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Ihe Ghrammar, which is now ofiFered to the learned 
Fablic, has been compiled already years ago^ but as 
there were no means of printing it, it was laid aside 
hopelessly. That it has finally been rescued from obli- 
vion is owing to the enlightened patronage of Her Ma- 
jesty's Government for India, which liberally granted 
the printing expenses. 

I am afraid, that I have given rather too much 
than too little by endeavouring to render the Grammar 
as complete as possible; I trust, however, that this object 
may have been attained to some extent at least. 

A begiimer will do well, after he has acquainted 
himself with the Sindhi system of sounds, to commence 
at once with the declensions and to turn bye and 
bye to the formation of themes after he has got a fiur 
insight into the fabric of the language. The Intro* 
duction is intended for those only, who wish to pe- 
netrate more deeply into the origin and nature of the 

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The qnotationB, which I have added, I hope may 
prove useful to introduce the beginner into the study 
of the SindhI literature; most of the quotations are 
taken from my edition of the Shaha jo Bdsald^), but 
many others also from manuscripts in my possession, 
which I collected during my former stay in Sindh. 
What we need now most is a critically sifted edition 
of the popular Sindhi tales and songs, which are very 
numerous and from which a good collection might be 
made. The next desideratum is an enlarged Sindhi 
Dictionary, as the late Capt. Geo. Stack's Dictionary, 
which is very good as far as it goes, is not sufficient 
for reading older or more difficult pieces. We may 
&irly expect, that these deficiencies will soon be re- 
medied by Mr. Feile, the present energetic and en- 
lightened Director of Public Instruction in the Bombay 
Presidency, for which the thanks of the learned Public 
will be due to him. 

The Sindhi is by. no means an easy language, it 
is on the contrary beset with more intricacies and dif- 
ficulties than any of its Prakrit sisters. But on the 
other^ hand it amply repays to the philologist the 
labours he bestows on it; for the Sindh! has preserved 
a great many forms, for which we look in. vain in the 

1) Pablished with the tiUe: 
SindhT Literature. The Divfia of Abd-ul-Latif, known by the 

name of: Shfiha JO Bisfilo, 739 pages. Printed by F. A. Brockhaos, 

Leipsig, 1866. 
In the quotatione Sh. etande as an abbreviation for it. 

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cognate idioms. For the purpose of interoomparing the 
modem Arian dialects the Sindhi is therefore invala- 
able. For this reason we have pointed out, in tiie 
form of annotatumsj the relation of the Sindhi with 
the Sanskrit- Fr&krit on the one hand and with the 
modem cognate idioms on the other hand, to give 
some impulse to a comparative study of the North- 
Indian Vernaculars 9 which as yet has been totally 

The Sindh! Grammar of the late Capt Stack is 
an accurate and meritorious work, but as all first 
attempts (for the Sindhi Grammar of Wathen does 
not deserve the name) incomplete and destitute of a 
Syntax. I sincerely wish, that the deficiencies of 
his work, firom the emendation and enlargement of 
which he was prevented by an untimely death, may 
have been made up by the Grammar now offered to 
the Public. 

The English reader wiU no doubt meet in this 
Grammar with many an expression, which he will con- 
sider as erroneous or ill -chosen. For all such and si- 
milar mistakes I must beg his pardon, which the kind 
reader surely will not withhold, when he is told, that 
the idiom, into which I endeavoured to dothe my 
thoughts, is not my mother -tongue. 

Whilst this Grammar was passing through the 
press, I had gone to India for the purpose of trans- 
lating the Sikh Granth. In order not to delay too 
long the printing of it, I could only see and correct 
a proof-sheet once. The unavoidable consequence was. 

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that owing to the letters of this Grammar being 
loaded with so many dots and distinguishing marks, a 
number of misprints has crept in,* which the 'student 
is requested to correct first after the affixed list of 

Reutlinobn, 4*"" June, 1872. 


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Inteoduotion. On the relation of the Sindhi 

to the Sanskrit and PriJarit i-l 

The Sindhi Alphabet §. 1. . . 1-6 

L The Sindhi eotwonantal system. §• 2. • • • 7—21 

n. The Sindhi TOwel system. §.4. 21-28 

Other orthographie signs. §.5. 28—30 

SeotloiLL The EoimatioiL of Themes in Si&dM. 

Chapter L The termination of Sindhi nouns. §. 6. 31-44 
Chapter IL Primary themes. §.7 45 

I. Formation of abstract nouns. §.8 46—51 

n. Formation of appfsUatives and attributiTes. §.'9. 51—57 

Chapter IIL Secondary themes. §. 10. 

I. Formation of abstract nouns 57—62 

II. Formation of appeUatires, attributiyes and 

possessives .• • • • 63—77 

Chapter IV. Foimation of diminutives'. §.11. 77—80 

Chapter V. Compound nouns. §.12. 80—88 

Chapter VL Gender of nouns. §.13 88—98 

Chapter YIL Formation of the Feminine fiom 

masc. bases. §.14. ...... 98—103 

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Section n. The Mexion of IToims. 

Chapter VllL L Formation of the Plural. §. 15. 104-111. 
n. Formation of cases; case -af- 
fixes. §.16 111-122 

m. The Formative. §.17 122-128 

Survey of the Sindhl declensional process. 
Declension of the Genitive affix ^ and j JuLw. 

§•18 128-130 

I. Declension 130—134 

II. Declension ^ . . . . 134—136 

III. Declension ....*. 136—137 

IV. Declension » . . 138 

V, Declension 139 

VL Declension 140—142 

VII. Declension 142—144 

Chapter IX. Adjectives. §. 19. 

Position of adjectives ^ . 145—148 

Formation of gender. §.20 148—152 

Adjectives ending in V* 162 

Adjectives ending in 5 163 

Adjectives ending in U^ ft . 154 

Adjectives ending in T, e 165 

Comparison of Adjectives. §.21 .... 166—157 
Chapter X. Numeral adjectives. §. 22. 

L Cardmal numbers 167—169 

Inflexion of cardinal numbers. §. 23 . . 169—173 

II. Ordinal numbers. §.24 .......... 174—176 

Inflexion of the ordinals. §.25 176—178 

III. Arithmetical figures. §. 26 • • • 178-179 

IV. Collective numbers. §.27 180—181 

V. Proportional numbers. §.28 182—183 

VI. Reduplicative numbers. §.29 .• 184 

Vn. Fractional numbers. §.30 184—188 

Chapter XL Pronouns. 

I. Pronouns of the I and II Person. §. 31 188—194 

II. Demonstrative pronouns. §.32 194—202 

III. The relative pronoun. §. 33 ....;. . 202—204 

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IV. The corrdatiye pronoun. §.84 201—206 

V. InterrogatiTe pronoans. §.35 206—209 

VL Indefinite pronouns. §.36 210—215 

VII. The reoiprocal pronoun. §.37 215—217 

VIII. Pronominal adjectives. §.38 218—224 

IX. Pronominal sufiSzes. §.39 225 

I. Pronominal sufiSzes attached to 

nouns. §.40 227-242 

II. Pronominal sufiBxes attached to 

postpositions and adverbs. §. 41. 242—249 

Section m. The Vert. * 

Chapter XII. Formation of the verbal themes. 

§. 42. . 250-260 

The Imperative. §.43 . . 260—268 

The participle present. §.44 268-271 

The participle past. §.45 271-279 

The participle of the Future passive. §.46. 279-280 

Indeclinable past participles. §.47 ... 280—284 
Chapter XIII. Formation of the tenses and 
persons. §. 48. 

L Simple tenses 284 

1) The Potential 285-287 

2) The Aorist 288-291 

3) The Future 291-293 

II. Compound tenses. 

1) The compound Potential 293 

2) The present tense 293—295 

3) The habitual Aorist 295 

4) The Imperfect 295 

5) The Perfect 296 

6) The Pluperfect 296 

7) The compound fbture tenses . . .* . 297 

Chapter XTV. The auxiliary Verbs. 

A) The auxiliary verb ^Ji. §. 49 • • • • • 297-304 

B) The auxiliary verb J;!^. §.50 . . • • 305-312 

Chapter XV. Inflexion of the regular verb. 

A) Inflexion of the neuter verb. §• 51 . * . 312-322 

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B) Inflexion of the transitiTe Verb. §. 62. 

1) ActiTo Voice 322-330 

2) Passive Voice 330-338 

Chapter XVI. Compound Verbs. §.63 338-344 

Chapter XVH. The Verb with the pronominal 
STif&xes. §. 64. 

1) The pronominal suffixes attached to the 

aoxiliary verbs ^yi and ^ijJ^. .§. 66. 346-360 

2) The pronominal suffixes attached to the 

regular verb. §.56 360—379 

Section lY. Adverbs, Postpositioiis, Gonjnnotioiis 
and Inteijectioiis. 

Chapter XVIIL Adverbs. §.67 380-398 

Chapter XIX. Postpositions. §.68 398-409 

Chapter XX. Conjunctions. §.69 410-417 

Chapter XXI. Interjections. §.60 418-424 



Section I. The lonn. 

Chapter L On the absence of the article. §.61. 426—428 

Chapter H yOn the gender of Nouns. §. 62 . 428—431 

Chapter HI. Number. §. 63. . 431-435 

Chapter IV. Cases of the Noun. 

I. The Nominative. §.64 435-438 

II. The Vocative. §.65 , 438-441 

III. The Instrumental. §.66 441-443 

IV. The Genitive. §. 67 . . . ' 443-462 

V. The Dative. §.68 452-455 

VI. The Accusative. §.69 455-459 

VII. The Locative. §. 70 ' . . . 469—463 

VIII. The Ablative. §.71 463-466 

Chapter V. Pronouns. 

I. Personal Pronouns. §.72 ' 466—469 

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n. DemonstratiTe pronouns. §. 73 
nL The relative and correlative pronoun 
IV. The interrogative pronouns. §. 75 

V. The indefinite pronouns. §. 76 • 
VI. The reflexive pronoun. §. 77 

Section E The TeA. 


. . 470-472 
74. 472-476 
. . 476-477 

. . 477-478 
. . 478-481 

Chapter VI. The Infinitive. §.78 481-483 

Chapter VIL The Gerundive. §.79 483-484 

Chapter VUL The Participles. §. 80. . . . . . 484-491 

Chapter IX. The tenses of the verb. 

I. The Present. §.83 491-494 

II. The Imperfect §.84 494 

m. The Aorist. §. 85. 

1) The simple Aorist •. • • • 495 

2) The habitual Aorist 496—497 

IV. The Perfect §.86 497-498 

V. The Pluperfect §.87 498-499 

VT. The Future and Future past §. 88 . . . 500-501 

Chapter X. The Moods. 

. I. The Indicative. §.89 501 

n. The Potential. §.90 502-604 

III. The Imperative. §. 91 . • . .' 605-606 

Section IIL The simple Sentence. 

Chapter XI. Subject and Predicate. §. 61. . . 507-508 

Chapter XTT. Concord of the Subject and Pre- 
dicate. §.93 609 

Chapter XHI. Enlargement of the sentence by 

a near and remote object. §. 94. . . 510—613 

Chapter XIV. Enlargement of the sentence by 
a nearer de&iition of the verb as pre- 
dicate. §.95 513-614 

Chapter XV. Omission of the verb as predi- 
cate. 8. 96 515 

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SectloiL ly. The compoimd Sentence. 

Chapter XVL i. Coordination of sentences. §. 97. 616—617 
Cihapter XVIL Contraction of coordinate sen- 
tences into one; concord of two and 
more subjects and predicates. §. 98. 617—619 
Chapter XVHL n. Subordination of sentences. 
§. 99. 

1) Subordination of a sentence by subjanctive 
particles. §.100 620-625 

2) Subordination of a sentence by the relative 

and relative adverbs. §. 10! 626—626 

3) Subordination of a sentence by an inter- 
rogative pronoun or particle. §. 102 • • • 626 

Chapter XIX. Abbreviation of subordinate sen- 
tences. §. 103.. 627 

Chapter XX. On the indirect oration. §. 104. 628 

Appendix L On the Sindhl Calendar. . . . . : 629-633 
Appendix E Survey of the different Sindhl- 

Arabic Alphabets 634—636 

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The SindhI is a pure Sanskritical language, more 
free from foreign elements than any other of the North 
Indian vernaculars. The old Prakrit grammarians may 
have had their good reason, to designate the Apabhran- 
sha dialect, from which the modem SindhI is immedia- 
tely derived, as the lowest of all the Prakrit dialects; but 
if we compare now the SindhI with its sister-tongues, we 
must assign to it, in a grammatical point of view, 
the first place among them. It is much more dosely 
related to the old Prakrit, than the Mar&thi, Hindi, 
Panjabi and Bang all of our days, and it has pre- 
served an exuberance of grammatical forms, for which 
all its sisters may well envy it For, while all the 
modem vernaculars of India ') are already in a state of 
complete decomposition, the old venerable mother-tongue 
being hardly recognisable in her degenerate daughters, 
the Sindh! has, on the contrary, preserved most important 
fragments of it and erected for itself a grammatical struc- 
ture, which surpasses in beauty of execution and internal 
harmony by far the loose and levelling construction of 
its sisters. 

The SindhI has remained steady in the first stage 
of decomposition after the old Pr&krit, wheras all the 

1) In speaking of the modern Ternacolan of India we ezclade 
trooghoat the Dr&vidian idioms of the South, whidi belong to quite 
a different stock of languages. 

Tr«mpp| 81tt<iliI*0rftBBAr. I 

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other cognate dialects have sank some degrees deeper; 
we shall see in the course of our introductory remarks, 
that the rules, which the Prakrit grammarian E[rama- 
dishvara has laid down in reference to the Apabhransha, 
are still recognisable in the present Sindhi, which by 
no means can be stated of the other dialects. The Sindh! 
has thus become an independant language, which, though 
sharing a common origin with its sister-tongues, is very 
materially differing from them. 

The Sindhi, which is spoken within the boundaries 
of Sindh proper, is divided into three dialects, which 
grammatically differ very little from each other, but offer 
considerable discrepancies in point of pronunciation. The 
dialect of lower Sindh, comprising the Indus-Delta and 
the sea-coast, is called ^|^ lari, from ^5]^ 1&?^0> ^y 
which lower Sindh is designated. The dialect, which is 
spoken north of Haiderabad, is called f^^J^Jc^ siraiki, 
from {{\{\ siro, by which Upper Sindh is designated; 
the dialect in vogue in the Thar, or desert of Sindh, is 
called Vl^^jTI thareli, from ^t^ tharu, the desert. 

The dialect of Lar, though employed in most Sindhi 
compositions, is not the purest; the vowels are frequently 
contracted and the consonants too much softened down 
by assimilation. The northern or Siraiki dialect has 
remained far more original and has preserved the purity 
of pronunciation with more tenaciousness, than the southern 
one. With reference to this superiority of the northern 
dialect to the southern the Sindhis like to quote the 

lara j6 parhyo sire jo dhago. 
The learned man of Lar is an ox in Upper Sindh. 

^) <pl^ i> not a proper noun, bat an appeUation, ngnifying: 
Roping groand;*^ the same is the case with T^I^ airO, which signifies 
the upper country. 

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The dialect of the Thar is vigorous btit onoouth 
and already intermingled with the M&rv&rl; it is spoken 
by the Shikaris, Dhedhs (%^ carrier) and other out* 
cast tribes. As &r as I know, there are no literary 
compositions extant in this dialect. 

The object of these introductory remarks is to show 
the relative position, which the SindhI holds to the 
Sanskrit and Prakrit; and in order to elucidate this 
subject, we shall lay down the rules and principles, by 
which the present Sindhi vowel and consonantal 
system has been derived from the Sanskrit by the me- 
dium of the Frskrit Thus, we hope, a solid basis also 
will be gained for intercomparing the Sindhi with its other 
sister-tongues. By this process alone, which will enable 
us, to assign to the Arian stock, what has been taken 
from it, though much altered now in shape and outward 
appearance by dint of contraction and assimilation, we 
shall on the other hand be able to trace out a certain 
residuum of vocables, which we must allot to an old 
aboriginal language, of which neither name nor extent 
is now known to us, but which, in all probability, was 
of the Tatar stock of languages and spread throughout 
the length and breadth of India before the irruption of 
the Arian race, as all the other vernaculars contain a 
similar non- Arian residuum of words, which have been 
already designated as **provinciar* by the old Prakrit 

The following investigation is destined for such as 
may be competent, by their previous studies, to penetrate 
more deeply into the real nature of the modem idioms 
of India, and for them, I trust, these outlines may prove 
useful and at the same time incentive, to follow up more 
deeply the intricate path, which I have pointed out 

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We oonsider first the single vowels, their du^ngey 
substitHtion, contraction or elision in SindhL 

1) ^ (p) and its permutatlonB. 

The SindhI, like the old PrSkrit, has cat off ^ 
from its system of sounds; for it is either treated as a 
vowel, in which case it is changed to i, a eta, or as 
a consonant, in which latter case it coincides with 
^Ir). . 

At the beginning of a word ^, if standing by 
itself, is changed to ft (ri), just as in Prakrit, e, g. Sindhi 
fts ridhu, bear, Prak. ftg^, Sansk. ^^^ 

But if ^ be joined to a consonant, the following . 
roles hold good: 

a) f is usually dissolved into i, as: f^^'^ disanu, 
to see, Sansk, ^1^ (but Prak. ^Sp^), Hin^ ^I^HH f^I^ 
vifihu, scorpion, Prak. f^^-^ (or f^(^^), Sansk. 
^(hWi; f^S^ kio, done, Prak. fl|5^, Sansk. ^; fSjI^- 
||OT ginhanu; to take, Sansk. JJ^, Prak. ^)^g. 

6) f is dissolved into u, if the consonant, to which 
it is joined, happens to be a labial, as: ]^§^ budho, 
old, Prakrit on the other hand ^^, Sansk. 'a^; U^ 
muo, dead, Pra3c W^ or already U^ (by elision of ^, 
Sansk. ITiT. In such instances, as ^^^ sunanu, to 

1) In order to faciUtate the intercompariBon of the Sindhi with 
the Sanskrit and Prflkrit we hare used in these introductory remarks 
a modified Sanskrit alphabet, the particulars of which see further on 
under the Sindhi alphabets. The romanised transcription, which 
we have added-eveiy-where, is in accordance with the Standard 
Alphabet by Prot Dr. Lepsins, 2^ edition. 

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hear, Prfik. ^H^i fhe original rooi-YOwel (Sansk ^ has 
been preservecL 

c) In. moat instances though r is dissolved into 
ar, irrespective of the consonant to which it may be 
joined, as: 

♦1<<g marann, to die, PrSk. IT^, Sansk. 1J. 

HK^ bharanu, to fill, Prak. ^1^, Sansk. >J. 

VC^ dharanu, to place, PrSk. ^, Sansk. ^. 

hK^ saranu, to move, PrSk. ^, Sansk. TR. 
In such likQ instances the Sindhi, as well as all the 
other cognate dialects, is quite in accordance with Pra- 
krit usage, the Sanskrit verbal noun being taken as 
the base of the infinitive in the modern idioms. Li 
other instances though the Sindhi is not so liberal in 
dissolving p , as the Prakrit; it has managed, on the con- 
trary, in many cases to preserve p by changing it to ir 
or transposing the same, as: m^ mirdangu (or: Q^Qij 

mirdhangu) a tabor, Prak. »^t]^, Sansk. ITff^; f^^ 
virkhu, taurus (planet), Sansk. cTEJ; f^^ hirdho*), heart, 
Prak.^^, Sanric ?;^3ll^,*but the more PrSkritical 
form f^^ hio, is also in use in Sindhi. 

In a few cases r has been preserved by being changed 
to simple r (subscribed), in conjunction with a dental t^ 
d, or a cerebral t, d; as: ^Tlft J*t^^> son-in-law, Pr&k. 
^HN^Tty Sansk. ^rFRTipR! ^ this form T( has been 
elided, which is rather of rare occurrence, and the dental 
has passed into a cerebral, the affix ^ being dropped 
altogether; similarly in^ mfttrS, and its derivatives, as: 
^n^^lt matrejo, ITI^Ht niatreto etc., corresponding to 
the PrSkrit form H | ^^ , Sansk. 44|^% 

1) The asjnration of %| is cauaed by the following r, which Terj 
fireqnently aspirates a preceding consonant, as we shall haTe often oc- 
casion to notice. 

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2) The Bipliihongs ^ ai and ^ mu 

Properly speaking there are no diphthongs in Sindhl, 
is little as in Prakrit; ai is generally pronounced 
loosely as a-i, and au as a-u. The Sindhi, however, is 
somewhat tighter in its pronunciation and not quite so 
effeminate as the Prakrit, so that it will depend more 
or less on the option of the speaker, if he will contract 
ai or au into a real diphthong, or pronounce them se- 
parately as two distinct vowels. From the manner of 
writing, no safe conclusion can be drawn, as a fixed 
system of orthography is still a desideratum. It may 
however be laid down as a general rule, that the Sindhi 
ignores diphthongs and pronounces them as two distinct 
. vowels. 

a) The diphthong at 

a) In such words, as are borrowed from the Arabic 
or Persian, the original diphthong is generally retained, 
and written and pronounced accordingly, as: %^ sairu, 

journey; Arab. Ul; ^^ paida, created, Pers. Ijuo; like- 
wise in such nouns, as have been taken from the Hindu- 
stani, as: H^ paiso, a pice. On the rest it is quite 
optional, to write and pronounce for instance %;t saina 
or tlV^ sa-ina, hint; the Hindus prefer the loose Pra- 
krit pronunciation (a-i, a-u), the Muhammedans more 
the Arabic or Persian method (ai, au). 

p) But generally the diphthong ai is contracted into 
e in Sindhi, which is always long^ and never anceps, 
as in Prakrit; e. g. %5 vera, enmity, prak. cR[^ (Lassen 
quotes also a form %^, Sansk. %^ ^^ veju, physician, 
Prak. %i9f9 Sansk. ^^; ^MI^M} sendholunu, rocksalt 
(literally, Sindh-salt), from the Sansk. f|l|c|, Sindlu, and 
^RI5 salt (Prak. l^tT^). 

In a similar manner also ^^ ay, which in Sin- 
dhi is treated in the same way as ai, is frequently 

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contracted into S, as: ^^ n9na, eye, FrSk. IH^SRll^ 
Sansk. TTBpii %3rT 86ja, bed, PrSfc %^|T, Sanek. ^pm. 
i) The original diphthong ai may also be contracted 
to I, as: if)^ dhiiju/ firmnesp, Sansk. ^2$, Frikk. ^^ 
This Sindhi form is so far a proof for the correctness of 
the Prakrit role, as \f^ can only be derived from ^1^ 
and not from jfj^ itself; similarly Hindi ^^t^. 

li) The diphthong au. 

The same, that has been remarked on the diphthong 
ai, may also be stated of the diphthong au; it may be 
optionally pronounced as a diphthong, but is more com- 
monly separated into its component vowels. 

a) This diphthong is generally preserved in words 
borrowed from the Arabic or Persian, as: ;^^ dauru, 

a period, arab. %^5; ^KjfT aurata, woman, Arab. ^^; 
also in pure Sindhi words it is used and written, as: 
^4^ aukho, difficult; ^f^ bhauru, a large black bee, 
Sansk. VTR^ @(n laugu, a clove, Sansk. ^c|^^ In such 
pure Sindhi words though the diphthong may also, after 
the analogy of the Prakrit, be separated into a-u, as: 
cpg^OT va-uranu, to seek, or: '4(^^ vauranu; H>il!jM| 
bha-unanu, to wander about, or: iH^^ bhaunanu. 

At the end of a word no diphthong is admissible, and 
it must always be pronounced ^T? a-u, for the sake of infle- 
xion, as: ^l^ sa-u, hundred (Prak. ^I^ 5|^ ja-u, barley, 

Pers. ^, Sansk. '^^; '^^ ca-u, say, imperative of "^^lig, 
to say. 

p) But very frequently this diphthong is contracted 
to 6, as: ^Tt^ goro, fair, Sansk. iflX; ^M«j jobhanu, 
time of youth, Prak. ^jiy, Sansk. 4l^H^9 ^Rt^ 
moru, a crest, Prak. 4H>i^ (Sansk. U^^); Ht^ hhono, 
^^ H^n^ bha-uno, a vagabond. The same rule also is 

Digitized by 



occasionally applied to Arabic or Persian words, as: ^^ 

kdma^ a clan, or: ^^Nf kamna, Arab. |»p. 

i) The diphthong au may also be contracted to u, 
as: fjRj^ l ^ surihai, heroism, Pr&k. ^[i,^ Sansk. ^i^; 
^m lunu, salt, Prak. <^I!J, Sansk. <«5'ctl!l (^S(^ being 
treated like au). 

§. 2. 

8) The vowels a, a; i, X; u, ft; §; 6. 

Having considered the diphthongs ai and an in their 
relative position to the Sanskrit and Prakrit, we submit 
now the common SindhI vowels to a nearer examination. 

a) The vowels a, S. 

The short vowel ^ a, is more tenaciously kept fast 
in SindhI, than in the Prakrit, and the SindhI very fre- 
quently recurs directly again to the original Sanskrit, 
^* ^7^ pak5, cooked, Sansk. THfi, but Prik flHR 
iyi||^ angaru, coal, Sansk ^I^Ry but Prak ^^«|<^ 
nM«4^ supano, dream, Sansk ^^, but Prak f^fc|ISf 

cff^ vale, a creeper, Sansk. cj^, but Prak. «(!%. But 
there is no lack of examples on the other hand, in which 
original a has been likewise shortened to i, as : ((^44f khima, 
patience, Prak. '4^441, Sansk. ^H}; ft{S{ mina, marrow, 
Sansk. H^\. 

In this way a has been shortened to i in all those 
forms, which are already alleged by the Prakrit gram- 
marian Kramadlshvara in the Apabhransha dialect (com- 
pare: Lassen, Instit. Linguae Prak p. 454) as: f^^- 
frl^ jia-tla (Apabhransha: f^ni^frnii instead of ^IJ- 
flV)} f^rfir^ffrfir jite-tite, where- there (Apabhransha: 
^i=5-^r5*), from IJ^-ffSf); fijjfij kite, where? (Apa- 

1) e is in Pr&krit before a double consonant = S = t 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 


bhransha: ^SP^j from an original form ^RV, instead of 
"^j thence the common Sansk. form ^^). The SindhI 
adverb ^^ la or f^ fa, thus, corresponds to the 'Piik. 
^^j and is regularly derived from the Sansk. adverb 
^rU|M (not from ^(jfrf, which Lassen has already doubted) 
with the elision of h (Ta = iha). 

Short a is occasionally, but rarely, changed to u, as: 
TT^ rSruru, tax, Sansk. THIRR (but not in the examples 
quoted by Lassen §. 173, 3). 

Long a is in SindhI frequently preserved in such 
forms, where in Prakrit it has been already shortened 
(owing to the contraction or assimilation of the following 
compound consonant): as: %^[|^ bairSgi, a religious 
ascetic, Prak. ^4Jl|, Sansk ^|,|Ji|; ^|(\|^ m&rikha, 
way, Prak. TpTj, Sansk iTp|; IfX^ jatra, pilgrimage, 
Prak. l(^f Sansk. '4|m|; cTO, vaghu, tiger, Prak. ^TO, 
Sansk. «i||y^ Long & has been shortened in ^tsf^ ^o- 
dare, spade, Sansk. ^^I^. 

Long ft is weakened to I in the following adverbs, 
after the analogy of the Prakrit, as: ^rflf^* crfsf^ ja- 
dehe-tadehe, when -then; ^f^f^ kadehe, when? which 
are derived from the Sansk. adverbs: ^IT^-iT^^ ^S^. 

Long a as a feminine termination of Prfikrit nouns 
is in Sindh! occasionally permuted for I or even I (e), as: 
c(T^ va-I, speeck, Prak. ^|^|, Sansk. ^T^; ^ft dhure, 
origin, Prak. ^IJ, Sansk. ^^ The only example of 
final W of a masa theme being changed to i is T]? 
ra-e, prince, Prak. TI^, Sansk. TJ^TT nom. 

. Li a certain number of words, ending in the Sansk. 
crude state in f| (but nom. sing. rfOi fuial & has been 
changed in Sindhi (as now and then ah^eady in Prakrit) 
to u, as: fll^, father, Prak. fll^l (by elision of fl), 
Sansk. nom. fMril> *n^ bhau, brother, Prak. m^f 
Sansk. ^JITrfT; and by the same levelling process: 1?T^ 

Digitized by 



m&u, mother, Prak. ^ii^i, Sansk. ITTrfT; TJ^ rftu, prince 
(besides T!R0' "^ pandhu, journey, Sansk. XPTT ^• 

As regards the vowel changes in the midst of a 
-word, the Sindhi adheres on the average to Prakrit usage, 
as: l4V|i% patharu, bed, Prak. l|rV|<, Sansk. IJ^K, Hindi 
f^[^^), different from the else identical word ^^^ stone, 
Prak. TJF?!^ Sansk. TH^ (Hindi l|r«|p; TTflT maya, 
compassion, Sansk. mm (Hindi likewise TRH)' ^^T^ 
devali, temple (in Sindhi with the fem. termination i), 
Prak. ^^, Sansk. ^c||<«i^ (Hindi likewise ^c|'^). 

6) The vowels i, i. 

Short i is in Sindhi pronounced like short S, when 
preceded or followed by 1| h, and regularly so, when 
ending a word, as: ^J^ft Sharo, such a one, Q^f^frl 
mehete, a mosque; i||f^ gale, word. Short i corresponds 
therefore often to the Prakrit "J^ e, which is considered 
short, when followed by a compound consonant, whereas 
1^ e is in Sindhi always long; e. g. Prak. ^t^) SindM 
fSrnSg (Pji!4^), to take; f^l^ nindra, sleep, Prak. i^ 
or flJI^, Sansk. {^'^J; fVl^rf 6inhu, sign, Prak. ^^^ or 
f^, Sansk. f^. 

It is a curious phenomenon in Sindhi, that occasion- 
ally a short i is interpolated in a syllable, which the 
effeminate pronunciation finds too harsh for the ear. 
This is particularly the case, when a syllable closes with 
a double n or n followed by another consonant (especially 
a liquida). The consequence of this effeminate pronunciation 
is, that the n thus separated by the interpolation of i, 
becomes nasalized, as: ^^^ saina, sign, hint, instead 
of ^{«^, from ^^f; ^^11% sSisaru, world, instead of 
^^1^; 44^cil^ maijala, a day's journey, instead of YJ^^ 
(JClc), and is frequently no longer heard at all, especially 

Digitized by VjOOQ II 


in the mouth of the Mnhammedans, who write: JC^ 
ma-izala, JLlll sa-is&ru etc 

Lengthened is ! in ^ Id, what, Prakrit already 
^, from the Sanskrit fkm; further in ^^)9 Sihu, lion, 
Prak. ^[f^, Sansk. f^; but not in f^m Jibha, tongue, 
Prak. if^, Sansk. f^l^T. 

Long i is kept fast by the SindhI in many instances, 
where in Prakrit it has been shortened to I, in consequence 
of the assimilation of consonants, as: cf^^ tirthu, a 

holy bathing-place, Ptak. fr|rV|, Sansk fft^. 

Long i is rarely shortened to !, and this only, 
when ending a noun, as: •nft nare, a woman, Prak, et 
Sansk. ^T^^ 

Long 1 passes into 6 in those instances, which have 
been already marked out by the old Pr&krit grammarians, 
as Prakrit %ftg^ IjfijR etc., Sansk. ^to, t^ etc. 
The corresponding Sindhi forms are: %^^, keharo, what? 
(by transposition of l|, instead of ^|j^) ; %^ keru, who, 
(by elision of 5, instead of %f kerhu; in the Apa- 
bhransha dialect r on the other hand has been dropped^ 
as: ^5^). The Prfikrit form IiUm (Apabhransha 1J||^) 
has not beNdn taken up by the Sindhi, but other forms 
have been created from the pronominal bases c^ ^ 
Ht, ^gt^ ^3ft> ^7 adding to them the diminutive affix ^ 
ro, as: f^Rfft kSharo, of what kind; f^H^-fTT^ jeharo 
— tSharo, of which kind — of such a khid; ^5g^ Shard, 
of this kind, ^^ft ^^^haro, of that kind. 

c) The vowels u, u. 

On the whole the Sindhi has taken up those changes, 
which these vowels have been made subject to in Prakrit; 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


but in some special cases it has remained more original, 
than liiB Pr3krit| as: 'Uj^U purasu, man, Pr&k ^rf?Ht. 
Sansk. Uf%l(; JuH^Oi niukhiri, a bud, FrSk. 44sl<!J', Sansk. 

U is changed to a in: Tf^ garo> heavy, PrSk. J||%^ 
Sansk. H^; 5?^ daBalu, weak (PrSk. still ^^F50, Sansk. 
rf^^; or it may be dropped altogether, as: Tff^ pare, 
on, upon, Prak. ^^f^ Sansk. ^irft* 

U is changed to 5 only in the following instances, 
^* ^Rtrft ni5ti, pearl, Prak. 1^^^ (mdtta) Sansk. S^; 
Xft^f pothi, book, Prak. -qtf^pat. Sansk. ^^JSR; ^- 
^f^^ kodare, a spade, Sansk. 4<*|<^^ 

Long a is preserved more tenaciously in Sindhi, 
than in Prakrit, e. g. 7^^ nuro, a hollow ring on the 
ankle, Prak. ^^^ Sansk. ^PTT; — ^ ^<^I^ cases, where 
original u has been depressed to 5 in Prakrit, the original 
vowel generally reappears in Sindhi, as: ^f^f^ ukhirl, 
a mortar, Prak. ^^Hd^, Sansk. \J^4^^'; ^fif puthe, 
power, Prak. T^^fej, Sansk. 5^» which is, though 
identical in form, not to be confounded with inf^ puthe, 
the back, Sansk. W^, Hindi xfV^^ 

d) The vowels e and 6. 

In Sindhi, as* well as in Prakrit, 6 and 6 are no 
longer looked upon as Guna- vowels, but as simple 
sounds. In Sindhi d and 5 are always long, never 
anceps, as in Prakrit; for the short Prakritical 6 ^ort 
i is substituted in Sindhi, as: f^3 hiku, one^ Prak. 
J^; and for the short Prakritical o short u, as stated 

Both vowels keep their place very steadfi^stly and 
frequently reappear in such cases, where they have been 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


already shortened in Fr&krit, owing to the assimilation 
of consonants, as: ^H prSmu, love, Prftk. ^Rf (p^iiEuna); 
^^yra jobliann, time of youth, Prak. ^ic^i;] (JSwa- 
nam); ^tjlJ^t^i ^^i Pr&k. ^Ji|, Sansk. i|)J||. 

Quite exceptional is the shortening of 5 to u in 
^^ luharu, blacksmith, instead of: t^i^c|||<% (Sansk. 
;^^c||||J, where & has been likewise shortened to i; and 
the change of e to i in if^ piju, draught, Sansk. ^ft(; 
ift khi, wellfere, Sansk. I^i;^; i^fs nihu, love, Prak. 
^^^, Sansk. '^; ;{fte mihu, rain, Prak. ^^, Sansk. 

When ending a noun e and 6 are frequently shortened 
to 6 and H respectively, especially in poStry; but these 
changes being peculiar to Sindhi, we shall consider them 
hereafter separately. The peculiarity of the Apabhransha 
dialect, as noted by the grammarian Kramadishvara, is 
fully borne out by the modem Sindhlj it uses likewise in 
the locative singular 6 (i) instead of 5, as m^f^ pa- 
radehe, in a foreign country, T(fl^ gharS, in a house eta 
In the same way, as the Apabhransha, the Sindln also 
changes to a great extent the PrSkrit termination 6 to 
u, as: c||R kamu, business, Prak. cfjuf) ^^ ^^ easne 
may also oe said of the ablative sing, termination ^|^ 
(=5—6 with elision of ^) which is commonly shortened 
to adu in the Apabhransha dialect, and in Sindhi further 
to a-u: as XRTST ghar&-u, from a house. This old 
Sindhi ablative termination is now-a-days generally con- 
tracted to ^^ Su (& being likewise shortened to &, and 
to avoid the hiatus, both vowels being nasalized) but &-u 
is still very frequently used in poStry. 

Digitized by 



The elisioni contraction and insertion of vowela. 

These three points, so important in the old Fritkrit, 
we may, as far as the Sindhi is concerned, snm up 
under the following brief remarks: 

a) An elision of vowels takes &r more rarely place 
in Sindhi, than in the Prakrit^ because the consonants 
do not so easily give way; there is however no lack of 
instances, in which the Sindhi accedes to PrSkrit usage, 
as: ^]5n^ duaro, temple (different from ^5in5 ^^^^» 
Sansk. "STD, Sansk. ^c||<^l|, where e has been elided; 
fij^ll) siaro, the cold season, Prak. ^^|<| , Sansk. 
^r|chl<!i; ^*T5 kumbharu, potter, Sansk. ^)T^RR; 
144^1^ pakhala, a pair of leather-bags, Sansk. X|I(t^r^; 
f^ rinu, the desert (the Kin), Sansk. ^(\i!J; fv[^ dhia, 
daughter (prakrit already t|^^9 see Lawen p. 172, note); 
f^ bi, also, Prak. f^, Sansk. ^jfll. 

li) As regards the contraction of vowels, the 
Sindhi coincides more fully with the Prakrit, though in 
some instances I have noticed a deviation from Prakrit 
analogy, as: '^^i cotho, the fourth, Prak. x|>drV|, Sansk. 
*^n^; 1^^ mora, peacock, Prak. 1^^ Sansk. T^R; 
^OT lunu, salt, Prak. 1^% Sansk. ^<4<y; ^§^ sonu, 
gold, Sansk. «c|^. 

c) With reference to the insertion of vowels the 
Sindhi agrees on the whole with the Prakrit 

a) An original compound consonant is separated by 
the insertion of a vowel, to render its pronunciation 
more easy for a Sindhi organ. The insertion of a respective 
vowel depends on the sequence of vowels or the varga 
of the consonant, which is to be separated from the 
preceding one, though this rule is by no means strictly 
adhered to. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


a is inserted in cases like the following: tt^i^ sa- 
r&ha, praise, PrSfc ^I^TfT, Sansk ^\\\\; Wt^ ^a- 
loku, a filaka, Ptik. I^l^t^, Sansk. "^t^ 

1 is inserted, as: ^(^^ istri, woman, FtSk. ^r'D* 
Sansk l^; ^ffig varghu, year, PiSk. ^(<^^, Sansk. 
«r^; f^t^^ milanu, to be obtained, Prak. f^Q}|<!{t 
Sansk. rpot §^ 

n is inserted, as: U1|Ht supano, dream, Prak. f|j« 
f%^, Sansk. ^^fSI' 5^^ smnaranu, to remember, Prak. 
gri^, Sansk. "^ (root V^^ 

p) On the other hand the Sindhi very frequently 
has gone a step farther and dispensed with the insertion 
of a vowel by pushing the root-vowel between the 
compound consonant and dropping the final consonant, 
as: %OT senu, friend, Prak. ^I%^> Sansk. ^^; or more 
commonly it drops simply one of the compound consonants, 
as: a? nuhu, daughter-in-law, Prak ^<tj|, Sansk. ^^; 
\m*^ saghanu, to be able, Prak. ^np§tf^> Swsk. 

§. 4. 
Sandhlt EOtatas and Euphoxiy. 

The Sindhi, as well as the Prakrit, dispenses totally 
with the rules of SandhI, and vowels may therefore 
meet, without being subject to the laws of euphony. 
To separate however in some measure concurring vowels, 
the Sindhi very liberally employs the use of Anusvara, 
whereby a certain nasalizing pronunciation has been 
imparted to the language, which is in some measure 
disagreeable to our ear; e. g. ^jvji au, I; n'|^|>j| su- 
khau, nom. plur. of Ul^f, vows; ^|^<U| khainu, to 
bum; 7J^ gau, cow etc. The Anusvara is further 
inserted, to facilitate the lengthened pronunciation of a 

Digitized by 



vowel, as: if^ mlhu, rain, Sansk. %lf ; this is particularlj 
the case, when a noun ends in a long yowel, as jf^ 
pri, friend, JJ bhu, earth etc. 

On the other hand there are also examples to be 
met with, where original Anusvara has been dropped 
in SindhT, as: ^TT^ masu, or TH^-mahu, meat, Sansk. 


§. 5. 

In comparing the Sindhi letters (see below the SindhI 
alphabets) with tiie Prakrit alphabet, we see at the first 
glance, that the Sindh! has retained the letters ^ fi, 
? n, ^ fi and «T n, as single letters, which have 
disappeared already from the Prakrit alphabet, except 
when preceding a consonant of their respeddve vargas. 

^ §, is in Sindh! by no means a palatal sibilant, 
as in Sanskrit, but a simple dental sound, equally 
unknown in Sanskrit and Prakrit, which has become 
naturalized in all the modem idioms (with the exception 
of the Gujarat!), and which corresponds to our common 
dental sh. It is derived from various sources: 

a) from the Sanskrit palatal sibilant ^, as: ^(JTS? 
tobdu, word, Sansk. ^5^» ^l{l^ Sariru, body (besides 
^fQ^ sariru), Sansk. T(pQ^; ^^ fiukru, fnday, Sansk. 

h) from the Sanskrit dental sibilant B s, as: ^D? 
Sihu, lion, Sansk. f^; ^JW Sahu, rich (by the Musal- 

mans generally pronounced tll^ sa-u) Sansk. W^; the 
8 of Persian words is also now and then changed to i, 
as: ^[f^ Sikha, a spit, Pers. ^jy^r. 

c) firom the Sanskrit cerebral sibilant ^ S, as: «n^'^ 
kafianu, to puU, Sansk. ^[1^ (Hindi ^Fl^); T^RW kiSnu, 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


KriBlmay Sansk. WU^; f^TO viSa, "woiU, (besides f^IB) 
Sansk. ^|XP|. - 

The letter j& of Arabic ^d Persian words is always 

rendered by ^, as: ^^^^ Sahara, town, Perft. J^; ^JTS 
§aha, king, Pers. sUt. 

This is a very remarkable deviation from the prin- 
ciples of the Prakrit, where the letter ^ has been changed 
to B, and further to l|, ^ 

In Sindhi the use of the letter ^ is confined to a 
limited number of indigenous vocables (those, which 
have been borrowed from foreign sources, not being taken 
into account), but that it is still to be considered more 
or less exceptional, may be concluded from the circumstance, 
that the Prakrit rules concerning its permutations (^ = 
^ =z ID are still in full force in Sindhi, as: ^^^ su- 
nanu, to hear, Prak, UiyifiR, Sansk. vi|y|(^; XfJ^ 
phasi, or XJH^ phahi, a noose, Sansk. XTHy; ^ desu, 
country, Sansk. ^]5J; 5^ daha, ten, Prak. ^, Sansk. 

The same law holds good with reference to the 
cerebral ^ fi, which like ^, passes into ^ or l|, as: 
ag nuhu, daughter-in-law, Sansk. ^^TT? f^5 ^W| 
^vorld, Sansk. (cm^j; %a vesu, disguise, Sansk. %^^ 

^ and ^ are in Sindhi also frequently changed to ^ 
ch, as: foh^^ kifiharl, rise and pulse boiled togetlier (Hindi 
HjJtJ^^), Sansk. ch^li^J; ^[]Sc^ .6han6haru, Saturday, 
Sansk. HijfHHK; ^ iha, or 1g;j| 6haha, six, Prak. ^, 
Sansk. 1(7 , This permutation seems in Sindhi to be so 
deeply rooted, that even the ji of Arabic and Persian 
words is occasionally changed to ^, as: ^|^' dhala 

(besides "SfJl^), would to God, Arab. jJ[Jf^L&; ^[Rftf 
ihabase, bravo! Pers. jiCQ; Hl^lg paihahu, king, 
Pers. »L&oC. 

Trampp, Sindhl-OrMimar. *^ 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


The cerebral ^ is occasionally written in Sindhi, 
but only by Brldunans, and even with them its use 
depends on their relative knowledge of Sanskrit, We 
may therefore as well leave out this letter from the 
consonantal system of the Sindhi, as its actual pronun- 
ciation is completely ignored. In Capt Stack's Sindhi 
Dictionary some words are given with the cerebral ^, 
such as: fcJM^ viSal, voluptuary, 5^ 4u§tu, bad, ^^ 

kaStu, wretchedness etc., but the letter itself as well as 
those words are only known to the Brahmans. 

The guttural 3F n, as well as the palatal 5f n, keep 
their place in Sindhi as single letters, e. g. ^15 anu, 
body (Hindi ^(i^ or ^ffx^), Sansk. ^ETIp; 4^^*.4y mananu, 
to ask (Hindi Tn^^), Sansk. ITF^ (r. Tj^\ 4HIH^ 
mananu, to heed (Hindi ♦linii), Sansk. *HfiH. In the 
kindred dialects both these nasals are only used in con- 
junction with a letter of their varga, and never as single 
consonants (the PanjabI alone being excepted). 

The cerebral XJI n has not supplanted the dental 
ST in Sindhi, as in Prakrit, but both are sharply kept 
asunder; T!f n is also used as a single consonant, in 
the same way as 3? n and Sf A, and is of very frequent 
occurrence, in which respect the PanjabI alone agrees 
with the Sindhi, the other dialects using XJT n only before 
letters of the cerebral class , with the exception of the 
Hindustani, which is destitute of a cerebral nasal. 

§. 6. 
1) Single consonants at the beginning of a word. 

At the beginning of a word the following consonants 
occur in Sindhi: 
I)GuttuMls: ^k, 15rkh;'7g,XJgh; — ^h; — — ^ g. 

2) Palatals: ^ c, i^Ch; 5T j, ^ jh; ^ ^ yi — ^^S,?]. 

3) Cerebrals: 7 t, ^th;5d, ^dh; — fr; — — fd.' 

4) Dentals: rT t, ^ th; ^ d, V dh; ^ n; ^r; ^ 1; ^ s; — ' 

5) Labials: ^ p, "^ ph; '^ b, ^ bh; TTm; ^ v; — — «r b. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC . 

nrrRODucrnoK. xix 

This scheme deviates from that of the Prfikrit in 
some essential points, ^hich we have partly already 

Peculiar to the Sindh! is the cerebral ^ r, beginning 
a word) which is not found in any of the other d^ects. 
It is, boweVer, also in SindhI confined to the two inter- 
jections ^ re and ^ ri; the former is used in calling 
out to a man, the latter in calling out to a woman. 
There can be no doubt, that we have- in both forms 
the Sansk. inteijectional adverb ^^ (which form is also 
used in Sindhi) which has been vindicated by Dr. Cald- 
well (Comparative Grammar of the Dr&vidian languages, 
p. 440) to the Dravidian idioms of the south, and the 
original signification of which is: o slave! The correctness 
of Dr. CaldwelFs statement is borne out by the SindhI, 
in which besides ^ and ^ also ^(^ and ^S[f\ is used, 
corresponding to the Dravidian ada. 

All those consonants, as arrayed above, hold their 
place at the beginning of a word, when standi^ig single; 
but when a noun happens to be compounded, then the 
first consonant of the second noun is no longer con- 
sidered initial, and may therefore be elided, as: f^^|<) 
siaro, the cold season, Prakrit already lFf^^|^, Sansk. 

1) ^ k is not subject to aspiration, as in some examples 
ofthePrakrit,e.g.l^l3t, Sansk. ^^i Sindhi ^^ kubd, 
hump-backed; neither is k changed to ^ at the beginning 
of a word, but frequently at the end (being an affix) 
and in the case of the genitive afifix ^ even to the 
media 5T j. 

The k of Arabic- Persian words on the other hand 
is now and then aspirated or even changed to ^ Xy ^^- 
yli^^ khutabu, school, or ^\jL xutabu, from the Arabic 
ylis; iJJ^S^ sukh&nu, a rudder, Arab. ^Ixl. 

Digitized by 



2) ^ g is aspirated in tho single instance of ^ 
gbaru, a house, Prak. 1(1^ (instead of Tf^), Sansk. n^^ 

3) cT t is very frequently changed to the cor- 
responding cerebral Z t The tendency of the dentals, 
to surrender their place to the corresponding cerebrals, 
has so much got the upper hand in Sindhi, that its 
consonantal system differs therein quite materially and 
significantly from the old Prakrit; e, g. ^TOt t^^i^j 
copper, Prak. J^, Sansk. HT^ (Hindi J{\^); | tre, 
three, Prak* frifly, Sansk. ^tfiSF (Hindi rftrl); the same 
may also be stated of the aspirate ^ th, as: ZV^ thanu, 
stable, Prak. 'Sjnjf, Sansk. ^|r|. 

The cerebral Z (^ with its media 5 (5) comprises 
the most non-Arian elements of the language; nearly 
^4 of the words, which commence with a cerebral; are 
taken from some aboriginal, non-Arian idiom, which, in 
recent times has been termed "Scythian''*), but which 
we would prefer to call Tatar. This seams to be a 
very strong proof, that, the cerebrals have been borrowed 
from some idiom anterior to the introduction of the 
Arian family of languages; the Sanskrit uses the cerebrals 
very sparingly, but in Prakrit, which is already con- 
siderably tinged with so-called "provincial" (i. e. non- 
Arian) elements, they struggle already hard to supplant 
the dentals. 

4) ?[ d, as well as its tenuis cT t, is very frequently 
changed to the corresponding cerebral ? d, and, as even 
d did not seem hard enough at the beginning of a word, 
it was changed in most cases to the peculiar Sindhi ^ d 
(the pronunciation of which see under the Sindhi al- 
l)habcts), as: ft^ 4^^^> ^ ^^^ ^^ sedan chair, Prakrit 
already ^^|, Sansk. )^t^'' 5? dandu, a stick, Prak. 

1) This term, though need by Dr. CaldweU and Mr. Ed. Norris, 
we find too vague; TstKr is more specific, as we understand by this 
term a certain family of languages. 

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5^15, Sansk. ^[IJJ; 'Q[^^ SimUj to give, PrSk. ^pT^ 
Sansk. root ^; f^^S ^isanu, to see, Prat ^?p^ 
Sansk. ^^. But if r be joined to the cerebral media, 
the simple cerebral (^ must be used^ as If d is already 
by its own nature a double cerebral, e. g. ^i^i drakha, 
grape, Sansk. Sll^l (Hindi ^T^). The simple cerebral 
? d is very seldom to be met with at the beginning of 
a word, and must be carefully distinguished from T d, 
as: Ql^ ditho, obstinate, but f^^ ditho, seen, par- 
ticiple past of flf^rm to see. 

?^ d, is changed to its aspirate V dh in the single 
instance of fkf^ dhia, daughter, after the precedent of 
the Prakrit \ft^ or lf|^|. 

5) Initial ^ is aspirated in some instances, as: 
l|il^ phasi or 4||^ phahi, a noose, Sansk. muj (Hindi 
l|)|^); now and then it passes also to the semi- vowel 
cf (by the medium of ^ b) as: ^|M vajho, a Hindu 
schoolmaster, Sansk. .>dmU||l| (initial u having first 
been dropped). 

6) The semi -vowel ^ y has become now very 
scarce in Sindhi at the beginning of a word, as: ^mTJT 
yabhanu, coire; T!^ yatd, stout; 7\\l^ yaraha, eleven. 
After the analogy of the Prakrit initial ^ is generally 
changed to IT, as: ^ jo, who, Sansk. "^i ^m jasu, 
feme, Sansk. ^EH?. 

In wordQ, borrowed from the Arabic or Persian, 
y is always preserved, as: <4lt5 yarn, friend, Pers. 

The only instance, where initial ^ has been changed 
to ^ 1 in Sindhi is ^^rf? lathe, a walking-stick; the 
same is the case in Prakrit, <^fjr Sansk. Iff^^ 

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8) Single ooxisonajits In the midst of a word. 

According to a common Prakrit raid the following 

^ k, T g; ^ 6, 5r J; IT t, T^ d; X? p, ^ b, 
when standing single in the midst of a word, may either 
be retained or elided. This rule we find corroborated 
by the Sindhi, but not without some essential restrictions, 
the consonants being on the whole more frequently re- 
tained than elided, as the effeminacy of pronunciation 
has not yet reached that degree of indistinctness in Sindhi, 
which so peculiarly characterizes the Prakrii We shall 
therefore find, that in many instances the Sindhi has 
followed the already beaten track, but has more fre- 
quently, preserved the old harder form, or chosen its own 
way of elision and contraction. The semi -vowels are 
but rarely totally elided in Sindhi; they either keep 
their place or are dissolved into their corresponding 

Examples of elision: Ȥ sui, needle, Prak. ^f^^ 
Sansk. W^. fcfc^ kio, done, Prak. fcft^', Sansk. «7f ; 
XI^ rau, prince, Prak. JJ^j Sansk. ^J5fT; ^R^TPSt 
da-umaso, the rainy season, Sansk. T|ri4i|f(; ^RJT sara-u, 
autumn, Prak. ^i^^, Sansk. T!J^; fxHT piu, fother, 
Prak. fq^, Sansk. fqcTT. 

This process. of elision is extended even to foreign 

words, as: •TT^fW nakhuo, a ship-noiaster, Pers. l<xiU. 

But more frequently the consonants keep their place, 
as: ^|J|^ sagaru, the sea, Prak. ^|^<t, Sansk. ^TFR; 
w{^H^ nagaru, town, Prak. ?!j^(^, Sansk. 5FR; c|x(^ 
va£anu, promise, Prak. cf^lif, Sansk. ^(^r|. 

It is quite characteristical, that the Prakrit does 
not elide the cerebrals, for which it shows already 
such a predilection, but, wherever possible, it changes 

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the dentals into cerebrals, to guard ihem thus against 
elision. This process we find in full operation in the 
modem dialects, which have sprung fix)m the Prakrit; 
the common dentals have become too weak for the mouth 
of the people, a circumstance, which receives a particular 
light from the manner, in which the modem Indians 
write and pronounce European words; every dental is 
without mercy changed by them into a cerebral, which 
proves at least so much, that the cerebrals are more 
familiar to them, than the dentals. 

Let us now briefly glance over the exceptions, which 
have been noted down by the Prakrit grammarians. 

1) According to the rule, laid down at the head 
of this paragraph, the letters ^ k, T g, ^ 5, ^f j 
are, when not elided, retained. The exceptions from this 
rule in Prakrit are not borne out by the Sindhi, and 
seem therefore to have been more of a local character. 
The only exception, which is corroborated by the modem 
idioms, is the Prakrit form off^lsD, sister, Sansk. d^piuj); 
which must be explained by an original form c|(\|<yY* 
from which ^f^isft ^^ sprung; Hindi ^rf^ST and SindliT, 
by transposition of the aspiration, ^OT bhenu. 

^ k, may pass into its con-esponding media ^, 
as: >^JJ|rf bhagatu, a worshipper, Sansk. VTvRi ^PJlfrT 
sagate, strength, Sansk. ^if^ On the contrary there 
is a transition of T to ^ (and by the influence of following 
r to kh) in 1^ khada, a pit, Prak. y[|f, Sansk.. TJ^^ 

2) The cerebral Z t and its aspirate Z th, frequently 
pass into their corresponding media, as: ^|^ kandhi, 
a necklace (besides ^^), Sansk ^li/)^ This is fully 
borne out by the modem dialects, especially the Sindhi, 
which goes already a step further in this downward 
course, and changes 5 d to ^ r, and ^ dh to ^ rh; 
®- g- ^ baru, the Indian fig-tree, Sansk. cj^; ^^W 
troranu, to break, Sansk. ^|^r|; l|^IU parhanu, to 

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read, Sanst TO; X|)^ P^V^^y throne, Sansk xft^; 
^f^ lurhanu, to roll down> Sansk. ^. 

To this permutatiou also thQ original Sanskritical 
5 d is subject in many instances, as: 5^^ juranu, to 
bo joined, Sansk. ^ja; xffew piranu, to press, Sansk 
Hl^; 5^? jaru, inanimate body, Sansk H5. In a similar 
manner also the Sansk. ^ dh may be changed to ^ rh, 
as: ^^ murhu, ignorant, Sansk ^|^. 

But by far the greatest number of words, in which 
r or rh is to be found, is of non-Arian origin. 

3) IT very often passes into its media ^, as: . 
^lU^ khande, patience, Sansk '^jpff. The Sansk. par- 
ticijnal termination ^t^f (^TcT ) is always changed in Sindhl 
to ^sj;^ ando, as: ^<<)^ halando, going, ^^{^ doing. 
if is oven changed to an aspirated cerebral, but only 
in such cases, where the aspiration has been caused by 
an elided r, as: TO vathu, taking, Sansk "afcT, IT is 
preserved in many instances, where in Prakrit it has 
passed into the media F, as l^frT rute, season, Prak. 
vJcNii, Sansk ^rf. In words borrowed from the Arabic 
(or Persian) Jf is occasionally aspirated, as: f^lTHT 1^^- 

matha, Arab. «*!;; tll^^ saatha, hour, Arab. vaA^ll. 

4) T? only rarely passes into its media ^, as f^T H 
also, Sansk. '^ fq ; ^r^ rajbutu, a Rajput, Sansk ^- 
5nra; Prak ^^f^ upon, but Sindhi xrf^ 

On the other hand there is a transition of the media 
to the tenuis in the abstract affix XJ, X^, TOT otc (Hindi 
"^^^y from the Sansk. affix .FSJ, SR (v = b = p), as: 
^1^14 dahapa, wisdom. 

Final XJ is now and then changed to u (p = b = 
v = u), as: fTR* tau, heat, Sansk ftTO, Hindi cTT^ tao. 

5) The substitution of ^ in lieu of 5 has been 
preserved in the case of: rl^T^ talau, a tank, Prak 

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7f^n[^9 Sansk ff{|J|^ In other examples however the 
course, taken by the PrSlcriti has again been abandoned, 
and a new one struck out; e. g. the Prakrit ^|f^f|, pome- 
granate, sprung from the Sanskrit ^iflW (hy the sub- 
stitution of ^ for 3) becomes in Sindhi ^f^darhu (Hinctt 
^lQl*J)i the initial dental ^ being first changed to ? d 
and then hardened to ? d, and ? d passing into 
? r with an additional aspiration (which is rather 

The modem idioms deviate in this respect from the 
Prakrit, that they change 5 d to ^ r, instead of substituting 
^ for 3; but therein also lies a hint, how the sub- 
stitution of ^ for ? has been possible. The change must 
have been effected by the medium of ^ r (not of T, as 
Lassen supposes), which approaches ^ very closely in 
sound. This explains sufficiently such like cases as: ij)^ 
pll5, yellow, Sansk. xf^; the change must have passed 
through the following stages, as: if^Tf = xfl^ = lf^ 

6) The substitution of ^ r for ^ in those numerals, 
which are compounded with ^]^, has been retained in 
Sindhi, as well as in the cognate dialects, e. g. Prak. 
U^rij^> Sindhi i\\lj^ ySrSha, eleven; PrSk, mij^j Sindhi 
^|<i^ baraha, twelve; Prak. ^X5> Sindhi ^^ terahS, 
thirteen; ^ however must be standing by itself, for 
Prak. *^>;)^|^, Sindhi ^^^ dodahS, fourteen. 

§. 8. . 
3) Single Aspirates in the midst of a word. 

On the average the aspirates are in Sindhi more 
frequently preserved, than elided, though the Prakrit 
laws, concerning their elision, are also in force.* 

a) The letters ^ kh, ^ gh, ^ th, V dh, ^ bh 
may be elided in this wise, that only the spiritus IJ 

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remains. This phenomenon is so far of great importance, 
as the Frikkrit seems to indicate thereby, that it considers 
the aspirates as compound consonants, like gh, bh etc., 
the base of which is dropped and the spiritus ^ alone 
retained. The aversion of the Prakrit against the aspirates 
seems to point to a Tatar under-ground current in the 
mouth of the common people, the Dravidian languages 
of the south being destitute of aspirates. Against this 
tendency of clearing away the aspirates the modem idioms 
react far more strongly than the old Prakrit, their pro- 
nunciation proving in this respect much tighter, than 
that of their immediate common mother-tongue. 

Examples of elision: TTffmuhu, face, Prak. T^, 
Sansk. ITO; but ITlf mukhu is also in use in Sindhi; 
l^te mihu, rain, Prak. ^ft> Sansk. ^(^; in Sindhi also 
^; ^l^ sahl, friend, Prak. ^l^, Sansk. ^rf^; cR^ 
kahanu, to say, Prak. cRj^, Sansk. cjOT; ^^|l| lahanu, 
to obtain, Prak. ^^, Sansk. ^>^. 

In some instances the Sindhi advances beyond the 
Prakrit by dropping 5, which has been severed from 
its base, as; ^TRR sau, upright, Prak. ^TI^, Sansk. W^> 

h) But more commonly the aspirates in question are 
retained, as: ^^ sukhu, pleasure, Prak. nn^; '^iflD 
adhiro, hasty, Prak. ^pft^; WEI^ sugharu, shrewd, 
Sansk. ^^. •>» 

c) The aspirates ^ ah, ^ jh, Z th, ^ dh, ifi ph 
are retained unaltered; e. g. "5^ i6ha, wish, Sansk. 
i^V^ ^Srat ^*^S> white, Sansk. ^^'; ?R^ kanthi, a 
kind of necklace, Sansk. cRTJ^^; Hfi*S dhundhanu, to 
seek, Sanslc^^TSr; ^TtJj^Tsaphalu, fruitful, Sansk. ^T^. 

d) The aspirate Z th may also pass into its cor- 
responding media, as: rif% sundhe, ginger, Sansk. W- 
H^, Hindi ^^; ^i^ kandhi, a kind of necklace (bc- 

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sides ^[it)j ^tfl? gandbe, a bimdlei Priik J||^Q[, Sanak. 

The cases of a media passing into its corresponding 
tenuis are very rare, as: a^ suthd, pure, Sansk. ^ra;, 
Hindi again ^^, 

e) The aspirated dental ^ th passes' in some in- 
stances into its corresponding media V, as: l^V pandhu, 
journey, Sansk. M^m m. The aspirated dentals may 
also be exchanged for their corresponding cerebrals, as: 
^g^ budho, old, Prak. 'SJ^, Sansk. ^^; IJ^ mudhu, 
a fool, Prak. W^, Sansk. WV. 

The transition of an aspirated dental to its cor- 
responding non-aspirate is very rare, as Tl^madu, liquor, 
Sansk. T{^ (Hindi IR^ and H^. 

§. 9. 
4) Single nasalii. 

The dental 7T n, is now and then changed to the 
palatal ?T ti, as: ^T^ thadu, woman's milk, Sansk W^f 
Hindi ^^?^ (udder). 5? is changed to the cerebral ^ n 
in ^^ dhenu, a milk-cow, Sansk. ^^. In the case of 
f^W Umu, a nimb-tree, 5? has been exchanged for «?, 
Sansk. f?re, Hindi T^T^ and ^t*^. 

The palatal ^ 6 is in some instances substituted 
for ^ jj (z= Sindhi ^ J), as frra minu, inarrow, Sansk. 
THSfT; ^^* besides fira the form fl^ mija, is also in 
use. Similarly 51 fi may supplant 'GJ nn, as: ^ff puni, 
virtuous, Prak. UlJ^iy, Sansk. IJ|[1|; H^ suno, empty, 
Prak. nil/Jf, Sansk. ^RJIf. ^^ ^^^7 rarely happens, that 
a cerebral n is changed to a dental one, as: ^^ 
(= punno) accomplished, participle past of U^4U, Sansk. 

A single If? m in the midst of a woi^d is now and 

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tLen. elided^ as: ^ft^ sai, lord, Sansk. ^Tpft (= "i^TT** 
fri^); but the form, ^rprft BamI has Ukewise been 

TT m is further elideid in the affixes T^ (= V^^tj a^d 
IT^i ^' x^^lflif aihane, whiteness , from x^^ a£ho, 
^hite; <^^|^( lohao, made of iron; further in the 
affix THT, as: ¥|^rT bharyatu, d carrier of burden, from 
H^J, a load. These forms we shall explain further on 
in the formation of themes. 

§. 10. 
6) The semi-TOwels I| y, and "^ t. 

1) In Prakrit ^ y has lost its hold in the midst 
of a word; it is either dissolved into the vowel i, or 
changed to ^ j, or dropped altogether. In Sindhi on 
the contrary ^ may keep its place in the midst of 
a word; it is even frequently inserted, to avoid a hiatus, 
as: ^|i|| ay 6, come, }f{^ bharyo, filled, though these 
forms may also be written and pronounced: ^JR^^t 
a-i-6, bhar-i-6, which is frequently done in poetry, to 
gain a syllable. The cases, where ^ has been dropped 
altogether in Sindhi, are rare, as:.^Tr^va-u, wind, Prak. 
already '^TRR, Sansk. ^[^; ^ is frequently contracted, as: 
^W nenu, eye, Prak. '^^|(|, Sansk. w\i\A'i at the end 
of a word the elision of 1 is more common, as: fcpjT 
viSu, world, Sansk. fopEpqi After the precedent of the 
Prakrit ^ is exchanged for IT in cases like the following: 
^|5T seja, bed, Prak. ^^|, Sansk ^[pZ(T; T(\m pTju, 
draught, Sansk. ^(^ etc. 

^ as a sign of the passive verb is in Sindhi, as 
already in Prakrit, always changed to ^f j, a method, 
by which the Sindhi has gained a regular passive voice, 
wliereas all the kindred dialects are compelled to make 

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up the pa88iv6 by oompositions; e. g. Q[f||^A| Asijanu, 
to be seen, addve Q[^«| d^sanui to see, Hindi ^^ 
ITRT etc: 

2) ^ V is, after the analogy of ^, either preserved 
or dissolved into u; but if the laws of euphony require 
it, it is again reinstated between two vowels, and very 
rarely dropped altogether; e. g. 5ft^ Jiu, life, formative 
^ft^I jiva (instead of ^ft^ jia), Prak. ^H^, Sanslc 5fH; 
^5^ dovl, goddess; on the other hand ^^ deu, a demon, 
formative ^cj deva; l|c|rl pavanu, wind, Prak. l{>j|H 
Sansk. H^H. It is also now and then totally elided; as: 
(^^<y jia?u, to Uve; |^ dihu, day, Prak. f^^^^ • 
Sansk. |^c|^, especially when compounded with another 
consonant, as we shall see hereafter. It may also be 
contracted, as: "^^S P*"?^> *^ ^» instead of H^ig; ^[^ 
6unu, to say, instead of 'q^iy. In the prefix ^X^ it 
may also be contracted to ^ an, as: ^^|i^ ausaru 
or ^T^nrn^ avasaru, want of rain; ^Hlit autaru or 
:^o|f(|4^ avataru, an Avatar. 

A euphonic insertion of ^ takes place in the word 
^Jc[ £hava shade, to keep the two vowels a-a asunder; 
in Prakrit already, for similar reasons, ^ has been in- 
serted, }ti^^\ (comp. Varar. 11, 18), Sansk. ^SJIJT. 

§. 11. 

6) The liquidae ^ r and ^ 1; the sibilant ^ s and fhe 

spiritos ^ h. 

1) T r and ^ 1 are not elided in Sindhi, but keep 
their respective places; ^ is frequently exchanged for ^ 
in Sindhi, as: %^kel6 or %^ kero, name of a flower; 

^5^ burbuli, a nightingale, from the Persian Juii; 
f^:^|<% siaru, a jaxjkal, Hindi f^l^n^i Sansk. ^i«iic9; 

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§(«(<) d^birOi weak, inBtead of: ^f^[^ ^^bilo, which 

is also in use, Sansk. <^^'; ^TCI^ saraha^ praise, Prak. 
tie? 1^1 1 Sansk. ^IMI. The only example, in which ^ 
has been changed to ^f = ^f is H^<J^ P^ja^^i to be 
accomplished (Hindi likewise ^^Hi) from the Sansk. 

2) The sibilant ^ (be it original or a derivative 
from ^ and ^) either keeps its place or is changed to 
^, as: ^ desu, country, more generally: |ft dehu, 
Sansk. ^^; TTra niasu, flesh, or TTO mahu, Sansk. 

In the case of ^^ hanju or ^X hanjhu, a wild 
goose, original ^ has been exchanged for 51 or ^ (in 
Hindi ^^ or ^t^), Sansk. ^^ Similarly ^ hanja 
or ^X hanjha, tear, Sansk. ^T^, Frak. ^a (initial h 
being in Sindhi of a euphonic nature in this case); in 
the same way the Sindhi demonstrative pronoun ^^ 
ijho seems to have sprung from ^^ = 13[^, and VJ^ 
ujho from the remote demonstrative base u, and so 

3) ^ h remains unaltered in Sindhi; in some in- 
stances however it is dropped for euphony's sake, as: 
^nf^ saraho, joyful, Sansk. ^|^ (= ^T^Wf = ^- 
Tft = ^RStt) ^FTRJ s»-ft or 1^ sahu, the same as: 
^TO or ^fJTO honest 

Remark. TCo final consonants, their respective 
changes and permutations we may here as well pass over, 
as the modern Indian vernaculars have already so much 
receded from the old Prakrit, that partly quite new 
formations have been introduced, which preclude any 
nearer comparison with the Prakrii The particular 
changes or elisions, to which the final consonants are 
subject in Sindhi, we shall supply in their proper places. 


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§. 12. 
7) Oompoand oonsonaats. 

For a thorough insight into the nature of the North 
Indian vernaculars this point is of the greatest importance; 
for thus only we can trace out the changes, which the 
Sanskrit has undergone in the mouth of the ctbmmon 
people, if we follow up the laws, according to which 
the Sanskrit sounds have been decomposed into the Pra- 
krit and its modem daughters, or weakened at least 
to such a degree, that they are now scarcely recognisable. 
We can perceive a principle pervading this process of 
decomposition similar to that, by which out of the old 
Latin the modern Komanic tongues have been derived, 
and the mutual congruity is often surprising. 

We meet here again with the same principle, which 
we have seen operating in the decomposition of the vowels 
and the single consonants. The effeminacy of pronun- 
ciation, which absorbs every hard and rough sound, and 
which consequently rather bears up with vowels, though 
they may form a displeasing hiatus, than with consonants, 
which are elided wherever possible, can in a far less 
degree endure compound consonants. All means 
are therefore employed, either to smooth them down or 
to assimilate them, in order to adjust them for a Pra- 
krit mouth, a consonant compounded of letters of dif- 
ferent vargas being incompatible with Prakrit rules of 
euphony. It is undei*stood, that in such an idiom a 
conjunction of three letters is quite out of question; 
the utmost which the Prakrit can endure, is the same 
letter doubled, as ^ kk, '^ tt etc.; ^ and ^ alone 
cannot be doubled. 

Another means, to do away with a compound con- 
sonant, is to dissolve the same into its component parts 
by the insertion of a vowel, a method, to which recourse 
is had very frequently in Prakrit and the modem ver- 

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But even sncli a doubled consonant is as yet thought 
too hard; we perceive therefore akeady a tendency, as 
well in the old Prftkrit as in its daughters, to clear 
away the doubling of a consonant by' prolonging the 
preceding vowel, to restore thereby again the quan- 
tity of the syllable, as: ^|pj age, fire, Prak, x^pJf 
Sansk. ^fi|, Hmdl ^p\; Hindi >ftf^ wall, SindhT Ivrfif, 
Sansk. f>tflr* 

§. 13. 

A) Assimilation of the first foxur consonants of the 
five Vargas. 

These are the following: 

^ k, ^ kh; T g, ^ gh. 

^ c, ^6h; 5r j, ^jh. 

7 t, 7 th; 5 d, ^ dh. 

IT t, ^ th; ^ d, V dh. 

X? p, Tfi ph; ^ b, H bh. 
The ground-law of the Prakrit is this: when two 
consonants form a compound, the former must give 
way to the latter, by being assimilated to the same; 
thereby originates the only conjunction of consonants, 
which is suffered in Prakrit, the doubling* of the 
same consonant. In the dental class this doubling of 
a consonant does not prevent it from passing over into 
the cerebral class; in the other vargas the transition 
of a so doubled consonant to another varga is rare, 
as the consonant gains more strength by being doubled. 
The only example of such a transition to another varga 
is ^^ir sarvagu, omniscient, Prak. ^c|^, Sansk. 
f(^^, where the doubled palatal has been changed into 
.a double guttural (^ = 'T), a transition, which is 
natural enough in a single consonant, but wliich is very 
seldom to bo met Avitli in a doubled consonant. tlM^ 
saglionu, to bo able, Prak. i^^iylfll, Sansk. llf^tf^ 

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iNTRODUcnoN. zxzni 

(Hindi ^*^m), and perhaps a few others, which may 
have escaped my notice. 

On the whole the Sindhl, as well as the kindred 
dialects, agrees with this ground-law of the Flrakrit^), 
without maJdng it an immutable rule of its proceedings: 
for it may also assimilate the following consonant to 
the preceding. In many instances the SindhI is more 
original, than the Prakrit, by preserving such like con- 
junctions of consonants, as are usual in Sanskrit. 

Examples of assimilation. 

^Ifft 8^t^> asleep, Prak. ^^, Sansk. ^; ^IRt 
upano, created, Prak. viU||^<m, Sansk. ^^fCp^; VfR bhatu, 
boiled rice, Prak. iq[^, Sansk. J^ (Hindi JTTfi^^, by pro- 
longing the preceding vowel); ^T^t ^^^^^ received, Prak.. 
;^, Sansk. ^SSBf. But on the other hand: ^[^ kubo, 
hump -backed, Prak. U^i^l), Sansk. ^?^. 

But an original compound consonant may also be 
preserved unaltered in SindhI, as: ^Ef^ fiabdu, word, 
Prak. 1^^ Sansk. 1?!^; W^j mukto, free, Prak. 1|^, 
Sansk. ^^ 

It depends however more or less on the option of 
the speaker, if he will pronounce a compound con- 
sonant as such, or separate the same by tiie insertion 
of a vowel, as: ^[J«5 Sabdu, or Vjl^d Sabidu, the in- 
serted i being pronounced so rapidly, that it is scarcely 
perceptible. The Musalmans therefore, when writing with 
Arabic letters, never place the sign jazm (-2-) above a con- 
sonant, destitute of a vowel, but always add the kasr, which 
is nearly equal to jazm, it being scarcely heard at all in 

1) It most be stated here, that aooording to the common method 
of writing the Sindhi, a doable consonant' is not expressed generaUy, 
but only in such instances, where two words, written else in the same 

way, are to be distinguished, as ^1 una, by him, and ^t unna, wooL 

Trnropp, Siidhl-OraininM'. 3 

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pronunciation. The next vowel , thus inserted, is nsoallj i 
(kasr), but a or u may also be employed, according to 
euphony or the sequence of vowels, as: WW bhagatu, 
a worshipper, Sansk. y^; 44J|(f| si^te, power, Sansk. 
^T% (Hindi ^JcR^ £)• 

§. U. 
B) Assimilation of the nasals. 

a) A nasal, preceding a consonant, generally keeps 
its place as: ^^ antu, end, Sansk. ^TfrT* A preceding 
nasal may be dropped altogether, if the preceding vowel 
happen to be a long one, as: Tfn masu, flesh, Sansk 
'TW? m^ gado, a cart, Sansk. Tf;^ (Hindi mf\\ 
the doubled consonant being cleared away in the latter 
instance by the prolongation of the preceding vowel. 

The compound ^ nm is severed by the insertion 
of a vowel, as: ^r|4j janamu, birth, Sansk. W^. 

&) In a compound consonant the following nasal 
is assimilated to the preceding consonant, as: ^|p| age, 
fire, Prak. ^pi|, Sansk. ^fjli; yjj^ lago, applied, 
Prak. (^iJ|, Sansk. ^^; J^ixt bhago, broken, Sansk. 

The compound consonant however may also remain 
unaltered, or be taken asunder by the insertion of a vowel, 
as: 153 ratnu or Xsf^ ratanu, jewel; U^|'<n jujanu, wise, 
'Prik. H^> Sans^ a^; arn^-supano, dream, Sansk 

The nasal may also be pushed forward, to escape 
being assimilated: as: ^jfift uango, naked, Prak. JPprff^ 
Sansk. SPCT. 

On the reverse a following nasal may also as- 
similate a preceding consonant, as: ^H^ sa-ina, hint> 
Sansk. ^(t^; ^CRSft ^*?1> queen, Sansk. 7[I^, The nasal 
may also assimilate a preceding consonant in such a wise, 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


that it draws the same over at the same time to its 
own varga. The only example of sudi an assimilation 
(if it be not to be explained in some other way) is the 
reflexive pronoun xnTSJ P^> s^lf > PrSk. ^HTRFi Sansk. 
flpiff; in Hiddl we have the form ^ira» which has 
sprung fix)m ^TO?, instead of yS[^ (= ^n^TT); compare 
on this head: Lassen §. 67. 

c) The nasals may assimilate a preceding or fol- 
lowing semi-vowel, as: Tffsfl' puiii, virtuous, Prak. 
^TI?!f, Sansk. Jj(pf; ^^ suno, empty, Prak. ^Tt^JT^ 
Sansk. *^l!lf; >§5^ unna, wool, Sansk. ^^; T|>dl4|^ 
ca-umaso, the rainy season, Sansk. ^ril)|41« 

On the other hand notice V^ ptiro, full, Sansk. 
Tgnl; '^ 6uru, pulverized, Sansk. ^ap^, where the semi- 
vowel r has assimilated the nasal, r being stronger in 
sound, than n. 

^ mr in the Sanskrit ^IP? Smra, is changed in Sindhl. 
to mb, as: ^N ambu, mangoe, Prak. ^SP9 (Hindi ^jm); but 
in the case of the Sindhi word ^\Hi tramo, copper, 
Sansk. iTRi Prak. ffg (Hindi rll^ll or rTRTT) tte semi- 
vowel r has been pushed forward to t = t, as r may 
easily hold its place in conjunction with a dental or 

^ mb is assimilated to mm, as: f^TR nimu (= nimmu) 
a lime-tree, Sansk. frPgf; ^ ml is taken asunder, after 
the analogy of the Prakrit, as: fl^^lU milanu, to be 
obtained, Prak. (fl^jiy, Sansk. %, Hindi likewise 

§. 15. 

0) Assimilation of the semi-vowels. 

a) The semi-vowel ^ y. 

a) If the semi-vowel ^ happen to be joined to a 
preceding consonant, it is assimilated to the same, as: 

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^t*! iog^f fit, PraJc. ^4J|, Sansk. 4)^ ^9 Hindi ^J^; 
c|TO vftghu, a tiger, Sarisk. ^SQXS(; cRS va-isu, a Vai- 
Bhya, Sansk. q^ (Hindi %F?). It .may, however, also 
hold its place, as: c||^ vakyu, a sentence, Sansk. c||^ 
though this is very rapely the case. 

p) ^, when compounded with a preceding T, is 
elided, as: wf^ turl, a small trumpet^ Prak, Tf(, Sansk. 
|r§; ^\ dhira, firmness, Prak. if^, Sansk. ^; ^SJJ^ 
aru, sense of honor, Sansk. ^[Mj Hindi ^riTST* But 
^ may also be preserved by being changed to ^, as: 
^^ dhirju, the same as: tf^; Hu3 suriju, the sun, 
Prak. ;p[^ or H^, Sansk ^; ^;dd adurju, wonder- 
ful, Prak. ^I^fi^, Sansk. ^JJ^, 

7) ^ joined to a preceding dental is either simply 
dropped, as: fqw nitu, always, Prak. fs{^^ Sansk. fTTRT; 
^|Q|rf aditu, the sun, Sansk. ^jf^i^, or it may also, 
though rarely, be preserved, as: M^\ mathya, falsely, 
Prak. f^^f, Sansk. fllUII. But the more usual way 
is that ^, being first assimilated to a preceding dental, 
draws the same over to its own (i. e. palatal) class, so 
that J^ is changed to IT, ^ to ^, ^ to ^ and ^ 
to 3^ (for which double consonants, as remarked al- 
ready, the simple bases are only written in SindhI); e. g: 
r<\^\ vija, science (^T = 330> P^ak. f«|;n||, Sansk. f^- 
Vlj ^I^ aju, to-day, Sansk. ^Rf (Hindi W^)*^ ^T^ 
khaju, food, Sansk. 4^1^; ^pfx, manjhu, the midst^ 
Prak. TT?^, Sansk. TRUJ; ^ii^ bajhanu, to be bound, 
Sansk. «|TZ^9 mhji vajho, a Hindii schoolmaster, Sansk. 
>dmU||l|; 1^^ hada, murder, Sansk. ^rm* 

I) ^ joined to a preceding ^ is changed to ^ jh, 
as: JT^ gujho, concealed, Prak. J ItJ^|«^ , Sansk. 'T^Rl 

e) ''? is assimilated to a' preceding ^, but final ^, 
instead of being doubled in consequence thereof, is 

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aspirated y e. g. 1|;^ kalha, yerterday, Pr&k. ^l||^y Sansk. 
^1^ (Elindl 7|!^); ^R^ mulhiiy prioe, Sansk. ^RIT; in 
the midst of a word ^ is simply assimilated to ti (the 
doubling not being expressed in Sindhi)^ as: l|^if palangu, 
a bedstead^ Sansk. Xf^^ (r being exchanged ior 1); If- 
^HM palanuy a pack-saddle, Prak. ^I^T^y Sansk. 'l|^|ll|^ 

6) The semi-vowel T r. 

a) ^ is assimilated to a preceding or following 
consonant, as: ^fir agu, the front, Prak. ^Jij^, Sansk. 
WVj ^J^ gOjarlj name of a RaginI, Sansk. Jj^^Q; ij- 
HOT gajanu, to thunder, Sansk. ^\^'w\ (but Hindi Tf^- 
;n) 9 ^iTR kamu (= kammu), business, Pr&k. ^I4?|, Sansk. 
cR^ (Hindi "SSpPf); ^^ mundhi, head, Sansk. ^g^; 
lp[U sapu, snake, Sansk. ^f^* f^l|)| sigho, quick, Sansk. 
^(ff^ (Hindi "Sft^TIp; xfclSt ^^^> * niill, Sansk. ^^; 
fqvnTT nibhagu, misfortune, Sansk. fH^nT. 

On the other hand T., preceding or following a con- 
sonant, may just as easily hold its place, without being 
assimilated, as: xf^ 6ar66, silly talk, Sansk. *^^^; tf^ 
pri, friend, Sansk. fl|I|; II)| parbhu, a festival, Sansk. 
Hi| (^ = ^, and ^ aspirated by the influence of J); 
ijk garbu, pride, Sansk. TT^; ^^ fiukru, Friday, Sansk. 
to;; wn surgu, heaven, Sansk. ^^|l^; \r& dharmu, re- 
ligion, Prftk. V^9 Sansk. V[^^ 

Very frequently such a compound is again dissolved 
into its .constituent parts by the insertion of a vowel, 
as: fW piri, friend, or ifft pri; fMRHlfri piribhate, 
break of day, Sansk. IWTW; or r is transposed for euphony's 
Bake, as: l|f^|l| partapu, splendour, Sansk. TfiTn?; ^IH 
partu, leaf (of a book), Sansk. TpJ; f^q^ drigho, long, 
Prak. f^Ttj, Sansk. ^^; GiiQ kirte, trade, f^ kirtu, 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


action^ Sansk. sfff and ^ff; jnm traku, a spinning 
-wheeljSansk. rr%^ 

It very rarely liappens, tliat r 'is totally elided in 
a compound, as: c[TO vaghuy tiger, Sansk. ^|V|; ^rfcT 
rate, niglit, Sansk. ^n% (PrSk. ^(^ by ejection of a); 
HT^ bh|u, brother, Sansk, ^aTTfrT. The ejection of r in 
these and such like examples is caused by the preceding 
long vowel, which precludes the possibility of assimilating 
the compound consonant, or by the. consonant, with 
which r forms a conjunction, being initial. In such 
^^^^ses, as ^^, the Prakrit has preferred to drop the long 
vowel, in order to make room for assimilation. 

p) When compounded with a preceding dental, r 
is in most cases assimilated to the same in Prakrit, 
though it may also keep its place; in Sindhi on the 
other hand r is, when following a dental, mostly pre- 
served, and the assimilation takes place only in the dialect 
of Lar (Lower Sindh), whereas in the dialect of the Upper 
country (Siro) the original compound is preserved, the den- 
tal only being commonly changed to a cerebral (or even 
to an aspirated cerebral, by the influence of r); e. g. IJ^ 

putru, son, Prak. ^^, Sansk. ^^ (in Lar: TDJ puttu, 

according to the analogy of the Prakrit); fij^ mitru, 

friend, Prak. ft|^, Sansk. fJF(^ (in Lar: ffJT mittu); 

^^ dandru, the moon, Prak. ^^^f^, Sansk. ^5^; ^ 

khetru, a field, Sansk. 1^^; 71? mantru (or with tran- 

siton to the media) ^ mandru, an incantation, Sansk. 

JP^; ^ tre, three, Sansk. fif; ^W dadhru, or fS da- 

dhu, a cutaneous disease, Sansk, *^; ^min dhrapanu, 

to be satiated, Sansk hQ^ 0>y transition of the tenuis 
into the media). In those adverbs, which are compounded 
with the adverbial affix ^, ^ is, after the precedent 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


of the PrSkrit, clianged in Sindhl to ^, as: f^p|% kithe, 
where; fqf^ JithS, in which place; ffT% tLthe, in that 
place etc 

By when preceding a dental, may likewise be as- 
similated to the same, as: €||f|U| katanu, to spin, Sansk. 
^il^; ^RcP^ katara, scissors, Sansk. ^rI^; ^ vat6, 
a wig, Sansk. clf^chf; ^ khada, a pit, PrSk. TjjV 
Sansk. rf^^ On the other hand the compound may also 
be retained unaltered, as: ^^]j| ardh&ngu, palsey, Sansk. 
^T^]^; ^SJ^ arthu, object, Sansk. ^p^; fft^ tirthu, 
a holy bathing-place, Sansk. if^; or the compound may 
again be dissolved by the insertion of a vowel, as: W(ffH 
mtirate, image, Sansk. Igfll; ^SWW larate, glory, Sansk. 
^^tf^, Prak. 1^5%; rfR^ tirathu = fft^, 

Y) c[ rv is either assimilated, as: ^M sabhu, all, 
Sansk. ^f^, Hindi ^T9 (the aspiration of b being caused 
in Sindhi by the influence of elided r); or the compound 
may be retained unaltered, as, ^^H^jfri sarvasagate, 
omnipotent; or the compound may be dissolved again 
by the insertion of a vowel, as: vn[ purabu, the east, 
Sansk. w|^ 

I) In the compound ^ fir the semi-vowel r may 
either be assimilated, as, U^ sud, heard, Frak. S^ 
(= ^Wt)y Sansk. Vff; ^(a sasu, mother-in-law, Sansk. 
^jrah or, the compound may be retained, as: 1^ Sri, 
prosperity; or more commonly, the compound is dis- 
solved by the insertion of a vowel, as f^<|U sirSdhu, 
funeral obsequies, Sansk. ^5(T9 (Hindi ^Sm?). The San- 
skrit W^i tear, Prak. already ^m (instead of ^IT^) 
has become in Hindi ^pRi the Sindhl form is ^|5t hanja 
or ^K hanjha (with initial euphonic h), s being changed 
in this instance to ^ or ^; Panj&bl likewise anjhu. 

The same holds good with reference to the compound 

Digitized by 



^ sr, as: ^1^ sahasu, thousandy PrSk. tl^tib}, Sansk 

The compoimd ^ rS and ^ rfi are assimilated in 
Sindhl as well as in Prakrit, as: "^^^ to rain, Saosk. 
^y 'Trat PSso, side, Sansk. VT^ (Hindi TTI^); i^^ 
sisi, head and neck, Sansk. ^(f^i^ (Hindi ^|^); or they 
are preserved (of course with transition of ^ and ^ to 
^, as: ^^ darsanu, interview, Sansk. ^^S^; \i^^ 
tarsanu, to wait, Sansk. fT^T!|; the compound ^ rfi may 
also be dissolved into W, and this again into Tl^, as: 
^Ij^ saraho, happy, Sansk ^^^^ (compare §• 11, end). 

c) The semi-vowel ^ L 

a) ^ forming a compound with another consonant 
at the beginning of a word, is severed from the same 
by the insertion of a vowel, as: ^RJ^ saraha, praise, 
I""^ ^f^l^l Sansk, -^TTJT (r = 1 in Sindhi); f^R^ 
Idlesu, fatigue, Sansk. 5^ (Hindi cfa^^); HfS\^ sa- 
loku, a Sloka, Sansk. ^g\^ 

P) In the midst of a word ^ is assimilated to any 
consonant, save ^, T. and ^, as: ^«nt5 bakaru, vegetables^ 
Frak. c(f^, Sansk. c|^^; or it is severed again from 
the compound by the insertion of a vowel, as: WcR, hot 
wind, Prak. ^flff, Sansk ^i^spTi ^o initial vowel u 
being thrown back to serve in place of an inserted 

d) The semi-vowel ^ v. 

a) ^, joined to a preceding consonant at the be- 
ginning of a word, is either dissolved into u, as: W^ 

surgu, heaven, Sansk ^l^^; ^5ir5 duaru, door, Pr^ 
^n%, Sansk ^R; ^^(kJ suau, taste, Sansk l^TF^.; 
or it is totally elided (i e. assimilated to the preceding 
oonsondnt) as: '^^(U jalanu, to bum, Sansk ^'^t^; 
^pj sargu (besides n^)> heaven, Sansk. ^^|i^; ^TT^sai, 

Digitized by 



lord, or ^fn^ft sfintf. Prak. ^([fr{, Sansk. ^TTf^T^; ^ 
9^ sahurdy father-in-law, Sansk. "^(Tp^ ^n sasu, mother- 
in-law, Sansk. t^ps^ ^ v may also be severed firom the 
compound by the insertion of a vowel (a or u), as: 
?RT5 savadu, taste, flavour (besides ^^H^, Sansk. ^31?^; 
^<=Ht5 duvaru, door (besides ^5in5). ^ very rarely as- 
similates a preceding consonant, as: ^ ba, two, Sansk. 
5 (= vva = bba = b). 

p) ^ V being joined to a preceding consonant in 
the midst of a word, is assimilated to the same, as: 
XI^ pako (= pakko) cooked, Frak. fx^R, Sansk. T^t^ 
^ satu, strength, Prak. ^HT, Sansk. W^. 

In the abstract affix I?, i^, the dental on the 
other hand is assimilated to the semi-vowel ^, which 
latter is first changed to the labial ^, and then to 
the corresponding tenuis ^^ so that we have in Sindln 
tiie forms H pa, ij^ po, XTO panu or my|[ pano, as: 
^ |<^i| banhapa, \4 \^^\ banhapo eta, slavery, from 
'cj||r^ banho, a slave. 

The regular form of assimilation however is also in 
use, but only in a few examples; 1^ is in this way as- . 
similated to ^ tt = J % ^^ the double consonant 
again cleared away by the prolongation of the preceding 
vowel, as: ^(c(|<M dhokiratu, time of youth, from ^- 
^i^ dhokaru, a boy. 

The semi- vowel may also be dissolved into u, as: 
Xn^ai^ paramesuru, supreme lord = God, Prak. already 
Sansk l|<i)H||j or it may be retained, as: ^- 
danesvari, liberal, besides: ^|^uQ danesuri. 

§. 16. 
D) Assimilation of the sibilants. 
a) The palatal sibilant "5? S. 
a) "SJ g, when preceded by ^ 6 and 9 6h, is as- 
similated to them, as: ^^d afiurju, wonderful, Ptak. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


^tdi(X^i Sansl(. W^^ O^^S ^ being shortened in 
Prakrit and Sindhl, and in compensation thereof the fol- 
lowing consonant doubled ^ to restore again the quantity 
of the syllable); VjfH*^^ Sanidaru, Saturday, Sansk* ^(J^- 

yg;i (Hindi ^pfH^), 

p) The compound ^ 66 (which however is rendered 
in SindhI, as all double consonants, by its simple base) 
arising from the assimilation of ^, is, after the analogy 
of the Prakrit, frequently aspirated in SindhI, on 
account of the inherent tendency of the sibilant towards 
aspiration (?c? = 5), as: f^l^ vidhu, scorpion, Prak 
fH>dcs^» Sansk. ^f^^; M^rir'S) padhutau, repentance, 
Sansk. H^l?im, final ^ being changed (by b = v) in 
SindhI to u. 

y) ^ followed by ^, assimilates the same, as: l[jf|* 
rasl (= rassi), a rope, Prak. Tift?) Sansk. xftHi but not 
necessarily; for: c^^^O^ kaSmlru, Kashmir. 

6) The cerebral sibilant ^ S. 

a) The compound "Sqi gk (of ^ I have hitherto not 
met any instances) is assimilated in SindhI to ^ (;= 9), 
and not to "^^ kkh, as in Prakrit; e. g. 5«ni^ dukalu, 
famine, Sansk. rfU^|^; f^chljV nikami, useless, Simsk. 
PlbcfiA; B^ svkoy dry, Sansk. mSR (Hindi, as in 
Prakrit, ^^). 

p) The compounds ? 9t and 7 Sth, are assimilated 
in SindhI to tth, as: f^^ di^bo, seen, Prak. f^, Sansk. 
^' ntj g^tbu, a village, Prik. ^td\} Sansk. ^t^; 
(H^f$ nitharu, obstinate, Prak. f^^^ Sansk. frTHTC; 
f*l5t iDiitho, sweet, Sansk. flJ2. 

The compound is also retained unaltered, as: 5W 

duHu, bad; but this is only done by Brahmans, vmo 
understand Sanskrit; the common people ignore it com- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


The cerebral 7, which has sprang from 7 or 17 by 
assimilation^ may also pass into its corresponding media 
7 dhy and this again to ?^ rh^ e. g. ^B^fS kSrhu, leprosy, 
Sansk. ^7 (the preceding vowel u having been length- 
ened in Sindhi to o, to clear away the double consonant 
tth or ddh). 

Y) ^^^ compounds ^ fip, ^ Sph are assimilated 
to ^ in Sindhi, as: ^TTO bapha, steam, Prak c(lii^, 
Sansk. c||tH (Hindi «rr^» and even with aspiration of 

^ : HT^)- 

In compound words ^ is simply assimilated to ^ 
p (= pp) as: Qiy^ niputro, without a son, Sansk. 

I) In the compounds ^ fim and ^ fin, ^ is in 
Prakrit exchanged for h and plftced after ^ and ^ 
respectively; in Sindhi the original compound may be 
preserved, as: f^TO ^^^i PrSk. f^ljri; (c(Hijc(^ vi- 
Snavahu, a worshipper of Vishnu; by the MusahnSns 
however words of this kind are simply written ^j, 
^y[4^9 Hindustani likewise J^^> as cerebral i is ignored 
by the common people. 

e) The compound ^ 8y (and ^ Sv) is in PrSkrit 
assimilated to W ss, but in Sindhi to ^ kh (= kkh) 
as: f^U sikhu, a disciple = Sikh, Sansk. f^lJ'ClL 

c) The dental-sibilant ?c? s. 

a) The compound ^ sk is assimilated in Pr&krit 
to ^ kh, in Sindhi however to ^ k, as: ^W kandhu, 
shoulder, Prak. ^Vt ('^^)> Sansk. ^9i«^ (Hindi ^il^). 

fC) The compounds ^ st and ^ sth are assimilated 
to "81 (= tth) and IH ts to IK 6h (= a6h), as: TO thafiu, 
woman's milk, Sansk. ^3R; fu|^ thio, become, Sansk. 
f^fi; XM thambhu, post (Prakrit on the other hand 

Digitized by 



^3Ht), Sansk "^JfH^; ^ vathu, thing, Sanek. ^|W; 
^ hatliu, hand, Frak. ^r«|)|', Sansk. ^^ (Hindi ^TO); 
^nWt thano) place, Sansk. WFT9 ^SHT ^^^9 ^^7 Tvik: 
^frV(, Sansk. ^f^f; ^jfg^ vadhe, a buffalo calf, Prak. 
^p^, Sansk ^^1^, 

The compound ^ st however may also, instead of 
being assimilated, be dissolved into its constituent parts 
by the insertion of a vowel, and when the compound 
happens to be initial, by prefixing a vowel, as: ^t^- 
fff astute, praise, Prak ^^, Sansk. Mfri; '5Jfer^ istiii, 
woman, Sansk. ^^, 

i) ^ sp is assimilated to ^ (= pp), ^ sph to 
'Ri (= pph), ^ ps to TT (= pp) respectively as: Ui^^ 
phutanu, to be broken, Sansk. V^i ^5fft phurti, 
activity, Sansk. wjf^; ^ift ^^Vh ^ dish of coarse wheaten 
flour, Sansk. ^f^chl; but ^ may also remain un- 
assimilated, as: c7^^« 

In compound words ^ sp may be preserved, as: f^- 
^^qfff, vispate, Thursday, Sansk. dh^^fff; or the com- 
pound, especially at the beginning of a word, may be 
dissolved into its constituent parts, as: hK^ parasu, the 
philosopher's stone, Sansk. ^(cpi| (^TRif)) Hindi likewise 

I) The compound ^ sn, when beginning a word, is 
either dissolved into its consistuent parts by the insertion 
of a vowel, as: tlHI^ sananu, bathing, Sansk. '^^TR; 
^^^ saneho, a 'message of love, Sansk. %^; or the 
preceding ?c? is cast off altogether, as: ;^ffe mhu, love, 
Sansk ^^ (Hindi ^), Prak also %|t; 5? ^^hu, 
daughter-in-law, Prak 15t'!5> Sansk. ^^. 

e) The compound ^ sm is assimilated to ?c? s (= ss) 
^- f^rort, "^^If stupor, Sansk fcp^fl}; or dissolved 
again by the insertion of a vowel, as: a44<IH sumaranu, 
to remember, Sansk *^; fc(^|l44!l visamanu, to be 

Digitized by 



stunned, Sansk. P^f^H (f^I^fR, Prfik. f^V«||^); or 8 
is changed to h and placed after ^ (similarly to '^j 
as Frivkrit 1^ = ^y in the pronominal forms H^. 
^T^ (cf. Lassen p. 331, 4; p. 329, 6), In Sindhi the 
7T of the conjunct 1^ is also changed to v, as rT^T tavhi, 
jou, instead of W^ tumhi. 

C) The compound ^ sy is assimilated to B s (= ss) 
and thence &rther to ^ h, as: sf^ muhi, ^f^ tuhleto, 
which must have sprung from an original form ♦tw, 
5^ etc., Prak. already 1^, ^ (thence also the other 
Prakrit forms IJ^^ gsg^ = 1^, TO = ^m^ 5^); 
rllf^ tahe, of that (nom. sing. ^ so) Prak. cTW^ 
Sansk. fTPl. 

d) The compound ^ kfi. 
This compound letter is assunilated in Sindhi: 

a) To ^ kh (= kkh), as: ^Hsl akhe, eye, Sansk. 
^fft|; ^^ khiru, milk, Sansk. ^^ ^T^ kharo, 
brackish, Sansk. Ij^; %H khetu, fields Sansk. ^^; 
{i^m khima, patience, Sansk. ^[ff\l ^ khi, wellfaire, 
Sansk. ^Tf; |j{|W rakhanu, to keep, Sansk. ^]^T!f; ^^^ 
f^ khande, patience, Sansk. ^jTPfT* 

All these instances are against Prakrit usage, ac- 
cording to which ^ ought to have been assimilated to 
^ 6h, though ^ is also admissible in Prakrit, and 
prove distinctly, that the Sindhi has followed its own 
course, independently of the Prakrit. 

p) ^ is also assimilated to H^ dh, after the pre- 
cedent of the Prakrit, as: f^ riihu, a bear, Sansk. 
^[^; wQ" 6huri, a knife, Sansk. wf^; f^^R^ dhinanu, 
to pluck, Sansk. f|^^; <^^^ ladhanu, sign, Sansk. ^^ 
^^ but ^'4^(n lakhanu is also in use in SindhL 

According to Prakrit rule every consonant (the nasal 
n excepted), which is joined to ^, must be dropped; 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


but tlio Sindhl.60 far deviates from the Fr&krity that it 
separates any such consonant by the insertion of a vowel, 
as: Prak. ^5^B^, but SindhI ^f^lO ladhimi, the vdfe 
of Vishnu, Hindi likewise i^^^O^ Sansk. ^T^. On 
the other hand the Sindhi assimilates the nasal in the 
compound ^^ kSn to ^ (kh = k§), whereas the Prakrit 
changes the same to ^05, as: Sindhi fr|'|^ tikho (= tikkho), 
quick, Prak frf^, Sansk ift^, 

A change of % kh (= k§) to the spiritus 1| h is 
found in Hindi, after the analogy of the PrS.krit, as: 
Hindi <^|f^r|| right (opposed to left), instead of the 
more common ^f^H^^T* b^* i^ot in Sindhi, which simply 
clears away the doubling of the letter in Prakrit by the 
prolongation of the preceding vowel, as: ^iR^iy) 5a- 
khin5, right, southerm. 

§. 17. 
7) The spiritOB ^ h. 

The spiritus ^ cannot be assimilated to any other 
consonant. If therefore ^ be joined to any other con- 
sonant, the compound is again separated into its com- 
ponent parts in the following way: 

a) In the compounds g hn, ^ hm, ^ is put after 
the nasal, a euphonic transposition, which is already 
common in Prakrit, as: «||(^ bahe, fire (instead of 'c(jf^ 
bahe), PrSk. c|^^, Sansk cjf^; f^SpS fiinhu, mark, 
Sansk f^^; the Jiardened Prak. form f^^ or %^ 
is not used in Sindhi. 

The compound ?? (instead of ^ hm) is in Sindhi, on 
account of the preponderance of the labial, already ex- 
changed for Df mbh, as: '^J44^ b&mbhanu, a Brahman, 
Prak c|^li|, Sansk MI^<IT. 

6) ^ hy is assimilated to ^ jh (by transposition: 
hy c= yh = jh), as: TT^ gujho, concealed, Prak H- 
^1)1^ f Sansk ^^TcR. 

Digitized by 


mTBODucnoN. xLvn 

c) ^ hv is assiimlated to H in SindhI (hY= vh = bhX 
whereas in Frfikrit the following semi-* vowel is simply 

elided, as: f^fVt Jibha, tongue, FrSik. ^ftl^T, Sansk« f^^|, 

(Hindi if^l 

§. 18. 
E) ABBixnilatlon of three cox^nnot oonsonants. 

In SindhI, as well as in Pr&krit, a compound, con- 
sisting of three consonants, can only then be tolerated, 
if the first consonant happen to be a nasal: as: ^^ 
dandru, moon, 7|? mantru, incantation. "^ 

As regards the assimilation of three conjunct con- 
sonants the preceding rules come into operation. If no 
assimilation takes place, the one or the other of the 
consonants thus joined together, is severed from the rest 
by the insertion of a vowel, as: VJlRsdlO ^tiri, a Shastrl, 
learned in the Shastras (a usual title of a Brahman), 
from the Sansk. ^MtSf. In reference to the assimilation 
itself the following rules are to be observed. 

a) If one of the consonants happen to be a semi- 
vowel, it is dropped, and the as^milation of the re- 
maining two consonants is effected according to the usual 
method, as: 44<|^ marathi, a MarathI man (or. adj.), 
Sansk. 44^|<lg; ^F^ ^5, the foremost, Sansk. i^JiJ; 
m^\ pSso, side, Frak. XTRE?) Sansk. XTtI* 

The semi-vowel 1 alone, when preceded by a 
dental, forms an exception to this rule, this compound 
being changed to the corresponding palatal (see §. 15, 7), 
as: ^[|l^ sanjho, evening, Frak. ^^J^[, Sansk. ippUf^ 

h) When of three conjunct consonants the two 
former or the two latter can be assimilated, preference 
is given to the stronger assimilation, as: IS madhu, 
fish, Frak. TT^t* Sansk. 71?^; in this instance W ts 
is assimilated to H^ (i^h), the assimilatioiv of it being 
stronger than that of ^ to W. 

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.§. 19. 
G) Elision of a double oonsonaat. 

The doubling of a consonant renders the same so 
much stronger, that even a long vowel, preceding it, 
must give way and is weakened to its corresponding 
short one. On the other hand a double consonant, as 
noticed already, may again be rendered simple; but in 
this case the preceding vowel, to make up for the 
quantify of the syllable, must be prolonged, as: ^jfff 
rate, night, Prak. ^^, Sansk. l^rf^; ?Ji5R kamu (= kam- 
mu), business, Frak. ^fiT^, Hind! on the other hand 

It is quite against the genius of the language, to 
elide totally a double consonant; notwithstanding this 
some few examples of this kind are to be met with in 
SindhI, as: f^fff^ 4uare, illness, S^ffQ, adj. duari, ill, 

Prak. i^f^j Sansk. 'rf^<^; Q^^ mio. Mend (cor- 
roborated already by the Prakrit, which however pre- 
serves also the original from fl{;^). In these and such 
like examples the process cannot have been such, that 
a double consonant is elided at once, but it must first 
have been reduced to its simple base by the prolon- 
gation of the preceding vowel, as: ^Owt ^to, instead, 
of f^f^; from this base has sprung again, according 
to the usual laws of elision, the form 1^\^^ nuo, in 
which, against the ordinary process, long i has been 
shortened to I, ftf^. 

In the forms ^^|fX and S^ufh original double b 

must have been changed to w (both letters, b and y, 
being already identical in Prakrit) previous to its elision; 
but it is quite an extraordinary phenomenon, that the 
following vowel has been lengthened instead of the 
preceding one. 

Digitized by 



Far more easily may one of the oompound con- 
sonants be elided, when preceded by a long vowel, which 
renders the assiinilation impossible, especially if one of 
the compound consonants be a semi-vowel, as: ^ire 
vaghu, a tiger, Sansk. ^ZTUT; TT^ ^^^j queen, Sansk. 
^T^. Thus even two semi-vowels may disappear, as: 
T\J^\ pasd, side, Sansk. Xfrt. 

§. 20. 
H) A double .consonant at the beglnxiinff of a word* 

A compound consonant at the beginning of a word 
is subject to the same laws of assimilation, as in the 
midst (or end) of a word. But as a double consonant 
would not be utterable at the beginning of a word, one 
of the assimilated, L e. doubled consonants is simply 
cast off, so that only the simple base of the con- 
sonant remains, as: ^^^ jalanu, to bum, instead of: 
^SI^^ jjalanu, Sansk. ^^r|; ^rn| vaghu, tiger, instead, 
of ^rra waghu; "Sga kandhu, shoulder, instead of gjtf 
kkaniUiu. But if a word be compounded, the common 
laws of assimilation are applied (to the second), as: 
^<^M' dubalu, weak, Prak. d««(<j5. 

Those compounds, which are not' susceptible of 
assimilation, are dissolved into their component parts 
by the insertion of a vowel, as: fch^U kilesu, weariness, 
Prak. f^^^, Sansk. §raj; ^Hij^ sumaranu, to re- 
member, Prak. ^TII, Sansk. "^ C^); or the first 
letter of the compound is cast off, which is particularly 
the case, if this happen to be a sibilant, as: iffe 
nihu, love, Prak. ^B%| saneha, Sansk. '^; but if the 
sibilant be followed by a semi-vowel, the latter, as 
the weaker, is dropi)ed, as: ^TI^ sahu, breath, Sansk. 

Tramppi Sindhl-Onunmiir. ^ 

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^9TO; ^1^ Bttlo, wife*8 brother, PrSk. ^|^ sale, 
Sonsk. V\\^. 

^ tr and ^ dr, which in Sindhi are commonly 
changed to the corresponding cerebrals, keep their place 
as well at the beginning as in the midst (or end) of a 
word, as: ^ tre, three; S]^ draklia, grape, But Hindi 
^r^, Sansk. ^JTB^T. 

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s. 1. 

Up to the present time yarioas alphabets have been 
in use in Sindh, the Muhammadan portion of the com- 
munily using the Arabic characters, loaded i^ith many 
dots, to express the sounds peculiar to the Sindhl^ and 
the Hindu population employing different alphabets of 
their own, which vary very much, according to the lo- 
cality, in which they are used, though all of them are 
originally derived irom an old Sanskrit alphabet These 
latter alphabets, which are known in Sindh by the 
name of the Banya characters, are utterly unfit for 
literary purposes, as they have become greatly mutilated 
in the course of time and are very deficient in the vowel 
and consonant system, so that the Hindu merchants 
themselves, after a lapse of time, are hardly able to re- 
produce with accuracy what they have entered in their 
ledgers. Ko alphabet suits the Sindhi better, than the 
Sanskrit alphabet, the Sindhi being a genuine daughter - 
of Sanskrit and Prakrit But appropriate as the Sanskrit 
characters are to the Sindhi sounds, they will under the 
present state of society in Sindh be hardly in their right 
place, religious prejudices preventing the great majority 
of the population from using them in their writings, 
Sindh has been the first Indian country, which has suc- 
cumbed to the fury of the Moslim invaders, and Hin- \ 
duism and the culture of Sanskrit literature has been 

Trunpp, SlndhT-Grammar. A 

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80 completely swept away from its borders, that it id. 
now, as has been stated, ^^a coantry without castes and 

The Muhammadans of Sindh, as soon as they tried 
to employ their native idiom for literary purposes, de- 
tected, that the Arabic system, which had been forced 
upon them as a necessary consequence of the Islam, wte 
deficient in many sounds, and they endeavoured to make 
up for this deficiency by dotting the nearest corresponding 
Arabic letters. The manner, in which they have done 
this, has not been very satisfactory. They were not led 
by any system and therefore the emendation, they at- 
tempted at, stopped half-way. 

In the guttural class the Arabic base \S (k) was 
indiscriminately used to express the sounds k, kh; g, 
gh, g; the aspiration (kh, gh) was left unnoticed, and 
for the media g not even the corresponding Persian 
letter (</) was supplied; the guttural n was expressed 
by the compound c^ (nk). 

In the palatal class the aspirate dh was happily distin- 
guished by an additional dot (= ^), and jh marked like- 
wise -5.; also the peculiar Sindhi J (dy) was not forgotten 
and marked by ^ ; the palatal n (ny) was again expressed 
by the compound ^, so that in this class all sounds 
were provided with distinguishing marks. 

In the cerebral class, which is completely wanting 
in the Arabic system, the bases of the dentals were 
retained and the dots distributed in such a way, as 
to distinguish them from the corresponding dentals, 
viz.: vi> = t; o = th; o = d, t> = dh, ^ = d, a method, 
which is not without ingenuity; but the cerebral r and 
the cerebral n were again completely forgotten (i e. they 
were expressed by the corresponding dentals % r and 
^ n) and left to the knowledge of the reader. 

The dental class did not offer many difficulties; 
only the aspirates had to be provided with diacritical 

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marks, which was done in the following way: v& =s th, 
5 = dh. 

The same was the case with the labial class, where 
the aspirates only were to be pointed out by peculiar 
marks; but here their skill seems to have left them. 
In order to express ph, refuge was taken to the pe- 
culiar Arabic and Persian letter \J (f), which was pro- 
vided with two additional dots = vj, bh having been 
expressed already by o; the peculiar SindhI b was 
dexterously rendered by y. 

The Sindhls had in this undertaking apparently the 
Sanskrit alphabet before their eyes, where the aspi- 
rates are written and treated* as one sound. Ac- 
cordingly they tried to express the aspiration of a letter 
by additional dots, which overloaded the few Arabic 
bases with diacritical signs. 

The necessity further, to provide marks for the 
cerebral class, compelled them, to . distribute afresh the 
dots for the dental aspirates, so that the eye finds only 
with difficulty a resting-place in the confuse mass and 
position of diacritical marks, as: vi» = t, o = t; 
vi> = th; vS = th. 

This attempt to adapt the Arabic characters to the 
sounds of a Prakrit language is very interesting, though 
the method applied has followed a wrong track and has 
not been extended to all the sounds of the language. 
The way, in which this has been done in Hindustani, 
is far more correct, in hctj the only course, which can 
be taken in adapting the Arabic letters to an Indian 
language. The Arabic system knows no aspirates, 
and consequently the aspiration must be expressed by 
an additional jd h, if the original character of the 
Arabic alphabet is to be preserved in any way; else a 
quodlibet will be made out of it, which may be de- 
signated by any name but Arabia 

It was therefore soon foimd, when European scho- 
lars began to pay attention to the Sindhi, that the 


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common Sindlil characterB would not do for scientific 
• purposes. New characters were in consequence com- 
posed by a Bombay civilian and unfortunately introduced 
into the government schools of Sindh, without being 
first submitted to the examination of competent scholars. 

This new system, instead of striking at the root of 
the previous confusion, merely endeavoured to make up 
some deficiencies of the old, while retaining all its errors, 
so that it cannot even boast of the compactness of the 
old qrstem. 

The alterations and emendations were the following: 

In the guttural class, where the old system was 
most deficient, as we have seen, the Persian letter \S g 
has been justly taken in, and from the Hindustani, the 
aspirate ^ gh, of which we fully approve. We should 
now reasonably expect to find the compound ^ kh 
corresponding to ^ gh; but to our utter surprise we 
find the old error repeated, and *kh' again rendered by 
the simple base «/ k. So it has happened, that all the 
prints published in this character are disfigured by 
the letter ^, which is now used throughout as the 
simple base for k, whereas it is well known, that £s 
is only used at the beginning of a word, when connected 
with a following letter and in the midst of a word only, 
when unconnected with the preceding and connected with 
the follo>ving letter, and that it is in no way differing, 
a8 regards its pronunciation, from sS\ as a final letter 
the shape of £s has never been seen befora 

The guttural n, which in the old system was con- 
.sequently rendered by oCi (nk), has been expressed in 
the new system by J^, which is quite inappropriate; 
for the base is not *g', but *n', pronounced with the 
guttural organ, and in the Arabic consonantal system 
it can only be rendered by a compound letter (jiCi ng). 
The peculiar Sindhi g is marked S\ we have only to 
2>oint out the inapplicability of two dots beneath J^ 
and the frequent confusions, to which it will give rise. 

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In the palatal class we meet with the same in- 
consequence; the aspirate ih has been taken over from 
the old system («f ), whereas for jph the Hindustani com* 

pound .^A. has been borrowed. In the other letters of 
this class only the dots have been differently distributed; 
j (in the old system marked --) has been expressed by 
^j and the palatal n by g^j wlbich is less to the point 
than the old ^j which was as correct as it could be 

In the cerebral class only the dots have been dif- 
ferently arranged as: t = <x» (old system a*), th = a* 
(old system o); d = <> (old system the same), dh = o 
(old system the same), d = ^ (^^^ system o); the ce- 
rebral r, which had not been marked at all in the old 
system, has been borrowed from the Hindustani (j), and 
the cerebral V is marked by the antiquated method of 
placing a ^ above it (^), which is highly inconvenient 
in writing, and has therefore been justly discarded in 
Hindustani, where formerly the cerebrals used to be 
marked by the same letter. 

In the dental class the old system has been re- 
tained unaltered. 

In the labial class the base \J was retained for ph, 
with additional dots (= o; old system \J); bh was 
rendered by o, as in the old system. 

We fully allow, that the old Sindhi system of writing 
did not answer its purposes, quite abstracted from its 
deficiency; but instead of emendating the old system by 
a different distribution of dots and inserting a few Hin- 
dustani letters, we consider it far more advisable, to 
adopt the whole Hindustani consonantal system, 
and to mark those soimds, which are peculiar to the 
Sindhi, by convenient dots. 

The Sindhi language is restricted to the com- 
paratively small province of Sindh; we cannot there- 
fore see any reason, why the Hindustani alphabet, which 

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is known throughout the length and breadth of India^ 
and which is a compact system in itself, should not be 
preferred to such a motley composition? 

The number of the Indian alphabets should not be 
augmented, but rather, wherever possible, be restricted, 
as they only serve as barriers to mutual intercourse. 
If therefore the old system of writing proves unfit for 
literary purposes, we consider it for the best, to sub- 
stitute one universally known, instead of emendating im- 
perfectly a local alphabet, which has no chance to spread 
beyond its narrow borders. 

As under the present circumstances it is not likely, 
that the Hindu portion of the community wiU adopt the 
Hindustani alphabet, owing to religious scruples on their 
side, we have chosen for them the Hindi characters, 
with some slight deviations from the system employed 
by Capt Stack, which were imperatively necessary, and 
which will be noticed further on. We may say the 
same of the Hind! alphabet, what has been remarked 
on the Hindustani; it is well known throughout India, 
and the common vehicle of literature amongst the whole 
Hindu population. An emendation of the old Banyu 
characters would have been far more useless, than that 
of the Arabic system current amongst the Moslims. 

Digitized by 



L The SlndliX oonsoaaatal system. *) 







• • • 


n; XT 



• • • 


g; g^ 



• • • 


d; dh 

5; Jii 






v2»; ^ 



• • • 

Z; Z 

?; ^ 



• • • 





r; rh 

• • • 


«»; ^ 

i>; j»<> 


;; J 



H; ^ 

^; V 




t; th 

d; dh 


r; 1 




• • • 

• • • 



b; bh 



- • • • 



• • • • • 

* II X Y q 

t 8 ^ Z 

• • • ' • 

!^ t z (zj 

We subjoin here the common alphabetical order of 
the Arabic -SindhI Alphabet: 

1) In tlie Romanised transcription we have followed the Standard 
Alphabet, by Prof Lepsius (2* edition). 

Digitized by 















. V" 






. v- 





























e . 


























& ' 




















4 . 


Jc ' 






















Z ' 







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• tm 



u^ ■ 






































A . 

• r 

















£» r 














































-*, « 





. « 



' i 

Digitized by 





The (purely) Arabic letters are also used as hu- 
meral values, in recording (by brief sentences, in -wHch 
the sum of all the letters must be added together) 
historical events. 







d 20 
J 30 

r 40 

O 50 











<&t 500 

^ 600 

o 700 

y4 800 

Jb 900 

^ 1000 

This method of computation is called abjad, from 
the first four letters, which are pronounced as a group. 
The following technical groups are: 

.^ki, «X*v5, tt^yf, yajil, y^4^ ^^a^, y^ 

The Arabs have borrowed this whole system from 
the Hebrews and have therefore also followed the order 
of the Hebrew alphabet; the first nine letters re- 
present the units 1 — 9; the nine following the tens, 
the nine following the hundreds and the last 6 a 

The order of the Hebrew alphabet goes only as 
far as «» (400); from thence the Arabs have gone their 
own way, by using those letters, which are peculiar to 
their own language. 

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THE SIMDHI alphabet; 11 

1) The Gutturals. 
The gattoralfl k, g are pronounced in the common 
manner; their aspirates, kh, gh, as all other aspirates, 
form, according to the Sanskrit system, one sound, 
and must therefore be pronounced by a strong breathing 
of the respective simple base. Peculiar to the Sindhi 
is the guttural n, which is throughout used as an in- 
dependent sound (like the english ng in ^sing"), and 
never precedes the letters of its own varga or class, 
in which case Aniisvara or simple n is employed (see 
Introduction §.' 5). In the Hindi alphabet it is ex* 
pressed by ^, it being an original Sanskrit sound, but 
the Arabic system, which knows only one dental n (^), 
offers gi*eat difficulties in this as in other respects. Li 
Hindustani an independent guttural n is not to be met 
with; we have therefore been compelled to circumscribe 
it by the compound jC> ng, which comes nearest to it, 
following therein the track of the old Sipdlu alphabet 
But one difficulty still will remain, that the guttural . 
simple n can thus not be distinguished from the guttural 

ii preceding a letter of its own varga, as: jC^f (^^ anu, 

body, and jGf (^5, or more properly: ^I^) angu (angu) 

a limb. In the alphabet, now in use, an attempt has 
been made, as has been adverted to, to obviate this dif- 
ficulty (viz.: J^= n), but we cannot agree, that the 
problem has been solved satisfactorily, a false base having 
been chosen for the guttural nasal Practically the dif- 
ficulty will be easily surmounted by any careful student, 
as there are only a few nouns in the language, in which 
simple guttural ii is found. 

We subjoin here an alphabetical list of aU those 
words, in which the simple (unconnected) guttural nasal 
is to be found: 

J^^ ra. anu, body; j.liit m. anaro, Tuesday. fS)^^ 

f. anari, a disease of the gums etc }ity^^ ^^ anaryo, 

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a braise in tho sole of the foot; S^\ n. anaru, coal; 
Jof m. annra, a finger's breadtL Jul f. anure, a finger; 
toe; J^t m. ananu, courtyard; ^pCiTm. anutho, the 
thumb; ^^p3Tf. ^nuthl, a thumb-ring. ^14^ m. bhano, 
share, and its derivatives , as: ^1&L4^ adj. bhanaitd, 
in shares; juJC^L4^ ni. bh&nerd, a sharer. ^JXu^ m. 
phenano, the orbicular excrement of camels Q^XlCu^ f. 

phenin!y the orbicular excrement of sheep etc.). j^^U* 
m. januro, the wild Beru fruit; ^s^\^ f. janurl, the 
vnld Beru tree; ^Six^ adj. £ano, good, and its derivatives. 
^yjj^o m. dhinaly a manufacturer of saltpetre; Jo^l^ 
Y. a. danoranu, to flog; ^S^*> adj. dunito, stout; v^y^^ 
f. duniri, a stick to beat clothes with (in washing); 
^I:C(pS m. dhunino, name of a fishu ^"s m. ranu, colour; 

^jSjs v. a. rananu, to dye, and its derivatives; ^^ m, 
rano, a carpenter's chalk-string. ^IXiH f. sanaha, or: 
^uC f. sanaha, care, and its derivatives (as: ^luH 

adj. sanahito, careful, ^luLl adj. sanahu, ditto); J^liill 
v. n. sanahanu, to be carefuL jCu m. sanu, connexion 
by marriage, and its derivatives; oCu m. sinu, bom, and 
its derivatives; {S^^^ ^ sinari, name of a fish (or: 

iSjSLm sinari); jIjJ^ m. sanaru, the seed-pod of the thorn- 
tree; i^XlI v. a. sananu, to point out; 3ium f. sina, 
bow. ^L?m. gan5, or ^^iCl^ f. gani, name of a fruit 
and shrub (Grewia betuloefolia). vXJ m. lanu, lameness 
(^JCJ adj. land, lame); vXJ m. liiiu, limb; JCJ f. lina, 

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a trip in canying; ^jCJ xxl lind| time, tarn (besides: 
iijj f. liM, ditto). cCjj9 £ mana, a betrothed girl; CCu 
m. munu, a grain of mung; Ixu m. manaro, fire; ^Su 

m. muiiiro, a mallet (used by washermen); J^£u v. a. 
mananu, to ask, to beg, and its derivatives; ^y» adj. 
mono, having the colour of mung; yS^ adj. & adv. 
ninuno, entirely, wholly. J^Ufj m. v&nanu, the egg- 
plant, and its derivatives; JClp £ hinu, Assafoetida; 
jXl^ m. hiidrd , name of a fruit of an aquatic plant. 

Another letter peculiar to the Sindhi is J*, ^, g; 
.it is not foimd in Hindi or Hindustani, nor in any of 
the cognate dialects, and we have therefore been com- 
pelled to provide it with a mark of its own. After the 
precedent of the Pafito we have added a hook below the 
under parallel line, which marks off this letter strongly 
enough, without giving rise to any confusion or mis- 
conception. The pronunciation of g is quite peculiar; 
it is that of the letter g uttered with a certain stress 
in prolonging and somewhat strengthening the contact 
of the closed organ, as if one tried to double the sound 
in the beginning of a word , as gga. The pronunciation 
is so far quite in accordance with the origin of this and 
the other three letters, peculiar to the Sindhi, though 
they are now treated to all intents and purposes as 

simple letters; e. g. J^T agu, the fix)nt, Prak. WH, 

Sansk. ^SP^ (compare Introduction §. 16, 6); ^Jjj lago, 
applied, Prak. t9**i, Sansk. ^J^ (see Introduction §.14); 

^J2^ bhago, broken, Prak. W^, Sansk. ^W. In other 
instances, where an original doubling of g cannot be 
proved etymologically, the use of this harsh g must be 
explained by the influence of the following letters, as: 

4^i^ gothu, a village, Prak. ^^Ttj, Sansk. ^t?; in this, 
as in similar cases, the weight of the double tth, which 

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in Sindhl has been reduced to its simple base by the 
prolongation of the preceding vowel, seems to have been 
thrown forward on g. Such an influence is especially 

exercised by a following r, as: y^ garo, heavy, Prak. 
^\^^, Sansk. g^. 

Both letters, g and g, must be carefully distinguished 
in pronimciation, as the signification of a word varies 
considerably according to the use of one or the other 

letter, as: j J^ garo, mangy, but ^^ garo, heavy etc. 

2) The palatals. 

The palatals ^ j and ^ 6, and their respective 

aspirates ^4^^ jh, and j^ ch, are pronounced in the 
common Indian way as simple sounds, and are gram- 
matically treated as such, though they are, according 
to their present pronunciation, compound sounds. 
Originally they cannot have been pronounced, as they 
are at present, for else the grammatical rules of Panini 
would be incomprehensible. In our days — is pro- 
nounced as english j, and ^ as english ch, that is to 

say, as dz and tS respectively; how these sounds, if they 
are to be treated as simple ones, should be aspirated 
or doubled by any human organ, is past our conception. 
The old pronunciation of these letters^) must have gone 
through great variations, till they have become the com- 
pound sounds of. the modern Indian idioms.*) In the 
Homan transcription they have therefore not been marked 
by the palatal stroke (-jl.), but by the same sign, witli 

1) See Standard alphabet, p. 93. 

2) The pronunciation of the Marathi ^ and ^ as ts and dz 
respectively before the yowels a, a, u, Q, ai, 0, does not fall nnder 
this head, as this is owing to DrAvidian influences and only occurs 
in words of non-Arinn origin. 

Digitized by 



which the sibilant sh (= S) is provided, to point out 
their modem pronunciation. 

The Sindhi has preserved the palatal nasal t (^ 
as an independent sound, which never precedes the let- 
ters of its own varga, for which purpose anusvara (and 
in Hindustani writing simple ^) is used. The E^du* 
stani b6ing destitute of a palatal nasal, we had to 
provide a new character. Following the analogj of 
the old Sindhi alphabet we chose for it the compound 
^, which comes nearest to it, for the palatal 6 of the 

Sindhi is properly a compound sound, and is pro- 
nounced ny. The proper circumscription by ^ would 

not do for this reason, that the palatal 6 is still con- 
sidered by the Sindhi as a simple, sound and rendered 
in Sanskrit writing by 51; it ought therefore to be pointed 
out, as near as possible, as such, for which purpose the 
compoimd -> answers much better, than ^, which latter 

would give rise to many misconceptions. In the Bo- 
manized transcription it has simply been furnished witii 
the palatal line = i. 

The sign chosen for it in the alphabet at present 
in use viz.: ^, is not to the purpose, as the base is not 
p., but the nasal ^, with a subsounding y. 

The sibilant ji, ^ S, which we have inserted in 
our scheme in the palatal row, is no longer a palatal 
sound at all, but a pure dental sh = & The original 
pronunciation of ^ is more than doubtful; now-a-days 
it is in no way differing from our common sh, and 
might therefore be as well classed under the dentals. 
The Arabic -Pei-sian jL is always rendered in Sanskrit 
writing by ^; but it is also found in pure Sindhi words, 

as: 4^ *^^> ^^^^ ®*^' compare; Introduction §• 5. 

Peculiar to the Sindhi is ^, ^, J. It is now treated 

as a simple sound, but it has in most cases, as etymology 
proves, sprung from a double jj (= ^), and is still pro- 

Digitized by 



nounced as a compound sound = dy; e. g.: 'J aju 
(= adyu), to-day, Prafc ^SS[33f, Sansk. ^RT (on me as- 
shnilating ptocess. see Introd. §, 15.); l^^ vija, science, 
Prak. fci^i, Sansk. T^OT5 1^^ veju, physician, Prak. 
^13r, Sansk. ^^» In other nouns though an original 
doubling Of cannot be traced etymologically, as: vLL 
jatu, a Jat, Hindi ^rl^; and is in such instances fre- 
quently exchanged for -., as: {£y^ m^^i or: {Sj^^ !m^} 
a pilgrim, Sansk. 'TT^)* 

3) The Cerebrals. 

The cerebrals v& t and S d, and their respective 
aspirates, ^ th and j&o dh are common to all the 
North-Indian vernaculars; they are pronounced by turning • 
the tip of the tongue towards the roof of the mouth 
vrhilst sounding the dental bases, t, d, etc. respectively. 

The Sindhi has likewise preserved an independent 
cerebral ^^, ^, n, which is not bound to the letters of 

its own varga as: ^j vanu, a tree (Sansk. «PT) J^ 
thanu, the teat of an animal, Hindi ^T^^, Sansk. l^PT. 
It is pronounced very hard and resembles much the com- 
pound nr (in PaSto it is therefore very frequently ren- 
dered by nr). 

In Sindhi it exchanges therefore occasionally its place 

vdth.the cerebral r, as: ^^^li manhu, man, or: ^yi\^ 
marhu. The cerebral $ d, which in Prakrit already fre- 
quently supplants the dental d, has in Sindhi given birth 
to two other cerebral sounds, viz.: o, 5 4> ^^^d 5, ^ r, 
and this again aspirated, ^?, ^ rh. 

0| ? d is pronounced in a similar way as g; the 
cerebral d (5) is uttered with a certain stress in pro- 
longing and somewhat strengthening the contact of the 
closed organ, as if a double d was to be pronounced. 

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Originally it is, as g, a double d, as may 1)e still proved 
in most cases by etymology; e. g.: jSj vado, great, 

Prat ^, Sansk. ^; sa}^^3^ Codalio, the fourteenth^ 

Pra^- ^i1^5llt« ^^* ^® Sindhi, which is very fond of 
hard cerebral sounds, often employs this letter d, where 
no original doubling of the cerebral has taken place, 
especially at the beginning of words, where the 
full stress of the voice can be laid upon it, as: 
^j^ doll, a kind of sedan chair, Prak. ^q5|, Sansk. 

Tj^f (compare Introd. §. 6. 4). The simple cerebral S 
has been thus nearly totally supplanted at the beginning 
of a noun by d, and d is only found in a few nouns, 
to distinguish them from others written else quite alike, 
as: ^$ ditho, obstinate, but 34?^ ditho, seen. 

It has therefore been a great mistake of Capt Stack, 
that he has not distinguished ? d £rom ^ d, and marked 
both sounds by the same diacritical dot (== ^, though 
he has been aware of their different pronunciation. A 
Sindhi will never confound o d with S d; they are in 
his mouth thoroughly distinct £rom each other and have 
been differently marked already in the old Sindhi al- 
phabet (viz.: d = <>, and d = o). We were therefore com- 
pelled in this respect to deviate from Capt. Stack's San- 
skrit alphabet, retaining for the simple cerebral d the 
original Sanskrit letter ?, and marking the sound of d 
by a line beneath 3 (= ^, the dot beneath 3 being 
reserved for some other sound, which we shall presently 

The cerebral j, ^ p, and its aspirate ^j, ^ rh have 
sprung from the cerebral 5 d and j»5 dh respectively 

(see Introduction §. 7, 2), as: jT guru, molasses, Sansk. 

53; liij^S drirhata (ff^fffT) firmness, Sansk. t<5riL 

Wo have noticed already (1. c.), that by far the greatest 
number of words, in which r or rh is to be found, is 

Trnmpp, Sindbl-OnuniBAr. B 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


taken from some aboriginal tongue, which is now lost, 
and wich must have had a great predilection for cerebral 
sounds (as the Dravidian idioms of the south) and to 
the influence of which the preponderance of the cerebrals 
in tlie north Indian vernaculars must be ascribed. 

The two peculiar letters ^ (tr) and 5 (dr), which 
Capt Stack in his SindhI Qrammar has advocated for 
the SindhI under the cerebral class, are found, on nearer 
investigation to be compound sounds (see Introduction, 
§. 15.) and may therefore bo safely discarded from the 
alphabet, as they ought to be written ^ tr and ^ ^ 
respectively, as: ^ putru, son, Prak. ]g^, Sansk. ^^; 

5TO drakha, grape, Sansk. ^J^. A subscribed *r is 
also found in some nouns with the aspirate 9 dh, as: 
5^miy dhrapanu, to be satiated, and its derivatives, as: 
^1^*^ dhrainu, to satiate; ^T^ dhrau, satiety, all of 
which are sprung from the Sansk. root "fTU (rT^ll^; 5I5J 
dadhru (also written: ^ dadhu), a cutaneous disease, 
Sansk. ^, Hindi *^T? (compare Introduction §. 15. b. p). 

We have not inserted the cerebral S 1 in the SindhI 
alphabet, though in Capt. Stack's SindhI Dictionary a 
few words are written with ^. This letter is com- 
pletely ignored by the common people and left unnoticed 
in the old SindhI alphabet; only a Brahman now and 
then uses it, to show his knowledge of Sanskrit (com- 
pare Introduction §. 5). 

' 4) The dentals. 

The dental row offers nothing particular; K r, which 
is considered a cerebral in Sanskrit, has become a pure 
dental in the modern idioms. 

5) The labials. 

It is to be noted, that ^, ^ ph, is to be pro- 
nounced as the aspirate of (^, ^ p, and never as f^ 
which is of Arabic or Persian origin, wherever found. 

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Peculiar to the SindhI is the letter y, ^ B; it is 
pronounced in tiie same way as g and d, being, ori- 
ginally a double b, as: ^ Ba, two, Sansfc W (= wa = 
bba; see Introduction §. 16. d. a); ^ kubo, hump-backed 
(see Introd. §. 13); JSS d^balu, weak, Prak. ^«^c5, 
Sonsk. H^^jJ. In other nouns however an original doubling 
of b cannot be traced out, and the language seems to use 

w b and «^ b quite arbitrarily, as: ^l^ babo, father, 
but, ^U babo, father's brother, both nouns being de- 
rived firom the Turkish CG father. 

The nasal of this class is m; but when preceding 
a letter of its own varga it is supplanted by simple n 

(or anusvara), as in all the other rows; e. g.: l^ (^ 
ambu, a mango; JL^aI/" (^^TI^ kumbbfiru, a potter. 

§. 3- 
On the purely Arabic letters. . 

The Sindhi, as well as the Hindustani, has, in con- 
sequence of the forced introduction of the Islam, been 
considerably mixed up with Arabic elements, and though 
the vulgar pay no attention to the particular pro- 
nunciation of the genuine Arabic sounds, the original 
Arabic orthography has been generally adhered to. 

Under the guttural class we find the letters: g, ^, 
^, ^, ^, the Roman transcription of which we have 
conformed to the Standard alphabet, though these letters 
are somewhat di£ferently pronounced in SindhL g, which 
is in Arabic treated as a consonant, is generally ignored 

and only its accompanying vowel articulated, as: Jli^ 
mqulu, intelligence, is sounded: akulu. In the midst 
of a word c is either passed unnoticed (i. a only the 

respective vowel is uttered) as: la*]^ niamata (properly: 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


nimmata) or p with its accompanying vowel is pro- 
nounced as a long syllable, as: jJuIaS a ferrier, is 
sounded like: nalbandu (properly: nadbandu) and by 
ignorant people also written accordingly; or the g with 

its respective vowel is dropped altogether; as: fXjJo food 
(tafimu) is commonly pronounced: tamu. The same is 
the case at the end of a word, where c with its vowel ^ 

is contracted by the vulgar to a long syllable, as: '^ 
receipt -account (Jamaja) is pronounced like jama, and 
mostly written accordingly; only the Mullas, who pretend 
to a knowledge of Arabic, aflfect the deep guttural ar- 
ticulation of the Arabic. In Sanskrit writing ^ is there- 
fore simply rendered according to its accompanying 
vowel, and not dinstinguished by any particular mark 
or dot. 

The deep Arabic ^ R is treated in the same way 

and pronounced as simple h, as: Jlft. fialu, state, iis 
sounded: halu. The Arabic and Persian ^ x ^ <^^* 
monly pronounc^ by the vulgar (especially ttie Hindus, 
who are quite unable to articulate x) ^ kh, ast ^j^ 
gixa, a spit, is sounded: fiikha (Pers. ^jy^). 

The Arabic or Persian ^y is pronounced in Sindhi 
as simple g, and very firequently exchanged for v/ in 

writing, as: ^IS ba^, garden, is sounded as: bagu; 

Is ^amu, grief, as: gamu etc. 

The deep guttural ^j q of the Arabic is articulated 
in Sindhi like simple k, as: jIjS qoma, a tribe, clan 

(Arabic |»^), is pronounced like: kdma; Jp qaulu, 
word, like: kaulu etc. The Hindus ignore all these 
foreign letters in their writings and render them by 
the nearest Sanskrit consonants, as has been adverted to. 
The lingual letters, which are peculiar to the Arabic, 
are not distinguished in Sindhi pronunciation from the 

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corresponding dentals; ^ t is sonnded like oommon t^ 
and tj0 8 like z; h % and ^ z likewise as z. The 
Hindus on the other hand pronounce h and jb like j, 
and render these letters promiscuously according to their 
actual pronunciation, which is frequently done by the 
Musalmans likewise, especially the unlearned. 

The Arabic letters, which figure under the dental 
row, viz.: v&> i, 6 *, and \ z (the two latter of which 
are also common to the Persian) are pronounced in Sindh 
(and India generally) as follows: v^ like s, 6 and v like 
z, whereas the Hindus pronounce these two latter con- 
sonants like j and render them (Uso accordingly by ^, 
^vhich is not unfrequently done by the Moslims also. 

The Arabic and Persian \J f is sounded by the Mn* 
hammadans as f, but by the Hindus as ph, and ren- 
dered in their writings by m 

§. 4. 
EL The Slndhi ▼owel ffystem. '^. 

We next subjoin a tabular survey of the SindhI 
vowel system. 

1) Simple vowels: 



i V?i 



i (e) i 

«! i' 
^ ^ 



!) Diphthongs: 

ai au 




Digitized by 




3) Nasalized vowels. 





























1) Simple vowels.') Tho SindhI uses all tlio 
vowels, common to the &mskrit and Prakrit; but it is 
to be noted, that i, when preceded or followed by h, 
or when closing a word, has the sound of short e (see 
Introduction §. 2. b). E and 5 are in Sindhi, as already 
in Prakrit, simple (and not Guna) vowels (see Intro- 
duction §. 2. d)j and consequently always long (and not 
ancex^s, as in Prakrit). 

As the Arabic is destitute of the sounds e and 5, 
a great difficulty arises in Sindhi as well as in Hindu- 
stani, how to distinguish i from 6, and u from 6. Tlie 
Indian grammarians have therefore invented the tcnn 

of J^4^ ^Ij ya-e majhul, or the unknown ^5 for the 

sound G, and Jy^ ^15 vave majhul, or the unknown ^, 

for the sound o ; but at the same time no practica] mea- 
sures were taken, to mark off e and 5 by any dia- 
critical sign, and the reader was left to help himself, 

1) As wc shall furilicr on employ only the-IIindastant dia- 
ractcrs, wo cannot enter hero more minutely on tiie Sanskrit vowel 
syBteni, mid wo refer therefore the student for nearer information to 
any Sanskrit gi*ammar. We shall only make use of tho Sanskrit 
characters in tlie course of this grammar, as occasion may call for. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


as best lie could. But as the distinction of I from e 
and u from 5 is somewhat difficult for a b^inner, 
especially a European, and for the right understanding 
of the l^mguage very important, we have contrived to dis- 
tinguish e from ! by a perpendicular line, as: ^ 

ko, some, ^ kl, somewhat; and o from a by placing the 

sign -^ above ^, as: ^^ to, firom-on; ^yS tu, thou. In 
prints, destined for the use of natives, those distinctions 
may be disxK3nsed with as more or less superfluous; 
but in prints, intended for the use of Europeans I have 
no doubt they will prove very serviceable and dear 
away man}' a stumbling block. 

In Arabic writing the short vowels a, i, u are 
not expressed in the body of the consonants, but by 
mere marks, placed above or beneath the consonant, 
after which they are to be sounded; if the consonant 
happen to be an aspirate, the vowel mark is placed 
on the accessory jd. The mark for a is -^, and is cal- 
led }u£l fath'ah (in Persian S\ zabar); the mark for i is 
— and is called slli^ kasrah (in Persian ^ zir, pro- 
nounced in India: zer); the mark for u is -^, and is 
called ftl^ zammah (in Persian j&a^ pl&, pronounced in 
India: peS) e. g. ^ fana, ^ fini, Jji funu. But if a 

noun commence with a short vowel, \ (alif) must serve 
aa base for the these vowels, the vowels themselves being 
considered only as auxiliary signs for the consonants, as : 

Jjf ana, ^1^ ini, J,l unu. In Arabic initial I is in these 

cases always provided with hamzah, as: ^1, ^J, ^^f, 

Imt in Hindustani it is disiDcnsed with, to which practice 
we shall also adhere in SindhL 

The three long vowels: a, I, u arc expressed in 
the body of the consonants by the letters f, v5» ;> ^^^ 
the addition of the respective vowel points; in" this case 

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t, ^9 ^ aro called ^^^ sakin, or quiescent, because 

they are not moved by a vowel of their own; e. g.: 

^y\j^ hJiriy a peasant; ^^U maru, a beater; ^j^muri, 

capital (in trade) v»iIxaj>. iSikatu, creaking. The same 

holds good with reference to the vowels e and o, 
which arc not (originally) distingmshed in writing from 
i and u, as: jv^^ £hero, whetting. ^) 

Long a, when initial, is expressed by I and the 

sign -^ placed above it, as: JSf adaru, courtesy. This 

sign is called sOue maddah, i. e. extension, and is pro- 
perly an alif placed above horizontally. Long i and u, 
when initial, must be preceded by alif, to support the 
respoctivo vowel point, as ^ and y themselves are 

quiescent; o. g.: |^f iho, this very person; ^^j uho, 

that very person. Tlio same is the case with 5 and 6, 
as: j<ljt &dd, so large, j^jf 5do, near. 

^ and y when quiescent, should be provided with 
tho sign jazm (-2-), to indicate thereby, that they arc 

not moved by a vowel of their own, as: ^f, ^jl, 

11^ piru; but this practice is generally neglected in Hindu- 

stanT, as superfluous. If on the other hand ^ and y be moved 
by a vowel put above or beneath them, they are no longer 

quiescent, but regular consdhants, as: jl^ yarn, friend; 

J^lli niyanu, a tanfc; ^^ vanu, tree; ^!^ nivai, want 

of wind; ^fj vava, formative of il^ van, wind. 

1) In 80ino Arabic noons final ^ (generally without dots) is OBcd 

witli tho power of alif, as: v5^mju& ^isft, Jesus; \Sy'> &ikr& romem- 

branco. Note also tho antiquated writing \sjyX/0 zalftt, prayer, o^j^' 
laurAt, the ThOrali (pentateuch), which is falsely pronounced in India: 

Digitized by 



2) The diphthongs ai and an. 

The diphthongs ai and an are expressed in Arabic 
by a preceding fatHah and a following quiescent ^ or ^, 
which should be provided in this case with jazm, to 

prevent mistakes, as: l^T aitru, spinning wheel; ^US 

bau^y an ascetic; ^If anthd, impure; ^gslS^^lL dau- 

dharl, round about At the end of a noun no diph- 
thong is admissible in SindhI; compare Introduction, 
§. 1, 2. 

3) The nasalized vowels or Anusv&ra. 

We have noticed already, that the simple dental n 
{J) is now used in Sindhi before the letters of any varga 
indiscriminately, which in Sanskrit writing is commonly 
expressed not by the dental ^, but by the sign called 

Anusvara (-*-) e. g.: Jlijv? («n*ii^) kangalu (properly: 

kaugalu) poor; y4^ ('l^) ganjo, scald-headed; y^SjS 

(7i€t) nandhd, small; <3i^ (^ randu, path; ^\^ (^IIH) 
bambha, hag. 

But besides this full nasal ihe SindhI also uses 
the proper AnusvSra, which only communicates to 
the respective vowel a nasalizing touch, very extensively^ 
and as both, fall n and the nasalizing touch, which is 
conmiunicated to a vowel, are expressed in Sanskrit 
writing by Anusvara, and in Hindustani by the dental 
n (^), some confusion necessarily arises from this practice, 
to obviate which the following remarks should be care- 
fully attended to, 

a) Anusvara (or ^) preceding another consonant 
must always bo pronounced as a full nasal, if the 

vowol of the syllable be short, as: tj^g, -iiXlS pandhu, 
journey; but if Anusvara precede *h' in a short syllable, 
it is always to bo pronounced as such, i, e. only a slight 
nasalizing touch is thereby communicated to the vowel, 

Digitized by 



m: ^t^, y^f^J^ jShe; 1^, 4^ muhu, mouth; in a few 
words, where full n precedes h, it must be rendered in 
Sanskrit writing by ?J, not by Anusvara, as: fxjtrf &nhu, 
a sign; V^r^lH thanhanu, to compress. In Hindustani 
writing no such distinction can be made, as there is 
only one'(^^) at hand, which must serve as full nasal 
or Anusvara, as the case may be; nothing is therefore 
left to the student, but to commit these few words to 
memory. We must repeat here, what has been remarked 
already, that the use of the Arabic characters oiTcrs great 
difliculties when applied to a Prakrit language of India. 
h) Anusvara preceding a consonant in a long syl- 
lable is to bo pronounced as a full nasal, as: ^ff? 

^Ij banthe, ravenousness; Ml^, 4^^ plngha, a swing; 
^^, JbO^^ kundhu, a young man; cf^^ -j^^^ vendO, 
going; ^i«|s, Wp lombaru, a male fox. But if the 

long vowels, provided with Anusvara, be followed by h, 
8 or v, they are to be pronounced with a nasalizing 

touch only, as: ^1^ yi^^ thahara, steadiness; HT^, 

^\ji masu, meat, ^l^tj, Vy^^ tliavaru, Friday; T^g, 

4ju^ tnihu, rain; nff , .^JU^ mehe, buffalo eta Where 

full n precedes h in a long syllable, it must be I'en- 
derod by H (in Hindustani writing a further distinction 

is impossible), as: ^^HFIT, is^^ banhi, a slave-girl, but: 
^t^, 4^C baha, arm. 

c) At the end of a word Anusvara always retains 
its proper nasalizing touch, be the final vowel short 

or long, ?t8: ift, ^ji, pri, friend; ^ ^y^ bhu, earth; 

ghg muho (Formative of the L pronoun sing.); also in 

comiK)Uud woixU, as: J^, ^^ ^^j bhu bhu, buzzing. 
This ndc is based on the fact, that in Sindlil every 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


word muBt neods end in a vowel (which however may 
be nasalized). 

d) Anusv&ra, placed between two vowelsi be they 
short or long, always retains its proper nasalizing sound, 

as: ^^, ^^1 ST, and; ^it^^ O^^ mainu, to measure; 

^iNi, ^yii\ au, I; ^^lif kiau, it has been done by 

thom (compare: Introduction §. 4). 

The same holds good with reference to Anusvara, 
following a diphthong (see: Introduction §. 1, 2), as: 

Tn$t, fiJjt raiiSo, merriment (= rauSo); nS^ .$£u^ 
maltha, madder (= mSitha). 

In the Romanized transcription, which we shall 
add throughout this grammar, the two different sounds 
of AnuBvara are rendered in this way, that the sound 
of full n is always expressed by n, whereas the na- 
salizing touch, which is communicated to a vowel by 
Anusvara, is marked by the sign .^ placed above it, as: 

^, vaJf = antu; but ^Slf^, ^^^T = au. 

We have already adverted to the great difficulties, 
under which the HhidustSni labours to mark the ori- 
ginal sound of Anusvara, as it has only one n (and this 
the dental n) at its disposal The difficulty is already 
great in Hindustani, and still greater in SindhI, which 
is 80 much addicted to the use of nasalized vowels. In 
addition to what has been stated already, we beg to 
turn the attention of the student, as far as the Hindu- 
stani characters are concerned, to the following 

Final ^ has always the sound of Anusvara proper 
(see under c) and need iJierefore not perplex the student^ 

as: ^yi^fjf marhu, man; ^ylj zalu, women; ^^,151 ia, 

from this place, ^Ub tia, from that place. 

Anusvara, separating two short or long vowels (see 
under d) is rendered by ^, and can be recognized as 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


sach by its position; in this case, tp obviato all mis- 
concoptions, we have furnished the second vowel with 
hamzah, to point out thereby, that the following vowel 
is not to be read together with the preceding, but that 
^ closes the first syllable, as: ^1 (^^) T-a, thus; «ja 

(fn^) ti-a, in that manner; ^y^ ('t^) gau, cow. If 
the second vowel chance to be a long one, ^5 (without 
dots) provided with hamzah must precede the same, to 
serve as basis for the vowel point (see further on under: 

Hamzah), as: ,^)j^U sui (Hit) lord; ^iu; (f^^) hio, 

mind; ^^li» £iau, it has been said by them. 

In such like instances, as exhibited under a and &, 
the Hindustani alphabet offers no means of distinguishing 

the full nasal from Anusvara proper, as: ^54^0 banhi, a 

slave -girl, j^ baha, arm, and these difficulties can 
only be overcome by practice. In the old Sindhi al- 
phabet and in that now in use no notice whatever is 
taken of these and such like intricacies. 

On the other orthographic signs. 

1) The sign -=1. (sdue maddah, prolonjgation) is placed 

on initial alif, to render it long, as: l^^T atharu, pack- 
saddle, in the midst and at the end of a word maddah 
is not placed on alif, if the preceding consonant be 

moved by fatUali, in which case alif is called ^L^ 

sakin, or quiescent, as: l^lC ra-ja, prince; SU ma-Ia, 
garland; but if the preceding consonant is provided with 
jazm (L 0. not moved by a vowel), alif must have 
the sign of maddah, as commencing a syllable, e. g.: 

^fo qur-unu, Qoran, not qu-ranu. 

2) The sign -^ (,»C^ jazm, abscission), placed above 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


a consonant denotes ^ that the consonant thus marked 
is not moved by a vowel, as: ^^I^^ vel-ho, idle; op 
mar-da, man; JClsar-ga, heaven. In old SindhI wri- 
tings the use of jazm is hardly to be met with, as they 
preferred to provide such a mute letter with kasrah, the 
sound of which was hardly heard in pronunciation, as: 

4>2j! mari-du, instead of i^ mar-du, and served quite 

the purposes of jasm. We cannot adopt this system, 
as in many cases it will give rise to confusion and mis- 

3) The sign ->- («X^.dAS taSdid) corroboration, placed 

above a consonant denotes, that the letter in question 
is to be doubled. . In the old Sindhi writings the taSdid 
is hardly ever to be met with, as they were in the habit to 
express even an originally double letter by its simple base, 

e. g.: 'S kamu, business, instead of fS^ kammu. It is 
now used only in such instances, where the doubling of 
a consonant is rendered necessary in order to distinguish 

two in other respects identical words, as: ^t una, by 

hun, and ^\ unna, wool 

;^ 4) The sign -^ (nyH hamzah, i e. punction) is used 
in the midst and at the end of words as a vicarious base 
for f; when two vowels, short or long, meet in a word, 
the second vowel must be supported by the base ^ 

furnished with hamzah, e. g.: ^ piu, father; ^ jue, 

the den of an animal; CiiP hlara, now; ^it^ jua, louse; 

(ISlS qa-imu, standing; jJL^ bhaura, brothers; ^^ jl-u, 

life; ^ kuo, rat; yjL^ gha-u, wounding; ^f a-I, a 

goal etc. 

A final short vowel, preceded by ft, u, o is usually 

supported by the sign hamzah alone, as: il^j bh&-u, brother; 

Digitized by 



po-0| after; ^^ ha-o, sound. But if ^ be radical in 
a word, hamzali with its accompanying Vowel is 

placed upon j, as: ^G nau, fiime, Formative ^IS nava; 

^^ gSu, cow; yLijli marhua, Formative of: ^^U 
marhU| man. 

In the Formative Singular of such nouns , which end 

in i, hamzah is dropped for brevity's sake, as: ^djub 

hand!, a pot, Formative: ^^i^ handia (instead of ^do^)* 
but in nouns like ^jju^LI sai, lord, hamzah must bo 
i*etained in the Formative, to prevent mistakes, as: 
^i£>ll saia. 

'^oU. The sign ^ (J^5 ^^' conjunction) only occurs in 
Arabic phrases and constructions; it joins two words, the latter 
of whi(^ begins with alif, the accompanying vowel of whieh 
is dropped and the final vowel of the preceding word drawn 

over or rather joined to the following; e. g.: ^XOT Ju^ $abdu- 

Imaliki (bstead of: <^^t iXl^); mU Jls qala-smal (instead 

of: ^f^\ Jli); xJlif (ihI^ bismi-Uahi. 

The use of the so-callod Tanvin (I e. -1. I, -t", pro- 
nounced in Arabic *un', 'an*, 'in*) in SindhI is to be 
disproved of, as the Tanvin is only a &nciful invention 
of the Arabian grammarians, and by no means fit to 
express the SindhI- nasalized short (and least the long) 

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Chapter L • 
The twmlnatloii of Sindhi nouns. 

§. 6. 

In the formation of themes the relative position, 
which the Sindhi holds to the Sanskrit-Prakrit on the 
one side, and to its modem sisterrtongaes on the other 
side, is most clearly delineated. 

The peculiarity of the Sindhi, and at the same time 
the great, advantage, ^hich is possesses over the kindred 
idioms consists therein, that every noun, substantive, ad- 
jective, pronoun, participle and infinitive ends in a voweL 
By this vocalic termination the Sindhi has preserved a fle- 
xibility, and at the same time a sonorousness, of which 
the other modem vernaculars are completely destitute. 

After what has been remarked on the nature of the 
diphthongs in Sindhi (see Introduction %. 1), it may 
be easily gathered, that no Sindhi noun can end in a 
diphthong. A Sindhi noun may therefore end in a, 
i(e), u; a, i, u, 5; no noun ever ends in e, and those, 
which seem to do so, are not in the Nominative, but in 
the inflected case. A final vowel may also be na- 
salized, as: ^);^jto marhu, man, ^y^Sj:^ iotho, the 
fourth; ^^ pri, friend, which is especially the case, 

if a word terminate in a long vowel, but this con- 
stitutes, after what we have said on the nature of Anu- 
svara, no exception to the general rule. 

In the formation of themes the Sindhi has in the 
main followed the course pointed out by the Prakrit, 
but it has created many new formations, independent 
and irrespective of the Prakrit The levelling process 

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of tho modem idiom9 bas already gained the ascendancy, 
and terminations^ which tho Prakrit, though seized ol- 
ready by the some tendency, has as yet kept asunder, 
have been thrown together into one class in Sindhi. 

The Sindhi has lost the neuter, which has been 
already discarded in the Apabhronsha dialect of tho 
Prakrit, the immediate predecessor of the modem Sindhi. 
This, as it seems, has been the first step, to break tho 
fetters of tho old compact mother-tongue, and to initiate 
tho levelling process of the present idiom. 

Inasmuch as the Sindhi requires a vocalic ter- 
mination for every noun, the distinction of the gender 
is not so perplexing as in the other dialects, which offer 
great difficulties in this point to the student. The ter- 
minations, which have been already fixed for the Pra- 
krit, have been mostly retained in the Sindhi, with tho 
exception of neuter nouns, which have been, for tho 
most port, transferred to the masculine terminations, 
less to the feminine. 

L The termination a. 
1) Masculine themes in u. 

By far tho greatest number of nouns end in Sindhi 
in H) and ore, with a few exceptions, masculine. Tliis 
short final u corresponds to the Pr&krit .termination 
^^ 6, which, according to the testimony of the old 
Prakrit grammarians, has been already shortened to u 
in the Apabhronsha dialect^) To this class belong in 

1) In Marftthl final ^ (= Sindhi n) has on the whole become 
Already qnioBoent; the same is the case in BangalT, except wlien 
final a is preceded by a double consonant, in which case it is hcanl. 
In PanJabT, Hindi and Uindostanl final n has quite disappeared; 
for nouns like piu, father, mUn, mother etc. are in Panjilbi ex- 
ceptional cases. 

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a) TOch notms, as end in Prakrit in o (= San- 
skrit final ^y as: y nam, a man, Fr&k. lS[\ti Sansk. 
7^ ^gharu, house, Prftt X|^ (Sansk. ^JD; j^kamu, 
business, Prak. ^44^, Sansk. ;4^^v^^ To this class be- 
longs also a number of adjectives (though the majority 

of them has retained the termination o), as: Jj talu, 
bidden; l^t ajjaru, imperishable; oo^t adetu, careless. 
Most of the adjectives, borroved fix>m the Arabic or 
Persian, assume this termination, as: ^US tamiijnu, whole; 
sl^yk Yaribu, poor etc. 

h) such nouns, as end originally in u, as: it^ 
vau, wind (Sansk. ^TT^ n.; iX^ madu, liquor, Sansk. 

,c) such nouns, as end in Sanskrit in t& (crude 
form tp), Prak. & (by elision of t), or which add in Pra- 
krit the termination firo, as: ^ piu, father, Sansk. 

ftffT, Prak. f^l^; tl^ bhau, brother, Sansk. ^TnTT, 
Prak. already HT^ (in Sindhi again with elision of d); 

^'li^j bhataru, husband, PrSk. HWI^, Sansk. ^^ (see 
Varar. V, 31). 

2) Feminine themes in u. 

These are, comparatively speaking, few in number; 
to this class belong such nouns, as end in Sanskrit 

in u, and are feminine as: ^j f. thing, Sansk. ^^9 

J^(> dhenu, a milk-cow, Sansk. m^I or such, as have 

shortened u to u, as: Jwyl sasu, mother-in-law, Sansk. 

^^; \ viju, lightening, Prak. 'N^, Sansk. fN^» 

In a few themes original & has been shortened to 
u, the Sindhi following herein the levelling process no- 

Trompp, BlBdU-Oraamiar. C 

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ticed under 1, e irrespoctiye of gender , as: aDo mau, 
mother, Prak, «ll^|, Sansk. *lin(; ^«> dhiu, daughter, 

Prak. already \f^ and T|^^^ Sansk. '<Sf^ril (s^ Varar. 
IV, 33; Lassen p. 172, note); ^ nuhu, daughter-in- 
law (Sansk. ^^^Y^ quite exceptional is ^Ifj^ bhenu, sister, 
Pruk. c|f^i!jt (Hindust J)^), Sansk. ^p|<!f), A number 

of noun^ ending in u, which are feminine, we shall 
enumerate when treating of the gender of nouns; their 
origin is in many cases unknown. 

IL The termination o. 

Besides the nouns ending in u, those ending in o 
are the most numerous in Sindhi; they are all without 
exception masculine. The old Prakrit termination 
^^ (5) has been split in Sindhi into two classes, in one 
of which 5 has been shortened to u and in the other of 
which it has been retained unaltered. 

A strict rule seems not to have been attended to 
in settling these two terminations, but usage alone seems 
to have decided for the one or the other; in many in- 
stances both terminations are promiscuously used. It is 
worthy of notice, that many nouns, which end in Sindhi 
in o, have retained the corresponding termination a 
(masc.) in Hindi and Hindustani and to a great extent 
also in MarathI, Bangall and PanjabI, and similarly those 
nouns, which terminate in Sindhi in u, have dropped the 
corresponding vocalic termination (i. e. ^, a) in the dia- 
lects quoted. 

Examples: ^J taro, the sole of a shoe (Sansk. rf^ 

n.) ^ galo, the throat (Sansk. ^T^ m.), whereas on the 

other hand \^ g^u, cheek, corresponds to the Sansk*. 

*l^ m., ^y lurko or Jp lurku, a tear; 3;tS^ sonaro, 

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goldsmith (Sansk. ^^^qiiO^ on the other hand tt^J 
luharu, blacksmith (Sansk ^^^ilO« 

In some instances the language Has made use of these 
two different terminations to derive words of somewhat dif- 

ferent meanings from one and the same base, as: u^ £ur5, 

powder, filings, and \yL duru, adj. powdered (both from 

the Sansk. ^[]^)^ >€^ matho, the head, and J^ mathu, 
the top (both from the Sansk. TT^ n.). 

We may however lay down some rules, by which 
the Sindhi seems to have been guided in retaining the 
original Prakrit termination 6: 

1) Adjectives, derived directly from the Sanskrit- 
Prakrit, have on the whole retained the ending o, as: 

^Sj^ iano, good (Sansk. ^^^; ^^ mitho, sweet ^Sansk. 

VfTZ)i }^^ khar5, bitter (but ^(45^ khoru, s. m. potash, 

both being derived from the Sansk. ^P^); }^s rukhd, 
hard (Sansk. ^^). In many nouns though both ter- 
minations are allowed as: 3^«>1 adharo or: IpoI adharu, 
helpless; j^cXi nidhard or: t^cXi nidharu, wretched; j^l 

abharo or: l^t abharu, poor. 

Adjectives derived by secondary afi&xes from other 

themes generally retain the termination o, as: ^J^ ja- 
tiko, relating to a Jat (vSa^); ^\^ vSniko, belonging to 
a Vanyo (jAilp; >JLu«J rasilo, juicy (from J«p; 3^<\3(4^ 
khandird, patient (from O0I4O. Excepted are the affixes 
J^fj (Prak. 'Tfft, Sansk. "^ilQ, as: J^fjl^S daySvSnu, com- 
passionate; ^ (^n^), as: JI53 dayalu, the same as 
J^ljt^S; IT (^|tj;, when forming substantives, as: ^up«> 
dhanaru, herdsman, whereas the affix aro generally forms 

adjectives, as: 5.L4JW sagharo, strong (from 4^)* 

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J: 2) Verbal nouns, which are derived from the 
root of verbs by lengthening the root-vowel, take the 
termination 6, ivs: 

jjL^ ghato, decrease, from Jjl^to decrease. 

}S^f^ iarho, increase, from vl^%^ ^ ^^* 

The termination u however is also in use, es- 
pecially with such themes, in which the root -vowel is 
not lengthened, as: 

Jyo marku, boasting, from ^iCl to boast 
^L^ jhatu, snatching, from J^i^^ to snatch. 

3) Nouns of agency, which are derived from ver- 
bal roots by prolonging the root-vowel ^f it be short) 
take likewise the termination 5, as: 

^i^ofj vadho, carpenter, from ^^iSj to cut. 

yf^ tobo, diver, from ^lyS to dive. 

3wu^ diro, sawyer, from J;Ca^ to split 

4) Some nouns of foreign origin change (original) 
final a or ah to o in SindhI, as: y\^ babo, fietther, Hindust 
(turldsh) tSlS; j^jj^ darvazo, door, Pers. S)l5j3. 

5) All participles present and past end in o, 
as: jjal^ halando, going; ^£i^ halio, gone; jjo^^lo ma- 
rindo, beating, ^^ti maryo, beaten. 

6) It is seldom the case, that an original final a 
(fem.) has been changed to 5, and rendered thereby mas- 
culine, as: j*lj taro, star (Sansk. iTRT fem.); Hindi 

likewise iTRT masc. (PaSto: ^yySim storai m.); in Marathi 
it is both masc. and fem. 

Note. If wc turn to the cognate dialects, we find, that the 
Gujarat! comes nearest to the Sindhi in this respect; for nearly 
all the nouns, which end in SindhI in 5 and u, have retained 

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tbe.tennination 5. As the GaJarStiT has preserved the neuter, 
it forms a rc^ar neater ending in ^ ii from masc themes in 
^9 ^' ^n^ A dog 0^ general), bat ^|rf^ a male dog. This 
neuter termination we consider identical with the SindhI vocalic 
termination u, with the only difference, that Anusvara, as the 
sign of the neuter, has been added. 

In MarathT, Hindi and PanJSbi, final o of the SindhI 
. aud Gujarat! has been changed to a. The PanjabI and Hindi 
(Hindustani) have lost the neuter, but the MarathI, which has 
preserved it, forms from the masc termination a a regular 
neuter ending in e (1^, which is in its origin nothing else but 
another masc. termination with the addition of final Anusvara, 
just as in GuJarutI (compare on this point: Lassen, Instit. lin- 
guae Pruk. p. 429, 14); e. g.: q!^ n. a plantain, Hindi: %^ 
°^M ^iR^9 ^^* (properly a neuter verbal noun, as in Sanskrit), 
SindhI ^S' karanu (m.), Hindi cq^^h kama (m.), GujaratI: 
€||^<i| (n.), as in Mara^hL 

In Baiigall the termination & (s= 5 of the Sindbi) is only 
to be met with in a few nouns, as: gadha, ass, ghora, horse etc. 
(nouns like: pita, karta, do not come properly under this head, 
as they are Sansk. Nominatives); as a masc. termination of ad- 
jectives a is unknown in BangalT. 

ZZL The termination u (masc. and fem.). 

Nouns ending in a correspond generally to the 
Sanskrit-Pralnit termination u, which in Prakrit is leng- 
thened in the Nbm. Sing, to u; those nouns, which end 
already in Sanskrit u, retain this termination unaltered 
in Sindhi. Some feminine nouns, ending in u, shorten, 
their final u again to u, adding at the same time one 

of the feminine terminations i (e) or a; e. g.: ^H sau/ 
upright (Prak. W^, Nom. Sing. ^THi, Sansk. ^IT^, 
Hindi ^HT^ or: ^HT^; ^^^IS taru m. palate, Sansk. rTT^ 
n. (Hindi ffl^; ^jy^j bhu £ earth (or: ^J^ bhue), Sansk. 
^' sJ9^ j^ f- lo^is® (^r; (5^ j^)» Sansk. 11^ (with eli-. 

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sion of final k in Sindhl); ^LT abiru, honor (or »^jr 
abirae) Pers. 

Under this head fall many appellatives and adjectives, 
ending in u, uu and aku, corresponding to the Sansk. 

affixes uka (^^ and aku (^1^, as: ^^13 taru, a swim- 
mer (= taruka), ^5t^J rahaku or: y\s>l rahau, inhabitant, 

yjM^ khatau, profitable (from vS^ £ profit). 

In some nouns ending in u, a more complicated 

contraction has taken place, as: ^^y^jte marhu, man, 
Prak. 4^|iU^9 Sansk. IHHM (n of the Prakrit inter- 
changing with r, and ^ being exchanged for h); ^yi^Xi 
darhu, pomo-granate, Sanskrit f^lf^lly Hindustani 

j»^l3; ^y^ kafehu, tortoise, Sansk. ^^H [(p = b = 
V = u); ^^4^^ vifihu, scorpion, Prak. Ntn^, Sansk. 

IV. The termination a. 

Nouns ending in a correspond generaUy to the San- 
skrit-Prakrit termination a (^IT) and are all feminine, 

as: lil^ dinta, anxiety, Sansk. rq^lJ l^ ha£a, murder, 

Sansk. ^RIT; tlSU. jatra, pilgrimage, Sansk. <«ni; \^ 

khima, patience, Prak. ^ISnRT, Sansk. Qj^i. 

There exists a small number of masc. nouns, now 
ending in a, which must not be confounded with the 
preceding fem. nouns, as they are of quite a different 
origin; they are derived from Sansk. themes ending (in 
their crude forms) in an (^F(} and r (^, and in the 

Nom. Sing, in a, as: l^lj raja, prince; Uif &tma, soul; 

\jS karta, the agent (in grammar). There are also a 

fow foreign words, ending in a, as: liif aSna, an acquain- 

Btance, Pers. U&T. 

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A few adjectives end likewise in & (or a) as: ISl^ 
^ata, liberal; ^\S tala, exhausted etc. 

V. The twmination &• 

The vocalic ending & is shortened firom the pro- 
ceding fern, termination fi, just as u has been shortened 
from 5. To this class belong in SindhI: 

1) such nouns, as end in Sanskrit and Prakrit in 

a, as: j^t^ Jibha, tongue, Prak. ^^|, Sansk. Ul^i? 
41^ nuha (besides 4^') daughter-in-law, Sansk. '^^^^ 
^4> ^dhia (besides: ^«>), daughter, Prak. ift^ or l|f^; 
jil sa-ina, sign, Sansk, tl^l; ^ mina, marrow, Sansk. 

lT35rr. Further a great quantity of nouns, the formation 
of which is peculiar to the SindhI, and which may be 
derived from every verbal root. This formation cor- 
rcspdnds exactiy to the Sanskrit afiBx ^Sf^ (a), which is 
added to the verbal root, to form fem. nouns, as San- 
skrit: ^1^, breaking, from f^^ etc. In Sindhi the 
derivation of such nouns from verbs is quite general, 
and the language acquires thereby a great facility to 

form verbal nouns, as: 4^^ ^kha, investigation, Tnfin. 
J^Sj^ (root: -4^)5 ^ g^4a» pounding, In£ '^^ 
(toot: <i) ). The Sindhi always falls back on the Pra- 
krit, especially in such nouns, as diflfer already from 
the Sanskrit, by dropping either a final consonant in 

Prakrit or af&xing a new vocalic ending, as: JmxJ Sslsa, 

blessing, Prak. ^JffiW, Sansk. ^1^^% 

2) The feminines of such adjectives, as end in 

the masc. in u, as: 4^ kubha, fem. of j^ kubhu, un- 
fortunate; Jjtk? sujana, fem. of ^^^ well-knowing. 

Only a very small number of adjectives ends ori- 
ginally in &, which remain unchanged in gender, num- 

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ber and case, as: Jl^ jjSla, or ^l». jjara, abundant; 11^ 
jama, much, many, 

3) Many nonns fluctuate, as regards their ter- 
mination^ between a or i (e), as both short vowels form 

the common fern, terminations in SindhI, e. g.: ^IS. nora 

or %IS nare, woman; tT ara or J. are, affection; J^^ 

dhana or ^j^j dhane, a pond; h. nra or jj. rire, 

quarrel From the adjectives, ending in u, the feminine 

may be formed in final a or i (e), as: ^^T atora, or: 

^pt atore, what cannot bo weighed, masc. j^l; ^\L 

doryata or vEul^ daryate, mad, masc. v^l^. 

Tliis accounts easily enough for tho phenomenon, 
that such nouns, as end in Prakrit in !, have adopted 
in Sindhi tlio termination & (simply exchanging one fem. 

termination for another), as: ^)j^ bhena (besides: ^if^S)^ 

sistfer, Prak. "^rf^^ Sansk. HFTnTJ J^^y dhure, origin, 

Prak. VU, Sansk. ^. . But, though the respective fem. 
terminations are often exchanged, the original gender 
is commonly strictly adhered to in Sindhi, and the case 
is very rare, tliat an original masc. noun has been chang- 
ed to a feminine, as: ^G Sapha, fem. steam, Sansk. 
^1^ msisc. (in Hindi it has become likewise a fem.). 

Note. As regards tho cognate dialects, the Bangali has 
throughout preserved the original fem. termination a; the Ma- 
]ii(hT too has remained more faithful to the Prakrit, but it has 
already in many Cases shortened a to a, and then dropped it 
altogether (in pronunciation at least) as: ^IM jihh, tongue,, cff? 
▼a(, way etc. In the other dialects long final a has either been 
preserved, or it has been thrown off altogether (after having first 
been changed to &). 

As in Sindhi every noun must needs end in a vowel, such 
fem. nouns, as are borrowed from the Uindustanl, frequently 

adopt the fem. termuiation V in Sindhi, as: Ilindust. ^j^) (f) 

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earth, Smdhl ^^^S sanfflia; HindOat OCU (f.) propertj, Sindlu 
JsXa milka. In a few nouns the gender bas been changed, 
as: Hindust sjjf kitsb (fern.), Sindhi wl^ kitSbu, maac. 

YL The twmlnatlon L (maso. et fern.) 

Themes in i are in Sindhi of both genders; they 
are either masculine or feminine. 

1) Masc. themes ending in 1. 

The termination i in masc. nouns corresponds: 

a) To the Sansk. afBx i (= in), as: ^^<> dharmf, 

religious (Sansk. Vw^), Nom. Sing, ^vff; ^f^ svami, 

lord (Sansk. tniHlv^); ^5^^ hathi, elephant (Sansk. 

h) To the Sansk. affix ika (^ = ^, by eliding 
k and lengthening i to I; e. g.: ^Ai harl, a peasant, 
Sansk, t^iRp^)^ ^^}\ othi, a camel -rider (from ^ 
camel); vSr^^ thekirl, a seller of earthen ware (fix>m 
^Xjuaj', earthen ware). 

c) To the Sansk. adjectival affix ^ y, by changing 
1 to 1, as: ^o pri, friend, Sansk. uRi; ^5^14?' abhagi, 

unfortunate, Sansk. ^WF^I. 

d) To the Sansk. affix vl lya, by eliding ^, as: 
^<>l0 Hindi, Indian; ^iXjL Sindhi, relating to Sindk 
With this class coincide all the Persian and Arabic 
adjectives, formed by the so-called olli »Q or y of 
relation, asz^^jli farsi, Persian; ^I^ {arabi, Arabic; 
^g*L\ zaxmi, wounded. 

e) To Sanskrit masc. crudes, ending in i, which go- 


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nerally have final i lengthened to I in SindhI, as: ^^ 
kavi^ post, Sansk. 'Uf^; Jl^aI^ kali-kSlu, the Kali-pe- 
riod; in some nouns though original short i has been 
preserved, as: S hare, Vishnu (Hindi: ^^^ ^^d ^0).; 
^ pa-e, lord, master (= ^Rm)# 

There remains a number of words in i, which are 
masculine, the origin of which is imknown, as: JU) 

bell, servant; ^cXiG bandhi, a log of wood floating in 

the river; ^■g-^Lo manjhi, a brave man. 

Uott. The Bangall and Maratbl agree with the SindhI iu 
this respect, as Bang. svamT, Marathi hatti etc. On the other 
hand both idioms have retained the masc. termination i,,as Bang. 
paU, lord, Mara(hT kavi, poet. In PanjabT, . Hindi (Hmdust.) 
final i of masc. themes is occasionally preserved, but more ge- 
nerally dropped, as bar = hari; kav = kavi; or lengthened to 
T, as in Sindhi, as kail = kal, kali. 

2) Feminine themes ending in I. 

a) Feminine nouns, which end in Sanskrit and Pra- 
krit in i, remain unchanged in Sindhi, as: ^i\i nadi, 
river, Sansk. ^T^J ^^xl sati, a virtuous woman, Sansk. 
^RIT5 ^(^ rani, queen, Sansk. TJ^. 

The Prakrit termination ^ (fom.) is occasionally 
changed to i in Sindhi, as: ^^1^ vai, speech, Prak. ^l^l, 

Sansk. ^T^ f.; in some nouns i (Prak.) is shortened to i (e), 
as: ^j (lithe, sight, Pralcf^^, Sansk. ^f%^ Neuter nouns, 

which end in Sansk. in I, may accept in Sindhi the fem. ter- 
mination i, as: ^o dahi, sour milk, Prak. ^f^, Sansk. 
^fVi; ^j45lJl makhl, honey, Sansk. ^nf^qi, with eli- 
sion of ^. 

6) The fom. termination i corresponds to the 
Sanskrit-Prakrit affix i, by which feminines are formed 

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from xnascalino themes. In Sindhl this termination is 
used to derive feminines from masc bases ending in 

and. a, as: ^^ bhal!, fem. good, from the masa base 

JL^; \hf goll, a slave-girl, from ^jf a slave; ^ig^'ilJ 

bambhanl, the daughter or wife of a Jhi^^ ^^ Brahman.' 

c) The fem. termination i is frequently applied to 

express littleness, smallness, neatness, as: ^^ 
kati, a small knife, from voil^ katu, a large knife; ^^jS 

mati, a small jar, from pU mato, a large jar etc. 

d) The fem. affix i, which corresponds to the Sansk. 
abstract affix ^, derives abstract nouns firom adjec- 
tives and substantives, as: v5;>^ ^^^' theft, from [^ 
com, a thief; ^^ bhali, goodness, from ^JL^ bhalo, 
good; ^g^)^> dosti, friendship, from ou«3«> dostu, friend 

VIL The termination i (i) fem. (m.) 

The ending *i', which, with a few exceptions, de- 
notes fem. nouns, corresponds to the Sanskrit- Prakrit 
termination i; in others again is has been shortened from 

i, in the same way, as final a from a; e. g.: j^Jo budhc, 

intolligonce, Sansk. ^HSf^ 0J9 mate, opinion, Sansk. ^Rm^ 

^IS naro, woman, Sansk STTO. 

The termination i (e) is generally used to derive 
feminines from adjectives and substantives ending in 

u, as: ou^l adete, thoughtless, masc. ou^t; ^Ou» sa- 

dliare, stout, masc. yioJL\ J^SS gadaho, a jenny-ass, 

from jbo3^ a jack-ass; s^ J parite, a washerwoman, from 

v5o J a washerman. 

In some few nouns the original gender has been 

changed, as: jT age, fire (fem.), Prak. ^P*| (m.), 

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Sansk. Wftf m.; ^«> dehe (fern.), body, Sanst ^ 
(m. and n.); in the cognato dialects both are alike fem. 
It is farther to be observed, that in Sindhi final i 
(e) very firequently interchanges with final &, bolh vow- 
els constituting the regular fern, terminations, e. g.: 

J are or ^T ara, fondness; j^ gore or ?^ gora, thun- 
der etc. Among these we must also reckon forms like Jb^^ 

dhuro, origin, Prak. ^TJ, short final a having been ex- 
changed for i (e). 

In Sindhi, as well as in the cognate dialects, some few 
masc. nouns have retained the original Sansk. termination 

I, as: ^ hare, Vishnu, ^s^j^y^ viraspate, the planet Jupiter 

(Thiu^ay) ^ pa-e, lord, husband (= 'CrftT)? in others. 

again I has been shortened from i, as: y^\;j8i)3dx^ lion, 

Sanst ^5tj(V(, Hindi %5^ and ^f'df ^\^ sahae or 

^L^ sahal, a helper. 

To some nouns of foreign origin the termination i 
has also been added, as: »IOlL x^dae, God (Pers. tJ^); 
^^&u» setlie, a Ilindl wholesale merchant (Ilindust. «4£aa«); 
y6i^ X^^iro, nom. prop, of a Pir and fabulous prophet. 

Some adjectives, mostly such, as have been bor- 
rowed fix>m a foreign source, take also the termination 
I (m.andfem,), as: jS^ V^i joyful (Pers. ji^); ^ 
Sade, delighted (Pers. «>L&); \j^s^ iaurase, four-square, 
Sansk. ^^<il. 

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Chapter n. 
Primary themes. 

§. 7. 

With reference to the formation of themes the Sindhl 
conforms on the whole to the system of the Prakrit^ in- 
asmuch as Prakrit themes are directly received into 
the Sindhl with such modifications, as are peculiar to 
the Sindhl; but besides this the Sindhl has set up new 
formations of themes, whereby the inherited stock of vo- 
cables, be they of Arian or non-Arion origin, is peculiarly 
remodelled. % As regards the themes taken directly from 
the Prakrit, we must refer to the Sindhi system of sounds 
in our Introduction, which alone can give the necessary 
cine as to the origin or derivation of a theme from the 
Prakrit; in the following we shall only treat of those 
themes, which have been formed either by modifying the 
old inherited stock, or by new rules altogether, irrespective 
of the Prakrit. Nouns of Arabic or Persian origin we 
filiall exclude from our present investigation, as they have 
nothing in common with the genuine Sindh! forms, but 
are intruders, without which the Sindhi may weU exist; 
they partake so far of the general laws of the formation 
of themes, that a vocalic termination is affixed to them, 
according to their respective gender, to render them sus- 
ceptible of inflexion. 

Whe shall divide the Sindhl formation of themes after 
the precedent of the Sanskrit into two classes, viz: that of 
primary and secondary themes, that is, such themes, 
as are directly derived from verbal roots, and such, 
as are derived from primary nouns, by means of affixes. 

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L Formation of abstract notms. 
1) Themes in ft, I (6); u, 5 (I fern.) 

a) Themes in & are formed from the simple root 
of the -v^rb (which in Sindhi, as well as in Sanskrit, is 
always monosyllabu»l, derivative verbs excepted) by 
dropping the Infinitive (verbal) affix anu. In this way 
an abstract noun may be formed from every Infinitive 
of the language, exhibiting the abstract idea of the verb. 

The af&x ft corresponds to the Sansk. affix ^, 
which is added to the root of the verb (as: Sansk. ^^11, 
worship, from ''g^ to worship) to form abstract nouns; 
in Sindhi final a has been shortened to ft; see §• 6, V. 
e. g.: 

J'l^ jaga, wakefulness, Inf. J^Tl^ to be awake. 

j6yi marha, pardon. Inf. J^wo to pardon. 

Lo pira, pressure, In£ ^y^j to press. 

J^iZi sagha, strength, Inf. J;4^ ^ ^ strong. 
In some roots V is prolonged to a and V to 6, as: 

^[^ jhata, snatching. Inf. ^j£^ to snatch. 
J^ bhola, error. Inf. J^JL^j to err. 

b) Themes in i (e) are formed in the same way 
as the preceding ^i being only a variation of ft), with 
this difference, that the root-vowel must always be pro- 
longed (viz: a = a; u = o; i = e), e. g.: 

\sA4f ghate, descrease. Inf. J;i^ to descrease, 

1*^4^ ghome, vagrancy, Inf. J^i^^ to wander about. 

jfiljj verhe, quarrel, Inf. J^j^ to quarrel. 

c) The termination *u* corresponds to the Sansk. affix 
^, which derives abstract nouns from verbal roots, with 

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or without proloBgmg the root-vowel; the same is the 
case in Sindhi, where the root-vowel either remains un- 
changed, or is prolonged. E. g.: 

jCo marku, boast, Infl JJCio to boast 

^!^ laliu, descent, In£ J^ to descent 

[^ bhoru, crumb, In£ ^Z^ to crumble. 

^Ja4^ pheru, turn, In£ ^^ to turn (v. n.). 

d) Themes in 5 are identical with those in u, 
both terminations interchanging very firequentiy (see 
§. 6, I. n.). 

jjL^ghato, deficiency, Infl J^i^^to decrease. 

jpjl^ iarho, increase, In£ J>^j^ to rise. 

3^X4:^ jhagiro, quarrel, Inf. J,J^4<^ to quarrel 

j^I4Ju& d^kharo, showing. Inf. ^ji^& to show. 

The masc. termination 5 is occasionally exchanged 
for the fem. termination I, with some slight alteration 
of meaning, as: 

^IL £arhl, ascent. Inf. J>^%^ to ascend. 

^5^I4Ju^ d^khari, showing. 

2) Themes in anu, and, ani, ane. 

a) Themes in anu coincide in Sindhi with the 
form of the Infinitive, which, according to the te- 
stimony of the old Prakrit grammarians, has already 
been the case in the Apabhransha dialect, the Infinitive 
of which terminated in ^(^ (compare: Lassen, Instit 
ling. Prak. p, 469, 5). 

The old Sanskrit Infinitive in ^^^ (the Latin su- 
pinum) has been lost in the modem vernaculars (the 
GujaratI Infinitive, which ends in ^ is properly a 
neuter Gerundive, and the Bangali infinitive, which ends 
in te, is a past participle, used as a verbal noun) and 

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in its place the verbal noun in ^Slvf is substituted, which 
in Marathl has remained neuter (^ e), but which in 
Sindhi and the other dialects has been classed under the 
masculine termination. The affix anu is added directly 
to the verbal root in Sindhi, and forms abstract nouns, 
corresponding. to our Gerunds; as: 

J^^ disanu, seeing, root: ^^. 

^li halanu, going, root: Jp. 

^li maranu, dying, root: li. 

The naked verbal root, as pointed out, is in Sindhi 
nowhere to be met with, but always ends in the Im- 
I)erative, where alone its crude form comes to light, in 
a vowel, which is either u (in intrans. verbs) or i (e) 
(in transitive verbs). According to the final vowel of 
the Imperative the junction vowel of the Infinitive or 

verbal noun varies in Siro, as: ^p\j9 marinu (to beat), 

J^ letanu, to recline, but in Lar no regard is had to 

this circunistance, and all Infinitives (irrespective of their 
transitive or intransitive signification) terminate in anu. 
b) Themes in ano (which is originally only a 
variation of anu) express in Sindhi more a lasting 
action, occupation or state; e. g.: 

^i^y ^o diano vathano, giving and taking (debt and 
and credit), besides: ^f^y J^^So, which is also in use. 

^*4^ bharino (or bharano) embroidering (literally: fil- 
ling up). 

^JLX!u manino (or manano) betrothal (literally: asking 

[for a bride]). 

Note. It is remarkable, that all the other dialects, with tho 
exception of the Ban^dl and GnJarStI, have retained this ter- 
mination of the Infinitive, as: MaruthI ^fi^^ (e being originally 
identical with 5, see Lassen §. 144, 2), Hindi (Hindust) ^PPTT, 
Panjabl: karna. 

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c) More frequently than the termination ano, the 
feminine ending ani is used in SindhI, serving at the 
same time to express smallness, neatness etc. of a 
state or action: 

^^ 6avani, saying, Inf. J^^ to say. 

^^ili halani, going, gait (comely), Infl J^ to go. 

^^ bharini, embroidery, In£ ^Z^ to fill 

^Oj vadhani, carpentering. Inf. J^Oj to cut 

Occasionally the termination arj is shortened to ani 
(ane), as: 

^^f^ gehane, swallowing (besides: ^gi4^)j Infl Jj^T 
to swallow. 
The afiBx ani (or ini) joined to roots of causal 
verbs, signifies: expense for, wages for, as: 

^ll^ khanani, expense for carrying or lifting up 
(porterage), In£ J>5llj^ to cause to carry. 

^IJU. darani, expense for grazing cattle. In! ^Tt^ 
to cause to graze. 

^^lJ»4> dhuarini, expense for washing. Inf. ^^ai^y 
to cause to wash. 

3) Themes in ti 

This afiSx corresponds to the Sansk. affix fff , by 
which abstract nouns are derived from verbal roots, be- 
sides those, which are taken over directly from the San- 
skrit. The junction vowel in SindhI is &, as: 

ssjl^ khapate, expense. Inf. J>^4^ to spend. 

ssfjy vanate, pleasure, Inf. J^^ to please (act.). 

^5^ o^T avate javate, income, expense (literally: 

coming, going); as Infiiutives they are not used in SindhI, 
but in HindL 

Trampp, Biadhl-OnuBnar. D 

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^Ji^ ghadate, remission , Inf. ^3^ to remit 
ssJJ^ halate, behaviour, In£ J^ to go. 

4) Themes in atu, atfl (a — u), ati (fern.). 

These affixes correspond to the Sansk. Unadi-affixes 
^5JW ^JJH which Bopp has justly referred to the' In- 
finitive affix 5 = 5^^. This is borne out by their sig- 
nification, which in SindhI nearly coincides with that 
of the Infinitive, as: 

4j^^ gheratu, surrounding, Infl ^y^ to surround, 
^1^4^ dhimkatu, jingling. Inf. ^)J^if^ to jingle. 

fZMiL^ bhunikatu 

* humming, In£ vi>^l4? to hum. 
il^l4^ bhunika-u 

(by elision of t.) 

^IIlaj pherati, giddiness, Inf. ^Ca4^ to cause to turn. 

Note. A feminine may thus bo derived nearly from all 
masc. bases. 

5) Themes in atru (or: itru). 

The Sindhi affix atru (or itru) corresponds to the 
Sansk. affix ^(^, and denotes an instrument, where- 
vnth any thing is done or executed. In Lar this affix 
is assimilated to atu (= attu) i^hereas in Sir5 the ori- 
ginal compoimd is preserved (only with transition of t 
into t); the root-vowel is lengthened in some themes; e. g.: 

^SL\j vajatru, a musical instrument. Inf. ^^^ to sound. 

ISiD^ vahitru, a beast of burden. Inf. ^^ to labour. 

6) Themes in iko. 

This affix corresponds to the Sansk. affix ^^ (the 
junction vowel V having been changed to i in Sindhi), 

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which in Sanskrit forms nouns of agenqr, but in SindhI 
also abstract nouns; as: ' 

^S ^^kriko, quarrelling, In£ ^j^ to quarrel 

^S^ pitikoy beating the forehead, In£ ^^ to strike 

one's head in grie£ 

§. 9, 
IL Formation of appellatiyes and attributlvw. 

7) Themes in 6. 

This affix corresponds to the Sansk. affix ^Sm (final 
^ being commonly elided in Sindhi), and forms attri- 
butives fix>m verbal roots, which imply habitual 
action or possession. The root-vowel, if it be shorty 
must be prolonged, as in Sanskrit; e. g.: 

jpotj vadhd, carpenter, In£ ^^y to cui 

^jA^ diro, sawyer, Inf J^wv^ to split 

^^ tobo, diver. Inf. J^IS to dive. 

3)34^ ghord, seeker, Inf. ^^j^^ to seek. 

In some few instances the full Sansk. affix has been 
preserved, as: 

vXSt/gaiku, singer, In£ y^tf'to sing. 

8) Themes in u. 

This affix corresponds to the Sansk. affix ^^ (final 
^ beeing elided in Sindhi and u lengthened) and forms 
verbal adjectives or attributives, implying a habitual 
or characteristical action pr state. The root- 
vowel, if short, is commonly prolonged before the ac- 
cession of this affix; as: 

^ol^ vadhu, increasing, Inf J^(>5 to increase. 

jj\3 taru, a swimmer, In£ ^^ to swim. 

^ijt} vgrhu, a quarrelsome person, Inf. J^j^ to quarreL 

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})yH P^^Sra, a robber, Iii£ ^Ij^ to rob. 

y^H^ gliomii, a vagabond, Inf. ^yi^f to stroll about 

Without prolongation of the root-vowel: 
JdJ rahu, inhabitant, In£ ^^ to stay. 
y^ saliu, patient. Inf. J^ to bear. 

9) Themes in &ku, aku, atu 

This affix denotes the same idea of a habitual 
state or action, as the preceding. It corresponds to 
the Sansk. affix W^ which is added to the verbal root 
either unaltered, or with final V lengthened, or with 
elision of ^ = a-u. In some instances the root -vowel 
is prolonged. E. g.: 

IslpT rahaku. 

yj[i![ rahSrii, 

inhabitant, In£ J^J to stay. 

JIj^ piaku, drinker, Inf. ^^fj^ to drink. 

yl^jj virdau, wearisome, In£ J^Jj to be wearied. 

y^\J^} vekau, for sale. Inf. J^ to be sold. 

ylix^ petau, ill-wishing. Inf. ^fL to curse. 

10) Themes in and5 (and indo). 
This a£Bx corresponds to the Sansk. affix ^H^, Prak. 
l^vtHl (^ Sindhl with change of the tenuis into the 
media), and forms in Sindhi, like as in Sanskrit and 
Prakrit, present participles. According to the final 
vowel of the Imperative the participle ends in andd 
(Imperative u) or indo (imperative i); some participles 
are formed irregularly. 

j juXll lagando, applying, Lnper. vXJ, Inf. ^piJ to apply. 
34X115 d^sando, seeing, Imper. J«.o, In£ J^o to see. 
jcXIaLlaj bhelindd, trampling, Imper. Jul^, Inf. \^X^ 
to trample. 

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9 % 

jiJo^ thindo (irreg.), Imper, ^Ja^, In£ ^zjl^ to 

Note. We adyert to the fact, that all the other dialects 
haye dropped the nasal in the Prik. affix ^r|^; the PanJabI 
has preserved it m a few forms, as: hands, bemg, JandS, going, 
but in the regular present participle the affix is always dS, with 
change of the tenuis into the media, just as in Sindhi. In Gu- 

Jaruti the present participle ends in to, as: i^ldri^ lakhtd, 
writing; in Hindi (Ilindust.) in ta, as: likhtu, hota, being etc 
Hindu! tu, as: i^^n likh-tu, writing. The MarathI has formed 
two present participicuT affixes from the Sanskrit affix ^{7 ; one 
in ta, corresponding to the Hindi form, as: Qsl^rlT^ writbg, 
with which affix the terminations of the substantive verb ^f\f| 
coalesce into the forms to, tos etc.; the other in at or it The 
Bangali has discontinued the use of the present participle (with 
the exception of a few Sanskrit participles ending in at) and only 
employs the same in conjunction with the substantive verb achi, 
as: dekhitc£hi, I am seeing; but dekbite is by no means to be 
confounded with the Infinitive, as it is commonly represented in 
Banguti grammars, it is the Locative form of deldiit, and signifies 
literally: I am in seeing (the Locative of the present participle 
is similarly used in Sindhi and Hindi). 

11) Thomos in aru, aru, ara 

These. affixes correspond to the Sansk. affix W^, 
and form in Sindhi verbal nouns, which imply a ha- 
bitual action or occupation; their number is not very 
considerable; as: 

3;5^ ghoraro, 1 ^ ^^^^ !„£ -^ to seek. 
^;fp^ ghoraru, J 

j^li^ pujaro, a worshipper, Li£ Q)^y^ to worship. 
5^l^3u^ pmaro, a cotton carder, In! J^isL^ to card 

jtju^ penam, a beggar, In£ ^^ to beg. 

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12) Themes in ibo. 

This afi&x corresponds to the Sansk. affix H^, in- 
credible as this may appear. In Sindhi ft has been elided 
and w (=: ^ hardened to b (= bb). It forms now in 
Sindhi present participles passive , though its original 
use and signification has still been preserved in the for- 
mation of the future passive; as: 

^LX^ busutibo, being choked, In£ ^^y^ to choke. 

}jd»})^ drohiboy being cheated, Inf. J>%nS to cheat. 

^xA^flfc jhalibo, being seized, In£ J^I^^ to seize. 

13) Themes in ino. 

We have in Sindhi two themes in ino, which are 
quite of different origin and signification. 

a) The affix ino, added to such verbs, as end in 
the Imperative in u, corresponds to the Sanskrit affix 
^•1, which forms attributives and appellatives; in SindliT 
the affix ana has been changed to ino; e. g.: 

^XXi halino, going, Imper. Ji. 

^ Murldno, laugbing, Imper. JT^. 

515^0. ahirkino, shying, Imper. sS'^. 

Py^ bhurino, crumbling, Imper. l^?. 

^ pinino, begging, Imper. J^. 

Some of these attributives are also used substantively, 
and as such they are also susceptible of the fem. ter- 
mination, as:] 
yi^ijfff £hinkin5, rattle, i e. that which rattles. 
}ir^ phirinS, spooling -wheel, i. e. that which turns 

^^i> dhavane, a pair of bellows, i. e. that which 
blows (the fire). 

b) The other affix ino or anq corrOTponds^ to the 

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Sanskrit affix 9p(^, by which the fatare passive par- 
ticiple is formed in Sanskrit Thus in SindhI a Genmdive 
may be derived fix)m every transitive verb by means 
of this affix, as: 

^^U marino, one who is to be beaten, Inf ^^Lt to beat 

^^ diano, what is to be given, In£ J^^ to give. 

^JUp(> dhuano, what is to be washed, In£ ^^i> to wash. 
jJJ^j rathand, what is to be taken, Inf J^^ to take. 

In the same way a gerundive is derived form causal 
verbs, as: 

yi^Cy varSind, what ought to be returned, In£ ^(^^ 

to return (act). 
^sC»i> dhuaonnd, what ought to be caused to wash, 

Inf. ^'XJ^o to cause to wasL 

Note. In Hindi and Hindustani the Genmdive oomcides 
with the Infinitive, with this difference, that the Gerundive is 
properly a masc. substantive, and therefore only a Gerund; very 
rarely the Infinitive is employed as a Gerundive proper (u e. 
future passive participle), agreebg with its govermng noun in 
gender, as' in SindhI. The Panjabl on the other hand quite 
agrees with the SindhI in this respect, using the Infinitive as a 
regular Gerundive, agreeing with the governing noun in gender, 
number and case, like an adjective. The Mara (hi forms the 
Gerun^ve by the affix ^|m (W^^ ^H^^ vrlach corresponds 
to the Sansk. affix fPIl, Prak. ffl; hi Mara{hl if has been 
elided and in its place V lengthened, as: ^!TjRT faciendus, 
ij)^|c|f dirumpendus. In a similar way the Gerundive is formed 
in GuJaratI by the affix ^J^ (= ffl) as: ^P^Rt scribendus. 
In Bangall occurs no proper formation of a Gerundive, but 
the Infinitive (in distinction from the verbal noun) is ge- 
nerally employed to express the idea of a Gerund, like in Hindi, 
as: amake Juite hai, mihi eundum est; but many original Ge- 
rundive forms are borrowed directly from the Sanskrit, as: kar- 
tavya etc., the affix aniya is also in use. 

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14) Themes in id or y6. 

The affix io or yo is used to derive perfect par- 
ticiples; it corresponds to the Sanskrit affix IT, Pra* 
krit already ?^, and frequently altogether elided, for 
which reason y or i is inserted in SindhI, to prevent 
the hiatus. 

The perfect participle of transitive verbs always 
implies a passive signification, whereas that of in- 
transitive verbs only expresses the idea of the 

In many instances the Sindhi has preserved the ori- 
ginal Sanskrit- Prakrit forms of the perfect participles, 
modified according to the laws of elision and assimilation 
current in Sindhi. 

. ^kmS pasyo (or ^J^ pasio) seen, InH J^ to see. 

^jJL^ jhalyo (or: j?l$.> jhalio) seized. Inf. JpL^ 

to seize. 
^yo mdtyo (or: 0y9 motid), returned. Inf. ^yo to 

3^5 J ditho, seen; Sansk. ^, Prak. K(Zt; Inf. J^o 

to see. 
^1 uto, said; Sansk. ^F^, Prak. T^; Inf. J^l to say. 

Note. In reference to the formaUon of the perfect participles 
(the perfect participle active in ^(7 has completely disappeared 
from the grammar of the modem vernaculars) a great Tariation 
is to be noticed in the cognate dialects. The PanjabT^ Guja- 
rat!, Hindi and Hindustani quite agree in this point with 
the SindhT, as PanJabT: ghallia, sent, Inf. ghallnS; Gujartiti: 
lakhyo, written; Hindi (Hindust.): likha (without insertion of 
euphonic i or y in the place of elided t or d), Inf. likhna. 

The MarathI differs considerably in this respect from the 
idioms mentioned; it forms the perfect participle by affixing ^5T 
to the root of the verb (with the junction vowel a or i, according 
to the intransitive or transitive signification of a verb). The 
first traces of this affix must be sought already in Prakrit; the 

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Sansk. J{ has been changed in Prakrit to the corresponding media 
7, and ihis again to ^ (d); see Lassen: Instit lingnae PrSL, 
p. 363. We have seen aLready (Introd. §• 6, 4) that ^ is fre- 
quently changed* to ^ f in the modem idioms, and this is again 
exchanged for 1; as: xi^jd^i gone, Inf. x||^^; l^tfl^ 
broken, Inf, *?t^^'. 

The Bangall coincides in this point quite with the Hindi, 
as: dekha, seen (without insertion of euphonic i or y). 

Chapter IIL 
Secondary themes. 

§. 10. 

Under this head we shall dass all those themes, 
which are derived firom other nouns by means of an 
affix. We shall pass again all those forms, which have 
been taken directly from the Sanskrit-Pralmt, and only 
treat of those formations, which are peculiar to the. 

L Formation of abstract nouns. 

Abstract nouns may be derived either from sub- 
stantives or adjectives, the affixes which the Sindhi 
uses for this purpose, agree all, more or less, with the 
primitive Sanskrit -Prakrit affixes. 

1) Themes in i. (f.) 

By the affix i a very numerous class of abstract 
nouns is formed, which, after the analogy of the Per- 
sian, may be derived from any noun. He final vowel 
is always dropped before this affix, but in other respects 
the noun undergoes no change whatever. 

The affix i corresponds to the Sanskrit affix it (n.); 
in Sindlu as weU as in the other dialects the feminine 

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form I, which is already current in Sanskrit, has alone 
been retsdned; e. g.: 

^s^ 66ri, theft, firom ^y^ Cora, thie£ 

^«xlo mandi, wickedness, from jiXJUe mando, wicked. 

^^ kami, deficiency, from J^ kame, deficient 

2) Themes in ai. (£) 

The affix ai is only a variation of the preceding 
affix; final u (= 6) and o are not dropped, as before 
the preceding affix, but changed to a (as in the other 
dialects) to keep their place; e. g.: 

^:iy, mmalai, purity, from iiji nirm^ 

^Ij^ kurai, falsity, from 3?^ kuro, false. 

Both forms are therefore frequently used indiffe- 
rently, as: 

JJ^ bhali, goodness, or: ^^'S<^ bhalSa, from jJL^ 

bhalo, good. 

3) Themes in ta and t&i. (f) 
The affix ta forms in Sindhi a very numerous class 
of abstract nouns from attributives and adjectives; the 
final vowel is always dropped and the union-vowel i in- 
serted (except when the noun ends in i). The affix ta 
corresponds to the Sanskrit affix fTT,* which, is used for 
the same purpose in Sanskrit. Besides the affix ta, the 
emphatic form with i (ta-i) is also in use; e. g.: 

(i24f ghatita, 

^liS^r ghatita, 

lif^ Jogita, fitness, from ^^ Jogu, fit. 

4) Themes in te; tl. (f.) 
The affix te, which is else only used with pri- 
mary formations, is in Sindhi also (though very rarely) 
found with secondary formations; the affix ti, which is 

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> want, from vS^^ ghate, deficient. 


also occasionally to be met with, is only a yariation of 
tc (i having been lengthened to I); as: 

c)»jll sSvate, straightnessy from ^5£JU sSo, straight. 

^gX2^ ghatiia, deficiency, fix)m v&4^ ghate, deficient 

Note. The afiSx ti is also used in HindOstanl, as: ^gZiS 

deficiency, from jUl 

5) Themes in &ne or aine. (£) 

These affixes form a numerous class of abstract 
nouns from adjectives implying colour or some other 
inherent quality. They correspond to the Sanskrit affix 
JJPP^y which forms abstract masc. nouns. In Prakrit 
the termination ^|5|^ may already be lengthened to ^ITO 
(cf. Var. V, 47); in Sindhi ^ (m) has been elided, which 
is rather uncommon, and a feminine termination sub- 
stituted for the masculine; the i of iman has been dropped 
= aro, whereas in the form aine i has been inserted 
after* a, to render the V more prominent E. g.: 

0(4^1 aihane, whiteness, from j4^t adh5, white. 

0|1X!j« vekirane, breadth, from j^Xj. vekir5, broad. 

^loj vadane, greatness, from jS^ vadd, great 

The affix ane (aine) is very often exchanged for the 
affix ai (gee 2.), and with many nouns both affixes are 

promiscuously used, as: ^lj(? or ^fji blackness. 

Note. In Hindi and Hindustani the affix ma (= ?|]RfT) 
is rarely used, and no longer as a masculine; e. g.: garima, Uy 
importance. In Gujuratl the affix Sn is used (as neuter) e. g.: 
>jlS|i!i depth, from ^i^ deep; the Maru(hl and Bangall have 
preserved Uio original Sansk. termination mS (as masc). In Pan- 
jabT, as in Gujarat!, the form an (m.) is used, as: u£an, m.^ 
height, from u£a, high. 

0) Themes in p6, pa, pal, pi; panu, pano; tanu; atu. 

These aifixes form a very numerous class of abstract 

nouns from substantives and adjectives. We can see in 

Digitized by 



this inBtance, how the Sindhi has menaged to derive 
from one and the same Sanskrit affix a whole series of 
abstract affixes, which at the first glance seem to have 
nothing in common* 

The affixes po, pa, p5I, pi are derived £ix)m the 
Sansk. abstract-affix i^ tva, which is assimilated to ^ 
(see Introd. §• 15, D, b.); £ix)m this the Sindhi has formed 
the various terminations pa, pa, pal, pL 

From the self-same affibc i^, which has become t^ 
in Prakrit (from an original r^^ and which has been 
assimilated in the Apabhransha dialect to w(i!! (see 
Lassen, p, 459, 9,) the Sindhi has derived the affixes 
panu or pano. 

From the same source has also sprung the affix 
tanu, but by a different process of assimilation, the 
semi-vowel v being assimilated to the preceding dental 
(ct §• 15, D, b.). 

Another form of assimilation is the affix atu (viz: 
tva = tta = tta = ata, the double consonant being 
cleared away by lengthening the preceding vowel), which 
is only rarely used. 

The final vowels undergo various changes before the 
accession of the above mentioned afOxes; final u is ge- 
nerally changed to V or V, with the exception of the 
fem. nouns ending in V, which preserve V (as radical) 
before all affixes; final o is either weakened to V or 
changed to 6; final i is either shortened to Y, or with 
a subsounding V to *ia', which is mostly the case before 
the heavy affixes panu, pano; final u is shortened to *u' 
with a subsounding V (= ua) before the heavy affixes 
panu, pano; long u though keeps now and then its place 
before them; before the lighter affixes p6, pa, pai, pi 
final u is shortened even to Y (for euphony's sake). Final 
short V may be lengthened to a, to distinguish the fe- 
minine themes from those ending in 'u'; but this dei)ends 
on usage. 

Digitized by 



a) final a: 
^SI^ panditapanoi m. The duty of a pandit; 

from o4^. 
i/l3)^ 6hokir&tU| m. The time of youth; 

from 1?^^ dhokarUi a boy. 
C^j vathupa; £ assiBtanoe; 
from 4^j fem. laying hold of 
h) final o: 

^^[jiSJS nandhapai, f. 

J^ft^ nandhapanu, m. 
^AAiDiXSS nandhepoi m. 

c) final I 
C^\y vShipa, £ 
^fj vahipo, m. 


Time of youth; from jj»JU3 
nandhoi smalL 

The duty of a ^t^ m. or watchman. 
Ci^Jol^ kfindhiapa, £ 

The offize of a ^Jal^ 

kandhii one who gives 
Jj^iXil? kandhiapanu, m. j a shoulder in carrying 

a corpse. 

^ifX^ mukhitanu, the duty of a ^5^^ mukhi or 


d) final u: 

>x^i; manhipS, humanity, from yj^U manhu 

•^S9.f^ , man. 

^JuA^iu manhuapano, 

jlpjl^ mirupano, bestiality, from ^jl^ miru, wild beast 

e) final a: 

^^tS^ ranapanu, widowhood, from (jjj rana, a widow. 
^>AJI^ zalapanu, womanhood, from 3l) a woman. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Note. These abstract affixes are to be met with in all thi 
cognate idioms. The Hindi and Hindust&nT use the afBxe 
pan 9 pans and pa, corresponding to the Sindhi forms panu 
pano and po. The GujarathT: pan and pana (both neut); tin 
MarathI: pan (n.) and pana (m.); the Panjubi: puijia. The Ban 
galT comes nearest to the Sanskrit in this respect, having re 
tained tlie original abstract afBz tva unaltered. 

7} Themes in karu, kar5, kara, kdre. 

Those thomos faU under our consideration in tliii 
place not so much on account of their formation, ai 
their signification, for we have here not to deal witl 
an affix, but with an adjective, used to form com 
pounds, and signifying: making, effecting. In Sindli 
the original signification of ^BR has been already ^ob 
literated, and it is now used in the same way as ai 
affix, to form a number of abstract nouns; e. g.: 

j^UCjaJ lufihikaro, uneasiness, properly: that whicl 

makes ,\'^) ludha, or being tossed about. 

jlXJj vanakaru, I wood, forest; properly: that whicl 

^lilj vanakare, j produces trees (J^j). 

riX^jL^j thadhekara, cool temperature; properly: thai 
which makes coolness (^Jc^). 

8) Themes in ko and o. 
The affix ko serves originally to derive adjectives 
and corresponds to the Sansk. affix ^; but in Sindb 
it is sometimes used (as the preceding affix ^RR) to fom 
abstract nouns; the affix 5 is identical with ko, 1 
having been elided. E. g.: 

jjCfrsJ ludhiko, uneasiness; the same as: jtlXTg^g^l 
yi^y»^ dhuryo, a duststorm; properly: that which makei 
sand (J^4>). 

Digitized by 



. §. 10. 

IL Fonnatlon of apeUatlyeo, attrfbutlyeo. and 

9) Themes in I. 

This affix, which in SindhI and the kindred idioms 
is so frequently employed, has sprang from three dif- 
ferent sources: 

a) The affix I, corresponding to the Sanskrit affix ^[^ 

This affix forms attributives and appellatives of 
various significations; the root-vowel is generally length- 
ened before the addition of this affix, i e. V becomes a; 
Yre; V : 6; e. g.: 

^jt 5thi, a camel^rider, from 4^1 uthu, cameL 

[^y^ bakiri, a seller of vegetables, from IXJ bakaru, 

^Xl^ thekiri, a seller of earthen-ware; from ^ClaS 

thekiru, eartiien-ware. 

h) The affix I, corresponding to the Sansk. affix 

This affix denotes in all the modem vernaculars 
descent or relationship. Before its addition to a 
noun a final short vowel is dropped, long fi is shortened 
to V, and 5 is changed to &. In some instances final 
short 'u' (shortened from o) is changed to a (= o) and 
thus preserved; e. g.: 

^iXLi sindl^, of Sindh, from ^jJL £ sindhu, the 

country of Sindh. 
^000 hindui, relating to a Hindu, from ^4Xl», hindu, 

a Hindu. 

v5j5l lari, 
^\p laral. 

of Lar, from jlJ m. laru, Lower Sindh. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


^^fym siral, of Siro, from j^ siro, Upper Sindli. 

c) The aflBx I, corresponding to the Sansk affix ^, 
(Nom. Sing. L) 

The SindhI afi&x i serves to form possessive nouns, 
like the Sansk. affix ^(p^; e. g.: 
^^13 duhi, complainant, from*4^l3 duha, complaint 
^; rogi, sick, from J^yrogu, sickness, 
^li mali, gardener, Sansk. ♦^iRp^t,* 
In such formations, as are peculiar to the Sindhi, 
a final short vowel may keep its place before tho 
affix i, as: 

^^Ci matal, tenacious of one's opinion or sect, from 
vaJo make opinion or religion (final V being exchanged 
for V, for euphony's sake). 

10) Themes in aL 

The affix ai is only a variation of the affix I (9, a), 
final V and 5 of such themes, as end in V and 5 being 
again changed before it to. a; nouns thus formed imply 
an occupation, habit or tendency, as: 

^uU bagai, gardener, from cAS bagu, garden. 

^L^uJ neiai, a maker of huqqah-snakes, from ^aa3 

ne£5 a huqqah-snake. 

JijkS^ jhagirai, a quarreller, from jj^i^ jhagiro, 


11) Themes in u. 

The affix ti, corresponding to the Sansk. affix ^^ 
is added to substantives, by means of which, as in the 
primary formations, apellatives and adjectives are 
derived, denoting an habitual action or state. A final 
vowel is always dropped before the addition of this affix; 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


in some noons the first Towel is lengthened at the same 
time; e. g.: 

^\i haiifl, injurions, firom ^\i haj&e, injury. 

^^yip vera, revengeful , from o. vSru; enmity, 

^^14^ Shapira, a mountaineer, from ^^4^ ^hapam, 

a range of hills. 
Ij^^ bakhiru, a man of Bakhar, from 1^ bakham^ 

a town of upper SindL 

12) Themes in &fL 

The affix m is identical with the preceding, the 
only difference being that the final vowel of the theme 
is lengthened before the affix n (fin. u = a = a). 

yASili^ dharmati, religious, from IIpo dharmu, religion. 

^lxiL& fiarmau, bashful, from, ^1a fiarmu, shame, 

13) Themes in ao. 

The affix &o is already so much corrupted, that its 
origin is scarcely recognisable; it corresponds to the 
Sanskrit affix 1T^, which forms adjectives, denoting 
^made of, consisting of.** The labial m has been 
elided in this affix as well as in the abstract affix 5*tft^, 
and a has been lengthened in compensation thereot The 
semi -vowel y has likewise disappeared, ao = ayo; the 
final Anusvara is altogether euphonic and more or less 
optional; e. g.: 

^^\\Sjjb haidrao, made of ^ Jli haidra, turmeria 

^pL^Jl^ jambhao, made of >ff3U. jambho, a kind 
of oil-seed. 

^pUp lohao, made of J>p l6hu, iron. 

14) Themes in 5. 
This affix corresponds to the Sansk. affix ^; it 

Trvmpp, Sladbl-OrauBUff. E 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


forms adjectiyes and attributiyes in the largest sense. Vhe 
final short yowel of a noun is always dropped before this 
affix, and n and i are shortened The root-yowel either 
remains unaltered or is lengthened, yiz: V to a, i to e 
and V to 6; as: 

y^i^ saglio, strong, from «^5C1 sagha, strength. 

^^ yingo, crooked, fipom J<i^ yingu, a crook. 

^aJC^ bhakud, stupid, from ^jQj bhaku, a blockhead. 

ja5* yo66, mediator, from L^ yidu, midst 

i^j%U barodo, of a Beluch, from l.j J baro£u, a Beluch. 

i^jH otho, of a camel, from ^t uthu, camel. 

pi? gao, of a cow, from ^yjS" gSu, cow. 
Iregular formations are: 

^(Jo mahyo, of a buffalo, from ..^JUyo mehe, a buffalo. 

^ytl^ saio, hundredth (per cent), from ^ sau, hundred. 

15) Themes in aru (aru), aro; alu. 

These affixes correspond to the Sansk. affix ^11^ 
(in Prakrit likewise ^!R5 cf. Var. IV, 26), which forms 
possessiye nouns. In Sindhi r and 1 are interchanged, 
and in some nouns aru has been shortened to aru. The 
root-yowel commonly remains imaltered, but in some 
nouns *u' is changed to o (L e. ^i' takes Guna); as: 

J14a^ meharu, or a buffalo keeper, from ..^JUyo mehe, 

y^/j$ meharu, buffalo. 

1^^ 65tyaru, haying a ^^ 6dtl, bundle of hair on 

the crown of the head. 

jll^o dhanaru, a herdsman, from J^o dhanu, a herd 
of cattle. 

JL^jt otharu, a cameUherd, from ^t uthu, camel. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

Jl^ jay alu, containing barley, from yL jau, barley. 


Some of these formations^ with the affix dlu or aid, 
are used in a substantive sense, their original possessive 
signification being more or less lost, as: 

Jl$^ gharyalu, 
yi^^ gharyalo, 


a Gong; literally: containing or 
expressing the hour (^}40* 

JCo £alui candlestick; literally: having a light (po). 

jj|j4^ jhuralo, cloudiness; literally: containing clouds 

IG) Themes in Iro and ilo, or: ero and eld. 

These affixes correspond to the Sansk..^ and ^]^ 
and form attributives, signifying: habit, quality or 
intensity; erd and elo have sprung from the Prakrit 
affix ilia (Var, IV, 25); e. g.: 

3«jk^ jJt4^ khandhiro, patient, from jfd^\^ khandhe, 

yX^Ss^ hathilo, obstinate, from J^ hathu, obstinacy. 
30^14^ dhavero, | 

^Jb^L^L 6h5v6lo, I ^^^^' ^"^ ^*^ *^^' "^^ 
3JU4? tharelo, of the Thar, having the custom of the 

Thar Or desert 
^JLa^ damelo, leathern, from jL^ damn, leather. 

17) Themes in iru. 

This affix corresponds to the Sansk. affix T (with 
the union -vowel i) and forms attributives and appel- 
latives as well as possessive nouns; a final vowel, short 
or long, is always dropped before the addition of this 
affix; e. g.: 

l^iXH sandhiru, a house-breaker, from j^oSZi sandhe, 

a hole in a vralL 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


!jL^ jhatira, a peeper, from ^l^^ ihSAJij looking 

through a hole. 
Ltf-jAfff^ ihunbhiru, a rebuker, from ,g:^jiff^ ihim- 

bha, rebuke. 
Ixi^ jhapiruy one who snatches, fix>m ^a^ jhapo, 

a snatch. 
llu petiru, a glutton, from v2aa^ p§tu, belly, 
l^j vihiru, poisonous, from J^^ t poison. 

18) Themes in atu and alu. 

This affix has sprung from the Sanskrit a£Bx ITi^ 
by elision of 'T; in some nouns V has been lengthened, 
to compensate for the elision of m; it forms possessive 
nouns, just as in Sanskrit; e. g.: 

oJj4^ bharyatu, a porter, from ^5^ bhari, a man's 


^^^)H porhiatu, a labourer, from }^)}i porhio, labour. 

\a[jJa<> dianyatu, a debtor, from ^o 4^^9 ^ d^^^* 

19) Themes in eto (ito). 

The Sindhi ai&c eto corresponds to the Sansk. af&x 
I5T, denoting "to be provided with**, to possess as one's 
own. The short i of the San^k. affix has in Sindhi been 
produced to e, on account of the accent; the final vowel 
is always dropped before this affix; e. g.: 

^Jb putreto, having a son, from ISj patru, son. 

^XaI^o dhieto, having a daughter, from ^o dhia, 

^aaS^ joeto, having a wife, from «.^ Joe, wife. 

y^i^ bhaito, having a brother, from iLgj bhau, 


Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


20) Themes in ftito. 

This affix is identical with the preceding in de« 
rivation and signification, the only difiSsrence being that 
final 5| V and V are changed before it to &, as: 

^tjt^ varaitOi adj., at the right tune, from j^t^ 

yaroy time. 
^14^ sajhaito, adj., opportune, from 4^ sajhu^ 

^Gl^ vataitd, having a road, from ^\y vita, a road. 

21) Themes in ru and lu. 

a) The affix ru corresponds to the Sansk. diminutive 
affix T) and is affixed to adjectives and participles present, 
with some slight variation of the original meaning; when 
added to adjectives the root-vowel is now and then 
lengthened. Final V and o are changed to V before tho 
addition of this affix; i remains unaltered. 

4jL4r khabaru, left-handed, from y^ khabo, left 

lL[li sajaru, right-handed, from ^\JL sajo, right 

jJL4^ khasaru, sterile, from Jl^^ khasu, not frdly 

3|A^lf kadhiro, of the province of Kadh, from ^54^(^9 

a K&SirL 
jjo^JO likhandaru, a writer, from jjgjjQ part prea. 

h) The affix lu is identical with the affix ru (r [r] 
= 1) and turns preterite participles into simple adjectives; 
it is seldom found with adjectives, the signification of 
which it does not change materially. 

ji^ vialu, lost, from pj vio, gone, lost 
Jl^o dithalu, seen, from 5450 ditho, seen. 

Digitized by 



Jf^ visuraln, simple -minded, from ^^y^^ visuro, 


Similarly in Prakrit the affix r or 1 (dimin.) is 
added to nouns and adjectives, without essentially al- 
tering their signification (cf. Varar. IV, 26), as Sansk. 
f^^if^ lightening, Prak. f^l|[^or f^^ofl; tHtT yellow, 
Ptak. ifV^ or: XJ^^RJ. 

The same affix ^ we. notice in the Mara^hT, 
where it is added to preterite participles to turn them 
into real adjectives, as: x||^^^| gone (from t(|^^|); 
^f^^^F broken (from l^t^^^); the same holds good 
in GujarutI, as: ^%^, written (Adj.) (from ^5^t); 

22) Themes in iryo. 

The affix iryo is originally compounded of the di- 
minutive affix T (= r) and the adjectival affix yo (1); 
it forms adjectives and attributives denoting inclination 
or hesitation; e. g.: 

fA^oS0 sadhiryo, half-wishing; literaUy: being some- 

. what disposed to wisL 

Hhf^ ghoriryo, a pedlar; L e. one who is inclined 

to seek out. 
^jwu periryo, a walker; literally: disposed to travel 

Hji^ji P&ramatiryo, easily persuaded; literally: dis- 
posed to take another's counsel 

23) Themes in aku and &ku. 

These Unadi-affixes, which else only occur with 
primary themes, are in Sindhi also used (but very ra- 
rely) in secondary formations, as: 

oHJaa^ jheraku, 
/l^A^ jheraku. 

quarrelsome, from jVsfs^ jhero, 

Digitized by 



24) Themes in iko. 

This' affix corresponds to the Sansk. affix ^ (in 
SindhI with the addition of the union-vowel i) and forms 
adjectives, denoting relation, quality etc. A final 
vowel, short or long, is dropped before thifi affix; final 
u alone is shortened to V and takes the union- vowel V 
instead of 'i'; e. g.: 

^Ul^ vapariko, mercantile, from jCl^ vaparu, trade. 

^J^ vaniko, relating to a jxit^ vSnyo or shopkeeper. 

jf^[i harikd, relating to a ^^U hari or peasant 

^l^ miruako, brutal, from ^^U mini, a wild beast. 

25) Themes in 165 or e6o. 

These affixes have sprung frt)m the Sansk. affix ?^ 
and form adjectives denoting descent or origin. In 
Sindhi T has been lengthened to I or even to e, and the 
guttural k has been exchanged for the palatal 6. The 
final vowel, short or long, is always cast off before these 
affixes; e. g.: 

fS\jiSjf gothedo, of the same village, from ^^ go- 
thu, village. 

>^J^ pareid, of the same quarter, from ^jlJ paro^ 

>5^;^ pare66, of the opposite side, from ^l| adv., op- 

y-^ji) verhifio, of the jungle, from ^ji^ verhe, jungle. 

26) Themes in oko. 

This affix, which is added only to nouns or ad- 
verbs, denoting time, is identical with the affix ^; the 
union-vowel o is peculiar and not to be met with else- 
where; every final vowel, short or long, is dropped be- 
fore it; e. g.: 

Digitized by 



s^jjtkr varehoko, yearly, from Jkj varehu, year. 

^5^tr ratoko, nightly, from ^t^ r&te, idght 

^5^1^ hunoko, recent, from ^l^ hane, now. adj. 

jfy^^ kalhoko, of yestef (day or night), from J^}f 
kalha, yesterday, adv. 

^ J paroko, of last year, from Ij (fem.) last year. 

A few other adjectives are formed by the same 
affix, with the further difference, that the root-vowel 
is lengthened, as: 

^^d^l^ dandroko, moonlight, from jJuu. dandru, 

27) Themes in and (ana, ino), aniko. 

This affix corresponds to the Sansk. affix ^, and 
forms adjectives denoting relation or descent It is 
remarkable, that the original union -vowel ^i* has been 
dislodged in Sindhi and a substituted in its place (com- 
pare with this such Latin forms, as: romanus, afri- 
canus). The adjectives, formed by the affix ano may 
moreover add the affix ko (with the union vowel ^i'), 
so that we thus have adjectives with a double af&x, 
which do not materially differ from the simple forms 
in ano; e. g.: 

^IJ^ corano, 

3X35]^ doranikd, I ^^ * *^*^' ^"^ ;>^ ^'^' ^'""^ 

jiU. lu£ano, rascally, from jJ. Iu6d, rascal 

jjIa»^ dhiano, of a daughter, from ^o dhia, daughter. 

^b^ miruano, of a vrild beast, from ^^Ia miru, wild 

^1^14^ bhayano, of a partner, from ^14^ bhai, 


Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


In a few nouns a short root-vowel is lengthened, as: 
^CJLil^ dandrfind, ,«, 

J,f:^U eandranu, • ^^^^^^^ ^^ )^ ^^ 
^/^ ^ . . » moon. 

p^JbU* dondrind, 

28) Themes in uno (uniko). 

a) This affix is identical vdth the preceding, but 
the union-vowel has been exchanged for ti; in signification 
there is no difference; e. g.: 

^j4^ sethuno, of a Seth, from ^^j^^ sethe, a whole- 
sale merchant, 
^yft^ vatuno, oral, from ^^ yata, mouth. 
^^ aguno, preceding, from S\ agn, front 

^^1? kalhuno, of yester ( — day or night), fix)m J^\i 
kalha, yesterday. 

To the affix uno the affix ko (ikd) may be super- 
added, without altering the signification in any way, as: 

yi^^\ aguniko, the same as: ^^\ aguno. 

&) There is another affibc un5, which it joined to 
numerals, identical in form with the preceding, but 
of different origin. - It is derived fix>m the Sansk. noun 
THSJ (quality), with elision of g in Sindhi and pro- 
longation of u. In Panjabi both forms, guna and una, 
are in use, so that there cannot remain any doubt about 
its derivation.^) It forms adjectives from numerals, 
signifying: having such a quality, or: manifold, as: 

^i^xjD hekuno, single (having a single, quality), firom 

JCjd heku, one. 
^^kxS panjuno, quintuple, from ^ panja, five. 
^^ sauno, hundredfold, fix)m ^ sau, hundred. 

1) Compare also the Persian ftiu^ as: ft^u^O twofold etc 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


29) Themes in ftnt 

This affix, corresponding to the Sansk. affix ^|j|f^ 
forms patronymics or nouns denoting descent; the short 
final T of the Sajosk. affix has been lengthened in Sindhi, 
as in other similar noons. A final short vowel is dropped 
before this affix, likewise 5; final I is changed to y (= i) 
and n is shortened; e. g.: 

^gifSyHl^ malhnudani, son or descendant of ^^ 


^^G J aryani, son of ^g^T ari. 

^Uol aduani, son of ^oT adu. 
^1>IS bagani, son of jAS bago. 

30) Themes in In5. 

This affix corresponds to the Sansk. affix f];;^ and 
forms adjectives denoting relation or descent; as: 
j IaXH sanind, affianced, from J^ sanu, connexion 

by marriage, 
y^^j vasino, subjected, from JLj, power. 

31) Themes in S,tho. 

This affix coincides with the Sansk. affix W? (with 
transition of t into^th); it forms possessive nouns, as in 
Sanskrit; e. g.: 

j^SUil^ panyatho, damp (containing water), from ^(J 

panl, water. 

^C4^ £habarathd, containing CX^^ dhabaru, a kind 
of grass. 

32) Themes in aso (asu). 
This affix, corresponding to the Sansk. affix ^i 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


fonns adjectives, denoting '*to Ije full of*, to be pro- 
vided witix''; as anion-vowel a has been inserted; as: 

^1^15 vSxyaadi sandy, from ^^5 vaif, sand. 
^^^ mavasu, full of pride, from yi man, prida 

33) Themes in haru or haro. 

This affix is in Sindlu and in the cognate dialects 
add6d to verbal nouns (L e. the Infiiutive); it forms a 
kind of participle,, which is commonly used as a sub- 
stantive noun. In Mar&thl it forms the participle 
futHre, as it implies at the same time the notion of some 
future act or state; in Sindhl too it is now and then 
used in a future sensa It is to be noted though, that 
the Marathi affix is not WR9 as commonly shown in 
Marathi grammairs, but ^di a like mistake is generally 
to be met with in Gujarat! grammars, where it is stated 
to bo 3TR, In Marathi and Gujarat! the form of the 
affix is clearly enough W^, corresponding to the Sansk. 
adjective ^5K, making, doing, with elision of ^. In 
Sindhl, Hind! and Faujab! it is har, which form is to 
be explained in this way, that initial ^ has been ori- 
ginally aspirated by tiie following T. (which is very 
frequently the case in Sindlu), and then elided, leaving 
li (see Introd. §. 8). In Sindh! the form haru, haro, is 
only added to the Infinitive, in other themes the original 
form karu has been retained unaltered; a g.: 

jl4l^Y^ siijanaharu, the creator, In£ J^C^ to creata 

^IglgXj likhanaharu, a writer, or one, who is about 

to write; In£ J^4^ ^ write. 

34) Themes in karu, karu. 

The original adjective form karu (in Sindhl also 
shortened karu) is also (but rarely) in use; it forms ad- 
jectives and attributives from substantives; as union- 
vowel a is inserted: 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 


)^^ jherakSra, 
Ifliup^ jherakara, 

quarrelsome, cansmg quarrel, 
fix)m jW^ j^Sro, quarreL 

35) Themes in vanu. 

The Sindhi has preserved in this afiBx the Kohl 
Sing, of the Sansk. afiBx '^fij^ (= van), and discarded 
the Prakrit form cp^; the same is the case in the 
cognate dialects, with the exception of the Gujarat!, 
vrhich uses the termination "S[ff^^ It forms adjectives, 
implying possession; e. g.: 

J^I^Go dayavanu, compassionate., from \SS daya, com- 

J^I^IX^ vijavanu, learned, from {Ly vija, learning. 
J^lpL^ stlavanu, virtuous, from JL^ silu, virtue. 

36) Themes in varo. 

This is one of the most useful affixes of the 
modern vernaculars; it may be joined to any verbal noun 
or substantive, and denotes an owner or actor; this 
affix is most extensively used in Hindust&ni (vala), where' 
it is used as a substitute for different formations. It 
corresponds to the Sansk. a£Gx '^<^, from which it has 
been derived by lengthening the root-voweL It is to 
be observed, that j^lj must be joined to the formative 
or oblique case of. a noun. 

3^'5/i^ gharavarS, owner of a house, from 1^ gharu, 

h^jir^ gharanevaro, owner of houses. 
^0^^ dianavaro, a giver, In£ J^io dianu, to give. 
3;'r^5 vidavaro, mediator, from Ly vidu, midst, 
jjpl^jju beriavaro, boatman, from qjUj beri, boat 

Digitized by 



37) Themes in yo. 

The affix 70, corresponding to fhe Sonsk. afiSz ^, 
fonps adjectives from substantives, as: 

jj^ bhagyo, fortunate, from Jl^ bhSgu, fortune; 

^^y vikevikhyo, a grumbling person, from J^ 

vikevike, grumbling. 
yi^ joyo, efifeminate, frt)m %y^ (»j\) joe, wife. 

Chapter lY. 
Formation of Diminutives. 

§. 11. 

The Sindh! evinces a great fietcility in forming dif- 
ferent kinds of Diminutives; it surpasses in this re- 
spect all the kindred dialects, being able to derive di- 
minutives from any substantive, adjective or even par- 
ticiple. ' 

The one method, to express the idea of a' diminu- 
tive, is, to substitute the feminine termination for the 
masculine, the feminine expressing generally: small - 

ness, littleness, nicety, as: ^^ katu, m. a large 

knife, ^^ kata, fem. a small knife (c£ §. 5, VI, 2, c). 

An old diminutive formation has been preserved 
m a few straggling words, ending in otru (otro) or otu 
(otd); the same formation is still current in the FaSto (otai, 
utai), where diminutives are regularly derived by means 
of this afi&x. The origin of this diminutive affix is 
rather uncertain; e. g. Sindhi: 

^^G bahoti, a small fire, from j^ bahe, fire; 

;SftLl jamotru, the headman of a village (literally: a 

Digitized by 



littlo fXL Jamu or Jam, prince); ^^^ cUati, a small 

light, from po £d, an oil-Iighi 

Besides these formations the Sindhi uses for tlie 
purpose of forming diminutives proper two affixes, 
which are originally identical; viz.: ero (= ro, the union- 
vowel Y having been produced to e, on account of the 
accent), which is added to adjectives only, and ro, 
which is promiscuously joined to adjectives and sub- 
stantives. Both these affixes correspond to the Sanskrit 
diminutive affix T. r, from which the Sindhi, after its 
own peculiar method, has menaged to form two separate 
diminutive affixes. The other diminutive affix of the 
Sanskrit, ^ k, is not in use in Sindhi, but is so in 
Hindi, MarathI and Panjabi 

1) The affix ero. 
This deminutive affix is, as noted already, added 
to adjectives only and implies: somewhat more or 
less (as the case may be), rather, very; e. g.: 

jwL^o drighero, somewhat long, adj. }4^sS drigho, 

}yi)}^ thorero, rather little, adj. ^s^ thorp, little. 

^j^^ ghatero, rather deficient, adj. e^^ ghate, 

2) The termination ro, fem. rL 

This diminutive afGbc is joined to substantives and 
a^ectives, even to such, as have already received the 
affix ero; it denotes smallness, littleness, deficiency, 
tenderness or contempt. In order to point out more 
effectually the idea of the diminutive, the feminine ter- 
mination ri may be chosen, instead of the masculine. 
The Sindhi poets use the diminutives with great taste 
and delicacy, and know to give different shades to their 
pictures by their proper application. The final vowels 

Digitized by 



undergo the following dianges before the addition of 
the affix ro (ri): 

1) Final u (m.) is changed to V or Y, with the ex* 
ception of fein. nouns ending in V, wich remain 

2) In the same way final o is changed to V or T. 

3) Final V remains unaltered. 

4) Final Y remains unaltered or passes (for euphony's 
sake) into V. 

5) Final i and u are shortened with a subsounding 
V (as union-vowel). 

Final V. 

jS^jJ^ pandharo, a short joumeji from J»ja^ pandhu, 

^^ hatirl, a small shop, from iSoS hatu, shop. 

j^JJa. jinduroy short life, from JuL^ jindn, life, feuL 
^glLy vijuri, a small flash of lightening, from ^^ 
"viju, feuL, lightening. 

Final 6. 
^yjjf hiaro heart (endearing); from ^jjj» hlo, heart 
3jJI^ bholird, a small monkey, from jjf^ bholo, 

3;;>^ thoriro, 
3j^^^ thoreriro. 

very little, from ^^y^ thoro, little, 
extremely little. 

Final V. 

{^jjJ^f> dhiari, a little daughter, from ^o dhia, 


Final Y. 

qjj^S'f akhiri, a small eye, l2X)m ^1 akhe, eye. 
^5j4^li* galhari, a short word, from ^if* gSlhe, word. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Final I and u. 
3U0jJu mandhiaro, a small churning staff, from ^oJue 

mandhi, a churning staff, • 
i^y^ bhatuan, a smaU scorpion, from yt^ bhatfi, 

a scorpion. 

Chapter Y. 
Compound nouns. 

§. 12. 

L NoxmB compounded with a preceding particle. 

1) Nouns compounded with the negative par- 
ticles a, ana, na, nir, ni, ma. 

All these negative particles are of Sanskrit origin 
and used in the same way and in the same sense, as in 
the Sanskrit The negative particle V is only used with 
adjectives, ana chiefly with participles and Gerundives, 
rarely with adjectives; na with adjectives, and the shor- 
tened form nti with Gerundives and participial adjectives; 
nir and ni (with assimilated r), only with adjectives 
(and abstracts, derived from adjectives). We have not 
mentioned expressly the negative particle dur (^), which 
belongs to the same class, as it occurs in such formations 
only, as are borrowed directly from the Sanskrit and 
have already passed through the process of assimilation, 

usual in Sindhi, as: Jl^o dukalu, famine, Sansk. ^^«niv 
(see Introd. §. 16, B). For the sake of a general survey 
we have summed up here all the negative prefixes, 
though the nouns compounded with them belong to 
the subsequent classes of compounds, as far as their com- 
position is concerned. 

Digitized by 




Prefix a: ou^t a^ta, thonghtleBB; thence, 
^liu^f ac§t5I, 

Prefix ana: ^il^ anathiano, impossible. 

jg^'it anapudho, onaskecL 
^Ll^jf anavesSlidi nnbelieying. 
^LLjJI anavesahi, s. £, unbeKet 

Prefix n&: j^l^li naldu^, useless. 
^S^^ n&HmOy nnwelL 
^\£1L\J nadanai, illness. 

Prefix n&: ^JaaxT nathiano, impossible. 

^^il^jcS nathiani, impossibility. 

^240 na^iatu, profitless. 
Prefix ma: ^Jc^^ madhadtii not giving up. 
y^Sd makhatu, profitless. 
Prefix nir and ni: ^31^ nir-dal| unfeeling, Sansk. Pi^h. 

JmO nir-asu/ hopeless y Sansk. M<|UJ« 

pQ^jj ni-dhanikoy masterless (^gliS). 

j^Sli ni-putrO| sonless (ISj). 

2) Nouns compounded with the privative particles 
r5, vdthout, and be, without 

The privative particle re, which is also used as a 
preposition, and as such always requires the For- 
mative (oblique case), is derived firom the Sanskrit pre- 

Trnmpp, Slndbl-OrMunar. V 

Digitized by 



position ^[^ (Prfikrit f^ = 'ftjT and contracted \ 
re) without, excepted; be is borrowed fix)m the 
Persian and corresponds originally to the Sansk. prefix 
f^. These prefixes are in Arabic writing generally 
written separately and not joined to the noun, as: 

re: y^ ^s re-kam5, useless. 

^Ij v5; re-panyo, waterless. 

^ ^. re-dayo, untractable. 

be: y^CZi ^ be-sagho, powerless. 
y^.i iS^ be-dino, irreligious, 
jji ^ be-lajo, shameless. 

3) Nouns compounded with the particles of qua- 
lification su, well, ku, badly, and ava (au), away, from. 

su: jUu# suk&lu, good time = cheapness. 
owA^ su£etu, attentive. 
^%amv supri, good fidend = sweetheart. 

ku: owA$^ kupate, dishonesty. 
^aXa^ kupatyo, dishonest. 
iU^ kuniyau, bad justice = oppression. 

jJa»<M kudhangd, ill-bred. 

ava (au): J^^l avagunu 1 ^^ 
J^f augunu, J 

py autaru, 

4) Nouns compounded with the possessive particle 
sa (shortened from the Sansk B^, implying "with"*, 
"provided with". 

yX^jJ^ saphalo, fruitfuL 

Digitized by VjOOQIC • 


><»jf'^ saBojIio, intelligent, 
^y^' saputro, having a son. 

IL Notms eoxnpoimded with a substaiittT^t a^JMtlTe 

or nnmeraL 

The SindhI generally follows in the formation of its 
compound nouns the rules of the Sanskrit, though the 
compounds cannot be formed in SindhI in the same un- 
limited number, as in Sanskrit, the want of case-in- 
flexions offering an essential obstacle. No compound 
can be formed fix>m more than two nouns, a noun com- 
pounded of three words is a linguistic impossibility 
in Sindlu, as in such a compound all idea of coor- 
dination or subordination would be completely lost We 
shall consider the compounds current in Sindhi under 
the received Sanskrit appellations. 

1) So-caUed Tatpurufia compounds, or conjunction 
of two nouns, of which the former stands in u case- 
relation with the latter. 

These compounds are rarely used in common con- 
versation, but more extensively in poStical compositions* 
The fomier of the two nouns, which is dependent on 
the latter, must consequently be placed in the For- 
mative, to express thereby its grammatical dependency. 
In reference to the method of writing these compounds 
there is no fixed rule; some of them, in which the idea 
of unity prevails so much, that they are considered as 
one word, are joined in writing accordingly; others 
again, in which the conjunction is more loose, are written 
separately; e. g.: 

ilj iSf utara-vau, north-wind. 

^^(> Z^ ghara-dhani, master of the house. 

^^^ (S^ mathe-kh&u, torturer, literally: eating 
one's head. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


jS\Sj Jy^o desa mkald, banishment. 

3 jlS ^IT karane-trutro; a lazy fellow; literally: broken 
of hands, 

9r€^ a^i P^ bharu, selfish; literally: filling oneself. 
A peculiar kind of compound is formed by an ad- 
jective joined to a substantive, which by the addition 
of the affix varo (see §• 10, 3, b) is turned again into 
a possessive noun; the adjective must in this case agree 
-with its substantive in gender, number and case. Such 
compounds are, as far as their signification is concerned, 
Bahuvrihis, but according to their composition Tat- 
puruiSas; for the latter reason we have inserted them 
in this place; as: 

^j\^^& ^ bie desavaro, a foreigner (a man of another 

j^^ll ^^4Xi tikhia-surtevaro, a man of sharp under- 

h^TH (5^^ ^^^ pahavaro, a man of good counsel. 
More poetical are compounds like: 

litfS J<> ^Oy vadia dile data, a munificent giver (a 
giver of a great heart). 

2) So-called Dvandvas, or aggregation of nouns. 

In the sense oT the Sanskrit Grammar there are no 
Dvandvas in SindhL Two nouns are frequently joined 
in Sindhi, expressing one common idea, but gramma- 
tically they are treated as two separate words. In 
Sindhi, as well as in the other cognate dialects, two 
nouns are frequently joined together, of which the latter 
is without a proper meaning, and only added to r^der 
the sound more full; these compounds are called alli- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


^4*5 vathu piqu, £, hurry; literally: taking (4^) 

^JL^^ ^3C^ 6an6 bhaloi very good; very welL 

vE^ eJo mata sata, exchange {f&Ji and f&JLy both sig* 
nilying e^chan^e). 

j»<>5 v&4^ ghate vadhe, less or more. 

^ ^4^ jhuru phuni, rainy weather (^4^ cloudiness; 

}ii drop). 
«1h^ L^ ftj^ subafiSy in a day or two; literally: to- 

day, to-morrow. 
JLa JC» baka fiaka, prattle; JC^ talkingi chatting^ 

dUl being a meaningless alliteration. 

But more frequently than by aggregation the Sin* 
dhl joins two nouns by inserting the Persian copula o 
(frequently nasalized = 6); the final vowel of the pre* 
ceding noun is dropped before it and both words are 
joined into one and written accordingly; in some in- 
stances though the final vowel of the preceding noun 
keeps its place before o. These compounds are Dvandvas 
in a grammatical sense, only the latter noun being 
subject to the laws of inflexion. 

^I^^^tJ ratodSxu, night and day. 

Jb(XH^(Xli handhohandhu, every place. 
^\^\yi3\^ rate-6-rate, every night; night by night 

Jj J paropare, kind by kind = every kind. 

The conjunction may also be effected by the Per-* 
sian copulative particle a, in the same way as by o; 
this a too is very frequently nasalized in Sindhi = a; 
the final vowel of the preceding word always disappears 
before a or a; as: 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


^^^t^ mnkhamukhl, meeting; literally: t6te-ii-tdte^ 
jJLyoLfCo mukhamelo; assembly; literally: £eice and 

yiy^^yit) veravera^ adv., always; literally: time and time. 

3) So-called Karmadh&rayas, or descriptive com- 

The Sindhi is now too simple, to admit of new com-^ 
pounds of this kind; the common rule is, as in the 
other dialects, that the adjective precedes its substantive 
and agrees with the same in gender, number and case. 
Some remnants however of original Karmadharaya com- 
pounds have been preserved in SindM, and what is still 
more remarkable, the Sindhi has fbrmed some similar 
compounds out of its own resources, in which the ad- 
jective is joined to the substantive in its original (else 
not occurring) crude state. It is to be noted, that all 
compounds of this description are written in one word; 
e. g.: 

,^14^ mahajanu, a great merchant, Sansk. ♦(^l^H. 
G^* '»«1'»^°. I » great prinee. 

y 14^05 vadakhau, a glutton (great eatet). 
3-4^^4^ ghanagliuro, well-wishing. 
jj4^C^ mathaghurd, ill-wishing. 
«4^JlJcG paramSirthu, benevolence. 
3^yiZ paraloku, the other world. 

4) So-called Dvigus, or collective compounds. 

This class of compounds, which is formed by a pre- 
ceding numeral, is in frequent use in Sindhi; e. g.: 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


^4ff^ bipaharli midday; oomponnded of ^ Bl, two 

and ifyi^Y a watch of three hours. 

L^ bihare, a pair of water whef^ls. 

yJji^ dauxn&sd, a space of four months = the rainy 

^y^ iauv&tdy a place, where four roads meet; li- 
terally: having four roads. 

^llla^j panjasnani, washing of the five parts of the 

body {= head, two hands, two feet). 

^^UIpX barahSmasl, a year = a twelvemonth. 

5) The so-called Bahuvrlhis, or relative com- 

This.cla^s of compounds, denoting posssession or 
relation, which again comprises all the four preceding 
classes, by changing them into adjectives, is still very 
numerous in Sindhi; for either original Bahuvrihi com- 
pounds are borrowed directly fix)m the Sanskrit, or new 
compounds are formed according to the same principles, 
which are laid down in Sanskrit The final noun re- 
ceives generally the adjectival affix 6 (see §. 10; 14); 
in such compounds, as are taken directly from the Per- 
sian, the final noun may remain unchanged, its relative 
signification having been fixed already in Persian. 

a) Bahuvrihi formations from Tatpuruia 

pl}3s rata-varano, having the colour of blood. 

j^I^^^ matha-muho, haughty; firom ^^^ top, and ^ 

(= ,^) mouth. 

V5^j^. petarthl, glutton; fJpom vLv^ petu, belly, and 

^^Jf arthi, having an object; having the belly for 
one^s object 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


h) Bahuvrlhi formations from Earmadh&raya 

^)&) Yadav&td) loquacious; literally: having a big 

yfd^f ghana-bigd, having much seed. 
yli^y^^ thora-vSramOi having little delay = quick. 
JjiLo sfifu-dile, having a pure heart; Fers. 
iJlS^yL xuS-xialu, joyful; Pers. 

c) Bahuvrihi formations from Dvigu compounds. 
3^3;^ daudaro, having four doors. 

jJiij bimanoi containing two maunds. 

^jbUl^^lf barahSmaho, yearly = containing twelve 

d) Bahuvrihi formations, from such compounds, 

as are preceded by an adverb or prefix. 

u £a1 saputrd, having a son. 
^>jjf sudetu, attentive. 

^aX^ kumatyO) dishonest. 

' Chapter TL 
Oender of nouns* 

§. 13. 

It has been stated already, that the Sindh! has lost 
the Neuter, most of the original neuter nouns having 
assumed a masculine, a less number the feminine ter- 
mination. The gender of a Sindhi noun is easily re- 
cognizable, as every noun must end in a vowel; some 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


terminations admit of no exceptions, others are common 
to both masculine and feminine nonns. 

The termination 5 is masculine ^thout any ex- 
ception; the termination & is feminine without any ex- 
ception; all the other terminations contain more or less 

1) The termination V. 

The termination V is, according to its origin, ge- 
nerally masculine; but as original Sanskrit -Prakrit 
themes, ending in *u' and being of the feminine gender, 
have been mixed up with it, a number of nouns have 
retained the feminine gender. In some of them an ori- 
ginal feminine termination has been dropped and V sub- 
stituted in its place, whereas the gender of the noun 
has been preserved; in others again no reason can be 
detected, why they have been treated as feminines in 
Sindhi, the masculine gender having been retained in the 
cognate dialects; some few of them are of unknown 
origin, on which we cannot venture any conjecture. 

As a general rule we may state, that, abstracted 
from the termination, all nouns are feminine, which 

imply a female being, as: iU mau, mother; ^<> dhiu, 
daughter; 4^ nuhu, daughter-in-law; J*l sasu, mother- 
in-law; JyKAj bhenu, sister; ^IfjJ^o dhenu, milk -cow; 
^^ gSu, cow; with some of them the feminine 
termination V is also in use, as: ^<> dhia, ^ nuha, 
0JUAJ bhena. 

The following is a list of nouns ending in V, which 
are feminine: 

' f aju, f., to-day; Sansk. ^TO, adv., Hindi W5^, adv^ 

^f ansu, £, offspring; Sansk. ^nE?, nu; Hindi ^i^, m. 

Juf angu, or: J^\ anghu, f., a rent, tear; origin 

Digitized by 



yTau, £, diiny excrement » origin unknown. 

lis Babura, f., the acacia tree; Sansk. ^C^^ nu Hindi 

^Ij barkhu, f., shortened fix)m ^a^Z barkhata, bles- 
sing (Arab. ^sJCS; in SindhI k has been aspirated 
by the influence of r) pronounced as a good omen 
in beginning to count = one. 

iXL bindUi f., semen virile; Sansk. T^F^ m., Hindi 

JLf? bhasu, f., ashes; Sansk. ^i^^^, n.; Hindi HT^^ m. 

1^ paru, £, last year; Sansk. H^cf^, adv. 

^yl puna-u, f., the day of the full moon; also ^^ 

puna-e; Sansk. H«|fj^, n. 
iAi takuy £, a leathern vessel; origin unknown. 
SjS tandu, f., thread, wire; Sansk. Tn^, m.; Hindi 

I4? tharUi £| cream; origin unknown. 

U^ thaduy £, woman's milk; Sansk. ^fS^^ m.; Hindi 

^, m. 
Jp traku, £, the spindle of a spinning wheel; Sansk* 

ffli; in Sindhi r has been pushed forward, to keep 

its place the -more easily in conjunction with the 

cerebral; see Introd. §. 15, B, a. 

li jam, £, leech, afterbirth. Two words have been 

apparently melted into one. IL leech, corresponds 

to the Hindustani J\ zalu (properly Persian), which 
has sprung from the Sanskrit ^|^ch|; the final syl- 
lable ka has, as elsewhere, been cast off, but the 

original gender retained. IL afterbirth, has been 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


shortened from the Sansk. ^n^, hl, HindtLBtani 
ui^ jer (Greek: yffia4). In ffindustanl the gender 

of uu^ seems to be doubtful, for Shakespear is 

silent about it; in Hindi it is considered masculine 
(Thompson, Hin^ Dictionary). 

JJd. jindu, £, life; borrowed fix>m the Panj&bi, where 
it is likewise fem« 

^ Ja-u, £, sealing-wax; origin unknown. 

^I45yf^ jaukharu, f., a salt, used in medicine; com- 
pounded of ^ barley, and JLJi^, which see. 

jL4^jhiIu, f., name of a plant (Indigofera paudflora); 
origin unknown. 

v^ iupu, f., or: «1^ £ipu, silence; taken firom the 
Hindi, in which it is fem. 

jL^ £ilu, f., name of a vegetable; origin unknown. 

yL iaru, £, a jeweller's weight; origin unknown. 

^l^ iharu, f., ashes; originally identical with JL^ 
Sansk. ^^^ 

i^ £hilu, f., bark, peel; Sansk. 1S[% or ^T^; the 
original fem. termination i (!) has been lost in this 
noun, but the gender retained; besides J,4^ the 
form JcA^ is also in use. 

U^ ilzu, £, thing; taken from the Hindustani (Per- 
sian) where it is fem. 

^[if> dhatu, £, root; metal. Sansk. ^TT^, m.; Hindi 
^nr|[ or Vfl^y m., but used as fem. in the sense of 
semen virile. 

j»S^ 4^hu, f., ringvoim; Sansk. ^, m.; HincU 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


yJL eomrVi, fenui autamn, Sansk. ^QT^, fem.| Hindi 
^5T]^, fern. 

J^OjS^ Bugandlia, £ (occasionally also masc), perfume, 
Sansk. Ui|«^i m., Hin^ U<H«^) t^ 

J»iXLi sindhu, f., the country of Sindh; the Indus; 

Sansk. f^I^, m.; Hindi f^P^ or /fe^, m. 
ev^ katuy f., rust (occasionally also m.); origin unknown. 
J«*r kasu, £, verdigris; origin unknown. 
JL^ kharuy £, potash; Sansk. ^BPT^ m., n.; Hindi 

^^R, m. 

k^ kharu, £ (also masc.)| oil-cake, Hindi ^^, £, 
Sansk« ^^, n. 

!jl|5^ khandru, £, sugar, Sansk. ^IRIS, m.; Hindi 

^T|5i m. 
1^ garu, £, the mange; Sansk. ^^^9 ^* 
If* garu, £, the pulp of any fruit; Sansk. Th, m. 
Ly gtimu, £, name of a wild grass; origin unknown. 
^^^ gSu, £, cow; Sansk. ^, £; Hindi TIT^ ^ 

or jf^, 

jj limu, £ The nimb tree; the same as jU, which see. 

^yjj lau, £, devotion, love; Sansk. ^^, m.; Hindi 

^R, £ ' 

li maru, £, cerumen; Sansk. T|^, n.; Hindi ^^, £ 

J«yo masu, £, ink; Sansk. Tm?, £; Hindi *|ft? or TR^. 

JjSio mikhu, ^^^ 

, " .^ > £, marrow;- Sansk. «i^i, Hindi T(^ £ 

^ mum, J 

JuU mailu, £, dirt; see Lt, with which it is identical 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



1^ Bizna, £i the nimb tree; Sansk. Pft^«n, m.; Hindi 

14^ nahathanii £, whitlow, frqm 4^ nahu, nail and 

l^^, which Bee, 

^j vathuy £9 thing; Sansk. ^f^, n.; Hindi ^T^, £ 

^y vathu, £, seizure; Sansk* ^[m (election); the as- 
piration of th has been effected by r. 

\ vyu, £, lightening; Sansk fN"^, £, PrSk. fNfS^, £ 

^r^ vira-Uy £, allowance, ration; Sansk. <in^, n., sti- 
pulated pay. 

^^ . * £) world; Sansk. f^TERy ni.; Hindi flrra,nL 

^^ vasa-Uy £| a cultivated place; Sansk. root: sPmH^ 
provided with rain (and therefore cultivated). 

^ vikhu, £, poison; Sansk. fcflf, n.; fi^di f^m 
Jby vihu, or f^p^, m. 

JmS^ vansu, £9 lineage; Sansk. ^T?, m.; Hindi ^^, m. 
Xi hanju, £, a wild goose; Sansk. ^, m.; EQndi 

44i hanjhu, J t^^^i^ I^trod. §. 11, 2.) 

OJJ^ hindu, £, India; originally an Arabic-Persian word, 

derived from the province nearest to the Persians, 
L e. i%^ (by change of s into h); Hindustani: 

oJift, m. 

OCuft hinu, £, assa foetida; Sansk. f^l^, m.; Hindi 

f|^ or ^^ or ff^, m. 

Under this head we must dass all the imitative 
sounds, which end in V, and which are considered fe- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


•xninineSy becaiise their final V is not subject to in- 
flexion; the same may be stated of some Dvandvas, 
which consist properly of two Imperatives, ending in 
^u*| and which are likewise treated as feminines, being 
exempt from the laws of inflexion. 

1>^ L] adu yafiu, f., coming going (Imper.). 
y4^ jj^ jhSu jhauy f.| grumbling (imitative sound). 

talking (Lnper.). 

y^ yL 6a-u, da-u, f., 

\iby y^ £a-u, vatu, £, 

yj yjS tau tSu, f., gabbling (imitative sound). 

^ J^^ vathu puju, £, hurry (Imper.). 
^ eta etc. etc. 

2) The termination tl. 

The termination u is generally masculine; there 
are however some exceptions, the gender of which 
is regulated either by original Sanskrit usage, or by 
the practice of the cognate dialects. The imitative 
sounds, ending in u or u, are all treated, on account 
of their inflexibility, as feminine. Such exceptions are: 

j Jf abiru, f. (also: ».j oT abirue), honour; Hindustani" 

'j^, f. (Pers.) 

^j^t au, £, pride, egotism; identical with the L per- 
sonal pronoun of the Sing. J (Panjabi: hau, £). 

yH^ bhu, £, earth (also: ^ bhue); Sansk. ^ £ 

^yf taru, £, a fine cord of cameFs hair (root: ^y, 
to pass through). 

^^ ju, £, louse (also: ^ jua); Hindi ^, £, Sansk. 

^^^4&X damaju, £, a kind of louse, adhering to the 
skin (^). 

. Digitized by CjOOQIC 


\a)) ^X> ^ ^' ^' imitative soiuid; the hum of a 
gpiiming wheel 

^^ ka-ku, £, imitative soimd, by which a dog is 

yjj^ gSu, £| cow; the same as ^y^. 

^y luy £| small hair on the limbs (also: ^ lua); 
Sansk. ^^^^^9 n.; Hindi ^^, nt 

^^ vahu, £, daT]^hter-in-law; Sansk. ^^, EQndi ^* 

3) The termination & 

The termination & comprises^ according to its origin, 
88 we have seen, mostiy feminine nouns; there are 
however a few masculine nouns, ending in a, the 
gender of which is^ in most cases, already fixed by the 
signification of the noun itself, or by the language, 
from which the noun in qu^tion is taken; such ex- 
ceptions are: 

\1Xk raja, prince; Sansk. Nom. TTSR, m. 

!$^ lala, master; lord; Hindi ^ST^. 

li^ karta, the agent (in grammar); Sansk. Nom. ^^Sm[. 

UiT atma, soul; Sansk Nom. ^IPTT, m. 

Q^Co m&xulia, melandioly, Arab.; HindustSnl, masc. 

li^4> devata, Deity; Hindi ^^ni, f.; Sanskrit 

4) The termination I. 

The termination i is, as stated already, divided 
between masculine and feminine nouns, yet so, that 
the feminine prevail considerably in number. All nouns 
denoting a male being (man or beast) are of course 
masculine, whereas nouns, denoting a female being, 
inanimate objects or abstract qualities are femi- 


Digitized by 


nine; contrary to this general rule the following nonnB 
are masculine: 

. ^^t &sir!| a large kind of tamarisk tree. 

^iX^lj bandhi, a log of wood floatmg in the river. 

^5<>Jb bundl| the muzzle of a gun -barrel. 

^^jAJj bhaiati, name of a plant (Desmochaeta lap- 


^^A^ paki, razor (by the Hindus used as fem.) 

^L^ pani, water. 

^^^ pakhl, bird. 

^d4^ thudi, the lower stalk of a plant 

^ tikiy a cake. 

^ff^jr- dhathi, a religious ceremony, performed on 

the sixth day after childbirth. 
^j> dogi, a thick stick. 

^jp(> dharl, a coloured edge to a doth. 

^Ij^ll suijamukhiy sunflower. 

^jSJf kundali, horoscope. 
^^14^ ghariy a stripe left unfinished. 
^^I^ ghiti, a lane y alley, 
^o!^ ladiy the ropes of a boat 
^SjxUf muStari, the planet Jupiter. 
^SSi mundhi, head. 
^^ motiy pearL 

^^Ij vangiy a stick with ropes hanging from it, to 
carry water pots, etc. 

Digitized by 



5) The termination i (S). 

The termination Y (<S) is^ with that of &, the regular 
feminine ending in SindhL There are however a few 
masculine nouns , ending in Y» which are mostilj borrowed 
from foreign languages. As in conformity with the Sindhi 
laws of sound no word can end in a silent consonant^ 
the quick and hardly perceptible sound Y (6) has been 
added to some words, which end originally in a s3ent 
consonant, to render them susceptible of inflexion; to 
some foreign nouns too, which end in a, the short vowel 
Y has been added, for euphony's sake, which however 
may interchange with V in some cases. 

j^f ahmade, Norn. prop. 

•fjLL x^dae, God (Pers.). 

y6J^ xiziTOy Nom. prop, of a fabulous prophet 

»C ra-e (or: if^), prince; Hindi TT?^ 

.^JLuii sethe, a Hindu wholesale merchant; Hindi. 


JojJ qaisare, Csesar. 

In some few instances original final $ of the San- 
skrit has been preserved, without having been lengthened, 
as is usually the case in Sindhi, as: 

^ pa-e, lord (also: ^ pati); Sanski TTm. 

la^r^ viraspate, the planet Jupiter; Sansk. ^^tHin.^ 

Ji hare, ViSnu; Sansk. ^ft; Hindi ]|ft or Ig'd'. 

In others again original i has been (contrary to 
the usual rule) shortened to I, as: 

SS kehare, lion, or: Jl*^ kesare,' Sansk. wrfl. 

•^ kue, street, besides: ^^^ kui, Pers. 

J^ sah&e, helper, besides: ^14^ sahal. 

Others again are to be taken as Bahuvrlhi com- 

Trnmpp, SiadhT-Orammar. ^ 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


pounds y in which final i (§) may be preserved (see. 
§. 12, 5. 6.), as: 

J<XiL^ safudilo, a sincere man = having a pure heart. 

jfcAytSi adho-adhe, half-sharer = having half and half. 

Chapter VIL 
Formation of the Feminine from mascoline bases. 

§. 14- 

The formation of the feminine from masa nouns 
agrees in the main with Sanskrit and Prakrit usage. In 
some instances feminine derivatives have been taken directly 
from the Sanskrit or Prakrit, subject, of course, to the 

peculiar assimilating process of the Sindhl, As; ^C rani, 

queen, Sansk ^CT^ (see: Introd. §. 14, b.). Such like 
formations we shall pass by in the following remarks 
and only attend to the laws still current in Sindhi. 

The Sindhi possesses in some cases separate words, 
to express the idea of the feminine, so that the process 
of deriving the feminine fiH)m the masc. base is super- 
seded. These instances however are restricted to nouns, 
implying relationship, and the names of the com- 
monest domestic animals, where the language has 
preferred to create separate words, instead of deriving 
them fix>m the corresponding masc. base; as: 

^fj^ bhena, sister; il^ bhau, brother. 

^^ dhia, or ^^ dhiu, Is^ putru, son. 


ilo mau, mother; ^ piu, father. • 

yiy vahu, daughter-in-law; )J^ Jatro,.. son-in-law. 

^^lo da£i, a female camel; ^^o d^ho, a male cameL 

. Digitized by CjOOQ IC 


^ ga-u, cow; jito d^du^ ox, 

»ajLuo mehe, a female buf- J^H 6anU| a inale bnffido. 
From other masc. bases the SindhI forms regolarlj 
a feminine, as far as this is admissible; some noims arc 
only extant in the feminine, the masculine being out 
of place or having disappeared from the language. 

1) Formation of the Feminine from masc. 

nouns in V. 

From substantives ending in V the SindhI forms 
the Feminine by changing V into I or i (§); with ad- 
jectives the termination Y (e) or V may be optionally 
used. In the case of the substantives the use of the ter- 
mination I or Y (e) IB more or less optional, but in some 
of them one or the other is preferred. 

^Si^ dhokari, I ,^ 

J \^ ^ \ eirl, from Sl^ fihokaru, boy. 

y^^a. dhokare, | ^ ' 

j»<X^ gadahe, jenny-ass, trom j>$S gadahu, jack-ass. 

eilj parte, washerwoman, from vL^ partu, washerman. 

Ixift^ dhira or wo^^ dhire, firm, from 1ai&4> dhim, 

adj. m. 

Besides this common formation of the feminine another 

method of forming the same by means of the affixes ni^ 

ni, ani, aini, is in use, which are however only added 

*to nouns denoting human beings, castes, occupations etc. 

very rarely to names of animals or to adjectives. 

All these affixes correspond to the Sansk. affix ^|vf|' 
(= 5T, see Bopp, Compar. Gram. §. 840), as: '^•^jufl 
the ^vife of Indra etc. In SindhI the original affix ani 
(with change of the dental to the cerebral) has either 
been preserved, or a (see Bopp sub loco) has again 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



been cast out, and only nl (ne) added. All these afiSxes 
are joined to the feminine termination (i, seldom to &X ^• 

^ Jatine, 

i^ M?l> 

^U2L jaty-aM, 
^y^ gahine, 
^llfli" gahyani, 

' the wife of a ^LL Jat. 

* a female singer; masa not in use. 

^lijj*) bardd&ni, the wife (or female) of a L^S 

or Beluch. 
^^4^ fiihane^ lioness^ from 4^ ^^^j ^^^ 
^,4^ ahutine, 

^fi^ filmtinl, . ^y^^ from ^^ Chtitu, adj. m. 
^US^ chutyani, 

2) Formation of the Feminine from masculine 

nouns in 5. 

From masc. nouns ending in 5 the feminine is formed 
by changing 6 into I, as: 

sS)}^ £hdri, a female orphan, fix)m j)y^ ihoro, 

orphan, m. 
^^ gdli, a slave-girl, firom ^jf gold, a slave m. 

Besides this feminine termination the affixes ni, ni, 
ftnl, aini are also in use with nouns denoting caste, 
trade or occupation, as: 

^1^4^ langhine. 

^ji^ langhin!, 

^ll^^ langhyani, 
. v>^ll|3Cj langhyaine. 

the wife (or female) of a ^^iCJ 
langho or drummer (by caste). 

1) After a Palatal short i in frequently oast oot 

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3) Formation of the Feminine from masculine 

nouns in tu 

Masc. nouns ending in u form tiie feminine by the 
affixes m or ni) with the union-vowel i, by which final 
u is dislodged; final u may also be shortened to *u*, which 
serves at the same time as imion-vowel, e. g.: 

^cXl5 hindini, ] ^ ^ 

•• ^ } the wife (or female) of a jiJOf , Hindu. 

^(Xlj bindine, I 

^cXlj hinduni • 
^Jo^ hindune 

The affixes &ni or ftini are also in use, before the 
addition of which final fL is always shortened to V, as: 

^iSjuLf hindu-ani, 

^SLcXl^ hindu-&ine| 

a Hindfl female. 

4) Formation of the Feminine from masculine 
nouns in I and L 

From masa nouns ending in I and *i* (e) the fe- 
minine is formed by means of the affixes ni, ni or fini; 
final i is shortened to *i% and serves thus as union- 
vowel; as: 

(5^^/ korini, 
^^^^ korine, 
ii^)}^ koiyani, 
^^i^ sethini, 
^^■ff£».w sethine^ 
^0^ sethyani, 

the wife (female) of a ^ %>^ kori, 


the wife (female) of a .^i^ sethe, 
a Hindtl wholesale merchant 

Note. The cognate dialects form the feminine from masc. 
nouns in the same way as the Sindhi, by changing either the 

Digitizecf by CjOOQIC 


maso. termination to the feminine, or hj adding one of the 
aboTO-mentioned fem. affixes. 

The Hindi and Hindiistani approach the Sindbl very 
closely in this respect; they form the feminine either by sult- 

stitnting the feminine termination T, as: (5^ larki, girl, from 
(^ larks, boy, ^gCs^\Z^ brahmanT, the wife (or female) of a 
' Briihman, from vj^'r? brahman; or by adding one of the af- 
fixes an, in, ani, to the masc base, as: ^^^^ sunaran.(or 
sunurin), the wife of a \\Sm sunar, goldsmith; ^s^rt^ SSmT, a 
lioness, from ^a^m ser, a lion; ^tyc^ mehtarunT, the ivife 
(daughter) of a mehtar, or sweeper. 

The same law holds good in Gujarati; cither the feminine 
termination T is substituted for the masculine, as: ^uTm ^ ^^' 
male dog, from "^riM ^ ^^^ ^^Sj ^^ ^^^ feminine affixes 
ir^« ^ut ^^ ^(lyt Are added to the masc. base, as: cffMHI 
a tigress, from cjre tiger; >i^tilT, a female 6amel, from ^|7 
a male camel; \|(|y^|<!J| mistress, from IR^ lord. 

The formation of the feminine is quite analogous in the 
PanJabT; for the masc. termination is either changed to the fe- 
minine, as: ghorl, a mare, from ghora, a stallion, or. the fe- 
minine affixes an, ni, ani arc added to the masc. base, as: 
nskajan, a slanderous woman, from uskalT, a slanderous man; 
n(tii, a female c;imcl, from ut, a male camel; uiugalanl, the 
wife (or daughter) of a mug al. 

The Mara(hi forms the feminine from nouns in ^a* (quies- 
cent) or a by substituting the fern, termination 1, as: UJ|(|p| 
girl, from M«|<<p| boy; ^TOT, a slave-girl, from ^J^ a slave; 
in nouns ending in ^a\ the Sansk. fem. termination a is occa- 
sionally to be met with, as: ^55T ^' ^S?* *^® ^^^^ ^^ * ^5* 
Besides these two fem. terminations the affix in or in is to be 
found in nouns ending in ^a^ (quiescent) or T, as: «||v||4!l-, tigress, 
from crr9> tiger, THmT^ ^ sinful woman, from IfPft * sinner; 
ll«i|v4 mistress, from VhT ix^Aster. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


The Bangftll stands nearest to the Sanskrit with regard 
to the formation of the feminine; it sabstitates the fern* ter- 
minations a or T for those of the mascnKne, as: tanya, daughter, 
from tanja, son; puttrl, daughter, from puttra, son. Ad- 
jectives or nouns of agenoj, ending in ka (V being quiescent) 
form their feminine always in ka, as: karikS, doing, from 
kirak, m., gayakS, a female singer, from gayak, a male 
singer. Nouns in I (:= in) form their feminine by the afBx ni, 
as: hattini, a female elephant, from hatti, a male elephant; 
likewise patnT, mistress, from pati, master. Also the use of 
the aflix urn or ani is strictly in accordance with Sanskrit 
practice, as: a£aryani, the wife of an a£arya. 

We find thus, that all the north-Indian vernaculars of San- 
skrit origin fully agree in the formation of the feminine. 


ed by Google 

]o« sEcnoK n. the inflexion of nouns. 



Chapter Vffl. 
L Fonnation of the FluraL 

§• 15. 

The cnide form of a Sindhi noun is always iden- 
tical wifh its Nominative Singular, the Nominative 
Singular having no longer a case-sign in any of the 
modem Arian tongues. 

The Sindhi possesses no definite or indefinite 
article^ as little as the Sanskrit or the Prakrit; if the 
one or the other is to be expressed for distinctness' sake, 
a demonstrative or indefinite pronoun (or the numeral 
**one**) is placed before a noun. There is no longer a 
Dual in Sindhi, neither in Pali nor Prakrit, nor in any 
of the modem Ss^nskritical tongues; we have therefore 
only to describe the formation of the Plural (Nomina- 
tive), according to the respective terminations of nouns. 

1) Nouns ending in ft. 

Nouns ending in u are, as we have stated already, 
for the greatest part masculine, a few of them only 
being feminine. According to their respective gender 
the Plural is formed, as follows: 

a) Plural of masculine nouns ending in ft: 

These nouns form their Plural by changing ft into 

ft, as: J^yi^ khuhu, a well, Plur. J^yi^ khuha, wells; 

Ij varu, husband, Plur. Jj vara. If final *u* be preceded 

by short V, a euphonic v is inserted in the Plural, as: 

yj ra-u, weed, Plur. ^J rava, weeds. But if final V be 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


preceded by any other vowel, but short V, the insertion 

of V is optional, as: %\^ ghau, a wound, Plnr. iL^ 

ghava or: %\^ ghaa, wounds; ^o deu, a god, Plur. 

^o deva or: ^5 dea, gods; but when a long vowel, 

preceding final u, is nasalized, the insertion of v be- 
comes necessary, as: 

^L^ thau, a dish, Plur. PI4J thava, dishes. 

The following two nouns form their Nom. Plural in 
an irregular way: 

i(4^ bhau, brother, Plur. wI4j bh&ura or: Lil^j bhauru, 

^ piu, father, Plur. Ia^ piura, fathers. 

Both these Plurals point back to the Prakrit forms. 
JTT^nj (Nom. Sing. HhU<t) and fq^^l (Norn. Smg. 
ftRSI^), and are therefore, properly speaking, not ir- 
regular (c£ Varar. V, 35). 

AnnotiOMm. We have already noticed (§. 5, IO9 that the 
Sindhi termination fl is shortened from the Prakrit ^^; in Pra- 
krit nouns ending in 5 form their Plural in a, which has been 
shortened in Sindhi to &• 

The cognate idioms agree with the Sindhi in this respect. 
In Hindi and Hindustani, this class of nouns, having aheady 
dropped the terminating short vowel in the Singular, throw the 
same off in the Plural likewise, i. e. they remain unaltered in 
the Plural. The same is the case in Maruthl and PanjabI; the 
Gujarat-I alone adds the Plural termination o. 

5) Plural of feminine nouns ending in u. 

These nouns form their Plural by changing final u 
into u, as: 

4^5 vathu, a thing; Plur. ^^^^5 vathu, things; \ 

viju, lightening; Plur. ^^^ vijii, lightenings. 

The following nouns have, besides their regular 
Plural, also an irregular one, as: 

Digitized by 



Jh^ bhenu, sister (or: ^^x^ bhena); Plur, ^yL^ 
bhSnu or: ILaj bhenaru, ^j^Ua^ bhenaru, sisters. 

iUo mibu, mother; Flur. ^^m mau, or: IsU mairu, 
^^^U mairu, mothers. 

^*> dhiu (or: ^i> dhia), daughter; Plur. ^yj^i> dhiu, 
or: Ljd^ dhiaru, ^^vi^<> dhiaru, daughters. 

^ nuhu (or: ^ nuha), daughter-in-law; Plur. ^^ 

nuhu or: L^ nuharu, ^yj^ nuharu, daughters- 

In the levelling process of decomposition these fern, 
nouns have adopted the same affix ara (or for euphony's 
sake: ira), as the irregular Plurals of masc. nouns, and 
as feminines they have lengthened the same also to aru. 

Annotation. Iq Psli fern, nouns ending in ^u* remain either 
unchanged in the Plural, as: yagu, sacrifice, Plur. yagUy or o 
(the Sansk. Plural affix ^Tf^) is added to them (with inserted 
enphonic *y') as: yaguyo; the latter is also the case in PrSkrit, 
as: bahu, wife, Plur. bahuo, or the affix o may be again shor- 
tened to ^u% as: bahuu. In Sindhl.this Plural affix ^u^ has been 
contracted with final ^u* (u) into u, and at the same time nasft- 
lized = 0. 

2) Nouns ending in o (o). 

These form their Plural by changing final 6 into a, 

as: 5^5fj vadho, a carpenter, Plur. Ii5f5; fip tobo, a 

diver, Plur. Ujj t6ba, divers. If final 6 be nasalized, 

which is frequently the case, the nasal is also preserved 

in the Plural, as: ^y^}:^^ iotho, the fourth, Plur. ^l^J^ 

K final 6 be i)receded by short V (or nasalized: a), 
a euphonic v is inserted between them in the Plural, as: 

^ tao, a pan; Plur. fp tava, pans; ^^ nSo, new; 

Plur. Ji^ nSva; but if final 6 be preceded by any other 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 


vowel, the inBertion of v is optional, as: ^ kao, mouse, 

Flnr. Lj kofi or: \f kav^; ^Ly9 m6o, fisherman, Hor. 

llye me& or: t^ mevft; p^ gha-o, a fish-net, Flnr. 

LjU^y gha-a or: t^Lj^ gh&v&. 

We have repeatedly adverted to the fSM^t, that the 
Prakrit termination o has in Sindhi either been shor- 
tened to V, or retained unaltered; the formation of the 
Plural of the latter description of nouns is quite in ac- 
cordance with Prakrit usage (Sing. 6, Plur. a). 

Annotation. In the cognate idioms the masc* termination 
a has been substituted instead of o. In Hindi, Hindustani, 
MarathT and PanJabI masc nouns ending in a commonly change 
the same in the Plural to e, a' Plural termination, which is 
already in use in the inferior old Prakrit dialects (see: Lassen, 
Instit. Ling. Prak. p. 430). The GujarSti differs in this respect, 
as masc nouns ending in 5 add to the Plural termination a the 
aflix o, as: ihokaro, a boy, Plur. ihokara*-o; a similar formation 
of the Plural is already ascribed to the MSgadhl dialect of the 
Prakrit; cf. Lassen, p. 399. 

3) Nouns ending in u, u. 

Nouns, ending in u or, as it is more common, in 
u, be they masc. or feminine, remain unchanged in the 

Plural, as: ^%-j^^ vidhu, m., scorpion, Plur. ^^4^^ vidhu; 

yf gati, fem., cow, Plur. yS" gad, cows. 

In Pali, masc. themes ending in *u', lengthen the 
same in the Nonu Plural to u, as bhikkhu, a beggar, 
Plur. bhikkhu; and such masc. themes, as end in u in 
the Nom. Sing., remain unchanged in the Plural, as: 
abhibhu, a chief, Plur. abhibhu (contracted from abhi- 
bhuvo). Lu Prakrit masc. themes ending in V lengthen 
their final vowel always in the Nominative Sing., to which 
in the Nom. Plural the affix 6 (= ^50^) is added, as: 
vau, wind, Nom. Sing, vau, Nom. Plur. vauo, winds. 
This Plural affix 6 may in Prak. be again shortened to 
^1*, and in the modem dialects it is dropi)ed altogether. 
In Sindhi u is usually nasalized = u. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Annotation. In Hindi, EBndustSnT, MarS(bI and PanJabI masc. 
Bonns ending in Q, remain unaltered in the Plural; but fern. 
nouns add in Hindustani the Plural termination a, as joru, a 
wife, plural Jorua, the Prakrit Plural affix o being changed to 
a, &• The GuJarutI keeps close to the Prakrit in forming the 
Plural of masc nouns ending in ti, by adding the Plural afSx 5, 
as: hindu, a Hindu, Plur. hindu5. 

4) Nouns ending in a (a). 

These are, as noticed already (§. 13/3) for the most 
part feminine; they form their Plural hy adding the Plural 
a£Sx u, as: 

L^ hada, f,, murder; Plur. ^^jI^ hada-u, murders. 
The Plural of these nouns corresponds to the PraL 
Plural termination a-6 or a-u^ 6 (or shortened *u') 
being added to final a of the Singular (see Lassen p, 307). 
In Sindhi the Prak. Plur. increment 5 has been changed 
to .u, and at the same time nasalized. 

Few nouns ending in a are masculine; they remain 

unaltered in the Plural, as: 5W ISla, master, Plur. if!? 
lala, masters. 

The Prakrit Plural increment 6 (a-6) has first been 
shortened to ^u', and then been dropped altogether in 

Annotation. In Hindi and HindiistSnl fern, nouns ending 
in S (&) form their Plural by adding the increment S, as bala, 
misfortune, Plur. balal. This e corresponds to the Prakrit afSx 
09 which in the inferior Prakrit dialects is frequently changed to e 
(cf. Lassen, p. 398, 408). Those masc. nouns, the final a of which 
does not correspond to the Sindhi o, remain likewise unaltered 
in the Plural. — In PanjabI fern, nouns ending in a add either 
1 or iS, the Plural increment 1 being a change from the Hindi I, 
and iS from the Prakrit affix 6, with euphonic *i* or y. A few 
masc. nouns remain likewise unaltered in the Plural, as atma, 
soul; pita, father etc. — The GuJaratI entirely agrees with the 
Prakrit, adding simply o to the fem. nouns in a, as: ma, mother, 
Plur. m?l-o. — In MarathI fem. nouns ending in a do not un- 
dergo any change in the Plural, as: mEta, mother, Plur. mata; 

Digitized by 



9ome masa nouns, fdling under this head^ remain likewise un^ 
altered in the Plural. 

6) Kouns ending in &. 

These nouns being all feminine, form their Plural 
bj changing final V either to u (as in LSr); or to a 

(as in Siro); Ci tara, nostril, Plur. ^Ij taru or: ^Cs 
tara, nostrils. 

These nouns have been, as noted already, shortened 
from Sanskrit-Prakrit bases ending in ft; they either drop 
final V before the Plural increment a (=Ptak.6),or restore 
the original a and drop the Plural increment o f= u, 
nasalising at the same time the final long voweL 

Annotation. This class of nouns is wantig in the cognate 
idioms, where final ^a' has become silent; e. g. Hindustani: 
jlbh, f., tongue. Plural: jfibh-l, the Plural being made up by 
the increment e = Prak. o. — PanJabI: bih, f., arm (Sindlii: 

4^w baha), Plur. baha; Marathi: jibh, f. Plur. similarly: jibha. 
The Gujarat! is consequent in adding simply the Plural increment 
5 to fern, bases, ending in a quiescent consonant, as: sanjh, f., 
evening, Plur. sEnjho. 

6) Nouns ending in i ^). 

a) Masculine nouns ending in i remain unaltered 
in the Plural: 
J^ bell, a servant, Plur. J^ beK, servants; ^^ 

pri, friend, Plur. y^y^ pri, friends. 

In Prakrit masc. nouns ending in I form their Plural 
by adding the, increment o, which has been shortened 
to ^u' and then cast off altogether in SindhL 

h) Feminine nouns ending in I add in the Plural 
the increment u, shortening before this affix the pre* 
ceding long i, which may also, for euphony's sake, be 

changed to y; as: ^^ goli, a slave-girl, Plur, ^^)f 

goliu, goliyu, golyu; ,^Lii mhSi (or: nihai), a potter^a 

kiln, Plur. ^y^Lji nihayu. 

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Feminine norms in I add in Prakrit likewise the 
affix 6, which may be shortened to V; in this case final 
V has in Sindhi been lengthened to u and nasalized at 
the same time, to distinguish the Plural of the feminine 
nouns fix>m that of the masculine. 

If final 1 be preceded by any letter of the palatal 
class or by 'h', it is commonly dropped before the Plural 

affix u, as: ^^apS manji, a stool, Plur. ^y^ manju, 

stools; ^.gyio, f., manjhi, a buffalo, Plur. ^^4^ ^^^^^^ 


Annotation. In Hindi and HindustSnT fern, nouns follow 
the method of the Prukrit in forming their Plural, with the only 
difference, that the Prak. Plural increment o is changed to a, 
and this again nasalized, as ihuri, knife, Plur. 2hurla. Masc 
nouns in I do not differ from their Singular. The PanjabT quite 
accords with the HindT, fem« nouns in I adding the Plural ter- 
mination a, as dhl, daughter, Plur. dhia, the masc. nouns in I 
remaining unaltered in the Plural. The same may be remarked 
of the MarathT. The GujaratI stands nearest to the Prakrit in 
this respect, all nouns, be they masc. or feminine, adding simply 
the Plural afBx 5. 

7) Nouns ending in i (S)* 

a) Fem. nouns ending in Y (e) form their Plural 

by adding the Plural affix u, as: ofT rate, night, Plur. 

^^1^ rateu, nights. — If Y be preceded by ^ palatal 

or h, it disappears before the Plural termination u, as: 

^^juuo mehe, buffalo, Plur. ^^4^ mehu, buffaloes. 

*^ joe, wife, forms its Plural either regularly, as: 

^a^}^ J^y^i ^^ irregularly, as: J5^ joiru, j^^ johiru, 

or ^jUj^ joiru, wives. 

h) Masc. nouns ending in Y (e) remain unchanged 
in the Plural, as: ^li^ sethe, a wholesale inercliant, 

Plur. ^jLuy sethe. 

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AnnotatUnu In Hindi and HindQstSnl, as stated already, 
final ^V has been dropped^ and such nouns, as end in Sindfal in 
<a^ or 4\ use there one common Plural increment, Tic: I. In 
GuJarSti and PanjabI final 4* has likewise disappeared in most 
cases, and 5 and & are respectively added as Plund terminations. 
In MarSthl fem, bases ending in 4* remain either unchanged in 
the Plural or have final T lengthened to L The lengthening of 
final ^i^ in the Plural is more in accordance with Pali and Prakrit 
usage (c. g. Puli: ratti, night, Plur. ratti or rattiyo; Prak. rattl-o 
or: rattl-u). Masc. bases ending in ^i* remain similarly either 
unaltered in the Plural, or (according to some Pandits) lengthen 
the same to T (as in Pali and Prakrit), 

IL Formation of cases; ease-afflzes. 

§. 16. 

Properly speaking there is no longer a dedension 
in Sindhf , nor in any of the modem languages of the 
Arian stock; there are only a few renmants of the an- 
cient Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit case-inflexions, all the 
other cases being noiade up by means of case-affixes 
or postpositions.*). 

K we compare the modem Arian dialects with the 
Pali and Prakrit, we perceive at once the great de- 
terioration, the modem idioms have undergone in this 
respect; for while the Pali and Prakrit have as yet pre- 
served all the cases of the Sanskrit, with the exception 
of the Dative, which has already become scarce in Pali 
and has been discarded altogether in Prakrit, its functions 
being shifted to the Genitive, the modem idioms have 
lost nearly all power of inflexion and substituted in lieu 
of flexional increments regular adverbs, which we ge- 
nerally term postpositions. The same process we can \ 
notice in the modem Romanic tongues, where after the 
loss of the Latin declensional inflexions, prepositions have 
been substituted to make up for the lost cases. 

1) In poetry postpositions may also be placed before the nomiy 
they govern, as the rhythm may require. 

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The great diptinctive feature of the declensional 
process of the modem Arian dialects, with the exception 
of the Bangui!, consists in the fact, that there are pro- 
perly only two cases of a noun, the absolute or 
crude form, corresponding throughout to the Nom. Sin- 
gula!*, and the Formative case, to which the various 
adverbs or postpositions are added, which serve to make 
up for the lost case-terminations. This latter case has 
been generally called the oblique case by European 
grammarians, but we prefer to call it the Formative 
(after the precedence of Dr. Caldwell). 

The number of declensions, if they may be termed 
thus, depends therefore in Sindhi, as well as in the cognate 
idioms, on the various methods, in which the Formative 
is made up; for the case-signs remain the same, as well 
for the Singular as the Plural, since they are, as we 
shall presently see, originally either (Sanskrit) prepositions 
or adverbs. 

We shall now first investigate the remnants of the 
ancient case -terminations in Sindhi and the adverbs or 
postpositions, which have been substituted for such cases, 
as have lost their original inflexions. In the arrangement 
of the cases we shall follow the common order, which 
has been instituted by the old Sanskrit, grammarians, in 
order to facilitate the intercomparison. 

1) The Nominative case of the Singular and 
plural we may pass over, since they have been noticed 

2) The Accusative case of the Singular and Plural 
has been dropped in Sindhi, as well as in all the other 
kindred idioms. This has been already the case in the 
inferior Prakrit dialects, and is expressly mentioned of 
the ApabhranSa, the mother of the modem Sindhi 
(see: Lassen p. 459). 

We must keep this fact constantly before our eyes, 
that in Sindhi, as well as in its sister-tongues, there is 
xio such thing (in a grammatical sense), as an Accusative 

Digitized by 



case, the Aocosatiye being now throughout identical with 
the Nominativa If we find therefore generally stated in 
European grammars, that the postposition ^^ kh§, or 

&^ ko in Hindustani serves to denote also the Accusative 
case, we have, in the strictly grammatical sense of the 
word, to repudiate such an idea. Whe shall see under 
the Dative case, what the origin of that postposition 
is, and that will satisfactorily explain the syntactical 
peculiarities of the modem Indian tongues, which use 
such and similar postpositions, where we use either the 
Dative or the Accusative. 

3) The Inst rumen talis is not distinguished by 
any case-affix or postposition in Sindhl, but differs from 
the Nominative Sing, only by the change of the final 
vowel (where such a change is admissible). The In- 
strumentalis is in the Singular and Plural identical with 
the Formative (which see further on). From thence it 
would follow, that the Instrumentalis is originally the 
Genitive, which may be rendered very probable by the 
Instrumentalis of the Plural. 

Annotation. The Hindi and Hindtistani use as Instni- 
mental case-affix ne. In Hindu! (see Garcin de Tassy, Ru- 
diments de la langue HindouT, 26, 99) we meet further the afBxes 
ne, nl, ni and na, and in the Plural (a)n or ne, nl, ni, 
as in the Singular. In Panjabi we find the instrumental affix 
nai, or na, or only i, or the Formative is promiscuously 
used for the Instrumentalis, just as in SindhT. In Oujarati we 
meet with S as Instrumental affix. The MijirathT uses for the 
Instrumentalis Sing, the affix ne, and for the Plural ni. As 
to the origin of these various instrumental affixes there can hardly 
be a doubt The Sansk. instrumental case- inflexion of the Sin- 
gular na, na (see Bopp, Comp. Oram. I, §. 158) has been 
used as a separate adverb in Hindustani and Panjabi (not in 
Mara(bT, where it coalesces with the noun as a regular inflexion), 
or even been abbreviated to i or e (n being originally only a 
euphonic addition to the instrumental affix a), as partly in Pan- 
jabi and in Oujarati. In the Instrumentalis Plur. the MarathI 
uses also (besides nl) the affix hi, corresponding to the Pr&k. 
Plur. instrumental affix \^ or f^; see Lassen, p. 31(X In Ban- 

Tr«mpp, Sindhl-QrMMftr. H 

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gill tS is used as instrumental affix^ which is originally iden* 
tical with the Ablative aflSx 1^ = fW , 

4) The Dative case has totally disappeared from the 
Fi^krit and its functions have been assigned to the Geni- 
tive. We find therefore in the modem idioms the greatest 
discrepancy as to the method , in which the Dative case 
is provided for. In SindhI the affix ^^. khe is used, 

OS well for the Singular as the Plural , being placed after 
the Formative Singular or Plural of a noun: as ^^^ Ij^ 
g haraj die, to a house, ^g^ yjyl^ gharane khe, to houses. 
In poStical language the postposition ^ kane or: ^ 
kane is also used instead of ^^^ khe, which are ap- 
X>arently derived from the same source, as ^^45^, only by 
a different process of assimilation (cf. the Hindi: kan, 
kane, Hindu! ^i^)« 

Annoiaium. The Bangui! uses as Dative affix kc, the 
Hindi and Hindustani ko (dialectically also pronounced 
'kfi* in the Dekhan), the Hindu! (according to Garcin de Tassy) 
also k6, kafi, kah, kuh^ kaha and even hi. 

Dr. Caldwell, in his Comparative Grammar of the Dra vidian 
languages has attempted to vindicate the Hindustani ko for 
the Dravidian languages of the South; he says (p. 225): ^^In 
the vernaculars of northern India, which are deeply tinged with 
Scythian characteristics, we find a suffix, which appears to be 
not only similar to the Dravidian, but the same. * The Dative- 
Accusatiye in the Hind! and Hindustani is ko, or colloquially 
kfi; in the language of Orissa ku, in Bangal! ki, in Sindhi 
khi, in Shingalese ghai; in the Uraon^ a semi -Dravidian 
Kole dialect, gai^ in the language of the Bodos, a Bhutan hill 
tribe, kho, in Tibetan gya. Tttie evident existence of a con- 
nexion between tliese sufiSxes and the Dravidian Dative case-sign 
ku, is very remarkable. Of all the analogies between the 
North-Indian dialects and the southern, this is the clearest 
and most important, and it cannot but be regarded as be- 
tokening either an original connexion between the northern and 
the southern races, prior to the Brahmanic irruption, or the ori- 
gination of both races from one and the same primitive Scythian 

Digitized by VJiOOQ IC 


stook/^ If thi9 ca8e*8]gn k5 or kQ then be the clearest and 
most important analogy between the North-Indian ▼emacolars 
and the DrSvidian tongues, we shall see presently, that there 
^I be no analogy whatever between them, though at the first 
sight the identity of both seems to be past any doubt In the 
first instance the fact speaks already very strongly against such 
a supposition, that the MarEfhl, which is the closest neighbour 
to the Dravidian tongues, has repudiated the use of khe, ke 
or ko, and employed a Dative -aifix, the origili of which we 
hope to fix past controversy. We shall further see, that the 
Gujarat! and PanjSbT have also made up for the Dative case 
by postpositions, borrowed from the Sanskrit, without the slightest 
reference to the Dravidian languages, and we may therefore 
reasonably expect the same fact from the remaining Arian dia- 
lects. It would certainly be wonderful, if those Arian dialects, 
which border immediately on the Dravidian idioms, should have 
warded off any Dravidian influence on their inflexional method, 
whereas those more to the north should have been ^^ deeply tinged 
with Scythian characteristics.** Fortunately we are able to show, 
that such an assumption is not only gratuitous, but irreconcilable 
with the origin of the above mentioned Dative-affixes. 

We derive the Sindhl khe, the Bangali ke, from the 
Sanskrit Locative ^n? ^^or the sake of, ^on account of, ^as rcgards\ 
This will at once account for the aspiration of k in Sindhl; for 
this is not done by chance, but by a strict rule (see Introd.. 
§• 1, e, note); in Bongall r does not exercise such an influence 
on the aspiration of a preceding or following consonant, and 

therefore we have simply kg. The Sanskrit form ^^ becomes 
in Prakrit first fc|in, then (by the regular elision of t) fcfilJ, 
and contracted kS, and in Sindhl, by reason of the elided r, 
khe. The Hindi and HindustSni form of this adverb ko 

we derive in the same way from the Sansk. ^Rff which is used 

adverbially with the same signification as the Locative ^n^ ^ 
Prakrit already, and sUll more so in the modem dialects, the 
neuter has been merged into the masculine; we have therefore 

^^^ Nirij, thence fch^, and contracted ^, ko. We can 
thus satisfactorily account for the various forms: khe, ke or 
ko. ^That the proposed derivation of these adverbs does not 
rest on a mere fancy, is further proved by the Sindhl particle 
re, ^without\ which is derived in the same way from the Sansk. 

Locative ^^^, Prakrit f^ = ^JIj and thence contracted 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


rS (ria). It remains now for us to notice briefly the somewhat 
deiriating forms of the Hindu!, as exhibited by Garcin de Tassy. 
Ii^ ^ kS and ^ kaCL a euphonic Anusvara has been added, 
to which the modem tongues have taken a great fancy; kau 
is only a different pronunciation for kS, o changing in Hindu! 
very commonly to au. The forms ^R^ kah, or with euphonic 
Anusvara ^i^.kah or cjj^ kaha, present agam another proof 
for the correctness of the proposed derivation of these adverbs. 
For we have in ^R^^ ^^ ^ (Hind! also: kan, kane, with 
a full nasal, and in consequence thereof with ejection of h) 
the same basis as in ^ and ^, only the assimilating process 
has been different. The vowel ^ r, when joined to a con- 
sonant, can, according to Prakrit usage, be resolved either into 
*i* (as in f^) or into *a' (as: ^ for ^) (see Varar, 
I, 27;. Lassen p. 116, 2, a; Introd. §. 1); in consequence of 
the inherent r the following consonant is aspirated (as in Sin- 
dh!: kk = k)^ so that we get the form ^i^; this aspirated ^ 
th is again elided^ so that h only remains (see Lassen p. 207; 
Introd. §. 8), and thus we have the forms ^i? ^|^^ With 
the other alleged form f^ hi, the matter stands different; wc 
compare this Hindu! Dative affix with the ApabhranSa Genitive 
affix ^, the Genitive, as noted /dready, supplying in Prakrit the 

place of the Dative (as to the analysis of this ^ see Lassen 
p. 462 and 466). 

The Marath! uses two affixes to make up for the Dative, 
which are joined to the crude form by the so-called union-vowel, 
viz: ?5T, s and ^ l5. The first of these two, s, is identical 
with the Prak. Genit-Dative case termination *^ ss s Sansk. 1^ 
sy, so that wc have here the remnant of an ancient Sanskrit- 
Prakrit case-inflexion. The latter one, U is more doubtful as 
to its origin. Lassen has abready started a conjecture (see Instit. 
Ling. Prak. p. 65 , 99) as to the origin of this affix; he. derives 
it from the Sansk. ^(1^ = ^|^i| *place habitation \ signifying 
the place, where the action rests. We cannot endorse this de- 
rivation, as the Marath! case-affix is not ^|^ fila, but ^ la 
and we cannot see any reason, why initial long a should have 
been transferred to the back of this particle. We would com- 
pare the Marath! Dative affix Is with the Sindh! postposition 

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I&e, ^on aooount of\ ^for the sake ot\ ^for\ HindGstanT 
^^LJ IIS^ both oJT which are derived from the Sansk. root ^ (JJ) 

to g^ve (SindhI: ^^ Isi^n, to apply). This seema to me to 
be borne out by the modem Persian Dative -Accosatiye partide 
I" ra, whioh as yet is very scantily used in the old ParsI, and 
which, according to Spiegel^s PSrsi grammar (p. 55) does not 
denote properly a Dative case, but originally signifies ^for the 
aake or, ^on account oP. The same particle we find also in 

the Pa|t5, iJ lah, which corresponds to the modem Persian 

particle \y — Ip BangalT we meet also (besides ke) especially 
in poetical language a Dative affix r§, which I do not hesitate 
to identify with the Marathi ^Tf ^^d the Hindustani liS. 

In GuJanitI the Dative- affix is ne, which we identify with 
the Sansk. preposition frf, Oreek jv, Latin in. The Pan- 
jabl uses as Dative affix nu, in which we likewise recognise 
the Sansk. preposition ^(^9 Howard^ ^to\ 

5) The Ablative case is formed in Sindhi by the 

affix ^T a, which is always connected with the base 
itself and never vrritten separately. The Sindhi shows 
itself thus fully conscious of the origin of this case-ter- 
mination, which corresponds exactly to the Fali-Prakrit 
Ablative case -termination a, which originates from the 
Sanskrit ablative Wi^ by the elision of final t (see 
Lassen p. 352, 304); in Sindhi the final long vowel has 
again been nasaUzed, as in so many other instances. 
In the Singular final V, 6, V are dropped before the 

affix a, as: sjC^ ghara, firom a house, nonu L^ gharu, 

a house; ^C5 dara, out of a defile, nonL j^3 daro; 

s^^\ zabana, fix)m the tongue^ nom. ^Gx zabana, tongue. 
Those nouns, which end in the Singular in i (1) and 
u (fi), shorten the same before the affix a, as: y^\^ 
noria, firom a rope, nom. ^5?^ nori, a rope; ^^yi nii- 
rua, from a wild beast, nom. ^yyi miru, a wild beast. 

Digitized by 



Noons* in T ($) generally retain their final yowel before 

the afifix a, but they may also drop it, as: ^^y^ phu- 

reu, fix)m (by) a robbery, nom, ^ phure, a robbery; 

^\jI^ nirta, out of thought, mth reflexion, nom. vg^a 

nirte, thought Nouns in a either nasalize the same in 
the Ablative, or, more commonly, use the postposition 

^14^ kha eta In the Plural the Ablative affix a is 

joined to the full Formative in -ne, asr ^L^l^ gha- 

rane-a, £rom houses, ^tj^>{ minume-a (^to^^), from 

wild beasts eta 

Besides this common Ablative affix a we find. in 

SindhT also such forms, as: au (^^^l), contracted: (^jf), 

and even u (^^f). In the more ancient idiom, as used 
by the Sindhi poSts, the Ablative Singular generally ends 
in a-u. All these various Ablative affixes are derived 
from the Prakrit Ablative ^|^ (see Lassen p. 302, 304, 
599), which becomes (by the elision of d) a5, or shor- 
tened: ftu. 

The Sindhi tises also the postposition ^^4^^) kha, 

^^ khau, ^y^ kh5, to express the idea of the Abla- 
tive; all these and other postpositions require the For- 
mative of a noun« Other postpositions, which are used 
to make up for the Ablative, see under the list of post- 

Annotation. Nearest to the SindhT comes the Mar&thi in 
this respect, which uses as Ablative-casc terminations the affixes 

1) The postposition ^L^ kha etc. is derived foim the same 
source, as ^54^1 with the only difference, that the Ablative termination 
ft, au etc has been added. The same is to be said of the Ablative 
postposition ^\Jj kanSi derived from ^^^ by the same process. 

Digitized by 



an and hlin, occasionally also tiln* In BangElI and Pan- 
}abi we find the Ablative aflSbc tS (though in PanjSbi a re- 
gular Abhitive termination S is also to be met with), which 

has sprung from the Prakrit Ablative termination ]^ t5; si- 
milar to it is the Gujaratl Ablative affix thl, which has been 
aspirated. In Hindi we find also thi, but most in use is se, 

apparently identical with the Prakrit Genitive termination ^ (see 
I^tssen p. 

6) The Sanskrit Genitive-case termination ^, in 
Pali and Prakrit W ss^ lias been lost in all the modem 
tongues, with, the exception of the BangSli, where ss 
has been hardened to r. All the other dialects have 
taken to a new way of forming the Genitive, of which 
we find already some traces in the old Yedic language: 
the noun, which ought to be placed in the Genitive case, 
is changed into an adjective by an adjective affix, 
and thence follows, as a matter of course, that this so- 
called Genitive, which is really and truly an adjective, 
must agree in gender, number and case with its go- 
verning noun as all other adjectives. 

The Sindhi employs for this purpose the affix ^ 
jo (fem. ^ ji), corresponding to the common adjective 

afi&x k5 (= Sansk. ^, with transition of the tenuis 
(6=k) in tothe media (j), very likely to establish thereby 
some distinction between these two originally identical 
affixes. In Sindhi this adjective affix ja. jo is always 
written separately, whereas the common adjective 
affix ko is joined to the base, as in Sanskrit (see 
§. 10, 24); it follows always the Formative Sing, or 

Plur. of a noun, as: ^giii> ^ 1^ ghara jo dhani, the 
master of the house, ^^o ^ Jl^ gharano jo dhani, 
the master of the houses; *^ ^ (^li mursa jl jde, 
the veife of the man; ^yJty^ ijj^ c^*7^ mursane ju 
joyu, the wives of the men. In poetry jOJu sando, 
'belonging to*, is used quite in the same way, as ^, as: 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


^& ^ ^iXJU ^l^^ priya sande para ds» towards the 
direction of the Mends. 

Annotation. The Marft^hl uses as Oenitive case-affix ^, 
with transition of the guttural ^ into the corresponding pa- 
latal, as in SindhI, yet without changing the tenuis into the 
media. The Hindi and HindtistSni have preserved the ori- 
ginal Sanskrit adjective affix ^, without changing it into the 
palatal ka; in Hindu! we meet also with the affix ko and 
kau. The PanjabI and Gujarat! seem to make an ex- 
ception from what we have just stated. In Panjab! the Genitive 
ca8e*affix is da, in which we recognise the Pr&k. Ablative affix 

^ d5 (= cHR), turned into a Genitive affix. This Ponjabl 

Genitive case-affix will dear up the Pf$to Genitive prefix O da, 
being identical with it in origin. The Gujarat! employs as Genitive 
case-affix no, which is another adjective affix, corresponding 
in signification with ^ and used in Sindh! (see §• 10, 27), to 
form adjectives in the same way, as ko (on the origin of this 
affix no see Bopp^s Comp. Gram. HI, §• 839). 

*i > 

7) The original Sanskrit Locative termination *i 
has been preserved in Sindhi, though the Locative can 
now only be distinguished in masc. bases ending in V, 

as: ^iXli handhe, in a place, nom. JdJu^ handhu; ^^^o 

mathc, on the top, nom. .4^ mathn, the top. Li nouns, 
ending in any other vowel, but V (masc.), the Locative 
must be expressed, for perspicuity's sake, by an adverb 
or postposition y requiring the Formative of & noun, as: 

^jjji ^4^i^ kothia. me or: .^apjt ^^f kothia manjhe, 

in a room. In po§try the Formative of any noun is 
commonly used ako as Locative, without a postposition. 

Annotation. In Mara^h! the Locative affix ^i* has been leng- 
thened to ! and at the same time nasalized = i. Besides this 
we meet also with the Locative termination ^| ft ,* which is 
origmally the Sansk. Ablative, used as a Locative. In Ban- 
gal! the Locative ends in e 0, as in Sindhi,' or is expressed 
by the affix tc. In PanJabi the Locative is generally ex- 

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pressed by adyerbial postpositions , though the Locatiye itself 
has not been* altogether lost; we find there the affix f, as 
in M^(hl, or e, which are always joined to the base of 
g noun. In GujarStl the Locative is either expressed by 
the affix $9 or by the help of postpositions. In Hindi and 
Hindu st&nl the Locative, as a distinctive case, has been quite 
lost and must always be expressed by postpositions. Still 
some vestiges of it are lingering in the so-called participles ab- 
solute, as: bote, or witii the emphatic hi, h5teh7, in being. 


Some otiier idiomatic phrases, as: ^^ \jA us din, on that day etc 
point also to an original Locative. 

8) The Vocative i? expressed in SindhI by pre- 
fixing one of the interjectional particles: e, he, ho 
or ya, and, when speaking to an inferior, re (fern, ri) 
or are,^) The final vowel of a noun in the Vocative either 
undergoes a change or remains unaltered. In the Vocative 
Singular masc. nouns ending in *u' change the same to 

V, asr^L^ vj^l e mehara, o buffolo-keeper! nom. Jl^ 

meharu; those ending in 5 change the same to a, as: 

C^yL ;<! e sumira, o Sumir5! those ending in u, i, Y 

remain unaltered, as: ^^4^ ^( e Punhu, o Punhu! In 

the Vocative Plural noims ending in 'u* (m.) have the 

termination 5 or &, as: ^Xi ^1 3 y&ro or: Q^ yarn, 

friends! (nom. sing. jG); those ending in 5 terminate 

in the Vocative Plur. in &, o and au, as: iHlo ^1 e man- 

gata, o beggars! or: ^i£lo mangato, ^iXle mangatau 

(^xXlo mangata-u), Nom. Sing, ^ixlo mangato; those ending 
in u (u) terminate in o or a, before which affixes the 

preceding u (u) most be shortened, as: \jJa3\j ^I e va- 

tahua or ^llf^ ^^1 6 vatahuo, o travellers! Nom. Sing. 

^\3\y vatahu; thoso ending in I terminate in the Plural 

1) About tho origm of rC| rl, are, see Dr. CaldweU*i Compar. 
Grammar of the Drftyidian languages p. 440. 

Digitized by 



in ft, 5 and au (a-u), shortening at the same time the 

final I of the base, as: C^ 15I e kSdi&, ^2^x5^ <5l e ke- 

Hoy or: yi5Sk5^ ^cl S kSdiau, Kedis! Nom. Sing. ^^^ ke^L 

an inhabitant of KSd (in Beluchistan); occasionally *ah' 

is added in the Vocative Singular, as: mIL fiamiah, 

protector! and in the Vocative Plural final & is even 
lengthened to ^ahu' for the sake of the rhyme, as: 

«il^^ priyahu, o friends! those ending in H' (e), add in 

the Vocative Plural simply the affix or i: jJL^&un ^t 

e sethed, or: Iaa£/s,ih# ^^I e sethea, o wholesale-merchants! 

Nom. Sing, ^a^ sethe. 

Feminine nouns ending in V, V, a, I, Y (e) in the 
Nom. Singular, remain unaltered in the Vocative Sing.; 
in the Plural the Vocative is likewise identical with 
the Nominative. The few fem. nouns, which end irre- 
gularly in the Nom. Plural in *u', as: IL^ bhenaru, 
sisters etc., retain likewise their final V in the Vocative 
Plural, as: IL^j ^\ e bhenaru, o sisters! when ending 
in u, they drop in the Vocative final Anusvara, as: 
yy^fy ^1 e dhiaru, o daughters! Nom. Plur. ^«v^4> 


The Vocative may also be used without any inter- 

jectional prefix, ^ts: LjdjU m&rhu&, o men! 

§. 17. 
nL The FormatlTe. 

The Formative or oblique case, though in Sindhi 
throughout identical with the Instrumentalis, is by itself 
ho case, but represents merely the euphonic change of 
the final vowel of a noun previous to the accession of 
any flexional particle or postposition, by means of which 

Digitized by 



the various cases are made up. The changes, which 
the final vowel of a noun undergoes before the accession 
of any adverbial postposition, are on the whole the same 
as those before any other affix. In SindhI the post- 
positions do not coalesce with the noun itself, the lan- 
guage still being conscious of the fstct, that it has to 
deal with original adverbs. We have hinted already, 
that the Formative is originally the Genitive; it would 
be rather difficult, to prove this in reference to the 
Formative of the Singular, but that the Formative of 
the Plural originally represents the Genitive Plural, is 
borne out by the PraJnit and the kindred modem idioms. 
In Prakrit the Genitive Plural ends in ^JHJf ^T!J, ^!?|r 
in the Apabhranfia dialect ^J^^ ^^ ^, thence the Sin- 
dhI Formative Plural S, 8, or -ne. 

Though the Formative be, in all likelihood, the 
Genitive of the Prakrit, the adjectival affix y^ has been 
added to it, to turn it into an adjective, the modem idioms 
once having taken this course to supply the Genitive. 
From thence it was only a consequent step, to use the 
ancient Genitive as the base, to which all the other 
declensional postpositions were added, i e. the Genitive 
was turned into the Formative. 

1) The Formative of nouns ending in *u* 
(masa and fem.) 

a) Masculine nouns ending in ^u' change final 
'u* in the Formative Sing, to V, as: J.I3 dasu, a slave. 
Form. JiilS dasa; ^ J^tS dasa jo, ^^ J^lS dasa khS eta 
If final V be preceded by a short 'a*, the insertion of 
euphonic v becomes necessary, as: ^J ra-u, a weed, Form. 
y^ rava; the same is the case, when final V is preceded 
by a long nasalized a, as: ^l^j than, a dish, Fonn. 
pLJj thava. But if final *u* be preceded by any other 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

124 siEcnoN n. the inflexion op nouns. 

vowdi the insertion of euphonic v is optional, as: il: 
vaU| wind. Format. j\y vava or %\^ vaa; ^o ^e\Xy a demon, 
Format. Ijo 4®va or ^^o d^; when final V however is 
preceded by short or long 'i*, no euphonic insertion is 
required, as: ^o diu, a mound, Format y^& dia; ^y 
viu, a meadow, Format ^^ via; ^^ jiu, life. Format 

The following nouns ending in ^u' retain their final 
*u' unaltered in the Formative Singular: 

^ piu, father; Format ^, as: ^ ^ piu Jo etc. 
il^j bhau, brother, Format il^j, as: ^^^il^j bhau 
khe etc. 
but ^ piu, sweetheart, ^L^ bhau, price, are regular. 

The Formative Plural ends either in a, e or 

-ne, as: Nom. Sing. j4^, phulu, a flower; Nom. Plur. 

Jl4^ phula; Format Plur. ^3^j phul-a, y^Jt^^ phul-e, 

or: s^^<4^ phula-ne. The Formative in a and e is ge- 

nerally used without a following postposition, and that 
in -ne more with a following postposition, as being more 
sonorus; but in poStry the one or other form is used 
as required by the metre. 

Those nouns, which form their Plural irregularly, 

as: il4J bhau, brother, Nom. Plur. oL^bhauraor: 1>L^ 

bhauru; ^ piu, father, Nom. Plur. Iaj piura, derive their 

Formative Plural either from the Nominative Singular 

or the Nominative Plural, as: ^^^u^ bhauno or: ioy(4^ 

bhaurane; ^^^ piune or, ^lu piurane; the contracted 

form of the Formative (i. e: a, e) is never used with 

Digitized by 



h) Feminine nouns ending in ^u* remain unaltered 

in the Formative Siog., as: iUe m&u, mother, Format 

ilty ^ iU mau jo; in the Formative Plural the long 
ft of the Nom. Plur. is shortened before the Format. 

termination -ne, as: Lj viju, lightening, Nom. Plur. 

^yLy viju, Format. Plur. viju-ne. 

Those fem. nouns, which have, besides their r^ular 
Plural, also an irregular one, derive their Formative 

I^lur. firom either form, as: J^j^ bhenu, sister, Nom. 

Plur. s^y^ bhenfi or: 11xa> bhenaru (^^ljLf> bhenaru); 

Format Plur. ^jl^ bhenune or: Jy^{^ bhenarune. 

2) The Formative of nouns ending in 5 (o). 

Nouns ending in 5 change the same in the For- 
mative Sing, to e, as: ^4X0 matho, head. Format ^^^ 
maths. If final 5 be preceded by V or ft, a euphonic 
v may be inserted, as: ^S dad, the glare of the sun. 
Format ^^3 daS or: ^^S dave; pl5 nao, felt. Format 
^iS nae or: ^^.G nav5; if 6 be preceded by any other 
vowel, no insertion of euphonic v takes place, as: po 
dio, lamp. Format ^^ die; ^yL duo, perfumed oil. 
Format JiyL due. If a noun end in a nasalized (= o), 
the Anusvara is retained in the Formative, as; ^^a^IS 
nao, the ninth. Format ^^^jCtiG nae. 

If 6 be preceded by y, it is commonly dropped 
in the Formative, as: 
^jH pS^^^y^ (^^ porhio), labour. Form. ^)}^ porhe. 

y^)) ^^P^y^) rupee. Format ^•^ rupae. 

Digitized by 



The Formative Plural ends either in a, 5, the 
termination of the Nomin« Plural (a) being dropped be- 
fore them, or in -ne, final S. of the Nom. Pluiral being 

shortened to 'a' before it; as: ^^JLS^kulho, the shoulder, 

Nom. Plur. L^ kulha, Form. Plur. ^LJJLT kulha, ^jj^ 

kulhe, or: ^jj4^ kulhane; p^ kuo, rat, Nom. Plur. 

Ly kua. Format. Plur. ^)b^ kua> sj^r ^^» ^^* 

^^ kuane. 

3) The Formative of noun? ending in u (u). 

Nouns ending in u change the same in the For- 
mative Singular to ua, as: yj^y v&ghu, crocodile, 

Format ^4^^ vaghua. If final Q be nasalized (= u), 
the Anusvara is commonly retained in the Formative, 

as: ^y^) vi£hu, scorpion, Format yL^^ vidhua. 

*<• ■ • ■ 

The Formative Plural ends either in u-a, u-e, or 
u-ne, ua-ne, long u and u being shortened before the 

terminations of the Formative, as: ^T rahu, a resident, 

Nom. plur. yoj rahu, residents, Format Plur. ^f^; ra- 

hua (or: ^^liij), vi^^lij rahue, ^J rahune, ^^y ra- 

huane; ^^U mini, a wild beast, Nom. Plur. ^^l^ miru, 
wild beast, Format. Plur. ^^bU mirua, ^^Cf miruo, 
^!^ mirune, ^tij miruane. 

4) The Formative of nouns ending in & (a). 

Notms ending in ft remain unaltered in the For- 
mative Sing., as, l^T, f., agy&, command, Format llfT 

Sgya; l^tj raja (m.), king. Format. \lXs rSja; in the 
Formative Plur. they end (according to the termination 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


of the Nomiiu Floral: &-u) in u-ne^ as: y^\^ sgyar, 
une; also ^^f\ r&J&une, xnasc. 

6) The Formative of nouns ending in ^a*. 

Noons ending in W remain onchanged in the For* 
mative Sing., as: JLts kama, a beam, Format Itf k&ma; 
in the Formative Plor. they terminate (according to their. 
Nom. Floral) either in a (e) or o-ne, as: ^Lol? ksma, 
^jjyets kame, ^t^ kamone. 

6) The Formative of nouns ending in I (i). 

a) Masa noons ending in I change the same in 

the Formative Sing, to i-a, as: ^U mldi, a gardener, 

Formative |^U malia. Those noons, which have final 

1 nasalized (=: !), retain the AnosvSra in the Formative, 
as: ^^ pri, friend. Format jjio pm. The Formative 

Floral ends either in i-a (ya), i-e (ye), or in i-ne, 

ia-ne (yane), io-ne (yone), as: ^^lIJLo malia, ^^JutJU 

malie; ^Lo maline, ^)I{U mSliane (|^Lo)} sj^^ ™^* 

<" ^ ^ ^ 

liune (v^li). 


V) Feminine noons ending in I change the same 
likewise in the Formative Sing, to i-a, as: ^^ top^ 

a hat. Format ^^ topia; the Formative Floral also 

quite agrees with that of the masa noons, as: ^u^>S 

topia. c^>2 topie, ^p topine, ^^^5 topiane, y^)5 

topione. Soch fem. noons, as have dropped final i in 
the Nom. Floral (c£ §. 15, 6), drop the same also in 

the contracted form of the Formative Flor., as: ^^sxJ» 
manjl, a stool, Nom. Flor. ^ji^^ manju. Format Flor. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 


^lajj* inanja, yjM^ man}e; but: ^^*^ manjiane, ^j*sb^ 

manjiune are also in use. Some other nouns also, in ytIucIi 
final I is not preceded by a palatal, drop Y in the con- 
tracted form of the Formative Plural, as: ^sy^ kore, in 

scores, .from ^\^ kori, a score. 

7) The Formative of nouns ending in Y (e). 

Nouns ending in Y (fem. and masc.) remain un- 
altered in the Format Sing., as: y^^^ f , bhite, a wall, 
Format, ow^ bhite; J^ kehare (m.), a lion. Format. 
J^ kehare. In the Formative Plural of fem. nouns 
the same terminations are employed as with fem. nouns 
ending in !, as: ^^Co^ bhitia, y^J^^. bhitie, ^jX^ bhi- 
tine, s^^^ bhitiane, y^^^ bhitiund. In the Formative 

Plural final Y is frequently dropped altogether, especially 
in poetry, but only in the contracted form of the For- 
mative, as: y^*j^ bhate, in (different) ways, from owf^ 

bhate, habit, manner. 

The Formative Plural of masa nouns ends in -ne, 
the contracted form a, e hardly ever being in use with 

them, as: ^ay^ keharine. 

•^ joe, wife, which forms its Plural either regu- 
larly s^^^ joyuf or irregularly: ^^ joiru, jjj^ j6- 
hiru, has in the Format. Plur. either ^j^ joyune or: 
o;?>^ johirine. 

§. 18. 

We let now follow, for the sake of perspicuity, a 
survey of the SindhI declensional process. As the Ge- 
nitive affix ^ j|6 is originally an adjective aflfix, by 

Digitized by 




means of which the noun is turned into an adjective, 
dependent on the governing noun in gender, number 
and case, we premise the inflexion of ^/ which, ac- 
cording to its terminations jo and jl, is inflected after 
the manner of nouns ending in o and I (fem.). As 
stated already, y>. always -requires the Formative of a 
noun, as all postpositions. 



is^ j§; ^ jia- 


Nom. ^ jo. 

Form. 4ca^ je. 

Vocai l^ ja. 

ITom. U* ja. 

Form, ^^g^ je; ^^ jane. 

Vocat li. ja. 

(5«^ JS; c^^ i^^i c^ jw^«; 
{JL. jiane; ^JL jiune.) 

In poStry the diminutive form j|^ jaro, ^^ 
jari is occasionally used instead of ^, as: 

Yesterday (thy) relatives have departed (this life); 
to-day it is thy turn. Golden Alphabet II, 4. 

In the same way as ^ jo the adjective 3«xll sando 
(belonging to, own) is very frequently used in poetry, 
and inflected regularly, as: 


Nom. joJu sando. 
Form. vj^iXl^ sande. 

Vocai IjJl sanda. 

Trvmpp, Sindhl-OraiMaar. 

^jH sandL 
^cXju sandia. 
q^jJu sandL 

Digitized by 



Masculine^ Femmne. 

KonL fjulu sanda. u)>^<^^ sandiiL 


^ 9^ 

^Juu sandane, 
^oJu sande. 


^^iXH sandine; ^iXJu 8an« 

diane; ^^jJLl sandinne. 

Yocai loJu sanda. c)^<^^ eandiu. 

STotuis in u (maso. and fern.) 

a) Masa nouns in V. 

Nom. 4^^ deh-u,. a country. 
Format 1 ' 
In8trun»./-«f dSh-a. 

Gen. ^ ^o deh-a jo etc. 

Dative. ^^^ j^ deh-a khe. 

Accusat 4^0 deh-u Q^ 4^o). 

Locat. ^j deh-e, or: ,^^ ^i dsha me eta 

Ablai yj^^ deh-a; ^^34^0 4^1^-0 ; \j,^,o deh-fL 

^|4iJ deh-au; il^o deh-au or: ^l^l^ 4<^ 4eh» 
kha etc. 
Yocai 4i^ v5' S deh-a; 4^^ deh-a. 


Nom. 4^0 deh-a, countries. 

Formatw 1 

In8trum./U^^ ^§^-^5 vJ^f ^^^-^5 i^f 

C^en. ^ chW^ dehane jo etc. 

Dative. ^ \^^^ dehane khe. 

Digitized by 



Aocus. J^& deh-a Q-a^ sjiao). 

I^^x^** ^ v:H^^ dShane me eta (v;;j^o ^ehrS). 

Ablat ^i^^o dShane-a etc.; ^^^L^ ^i dehane 

kha etc. 
Vocat ^A deh-6; I4<i dfih-a. 

An irregrolar noiOL 

•Nom. ^ pi-u, father. 
Format I ' 
In8trum./(5« Pi"^- 
Genit >^ ^5^ piu jo etc. 

Dative, fs^ ^ piu khe. 
AccuB. *j' pi-u (^ *^. 
Ablat ^;Li^ ^^ piu kha etc.. 
Vocat ^ pi-u. 


Nom. 1a^ pin-ra, &therB. 
Format. \ \ ^^ 

In8trum./«^^ pi^-»®? c)/^ pinra-ne. 

Dative, ^g^ y^t^ piune khe; ^^^5* ^^^ pinrane khe. 

Accus. ^ piura {^g^ J^\ ^ J^, 

Ablat. vi^^A^ piune-a; ^)tjy^ piurane-a eta 

O^^c)^ piune kha; ^^ ^^ piurane kha eta 
Vocat jjji^ piur-6. 

1) In poetry an additional vowel may be joined to tbe final ft of 
the YocatiTei for the sake of the metre, as: iU^ TanSn, oh je treea, 
instead of U; va^ft; J^u: Tanfiha, ^UI TanSa. Sh. Ua^QiT, m, 6. 7. 8. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Id. JjuU vXLJ ^^U^ ^l^j ^ ^2^ ^^ 

Having returned to my own cowpen, may I see 
the country of Maliir. Sh. Um. Mar. I, 13. 

Forget not (thy) husband; o woman (rather) die! 
Sh, Um. M&r. II, 6. 

^j^y^U ^^Le^SyO ^U^J ^^^f ^O ^US ^ v^^lS 

May I be of a black face (literally: in a black 
face) on the day of the resurrection from amongst the 
sinners. Maj. 731. 

Having made a journey from a foreign country ho 
has come hither. Sh. Sor, I, 2, 

Wounded were those feet of the poor woman from 
the journey (UJ). Sh. Abirl VI, 6. 

The thief, the mad man, the stranger, the fool take 
out of thy mind. Maj. 291. 

Come near, o sweetheart, do not go away, my 
friend! Sh. Abiri X, 3. 

^' r^^ ^^ ^^ ^^ -^^ 
If one give me thus intelligence of my friends. 
Maj. 733. 

Having separated the friends fi^m the friends he 
shows compassion. Sh. Sor. I, Epil. 

Digitized by 



«s^ v;5 ^', i»i ^ ^^^ 
Stand up, ye physicians, do not sit down, go off 
vrith your medidneBl SL Jam. EaL I, EpiL 

h) Feminine nouns in *u'. 

Nom. Ly v^-u, ligHtening. 

Format 1 , 

In8trum./G5 "^'^ 

Grenit. ^ -.^ vigu jo etc. 

Dative, ^g^ 1» viju khe. 

Aocus. ^^ vij-u (^ ^,). 

Ablat. ^^\^ 'y viJu khS etc. . 

Vocat. ' ^ vy-u. 


Nom. ^JyLy vy-fi. 
Format. 1 , ' 
Instrum./v:^'^ ^"^■"«- 

Genii 5^ ^;I.^ v^ime Jo eta 

Dative, ^g^ ^^ vy une khS. 

Aocns. ^^^ vq-u (^ ^^). 

Ablat sj^^i viju-ne-a etc.; ^Lj^ ^^ vyune kha etc 

Vocat. v:;>4^ vij-u. 

An Irregular noim. 

Nom. ili ma-u, mother. 
Format iU ma-u. 
Vocat iUo m&-u, 

, Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


. , PLURAL. . 

KonL o^^ mSril; Isli mi-i-ru; ^^^CsjUo ma-i-ru, 

mothers. , 

Format ^U mau-ne; ^>5Lo mairu-ne. 

Vocat. s:))^^ ma-u, IsU m&-i-ru. 

<?f b^ «?^^5 ^ / ^ <?^* «^ «>^ 

Having risen with love depart; nothing (else) will 
bring thee to Eed. Sh. MasS. 11, 10. 

iriend, do not go to a foreign country, said to 
him again his mother. Maj.'83. 

jGf ^jU ,^f >J2ir ^j«uli vL>* 

The sweetheart has been won by those, who set 
off I placing rent upon rents (I e. in their clothes). Sh. 

Abin, vn, 7. 

. sisters," I am simple-minded; by me unknowingly , 
a marriage has been contracted. Sh. Abirl Y, 16. 


Nouns in 6 ($). 


Nom. >^t}A« merak-o, crowd. 
Format. 1 , ' 
Instrum.)<5?>r ^^T^^"®-. 
Genit. y^ i^}*^ merak-e jo etc. 

Dative. ^^^ (s^^j^ merake khe. 

• Accus. >flW merak-o Q^a^ ^iy^)- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Ablat jH^ mfirSk-a etc.; ^Hff ^j^ mSrSkS khi. 
Vocai ^Luo merik-a. 


Nom. ^Ja* inSrSk-&, crowds. 

Format) ^J . 

Instram./o'^)^ merac-a; ^^fjS\^ xnSrSk^; ^ja> me- 

Genii ^ \a^j^ mSrSkane jo. 

Diative. ^^ v:>^Ja4 mSrakane kh6. 

Accus. ^)a^ merak-5 Q^ ^jjfl^ 

Ablat ^;llx$ljjy« merakane-a eta; ^[4^ u^^}^ mer&- 

kane kha etc. 
Yocat iftiue inersk-a; ^iyt xnSrak-au; >^iuf merak-o. 

Haying filled the dish with many pearls she gave 
it to the lucky one (^aA^?)- MaJ. 714. 

The elephant^ though he walk slowly, is yet of greater 
price than a horse. SL Shiha Ked. I, 2. 

G^t up, o mad one! be off! do not sit now here! 
Maj. 249. 

The sails are straight, the ropes are new, their chiefs 
are the Muh&nos (fishermen). Sh. Sur. I, 12. 

Digitized by 



Having lifted the killed one (fern.) into the panieis 
(pLss/), the friend has driven off. Sh. Abii^ X, Epil. 

The lovers scoop out (their head) from the shoulders, 
•ays rAbd-ul-Lati£ Sh. Kal. I, 7: 

In the bottom she (i. e. the boat) has got holes; 
from the sides water flows in. Sh. Sur. m, 6. 


Nouns In U (il). 


Nom. y^) rahak-u, an inhabitant 
Format. )»i,,- ... 
Instrum.//^; "^^^""^ 

Ablat. c)y^J rahaku-a; ^)14^^ApJ rahftkua kha etc. 

Vocat >^; rahak-u. 

j^om. ^^'l rahak-u, inliabitants. 

Format. \ Chi^ rahaku-S; ..yj^hi: rahaku-e;. 
Instrum./^ ^ ^ ^"» -^ 

^^jsfl^j rahakua-ne or: y^)SMil rah&ku-ne. 

Ablat. ^j^LoASJ rahakune-a etc.; ^l^ cr^; rah&kune 

kha etc. 
Vocat. ^A^I^J rahaku-o; LAi^ rahaku-a. 

Grains of medicine have been given by me to the 
sweetheart with (my) hands. Sh. Kohiari IV, 9. 

Digitized by 



Gause to come to Punliu this foot-la^aveller (fent). 
Sh. Kok IV, EpiL 

O darling Maru, would that the FauhS.r8 would be 
reconciled with me! Sh. Uul Mfir. I, EpiL 

Truth like gold has not &llen into thd mouth of 
of the people. Sh. Jam. KaL VIII, 7. 

By wild beasts, by ants, by birds, by (any) other 
speach be not misled. Sh. Kal. I, 16. 

JU«> ^^Cjlt ^jjJUf ^pH S ^5li«> UJji^ 

Marui does not wash the braids in the palaces, 
away from the Marus. Sh. Um. Mar. m, 5. 

By those cows, by which not a drop was given, 
the pots have been filled. Haz. Sar. V, 47. 

Do not remain, o people under the protection of 
Nangar (i. e. Tattha)! Verses of the MSmuis. 

Note. It is a poetical license, if a noun is not inflected in 
the Formative for the sake of the rhyme, as: 

^fh is^ >i>4^ J (5? cr^ O^ W 
High above the sky art thou, I am a wanderer upon 
^^^ (c)r*^ instead of Ji^). Sh, Sor. I, 3. 

Digitized by 



Nouns in a (6). 

a) feminine. 

Nom. Irf had-a, murder. 
Format ) -^^ _ 
Instrma)^ ^^^ 

Ablat (J^ had-S); ^145' la^ had& kh& etc. 
Vocat La^ had-a. 




Nom. ^Jy^^ haJSr^j mttrders. 
Format V *,^ , .. 
In8trum./v^^ ^*^^"^®- 

Ablai ^Lojla^ hadatme-a. 

Vocat cyjl^ hadS-fi. 

5) masculine. 

Nom. lifj r5j-5 (lllj rSJa), a king. 
Format 1. ... 
Instrum.)^'; '*^»- 

Ablat ^^14^ l^f^ r&ja kha eta 

Vocat ILfJ raj-a. 


Nom. lilj r^j-a, kings. 
Format ) i 
Instrum.)s^^5 ^'*'*-^«- 

. Ablat JuXi\l.f^ rajaune-a; ^^l^^^[^]^ rftjaune kha etc 
Vocat pt^l; raja-6. 

Digitized byVjOOQ IC * 


There is no way with those Jate, o aunt! Sh. 
Hub. 71, EpiL 

That one is with thyself, on whose account thou 
causest thyself troubles. Sh. Abirl 111, 5. 


Nouns in &. 


Nom. JtiXZi sadh-a, wish. 
Format \ ^ ^ 
Instrum.)-^*'-" ®^^"^ 

Ablat ^l^Juf sadh-a; Ji^ j^oJl, sadha Idia etc. 

Vocat ^«xl sadh-a. 


Nom. yJioJ^ sadh-a; ^yioJ^ sadh-u, wishes. 
Instrum.}^'^**^ eadli-a; ^^X^ sadh-e; ^oJ^ sadhu-na 
Ablat. ^La^iXi^ sadhune-a; ^l^^iXl sadhune kha etc 
Vocat. ^[idJ^ sadh-a; ^^^Juw sadh-u. 

By the counsel of S&haru (the buffalo-keeper) I have 
been made to pass the whirlpool with the mercy (of God). 
Sh. Suh. n, 2. 

From the unity multiplicity has sprung; multiplicity 
is all unity. Sh. Kal. I, 15. 

Sit not) o lady! in Bhambhoru, thou wilt now come 
up to him. Sh. Hus. VIII, 3. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Hot winds blow, oppressively hot are the days. 
Sh. DesI m, EpiL 

In the men's sitting rooms is aloe-wood, on the 
couches musk. Sh. Mum. Banc 11, 3. 


Nouns in i (I). 

a) Masculine nouns. 


Nom. ^H s&n-I, companion. 
Format ) J ^ 
In8trum./(5^'-- sSn-ia. 

Ablat ^)Cvill sani-a; ^L^ ^LL sftnia kha etc. 

Vocat. ^Ll san-I (sliU s&ni-ah). 

Nom. ^\1» san-I, companions. 

In'lt^jc)^^ »^-^ (u^.^ saniy^); ^U sani-S; 
^H sanya-ne (^llsania-ne); ^U#8anyu-ne 
(^^Un saniu-ne); ^^H sSni-ne. 

Ablat ^LoAiUii sanyane-a etc. 

Yocat LiUi sani-a; ^lit^ sani-o. 

?5 c;*^^^ i:;?^^ Kft ^7!^ -1^ ^^ 

Under the feet of (my) friend I spread out my 
hair. Maj. 231. 

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Then said the Q&^ to Qaisu: dropp bashfolness 
from (thy) mincL Maj. 183. 

From the women^ o protector! deliver now this 
man. Sh. Sor. I, 9. 

On (my) feet I cannot arrive; the connlary of (my) 
friends is &r off. Sh. Khambh. I, EpiL 

•^y T^)^ \ay^ ^^^f^ e)^^ 
Cut off wands, many are necessary for you, o ye 
camelmen! Sh. Abiri XI, 7. 

My condition is such, as ye see, o friends! 
Maj. 441. 

h) Feminine nouns. 
Norn. ^^ gol-I, a slave-girL 
Format. \Z ^ 
hi8trum.)(5^/ 8^^^^ 

Ablat Jliy goU^; J^ ^/ gSlia khS. 
Vocat. ^^ gol-L 


^^°^- u^/ goUy-u i^^^ goU-u; ^j,^^ goly-u). 
Format. \ % ^ ^ ,( 

Instrum./cj'^P 8^^'*? c^/ R^^i-S' ^^^ golia-ne (go- 

, lya-ne); ^^goliu-ne; ^^Sjf goli-ne. 
Ablai yJuA*i^ goliane-a etc. 
Vocat say^^y^ goli-fi. 

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Then said the lady to her slave-girl: having risen 
saddle the camel! MaJ. 738. 

<5?-^ r tf^ /f*? )^ '^^ <5^^ 
afflicted one, forget (thy) grief; break in pieces 
(thy) bed, o Socui! Sh. Mai^ VI, 6. 

The kernels of the golaros (coccinea indica) will I 
pidc with a snap of the fingers. Sh. Urn. Mar. II, 

They (i e. the physicians) give a pill of mercy, 
having seen the pulses (vfjlS). Sh. Jam. Eal. 11, 18. 

To the queens pleasure has returned; the griefs of the 


slave-girls have been taken off. Sh. DesI, Ghot. 3. 

companions I my soul has been confided to the 
protection of my sweetiieart Sh. Desi VII, 11. 


Nouns ending in d (i). 


Nom. j^ galh-e, story (fem.). 
Format \ ^ 
Instmm./-f^ g^-^- 

Ablat ^^U^Lf* galhe-a; ^y^^^ g&lh-o etc. 
Vocat j^\J^ galh-e. 

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Kom. \ay*^^ gSlhe-ii, stories. 

\^m\sJ^^ i^^Sj cH^'^ g«hi-8; J^ gfti- 

hea-ne; y^j^^ galheu-ne; sj^^ galhi-ne. 
Ablat. ^Co^li* gSlhine-a eta 
Vocat. say^^ gilhe-u. 

^'5 v^;^? 5^(5?^ ^s^ isf \ay' tt)% 
firiend, may some one show me the ipiray to the 
mosque! M%}. 131. 

From Eake do not go anywhere! it is not right for 
thee, o Bano! Sk Mum. B&ou I, Epil. 

4^ sj^4^ sax^ji iS^ JISp ^ ^G 
Acknowledge then Muhammad, the intercessor, out 
of thought and love (v£>^. Sh. Kal. I, 2. 

mother, I do not trust them, who shed tears, 
Having brought water into their eyes they show 
a sandhill Sh. Jam. E!aL I, 20. 

The self-willed buffaloes graze the cool deserts, 
Ha>ring come in front of the cow- house they give 
fresh milk. Sh. Sar. IV, 14. 

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In the caldrons the limbs boil, where in the eddies 
a grain does not sink. Sh. Eal. II, 27. 

Volumes beautiful in all ways, and other elegant 
books. Maj. 141. 

sisters, give me by no means counsels to return! 
Sh. Desi Vn, 6. 

h) Masculine nouns. 
Nom. SS kehar-e, lion. 
Format \\^ 
Instrum.)^ ^^^^^-^^ 

Ablai sa^jk^ kehare-a etc. 

Vocat. J^ kehar-e. 


Nom. y^ kehar-e, lions. 

Format y ^ ^ . 

Instrum./U^^ kehare-S; ^^kehari-e; ^^ ke- 


Ablat ^Ljy4r.keharine-a etc. 

Vocat. pj-i^ kehare-6. 

^ -4» ^s^ if^'^ ^ )^ ^ t^ 5^1 
This in the business of the lion, that he strikes Mb 
hand into the elephant Sh. Shiha Ked. 7. 

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Chapter DL 

§• 19. 

The SindhI adjectiveB and participles hare the 
8ame terminations as the substantiyes and may there- 
fore be classed nnder the same heads as the substan- 

The general role, that the adjective must agree with 
its substantive in gender, number and case, holds 
good in Sindhi likewise. 

In reference to the render no exception takes place; 
but if an adjective or participle be referred to two pre- 
ceding substantives, the one of which is masculine, the 
other feminine, the adjective or participle follows in 
the Plural masculine, as: 

u^ H^r^ ^?^ ^ / 

He created them mole and female. Gen. I, 27. 
With regard to the number the following ex- 
ception takes place. When an adjective precedes a noun 
in the inflected case of the Plural, it may remain in 
the inflected case of the Singular, as: 

^ ^ ^}^ ^ ^^^ prophets, or: (5^^^ ^a}^ 
The same is the case, when an adjective precedes 
a noun in the Vocative Plural, the adjective being 
then commonly put in the Vocative Singular, as: 

CjdjCo ^olm ^t o Sindhi men! instead of: LijUt U^cXL. ^t. 

But it does not fall under this head, when an adjective 
or participle is referred to a preceding substantive fol- 
lowed by the postposition ^^ khS; for in this case 

there exists no grammatical connexion between the ad- 
jective and substantive, but the adjective is used ab- 
solutely as: 

~UBpp, SindU'OraauBar. K 

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He saw those two brothers throwing their net into 
the sea. Matth. IV, 18. • 

I thought the hills high. 
As to the case it may be observed, that ad- 
jectives, which end in i and u may remain unin- 
fleeted, when immediately followed by a substantive 
in the Formative, as: 

sj^, 4^U ^jLi 5^5 3)^4X1; ^ ^ 

Do not make a journey in the caravan of vin- 
dictive men! 

-^il ^;^-3 cH^ tt>^ ^ <5^ 

To both the helpless there was in many ways pleasant 
conversation. Maj. 198. 

An adjective, following a substantive, may be put 
in the Ablative case, whereas the preceding substantive 
is only put in the Formative, as: 

He who has come firom the grand-father's country, 
has given me a reproach. Sh. Um. Mar. H, 2. 

When an adjective precedes or follows a noun in 
the contracted form of the Formative Plural, it as- 
sumes the same^form, as: 

Wicked men forsake. 

^ 4^lf ^^ c^*^ ^sj'^ \a^)y^ 

I seek in many ways the mercy of others. Sh. Jam 
KaL V,. EpiL L 

1) y^^tMr ^ contracted instead of y^A?{^5t 

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^ ^ U^i \:)i^^ c^^^^ll ^4>ilf 

By the burning coals of the thorn and babul tree 
I am indeed roasted! Sh. Jam. EaL ID, 3. 

Adjectives precede, as a rule, their substan* 
tives, as: 

Man sees with his small eye the world. 

Good, fragrant, sweet-smelling food was contained 

An adjective may also follow its substantive, es- 
pecially when the adjective contains more syllables than 
its substantive, as: 

The stars from the day of beginning are, without 
having deviated from their fixed intervals, in full turning. 

Two and more adjectives very frequently follow their 
mibstantive as: 

O sweet and charming friend, make the whole earth 
blooming! Sh. Sar. IV, 12. 

-4^ r^ eft ^^ ^ 'i^' <??'^ 5^^ •''^ 

By the knowing and wise God such secrets have 
been explained in his word. 

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To adjectives, as well as to substantives, very fre^ 
quently an emphatic I accedes in all cases, signifying 
'very', 'quite*, 'truly', without altering in any way the 
termination of the adjective (the feminine Singular of 
adjectives ending in 5 alone being excepted; see §. 20, 2), 

as: ^^J^jJ oiitoi, quite accidental; ^5i«^ ifaribei (Sing. 

fem.) very humble. 

O companion, make preparation of the very instant 
journey! Golden Alph, I, 1. 

§• 20. 
Formation of gender. 

With reference to the derivation of the feminine 
from masculine nouns the general rules, which have 
been laid down in Chapter Vn, §. 14, are equally ap- 
plicable to adjectives. Some minor points, in which ad- 
jectives differ in this respect from substantives of the 
same termination, wiU be noticed under the following 

1) Adjectives ending in *u'. 

These change the masc. termination *u' either to 
*e' (i) or to 'a', as: 

lijo nidharu, helpless, fem. ^JJ nidhare or: 

t^JO nidhara. 

^U^T ^j^^f ^^^^ ^iW ^4>f 

Forlorn, helpless, wretched, unacquainted I am! 
Sh. Abiri Vm, 1. 

Some adjectives of SindhI origin, but more so those 
borrowed from the Arabic or Persian, remain without 

any change of gender, number and case, as: JJ^ sarsu, 

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plentiful (s.); 4)/ gadii, mixed (s.); Lf^ aaliyu, easy (s.); 
iJ^ {aba!^, vain (a.); JlUS tam&mu, whole (a.); y^ 
xubu, good (p.); J>#;«> dursu, right (corrupted firom ^Llj<> 
(p.)); ^iU m&tu, done for (p.); J>U^ pafiunanu, ashamed 
(P-); u't6^ fiairanu, bewildered (a.); J^ halaku, killed 
(a.);^ 0II9 safu, clean (a.); jUm mailimu, known (cor- 
rapted from |»^JIm (a.))> etc. etc. 

4U i ,jj^ v^^ ^ III ^ ^ ^li^ 

Those who have died before dying, they are not 
done for when dead. Sh. Majturi IV, 7. 

bX ^^^•> ^j;^ .5^l^> ^f5 ^ ,^^, ^ 

By the medicine, which is in the mouth of the 
physicians, they have been made whole. Sh. Jam. 
KaL n, 17. 

Those who have looked about with men, wUl there 
be put to shame. Maj. 266. 

2) Adjectives ending in 6 (o). 

These change the masa termination to I (1); as: 
38^ kuro, false, fem. ^j^ kOri; ^^ nSo, new, fem. 
c^^ nSL 

When an adjective or participle ends in yo (or id), 
being preceded by a consonant, the y (i) is dropped be^ 

fore the fem. termination I, as: y^^o dukhyo or: jl^ 

dukhio, pained, fem. ^^^ dukhi; ^ki5, done, fem. 

^ ki; but ^ pio, fSallen (Part per£ firom ^^ makes 

its feminine ^^Saj pei, not pL When yd however is 

preceded by a vowel, the feminine is formed regularly 

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160 SEcnoN n. the inflexion of noums. 

in yT, as: ^^ dayd, said (Part per£ from J;^), fern. 

fgtj^ dayl; ^ kayd, made (another form of the part 

perf. of ^'yt), fem. ^ kayT; ^T ayo, come (part, pert 

from J>^T), fem. ^T ayi; but the y may just as well 

be dropped in such like forms, as: 6al, kal, al etc. 
When the emphatic i accedes to the feminine Sin- 
gular, then the masc. termination o is changed to yai 

in the Nominative, as: ^ muno, blunt, with the em- 
phatic i in the feminine: ^5311^ munySI; but the other 

cases of the feminine are quite regular, and hardly ever 
found with an emphatic L 

Look, says Latif, what credit (is given) to pieces 
of straw! Sh. Suh."vm, 1. 

iff isf isi^^ ^?^ -i^ iTIi isf 
IS she sees the face of the buffalo -keeper, she be- 
comes quickly well. Sh. SuL Ohot. 5. 

3) Adjectives ending in u (u). 
These do not change their termination in the fe- 
minine, as: ^4^ sahu, masc. and fem«, patient; yfi^y 
verhu, masc. and fem., quarrelsome. 

4) Adjectives ending in & (a). 

These are comparatively few in number and admit 

of no change of gender, as: \J& data, masa and fem., 

liberal; ^SG tSla, masc. and fem., worried. The greater 

number of them is indeclinable, as: GLo safa, pure (a.); 

Ui fana, extinct (a.); ^l^ pha, tired; fiX^ juda, se- 
parate (p.). 

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5) Adjeotives ending in & 
Th^ admit of no change of gender and are all 
indeclinable ^X ^* ^^^^S vadhtka, exceesive; a1 sufia^ 

empty, barren; pLiiy'db&n^ separate, or compounded: 

ri^c>3^Ud dharodhara; Ol^ Jala or ^U* jSrai much; JLl^ 
jama, much. 

(His i e. God's) life is with the life of every one; 
but the aspect is quite different Sbu EaL I, 24. 

IJJJO C^^y l^ ^X ^ J^ V^4> ^4> ^4> liXrfc. ^ 

Whose heads (are) asunder, the trunks separated, 
the limbs in the caldron* Sh. EaL 11, 24. 

6) Adjectives ending in i (!). 

These remain unchanged in the feminine, as: ^^G 

bar!, carrying a burden, masa and fenu; v^^lpl sa- 

vacb[, savoury, masa and fem.; some are only used in 
the feminine. 

7) Adjectives ending in e (i). 

They do not differ in the feminine, like those ending 
in I; as: ^ty^ iaurase, masa and fern., square. Most 
of them are indeclinable, chiefly those of foreign origin, 
e. g.: j^iX^ sudhe, pure;'«^(>S dadhe, wrong; ^^ mukhe. 

1) Stack exhibits in his Sndhl Orammar tlM paradigma % (l\n , 
sakhara and inflects it in the FonnatiTe Plural; bnt in his Dictionarj 

he gives j-fC^ sakhara, which ii the proper termination. I hare 
never met with an adjective ending in *a\ inflected in any way, for 

the cardinal numbers ^J^ panja five etc can hardly be classed under 
this head. ^ 

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supreme; ji.^ x^^ (PO^ pleasant (generally pronounced 
short and partly also written g&L); c>L^ fiSde (p.), joyful; 
JG barabare (p.) 9 abreast , right; *(^ bajae (p.), per- 

The feminine affixes ni, ne, ani (yani), aine 
(yaine) are occasionally used with adjectives ending in u, 
Oy U| iy if some inherent quality, habit or occu- 
pation of living beings is to be marked out (the 

details see Chapter VIE, §. 14), as: ^y^ cM^r^ 1f^^" 

bine dhokare, a girl (habitually) humble; ^J ^oMi 
sadhuni rana, a (thoroughly) virtuous widow; ^(^ {^^\i^ 
hocliyani dajii, an obstinate (female) camel 

We subjoin here a survey of the inflexion of ad- 

1) Adjectives ending in 'u*. 

Mascdwe. Femimne. 




A^l aietu, 
I aieta. 

I a£eta. 

ouu^l a£eta; vsaaa.! a£ete. 

f aieta; 

I a£eta. 

ju^l adeta; 

^^^jOa^I aiete, eta ^)Ju^l 

T a£ete. 
T a£ete. 


L^Ia^I aietane. 

Vocat >x*^faa6to. 





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2) Adjectives ending in 5. 

Masculine. Femmnc. 

Noin. ^45^ rukho, dry. ^^^ rakbL 

Format ^^^ rakhg. ^^ rukhia. 

Vocat 14^ rukha. ^^^ rokhi. 


Nonu 14^ rukha. U!>4f^ rukhiyu (rokhiu). 

!^jLa5l rukhe eta cH^ rukhine eta 
^j^ rukhana 

Vocai [^ rukha; ^^ sjfi^ rukhiyu. 
rukha-n; ^45^ rukho. 

Nonu e>>^ ^^» prior, ^jj^ agf. 
Format ^jjjutf^ agie. ^ifi agia. 

Vocai vjjl^f agiS- ^j^ agi. 


Norn. ^Cff agia. ^y}f\ agiyu (agiu). 

^2^ju^ agie eta ^f agine eta 

^jji^ agiane. 

Vocai jl^\ agiu; ^^f agiytt (agiu). 

^t agiau; 

Format. « 

>^» agio. 

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3) Adjectives ending in n. 


Masadine. Feminine. 

Kom. y^ Bahu, patient ^4^ sahiL 
Format. ^4^ sahoa. ^4^ sahua. 

Vocat. y^ sahti. y^ sahu. 

I7om. ^4^ BahCL y^ sahu. 

^■A^t^^ sahue etc. ^».t^l saline etc. 
Formai < v:>a4^ sahuane. v:>'A4Ii# sahuane. 

^2)4^ sahnne. ^2)4^ sahnne. 

Vocat 1^ ^'*^- ^ ^"^" 

L4^ Bahua. Ix^ sahua. 

4) Adjectives ending in a. 


Nom. • Glo d&ta, liberal titS d^ta. 

Format, lito d^ta. Uto data. 

Vocat. iSiS 4ata- litS di^ta. 


Nom. GtS data. u>^lSl^ datau. 

Format. ^Uto <lataune. ^ul^ dataune. 

Vocat. plili datao. ^:>^wf^ datau. 

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5) Adjectives ending in L 
Masculme. Feminine. 

^o SxikM, afflicted. ^«^ dukhL 
^^ dukhia. ^^ dukhia. 

^^ dukhL ^i dnkhL 

^j^Jo dukhl. \:)y^*^ dukhiyu (dokhiu). 

^^jSfi^ dukhie eta ^^jju^o dukhie eta 

^j.450 dukhine etc. ^^4^^ dukhine eta 

\a^^ dukliia. ^^1^0 dukhiyu. 

^A45li> dukhio. 

6) Adjectives ending in e (i). 


^1Xj» hikamuthe, ^IXj; hikamuthe. 

^IX'o hikamuthe. ^IXj; hikamuthe. 

«,^£lX!0 hikamuthe. ft^t^«^ hikamuthe. 

.^!J^ hikamuthe. ^^a^S^ hikamuthiu. 

^yjkl|^0 hikamu- ^Al|£lXjft hikamuthie etc. 

thie etc. 
y^s!Jjt hikamu- ^j^CS^ hikamuthine eta 

thine etc. 
^A^ilXjp hikamu- ^y^^Sj^ hikamuthiu. 


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§• 21. 
Oomimrison of adjectives. 

The Sindl]^, as well as the cognate idiomSi has lost 
the power to form a Comparative and Superlative 
d^ree after the manner of the Sanskrit (and Persian) 
by means of adjective afiBxes, and it is very remarkable, 
that the Semitic way of making up for the degrees of 
comparison has been adopted. In order to express the 
idea of the Comparative, the object or objects, with 
which another is to be compared, is put in the Abla- 
tive, or, which is the same, the postpositions ^JJ^ kha, 

^^ kho, ^y^ khu, ^U ma, ^^l^^ manjha and si- 
nodlar ones (see the Postpositions) are employed, the 
adjective itself remaining in the Positive. In order to 
express the idea of the Superlative, the pronominal 
adjective all is placed before the Ablative. By the 
Ablative the difference or distance, which exists 
between the objects compared, is pointed out. 

Much sweeter than sweetness, (and) not bitter is 
the word. Sh. KaL m, 10. 

More valuable than a hundred heads is the breath 
of the friend (Plui*;). Sh. KaL 11, 30. 

JLi, ^ d^f5 3J03I say^) ^^ 

Nearer than the breath and the veins is the union 
of the one (God). MaJ. 5. 

•>^ ^ P^ ^/ Uf^ sji^}i ^)^ 

The wife, whom thou hast respected, having loved 
her more than thy Lord (Plur.). Mengho 8. 

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I£ thou likest to meet (thy) friend, then esteem 
virtue more than vices. Sh. Jam. EaL Vnii 22. 

Whosoever break one of these least commandments 
and teach the people thus, he will be called the least 
in the kingdom of heaven. Matth. Y, 19. 

Chapter X. 
Numeral adjectlvee. 

§. 22. 

The SindhI possesses a great variety of numeral 


f oG» hiku; oCajd heku; w^l eku; ^yC» hikird; jjXjj» 

hekiroi one. 

f 4 ba,*two. 
r ^J tre, three. 

1* XL dare, four. 

♦ j^ panja, five. 

«t ^^ £ha, or: ^^^ £haha, six. 

V oul sata, seven* 

K 4^1 atha, eighi 

5 ^plS navS, nine. 

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• j»o daha, ten. 

t ^\^ yorahS; ^\^l ikarahS; ^^^ karahS, elevon. 

r ^Jlj barahS, twelve, 

r ^y^ teraha, thirteeiL 

^ ^03^ io^abS, fourteen, 

d ^t^OoJ pandraba; ^G&joS pandbra, fifteen, 

i vI^^;>^ BorabSy sixteen. 

V ^^jiL satraba, seventeen. 

A ^J\ araba, eigbteen. 

1 JjAii unibay ^yj\ univiba, nineteen. 

!•♦ 4ij viba, twenty. 

Annotation. The Sindhi nomerals are all derived from the 
Sanskrit by the medium of the PrSkrit — Sansk. 1^^ one, Prak. 
1^; in Smdhi a euphonic h has been preposed, as: hiku 
(=5 hikku). When commenomg to count the Hindus use to say 

instead of hiku: <-^^ barkhu, and the Musalmans: 04^ 
barkhata, invoking thereby a blessing. — Sansk. flf) two, Prak. 
7|f; in Sindhi the crude form dva has been assimilated to 

vva and thence to ba (=s bba). Besides ^ Iba we meet also 
occasionally the form ^yty du, which has sprung from the Pra- 
krit ^|m!|«— Sansk. T%, three, Sindhi ^^ $re, whereas the 
Prak. form (nUlAU ^^ given rise to the Hindustani ^jj. 
Sansk. -qn^^ four, Prak. ^^^TUv ^ Sindhi the conjunct tt 
has again been elided = iare. — Sansk. ^^ri , Prak. Xf^; in 
Sindhi (and PanjabI) the tenuis i has been changed into the 
media } (but in Hindustani and Marathi again pani). — Sansk. 
^^ISf , six; Prak. ig^, as in Sindhi. — Sansk. ^>|«i, seven, Prak. 
1^1 Sindhi: sata (= satta); PanJabI: satt; but in Hindu- 
stani and Marathi: sat, the conjunct tt being dissolved by leng- 
thening the preceding vowel. — Sansk. ^^h, Prak. ^fRj Sindhi: 

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atlia (— attha); PanJSbl: afth; bat HindOst and Maritfal: Stb* 
Sansk. fT«[7^, nine, Pride T^^i Sindlu; nava; Panjabi: nS; 
Hindust.: nan; Maril^I: nava, — Sansk. t^li|«J , ten, Fnk. 

^^; SindhT: 3aha; Maratbi: daha; Hindustani and Pan- 
jabi: das. 

In Sanskrit the first nine numbers are prefixed to t^^H, 
ten, to form the following nine numerals; but in Prakrit and 
consequently in SindhI (as well as in the cognate dialects) they 
undergo already so great changes, that the way, in which they 
have been compounded, is at the first sight scarcely recognis- 
able. The Prakrit form ^^ is in these compounds first changed 
to f^ and thence to ^, as; Prakrit |i^|<j^ = Sansk. ]£cti|. 
^^Ejn eleven; SindhI: yaraha, with elision of k, or without 
elision of k: ikaraha or kSraha (initial 4^ being dropped). — Prak. 
cfRjl = Sansk. ^|^^lvj[, twelve; SindhI: baraha. — Prakrit 

^^ = Sansk. ^ifX'^H thirteen; SmdhI: teraha. — Prakrit 
xf>?^ = Sansk. x|n^^iv4, fourteen; SindhI: io3ah&. An ex- 
ception forms the SindhI: pandraha or pandhra, fifteen, the Pra- 
krit form of which is Hil5y<J^ = Sansk. l|^^Uj«{^, the con- 
junct n£, which in Prakrit has been assimilated to the cerebral 
nn, having been changed in SindhI to nd before the liquida r. 

Prakrit ^f^(?) = Sansk. M)^yjr( (Var. H, 23?), sixteen; 
SindhI: soraha; Hindustani: solah. Prakrit ^^<j^(?) = Sansk. 
^HK^^M, seventeen; SindhI: satraha; Hindustani: satrah. — Pra- 
J^rit ^RTj| = Sansk. ^^|^^l«^, eighteen; SindhI: araha, 
the Prakrit cerebral conjunct {th being changed in SindhI to r 
(see Introd. §• 7, 2) and assimilating the following dental r, by 
throwing out the long a; PanjabI: a(hara; Hindustani: a^harah; 

MarathI (with elision of medial a): a^hara. — Sansk. >9|ii(<|^i(n 
(Prakrit form imknown), one less than twenty (Latin: un-de- 
viginti); SindhI: uniha or univiha; the Sanskrit f^p9|frf twenty, 
becomes in Prakrit cu^I?; thence SindhI: viha; in compound 
numerals the v is generally elided, when preceded by a con- 
sonant, as: unIha or univiha; PanJabI: unni; Hindustani: unls; 
MarathI: ekunls. 

ft 4^' ekiha, twenty one. 
n ^ijlj baviha, twenty two. 

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rr ^,yijS treviha, twenty three. 

r^ 4i!3i^ doviha, twenty four, 

••d ^ysp^ panjviha, twenty five, or: 4^^ panjlha. 

n .jj^tv dhav^y twenty six. 

fv ^^ul sat&Yiha, twenty seven. 

Ca ^^Lpl athaviha, twenty eight 

M ^jSj\ unatrihai twenty nine, 
r* 4^ J tnha, thirty. 

Some of the units are lengthened in these com- 
pounds, as: IS ba, ul sata, L^t ath&, but apparently 
not after a fixed rule. — ^li dare, four, is, when com- 

pounded with another numeral, contracted to £o, after 
a different process of assimilation, ^^5[H^ being first dis- 
solved into £a-ur, and thence into ^, by assimilating 
the semi-vowel r with the following v. The same is the 
case in Panjabi, Hindustani and MairathL 

4iw triha, thirty, is derived from the Prakrit fiT* 
?fl^, Sansk. T^h^R^, the Sanskrit termination ^F?(^ being 
changed in Prakrit to ^ and thence to ^?W or ^, 
and consequently in Sindhi to ha. — ^}^ daliha, fourty, 
Sansk. ^rurvMH^, the conjunct tt in the Prakrit form 
(very likely tI^jIX^HI?) being elided in Sindhi and r 
changed to 1, in Panjabi and Marathi even to 1, as: 
dali, 6alis; Hindustani: dalis. The remaining tens 
follow the conmion rules of assimilation, as: Sindhi 

-ilio panjaha, fifty, Sansk. M^i^'H^, Prak. H^^n^h 
the Sindhi keeping closer to the Sanskrit in this word, 
than the Prakrit; Panjabi likewise: panjah; Hindustani: 

pados, but Marathi: pannas. — .,^m sathe, sixty, Sansk. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Vjk^^yX^ Batare, seventy, makes an exception, final t 

(Sansk. ^Mici) having been clianged to r; the same 
is the case in Pai^abl (sattar), Hindustani (sattar) and 

in Marathi (sattar).— ^^1 as[, eighty, Sansk. ^ntftm? 

Fanjabi and Hindust&nl assi, bnt Marathi aisu — ^^ nave, 

ninety (in Lar also ^j^ noe), Sansk, vtsmT Panjabi like- 
wise: nawe; Hindustani navS, but Marathi navvad. 

n 4^ JSx^l. ekatnha, thirty one. 
rt* 4^^ batriha, thirty two. 
f-1- J^jAtjS tretriha, thirty three, 
r^ ^jS^ iotrlha, thirty four, 
f^d ^ih^yp panjatiiha, thirty fiva 
l^i ^.jS^ dhatriha, thirty six. 
rv ^^JSxZ satatriha, thirty seven. 
f*A ^yS^\ athatriha, thirty eight 

n 4^*^' unetaliha, thirty nine. 
!«♦ -4^"^ ialiha, fourty. 

When 4^^^ ^ preceded by the units (amongst 
which must also be numbered un, one less), it is 
changed to 4^^ tatiha;. but in this case the units re- 
quire the conjunctive vov^eLS, to facilitate the pronun- 
ciation. This change of 6 to t is not yet to be found 
in the older Prakrit, but seems to belong to a later 
period of the language. Lassen only mentions (§. 33, 4), 
that t is occasionally changed to t and 6, thence we 
may conclude, that vice versa <J also was liable to be 
changed to t. The same is the case in the Panjabi 
(iktali) and Hindustani (iktalls), but not in Marathi 

Tmnipii, SlBdhl^nuDBMur. L 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


^1 4^l£j^t Skgt&ltha, forty ona 

^f J^jlfSlC BaStallha, forty two. 
^P J^JS^jS tretaliha, forty three, 
f^ 4^^>^ ioet&llha, forty four. 
fd J^\lk^ panjetallha, forty five, 
fi .■gAHvA'^lg^ £liaetallha, forty six. 
fv .4^l£aIL satetaliha, forty seven. 
^A s^\lUS\ athetaliha, forty eiglii 

^1 ^i^^t univanjaliay forty nine. 

d* ^l^^ panjaha, fifty. 

^I2d^ panjaha (pronounced also: J>\^ panJiihuX 
wlion preceded by the units, is, for euphony's sake, 

changed to JtA^y vanjaha the tenuis p being softened 
to the media b, and thence to v. The same change 
takes place in the kindred idioms. 

dt ^Q^l ekvanjaha, fifty one. 

df JB^\jiyC bavanjaha, fifty two. 

dl- -pGe^J trevanjaha, fifty foUr. 

df jtAjiy^ dovanjaha, fifty three. 

dd ^Q^jsi^ panj vanjaha, fifty five. 
dP J6i\^jl^ dhavanjaha, fifty six. 

«v ^Giyui satvanjaha, fifty seven. 

4K ^Q^l athvanjaha, fifty eight. 

dl ^^A^il unahathe, fifty nine. 

1* «^£l sathe, sixty. 

«^Sl sathe and %H satare, when preceded by the 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


units, are changed, for eaphon/s sake, to hathe and 
hatare, initial (and now medial) b being softened to h. 
The same is the case in Paojfibl, but in Hindustan! and 
Marathl tiie s of sath is retained, whereas that of 
sattar is softened to h. 

II .^£^( ekahathe, sixty one. 
il* -^IJ Bahathe, sixty two. 
ir .if&^J^ trehathe, sixty three. 
1^ -f^j^ 6dhathe, sixty four. 
u ..tfg.giisV.^ panjahathe, sixty fiva 
ii . tfg^l^i^ dhahathe, sixty six. 
1v ^lA^^H satahathe, sixty seven. 
Ha ..^ilfpt athahathe, sixty eight 

il ji^It unahatare, sixty nine. 
v« yX^ satare, seventy. 

vt ji^^t ekahatare, seventy one. 
vr JiC bahatare, seventy two. 
vr jHiy^ trehatare, seventy three, 
v^ j^f^ iohatare, seventy four, 
vd j.yjiiA.j panjAhatare, seventy fiva 
vi y^ g- dhahatare, seventy six. 
vv SjxJ^ satahatare, seventy seven. 
vA Ji^\ athahatare, seventy eight 
v1 ^5^wt unasi, seventy nine. 
A* ^ asi, eighty, 

The units preceding ^^1 asl and ^J nave, are 

joined to them by the conjunctive vowel &; thie same is 
the case in the cognate dialect& 


Digitized by > 


At igJ^a^ ekSai, eighty one. 

Al* ;5^u^ bi&si, eighty two. 

Ar is^^p triasi, eighty three, 

vf is^^j}/^ dorasi, eighty four. 

Ad ^5^Lixj panjaBi, eighty five. 

A*! ^^144^ dhahasi, eighty six. 

Av ^5^Hu' satasi, eighty seven. 

AA ^5^Lpf athasi, eighty eight 

A^ {^^^^ unanave, eighty nine. 
• ^* i£^ nave, ninety. 

II is^^} ekanave, ninety one. 

If qs^L^j bianave, ninety two. 

ir (5^l^ji trianave, ninety three. 

If q5 JlJ^ doranave, ninety four. 

1# {$:^^l panjanave, ninety five. 

1«l ,5^144^ dhahanave, ninety six. 

1v v5^^ satanave, ninety seven. 

1A (5^14^1 athanave, ninety eighi 

q^yf^ navanave, 
^ JLpJO nadhanave*), 
^Jl^c>: vadhanave, 

f»» ^ sau, hundred. 


ninety nine. 

•) We cannot offer a satisfactory explanation of these two curious 
forms. The corresponding Hindast numeral is: ninftnare, the Panjabi 
narinave. We can understand, how the Panjftbl nar (nan = nan = 
nar) could be changed in Smdhi to nad or nadh; but we cannot well 
perceive, that d or dh should have been ezchan^^ for a dental d or 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Afmotatum. ^ sau is deriyed from the Sansk. ^XJif) Prak. 
^fl^; Panjabl sau or sai; HindustSnl likewise 8 au or sai; 
Maratbr (in compounds) 5 1; GuJarStl 85. 

The munbers above one Jbundred are commonly 
formed as in Englisli by placing the lesser number after 
hundred, as: ' 

r»f \Xj» y^ 1X0 hiku sau hikU| one hundred (and) one. 

UY J yL 1X0 hiku sau ba, ,, ,, ^ two. 

But there are two other ways of making up these 
numbers; the one is to place before sau the lesser 

number in an adjective form, as yl jX^I eko sau, 

literally: one hunijred having or possessing one; or 
to put after the numeral adjective the noun utar (ori- 
ginally an adjective) which is contracted with the 
termination of the preceding numeral into 5 tar, as: 

^iS^t ekotarsau, one above one hundred. This utar 

(Sansk. ^?R, adj., above) is used in a similar way in 

l*f yJL ^1 eko sau, or: ^iS^t Skotarsau, 

one hundred (and) one. 

Uf y^ 3^ bir5 sau, or: y^^^yf Birotarsau, 

pne hundred (and) two. 

Uf y^ 3j J triro sau, or: ^3^y^ trirotarsau, 

one hundred (and) three. 

Ut y^ jj3^ £dr6 sau, or: yj^ls^^y^ £drotarsau, 

one hundred (and) four. 

t»# yZf yp^ panjd sau, or: yjLlsyo^ panjotarsau, 
^ one hundred (and) five. 

dhy which would be a surprising phenomenon in a modem Pr&krit 
idiom. In regard to vadhftnave it would be necessary to assume a 
change of n to v, of which we could not adduce another instance. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


un yl >44^ dhahd sau, or: ^^^44^ dliahStarsati, 

one hundred (and) six. 

ttv ^ ysL 8aty5 eau, or: ^3yC^ Batotarsau, 

one hnndred (and) seven. 

Uk y^ >H^ athy5 sati, or: ^IS^^if athotarsau, 

one hundred (and) eight. 

l«1 ^ jjS naro sau, or: ^l^jj^ narotarsau, 

one hundred (and) nine. 

\u yL yt& dah5 sau, or: ^IS^J d^hotarsau, 

one hundred (and) ten. 

lit yZ^ y»^li yarahd sau, or: ^^3y»^ yarahdtarsau, 

one hundred (and) eleven. 

tir ^ jjftjlj Sarahs sau, or: ^tSp^C bfirahotarsau, 

one hundred (and) twelve. 

lir y^ y^Z^S teraho sau, or: ^tS^lj terahotarsau, 

one hundred (and) thirteen. 

11^ yL yf^^y^ dodahd sau, or: ^J^o;^ iodahotarsau, 

one hundred (and) fourteen. 

lu yZi y^sOJ^ pandraho sau, or: ^iSjyDjui^ pandhrd- 
i^rsaU) one hundred (and) fifteen. 

in yZi y^yy^ soraho sau, or: ^Ij^^^ sorhotarsau, 

one hundred (and) sixteen. 

iiv yl y^'^ satrahd sau, or: ^iS^ul satrahotarsau, 

one hundred (and) seventeen. 

• \\k yZi ^jl araho sau, or: ^iS^jt arahotarsau, 

one hundred (and) eighteejou 

111 yL y^ uniho sau. Or: ^y^^Ail unihotarsau, 

one hundred (and) nineteen. 

ir« yL y^y viho sau, or: ^IS^^ vlhotarsau, 

one hundred (and) twenty. 

Digitized by 



^f^ r^ >4^.' eldho sau, or: ^iSj^^X^t Silhdtarsau, 

one hundred (and) twenty one. 

trr fa y¥^^, Bavlhd sau, or: ^y^^lS bavlhdtarsau, 

one hundred (and) twenty two. 
etc. etc. 

tr» ^ y^^ firihd sau, or: ^^^ J trihdtarsau, 

one hundred (and) thirty. 

tf# ^ 34^^ dftllho sau, or: ^^y^\L dalihotarsau, 

one hundred (and) forty. 

*^^ y** 34^^i6^t eketSliho sau, or: ^y^^JLxJol ekStSr 

lihotarsau, one hundred (and) forty one. 

etc. etc. 

td# ^ y^^^ pai^^d 8aU| or: ^Ij^Ud^ panjahotarsau, 

one hundred (and) fifty. 

ll« ^ jx^^ sathyo sau, or: ^tj^x^H sathyotarsau, 

one hundred (and) sixty. 

fv« ^ i^r^ sataryd sau, or: ^15^^£1 sataryotarsau, 

one hundred (and) seventy. 

u# ^ yjLmS asyd saU) or: ^lilSjjuJ asyotarsau, 

one hundred (and) eighty. 

^ ^^ naviyo sau, or: y^^^yiy^ naviyotarsau, 

yL$ ^ji noyo saU) or: ^IS^ji noydtarsau, 

one hundred (and) ninety. 
When the numeral adjectives of the first series pre- 
cede the Plural of ^ sau, they must agree with their 
substantive in number, as: 

f^t (LI or) p]^ ^ l^t eka ba sava (or sa), literally: 
two hundreds having or possessing one. 

f^f ^ ^ \jf bira ba sava, two hundred and two. 
etc. etc. etc. 

Digitized by 




These numerals are not used in the FormatiTe, as 
they are only employed in counting. The numerals of 
the second series remain unaltered, according to theur 
original signification. 

The hundreds are regularly made up by the Plural 

ot MMi as! 

!*«» (H or) ^ 4 Ba sava (or sa) two hundred. 
r»» ^ ^J tre sava, three hundred. 

f »« ^ ^l^ 6are sava, four hundred. 

d»# yL ^ panja sava, five hundred. 
«(«• ^ .4^ iha sava, six hundred. 
v«« ^ ^^ sata sava, seven hundred. 
A#« ^ ^1 atha sava, eight hundred. 
1»» 11 ^yli navS sava, nine hundred. 


y . /f IV sahdsu (= sahassu)| 
JtCp hazaru, 

one thousand.' 


two thousand. 

{j»*^ ^ ba sah&sa, 

JICp ^ Ba hazara, 
!##♦«# 4^ lakhu, one hundred thousand. 
r»»»»» ^Jci J ba lakha, two hundred thousand. 

!«#««#« ^XJ ^o daha lakha, one milliolL 

##«###♦ -^ : ten millions (one himdred lakhs). 

J^ koru, j 

\)yC ^ Ba kirore, 

J^ ^ Ba kora, 

«#«##«♦ o^T arbu, one thousand millions (one 

hundred karors). 
#«#•«#« V/i^ kharbu, one hundred thousand millions 

(one hundred arbs). . 

twenty millions. 

Digitized by 



to«#««##««### Ju3 nlln, ten biUions (one hundred kliarbs). 

!««««##«««♦«#««# |ljj padamUy one thousand billions (one 
hundred nils). 

Annotatum. {j»*^ sah&su is derived from the Sansk. tt^tAy 
Tftak. ^^t$jl. It is a regular substantiye and inflected accor- 
dingly. j\^ hazoru (s. m.) is of Persian origin. — «4J0 lukhu, 
Sansk. T^St^l Hindust lak (and lakh); Marathl Iskh; it is like- 
wise treated as a substantiye masc — sa*y kirofe (Sansk* ^^w 

is not inflected, whereas ^yf kdru is treated as a regular sub- 
stantiye. The following numerals, which belong more to the 

realm of fancy, are all substantives, as: Z/jj Sansk. ^^^; 
vj^^, Sansk. ^; juJ, Sansk. ? ^J^, Sansk. ^TO. 

§. 23. 
Inflexion of the cardinal numbers. 

(X0 hiku or jjXiid hikiro are regular adjectives and 
inflected according to their respective terminations (<X0 m.; 
^ fem. etc.); the other numerals have no change of 
gender, but are inflected in the Formative Plural, as: 
Jj ba, two; Format. Plural: ^^ bine. 

qjj tre, three; 



^ J trina 

^l^ 6are, four; 



0^ dame. 

^ panja, five; 



,^^ panjane. 

4^ dha, six; 



^jH^ dhahane. 

oJl saha, seven; 



^jaL satane. 

4^1 atha, eight; 



^^\ athane. 

^^ nSvS| nine; 



^J^ nSvane. 

j>o daha, ten; 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 


The following numerals, firom eleven -eighten, throw 
final Anusvara off in the Formative Plural and drop the 
short a, preceding h, as; 

^!^^l$ yaraha, eleven; Format Plur. y^ijl^ yarhane. 

J^^lj baraha, twelve; „ „ ^)^ barhane. 

^Cj tenths, thirteen; „ ,, \J^j^ terhane. 

J^o^ dddaha, fourteen; „ „ <J^^>^ iodhane. 

fi^^^i n n ^y^iXl^ pandhrane. 

^)^^ pandraha, 
^ty^iXlI pandhra, 

^^ viha, twenty; yy „ cH^9 vihane. 

Those numerals, which end in S (Q and e, are not 
capable of inflexion, as: MZi sathe, sixty; 3iL, satare, 
seventy; ^^ nave or aji noe, ninety; but ^\ asi, eighty,, 
makes the Format. Sing, ^t asia. 

^ sa-u, hundred; is inflected, as follows: 

Nom. yL sau; ^ sava, or contracted H s&. 

Format. ^ sava; ^^ savane, ^H sane, y^C** save, 

y^j^im sae. 

The cardinal numbers, chiefly the decimal ones, 
are also used as collective numbers, and in this case 
they are inflected according to their respective ter- 

minations, a g. ^^^ ks^ t^ 4^u, three tens. For- 

mative ^^ ^ J trine dahune; ^y-^^ ^ ^^are sfitheu, 

four sixties; ^^ nave forms the Plural ^^^ naveu, 

Format, ^jju^ naveune. When used in a collective sense 

these numerals are mostly put in the Formative Plural 

Digitized by 



ending in e, as: ^jj^^ vihe, in scores; ^^ savS, in 

hundreds 9 ^»ti>$,i2 sahdse, in thousands. 

When a noun in the Formative Rural takes the 
termination ne or e, the preceding numeral , like all other 

adjectives 9 must take the same too, or: ^^^5^ ^w^ ^^ 

to ten enemies, or: ^^aT yj^^j \^^* -f Mid ^^ do 

not admit of a Formative in e, but make it i, as: 

v:)^ ^^ y^'f ^Ay ^^ )^ there is a Formative as well 

in f as in e; y^j^ 6^ or: ^}jut». 6a&; but the Forma- 

tives bi, tri, &a are also used vrith Formatives of nouns 
ending in ne. 

The emphatic i (hi) may also be affixed to the 
cardinal numbers to express completeness or inten- 
sity, as: ^ Bal or: ^^io bSi, all two = both, For- 
mative Plural: ^^^ binhi or: ^^^jLgL Binhi; or: ^^^^L 
binhine, ^5^4^ binhinL ^^ trel, all three. Formative 

Plural: ^^^^ trinhi or: y^j^^S trinhi; or: y^'^ trin- 

hine, ^^^^ trinhinl. ^Jt^ darai or: ^^ darei, all 

four, Formative Plural: ^gfS^ dainL ^^C^\ athal, all 

eight. Formative Plural: ^jfiif athani, etc. 

The cardinal numbers, fix)m two upwards generally 
require their substantive in the Plural; but they may 
also be constructed with the Singular, after the manner 
of the Persian. Sau, hazaru, sahdsu, lakhu etc., being 
properly substantives, are either constructed with the 
Genitive Plural of the following substantive, or they 
have the same coordinated in the Plural. The numerals 
preceding a substantive may either be inflected according 
to the termination of the substantive or they may remain 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


iininflected; \vlien two or more niunerals precede a Bub- 
stantdve, the last only is inflected. 

Do not forget the words; in youth there are two, 
three short days. Sh. Jam. KaL V, Epil. 

^'^J i^ gT^ 3^ sJ^y^ v:^/ u^^ 

Having taken provisions of two, three years, depart. 
Amulu Maniku, Stack's Gram. p. 147. 

Being nnwell she weeps much all the eight watches 
with grief. Maj. 562. 

••I I ^tr^ ^^ I X 

i'^ vXl^ ^>^ c;^ ^i ^jiy ^^ ^l 

Man has come into the midst of ten enemies — 
Tluit young man, who wins the battle out of the 

midst of all these ten enemies etc. Sh. Barvo 

Sindhi, Chot 18. 

-i^ ^-^J ^^ (T^' -t^ cJ^ (^ (5^ c^t^ 

Under whose command are sixty, eighty bond-maids; 
those sixty, eighty bond-maids have pellet-bows in their 
hands. Amulu Maniku, p. 141. 

isf tt>^ «;^j <5f «r«^ r- «^ o^ <5^ j«^i^ ^ -3 

In that very palace one hundred Fairies also will 
dance near the Dev Sufedu. Then he will say: if thou 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


causest these hundred Fairies to sit down and showcst 
me a dancing eta Amulu Mfiniku, p. 144. 

^^J)^ ^ Jy^ isf O'P^ v:^t^ ^^ 

In the body of that young man there are nine hundred 
and nine wounds. Sh. Ked. VI, 7. 

With him ten hundred liberal persons mounted on 
swift boats. Ajaib, v. 253. 

Hundreds and also other multitudes of generous 
.persons are in the world. Sh. Sor. IE, 3. 

5!>i cT*^ ^ is^ ijy^ ij^ uV 

Thousands of physicians I have had for (my) disease. 
Sh. Abiri I, Epn. 

If thou hast thousands of sweathearts, even then 
compare none with Funhu. Sh. Ma?%. V, 2. 

In one palace there are lakhs of doors, windows 
in thousands (belong) to it. Sh. EaL I, 23. 

Where there are ten millions of killers, in that 
direction lift up thy eyes. Sh. Jam. KaL IV, 4. 

fe (5}^ 4^ Up^ U^^ s:)}^M ^ 
Of bedsteads, beddings, paUds nine lakhs, nils of 
hard cash. Sh. Sor. 11, 5. 

Digitized by 




§. 24. 

the first. 

the second. 

the third. 

y,^^ paharyo, 

^ bio, 
>a5J bljo, 

>y trio, 

^;^^ iotho, the fourth. 
^^^ panjp, the fifth, 
^344^^ 6hahd, the sixth. 
^jf^xL eato, the Beventh. 
^^t athoy the eighth. 
^^G nao, 
^j,3^ navo, 
^^jftj daho, the tenth. 

c>>^;4 ^^^^' 1 the eleventh. 
^^iftjK' karho, ^ 

^^ptlj barho, the twelfth. 

\j}^j^ terho, the thirteentL 
^yto^ iodho, the fourteenth. 
^^^pJijJb pandraho, 
^}jfi>oli. pandhro, 

^y^\}^ sorho, the sixteentL 

^^iDJUi satraho, the seventeentL 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

the ninth. 

the fifteenth. 


^^jt arhoy the dghteentL 
\aH^^ QnihO) the nineteenth. 

^y^,) vihoy the twentieth. 
cjHa^' elaho, the twenty first 

uH^i^ Bimho, the twenty second, 
etc. etc. 
0>«^7^ triho, the thirtieth. 

^^^aJU. daliho, the fortietL 

^^iftl^ panjaho; the fiftieth. 
^ y KjSL sathyO) the sixtieth. 

^fJt^ sataryo, the seventieth. 

^jl^T asyo, the eightieth. 

^^jS naviyo, j ^ ^^^^^^ 

^jILt^ naveo, 

o5^^ saviyo, 

^^jl# sau-Oy [ the hundredth. 

^)j^ sai-o, 

Of compound numbers only the last takes the form 
of the ordinal and is inflected, as: 

{j^^^ y^ ^ Wtu sau peheryo, die one hundred 
and first. 
\aHy^ ^ ^ saviyo, the two hundredth. 
^ LI J ba sa Bio, the two hundred and second. 

sa})\y^ hazaro. 

y^y^^m sahaso. 

the thousandth. 


Digitized by* 


Annotaticn. The ordinals arc regularly derived from the 

Prakrit; sJfiTH P<^h<^i*y^> the first, though, has not followed 
the traces of the Pmkrit (= Xf^TT), but taken its own coarse 
of assimilation; Sansk. y|ii|^, thence: pahama; the m of pa- 
hama has been changed in a rather unusual way to 1 (r), pahala, 
pahara, thence the SindhI: paharyo or peheryo. Hindust. and 
Panjabl: pahila, Marathl likewise: pahilo. yij bio, the second, 
points back to the Prakrit cfj^ (shortened from f^ft^) 
nnd the other form :<<\^ Bljo, corresponds to tliePrak. c,s«t. ij J 

trio, the third, coincides with the PrSkrit rfj^, with this dif- 
ference, that original r has been preserved in SindhI. ^y^^ 
iotho, the fourth, Prakrit x|>^^; the original dental (th) has 

been preserved in SindhT. The following ordinals are all re- 
gularly derived from the cardinals, by adding the affix o cor- 
responding to the Sansk. affix rTT) which has in SindhI been 
changed to 5 by the elison of t (compare: Introd. §. 9). In 
Hindustani and Panjabl tama has been similarly changed to 
va, in MarathI to val; the GujaratI has preserved the affix mo, 
and the Bangall even the whole affix tam. 

§. 25. 
Inflexion of the ordinals. 

The ordinals are regularly inflected as adjectives 
according to their respective terminations: 

Mascidine. Femifdne. 

Norn. \j}i^, 'peheryo. ^^ peheri. 

Format ^j^J^. pehere. ^^ peheria, 

Vocat. ^^^1^^ peherya. cH/f^ peheri. 


Norn. sa^Ui peherya. sj^Ui peh^ryu- 

Format. ijJsir^. p^herye. u)^7fi peherye (peherie). 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 





JifA^ peheryane. 

Ji}ii peheiya. 
^^ peheryo. 

v»^^ peherya. 
^yA» peherina 

His first own enemy is the unlncky, wretclied, 
ignorant man. Sh. Barvo Sindhi, Chot. 18. 

In the fort of Eufa are happy the heroes clad in 

The first are the brothers, the second the nephews, 

the third the beloved friends. Sh. Ked. Ill, 2. 

On the twenty first (date) self was forgotten to 

(= by) the lover; 
Consciousness became hidden with the beloved on 

the twenty second. MaJ. 618, 619. 

On the eleventh day the kindness of the Beragis 
returned. Sh. Ramak 11, 11. 

The date of the year is not expressed by the or- 
dinals, but by the cardinals: 

Trvapp, BindhX-QrammAr. 

Digitized by 



On the twenty eeventh of fhe blessed 'month of Ba- 

mazan, according to calculation, 
In the night of power the story was completed, on 

a Tuesday. 
It was the year of the Hijrat eleven hundred thirty 

six (= A, D. 1724, 8*^ June). 
By Fazil was composed the science of the love of the 

wise ones (i e. Sufis). Maj. 829. 

• §. 26. 


The arithmetical figures or names of the numbers 
are expressed by adjectives, which are formed by adding 
the adjective afifix o to the cardinal numbers; some 
few have also, in order to distinguish the arithmetical 
figures from the ordinals, the affix ko. 

^t eko, ^Xj» hiko, containing the number *one'; 

the number or figure *one'. 
jjo biko,- the number *two*. 

^5p triko, 




^^ fiauko, 




}4h P^J^t 




>X^ dhako. 




^ sato, 




^1 athd, 




Digitized by GoOgk 



^^iS naO) the ntunbei 

• 'nine*. 

3jdS daho, n 


'ten'. ' 

^jli yarho, „ 



ytj^[^ barho, „ 



^^ terho, ^ 



^&^ dodho, „ 



^JijJj pandrahS, „ 



^j>^ sorlio, „ 



yS^JHm eatrahoy ^ 



-y»f arlio, „ 



I^Jji uniho, ^ 



M:!j vlho, „ 



5^Ukih6, „ , 


'twenty one*. 

etc. etc. 


>4*/ trit^t w 



54JL^ 6alih6, „ 



^lidj panjahS, ^ 



^A^Sl sathyS, ^ 



^^ sataryo, „ 



^1 asyo, „ 



^^ naviyo, „ 



^^ saviyo, „ 



They are regularly 

inflected as adjectiyes ending in 

6; 1X10 ^ two units; ^ ^ >Xi^ •^ iJ^ isf^ ^^^ 

the number three comes 

the number four. 

Digitized by GoOQIc 


§. 27. 

We have noticed already (§. 22)^ that the cardinal 
numbers may also be employed as collective numbers; 
but the Sindh! possesses also a peculiar kind of nu- 
merals, which express an aggregate sum; these are: 

tf[io dahako, the sum of ten; about ten. 

a%lp« viharOi I 

'^^2 V the sum of twenty; about twenty. 

})^) viharo, 

^^IpJI triharo, 

^^^^ ' the sum of thirty; about thirty. 

3j^.^ triharo, 

u\l^[L dalhyaro, the sum of forty; about forty. 
(5?^ panjahi, I ^^^ ^^ ^^ g^^. ^^^^ ^^ 
^lldS panjaho, j 
^Xa^jUh sathiko, the sum of sixty, about sixty. 

They are properly adjectives, formed by the afiBxe^ 
ko (§. 10, 24) and aro, as; ^fii^ dahako, making ten; 
uiiy viraho, containing twenty. They may be con- 
structed either as substantives with the noun in the Ge- 
nitive, or as numeral adjectives, e. g.: ^ sJ^H^ ^Ip5 
ten boys, literally: a decade of boys, or: y^y^ ^[io. 
To express more distinctly the indefiniteness of such 

a number, the adverb Jj4^ khanu (literally: piece, por- 
tion, Sansk. ^^) is added to them as well as to the 

cardinal numbers; e. g. ^j4^3;lij viharo khanu, about 

UiD ^^ cH^ y>* ^ 
They were about five thousand men. Matth. 14, 21. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


J^ji^ dauka, Kgj^y^^ daukirl, the sum of four, 
^g^^ korf, a score, 1are only used substantivelj, the 
latter generally in the Formatiye Plural ^^ kore, 
in scores, as: 

1^ (^/^ te sji))^ \S\^ cy A ' Hgn . 

In thousands are the thanksgivings, in scores the 
favours of the kind one (i. e. God). Sh. Surag I, 
Epil. 1. 

3^X11 saikiro, a hundred, is only used when 

speaking of interest, expressing our **per cent**, as: 

^JU^I ^^yCZi ^^y^ ^^yJkj Q,j U -J I borrowed 

two hundred rupees at five rupees by the hundred (L e. 
at five per cent). The percentage may also be expressed 
by an adjective (a so-called Bahuvrihi, cf §• 12, U, 5), 
compounded of the respective amount and the adjective 
otiro, 'having above*, as: 

y^ }y3^\ one hundred having one above it, i e. one 

per cent; 

y^ 37^}))^ three per cent, 
etc. etc. 
Of the same kind are the compound adjectives, such as: 
^)p^)^ iauano (sau),one hundred having four Annas, ie. 4 
Annas per cent; (^) J^I^J? tripSnyo (sau), one hundred 

having three quarters of a rupee, i. e. at three quarters 
of a rupee per cent, eta When ^ miti (interest) is 

used, yJL is omitted, as: ^^ ^y^y^^^^ interest of one 

and a half. 

Digitized by 



§. 2a 

The nnmerab denoting 'fold*, are: . 
)iyL» hekuno, . 
^^ hekuto, J '^^^'' 


^ bito, 
^yS trino, threefold 

^^ &un6, I j^^^^j^ 
^^ «aun6, 
^^^ panjuno, fivefold. 
^^4*^ ^hahuno, sixfold 
. ^^ satuno, sevenfold, 
^^f athuno, eightfold. 
pyjS nauno, ninefold. 
^yD^ dahuno, tenfold. 
}i^jG yarhuno, elevenfold. 
jiy«>JIJ barhuno, twelvefold. 
^ysb^ terhuno, thirteenfold. 
iV^*>>^ dodhuno, fourteenfold. 
>i;y»Jaj pandhruno, fifteenfold. 
ji^j^ sorhuno, sixteenfold. 
^yiyzl, satrahuno, seventeenfold 

^^jl arhuno, eighteenfold. 
>*rt^5' unihuno, nineteenfold. 

pf^) vihuno, twenty fold. 

Digitized by 



>V^^' gkOiund, twenty-onefolcL 
|i^yf trihuno, fortgrfold. 

ji^4^l^ dalihuno, fortyfold. 

^^l^ panjaihuno, fiftyfold. 
yiy!i^S^ sathjond, sixtyfold. 
^^yul sataryuno, seventyfold 

^yLj asjond, eighty fold 

y^yf^^ naveuno, ninetyfold. 

y^y^ sauno, hundredfold. 
In the same way the affix un5 (c£ %. 10, 28) is 
added to the fractional numbers, as: 

ji^«>1 adhuno, one half-fold. 

y^y^^y** savauno, one (or a certain sum) and a quarter- 

p^iJbS dedhuno, one and a half-fold 
^^l^Sl adhauno, two and a half-fold. 

When he has been brought over by you, then you 
make him twofold more a child of hell, than yourselves. 
Matth. 23, 16. 

(sf ^^ (/ »^;« <57 ^. i?f i^^ ^> 

Other seeds fill upon good land; these brought forth 
fruit, some hundredfold, some sixtyfold, some tliirtyfold. 
Matth. 13, 8. 

Digitized by 





The numeral adverbs, denoting reduplication, are. 

)(ijj» hekara, 
^^^"i once. 

JuvjD hekara, 

;14j bihara, ^ . 
"' r., twice. 

y^ binara, 

:ii> J trihara, . 

-^^^^ ► thnce. 

yoj trihara, 

;i%«. aohara, 1 j^^ ^^ 
li^ ddhara. 

The farther reduplicatives are commonly made uf 
by the cardinals with the nouns varo, j^aaj or ^ 

^luiotattbn. The afBx Jlp, or shortened Ip, has taken it 
origin from the Sansk. ^TRt HindiistanT: barah, PanjabT: van 
in SindhT v has been elided and euphonie h inserted. 

§. 30. 

The firactional numbers are of two kinds; they an 
either substantives or adjectives; 

a) substantives are: 
^^ 66the, 

^y^y^ dothai, } a quarter. 
^^ 66th6, 

Digitized by 



il^ pau, a quarter; Plur. ^l^ pava or Ij pa. 
^IpJ trihaii a third. 

JbO'] adhu, a half, 
^t^ savSIy one and a quarter; a quarter more 

(than the whole). 
Jt^\JL sadhu, one half more (than the specified sum). 
^iX^^ dedhe, one and a half. 

h) adjectives are: 

pyi P ?^) , Q^Q quarter less (than tlio whole). 
yi munoy j 

ybt>\ adho, J 
f^ sava, one quarter more (than the whole). 
IpSU# sadha, one half more (than the whole). 
^JbS dodhu, one and a half. 

^IpSI adha!, two and a hal£ 

Annotation. ^>^i ^L^^) H^^ ^ derived fix>m the 
Sansk. x|q^|^, HiadustanT cauth, cauthST; in the same waj 
Jjis^yS is derived from the Sansk. rlff|l||^, Hindustani tihai. 
ilS corresponds to the Sansk. VJ^^ Hindustani pad; the ad- 
jcdtivc jlS has spning from the Sansk. adj. TH^t^y Bindust. 

pauna, Mara(hi pauiji; the origin of ^JUo is doubtful, ^ol is 
substantive and adjective at the same time, Sansk. ^I^, Hin* 

dust udha. ^g^y** &i>d the adjective \ym are derived from the 
Sansk. ^m^, having a quarter, Hindfist. and MarathT: sava; 

'^4>L1 and the adjective l^jLl (Fhir. m.) from the Sansk. ad- 
jective ^1^, having a half, with a half^ Hindustani (Instrum.) 

Digitized by 



safh^ JfO<iO and. the adjective J^O^^ are apparently derived 

from an unusual Sansk. compound f^ + ^JIq, having three halves, 

Hmdiist. defh, PanjabT dedh, MarathT did. ^I^«>t has drawn 
its origin from the Sansk. ^TS^HI) Hindust arhal, Panjabi 
dhai, MarathT adits. 

In reference to the use of these firactiohal numbers 
it is to be observed, that ^ is generally used with 
units, and ^yj with two, three etc., as: yt^y. ^, a 
rupee wanting a quarter = three quarters of a rupee; 
\ljy\ *S li^ two rupees wanting a quarter = one rupee 
and three quarters; ^ ji^ one hundred wanting a 
quarter = 75. t^ one quarter more, as: Ik^ t^ one 
ser and a quarter; Ium ^ J (^ three sers and a quarter. 

f^ is not inflected in the Singular, nor in the No- 
minative Plural, but it has a Formative Plural masc, 

viz.: ^\y^ savaine, ^\y^ savayane or: ^^f^ savae, 

and fem. ^^(^ savaine or: ^t^ savayune; but ge- 

nerally it is not inflected at all, e.g.: ^jjju*» ^^ .^^i:^ sji^y^ 

with four maunds and a quarter or: ^^jum ^jjJJi ^jj£^ fpl 
t^ nmy also precede ^, tty» eta, as: .^ 1^ one 

hundred and a quarter = 125; JlCi t^ one thousand 
and a quarter ='1250. 

JbcH adhu, half, is a common adjective and used 

Ip^Ll sadha, adding one half, is only used vrith 
nouns of number subsequent to Hwo', and therefore 

ever found in the Plural; its feuL is yjyj^SlJ^ sadhiyu. 

Digitized by 



^^^ ^ff )^ /*T ^^ ^^^ ^^ 

Then sho ^^eighs with a balance nine sera and a 
half of read lead. Maj. 320. 

J^O^ao dedhu, one and a half, is only used in the 

Singular and not compounded with other numbers, as: 

|3T J^iXiO one Anna and a half; ^^ J^iXi^ one rati and 
a half. ^ ^ 

^liSl a4hai, two and a half, is only used in the 

Plural, without distinction of gender in the Nominative; 

in the Formative Plural it makes for the Masa ^^l^St 

adhaine, sj^^\ adhayane or: ^^Ip^f adhaie, and for 

the fem. ^LiSf adhaine, ^LiSf adhayune, ^jJuUSt 
adhaie; ^^^L^St two yards and a half; ^^3^ \55(^St 

two Tois and a half; Formative: ^jjjp^^liSf; ^Li5l 

From these fractional nimibers another kind of ad- 
jectives has been derived, implying "consisting of, com- 
puted at such a rate, standing in such a relation", as: 

^Lj panyo or jQl^ panyaku, only used in the 

compound: ^aSU^ or: jQl^J, computed at 

at three quarters of a rupee. 

pl^ pad, compounded with cardinal numbers, as: 

pl^ ^Jf, consisting of three quarters. 

ySy^ savayo, computed at 174. 

y»6^% dedho, consisting of iVf 

^^)£ijL^3 dedhuo, standing in the 1% place. 

^^LiSf adhayo, consisting of 2V^ 
^pUSt adhao, standing in tho 2% place. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

188 isEcnoN n. the inflexion of noons. 

These are used 'as common adjectiYes and infleci 
and constructed accordingly. 

The other fractional numbers may be made up 
compositions, as: 

^t^ jbi>\ adhu pSu = Vs. 

iU J^S<jo dedhu pau = %. 

J^J 4 ba trihai = % 

^ Q^ pauna ba = I'/v 
etc. etc etc. 

Fractions with special application are: 

^(^ paili, ' a quarter of a rupee. 
^[S paine, 

^cjjlj pain, the quarter of a ^ (yard)« 
^£sS lari, one third of a rupee. 

Jujp^f adheli, , ,^ 
••' ' -^ ^ . half a rupee piece. 
^£^«>l adhio, 

^y^Si adhin, half a gaj, or half a d^unirl (^L 

Chapter XL 

§. 31. 

The personal pronoun is in SindhI of two kii 
it is either used as an absolute pronoun or as a sufi 
acceding to nouns, adverbs or verbs. 

Digitjzed by VjOOQIC 



The Sindh! has a personal pronoun only for the 
first and second person Singular and Rural, the third 
person is made up by means of demonstrative pronouns. 
A remnant of the old (now lost) personal pronoun of 
the third person has been preserved in the pronominal 
suffix of the third person, as we shall see hereafter. 

1) The personal pronoun of the first person. 

There are two forms in common use for the first 
person Singular, ^^T au, and shortened ^T a; besides 

these ^Co ma or ^^ mu are also dialectically used 
in Siro. 

The great deterioration of the language is strikingly 
illustrated by the present forms of the absolute pronouns. 
The Prakrit form is ^J^ or ^^^ (Sansk. ^EI^); but 
m the corrupted Apabhranfia dialect, the mother of the 
modem Sindhi, we meet already the form ^^, from 
^ (by elision of 71), from which the Sindhi au has 
drawn its origin (Lassen, §. 183); the other form a has 
been simply contracted from ^gj^. The two other forms 
ma and mu are originally the Accusative, Sanskrit 
f{l (Prakrit shortened if), and are still used as the 
Formative Singular. 

The Genitive ^^4^ muhu or yj-^ muhe, with the 
adjective affix ^ jo, is to be referred to the Prakrit 
Genitive Tff (Sansk. WR)^ ApabhranSa T^ (Lassen §. 183), 
the vowels being nasalized in Sindhi. 

The Nominative Plural is ^jj^J asi, Prakrit ^H^ 
(Sansk. root ^SH^T); in Sindhi m has been elided and 
final e changed to I (= i); the Formative ^Hf asa 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


corresponds to the Prakrit Oenitivo Plural ^|^|^ 
(Sansk. Wm^. 

Annotation. In the cognate dialects tbe Accusatiyo hn9 si- 
milarly been used for the Nominative; .MarulIiT ml (inferior 

Prakrit dialect TH^, Lassen §. 183, 2), Formative ma (Prakrit 
Genitive Tf^); IlindusttlnT mai, Formative mu]bo or mujh (Pra- 
krit Genitive 4{^J^); PunjubT: mai, Formative mai; but Gu- 
jarat?: bU, Formative ma. In the Plural tbe Mai^(bi bas in 
the Nominative abmi, in the Formative abma; tbe Hindustani 
bam, Formative bam or bamo; tbe Panjabi asl, Formative asa; 
the Gujarutr bame or bamo, Formative bam or ham5. 

Inflexion of the first personal piononn. 

^yjSi^ au or jr a, L 

Norn. ^^T au, ^T a; ^lo ma, ^ys mu; 
Format \ , . ^ . • * 
Instrum.)«>>^ "^^> c;^ ^^^^ J ^ 

Genit, ^ ^^f^ muhu Jo; ^ ^j-jii mCQie Jo; ^ ^yi 

mu jo; >:^ JT a Jo. 

Ablat ^^y^ muha; ^L^ ^yi muk ha or ^[^ ^\ji 
ma kha. 


Nom. chA^t ^h w®* 

I^sW.}^^' ^' v:^^' "^^^^ ^y^^^ ^^^ 
Genit ^ ^\lJ asa jo, y^ y^Llf asahS jo. 

Ablat. ^[^ ^\SS\ asa kha etc. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


If they have been seen by you, for God^s sake tell (me). 
After them my eyes weep night and day. Sh. Hus. 
X, 22. 

By no means I shall give up my friend till the day 
of reBurrection. Sh. KedL IV, EpiL 

<>^^ i^ c>^ c^^ 5^ <5f^ 

Eazi, why doest thou beat me, having seen me ill, 
friend! Maj. 251. 

Even before me all would have perhaps slided down 
(into the river) having taken their jars. Sh. Suh. I, 4. 

cjU^l ^)^^ \j^ v:)***** *J^' y U*^' 

She in bashM before Ood and fidthful towards us. 
Maj. 671. 

O^ U^^ 4^ $)^l (5^5 O^^^ 

Our love flows excessively with our sweethearts. 
Maj. 676. 

2) The personal pronoun of the second person. 

The pronoun of the second person is ^yr tu, which 
points rather to the Sansk. 1^, than to the Prak. 7^; 
the Formative and Instrumentalis ^ to is derived from 
the Prak. lustrum. ^; the Genitive ^^^4^ tuhii or ^^^ 

tuhe (with y^ etc.) corresponds to the ApabhranSa Ge- 
^tive ^, 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


The Plural of this pronoun presents a great variety 
of forms, as: ^^ tavhi, ^^ tavi, ^j^ tahi, ^ 
taf ; or: ^y\ avhi (avhe), ^J ave, ^\ ahf, ^T ai, 
^1 at 

The forms tavhi eta have been derived from the 
Pralcrit Nom. Plural H^, tu having been changed to 
tav, and m elided. The forms avhi, ah! etc. aix) 
very remarkable. As initial t is never elided, they 
cannot well be derived from tavhi eta It is therefore 
very probable, that these forms are to be referred to 
the Sansk. Plural 4114^ = Prak. ^m^, and with elision 
of initial y, umhe; in Sindhi V has been changed to 'av' 
and m elided, as in tavhi. 

The Formative ^15^ tavha, ^Liy avha corresponds 
to the Prak. Genitive Plural 'ri4^(l!|^ 

Annotatiim. The cognate dialects agree in all essential points 
with the SindhT. Marathl: tu, Formative tQ or tfija (Prakrit 
H? or n^j^; Nom. Plural tuhmi and Formative tuhma. ITin- 

dfistam: tu or tai; Genitive te-ra (me-ra), ta being used in this 
instance to form a pronominal adjective; the Formative tujh 
is properly the Prakrit Genitive H3X, and the Instrumentalid 
tu coincides with the Sindhi to. The Nomin. Plural turn is 
shortened from the Prakrit H<^9 and the forms tumha (tum- 
ha-ril), tumh5, tuuih point back to the Prakrit Genitive Plural 
ifl^l^* PanJabT: tu, Genitive te-ra, Instrument tai (Prakrit 
rR^, Formative tai (Prakrit Genitive fl). Nom. Plural: tusi, 
Formative: tusa. GuJaratT: tO, Genitive: taha-ro, Formative ta; 
Nom. Plural: tame or tamd, Formative tam or tamd. 

Inflexion of the second personal pronoun. 

Nom. ^^ tu, thou. 
Format K.. ^ 
lustrum. J ' 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



^ ^T She jo. 


^^^ }^ cH^ ^^^ J^ (^^^ J^)* i^ >^ to jo. 
Dative. I ^ , ,, 

Ablat ^jL»^ toha; yj^ p to khS. 


Norn. c^**>x tavM; ^j^^^y tavl; ^J^ tahf; ^j^^ tat 

y^jufjl avhf (avhe); ^j^^f avi; ^^f aM; ^j^T 

ai; y^f fit 

Format 1 (Jb^ tavhS, ^^,14$ tahS; ^,1*;? avhS; JL»\ ah&; 
Instram./ t • 

tavha jo eta; avha jo; 

tavahe jo; avahe jo . 
\is4^ ^Lip tavha khe; ^ ^Lijt avha khe. 

Ablat ^L^ \J^3^ tavha kha etc. 

The emphatic I or hi, hi is very frequently joined 
to this pronoun in all its forms. 

J^Ai 4SfS ^p ^ ^,1 jOAit; ^^ 

Even thou remainest in my heart; only towards 
thee my eyes (are directed). Maj. 211. 

Even for thy sake I liave borne the tauntings of 
my companions. Sh. Mum. Eano I, EpiL 

r}^^ ^$/ ^ r4^ 3*^ is^P 

Even thy reproach has been welcomed by me. 
Maj. 341. 

Trsmppi SlBdhl-OnMnoutf. . N 

Digitized by 



Se]^rate from thee I cannot find any strength in 
my body. Sh. Suh. 11, 4. 

Mends, do not hinder me at all! Maj. 95. 

1 shall not at all give up (your) shed nor your 
door, o friend! Sh. Barvo S. I, 16. 

handsome lady! . the mark of your family is 
greatness. Sh. Um. Mar. II, 8. 

After my friend (is gone) I talk over with you my 
misfortunes. Sh. Hus. VI, 5. 

§. 32. 

1) The proximate demonstrative pronoun is ^ hi, 

^ he or *Aj hiu (also pronounced: ^ hiu); in Lar 

initi(4 h is conmionly dropped, as: ^^j i, ^^f e, ^j iu. 

The base of this pronoun is i (cf. Bopp §. 360 sqq.); 
in the Formative another pronominal base is substituted, 
i-na, (Bopp §. 369; bompare also the inflexion of ?[]51^ 
'this' in Sansk)i 

Annotation. The Maruthl form of this demonstrative is bit, 
Formative: ya (PrSkrit ^^ = Sansk. ^4|M); Hindustani: 
ych, Formative: is (Sansk. ^^); Plural: ye, Formative: in. 
Panjabl: ih, Formative: is, Instrument.: in; Plural: ih, For- 
mative: ina. 

Digitized by 



sfecnoN n THE njPLExioN 0^ nouns: 195 

Liflexioii of tlie prozimate taBonttratiW. 
^ hi, this, 
Nom. <55 hi; (5* he; ^ hiu or ^ hiu, maso, 'this*; Tie*. 
^^ hi; ^^ he; ,5x5 hia or 55 hid, fexn^ ^hisVshe*. 

Genit. ^ ^ hina jo or ^ ^1 ina jo. 
Dative. ^^ ^ hina khe etc. 

^^aT^ hina khe etc. 

^ hi etc. • ' 

Ablat c^'-i^cH? ^^ ^^ etc.;^l% iunal ' *. 


Nom. ^ hi; ^^ he, 'these'; 'they'; com. 

T ^^ Itih^ hine or ^1. ine; ,Ju» hinane or ^1 inane. 
In8trum.j>^ ' Y^ ^ •* . ^^. ' : 

Genit ^ ^ hine jo; ^ ^jJLP hinane jo. 

Dative. ^ ^ hine khe; ^^^ ^^^ hinane khe. 

iiS^ cH? ^'^^ khS.etc. . 

Accus. *" I 1,7/ ^ i,a 
(5? hi; ^^ he.. 

Ablat. ^LjT ^ hine kha eta ' 

There is also an emphatic form of this pronoun: 
^JJJb hei , this very one. . • ' 

To travel after Punhu, this is my Iiappine8& Sh. 
Ma». m, 1. 

With this water she does not wash at all her head. 
Sh, SuL Chot 3. 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Nothing but wickedness has been in his heart 
MaJ. 244. 

Never it will be after this in the world. Sh. Eh&- 
h6r. m, 11. 

Whoever shall give to drink unto one of these little 
ones a cup of cold water. Matth. 10, 42. 

i5f^ y^ ^f?i ^^ f^W s:)f^ c^^ Cd^ •t*^ 
God can make sons for Abraham from these stones. 
Matth. 3, 9. 

2) The emphatic proximate demonstrative 
is ^f iho, 'this very'; Hhis here'. It is properly a 
compound pronoun, consisting of the demonstrative base 
Y, and %d' = Sansk. ^ (^|]D, and therefore inflected ac- 
cording to both terminations. 

Nom. ^1 iho; y^\ Iho; pj id; ^a^ Id; masa^ 
Ml iha; 14^1 ^^i ^ i^; 1^1 1&; fem. 

I^toil}^' ^^' (5^1"^; ^i i^*ia; 4^1 i^eha; com. 
Genii ^ ^^j inhe jo etc. 
Dative. ^^ ^^f inhe khe etc. 

1) It yery rarely occurs, that the Singnlar of this pronoun is 
(after the manner of an a4jecti¥e) joined to a noun in the Plural 

2) In pofitrj the form ^1 ehu also is to be met with. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


\s^ 4«^' "^5 ^S etc. 
y»\ iho; m.; l^t ili&, fern. 
Ablat ^JJ^ ^g^\ inhe kha etc. 

Nom. ^1 ihe, com. 

Genii ^ ^2^4^! inhane jo etc. 
Dative. ^ ^^\ inhane khe etc. 

[(54^ uH^' inlumS khe eta 
Accus. ~ , ag'com. 

Ablai ^Jl^ y^l inhane kh& eta 

The emphatic I may also be added to this pronoun, 
to point the object out with still greater distinctness, 

as: ^yf\ ihdi, this very same person, fem. ^lif ihai; 

Format ^^ti^i inhSi; Flur. ^^LfS^ ihel; Format ^5^] 

or commonly: ij^\ inhi. 

Even this is the cause of the Lord, that he draws 
forth the drowned ones from the eddy. Sh. Surag. 
n, 16. 

The lovers, says Abd-ul-Latif, have fallen into this 
very reflection. Sh. Kal. I, 8. 

Even these are the works of God; otherwise who 
wouldstep down into the whirlpools? Sh. Suh. VI, 13. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


3) The demonstrative pronoun ^4^^] ijlio, ^bis 

one present' is only used in the Norn. Sing, and Plural 
It is apparently compounded of the base *i' and the Sansk. 
pronoun ^l^ s being now and then changed in Sindhi 
to j, and even to jh (see: Introduction §. 11, 2). 

Nom. ^^1 ijho; fern. L^f ijha. 

Nom. (54^i ijhe, com! 

They come here; the faqirs have been made ta^rny 
by the Kak (river). Sh. Mum, Rano 11, 3. 

4) The remote demonstrative pronoun is ^hfi 

or jjD ho, in Lar pronounced ^t ti or jl o. The base 
of this pronoun, hti, is not in use in Sanskrit, but in 
Prakrit a remnant of it has been preserved in the Ge- 
nitive ^^ Its theme must have been (according to Bopp, 
Comp. (Jramm. §. 341) sva, fix)m which 'hu' has been 
regularly formed. Its inflection quite agrees vdth that 
of ^ hi, only hu (u) being substituted instead of 'hi' 

in the Formative. 

,^nnoUU%Qn. The Mara(hi does not know this pronominal 
base; it only uses (5, corresponding to the Sindhi so. In, 
Panjabi wo find uh, Instrum. un, and Formative us, Plur. 
uh, Formative una. The UindustanT uses: woh, Formative us; 
Plural we, Format un (Hindu!: ,wah, .Formative va;,Plur. wc, 
Formative: un). The GhiJaratT, like the Marathi, has only the 
theme te. 


Nom. y0 hu, isb ho, ^t u, jl o, masc. 

y»lm{^ ho), ^ hua; ^1 u,,^l u% fern., 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

that; he^ she. 


j^^^^^^^}^ hnna, ;^\ una, com: 

Dative. \s^ ^ Huna khS etc. 

[^^^^ huna khe etc. 
AccoB, " 

^ hu^^.hua eta 

Ablat ^Jji hima, ^l4li» hunaha, ^iSt' una; ^L^ ^ 
huna kha. 


Nom. ^ hti; ^ ho; »^ hue; *jl ue; ^^ hoe, com. 

Format \jji hunane, ^f unane; ^ hune, ^1 une.' 

Instrum./^ ^ ' i. K ' " 

(emphatic: ^^^jOift hum). 

Dative. ^^4^ ^^ hunane khe; ^^ ^' hune- khe etcl. 

Accus. j^^ hunane khe ete. ' . ' 

y» hu; yt ho etc. 

Ablat ^[^ ^Jli hunane kha etc* 

Having travelled from a foreign ootmtiy he had: 
come. SL Sor. I, 3. 

I am not worthy of that shoe, vrhich th^ put on 
(their) foot. Sh. K6h. m, 8; 

At that door those are accepted, who have lost 
thoir existence. Sh. Surag. I, Epil. 2. 

^^^jut^Ui ^dAl »yo ^ y JLA A »y» Jl^ »yft 

Those are the mansions, those the mosques, those 
the palaces of the KOzfe. Maj. 137. 

Digitized by Vj'OOQ IC 


Yesterday were raised by them the masts by the 
support of the north- wind. Sh. Surag. HI, 1. 

5) The emphatic remote demonstrative is 

^f nho, 'that very'; it is formed in the same way as 
^[ iho, only V being substituted for *i'. 

Norn. 3J»I uho or pt uo, masc 
l^t uha or LI ua, fem. 

I^^}<5f ' ^^^5 i^' ^^^5 -ii' ^^^^f com. 

Genit y^ ^^t unhe jd etc. 

Dative. ^^ ^^1 unhe khe etc. 

f^^^^^l unhe khe etc. 
Accus. < • , • , 

^t uho, m.; lit uha, fern. 

Ablat ^[^ ^^1 unhe kha. 


Nom. ^g0\ uhe, com. 

Format. \ ^m* •* •* » 

InstrunLJS?^' unhane; ^1 unhine; ^^^1 unhe. 

Genii y^ ^^\ unhane jo etc. 

Dative. ^^ ^j^\ unhane khe etc. 
*• > 

f^rf^cH^' unhane khe eta 
Accus. " , 

^f uhe, com. 

Ablat s:^^ \^^ unhane kha etc. 

The emphatic i may also be added to this pro- 
noun, ^^1 uhoi, 'that very sameV .fem. ^w uhai, 


Digitized by^ 


Formative: (5ax4S( nnhel, ^f unlil or ^^f^^ nnahL 
Hural: ^^ujb\ uhel; Formative: \gk^\ nnhanl or ^jx^] 

^j43l?.^.Ui ^f ^ ^ ^ 

The story of that very (person) was heard before. 
SL Ehahorl I» 11. 

SJ^ *^ ^ -«i? ^ (5^5^ (5f ' ist' viH^.7^<5f ' 

Having come to that very house (and) having seen 
that very child and its mother Mary, they fell at his 
feet and worshipped (him). Matth. n, 11. 

This one sees the moon, and that one, who is therOi 
(sees his) Mend. SL Eambh. I, 3. 

Even those remember thee always 

Who never live in a town. SL Sarangu U, Epil. 

Even towards them, says Afimad, I have an im- 
mense longing. Umar Marul X.*) 

6) The remote demonstrative pronoun ^^^^t 
ujho, that one present, is, like ^^^1 ijho, only used 

in the Nom. Singular and Plural. It is compounded of 
the base 'u' and the Sansk. pronoun ^: (see: ^^aJ). 

1) A poSm, difierent from that oontabed in the Shsba }o Risftls. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Nom. y^^ ujh6; fern. L^l ujha. 

Nom. ^jA&.f ujjhe, com. 



The relative pronoun in Sindhi is ^ jo, Vho', 
*what', Sansk. ^, Prak. ^; the Formative Singular 

^j^ii jjahe corresponds to the Prakrit Genitive 5|15J 
= ^1^, the vowels having been nasalized in Sindhi. The 
Nom. Plural is ^-^ je, as in Prakrit %, and the For- 

mative ^^ jine or ^jt^ jane points to the Prakrit Ge- 
nitive Plur. ^1<SJ, a having been shortened in SindhL 

Annotation. The cognate dialects do not diffSBr essentially 
from the SindbT; Mai^thT: Sing, jo, Plur. }e; GuJanltT: Sing. 
Jc, Plural jeo; Hindust: Sing. j5 or jau; Formative jis; Plur. 
jo, Formative jin or jinh; PanJabT: jd, Instrum. jin. Formative 
jis; Plur. jo, Format jina, Bangallr je or jine. Formative jaha 
(Prak. ^TRT); Piur. jaha-ra. 


Kom. ^ jo, masc; l^ ja, fern. 
Fonnat. ) .- ^ i • 

Genitive. ^ v:^f^ J^^^ J^ ®*^« 
Dative. ^^^ ij-f^ J^^^ ^^* 
Accus. ^^ v:^f^ 3^^^ k^^? }^ J|o; U. jft. 
Ablat. fj^^ cK^ j^^® ^^^*^* 

Nom. ^ je, com. 

Digitized by VjOQQ IC 


^^}^ jane; ^ jine; ^ jinhane; ^ jinhine. 
yji^ jjinane, y^ jinine. 

(Jenit. 5*. ^;;i^ jane jo etc. 

Dative. ^^ ^ jane khe eta 

Accus. ^^ ^ jane khe ; ^^ je. 

Ablat ^L^ ^;j^ jane kha etc. 

In poStry the emphatic I very frequently is added 
to the Formative Sing, and Plur. of this pronoun, as: 

Format Sing, ^i^j^f^ V^\ Format plur. ^^ janT (also^ 

written ^^jO^ jam), ^^Af^ janH (to be well distinguished 

from the Format Sing.) 

>^;^ c^ U^ ^ 54^' ^^ ^ i^ 

That, which is the spittle of Funhu, of that will 
I lick a drop, Sh. Sah. H, EpiL 2. 

She, who has a longing for Sahara asks not for a 

slope in the ferry; 
Those, who thirst after love, consider the brooks as 

small steps. Sh. Suh. m, 4. 

^ ^ ^ 9 f ^ 

Those who have fallen asleep on the evening, suffer 
i imns indeed. Sh. Khihoii III, EpiL 2. 

I They will depart with faith, in whose mouth the 
! m^ed is. Maj. 37. 

Digitized by 



mother^ go and bring me the spinning wheel 

fix)m the courtyard* 
The mountaineer, for whose sake I have spun, is. 

gone to Ke& SL Hu& III, 8. 

Those drink draughts, whose heads are devoted. Sh. 
Janu KaL 11, 25. 

§. 34. 


The pronoun ^ so is nearly always used as the 
correlative of ^; it is seldom found isolated, in which 
case it retains its original signification *that\ It cor- 
responds to the Sansk. pronoun ^:, FrSk. li§^. The 

Formative Sing. ^^^ tahe is derived from the Prak. 
Genitive iTW (Sansk. fl^ = fl^; the Nom. Plur. ,^ 

so difiers so fax fit)m the Sanskrit and Prakrit (%) 
as having retained the base of the Singular; the For- 

mative Plural ^ tane is to be referred to the Prak. 

Genitive ni<y, a having been shortened, as in WRJ. 

Annotatum. All the kindred idioms know this pronoun; 
MarathT: to, Plur. te; Gujarat! likewise: te, Plur. ted; Hindust: 
so or taun, Formative tie; Nom. Plur. so or taun, Formative 
tin, tinh or tinbS. Panjabi: sd, Instrument, tin, Formative 
tis; Plur. s5, Formative tina. Bangati: se, Formative taha, 
Plur. taha-ra. 

Nom. ^ so; fem. LI sa. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Format. | ,- . ,. . 
Instrum.fc^i*' *^«- 

Genit. ^ ^^^4!^ tShe Jo eta 

Dative. ^^ ^^^ tShS khe. 

Accus. ^gj^ ^j^ tShe khe; ^ sd; H sa. 

Ablat. ^jl^ tSha; ^L^ ^^f^ tithe kha. 

Nom. .^M# 8e; com. 
onna 1^ ^^^^. ^ ^.^^; ^ tinane, ^ tinine; 

^«4k ^ii^l^s^®** chf^ tinhine. 
Genii ^ ^ tane j5 etc. 
Dative. ^^^ ^ tane khe eta 
Accus. ^g^ ^ tane khe; ^^86. 

Ablat. v:;^ tanea; \jl^ ^jJ tane kha eta 

The emphatic ! may also be joined to this pronorm, 
as: Nom. Sing. ^^S^ sol, fem. ^11 sal; Format ^jj^ 
tahi. Nom. Flur. ^^2a^ sei, Format ^ tani or: ^^^j^ 

He is this, he is that; he is death, he is Allah. 
He is friend 9 he is breath; he is enemj, he is helper. 
Sh. Kal I, 19. 

^yy^xj^ ^ ^4^^ ^jX^ O^ S?T v^^ 

Sumiro! do not confine in fetters that chaste 
woman! Sh. Um. Mar. HI, 9. 

Digitized by 



In that very time I have maAe an engagement with 
the inhabitants of the jungle. Sh. Um. Mar. I, 1. 

••I •• r *" ^ 

When they were fallen asleep, having stretched out 

their feet on the bed, 
Then they were left behind by the caravan, whilst 

sleeping. Sh. Koh. I, 8. 

^jXj (jMi^ \j^y^ c^^ -€^ {<0J^ c^*f^ 

In whose face there are hundred thousands of noses, 
Cut o£f from those one, then what obligation is it 
to them? Sh. Mum. VI, 22. 

§. 35. 

1) The interrogative pronoun Lf keru, who? 

This pronoun is only used absolutely. The No- 
minative base IaT keru is derived from the Sanskrit 

^iS^^, Prak. %f^ (see Introduction §. 2, 6); but the 

Formative Singular jj-flJ' kShe, and the Format. Plural 

^ kane point back to the Sansk. ^J; Genitive Sing. 

^P3T, Prak. ^RW = ^; Genitive Plural in Prakrit 
«HI<!!, the a of which has been shortened in Sindhi. 

Annotation. The' .cognate idioms fall back on the Sansk.' 
base ^l (L e. on the Accua. Smg. ^), as Mara(hi and Gu- 
jarat!: kon; Hindust: kaun, Format kis; Plural kaun, Format 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



kin, kinh, kiiibo;'Pan]&bT; kauir, Instnunent. kin, Fonnat, kis; 
Plural kann, Formative kina. Bangati: ke, Formatiye kaba; 
Plural kaba-ra. 


KonL LS keru; fern. IS kera. 
Fonnat. ] .^ 
In8tram.)«^*^ ^^' «>"^ • 

Genit. ^ chf^ ^^^ i^ ®*^ 
Dative. ^^ \J^ ^^^ ^^^* 
\g^ \j^ kahe khe. 

*yS keru; Ia^ kera. 

Ablat ^\^ chf^ ^^^ ^^ 

Nom. . ^aT kere, com. 

T^^^ 1^ *^^^* ^ ^™^* ^2>^ kinan^, ^j^oT kixime; 

sj^ kinhane, v:^^ kinhine. 
Dative. ^^^ ^ kane khe etc. 

\^ y^ kane khe eta 
Accus. I^kg^ 

Ablat ^j;I4J^ y:^ khane kha etc. 

•^l3 3jl$ vju^ ^14<^T^ 

Who art thou? from whence proceedest thou? what 
is thy name? Maj. 167. 

Who is the brahman woman? whose (Genit Plur.) 
is she? who knows her? Sh. Ma*. I, 14. 

Digitized by 



Who have they been? wither are they gone? of 
what class have they been? Miy. 659. 

2) The interogative pronoun l^ dha, what? 

This pronoun is only used in a neuter sense and 

has no Plural The Genitive ^ (4^ dha j5 etc signifies: 
of what sort, of what kind? With the postpositions 

^gA^ khe, ^^if kane, ^Lg^ kha, it signifies: what for? 
to what purpose? why? — It is derived from the Sansk. 
f^Rl^ what. 

Annotation. The Hindustani uses kia, the Panjabi ki and 
kiS, Format kas; the Mara^hl kSy (FormatiYe kasa); Bangali: 
ki, Format, kaha. Hindu!: kaha, Format kah§. 

^ ^^yL c^u, Li^ i ^5 it;^ >^ Ojf ^ 

If the savour of the salt goes, whit what shall it 
be salted? Matth. 5, 13. 

3) The interrogative pronoun jJj5^ kohu, what? 

This pronoun is only used in a neuter sense, just 
as the preceding one, and is indeclinable. If sigidfies 
very frequently Vhy*, *what for*. In po6try it is oc- 
casionally shortened to J!^ kuhu. 

As to its derivation it is identical with (4^ (= ka, 
kaha), a having been changed to 6 in this instance. 
The same is also the case in Hindul, where kaun, 
who? makes the Formative either in ka, kohe or kahe. 

I have been made alive by remembering (him); what 
will he do to me having met (me)? Sh. Suh. IV, 7. 

Digitized by 



Why do the vadllating ones talk of strong wine? 
Sh. BM. n, 25. 

4) The interrogative pronouns y^ keho, 
3*4^ keharo and jjli^ kujaro, what? which? 

These three interrogative pronouns may either be 
used absolutely or adjectivelj with a substantive. Instead 

oiy^ keh5 the form ^ZaT keo is also used in Lar; jj4^ 

keharo may also be written j^^T kSharo or it may be 

contracted to yi^j*^ kerho; about their derivation see 

Introd. §.2,6. They are inflected regularly. The Dative 

Sing, of jjtii^, i. e. ^^^ Ksf^P^ kujare khe and the 

Ablative of the fem. Sing. ^U^Uay kujarea (frequently 
also written ujlixf ) is generally used as an interrogative 
adverb, 'why?' 'what for?* 

«? c?;^^ crf^^ yj^^ ^ ^isf^ 

In which wise wilt thou, o afflicted one! pass (thy 
time) without the bountiful? Sh. Jam. Kal. IV, 16. 

What has happened to Qais? having come they 
speak thus. Majj. 39. 

JU i^ sj^ 5*A9 >^P isf ^f^ 

Why has thy own state been made by thee thus? 
Majj. 655. 

Tr«mpp, Stedlif-OrMinitf. O 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


§. 36. 

1) The indefinite pronoun ^ ko, any one; 
some one. 

The root of this indefinite pronoun is the same as 
that of the interrogative (Sansk. ^sfll); the Formative 
Sing, and Plural is therefore identical in both pronouns. 

Nom. ^ ko; fern. ^ ka. 

Gonit ^ c^f^ ^^^ j^ ^*^' 

Dative, ^g^ c>4^ ^^^^ '^^^ 

\\s^ cK^ ^^^^ ^^^' 
Accus. - 

^ ko; ^ ka. 

Ablat ^ ,j^ kahe khl 

Nom. ^ ke, com. 

Format ) ;, , ^ , . 

Instrum.)s>^ ^^^^'^ S^ ^"^- 

Genit ^ yj^ kane jo etc. 

Dative. ^^ ^.kane khe. 

(^^ ^ kane khe. 

Ablat ^Ljf ^ kane kha. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Nothing else will be. of use to thee, except that^ 

which thou hast sown thyself; 
Not a grain givest thou to any one, acconmlating 

thou hoardest up treasures. Mengho 10. 

Some (lightenings) flash over China, some take notice 
of the Samarqandfe. S!u Sar. IV, 12. 

I do not otlier (work) for any, even liis I am. Sh. 
Um. Mar. VII, 5. 

The emphatic form of this pronoun is also in 
frequent use: 


Nom. ^^ koi, any one; fem. ^ kai. 
Format, y^^:^ kShi. 

Nonu ^ kel, or ^ kai, ,^ ksL 
Format ^^ konl or ^^*j^ kaohi. 

Because there ^1 be at the door of my Mends 
some (= several) longing like me. Sh. Jam. EaL VULl, 

To some, some men some (peculiar) knowledge has 
been allotted. Sh. Sor. I, 17. 

Instead of the emphatic form of this pronoun ^ 
ko may also be repeated: 


digitized by 



Some reproach of the liquor-seller (fern.) has fallen 
upon iheir gall- bag. Sh. Jam. Kal. lY, 18. 

A neuter form of ^ is ^ ki, something, a 
little; it is not inflected. 

With hard labour scoop a little out the heart from 
the sugar-cane. Golden Alphab. VI, 8. 

With a negation ^ signifies: no one, nobody, 
and ^ ki: nothing; for emphasis^ sake they are fire- 

quently reduplicated, in which case the negation is put 

between them, as: ^ i j/ ko na ko, nobody at all, 

^ i ^^ kl na Id, nothing at all 

^Ljj }^ })4^ ^ (5?^) t>? 

^1? •y i ^^ Jl4^ ^ ^1;; ^ 

In this time that one is a good comrade 

Who has no children, no buffalo calf, no son and 

no fortunoj 
Nothmg in his bundle, nothing in his lap, no blanket, 

no sack, 
A rope, at the bottom old and at the top broken, 

and no place whatever to live in. Golden Al- 
phab. VIL 

^/ ^ / say^ 44^ »*>44^ -i(r^ v:>^>» 

Not any one from thy family will be thy companion 
from hence. Mengho 3. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC. 


When ^ is followed by the auxiliaiy verb ^T She 
(is) with a negation, a contraction takcB places, as: 
_^&r k5nhe (instead of: ^T J 3O there is nobody (ul), 
^^1^ kanhe (f.); ^Ca3^ konheko, there is nobody at 
aU (m.), 1^1^ kanheka (f.); ^^X^Lf KhSlfl, there is 
nothing at all. 

2) The compound indefinite pronoun 
, ^Hkf^ jeko, whoever. 

The original form of this pronoun is ^5^ joko, 

fem. ^l^ jaka, w^ich alone is in use in the Formative 
Sing, and Plural, in the Nominative Sing, and Plural 
however the form jjC«^ jeko preponderates; it is com- 
posed of ^c^ je, if , and tJ^ ko, literally: if any one. 
Instead of jXlc^ or ^5^ the reduplicated relative 5^3^ 

J5J5 (and as its correlative ^ym soso) is likewise in use; 
it is inflected in the same way as the single ^ (or y^. 
The neutral form of this pronoun, ^^^ jelia, wha- 
tever, is not inflected. 


Nom. ^jCkd. jeko; fem. liju^ jek&. 
Format, ) ^^ %^ 
Instrum.)v:M^ cH^ ^^^^ ^^• 

Genit ^ v:^^^ v:^f^ j^^^ ^^^ j^ ^^* 
Dative. ^ <j-f^ v:^*^ J^^^ ^^^ ^^®-. 
\s^ y^^ chf^ Ji*^^ ^^^ ^^\/ : 

jCc^ jeko; LXju>. jeka. 
f " % • 

Ablat ^L^ c^t^ v:^f^ J^^® ^^^^ ^**^* 


Digitized by 



Nom. ^,jC«*. jeke. 

I^L/S^S^ J«*tte kaae; ^ ^ jjine kine. 

Genii j!». ^^ ^ jane kane jo etc. 
Dative. ^ ^ ^^ Jane kane khe, 

AocuB. - *?T r >r 
(5^^ jeke. 

Ablai vi^Li^ ^^^^ y^ jan© kai^© kha. 

Whatever (word) be in his mind, hear that his word. 
Maj. 43. 

Whatever thou wilt pray to the Lord of the world, 
that will be thy companion (i. e. to the other world). 
Mengho 9. 

Instead of j5^ joko the poSts very firequently use 
^^, reverting the order of the two pronouns. 

^^ »U43Jb jL^ qs^ ^l? 1^ 1^ 

Whatever thing thou hast to say, o BQalu, let me 
hear that! Sh. Sor. II, 17, 

^s^^ <5-r ^57 c^^ '-i^ -^ ^ >^ Ji5 est csf 

••■mImI^ mIm| 

Which trees soever give no good fruit, those are 
cut off and thrown into the fire. Matth. 7, 9. 

There is also a reduplicated form of this pronoun: 
^5jXl£^ jekoko, but it is only used in the Nominative Sing. 

and Plural. 

Digitized by 



Nom. >4)Cy^ jekdkd; fern. I^IXm*. jSkSlA. 


Norn. (jICjC^ j[§kekS, com. 

The neater fonn of it is: J^Ji^ jgklkL 

Whosoevte is angry with his brother without a 
cause, he will be guilty of judgement Matth. 5, 2. 

Annotation. Another compound of ^iT is ySj^ harkd, cTery 
one, whoever (HindustanT: hark5i); it is only used in the 
Singular and inflected regularly, as: 

Nom. ^!^ harkoy fern. 1^ harka; 

Format. ^^.^liyi harkahe, com. 

§. 37. 


j;,L^ pana, 'self. 

The reciprocal pronoun in Sindh! is J^l^ P&?a> ^seLT, 
in person y in contradistinction to J^l^ P&nu, s. m., one's 
own person or personality. It is derived from the Sansk. 
^HfiTT, soul, self, which becomes in Prakrit either ^HTT 
(Var. m, 48) or ^MU||<!j (Var. V, 45). From the latter 

Prakrit form appana, the SindhI J,G has sprung by 
dropping the first syllable 'ap\ 

Annotation. The MarH^hl reciprocal pronoun Span points 
likewise back to tlie Prakrit appana, whereas the Hindustani 
ap (possessive: ap-na) is to be traced back to the Prakrit form 
appa; similarly the Panjabi: ap, possessive ap-na. In Gujarat! 
both Prakrit forms reappear: ap, and possessive: apan*n5. 

Digitized by 



From the original signification of ^l^ P^9 *80ul' 
(like the Hebrew tS^&|X ^^ application may be easely ex- 
plained. It refers in a sentence always to the chief- 
subject , be it distinctly expressed or only tacitly under- 
stood. In the Genitive (^ \j^^ P^^ J^ ^^)^ which 
serves as a possessive pronoun, it may be translated by 
*own'; but at the same time it points out with a pe- 
culiar nicety the subject, to which it must be referred, 
and may then be trsmslated by the respective possessive 
pronoun, required by the subject. 


Nom. 0^ pS'?^} self; masc. and fem. 
Format. 1 - ^ -^ 
Instrum./^ v P . • 

Genit. ^ ^l^ paha jo; ^ ^j^ pShS jo; y^ ^U 

pa j5 (in Lar). 
Dative. J ^ j^^ ]^ 

AocusatJ^ ^^ ^ • 

Ablat. ^QG pona; ^14^ ^l^ p&na kh&. 

. An adverbial form is ^jj^\S panahl, of, from, by 
himself or themselves, in person; in a similar sense the 
Ablative ^lit^ pana is also used. 

By himself he knows his own person; his own 
person takes notice of himself; 

By himself he sees himself; by himself he is be- 
loved. Sh. Kal. I, 18. 

Thou theyself art thy own (L e. thy soul^s friend); 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


thou (thyself art) in presence of (thy) Mends. Sh. 
Abiri V, 12. 

"h^ 0^) i^ isf O^-^ /^yi 

Do not worship thyself; o Jogl, keep (thy) devotion! 
Sh. RSbnakali Vn, 20. 

(5f tt,^' i ch!*?^^^ <5^ is^ *^ isf o4^ *aP 

•• I • Ml Ml 

How wilt thou say to thy brother: let me pull out 
the mote from thy eye? Matth. 7, 4. 

In this last sentenoe the subject, to which the re- 
ciprocal pronoun is to be referred, must be found out 
from the context or the emphasis of the speaker. 

J»(> dhure is not a reciprocal pronoun, as alleged 
by Capt. Geo. Stadc; it is the Locative of lii> dhuru, 
'extremity*, 'exact spot* (Panjabi: dhur, adv.), used adver- 
bially. The same is to be remarked of <XL pinde, which 
is the Locative of JuL pindu, s. m. ^body*, and signifies: 

'in person'. For this reason its Genitive is y^ JL 
pinda jo eta 

\ ^ > •> ? - 

1^ f*f 7<* ^C. «>M« 9 9 «*^ 

But ask thy own body (i. e. thyself), having turned 
thy face upon it. Golden Alphabet 48, 7. 

'One another' is expressed in Sindhi in the fol- 
lowing way: 

^^^U vi^ASItXl ^ ^ l|4^ lluiD 
Their heartn always remember each other. Maj. 200. 

Digitized by 



§. 38. 


Under thiB head we dass only such adjectivesy as 
partidpate more or less of the nature of pronouns and 
are somewhat irregular in their inflexion, and such, as 
are derived from pronominal themes. All other adjectives, 
which may, according to their position in a sentence, 
supply the place of the pronoun, we exclude from this 

list, sudi as: ^Sb fulano, a certain person, j|Xj» hikiro, 

one, ^ bio, another, ySf sajo, whole, as they are treated 

and constructed as regular adjectives. 

1) Indefinite pronominal adjectives. 
We have to deal here with the pronominal ad- 
jectives J^ sabhu, whole, all, every one; the emphatic 
form of which is ^^4^1 sabhoi; with the compound 
^jC4aJ1 sabhuko, every one, and ^y^ miryoi or ^jj^ 
miroi, all, whole, every one. 

a) The pronominal adjective j^ sabhu. 

It is derived from the Sansk. ^f^, Prak. l^H^; 
Hindustani: sab (Marathi: sarv); in Sindhi b has been 
aspirated (as in Panjabi: sabh) on account of the elided 
r (see: Introd. §. 15, B. c.) 


Nom. J^ sabhu; fem. j^ sabha. 
Format |^ ^^^ ^^ 

Genit. ^ jyli sabha jo etc. 

Dative. ^^ j^ sabha khe. 

Digitized by 



^4s^ sabhu; fern. ^aI* sabha 

Ablat ^145^ 4^ sabha kha. 


NonL ^^ sabhe, com. 

Format. 1^^^ sabhane, i^^^ sabhine; ^u^aI sabhi- 
Instrum./- *, ^ •;;. '^''"* 

mne; ^>a.aa^ sabhe. 

Genit. ^ cH^ sabhane Jo etc. 

Dative. ^^^ s:)'^^ sabhane kbS etc. 

•• • • 

^^^ cH^ sabhane khe. 
. ff MM sabne. 
Ablai ^Cx^ sabhanea {^^IfJ^ sabhina). 
^145^ cH^ sabhane kha etc 

In the Nom. Plur. we find occasionally (sf^ sabhi 
written, instead of ^^ sabhe. In the Formative Floral 
yjAjM sabhe may be used, instead of ^2^4^ ^^» when 
the noun immediately follows in the Formative (e). 

^ cH^^ 1^4^j ^«^j ^**t* -€^ r^ 

My whole life is useless; my time (pL) has been 
lost by me. Sh. Surag. V, EpiL 

By Allah all the imdertakings of that friend are 
carried out. Maj. 688. 

Sitting they read with love, causing always their 
eyes to shed tears; 

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YolmneB beautiful in all ways, and other elegant 
books. Maj. 140. 141. 

It is an oath of the Lord (i e. by the Lord), that 
my friend is the most beautiful Sh. Barvo SindhI 11, 6. 

h) The pronominal adjective ^yi^ sabhoL 

The inflection of Ji}^j *all', Vhole', 'every one', 
is somewhat irregular. 


Kom. isifi^ sabhdl; fem. ^L^ sabhai. 

J50rmat. | -j^^^^ sabhel; fem. ^Li*e-^ sabhaia. 
Instrum.) - " •* ' * 

etc. etc. 

Nom. v5?64^ sabhei, or: ^^^^j^ sabhai, com. 

l^ormat. 1 xj^ sabhini or: ^^yggxl sabhini. 
lustrum, j^"^* w--:j» 

etc. etc. 

Ablai ^UaxI sabhinai or: ^Lof^yl sabhineaL 

Come in, o Punhu! all pains are gone! Sh. DSsI 11, 

The safety of all, says the Sayyid, is there. Sh. 
Abiri V, 6. 

To Td^I (Suhini) belongs more honour than to all 
(others). Sh. Snh. HI, 9. 

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c) The pronominal adjective )S^^aL sabhukd. 

The compound pronominal adjective ^S^jaL sabhnko 
is inflected as follows: 

Nom. jjC^xl sabhuko; fern. IS^^a^ sabhaka. 
Format. ^j^^jJi^ sabhakS^e, com. 
etc. etc. etc. 

Nom. ^iT^aIL sabhake, com. 
Format ^^f^L sabhakane. 
etc. etc. etc. 
There is also a neuter form of this pronoun: ^J^i^ 
sabhu^ The emphatic form ^^jCfA^ sabhukol is also 
used (see ^^)^)• 

^^^ ^T" ^ '^^ ^7^ ^^^ 
In Savan (July — August) every one slips ^to the 
river), this one (goes into it) merry in the cold season. 
Sh. Suh. m, 17. 

I come at every time, using shifts I go. Sh. Barvo 
Sindhi n, 7. 

Having drunk a cup of love we understood every 
thing. Sh. KaL 11, Epil. 

d) The pronominal adjective ^yny^ miryoL 
The pronominal adjective ^yAi miryoi or ^|^ 

mir5i is inflected in the same manner as Jif^ sabhoL 

Digitized by 



Nom. ^^^ miryol or: ^3^ mirol; fern, ^l^f^ miryfii. 
format. ^5?^^^; miryel or: ^?^ mirei; fern. ^^> miryaia, 
otc. etc. otc, 

Nom. ^j^ miryel or ^^ mirei; ^j^ miral (in 

Lar); com. 
Format ^^ mirini; ^V miryanl. 

etc. etc. 

Ablot ^^}i mirinea or: ^Jl^ ^V mirini kha. 

<5t^ >«s «fe >^ o5 i^ «2^}* 
Every good tree gives good fruit Matth. 7, 17. 

05^ (^}i 4^^ sj*^ '^ ig^^ i^ 

There is no living in the world; all the days (of 
life) are two. Sli. Kal. H, Epil. 

^S0' Cy IjJ^ 4Jir ^y» ^j^lA 

The devotees, taking j^esterday leave fix)m all, went 
off. Sh. Bamakali VII, Epil. 

The Locative Sing. masc. ^^> mirei, 'in air, 

^throughout*, 'altogether*, is very frequently used, 
where we would employ the simple adjective all, whole; 
but it is to be noticed, that the Locative ^AAi mirei 

always foUovrs immediately the noun, on which the stress 
is thus to be laid. 

A hot wind has set in; the world in all (i. e. the 
whole world) has been singed. Sh. Abirl I, 11. 

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7%ie gravel-stone throughout (L e. all) luake red 
with blood for the sake of (thy) husband. SL Abiri 

vm, 8. 

bard! upon thee (i. e. for thy sake) I sacrifice 
all (my) property. Sh. Sor. IV, 10. 

3) Correlative adjectives. 

The Smdhi possesses a great fiunlily to derive cor- 
relative* adjectives from pronominal bases. 

a) The pronominal adjectives, denoting 'quantity* 
are formed by affixing to the original Sanskrit- FrSkrit 
bases or other bases formed alike, the adjectival ter- 
mination ro, as: j^XaT ketiro, how much? Sansk. f^RlRT 

Prak. qif%^« As similar phenomenon is to be noticed 
in the cognate idioms, as HindustSni: kitta and kit- 
na; PanjabI: Mt-na; Marathi: kit! or with the affix k: 
kitik; Gujarat!: ket-lo; but Bangali: kat 

V) The pronominal adjectives denoting *size', are 
formed by af&xing to the respective pronominal base 
the termination: jo do, as: jJuT kedo, how large? This 

termination is properly not an adjectival afi&x, but an 
adjective: ^^^ vado, *great*, the first syllable of which 
is dropped in this composition. This is clearly proved 
by the Marathi, as: ke-vadha, how great, and the Gu- 
jarati: kc-vato (but PanjabI: ke-da, as in SindhI). 

All these pronominal adjectives admit again of a 
diminutive form, by adding the affix r5 (see §. 11), as: 
\\d^ kediro, how small? 

6) The pronominal adjectives denoting *kind* are 
formed by adding to the pronominal bases keha, jSha, 
teha, eha, htia (tiha), the diminutive a£Bx ro, in 
consequence of which the long vowel of the pronominal 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


base is shortened to its corresponding short one, as: 

j'Uf kSharOy of what kind or manner? 

The pronominal bases , from which these three kinds 
of adjectives are derived, are: e or he, this; 6 (ti) and 
ho (hu), that; the relative jjo (je), the correlative so (te); 
and the interrogative ke. 

We exhibit them in the following survey: 

he base: 




3^1 etiro 

yyXjjb hetird 
this much. 




^ySj^ otiro 

^yS^ hotiro 

that much 




as much 

3^ tetird 

so much 


aJL»l edo 

sJujft hed5 
as large as this 

303I odd 

^&^ hodo 

as large as that 

as large 

aJuJ tedo 

so large 

384^1 6dir6 

3j<1a4» hediro 
as small as this 

3j^3l odiro 
}^^yt> hodiro 
as small as that 

as small 

3j<Su5 tedirO 

so small 

3 jif Sharo 

^y» hiar5 
of this kind. 

3^1 uharo 
of that kind. 


of which kind. 

of that kind. 




of what kind. 

ketiro'), kedo kediro 

/ • • • 

how much how large how small 

All these correlative adjectives are inflected re- 
gularly, according to their respective termination (masc. 
and fem.). 

1) Not to be confounded with )y^^ is the interrogative prone* 

niinal a^ective ^3aJo kao, which of more than two, Sansk* C||f|^; 
about it» formation see Introd. §. 9. 

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§• 39. 

attaohed to nouns and postpositions. 

Instead of the inflected cases of the absolute 
personal and possessive pronouns the SindhI uses very 
extensively the so-called suffixes or pronouns, whidi 
are affixed to nouns, postpositions (ad.verbs) and 
verbs. The use of these suffixes constitutes quite a pe- 
culiar feature of the Sindhi language and distinguishes 
it very advantageously from all the kindred idioms of 
India, which are destitute of pronominal suffixes; but at 
the same time the construction of the sentences is very 
frequently thereby rendered so intricate, that it presents 
great embarrasments to a beginner. In this respect the 
Sindhi quite agrees with the Fafito and the Persian, 
being the connecting link between the Indian and Iranian 

Here we shall describe the manner, in which the 
suffixes are attached to nouns and postpositions; the 
verbal suffixes will be treated in their proper place. 

The pronominal suffixes, which are added to nouns 
and adverbs, are: 

Singular. Plural 

I pers. |» me. ^y\ u or ^yib hu. 

n pers. ft e. ^ va. 

m pers. yM se. ^^ ne or (^ na. 

The suffix of the I pers. Sing, me corresponds to 
the Prakrit (jenitive Sing. ^ my; the Persian suffix is 
l»jl. am, PaSto me, as in Sindln. 
» The suffix of the 11 pers. Sing, d has sprung from 
the Sansk. Genitive Sing. ^, thy, t being elided in Sindhi 
according to Prakrit rule (see Introd. §. 7). In Persian 

Tnimpp,',8indM-0rmaiii«r. P 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


final -6 (tS) has been dropped and t preserved (= at), 
whereas the Fafito has retained the original form of 
this pronoun, only with transition of the tenuis into the 
media' = <> de. 

The sufiBx of the III pers. Sing, se is to be re- 
ferred to the Prakrit Genitive % (shortened from ^H?!), 
literally: hujus. In Persian it has become jt-l-, whereas 
in Pa&to s has been changed to h (Zend he) and then 

altogether elided = ^ e. 

The suffix of the I pers. Plur. fi or hu accedes to 
postpositions only, no suffix of the I pers. Plur. being 
in use with nouns. It is a contraction from the Prak. 
Genitive Plur. ^4^, the first syllable being dropped in 

SindhL The Persian form is Lo ma, PaStd ^ mu or 
l»t um. 

The suffice of the 11 pers. Plur. j va is derived from 
the Sansk.-Prak. Genitive Plur. ^; Persian on the other 

hand Ca (pointing to the Sansk. Genit Plur. ^i^^icn*^) 
but Pafito y» mu (m =3 v). 

The suffix of the m pers. Plur. ne or na has ap- 
parently sprung from an old pronominal base ^ na, which 
is already in Pali substituted for ^, that; the Prak 
Genit. Plur. would be %p^ (cf. Lassen p. 325; Var.VI, 4), 
shortened ne, or na from TSTRF* 

These suffixed, according to their etymology, supply, 
when attached to nouns, the place of possessive 
pronouns; but when joined with postpositions or ad- 
verbs, they may stand in lieu of any inflected personal 
pronoun. The suffix however, which properly belongs 
to the noun, may also be attached to the verb, as will 
be explained under the verbal suffixes. 

Digitized by 


SECTION n/ im linF^^ 2*7 

L Pronominal snifizeB attached to nouns. - 

When a suffix accedes to a noun, itsifinal ^wel 
undergoes in some instances a change. But it is to be 
noticed, that the su£Eixes are not. used promiscuouslj 
with nouns, but for the most part only with those re- 
ferring to man, far less with those referring to | animals 
or to inanimate objects. ; 

In the Nominative Singular: 

1) Nouns ending in *u' undergo no change before 
the suffixes, i 

2) Nouns ending in 5 generally shorten the same to 
V; but may also keep its place before the 

3) Masa nouns ending in I change the same 'for 
euphony's sake either to yu or to ya. i 

4) Fem. nouns ending in I change the same either 
to ya or shorten it to Y. 

5) Nouns ending in V (i) remain unaltered before 
the suffixes. 

In the Formative Singular the suffixes accede 
to the final vowel without any further change, with the 
exception of nouns ending in o, the Formative Singular 
of which terminates before suffixes in &, and not in e. 

In the Nominative Plural a final long vowel is 
shortened respectively and final nasal n dropped before 
the suffixes; but final I of masc. nouns is changed to 
ya, as in the Nom. Sing. 

In the Formative Plural the suffixes accede to 
the termination ne without any further change. 

Nouns ending in u (u) and a are hardly ever found 
with suffixes; of nouns ending in V there are some in- 
stances, but they are very rare, and only found in po6try. 
On the whole the suffixes are for the most part attached 

Digitized by VjQOQ IC 



to nonns ending in V and o/fiEur less to those ending in 
I (masa and fern.) and V* 

The way, in which the snfifizes are attached to nonns, 
may best be learnt fix)m the following examples. 

1) Nouns ending in n (masc) 

Nom. Sing. ,Lj nSnu, eye; Format JUi nfina. 


I pers. |JLj nlSnume, my eye. 

n pers. ^^Lj niSnue, thy eye. 

m pers. ^jJj^ n^nuse, his eye. 
I pers. JU^ n^name; f^nUs n^nahime. 

n pers. ^La n^nae; .^la n&iahe* 

m pers. ^jJL^ n^nase; ^jJl^^ n&oahiise. 







n pers. yL^ n^nuvai your eye. 

m pers. ^^L^ niSnane, their eye. 

n pers. }Ia3 n^nava; yLgl^ n^naluya 

in pers. \^^ n^nane; ^^f^^i^ n^nahine. 

Nom. Plur. ^ nena; Form. JL^ nSnane. 


I pers. fjj^ n^name, my eyes. 

n pers. ^Ij n&aa-e, thy eyes. 

m pers. (jJL^ n^nase, his eyes. 

lOjLa n(§nanime. 

^^ijLj n&QianL 

lyyoLa n^nanise. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Nominative. Farmatioe. 

n pers. ^La niSnavai your ^es. ^xLj n&oaniva. 

nipers. ^^^n^naodytlieir^TeB. ^j-^ nfaaTiina 

In the Formative Sing, there is instead of the suffix 

moi the form hime also in nsoi as: ^i^Lj n^nahime; and 

instead of se we find likewise the form hise, as: iiu^Li 

n^nahise. In the Format Flnr. the suffix of the 11 pers. 
S is generally contracted with the final e of the ter^ 
mination ne to e (e) or even I, or hS is afiSxed, to 

avoid a hiatus, as: ^gxL^ n^nanS, ^s^ n^nani or: 

^.^jlLj ninanehe. 

In poStry final *u' is frequently lengthened again 
to before the suffixes; but final V may also be likewise 

lengthened, if required by the metre, as: (^LLj nenana, 

instead of ^^L^ n^nana. 

Some nouns of this class, which do not change final 
*u' in the Formative Singular, are somewhat irregular 
in attaching the suffixes. These are: ^ piu, father, 

il^; bh&u, brother, iUo mau, mother, ^^ dhiu, daughter, 
j^ nuhu, daughter-in-law. 

^ piu, Bstther. 
Nomin. and Format: ^ piu.| 

I pers. ^ piume; ^^ pi&ne; a^I^ pinhame; 
^^ pinhime, my fistther. 

n pers. ^ piu-e; .(I^ piSe; ^g^ pinlie, thy 

in pers. ,j**A^ piuse; ^^CL piase; ^^-4^ pinhase, 

his father. 


Digitized by 



n pen. 1^ piuva; jC^ piftva; 1^ pinhava, 

#• *• -* ) 

Plup. r your fether. 

m pers. ^^ piuna; ^j^ pinhune, their fiftther. 

Nomin. 1*^ piura; Fonnai ^Zjt^ xamane or: ^^.^^ pinne. 



I pers. fyk^ piurame, 
my fettliers; 

l^yij piuramme. 
uL pionime. 
n pers. ^^ piura-e, thy fistthers; ^jli^ piunl. 




m pers. ^Zj piurase, hid fiftthers; ^jmoI^ pianiBe. 

n pers. yj^ piurava, your fetthers; ^Ia^ pitmiva. 
m pers. (^Ia^ piorana^ their fiftthers; ^2^ piunine. 

il^j bhftu, brother. 


Nominative and Formatiye iL^ bh&u. 

I pers. i^Lfi bhaume; |»14» bhSme; ^JL^ bhft- 

name, |J14j bhSnime, my brother, 
n pers. *14> bha-e; ^U^ bhanS, thy brother. 

m pers. g««l4^ bhase; (jmJI4> bh&nuse, his brother. 


.i. ^ 


n pers. ^14^ bh&uva, ^14^ bhSnuvai your 


m pers. ,jN»l4^ bhauna, their brother. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


. . PLURAL. 

Nomiiu: y[^ bh&ura; Format: J'^lit bh&urane or: 

,^li bhaune.*^ ^ 
Niminative. - * Formative. 

^i. . 

-i. - 

|i3^l4j bblUiiamme. 
^ (UjLi^ bhaunime. 

I pers. f^jA^ bh&uramei 
my brothers, 

etc. etc. 

iU m&Ui mother. 


Nominative and Formative: iU mfiiu 



I pen. *jt* m&ume; J^i mSme; *4iUe miohime^ 

my mother, 
n pers. *Lo mSe; ^U mane, thy mother, 
m pers. jM^Lo mause; ^Lo mfise; ^Lo mSnnse; 
^lo manise, his mother. 

n pers. y\j9 m&va; pUo mSnuva, your mother, 
m pers. ^Ct mane; ^Co mSnune, their motheh 


. Nomin.: 'pJo m&ura; Format: ^U m&une. 

NamimUve. Formative. 

I pers. ,»1>U mfturamci my mothers; ^L! mfionime. 

etc. etc. 

^(> dhiui daughter. 


Nomin. and Format ^<> dhiu (^«> dhia). 

Sing. I pers. ^^^ dhiumo; ^^ dhiame; fX^^ dhX- 

^ ^ ^ 

name; jUa^^ dhlnimoi my daughter. 

Digitized by 





^ poi^ ^A»«>d]uya-e;,^JLA»«>d})£Eie, thy daughter. 

#» ••I 

m pers. ,j««jj»(> dliiii86| (^mai»(> dhiase; QjLu»<>dhI- 
nuse, his daughter. 
Nomin.: Il0<> dhiara; Format: ^^9> dhiune. 
NomnaUve. Formative. 

I pers. f^^^ dhiarumOi my daughters. |aAj»<> dhiunime. 
etc. etc. 

4^ nuhu (or: 4^)| daughter-in-law. 

Nominative and Formatiye: 4^ nuhu. 

I pers. f^ nuhume; ^^ nuhame; fX^ nuhi- 
name; jjf^ nuhinime, my daughter- 
n pers. ^ nuhu-e; ^ nuh6; ^^I^ nuhrae, 

thy daughter-in-law. 
m pers. (j«4^ nuhuse; ^j^ nuhase; v/4f^ ^^~ 
hinisoi his daughter-in-law. 



n pers. ^ nuhuva, your daughter-in-law. 
m pers. ^^ nuhune; \^ nuhane, their 
Nomin.: l^ nuharu; Format: ^j!^ nuhane. 
NaminaHve. Formative. 

I pers. jtl^S nuharumei fx!^ nuhunime. 

my daughters-in-law. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


A noun vi& M£6zes may be followed Itj post- 
poBitions; in this case the safBzes ace added to the 
Formative of a noon. 

The people said to his mother: ask him thyseUl 
Mi^. 42. 

May that thy son Ml into the forest ^ e. away 
with that thy son), who will cut off my brotiier's head. 
Stoxy of Bae Biada p. 1. 

mother, away with thy house (literally: to the well 
with thy house); away £rom me goes the little caravaiL 
Sh. Hus. n, 7. 

yr^ <5^ 7* ^ tt»5?^ <^5^' *^i «^$^ 
sj^ ^i^ tff-^ yr^ <5t «^ 

By no perplexity was SuhinI kept back; in the stream 

was her devotion; 
Erom which poor (woman) such a one was bom, that 

her mother may well boast: 
If thou fleest her fistther, thou mayst also love hun a 

little. Sh. S)]h. m, 13. 

Thy mother and thy brothers are standing outside. 
Matth. 12, 47. 

His mother and his brothers, standing outside, wished 
to speak to him. Matth. 12, 46. 

Digitized by 



jS^y «j?;^ ^:^ -^ c»^ J^l 

When I Bit in silence, having forgotten their abuses, 
Then my heart goes like sand, moaning after them. 
MaJ. 679, 680. 

To-daj there is no talk (il^Jli^) of theirs; they are 
the whole day in the hut Sh. Mum. Bend V, 12. 

2) Nouns ending in o. 
Nouns ending in 5 do not differ essentially from 
those in *u'y as regards the annexion of the suffixes; 
they generally shorten final 6 to *u', but they may also 
retain the same in the Nom. Sing., which is frequently 
the case in poetry. The Formative Sing, always ter- 
minates in *a^ not in e, when followed by suffixes. In 
the Nomin. Plural final a may be likewise preserved be- 
fore suffixes y instead of being shortened to V. 

^ matho, head. 

Nom.: ^^ matho; Form.: ^^^ matbe = 4^ matha. 

N(minaivoe. Formative. 


I pers. |wgxe mathume, jf^ii^O mathame; 

my head; lp44^ mathahime. 

n pers. ^^4^*) mathu-e, l^^xi matha-e; 

thy head; 
m pers. ^j^Xj^ mathuse. 

.j'^Xa mathahe. 
giiig&ii mathase; 

his head; ](j>«^(tgy^ mathahiise. 

1) In SirO tho people very commonly substitute 4* instead of 'a' 
in the Formative Sing, as: ^^y<o mathime etc 

2) In poStry tho long vowels may be retained, as: ^j^Xji ma- 
tbo^i (T^l^X^ matha-na. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



n pen. f^ your head; y^ ' yt^'^u 

.mathuva, mathava; mathahrva. 

m pen. ^^4^ tkeax head; ^^^ sj^k^ 

maihuney mathane; mathahane. 

Nomin.: 14x2 mathft; Format: |j4^ mathane. 

NwwMlAve. Formative. 

I pers. 1^^ mathame, ^X^Xx mathanime. 
my heads; 

Sing. ^ V^-^k^ maiha-e, f^^iixJ mathani; 

thy heads; l^ig&ff mathanihe* 

in pers. ^,^4^ mathase, qhX^u mathanise. 
his heads. 


n pers. ^4xio mathava, yii^ mathaniva. 

your heads, 
in pers. ^j^ mathane, ^j^JA^ noathanine. 

their heads. 

•^U jji^r ^ ^i4xr ,j^T ^ 

Who art thou, whence comest thoa, what is thy name? 
Maj. 167. 

Where the sight of the Lord is, there are their 

These are their tokens: concealed they wander about 
in the world. Sh. Bamak. 11, 9. 

Digitized by 




3) Nouns ending in I (masc.) 

Noons ending in I (m.) generally change fhe same 
to ya, &T less to yn, before the accession of tiie suf- 
fixes; in the Formative Sing, e must always be changed 
to ya. The same is the case in the Nom. Plur«, so that 
only the context can decide, whether a noun is put in 
the Nominative or Formative Sing, or in the Nominative 

In poStry a final short vowel may be lengthened' 

before a suffix , as: ^[liii^ dhany&se, instead of: (jmIa^(> 


Nom«: ^giit> dhaniy master; Form.: ^^o dhanya. 
NomintUive. Formative. 


I pers. 


f^9> dhanyamCi f^^ dhanyame. 

fjlsbi> dhanyume, my master. 

' ■ 

^^iSio dhanya-e, ^^(> dhanya-e. 

^^^"^ I ^^Ijli<> dhanyu-e, -jlii^ dhanyahe. 
[ thy master. 

QMaIi(> dhanyase, ^mI^^ ^'^'^7^^^ 

^^JUi(> dhanyuse, his master. 

I^aI^4> dhanyava, ^Il^(> dhanyava. 
n pors.|^^j dhanyuva, 
[ your master. 

L^lJL^(> dhanyanoi yj^ii^^ dhanyane. 

m pers. 

m pers. 

yj^^ dhanyune, 
their master. 

Digitized by 





Norn.: ^g^^ dhanl; Fonnat.: g>^<> dhanynne. 
Nomina/live. FcrmaXivt. 

I pers. |4^<> dhanyame, fJ^^^ dhanyimiine. 

my masters, 

n pers. ^(lii> dhanya-e, (S^aI^^ dhanyimL 

thy masters. ^^ dhanyonehe. 

m pers. y«4^^ dhanyase, ^y,Z}ii> dhanytmise. 
his masters. 

n pers. ^lAi<> dhanyava, "y^ii^ dhanyoniva. 

your masters, 
m pers. ^jljii> dhanyane, ^^J^^ dhanymiine. 
their masters. 

;^r <5^ H?< c>*; ^i^y Pbyf^j 
There is constantly in my body the talk of my 
friend. Sh. Suh. IV, 7. 

my master, do not make apart (thy) quarter from 
those friends. Sh. Barvo m, 5. 

^yH^KLi jby ^j ^t^ Lf '■*i4^ ^d^ \a^^y^f^ 
Because her steersman is sturdy, therefore she floats 
fiftcmg the current Sh. Surgg. m, 6. 

4) Nouns ending in I (fem.) 

NouDis ending in I (fem.) either shorten final I to 
U' before the suffixes or change it to ya; the latter is 
always the case with adjectives and participles ending 
in L The termination of the Nomin. Plur. u is shortened 
to V and the final nasal dropped before the sufBzes. 

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Norn.: ^Ij Bsi, lady; Format: ^l^ ba-ia. 



I pers. 

n pers. 

m pers. 



m pers. 

Sing* < 


iwlf Baime, ^ bayame. 

^ Bayame, my lady. 

^G bfiye, ^ Baya^. 

^^jl^'baya-e, thy lady. 

^1^ Baise, ^l^ bayase. 

^C bayase, his lady. 

n pers.f5^ ^^^^' ^^ ^^y^^ 

[^U Bayava, your lady. 

^IJ Bsine, ^l^ B&yane. 

^\^ Bayane, their lady. 
Nom.: ^^C Bayu; Format: ^IJ bayone. 
Nwiinalive. Fntmatif)^ 

I pers. |4lf Baynme, 
' my ladies. 

n pers. ^G Bayu-e, 
" thy ladies. 

m pers. ^G Bayuse, 
" his ladies. 

n pers. ^U Bayuya, 
your ladies. 

in pers. ^G Bayune, 
' their ladies. 


lU^G bSQrunime. 
^i; bayunL 
(jmOjG Bayunise. 

^G Bayoniva 
^^G Bayunine. 

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In poStry final I is occasionally not changed to ya^ 
but simply to V, as: 

if there is any power of mine, it is that Sh. Ked. IV, 9. 
^^^ puphly a father's sisteri has, besides the re- 
gular forms, also JUa^ puphiname or: J^ puphinime. 

Like the moon on the fourteenth of the month was 
his turban in the plain* Sh. Ked. V, 1. 

Not by any messenger have they been asked; inside 
is their grief SL l^unak. YI, 4. 

5) Nouns ending in e (fem.) 

Nouns ending in 8 remain either unaltered before 
sufBxes or change final 8 (i) to ya, as well in the No- 
minative as in the Formative Singular. 


Nom.: f}^ dhokare, girl; Format: fj^* 

Naminative. Formative. 

^Sy^ dhokarime, thy girl; the same. 

^Sy^ dhokaryame. 

^j^flr- 6hdkar6, thy girl; the same. 

^^fy^ Chokarya-e. 

^o^4^ ihokaryahe. 

jrn^H^ dhokarise, his girl; the same. 
^Sy^ dhSkaryase. 

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I pers. 

n pers. 

m pers. 




n pers. 

m pers. 

)^yi^ 6hokariva| your girl; the same. 

^ !^^». dhokaryava 

^S}^ dhokaiinei their girl; the same. 

^J§4j^ dhokaryane. 

Noitl: ^^^^4i^ Chokaryii; Form.: ^^}^ Chokarine. 




I pera (^fyts^ ihSkaryume, fif^^ 

my girls. 


n pers. ^.y^}^ dhokaryu^, isi/}^ 

thy girls. 


ni pers. ur^j^*?^ dhokaryuse, {^/}^ 

his girls. 




n pers. ^^§4^ ahokaryuva, yi/}^ 

your girls. dhdkariniva 

m pers. ^!^^4^ ihokaryune, 
their girls. 

The substantive noun *^ joe or ^y\ zoe, wife, 
presents, when joined by suffixes, some irregularities, as: 

Nominative. ForfnaUve. 

f!jyag^ joime, my wife. 

Sing. I pers. 

^^ joyame; 

|J^ joname; ^4^^ J^nhame; 
|J^jonime; j^^^jonhime; 

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The same. 


SEcnoir n. the inflexion of kouns. ui 

Nminative. FormaUve. 

\^yf JSe, ^5^ j6y6, % wife. 

n pets. ^^ joya-e. [The same. 

<5i>^ jone, ^g^yf. jonhe.- 

4j*5^ joise, yJ^D. joyase, 
m perB.< his wife. [The same. 

^^^ jonase; ^j^)i^ jonhase. 


The sama 

JS^ joiva, P^ joyava, 
11 pew. yo^iy Y^e. 

.^^ jonava, ^^ Jonhava. 

^^ joine, ^^ft. joyane, 
in pew. their wife. 

^^ jonane, ^^y^ jonhane. 

Nominative. FormaHve. 

I pers. |4j^ joyumei my wifes. f^y^ joyunima 

The sama 



When he was seated on the judgement seat, his 
wife sent him word. Matth. 27, 19. 

The other nouns, ending in Q, &, V are generallj 
not used with suffixes, though occasionally one or another 
is found with a sufiBz; in this case final tl is changed 
to V in the Nominative, and in the Formative to ua, 
whereas & and V keep tiieir. place before suffixes. 

TrmMpPi BiadU-Oi 

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ui SEcnoK n. the inflexion of nouns. 

Whatever their lifetune is, it has been spent in sorrow. 
Sh. Bamak. m, 4. 

§. 41. 


attached to Postpositions and Adverbs. 

The rules, according to which pronominal suffixes 
are attached to nouns, are also applicable in reference 
to postpositions and adverbs. Any pronominal suffix may 
be joined with a postposition, but with most of them 
only the suffix of the third person Singular and Plural 
is in use. It is however quite optional in SindhI, either 
to subjoin a pronominal suffix to a postposition, or to 
put the absolute pronoun before it in the Formative, 
with or without the Genitive case -sign ^, as: yJ^j^ 

vatise, with him, or: v£»5 ^ huna vate. 

1) The postposition jjuu sando. 

jiXH sando is originally not a postposition, but an 
adjective, and therefore declinable, as well as ^, the 
Genitive case-sign, for which it is very frequently sub- 
stituted (see §. 18). It corresponds to the FanjabI 
sanda, being (Sansk. part. pres. ^IvfT = ^T^) cmd sig- 
nifies therefore: ^belonging to\ It is now used as a 
regular postposition, chiefly in connexion with suffixes, 
before such nouns, to which suffixes are not attached, 
either for the sake of the final vowel, or for per- 
spicuity's sake, or, as in poStry, for the sake of the 

1) Short 'a* may be lengthened to I in poStry for the sake of 
the rhyme. 

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sEcnoN a THEt mFisms op kouns. 




Masc. jiXH sands. 
Nonu: jOJu sando. Fonn.: jal sanda. 

i»oJu sandame. 

*(XLl sanda-e. 
(^«xll sandase. 

^^jgu 8anda-{L . 
^juu sandava* 
^JuL^ sandane. 


Ipers. ^^JJllBandume^my. 

n pers; acxH sanda-e, thy. 
m pers. ^iXJU sanduse, his. 

I pert. ^^oJui sanduy our. 

n pers. jjuu eandttva, your. 

in pers. ^;OJu sandune, their. 

Nom.: tool sandft. Form.: ^)Jal sandane. 

l^oJu flandaninm, 
n pera. *Jkll sandi^, thy. 
in pers. ^oSZi sandase, his. 

I pers. |»4Xll sandame, my. 

^ Jol sandanl. 
^jkH sandanise. 


I pers. ^yjSll^ sanda-U| our. 
n pers. yCJj^ sandava, your, 
m pers. ^juLl sandane, their. 

^yj^iXjSy sandineu. 
yiiX^ sandiniya. 
^ jJui sandanine. 

It has been stated akeady (see: nouns ending in 5, 
§. 40, 2) that o and & may also be preserved before the 

sufHxeSy as: j^jiXH sandomei ^fjJu sandase etc. 

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Fern.: v^oJu sandl. 


I pers. fiOJJL sandjame/ my. 
^ P^^* ^«}^ sandya-e, thy. 
m pers. ^iXJu sandyase, his. 

I pers. ^^iXH sandyauy our. 
n pers. ^oJum Bandyaya, your, 
m pers. ^^SiXH sandyane, their. 

The same. 



I pers. j^loJu, sandynme, my. 

n pers. ^^iXil sandyu-e, thy. 

in pers. ^jJlr sandyuse, his. 

I pers. (not in nse). 
pj„ n pers. p jJu sandyuva, your. 

m pers. ^iXJUsandyone, their. 

(O^jJU sandyunime. 
^iXl^ sandyunL 

(not in use). 
^iXH sandyuniva. 


The Plural of jcXju is very little in use, jjd^ 
preceding a noun in the Plural generally in the Singul&r. 

^j^xu# v^^ c)*^^ i*^ cH^ -4^^ ^si>*^ 

Even that is my native country, where my sweet- 
heart is. Maj. 86. 

Thy government, o Sfunoro! has been reconciled to 
the Lord. SL Um. Marul VI, Epil. 

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•f JO^ 0^ jjCj^ Q4M taij^ ti!>^^ ■ 

The people (and) whoeoever are thy relatiyes, wSL 
give fhee reproaches. Mi^. 292. 

The women have on the head two plaits, 

The men have on the heads hair: > 

Li the hands sticks, 

On the heads plaits: 

These are their habits. Yerses of the MftnuiTs. 

The garden (of Eden) is their place; ihe noble ones 
have gone to Paradise. SL Ked. IV, 5. 

In po3try j4>ju is now and then used without suf- 
fixes, which must then be supplied fix>m the context: 

The worthy ones, says Latif, see his gifts. SL Sor. 
I, 14. 

2) Postpositions ending in ^u'. 

^Lm sanU| with. 

I pers. film s&nume, with me. 

n pers. ^H sanu-e, with thee. 

m pers. gJH sanuse, with hiuL 


^^^H s&nuhu, with us. 

'?! ^ 

pC sanuva, with you. . 
^\JL sanune, with them. 

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In the same way the suffixes are attached to J^jum 
BSnUy with. In the third person Plural we meet often 
in poetry the form ^\Sx^ sSnana or ^\lfsm sienSne, in- 
stead of ^^JLum sSnune. 

ol^ 54^5 ^ / ^'^ s:)^ -^ ^^ U^ O^ 

As long as there is a breath with thee, compare 
none with Punhu. Sh. Maj». V, 5. 

My soul is gone with them, o mother! how shall 
I sit in Bhamboru? Sh. Hus. XI, Epil. 

8) Postpositions ending in 6 or 8 (e). 

^ kane or ^ kane, near, with, to. 

I pers. fUf' kanime, to me. 

n pers. ^JS' kane, to thee. 

m pers. ^jtJS' kanise, to him. 

^yjJS kaneu, to tis. 

^ kaniva, to you. , 

^jj^ kanine, to them. 

About the derivation of ^ see §. 16, 4. 

other postpositions of this kind are: J^ gare, to; 
^j vate, near, with; \%^ manjhe, in; «f2A5» hSthe, 
below eta Before the suffix of the third person Sing, 
final i (e) is often lengthened to i, as: {f*l^y vatiise, 
ne&r him, and before the suf&x of the third person Plur. 
to I, as: ^A<}yi manjhina, in them. 

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In one palace there are lakhs of doors, in thotisandB 
are to it windows. Sh. KaL I, 23. 

If we are beaten by them, even then it is our ad- 
vantage. Sindhl Bead. Book, p. 64. 

y,^ •U»(XlI JiSjj ,^^ ,4Jl? l^ I? 

Whatever be the matter with thee, o ^alu, let me 
hear thai Sh. Sor. 11, 17. 

Do not unbosom thyself to them; weeping do not 
make it public. Sh. Bdpa I, 8. 

His disciples came unto him. Matth. 5, 1, 

Postpositions and adverbs ending in 8 are treated 
differently; they either retain 8 before the suffixes or 
they shorten it to 8 (i); thus the postposition ^^^ khe, 
the case-sign of the Dative or Accusative, retains its 
final 6 before the suffixes, as: ^/h^ khese, to him (her, 
it)> s^^ khene or ^j^ khena, to them, whereas ^ 
ute, upon, shortens final e to 8 (i) as: ^jMit utise, upon 
him (her, it) or: \y*^\ utehise; ^1 utine, upon them 
or: ^^^1 utehine. Others again vary, as: ^g^ mathe, 
upon (properly the Locative of y^ matho, the head), 
l^A^ matha-e, upon thee (the Formative of y^d)^ but 
^j-bAxi mathise, upon him (being^ properly the Locative 
of j^y the top). 

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•*^* ^-5 (s4** -•^ ^^ >-'^>^ 

During the rainy season, four months, rains have 
fallen upon thee. Maj. 646. 

>- 44 cJ^r (/(St r^ -?^ ^rf^ 
There is no reproach upon it; if thou wilt ask any 
thing, ask it. Sh. Ehambh. I, 10. 

To the postposition ^^^ me (in) the suffixes are 
attached in the following manner: (/JLt mese, in him 

(her, it) or: ^mJuJo maise (in Siro); ^yJ>^ mamu, in us; 
^^ mene or ^^jye mena (in Siro: ^fjJo maina) in them. 

4) Postpositions ending in &, a, au, o. 
Those, which terminate in a, remain unaltered be- 
fore a suffix, as: »IIa5^0 to thee, ^uf kenSse, to him, 

^(JLy kenane, to them. Similarly ^14^ kha, fix>m, as: 

^,Slj,< khase, from him, ^^^ khane, from them (the 

final nasal being dropped before a following dental n); 

^14^0 matha, from upon (properly the Ablative of y^ 

matho, the head), ^\<^ mathae, from upon thee, ^l^ 

mathase, from upon him; ^mSL^ puthiase, from behind 

him, after him (properly the Ablat. of ..^ puthe, the back). 

Before the suffix of the third person Plural a eu- 
phonic *i* is occasionally inserted, especially in poStry, 

as: ^^14^ manjhaine, instead of: ^L^a^ manjhane, 

out of them. 

Those ending in 3u, au, au (termination of the Ablat. 
8ing.) remain likewise unchanged before suffixes, the final 

1) This poatporition or adyerb is never found wiihont sulBzes. 

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nasal' only beuog dropped before fhem, as: ^^asI^a* ma- 
thausoi from upon it, P>l4xo mathSaYa, fix>m upon 70a; 
^^L^ khau86y fix>m it, \j^^^ Idiaune, from them. 

Those ending in o change it to a before suffixes, 
as: ^L^ puase, behind him (from ^^ puo). 

•tLsT^' yf^^^ (jf'isfSt *^ c^??45 

Then the mother asked Majno: what (matter) has 
happened to thee? Maj. 44. 

My limbs melt, no languor befialls them. Sh. Eha- 
horl, Epil. L 

I sacrifice myself for thee; thus he spoke. [MaJ. 755. 

That whole state becomes known out of them. I9i. 
Kal. I, 17. 

Then that, which is "yain, becomes fain, if thou re- 
move from it the dot. Sh. Eal. I, 21. 

This head is ready; o bridegroom, for you I sacrifice 
it. Sh. Ked. IV, 8. 

Such days will come, that the bridegroom will be 
taken from them. MattL 9, 15. 

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The grisat . deteriorationi the modem Indian lan- 
goages have undergone, is nowhere more apparent, than 
in their conjugational process. They have lost nearly 
all the Sansloit tenses, especially those of the Fast, which 
were too intricate for the conception of the vulgar, and 
have therefore been compelled to have recourse to com- 
positions, in order to make up for the lost tenses. They 
differ very greatly as to the method, which they have 
followed in this respect, every one of them exhibiting 
some peculiar features, which are not to be met with 
in the other idioms. 

Chapter XIL 

PonnatloB of the vorbal themes, the Imperative and the Pftrttdplef. 

§. 42. 
Formation of tlie yerbal tbemes. 

L We have seen already (§• 7, 2) that the In- 
finitive of the Sindhi verbs, terminating in anu, cor- 
responds to the verbal noim of the Sanskrit and Prakrit. 
The root of the Sindhi verb is therefore not to be sought 
in the Infinitive, but in the Imperative, which ex- 
hibits the crude form of the verb without an additional 
increment, except that of the final vowel, which is 
no part of the verbal root. 

Properly speaking there is only one class of verbs 
in Sindhi, as all verbs, with a slight difference, are in- 
flected alike. There are therefore no different con- 
jugations, as in Sanskrit, but the same rules of in- 
flection apply equally to all verbs. 

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SECTION m. IHfi VERB. 251 

In some tensee though thera is a marked difference 
between neuter and active verbs, and we may there* 
fore, for practical purposes, divide the SindhI verbs into 
neuter and active ones. 

1) The neuter or intransitive verb ends in the 
Infinitive in anu and in the Imperative in V, as: 

^jXi hal-anu, to go, Imper. Jjb hal-u, go. 

J^J^ var-anu, to return, „ jy var-u, return. 
But in derivative verbs, where the termination 
of the Infinitive is preceded by ft, the Infinitive ends, 
for euphony's sake, in inn, as: 

J^ljl^ kara-inu, to be blackish, Imper. il^^ kara-u. 

When the verbal root ends in short ^a* or *i\ a eu- 
phonic V is inserted between it and the increment of 
the Infinitive, as: 

0}i P^v-anu, to fall, Imper. ^ pa-u. 

J^^ ni-v-anu, to bow, „ yi ni-u. 

2) The active or transitive verb ends in the Li- 
finitive likewise in anu (in Sir6 commonly in inu), and 
in the Imperative in V (and partly in ^u*), as: 

J^JL^ jhal-anu, to seize, Imper. 44^ jhal-e. 
J,^ phur-anu, to plunder, „ ^ phur-e. 

But when the increment of the Infinitive is pre- 
ceded by *a^ & and o, the Infinitive ends, for euphony's 
sake, in inu^), as: 

J^ ma-inu, to measure, Imper. ^ ma-e. 

^l^Jli* galh&-inu, to speak, „ m\^[? galhi-e. 
^jiDj dh5-inu, to carry, „ m^o dho-e. 

1) Some Sindhtt, espMuJly tiie Mnnlmftns, write and pronoiuioe 
instead of Ri^u : ft-ai^a or contracted: i^n. 

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If a verbal root (actiye or neuter) end in I and % 
these vowels are respectively shortened before the in- 
crement of the Infinitive, as: . 

J^ pi-anu, to drink, Imper. ^ pi-u. 

^^ pu-anU| to string beads, „ i^ pti-u« 

In some instances radical o is likewise shortened 
to ^u' in the Infinitive, as: 

^^4> dhu-anu, to wash, Imper. ijp»4> dhd-u. 

^yj ru-anu, to weep, „ 3^ ro. 

A number of Sindhi verbs have a different form 
when used in a neuter or active sense, but it would be 
wrong to say, that such neuter verbs are changed into 
an active form; they recur to a different Sanskrit form, 
from which they are derived and must therefore be con- 
sidered as independent verbs. 

The most common of these are: 

Neuter. Active. 

^t4:^f ujjhamanu, to be extin- ^1^1 ujpbainu. 

^tol udamanu, to fly cH'^' udainu. 

^^4^ Bajjhanu, to be bound J^^iXJb bandhanu* 

^^4?( bujjhanu, to be heard v^JuJ bundhanu. 

Jf^x^ bhajanu, to be broken ... Q^ f ^ bhananu. 
J^>^v^j bhujanu, to be fried • . • • ^ifA^ bhuilanu. 
J^I4j phatanu, to be torn oj^ phfiranu. 

cK^ J*P^?^i I to be bom ..... J^X^ Jananu. 
J;^ Jamanu, j 

J^.a4^ dhupanu, to be touched. . . J^^^^ dhuhanu. 

J^ygi^ ihijanu, to be plucked. . . v>X^ dhinanu. 

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J^jjft<> dhopanuy to be washed. . 
^f^o SxxhhmjXj to be milked. . . 
^^f^o dajpbana, to be enviouB . • 
^Gdo dhrapanu, to be satiated. 

J^4?v ^JP'^^y to ^ boiled 
J^J rahanuy. to relnain • • . 
J^ sujanu, to be heard. . • 
^fJlS kusanuy to be killed. . 
J^l4^ kfalganu, to be eaten 
J^L^ khamanuy to bum . . 

^^4h^ khajanui to be raised 
^jf^ gasanuy to be abraded. 
J^ labanu, to be reaped . . 
J^4^ labhana, to be obtained 
^yi lusanu, to be scorched . 

J^^ m&panu, I ^ ^ contained. 
J^U mamanuy J 

J^ mosanu, to have ill luck . . 
JJoLl« vis&mana, to be extinguished 

J^9) vikamanu, 

, > - ., ' to be sold . . . 

^y vikanu, 

J^U^ vehamanu, to be passed. . 

J^LIi hapamanuy to be lessened 

^/^ yabhanu, to be copulated . 

J^y»<> dhuanu. 
^o duhanu. 
^o dahanu. 


^JfifXSj randhanu. 
^^4^ rakhanu. 
^^jU# sunanu. 
^!f^ kuhanu. 
J^L^ khainu. 

J^i^ khananu. 
^J4^ gahanu. 
^ij lunanu. 
J^ lahanu. 
J^iy luhanu. 

J^U mainu. 

^if^ muhanu. 
^Llj vis&inu. 

^^i$^ vikinanu. 

J^li^ vehainu. . 
J^llp hapainu. 
Ch5 yahanu. 

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IL Almost from every neuter or active verb a Oansal 
may be derived. Those caosals, which have sprang from 
a neater verb, are, as regards l^eir signification, active, 
whereas those, which are derived from an active verb, 
are doubly active. 

The Causal is derived by adding to the root of a 
verb the long vowel a, to which the increment of the 
Infinitive accedes as usual; e. g.: 

J;^!j vir6anu, v. n., to be tired; causal: ^^\y vir- 

d-&*inu, to cause to be tired or to tire, 
^^o d^Lsanu, v. a., to show; causal: y^H^ das&-inu, 

to cause to show. 
J^^o dh5inu, v. a., to carry, causal: ^b^j dho- 
a-inu, to cause to carry. 
But when the verb ends in radical V, euphonic v 
is inserted between the final root-vowel and the causal 
increment, as: 

J^ ma-inn, v. a., to measure; causal: J>^|p ma-v-ft- 
inu, to cause to measure. 

Exceptions to this rule: ' 
a) When a verb ends in radical r, r, rh, h, pre- 
ceded by a short *a', the causal increment may be in- 
serted in the root itself, coalescing with the short radical 
V to a, as: 

J^o Baranu, v. li., to burn; cans.: ^^l^ Bfiranu, to 

^^ garanu, v. n., to drop; cans, ^ilr gSranu, to 
cause to drop. 

O^}^ parhanu, v. a, to read; cans.: Jyi^jl^ p&rhanu, 
to cause to read, to teach. 

J;4^ gahanu, v. n., to work hard; cans.: ^l^ gfi- 
hanu, to make work hard. 

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In at number of verbs, the final r (r) of whidi is 
preceded by the vowel % & is inserted before the final 
radical and Y dropped, as-/ 

^l^iXdl sudhirana, v. n., to be arranged; cans.: JJlijuL 

sudhSxana, to arrange. 
J^l^j visiranuy v. n., to be forgotten; cans.; J^^Hj vi- 

s&ranuy to forget 
^JJjLji' kindiranu, v. n., to be spread; cans.: JJtJuL^ 

khindaranUy to spread. 

J^i^l ujjiranu, v. n., to be waste; cans.: ^^^ ii}&- 

ranuy to lay waste, 
etc. etc. 

But the regular mode of forming the causal is also 
in usCi as: 

J^jl aranu, v. n., to be caught; cans.: J^fil ara-inu, 

to entangle. ' 
^3 taranu, v. a, to fry; cans.: ^Jf tara-inu, to 

cause to fry. 
O^ri parhanu, v. a,, to read; cans.: J^SLS^ parha- 

inu, to cause to read. 
J^4>^ sambahanu, v. n., to be ready; cans.: J^ol^lu 

sambaha-inu, to get ready. 

h) When final r or r of a verbal root be preceded 
by the short vowels *V or 'u', the causal increment h 
coalesces with them to S and 5 respectively, as: 

J,^ pluranu, v. n., to turn; cans.: J,^a^ pheranu, 

to cause to turn. 
Jj<^< khindiranu, v. n., to be spread; caus,: ^yiCa^ 

khinderanuy to spread (besides J^JtJULiT). 

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^^itf'P vidhuranuy v. n«, to be separated; cans.: ^)^y 

vidhoranu, to separate. 

Those verbs, in which the root-vowel 'i' coalesces 
with the causal increment a to 3, may add, besides 
the causal increment, ft to the end of the root, without 
altering the simple causal signification of the verb: as: 

^1^ phiranu, v. n., to turn; cans.: ^^^ pheranu 
or: J^IIxAj phgrSrinu. 

Somie verbs with radical V, form the causal in the 
common way, as: 

^y kuranu, v. n., to be tired; cans.: Jj^l}^ kura-inti, 

to tire. 
A few verbs change in the causal the final cerebral 
t (tr) and d to r, as: 

J,Ju Budanu, v. n., to be drowned, cans.: ^j^ Bo- 

ranu, to drown. 

• • • f 

^ISlS trutranu, v. n., to be broken, cans: ^^^J tro- 

ranu, to break. 
• • » 

c) K a verb end in radical 'i' or 'u', r is inserted 
after the causal increment ft, as: 

^^$ di-anu, v. a., to give; cans.: ,^;l3o di-a-r-anu, to 
. cause to give. 

J,^ du-anu, v. n., to leak; cans.: JyUi fiu-&-r-anu, 
to cause to leak. 
The same is the case, when final h is preceded 
by *i', as: 

^y veh-anu, v. n., to sit; cans.: ^j^p veh-a-r-anu, 
to cause to sit, 
but if final h be prieceded by *a', the common rule . 
holds good, as: 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 


^^ kuh-anu, v. a., to kill; caos.: J^L^T knha-ino, 

to cause to kilL 

On the reverse a euphonic r is inserted before the 
causal increment in such verbs, the final radical of which 
ends in a, as: 

JjoL^f gha-inu, v. a, to wound; cans, ^)Sf^^ gha-r- 

a-inu, to cause to wound. 

There is a number of causal verbs, which cannot be 
brought under, any of the foregoing rules; these are: 

^jj^\ uthanu, v. n., to rise; cans.: Jol^it utharanu^ 
to cause to rise, 

J^%S drijanuy v. n., to be afiraid; cans.: ^s^)^ dre- 

' jaranu, to frighten, 

J)4^ sikhanu, v. a., to learn; cans.: ^^l^JCun sekluV 

ranu, to instruct 

J^4^ sumhanu, v. n., to fell asleep; cans.: ^^X^JL 
sumharanu, to put to sleep. 

J^^ vauanu, v. n., to be lost; cans.: \*)i^y viuainu, 

to loose. 
J^ixftS^ vehejanUy v. n., to bathe; cans.: JJljaLaS^ ve- 

hejaranu, to wash. 

ILL From most of the causal verbs a second 
causal may be derived, according to the rules laid 
down already, the first or simple causal being treated 
again as a theme by itself. 

Simple cans.: J^lit J vir6a-inu; double cans.: ^Q^)y 
vird-a-r-a-inu, to cause (another) to weary. 

Simple cans. : ^ili^garanu; double causal: J^otjli^ gar-a- 
inu, to cause to shed (tears). 

Trnmpp, SiadU-OnBUBAr. R 

Digitized by 



Simple caus.: ^y^} vidhoranu; double cans.: J^^fj^^^^ 

vidhor-a-inuy to cause to separate. 

Simple caus.: Jj^'^^. pher-a-inu; double caus,: J^IJGa^ 

pher-a-r-a-inu, to cause (another) to cause to 

Simple caus.: ^fTLj^ gha-r-a-inu; double caus.: v>5!;!?'4^ 
gha-r-a-r-a-inu, to cause (another) to cause to 

Annotation. The Prakrit forms the causal either by adding 
the increment e (Sansk. ay) or ave (Sansk. apay = abe = avu, 
cf. Varar. VII, 26, 27). In the modern Indian idioms only the 
latter increment is in use, which has been shortened to a in 
Sindhi, Hindustani and BangalT, the syllable ve having been 
dropped. In Gujarat! the causal is formed by adding the in- 
crement ay (and vad, when the verb ends in a vowel); in Pan- 
jabi by means of the increment aiu In MarathI av is generally 
shortened to av. 

The insertion of euphonic r in SindhT (in Hindustani and 
PanJabI 1) has its precedent in the euphonic 1, which is inserted 
in some Sanskrit causal themes. 

The double causal is formed in Hindustani by inserting 
V before the simple causal increment a; the same is the case 
in PanjabI and Gujarat!. 

IV. Almost from every neuter, active or causal 
verb a Passive may be derived by adding to tbe verbal 

root the increment ^ janu (}-anu). A few verbs, chiefly 
denominatives, are only found in the passive form, 
as: i^)^SjS\ ukandhijanu, to long for, ^^1 anguri- 
janu, to be exchanged, J>^^o damirjanu, to be angry etc. 

Any neuter verb may take the passive form, without 
changing its original signification. 

The passive of neuter or intransitive verbs is mostly 
used impersonally (IE pers. Sing.), whereas that of active 
and causal verbs is inflected through all persons. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

SECnOK m. THE VERB. 259 

The passive increment ^f,L Janu is joined to the 
verbal root, if it end in a consonant, with or without 
the conjunctive vowel *i', as euphony may require it; 
but if the verbal root end in a vowel, the conjunctive 
vowel *i' must always be employed, as: 

Jj^ puranu, v- a., to bury; pass.: J^J^ piir-janu, 
to be buried. 

J^i^ ghatanu, v. n., to lessen; pass.: ^fks£qf ghati- 
janu, to lessen. 

^Q^ vinaihu, v. cans., to loose; x>ass.: ^y^}^ vina- 
i-janu, to be lost. 

Those verbs, which end in a radical V and in the 
Imperative in V (see §. 43), as: ^^ 6a-v-anu, Imper. 
^ ca-u, to speak, drop before the increment of the 
passive the euphonic v of the Infinitive, as: ^jji^ ca- 
i-janu, to be spoken; ^^ pa-v-anu, to fall, Imper. ^, 
pass. v>^ pa-i-janu, to fall. 

Those verbs, which shorten their final root- vowel 
(I, u, 6) before the increment of the Infinitive (§. 42, 2), 
retain their long vowel before the passive termination 
j-anu, as: 

J^ pi-anu, V. a., to drink; Lnper. ^ plu; pass. ^)^f\^ 

pT-janu, to be drunk. 
O^. pu-anu, V. a., to string beads; Imper. i^ pu-u; 

pass. vIhI^ pu-ijanu, to be strung (as beads). 
^yD(> dhu-anu, v. a., to wash; Imper. ty^^ dho-u; 

pass. vlh?b^^ dho-ijanu, to be washed. 

Exceptions to these rules are: 
J^ thi-anu, v. n., to become; Lnper. ^y^ thi-u; 

pass. J^^axgS thi-janu, to become. 


Digitized by > 


^1> karanu, v. a., to make; Imper. S kare (Prec. ^ 
kije);, pass, vlh?'^ ki-janu, to bo done. 

Annotaix(m^ In Sanskrit the Passive is formed by adding y 
to the root of the verb; in Prak. y is dissolved into Ta or ij]a, and 
in tlio Apabhran^a dialect ija or ijja is employed for the formation 
of tlic Passive (Lassen, p. 467). The increment of the Passive is 
therefore in SindhT j, joined to the affix of the verbal noun or the 
Infinitive = j-anu. The SindhT (and to some extent the PanjubT) 
is the only modern idiom of India, which has preserved a regular 
passive voice, all its sister languages being compelled to resort to 
compositions, in order to express a passive voice. The common 
way to form a passive voice in the kindred idioms is, to compoimd 
the past participle passive with the verb janu, to go, as in Hin- 
dustani: y^^ UL^ t^U yjj^ mat mara jata hS, I go being 
beaten rs I am beaten. But the use of the passive voice, if it 
may be called so^ is very limited in the cognate languages, and 
it is avoided wherever possible, which is greatly facilitated by 
a great number of verbs having a neuter or passive signi- 

§• 43. 
The Imperative. 

The Imperative represents the root of a Sindhi 
verb, as stated already, and as the whole conjugational 
process depends a great deal upon it, its formation must 
be explained in the first place. 

1) The Imperative of neuter and passive verbs 
always ends in V*), as: 

J^Ii mar-anu, to die; Imper.: li mar-u. 

Jjiil afi-anu, to come; Imper.: *1 a6-u. 

1) The only exception to this nde is: 
O^^^ p&bahanu, v. n., to smile, which has in the Imperative, 
besides Use regular J^y^ pftbnba, also: '^y^ pftbahe. 

Digitized by 



v>^4^6^'^'^^> to meet; Lnper.: L^ f^-iyvu 

Those verbe, which insert a euphonic v in the In- 
finitive, drop it again in the Imperative, as: 

J^^ na-v-anu; v, n,, to bow, Lnper.: ^ na-u. 

If a final vowel has been shortened in the Infinitive, 
it is restored again in the Imperative, as: 

ijljS thi-anu, v. n*, to become, Impen ^^jujj thi-u. 

^^ du-anu, v. n«, to leak, Imper. i^ in-vu 

^yl ru-anu, v. n., to weep, Lnper. ^. ro (= t^X 

Similarly: ^y veh-anu, v. n., to sit down; Imper. ^^ 


The following verbs form their Imperative both re- 
gularly and irregularly: 

J)^i ad-anu, v. n., to come; Imper. Ll ad-u and 

iT a-u*). 
J^5 vau-anu, v. n,, to go; Imper. l>j van-u and ^^ 


2) The Imperative of active and causal verbs 
ends in V, as: 

J^G pal-anu, v. a., to foster; Imper. Jl^ pale. 

J^li^ ghat&-inu, v. cans., to lessen; Lnper. *ii^ 


But there is a considerable number of active verbs, 
which end in the Imperative in V and not in V; some 
have both terminations. These are: 

1) From wax old root T ft, which ii no longer used in Sindhi, bat 
in HindostSnl (lit &-nft). 

Digitized by 



^jl^l upinanu, to sift . 
J^T &klianu, to inform 


^\ upinu. 

^T akhu and 
^T 5khe. 

iT^I ughanu, to wipe . • 
J^l alanu, to deny . . • 
J)4?( Bujhanu, to understand 
^iXJb bandhanuy to bind.. 
J^JUb bundhanUy to hear. 
Jf^oJ^ bhananu, to break. 

^^^«sx4^ bhunanu, to fry. . 

,^4^ pu£hanu, to ask . . 
O^H IP^^^^y to understand 
Ohyi P^^r^^j to understand 
O^ji parhanu, to read. . 
J^. pasanu, to see. . • 
^yjb pinanu, to beg . . . 

J^^ puanu, to string (beads) 

J^ pihanu, ] 

to grind . 
Jj4^ pihanu, 

J^ pianu, to drink. • • 

J^L^ Jananu, to know . . 
^f^ jahanu, to copulate . 
^j^ljy jhinikanu, to scold 

^^4^ fubhanu, to prick • 

4i't nghu. 
jf alu. 
4?( bujhu. 
^ JUb bandhu. 
^Joj bundhu. 
U^ bhanu. 

^^4^ bhunu. 

4?/ puChu. 
4^)5 purjhu. 
)/ji paruru. 
J^ij parhu. 

^ pin. 

J,lf janu. . 
-*»• jjahu. 
JC«^ jhiniku. 

4Aft> dubhu. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



to touch • 

!X daranu, to graze . • 

^;4^ &tkhanu, to taste . 
^^fSSL ^uganuy to peck up food 
,j;4^ dughanu, to puncture. 
J^ dumanu, to kiss . . . 
^^;JL^ dunanu, to crimple (cloth) 
^^ davanu, to speak • . • 
J^44 ^i^^hanu; to soak up . . 
^flf^ dhinanuy to pluck . . 

J,J4^ dhuanu, 
J;4^ fihuhanu, , 
^[ii> dhainu, to suck. 

^lfli(y dhunanu, to choose 
^pit> dhSvanu, to blow (with 

^yi(y dhuanUy to wash. . . • 

^rS daranu, to eat up 

^o d^sanuy to see 

^o dfthanu, to vex 

J^S duhanu, to milk 

^^4^r rakhanu, to keep. . . . . 

J^ sibanu, to sow 

J^il^ sikanu, to long for ... . 
J^4^ sikhanu, to learn . . . . 
J^JlIy salanu, to divulge . . . . 
J^g<k^> samujjhanu, to understand . 

^ *aru. 
4]^ &khu. 
JCi Cugu. 
4^ dughu. 

J^ 6unu. 
y^ &tu. 
4^ iuhu. 
vi-f^ 5hinu. 

ly^ £hu-u. 
44^ 6huhu. 
il04> dhau. 

J^(> dhunu. 
\yxii> dhs-u or 
^i> dhS-e. 
i^t> dhd-u. 
[$ daru. 
Jm^ disu. 

Jbo dahu. 
JdS duhu. 
4^; rakhu. 
^ybMf sibu. 
JC^ siku. 
4Cm» sikhu. 
JLl salu. 
g-ftiM samujhu. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 




J^IaaJU sambHranUy to recollect 

Jfiliddl snuanana, to recogmze 
J^XIm* sinikanu, 

to blow the nose 

to smell 

J)Xll sonikanu, 
^;.4)!l^ singhanu, 

J;4^Cl1 sunghanu, 
J^ sunanu, to hear • 
J^4^ sahanuy to endure 
J^ katanu, to spin . 
J^iXf" kadhanu, to pnll out. 
%^)^j^ khainuy to eat 

J^i^S^ khatanUy to earn 
J^ kahanu, to say 
J^4^ kuhanu, to kill 

^yjj^ khananu, to lift 
J^^,< khuhann, to scratch • 

^JulaJ' khedanu, to play 

^yt>^ khianu, to eat . 

J^4^ ginhanuy to take 
Or€^ ghuranu, to wish 
^yj^ gahanUy to rub 
^jj^ gehanu, to swallow 
J^4^ lakhanUy to ascertain • 
^4^ likhanu, to write . • 

1 5 ?'*'•' 


JCLm siniku. 

cCil suniku. 

J^iu singhu. 

^jil sunghu. 
^^ sunu. 
..^ sahu. 
^LaT katu. 
}^d^ kadhu. 
il^ kha-u. 

e>4< khatu* 
^^ kahu. 
^ kuhu. 
J^^ khanu. 
414^ khShu. 
cU45^ khedu. 


;^ ginhu. 
^ ghuru. 
4^ gahu. 

^J^ lakhu. 
^jO likhu. 

Digitized by 



J^ limbanu, to plaster .... vyJij limlm. 

J^ij lunanu, to reap J^ luno. 

J^ lahanu, to obtain J^ lahu. 

J^i^ lahananu, to have to receive • J^ lalianu* 
iiypjo munjanuy to send . • . • ^ munju. 

^^|.jS3uo ma^anu, to heed ^^ 


^jSjjo mananu, to ask . . . . . (Xu manu* 

^fjJo mananu, to shampoo. • • • J^ manu. 

J^^ vathanUy to take J^j vathtu 

^f^) vijhanu, to throw • • . . J^y vijhu. 

^^fJS^ vikinanUi to sell ^^ vikinu. 

J^ hananu, to strike J^ hanu. 

J^^) yahanu, to copulate • • • 4^. yahu. 

The following active verbs form their Imperative in 
an irregular way: 

J^^ d^Uf to give; Imper. ^o de (instead of: ^o diu). 

1) Capt. Stack in his Sindhl Grammar baa adduced the following 
verbs, also as active and ending in the Imperative in V: 

^JS bakanu, to chatter, 
qJ^ bhola^a, to forget, 

^|aJL^ iambnrana, to stick dose to, 
^A^^ jhakaQu, to prate, 
^^^ niianu, to please, 

\if^iXM0 suhann, I 
^^L^jL» sShft-inn, J 

0^^ vaiorana, to stick to, 
^;i4diM^ visahann, to tmst, 
^^ vanana, to please; 

bat all these are properly intransitive verbs and therefore qntte 
regular m their Imperative. 

Digitized by 



f ^ 

^ifj^ nianu, to take away; Imper. ^ (instead of ^ niu). 

Verbs which end in the Imperative Sing, in V, form 
the Plural in 6 (or yo, vdth euphonic y , if the verb 
end in any other vowel but V and u), and those, which 
end in the Imperative Sing, in S, form their Plural in 
yo or id, as: 

L\ a6u, come, Plur. a^l afi-o. 

iybi> dho-Uy wash, „ }^}^f> dho-yo. 

• ^ pi-u, faU, „ ^ pa^. 

^& de, give, „ p^ dio. 

[&jJL4^ jjhal-yo or 
Juj^ jhal-S, seize, „ r" y 

[y^s^ jhal-io. 
An older form of the 11. pers. Plur. is the termi- 
nation ho, which is also in use, as; }niqr% jhal-iho. 

The other persons of the Imperative must be supplied 
from the Potential. 

There is another from of the Imperative, ending in 
je*), which is added equally to the root of neuter 
and active verbs. This form of the Imperative is pro- 
l)erly a Precative, implying exhortation, request 
or prayer, as: 

^yo motanu, to return; Imper. sLy» motu; Prec. v^ 

mot-ije, please to return. 
^jfSjy vitanu, to scatter; Imper. sSf^y vit-e; Prec. ^. 

vlt-ije, please to scatter. 
If a verb end in *i* or i, the initial *i' of ^Je is 
dropped, as: 

1) icL pofitry ij6 is now and then lengthened to eje, as well in 
neater as actiye rerbs, ending in the Imperatire in *a* or *e*, as: 

^J> kar-e]e, from ^O^ karann, Imper. jf kare. ^ai^ Taneje, 

^^ > -. , f *• ^r • 

from v>r5 ^^^*9^t ^ 8^t Imper. ^^ yanu. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 


J^jla^ khianu, v. a., to eat, Lnper. ^^ khi-u; Free 
^ khi-Je. 

^f^ thianu, v. xh, to become; Imper. ^^ thl-u; 
Prec. ^jNJLjJ thi-Je or: ^^ thi-je. 

Quite irregular is *^S karanu, to do, in the Fre- 
cative, as: 

^^ karanu, Imper. J^ kare, Prec. ^ ki-Je or: ^ 
ka-je. ^ Sr ^ 

Neuter or such active verbs, as end in the Im- 
perative in V, take frequently, especially in pofitry, the 
termination iju instead of ije, as: 

J^ sunanu, to hear; Imper. J^ sunn; Ptec Lj^ 
Thia termination is also now and then found in 
active verbs, ending in the Imperative in V, as: 

J^I4j bha-inu, to think; Imper. ^l^ bha-e; Prec 

liil4^ bha-iju. 

The Plural of the Precative ends in ijo (or 
ejo, as the case may be), as: 

^^; pur-ije (^^ pur-eje), shut up; Plur.^^^ pur- 

. ^ ijo (^^^ pur^Jo). 

Instead of ijo (ejo) the terminations \}a, ijae (ija-e), 
ijahu (ijau) ijslia are also in use, espedaUy in a ho- 
norific sense, and are therefore also referred to a subject 
in the Nominative, as: 

rj5 v^"y^» return; Plur. li^j var-ij&. 
1^5 vaA-iju, go; „ ^livaij van-ija-e. 

^ sun-ii}u, hear; „ ^LaI sun-ijaha. 

Ls^'C parh-iju, read; „ 1^JlBys^ parh-eja-u. 

Digitized by 



Annotation. In Prukrit the different (10) conjugations of 
the Sanskrit have ah*cady boon discarded and only the first of 
tliem is in common use* The II pcrs« Sing, of the Imperative 
ends in Prukrit in V, which in Sindht has been changed to 'u* 
nnd V respectively; the II pcrs. Plur. ends in ha (Snnsk. T| 
dba), and in Sindhl in o, h being commonly dropped. — In 
the cognate idioms the final vowel of the II pcrs. Sing, of the 
Imperative has been dropped altogether; in the Plural the Im- 
perative ends in o, as in Sindhi, with the exception of the 
Martt^hT, the Plural Imperative of which ends in a, and the 
Bangui!, the Plural Imperative of which is identical with the 

The Sindhl PrecaUve is to be referred to the Prakrit in- 
crement ija or ijja, which is inserted between the root an4 
the inflexional terminations in the Present , the definite Future 
and the Imperative (Varar. VII, 21). Lassen^s conjecture (p. 357), 
that this increment has sprung from the Sanskrit Precative, is 
borne ont by the modem idioms. — The Gujarat! forms the 
Precative in the same way as the Sindh! by adding to the verbal 
root the increment aje (Plur. ajo). — In Hindustan! iye is 
joined to the root of the verb for the III pers. Sing, (generally 
with aip etc.), it being considered more respectful to address a 
person in the III pcrs. Sing.; and iyo for the II or III pers. 
Plur.; jie is only used, when the root ends in ! or o. — In 
Punjab! the increment i is added to the root for the II pers. 
Sing., and !o for the II pers. Plur. Similarly io is joined to 
the root in Bangui!, as well for the II. pers. Sing, as Plur. 

§. 44. 
The partiolple present. 

From the Imperative or the verbal root the Par- 
ticiple present is derived in the following way: 

1) Neuter verbs ending in the Imperative in V, 
add to the root the affix ando (see §. 8, 11), as: 

^^fli Iialanu, to go; Imper. Jlp hal-u; Part pres. jiXUi 
The same is the case with active verbs, the Im- 
I)erative of which ends in *u*, as: 

Digitized by 


sEcnox in. the yebs. ses 

^)li hanonu, to strike; Lnper. J^ hanu; Part preti. 
jiXlIp han-ando. 

Some of these however use also the other form in 
Indo, as: 

^fUL sunanU) to hear; Lnper. J^ sunn; Part per& 

jdlll sunando or: jcVIaII sunindo. 

Those verbs, which end in radical a, and in the 
Imper. in *u', form, for euphony's sake, their Participle 
present in indo, and not in ando, as: 

J^l^^ kha-inu, v. a., to eat; Imper. iL^kha-u; Part 

pres. 34JuuSl4^ kha-mdo. 
J^lpjj budha-inu, v. n., to become old; Imper. il^Jj 

budha-u; Part. pres. jiXlul^Jj budha-indo. 

Those verbs, which shorten their final vowel in the 
Infinitive or insert a euphonic v (§. 42, 1. 2), do the 
same before the afi&x of the Participle present, as: 

^}i pa-v-anu, to fall; Lnper. ^ pa-u; Part pres. 

jiXS^. pa-v-andd. 
J^ pi-anu, to drink; Imper. ^ pi-u; Part pres. 

jiXlxj pi-ando. 
^yi(y dhu-anu, to wash; Imper. i^i> dho-u; Part 

pres. 34xSy»(> dhu-ando. 

In some verbs, with euphonic v inserted, a con- 
traction takes place, as: 

J,^ 6a-v-anu, to say; Imper. ^ 4a-u; Part pres. 

jiU^ £a-v-and5 or: )i)^fL dundd. 

^yi hu-anu, to be; Imper. i^ ho-u; Part pres. jjj^ 

hundd (instead of ^ol^i hu-ando). 
A similar contraction takes place in: 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Jjl^ khi-anu, to eat; Lnper. ^^ khi-u; Part. pros. 

34Ua^ khindd. 
Jpo di-anu, to give; Imper.^o d^; Part. pros. jiVL^ 

J^ ni-anu, to take away; Imper. ^ nS; Part. pres. 

^Oltrt nindd. 

yhe following verbs form their Participle present 
in an irregular way: 

J^l a6-anu, to come; Lnper. If a4-u; Part. pres. 

^JUjJ indo. 
^y vananu, to go; Imper. l;j vafiu; Part. pres. 

34X1^^ vendo or jiU^^ vindo. 

2) Active and causal verbs form the Participle 
present by adding the affix indo to the root, as: 

^J^ bharanuy v. a, to fill; Imper. Jj^ bhar-e; Part 

pres. yOSjJ^ bhar-mdo. 

J^UJjL^ gandha-inu, to cause to connect; Imper. AiOJ^ 

gandha-e; Part pres. jiXJUSliJui^ gandha-Indo. 

The verb J^IT karanu, to do, forms its Part. pres. 

both regularly and irregularly, ^Oj^S kar-indo or: jiXl^ 

kando, jjjf kindo. 

3) The participle present of the Passive voice is 
formed by adding the affix ibo to the root of the 
passive theme (cf. §. 8, 13), as: 

J^^ pasanu, v. a., to see; pass. J^y.^^ pas-ijanu; Part. 

pres. ^A^ pas-ibo. 
0^ ^v-anu, V. a., to say; pass. v>^^ ^ijanu; 

Part pres. y^L ia-ibo. 

Digitized by 



J^^i> dhu-anUy v. a., to wash; pass. ^jJ^o dhd-ijanu; 

Part pros. j^>^«> dho-ibo. 
J^ pi-anuy v. a., to drink; pass, ^faB^^ pl-Janu; VbtL 

^ pros, jjuii pi-bo. 
0JLA5 thi-anu, v. n., to become; pass. J^^fv^ thi-jann; 

Pari pres. ^l^ thi-bd. 
^"S' karanu, v. a., to do; pass. J^ ki-Janu; Part 

pres. ^ ki-bo (also: ^ ka-bo). 

The Participle present is also used in the sense of 
a Future,, as will be seen under the future tense. 

§. 45. 
The Participle past 

From all Sindhi verbs, be they neuter, active (causal) 
or passive, a past participle may be derived by adding 
the af&x io or yo (the latter always, when the root ends 
in a vowel) to the root of the verb (see §. 8, 14). The 
past participle of neuter verbs implies simply a prae- 
terite sense, whereas that of active (causal) verbs always 
denotes a praeterite passive signification. 

J^U. jaganu, y. n., to be awake; p. p. )jfiL jag-io, 

having been awake. 

J^i^ khatanu, v. a., to gain; p. p. ^aI^T khat-yo, 
having been gained. 

J^l4Jo parbhainu, v. cans., to quiet; p. p. yil^l^ 

parbhayo, having been quieted. 
J^iA^So parkhijanu, v. p., to be tested; p. p. ^^^^ 
parkh-io, having been tested. 
Those verbs, which insert euphonic v in the In* 
finitive, drop it again before the affix of the past par* 
tidple, as: 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


^^ da-v-onu, to say; p. p. ^ da-ya 
^p na-v-anu, to bow; p. p. y6 na-yo. 

If a verb end in *i' or I, the initial 'i* of the jiffix 
io is dropped in the past participle; the same is com- 
monly the case, when the root ends in one of the Pa- 
latals i, dh, j, jh. 

J^ ni-anu, to take away; p. p. ^ ni-6. 

^)j^ thi-anu, to become; p. p. jIaJ thi-o. 

^ifj^ ji-anu, to live; p. p. ^SUt^ jji-o. 

^f^ kudhanu, to speak; p. p. ^^i ku5h-o. 
O^y^ sojhanu, to investigate; p. p. 5^3-*. sojho. 

If final 6 and I has been shortened in the Infinitive, 
it is restored again (with a few exceptions) in the past 
participles, as: 

^yS^*> dhu-anu, to wash (Imper. i^«> dho-u); p. p. 
^^^i> dho-yo. 

J^ ji-anu, to live (Imper. ^x^ jji-u); p. p. ^If^ jl^. 

About the compound affixes ya-lu or ia-lu, ya-ro 
(ia-ro), wliich are attached to the past participle, in order 
to impart to it more the nature of an adjective, com- 
pare §. 9, 22. 

A considerable number of verbs form their past 
participle in an irregular way, that is to say, they have 
retain^ the old Sanskrit-Prakrit form of the past par- 
ticiple, modified only according to the laws of trans- 
mutation of letters, as current in Prakrit and Sindhi. 
We subjoin here an alphabetical list of them. 

^JiL^t ubhamanu, v. n., to boil up; p. p. ^\^\ ubhano. 
J;4^t ubahanu, v. n., to stand; p. p. y^^\ ubitho. 
^1 utanu, V. a., to say; p. p. ^\ uto. ^ 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



p. p. ^1 tmid. 

J^f V. n., to be woven, 

Jjif V. a,, to weave, 

^L^f ujhfimanu, to be extinguished; p. p. ^l^i^t ujhano. 

J^f V. n., a6anu, to come; p. p. ^T Ryo. 

^t^f V. n., ud&manu, to fly; p. p..3il<>t nd&no. 

^yl V. a., ukaranu, to engrave; p. p. uJI nkaryo or: 

p^ nkhatd. 

J^4^f V. a., ughanu, to wipe out; p. p. ^^ij^ ughatho, 

J^f alanuy v. a., to deny; p. p. ^f alto. 

^^] ulahanu, v. n., to descend; p. p. j^t ulatho. 

J^T ananu, v. a., to bring; p. p. jiXiT ando. 

J;4^ bajhanu, v. n., to be bound; 

J^jub bandhanu, v. a., to bind; 

J^4^ bujhanu, v. n., to be heard; 

J^Joj bundhanu, v. a., to hear; 

J^jlj Budanu, v. n., to be drowned; p* p* 3<^ budo. 

J^^sx^ bhcyfanUy v. n., to run away; 

to be broken; 

^l)^^^ bhadanu, v. a., to break; 

0«^x^ bhijanuy v. n., to get wet; p. p. ^juoj bhino. 

,i^ bhujanu, V. n., to be fried; 1 ^ ^ ^ ^^^^ 

^IfA^ bhunanu, v, a., to fry; ] 

^f^^ bhudanu, v. n., to be digested; p. p. ^s^ bhuto. 

J^I^j bhunanu, V. n., to wander about; p. p. ^1^ bhuno. 

J^ bihanu, v. n., 

^ij^j^ Dinanu, v. n., ^ 

J^G painu, v. a., to get; p. p. p\^ pato. 

p. p. 343? liajho or 
^jDjJ badho. 

p. p. ^0^ budho. 

P- P- )^ bhago. 

Trvnpp, Sindhl-OnwuMAr. 

Digitized by 



J^ pujanui Y. n.y to be finished; p. p. 

J^ padanUy v. n., to be cooked; p. p. ^ pakd. 
Jk^t^ puijhanu, v. a., to understand, p. p. ^«>U purdlio. 

J^l^. parCanu, v. n. J to be reconciled; p. p. ^7^ ^ * 


JJlJ parnanu, v. a., to entrust, p. p. jjlS parto. 

^fi pavanu, v. n., to fall; p. p. ^ pi6. 

OH P^^V^j V. a., to string (as beads); p. p. y^ ptlto. 

J^Jl^ phatanu, V. a., to tear; p. p. pLj^ phato. 

O^^ phasanfl, v. n«, to be caught; p. p. y^l^ phatho. 

^hlj phitanu, v. n., to bo injured; p. p. ^iji phito. 

Jj^^Lj^ pahudanu, v. n., to arrive; p. p. jXj^ pahuto. 
^fJ^ phasanu, v. n., to be caught; p. p. y^s:^ phathd. 
^f^^ pliisanu, v. n,, to burst; p. p. ^^x^ phitho. 

^?^ pehanu, 
J^ pehanu, 

,^^^5^ pidanu, v. n., to be credited; p. p. yu^ pito. 

f^)Z^ pisanu, Y. a., to grind; p. p. y^S/^ pitho. 

J^ pianu, V. a., fo drink; p. p. yj^ pito. 

^f^ pihanu, V. a., to grind; p. p. ^4^*^ pitho. 

^Jf^ tapanu, v. n., to be warm; p. p. ^ tato. 

r > 
^fZ^ susanu, v. n., to be gratified; p. p. -H^ tutno, 

[y^ tutho. 
J^i^y thakanu, v. n., to be weary; p. p. ^X^^ thako. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

V. n., to enter; p. p. y^lf^ petho. 


^\p trahanuy y. caus., to firighten; I p. p. }^^ tr&tho. 
J;^p trahonu, y. n., to be frightened; J p. p. ^jS tratho. 

J^Ll japanu, v. rt, to be bom; 1 p. p.^Lf ja-6, ^iL 

J^ Jananu, v. a., to bring forth; j jayo or jXiL janio. 

J^Li. jananu, v. a., to know; p. p. ^jl^ jato. 

J^xi jabhanu, y.n., to be copulated; 1 ^ ^ ^^ j^^,^. 

J^4^ jahanu, y. a., to copulate; . j 

i^)liL jumbanu, y. n., to be deeply engaged; p. p. y:L 

juto or )jjjJ^ jumbio. 

J;JoLI4^ jhapamanuy y. n., to decrease; p. p. jilli^ 

, .^ y^l^ jhalto 

^^jX^ jhalanu, y. a., to seize; p. p. < ^^ j^..^ 

J^i^ iukanu, y. n., to be finished; p. p. ^JCL £ukd. 

^)^^ ihupanu, y. n*, to be touched; 

J;44^ (^huhanu, y. a., to touch; 

J^i4^ ^hutanu, y. n., to get loose; p. p. ^1^ dhuto. 

J^isLA^ (^hijanuy y. n., to break; 

J^JL^ dhinanu, y. a., to break off; 

J^4^ duhanu, y. a., to soak up; p. p. y^is^ iutho. 

^jlii> dhunanuy y. a., to choose; p. p. jSj^i> dhuo. 

f^f^o dubhanu, y. n., to be milked; 

J^S duhanu, y. a., to milk; 

J^*5 drijanu, y. n., to be afraid; p. p. p%i drino. 

f^^o drahanuy y. n., to tumble down; I p. p. >4^S dratho. 
J^f^S drahanUy y. cans., to demolish; j p. p. y^^jS dratho. 
f^o disanuy y. a., to see; p. p. y^^ ditho. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

p. p. y^ dhuto. 




p. p. ^i>& dudho. 

p. p. yb^^ 



^f^DS dhrapanu,v.n., to be satiated;! ^ ^^^f^n ^^ 
J^tpoS dlirainuy v. a., to satiate; J 

^o dahanu, v. a., to torment; p. p. ^«>o dadho. 
J^j dianu, v. a., to give; p. p. po dino. 
J^% rijanu, v. n., to be watered; p. p. j«>. rido 

>2^; rijio. 
^^4^J rajhanu, v. n., to be boiled; 
^0S\ randhanu, v. a., to cook; 
Jj4^J rujhanu, v. n., to be busy; p. p. ^i>[ rudho. 
JjiJ ra&mU| v. n., to be immersed; p. p. jjT rato. 
^[ rusanu, v. n., to be sulky; p. p. ^j rutho, 
J^4^t rumbhanu, v. n., to be engaged; p. p. ^ou rudho 
^l rubhanu, J or ^l^j rumbhio. 

^p ruanu, v. n., to weep; p. p. ^j runo. 

J^4a^^ rljhanu, v. n., to be pleased; p. p. ^0^^ rldbo. 

^f^\jM, sam&ijanu, v. n., to arrive at the years of dis- 
cretion; p. p. ^CoLl samano ot*: ^UUr samayo. 

J^ sujanu, V. n., to be swollen; p. p. ^yL sfino. 

J^ sujanu, V. n., to be heard; 1 p. p. ^ suo 

^fjJL sunanu, v. a., to hear; J >2L*» sunio. 

^)^^ sijhanuy v. n., to be seethed; p. p. ^jui sidho. 

^fiL sukanu, v. n., to be dry; p. p. ^jCl suko. 

J^ salanuy v. a.^ to divulge; p. p. yXZ, salto 

jlUf salio. 

J^Cl samaijanu, v. n., to be contained; p. p. ^11^ 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Q^-f-"- samujpbanu, v. a., to nnderBtand; p. p. ^xiL sa- 

muto or j(tf^"- samujho. 
J^4^ sumahanu, v. n., to go to sleep; p. p. pL suto 

or j^tft- sumhio. 

J^^^aH Bambhiranu, v. n., to be prepared; p. p. jj^^il^ 

sambhuroy ^^4^ sambhuno or: p^iju> sam- 

^iJ' karanu, v. a,, to do; p. p. ^ kid, ^a^ kayo; ^SaT 


J^U/ kumatijanu, y. p., to wither; p. p. pH/ ku- 
J^Ci^ kumaijanu, ^too or ^U/ kumayo. 
J^Jol^ khamanu, v. n., to be burnt; p. p. ^l^^ khana 
i^f^^ kbapanu, v. n.^ to be wearied; p. p. y^iqf khato 

or ySi^ khapio. 
^fl^ khupanu, v. n., to be filled; p. p, ^i^f khuto or 

-ylK^ khupio. 
J^,u« g< khisanuy v. n., to be reduced; p. p. ^4145^ kbitho. 

J^g,< khusanu, v. n., to be plucked out; p. p. 3414^ 

khutho or j£y,g< khusio. 
J^ kubanu, V. a., to kiU; I ^ p ^ ^^^j^. 

^jSS kusajgiu, v. n., to be killed; ] 
'^jl^ khananu, v. a., to lift up; p. p. jaJ^^ khSyo or 

^m^ kbanio. 
J^44^ khuhanu, v. n., to be tired; p, p, ^4^45^ khutho. 
J^ gapanu, v. n., to stidc (in mud); p. p. ^ gata 
^^ gutanu, V. a,, to plait together; p. p. yS* guto. 
^jJ^ gasanu, v. n., to abrade; 
J^ gahanu, v. a., to rub; J p. p. j-jSf gatho. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


l^f^ gusanu, V. il, to fail; p. p. 

^^ gutho, 

y^y gusio. 

^S lainu, V. 0., to apply; p. p, p^ lato or ^S Ifiyo. 

^S lahana/Y. caus., to cause to descend; p. p. 342^ 

J^i^J labhanuy v. n., to be obtained; 
J^ lahanuy v. a., to obtain; 
J^ likanu, v. n., to be hidden; p. p. ^ liko or ^S^ likio. 

>4 lito, 

p. p. ^ j3 ladho. 

^^ limbanu, v. a., to plaster; p. p. 

^Suli limbio. 

^ \ 

^,i lusanu, V. n., to be scorched; ^ ^ ^^ j.^. 

J^y luhanu, v, a., to scorch; j 

J;^ ma£anuy v. n., to fatten; p. p. ^ mato. 

^fj^ musanui v. n., to be unlucky; 
J^ muhanuy y. a., to cause loss; 

p. p. ^^ mutho. 

J^4?^ munjhanu, v. n., to be perplexed; p. p. ytjyi 

^f^^ vathanu, v. a., to take; p. p. ^Jj varto, 3«>Jj 
vardo, ^xjSj vathito. 

J^4^^ vijhanu, v. a., to throw; p. p. y^i>y vidhd. 

J^%j vir&mu, v. n,, to be wearied; p. p. ^%j virto. 

J^Hj visamanu, v. n., to be extinguished; p. p. ^H^ 

J^^ vasanu, v. n.^ to fall (as rain), p. p. y^j vatho, 

^1 utho, y^l vuthS. 

J^lfj vikamanu, v. n., to be sold; p. p. ^\iy vikano. 

J^ vikinanu, v. a., to sell; p. p. ^y vikio. 

Digitized by 



J^j vanana, v. n., to go; p. p. p^ vid. 

^)»ip^y vehejanu, v. p., to bathe; p. p. ^Xf^ veheto. 

^y vehanu, v. n., to sit; p. p. y^y vetho. 

J^Ujd hapamanu, y. xl, to lessen; p. p. ^ill^ hapano. 

J^4<^ yabhanu, v. n., to be copulated; 
J;4^ yahanu, v. a., to copulate; 

p. p. y^d yadho. 

§. 46. 
The participle of the Fotore passiTe or the Oenrndiye *)• 

The participle of the Future passive or the Gerun- 
dive is formed by adding to the verbal root the affix 
ino (or ano, if the verb end in *i* (i) and optionally ino 
and ano, if the verb end in V (6)). The Gerundive can 
only be derived from active verbs; neuter verbs form 
also a similar participial noun by means of the affix 
ino, but it is not to be confounded with the Gerundive; 
see §. 9, 12. 

The final vowel of a verbal root undergoes the same 
changes before the affix of the Gerundive , as before the 
affix of the Infinitive (§. 42), so that for practical pur- 
poses the rule may thus be given, that the termination 
of the Infinitive onu is simply changed to and (ino), 
in order to form the participle of the Future passive. 
About the derivation of the affix ino see §• 8, 12. 

J^^j vijhanu, v. a., to throw; Gerund. fJ^y vijhino, 

what is to be thrown. 
J^^ d^anu, V. a., to give; Gerund. |Jb^ d^ano, what 

is to be given. 

1) A kind of participle of the Fatore actire is formed l^ at- 
taching the affix ham to the Infinitire, as: si^iks^ halana-hiro, oae 
who is about to go; see §. 9, 33. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


J^y»i> dhuanuy v. a., to wash; (jeruncL ^^«> dhnano 

or jJl£f^«> dhuino, what is to be washed 
J^L^ khaina, v. a., to eat; GeruncL ^L^khaind, 
. what is to be eaten. 

§. 47. ; 

Indeclinable past partloiples. 

The Sindhi uses different past conjunctive or in- 
declinable participles. 

1) The form most in use is that ending in I (5) 
or §. 

a) Neuter or such active verbs, as terminate in 
the Imperative in *u*, form the past conjunctive parti- 
ciple by joining to the verbal root the affix i, as: 

Jjj var-anu, v. n., to return; past part, conj. ^^j 

var-I, having returned. 

J^Il sunanu, v. a., to hear; p. part conj. ^^ sun-i, 

having heard. 
Those verbs, which end in a radical I, coalesce with 
the affix of the past part. conj. to i, as: 

^fj^ thionu, to become; Imper. ^^ thiu; p. p. conj. 

^^ thi, having become. 

Those verbs, which end in u, shorten u before the 
affix I (as before tlie affix of the Infinitive), as: 

^yi pu-anu, to string (beads); Imper. i^ pu-u; p. p. 

conj. ^ pu-L 

But those verbs, which shorten radical final 5 to 
V in the Infinitive, restore the same again in the past 
I)articiple conjunctive, as: 

^yp ru-anu, to weep; Imper. j^ ro; p. p. conj. ^j^ ro-I. 

Digitized by 



If in the Infinitive euphonic v has been inserted 
between the verbal root and the affix of the Infinitivei, 
it is dropped again in the past part ooi^j., as: 

J^^ 6a-v-ana, to speak; Imper. yL da-u; p. p. oonj. 

^^£^ £a-Iy having spoken. 

0)i po^v-anu, to fall, forms either r^ularly: ^ pa-i, 

or irregularly ^^2a^ pe-i, having fidlen* 

The verb ^^1 aSanu, to come, makes in the p. p. 

conj. either xegularly ^^1 ad-i, or irregularly ^1 ad-e. 

The verbs J^i dianu, to give (Imper. ^& de) and ^^ 

nianu, to take away (Imper. ^ ne) make in the p. part. 

conj. ^S de-i and ^^Ui ne-i or ^ na-t 

Passive verbs, be they derived from neuter or 
active themes, form the p. part conj. quite in the same 
way, as verbs of the active voice, by adding the in- 
crement 1 (o) to the passive base, as: 

(if^p^fi lo-ij-anu, v. p. to be moistened; p. part conj. 
^gsp^fi l6-ij-I or yp^}i l6-ij-6, having been 

b) Active and causal verbs, ending in the Im- 
perative in *e', form the past part conj. by adding the 
affix e to the root of the verb, as: 

^fjjo malanu, v. a., to polish; p. p. conj. JCt mal-e, 

having polished. 
^IXJ lagainu, v. cans., to apply; p. p. conj. ^(ili 

laga-e, having applied. 

2) The second past participle conjunctive is formed 
by adding to the root of the verb, be it transitive or 
intransitive, the affix yo (or io). This form is only 
used with a Present, Future or Imperative, and 
may therefore in most cases be translated by the present 
participle, as: 

Digitized by 



J^^ mdtanUi v. »., to return; p. p. conj. y^y^ mot-yo 

^)4Lm sithann, y. a. , to compress; p. p. conj. ^S^Xy sith-ia 

If the verb end in Y (i), it coalesces with the affix 
id, as: 

^S ^ianu, to give; p. p, conj, pS dio. 

^ pi-anu, to dink (Imper. ^ piu); p. p. conj. ^ pia 

Those verbs, which shorten original 6 to 'u' in the 
Infinitive, restore the same again in the p. p. conj., as: 

J^yD(> dhu-anu, to wash (Imper. i^4> dho-u); p. p. 
<^onj. ysi^^ dho-yo. 

^yy ru-anu, to weep (Imper. j% ro); p. p. conj. ^j* 

The verbs J^X^khananu, to lift up, ^jli hananu, 

to strike, ^If'karanu, to do, drop, as in the past par- 
ticiple, their final radical before the affix yo, as: 

Jji4^ khananu, p. p. conj. ^jO^ khS-yo or: y^ kha-yo. 
^ii hananu, p, p. conj. ^^li ha-yo or: ys^ ha-yo. 
J^lS^karanu, p. p. conj. yS ka-yo or: yS ki-yo (ki-6). 

3) The third past participle conjunctive is formed 
by adding to the root of transitive verbs, irrespec- 
tively of their termination in the Imperative, the affix 
Je (i-je), and ji (i-ji) to the root of neuter verbs. 

This form is generally used with the Present and 
Fast tenses. 

J^l^ khananu, v. a., to lift up (Imper. J^^^ khanu); 

p. p. conj. ^5^4^ khan-ije. 
^)^\) virdanu, v. n., to be tired; p. p. conj. ^^p>jJ[y 


4) The fourth past participle conjimctive is formed 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


by putting ^^ kar6, the p. p. conj. of J,^ karann, 

after the past partia oonj. ending in I or S. This 
compound form is used wilii the Present, the Future, 
the Past tenses and the Imperative, as: 

i^S ^jy varl kare, having returned; In£ ^JJ varano. 

^S JUt male kare, having polished; Infl ^jJS malano. 
^^S (5^5^ loij-I kare, having been moistened; Lif. 

Annotatiofi. The indeclinable past participles are formed in 
Sanskrit either by the affix tvi or ya. In Prakrit tya is 
changed to tuna and (by elision of t) to una, and ya becomes 
ia. In SindhI the first form of the past participle conjunctive 
ending in i (or e) corresponds to the Prakrit affix ia. The 
second form of the p. p. conj., ending in yo, is identical with 
the first, and the same must be said of the third form ending 
in jT (or je), the Sanskrit affix ya (Prakrit ia) having been 
changed in SindhI to ja (= jc), as in the case of the Passive. 

This is fully borne out by the kindred idioms. In Hindus- 
tani we find the following forms of the past part, conjunctive 
(Inf. niar-na): miir, mar-e, mar-ke, mar-karke. In the first form 
inar the affix ia has apparently been dropped altogether, whereas 
in the second mar-e the affix ia has been contracted to e. The 
affix ke in mar-ke, corresponds to the SindhI affix je, j having 
been changed to a guttural, with transition of the Media into a 
Tenuis. Mur-kar and mor-karko are compound past participles 
conj. like the SindhI form. Similarly we find in PanjabI (Infl 
gluiU-na, to send): ghall and ghall-ke. 

The Gujarati uses two forms of the past part, conj., one 
ending in I (used especially in compound verbs), as lakhl, 
having written, and the other in Inl, as lakhlnl. The first 
form is identical with the SindhI affix I, the latter, Inl, cor- 
responds to the Prakrit affix una, I having been substituted 
for u. 

The Mar at hi uses only one form of the past part, conj., 
ending in un, as karun, having done; this affix quite coin- 
cides with the Prakrit affix una. » The Bangall uses either 

Digitized by 



the affix yS (iy&), as dekhiyft (dek-e or dSkh-I also being 
omployed), or the Locative of the past participle, dekhite, in 
tlio state of having seen. 

Chapter XIIL 

Formation of the Tenses and Persons. 

§. 48, 

In treating of the Tenses in SindhI we must dis- 
tinguish simple and compound Tenses. 

L Simple tenses. 

In the Active and Passive Voice there are only 
three simple tenses, viz.: the Potential, the Aorist 
and the Future. 

1) The Potential, which implies possibility, un- 
certainty or a wish, is formed by adding to the root 
of the verb the inflexional terminations. The ab- 
solute personal pronouns may also be put before the 
verb, where any stress is to be laid on the person, but 
they may also be omitted, where such is not the case, 
the respective person being sufficiently pointed out by 
the inflexional termination itself. 

Neuter and such intransitive verbs, as end in the 
Imperative in 'u', and all passive verbs, receive the 
same personal terminations, whereas those transitive verbs, 
which end in the Imperative in V, differ fix)m them in 
the I and partly in the 11 pers. Sing, and in all the 
persons of the Plural, by retaining their characteristic *i' 
(e) before the inflexional terminations. 

Digitized by 




Pmonil tcnHfaifcttiiiHi <if fli6 PotontiiL 

Verbs ending in the Imperatiye 

in 'u\ 







Ipers. •& 


-y5, -ia 

-yu, iir 

Ilpers. -?, e 


-ie, yS; i, e 

-yd, io 

DIperB. S 



-ine, ine 

Verbs ending in the Imper. 

In reference to verbs, ending in the Imperative in 
'u', it is to-be observed: 

a) A final long vowel is shortened before all the 
personal terminations in the same way, as before the 

affix of the Infinitive; e. g. ^^p ruanu, to weep, Lnper. 
j% r5, Potential I pers. ^^Lj ru-a, I may weep; J^ 
pianu, to drink, Lnper. ^ piu, Potential I pers. ^IL pi-a, 
I may drink; ^yl pu-anu, to string (beads), Imper. i^ 
pii-u, Potential I pers. ^LJ pu-a, I may string (beads). 
In poStry an original long vowel may be restored again 
in the m pers. Sing., the personal termination § being 
at the same time shortened to V, as: aj^ ro-e, he may 

weep, instead of ^^l ru-e. 

b) The euphonic v, which is inserted between the 
root of a verb ending in 'a', and the affix of the In- 
finitive, is commonly retained in the Singular and the 
in pers. of the Plural, but dropped commonly in the 

I and n pers. Plural, as: Inf. ^^ pa-v-anu, to fall. 

Potential, Sing. I pers. Ji^ pa-v-a, 11 pers. ^^ pa-v-e, 

in pers. \^^ pa-v-e; HI pers. Plur. J'^ pa-v-ane; Plur. 

I pers. ^yj^ pa-u, 11 pers. ^ pa-6. In the 11 and HI pers. 

Digitized by 



Sing, however v may be* also dropped, as y^^ <Sa-e, 
thou mayst say; ^^ da-e*), he may say. 

c) In the in pers. Plur. verbs, which end in -u' (a) 
or original 6) and 'a* (with euphonic v inserted) fre- 
quently contract the inflexional termination u-ane, a- 

v-ane, to une, as: ^y^ rune, they may weep, instead 

of J^yj ru-ane; ^^ pune, they may fall, instead of ^^ 

pavane; ^^ iune, they may say, instead of ^^ £avane. 

A similar contraction takes place in the 11 pers. 
Sing, and in the m person Plur., if a verb end in Y 
(i), as: ^o di, thou mayst give, instead of ^^^ 4^-^? 

^& dine, they may give, instead of ^& diane; ,ja^ 
ni, thou mayst take away, ^^ nine, they may take 
ftway; OH P^^^» *^®y make drink; ^^j^ khlne, they 
may eat; but the uncontracted form is equally in use. 

d) Verbs, which end in a radical a, and in the Im- 
I)erative in V, insert in the I pers. Sing, and Plur. and 
in the 11 pers. Plur. a euphonic y before the flexional 

termination, as: ^^ISl^Jb budha-y-a, I may become old, 

^^liJLj budha-y-u, ^\ij<^ budha-y-6, we, you may 
become old. In the HI pers. Plur. they end likewise, 

for euphony's sake, not in ane, but in ine, as: ^^^l^ 

kha-ine, they may eat An exception to this nde is 

^145^ kha, I may eat, instead of ^^tJL^^ kha-y-a. 

In reference to verbs, ending in the Imperative in 
V, it is to be observed: 

1) The characteristic *i* (e) of the Imperative may 
be contracted with the inflexional termination of the 

1) ^5^ (a-O is even contracted to ^^ ie, when used more in 
the sense of a particle, to quote the words of the speaker ('says he*). 

Digttized by VjOOQ IC 

SECnOK m. THE 7EBB. 28T 

I and n pers. Sing, and the 11 and I pen. of the Flor. 
to ya, ye (yi), yfi, yo, or not, if the verb end in a 
consonant; but the contraction muBt take place, if the 

verb end in a vowel, as: ^)la<A4^ dhadya, or ^j^GJL^^, 
^jj^JL^i^ ihadye or ^JL^ fihadie etc.; but: ^J^\^ bha- 
y^y cH^^ bharye etc. from ^14^ bhainu, to think. In 
poetry however the looser form is also in use, as: ^uSl^j 
bha-ia or ^^IaSL^ bha-iya. In the 11 pers. Sing, the in- 
flexional termination ye or yi may also be contracted 
to e or i, as: ^jjjtojil, sandhe or ^^^jbLl sandlu, thou 

mayst cherish. 

In the m pers. Plural 'i* is generally lengthened 
to ^i% and the initial *a' of the inflexional termination 
ani dropped in order to distinguish the neuter and active 
verbs. But ine is again frequently pronounced and written 
ine, especially when the verb ends in a long a,"] as: 

^L^JLT* galha-ine, they may speak. 

2) The verb J^^ karanu, to do, forms the HI pers. 
Plural either r^ularly in ^J^ karine, or irregularly 
in ^ kane or ^ kine. 

Annotation. The SaDskrit Potential has already quite dis- 
appeared in Prakrit. But, abstracted from this significant cir^ 
cumstance, there can be no doubt, that the SindhI Potential 
corresponds originally to the Prakrit Present tense. In SindhT 
itself there are many reminiscences, that the Potential properly 
represents the old Present of the Prakrit; for it is very often, 
chiefly in poetry, used without the characteristic j^J, in the 
sense of the Present. After the custom had gained ground, to 
express the Present by joining the y^ tho to the old Present, 
the old Present was reserved to denote a Potential mood. The 
inflexional terminations of the SindhT Potential correspond very 
closely to those of the Prakrit Present, as: Prak. I pers. Sing, 
ami (Sansk. ami), Sindhi a; 11 pers. Sing, asi (Sansk asi), Sin- 
dhT 8 (or f), 'a' being dropped (as a conjunctive vowel) and a 

Digitized by 



being first changed to h and then dropped altogether; III pers. 
Sing. a*ti or a-di (Sansk. a-li), and by elision of t or d: a-e, 
Sindhi e. In the I pers* Plun the Prakrit has different termi- 
nations, as a-mo (Sansk. a-mah), a-mu, a-ma, or a-mo, a-mu etc* 
These latter terminations have given rise to the Sindhi termi- 
nations u, m being elided and final 'u^ lengthened to u and 
nasalized at the same time; II pers. Plur. a-ha (Sansk. a-tha), 
Sindhi 5, h having been dropped and 'a^ lengthened to 5; 
III pers. Plur. a-nti (Sansk. a-nti), Sindhi ane, t having been 
elided in this conjunct letter. — The Hindustani, PanjabI 
and GujaratI coincide in this respect with the Sindhi, forming 
the Potential in the same way, as the Sindhi, only with modified 
inflexional terminations. The proper Potential of the MarathT, 
which is now commonly called by the Grammarians the ''Past 
Habitual'**), exhibits likewise the signs of the old Prakrit 
Present. — The Bangui! alone has preserved the old Present 
tense, formed by joining the inflexional terminations to the root 
of the verb; the Present is in Bangati also used in the sense of 
a Potential. 

2) The Sindhi has a regular Aorist or Praete- 
rite tense denoting, that an action once took place in 
time past 

a) The Aorist is formed from neuter verbs, by 
joining to the past participle the terminations of the 
(now in Sindhi) obsolete substantive verb as, to be. This 
tense is therefore originally a compound, and the par- 
ticiple must be put, according to the gender referred to, 
either in the masc. or the feminine. The inflexional ter- 
minations are only affixed to the I and 11 pers. of the 
Sing. masc. and fem., to the I pers. of the Plur. masc. 
and fem. and to the 11 pers. of the Plur. masc., the 
m person of the Sing, and Plur. masc. and fem. being 
left without any inflexional terminations, as well as the 
n pers. of the Plur. fem. 

6) From transitive verbs, the participle past of 
which always has a passive signification, the Aorist is 

1) As in the Marftthi Grammar, published by the American MissioD, 
Bombay 1854. 

Digitized by 




Singular. 1 





I i)cr8, -se 


-81, SU 

n pers. -e 

-a (e) 


[n pers, — 



formed by joining to the past participle the same in- 
flexional terminations, as to that of neuter verbs , the 
m pers. of the Sing, and Plur. n:msc. and fem. and the 
II person of the Plur. fern, being likewise left without 
inflexional terminations. If the Agent is to be ex- 
pressed, this must be put in the Instrumental, the par- 
ticiple "past agreeing throughout with its subject (ex- 
pressed or only hinted at) in gender and number. 

The inflexional tenninations of the Aorlst are: 


-SI, nvu 

The past participle of neuter and active verbs com- 
monly ends, as we have seen, in yo or io, fem. L If 
therefore the past participle be of the masa gender, its 
final o is shortened before the inflexional termination 
of the I person to u = u-se, whereas the final I of 
the fem. gender is changed, as before the other pro- 
nominal suffixes, to ya or ia = ya-se, ia-se; e. g. 

jli^ halio^ m., gone, I pers. masc. ^j»*jdi haliu-se, I went 
or have gone, fem. ^^muJ^ halia-se; in the same way ^^ 
tlitho, past participle of vih^ disanu, seen: ^/i4^o di- 
thu-se, masc. J was seen, fem. ij»*j^^ dithia-se or: (/JLgJ^ 
dithya-se. In poetry though io or yo may keep its 
place before the inflexional termination se, and ia or ya 

may be lengthened to ia or ya, as: ^jHO^ £hadio-se, 
I was left, fem. ^LiX^^ 6hadia-se. 

Before the inflexional termination of the 11 person 
masc, e, final 5 is dropped altogether, as: ^jjIXs^ hali-e, 

Trumpp, Slndhl-Orftmmar. T 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


thou hast gone; ^j^^ dith-e, thou wast seen; before 

the inflexional termination of the 11 person fom. S, final 
I is shortened to H* = i-a (occasionally also as in the 

masc. to i-e), as: ^jj^ hali-a; thou ha«t gone, \J^^ 
dithi-S, thou wast seen. 

In the first i)erson Plural the inflexional termi- 
nation SI (se), su is affixed to the masc. or fern. Plural 

of the past participle, as: ^^yLlS halia-si, we have gone, 

^jju^^jJi haliu-si (fem.); ^^^jl^I^So ditha-si, we were 

s®^^> y^yAyVg-^'^ dithiu-si (fem.). 

In the n i>er8on masc. the final a of the Plural (Lxli) 

is shortened before the inflexional termination V = a-u, 

as: ^iJli halya-u, you went; ^o ditha-u, you were seen; 

to the n person fem. no inflexional termination is added, 
the Plural fem. of the past participle alone being used, 
the subject of which must be indicated either by the 
absolute personal pronoun or gathered from the context. 

It is to bo noticed, that in poetry the inflexional 
terminations are frequently left out, in which case the 
subject, if it be not indicated otherwide (by an ab- 
solute personal pronoun etc.), must be gIeaned*from the 

Annotation. The three prnctcrito tenses of the Sanskrit, 
with the exception of -a few traces (Varar. VTI, 23), have been 
already discarded in Prakrit, their formation being apparently 
too intricate for the conception of the vulgar. In their lieu the 
past participle has been substituted in the sense of an Aorist, 
cither with or without inflexional terminations , the Perfect 
proper being denoted by a compound tense. The inflexional 
terminations, which are affixed in SindhI to the past participle, 
are derived from the Sanskrit substantive verb W, to be, though 
they be now so much mutilated and differ so considerably' from 
the forms used in Prakrit (Lassen, p. 345), that they are scar- 
cely recognisable. The termination of Uie I person Sing. -8 

Digitized by 


SECnOK m. THE TEBB. 291 

corresponds to the Sanskrit asmi (PrSk. amlii)^ W haTuig been 
thrown out in SindhT. 

In the II pers. (Sansk. and Prak. asi) s = h, has bec& 
dropped and final i (e) lengthened in the masc. to 1^ whereas 
in the feminine the initial 'a* of asi has been retained, and 
the latter half of it dropped altogether. The masculine termi- 
nation § is however also now and then applied to the feminine. 

In the I person Plural the Sanskrit smah (Prakrit amho) 
has been changed to si (s^) or su; in the 11 person masc the 
Sanskrit stha has been first changed to tha, thence to ha, and 
with the elision of 'h* to V. 

In Hindustani, Panjubl and Gujarat! the Aorist is made 
up by the past participle without the addition of inflexional 
terminations, but in Maru^hi inflexional terminations are affixed 
to the past participle, as in Sindhi. The same is the case in 
BangalT, but wiUi this difference, that it can form an Aorist 
of the active voice not only from neuter verbs, but also firom 
active verbs; in the Passive though it must have recourse to a 

3) The Future, 

which implies in Sindhi not only the sense of futurity, 
but also of possibility, uncertainty, is formed 

a) In the Active Voice, by affixing to the 
present participle the same inflexional terminations 
as to the Aorist. 

6) In the Passive Voice, by afiSxing to. the 
present participle passive the same inflexional termi- 
nations, as to the present participle of the Active. 

Annotation. The Sindhi has quite left the traces of the 
Prakrit in forming the Future and fallen back to a composition, 
in order to make up for the lost future tense. I( has approached 
in this respect again nearer to the Sanskrit, which likewise forms 
the I Future of the active voice by affixing the inflexional ter- 
minations of the substantive verb 'as\ to be, to the participial noun 
ending in ta (tr). The modem Arian idioms differ very greatly 
from each other as to the method, in which they form the Future. 
The Hindustani and PanjabI express the Future by means 
of a compound verb; they add to the Potential of a verb the 
past participle ga (instead of the common gia), from the root 
gam, to go, the gender of which must agree with the subject 


Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


in question. This is properly aDesiderative, and not a Fu- 
ture; but already in Sanskrit the Desiderative is now and 
tben used in the sense of a Future. Thus we have in Hindu- 

stupT ^)y karun-ga, masc., and ^^y^ karun-gi, fem. I shall 

do, literally: I am gone (L> ga), that I do {^)>^ karu), i. e. 
I will do or shall do; similarly in PanjtlbT: karanga, mase., ka- 
rsingT, fem. 

The Gujarlitl on the other hand aceedes again more clo- 
sely to the Prakrit; the conjunctive vowel of the Pnikrit (i) has 
been lengthened in the I person Sing, and Plur., in order to 
make up for the double ss, which has been reduced to a single 
one (cf. Introd. §. 19), as: lakh-Ts, I shall write, Plur. lakh- 
isil, we shall write. 

In the 11 and III person Sing, and Plur. the conjunctive 
vowel has been dropped altogether, as II pers. Sing, lakh-se, 
tliou wilt write etc. 

The Future of the MarathT is quite peculiar, and, as it 
seems, made up from the different terminations of the Future, 
used in Prakrit. 

The termination of the I person Sing, in (en) seems to 
have arisen form the Prakrit termination himi (Varar. VII, 12), 
and that of the I person Plural u, from the Prakrit sisi 
(r= hisi; Lassen, p. 352), the final 'i^ of which has been dropped 
and in compensation thereof medial 'iVleugthened = sis; final 
's' has been hardened to 'r* and thence toT. The II person 
Plur. ends in al, which I would refer to the Prakrit termi- 
nation -ssaha, the latter half of which (aha) seeins to have 
been dropped, and the conjunct ss reduced to 's' by length- 
ening the preceding (conjunctive) vowel = as; 's' again seems 
to be hardened to r = 1. A similar process appears in the 
III pers. Sing., ending in il (el); the Prakrit termination is 
bidi (= sidi); the initial 'h* has been elided and id(i) length- 
cued to Id, final 'd' being changed at the same time (as it 
is usual in the past participle) to T. The III person Plural, 
ending in tTl is quite ]>erplexing. We would refer to the fact, 
that in Prakrit hittha is also used instead of hissa (tth = ss; 
Lassen, p. 353; Varar. VII, 16), though restricted to the I pers. 
Plural. In MarathT it appears, that tth has also been used in 
the III pers. Plural, so that the III pers. Plural would properly 
terminate in hitthinti; of this hiitial hi has been elided and 
the aspirate conjunct tth reduced to tt = t; n is in Maru(hl 
always dropped in the termination of the III pers. Plural and 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


in consequence the preceding vowel (i)* lengthened; thud we 
get tit, of which final 't^ must have been changed to 1 
= tH. 

The Bangali forms the Future by affixing to the root of 
the verb the inflexional termination iba; this is very remark- 
able and without any analogy in any of the Prakrit dialects. 
It reminds us very strongly of the Latin termination bo in the 
formation of the Active Future of the I and II conjugation, which 
Bopp (Comp. Gramm. II, §§. 62G, CG3) derives from the San- 
skrit bhu. It would be near at liaud^ to compare this affix 
with the Sindbi affix bo, employed to form the present parti- 
ciple passive; but its origin will hardy allow of such a com- 

IL Compound tenses. 
1) The compound PotentiaL 

The Potential may be compoimded: 
a) with the present participle and the Potential 

of the auxiliary verb ^yk huanu, to be , in order to de- 
note an enduring action or state, as: ^L^ j^^ji \jt^ 
I may be reading, 

6) with the past participle and the Potential of 

the auxiliary verb ^yi huanu, to be, as: ^Ui ^! \ay^ 
I my have wandered about; ^^ y^^ ^yi it may haye 
been seen by me, i. e. I may have seen it. 

2) The present tense. 

The Sindhi has two forms for the Present tense: 

a) The common or indefinite Present tense, which 

denotes, that an action is commenced or going on at the 

time being, is formed by putting after the Potential (and 

occasionally before it) the augment y^ tho % which must 

1) Instead of ^ thO: ^ poO (fom. ^^Ij^ pof) is also uaed, 

but with this difference, that a more enduring action is thereby de* 
noted. Cf. §. 63, 2. 

Digitized by 



agree with the gender of the subject, as: ^ ^ii ^yjS( 
I go; fern. ^ J^ ^yi( I go. 

h) The definite Present, which implies habit, 
usage or that an action is still going on at the time 
of speaking, is formed by compounding the present par- 
ticiple with the Present of the auxiliary verb J^yD huanu, 
as: ^)ll^T jiXl^JO ^yjS( I am writing, or I am used to 
write; ^T 3^)) he is in the habit of weeping. 

In po6try the auxiliary verb is often left out and 
the participle used by itself, determined by a noun or 
pronoun as subject. 

Annotation. The Potential, which, as stated already, re- 
presents the old Present tense, is no longer considered sufficient, 
to express the Present by itself; the augment y^ tho is therefore 
added, to render more prominent the sense of the Present. This 
augment j^J tho is derived from the Sanskrit adjective ^ stha 
(as used at the end of compounds) and signifies 'standing^ 

as: y^ ijl^. {jy^^ I see, litterally: standing I see, I am in 
the state of seeing. 

.In Hindustani tha is used as an augment for forming 
the Imperfect, whereas the common or indefinite Present is 
expressed by the present participle alone, and the definite Present 
by tho addition of the auxiliary verb hona. The same is the 
case in PanJabT, with the only difference, that the Sanskrit 
stha has been assimilated in PanjabI to sa. In Gujarat! the 
indefinite Present is formed by adding the auxiliary (de- 
fective) verb dhaa etc., I am etc. (derived from the Sansk. 
substantive verb 'as', to be) to the Potential, as: ha lakha ihaH, 
I write, and the definite Present by joining tho Present 
of the auxiliary verb hox^a, to be, to the present participle, 
as: ha lakho hoQ £haQ, I am writing. 

The Marathi forms th^ common or indefinite Present by 
affixing the inflexional terminations of the Sansk. subsUmtive verb 
W, to be, to the present participle, ending (originally) in ta, 
with which the terminations coalesce, as t5, tos etc. Besides 
this the Mara till uses three other compound forms for the definite 
Present, the first of which is compounded with the present 

Digitized by 



participle endmg in 'at* or 'it\ and the irregular form of the 
auxiliary verb asane, viz: ahl, as: ml lihTt ahe, I am wri&ig; 
the second adds the auxiliary verb ahl etc. to the indefinite 
Present ending in to etc., as: ml lihito ah§, I am writing. Both 
these forms of the definite Present, wich do not differ from each 
other as to their signification, denote an action going on or ea^ 
during at the time of speaking. The third form adds to the 
present participle ending in 'at* or 'it\ the regular Present of 
the auxUiary verb asane to be, viz: asat5 etc., as: ml lihit 
asato, I am in the habit of writing, and implies a habit, 
custom or natural disposition; it may therefore be termed 
the Present Habitual. — The Bangali has, as noticed al- 
ready, a simple Present, formed by affixing the inflexional 
terminations to the root of the verb, and a definite Present 
formed by uniting the auxiliary verb fiChi etc. with the present 
participle ending in ite, the initial & of which is dropped in this 
composition, as: ami dckhite£hi, I am seeing. 

3) The Habitual Aorist, 

which implies, that an action was repeated in past time 
or went on at the time indicated, is formed bj adding 
to the Aorist the indeclinable augment ^^ the, which 

may follow or precede it, as the augment of the Present; 

e. g.: ^^ y^ }^ ^® came (repeatedly), or: was coming. 

This tense is quite peculiar to the Sindhi, no ana- 
logy to it being met with in the kindred idioms. The 
indeclinable augment ^^ the is apparently the Lo- 
cative of tho, and signifies: 'in standing', which 
agrees well with the import of this tense. 

4) The Imperfect, 

which denotes, that an action was progressing or re- 
peateil at a particular time past, is formed by adding 
to the present participle the Aorist of the auxiliary verb 

^ysb huanu, as: ^^ )^*) ^ ^^^ wandering about; 
Lr>^ y^^)^ ^ ^^ being driven out. The Imperfect may 
be rendered more emphatic by premising the past par- 
Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


ticiple iA^ pio (having falleii), as: U» tjJuo U^ y», they 

were in the habit of seeing. 

Annotation. In Hindustani the Imperfect is formed, as 
already alluded to, by adding tba to the present participle; 
the same is the case in Panjabi, which adds sa; the Ma- 
ra (hi joins the Aorist of the auxiliary verb asane, viz: 
hoto etc. to the present participle ending in at or it. The 
same method is kept to in Gujarat! and Bangali, in the 
latter language with the slight difference, that the Aorist of the 
auxiliary verb (viz: £hilam etc.) is coalescing with the participle 
present ,. 

5) The Perfect, 

which implies an action, that has been completed in 

timo past, is formed by adding the auxiliary verb ^jLIfiT 

ilhiya etc. to the past participle, as: ^U^Tp^, I am 

gone, ^^"ti^ j^l^T I ^^^ ^^^^ seized. 

Annotation. All the kindred idioms form the Perfect in the 
same way as the SindhI, by adding the Present of the auxiliary 
verb to the past participle. 

6) The Pluperfect, 

which implies an action, that has been completed in 
remote past time chiefly in relation to some other time, 
exi)ressed or only understood, is formed by adding the 

Aorist of the auxiliary verb ^^d huanu to the past par- 
ticiple, as: ^isi ^2ii I had gone; (j«uj5 ^iD4> I had 
been enticed (fern.). 

Annotation. In Hindustani and Panjabi the Pluperfect 
is formed by adding tha and su respectively to] the past par- 
ticiple. In Mara(hT the Aorist hoto etc is joined to the past 
participle and similarly in Gujarat! hato etc. In Bangal! 
(which must not resort to a passive construction in the case of 
transitive verbs, as the other idioms) the Aorist of the au- 
xiliary verb, viz: chilam etc. is united with the past participle 
ending in ya. 

Digitized by 



7) The compound Future tenses. 

There ore two compound Future tenses in 8mdhl: 

a) The on? is compounded with the participle 

present and the Future of the auxiliary verb ^^ 

huanu, which may be termed the Definite Future, 

as: ^S^yS^ jiXH^ I shall be seeing. 

h) The other is compounded with the past par- 
ticiple and the Future of the auxiliary verb ^yi huanu, 
and may be termed the Past Future, as: ^O^yS^ ^iSi 
I shall have gone; 3 JJ^ >^4XS yi he will have been boimd. 

Both these tenses do not only denote futurity in 
its strict sense, but imply also possibility, uncertainty 
or doubt. 

Chapter XIV. 

The auxiliary verbs. 

A. The auxiliary verb ^y» hua^n, to be. 

Before we can fully develope the conjugational process 
of the SindhI, we must first describe the inflexion of the 

auxiliary verb ^y» huanu, to be, by means of which 
the compoimd tenses of other verbs are being made up. 

Infinitive: J,^ hu-anu, to be. 


n pers. ^ or i^ be thou. ^ or ^ be ye. 
ho I16-U, ho hu-6, 

Digitized by 



II pers. 



^ hu-ije 
^^ ho-ije 


^ hu-Ju 
^ ho-je 

mayst thou be. ^ hu-jo, 
may ye be. 


1) Present participle: jJ^y^ Iiundo, being. 

2) Past participle: ^ lio, ^ hud, having been 

Verbal noun. 
^JU^ hu-ano, being. 




I pers. ^la^ ^^IIp ^^T au hu-a, huj-a, I may be. 
n pers. y^y^ ^jjjui ^^ tu hu-e, hnj-e, thou mayst be. 

in pers. ^^ ^^ Jb hu hu*e; huj-e, he may bo. 

I P^rs. ^ysfi ^^ysb ^jxJ asi hu, huj-u, we may be. 
n pers. ^ ^^ ^yb ^jjj»] ah! ho, hu-6, huJ-6, you 

may be. 
in pers. yj^ j^yft ^^jjjb ^ hu hu-ane, htine, huj-ane, 

they may be. 
In the n pers. Sing, ,jjwa? « ^j^ hu-i, huj-i is equally 
in use. In poStry we moot in the III person Sing, fre- 
quently AjiD ho-o, instead of ^^ hu-e. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


a) The present participle with the P9tential 

jCi^ etc. 'May be being*. 

Masc. Fern. 

I pers. JS^ ,^lli jOay^*) ^l^ ,jli ^^yi 

hundo hu-a, htij-a. hundi hu-a, huj-a. 

n pers. ^JJ^ ,^^ ^iXiyi ^J^ ,^^ ^^tXiyi 

htindo hu-e, huj-e. hand! hu-e, huj-e. 
m pers. ^ ,^^ 34X3yD ^ ,^ ^^yi 

hundo hue, huj-e. htindi hu-e, huj-e. 


I pers. ^y^ ,^yi \5^y» ^ylfi ,^y» S^^^^^ 

hunda hu, huj-u. hundiu*) hu, huj-u. 

n pers. y£> e>^ \6^yi yJ> ^^ ^y^^y^ 

hunda hu-6, huj-6. hundiu hu-6, huj-6. 
ni pers. ^ ^^ \0^ysb ^ ^Jli \a^^y^ 

hunda hu-ane, huj-ane. hundiu hu-ane, huj-ane. 
&) The past participle with the Potential 
^Li etc. 'May have been*. 

I pers. ^L0 ^ hud hua. ^Ljd ^^ hui hua. 
n pers. ^^jjui „ „ hue. y^^ „ „ hue. 

nipers. ^^ „ „ hue. ^^ „ „ hue. 

••I •• I 

1) The absolute personid pronomia are left out in the followmg 
tenBes, as they may be easily supplied. 

2) The Flural fern, s^y^'^j^ hundiS may also be pronounced 
and written ^yJtX^yS^ hundyu or ^yj^tX^yi hundiyu, and so all the 
present participles in the fern. Plural. 

Digitized by 



Masc. Fetn. 


I pers. ^yi a hu5 hu. ^yi oy^ ^^3^ ^^ 
npors.jli „ „ liuo. jli „ „ huo. 

Ill pers. ^jli fj yj huane. ^^yJ^ „ ,, huone. 



The Potential with y^ tlio. 

*I am*. 

I pers; ^ ^^Lp. liua tho. ^^ ^tli huS thL 
n pers. j^ ij^ hue tho. ^^ (J-a^p hue thi. 

ni pers, y^ ^^ hue tho. ^^ ^^ hue thL 


I pers. LjJ ^yi hu tha. c>^*4^ c>r* ^^ *^^ 

U pers. 145 ^ hud tha. u^^ j^ ^^^ ^^^ 

ni pers. 14^ ^jjJb huane tha. t:)^^ (J>a^ huane thiu. 

Old Present of the Sansk. substantive verb 
'as* to be. 'I am*. 

I pers. ^\Sfji( ahiya. O)^^ ahiyu. 

II pers. ,jj^T e {j-ii4^ ttl^ej ahi. ^T ahiyo. 

in i)ers. ^T ahe. v:>A«^T ^ ^j^if uhine, uhine. 

This form is commonly used in tho Present, and 
always in compound tenses, whereas y^ ijtjo hua tho 
is seldom to be met with, and never in a compoimd 

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SEOnON in. THE VERB. 301 

The initial vowel & is often found vriihont a nasal 

sound as: ^^UujT ihiya instead of ^lIjiTfihiya. When i jT 

ko na, J (^ ka na, ^ ^ kl na not any one etc. precedes 

^T, they are contracted to ^^y^ konhe, ^^^ kanhe, 

^^j^ju^ kinhe; 3 na, not, preceding ^1143? etc- may coa- 

](>8co witli it, as: ^IS nahe or: ^T ^ na ahe, he is not. 
••I •• I 


The present participle with the auxiliary: vjll|jT 

*I am being*. 

Masc. Fern. 

hundo tthiya. hundi ahiya. 

^ P^^- v:^64^^3^>^ hundo ahe. ijju^T is^yi hundi ahe. 
m pers. ^T „ „ ahe. ^T „ n She. 


hunda ahiyu. hundiu uhiyiL 

II i)ers. 3A5T tjJ^ j^T ^y JJ^ 

hunda ahiyo. hundiu ahiyo. 

ni pers. ^T \o^yi ^T vj>^4>J^ 

hunda ahinL hundiu ahine. 


The x>^esent participle iK^ith the Aorist of the 
auxiliary: ^y^. *I was' or: *was being*. 

Masc. Fern. 

I pers. ijM^PjOO^ hundo hdse. ^^«4^^54U^ hundi huyase. 

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Masc Fern. 

n pers. ^^yfjjb ^iX^yi hundo hue. ^^lli v5^^ htbidl huiS^). 

niperB.^ 3^y^ htindd ha ^ ^^^ vj^^y^* 

hundi huly hi. 

hunda hu&si. hundiu huyusi. 

n pers. ^ ^yj» fiViyft ^^ ^^4Uy» 

hunda hua-u, huo. hundiu huyu. 

m pers. U (IaP fiby» ^^ ^^dJ^ 

hunda hua, ha. hundiu huyu. 



The past participle with the inflexional ter- 
minations. *I was*, or: *have been*. 

Masc Fern. 

I pers. ^yt hdse. ^jSJ^ huy-ase. 

n pers. ^^fjSi hue. v:^A^ ec^^ hui-a, hui-e. 

in pers. ^ ho. ^^ hui. 


I P^i^ ij*^^ hu&-si. ^A.^^l0 huyu-sl. 

n pers. ^ ,^ ty^ ^^ huyu. 

hua-u, hu-6, h6. 

m pers. L£ (L^ hua, h&. ^^ huyu. 

1) Or v^^JUAJD hail. 

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^^13^8^^^^ ^f sjif^^ huSrsfy ^yL\ji hufi-suy the con- 
tracted fonns y^jjgJJ^ ha-si, ^jL\j^ hiisui are also in 
use. — The inflexional tenninations are now and then 
dropped altogether, but in this case tiie absolute per- 
sonal pronoun must always be prefixed, as: y» \ay^ 
uu ho, I was etc. 


The simple Aorist with ^^ the. 

*I used to be*. 

Masc. Fern. 

I i)ers. ^ ^^ hose the. ^^ ^^Ji huyase the. 
etc. etc. etc. etc. 

I pers. ^^ yj^^ hu&sS. the. ^^ ^j^y^ huyusi the. 
etc. eta etc. etc. 

V. PERFECT ] , . 

not m use. 




The present participle with the inflexional 
terminations. *I shall be*. 

Masc. Fern. 

I pers. ^iX^yfi hundu-se. Q^iXi^i hundia-se^). 

n pers. ^ JOyft hund-e. s^^y^ hundi-5 *). 

ni pers. yd^yi hundo. ^^}^ hundL 

1) Instead of QM^(X3yD handia-se we find eIbo {j^iX^yi hQndi- 
yase or {j^^iX^yS^ hondyase. 

2) Or i^y^^y^ hondi*!. 

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Masc. Fern. 

I pers. ^>AM»t Joyft htinda-Bi. ^^j^y^C^^ hundiu-sl 

II pers. jiU^ o^y^ say^^^ hundiu. 

hunda-Uy hundo. 
m pers. \0^yi hunda. ^^y JJy» hundiu. 

The compound future tenses are not in use. 

As from all neuter verbs, so also from this auxiliary 
an impersonal or passive form may be derived, as: 

in pers. Sing. Present y^ is^y^ ho-ije tho, literally: 

it is been; III pers. Sing. THiture: ^}i» ho-ibo, literally: 

it will be been. 

Annotation. The root ji» ho (Inf. ^yS^ hu-anu) corresponds 
to the Sansk. root M bhu, to become, which is assimilated in 

Pnlkrit to ho or huva; the past participle of it is in Prakrit 
huo or huo, thence the SindhT huo. In reference to the 
Potential huja etc., it is to be kept in mind, that Prakrit 
iises already for the Present (and Future) such forms as hojja, 
hoj}a etc., which Lnssen derives from the Sansk. Precative H^fm 
(Lassen, p. 357). 

The root ho is used in all the kindred idioms. 

The old Present ^jlxo^T ahiya, I am, is derived from tho 
Present of the Sonsk. substantive verb ^(^ 'as^ to be, Prakrit 
amhi etc. The Marathl form of it approaches very closely 
to that of the SindhT, as: ahl etc. In Hindustani (ha, hai, 
hai etc.) initial *a\ which has been lengthened in SindhT and 
MaruthT, has been dropped; the same is the case in PanjabT, 
as hit, hai, hai etc. In GujaratT, where initial 'a^ has been 
likewise thrown ofi*, we find the forms ihaQ, 2he, (he etc., 

which correspond to the Prakrit form ^i^g^ a££hi etc (Lassen, 
p. 200, 34G). In Bang a IT we meet with the still more primi- 
tive form uchi etc. 

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§. 60v 

B. The anziliary verb ^^fj^ thla^Ht to beooaiet to be. 

The verb ^^j^ thianu, to become^ to be, is also 

partly used as an auxiliary verb. Its compound tenses 

are made up by means of the auxiliary verb ^yi huanu. 


sl)>^ thi-anuy to become, to be. 


n pers. ^A^ tbi-u, ^1^ t}^^ thl-o, tiu-o, 

become thou. become ye. 

n pers. ^^ ^^ thi-Je, thi-je. ^a^ <>^H4^ **^-J^> thi-j6. 

mayst thou become. may you become. 


1) Present participle: 3JUU43 thi-ndo, becoming. 

2) Past participle: ^£45 thi-o, become. 

3) Past conjunctive participles: 

^i^ thi-6 having become. 

^^S ^ thi kare* 

4) Verbal norm: jJu^ thi-ano, becoming, being. 



'May become*. 

I pers. v^ll^ thi-a. say^ *^'^ 

n pers. ^^jj^ f c>*^ **^"^> ^"^ >^ ^-o. 
in pers. ^^1^ thi-e. ^^^A^^^;lj3ihi-ane,thl-na 

Trvmpp, Sladhl-OfMBauur. U 

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a) The present participle with the Potential of 

^^ huanu, *May be becoming*. 

Masc Fern. 

I pers. ^Ci jdJU^ ^Ci v^^Xju^j 

thindd hu&. tblndi hua. 

n pers. ^jj^ j4>JU^ ^^jui v^<^6f^ 

thindo hue. thindi hue. 

nr i)ers. ^^ jcVJU^ thindo hue. ^ vjS*?^^^^^ thipdi hue. 


I pers. ^^ tjOx^J ^j,^ Up<^^ 

tlilnda hu. thmdiu hu. 

II i>er8. ^ foJU^ thlnda huo. ^ ^^ dJU^S thindiu huo. 

in pers. ^^ f<iJU|J ^^ ^y4XJU|J 

thlnda huane. thmdiu huane. 

b) The past participle with the Potential of 

^yi^ huanu. *May have become*. 

Masc. Fern. 

I pers. Q^a }X^ thio hua. ^Ci ^ thi hua. 

n pers. ,jjJt5D * „ „ hue. ^^^ „ „ hue. 

m pers. ^^ „ „ hue. ^^ „ „ hue. 

I pers. ^yft UjJ thia hu. ^yi ^y^ thiu hu. 

Ilpers.^ „ „ huo. ^ „ ^ huo. 
ni pers. ^jjj^ „ „ huane. ^jli „ „ huane. 

1) Or ^llP huja etc. 

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The Potential with ^ tho, 

*I become'* 

Mase. Ftm. 

X pers. ^ ^\1^ ihia tho. ^ c;^^ ^^ ^^ 
n pern ^ ^^Ax^ ihie tho. ^ s^^^ ^^ ^^ 
m perB. ^ ^^Iaj this tha ^ ^^l^j thie thi. 


I pers. [43 ^yj^ thiu tha. ^y^ ^y^ thiu thiiL 
n pers. (47 ^X^ thio tha. oy^ y^ ^^ ^^ 

in pers. [43 yjjL^ thiane thft. ^yfS ^jj^s thiane thiu. 


The present participle with ^U^Tahiya etc. 

*I am becoming*, etc. 

Ma$e. Fern. 

thindo ahiya. thindi ahiya. 

n pers. yj^ ^Oj^ cWf^^ ^^^^ 

thindo ahe. thindi ahe. 

in pers. ^T jJJU^ ^T v^iX^H^ 

thindd ahe. thindi ahe. 


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I pers. vj^^T !JLu43 
thinda uhiyu. 
II pers. ^T f JajL|j 

thinda aliiyo. 
Ill perB. ^j^T tc V JU^ 
tlilndu ahine. 


thindiu ahiyu. 

thindiu ahiyo. 
^ i 

thindiu ahine. 


The present participle with ^yb hose etc. 

'I was becoming* etc. 


I pers. ^^ jcUa^ 
thindo hose. 
n pers. ^jjji 34XJU4? 
thmdo hue. 

thindi huyase. 
thindi huiS. 

in pers. yb 34LU4J thindo ho. ^^ ^^4XJU^ thmdl hul. 


I pers. ^jxmCsb tjuu43 

thinda huasi. 
n pers, (*^ I Juu^i ' 
thinda hua-iL 
III pers. a tJuu^ 
thinda hua. 

thindiu huyusi. 
thindiu huyu. 
thindiu huyu. 

1) Or ^^^-aaaJD huiu. 

2) Or ^ kuO, ho. 

Digitized by 





The past participle with the inflexional ter* 
minations. *I became' etc. 

Mase. Fern. 

Ipers. ^^MjLfj thiuse^). crl^J thiase. 

n pers. ^^jvl^j thie. Cc^ *hia- 

in pers. ^^3 thio. ^ thi. 

I pers. ^jj^lkAS thifisl ^jj^yx^ thifisL 

n jms, ^X^ ^yj^ thia-Uy thio. ^y^ thiu. 
m pers. Llaj thia. UT^ ^^^* 


The simple Aorist with ^^ the. 

*I was becoming, was in the habit to become* etc. 

Masc. Fern. 

I pers. ^gA3 ^f*j^ thiuse the. ^^ ^/iju^ thiase the. 

etc. etc. etc. eta 


I pers. ^ ^ Ay ll^ ^ ^Ay> ^fl ? thifisi the. 

thiasi the. 
etc. etc. etc. eta 

1) In poetry often: \j*)S^ thioie, fern. {j»^J^ thiaae. 

2) Or: y^yil^ thio. 

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The past participle with the auxiliary ^U^Tahiya. 

*I have become* etc, 

Masc. Fern. 

I pers. ^|lI^T^i|5 thio aMya. ^jU^f ^^ thi ahiya. 

Ilpers. jjL^T „ „ ahe. v:;^* » » She. 

ni pers. ^1 „ „ ahe. ^f „ „ She. 


I pers. ^^T ll|J this ahiyu. ^^*^ ^y^ 

thiu ahiyu. 
n pers. y^ „ ^ ahiyS. ja^T v:;^a43 thiu ahiyo. 
m pers. ^\ „ yy ahine. ^^^T „ „ ahine. 


The past participle with the Aorist ^^ hose etc. 

*I had become' etc. 

Masc. Fern. 

I pers. QM^ ^X|5 thio hose. ^^mI^ ^^ thI huyase. 

n pers. ^j^ „ , „ hue. ^^^Js^t „ „ huia. 

ni pers. ^ w >» hS- ^5?^ w M h^'* 


thia huasi. thiu huyusi. 

n pers. yjb II45 thia hua-u. \j^ \ay^ ^^ huyu. 
m pers. lli „ „ hua. ^^ „ „ huyu. 

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The present participle with the inflexional 

terminations. 'I shall become' etc. 

Masc. Fern. 

I pers. (^Juuu|j thlndose. ^^Jju^ thihdiase^). 

n pers. ^^JUU45 thmde. ^JJU^J thihdiS.^ 

ni pers. 3 JUU^ tlnndo. v5^M^ thmdi. 

I pers. ^jiAytJuuAj thindasL ^jj^^jiXXx^ thindiusl 

n pers. jJuu4J thlndo-u.*) ^ydJU^ thindiu. 

Ill pers. I JUU^ thindo. ^^dJU^ thindiu. 


a) The definite Future. 

The present participle with the Future ^fuXiyt^ 

hunduse etc. *I shall be becoming' etc. 

Masc. Fern. 

I pers. QMiUy» jJUU|5 ^iX^yi k^AXx^ 

thmdo hunduse. thindl hundiose. 

II pers. ^.Jay» jiXJU^ J^^y^ ^^i"^^ 

thindo hunde. thindi hundia. 

Ill pers. )d^yi j4]uu^ i^^y^ ^^^^^ 

thindd hundo. thindi hundi. 

1) Or ^JUU^ thlndiyate, ^JuU^ thindyasc. 
3) Or ^4XJU4J ihfndie. 
3) Or 34XJU4J thmdo. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Masc. Fern. 

thinda hundasi. thYndiu hundiusi. 

n pers. 5<X3yft tiXJU^J \jf^^)^ u;>^4^ 

thinda hunda-u. thindiu hundiu. 

HI pera. I Joyft tduu45 uy^^}^ OT^^^^ 

thinda hunda. thindiu hundiu. 

5) The past Future. 

The past participle with the Future ^iXiyS^ hunduse. 

*I shall have become' etc. 

Masc. Fern. 

I pers. ^4Uyft ^Ijs ^^ Jjyft ^^ 

thio hunduse. thi htindiase. 

etc. etc. etc. etc. 


thia hundasi. thiu hundiusi. 

etc. etc. etc. etc. 

Chapter XV. 

Inflexion of the regular verb. 

§. 51. 
A. Infleadon of the neuter or Intransitive verb. 

All the neuter verbs end in the Imperatjive in *u' 
J. 43) and in the participle present in and 6 (§. 44). 

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But tiiere is also a considerable number of transitiye 
verbs ending in the Imperatiye in 'u' and in the par- 
ticiple present in ando, which take in consequence 
thereof the same inflexional terminations as the neuter 
verbs, with the only difference , that in the Past Tenses 
they must invariably resort to the passive con* 

We exhibit now the inflexion of a r^ular neuter 


^jSi hal-anu, to go. 


n pers. Ji hal-Uy go thou. ^Jift hal-d, go ye. 


^ip hal-ije, , 

>-' ^^ &Ai» hal*iJ-6, may ye go. 

lli hal-iju, J tl^^^ go. -^^ ' 


1) present participle: J4XIX0 hal-ando, going. 

2) past participle: jlX^ hal-io, having gone. 

3) past conjunctive participles: 

vj^ hal-i, 

^1X0 hal-io, 

^ hal-y-i, 

^gS Jsi hal-i kare, 

Verbal noun. 
^JULp hal-anoy going. 

having gone. 

Digitized by 






'I may go' eta 

' I pen. ^^^ U!^^ ^^ hal-o. ^^yXi ^J^\ asi hal-u. 
n pen. ^:^Jl0 ^^^ tu hal-e. ^Ji» ^^^1 ah! lial<o. 
m pen. ,Jl» y6 hu Iial-e. ^pi» y» hu hal-ano. 


a) Tho present participle with the Potential 

^Li hua etc. *I may be going*. 




I pers. ^Iap j JuXp 

holando hua. 

n pers. ^j^ jdJii 
halandd hue. 

s:^ ^ „ hue. 

ni pers. ^ jJuU 
halandd hue. 

^-li „ „ hue. 



I pers. ^yi 1 JuXp 
halanda hu. 

halandiu hu. 

Ilpers.^ fJuXp 

halanda hud. 

halandiu hud. 

m pers. ^^ t<3aX^ 

halanda huane. 

halandiu huane. 

Digitized by Google 


() The past participle with the Potential JLJb. 
*I may have gone\ 

Masc. Fern. 

I per& ^a ^Uj» halio hua. ^Li ^ hall hua. 

Hpera. y^ „ „ hue. ^^ „ „ hue. 

in pers. ^ „ „ hue. ^^ „ „ hue. 


I pers. ^y» CXi halift hu. ^y» oy^ ^^^ ^^ 
Ilpers.^ „ „ huo. jii « » huo. 
m pers. ^^fjJ^ ^ ^ huane. ^j^ „ n huane. 



The Potential with y^ thd. 

*I go' eta 

M(i8c. Fern. 

I pers. ^ j:ki hala thd. ^ J^ki hala thL 
n pers. ^ ij-^ hale thd. ^^ ^^fh^ hale thL 
m pers. y^ ^ hale tho. ^ JJ^ hale thL 


I pers. (4? ^yXi halu tha. ^V^ sjy^ ^^ ^^ 

n pers. (4^ ^ halo tha. c;^^ >^ ^^^ ^^ 

m pers. (4^ ^^li halane th&. ^^ai|5 ,^pl0 halane thiu. 

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The present participle with ^\1^ ahiya eta 

'I am going* etc. 

Masc. Fern. 

I pers. vj)ll|iT jiUli o'^T ^^tJoIi 

halando ahiya. halandi ahiya. 

halando uhe. halandi aho. 

ni pers. ^T jjJX^ halando Mie. ^T i^^^^ halandi aho. 


I pers. ^y^^l f JuXi uy^^ ^^iXjli 

halanda ahiyiL halandiu ahiyu. 

n pers. ^T \Sjli ^T ^yjoJli 

halanda ahiyo. halandiu ahiyo. 

ni pers. ^^T faiii ,^T ^;>>4Xlii 

halanda ahine. halandiu ahine. 


The present participle with ^yb hose etc. 

*I was going' etc 

Masc. . Fern. 

I pers. ^yb j juli ^j»Si v^^^X^ 

halando hose. halandi huyase. 

n pers. ^jju5» jiuIiD ^jlik {f^iXJJ^ 

halando hue. halandi huiS. 

m pers. yb 34XIIB halando ho. ^^ {f^^i^ halandi huL 

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I per& ^jxmCi f JuJU 

• f» * •T- 

haland& hnSsi. 

halandiu hnyusl 

Ilpers.^ fduii 

» > i i?T- 

Iialan€[& hu&-u« 

halandiu huyiL 

m pers. iXiD ( juXp 

halanda ha&. 

halandiu huyu. 




The past participle with tho inflexional ter- 
minations. 'I went* eta 

Ma$c. Fern. 

I pers. ^mjJ^ haliu-se. (jmoI^ halia-se. 

n pers. (J^aaX^ hali-e. \j^^ hali-a.*) 

ni pers. ^£l^ halio. JJb hall. 

I pers. ^jj^idi halia-81. ^a^^^ J0 haliu-si. 

n pers. ylii halya-u. c)W*^ haliiL 

m pers. CU^ halia. uf^ haliu. 

The simple Aorist with ^^ the. 

'I used to go' etc. 
I pers. ^^ ^j^Ai haliuse the. ^^ ^^muJid haliase the. 
etc. etc. etc. eta 

1) Or ^j'f^^ luOi-e. 

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S18 sEcnoK in. the terb. 

Ma$c. Fern. 

I perB. ^ yj^^ ^sf \^^y^ 

boliusi the. haliusi the. 

etc eta eta eta 


The past participle with ^^Ia^T ahiyfi eto* 

*I am gone* or 'have gone* eta 

Ma8C. Fern. 

I pers. ^^II^^T^U^ halio uhiya. ^II^T ^ hall ahiyS. 

n pers. ^^ji^T „ „ She. ^^^T „ „ ahe. 

nipers. ^^T „ „ ahe. ^T „ „ ahe, 


Iper^^^^I^iTUiphaUauhiyt^ ^^J^T^^Al^haliuahiyiL 

n pers. jjujT „ „ ahiyo. ^T „ „ ahiyo. 

in pers. ^^T „ „ ahine. ,j^T „ „ ahine. 


The past participle with the Aorist ^^ hose. 

'I was gone' or 'had gone* eta 

Masc. Fern. 

I pers. ^^ ^jJi halio hose. q«4^ ^ hall huyase. 
n pers. \fjli» ), „ hue. i^y^ n n ^^oiSk. 
ni pers. ^ „ „ ho. ^^ „ „ huL 

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Maac Fern. 

I pers. ^j^jmLjb LJjft sj^f^yi^ sDf'^ 

halift huosL haliu huyim. 

n pen. ^ llU» halift hoa-u. ^^ \ar^ ^^^ ^^7^ 

Hlpers. Ui „ „ hu&. ^^^^ „ „ huyiL 



The present participle with the inflexional 

terminations. *I shall go' eta 

Masc. Fern. 

I pers. ^iXlI^ halandn-se. ^^ixll^ halandia-se.') 

^ P^i^- v:}^^)^^ haland-e. ^JoIid halandi-S.*) 

in pers. jiXlIi halando. v^^^^ halandi. 

I pers. ^jjLM^fJaliD halanda-sl ^.^jy^J^tXlIiD halandiu-fiu 

n pers, ^5jli halanda-u. ^^(XlXi halandiu. 

m pers. (iXU^ halanda. ^yjdjli halandiu. 

a) The definite Future. 

The present participle with ^^iX^^i hundnsa 

*I shall be going* eta 

I pers. ^iX^yi ^iXlli ^^«)J^ {$^i^ 

halando hunduse. halandi hundiase. 

1) Or gMi!<XAAi» halandiyaae, ^fkiiXJjj^ halandyase. 

2) Or ^jMiXJli halandi-l. 

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Masc. Fern. 

halandd hunde. halandi htlndiS. 

halondo hundo. halandi hundi. 


halanda hundasi. halandiu hundiusl 

n per& jOo^ ^oSXi uy^^y^ v:)^^^^ 

halanda hunda-u. halandiu hundiu. 

halanda hunda. halandiu htindiu. 

6) The Past Future. 

The past participle with the Future (j^^JU^ 

htinduse. *I shall have (be) gone' eta 


I pers. (jMiXi^ ^iXi ^^^jjoyo ^ 

halio hunduse. hali hundiase. 

n pers. y^iXiyi yi^ ^J^^^ J^ ^'^ hundiS. 

halio hunde. 
m pers. jJO^^aI^ halio hfindo. \^'^^ y% n htindl. 

I pers. ^^jL^tiXiyD LJjft sj^ts^y^^)^ u)>^^ 

halia hundasi. haliu hundiusL 

n pers. yd^y» yjS» ^y^i^yib ^^fd» 

halia hunda-u. haliu hundiu. 

m pers. IjayD CX0 \jy^^y^ ur^ 

halia hunda. haliu hundiu. 

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Heuter verbs very often take in fhe Potential and 
in the Present tense the passive form, vrithout al* 
tering in any way their signification, and are then in* 
fleeted like other passive verbs (see the inflexion of the 

passive verb), as: J^^ pharann, v. n., to be fruitful, 
or (^Uj phar-j-anu; J^ijJ v. n,, lurhanu, to float, or 
J^^ lurhe-j-anu, J^jj^ kaviranu, v. n., to be angry 

or i^'U^ kavir-J-anu, ^1 v. n* a&tnu, to come, vihi^^ 
ai-ij-anu, ^^ v. n. pavanu, to fiaJl, or vlh^ pa-ij* 
anu etc. 

The m pers. Sing, of neuter verbs in the passive form 
is frequently employed impersonally throughout all the 
tenses with the exception of the Aorist and Perfect^ as: 

^gs^ halije, it may be gone, 345 ^g^^ halije tho, it is 

gone, ^T yJ^ halibo ahe, it is being gone, j» yJi 

halibo ho, it was being gone; ydsi halibo, it will 

be gone. 

Many neuter verbs are in Sindhi considered both 
active and neuter, and therefore in the Past tenses 
constructed either as neuter (L e. personally) or as tran- 
sitive verbs (i. e. passively, the agent being put in 

the Instrumental), as: {j»*jJ^U virhiuse, I quarrelled or: 
jl^jj ^yi mu virhio, by me it was quarrelled, fix)m J)^U 
virhanu, v. n., to quarrel; u--4f^ khiliuse, I laughed, 
or: jiX^ ^yo mu khilio, by me it was laughed, from 
J^JLjJ^ khilanu, v. n., to laugh; but ^ys ruanu, v. n., to 
weep, is always constructed passively in the past tenses, 
as: yj^^) runa-i, he wept (it was wept by him). 

On the other hand there are also some active verbs 

Trvmpp, Sindlil-OnuBmar. X. 

Digitized by 



(but ending in the Imperative in 'u'), which are con- 
structed in the Past tenses like neuter verbs, and not 

passively, as: ^j^j^^^im sikhiuse, I learnt (not yl^S^ ^yf) 

from v>iJCM. sikhanu, v, a., to learn; j^uX^ sikiuse, I 

longed for, from J;il, sikanu, v. a., to long for. 

§. 52. 
B) Inflexion of the trancdtive verb. 

The inflexion of the transitive and causal verb 
agrees on the whole with that of the neuter verb in the 
Potential, the Present, the Imperfect and the Fu- 
ture; but it differs from the inflexion of the neuter verb 
by being destitute of the Past Tenses of the Active 
Voice, which must be circumscribed by the past tenses 
of the Passive Voice, the past participle of transitive 
verbs having always a passive signification. The agent 
must therefore in the past tenses be put in the In- 
strumental, or it may, if that be a pronoun, be affixed 
to the past participle in the shape of a Suffix. It is 
understood, that the past participle passive must agree 
with its substantive in gender and number, as well as 
tiie adjective. 

From every transitive and causal verb (and partly 
also, as noted already, from the neuter verb) a passive 
theme may bo derived, which is regularly inflected through 
all tenses. 

We exhibit now the inflexion of a transitive verb, 
ending in the Imperative in 'e*. 


^^JL^ 4had-anu, to give up. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



n pers. 44^ ihad-e, give np. p44^ ^l^-io^y 

give ye up. 

S'" i^Sl^ 6had-ijd. please to 

^<X4^ cnad-ijiL give up. 


1) Present participle: jjJ^44^ dhad-Indo, giving up. 

2) Past participle: jS^^ dhad-id, having been given up. 

3) Past conjunctive participles: 

^4X4^ dhad-e 

[^ P44^ dhad-io 

^44^ ahad-^e 
^^^ v^<H^ dhad-e kare 

having given np. 


'I may give up' eta 

I pers. ^,11^4^ ^y^ y,^44^«^W*^*M-i«- 

au £had-ia. 

n pers. u^^S^i^ ^yi P44^ c^*' aW^^W-iS. 

tu dhad-ie.*) 
in pen. \s^^ y» ^^ dhad-S. v:^^44^ )* ^^ dhad-bie.*) 

1) Or ^dg^ ihad-yO; tiM form ^iX^ {had-eho is alio in qmu 

2) Or vj^^iXi^ aad-e, ^^4^ *M-'*- 
8) Or v;)<>4^ ttad-ine. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 




a) The present participle with the Potential ^l^i* 

'I may bo giving up' etc. 


I pers, J^ )^^ 
dhadindo huu. 
n pers. ^jjSii 3 Jajd4^ 

dhadindo hue. 

mpors.,^ 5^.^ 

dhadindo hue. 

dhadindi hua. 

^/•ST^^ O >^» -I- ^ V 

dhadindl hue. . 
dhadindl hue. 


I pers. ^yi »4Xu<Xf^ 
dhadinda hu. 

Hpers.^ fjubJLf^ 
dhadlnda hud. 

m pers. Jli 10^.44^ 
chadinda huane. 

dhadmdiu hu. 
dhadiindiu hu5. 
dhadlndiu huane. 

6) The past participle, with the in pers. Singular and 
Plural of the Potential of the auxiliary verb ^yD, 
the agent being put in the Instrumental. 
*By me etc. may have been given up.' 

The object being masc The object being fenu 

mu dhadi hue. 
^^ p44^ j^ ^ dhadio hue. ^^ \S^^ p ^ dhadi hue. 

w n ^ huna n n n n ^ ^^^^ n n 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

mu ihadio hue. 


The ot||eet being fern. TIm oljeet being nuse. 

asa dhadio hue. asa 6Iiadi hue. 

• • • 

alia dhadio hug. aha dhadii hue. 

(5f" >**M^ \^ (5:* «*?^ (^ 

hune dha^io hue. hune dba^ Iiu§. 


mu dhadia huane. mu dha^iu huane. 

etc. etc. etc. eta 


The Potential with ^ th5. 
'I give up' etc. 

Mase. Fern. 

I pers. ^ v£>^44^ ihadia tho. ^^ 0^44^ ^SbsJ^ thL 
n pers. ^^S^ 6had[ieth5. ^^ ^^JLi^ ihadie thL 
m pers. y^ ^^^ ihade tho. ^ ^^^ dhade thL 


I pers. I4J ^^>>44^ v:)^A^ c)>* W?^ 

ihadiu tha. dhadiu thiu. 

n pers. L^ P^^ 6hadid tha ^yj^ 3^44^ 6ha4id thiiL 

in pers. L43 ^^4-i^ U^^ U^4<^ 

ihadine th&. dhadlne thiu. 

Digitized by 




The present participle with ^^llf^T ahiya etc. 
'I am giving up' eta 


I pers. ^II|jT }OJ^^i^ 
dhadindo ahiya. 
n pers. ^^T 34>aa449^ 

ihadlndo uhe^ 

m pers. ^T 3450^44?^ 

ihadlndo ahe. 

dhadindi ahiya. 
iha^di ahe. 
dhadmdi ahe. 

I pers. vj^lfif f^X^^Xj^ \ay^^ c)^^44^ 

ihadinda ahiyu. 
n pers. ^T 100^44^ 

ihadinda ahiyo. 
in pers. ^T f4XJb44^ 

dhadindiu ahiyu. 
ihadindiu ahiyo. 
dha^diu ahine. 

dhadinda ahine. 


The present participle with the Aorist ^y^ hose. 

'I gave up' or: 'was giving up' etc. 

Masc. " 

I pers. ^p,jJD jcViiijjf^ 

ihadindo hose, 
n pers. ^jj£» 34X1^44^ 

chadlndo hue. 
m pers. yb yU^^jr^ 

dhadindo ho. 

iha^dl huyase. 
ihadindl huia. 
dha^ndi hui. 

Digitized by 



Masc Fern. 

dhadinda huasi. dhadindiu huyusl 

ihadinda hua-u, hud. dhadmdiu huyu. 

dhadinda hua, I1&. ihadindiu huyu. 1 



The past participle (passive), with the agent in 

the Instrumental 

'By me etc. was given up*. 

Tlie otdMt being mase. 


The ottjeet being fan. 

^<X4^ fjy> mu ihadio. 

^^4i^ e)^ "*<i *Mi- 



i^to „ 

(^ huna „ 


-^ huna „ 

„ ^JSJ asa „ 


y,llf asa „ 

„ y,lil aha „ 


jj,Uf aha „ 

„ y^ hune „ 


^Jb hune „ 


1^44^ v;;ji mu ahadi&. sjy^4^ \jy^ ^^ dhadiu. 
etc. etc. etc. eta 


The simple Aorist with ^^ th6. 

'By me etc. used to be given np*. 
Hie object being mm. SINGULAR j^ ^^^ ^^ f^ 

etc. etc. etc. etc. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


The object being masc The otdeet being fenu 

xnu ihodia the. mu ihadliu the. 

etc. etc. etc. etc. 


The post participle (passive) with ^T ahe and j-f>T 

••I ^ *' 

ahine, the agent being put in the Instrumental. 

'By me etc. has been given up*. 

The otileet being masc. -J The ottject being fern. 

mu dha^io ahe. mu dhadi ahe. 

etc. etc. etc. etc. 


mu dhadia uhine. mu ihadiu ahine. 

etc. etc. eta etc. 


The past participle (passive) with ^ ho, U^ huft eta 

'By me etc. had been given up'. 

The object being maso. The oltiect being Tern. 

i* P44?^ uy" i^ «44^ sjy" 

mu ihadio ho. mu dha^ huL 

etc. etc. etc. etc. 


mu dhadia hua. mu ihadiu huyu. 

etc. etc. etc. etc. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 




Tho present participle with the inflexional tenDination& 

*I shall give up* eta 

Masc Fern. 

I pers. ji»jJL44^ £ha4inda8e. ^^<xl^d^ AhajTndiarae, 
n pers. |^(y,I^4i^ £hadlhd-e. ^jJ^cVg,^ dha^indi-aL 

m pers. jiXigijgf^ (hadlhda vg<>^<^l> ihadindL 


I pers. v^^A^fiXl^a^^ sj^y^^ y h ^ A rf 

£hadinda-si. dhadindiuH^ 

n pers. jcUad^^ dhadlhda-u. ^yji^liS^ AhadlhdiiL 

ID pers. tcVljAJf^ dhad&ida. ^^cvIjA^^ dhadihdiiL 


a) The definite Future. 

The present participle with ^(X^y^ hOndusa 

*I shall be giving up' eta 

Masc. Fern. 

I pers. ^^y» jdj^S^ ^i^lySb {i^i Xh^lt^ 

dhadindo hunduse. dhadbhdl hundiase. 

n pers. y^iXlyi }OJ^S^ sj^^y^ v#*^44^ 

£ha4indd hunde. dhadindi hundiS. 

m pers. 3«x5y» yi>^^ ^(^y^ i^^ih^ 

dhadindo hundo. dhadindi hun^ 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 




I pers. v:,ju^|jj^ ^SSaih- 
dhadlnda htindasi. 

dliaclinda hunda-n. 
m pors. \3Sy» t jo^ ^4^ 
ihadindu hunda. 


dhadlndiu hundiusi. 
dhadiBdiu htindiu, 

^ • 9 ^ • A^ 

ihadindiu hundiu. 

6) The Past Future. 

The past participle (passive) with 3«U^ htindd etc., 

the agent being put in the Instrumental. 

'By me etc. will have been given up*. 


The ot(|eot being fenu 

mu. dhadl hundi. 
etc. etc. 

The object being mase, 

mu £hadio hundo. 
etc. etc. 

mu dhadia hunda. 
eta etc. 


i A^ 

mu dhadiu hundiiL 
etc. etc. 


^^44^ dhad-ij-anu, to be given up. 


n pers. j^44^ ihad-y-u, 5^44^ dhad-ij-6, 

be given up. be ye given up. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



1) Present participle: ^44^ dha£bO| being given up. 

2) Past participle: ^S^ dhadlio, haying been given up. 

3) Future participle or gerundive: ^44^ 6hadino, to 

be given up. 

4) Past conjunctive participles: 

^4^^ 6haa.ij.i or y^;^ «ha$J^,| j^^ ^^ 
«/ (5^44^ «WiJikare, ) 8^^^ ^P- 


'I may be given up*. 

I pers. ^1^44^ 6haaij4. c>^44^ ahadij-fi. 

n pers. v:^44^ ^M^j-S-O >«^44^ <^MiJ-o. 

m pers. (5^44^ 6ha4ij-e. ^44^ iha^ij-ane. 


a) The present participle with the Potential ^Lp hua. 

*I may be being given up' eta 

Masc. Fern. 

I pers. Jli >?44^ . sj^ ^^^*^ 

6ha4ib5 hua. ihadibi hua. 

n pers. ^^ ^44^ ^^ ^44^ 

ihadibo hue. £hadibi hue. 

m pers. ^ ^44^ ^ (5^44?^ 

6haclibd hue. ihaclibi hue. 

1} Or ^■A > c } . g(^ ihadiji. 

Digitized by 


382 SECnON m. THE VERB. 


Masc . Fern. 

I pers. ^ysb 154*^ c;^ ^^y^S^ 

ihacliba hu. dhadibiu htL 

n pers. ^ C44^ >2» c>yi44^ 

dhodiba huo. iha^biu hud. 

pers. ^J*» u«X^ ^^^ ^^tX^a. 

6hadiba huane* £haclibiu huane. 

h) The past participle with the Potential 

^LJ» hua. 

'I may have been given up' etc. 

Masc. Fern. 

I pers. ^lIj»p44^dhadiohaa. ^Lp ^$44^ ^^^ ^^ 
n pers, ,jjjp „ „ hue. ^^jjA::ift ^ ^ hue. 

in pers. ^^ „ ^ hue. ^^ ^ ^ huS. 


I pers. ^yi ^44^ 6ha4ia hu. ^y» c>^44^ dha^iu hu. 

n pers. jliD ^ n hud. ^ ,, „ huo. 

Ill pers. ^jjjD „ „ huane. ^^jjjji „ '„ huane. 



The Potential with ^^5 thd. 

'I am given up' etc. 

Masc. Fem^ 

I pers. 54J v:>l^4i^ <5f3 sj^^^ . . 

ihadija thd. dhadija thL 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Masc. Fern. 

iha^ije th5. iha^je thL 

mperB.^^44^ ^ ^^ 

ihadijje tho. iha^ije thL 


I pers. 145 ^:)^44^ ur^ v;>^44^ 

61ia4iju tha. fihaaiju thiil . 

n pers. \^ >ft^44^ \ay^ >*^44^ 

ihadijo tha. 6haid[ijo thiiL 

in pers. \s^ ,j^44^ \ay^ \j^i^ 

£ha4ijane tha. dhadijane thiu. 


The present participle with ^U^T ahiya. 

*I am being given up* eta 

Masc Fern. 

I pers. ^U^T >j44^ ^\1^ ^li^ 

£ha4ibo uhiya. dhadibi ahiya. 

n pers. ^^T >^44^ ^^T ^si^i^ 

£hadibo ahe. £hadibi ahe. 

m pers. ^1^44^ ihadibo ahe. ^T (5^44^ £hadibi ah& 

PLURAL.'* ' " 

I pers. ^^^ 1^44^ \ay^ say^^^ 

6hadiba ahiyu. ihadibiu ahiyu. 

n pers* ys^ 1^44^ yt^ \ay*i^^ 

£hadiba ahiyo. ihadibiu ahiyo. 

m pers. ^T 1544^ ^T c>^44^ 

£ha4iba ahine. 6ha4ibiu ahine. 

\ Digitized by VjOOQIC 



The present participle with ^yt hose. 

'I was being given up' etc 

Masc. ' Fern. 

I pers. ^yt y>(X^ ^j^ isf 44^ 

6ha4ibd hose. iha^ibi huyase. 

n pers. ^j^ >#<^i^ ' J^ ^^^ 

ihadibo hue. dhadibi huiS. 

in pers. ^ yf^i^ 6ha£b$ ho. ^^ (5^44^ 6hadibl huL 


1 pers. ^^A^uift W^^ \j^y^ u;r*f 4-«^ 

iha^iba huasi. £hadibiu huyusL 

n pers. ^ ,y» b<X4^ ^^ ur^^4^ 

iha^iba hua-u, hud. 6hadibiu huyu. 

ni pers. Up ba^^ ^y^ u^44^ 

fihadiba hua. fihadibiu huyu. 



The past participle with the inflexional terminations. 

*I was given up' etc. 

Masc. * Fem. 

I pers. (jMbjJ^^ Shadiu-se.^) ^4X4^ ihadianse. 
n pers. ,^44^ 6hadi-e. v:;^44^ ihadi-S. 

inpers.j2j4^ 6hadid. ^^44^ £hadi. 

1) Or 0^4X4^ {hadyoMi ^^0^^ ihadyMe. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Mmc. Fan. 

I P<^i^* v:^^^44^ ihadift-fil y^Jt^^y^^^ dha^u-el 

ni pers. b JL^ ihadift. ^^jLf^ dha^iu. 

The simple Aorist with ^^ the. 

'I used to be given up' etc. 

Maze. Fern. 

^ 0^44^ £hadiuse the. ^ ^^^^^ dha^iase thS. 

etc. . etc. etc. etc. 


The past participle with ^Ui^T ahiya. 

'I have been given up* eta 

ilfa^c. Ftm. 

I pers. ^U^T >544^ ^^,11^? ^?44^ 

ihadio ahiya. 6ha^ ahiya. 

n pers. ^^^T p44^ \^^ \?44^ 

dhadio ahe. £hadi ahe. * 

m pers. ^TpiX^ £hadio She. ^T \s^!^ £hadl ah§. 

I pers. t,^T CiXi^ O^^ w^44^ 

dhadia ahiyu. dhacUu ahiyu. 

dhadia &hiyd. dhadiu ahiyo. 

dhadia ahine. dhadiu ahine. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



The past participle with ^yt hose. 

*I had been given up' etc. 

Masc Fern. 

I pers. yi#jj» p44^ 1^4^ ^44^ 

dhadlio hose. iha^I huyase. 

n pers. ^^ ^Siti^ ^^ ^iX^ 

ihadio hue. Shadi huiS. 

m pers. yt p J^^ £hadi5 h5. ^ ^4^ ^^^ ^^ 


£hadia huasi. ihadiu huyusi. 

pers.^ LiX^ ^^ c;yiN«^ 

(hadia hoa-u. £hadiu huyu. 

£hadia hua. £hadiu huyu. 



The present participle with the inflexional terminations. 

'I shill be given up' etc. 

Masc. Fern. 

I pers. (ji444^ £hadibu-se. ^jt^ocVgf^ ihadibia-se. 
n P^^« \j^^^ £hadib-e. ^^44^ dhadibi-S. 
m pers. ^44^ ihadibo. (5^44^ ^^W^^^ 

Digitized by 





Masc FenL 

I pen. ^^j^\^SJ^ (SbsMlOrA ^AmS^kf^^tf GmSMn-A 

nper8.^44^ dhadiba-u. ^^44^ £ha4ibiiL 

m pers. 1^44^ dha^ibiL ^^44^ £hadibiu. 


a) The definite Future. 

The present participle with u^^yi htinduBe. 

*I shall be being given up' etc. I 


Masc. Fern. 

I pers. ^O^ysb )iS!^ ij^$ylyi isi^^-i^ 

6ha^b5 htinduse, dhadib! hundiase. 

6hadibl htUidiS. 

dhadibi hundL 

n pers. ^^yft >jJ^ 

^adibo htUide* 

inpers.34X3^ ^44^ 
6hadibo hundS. 


>• 9 1 •• A . 

£hadibfi htUidast. 
n pers. ySSyi ^i^ 

dhadiba hunda-u. 
m pers. \Slyi 1^44^ 

dhadiba hundS. 

Trwmpf I BIndhT-OnumnAr. 

i • » ^ «^ 

dhadibiu hflndiusL 
dhadibiu hundiu. 
ihadibiu hOndiiL 


Digitized by 



&) The Past Future. 

The. past participle vrith ^oSyi hUnduse. 

*I shall have been given up* etc. 

Masc. Fern. 

I pers. ^iXiy» p44^ ^^y^ ^44^ 

ihadio hunduse. dhadi htUidiase. 

n pers* ^C^yi ^44^ cH^i^^ ^^44^ 

dhadio hQnde. £hadi hOndiS. 

in pers. jiXSyd p44^ ^<^V^ ^44^ 

dhadio hundo. dhadi hundt 


1 pers. yj^j^i^'iUyft ^^?-*^ cX^^^^y* u;^44^ 

6hadia hundasl ihadiu hundiusi. 

n pers. jiXJy^ l^i^-8^ c;>*^y^ u>**^«^ 

£hadi& htlnda-u. dhadiu hundiu. 

III pore. ftXiyD Ud^ i;;>'«iV 0>'*M^ 

chadia htinda. Shaoliu hundiu. 

Chapter XYI. 
Oompound verbs. 

§. 53. 

The Sindhi possesses a great facility in giving dif- 
ferent shadows of meaning to a verb by compounding 
it with another verb. 

1) The most common way of compounding a verb 
with anotlior is to put the past conjunctive par- 
Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


tioiple of the active or passive mood, . ending in 
I or e^), before it*) The constmction of a verb thus 
compounded depends entirely on the definite verb, not 
in any way on the past conjunctive participle. In this 
way are formed 

a) So-called Intensitives, which impart to the de- 
finite verb a peculiar signification, arising out of the 
sense of the preceding past conjunctive participle, as: 

vl^5 iS^S vathi vaiianu, to take off, literally: to go 
having taken; ^y ^Ji mari va6anu, to be dead, lit: 

to go having died; ^y ^^^ £arlu va6anu, to ascend, 
lit.: to go having ascended; ^^ ^^^45^ khuli pavanu, to 
be opened, lit.: to ML having been opened; Jjj ^ jl 
pavanu, to become alive, literally: to fall having lived; 
OH <5?5 ^^ pavanu, to pour down (as rain), literally: 
to fall having flown. — oi^y <5^^5 vadhe vijhanu, to 
cut down, lit.: to throw having cut; J^jf" ^)y^ ^^ 
kadhanu, to pull out, lit: to pull having moved; 
J^T ^jl^ i&rhS ananu, to hang up, lit: to bring 
having caused to ascend; ^<^^ is^)}^ lorhe dhadanu, 
to float off (act), lit: to give up having floated away; 
^)1^ ^iS tanio £hinanu, to pluck out, lit: to pluck 
out having pulled; qj^ iP^V* mota-e nianu, to bring 
back, lit: to take away haying caused to return, etc etc. 
It is to be noted, that ^gi^ khani, the past conjunctive 
participle of ^fl^^ khananu, to lift up, is used with all 

1) The past coDJonciive participle ending in io is also oocasionallj 
used to make up a compound verb. 

2) In podtry though the past coigunctiTe participle may also foQow 
the definite yerb. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


sorts of verbs, to intensify their signification, im- 
plying, that the action is done forthwith, as: v>4^ (5^4^ 
khani likhanu, to set to writing; J^^'^f ^^i^Tkhanl ujO- 
ranu, to set to polish, J^l^5 ^^^ khani vajainu, to 
set to play (an instrument); ^j Jj^ khani vafianu, 
to be ofT, • 

In the same way the past conjunctiye participle of 

J,^ pavanu, to fall, viz.: ^ pai or ^. pel, is put . 

before a verb, to intensify its signification, as Jfj^^^^ 

pal khianu, to eat on or up, literally: to eat having 
fallen upon it The augment y^ tho of the Present 
tense is dropped, when the verb is thus compounded 

When he was grown up, he died. Abd-nl-LatlTs 
life, p. 2. 

Take the advice of the pilots, that thou mayst pass 
the full tide. Sh. Surag; V, 7. 

Tears trickle down to the kind one upon the cheek. 
Maj. 459. 

In crossing the ocean they were forcibly carried off. 
Sh. Sam. I, 11. 

Bring (and) fasten thy own self in the midst of the 
furnace. Sh. Jam. Kal. m, 13. 

Digitized by 



^^f llA» ^ ^J,5^ ^^ li^ J jA^y i^K)^ 

When he sets to play, then fonr tunes as many 
deer, wild beasts, birds oome on. Story of Bae Dia^ 
p. 3. 

Buy those goods, which do not become old. Sh. 
Surag. in, 2. 

Then having taken out earth from this tank they 
built cells and a mosque. Abd-ul-LatlTs life, p. 22. 

He who will eat (it) with pleasure, that is my friend. 
Maj. 319. 

h) Compound verbs, implying possibility, and power 
are formed by putting a past conjunctive participle before 

the verbs ^^^Jd saghanu^), to be able, and ^^ i^ 

nanu, to know, ^as: J;4^ >^7^ t\$f kare, karyo sa- 

ghanu, to be able to do; ^L^ ^^ del Jananu, to know 

to giva. 

In what manner shall* I weep for my friend? I do 
not know how to weep. Sh. Koh. VI, 1. 

Thou didst not understand to give sleeplessness to 
(thy) eyes. Sh. Koh. I, 12. 

1) With viH^ ^^^ Infiniiivo may also be joined. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

843 SlfiCnON UL THE VERB. 

c) The idea of completion is expressed by putting 
a past conjunctLve participle before the verbs: ^J.ra- 
hanu, to remain, v1k^5 v^t^^^) ^ take, ^fxL 6ukanu, 
to be at an end; ^j^ nibhanu or J^Jo nibanu, to be 
ended; similarly before ^3^ ^ base karanu, to leave 
.ofiF, to have done, as: J^iJ ^^y vathi rahanu, to have 
taken; ^J ^J rami rahanu, to be off; ^^y (s^^-i^ 
khae vathanu, to have done eating; JjXi ^^S kare du- 
kanu, to have done; J;^tr^ ^5^^ &•! base karanu, to 
have done speaking. 

In order to see those lightenings he sat down. 
.Amtilu Man. p. 146. 

The Caran, having slung the harp upon his shoulder, 
went in the night. Sh. Sor. in, 5. 

^ ^f r'^ O^ ^ ^J^ (if^ i^ 
Who so ever looks upon a woman with a heart of 
fornication, that one has even therein committed al- 
ready fornication with her in his mind. MattL 5, 4. 

(5ti <5t^ tf>5^^ tf/ c^ c^P 
With him fidendship has been abeady made. Maj. 196. 

\l^ Uj is^oj^ ^ ^ ^ \ay^f^ 

When Jesus had ended these sayings, then the people, 
having heard his doctrine, became astonished. Matth.7, 28. 

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d) Duration or repetition is expressed by 
putting before the definite verb the past conjunctive 
participle ending in io,- to which also the emphatic i 

may be affixed, als: i^)i^ ^C parhio parhanu, to read 

over again, to keep on reading. 

Bead over again the liBsson of this veiy pain. Sh. 
Jam. kal- Vv 31. 

Even that, that letter I read over and over again 
Sh. Jam. Kal. V, 33. 

2) Another kind of Intensitives is formed by 

putting the past participle of ^^ pavanu, to fall, viz.: 
^ pio, before the Imperative, Present^) or Imper- 
fect of a definite verb, as: gMSlsHJe ^ pid manijase, 
enjoy her; ^^j^ Lj pia thiane,,tiiey become lJ» fcxJu^ L^ 
they were seeing. 

When she comes to the couch, then pull out her 
feathers; afterwards enjoy her. Amulu Man. p. 147.. 

In that (palace) sparks are made like lighteninga. 
Ibid. p. 140. 

Many of his miracles the other boys used to ace. 
Abd-ul-Latifs life, p. 3. 

1) In tliis cfiso tlio augment y^ iliO in dropped as o nnccet w i y. 

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3)' The idea of continuation is expressed by 
putting a present participle before tlie verbs J^i^ rahanu, 
to remain and J^^ vatanu, to go about, as: ^C jOJb^ 
vendo rahl, he continues going; ^5 jcXl^.l^ iarmdo 
vate, he keeps on grazing. 

jlli ^ J44^ is^)i 3^; 3«>^^ 

He kept on travelling in fatigue firom Egypt (and) 
Syria. Maj. 357. 

>^; (s5i*^>«« 3*>^>^ tr*i^ ^^^ -^^ <5t ^^ 

His father Shah Habib continued searching (and) 
seeking him. Life of Abd-ul-Latif , p. 9. 

B\Jalu goes on grazing the horses. Stoiy of B3e 
Diaiu, p. 2. 

4) Two verbs may also be joined by putting the 
Infinitive of a verb in the Formative case before the 

verbs: J^iU laganu, v. n. to apply, J^f a£anu, to come, 

^ifs^y vananu, to go. In this way so-called Inceptives 

are formed, as: J^iU ^^l ruana laganu, to begin to cry; 

^^t ^y vasana adanu, to come to rain; ^j ^SL 
sadana vaiianu, to go to call. 

^ >^}^- J3J11 ^^T J^^5 ^y^y 

The lightenings have come to flash (to rain); the 
.monsoon has ascended (his) coucL Sh. Sor. IV, 13. 

>J}4^ (sf^ ^r^f \:>^ \jy^^ 64^ i^ cJH^f^H^ ^H 

Then whilst they went to buy, the bridegroom ar- 
rived. Matth. 25, 10. 

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Chapter XVH 

The Verb with the Ptononiiiuil Snfllzet. 

The Sindhl tuses the pronominal soflSzeB &r more 
extensively with the verbs , than with the nonns (<£ 
§. 30). The sufBxes attached to the verbs express, strictly 
speaking, only the Dative and Accusative (the object), 
and, with the past participle passive, also the In- 
strumental, though we may translate them by any case^ 
save the Nominative. 

The pronominal suffixes attached to verbs are iden- 
tical with those attached to norms, with this difference, 
that the suffix of the I person Plural, u, which is not 
in use with noims (but with adverbs and postpositions), 
is used throughout the verb. There is further a pe- 
culiar Instrumental affix, attached to the past par- 
ticiple passive, which is never used with nouns or adverbs, 
viz.: i for the Singular, and u for the Plural. 

It appears, that the suffix i is originally the In- 
strumental Sing. J^t ina, by him (fix)m ^ hi, this), and 
u the Instrumental Plural ^^1 une, by them (from y» 

hu or jt Q, that). 

To the first person Sing, and Plur. the suffix of 
the same person is never attached, as in this case the 

reflexive pronoun ^l^ p&na, self, must be employed. 

In the compound tenses and in compound 
verbs the suffix always accedes to the latter part of 
the compound, though it properly belongs to the first 
member of the compound. Similarly the suffix is never 
attached to the augment ^ tho or ^^ the, but always 

to the verb itself. 

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To the past participle passive even two suffixes 
may accede, the first expressing the Instrumental and 
the second the Dative or Accusative, as will be 
shown afterwards. 

The way, in which the several suffixes are attached 
to the inflexional terminations of the verb, will be best 
seen from the following survey. 

§. 55. 

L The pronominal sufBzes attached to the. auxiliary 

▼erbs ^ys^ and vi>^ 

1) The Imperative. 
The same as the IE pers. Sing, and Flur. of the 

The Precative. 



Suffix , 

I pers. jjla? huj-a-me. 
be to me. 
m pers. (j^l^ huj-a-se. 

be to him. 
I pers. ^p^ huj-a-u. 

be to us. 

f,^ hujo^me. 
be to me. 
y«,5a? hujo-se. 
be to Mm. 

^J,y.^ hujo-u. 
be to us. 

^J,^ huj6-ne. 

be to them. 

m pers. ^^l^ huj-a-ne. 
be' to them. 

In the same way the suffixes are attached to L^ 
thiju, as: aSI^x^ thij-a-me, become to me, ^L^l^j thij- 
u-se, become to him. 

c?'^ c>^ ^. sj^ i c^^ ^^ U^ y^ ^H 

Then if those are in front, be thou in their back. 
Amulu Man, j). 144. 

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2) The Potential ^Ju» hna, I may be. 

' SifHiMtfOtlfen. 
I . . 

ri '-^ 


^ I 


m |^a£0 hue-me. 

I . . : 

n f,^ hud-me.^) 
m joli hoani-me. 

Suffixes ff then pen. 



n ^,^ hue-il 

m ^y^ hue-fi. 


^u» hua-e. 

fjLu» hue-L 
^^ hfl-e. 

^^^ huan-I.*) 

pL^ hua-va. 

Lu0 huS-va. 
^yD hu-va. 

m ^^jOA^liuane-u. ^ilp huani-va. 

Sttffixet ef Ike in ten. 
y^Jui liua-se. 

ijmIa£0 hue-ee. 

^^«*a£0 hue-Be. 


(jm3^ hu-se. 
^^ hu5-fie. 

^Lp hna-ne. 
^^jui liue-ne.*) 
^2}ju0 hue-ne. 

^^ hu-ne. 
^^£i huo-ne. 
sji^i huani-ne. 

1) Or f^yb ho-me, g«#^ ho-ee. 

2) Or (52^0 hnane-i. 

3) When a nasaliied yowel (e) ii followed by a denial naaal, 
the sign of nasalisation (^ in Arabic characters) is generally dropped 

as snperflnoos; thus ^^ffJiSb hne-noi instead of ^vUaJD huc-ne, ^y^ 

a • • ' a 

hu-no, instead of ^y^ hu-ne. 

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In the same way the suffixes are attached to the 
Potential ^U4? thia, I may become, and to the In- 
definite Present ^ ^ui hua tho and y^ o^^ ^^ 
tho, as: y^ |Juu^ hue-me tho, thou art to me etc. 

Finally push it off, lest any damage befSoJl the ship 
(literally: lest any damage befSodl thee as regards the ship). 
Sh. Surag. HI, 7. 

K my breath may expire, yet carry (my) corpe to the 
Mallr. Sh. Um. Mar. V, 14. 

y^^ ^ •• •• I 

If there be to thee bkhs of sweethearts, compare 
none vrith Punhu. Sh. Ma}%. Y, 4. 

3) The Present ^ll^if uhiyl 


n iJuAiTttho-me.') 
m i^T ahe-me. 

n |»jju;Tahiy6-me. 
m fO^T ahini-me. 

SnfUxesff then pen. 
^^LI^T ubiya-e. 

• •••••••• 

^-AAitT ahe-1. 

^ftr^ ahiyu-e. 
^^T ahin-L*). 

SifSxM •f (he nipen. 
^II^T ahiya-se. 

^mIa^T uhe-se. 

iMJvseT aheHse. 

^^I^T ahiy u-se. 
^yjt^ ahiyo-se. 
(jmO^T ahini-se. 

1) Or |^^a4jT ahi-me. 

2) Or ^5^^? ahine-K 

Digitized by 





I • • • 

in sdy^ shs-iL 

SifUxMff ike Open. 
pU^T ahiya-va. 


^T ShS-va. 
p^I^M ahiyu-va. 


SiflxM •f fke m pen. 
^II^T ahiyi^ne. 

^2^T She-ne. 

^2}j^I|3l ahiyu-ne. 
yj^T ahiyo-ne. 



^^^o^iT ahini-ne. 

Instead of ^T fihS and ^^T ahino the form 4^ 

atba is also in nse, but only when joined by suffixes. 
It corresponds to the old Prakrit form ^fr«| athi (the 
in pers. Sing, of the substantive verb asmi, I am, 
sec Lassen, p. 345), which in SindhI has also been trans- 
ferred to the Plural. 

The suffixes are attached to it in the following 




l^\ atha-me. 

^^f ath-u. 

(5f3l ath-I, 
JLi^] athe-L 

^4^1 atha-va. 

SiifBxetff them pert. 
^j^\ atha-se. 

^^t atha-ne. 

In the Present Definite: ^jlIf^TjiXS^ the sufEbces 

accede, as noted already, to the latter part of the 

Digitized by 



vsji^ is^^ ^ ^ o^ cHir' 

With girls of my age I have an appointment^ after 
nun has Men. Sh. Unu Mar. Y, 21. 

I have a secret matter, come near, then I will tell 
(it). Sh. Sor. n, 22. 

)^ y^ KJ^^ >^ 5^/^ V>f-^ <5^ c>?4^ 

Then having heard the lesson he became glad; he 
has no other want. Maj. 189. 

t?^ 7*« -* h^ ^ c>*f ^i^^ ^^ i^ <5^ 

If thou hast a desire in seeing, then lift not thy 
step far off. Sh. Kal. n, 4. 

Except the worshipping of the Lord all other things 
are to thee selfishness, o ignorant one! Mengho 4. 

4^ K)}^ ^5^ •jf ^ (^ s:iy^ ^^ ^ 

We have no wickedness in our heart; those liars 
calmnniata Maj. 255. 

We have nothing to do with those stones, but 
our concern is with their master. Life of Abd-ul-Latif, 
p. 20. 

r** ^r^ <5^'* >?► ;r- r*^' -* *^ 

You have no taste of the pain; now you laugh. Sh. 
Sfim. m, Epil. 1. 

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No wickedness is in their heart; thqr have known 
the retribution. Maj. 218. 

4) The Aorist. 

a) The masc form ^yb hose. 



S«fllx I pen. 

n |Juui» hue*me. 
m ^5J» ho^me. 


n |»^ huo-ma 
ni ^ hoa-me.^) 


i ^> 

n ^^AJUto hue-u. 

SifflzII pen. 
^Llp hosa-e. 

^yb ho-e. 
^^Lj» hoasu-e, 

^jj^ hua-e. 

ptl^ hosa-va. 

Safliz mpen. 
(jmJU^ hosa-w. 

^mLsi hue-se. 
^yb h5-8e. 

• ».^» 

gy^ huo-se. 

^^p«aP hua-se. 


n ^ji^^huo-su. 
m ^yLCJ^ hua-su. 

jjs^ hd-va. 


yjb hua-va. 

^ILyb hosa-ne. 
^jjji hue-ne. 
^yb ho-ne. 

^y^lJb huasu-ne. 

^)ii hu5-ne. 
^jJjD hoa-ne. 


1) Ih poetry long & is frequently retained, as; |»UsD hna-me, 
*Ui» hnn^t ^Uja hnH-fle etc. 

Digitized by 




h) The fern, form ^J^ huyase. 

Siflix Ip«n. 


m f^ liuya-me. 

^LIa£i» hulsa-e. 



n fxisi huyu-me. 
in |Jai» huyG-me. 

nf • f 




•Ijd huya-va. 

Sifflx in pen. 

Q»jJj^ hmySHse. 

^jMuje liuya-se* 

^fijji huyu-se. 

^jJJi» huyu-se. 



m9 • 9 t 


yup huyu-va. 

^jIS^ huiyS-ne. 
^^I^ liuya-ne. 

,jli huyu-ne. 

^^li huyu-ne. 

1) Or |wUaa5D hme-moi |M^uJ& hnye-mei fUAJ» hnjo-me. 

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That to )ph6y ^^ hul eta, when forming mth 

the past participle passive the Pluperfect, also a soffix, 
denoting the Instrumental, may be attached, inll be 
shown in §• 56, 5. 

It is to be observed, that the inflexional termination 
of the I pers. Sing. masc. and fenu, se, becomes sa 
before the accession of the sufiSxes; the fem. termination 

^^maP huyase is at the same time reduced to its original 

form ^ hul, as: ^Llu^ hul-sa-e. The sufiSx of the 

I pers. Flur. is in the Aorist su or u:, and not u, 
as in the Imperative, Potential and Present. In the 

n pers. fem. Sing, the form ^^^ huye or ^^^aJd huyf 

is employed, when followed by the heavy suffix su or 
SI, the accent being then thrown on the last qrllable 
of the verb, as: huye-su or huyi-su. 

In the same way as to ^^ hose and ^j«4^ huyase 
the suffixes accede to y^u^ thiuse and ^fZ^ thiase^ and 
to every other neuter verb in the Aorist, for which 
yyu>4i thiuse may serve as paradigm. 

The Aorist ^MyL^J thiuse. 

a) The masculine form ^fu^ thiuse. 


SifBzI pen. 

n fX^^ thie-me. 
in f^ thiu-me.*) 


{^ ^ "5" 

^K4^ thiyu-e. 

SifBx ni pen. 





1) In poetry the diminatiTe afiSz jj rO ii frequently attadied to 
the past partidplei to which the sofBzee aooede aeoording to the < 

TnimpFt Slndhl-Oitaatr. 

Digitized by 







I pen. SnfUx n pen. Sifllz in pen. 

• > I* • • > ,« 

thiasu-e. thiasu-se. 

n |v^£43 thio-me. 

^X^ thia-me. ^^I^ tliiya-e. 


^^£^ thid-se. 

^ju^ ihia-S9« 

sj^Si^ thie-ne. 

^jjL|3 thiu-ne. 

^^^ ihi5-ne. 

,ja4^ thia-ne. 



&) The feminine form qmo^ thiase. 

pen. Sifflx n pen. Suffix VCL \ 

Suffix I pen. 

n |JL^ thiS-me. 
m ^^ thia-me. 

n pen. 

Suffix m pen. 

Siffix n pen. Suffix VEL p< 

^Llx^ thiBa-e. ^Ha^ 

^^lu^ thiS-se. 

I, as: f>y^ thiarn-mey LTr*^ tUara-se etc. Bat in tlie 
en. the dimmntiYe a£Bz is never added. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

yfil^ ihiya-se* 
But in tlie L and 





SvtBx I pert. 

n ,Ja^ thiil-me.') 
m |Ju45 thiu-me. 

Snfllz n pen. 

^jjujj thiu-e. 


giiL^ thiu-ee. 






pl,M>AA3 thisa-ya. 

^I^ thiya-va. 


^Ia^ thiu-va. 

^LIa^ thisSriie. 

5 thia-ne. 


^jx^ thiya-ne. 

^jj^ tMu-ne. 

^^j^ thiu-ne. 

When his fother having gone and searched (after 
him) took and brought him, then he was coming forth. 
Life of Abd-ul-Latif , p. 3. 

As much as was necessary to him, he was taking 
out of that vessel Ibid. p. 21. 

1) Or without the final nasal: jJcaJ thiamine. 


Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Hearing this story Iier mind became mad. Maj. 375. 

UT*' ^^ C^ c^ ;>^ «^ (si^ 

Without them (i e. removed from them) abundant 
paiuB have befidlen me in the furnace. Maj. 663. 

Having removed the little daughter and placed her 
in their own house, they made her read (i e. they in- 
structed her). Life of Abd-ul-Latlf , p. 46. 

^ ^ G)i ^ ^ i(Xl^ ^i4r oSLir ^ ^ . 

Whatever pieces were remaining to them from 
eating, those they used to put in the hole of that ta- 
marisk tree. Abd-ul-Latlfs life, p. 23. 

6) The Future. 

a) The masculine form ^i>lyi hOnduse. 



SifHx I pen. 


Sifflx n pers. 

ftjj^ htindu-e.^ 

Siflxin pen. 

1) In poetry freqaenUy ^jiJJ^ hmid0-in6, |»tiXJy» hondft-ne ete. 
3) Or v^<3^>^ hmide. 

Digitized by 






SifBx Ilpen. 

SifBx nipen. 

I ........ . 





*jJyD htinda-e. 


FhVBAij Vir TU12 S5UFJ«X2L 

I ........ . 



in ^y^}(y^yi 



> • > 


I . 






^ • 9 



% • > 

&) The feminine form y^O^^ htindiase. 

. Sifix I pert. 

Sing. I 

SnfAz n pen. 

Siifllx mpers. 

1) Or f^^OJySt hoodA-u-me. 

Digitized by 







•rr 9^ • 'f 




Svflx n pen. 






» • » 



JLU ^ymiyiC^^ 


^« > • *> • > 


• •••••• 


Sifflx in pen. 

•% • 9 


• > • f 






> • * 


> • > 


1) Or *JUo(XJyD hondie-me. 

3) The final I (y) of ^ JJyD hand! is frequently dropped in podify, 
08, ^JJyo hnnda-me, instead of j»J4X 3y » hondya-me (handia-me). 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

StJCmON nt THE TEBB.^ 359 

In the same iroy as* to ^iSSyi hundnse and ^J^^^ 

hundiase the 8a£Gxes are also attached to the Fatare of 
the active and passive voice, and consequently to the 
present participle of both voices. 

The head, o Mend, I shall give to thee mth salu- 
tation as a present, o hard! SL Sor. IH, Epil. 

The merciful one, having bestowed men^, vrill join 
me with him. Maj. 182. 

) ^?^ f^) ^ ''^ 5^ - ^-^ 

(Thy) sweetheart will join thee on the Habb, as a 
guide on the way. Sh. MaiJ. V, 5. 

Whatever else he will ask, that shall be given to 
him. Story of Bae Dia£u, p. 7. 

If laziness will be made, then also death will by 
no means give us up. Sindhi Bead, book, p. 63. 

You will be angry with me and turn me out of 
the service. Sindhi Bead, book, p. 51. 

Sisters, says Abd-ul-Latif, my friends will remember 
me. Sh. Um. Mar. I, Epil. 

Digitized by 



On whose nose thou seest the nose ring, that one, 
having recognised, take out, then that one I shall be 
to thee. Amulu Man. p. 150. 

Be ready (and) careful, the lightening will flash 
upon thee suddenly. Sh. Surag. VI, 6. 

^'^ l?r ^ ^ « c)^ (5^5 c^^ -^ 3;^>^ v:>A?l 

So it is good, that we having gone fSall amongst 
them and with the assistence of each other we shall beat 
and subject them. SindhI Bead, book, p. 64. 

Then they will say to her: princess, last night 
thou hadst gone to an amusement Amulu Man. p. 145. 

§. 56. 

n. The pronominal sofObtes attached to the regrolar 


1) The Imperative. 
(The same as the PotentiaL) 

Having come he said to (his) mother: give me leave 
(and) permission. Maj. 77. 

The people said to his mother: ask thou thyself 
him. Maj. 42. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

mmovm. theyebb. s<i 

Show us that place, where the devotee has become 
red. Sh. Mum. BSno m, 9. 

Lord, show to us their &ce with (oat of) TrindnfWB, 
Sh. Ked. IV, 5. 

Give him a quick arab horse, ^having placed jeweb 
on the saddle. SL Sor. I, 18. 

The Precativa 


SttfBx . ^ A^ 

I p. Sing. a3U.(X^ 6hadija-me. f^y^^S^ dhadijo-me. 

Give me up. Give ye me up. 

m p. Sing. ^1^44^ dhadiiJa-se. ^jfwtlgm £hadijo-fie. 

Give him up. Give ye him up. 

Suffix * ^ A^ , * A 

I p. Plur. ^^[^S^ ahadyS-u. ^y^<Xj!^ fihadijo-u. 

Give us up. Give ye us up. 

SifBx ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 

III p. Plur. ^L^<x4^ 6hadija-ne. ^j^J^^ dhadijo-ne. 

Give them up. Give ye them up. 

Those ten (or) twelve dishes having eaten firom above 
go away firom her. Amulu Man. p. 144. 

When we both come together, then please to give 
us this money. Stack's Gram. p. 135. 

Digitized by 




When I dismiss the court, then kill him. Story of 
Boo DiadUy p. 4. 

2) The Potential. 


Snttx I pen. 


SufBx n pen. 





SifBx m pen. 




• ^ A ^ 




in ^J,^^^*► 

• •■ * A >• 

.* •■ ^ A «• 



1^ A «• 




1) Or (wU-kV^j^ ibadie-mc, |»^^cVgiv iluulT-mc. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 






Snfflx.n pen. 




In the same way the sufiSxes accede to the Potential 
of the passive voice. The Potential and Present of the 
regular passive is however very rarely found with a 
suffix, more frequently that of intransitive verbs in the 

passive form, as: y^ ^\a.SS^ gadija-e thd, I meet 

with thee. 

In the Imperfect the suffixes accede, as stated 
already, to the auxiliary verb ^y^ hose. 

Lord, give leave of absence to the prince, that 
I may come having laid him at the feet of the Faqu*. 
Amnlu Man., p. 1. 

Having gone speak, o guest, that I may give thee 
there this head. Sh. Sor. I, 13. 

Even thou remainest me in the heart, even towards 
thee (are my) eyes. Maj. 211. 

Digitized by 



Then the mother in (her) wise gives her her own 
advices. Maj. 288. 

Whatever may be necessary to thee, take that out 
of this (vessel). Life of Abd-ul-LatIf, p. 21. 

Whatever he may ask you for, that bring and give 
him. Amulu Man., p. 148. 

^ ^^^?^^^ ^^-^ ^ ^^ 
BrahmanI woman! become pieces of flesh, in order 
that the dogs of Ked may eat thee! Sh. Ma^\ I, 1. 

Bano, the record (pi.) of our conversations kills 
us. SL Mum. Bano Y, 10. 

Though their wounds flow, yet do they not their 
sigh divulge to the people. Sh. Kal. IE, 23. 

3) The past participle. 

(The ni pers. of the Aorist) 

The way, in which the pronominal sufBzes accede 
to the. Aorist of neuter verbs, may be seen from the 

paradigm of ^j^j^ thiuse. In the Aorist of the passive 

voice the suffixes are only attached to the m pers. 
Sing, and Plur. or to the past participle passive. The 
suffixes thus attached imply either a Dative-Accusa- 
tive (the object in general) or an Instrumental The 
suffixes of the I and 11 pers. of the Sing, and Plur. may 
at the same time denote the object or the agent, but 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



in the m. pers. Sing, and Plnr. different soffixes are 
employed to express the object or the agent, se and 
ne denoting the object, and i and u the agent (see 
§. 54). Both ! and u are considered as heavy suf- 
fixes, which draw the accent from the first to the last 
syllable of the verb; final o of the past participle must 
therefore be dianged to a before them (and for en- 
phony's sakiB with an additional nasal to a), to give a 
support to the following heavy suffix. In the fem. Sing, 
an a must likewise be inserted between the final I 
and the sufSxes i and u, to which even the feminine 
Plural termination u must give way, so that the Sin- 
gular and Plural of both genders become alike, if joined 
by the instrumental sufBxes i and u. 

a) The past participle with single suffixes. 
The masa Sing. ^S^ 6hadid. 

Svf&z I pen. 

Snf&x npen. 


Sing. ^4«^ 



Hut. ^y^jiSh' 



The masc 

plur. ^SJ^ Sbi 



• • 

Plur. ^yLC^ 




1) Or (^4h- f^^ (SMye). 

** ' *• A •• 

2) Occasionally also: ^1^4X4^ £ha3br-a. 

3) Or contracted ^^0<^ £hady& 

Digitized by 




The fern. Sing. ^<X^ 6haSL 

Sifilzl pen. 


SnfBx m pen. 



/^hadin-i. * 




The fern. Plur. ^^JL^ dhadiu. 

Sing. ^44^ 







Another fruit of this sweetness was never eaten by 
me. Maj. 129. 

^^ y^ ^ *^^ my^^ y. ^1 

Having come thou hast seen that high bank, of 
which thou hast heard with (thy) ears. SL Surag. in, 9. 

^)^ isf ^jr- '^ •^T (5i^ 

(My) friend has been separated by thee, calculates 
Sorathl. Sh. Sor, I, EpiL 

^^C^ jAJi c!*! ^Uf ^IS ^ ^^ u^^ ?i 

By her a son was bom, to whom by them the 
. name Mia Ghulam Shah was given. Abd-ul-LatiTs life, 
p. 35. 

i A. 

1) Written and pronounced frequently f^iX^^ £haflia-me, i^ifhoat 
an intervening nasal 

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Having dnmk a cap of Ioto we understood every 
thing. Sh. Kal n, Epil. 

s^ y^\ ^y» J^ cj^ ^3^ ^ ^45$ 

If by you the Barod, the sweetheart, had been seen 
with the eyes, as by me. Sh. Has. XI, 1. 

4^ c)^ K^ c^i^ 9 s^^ yar^^ ^ ^/ 

Was never sent by them to thee any message with 
love? Maj. 648. 

Would that I had not suffered so macb anxiety 
about the mountaineer. Sh. Abiri V, 17. 

Even from the midst he was cut off by thee; thoa 
didst not make one step. Sh. Hus. X, 27. 

I have never informed me about thee nor remem- 
bered thee, fidend! Mi^. 757. 

;r^ u^^) 4^r^ ^f ^ '^J^ ^fi' 

What wants unction she does not anoint; her beaufy 
has been wasted by grief. Sh. Um. Mar. HI, 7. 

«• 1^ •• I ••I •• •• 

We have not any bread taken with us, therefore he 
spoke thus. Matth. 16, 7. 

I likely would not have been stopped by you; yoa 
all would have slided down (into the river), having tiJcen 
jars (to swim upon). Sh. Suh. I, 3. 

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For the sake of seemg my friend I applied little 
peepings, L e. I peeped a little through. SL Kambh. 11, 
Epil. 1. 

Lest some say to me: by thee the daughters of the 
Thar have been put to shame. Sh. Um. Mar. U, 17. 

Then having thrown (jour) mouth into (your) sleeves, 
you would have made wailings in the desert. Sh. Hus. 

xn, 6. 

Suffixes of the m pers. Sing, and Plur. denoting 

the object. 

Sing. u«o44^ dhadiu-se. ir^4W ^^^^^4^^* 

Plur. ^JL^ 6hadiu-ne. v:}^44^ dhadia-ne. 

Sing. u«o44^ dhadia-se. cH^44^ dhadiu-se. 

Plur. ^44^ 6hadia-ne. ^^^44^ dhadiu-ne. 

One says: a jinn has fallen into lus body, anothcfr 
says: lus understanding has turned round (L a he has 
become mad). Maj. 40. 

Yesterday met with us a Kapaii, a mendicant b&bCL 
Sh. Mum. Rano m, 4. 

Digitized by 



All those have been forgotten by xne/ whoever (be) 
my relatives and friends. MaJ. 212. 

y-GjJ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 3^5^ 

.* T 

In the bottom she has got leaks, from the sides water 
flows in, 

The mast has become old, aU her ropes are dangling. 
Sh. Surag, m, 6. 

That little daughter also, when she was hearing 
the talk of him, used to stand up herself, and having 
taken and brought a piece of bread, was giving it him. 
Abd-ul-LatiTs life, p. 46. 

tt»ljX» IhP ^^yjt y^ f^ VU)» ^ jj» 

If there had been to you, like as to me, a meeting 
vdth the sweetheart Punhu. Sh. Hus. Xn, 6. 

C(5*e J «,i3 j;L ^ JU. ^ ^j,ll,1 -^ 

No intelligence of this our state has come to thee. 
Maj. 229. 

Their speech perhaps would not be forgotten by 
you. Sh. Hus. XII, 7. 

1) is^e P»-« "wtoad of ^ piyM. 

Tr«mw, SlBdhl-OnmnAr. Aft 

Digitized by 



They went having given me up; some (word) has 
fisJIen upon their gall bag. SL Ma$). m, EpiL 

ir*;'5 v5t^ >^5 c;r^ vr^ sj^ 

In that wise, as the advices came to her, she, having 
gone, answers him. Maj. 424. 

By the wine nothing was done to them; by the 
ill-language of the released one they were killed. Sh. 
Jam. KaL IV, 18. 

At a vice every body takes ofifence; (my) Mends 
have taken ofifence at (my) virtues. Sh. Asa IV, 24. 

•'-i^TAe cj^ )« l^ (rf^ U^ 

By whom were enchantments made to thee? how wast 

thou confused, o camel? 
Upon (thy) eyes are hoods; in the plain (thy) feet were 

grated. Sh. KambL 11, 39. 

Of slender loin, of straight nose, their eyes filled 
with lamp-black. Sh. Sam. I, 35. 

&> The past participle with two suffixes. 

To the past participle passive two suffixes may be 
attached, the first denoting the agent and the latter 
the object (Dative- Accusative), as: 

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thou wast given up by me, literally: by me it was givea 
up in reference to thee. 

To suffixes of the 11 pers. Sing, and Plur. no further 
suffix is added, joint suffixes of this kind being mostly 
found in the m pers. Sing and Flur., very seldom in 
the I pers. Sing, and Plur. 

The suffix used for the I person Singular is in this 

case not me, but ma (the Instrumental of ^^T au), 
as 'me* would not be strong enough to support the 
following suffix. The Instrumental suffix of the m pers. 
Singular i is either contracted with the preceding a 
to a, or is retained before a following suffix; the suffix 
of the lEL person Plural keeps its place before 
another acceding suffix, but is frequently shortened 
to u (u). 

No change of gender and number can take place 
in the participle, when joined by the suffix of the 
in person Singular or Plural; but when the participle 
is provided with a suffix of the I person Singular 
or Plural, it must agree with its subject in gender 
and number. 

Masc Fern. 

^lijSii^^ ahadio-ma-e. ^iU^^^^ dhadi-ma-e. 
^(Jopd^^ £hadid-ma-se. (^U«44^ dhadl-ma-se. 
iSUopil^^ dhadio-mu-va. pU^4^ dhadi-ma-va. 
^lipa^^ dhadi6-m&-ne, ^Q<1W ^l^^-^^^J^^ 

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I pers. 



Maso. and Fein. Sing, and Plur. 




|JLu>U44^ dhadia-i-me or: JL<1^ 6hadiSrine. 

Aj^l^44^ (hadia-I-e or: ^b^-i^ dhadia-e. 

^jJu^bcl^ ihadia-f-se or: ^b44^ dhadianse. 

^yiliA,tsb<X4^ dhadia-i-su or: ^^JLSb4-i^ Chadia-so. 

yuI^b^L^ ihadia-I-ya or: yb^i^ (hadia-va. 

^^jL£^b44^ dbadia-i-ne or: ^bJc^ dhadia-ne. 


^yl^S^ £hadio-8u-e. y^l^cVg^ Chadl-su-e. 
(j«i^pJ4^ £hadio-8u-se. yJi^J!^<>4^ dhadl-su-se. 
'^^yL^^^ dhadio-su-va. y^44^ dhadi-su-va. 
e;^p44^ £hadid-8u-ne. ^^JL^44^ 6hadi-8u-ne. 

Masc. and Fem. Sing, and Plur. 

^yj^^6^ dhadia-u-me.*) 

^^C&^ fliadia-fi-e. 


^^C J^?' dhadia-u-se. 

m pers. Plur. 

^^^CjL^ dhadia-u-su. 

y^ljj^^ (hadia-u-va. 

^^Ij44^ ahadia-u-ne. 

1) Or ahortened: |»JU3UiVg^ mdia-u-ma and with eUmn of 
Um final nasal; .j»0UJ>$(^ (haOia-a-me. 

Digitized by 




Masc Fm. 


SufiBx I pen. Sing. ^ltl^4». 



Su£Bx I pen. Flor. ^^LCi^ 



I brought him to thy disdpleB, but they could not 
cure him. Matth. 17, 16. 

He gave him provisions (and) victuals. Story of 
Bfie DiafiUy p. 5. 

^50fCL^li 4^ ^5^f ^^^ 5^3 ^if i4^ jSli *5U ^llj 

Mia Ohulam Shah, having jumped from the coueh, 
having come (aud) seized the hand of the gentleman, 
seated him upon the couch at its upper part (literally :. 
fix)m its upper part). Abd-ul-Latlfs life, p. 7. 

tr^^ u^J^ (5^' 4^'^ ^^^ y^ is^ 

Having risen he came to (his) master and addressed, 
to him standing the petition. Maj. 6. 

She said to them: fathers, what reason have you 
to ask after this? Amulu Man. p. 140. 

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Having given all this as a gift to the Faqlr lie 
started them ofif. Amula MSn. p. 140. 

They, having placed their money in deposit with 
an old woman said to her. Stack's Gram. p. 135. 

Having prepared bread and brought (it), they placed 
it before him. Abd-ul-Latifs life, p. 48. 

4) The past participle with the auxiliary 
^T ahe etc. 

(The Perfect) 

The single suffixes, be they referring to the agent 
or the object, are joined to ^t ahe and ^^^T, but 

chiefly to the form 4^1 atha (§. 55), and not to the 
participle itself. 

But to the form 4^f atha a double suffix may be 
joined; the first implying the agent and the latter the 

object, as: ^U^l 5^^, I have given to thee, literally: 

it has been given by me in reference to thee. The 
suffix of the ni. person Singular and of the H. person 
Plural does not admit of a second suffix. 

The original i of ^(rVJ atthi reappears again and 
is lengthened at the same time, when followed by a 
double suffix in the IL and III. person Singular, to give 
a 8upi)ort to the heavy joint -suffix. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



I pers. Sing. 

n pers. Sing. ' 

Singular and PluraL 

^UjL^r 1^44^ ihadiil athX-ma-eeu 
pUjL^t ^44^ Cha^i athi-marva. 
c;*^^' c;^44^ 6hadiu athi-ma-ne. 

„ „ athe-i-ma 

„ „ athe-i-se. 

„ „ athe-i-BU. 

M athe-i-na 


I pera. Plur. 

. ^ 


m pera. Plur. 

* - f 













Digitized by 



t^ ^al^^ say^^ sarf^ «/ c^^ cwf (jfi^ 

In a dream I have suffered many fhings for his 
sake. .Matih. 27, 19. 

He has placed his neck upon the knee . of Husine, 
the fSfury queen. Amulu Man. p. 152. 

? *n having dried the hairs thou hast asked for 
clothes. Ibid. p. 146. 

The lions awakened him (saying): the fairies have 
come to thee. Ibid. p. 150. 

5) The past participle with the auxiliary ^ etc 
(The Pluperfect) 

The single suffixes are joined to ^ ho etc., 
which see. Thus in the III person Singular and Plural 
the instrumental suffix i and u is also attached to 

^ etc., as: ^^C^ >^<^4^ ihadio hua-i'), by him it 

had been given up, ^y^^ y^^^ 6hadi6 hua-u, by 
them it had been given up. 

But to ^ ho etc. a double sufQx may also be 
attached, the first denoting the agent and the latter the 

object, as: ^U^ p^^ ihadio ho-ma-e, thou hadst 

been given up by me, literally: it had been given up 
by me in reference to thee. These double sufBxes however 
are of rare occurence; in the 11 person Singular and 
Plural they are not in use. 

1) Instead of v:^aajuj& huo-T and ^^UP haa-u the oontracted 
foimB \j^^ ba-i and ^^li ha-u (from yf) are also in nse. 

Digitized by 




I pers. Sing. 

dha^io h5-m&-e. 
dhadio hd-ma-Be. 
ihadid ho-ma-va. 

6ha$ hui-ma-e. 
dhadi huI-ma-Be. 
dhadi hm-ma-va. 
dhacb hui-ma-ne. 

m pers. Sing. 

dha^io hd-ma-ne. 
Masc and Fern. Sing, and Plur. 

^Oaa^IIp CpjL^ 6hadid hua-i-me. 
^jjSAJ^ Cj^^ dhadia hua-S-e. 

' SufiBx 
I pers. Plur. 

ihadio hd-su-e. 
dxadid ho-su-se. 
ihadio ho-su-ya. 
ihadio ho-Bu-ne. 

n hna-i-va. 
,1 hua-i-ne. 

6ha^ huI-8u-6. 
dhadi hui-su-se. 
£hadi hui-su-va. 
ihadi hui-su-ne. 

1) Or sliortaied: |»Ju^ L j& hna-i-mei and with elirion of the final 
naml of the first saffix: |^UiD hua*i-iiie etc 

Digitized by 


HI pers. Plur. 


Masc and Fern. Sing, and Plur. 

fSyj^lki CpJ4^ dhadio hua-u-me. 

^yjj\li ^44^ dhadia hua-u-e. 

^yiLJ v^44^ 61iadi hua-u-se. 

^ylSy^Li ^yj^^ dhadiu hua-u-su. 

p^L^ ^ „ hua-u-va. 

^yiCs^ „ n hua-u-ne. 


Suffix ^,^ff ..J"^:.. 

I pers. Sing. ^(JiLjd L> J4^ ^O^ ^^ J4^ 

«*• ^ 

dhadi& hua-ma-e. dhadiu huyu-ma-e. 
etc. etc. eta eta 

Suffix ^ ^. .. 

I pers. Plur. ^yJ^ ^^hi^ 5V^^ uf^^H^ 

ihadia hua-su-e. dhadiu huyu-us-e. 
eta etc. eta eta 

son of the potter! with me thou hadst made a 
term of two months. Story of Bao Diu^u, p. 5. 

Give us that letter, which thou hadst promised. Abd- 
ul-LatiTs life, p. 49. 

He looked towards that servant, whom ho had in- 
structed beforehand. Ibid. p. 9. 

1) Or shortened j»JUJnA0 hua-u-me, and with clisioD of the final 

' i ,*> 
nasal of the first sufliz: *a^U0 huu-u-me, etc. 

Digitized by 



By reason of that word, whioh the Faqlr had spoken 
to you, he has not come himaelf. Abd-nl-LatiTs lifei 
p. 49. 

That nose ring, as it had been said to him by the 
fairy, he iiirew into the jar of the slave-girL Amnlu 
Man., p. 150. 

^ *• 

What royal word had been spoken by them. Ibid, 
p. 143. 

6) The Pnture. 

(Active and passive voice.) 

See the paradigm of ^iXS^ hundnse. 

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Chapter XVIIL 


§. 57. 

.The Sindlil has only a limited nmnber of original 
adverbs.^ Adverbs are not derived from adjectives by 
any change of the adjectival termination, but the ad- 
jective as such (m the masc Sing.) is either used in an 
adverbial sensCi or the adjective, agreeing in gender and 
number with the subject referred to, ia employed, where 
we would use an adverb as a complement to the verb, as: 

ho eats only bread. 

A number of substantives are at the same time 
also used adverbially, either in the Nominative, the In- 
strumental, the Locative or the Ablative case, similarly 
some adjectives in the Locative and Ablative have re- 
ceived an adverbial signification. 

1) Adverbs borrowed from the Arabic or Persian are here only 
so far taken into consideration, as tbey are commonly nsed in 

Digitized by 




L Orliglxial adTwbs. 

The most oommon of fhem are: 

Jt^l apaka, accidentally. 
Jl apare, excessively. 
«y| ate, very. 

' I aju, to-day. 


on the 

fourth day 

(from the 


J6l^l adaniika, 
A^l^l aiadSte. 

MY V ' 


J^y arehS 

^Ji tarehS, 

j^\ asahu, wholly; com- 

loljf albattah, certainly 

JCJUl umalaka, inamoment 

Ql ana, till now. 

^ base, enough. 

JXL bilkule, wholly; ab- 

solutely (arab.). 
J^ bineha, completely. 

^a4* phate, 

at alL 

^ J parehS, after to- 


^;5 turtu, quickly. 

•3J toe, then. 

4^44$ thahapaha, quickly. 

^L^ jSI, podtively; ne- 


J^ Janu, to say so; as ifl 

^S^S^d. jjhatepate,] 

^JS^ «atepate, j 

ijtJuj^ jekuse, perhaps. 
y^ dho, why? 
IjLl sadft, always. 
4)JL^ fiayad, 
^L6 fiaita, 

^L6 fiata, 
4Jlf kalhaj' 
ytt/^\S^ kadfiiite, perhaps. 

If' kara*), as if ; to say 
so; like. 



1) The numeral adverbs see §• 39. 

2) Or y^karo. 

Digitized by 




M ga^u, together. 



1) lura, straight- 
forward; instantly. 

Jmjo masai 

^\JLf9 masa, 

^^mjn masei l 

s^ju muftu, gratuitously, 

J na, not. 
4wAi nipatu, very; ex- 
oJ nitu. 
\s^y^ sa*^ nitu pratUy 

i^ niiu, with a Wellcome. 


nikaniy thoroughly; 
^^Sp nethe, finally; at last. 

S^^ vetare, very greatly. 

^Li hane, 
^^[i hSne-I, 

- I 

9 00 9^ 

now; im- 

,^,^ harubharu, certainly. 
IaJUd luara, now. 

^y» hfinda, posribly; 

IjjD hera, now. 

^^I^AiD hekari, still more; 
still further. 

I am very longing as well aiEter the spinning place 
as after the country. Sh. XJm. Mar. 11, 1. 

As yet thou art ignorant, thou takest no notice of 
the furnace. Sh. Jam. KaL III| 11. 

(5^'^' <5i^' is^ 4*i42 

Having snatched (it) quickly she rose and flew away. 
Amula Man. p. 147. 

The returning of him. who falls into the &C6 of 
Mlunalai is effected with difficulty. Sh. Mum. Band 

m, 5. 

Digitized by 



i^ i^ is^) a^) -"^^ -9^ 

At length the long, sitting (and) sitting, becomes 
dissatisfied. Amulu Man. p. 143. 

4?' (5f^ (5?Af cw; ^r«^ «|i^ «4^ V>f 

If thou having read the Kanz^ the Qndurl, the 

Kafia^)i nnderstandest them all, 
It is as if a lame ant, which has fallen into a well, 

contemplates the sky. «Sh. Jam. EaL Y, 4. 

y^yAxn ^yjA ^^1 {$J^^ {^) y<*%» 

Perhaps I have been forgotten firam the mind of 
the beloved. MaJ. 507. 

In smiling they (i. e. the teeth) are apparent, as if 
the sunflowers would laugh. MaJ. 55. 

Thou art welcome, thou art welcome! Amulu 
Man. p. 141. 

n. Peculiar use of Adjectives. 

The following adjectives may be either used as 
(indecL) adverbs or they may agree with their subject 
in gender and number even in sudi constructions, where 
in English an adverb would be used. 

1) Grammatical ireatises in AraUe. 

2) \^^ 18 vabstantiye, after which v^^ kai€ is to be sopplied; 
I e. haying made a fiivoor thou Art oome = thon art irelcQime! 

Digitized by 



. j2T S^o*)? opposite; in firont 
^Sik.)! oditdly, unexpected; unexpected; suddenly; by 

33^31 odiro, dim, I ""^^ 
^y\ avelo, out of time; late. 

%S)^^y^ Caudharl, round about 

ybo\o dadli5| hard, intense; very much. 
l^H sajpiiuru, early. 
^y^^ samuhoi in front 
3^1^ savaroi 

3^^ savero, 
yb^yL Budho^, 

^^ Bao, 

early; at an early hour. 

accompanied l)y; along witih (with 
the Instrumental). 

^3^jI^ mahandiyo, in fix>nt; before. 
343^. vejh6, ] 

3j4=S;vejhir6,dim,p««'<^<»«**>- . 

In the same way the Adjectives , implying time or 
place, derived from adverbs by tiie affixes &ho or 
aro are either used adverbially or they may agree 
with their subject in gender and number, as: 

1) 30I f)&)^ t\a}^^ t}^.) °^7 ^ ecnstrneted with ^ 

2) tSbi^JL >fl probably dariYod from the Sanalc ^|^i|^, with; 
^3iU from «i(^fi« joined by. 

Digitized by 



^jptul drfihoy somewhat on this side; from ^%3t ore, 
on this side. ^ 

^ji»lif ag&hO| somewhat in front; from ^ age, be- 
fore, in front. 

^jpl^^ po6tahO| a little behind; from ^^ po6te, in 
the rear. 

^^^xo mathahoy somewhat higher np; from n^^ 
mathei on; upon. 

^^14^ manjh&r0| somewhat inside; from .^apJi man- 
^^Li^sfu manjhahS, J J^^i ^ 

When used adverbially (which is commonly the caseX 
they take also the fem. terminationi as: 

^jJif\S^ ftgahiy in front; in advance. 

^jj^i^ mathalu, on the top; above. 

The Adjectives I ending in ait5 (§. 10, 20) may at 
the same time be used adverbially, as: 

p^l^il suh&itd, suitable and suitably. 

jj2l^j yasaitoi optional and optionally. 

etc. etc. etc. 

The Adjectives of one ending, which are not in- 
flected, may all be used as adverbs; as: 

JG barftbare, right and rightiy. 

:L;jara,| . • 


<3J^ Jaldu, qtdck and qtdckly. 

sLi^yj^ sddltu, true and truly. 

vLlr ^ba^i vain and vainly, 
eta etc. eta 

Trmmpp, Siadhl-OfMBauur. B b 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


By chanee one mouse made a hole in the vicinity 
of that gamer. SindhI Bead, Book, p. 54. 

(Thy) friends have departed early, look thou, o lost 
one! to-day. Sh. Sam. n, EpiL 2. 

Then his mother, having shed tears (and) having 
wept very much, returned. Maj. 99. 

Then there is some very ancient generosity of the 
Egyptians. Maj. 135. 

^ c)4^ V>^ u>*7 ^» P 

Joining the l&oi with the Alif they write nicely 
letters. Maj. 144. 

If they had performed the advice, they would have 
quickly become whole. Sh. Jam. KaL 11, 2. 

Hot T.dnds blow, the days are excessively hot Sh. 
DSsI ni, Epil. 

With him there are only words. Amulu M&n. 
p. 150. 

^ S«^ 0)i ^ 5^ «^"^^^ 

Bound about sound the bells of the woodmen. Sh. 
SuL IV, 2, 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


The eyes are opposite to the eyes the whole day 
(and) night M^. 219. 

^Ift. ^ .^X^ ^^y Vg^f^ ^^fj^ 

Thou hadst £EkIlen asleep early, having wrapt up 
(thy) fstce like the dead ones. Sh. KUl I, 11. 

Do not torn me back; I am ahead. Sh. Sor 
IV, 12. 

nL Substantives used adverbially in the 
unlnfleoted state. 

A number of substantives are at the same time also 
used as adverbs, as: 

^^1 avSra, ^j^i ^j jjjj^q^ j^t^. g^|^ ^ "^^ av8ta» 
Jj.l avela, delay. ' 

^149^ buihS, unpleasingly; subst £ ^14^ bu£hS, disgust 
^%IS tarixa, daily; subst £ ^^ tSiixa, a date. 

y^ j^^> forcibly; very; subst m. jj^ Joru, force. 
;j) zoru, j 

^jl^IjS dihari, daily; subst £ ^jlil«^ dihar!, day. 

J^4^ subahS, to-morrow; subst £ ^t^4ll subaha, the 


1»^ savera, early; subst £ oJi» savera, the early 
* hour of day. 

Then, because they will sleep out of time, therefore 
the sun will even there rise to them. Amulu Man., p. 145. 


Digitized by 



My lover Majno is sorely displeased. MaJ. 294. 

Daily it (tho mouse) used to spend a great portion 
from it for the sake of the companions. Sindhl Bead. 
Book, p. 65. 

IV. Substantives and Adjectives used adverbially ip the 

inflected state. 

1) Substantives. 

,jji4?f agahl (instead of agehi), before, Locai with 
emphatic hi, from ^^1 agu, the front 
^ age, before; Loa from. ^\ ago, the forepart 

^^1 andare, inside; within; Loc. from \dX\ an- 
daru, the inside. 

from within; AbL from !lxll. 

^^fjjol andara, 
^i)Ol\ andaro, 

i3aSf ananda, well; in good health; lustrum, from 

JoSf anandu, happiness. 
Jjjt drake, at last; Loc. from 6^j( oraku, the end. 

SA^ bahare, outside, Loc. 

^(lilS Bahara, from the outside, AbL 

from yfrlj dS- 
haru, the 

%U parej on the opposite 
side, Loc. 

^(^U para, fr*om the opposite 
side, AbL 

from X^ paru, the 
opposite side. 

Digitized by 




^^l^ pSse, on the side; near; JJoc from ^(^ paao, 
the side. 

I* ..> 

^L^ puthea, behind; from the back; AbL from 
.^Si puthei the back. 

^jysL IIac[qo, jiistly; Abl from (3ft. Uaqqu, justice. 

^Uj^ Hukumu, I violently; AbL from 'fXL Euka- 
y^ liukmnaoe, J ^^ ^'^"*» Instr. J »»«» command. 

^^yL x^iSeo, willingly, AbL from ^yL xu5e, pleasure. 
^^4> dileo, willingly; Loa fix)m J«> dile, heart 
%jv zore, forcibly; Loc. from [u zoru, force. 

jUf mage, at all; completely; Loc. from 

g^jL||\)9 magalu, emph. 

^^Axi mathe, on the top; Loa 

^l^ matha, from upon; Abl. 

^yi mure, 

^j^)y^ murahi, emph. 
^1^^ mura-i, emph. 

jgj^ mahande, in the beginning; 

before; Loc. 

^liJuLp mahand&; from the beginning; 

before; Abl. 

J^ magu, place. 

from yfj9 mathd, 
the head. 

at all; 


p^«*«^y' Abl. 

from \yjf 


from OJ^ 
mahandu, be- 

1) ^U^ pol eto. instead of ^^5^ pOa. 

Digitized by 


from J!jiA0 hgtbuj 
the bottom. 


^gs$^ Bihiie, certainly; Instmm. from y$^ nihidd, 

g^y vi6e, in the midst; Loc. from 1^ vidu, the 

y^4i hadehi, emph. 1 at aU; Loc from <ii he^n, 
4* hade*), | the core. 

.|1jo hethe, below; Loc 
^\J^U» hethu, from below; AbL 

. Inside is to the AdSsIs (Jogls) the Lord personally. 
Sh. Bamak. II, 6. 

)^ J^LiT y^ ^ ^^ ^ ^^ ^g 

Outside another speech is used; in the heart there 
is a wounded fiercd look. Sh. Bamak. m, 2. 

••I V •• I ^ 

Nothing else at all he asks; give the invaluable 
(thing) to this one. Sh. Sor. I, 8. 

In front will be Mustafa; in the rear the world 
will march. Sh. Barvo Sindhi 11, Epil. 2. 

•2) Adjectives. 

^IIJ^ agiya, before; AbL from ^}^ agiyo, first; 

s^f anante, exceedingly; Loc. from oJil anantu, 

i) <^Ut e )^ And Jli signify in a negative aentenoe, 'fay no nie«ia\ 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 



fix)m ^^jl driyd, of 
this side; near. 

W ^ V 

6re| on this side; 
near; Loa 

oriya, from this side; 
near; AbL 

avase, helplessly; Loa from Ji#^l avasu, helpL 

bhalS, well; Loa fix>m ^JL^ bhalo, good. 

bedohe, foultlessly; Loa from ^ijJu^ bedohu^ 

pare, fistr off; Loa 

parea, from a distance; 
beyond; AbL fern, 
pehere, at first; Loo. 

&om ;; para, !». 
mote, distant 

hero, the first. 



pehera-iy from the first; AbL 

daiiiai well; in a good manner; AbL fem. firom 

jX&ft. £and| good, 
dhire, gently; Loa fix)m j^^«> dMro, gentle. 

dadhia, violently; AbL fem. firom ^Sto da- 
dhd| violent. 

sabhea, effectually; Ablat. fix>m ^Ui sabhe, 

samhune, in firont; Loa from ^JL^tl samhuno^ 
of the front. 

savere, early; Loa from, ^^ym savero, early. 


mathia, disgustingly; AbL fem. from y^ ma- 
thd| bad. 

haure or ^^^ hore, gently; Loa ^ ^ •- 
hauriS; Abl. fem. ^"^^ gentle. 

Digitized by 




^ Ch^ O^ J^^' (5?^; v?jK >« 
The pain went far off with the coming of (my) 
fiiend. Sh. Jan. Eal 11, 10. 

You will feel very disgusted. Sindhi Bead. Book, 
p. 51. 

Standing on the road give forcibly three cries and 
say. Ibid. p. 66. 

V. Adverbs derived from the Pronominal bases. 

From the pronominal bases a number of adverbs 
is derived by means of certain affixes, which coalesce 
with the pronominal base. We exhibit them in the 
following survey. 


vail ite») 



Pron. base. Manner, 
i, I, e he. ^1 la^) 

^^ hia 
in this wise. 

^^ ede*) 

15 Jjj» hede 

in this 


\^*^ hS-si 

up to this time 
(or place). 

1) Or short: ^1 la, ^ Ma; ^1 ua, ^JU^ Jia etc 

2) Or ^\ ite, ^^ hete; also ^\ ithe; ^1 at6 etc. 

3) There are many oUicr forms of tliis adverb, as: J^<X^f ^ahS, 
y^dj\ edaliu, ^i^JUift hedohu etc; see Stack's Sindhi Dictionary 
under the different forms. 

4) Or ^.Uiy^f esia, ^^JU^I e-sia etc^ This set of adverbs is ge- 
nerally compounded with the postpositions \^^^^ t&-i, \^^y^ ^^ or 
^>^ ton-., as: ^\^L^\ ..TUl eta. or Aort«nod: ^}3l^\^ 
rs-t&i etc 

Digitized by 



Pron. base. IbaiMr. 

^y» hua 
^f ue 

v:^^ hue 
in that wise. 





ot u-te 
» hu-te 


VjSjl 6-de 

^d^ ho-dd 

in that 

up to that 














in which 


in which 

as long as. 
















in that 


in that 

80 long. 




1) Or ^ Ji-tB; ^ Ja-tc, -^ Ji-the. ^^^ P-tta. 
There is also a lengthened form'^L^ Jft-tBi ^54^^ Js-tbe. AU 

these forms may equally be used with the CorrelatiTe ti (as ti* 
te etc.) and kl 

3) Instead of the postfix y^Ja^ si, the postfixes ^j^tl^ t&T, \^'S^y^ 

to?, (c)^* ^^* °^y *^^ ^ joined to ^^ Je and ^ te, as: ^^ ^ vXy^ 

je-tai, ^^^ILo f te-t&i etc 

Digitized by 
















in what 


in what 

how long. 





Some of these adverbs are again compounded with 
adverbial postfixes (and partly prefixes): as: ^^ ja-ki 
or ^lixXiU. ja-ld-ta, so long as; ^TUj^ jadeh-ft-ko, 
|5^jL»* jadeh-o-koy ^AiJ^ jadeh-a-kura (a-kara), from 
such a time as, since. \^^ ta-ki or ^Uu^lS ta-ld-ta, 
as long as; jfiiSS tadeh-ako, >5^<X^ tadeh-d-kO| jTliSS 
tadeh-a-kura, from that time; ^Sy^S^ kadeh-a-ko^) etc., 
from what time? ^J^t ed-te, ^^juljjl^t ed-taior^^^lijl^t 
ed-tahiy a little in this direction; ^^OJu^ je-kadehe if 
(at any time). 

The adverbs implying * place' and 'direction' 
may also be put in the Ablative, as: ^ISl it-a, ^^^ 
it-au, ^^nt-ahU| ^^til it-ahu, from this place, hence; 
^ISi ut-u, ^^1 ut-u, ,j^l ut-ahu, from that place, 

1) The forms: ^^J^ }adeh-ft-kO etc. are properly double 

compoundf vii.: ^l^J^ Jadoh-a, the Ablative and ^ko or ^ykn^ 

a postposition (identical with ijy^ khu) 'from\ In the same waj 

jt^Jl^ }a4oh*ft*kara is compounded from ^jl^J^ Jadoh-u (AbL) 

and ^ kura (or kura) postposition, up to, Utorally: irom which 
timo up. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


tbenoe; ^{b tit-a, ^yh tit-u, ^yj^ tit-Su, from that 
place; ^^sf kith-a, ^y^ kith-u, ^jil^sf kith-^u eta 
from what place , whence? e^ttX^t ed-a, i*«wtJl^t ed-aii, 
^yDcX^t Sd-ahuy ^^fJ^t ed«&hu eta from this directioiL 

The emphatic i (i) or hi (he) very firequently ac- 
cedes to these adverbs, as: ^^iJ^l ie-i, in this very wise; 
J^l ita-I or ^f ita-hi^), even here; ^ISl ita-i, 

^^m it-a-hl, even hence; ^J^t eda-i, ^^^SJ eda-lu, 
in this very direction; ^tJ^t ed-a-I, firom this very di- 
rection etc. 

The eyes of my body are there, where the side 
(country) of my companions is. SL Um. Mar. I, 12. 

^i^ c^ i**^ pj kS^^ 3^H^^ 

Where is gone to the Jogis' emotion of yesterday? 
SL Bamak. I, 30. 

Thence a camelman has come; this information is 
correct. SL Urn. Mar. 11, 6. 

As thou wilt, even so it shall be unto thee. Matth. 
16, 28. 

1) Tho final 6 o these adverbs is changed to V before the 

phatto f, for the sake of euphony; but e keeps its place abo, as: ^5^*3! 
ute-l, in that very place. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


|.>» (Ldi J»A«*» y^ rfr* t5^ c?'-*;'^^ (5^ o^ 

I ask, o gallant young man! how &r did your 

purpose go? 
Then he says: I dwell in the city of Meldos 

my purpose went up to this place. Majj. 

1C8, 169. 

As long as they get ready, ascend thou and sit 
down. Amulu Man. p. 144. 

^x^ oo-, ^^ oy*ix^ or^^ o*-* u*^ 

Smce I entered into connexion with the Jats, o 

The mountaineer is gone ofiF, having torn (my) 

I am also from that time (only) half (and) afflicted. 
SL DesI, Chat C. 

VL Comi>ound adverbs. 

The SindhI uses a considerable number of compound 
adverbs*), whidi are fonned either by reduplicating the 
adverb (or noun), or adding a similar adverb (or noun), 
or by adding an adverbial affix or x)osti)Osition. 

1) Such compound adverbs may be written in one word or so* 
paratoly. When joined by a conjunctive vowel it is usual to join 
tbem also in writing. 

Digitized by 



1) Reduplicated adverbSi 
(with or without a conjunctiye vowel; g£ §• 12, II, 2). 
^u^ ^7^ bhere bhSrS, constantly. 
J^ J^ P^o pale, eveiy moment. 
4^5 4^o dehu dehu, day by day. 
otJ^J rateorate, night by night 
JJ^ sarasare, entirely. 
v?)4^ ^)^ K*^ gJ^i constantly (hour by hour). 
^ih^\ ^Sk\ neth&nethe, at last. 
^)Sy^)S vfl^^hovarihe, year by year. 
Zi "yi hara hara, constantly. 
^iXliybiXli handhdhandhe, place upon place, 
etc. etc. eta 

2) Adverbs compounded with a similar adverb 

or noun. 

^^4P IT ' ^J^ subahSy in a day or two. 
sjJifSS ^^ytifS^ jadeh! tadehi, constantly. 
yjjJis ^jj^ jie tie, in any way. 

J^J^^p^s ratodiha, night and day. 

^tjL^ U^^ kadehe kadSne, now and then. 

^^y^ ^.^JLjo hethe mathS, down and up (up and 

etc. etc. eta 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


3) Adverbs compounded with an adverbial 
postfix or postposition. 

j^4Af^ aga-bharO) a little in fix>nt; a little ago. 

^^x^ age-te, in front; in future. 

^yb\j^^ poS-taho, a little in the rear. 
is^H P^S"*®> behind. 

IflilJ rat-8rkara, since night (lii firom night up). 

^^jL^d kalha-ku, since yesterday. 

Compare also the compound adverbs of §. 58. 

They remember no pains in the body, constantly 
they are happy. Maj. 801. 

One, having joined all bones, place upon place, 
having read an incantation, besprinkled thenu SindhI 
. Bead. Book, p. 53. 

Chapter XIX. 


§. 58. 

The SindhI has no prepositions, but only post- 
positions, as all adverbs or particles, which influence 
in any way the noun, are placed after the noun and 

not before it. Only ^; r§, (5^ ria may be optionally 

used as preposition or postposition.^) 

1) In poStry the postpositlonfl are frequently turned into pre- 
poritionfl, if required by the metre. 

Digitized by 



There is only a small number of original post- 
positions in Sindh!, which require the noun in the For^ 
mative; far the greatest part of the postpositions now 
in use are originally adverbs ^ e. substantives and 
adjectives used adverbially; cf §• 57, IL IIL IV.), which 
either retain their original adverbial signification and 
are consequently constructed with ^ je, or which are 

already treated as postpositions and require the For- 
mative of the noun governed by them; the greater part 
of them may therefore be constructed with or without 
^ je, and be put before or after the noun, they 


I. Postpositions proper, requiring the Formative 
of the noun governed by them. 

^ bhara, 
J^ bhare, 

J pare, on, upon; Sansk. kjmU# 

cH«lj taf , ^ 
^P toi, 
^j^ tori*) 

on, with such a part downward; against; 
supported firom. Sansk. )^, adj.^) 

up to, till; Sansk. WR; Hindusi ^^^SS tax. 
up to; till. 

1) j^ bbar hat already in HmdOftsm a aigiiifieatioii bordaring 
on {hat of a pottpotition. In Sindhi the anbatantiTe y^ hham, prop, 
flnpporti 18 also in nae, of whidi j^ Uiare ia the Locatm. 

2) Apparently deriTed from jp torn, the end; ^^j^ tm, a 
iS^p tore-l, emphatic Locatiye. 

Digitized by 




^jj t5*), on, npon; Sansk. ^3i^. 


I? f* • 

W ' \ from-upon; from; upon (for the sake of). 


;^i de, 


like, as; Sansk. '^m. 

towards; in the direction of. 

from the direction of; towards^; 
AbL form. 




without; Sansk. ^^^. 

y\\JL saruy according to; conformable to; Sanskrit 

J) Instead of te, ta etc the Panjftbi itomn ate and uta are 
also occasionally used in SindhL 

2) The forma ^^4> dahS, t^d diahii are also in nae; emphatic: 
^^ji^to dahi. 

8) The Ablative forma daha etc. are generally used in the aenae 
of the Locatiye. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



with; Sansk. ^^. 

^ kane^), 

from; Abl. form. 

oUk Banu, 

.,^U<>^ sudha, along with; Sansk. tll^^. 

^ju^ sia, up to; till; Sansk. tutli; Panjftbl: 8L 
IT kara, up to. 

to; near to; Sansk. ^q;^, edge (of a 

vessel); SindhI ^, rim, border; 
iPanjabl: kannt 

^Uf kana*), 
^ khe, to; as regards; in reference to; Sansk. ^^* 


^1^ kho, [ ^^5 ^^* *^"^* 

^^khaa, I 

J*gare, to; with (LSr). 

^«^*V llike,a8. 

^^^ laku, firom-np; Paii]abl: Ifigo (Sansk. ^TT). 
^!<v)« inai\]he, in; to (with verbs implying motion); 
Sansk. Vf^, 

1) iMtead of («J0 lume, («^ S*ne >> «Md in Llr; ma^MAg 
^^Uf* gana, ^}JLI* ganS, iMtead of ^Uj kana and ^^ kam^. 

2) Freqaenily writt«i without the final nasal, L e. U5^ kanft. 

Trvoipp, Slttdbl-OnauMur. Ce 

Digitized by 



^l^apS inanjha, fix>m — in; out of; AbL fonn. 

^^ mo, in; to (with verbs implying motion); Sansk. 
T|^; Hindust. ^^wye. 

^ J \ from — in; out of; AbL form. 
x)}^ mo, j 

\£y^ vate, near to; with; in exchange of; Sansk. 
root ^^; Sindhi subst \Ly 
^\3j vata, from — near; from; away from; Abl. form, 

^yC^ 0^ -^ <5^3 O^ J^y"^ ^^ ^'-^ -^^ 

Shah Sahib, having gone to one mountain, was fallen 
asleep on one side (lying on one side) for six months. 
Life of Abd-ul-Latif , p. 39. 

Having offered many thanks to God (and) having 
descended from his couch he went to his court and sat 
down. Abd-ul-Latif 's life, p. 30. 

e;>^^ ?^ ^ •'^ J^^i ^)i^^^ 

father, I sacrifice (myself) upon the name of God, 
i. e. for God's sake. Amulu Man., p. 41. 

The lightenings glittered in the north like a sun- 
flower. Sh. Sar. 11, 1. 

•>^ is¥ (5f; «f ^ >4^ yi/ 

Having directed her face towards the Malir she 
weeps; liaving stood up she says. Sh. Um. Mir. HI, 8. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


J'j v5^ v*'; tf^ l>*; ^. o^sj 

By fhemselves tho froits ripen without goarding, 
without a fence. Sk Um. Mar. IIIi 14. 

O^ c^^ -^"^ v:^; V -f45 ^ c^ re^ ;, 

Betum with Funhu a moment! away with twelve 
months with others! Sh. Ma^t. YI, 6. 

In the upper rooms reproach has been my lot all 
(my) life long. SL Urn- Mar, V, 1. 

Then what do they see? that a vessel of wine^ 
filled up to the rims is placed there. Sindhl Bead. 
Book, p. 68. 

I will collect and guard property and not give any 
thing to any one. Gh>lden Alphab. X, 7. 

I am come having taken a matter hidden to thee. 
Sh. Sor. n, 18. 

^ J^ O^ (5f O^ isf) -f^ 7*^ iSf U^ 

Having gone to the house of somebody (and) having 
stolen firom his food, it Q.. e. the mouse) ate it. ^dhl 
Bead. Book, p. 62. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Having called Majno firom the side of his mother 
he said. Majj. 49. . 

The following postpositions (mostly of foreign origin) 
may be optionally constructed with ^ jS. 

^,14^1* Bajha, • 

,j,^C Bajhu, "Without (Pai^abl). 

^j,^4*lS bajbo, 

^ bigire, witl^out; except (Poi^&bQ. 

^ bin&, without; except (HinduBi) 
Sym sivae, without; except (Arab. Pen.) 

S kare, 
^^^ kare, 

»:$ lae, 

by means of; by; on account of; Sansk. 

for the sake of; on account of; RLnJ&bl 
lal; Hindust. .«J live. 

ts^ o"3'^ oH^^ Jh^** 4^ '45'4# ^i^ ttjlS 

Then they (i, e. the flowers) were considered by the 
hero as thorns without the sight of the friend Ajaibi 
V, 20. 

Without the Sddh5, o companions! there is no 
getting on with life; i e. I cannot live. Sh. Mflm. 
Kano I, 8. 

Except the adoration of the Lord thou hast no bu- 
siness, lost one. Mengho 12. 

Digitized by 



y^f u,^ii«; 5J y^ jT^i:;. ^^s^j -y^is .^j-. 

Having turned the back to other houses ask on 
account of thy friend thy own self;' 

He is even with thee, for whose sake't^ou causest 
(thyself) troubles. SL Abiri III, 5.' 

«^>* ^ ^}* ^ "^ -^'h^ c^^y 

Why searchest thou not, says Latif, for 
of) thy sweetheart, o lost one! Sh. Koh. I, 

(the sake 

IL Adverbial postpositions (derived from sub- 
stantives or adjectives), which are optionally 
constructed with or without \^^ j§, or which re- 

quire another postposition. 

pjf ubatare (mostly with ^), contrary to. ^ 
joT fi4o*)» i?^ front. • — . 

V » r ^fore; m front. 

.Jjf andare, within. 

^Cjot andara, frx>m within, 
j jjt odp, 
3JJ3I odiro, Dim. 

1) joT ftijo, jOjt Oflb 349^9 vejho mity also be oonsiruded with 

2) ^^ (»3J and ^;ljU^<> are more fireqnenily oonstmcied with 
the postposition ^JJ^ or the Ablative, than with ^. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


^af orS, on this side. 
^b^jt oria, from this sicle. 

^l^ Sahare, outside, 
^tlpl^ Sahara , from without. 

.<XS badire, 

in lieu of; instead of. 
jr^iX^ badira, 

sl^ piore, on the opposite side; across. 

\a)H V ^f \ g^jjj ^Yie opposite side; on the part of. 
^3^1^ paro, j 

^^(^ pase, on the side of; near to. 

^Jjli^ patandare, according to (mostly without ^). 

^CL^ puthia, on the back of; after. 

^^S^o paraputhe, behind one's back. 
Kj^yi pare, beyond; far from. 

-^ t* P^a?o, gft^p. subsequent to. 
^liLisj puiianu, , ' 

^H P^» ^^^ (always constructed with Ji^ or 
the Ablative). 

^Q pua, on the back of; behind. 
J^IL x^^^^i on account of (Arab.). 

^j\i^^ daudhari, round about. 
^jf^ daugirde, around ^ers.) 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



J(Xi^ dh&ra, vrithoat; apart; round aboat (also 
^p[ii> dh&re, oonstr. vrith ^[^ or the AbL). 

JUS dhara (always with ^) on, upon (on the 

prop of), 
jjjt r&barft, in the presence of (?ers.). 

^^U sSmho*), 

^JL^H samhnndi > in firont; before; over against 
^^JL^Ll sSmhune, I 

^U sange, ^ t . 

- « on aooonnt of. 

^liiH sanga, 

^ sire, on, upon; on the top of. 

^y^ ^vaze, in lieu of (Arab.). 

^tl? karane, on account of; for reason o£ 

^^^^ ktoe, 

Ji3 lage, 
^g^ lage, 

^^AiCt maths, upon. 

^^14&* mathu, £rom upon. 
^9^^ manjhara, | ^^__ ^^. ^^ ^^ 
\a3)^i^^ manjharo, 

for the sake ot 

on account of; as concerns (mostl j 
without ,^\ 

1) Or ^^4^tl Bftmubo, ^y^^ iSiiMilia. 

Digitized by 



Julxi muq&bile; over against; opposite to (Arab.)« 
.^,^J9 mtijibo; according to; conformably to (Arab.). 

Oali mahande, 

' in front; before. 

^iju^Jo mahanda, 
^^Ixll; vaste, on account of (Arab.). 

^Ij vange, y like to; as (mostly without ^). 
^jjliXifj vangia, I 

p.y vide, in the midst of. 

^glfy vighe*), by reason of; by. 

yXjp vetare, besides (mostly with ^). 
>i??.j} vejho, 1 

i>t?ljf v§JWr5, Dim. | ^^^ *^- 
«^£as» hethe, below. 

^LjSaid hetha, from below. 

/ ^7^ ^?^ iTf Mf}^ S?T '^'^ ^'^ 
Having paid thy respects before Sh&h Sahib beg 
(of him). Life of Abd-ul Latif, p. 34. " 

va^li i ^jj^ ^^ ^ Lwa ^ ^\ ^li^ 

Those who have died before djdng become not extinct 
when having died. Sh. Ma>t. IV, 7. 

1) ^g^p vighe, apparently nhortened from \,j^^ vighine. Nolo. 
y^^y obstacle, Sansk. 14H, is used only when speaking of some 
disability or distress. 

Digitized by 



o/^'^ ^^% ^'f ^ isf^i i^yi- »f^ ^ 

The point of this proverb is this, that it is necessarj, 
to make (oWs) expenses according to the income. Sindhi 
Bead. Book| p. 58. 

After few (or) many days Maxdiim Sahib died. Abd- 
ul-Latifs life, p. 37. 

After this time thou art my mother (and) sister. 
Ibid. p. 42. 

Whith what £ekce shall I go to the presence of mj . 
country? SL Um. Mar. V, 5. 

From the top of that place a piece has been cat 
out. Life of Abd-ul-LatIf, p. 45. 

(5*T ^3h «S?^'** iS^} ^A* tf?«> «5^ «H^ 
My daughter is grievously vexed by a demon. Matth. 
15, 22. 

Shfih Jamil, being mounted on a horse, having oomo 
near to the couch alighted fix>m the horse. Abd-ul-LaUTs 
life, p. 7. 

Digitized by 




Chftpter XX. 

§. 59. 

The oonjunctions serve to express the relation, in 
which either the single words of a sentence or two or 
more sentences sts^d to one another. According to their 
signification the conjunctions may be divided into: 

1) Copulative. 

J^\ au, 

cH' ai*)» 



-* bi, 

-^ bH, 


■i pi. 


c« Pi?«. 

^. P«?©, 

i^ punu, 

^ — ^ tm-tia, as well-as. 

He alsoi after he was grown up, died. Abd*ul- 
Latlfs life, p.. 2. 

1) Generally written, for the sake of abbreviation ^. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Therefore they are often also beaten. SindhI Bead. 
Book, p. 50. 

I am very longing as well for the spinning place 
as for the country. Sh. Urn. Mar, n, 1. 

then (as apodods in a conditional sentence 
generally not translated). 

* nevertheless; then also; even then. 

although; notwithstanding. 

2) Concessive. 

i ta, 
^ i ta bi, 
^ ^j^S^ tadehi bi, 

^p tons, 
i^}^^ jetort*) 
^^}XJ^ jetone, 

^^ je, although; ifl 

If from her limbs the doth is stripped, (then) a 
brilliaixcy like lightening is effected. Amulu Man. 
p. 141. 

4^ ^i J3y^ (5^ c^'^ O^ ^^ c^'r^ i?f O^ 
Then he says: (if) I die, I obtain honor; I if return, 
it is, to say so, a shame. Maj. 408. 

1) Very often also written separatelj: i^p ^g^ 

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Though their wounds flow, nevertheless they divulge 
not (their) sighing to the vulgar. Sh. KaL 11, 23. 

The heart also shall be given to one, though hundreds 
covet (it). Sh. Barvo Sindhi HI,- 7. 

CJhange thou that company, although the profit 
of a thousand would accrue to thee. Sh. Bam. KaL 
Vm, 25. 

3) Adversative. 
^ bigire, ] 
o para, hut. 

^)p tore, ] 

I ^ x-^. f either. 
i5f>^ tone, ] 

J J — ^5jp tore r— na ta, either — or. 

^Li Ja, either; or. 
^jjl^ — yjU. jtt — ja, cither — or. 

jC magare, except; but. 
J ^ na ta, otherwise; else. 

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^^14x0 hatha, 
^jju^L^ hatha-i, emphai, 

^54x0 hatho, 
^hjSy^xi hatho-i, emphat, 

but rather; on the con- 
trary (Panjabi). 

/• - 

cK^ h^ J^S sj^^ ^ ^ (^Kj^i^^^^p 

Either they go to the bank or (they go) with them 
in the stream. Sh. Suh, VIII, 1. 

i)*'^^ o^ ijH^ ^ -i^5^ say «?<^-ru>y»;^ 

Do men pluck grapes from thorns or figs from a 
thistle? Matth. 7, 16. 

j^ jjoT oo^ ^l: ^ ^34x14^ ^^ j^ i^ ^u. 

3jaA4XAj i ^ ^^ ^ 34XI4S5 ^515 ^ ^ 

No man can do the service of two masters; for 
either he will keep enmity with the one and make 
friendship with the other; or he will seize the skirt of 
the one and not at all mind the other. Matth. 6, 24. 

ur^^ ^'5 (5^ (5?f (/ c^^^ i^)^ r-^y^ >^' >^ 

Art thou he, wo was coming, or shall we look ont 
for another? Matth. 11, 3. 

1) ^ kane it postpoBition and not the m pen. Plur. of the 
Present (^ji^= yMy^ ^ S*** aupposed; tee Stack*t Gramm. p. 101, 
Note. The yerse quoted there does not quite agree with the RitllO. 

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We have no conoem with those stones, but our 
concern is with their master. Life of Abd-ul-Latlf^ 
p. 20. 

4) Causal and FinaL^) 

J ta, that; in order that; also an expletive, 
in quoting the words of a person. 

!g^ Jia, that; so that; in order that; 

^^ jie, because; as. 

J ^j^jkS^. jie ta, 

^ j|5, that, in order that; because. 

,^ JSIS, 

i^waJLa^ jjelha. 

^^"i , } because; wherefore, 

^j^^ jelahi, 

cH^ jelahe, 
J^-J^ jeia-telS, 
J — ^:L^ jela-ta, 

^(4^ dha^o*), because. 

correlai because -therefore. 

i) We have classed the causal and final co^jonctians under one 
headi because many of them are used in the one or the other sense. 

2) These compound coi^unciions are commonly written separately, 
but by eome they are also jomed in one word. 

^ L^ literally: why? because etc; Of different kind are such 

expressions as: ^ *^ ^y» for this sake, that == because. 

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i 0^ 14^ CI1& l^e ta, 

i »:^ Lid. £Ii& lae ta, 
jr^ t!^ (4^ dha lae jo, 

i ^4^ dho ta, 
y^ 34^ as jo, 

^ 80, therefore. 
y^ — ^ jo-sd, oorrel. because — therefore. 
^ym, soko. 


J^5^ Boko-ta, 

J»^53^ sokohu, 

J «pj5^ Bokohu-ta, 

Jo ma, not, in a prohibitive sense (con* 
Btructed with the Imperative or Po- 

^l£o mata, 
^lii ^ jo mata. 

be it not that; lest (consirticted 
with the Potential). 

i2>4f? ma£hane, 

J^4f^ madhanu, 
\^\'f ma£hune, 

J^4^ ma£hunu, 

lest (constructed with the Po- 

ydyH U3;'5 •>* y^f'^)}^ ^ (5^ ^ ^ 
This is not becoming, that we, having comitted a 
theft, drink wine after. Sindhi Bead. Book, p. 69. 

O*; -i^f u>^ ^ ))^ (5f^' (5?^ 4^ '4^ 
Mengho, having directed (thy) fiice and having 
risen seek, in order that thou mayst find (it) in the 
body. Mengho 23. 

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In order that I, having risen, may make some 
search for the unity. Maj. 9. 

Thou boasted and smilest thereat, that people call 
the 'Mia'. Golden Alphab. X, 3. 

This is the custom of the friends, that they do by« 
no means pluck the plucked ones. Sh. Barvo SindU 111, 9. 

Saying: your honour, it is not becoming thus, that 
laughii]^ they shake hands. Maj. 348. 

^dS" oJ^5 Cj ^^^H^ l^<> ^4> ^IcXaJ 

Therefore they were chosen by the Lord, because 
they were mixed up in the Unity. Sh. Kal. I, 8. 

Because a joyful moment is better than a painful 
life. Sindhi Bead. Book,* p. 62. 

The advantage is on our side, because (our) name 
will become great and renown will come out of it. Ibid, 
p. 64. 

Then, because they will sleep out of time, there- 
fore the sun will rise to them in that very place. Amulu 
Man. p. 143. 

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Do not dt upon a bedstead, having placed a string 
of cowries upon (thy) neck. SL Urn. Mar, 11, 2. 

I seek, I seek, may I not find, please God, that 
I may not meet with (my) sweetheart. 

Lest the grief, that is within (my) heart, may be 
calmed down! SL Hus. VII, 3. 

Be it not that thou repent of it aftef , like the deer 
and the donkey. SindhI Bead. Book, p. 68. 


5) Conditional 

J^ jekara, 

\jjj»SSUsf. jekadehi, if (at any time). 

If thou puttest a cap on thy neck, then become a 
sound SufL Sh. Jam. KaL V, 8. 

If there be such lovers, show kindness to them. 
Maj. 776. 

34X1455 y^ ^ ^^U: 3^ ^jrti 

K we sing, then upon the melody of the song its 
master will awake (and) settle (with us) the account of 
the whole life. Sindhi Read. Book, p. 68. 

Trsmpp, SlndlaX-Onuuwr. Dd 

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6) Interrogative. 

interrogative expletive, generally not 

princesfl, do we dissuade you? AmuL Man. p. 145. 

Chapter XXL 


§• 60. 

In treating of the Interjections we abstract form 
such nouns or phrases, as are or may be used in the 

sense of Interjections, e. g. ^U mathe, silence! (a £), 

^Sa^ iano, good! IJL saiu, true! ^t iJLlt allahu a?lamu, 

God knows! (lit. God is wiser, sciL than I), and only 
adduce such particles, as have now become strictly inter- 

Besides the Vocative signs, mentioned already in 
§. 16, 8, the following are the most common; they 

1) Assent 



^j^T ^h 

Ji M, 

yes. . 

^\i had, 

^ ha-u, 

^ hod, 

Digitized by 



^ bale, 
^ bala J 

^k^ bhala, 
^^^ bhally 

^^ jiu*), yes! (a respectful term of ascent) 

^ } yea! indeed! well! 

;) vara, J 

The Devs will say to thee: wilt thou recognise ber? 
Then say: yes. Amulu Man., p. 150. 

Well, show me those things. Ibid. p. 147. 

Abate too high acrimony; if they say to thee: Bodu 
(pooh), say thou: jiu (very well). Sh. Jam. Kal. Vm, 22. 

They, who have love to God, they, indeed, boast 
Maj. 778. . 

My heart does not remain a moment without thee, 
truly! Sir! o Lord! o Barod! Sh. Abiri Chot 
Epil. 2. 

1) ^fj^ ]fa ia apparently the Imperatiye of ^i)J^ JuupOi Imt 


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2) Commendatiocu 
^f y1 aid aJo, bravo! bravo!' 

^Lji^ dhabase, 
(jM^U Sabase, 

bravo! (Pers.) 

(jAft ?a5qU| 

, • ., > praise to! (ArabO 
(jA^ ?iSqu, 

JdIj vahu, well done! 

^M say saj^, i^ ^' ^^ ^ y^ isH^ 

All said: friend, the prince has that very same drawn 
out from so many! praise be to him! and having got 
a bravo! bravo! he went away. Amulu Man. p. 151. 

Praise to Rae pia(5u, who has given (and) exhibited 
(his) head! Story of Kue Diadu, p. 17. 

3) Astonishment 
^ 16, look there! behold! 
* ^U mare, 
^^^Xa^^Lo marebhml, 
^^L^CcjU maremanjha, 

C!ompanions, I shall not say then: behold the pain 
and the reproach of (my) friends! Sh. Suh. V, Epil. 1. 

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wonderful! oh! 

would to God! please God! (Arab.) 
would that! 


4) Desire. 

3U 69la, 

{^li njSna, 
^j» mana, 
y^ ^f aUahu tuhara*), 
^l^i „ „ tuh&re, [ God keep thee! good bye! 

Jli>>s „ „ tohara, 

Would to Gody that the Pauh&r8 were reoouciled, 
darling Maru! Would to God, that the Pauhars were 
reconciled with me! Sh. Unt MSr. I, Epil. 

Would that (my) sweetheart having come to the 
shorci would make (= say) alas! alas! Sh. Suh. Y, 20. 

When (we) shall come, depart! God protect thee! 
Maj. 437. 

5) Uncertainty. 

^^ Jilf allahuje*),! 

- ' -.r , . God knows! perhaps! 

^ iJI ala je, I 

(ilA3 nidana, God knows! 

1) Corrupted from the Arabic phnwe: 

Ujf »L& ^[ if it pleaae God. 

2) Froperly: jL^I p iJul God be thy protection. 

3) Tliis 18 an oliptic phrase: if God (will or please). 

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6) Dissent 

7*^ Tfl^j not BO exactly (a polite ne- 

Ia^ vs^t^ X^^irul-xairu, gation; Arab.) 

J na, no. 

Have we before committed any. theft on thee? She 
says: no, girls; ye have not committed any theft. Amulu 
Man. p. 145. 

7) Disapprobation and reproach. 
^jl ohci oho! 

Ojj bodn, ]X)oh! fy! (a contemptuous reply.) 

y^ thu, fy!. 
^ 6hi, 

^U^U mahiya, fy! hoot! 

^ hU| tush! pish! 
^^JuiD hethe,,down with! away with! 

8) Grief and complaint. 
^y^ afbOSUy alas! 
ji\ aha, alas! 
liT aha*), alas! what a pity! 


1) UdI ]ih& 18 at the same time also an inteijectioii denoting 
pleasure, ahaS 

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J J bareBorei alas! ah! woe! 

ijjl. Haifa, woe to! (Arab.) 
Ij^^f 'jK^ ghora gliora, alas! alas! o misery! 
3*^5 Ij v&vela, alas! lackaday! (Arab. Pers.) 
»t^ vae, 

also! woe! 




ah! alas! 

^y ve, 

\Jb ha, 
fii hae, 

^i hae, 

Jiyi hue, 
^jiD hoe, 

v^L^ haihate, alas! 

/^ v:,^T ^ ^U ^ JlL ^ ^j4^ JI 

Woe to my state, that I am wicked (and) useless! 
Maj. 756. 

To make, ahvs! alas! in such a business, for which 
a remedy is impossible, is not the custom of wisdom. 
Sindhi Read. Book, j). 56. 

1) Contracted also ^i^ he. 

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Woe! sisters! I shall not live then without the Jat! 
(Plur.) Sh. DesI VII, EpiL 2. 

Having made alas! alas! she lifted up, burning, her 
hands. MaJ. 758. 

vi^j' (543 trf-^ tt)5*>^y m 'w^** tt»l44» 

Lackaday! lackoday! why were ye terrified? empty 
has become the men's apartment! 

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We divide the Syntax into two parts, the ana- 
lytical and ByntheticaL In the analytical part 
the chief constituent parts of speech , which have been 
described in the elementary grammar^ are to be con- 
sidered according to their exact signification^ their in- 
trinsic value and their special application. In the syn- 
thetical part it will be shown, how the different parts 
of speech are linked together in order to form a sen- 
tence and how two or more sentences are joined to- 



Chapter L 

On Uia absence of the artUfle in Slndlii. 

§. '61. 

The SindhI possesses no article definitCi as little ^ 
as the 'Sanskrit and the modem Arian tongues of India. 
The noun may therefore be definite or indefinitCi as: 

Jiv the woman or: a woman. 

There are no fixed rules, by which a noun maj 
be known as definite or indefinite , the only safe guide 

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is attention to the context On the whole it may be 

1) A certain number of noims have by themselves 
a definite meaning, as: ^ySJ^ hio, the mind, la^ siju, 
the sun 9 jjjl^l ubhirando, the east, 3^JL surgu, the 
heaven, ^t ubhu, the sky etc. Similarly all x}roper 

2) If a noun stands in apx)08ition to a proper name, 
it is thereby rendered definite, as: o^^^ ^jjv^ the 
coimtry of China, ^ J v:;*^ ^^^ ^^ Husine. 

If for any reason a noun is to be pointed out as 
indefinite, the numeral adjectivo j^Xj» one, or the in- 
definite pronoun ^, some one, any one, is used. There 
is some slight difference in the use of 3jX]» and ^, tlie 

firet particularizing the noun by implying that only one 
I)er8on or thing is unterstood, the latter generalizing the 
same, by implying, that some one out of many, or 
something, which is not further described, is intended. 
jlXjf may also be uuod in the Plural, esi>ecially before 

another numeral, to render the number somewhat doubtful, 
as: ^yi^s^ ^ tjX]» some two men, or about two men, 
the number not being fixed as certiiin. — If some iK)rtion 
or quantity of a 'thing is to be indicated ^ (or yj^ 

ki) is i)ut before the noun, iiTcspectivcly of the gender 
of the noun (as in Hindustani ^^<^f). 

y^ O)^ ^ O)^ ift^ u>^ ii^r -^^ 

The donkey, having become jolly, began to tay to 
the stag. (J3otli the donkey and the stag having l)ecn 
mentioned before.) SiudhI llcad. Book, j). 08. 

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He asked firom them a vessel of (magic) power; at 
length they gave him the vessel and its (magic) power. 
Sindlu Eead. Book, p. 67. 

Some boys read (their) lesson, applying the (their) 
mind. Ibid. p. 50. 

^ ^ yi}^ vJ(5? v^l^ur^ W' 

High art thou upon the sky; I am a wanderer upon 
earth. Sh. Sor. I, 3. . « 

In the diy of Bhambhoru evil chats are constantly 
made about me. Sh. Ma^^. IV, Epil. 

With some physician there was a servant; one day 
the physician gave him some medicine to pound. SindhE 
Bead. Book, p. 51. 

U» wL^ oyl ljX0 y^^ (^1^1 

Amongst ';us there were some seven brothers. Matth. 
22> 15. 

Are ye (some) amirs, are ye (some) vezirs? Amulu 
Man. I). 160. 

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Whatever milk and scum of butter there will be, 
that I will give to foreigners. Sindhi Bead. Book, p. 60. 

Some villager had put some quantity of grain in 
(his) garner. Ibid. p. 54. 

Chapter 11. 
On the gender of nouns. 

§. 62. 

The Sindhi possesses only two genders , the mas- 
culine and feminine^ the neuter having been lost in 
the course of time. As to the special use of the genders 
it is to be remarked: 

1) The masculine gender is the. next and refers 
either to male beings, or to things and abstract ideas. 

a) The masculine gender denotes living beings in 

general (the females being included therein) as: ^yM^ 
a man (generally); yi Said, a child; ;^U^ janvaru, an 
animal; 355^ ghoro, a horse (generally). But in some 
nouns, implying inferior animals, the feminine in- 
cludes both genders, as: ^ bala, a snake (generally); 
^.aJCo makhe, a fly; ^^ ju; a louse etc. But if the 
gender of a noun is to be expressly mentioned, li nam, 

a male, and v5^^ madi, a female, must be put be- 
fore it. 

^ f^ pji U. ;4i ^ ^^jU 

The people of the city of Mekka [assembling form 
crowds. Maj. 38. 

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God said: the earth bring forth living beings after 
their own kind, cattle and creeping animals. SindhI 
Bead Book, p. 14. 

They do not allow a male bird to sit down. Amnla 
M&n. p. 141. 

It is an anomaly, that the nouns v(J b&zu, yA\^ biSd, 
j^X^ fiikiro, o^ iaragu, ^l^;^ sidano, u^aA bajsiro, 

j^ lagaru, denoting different kinds of female hawks, 
are masculine, whereas the nouns ^^j^ baSina and 
jCa^ iipaka, denoting male hawks, are feminine. 

&) If a neuter idea is to be expressed, the masculine 
must be employed, the masculine generally supplying 

the place of the neuter, as: ^TpCi^ it is good; y^^ ^^ 

it was said by one. But tUs is only the case in the 
Singular, the masc. Plural of an adjective (or participle) 
never being used in a neuter sense. It must not bo 
lost sight of, that the masc. form of an adjective cannot 
be employed in Sindhi in the sense of an abstract sub- 
stantive^) (as in Latin, Greek or German), but that the 
corresponding substantive must be used (cf. §. 9, L 1, 2) 
or the adjective must be accompanied by a substantive 
denoting * thing' or ^matter'*); only the masc. Singular 

1) In sentences like the foUowmg: 3 JUP^ ^%y jxl^ to do good 
is allowed, ^t ^^ is an attribute, belonging to ^jT, literallj: 
well doing is allowed. 

2) It is a diflbrent case, wlien adjectives are used without a sub- 

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of the past participle passive may be used in the senJiy 
of a neuter substantive. 

Ye will become like God, knowing good and evil 
Sindhi Read. Book, p. 19. 

\ Will he not give to them good things? Matth. 7, 12, 

^i^-^ (5^4 U^. >^ i^jy (5^ 

Surely, what is written (in fate), will be fuliSUed; 
from that, which is written, no one will escape. Maj. 258. 

She does not, what I said, go thou and subdue 
her. Maj. 285. 

c) In such nouns, in which a distinction between a 
larger or smaller size is admissible, the masa ter- 
mination is used to express the idea of relative lar- 
geness, as: jj^^U makoro, a large ant, y^ makho, 
a big fly; 33Cl4^ bhungo, a house (large hut); y^y^ ko- 
tho, a largo room; 4^1^ kathu, a beam (a big stick) etc. 

2) The feminine gender refers either to female 
beings, or to things and abstract ideas. 

a) The feminine being considered the weaker sex, 
the idea of relative smallncss, littleness or weakness 
is expressed by the fem. termination in all such nouns, 

which admit of such a variation of meaning, as: v5J>^^ 

makorl, a small ant, .^jCo makhe, a small fly; ^5X1^ 

bhungi, a small hut etc. 

stantive, as: yjJ^ ySf rigbt (aud) lafl, tcil. ^^» which is to be 

Digitized by 




(imber of adjectives are onlj found in the 
iXJu sandhe, barren (said of women); Z!^ 
"^SSSt^y l)arren (said of cattle; ^5^^ garbhini or cHf^ 
garbhine^ pregnant (said of women); Lul su&y milch 
(said of animals); ^^Vi[^^ gabliorari| having a child 
(said of a mother) i ^;5 varetl, having a hnsbond 

(said of a married woman), ^jj^ vadavara, fit to be 
married etc. etc. 

c) Adjectives or pronouns in the feminine are fre- 
quently used eliptically, the noim ^\S^ galhe, word, 
matter, being unterstood. The noun jp-^jli tarixa, date, 
day, is also occasionally omitted. 

"^^^ ^}^^ ^^^ iU^^ 
Then the mother asks Majno: what has happened 
to thee? Maj. 44. 

fair husband of Sorathe! do some (word) of mine! 
Sh. Sor. I, 11. 

On the fourteenth (day) the moon rose; on the 
twenty-ninth the vulgar sees it. Sh. Eambh. 11, 10. 

Chapter IIL 


§. 63. 

The SindhI has only two numbers the Singular 
and the Plural, the Dual having been dropped abready 

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in Frfikrit (c£ §. 15). As to fhdr special use it may 
be remarked: 

1) Arabic nouns in the so-called broken Plural 
are (according to their original signification) treated as 
collective nouns, and consequently constructed with 
the Singular of a verb (or adjective). The Arabic fem. 

Plural in of is likewise treated as a Singular. But now 
and then the Arabic Plur. is constructed with the Plural 
of a verb etc., or it is put in the SindhI Plural form 
and treated accordingly. 

Ask, if some children are destined for me £rom the 
threshold of God. Amulu M&n., p. 139. 

Blessed are those, who are peace-makers; for they 
shall be called children of God. Matth. 5, 9. 

isf o^ ^'^ i^ "^ ^-i i^)^^. i^y^ ^ 

Then the Lord gives thee a meadow, where the 
gardens of Eden are. SL Sor. I, 9. 

Do ye not see, that the Lord of the world with 
all companions, and all prophets are come. Life of Abd- 
ul-Latif, p. 37. 

2) With numerals the Singular form of a noun 
may bo used, though the Plural is more common (cf. §. 23). 

3) The Plural is frequently used in a honorific 
sense, when speaking with respect of any person. A noun 

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in the Singalar may therefore be oonstracted with the 
Floral of a verb (adjeddve etc), or the noun itself may 
be put in the Flurali though implying only a Singular. 

This is frequently th<)^ case with the nouns J^«>y 4i^ 

For the same reason the 11 pers. Flural of a verb 
is used*, when addressing politely a person, but not so 
frequently as in Hindustani, the common people being as 
yet in the habit of addressing each other by the 11 pers. 

Abd-ul-Latif used to play in his youth with boys 
of his age the play lika lik5ti (hide and seek). Life of 
Abd-ul-Lattf , p. 9. ' 

Woe, o sisters, I shall then not live mthoat the 
Jat (i. e. Punhu). Sh. Desi VI, EpiL 2. 

By the discourse of (= about) my beloved, by the 
recollection of my friend my crippled life has be^ re- 
vived. SL Jam. Kal. m, Epil. 

(5t? '<s¥^ «>r* c^^ ^ c^'-C u*7* <5t' 's'^ '•'^ 

Having come to the ShSh he said: Sir, give me also 
to drink. Life of Abd-ul-LatIf, p. 32. 

4) The following noims modify their signification in 
the Flural: 

Digitized by 



1^1 Amlra, 8. in.| Lord; 


^Ju^ pek6, Adj., belonging 
or relating to one's father 

f^*. ^ «» 1 8. m. a grain 

&^5^ dokhOy J rice. 
&^|3 d&nd| 8. ni.| a grain. 
{Si)) zardi, 
^SjL jardi, 

8. f., yel- 

^sMi sarii s. f., a grain of 
rice (in husk). 

^jAli sahuro, Adj., belonging 
or relating to one's fSoither- 

^^Jju^ sei, s. f., a piece of 


^lilS nanano, Adj., belonging 
or relating to a mother's 


Im[| the ^^\S or cofBn of 

the Ln&ms Hasan and Hu- 
sain, carried about in the 

\Siis^ peka, the relations of 

one's wife (her -father^s 

rpl^ 6avara, cleansed rice 
l45>l dokh&, J (^ general). 
lltS dana, grain (in general). 
\j^^]\ zardiyu, the dark 

si>ots in the teeth of an 
old horse. 

^^.H sariyu, rice in husk 
(in general). 

IliU sahurft, the relations 
(or fSwnily) of one's fether- 

^^juu- seyu, vermicelli (in 


lililS nangna, the relations 
of one's mother (the 

mother's father's family). 

5) The following nouns are only used in the Plural: 

^JJG baturiyu, s. f., tufts of tangled hair (as worn 
by feqirs). 

sjykn P^^^^» ^ ^M pieces. 

^^ J treyu, s.f., certain funeral rites, performed during 
' three days after the decease of a person. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC . 


the short hair of. an 

H(Xj^ Jondirftf a. m.^ Dim,, 
f Jl|^ jhind&, B. XXL, 

L^ Javira, b. ixl, a neck ornament of gold beads. 

tCS^ iitr&i 8. m., the hot days. 

^^Li<> dhaniTUi s. £, grain boiled and afterwards 
l^jjj ratiiiya, s. m., A kind of superior rice. 

^yj^ katiyu, the Pleiades. 

1^ kubara, s. m., boiled dry grain. 
IjfS^ ganjfi, s. m., a kind of rice. 
\S3y0 motiya, s. m., a kind of rice. 

^JL^ mnhadrai 

JbS^ muhadha, 

UlSl^ vapambft, s. m., the capsules of the Coreya 
arborea (a medicinal plant). 

c)>^J>€^ hathoriyui s. £, handcuffs. 

s. m., barley separated from the 

Chapter IV. 
The cases of the noun. 

§: 64. 

L The Nominative. 

As to the special use of the NominatiYe it may 
be noted: 

1) Nouns or proper names standing in apposition 
to another noun are generally coordinated to the same^ 

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as: J<xl; ^fj? the harbour KarSdl; AifJ \^^^ ^ the 

play lika likott; jAjtJ^ jLl& the king Shamsu eta; but 

the noun in apposition may also be subordinated by means 
of the Genitive; of. §. 67, 4. 

Well! smiles the queen-mother of the king Diiiu; 
i. e. saying: well! she smiles eta Six. Sor. JH^ 6. 

^i> ^ ^li U. ^ ^G yG :*J5 

Laila is the name of a woman, who (is) the daughter 
of the Q&zl Qamar. Maj. 33. 

^I|3 ^5l^L^ p3pl» in y^ ^^ 

The month (= moon) (of) Muharram was seen; an- 
xiety befell the princes. Sh. Eed. I, 1. 

2) Substantives implying a number or quantity 
may be likewise coordinated to another noun, instead 

of governing it in the Genitive (cf. §. 23), as: J5 yfi 
lots of liberal persons. 

There are throughout lakhs (of) tale-bearers and 
scouts upon lovers. Maj. 254. 

Having cut with (their) swords they made heaps 
(of) carcasses. Sh. Ked. HI, 4. 

(5^ (5-^5 is^i ^5 J^ ^y^ il)'^ 

Having taken buckets (of) heart -pleasing gifts be 
content! Sh. Sor. HI, 4. 

3) The duration of time is expressed by the No- 
minative (or by the uninflected case generally). 

Digitized by 



The (whole) eight yratches (L e. day and night) the 
hook of the Gtest (= God) is in my sknlL SL Sor. 
I, 20. 

Those, who watch during the nights, I shall make 
(my) Mends. Sh. Jam. Eal. Y, EpiL 2. 

^ c,^ '^-i c)^ «pi; «r>^f i^; 

Stay for my sake tlus night, o darling! Sh. Sam. 
I, 20. 

4) The Nominative is firequently used absolntely 
to avoid two or more nouns following each other in 
the inflected case, which is contrary to the Sindhl idiom; 
the case, in which the nouns should properly stand, must 
then be taken up by a pronoun or pronominal adjective. 
K the stress be laid upon some part of a sentence, it 
may be put quite absolutely, its relation or subordination 
being taken up by a pronoun. This is especially the 
case, when a noun is nearer defined by a relative pronoun 
in the Nominative, the noun being then attracted by 
the following relative. 

Fruits, clusters of flowers, (kinds of) honey, they 
try tiie taste of all. Sh. Um. Mar. VI, 9. 

^I4r ^jj^ J,j^ >^ ^^^\1 ^ -ilijl^ ^ •liL 

(As to) the entering of a rich one into the kingdom 
of God, the passing of a camel through the ear of a 
needle is easier. Matth. 19, 14. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


^if «^«>if;S t^«JJ>^ t{?^J^ tj?«i^;'-- (5f^ S^*-" '-^ 

She remembering the Lord, trembling, shaking, 
fearing, lifted up (her) neck and made: Man. SindhI 
Head. Book, p. 64. 

Then ye will become children of your fother, who 
is in heaven. Matth. 5, 45. 

§. 65* 
II. The Vocative. 

By the Vocative a person or thing taken perso- 
nally is addressed; the Vocative stands therefore in no 
connexion with other nouns, or with a verb, and is ge- 
nerally put at the beginning of a sentence. 

1) The Vocative is used without any interjectional 
particle, if no particular stress is laid upon the address; 
but if the attention of the person spoken to is to be 

i-oused, the interjectional particles IJ ya, ^<^f. e, ,^f ai, 

jl o, ^ are used promiscuously with masc. and fern. 

nouns, ^1 I and ^f ai only with fern, nouns. 

In addressing an inferior person, or when speaking 
very affectionately to a person, the interjectional par- 
ticles ^j re (^p re) and ^5?f are {^g^\ are) are used with 
masc. nouns, and ^j li (^j^ n) and ^jT ari (^5^1 ari), 
(cf. §. 16, 8, Note) with fenu nouns, be they in the 
Singular or Plural. ^ barl, ^j ri and ^yk riu are 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


also used independently of a nonn, in addressing an in* 
ferior female (or intimate friend). 

I have been quickened, companions, come in my 
Punhu! Sh. Deal 11, EpiL 

For God's sake, camelmen, do not drive on tlie 

Friend! thou art the protector of my crippled life! 
Do not extinguish (my) affection, o sweetheart! Sh. 
DesI m, 1. 

(5? i5t v:^ r* S^ S^ ^ 

O {All, lAli, misfortune is on the orphans! 
The order of God has comci o Imam& SL Ksd. V, 

Hallo! son of man, doest thou go hitving beaten 
our mother? Amulu Man. p. 148. 

Hallo! cook, bring bread! Ibid. p. 144. 

2) Adjectives preceding or following a noun in the 
Vocative are likewise put in the Vocative. But if an 
adjective defines another adjective in the sense of an 
adverb, it remains uninflected. 

Digitized by 



y^S (>l^ J^ jJU Jf^^ ^^ vrj*^ 

Sweet, charming friend! mayst thou fertilize the 
whole world! Sh. Sar. IV, 12. 

very kind friend! they (= she, Sing,) have given 
me up with difficulty (i e. unwillingly). Maj. 664. 

3) The Nominative Plural is occasionally used in- 
stead of the Vocative, especially with nouns terminating 
in V (masc). 

* ^ ' 

Who are ye? whence do ye come firom? ye men 
of foreign appearance? Nanga jo Qisso, v. 23. 

Ye, that labour and are heavy laden, come imto 
me. Matth. 11, 28. 

4) A number of nouns are commonly foimd in the 
Vocative only, as: jJet amare (^1 amane), ^T &I, J^ 

^y^^y v5-fl ^1^) ^^ i^I) mother! an affectionate 
term for a female; ^S\ adi, ^^t3 dadi, o sister! l%c^ 
j^a or ^^ss^ jiji, aunt; \S\ ada or t5t5 dada (Nom. 
jf>f and 3(>l3) o brother! 1^1 aba and ISl^ baba (fix>m 
y^\ and ^G), o father! a term, which may be applied 
even to a child (male or female); ^U^ miy& (Sing, and 
Flur.) o friend! a respectful address. 

^ g^>^ a^y* yf^ isi ^^ 

O mother! hope is fulfilled, Punhu has arrived at 
KW. Sh. Desi, Chot. 4. 

Digitized by 



child (o &therl) I make tl^ espousals with the 
son of the king LSlu. Amula Man. p. 142. 

Fathers! what reason have 70a to ask after this 
very (thing?) Ibid. p. 140. 

y^ y^ jijy >«. ^ ^l^ aJ ^:* ^T 

Having comei o darling, o friend! oover with dust 
the tomb of the deceased one in the mountain- passes. 
Sh. Ma?i. YI, EpiL 

§. 66. 
nL The InstrumentaL 

1) The Instromentai either denotes the agent, hj 
whom an action is performed, or the instrument, hj 
means of which any thing is done.^) The Instrumented 
in Sindhi is not only used with the past tenses of 
transitive or causal verbs (which always have a pas- 
sive meaning), but also with any tense of neuter verbs 
implying a passive signification.*) 

By the people of the carav&n the loads ha\e been 
bound up; in thy eyes there is sloth. Sb. Surag. IH, EpiL 

1) The flense is different| if the postpositaon ^Lam be used with 
a noaii denoibg an instrument. In this case it is implied, that some 
one was accompanied or armed with any thing, but not, that he has 
performed any thing by a certain instrument. 

2) Independently of a rerb the Instrumental of ^U nllo, name, 
is used quite in an adverbial sense, as: ^U |Jlx $M^ yjJ^S }y^ 
one faqir, by name Muhammad lAlim. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


^g^ V/ >*•>> «^ «>^ <5f «5*f*- • 

Suhinl was killed, says the Sayyid, by (her) re- 
lationship. Sh. Suh. V, 17. 

By the lovers (God) is never forgotten. Sh. Jam. 
KaL Vn, 1. 

By means of (my) feet I cannot arrive (there); the 
country of (my) friend (PI.) is far off. Sh. Khambh. I, Epil. 

By drops they are not reconciled; they have espied 
the jars of the heroes. Sh. Jam. KaL lYi 9. 

2) The Instrumental expresses causality^) (by reason 
of, by dint of): 

J^] ^ s:^^^ pj :^ ^^ 5^ 

^? ^' c>A^' U}^.^ \^^ ^^ 5¥' 

On the seventh in the month the blood went out 
of the veins by reason of dryness; 

On the eigth in the month the eyes of the lover 
die of thirst. Maj. 478, 477. 

3) The Instrumental expresses the way and manner, 
in which any thing is done. 

He kept the custom (good breeding) in a good manner 
before the Qazi. Maj. 173. 

1) In a •imilai*'0eiu»e the povipofiiion y^l^^ way also be employ«cL 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


> ^ •• • 

^There is no purpose in both mansions', in this wise 
they spoke. Sh. Jam* KaL V, 23, 

To both helpless ones (there is) pleasant talk in 
many ways, MaJ. 198, . 

4) The Instrumental expresses the pricOi for which 
any thing is bought or sold.^) 

^x ••••1 ^•^ 

Are not two sparrow sold for a piece? Matth. 10, 29. 

Fine black woollen blankets come there to hand 
for a paltry (sum). Sh. TJm. Mar. VI, 8. 

§. 67. 
IV. The Genitive. 

1) It must be remembered, that the Gkinitiye in 
SindhI is originally an adjective, formed by the affix 
j^, which always requires the Formative of the noun, 
to which it accedes; the Genitive admits therefore of 
gender, inflection and number, like other adjectives. In- 
stead of ^ its diminutive form j|^ jaro is .also found 
in poStry, and especially 34XJU sando (cf. §. 16, 6) and 
its dim. form jjJ^ sandiro. The Geuitive case -sign 

^ etc. may also accede to a noun with suffixes; in 
po6try it is frequently dropped altogether, to be supplied 

from the context, j Jol may also be separated from the 
noun, to which it belongs. 

1) Bat the postposition ^Lm may also be ascd in this 

/Google * 

Digitized by* 


The nnderstanding of the duties of a faqlr is not 
easy. MSngho 37. 

»«f . ^ I ^ 

friend, into my soul falls the desire after thee! 
Sh. Barvo Sindhi 11, 2. 

By means of the magic power of the bucket he 
became wealthy. Sindhi Bead. Book, p. 67. 

isf }^ isi^ M^isi w;'^ (5?^ y^ ^^ oA^S 

The masters of the house having got up what do 
they see? that a thief, having collected all things of the 
house, having bound a bundle, having drunk wine (and) 
having become intoxicated, dances. Ibid. p. 69. 

U fjJi$ <5f <5^G)' ^f ^^>^ 

Havmg stolen daily from the houses of men all sorts 
of food they were bringing it to him. Ibid. p. 62. 

To the forest with that thy son, who will cut ofif 
the head of my brother! Story of Rae Diadu, p. 1. 

The grass, of (my) fatherland I consider as musk. 
Sh. Um. M5r. H, 1. 

2) As regards the position of the Genitive, it ge- 
nerally precedes the noun, by which it is governed, like 

Digitized by 



other adjectives; but if the Btrees be laid on the go- 
verning noun, or if the euphony of the sentence should 
require it, the Genitive follows the same. Tn poStry 
the Genitive precedes or follows the noun, on which it 
is dependent, either immediately or separated by one 
or more intervening nouns, as it may be required by the 
metre or the rhyme. 

Whoever flees fix>m the trouble of labour, his state 
will become like that of the dogs. SindhI Bead. B., p. 61. 

Escort, for God's sake, the boat of the helpless 
one! Sh. Barvo SindhI 11, Epil. 

3) The Genitive has a double signification in SindhI; 
it refers either to the subject or to the object of the 
sentence. The Genitive is called subjective, if the 
attribute expressed by the Genitive refers to the go- 
verning noun (or subject) as to its owner or author, 
and it is called objective, if it refers to the object^ 
to which the action of the subject is directed. 

I have borne the taunts of (my) companions for 
thy sake. Sh. Mtim. Band I, Epil. 

Those, whose I am, will not abandon me. Sh. 
Koh. n, EpiL 

?J sj^^^ ^ay*^ <5^ (5*^ -f^ tthi^ 

Beneath the feet of (my) firiend I spread (my) ludr. 
. 231. 

Digitized by 



v£>Uf ..jsU JiXSf ^gf f\^ (5;T (^T 

In my heart there is a thirst after the Jam ArL 
Sh. Hus. Vm, Epil. 

^U^ cr^*J^>f (f?^ <W o>^ J'/i U^^^i^ 
Complaints about the separation I shall utter to 
dear Punhu, o friend! Sh. Hus. Vm, Epil. 

4) One noun is often made dependant on the other 
by means of the Genitive, where we should properly 

expect an apposition.*) In this way ^Jli nalo, name 
and similar nouns subordinate the appellation in the Ge- 
nitive. The same subordination in the Genitive takes 
place, when the genus is nearer defined by the species, 
as: a fig-tree, or when a geographical appellation, as: 
town, mountain, river etc. is followed by a proper name, 
as: the river Indus. In some instances the English idiom 
resorts to the same construction, as the Sindhi, e. g. the 
city of London. 

Prom whom hast thou learnt the word (of) *se- 
paration*, dear friend! Sh. Barvo Sindhi IE, 8. 

The woman uttered the word (of) 'money' slowly. 
Sindhi Bead. Book, p. 68. 

H^ iSi^H^ • 3^5 >^ (5? 05 3^^ (5^^ (5^ ^' 

That very dry post stood as a green tamarisk tree, 
having become big and thick. Life of Abd-ul-Latif, p. 23. 

There was a very respectable inhabitant of the town 
of Thata. Ibid. p. 45. 

1) See §. 64, 1. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


5) The Genitiye describes the material, of which 
something is made or composed; in this qase the Ge- 
nitive quite supplies the place of an adjective. 

}^.y^n s^f^:/^^ -i^ ^i* >^ vr^ i^ >^ ^ 

The garment of John was of camel's hair and round 
his waist a girdle of leather. Matth. 3, 4. 

She, having put on bracelets and buttons, will cause 
to bring (call for) a garment of pearls and rubies. Amula 
Man. p. 144. 

6) The Genitive describes the nature or quality 
of the noun, on which it is dependent (Genitivus qua- 
litatis). But in this case the Genitive must always be 
accompanied by an attribute, be thiett an adjective, 
pronoun or another noun in the Genitive; the repetition 
of a [noun may also serve as an attribute. In poetry, 
and even in prose, the Genitive case-sign is frequently 
dropped, so that constructions of this kind can hardly 
be distinguished from those with the Locative, see §• 70, 4. 

One of them was nine yeai's old, the other eight 
years. Sindhi Bead. Book, p. 50. 

Without understanding science is of no use. lb. p. 54. 

From Eed came a caravan, camels of a fine kind. 
Sh. DesI m, 8. 

Having given clothes of different kinds he started 
tliem off. Amulu Man. p. 140. 

Digitized by 



7) When the Genitive is dependent on nouns, im- 
plying a part, quantity or measure, it expresses the 
whole of that, of which the governing noun forms 
a part. But if no such noun precede and a part is 
to be singled out, a postposition must be used (as: 

^U, ^14^ etc.). 

>*^ vJ^ c^^ v:>^7^ i?^ <5?' <5i^5 ^5 isf c^t^ 

Which a woman took (and) hid in three measures 
of flour. Matth. 13, 33. 

A jar of wine fell into his hands. Sindhi Bead. 
Book, p. 62. 

\^^ «^^ (5?^ ^^ i5t cH^ cx^ «^ say uHf 

In one of those (houses) my beadstead shall be, in 
the other that of the king. Amulu Man. p. 142. 

If two persons of you become one-hearted respecting 
a petition. Matth. 18, 19. 

8) A certain number of adjectives and appellatives, 
which have partly taken the signification of substantives, 
may subordinate another noun in the Genitive. Of this 
kind are the nouns formed by the affix aku, aH (see 
§* 8, 9) and others. 

Lovers, drinkers of poison, are verry happy when 

seeing poison; 
They are always used to the chain and the execu- 

cutioner. Sh. EaL 11, 33. 

Digitized by 



Thou art a reiddent of the waste and desert SindhI 
Bead. Book, p. 69. 

A vagabond) accustomed to bits, no breeding and 
good behaviour. Maj. 304. 

j>^ sj^^ y^'rtf \a^ ^ 9 (5f*^ ^ 

Which lustre is upon thee, for that head I am 
longing. Sh. Sor. n, 7. 

i* i^ is^% (5^5 4^3^ J4^; ^^ <5^ vH^ -^^ *^^ 

The Sayyidy by name Shah Habibi was originally 
an inhabitant of the village Yangd Yilfisd. Life of Abd- 
ul-Latif, p. 1. 

9) The Genitive is used, without being dependent 
on a governing noun, to express a space of time, as: 

y^ ^1; by uight, y^ 4^.^ ^7 ^7 ^^> ^^ noun, by 
which the Genitive is governed and which is idioma- 
tically left out, being jJl^« velo, time. 

This construction is therefore identical with that 
mentioned in.§. 64, 3. In Hindustani jf is used in 
the same sense. 

Sitting at (the time of) evening prayer I spread out 
my skirt on the water. Sh. Sor. Y, 14. 

The bard sang the first night at the side of the 
castle. Sh. Sdr. n, 1. 

Trawf f • StBdU-emMMi; Ff 

Digitized by 



By day they used to sit in its shade. Life of Abd- 
ul-Latif, p, 23. 

10) A number of adjectives require idiomatically 
the inflected case of the Genitive (i e, ^), when a 

noun is made dependent on them. The most common 

of them are: joT ado, in front; j^jf odd (Dim. jjOj.f odirS), 

near to; ^)^l^ samuho, in front of, opposite; ^^jo^Jt 

mahandiyo, in front; y^* vSjho (Dim. jj^^ vejhiro), 

near etc. These adjectives being mostly used as ad- 
verbial postpositions (§. 58, 11), the same construction 
has apparently been preserved, when they are used as 
regular adjectives. 

••I Ml 

When they came near to Jerusalem. Matth. 21, 1. 
))0 ^^ \i>^\ p ^^ vr« ^iX^ ^\ 

Look at the rising of the moon; the friend is near 
to thee, far from me. Sh. Kambh. IE, 7. 

The eyes are opposite the eyes the whole day and 
night. Maj. 219. 

11) The relative adjectives y^ jeho, A^ jeharo, 

such as, like as, fit to, jjo^ sando, like as, jUac^ je-* 

tird, as much as, and jJuu^ j^o, as large as, are always 

constructed with the simple Formative of the noun, that 
depends upon them. 

Majno, the son of Mahmud, is then not such as 
to come, i. e. is not likely to come. MaJ. 719. 

Digitized by 



jGiS 32^1 u-iS ^ j^ ^li 

TeethB like Jasinuin flowers the Bountiful has given 
her. Maj. 54. 

Which is blessed in all ways, like thou, o wise one. 
MaJ. 825. 

In that (there is) even thou, thou; (there is) no other 
sound (as mudi as the twinkling of an eye =) for a 
moment Sh. Jam. Kal. V, 19. 

Then no mote, as large as a sesamum seed, came 
into thy body, o firiend? AjSib v. 21. 

12) When a noun is subordinated by means of the 
Genitive to the Infinitive of a neuter or active verb, 
the case-sign of the Genitive may be optionaUy dropped. 

>1^ iV; -f^ 0;>- isf i' ^}l)4^ u' P^>^ 

The villager occupied himself in (the) removing of 
that little grain: Sindhi Bead. Book, p. 56. 

The Mughals, having taken (their) swords came for 
the killing of the Sh&h, L e. ^ order to kill him*. Life 
of Abd-ul-Latif, p. 15. 

After the seeing of this afBuence she offered up 
dutiful thanks. Sindhi Bead. Book, p. 55. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


cH^ ^ i}^ >»• er* <5^>* ^y '^-^^ • '^^^ 

Till the passing away of heaven and earth not one 
jot of the law shall in any way pass off. Matth. 5, 18. 

§. 68. 
V. The Dative. 

1) The Dative denotes the more distant object, in 
reference to which the subject is acting. This is already 
indicated by the postposition ^ khe (§. 16, 4), by 

means of which the Dative case is made np^), and which 
originally signifies: 'on account of, for the sake ofj 
in reference to'. In prose the postposition ^^^ is 

always put after the Formative of a noun, but in poStry 
it may precede the noun, or it may be dropped al- 

When a Genitive, depending on a noun in the Da- 
tive, follows the same immediately, the postposition ^^ 

is put after the Genitive case- sign. 

Come near, dear friend, do not give pain to the 
distressed. Sh. Abiri X, 4. 

9^ (5^ ^' (5l^ ^ j^ ^ sa^ 

Then Maste Naze came and said thus to the elegant. 
Ajaib, v. 90. 

1) In podtry the postpositions ^jf kane, ^^ kano and y gare 
are used in the same sense as ^g^. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


May no BtmBldne apply to the camelmen, may 
no hot wind apply to the camekl 

O Gk)d, may no hot wind blow to the sons of Ari! 
Sh. DesI I, 25. 

Having bound (him) they delivered him to the po- 
lice-officer of the town. SindhI Read. Book, p. 69. 

2) The Dative with the auxiliary verbs ^y» to be^ 
and J^l^ to become, to be, expresses the idea of poa- 

I have hope in God. Sh. Sor. I, Epil. 

I have no lack whatever of wealth, but children 
are not at all bom to me. Amulu Man. p. 139. 

3) The Dative denotes the remote object, in re- 
ference to which the action takes place. In this case 
the postposition ^^^ must be translated by: for, for 
the sake of 

(My) heart (and) mind bums for my sweetheart 
in intoxication. Maj. 728. 

uH^ 4# (5r c^^ ^ ^^^^^^^ ^ 

In Ked there is a call for those, under whose armpit 
there is nothing (I e. who have nothing). Sh. MaA. II, 11. 

Digitized by 



They sent men for food; water (and) grass. Sh. 
Esd. I, 5. 

hero! thou diest for the sake of victory, forget 
then the apprehensions of the heart! Sh« Ked. YI, 9. 

4) The Dative expresses the idea of motion to 
a place. 

Having driven on I came to Ked, where Punhu 
himself (is). 'Sh. Abiri V, 1. 

fair liody, after death thou wilt oome to Punhu. 
Sh. Mart, rv, 5. 

The work of a messenger (L e. travelling) does not 
at aU bring to Ke6. Sh. Abiri IV, 10. 

5) The Dative is used to express time, when only 
an indefinite space of time is spoken of, whereas the 

postpositon ^jjji or .^,^^, in, is employed, if the time, 

during which any thing is done, is to be noted. 

Qaisare says: arrive that very night in KelSt. Sh. 
Sar. IV," 3. 

Go to (thy) friend at day-break, in dear day. Sh. 
Suh. Chot. 11. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


Immediately at that time an order was given to 
the chamberlains. Aj&iby v. 15. 

§. 69. 
VI. The Accusative. ' 

The Accusative has two forms in SindhI, it is either 
identical with the Nominative or with the Dative, 
i. e. the idea of the Accusative may be expressed also 
by means of the postposition ^gA^. 

1) The Accusative is commonly expressed by the 
form of the Nominative , whenever the verb governs only 
an Accusative, and not at the same time a Dative. 

When he shall keep his own horses, boats, soldiers 
and make his own judgements and thoughts. Amul. 
Man. p. 139. 

If I shall marry, I shall marry this very fidry Hu- 
sine. Ibid. p. 141. 

2) But when the subject of the sentence is an ani- 
mate noun (in the Nominative) the object (Accusative) 
must be marked out by means of the postposition ^^^ 

to avoid a possible mistake. If the subject be animate, 
and the object inanimate, the object (Accusative) gene- 
rally remains in the uninflected form (L e. without 
the Postposition), if there be no danger of misappre- 
hension. If both, subject and object, imply inanimate 
things, the object may likewise remain uninflected. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


ShSli SsMb, having taken that very &q& with him, 
came. Life of Abd-ul-LatIf, p* 40. 

The father of the Sh&h continued seeking the Shl^ 
S&hib. Ibid. p. 44. 

^^jjJB i\jCkM^.y^r%\Ji J»L& J yS^Okj f^ii C}^^^ C>6v^ 

When Maxdum Hashim heard, that the Shah Sahib 
causes to make music in the mosque. Ibid. p. 35. 

If ever this word the king of the mice will hear. 
SindhI Bead. Book, p. 62. 

If that (treasure) some man finds, he keeps it con- 
cealed. Matth. 13, 14. 

^ r ^ ^^ »>A-. •*'* ^%*' 

The (black) marks (from blows) cause pains; the 
bones also are aching on account of the (= my) sweetheart 
Sh. Abiri, Chot 21 • 

3) When the object (Accus.) of an active verb is 
for any reason to be rendered more prominent, the post- 
position ^^ is used for this purpose. This is especially 

the case, when the object implies living beings, whose 
mention has bieen made already, or when two or more 
persons or things are in any way compared or set 
against each other. But much scope is left in this 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


respect to individual judgement. In poStry ^^ is oo- 

casionally dropped, but then the contracted form of the 
FormatLve must be used in the FluraL 

That disciple, having called (that) girl, said. Life 
of Abd-ul-LatIf, p. 48. 

The dSvs said: mlt thou recognise that very one? 
Amulu Man. p. 15L 

In that way money will be got; having brought 
(something) from that let us feed (our) guests. Life of 
Abd*ul-Lafif, p. 41. 

^tofJU ^ ^ ^^y^ *-**^r «)Ji ^^Cf\ 

Sisters, says Abd-til-Lat!f , praise ye the (wdl-known) 
Mend. Sh. Abiri Ghot, £^iL 3. 

>4^ v^^ cw; ^^ ^ 

Having gathered first the tares, having bound bundles 
to bum (them), gather (and) put afterwards the wheat 
in the gamer. MattL 13, 30. 

Whatever longing there is, leam (it); otherwise look 
at the longing ones. Sh. Jam. Kal. VII, 7. 

4) Whenever an active verb is constracted imper- 
sonally in the past tenses (§. 94, 5) the object must 
be pointed out by the postposition ^^^ signifying: as 

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Then it was abandoned by the caravan as regards 
her I while being asleep , i. e. she was abandoned by the 
caravan whil(9 being asleep. Sh. Kdh. I, 8. 

c^*^^^ ^^ isf^^ is^l ^yi^isT G)' 

Having taken his bundle he started him o£f. SindhI 
Ivead. Book, p. 53. 

5) When a verb governs a double Accusative, both 
objects remain in the uninflected state, if they imply 
things; but if the first object be a person or a living 
being in general, it is rendered more definite^) by the 
accession of the postposition ^^^, whereas the second 

object, be it a person or thing, remains in the unin- 
flected state of the Singular, though it refer to a Plural. 
If the stress is on the second object (compare §. 94, 3), 
it may be placed first. 

^r ^ 't^ v:^^^ Srf^ S'^ '^^ g*'^^ 
I shall give (my) flesh to the wild beasts, having 
made atoms (my) life. Sh. Abiri IX, Epil. 

That one was in the habit of causing the guests to 
eat bread, i. e. be was in the habit of entertaining the 
guests. Life of Abd-ul-Latif , p. 40. 

S?^ JaW ^y^ ^ :^ >i»jU 

Make the weak one pass the Harho, says Ijatlf. 
Sh. Desi IV, 4. 

I wUl make you fishers of men. Matth. 4, 19. 

1) Bnt both objects may also remain in the oninfleded state, 
thoagh implying persons; see §. 94, 3. 

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6) When an active verb subordinatee at the samiB 
time a near and a more distant object ^ e. an Accu- 
sative and a Dative), the Accusative (in the nninflected 
state) generally follows the Dative, except a particular 
stress be laid on the AccusativCi in which case it pre- 
cedes the Dative. 

••I •• I •• 

The accomplished one causes daily nice blandishments 
to be made to Qais. Maj. 223. 

,5^LiD<> ^^y^f> ^^ ^Lli 4^ 

The hands the little daughter shall wash us. Life 
of Abd-ul-Latif, p. 48, 

i^}i^ iS^y'^Mi is^ i^. ^^ 4^ uH^ -^ clH^ir?^ 

But one (grain) thou doest not give to another with thy . 
handy having thrown in an obstadCi o brother! Mengho 11. 

§. 70. 
Vn. The Locative. 

The Locative, as noted already, can only be ex- 
pressed in the Singular of masculine nouns terminating 
in *u'; in all other nouns and throughout the Plural 
the Locative must be circumscribed by the postpositions 

^jjji and .q<^i^ *in\ Li poStry these postpositions are 

commonly dropped and only the Formative of a noun 
is used to express the idea of the Locative, in the Plural 
the contracted form of the Formative (ending in e or 
a) must in this case always be employ^ But ako in 

prose the postpositions ^^jut and moS are frequentiy 

left out idiomatically, especially after nouns implying 

When a substantive in the Locative is accompanied 

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by an adjectiye ending in *u^ the adjective must be 
likewise put in the Locative; but adjectives of other 
terminations, pronouns or numerals are only put in the 

1) The Locative expresses in SindhI not only the 
place, in which an action is going on, but also di- 
rection and motion to a place. The Locative is 

therefore used after verbs of motion, such as: ^j va- 

nanu, to go, J^l aj^u, to come eta 

«/ ^^ ^ v:^^ "^^ ^-y ^ ^y 
JCii; ^^l; ^ ^^ ^ 3)4^ ^y^ 

No crows were sitting on a tree; evening tide has 

set in; she seizes the opportunity. 
She stepped in, having taken the jar into the hand, 
having heard the call (to prayer) of the evening. 
• Sh. Suk I, 14. 

In the caldrons the limbs boil, where not a grain 
does descend in the eddies. Sh. £al. 11, 27. 

^U^ » 14^ V5^^ ^' '-f^ (5f^)' 

Li deep, very great love are hares and jackals. 
MaJ. 548. 

May not any one, o friend! trust in a Baluchi 
promise! Sh. DesI, Choi 7. 

y^yiH/Ht^^ )^/i is^ 0% 
/^ I - ^ - 

I go to the forest; I have seen the footstep of 

Punhd Sk Hus, V, 4. 

Digitized by 



j^ tg^ XH*^ ijT^ isi^ \J^ i^^ )^ ^ 

Having given (left) the other doors to others, I 
came to thy door. SL S5r. I, 11. 

2) The Locative is used with nouns implying time, 
to express the point of time, at which an action 
takes place. 

One day I making a journey, they arrived at (lit: 
came out of) Jesakner. Life of Abd-ul-Latif, p. 40. 

iSf ^. «^ i^ ^ «^ ^}^ ifP c^ 

At some time in a village one mouse, having re- 
flected in its mind, said. Sindhi Bead. Book, p. 61. 

(My) beautiful friend came at day-break to (my) 
house. Sh. Khambh. I, 9. 

(My) body weeps in the nights (and) in the days, 
in the chains (i. e. in prison). Sh. XJm. Mar. Y, 7. . 

3) The Locative is used also in the sense of the 
Latin Ablative absolute, to express a state or 
circumstance. Li this way either an adjective may 
be used absolutely (L e. substantively, so that an attri- 
bute may be joined to it) or a substantive with an ad- 
jective; in either case the participle present ^^^yi in 

being, being, should be supplied, but is idiomatically 
left out*) 

1) About the Looativo of the participle present and past, see §• 81, 2. 

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^ ^}» J^ ^^ 5^ •^ j;>4* c;r^ }^ 

Grant me that favour, that I may meet, whilst 
living (lit in the state of being alive) my sweetheart 
SL Abin I, 1. 

^iXl^Ifi / -# >JG 5^ p; ^ v^H^ ^^^ ^ ^Uf 

Whilst we live no one shall take even the name 
of thy hair. Amulu Man. p. 151. 

Do not take down the load; depart, that thou mayst 
meet with (thy) object, whilst the sun is (yet) red. Sh. 
Hus. I, 2. 

4) The Locative describes the attributes or qualities, 
in which the subject is, to say so, immersed. In the 
English idiom such a Locative must be translated by 
the postposition 'of* or Svith*. 

Of slender waist, of straight nose, with lamp-black 
their eyes (are) filled. Sh. Sam. I, 35. 

Li the adornment of the head (and) body he is a 
hero of great boldness. AJaib, v. 156. 

With great udder they came, having behind their 
young ones. Sh. Sar. IV, 14. 

Hast thou seen any where one by name Shah Abd- 
ul-Latif, of such marks and signs, my son? Life of Abd- 
ul-Latif, p. 9. 

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An orphan, of torn clothes, to look upon like a 
basil leaf, Maj. 303. 

Of deer-ejres, of ears of a wild goose, of a EoYil^l 
speech. Ibid. 52. 

^^^ is^ ^ i}h' ?y^ 
Of a neck (and) breast like a pigeon, amiable. 
Ibid. 60. 

5) The Locative is used also in computations, the 
sum or price, at which something is computed, being 
put in the Locative (cf. also §. 66, 4). 

Thy step I do not balance with ten billions, if thou 
become comforted. Sh. Sor. IT, 4. 

That heart, which is not at all obtained for a price, 
thou hast asked. Sh. S5r. n, 15. 

§. 71. 
Vm. The Ablative. 

The idea of the Ablative is expressed either bj the 
Ablative case (cf. §. 16, 5) or by postpositions, as: ^(4^ 

^^, ll? from, ^U, ^14^ from-in, ^G, ^\^ from- 
upon etc. 

1) The Ablative denotes in the first instance se« 
paration, removal, distance from a place or thing; 
it is therefore commonly used with such verbs, post- 
positions and adverbs, as imply a distance or separation 
from any thing (place, time etc.). 

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This one came, liaving made a journey from a 
foreign country^ S. Sor. I, 5. 

vj^^ \j^ c)^' C4^ u^i^ ^ 

When I fled from Bhambhoru, then all pains became 

Haying descended from the mountain-pass I became 

in my own person PunhiL Sh. Abirl V, 2, 

I will scoop out of (my) shoulders something, o 
bard| and give it thee with the body. SL Sor. 11, 22. 

*je ^'r^ J»Ja^ (5i-*^ (5^ C)^' 

Before death, o Sasui, o £Edr Lady! die whilst living! 

Turn not aside from that company, by which the 

soul has been lost on the road. Sh. Ma^S. lY, 6. 

2) The Ablative is therefore used in comparisons, 
the object, with which a noun is compared, being 
put in the Ablative, to state the distance or difference 
of one noun from another (c£ §. 21). 

If thou desirest to meet thy friend, then esteem 
virtue more than vices; (literally: esteem virtue before 
vices.) Sh. Jam. KaL Vm, 22. 

1) 0^^ the same at OCJ, the latter having been, after a poe- 
tical license, aspirated, for the sake of the rhyme. 

Digitized by 



y^^^^ <5t'j>^>^ J4^sah^ ^, «^>5 3;^i» 

Having built a dwelling better tban all other faqin 
(lit. good from), he lived at Bhita (i e. on the sandhil]^. 
Life of Abd-ul-Latif , p- 21. 

3) The Ablative expresses the ground, reason or 
feeling, out of whidi or with which an action is done. 

-4^ c;^^ ^a}^;i is^)^ ^^^ ^ 

Eespect Muhammad, the intercessor, out of un* 
derstanding (and) love. Sh. KaL I, 2. 

Go, ye scholars, that she may eat with pleasure. 
MaJ. 117. 

4) The Ablative denotes also instrumentality 
and accompaniment; but this use is restricted to in* 
animate nouns and to poStry; in prose either the In- 
strumental or the postposition ^H would be employed 
for this purpose. 

Those say to thee: do thou not return a word with 
(thy) mouth. Sh. Jam. Kal. Vm, 17. 

CGgj^L^ (54^ (^ ^U^/ 

Give thou praise to the wise one publicly with (thy) 
tongue. Sh. Surag. I, EpiL 1. 

The mouthfuls, which thou, o camel! hast obtained 
(and) plucked with the mouth. Sh. Eambh. 11, 29. 

1) bl^\ inBtead of ^U^)- 

•■mpp, SindhT-OrtmBMr. v f 

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Go with the gold to the banker, (but) do not at 
all take down the load! Sh. Surag. lY, 9. 

5) With neuter verbs the Ablative (especially with 

the postposition ^^(40 denotes the agent The same 
is the case with passive verbs, if the agent be an inani- 
mate noun. 

Master, I have done vrong, forgive me that! Life 
of Abd-ul-LatIf, p. 20. 

isi^ ij^ »54^ (j1 c?** '^ o4<>^*4^ ^ 

I sliall become a candle in the night, being burnt 
by that delight. Sh. Khambh. I, Epil. 3. 

vf/f ^ cj4r \J^ 4^^ ^;r^ 

By the beauty of (his) face I was made mad in (my) 
mind. Sh. Suh. IX, 8. 

Chapter V. 

I. Personal pronouns. 

§. 72. 

1) The personal pronouns are generally not ex- 
pressed, being implied in the inflexional terminations of 
the verb. They are therefore • only used either foi^ the 
sake of perspicuity or for the sake of emphasis^) or con- 
trast. In poStry a personal pronoun is often omitted, 

1) Commonly with the emphatic I (i) or hi, hi. 

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where we should expect one, and must then be soppfied 
from the context 

On the whole the personal pronouns precede the 
verb, to which they belong, but they may also follow 
it, especially in pofitry. 

I am alone on the Hab, I have no friend nor 
brother, Sh. Suh. II, EpiL 2. 

Ye married women also return! I shall not return 
without (my) husband. Sh. Abiri IV, 9. 

\aH)}i c?;J (5^ ^i^ ^y^ -f^ i^) 
Go again ye all, who have husbands! Ibid IV, 9. 

Even me kill my own pains. 

2) The Genitives y^ ^^Hj^ and ^ ^^^4^ my, thy, 
are possessive adjectives in the Nominative and inflected 
accordingly. In poStry the case -sign ^ is frequently 

dropped, but then the forms ^^ and p must be em- 
ployed. Instead of the possessive adjectives the prono- 
minal suffixes attached to nouns (verbs and postpositions) 

or to j jJltf (c£ §. 40, 2) may also be used, and in certain 

cases ^ ^^^, see §. 77. 

The Genitive of the personal pronoun of the I and 
n pers. Sing, and Plur. (Lat mei, tui eta) is expressed 

by the Formative ^ sj^^ ^ cH^ ®*^> which is 

also used before such postpositions, as require ^^, <£ 

§. 58, n. 


Digitized by 



4^^ • CS?* 'S** >^ «*» >^ uH^ U^ 

My heart is fibced there, here is (only) earth and 
flesh. Sh. Urn. Mar. VI, 16. 

3;'? }^ &^^ isT ^;i or* r^ u^ 

It is my friend's turn to come to my house. Sh. . 
Kambh. I, 9. 

Thy companions, thy Mends have been carried down 
the river by the waves. Sh. Sur&g. VI, 6. 

>- i^yi^ >^ ^:^¥ U>^ wf (5?*> W*^ ?« )^ 

- I - I 

Whoever loves son or daughter more than me, is 
not worthy of me. Matth.lO, 37. 

Come, walk after me/i. e. follow me. IbicL 19, 21. 

3) i^ cH^ ^^^ >^ v:>4^ ^^ ^^ ^^^^ substan- 
tively, especially in the Plural, in the sense of: my, thy 
people or friends. 

m>* ^ v:H^ J'-^ yi^ ^f^ j^S^ 

I have a very great longing; would that my (friends) 
had returned! Sh. Sam. n, 17. 

4) The Accusative of the personal pronouns must 
always be marked by the postposition ^^45^, which in 

pofitry however is frequently dropped. But if in a sen- 
tence a Dative and Accusative of a personal pronoun 
(or pronoun of the III pers.) should occur, the Dative 
takes the postposition ^^ as well as the Accusative; 

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oonstracticos of this kind are however avoided, whenever 

5^ c^»^ ^9^ v^ u^ \sf ^Ji^ 

(To =) Upon me (is) thy reproach, o my friend! 
Sh. Mum. B§no II, 14. 

Go not away from Kak anywhere, o Ban5, it is 
not right for thee. Sh. Mum. Bano I, EpiL 

Bhita does not give you up, and thou do not run 
away! Life of Abd-ul-Latif, p. 21. 

3) When the personal pronouns are accompanied 
by an attribute in tiie inflected case, they must precede 
it in the Formative. 

v^f#?i <5f i^^. O^ ^^"^ i;*f // 

Make some turn, o husband, to the hut of me, the 
lowly one! Sh. Daharu lEE, 1. 

Woe, by me the humble one nothing was then 
said! SL DesI IV, EpiL 

They will give to me the afiSieted a sign, for God's 
sake. Sh. Eoh. m, Epil. 

* 1) This may be done easily by a pamTe conainictioB, aa: 

I have presented you into his hands, i. e. made a present of jim 
to him. Amulu Man. p. 148. 

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§. 73. 

n. Demonstrative pronouns. 

1) There is no personal pronoun of the m pers. 
(Singular and Plural) in Sindhi, its place being generally 

supplied' by the demonstrative yk that, he, she; but if 
a distinction between a nearer and a more distant object 
is to be made, the demonstrative pronoun ^ this^), is 
referred to the object near at hand, and yi to the more 
distant one. When the subject (or object) of the sen- 
tence immediately preceding is to be taken up again 
by a pronoun, the demonstrative pronoun y**^ is used. 

Cjr; <5f i>^ (5f U' (5? vI^T^ <5f U)' ^ ^^ 

When the groan of her dying came upon her ear. 
Sindhi Read. B. p. 64. 

Thou art a man, she a woman. Amulu Man., 
p. 147. 

5? sfi^^^ (5? c^ C^; ^5 ^ ^ 

That one has in his mind (the word) * night ', these 
ones think this. Maj. 34. 

1) ^^ is also used idiomaticaUj in the following way: 

Otherwise this is the kingdom, this then, L e. I wiU hare nothing 
to do with the kingdom nor with thee. Amnlu Mftn. p. 141. 

2) The demonstrative pronoun j^, when joined to a personal 
pronoun, signifies 'therefore'; as: 

Umar of the SnmirO clan, therefore how shall I put on silkV 
Sh. Urn. Marui VII, 6. 

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The DSy has given fhee a necklace of nine lakhs; 
that also I snatched away and took to hands. Amulu 
Man, p. 147. 

c^K (57 c># U^ vr^Li^ uyi^ (5i^ ^ 

All these buffiftloes have come out of it (= were 
born); take them as thy own. Sindhi Bead. B. p. 61. 

2) The demonstrative pronoun ^j, this very, refers 
emphatically either to an object near at hand, or just 
mentioned or immediately following, and ^\ that very 
to a more remote or afore mentioned one. y^l this 

here, and |4^f that there, are only used in a local 

If ever this very (just mentioned) word the king of 
the mice shall hear. Sindhi Bead. B. p. 63. 

(5^' O^ (5^ c^*^ -^ '^^ 

That very one then is my sister. Amulu Man. 
p. 149. 

3) In the Accusative the demonstrative pronouns 
commonly take the postposition ^^^, if they refer to 

persons (or animate beings generally) which are to be 
rendered more prominent; but if there be no stress 
laid on the demonstrative, the uninflected form of it is 
used. If the demonstratives refer to things or if they 
precede adjectively another noun in the uninflected form, 
they remain uninflected in the Accusative, if the iposb- 
position ^^ be not required for reasons stated at §. 69, 3. 

Digitized by 



i'^ j^ «5^ «5!?^ tf/ C^% «H^ 

She, having seen these , locked the door. Axnulu 
Man. p. 149. 

y^^y^ i^^ ^sf ^ay" ^ y^ y^ c^^^ 

When you find it, come and give me intelligence. 
Matth. 2, 8. 

Then I shall see that, (and) then send to you a slave- 
girl. Amulu Man. p. 150. 

These trees you will not obtain; those trees there 
(are) many. 

§. 74. 
in. The relative and correlative pronoun. 

1) The relative pronoun.*) in SindhI is ^, who, which, 
and the correlative ^ that^ which usually takes up the 
relative. Besides the relative j^, the indefinite pronouns 
jjCu^i ^5^ whosoever, ^gC^ whatsoever may |also cor- 
respond to the following correlative ^. The place of 
the relative pronoun may also be taken up by a relative 
adverb. Instead of the correlative y^ a demonstrative 
may be used, if Hxq stress be laid upon it. 

The sentence headed by the relative pronoun may 
either precede or follow that commenced by the corre- 
lative ^, according to the emphasis laid on either 

1) Tlie relative ^, when followed 'bj a penomd pronoun in the 
same sentence , signifies W (Lat quippe qui) 

;l4f u>^T ^' U. ^ JU ^ ^j^ uli 

Woe to my state, as I am bad and useless! Ma}. 766. 

Digitized by 



pronoun; for the sake of emphasis the correlatives maj 
be repeated. 

When the relative (and correlative), refers to a 
pronoun of the I or 11 person, the verb of the relative 
sentence is usually in the III person, and not in the 
I or n person. 

In poStry either pronoun may be dropped. 

^ •• .*• ^ . ^ 

That, which shouted: a coward (is) the cat, ran also 
away. SindhI Bead. B. p. 64. 

s^y^ sjj^ iS^ \J^^ «45 c;^ (5^ 

Those, which thou considerest as verses, are signs. 
Sh. Suh. IX, 6. 

That will be a companion to thee, whatever thou 
prayest to the Lord of the world. MSnghd 8. 

I*jJULm o^ s^^J^Xm ye^ {J"^^ ^4^^ isi}^ 

That is my native country, where my sweetheart 
(is). Maj. 86. 

May I not be forgotten by them, whom I do not 
drop out of (my) mind. Sh. Sam. II, 4. 

Those tfees, which give no good fruit, are cut off 
(and) thrown into the fire. Matth. 7, 19. 

I, who is (= am) given up in the mountains, how 
shall she (= I) arrive at Ke6? Sh. Desi, m, EpiL 

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2) The relative pronoun (and, as the case may be, 
the correlative) usually precedes the substantive, to which 
it refers, but the relative may also follow, if the sub- 
stantive has one or more attributes. The subject of a 
sentence is frequently first expressed by a demonstrative 
pronoun, and then taken up by the relative and corre- 
lative, to render it more prominent. 

••|m1 mI •••'••I mI ^ 

Which cat (= a cat that) eats her own youi^ one, 
will that ever give up a mouse? Sindhi Bead. B. p. 53. 

Give up that traffic, in which there is no jewel. 
Sh. Surig. IV, 8. 

tfi^:? <5^' 7^ «5^v:H^' >* 3^5 .H^l >^ ;*** 

The faqlr, who was powerful (in magic), to him in- 
formation was brought. Amulu M&n. p. 147. 

A mad, strange thief, a foreigner, who reads (studies). 
Shakes laughing hands with thy daughter. Maj. 240,241. 

^Jf^ JLlu bj U^C -« lUj oj lo: ^ ^ 

Those, who were great men (and) warriors, went 
destitute out of the world. Menghd 4. 

4) The relative and correlative pronoun may in the 
same sentence bo subject and object, so that the sentence 
is doubly correlative, the object, if a pronoun of the HI 
person, being likewise expressed by the relative and cor- 

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Google . 


For whom they are longing, with them join them. 
Maj. 203. 

yU v^ v^ji j5 >^ ^^ ;5 >- 

That kindness they bestow, which is bestowed on 
them. Sh. Surag. IV, 4. 

5) In the first member of a correlative sentence (or, 
as it may be, in the second) ^ ^ is occasionally used 
instead of the simple relative ^, which is then taken 
up again by a following correlative. 

^^ \lXi ^ ^ 4^13 ^ c^*f^ c^ 

Those friends, who are wanted, have gone on a 
journey. Sh. Sam. T, 24. * 

^G ^ ^ ^ v:>^4^ tt! )0\J ^ 

O Almighty, will those ever come, of whom the 
discourse is? Maj. 457. 

6) With the correlative adverbs the correlative 
pronouns and adjectives may be joined in the same 

% »,» I* ,..,5 '•»» , «• ' 

c^^ O^ J^ (5^;'> <>^^ i^ cH^ 

When those, who said: he is alone (Gkxl), he has 

no partner. 
Respect Muhammad, the intercessor, out of love 

with their hearts. 
Then (none) out of them was entangled in a place, 

where there is no landing. Sh. Elal. I, 3. 

Digitized by 



sayii^ oj^ sj)^}^ ' 

Where so many hours are written in fate. 

There so many have come to pass. Sh. Mi^. Y, 9. 

7) The correlative adjectives and adverbs (c£ §. 38, 2), 
when placed after each other, imply an indefinite 
sense. The same is the case, if a relative be joined with 
an interrogative. 

The cat, having eaten some (a number) of the mice 
with delight, went off. Sindhi Bead. B. p. 64. 

The princess, having enticed him somehow, having 
gained (his) heart, drew him out (L e. got the secret 
from him). Amulu Man. p. 147. 

§. 75. 
IV. The interrogative pronouns. 

1) IaT who? is applied to persons and M^ and J^^ 

what? to things only; these three pronouns are used ab- 
solutely and not joined adjectively to another noun^); 
in which case, the interrogative adjectives ^4^, 3^4^ 
which? and 3)4^^ of what Mnd? are to be employed. 

1) ^ is oooanonallj joined a^jeeiilrelj to % noon in po^ry, as: 

(^ ^ >^^ <5f -9? u^ >^ 

YTluch hero shall we send -to the combat of the snake? Story 
of the snake ¥. 69. 

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The interrogatiye pronoims are not only used in 
direct interrogatory sentences but also in indirect in- 
terrogatory ones, when the governing sentence contiuns 
a negation; but if the governing sentence be positive, 
the relative ^ is preferred^ The same role applies to 
the interrogative adjectives and adverbs. 

I do not know exactly, who it is. Life of Abd-nl- 
Latif, p. 13. 

I also do not tell you, by what order I do this. 
Matth. 21, 26. 

1 shall also tell you, by what ordw I do this. 
Matth. 21, 24. 

2) The interrogative pronouns (adjectives and ad- 
verbs) are frequently used, where a negative answer ib 

\J^ ^>^ c)^ (5^' y^ -^ -^ V^^^ 4^ obM-^ 

By &te I have been put into prison; otherwise who 
would come into this fort? Sh. Um. Mar. I, 8. 

%. 76. 
y. The indefinite pronouns. 

1) ^ some one, any one, when standing by itself^ 
is applied to animate beings and ^ to things only; but 

when ^ is used adjectively, it may be joined to any 
noun; similarly ^ also may be put before nouns, when 

a part or quantity is to be expressed, c£ §. 61, 3. 

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Nothing else will be of use to thee, except what thou 
hast sown thyself. Mengho 10. 

2) ^ is now and then added to a personal pronoun 
(expressed or only implied in the inflexional termination 
of the verb) in an interrogative or negative sentence^ 
for the sake of emphasis, with nearly the same sense 

Wilt thou, having forsaken (me) go at all to the 
mountains? O lover, I did not think thus. Sh. Desi, 
m, EpiL 

3) When ^ is repeated in the next sentence, it 
signifies: one — another. 

y-i?^ i^ ^^ ^ ^ ^^ ^ ^J^ ^y^ ^ 

Ml I M I ^1 

One says: a demon has fallen into (his) body; another 
says: his understanding is upset. Maj. 40. 

§. 77. 
The reflexive pronoun. 

1) The reflexive pronoun J^l^ (Sing, and Plur.) *self *, 
always refers to the . subject of the sentence (expressed 
or only understood); somewhat intricate is the use of 

its Genitive, the reflexive pronominal adjective ^ ^)4^i 
'own*. When the subject of the sentence is a pronoun 
of the I and 11 person (expressed or only implied in the 
verb), its application is clear enough; but when the 
subject is of the III person (or any noun), the question 
arises, whether the possessive pronouns *his*, *her* eta 
refer to the chief subject of the sentence (Lai suus), or to 

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some other subject (Lai ejus eta); in the first case the 
reflexive pronoun must hid employed, in the latter a 

^) ^ o^ is^i^ u^ 5^ ^^'T v^f 5 ^J^ isi^ 

Having risen (and) greeted (and) having met with 
great respect (and) politeness they sat amongst themselves. 
Life of Abd-ul-Latif, p. 36. 

pure friend, show thy face! Sh. Sor, I, 10. 

Having come with his (own) servants to the service 
of Shah Sahib, he was present. Life of Abd-ul-Latif^ p. 31. 

That wealthy one, marvelling at his (the other^s) 
recognising her, asked him. 3indhi Read. B. p. 61. 

2) In addressing a person the reflexive pronominal 

adjective ^ v:^S^ i^ ^^^ ^^d then used (like the Hin- 

dust&ni 1^ vJT etc.), instead of the peculiar pronoun, that 

would be required, as: ^T JU ^ v:^4^ v5* {j^^ 

master, this is your property, which under certain cir^ 
cumstances could also be translated: master, this is our 
property, when the spaker includes himself, as: 

Send forth some mice of our country and land. Story 
of the mice and the cat, v. 35. 

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3) The reflexive pronominal adjective ^ ^^4^ may 
also refer to the object (norm with postp., or Dai and 
Ace) immediately following. 

I am come to make quarrel the son with his father, 
the daughter with her mother. Matth. 10 , 35. 

4) When the subject of a sentence is a noun with 
a possessive pronoun, the peculiar possessive pronoun 
(if such occur with a noun) must be used and not 

y^ cK^' because the use of ^ \j^ would give quite 
a different sense. Similarly when the subject of a sen- 
tence is a personal pronoun and when in the next sen- 
tence , joined to the preceding by a conjunctive particle, 
a noun with a possessive pronoun occurs, the peculiar 
pronoun must be used for the reasons stated above. 

v:)'p4^ *sf o*^ "^^ isT «^*^ y^ c^*** y^ 

(If) there would be in my kingdom some hero of 
mine. Story of Shamsadu, v; 40. 

I am a man ulnder authority and under my hands 
are. soldiers. Matth. 8, 9. 

5) The subject, to which ^ ^j^ refers, must oc- 
casionally be gathered from the context; but when thus 
used without a clear subject, to which it may be re- 
ferred, it generally implies the I person (Singular or 

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Having removed fS^r from our coimtry may our lot 
be made any where! Story of the cat and mice, v. 20. 

6) ^ chi^ ^ <^ used substantively, signifiring 
my, thy etc property, friends or people. 

Take what is tiiine and go. Matth. 20, 14. 



Chapter VL 

§. 78. 

The InfinitiTe« 

1) The Infinitive as well of neuter as of active (ten- 
sative) verbs is treated in SindhI as a r^ruJar substan- 
tive. The complement (object), which is required by an 
active verb, is subordinated to the Infinitive either by 
the Genitive or by the Accusative in its uninflected form, 
or governed by tiie postposition ^^. 

The living (= life) of the disappointed one gets 
on with dif&cnlfy without the Jat. Sh. Abiri Y, 9. 

The Mughab, having taken their swords, came to 
km the Sh&h. life of Abd>ul-Lafif, p. 15. 

Tr«mpp, SiMdhl-OriMMur. Hh 

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To ascent the impaling stake, to see the (nuptial) 
bed I this is the business of the lovers. Sh. Kal. II, 8. 

^iS Jf^ o4^ -f^ (sfJ^ c>A?;^ ^^^ 

It is by no means proper to put that into the house. 
Sindhl Bead. B. p. 65. 

2) The Infinitive is added as an expletive object to 
the verbs J^o to give leave, J;i>4»* to let go or allow, 
*JJ(jf to desire, and partly also to Jh^ ^ ^ ^^^^* 
But when the verb, which subordinates an Infinitive, 
requires an object (Accus.), it puts the same in the Ac- 
cusative, according to the signification of the finite verb. 

(5? P^ saH P^ cH!^ O^.^ ^ 

Tears don't let me write (lit. give no writing); 
dropping they fall upon the pen. Sh. XJm. Mar. 11, 9. 

The Mughals did not allow the Sh&h S4hib to come 
(lit gave him no coming). Life of Abd-ul-Latif, p. 16. 

They do not allow a male bird to sit down. Amulu 
Mto. p. 141. 

y^ H^ s^i \^j^^ • \^ \^ iff isfl 

Many prophets and pious people had wished to see 
this very (sight). Matth. 13, 17. 

3) The Infinitive may also be turned into an ad- 
jective by the accession of the Genitive case-sign ^. 
In this case the Infinitive itself is strictly treated as a 

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8abstaiitiY6| as regards its gOYemmenti and ^ is nearly 
used in the same sense as y^ or yUa^^ c£ §. 67, Ih 

But he was not of the eating of the crocodilea, 
i e. he was not destined to be eaten by the crocodHea. 
Story of Bae Diadu p. 1. 

This word is mere joke and impossible. 

Chapter m 

§. 79. 

The Oerundive. 

1) The SindhI derives firom the Infinitive of active 
verbs a r^cdar Gterondive or participle fatore passive 
(cf. §. 8, 12, b; §. 46), which agrees with its subject 
in gender and number, except the construction be ren- 
dered impersonal by the use of the postposition _f5^ 

c£ §. 94, 5. The agent is put in the Dative (like in 
Latin) or expressed by a pronominal suffix. 

/<5^' c>^ >- (5?^ >^/ ^^/ i^isf ^P 
If by thee some complaint is to be made, come and 
make it. Amulu Man. p. 150. 

Whatever thou hast to get firom me, that is alms 
(L e. given in ahns). Matth. 15, 5. 

^ <5if 5^^ (5^ (sf ^ 

Now, whatever thou hast to say, say. Amulu MSn. p. 143. 

HhS * 

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2) But when the construction is rendered impersonal 
by the use of ^^ or when a Dative occurs in a sen- 

tence, the agent must be expressed by the Instrumental, 
to avoid the double use of ^g^. 

Thou shouldst have seized this horse. 

What is to be got by me as regards thee (i e. from 
thee), give that to me. Matth. 18, 28. 

Chapter YIIL 
The Participles. 

§. 80. 
L The participle present. 

1) The participle present agrees as a regular ad- 
jective with the subject of the finite verb (expressed or 

Is it used, when an action is to be described as 
lasting or continuing, for which purpose it may be 

^^ jftUJl^ \iXu4f ftXi^^r ^Kyf JiA ^ -4^ ^gf 

Having made the tour of the whole city they came, 
wandering, wandering to the lanes of the king. Amulu 
Min. p. 140. 

.^\ 14^14^ ijxJ Jj ^ 

Upon them (i e. on their heads) are (large) baskets and 
(small) baskets; groaning they come. Sh. Uul M&r.YI, 12. 

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2) The participle present is very frequentlj need in 
the Locative. Sing., terminating in 8, or with the em- 
phatie I or hi, in el and ehl^), to express aa action coin- 
ciding with what the finite verb declares/ 

As regards the subject of the present partidple, 
Loc, it is either the same, as that of the finite verb, or 
it may refer to another noun in the sentence (Genitive, 
Dative, Accusative etc, usually expressed by a prono- 
minal sufBx), or it may not be expressed at all, to be 
gathered from the context. 

When the subject of the present participle Loc differs 
from that of the finite verb, it is added in the For- 
mative; the same is the case, if an attribute be joined 
to the subject (expressed or only understood) of the 
present participle. But if the Locative of the present 
participle requires a complement (an object), it is con- 
structed according to the common rules. 

In coming and going he used to say these words. 
Life of Abd-ul-Latif, p. 47. 

J^ ^ is( O^ cH^ '^f^ (5*^^? 4^ 

Dying of hunger they ask not from any one alms. 
Sh. Ramak. VII, 7. 

Whilst searching about in the mountains some man 
met hint MaJ. 122. 

Then whilst eating her mind became drunk (and) 
mad. MaJ. 178. 

1) Occasionally ehl ii ahortcned to ahl, aat ^cXiLAlni inrtead of 

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The wife and children of a gambler, (although) being 
in the hoosei do not consider as in the house. SindhI 
Bead. B. p. 62. 

In seeing the friend all (tiieii^ pains are removed* 
Mi^. 818. 

»li, ^5 v^*J^j; c;^ •'V c;^ >^ 

Turn thou back the camel; pass the night/ whilst 
I am weeping. Sh. Mum. B&no I, Epil. 

§. 81. 
n. The participle past 

1) The past participle of neuter verbs agrees with 
its subject in gender, number and case; the form in ^alu' 
is used, when the participle passes more into an ad- 
jective. The past participle of active and causal verbs 
(implying always a passive sense) agrees likewise with 
its subject in gender, number and case, except the con- 
struction be rendered impersonal by the use of the post- 
position ^gAf (cf. §. 94, 5). 

2) The past participle of active (and partly also of 
neuter) verbs with a passive signification, is used also 
substantively, cf. §. 62, 2, and may therefore be con- 
structed with a postposition. 

)^. >^ (5^^ v^/>4 y^ s^^^ 

The Qazi, having done the word (= what was said) 
of the scouts, became a tyrant. Maj. 296. 

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. ^ ^^ ^^"^ *^^ ^ 
After being broken it became beyond (= more) a 
thousand billions. Sh. Surag. IV, 17. 

3) The past participle of neuter and actiye verbs 
is frequently used in the Locatiye lingular (cf. §. 80, 2); 
if the subject of the past participle do not differ from 
that of the finite verb, it is not expressed, but if it do 
differ, it is added in the Formative. But the subject 
of the past participle may also refer to a more distant 
object, or it may not be expressed at all, in which case 
the Locative is used absolutely. The impersonal con- 
struction of the past participle by means of the post- 
position ^54^ is ftldo retained, though the participle be 

put in the Locative. 

The past participle in the Locative is used sub- 
stantively, but nouns, dependmg thereupon, are idio- 
matically only put in the Formative, and not subor- 
dinated by the inflected Genitive case-sign ^. 

By tAzriil having come, Sasul was awakened whilst 
sleeping, i e. in the state of being asleep. Sh. Abir! Vm, 5. 

Gk>d, may those come, by whose coming (my) 
heart becomes glad. Sh. DSsI m, 5. 

c>? (5f ;«^^ ^* «5f^' Uf* 

Whilst I stood upright, they went to the landing- 
places of the harbour. Sh. S&m. 11, 2. 

Whilst the physicians were seated (lit. in the state 
of the physicians being seated), the friend entering came 
to (my) door. Sh. Jam. Eal. 11, 10. 

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Those I who do not underBtand much, after one 
letter has been touched. Sh. Jam. KaL Y, 29. 

Li^r 4L0 ^y^ ^ c^H^i^ (5^^^ 

Since I have seen the Dothis, many days have passed 
to me (lit In the being seen the Dothis). Golden Al- 
phabet xxvm, 2. 

Sitting near whom the pain becomes intense. Sh. 
Jam. Kal. VlII, '25. 

!;'4^3' v^' ^ ^ u^^ «*f^ 

Which being eaten coughing arises, vomiting comes 
on. Golden Alphab. XVm, 10. 

§. 82. 
m The past conjunctive participles. 

The past conjunctive participles (cf. §. 47) very greatly 
facilitate the conjimction of the different members of a 
compound sentence and are therefore very extensively 
in use. They are translated according to the tense of 
the finite verb. 

1) The past conjunctive participles commonly refer 
to the subject of the finite verb, and in a passive con- 
struction, to the agent (Instrumental); but when to the 

past conjunctive participle of J;^^ an attribute is added, 

it must remain in the Nominative, though the subject 
(agent) referred to be in the Instrumental. 

Having thrown (them) into the jar, having secured 
(them) take care (of them). Life of Abd-ul-LatIf, p. 11. 

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Thoa wit go to die, Slajno, being dried np by 
thirst Maj. 407. 

The D§v Ahriman having taken me from the oonntiy 
carried me off. Ajaib v. 119. 

\J^^ ch&* «»^ is^ i^y^ tsi-' <*« v;j*<M 

Then having heard the call, having become glad in 
(her) heart, she said. Maj. 702. 

2) The past conjunctive participles may refer also . 
to the object (Dative, Accusative) in a sentence, and 
in a passive construction one past conj. participle may 
refer to the agent (Instrumental) and another to the 

To them, who remember (their) iriends, the night 
passes in weeping. Sh. Jam. KaL I, 18. 

Having tarried they would possibly have been cured 
by the physicians having applied plaster. Sh. Jam. 
KaL n, 5. 

3)' In an impwsonal (neuter) or passive tenstmction 
the past conjunctive participles may be used absolutely, 
without any reference to a subject, which must be gathered 
from the context. 

vj^ ^ <5y' v:>*: c?; ^^l ^5 

The night was passed (by her) in the desert, having 
come to that very place. Maj. 745. 

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Having collected the remnant of the graini it is 
good (for me) to carry it to another place. Sindhi 
Bead. B. p. 56. 

(5^;^ u^/ (5*6 sff' 4^ cH^ 

Having sold him and his wife and his children and 
whatever he has, the debt shall be paid (soil, by you). 
Matth. 18, 24. 

^T^^^!^ isf s^ (5f^3^ V 

What shall be done to them, having made them 
hear the whole matter? Sh. Jam. Kal. V, 29. 

4) The past conj. participles are also now and then 
used in the sense of the Latin Ablative absolute, when 
the subject of the finite verb differs from that of the 
past conj. participle. But constructions of this kind are 
rather exceptions. 

^ ^ %f ^;^ ^^le ^^ ^^ ^^^ ^ ^1 

After all cats had died in this very manner, two 
cats in the whole town were left alive. Sindhi Bead. 
Book p. 63. 

5) Some past conj. participles are used quite ad- 
verbially, as: ^y^, ^C; ^^, ^ij^ 'again' (lit having 
returned or caused to return); ^^^ with the postposition 
^14^ from (lit. taking from); ^^^ ^L^ intentionally 
(lit having known, understood), or ^f j ^li or ^^y ^s^"^ 
^'5 and ^j being alliterations. 

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Friend) do not go to a foreign country, his mother 
said again to him. M£^. 83. 

From that hoar her daughter was made whole. 
Matth. 16, 28. 

Chapter DL 
The tenses of the verb* 

§. 83. 
L The Present 

1) The SindhI has two forms for the present tense, 
one identical with the Potential, to which the inflexional 
increment ^^ ^^ etc. is added, the Present inde- 
finite, and the'other being compounded with the present 
participle and the auxiliary verb ^llfiTetc., the Present 


The present tense of the passive voice is formed in 
the same way as that of the active voice, but its use 
is very restricted, neuter verbs being substituted wherever 

There is also a simple and compound Potential, 
as well of the active as of the passive voice, to express 
the idea of the present tense (c£ §. 90). 

2) The first form of the Present tense, the 
Present indefinite, expresses our common Present, 
i. e. an action begun and still continuing in the present. 

The increment ^ may optionally follow or precede 

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the verb^), but when the verb commenoes a sentence, it 
is put after it (pofitry excepted). In pofitry ^ is often 
separated from the verb by some other words, either 
preceding or following it 

When the negative adverb J, 'not*, accedes to the 

verb, J immediately precedes ^, and both the verb^; 
but in an interrogative sentence, or when a particular 
stress be laid on the verb, they may as well follow it 
In poStry j^ is very frequently omitted and the 
Present indefinite then coincides with the Potential, so 
that only the context can decide, whether the Present 
indefinite or Potential is intended. In prose also y%3 

is dropped, when the interrogative pronoim 14^ what? 
and the adverb ^^l^ when, precede the verb. 

Instead of the increment ^ the past participle 
^ (from ^^ to fall) is also used, but with this dif- 
ference, that a more enduring action is thereby 

Bemembering (her) guardians she gives a thousand 
blows. Story of the cat and mice v. 11. 

^*> v^' wXJi; \jL ^\^ ^^ j;xi y^ 

The king, the Lord of the kingdom, executes his 
own orders. Ajaib v. 6. 

Hearing they do not hear nor do they understand. 
Matth. 13, 18. 

1) Wheu an inierrogaiive proDoon or adverby as L^ , 34^ ^^ 
ooeart in a aentenoe, it generally attracts y^. 

2) Bat when in a sentence «3 — - J neither — nor, occnrs, the 
adverb J is put before that noun, on whidi the stress is laid. 

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For those rich inhabitants of the jungle I weep 
nights and days. Sh. Urn. Mar. 11, Ih 

When they see, one big black snake is seated (there). 
Life of Abd-nl-Latif, p. 16. 

3) When occurrences are related, as the narrator 
or person, he speaks of, saw them, the Present is fre- 
quently used, in order to transfer the hearer » to the 
scene of action. The same is tiie case, when the thoughts 
are given, which somebody had at a time. 

When the Mughals saw the Shah gahib, that he is 
(= was) sitting in the house. Life of Abd-ul-Latif, p. 15. 

What does he see? that his children (and) his wife 
go night and day about in begging. SindhI Bead. Book^ 
p. 62. 

i ^^ 1^2^^ ^^^ ^ ^U ^li ^iS v^ ^f 

Having there built a shrine of the Sh&h S&hib in 
that very place they sat down: ^because the Shah Sahib 
is here*. Life of Abd-ul-Latlf, p. 26. 

4) The Present is also now and then used for 
the Future, to signify thereby, that the action will 
be done forthwith. 

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Take thou now rest; we see (i e. shall see). Amulu 
MSn. p. 149. 

5) The second form of the Present, the Present 
definite, denotes a lasting or habitual action. The 
auxiliarj is occasionally dropped, especially in sentences 
of general import 

Whoever is walking according to his will, that is 
my brother and sister and mother. Matth. 12, 40. 

Why are the people giving me reproaches? Sh. 
Ma«. V, 14. 

§. 84. 

n. The Imperfect. 

The Imperfect denotes a past action, which is in* 
complete in reference to some other past action. . It 
implies therefore duration, habit or frequent oc- 

lift tJJ^j^ ^H Jju 

Whenever the ShSh Sihib. was going to that very 
village, the Mughals were quarrelling with him. Life of 
Abd-ul-Latif p. 15. 

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§. 85. 

m. The Aorist 

L The dmple Aoriib 

The Aorisfc implies indefinitely^ that bxl action took 
place in past tima It is therefore commonly used in 
narrations, where past events are reported irrespectively 
of their duration. We may therefore translate the Sindl^ 
Aorist either by the Imperfect or Perfect 

The Aorist of neuter verbs has an active meaning; 
some neuter verbs though (implying a passive sense) 
may also be constructed \nth the agent in the In- 

Active verbs are constructed passively in the 
Aorist (Perfect and Pluperfect), the agent (subject) being 
put in the Instrumental and the past participle agreeing 
with the subject (properly the object) in gender, number 
and case (cf. §. 92, 2), or being constructed impersonally 
by tiie use of the postposition _^ (cf. §. 94, 5). It is 

understood, that the Aorist (Perfect and Pluperfect) of 
the passive voice is also used personally, agreeing with 
its subject (expressed or implied in the inflexional ter- 
minations) in gender and number. 

I was asleep, those went off, they drove away the 
young camels. Sh. Hus. YI, EpiL 

Perhaps I have been forgotten by the dear MiMs. 
Sh. Umu Mar. V, 13. 

^[f" ^^[^ ^^ >D. ^ailj 5i^ ^ 

The bard sang the first night at tiie side of the 
castle. Sh. Sor. U, 1. 

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Who, haying remained the night in the deserts, 
looked out for the mountains. Sh. Khahor! I, 3. 

Those, who were made tawny by the Kak (liverX 
the redness does not leave. Sk Mum. Rand I!, 4. 

2) The eompoimd or haUtiud Aorist 

The compound Aorist with the indeclinable increment 
^^4J denotes in the first instance, that an action was 

done repeatedly in past time or for any length of time; 
it is therefore chiefly used, when an occupation, habit 
or manner is to be described. In the second instance 
it implies, that an action had been commenced in past 
time and was still going on at the time mentioned, 
and in this respect it nearly coincides with the Im- 
perfect, with the only difference, that generally a simple 
Aorist corresponds to it 

The increment ^^ is usually put before the verb, 

but is may also follow it; it may be also separated from 
the verb by some intervening words, in the same way 
as j45. Instead of ^^, Ji*^ (the Locative of ^ with 

emphatic i, instead of ^^i^ P^^l)) ^ ^^ used, which 
more strictly points out commencement and continuation. 

>^; ^ ^ s?f^ y^ <5f ^5 (5^ 

Where the night used to befall him, there he used 
to sleep. Life of Abd-ul-Latif, p. 21. 

On account of her food she used to make lakhs of 
jumps. Story of the cat and mice v. 13, 

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yWf ^ ^ ij4^ o; ^G ^ 

The pebbles of Karbalft his mother was gafhering, 
lAlI was wiping him away firom the wounds ^ 
drops of blood. Sh. Ked. V, 2. 

The drums in the cells went on sounding by them- 
selves as they pleased, and from them this tune was 
•coming. Life of Abd-ul-Latif, p. 36. 

^ ^l s?f ^? ^y^ ^ ^ ^^ -^^ cH?4^ 

«5^ ije^ «r?«^ -f-Jl^ tf^ ,5^'^^ »*► ^li iftlA 

When Shfih Jamfil was (as yet) going to his village, 
the Sh&h SShib died on the second day. Then when 
Shah Jamal heard the message of the removal of the 
Shah Sahib, he was coming again behind (the mes- 
senger). Ibid. p. 6. 

§. 86. 
IV. The Perfect 

1) The Perfect denotes an action, that is completed 
and finished in the past, so that it extends to the 

I do not live at all, nor am I at all dead. Sh. 
Hus. IX, 16. 

Tr«Mpp, Stadhl-OrHMMtf. li 

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o'^fiT ^00 ^:^& yjj^\ ^T (5%3l ^ 4^* 

Do not bring near the camels, I have been tor* 
xnented by the camels. Sh. DesI I, 14. 

2) The Perfect is occasionally used to represent an 
action as done already, whereas it is intended or ex- 
pected, that it will be done forthwith. 

••I •• • ^ 

The fairy saw, that he is (has been) now done for. 
Amulu Mftn. p. 151. 

§. 87. 

IV. The Pluperfect 

1) The Pluperfect denotes remote past action, which 
has taken place previous to some other past event men- 
tioned or understood. But in this connexion its use is 
not strict (as in Latin), the Aorist commonly being em- 
ployed, where we would expect a Pluperfect. 

^l ^^ ^^ 7^5' ^2>f^ vjli ^1^ say^f^ ^' 

In some town there had fallen in a dearth of grass; 
Those people drove oflf their cattle and went away 

at (with) ^ome opportunily. Story of the cat 

and mice, v. 5. 6. 

^Uf ^ if^C ^ y^ ^ ;;sf, ^ y^hiy 5itl 

As the faiiry had told, so she threw that very nose- 
ring into the jar of the slave-girl. Amulu Man. p. 160. 

Digitized by 



^ ^S s^i^ ^i^ iS^^ ^ ^^^ 

Had yoa seen (when yon were there) some one at the 
dde of (her) sweetheart, o Bothls? Sh. Hns. YI, Epfl. 2. 

2) The Pluperfect is frequently used in SindhI, where 
we would use an Imperfect or Perfect When an action 
is represented, from the point of the speaker, as com- 
pletely past some time hence, so that its results were 
already dear at the time mentioned, or when it is 
implied, that since an action has taken place, something 
else has happened, that could be said about it, the Plu- 
perfect is used and not the Aorist nor the Perfect The 
Sindh! idiom is much more accurate in discerning the 
different shades of meaning, than the English, and the 
correct use of this tense requires therefore a careM 

J^ iL # 54^5 e>5 ^Li -ili JU^ jAl 4i^o ^aXjj 

One day Shah Jam&l sat with the ShSh Sshib, and 
also many other fi^Irs were sitting ^ e. had seated them- 
selves before). Life of Abd-ul-Latif, p. 5. 

•i^ >^ •^ i)f ^)^ (5^ v^^ 

Maxdtlm S&hib received the intelligence, that Mi& 
Kfbr Muhammad had gone (but was no longer there) to 
have an interview with the Sh&h S&hib. life of Abd- 
ul-LatIf, p. 29. 


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V. The Future and Future Past. 

1) The SindhI has two fonns for the Future, the 
Bimple or indefinite Future and the Future definite. 

The first form corresponds to our common Future 
and denotes a future action in general, the latter form 
implies, that the future action will last or endure for 
some time. 

I shall graze their camels, having seized the bridle 
of the camels. Sh. Hus. IX, Epil. 

At that very time an hundred fairies will be dancing 
near the Dev Sufed. Amulu Man. p. 144. 

2) The simple or indefinite Future is used also to 
denote possibility, inclination or doubt 

king, I will speak one word to thee. Amulu 
M&Eu p. 143. 

boy, wilt thou give us a ram? Life of Abd-ul- 
Latlf, p. 17. * , 

3) The Future indefinite is also used for the Im- 
perative, when an order is not strictly given, but when 
it is expected, that it will be done spontaneously; it may 
therefore alternate with the Imperative. 

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Honour thy fSettber and thy mothery and love thj 
neighbour as thyseUl Matth. 19, 19. 

4) The past Future is seldom to be met with in 
the sense of a strict past future action, which should 
have taken place, before another action will be possible, 
but it generally implies uncertainty, doubt or possi- 
bility in reference to a past action, as: jOO;^ i^ 3^ 
he may have come. Instead of the past Future the 
Aorist is commonly used in Sindhl, especially in con- 
ditional sentences; see §. 98, 6. 

Chapter X. 
The Moods. 

§. 89. 
I The Indicative. 

The Indicative represents an action or thought as 
real, and is therefore used, not only when matters of 
&ct are related, but also when suppositions (in con- 
ditional sentences) are considered as really taking place 
(cf. §. 986, 3). The Sindhi uses consequently the In- 
dicative in such sentences, in which the speaker makes 
a subjective assertion, which he considers as true and 
real, whereas in the English idiom the Subjunctive would 
be used in such cases. 

It would be better for him, that he were drowned 
in the depth of the sea« Matth. 18, 6. 

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IL The Potential 

The Potential is, as stated already, the old Present 
and expresses therefore only present time; but by means 
of the present and past participle and the Potential of 

the auxiliary verb ^y^i a Potential of the Present de* 
finite and Perfect may be formed; these compound forms 
however are of very rare occurrence. 

1) The Potential, in its widest sense, denotes in- 
definiteness, possibility, uncertainty or doubt 

Then, think I, I eat together with thee bread. Amulu . 
M&n. p. 146. 

Companions, how shall I act with (= towards) them? 

sh. Abin vm, Epa 

Wilt thou not puU me out this wood? Amulu 
MSn. p. 148. 

He delivered him into the hand of the tormentors, 
as long as he shall not repay all, what is due unto me. 
Matth. 18, 34. 

2) The Potential serves also' to express a usual or 
habitual action. 

Drinking the water it makes (it, i. e. the river) 

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bare ground, it dries up fhe whole world. N&nga J5 
Quissd, Y. 40. 

A kingdom I do not compare with (my) needle, o 
companions! Sh. Unu M&r. YI, 18. 

That one shall go with me, who does not make 
(= consider) her life sweet Sh. Abiri YI, 2. 

3) The Potential is frequently used in the sense of 
an Optative or polite Imperative, especially for the 
L and IH person Singular and Plural 

Mend, may the lovers obtain (their) sweethearts 
as guides! Maj. 817. 

^li U>i4J ^S^[^ ^is^/i ^;^<5?* 

May there be blessing to all! that our business (and) 
affidr has succeeded. Story of the cat and mice v. 52. 

God, mayst thou bring camehnen, who take off 
messages of love. Sh. Um. M&r. 11, 9. 

Quickly, with speed, they shall bring this infinv 
mation and intelligence. Story of the cat and mice v. 38. 

4) The Potential is used with the Interjections (^U, 
JL^ would that, with the conjunctions Jo^i ^ot (prohi- 

1) With J the Potential may alio be need, if the iiyanciioii be 
more etrict 

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that, ^, ^l»., ^JL^, that, so that, in order that; ^jjj 
although; ^^ p^9 ^^^^ ^ (<^f* §• ^^\ 1); <^d with 

the adverbs Oo^i possibly, (jmaX!^» perhaps etc;, if the 
sentence be indefinite. 

physican, do not give a powder! o God, may I not 
become well! SL Jam. KaL II, 13. 

*• ^ •• 

Would to God, that thou, o beggar, wouldst not 
come any more. Sh. Sdr. II, 9. 

^ (5i^^ o4?? u^ J>^ cH^ -^ ^^^ 

Cat off, that thou mayst be approved, lest loss befidl 
thee. SL EaL H, 17. 

Thus, o camel, lift up (thy pace), that I may 
meet there (the friend) in tiie coming night Sh. 
Khamb. 11, 15. 

A' «f (5^ (54^' (5^5 ^ P^ ^% >^))^1 

Make some such jump, that ye fall upon that 
garment Amulu Man. p. 150. 

Having given (thy) soul to the omnipotent, thou 
mayst possibly be put into the track of (thy) friend Sh. 
Surag. m, Epil. 

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§. 91. 
nL The Imperative. 

1) The LnperatLYe is restricted to the IL person 
l^galar and Plural; for the other persons the Potential 
must be n^ed. 

The ImperatLve has two forms, the ImperatlYe 
strictly speaking and the Precative (cf. §. 44). The 
Imperative exipresses a command, whereas the Pre- 
cative implies an exhortation, request or haste. 

When a negation accedes to the Imperative, J is 

used to express a strict negation, whereas Jo is used 

in a prohibitive sense. With the Precative Jt is 

commonly joined, but S may also be employed, if the 
injunction be more strict. 

/ ^ >^' u^ >^ cK*4 

The lions said: be thou not anxious. Amulu 
M&n. p. 151. 

vrfj/^"-** -^ "^y {^ 04^ ^^ Yf^ 

Sfimaro, do not throw and tighten chains upon 
the chaste one! SL Um. M&r. m, 9. 

CSome near, good friend, do not apply a funeral 
pyre to the afiBicted one! Sh. Abiri X, 6. 

What is pure do not give to the dogs. Mattb. 
7, 6. 

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2) When two Imperatiyes are joined together by 

the conjunction S or ^G, the first Imperative is hy- 

Betom quickly, o dear friend, if you mean to go, 
then return. MaJ. 439. 

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Chapter XL 

Subject and Predicate. 

§. 61. 

In eyery flentence there must be a subject and 
a predicate; subject is called that person or thing, 
of which something is said and predicate that whidi 
is said about it. 

1) The subject may be expressed either by a sub- 
stantive or adjective or pronoun or numeraL It 
is not expressed, if it be a personal pronoun and itB 
predicate a verb, except a stress be laid upon it, as: 

y^ ^ILo I see, but ^Ui ^ ^yS( 1 see (not you). 

The subject must always be in the Nominative. 

2) The Predicatie may be expressed either by a 
verb, or adjective (participle), or substantive, or 

numeral with the auxiliary verbs ^y^ to be and J^l«5 

to become, to be. 

The predicate may be joined to the subject in a 
threefold manner: 

a) by way of asssertion, as: ^^ ^^ Joj^ the 
girl weeps. 

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6) by way of interrogation, as: ^T ^ who 
is come? 

c) by way of command (or desire), as: ^^J go (thou). 

3) The subject and predicate, if they be substan- 
tives oi; pronouns, may be nearer defined by an attri- 
bute. The attribute is commonly an adjective, but it 
may also be a substantive in the Oenitive (with or 
without an adjective, pronoun etc.), on which another 
noun in the Genitive may depend again, as: 

a great man came ^T ^jy^f^ 3<>5 

or: this is a great man ^T vj^J^ j^5 v5^ 

the Lord of the kingdom died ^y ^^Ji ^^i> ^ JCJL^ 

the son of the Lord of the kingdom died. 

^«^ ^AAm, ItXJbj L^ (XU oJ^ 

All the people of the kingdom (of) Maghrib will 
go to die. Nanga jo Qisso, v. 51. 

4) The subject and predicate, if they be proper 
names, substantives or pronouns, may also be nearer de- 
fined by a noun in apposition, as: 

^T yyO o^^^ ^jj^ the country (of) China is fisur off; 
is^ ^5^f^ U-A ^ this is the city (of) EarSfiL 

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Chapter XIL 
Ck>noord of the subject and predicate. 

§. 93. 

1) If the .predicate be a yerb, it must agree with 
its subject in person, gender and number. This rule 
is strictly adhered to in SindhX, even in such cases, 
where the subject in the Singular impUes plurality, 
cf. §. 63, 1. 2. A subject in the Singular however may 
be constructed with the Plural of the predicate , when 
spoken of politely or honorifically, cf §. 63, 3. 

sJi^y" isf^ ^ uM vltf^ i^ tf* ^^ 
•• ^ 

I do not reject the word of mother and father. Air^t^l. 

Man. p. 142. 

isi)^ 4X4rf ^^ ^ ^ ^^ l4^t 

Standing the strangers ask: where is Muhammad, 
the intercessor? NSnga jo Qisso, p. 15. 

2) If the predicate be an adjective, participle, pronoun 
or substantive, from which a feminine may be derived 
(cf. §. 14), it must agree with its subject in gender, 
number and case. (In the same way every attribute 
must agree with its substantive in gender, number 
and case, whenever possible.) 

What is thy pleasure? . Amulu MSn. p. 140. 

is^ isf^^ v^ ^H^ 
From above descended a slave-girL Ibid p. 140. 

By all the companions they were seen, those maimed 
young men. N&nga jo Qisso, v. 17. 

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ur; v:^*r ^^^ ^-J ^2^f^ i^ ^iliU ^j,jlj ^ I? 

Some cat was tending her young ones with some 
great love (and) pleasure. Story of the cat and mice v. 8. 

Chapter Xm. 

Enlargement of the sentence by a near and remote 


§. 94, 

1) The verb, which refers to the subject as its 
predicate, has a double form; it is either of the active 
voice, if the subject be active, or of the passive voice, 
if the subject be passive. 

The active voice of a verb has a treble signifi- 
cation; it is either neuter (intransitive), or active 
(transitive), or^causaL The verb is called neuter, if 
the action be restricted to the subject, as: ^^ ^ ^sb 

he goes; active, if the verb necessarily requires a (near) 

object or Accusative, as: J^ y^ ^^a^ ^ he seizes 

him; and causal, if it requires one or two Accusatives. 

2) Neuter verbs commonly subordinate only a 
remote object or Dative, as: ^5 y^ J is^ OJ^ ^* 
does not please me; but some neuter verbs may also 
subordinate a near object (Accus.), as: 

He went that way. Ajaib v. 44. 

3) Active verbs subordinate a near object (Accus.), 
and, as the case may be, a .remote one (Dative), as: 

^& ^li ^^Af ^1 give him bread. Active verbs may 

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also subordinate a double AocusatiYe, one implying the 
near object and the other its attribute. In this case 
the first object is generally defined by the postposition 
^^^ by means of which the construction is rendered 

impersonal and the concord between the object and 
its attribute dissolved, so that the attribute remains 
in the uninflected form of the Singular, though the 
object, to which it refers, may be a PluraL But both 
may also remain in the uninflected state (Singular or 
Plural). Some verbs govern a double Accusative, one 

of a person, and one of a thing, as Jk^^ ^ <^ some- 
body a thing, though it may also be constructed with 

the postposition ^^l^ to ask from a person, or with ^^. 
Make the lepers dean. Matth. 10, 3. 

As long, as I live, I shall not make any other (my) 
husband. Sh. Um. Mar. YII, 6. 

Keep the &sts of Bamaz&n, give (thy) wealth as 
ahns. Golden Alphabet 4, 7. 

4) Causals, derived from neuter verbs, subordi- 
nate a near, and as the case may be, a remote object 
(§. 69, 6); and causals, derived from active verbs, may 
subordinate two near objects (a double Accusative), the 
first generally being defined by the postposition ^^45^ 

and the second remaining in the uninflected state (§• 69, 5). 

Having made drink the travellers a bowl try (it). 
Sh. Jam. KaL IV, 7. 

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6) Begolar pasdive verbs can only be derived from 
active or causal verbs; for the passive form, wbicb 
neuter verbs occasionally assume, does not essentially 
alter their signification. 

In a passive sentence the near object (Accus.) is 
made the subject, and the subject of the active aeur 
tence is turned into the InstrumentaP), the remote 
object (Dative) keeping its place, as usual But with 
the passive Present, Imperfect and Future the In- 
strumental is not used, the agent being expressed by 

means of the postposition ^^L^ if it cannot be possibly 

Of the passive voice only the past tenses (past par- 
ticiple passive) are in common use, the other tenses 
being expressed, wherever possible, by a neuter verb. 

The past participle (passive) agrees either with its 
subject in gender, number and case ^. 93, 2), or the 
construction may be rendered impersonal, the past par- 
ticiple containing at the same time subject and pre- 
dicate, in which case the (proper) subject of the passive 
sentence must be subordinated as a remote object 
by means of the postposition ^^aT, *as regards', *in re- 
ference to*. 

This impersonal construction must always take 
place in the passive, when an active verb governs a 
double Accusative, one implying the near object and 
the other its attribute. The near object must in this 
case be subordinated by the postposition ^^45^, whereas 

the other object, as the predicate, remains in the un- 
inflected form of the Singular, referring to the (neuter) 
past participle. 

1) In a longer sentenoe, when the agent is separated by a aerief 
of words from the yerb, the agent is frequently repeated for the sake 
of perspicuity, by adding a pronominal suffix, eorresponding to the 
agent, to the verb. 

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But wlien a causal verb goyerns two near objects^ 
the first (implying a person) must be subordinated as 
remote object by the postposition ^^^, whereas the 

second is made, the subject, with which the past par^ 
tidple agrees in gender and number. 

Thus also the son of man shall be afi3icted by thenu 
Matth. 17, 12. 

Death was agreed to by those, who saw the af- 
flicted one (lit. by whom it was seen as regards the af- 
flicted one). Sh. Ma^i. VII, 16. 

By what reason (and) disorder have you been made 
ill? (lit. by what reason and disorder has it been made 
ill as regies you.) Nanga j5 Quisso, y. 24. 

The king, having come, related this whole matter 
to the Vazir SaifskL Amulu Man. p. 142. 

Chapter XIY. 

Enlargement of the sentence by a nearer deflnitton of 
the verb as predicate. 

§. 95. 

The simple sentence may be enlarged to a consi- 
derable extent by a nearer definition of the verb as 

TrvMpp, Staidhi-OffMnur. Kk 

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1) The verb may be nearer defined by one or more 
cases, on which again another case may depend, viz.: 
the Instrumental (agent etc.), the Accusative (of time etc.), 
the Ablative and the Locative, and by nouns with post- 
positions generally. 

At some time one man sat on the bank of the 
river with his wealth (of buffaloes). Sindhl Beading 
Book p. 59. 

That one began to go to school one year later than 
(from) his elder brother. Ibid. p. 50. 

2) The verb may be nearer defined by adverbs ge- 
nerally, especially by adverbs of time, place and 
manner, and by postpositions with pronouns. 

^^ J v^Xa^ ^ ^U ^^ ^^yi 

Give me now some advise. Amulu Mftn. p. 147. 

Thus they talk^ amongst each other four goodly 
months. Maj. 235. 

This also is with me. Amtdu Mfia. p. 147. 

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Chapter XV. 

Omission of tSie verb as prodioats. 

§. 96. 

1) The auxiliary verb v:)ilfjT etc, forming the pre- 
dicate with or without an adjectiYe etc, is occasionallj 
omitted, especially in pofitry and in short proyerbial 

»LLii Jlr ^y^ U# ^^ (ji ^ ^J^ l^ 

Let me hear that matter, which Qa) in thy heart. 
MaJ. 45. 

There (is) a deep well there; no bottom of that is 
found. Nanga jo Qisso, v. 38. 

Where ^) the cowardly cat? where (is) the cowardly 
cat? SindhI Bead. B. p. 62. 

2) In sentences, which contain an imprecation or 
curse, the verb as predicate is generally omitted. Li 

such like sentences the Potential of J^^, to fiJl, should 
be supplied, which occasionally is met with. 

May the couriyard (ffdl) into the well, the com- 
panions into the forest, the sisters-in-law into disease! 
Sh. Suh. IX, EpiL 1. 

(May £bJ1) into the well those days of life, whidi 
are apart from the friend! Sh. DesI YII, EpiL 

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Two or more eentences may be so joined together, 
that a compound sentence arises. This is done either 
by way of coordination or subordination* 

Chapter XVI, 
L Coordination of sentences. 

§. 97. 

1) Two or more sentences may be so joined, that 
each one remains independant of the other. This is 
done without or by the copulative, adversative, 
disjunctive and conclusive particles {cL §. 59) and 

.by the negative adverb j — j neither — nor. 

The lover was joined to her by pain, the sweetheart 
was not joined to her by pleasure (= by dint of). Sh. 
Abiri Vn, 13. 

>^ (5?)^ v;>^^ ^ y^^. -f^ (5^4^ 'JH^ 

Fasten the horses below and go ye up. Amulu 
Man. p. 149. * . 

Either they bring them across, says Latif, or they 
make a cry from that very spot.. Sh. Suh. Vm, 2. 

••1 ^ ^ 

I know it, but the Sh&h Sahib has forbidden (me) 
to teU it. Life of Abd-ul-Latif^ p. 44. 

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2) Sentences are also coordinated by joining to- 
gether a disjunctive question. In the first member the 
interrogation is generally not expressed by a particle, 
but only by the voice of the speaker; in the second (or 
third) the interrogation is pointed out by the particle 
^ Id or y ke. 

^yL& iLf5 ^ ^ y s:^ ^^y3 y^ 

Is it thou or shall, we look to the way of another? 
Matth, 11, 3. 

Chapter Xm 

Contraction of coordinate sentences into one; 

concord of two and more subjects and 


§. 98. 

1) When two or more sentences have either the 
same subject or the same predicate or the same 
object or any other conmxon member of speech, they 
are contracted into one sentence, with or without a 
conjunctive particle. 

^jlf v^ {^}^ cHr*^ oi^Ll ^j^ll 

Lord, may (our) dear* Mends (and) lovers meet 
(us) again! Nanga jo Qisso v. 81. 

c>M o^' o^' ^fyi 'B'r** -* v:^ 

1 am not a jinn, demon, fSuxy, I am a man. 
Ms^. 639. 

Which then is greater, the sacrifice or the altar? 
Matth. 23, 19. 

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But this discourse fell into the ear of Mir Hasan 
(and) Husain. Nanga jo Qisso v. 75. 

2) When there are two or more subjects in a sen* 
tencei denoting animate beings, the verb or adjective 

(with the auxiliary verbs ^^ and ^Jf^) as predicate 

is put in the Plural; if the subjects have the same 
gender, the predicate agrees with them, being put in 
the Plural, but if they be of various gender, the mas- 
culine has the precedence. 

When two or more subjects imply things (or ideas), 
the predicate is either put in the Singular, agreeing 
commonly with the last subject, or in the PluraL If 
they be of various gender, the Plural of the mas- 
culine or feminine is employed, according as one or 
the other subject is considered more important 

The same rule holds good, when an attribute 
(adjective etc.) is referring to nouns of different gender. 

•^ r I* • I ^ '^ 
DMm^} U^^ (5i?^ ^ y^ 

A male and female was created by him. SindhI 
Read. Book, p. 15. 

,j^ 14aa^ ^c •/»'4? ^ •^ 

Thy mother and thy brothers stand outside. Mattibu 
12, 47. 

In this pond there will be water and fish. Life of 
Abd-ul-Latlf, p. 27. 

But for an able army there is no delay (nor) pause. 
Nfinga jo Quisso, v. 154. 

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When I saw from afiur the plaoesi houses, odlsL 
Ajaib, V. 72. 

^^ t^Ll lx|J Jjlm jm \JjS L^ i^^ (^y sj^^ 

Bj the lightenings dresses of rain (L e. douds) have 
been made; reeds and herbs have become green; oh! 
8t Sar. IV, EpiL 

By whom eyes (and) &ce have been turned towards 
the buffido-keeper. SL Suk Y, 9. 

^^ oT ;J li pu ^isr^si" ^^ 

The &rms and ferries of the world (people) are 
upon that water. N&nga Jo Qisso, y. 36. 

3) When two or more subjects of dififorent persona 
occur in a sentencci the first person precedes the second 
(or third), and the second the third, the verb being 
put in the FluraL 

We and the Pharisees keep many &st8. Matth. 9, 14. 

Chapter XVEDL 

tL Subordination of sentences. 

§• 99. 

Two or more sentences may be so jomed together, 
that one is not independent of the other, but is only 
making up for the deficiency of the other. A sentrace 
thus depending on another, is called a subordinate 

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sentence, and the other^ that is completed. thereby, is 
called the main sentence. 

A subordinate sentence may have another sentence 
coordir^ted either with or without conjunctive particles; 
or it may again subordinate another sentence. 

A subordinate sentence may be linked to the main 
sentence either by subjunctive particles, or by re- 
lative pronouns and adverbs or by interrogative 
pronouns and adverbs. 

1) Subordination of a sentence by subjunctive 


§. 100. 

Particles, by which a sentence is subordinated to 
the main sentence are the concessive, the conse- 
cutive, the causal, the final and the conditional, 
cf. §.69. 

a) With the three first particles the Indicative 
is used, if the assertion be positive, and the Potential, 
if the assertion be more vague or uncertain; with final 
particles the Potential is always used. 

Though they be killed by the knife, they do not 
at all divulge any thing. Sh. Kal. 11, 8. 

It threw the head of dejection so much on the 
ground, that its brain was confused. * Sindh! Beading 
Book p. 58. 

God, tako away the coversi that we may know 
tho truth. Maj. 205. 

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h) In oonditional sentenoes the subordinate seii* 
tence generally precedes the main sentence, bnt the 
conditional part of the sentence may also follow that^ 
which is conditioned thereby. 

The subordinate sentence is introduced by the par- 
ticles ^^, IXjuk* if| and ^SS^ if (at any time), and 

the main sentence by the concessive particle 3, ^\Sj then^ 
which is generally not translated. 

1) If the condition and that, which is conditioned 
thereby, be indefinite, possible, doubtful or un- 
certain, the Potential is used in both members of 
the sentence; in the main sentence the Imperative may 
also be employed. 

Be not seated here; if thou go, thou mayst obtain 
(thy) sweetheart. Sh. Abiri VII, 6. 

s:^)^ <5$^! ^ <5r ;^ ^y ^^ ^ 

Then thou mayst enjoy it at all, if thou perform 
this very advise. Sh. Abiri VII, 14. 

If they may have been seen by you, then, for God*8 
sake, speak! Sh. Hus. X, 22. 

2) If the condition be uncertain, possible or 
only expected, but if. that, which is conditioned 
thereby, be represented as certain and positive, the 
Potential is used in the subordinate, and the Indi- 
cative (commonly the Futm^e) in the main sentence. 

mother, o mother, I live, o (xod, if my dear 
Mends remember me! Sh. Suh. VIE, £piL 2. 

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c>^» i c^^^ ^i>^ 45^ <rf^^^' "^ ^^ c^4^. 

If thou construct us here a mosquQ, then we shall 
let thee daily make the pilgrimage of the Eamba of 
God Life of Abd-ul-Latif , p. 4. 

3) If the condition and that, which is conditioned 
therebji be taken as certain and positivei the In- 
dicative is used in both members of the sentence. 


If thou castest us out, allow us to go into the herd 
of swine. Matth. 8, 31. 

If thou shalt divulge it^ thou wilt become a leper. 
Life of Abd-ul-Latlf, p. 44. 

4) If the condition as well as that^ which is con- 
ditioned thereby, is represented as such, that could 
have happened under certain circumstances, but which 
has not happened, because the condition was not ful- 
filled, the Imperfect, Aorist or Pluperfect is used 
in the subordinate,^ and the Aorist in the main sen- 
tence, or, under certain circumstances, the Pluperfect 
(c£ §. 87, 2). 

If he had not kept on drinking liquor, he would 
not have died. 

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>^ v^ ^'5 r^ (5f (sT ^; <5t; Jf) ^ 

I haye written a letter to thee; but if I were a bird 
I would likely liave come before the letter, having 

flown quickly. 
If the pen would be aware of the heart, it would 

weep blood out of afifection. SL Barvo Ri^^^^t^ 

Ohot 6. 

If those (cries) had been heard by (my) sweetheart^ 
he would likely not have gone c&. ^ Hus. m, 2. 

If the master of the house had known, (that) the 
thief will come at a certain watch (of the night), he 
would likely have remained on his guurd Mattibu 24, 43. 

J£ those (works) had been done at Sodom, it would 
have likely remained until this day. MattL 11, 23. 

Instead of the Aorist or Pluperfect the Poten- 
tial (of the Present) may be used (but very rarely) 
in botli members of a conditional sentence, followed by 

the particle Ud; but more commonly l^ is added to a 
past tense, for the sake of emphasis. 

If she had not gone, she would not have obtained 
(her) friend. 

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If you had ever understood this word, you would 
not have condemned the* guiltless. Matth. 12, 7. 

5) If the condition must have been fulfilled in' 
past future time (Puturum exactum), before that, which 
is conditioned thereby, shall happen, the Aorist is 
xised in the subordinate, and the Future in the main 

If ever MaxdOm Sahib should have died before 
Shah Sahib, then Shah S&hib will come and be present 
vdth tiie bier of Maxdfim S&hib. Life of Abd-nl-Latif; 
. p. 37. 

If one shall have come and recognised her, I will 
give her to him, Sindhi Bead. B. p. 59. 

C) The conditional particle ^^ is often omitted in 
the subordinate sentence, and Cxa^ on the other hand 
is used without a main sentence, it being passed over 
in silence, so that pW assumes quite the sense of the 
inteijectional particle ^Ut would that! 

my friend, (if) I die of thy wound, I (may) 
obtain honour. Sh. Jam. KaL I, 6. 


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^^ ^^^;^ 

If we would go to (out) yillagei ^t would be well) 
= We should like to go to (our) Tillage. Arnnlu 
Mfin. p« 151. 

2) Subordination of a sentence by the relative 
pronoun (also the indefinite pronouns ^jQvc^i 3^) ^nd 

relative adverbs, corresponding generally to a 
correlative. (§. 74 sqq.) 

§. 101. 

The subordinate sentence may either precede or 
follow the main sentence. 

u. ^-^ ^'fSiS ^} ^ ^>j ;; 

Come back, o louse of the blanket, vbich "was 
given to mo by the grandfiftther's fjeonilj. Sh. Um. 
Mar. Vn, 3. 

Whoever is given to gambling, in his house pro- 
perfy does not remain. SindhT Bead. Book, p. 52. 

As the day gets hot, so I push on in the joumqr. 
Sh. Hus. n, 14. 

«)?^ (5f^ ^ 7*f ^ ^ "^ 

Where there is not a footprint of a bird, there glimmers 
a small fire. Sh. Eh&h. 11, 11. 

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When there are some reeds of the shore, poll them 
oat and bind together a raft Sh. Hus. YIII, 3. 

3) Subordination of a sentenoe by an interro- 
gative pronoun or particle. 

§. 102. 

The dependant sentence is generally introduced 
by the particles ^, ^^ and jf^ that, which are not 

How do I know, how the calculation of the AxoSt 
has been made? SL Unu MSr. IL 

Give me an answer about the marriage, how thou 
hast arranged it? Amulu Man. p. 142. 

Take no thought of your life, (saying) what shall we 
eat, what shall we drink? nor of your body, what we 
shall put on? Matth. 6, 24. 

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Chapter XDL 
A])to0vlfttto& of snbordinats sentssneeB* 

§. 103. 
A sabordinftte sentence may be abbreviated: 

1) by using the present and past participle (c£ 
§• 80 y 81) I either adjectivelyi or in the Locatiye Sin- 
gnlar, which, is more common. The participle supplies 
the place of a relative or conjunctional subordinate 
sentencey into which it may be dissolvedy when ne- 
cessary , as: 

Pass the night weeping, distilling glasses of liquor; 
i e. whilst weeping, or as one who weeps eta Sh. Jam. 
Kal. IV, 25. 

Having been seized = after or when or as she 
was seized by a violent pain, she fell down near some 
bank. Story of the cat and mice, v^ 29. 

2) By using the past conjunctive participles. 

They carry oflf (my) sweetheart Punhu, speakii^ 
BalncM, i. a whilst they speak Baluchi Sh. B&& U, 13. 


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Chapter XX, 

On the Indirect oration. 

§. 104. 

When fhe words or thoughts of a person are given 
with the very same expressions, as used originally, the 
oration is called a direct one; but when they are 
only represented according to their general contents 
or purport, the oration is called an indirect one. In 
Sindhi the indirect oration is never made use of, but 
the words or thoughts of a person are always repre- 
sented in the direct oration and generally introduced 

by the particle j. 

He was thinking: *in some way having sneaked off 
I will get away'; L e. that he would sneak off etc. Life 
of Abd-ul-LatIf, p. 20. 

When he sees: I am sitting near Bhita. Ibid, 
p. 21. 

If thou likest: I will meet (my) friend = to meet 
(thy) friend, then 'learn the mimicking sound of the 
thieves. Sh. Jam. Kal. 11, 8. 

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The Mnliainmadans of Sindh reckon by lanar 
months after the common Muhammadan aera, called 

v&Kd^, the flight of Muhammad from Meldca to Me- 

dinah, the years of this aera are therefore called ^yS^% 

It dat)98| according to the best accounts from the 18^ 
of July 622 p. Chr, Their months commence with the 
appearance of each new moon and consiBt of 30 and 
29 days alternately, amounting to 354 days and about 
nine hours; in consequence thereof New-year*s-day fells 
every year about eleven days earlier than in the pre- 
vious year. 

To keep pace with the seasons the Sindhis inter- 

pose every third year an intercalary month {OjJ lunduX 
repeating that month, in which the sun enters no new 
sign of the Zodiac 

In naming the lunar months the learned Muham- 
madans follow the nomenclature of the Arabs; but 
among the common people the names of those Arabian 
months only are known, which are noted by some spe- 
cial religious observance, the other months being called 
by the names of the Hindti months then being. 

t) Another aeim, which it also in use amongst the Hohammadaiw 
of Upper Ipdia, is called i^f^f^j or rerenue aera; it dates, according 
to Prinsep, ftom the year 692*74 p. Chr. 

Ttfuaipp, aiBdM^Ontniiiar. I« 1 

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Lunar months of the Arabians. 
30 days. 

1) *JJi muharramu 

^P? maharamu 

2) li^ safaru 29 days. 

3) Jj^' AiH) rabimlavvalu . . 30 days. 

*) ^st^^ C^ rabim-^«lni 
l^^l La^ rablm-Iaxiru 

5) sil'!i^ ^3\^ jumada-lavvula 30 days. 

6) ^UJI (53U^ jjumada-^ani 

29 days. 

29 days. 






.. rajabu . . 
& fiambanu. 

J^LdJe^ ramazanu • 

J\^ Savvalu. . . 

sOJiiJI ^3 M-Iqamdali 

sJutS {^^^^ qa^adah 

4ar ^^3 M-lBijjah . 

^6 M fiijjah. / 

30 days. 

29 days. 

30 days. 

29 days. 

30 days. 
29 days. 

The Hindus reckon by solar years, and Inni- 
solar months. They follow either the Vikram&ditya 

(^iuwfc.U^) aera, called sambatu (Sansk. tf^ year), 


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dating from the year 67 a. Chr^, and commencing with 
the month of kati, or that of Shaliv&hana, called 
fiaku (Sansk. ^M«n), dating from the year 78 p. Chr^ 
and commencing with the month of Cetnu 

The Hindu year is divided into 12 equal portions^ 
which nearly correspond to our solar months. Each 
month is divided again (by Hindus as well as Muham- 

madans) into two parts (.4^ ^^ ^4?^ ^^^^'^^ fortnightX 
the first from new to full moon (vj$(Xl sudi), and the 
second from full to new moon (^<Xj badi). The dates of 
these two divisions (.415 lunar date), fifteen each, are 
reckoned separately. 

Solar months of the Hindus. 

1£a». £etru, from the middle of March to the middle 
of April. 

^l^y vgsakhuy from the middle of April to the middle 

of May. 

4^^ Jethu, from the middle of May to the middle 

of June. 

jl4fT akh&ruy from the middle of June to the middle 
of July. 

J^jLi s&vanu, 
J^lly^ sranu, 

from the middle of July to the middle 
of August 

j.Ju badro, from the middle of August to the middle 
of September. 

yU asuy from the middle of September to the middle 

of October. 


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^ kati, from the middle of October to the middle 
of November. 

from the middle of November to the 
middle of December. 

^^G naharl, 

^^ nahari, 

I^JCu manghiru, 

J^y^ pohu, from the middle of December to the 
middle of January. 

J^\j^ maghu, from the middle of January to the 
middle of February. 

Jljj phagu, I from the middle of February to the 
J^phagunu, J middle of March. 

The Hindus commence the day at midnight, as 
we do, but the Muhammadans at the previous evening. 
In the mouth of a Muhammadan therefore the night 
of a certain day always signifies the night of the pre- 
vious day, as: of; ^ ^^41^ Friday night = Thursday 

night, according to our way of reckoning. There is 
some difference between the Hindu and Musalman names 
of the days of the week, as subjoined. 

Days of tbe week. 
HindtL Musalm&n. 

!jjT ftrtaru*) . . . liT adaru, Sunday. 
j^y**» sumaru. 

y^y*** stimaru . . . 

\\j9yMi simiaru, 


t) Or: p^ySS^ SdiUvara, jfp^T RitaTftra, ^pJT irUyim. 

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HindtL Musalm&iL 

JJCu mangaln • . . jn^^l anfiro, Taesday. 
yftjj Budhara ... ^T arba, Wednesday. 

ssflJLy vispate .... (/hh^ x^xcoSask^ Thursday. 

^5^143 tharuO . • . 
1jC& fiukra .... 

jgiA,gi> ihanj&hani . . ^gy^g^ ihaniharu, Saturday. 

y^ jumo, Friday. 

1) Or: ;pl43' thlraro. 

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The Alphabet 
ued in this 





old Sindhl 








. c 








r C 



J6|> • 

. <> 












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The AlpbftbM 




Vied in thif 



old Siiidld 







































. t 






















































c> • 



















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p. I, L 23 wlieras, read: whereas, p. I, note, 1. 2 
troughout: throughout p. Y, L 3 r: f. p. YH, L 18 
^J^: ^5^. P- XIV, L 20 1^. J{^ p. XV, L 18 

^EWwHN: ^rarSrfH. p. xv, i. 19 ^jitf'T- ^tritf^r. 

p. XV, L 29 ^ft^: ^1?]g. P- XV, L 80 gau: ^u. 
p. XVI, 1. 1 %IJ: ^. p. XVm, L 20 a!: R p. XTX, 
1. 7 ri: ri. p. XIX, L 23 ifhnft: ^ft^lflt. P- ^^ 
1. 18 seams: seems, p. XXIV, L 6 1^: H^. p. XXX, 
L 23 ^I^: ^1^. p. XXXI, 1. 29 ^: ^''p. XXXVI, 
1. 9 ^rf^: ^irfe^, p. XXXVn, L 13 ^t;^: ^(^5^. 
p. XL, 1. 6 fj^: f^. p. XLI, 1. 3 y^: K5f^. 
p. XLH, 1. 12 fq»|^: f^3^. p. XLVH, 1. 27 

p. 3, L 21 «»: (a>. p. 3, 1. 22 vfi*: ce>. p. 10, L 15 

ijaSil»: oaiiZ,. p. 11, L 21 anu: anu. p. 12, I 22 

(j^^Uuw: (^;lXiA^. p. 23, 1. 19 ^: ^y p. 23, L 25 

the these: these, p. 29, L 29 goal: goat. p. 30, L 1 
add before poe: *^. p. 33, L 27 v^Jfl: v^u. p. 36, L 5 
darho: darho. p. 36, L 15 tobo: tobo. p. 36, 1. 21 

jdj^.)\jt: 3<XJ^^(J«. p. 37, 1. 27 add before fl: in. p. 37, 

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1. 33 bliuS: bhue. p. 39, L 11 ^J^: ^T^* P* 46, 

L 20 J^: 3}^. p- 61, L 16 3)54^: }^. p. 61, L 27 

\j>i^y O^^S* P- 62, L 16 JrU^: ^^. p. 69, 1. 26 
Gnjur&tl: Gujarat!, p. 60, L 27 6: S. p. 62, 1. 4 Gu- 
jarathl: G^Jarftti. p. 66, 1. 25 ^j^fa^: ^^^. p. 66, 1. 28 

^1453!: ^1423!. p. 66, L 28 4i1: ^Sl. p. 67, 1. 14 

^yA^O^l^ khandhlro: 3^4X^1^ khandiro. p. 67, 1. 14 

jpjal4^ khandhe: 0^14^ khande. p. 68, 1. 9 Sin: atu. 

p. 68, 1. 24 patru: putru, p. 69, !• 9 ^\3\y. 3*Slilj. 

p. 69, L 20 kaihiro: kaihlro. p. 69, L 29 Jl^jj and 

^o: Jupo (34^0. p.. 72, I 3 h&noko: hanokd. p. 72, 

1. 3 h&ne: hane. p. 72, L 12 aniko: ftnikd. p. 72, L 24 
ioraniko: doranikd. p. 78, L 11 menaged: managed. 

p. 82, 1. 7 3a3G: 3a3G. p. 82, 1. 26 Shortened from the 
Sansk. ^ read: Sansk. ^, shortened irom ^. p, 88, 
1. 14 Bahuvrihi: Bahuvrihi. p. 88, 1. 26 recognizable: 
recognisable, p. 90, 1. 21 After r?^ add: fem. p. 92, 

1- * 9^^' S'^- P- ^^» ^- ^^ ^^^' Sansk 1=15311 
add: niasc. (also in Sindhi). i>. 94, 1. 25 ^3: *^^3. 
p. 99, I 24 ni: ni. p. 106, 1. 24 3^3:^ tobo: 3J3S tobo. 
p. 106, I 26 ^33- toba: G33 toBa. p. 113, 1. 6 Whe: 
We. p. 120, 1. 8* put a Comma after palatal, p. 128, 
1. 22 joyu: joyu. p. 140, 1. 18 ^U: ^l^. p. 144, 

1. 20 ^iL^: o^.^^ P- 144> 1- 21 V^- f^^' 
p. 157, 1. 16 hikiro: hikiro. .p. 157, L 16 hekiro: he- 
kiro. p. 159, L 4 daha: daha. p. 164, 1. 14 (j^^|;3^* 
^pj3^. p. 169, 1. 23 saha: sata. p. 170, L 7 dodaha: 
dodaha. p. 170, 1. 8 pandraha: pandrahS. p. 171, 1. 20 

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is4^' (50- P- 178, L 8 ^gl^: ^^C^, p. 178, I 16 

sweathearta: sweethearts, p.' 190, L 20' mfik UL: mil khS. 
p. 201, note: Bis&ls: Bisfild. p. 208, L 15 whit: with, 
p. 215, 1. 5 (JuJ^: ,5XlXuk.. p. 216, L 28 thyself: 

thyself, p. 230, L 5 J^x y,^. p. 284, L 8 Kno: 
RSn6. p. 286, 1. 4 §: L p. 287, L 20 ji'y. Jty p. 289, 
1. 7 ^^l$|f^': y-l^y^l^. p. 241, L 4 jonhe: j6nh6. p. 245, 

1. 4 y,,^: «,^5^. p. 248, L 13 y-lIT: y-lL^ p. 255, 

I. 19 parh&inu: parhainu. p. 258, L 16 fi&: fiu. p. 261, 
1. 8 £u-anu: du-anu. p. 264, L 16 khShann: khanhanu. 
p. 267, 1. 29 parh-iju: parh-iju. p. 274, L 21 sosanu: 
tusanu. p. 277, L 20 kuhanu: kobano. p. 283, L 32 
una: una. p. 286, L 20 budhayo: budha-y-o. p. 287, 
1. 1 the n and I: the I and IL p. 287, 1 14 fini: ani. 

p. 289, 1. 28 ia: ifi.^ p. 294, L 8 jSi^y. jjui^^. p. 299, 

L 16 ^Jl»: ^. p. 801, 1. 21 liyS: fiiiyft. p. 310, 

1. 19 q«Jj»: yj^. p. 311, L 7 ^Jju^: ^Jju p , 

p. 311, L 8 ^iXJU^: v:hJjia^. p. 320, L 20 ^<X3;J»: 
^OJ^. p. 323, L 9 ihad-indo: ihad-mdo. p. 325, 
L 2 The object being fern.: being masc. The. object 
being masc,: fern. p. 336, L 6 ^44^* ^^4^* P* ^^^» 
L 12 jiXJU^: jduu^. p. 342, L 18 ,^\ ^^. p. 348, 
1. 10 oorpe: corpse, p. 361, L 7 ^^po: (^p^. p. 368, 

1. 18 £ha4iu-se: iha^iu-se. p. 372, L 5 2ha£a-8a: 
dhadia-su. p. 384, 1. 2 66it6ly: 66it6, p. 384, L 2 for 
the second unexpected read: unexpectedly, p. 384, L 5 
odiro: odiro. p. 384, note 2, 1. 2 fjf^ri: ^f^ri. 

p. 389, L 12 Loc.: Abl. p. 396, 1. 20 ^^: o^jif- 

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p. 395, note, 1. 1 6 o: 6 o£ p. 396, 1. 19 Chat: (5h6t 

p. 402, L 2 mS> me. p. 405, 1. 2 ^^(i^: ^^\J^. 
p. 411 The last two quotations are misplaced there and 
to be inserted on p. 417, after L 16. p. 414, L 15 

v:>4J^-- sj^i^^ P- 416, 1. 6 the 'Mia': thee 'Mia*. 

p. 418, L 8 form: from. p. 420, 1; 8 ^g»is^' is^^* 

p. 423, 1. 6 also!: alas! p. 432, I. 13 after God, add: 
or not? 

FHatod by F. A. BroekliMra, I>«t»iiff. 

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be 81 Aa A 30 ♦• 

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