between this extension of 
the Kelative Clause and the development which has been observed in the use 
of the Infinitive ( 234). In the first instance the Clause serves as epexegesis 
of an Ace. with a Verb of saying, knowing, feeling, &c. ( 237, 2) : fir) SeiSiOi riva 
fyeaOai fear not any one, for being likely to see ; Tapfirjffas (TO) 6 ayx 1 v&yr) ftt\os 
fearing (this}, that the spear stuck near him. Then the Ace. is used without 
reference to the construction of the principal Verb and consequently the 
dependent Clause may stand to it as logical Subject : ov n ve^effffijTov fiaffiXfja 
dirapeffffaaOat for a king to make his peace is no shame ; oi>x a\is on rjirfpoireveis is 
(the fact) that you deceive not enough; where the Clause in both cases serves as a 
Nom. Finally the Clause is used as an indeclinable Noun of any Case : rwv 
He^rjrai b KT\. remembers this, that &c. ; to which corresponds the so-called 
' articular Infinitive,' or Inf. with the Article as a Substantive. 

The three forms o, o T, OTI do not differ perceptibly in meaning. Hence 
the reduction in Attic to the single on is no real loss. 

270*.] Indirect Discourse. Clauses introduced by o (o re, 
on), ws, oui/eica after Verbs of saying and knowing are evidently of 
the nature of oratio obliqua, or indirect quotation of the words of 
another person. 

The Homeric language has no forms of Syntax peculiar to 
Indirect Discourse (such as the use of the Opt. or Pres. Indie. 
after a Secondary Tense). Every assertion is made from the 
speaker's own point of view : consequently what was present to 
the person quoted must be treated as now past. Accordingly the 
Present Tense of the oratio directa becomes the Impf., the Pf. 
becomes the Plpf . The Future is thrown into past time by the 
help of f/,e'AA.o>, as in ovbe TO 77817 o ov 7rei(reo-0cu ejuteAAezJ he knew 
not that he would not be persuaded. The only exception to this is 
Od. 13. 340 7J8e' 6 z^ooTTJo-ei? / knew that you will (i.e. would) 
return. For an instance of the Opt. with ws after a Verb of say- 
ing see 306, 2 : and cp. the Dependent Question, 248. 

The Clauses now in question are commoner after Verbs of know- 
ing, hearing, remembering, &c. than after Verbs of saying. Of the 
former kind there are about 70 in Homer ; of the latter, which 
may be counted as examples of true Indirect Discourse, there are 
16. Of these, again, only three are in the Iliad (i 6. 131., 17. 
654., 22. 439). This confirms the view that these Clauses are 
originally causal, the meaning that being derived from the mean- 
ing because ( 268). If we confine ourselves to o (o re) and ort 
the proportion is still more striking, since out of more than 50 
instances there are only four with a Verb of saying *. 

271.] Form of the Relative Clause. It is characteristic of 
the Relative Clause that the Verb to be is often omitted : as 
II. 8. 524 fJLvOos 8' 6s juey vvv vytrjs, eiprj/oteVos e'oro), 

* The figures are taken from Schmitt (Unsprung des Substantivsatses'), but i 
clude instances of o r which he refers to ore when. 

246 PRONOUNS. [271. 

and so 6Vo-ot 9 A\aioi t ot Trep apto-rot, 77 rts apt'orr?, os r' atrtos 09 re 
Kal ov/a, &c. Hence we should write in II. n. 535., 20. 500 
avrvycs at Trept bitypov, in II. 21. 353 tx^ es ^ Ka ivas. So 
with the Adverbs ; as Od. TO. 176 o</>p' er 1^7 1 0or) (Bp&cris re TioVts 
re 50 long as there is food and drink in the ship. 

i . This ellipse leads to a peculiar ' Attraction ' into the Case of 
the Antecedent, found chiefly with ooros re, as 

Od. JO. 113 rr]v 8e yvvciiKa \ tvpov ocrrjv r opeos Kopvcfrriv, 
which is equivalent to roa-rjv oVrj eo-rt Kopvtyri ; and so ovov re, 
Od. 9. 322, 325., JO. 167, 517., I J. 25 ; also oUv re, Od. 19. 233. 
The only instance in the Iliad is somewhat different : 
II. I. 262 ov yap TTOJ TOLOVS t6oz> . . olov RtipiOoov KT\. 

The later Attraction of the Relative into the Case of the 
Antecedent is not found in Homer. Kiihner gives as an example 
II. 5. 265 rrjs yap rot ye^erjs fjs Tpau Trep e^puoVa Zei/j O>K. But 
there the Gen. is partitive : ' the brood from which Zeus gave ' 
( 151 e). So II. 23. 649 ( 153). 

2. Another effect of this omission may be found in the use of 
double Relatival forms, especially ws ore as (it is) when ; which 
again may be used without any Verb following : e.g. 

II. 13. 471 aAA' ejuez/ a>s ore rts (TVS ovp<riv aA/d ireTTOiflwy, 
09 re /ueVet KrA. 

So ws el and ws ei re as (it would de) if, as in II. 5. 373 rts vv ere 
rotd5' epefe . , &S fl n KCIKOV pt&va-av. 

A similar account is probably to be given of the peculiar double 

II. 8. 229 7T7J e/3azj ev)(, ore 8rj (fxi^v eTrat apiaroi, 

as OTroV' v ArjjUi'a) Kereai>xee? ?7yopaao-^e 
ivhen once (whenever it was) you made loast in Lemnos. 

3. The want of a finite Verb also leads to the construction of 
otos, 69, &c. with the Infinitive. This is only beginning in 
Homer: see 235* It arises by a kind of mixture or 'contami- 
nation ' of two simple constructions, viz. 

(1) the ordinary Inf. with the Demonstratives rotos, rr/XtKos. 
&c. ( 232) ; as rotot aju,we'ju.ez> of the kind to defend (Od. 2. 60), 
IJitvcLv ert r?]AtKos of the age for remaining (Od. 17. 20); 

(2) the Correlative form, such as II. 5. 483 rotoy olov K ?]e 
(j)poiv 'Axaiot r\ KZV ayoitv: II. 7. 231 ^juets 5' d^lv rotot ot av 

Thus (e.g.] Od. 21. 172 rotor . . otoV re pvrrjpa /3to 
/cat oto-rw^ combines the forms rotoz; ejute^at of the kind to be and 
rotor ows re (eo-rt) of the kind that (is). In other words, the con- 


struction of rotos is transferred to the Correlatives rotos otos. 
Then rotos is omitted, and we get otos with the Inf. The same 
may be said of <3s re with the Inf., which is post-Homeric. 

272.] Double Relative Clauses. When a Relative introduces 
two or more Clauses connected by K<U or 8e, it need not be con- 
strued with any Clause after the first : e. g. 

II. I. 162 to errt Tro'AA' e/xoyr^o-a, bocrav 8e /xot vtes 'A^ai&v 
for which 1 toiled, and which the sons of the Greeks gave me. 

Od. 2. 1 14 ra> orew re Trarrjp /ce'Aerat Kat avbdvL avT?] 
and who is pleasing to herself. The Relative is not repeated in 
any Clause of this form ; but its place is often taken by another 
Pronoun (usually an enclitic, or an unemphatic CLVTOS) : 

II. I. 78 TI -yap atonal avbpa xoAcocrejuey, 6s /xe'ya navrtov 

'Apyctwv Kpareet Kat oi irctOovrai 'A^atot. 
Od. 9. 19 eju/ 'OSvcrei'S AaeprtaS^s, 6s Tracn boXoicnv 

avOptoiroLO'L /Lte'Aa), Kat JACU KAeos ovpavbv ucet. 
This idiom, it should be observed, is not peculiar to Homer, 
but prevails in all periods of Greek (Kuhner, II. p. 936). 

On the same principle, when a succession of Clauses is intro- 
duced by a Relatival Adverb, the first Verb may be in the Subj. 
or Opt., while the rest are in the Indie. This is especially 
noticeable in similes, as 

II. 2. 147 w? 8' ore Kt^o-ry Ze'(i>poj (3a0v Kri'Lov 
Aa/3/3os eTrcuyi'fcoz;, eTit T* r^ii 

4. 483 ^ P a "^ * v eta/ote^ e'Aeos jueydAoto 

Aetry, ardp re ot obt eTr' aK/oorarr/ TT(pvQ.a'i. 
Successive Relative Clauses not connected by a Conjunction 
are frequent in Homer. The Relative may be repeated for the 
sake of emphasis: Od. 2. 130 bo/jLc^v aeKov&av a^Qxrai rj /ut' e'rex' fj 
jut' e^pex/^e. Or the second Clause is epexegetic of the first : as 
II. 5' 43 ox&Atos, d/3pt/xoepyos, os OVK oOer ato-vAa pefooy, 

OS TogoiVLV Kf]0 0OVS (SO 6. I^l.j lj '. 674, &C.). 

Or it marks the return to the main thread of the narrative : as 
Od. 14. 288 5r) rore <&oivi rj\0v avr\p, aTrarrjAta etcoj, 

rpco/crryj, os by TroAAa KCZK' avdptoTtoKnv ecopyet, 
os fx* aye Ttap-ntitiOuv KrA. (cp. II. 15. 461-3). 
Where different Pronouns are used as Relatives in successive 
Clauses, the reason of the variety may often be traced. Thus in 
II. 1 6. 157 ot 6e A^KOt &s a>ju,o(/>ayoi, rola-iv re Trept typtcrlv aa-Treros 
aAK?), ot T \a(f)ov . . baKTova-iv, the Art. roiai gives a characteristic 
of all wolves, the Rel. ot passes to the wolves of the particular 
simile. In both the meaning is general, accordingly re is used. 
Again, we find 6's re introducing a general assertion, while 6's 

248 MOODS. [273. 

relates to a particular fact : as II. 4. 442 77 r oXiyr] JJLZV 
Kopvcra-zrai . . rj crfyiv KOI rare KT\. ; 5- 545 'AA^etou, os r evpv /5eet 
Tlv\{(av bia yair]s, os reVer' 'OpviXoxov : and in the reverse order, 
II. 1 8. 52O 01 6' ore 5r/ p IKCLVOV O&L cr(f)i(nv eu<e Xo^rjcrcLi tv Trorajuco, 
o0i r apbpbs eV. 

The difference between 6's ns and 6's re appears in Od. 6. 286 
/cat 8' aAAr/ i>ejuecra> TJ TIS rotaOra ye /5ebt, TJ T* deKryrt <pi\u>v Trarpos 
Kat {ArjTpos tovToiv avbpdcri jjLLO"yr]TaL. Here tj TIS insists on the in- 
clusion of all members of the class (any one who ), rj re prepares 
us for the class characteristics (one of the kind that ). 



273.] Classification of Sentences. Before entering upon an 
examination of the Homeric uses of the Moods, it will be con- 
venient to give some account of the different kinds of Sentences 
and Clauses with which we shall have to deal. 

A Simple Sentence or the principal Clause in a Complex 
Sentence may be purely Affirmative. Or, the affirmation may 
be turned (either by the use of a suitable Pronoun or Particle, 
or by the tone and manner in which it is uttered) into a ques- 
tion : i. e. the Sentence may be Interrogative. Or, a predication 
may be framed in order to be denied : in which case a Particle is 
added to make the Sentence Negative. Or, the Sentence may 
express Wish, Purpose, or Command ; and any of these may again 
be combined with a Negative, so as to express some variety of 
Prohibition. Or, once more, the Sentence may be Conditional, 
i. e. may assert, deny, command, &c. subject to a hypothesis ; and 
this hypothesis or condition may be expressed by a subordinate 
Clause, or by an Adverb or adverbial phrase (then, in that case, 
or the like) : or the condition need not be expressed at all, but 
conveyed by the drift of the context. 

A subordinate Clause may be so loosely connected with the 
principal Clause as to be virtually an independent sentence. 
We have seen that this is generally the case (for example) with 
Clauses introduced by the Article ( 262). The Clauses which 
chiefly concern us now are 

i . Dependent Interrogative Clauses. 


2. Prohibitive Clauses (^r\ = lest). 

3. Relative Clauses proper (introduced by os). 

4. Clauses introduced by a Relatival Adverb (o>s, o#i, o0ei>, ore, 

eo>s, o$/oa, &c. ; also HvOa, r (va, and e 
5. Clauses introduced by el if. 

This classification is based upon the grammatical form of the 
Clause. If we look to the relation in point of meaning between 
the two Clauses of a Complex Sentence, we find that subordinate 
Clauses fall into a wholly different set of groups. Thus there 

(1) Clauses expressing cause or reason: as 

II. 2. 274 vvv 8e ro'8e jue'y' apioroy kv 'Apyeioia-LV epefez/, 

fas TOV XtofirjTTJpa e7recr/3oAoz; t^X* a "ypa(^v. 

And clauses like II. 4. 157 o5? o-' tfiaXov Tpoies #ww?0 ^ Trojans 
have thus shot at you ; 6. 166 olov aKova-e at hearing such a thing 
( 26 7, 3) : as well as in the regular Causal use of o, on, o re 
( 269), and oft/eica. 

(2) Clauses expressing the Object of Verbs of saying, knowing ', 
thinking, &c. (i. e. the fact or thing said, &c.) : as 

II. 2. 365 yvto(TT\ eVeifl' os & 1 fjyejjiovtov KOTO'S, oj re vv Xa&v. 
Od. 6. 141 6 5e ^p^-ripi^v 'OStxro-evj | ^ . . ^ KrA. 
II. 1 8. 125 yvoiev 8* o>s 8^ brjpbv eyo> TroXe/xoto TreTravjuat. 
601 TretpTJo-erai at Ke Oeya-iv (tries if it will rim). 

(3) Clauses expressing condition or limitation ; which may be 

By 05 : as r<3z> ot z;w (Bporoi e^o-t ^ tf^0 mortals now living : os K 
fTTibevri ? >^(? 2#y0 ^ m ww/^ : os KC ^eots eTriTret^^rat y^d w^o 
^^/^ <?^^ ^<? ^(9^/5 : o rt ot etcratro whatever seemed to him. 
By a Relatival Adverb : of manner, as &>? cmreAXoo <zs / foW, 
ws av eywz; etTrco as I shall speak ; of time, eirei, ore, &c., also 
Iws and oc|)pa when they mean so long as ; of place, as oTTTro^t 
moYaroy irebiov where is the richest of the plain. 
By el the common form of Conditional protasis. 
It will be convenient to term all these Clauses ' Conditional ' 
the word being taken in a wide sense, so as to include every 
Clause of the nature of a definition or limitation, as well as those 
in which actual priority in time is implied. 

(4) Final Clauses, expressing end or purpose : introduced 
By os ; as II. 4. 190 in6rio-i fyappa^ a KZV Tra^a-rjai will apply 

drugs which shall stay : II. 14. 107 vvv 8' etrj os . . 
may there be one who may tell. 
By ws, OTTWS, IVa the ordinary forms expressing purpose. 

250 MOODS. [273. 

By e<o (better written ^09 in Homer *) and o<f>pa, when they 
mean till such time that. To these we may add els o until, which 
(like ovvtKa) is practically a single word. 

By el or at : as II. I. 420 et/x' COT?) . . at Ke THATCH I go in the 
hope that he will listen. 

By fjiYj lest ( Iva (JLYJ). 

It is important to observe that the several groups of Clauses now pointed 
out are generally indistinguishable in respect of grammatical form ; so that 
Clauses of the same form (introduced by the same Pronoun or Particle, and 
with a Verb of the same Tense and Mood) often bear entirely different 
meanings. This will be shown in detail in the course of the present chapter ; 
meanwhile a few instances may be noted as illustrations. 

1. Final Clauses introduced by os are in the same form as the Conditional 
or limiting Clauses such as os fee TU^T?. OTTI tew etirys, &c. 

2. The regular Final Clauses with s and oirws are in the same form as the 
limiting us av fywv eiirca as I shall speak, oirus tOeKriaiv as he pleases, &c. 

3. Clauses with 2&>s and 6<{>pa may either be Conditional (when the Con- 
junction means so long as), or Final (when it means until). 

4. The Final Clause with l is indistinguishable in form from the ordinary 
Conditional Protasis : compare at KC mdijrai to see if he will listen with II. 24. 
592 fj,r) fj.oi Ha.TpoK\e ffKv8fj.atvfj,v at KC irvOrjai be not angry in case you hear. 

5. Clauses with JJLTJ may either be Final (when P.TJ = iva /?), or Object- 
Clauses after a Verb of fearing (85<w ^17). 

From these examples it is evident that in this as in so many parts of Greek 
grammar the most important differences of meaning are not expressed by 
corresponding distinctions of form. The Pronoun or Conjunction which 
connects the subordinate with the principal Clause generally leaves the real 
relation between the two Clauses to be gathered from the context. 

These different kinds of Sentence are distinguished to some 
extent by means of Particles, of which it will be enough to 
say here that 

(1) Strong Affirmation is expressed by YJ, and the same Par- 
ticle is employed in Interrogation (especially with ironical force). 

(2) Negation is expressed by OUKI (OUK, ou), Prohibition by pfj. 

(3) The Particle ei, in its ordinary use, marks a Conditional 
Protasis, i.e. a Clause stating a condition or supposition. 

(4) The Particles *e(v) and oV mark a predication as being 
Conditional, or made in view of some limitation to particular 
conditions or circumstances. 

* It is often convenient to use the Attic form feos as the name of the 
Particle, but this cannot be the true Homeric form. The metre shows that it 
must be a trochee ; and the Doric as (Ahrens, Dial. Dor. p. 200) represents 
contraction of aos : cp. the Cretan raws for rlcas (Hesych.). Hence we should 
have in Homer either ?jos (the older Ionic form, cp. vrjos) or aos, which would 
properly be Doric or JSolic, like Aads &c. Of these rjos is evidently the 
more probable. 


The Subjunctive in Principal Clauses. 

274.] The Subjunctive in a Simple Sentence, or in the Prin- 
cipal Clause of a Complex Sentence, may be said in general 
to express either the will of the speaker or his sense of the neces- 
sity of a future event. Like the English must and shall, by 
which it may usually be rendered, it is intermediate in meaning 
between an Imperative and a Future. Sometimes (as in toptv 
let us go, or in Prohibitions with pj) it is virtually Imperative; 
sometimes it is an emphatic or passionate Future. These 
varieties of use will be best understood if treated with reference 
to the different kinds of sentence Affirmative, Interrogative, 
Negative, Prohibitive, &c. in which they occur. 

275.] In Affirmative sentences the force of the Subj. depends 
in great measure on the Person used. 

(a) In the First Person the Subj. supplies the place of an 
Imperative, so far as such a thing is conceivable: that is, it 
expresses what the speaker resolves or insists upon doing ; e. g. 

II. 9. 121 VyClV 8' V 7rdvTCT(TL TTeptKAura (Sp' OVOfJiriVd) 

(where the list of gifts immediately follows). 
Od. 2. 222 a-rjfjid re ot yjE.v(& Kat em Krepea Krepetfco 

TroAAa fjidX 3 6Vo*a eotKe, Kat avept, jx^re'pa Swcrco 
(the Subj. expresses the decisive action to be 
taken by Telemachus, viz. to acknowledge his 
father's death : the Fut. 6o>a-a> expresses what 
would follow as a matter of course). 
12. 383 8u0"ojucu ets 'AtSao Kat V VKVZ<T<JI (pativa) 

(said by way of a threat). 

Hence after a Clause containing an Imperative the Subj. is used 
to show what the speaker will do as his part of what he desires 
to be done : as 

II. 6. 340 ciAA* aye vvv eTTtjuetroz;, apr/'ia re^x ea 8t;a> 
do you wait, and I will put on my armour. 
22. 416 (7xeV0e, $t'Aot, Kat tf olov edVare KrjbdfJifVot Trep 
efeA0oVra 770X1705 tKeV0' eTn vfjas 'A)(at<3z>, 
AYo-(ra>ju' avpa TOVTOV KT\. 

450 8ei;re, o"wo jtxot e7reo-0ozj, t8co// ortz;' epya reVuKrat. 
So after the phrases dXV aye, el 8' aye, as Od. 6. 126 dAA' ay' eya>y 
avrbs 7reipr7O"Ojutat 7]8e tdw/xat: 9* 37 ' ^' ^7 e rot Ka ^ VO<JTOV JJLOV 
iroXvKYjbt ezHo-mo. On the phrase el 8' aye see 321. 

To show that a purpose is conditional upon something else 
being done, the Subj. may be qualified by the Particle Ke(^) : 
II. I. 137 et 6e Ke JUT; btoccxnv, eyo> 6e Kez; a^roy e'Aco/oiat 

if they do not give her, I will (in that case) fyc. 

252 SUBJUNCTIVE. [275. 

II. 14. 235 TTciOtv, eyo> 8e' KC rot et8e'o> 

ofoy, flftd / will feel thankfulness. 

16. 129 overdo re^x. ea Oao-a-ov, eyo> Se Ke Aaoy ayetpa). 

Od. 17. 4^7 r( ? ^ XP*) bofjievai, Kat Acotozj ?}e Tre/) aAAot 
CTLTOV ey&) 8e Ke (re KAetco KrA. 

So too II. J. 183 TJ\V fJifv . . Tre'/^to, eyco 8e K' ayco B/no-^tda I will 
send her (as required), fl?z6? ^<?# I will take Briseis the Subj. ex- 
pressing the speaker's own threatened action, and Key marking 
that it is the counterpart to what is imposed upon him. It will 
be found that KCI/ is used when the Clause with the Subj. is 
introduced by 8e, but not when it follows without a connecting 
Particle. I.e. it is when the two Clauses are set against one 
another by 8e that it becomes necessary to express also the con- 
ditional nature of the second Clause. 

This use of Key with the Subj. is not found except in Homer. 

The First Person Plural is similarly used, as Od. 3. 17 aAA' aye 
vvv lOvs Kte Ne'oropos tTTTroSa/utoto* et8ojuez> KrA. And so in the 
common Hortatory Subj., as <evyo)ju,ez> let us fly. 

(#) A Subj. of the Second and Third Person in an Affirmative 
sentence is usually an emphatic Future, sometimes approaching 
the force of an Imperative. The only example of a pure Subj. 
(i. e. without **v or &v) in this use appears to be the phrase K<U 
Trore TLS enrr/a-i and men shall say (II. 6. 459? 479 v 7- ^7)' 

With ai> we find 

II. I. 205 fjs VTTpoTrkLrj(n rax' & v TtOTt Ov^ov oArjrai 

(in effect a threat of what the speaker will do). 

22. 5^5 vv v ^' ^v TroAAa Tradycn cf)i\ov ano iraTpbs ajAapTtov 
but now he must suffer much fyc. 

With KK the examples are rather more numerous : 

Od. I. 396 r&v KeV TLS ro8' e'x/?o"t^ 3 ^Tret 0<W 6 to? 'Obvcrcrevs 
let one of them have this (emphatic assent). 

4. 80 avbp&v 8' TJ KCV ri$ JJLOL eptVcrerat TJ KOL OVKL. 
4. 391 Kat 8e' Ke rot etTrr^crt KrA. 

IO. 507 ^"0 at > r7 V ot Kt TOL TTVOirj Bope'ao (freprjori 

sit stilly and her the breath of Boreas shall lear 
along (solemn prophetic assurance). 
II. 9. 701 aAA' 77 rot Kelvov \v eao-ojuie^, TJ KZV IJ\VLV 

TJ /ce jue^ (let him go or let him stay] : cp. Od. 1 4. 1 83. 
Note that where two alternatives are not expressed by the same 
Mood, the Subj. gives the alternative on which the stress is laid : 

II. II. 43^ o-YjiJLepov r) botolcTiv 
r\ KV eju<5 VTTO 


II. 18. 308 <rnjcro//(H, TI K <ppr)(ri /ueya Kparos -tj /ce 

1 shall stand firm, let him gain the victory ( = though 
he shall gain) or I may gain it. 
Od. 4. 692 aXXov K ^Oaiprj(TL (3poT&v, aXXov K </>tA.otrj 

a king will (is sure to) hate one, he may love another. 
A curious combination of Opt. and Subj. is found in 
II. 24. 654 avriK av efenrot 'AyOfWftiwvi, TtoipevL Xa&v, 

Kai KV ava(3Xrj(rLS Aver to? veKpolo yeVr/rat 

he would straightway tell Agamemnon, and then there must be a 
delay in the ransoming of the dead. The Subj. appears to express 
the certainty of the further consequence, as though the hypo- 
thetical case (avTLK av eet7rot) had actually occurred. 

276.] In Negative Clauses properly so called (i. e. distinguished 
from Prohibitions) the Subj. is an emphatic Future. We find 
(a) The pure Subj. (expressing a general denial): 
II. I. 262 ov -yap 7TO) roiovs loov (Wpas ovbe to"oo/xat 

/ have not seen / never shall see. 
7. 197 ov yap ris jue fiirj ye eKa>z> aeKOvra birjraL 
no man shall chase me against my will. 
15. 349 ovbt vv TOV ye 

yv(t>Toi re yvarai re irvpbs XeAci^coo-t Oavovra. 
Od. 1 6. 437 OVK eo-^' ovro? avrjp o^5' eVo-erat ovbt yeVrjrat 

there is not, there never will or can be, the man 
who, &c. (so 6. 201). 

24. 29 juV 0X077, TJ}V ov TLS aAeverat (cp. 14. 400). 
(d) The Subj. wither 

II. 3. 54 OVK av rot xpaur^rj KiOapis KT\. 

be sure that then your lyre will not avail yon. 
II. 386 et fjiev br] avrifiiov <rvv re^ecrt Tretpry^et?]?, 

OVK av rot xpaia-fJiya-L /3 LOS KT\. 

The reason for av in these places is obvious: in the following 
instances it seems to be used because there is a contrast : 
II. 2. 488 TiXrjOvv 6' OVK av eyo> ^vBri<ro^ai ovb' dvojjLrjv^ 

but the multitude I cannot declare or tell by name. 
Od. 6. 221 avrrjv b' OVK av eycoye AoeWo/xat (CLVTYJV is emphatic : 
cp. Od. 4. 240., ii. 328, 517). 

277.] In Interrogative sentences the Subj. generally expresses 
necessity } submission to some command or power; as II. 10. 62 
avOi /oieVft) . . 7?e 0ea> KrX. am I to remain here, or am I to run fyc. ; 
Od. 15. .509 Trfj yap eya>, ^>tAe TCKVOV, too ; reu ba^af? I'KCO/^CU KrA. 
where am I to go ? to whose house fyc. : Od. 5. 465 & jutot eya>, rt 

254 SUBJUNCTIVE. [278. 

TL vv /xot juT/Ktorra yeznjrat ; what am I to suffer ? what is to 
become of me ? And rhetorically, with an implied negation 

II. 1 8. 188 7T<3s r' ap ico /utera ^5>\ov ; tyjovvi 8e rev^ 6 ' fKflvoi 
how can I go into the battle ? They have my arms. 

II. I. I5O TT&S TLS rot TTp6(f)pa)V <-TT(TiV 7Tei07]rat ' A\aL&V ', 

One or two passages given by Delbriick under this head should 
perhaps be classed as Subordinate Clauses. A transitional instance 
may be seen in Od. 22. 166 av Se juot z^juepres 1 ezno-Trej, r\ fjnv 
aTTOKTLv& . . 7/e (rol v9db' ayco KT\. tell me, am I to kill him, or 
bring him here ? Here the Clause may be a distinct sentence ; 
but not so II. 9. 618 ajuta 8' 7701 tyaivofjievriQiv ^pacro-o/xe^' j\ Ke 
^ewjue^' KT\.J because this does not express an actual but an in- 
tended future deliberation. So in Od. 1 6. 73 jutr/rpt 8' ejutrj Si^a 
Ov^bs vl <j)p(rl /xepjutr/pifet TJ avrov nap* cftot re /xe'rr/ KrX. the form 
of expression is changed from the First to the Third Person, as 
in oratio obliqua ( 280). 

278.] With the Prohibitive Particle pj the Subj. has the cha- 
racter of an Imperative. We may distinguish however 

(a) Direct forbidding, usually with the First Person Plural 
(answering to the Hortatory Subj.), and the Second Person Sing.; 
sometimes also with the Third Person, as 

II. 4. 37 pov 07T60? efle'Aets* JUT) roirro ye 
crol Kal ejjiol fjity epio-jua fxe 

I do not want this to become a quarrel. 
Od. 22. 213 MeWop, fjirj a-' eTrcWo-i TrapaLTreTTiOrjcriv 'Obvo-(Tvs 

see that Ulysses does not persuade you. 

And with the First Person Sing., as II. i. 26 prf o-e Kt^eto) let me 
not catch you ; II. 21. 475 JUT? 0-eu aKovo-a). 

(b) Fear, warning, suggestion of danger, &c. ; e.g. 
II. 2. 195 p? rt yo\&<raiji.vos pefr/ (I fear he will fyc.). 

5 487 jw,^ 7TC09 o>9 afylvL Xivov a\6vT Travdypov 

avbpdo-i bva-{jii>^a-(nv eAcop Kat KVpfjia yivr}orQe 

see that you do not become a prey Sfc. 
22. 123 JUT} fjnv eya) jxey t/cco/^tat ta>y, 6 6e jut' OVK eAerjo-et. 
Od. 5- 356 & M<>fc ^yw, jarj TLS juoi v(j)aLvrj(TLv bo\ov avrc 

aOavaTtov (I hope some god is not weaving Sfc.J. 
1 8. 334 f/?j TLS rot ra^a "Ipov dftcljwi* aAAos avaari] 
see that a better than Irus does not rise up. 

The construction is the same in principle when a Clause of this kind follows 
a Verb of fearing ; and it is sometimes a question whether the Clause is 
subordinate or not. Thus the older editors (including Wolf) punctuated 
II. ii. 470 dddca, nj) TI irdOyai as though SeiSu were parenthetical. It is 


probable, however, that in such cases the Clause with p,T| has acquired a sub- 
ordinate character, serving as Object to the Verb (thing feared) ; see 281. 

On the other hand, the Clauses now in question are often explained by 
supposing an ellipse of a Verb of fearing : ^ pcri for 8t8o> /) /5effl. This is open 
to the objection that it separates Clauses which are essentially similar. For 
A") P*V I witt n t h ave ^ m ao (hence I fear he may do} is identical in form with 
A"7 P*v s I wu l n( >t have you do. In this case, then, we have the simple Sentence 
fjtr) per), as well as the Compound SeiSca pr) pegy, into which it entered. 

Similar questions may arise regarding Final Clauses with JATJ. Thus in II. 
i. 586-7 TfrXaOi, prjrep /j.rj, . . fj.rj ffe . . idcupai we may translate endure, mother ; 
let me not see you &c., or (bringing the two Clauses more closely together) endure, 
lest I see you &c. So in II. 8. 522, Od. 13. 208. No clear line can be drawn 
between independent and subordinate Clauses : for the complex Sentence has 
been formed gradually, by the agglutination of the simple Clauses. 

The combination ^ ou prohibition of a negative is ex- 
tremely rare in Homer. In II. 5. 2$3 jur) ro> juez; SeiVavre /xarr;- 
(rerov ovb' eOtXrjrov, and II. 1 6. 128 JUIT/ 8r) vrjas e/Vcoo-t KOI OVKTL 
<J>VKTCL 7T\u>vTai, the Particles are in distinct Clauses. It occurs 
in a Final Clause, II. i. 28 ^r\ vv rot ov xpa^M?? KT\., II. 24. 569 : 
and after SetSw in II. 10. 39 8et8o> jut^ ov rts rot KT\. 

The Subj. in this use does not take KGV or $.v, the prohibition 
being always regarded as unconditional. 

It is well known that the Present Subj. is not used as an Im- 
perative of Prohibition (with p]). The rule is absolute in 
Homer for the Second Person. The Third Person is occasionally 
used when fear (not command) is expressed ; the instances are, 
Od. 5. 356 (quoted above); 15. 19 jtxrj v6 n . . (/xfp^rat ; 16. 87 ^ 
IJLIV KeprojueWtzj. The restriction does not apply to the First 
Person Plur., as II. 13. 292 jury/cert ravra Aeya>/xe0a. We shall 
see that a corresponding rule forbids or restricts the use of ^ 
with the Aorist Imperative ( 327). 

279.] Homeric and Attic uses. In Attic the use of the 
Subj. in independent Clauses is either Hortatory, or Deliberative, 
or Prohibitive. Thus the use with av ( 275, #), the use in Affirma- 
tion ( 275, 1), and the Negative uses (276) do not survive. 

The Subjunctive in Subordinate Clauses. 

280.] Clauses with T|e ife. Doubt or deliberation between 

alternative courses of action is expressed by Clauses of the form 

rje (TJ) rfe (rj) with the Subj., dependent on a Verb such as 

(Jbjuai, fjLp^j]pif(ti, &c., or an equivalent phrase : e. g. 

II. 4' 14- fl^eis Se (j)pa(&jJL0' OTTCOS eorat rae f/oya, 

97 /5' CLVTIS 7roAejuoi> re K.OLK.OV Kal fyvXoinv alvrjv 
opcro^v, r) (piXoTrjTa /xer' d/x,<^ore/)ot(rt /3dAco//,ez;. 
Od. 19. 524 &s Kal fjjiol St^a Ovfjibs opwperat v0a KOL v0a, 

f) [Atvo) . . TI "fir] afJL eTrco/xat KT\. (cp. 22. 167). 

256 SUBJUNCTIVE. [28l. 

This form is also found (but rarely) expressing, not the speaker's 
own deliberation, but that of a third person : 

Od. 1 6. 73 jJ-rjTpl 8' tfjifj bfya dvfjibs tvl (f)p(rl /xepju^/H^et, 

T) avrov nap* e/xot re }j.evr) KOL 8<3/xa Ko/m'cjj, KrA. 
The speaker (Telemachus) here expresses himself from his 
mother's point of view, only putting the Third Person for the 

So of doubt as to which of two possible results of the speaker's 
action will be realised : 

II. 13. 327 eto//z>, ?}e r<p v% 
16. 243 eto-ercu rj pa KOL olos 

77/xeYepos 1 OepaTTtoV, rj ol KT\. 

where eTrun-rjrai (is to know, will prove to know) is used nearly 
as the Latin Subj. in Indirect Questions.* An example after a 
Past Tense is found in II. 16. 646 ff. ; see 298^. 

281.] Clauses with. pr\. These are mainly of two kinds 
(i) Final Clauses : the Verb of the principal Clause being 

(a) an Imperative, or equivalent form : as 

II. 3. 414 fjii^ IM epe0e, o-^erAtr], JUT/ 

(6) a Present or Future in the First Person : as 
Od. 6. 273 T&V a\LV(i> ^T/jottz; dSevKea, /XT) rt? 

In these places the governing Verb shows that the purpose ex- 
pressed is the speaker's own. The only instance of a different 
kind is 

II. 13. 648 a\js 8' erdpwiv et? tOvos c^afeTo Krjp' 

irdvTO<T TTCLTTTaivwv, {JLrj rt? \poa 
Here (if the reading e-Travpr; is right) the poet describes the fear 
as though it were present to himself (see however 298^^.). 

The two groups of Clauses under discussion agree in using 
only the pure Subj. (not the Subj with *ev or ai/). In this re- 
spect they adhere to the form of the Simple Prohibitive Clause 
( 27)- 

(2) Clauses following a Verb that expresses the fear of the 
speaker, as Set'Sco jurj rt Trddyo-i, I fear that he will suffer. Here 
the Clause with jx^, although of the same form as the indepen- 
dent Clauses given in 278, is practically subordinate, and serves 
as Object to the Verb. The Verb, it is to be observed, is always 
in a Present Tense, and in the First Person : i. e. it is the 
speaker's own present fear that is expressed. 

* It is impossible to agree with the scholars who explain firiffrrjrai here as 
an Indicative ; see G. Meyer, G. G. 485. 


Such a Clause may be Object to a Verb of knowing, $<?., as 
II. IO. IOO Svo-jueree? 8' cb8pe? o-^bbv rjaTai, ovbe TL IbfJitv 

fjirj Trees KCII 6ia VVKTCL ^VOLV^COCTL jjid^ecrOai. 

The fear expressed by jufj TTWS KT\. is subordinated (or on the way 
to be subordinated) to i&jmei/ : we do not know (said apprehensively) 
whether they will not be eager fyc. So Od. 24. 491 eeA0o>z> TLS 
iboi iM] by o-^tbbv SXTL KLOVTZS some one go out and look whether they 
are not near. And in the Prohibitive use 

II. 5- 4 11 <$>pa( (T Q ( *) M rfa ot CL^LVMV <reio juc^rjrcu, 

/XT) br)v KrA. let him see to it that no one fyc., lest fyc. 
Od. 22. 367 etTre 8e Trarpt JUT? jue TTepio-deveav dryA^o-erat. 
So with a Verb of swearing, Od. 12. 298 d//oWare jut?} TTOW ris . . 
y swear that no one shall slay : Od. 18. 55. 

282.] Relative Clauses. These fall into the two groups of 
Final Clauses and Conditional or limiting Clauses. 

The Relative Clauses called Final in the strict sense of the 
word are those which follow a Clause expressive of will ; and the 
reference to the future is shown in most cases by KCI/ : e. g. 
II. 9. 165 aAA' ayere Kirovs orpvvo^v^ ot Ke ra^icrra 


24- H9 ^<S/)a b' J A)(tA.X^t ^epejute^ ra Ke OvfJiov lr\vr\. 
Od. 13. 399 aja^t e Xatyos 

ecr(7a), o K6 aTuytyc 
19. 403 6V)//,' e^/oeo orrt K6 
With ellipse of the antecedent, so that the Clause supplies an 
Object to the governing Verb 

II. 7. I7 1 KA.?7pa> vvv 7T7rdXacr6 StajaTrepe? os KC Xayjivi. 
In other instances the notion of jW is less distinctly con- 
veyed, so that the Subj. need only have the emphatic Future 
meaning ( 275, 1) : as 

II. 21. 126 fitXaivav (j^P^X ^ 7rott '^ t 

l\OvS) 6s K (ayr?(rt AVKCIOVOS dpyera brjfjiov. 
Od. IO. 538 tv6a TOL avTLKa IJLCLVTLS eAewerat, op^a^e XaGtv, 

OS KV TOL etTTT/crt KT\. (SO 4. 389, 756., II. 

The prophetic tone prevails in these places : cp. II. 8. 33 
ejUTTT]? Aava&v oAo^vpo/xe^' al^^rau^v^ ol KCV brj . . oAcozrrcu, where 
the Subj. is used as in an independent sentence. 

The chief examples of %,pnre Subj. in a Final Clause are 
II. 3. 286 rt/jjjv 6' 'Apyetots airoTivt^zv r\v TIV (-OLKZV, 

T] re Kttt (7(TOIJLVOl(TL JJLT a 

Od. 1 8. 334 JUT/ TLS TOL TOLUOL ^Ipos a^iV(AV aAAos a 
os TLS (T . . Sctytaro 

358 SUBJUNCTIVE. [283. 

So II. 1 8. 467 TrapeWerai ota ris . . QavpaorveTai (unless this is 
Fut.) : also the Object Clause II. 5* 33 ^apvao-d', oTTTrorepoio-i narr/p 
Zeus KVOOS ope'fr? to fight (out the issue) to which of the two Zeus 
shall give victory (i. e. till one or other wins). The want of KCI/ or 
ai> is owing to the vagueness of the future event contemplated, 
i. e. the wish to exclude reference to a particular occasion. 

The Relative is sometimes used with the Subj. after a Nega- 
tive principal Clause where there is necessarily no actual 
purpose : 

Od. 6. 2O I OVK f-o-O* OVTOS avrjp . . os Kei> . . ucrjrcu (v. I. IKOLTO). 
II. 23. 345 OVK. eo-0' os Ke' (T e'Aryo-t KrA. 

and without Key, II. 21. 103 vvv ft OVK eV0' os ris Oavarov ^vyy 
(v. 1. (frvyoi). In these places the construction evidently follows 
that of ou and OUK &v with the Subj. in Simple sentences (OVK 
eo-0' 6s fyvyri = ov TL s </>uy?7). Otherwise we should have the Opt. 
( 34, 6). ' 

The Subj. is quite anomalous in 

Od. 2. 42 cure TIV' dyye\ir]V arparov ZicXvov cpxofJievoio, 

TJV x vfjuv ffa<f)a eiira), ore irp6rp6s ye irv0oifj.r)v. 

But here the speaker is repeating what has been said in the Third Person 
(30, 31), and with the regular Opt. (fiiroi, irvOotTo). He evidently uses eiirto 
because iiroip,t does not fit the metre. 

It is worth notice that the Relative of purpose with the Subj. is much 
commoner in the Odyssey than in the Iliad. Of the group which Delbriick 
describes as Subjunctives of Will with KV, eleven are from the Odyssey, two 
(II. 9. 166., 24. 119) are from the Iliad (Synt. Forsch. I. pp. 130-132). In Attic 
the idiom survives in a few phrases, as fx 5 n firry (Goodwin, 65, n. 3). 

283.] Conditional Relative Clauses. The numerous Clauses 
which fall under this heading may be divided again into two 
classes distinguished by the presence or absence of Key or &v. 

(a) The pure Subj. is used when the speaker wishes to avoid 
reference to particular cases, especially to any future occasion or 
state of things. Hence the governing Verb is generally a Pre- 
sent or Perfect Indicative : examples are 

II. i . 554 r ^ </>paecu, a<T<r tOeXya-Oa (whatever you choose). 

14. 8 1 /Se'Arepoz; 6s (frevyav Trpo^uyr/ KCLKOV ?5e aAwr/. 
Od. 8. 54^ avrl Kaa-iyvrjTov fetWs O 3 tKenjs re re'ru/crai 
a^e'pi os T oXlyov nep tTTityavrj 7rpa7n8eo-(7i. 

In Similes this usage is extremely common ; as 

II* 5 5 ^" r ^P > OTTCopi^o) va\LyKiov, os re /xaAtcrra 

XafjiTTpbv TTdfJityaivrjo-L (3. 62., 5- I 38-> IO. 185, &c.). 
Od. 13. 31 a>s 6' or' arr)p bopiroio AtAaterat, w re Traz^i/juap 
av \KY]TOV (3o OLVOTTZ irrjKTov aporpov. 


Where the principal Verb refers to the future, and K.W or ai> is 
not used, the intention is to make the reference quite general 
and sweeping ; e.g. 

Od. 2O. 334 dAA 3 aye n-rj ra8e JUUJT/H Trapefb'juiez'oy 

' 6s TLS apicrTos avrjp KCLL TrXetora 

Forms of the 3 Sing. Plqpf. are sometimes given by the MSS. and older 
editions in Clauses of this kind : as ire(J>tiKei (II. 4. 483), !<rrr|Ki (II. 17. 435), 
&c. These were corrected by Hermann (Opusc. ii. 44), reading 
j, &c. : see La Koche on II. 4. 483. 

(b) The Subj. with K.CV indicates limitation to particular cir- 
cumstances in the future. Hence it is used (with few exceptions) 
when the govering Verb is a Future, or implies futurity (an 
Imperative, Subjunctive or Optative) : as 

II. I. 139 6 8e KV Ke;(oA.o6(rerCU OV KCV UCtofUU. 

Od. 2. 25 KK\VT 8r/ VVV fJLV, 'WaK^O-LOt,, OTTL KV etTTO). 

II. 21. 103 vvv 8' OVK eo-0' os TLS OdvciTov ^vyy, ov K dcos ye KT\. 
Od. I. 316 b&pov b' OTTL K [AOL bovvaL (f)[\ov ^To 

avTis avp\o^V(^ bo^vau (cp. Od. 6. 28). 
And after a Verbal in -TOS expressive of necessity : 
II. I. 527 0^8' aTtXevTTjTov o TL KCV KT\. 

3. 65 ov rot aTTofiXrjT' eorl . . ovva KV KT\. 

The reference to a particular future occasion may be evident 
from the context : as : 

Od. 6. 158 Ketro? & av Trepl K?jpt jmaKapraros 

6s Ke' (T bvoi<Ti (3pi(ras otKoVS' dyayryrat. 

In the following places this rule appears to be violated by K(V) being used 
where the reference is general; II. i. 218., 3. 279., 6. 228, 229., 9. 313, 510, 615., 
ii. 409., 14. 416., 16. 621., 17. 99., 19. 167, 228, 260., 21. 24, 484., 23. 322., 24. 
335, Od. 4. 196., 7. 33., 8. 32, 586., 10. 22, 74, 328., 14. 126., 15. 21, 55, 70, 345, 
422., 19. 564., 20. 295., 21. 313, 345. There is strong reason, however, to be- 
lieve that in most of these instances the appearance of the Particle is due to 
alteration of the original text. Of the three forms KCV, ice, K', the first is on 
the whole the most frequent in Homer. But out of the 35 places now in 
question the form KCV only occurs in six (not counting II. 14. 416 os KCV idrjrai, 
where icev is more than doubtful on account of the f) ; and these six are all 
in the Odyssey (8. 586., 15. 21, 55, 345., 20. 295., 21. 313). This can hardly be 
mere accident, and the obvious explanation is that in most of these places, 
at least in the Iliad, os KC and os K' have been substituted for os T and os T'. 
Thus we should probably read (e. g.} 

II. I. 218 os T Oeois firiireiOrjTcu, fidXa T' tc\vov avrov. 
9. 508 o? fifv T' alSefferai ttovpas Aibs . . 

510 bs Se T' avrivijTai Kai rf KT\. (cp. 23. 322). 

(instead of the strange correlation jxv T 8 K). 

The real exceptions are most commonly passages in which a Singular is used 
after a Plural antecedent : as 

S 2 

260 SUBJUNCTIVE. [284. 

Od. 2O. 294 ov yap KaXbv aren&fiv ovSe Sttcatov 

geivovs TrjXffAaxov, os Kfv raSe 5a;^a0' 'iKTjrat. 

With the change of Number we seem to pass from a general description to a 
particular instance. So in Od. 15. 345, 422, and perhaps in II. 3. 279., 6. 228., 
16. 621, Od. 7. 33 : see 362, 6. 

(<?) The use of &v in the Clauses of this kind is very rare. In 
the two places II. 8. 10 and 19. 230 the reference to the future 
is plain. The remaining' instance is Od. 2 r . 293 6s re KOL aAAous 
/3Aa7rrei, os av KrA., where there is the change from the Plural to 
the Singular just noticed. 

284.] The Relatival Adverbs. The most important are : the 
Adverbs of manner, ws and oirws ; Iva, originally an Adverb of place 
( = where) ; and the Adverbs of time, o<f>pa, ews (rjos), els o, ore and 
cure, iffxos. It will be best to take these words separately. 

285.] ws, OTTWS : 

(1) Final Clauses with ws or oirws and the Subj. generally 
depend upon an Imperative, or some equivalent phrase, i. e. they 
express the aim or purpose of something which the speaker him- 
self do3s, or wills to be done : as 

II. I. 32 aAX J WL pri tf pe'0ie, cracorepoy cos /ce vfyai. 
7- ^93 ayaOov KCU VVK.TL Trt^eV^at, 

cos av r' V(f>privris Travras KrA. 

The only instance in which the purpose expressed is not the 
speaker's own is 

Od. 14. 181 TOP be jJivr](TT7JpS ayavol 

ot/ca8' lovra XO^O-LV, O-TTCOS <5,7ro (frvkov oAryrai. 

(2) With Verbs that by their own meaning imply aim or pur- 
pose a Clause of this kind becomes an Object Clause : thus 

II. 4. 66 Kipav 8' &s K Tpwe? . . ap^uxri xrA. (so Od. 2. 316). 

9 H2 </>pa(0/X,<70' COS KV jJiLV ap(T(TdfJiV 

Od. I. 76 ^juets 8' cu'8e Trepic^pa^co/xe^a iravrts 

VOCTTOV, OTTCOS \0rj(ri (how he is to come). 
3. 19 AiVcrecrflai 8e \LIV avrbs OTTCOS vrjfj.pr4a 

entreat him so that he shall speak (i. e. to speak). 
Here the Clause expresses the thing to be tried, thought about, 
&c., rather than a consequence of such action. 

The purpose is sometimes that of some other person, e. g. 
Od. I. 205 c/>pa0-crrcu cos Ke verjrai he will devise how he is to 
return (cp. 2. 368., 14. 329). 

II. I. 558 TTJ (T 3 OtCO KaTCLVV(Tai Tr)TV[JLOV COS 'A^iAr/d 

T/o-rjs, oAeVrys 8e KT\. (/last nodded to the effect fyc.). 

286.] 'fls, 'onns, 'INA. 261 

Regarding 1 K.W and fa observe that in Final and Object Clauses 
after ws the Subj. with KCK is the commonest, occurring 32 times, 
while the Subj. with ay and the pure Subj. occur each 8 times. 
After OTTWS, which has a more indefinite meaning (in some suck 
manner that), the pure Subj. occurs 7 times, the Subj.. with *.tv 
twice (Od. i. 296., 4. 545> both Object clauses). 

(3) In Conditional or limiting Clauses : 

(a) After a Present the Subj. is pure in the phrase OTTO)? efl^Arjcri 
as he pleases (Od. i. 349., 6. 189). In II. 16. 83 77ei0eo 5' wsYoi 
eyo> fjivOov re'Aos ei> <peo-t 0eo> the pure Subj. indicates that 0eio> 
is really an unconditional expression of will: ' listen to me I 
will tell you ' : cp. the independent sentences such as II. 6. 340 

7TLIJiLVOV, dpr/id TV\. a Mto ( 275' fl )' 

The use of ws and <3s re in similes belongs to this head : e. g. 
II. 5- l6l o>s 8e Aeo>i> \v poval Oopav e avyjzva ay KT\. 
II. 67 ot 8' <os r' d/xr]T^p? ZvavTioi dAX?jA.ota-ti; 

In this use, as in the corresponding use of the Relative ( 283), 
the Subj. is pure, the case supposed being not a particular one 
actually expected, but a typical or recurring one. 

Delbriick {Synt. Forsch. I. p. 161) makes the curious observa- 
tion that if the simile begins (as in the second instance quoted) 
with a Demonstrative denoting the subject of the comparison, 
then the Adverb used is always <3 re. This rule appears to be 
without exception. 

(b) The Subj. with ai> occurs in the formula o>? av eywz> enra> 
7rei0cojU0a, which refers to a speech about to follow. 
The use of KCI/ in 
II. 20. 242 Zei>? 8' aperrjv av$p(r(riv oc^eXAet re ^LvvdeL re 

077770)9 KV tQtXr\(TlV 

is perhaps due to the contrast between opposite cases : so with ore, 
289, 2, b. 

286.] W is used in Final Clauses only. With a Subj. it 
usually expresses the speaker's own purpose ; even in 

Od. 2. 306 Tavra 8e rot juaAa 77a^ra reAeurr]crouo'tz> 'A^cuot, 

vfja KOL eatrous eperas, f iva daa'crov tK?]at 

the meaning is ' I undertake that the Achaeans will do this for 
you/ Exceptions (out of about 80 instances) are : II. i. 203 77 
Iva vfipiv 1877 is it that you may see fyc. : II. 9. 99., 12. 435-. 24- 43> 
Od. 8. 580.', 10. 24., 13. 327. 

An Object Clause with fra is perhaps to be recognised in 

Od. 3. 327 ^i(T(T<T0aL {JLLV dVTOS Ivd Vr]fJ,pTtS 

262 SUBJUNCTIVE. [287. 

if the reading 1 is right. The line may be an incorrect repetition 
of 3. 19. 

The pure Subj. only is used with wa, except in Od. 12. 156 tva 
eiSo're? TJ KC OavtDjJLtv f) Ktv dXeua/xerot Odvarov Kal Krjpa tyvyoipev, 
where two alternatives are given by the correlative TJ w rj KCK : 
cp. 275, b. But some MSS. have TJC 0az;a>juez>. 

As Mr. Gildersleeve points out (Am. Jour, of Phil. iv. 425) tva is the only 
purely final Particle, i. e. the only one which does not limit the purpose by the 
notion of time (o<f>pa, ecus) or manner (us, OTTOJS-). Hence Clauses with tva do not 
take KCV or av, because the purpose as such is unconditional. 

287.] 3<f>pa is sometimes Final, sometimes Conditional. 

(1) In Final Clauses o(f>pa either retains a distinctly temporal 
force meaning so long till, till the time when, or passes into the 
general meaning to the end that. Thus we have 

(#) o$pa. = until (as shall be), used with Key or o.v, as 
II. I. 59 Totypa 5' em TpoWo-i ri'0et /cparo?, otyp' av ' 

vlov fjLov Tio'coo'Lv, o^eAAcoo'ti' re e 
22. 192 avixyevdov ^eet e/ot7re8or, otypa Kv 
With this meaning the pure Subj. is found in II. I. 82 exet KOTOV 
oQpa reAeVo-ry he keeps his anger until he accomplishes it a general 
reflexion: also in II. 12. 281 (in a simile). 

(b) o^pa = to the end that, used with the pure Subj., rarely with 
Key or o.v. The transition to this meaning may be seen in 
II. 6. 258 aX\a /xeV, otypa Ke rot juteAt^^ea olvov e^etKO) 
stay till I bring ( = giving me time to bring}. 

(2) Clauses with o<f>pa may be classed as Conditional when it 
means so long as ', e. g. 

II. 4. 345 tvOa (f)C\' d'nraA.e'a Kpe'a efyxe^ai . . otyp' efle'Arjroz;. 
Od. 2. 123 Totypa -yap ovv fiiorov re reor Ka^ Krri//ar' eSoz^rat, 

otypa K Kivrj TOVTOV XV voov. 

The use of KCI/ or Q.V in these Clauses is governed by the same 
rule as with 05, viz. it is used when the reference is to the future, 
and is not expressly meant to be general (as II. 23. 47 otypa 
{cooto-t jxereuo). As to the form otyp av ptv Kv, see 363, 4. 

In II. 6. 112 aveps core, tyiXoi, ju^o-ao-^e Oovpibos dAK^?, 
otyp av eya> /3?ia) (cp. 8. 375., 17. 186, Od. 13. 412., 19. 17) the 
Clause seems to mean until I go, i. e. long enough for me to go. 
Delbruck however counts the uses of otypa in II. 6. 112, &c. as 
Conditional (Synt. Forsch. i. p. 170). 

288.] Iws (rjos) and els o, used with the Subj., always take w. 
The meaning until > with implied purpose, is the usual one : as 

289.] '0*PA, 'EH2, 'OTE, 'OHOTE. 263 

II. 3. 290 avrap eyo> KCU eVetra jutax^ojmat etVe/ca 

avOi fjievtov, rjos KG re'Aos TroAe'/zoio Ki^tia. 
9. 48 Z;OH 6' eya> S^eVeAc's re jixax^o'/^efl' etj o KC 

'IAlOt> V 

The Conditional meaning is only found in the recurring ex- 
pression eis o K avrfjir) ev o-rTJflecro-t jueVrj KCU /xot <tAa yowar' dpcoprj 
(II. 9. 609., 10. 89) = so long as 1 have life. 

289.] ore, oirore : 

(1) Clauses with ore and OTTOTC may be counted as Final in a 
few instances in which the governing Clause contains an expres- 
sion of time: 

(a] with the pure Subj. 

II. 21. Ill eWerai r) 770)9 r\ SeiAr? r) pco-ov rifJ-ap, 

OTTTTOTC TIS Kol ejueto "Apet K Qv^ov eX^rat. 

So II. 19. 336 }jLr]v TrortSeyjaeroi' atet Xv/prjv ayye\ij]v, or airo(f)6i- 
fjievoio TTvdrjTaL waiting for the message when he shall hear fyc., i. e. 
' waiting for the time when the news shall come that &c/ Here 
the clause with ore becomes a kind of Object Clause. 

(b] with KGV or a.v : 

II. 4. 164 ecro-ercu ^ap 6V av TTOT oAwAr; KrA. (6. 448). 
The use of &v gives definiteness to the expectation, as though a 
particular time were contemplated. Cp. also II. 6. 454 oo-crov crv 
(jueAet), ore Ktv rts . . baKpvoea-crav ayr^rat as I am concerned for you 
(in respect of the time) when fyc., and 8. 373 eWat pav or av KrA. 

It is obvious that in these places the Clause is not strictly 
Final, since the Subj. expresses emphatic prediction ( 275, b) 
rather than purpose. But they have the essential characteristic 
of Final Clauses, viz. that the time of the Clause is fixed by that 
of the governing Verb. 

(2) Clauses with ore or OITOTC which define the time of the 
principal Clause may be regarded as Conditional. In regard to 
the use of *w and ay they follow the rules which hold in the case 
of Conditional Relative Clauses ( 283) : viz. 

(a) The pure Subj. indicates that the speaker is supposing a 
case which may occur repeatedly, or at any time : as 

Od. 7 7 1 ^ flw P a Qtov 

8et8e^arat \jwQoicnv, ore 
who look on him as a god, and salute him when he walks fyc. 

II. I. 163 ov {JLCV croi Trore Ivov e^co yepas, OTTTTOT' 'Amatol 

Tpa>a)i> e/CTreporaxr v vaio^vov TtroXUQpov 

whenever the Greeks sack a Trojan town. So in maxims, &c. : 
II. I. 80 KpL(T(T(t)V yap {3a<TL\evs ore yj&vtrau avbpi 

264 SUBJUNCTIVE. [289. 

II. 15. 207 e<70Aoy Kal TO TtTVKTCLi or ayyeAo? ato-tjua etr?. 
And in similes, as II. 2. 395 ore tawr/cry No'roj eA0&>y. So with the 
regular ws ore as w/ien, &>s oirore as in any case when. 

In a few instances ws 8' or' dv is found instead of ws 8' ore : viz. 
II. 15. 170 ws 8' or' av e ve<p<av TTTT/TCU KT\. 

19. 375 ws 8' OT' dy K TTOVTOIO fft\as vavrriffi <pavrjy 
Od. 5. 394 ws 8' 6V ap affirafftos @IOTOS iraideaai <f>avrjr) 
23. 233 ws 8' or' a^ affrraaios 777 vrj'xoiikvoiai (pavrjr) 
II. II. 269 ws 8" or' av woivovffav 4'x|7 /3fAos 6v yvvaTfa 

17. 520 ws 8' 6V av ogvv fx wv "f^fvv KT\. 

Also II. 10. 5., 24. 480, Od. 22. 468. The resemblance that runs through these 
instances would seem to indicate some common source of the peculiar dv. 

In the one or two places where the pure Subj. occurs after a 
Future there is an evident intention to speak quite generally : as 

II. 21. 322 Ovb TL JJLLV Xpto OT<H TVjJLfBo^OrjS Ore IJLLV daTTTUXTLV 

'Axaioi: so Od. 1 6. 268., 23. 257. But KGV is used in the similar 
passage II. 10. 130 ov rt? ^eju,eo~7]crerat . . ore KZV TIV 7TOTpvvrj. 

(#) KGV or av connects a supposition with a particular event or 
state of things : hence it is usually found after a Future, 
Subjunctive, or Imperative, as 
II. 4. 53 T&S SiaTre'pcrafc or' av rot aTity&toVTai. 
Od. I. 40 * K y a P 'OpeVrao rttrts eVcrerat 'ArpefSao 
oTTTToV av ^/Srjo-T] re Kat ijs t/xeiperat atr^s. 
II. 2O. 130 8eurer' eTret^', ore KeV ri? /crA. 
Od. 2. 357 ecrTre'ptoj yap eya>i; aipr\(Topai OTTTroVe Kei' 6rj KrX. 
So after /uotpa (Od. 4. 475), followed by an Inf. 

In other places it is not so clear why an event is treated as 
particular. Perhaps KZV or ai> may be used with ore, oTro're 

(T) When a contrast is made between supposed cases, as 
II. 6. 224 TW vvv (rol fjLtv eyw fetz/oj cfriXos v Apyet 
etjutt, o-v 8' ei^ AfKtr/, ore Key ro>y brj^ov 
20. 1 66 Ttp&Tov jmey . . aAA' ore Key rt? KrX. 
Od. 2O. 83 aAAa ro fjiev Kat avKTov e)(et KaKov, OTnrore KCV TLS 

II.J7 ^^' OTroV az; o-retx^o-t . . 01;^' or' ay a\^ KrA. 

(Here we should read o^roVe o-retxryo-i, 363, 4). 
perhaps II. 2. 397 woyrofov aye'jutcoy, or' ay ey^' rj tv0a ye'ycoyrat: 
-9. IOI KprjijvaL 8e Kat aAAa>, or' ay rtya KrA. and Od. 13. 100 e'y- 
roo-0ey 8e r' ayev 8eo-)utoto jute'yoixrt yijes edo-o-eAjuot, or' ay oppov 
jmeVpoy tKcoyrat (in contrast to those outside). But cp. the remark 
as to or' ai> in the last note. 

(2) "When there is a change from Plural to Singular : 
II. 9. 501 Aio-o-o/xeyot, ore Ke'y rts U7rep^3ri?] Kat 

292.] CLAUSES WITH El. 265 

Od. II. 21 8 dAA' avrr] 81/07 eort fiporutv, ore rt's Ke 
This last instance is doubtful, since the order ore T(S Ke is not 
Homeric ( 365). We should probably read ore ris re. 

290.] cure, rjfjios. The word cure is only once found with a 
pure Subj., viz. Od. 7. 202 (in a general assertion) : CUT' &v occurs 
after a Future (II. i. 242., 19. 158), and an Imperative (II. 2. 34); 
also in one or two places where the use of &v is more difficult to 
explain, viz. II. 2. 227 (read eSre TrroXieOpov e'Acojuez;), Od. I. 192., 
17. 320, 323., 1 8. 194. The combination cure KeV is not found. 

The pure Subj. with ifjaos occurs in one place 

Od. 4. 400 quos 8* ^e'Atos 1 jueVou ovpavbv dju$t/3e/3 77/07 
where the reference is general, ' each midday/ 

The Subjunctive with el, fyc. 

291.] Clauses with el. The use of the Particle el (or at), in 
the Clauses with which we have now to do, is to make an assump- 
tion or supposition. In most cases (i) this assumption is made 
in order to assert a consequence (ti = if) : in other words, it is a 
condition. But (2) an assumption may also be made in order to 
express end : efytt . . at Ke iri'flrjrat / go suppose he shall listen 
' I go in order that if he will listen (he may do so) : ' accordingly 
the Clause may be virtually a Final Clause. Again (3) with 
certain Verbs an assumption may be the Object : e. g. TLS ot8' et 
Kev . . optvQ) who knows suppose I shall rouse = who knows whether 
I shall rouse. We shall take these three groups of Clauses in 

292.] Conditional Protasis with el. The chief point of in- 
terest under this head is the use of *ev or av. The rules will be 
found to be essentially the same as those already laid down for 
the corresponding Clauses with the Relative ( 283, b] and the 
Relatival Adverbs (see esp. 289, b] } and to be even more uni- 
form in their application. 

. (a) The pure Subj. is used in general sayings, and in similes : 

II. I. 80 Kpeio-a-tov yap (3a(nX.vs ore x&}<rerai avbpl 
et 7Tp yap re yo\ov ye Kat avr^ap 
aAAd re Kat juero'Tua^ey exei KOTOV. 
12. 238 rwz; ov TL jmerarpeVo// 0^8' 

et r' eTrt eft' tcocrt irpbs 770) r riiXiov re, 
et r' CTT' apiorrtpa rot ye KrA. 
Od. 1 6. 97 Kacriyz;rjrois . . otcrt 7re/> avr]p 

TreVot^e Kat et jue'ya j^etKos oprjraL. 

266 SUBJUNCTIVE. [292, 

II. II. Il6 rj 8' et Tre'p re rvyTi<ri> *rA. (so II. 4. 261., 9. 48 1 ., 
10. 225., 16. 263., 21. 576., 22. 191, Od. 1. 188., 

7. 204., 12. 96., 14. 373. 

If the principal Verb is a Future (or implies reference to the 
future), the pure Subj. with el indicates that the supposed occa- 
sion is indefinite, one that happens repeatedly, or at any time, 
or may not happen at all; so II. I. 340 et Trore 8r) avre XP L ^ fytw 
yeV^rat KrA. ; 12. 245 % ^ P y a P T ' $AAot ye 7repiKretzJO)ju,e0a TTCLVTZS 
KrA.; Od. I. 204 oi>5' et Tre'p re ort8?7pea 8ecrjutar' export. This form 
is naturally employed by a speaker who does not wish to imply 
that the occasion will actually arise : thus in 

II. 12. 223 &s 97/xets et Tre'p re irvXas /cat ret^os ' 
prj^ofjieOa (T0eVet joteyaAa), et^cocrt 8' ' 
ov KOO"//(J) Trapa vav(f)Lv eA.evo"o/x,e^' avra 
Polydamas is interpreting 1 an omen which he wishes to remain 
unfulfilled. Similarly II. 5. 248 et y ovv erepos ye ^yr/crt : II. 22. 
86 et Trep yap ere KaTaKTavy, ov <r' er' eycoye K\ava-ofjLai eV Xex^cro-t : 
Od. 5. 221 et 8' av rts palyon Qe&v KrX. : Od. 12. 348 et 8e \o\a- 
o-a/xeros rt . . vtf e^e'A^ oAeVat KrA. The object of the speaker in 
these examples is to treat the supposed case as imaginary or un- 

(b) The Subj. with icei> or av indicates that a particular future 
occasion is contemplated : hence 

II- 4- 353 o^ eat V cfle'tyo-fla Kat at KeV rot ra 
II. 404 /xe'ya jutez; KCLKOV (sc. earat) at Ke 
24. 59^ M 7 ? M ot <TKV$iJLat,ViJiV, at Ke irvdrjai 
Od. 2. 21 8 et joteV Kez^ irarpos fiiorov Kat z^oWoz/ a 
^ r' ai^ rpf^o^evos Trep ert rAatryz; 

II. 112 et 8e Ke (rt^at, rore rot reK/xatpo// o\0pov 

(I prophesy your destruction). 

So, though the Verb of the governing Clause is a Present 
II. 6. 442 atde'o/xat Tp<Sa? Kat TptoaSa? eAKeo-tTreVAo?;?, 

at Ke KrA. (=Ifear what they will think if fyc.). 
8. 477 (rtdev 8' eyw OL>K aAeytfco 

^coo/xeVr;?, 0118' et Ke ra z/etara Tretpa^' tKryat 

= 1 do not care for you, (and shall not) even if Sfc. 
Instances of KC^ or &v in a sentence of general meaning are 
II. 3. 25 /x,aAa yap re Kareo-^tet, et -rrep ai> a^roz; 

o-euavrai, KrA. (etraw m ^6 ca^ when , 363, I, &). 

11. 391 ^ T aAAco? ^TT' e/xeto, Kat et K' oX'iyov Trep 

ofu /Se'Aos.-TreAerat. 

12. 302 et Trep yap )(' evprjcn Trap' avTO(f)L KrA. 

294-] CLAUSES WITH EL 267 

Od. II. 158 roz; ov TTCOS lVrt Treprjo-at 

TT^OV OVT , TjV fJLT^ TIS f\TJ evepyea vfja. 

But with i Ke there is the same doubt as with os K ( 283), and 
eiret KC ( 296). As to ty, which occurs in a general saying in II. 
i. 1 66 and Od. n. 159, see 362. 

293.] Final Clauses with ei. After a principal Verb expres- 
sive of the speaker's will (an Imperative, or First Person), a Final 
Clause may be introduced by ei K.CV or r\v : as 

II. 8. 282 /3aAA' oimos et KeV TL (f)6a)s kavaoicri ye'z^at. 

II. 791 TCLVT enrots 'A)(tA?jt batypovL tt Ke TTidrjraL. 
Od. 4. 34 btvp' iKo'/xefl' at Ke 7ro0t Zet>? . . navvy KrA. 
The effect of using el (instead of o>s or IW) is ta express some 
degree of uncertainty. The end aimed at is represented as a 
opposition, instead of being a direct purpose. 

In the existing text the pure Subj. occurs only in II. 14. 165 

apCcTTr) (f)CLLVTO /3ovA.TJ fkOflv . . L TTCOS t/XljOatTO . . T<3 

(where we should perhaps read yjevai ; or change 

Xveie); and in Od. 5* 47^ e ' ^^ KV Kara5pa$a), t 

ptyos /cat Kajuaros, y/\vK6po? 6e /aot VTJTOJ eTreA^ry, where the MSS. 

have the Opt. peQdr], tTrtXOoL. But if TJI> has sometimes crept in 

instead of el, as is probable (362) there may be other examples : 


II. 22. 418 AiVo-ooju,' avtpa TOVTOV . . r\v TTCOS KrA. 

Od. 1. 281 Hp\0 7revo-oju,ez;os irarpos brjv olyo\j.voio, 
r\v TLS rot etTrryo-t KrA. 

294.] Object Clauses with el. This term will serve to de- 
scribe the form of Clause in which the supposition made by et 
takes the place of an Ace. of the thing. It may be regarded as 
a special form of the Final Clause (cp. 285, 2): thus II. 3 8. 
600 o)s ore rts rpoyjbv . . 7ieiprj<rerat et Ke 0e'?/o-t ' tries in respect to 
the supposition that it will run/ hence tries whether it will run : 

II. 4. 249 oc^pa ibr]T et K' vfj^jnv VTrepcr^fl X W a Kpoyfow. 

15. 32 o(j>pa Iby r\v rot \paio-fjir} KrA. 

that you may see whether it will avail. Note that the Subj. here 
has a distinctly future meaning, as in Final Clauses ; the same 
words taken as a Conditional Protasis would mean if it has 
availed. So after eiireu/, II. 7. 375 Kat 5e ro r 5' [leg. ro] etTre/xe^at 
TTVKIVOV eVos, at K' efle'Acoo-t say the word supposing that they shall 
be willing (=ask if they will agree), II. 17. 692 et7retz>, al Ke ra- 
Xiora VCKVV irl vija o-aworr/ : and ot8a in the phrase rts otd' et Kez^ 
who knows lut (II. 15. 403., 16. 860, Od. 2. 332), and ov JJLCLV ot5' 
et' (II. 15. 16). 

268 SUBJUNCTIVE. [295. 

The use of the Accusative* de quo ( 140, 3) should be noticed; 
especially after olSa, anticipating the Clause with el : as 

II. 8. 535 aupioz/ f)v aperrjv dtaetVerat et K' 

meaning ' he will know as to his prowess whether it will enable 
him to withstand my spear/ So Od. 22. 6 a-Koirbv a\\ov . . eto-o- 
/mai at Ke rvxtofju (cp. 140, 3, #). 

In one place the Clause with el serves as explanation of a 
Neuter Pronoun in the Nominative: 

II. 2O. 435 AA' 77 rot /u,ei> Tavra Oe&v Iv yovvaa-i Ketrat, 
et Ke' (re \eip6rep6s Trep ecoy aTro Qvpov 

295.] The Subj. with ws et occurs in a single place only, viz. 

II. 9. 481 Kat jote c/>tA.?7o-' ws et re Trarrjp 6i> 7rai8a (^tA.?jo-7y. 
Here the assumption et . . </>iA?j(n7 is made for the purpose of 
comparison. Thus the meaning is nearly the same as with ws 
ore ( 289, 2), and the Clause is essentially Conditional. 

296.] eirei with the Subj. The use of eiret implies that the 
action is prior in time to the action of the principal Clause; 
hence Clauses with eirei properly fall under the definition of the 
Conditional Clause. 

A pure Subj. after eirei is found in four places, one a gnomic 
passage, Od. 20. 86 eiret ap phefyap' djuK^tKaAifyn? (sleep makes men 
forget everything] when it has spread over their eyelids ; the other 
three in similes, viz. II. jr. 478., 15. 363, 680. In II. 16. 453 
the best MSS. give avrap erret brj TOV ye Ann? ^v\r\ re Kat alvv, 
Tre'jotTretj; {JLLV KT\., others c^rjv 6?}. The pure Subj. implies that 
the command is meant to be general in form : cp. 292, a. 

icei> or OLV is invariably used when the principal Verb is future. 
It is also found after a Present, and even in similes : e. g. 
II. 2. 474 TOVS 6' cos T at7ro'A.ta TrAare" aly&v atTroAot aySpej 
peta 8taKpt^o)(7tr, eiret Ke z/o/xw joityecoo-tr. 

SoeW R (K), II. 7. 410., 9. 324-, 21. 575, Od. 8. 554., ii. 
221., 24. 7 : and eir^, II. 6. 489., 19. 223, Od. 8. 553., 10. 411., 
IT. 192., 14. 130., 19. 206,515. In II. i. 168 should perhaps 
be read eTret KeKajutco (instead of eTret Ke Ka/^co), and so II. 7. 5 
eTret KeKCtyuoo-t, and II. 17. 657 eTret ap Ke/cajmr/o-t. 

Regarding eirei *e(v) in this use there is the same question as 
with os Ke ( 283). Out of 10 instances there is only one in 
which the form icec appears, viz. II. 21. 575 ^Tret KZV vkay^bv 
aKovcrrj, and there Zenodotus read KvvvXayjjibv, which is strongly 
supported by the metre ( 367, 2). Thus there is the same 
reason as before for supposing that KC is often merely a corrup- 

297-] 'EIIEI IIPIN. 269 

tion of re. The use of eirei re is sufficiently established in Homer 

( 332). 

The form lirf\v is open to doubt on other grounds, which it 
will be better to discuss in connexion with other uses of the 
Particle w ( 362). 

297.] irpiV with the Subj. In general, as we have seen ( 236), 
upiV is construed with an Infinitive. If, however, the event is 
insisted upon as a condition, the principal Verb being an Im- 
perative or emphatic Future, the Subj. may be used ; as 

II. 1 8. 134 aXXa (TV juez> ntf mo Karabvcreo jutwAoz/ "Apr]os 

irpiv y ejute bevp' eXOovvav ev o^OaX/jLolo-iv Ibrjat, 
do not enter the battle before you see me coming hither. 

Od. IO. 174 <*> $&oi, ov -yap irplv Kara8i;<roju,e0' ayvvfievol 7Tp 
ets 'Afdao So'juov? vplv ^opfri^ov rj^ap 7T\drj. 

So II. 18. 190., 24. 551, 781, Od. 13. 336., 17. 9. The Subj. is 
used in these examples without *ev or ai/, because it is not meant 
to lay stress on a particular occasion when the condition will be 
fulfilled. When such an occasion is contemplated Homer some- 
times uses 7rpu> Y' or' OLV before the time when (Od. 2. 374., 4. 477) : 

Cp. II. 1 6. 62 OV TTplv fJLTjVLO^bv KaTCLTTaV(rIJLV, ttAA' OTToV OLV KT\. 

The use of irpli> ai/ with the Subj. is post-Homeric. 

It is evident that a conditional Clause of this kind can only 
occur after a negative principal Clause. ' Do not do this before 
I come ' makes my coming into a condition, and a condition 
which may or may not be realised : but ' do this before I come ' 
is merely a way of fixing the time of doing. 

This construction is usually explained from Parataxis : thus it is held that 
in II. 24. 551 ovSf fjuv dvarffffis irplv KO.I KGLKOV d\\o iraOriaOa stands for 

ouSc JJLIV dvffTrjfffis' irplv ftal KO.KOV aAAo Trd6r)ffOa, 

you will not raise him, sooner shall you suffer passing into ' you will not raise him 
before you suffer.' So Sturm (p. 26), and Goodwin ( 624). But (i) this use 
of the Subj. in a Principal clause without KCV or dv, whether as a Future 
( 275, &) or as an Imperative, is not Homeric, and therefore cannot be used 
to explain a use which is only beginning in Homer. And (2) the change 
from you will not raise, you will suffer before you do to you will not raise before you suffer 
is not an easy one : it involves shifting irptv as an Adverb from one clause to 
another. Above all (3) it is probable that the new construction of irpCv with 
the Subj. was directly modelled on the existing use witn the Inf. : that is to 
say, irplv ndOyo'Oa simply took the place of irplv iradclv when a more definite 
conditional force was wanted. This is confirmed by the analogy of the later 
change to the Indie. : thus in Aesch. P. V. 479 irpiv y' 70; atyiaiv c'Set^a is used 
instead of irplv l/^ 5?cu because the poet wishes to make the assertion 4'8eia. 
So with the transition from the Inf. to the Indie, after axrre (Goodwin, 585): 
the finite mood is not a survival of parataxis, but is used when the Infinitive 
is not sufficiently positive. 

270 SUBJUNCTIVE. [298. 

298.] Subjunctive after a Secondary Tense. The rule in 
Homer is that the Subj. is not used in a Subordinate Clause to 
express & past purpose, condition, &c. It may be used however 
(i) when the governing Verb is a ' gnomic ' Aorist : 

II. I. 2l8 09 K 0eOlS lTLTTL0r)TaL {JLaXci T K\VOV aVTOV. 

Od. 2O. 85 o yap r' eTre'A^o-ez; airavToiv 

eV0Aa>i> rjbe K.CLK.&V, erret ap p^etyap 3 afjL(j) 
Or an Aor. used to express a general denial, as 

Od. IO. 327 ovbe yap ovbz ns aAAos avqp ra8e <pdp}jiaK 

OS K TUT/ KT\. (cp. Od. 12. 66). 

Or in a simile, as II. 4. 486 ee'rajut', otypa ITVV Ka^x/nj KT\. 

Further (2) if the action expressed by the Subordinate Clause 
is still future at the time of speaking ; as 

II. 5- 127 a\\vv 8' av rot air o^BaX^v tXov rj irplv eTrijev, 
o<pp' V yiyvuxTKris ftfjiev debv 7786 Kat avbpa 

I have taken away the mist that you may know Sfc. 
7. 394 Kat 8e rob 1 ^wyet etTrety ITTOJ, at K e#e'A.T]re KrX. 

1 8. 189 jurjrr^p 8' ov jixe (^tXry -Trptr y eta 

-TrptV y' avrrjv . . t8co/xat (before I shall see her 
Od. II. 434 ot re Kar' ato-^o? e^eve Kat eo-fro/xe^rrty OTrto-o-ca 

Of]\vTepr](n yvvai^ij Kat ^' K J Vpyo$ er/ort. 

So II. 9. 99., 20. 126., 24. 781. In these places the govern- 
ing Verb is generally to be translated by the English Perfect 
with have (cp. 73). 

The real exceptions to this rule are not numerous, and may be 
due in several cases to alteration of the text through the in- 
fluence of the later usage. The reading is uncertain (e. g.) in 
Od. 14. 327 roz; 8' ej Ao)8coy?7^ fyaro /3i7juei>at o^pa 0eoto 
(=19. 296) eK bpvbs vx/UKo'juoto Aioj (3ov\r)v TraKOV(rri, 
where the Subj. was read by Aristarchus, the Opt. eTraKovcrat by 
Aristophanes and Herodian. Again in 

Od. 10. 65 ? ptv (T eV8uKe'a>s aTreTre/utTrojuey, o$p' av tKT/at 
the best MSS. have tKTjat, but others have o$p av IKOIO and 

See also II. 15. 23, Od. 15. 300., 22. 98 : and cp. 
II. 5' 5^7 M TL "naOoL, /oteya 8e o-^ay aTroox^rjAete 
I 5- 59^ fyfiaXoi . . 0e'rt8os 8' efatVtoz; aprjv 

In these places the MSS. generally have Tratfr/, e/x/SaArj : but the 
Opt. in the clause following has led the editors to adopt irdOoi, 

Other places where the Subj. is contrary to the rule now laid 
down are II. 13. 649., 14. 165., 16. 650 (see La R.)., 19. 354., 
24. 586, Od. 9. 102., 10. 24., 16. 369., 17. 60., 22. 467. In all 


the Opt. may be substituted without affecting- the metre ; and 
when we consider the number of places where the MSS. vary 
between Subj. and Opt. forms, we can hardly doubt that it would 
generally be right to make the change. 

The Homeric rule is observed by Plato (see Riddell, Dig. 
90, 91), but not by Attic writers in general. 

The Optative in Simple Sentences. 

299.] The uses of the Optative in Simple Sentences range 
from the expression of a wish on the part of the speaker to the 
expression of mere supposition, or admission of possibility. 
Without KCK or &v the Optative may express 
(a) Simple wish or prayer : as 

II. I. 42 TLO-ZLCLV Aa^aol e^a baKpva crolcri /3e'Ae(ro-i. 
Od. i . 403 jotrj yap 6 y eA0oi KrA. never may he come fyc. 
Regarding the Opt. of wish with ct or at, ei0e, cu0e, &c. see 311. 
(#) A gentle or deferential Imperative, conveying advice, sug- 
gestion, or the like : as 

II. 4* 17 e ^ ^' a ^ irtos ro8e Tracrt fyiXov /cat f)bv yeVotro, 
77 rot jjiv oiKtOLTO TTo'Ai? TIpidfjiOLO KrA. 

( = 2 presume the city is to remain inhabited}. 
Od. 4. 735 aAAa ? orpripwj AoAiou KaAetme yepovra 
(as we say, would some one call fyc.). 

1 8. 141 T<3 \M\ TL$ 7TOT TTCLfJiTTaV CLVrjp aOtjJLLCrTlOS 17], 

aAA' o ye a-tyrj b&pa 6eG>v \OL 

I would have a man not be lawless, but fyc. 
Note especially this use of the Second Person, as in 

Od. 4. 193 Tutfoio' juoi pray listen to me: so in the formal 

phrase 77 pa vv /utot rt iriOoio (II. 4. 93, &c.). 
II. II. 791 ravr tiiTOLs 'AxtA^i' suppose you say this to Achilles. 
Od. .15. 24 aAAa arv y t\Q&v avros eTTtrpex/retas ecaora. 
11. 3. 406 rjvo Trap' avrov iovcra, Oe&v 8' a-rro'ecKe 

)mrj6' ert o-oio-t TTobearviV VTroorpev/Aetas " 
Hence in II. I. 20 we should read (with the best MSS.) natoa 
b' e/utot Xucraire (not Xvcrai re, Wolf's conjecture). 

(c) Rhetorical wish, implying willingness, or indifference to^the 
happening of some evil : as in imprecations 
II. 2. 340 Zv vvpl 8r) (3ov\ai re ye^otaro ju?/8ea 8' avbp&v. 
6. 164 TtOvairjs, npotr^, ?) Ka/craz;e BeAAepo^oWrji; 

( = 1 care not if you were dead, unless you Sfc.). 
Od. 7* 224 Ibovra jme xat AtTrot atwi^ Krfj(riv k^v KrA. 

( 1 am content to die when I have seen fyc.). 

272 OPTATIVE. [299. 

(d) Concession or acquiescence : 

II. 21. 359 Arjy' eptSos, Tpwas 8e Kat avruca bios 'AxtAAevs 

aoreos efeAdVete (cease strife } and I consent that fyc.}. 
Od. 1. 402 KT^ara 8' a^ro? e^ots Kat 8a>ju,ao-t (rolcriv avacraois. 
2. 232 aAA' atet xaAeTro'j r 3 etr] Kat atcrvAa pefot 
(i. e. ^<? ?72y #s w^ $<? unjust as just). 
Hes. Op. 270 z>w 8r) eya> /u?jr' euros eV az;0pa>7roi<7t 8tKatos 

etr}z> jUT^r' e/xos ino's. 

The following are instances of the First Person used in this way : 
II. 15- 45 avrdp rot Kat KftVa) eya> irapafjivdr](Ta(iJLr]v 

I am willing to advise him (a concession). 

So II. 4. 318 /xaXa ptv rot lycbz; e^e'Aot/xt KrA., but some MSS. 
have fxeV Key. 

II. 23. 150 zwv 8^ eTret o^ vio^ai ye $1X171; e? Trarpida yalav, 
IlarpoKXa) rj'/cxwt Ko^r]v O7ra(ratjut (^epeo'^at 

^mce / a-w ^<?^ ^o return, I may as well fyc. 
Od. 1 6. 383 aAA.a ^^e'cojuier eAoVre? evr' aypov z;oV0t 

r) ev 68(3, fiiorov 8' a^rot Kat KT?]jaar J e^tojut 
8ao"(ra//,ei'ot Kara fjiolpav e$' rjfJLeas, otKta 8' 

KIVOV ^TCpi boi[JLV ^iV 178' OS rt? OTTVtOt. 

Here what the Suitors are to do for themselves is put in the 
Subj., what they do or allow to be done for Penelope in the Opt. 

Compare Hdt. 7. 5. 4 TO plv vvv TO.VTO. irprjffffois rd -ncp Iv x f P ff ^ ^'X 61S > %lup&ffU 
Sc A.iyvTTTOv TT)V (v/3picraffav arpaTrjXdTfe t-nl ras 'AOrjvas, i. e. ' I consent to your 
doing what you have in hand, but when it is done, march against Athens.' 

(e) Strong denial is sometimes implied, under the form of de- 
precation, by the Opt. with jx^ : as 

Od. 7. 316 JLW) roi;ro <f)i\ov At!' -rrarpt yeVotro let us not admit 

that this is the will of father Zeus. 
22. 462 JUT) jj.ev 8rj KaOapa 6avar<i> airb 6vp,bv eXot/xr;^. 

(/) Admission of possibility, i. e. willingness to suppose or 
believe that the thing will happen. This use is rarely found 
without Key or av : an instance is 

Od. 3. 231 peta 0eo's y e^e'Acor Kat rr]X60V avftpa o-awo-at. 
This is said as a concession : ' we men must allow that a god can 
save even from afar/ So perhaps II. 10. 247, 557 : also 

II. 15. 197 Ovyartptmru yap re Kat utda-t /3e'Arepoz> etr] KrA. 
Here the Opt. is in contrast to the preceding Imper. /x?j rt /xe 
SetSto-o-eV^o) : ( let him not threaten me : for his own children it 
may be well enough that he should scold/ Other instances are 
negative, viz. 

II. 19. 321 ov }JiV yap rt KaKCorepoy aAAo 7ra0ot/xt. 

300.] WITH KEN OR 'AN. 273 

Od. 14. 122, o> ye'poy, ov TLS KC'LVOV avrjp a\a\riiJLVos 

dyye'AAo)z> Treureie yvvaiKa re KCU fyiXov viov. 

So in the Relative clauses, II. 5. 303 (= 20. 386) o ov bvo y 
avbpe <f)poiv, Od. 3. 319 60v OVK eA.7roiro ye 6vfj,G> eA0e'jLiez>. And 
in one or two interrogative clauses, with implied negation : II. 
II. 838 TT6>5 T ap eoi rd5e epya j Od. 5. 100 TLS b' av tuvv bia- 
bpapoi (since we should probably read rt? be fe/ccoz;). In such 
case the absence of Key or av marks the negation as sweeping 
and unconditional. We should compare the corresponding 
Homeric use of ou with the pure Subj., which differs in the 
degree of confidence expressed : ovbe t8o)jotat 7 am sure I shall 
never see, ov iraOoifju I suppose I shall never suffer. 

300.] With K.W or av the Optative does not express wish (which 
is essentially unconditional), or even direct willingness on the part 
of the speaker, but only willingness to admit a consequence : hence 
expectation in view of particular circumstances : e. g. 
II. T. 100 rore KCV IJLLV tAacro-ajueuoi ireTriOoifJiev 

then we may expect to appease him and gain grace, 
The character of a Clause of this kind depends chiefly on the 
manner in which the condition is indicated. The following are 
the main points to be observed : 

(a) An Opt. with KCI/ or w often follows an independent Clause 

with a Future, Imperative, &c. : 

II. 23. 1 08 &s tpeovo-LV, ejutot be TOT av TroXv Ktpbiov et?/ KT\. 
Od. 10. 269 ^evyco/xe^' ert yap KV aXvfaLfjiev KUKOV rjnap. 
II. 3. 4lO'Ket(re 8' eya>y O^K etjuu, ye/xeo-a-^ro^ 5e Ktv etr;. 
(^) Or the preceding Clause may contain a wish : 
II. 7. 157 et0' 

Cp. II. 4. 93 (where the preceding Opt. is a gentle Imper.). 
(c) The case supposed may be in past time, so that the Opta- 
tive expresses what would have followed on an event which 
did not occur : e. g. 

II. 5- 3 11 Ka -t w KV tvQ' d.7roAotro ava avbp&v 

tt fjir] ap' 6v votive KrA. 
^^- 5- 73 evOa K eTretra Kat aOavaTos Trcp 

So II. 2. 81., 3. 220., 4. 223, 429, 539-. 5- 85, 3n> 3 88 -. ^- 5 8 - 5 
13. 127, 343-, i5- 697-, 17- 70. 3 66 . 39 8 ' Od - 7- 293-; 13. 86. 
This use of the Optative is confined to Homer, and is chiefly 
found in the Iliad. 

A somewhat similar idiom occurs in Herodotus ; e. g. Hdt. i . 2 firjffav 8' av 
ovrot KpfjTts Hhese may have been Cretans' ( = probably were), 7. 180 raxa 8' 


274 OPTATIVE. [300. 

av TI Kal rov ovv6fMTos firavpoiro. But there the meaning is different not 
would have happened ( = did not), but would be found to have happened (if we knew 

(d) The case supposed may be vague or imaginary : 
II. 8. 143 avrjp 8e Kv ov n Atos voov eipvo-o-atro, 

where the emphatic avr\p suggests a condition : if a man, he 
cannot fyc.; cp. Od. 4. 78., 23. 125, also 

Od. 12. I O2 7rXr)(rLov aXXri\(tiV' Kai KCV 6 > iotoTeuo~eias 

one may (on occasion arising} shoot an arrow across. 
9. 131 ov fjiv yap TI KttK?} ye, $epot 6e KCV wpta TrdVra. 

It is natural that an admission that something may happen 
should generally be made more or less in view of circumstances, 
given or supposed. Hence the use of KI> or &v with an Opt. of 
this force became the prevailing use, and exceptions are rare, 
even in Homer. 

The principal clause or Apodosis of an ordinary Complex Con- 
ditional Sentence belongs to this head. It is erroneous, how- 
ever, to regard the varieties now explained as complex sentences 
with the Protasis understood. In this, as in some other cases, 
the complex is to be explained from the simple, not vice versa. 

In some instances the Opt. with KCI> appears to be concessive 
(expressing willingness). Delbriick (8ynt. Forsch. I. p. 200) gives 
as examples 

II. 22. 252 VVV aVTC fJL 

orrrifjLfvaL avria o-eib* e'A.oi/xi KCV rj KZV 
Od. 8. 570 ra 8e Kev Oebs r) 

TI K are'AeoT' efy, aSs ot tyiXov e-TrAero 
To which may be added Od. 14. 183 ij KCV 0X0117 ? K <}>vyoi KT\. 
(but II. 13. 486 is different). Possibly the use of *ev in these 
places is due to the opposition made between the two alterna- 
tives : cp. 285, 3, 3, 286, and 289, 2, b. 

II. 24. 618 dXA.' aye 8r/ Kal v&'i fx,e8c6jue0a, 6te yepate, 

(rirov eTretra K*V aure tyiXov Traioa K\aioi<rda. 
Hes. Op. 33 TOV KC KoparardfjLvos viKa Kal bijpLV o^eAXot?. 
Also Od. 1 6. 391., 2i. 161. But these instances need not be 
separated from others in which expectation rather than conces- 
sion is recognised. We may notice as on the border between the 
two meanings 

(a) Uses of the First Person (esp. in the Odyssey) : e.g. 
Od. 15. 56 ri&Oev 5e' KZV v^fjuv obonropiov Trapafleipjz;. 

22. 262 a> 0tA.ot, rjbr) pev KZV eyaw etTroijut Kal a^iv KT\. 
1 6. 304 a \A' oTot dv T' ey<u re yvva.iK.5tv 
Kat K reo 6/xcoa)^ avbp&v ert Tr 


14. 155 irplv 6e KC, Kal fj,dXa irep Kexp??|u&>os, ov TL 
So Od. 2. 219., 4. 347., 12. 387., 15. 313, 449., 18. 166., 19. 579., 
20. 326., 21. 113, 193, II. 9. 417., 24. 664. 

(/3) Negative Clauses, with the Second Person : 
II. 14. 126 raj OVK av jute . . (f>avTS \ fJivOov drt/xrjo-atrc 

/ ?0 ft# ^m> yo^ w^/ (/ expect you not to) fyc. 

Od. 2O. 135 OVK av JJLLV vvV) TZKVOV, avairiov atrtowo. 
So II. 2. 250 ra> OVK av (3a(ri\.fjas ava OTOJU.' e^ 00 ^ ayopeuot? is to be 
understood as ironical courtesy (you will not if you are advised ty 
me). This, again, when turned into a question yields another 
form of polite Imperative; as II. 3. 52 OVK av 8r) jueiVetas will you 
not await? So II. 5. 32, 456., 10. 204, Od. 6. 57., 7. 22. 

The fact that ou is the negative Particle in all these instances 
shows that the Optative is grammatically more akin to a Future 
than to an expression of wish. So far as wish is intended, the 
use is a rhetorical one, implying what it does not directly express, 
like the similar use of the Future Indicative in Attic. 

It will be seen that, except in one or two rare Homeric uses 
of the pure Opt., the usage of the Opt. in independent Sen- 
tences is nearly the same in Homer as in later Greek. 

Optative in Subordinate Clauses. 

301.] The classification which has been followed in discussing 
the Subordinate Clauses with the Subjunctive will also be the 
most convenient in the case of the Optative. Indeed there is so 
close a parallelism between the uses of these two Moods that 
little is now left to do except to take clauses of the several types 
already analysed, and show in each case the difference which 
determines the use of one Mood rather than the other. 

The reason for using an Optative will generally be found in 
the circumstance that the governing Verb is incompatible with 
a subordinate clause expressing either the will or the assured 
expectation of the speaker. If the occasion to which the whole 
sentence refers is past, or is a mere possibility) or an imaginary 
case, these two meanings of the Subjunctive are generally out of 
place and we can only have the Mood which expresses a wish, 
or an admission of possibility. Hence it is a general rule to 
which however we have found important exceptions ( 298) 
that the Optative must be used when the principal Verb is an 
Optative, or one of the Secondary Tenses. 

302.] Clauses with rj^ rje. The Optative in the Homeric 
examples is generally to be explained as the translation of the 
Subjunctive into oratio obliqua ; that is to say, it expresses a 
doubt or deliberation thrown back into the past. 

T 2 

276 OPTATIVE. [303. 

Thus (a) we have past deliberation in 
II. 1 6. 713 o"te yap 176 juaxotro Kara K\OVOV CLVTLS eAaWa?, 

77 Xaovs s retxo? ojuoKAr/oretez; aX^vai 

he debated should he fight tyc., or should he call to the people fyc. : 
so II. i. 189., 5. 671, Od. 4. 117., 6. 141., 10. 50, &c. 
(b) Past doubt is less common : the examples are 
Od. 4. 789 6pfj,aivov(r' r\ ot Odvarov (frvyoi wo? aj 

ri o y VTIO fJLVY](TTr]p(TLV VTrepcfriaXoiO' 
15. 304 o-u^wreco ireip^ri^v 

r\ \LIV er' ep5uKca>? c^tAeot /uetrat re 
avrov vl <rra0ju&>, 17 drpwete;6 

Ulysses tried the swineherd whether would he still be hospitable 
and bid him stay, or fyc. 

In this use we once find Key KCI/ ; viz. Od. 15. 300 6p//,aiVa>z> ^ 
KCV Qavarov (frvyoi 77 KW aXoirj (La Roche reads 

303.] Clauses with jx^. These are of two kinds, answering 
to the similar Clauses with the Subj. ( 281) : 

(1) Final Clauses : a single example will suffice : 

II. 5. 845 bvv "A'ibos Kvverjv JUT} jur t6ot o(3pLfjios "Aprjs 
(so that) Ares should not see, her. 

(2) Object Clauses, with Verbs of thinking, &c. : 
II. 21. 516 fjiCfjipXeTO y&p ot retxo? eiJd^roto TroAryos, 

/mr) Aavaol Treporetaz^ (his care was that) the Greeks 

should not fyc. : so Od. 16. 179., 19. 390. 
Od. 21. 394 7rLpu>iJLvos vOa Kal i-vOa 


to see that worms should not have eaten it. 

So in the common use with Verbs of fearing: as II. 18. 34 
3et8te yap /XT) Aatjuoz> eTrajuijo-eie lie feared lest fyc. But in 
II. 9. ^44 raur' atVais 8et8otKa Kara <#)p^a jurj ot aTretAas 

KT\(r(D<n 0oi, fjfjiiv be 6"r) atcrtjuoz; eir] KrA. 

the Subj. is used for the immediate object of the fear (the gov- 
erning Verb being a Perfect), and the Opt. for the more remote 
event : see 304, a. The true reading however may be efy, a 
Subj. like /txer-etw (II. 23. 47). 

These Object Clauses may be regarded as the negative forms 
answering to the Clauses expressing past deliberation. As in the 
corresponding uses of fi^ with the Subj. and Opt. in principal 
Clauses ( 278), the Mood is never qualified by MV or a>. 

304.] Relative Clauses Final and Object. Sometimes the 
Opt. in a Relative Clause is used precisely as in an independent 
sentence; the wish or supposition being expressed from the 


speaker's present point of view, not subordinated to the point 
of view fixed by the governing- Verb. Thus in 

Od. 4. 698 dAAa TTO\V /xetfoV re Kat dpyaAecore/ooy $AAo 
^vr]O'TrjpS (f>pdovTai, b jar) reAeVete Kpoviwv 
we have an independent parenthetical wish : and in 

II. 3 234 vvv 5' aXXovs /utez> TTCLVTCLS 6pG> . . ovs KV eii yvofyv KrA. 
5* 33 ( = 2O. 286) f^ya Hpyov, b ov bvo y avbpe <pepOLv 
a parenthetical expectation ( 299,/ 1 ). In other places the Rela- 
tive Clause is connected, by implication at least, with the action 
of the principal Clause, and expresses an intended or expected 
consequence. We may distinguish the following cases : 

(i) In Final Clauses 

(a) The choice of the Opt. shows want of confident expectation 
of the result intended : 

II. 1. 62 dAA' aye brj nva ILCLVTIV piofJLV r) te/orja, . . 

Ss K etTToi KrA. (with the view that he may tell : cp. 

7. 342., 21. 336, Od. 5. 166). 
7. 231 f)fJiLS b' L}JiV rotot ot av criQtv avnafrai^v 

Kal TroAe'es ( = many of us are ready to meet thee). 
Od. IO. 431 rt KaK&v t/xetpere rovrcoz/, 

KtpKr]s e? ju-e'yapoz; Kara^rjjue^at, 17 Kez^ airavras 
r) (7U9 ?5e AUKOUS 7roi?7(rerat ??e Aeoi'ra?, 
ot KeV ot /xe'ya 6<S/^a ^vXacro-oi^ev Kal 
Here Troirjo-ercu (Subj.) expresses the immediate result, 
}JLV the further and therefore (in the nature of things) less confi- 
dently asserted consequence. 

In this group of Clauses the Opt. always takes KSV or a.v (cp. 
the corresponding Subj., 282). 

(fi) The Opt. with KCK is especially common after a principal 
Clause of negative meaning (in which case the consequence is 
necessarily matter of mere supposition) : as 

II. 5- J92 tTTTTOi b' ov Traptacn Kal ap^ara rS>v K 7ti(3air]v. 
Od. I. 253 ^ Sr) TroAAor dTrotxojueVou ^Oovcrrjos 

devr/, o Ke {JivrjaTfjpo-iv avaLO(ri x&pas e^etr;. 
5. 1 6 ov yap ot irapa ^es eTTTJperjaot Kal eratpot, 

ot KeV jutz; Tre'^TTotey. 
The pure Opt. occurs in II. 22. 348 OVK eV0' 6? . . ciTraAaAKOt. 

(c) The Opt. is used if the governing Verb is an Optative, or 
a Secondary Tense i e.g. 

II. 14. 107 vvv b' eiTj o? rrjcrde y' aptLvova fJirJTiv 
Od. 6. 113 a)? 'Obva-evs eypotro, t8ot r' evo)^ta 
7J ol ^atr^Kcoz/ avbp&v 

378 OPTATIVE. [305. 

Od. 5' 240 ava TrdAat, TrepuojAa, ra ot TrAcooie^ eAa^pws 1 
dry^ such as would float. 

(3) After Verbs that express asking or finding out the Clause 
acquires the force of a dependent Interrogative, and so of an 
Object Clause : 

Od. 9. 331 avTap TO vs aXXovs KArjpo) TremiAdcrflat avcayov 

6s Tts ToAjuuj(retei> KTA. (for the man) who should Sfc. 

II. 3. 316 KArjpOVS TIOXXOV . . OTTTTOTfpOS CL(f)Lrj 

they cast lots for which of the two should throw. 
14. 507 (=16". 283) TTaTTTrjvev 8e eKaoros oirr\ (f>vyoi. 

So II. 6. 177., 10. 503, Od. 9. 88., 10. 101, no., 19. 464. As 
to the form of the Relative Clause see 267, z, c. 

The Dependent Interrogative properly so called is rare in 
Homer : 

!! 5- ^5 Tvo'eto'rjzj 5' OVK av yvoirjs -Trorepoto-t 
Od. 15. 4^3 etpwra brj liretra ris etr; Kat iroOcv 
17. 368 dXA?]Aous T epeorro rts 117 Kat noOev 

It is evidently akin to the Optatives with ij TJ which express 
past doubt ( 302, 5) : rts efy w^o ^^ should be comes to mean who 
he should prove to lie. Cp. the Subj. in the corresponding Clauses 
relating to present time ( 280). 

305.] Relative Clauses Conditional. When the event to 
which the condition attaches is matter of wish or mere expecta- 
tion, or is in past time, the condition is generally expressed by 
the Optative. Hence we find the Optative 

(a) With an Optative of wish in the principal Clause : 
II. 3. 299 oTnro'repot Trporepot vTrep op/cta TrrjfjirjveLav, 

<S8e or<' eyK</)aXos ^afjidbis peot ws 6'8e otz^os. 
Od. I. 47 <*>s d-TroAotro Kat aAAoj OTIS rotairra ye pefot. 

(^) With an Optative of expectation : 

II. 9. 125 ov Kv aX?]tos eti] d^p a> roV(ra yeVotro 

^^ ^^'^ #0^ ^ joo^r ^0 whom such things come. 

12. 228 o58e x' VTTOKptVatro OtoTrpoiros bs arafya 6v^ 
elbeir] repdcoi; Kat ot Tret^otaro Aaot 

*o w^// # diviner answer 3 who knows fye. 
Od. 4. iJ^iJ 6s TO Kara(3p6^Lv . 

ov KV e^r^jueptos ye /3dAot KaTa baKpv Trapetwr. 
The Opt. of the governing Clause may be itself subordinate : 
Od. 2. 53 <s K* a^Tos ee8ra)o-atTo Ovyarpa, 

b' w K' e^e'Aot Kat ot Kexapto-juteVoy eA0ot. 


(<?) After a Present or Future, in one or two places where the 
time is purposely vague : 

Od. 6. 286 /cat b' aXXrj ye/ueo-w, rj TLS roiama ye pefot 

= 1 am ready to be angry with any other who fyc. 
19. 510 Ktti yap by KOLTOLO ra\ eWerai f)beos oopr;, 

ov TLVO. y virvos e'Aoi /crA. (e'Ar/ La B.) 
The Opt. avoids assuming that the case will ever occur. 

The reading is very doubtful in II. 5. 407 OTTI ^d\' ov tyvaibs os dOavdroiffi 
/jidxoiTo, the Ambrosian and some others having IMXIJTCU. 

(d) When the principal Verb is in a past Tense ; the Relative 

Clause generally expressing indefinite frequency , iteration, &c.: as 

II. 2. 1 88 ov Tiva fj.v /3ao-tA?ja KCU %oyov avbpa 

TOV 8' ayavols 
15. 22 oz; 8e Aa^3ot/xt 
Od. 22. 315 TtavtvK.ov {JLvr](TTijpa$ OTIS roiavra ye pe'fot. 
In these uses, and generally, the Opt. is pure. Exceptions are - 

Od. 4. 600 b&pov 5' orrt Ke' jutot 8otr;s Ket^rjAio^ eoro) 
(where the Opt. may be substituted for the Subj. for the sake of 
courtesy, to avoid assuming the certainty of the gift), 
Od. 31. 161 fj 8e K' eVeira 

6s Ke TrAetara iropoL KOL 

Clauses formed by a Kelative and the pure Optative are strictly parallel to 
the Conditional Clauses formed by a Eelative and the pure Subjunctive, such 
as x at/ P 6t Se \uv 6s ns fOc'ipy, or fieXrepov ts $evy<av trpotyvyr} ( 283, a). In both 
groups of Clauses the reference is indefinite ; but with the Subj. the instances 
must be thought of as future instances, and consequently the governing Verb 
must not imply that they are past or imaginary. 

It may happen that the condition is expressed by the Subj. 
(because regarded as certain to be fulfilled), while the main action 
is uncertain, and therefore put in the Opt. : as 

II. 14. 126 T OVK av jue yeVo? ye KCLKOV KOL ava\Kiba <f)dvTs 

[jivOov drtjUTJo-aire Tre^ao-juteVoz;, ov K.' ei) enra). 
2O. 250 oTnrolov K tlirrjcrOa eTros, roiov K eTra/cowats. 
So with el, as Od. 2. 2l8 et {JLCV KV d/cowro), ^ T &v T\air)v t cp. 
ii. 104, no., 12. 137. But the general rule is to let the sub- 
ordinate Clause follow the Mood of the governing Verb : hence 
the so-called ' Attraction ' of the Optative. 

306.] Clauses with ws, OTTWS, tm and the Opt. are either Final 
or Object Clauses (not Conditional in Homer, see the note at the 
end of this section). 

(i) In Final Clauses the Opt. may be used either (a] to 

280 OPTATIVE. [306. 

indicate that the consequence is not immediate or certain (the 
governing Verb having a present or future meaning), or (b] 
because the governing Verb is an Opt., or (c) a Secondary Tense. 
Thus we have the Opt. 

(a) After a Present, &c. in the principal Clause; especially 
when the Clause bears a negative meaning (so that the occasion 
is necessarily imaginary) : 

II. I, 343 ou8e TL olb vofjvai a/xa TrpoVo-a) KOI OTTiVcra), 
oTr-TTCos ol irapa invert (TOOL ^a^oivro 'Amatol. 

(juaxeWro however is not a good Homeric form, and makes an 
intolerable hiatus : read probably payjiovTai, cp. 326, 3). 

Od. 2,, 52 ot TTCLTpOS }JLV S OIK.OV a7TppLya(TL V(rOat, 

'Ittapiov, (ws K' avros ee6^coa-atro Ovyarpa. 
But also after an affirmative Clause : 

Od. 23. 134 rjyL(rd(ti (f)L\OTTaLyiJ,ovos op^Q^olo, 

ws K.ZV TLS </>aiT7 ydfjiov ejUjuevai ZKTOS CLK.OVU>V 

= so that any one who happens to hear may think fyc. 
13. 156 aAA' epeco ^tv (yav Iva et8ores 17 Ke Oava^^v 
?/ KV aAeva/xerot QCLVCLTOV Kat Krjpa (j)vyoifJLv 

(the Opt. of the less emphatic alternative, 275, 1}- 
17. 249 TOV TTOT tytov Im vr]bs eiioWAjuoio 

a fa) TTJ\' 'I^aK7]s, f (va JJLOL (Biorov noXvv 

(irore indicates a distant occasion). 
13. 401 Kvvf<6o-(ti 8e rot oWe irdpos TreptKaAAe' 

a>? cb> detKeAtos Trao-t pvri<rnjp<ri (fraveiris (so 16. 297). 
24* 53^ t0"X (7 ^ ^^ Kez; oiaKpivOe'iTt (leg. biaKpivOiJTt ?). 

J) After an Optative, either of wish or of expectation : espe- 
y in the Odyssey, as 

Od. 14* 407 rcb( to Tci /xot vbov 

LV, f iv V K\LCTLr] XapO 

I 5* 537 r< ? Ke T^X a yvo'^s . &s av ris ere . . 
So Od. 1 8. 369., 20. 8 1 : and a fortiori after an implied prohibi- 

Od. 3. 346 Zei/s ro y aAef?7(7eie . . a>s v/xet? . . KLOLTC 
Zeus avert that you should go fyc. 

(c) After a Past Tense a use of which it is needless to give 

Regarding the use of KCI/ and a>, it is to be observed that 

1. The Opt. with Ivo, and OTTWS is always pure. 

2. The Opt. with ws takes KCK or &v in a few places where 
there is clear reference to a single occasion, as in Od. 2. 52 

307.] '&2, e onn2, f iNA, 'Ens, 'O*PA. 281 

(quoted above), II. 19. 331,, Od. 17. 362; and in the combinations 
ws o^ TIS (Od. 15. 538), <3 S KeV ns (Od. 23. 135). 

(2) The corresponding Object Clause with 6s and oirws is found 
(a) after Verbs of trying, considering how, &c. as 
II. 2. 3 aAA' o ye peppfipitf Kara c^peVa o>s * 
dAeVat 8e KrA. 

The reading Ti|x^<m' is supported by Ven. A, which has Ti|AY|<rr]i 
(VKTIKOV Schol. A. B.) : all other authorities have n^a-^, and all have 6XcVrQ. 

II. 9. 181 KLpav o)9 TrtTTLOoLtv (bade them try how to persuade). 

21. 137 tipprivtv 6' ara Qvpbv OTTCOS Trawme (so 24. 680). 
Od. 14. 329 oTTTrcos poonjo-ei* 'IflaK^j es 77toz;a brjjAOV. 

This reading is proved (against voffrrjcrr] of the MSS.) by the parallel Od. 19. 
298 OTTITQIS voffTrjffi (pi\t]v Is irarpida yaTav. Cp. also Od. 9. 420., II. 479- 

In one place ws with the Opt. follows a Verb of saying, viz. in Od. 24. 237 
(/j.(pfj.r]pic) elireTv ws eA0ot /cat t'/cotr' ft? irarpida ya'iav to tell how he had come. This 
is the only Homeric instance of ws with the Opt. in oratio oUiqua. The next 
is H. Ven. 215 tlirev 8c tKaara, us eot dOavaros KT\. 

An example of oircos and the Opt. with iterative meaning (nearly = ore, 
308, i, a") occurs in Hesiod, Theog. 156 KOI T>V ^tv onus TLS irpura yevoiTo 
iravTas d-noKpvTTTaffKe. This use is to be classed as Conditional, like the cor- 
responding uses of ws and OTTWS with the Subj., 285, 3. 

307.] Clauses with Iws (rjos) and o<j>pa. These also are Final 
in character : i. e. the Conjunction has the meaning till the time 
that, hence (commonly) in order that, not while, so long as. 

The notion of time is distinct in 

Od. 12. 437 ^o>Ae//e'o>s exo'juu?*' o$/>' efe/xeVetez; dmo-o-o) 

until it should vomit forth again(Q 12. 428. ,20.80). 
Od. 23. 151 ipvorOai fjitya Swjua 8iaju/77epe5 ^os IKOITO 
till he should come (so 5. 386., 9. 376). 

It is indistinct, or lost, in the ordinary use of ocj)pa, as 

II. 6. 170 Setfai 6' ^wyct o> 77e^0e/o<5 ofyp airoXoiro. 
Od. 12. 427 faOt o' 6776 NOTOS a)Ka, (frtpcov Ijuo) aXyea 6v^, 
ocj)p' Irt TJ]V oXoyv az^a/>terp?/a-aijut Xdpvfifiiv 
to the end that 1 should measure again fyc. 

and with Is in Od. 4. 799 77e/x77e 8e \iiv . . rjos TlriveXoTreiav 
77auo-te KXavQpoio, and other places in the Odyssey (5. 386., 6. 
80., 19. 367). 

The corresponding form of Object Clause with these Conjunc- 
tions may be traced in one instance of each, viz. II. 4. 465 AeAt??- 
juiepos o<j)pa Ta^icrra TV^OL (nArjo-ete, and Od. 19. 367 apca^evos rjos 
LKOLO. Here, after a Yerb of wishing, the meaning until passes 
into the simple that. 

382 OPTATIVE. [308. 

With Iws and o<|>pa the Opt. is nearly always pure : but we 
have o<f>p' ai/ in Od. 17. 298 (until), 24. 334 : and ws KCI/ in 
Od. 2. 77 T0(f)pa yap av Kara acrrv 7rori7m;cr(roi/xe0a juv$a> 
XprifjiaT aTTaLTiovT$, eW K' OLTTO Trayra Sofleir/, 
where there is a stress on the particular time contemplated. So 
II. 15. 69 e/c rou 8' oV rot erreira 7raA.uoiz/ Trapa vr]&v 
altv eya> Tevyoipi 8taju,7repe?, ei? o K' 'Amatol 
v IA.toy at? e'Aotev (the only instance with els o). 
The similar uses of fore, ax/n, jue'xpt are post-Homeric. 

The chief instance of 6<|>pa with an Opt. following a Fut. or Subj. is II. 7. 
339 TTuAas norfaofjiev . . 6<ppa . . 68os (irj. But the example is open to doubt, 
partly because there may be a Subj. it) (see 80), partly because the line also 
occurs (7. 349) where the governing Verb is an Imperfect, and it may have 
been wrongly inserted in v. 339. In other places as II. 7. 72, Od. 5. 378., 
15. 51., 22. 444 where some editions have Opt. forms, the Subj. is to be 
restored. It is true that the Opt. is found after the Future with other 
Conjunctions, to express remoteness or uncertainty; but a word which 
literally means till the time that could not naturally be used to express a remote 
end or consequence. 

308.] Clauses with, ore, on-ore, &c. Most Clauses of this kind 
are essentially 

(i) Conditional. The Verb of the principal Clause may be 

(a) An Optative of wish : as 
II. 21. 428 TOLOVTOL vvv TTCLVTCs, ocTOi Tp(t)<r(nv dpcoyot, 

etez> or 'Apyeuuo-t payoLaTO (cp. II. 1 8. 465, &c.). 

(#) An Optative of expectation : as 
Od. 13. 390 /cat K TpLr]KO(TLOi(nv -/(t)V avbp(T(TL jmaxotjutr/z^ 

o~uv <roi, TTorva Otd, ore /utot 7Tp6<f)pao-(T e7rap?]yots. 
II. 14. 247 ZTJZ/OS 8' OVK av eycoye Kpovtovos aa-vov tKOtftrjy, 

o^8e Karewrjo-aiji/,' ore /ar) CLVTOS ye KeAevot. 

(c) A Future : in one place, viz. II. 13. 317 aM ol eo-o-etrat . . 
vfjas tvLTTprja-ai ore ju,^ avro's ye Kpoviav ejaj3aAot KrA.., where the 
speaker does not wish to imply the fulfilment of the condition. 

In Od. 24- 343 ^vOa S' dvcL (fTafyvXal iravroiai taffiv, OTTTTOTC Sr) Atos S>pai firi0p'i- 
aciav the Present eao-iv is open to suspicion, because all the rest of the 
description is in the past tense ; with which the Opt. is in harmony. 

In II. 4. 263 fffTTjx ws Ttep l/xoi, mew ore Ovfji.os dvuyot the Opt. is read by most 
MSS. It maybe regarded as an Opt. of the remoter event ( 305, c), depending 
on meeiv, which is an Inf. of purpose (Goodwin 555). But La Koche reads 

(d) A Past Tense, generally of an event which happens re- 
peatedly or habitually, as 

II. I. 610 ZvOa irdpos Koi/xa0' ore JJLLV y\VKvs VTTVOS 

310.] 'OTE, 'OHOTE, 'EIIEI, HPIN. 283 

21. 265 6Wd/a 8' 6pju?}<reie KrA. as often as he started fyc. 
Od. 8. 87 77 rot ore Arjfeieu . . <!\(TKV (iterative). 
So with ore after irpiV, in II. 9. 486 OVK e0e'Ae<r/ces . . irpiv y ore 
brj . . aa -aijtu = you would only . . when fyc. : cp. 297. 

In these cases the Opt. after a past tense answers to the pure 
Subj. after a Present, 289, 2, a. In one place the Opt. with 
ore represents the Subj. with ore icei>, viz. in Od. 20. 138 dAA J ore 
817 Kotroto KCU VTTVOV fxifxzJrj<7Koiro, fj jutez; btjJLVL a^coyev TrrrooropeVcu 
8jua>77<ri ##f/<? tf>&m spread the couch against the time when he should 
bethink him fyc. 

In this group of uses the Opt. is pure, except in 

II. 9. 524 o#ra> Kat r&v TTpoo-Otv TTv66}JiOa KAe'a avbp&v 

fjpGxav, ore /ceV rtr' eTrtfa^eAos x'^- OJ ^ K0t * 

where the K^I> may be accounted for by the change from the 
Plural to the Singular : cp. 283, I, c. 

(2) After a Past Tense of a Verb of waiting 6tr6re with the 
Aorist Opt. forms a kind of Object Clause ; as II. 7. 415 TrortSey- 
fjivoi OTTTTOT' ap' eA.0oi waiting for (the time) when he should come ; 
so II. 9. 191., 1 8. 524, and (after jueWres) 4. 334. Cp. 289 (i). 

309.] Clauses with eW. The few examples of this use show 
the same varieties as with ore. Thus, (a) after another Opt. 
II. 9. 304 vvv yap %' "EKro// e'Aois, eTret &v /utaAa rot 


24. 226 CLVTLKCL yap jue KaraKre^etez^ 'A)(iAAevs 

ayKas eAoW ejuoz; viov, e7T7)z> yo'ov ef epoz; 
Od. 4. 222 6? ro Kara/3po / feter, CTT^ Kpr)rfjpi /iztyetr;, KrA. 

(#) After a Present, in the statement of a supposed conse- 

Od. 24. 254 TOLovTto 8e eWas, eiret Aovcratro <#>dyot re, 

evSe'/uevat (wc^ ow^ 5 wo^^ *fed^ after that fyc.). 
(c) After a Past tense, in the iterative sense : 

II. 24. 14 dAA' o y eirel C^fez> KrA., Od. 2. 105 (=19. 150., 

24. 140) eTn)z> baibas TtapaQtiTo (v.l. eTret). 
The use of w is intelligible in the first of these passages (II. 9. 
304), since it refers to an event in the immediate future; 
perhaps also in 11.24. 227, after an Opt. of concession. But as 
to the form eTrf\v see 362. 

310.] irpiv. The peculiar way of expressing a condition by a 
Negative followed by irpiv ( 297) is transferred to the past, the 
Subj. becoming an Opt., in one passage 

II. 2,1. 580 OVK e0eAe*> $evyeiz> nplv 7ret/>?}o-air' ' 

384 OPTATIVE. [311. 

The Optative with el, tyc. 

311.] Optative with el Conditional Protasis. The Clause 
with el expresses a supposition, made in order to lead up to the 
Clause which expresses the expected consequence : as 
Od. i. 163 ei Kttvov y 'IBdKrjvfa lootaro voorr^cravTa, 

irdvres K dprjoraiar eAa^porepot TTobas etzw /crA. 
II. 7. 1^9 TOVS vvv et Trrcoo-a-oiTas 1 v(j)' r 'E/cropt TTCLVTCLS d/cowat, 
-TroAAa Kv aOavdroKri (/>t'Aas ava )(eTpaj deipat. 

The Clause with el may follow the other, as 

II. 2,2. 2,0 rj (T hv Tio-aifjiriv, et jutot bvvajjiis ye Trapetr;. 

The apodosis is generally given by the Opt. with Key, as in the 
examples quoted : but we may have the Subj. with KCK, the 
Future, or the Present. In such cases there is some change of 
tone between Protasis and Apodosis : as II. n. 386 et jueu brj 
avripiov arvv T^V^CTL ^^tp^^eti]?, OVK. av rot j(/>a6ran<ri KrX., where 
the Subj. is more peremptory than the Opt. : cp. Od. 17. 539 and 
(Fut.) II. 10. 222,. So with the el-Clause following the other, 
as II. 9. 388 Kovprjv 8' ov yajute'co, ovb' et eptfot / shall not wed the 
maiden (and would not) even if she rivalled fyc. ; cp. II. 2. 488, 
Od. 17. 539. The instances of the Opt. following a Present are 
all in 

nearly all in the Odyssey: I. 414 ovr ovv ayyeAfy Irt 7rei'0o/xat 
et iro0v eA^ot, also 7. $2., 14. 56. In these cases the Present has 
the force of a general statement (see Goodwin, 409501). So 
when the Verb is understood, as 

II. 9. 318 Ivr] jutotpa p,evovTL /cat et /utaAa ris TroXe^tfot. 
Od. 8. 138 ov yap eycoye rt (fir^i KaKwrepoy aAXo OaAda-arrjs 
avbpa ye (rvyyjcvai, et /cat jJidXa Kaprepoy ttrj 

no matter if he is very strong ( = even if he should be). 
The combination <&s el (or ws et re) expresses supposition for the 
purpose of comparison; the principal Clause being in a past 
Tense, as 

II. 2-. 780 ot 8' ap' tcraz; a>s et re nvpl \0<*>v iraa-a V^JJLOITO 
(cp. II. II. 467., 22. 410, Od. 9. 314.., 10. 416, 420., 17. 366). 
Or else negative 

II. II. 389 OVK dA.e'ya) coy et /ue yvvr) /3aA.ot rj Trats a</>pa)i>. 
The use of el with the Opt. in the iterative sense (if ever, 
whenever), which is common in later Greek, is not Homeric : the 
only passage which might be quoted as an example is 

II. 24. 768 dAA' et rts f/,e /cat aAAos eVt ptydpoKriv ZVLTTTOL . . 
dA/Va (TV TOV y eTre'ecro-t 

313-] CLAUSES WITH El. 285 

312.] Optative with el Wish. The Conditional Protasis, 
when used without an Apodosis, becomes a form of expressing 

!! ^5' 569 'AzmA.ox' 5 ov TLS o-eto uewrepos 1 aAAos ' 


et TLVOL TTOV Tpcocov td\iJLVos avbpa 
So II. 10. in., 1 6. 559., 24. 74. More frequently a wish is in- 
troduced by el ydp or at yap, as in 

at yap, Ze re Trarep KOL *A0r]vair] KOL "AiroXXov, KT\. 
Such a wish is sometimes used as a form of asseveration, as 
II. 1 8. 464 at yap \*.iv Oavdroio bvcrrj^os a>8e bvvaijJLrjv 

v6cr(f)LV aTTOKpv\lfaL, ore jutti^ {Jiopos alvbs LK.GLVOI, 
a>$ ol Ti>\a KaXa TrapeVa-erat 

i. e. fair arms shall be his as surely as I wish I could save him 
from death : so II. 8. 538, Od. 9. 523 : and ironically 
Od. 21. 402 at yap 8r) TOO-CTOVTOV ovr/a-ios avTidoriV, 


Here also we must place the wishes expressed by eifle or ai6e, 
which have generally the character of hopeless regret : as et0' o>s 
^o>ot/xt KrA. It may be noted that in the Odyssey wish is not 
expressed by el except in the combinations ct ydp and cl'Oe. 

A wish is often followed by a Clause expressing an expected 
consequence of its fulfilment ; as 
II. 2. 3/1 at yap, Ze re -rrarep . . 

rep Ke rax' rffjivcreie Tro'Ais Dptajuoto avaKTos* 
Od. 7. 331 Zeu Trarep, at^' ocra etTre re/\evr^a-ete^ airavra 


avfizvrov K\tos etr/. 
So we should probably punctuate 

II. 13. 485 et yap o/^AtKirj ye y^voi^Oa r(58 J em 

at\l/d Kv TJ <epotro jue'ya Kparoj 7} 
Or we may take atv/^a KZV KT\. closely with the preceding line, 
and then it becomes the Apodosis to a Conditional clause. Other 
examples of this ambiguity are given in 3 1 8. 

313.] Optative with *i K.CV Conditional Protasis. This is 
a comparatively rare form; it can generally be explained in 
accordance with the other uses of KW : 

II. 5- 273 et TovTb) K \df3oijjLV dpoi/JifOd K KAeos <rB\6i' 

if (as I propose) we take them, we should fyc. 
(But perhaps we should read rovrw ye.) 

9. 143 et 8e Kv v Apyos tKotjme^' 'A\ai'iKdv KT\. 

if (as a further step) we reach Argos fyc. 

286 OPTATIVE. [314. 

II. 23. 591 tinrov 8e rot avrbs 

Swo-ft), TTJV apofJLrjv' el KCL vv KV OLKoOev aAAo 
jueifoy eTratr^o-etas, acfrap Ke rot CLVTIKO. bovvat, 
/3ovAotjur?z> if (after that) you demand more fyc. 
Od. 2. 76 & x' fyiets ye c^dyotre, rd)(' ai> Trore /cat n'<rt? etrj 
2/*(#s /^y /* better, see v. 74) you devour, then fyc. 

See also II. 2. 123., 8. 196, 205., 13. 288., 23. 592, Od. 2. 246., 
12. 345., 13. 389., 19. 590. And with the Clause with el fol- 
lowing the other 

II. 6. 49 T&V KCV rot \api(Ta.iTo Trarr/p aTrepeioV aTrotra, 
et /cer ejue fcow TT7rv6oLT em vryuo-tz; 'Axatwv. 

So II. i. 60., io. 381 ; cp. Od. 7. 315., 8. 353, and the use of ouS' 
i Key ^o^ g^d^ in case, II. 9. 445., 19. 322., 22. 22O. 
There is one instance of the Opt. with et a^, viz. 

II. 2. 597 e ' 7T P & v WTO* Mova-at aetSoter. 

314.1 Opt. with el Final and Object Clauses. These are 
generally found after a past Tense in the Principal Clause ; e.g. 
II. 2. 97 KrjpVKts /3ooWre? prjTvov, et Tror' diirr;? 

o-xoicLT ,a,K.ov(Tiav 5e KT\.(in view that they should fyc.) 
Od. 4. 317 favOov, et rtz^d juot K\r]rjbova irarpos ZVLO-TTOLS 
I have come in case you may tell me some fyc. 

With Verbs of seeking, trying, desiring, &c. the Clause with el 
has the character of an Object Clause : as 

II. 4. 88 Ylavbapov avriQeov bi&iJLtvr] et TTOV e^evpot 

seeking in the hope of finding ( = seeking to find). 
So II. 12. 333, Od. 13. 415., 22. 381. 

With Verbs of telling, knowing, seeing, thinking, &c. this idiom 
is almost confined to the Odyssey ; e. g. 

Od. I. 115 oVo-o'juezJO? Trctre'p' fa-OXov kvl (f)p<riv, et 7ro0 ev \0<>v 
\Lvr\<TTj\p<&v T&V Hv (TK^ba(TLv Kara 8ci)/xara ^etrj 

. e. with the thought in his heart, whether his father would 
come and scatter the suitors: cp. 5. 439., 9. 317, 421., 18. 375. 
Od. 12. 112 et 8' aye by juot roro, Oca, vrj^pres ez^to-Tres 

et TT(DS rrjv ohorjv {J,V V7reK7rpo<^vyot//t Xdpvfibiv 
tell me as to the hope that 1 may escape fyc. 

In a few places an Object Clause of this kind follows a present 
Tense : 

Od. 2. 35O OV (TV (f)vXd(T(rLS 


14. 119 Zei;s . . ot8e . . et Ke {JLLV dyyetXat/xt lu>v. 
2O. 224 dAA.' ert roz^ bvcrrrjvov 6to/xat el TroOcv . . 

316.] SUMMARY OF USES. 287 

So in the only example of the kind found in the Iliad : 

II. II. 792 rts ' 016' et Ktv ot (rvv baifjiovi OVJJLOV opivais ; 
The pure Optative is used in all the places quoted, except the 
two in which el *ev follows otSc (II. n. 793, Od. 14. 119). In 
these the structure is the same as in the corresponding 1 indepen- 
dent Clauses ( 300). That is to say, the phrase ris olbcv et is 
treated as a mere ' perhaps ' (Lat. nescio an). 

An Opt. in a Final Clause depending upon a Subj. is perhaps to be found 
in Od. 5. 471 i 5^ icev . . yearaSpafleu et pe peedr; (so all MSS. : peQrjri Bekk.). Cp. 

History of the Subjunctive and Optative. 

315.] Uses in Independent Clauses. The uses of the Subj. 
and Opt. in independent Clauses have been shown to fall in each 
case into two main groups. In one set of meanings the Mood 
expresses desire on the part of the speaker ; to this belong the Subj. 
of commdnd and prohibition, and the Opt. of wish. In the other 
the Mood is a kind of Future; the Subj. being an emphatic or 
confident Future (like our Future with shall), the Opt. a softened 
Future, expressing expectation, or mere admission of possibility 
(the English may or should). 

These two sets of meanings may be called the ' quasi-Impera- 
tive/ and the ' quasi-Future/ We must remember however that 
they are not always clearly separable, but are connected by trans- 
itional or intermediate uses : such as (e.g.] the Subj. which ex- 
presses necessity ( 277), and the Opt. of concession ( 399, d). 

316.] Uses in Subordinate Clauses. Passing over for the 
present the question whether the quasi-Imperative or the quasi- 
Future use is to be regarded in each case as representing the 
original meaning of the Mood, we proceed to consider the uses in 
Subordinate Clauses. Here the main distinction is that between 
1 Final ' and 'Conditional/ if these terms are used with some 
latitude : especially if we rank with the Final Clauses not only 
those which distinctly express the end or purpose of an action, 
but also all Clauses which are referred to the time of the govern- 
ing Verb. It is true that this distinction does not always apply; 
e.g. to the Subj. in 

Aava&v oXofyvpoptQ' alwrjTatoV, 

01 KCV 8r) KCLKOV olrov ava7r\r](ravT$ oAcoyreu' 
or to the Opt. in 

dA.Aa 7ToA.ii jxetfoz; . . 

(ppdfrvrai, o jur) reXeVete Kpoviaw* 


For there the Relative Clause is in sense a parenthesis, and is 
construed accordingly as an independent Sentence. Again, in 
eVcrerai ij^ap 6V av TTOT' dAwA?] /crA. 

8ei'8te yap /utr) Xai^ov aTror/xTJa-ete KrA.. 

and generally in Object Clauses, the Subordinate Clause does not 
express end ; but the time from which it is regarded as spoken is 
fixed by the governing Verb, in the same way that the time of a 
true Final Clause is fixed by the action of which it gives the end. 
For the present purpose, accordingly, there are two kinds of 
Clause to be considered, (i) Final and Object Clauses, and (2) 
Conditional Clauses. 

Eegarding the meaning of the Subjunctive and Optative in 
Final Clauses there can be little doubt. The Subj. in most 
instances follows either a First Person (Present or Future), or an 
Imperative : that is to say, it expresses the immediate purpose 
with which the speaker announces his own action, or commands 
the action of others. Hence, by a natural transference, it comes 
to express the purpose of another person (viz. the Subject of the 
Principal Clause). Similarly the Opt., whether as the Mood of 
wish or of expectation, comes to express a wish or expectation not 
now felt, but spoken of. Again, by virtue of its character as a 
softened or less confident Future, it naturally expresses a purpose 
that does not lie within the speaker's own sphere of action or 
direct influence. 

It should be noticed, too, that the relation which we imply by 
the term ( Final Clause y may exist without grammatical Sub- 
ordination, i. e. without a Particle such as Iva or o>? to introduce 
the clause. Thus in II. 6. 340 aAA' aye vvv tTiipeivov apri'ia rev^ta 
$va> the meaning would not be altered by saying ^-ni^ivov Iva bva>. 
So in II. 1 8. 121-125 vvv 8e KAe'o? apoi^v KCU . . o-Tova\ijo-ai 
(j)irjv, yvoitv & o>s 6r) br]pov eyo> TroAe'juioio Trerrau/xai : the last wish 
is evidently also the result hoped for from the fulfilment of the 
preceding wishes (so that yvoizv b = &s yvottv). 

In Conditional Clauses, on the other hand, the condition or 
supposition is not subordinated to the time of the governing 
Verb, but is made from the present point of view of the speaker. 
The question arises : What is the original force of the Subj. and 
Opt. in this use ? 

In the case of the Subj. we naturally look to the quasi-Im- 
perative use. It is common to use the Imperative as a way of 
stating a supposition ; as when we say * let it be so/ meaning * if 
it is so ' (cp. Latin eras petito, daUtur). This view is confirmed 
by the fact that negative Conditional Clauses take jx^, not ou : 
that is to say, they are felt to be akin to prohibition rather than 
denial. Thus 6s fir) e'A.0?7 literally means not ( who will not come ' 


(6? OVK av eA0ry), but e who shall not come/ i. e. whom we are not 
to suppose coming. 

Similarly we may understand the Opt. in these Clauses as the 
Mood of concession ; ( admitting this to be so ' : and so in a neg- 
ative sentence, 6? ^ e'Aflot ' whom I agree to suppose not coming/ 
For the choice of the Mood does not depend on the greater or less 
probability of the supposition being true,, but on the tone in which 
it is made on the degree of vividness, as Mr. Goodwin says, with 
which it is expressed (Moods and Tenses } 455). 

It may be objected that on this view we ought to have et ov, 
not et JUT}, whenever the Verb is in the Indicative. But there is 
no difficulty in supposing that u.rj was extended to the Indicative 
on the analogy of the Clauses with the Subj. and Opt. ; just as 
ju,r) &(j)\ov is an extension from the common use of u.rj in wishes. 
And this is strongly supported by the circumstance that in fact 
et ou with the Indicative occurs several times in Homer : 

II. 15' 162 et 8e (JLOL OVK erreeoV eTrtTreto-erat /crA. (so 178). 
2O. T2Q et 6' 'A^tAeus ov TCLVTCL 0&v e/c Trewerat 6fjL(j)rj$. 
24. 296 et 8e rot ov Swcret ov ayyeXov /crA. 
Od. 2. 274 et 6' ov Keivov y eo-at yovos /crA. 

See also II. 4. 160, Od. 12. 382., 13. 143. On the other hand, 
in the very few examples of et ou with a Subj., the ou goes 
closely with the Verb, viz. II. 3. 289 (OVK etfe'Aojo-iz/), 20. 139 
(OVK ei<S<rt). On the whole, therefore, it is probable that the 
Subj. in Conditional Clauses represents the tone of requirement 
in which the speaker asks us to suppose the condition to be true : 
and that the Opt. implies concession, or willingness to make the 
supposition involved. 

317.] Original meaning. Whether the use of the Subj. as an emphatic 
Future was derived from its use to express Will, or vice versa, and whether the 
Optative originally expressed wish or supposition, are questions which take us 
back to a very early period in the history of Indo-European speech. The two 
Moods are found in the same uses (generally speaking) in Homer and in 
the Veda : the formation of these uses therefore belongs in the main to the 
period before the separation of the different languages, to the period, indeed, 
when the original parent language was itself in course of formation. The pro- 
blem therefore is one on which comparison of the earliest forms of the known 
Indo-European languages can hardly throw any light. It is as though we 
were asked to divine whether the use of shall in commands (thou shalt not kill] 
or in predictions (ye shall see me) is the older, without recourse to earlier 
English, or to other Germanic languages. Some considerations of a general 
character may however be suggested : 

(a) The Subj. is strongly differentiated from the Imperative by its Person- 
Endings, and especially by the existence of a First Person. 

(6) In most languages it will be found that the Imperative meaning is 
expressed in more than one way. Thus in Sanscrit we find the Imperative 



proper, the Injunctive, the Subj., and the Optative : in Greek the Imper., the 
Subj. and certain uses of the Future. The reason of this is evident. Variety 
in the expression of will and wish is one of the first needs of human society. 
The form which has been appropriated to express command is unsuitable to 
courteous request, still more unsuitable to humble entreaty. Accordingly other 
forms are used, precisely because they are not Imperatives. In time these 
acquire a quasi-Imperative character, and fresh forms are resorted to as the 
same want of a non- Imperative mode of expression is again perceived. 

(c) The use of the Secondary Endings in the Optative points to the con- 
clusion that in its origin it was a Mood of past time. The tendency to use 
a past Tense in wishes, and in some kinds of suppositions, may be amply 
illustrated from English and other modern languages. 

(c?) The uses with ou go far to show that the quasi-Future sense of the 
Subj. and Opt. is at least as primitive as the quasi-Imperative sense. If the 
strong negation ou yevrjrat is derived by gradual change of meaning from a 
prohibition, the appearance of ou is difficult to explain. 

(e) The use of the Subj. as an Imper. may be compared to the Attic use of the 
Future in a 'jussive ' sense, and in Final Clauses to express purpose (Goodwin, 
P- 373)- The change from an expression of will to one of expectation is one 
to which it would be much more difficult to find a parallel. 

318.] Conditional Protasis with. el. The derivations that have been pro- 
posed for the Particle el or at are too uncertain to furnish ground for any 
theory as to the manner in which the Conditional Protasis may have been 
formed. The question arises for us on the passages in which el with the Opt. 
is used to express a wish. Thus in el' TIS KaXecreie I pray some one to call we may 
take the Clause as Conditional, with a suppressed Apodosis (/caAcDs av ex 01 * 
the like). Or we may follow L. Lange in holding that the Clause is not 
Subordinate at all, the Particle el being originally a kind of affirmative 
Interjection, used to introduce expressions of wish and supposition ; and we 
can thus explain the ordinary Complex Conditional Sentence as made up of 
two originally independent Clauses, viz. (i) a wish or supposition, introduced 
by el, and (2) an assertion of the consequence to be expected from its being 
realised. On this theory the Clause of Wish introduced by el is not an in- 
complete Sentence, derived from a Complex Sentence by omission of the 
Apodosis, but is one of the elements from which the Complex Sentence was 
itself developed. 

The latter of these views has a priori the advantage of deriving the complex 
from the simple : and it has some apparent support in Homeric usage. 
We find in Homer 

(1) Wish, standing alone : 

us diroXoiTO Kol a\\os cms Toiavra yc peoi. 

(2) Wish followed by an independent Clause expressing expectation of a 
consequence : 

Od. 15. 180 OVTQ) vvv Zeus Qfirj, epiyfioviros irovis "Hprjs' 

T> KV rot teal KeiOi Oeu d>s ci>xfToa>fJ.rjv. 
II. 13. 55 ff<f>)'iv S' wdf OeSiv TIS \vl <ppeal iroir/ffeifv, 

avrdi 0' effraftevai ftparfpais real dvcayeftfv d'AXovs' 
TW KC Kal taavusvov itep tpcarjaaiT' airb 



(3) Wish, with el, el Yap, eI0e, &c., but without 'Apodosis ' : 

II. 4. 189 at yap 8?) OVTCDS eirj, <pi\os S> Mei/eAae. 

II. 670 (10' At $0(&M/ii, (lir) St /tot CjUTreSos fir], KT\. 

(4) Wish, with el, el yip, ei0e, &c., followed by a Clause of Consequence : 

II. 7. 157 ei0' cbs r}@ajoifjii, (tirj de /tot c/xwcSos fir)' 

T<U Kk rax dvTrjaeie KT\. 

Od. 15. 536 at yap TOVTO, eive, tiros reXeffeie "Kpoviav 
yvoirjs x oirj I/IT) Sura/its Kal \eipes CTTwrat. 

(5) Supposition, with el, followed by a Clause of expectation : 

II. 7- 129 TOUS vvv el irrwaffovras v<p' "Eteropi irdvras dftovffai, 

TroAAd Kev dOavdroLffi (j>i\as ova xfipas detpai. 

The similarity in these examples is manifest. The type in the first four 
sets consists of a Clause of Wish, either alone (i and 3) or followed by a Clause 
of Consequence (2 and 4). Again, (5) only differs from (4) in punctuation, 
so to speak : the two Clauses are taken together, and thus the el- Clause is 
no longer an independent supposition, but is one made with a view to the 
consequence expressed in the Clause with KV. And this, it is contended, was 
the result of a gradual process, such as we find whenever parataxis passes 
into hypotaxis. 

319.] Final Clauses with el. An argument for Lange's view of the original 
force of el is found in the use in Final Clauses, such as ef/tt ei ice iriOrjrat. The 
meaning here is essentially different from that of the Conditional sentence 
I go if he listens ; and on the ordinary hypothesis, that el originally expressed 
a condition, it is difficult to account for the two uses. But if el is a mere 
interjection, introducing wish or supposition, it is intelligible that the Clause 
should be Conditional or Final, as the context may determine. 

320.] The formula el 8' dye, with the varieties el 8' d-yer* (II. 22. 381) and 
el 8e (II. 9. 46, 262), is often used in Homer to introduce an Imperative or 
Subjunctive ( 275). It has generally been supposed to be elliptical, standing 
for 6t 8' *0t\cis aye, or the like. And el 8' e06\eis is actually found with 
an Imperative in a few places : II. 19. 142 6t 8* e06\6is trnpfivov, Od. 16. 82., 17. 
2 77 ( C P- 3- 3 2 4)' I* J 1 ^ been pointed out, however, by Lange, in his 
dissertation on this question,* that el 8' eOeAeis is only found where it 
introduces a distinct second alternative. Thus in Od. 16. 82 the context is : 
' I will send the stranger wherever he desires ; or if you choose (ef 8' 106 A.6ts) 
take him into your house.' So Od. 3. 323 dAA* 'iOi vvv avv vrjt . . et 8' efle'Xets 
Trefos KT\. But with el 8' aye this is not the case. We find it at the beginning 
of a speech ; as 

II. 6. 376 6t 8' dye /tot, 8/xcoat, vrji^fprea fJivOrjffaaOe. 
Od. 2. 178 3) yepov, et 8' 0176 vvv /zavreueo KT\. : so II. 16. 697., 17. 685, 

Od. 12. 112., 22. 391., 23. 35. 
Or in the Apodosis of a Conditional sentence, as 

Od. 4. 831 6t 5r) 06os eo-o-t, fcofo re e/e\vfs avSrjs, 

fl 8' dye /lot KT\. : so II. 22. 379-381. 

Or to express an appeal which is consequent upon something just said : as 
II. I. 301 rwv OVK dv n Depots dve\ojv dfteovros !/*efo' 

et 8' 076 pfjv ireiprjffai (ay, come now and try} : cp. II. 8. 18. 

* De formula Homerica el 8' dye commentatio, Lipsiae 1873. 
U 2 


II. I. 523 e/zot 8e tee ravra (j.eXrjffeTa.1 ofypa. 

el 8' dye rot Kpa\r] Karavevao^ai (so come, I will nod my head). 
23. 579 ft 8' ay 1 eywv avros StKaffoj, KO!I p ov rivd ^>rjp.i 
d\\ov etn-n\rieiv Aava&v Weia yap earac 
'AvriXox') el 8' dye Sevpo . . opvvQi KT\. 

come I will be judge myself . . so come, Antilochus, take this oath : 
see also Od. i. 271., 9. 37., 21. 217., 24. 336. 

Hence, Lange argues, it is probable that el does not express condition, but has 
an interjectional character (cp. Latin eia age] : and if so it may be the same 
with the use in Clauses expressing wish. 

321.] Conclusion. Notwithstanding these arguments, the common ex- 
planation of the el-Clause of wish (as primarily a Clause of supposition) 
seems to be the more probable one.* For 

(1) The uses of el present a marked correspondence with those of the 
Kelative and its derivatives. Note especially the use of ore p.rf as almost 
exactly = d firj. 

(2) The analogy etra : el :: eiretra : eiret makes it likely that el was 
originally temporal. The fact that tlra is not Homeric takes something from 
the force of this argument. 

(3) The use of alternative forms of wish, and the use of some form of 
supposition to express wish, are phenomena which can be exemplified from 
many languages : cp. the Latin o si, German wenn, wenn nur, &c. And ellipse 
of the apodosis occurs with el-clauses of other kinds ; see 324.* 

(4) The el-clause, whether of supposition or of wish, is specifically Greek, 
whereas the chief meanings of the Optative wish, concession, supposition 
are much older, being common to Greek and Sanscrit. Hence the el-clause 
was formed at a time when the Opt. of wish had long been established in 
use. The presumption surely is that the el-clause, when it came to be used 
as a form of wish, was a new way of expressing wish. It would probably 
be adopted at first as a less direct form, suited for wishes couched in a 
different tone (as f'iOe is confined to hopeless wish). 

(5) The only use of el not obviously expressive of supposition is that which 
is seen in the isolated phrase d 8' dye, of which Lange has given an exceed- 
ingly probable analysis. Possibly however the el of d 8' dye is not the same 
word as el if, but an interjection, like eltv and Latin eia. We may go further, 
and point out that the 5e of el 8' 0176 has been shown by Lange himself 
to be out of place, hence the true form may be el' dye, like Latin eia age. 

It may be observed, in conclusion, that the question of the el-clause is 
quite distinct from the question of the original meaning of the Optative. 
It is possible to combine Lange's theory of el with Delbriick's earlier view 
of the Optative as originally the Mood of wish,f but Lange himself does not 
do so. He regards the el-clause of supposition (Fallsetsung) as developed 
independently of the el-clause of wish. His main thesis is that el does not 

* This is also the conclusion maintained by Mr. Goodwin, who discusses 
the question very fully in the new edition of his Moods and Tenses (pp. 376 ff.). 

f This view was proposed in Delbriick's Syntaktische Forschungen (vol. i. p. 13), 
but is withdrawn in his recent work (Altindische Syntax, 172). 



imply a correlative particle, or an apodosis (na\ws av e'xot or the like), so that 
the two meanings of et 761/017-0 suppose it happened and would that it happened 
belong to originally distinct meanings of the Opt. ycvoiro. That is to say, the 
development of i ^/with various Moods Opt., Subj., Indie. was parallel to 
an entirely distinct development of interjectional el with the Opt. of wish. 

322.] Homeric and Attic uses. The main difference between Homer and 
later writers in regard to the Moods may be said to be that the later uses are 
much more restricted. Thus the Subj. is used by Homer in Principal Clauses 
of every kind Affirmative and Negative, as well as Prohibitive, Interrogative, 
&c. In Attic it is confined to the Prohibitive use with /;, and the idiomatic 
' Hortatory ' and ' Deliberative ' uses. 

Again, in Subordinate Clauses the important Homeric distinction between 
the 'pure' Subj. and the Subj. with dv or KCV is almost wholly lost in Attic. 
In Clauses of Conditional meaning, whether Relatival, Temporal, or intro- 
duced by i, the Subj. with civ has become the only generally allowable con- 
struction : the pure Subj. being confined to a few instances in poetry. With 
the Optative, on the other hand, an equal uniformity has been attained by 
the loss of the use with civ or KV. In short, of the four distinct Homeric 

1. os \0T) (ore f\0ri, et eAfl?/, &c.) 

2. os civ (or os KV) eXO-Q (or av tX6ri, eav e'Aflfl, &c.) 

3. os eXOoi (ore e'A0ot, et eA0ot, &c.) 

4. os S.V (or os KCV) <fX0oi (6V av e'A0ot, cav t\0oi, &c.) 

the language dropped the first and last : with the result that as av always 
accompanied the Subj. and was absent from the Opt., it ceased to convey 
a distinct meaning, independent of the meaning given by the Mood. In 
other words, the use became a mere idiom. The change, though apparently 
slight, is very significant as an evidence of linguistic progress. 

In regard to Final Clauses the most noticeable point is the use of the 
Relative with a Subjunctive. In this respect Homeric Greek agrees witli 
Latin : while in later Greek the Subj. was replaced, generally speaking, 
by the Future Indicative. It is also worth observing here that in Homer, 
as has been said ( 316), the Final Clause in the great majority of instances 
expresses the speaker's own purpose, not a purpose which he attributes to a 
person spoken of: see 280, 281, 285, 286. In other words, the subordina- 
tion of the Clause to the governing Verb does not often go so far as to put 
the Third Person for the First (e. g. typaaaerai &s KG verjrai = he will consider 
' how am 1 to return'}. The further license by which a past purpose is thought 
of as if still present so that the Subj. is used instead of the Opt. is not 
Homeric ( 298). 

Modal Uses of the Indicative. 

323.] The Indicative is primarily the Mood of assertion: 
from which it is an easy step to the use in Negative and In- 
terrogative sentences. It is also used in Greek (as in other 
languages) to express mere supposition : thus we have el in a 
Conditional Protasis with all Tenses (et fa, et e'trrt, et eorat), 

294 INDICATIVE. [324. 

where there need be no implication either for or against the truth 
of the supposition thus made. Further, the Indicative may be 
used in certain cases in a Conditional Apodosis, expressing an 
imaginary consequence. Again, it may be used in Final and 
Object Clauses referring to the past or to the future. All such 
uses, in which the Indicative does not assert, may be called 
Modal Uses. 

The tendency of language appears to be to extend the Modal Uses of the 
Indicative, and consequently to diminish the range of the other Moods. It 
is found possible, and more convenient, to show the modal character of 
a Clause by means of Particles, or from the drift of the context, without 
a distinct Verbal form. It will be seen, on comparing the Homeric and Attic 
usage, that the Indicative has encroached in several points upon the other 

324.] Conditional Clauses (Apodosis). The Secondary Tenses 
or Tenses of past time (Aor. Impf. and Plupf.), are used with K*V 
or o,v to express a supposed consequence : as 

II. 4. 420 beivov 8' (3paxe xaA.Kos em a-ryOto-a-iv CLVCLKTOS 

fear would have seized even the stout-hearted. 

This way of speaking of a conditional event ordinarily implies 
that the condition on which it depended was not fulfilled. For 
if (e.g.] the assertion rj\Qw he came is true, we can hardly ever 
have occasion to limit it by saying j\\Q^v av he came in that case. 
Hence a Past Tense with KCV or fa naturally came to be used 
where the event in question had not happened, owing to the 
non-fulfilment of the condition. 

The rule does not apply to events that occur repeatedly, or on no particular 
occasion ; for there is no contradiction in saying of such an event tha't it 
happened when a condition was fulfilled. Hence the use in the iterative sense 
(as Hdt. 3. 119 K\aifffK av teal odvpefftcero, Thuc. 7. 71 ti rives iSoiev . . dve6dpcrrj- 
adv re av rA.). This use, however, is not Homeric. In Od. 2. 104 evQa KV 
finariri /j.ev vcpaivea/ecv has slender authority, most MSS. reading =v0a KCU. 
Another supposed instance is 

Od. 18. 263 iirncav T' uKvnoScav eiriPrjTopas, o'i ue rd\t.ara 
fKpivav fte-ya V?KOS KT\., 

where the commentators (Fasi, Ameis, Merry) take eicpivav as a ' gnomic ' 
Aorist. The words as they stand can only mean < who would most speedily 
have decided mighty strife' (so Goodwin, 244) : but this does not suit the 
context. The difficulty is best met by reading ot T : cp. 283, b. 
An exceptional use of a different kind is 

Od. 4. 546 r) yap piv faov ye K^ota-i, r\ Kf 

Here KCV marks the alternative ( 283, n. 2) : either you will find him alive or (in 
the other case) Orestes has kilkd him (i. e. must have kitted him}. Thrown into 


a Conditional form the sentence would be : 'if you do not find him alive, 

then Orestes has killed him.' So with an Infinitive 
II. 22. 108 /J.ol Sc TOT' av iro\v ttfpSiov fir) 

dvrrjv ^ 'Axi\7ja KaTaKTeivavra vfeaOai 
i\k KCV avrai 6\ff6ai fi'>K\iws irpb ITU AT/OS. 

In the Protasis Kv with the Indicative occurs only once, viz. II. 23. 526 et 
8e K' en irpoTepoj ycvero 8p6fj,os (see Leaf's note a. Z.). This may be compared 
with the occasional use of KCV with el and an Opt. ( 313). The rarity of the 
use with an Indie, need not be felt as a difficulty : cp. the oracle in Hdt. i. 
1 74 Zevs yap K' ZOrj/ct vrjaov ei K' eftovkfro, also Erinna, fr. 4, 4, and Ar. Lys. 
1098 (Hartung, ii. p. 240). 

In later Greek the Imperfect with a> may express either a 
continuous action which would have occurred at some past time, 
or an action (continuous or momentary) which would have been 
occurring at the moment of speaking. The latter of these uses, 
as Mr. Goodwin points out ( 435), is not Homeric. He sees 
an approach to it in II. 24, 220 ei \v yap rts ^ aXXos K\vev 
were it any one else who lade me. Another may be found in Od. 
2O. 307 KCU Ke rot avrl yapoio irar^p rdcjiov aju^eTroyetro vOdb (if 
had struck the stranger] your father would have had to busy 
here with your burial in place of wedding : cp. also Od. 4. 
178 KCU KC ddfjC vOdb' OVT$ fJLLa-y6}Ji0' , ovoc Ktv ^/oie'aj aAAc 

The Impf. without av or KCI/ may express what ought to have 
been, if the meaning of fitness, obligation, &c. is given by the 
Verb or Predicate. Thus we have Od. 20. 331 ntpbiov riev it 
would have been better. So in Attic with exp^ ^ et j an d similar 

The Opt. with &v or Key, as we have seen ( 300, c), is not un- 
f requently used in Homer with the same meaning as the Aor. 
or Impf. with a.v has in later Greek. This is one of the points 
in which the use of the Indicative gained on that of the 

324.*] Ellipse of the Apodosis. We may notice here the 
cases in which el with an Indie, or Subj. is not followed 
by a corresponding Clause expressing the consequence of the 
supposition made. This occurs 

(a) When two alternative suppositions are made, the second 
being the one upon which the speaker wishes to dwell : as II. I. 
135 t ptv buxrovcTL yeptts . . et 8e Ke JUIT/ Swoxriz;, eyo> 8e KV avrbs 
e'Aco/xat if they give (there is nothing to be said), but if not, &c. 

(b) When the consequence is sufficiently implied in the et- 
Clause : as II. 6. 150 et 8' e^eXet? KCU ravra barmtvai, if you wish 
to be told this (I will do so) : II. 7. 375 at K' e^eAcoo-t Traw a<J0cu 

396 INDICATIVE. [325. 

if they wish to cease (let them): Od. 2,1. 260 drdp TreAe'/ceds ye KCU 
et K' el&jjLtv cLTravras eoTajueu : II. 19. 147.5 2O. 213., 21. 487, Od. 
4. 388., 15. 80. 

(c) When the speaker prefers to suggest the consequence in an 
indirect way : as II. I. 580 et Trep yap K' etfe'ArjCT-tz; 'OXv^inos dorepo- 
Trrjrrjs e eSeW oTU<eA.ifai, 6 yap TroAi/ (jbe'praros eortz^ j/ 7 ^ wishes 
(he will) 5t /br /<? z* strong enough ; II. 14. 331., 2i. 567, Od. 3. 324. 

There is a similar omission of the apodosis in Causal Clauses 
with eTret at the beginning 1 of a speech, as II. 3. 59 r/ E/crop,, eTret 
jue /car' alcrav eretKeo-as : II. 6. 382 "E/crop, eTret jotdA' ai^coya? KrA. ; 
II. 13. 68, 775, Od. i. 231., 3. 103, 211. The full form appears 
in II. 6. 333 eTret jue KOLT alcrav erei/ceo-a? . . rowe/cd rot epe'co. 

In such sentences as ft 5' kQtXas . . Sa-q^evat some commentators obtain an 
apodosis by taking the Inf. as equivalent to an Imperative : ' if you wish, 
then learn &c.' But this is exceedingly forced, and indeed impossible in 
some places, e.g. II. 7. 375, Od. 21. 260. Elsewhere the apodosis is forgotten 
(anacoluthon) ; so after el in II. 22. in, after eirci in II. 18. 101, Od. 4. 204., 
6. 187, 262., 8. 236., 17. 185. 

325.] Past Tense by ' Assimilation/ When a Past Tense 
relating to an event which has not happened is followed by a 
Subordinate Clause, the Verb of the Subordinate Clause may 
also be in a Past Tense (the event which it expresses being 
equally imaginary) : as 

II. 6. 345 o>? ju' o^eA' rj/xart rw ore . . 

ot;(eo-0at vpoipepovcra KaKr 

evOa jjie KV}JL dirocpae /crA.. 

and so v. 350 avbpbs eTretr' w0eAA.oy . . os f]br] KT\., and Od. I. 218 : 
also the use with irplv, Od. 4. 178 o^Se' KZV fatas a\Xo b^Kpivev . . 
TTpiv y ore $77 6avaToio p&av vttyos a^^KaXv\\rv nothing would 
have parted us before the dark cloud of death had wrapped us round. 
This idiom is the same in principle as the use of Past Tenses 
in Final Clauses, which is common in Attic with Im and &>s : as 
Soph. O. T. 1393 rt jui' ov Xa(3a>v KTLva$ tvOvs, wj edetfa JUTJ Trore 
KrA. that so I might never have shown fyc. When the context has 
once shown that we are dealing with a purely imaginary event, 
the Indicative serves to carry on the train of suppositions. The 
Indie, is similarly used in an Object Clause after a Verb of 
fearing, as 8et8co /XT; 6r) irdura Ota i^/xepre'a 

326.] Future Indicative. The following points have to be 
noticed : 

I. Homer not unfrequently uses Key with the Future, the 
effect being (as with the Subj.) to indicate a limitation or con- 
dition : as 

II. i. 139 6 6e Ktv KexoAcoaerai and he (if I do so) will he angry. 

326.] FUTURE. 297 

II. I. 522 dAAa (TV per vvv O.VTLS cnr6(rTL\ \M\ TL 

"Hpij* jjiol 8e K TavTa /u,eA?jo-erai (to me, as my part}. 
4. 76 Kai K ris a>5' epe'ei W^ castf #z^ will say. 
This use of Kei/ is chiefly found after 8e, as II. i. 139., 6. 260., 8. 
419., 14. 267, &c. : and in Relative Clauses, as II. 12. 226., 17. 
241., 22. 70, Od. 5. 36., 8. 318., 16. 438: perhaps with ore, II. 
2O. 335 ore KZV <Tvi*pXr}crcu. unless we read o-v/x^A^eat as 2 Aor. 
Subj. (Dindorf, Thes. Ling. Gr. s. v. /SdAAco). Cp. the use of KZV 
with the Subj., 275, I. 

The Future with B.V is very rare : see II. 9. 167., 22. 66. 

2. The use of the Future with the force of a gentle Imperative 
has been ascribed to Homer, but without sufficient ground. 
Where it appears to take the place of an Imperative it will be 
found in reality to express the indifference of the speaker ; as 

II. 6. 70 dAA' avbpas Kretz>o)//,ei>* ehretra 8e /cat ra eKT]Aoi 

VKpOVS a/lZ TTtblOV O-vATJO-ere TtOvrj&TCLS 

then you can (if you like) strip the dead of their arms. 
2O. 137 ^eis 1 fJ.V Ka0ea>/xecr0a . . TroAe^os 8' avbpcra'L 
juteA^o-et (we will leave war to men). 

The forms oio-cre and a^ere, which are sometimes given as instances of this 
use, do not belong to the Future, but are Imperatives of an Aorist ( 41). 

3. The Future is occasionally found in Final Clauses with 
nearly the force of the Subj. : viz. with the Conjunctions oirws in 
Od. i. 57 0e'Ayei OTTCOS 'lOdKrjs e7uA?jo-ercu charms so that he may 

forget Ithaca^ also in II. i. 344 (if with Thiersch we read OTTTTWS 
payjiovTai 'A^ato^ for the anomalous payjioivTo), and with o<j>pa_, 

II. 8. HO Tpuxrlv e$' 177770 8 a/xots Wvvofjitv, 6(f)pa KOL "E/crcop 
eto-erat KrA. (so II. 16. 242, Od. 4. 163., 17. 6). 
So with jj% II. 20. 301 jotrj 770)j Kai Kpovubris KexoAwa-erat, Od. 24. 


The Future with KCK in Relative Clauses sometimes appears to 
express end, as in II. i. 174 nap e/xoiye Kat aAAot ot K jute ri^rjarovo'L: 
cp. 2. 229., 23. 675, Od. 8. 318., 1 6. 438. So without *ev in II. 
24. 154, Od. 14. 333. In all these places, however, as in the 
corresponding uses of the Subj. ( 282), and Opt. ( 304), it is 
difficult to say how far the notion of end is distinctly expressed : 
in other words, how far the future action is subordinated to that 
of the main Verb. 

4. The use of the Future in Object Clauses (common in Attic 
after Verbs of striving, &c.) may perhaps be seen in II. 12. 59 

i reAeovo-t, also Od. 5' ^4^ 13- 376. 

It is sometimes impossible to decide whether a form is a Future or 
an Aorist Subj. : e. g. in Od. I. 269 at Se fypa^oOai avcaya OITITOJS /ce 

298 IMPERATIVE. [327. 

i, where the Verb may be a Future, as in the places now quoted, or a 
Subj., according to the commoner Homeric construction. So in II. 10. 44, 282., 
17. 144. 

The use of the Future in Final Clauses is probably later than that of the 
Subjunctive. In general, as we have seen, the Subj. is akin to the Imperative, 
and therefore expresses the speaker's purpose directly, by its own force ; 
whereas the Fut. Ind. properly expresses sequence. Thus Oe\yei us XdOrjTai 
literally means ' charms so that he shall forget ' : OeXyei OTTOJS X-qa^rai ' charms 
so that he will forget/ The same conclusion seems to follow from the rule 
that SITUS and 6<J>pa may be used with a Future, but not ws or*va (Goodwin, 
324). For ws in the manner that fits a direct purpose better than omos in 
some such manner that, or 6<{>pa till the time that. It would seem probable, then, 
that in Final Clauses the Future is a less emphatic and positive expression of 
end. Thus when Achilles prays (II. 16. 242), ' embolden him so that Hector 
will know/ the Future conveys a shade of indifference, as though Hector's 
knowledge were the natural consequence rather than the direct object. 
And so in II. I. 175 01 /ce /xe TifjLr/ffovfft who will (I presume) honour me. 

5. In Clauses with el the Future is chiefly used of events re- 
garded as necessary, or as determined by some power independent 
of the speaker : as 

II. 14. 6 1 ^juets 6e <paw/ze0' OTTCOJ eorat rae epya, 

et TL voos joe'et (if wit is to be of any avail). 
17. 418 et TOVTOV Tpweo-o-t ju,e0?}o-ofiez; (if we are going to fyc.). 
So II. i. 61, 294-, 5- 350., 12. 248, 249., 13. 375., 15. 162., 24- 
57, Od. 2. 115. 

We may compare the Conditional Relative Clause 
II. 23. 753 opwcrd* 01 KCU TOVTOV de'flAou 7rei/>?jo-eo-0e 

rise, ye that will make trial of this contest. 
And with *ev 

II. 15. 213 at KCV avtv fyeOev . . 7re(/>t6"rj0-erat KrA. 
So II. 2. 258., 5. 212., 17. 588, Od. 15. 524. 

The Imperative. 

327.] The Homeric uses of the Imperative present little or no 
difficulty. We may notice the use in concession, ironical or real : 
II. 4. 29 ep8', aTap ov rot 7tavTS tirauveoptv 0eot aAAot. 

The forms aye and ayere are often combined with other Im- 
peratives for the sake of emphasis : and sometimes aye is treated 
as indeclinable, and used where the context requires a Plural ; as 

II. 2. 331 aAA' aye juujutrere Tra^res KrA. (so I. 62., 6. 376, &c.). 
Similarly t0t is a kind of Interjection in II. 4. 362 aAA' Wi, rara 
6' oTtia-Oev apeo-o-o'/xefl' KrA. : and so we have (3acrK WL (like enr' 
aye). And SeGre hither ! is evidently an Imperative : cp. II. 14. 
128 8er' tojuez; Tro'AejuoVSe. The corresponding 4 2 Sing, doubtless 
enters into the formation of SeGpo ; but it is not clear how that 
word is to be analysed. 

329-] PARTICLES. 299 

328.] Prohibition. The Aorist Imperative is very rarely used 
with JJITJ : examples are 

II. 4. 41O TO) [M] fJLOL TTCLTpaS TT()0' OjUOlT] 7^060 TtjUTJ 

(so Od. 24. 248 av 8e JUT) x'^ oz; tvQto 
1 8. 134 (TV /ley jxri 770) Karabvcrto /u,(oAoz> "Aprjos. 
Od. 1 6. 301 //,rj rt? eTretr' 'O6vo-rjos aKOU(rara). 

II. 1 6. 200 /ur) AeAa0e'(70co. 

For the rule which is the complement of this one, forbidding the 
use of the Present Subj. with /j^, see 278^. 

Regarding the origin of this curious idiom a very probable conjecture has 
been made by Delbriick (Synt. Forsch. iv. p. 120). In the Veda it has been 
shown by Grassmann that the prohibitive Particle md is never found with 
the forms of the Imperative proper, but only with the so-called ' spurious 
Conjunctive ' or ' Injunctive/ Hence it may be inferred that the Imperative 
was only used originally in positive commands, not in prohibitions. Again, 
it appears that in Sanscrit the Imperative is nearly confined to the Present 
Tense : and in Greek the forms of the First Aor. Imper. (K\tyov, Mid. /cAt'^m) 
are certainly of late origin. The fine distinction which is made, in the 
Imperative as well as in other Moods, between the continuous action 
expressed by the Present Stem and the momentary action expressed by the 
Aorist belongs to the specific development of Greek. Accordingly Delbriick 
suggests that the extension of the Imperative to express prohibition took 
place at a time when the Aorist Imperative had not come into general use : 
and hence it was only carried into the Present Tense. In other words, the 
form \ir\ KXIirre came into use in pre-historic Greek as an extension of the 
positive K\irT, and superseded JAT| K\ITTTIS : but [ni\ K\I}/T)S kept its ground, 
because the form K\&|/OV did not then exist. This account of the idiom seems 
much more probable than any attempt to explain it on psychological grounds. 



329.] Under the term Particles it is convenient to group 
together a number of words that are mainly used to show the 
relations between other words, and between Clauses. In respect 
of this office they are akin to the various syllables or letters used 
as Endings : and with them go to constitute what are called the 
'formal elements ' of the language, in contradistinction to the 
roots or stems which compose its ' matter/ 

The Particles which connect successive Clauses in any way 
form the Conjunctions. As such they may be distinguished, 
according to the nature of the connexion which they indicate, 

300 PARTICLES. [330. 

as Copulative (KCU, re, Y|8e', &c.), Adversative (8^, clXXd, aurdp), Dis- 
junctive (rj r\), Conditional (el, cV, KCI/), Illative (apa, 817, out/), 
Causal (Y<*P), &c. 

Those Particles, again, which affect single Clauses may either 
serve to show the character of the whole Clause (as Affirmative, 
Interrogative, Conditional, &c.), or to influence particular words 
in it. We cannot, however, make a satisfactory classification of 
the Particles on the basis of these uses, because some of them 
are employed in several distinct ways :. and moreover they enter 
into various combinations in which they often acquire new 
meanings. It will be best therefore to take them separately, 
beginning with the most familiar. 


330.] The uses of KCU are in the main the same in all periods 
of Greek. It is (i) a Copulative Conjunction, conveying the 
idea of addition to what has preceded : Z,r)vl (o'cos epe'owa KCU 
aAAois to Zeus and the others besides : <$>? ap ec/>?7 KCU KrA. thus he 
spoke and thereupon fyc. : and (2) a strengthening or emphasising 
Particle meaning also, even, just : as 

II. I. 63 r) KCU dvtipoTTokov or even a dream-prophet. 
3. 176 TO KCU KAcuovcra rerr^Ka which is the very reason that 

I am wasted with weeping. 

It is especially used with words that imply comparison, increase 
or diminution, extension of time or the reverse, &c. ; as KCU aAAos 
another (not this only), KCU avro's himself (as well as others) : KCU 
TrdAcu long ago (not merely now), KCU avOis another time (if not 
now), KCU fxaXa, KCU Airjy (in a high degree, not merely in an 
ordinary degree) : so with Comparatives, KCU /xetfou, KCU /nytoz;, 
&c. Both terms of a comparison may be strengthened in this 
way; as 

II. I. 8 1 ei Trep yap re \faov ye ica! avTTJ^ap KaraTre'^r;, 

dAAa re KCU /^eroVto-#ei> KrA. 

Notice, too, the use at the beginning of an Apodosis, esp. with 
Adverbs of time, as 

II. I. 477 fines 5' 77ptyeVeta fyavr] pooooa,KTV\o$ T^COJ, 


KCU precedes the word which it emphasises, but is sometimes 
separated from it by other Particles, enclitic Pronouns, &c. : as 
II. I. 213 KCU Trore' rot Tpls roWa (not merely compensation but) 
three times as much: 2. 292 KCU yap TLS 0' eW prjva /xeVcoz; a man 
^vho stays even one month. So 7. 281 KCU t6/xez> airavTes ( = icr/xez; 
KCU mitres). 

KCU el and el KCU. The combination KCU el indicates that the 

332.] KAI, TE. 301 

whole condition is an extreme one : even on the supposition that . 
But with the order el KCU the KCU emphasises particular words : et 
Kal judAo, Kaprepos eo-ri even if he is (I will go so far as to say) 
very strong. Hence ei KCU usually implies that the supposition is 
more or less true. 


331.] The enclitic re has two main uses which it is essential to 
distinguish ; besides one or two special uses of less importance. 

(a) As a Conjunction re connects clauses and single words. 
It is especially used when a new fact or new object is to take 
its place pari passu with "what has been already said : KVVZO-O-LV 
oico^oio-i re Tracrt to dogs and birds as well: at TTCLCTL KaKov Tpweo-o-i 
ytvovro ol T avTtp which were a bane to all the Trojans, and to 
himself (equally). This meaning is given still more distinctly 
by the Correlative re re : thus we have the pairs avbp&v re flewr 
re, brjjjLos re Tro'Ais re, KAayyf/ T e^o-Trrj re, &c. and the pairs of 
Clauses expressing simultaneous action, such as 

&\lr T avX(aprja-v } (*>xpos re \LIV etAe mipeia?. 

Hence re re sometimes marks that two things are mutually 
dependent: oXiyov re <j)i\ov re = f not less dear because small/ 
\va-6[j.v6s re Qvyarpa <ppu>v T aTrepeuri' aiTOLva= i bringing vast 
ransom for the deliverance of his daughter ' : II. 5. 359 ico'/xto-al re' 
fji 80? re [AOL forTrouj. 

The combinations TC KCU and re T|8e (or i8e) are also common 
in Homer, and not sensibly different in meaning from re re : as 
(OjiicofeV T ap e^retra KOL & TreTrArJyero /xr^pco. 
\kaivav T i^Se \ir>va. 

As to the place of re the general rule is that it follows the 
first word in the Clause. Hence when standing first in the pair 
T re it does not always follow the word which it couples : e. g. 
II. 6. 317 tyyuOi re ripiajuoio KCU "E/cropos near both Priam and 
Hector ; II. 5- $78 crot T tTwrelQovTai Kal de8pjjuecr0a e'/caoros (cp. 
2. 136, 198., 4. 505., 7. 294-5). 

The use of TC as a Particle of transition (to begin a fresh sentence after a 
pause) is not Homeric, though common in later Greek. This may indicate 
that the use as a connecting Particle was originally confined to the Correlative 
re re (Delbriick, Synt. Forsch, iv. p. 145). 

332.] (fj) In its other use which is distinctively Homeric 
re serves to mark an assertion as general or indefinite. Hence it 
is found in gnomic passages : as 

II. I. 21 8 09 Ke 0eot? eTriTrei^rat, jutaAa r' HK\VOV avrov. 

9. 509 rbv 8e /oie'y' &vj](rav /cat r' K\vov 
Od. 6. 185 /xaAiara 8e' r' K\vov avroi. 

302 PARTICLES. [332. 

II. 1 6. 688 dAA' atet re Aio? Kp euro-coy voos rj irep avp&v. 

19. 221 al\lfd re (frvXainbos WAerat Ko'pos (cp. Od. I. 392). 
Hes.Th. 87 al\l/a re Kat /xeya vet/cos eTrtcrrajuieVa)? KareVaixre. 
So in many short maxims, such as pcxOev be re ^rJTrtos ey^co 
orpeTrrot 8e' re Kat 0eot aurot. In similes it is very common, and 
is often repeated in the successive Clauses; e.g. 

II. 4. 482 6 5* eV Koviyori ^a/xat TreVez^ atyetpos <o?, 

77 pa T* ez> etajtxey?) e'Aeos /uteyaAoto Tre^VKr/ 
Aetrj, drdp T^ ot 6'fot eV aKporarr/ TT(j)vacrL' 
rrjv fJLv & apiJiaTOTrr]ybs avrjp aWavi o-t8?jpa> 
efeVaju,^ o<|)pa KrA. 
1 6. 156 ot de A^KOt ? 

(j)fjLO(f)ayoi, Tolo-LV re -Trept (frpecrlv acrTreros 
ot T* eAa^oz; Kpaov \Ltyav ovpea-t 
8a7rrowtz>' -Trao-tz; 8e 'naprfiov atjaart 
Kat T' ayeXrjbbv lacnv airb Kprjvr 
Xa\lsovTS yAa)(rcr?7(rtr apairjoriv j 
aKpov, epefyo/^evot (frovov at/ixaros* ei^ 8e re 
(TTri0(Tiv arpojao? eo-rt, Trepto-rei^erat 5e re yao-r?7p. 
So where the meaning is frequentative : 

Od. 4. I O2 aAAore fxe'u re yoa> typeva re'pTrojuiat (cp. 5. 55-? I3< ^4) 

II. 19. 86 Ka re /xe vciKetea-Kov (20. 28, Od. 5. 33 1, &c.). 
So II. I. 521 retKet Kat re /me (^Tjo-t KrA. aa^ ^y^ (habitually) that 
I fyc. : cp. 9. 410., 17. 174, Od. i. 215., 4- 3 8 7-> IO - 33v 17- 2 5- 
Hence it is used of names, as II. I. 403 avbpts 6e re TTCLVTS (K 
ovo-t), 2. 814., 5. 306, &c. ; of characteristic attributes, as 
II. 2. 453 ^' 7 e n^^eio) (rvjUjmtVyerat . . 

dAAa re /xtz^ KaOvKtpOcv eTTtppeet ?}i;r' eAator. 
5. 340 t^wp, oto? Trep re joeet juaKapeo-o-t ^eotcrt. 
And generally of any fixed condition of things, as II. 4. 247 
re v^es etpwrr' virpv}j,voL : 5- 477 ^ "^^P r ' cTTtKOUpot e^eijuer : 15. 
187 rpet? yap r' eK Kporov etjutez^ d6eA0eot (a fact of permanent 
significance) : 22. 116 ^ r' e-TrAero retKeos dpx^. It may be laid 
down as a general rule that re in the combinations ju,eV re, 6e re, 
Kat re. yap re, dAAd re, and the like, is not a Conjunction, and 
does not affect the meaning of the Conjunction which it follows. 
In a Conditional sentence of gnomic character the re is often 
used in both members, as 

II. I. 8 1 et Trep ydp re -^oXov ye Kat avTtjfJiap KareTre'x/aj, 

dAAd re Kat /uteroVto-flez/ e^et KOTOV. 

The use with the Article and the different forms of the Rela- 
tive has been already discussed in the chapter on the Pronouns 
(see 263, 266). It was there pointed out that re is used when 
the Clause serves to describe a class, as 

332.] TE. 303 

aypta iravra, ra re rpe</>et ovpccriv v\.rj. 
peta b' dptyycoros yovos avepos to re Kpovt&V KT\. 
or to express a permanent characteristic, as 

y?jpas KOL Oavaros, ra T ITT' avOpwiroLorL Tre'/Voi/rat. 
Xo'Aos, os r' <per]K noXvfypova -Tie/) yjaXeTtrivai. 
Acoro^aycoz;, ot r' avOivov etSap e8ovcrtz/. 

So ws T6, ore re, ii/a re, ei/Oa re, ocros re, 0165 re, d>s et TC, &C. Of 
these <Ss re (or coare) and otos re, with the adverbial are and <(>' J 
re, are the only forms in which this use of TC has remained in 
Attic Greek, eirei re, which is regular in Herodotus, is rare in 
Homer: see II. n. 87, 563., 12. 393. 

Further, the Indefinite ns is not unfrequently strengthened in 
its meaning (any one) by re (cp. Latin guisque) : 

II. 3. 12, roaarov rts r* eTTiAevcra-ei ovov r em Xaaz; trjcriv. 

14. 90 crtya, JUT/ rts T aAXo? . . aKOVcrri (so Od. 19. 486). 
So KCU yap rts re, /cat jueV rts re, and in Relative Clauses, os rts re, 
ore rts re, cos rts re, &c. : also rjv rts re (Od. 5* 120). 

Notice also the use with the disjunctive r\ after a Comparative, 
in Od. 16. 216 abivvTtpov TJ T otcoz^ot. This is akin to the use in 
similes. So in II. 4. 277 jueAayrepov rjvre Tucro-a blacker than pitch. 
The true reading is probably rje re, as was suggested by Bekker 
(H. B. i. p. 312) : see however Buttmann, Lexil., s. v. TJVT. On 
T] re T] re either or see 340. 

The two uses of re may sometimes be distinguished by its 
place in the sentence. Thus T is a Conjunction in II. 2. 522 ot 
T apa and ivho (cp. et T apa, OVT apa), and in II. 23. 277 aOd- 
varoi re yap etcrt *rA. ; also in the combinations o#re rts, /ot?jre rts. 
With the indefinite re we should have the order apa re, yap re, 
rts re. Both uses may even occur in the same clause ; as II. 5. 89 
rov b' OVT ap re ye'c/wpat eepyjueWt to-^a^o'coo-tz;.* 

The places in which re appears to be used in statements of 
single or definite facts can generally be corrected without diffi- 
culty. In several places 8e T' (ovbt r', p? b i r} has crept into the 
text instead of 8' er'. Thus we find 

II. I. 406 roz> Kdt VTrtbeLffav jutd/capes 0eo! ovbe T tbrjcrav 

(Read ovb' er', they no longer bound, gave up binding). 
2. 179 oAA.' t^t vvv Kara Xaov ' AyjaiGtv /ixr/Se r' epcoet. 
(Read M b' er with four of La Roche's MSS.). 
II. 437 oi>8e T eacre 

(Read ovb' er' with the Lipsiensis, and so in II. 21. 596). 

* The account now given of the uses of re was suggested (in substance) by 
Dr. Wentzel, whose dissertation (Ueber den Gebrauch der Partikel TC bei Homer, 
Glogau, 1847) appears to have been overlooked by subsequent writers. 

34 PARTICLES. [333. 

II. 23. 474 at 6e T avv0v 

(Read at 5' er' with the Townleianus). 

Similarly we should read ou8' IT' in II. 15. 709., 17. 42., 21. 248., 
22. 300., 23. 622, 730., 24. 52, Od. 12. 198. In such a matter 
manuscript authority is evidently of no weight, and it will be 
found that the MSS. often have 8e T' where the editors have 
already corrected 8' IT' (e.g. in II. I. 573., 2. 344., 12. 106, Od. 
2. 115., ii. 380., 21. 1 86., 24. 401). In II. ii. 767 the editions 
have v&'C 8e T Zvbov, but all MSS. v&'C 8e evbov : so perhaps we 
may correct II. 21. 456 v&'C 8e r' ax^oppot K[OJJ.V. Perhaps In 
should be restored in II. 16. 836 o-e 6e r' ey0d8e yuTre? j&ovrot, 
Od. 15. 428 TTtpaa-av 8e Te 8ep' dyccyorrcg. 

Two isolated Epic uses remain to be noticed : 

(1) After an Interrogative in the combination T' apa, T' ap : as 

II. I. 8 Tts T ap o-(|>a)e 0&v ept8t wlf}icc /oid^eo-flai ; 
1 8. 1 88 TTWS T' ap' to) juera fji&Xov ; (so TTT) r' ap II. 13. 307). 
Od. I. 346 i^iJTep e/xry, rt r apa <f)6ovis /crA.. 
The ancient grammarians regarded rap as a single enclitic 
Particle (so Herodian, Schol. II. I. 65). As the force of the re 
seems to have merged in the compound, this is probably right : 
just as y ap having become a single Particle is written ydp. But 
if so, we must also recognise the form rapa. 

(2) With r\ in strong Affirmation : as r? r ecfrdfjLrjv I did indeed 

This may originally belong to the same head as the in- 
definite use : yf re = surely anyhow. But a distinct force of the re 
is no longer perceptible. 

The Latin que, which is originally identical with re, shows the same 
separation into two main uses. In the use as a Conjunction the agreement 
between re and que is close. It is less so in the other use, chiefly because re 
in Homer is still a distinct word, whereas que in Latin is confined to certain 
combinations, viz. at-que, nam-que (cp. Kai re, aAAa re, yap TC, &c.), ita-que, the 
Indefinite quisque (with the corresponding forms ubique, quandoque, uterque, &c.), 
and the Kelative quicunque. The two uses are also united in the Sanscrit ca, 
which as a connecting Particle agrees closely with re, and is also found after 
the Indefinite kas, especially in the combination ydh kdq ca (os TUS T). See 
Delbruck, Synt. Forsch. iv. p. 144, A. S. 284. 


333.] The chief use of the Adversative Particle 8<? is to show 
that a Clause stands in some contrast to what has preceded. 
Ordinarily, however, it merely indicates the continuation of a 
narrative (i. e. shows that the new fact is not simultaneous]. It 
is especially used to introduce a parenthesis or subordinate state- 
ment (whereas re introduces something parallel or coordinate : 

334-] AE. 305 

vovcrov ava (rrparbv Spcre KCLKTJV, oktKOvro 8e Aaoi, 

ovvKa KrA. 

Here a prose writer would say 6\0piav, or wore airoXXva-Qai rbv 
AaoV, or v<fi rj$ 6 Acco? airwkXvTo, &c. So 

'AuriAoxo? 8e Mvbava /3aA', f)vCo\ov OepaTrovra, 

(T0\bv 'ATVJJLV Labr] v, 6 8' liTreVrpe^e n&vvyas LTTTTOVS, 

Xep/xa8i(i> ayK&va TV^MV pea-ov. 
I. e. ( struck him as lie was turning- the horses/ 

8^ is nearly always the second word in the Clause. It is occa- 
sionally put after (i) a Preposition and Case-form, as ITT' avr&v 
b' wfjioOerrjo-aVj or (3) an Article and Numeral, as rrj Senary 8' KrA.: 
but not after other combinations. Hence K<X! Se, as II. 7. 113 
Kal 8' 'AxiAevs and even Achilles (never K<U 'AxtXeus 8e, as in later 

334.] 8e of the Apodosis. While 8e generally stands at the 
beginning of a new independent Sentence, there are certain uses, 
especially in Homer, in which it marks the beginning of the 
principal Clause after a Relatival, Temporal or Conditional 
Protasis. This is found where there is an opposition of some 
kind between the two members of the Sentence : e.g. 

II. 4- 261 et 7Tp -yap r $AAot ye Kaprj KO/xocozrres 'Amatol 

bairpov TTivaxTiVjCrbv 8e TrAetoz; bliras KrA. (so 12. 245)- 
5. 260 at Ktv /xot TroXvfiovXos 'AOrjvr] KVOOS opt^ij 
dju^orepco Krelvai, <rv de . . epVK.aK.etiv KrA. 
Od. 7. 1 08 oo-a-ov <&airjKs Trept KavTav topics avbp&v 

vfja doty vl TroVrw cAavz/ejute^, w? 8e ywaiKe? 
tcrroz; rex^o-a-at (cp. Od. 14. 178, 405., 18. 62). 

With ou and pr\, giving ovbe, jotrySc, as 

II. 5. 788 o<ppa jj.V Zs TToAe/xo^ TrcoAeo-Kero 8to? ' 

ov8e -rrore Tp&es KrA. 
6. 58 /x,r/8' o^ rt^a yatrrept 

Kovpov kovra (frepoL, jJLrjb' bs tyvyoL. 
Od. i. 16 aAA J ore 8r) eros ^A^e . . o8' tv6a KrA. 

IO. 17 dAA'ore 8^ Kat eyw 6861; ?/reoy . . o^Se' rt Ketz^o? KrA. 
This use, which was called by the ancient grammarians the 8e 
airoboTLKov, or ' 8^ of the apodosis/ has been variously explained 
by scholars. 

i. In many places the Clause introduced by this 8 stands in a 
double opposition, first to the immediate protasis, and then to a 
preceding sentence. Thus in 

II. 2. 716 ot 8' apa Mrj0u>vr]v . . 
8e <l>iAoKr7]r^s 

306 PARTICLES. [334. 

Philoctetes is opposed as commander to the people of Methone, 
and the whole statement is opposed to the previously mentioned 
peoples with their commanders. So in a period composed of two 
pairs of correlated Clauses, as 

II. I. 135 oM-' *i P*v bu>(rovcn ye'pas . . 

ei 8e Ke jut,?; b&ocrut, eya> 8e' Kev avrbs eAcojuat. 
p. 5& os jueV T aiSeVerat Kovpas Aios aa-<rou tovcras, 

TOV 8e ply &vrj(rav Kai T ftcAvop 

os be K avr]VY]Tai Kai re crepecS? 

Aurcrozrrai 8' apa ra ye Aia /crA. 

Here the 8e of the last Clause appears to carry on the opposition 
of the second pair to the first, and so to repeat the 8e of its own 
protasis. This use of 8e in apodosis to repeat or carry on the op- 
position of the whole sentence is regular in Attic; e.g. Xen. 
Anab. 5. 6, 20 et 8e (3ov\o-0 . . TrAota 8' vplv Trapeort : Isocr. 4. 98 
a 8' earir t8ta . . ravra 8' ejuoz> epyoi; early eiTrety (Kiiliner, 5.33; 
2). It has been regarded as the key to the Homeric usage now 
in question : * but this would compel us in many cases to give 
different explanations of uses to which the same explanation is 
evidently applicable. For instance, in the four lines last quoted, 
if we account for the 8^ of AtVo-oyrat 8' apa KT\. as a repetition of 
the 8^ of its protasis 6s 8e' K' KT\., how do we treat the 8^ of the 
first apodosis (TOV 8e KrA.)? The two forms are essentially 

2. The 8e of the Apodosis is commonly regarded as a survival 
from a period in which the Relative Clause or Conditional Pro- 
tasis was not yet subordinate, so that the Apodosis, if it followed 
the other, still needed or at least admitted of a connecting 
Particle. Such an explanation is attractive because it presents 
us with a case of the general law according to which the complex 
sentence or period is formed by the welding together of originally 
distinct simple sentences.! It is to be observed, however, that 
the phenomenon in question is not necessarily more than a par- 
ticular use of 8e. The survival may be, not of a paratactic form 
of sentence, but only of a use of 8e where it is not a Con- 
junction. Such a use has been already seen in the Particle Kai. 
In the correlation dAA.' ore 8r) Kai ro're 8rj we need find nothing 

* So in the first edition of this book, following the discussion of Nagelsbach 
in his Anmerkungen zur Bias (p. 261 and p. 271, ed. 1834). The Excursus on 
the subject was omitted in later editions. For the view adopted in the text 
the author is indebted almost wholly to Dr. R. Nieberding, Ueber die paratak- 
tische Anknupfung des Nachsatses in hypotctktischen Satzgefugen, insbesondere bei Homer, 
Gross-Grlogau, 1882. 

t On the danger of explaining the Syntax of complex sentences by 
recourse to a supposed survival of paratactic structure there is a timely warning 
given by Brugmann, Gr. Gr. 203. 

3350 AE. 307 

more than the ordinary use of icat with the meaning 1 also, even ; 
that is to say, it emphasises the sequence of the apodosis, just as 
it often emphasises single words or phrases. Similarly 8e may 
have been used to mark the adversative character of an apodosis. 

3. These points may be illustrated by the parallel between KCU 
also, even and ou8e or \utfi = not even, also not. In this use 8^ is 
clearly not a Conjunction, but merely serves to mark the natural 
opposition between the negative and some preceding affirmation 
(expressed or implied). Thus it is closely akin to the use in 
apodosis, the difference being only that it belongs to a single 
word rather than a Clause. 

4. It is a confirmation of this view that among the cases of 8e 
in the apodosis we never find one in which the protasis is intro- 
duced by the corresponding jjieV.* Where this is apparently the 
case it will be found that the jj-eV refers forward, not to the 8^ of 
the immediate apodosis, but to a new sentence with 8^ or some 
equivalent Particle : e.g. 

II. 2. 1 88 ov Ttva jjiV pao-iXija KCLL <-o\ov avbpa Ki^irj, 

TOV 6' ayavols eTre'eo-o-iz; KrA. 

ov b' av brifjiov T avbpa tot KrA. 

where the correspondence is not bv fjJtv TOV 8e , but 6^ plv ov 
' av . See also II. 9. 508, 550., 12. 10., 18. 357., 20. 41, Od. 
9. 56., ii. 147., 19. 329. 

It has been observed that when the Protasis is a Relative 
Clause, 8e of the Apodosis is generally found after a Demonstra- 
tive. The only exceptions to this rule are, II. 9. 510 6s 5e K 
avrjvrjTai . . Aio-owrcu 8* apo, rat ye /crA., and II. 23. 319 aAA' 6s 
\LZV 0' tTTTToto-t . . IVrrot 8e TrAaz^oWrat /crA. (Schomann, QJJUSC. 
Acad. ii. p. 97.) 

335.] Enclitic 8 There are two uses which may be noticed 
under this heading : 

(1) The 8e of o-8e, Too-txr-Se, Tot6<r-8e is properly an Enclitic (as 
the accent shows). 

The form roIcr-Secri or Toicr-8e<7<n may be a trace of an inflected 
Pronoun akin to 8^ (related to it perhaps as rts to re) ; or it 
may be merely a form created by the analogy of other Datives 
in -com, -eat. 

(2) The 8e which is suffixed to Accusatives expressing motion 
to is generally treated as an Enclitic in respect of accent : as 
otKoVde, 7roAe/otoV8e. The ancient grammarians, however, wrote 8e 
as a distinct orthotone word, hence O!KOV 8e, TroAe/xoz-' 6e', &c. (but 

were made exceptions). 

* Nieberding, op. tit. p. 4. 
X 2 

308 PARTICLES. [336. 

It seems likely that the -Be of these two uses is originally the same. The 
force in both cases is that of a local Adverb. Whether it is to be identified 
with the Conjunction 8e is a further question. 

dXXd, auTctp, drdp, au, aure. 

336.] The remaining Adversative Particles do not need much 

dXXd and aurdp are used (like 8^) in the apodosis, especially 
after a Clause with et irep : as 

II. I. 81 ? TTtp y&p re . . aAAo* re (cp. 8. 153., 19. 164). 
2"2. 390 et 8e OavovTutv Trep . . avrap eyco KrA. 

aurdp and drdp express a slighter opposition than a'XXd, and 
accordingly are often used as Particles of transition ; e.g. in such 
formulae as s ot i**v . . avrap KrA. A similar use of dXXd may 
be seen with Imperatives ; as dAA' WL, dAA' aye /xot ro'Se enre, and 
the like. It is evident that the stronger Adversative is chosen 
where greater liveliness of tone is to be conveyed. 

337.] au and aure (again, on the contrary] have nearly the same 
force as aurdp, but do not begin the sentence : hence vvv a.v, TLS 
5' av, TiiiT avT, &c. : and so in correspondence to ^ev or 77 rot, 
as II. 4. 237 T&V rj rot . . fjfjiels avre KT\. They also serve to 
mark the apodosis of a Relative or Conditional Clause, as II. 4. 
321 et roVe Kovpos ea, vvv avre jixe yijpas oTrafet. Thus they have 
the two chief uses of 8 

Originally, doubtless, au meant backwards, but in Homer this 
sense is only found in the form aurts : though perhaps it sur- 
vives in the sacrificial word avepva-av. 

The form ojjiws is later, the Homeric word being C/ATUJS. 

o(xcos is usually read in II. 12. 393 opus 5' ov X-fjOero xa/V* 7 ??, and Od. n. 565 
fvOa x ofJMs -npoaeQrjv. In both places however the Scholia indicate that the 
word was anciently circumflexed by some authorities. 

338.] The Particle rf at the beginning of a sentence gives it 
the character of a strong affirmation : 

II. i. 240 77 TTor' 'AxiAA?jos irodrj tferat be sure that one day fyc. 
So, with an ironical tone, 

II. I. 229 77 TtoXv X&LOV eort Kara (rrparov evpvv 'A^atcar 

6<3/)' aTroatpeta-^at KrA. 

It is often used interrogatively, esp. in questions of surprise 
indignation, irony, &c. : as 

II. 2. 229 T] eVi /cat \pvcrov eirtdeveat KrA. 

339-] 'AAAA, ATTAP, 'ATAP, AT, 'H. 309 

15. 54 3 eA.7re<r0' r\v vijas eAr; KOpvOaioXos 

fyfiabbv teo-0at KT\. (do you really hope fyc.}. 
Od. 3. 312 77 ov\ akis o>? KrA. (is it not ? surely it is) : cp. 

358, c. 

Occasionally, in short parenthetical sentences, rf has a concessive 
force, it is true that, hence and yet, although : as 

II. 3. 214 iravpa jueV, aXXa jjidXa AtyeW, eTret ov TToXvuvQos, 

ovb* ct(/)a/uiaproe'7r?7J* ?/ /cat yeVet wrepos r/ez>. 
7. 393 ov (})r](nv bu>(TW 77 yJr}v Tpwes ye Ke'Aoirat ( 344). 
II. 362 ef aS vvv e^vyes Oavarov, KVOV' 77 re rot ay^t 

??A0 KctKoV (so 18. 13). 
22. 280 77 rot e(/)r?y ye ( = though I did think ; so 22. 280). 

The question whether f\ (or f\) can be used to introduce a Dependent In- 
terrogative depends upon a few passages. Bekker favours TJ in this use, and 
reads accordingly, e. g. II. I. 83 av 5e Qpdffai % /*e ffauffcis. The majority of the 
editors recognise it in three or four places : 

II. 8. ill efcreTCu ^ KOI ejjiov 56 pv paii/erai KT\. 
Od. 13. 415 uxfTO irevffofJLevos f^ercL abv K\eos, ij irov er' 6075. 
16. 137 dA.\' 0176 /-tot r68e etV^ KOI arpCKfcas Ka.Ta\fov, 

^ Kai Aaeprr; avrrjv 6Sov dyye\os 'iXQca, 
19. 325 TTOJS yap efjifv ffv, *iv, Sarjffeai, ij n yvvaiKuv 

a\\dcav irepictfu ; 

In all these places, however, there is manuscript support for el, and so La 
Roche reads in the two last. For the use of el with the Subj. see 294, with 
the Opt. 314. It is difficult to derive the use of r\ which Bekker supposes 
either from the emphatic TJ, or from the disjunctive rje or T\ (Horn. Bl. p. 59). 
In any case there is no sufficient ground for deserting the MSS. 

rf is often combined more or less closely with other Particles : 
as T Te ( 332, 2), rf p&v, &C. ( 343-5). *f T0t ( or ^roi), r)Sr] (for 
17 6?j), and the correlative Tjfjiei' rjSe. In these combinations if 
strengthens the other Particle. Note that 

rjficV rjSe are used of slightly opposed things, especially when 
alternation is implied : as 

Od. 2. 68 AiWo/x,at fjfjLtv Zrjvds 'OXvjutTrtou 976^ ejuito-ro?, 

rj T avbp&v ayopas ij/xe^ Avet T}O KOtBiffl" 

i. e. l assembles and dissolves again in turn ' (Lat. turn turn). 
Cp. II. 8. 395 rj^v avaKXlvai . . ?}5' tTtiQtivai : and so II. 7. 301, 
Od. i. 97., 8. 383, and probably II. 6. 149 i7/xez> <vet 9]5' a-no- 
A?jyet. The original emphasis may sometimes be traced, as in 
the formula II. 14- 234 fll&v Stf Tror' ejuoy ITTOS e/cAue? 776' ert Kat 
vvv TTL0v surely you have heard me before, and even so listen now. 

rj8^ is also used ( = and) without a preceding TJJJI^I/ : but not to 
begin a fresh sentence. Cp. 331 Jin. for the similar use of re. 

339.] rf after rt, eirei. In most editions of Homer we find the 

310 PARTICLES. [340. 

forms raj (or rtrj) and eTretrj, which are evidently rt, e^ret with a 
suffix -T) of an affirmative or emphasising kind. 

The ancient grammarians seem generally to have considered 
this T] as a distinct word. They lay down the rule that after 
eTret it is circumflexed, after rt oxytone. The form eTret rj is 
supported by the fact that it is chiefly found in the combination 
lire! if iroXu KT\. (II. I. 169., 4. 56, 307, &C.) ; also with pxXa (II. 
I. 156 eVel r] /xdAa TroAAa /xerafi) KrA., Od. IO. 465 eTret r) /xaXa 
TroAAa Tre'Trao-0e, cp. 7] /xaXa, II. 17. 34), and KCU (II. 20. 437, Od. 
1 6. 443). 

The case of rt is different. There is no ground for writing 
rt rj (like eTret rj). The form ri rj, which is adopted by the most 
recent editors on the authority of the ancients, is not satisfactory. 
If this 7; was originally the affirmative 77, the change of accent 
would indicate that it had lost its character as a separate word. 
And this is confirmed by the combination rt r) 8e <ru KT\. (II. 6. 
55, &c.), which as now written is contrary to the general rule 
for the place of 8e. Moreover the ancients were not unanimous 
on the point, since Trypho wrote rtrj in one word (Apollonius, 
de Conj. p. 523). 

It may be observed that the opinion of the grammarians as to 
rLt] has more weight than in the case of eire! ^ since rtr; and ortrj 
were Attic. We may suspect therefore that the accentuation 
eiret r] rests on mere inference. 

With ruj is to be placed the emphatic Nom. ruV-T] tkou, a form 
which occurs in the Iliad only (cp. the Doric 

, ^ 

340.] TJ and r\ are used in Homer as equivalent forms of the 
same Particle: which is (i) Disjunctive (or) and (2) used after 
Comparatives (than). 

The use of the Correlative TJC (TJ) -fje (*])= either or is also 
common in Homer: as II. I. 504 r) eTret r? epyw : 3. 239 r) ofy 

O"IT(T0YIV . . Tj bevpto) y&V 7TOVTO KrX. 

When a question is asked in a disjunctive form, the accent of 
the Particle T\, TJ is thrown back, i. e. it is written rje or if : 

II. 13. 251 ?)e' rt /Se'/SAT/at, /Se'Aeo? 6e (re retpet CLKCDKYJ, 
rjt rev ayyeAujs /uter' e/x' rj\v0s ; 

Od. 4. 362 'AzmW, rj pa rt tS/xez^ kv\ (frpto-iv, YJ Kal OVKL ; 

So when the first part of the question is not introduced by 
a Particle; II. 10. 534 \^evcro/xat r] trvpov epeco ; shall I speak 
falsehood or the truth? Od. i. 226 etAamVi? fjt yd/zos; cp. 4. 314, 
372. Indeed the first half of the sentence need not be inter- 
rogative ; as Od. 21. 193 ITTOS rt Ke juu^o-at^^ rj avrbs 

341.] 'HE, TL 311 

1 would say a word ; or shall I keep it to myself? (so perhaps II. 
14. 190). 

One of the members of a disjunctive question may be itself 
Disjunctive: e.g. 

II. 6. 377 TIT) e/3r/ ' Avbpofjidx 1 ! XcVKcSAevoj e/c jueyapoto ; 
976 7777 S ya\6o)v TI 
77 S 'A6rjvaLr]s e 

Here 77 dvaTtpuv offers an alternative for yctAoW, but the main 
question is between these two alternatives on one side and es 
'AOr]vaLr)s /crA. on the other. 

Most editors of Homer recognise an interrogative use of the 
form vje, but erroneously."* The questions in which rje is found 
are all disjunctive, so that we must write rje ufe (II. 6. 378., 13. 
251-, 15- 735-, 16. 12, 13, 17, Od. i. 408., i. 30., ii. 399). In 

Od. 13. 233 TLS yrj ; TLS bfjfJios ; rives avepes Zyyeydaa-LV ; 

77 itov TLS vrjorvv tvbtitXos, rje' TLS d/crr/ \ Kt0' KrA.. 
rf TTOU means surely methinks : the sense being, ' what land is this ? 
It must be some island or else promontory/ Hence we should 
read -rje in the last clause, not ife (as Ameis, &c.). 

rj or r\ = than is found after Comparatives ; also after Verbs 
implying comparison, as ftovXo^aL I prefer, (pOava) I come sooner. 

The correlative fj re r\ re appears in three places, viz. II. 9. 
276 77 T avbp&v T] T yvvaLK&v (where it seems to be~r)/xeV ?78e), 
II. 410 77 T } tfi\r]T i] T e/3aA' aXXov, and 17. 42 r\ r a\K7Js r\ T 
(f)6(3oLo (where however Aristarchus read T|8' ^8e). The single 
r\ re occurs with the meaning, or in II. 19. 148 77 T x^^v irapa 
(Toi : and with the meaning than in Od. 16. 216 ( 332). Con- 
sidering the general difficulty of deciding between el and r\ in 
the text of Homer, we cannot regard the form TJ re as resting on 
good evidence : see the next section. 

341.] Dependent Interrogative Clauses. A Disjunctive 
question after a Verb of asking^ saying^ knowing, &c. is generally 
expressed by the Correlatives T|C (r\) ife (if) : as 

Od. l. 174 Kat /xot TOVT ayoptvaov tTrjTVfjiov, otyp' v et8<3, 


II. 2. 99 T\rJT (/>tXot Kat jJiLvaT eTU yj)6vov, otypa ba&fjiev, 

7) ere6z> KdAx? jbta^re^erat, 7/e Kat OVKL. 
Other examples have been given in the account of the Subjunc- 

* This has been well shown by Dr. Praetorius, in a dissertation to which I 
am largely indebted (Der homerische Gebrauch wn rj (i)e) in Fragesatzen, Cassel, 
1873). The rule as to the accentuation in a disjunctive question rests upon 
the unanimous testimony of the ancient grammarians, and is now generally 
adopted. The MSS. and the older editors give TJC or t] only. 

312 PARTICLES. [342. 

tive ( 280) and the Optative ( 302). In general it will be seen 
that these Dependent Clauses are the same in form as the cor- 
responding direct questions. 

In a very few instances the first member of a sentence of this 
kind is without yje (TJ) : as 

Od. 4. 109 ovbe TL ft)//ez> | fwei 6 y rj Te6vr]K (4. 837., II. 464). 
So II. IO. 544 etTr' aye . . OTTTTCOJ rowS' 'LTTTTOVS Aa/3eroz> 5 KarabvvTS 
o^iXov Tp&>a>z;, TI TLS cr</>a>e Tropes KT\., Od. 4. 643. 

The combination el rfe (if) is often found in the MSS. of 
Homer; see II. 2. 367., 8. 532, Od. 4. 28, 712, 789., 16. 238, 
36o._, 17. 308., 1 8. 265., 24. 217. La Roche (following Bekker) 
reads r\ ife (if) in all these places. 

The common texts have in one place ei T -Jje, 

II. 2. 349 yvwfievai et re ^eGSos vrroax^ffis fje teal ovni. 

In this instance, if the reading is right, there is a slight irregularity : the 
speaker beginning as if he meant to use et T ei T, and changing to the 
familiar rf KOA. OVK'I, But the best MSS. have ct TC t re. 

A change of construction may also be seen in Od. 24. 235-8 pepnrjpif . . 
Kv&aai /cat irepKpvvat, . . ^ TT/JWT' egepeocro he debated about embracing &c., or should he 
first ask &c. 

342.] The three words JKXK, jx^, jxeV agree so nearly in meaning 
and usage that they are to be regarded as etymologically con- 
nected, if not merely varieties of the same original form. The 
two former (with the long a, rj) express strong affirmation ( = 
surely, indeed, &c.). The shorter form jmeV is also originally a 
Particle of affirmation, but has acquired derivative uses of which 
the chief are : (i) the concessive use, preparing us for a Clause 
with an Adversative 8e, avrap, a\kd, &c. : and (2) the use in the 
second of two Clauses with the meaning yet, nevertheless. 

Taking the generally received text of Homer, we find that jxdv occurs 24 
times, and that there are only two places in which it is not followed by 
a vowel. The exceptions are, II. 5. 895 d\\' ov pav a' ert fypov av^o^ai d\yi 
ixpvra, where jxav may be due to the parallel II. 17. 41 dAA' ov pav en Srjpw 
airtiprjTos irovos e'orcu, and II. 5. 765 dypei pav ol (i. e. poi) Ziropaov KT\, (cp. II. 
7. 459 dypei fjiav or' av rA.). On the other hand JAT|V, which occurs 10 times, 
is followed by a consonant in every place except II. 19. 45 /rat p.ty 01 TOT* 7' 
els ayopfjv laav. These facts have not yet been satisfactorily explained. 
Bekker in his second edition (1858) wrote |XT|V throughout for jxav, and sought 
to distinguish JJLTJV and jxev as far as the metre allowed according to Attic 
usage (H. B. pp. 34, 62). Cobet on the contrary proposed to restore p,V for 
p,T|v (Misc. Grit. p. 365), and so far as these two forms are concerned his view 
is probable enough. But how are we to explain the peculiar facts as to fjiav ? 
We can hardly account for it except as a genuine Homeric form, and such 
a form must have been used before consonants as well as vowels. If so, we 

345-] MAN > 

can only suppose that an original jxdv was changed into \ntv whenever it came 
before a consonant, and preserved when the metre made this corruption 

It is to be observed also that jjidv and \i-f\v are almost confined to the 
Iliad, in which \iav occurs 22 times and jjify 7 times. In the Odyssey jjidv is 
found twice, viz. in u. 344., 17. 470, and frqv three times, in u. 582, 593., 16. 
440 ( = 11. 23. 410). It appears then that \ntv is the only form which really 
belongs to the language of the Odyssey. Consequently the substitution 
of jtv for (xdv in the Iliad niay have taken place very early. The change 
of [xv to \LT\V probably belongs to the later period when |XT|V had been 
established in Ionic and Attic prose. 

343.] pdv has an affirmative and generally a hortatory or 
interjectional force: as in aypei JJL&V nay come! (II. 5. 765., 7. 
459), and r\ par, ov pav, used when a speech begins in a tone of 
surprise, triumph, or the like ; as 

II. 2. 370 r] pax avr ayopy viKas, yepov, was 'Axai<3i>. 
12. 318 ov JJLCLV aKXr/et? AvKiyv Kara Koipaveovcnv 

T^eYe/xn/Sao-iAT/ej (cp.4. 512., 13. 414-, H-454, &c.). 
An approach to the force of an emphatic yet appears in 

II. 8. 373 lorai nav OT ai> avrz (f)(,\r)v y\avK(>TTLba eurrj' 
and in dAA' ov pkv (II. 5. 895., 17. 41, 418, &c.) ; /XT) p&v (II. 8. 
512., 15. 476., 22. 304). 

344.] firji> with a hortatory force occurs in II. i. 302 t 8' aye 
WV TTtiprja-ai come, do but try. The combination ij pr\v is affirma- 
tive (rather than merely concessive), not so much admitting as 
insisting upon an objection or reply : II. 2. 291 r] jur)z; KCU 770^0? 
eo-rt it is true enough that there is toil: 7. 393 r] p,r]v Tpwes ye 
KcXovrai I assure you that the Trojans bid him: 9. 57 r] JUT)Z> KOI veos 
eo-o-t we must remember that you are young. In K<U jx^ it empha- 
sises the fact introduced by K<XI : II. 19. 45 KCU \M\V ot rore y et? 
ayopj]v foav observe that even these then went. 

345.] fieV is very common in Homer. The original simply 
affirmative force appears especially in the combinations if peV, 
ecu jji^, and the like, in which it is indistinguishable in sense 
from fAr^.* 

if piv is regularly used in oaths, and is even found with an 
Inf. in oratio obliqua, as II. I. 76 KCH /xot o^oora-ov r] ^tv /xot . . 
dprjfetr. So in a strong asseveration, as II. 7. 97 r] ptv 8r/ Aco/3r; 
ra6e y' eo-o-erat this will really be a foul shame, Od. 19. 235 r] fjiv 
TroAAcu y avrbv fOrjrfa-avTo yvvalnes you may be sure that many 
women gazed with wonder at it. In these and similar passages fi.eV 

* On the uses of (iv see the dissertation of Carl Mutzbauer, Der homerische 
Gebrauch der Partikel MEN, KOln, 1884-86. 

3H PARTICLES. [345- 

strengthens a purely affirmative 17, and there is no sense of con- 
trast. The adversative use may be perceived, as with the simple 
Vf ( 338) and r\ \w\v, when a speaker insists on his assertion as 
true along with or in spite of other facts: e.g. in Od. 10. 64 

770)9 ??A0eS, 'Obv(TV j TLS TOL KttKOS \pa SaijUUWP 5 *J M^ "' &&<** 

cLTTfirefjiTTo^v surely we sent you on your way with due provision : 
and in the common form of reproach, II. n. 765 & -niitov, rj ptv 
O-OL ye Merotrto? <35' eTre'reAAe (cp. 5. 197., 9. 252). So with 
ironical emphasis, II. 3. 430 r? ^ev 8r) Trptz; y' e#x*' Kr ^- w ^ *wtf^ 
f ^6m boasted fyc., cp. 9. 348. 

The corresponding negative form JJLTJ jjicV occurs in formal oaths 
( 35 %3 &)> an d w ^h the Opt. in a sort of imprecation in Od. 22. 
462 JU,T/ fx,ez> 8?) Ka0apw fla^aro) 0,716 OvfJibv e\otfjLi]v KrA. (cp. JUT) judu). 
Denial insisted upon in view of some state of things is expressed 
by ou jieV, as II. 4. 372 ov /otez; TuSet y' <S8e c^tAoz; Trrcoo-KaC^^ ^ z; 
(w^y ^6> ^o?^ shrink ?) surely Tydeus did not. 

The form KCU peV answers closely to the Attic Kat /LMJV, which is 
used to call attention to a fact, especially as the ground of an 
argument; as II. 18. 362 Kat \i\v 81} TTOV rt? /ute'AAei fiporbs KT\. a 
mortal, remember, will accomplish his will: (much more a great 
goddess): II. i. 269 Kat ptv rolviv eya> jae^ojottAeoz; (^^5^ w^f^ the 
mightiest of men) : yes, and I was of their fellowship. Sometimes 
the fact is first indicated, then dwelt upon in a fresh clause with 
cat fxeV : II. 9. 497 o-rpeTrrot 8e re Kat ^eot avrot, . . Kat jute^ roi/s 
tfue'eo-o-t KrX. even gods may be moved . . they are indeed turned from 
their anger by sacrifice fyc.: cp. 24. 488, Od. 7. 325., 14. 85. 
Similarly when a new point in the narrative is reached : as II. 6. 
194 Kat jueV ot AvKiot re'juei>os rdjutoz; yes and (besides what the king 
gave) the Lycian people made him a re/ute^o? (cp. 6. 27., 23. i74-> 
24. 732). 

The adversative sense but yet, but surely is chiefly found 
after a negative, /xeV being used either alone or in combination 
with an adversative Conjunction (dAAa, drcip) : as 

II. I. 602 SaCvvvT, ovbt TL Ovpos eSe^ero 8atros et'crr/s 

ov IAV (o'p//tyyos nor yet the phorminx. 
2. 73 v$ ptv ovb' ot avapyjoi ecrav, iroOtov ye i*tv ap\6v. 
Od. 15* 405 ov TL TTpiTT^rjdrjs Atr/f TOVOV, aAA' ayadrj jueV. 

II. 6. 123 ov [Jiv yap TTOT oTrcoTra . . drdp juez^ vvv ye KrA. 
Also after a question 

II. 15. 203 77 TL fxeraoTpe'^ets ; orpeTrrat /^eV re <peVes or6\G>v. 
With the Article jxeV is sometimes used to bring in a 
parenthesis, which may be simply affirmative, or indicate some 
opposition : 

II. I. 234 val /ud ro8e o-KrjirTpov, TO /uer ov Trore 

346.] MEN, TOI. 315 

oovs <f>v(TL (=by this sceptrej even as it shall 

never 8fc.). 

5. 892 juryrpoy rot [JLtvos k&riv adcr^TOV, OVK 
''Hprjs, rrjv IJLCV ey&> 0-7701)67} bdfJLvr]^ e 

she is indeed one whom I can hardly tame. 

Cp. II. 10. 440.,, 15. 40., 16. 141. A less emphatic use (merely 
to bring out a new point in the story) is not uncommon : as II. 

2. IOI !0T?7 CTKTJTTTpOV fytoV, TO fJiV KrA. I Cp. II. l8. 84, I$I. f 1$. 

328, 808, Od. 9. 320, 321. Further, the interposed statement 
may have a double reference, a corresponding Clause with 6e or 
avrdp serving to resume the narrative : as 

II. 8. 25^ aAAa TroAv Trpwros Tpcocoz; e'Aer avopa Kopvorr/z;, 

3>pabjJiovLbr]V ' Aye'Aaoz;* 6 jmez; <pvyab' Tpairv WTTOVS, 
TO) 8e fxeraarpe$0;ri KrA. (so ibid. 268-271). 
Again, the return to the main story after a digression may be 
marked by a similar form : e.g. in Od. 6. 13 (after a parenthetical 
account of the Phaeacians and Alcinous) TOV pv Hj3r) Trpos 8co/xa 
KrA. now it was to his house that she went: cp. Od. 9. 325. 


346.] The enclitic TOI seems properly to express a restricted 
affirmation, generally qualifying a preceding statement : at least, 
yet surely y &c. It is especially used of a concession, whether 
made by the speaker or claimed from the person addressed : as 
II. 4. 405 r/jutet? rot Trarepcoy ju^y' aptivovts tvyo^O* etz^at : 5- 801 
Tvbevs rot fJUKpbs JJLCV erjv 8e/utas, aAAa fj,axr]Tijs Tydeus, you must 
admit, fyc. : 5. 892 jurjrpo's rot pevos eo-rU> aavyjtTov I admit (as an 
excuse) : 8. 294 ov fj,ev rot oo-r; bvva^is ye 7rapeo-rt Travo/xat : cp. 5- 
873., 6. 211., 10. 250, Od. 2. 280, &c. So again in maxims, 
Od. 2. 276 iravpoi yap rot TratSej nrX.few children, it must be said, 
&c. : II. 23. 315 /arjrt rot bpvro^os KrA. it is by understanding, after 
all, that the woodman fyc. : Od. 9. 27 ov rot eycoye r^s yatr;? bvvafjLai, 
KrA. I cannot, when all is said, fyc. : II. 22. 488, Od. 8. 329, &c. 

TOI is combined in Homer with Adversative Particles, as avrdp 
TOI, d\\d TOI (II. 15. 45, Od. 1 8. 230); and with jmeV (but not 
closely, as in the later jueWot but). So with the Affirmative tf in 
ij TOI (or IJTOI), which expresses a restricted concession (II. i. 140, 
2ii., 5. 724, &c.). But the combinations KCHTOI and yet, 
so then, and the Disjunctive T]TOI either, or, are post-Homeric. 

TOI has the first place in the sentence in the compound 
which is used to begin speeches ; as II. I. 76 rotyap eycoz; epeco so 
then I will speak. It is generally used with the First Person, 
and has a kind of apologetic force ( = / will say, since 1 must 
speak). In Attic it survives in the compounds rotyaprot, rot- 
yapovv : and the same meaning is commonly expressed by roivvv. 

316 PARTICLES. [347- 

It has sometimes been thought that rot is originally the same as the Dat. 
of (TV, meaning ' I tell you ' or the like. The orthotone roiyap (or rot -ydip, 
as some MSS. read) is difficult to explain on this view. It has also been 
explained as the Locative of TO : cp. the Dat. ra> = in that case, therefore. Or it 
may be from the same stem as rts and T (as Kiihner holds, 507) : cp. irov 
(8:7 TTOI;) = somehow, thence surely. But the Loc. of this stem exists already 
in the form TTOI whither. 

Spa, yap. 

347.] The Adverb apa properly means fittingly, accordingly 
(root ap- to fit}. The forms ap and pa seem to be varieties pro- 
duced by difference of stress, answering to the different values 
which the Particle may have in the sentence. Of these ap re- 
tains its accent, but pa, the shortest form, is enclitic. 

The ordinary place of apa is at the beginning of a Clause 
which expresses what is consequent upon something already said. 
But occasionally it follows a Participle in the same Clause, as in 
the formula 77 rot o y &s eiTrwv /car' ap' efero (cp. II. 2,. 310., 5- 

748). _ 

It is to be observed, however, that apa may indicate a reason 
(as well as a consequence) : that is to say, we may go back from 
a fact to the antecedent which falls in with and so explains it. 
E.g. II. l. 429 xtoofjitvov Kara Qv^ov kv&voio yvvaLKos, rrjv pa . . 
aTrrivptov whom (and this was the reason of his anger] they had taken 
away. So in the combinations os pa, eirei pa, on pa, ouj/eic' apa = 
because (and this is the explanation) : also in y<ip pa, as II. l. 113 
/cat yap pa KAi>rai//,i>?]OT/>?js -7T/)o/3e/3oiAa. 

apa is also found in the first of two correlative Clauses, as 

el T' ap' o y 19(0) A??s e7njme'jui(erai et 0' e /career] s. 

&s ayay a>s y*r\T ap rts toy ju?jr' ap re z^orjo-r/. 
The parallel form of the sentence enables us to regard the first 
Clause, by anticipation, as falling in with and completing the 

The Attic Spa is unknown to Homer. Whether it is identical with apa 
seems doubtful. It is worth while noticing that &pa answers in usage to the 
Homeric combination ^ a (is it then ?). 

348.] The Causal Particle yap is originally a compound of yc 
and apa, but the two elements have so completely united into a 
new whole that the fresh combination yap pa is found in Homer. 

yelp serves to indicate that the Clause in which it is used is a 
reason or explanation, usually of something just mentioned or 
suggested : as r<3 yap tirl c/>pe<rt flrj/ce 0ea Aeu/cwAei'os "Hpry /c?j6ero 
yap Aaz^awr, /crA. Thus it follows the sequence of thought by 
which we go back from a consequent to an antecedent whereas 

348.] 'APA, TAP. 317 

apa more commonly (though not always) indicates the sequence 
of the facts themselves. 

Compare the double use of o, ort, o re (i) to express a cause, (2) to express 
a consequent used as an argument (cp. roiov yap KOL Trarpos, o teal ireirvvueva 
@deis, and other examples in 269). To understand the ordinary use of yap 
we have only to suppose that when a speaker was going back upon an 
antecedent fact, he generally used the combination ye &pa (y ap, yap), rather 
than the simple apa. The principle of this usage is that a causal relation 
may be indicated by a distinction of emphasis, such as y would express (as 
indeed -y* alone sometimes has a distinctly causal force). 

As subordinate or exceptional uses, we have to note the fol- 
lowing : 

1. The use of yap to introduce a mere explanation, which 
became very common in Attic (e.g. Thuc. I. 8 naprvpLov 8e* 
A?}Aoi> Y^P *rA.) and may be traced back to Homer. Thus 

II. 8. 147 dAAa ro'8' alvbv a^os Kpabirjv KOL Ovfjiov IKCLV^L' 

"EtKTMp yap TTOre (^TJO-ft KT\. 

This idiom by which the Clause with yap becomes a kind of Object-Clause, 
in apposition to a Pronoun may be compared with the use of on and ouvexa 
with the meaning that, instead of because: see 268, 269. In both cases the 
language does not clearly distinguish between the ground of a fact (which is 
properly a separate and prior fact), and a mere analysis, or statement of 
circumstances in which a fact consists. 

2. The inversion (as it may be regarded) by which the Clause 
with Y^P precedes the fact explained ; as 

II. 2. 802 "EKTop, crol 6e fxaAtor' eTrire'AAojueu a>8e ye peac 
m>AAot yap Kara O.O-TV /xeya IT/na^ou 
aAArj 6' aAAcoi; yAoocnra / 7roAuo"7repecoi> a 
Tolcriv e/caoros avr]p a-^/oiatz/era) (II. 13. 736., 23. 
890, Od. I. 337., 9. 319., 10. 174, 190, 226, 
383., II. 69., 12. 154, 208, 320, &c.). 

Here the speaker begins by stating something that leads up to 
his main point. Sometimes, especially when the reason is stated 
at some length, the main point is marked as an inference by TW 
so, therefore: as 

II. 7. 3^8 TroAAol yap reQvacri KCLpr] 
T&V vvv at/ma KeAatz;oz> . . 
331 T(5 ere xp^? TroAefxoz; juez> a/ot' r\ol Travcrai ' 
So II. 13. 228., 15. 739., 17. 221, 338., 23. 607; there is no 
instance in the Odyssey. 

When the Clause with ydp precedes, it may be opposed to the 
preceding context : hence the yap may be combined with adver- 
sative Conjunctions, as 

II. 12. 326 vvv 8' ejuTrrjs yap KT/pes e</>eoTa<rii> Qavaroio . . 
lo^v KT\. (cp. II. 7. 73., 17. 338., 24- 223). 

31 8 PARTICLES. [348. 

Od. 14. 355 AAA 1 oi) yap vfyiv l^atVero Kepbiov elvai, 

fx,ateo-#at Trporepco' rot jua> irdXiv avns (- 
vrjos eVi y\acf)vpfjs (cp. Od. 19. 591). 
dXXa ydtp also occurs without a subsequent Clause : 

Od. IO. 2OI K\CLIOV 6e Atyeoos, OaXepbv Kara 
dAA' ov yap TLS Trprj^ts eytyz^ero 
Here it has the force of f but be that as it may/ f but the truth 
is ' (Riddell, Dig. 147). That is, dXXa yap meets what has 
preceded not by a simple opposition, but by one which consists in 
going back to a reason for the opposite : which may be enough 
to convey the speaker's meaning. 

In these uses of yap the peculiarity is more logical than gram- 
matical. The yap (or rather the apa contained in it) indicates 
that the Clause gives a reason or explanation, which the speaker 
chooses to mention before the consequent or thing to be explained. 
The use only strikes us because the English for is restricted to 
causal clauses placed in the more natural order. 

With 8e yap and dXXa ydp it is incorrect (as Riddell shows, 
1. c.) to treat the Clause with yap as a parenthesis (writing e.g. 
vvv 6' IJUTT^S yap /crA.). The Clause so introduced is always in 
opposition to the preceding context, so that the 8e or dXXd has its 
full force. 

3. After the Relative 6's, rj, o : as 

II. 12. 344 afJL(f)OTpu> fj.ev juaAAozr 6 yap K o\ apLa-rov airavTaw 

etrj (so II. 23. 9, Od. 34. 190). 

Od. I. 286 (Meue'Aaos) os yap bevraros 7?A0ez> (cp. 17. 172). 
So with &>s ydp=:for t/ius, and Va ydp (II. 10. 127). 

These are generally regarded as instances of the original use of 
05 as a Demonstrative ( 265). But it is only the use of yap that 
is peculiar; or rather, this is only another case in which yap is 
not translated lay for. It will be seen that 6s yap may always be 
replaced by 6s apa without changing the sense. 

4. In abrupt questions, and expressions of surprise : as 
II. I. 123 TTCOS yap rot Oto&ovcri yepas ^yaOvfjLOL 'A)(aiot ; 

why, how are the Greeks to give you a prize / 
1 8. 182 'I/H Ota, rt? yap <re 0&v tjuot ayyeXov rJKe ; 
I. 293 TI yap Kv 5etA.o'j re /cat ovribavos KakeoC^v KrA. 

why, I should be a coward fyc. 

So in the formulae of wish, el yap, at yap, &c. In all such cases 
the yap seems to be mainly inter jectional. Properly it implies 
that the speaker is taking up the thread of a previous speech, 
and as it were continuing the construction : the new Clause being- 
one that gives a reason, or affects to do so ironically. Particles 
so used easily acquire an irrational character. "We may compare 

350.] TAP, OTN, AH, NY, 0HN. 319 

the use of 8^ and r apa in questions, <3s in expressions of wish, 
aXXd before an imperative ( 336) : also the English use of why, 
well, and similar pleonasms. 

ou^ 8r], vu, OTJK. 

349.] ou>> in Homer does not properly express inference, or even 
consequence (like apa). Its use is to affirm something with refer- 
ence to other facts, already mentioned or known ; hence it may 
generally be represented by a phrase such as after all, be this as it 
may, &c. E.g. 

II. 2. 350 (^THU yap ovv for 1 do declare that fyc. 

Od. II. 350 fetz/oj 8e rA^ra), fjidXa irep VOO-TOLO xcm^coz/, 

l/u/m}? ovv 7TL{jilvaL ts avpiov (nevertheless to wait]. 
Like apa, it is used to emphasise correlative Clauses, but only 
with the negative oure OUTC and j^re jj^re : as 

Od. 6. 192 ovr ovv fo-Orjros 8ev??o-eai OVT rev aXXov. 
II. 16. 97 at yap. . jurjre TLS ovvTpuxtw . . jur/re rts 'Apyeuoy, KT\. 
(so II. 8. 7., 17. 20., 20. 7, Od. i. 414., 2. 200., 
ii. 200., 16. 302., 17. 401). 

The combination y' oSi/ (not to be written yovv in Homer) 
occurs only twice, with the meaning in any case : 

II. 5- 258 et y ovv Tpos ye (frvyyo-i, if one of the two does 

(after all) escape. 
1 6. 30 M^) ^/^ 7 ovv OVTOS ye XajBoi \6Xos 

(cp. 19. 94 Kara 5' ovv erepo^ ye 7re8r/(re^). 
As an emphatic Particle of transition ovv is found in pev ouk (II. 
9. 550, and several times in the Odyssey), much more frequently 
in the combinations lire! oui>, d>s ouc. In these an approach to the 
illative force may perhaps be observed. 

350.] 817 is properly a temporal Particle, meaning now, at 
length (Lat. jam) : hence it implies arriving at a result, as e o 
8r) ra 7rp<3ra Siao-r^rr/y //'m the time that the point was reached 
when they quarrelled : d 8?j if it has come to this that, and so if 
finally, if really. With Superlatives it expresses that the highest 
stage has been reached, as II. I. 266 Kapriarot 6r) nelvoi KrX. these 
were quite (finally) the mightiest. So in questions, TTWJ 6rj how has 
it come to be that ; and prohibitions, py 6rj do not go so far as to . 

STJ may begin a sentence in Homer, as II. 15. 437 Tefi/cpe KZTTOV, 
8r) v&'iv aTre'/craro TILCTTOS eraipos : and often in the combinations 
8rj TOTE (turn vero), and 8t) yap. The original meaning is best 
seen in these forms (where 8rj is emphatic), and in rjSir] (for r? 8rj), 
and iWi 8^. 

As 8>i is one of the words which unite with a following vowel, 

320 PARTICLES. [351. 

so as to form one syllable, it is sometimes written 8', and so is 
liable to be confused with Se. This occurs especially in the com- 
binations 8rj a.v, 8fj auTos, STJ OUTWS : as II. I. 131 JU.T) 6r) ovrcds, 340 
et Trore 8r) avre, 10. 385 TT?) dr) o#ro>s, 2O. 22O 6s 8rj affrveioTaros 
/crA.. So in el 8' aye the sense generally requires 8rj : see 321. 

Note that Sfjra, Sr^Gei/ (cognate or derivative forms) are post- 
Homeric ; as also are the combinations Srjirou, K<X! 8^. 

351.] fu is obviously a shortened form of vvv now. It is used 
as an affirmative Particle (like Srj, but somewhat less emphatic), 
especially in combinations such as if pd vu, KCU vu ice, ou w, pr\ w, 
lire i KU, and after Interrogatives, as ris vu who now, TI I'u why now 
(see Od. i. 59-62). 

The form vu is exclusively Epic : vw (y), which is used by 
Attic poets (Ellendt, Lex. Soph. ii. p. 183) appears in II. 10. 
105 oaa TTOV vvv leXTrerat, and II. 23. 485 bevpo vvv, rj rpiirobos 
KrX. : but it is probably not Homeric. 

In II. 10. 105 the sense is distinctly temporal, and accordingly we should 
probably read vvv tXirirai. The temporal sense also suits II. 23. 485, where 
moreover there is a variant 8evpo 76 vvv rpiirodos, found in the Scholia on 
Aristophanes (Ach. 771, Eq. 788). 

352.] 0T]i> is an affirmative enclitic, giving a mocking or 
ironical force, like the later Srjirou and 8r)OeK (which is perhaps 
originally 877 Orjv) : as II. 2. 276 ov Qr\v fj.iv iraXiv cu!ri? dz/TJo-et 
6v[ ayr\v<i*p his bold spirit will not I imagine impel him again: 
II. 13. 620 Aet^ere Orjv OVTM ye methinks in this fashion you will 
leave fyc. It is only Epic. 


353.] The enclitic Particle ircp is evidently a shorter form of 
the Preposition Tre'pi, which in its adverbial use has the meaning 
beyond, exceedingly ( 1 85). Accordingly ircp is intensive, denoting 
that the word to which it is subjoined is true in a high degree, 
in its fullest sense, &c. : e. g. 

II. 23. 79 A.d)(e yeivo^v6v nep was my fate even from my birth. 
Od. l. 315 W ^ * TL vvv KarepvKt XiXaLOfjievov Trep 680^0. 

8. 187 (TTifiapU>TpOV OVK O\(.yOV 7Tp. 
II. 2. 236 OtKCtSe 7Tp (TVV VV]V(T\ Vt&\J*tQa. 

( let us have nothing short of return home}. 
8. 452 crQ&'iv 5e irpiv irep Tp6fj,os eAAa/3e ^aibi^a yvla 

even beforehand trembling seized your knees. 
13. 72 apiyvaiTOL 8e OOL 7Tp gods, surely, are easily known. 
Od. 4. 34 at K TToOi Zev? | efoTTtVa) Trep irava-rj oivos. 

354-] nE P, TE. 321 

So with Relatives, os Trep the very one who, cos ecrerat Trep (Attic 

COCTTrep Kttt (TTGii)jUSt dS it Will be, OTf Tlp JUSt wkeU. AlsO et Trep 

even if, and ^e' Trep or r; Trep ev^ ^/to. 

Usually, however, Trep implies a sense of opposition ; i. e. it 
emphasises something as true in spite of a preceding assertion : 
as ov TL bvvrjcr(u a^vv^vos Trep thou wilt not be able, however much 
vexed, TroAe'es Trep eoVres many as they are, TTLVOVTCL Trep IJUTT^S even 
though drinking, &c. ; and with Substantives, II. 20. 65 rd re 
o-Tvytova-i 0eot Trep w^'<?/& ^^ the gods (gods though they are) 
dread. So II. I. 353 eTret ju' ereKe's ye, jjavvvOaoiov Trep eoVra 
*ice ^o^ #rd ^y mother, short-lived though I am. Or it may 
imply compensation for the absence of something else : II. i. 508 
dAAa (TV Trep \MV rlvov do thou honour him (since Agamemnon will 
not); 17. 121 at Ke I/CKV^ Trep 'A)(iAA^t Trpo^epcojae^ yv^vov drop 
ra ye revx ' Kr ^- 

The intensive KCU and irep are often used with the same word 
or phrase : as KCU ox/^e' Trep even though late, KCU irpbs oaifjiova irep 
even though it were against a higher power, KOI Trefos Trep ecuz^ though 
only on foot : et 6e Kat f/ EKropd Trep c/uAe'eis, &c. So with ouSe not 
even, as ovbe 0ecu Trep not even the gods, ovb' cos Trep not even so, 
ovbt vv VOL Trep not even to you. 

The combination K<H Trep (or Kaiirep) occurs in Homer in one 
place only, viz. Od. 7. 224 Kat Trep TroAAd 7ra06vra. 

When Kat precedes a word followed by irep, it is always = even 
(not and}. Hence in II. 5. 135 Kat irpiv Trep /xejuacoj means even 
though formerly eager, and is to be taken with the preceding line, 
not with the succeeding 8r) rore fjuv KT\. Thus there is no ana- 
coluthon, as is generally assumed. 

Y - 

354.] ye is used, like Trep, to emphasise a particular word or 
phrase. It does not however intensify the meaning, or insist on 
the fact as true, but only calls attention to the word or fact, 
distinguishing it from others : e. g. 

II. I. 8 1 el Trep ydp re )(oAoi> ye Kat avrijiJiap KaraTrex/^r^, 
dAAd re Kat jueroTrtcr^ey exet K.OTOV. 

Here Y shows that the word \6\os is chosen in order to be con- 
trasted with Koroj. So too 

II. 2. 379 et 8e' Tror' e? ye ^lav /3ouAewop,er, OVKCT eVetra KrA. 
(if we could ever agree, instead of contending). 

Again, where an idea is repeated 

II. 5- 350 et &e (TV y ey TroAe/xoz; TrcoA^creat, r\ ri o-' otco 

ptyTJcretv TroAe/utoV ye. 
Cp. also II. I. 299 Tre // dc^eAecr^e' ye Scares since you have but 


322 PARTICLES. [355- 

taken away what you gave (where we should rather emphasise 
8oVres) : Od. 4. 193 ov rot e'ycoye re'pTro// obvpofjitvos . . z>e/jteo-<r<3//,cu 
ye fJiv ovbev KAateiy KrA. / do not take pleasure in lamenting, but 
yet I do not say that 1 complain of a man weeping fyc. : 9. 393 ro 
yap avT a-Lbrjpov ye Kpdros eo-rt that is the strength of iron (in par- 
ticular) : IO. 93 ov fjitv yap Tror' de'fero Kvpd y v aura), ovre /oie'y' 
OVT oAtyor, Aei>Krj 8' 3\v d^<i yaAr^ry no wave at all (nothing that 
could be called a wave) rose in it, &c. 

So too ye emphasises a word as a strong or appropriate one, 
or as chosen under the influence of feeling (anger, contempt, 
&c.). As examples may be quoted, Od. 9. 458 r<3 Ke ot eyKe^aAds 
ye . . patotro /crA. : 17. 244 ra> Ke rot dyAatas ye 8ta0-Ke8do-etez> cnrd- 
vas : II. 7. 198 eTra abtf e/ote Vrfibd y otfrcos eATrojuat KrA. So in the 
phrase et Tror' &\v ye, which means if he lived at all, and thus is 
a form of asseveration; e.g. II. 3. 180 barjp aSr' e/xos lovce KVVV- 
TTLbos et Tror' erjv ye he was my brother-in-laiv if he was anything, 
i. e. that he was so is as sure as that there was such a person. 

ye is common with the Article ( 257, 2) and the Personal 
Pronouns (so that it is usual to write oye, eywye as one word), 
also with 6'8e, OUTOS, Ki>>os, and the corresponding Adverbs 
<58e, rore, &c. It serves chiefly to bring out the contrast which 
these Pronouns more or less distinctly imply. Similarly with 
words implying comparison, as aAAos and e'repos, TrptV, Trdpos, &c. 
When a special emphasis is intended, Homer usually employs 
Trep, as Od. i . 59 ^8e vv aoi Trep ez^rpeVerat <^uAoz/ r/Top not even are 
you moved (who are especially bound to care for Ulysses). So too, 
as Nauck has pointed out (Mel. gr.-rom. iv. 501), Trdpos ye 
means before (not now), while Trdpos Trep means even before (not 
merely now). Hence in II. 13. 465 os <re Trdpos ye yaju/3pos ea)i> 
e^pex/^e the ye of the MSS. is right; and so we should read (with 
A against other MSS.) II. 17. 587 6s ro Trdpos ye ju,aA#aKos 
atxjur/r?js, but (again with A) in II. 15. 2^6 os ve Trdpos Trep 

In a Conditional Protasis (with os, ore, el, &c.), ye emphasises 
the condition as such: hence e? ye if only, always supposing that ; 
cp. Od. 2. 31 rjv x vpw a~d(f)a etTrot, ore TrpoVepos ye TtvOoiTo which 
he would tell you, if and when he had been first to hear it. On the 
other hand, ei Trep means supposing ever so much, hence if really 
(Lat. si quidem). So when irpiv expresses a condition ( 297) it 
takes ye, as II. 5* 288 TrptV y' rj e'repoV ye Treo-oWa KrA. 

355.] OUKI, OUK, ou. The full form OUKI occurs in the formula 
?}e Kttt OVKL or else not (II. 2. 238, &c.), and one or two similar 
phrases: II. 15. 137 os r' amos os re KCU OVKL, and II. 2O. 255 
Tro'AX' ereci re /cat OVKL. 

357-] or, MH. 323 

The general use of ou is to deny the predication to which it is 
attached (while /XT} forbids or deprecates}. In some instances, 
however, ou does not merely negative the Verb, but expresses the 
opposite meaning : ov (frrjfju is not / do not say, but / deny, refuse ; 
OVK l<3 I forbid, &c. (Kriiger, 67, I, i). 

The uses of ou in Subordinate Clauses, and with the Infinitive 
and Participle, will be best treated along with the corresponding 
uses of rf ( 359, 360). 

According to Delbriick (Synt. Forsch. iv. p. 147) the negative Particle was 
treated originally like the Prepositions, i.e. it was placed immediately before 
the Verb, and closely connected with it : as in the Latin ne-scio, ne-queo, nolo, 
and in some parallel Slavonic forms. The same relation appears in the 
accent of ov <j>r)iM, and in the use of oti in the combinations OVK kOe\u, OVK law, 
&c., in which ov is retained where general rules would require U.TJ ( 359). 

356.] ou&^ 5 u.TjSe. These forms are generally used as negative 
connecting Particles (but not, and not}. Sometimes however they 
have a strengthening or emphatic force, corresponding to the 
similar use of KCU in affirmative sentences ; as II. 5. 485 rvvr] 8' 
eVrrj/cas, arap ou8' aAAoi<rt KeXevets you stand still (yourself], and 
(what is more) do not call on the others to fight : and in combina- 
tion with TTp, as II. 4. 387 i>0' ov$ eiv6s Trep eo>y KT\. So KCU 
os even he, ou8* os not even he, &c. 

ouScis is originally an emphatic form (like the later ou8e els). 
In Homer the Neut. ouSeV is occasionally found, sometimes as an 
emphatic Adverb, = not at all, as II. i. 244 o r apivrov 'Axai&v 
ovbtv eno-as (so II. I. 412., 16. 274., 22. 332, 513., 24. 370, Od. 
4. 195., 9. 287) : sometimes as a Substantive, nothing at all 
(Nom. and Ace.), as Od. 9. 34 ws ovbtv yXvKiov no single thing is 
sweeter (cp. 18. 130., 22. 318). The adjectival use is found with 
ITTOJ (Od. 4. 350., 17. 141), also in II. 10. 216 rfj juth> Krepas ovbtv 
6/xotoy, and perhaps II. 22. 513 ovbtv <roi y ofyeAoj (where ouBeV 
may be adverbial). The Gen. Neut. appears in the Compound 
ovbevov-topos worth nothing (II. 8. 178). The Masc. occurs only 
in the phrase TO ov jue'ro? ovbtvl dta^v (II. 22. 459, Od. n. 515). 

The form u^Sets is post-Homeric, except the form u.Y)SeV, which 
occurs only in II. 18. 500 6 5' avaivero 

357.] Double negation. This characteristic feature of Greek 
is caused by the tendency to repeat the negative Particle with 
any word or phrase to which the negation especially applies : as 
II. I. 114 eTret ov tdtv eon Yfpffav, ov Se'jua? KrX. since she is not 
inferior not inform &c. The emphatic ou8e and u.T)8^ are chiefly 
used in this way : as ov pav ovft 'A^iXtvs KT\. no, not even Achilles 
&c. : II. 2. 703 ovbz fji,v ovb' OL avapyoi IVQ.V : Od. 8. 280 rd y. 

Y Z 

324 PARTICLES. [358. 

ov K rts ovbt tboLTO, ovbe Oe&v [AaKapav : II. 6. 58 fJ^rjb^ ov Tiva 
yaorept fJLrjrrjp Kovpov kovra <epot pr^b' o$ 

358.] pr\ is commonly used (as we should expect) with the 
Moods expressive of command or wish, viz. the Imperative, the 
Subjunctive and the Optative. These uses having 1 been dis- 
cussed ( 278, 281, 299, 303, &c.), it only remains to notice 
some idiomatic uses in which jun^ is found with the Mood of 
simple assertion or denial. 

With the Indicative pr\ is used in Homer 

(a) In the phrase JUT) o>0eAA.oy (or o>$eAoz>) would that I had not 
fyc. Logically the fjirj in this idiom belongs to the following 
Infinitive (cp. 355). 

(V) In oaths, to express solemn or impassioned denial : 
II. IO. 329 forro) vvv Zei)? avros, Zpiyboviros Troops "Hpryj, 
fJLrj ju,ez> rots iTrnoia-iv avrjp tTtoyjia-eTai aAAo? 
(/ swear that no one else shall ride 8fc.). 

I 5" 3^ tvTto vvv ro8e yata . . . 

41 JUT) bi efJLrjv lorrjTa T\o<rioaa>v tvoviyOav \ Trrjfjiaivci. 
In this use pr\ denies by disclaiming (as it were) or protesting 
against a fact supposed to be within the speaker's power (=^far 
be it from me that fyc.). We should probably add 
II. 19. 258 forro) vvv Zevs irp&ra KT\. 

JUT) fjiv eyw Kovpy Bp 10-77181 X v' &&&**) 

where the MSS. have eTrereuai. The Indie, form was restored 
conjecturally by Stephanus. 

(c) After TJ, to express incredulity. &c. : 

Od. 6. 2OO r] JUT} TTOV nva bva-^v^v (frao-O 3 {jLjjivaL avbp&v 

(surely you do not suppose it is any enemy /) 
9. 405 T/ jurj res (rev fjirjXa fipor&v aKOvros eAawet ; 
rj (Jirj rts (T CLVTOV Kretret 8oA&) r}e jStry^t ; 

(surely no one is driving off your sheep ? fyc.) 
This is the common type of ' question expecting a negative 
answer/ viz. a strong form of denial uttered in a hesitating or 
interrogative tone. Compare the quasi-interrogative use of TJ 
( 33^) to indicate surprise or indignation. 

(d) After Verbs of fearing which relate to a past event : 
Od. 5. 300 SctSo) /u,r) 8r) iravra 0a z^/xeprea enre^. 

Here, as with the Subj. ( 281, i), the Clause with /xrj passes into 
an Object-Clause. The difference is that the Indicative shows 
the event to be past. 

So perhaps Od. 13. 216 pf} ri poi oixovrai I fear they are gone : but the better 
reading is OIXWVTCH, the Subj. being understood as in II. i. 555 \ir\ at irapeiiry 


lest she have persuaded thee (i. e. prove to have persuaded) ; cp. Od. 21. 395 
fjir) Kepa lires !8oiej> lest worms should (be found to) have eaten ( 303, i). Cp. Matth. 
xvi. 5 irf\d6ovTo aprovs XafieTv they found that they had forgotten (Field's Otium 
Noroicense, Pt. 3, p. 7). 

The use of the Past Indicative after Verbs of fearing is closely parallel to the 
use in Final Clauses, noticed in 325. While the Clause, as an expression of 
the speaker's mind about an event his fear or his purpose should have 
a Subj. or Opt., the sense that the happening of the event is matter of past 
fact causes the Indicative to be preferred. Cp. the Modal uses noticed in 
324-326, and the remark in 323 as to the tendency in favour of the 

The essence of these idioms is the combination of the impera- 
tive tone shown in the use of ^ with the Mood proper to a 
simple assertion. The tendency to resort to the form oi pro- 
hibition in order to express strong or passionate denial may be 
seen in the use of p] with the Optative in deprecating a sup- 
position ( 299, e), and of fjnq with the Subj. in oaths, as Od. 12. 
300., 18. 56. 

359.] Conditional Clauses. The rule which prescribes ^ as 
the negative Particle to be used in every Clause of Conditional 
meaning does not hold universally. In Homer 

(a) When the Verb is a Subjunctive or Optative jjnq is used : 
the very few exceptions being confined to OVK etfe'Aoj (II. 3. 289., 
15. 492) and OVK eao> (II. 20. 139), which are treated almost as 
Compounds ( 355). Cp. the use of OVK e0e'Aco in Final Clauses, 
as II. 5- 233 jurj . . juarrjo-erou ovb' efle'Arjroz; KrA. 

(b) With the Relatives 09, GO-OS, &c. when the Verb is an 
Indicative ou is generally used ; as 

II. 2. 143 Tracrt /utera r n\t]0vv, 6Vot ov fiovXrjs TTaKovo~av. 
Od. 3. 348 cos re' rev TJ irapa TiapTtav avtiiJiovos rj Tremx/ 30 ^ 
to ov TL yXaivai KrA. (a general description). 

II. 2. 338 vrjTHaxois, ot? ov TL jute'Aei KrA. (so 7. 236., 18. 363). 
The only clear instance of u-rj is II. 2. 301 eore 8e irdvres pdpTvpoi, 
ovs /AT) K?7pes (Bav davdroio tyepovcrai, where the speaker wishes to 
make an exception to what he has just said. In Od. 5. 489 o> /mr) 
Trdpa ytLTovts aAAot we may supply either eto-t or ecoo-t : the latter 
is found in the similar cases Od. 4. 164., 23. 118. But Hesiod 
uses [AT) with the Indie.; see Theog. 387, Op. 225. 

(c) With cl and the Indicative ou is used when the Clause 
with el precedes the Principal Clause : as 

II. 4. 1 60 et Tre/o ydp re KCH CLVTLK.' 'OAv/zTTios OVK ere'Aecro-ej 
and similarly in II. 9. 435., 15. 213, Od. 19. 85, and the (eight) 
other places quoted in 316. But when the Clause with el fol- 
lows the other, ^ is used, as in the sentences of the form 

II. 2. 155 eV0a Key . . VOCTTOS trvyQ-t) \ et JUT) KrA. 

326 PARTICLES. [360. 

The only instance in which this rule fails seems to be 
Od. 9. 410 et jJLV brj fjirf TLS tre /3tae rat olov eoVra, 

I'ova-ov y ov TTOOS com Atos /xeydAou dAeao-0at. 
Here w ns may be used rather than ou ns in order to bring out 
more clearly the misunderstanding of the OUTIS of Polyphemus. 

This curious law was pointed out by A. R. Vierke, in a valuable dissertation 
De fxf] particulae cum indicative conjunctae usu antiquiore (Lipsiae, 1876). With 
regard to the ground of it, we may observe that a Clause with el in most cases 
precedes the apodosis ; and this is probably the original order. When it is 
inverted it may be that the use of u/f| instead of ou has a prohibitive character, 
as though the condition were added as an afterthought, in bar of what has 
been already said. In any case the inversion throws an emphasis on the 
Clause, which would account for the preference for p,T| ; see 358. 

360.] Infinitive and Participle. It appears from comparison 
with the forms of negation in the oldest Sanscrit that the nega- 
tive Particles were originally used only with finite Verbs. The 
negation of a Noun was expressed by forming it into a Com- 
pound with the prefix an- or a- (Greek d^-, d-) : and the Infini- 
tives and Participles were treated in this respect as Nouns. The 
first exception to this rule in Greek was probably the use of ou' 
with the Participle a use which is well established in Homer. 

ou with the Infinitive is used in Homer (as in Attic) after 
Verbs of saying, thinking, knowing, &c. ( 237); as in II. 16. 61 
r] rot e$r?z> ye ov Trplv /xrjznfyxoz; KaraTTavo-^fv KT\. : Od. 5- 34 2 
e uot OVK 

This use however is to be compared with that noticed above ( 355), in 
which an ov which belongs in sense to the Infinitive is placed before the 
governing Verb ; as ou <prjffiv Swffeiv he says he will not give. Sometimes the 
Homeric language seems to hesitate between the two forms, or to use them 
indifferently : compare (e. 0.) II. 12. 106 ouo" eV fyavro axrjcreaO' KT\. and (a few 
lines further) 1. 125 6<j>avTo yap ovittr' 'Axaiovs ffxh afff &' KT ^' Occasionally 
the negative is used with the Verb and repeated with the Infinitive : 
II. 17. 641 Iwet ov [uv ouSe irfirvffOai (cp. 12. 73). 
Od. 3. 27 ou yap OL'OJ | ou ffe Oeatv aemrjTc ytvtffdai /crA.. 

It may be conjectured that the use of ou with the governing Verb is the more 
ancient ; the use with the Infinitive is obviously the more logical. 

361.] fJLr] with the Infinitive and Participle. The Homeric 
uses of this kind are few and simple in comparison with those of 
later Greek. 

The Infinitive when used for the Imperative ( 241) naturally 
takes pr] instead of ou : as II. 4. 42 \j.r\ n 6"iarpi/3eii> rov efjiov ^okov, 
dAAa // eatrat. 

An Infinitive which stands as Object of a Verb of saying, &c. 
takes \ir\ when it expresses command or wish : as II. 3. 434 TTCIV- 
<r0ai KeAojuat /xrjSe /crA. I did you stop and not fyc. (so 9. 12) : Od. 

362.] MH, KEN, 'AN. 327 

I. 37 eTret iTpo ol enroll; T/^et? ju?jr' /crA. &?<? &?/<$ him before not to 
fyc. So Od. 9. 530 gos JUT) 'Odixnnja . . tKeVflat grant that Ulysses 
may not come. 

Again, a dependent Infinitive takes JATJ in oaths, as II. 19. 176 
d/xzWro) . . JUTJ Trore rfjs ZVVTJS eTrt/Srj/iewt KT\. let him swear that he 
never fyc. ; cp. Od. 5- 184 toro) vvv ro8e ycua . . JUT) rt dot airw 
TT?)/uta KCLKOV /SovAeWjutez; aAAo, and II. 19. 258 (but see 358 b). 
So generally after Verbs of promising, &c. as II. 14. 45 cos- Tror' 
TTrjTTL\r]a-v . . jutr) Trptz; KrA. threatened that he would not Sfc.; 

II. 1 8. 500 6 8' avaivTo pr]0v eAecrtfai refused to accept anything 
(see Mr. Leafs note a. I.). This use of j^ is evidently parallel 
to the use with the Indicative, 358. Compare also II. 19. 22 
of 67neiKs epy' ejoter aOavaTwv /ur/Se fiporov avbpa reAeo-o-at, where 
the fAii may be emphatic (such as we must not suppose any mortal to 
have made)* Or this may be an instance of the use of JATJ in 
Relative Clauses containing a general description ( 359, b). 

The use of pr\ with the Participle appears in one Homeric 
instance : 

Od. 4. 684 fj,ri fjLvr](TTV(ravTS p/6' aAAo0' 
Kat irv^ara vvv v6d$ 

Here ^r\ belongs to 6^i\rio-avTs, and expresses a wish : ' may they 
(after their wooing) have no other meeting, but sup now for the 
last time/ For the parenthetical /urrjo-rewaz're? and the repeti- 
tion of the negative with aAAore, cp. the parallel place Od. n. 
613 JUT) TxvT](rdiJ,vos /u,r]5' aAAo rt 

Key and w. 

362.] The Particles w and av, as we have seen, are used to 
mark a predication as conditional, or made with reference to a 
particular or limited state of things : whereas re shows that the 
meaning is general. Hence with the Subj. and Opt. icei> or o.v 
indicates that an event holds a definite place in the expected 
course of things : in other words, KCK or &v points to an actual 
occurrence in the future. f 

Key is commoner in Homer than &v. In the existing text KCK 
occurs about 630 times in the Iliad, and 520 times in the 
Odyssey: while Q.V (including fy and lirf\v) occurs 192 times in 

* This would be akin to the later use with Verbs of belief. As to the Verbs 
which take p,rj see Prof. Gildersleeve in the Am. Jour. Phil. vol. i. p. 49. 

f ' Im Allgemeinen steht das Resultat durchaus fest : KV beini Conjunctiv 
und Optativ weist auf das Eintreten der Handlung bin' (Delbriick, SynL 
Forsch. i. p. 86). This view is contrary to the teaching of most grammarians 
(see especially Hermann on Soph. O. C. 1446). It will be found stated very 
clearly in an article in the Philological Museum, vol. i. p. 96 (Cambridge 1832). 

328 PARTICLES. [362. 

the Iliad and 157 times in the Odyssey. Thus the proportion 
is more than 3:1, and is not materially different in the two 

It is part of Tick's well known theory that &v was unknown 
in the original Homeric dialect (see Appendix F) : and a syste- 
matic attempt to restore the exclusive use of KCI/ in Homer has 
been made by a Dutch scholar, J. van Leeuwen,* who has pro- 
posed more or less satisfactory emendations of all the places in 
which oV now appears. It is impossible to deny the soundness 
of the principles on which he bases his enquiry. When the 
poems were chiefly known through oral recitation there must 
have been a constant tendency to modernise the language. With 
Attic and Ionic reciters that tendency must have led to oV 
creeping into the text, sometimes in place of Key, sometimes 
where the pure Subj. or Opt. was required by Homeric usage. 
Evidence of this kind of corruption has been preserved, as Van 
Leeuwen points out, in the variae lectiones of the ancient critics. 
Thus in II. I. 168 eVei Ke Ka/xco is now read on the authority of 
Aristarchus ; but Zirrjv KeKa/oico and eTrrjz/ Ke Kajuco were also ancient 
readings, and tnriv is found in all our MSS. Similarly in II. 7. 
5 Aristarchus read k^d Ke Kajouoo-tu, and the MSS. are divided 
between eTret Ke and l-rtfy Ke (or tirrjv KeK.). There is a similar 
variation between the forms fy and ei ice (or at ice) in the phrases 
at K te&rjo-Oa, ai K efle'Arjo-t, &c. Thus in II. 4. 353 ( = 9. 359) 
the MSS. nearly all have 

ox/^eat rjv e0c'A.7?o-0a KOL al KV rot ra 

but al K' efle'ATjo-fla, which gives a better rhetorical effect, is found 
in II. 8. 471 Jtyeat at K' e0e'A?7o-0a (so all MSS., r}v e0. as a v. I. in 
A), also in II. 13. 260., 18. 457, Od. 3. 92, &c. Similarly in 
II. 1 6. 453 ^ 7I> ' ^*) T v 7 e AtTrry the v. I. kn-^v is given by good 
MSS. (D, G, L, and as a variant in A). And the line II. n. 
797 MupjutSoVtoZJ, aL Key rt (^ocos Aavaolcri, yzvr\ai is repeated in 
II. 1 6. 39 with the variation r\v irou for ai K>. In such cases we 
can see the intrusion of o> actually in process. 

Again, the omission of oV may be required by the metre, or by 
the indefinite character of the sentence ( 283) : e.g. in II. 15. 209 
OTTTTOT' av io-6}jLopov efle'Arjo-t both these reasons point to oTnrore 
Fio-ojjiopov KrA. So in II. 2. 228 eSr" 1 &i> TiToXieOpov e'Aoo/mez; read 
VT TTT., and in Od. n. 17 ovO' OTTOT hv o-retx^(rt read ovO' oTrore 
(ore Ke, which Van Leeuwen proposes in these two places, is not 
admissible, since the reference is general). 

Several reasons combine to make it probable that the forms r\v 

* De particularum KCV et av apud Homerum usu (Mnemosyne, xv. p. 75). The 
statistics given above are taken from this valuable dissertation. 

362.] 'AN IN HOMER. 329 

and lirl]v are post-Homeric. The contraction of el av, eirel &v is 
contrary to Homeric analogies ( 378*), and could hardly have 
taken place until o.v became much commoner than it is in Homer. 
Again, the usage with regard to the order of the Particles 
excludes the combinations r\v be, r\v Trep, r\v yap for which 
Homer would have ei 5' &v, ei Trep av, ei yap av ( 365). Again, 
r\v cannot properly be used in a general statement or simile, and 
whenever it is so used the metre allows it to be changed into el : 
e.g. in II. I. 166 drap TJV TTOTC bao-fjibs iKrjrat : Od. 5. 120 r\v ris 
re $'du\v Tj-otTJo-er' aKOLTyv (rj ris re in several MSS.) : Od. n. 159 
rjv M TLS ex?? wepyta rfa ' Od. 12. 288 rfv TTCOS efcnrforjs eAflrj : II. 
2O. 172 -tjv nva TTecfrvrj (in a simile). Similar arguments apply 
with even greater force to ltrl\v. Of the 48 instances there are 
1 8 in general sentences, and several others (II. 4. 239., 16. 95, 
Od. 3. 45., 4. 412., 5. 348., .11. 119-. 15; 3<5-> 21. 159) in whicl1 
the reference to the future is so indefinite that eiret with a pure 
Subj. is admissible. It cannot be accidental that in these places, 
with one exception (Od. n. 192), irf]v is followed by a consonant, 
so that en-ei can be restored without any metrical difficulty. On 
the other hand, in 13 places in which em^ is followed by a vowel 
the reference is to a definite future event, and accordingly we 
may read liret K'. In the combination eirrjv 8??, which occurs 
seven times, we should probably read eTret 8?j, or in some places 
eTret KZV (as in Od. n. 221). The form l-neti&v occurs once, in a 
simile (II. 13. 285) : hence we should read eirel SYJ (not eTret Kez>, 
as Bekker and Nauck, or at KZV as Menrad). 

The distinction between general statements and those which refer to an 
actual future occurrence has hardly been sufficiently attended to in the con- 
jectures proposed by Van Leeuwen and others. Thus in Od. 5. 121 fy ris re 
<t>i\ov iroirjatT' aKoirrfv (in a general reflexion) Van Leeuwen would read at KK'V 
ris re : and in Od. 12. 288 fy TTOJS f^amvrjs eXOij he proposes ai KC irov. So in 
II. 6. 489, Od. 8. 553 tirty ra wpura yevrjrai (of the lot of man) he bids us read 
eirci K. If any change is wanted beyond putting lirci for 4irf|i', the most 
probable would be circt T : see 332. On the other hand he would put irt 
for 6TTT|v in such places as Od. I. 293 avrap enty 81) ravra. Te\VT7]ffris re KOI Zpgrjs 
(cp. Od. 5. 363., 1 8. 269), where a definite future occasion is implied, and 
consequently im K*V (which he reads in Od. 4. 414) would be more Homeric. 
In Od. 6. 262 avrap ITTTJV TTO\IOS cTrtjS^oynei/ we should perhaps read eTret e TroAeos 
(-) : see 94, 2. 

In a few places the true reading may be t or eim with the Opt. : as Od. 8. 
511 alaa yap fy diroXeaOcu, tTrfjV iro\is dp.(piKa\vif/r} (tirel . . ap,<{>iKa\v\f/ai, as in II. 
19. 208 we should read ewei Tiffa.ifj.eOa) : Od. 21. 237 ( = 383) fjv 5e ns . . ditovffr} 
Hr] n 6vpae irpo0\waKtv (et 5e' rts . . d.Kovffcu') : II. 15. 504., 17. 245., 22. 55, 487. 

The form or' dv occurs in our text in 29 places, and in 22 of these the metre 
admits ore K' (x')> which Van Leeuwen accordingly would restore. The 
mischief however must lie deeper. Of the 22 places there are 13 in which 
or' av appears in the leading clause of a simile (us 8' or' av ), and in three 


others (II. 2. 397, Od. n. 18., 13. 101) the sense is general : so that ore ' is 
admissible in six only (II. 7. 335, 459., 8. 373, 475, Od. 2. 374., 4. 477). It 
cannot be an accident that there are so many cases of oV dV where Homeric 
usage requires the pure Subj., and no similar cases of ore KCV : but for that 
very reason we cannot correct them by reading ore '. Meanwhile no better 
solution has been proposed, and we must be content to note the 16 places as 
in all probability corrupt or spurious. 

It is one thing,, however, to find that &v has encroached upon 
Key in Homer, and another thing to show that there are no uses 
of ay which belong to the primitive Homeric language. 

The restoration of Ke(y) is generally regarded as especially easy 
in the combination OUK ay, for which ou Key can always be written 
without affecting either sense or metre. The change, however, 
is open to objections which have not been sufficiently considered. 
It will be found that OVK av occurs 61 times in the ordinary text 
of Homer : while ou Key occurs 9 times, and ou KC 7 times. Now 
of the forms Key and KC the first occurs in the Iliad 272 times, the 
second 222 times. Hence, according to the general laws of 
probability, ou Key and ou Ke may be expected to occur in the same 
proportion : and in the ordinary text this is the case (9 : 7). But 
if every OUK oV were changed into ou Key, there would be 7 
instances of ou Key against 7 of ou KC. This clearly could not be 
accidental : hence it follows that OUK ay must be retained in all or 
nearly all the passages where it now stands.* And if OUK ay is 
right, we may infer that the other instances of oV with a negative 
22 in number are equally unassailable. 

Another group of instances in which ay is evidently primitive 
consists of the dactylic combinations 05 irep &v, rf irep ay, et irep ay. 
Van Leeuwen would write os K 7re/>, &c. ; but in Homer irep 
usually comes immediately after the Relative or el, and before Key 
( 365)- Similarly ou8e yap ay (II. 24. 566) and To<|>pa yap ay (Od. 
2. 77) cannot be changed into ov8e Ke yap, rotypa K -yap, since the 
order ydp Key is invariable in Homer. In these uses, accordingly, 
ay may be defended by an argument which was inapplicable to 
OUK ay, viz. the impossibility of making the change to Key. 

The same may be said of the forms in which ay occurs under 
the ictus of the verse, preceded by a short monosyllable (w ), as 
II. I. 205 fjs VTipo7fXirj(ri, ra)(' & v 7rore OVJJLOV oAeVa-r?. 
Od. 2. 76 et x.' iV 6 '- 5 7 e <Myotre, T< *X v ^ore KCLI rivis etrj. 
II. 9. 77 TLS &v ra5e yr^ijo-eie (so rts ay, II. 24. 367, 

Od. 8. 208., 10. 573). 

* It will be seen that the argument is of the same kind as that by which 
it was shown above ( 283 &) that re must have been often changed into K. 
The decisive fact in that case was the excessive occurrence of ice : here it is the 
absence of any such excess which leads us to accept the traditional text. 

363.] KEN, 'AN. 331 

II. 4. 164 eao-erat ^ap or' av TTOT' KT\. (cp. I. 519., 4- 53v> 

6. 448., 9. 101). 
8. 406 o(f)p' clbfi yXavK&iTLS or av w irarpl //a^rai ( 420). 

So xai av and TOT' ai> (see the instances, 363, 2, c), au 8' ai> (II. 6. 
329), os ay (Od. 21. 294, cp. Od. 4. 204., 18. 27, II. 7. 231). In 
this group, as in the last, we have to do with recurring- forms, 
sufficiently numerous to constitute a type> with a fixed rhythm, 
as well as a certain tone and style. 

The combination of av and *ev in the same Clause is found in 
a very few places, and is probably not Homeric. In four places 
(II. ii. 187, 202, Od. 5. 361., 6. 259) we have o$p av pev K*V 
KT\., where the place of av is anomalous ( 365). For OVT av KV 
(II. 13. 127) we should probably read OVT dp KZV, and so in Od. 9. 
334 TOVS dp K (or rather ovs ap *e) KOI rjQtXov avrbs eAeV0ai (cp. 
II. 7. 182 ov ap' jjOtXov avToi). In Od. 1 8. 318 TJV irtp yap KC 
should be et Tre/o yap KC (supra). 

363.] Uses of KZV and av. It will be convenient, by way of 
supplement to what has been said in the chapter on the uses of 
the Moods, (i) to bring together the chief exceptions to the 
general rule for the use of K.CV or av in Subordinate Clauses ; and 
(2) to consider whether there are any differences of meaning or 
usage between the two Particles. 

I . In Final Clauses which refer to what is still future, the use 
of KCP or av prevails ( 282, 285, 288, 293, 304). But with 
certain Conjunctions (especially wy, ows, f lva, ocfrpa) there are 
many exceptions : see 285-289, 306-307. When the purpose 
spoken of is not an actual one, but either past or imaginary, the 
Verb is generally ' pure.' 

In Conditional Clauses the Subj. and Opt. generally take KW 
or av when the governing Verb is in the Future, or in a Mood 
which implies a future occasion (Imperative, Subjunctive, Op- 
tative with Key or av). On the other hand in similes, maxims, 
and references to frequent or indefinite occasions, the Particle is 
not used. But 

(a) Sometimes the pure Subj. is used after a Future in order 
to show that the speaker avoids referring to a particular occasion : 
cp. 11. 21. HI o-<rerai rj ?)&)? ?} 8etAr] rj ju,eow ??/aap oiriroTe . . 
eA?]rat, and the examples quoted in 289, 2, a and 292, a. 

(#) In our texts of Homer there are many places in which KCV 
or av is used although the reference is indefinite : but the number 
is much reduced if we deduct the places in which it is probable 
that K (or K') has crept in instead of re (r) : see 283, #. The 

332 PARTICLES. [363. 

real exceptions will generally be found where a Clause is added 
to restrict or qualify a general supposition already made : 
II. 3. 25 juaAa yap re KCtrecrfliet, et irp av avTov 

o-euctiVTCLL (even in the case when fyc.). 

Od. 21. 293 olvos ere rpooet fxeAir]^?, 6s re Kai d'AAovs 

/3AdWet, 6s av \j,iv \ a vov e'A?? (in the case of him 
who takes it greedily). 

So II. 6. 225., 9. 501, 524., 20. 166, Od. 15. 344., 19. 332 
( 289, 292, 296). In these places we see the tendency of the 
language to extend the use of icei/ or civ beyond its original limits, 
in other words, to state indefinite cases as if they were definite 
a tendency which in later Greek made the use of av universal in 
such Clauses, whether the event intended was definite or not. 

The change is analogous to the use of the Indicative in a general Conditional 
protasis ; when, as Mr. Goodwin expresses it, ' the speaker refers to one of 
the cases in which an event may occur as if it were the only one that is, 
he states the general supposition as if it were particular ' (Moods and Tenses, 
467). The loss of the Homeric use of TC, and the New Ionic use of 6 TJ TO 
as a Eelative with indefinite as well as definite antecedents, are examples of 
the same kind. 

2. Up to this point the Particles Key and <u> have been treated 
as practically equivalent. There are however some differences of 
usage which remain to be pointed out. 

(a) In Negative Clauses there is a marked preference for V 
In the ordinary text of the Iliad oV is found with a negative 53 
times (nearly a third of the whole number of instances), Key is 
similarly used 33 times (about one-twentieth). The difference is 
especially to be noticed in the Homeric use of the Subj. as a kind 
of Future ( 275, 276). In affirmative clauses of this type KCJ/ 
is frequent, civ very rare : in negative clauses ai> only is found. 

(b) Kk is often used in two or more successive Clauses of a 
Sentence : e.g. in both protasis and apodosis, as 

II. I. 324 ei 8e' Ke JUT) btoyo-Lv, eyo> 8e Kez; avrbs eXco/zat /crA. 
In Disjunctive Sentences, as 

II. 1 8. 308 <rr?j0-o//,ai, TI Ke <e'/)?7(n joteya Kpdros 77 Ke (j)poifj,r]v. 
Od. 4. 692 a\\ov K tyJSaiprivi, fipOT&v, aX\ov Ke $1X0177. 
And in parallel and correlative Clauses of all kinds : 

II. 3. 41 Kai Ke TO fiovXoiwv KCU Kez> TroAv Kepbiov tit]. 
23. 855 6s joieV Ke (3d\r] . . os 8e Ke wpivOoio Tv^y, KT\. 
Od. II. HO ras et juteV K' aa-ivtas eaas VOVTOV re 
Kai KV er' ets 'ItfaKTjz; KttKa Trep 
et 5e' Ke (run/at KrA. 

363.] KEN, 'AN. 333 

av, on the other hand, is especially used in the second of two 
parallel or connected Clauses : as 

II. 19. 2,2,8 aAAa xprj TOV y&v KaTaOa,TTTiv os K ddv^(Ti . . 

oVcrot 8' av iroAejuioto Trept orvyepoto Anrcoyrat KrA. 
Od. 19. 329 os jutey aiTrjvrjS avros cr? KOI aTTtjvla et8f) . . 

6s 8' av afjiVfjiMV avrbs cry KrA. 

So II. 21. 553 ei ptv KV . . et 8 s &^ KrA.; II. 3. 288 ff. et ptv Ktv 
el g e ' Ke e 8' &,, (the last an alternative to the second). 
The only instance of av in two parallel Clauses is 
Od. II. 17 ov6' OTTOT av o-ret'x^o-t Trpos ovpavbv aa-Tpovra 

ov6' or av a\^ CTTI yalav KrA. 

and there we oug-ht to read oTiore ore^o-i, according to the 
regular Homeric use of the Subj. in general statements ( 289, 


(c) There are several indications of the use of av as a more 
emphatic Particle than **v. Thus the combination rj T av surely 
in that case occurs 7 times in the Iliad, TJ re KC^ only twice. 
Compare the force of K<U av in 

II. 5. 362 ( = 457) 6s vvv ye KCU av Ait' Trarpt fJid\OLTo 
Od. 6. 300 pela 8' dptyycor' <ru, Kat av irais ^yrjcratro. 
So II. 14. 244 aXXov [Ltv Kv . . peta Kareuz^o-at/xi, Kat az^ Trorajototo 
peeOpa '&Kavov I would put any other to sleep, even Oceanus ) fyc. 
Cp. also TOT' av (then indeed, then at length}, in 
II. 1 8. 397 TOT ay 170.9 ov aAyea ^VJLIW. 

22. 1 08 fjiol 8e ror' az^ TroAv Kep8toy etr; KrA. 
24. 213 rJT* av Ttra epya yevoiro. 
Od. 9. 211 TOT' ay ov TOL airoa-^ecrOai, $i\ov rjev. 
And TIS av (guis tandem) in II. 9. 77 rt/? av Ta ^ y^^TJo-eter; II. 24- 
367 Tts av 8r} rot ro'os etry ; Od. 8. 208 rts av ^)tAeoyrt ^CL^OLTO ; 
Od. IO. 573 rts av Otov OVK e^eAoyra KrA. 

The general effect of these differences of usage between the 
two Particles seems to be that av is used either in an adversative 
sense w ith a second or opposed alternative or when greater 
emphasis has to be expressed. 

This account of the matter is in harmony with the pre- 
dominance of av in negative sentences. When we speak of an 
event as not happening in certain circumstances, we generally do 
so by way of contrast to the opposite circumstances, those in which 
it will happen; as OVK dv TOL ^atV/xr/ KiOapis the lyre will not avail 
you (viz. in battle whatever it may do elsewhere). 

The accent of the Particles must not be overlooked as a con- 
firmation of the view now taken. Evidently av is more likely to 
convey emphasis than the enclitic KC^. We may find an analogy 

334 PARTICLES. [364. 

in the orthotone and adversative 8e', which stands to re and the 
correlated re re somewhat as we have supposed civ to stand to 
Key and Key Key. 

364.] Original meaning of dv and KCV. The identity of the Greek dv with 
the Latin and Gothic an has been maintained with much force and ingenuity 
by Prof. Leo Meyer. The following are some of the chief points established 
by his dissertation.* 

1. The Latin an is used by the older poets in the second member of a 
disjunctive question, either direct, as egone an ille injurie facimus ? or indirect, 
as utrum scapulae plus an callus calli habeat nescio (both from Naevius). The use 
in single questions is a derivative one, and properly implies that the question 
is put as an alternative : as 

Plaut. Asin. 5. i, 10 credam istuc, si te esse hilarum videro. AR. An tu 

me tristem putas ? do you then think me (the opposite, viz.} sad ? 
Amph. 3. 3, 8 derides qui scis haec dudum me dixisse per jocum. SO. an 

illut joculo dixisti ? equidem serio ac vero ratus. 

In these places f we see how an comes to mean then on the contrary, then in the 
other case, &c. So in Naevius, eho an vicimus ? what then, have we conquered ? 

2. In Gothic, again, an is used in questions of an adversative character : 
as in Luke x. 29 an hvas ist mis nehvundja (' he willing to justify himself, said x : 
and who is my neighbour ? ' John xviii. 37 an nuh thiudans is thu l art thou a 
king then ? ' 

3. These instances exhibit a close similarity between the Latin and the 
Gothic an, and suggest the possibility of a Disjunctive Particle (or, or else} 
coming to express recourse to a second alternative (if not, then \ and so 
acquiring the uses of the Greek dv. This supposition, as Leo Meyer goes on 
to show, is confirmed by the Gothic aiththau and thau, which are employed 
(i) as Disjunctive Particles, or, or else, and (2) to render the Greek av, chiefly 
in the use with the Past Indicative. Thus we have, as examples of aiththau 

Matth. v. 36 ni magt ain tagl hveit aiththau svart gataujan thou canst not 

make one hair white or black. 
Matth. ix. 1 7 aiththau distaurnand balgeis (neither do men put new wine into 

old bottles} else the bottles break. 
John xiv. 2 niba veseina, aiththau qvethjau if it were not so, I would have toll 

you [= it is not so, else I would have told you]. 
John xiv. 7 ith kunthedeith mik, aiththau kunthedeith &c. if ye had known 

me, ye should have known &c. 

Similarly thau is used (i)' to translate $ in double questions, as in Matth. 
xxvii. 17 whom will ye that I release unto you, Bar abbas or (thau) Jesus'? and 
after a Comparative ( = than) : frequently also (2) in a Conditional Apodosis, 
esp. to translate dv With Past Tenses, as 

Luke vii. 39 sa ith vesi praufetus ufkunthedi thau this man, if fie were a 
prophet, would have known. 

* 'AN im Griechischen, Lateinischen und Gothischen, Berlin 1880. The parallel 
between the Greek dv and the Gothic thau and aiththau was pointed out by 
Hartung (Partikeln, ii. p. 227). 

[ Taken from Draeger's H-istorische Syntax, i. p. 321, where many other 
examples will be found. 


Sometimes also with the Present (where there is no dv in the Greek), the 
meaning being that of a solemn or emphatic Future : 

Mark xi. 26 ith jabai jus ni afletith, ni thau . . afletith if ye do not forgive 

neither will . . forgive (oi5e . . atyrjafi). 
Matth. v. 20 ni thau qvimith (except your righteousness shall exceed (fee.) ye shall 

in no case enter &c. (ov /) etaeA^rc). 

This use evidently answers to the Homeric Kev or dv with the Subj. and Fut. 
Ind. : ni thau qvimith = OVK av e^drjre, ni thau afletith = ovd' av d<pr)ffci. 

4. If now we suppose that civ, like aiththau and thau, had originally two 
main uses, (i) in the second member of a Disjunctive sentence ( = else, or else), 
and (2) in the Conditional apodosis ( = in that case rather), we can explain the 
Gothic and Latin an from the former, the Greek dv from the latter. The 
idiomatic l ellipse ' in ^ 'yap av . . varara Xw&rioaio else you would outrage for the 
last time will represent an intermediate or transitional use. "" We can then 
understand why dv should often accompany negatives, and why it should be 
used in the latter Clause of a sentence. The main difference of the two uses 
evidently is that in the first the Clauses are co-ordinate, in the second the 
Clause with dv is the apodosis or principal Clause. Thus the two uses are 
related to each other as the two uses of 8e (i) as an adversative Conjunction, 
(2) in the apodosis. 

5. The use of dv in Final Clauses may be illustrated by that of thau in Mark 
vi. 56 bedun ina ei thau . . attaitokeina trapeKaXovv avrov 'Lva KOLV . . aipcavrai 
that they might touch if it were but Sfc. With iva, a>s, &c. dv may have had 
originally the same kind of emphasis as KCLV in this passage : ' that in any 
case,' 'that if no more then at least &c.' The use in a Conditional Protasis 

following the Principal Clause may be compared with Luke ix. 1 3 niba thau . . 
bugjaima (we have no more} except we should buy ( = unless indeed we should buy). 
The Particle KC^V) is found in JSolic, in the same form as in Homer (see 
Append. F), and in Doric, in the form ica. It is usually identified with the 
Sanscrit kam, which when accented means well (wohl, gut, bene\ and as an 
enclitic appears to be chiefly used with the Imperative, but with a force 
which can hardly be determined (Delbriick, A. S. pp. 150, 503). A parallel 
may possibly be found in the German wohl, but in any case the development 
of the use of K(V) is specifically Greek. 

Order of the Particles and Enclitic Pronouns. 

365.] The place of a Particle in the Homeric sentence is 
generally determined by stricter rules than those which obtain in 
later Greek : and similar rules are found to govern the order of 
the enclitic Pronouns and Adverbs. 

i. The two enclitics -/rep and y 6 , when they belong to the first 
word in a clause, come before all other Particles. Hence we 
have the sequences et Trep yap et vrep av TOV Trep brj v66*6v ye 
/zeV, &c. Exceptions are to be found in II. Q. 46 ets o K<E Trep 
TpoCrjv 8ta7Te/3(rojU^ (read perhaps et? ore Trep), II. 7- 3^7 et K Titp 
. yeVoiro, Od. 3. 331 oOtv re' -rrep, II. 8. 243 avrovs 5rj Trep 

336 PARTICLES. [365. 

2. f*eV and 8e, also re in its use as a connecting word, come 
before other Particles. Hence we have ot 8e 8?} et 8e' KCV eyo> 
8e' Ke rot et 8' az> ov ^kv yap o#re Ke ovr' apa, &c. 

fxeV may be placed later when it emphasises a particular word, or 
part of a clause, especially in view of a following clause with 8e, 
as II. 9. 300 et 8e' rot 'Arpeto^s /xez; d7rrJx^ ero < 8' aXXovs Trep 
KrA., Od. 4. 23., ii. 385., 18. 67, &c. ; and in such collocations 
as trot 8' TI rot jueu eyo> KrA., eV0' ?J rot rot)? jueu KrA. Cp. also 
Od. 15. 405 ov TL TreptTrArjfl?)? \ir]v T0(rov, ctAA* ayaOj] piv. 

The form o(p' av JJLZV KZV is probably corrupt, see 362 ad fin. 

3. Of the remaining Particles y^P comes first : as 77 yap Ke 
rt? yap Ke et Trep yap Ke ro$pa yap av a>? yap vv rot, &c. 
Among the other Particles note the sequences Kat vv KZV e apa 
8rj oTTTToVe Kv brf rj pa vv rt? rot vv. But apa is sometimes 
put later in the clause, as cos etTrcoz; Kar' ap' e^ero, cp. II. 5. 748 
r/ Hp77 o"e juao^rtyt 6oG>s eTTt/xater' ap I'TITTOU?. 

re in its generalising use comes after other Particles : hence 5e 
re fj.v re yap re dAAa re 6' apa re os pa re OVT ap re 
ov vv re. 

4. The Indefinite ns and the corresponding Adverbs, irou, TTWS, 
TTW, irore, &c. follow the Particles. Hence we have ore Ke'z> rt? 
at KeV TTCOJ 6V av Trore ov pa rts by TTOV vv TTOV r? TTOV rt o~e, 

But T follows TIS ( 332), as in Kat yap rt? re, os rts re. And 
sometimes os ns is treated as a single word, as in ov nva pev (II. 
2. t 188), os TIS 8e (II. 15. 743), 6s Tls Ke (II. io. 44, Od. 3. 355). 
Similarly we find ei TTOTC in the combination et Trore by, as well as 
the more regular et 817 Trore. 

TIS sometimes comes later, as II. 4. 300 o<pa Kat OVK e0e'A.a)z> rtj 
KrX.. especially after a Gen. which it governs, as II. 13. 55 o-<^a)t> 
8' co8e Oe&v rtj KrA. ; cp. also II. 22. 494 T>V 8' eAerjo-durooy KOT?;- 
Ar;^ rt? rvrdov 7Ta"^Vj and Od. 21. 374. 

So iroT, as in II. 4. 410 rw fjurf jixot Trarepa? TTO^' 6juot7] V00 rtjar/, 
II. 6. 99 ou8' 'AxtA?jd TTO^' c58e KrA., II. io. 453, Od. 2. 137. In 
these places irore seems to be attracted to an emphatic word. Cp. 
irou in II. 12. 272, Troflez; in Od. 18. 376. 

5. The enclitic Personal Pronouns come after the Particles and 
Pronouns already mentioned : ov Trore' jute r? TTTJ /ute o8e' vv TTW 
fxe ov yap TTCU Trore /xot eyco 8e Ke rot e-rret ap Ke o-e OTTTroVe Ktv 
IAIV at KeV TTCOS fjav ov yap TTO) a-fyiv r? TTOT; TLS o~(f)iv, &c. 

Sometimes however an enclitic form follows the emphatic Pro- 
noun aujos : as II. 5. 459 a> v P e^retr' avT& jmot eTreVo-uro, II. 22. 
346 at yap TTOJS avrov ^e KrA. 

Occasionally an enclitic is found out of its place at the end of 

ORDER. 337 

a line which has the bucolic caesura : II. 3. 368 ovb' e/3aAoV \LIV 
(v. 1. ovb' edajuao-o-a), 5- 104 et ereo'z; //e, 7- 79 otypa irvpos /-xe, II. 
380 0)9 o<eAoV rot : so with -us, II. 4. 315 <*>9 otyeAeV TLS ; and 
without bucolic caesura, II. 17. 736 M 8e 7rro'Ae/zo9 re'raro' (rc/uz;. 

6. The negative Particles ou and JA^, which regularly begin the 
clause, are often put later in order that some other word may be 
emphasised, and in that case the Indefinite TIS, rare, &c. follow 
ov or ju?j : as juieraAArjcrcb ye ^v ov TL (for ov ptv n //.eraAA^rraz; ye), 
KetVoto-fc 8' az/ o# ri9 (for ov 8' av TLS utivoHTi). crv 8e JJL^ TL, TO jutey 
ov rare, &c. Similarly Key and cu> are attracted to the negation, 
as in Tr\rj6vv b' OVK av eyw (for ovb' hv eyo> 7rX.r)9vv), and when the 
negative is repeated, as in o8e -yap ov8e KCV KT\. : cp. Od. 15, 321 
bpi](TTO(ri>vri OVK av /uot epto-(rete (BpoTos a\\o$. 

7. The place of the enclitic is perhaps explained by the pause 
of the verse in Od. 15. 118 otf eoj 80^09 d/x^eKaAu^e | Keto-e /xe 
i>oor?jo-az;ra, Od. 14. 245 avrap eTretra | AtyuTrroVSe /xe KrA. (unless 
we read Keto-' e^xe, AiyvnroVS' e/ue, cp. Od. 16. 310); and so in 

II. I. 205 fjs vTTpoir\Lr)o-L TO) av TTOT Ovfjibv oAeVcrr/. 
I. 2$6 aAAot re TpcSe? jue'ya Ktv K\apoiaro 6vfJL&. 
5. 362 Tu8etf8?7s, 69 ^uz; ye KCU &r Att Trar/ot /ota^otro. 
22. 1 08 &9 peovoriv' ejutol 8e ror' ar 'TroAi; K^poiov euy. 
Od. I. 217 W9 8r) eyw y' o(f)\ov /xaKa/x)9 z>v rev e/x/xei'at vto'9. 

The second half of the line is treated as a fresh beginning of a 

Without assuming that the Homeric usage as to the place of Particles and 
Enclitics is invariable, we may point out that in several places where these 
rules are violated the text is doubtful on other grounds. Thus 

II- 3- J 73 & s o<p\(v Odvaros pot a8(iv. Bead &s /*' o<f>\ev Oavaros faSeeti/ : 
for the elision /*(oO C P- H- 6. 165 os /*' tOeXev (piKorrjn fjiiyrj^evai ( 376). 

II. 6. 289 0/0' (ffav of Trcir\oi KT\. Read Ipfla yT' <raf (see 376). Similarly 
in II. 20. 282 Ka8 8' a^os of \vro Van Leeuwen reads d5 Se ^' axos x^ TO - 

Od. I. 37 cirel irp6 ot e"irofiev fineis. Bekker would omit npo (Horn. BL ii. 21). 

Od. 2. 327 eirei vv irfp ICTCU alvS/s (read vv re fi^rai ?). 

Od. 15. 436 opKca TiKTTOj&iji/at airr)[j.ova p o?aS' andgeiv. Omit //. 

Od. II. 218 dAA' avrrj S'IKIJ karl Qporwv, ore Ktv Tf Qavcaaiv, with v. I. (in 
five MSS.) ore ris KC Oavgaiv. Read ore ris re Odvrjaiv ( 289 ad fin.). 

II. 20. 77 rov yap pa p.d\iffTa I Ovpos avwyfi : so Aristarchus, but the other 
ancient reading was ^aXiard -ye. 

II. 21. 576 el' nfp yap (pOdpfvos /MV ff ovrdaij KT\. : for juv the ' city-editions ' 
had TIS, but neither word is needed. 

Od. 7. 261 ( = 14. 287) dAA' ore 8?) 07800^ poi fTTiir\6fj.evov tros fjXOev : Dind. 
reads oySoarov, to avoid the unusual synizesis. Read dAA.' ore 877 p oyScuov : 
an earlier O75cyoy ( = Lat. octavus) is almost necessary to account for 07800? 
(Brugrnann, M. U. v. 37). 


338 METRE. [366. 

II. 5. 273 el TOVTU KC Xafioinfv KT\. For KC (without meaning here) read -ye. 

II. 14. 403 ITTCI TfTpairro irpbs I6v ol. The sense seems to require irpbs Wvv 

in the direction of his aim, cp. irdaav CTT' Wvv for every aim, av' Wvv straight onwards 

(ii. 21. 303, od. 8.377). 

II. 24. 53 JUT) . . vefnffffr]0cafj.v ol TjfAfis. Read-^o/icr, omitting ot. 

A less strict usage may be traced in the loth book of the Iliad : cp. 1. 44 
77 rt's 6P, 242 et plv 5f; erapov 76 K\fvfTe JJL aiirbv tXtadai, 280 vvv avrf paXiara. 
fj. (pi\ai, 344 dAA.' JcD/xei/ niv, 453 OVKCT' Zireira av Trrjf^d TTOT' effO'eai. The subject, 
however, needs more detailed investigation. 



The Hexameter. 

366.] The verse in which the Homeric poems are composed 
the heroic hexameter consists of six feet, of equal length, each of 
which again is divided into two equal parts, viz. an accented 
part or arsis (on which the rhythmical beat or ictus falls), and an 
unaccented part or thesis. In each foot the arsis consists of one 
long syllable, the thesis of one long or two short syllables ; 
except the last thesis, which consists of one syllable, either long 
or short. 

The fifth thesis nearly always consists of two short syllables, 
thus producing the characteristic w w ^ which marks the 
end of each hexameter. 

The last foot is probably to be regarded as a little shorter than 
the others, the time being filled up by the pause at the end of 
the verse. The effect of this shortening is heightened by the 
dactyl in the fifth place, since the two short syllables take the 
full time of half a foot. 

367.] Diaeresis and Caesura. Besides the recognised stops 
or pauses which mark the separation of sentences and clauses 
there is in general a slight pause or break of the voice between 
successive words in the same clause, sufficient to affect the 
rhythm of the verse. Hence the rules regarding JJiaeresis and 

By Diaeresis is meant the coincidence of the division between 
words with the division into feet. The commonest place of 
diaeresis in the hexameter is after the fourth foot : as 

yptowv avrovs 8e eXcupta 
This is called the Bucolic Diaeresis. 

367.] THE HEXAMETER. 339 

Caesura (ro^rf) occurs when the pause between two words falls 
within a foot, so as to 'cut' it into two parts. The caesura 
which separates the arsis from the thesis (so as to divide the 
foot equally) is called the strong or masculine caesura : that 
which falls between the two short syllables of the thesis is called 
the weak or feminine or trochaic caesura. 

The chief points to be observed regarding caesura in the 
Homeric hexameter are as follows : 

j . There is nearly always a caesura in the third foot. Of the 
two caesuras the more frequent in this place is the trochaic (TO/XT/ 
Kara rpirov Tpoyaiov), as 

avbpa IJLOL f-vvtrre Movva \ TToXvTpOTrov bs jmaAa iroXXd. 

The strong caesura, or ' caesura after the fifth half -foot ' (TO/XT) 
), is rather less common : as 
&(.$, $ed, | rirjArfiaSeo) 'A^iAr/os. 
In the first book of the Iliad, which contains 611 lines, the 
trochaic caesura of the third foot occurs in 356, and the cor- 
responding strong caesura in 247.* 

On the other hand, there must be no diaeresis after the third 
foot ; and in the few cases in which the third foot lies wholly in 
one word there is always a strong caesura in the fourth foot 

o? K OO'L$ eTrnret^rat fjidXa T ZK\.VOV CLVTOV 
r/ H/37] T rfbt rio(rei5acozJ Kal ITaXAa? 'AOrjvr]. 
The division between an enclitic and the preceding word is 

not sufficient for the caesura in the third foot : hence in Od. 10. 

58 we should read 

avrap eTret crtroio r' | e7rao~(rcijue0' 778 

not crtroto re iraa-a-dfjitO' (as La Roche). 

The remaining exceptions to these rules are 

II. I. 179 otKad' luv avv vrjvai re ays Kal aots 
which is an adaptation of the (probably conventional) form avv vrji T' e/*y Kal 
e/j.ois erdpoiai (1. 183). We may help the rhythm by taking vrjvai re ays closely 
together, so as to avoid the break in the middle of the line. 

II. 3. 205 rjSrj yap Kal devpo iror' ij\v9e Sios 'OSvaaevs. 

II. 10. 453 OVKGT' firetTO. av irrj^d TTOT' eaaeai 'Apyeioiai. 

Where TTOT?, as an enclitic, is in an unusual place in the sentence ( 365, 4), 
but it is perhaps in reality an emphatic ' one day.' Similarly, in 

II. 3. 220 (f>airjs Kf ^CLKOTOV re nv' (upevai dtypovd r* avrcus, 
nva may be slightly emphatic. Or should we read rbv fj./j.fvai ? 

II. 15. 1 8 ^ ov fJ.ffJ.vy ore r' Itf/ae/xo; vtyoOev, etc re iroSouv. 

We may read ore re Kpefjua : but possibly the peculiar rhythm is intentional, 
as being adapted to the sense. 

* In this calculation no lines are reckoned twice, short monosyllables being 
taken either with the preceding or the following word, according to the sense. 

Z 2, 

340 METRE. [368. 

2. Trochaic caesura of the fourth foot is very rare, and is only 
found under certain conditions, viz. 

(1) when the caesura is preceded by an enclitic or short mono- 
syllable (such as jieV, 8e' } &c.) ; as 

Kat KV TOVT 0eAoijuu Ato? ye 8i8oVros aptarQai. 

(2) when the line ends with a word of four or five syllables; 

avrap 6 (JLOVVOS erjv pera TreWe /cao-iyi^jrrjo-t. 

TroAAa 8' ap i-vOa KOL evO' Wvve \ pax 1 ! ir&loio. 
The commonest form of this kind of caesura (especially in the 
Iliad) is that in which these two alleviations are both present ; 

&pcrlr aKpiTopvOc, \iyvs Trep eo)z/ dyoprjr?}?. 

The first fifteen books of the Iliad contain eleven instances of 
trochaic caesura in the fourth foot, of which seven are of this 

In II. 9. 394 the MSS. give 

HrjXtvs 6r\v jbtot eVeira yvvaiKa \ yajueWerat CLVTOS. 
But we should doubtless read, with Aristarchus, 

yvvalna ye /uacro-erat airo?. 

Similarly we should probably read ra 8e' ^ OVK apa peXXov ovr\(riv 
(II. 5. 205, &a), instead of e/uteXXoi; : and conversely 0aAepr/ 8' 
fjnaivTO ^aiTJ] (II. 17. 439), and patyal 8' eXeXvvro ipavTuiv (Od. 
22. 1 86), instead of jutaiVero, AeAwro. In Od. 5. 272 we may 
treat 6\ff bvovra as one word in rhythm. But it is not easy to 
account for the rhythm in Od. 12. 47 eirt 8' ovar dXetx/rat eratpcoy. 
The result of these rules evidently is that there are two chief 
breaks or pauses in the verse the caesura in the third foot, and 
the diaeresis between the fourth and fifth and that the for- 
bidden divisions are the diaeresis and caesura which lie nearest to 
these pauses. Thus 

Best caesura 


- -- 

Worst diaeresis J^J .Jw \> <^> w -- 

Best diaeresis <Jw Jw wL- \Jw I vJL- 

Worst caesura vJw JL/ Jw w | w ww -- 

It is also common to find a diaeresis with a slight pause after 
the first foot ; cp. the recurring &s (pare, wy fyar, ws o ye, avrap 
6, and forms of address, as TCK.VOV, 8at/xoVt', a> c^t'Aot, a> TTOTrot, &c. 
Hence the occasional hiatus in this place, as II. 2. 209 fixil> *> s 
KrA.., II. I. 333 avrap 6 eyvoo ycnv tvi <j>pe<rt. 

368.] Spondaic verses. The use of a spondee in the fifth 


place occurs most commonly in verses which end with a word of 
four or more syllables, as 

orejut-juar' fycav V ^pcrlv 

v Apei 8e <*>vr]v, crrtpvov I 
It is also found with words of three long syllables, as 

And once or twice when the last word is a monosyllable : as 
uco/xr/o-cu (3&v (II. J. 238), ecrnj/ca /met? (II. 19. 117). 

A spondee in the fifth place ought not to end with a word. 
Hence we should correct the endings -f]5> blav &c. by reading T|6a, 
and 87/juoi> $77^1? (Od. 14. 239), by restoring the archaic 677^00. In 
Od. 1 2. 64 the words Xts irtrpr] at the end of the line are scanned 

Words of three long syllables are very seldom found before the 
Bucolic diaeresis. Examples are : 

II. 13* 7 J 3 ^ yo-P "0 l ffTC&tfl | vcrfAivr] | jj,ifAV (f)i\ov Krjp. 
Od. 10. 492 V^X?? XP r l (TO i Ji ^ vovs I ty/foiou | Tetpeo-tao. 
The rarity of verses with this rhythm may be judged from the 
fact that it is never found with the oblique cases of avOpto-nos 
(avOpdvwv &c.), although these occur about 150 times, and in 
every other place in the verse : or with a\\ri\(Dv &c., which occur 
about 100 times. 

Syllabic Quantity Position. 

369.] The quantity of a syllable that is to say, the time 
which it takes in pronunciation may be determined either by 
the length of the vowel (or vowels) which it contains, or by the 
character of the consonants which separate it from the next 
vowel sound. In ancient technical language, the vowel may be 
long by its own nature ($?Jo-ei), or by its position (0eVei). 

The assumptions that all long syllables are equal, and that a 
long syllable is equal in quantity to two short syllables, are not 
strictly true of the natural quantity in ordinary pronunciation. 
Since every consonant takes some time to pronounce, it is evident 
that the first syllables of the words otyis, ocppvs, o//,^^, opflpos 
are different in length; and so again are the first syllables of 
Mlro?, &rpvvov. Again, the diphthongs rj, T)U, &c. are longer than 
the single vowels TJ, w, &c., and also longer than the diphthongs 
6i, cu, 01, ou. In short, the poetical ( quantities ' must not be sup- 
posed to answer exactly to the natural or inherent length of the 
syllables. The poetical or metrical value is founded upon the 
natural length, but is the result of a sort of compromise, by 
which minor varieties of quantity are neglected, and the syl- 
lables thereby adapted to the demands of a simple rhythm.^ 

342 METRE. [370. 

It has been shown, however, that the general rule of Position rests upon a 
sound physiological basis. t The insertion of a consonant may be regarded as 
equivalent in respect of time to the change of a short vowel into a long one/ 
(Briicke, Die physiologischen Grundlagen der neuhochdeutschen Verskunst, p. 70 ; 
quoted by Hartel). 

370. ] Position. The general rule is that when a short vowel 
is followed by two consonants the syllable is long. 
Regarding this rule it is to be observed that 

(1) Exceptions are almost wholly confined to combinations of 
a Mute (esp. a tennis) with a following Liquid. But even with 
these combinations the general rule is observed in the great 
majority of the instances. 

(2) Most of the exceptions are found with words which could 
not otherwise be brought into the hexameter : such as 'A^poStrr/, 
\\fjL(j)i.Tpv(Dv, ppor&v, rpdirefa, Trpoo-r^Sa, &c. 

(3) The remaining exceptions are nearly all instances in which 
the vowel is separated by Diaeresis from the following con- 
sonants : as II. 1 8. 122 /cat TLVCL T/oootaScoi;, 24. 795 KOL rd ye 

The chief exceptions in Homer are as follows * : 

rp : in 'ApcpiTpvcav, erpdtyrjv (II. 23. 84 but see the note on 42 in the 
Appendix, p. 390), Terparevithov (II. 24. 324), (papeTprjs (II. 8. 323), 'Orpwrevs 
(II. 20. 383-4) ; and in d\\6rpios (unless we scan -tos, -tov, &c.). 

Before rpcnrf^a, Tpicuva, rpirrj (rpirjuovTa, &c.), r pair dopey (rpatrovTo, npo-Tpairt- 
aOat, &c.), Tpdyovs, rpoirois, rptfyti (Od. 5. 422., 13. 410), rpotpov (Od. 19. 489), 
rpffiov (Od. II. 527). 

Before a diaeresis, KO.I TIVO, Tpca'idSav (II. 18. 122). 

irp : in d\Xoirp6aa\\os (II. 5. 831) ; before irpocnjvSa, irpoaojirov, rrpo'i'Krrjs, ttp6oca, 
and other Compounds of irpo and irpos (irpoKfifjifva, Trpoffatgas, &c.) ; also before 
7iy>oy dAA^Aous, itpb aoreos, and one or two similar phrases (cp. II. 13. 799., 
17. 726). 

Before Ilpm/uS^s (II.), irpiv (II. i. 97 ovS* o 76 irpiv KT\., cp. 19. 313, Od. 14. 
334., 17. 597) ; npwTOS (Od. 3. 320., 17. 275), irpoatpdaeai (Od. 23. 106). 

Kp: in SaKpvoiffi (Od. 18. 173), SaftpvirXweiv (Od. 19. 122), Iveicpvifse (Od. 5. 488), (Od. 23. no). 

Before Kpovtav, Kpovov irais, Kparaiu<>, Kparaits, Kpdros fttya (II. 20. 121). Kpd- 
veia, Kpv(pr)86v, KpaSaivu, Kpa.TtvTa.ojv, Kpfwv. 

Add II. II. 697 ei'AcTO Kpivdfjievos ; Od. 8. 92 /caret (K&K w/)ara?), 12. 99 

06 T6 KpdTl. 

Pp : in PpoTos and its derivatives, as dfipoTr], dfJKpifipoTos : also before fipaxtw. 

8p : in dfj.(pi-5pv(pr]s (II. 2. 700), and before SpdKcuv, A.pvas, Spopovs. Also 11. 
ii. 69 TO. 8e SpdynaTa (unless we read Sdpy^aTa, as Hartel suggests). 

0p : in d\Xo-Opoos (Od. i. 183, &c.), and before Opovcav, &c. and Qpaatiduv. 
Also in II. 5. 462 rjyrjTOpt QprjKcuv. 

* They are enumerated by La Roche, Homerische Untersuchungen, pp. 1-41, 
with his usual care and completeness. 

37-] POSITION. 343 

<j>p : in 'AQpo&in) : and Od. 15. 444 rjp.iv 5' eni-^paffffer' oktOpov. Cp. Hes. Op. 
655 irpoiretppaS^va. 

Xp : before xP e ' os or XP* 035 (Od. 8. 353) : and in II. 23. 186 po56fvn 8 xpi fv > 
II. 24. 795 Kal TO. ye xP va ' l7 J v > 

T\ : in <Tx fr ^' i n (II. 3. 4!4)> which however may be scanned . 

K\ : in ndrpoK\e (II. 19. 287), eK\i0r] (Od. 19. 470 should perhaps be read 
(Tfpcuffe K\iOr]\ irpoaeitXive (Od. 21. 138, 165 read perhaps irpoatcXive or ItfAti/e) : 
and before K\vraip:vr]aTprj, KXecwai, K\VOJV, K\r)5duv, K\i0f)vai (Od. I. 366). Also, 
in Od. 12. 215 TVTTTfrc fc\rji8ea<nv, 20. 92 TTJS 8' apa KXatovcrrjs. 

irX : in the Compounds Tix*ffi-'ntifJTa (II. 5. 31, 455), TrpeuTo-TrAoo?, Trpoff(ir\ae 
(Od. II. 583 read perhaps trp6ff-ir\ae) : before Hkdrcua, irXtow sailing, irXt&v 
more (II. 10. 252), ir\tov full (Od. 20. 355). Add II. 9. 382 ( = 0d. 4. 127) Aiyvn- 
rias, o0t TrAefcrTa (with v. J. 77* TrAeurTa, cp. Od. 4. 229), and II. 4. 329 aurap <5 

X\ : in Od. 10. 234 /cat /xeAt xXcapov, 14. 429 d/x</>t 8e 
To these have to be added the very few examples of a vowel remaining short 
before <TK and : viz. 

O-K : before Stfa^arSpo?, OKetrapvov (Od. 5. 237., 9. 391), OKITJ (Hes. Op. 589). 
: before Zaicvv6os (II. 2. 634, Od. I. 246, &c.), ZeXfia (II. 2. 824, &c.). 
<TT : before aredros in Od. 21. 178, 183 unless it is a case of Synizesis. 

A comparison of these exceptions will show that in a sense 
we are right in attributing them to metrical necessity. There 
are comparatively few instances in which the two consonants 
do not come at the beginning of a word of the form w - , so that 
the last syllable of the preceding word must be a short one. 
On the other hand, the extent to which neglect of position is 
allowed for metrical convenience is limited, and depends on the 
natural quantity of the consonants in question, i. e. the actual 
time occupied by their pronunciation. Sonant mutes (mediae) 
are longer than surd mutes (tenues) ; gutturals are longer than 
dentals or labials ; and of the two liquids X is longer than p. 
Thus shortening is tolerably frequent before irp and rp, less so 
before KP_, ir\, icX, Qp, xp. With other combinations of mute and 
liquid, as <f>p, |3p, 8p, and with O-K and I, it seems to be only ad- 
mitted for the sake of words which the poet was absolutely com- 
pelled to bring in : such as 'AQpotitrrj, 2Kajuai>6po?, ZdnvvOos, 
fiporos, with its compounds, &c. No exceptions are found before 
yp, y\ 3 <A, KV, K/X, or any combination other than those men- 
tioned. In short, the harshness tolerated in a violation of the 
rule usually bears a direct relation to its necessity. It was im- 
possible to have an Iliad without the names Aphrodite and 
Scamander, but these are felt and treated as exceptions. 

The word dvSpoTrjs, which appears in the fixed ending \nrova 1 dvSporrjTa KO.I 
ij&rjv, should prooably be written dSpoTTjs. As the original p-p offtporos becomes 
either pfip (as d-(*0poTos, (pOial-p-^poros), or (3p (as vv d-PpoTT), d/j.<pt-0poTos'), so 
vp might become vSp (as di/Spos), or 8p. So perhaps 'Evva\ia> avSpftyovrrj should 
be 'EvvaXiy dSpicpovrr) ( ww ) : cp. dvSpe-tyovos (Hdn. ap. Eustath. 183, 6). 

344 METRE. [371. 

The plea on which a short vowel is allowed before 
may be extended, as Fick points out (Bezz. Beitr. xiv. 316), to some forms of 
atfiSvrjui now written without the cr, viz. KedaaOev (II. 15. 657), KfSaffOfvres, &c. 
Metrical necessity, however, would not justify the same license with a/ciSvarai 
(emKiSvarai II. 2. 85O r c.), e-ffieiSvaTo, e-ffttzSaaae (for which lavceSacre is available). 

Neglect of Position is perceptibly commoner in the Odyssey than in the 
Iliad. Apart from cases in which the necessities of metre can be pleaded* 
viz. proper names and words beginning with w -, it will be found that the 
proportion of examples is about 3:1. It will be seen, too, that some marked 
instances occur in Books 23 and 24 of the Iliad. In Hesibd and the Homeric 
Hymns the rule is still more lax. Thus in Hesiod a vowel is allowed to be 
short before KV (Op. 567, Fr. 95), and -irv (Theog. 319). In the scanty 
fragments of the Cyclic poets we find "ntirpcarai (Cypria), irdrpt (Little Iliad), 
'A-yx" KXVTOV KT\. (ibid.}, a//3ea (Iliupersis). 

371.1 Lengthening before p, X, jut, v, a, 8. There are various 
words beginning with one of these letters (the liquids p, X, p, v, 
the spirant <r, and the media 8), before which a short final vowel 
is often allowed to have the metrical value of a long syllable. 
Initial p appears always to have this power of lengthening a 
preceding vowel ; but in the case of the other letters mentioned 
it is generally confined to certain words. Thus we have ex- 
amples before 

\ } in AiV(rojuai r Arjya), Aei/3a>, Aiyvj, Aiapo?, AiTrapo?, At?, Xairapri, 
Xotyos, and occasionally in a few others : but not (e.g.) in 
such frequently occurring words as AVKIOJ, Ae'xo?, Aetmo. 
fi, in jueyaj, fjLtyapov, .juioipa, /zaAaKo?, /jte'Aoj, juieAtrj, /maorif, poOos : 

but not (e.g.) juax.ojucu, jote'ro?, jue'Xa?, /xa/cap, fjivQos. 
v, in vcvpri, ue'^oy, i>i</)aj, vu^r), z/oro?, VTJTOS, vv(rcra : once only 
before vrfvs (II. 13. 47^): not before VCKVS, voos, veptfns, &c. 
cr, in crtva), crap : once before a~u (II. 20. 434), and once before 

o-vfaos (Od. 10. 238). 

8, in 8e'os, btivos, bei-aas &e. (Stem Sfei-), 77^ Sr]p6v ( 394). 
This lengthening, it is to be observed, is almost wholly con- 
fined to the syllables which have the metrical ictus : the excep- 
tions are, 77oXAa Xio-cro^vr] (II. 5. 358, so II. 21. 368., 22. 91), 
KVKva p(t>ya\ir]v (Od. 13. 438, &C.), iroXXa pvcrTa& (II. 24. 
755). Further, it is chiefly found where the sense requires the 
two words to be closely joined in pronunciation : in particular 

(1) In the final vowel of Prepositions followed by a Case-form : 
as em prjyjuuzn, Ttorl \6cf)ov, VTTO \LTrapo'i(TL ) Kara ^olpav, tvl jacyapo), 
Kara \^6Qov y 8ta v<f)(V ) airb VfVprjQiv, Kara (rv<pol(nv ) Kara fitivovs, 
7rl brjpov, and similar combinations. 

(2) In fixed phrases : cos re Afc (II. n. 239., 17. 109., 18. 318), 
K\alov 8e Atycos (Od. 10. 201, &c.), airri^ovd re Xiapov re (II. 14. 
164, &c.j, KaXrj re /leyaAr; re, to'j re juteye^o's re, Tpwes 8e /xeya- 


s re VL()a$, crvv e ve- 
KaAin/fe, ore crevatro, ov TL jmaAa 8771;, and the like. 

These facts lead us to connect the lengthening now in ques- 
tion with the peculiar doubling of the initial consonant which we 
see in Compounds, as aTro-ppiVrco, v-ppoos, a-ppr]KTos, rpi-AAi<rro?, 
eu-jUjuteAiT]?, ayd-vi>i(f)o$, e7n-o-<reva), eu-o-o-eAjuos, a-66ef}s : and after 
the Augment ( 67), as e'-pptx/ra, e-pp??a, t-ppeov, e-AAtWero, 
e-/xjutope, e-vvov, e-orcreva, e-85eto-a (so the MSS., but Aristarchus 
wrote e6eto-a). The words and stems in which this doubling 
occurs are in the main the same as those which lengthen a pre- 
ceding final vowel : and the explanation, whatever it be, must 
be one that will apply to both groups of phenomena. 

With most of these words the lengthening of a preceding 
vowel (or doubling of the consonant, as the case may be) is 
optional. But there is no clear instance in Homer of a short 
vowel remaining short before the root Sfei- (e.g. in the 2 Aor. 
biov, the I Aor. e'deicro, the Nouns 6eos, Seiko's, SeiAo's, even the 
proper names Aeto-7Jz;a>p, &c.), or the Adverb Srju. The same may 
be said of paKos, priyw^i^ pvo^ai, prjros, pnrra), piov, also /u,a\aKoj, 
jueAirj, vi(j)ds. Lengthening is also the rule, subject to few 
exceptions, with AtVo-o//at, Ao^o?, vtcfros, vtvpri, ptvos, poos, pafibos, 
/oi'fa, and some others (La Roche, H. U. pp. 47 ff.). 

372.] Origin of the lengthening.* The most probable account 
of the matter is that most of the roots or stems affected originally 
began with two consonants, one of which was lost by phonetic 
decay. Thus initial p may stand for fp (as in Fpriy-vvfja), or ap 
(as *o-peo)^ Sanscrit sravdmi) : Ai? is probably for XFis (with a 
weaker Stem than the form seen in AeT-coy) : vvos is for crvvos 
(Sanscr. snus/id) : vify-as goes back to a root sneibh, (Goth, snaivs, 
snow) : jjiolpa is probably from a root smer : (reA/a,a is for a^cAjita 
(Curt. s. v.) : and 8ei- in det-z/o's &c. is for Sfet- (cp. Sei'-Souta for 
be-bFoiKo). It is not indeed necessary to maintain that in these 
cases the lost consonant was pronounced at the time when the 
Homeric poems were composed. We have only to suppose that 
fa& particular combination in question had established itself in the 
usage of the language before the two consonants were reduced 
by phonetic decay to one. Thus we may either suppose (e.g^) 
that Kara poov in the time of Homer was still pronounced Kara 
o-pooy, or that certain combinations Kara-o-peco, eu-a-pooj, Kara 
crpoov, &c. passed into Kara-ppeco, eu-ppoo?, Kara ppoov (or Kara 
poov). There are several instances in which a second form of a 
word appears in combinations of a fixed type. Thus we have 

* On this subject the chief sources of information are, La Roche, Homerische 
Untersuchungen (pp. 49-65) ; Hartel, Homerische Studien (Pt. i. pp. 1-55) ; and 
Knos, De Digammo Homerico Quaestiones (Pt. iii. 225 ff.). 

34$ METRE. [373. 

the form -nroAis, in TTOTI TJTO'AIO?, 'A^iAAT/a TTToXiiropdov, &c. : 
Trro'Aejucos, in jue'ya TjroAe'juioio /utejutryXco?, am TrroAe/uioio yet/wpas. 
Similarly a primitive y5o{m>? survives in tpi-yboviTos (also epi- 
e-ySovTnjfre: and yz;oos in d-y^oeco. Cp. also the pairs 
and juu/cpdj, o-Kibvapai. and Kibva^ai, (TVS and 9, w and 
It is at least conceivable that in the same way the poet of 
the Iliad said polpav and also Kara o-jutotpai> 5 juetSiacoi; but </>iAo- 
o-^ci^s, 8r)i> 171; at the beginning of a line, but jmdAa Sfrjy at the 
end : and so in other cases. 

It is true that the proportion of the words now in question 
which can be proved to have originally had an initial double 
consonant is not very great. Of the liquids, the method is most 
successful with initial p, which can nearly always be traced back 
to vr or sr. And among the words with initial v a fair propor- 
tion can be shown to have begun originally with ov (vtvpri, vvos, 
vi(f)as, z>eo>, vv^r]). The difficulty is partly met by the further 
supposition that the habit of lengthening before initial liquids 
was extended by analogy, from the stems in which it was 
originally due to a double consonant to others in which it had 
no such etymological ground. This supposition is certainly well 
founded in the case of p, before which lengthening became the 

373.] Final i of the Dat. Sing. The final i of the Dat. 
(Loc.) Sing, is so frequently long that it may be regarded as a 
' doubtful vowel/ The examples are especially found in lines 
and phrases of a fixed or archaic type : 

17 pa, Kat V 5eu>(i> cra/cel' lAao-' oj3pi[Jiov eyxs* 

ov TTOV Ait jue'AAei vTTfp^vfL (frihov etz>ai (thrice in the II.). 

TO rptrov avff vbari (Od. 1O. 520., II. 28). 

avrov Trap vrft re JJL^VCLV (Od. 9. 194., IO. 444). 

TJXvOov etKoo-rw ere'i es KrA. (6 times in the Od.). 
So in Auuri 8e /xdAtora, 'Obvcroiji 8e /xaAto-ra, &c. and the fixed 
epithet Att <^)tAos. Considering also that this vowel is rarely 
elided ( 376), it becomes highly probable that t as well as t was 
originally in use.f 

It is an interesting question whether these traces of -i as the ending of the 
Homeric Dat. are to be connected with the occasional -I of the Locative in the 
Veda (Brugmann, Grundr. ii. 256, p. 610). The Vedic lengthening appears 
to be one of a group of similar changes of quantity which affect a short final 
vowel, and which are in their origin rhythmical, since they generally serve 
to prevent a succession of short syllables (Wackernagel, Das Dehnungsgesetz der 
griecMschen Composite/,, p. 12 ff., quoted by Brugmann I. c.). The same thing 
may evidently be said of the Homeric -I in many of the cases quoted, as 

t The priority in this as in so many inferences from Homeric usage belongs 
(as Hartel notices) to H. L. Ahrens (Philologus, iv. pp. 593 ff.). 


irartpi, ffdfcei, erfi. Hence it is probable that the lengthening dates from the 
Indo-European language, and is not due in the first instance to the require- 
ments of the hexameter. But in such a case as 'OSvaarji it may be that the 
Greek poet treats it as a license, which he takes advantage of in order to avoid 
the impossible quantities v w (cp. oi^vpurepos for the unmetrical oi 

374.] Final a. The metrical considerations which lead us to 
recognise -I in the Dat. Sing, might be urged, though with less 
force, in favour of an original -d as the ending of the Neut. 
Plur. We have 

II. 5. 745 ( = 8. 389) S 5' oxea <Ao'yea Troo-t /3?i(Tero. 

8. 556 (t>aivT J apnrpeirta, ore KrA. 
II. 678 (Od. 14. 100) roVa Trwea ol&v (v. L 

20. 255 TroAA.' erea re KCU OVKL. 

21. 352 ra -rrept KaAa pe'eflpa. 
23. 240 apK^paSe'a 8e reYi>Krat. 

24- 7 oTToa'a roAvTreixre. 
Od. 9. 109 arrTrapra Kal avr\pora. 

12. 396 oTrraAe'a re Kat a>/>ta. 
14. 343 pooyaA.e'a, ra Kat avro'j. 
23. 225 apt^)pa6ea Kare'Aefaj. 

In the majority of these instances, however, the final a is 
preceded by the vowel e, from which it was originally separated 
by a spirant (o;(e-(r~a, Tropc^vpe-t-a). Cp. II. I. 45 aju^r/pe^e'a re 
(frapcTpriv, 5- 576 rTvAat/oieVea eAerrjzJ, 5- 827 "Aprja TO ye, 14. 329 
flepo-^d TtavTutv, Od. I. 40 ex yap 'OpeVrao rtVt?. As two suc- 
cessive vowels are often found to interchange their quantity 
(fiaorikrja, /Sao-tAe'd), so perhaps, even when the first vowel re- 
tains its metrical value, there may be a slight transference' of 
quantity, sufficient to allow the final vowel, when reinforced by 
the ictus, to count as a long syllable. Cp. 375, 3. 

The scanning la (in II. 4. 321 et roVe Kovpos ea vvv KrA., cp. 
5. 887, Od. 14. 352) may be explained by transference of quantity, 
from rfa. 

375.] Short syllables ending in a consonant are also occa- 
sionally lengthened in arsis, although the next word begins with 
a vowel : as 

ovre TTOT' es TroAejuto^ a/xa Aaw 

aW oc^eAes ayovos r e/xerat KrA. 

Xepo-tz> VTr 3 'Apyetooy (^^tjite^os tv 7rarp^8t yat'r/. 

The circumstances under which this metrical lengthening 
is generally found differ remarkably, as has been recently 

348 METRE. [375. 

shown,* from those which prevail where short final vowels are 
lengthened before an initial consonant. In those cases, as we 
saw ( 371), the rule is that the two words are closely connected, 
usually in a set phrase or piece of epic commonplace. In the 
examples now in question the words are often separated by the 
punctuation : and where this is not the case it will usually be 
found that there is a slight pause. In half of the instances the 
words are separated by the penthemimeral caesura, which always 
marks a pause in the rhythm. Further, this lengthening is 
only found in the syllable with the ictus. The explanation, 
therefore, must be sought either in the force of the ictus, or in 
the pause (which necessarily adds something to the time of a 
preceding syllable), or in the combination of these two causes. 

In some instances, however, a different account of the matter 
has to be given : in particular 

(1) With <5s following the word to which it refers : as II. 2. 

190 KCLKOV cos (^ ), and so 0eos GOS, KVVCS wy, opviOes to?, aOd- 

varos 009, &c. In these instances the lengthening may be re- 
ferred to the original palatal t or y of the Pronoun (Sanscr. yas, 
yd, yad=o$, rj, o). It is not to be supposed that the actual 
form to>? existed in Homeric times : but the habit of treating 
a preceding syllable as long by Position survived in the group 
of phrases. Others explain this <Ss as 'feu? (Sanscr. sva-), com- 
paring Gothic sve ( &s' (Brugm'ann, Gr. Gr. 98) ; or 0-009 ( 108, 3). 

(2) In the case of some words ending with -is, -w, -us, -UK, 
where the vowel was long, or at least ' doubtful,' in Homer. 

In (3\oa-vpG)TTis and fyis the final syllable is long before a 
vowel even in thesis. So the i may have been long in Oovpis (cp. 
the phrase Qovpiv errteijueVos a\Kifjv) : and traces of the same 
scansion may be seen in the phrases epi9 ajutoroz; /uejuaiua, Ait JJLTJTIV 
draAaz;ro9, although ept9, ju?jrtj are more common. 

Final -us (Gen. -uos) is long in Feminine Substantives ( 116, 
4), as Wvs aim (u in thesis, II. 6. 79., 21. 303), ^rjOvs (II. u. 
305), dxAv9 (II. 20. 421), l\vs (Gen. -09), Ppurvs (Od. 18. 407) 
and other Nouns in -TVS : also in the Masc. i\Qvs, VZKVS, (Borpvs 
(fiorpubov), and perhaps TT&ZKVS (II. 17. 520). 

(3) Where the vowel of the final syllable is preceded by 
another, especially by a long vowel ; as oiKrjas aKo^ov re (II. 6. 
366), 'AxtAArjo? oXoov Krjp (II. 14. 139), 6? Xabv ^fyeipa (Od. 2.41), 
6/u<Sej fvl (HK&> (Od. II. 190), TrAetoy eAeAetTrro (Od. 8. 475), XP e *-o? 
vTTaXvai (with v. I. xpetW, Od. 8. 355) : and so in vrjas (a, II. 2. 
165., 1 8. 260), vrjos (Od. 12. 329), T/xoe? (II. 17. 730), /3oo? (II. II. 
776), also "Apr]a, Yleparrja. and the other examples given in 374- 

In such cases there is a tendency to lengthen the second 

* By Hartel, in the Homeric Studies already quoted, i. p. 10. 

376.] ELISION. 349 

vowel, as in the Attic forms pavikta, 'AxiAAe'co?, &c. In Homer 
we may suppose that the second of the two vowels borrows some 
of the quantity of the other, so that with the help of the ictus it 
can form the arsis of a foot. Actual lengthening of the second 
vowel may be seen in Homer in the form a7r-7Ja>pos' hanging loose 
(cp. /zer-TJopos and the later /xer-oopo?) also in bva-arj^v (Gen. Plur. 
of bvcrarjs). 

(4) In the Ending -ou> of the Dual, as &potiv (II. 13. 51 1., 16. 
560, Od. 6. 219), twouVt a-TaOfjLOuv : also in v&'Cv, crcfr&'iv. We 
may compare the doubtful i of fjiuv, vjuv, and the two forms of 
the Dat. Plur. in Latin (-Ms, -Ms). Similarly there are traces 
of t in fiic (II. 5. 385., 6. 501 ., 10. 347., ii. 376, &c.). In the 
case of -oi'if and -one the account given under the last head 
would apply. 

In a few places it appears as though the 3 Plur. of Secondary Tenses in -v 
(for -VT) were allowed to be long: as fyav diriovres (Od. 9. 413), KO! tcvveov 
dyaira6}tevoi (Od. 17. 35, &c.), &c. This is confined (curiously enough) to the 
Odyssey and the Catalogue of the Ships. In the latter it occurs seven times : 
in the Odyssey eleven times, in the rest of the Iliad once (7. 206). 

Elision, Crasis, fyc. 

376.] A final vowel cut off before a word beginning with a 
vowel is said to suffer Elision (eK0A.i\/as) : as jj.vpC 'Amatols aXyz' 
eflr/Ke. Whether an elided vowel was entirely silent, or merely 
slurred over in such a way that it did not form a distinct syllable, 
is a question which can hardly be determined. 

The vowels that are generally liable to elision are a, e, o, i. 

(1) The o of 6, TO, irpo is not elided, 

Final -o is not elided in the Gen. endings -ou>, -do, and very 
rarely in the Pronouns e/xeio, &c. This however may be merely 
because the later forms of these endings, viz. -ou, -ew, -eu, took 
the place of -oi'(o), -d'(o), -*i'(o) when a vowel followed. In the 
case of ao this supposition is borne out by the fact that -eu is 
often found before a vowel, as nrjArjiadeo) 'AxtArjo? (/. ITr;A.r]ta6a') : 
and by the rarity of the contraction of eo to eu ( 378*). There 
is less to be said for elision of -o in the ending -oio. That ending 
in Homer is archaic ( 149), therefore the presumption is against 
emendations which increase the frequency of its occurrence. And 
the cases of -ou remaining long before hiatus are not exceptionally 
common (Hartel, H. S. ii. 6). 

(2) The t of TI, irept is not elided in Homer; regarding on see 
269. But irepi is elided in Hesiod : as Trepotxerat, Trept'axe. 

(3) The -t of the Dat. Sing, is rarely elided; but see 105, T. 
Exceptions are to be seen in II. 4. 259 778' tv 8ai0' ore KrA. ; 5. 5 

350 METRE. [377. 

acrre'p' O7ra>piz>(3 KrA. ; II. 3. 349., IO. 277., 12. 88., 16. 385., 17. 
45, 324., 23. 693., 24. 26, Od. 5. 62, 398., 10. 106., 13. 35., 15. 
364., 19. 480. The i of the Dat. Plur. is often elided in the 
First and Second Declensions, and in the forms in -ao-t of the 
Third Declension. On the other hand, elision is very rare in the 
forms in -<n, -ao-i, -uo-i, &c. 

The diphthong -<u of the Person-Endings -fiat, -om, -rat, -n-at, 
-a0ai is frequently elided : as /3ouAoju J eyw, Ktio-ovr h TTpodvpoio-i, 
nplv X.vo-ao-0' cTapovs. But not the -at of the I Aor. Inf. Act. or 
of the Inf. in -mi : hence in II. 21. 323 read Tvufioxoris, not the 
Inf. TVjj,(Bo\ofj<r\ 

The diphthong -ot of the enclitic Pronouns poi and om (T<H) is 
elided in a few places : II. 6. 165 6s JJL ZOtXev </>iAo'rr)rt, juuy?///ez>ai 
OVK efleAovo-rj; 13. 481 KCL{ p oto> afjLVvtrt (so Od. 4. 367); 17. IOO 
TO) n' ov TLS VfjLo-^arTai : also II. I. 1 7o., 9. 673., 13. 544v 2 3- 
310, 579, Od. i. 60, 347., 23. 21 (Cobet, Misc. Grit. p. 345). 
Other instances may be recovered by conjecture : thus in II. 3. 
173 o>s ofatev Odvaros /ixot abeiv should probably be <os p cty>eAez> 
OdvciTos abeew ( 365) ; and in II. 24. 757 vvv be /xot epo-TJets Van 
Leeuwen reads vvv dt p eepo-?]et9. 

In the case of the enclitic ol ('fot) elision involved the disap- 
pearance of the Pronoun from the later text. In II. 6. 289 ( = 
Od. 15. 105) 1-vO' <i(rav ol -TreTrXot the original was probably evOa 
'/^(oi) fo-av (cp. Od. 15. 556 evOa ol T](rav ves). In II. 5. 310 ( = 
II. 35^) o,fjL(f)l be oo-o-e KeAat^^ vv eKaAvx/^e read aju(/H be V. In 
Od. 9. 360 &s (f)dr\ arap ol avrt?, where some MSS. have ^>s 
', avrdp ol CLVTIS, read avrdp T.* 

377.] Crasis. When a final vowel, instead of being elided, 
coalesces with the initial vowel of the next word, the process is 
termed Crasis. 

The use of Crasis in Homer is limited. It is seen in ouyexa 
and rouj/cKa, also in raXXa for ra aAAa (II. I. 465, &c.), Kauros for 
Kal avros (in II. 6. 260., 13. 734, Od. 3. 255., 6. 282 the three 
last being passages where K' cwro'? for KC avros is inadmissible), 
and xV ?s for KCU r//iet? (II. 2. 238). In these cases either Crasis 
or Elision is required by the metre. Most texts also have 
wpioros, oufxos (II. 8. 360), WUTOS for 6 avros (II. 5. 396), Kayw, 
TWJJLW, TTjfxTf : also irpou- for irpo-- (in Trpov^atz^e, irpov^ova-as, &c.). 
But since the full forms 6 apioros, &c. are equally allowed by the 

* J. van Leeuwen, Mnemos. xiii. 188 ff. Of the numerous other emendations 
of this kind which he proposes few are positively required. The style of 
Homer constantly allows an unemphatic Pronoun to be supplied from the 
context. Moreover, he frequently proposes to insert enclitics in a part of the 
sentence in which they seldom occur ( 365). It would be difficult (e.g.') to 
find a parallel for cTrei /*' a^>eAe<r0e 'ff dovres or x l P^ ^ vfKrapeov feavov 'f' 
4rtJ/ae Aa/SoGcra. 


metre we cannot but suspect that the spelling with Crasis may 
be due to later usage. The forms jcd/cei^o?, KaKeure, &c. (for 
KOI Ktlvos, &c.) are certainly wrong, as CKZIVOS is not the Ho- 
meric form. 

378.] Synizesis is the term used when the two coalescing 
vowels are written in full, but ' sink together 3 (vvviavu>} into 
one syllable in pronunciation. 

The Particle r\ unites with the initial vowel of a following 
vowel, especially with av, CLVTOS and OVTMS ( 350) ; also with 
'Amjudxoio (II. II. 138), d^eioYaros (II. 2O. 23OJ, dyprjv (Od. 
12. 330). ^ 

Synizesis is also found with if, in the combination 77 oi>x (II. 5- 

439, &c.), ri tls 6 Kev (II. 5. 466), ri efafyevat, (Od. 4. 682) ; with 

eirei ou (Od. 4. 352, &c.) ; with JAY) aXXoi (Od. 4. 165); and in 

II. 17. 89 do-/3e'oT(i)- ovb' vlbv \a0ev 'Arpeoj: where we may 

perhaps read da-/3eW<i>' ovb' via Xa0' 'Arpeoj. 
18. 458 wet /x(5 &KV[jL6p<i) (one or two MSS. give vt' e/>tw). 
Od. I. 226 dXaiTivr] rj yajuto? KrX. 

In II. I. 277 Urj^ibr] l^cV, and Od. 17. 375 aplyvvTe the 
case is different : a short vowel is absorbed in a preceding long one. 

Other examples of Synizesis are to be found in the mono- 
syllabic pronunciation of ea, eo, ew, both in Verbs ( 57) and 
Nouns ( 105, 3). It will be seen that in the cases now in 
question (apart from some doubtful forms) an E-sound (TJ, ei, e) 
merges in a following a or o. 

The term Synizesis may also be applied to the monosyllabic 
pronunciation of the vowels in Alyvirrir] (Od. 4. 229), &c. 
o-^erkir] (II. 3. 414), 'Icmcua (II. 2. 537)- 1^ nas been thought 
that in these cases the i was pronounced like our y : but this is 
not a necessary inference from the scansion. In Italian verse, 
for instance, such words as mio, mia count as monosyllables, but 
are not pronounced myo^ mya. For TTO'AIOS (w in II. 2. 8 j i., 21. 
567) it is better to read Tro'Aeos ( 107) j and for TroXtas (Od. 8. 
560, 574) woXts. The corresponding Synizesis of u is generally 
recognised in the word 'Ez/vaXtw (commonly scanned ua in the 
phrase 'EjwaXuo avbpeityovTri) : but see 370 ad fin. 

378.*] Contraction. The question of the use of contracted 
forms has been already touched upon in connexion with the dif- 
ferent grammatical categories which it affects: see 56, 81, 
105. It will be useful here to recapitulate the results, and to 
notice one or two attempts which have been made to recover the 
original usage of Homer in this respect.* 

* See especially J. van Leeuwen, Mnemosyne, Nov. Ser. xiii. p. 215, xiv. 
P- 335 : an< i Menrad, De contractionis et synizeseos usu Homerico (Monachii, 1886). 

352 METRE. [37 8 *- 

I. Contraction is most readily admitted between similar 
sounds, or when the second is of hig'her vowel pitch, i. e. higher 
in the scale o, w, a, YJ, c. Thus we have many instances with 
the combinations ee, oo, ae, oe ; few with ea, aw, ao, still fewer 

With W, 0. 

2,. In most cases in which contraction is freely admitted we 
find that the sound which originally separated the vowels was 
the semi-vowel t or y. In case of the loss of or it is compara- 
tively rare ; with F it is probably not Homeric at all ( 396). 
Hence (e. g.) although it is common with the combinations ee, 
eel in most Verbs in -eo> ( 56), it is not found in x^ (x 6 ^"^) 
and is extremely rare in rpea> (rpeo--a), see 29, 6). But it is 
admitted with loss of <n, as in the Gen. ending -ou from -00-10 
(-010, -oo), and the Verbs in -eo> from stems in -co-, as 

(a) On these principles we should expect the 2 Sing, endings -eat, -co, -rjai, 
-ao (for -fffat, &c. ) to remain uncontraeted ; and this view is borne out on the 
whole by the very careful investigation made by J. van Leeuwen. Omitting 
the Verbs in -cuo and -ecu we find that there are about 522 occurrences of these 
endings, and that of these 434 present uncontracted forms : while in 66 
instances the contracted syllable comes before a vowel, so that it can be 
written with elision of -01 or -o (e.g. II. 3. 138 KtitXijat O.KOITIS, for KK\r)<rr) : 
II. 9. 54 67rA.e' dpiaros, for In the case of -co this mode of writing finds 
some support in theMSS. : e.g. ^/euSc' (II. 4. 404), TratV (II. 9. 260, Od. i. 340), 
ux 6 ' (II. 3- 43o> Od. 4. 752), also enV, read by Aristarchus in II. 10. 146 (firtv 
MSS.). Against these 500 instances there are only 22 exceptions, 7 in the 
Iliad and 15 in the Odyssey, some of which can be readily corrected. Thus 
II. 4. 264 ( = 19. 139) opacv iro\efji6v8e should be opao TrroA.efioi'Se (Nauck) : 
in II. 2. 367 yvuatai 8' ft omit S (Barnes) : in II. 24. 434 for os pe tce\ri read 
6$ K\(ai, and so in Od. 4. 812., 5. 174. In Od. 18. 107 for e-navprj read the 
Act. firavpris (Van L.) : as in II. i. 203 we may retain iSris (so the MSS. ; Ar. 
t577, but the corruption lies deeper). The greater frequency of instances in 
the Odyssey (and in book xxiv of the Iliad) is hardly enough to indicate a 
difference of usage within the Homeric age. 

(6) In the corresponding forms of Verbs in -cuo and -ew there is a concur- 
rence of three vowels, which in our text are always reduced to two syllables, 
either by contraction, as in cu'Sefo, p,v0iai, veicu, nvaa, or by hyphaeresis 
( 105), as nvQeai, aipeo, ZK\CO, myAeai (Od. 4. 811). A single vowel appears in 
ircipq. for ireipa-eat, fjpu> for fipa-to. The metre requires aiStTo, cupeo, eA.eo, 
iTwXfai ; for ireipa it allows ireipdcu (becoming irfipa.' in II. 24. 390, 433, Od. 4. 
545). The isolated form o/^cu (Od. 14. 343) for opa-eat should perhaps be 
opdai or upda. If the ending is in its original form it belongs to the Non- 
Thematic conjugation ( 19) : another example may be found in oprjro (or 
oprjro}, read by Zenodotus in II. i. 56, 

(c) In the Future in -eo> (for -etrca) contraction is less frequent than in the 
Present of Verbs in -ea> (-(tea or -etricy). Forms such as 6\e?Tcu, Ka^eirat, paxfirai, 
dfjLeirai, KOfjiiw, KTfpiw, KTepiovai, evidently could not otherwise come into the 
verse. In II. 17. 451 atywiv 8' kv fovvtaat (3a\w we may read /3aA<u (Fick). 



II. 4. 161 eK re Kal 6\f;e re\ei we should take re\ei as a Present. The remaining 
exceptions are, KreveT in II. 15. 65, 68 (probably an interpolation), KaraKrevei 
in II. 23. 412, and eK(paveiin II. 19. 104. 

(d) Similarly in the declension of stems in -e<r the ending -ccs is rarely 
contracted. In the phrase (paivovrai (or <paiv(o9ai) evapyeTs (II. 20. 131, Od. 7. 
201., 16. 161) Fick happily reads evapyes, to be taken as an adverb. The same 
remedy is applicable in II. 9. 225 Sairbs pev ei'arjs OVK emSeveTs, and II. 13. 622 
a\\r)s nev \ufirjs re Kal a'to'xfos OVK eiriSeveTs, where the Nom. Plur. is unex- 
plained : read OVK etnSeves there is no lack. 

(e) The contraction of eo to eu is rare in the Gen. of stems in -0- ( 105, 3), 
but frequent in the Pronominal Genitives efj.ev (jueu), aev, ev, rev. Here again, 
however, we are struck by the number of cases in which we can substitute the 
forms in -eio or -o, with elision of -o. In our MSS. the elision actually occurs 
in eneT' (II. 23. 789, Od. 8. 462) and (re? (II. 6. 454, also Horn. H. xxxiv. 19). In 
II. 17. 173 vvv Se oev wvoffanrjv Zenodotus is said to have read vvv 5e at, i.e. 
probably vvv 5e ffe'. The full forms in -eto or -co occur 121 times, and may be 
restored without elision 9 times, with elision 56 times. To these we should 
add the instances in which we may put the form */x6o (6 times) or fie' (19 
times). There remain altogether about fifty-five exceptions, which are discussed 
by J. van Leeuwen (Mnemos. xiii. 215). In the phrase KK\vre IJKV, which 
occurs 19 times, he would read p,ot, according to the Homeric construction 
( r 43> 3)- So in the formula KeK\vre 5r) vvv pev, 'I6aKr)ffioi (5 times in the 
Odyssey), where however we are tempted to restore epei' (cp. II. 3. 97 KeKXvre 
vvv Kal (fj,eio\ He suggests putting the Dat. for the Gen. also in Od. 10. 485 
01 (lev <p&ivvdovo~i (pi\ov Krjp, Od. 15. 467 01 fjiev -narkp d/AfpeTrevovTO, Od. 1 6. 92 ^ 
paXa fj.fv KaraSdiTTfT' O.KOVOVTOS <pi\ov fjrop. In the last passage it is needless 
to alter the Gen. O.KOVOVTOS ( 243, 3, d), and we may even read in II. i. 453 
|xol irdpos fK\ves evgajjifvoio (cp. II. 1 6. 531 OTTI ol SIK iJKOvffe [At^as debs (va- 
Hfvoio"). The substitution of the Dat. seems the most probable correction 
in various places where Leeuwen proposes other changes : Od. 4. 746 epev 5' 
e\ero fj.eyav opKOV (cp. II. 22. 119 Ipualv 8' av . opKov fAwfun), II. 2. 388 lopwaet 
fjiev rev re\afj,uv afj.(f>l orrjOefftyi, II. 22. 454 at yap air' ovaros etr) efjiev enos (cp. 18. 
272) ; also II. i. 273., 9. 377., 16. 497., 19. 185., 20. 464., 24. 293, 311, 750, 754, 
Od. 5. 311., 9. 20., 13. 231., 19. 108., 24. 257 ; and perhaps II. 19. 137 Kai p.ev 
Qpevas (t\eTo Zevs (unless the /ie of some MSS. is right), so II. 9. 377 and II. 9. 
335. In Od. 19. 215 vvv (lev 8?) oev, (ive, 6t<a ireiprjaeaOai el KT\. Leeuwen 
restores the Ace. ak (as in II. 18. 600). In Od. 17. 421 ( = 19. 77) we may 
perhaps read Kal on Ke\pr)fj.evos eXOoi (em as in II. 20. 434 o?8a 5' on ov juev rA.). 
The remaining exceptions are II. 5. 896 l yap l/wC yevos kaai, II. 23. 70 ov 
p.ev UJOVTOS a.K'ijdeis, II. 24. 429 8ecu ep.ev irapa, and II. I. 88 ov rt? ep.ev JVTOS KT\., 
where the contraction tyvros and the Dat. Plur. KoiXys before a consonant are 
also suspicious (Fick, Bias, p. xvii). 

(/) The contraction of oa, oc (from off-a, off-f) is doubtful in the Nouns in 
-co and -cos ( 105, 6), but appears in the forms of the Comparative, viz. 
ap.eiv<a, apeicu, apciovs, KaKiovs, irXeiovs, and p.eifa (Hesiod). The uncontracted 
forms in -oa, -os do not occur, since the metre allows either -co, -ovs or else 
the later -ovo, -oves. But in such a phrase as ap.eivca o' aicrt^a iravra (where 
Nauck reads dfjieivova') we may suspect that dpeivoa. was the original form. 

(gr) Vowels originally separated by f are so rarely contracted that instances 
in our text must be regarded with suspicion. Thus IXKWV (d-feKGov') should 

A a 

354 METRE. [378*. 

always be atieav : art] (afarrf) may be written darij except in II. 19. 8S 
typeali' en(3a\ov dypiov aTrjv (where the use of dypiov as a Fern, is also anomalous, 
119). In II. 3. 100., 6. 356., 24. 28 (where arys comes at the end of the line) 
the better reading is apx^s. KotXos may be KOI\OS (cp. Lat. cavus], except 
in Od. 22. 385. elSov (e-^tSov) may be ZiSov, except in four places (II. n. 112., 
19. 292, Od. 10. 194., ii. 162). iroXtas (Ace. Plur. of iro\vs) is not uncommon, 
but should probably be TTO\VS ( 100) : iroXlyv occurs once (II. 16. 655). Other 
instances with Nouns in -vs and -cvs are rare (Nauck, Mel. gr.-rom. iii. 219; 
Menrad, p. 60). The Fern, in -eta is not contracted from -e/7ct, -ei'ct but comes 
directly from -efta. So otos, olwv for ofi-os, bfi-wv (cp. Sfffcri for 6i-e<rcti\ and 
8tos for Sif-tos. ps and T&OS, which occur several times in our text, are 
nearly always followed by a Particle (jueV, irfp, &c.), which has evidently 
been inserted for the sake of the metre (ecus pev for ?jos, &c.). For dAAoetSfa 
in Od. 13. 194 we should doubtless read dAA.o-i'5a ( 125, 2). 

etpvaa may be from e-fpvffa (but see Schulze in K.Z. xxix. 64) : as to faxov, 
which has been supposed to stand for elaxov, from k-fifaxov, see 31, I. 

The most important example of contraction notwithstanding f is the word 
JT&LS (irais, TrcuSo?, &c.). Other words which present the same difficulty are : 
cure (Od. ii. 61), (II. 19. 95) in both places Nauck would read aaat 
d6\o(p6pos (II. 9. 266., II. 699), aQ\evow (II. 24. 734), aO\ov (Od. 8. 160), affa^fv 
we slept (Od. 16. 367), la (II. 5. 256) and other forms of lacy (II. 10. 344., 23. 77, 
Od. 21. 233), via (Od. 9. 283), pea (II. 12. 381., 17. 461., 20. 101, 263), tcpka 
(Od. 9. 347), x f ? ff Q ai (Od. 10. 518), TL^jjvra (II. 18. 475), rex^o-crat (Od. 7. no), 
T/AIOS (Od. 8. 271), tufffpopos (II. 23. 226), ir\(<uv (Od. i. 184), T0i/eum (Od. 19. 
331), Tr6:rrea>Ta, -ras (II. 21. 503, Od. 22. 384), @e@a>ffa (Od. 20. 14), voov (II. 24. 
354), tcaipovfffftew (Od. 7. 107), the compounds of evvea evvrj/jLap, evveojpos> 
evv(6pyvtos and the proper names ~EvpvK\(ia 'AvritcXeia (-Xeeta Nauck). 
Some of these may be disposed of by more or less probable emendation : 
others occur in interpolated passages (e.g. ij\tos in the Song of Demodocus) : 
others (as rrXtow, reOvfws) may be explained by the loss of f before o>, o ( 393 \ 
On the whole they are too few and isolated to be of weight against the 
general usage of Homer. 

The general result of the enquiry seems to be that the harsh- 
ness of a synizesis or a contraction is a matter admitting of 
many degrees. With some combinations of vowels contraction 
is hardly avoided, with others it is only resorted to in case of 
necessity. We have already seen that the rules as to lengthening 
by Position ( 370) are of the same elastic character. And as there 
is hardly any rule of Position that may not be overborne by the 
desire of bringing certain words into the verse, so there is no 
contraction that may not be excused by a sufficiently cogent 
metrical necessity. Thus the synizesis in such words as 4 Irrrtata ; 
AlyuiTTLovs, xpvcrtoLai stands on the same footing as the neglect 
of Position with SnaiJiavbpos or (TKeirapvov : and again the syni- 
zesis in rejuez^ea, acri^eaj, or the contraction in 'novtviJi.tvos, a^^)i- 
(3a\V(jiai is like the shortening of a vowel before irpoo-rjvba, 
or the purely metrical lengthening of a short vowel ( 386). 

On the same principles harshness of metre may be tolerated 
for the sake of a familiar phrase : e.g. the hiatus a<0tra aiet in 

3 8 -] HIATUS. 355 

II. 13. 22 (afyQiTov ael in II. 2. 46, 186., 14. 238). So when the 
formula /cat fj.iv $(*>vr\(ras eVea KT\. is used of a goddess (II. 15. 
35, 89) it becomes Kai }JLLV (/xouTJo-ao-a eVea. Again the harsh 
lengthening in juiepoTres avtipovnoi (II. 18. 288, at the end of the 
line) is due to the familiar 


379.] Hiatus is a term which is used by writers on metre in 
more than one sense. It will be convenient here to apply it to 
every case in which a word ending with a vowel or diphthong is 
followed by a word beginning with a vowel, and the two vowel- 
sounds are not merged together (as by elision, crasis, &c.) so as 
to form one syllable for the metre. 

It would be more scientific, perhaps, to understand the word 
Hiatus as implying that the two vowels are separated by a 
break or stoppage of vocal sound, so that the second begins with 
either the rough or the smooth ' breathing/ Thus it would be 
opposed to every form of diphthong (including synizesis\ the 
characteristic of which is that the two vowels are slurred 
together, by shifting the position of the organs without any 
perceptible interruption of the current of breath. This definition,, 
however, might exclude the case of a long vowel or diphthong 
shortened before an initial vowel (as TTJV b' eyo> ov y where the 
final o> seems to be partly merged in the following ou). Again 
when a final i or u comes before a vowel without suffering 
elision, it is probable that the corresponding ' semi- vowel ' ( = our 
y or w) is developed from the vowel-sound, and prevents com- 
plete hiatus. 

380.] Long vowels before Hiatus. The general rule is that 
a long final vowel or diphthong coming before a vowel forms a 
short syllable in the metre. This shortening is very common in 
Homer: cp. II. I. 299 o#re o-ot ovre ro> aAA.o>, ercet /crA., where 
it occurs in three successive feet. 

But the natural quantity may be retained before hiatus when 
the vowel is in the arsis of the foot, as 'ArpefSry 'Aya/ute'jutyozn, 6s K 
enrol OTL KT\. And in a few instances a long vowel or diphthong 
is allowed to remain long in thesis, as II. 1 . 39 ^fjuvOev' et -rror*' 
rot KrA. 

The readiness with which long syllables are allowed before 
hiatus varies with the several long vowels and diphthongs; 
partly also it depends on the pauses of the sense. 

The long diphthongs (as they may be called), viz. YJ and w, 
are the most capable of resisting the shortening influence of 
hiatus ; next to them are eu and ou, and the long vowels KJ and 
w : while ei, 01 and ai are at the other end of the scale. A 

A a 2 

356 METRE. [381. 

measure of this may be gained by observing how often each of 
these terminations is long before a vowel, and comparing the 
number with the total number of times that the same termina- 
tion occurs. Thus it appears that out of every 100 instances 
of final u, it is long before hiatus about 23 times. Similarly 
final -YJ is long 19 times, -eu 6-7 times, -ou 6 times, -i\ 5-7 
times, -o> 4 times, -ei r8 times, -01 i'6 times, and -<u only 1-3 
times. Thus hiatus after <> and rj is scarcely avoided, while 
after ei, 01 and at it is very rare. 

In a large proportion of the instances in which a long vowel 
retains its quantity before hiatus it will be found that the hiatus 
coincides with a division either in the sense or the rhythm. Of 
the examples in the arsis of the foot, more than half occur 
before the penthemimeral caesura, where there is almost always 
a pause : while in thesis the same thing is chiefly found to occur 
either after the first foot, as II. 2. 209 ?5xfj, &>s ore KrA., Od. 1 1 . 
1 88 aypo>, ovde KrA. ; or after the fourth foot (in the Bucolic 

381.] Shortening of diphthongs before Hiatus. Regarding 
the nature of the process by which a diphthong before hiatus was 
reduced to the time or metrical value of a short syllable two 
probable views have been maintained. 

I . Curtius holds that whenever long syllables are shortened by 
the effect of hiatus something of the nature of Elision takes 
place. Thus rj and w lose the second half of the vowel sound, 
while at, ei, 01 lose the t. In support of this he points to the 
facts of Crasis : thus KCU eyco in becoming Kayo> may be supposed 
to pass through the stage KCI eyoo. 

2. According to an older view, which has been revived and 
defended with great ingenuity by Hartel,* the i or u in a 
diphthong is turned into the corresponding spirant ; so that /cat 
eyco becomes Ka-t-eyco, and CK HvXov eA0o)ZJ becomes K YIvXo-F- 

It is certainly in favour of this latter supposition that it does 
not oblige us to suppose the frequent elision of the two vowels 
which in general are the least liable to be elided. The explana- 
tion however is not a complete one. It does not account for the 
shortening of YJ and w, which on the principle assumed by H artel 
would become T)*, on. On the whole it seems most probable that 
the shortening in question was effected, for diphthongs as well as 
for simple long vowels, by a process in which ancient gram- 
marians would have recognised rather ' Synizesis ' viz. the 
slurring of vowels together without complete loss of any sound 

* Ilomerische Studien, iii. pp. 7 ff 


than either Elision or Contraction. And this conclusion is sup- 
ported by the general tendencies of the Ionic dialect, which was 
especially tolerant of hiatus, and allowed numerous combinations 
of vowels, such as ca, eo, ew, coi, to have the value either of one 
syllable or two.* 

382.] Hiatus after short syllables. The vowels which are 
not liable to elision may generally stand before hiatus : thus 
we find fao-rrjpi aprjpori ( 376, 3), irpb 68oi5, irpb 'A^atwz;, avrap 6 
ejutjote/utacos, krapoio evrjtos, and the like. 

Hiatus is also tolerated occasionally in the pauses of the verse : 

(i) In the trochaic caesura of the third foot : as 
II. I. 569 Kat p aKOV(ra KaOrj&To, ^TTiyvd^acra KT\. 

Od. 3. 175 T(JLVLV t 0(f)pa TOL\L(TT 

(3) In the Bucolic diaeresis : as 
II. 8. 66 o<ppa fjiv 9]&)9 y\v /cat ae 
Od. it. 57 c&tww&{pv<nv TTWOVO-L re aWoira olvov. 

The vowel of the Person-endings -TO, -VTO seems to be especially capable of 
standing before hiatus in these places. It appears in more than a fourth of 
the whole number of instances given by Knos (pp. 42-45). 

Hiatus in the Bucolic diaeresis is commoner in the Odyssey than in the 
Iliad, in the proportion 2:1. Hiatus after the vowel is also comparatively 
rare in the Iliad : Knos reckons 22 instances (many of them doubtful), against 
40 in the Odyssey. It is worth notice that in both these points books 
xxiii and xxiv of the Iliad agree with the Odyssey, also that book xxiv of the 
Odyssey contains an unusual number of instances of hiatus, both legitimate 
(11. 63, 215, 328, 374, 466) and illegitimate (11. 209, 351, 430). 

Illegitimate hiatus, like other anomalies, may be diminished by emendation. 
Thus in Od. 5. 135 ifi\ (JXHTKOV we may read ^8e f etyaff/eov : in 5. 257 cirixevaro 
v\rjv we may insert dp', on the model of II. 5. 748 iTre/xater' dip' i'lrirovs. But in 
II. 13. 22 atydiTa aid must stand because aQOiros alei is a fixed phrase. It is 
unlikely, then, that Hiatus was ever absolutely forbidden in Epic verse. 

Doubtful Syllables. 

383.] Besides the cases in which the metrical value of a 
syllable may be made uncertain by its place in a particular 
verse i. e. by the circumstances of Position, Hiatus, Ictus, &c. 
there are many instances in which the ' natural * quantity of 
the vowel appears to be indeterminate. 

* The use of for cv in Ionic inscriptions shows, not indeed that cv and eo 
were identical in pronunciation, or that co was a true diphthong, but certainly 
that co was very like v, and might be monosyllabic in scansion. Probably 
monosyllabic eo (when it was not a mere error for ev) stood to ev as the 
Synizesis ea, w, eoi, &c. to the contracted TJ, co, 01. See Erman in Curt. 
Stud. v. 292~flf. """ 

358 METRE. [384- 

Under the heading of ' doubtful vowels ' should be classed, not 
only the words in which the same letter may stand either for a 
long- or a short vowel, as "Aprjs, durjp, but also those in which the 
change is shown by the spelling, i. e. in which a short vowel 
interchanges with a long vowel or diphthong : as vos and vrjos, 
OVOIMCL and owo/ma, &c. And with these variations, again, we 
may place, as at least kindred phenomena, the doubtful syllables 
which arise from the interchange of single and double con- 
sonants : 'Obvo-a-evs and 'OSvo-ev?, 'AxiAAev? and 'A)(iA.e7;9. As 
we speak of doubtful vowels, these might similarly be called 
' doubtful consonants/ 

In all such words the variation of quantity may either mean 
that there were two distinct forms between which the poet had 
a choice, or that the quantity as it existed in the spoken language 
was in fact intermediate. The former case would usually arise 
when a vowel or syllable which had come to be short in the 
spoken language was allowed to retain its older quantity as a 
poetical archaism. In the latter case the poet could give the 
syllable either metrical value ; or (as in so many instances) he 
might treat the syllable as ordinarily short, but capable of being 
lengthened by the ictus, or by the pauses of the verse. 

384.] Doubtful vowels appear to rise chiefly in two ways: 
(i) By the shortening of a long vowel or diphthong before a 
vowel : viz. 

a, in tAaos (a in II. i. 583, a in II. 9. 639., 19. 178). 

t), in the oblique cases of vrjvs (except the Dat. vrj't) and of 
several Nouns in -eus, as IlrjATJos, UrjXtos : the forms rjfarcu 
and earat (rj^ai): dqbjry and d^erj ( 80); rjvs and tvs, 
\rfioToi and XcfrmJ (II. 9. 408) ; perhaps also in prjiKes, 
677109, rfia, which shorten v\ when the case-ending is naturally 
long (0pT}fjca>p, 7710)1;, ?)uoi>, &c. scanned w w , unless we 
suppose contraction or synizesis). 

t, in leposj Kovirj, Xir\v : Comparatives in -iw : Patronymics, as 
Kpoviav : to/zez;, fy/xi (d^tei, &c.), tatro), and Verbs in -iw, as 
ruo, duo (51, i) : probably also in the abstract Nouns in 
-ir], the i being treated as long in vTrepoTrAtr/, TrpoOv^irj, 
i>7roeti7, ari/u?;, aKO/^toTtry. 

u, in Verbs in -uw (51, 4). 

cj, in Tjfpcoos ( w ^ in Od. 6. 303) : T^O), leg. rjpa'i (II. 7. 453). 

ai, in act for atet, e/uTrcuos ( w w in Od. 20. 379), and the Com- 
pound ^afjiaievvaL, x a f JLCLLevv ^ s ' a ^ so Verbs in -<uw, as 
ayaiopfvos and dyaacrtfe, Kepate and Kf/)aao-0e, valov and vdti, 


i, in coKe'a, /Safo'rjj (for co/ceia, (3a0Lr]s) : Adjectives in -eioy, as 

d ea : 

\d\Kios and )(aAKoy : peia and pea : TrAetoj;, &c. and 

7rAe'oi>es : /3eto/xai and fito^ai ( 80), and many Verbs in 

-*> ( 5i, 3)- 
01, in oAoo's and dAoio's ; also olos (^ ^), as in II. 13. 275 otd' 

dperV olos ea-<ri, cp. II. 18. 105, Od. 7. 312., 2O. 89, 
cu, in ovofj,ai and 6eojuat, e^eva and e'xeo, ?}Aevaro and dAeao^ai. 
01, in wo'? (II. 4. 473., 5- 612, &c.). 

The Gen. endings -df, -ewy fall under this head, if -suv repre- 
sents an older Ionic -YJOH'. 

In some cases of this kind our texts have et where it is 
probable that the original vowel was TJ : so in nXtiosfull (Attic 
TrAe'co? from TrAr/oj), \pelos chit and XP L neef ^ (from XP*\~> XP*~) 
See Appendix C. 

Sometimes ei has taken the place of eu before another vowel, 
as in the Verbs 0o, wveo), TrAeco, x e/co ? ^Aeco ( 29, 3). also in 
Aetofo-t, Dat. Plur. of Xecoi; (Aei^oz; or AeFay), and perhaps in the 
Pf. euo#a (cp. veOa>K Hesych.), doiKvlai (II. 18. 418). Similarly 
a may stand for au, as (^dea ^# ($at>-), dijp (cp. avpa) and other