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Full text of "Dakota grammar, texts, and ethnography"

DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR 

U. S. GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAIN REGION 

J. W. POWELL IN CHARGK 



CONTRIBUTIONS 



TO 



NORTH AMERICA! ETHNOLOGY 





WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT FEINTING OFFICE 
1893 



DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR 

U. S. GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAIN REGION 

J. W. POWELL ix CHARGE 



DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY 




STEPHEN RETURN RIG-OS 




WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
1893 




CONTENTS. 



Paeo. 

Letter of transmittal ix 

Preface xi 

PART FIRST. GRAMMAR. 

Chapter I. Phonology 3 

The alphabet 3 

Syllabication 5 

Accents f. 5 

Changes of letters 6 

Substitution and elision 6 

Contraction 10 

Chapter II. Morphology 11 

Pronouns 11 

Personal pronouns 11 

Separate , 11 

Incorporated 12 

Compound pronouns 17 

Relative pronouns 17 

Interrogative pronouns < 17 

Demonstrative pronouns 17 

Articles 18 

Verbs 19 

Verbal roots 19 

Verbs formed by modal prefixes 19 

Compound verbs 21 

Conjugation 21 

Form 21 

Person 23 

Number 23 

Mode 23 

Teuse 25 

Participles 25 

Conjugation 1 26 

Conjugation II .". 28 

Conjugation III 32 

Double verbs ; 35 

Conj ugations I and II 35 

Conjugations I and III 35 

Irregular and defective verbs 35 

Paradigm : root KSA, to break off, separate 38 

Nouns 40 

Forms of nouns 40 

Diminutives 41 

v 



vi CONTENTS. 

Chapter II. Morphology Continued. 
Nouus -Continued. 

Gender 42 

Number 42 

Case 43 

Possession 43 

Proper and family names 44 

Adjectives 45 

Number 4g 

Comparison 46 

Numeral adjectives 47 

Cardinals 47 

Ordinals 50 

Adverbs 50 

Prepositions 52 

Separate prepositions 52 

Incorporated prepositions . 52 

Conjunctions 53 

Interjections 54 

Chapter III. Syntax 55 

Pronouns 55 

Personal pronouns 55 

Incorporated pronouns 55 

Separate pronouns 57 

Agreement of pronouns 58 

Omission of pronouns 59 

Repetition of pronouns 59 

Demonstrative pronouns 59 

Relative pronouns 60 

Articles 60 

Definite article 60 

Indefinite article 62 

Verbs 62 

Position 62 

Number 62 

Government 63 

Possessive form 64 

Modes - 64 

Imperative 64 

Infinitive 65 

Subjunctive 65 

Optative, potential, etc 66 

Tenses 66 

Aorist 66 

Future 67 

Auxiliary verbs 68 

Verbs of repetition 69 

Reduplicated verbs 69 

Verbs with the suffixes "s a" and "ka" 69 

Substantive verbs 70 

Participles 70 

Active 70 

Passive 71 

Nouns 71 

Position 71 

Number ... 72 



CONTENTS. VII 

Page. 
Chapter III. Syntax Continued. 

Adjectives : 72 

Position 72 

Number 72 

Numeral adjectives 73 

Pronominal adjectives 73 

Repetition and omission of adjectives 74 

Adverbs 74 

Position 74 

Reduplication 75 

Use of certain adverbs 75 

Negative 76 

Interrogative adverbs 77 

Adverbial incorporated particles 77 

Prepositions 77 

Conjunctions 78 

Interjections 79 

PART SECOND. TEXTS. 

Wic arjlipi Hirjlipaya: The Fallen Star 83 

Notes 89 

Translation 90 

Wotanice Hoksina Olian kin : Acts of the Blood-clots Boy 95 

Notes 101 

Translation . 101 

Legend of the Head of Gold - 105 

Notes - 107 

Translation 108 

Odowarj Bigsife : Bad Songs 110 

Notes , 1 113 

Translation 113 

Tasirjta-yukikipi 115 

Notes 120 

Translation 121 

Chee-zhon, the thief 124 

Translation 127 

The Younger Brother : or, The Unvisited Island 13.T 

Notes 138 

Translation 139 

Wamnulia Itagosa : or, Bead-Spitter 144 

Notes 147 

Translation 148 

Parable of the Prodigal Son Luke xv, 11-32 150 

The Lord s Prayer 151 

The Fourth Commandment _ 151 

PART THIRD. ETHNOGRAPHY. 

Chapter I. The Dakota . 155 

Tribes . > . 156 

Mdewakarjtorj wan 156 

Waupekute 157 

Walipetonwai) 157 

Sisitonwaij 158 

Ihankton wai) 160 

Ihanktorj warjmi 160 

Titonwarj 161 

Assiniboin 164 



vm CONTENTS. 

Chapter I. The Dakota Continued. 

Priority 164 

Method, of counting 164 

Method of reckoning time 165 

Are the Indians diminishing? 166 

Chapter II. Migrations of the Dakota 168 

Argument from History 168 

Experiences of Nicolet, Le Jenue, Rayuibault, Meiiard, Allouez, Du Luth, La Salle, 

Hennepiu, Perrot, Le Sueur, Carver, and Pike 168 

Tradition of Fort Berthold Indians, recorded by Dr. W. Matthews 181 

Lewis and Clarke 182 

Argument from Names of nations, tribes, etc 182 

Dakota 183 

Spirit Lake villages 183 

Sautee 184 

Sissetou 184 

Yaukton -. 185 

Yauktouai 185 

Tetou 186 

Assiuiboiu 188 

Winnebago 189 

Omaha and Ponka 190 

Iowa andOto 191 

Mandan and Hidatsa _. 191 

Absaroka or Crow 192 

Osage, Kansa, Kwapa, and Missouri 193 

Arikara or Eickaree 193 

Shayenne or Cheyenne 193 

Chapter III. The Dakota Gens and Phratry 195 

The Gens 195 

The Phratry 195 

The Tiyotipi 195 

Fellowhood 196 

Standing Buffalo 196 

Tiyotipi, translated from M. Renville s Dakota version 200 

Chapter IV. Unwritten Dakota Laws 203 

The Family 203 

The Household 204 

Courtship and Marriage 205 

The Baby 207 

ChilaLife 208 

Training of the Boy 209 

Training of the Girl 210 

When Death comes 210 

The Spirit-world 212 

Chapter V. The Superhuman 214 

Ehna-mani 215 

Chapter VI. Armor and Eagle s feathers - 219 

Simon Anawang-mani 

Chapter VII. Dakota Dances : 224 

Singing to 

Begging dance 

No-flight dance 

Circle dance 225 

Scalp dance 

Mystery dance 227 

Sun dance 229 



LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL. 



SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY, 

Washington, D. C., April 25, 1893. 

SIR: I have the honor to transmit to you the copy for "Contributions 
to North American Ethnology, Vol. IX, Dakota Grammar, Texts, and 
Ethnography," by the late Stephen Return Riggs, having edited it according 
to your instructions. 

I am, with respect, your obedient servant, 

JAMES OWEN DORSEY, 

Ethnologist. 
To HON. J. W. POWELL, 

Director, Bureau of Ethnology 



PREFACE. 



By the Editor, JAMES OWEN DORSEY. 



In consequence of the death of the author in 1883, the copy furnished 
by him for the present volume was left in such a shape that some editing- 
was necessary before it could be sent to the printer. 

By order of the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, the editorship 
of the manuscript was committed to me. I was requested also to prepare 
the table of contents and index, and to see that the arrangement of the 
chapters, headings, etc., conformed to the general plan of the publications 
issued by this Bureau. 

That such disposition of the manuscript was in harmony with the 
wishes of the author will appear after a perusal of the following extract 
from a letter, dated April 20, 1881, sent by Dr. S. R. Riggs to Mr. J. C. 
Pilling, then chief clerk of the Bureau. After speaking of an article that 
he was preparing, to be entitled " Unwritten Laws," Dr. Riggs continues 
thus: "This letter, I think, will partly cover Ethnology. But I do not 
profess to be skilled in Ethnology as a science, and shall be glad, of any 
suggestions from Maj. Powell and yourself." 

In the manuscript as received from the author were simdry quotations 
from my letters to him. But as several years had elapsed since these were 
written and as I had been enabled to revise the quoted statements, bringing 
the information down to date, it Avas but proper that such revisions should 
appear as footnotes, each followed by my initials. 

During the process of editing the manuscript it was ascertained that, as 
there had been additional investigations among the Dakota and other tribes 
of the Siouan stock since the death of the author, several questions treated 
by him deserved further elucidation. When one considers the many years 
in which the venerable author was associated with the work among the 
Dakota Indians (1837-1883) it would seem to many persons very pre- 

XI 



XII DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

sumptuous for one whose life among the Indians began as late as 1871 to 
question his conclusions, unless abundant facts could be shown to confirm 
the assertions of the critic. 

The author s life among the Indians was spent chiefly with a single 
division of the Dakota, known as the Santee or Mdewakantonwan. A few 
of the Teton words in his dictionary were furnished by one of his sons, 
Rev. T. L. Riggs, but most of them were obtained from Rev. W. J. Cleve 
land. The author, moreover, knew very little about the languages of those 
cognate tribes that are not Dakota, such as the Pouka, Omaha, Kansa, 
Wiiiuebago, etc., while I have lived among many of these tribes and have 
devoted considerable time to the comparison of most of the Siouan languages, 
having engaged in original investigation from time to time, as late as 
February, 1893, when I visited the Biloxi Indians in Louisiana. 

In order, therefore, to furnish the readers of this volume with the latest 
information, and to give more fully than was possible in those footnotes for 
which I am responsible my reasons for hesitating to accept some of the 
author s conclusions, as well as evidence confirmatory of some of the author s 
statements this preface has been written. 

In my notation of Dakota words, both in this preface and in the foot 
notes, the author s alphabet has been used, except where additional charac 
ters were needed; and such characters are described in the following section 
of this preface. But in recording the corresponding words in the cognate 
languages the alphabet used is that of the Bureau of Ethnology. 

All footnotes followed by " S. R. R." were contributed by the author. 
Those furnished by his son, Rev. Alfred L. Riggs, are signed "A. L. R." 
"T. L. R." stands for Rev. T. L. Riggs, and "J. P. W." for Rev. J. P. 
Williamson. " J. 0. D." marks those footnotes for which I am responsible. 

LIST OF SOUNDS PECULIAR TO INDIAN WORDS IN THE PREFACE. 

The alphabet given by the author on pages 3 and 4 has no characters 
representing certain sounds heard in the Teton dialect of the Dakota and 
in some of the cognate languages. Besides these, there are other sounds, 
unknown in Teton and the other dialects of the Dakota, but common to 
the other languages of the Siouan family. These peculiar sounds and some 
additional ones which are described are given in the characters adopted by 
the Bureau of Ethnology. The authority for the Hidatsa words is Dr. 
Washington Matthews, U. S. Army. 1 The Tutelo words were recorded 

U. S. Geol. and Geogr. Saw., Haydeu, Misoell. Publ. No. 7, 1877: Ethnog. and Philol. of the 
Hidatsa Indians. 



PREFACE. XIII 

chiefly by Dr. Horatio Hale, though a fe\v were acquired since 1882 by 
Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt and myself. The Mandan words are taken from the 
vocabularies of Dr. F. V. Hayden, Dr. W. J. Hoffman, and Prince 
Maximilian, of Wied. 

a as a in what or as o in not. 

c sh, given as s by the author and Matthews. 

a medial sound, between sh (s) and zh (z). 
9 as th in thin, the surd of /. 

d0 ad sound followed by a dh sound which is scarcely audible. 
This combination is peculiar to the Biloxi, Hidatsa, and Kwapa 
languages. Given as d by Matthews. 

$ dh, or as th in the, the sonant of c. 

e a short e as in get. 

H a sound heard at the end of certain syllables, but slightly 
audible, nearer h than kh. Given by Matthews as an apos 
trophe after the modified vowel. 

1 as in it. 

j zh, or as z in azure. Given as z by the author and as z by 
Matthews. 

5{ a medial k, between g and k, heard in Teton, (^egiha, etc. 

k an exploded k. Given as k by the author. 

n a vanishing n, scarcely audible, as the French n in bon, vin, 
etc., occurring after certain vowels. Given as rj by the 
author. 

n as ng in sing, singer, but not as ng in finger; heard some 
times before a k-mute, at others just before a vowel, as in 
j^oiwere (i-Qun-e, i-yun-e, wan-e, etc.). Given as rj by the 
author. 

q kh or as ch in German ach. Given as-li by the author and 
Matthews. 

j a medial sound, between d and t. 

ft as oo mfoot. 

u as u in but, given by Matthews as "a" with a dot subscript. 

tc as ch in church. Given as c by the author. 

t9 at sound followed by a c (th) sound, as th in thin, but scarcely 
audible. It is the surd of d^, and is peculiar to the Bilox , 
Hidatsa, and Kwapal anguages. Given as t by Matthews. 

jo a medial sound, between dj (j as in judge) and tc. 

js a medial sound, between dz and ts. 



XIV DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

SEPARATE PRONOUNS. 

On page 11 it is said that the separate personal pronouns "appear to 
be capable of analysis, thus: To the incorporated forms mi, ni, and i, is 
added the substantive verb, e, the y coming in for euphony. So that miye 
is equivalent to / am, niye to thou art, and iye to he is." On page 12 the 
author informs us that " mis, nis, and is would seem to have been formed 
from miye, niye, iye; as, miye es contracted into mis; niye es contracted 
into nis, etc." On the same page we iind the emphatic forms of the 
pronouns, mis miye, I myself; nis niye, thou thyself; is iye, he himself, etc. 

Now, if the author has made correct analyses, miye mi-j-y+e; 
niye =. ni+y+e ; iye = i+y+e ; mis mi-j-y+e+es ; ui$ u i_j_y_|_ e _[_ e g . 
is =. i+y+e+es; mis miye = mi+y+e+es" mi+y+e. He tells us, too, that 
the forms mis , nis, and is were originally subjective, while miye, niye, and 
iye were originally objective. 

On examining a myth in the Bushotter (Teton) collection, the following 
sentences were extracted, as they show how the Teton Indians use the separ 
able pronouns. When the Griant Anurjg-ite or Two Faces discovers the pres 
ence of his adversary, Ha5[ela, he exclaims, Nis eya kakisciya yachj iia Si 

You too I make you suffer you wish and to 

may an he: Are you coming to me because you wish me to make you 

me you are ? 
coming 

suffer, too? (Here nis is subjective or nominative.) Ha>[ela replies, 
Hiya, niyes pha 5{hj limmjyela kaksa iyeciyirj kta ca l cihi: No, I 

No, you indeed head the with a whizzing cutting it I make yours will when to I come 
(and no one sound off go suddenly to you 

else) 

come to you in order to cut off your head (making) a whizzing sound 
(with my sword) as I send it (your head) suddenly (or forcibly) to the 
ground. Here niyes, which is objective in this sentence, marks a contrast: 
it is you only, not I, who must suffer. After killing the giant, Ha^ela 
takes the rescued infant to the lodge of his parents, who are afraid to let 
him enter, as they think that he is the giant. So Ha?[ela says, Ina, he 

O mother, that 

miye ca wahi ye lo: O mother, this is I who have come, not he (the 

t a I have indeed 

come 

giant). Here miye is subjective. When Ha^ela is taken to the lodge of 
the chief who has two daughters, the elder daughter says to the younger, 
I to, miyes le bluha kte: Well, I (not you) will have this one (for my 

Well, I (not yon) this I have will 

husband). But the younger sister laughs as she retorts, He yacirj sni ca 

That you wanted not as 

miyes hirjgna wayirj kte ciqs : As you did not want him (when you 

I (not you) a husband I have him will .(female 
for speaking) 



PEEFACE. 



xv 



could have had him.) Subsequently, when the elder sister had turned 
Ha^ela into a dog, irjs eya iha na heya, Nis ehaij nicakizirj kte, eya: She, 

she too laughed and said aa You yourself you suffer shall said what 
follows precedes 

too, laughed and said, "You yourself shall suffer (now)." 



INSEPARABLE PRONOUNS. . 

On page 13 the author remarks, " These forms md and d may have 
been shortened from miye and niye, the n of niye being exchanged for d." 

In addition to the objections given in the foot note on p. 13, the editor 
offers the following table: 



Siouan Verbs having 
languages. theirSdsing.in 


make their 2d and their 1st 
sing, in sing, in 


Pcrsonal jironouns. 


Dakota ya- 


da-(la-) mda-(bda-,bla-) 


1st, miye 




yu- 


du-(lu-) iudu-(bdu-, blu-) 2d, niye 




Cegiha $a- 


na-(ona-) 


bta- 


1st, wie, etc. 




M" 


ni-(oni-) 


b i- 


2d, fi, ie, etc. 




Kansa ya- 


hna- 


bla- 


1st, ini 




yii- 


huii- 


blii- 


2d, yi 




Osage 0a- 


cta-, ctsa- 


d^a- 


1st, wie 






^ii- 


ctii-, ctsli- 


4*11- 


2d, (fie 




Kwapa 


da- 


ta- 


ptva- 


1st, wie 






di- 


ti- 


ptci- 


2d, d^i, d<fie 




j, a were 


ra- 


ara- 


hata- 


1st, mire 






ru- 


aru- 


hatu- 


2d, dire . 




Winuebago 


ra- 


cara- 


q.a- 


1st, ne 






ru- 


curu- 


^u- 


2d, ne 




Hidatsa 


da-(d< a-) 


da-(d^a-) 


ma- 


1st, ma, mi 






du-(d<Sii-) 


da-(d<!u-) 


mu- 


2d, da (dfa), di (d# 


) 


Biloxi 


da- 


ida- 


nda- 


1st, fiqindi (nom. ) 












riJiint-ka" (obj 


.) 




du- 


i<lu- 


Ullll- 


2d, ayindi (nom.) 












ayint-ka" (ob.j 


) 



N. B. The Hidatsa and Biloxi modal prefixes da- and du- are not 
exact equivalents of the Dakota ya- and yu-, the (egiha ^a- and i-; etc. 

The following appears on page 15: " Perhaps the origin of the t in 
tku may be found in the ta of the 3d person used to denote property. 
How can this apply to deksi-tku, his or her mother s brother, even if it 
could be said of tanksi-tku, his younger sister, and ciqhiij-tku, his or her 
son? While a son or a sister might be transferred to another person s 
keeping, a mother s brother could not be so transferred. Such an uncle had 
greater power over his sister s children than the father had, among the 
Omaha and cognate tribes, and presumably among the Dakota. Among 
the Omaha even an adoptive uncle was conceded this power, as when 
Susette La Fleche (now Mrs. T. H. Tibbies) was invited by her father s 
brother (a Ponka chief) to remove from the Omaha Reservation in Nebraska 



XVI DAKOTA GEAMMAE, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGEAPHY. 

to the Ponka Reservation in the Indian Territory, for the purpose of accepting 
a position as teacher in the agency school. The real father, Joseph La 
Fleche, consented, but Two Crows, an adoptive mother s brother, and no 
real kinsman, objected, and for that reason Susette did not go. It appears, 
then, that the t in deksi-tku does not imply "transferable possession." 

CONTINUATIVES. 

On page 45 the author translates two proper names thus : Irjyarjg-mani, 
One-who-walks-running, and Anawang-mani, One-who-walks-as-he-gallops- 
on. As mani is used here as a continuative, it would be better to render 
the two names, One-who-continues-rumiing, and One-who-continues-gal- 
loping-on. In all of the Siouan languages which have been studied by 
the editor we find these continuatives. They are generally the classifiers, 
words denoting attitude, the primary ones being those denoting standing, 
sitting, or reclining. In the course of time the reclining is differentiated 
from the moving; but at first there is no such differentiation. 

The author agreed with the editor in thinking that some of these 
Dakota continuative signs, hai), waijka, and yarjka, were originally used as 
classifiers; and a comparison of the Teton texts with those contained in 
the present volume shows that these words are still used to convey the idea 
of action that is (1) continuous or incomplete and (2) performed while the 
subject is in a certain attitude. Thus haij means to stand, stand upright or 
on end, but when used after another verb it means the standing object. The 
other verbs used as classifiers and continuatives are waqka (Teton, yuqka), 
to recline, yanka (Teton, yarj^a), to sit, hence to be. Yaijka occurs as a 
classifier on pp. 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, etc. That it conveys the idea of 
sitting is shown by the context on p. 89, where the Star born sat (iyotarjke) 
on the ridge of the lodge and was fanning himself (ihdadu yarjka). Waijka, 
to recline: on p. 83, the twin flowers abounded (lay all along) in the star 
country. On the next page, the infant Star born was kicking out repeatedly 
(nagangata warjka, he lay there kicking). On page 110 we read, Urjktomi 
war) kaken ya warjka, An Unktomi was going (literally, going he reclined). 

CAEDINAL BIETH-NAMES. 

The Dakota names which belong to children, in the order of their 
birth, up to fifth child, are given on page 45. Thus the first child, if a boy, 
is called Caske; if a girl, Winona. The second, if a boy, is called Heparj, 



PEEFACE. XVII 

and if a girl, Hapan, and so on. While this class of birth-names is found 
among the Ponka, Omaha, Osage, Kansa, Kwapa, the j^oiwere tribes, and 
the Winnebago, all these tribes observe a different rule, i. e., the first son is 
always called Ing/,a n , or some equivalent thereto, even though he may not 
be the first child, one or more daughters preceding him in the order of 
birth ; and in like manner the first daughter is always called Wina n or by 
some one of its equivalents, although she may have several brothers older 
than herself. On the other hand, if there should be in a Dakota household 
first a daughter, next a son, the elder or first boi n would be Winona and 
the next Hapai) (there being no Oaske), while if the first born was a boy 
and the next a girl the boy would be Caske and his sister Haparj (there 
being no Winona). 

KINSHIP TEEMS. 1 

The following are the principal kinship terms in most of the Siouan 
languages, all of which, except those in the Dakota, Hidatsa, Mandan, and 
Tutelo, having been recorded by me. Most of the terms may be used by 
females as well as males; but when the use of a term is restricted to 
persons of one sex a note to that effect will be found in the proper place. 
In the Biloxi column, the algebraic sign (-I-) denotes that the ending 
following it may be used or omitted at the will of the speaker. 

1 See pi>. 45, 203, 204, 207. 
7105 VOL ix n 




xvill DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 



English. 



Father 



Mother 



Mother s brother 



Dakota. 



Cfegiha. Kwapa. Kausa. Osage. 



ntkuku ate) ifadi 



hunku 



ilia" 



deksitku deksi) inegi 



Father s sister tnijwiru tui)wiij) ijimi 



Grandfather 



Grandmother 



tuqkaqsitkn. 
tunkaijsidai), etc. 
tmjkan) i^iga" 

knnkn kiin) iaa" 



cha", phft" 

etene 
etimi 

etijja" 



Elder brother (his) cincu <cinye) iji"^g 

Elder brother (her) timdoku timdo) ijinu 



otitu 



Elder sister (his) taijkeku tanke) i^ange etun^e 



Elder sister (her) riujkn, cnnwekn ija n W 

Younger brother suijkaku 8 nnka) igafiga esftnjta 

rr 

[fern, voc., i 



Younger sister (his) 



taijksitku tai)ksi) i^afige 



Younger sister (her) t.iijkakn taijka) i^ange 
Son i i ii|liii)tku(<^< ii)ksi) i.jinge 



iyadjc 



ih ft" ihft" 



Daughter 



Grandchild 



i-ui)ksitku, 



runksi) 

takozakpaku 
takoza) 



i.jange 



ijncpa 



ejifij(e 



etuopa 



\ 

i" se V [ 



itciini iqtsimi 



itcign 



isju, iqj[u 



i.jiyp. i.jr yp ioi"fe, ioi"e 
itpidu I itsi^u, 

iqtsiju 
it.-inge itanjje, 

iqtan3)e 

I 

jjuwp iil"we 

iannga. Inn : isansja, 

isu"ya", her isuruja 

i 

itangp iteeoin^a 

ijingp 

ijnnge 



itutpa, itcucpa, 

: itcucpa iqtsucpa 



PREFACE. 



XIX 



j_oiwere. 


Winnebago. Mandan. 


Hidatsa. 


Tutelo. Biloxi. 


a"tce 


lun- ioi-r.l 




;;:; 


\ da^. (Hewitt); 
> eati;tat,yat(Halc) 


adi-ya" adi) 










f ehS", his; ehi", her 




ihil" 


hifi n ni-na 






(Hewitt) 
H n ni, u n ni-ya n 
I ina; hena; henft" 










[ (Hale) 










tuka"ni noqti, his 










( enek (Hewitt) ; mother s elder 


itceka 


hitek. 




(itcad^n) 


^eiuek(Hale) brother; tuka mi 




Integra 








aka, younger do. 


itumi 


hitcti n wi"-ra 


ko-tomi- icami, icawi 




to"ni, to n niya", 






nikoc, the 


tomin 




elder sister; to"ni 






aunt (Wied) 






aka, etc., younger 












do. 


ituka 


hitcoke-rft 




ad<5iiti;aka 


e^o^fi" (Hewitt) 


ka"qo 


ikn 


hikoroke, 




iku 


higu" (Hale) 


: H u 3 l an 




hikoroke-ra 






ego"q (Hewitt) 


n ri"3in"ya" 




Voc., kiVnikii 










iyina 


hini-ra 




iaka 


ewahyek (Hewitt) 


iui, ini-ya r - 




hitcito-ra 




ttcametsa 




tando noqti 
















i 


hinftnktcapa- 


ptafikoc 


itcamia 


t ah auk, sister , tafik-qohi-ya" 






(Hale); 








etahfink (Hewitt) 


iynna 


hiiin-ra,hinfi n - 




idfn enoq (Hewitt) ino"ni 




rft 








ictirie 


hisiifik-r& 




itsuka 


HiVtka (Hale) sotkaka, s o n t k a- 










kaya", his 










cso"}k (Hewitt) 


tando akaya", her 










taukaka (-4-ya) 


Itolie 


waitcke-ra 


ptauka 


itcakica 




ta"ska (iy a ") 




hitcauka-ra 




itcakn 






iyifie (Iowa); hiulk 


kn-nike 


idijici 


eteka 


yifi5(iya" 


ioine (Oto) 












iyufie 


hinftk, hi- 


iko-nuhaiike 


ika 


eteka (prob. his or 


yftnuiya" 




nii5fa-ra, 






her child) 




i t a 5{ w a , 


hinafiT]a-ra 
hitcu"cke- 




itcamapica 




yiusiadodi, sou s 


grandson; 
ita^wami, 


nin5]e-ra his 
grandson 








S son; yfln^adodi, 
son s daughter; 


grand- 










yunnayin i, 


daughter. 








daughter s son; 










y & n 5[ a y ft fi ^ i , 










daughter s daugh 










ter. 



XX 



DAKOTA GRAMMAB, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 



English. 


Dakota. 


(, egiha. 


Kwapa. 


Kausa. 


Osage. 


Brother-in-law (his) 
Brother-in-law (her) 


tahanku tahan) 
sidecu, 
si6eku 


ici e 


etalia" 
ecik e 


italia" 
icik e 


itaha" 
icik e 


Sister-in-law (his) 


si<5e) 
haijkaku (haqka) 


ibahga 


,., 


ihftflga 


ihan^a 


Sister-in-law (her) 


icepanku i6epan ) 


ici 


ecika" 




icika" 


Sister s son (his) 


toi)skakutonska) 


i}a"cka 


etft"cka 


itcucka 


iittsucka 


Brother s son (her) 
Sister s daughter (his) 


toskaku 
(toska) 
tuijzayku 
tunzan) 


ijucka 


ejijfl" 


itcuckaya" 
itciju 


iqtsucka" 

itsiofl", 
iijtsiau" 


Brother s daughter 
(her) 
Son-in-law 
Daughter-in-law 


tozauku tozan) 

takoskn (takos) 
takosku takes) 


iiujafige 


etujafl^e 

etut8 
etini 


itoujange 

itnndje 
itcini 


iqtfln^se 
iqtsini 


Husband (her) 


hihna-ku hihna) 


egi^ange 


ekt.an.e, 






Husband (my) 
Wife (his) 


inihihna 
tawicu tawiij) 


wieg<tafige 
igaq^a" 


wiktcafijje 
eqaqnu" 


igaqla" 




Wife (my) 


mitawin 


wigaq^a" 









PREFACE. 



xxl 



Xoiwere. 


Winuebago. 


Mandau. 


Hidatsa. 


Tutelo. 


Biloxi. 


itaha" 


hitca"-ra 




id^aqtfi 


etahe"6" (Hewitt) 


taha"uiya" 


icike 


hicik 6-ra 




icikici 




yinnayini 


ihafia 


hiwafike-ra 




uaka, h i 8 




tcka"niya" 








brother s 












wife i t c a- 












dai amia, i- 












tcarawia, 












his wife s 












sister, h i s 












wife. 






icika" 














hitcB"cke-rS 








tuksiki (ya"), 




hitca"cke-ra 








elder sister s son ; 












tuksiki aka( r tya"), 












younger sister s 










etoskaii (Hewitt) 


son. 












etosiuk (Hewitt) 


t usunqi (.-tya"), 












elder siter s 












daughter; tusftn- 












kiaka (ya"), 












younger sister s 












daughter. 




hitcujank-nl 








Name forgotten by 












Indians. 




wa^ohotci-ra 








toudi-ya" 




hiuiik-tcek- 






eohenk (Hewitt) 


toho"ni-ya" 




hani-ra," the 












one whom I 












have for a 












new daugh 












ter." 












hikana-na 




ikid^a 


eta-man ki 


yiu^a^i-ya n 




hikaua-hara 








nyin^a^i-ya" 


itami 


hitcawi"-na 




ua 


eta-mihe", 


yifi3^o"iii-ya" 










"his woman " 












(Hale) 












("his spouse," 












Hewitt) 






hitcawi"-hara 






witamihe"e n , 


nyin5jo"ni-ya n 










"my spouse" 












(Hewitt) 





XXII DAKOTA GKAMMAK, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

The "hna" in the Dakota term should not be compared with the 
Dakota verb, ohnaka, to place in, but with the (pegiha verb, g^a n , to take a 
wife (see "g^afi" in eg^ange, a husband, her husband), which answers to the 
Kansa lange, the Osage J[0an>[e, and the j^oiwere jpiiie, all of which are 
related to the verb, to take hold of, seise, apparently pointing to a time when 
marriage by capture was the rule. (See the Dakota verb yuaa.) The 
original meaning of "my husband" therefore may have been my capture? or 
setter. Ohnaka, when applicable to a person, refers to a sitting one, other 
wise it is applicable to what is curvilinear, a part of a whole, a garment, 
book, etc. This is not brought out by the author, though attitude is 
expressed or implied in nearly all the verbs of placing or putting in the 
various Siouan languages. The Tutelo word for her husband, etamanki, 
does not mean, " her man." Manki, a husband, differs materially from the 
several words which are said to mean "man" in Tutelo. "To take a 
husband," in Tutelo, is tamanku n se (<manki), and "to take a wife" is 
tamihiVse (from etamihe n e n , a wije, his wife ). " To take a husband " in 
Biloxi, is yin5[ado n ni, very probably from yin^qi and o n ni, probably 
meaning " to make or have for a husband or child s father." " To take a 
wife" in Biloxi, is yinj[o n ni (yin^i and o n ni, to do, make), literally, "to 
make a young one." The Biloxi term for " my wife," nyiib[o D niya", may 
have been derived from yin^i, little one, child, and o n ni an occasional form 
of u n ni or u n niya n , a mother, the whole meaning, "my little one his or her 
mother." In like manner, "my husband," nyin>[a;iya n , may have been 
derived from yin^i, child, and a^iya" or adiya n , Iris or her father, the com 
pound meaning, "my little one his or her father." 

Among the Dakota names for kinship groups (see page 45), there are 
several which admit of being arranged in pairs, and such an arrangement 
furnishes hints as to the derivation of at least one name in each pair, in 
connection with present and probably obsolete forms of marriage laws. In 
each pair of names, the second invariably ends in ksi or si, the exact 
meaning of which has not been ascertained, though it may be found to 
imply a prohibition. Thus, cincu, his elder brother, cinye, an elder brother 
(of a male); but chj-ksi, a son (who can not marry the widow of the 
speaker, though one whom that speaker calls ciqye can marry her.) A 
woman s elder sister is cun, cuijwe, or curjwi, her elder sister being cunku 
or (hiyweku; but a daughter is duq-ksi (she can not marry her mother s 
husband, though the mother s elder sister can do so). A man s elder sister 
is tarjke, a woman s younger sister, tarjka; but a man s younger sister is 
tay-ksi; it is not certain whether there is any restriction as to marriage 



PREFACE. XXIII 

contained in this last kinship name. A father is ate, and a mother s brother 
is de-ksi (in Teton, le-ksi); we find in the cognate languages (excepting 
(fegiha and Winnebago) some connection between the two names, thus in 
Kwapa, the syllable te is common to ed^ate and ete5[e; in Kansa, dje 
is common to iyadje and idjegi; in Osage, }se is common to i^a^se and 
iu;;se:5[i; in j/mvere, tee is common to a n tce and itceka. At present, my 
mother s brother can not marry my father s widow (who is apt to be his 
own sister). A man s brother-in-law (including his sister s husband) is 
tahan, and a man s male cousin is tahan-si (who can not marry that sister). 
A woman s brother-in-law or potential husband is sice, but her male cousin, 
who can never become her husband, is iQe-s"i or si<?e-si. A man s sister-in- 
law (including his potential wife), is hanka; but a man s female cousin 
(whom he can not marry) is hanka-si. A woman s sister-in-law (including 
her husband s sister and her brother s wife) is iceparj, but a woman s female 
cousin (who can become neither the husband s sister nor the brother s wife) 
is ic"epan-si. The editor proposes to group together in like manner the 
corresponding terms in the cognate languages, such as iji n ^6, his elder 
brother, and ijiflge, his or her son; ija n 06, her elder sister, and ijange, his or 
her daughter; but that must be deferred to some future time. 

CARDINAL NUMERALS. 

On pages 48 and 49 the author undertakes to analyze the Dakota 
names for the cardinal numerals. He does this without comparing the 
Dakota names with those in the cognate languages. A knowledge of the 
latter will enable the student to correct some of the statements of the 
author, and for that reason these names are now given. 

ONE. 

Dakota, wanca, wanzi or waijzidarj (wanzina, wanzila). Said by the 
author to be derived from wan, an interjection calling attention perhaps, at 
the same time holding up a finger. N. B. This is only a supposition, 

(fegiha, wi n , wi n aqtci (just one). 

Kansa, mi", mi n qtci. 

Osage, wi n , wiqtsi. 

Kwapa, mi n qti. 

j/nwere, iya n , iyanke. 

Winnebago, hija n , hijankida. 

Mandan, maqana. 



XXIV DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

Hidatsa, duetsa (djhietsa) luetsa. 

Tutelo, no n sa, also nos, uosai, no n sai, etc. 

Biloxi, so"sa. I have not yet found in these cognate languages any 
interjection resembling the Dakota war) in use, from which the respective 
forms of the numeral could be derived. 

TWO. 

Dakota, nonpa, "from en aorjpa, to bend down on, or place on, as the 
second finger is laid over the small one ; or perhaps of nape onpa, nape 
being used for finger as well as hand. N. B. The second finger laid down 
(that next to the little finger of the left hand) is not laid over, but beside 
the small one. 

(^egiha, na"ba, in composition tfa"ba, as in the proper name ^jaxe 
0aba, Two Crows. See seven, a derivative. To place a horizontal object 
on something would be, a a"he, which could not have been the source of 
na"ba. 

Kansa, nu n ba. 

Osage, 0u n da. 

Kwapa, na n pa, to place a horizontal object on something, ak fi n he. 

jjOiwere, nowe. 

Winnebago, no n p, no n pa, no n pi, uu n p. The root in the Wiunebago 
verb to place a horizontal object is, t u n p. 

Mandan, nu n pa. 

Hidatsa, dopa (d^opa, nopa). 

Tutelo, no n p, no n bai, etc. 

Biloxi, no n pa, na n pa; to place a horizontal object on something, i n pi. 

THREE. 

Dakota, yamni: "from mni (root), turning over or laying up." 

(pegiha, 0abi n : compare roots, b0i n and b0i n $a, bebpi", twisted; etc. 

Kansa, yabli, yabli n : root bli", turned. 

Osage, 0ad^i n or na^id". 

Kwapa, djiabni. 

jjOiwere, tanyi. 

Winnebago, tani. 

Mandan, namni. 

Hidatsa, dami (d^ami) or nawi. 

Tutelo, nan, nani, lat, etc. 



PREFACE. XXV 

Biloxi, dani: many roots in which na, ne and ne are syllables convey 
the ideas of bending, turning, or shaking. 



FOUR. 

Dakota, topa, "from opa, to follow; (perhaps ti, a house, and opa, 
follow with") as we say, in the same box with the rest. The Jthree have 
banded together and made a ti or tidan, as we should say a family, and 
the fourth joins them." N. B. Is not this rather fanciful? 

(egiha, duba; to follow is u^uhe; to join a party, 6d uihe (in full, 6di 
uihe). 

Kansa, duba or juba ; to follow, uyupye. 

Osage, }uda; to follow, u^upce. 

Kwapa, :mwa. 

jyoiwere, towe; to follow a road or stream, owe; to join or follow a 
party, oyui[e. 

Winnebago, tcop tcopa-ra, tcopi ; to follow, howe. 

Maudan, tope. 

Hidatsa, topa 

Tutelo, tob, top. 

Biloxi, topa. 



FIVE. 



Dakota, zaptan, "from za (root), holding (or perhaps whole, as in zani) 
and ptanyai) or ptaya, together. In this case the thumb is bent down over 
the fingers of the hand, and holds them together." 

(egiha, Kansa, and Osage, sata". 

Kwapa, sata". 

^oiwere, cata". 

Winnebag-o, sate, satca n . 

Mandan, kequ n . 

Hidatsa, kihu ( kiqu). 

Tutelo, gisa n , kise, kisa n . 

Biloxi, ksa", ksani. 

To hold is u^a" in (|)egiha, nyinge in Kansa, u^inife in Osage, unane in 
j^oiwere, ad0aqeqe and ukcie in Hidatsa, and dusi in Biloxi. 



XXVI DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 



SIX. 

Dakota, sakpe "from sake, nail, and kpa or kpe (root), lasting as some 
kinds of food which go a good ways, or filled, as a plump grain. This is 
the second thumb, and the reference may be to the other hand being com 
pleted. Perhaps from the idea of bending down as in nakpa, the ear." No 
satisfactory analysis of this numeral can be given in the cognate languages, 
and that given by the author needs further examination. 

(^egiha, cads. 

Kansa, cape. 

Osage, cap6. 

Kwapa, capS . 

j^iwere, ca^we. 

Winnebago, akewe. 

Mandan, kima. 

Hidatsa, akama or akawa. 

Tutelo, agasp, agas, akes, akaspe. 

Biloxi, akuqpe. 

SEVEN. 

Dakota, sakowin, " from sake, nail, and owin, perhaps from owirjga, to 
bend down; but possibly from oin, to wear as jewelry, this being the fore 
finger of the second hand; that is the ring finger." Do the Dakota Indians 
wear rings on their index fingers! 

(pegiha, dea n ba, -de appearing in cade, six, and ^a n ba being two; as 
if seven were or, the second of the new series, beginning with six. Kansa, 
peyu n ba. Osage, pe0u n da or pe(0)a n da. Kwapa, pena n da. ^oiwere, 
cahma. Wiunebago, cai{owe. Mandan, kupa. Hidatsa, sapua (capua). 
Tutelo, sagum, sagom. Biloxi, na n pahudi, from variants of no n pa, hvo, and 
udi, stock, or ahudi, bone, the "second stock" or "second bone." 

EIGHT. 

Dakota, sahdogaij, "from sake, nail, probably, and hdogarj, possessive 
of yugay, to open (hdugarj is the true form, J. o. D. ); but perhaps it is 
ogarj or oge, cover, wear; the nail covers itself. Two fingers now cover 
the thumb." How can the nail "cover itself!" (fegiha, de/<abji n , as if 
from -de and ^ab^;i n , three or the third of the new series, beginning with six. 
Kansa, kiya-}uba, " again four," and peyabli (cape and yabli). Osage, 
, "again four." Kwapa, ped^abni" (cape and d^abni"). j^oiwere, 



PREFACE. XXVli 

krerapri" (incapable of analysis, tanyi being three). Winnebago, haru- 
wauke or ha /uwanke (can not yet be analyzed). Mandan, tituki. Hidatsa, 
dopapi (d^opapi), from dopa (d^opa), two and pi-, which appears to be the 
root of pitika (pitcjka), ten, the whole probably signifying ten less two. 
Tutelo, palan, palan (pa and three). Biloxi, dan-hudi, the "third stock" or 
"third bone." 

NINE. 

Dakota, napdinwanka, "from nape, hand, distimia, small, and wanka, 
lies hand small lies ; that is, the remainder of the hand is very small, or 
perhaps, the hand now lies in a small compass. Or, from napdupe (marrow 
bones of the hand), or "the linger lies in the napcoka, inside of the hand." 
Query by the editor: May not the name refer to the little linger of the 
right hand which alone remains straight? 

(^egilia, Kansa and Kwapa, cafika. 

Osage, i[^e(I^a n tse 0inye or s^ectya" ts6 wi u 0ifi5[e, " ten less one." 

j/nwere, cafike. 

Winnebago, hijankitcaVkuni or hijankitcu n qckuni, " one wanting," i. e. 
to make ten. 

Mandan, maqpi (from maqana, one, and piraq, ten), "ten less one." (?) 

Hidatsa, duetsapi (d^uetsa and pi-), "ten less one." . 

Tutelo, sa, sa n , ksank, ksa n uk. 

Biloxi, tckane. 

TEN. 

Dakota, wikcemna, " from wikce or ikce, common, and muayan, gath 
ering, or from mua, to rip, that is, let loose. It would mean either that the 
common or first gathering of the hands was completed, or, that being com 
pleted, the whole were loosed, and the ten thrown up, as is their custom; 
the hands in the common position." 

(fegiha, g^eba or g^eb^a" (in which gjfce kce of the Dakota, and 
btfa n =mna of the Dakota). 

Kansa, lebla or lebla n . 

Osage, ^ed^a n . 

Kwapa, ktgebna or ktyeptqa". 

jjOiwere, krepra n . 

Winnebago, kerepana. 

Mandan, piraq. 



XXVIII DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

Hidatsa, pitika (pitcika). 

Tutelo, butck, putck. 

Biloxi, ohi, "completed, filled, out, to have gone through the series." 



ELEVEN. 



Dakota, ake wanzi, " again one," or wikcemna sanpa waqzidaij. "ten 



more one." 



(egiha, ag0i n -wi n , "one sitting-on (ten)." 
Kansa, ali n -rni n qtci, same meaning. 
Osage, a5^i n -wi n qtsi, same meaning. 

Kwapa, mi n qti -a^ni", "one sitting-on," or ktcept9a"-ta n mi n qti ajmi n , 
"ten- when one sitting-on." 

j^oiwere, aj[ri n -iyafike, " one sitting-on." 

Winnebago, hijankida-cina, meaning not certain (hijafikida, one). 

Mandan, aga-maqana (ma(jana, o>/r). 

Hidatsa, ahpi-duetsa (aqpi-d^uetsa), "portioned one." 

Tutelo, agi-no u saii. 

Biloxi ohi so n saqehe, "ten one-sitting-on." 

TWELVE. 

Dakota, ake nonpa, "again two," or wikcemna saijpa nonpa, "ten 
more two." 

(fegilia, cad6-na n ba, "six times two." 

Kansa, aliMuVba, "two sitting-on." 

Osage, ai$i n -^u n da, same meaning. 

Kwapa, na n pa-a>[ni", same meaning. 

j^oiwere, a3pi n -nowe, same meaning. 

Winnebago, no"pa-cina (no n pa, two). 

Mandan, aga-nu n pa (nu n pa, two). 

Hidatsa, ahpi-dopa (aqpi-d^opa), "portioned two." 

Tutelo, agi-no u paii; see no n bai, two. 

Biloxi, ohi no n paq6he, " ten two-sitting-on." 

NINETEEN. 

Dakota, unma napcinwanka, "the other nine." 

(fegiha, ag^i n -canka, "nine sitting-on." 

Kansa, atna cailka, "the other nine," or ali n -canka, " nine sitting-on." 

Osage, ajf^i" 5[yie(I^a n tse 0in>[e, "sitting-on ten less (one)." 



PREFACE. XXIX 

Kwapa, cafika-a^ni*, "nine sitting-on." 

j^oiwere, a5[ri n -canke, same meaning. 

Winnebago, hijankitcft"qckuni-cina (see nine), 

Mandan, aga-maqpi (see nine). 

Hidatsa, ahpi-duetsapi (aqpi-dffatetsapi), "portioned ten less one." 

Tutelo, agi-ksankaii (see nine). 

Biloxi, ohi tckanaqehe, "ten nine-sitting-on." 

ONE HUNDRED. 

Dakota, opawinge, "from pawinga, to bend down with the hand, the 
prefixed o indicating perfectness or roundness; that is, the process has 
been gone over as many times as there are fingers and thumbs." 

(^egiha, g^eba-hi-wi", "one stock of tens." 

Kansa, lebla n hii tciisa (lebla n , ten, hii, stock, tciisa, meaning unknown). 

Osage, >[^ec[f*a n hii oi n a, " ten stock small," or " small stock of tens." 

Kwapa, kt^eptca" hi, "stock of tens." 

Winnebago, okihija". 

Mandan, isuk maqana (maqana, one). 

Hidatsa, pitikictia (pit9ikiqtcja), " great ten." 

Tutelo, ukeni nosa, or okeni. 

Biloxi, tsipa. 

ONE THOUSAND. 

Dakota, kektopawinge, or koktopawinge "from opawinge and ake or 
kokta, again or also." 

( egiha, g0eba-hi-wi n ;anga, " one great stock of tens," or 3[uge wi n , 
"one box," so called because annuity money before the late civil war was 
paid to the Indians in boxes, each holding a thousand dollars in specie. 

Kansa, lebla" hii jinga tciisa (lebla n , ten, hii, stock, jinga, small, tciisa, 
meaning uncertain) or lebla" hii tanga, "large stock of tens." 

Kwapa, ktceptca" hi tan^a, "a large stock of tens." 

Winnebago, kokija" (koke, box, hija n , one), "one box." 

Mandan, isuki kakuhi. 

Hidatsa, pitikictia akakodi (pitcikiqtcia akakod^i), exact meaning not 
known. 

Tutelo, ukeni putskai, "ten hundred." 

Biloxi, tsipi n tciya, "old man hundred," from tsipa, hundred, and i n tciya, 
old man. 




XXX DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

THE TERMS FOR "WHITE MAN" IN SIOUAN LANGUAGES. 

On p. 174 Dr. Riggs, in speaking of Hennepin s narrative, says: "The 
principal chief at that time of this part of the tribe, is called by Hennepin 
Washechoonde. If he is correct, their name for Frenchmen was in use, 
among the Dakota, before they had intercourse with them, and was probably 
a name learned from some Indians farther east." The author s supposition 
as to the eastern origin of wasicurj as an appellation for white men might 
stand if there were no explanation to be found in the Dakota and cognate 
languages. Hennepin himself is a witness to the fact that the Dakota 
Indians of his day called spirits wasidurj (as Dr. Riggs states on p. 175). 
And this agrees with what I have found in the Teton myths and stories of 
the Bushotter collection, where wasicurj is given as meaning guardian 
spirit. Dr. Riggs himself, in his Dakota-English dictionary, gives wasicui) 
as "nearly synonymous with wakarj" in the opinion of some persons. He 
appends the following Teton meanings : "A familiar spirit; some mysterious 
forces or beings which are supposed to communicate with men; mitawasicuT) 
he omakiyaka, my familiar spirit told me that." This phrase he gives as 
referring to the Takuskanskarj, the Something-that-moves or the Wind 
powers. The Mandan use waci and the Hidatsa maci for white man. 
Though the Hidatsa word was originally applied only to the French and 
Canadians, who are now sometimes designated as masikat i (maci-kutci, in 
the Bureau alphabet), the true whites. The j/>iwere tribes (Iowa, Oto, 
and Missouri) call a Frenchman mac okenyi, in which compound maQ is 
equivalent to maci of the Hidatsa, waci of the Maudan, and wasicur) of the 
Dakota. The Ponka and Omaha call a white man waq6, one who excels 
or goes beyond (the rest), and a Frenchman waqg uke^i", a common white 
man. The Winnebago name for Frenchman is waqopinina, which may be 
compared with the word for mysterious. 

NOTES ON THE DAKOTA MYTHS. 

On p. 84, lines 8 to 13, there is an account of the wonderful result 
produced by tossing the Star-born up through the smoke hole. In the 
Biloxi myth of the Hummingbird there is an account of a girl, a boy, and 
a dog that were cared for by the Ancient of Crows. One day, in the 
absence of the fostermother, the girl tossed four grains of corn up through 
the smoke hole, and when they came down they became many stalks filled 
with ears of excellent corn. The girl next threw the tent itself up into the 
air, causing it to come dowr a beautiful lodge. When she threw her little 



PEEFACE. XXXI 

brother into the air he came down a very handsome warrior. The girl then 
asked her brother to toss her up, and when he had done this, she came 
down a very beautiful woman, the fame of her loveliness soon spreading 
throughout the country. The dog and such clothing as the sister and 
brother possessed were tossed up in succession, each act producing a 
change for the better. 

On p. 85, from line 33 to p. 86, line 5, there is an account of the 
deliverance of the imprisoned people by the Star-born when he cut off the 
heart of the monster that had devoured them. In like manner the Rabbit 
delivered the people from the Devouring Mountain, as related in the (fegiha 
myths, " How the Rabbit went to the Sun," and "How the Rabbit killed 
the Devouring Hill," in " Contributions to North American Ethnology," 
Vol. vi, pp. 31, 34. 

Note 2, p. 89. Eya after a proper name should be rendered by the 
initial and final quotation marks in the proper places, when eciya follows, 
thus: Mato eya eciyapi, They called him, " Grizzly bear." 

When heya precedes and eya follows a phrase or sentence the former 
may be rendered, he said as follows, and- the latter, he said what precedes. 
Heya answers to ge, gai or ga-biama of the (^egiha, and eya to e, ai or 
a-biama. In like manner the Dakota verbs of thinking may be rendered 
as follows: heciij (which precedes, answering to ge^ega" of the (fegiha), 
by he thought as folloics, and edirj (which follows, answering to e^ega n in 
(^egiha), by he thought ivliat precedes. 

The myth of the Younger Brother (p. 139-143) contains several 
incidents which find their counterparts in the Biloxi myth of the Thunder- 
being. In the Dakota myth the wife of the elder brother plots against the 
younger brother; she scratches her thighs with the claws of the prairie 
chicken which the brother-in-law had shot at her request, and tells her 
husband on his return that his brother had assaulted her. In the Biloxi 
myth it is the aunt, the wife of the Thunder-being s mother s brother, who 
scratched herself in many places. In the Dakota myth the Two Women 
are bad at first, while the mother was good. But in the Biloxi myth the 
Old Woman was always bad, while her two daughters, who became 
the wives of the Thunder-being, were ever beneficient. In the Dakota 
myth the old woman called her husband the Unktehi to her assistance, 
prevailing on him to transport her household, including the Younger 
Brother, across the stream. In the Biloxi myth the two wives of the 

/ */ 

Thunder-being, after the death of their mother, call to a huge alligator, of 
the "salt water species called box alligator" by the Biloxi, and he comes 



XXXIl DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

to shore in order to serve as the canoe of the party. Doubtless there were 
more points of resemblance in the two myths, but parts of the Biloxi one 
have been forgotten by the aged narrator. 

NOTES ON THE DAKOTA DANCES. 1 

The Begging dance is known among the Ponka as the Wana watcigaxe 
(See "Omaha Sociology," in 3d Ann. Kept. Bur. Etlm., p. 355.) The No 
flight dance is the Make-no-flight dance or Mafia watcigaxe of the Ponka 
and Omaha. It is described in " Omaha Sociology " (in 3d Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethn., p. 352). The Scalp dance is a dance for the women among 
the Ponka and Omaha, who call it Wewatci. (See "Omaha Sociology," 
in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 330). 

The Mystery dance is identical with the Wacicka of the Omaha. A 
brief account of that dance was published by the editor in " Omaha 
Sociology," in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 342-346. 

The Grass dance, sometimes called Omaha dance, is the dance of the 
He^ucka society of the Omaha tribe, answering to the Ilucka of the Kansa, 
and the In^u n cka of the Osage. For accounts of the He^ucka see 
"Omaha Sociology," in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 330-332, and "Hae- 
thu-ska society of the Omaha tribe," by Miss Alice C. Fletcher, in the 
Jour, of Amer. Folk-Lore, April-June, 1892, pp. 135-144. For accounts 
of the sun-dance, with native illustrations, see " A Study of Siouan Cults," 
Chapter V, in the llth Ann. Rept. of the Bureau of Ethnology. 
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY, 

Washington, D. C., September 15, 1893. 

1 See pp. 224-232. 



DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 



PART FIRST. 



GKAMMAK. 



7105 VOL ix 1 



DAKOTA GRAMMAR. 

H A P T E E I . 
PHONOLOGY. 

THE ALPHABET. 

VOWELS. 

The vowels are five in number, and have each one uniform sound, 
except when followed by the nasal " q," which somewhat modifies them, 
a has the sound of English a in father. 
e has the sound of English / in they, or of a in face. 

has the sound of i in marine, or of e in me. 
o has the sound of English o in </o, note. 
u has the sound of in ride., or of 00 hi./0<xi 

CONSONANTS. 

The consonants are twenty-four in number, exclusive of the sound 
represented by the apostrophe ( ). 

b lias its common English sound. 

c is an aspirate with the sound of English ch, as in dim. In the 
Dakota Bible and other printing done in the language, it 
has not been found necessary to use the diacritical mark.* 

is an emphatic c. It is formed by pronouncing "c" with a 
strong pressure of the organs, followed by a sudden expul 
sion of the breath. f 

d has the common English sound. 

g has the sound of// hard, as in </<>. 

g represents a deep sonant guttural resembling the Arabic ghaiti 
(). Formerly represented by // simply.J 

h has the sound of // in English. 

li represents a. strong surd guttural resembling the Arabic kha 
Formerly represented by r.J 

* For this Bound Lepsius recommends th<> Greek y- 

t This and k, p. t, are called cerebrals by Lepsinx. 

JThis and /. correspond with Lepsins, except in the form of the diacritical iiiui-k. 



4 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

k has the same sound as in English. 

k is an emphatic letter, bearing the same relation to k that "c" 
does to "6." In all the printing done in the language, it is 
still found most convenient to use the English q to repre 
sent this sound.* 

1 has the common sound of this letter in English. It is peculiar 
to the Titonwarj dialect. 

m has the same sound as in English. 

n has the common sound of n in English. 

i) denotes a nasal sound similar to the French n in bon, or the 
English n in drink. As there are only comparatively very 
few cases where a full n is used at the end of a syllable, no 
distinctive mark has been found necessary. Hence in all 
our other printing the nasal continues to be represented by 
the common n. 

p has the sound of the English p, with a little more volume and 
stress of voice. 

P is an emphatic, bearing the same relation to p that "<?" does 
to "c."* 

s has the surd sound of English s, as in say. 

s is an aspirated s, having the sound of English $h, in in shine. 
Formerly represented by x. 

t is the same in English, with a little more volume of voice. 

t is an emphatic, bearing the same relation to "t" that "c" does 
to "c."* 

w has the power of the English w, as in walk. 

y has the sound of English y, as in yet. 

z has the sound of the common English z, as in zebra. 

z is an aspirated z, having the sound of the French j, or the English 
s in pleasure. Formerly represented by j. 

The apostrophe is used to mark an hiatus, as in s a. It seems to be 
analogous to the Arabic hamzeh (c). 

NOTE. Some Dakotas, in some instances, introduce a slight 6 sound before the 
m, and also a d sound before n. For example, the preposition "om," with, is by some 
persons pronounced obm, and the preposition "en," in, is sometimes spoken as if it 
should be written edn. In these cases, the members of the Episcopal mission among 
the Dakotas write the b and the d, as "ob," "ed." 

* These are called cerebrals by Lepsius. In the alphabet of the Bureau of Kthnology these sounds 
are designated by to (=6, of Riggs), k (=k), p (=p), and t (=--t), respectively, aud are called 
explosives. 



SYLLABICATIONACCENTS. 5 

SYLLABICATION. 

3. Syllables in the Dakota language terminate in a pure or nasalized 
vowel, as ti-pi, house, tan-yarj, well. To this rule there are some excep 
tions, viz. : 

a. The preposition en, in, and such words as take it for a suffix, as, 
petan, on the fire, tukten, where, etc.; together with some adverbs of time, 
as, dehan, now, hehan, then, tohan, when, etc. 

b. When a syllable is contracted into a single consonant (see 11), 
that consonant is attached to the preceding vowel; as, om, with, from o-pa, 
to follow; waij-yag, from wan-ya-ka, to see; ka-kis, from ka-ki-za, to suffer; 
bo-sim-si-pa, to shoot off, instead of bo-si-pa-si-pa. But, in cases of contrac 
tion in reduplication, when the contracted syllable coalesces readily with 
the consonant that follows, it is so attached; as, si-ksi-ca; sa-psa-pa. 

c. There are some other syllables which end in s; as, is, he, nis, thou, 
mis/7, uakaes, indeed, etc. These are probably forms of contraction. 

ACCENTS. 

PLACE OF ACCENT. 

4. 1. In the Dakota language all the syllables are enunciated plainly 
and fully ; but every word that is not a monosyllable has in it one or more 
accented syllables, which, as a general thing, are easily distinguished from 
such as are not accented. The importance of observing the accent is seen 
in the fact that the meaning of a word often depends upon it; as, maga, 
field, maga, a goose ; 6kiya, to aid, okiya, to speak to. 

2. More than two-thirds, perhaps three-fourths, of all Dakota words of 
two or more syllables have their principal accent on the second syllable from 
the beginning, as will be seen by a reference to the Dictionary ; the greater 
part of the remaining words have it on the first. 

3. (a) In polysyllabic words there is usually a secondary accent, which 
falls 011 the second syllable after the primary one; as, hew6skantuya, in a 
desert place; fciyopeya, to larter. 

(6) But if the word be compounded of two nouns, or a noun and a 
verb, each will retain its own accent, whether they fall two degrees apart 
or not; as, agiiyapi-icapar), (wheat-beater) a flail; mmii-siinka, (cat-cloy} a 
domestic cat; akicita-naziij, to stand guard. 

REMOVAL OF ACCENT. 

5. 1. Suffixes do not appear to have any effect upon the accent; but 
a syllable prefixed or inserted before the accented syllable draws the accent 



(5 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGKAPHY. 

back, so that it .still retains the same position with respect to the beginning 
of the word; as, nape, hand, miuape, my hand; baksa, to cut off witli a knife, 
bawaksa, / cut off; mdaska, flat, dagmddaka, hoard*; maga, ajield, mitamaga, 
my .field. 

When the accent is on the first syllable of the word the prefixing syllable does 
not always remove it; as, noge, Hie mr, inanoge. ;// car. 

2. The same is true of any number of syllables prefixed; MS, kaska, 
to hind ; wakaska, I bind; wicawakaska, I bind them. 

3. () If the verb be accented on the second syllable, and pronouns be 
inserted after it, they do not affect the primary accent; as, waste daka, to 
love; \vastewadaka, / lore something. 

(//) But if the verb be accented on the first syllable, the introduction of 
a pronoun removes the accent to the second syllable; as, mani, to walk; 
mawani, 1 walk. 

In some cases, however, the accent is not removed: as, old, t<> rt-nclt to; owahi, I 
reach. 

4. When wa is prefixed to a word commencing with a vowel, and an 
elision takes place, the accent is thrown on the first syllable; as, iyiiskin, 
to rejoice in; wivuskhj, to rejoice; amdc/a, dear, \vamdexa; amd6sa, the red- 
tvinged black-bird, wamdosa. 

f>. When wo is prefixed to adjectives and verbs forming of them 
abstract nouns, the accent is placed on the first syllable; as, pida, glad; 
w6pida, yladm ss ; waoijsida, -merciful; wowaoijsida, n/erci/ : ihaijgva, to de- 
xtroy ; woihaijgye, a destroi/n///. 

6. So also when the first syllable of a word is dropped or merged into 
a pronominal prefix, the accent is removed to the first syllable; as, kiksuva, 
to remember; miksuya. remember me. 

CHANGES OF LETTERS. 

SUBSTITUTION AND KLISION. 

6. 1. A or aij final in verbs, adjectives, and some adverbs, is 
changed to e, when followed by auxiliary verbs, or by certain conjunc 
tions or adverbs. Thus 

(a) When an uncontracted verb in the singular number ending with 
a or aij precedes another verb, as the infinitive mood or participle, the 
a or arj becomes e; as, ya, to go; ye kiya, to cause to go; niwan, to 
swim ; \\\\\r kiya, to caw. to xtc-im ; niwe uij, he -is swimming; but they also 
say niwaij wamj, L am swimming. 



CHANGES OF LETTERS. 7 

(6) A or an final in verbs, when they take the sign of the future 
tense or the negative adverb immediately after, and when followed by 
some conjunctions, is changed into e ; as, y uke kta, there will be some ; 
mde kte sni, I will not go. 

To this there are a number of exceptions. Ba, to blame, and da, to ask or beg, are 
not changed. Some of the Mdewakantoijwaij say ta kta, he will die. Other dialects 
use tiij kta. Ohnaka, to place any thing in, is not changed; as, "minapekiij takudaij 
ohiiaka sni wauij," I have nothing in my hand. Ipuza, to be thirsty, remains the same; 
as, ipuza kta; "tuwe ipuza khjhan," etc., "let him that is athirst come." Some say 
ipuze kta, but it is not common. Yuha, to lift, carry, in distinction from yuha, to 
have, possess, is not changed; as, mduha Sni, I cannot lift it. 

(c) Verbs and adjectives singular ending in a or an, when the con 
nexion of the members of the sentence is close, always change it into e; 
as, ksape <?a waste, wise and good ; wanmdake Qa wakute, I saw and I shot it. 

(d) A and an final become e before the adverb hinca, the particle 
do, and sni, not; as, sice hirjca, very bad ; waste kte do, it will be good; 
takuna yute sni, he eats nothing at all. Some adverbs follow this rule; as, 
tarjye liin, very well; which is sometimes contracted into tanyeh. 

But a or <aij final is always retained before tuka, uijkan, unkans , eSta, &ta, ke, 
and perhaps some others. 

(e) In the Titoywarj or Teton dialect, when a or an final would be 
changed into e in Isanyati or Santee, it becomes in; that is when fol 
lowed by the sign of the future; as, yukirj kta instead of yuke kta, yirj 
kta instead of ye kta, tuj kta instead of te kta, cantekiyhj kta, etc. 
Also this change takes place before some conjunctions, as, epirj na wagli, 1 
said and I returned. 

2. (a) Substantives ending in a sometimes change it to e when a 
possessive pronoun is prefixed; as, surjka, dog; mitasunke, /// dog; nita- 
sunke, thy dog ; tasuijke, his dog. 

(i) So, on the other hand, e final is changed to a, 1 in forming some 
proper names; as, Ptarjsinta, the name given to the soxith end of Lake 
Traverse, from ptarj and sinte. 

7. 1. (a) When k and k, as in khj and kinharj, ka and kehan, etc., 
are preceded by a verb or adjective whose final a or an is changed for 
the sake of euphony into e, the k or k following becomes c or g,; as 
yuhe c"inhan, if he has, instead of yuha kinharj; yuke (Jehan, when there was, 
instead of yukarj keharj. 

(fe) But if the proper ending of the preceding word is e, no such 
change takes place; as, waste kinharj, if he is good ; Wakarjtaijka ape ka 
was"tedaka wo, hope in God and love him. 



8 DAKOTA GKAMMAK, TEXTS, AND ETHXOGKAPHY. 

2. When ya, the pronoun of the second person singular and nomina 
tive case, precedes the inseparable prepositions ki, to, and kfci, for, the 
ki and ya are changed, or rather combined, into ye; as, yecaga, thou 
makest to, instead of yakicaga; yedicaga, thou makest for one, instead of 
yakicicaga. In like manner the pronoun wa, J, when coming in conjunc 
tion with ki, forms we; as, wecaga, not wakicaga, from kicaga. Wowapi 
wecage kta, / will make him a book, i. e. I ivill write him a letter. 

3. (a) When a pronoun or preposition ending in e or i is prefixed 
to a verb whose initial letter is k, this letter is changed to c; as, kaga, to 
make, kicaga, to make to or for one; kaksa, to cut off", kicicaksa, to cut off for 
one. 

(b) But if a consonant immediately follows the k, it is not changed; 
as, kte, to kill, nikte, he kills thee. In accordance with the above rule, they 
say dicute, / shoot thee; they do not however say kidute, but kikute, he 
shoots for one. 

(c) This change does not take place in adjectives. They say kata, hot, 
nikata, thou art hot; kuza, lazy, nikuza, thou art lazy. 

8. 1. T and k when followed by p are interchangeable; as 
irjkpa, hjtpa, the end of any thing; wakpa, watpa, a river; sinkpe, sintpe, 
a muskrat. 

2. In the Ihaijktonwarj dialect, k is often used for h of the Wahpe- 
torjway ; as, kdi, to arrive at home, for hdi ; canpakmikma, a cart or wagon, 
for canpahmihma. In the same circumstances the Titorjwaij use g, and 
the Mdewakaytorjwarj n; as, carjpagrnigma, carjpanminma. 

3. Vowel changes required by the Titoijwarj: 

(a) a to u, sometimes, as iwarjga to iyunga; 
(6) e to i, sometimes, as aetopteya to aitopteya; 

(c) e to o, as mdetanhunka to blotaTjhunka; kehan to kohan 
or korjharj; 

(d) i to e, as ecoqpi ye do to econpe lo; 
(e.) i to o, sometimes, as ituya to otuya; 

(/) i to u, as odidita to oluluta; Italian to utuhan, etc.; 
(^) o to e, sometimes, as tiyopa to tiyepa; 

(/) a or an final, changed to e, before the sign of the future, etc., 
becomes in, as yeke kta to yukirj kta, te kta to tirj kta. 

4. Consonant changes required by the Titonwaij : 

(a) b to w, (1) in the prefixes ba and bo, always; (2) in some 
words, as wahbadarj to wahwala; 

(b) b to m, as sbeya to srneya; 



CHANGES OP LETTERS. 9 

(c) d to !, always; as the d sound is not in Titonwan; 

(d) h to g, always in the combinations hb, hd, hm, hn, which 
become gb, gl, gb and gn; 

(e) k to n, as ka to na; 

(/) in to b, as (1) in md which becomes bl; and (2) in m final, 
contracted, as om to ob, torn to tob; 

(#) in to p, as in the precative form miye to piye; 

(h~) n to b, as (1) in contract forms of c, t, and y, always; e. g., 
cantesin to cantesil, yuu to yul, and kun to kul, etc.; (2) in certain 
words, as nina to lila, miua (Ih.~) to mila; (3) n final in some words, 
as en to el, hecen to hecel, wankan to wankal, tankan to taijkal, 
etc.; 

(i) t to c, as cistinna to ciscila; 

0) * to &> as itokto to itogto; 

(k) t to k, as itokam to ikokab. 

(/) w to y, in some words, as owasin to oyasin, iwaqga to 
iyunga, wanka to yunka, etc.; 

(m) y to w, as ecoq ye do to ecoij we lo; 

(n) dan final generally becomes la, as hoksidan changed to 
hoksila; but sometimes it changes to ni, as wanzidan to wanzini, 
tuwedan to tuweni, etc.; 

(o) way, as indicated above, in a to u, in some words, becomes 
yuq, as hewanke to heyunke, napdinwaijka to napcinyunka, 
iwayga to iyunga, etc. 

9. 1. When two words come together so as to form one, the latter of 
which commences and the former ends with a vowel, that of the first word 
is sometimes dropped; as, cantokpani, to desire or long for, of cante, the 
heart, and okpani, to fail of; wakpicahda, by the side of a river, from wakpa 
and icahda; wicota, many persons, from wica and ota. Tak eya, what did 
he say? is sometimes used for taku eya. 

2. In some cases also this elision takes place when the second word 
commences with a consonant; as, napkawiij and namkawirj, to beckon with 
the hand, of nape and kawin. 

3. Sometimes when two vowels come together, w or y is introduced 
between them for the sake of euphony; as, owihanke, the end, from o and 
ihaijke; niyate, thy father, from the pronoun ni, thy, and ate, father. 

10. The yu of verbs commencing with that syllable is not unfre- 
quently dropped when the pronoun of the first person plural is used; as, 



10 DAKOTA GKAMMAK, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

yuha, to have, linhapi, we have; yiiza, to hold, uijzapi, we hold. Yuza also 
becomes oze, which may be oyuze contracted; as, Makatooze, the Blue 
Earth River, lit. where the blue earth is taken; oze sica, bad to catch. 



CONTRACTION. 



11. 1. Contractions take place in some nouns when combined with 
a following noun, and in some verbs when they occupy the position of the 
infinitive or participle. The contraction consists in dropping the vowel of 
the final syllable and changing the preceding consonant usually into its 
corresponding sonant, or vice versa, which then belongs to the syllable that 
precedes it; as yus from yuza, to hold; torn from topa, four. The follow 
ing changes occur: 

z into s; as, yuza, to hold any thing; yus nazin, to stand holding. 

z into s; as kakiza, to suffer; kakis wauvj, I am suffering. 

g into li ; as, maga, a field, and maga, a goose, are contracted into rnah. 

k into g; as, wanyaka, to see any thing, is contracted into wanyag. 

p into m ; as, topa, four, is contracted into torn ; watopa, to paddle or 
row a boat, is contracted into watom. 

t into d; as, odota, the reduplicated form of ota, many, much. 

t into g; as, bozagzata, the reduplicated form of bozata, to make forked 
by punching. 

6, t, and y, into n; as, wanida, none, becomes wanin; yuta, to eat any 
thing, becomes yun; kuya, below, becomes kun. 

2. The article kirj is sometimes contracted into g; as, oyate kin, the 
people, contracted into oyateg. 

3. Oante, the heart, is contracted into dan; as, danwaste, glad (dante and 
waste, heart-good). 

4. When a syllable ending in -\ nasal (n) has added to it m or n, 
the contracted form of the syllable that succeeded, the nasal sound is lost 
in the m or n, and is consequently dropped; as, caijnmjpa, to smoke a 
pipe, carjnum mani, he smokes as he walks; kakinca, to scrape, kakin iyeya. 

Contracted words may generally be known by their termination. 
When contraction has not taken place, the rule is that every syllable ends 
with either a pure or nasalized vowel. See 3. 



CHAPTER II. 
MORPHOLOGY. 

PRONOUNS. 

12. Dakota pronouns 7iiay be classed as personal (simple and com 
pound ), interrogative, relative, and demonstrative pronouns, together with the 
definite and indefinite pronouns or articles. 

PERSONAL PRONOUNS. 

13. To personal pronouns belong person, number, and case. 

1. There are three persons, the first, second, and Mm/. 

2. There are three numbers, the singular, dual, and plural. The dual 
is only of the first person; it includes the person speaking and the person 
spoken to, and has the form of the first person plural, but without the ter 
mination ]>i. 

3. Pronouns have three rases, subjective, objective, and possessive. 

14. The simple pronouns may be divided into separate and incorpo 
rated; i. e. those which form separate words, and those which are prefixed 
to or inserted into verbs, adjectives, and nouns. The incorporated pronouns 
may properly be called article pronouns or pronominal particles. 

Separate. 

15. 1. () The separate pronouns in most common use, and probably 
the original ones, are, Sing., miye, I, niye, tliou, iye, he. The plural of 
these forms is denoted by mjkiye for the first person, niye for the second, 
and iye for the third, and adding pi at the end either of the pronoun 
itself or of the last principal word in the phrase. Dual, uijkiye, (/ and 
tlmn) we two. 

These pronouns appear to be capable of analysis, thus : To the incor 
porated forms mi, ni and l i, is added the substantive verb e, the y 
coming in for euphony. So that miye is equivalent to 1 am, niye to thou 
art, and iye to he is. 1 

A knowledge of the cognate languages of the Siouan or Uakotau stock would have led the 
author to modify, if not reject, this statement, as well as several others in this volume, to which at 
tention is called by similar foot-notes. Mi and ni can be possessive (J 21) and dative ($ 19, 3), or, 
as the author terms it, objective (though the act is to another); but he did not show their use in the 
subjective or nominative, nor did he give i as a pronoun in the 3d singular. Besides, how could 
he reconcilehis analysis of mis, nis. and is ($ 15, 1, i) with that of miye, niye, and iyef J. O. D. 

11 




12 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

(fc) Another set of separate pronouns, which are evidently contracted 
forms, are, Sing., mis, /, nis, thou, is, he. The Plural of these forms is desig 
nated by employing urjkis for the first person, nis for the second, and is 
for the third, and adding pi at the end of the last principal word in the 
phrase. Dual, unkis, (7 and thou) ive two. These contracted forms of mis, 
nis, and is would seem to have been formed from miye, niye, iye; as, miye 
es contracted into mis; niye es contracted into nis, etc. 

2. These pronouns are used for the sake of emphasis, that is to say, 
they are employed as emphatic repetitions of the subjective or objective 
pronoun contained in the verb ; as, mis wakaga, ( I I-made) I made ; miye 
mayakaga, (me me-thou-madesf) thou modest me. Both sets of pronouns are 
used as emphatic repetitions of the subject, but the repetition of the object 
is generally confined to the first set. It would seem in fact that the first 
set may originally have been objective, and the second subjective forms. 

3. Mis miye, I myself; nis niye, tJwu thyself; is iye, he himself; uijkis 
urjkiyepi, we ourselves, etc., are emphatic expressions which frequently 
occur, meaning that it concerns the person or persons alone, and not any 
one else. 

16. 1. The possessive separate pronouns are: Sing., initawa, my or 
mine, nitawa, thy or thine, tawa, his; Dual, uijkitawa, (mine and thine) ours; 
Plur., urjkitawapi, our or ours, nitawapi, your or yours, tawapi, their or 
theirs : as, wowapi mitawa, my look, he mitawa, that is mine. 

2. The separate pronouns of the first set are also used as emphatic 
repetitions with these; as, miye mitawa, (me mine) my own; niye nitawa, 
thy own; iye tawa, his own; uijkiye uijkitawapi, our own. 

INCORPORATED OR ARTICLE PRONOUNS. 1 

17. The incorporated pronouns are used to denote the subject or 
object of an action, or the possessor of a tiling. 

Subjective. 

18. 1. The subjective article pronouns, or those which denote the 
subject of the action, are: Sing., wa, I, ya, thou; Dual, un, (I and thoii) we 
two; Plur., un-pi, we, ya-pi, ye. The Plur. term, pi is attached to the end 
of the verb. 

1 "Article pronoun" is adopted by the author from Powell s Introduction to the Study of Indian 
Languages, 2d ed., p. 47. But the article pronoun of Powell diners materially from that of Riggs. 
The classifier which marks the gender or attitude (standing, sitting, etc.) should not be confounded 
with the incorporated pronoun, which performs a different function ( 17). J. o. D. 



PEONOUNS. 13 

2. (a) These pronouns are most frequently used with active verbs; as, 
wakaga, / make ; yakaga, thou makest; unkagapi, we make. 

(6) They are also used with a few neuter and adjective verbs. The 
neuter verbs are such as, ti, to dwell, wati, I dwell; itonsni, to tell a lie, 
iwatorjsni, / tell a lie. The adjective verbs with which wa and ya are 
used are very few; as, waonsida, merciful, waonsiwada, / am merciful; 
duzahan, swift, waduzaharj, / am swift of foot; ksapa, wise, yaksapa, thou 
art wise. 

(c) The neuter and adjective verbs which use the article pronouns wa 
and ya rather than ma and ni, have in some sense an active meaning, 
as distinguished from suffering or passivity. 

3. When the verb commences with a vowel, the un of the dual and 
plural, if prefixed, becomes unk; as, itorjsni, to tell a lie, urjkitonsni, we two 
tell a lie; au, to bring, unkaupi, we bring. 

4. When the prepositions ki, to, and kfci, ./or, occur in verbs, instead 
of waki and yaki, we have we and ye ( 1. 2.); as, kicaga, to make to 
one, wecaga, / make to; kicicaga, to make for, yedicaga, thou makest for, 
yecicagapi, you make for one. Kiksuya, to remember, also follows this rule; 
as, weksuya, / remember. 

5. In verbs commencing with yu and ya, the first and second per 
sons are formed by changing the y into md and d; as, yuwaste, to 
make good, mduwaste, I make good, duwaste, thou makest good, duwastepi, 
you make good; yawa, to read, mdawa, J read, dawa, thou readest. In like 
manner we have iyotanka, to sit down, imdotarjka, / sit doivn, idotanka, thou 
sittest down. 

6. In the Titonwarj dialect these article pronouns are bl and !; as, 
bluwaste, luwaste, etc. 

7. These forms, md and d, may have been shortened from miye 
and niye, the n .of niye being exchanged for d. Hence in Titonwarj 
we have, for the first and second persons of ya, to go, mni kta, ni kta. 1 

8. The third person of verbs and verbal adjectives has no incorporated 

pronoun. 

Objective. 

19. 1. The objective pronouns, or those which properly denote the 
object of the action, are, Sing., ma, me, ni, thee; Plur., un-pi, us, and ni-pi, you. 

1 1 ain inclined to doubt this statement for t\vo reasons: 1. Why should one conjugation be sin 
gled out to the exclusion of others? If md (bd, bl) and d (1) have been shortened from miye and niye, 
how about wa and ya ( 18, l),we and ye ($18,4), ma and ni ( 19, 1-2, 6)f 2. See footnote on $15, 1, a. 
This could be shown by a table if there were space. See $ 54. J. O. D. 



14 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

2. (a) These pronouns are used witn active verbs to denote the object 



of the action; as, kaga, he made, makaga, lie made me, nicagapi, he made yon 
or they made you. 

(6) They are also used with neuter verbs and adjectives; as, yazan, 
to be sick, mayazaij, I am sick ; waste, (food, mawaste, I am good. The Eng 
lish idiom requires that we should here render these pronouns by the sub 
jective case, although it would seem that in the mind of the Dakotas the 
verb or adjective is used impersonally and governs the pronoun in the ob 
jective. Or perhaps it would better accord with the genius of the language 
to say that, as these adjective and neuter-verb forms must be translated as 
passives, the pronouns ma and ui should not be regarded in all cases as 
objective, but, as in these examples and others like them, subjective as well. 

(c) They are also incorporated into nouns where in English the sub 
stantive verb would be used as a copula; as, wicasta, man, wimacasta, / am 
a man. 

3. In the same cases where we and ye subjective are used (see 
18, 4), the objective pronouns have the forms mi and ni, instead of 
maki and nidi; as, kicaga, he makes to one, micaga, he makes to me, 
nicaga, lie makes to thee, nicagapi, he makes to I/OH. 

4. There is no objective pronoun of the third person singular, Dut 
wica (perhaps originally mati) is used as an objective pronoun of the third 
person plural; as, wastedaka, to lore any one, wastewicadaka, he lores them; 
wicayazaij, they are sick. When followed by a vowel, the a final is 
dropped; as, e6awic"unkic"oijpi, ive do to them. 

20. Instead of wa, /, and ni, thee, coming together in a word, the 
syllable ci is used to express them both; as, wastedaka. to love, wasteci- 
daka, / love, thee. The plural of the object is denoted by adding the term 
pi; as, Avastecidakapi, I love yon The essential difference between ci 
and the urj of the dual and plural is that in the fonner the first person is 
in the nominative and the second in the objective case, while in the latter 
both persons are in the same case. (See 24, 1.) 

The place of the nominative and objective pronouns in the verb, adjec 
tive, or noun, into which they are incorporated, will be explained when 
treating of those parts of speech. 

Possessive. 

21. Two forms of possession appear to be recognized in Dakota, 
natural and artificial. 

(a) The possessive article pronouns of the first class are, Sing., mi or 



PEOFOUNS. 15 

ma, my, ni, thy; Dual, urj, (my and thy) our; Plur., tirj-pi, our, ni-pi, your. 
These express natural possession ; that is, possession that can not be alienated. 

(&) These pronouns are prefixed to nouns which signify the different 
parts of oneself, as also one s words and actions, but they are not used alone 
to express the idea of property in general; as, rnitarjcarj, my body ; minagi, 
my soul; mitawacirj, my mind ; mitezi, my stomach ; misiha, my foot; mkfarjte, 
my heart; miista, my eye; miisto, my arm; mioie, my words; mioharj, my 
actions; urjtarjc an, our two bodies; urjtarjc anpi, our bodies; nitarjcanpi, your 
bodies ; unnagipi, our souls; undantepi, our heart*. 

(c) In those parts of the body which exhibit no independent action, 
the pronoun of the first person takes the form ma; as, mapa, my head; 
manoge, my ears ; mapoge, my nose; mawe, my blood, etc. 

22. 1. The pronouns of the first and second persons prefixed to nouns 
signifying relationship are, Sing., mi, my, ni, thy ; Dual, unki, (my and thy) 
our ; Plur., uijki-pi, our, ni-pi, your : as, midirjda, my child; nideksi, thy uncle; 
nisurjka, thy younger brother ; uijkicirjcapi, our children. 

2. (a) Nouns signifying relationship take, as the pronouns of the third 
person, the suffix ku, with its plural kupi; as, sunka, the younger brother 
of a man, surjkaku, his younger brother ; taijka, the younger sister of a woman, 
tankaku, her younger sister ; hihna, husband, hihnaku, her husband; &te, father, 
atkuku, his or her father. 

(V) But after the vowel i, either pure or nasalized, the suffix is either 
tku or cu; as, deksi, uncle, deksitku, his or her uncle; tarjksi, the younger 
sister of a man, tarjksitku, his younger sister; cinksi, son, dirjhiqtku, his or 
her son; tawirj, a ivife, tawidu, his wife; nj)ye, the elder brother of a man, 
cirjdu, his elder brother. 

Perhaps the origin of the >t in tku may be found in the ta of the third per 
son used to denote property. See the next section. 

23. 1. The prefixed possessive pronouns or pronominal particles of 
the second class, which are used to express property in things mainly, pos 
session that may be transferred, are, mita, nita, and ta, singular; urjkita, 
dual; and unkita-pi, nita-pi, and ta-pi, plural: as, mitaoijspe, my axe ; 
nitasuijke, thy horse; they say also mitahoksidaij, my hoi/. These pronouns 
are also used with koda, a particular friend, as, mitakoda, my friend, 
nitakoda, thy friend, takodaku, his friend ; and with kiduwa, comrade, as 
nitakicuwa, thy comrade ; also they say, mitawhj, my ivife, tawitfu, his wife. 

2. (a) Mita, nita, and ta, when prefixed to nouns commencing with 
o or i, drop the a; as, owinza, a bed, mitowin/e, my bed; ipahh], a pil 
low, nitipahiq, thy pilloic ; itazipa, a bow, tinazipe, his bow. 



DAKOTA GEAMMAE, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGEAPHY. 



(ft) When these possessive pronouns are prefixed to abstract nouns 
which commence with wo, both the a of the pronoun and w of the 
noun are dropped; as, wowaste, goodness, mitowaste, my goodness; woksape, 
wisdom, nitoksape, thy ivisdom; wowaonsida, mercy, towaoqsida, his mercy. 

(c) But when the noun commences with a, the a of the pronoun is 
usually retained; as, akicita, a soldier, mitaakicita, my soldier. 

3. Wica and wici are sometimes prefixed to nouns, making what 
may be regarded as a possessive of the third person plural; as, wicahunku, 
their mother; wiciatkuku, their father. 

4. Ki is a possessive pronominal particle infixed in a large number of 
verbs; as, bakiksa, bokiksa, nakiksa, in the Paradigm; and, okide, to seek 
one s own, from ode; wastekidaka, to love one s own, from wastedaka; iyekiya, 
to find one s own to recognize from iyeya, etc. In certain cases the ki is 
simply k agglutinated; as, kpaksa, to break off one s own, from paksa; 
kpagan, to part with one s own, from pagan, etc. 

5. Other possessive particles, which may be regarded as either pro 
nominal or adverbial, and which are closely agglutinated, are, hd, in 
Isanyati; kd, in Yankton, and gl, in Titonwan. These are prefixed to 
verbs in ya, yo, and yu. See this more fully explained under Verbs. 

Tables of Personal Pronouns. 





SEPARATE PRONOUNS. 


Subjective. 


Objective. 


Possessive. 


Sing. 3. 
2. 
1. 


iye; is 
niye; nis 
miye ; mis 


iye 
niye 
miye 


tawa 
nitawa 
mitawa 


Dual 1. unkiye; uqkis 




unkitawa 


Plur. 3. 

2. 
1. 


iyepi; 
niyepi ; 
uijkiyepi; uqkU 


iyepi 
niyepi 
ui)kiyepi 


tawapi 
nitawapi 
uijkitawajii 







INCORPORATED 


PRONOUNS. 




Nominative. 


Objective. 


Possessive. 


Sing. 3 
2 


ya; ye 
wa; we 


ni; ui 
ma; mi 


-ku, -tku; ta- 
ni-; ni-; nita- 
mi- ; ma- ; mita- 


Dual 1 


Hi); mjki 




uij-; uijki-; uijkita- 


Plur. 3 
2 
1 


ya-pi ; ye-pi 
ui)-pi ; uyki-pi 


wiea 
ni-pi ; ni-pi 
ui)-pi; uijki-pi 


-kupi, -tkupi; ta-pi 
ni-pi; ni-pi; nita-pi 
un-pi; unki-pi; unkita-pi 



PKONOTJNS. 17 

COMPOUND PRONOUNS. 

24. These are <ci, <kici, and < ici. 

1. The double pronoun ci, combines the subjective / and the ob 
jective you; as, wastecidaka, I love you, from wastedaka. (See 20.) 

2. The form kici, when a double pronoun, is reciprocal, and requires 
the verb to have the plural ending 1 ; as, wastekicidapi, they love each other. 
But sometimes it is a preposition with and to: miifi hi, lie came tvith me. The 
Titoijwaij say kici waki, / came ivith him. 

3. The reflexive pronouns are used when the agent and patient are the 
same person; as, wastei(;idaka, he loves himself, wasteni^idaka, thou lovest 
thyself, wastemicjidaka, / love myself. 

The forms of these pronouns are as follows : 

Sing. Dual. 1 lnr. 

3. ii i?i-pi 

2. ni<?i ni<Ji-pi 

1. mi^i urjki$ unki pi-pi. 

RELATIVE PRONOUNS. 

25. 1. The relative pronouns are tuwe, ivlw, and taku, what; tuwe 
kasta and tuwe kakes, whosoever or anyone; taku kasta and taku kakes, 
whatsoever or any tliina. In the Titoijwaij and Ihanktonwai) dialects tuwa 
is used for tuwe, both as relative and interrogative. 

2. Tuwe and taku are sometimes used independently in the manner of 
nouns: as, tuwe u, some one comes; taku yamni waijmdaka, I see three things. 

3. They are also used with day suffixed and sni following : as, 
tuwedaij sni, no one; takudaij mduhe sni, / have not anything; tuktedarj ui) 
sni, it is nowhere; uijmana ecoijpi sni, neither did it. 

INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS. 

26. These are tuwe, -who? with its plural tuwepi; taku, what? which 
is used with the plural signification, both with and without the termination 
pi; tukte, which f tuwe tawa, whose f tona, tonaka, and tonakec"a, how many? 

DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS. 

27. 1. These are de, this, and he, that, with their plurals dena, these, 
and hena, those; also, ka, that, and kana, those or so many. From these are 
formed denaka and denakeca, these many ; henaka and henakeda, those many ; 
and kanaka and kanake6a, so many as those. 
7105 VOL ix 2 



18 DAKOTA GEAMMAE, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGBAPHY. 

2. Dag or na is sometimes suffixed with a restrictive signification; 
as, dena, these, denana, only these; hena, those, henaiia, only so many. 

3. E is used sometimes as a demonstrative and sometimes as an im 
personal pronoun. Sometimes it stands alone, but more frequently it is in 
combination, as, ee, dee, hee, this is it. Thus it indicates the place of 
the copula, and may be treated as the substantive verb. (See 155.) 

ARTICLES. 

28. There are properly speaking only two articles, the definite and 

indefinite. 

Definite Article. 

29. 1. The definite article is kiij, the; as, wicasta khj, the man, maka 
kirj, the earth. 

2. The definite article, when it occurs after the vowel e which has 
taken the place of a or an, takes the form din ( 7. 1.); as, widasta side 
din, the bad man. 

3. Uses of the definite article: () It is generally used where we would 
use the in English. (7>) It is often followed by the demonstrative he kii) 
he in which case both together are equivalent to that which. In the place 
of kin, the Titonwarj generally use kinhan. 1 (c) It is used with verbs, 
converting them into verbal nouns; as, ecorjpi kirj, the doers. (W) It is 
often used with class nouns and abstract nouns; when in English, the would 
be omitted; as, woksape kiij, the wisdom, i. e., wisdom. See this more at 
large under Syntax. 

4. The form of kiij, indicating past time, is korj, which partakes of the 
nature of a demonstrative pronoun, and has been sometimes so considered ; 
as, wicasta kon, that man, meaning some man spoken of before. 

5. When a or an of the preceding word is changed into e, koij 
becomes dikoij ( 7. 1.); as, tuwe wanmdake dikon, that person whom I 
saw, or the person I saw. 

In Titonwaij, koij becomes von, instead of cikoij. W. J. CLEVELAND. 

Indefinite Article. 

30. The indefinite article is wan, a or an, a contraction of the nu 
meral wanzi, one; as, wicasta way, a man. The Dakota article way would 
seem to be as closely related to the numeral wanzi or wanda, as the 



While some of the Titorjwaij may use "kinhan" instead of "Jliij," this can not be said of those 
on the Cheyenne River and Lower Brule reservations. They use sjiij in about two hundred and fifty- 
five texts of the Bushotter and Bruyier collection of the Bureau of Ethnology. J. o. D. 



VERBS VERBAL ROOTS. 



19 



English article an to the numeral one. This article is used a little less 
frequently than the indefinite article in English. 



VERBS. 



31. The Verb is much the most important part of speech in Dakota; 
as it appropriates, by agglutination and synthesis, many of the pronominal, 
prepositional, and adverbial or modal particles of the language. 



Verbal Roots. 



32. The Dakota language contains many verbal roots, which, are 
used as verbs only with certain causative prefixes, and which form partici 
ples by means of certain additions. The following is a list of the more 
common verbal roots: 



baza, smooth 
ga, open out 
gai), open out 
gapa, open out 
gata, spread 
guka, spread out 
hiijta, brush off 
hmuij, twist 
hua, fall off 
hnayai), deceive 
huhnza, shake 
Ma, open out. expand 
Mi, crumble, gap 
hdata, scratch 
hdeca, tear, smash 
hdoka, make a hole 
hepa, exhaust 
hica, arouse 
hpa, fall down 
lipu, crumble off 
htaka, catch, grip 
hu, peel 

huga, jam, smash 
kawa, open 
kca, untangle 
kiijca, scrape off 
kiijza, creak 



koijta, notch 

ksa, separate 

ksa, bend 

ksiza, double up 

ktaij, bend 

mdaza, spread open 

mdaza, burst out 

mdu, fine, pulverize 

mna, rip 

mni, spread out 

pota, wear out 

psaka, break in two 

psui), spill 

psuij, dislocate 

pta, cut out, pare off 

ptaijyaij, turn over 

ptuza, crack, split 

sba, ravel 

sbu, dangle 

sdeca, split 

skira, press 

skita, dra ir tight 

smii), scrape off 

sna, ring 

sni, cold, gone out 

sota, clear off, whitish 



.saka, press down 

.ska, tie 

skiea, press 

sua, miss 

spa, break off 

spi, piclc off 

ispu,/^ off 

>suza, mash 

taka, touch, make fast 

taij, icell, touch 

tepa, wear off 

tica, scrape 

tipa, contract 

titaij, pull 

tkuga, break off 

tpi, crack 

tpu, crumble, fall off 

wega, fracture 

\viijza, bend doicn 

zamni, open out 

Y.<\, xtir 

zaza, rub out, efface 

n\), stiff 

zipa, pinch 

zuij, root out 

KU/U, come to pieces. 



Verbs formed by Modal Prefixes. 



33, The modal particles ba, bo, ka, na, pa, ya, and yu 
are prefixed to verbal roots, adjectives, and -some neuter verbs, making of 



20 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

them active transitive verbs, and usually indicating the mode and instru 
ment of the action. 

(a) The syllable ba prefixed shows that the action is done by cutting 
or satving, and that a knife or saw is the instrument. For this the Ti ton war) 
use wa for the prefix. 

(b) The prefix bo signifies that the action is done by shooting with a 
gun or arrow, \yy punching with a stick, or by any instrument thrown end 
wise. It also expresses the action of rain and hail ; and is used in reference 
to blowing with the mouth, as, bosni, to blow out? 

(c) The prefix ka denotes that the action is done by striking, as with 
an axe or club, or by shaving. It is also used to denote the effects of wind 
and of running water. 

(d) The prefix na generally signifies that the action is done with the 
foot or by pressure. It is also used to express the involuntary action of 
things, as the bursting of a gun, the warping of a board and cracking of 
timber, and the effects of freezing, boiling, etc. 

(e) The prefix pa shows that the action is done by pushing or rubbing 
with the hand. 

(/) The prefix ya signifies that the action is performed with the mouth. 

(#) The prefix yu may be regarded as simply causative or effect) rr. 
It has an indefinite signification and is commonly used without any refer 
ence to the manner in which the action is performed. 

Usually the signification of the verbal roots is the same with all the prefixes, as 
they only have respect to the manner and instrument of the action; as, bak.sa, to cut 
in two with a knife, as a stick; boksa, to shoot off ; kaksa, to cutoff tcith an axe ; naksa, 
to break off with the foot ; paksa, to break off with the hand ; yaksa, to bite off; yuksa, 
to break off. But the verbal root ska appears to undergo a change of meaning; as, 
kaska, to tie, yuska, to untie. 

34. These prefixes are also used with neuter verbs, giving them an 
active signification; as, nazin, to stand, yunazirj, to raise up, cause to stand, ; 
<5eya, to cry, nadeya, to make cry by kicking. 

35. 1. We also have verbs formed from adjectives by the use of such 
of these prefixes as the meaning of the adjectives will admit of; as, waste, 
good, yuwaste, to make good ; teca, new, yuteca, to make new ; sida, bad, 
yasica, to speak evil of. 

2. Verbs are also made by using nouns and adjectives in the predicate, 
in which case they are declined as verbs ; as, Damakota, / am a Dakota ; 
mawas te, I am good. 

For the Titonwai) use, see wo and yn in th Dictionary. 



COMPOUND VERBS CONJUGATION FOEM. 21 

3. Sometimes other parts of speech may be used in the same way, i. e., 
prepositions; as, emataghan, I am from. 

COMPOUND VERBS. 

36. There are several classes of verbs which are compounded of two 
verbs. 

1. Kiya and ya or yaq, when used with other verbs, impart to 
them a causative signification and are usually joined with them in the same 
word ; as nazin, he stands, uazirjkiya, he causes to stand. The first verb is 
sometimes contracted (see 11); as, wanyaka, he sees, wanyagkiya, he 
causes to see. 

2. In the above instances the first verb has the force of an infinitive or 
present participle. But sometimes the first as well as the second has the 
force of an independent finite verb ; as, hdiwaqka, he comes home sleeps 
(of hdi and waqka); hinazirj, he comes stands (of hi and nazirj). These may 
be termed double verbs. 

37. To verbs in Dakota belong conjugation, form, person, number, 
mode, and tense. 

CONJUGATION. 

38. Dakota verbs are comprehended in three conjugations, distin 
guished by the form of the pronouns in the first and second persons singu 
lar which denote the agent. Conjugations I and II include all common 
and active verbs and III includes all neuter verbs. 

(a) In the first conjugation the subjective singular pronouns are wa 
or we and ya or ye. 

(b) The second conjugation embraces verbs in yu, ya, and yo, 
which form the first and second persons singular by changing the y into 
md and d, except in the Titor) war) dialect where these are bl and ]. 

(c) Neuter and adjective verbs form the third conjugation, known by 
taking what are more properly the objective pronouns ma and ni. 

1. Of neuter verbs proper we have (a) the complete predicate, as, fa, to 
die; asni, to get well; (b) with adjectives; as waste with aya or icaga; 
waste amayarj, / am growing better. 

2. Of predicate nouns ; as, Wamasiduq, / am a Frenchman. 

3. Of predicate adjectives; as, mawaste, I am good. All adjectives may 

be so used. A. L. Riggs. 

FORM. 

39. Dakota verbs exhibit certain varieties of form which indicate 
corresponding variations of meaning. 



22 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

1. Most Dakota verbs may assume a frequentative form, that is, a form 
which conveys the idea of frequency of action. It consists in doubling a 
syllable, generally the last ; as, baksa, to cut off with a knife, baksaksa, to 
cut off in several places. This form is conjugated in all respects just as the 
verb is before reduplication. 

2. The so-called absolute form of active verbs is made by prefixing 
wa and is conjugated in the same manner as the primitive verb, except 
that it can not take an objective noun or pronoun. The wa appears to be 
equivalent to the English something; as manoij, to steal, wamanorj, to steal 
something; tasparjtaijka mawanoij (apple I-stole"), I stole an apple, wama- 
wanon, I stole something, i. e., I committed a theft. 

3. When the agent acts on his own, i. e. something belonging to him 
self, the verb assumes the possessive form. This is made in two ways: First, 
by prefixing or inserting the possessive pronoun ki (and in some cases k 
alone); as, wastedaka, to love anything; cirjca wastekidaka, he loves his 
child. Secondly, in verbs in yu, ya, and yo, the possessive form is 
made by changing y into hd; as, yuha, to have or possess any thing; 
hduha, to have one s own; suktaijka wahduha, I have my own horse. 

It has already been noted that in the Yankton dialect the y becomes 
kd and in the Teton dialect gl; thus in the three dialects they stand, 
hduha, kduha, gluha. The verb hi, to come to, forms the possessive in the 
same way: hdi, kdi, gli, to come to one s own home. Examples of k alone 
agglutinated forming the possessive are found in kpatay, kpagan, kpaksa, 
etc. It should be also remarked that the k is intercliangable with t, so 
that among some of the Dakotas we hear tpataij, etc. 

4. When the agent acts on himself, the verb is put in the reflexive form. 
The reflexive is formed in two ways : First, by incorporating the reflexive 
pronouns, igi, ni$, mi^i, and urjki^i ; as, wasteic;idaka, lie loves himself. Sec 
ondly, verbs in yu, ya, and yo, that make the possessive by changing 
y into hd, prefix to this form i; as, yuzaza, to wash any thing; hduzaza, 
to tvash one s own, as one s clothes ; ihduzaza, to wash oneself. 

5. Another form of verbs is made by prefixing or inserting preposi 
tions meaning to and for. This may be called the dative form. 

(a) When the action is done to another, the preposition ki is prefixed 
or inserted; as, kaga, to make any thing; kicaga, to make to one; wowapi 
kicaga (writing to-him-he-made), he wrote him a letter. This form is also used 
when the action is done on something that belongs to another ; as, suyka 
kikte, (dog to-him-he-killed) he killed his dog. 



PERSON NUMBER MODE: 23 

(6) When the thing is done for another, IdcV is used; as, wowapi 
kicicaga, (writing for-him-he-made) he wrote a letter for him. In the plural, 
this sometimes has a reciprocal force; as, wowapi kicicagapi, they ivrote let 
ters to each other. 

6. In some verbs ki prefixed conveys the idea that the action takes 
effect on the middle of the object; as, baksa, to cut in two with a knife, as a 
stick; kibaksa, to cut in two in the middle. 

1. There is a causative form made by kiya and ya. (See 36. 1.) 

8. (a) The locative form should also be noted, made by inseparable 
prepositions a, e, i, and o : as, amaui, ewanka, inazirj and ohnaka. 

(6) Verbs in the "locative form," made by the inseparable a have 
several uses, among which are: 1. They sometimes express location on, as 
in amani, to walk on. 2. Sometimes they convey the idea of what is in ad 
dition to, as in akaga, to add to. 

PERSON. 

40. Dakota verbs have three persons, the first, second, and third. 
The third person is represented by the verb in its simple form, and the sec 
ond and first persons by the addition of the personal pronouns. 

NUMBER. 

41. Dakota verbs have three numbers, the singular, dual, and plural. 

1. The dual number is only of the first person. It includes the person 
speaking and the one spoken to, and is in form the same as the first person 
plural, but without the termination pi; as, wasteundaka, ive two love him; 
maunni, ive two walk. 

2. The plural is formed by suffixing pi; as, wasteurjdakapi, we love 
him; manipi, they ivalk. 

3. There are some verbs of motion which form what may be called a 
collective plural, denoting that the action is performed by two or more acting 
together or in a body. This is made by prefixing a or e; as, u, to come, 
au, they come; ya, to go, aya, they go; nazin, to stand, enazin, they stand. 
These have also the ordinary plural; as, upi, yapi, nazinpi. 

MODE. 

42. There are three modes belonging to Dakota verbs : the indicative, 
imperative, and infinitive. 

1. The indicative is the common form of the verb; as, ceya, he cries; 
deyapi, they cry. 



24 DAKOTA GRAMMEK, TEXTS, AJS D ETHNOGKAPHY. 

2. (a) The imperative singular is formed from the third person singular 
indicative and the syllables wo and ye ; as, ceya wo, deya ye, cry thou. 
Instead of ye, the Mdewakaijtorjwarj has we, and the Titoijwarj le. The 
Yankton and Titonwag men use yo. 

(i) The imperative plural is formed by the syllables po, pe, m, and 
rniye ; as, ceya po, ceya pe, ceyam, and ceya miye. It has been sug 
gested that po is formed by an amalgamation of pi, the common plural 
ending, and wo, the sign of the imperative singular. In like manner, pi 
and ye, may be combined to make pe. The combination of miye is 
not so apparent. 1 

By some it is thought that the Titonwarj women and children use na 
for the imperative. 2 

The forms wo, yo, :uid po are used only by men; and we, ye, pe, and 
miye by women, though not exclusively. Prom observing this general rule, we 
formerly supposed that sex was indicated by them ; but lately we have been led to 
regard wo and po as used in commanding, and we, ye, pe, and miye, in 
entreating. Although it would be out of character for women to use the former, men 
may and often do use the latter. 

When po. pe, and miye is used it takes the place of the plural ending pi; 
as, ceya po, ceya miye, cry yc. But with the negative adverb sni, the pi is retained ; 
as, ceyapi sni po, do not cry. 

Sometimes in giving a command the wo and ye, signs of the imperative, are 
not expressed, The plural endings are less frequently omitted. 

3. The infinitive is commonly the same as the ground form of the verb, 
or third person singular indicative. When two verbs come together, the 
first one is usually to be regarded as the infinitive mood or present parti- 

1 Instead of po, pe and miye, the Titoij wan make the imperative plural by the plural ending 
pi aud ye, or yo; as, ecoijpi yo. In the Lord s prayer, for example, we say, Wauijlitanipi kin 
unkicicazuzupi ye;" but we do not say in the next clause, " IJa taku wawiyutai) kiij ekta unkayapi 
sui piye," but " unkayapi sni ye." Possibly the plural termination pi and the precative form ye 
may have been corrupted by the Santee into raiye, and by the Yankton aud others into biye. w. J. c. 
Then it would seem plain that po is formed from pi and yo; and we reduce all the imperative 
forms, in the last analysis, to e and o. s. R. K. 

2 Na can hardly be called a sign of the itnparative, as used by women and children. (1) It 
appears to be au abbreviation of wanna. : as, makii-na, i. e., maku wanna, Give me, now 1 . A cor 
responding use of now is found in English. (2) It is, at best, an interjectional adverb. (3) It is not 
used uniformly with au imperative form of the verb, being often omitted. (4) It is used in other 
connections; (a) as a conjunction when used by women it may be only such, as, niaku ua, Give it to 
me, and an incomplete sentence; it is often used between two imperative verbs, as. iku ua yuta, lake 
and eat, whereas, if it was an imperative sign, it would follow the last verb; (ft) it is used to sooth 
crying children, as, Na ! or, Naua ! (e) Na! and Nana! are also used for reproving or scolding. (5) 
Na is used possibly as the terminal la, and will drop off in the same way. (6) If na were a 
proper sign of the imperative, men would use it (or some corresponding form) as well as women. 
But they do not. We find wo and -we, yo and ye, po and pej but nothing like ua used 
by men. T. L. K. 



TENSE PARTICIPLES. 25 

ciple ; and is contracted if capable of contraction ( 11); as, wanyaka, to 
see any thing, warjyag mde kta, (to see it I-go ivilt) I will go to see it ; nahoij 
waurj, (hearing I-am) I am hearing, or I hear. 

What in other languages are called conditional and subjunctive modes may be 
formed by using the indicative with the conjunctions uijkanS, kinharj or chjhan, tuka, 
esta or sta, and kes, which come after the verb; as, ceya unkans, if he had cried; 6eye 
cinhan, if he cry; ceye kta tuka, he would cry, but he does not: wahi unkans wakaske 
kta tuka, if I had come, I would have bound him. 

TENSE. 

43. Dakota verbs have but two tense forms, the aorist, or indefinite, 
and the future. 

1. The aorist includes the present and imperfect past. It has com 
monly no particular sign. Whether the action is past or now being done 
must be determined by circumstances or by the adverbs used. 

2. The sign of the future tense is kta placed after the verb. It is 
often changed into kte; for the reason of which, see 6. 1. I. 

What answers to a perfect pant is sometimes formed by using kon or cikoij, 
and sometimes by the article kin or cin ; as taku nawalioij kon, if hat I heard. 

PARTICIPLES. 

44. 1. The addition of haij to the third person singular of some 
verbs makes an active participle; as, ia, to speak, iaharj, speaking ; nazin, to 
stand, nazirjhaij, standing; mani, to walk, manihaij, walking. The verbs that 
admit of this formation do not appear to be numerous. 1 

2. The third person singular of the verb when preceding another verb 
has often the force of an active participle; as, nahoij waurj, I am hearing. 
When capable of contraction it is in this case contracted; as, wanyaka, to 
see, wanyag nawaziy, 1 stand seeing. 

45. 1. The verb in the plural impersonal form has in many instances 
the force of a passive participle; as, makaskapi \vauij, (ine-they-bound I-am) 
I am loidttl. 

2; Passive participles are also formed from the verbal roots ( 33) by 
adding haij and wahaij ; as, ksa, separate, ksahaij and ksawahan, broken 

1 Judging t roui analogy, hai) (see han, to stand, to stand upright on end, in the Dictionary) must 
have been used long ago as a classifier of attitude, the standiny object. Even now we find such a use 
of tai) in <egiha (Omaha and Ponka), kai) in Kansa, tqaij and kqai; in Osage, taha in j,oiwere, and 
tceka in Winnebago. The classifier in each of these languages is also used after many primary verbs, 
as hai) is heie, to express incomplete or continuous action. See The comparative phonology of four 
Siuuaii languages," in the Smithsonian Report for 1883. J. O. D. 



26 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

in two, as a stick. In some cases only one of these forms is in use; but 
generally both occur, without, however, so far as we have perceived, any 
difference in the meaning. 

A few of the verbal roots are used as adjectives ; as, mdu, fine; but they also 
take the participle endings; as, mduwahai) crumbled fine. 

CONJUGATION I. 

46. Those which are embraced in the first conjugation are mostly 
active verbs and take the subjective article pronouns ya or ye and 
wa or we in the second and first persons singular. 

FIRST VARIETY. 

47. The first variety -of the first conjugation is distinguished by pre 
fixing or inserting ya and wa, article pronouns of the second and first 
persons singular. 

A. PRONOUNS PREFIXED. 
Kaska, to tie or bind anything.- 

INDICATIVE MODE. 

Aorist tense. 

Sing. Dual. Plnr. 

3. kaska, he binds or he bound. kaskapi, they bind. 

2. yakaska, thou bindest. yakaskapi, ye bind. 

1. wakaska, I bind. uqkaska, we frco ftmtf. uijkaskapi, we bind. 

Future tenee. 

3. kaske kta, he icill bind. kaskapi kta, they will bind. 

2. yaka-ske kta, thou wilt bind. yakaskapi kta, ye will bind. 

1. wakaske kta, I will bind. uijkaskapi kta, we will bind. 

uijkaske kta, we two will bind. 

IMPERATIVE MODE. 

Sing. Plur. 

2. kaska wo, ye, or we, bind thou. kaska po, pe, or miye, bind ye. 

PARTICIPLE. 

kaskahaij, bound. 



CONJUGATION I. 27 

B. PRONOUNS INSERTED. 
Manor), to steal anything. 

INDICATIVE MODE. 

Aorist tense. 

Sing. Dual. Plur. 

3. manon, he steals or stole. manonpi, they steal. 

2. mayanorj, thou*stealest. mayanorjpi, ye steal. 

1. mawanoij, I steal. uiaunnorj, we two steal. maviijnoijpi, wt steal. 

Future tense. 

3. manor) kta, he will steal. mauorjpi kta, they will steal. 

2. may&norj kta, thou wilt steal. mayanorjpi kta, ye irill steal. 

1. mawanorj kta, I icill steal. maurjnonpi kta, we will steal. 

maiinnoT) kta, we two will steal. 

IMPERATIVE MODE. 

Sing. Plur. 

2. manorj wo, ye, or we, steal thou. manor) po, pe, or miye, steal ye. 

48. The verb yiita, to eat anything, may be regarded as coming 
under the first variety of this conjugation. The yu is dropped when the 
pronouns are assumed; as, yiita, he eats, yata, thoti eatest, wata, / eat. 

SECOND VARIETY. 

49. The second variety of the first conjugation is distinguished by the 
use of ye and we instead of yaki and waki ( 18. 4), in the second 
and first persons singular. 

A. PRONOUNS PREFIXED. 
Kiksuya, to remember any thing. 

INDICATIVE MODE. 

Aorist tense. 

Sing. Dnal. Plur. 

3. kiksuya, he remembers. kiksuyapi, they remember. 
2. ye ksuya, thou rememberest. y^ksuyapi, ye remember. 

1. weksuya, / remember. injkiksuya, ice two remember, urjkiksuyapi, we remember. 

IMPERATIVE MODE. 

Sing. Plur. 

2. kiksuya wo, ye, or we, remember thou. kiksuya po, pe, or miye, remember ye. 

Future tense. It is deemed unnecessary to give any further examples of the 
future tense, as those which have gone before fully illustrate the manner of its formation. 



28 DAKOTA GKAMMAK, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 



B. PRONOUNS INSKKTKD. 

Ecakicorj, to do anything to another. 
INDICATIVE: MODE. 

Aoriit tense. 



Sing. Dual. Plur. 

3. ecdkicoij, he does to one. ecakicoijpi, they do to. 

2. ecayecotj, thou doest to. ecayeconpi, ye do to. 

1. ecawe6oij, I do to. ecaunkicon, we two do to. e6uijkiconpi, ice do to. 

IMPERATIVE MODE. 

Sing. Plur. 

2. ecakicoij wo, ye, or we, do thou it to one. ecdkicoq po, pe, or miye, do ye it to one. 

CONJUGATION II. 

50. Verbs in yu, ya, and yo, which change y into d for the 
second person, and into md for the first person singular, belong to this 
conjugation. They are generally active in their signification. 

FIRST VARIETY. 
A. VERBS IN YU. 

"5fu6tarj, to finish or complete any thing. 

INDICATIVE MODE. 
Aoriit tenae. 

Sing. Dual. Plur. 

3. yuStan, he finishes or finished. yustanpi, they finish. 
2. dustar), thou dost finish. duStanpi, ye finish. 
I. mdnSt&n, I finish. iiijstan, we two finish. unStanpi, we finish. 

IMPEKATIVK MODE. 

Siug. Plur. 

yuStaij wo, etc., finish thou. yu^tan po, etc., finish ye. 

First person plural Verbs in yu generally form the first person plural and 
dual by dropping the yu, as in the example; but occasionally a speaker retains it 
and prefixes the pronoun, as, uijyustaijpi for uijstaijpi. 



In the Titoijwai) dialect, yuStai) has UiStaij in the second person singular, and bluiStaij in the first. 



CONJUGATION II. 



29 



B. VERBS IN YA. 
Yaksa, to bite any thing in two. 

INDICATIVE MODE. 

.(on 1 */ tense. 

Sing. Dual. Plur. 

3. yaksa, he bites in two. yaksapi, they bite in two. 

2. daksa. thou bitest in two. daksapi, you bite in two. 

1. mdaks&, I bite in two. unyaksa, ice two bite in two. uijyaksapi, we bite in two. 



Sing, 
yaksa wo, etc., bite thou in two. 



IMPERATIVK MODK. 



PI or. 
yaksii po, etc., bite ye in two. 



Ya, to go, is conjugated in the same way in Isanyati, but in the Iharjk- 
torjwai) and Titorjwarj dialects it gives us a form of variation, in the singu 
lar future, which should be noted, viz : yiq kta, ni kta, mni kta ; dual, 

uqyii) kta. 

C. VERBS IN YO. 

lyotaqka, to sit down. 

INDICATIVE MODE. 

Aorisi tense.. 

Sing. Dual. Plur. 

3. iyotanka, he sits down. iy6tankapi, they sit down. 

2. idotanka, thou sittest down. idotarjkapi, you sit down. 

1. imdotanka, I sit down. unkiyotanka, we two ait down, unkiyotaijkapi, wesitdown. 



Sing. 
iyotanka wo, etc., ait thou down. 



IMPERATIVE MODE. 



SECOND VARIKTY. 



Plur. 
iyotankii jx>, etc., sit ye down. 



51. The second variety of the second conjugation embraces such verbs 
as belong to the same class, but are irregular or defective. 

IREEGULAK FORMATIONS. 
(a) Hiyu, to come or start to come. 

INDICATIVE MODE. 

Mortal tense. 

Dual. Plur. 

hiyupi, they come. 
hidupi, you come. 
unhiyu, we two come. unhfyupi, we come. 



Sing. 

3. hiyu, he comes. 
2. hidu, thou comest. 
1 . hibu, I come. 




30 



DAKOTA GKAMMAE, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 



Sing, 
hiyu wo, etc., eome thou. 



Sing. 

3. yukan, there is some. 
2. . 
1. 



IMPERATIVE MODE. 

(b) Yukag, to be or there is. 
Dual. 

unkai), H* faco are. 



Plur. 
hiyu po, etc., come ye. 



Plur. 

yukaijpi, they are. 
dukaijpi, you are. 
iiijkaijpi, ice are. 



The verb yukaij in the singular is applied to things and not to persons except 
as considered collectively. 



Sing. 
3. 

2. dakanon, thou art. 
1. 



(c) Plur. Yakoijpi, they are. 
Dual. 

uijyakoij, we two are. 



Plur. 

yak6ijpi, they are. 
dakanoijpi, you 
uijyakoijpi, we are. 



These last two verbs, it will be observed, are defective. Kiyukaij, formed from 
yukai;, is used in the sense of to make room for one and is of the first conjugation. 

VEBBS WITH OBJECTIVE PRONOUNS. 

f 52. 1. The objective pronoun occupies the same place in the verb as 
the subjective ; as, kaska, he binds, makaska, he binds me ; manon, he steals, 
maninon, he steals thee. 

2. When the same verb contains both a subjective and an objective 
pronoun, the objective is placed first; as, mayakaska, thou bindest me, 
maw icay anon, thou stealest them. An exception is formed by the pronoun 
of the first person plural, which is always placed before the pronoun of the 
second person, whether subjective or objective; as uijnicaskapi, we, bind you. 



KASKA, to tie or bind. 


Mm, her, it. 


thee. 


me. 


them. 


you. 


IIS. 


o 
> 


Sing. 3. kaskfi 

2. \ . ik:i-k:i 

1. wakttska 


nitfaska 
ciaka 


makaska 
mayakaska 


wica"kaska 
wicayakaska 
wicawakaska 


nic.lskapi 
eiciskapi 


uijk^skapi 
uijyiikaskapi 


















V 


Dual. uqkftska 






wictiqkaska 






TS 












a 

HH 


Plur. 3. kask^pi 
2. yakiiskajii 
1. inikiiskapi 


uicaskapi 
nnmcaskapi 


niakankapi 
may^kaskaj)! 


wii!^kaskapi 
wie^yakaskapi 
wiciujkaskapi 


niciiKkapi 
uijniraskapi 


uijkiiskapi 
lujyakaskapi 


i 
1 

a 


Sing. kaiiktE wo, etc. 
Plur. kaska po, etc. 




makaska wo 
makaska po 


wicakaska wo 
wicdkaska po 




iiijk.lska po 
unkfiska po 



NEUTER AND ADJECTIVE VEKBS. 31 

Impersonal forms. 

53. Active verbs are frequently used impersonally iu the plural 
number and take the objective pronouns to indicate the person or persons 
acted upon, in which case they may be commonly translated by the Eng 
lish passive ; as, kas"kapi, (they-tiound-him) he is bound; nicaskapi, (they-bound- 
thee) thou art bound; makaskapi, (they bound me) I am bound; wicakaskapi, 
(they bound them) they are bound. 

Neuter and Adjective Verbs. 

54. Neuter and adjective verbs seem likewise to be used impersonally 
and are varied by means of the same pronouns; as, ta, dies or he dies or he 
is dead, nita, thee-dead or thou art dead, mata, me-dead or / die or am dead, 
tapi, they die or are dead; possessive form, kita, dead to, as, ate makita,/^er 
to me dead; waste, good, ni waste, thee-good, thou art good, ma waste, me-good, 
I am f/ood, mjwastepi, we are good. 

It is suggested by Prof. A. W. Williamson that the so-called objective 
pronouns in these cases are used as datives and that they find analogy in our 
English forms ntcthinks, meseems. 1 A further careful consideration of these 

O 

Dakota article pronouns and the manner in which they are used leads to 
the conclusion that these were the original forms, as fragments of miye 
and niye. In the progress of the language it was found convenient, and 
even necessary, for the active transitive verbs to have other forms, as, wa 
and ya, to be used solely as subjective pronominal particles. 2 Whence 
they were obtained is not manifest. But as children, in their first efforts to 
speak English, are found disposed invariably to use the objective for the 
subjective, as, me want, me cold, me sick, me good, etc., it would be natural 
that where the necessity of changing does not exist the original forms should 
be retained as subjectives. The form for the first person plural has been 
retained both as subjective and objective. Many of this class of verbs are 
best translated as passives. 

It appears practically convenient to include these verbs and a few 
others which are varied in a similar manner in one group, to which we will 
give the name of third conjugation. 

See foot-note on the Paradigm after 59, 4. Prof. A. W. Williamson in correct with reference 
to possessive or dative verbs in ki, as kita, makita. Compare the use of the Latin mm: Kst miln 
liber. But uiwaste, mawaste, unwastepi, nita, mata, uijtapi cannot be said to convey a dative idea. 
The cognate languages show that these are pure objectives. J. O. D. 

" How about md (bd, bl) and d (1), mentioned in 18, 7f J, O. D. 



32 



DAKOTA GBAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 



CONJUGATION III. 



55. This conjugation is distinguished by the pronouns ni in the 
second and ma in the first person singular. Those verbs included under 
the first variety take these pronouns in their full form. The second variety 
embraces those in which the pronouns appear in n fragmentary state and are 
irregular in their conjugation. 



FIRST VARIETY. 



56. To this variety belong neuter and adjective verbs. The proper 
adjective verbs always prefix the pronouns; but, while some neuter verbs 
prefix, others insert them. 



Sing. 

3. ta, he in dead or he dies. 
2. nita, thou art dead or thou dient. 
1. mata, J am dead or 7 die. 



A. PRONOUNS PREFIXED. 
fa, to die or be dead. 

INDICATIVE MODE. 
Aoriit Tense. 
Dual. 



Plnr. 

tapi, they are dead. 
nitapi, you are dead. 
uijta, we two are dead. injtapi. wr are dead. 



Sing. 

2. ta wo, etc., die thou. 



Sing. 

3. wa.st* . lie in good. 
2. niwaSte, thou art good. 
1. maw^ste, 7 am good. 



IMPERATIVE MODE. 



Waste, good or to be good. 

Dual. 



nqwaste, we tiro are good. 

B. PRONOUNS IXSKRTEP. 
Asni, to get well or be icell, recover from sickness. 



I lnr. 
ta ])o. etc., die ye. 



Plur. 

wast ])i, they are good. 
iiiwi istepi. you are good. 
Hij\ra.stepi, we are good. 



Sing. 

3. asni, he is well. 
2. Miiisni. thou art well. 
1. ainasni, I am well. 

Sing, 
asni wo, etc., be thou well. 



INDICATIVE MOI>K. 

Aoriit Tense. 

I ual. 

mjkasni. ire trco are well. 

IMPERATIVE MODE. 



Plur. 

asriipi. they are well. 
anisnipi. you are well. 
uijkasnipi, ire are well. 

Plur. 

asni po. etc., be ye well. 



CONJUGATION III. 33 

SECOND VAKIETY. 

57. Verbs in this variety have only n and in, fragments of the 
article pronouns ni and ma, in the second and first persons singular. 
These appear to be mostly active transitive verbs. 

A. 1 Roxorxs PREFIXKD. 

1. The fragmentary pronouns n and m are prefixed to the verb in 
its entirety. 

Uq, to use any thing, as a tool, etc. 

INDICATIVE MODK. 

Aorist Tense. 

Sin>;. Dual. Plur. 

;*. uij, he uses. uijpi, they use. 

2. nuij, tliou usest. niiijpi, ye use. 

1. niui), / use. uijkiiij, ice two use. unkuijpi, we use. 

In this and the following examples only the indicative aorist is given, the forma 
tion of the remaining parts having been already sufficiently exhibited. 

TTijpa and caijnuijpa, 1o smoke a pipe, are conjugated like uij, to use. 

The reflexive form of verbs, which in the third person singular commences with 
ihd (see 39. 4.), is also conjugated like uij ; as, ihdsiska, to bind oneself; nihdaska, 
tliou bindest thyself; mihdaska, J bind myself. 

2. The agglutinated n and in take the place of the initial y. 

(a) Yarjka, to be. 

Siii};. Dual. Plur. 

3. yaijka, he is. yaijkapi, they arc. 
- . naijka, tliou art. naijkapi, ye are. 

1. manka, I am. uijyaijka, we two arc. vujyankapi, we arc. 

(b) Yaqka, to ireare, as snowshoes. 

Sinj;. Dual. I lur. 

3. yaijka, he weaves. yaijkapi, they weave. 

2. naijka, thott weavest. naijkapi, you weave. 
1. iiinaijka, I weave. uijyanka, we two weave. uijyaijkapi, ice weave. 

Yaijka, to weave, differs in conjugation from yaijka, to be, only in the first person 
singular. 

B. PRONOUNS INSERTED. 

3. N and in take the place of w. 

7105 VOL ix 3 



34 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

(a) Owinza, to make a bed of or use for a bed. 

Sing. Dual. Plur. 

3. owinza, he uses for a bed. owiijzapi, they use for a bed. 

2. oniijza, thou usestfor a bed. oniijzapi, you use for a bed. 

1. ominza, I use for a bed. mjkowiijzapi, we use for a bed. 

uykowiijza, ice two use for a bed. 

(b) Iwaijga, to inquire of one. 

Sing. Dual. IMur. 

3. iwaijga, he inquires of. iwaijgapi, they inquire of. 

2. inunga, thou inquirest of. inuijgapi, you inquire of. 

1. imiinga, I inquire of. uijkiwaijga, we two inquire of. uijkiwaijgapi, we inquire of. 

This second example differs from the first in the change of vowels, u taking the 
place of a. 

Wanka and iwayka, to lie down, go to bed, are conjugated like iwaijga. 

In the Titoijwaij dialect iyuijga is used instead of iwaijga, thus: 

Sing. Dual. Plur. 

3. iyuijga. iyuijgapi. 

2. inunga. inungapi. 

1. i)niiiji>ii. uijkiyuijga. uijkiyungapi. 

Iciyunga, I inquire ofthee; nijkiniyuijgapi, we inquire of you; ete. 

They also say yuijka and iyuyka, instead of waijka and iwayka. The like change 
of wa to *yu is found in other words. 

4. N and *m inserted with an a preceding. 

Ecorj, 1o do anything. 

Sing. Dual. Plur. 

3. ec6n, he does. ecdijpi, they do. 

2. ecanoij, thou doest. ecanoijpi, you do. 

1. ecamoij, I do. ecoijku, we two do. ecoijkupi and ecoijkoijpi, we do. 

Hecoij, kecoij, and tokoy are conjugated like ec6ij. 

C. PRONOUNS SUFFIXED. 

5. The pronouns when suffixed take the forms ni and mi. 

fl. Ecin, to think. 

Sing. Dual. Plur. 

3. e6in, he thinks. eciijpi, they think. 

2. e6anni, thou thinkest. ecaijnipi, you think. 
1. ecanmi, I think. uijk^ciij, we two think. uijke ciijpi, we think. 

H^cin, kecin, waciij, and awaciij are conjugated like eciij. 



DOUBLE CONJUGATIONS. 35 

It), to wear, as a shawl or blanket. 

Sing. Dual. Plur. 

3. in, he wears. iijpi, they wear. 

2. hiijni, thou wearent. hinnipi, you wear. 

1. liiijmi, I wear, unkin, ice two wear. unkiijpi, we wear. 

This example (lifters from the preceding in receiving a prefixed h. 

DOUBLE VERBS. 

58. These are formed of two verbs compounded (^ 37. 2.). They 
usually have the pronouns proper to both verbs, though sometimes the 
pronouns of the last verb are omitted ; as, hdiyotaijka (hdi and iyotanka), 
to come home and sit down ; wahdimdotayka, / come home and sit down; they 
also say wahdiyotaijka. 

CONJUGATIONS I AND II. 
Hiyotarjka, to come and sit down. 

Sing. Dual. Plur. 

3. hiyotanka, he cornea, etc. hiyotaijkapi, they come, etc. 

2. yahidotanka, thou earnest, yahidotaijkapi, you come, etc. 

etc. unhiyotankapi, we come, etc. 

1. wahiindotanka, I come, unhiyotanka, we two come, 

etc. etc. 

Hdiyotaijka is conjugated like hiyotanka. Hinaxin, hdinaiiiij, and kiuazin, in both 
parts, are of the first conjugation; as, wahinawazin, yahinayaxin, etc. 

CONJUGATIONS I AND III. 

Irjyarjka, to run (prob. i and yaijka). 

Sing. Dual. Plur. 

3. inyanka, he runs. iijyaijkapi, they run. 

2. yafnanka, thoii notncst. yainaijkapi, you run. 
1. waimnanka, I run. uijkiijyaijka, we two rim. unkinyankapi, we run. 

Hiwaijka, kiwaijka, and hdiwaijka are conjugated like kaska of the first conjuga 
tion and iwanga of the third. 

IRREGULAR AND DEFECTIVE VERBS. 

59. 1. Eya, to say, with its compounds he"ya and keya, are conju 
gated irregularly, h and p taking the place of y in the second and first 
persons singular. 



36 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

Eya, to say anythiug. 

Sing. Dual. Plur. 

3. <$ya, he says. eyapi, they nay. 

2. eha, thow myent. ekapi, you SHI/. 

1. epa, Jsay or said. uijkeya, ire two say. uijkeyapi, ice say. 

2. The Ihaijktoij \varj and Titoijwaij forms of eya, in the singular and 
dual, when followed by the sign of the future, are worthy of note; as, eyiij 
kta, ehiij kta, ephj kta, unkeyirj kta. 

3. Epca, I think, with its compounds hepca and kepda, are defective, 
being used only in the first person singular. 

4. On the use of eya and its compounds it is proper to remark that 
eya is placed after the matter expressed, while heya immediately pre 
cedes, it being compounded of he and eya, this he said. On the other 
hand, key a comes in at the close, of the phrase or sentence. It differs 
from eya and heya in this, that, while their subject is in the same person 
with that of the verb or verbs in the same sentence, the subject of keya 
is in a different person or the expression preceding is not in the same form, 
as regards person, as when originally used; as, mde kta, eya, I will go, lie 
said; mde kta, keya, lie said that I would go; hecamor) kta, epa, that I will 
do, I said; hecamoi) kta, kepa, / said that I would do that. Kecirj and 
kecaijkiq follow the same rule that governs keya and kep<5a. 

The annexed paradigm will present, in a single view, many of the 
facts and principles which have been already presented in regard to the 
synthetic formations of active verbs. 



38 



DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 



fi 

1 

I 

1 



c 

.0 
_o 

4 

8 




him, etc. 


thee. 


me. 


them. 


you. 


us. 


baksa, to cut off 
with a knife or saw. 


Sing. 3. baksit 
2. bayaksa 
1. baw&ksa 
Dual baiinksa 
Plur. 3. baksapi 
2. baysiksapi 
1. baiiijksapi 


liauiksa haiiiaksa 
jbainayaksa 
liaciksu 

banfksapi barndknapi 
jbaindyaksapi 
baiiijniksapi 


bawicSksa 
bawicsiyaksa 
bawirawaksa 
bawicuijksa 
bawioaksapi 
bawicsiyakaapi 
bawiciiyksapi 


liauiksapi 
baciksapi 

liauiksapi 
bauijnikaapi 


baunksapi 
bauqyakaapi 

baiinksapi 
baiiijyaksapi . 


boksa, to shoot off 
or punch off. 


Sing. 3. bokaa 
2. boyaksa 
1. bowaksa 
Dual boiinksa 
Plur. 3. boksapi 
2. boyaksapi 
1. boiiijksapi 


bouikaa 
boolksa 
boniksapi 
bouijnikaa])i 


bomakaa 
bomayakaa 

bomaksapi 
bouiayaksapi 


bowicdksa 
bowidiyaksa 
bowi6(lwaksa 
bowicui)ksa 
bowic^ksapi 
bowio^yaksapi 
bowicuijksapi 


bonikBapi 
bo( p ikaapi 
boniksapi 
bouijniksapi 


boiinkaapi 
bouijyaksapi 

boiiijkaapi 
boiiijyaksapi 


* 
i 

5 S 

cf* 

00 

3* 

M 


Sing. 3. kaksii 
2. yakaksa 

1. \\:iK:iL>.-i 
Dual uijksiksa 
Plur. 3. kaksapi 

2. \ :ik:ilv--;i |ii 
1. uijkiiksapi 


Ilii-ak-a 
( i6^kaa 
nio&ksapi 
unnicaksapi 


inakaksii 
maydkaksa 

makSksapi 
uiayikaksaj)! 


wiclikaksa 
wi^^yakaksa 
wicaAvakakaa 
wiciinkaksa 
wicakakaa])i 
wi6^yakaksapi 
wif i ujkaksapi 


nii ^ksapi 
cifi^ksapi 
uiriiksapi 
unni^aksapi 


unkakaapi 
uijyakaksapi 

ui)kakaapi 
uqyiikakaapi 


nakaa, to break off 
with the foot. 


Sing. 3. n.-i ksa 
2. nay^ksn 
1. nawitksa 
Dual naunksa 
Plur. 3. uaksiipi 
2. nayaksapi 
1. nauijksapi 


iianiksa 
naciksa 
uanikaapi 
nauijniksapi 


namakaa 
naniayaksa 

namftksapi 
namayaksapi 


uawic aksa 
iiawicayakaa 
nawiciwaksa 
nawi6unksa 
nawi6iksa))i 
nawtf&yaksapi 
nawiouijksapi 


naniksapi 
uariksapi 
naniksapi 
uaiiijniksapi 


naiinksapi 
naiiijyaksai>i 

naunksapi 
nauqyakaapi 


pakaa, to break off 
by pushing. 


Sing. 3. |ia ksa 
2. yap^ksa 
1. wap^ksa 
Dual uijpiiksa 
Plur. 3. paksapi 
2. yapdksapi 
1. uijpiiksapi 


llpaksa 

oipaksa 

ni|iaks:l|ii 

ui;in |>aksapi 


mapftksa 
inayapakKa 

inapaksapi 
maystpaksajii 


wieSpaksa 
wifi^yapaksa 
wicdwapaksa 
wicfiijpakaa 
wic^paksapi 
wie^yapakaai)i 
wienijpaksapi 


nip&ksapi 
cipaksapi 

niprik-api 
ui)iii])ak.sapi 


uijpakaapi 
iniyapakaapi 

ui)])aksa]>i 

ui)ya]iaksapi 


* 

- 
-C 

o 
cf 

CO 

i 

>: 


Sing. 3. yaks& 
2. ilaksii 
1. mdaks^ 
Dual uny^kaa 
Phir. 3. yaks^pi 

2. il:l ks:i |ii 

1. uijyfiksapi 


!ii\ aksa 

<?iy^kaa 
niyaksapi 
uijniyaksapi 


mayfiksa 
may^daksa 

mayakaapi 
may^daksapi 


wiriiyaksa 
wic -adakaa 
wicaindaksa 
wi6iinyaksa 
wi(5Syaksapi 
wi^ddakaapi 
witfilnyakaapi 


uiyiiksapi 
ciydksapi 
uiyiiksapi 
uijni yaksapi 


uijy^kaapi 
uijy^daksapi 

uijyikaapi 
unySdaksapi 


yukaa, to break off 
in any way. 


Sing. 3. yuksS 
2. duksi 
1. nxlukHa 
Dual uijyiiksa 
Plur. 3. yuks^pi 
2. dnksfipi 
1. unyiiksapi 


11 iy ilk -.a 

ciyiiksa 
niyiikaapi 
uijnfyuksapi 


mayukaa 
may^dukaa 

maynkaapi 
may^duksapi 


widiiyuksa 
wi6Sduksa 
wii^mduksa 
wi(5iii)yuksa 
wtf&yuksapi 
wi^iduksapi 
wi6uijyukaapi 


niyukaapi 
oiyiiksapi 
niyukaapi 
uijnfyuksapi 


unyukaapi 
uijyaduksapi 

unyiiksapi 
uijyaVluksapi 



PARADIGM: BOOT KSA. 



39 



Freqiieiitalin-. 


Absolute. 


Reflexive^ 


Possessive. 


Dative. 1 


Sing. 3. baksiiksa 
2. bayiiksaksa 
1. bawaksaksa 
Dual baunksaksa 
Plur. 3. baksiiksapi 
2. bayalcsaksapi 
1. bauqksaksapi 


wabiiksa 
wabiiyaksa 
wab&waksa 
wabiinijkea 
wabSksapi 
wabdyaksapi 
wabituqksapi 


liaiciksa 
banirikwa 
bamiciksa 
batJnkiciksa 
bai6iksapi 
baniciksapi 
baunkiciksapi 


liakiksa 
li.-iyakik.sa 
bawiikiksa 
bai njkiksa 
bakikgapi 
bayiikiksapi 
baunkiksapi 


bakiC iksa 
bay^ciksa 
baw^oiksa 
ba inkiciksa 
bakiciksapi 
bay^iksapi 
bauqkifiiksapi 


Sing. 3. boksaksa 
2. boyiiksaksa 
1. bow^ksaksa 
] )ual boiirjksaksa 
Plur. 3. boksSksapi 
2. boydksaksapi 
1. bouqksaksapi 


waboksa 
wab^yaksa 
wab6waksa 
wab6ui)ksa 
wab6ksapi 
wabrtyaksapi 
wab6uijksapi 


boiciksa 
bonfciksa 
bomifiiksa 
bourjkiciksa 
boi6iksapi 
bonioiksapi 
bounkiciksapi 


bokiksa 
boyiikiksa 
bowiikiksa 
boiiijkiksa 
bokiksapi 
boyfikiksapi 
boiinkiksapi 


bokiciksa 
boy6ciksa 
bow^6iksa 
boflnki<:ik8a 
boki6iksapi 
boy66iksayi 
bouijkiciksapi 


Sing. 3. kakstfksa 
2. yakdksaksa 
1. wakiksaksa 
Dual ni)kksakt*a 
Plur. 3. kaksaksapi 
2. yakiiksaksapi 

1. lll)Uak-ak.-:i|ii 


wakaksa 
\vaviikaksa 
wawiikaksa 
wamjkaksa 
wakSksapi 
wayfikaksapi 
waunkaksapi 


ibditksa 
nilidriksa 
mihdaksa 
unkihdaksa 
ihdfiksapi 
nilidaksapi 
uijkihdaksapi 


bdaksa 
yahddksa 

alidaksa 

inj]ul;i!,s;i 

hdaksiipi 
yahd^ksapi 
nnhd^ksapi 


kicicaksa 
y46icaksa 
\v6cicaksa 
unkiiicaksa 
kidicaksapi 
y^icaksapi 
uj)ki6icaksapi 


Sing. 3. naks^ksa 
2. nayaksaksa 
1. nawiiksaksa 
Dual nauijksaksa 
Plur. 3. naksdksapi 
2. nay^ksaksapi 
1. naiiijksaksapi 


wanriksa 
wauiyaksa 

\vaiia\vaUsn 

M :]|i:ni[)l,.-:i 

waniiksapi 
wanyaksapi 
wan^uqksapi 


naiciksa 
naniciksa 
namiciksa 
naunkiciksa 
nai^iksapi 
nanffiiksapi 
naiinki^iksapi 


nakiksa 
nayitktksa 
uawakiksa 
iiaiujkikna 
nakiksapi 
nayiJkiksapi 
nai iijkiksapi 


uakltfiksa 
nay^6iksa 
na\r46iksa 
naunkiiiksa 
iiakitSiksapi 
nay46iksapi 
nauijki(5iksapi 


Sing. 3. paksalcsa 
2. yapilksaksa 
1. wapitksaksa 
Dual uijp^ksaksa 
Plur. 8. paksfiksapi 
2. yapfiksaksapi 
1. uijp^ksaksapi 


waprfksa, 
waysipaksa 
wawiipaksa 
wauijpaksa 
wapiiksapi 
wayfipaksapi 
waiiijpaksapi 


icipaksa 
nicipaksa 
uiicfpaksa 
unki<;ipak8a 
icipaksapi 
iiicipaksapi 
uykieipaksapi 


kpaksft 
yakpdksa 
wakpdksa 
uijkpiksa 
kpaksitpi 
yakpsiksapi 
uijkp^ksapi 


kidipaksa 
y66ipaksa 
w^cipaksa 
unkicipaksa 
kifiipaksapi 
y^6ipaksapi 
unkicipaksapi 


Sing. 3. yaksaksa 
2. daksaksa 

1. Mldaksa ksa 

Dual ui)y^ksaksa 
Plur. 3. vaksa Usa |>i 
2. daksfiksni)i 
1. uijyjiksaksapi 


wayrtksa 
waddksa 
wamdaksa 
waunyaksa 
way^ksapi 
waddksapi 
waiiijyaksapi 


ihdaksa 

Mihdaksa 
mihdaksa 
uykihdaksa 
ihdiiksapi 
niliilaksajii 
uijkihdaksapi 


lulaksa 
yahda ksa 
wabdaksa 
nnhddksa 
hdaksiipi 
yabd:iksapi 
ui)hdiiksaj)i 


ki^ iyaksa 
yiSiJiyaksa 
w66iyaksa 
ui)kioiyaksa 
kiif iyaksapi 
y6iyaksapi 
unki(5iyaksapi 


Sing. 3. yuksSksa 
2. duksilksa 
1. niiliiksakHa 
Dual unksaksa 
Plur. 3. yuksaltsapi 
2. duksiiksapi 
1. urjksaksapi 


w6ksa 
wadnkHa 
wamdflksa 
wafinyuksa 
w6ksapi 
waduksapi 
waiiijyuksapi 


ibduksa 
nihduksa 
mihduksa 
unkihduksa 
ihdriksapi 
nihduksapi 
unkihduksapi 


liduksri 
yahdiiksa 
wahdiiksa 
uijbdiiksa 
bduksapi 
yahdiiksapi 
unbdiiksapi 


kfciyuksa 
y66iyuksa 
wd^iyuksa 
unkiciyuksa 
k{6iyuksapi 
y^ciyuksapi 
unkiciyuksapi 



1 In some of the cognate Siouan languages there are two datives in common use, with an occa 
sional third dative. Some Dakota verbs have two of these; e. g., from kaga, to make, come ki6aga 
(first dative) and kiel^aga (second dative), as in wowapi kicaga, to write a letter to another, and 
wowapi kici^aga, to write a letter for or instead of another (or by request). In noiue cases the first 
dative is not differentiated from the possessive. See note on $ 54. J. O. P. 



40 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

XOUXS. 

FORMS OF NOUNS. 

\S 60. Dakota nouns, like those of other languages, may l>e divided into 
two classes, primitive and derirative. 

61. Primitive nouns are those whose origin can not be deduced from 
any other word; as, maka, earth, peta, fire, pa, bead, ista, ei/c, ate, father, 
ina, mother. 

62. Derivative nouns are those which are formed in various ways 
from other words, chiefly from verbs, adjectives, and other nouns. The 
principal classes of derivatives are as follows: 

1. Nouns of the instrument are formed from active verbs by prefixing 
i; as, yumdu, to plough, iyumdu, a plough; kasdec a, to split, icasdece, 
iredge ; kahinta, to rake or sweep, icahinte, a rake or broom These again are 
frequently compounded with other nouns. (See 68.) 

2. Nouns of the person or agent are formed from active verbs by pre 
fixing wa; as, ihangya, to destroy, waiharjgye, a destroyer; yawaste, to bless, 
wayawaste, one. who blesses, a blesser. 

3. Many abstract nouns are formed from verbs and adjectives by lire- 
fixing wo; as, ihangya, to destroy, woihangye, destruction; wayazan, to be 
sick, wowayazan, sickness; waoijsida, merciful, wowaorjsida, mercy ; waste, 
(/ood, wowaste, goodness. 

4. Some nouns are formed from verbs and adjectives by prefixing o; 
as, wanka, to He down, owanka, a floor ; apa, to strike, oape, a, stroke ; owa, 
to mark, or write, oowa, a marl; or letter of the alphabet ; sni, cold, as an 
adjective, osni, cold, a noun ; maste, hot, omaste, beat. 

5. a. Wica, prefixed to neuter and intransitive verbs and adjectives 
sometimes forms of them abstract nouns ; as, yazarj, to be sick , wicayazarj 
and wawicayazay, sickness ; waste, f/ood, wicawaste, t/oodness. 

b. It sometimes forms nouns of the agent ; as, yasica, to speak evil of, 
curse, wicayasice, a curser. 

c. Some nouns, by prefixing wica or its contraction wic, have their 
signification limited to the human species; as, wicacante, the liuman heart; 
widanape, the human hand ; wicoie, human words; wicohaij, htnuan actions. 
We also have wicaatkuku, a father or one s father ; wirahuijku, one s mother ; 
wi5acinca, one s children. 

In like manner ta (not the possessive pronoun, but the generic name of ruminat 
ing animals, and particularly applied to the moose) is prefixed to the names of various 
members of the body, and limits the signification to such animals; as, tacaijte, a 



NOUNS: DIMINUTIVES. 41 

buffalo or deer s heart; tap;i, deer" 1 it head; tacezi, a buffalo 1 * tongue; taha, a deer s 
skin; tacesdi, the hois de vache of the prairie. 

When to such nouns is prefixed wa (from walianksica, a bear], their signifi 
cation is limited to the bear species; as, wapa, a bear s head; walia, a bear s skin; 
wasun, a bear s den. 

In like manner, ho, from hogaij, a fifth, prefixed to a few nouns, limits their sig 
nification to that genus; as, hoape, Jink-Jinn ; hoa-ske, the bunch on the head of a fish. 

6. Abstract nouns are formed from adjectives by prefixing- wico, 
which may be regarded as compounded of wica and wo; as waste, good, 
wicowaste, goodness, waorjsida, merciful; wicowaonsida, mercy. 

7. a. Nouns are formed from verbs in the intransitive or absolute 
state by suffixing pi ; as, wowa, to paint or write, wowapi, (they wrote some 
thing) something written, a ivriting or book; wayawa, to count, wayawapi, 
figures or arithmetic. 

b. Any verb may be used with the plural ending as a verbal noun or 
gerund, sometimes without, but more commonly with, the definite article ; 
as, icazo, to take credit, icazopi, credit; wayawaste, to Mess, wayawastepi, 
blessing; waihaijgya, to destroy, waihaygyapi, destroying ; econ, to do, econpi 
kin, the doing of a thing. 

8. When sV is used after verbs, it denotes frequency of action, and 
gives them the force of nouns of the person; as, kage s a, a maker; edorjpi 
s a, doers; yakonpi s a, dwellers. 

Diminutives. 

63. Darj or na is suffixed to nouns, pronouns, adjectives, and verbs, 
and has sometimes a diminutive and sometimes a restrictive signification. 

1. Suffixed to nouns, day is generally diminutive; as, mde, Jake, 
mdedan, Uttle lake; wakpa, river, wakpadan, little river or rivulet ; apa, some, 
apadan, a small part. 

2. Some nouns now appear only with the diminutive ending, although 
they may formerly have been used without it; as, hoksidarj, boy; sunhpa- 
dan, little- dog, puppy ; suijgidarj, fox. 

3. Nouns ending with this diminutive take the plural termination be 
fore the darj; as, hoksidaij, boy, hoksipidaij, boys. 

4. Some nouns ending in na, when they take the plural form, change 
na into dan; as, wiciijyanna, girl, wiciijyanpiday, girls; wanistirjna, a 

few, plur. wanistinpidarj. In some cases day is used only in the plural 
form ; as, tonana, a few, plur. tonananpidarj. 

The Ihaijktoijwai) and Sisitoijwaij commonly use na, and the TitonAvau la, in 
stead of daij, for the diminutive ending ; as, hoksiua and hok.sila, for hok.sidaij. 



42 DAKOTA GRAMMAK, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

64. 1. Darj is often joined to adjectives and verbs, as the last prin 
cipal word in the clause, although it properly belongs to the noun; as, 
s uktarjka war) waste-darj (horse a good-little)^ a good little horse, not a horse a 
little good ; nicinksi ceye-darj (thy-son cries-little), thy little son cries. 

2. When used with a transitive verb, day may belong either to the 
subject or the object of the verb; as, nisunka surjka kiktedaij (tky-brother 
dog his-killed-little), thy little brother kitted his dog, or thy brother killed his little 
dog. 

Gender. 

65. 1. Gender is sometimes distinguished by different names for the 
masculine and feminine; as, wicasta, man, winohiijca, -woman; tatarjka, buf 
falo bull, pte, buffalo cow ; hehaka, the male elk, uparj, the female elk. 

2. But more commonly the distinction is made by means of adjectives. 
WicV and whjyarj denote the male and female of the human species; 
as, hoks iyokopa wica, a male child, hoksiyokopa whjyarj, a female child. 
Mdoka and wiye distinguish the sex of animals ; as, tamdoka, a buck; 
tawiyedar), a doe, the darj being diminutive. These words, however, are 
often written separately ; as, pagorjta mdoka, a drake ; zitkadarj wiye, a hen 
bird. In some instances contraction takes place ; as, surjg Tndoka, a horse ; 
sung wiye, a mare, from surjka. 

3. Proper names of females of the human species frequently have 
win, an abbreviation of wirjyarj, female, for their termination; as, 
Totidutawirj (Woman of her red house); Wakaijkazuzuwirj (Female spirit that 
pays debts). Sometimes the diminutive wirjna is used for wiij; as, 
Mahpiwirjna (Cloud woman). 

Number. 

66. To nouns belong two numbers, the singular and plural. 

1. The plural of animate objects is denoted by the termination pi, 
which is attached either to the noun itself; as, surjka, a dog, sunkapi, dogs; 
or, as is more commonly the case, to the adjective or verb which follows it 
in the same phrase ; as, surjka ksapapi, wise dogs ; surjka ecorjpi, dogs did it. 

2. (a) Names of inanimate objects seldom take the plural termination, 
even when used with a plural meaning ; as, car), a tree or trees ; maga, a 
field or fields. 

(V) On the other hand, some nouns formed from verbs by adding the 
plural termination pi ( 62. 7. a.) are used with a singular as well as a 
plural meaning; as, tipi, a house or houses; wowapi, a book or books. 



NOUNS: CASE, POSSESSION. 43 

Case. 

67. Dakota nouns may be said to have two principal cases, the sub 
jective and objective. 1 

The subjective and objective cases are usually known by the place 
which they occupy in the sentence. When two nouns are used, the one 
the subject and the other the object of the action, the subject is placed 
first, the object next, and the verb last ; as, wi6asta way wowapi warj kaga 
(man a book a made), a man made a book; Dawid Sopiya wastedaka (David 
Sophia loves), David loves Sophia; Dakota Besdeke wicaktepi (Dakota Fox- 
Indian them-they-killed), the Dakotas kitted the Fox Indians. 

When, from some consideration, it is manifest which must be the nominative, the 
arrangement may be different; as, wicasta Wakaijtaijka kaga (man God made), God 
made man. 

As this distinction of case is rather syntactical than etymological, see further in 

the Syntax. 

Possession. 

68. The relation of two nouns to each other, as possessor and possessed, 
is sometimes indicated by placing them in juxtaposition, the name of the 
possessor coming first ; as, wahukeza ihupa, spear-handle ; tipi tiyopa, house- 
door ; wicasta oie, man s word. 

Sometimes the first noun suffers contraction; as, maliciijcti, a gosling, for magi-t 
ciijca (goose child); maliiyumdu, a plough, for maga iyumdu (field-plough); maliica- 
hiijte, a rake, for maga icahiijte (field-rake). 

69. But the relation is pointed out more definitely by adding to the 
last term a possessive pronoun, either separate or incorporated. 

1 . Sometimes the pronouns tawa and tawapi are used after the 
second noun; as, tatarjka woyute tawa (buffalo food his), buffalo s food; 
woyute suktarjka tawapi (food horse theirs), horses food; widastayatapi tipi 
tawa (chief house his), the chief s house. 

2. (a) But generally the possessive pronouns are prefixed to the name 
of the thing possessed; as, tataijka tawote (buffalo his-food), buffalo s food; 
Dawid taarjpetu (David his-day), the days of David. 

Sometimes <ti is prefixed instead of <ta; as, wanhiijkpe, an arrow; Dawid 
tiwanhinkpe, David?& arrow. 

Nouns commencing with i or o prefix <t only; as, ipahiij, a pillow; Hake 
tipahin, Hake s pillow; owinza, a bed; Hake towiijze, Hake s bed. 

Abstract nouns which commence with l wo drop the l w and prefix t ; as, wo- 
waste, goodness; Wakaijtaijka towaste, God? goodness. (See 23, 2. b.) 

1 A. L. Riggs thiiiks a better arrangement would include the genitive case with the sitbjectire and 
objective. The rule of position would then be : A noun in the genitive case qualifying another noun i8 
placed before the noun it qualifies. See $ 68. 



44 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

(b) Nouns expressing relationship form their genitive by means of the 
suffix pronouns ku, cu, tku; as, suyka, younger brother, Dawid sunkaku, 
David s younger brother; ciijye, the elder brother of a man, Tomas cincu, 
Thomas s elder brother ; c hjksi, a daughter, wu asta chjksitku, man s daughter. 

Proper and Family Name*. 1 

^ 70. The proper names of the Dakotas are words, simple and com 
pounded, which are in common use in the language. They are usually 
given to children by the father, grandfather, or some other influential rela 
tive. When young men have distinguished themselves in battle, they fre 
quently take to themselves new names, as the names of distinguished an 
cestors of warriors now dead. The son of a chief, when he comes to the 
chieftainship, generally takes the name of his father or grandfather; so that 
the same names, as in other more powerful dynasties, are handed down 
along the royal lines. 

1. (a) Dakota proper names sometimes consist of a single noun; as, 
Mahpiya, Cloud; Hoksidan, Boi/; Wamdenica, Orphan; Wowacinyan, 
Faith. 

(b) Sometimes they consist of a single adjective; as, Sakpe, (Six) Lit 
tle-six, the chief at Prairieville. 

2. (a) But more frequently they are composed of a noun and adjec 
tive; as Istahba (eyes-sleepy}, Sleepy-eyes; Tatar) ka-han ska (buffalo-long), 
Long buffalo; Matohota, Grizzly-lear Wamdi-duta, Scarlet- eagle; Mato- 
tamaheca, Lean-bear; Mazahota, Grey-iron; Maza-s a, Sounding-metal; Wa- 
paha-sa, Bed-flag-staff, called now Wabasnaiv. 

(b) Sometimes they are formed of two nouns; as, Mahpiya- wicasta, 
Cloud-man; Pezihuta-wicasta, Medicine-man; Ite-wakinyaij, Thunder-face. 

3. Sometimes a possessive pronoun is prefixed ; as, Ta-makoce, His 
country; Ta-peta-tanka, His-great-fire ; Ta-oyate-duta, His-red -people. 

4. (a) Sometimes they consist of verbs in the intransitive form, which 
may be rendered by nouns; as, Wakute, Shooter; Wanapeya, One-wUo- 
causes-flignt. 

(b) Sometimes they are compounded of a noun and verb ; as, Akicita- 
iiazin, Standing-soldier or Sentinel ; Tataijka-nazir), Standing-buffalo; Ma- 
hpiya-mani, Walking-cloud; Wanmdi-okiya, One -who- talks- with-the-eagie ; 
Mabpiya-hdinape, Cloud-that-appears-again. 

A classification of personal names of the Omaha. Ponka, Kansa. Osage, Iowa, Oto, and Missouri 
tribes will be found on pp. 393-399, Proc. A. A. A. S.. xxxiv, 1885. See also "Indian personal names," 
pp. 263-268, Aaier. Anthropologist, July, 1890. J. O. D. 



ADJECTIVES. 



45 



(c) Sometimes they are formed of two verbs ; as, Inyaqg-mani, One- 
who-icalks-r mutiny. In some instance a preposition is prefixed; as, Ana- 
wang-mani, One-who-walks-as-he-yallops-on. 

11. The names of the women are formed in the same way, but gen 
erally have win or wiijna, female, added; as, Anpetu-sapa-win, Black- 
day-woman ; Mahpi-winna, Cloud-woman. 

72. The Dakotas have no family or surnames. But the children of 
a family have particular names which belong to them, in the order of their 
birth, up to the fifth child. These names are, for boys, Caske", Hepay, 
Hepf, Cataij, and Hake. For girls, they are, Win6ua, Hapaij, Hapistinna, 
Wanske, and Wiluike. Thus the first child, if a boy, is called Caske, if a 
girl, Wim ma; the second, if a boy, is called Hepay, and if a girl, Hapan, 
etc. If there are more than five children in the family, the others have no 
names of this kind. Several of these names are not used by the Titoywaij 
and Ihanktorjwan. 

73. The names of certain family relations, both male and female, are 
presented in the following table : 





A Man s. 


A Woman s. 


elder brother 


riijye 


timdri 


elder sister 


tanke 


CUI) 


younger brother 


Niujka 


sunkit 


younger sister 


taqksi 


tai)k& 


male cousin 


tahansi 


ice\si 


female cousin 


hai)kasi 


icYpaijsi 


brother-in-law 


tali.-ii] 


sic<5 


sister-in-law 


hankii 


ic^parj 



The other relations, as, father, mother, uncle, aunt, grandfather, grand 
mother, etc., are designated, both by men and women, by the same names. 

ADJECTIVES. 

$ 74. 1. Most adjectives iu Dakota may be considered as primitive ; as, 
ska, white, tanka, lrye, waste, yooil 

2. A few are formed from verbs by prefixing wa; as, oijsida, to have 
mercy on one, waonsida, merciful; cantekiya, to love, wadarjtkiya, benevolent. 

75. Final a or aij of many adjectives is changed into e when fol 
lowed by certain particles, as, hirjca, do, kiij or cin, etc.: sida, bad, sice 
hinca, very bad; wicasta side cin, the bad man. 



46 DAKOTA GEAMMAE, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGBAPHY. 

NUMBER. 

76. Adjectives have three numbers, the singular, dual, and plural. 

77. The dual is formed from the singular by prefixing or inserting 
uij, the pronoun of the first person plural ; as, ksapa, wise ; wicasta uijksapa, 
we two wise men; waorjsida, merciful; waorjsiurjda, we two merciful ones. 

78. 1. The plural is formed by the addition of pi to the singular; 
as, waiSte, good; widasta wastepi, good men. 

2. Another form of the plural which frequently occurs, especially in 
connection with animals and inanimate objects, is made by a reduplication 
of one of the syllables. 

(a) Sometimes the first syllable reduplicates; as, ksapa, wise, plur., 
ksaksapa; tarjka, great, plur. tarjktarjka. 

(6) In some cases the last syllable reduplicates; as, waste, good, plur., 
wasteste. 

(c) And sometimes a middle syllable is reduplicated; as, taqkirjyan, 
great or large, plur., tarjkirjkirjyarj. 

COMPARISON. 

79. Adjectives are not inflected to denote degrees of comparison, but 
are increased or diminished in signification by means of adverbs. 

1. (a) What may be called the comparative degree is formed by sag pa, 
more ; as, waste, good, sarjpa waste, more good or better. When the name of 
the person or thing, with which the comparison is made, immediately pre 
cedes, the preposition i is employed to indicate the relation, and is pre 
fixed to sarjpa; as, wicasta kirj de isarjpa waste, this man is letter than that. 
Sometimes sam iyeya, which may be translated more advanced, is used; 
as, sam iyeya waste, more advanced good or better. 

It is difficult to translate iyeya in this connection, but it seems to convey the 
idea of passing on from one degree to another. 

(6) Often, too, comparison is made by saying that one is good and 
another is bad; as, de sida, he waste, this is bad, that is good, i. e. that is 
better than this. 

(c) To diminish the signification of adjectives, kitaijna is often used; 
as, tanka, large, kitaijna tanka, somewhat large, that is, not very large. 

2. What may be called the superlative degree is formed by the use of 
nina, hinda, and iyotarj; as, nina waste, or waste hirjda, very good; 
iyotarj waste, best- 



NUMEEAL ADJECTIVES CARDINALS. 



47 



NUMERAL ADJECTIVES. 



Cardinals. 



80. The cardinal numerals are as follows : 



waijea, waijzi, or waijzidaij, one. 

noijpa, two. 

yamni, three, 

topa, four. 

zaptaij, five. 

sakpe, six. 

sakowhj, seven. 

sahdogan, eight. 

napcinwarjka, nine. 



wikcemna, 
wikcemua nonpa, 
wikcemna yamni, 
wikcemna topa, 
opawhjge, 
opawiijge nonpa, 
kektopawiijge, 1 
woyawa taijka, 



ten. 
twenty 
thirty, 
forty, 
a hundred, 
two hundred, 
a thousand, 
the great count, 

or a million. 



1. The numbers from eleven to eighteen inclusive, are formed in two 
ways : 

(a) By ake, again; as, ake wanzidarj, eleven; ake iionpa, twelve; ake 
yamni, thirteen, etc. Written in full, these would be wikcemna ake wanzi- 
dan, ten again one; wikdemna ake nonpa, ten again two, etc. 

In counting, the Dakotas use their fingers, bending them down as they pass on, 
until they reach ten. They then turn down a little finger, to remind them that one 
ten is laid away, and commence again. When the second ten is counted, another 
finger goes down, and so on. 

(ft) By .sanpa, more; as, wikcemna sanpa warjzidan, ten more one, 
(10 + 1) or eleven; wikcemna sanpa topa (10 + 4), fourteen; wikcemna 
sarjpa sahdogarj (10 + 8), eighteen. 

2. Nineteen is formed by unma, the other ; as, unma napcirjwanka, the 
other nine. 

3. (a) Wikcemna nonpa is (10 X 2) twenty, and so with thirty, forty, 
etc. The numbers between these are formed in the same way as between 
eleven and eighteen; as, wikcemna nonpa sanpa wanzidaij, or, wikcemna 
nonpa ake wanzidarj (10X2 + 1), twenty-one; wikcemna nonpa sanpa nap- 
cinwarjka (10 X 2 + 9), twenty-nine; wikcemna yamni sanpa topa, (10 X 3 
+ 4), thirty-four; wikcemna zaptaij sarjpa napcirjwanka (10 X 5 + 9)> fifty- 
nine. Over one hundred, numbers are still formed in the same way; as, 
opawinge sanpa*wikcemna sakpe sanpa sakowiq (100 + [10 X 6] + 7), one 
hundred and sixty-seven; kektopawinge nonpa sanpa opawinge zaptarj sanpa 
wikcemna yamni sanpa &ikpe ([1000 X 2] + [100 X 5] + [10 X 3] + 6), 
two thousand five hundred and thirty-six. 



1 Also koktopawijjge. 



4H DAKOTA GRAMMAK, TEXTS, AXD ETHNOGRAPHY. 

(6) The numbers between twenty and thirty, thirty and forty, etc., are 
occasionally expressed by placing an ordinal before the cardinal, which de 
notes that it is so many in such a ten; as, iyamni topa,/0r of the third (tot), 
i. e., twenty-four; itopa yamni, three of the fourth (ten), i. c., thirty-three. 

It is an interesting study to analyze these numerals. It has been stated 
above, that the Dakota, in common with all Indians, it is believed, are in 
the habit of using the hands in counting. It might be supposed then that 
the names indicating numbers would be drawn largely from the hand. 
The following derivations and explanations, it is believed, will be found in 
the main reliable. 

1. Wai) ca, etc. from war; ! interjection calling attention perhaps, at 
the same time, holding up a fingi-r. 

2. Noijpa,, from en aonpa, to bend down OK, or place on, as the second 
finger is laid down over the small one ; or perhaps of nape oijpa, nape 
being used for finger as well as hand. The Pouka and Omaha is uaijba, 
and the Winnabago nuijp. 1 

3. Yamni, from mni (roof) signifying either turning over or In/iing up ; 
the ya perhaps indicating that it is done with the mouth. (See 34/) 

It is suggested, as a further solution of yamui, that the mni maybe an old 
root, meaning together w floir together, as we have it in the reduplicate auminmi, e. f/., 
mini amnimni, to sprinkle water upon. The Ponka and Omaha is dha-bdhiij. 3 

4. Topa, from opa, to follow; (perhaps ti, a house, and opa, follow -with) 
as we say, in the same box, with the rest. The three have banded 
together and made a ti or tidaij, as we would say a family, and the 
fourth joins them. The Ponka and Omaha is duba. 

5. Zaptaij, from za, (root) holding (or perhaps irliole, as in zani), and 
ptaijyarj or ptaya, together. In this case the thumb is bent down over the 
fingers of the hand, and holds them together. 

6. Sakpe, from sake, nail, and kpa or kpe, (root) lasting as some kinds 
of food which go a good ways, or filled, as a plump grain. This is the 
second thumb, and the reference may be to the other hand being completed. 
Possibly from the idea of bending down as in nakpa, the ear. 

1. Sakowhj, from sake, nail, and owiij, perhaps from owiuga, to lend 
down ; but possibly from oh), to wear, as jewelry, this being the fore finger 
of the second hand; that is, the ring finger. 

1 Tiro takes the form <fa"ba (dhaij-ba) in the Omaha name Xaxo $a"ba, Two Crows and de(j;a"ba, 
seven (+2?). Two in Winnebago is expressed variously, even by the same speaker. Thus, we find 
noijp, noijpa, nonpi, and jiuijp. J. O. D. 

-Ca-b<|ii n in the notation of the Bureau of Ethnology. J. O. L). 



DERIVATIONS OF NUMERAL ADJECTIVES. 4< 

8. Sahdogarj, from sake, nail probably, and hdogaij, possessive ofyugaq, 
to open ; but perhaps it is ogarj or oge, to cover, to wear ; the nail covers 
itself. Two fingers now cover the thumb. 1 

it. Napcirjwarjka, from nape, hand, ( istirjna, small, and warjka, lies 
hand-smnll-lies ; that is, the remainder of the hand is very small, or perhaps, 
the hund now lies in a small compass. 

Eli Abraham explains napuiijwaijka. as from napcupe. Al\Jingerx.nre napcupe, 
in the original sense; that is they are marroir bone* of the hand. Now this finger of 
the second hand lies down alone. Two fingers have covered the thumb and this has 
to take a bed by itself. Rather the finger lies in the napcoka, inside of the hand. 

10. Wikdemna, from wikce or ikce, common, and mnayarj, gathering, or 
from inna, to rip, that is let loose. It would then mean either that the com 
mon or first gathering of the hands was completed, or that being completed, 
the whole are loosed, and the ten thrown up, as is their custom ; the hands 
in the common position. 

100. Opawinge, from pawinga, to bend down with the hand, the pre 
fixed <> indicating perfectness or roundedness ; that is, the process has 
been gone over as many times as there are fingers and thumbs. 

1000. Kektopawirjge or koktopawinge, from opawhjge and ake or 
kokta, meaning again or also. This would indicate that the Imndred had 
been counted over as many times as there are hand digits. 2 

81. Numeral adjectives by reduplicating a syllable express the idea 
of two and two or by tivos, three and three or by threes, etc. ; as, nomnoijpa, by 
twos; yamnimni, by threes; toptopa, by fours, etc. 

(1) Waijzikzi, the reduplicate of waijzi, properly means by ones, but is used to 
signify a far. 

(2) Noijpa and topa are often contracted into nom and torn, and are generally 
reduplicated in this form; as, nomnom, by tiros; tomtom, by fount. 

(, 5) Yarani, zaptan, sakowiij, and wikcemna, reduplicate the last syllable; as, 
yamnimni, zaptaijptaij, sakowiijwiij, and wikcemuamna. The same is true of opawiijge 
and kektopawhjge; as, opawiijgege, by hundreds. 

(4) Napcinwaijka and sahdogaij reduplicate a middle syllable, as napciijwaijg- 
waijka, by nines, sahdohdogaij, by eights. 

82. Waijca, noijpa, yamui, etc., are also used for once, twice, thrice, 
etc. Norjpa norjpa hecen topa, twice two so four, that is, twice two are four. 



1 The author gives, in the Dictionary, ogai) and o;>e, clothes, covering, a sheath ; but not as a 
verb. 1. O. D. 

2 Can there be a satisfactory analysis of the Dakota nninerals without a full comparison with 
those of the cognate languages of the Sionan family? I think not. J. O. D. 
7105 VOL ix 4 



50 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETIINOCKAl IIY. 

And akihde is sometimes used for this purpose; as, noijpa akihde noijpa, 
two times two. 

83. 1. Day or na, suffixed to numeral adjectives, is restrictive; as, 
yamni, three, yamnina, only three; zaptaij, Jive, zaptaijna, only Jin: 

2. With monosyllabic words na is doubled; as, nom, two, nomnana, 
only two; torn, four, tomnana, only jonr ; huijh, a part, huijhiiaua, only a part. 

Ordinals. 

84. 1. The ordinal numbers, after tokaheya, first, are formed from 
cardinals by prefixing i, ici, and wici; as, inoijpa, icinoijpa, and wici- 
noijpa, second; iyamni, iciyamui, and wiciyamni, third; itopa, icitopa, and 
wicitopa, fourth ; iwikcemna, tenth, etc. 

2. In like manner we have iake waijxi, elerenth ; iake norjpa, twelfth; 
iake yamni, thirteenth, etc.; iwikcemna noijpa, twentieth; iopawhjge, one 
hundredth, etc. 

85. When several numbers are used together, the last only has the 
ordinal form; as, wikcemna noijpa saijpa iyaimii, twenty-third; opawhjge 
sarjpa iake noijpa, one hundred and twelfth. 

ADVERBS. 

86. There are some adverbs, in very common use, whose derivation 
from other parts of speech is not now apparent, and which may therefore 
be considered as primitives; as, eca, when; kuya and kun, under, below; 
kitaijna, a little, not much; nina and hinca, rery ; ohiijni, always; saijpa, 
more; taqkan, without, out of doors; warjna, now, etc. 1 

87. But adverbs in Dakota are, for the most part, derived from de 
monstrative pronouns, adjectives, verbs, and other adverbs ; and in some instances 
from other parts of speech. 

1. Adverbs are formed from demonstrative pronouns, by adding han and 
hai}, ken and cen, ketu and cetu, en, ki and kiya, ci and ciya. 

(a) By adding han and haij; as, de, thin, dehan, here, now; he, that; 
hehan, tlicre, then; ka, that, kalian and kaluuj, then, there, HO far. The forms 
dehaq and heharj are used with a slight difference of signification from 
dehan and hehan; the first indicating place and the latter time. 2 

(6) By adding ken and cen; as, kaken, in this manner; eca, when: 
ecaken, whenever, always; decen, thus; hecen, in that way. 

1 A. L. Riggs suggests that era has the foreo of win n only liy ]isitioi\ and thiit eca and ere, ^a 
and <5e are frequentative particles, akin, in radical meaning, and perhaps in origin, to ake, uijiiin. 

In the cognate languages, time words and space words are not fully differentiated. Thus in 
ffegihrt, ata" Ji, lioir long? how far? irhenf J. O. U. 



ADVERBS. 51 

(c) By adding ketu and cetu; as, kaketu, in that manner; decetu, 
in this way ; hecetu, so, thus. 

(d) By adding en, in, in a contracted form ; as, de, this, den, here ; 
he, that; lien, there; ka, that, kan, yonder; tukte, which? tukten, where? 

(e) By adding ki and ci, kiya and ciya; as, ka, that, kaki and 
kakiya, there; de, this, deci and deciya, here. 

2. Adverbs are formed from adjectives, by adding ya; as, waste, good, 
wasteya, well; sica, bad, sicaya, badly ; tanka, great, tankaya, greatly, exten 
sively. 

3. (a) Adverbs are formed from verbs, by adding yarj ; as, iyuskin, 
to rejoice, iyuskin y an, rejoicingly, gladly; tan y an, well, may be from the 
obsolete verb tan (as they still use ataij, to regard, take care o/); itonsni, 
to tell a lie, itonsniyarj,/tee^. 

(fe) Some are formed by adding ya alone ; as, aokaga, to tell a 
falsehood about one, aokahya, falsely. 

(c) In a few instances adverbs are formed from verbs by adding na ; 
as, inahni, to be in haste, inahiiina, hastily, temporarily. 

4. Adverbs are formed from other adverbs. 

(a) By adding tu; as, delian, now, dehantu, at this time; hehau, then, 
hehantu, at that time ; tohan, when ? tohantu, at what time f 

(fe) Other forms are made by adding ya to the preceding ; as, de- 
hantuya, thus, here ; hehantuya, there ; dedetuya, so ; toketuya, in what 
ever way. 

(c) Others still are made by the further addition of ken; as, dehan- 
tuyaken, toketuyaken. r riie meaning appears to be substantially the same 
after the addition of ken as before. 

(W) Adverbs are formed from other adverbs by adding yaij ; as, 
delian, now, here, dehanyan, to this time or place, so far ; tohan, when? tohan- 
yaij, as long as, how long ? ohiijui, always, ohinniyan, for ever. 

(e) Adverbs are formed from other adverbs by adding tkiya ; as, 
kun, below, kurjtkiya, downwards ; wankan, above, warjkaytkiya, upwards. 

5. Some adverbs are formed from nouns. 

() By prefixing a and taking the adverbial termination ya; as, 
paha, a hill, apahaya, hill-like, convexly ; wanica, none, awanin and awaninya, 
in a destroying way. 

(//) By suffixing ata or yata, etc. ; as, he, a hill or ridge, heyata, 
back at the hill. 

Words so formed may be called prepositional nouns. See 91, 



52 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

fi. Adverbs are derived from preposition*. 

() By adding tu or tuya; as, inahen, in or within, malientu or 
niahetu and mahetuya, inwardly. 

(b) By adding wapa; as, ako, beyond, akowapa, onward; mahen, in, 
mahenwapa, inwardly. 

PREPOSITIONS. 

88. (a) What are named prepositions in other languages are in 
Dakota properly post-positions, as they follow the nouns which they govern. 
(See 186.) (b) Prepositions may be divided into separate and incorporated. 

SEPARATE PREPOSITIONS. 

89. The separate prepositions in Dakota follow the nouns which thev 
govern; as, cay akan nawazirj (icood upon- I-xfiind), I stand upon wood ; he 
maza orj kagapi (that iron of is-madc), that is made of iron. The following 
are the principal separate prepositions, viz: 

alma, with etkiya, towards om, with them 

akan. OH or upon etu, at oij, of or from, with, for 

ako, beyond kahda, by, near to opta, through 

ehna, amongst kici, icith him, her, or // sarjpa, beyond 

ekta, at, to mahen, tcithin taijhay, /row 

en, in ohna, in yata. at. 

etanhaij,/row ohomni, around 

Some of these are quite as often used as ndrn-bx us pri-positions. 

INCORPORATED PREPOSITIONS, OR PREPOSITIONAL PARTICLES. 

90. These are suffixed to nouns, prefixed to or inserted into verbs, 
and prefixed to adverbs, etc. 

91. The prepositions suffixed to nouns are ta, and ata or yata, 
at or on; as, tinta, prairie, tintata, at or on tl>r prnirii-; maga, afield, magata, 
at the field; caij, wood or woods, cayyata, at the woods. The preposition en, 
in, contracted, is suffixed to a few nouns; as, ti, a house, tin, in the house. 
These formations may also be regarded as adverbs; as, he, a hill or ridge, 
hey ata, at the hill or back from. 

T. L. Kiggs suggests that this class of words should be denominated prepo 
sitional nouns or adverbial nounn. 

92. The prepositions a, e, i, o, instead of being suffixed to the 
noun, are prefixed to the verb. 

1. (a) The preposition a, on, or upon, is probably a contraction of 



PREPOSITIONS CONJUNCTIONS. 53 

akan, and is prefixed to a very large number of verbs; as, mani, to walk, 
amani, to walk on, c ankaga ainawani, / ivalk on a log. 

(6) The preposition e, to or at, is probably from ekta, and is pre 
fixed to some verbs; as, yuhpa, to lay (town anything one is carrying, 
eyuhpa, to lay doivn at a place. 

(c) The preposition i prefixed to verbs means with, for, on account of; 
as, dekiya, to pray, icekiya, to pray for a thing. 

(d) The preposition o, in, is a contraction of ohna, and is found in 
a large class of verbs; as, hnaka, to place or lay down, ohnaka, to place a 
thing in something else. 

2. The prepositions which are either prefixed to or inserted into verbs, 
in the pronouns place, are ki and kici. 

(a) Ki, as a preposition incorporated in verbs, means to or for; as, 
kaga, to make,, kicaga, to make to one; huwe ya, to go to briny anything, 
kihuwe ya, to go to briny a thing for one. 

(6) Kici incorporated into verbs, means for; as, kaksa, to chop off, as 
a stick; kicidaksa, to chop off for one. 

93. The preposition i is prefixed to a class of adverbs giving them 
the force of prepositions. In these cases it expresses relation to or connexion 
with the preceding noun; as,.tehai),./iw, iiehttQ, far firom any time or place; 
heyata, behind, iheyata, back of something. These adverbial prepositions 
are such as : 

iako, beyond ihukuya, under itehai), far from 

iakan, upon ilieyata, behind, back of itokam, before 

iaskadai), near to ikayyeta, down from iwaijkam, above 

iralida, by, near to ikiyedaij, near to iyohakam, after 

ihakara, behind isaijpa, beyond iyotahedaij, between 

ihduksaij, round about itakasaijpa, over from iyotahepi, between 

ihektaiu, behind itaijkan, without iyotakoys, opposite to. 

CONJUNCTIONS. 

94. Conjunctions in Dakota, as in other languages, are used to con 
nect words and sentences; as, waste kuksapa, good and wise; wicasta siceca 
koya, men mid children: "Urjkarj Wakantanka, Ozarjzar) kta, eya: unkarj 
ozanzarj," And God said, Let light be: and light ivas. 

95. The following is a list of the principal conjunctions, viz: unkan, 
ka and <Ja, and,- ko and koya, also, and; unkaijs, kirjhay and cirjharj, kina- 
harj and cinaharj, if; esta and sta, kes and ces, kes and yes, although; kaes 
and Qaes, keyas and geyas, even if; ka is, or; tuka, but. For unkarj and 
unkaqs the Titonway say yurjkarj and yunkays, for ka and ^a they use 
ua, and for ka is, na is. 



54 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

INTERJECTIONS. 

96. It is very difficult to translate, or even to classify, Dakota inter 
jections. Those in common use may he arranged under the following- 
heads, according to the emotions they express: 

Pain: yurj! winswi! all! oli ! 

Eegret: hehe! hehehe! liuijhe! huijhuijhe! oli ! alas! 

Surprise: liopidaij ! hopidaijniye! hopidaijsni! hjah! inama! iijyuij! 
iyanaka! wonderful! surprising! astoni* //<(/! truly! indeed! 

Attention : a! e! bes! hiwo! iho! ito! mah! toko! waij ! hark! look! we! 
Mtold! halloo! 

Self-praise: ihdatarj ! ihdataijh! frow.xY/ 1 

Affirmation: ecahe! ecas! ecaes! ees! ehaes! chtakaes! eyakes! evakes! 
nakas! nakaes! indeed! truly! yes! 

Disbelief: eze! hes! hinte! ho! lioecali! iyesnica! oho! taxe! or tase! 
(Yankton) fie ! fudge! you don t say so! 

Eya, when used at the beginning of a phrase or sentence, is an inter 
jection, and seems to mean nothing. 

1 " Boast " does not appear as an interjection in Welister s dictionary, nor in that of the Century 
Company. As ihdatai) means he jtraises himself, lie boastti, a better translation is, O how he biiastx! 
J. O. D. 



SYNTAX PRONOUNS. 



CHAP T EH III. 
SYNTAX. 

PRONOUNS. 

PERSONAL PRONOUNS. 

Incorporated J roiioun*. 

97. The incorporated pronouns are either prefixed to or inserted into 
verbs, adjectives, and nouns. 

1. Posmox IN VERBS. 

98. 1. () Monosyllabic verbs, such as, ba, to blame, da, to ask for, 
etc., necessarily prefix the pronouns; as may aba (me-thou-blamesf), thou 
Uamcst me. 

(fc) Those verbs which are formed by adding the prefixes ka and 
pa, and also the possessive forms in kpa or tpa, hda, and lulu, have 
the pronouns prefixed ; as, kaksa, to cut off with an axe, wakaksa, I cut off; 
pagan, to part with anything, wapagaq, I part with; kpagaij, and tpagan, 
to part with one s awn, wakpagarj, I part with my own; hduta, to eat one s 
own, wahduta, I eat my own. 

(<:) Other verbs, whose initial letter is d or k, have the pronouns 
prefixed ; as, daka, to esteem so, wadaka, I esteem so ; kaga, to make, yakaga, 
thou makest. 

(rf) For the forms of the subjective pronouns of the first person singu 
lar and the second person singular and plural of verbs in ya and yu, 
see 39. (/;), 50. 

2. (a) All verbs commencing with a vowel which is not a prefix, insert 
the pronouns immediately after the vowel ; as, opa, to follow, owapa, / fol 
low; excepting the first person plural, unk, which is prefixed; as, unko- 
papi, we follow. But ounpapi is also used. 

(6) The prefixing of the prepositions a, e, i, o, does not alter 
the place of the pronouns; as, kastan, to pour out, wakastan, I pour out; 
okastan, to pour out in, owakastaij, / pour out in; pahta, to bind, pawahta, 
I bind; apahta, to bind on, apawahta, / bind on. 

55 




50 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

(c) Verbs formed from verbal roots and adjectives by prefixing ba, 
bo, and na, take the pronouns after the prefix ; as, baksa, to cut off with 
a knife, bawaksa, / cut off; boksa, to shoot of, as a limb, boyaksa, flion 
shootest off; naksa, to break off with the foot, nawaksa, I break off with the foot. 

(d) Other verbs whose initial letter is (;, s, m, or n, have the 
pronouns inserted after the first syllable; as, capa, to stab, cawapa, I stub ; 
niani, to walk, mawani, 1 walk. Pahta, to bind or tie, also inserts the pro 
nouns after. the first syllable. 

(e) Verbs that insert or prefix the prepositions ki and ki di, take the 
pronouns immediately before the prepositions. (See 40. 5. a. /;.) 

(/) Active verbs formed from other verbs, adjectives, or nouns, by 
adding the causative kiya or ya, take the pronouns immediately before 
the causative; as, waijyagkiya, to cause to see, waijyagmakiya, lie causes un 
to see; samkiya, to blackni. samwakiya, / blacken; caijtekiya, to love, cai)te- 
wakiya, / love any one. 

(.17) The compound personal and reflexive pronouns ( 24) occupy the 
same place in verbs as do the ordinary incorporated pronouns; as, waste- 
daka, to love, waste\vudaka, / love anything-, wastemicidaka, / low mi/self. 

2. POSITION IN ADJECTIVES. 

99. 1. (a) The pronouns are prefixed to what may be called adjective 
verbs and adjectives; as, yazaq, to be sick; tancaij mayazaij, (body me-sic.k) 
mi/ body is sick; waste, (food, ni waste, (thee-yood) thou art good. 

(6) The pronouns ma, ni, and un are prefixed to the simple 
numerals; as, mawaij/idaij, / am one; ninoijpapi, you are two; uijyamnipi, 
we are three. 

2. (ft) But if the adjective verb has assumed the absolute form by pre 
fixing wa, or if it commences with a vowel, the pronouns are inserted; as, 
wayazarjka, to be sick, wamayazarjka, / am sick; asm, to net well, amasui, / 
have recovered. 

(b) Waoijsida and wacantkiya, and perhaps some others, which we are 
accustomed to call adjectives, insert the pronouns; as, waonsiwada, I ant 
merciful. 

3. POSITION IN NOUNS. 

100. 1. () The possessive pronouns are always prefixed to the noun. 
(See 21, 22, and 23.) 

(fc) When a noun and pronoun are joined together, with the substan 
tive verb understood, the incorporated pronoun is prefixed to some nouns 



SYNTAX PRONOUNS. 57 

and inserted in others; as, nisunka, (tlie.e-dog) thou art a dog; winidasta, 
(flier-mail) tlimi <ui a man; Daniakota, (me-J)akota) T <tm a, Dakota. 

In some nouns the pronoun may be placed either after the first or second sylla 
ble, according to the taste of the speaker; as, wu aliiijca, <(n old wan, wimacaliinca or 
\vicaiiialiinva, -Z am an old num. 

(c) When a noun is used with an adjective or adjective verb, and a 
pronoun is required, it may be prefixed either -to the noun or to the adjec 
tive; as, nape inasuta (hand tne-hard), or minape suta, (my-hand hard) my 
Itaxd is hard. 

2. In nouns compounded of a noun and adjective, the place of the pro 
noun is between them; as, Isantaijka, (knife-big) an American, Isanmatanka, 
/ a HI an American. 

4. POSITION WITH RKSPECT TO EACH OTIIKK. 

101. 1. When one personal pronoun is the subject and another the 
object of the same verb, the first person, whether nominative or objective, 
is placed before the second; as, mayaduliapi, (me-yon-have) you have me; 
uijniyuhapi (we-thee-have or we-you-kave) we have thee or we have you. 

"2. Wica, the objective plural of the third person, when used in a verb 
with other pronouns, is placed first; as, wicawakaska (them-I-bound), 1 
hound them. 

NUMBER. 

102. Incorporated pronouns, when intended to express plurality, 
have the plural termination pi attached to the end of the word, whether 
verb, noun, or adjective; as, wayazan, he is sick, waunyazanpi, tveare sick; 
Avakaga, / make any thing, unkagapi, we make; rritasunke, thy dog, nita- 
sunkepi, thy doas or your dog or dogs; ni waste, thou art good, niwastepi, you 

are good. 

Separate Pronouns. 

103. The separate personal pronouns stand first in the clauses to 
which they belong. 

() They stand first in propositions composed of a pronoun and noun, 
or of a pronuon and adjective; as, miye Isanmatanka, 7 am an American; 
uijkiye uncuwitapi, ive are cold. 

(ft) In a proposition composed of a pronoun and verb, whether the 
pronoun be the subject or object of the verb ; as, unkiye urjyaijpi kta, we 
to ill go; miye makaska (me he-bound), he bound me. 

The separate pronouns are not needed for the purpose of showing the person and 
number of the verb, those being indicated by the incorporated or article pronouns, or 



58 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

inflexion of the verb; but they are frequently used for the sake of emphasis; as, 
nisuijka he kupi he; hiya, he miye makupi (thy-brother that was-girenf no, that me 
me-u>as-given), was that given to thy brother? no, it was given to me; ye inasi wo; hiya, 
miye mde kta (to-go me- command ; no, me I-go will), send me; no, I will go myself. 

(c) When a separate pronoun is used with a noun, one being the sub 
ject and the other the object of the same verb, the pronoun stands first ; as, 
miye mini wacivj (me water I-wanf), I want water; niye toka kiij niyuzapi 
(you enemy the you-tooK), the enemies took you. But when the pronoun is the 
object, as in this last example, it may stand after the noun; as, t6ka kiy 
niye niyuzapi (enemy the you you-took), the enemies took you. 

(d) In relative clauses, the separate pronoun is placed last ; as, wicasta 
hi koi) he miye (man came that me), I am the man irlio came; oniciyapi kiij 
hena unkiyepi (you-help the those tee), we are they who help you. 

(e) The adverb hinca is often used with the separate pronouns to 
render them more emphatic; as, miye hirjca (me wry), my very selfs niye 
nitawa hiijca (thee thine very), truly thine, own. 

(/) In answering questions, the sep arate pronouns are sometimes used 
alone; as, tuwe hecoq he; miye, who did that? I; tuwe yaka he; niye, 
whom dost thoumeanf thee; tuwe he kaga he; iye, who made that? he. But 
more frequently the verb is repeated in the answer with the pronouns; 
as, he tuwe kaga he; he miye wakaga (that who untile? that me I-made), who 
made that? I made it; tuwe yaka he; niye cica (whom meanest-thouf thee, 
I-thee-mean), whom dost thou mean? I mean thee. 

104. When the separate pronouns are used with verbs or adjectives 
the plural termination is attached to the last word. 

(a) When the pronoun stands first, it is attached to the verb or adjec 
tive; as, unkiye ecorjkupi, we did it; niye yakagapi, you made it; niye 
niwastepi, you are flood. 

(b) When the pronoun stands last, it is attached also to the pronoun ; 
as, tona waorjsidapi kiij hena niyepi (as-many merciful the those you), you are 
they ivho are merciful. 

Agreement of Pronouns. 

105. Personal pronouns, and the relative and interrogative tuwe, 
who, refer only to animate objects, and agree in person with their ante 
cedents, which are either expressed or understood ; as, he tuwe, who is that? 
de miye, this is I; he Dawid tawa, that is I)i>id n ; he miye mitawa, that is 
mine ; he tuwe tawa, whose is that f 



SYNTAX -PRONOUNS. 59 

Omission of Pronouns. 

106. The third person, being the form of expression which most 
commonly occurs, is .seldom distinguished by the use of pronouns. 

1 . () There is no incorporated or article pronoun of the third person, 
either singular or plural, except wica and ta. (See 18. 6, 19. 4, 23. 1.) 

(/>) The separate pronoun iye of the third person, and its plural 
iyepi, are frequently used in the subjective and sometimes in the objective 
case. 

2. But ordinarily, and always except in the above cases, no pi onoun 
of the third person is used in Dakota; as, siyo way kute ka o (y rouse a 
shot ami killed ), lie shot a (/rouse and killed it ; suktanka kirj yuzapi ka kaska 
hdepi Qiorse the caught and tied placed), they caught the horse and tied him. 

Repetition of Pronouns. 

107. 1. In the case of verbs connected by conjunctions, the incor 
porated subjective pronouns of the first and second persons must be 
repeated, as in other languages, in each verb ; as, wain, ka wanmdake, a 
ohiwaya, I came, and I saw, and I conquered. 

2. () Wica and other objective incorporated pronouns follow the 
same rule; as, tatarjka kirj waywicamdake ca wicawakte (buffalo the, them- 
J-smv, and them-I-killed), I saiv the buffalo and killed them. 

(6) So, too, in adjective verbs ; as, omiisike ca nisilitirj (thee-poor and 
(bee-feeble), thou art poor and feeble. 

3. Two or more nouns connected by conjunctions require the posses 
sive pronoun to be used with each ; as, nitasuijke ka nitamazakan, thy-dog 
and thy-yun. 

DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS. 

108. Demonstrative pronouns may generally be used in Dakota 
wherever they would be required in English. 

1. When a demonstrative pronoun forms with a noun, pronoun, adjec 
tive, or verb a proposition of which it is the subject or object, it is placed 
first; as, hena tataijkapi, those are oxen; de miye, this is I ; dena wasteste, 
these are good ; lie mayaku (that me-thou-yavesfy, tlion yavest me that. 

2. But when used as a qualificative of a noun, or noun and adjective, 
it is placed, last ; as, wicasta kiy hena (inan the those), those, men ; Avicasta 
waste kiy dena (man good the these), these good men. 

109. The demonstrative pronouns he and hena are often used 
where personal pronouns would be in English ; as, ate umasi kirj he wica- 



<)<> DAKOTA GKAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGBAPHY. 

yadapi sni (father me-sent the that ye-believe not), my father who sent me, him 
ye believe not; ate umasi kh) he rnahdaotarjhj (father me-sent the that me- 
declareth), my father who sent me he beareth witness of me. 

110. Demonstrative pronouns are often used in Dakota when thev 
would not be required in English; as, isaij kiij he iwacu (knife tin that I- 
took), I took the knife. 

RELATIVE PRONOUNS. 

111. 1. Tuwe, who, and taku, -what, are used, both as interrogative 
and relative pronouns, and in both cases they stand at the beginning of the 
phrase or sentence; as, tuwe yaka he, whom do.st tJion meant taku odake 
chj, what thou relatest. 

2. (a) In affirmative sentences, tuwe and taku are often used as 
nouns, the former meaning some perso-n, and the latter, name tiling; as, tuwe 
he manon, someone has stokn that; taku iyewaya, I have found something. 

(b) In negative sentences with day suffixed, tuwe may be rendered 
no one, and taku nothing ; as, tuwedaij hi sni, no one came (lit. B9me-UtUe-per- 
son came not); takudaij duhe sni (some-litfte-ihing thoii-hast not), thou hast 
nothing. See 25. 3. 

112. It has been shown ( 25. 1) that compound relative pronouns 
are formed by joining kasta or kakes to tuwe and taku; as, tuwe 
kasta hi kirjhay he waku kta (whoever comes if, that I-glve will), if anyone 
comes I will give it to him; taku kasta warjmdake cinhay wakute kta (what 
ever I-see if, I-shoot ivllt), if I see anything I will shoot it, or / will shoot what 
ever I see. 

ARTICLES. 

Definite Article. 
POSITION. 

113. 1. When a noun is used without any qualificative, the definite 
article immediately follows the noun; as, maka kiij (earth Hie), the earth; 
wicasta kirj waste (man the good), the man is good. 

"2. When a noun is used with an adjective as a qualifying term, the 
article follows the adjective; as, wicasta waste kiij (man good the), the good 
man. 

3. When the noun is followed by a verb, an adverb and verb, or an 
adjective, adverb, and verb, the definite article follows at the end of the 
phrase, and is generally rendered into English by a demonstrative or rela 
tive pronoun and article; as, taku ecamoij kiij (what I-did the), that ic/nch I 
did; widasta sidaya ohayyaijpi kiij (men ladli/ do the), the men who do badly ; 



SYNTAX ARTICLES. 61 

wicasta sica sicaya ohanyarjpi kiij (men bad badly do the), the bad men who do 
badl//. 

114. The signs of the past tense, koij and cikon, are used in the 
place of the definite article, and are rendered by the article and relative ; 
as, wicasta wamudake cikoij, the man ivhorn I saw. 



USE. 



1 11;"). In general, the definite article in Dakota is used where it would 
be in English. But it also occurs in many places where in English it is not 
admissible. 

(a) It is used with nouns that denote a class; as, wicasta kiij bosdan 
naziqpi (men the upright stand), men xto-nd upright; suktarjka kiij duzahanpi 
(horses the swift), hows arc xwift or run fast. 

(b) It is often used, as in Greek, French, etc., with abstract nouns ; as, 
wowaste kiij (goodness the), goodness; woahtani kiij awihnuniwicaya (sin the 
destroi/s-them), sin destroys them. 

(c) It is used with a noun in the vocative case; as, maka kiij nalioij 
wo (earth the hear-thoit), earth, hear! 

(d) As in Greek and Italian, it is used with nouns which are qualified 
by possessive or demonstrative pronouns; as, ninape khj (thi/-hand the), thi/ 
hand; wicasta kii) de (man the this), this man. 

(e) It is often used with finite verbs, giving to them the force of gerunds 
or vebal nouns; as, kagapi kirj, the making; mauijnipi kiij (we walk the), 
our walking; yahi kiij iyomakipi (thou-come the ine-pleases), thy coming 
pleases me. 

116. In Dakota the definite article is sometimes omitted where it 
would be required in English. 

(a) Nouns governed by prepositions are generally used .without the 
article ; as, conkaske ekta mda (garrison to I-f/o), I ant going to the garrison; 
cay mahen wai (wood into I- went), 1 went into the woods; tiijta akan munka 
(prairie upon I-lie), I lie upon the, prairie. 

(b) Proper names and names of rivers and lakes are commonly used 
without the article; as, Tatanka-nazlrj Buffalo-stands), The-standing-buft alo; 
Wakpa-minisota, the Minnesota river; Mdeiyedaij, Lae-qui-parle. 

(c) When two nouns come together in the relation of possessor and 
possessed ( 68), the last only takes the article, or rather the entire expres 
sion is rendered definite by a single article placed after it; as, carjpahmihma 
ihupa kiij, the thill of the cart; Wasicuij wicastayatapi kin, the King of the 
French. 



62 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

Indefinite Article. 

117. The indefinite article is more limited in its us-e than the definite, 
but so far as its use extends it follows the same rules; as, hoksidaij waij 
(boy o), a boy; hoksidaij waste way (boy yowl ft), <i i/ootl bo//. 

118. Sometimes both articles are used in the same phrase, in which 
case the definite is rendered by the relative (see v\ 113. 3); as, wicasta waij 
waste kiij he kaga (HKIII. a aood the flint made*), lie mi* a yood man trim made 

that. 

VERBS. 

Position, 

111). 1. Dakota verbs are usually placed after the nouns with which 
tnev are used, whether subject or object; as, hoksidaij kiij mani (boy the 
walks), the boy ivatks; wowapi waij duha (book a thou-h&sf), tlioii liaxt a book. 

2. Verbs also are usually placed after the adjectives which qualifv their 
subjects or objects, and after the adverbs which qualify the verbs ; as, 
Waaiiataij wicasta wayapike ciij he taijyaij waijmdaka (Waanatan IIKIH 
eloquent the that ire// I-8aH>), 7 SHIP Waaiiittan the eloi/neut mini rcry plainly. 

For the relative position of verbs and personal pronouns, see 98. 

Number. 

PLURAL. 

^S 120. A verb, by its form, designates the number of its subject or 
object, or both; that is to say, the verb, being the last principal word in 
the sentence, usually takes the plural ending pi when the subject or object 
is plural in signification. 

1. (a) When the subject represents animate objects, the verb lakes the 
plural termination; as, manipi, they trnlk; wicasta kiij hipi (man the came ), 
the men came. 

(6) But. when the subject of a verb denotes inanimate objects, the verb 
does not take a plural form for its nominitive s sake; as, caij topa icaga (tree 
four grows), jour trees aroir. 

2. (a) A verb also takes the plural termination when it has a plural 
object of the first or second persons; as, Wakaijtaijka uijkagapi (God .<(- 
made), God made us; Dakota niye Wakaijtaijka caijteniciyapi (Dakota you 
God you-loves), God lore* you Dalcotas. 

(b) When the plural object is of the third person, this plurality is 
pointed out by wica, them, incorporated in the verb; as, waijwicayaka, he 



SYNTAX VERB. 63 

sir them ; Hake waliaijksica yamui wicakte (Hake bear three them-killed}, 
Hake kill I d I litre, bears. 

121. As there is but one termination to signify plurality both of the 
subject and object, ambiguity is sometimes the result. 

(a) When the subject is of the first, and the object is of the second 
person, the plural termination may refer either to the subject or to the sub 
ject and object; as, wasteunnidakapi, ice lore fltee, or ire love ijoit. 

(b) When the subject is of the third, and the object of the second 
person, the plural termination may refer either to the subject or the object, 
or to both; as, wastenidakapi, tl/ei/ love thee, he loves you, or they love you. 

122. Nouns of multitude commonly require verbs in the plural num 
ber; as, oyate hecoijpi, the profile tliil that. 

123. The verb yukaij is often used in its singular form with a 
plural meaning; as, wakiyedarj ota yukaij, there are many pigeons. 

124. The verb yeya and its derivatives iyeya, hiyeya, etc., have 
rarely a plural termination though used with a plural subject; as, wicota 
hen hiyeya, many persons are there. 



DUAL. 



125. 1. The dual is used only as the subject of the verb and to 
denote the person speaking and the person spoken to. It has the same 
form as the plural pronoun of the first person, excepting that it does not 
take the termination pi.! 

2. Hence, as this pronoun is, in meaning, a combination of the first 
and second persons, it can be used only with an object of the third person, 
except when, the agent and patient being the same persons, it assumes the 
reflexive form ( 24); as, wasteuijdaka, we tiro (meaning thou and /) love 
him; waste wicundaka, we two love them. See 42. 1. 



12(5. Active transitive verbs govern the objective case; as, makaska 
(me bind*), lie Intnlx me ; wicasta waij waijmdaka (man a I-satv), I saw a man. 

127. Active verbs may govern two objectives. 

1. A verb may govern two direct objects or so-called accusatives. 
When an action on a part of the person is spoken of, the whole person is rep 
resented by an incorporated pronoun, and the part by a noun in apposition 
with the pronoun; as, nape mayaduza (haiitl me-ihon-fakeBf), titan takeat me 
hi/ the hand, or thou takest my hand. Compare the French, me prendre la 
main. 1 



64 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AXD ETHNOGRAPHY. 

2. A verb may govern a direct object or accusative and an indirect 
object answering to a dative. 

(a) When one of the objects is a pronoun, it must be attached to the 
verb; as, wowapi kiij he inayakn kta (book the that ir-thoit-r/ire wilt), thou 
wilt f/ive me that book. 

(b) But when both the objects are nouns, the indirect is usually placed 
before the direct object; as, Hepaij wowapi yaku kta (Hf/xu/ lion I,- fhoii-t/ire 
wilt), thou wilt (/he Hepan a look; Hepi taspaijtaijka wan hiyukiya wo (llc)i i 
apple a toss), toss Hepi an apple. 

128. Transitive verbs with the prepositions -a or o prefixed may 
govern two objectives, and even three when two of them refer to the same 
person or thing; as, sina kiij anicahpapi (blanket the on-thec-laid), they cnr- 
ered thee with a blanket; mini pa amakastaij (water head on-me-poured), he 
poured ivater on iy head. 

129. Intransitive verbs, with the prepositions a or o prefixed, 
govern an objective case; as, mani, to walk, caijku kiij omani (road tin iit- 
walkx), he. /calks in the road ; ban, to stand, maka kiij awahaij (earth the on 
I-stand), / stand on the earth. 

iri- Form. 



130. This form of the verb is used whenever possession or property 
is indicated, and is very important in the Dakota language. For the ways 
in which the possessive form is made, see 39. 3. 

The use of this form of the verb does not necessarily exclude the possessive pro 
noun, but renders it superfluous; as, nape yahduzaza (hand thon-weukett-thme-oum), 
thou dost wash thy hands; ninape yahduzaza is also correct. The occurrence of the 
possessive pronoun doi-s not render the possessive form of the verb the less necessary. 

MODES. 
Imperative. 

131. 1. In prohibitions the imperative mode is often indicated by the 
adverb ihnuhaij placed before the verb, with kiij or khjhaij, ciij or 
cinhaij, following; as, ihnuhar) hecanoij kiij, do not do that; ihnuhaij 
widayadapi khjhaij, do not believe it. This is a stronger form than the 
common imperative. 

2. When two verbs in the imperative mode are connected by conjunc 
tions,, the first is used without the sign; as, owiijza kiij ehdaku ka mani 
wo, take up thy bed and walk. 



VEKBS: INFINITIVE SUBJUNCTIVE. 65 

Infinitive. 

132. 1. Verbs in the infinitive mode immediately precede those by 
which they are governed; as, car) kakse yahi (wood to-cut thou-hast-come), 
thou hast come to cut wood; he ecorj cisipi, / told you to do that. 

2. The use of the infinitive mode in Dakota is limited, the finite verb 
being often used where the infinitive would be in English; as, mda wacirj 
(I-go I-desire), I desire to go. 

3. The infinitive mode can not be used as a noun, as it sometimes is 
in English; that is, it can not have anything predicated of it, as in the 
phrases, "to see the sun is pleasant," "to walk is fatiguing." In such cases 
verbal nouns or gerunds are used; as, wi wanyakapi khj he oiyokipi (sun 
seeing the that pleasant), the seeing of the sun is pleasant. 

Subjunctive. 

133. What may be called the subjunctive mode is formed by the aid 
of conjunctions which follow the verb. (See 42.) 

1. (a) Kinhaij and its derivatives, cinhan, kinaharj, and cinahan, usually 
refer to future time, future events only being considered as uncertain and 
contingent; as, yahi kinharj mde kta, if thou come, I will go. 

But kinhan does not always render the sense subjunctive, it being sometimes 
used as an adverb of time, especially when preceded by tohan ; as, tohan yahi kinhaq 
mde kta, when thou comest, I icill go. 

(b) When anything past is spoken of as uncertain, heciyharj is com 
monly used ; as, hecanorj hecinharj ecen ohdaka wo, if thou didst that, con 
fess it. 

2. The conjunctions esta, sta, keyas, and kes, signifying though, al 
though, are also used to form the subjunctive mood ; as, ociciyaka esta 
wicayada sni, although I tell thee, thou dost not believe; hi keyas kici mde kte 
sni, though he come, I will not go with him ; amapa kes en ewacarjmi sni, 
though he struck me, I paid no attention to it. 

3. Unkans, if, usually relates to past time or to something already 
known, and is used to state what would have been the case if the thing 
mentioned had been different from what it is. It is usually followed by 
tuka, but ; as, miyecicazuzu urjkans cicu kta tuka (me-thou-hadst-paid if, 
I-thee-give would but), if thou hadst paid me, I would have given it to thee; 
suktanka mduha unkans inde kta tuka (horse I-had if, I-go would but), if I 
had a horse I would go. 

7105 VOL ix 5 




6<> DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

Optative, Potential, etc. 

134. The adverb tokin, oh that! is used with verbs to express strong 
desire ; in which case an n is suffixed to the verb ; as, tokirj mduhen, oil 
that I had it! 

135. The Dakotas have no way of expressing fully and forcibly the 
ideas of necessity and obligation. The place of the English words oiu/ltt 
and must is partially supplied by the word iyedeca, fit, proper ; as, ecanorj 
kta iyececa, it is fit that thou shouldst do it. 

136. 1. The idea of ability or power is expressed by the help of the 
verb okihi, to be able, used after other verbs, which are either in the form 
of the infinitive or gerund; as, ecorj owakihi (to do l-able), I <nn able to do it, 
or I can do it; mauipi kiij owakihi (ivalkiny the I-able), I can walk. Or 
they are put in a finite form; as, suktanka mdiiza ovvakhi (horse I -catch 
I-able), I can catch a horse. 

2. Inability is expressed either by okihi with the negative sni, or 
okitpani; as, mawani kta owakihi sni (I-ivalk a- ill I-m not), or, mawani 
kta owakitpani (I-tvalk will I-unable), I cannot walk. Toka or t6kadarj, 
followed by the negative sni, is often used for the same purpose; as, 
tokadaq mawani sni (any-way I-walk not), I cannot /loxsib/i/ walk. 

3. The word pica is suffixed to verbs to (ieuotG possibility or that the 
thing- can be done; as, econpica, it can be done; wayyagpica, it can be seen. 
But it more frequently occurs with the negative sni; as, kahpica sni, it 

cannot be made. 

TENSES. 

137. Notwithstanding the Dakota verb has but two distinct forms of 
tense, there is no difficulty in expressing, by the help of adverbs, etc., all 
the varieties of time found in other languages. 

Aorist. 

138. 1. The aorist is used to denote present time, and generally 
needs no mark to show that the present is referred to, that being usually 
determined by attendant circumstances or by the context; as, tiyata yanka, 
na"kaha wanmdaka, he is at the house, I have just seen him. 

2. When necessary the adverb dehan, now, or hinahirj, yet, is used to 
indicate present time; as, dehan tiyata yanka, he is now at the house; hinaliiij 
den un, he is here yet. 

3. The aorist is used in general propositions, which apply equally to 
present, past, and future; as, siceda waskuyeca wastedapi, children love fruit. 



VERBS: TENSES. 67 

139. 1. The predominant use of the aorist is to denote past time, it 
being always used in the narration of past events; as, ecamorj, I have done 
it; he mdustan, / have finished that. 

2. (a) By the help of the adverb wanna, now, the aorist expresses per 
fect or finished time; as, wanna yustaijpi, they have now finished it; warjna 
ociciyaka, I have noiv told thee. 

(b) In a narrative of past events, warjna, together with the aorist, 
makes what is called the pluperfect tense; as, wanna yustarjpi hehan wai, 
the;/ had finished it when I arrived. 

3. The aorist used with tuka, but, expresses what is sometimes called 
the imperfect tense; as, hen waurj tuka (there I was, but am not now), I was 
there. 

140. Before naceca, perhaps, the aorist tense is sometimes used for 
the future ; as, hecorj masipi kinhan, ecamorj naceca, if they tell me to do that, 

I shall probably do it. 

Future. 

141. 1. The sign of the future tense is usually kta. It may be 
used with verbs, adjectives, nouns, or pronouns; as, mani kta, he will walk; 
he waste kta, that will be good; he tinta kta, that will be prairie; he miye 
kta, that ivitt be I. 

2. The future tense is often used in ijarratiug past events respecting 
something that was future at the time mentioned; as, wanna upi kta hehan 
wai, they were about to come when I arrived there. 

3. The future tense is used to denote that a thing would have taken 
place if something had not prevented. In this case it is commonly followed 
by tuka, whether the reason is stated or not; as, wau kta tuka, I would 
have come; upi kta tuka wicawakisica, they would have come, but I forbade 

them. 

4. The future tense with the adverb hiijca, is used to indicate a desire, 
purpose, or determination to do a thing; as, mde kte hinca (I-go tvill very), 
I want to go; ecoq kte hinca ecorj (do will very did), he did it because he 
ivished to do it, or he did it intentionally. 

5. The future tense is often used where the infinitive mode would Jbe 
in English; as, wau kta owakitpani (I-come shall, I-unable), I am unable to 
come; teyapi kta akitapi, they sought to kill him. 

6. The future tense is sometimes used for the aorist, as in German, 
when there is uncertainty about the thing spoken of; as, tinwicakte kii) 
hee kta (murderer the fl/at-be will), that is the murderer, the idea being, that 
he will be found to be the murderer. 



fiH DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

7. When two verbs in the future tense are connected by a conjunc 
tion, the first may be either with or without the sign; as, nihirmiciyapi kta 
ka yaceyapi kta, or nihinniciyapi ka yaceyapi kta, you ivill be troubled and 
weep. 

142. Nun or nog is sometimes used instead of kta, as the sign of 
the future tense, in interrogative sentences, and also when something future 
is spoken of as uncertain; as, mda nur) he, shall I go? token ecorjpi nurj 
tanir) sni, they knew not what they should do. 

143. Before the verbs eciq and epca, ke sometimes marks the 
future tense of the first person; as, mda ke epca, I will go, thought I. 

144. In interrogative sentences hirj is sometimes used for kta lie, 
denoting the future tense; as, wau hirj, shall I come? 

AUXILIARY VERBS. 

145. There are several verbs which are used with others as auxil 
iaries; such as, iyeya, kiya, and ya or yan. 

146. 1. Iyeya, when used with other verbs, expresses the additional 
ideas of completion and suddenness; as, yustarj iyeya, he made a finish of it; 
kaksa iyeya, he cut it off suddenly. In this way iyeya is often used to 
give force and animation to the style. 

2. Verbs used with iyeya, if capable of contraction, are contracted; 
as, kaptuza, to split, kaptus iyeya, he split it open. 

3. Iyeya is often used with prepositions and adverbs, sometimes with 
and sometimes without their taking the verbal prefixes; as, pamahen iyeya, 
to push into; yuhukun iyeya, to put down; ohna iyeya and mahen iyeya, to 
put into anything. 

147. Kiya is used with verbs as a causative suffix; as, ecorjkiya, to 
cause to do; kahkiya, to cause to make; nazirjkiya, to cause to stand. The 
pronouns are inserted before the causative. 

148. Ya or yan is a suffix which occurs so frequently, and whose 
use is sometimes so different from that of any English verb, that it demands 
a special notice. 

1. (a) It is used as a causative suffix; as, econya, to cause to do; maniya, 
to cause to walk. In this case it always has a noun or pronoun for its object 
expressed or understood; as, mani mayayapi, you cause me to walk. 

(6) Ya used with adjectives makes of them active verbs; as, saya, to 
dye or paint red; samya, to blacken. 

2. (a) It is used with words denoting relationship, where in English 
we should employ a possessive pronoun, and seems to have the force of to 



VERBS OF REPETITION. 69 

have, or have for; as, he atewaya (that father- I-have), that is my father; 
Ateuriyaijpi mahpiya ekta narjke cii) (father-we-have heaven in thou-art the), 
our Father who art in heaven. 

(I) Ya with nouns shows what use a thing is put to; as, de isanwaya, 
this I have for a knife; he tiyopayaya, that thou usestfor a door. 

3. When the pronouns rna, ni, and uq are used without the pro 
noun ya following, ya becomes yan; as, atemayan, he has me for father; 
ateunyanpi, our father. But when ya, thon or you, follows, the vowel is 
not nasalized; as, atemayaya, thou hast me for father ; ateunyayapi, you call 
us father. 

VERBS OF REPETITION. 

Reduplicated Verbs. 

149. 1. The reduplication of a syllable in Dakota verbs is very com 
mon. In intransitive verbs it simply indicates a repetition of the action; as, 
ipsica, to jump, ipsipsica, to hop or jump repeatedly ; iha, to laugh, ihalia, to 
laugh often. In transitive verbs it either indicates that the action is repeated 
on the same object, or that it is performed upon several objects; as, yahtaka, 
to bite, yalitahtaka, to bite often; baksa, to cut a stick in two; baksaksa, to cut 
a stick in two often, or to cut several sticks in two. Verbs of one syllable are 
rarely reduplicated. 

2. There are some verbs whose meaning almost necessarily implies a 
repetition of the action and which therefore are generally used in their re 
duplicated form; as, yuhuhuza, to shake; panini, to jog ; kapsinpsinta, to 
whip; yusiijsin, to tickle; nasuijsui), to struggle, etc. 

3. Verbs signifying to be are repeated to denote continuance; as, den 
maqka marjke, / continue to stay here; hen dukar) dukanpi, you reside there. 

150. The use of a reduplicated form of a verb in its proper place is 
very important. It is as much a violation of the rules of the Dakota lan 
guage to use a simple for the reduplicated form as to use the singular for 
the plural number. 

Verbs icith the Suffixes s a and ka. 

151. S a is suffixed to verbs to denote frequency of action or habit; 
as, yahi s a, thou comest often; iyatoijsni s a, thou dost tell lies habitually, i. e., 
thou art a liar ; wamanorj s a, one who steals often, i. e., a thief. 

152. Ka has sometimes the same signification with s a; as, waoka, 
a good hunter. But sometimes it does not produce any perceptible differ 
ence in the meaning of the verb; as, wasteda and wastedaka, to love any 
thing. 



70 DAKOTA G-KAMMAK, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

153. When the verb, to which ka or s a is suffixed, takes the plu 
ral form, the suffix usually follows the plural termination; as, waopika, 
marksmen; ecorjpi s a, doers. But in the verb da, to esteem, ka may 
either precede or follow the plural termination; as, wastedakapi and waste- 
dapika. 

SUBSTANTIVE VERBS. 

154. The verbs un, ounyan, yanka, yukan, and hiyeya, all 
signify to be, but when used, they are accompanied by other verbs, adverbs, 
participles, or prepositions, descriptive of the place or manner of being; as, 
mani waun, / am walking; ti mahen manka, / am in the house; hdciya 
yakonpi, they are there; en maun, it is in me. 

155. The verb e or ee occurs without a word descriptive of the 
mode or place of existence; but it is confined to the third person, and is 
used rather to declare the identity than the existence of a thing. This verb 
combines with the pronouns, as, hee, dee, etc. Yukan is used to de 
clare that there is, and wanica, that there is none; as, Wakantayka yukan, 
there is a God; Wakantanka wanica, there is no God. 

156. The bringing of two words together in the Dakota language 
answers all the purposes of such a copula as our substantive verb; as, 
Wakantayka waste (God good), God is good; wi khj kata (sun tin 1 hot), the 
sun is hot; de miye (this I), this is I; hena inyaq (those stones), those are 
stones ; Danikota (Dakota-thou), thon art a Dakota. 

157. From these examples it appears that there is no real necessity 
for such a connecting link between words; and accordingly we do not find 
any single verb in the Dakota language which simply predicates being. 
The Dakotas cannot say abstractly, / am, thou art, he is; but they can ex 
press all the modes and places of existence. And the verb of existence is 
understood in pronouns, nouns, and adjectives. 1 

PARTICIPLES. 
Active. 

158. 1. Active participles follow the nouns and precede the verbs 
with which they are used; as, mazakarj hduha yahi (gun having thou-come), 
thou hast come having thy gun. 

1 A. L. Riggs makes the following classification of substantive verbs : 

1. Of being or existence, as urj, yukan, yanka, etc. 

2. Of condition; with participles and adverbs of manner; as, ni un, living is; tanyaij yanka, 
(well is), is comfortable. 

3. Of place ; with prepositions and adverbs of place ; as, akau un, in on ; timahen yanka, within is. 

4. Of identity ; e or ee, with the forms hee, dee. See 155. 

5. Of classification; heca, is such,Vs, hoksidai) waste he^a, lie in i/oorf lwy : he smjktokeca 
he6a, that is a wolf. 



PARTICIPLES NOUNS. 71 

2. The objective pronouns are used with and governed by active par 
ticiples, in the same way as by verbs; as, mayuha yukarjpi (me-having 
they remain), they still retain me; niyuha yapi kta (thee-having they-go will), 
they will take thee along. 

3. Active participles are used to denote prolonged or continued action; 
as, kiksuya un, he is remembering ; Wakarjtaijka cekiya un, he is in the habit 
of praying to God ; iahar) icurjhan, whilst he was speaking. 

4. A few participles are used with the verbs from which they are de 
rived; as, manihaij mani (walking walks), that is, he walks and does not ride; 
nazinlmrj naziij (standing he stands), he gets up and stands. 

5. Two verbs together may be used as participles without a conjunc 
tion; as, c"eya pat us inazirj (weeping stooping stands), he stands stooping and 
weeping. 

Passive. 

159. 1. A verb used as a passive participle follows the noun to which 
it relates; as, taliinca kiq opi, the deer is shot. 

"2. Passive participles are used to make what may be called the passive 
form of the verb; as, ktepi, killed, niktepi kta, thou wilt be killed. 

3. They are sometimes used independently as nouns; as, ktepi kirj, 
the slain. 

NOUNS. 

POSITION. 

160. The place of the noun, whether subject or object, is before the 
verb; as, wamnaheza icaga, corn grows; mini wadiij (water I-want), I want 
water. 

Occasionally the subject comes after the verb; as, eya Wakaijtaijka, said God. 

161. When two nouns are used together, one the subject and the 
other the object of the same verb, the subject is usually placed first ( 67); 
as, tatarjka pezi yutapi (oxen grass eat), oxen eat grass; Dakota Padaiii kiij 
widaktepi (Dakota Pawnee the them-killed), the Dakotas kitted the Pawnees. 

162. 1. Of two nouns in composition or combination the noun- sus 
taining the relation of possessor always precedes the name of the thing 
possessed. See 68. 

2. There are cases where two nouns are brought together in which the 
latter may be regarded as in apposition : as, aguyapi wiconi, bread of life, or 
more properly, the bread that is life. A. L. EIGGS. 



72 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

NUMBER. 

163. The principle on which the plural termination is employed is 
that of placing it as near the end of the sentence as possible. The order 
in a Dakota sentence is, first the noun, next the adjective, and lastly the 
verb. Hence, if a noun or pronoun is used alone or has no word following 
it in the phrase, it may take the plural ending; if an adjective follows, it is 
attached to the adjective; and if a verb is used, it is attached to the verb. 

1. When nouns are used to convey a plural idea, without qualiticatives 
or predicates, they have the plural termination; as, ninapepi, thy hands; 
hena Dakotapi, those are Dakotas. 

2. When a noun which represents an animate object is to be made 
plural, and is followed by a qualificative or predicate, the sign of the plural 
is joined, not to the noun, but to the qualiticative or predicate; as, wicasta 
wastepi, good men; koska kiq liipi, the young men have arrived ; wicasta waste 
kiij hipi, the good men have arrived. 

164. The plural of nouns representing animate objects in the objec 
tive case, whether they are governed by active verbs or prepositions, is 
designated by wica following, which is prefixed to or inserted in the gov 
erning word; as, tahinda wicaktepi (deer them-ihey-Mt), they kill deer ; Da 
kota ewicatanhaij (Dakota them-from), he ts from the Dakotas. 

ADJECTIVES. 

POSITION. 

165. When the adjective is used simply as a qualifying term, it is 
placed immediately after its noun; as, wicasta waste, good man; cay sica, 
bad wood. 

The adjective ikce, common, is placed before the noun which it qualifies, but its 
derivative ikceka comes after ; as, ikce harjpa and haijpikceksi, common moccasins ; 
ikce wicasta, a common man, an Indian. The numeral adjectives, when used with caij, 
a day, are placed before; as, noijpa caij, two days, etc. 

166. When the adjective forms the predicate of a proposition, it is 
placed after the article, and after the demonstrative pronoun, if either or 
both are used; as, wicasta kirj waste, the man is good; wicasta kiq he waste, 
that man is good; taku ecanorj kiq he sica, that which thou didst is bad. 

NUMBER. 

167. Adjectives, whether qualificative or predicative, indicate the 
number of the nouns or pronouns to which they belong; as, lyyai) sapa 



ADJECTIVES. 73 

war), a black stone ; inyarj sapsapa, black stones ; tatanka kirj was aka, the ox 
is strong ; tatanka kiij was akapi, the oxen are strong. 

2. Adjectives do not take the plural form when that can be pointed out 
by the verb of which the noun is either the subject or object (see 163, 
164); as, wicasta waste he kagapi (man good that they-made), good men made 
that; Wakantarjka wicasta waste nom wicakaga (Great-Spirit men good two 
them-made), God made two good men. 

3. As the numeral adjectives after wanzi denote plurality by virtue of 
their meaning, they may be used either with or without the plural termina 
tion; as, wicasta yamni, or wicasta yamnipi, three men. 

NUMERAL ADJECTIVES. 

168. 1. Numeral adjectives used distributively take the reduplicated 
form; as, yamni, three, yamnimni, three and three, yamnimni icupi, they each 
took three, or they took three of each. 

2. Numeral adjectives are used alone to express the number of times 
an event occurs; as, yamni yahi, thou earnest three times. When a succes 
sion of acts is spoken of, the word - akihde is often used; as, topa akihde 
yakutepi, you shot four times successively. 

169. To supply the want of words like place and ways in English, 
the adverbial termination kiya is added to the numeral; as, nonpakiya 
yakorjpi, they are in two different places ; he topakiya oyakapi, that is told in 
four different ways. 

170. The Dakotas use the term lianke, one-half; but when a thing is 
divided into more than two aliquot parts they have no names for them; 
that is, they have no expressions corresponding to one-third, one-fourth, one- 
fijlh, etc. By those who have made some progress in arithmetic, this want 
is supplied by the use of onspa and the ordinal numbers; as, oijspa iyamni 
(piece third) one-third; onspa itopa (piece fourth*), one-fourth. 

The language more recently adopted is kiyuspapi, divided. So that one-fourth 
is topa kiyuspupi wanzi. A. L. R. 

PRONOMINAL ADJECTIVES. 

171. Owasiij and iyuhpa, all, sakim and napin, both, apa and hunh, 
some or a part, tonana and wanistiijna, few, a small quantity, urjma, the other, 
one of two, ota, many, much, and some others, are sometimes used as adjec 
tives qualifying nouns, and sometimes stand in the place of nouns. 

172. 1. As the adjective ota, many, much, conveys a plural idea, its 
reduplicated form onota or odota, is not used when speaking of inani- 



74 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

mate objects, except when different quantities or parcels are referred to; as, 
ota awahdi, I have brought home many or much; odota awahdi, / have brought 
home much of different kinds. 

2. When ota relates to animate objects, it may have the plural ter 
mination, but is generally used without it. When it relates to the human 
species, and no noun precedes, it has wicV prefixed; as, widota hipi, many 
persons came, or a multitude of persons came. 

3. When ota relates to a number of different companies of persons, 
it has what may be called a double plural form, made by prefixing wica 
and by reduplication; as, widokcota ahi, companies of persons have arrived. 

REPETITION AND OMISSION OF ADJECTIVES. 

173. 1. When the same thing is predicated of two or more noiins con 
nected by conjunctions, the adjective is commonly repeated with each 
noun; as, suktanka kirj waste ka canpahmihma kirj waste, the horse is good, 
and the wagon is good. 

2. But sometimes a single adjective is made to apply to all nouns by 
using a pronominal adjective or demonstrative pronoun; as, suktarjka khj 
ka canpahmihma kirj napin waste, the horse and the wagon are both good; 
wicas ta ka winoliinca kirj hena wasteste, man and woman, they are beauti 
ful; Heparj ka Hepi ka Hake, hena iyuhpa haijskapi, Hepan, and Hepi, and 
Hake, they are all tall. 

3. When two nouns are connected by the conjunction ko or koya, 
also, the adjective is only used once; as, suktarjka carjpahmihma ko sica 
(horse wagon also bad), the horse and the wagon also are bad. 

ADVERBS. 

174. Adverbs are used to qualify verbs, participles, adjectives, and 
other adverbs; and some of them may, in particular cases, be used with 
nouns and pronouns; as, iwastedarj mani, he walks slowly; sicaya hduha un, 
he is keeping it badly; nina waste, very good; kitarjna tarjyan, tolerably well; 
he darj sni (that wood not), that is not wood; tonitaijharj he (whence-thou), 
whence art thou? 

POSITION. 

175. 1. Adverbs are commonly placed before the words which they 
qualify; as, tanyarj waun, I am well; sicaya oliaijyaijpi, they do badly; nina 
waste, very good. 

2. (a) The adverbs hincV and sni follow the words which they 



ADVERBS EEDUPLTCATION. 75 

qualify; as, waste liiijca, very flood; ecorj kte hirjca, he. wishes very much to 
<to it; ecorj pi sni, they did not do it. 

(ft) The adverbs of time, kirjhaij, ca or eca, kehaij, and coli, are 
placed after the words to which they relate; as, yahi kiijhaij, when thou 
contest; warjyaka eca, when he sees it. 

3. () Interrogative adverbs commonly stand at the beginning of the 
clause or sentence; as, tokeca wowapi dawa sni he, why dost thou not 
read? 

(6) But to, a contracted form of tokeca and he, the common sign 
of interrogation, stand at the end; as, duhe sni to, why dost thou not have it? 
yahi he, hast thou arrived? 

176. Interrogative adverbs and others often prefix or insert personal 
pronouns; as, nitonakapi he, how many are there of you? tonitaijharj he, 
whence art tltou? hematarjhan, I am from that place. 

REDUPLICATION. 

177. 1. Most adverbs may make a plural form by doubling a sylla 
ble, in which case they may refer either to the subject or the object of the 
verb, and are used with verbs both in the singular and plural number ; as, 
tanyarj econ, he does it well; tar) tanyarj ecoij, he has done several things well; 
taijtaijyarj ecorjpi, they have done well. 

2. If the verb relates to the united action of individuals, the adverb is 
not reduplicated; but if the individuals are viewed as acting independently, 
the reduplicated form must be used; as, suktaijka kirj tketkeya kirj pi, the 
horses carry each a heavy load. 

3. The reduplicated form of the adverb is used when reference is had 
to different times, places, distances, etc.; as, wicasta kirj tehai) ni, the man 
lived long; wicasta kirj tehanharj nipi ece, men live long ; edadaij wahi, / 
came soon; ecadadaij wahi, / come frequently ; he harjskaya baksa wo, cut 
that long ; hena harjskaskaya baksa wo, cut those long ; askadaij eurjtipi, w.e 
encamped at a short distance; askaskadarj eurjtipi, we encamped at short dis 
tances. 

USE OP CERTAIN ADVERBS. 

178. 1. In general propositions, eca or da, when, is used with e<5e 
or cV at the end of the clause or sentence; as, waniyetu ca wapa ce, when 
it is winter it snows. 

2. The particles ece and ecee, used at the end of clauses or sen 
tences, signify frequency or habit, as; e6amorj ecee, I am accustomed to do. 



76 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

3. The particle ce, in most cases, indicates the close of a direct quo 
tation of the words of oneself or of another; as, decen ecanoij kirjharj yaiii 
kta ce, Wakarjtaijka eya ce, if thou dost thus, thou tshalt live, God said. 

4. The free adverbial particle do is used for emphasis, at the end 
of a clause or sentence, as, wahi kte do, / will come. It is used generally 
by young men, and not considered necessary by good speakers. 1 Ye is 
sometimes used in the same way by women and others. 

5. Among the free adverbial particles may be mentioned wo, we, 
yo and ye with po, pi and miye, the signs of the imperative; and 
kta and kte signs of the future. These all follow the verb. See 42 
and 43. 

179. In reply to questions which have the negative form, assent to 
the negative proposition contained in the question is expressed by harj, yes, 
and dissent by hiya, no; as, yahi kte sni he; haij, wahi kte sni, thou will 
not come, wilt thou? yes, I will not come; yahi kte sni he; hiya, wahi kta, 
thou wilt not come, wilt thouf no, I will come. If the question be put affirma 
tively, the answer is the same as in English. 

180. Tohan and kiijhaij are often used together with the same 
verb, in which case tohan precedes the verb and kirjharj follows it; as, 
tohaii yahi kirjharj mde kta, when thou comest I will go. 

181. When itokam is used in reference to time, it is often preceded 
by the adverb of negation; as, yahi sni itokam (thou-comest not before), le- 
fore thou comest. 

NEGATIVE. 

182. 1. Negation is expressed by placing after the verb, adjective, 
noun, or pronoun, the adverb sni; as, mde s,ni (I-go not), I did not go; he 
caij sni (that wood not), that is not wood. 

2. An emphatic negation is sometimes indicated by kaca, which, how 
ever, is seldom used except in contradicting what has been previously said; 
as, yao kaca, thou didst not hit it. 

3. A negative used interrogatively often implies permission; as, iyacu 
sni to (dost thou not take itf), may signify, thou mayest take it. 

183. 1. In Dakota two negatives make an affirmative; as, wanica, 
there is none; wanice sni (there-is-none not), i. e., there is some. 

"Do in Isaqyati anil Ihai)ktoi)\vai), and lo in Titoywai), seem to be equivalent to the mascu 
line oral period ha of the Omaha and Ponka, au of the Kansa, Osage, and Kwapa, ke of the Iowa, ke-i 
of the Oto, all of the Mandan, ts of the Hidatsa, and k of the Crow. Ha is seldom used by the Pouka, 
but is common among the Omaha. J. O. D. 



PREPOSITIONS. 77 

2. When two negative verbs are connected by a conjunction, the first 
may be without the sign of negation; as, kakipe <Ja iyotar) tanka sni (he- 
surpassed and more great not) lie neither surpassed nor was the greatest. 

INTERROGATIVE. 

184. 1. He is the common interrogative particle, and is placed at 
the end of the sentence; as, wicayada he, dost thou believe? 

2. When the person spoken to is at a distance, hwo, compounded of 
he and wo, is used; as, toki da hwo, whither art thou going? This last is 
not used by females. 

3. Sometimes ka is employed instead of he, as the sign of interroga 
tion; as, he taku hogai] ka, what kind offish is that? 

4. Sometimes, however, the interrogation is distinguished only by the 
tone of voice. Unlike the English, the voice falls at the close of all inter 



rogative sentences. 



ADVERBIAL INCORPORATED PARTICLES. 

185. As has been stated ( 34), by means of adverbial particles, large 
classes of active verbs are formed from verbal roots and adjectives. There 
are ba, bo, ka, iia, pa, ya, and yu, with the possessive forms hd, 
kd, and gl, which are prefixed or agglutinated. See the Verb Paradigm. 

PREPOSITIONS. 

186. Prepositions are placed after the nouns which they govern, and 
so are properly post-positions. 

(a) Some are written as separate words ( 89) ; as, maka kirj akan, on 
the earth; tipi icahda, by the house; conkaske ekta, at the garrison. In this 
ease plurality of the noun is expressed by wica incorporated into the 
preposition; as, tatanka kiq wicikiyedaij (ox the them-near-to), near to the 
oxen; Dakota ewicatanhan, from the Dakotas. 

(ft) Other prepositions are suffixed to nouns ( 91); as, tintata, on the 
prairie; magata at the field; carjyata, at the woods. 

(c) And others are prefixed to the following verb ( 92); as, amani, 
to ivalk on; icekiya, to pray for. 

2. (a) Pronouns governed by a preposition are sometimes prefixed to 
it, in which case those prepositions which have i for their initial letter 
cause an elision of the last vowel of the pronoun; as ikiyedai), near to; 
mikiyedan, near to me; itehaij, far from; nitehan, far from thee. If the pro- 



78 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

noun is plural, the plural termination is attached to the preposition; as, 
unketanhanpi, from us. 

(6) Sometimes the pronoun is inserted in the preposition, if the latter 
consists of more than two syllables; as, enitarjhaij, from (lire. 

(c) And sometimes it is contained in the following verb; as, en man, 
Tie is coming to me; ekta niipi, they went to you. 

187. Of the two prepositions kicV and om, both meaning- with, the 
former governs singular and the latter plural nouns; as, he kici mde kta, / 
trill go with him; hena om mde kta, I will go with tlicm. 

188. 1. The names of the natural divisions of time, when they refer 
to the past, terminate in han, and when to the future, in tu; as, weluuj, 
last spring; wetu, next spring. 

The termination tu or etu, in.waniyetn, mdoketu, ptaijyetu, wetu, haijyetu, 
aijpetu, litayetu, etc., may have been orignally a preposition, signifying, as it still 
does in other cases, at or in; and the termination haij, in wanihaij, wehaij, mdoke- 
haij, ptiijhan, etc., is probably the adverbial ending. 

2. The preposition i prefixed to the natural divisions of time signifies 
the next after ; as, iwetu, the spring following; imdoketu, the next summer; 
ihanhanua, the next morning. 

CONJUNCTIONS. 

189. 1. Conjunctions commonly stand between the words or sentences 
which they connect; as, mahpiya ka maka, heaven and earth; warjciyaka 
tuka iyeciciye sni, I saw thee but I did not recognize thee; ecorj vasi esta 
ecorj kte sni (do thou-told although, do will not), although thou told him to do it, 
he will not. 

2. But the conjunctions ko or koya and ahna are placed after the 
words they connect; as, c"anka wanhi ko mduha (fire-steel flint also I have), 
I-have flint and steel ; mahpiya maka alma kaga, he made heaven and earth. 

190. Urjkan and ka both signify and, but they are used somewhat 
differently, ka denoting a closer connection than mjkarj. 

1. When two or more verbs having the same nominative are connected 
by a copulative conjunction, ka is commonly used; as, ekta wai ka 
warjmdaka, / went and saw. But if a new nominative is introduced, 
unkarj will be required; as, ekta wai unkarj waijmayakapi, 7 went there 
and they saw me. 

2. When after a period the sentence begins with a conjunction, ka is 
not used unless the sentence is closely connected with the preceding one. 



CON JD IN CTIONS INTERJECTIONS. 79 

3. Uijkarj never connects single nouns or adjectives, ka and ko 
being used for that purpose; as, waste ka ksapa, good and wise; car) mini 
ko, wood and water. 

For the use of the conjunctions kiijhaij, uijkaij.s, and tuka, see 133. 

$ 191. The words echj and nakaes, although more properly adverbs, 
often supply the place of conjunctions; as, he waku, echj makida, I gave 
that to him because he asked me for it; he tewahinda, nakaes hecedaij niduha, 
/ refused that because it was the only one I had. 

192. The idea conveyed by the conjunction than can not be expressed 
in Dakota directly. Such a phrase as, "It is better for me to die than to 
live," may indeed be rendered by an awkward periphrasis in several ways; 
as, mate cirj he waste ka wani kirj he sica, for me to die is good, and to live is 
bad; wani kirj he waste esta mate cirj he iyotarj waste, although it is (food for 
me to live, it is more good for me to die; or, mate kte cirj he waste ka wani 
kte cirj he sica, that I should die is good, and that I- should live is bad. 

193. The conjunction or is represented by ka is; but the sentences 
in which it is introduced have not the same brevity as in English; as, / do 
not know whether fie is there or not, hen urj is ka is hen urj sni, uijma tukte 
iyecetu sdonwaye sni (there is or there is not, which of the two I know not^; 
Is that a horse or an ox? he suktaijka ka is tatanka uijma tukte hecetu he 
(that horse or ox, which of the two) ? 

INTERJECTIONS. 

194. Some interjections have no connexion with other words, while 
others are used only as a part of a sentence. When connected with other 
words, interjections usually stand at the beginning of the phrase. Consid 
erable knowledge of their use is necessary to enable one to understand the 
language well, as the interjections not only serve to indicate the feelings of 
the speaker, but often materially modify the meaning of a sentence; as, 
hehehe, didita oij mate kta, oh! I shall die of heat ; "Wiconi kirj iho hee; 
wiconi kirj he wicasta iyozarjzaij kirj iho hee" (Life the lo! that is; life the 
that man light the lo! that is), John i, 4. 



DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 



PART SECOND. 



TEXTS. 



81 

710;-) VOL IX ti 






TEXTS. 



WICA^HPI HI^HPAYA; OR, THE FALLEN STAR. 



WRITTEN ix DAKOTA BY MICHEL RENVILLE. 



Ovate waij kaken tipi; injkaij wiuohhjca nom tarjkan waijkapi; uijkarj 

People one so lived ; and women two out-doors lay ; and 

wicarjlipi kiij iyega waijyakapi. Urjkarj irjyuij uijinaij lieya: Iceparjsi, ito 

stars the shining saw. And behold the-one this said: Cousin lo 

wicaijlipi waij iyege lica e yarjke chj he hihnawaya yes, eya, Uijkarj 

star one shines very afore- is the that, husband I-have oh- s"he And 

said that! said. 

uijuui kiij is; Mis ito ka wicaijlipi waij kitaijna iyehya yarjke cirj he 

other the she; I lo that star one little shining is the that 

hilmawaye ces, eya. Urjkaij ihnuhaijna napiii ekta awicakipi, keyapi. 

husband I have oh she And suddenly both thither they were taken they say. 

that! said. 

Makoce war) waste hirjca hoksicekpa ozuzuya namdaye waste waijka 

Country one good very twin-flowers full blooming beautiful were 

e ekta uijpi. Uijkaij wicaijhpi warj niua iyege cikorj he wicasta taijka; 

that in they-were. And star one much shining the that man large, 

ka uijnia koij he koska, keyapi. Hecen kinukarjyarj hihna wicayapi. 

and other the that young-man, they say. So one-and-the-other husband them-had. 

[aforesaid] 

Urjkaij urjma warjna ihdusaka. Makoce kiij tipsiijna ota hu. wasteste. 

And one now with-child. Country the Fomme blanche many stalks beautiful. 

Hecen wirjyaij koij warjzi bopte kta kes hiknaku kirj tehiijda: Ustarj wo, 

So woman the one dig would although husband-has the forbid: Stop 

tuwedaij deci liecoij sni ce, eya ece. Urjkaij ilidaka aye ca etipi. Uijkarj 

no-one here that does not he-said always. And moving went and camped. And 

wirjyaij ihdusake wakeya iticage ca timahen piye kta e timahen hiyu, uijkarj 

woman with child tent pitched and inside fix-up would house-inside came, and 

tipsiijna war) hu taijka waste e aiticaga; urjkarj, Ito. de waka ke, ecirj; 

I omtne blanche one stalk large beautiful that over it tent and Lo this I dig will, she 

pitched : thought ; 

etarjhaij tuwe warjmayake c"a, ecirj, ka horjpe icu ka bopte ca iyupta icu; 

for who me-st-e will ? she thought, and digger took and dug-it and pulfed-it-out; 

icurjhaij makoce yiiohdog iyeya ka olma hiyu, ka inaka kirj ekta tezi kamdas 

in the country opened " out and from came, and earth the to belly burst 

meantime 

83 



84 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY, 

hinhpaya keyapi. Hecen winohirjc a korj e t a > tuka hoksiyokopa e te sni 

she-fcir they say. So t woman the that died, but cfiild that died not 

[aforesaid] 

nagangata wanka. Wicahrrjca wag en hi; hoksiyopa kir) icu ka itpihnake 

kicking lay. Old-man oue there came; child the took and placed in bosom 

Qa tiyataki, ka heya: Wakarjka, taku war) waijnidaka urjkaij carjte masice 

and came home, and this said: Old woman, something one I saw and heart nic-bad 

do, eya. Urjkaij tawicu kir), He taku he, eya: Urjkaij winohin6a war) tezi 

he said. And his wife the, That what ? she said. And woman one belly 

kamdas ta warjka; injkarj hoksiyopa war) nagangata wanke, ahna wicana 

bursted died lay ; and child one kicking lay also boy 

tuka ce, eya. Wicahinca, tokeca ayaku sni he, eya, Unkarj, Dee do, eya 

but he said. Old man, why you bring not t she said. And, This is it . he saiil 

home 

Qa itpi tarjhaij icu. Unkarj tawicu kirj heya: Wicahirjca, ito de icahiujye 

and bosom from took. And his wife the this said : Old man, now this we-raise" 

es, eya. Urjkaij wicahirjca korj heya: Wakaijka, ti ahmihbeunye kta ce, 

oh-that! she-said. And old man the this said: Old woman, house around-we-roll will , 

[aforesaid] 

eye, (;a ticeska kirj ohiia kohoya iyeya. Urjkarj ahmihmarj-hiyaye ca 

he* said, and tent-top the through he tossed *it up. And whirling around he went and 

hhjhpaya. Unkaij sdohaqhaij tin hiyu. Tuka ake icu ka tide olma kahoya 

fell down. And creeping house in he But again he and smoke through he tossed 

came. took hole 

iyeya. Urjkaq hehan mani tin hiyu. Tuka ake icu ka ecen iyeya. Unkaij 

"^itup. And then walking house in came. But again he took and so threw it. And 

hehan hoksina war) cansakana keya yuha tin hiyu ka, TuqkagSina, dena 

then boy one green sticks even having house in camo and, Grandfather, the.se 

waijhiijkpe niicaga ye, eya. Tuka ake icu ka ecen iyeya, urjkaij hehan 

arrows make-me, he said. But again he took and so threw, and then 

toki iyaya tanirj sni; urjkarj koska way carjsaka keya yuha tin hiyu; ka, 

where he went manifest not; and young man one green sticks even having house in came; and. 

Dena, turjkaijsma, niicaga wo, eya. Hecen waijhiijkpe ota kicaga. Hecen 

These, grandfather, make me, he said. So arrows many made for him. So 

pte ota wicao ca wakeya warj taijka icicagaj)i, ka catku kin en waijkan 

buffalo many them-shot when tnt one large made for and back-part the in high 

themselves, 

ohehdekiyapi, iiina Avasecapi. 

bed-they-placed, very rich-were. 

Unkarj wicaliinca kir) heye: Wakanka, tanyaij rujyakorj e imdnskirj 

And old man the this said : Old woman well we-are that I-glad-am 

de, ito eyajjwapaha kte do, eye, Qa haijhaijna hirj tice iijkpata iyotaijka ca 

, lo! I proclaim will , he said, and morning very house top-at he sat aiid 

comb 

heya: Miye tazu watorj, tasiyaka siij mdadopa, eya. Urjkarj he Tasiya- 

thissaid: I laid-up I have. big-gut fat I chew, he-said. And this meadow 

kapopo hee keyapi : Zitkana warj tasiyakapopo eciyapi kiij hee ; inaku zi 

lark that-is they say: bird one meadow lark named the that is; breast yel 

low 

ka cokaya sape ciij he arjpao zi kir) he tataijka he sdusduta e inayiij 

and middle black the that morning yellow the that buffalo horn smooth that collar-has 

keyapi. 

they say. 

Hehan koska korj heye : Turjkarjsina, ito omawanini kta 6e, eya. 

Then young man the this said : Grandfather, lo ! I walking will , he said, 

[aforesaid] 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 85 

Urjkaij wicahhjca kiij heya: Ho, takoza, koska eca oyate ecen wawaijyag 

And old-man the thin said: Yes, grandchild, young man when people so to see 

omani ce, eya keyapi. 

walks always, hataid, they say. 

Unkarj hecen koska korj iyaye ca oyate war) tipi en i ; urjkarj irjyurj 

And so young man the went ami people one living there came; and behold 

[aforesaid] 

carjhdeska kutepi en, i. Unkarj koskana way en wawarjyaka, keyapi. 

hoop shooting there came. And young man one thither looking-on, they said. 

Hecen en inazhj, ka, Ito kicuwa kici wawanmdake kta, eya. Hecen kici 

So there he stood, and, Lo ! my friend with I-look-on will he said. So with 

nazhj. Uijkaij lieye : Kicuwa, yati ekta unhde kta, eya. Hecen kici hda 

he-stood. And tlns said : Friend, your home to we go home will, lie said. So with went- 

(dual) home 

ka kici ki. Unkaij lie kunsitku icahya heca, heden kurjkisitku kidi ti en 

and with arrived. And that grandmother his raised uch, no grandmother his with lived there 

i, keyapi. 

came, they say. 

Unkar), Uijci, kicuwa kici wahdi ce, taku yute kta ikihni ye, eya. 

And, Grand- my friend with I come home , what eat will that [please], he 

mother provide said. 

Urjkaij kurjkisitku khj heya : Takoza, token waliarj kta he, eya. Urjkaij 

And grandmother his the this said: Grandchild liow I do will 1 she said. And 

koska uijma koij heya: Toketu hwo uncina, eya. Uijkarj, Oyate kirj de 

young man other the this said : How is it ? grandmother, hesaid. And, People the this 

[aforesaid] 

wanna ipuza wicate kta ce, eya ; tuwe mini huwe-i kes hdi sni e<5ee, eya. 

now thirsty they die will , she said ; who water goes-for although come not always, she 

home said. 

Unkar), Kicuwa cega icu wo, mini huwe unye kta ce, eya. Unkaij, Takoza 

And Friend kettle take thou water for we go will , hesaid. And My grand 

child 

kitarj icahwaye cikon! eya. Taku sni-sni ikoyapa, eye, ya hecen kici ye Qa 

hardly I raised in the past! she said. What not-not you fear. he said, and so with went and 

mde kahda inaziijpi. Uijkai) mini kir) kahda wakiskokpa mini ozugzudai) 

lake by they stood. And water the by troughs water each full 

hi y eya. Unkar) tuwe mini huwe hi ca taku e yakte ece keyapi korj 

stoou. And who water to get comes when what that you kill always they say the 

[comes for] [afore- 

said] 

toki idada hwo, de mini huwe wahi do, eya. 

where have you ? this water to get 1 come . he said, 
gone [I come for] 

Unkar) ihnuhaijna toki iyayapi tanirj sni; hecen inyuij ti harjska war) 

And suddenly whither they^went manifest not; so behold! house long one 

kakiyotarjna iyeya, ohna koska ka wikoska ozuna hiyeya: warjna apa tapi 

in this direction lay, in young and maidens full were: now some dead 



men 



ka apa te icakisya hiyeya, en opeya ipi. Unkan, Dena token dukarjpi he, 

a nd some to suffering were, in together they And, These how are-you-here ? 



ng 
die 



eya. Urjkan, Taku yaka he; dena mini huwe urjhipi lies, taku warj 

he said. And, What you mean ? these water to bring we came although, some- one 

thing 



naunpcapi ecee ce, eyapi, keyapi. 

us-swallowea always , they said, they say. 



Urjkarj koska korj pa kirj en taku iyapapa yanka. Urjkarj, De taku he, 

And young men the head the in some- striking was And, This what ? 

[aforesaid] thing [sitting]. 



86 DAKOTA GHAMMAK, TEXTS, AND ETHKOGKAPHY. 

eya. Unkarj, Harjta, he carjte ee ce, eyapi. Urjkarj he hecen isarj ehdaku 

he said. And Get-away that heart is , they said. And he BO knife hi*. took 

ka baspuspu yarjka. Urjkaij ilmuharjna taku nina ham hhjhda ; iiykan he 

and cut-to-pieces was [sitting]. And suddenly what very made a noise; aud that 

tanmahen tarjka e liena nawicapce, tuka cante kiij baspupi nakaes ohna ta 

body inside large that those them-gwallowed, but lieart the cut-up indeed in dead 

kin ekta hi \a, keyapi. Hecen cu\xi kirj pahdoke ca koska wikoska ko 

the at come dead, they say. Hence side the punehed and young men maidens also 

om hdicu. 

with came out. 
them 

Urjkarj oyate kirj nina pidawicaya e hecen wikoska nom kupi. Tuka, 

And people the much glad-them-he-made that hence maidens two gave him. But, 

Ohinni omaniyaij waurj e hecen kicuwa iye wicayuze kta ce, eya, ka 

Always journeying I am that so my friend he them take will , he said, and 

koskana korj napiu ku. Uijkarj hecen hocokam wakeya way iticagapi ka 

young man the both gave. And so in-the-court tent one pitched-for, and 

[aforesaid) 

hoksina korj kurjksitku kici akiyuha en awicakipi. Wikoska noijpa korj hena 

boy the grandmother his with bearing them them brought. Young women two the those 

[aforesaid] [aforesaid] 

om en ahitipi. 

with in they moved. 

Hecen koka korj ake itoopteya iyaya keyapi. Urjkarj wanna ake 

Then young man the again onward went they say. And now again 

koskana war) maiiiu nazii) caqhdeska kutepi. Uykarj wawanyaka haij 

young man a outside stood hoop shooting. And looking-on standing 

en i ka heya : Ito, kicuwa kici wawarjmdake kta eye, va kici nazin. Uykaij 

in he and this-said: Lo, friend with I-look-on will he said, and with stood. Aud 

came 

heye : Kicuwa, unlide kta ce, eye ca kici ki. Ka, Uncina, kicuwa kici wahdi 

this-he- Friend, we-go home will he-said, and with came. Aud, Grandmother, my friend witli I coine 

said : (dual) home. home. 

<5e, takuij ikihni iiayka wo, eya Tuka kuijksitkuna kiy, Token wahay kte 

something hunting up be thou he-said. But grandmother liis the, How I-do will 

e heha he, eya, Uijkay, toketu he, eya, Urjkai), Oyate kiy de waijna 

this you say ! she said. And, How is it ! he said. And, People the this now 

car) orj wicatakunisni ce, eya ; tuwe cay kiij i ke.s tohiijni hdi sni, eya. 

wootl for they perish she-said; who wood to-carry goes if at any time come home not. she 

said. 

Urjkaij, Kicuwa, hinska icu wo, cay kirj urjye kta ce, eya. Urjkarj 

Aud, Friend, strap take, wood to-carry we-go will , he said. And 

wakarjkana kiy, Takus kitaqna icahwaye cikon, eya. Tuka, Wakanka is 

old woman the, Grandchild hardly I-raised in the past, she said. But, Old woman that 

de takusnisni ikoyapica : heye <Ja koskana koij kici iyaye ca heye : Carj 

this trifles you afraid-of : this said aud youug man the with went and this said: AVood 

aforesaid 

kin mda ce, tuwe yacinpi kirjhaij u po. Eyaya urjkan, Kpska way tokiya- 

to-carry I-go, who you wish if come ye. They went and, young mau a somewhere 

tarjharj hi ka heya ce eyapi, ka ihakamya eyaye. Wanna cay kiy en ipi, 

from come aud this said they said, and after they went. Now wood the in they 



came. 



urjkarj car) kirj ikarjtorj hiyeya e hecen oyate korj hetaijhaij ahdiyakupi 

and wood the tied-up fay, that so people the that from started home with 

tuka, iye en uazirj ka, Tuwe caij kiij den hi ca, taku yakte keyapi koy 

but. hr there stood and, Who wood the here comes when, what \ mi 1, ill they say the 

aforesaid 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 87 

toki idada hwo, eya. Urjkarj ihnuhanna toki iyaya tarjirj sni. Hecen 

where you have gone > he said. And suddenly where heWd gone manifest not. So 

irjvun, wakeya warj ohna decen koska wikoska ko, apa wotapi ka apa ni 

Ix-luild tent a in thus young men maidens also, some eating and some alive 

hiyeya e apeya yarjka. Urjkarj, Dena token dukarjpi he, eya. Urjkarj, 

were waiting were. And, These how are you 1 he said. And, 

Taku yaka he; dena carj kiij urjhipi kes taku deden urjkahdipi ecee; nis 

What you mean ? these wood to carry we came although some- thus us brought home always; you 

thing 

eya nitakunisni ce, eyapi. Unkarj heyata etorjwarj urjkarj irjyurj, ohdoka 

also you-are-destroyed , they said. And behind looked and behold hole 

way decen hiyeya. Urjkarj, De taku lie, eya. Urjkarj, Ustarj, he taku kirj 

a so was. And, This what 1 he said. And, Stop, that what the 

hee ce, eyapi. Tuka waijhinkpe ikikcu ka okatkatarjyarj. Urjkarj wakeya kir) 

that is, they said. But arrow Ms-took and transfixed it. And tent the 

ilmuharjria kazamni iyaya. Unkar) he hirjyarjkaga e noge awicayuhmuza 

suddenly opened went. And that owl s that ear them shut up 

keyapi. Hecen kte nakaes noge kirj namdaya iyaya. Hecen, Koska 

they say. Thus killed indeed ear the opened out went. So, Young men 

wikoska kirj owasirj tarjkan ku po, eye, <Ja om hdi<5u, keyapi. 

maidens the all . out come ye, he said, and with started out, they say. 

them 

Unkar) ake witansna urj nom kupi. Tuka ake, Kicuwa iye napin 

And again maidens were two gave him. But again, My-friend he both 

wicayuze kta ce, eya. Hecen hoksina korj kurjksitkuua kici ka wirjyarj kirj 

them take will he said. So boy the grandmother his with and women the 

aforesaid 

napin om hocokam wakeya war) ohna ewicahnakapi. 

both together in the middle tent a in they placed them. 

Hecen ake itoopta iyaya. Ake oyate warj tipi war) en i, unkarj ake 

So again forward he went. Again people a dwelling a in came, and again 

carjhdeska kutepi, urjkarj koskana wawanyaka harj e en inazirj. Ka, Ito, 

hoop shooting, and young man looking on standing there stood. And, Lo, 

kicuwa kici wawarjmdake kta, eye a kici inazirj. Urjkarj heye: Kicuwa, 

my friend with I look-on will, he said and with he stood. And this-said: My friend, 

mjhde kta ce, eya, urjkaij kici ki. Urjkarj ake he kurjkisitku icaliya heca. 

we-go- will he-said, and with he- And again that grandmother his raised such, 

home went-home. 

Urjkaij, Urjciria, kicuwa kici wahdi ce, takurj ikihni naka wo, eya. Unkan, 

And, Grandmother, my Iriend with I come home, something hunt thou for him, he said. And, 

Taku tukten iwacu kta e heha he, eya. Unkarj, Urjcina toka e heha he, 

What whence I-take will that you say ? she said. And, Grandmother why that you say f 

eya. Urjkaij, Waziya warj de oyate kirj teliiya wicakuwa 6e, pte opi 

he said. And, Waziya a this people the hardly them treats , buffalo kill 

kes owasirj icu, ka warjna akiliarj wicate kta, eya. Urjkaij, Urjcina ektaye 

although all he-takes, and now starving they die will, she said. And, Grandmother there go 

Qa, Mitakoza icimani hi tuka takuna yute sni e uinasi <5e, eya wo, eya. 

and, My grandchild travelling has but nothing eats not so me sent say thou, he said. 

come, 

Hec"en wakanka iyaye a iteharjyaij inazin, ka, Waziya, mitakoza icimani 

. So -old woman went and afar oft stood, and, Waziya, my grandchild travelling 

hi, tuka takuna yute sni e umasi ye, eya. Tuka, Wakarjka sida ekta 

has but nothing eats not so me-sent she said. But, Old woman had to 

come 

kihda wo, de taku yaka he, eya. Heden wakanka ceya hdi, ka takuya ke 

go-home, this what you mean 1 he said. So old woman crying came and friends meant, 

home 



88 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

<?a, Waziya makate kta, keya ce, eya Urjkarj, Kicuwa, ikaij icu wo, ekta 

and. Waziya kill for me would, he said she said. And, My friend strap take, thither 

unye kta ce, eya. Uijkarj, Takus kitaij icaliwaye cikoij ! Urjcina de 

we go will , ho said. And. My-grand- hardly I have raised in the past Grand this 

(dual) child mother 

wikopapake, eye (;a heceii iyayapi; ka Waziya ti on ipi ka waconica 

much afraid. he said, and so they went; and Waziya house to they and dried meat 

came, 

tan kan hiyeya e hecen takodaku kiij toua okihi kiij kiye (-a ahdiyakukiye 

without hung that so friend his the many as able to carry raniiiil and sent hi ni home with it 

ca iye e Waziya ti kirj en i, ka, Waziya he tokae uijcina den uwasi urjkarj 

and ue him- Waziya house the in went, and, Waziya this why grand- here I sent and 

self mother 

heha eya. Tuka Waziya ite tokeca yanke. Urjkaij caga itazipa way 

thin you he said. But Waziya face different was. And ice bow a 

said. 

otkeya yanke. Urjkarj, Waziya, de token yalmakeca he, eya. Urjkarj, 

hanging up * was. And, Waziya. this how * you place away . he said. And, 

Ustarj wo, he tuwe yutarj ca isto ayuwega ce, eya. Urjkarj, Ito, isto 

.Stop thou that who touches when arm on-it-hreaks , he said. And, Lo! arm 

amduwega ke eye ga caga itazipe koij snayeh yunid>n iyeya, ka, hecen 

I-break-on-it, will he said, and ice bow the (mapping broke went, and, so 

lidicu. 

he came home. 

Ka harjhaijna urjkarj wanna ake ovate kiij wanase aye (-a warjna pte 

And morning then now again people the buffalo hunting went and now buffalo 

kiij ota opi. Urjkarj wanna ake owonase kirj iyaza tona opi kiij owasiij 

the many shot. And now again surroui.d the through many killed the all 

pahi ecee ka ikpihnaka an. Uijkarj koska warj he hi koy pte war) cepa 

gathered-up and placed in blanket brought. And young man a that came the cow a fat 

apata, Unkarj Waziya pte kirj ikpihnag u koij en hinaxiij, ka heya: De 

dressed. And Waziya cows the putting in belt came the there coming utood, and this said: Thia 

tuwe pata he, eya. Unkarj, Miye wapata do, eya. Uijkai) Waziya heye: 

who dressed ? he said. And, I I-dressed , he said. And Waziya this said: 

Koska korj he ke (;a, Wicanhpi hiyhpaya, de tokiyatarjharj wanicage ca e 

Young man the that meant and. Star Fallen, this from whence have you grown . that 

decehiij wahaijnicida he, eya, Urjkarj is, Waziya, nis de tokiyataijhaij 

so that thus you boast yourself ? he said. And he, Waziya, yon this from whence 

wanicage ca e wal iaijnicida he, eya, Unkarj Waziya heya: Wicarjlipi 

you-grow-up ? that you boast yourself ? he said. And Waziya this said: Star 

hirjhpaya, tuwe napainapazo eca ta ecee do, eya, Uijkaij, Ito, napawapazo 

Fallen," who finger me points to when dies alwa.is , he said. And Well, finger I point 

ke eca mate ca, eye <Ja napapazo, tuka tokeca sni. llqkaij liehaij is heya: 

will when I-die, J he said and hand showed, but different not. And then he this said: 

Waziya, tuwe napainapazo eca nape kiij naiheyaya iyeya ecee do, eya. 

Waziya, who finger me points to when hand th*- paralyzed becomes always , he said. 

Urjkarj, Ito, napawapazo ke, ito eca naiheyaya iyemayica, eye, <Ja ecorj, 

And, Well, I point finger will, lo there paralyzed make me. he said, and did it, 

tuka nape korj ispa kirj hehaijyarj naiheyaya iyeya, Unkaij ake unma 

but hand the lower arm the so far paralyzed" was. And again other 

eciyataijharj ecoij tuka ake ispa kiij liehanyarj naiheyaya iyeya. Hecen 

from did-it, but again lowerarm the so-far destroyed was. So 

Wicanhpi hinhpaya isarj ehdaku ka Waziya sina abapote; hecen j)te 

Star Fallen * knife his-took and Waziya blanket cut up: hence buffalo 

ikpihnag uij kiij owasirj kadada. Heden oyate kiij hewidakiye: Detaijharj 

in-blanket was the all fell out. . So that people the this-them-said to: Henceforth 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 89 

patapi ka ahda po, eye. Heceii oyate kiij wapatapi ka tado iharjpi ka tiyata 

dress ami carry ye home, he said. So people the dressed and meat prepared and houses to 

ahdi. Ka haijlianua uijkaij heyapi: Waziya sina abapotapi korj waijna 

brought And neit morning and this was said: Waziya blanket cut-up- was the now 

home. aforesaid 

tawicu khj kagege yustaij e hdatata kta ce, eyapi. Waziyata itohe inazhj 

wife-his the sewing up finished that he shake will. they said. North-to facing standing 

his own 

katata e hecen waziyata tanhaij tate uye ca wa kiij wakeya kiij hiijskokeca 

he shook that so north from wind came ami snow the tents the so far around 

hiijlipaye (;a oyate kiij owashj wa mahen eyaye, ca wicanihiijciye <;a heyapi: 

fell ~ and people the all snow under went, and they were troubled and this said: 

Toketuya ke<?as hi uijyakoijpi korj; koska waij token haij ka waijna 

In some way even living we were in the past ; young man a how does and now 

uijtakunipi sni, eyapi. 

we perish, they said. 

Unkaij, Uijcina, icadu waijzi omakide wo, eya. Uijkaij hecen wa mahen 

And, Grandmother, wing oue hunt thou for me he said. And so snow under 



cagkuyapi: Mitakoza heya ce, icadu wanzi da ce, eya e hecen iho toketu 

road made: My grand child this says , wing one he asks , she that so behold how is it 

said, 

keye ca ce, eyapi; ka waijzi kupi. Uijkaij tice khj iwaijkatn wa kiij iyaye 

he says that ? , they said ; and one they gave. And tent top the above snow the went 

nakaes, wa pahdogye <?a ticeska kiq akan iyotaijke ca itokah itoheya iyotay 

indeed, snow punched and tent-U>p the on he-sat and south towards most 

icadn korj, heoi] ihdadu yanka, unkarj itokaga taijhaij tatahiyuye ^a odidita 

blowed the, therefore fanning was, and south from wind-brought and heat 

himself 

tayka, ka wa kiij mini ipiga akastaqpi kiq hecen iyaya, ka skaij iyaye ya 

great, an;l snow the water boiling - thrown-on the so went, and melted went, and 

maka kiij owaijca po icu, ka hecen Waziya tawicn ciijca ko om didita tapi. 

earth the all over tog took, and so Waziya wife his children also together heat of died. 

Tuka Waziya cinca hakaktana nige sdana he tosn huta opal idi kirj ohna 

But Waziya child. youngest belly bare that tent pole bottom hole the in 

ohewaijke ciij heci onapena ka he nina 015 etarjhaij dehaij Waziya yuke ciij 

frost the there took refuge and that little wherefore now Waziya is the 

one lived 

hececa, keyapi. Hecen ohuijkakaij kiij de, Wicaqhpi Ilirjhpaya eciyapi. 

that sort, they say. So myth the this. Star Fallen is called. 



NOTES. 

1. The use of the definite article "kiij" or "6itj i? with the demonstratives "he" 
and "de" with their plurals is noticeable. "Kin he" and "kin de" have been ren 
dered "the that" and "the this." Sometimes they are equivalent to only "that" and 
"this," as, wicasta kiij de, this man; at other times they are equivalent to "that 
which" or "what;" as, Wk aijHpi yanke <5in he, that star which is. 

2. Attention is called to the almost uniform repeating of the verb "say" in dia 
logues; that is, both before and after the thing said. Before the words said, the form 
is " heya," which is compounded of " he " and " eya," that said. It might be " hec en 
eya," thus said. Then at the close of the words spoken comes in "eya" again, which 
to us seems superfluous. But it serves to close up and finish oft 1 the expression, and 
is helpful to a good understanding of the matter. 

3. It is commonly affirmed, and admitted in good part, that Indian languages 
have no substantive verbs; that is, there is no one which corresponds exactly with the 



90 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

verb "to be." But in the Dakota language tbere are several ways of expressing it. 
One that appears frequently in these myths is in, dee, hee, ee, tfee, and ecee; the last 
"e" is the verb of existence; " this is it," or, more pmperly, "this is," "that is," 1 "it 
is." In 6ee and ecee the idea is that of continuance. Heya ecee, he was saying that; 
that is, he repeated it; he kept on saying it. So also the verb "uij," when it can be 
used, corresponds to our verb "to be." But the use of "uij" is limited. Then we 
have "yaijke" and "waijke," which have reference to piace as well as being. But still 
it remains true that in many cases the Dakotas do not need a substantive verb; lam 
good they can express by the pronoun and adjective alone, "ma- waste." 

4. The study of these Dakota myths has greatly strengthened my former impres 
sions of the necessity of the supernatural. In this myth the deliverer of the people is 
"star-born." In the Badger and Bear myth the deliverer is created by mysterious 
power. But everywhere and always the supernatural is recognized. The bad forces, 
whether the nameless, shapeless thing that swallowed them all up that went for water, 
or the mythic owl s ear that covered them all in when they went for wood, or the more 
powerful and tangible force, the north-god, all these and others must be met and con 
quered by the supernatural. So the incarnation of selfishness and meanness, imper 
sonated in Gray Bear, must be overcome and killed by the mysterious born. 

TRANSLATION. 

A people had this camp ; and there were two women lying out of doors and looking 
up to the shining stars. One of them said to the other, " 1 wish that very large and 
bright shining star was my husband." The other said, " I wish that star that shines 
less brightly were my husband." Whereupon they say both were immediately taken 
up. They found themselves in a beautiful country, which was full of beautiful twin 
flowers. They found that the star which shone most brightly was a large man, while 
the other was only a young man. So they each had a husband ; and one became with 
child. In that country the teepsinna, 2 with large, beautiful stalks, were abundant. 
The wife of the large star wanted to dig them, but her husband forbade it, saying 
" No one does so here." 

Then the encampment moved; and the woman with child, when she had pitched 
her tent and came inside to lay the mats, etc., saw there a beautiful teepsinna, and she 
said to herself, " I will dig this no one will see it." So she took her digging stick 
and dug the teepsinna. When she pulled it out immediately the country opened out 
and she came through, and falling down to the earth, they say, her belly burst open. 
And so the woman died; but the child did not die, but lay there stretched out. 

An old man came that way, and seeing the child alive took it up, put it in his 
blanket, and went home. When he arrived he said, "Old woman, 1 saw something 
to day that made my heart feel badly." " What was it?" said his wife. And he 
replied, "A woman lay dead with her belly bursted, and a little boy child lay there 
kicking." "Why did you not bring it home, old man?" she said. He answered, 
" Here it is," and took it out of his blanket. His wife said, " Old man, let us raise 

As the author has said in another part of this volume, "e" predicates identity rather than ex 
istence. Ami this is the case in the cognate languages : e in <egiha, are in x^iwere, and he re or ere 
in Winnebago, should bo rendered "the aforesaid," "the foregoing." etc. J. <>. i>. 

Tipsiijna, the faoralea esculenta (Pursh), the Pomme btanche of the French Canadians. J. o. D. 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 91 

this child." "We will swing it around the tent," the old man said, and whirled it 
up through the smoke hole. It went whirling around and fell down, and then came 
creeping into the tent. But again he took it and threw it up through the top of the 
tent. Then it got up and came into the tent walking. Again the old man whirled 
him out, and then he came in a boy with some green sticks, and said, " Grandfather, 
I wish you would make me arrows." But again the old man whirled him out, and 
where he went was not manifest. This time he came into the tent a young man, and 
having green sticks. " Grandfather, make me arrows of these," he said. So the old 
man made him arrows, and he killed a great many buffalo, and they made a large 
tepee and built up a high sleeping place in the back part, and they were very rich 
in dried meat. 

Then the old man said, " Old woman, I ain glad we are well off; I will proclaim it 
abroad." And so when the morning came he went up to the top of the house and sat, 
and said, " I, I have abundance laid up. The fat of the big guts 1 chew." And they say 
that was the origin of the meadow lark, a bird which is called tasiyakapopo. 1 It has 
a yellow breast and black in the middle, which is the yellow of the morning, and they 
iay the black stripe is made by a smooth buffalo horn worn for a necklace. 

Then the young man said, "Grandfather, I want to go traveling." "Yes," the 
old man replied, " when one is young is the time to go and visjt other people." The 
young man went, and came to where people lived, and lo ! they were engaged in shoot 
ing arrows through a hoop. And there was a young man who was simply looking on, 
and so he stood beside him and looked on. By and by he said, " My friend, let us go 
to your house." So he went home with him and came to his house. This young man 
also had been raised by his grandmother, and lived with her, they say. Then he said, 
" Grandmother, I have brought my friend home with me; get him something to eat." 
But the grandmother said, " Grandchild, what shall I do ? " The other young man then 
said, " How is it, grandmother?" She replied, "The people are about to die of thirst. 
All who go for water come not back again." The star-born said, " My friend, take a 
kettle; we will go for water." The old woman interposed, " With difficulty I have 
raised my grandchild." But he said, " You are afraid of trifles," and so went with 
the Star-born. By and by they reached the side of the lake, and by the water of 
the lake stood troughs full of water. And he called out, " You who they say have 
killed every one who came for water, whither have you gone? I have come for water." 

Then immediately whither they went was not manifest. Behold there was a long 
house which was extended, and it was full of young men and young women. Some of 
them were dead and some were in the agonies of death. " How did you come here?" 
he said. They replied, "What do you mean? We came for water and something 
swallowed us up." 

Then on the head of the young man something kept striking. What is this?" 
he said. " Get away," they replied, " that is the heart." So he drew out his knife 
and cut it to pieces. Suddenly something made a great noise. In the great body 
these were swallowed up, but when the heart was cut to pieces and died death came 
to the body. So he punched a hole in the side and came out, bringing the young men 
and the young women. .So the people were very thankful and gave him two maidens. 

1 Tasiyaka is the name of the large intestine, the colon; sometimes applied to the pylorus. Dr. 
Riggs gives another form of the name of the bird in the dictionary, tasiyakapopopa. J. O. D. 



92 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

But he said, " I am journeying; my friend here will marry them," and so lie gave them 
both to him. Then in the middle of the camp they put up a tent, and the young man 
with his grandmother and the two young women were brought to it. 

Then the young man the Star-born proceeded on his journey, they say. And 
again he found a young man standing without where they were shooting through a 
hoop. And so, saying he would look on with his friend, he went and stood by him. 
Then he said, "My friend, let us go home," and so he went with him to his tepee. 
"Grandmother, 1 have brought my friend home with me," he said, "hunt up some 
thing for him to eat." But the grandmother replied, "How shall I do as you say?" 
"How is it?" he said. "This people are perishing for wood; when any one goes for 
wood he never comes home again," was the reply. 

Then he said, "My friend, take the packing strap; we will go for wood." But the 
old woman protested, "This one my grandchild I have raised with difficulty." But, 
"Old woman, what you are afraid of are trifles," he said, and went with the young 
man. "I am going to bring wood," he said; "if any of you wish to go, come along." 

"The young man who came from somewhere says this," they said, and so fol 
lowed after him. 

They had now reached the wood, and they found it tied up in bundles, which he 
had the people carry home, but he himself stood and said, "You who have killed every 
one who came to this wood, whatever you are, whither have you gone?" Then sud 
denly where he went was not manifest. And lo ! a tent, and in it were young men and 
young women; some were eating and some were alive waiting. He said to them, 
"How came you here!" And they answered, "What do you mean ?. We came for 
wood and something brought us home. Now, you also are lost." 

He looked behind him, avid lo! there was a hole; and, "What is this?" he said. 
"Stop," they said, "that is the thing itself." He drew out an arrow and transfixed it. 
Then suddenly it opened out, and it was the ear of an owl that had thus shut them up. 
When it was killed it opened out. Then he said, " Young men and young women, come 
out," and with them he came home. 

Then again they gave .him two maidens; but he said again, "My friend will 
marry them." And so the young man with his grandmother and the two women were 
placed in a tent in the middle of the camp. 

And now again he proceeded on his journey. And he came to the dwelling place 
of a people, and again he found them " shooting the hoop." And there stood a young 
man looking on, to whom he joined himself as special friend. While they stood 
together he said, "Friend, let us go to your home," and so he went with him to his 
tent. Then the young man said, "Grandmother, I have brought my friend home with 
me; get him something to eat." For this young man also had been raised by his 
grandmother. She says, "Where shall I get it from, that you say that?" "Grand 
mother, how is it that you say so?" interposed the stranger. To which she replied, 
"Waziya 1 treats this people very badly; when they go out and kill buft alo he takes it 
all, and now they are starving to death." 



The weather spirit, a mythical giant, who caused cold weather, blizzards, etc. 
See Amer. Anthropologist for April, 1889, p. 155. Waziya resembles a giant slain by the Rab 
bit, according to Omaha mythology. (See Contr. N. A. Ethn., VI, pt I, 22, 25.) J. o. D. 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 

Then be said, "Grandmother, go to him and say, My grandchild has come on a 
journey and has nothing to eat, and so he has sent me to yon. " So the old woman 
went and standing afar off, called, " Waziya, my grandchild has come on a journey and 
has nothing to eat, and so has sent me here." But he replied, "Bad old woman, get 
you home; what do you mean to come here?" The old woman came home crying, and 
saying that Waziya threatened to kill some of her relations. Then the Star-born said, 
"My friend, take your strap, we will go there." The old woman interposed with, "I 
have with difficulty raised my grandchild." The grandchild replied to this by saying, 
" Grandmother is very much afraid," and so they two went together. When they 
came to the house of Waziya they found a great deal of dried meat outside. He put 
as much on his friend as he could carry, and sent him home with it, and then he him 
self entered the tepee of Waziya, and said to him, "Waziya, why did you answer my 
grandmother as you did when I sent her?" But Waziya only looked angry. 

Hanging there was a bow of ice. "Waziya, why do you keep this?" he said. 
To which he replied, " Hands off; whoever touches that gets a broken arm." So he 
thought, -I Will see if my arm is broken," and taking the ice bow he made it snap 
into pieces, and then started home. 

The next morning all the people went on the chase and killed many buffaloes. 
But, as he had done before, the Waziya went all over the field of slaughter and 
gathered up the meat and put it in his blanket. The - Star-born" that had come to 
them was cutting up a fat cow. Waziya, on his round of filling his blanket with meat, 
came and stood and said, "Who cuts up this?" "1 am dressing that," he answered. 
Waziya said, addressing himself to the young man, Fallen Star, "From whence have 
you sprung that you act so haughtily ? " " And whence have you sprung from Waziya 
that you act so proudly?" he retorted. Then Waziya said, "Fallen Star, whoever 
points his finger at me dies." So he said to himself, "I will point my finger at him 
and see if I die." He did so, but it was 110 whit different. 

Then he on his part said, Waziya, whoever points his finger at me, his hand 
becomes paralyzed." So Waziya thought, "I will point my finger and see if I am 
paralyzed." This he did and his forearm was rendered entirely useless. He did so 
with the other hand, and it too was destroyed even to the elbow. Then Fallen Star 
drew out his knife and cut up Waziya s blanket, and all the buffalo meat he had 
gathered there fell out. Fallen Star called to the people, "Henceforth kill and carry 
home." So the people dressed this meat and carried it to their tents. 

The next morning it was reported that the blanket of Waziya, which had been 
cut to pieces, was sewed up by his wife, and he was about to shake it. He stood with 
his face toward the north and shook his blanket, and the wind blew from the north, 
and the snow fell all around about the camp so that the people were all snowed in 
and very much troubled, and they said: "We did live in some fashion before, but a 
young man has acted so that now we are undone." But he said, " Grandmother, find 
me a fan." So, a road being made under the snow, she went and said to the people, 
"My grandchild says he wants a fan." "Whatever he may mean by saying this?" 
they said, and gave him one. 

The snow reached up to the top of the lodges, and so he punched a hole up 
through and sat on the ridge of the lodge, and while the wind was blowing to the 




94 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

south he sat and fanned himself and made the wind come from the south, and the 
heat became great, and the snow went as if boiling water had been poured on it, and 
it melted away, and all over the ground there was a mist, and Waziya with his wife 
and children all died of the heat. But the little, youngest child of Waziya, with the 
smooth belly, took refuge in the hole made by a tent-pole, where there was frost, and 
so lived. And so they say he is all that there is of Waziya now. So also this myth is 
called the Fallen Star. 



WOTANICE HOK&INA 
BLOOD-CLOT BOY DOINGS THE. 



WRITTEN IN DAKOTA BY DAVID GREY CLOUD. 



Irjyurj kaked: Hoka war) wased ti keyapi. Hoka cirjca ota liirjda. 

Behold thus: Badger a rich lived they-say. Bailger children many very. 

Hoka warjhirjkpe warjzidarj yuha, tuka harjska hirjca yuha, Hoka hocoka warj 

Badger arrow one had, but long very had. Badger surround a 

kahmirj e yuha. Urjkarj he oharjharjna otoiyohi pte optaye ozudarj ecee. 

river-bend that had. And that morning each buffalo herd full. always. 

Tohan hececa eca owasirj hamwicaye, a owasirj carjkuye warjzidarj ahda 

When so then all drove-he them. and all path one went 

home 

eca wiciliektapatarjharj inaziij, ka tukte ehakedarj urj eca, warjhirjkpe warj 

then them-behind-from he-stood, and which the-last waa when, arrow a 

harjska yuhe cikorj, he orj owasirj iciyaza wicao ecee. Hoka hecorj yarjke 

long " had that, that by all one-after- them-shot always. Badger this-doing was, 

another 

ca warjna waseca hirjca. 

and now rich very. 

Urjkarj ihnuliarjna Mato warj en hi, ka Mato kiij heya: Hurjhurjhe! 

And suddenly Gray-Bear a in came, and Gray-Bear the this said: Wonderful! 

surjg, niye ke decen wased yati narjka he, eya. Miye kes micirjca om 

brother, you even thus rich you-live are-you ? he-said. I even my-children with 

akiharj mate kte do, surjg, eya. Hecen, surjg, iyonicipi kiijharj den ahi wati 

starve I-die will , brother, he-said. So brother, please-you if here move I-live 

kte do, eya. Urjkarj Hoka, Ho, eya; iyokosarjs icimagagayaken sakim 

will , he said. And Badger, Yes, said; moreover amusing-ourscl ves-thus both 

urjti kte do, eya. Warjna Mato kiij hde kta, urjkarj Hoka woheyurj warj 

we-live will , he said. Now Gray Bear the go-home would, then Badger bundle one 

ikikcu ka Mato ku, ka kiij akiyahda. 

took and Gray-Bear gave, and carrying hc-took-home. 

Iharjhaijna hehan Hoka ti kirj en Mato ahiti. Hoka ti kirj en Mato 

The-next-moming then Badger house the in Gray-Bear moved. Badger house the in Gray- 
Bear 

hi kirj hecehnana Hoka taijkan iyeyapi; ka Mato iye ohna iyotarjka, 

rame the immediately Badger out-doors wag-turn d ; and Gray-Bear himself in sat-down, 

ka Hoka woyute tawa koya owasirj kipi ; hee"en Hoka tarjkan eti, ka nina 

and Badger provisions his also all werc-taken: so Badger out-doors dwelt, and very- 

much 

akiliarj. Mato en hiyotarjke cirj iharjharjna urjkarj Mato harjhaijna liirj 

starved. Gray-Bear in came sat-down the next-morning then Gray-Bear morning very 

kikta, ka tarjkan hinazirj ka heya : Hoka nuksi sicamnana kirj tarjkan hinarjpa 

wakcd-up, and outside came-stood and this said: Badger ears stinking the outside come 

95 



96 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

wo, nitahocoka kiij pte ozudar) do, eya. Unkaij Hoka waijhiijkpe ehdaku; 

imper. your-surround the buttalo full-is , he said. And Badger arrow his-took- 

sing. 

ka Hoka heeoij ecee kiij ake iyecen ecorj, ka owasiij iciyaza wicao. Tuka 

and Badger that-doing always the again so he-did, and all one-after- them-hit. Hut 

another 

owasiij Mato idu, ka waijzina kaes Hoka kicupi sni. Haijhaijua otoivohi 

all Gray-Bear took, and _ i>n even Badger was-given not. Morning each 

hecoij, tuka tohiijni Hoka warjzidaij ahdi sni edee: ka ecen waijua Hoka 

Ihat-he-dld, hut never Badger one brought not always: and so now Badger 

home 

cinca oin akihay \e kte hirjda. Tuka Mato cirjcadaij waijzi hakaktaday hca, 

children with starve die will very. But Gray-Bear children one youngest very, 

uijkaij hee hanhanna otoiyohi tasicog-aij waijzi yuha skata ecee, ka tohan 

and that-one moruing every biitt alo-leg one had played always, and when 

wanna hde kta era Hoka ti kiij en tiyokahmihma iyewicakiva ecee, ka 

now go-home will then Badger house the in rolling-houseward 1 caused-them to*-go always, and 

heoij ni yukaijpi. 

by-that living they-were. 

Hanhaijna waij ake Mato taqkan hinapa ka heya: Hoka nuksi 

Morning one again Gray-Bear outside came and this said: Badger ears 

sicainnana kiij, waijhhjkpe aliiyu wo, nitahocoka kiij pte ozudaij do, eya. 

stinking the arniw bring out, your-surrouud the liutl alu full-is . lie-said. 

Mato heya tka Hoka ye sni. Unkaij Mato heya: Ecirj yau sni kiijhaij 

Gray- tins-said but Badger go not. And Gray-Bear this suic! : Now vou-come not if 

Bear 

inacibdaska kte do, eya. 

I-smash-you will , he-said. 

Unkaij Hoka tawicu heya : Wicahirjca, eyakes tokiki ewachj we, waijna 

Then Badger wite-his this said: Old-man, at-any-rate somehow thiuk of it (female now 

P-) 

ecen midinda oin akihay mate kte, eya. Uijkaq Hoka heya: Ho, ekta mde ca 

so my-children will starve I-die will, she-said. And Badger this- said: Yes, there I-go and 

owasirj wicawao, ka eciq tukte iyotaq cepe cinhaij he wahdolidi kte do; 

all them-I-kill. and then which most fat if that I-briug-home will ; 

ka nakuij en makte esta kte do, Hoka eya, ca Mato kidi ya. Uijkaij Hoka 

and also thus me he-kill even will , Badger said, ami (Jray-Bear with went. And Badger 

liecor) ecee ake owasiq iciyaza wicao. Unkarj Mato heya: Pte torn cepapi 

that-did always again all one-after them-killed. And Gray-Bear this said : Buffalo four fat ones 

another 

kiij hena nis pate ca ahdi wo, eya. Uijkaij Hoka, Ho, eya; ka waijzi 

the those you cut-up and bring-home, he-said. And Badger, Yes, s aid: and one 

iyotancepe hca, uijkarj heceedar) pata, ka wanna yustai), urjkaij Mato heya: 

more fat very, and that-only he-dressed, and now_ finished. then Gray Bear this-said: 

Tokeca ake waijzi yapate sni, eya. Tuka Hoka widada sni. Deceedaij 

Why again one you-cut-up not. he said. But Badger would not. This-alone 

kes hoksiyopa wicawakahde kta, eya. Hehanyarj hinah Mato wapata 

e\en children them to-I-take-home_ will, he-said. So-long as-yet (Iray Bear cutting up 

hdustaij sni. Tuka warjna Hoka tado kin ikarj kitorj ka kiij kta, uijkaij 

Hnislied his own not. But now Badger meat the string tied and carry would. then 

Mato heya : Hoka uuksi sicamnana kirj, tokarj iyaya wo, we namayakilidi 

Gray-Bear tins-said: Badger ears stinking the, away go, (male blood you-for-iue-tread-in 

sp.) 



Tiyokahmilium is not in the dictionary; but it is probably derived from ti, lent, and okahmi- 
hma, which latter is from kahmihma, to roll along, make roll ly striking. J. o. D. 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 97 

kte do, eya. Tuka Hoka is lieya : Holio, mis haijtuke de wahdohdi kte 

will, he- said. Hut Badger he this-said: No. no; I indeed this I-earry-home will 

do, eya. Mato ake eya, tka Hoka wicada sui. Uijkaij Mato hiyu, ka 

hc said. Gray Bear again sa id-it. but Badger would not. Then Gray-Bear came, and 

Jioka \ve kiij ehna palm ehpeyapi. 

Badger Mood the in pushed was-thrown. 

Uijkaij wotanice waij aputag ihpaya, uijkaij we kiij he oijspa uapohinus 

Then blood-chit one kissing he-fell-down, and blood the that a-piece iu-shiit-hand 

icu, ka yuha ceya hda, ka pezi oijge yusda ka we kiij opemni ahde ca 

ho-took,and having erying went-home. and grass some pulled and lilotHl the wrappcd-in earned- and 

home 

catku kiij en akihuaka; ka hehan iijyaij ka initosu ka pezihota ko huwe i 

back-of- the in placed at-home ; and then stones and sweat-poles and Artemisia also to-get went 
tent 

ka ini kaga. Ka initipi catku kiij en pezihota kiij liena owhjze ca akan 

and sweating made. And sweat lodge, back-part the iu Artemisia the them made-bed-of and upon 

we kirj he elinaka, ka hehan initi kiij he akantaijhaij kiij he tanyeh nataka. 

blood the that placed. and then sweat- the that the-outside the that very-well fastened, 

lodge 

Hehan mini icu ka tiniahen ehde, ka inyaij kadye ca waijna kate (-eluuj 

Then water he-took and within-house placed, and stones heate d and now hot when 

initi kiij raahen ewicalmaka, hehan tiyopa kirj ecen nataka. Hehan isto 

sweat- the within them-he-placed then door the so he-fastened. Then arm 

lodge 

eceedaij timahen iyeye ca mini kiij oij iijyaij kiij akasstaij yaijka. 

alone house-within he-thrust and water the with stones the pouring-on was. 

Urjkarj ihnnhaijna tuwe inahen comnihdazi niya Hoka nahon. Ake 

And suddenly some-one within sighing breathe Badger heard. Again 

ocoij, mini oij iijyaij kiij akastaij yanka. Uijkaij tuwe timahen heya niva: 

lie-did. water with stones the pouring-ou was. And some-one within-house this-saidbreatfiing: 

De tuwe aksa pidamayaye ca waijna makiyuhdoka wo, eya. Hecen tiyopa 

This who again glad-you-me-make and now open for me (male sp.), he-said. So door 

yuhdoka, Uijkaij koska waij wicasta waste hca hinaypa: hecen Hoka 

he-opened, and young-man a man beautiful very fame out : so Badger 

Wotanice Hoksidaij eya caze yata, ka he Hoka cujksiya. 

Bl<H>d-elot-Boy saying name called, and that Badger son-had. 

Uijkaij hehan Wotanice Hoksidaij heya: Ito, ate, heya wo, Ito, miciijksi 

And then Blood-clot Boy this-aaid: Now father th is-say; Now ray-son 

heyake waste lice ces, eya wo, eya. Unkarj eya, unkaij ecetu. Unkaq 

clothes good very oh-that. say thou, he said. And he said, and it-wa3-.so. And 

ake heya: Ito, micinksi ptaijlia waijzu waij waqhinkpe ozudanh yuhe ces, 

again tliis-say: Now my-son otter-skin quiver a arrows full-very have oh-that 

eya wo, eya. Uijkarj eya, unkaij ake ecetu. Uijkaij hehan Wotanice 

say thou. he said. And he-said, and again it-was-so. And then Blood-clot 

Hoksidaij pa hiij kiij waijzi liduzurj icu, ka tiyopa kiij en ehdeka waqhinkpe 

Boy head hair the one pulling took, and door the in placed and arrow 

or) kute, unkaij kasdeii iheya. Hehan Wotanice Hoksidaij heya: Ate togca 

with shot, and splitting hit-it. Tken Blood clot Boy this said: Father why 

wo mayakupi sni he. Uijkaij Hoka heya: Hehehe, cins, taku yaka hwo: 

food me-you give not ? And Bailger this said : Alas! son what you-mean . 

wanna akihaij uijfapi kte do, wamaseda hca, unkap Mato den hi ka owasirj 

now starving we-die will , I-was-rich very, and (iray-bear here came and all 

maki ka taijkaij hiyu inaye ca owasirj icu, ka waijna akihaij uijtapi kte do, 

took- and outdoors come made-me and all took, and now star\ ing we-die will , 

from-me 

eya. 

he said. 

7105 VOL ix 7 



98 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

Unkaij Wotanice Hoksiday heya: Heua, ate, sdonwaye ca hemj 

And Blood-clot Boy this said: These, father, I know, iinil thercfori- 

imacaga ce, eya. Ate, tokerjli ecoi) cisi kiyhai) ecen ecoij wo, eya. Uijkaij 

I-have-growu lie-said. Father, just-as to-do I-yoa- if so do , he-mid. And 

command (mule sp.) 

Hoka, Ho, eya. Hanharjna Mato taijkau hinazll) ka nicipaij esta yau kte 

Badger, Yes, said. In-the-morning Gray-Bear without stands and yon-call although yon-come shall 

sni; tuka inorjpa eye ciijharj helian yahinaijpe kta ka kici de kta, tuka 

not; but second time he-says if then yon-come out will and with you-go will, but 

niiye he itokam wanna ekta inawahbe kta, eya. Waijua haijhaijna 1 iiij 

I-myself this before already at I-hide will, he%aid. Now morning very 

Mato taijkan liinape <Ja heya: Hoka nuksi sicamnana kirj warjlihjkpe kiy 

Gray-Bear outside came and this said: Badger cars stinking the arrow the 

ahiyu wo, nitahocoka kirj pte ozudaij do, eya. Tuka ye sni, ka inorjpa 

bring out, your-surround tbe buffalo full-is , he-said. But he-go not, and second time 

eye cirj liehau wanhhjkpe eh f laku ka kici ya ka ake owasiij hamwicaya, ka 

he-said the then arrow his-took and with went, and again all them-scared, and 

carjku waijzidarj ahda, lielian Hoka warjhiijkpe oq owasii] iciyaza wicao, ka 

jtath one they went, then Badger arrow with all in-a line thcm-shot, and 

waijzi cepa he Hoka pata 

one I. it that Badger dressed. 

Urjkar) Mato heya: Koharjna pata wo, eya. Waijna Hoka pata yustaij 

And Gray Bear this said: Soon cut up, he said. Now Badger cut-u]t tiuished 

kehai) kiij lidicu kta; urjkay Mato heya: Hoka nuksi siranmana hiij tokan 

then carry come would; and Gray Bear this said: Badger ears stinking the away 

home 

hiyaya wo, we namayakihdi kte do, eya. Tka iyowiyye sni kiij kta skaij. 

j^o them blood you-trample-in-for-me will , he said. But stopping not carry would \vorked. 

Unkavj Mato hiyu ka iyafepaya ka we kiq ehua elipeya, Tuka ake na/iij 

Tlicu Gray Bear came and fell-upon and blood the in threw him. But again ri.si!! 

hiyaye ca icu kta tka. Ake we kirj ehna elipeya. Hehan Hoka ceya 

went and take would but. Again blood the in he-threw-him. Then Badger cried 

skaij. 

working. 

Unkaij hehau Wotanice Hoksidaij naziij hiyaye, ca en ya, ka key a: 

And then Blood Clot Boy rising starte d. and there went, and this said: 

Tokeca ate hecen yakuwa hwo, eya. Uijkaij Mato heya: He is, ciijs, 

Why my -father no you treat ? he said. And Gray Bear this said : This that sun 

hepe do; Sung, koharjna nis nicirjca tado wicakahda AVO, epe do, eya. 

this I said; Brother, soon you your children meat take home to them. I said . he .-aid. 

Tuka Wotanice Hoksidarj heya: Hiya, ate kalioya iyeyaye cirj he 

But Blood Clot Boy this said: No, my father throwing you shoved the that 

wanindaka ce, eya; ka warjhinlipe ehdaku, uijkaij Mato nakipa, tuka kute 

I saw , he said; and arrow he-took, and Gray Bear fled, but he-shot 

uijkaij sasteday kivj he okatanyarj ka kte. 

and lit ilr finger the that transfixed and killed. 

Hehan Hoka deya: Chjs, Mato cinca way hakaktadaij kirj tezi sdasdadaij 

Then Badger this said: Son, Gray Bear child a youngest the belly .smooth 

he kte sni wo, he tasicogarj nahmana uijkahipi ecee, ka heoij deluujyaij ni 

that kill not, that leg-bone secretly us brought always, and by that to this t ime alive 

uijyakoijpi ce, eya. 

we-are, he said. 

Unkaij hehan Wotanice Hoksidaij tiyatakiva hda ka Mato tawicu 

And then Blood Clot Boy homeward went and Gray Bear wife his 

home 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 99 

kipay ka heya: Mato okpe u wo, eya. Uijkaij Mato tawicu wikaiji cu 

railed to and this said : Gray Bear to help come thou, he said. And Gray Bear wife his strap took 

carry the meat 

ka u ka heya: Optaye tonakeca he, eya. Uijkaij Wotanice Hoksidaij 

and came mill this said: Henf how many ! she said. And Blood Clot Boy 

heya: Optaye wagzi do, eya. Uijkaij, Heua henakeca eca takukiye sni 

this said: Herd one , he* said. And. Those so many when something count not 

t cee koij, eya. Warjua kiyedaij u uijkaij ake heya: Optaye touakeca he, 

always in the she said. Now near came and again this said : Herd how many ! 

past 

eya. Uijkaij Wotanice Hoksidaij heya: Optaye waijzi ce epe do, eye ca 

she said. And Blood Clot Boy this"said: Herd one, I said , he said and 

waijhiijkpe ehdaku. Uijkaij, Taijni hecece kte cikoij eye (Ja nazica, tuka 

arrow his took. And, Of old so would be, I she said and fled, hut 

thought 

sastedaij kiij en okataijyaij ka kte. Hehan Mato ti kiij en tirnahen 

little linger the in drove it and killed. Then Cray house the in within 

Bear 

iyaya, uijkaij owasiij pamahdidaij liiyeya. Wotanice Hoksidaij heya: 

went. and all heads-down were. Blood Clot Boy this said: 

Wanzi tukte de ate woyakupi ece he, eya iwicawanga; uijkaij owasiij ho 

One which tins my father food always * he said, them asking: and all voice 

you gave 

waijziday heyapi; Miye, miye, eyapi. Tuka waijzidaij eye sni. Uijkaij 

on: 1 this said; I, I, they said. But one said not. And 

hehan heya: Miye, miye, eyapi, uijkaij etaijhaij wicani kteca, eya; uijkaq 

then this*said: I, 1, they say, and for that they live shall! he said ; and 

Wotanice Hoksidaij itazipe ehdaku ka owasirj wicakata ka heceedaij okapta. 

Blood Clot Boy how his took and all them killed and that alone spared him. 

Hecen lie Hoka ti kiij en aki ka he mini aku ka nakuij caliod yuge 

So that Badger house the in - he and that water hring and also ashes take up 

brought, 

kiyapi. 

they made him. 

Hehan ake Hoka nina waseca lica. Urjkarj liehaij Wotanice Hoksidaij 

Then again Badger very rich much. And then Blood-Clot Boy 

icoumi ka heya : Ate, iciinani mde kte do, tukte oyate waijzi ikiyedaij tipi 

tired and this said: Father, traveling I go. will , which people one near-by livi 



ng I go. 
staying 



sdoijyaye ciijhaij ekta mde kte do, eya. 

you know if there I go will , he said. 

Uijkaij Hoka heya : Deciya oyate waij wicota tipi ce, eya ; hecen, ciijs, 

And Bailger this said: Here people a many dwell, he said; so son 

ekta de kta ; tuka wicahca waij nitkokim u kta, uijkaij he nihnaye waciij 

there you go will; but old-man a you meeting come will, and he you deceive desire 

kte do ; tuka ihnuhaij taku eye ciijhaij ecanoq kte sni do, eya. Uijkaij 

will ; but take care what he says if you do will not , he"said. And 

Wotanice Hoksidaij, Ho, eya. 

lilood-Clot Boy. Yes, he said. 

Wotanice Hoksidaij waijna iyaya, uijkaij inyuij ! wicahca waij sa-ye- 

Hlood-( lot Boy now had gone, and lo! old man a stalf 

kitoij u waijka, ka heya: Takoza, tokiya da he, eya. He is, Hecegcen 

holding coming was, and this said: Grandchild, where you 1 he said. This he. In this way 

g 

omawaninake, eya. He icuijhaij siyo keya iwaijkam hiyahaijpi. Uqkaij 

I am walking truly ( ) he said. This in the meantime grouse many above alightril. And 

wicahca heya : Takoza waijzi makio wo, waijna akihaij mate kte do, eya. 

old man this said: Grandchild one for me shoot, now starving I die will , he said. 



100 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

Tuka, Hiya deciya mde ca inawahni do, eya, ka iyoopta iyeya. Warjna 

But, No, thitherward I go and I hasten . 1m said, and (inward "Vent. Now 

htayetu urjkarj ake nakurj wicahca waij sagyekitoij itkokim u ka waijna 

evening and again also old-man a staff having to meet came and now 

eharj i kta uijkarj iyotarjka, hecen en inaziij. Uijkaij wicahca heya : 

there go would, and sat down, so there came-stooil. And old man this said: 

Takoza, eya ito inayauni esta owapagi kte do, eya. Urjkarj Wotanice 

Grandchild, even if you hasten although I fill pipe will , lie said. And Blood-Clot 

Hoksidarj hech), Ito esta kici 6aqnoijmugpe (-a helian iindainde kta, eciij, ka, 

Boy this thought, Lo if with I smoke and then I go on will, he thought, and, 

Ho, eya. Hecen kici carjnorjpa yarjke ga ecen akpaza. Haijyetu khj lie 

Yes, said. So with he smoking was and so night on. Night the that 

ilmrjniyarj kici yaijka, ka Wotanice Hoksidaij isthjbe sni urj, tuka warjna 

all through with was, and Blood Clot Boy sleep not was, hut now 

wicalica kirj ecen isthjma warjka. He icurjharj warjna aijpa kamdes aya, 

old man the even asleep lay. That whilst now morning brighten>d went, 

urjkarj hecen, ito esta mis wanna mistinma ke, waijnas etaijhaij arjpa kta 

and so, lo! even I now I sleep will. now from daylight will, 

ecirj, ka iwarjka. 

he and lay down, 
thought, 

Urjkaij tohhjni ehankoy Unktomi hee tka sdoijye sni. Wotanice 

And aforetime indeed Unktomi this was hut ho knew not. Blood ( lot 

Hoksidarj istinbeh iyaye ciy liehan wicalica kiy hee naziij hiyaye ca 

Boy asleep fast went the then old man the who was standing went and 

heya: Tuwe is tokenken teniciyeiia, eyaya nazir) hiyaye ca akaiudas 

this said : Who this howsoever killing you, he said often standing went and astride 

inazirj, ka cankaku kiq paweh iyeya, ka huha kiij owasiij ynzigziq iyeya, 

stood, and backbone the broke turned, and limhs the all " stretched he made, 

ka nakpe kiij naj)in yuzica, ka hecen suijka way sice hca kaga. Uijkaij 

and ears the both he stretched, and this dog a bad very made. And 

wokoyake wasteste kiij hena icu ka iye uij ka tawokoyake wizi ecee uij 

clothes beautiful the those he took and lie wore, and his-clothes old only wore 

clouts those 

kirj hena en elipeya, ka hetaijharj iyoopta kici ya. Hecen Wotanice 

the those there he-left, and thence forward with went. So Blood Clot 

Hoksidaij hee sunka kagapi. Unktomi hee Imaye ca hecen ecakicoq. 

Boy that was dog made Unktomi it was deceived aiid so did to him. 

Hetarjhar) Uyktomi iyoopta ya ka suyka kiij he kici ya kicoco aya, 

Thence Unktomi forward went and dog the that with went calling to led 

him often him 

Wotanice Hoksidaij, wohwo, wohwo, eya aya. Wotanice Hoksidarj oyate 

Blood Clot Boy, "wohwo, wohwo saying led him. Blood Clot Boy p eople 

war) ekta ye cikorj hee warjna Uijktomi ehav) i, uykaq suijka kiij he isteca 

a to went the that-is now Unktomi to come, and dog the that ashamed 

ka maiiin ihdonica, ka Uijktomi isnana oyate kirj ehna iyaya. Uijkaij 

and outside kept himself, and Unktomi he alone people the among went. And 

oyate kirj heyapi keyapi: Wotanice Hoksidarj hee u do, eyapi, ka nina 

people the this said they say : Blood Clot Boy that was comes, th ey said, and much 

wiciyuskiij hca, keyapi. 

they rejoiced very they say. 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 10 1 

NOTES. 

1. The use of ces, which is "kes" frequently, is to be noted as indicating icish or 
strong desire. "Father, say this, Oil that my son might have good clothes. " This 
is used at the end of the phrase or sentence, and is accompanied by the verbs think or 
my, in some form. Like to these is "tokiij," used at the beginning of the wish. 1 

2. The life-giving qualities of the sweating process are strongly brought out in 
this myth. There may be two objects or thoughts in the mind of the Dakota when he 
makes a sweat lodge." It is sometimes resorted to for curing disease. That good 
quality Dr. Williamson always commended. No doubt it often afforded relief to a 
congested condition of the system. But it was resorted to moie frequently fcr the 
purpose of getting into communication with the spirit world. This is the object here. 
From the blood of the buffalo, " which is the life thereof," is, by this process, created 
a man. Is this evolution? The sweat lodge was usually made, as described here, by 
taking willow boughs, bending them over, making their tops meet and interlacing or 
tying them together, and thus making a booth, which was large enough for one to sit 
naked inside and pour water on the heated stones. The whole was covered over 
tightly with blankets or robes. This is the initipi (eneteepee). The sweater sang as 
well as sweated. But in this case the object was to have the "mysterious power 1 do 
its work alone. 

3. This myth ends abruptly. It would hardly be true to the thought of an Indian 
to leave the god-born in the shape of a dog, and that an ugly dog. There must be 
a sequel to it. 2 

TRANSLATION. 

Once upon a time there was a Badger who was rich and had many children. 
He had one arrow, but it was a very long one. And in the bend of a river he had a 
buffalo surround, which was full of buffalo every morning. When it was so and all 
started out on one path, he stood behind them and shot his long arrow into the liind- 
ermost, and it went from one to another through the whole herd. So the Badger 
became very rich in dried meat. 

Then suddenly there came a Gray Bear to his tent. And the Gray Bear said, 



The Titoijwai) use tokiij only iu soliloquies. When it is used it must be followed by ni or nil) 
at the end of the clause expressing the wish; as, tokii) he bluha uii), Oh that I had it! 3. o. D. 

-There is more of this myth in the C egiha versions. The hero, there called "The Rabbit s Son," 
was caused to adhere to a tree, which he had climbed at the request of the deceiver, Ictinike. This 
latter character corresponds to Urjktomi of the Santee Dakota, whom the Tetou call Ikto aud Iktomi. 
It seems better to leave these mythical names untranslated. While the Omaha and Ponka now apply 
the name Ictinike to the monkey, ape, etc., it is plain that this is a recent use of the term. Ictinike 
was one of the creators, according to the Omaha myths. After causing the Rabbit s son to adhere to 
the tree, he donned the uiagic clothing of the latter, went to a village near by, and married the elder 
daughter of the chief. The younger daughter, becoming jealous of her sister, fled to the forest, where 
nhe found the Rabbit s son, whom she released. At this point the Omaha version differs from the 
1 onka. The girl married the Rabbit s son and took him to her home. After several exhibitions of the 
skill of the young man, a dance was proclaimed. Thither went Ictinike, who was compelled to jump 
upward every time that the Rabbit s son hit the drum. The fourth time that he beat it his adver 
sary jumped so high that when he struck the ground he was killed. 

See Contr. to N. A. Ethuol., vol. VI, pt. I, pp. 43-57, aud pt. n, pp. 586-609. J. o. D. 



102 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETIIXOGRAPAY. 

"Wonderful! my brother, that you should live here in such abundance, while I and 
my children are starving. If it please you I will come here and live with you/ The 
Badger said, u Yes;" and added, "So we will amuse ourselves. And when the ( ! raj- 
Bear was starting home, he took a bundle of buffalo meat and gave to the Gray Hear 
to carry home. 

The next morning Gray Bear came with his household, and as soon as he moved 
in Mr. Badger was turned out and Gray Bear took possession of all his meat. The 
Badger lived out doors and starved. The next morning after he took possession, 
Gray Bear awoke very early in the morning and standing outside said, "You Badger 
with the stinking ears, come out, your surround is full of buffalo." So the Badger 
took his long arrow and as he was accustomed to do shot it through the whole line of 
buffalo. But the Gray Bear took them all and did not let the Badger have one. 
This he did morning by morning, but never did the Badger bring home one; and so 
he aud his children were about to die of hunger. But the youngest of Gray Bear s 
children every morning played with a buffalo leg, aud when he was tired playing he 
tossed them over to the Badger s tent. Thus they maintained an existence. 

One morning again Gray Bear came out and called, "You Badger with the 
stinking ears, bring out your long arrow, your surround is full of buffalo." But the 
Badger did not go; when the Gray Bear said, U I will crush yon if you don t come." 

And the Badger s wife said, "Old man, in some way consider, for I aud my 
children are starving to death." To this the Badger replied, " Yes, I will, go and kill 
them all, and I will dress and bring home the fattest one, even if he kills me." So 
he went with the Gray Bear and did as he was Accustomed to do, killing them all. 
Then the Gray Bear said, You skin and carry home some of the fattest." To this 
the Badger said "Yes," and went to work to dress one of the fattest. When he was 
finishing that Gray Bear said, "Why don t you dress another?" But the Badger 
would not, and said, " This alone will be sufficient for my children." 

As yet Gray Bear had not finished cutting up his meat, but when the Badger 
had tied up his meat and \vas about to pack it home, Gray Bear said, " You stinking- 
eared Badger, get away, you will trample in this blood." But the Badger replied, 
" No, I am going to carry this home." Gray Bear ordered him away again, but the 
Badger would not go. Then Gray Bear came and pushed Badger down in the blood. 
Thus, as he fell down in the clotted blood he kissed it, and taking a piece up in his 
hand he went home crying. By the way he pulled some grass and wrapped it around 
the blood and laid it away in the back part of his tent. Then he went and brought 
stones aud sticks for a sweat-house, and Artemisia or wild sage, and made a steaming. 
In the back part of the sweat-house he made a bed of the Artemisia and upon it placed 
the blood, and then he covered the lodge well on the outside. Then he took a dish of 
water and placed it within, and when the stones were well heated he rolled them in 
also and fastened the door. Then he thrust his arm alone inside and poured water 
on the stones. 

Suddenly the Badger heard some one inside sighing. Fie continued to pour 
water on the stones. And then some one breathing within said, "Again you have 
made me glad, and now open for me." So he opened the door and a very beautiful 
young man came out. Badger at once named him Blood-Clot Boy, and had him for 
his son. 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 103 

Then Blood-Clot Boy said, " Now, father, say this: Oh that my son might have 
good clothes. " So he said it, and it was so. Then he said again, "Say this: Oh 
that my son might have an otter-skin quiver filled with arrows. " This he said also, 
and it was so. Then Blood-Clot Boy pulled a hair out of his head and placed it on 
the door, and, shooting it with an arrow, split it. And then he said, " Father, why 
don t you give me something to eat?" But the Badger answered, "Alas! my son, 
what do you mean? We are all starving to death. I was very rich in food, but Gray 
Bear came and took it all from me and drove me out, and now we are starving and 
will die." 

Then Blood-Clot Boy said. " Father, I know these things, and therefore I grew. 
Now, father, do just as I tell you to do." To this the Badger said " Yes." Then 
Blood-Clot Boy continued : " In the morning when Gray Bear comes out and calls you, 
you will not go; but the second time he calls then go with him, for I shall then have 
hidden myself." So very early in the morning Gray Bear stood without and called: 
" Stinking-eared Badger, take your arrow and come, your surround is full." He did 
not go; but when he called the second time he took his arrow and went with him. 
And when they had scared the bnftalo, and all had started home on one line, Badger 
shot his arrow through them all, and dressed the fattest one. 

Then Gray Bear said, "Dress it quickly." And when the Badger had finished 
dressing and was about to start home with it, Gray Bear said, " Badger with the 
stinking ears, get away, you will trample in my blood." To this Badger paid no 
attention hut continued to prepare to carry. Then Gray Bear came and fell upon 
him and threw him down in the blood. He arose and went to take up his pack, but 
again he threw him down in the blood. Then the Badger burst into tears. 

But then Blood-Clot Boy appeared, and said, "Why do you treat my father so?" 
To which Gray Bear replied, "My son, this I said, My brother, take home meat to 
your children without delay. " But Blood-Clot Boy said, "No, I saw you throw my 
father down." Saying that he pulled out an arrow, and as Gray Bear fied, he hit 
him in the little finger and killed him. 

Then Badger said, "Do not kill Gray Bear s youngest child, the smooth-bellied 
boy, for he it was who brought us leg bones and so kept us alive until this time." 
Blood-Clot Boy then went towards home and called to Gray Bear s wife, "Come out 
and help Gray Bear." So she took her packing strap and said as she approached 
him, "How many herds were there?" Blood-Clot Boy said, " One herd." "When 
there are only that many he has never counted it anything," she said. And as she 
came near she asked again, "How many herds are there?" Blood Clot Boy again 
replied, "I have told you there was one," and he took out an arrow. She said, "I 
apprehended this before," and fied; but he shot her in the little finger and killed her. 
Then he went into Gray Bear s lodge and all bowed their heads. Blood-Clot Boy said, 
"Which one of you brought food to my father?" And all but one with one voice 
said, "It was I, it was I." Then he said, "You who said I, I, shall you live?" And 
Blood-Clot Boy took his bow and killed all but the one who said nothing. And him 
he brought into Badger s lodge where he brought water and took up the ashes. 

Then the Badger became very rich again. Blood-Clot Boy was discontented and 
said, "Father I want to take a journey; I want to go to the people that yon know 
live near by." And the Badger answered, "My son, there is a people living just 
here, to them you will go. But an old man will come to meet you with the intent of 



104 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

deceiving you. You must not do anything he tells you to do." To this Blood-Clot 
Boy assented. 

Blood-Clot Boy was now gone, and behold an old man with a start came to meet 
him and said, "Whither do you go, my grandchild?" But he replied, "I am just 
walking." In the meantime a flock of grouse came and alighted. "My grandchild, 
shoot one for ine, for 1 am starving," the old man said. But he answered, "No, I 
am going in haste in this direction," and so he passed on. 

It was now evening, and again an old man with a staff was coming to meet 
him, who sat down just before their meeting, and so he came and stood. The old 
man said, "Grandchild, although you are in haste, I will fill my pipe." Then Blood- 
Clot Boy thought, "I will smoke with him and then go on;" so he said, "Yes." While 
they smoked together the darkness came on, and Blood-Clot Boy passed the night 
without sleeping. In the meantime the old man had fallen asleep; and the day was 
breaking. Then the young man thought, "I will sleep a little for it will soon be 
morning," and so he lay down. 

This old man was the mythic being (Inktomi, but the young man knew it not. 
While Blood-Clot Boy was sleeping very soundly, the old man that was got up and 
said. "What if in some way you .are killed!" Saying which he arose and stood 
astride of him and bent his back and pulled out his limbs and stretched his ears, and 
so made him into a very ugly looking dog. The good clothes of the young man he 
took and put on himself, and his own old clothes he threw away, and so went on with 
him. 

In this way Blood-Clot Boy was made into a dog. It was Uijktomi who deceived 
him and did this to him. Then Uijktomi took the dog with him calling to him, " () 
Blood-Clot Boy; wo-hwo! wo-hwo!" as he went along. And now when IJnktomi had 
come to the people whither Blood-Clot Boy had been going, the dog was ashamed and 
kept himself outside of the camp, and Uijktomi alone went among the people. Then 
the people said, "The famous Blood-Clot Boy is coming," and so they rejoiced greatly. 



LEGEND OF THE HEAD OF GOLD. 



WRITTEN IN DAKOTA UY WALKING KLK. 



Wieasa war) cirjc a topapi, tka owasiij koskapi; tka wahpanicapi, ka 

Man a childreii were four, but all were young but were poor, ami 

men; 

onsika orj \a nurj se urjpi. tlrjkaij wicahra kiij hey a: Iho wo, wakarjka, 

poor for dead would be were. Then old-man the this-said: Come, old-woman, 

mirirjca hakakta kirj de iyotarj orjsiwakida, tka orjsika orj tiij kte 

my-child youngest the this most I-have-mercy-on, but poor because-of die will 

< hj wahtewada sni. E ito, Wakarjtarjka urjkode ka iyeuijye chjhaij, ito waku, 

the I dislike. Behold, Great Spirit we-two-seek, and wc-two-dnd if, lo, I-<, r ive 

ka ito, taijyaij icalimicieiyirj kte do, eya. 

aud, lo, well he-rain-for-me will , he-said. 

Unkaij wakarjka kirj heya: Iho, wicahda, tarjyarj eha e ito hecorjkorj 

And old-woman the this said: Come, old-man, well you-say, that In, that-we-do 

kta, eya. 

will, she-said. 

Hecen iho waijnaka wiyohpeyatakiya Wakarjtaijka ode yapi, ka 

So behold now to-the-westward " Spirit-dreat to-seek they-went, aud 

paha waij tarjka lica e eniyahaypi; uijkaij iho widasa waij hiyaharj e hecen 

hill a large very that on they-stood; and behohl man a coming-stood that as 

en ipi. Urjkaij wicasa koij heya: De taku oyadepi he, eya. Uijkarj 

.iito they came. And man that this-said: This what you seek he* said. Aud 

witfahca is heya: Hehehe! koda, micin^a kirj de oijssiwakida e Wakaijtaijka 

old-man he this said: Alas! friend, my child the this I-have-mercy-on that Spirit-Great 

waku kta e owade ye do, eya. Urjkarj, Ho, koda, de Wakarjtaijka inive do. 

I give will that I seek . he-said. Aud, Yes, friend, this Spirit Great me 

Koda maku wo, kici wakde kta de, eya. 

Friend give thou to me with I-go-home will , he-said. 

Hecen iho, ku cankeij waijnaka kidi kda, urjkarj tipi warj mahpiya 

So behold, gave when now with went- and house a heaven 

home, 

ekta se harj e en kici ki, ka heya: Tipi kiij owasiij tokecinyarj wayyag 

to almost stood that in with came- aud this said : House the all as much as you please observing 

home, 

urj wo. Helian siiijkawakaij kirj de tanyarj wicakuwa yo, ka tipi way de 

be thou. Then horses the this well them-care-thoii for, and house a this 

cikana e den he cirj de warjyake sni yo, eye <-a tiyopa iyuhdoke kiij owash) 

little that here stands the this look-at not, he said aud door keys the all 

105 



10(5 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

ku, ka hehan heya: Ho, en etogwaij yo; ito, oinani mde kta ce, eye a 

gave- and then tbis-said: Yes, to luukthuii: lo, walking I-go will , he- said and 

him, 

iyaya. 

went. 

Urjkarj htayetu, urjkarj wicasa ota om kdi, ka tip! khj o/jina ahivotaijka; 

Now niglit, tlien men many with lit- name and house the full they-aat-down; 

borne, 

injkarj warjnaka teharj yaijkapi orj wicasa kiij waijzi heya: Koda, hoksina 

and now long-time were, then-fore men the one this said: Friend, boy 

kiij waste e heceknana kte do, eye ya kinaijpa. Uijkaij wicasta kiij owashj 

the good that that -enough will , he said and weut-out. A ud men the all 

is eya kinarjpapi. 

they likewise went out. 

Urjkarj ake wicasa khj heya: I ho wo, ake oinani inde kta ce; owanzina 

Then again man the this-said: Come, again traveling I-go will; staying-at-home 

en etorjwaij yo, eye ^a ake iyaya. 

look thou after it, he-said and again he went. 

E hecen iho en etorjwaij, mjkaij snijkawakaij khj uijmaij heya: Koda, 

Tlius hehold he looked after it, and horses the one this-said : Friend, 

tipi war) cikana e waijyake sni nisi korj ito en ye ya timahen darj owinza 

liiiust- a little that look-fit not thee-com- that lo in go and within wood bed 

luanded 

cokaya taku way zi en liaij ce, he en paha kiij oputkarj yo, ka koyahaq yo, 

in-the-middle some- a yellow in stands , that in head the dip thou, and he-thou-in-haate, 

thing 

naurjpiij kta ce. De wicasa ota awicakdi kirjhavj hena niyatapi kte e mis 

we-together will be. This man many them-bring- if they you-eat will that ine 

home 

hen mayutapi kta tka tawaterjwaye sni, e nauqpiy kta ce, eya. 

there ine-eat will, but I willing not, we both together will be, he said. 

Hecen hoksina koij tipi way cikana korj en i ; urjkarj daij owiyxa kiij 

So boy that house a little that in went; and wood bed the 

tfokaya taku waq zi e mibeya harj e en paha kiij oputkai), unkai) paha kiij 

ia-the- something a yellow in-a-ein-le stood in head the he dipped, and head the 

middle 

zi, ka tipi kiij ataya ozarjzarj ka iyoyarjpa. Hecen iho heyata kdicu ka 

yellow, and house the all-over shone and was-light. So hehold baek he-returned anil 

surjkawakarj waij wokiyake cikoij he akaijyotaijke ca nakipapi. Keyas 

horse a told-liim the-tbat that he-sat-upon and they-fied. Nevertheless 



nna 

fast they went. 

Urjkarj tehay ij>i unkarj iho hektatarjharj Wakarjtaijka keiciye cikoi) 

When far they^went then hehold from-hehind Spirit-Great ealled-himself the-that 

sunkawakaij nrjina koij he akan yaijke ca kuwa awican, ka heya : Wahtesni 

horse other the that upon was and following to them came, and this said: Worthless 

ssica, inaziij po, yanipi kte sni ye do; makoce waij niskoyena waijke ciij 

bad, stop ye, ye live shall not . country a so-large lies the 

tukte en dapi kta hwo, eyaya en wicati, cankeij nihincivapi. Unkarj ake 

where to you-go will ? saying to them came, whilst they-tremnled. Then again 

heya : Wahtesni sica, inaziij po, yanipi kte sni ye do, ake eya. Caijkeij 

this said : Worthless ba<l, stop ye, ye-live shall not . again he said. Meanwhile 

nipi kte sni seececa. 

they live would not it-seemed. 

Urjkaij smjkawakaij kiij heya : Witka waij dulia koij he hektakiya 

Then borge the this said : Egg a thou-hast the that bar-kwards 



bAKOTA MYTHS. 1()7 

kaliona iyeya yo, eya ; e hecen iho iyecen edorj. Urjkarj maka kiij 

throwing semi thou it, he said; that so behold in like -manner he -did. Then earth the 

hdakhjyaij miniwaijca waij icaga; carjkeij kuwa an koij eijna hinazirj ka 

the-breadth of ocean a grew; meanwhile following came the there stopped and 

heya: Hehehe, suijkawakaij, oijsimada ka akasam ehpemayaij yo; echj 

this said: Alas, O horse, pity-me and across throw-thon-me; indeed 

hecanoij kiijhaij tecihiijda kte do, eya. Hecen surjkawakaij kiij heya: 

that thou-doest if, I-you-value-much will , he said. Thus horse the this-said : 

Hehehe, tawatenwaye sni ye do, eya. Tka uina kitarj e hecen iho mini kiij 

Alas, 1 willing " not , he-said. But much he-urged so-that behold water the 

iwaijkam hiyuiciya, tka hecen mini kiij cokaya hi kiij hehan hiijhpaye Qa 

above he threw himself, but thus water the midst came the then he-fell-down and 

hecen inahen iyaya ka mhiitapi. Hecen hetaijhaij hoksina korj zaniyaij 

so within went and were-drowned. Thus from-thence boy the safely 

iyoopta iyayapi. 

beyond went. 

Urjkaij ovate waij wicoti e en ipi ka hen uijpi. Unkaij hektatarjharj 

Then p eople a dwellings in came and there they were. Then from behind 

nataij alii ka wicakizapi, tka hoksina korj paha kiij kaobeij iyeye ca paha 

to attack they- and them fought, but boy the head-hair the around turned and head- 

came hair 

kiij mazaskazi ayuwirjtapi, canker) ziyena smjkawakaij akan iyotarjke, 

the gold was-rubbed-over, meanwhile goldenly horse on he-sat, 

ka watak]>e alii koij kali pa iyewicaya ka tonana owidakapte ka awicayustan. 

and to-attack they- those fall-otf he-made-them and few thom-spared and them-left. 

came 

Unkarj ake takpe ahi tka ake wicakasota. Hoksina carjkeij hetarjharj 

And again to-attack they-eame but again he-destroyed-them. Boy therefore froiu-that 

oyate kiij tehirjdapi. 

people the much-thought-of. 

Iho mitaknyepi, takii orj hoksina hena hecorj he. Toki ni kta ciij, ka 

Well my -friends, what for boy these this-did ? Somewhere, live would wished, and 

Wakaijtaijka ikpi iyonape kta ciij ka ode naceca. Iho iyeya uijkaij 

Spirit-Great hosom in-take-refuge should wished, and sought-him, perhaps. Well he found and 

Wakaijsica temye wicakiye kta cirj. E hecen toki napa naceca, he ake ni 

Sjiirit-Jlad loeatu]) them-caiise would desired. And so somewhere he tied perhaps, that again live 

kta cirj ka napa naceda. Tka ake takpe ipi e hecen ake wicakize, ka 

might he- and tied perhaps. But again toattack they that so again them-he-fought, and 

desired came 

owasiij wicakte naceca. He iye tawiynkcaij oij hecoij sni naceca. Tuwena 

all them-killed perhaps. This lie his purpose for this-did not perhaps. No one 

en ayepica sni, seedeca, ka tnwena iyaonpepica sni. Tka is paha kiij 

can li e laid to not, a* it seems, and no one can-he-b)amed not. But thev - head the 

\ii^ i-hargi- (or-hill) 

mazaskazi ayuwirjtapi kiij he cinpi, ka hecoijpi naceca. 

gold cm t-ri d ovtr the that they desired, and this did perhaps. 

Tataijka Ivotaijke he iyececa wadake. 

Bull Silting this * is-like 1 think. 

NOTES. 

The writer of this is a Yankton Dakota, and this appears in a very marked way 
throughout the story. Notice the "yo," sign of the imperative, used in various 
instances instead of "wo;" and also the form "yiq," as in "icalimi6iciyiij kta," for 
" icaliniiciciye kta." And also "kd" for "hd," as in "kda," to yo home; "kdicu," to 



108 DAKOTA GltAMMAK, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

start home, etc. Another thing uoticable is the abundant use of free adverbial parti 
cles, as, "e" at the beginning of sentences and "ye do" at the end, which can not be 
translated, and are only used for emphasis or for rounding oft the speech. 1 

In the dialogue between the old man and old woman in the beginning of the 
fable there are a number of examples of the use of the Dakota dual, as, " unkode," 
"iyeuijye," and " hecoijkon." 

TRANSLATION. 

A man had four children. And they were all young men, but they were poor 
and seemed as if they would die of thriftlessness. And the old man said, "Behold, 
old woman, my youngest child 1 have greatest pity for, and I dislike to have him die 
of poverty. See here; let us seek the Great Spirit, and if we find him, lo, 1 will give 
him to him to train up well for me." 

The old woman replied, "Yes. old man, you say well; we will do so," she said. 
And so immediately they went to the westward, seeking the Great Spirit, and they 
came on to a very high hill; and as they came to it, behold, another man came there 
also. 

And this man said, "For what are you seeking?" And the old man said, 
"Alas, my friend, iny child whom I pity I want to give to the Great Spirit, and so I 
am seeking him." And he said, "Y"es, friend, I am the Great Spirit. My friend, 
give him to me, I will go home with him." (That is, "I will take him to my home.") 

And so when he (the father) had given him. he (the Great Spirit) took him home 
with him to a house that seemed to stand up to the clouds. Then he said, "Examine 
all this house as much as you like; and take good care of these horses; but do not 
look into the little house that stands here." Having said this, he gave him all the 
keys, and he added, "Yes, have a watch of this. Lo, I am going on a journey." He 
said this, and went away. 

It was evening, and he had come home with a great many men, who sat down, 
filling the house. When they had been there a good while, one of tlie men said: "The 
boy is good; that is enough." And saying this he went out. In like manner all the 
men went home. 

Then again, the man said: "Behold, I go again on a journey. Do you stay and 
keep watch." So again he departed. 

While he was watching, it happened that one of the horses said, "Friend, go 
into the small house into which you are commanded not to look, and within, in the 
middle of the floor, stand.s something yellow, dip your head into that, and make 
haste we two are together. When he brings home a great many men, they will eat 
you, as they will eat me, but I am unwilling we two shall share the same," he said. 

So the boy went into the little house, and in the middle of the floor stood a round 
yellow thing, into which he dipped his head, and his head became golden, and the 
house was full of shining and light. 

Then he came out and jumped on the horse that had talked with him and they 
fled. 

1 " Ye do " of the Isanyati (" ye lo " of the Titoywai)), as an emphatic ending, seems equivalent 
to the Osage "e^an," Kansa "eyau," and (^egiha " aa." The last means "indeed;" but "e<fau" and 
"eyau" contain the oral period "au" (= Dakota do, lo) as well as "indeed." j. o. D. 



DAKOTA MYTHS. (09 

Now when they had gone a long way they went very fast behold, there caine, 
following them, the one who called himself the Great Spirit. And he said, "You bad 
rascals, stop; you shall not live; whither will you go in such a small country as 
this?" Saying this he came toward them, when they were much frightened. And 
again he said, " You are bad rascals, stop ; you shall not live." And indeed it 
seemed as if they should not live. 

Then the horse said. "Take the egg you have and throw it rearward." And he 
did so, whereupon the whole breadth of the country became a sea, so that he who 
followed them came to a standstill, and said, " Alas, my horse, have mercy on ine 
and take me to the other side; if you do I will value you very much." And the horse 
replied, "Ah, I am not willing to do that." But he continued to urge him; where 
upon he threw hin^self above the water, and so that, when he came to the middle, he 
went down andjjolh were drowned. By this means the boy passed safely on. 

So it was they came to the dwellings of a people and remained there. But from 
behind they came to attack, and fought with them; but the boy turned his head 
around, and his head was covered with gold, the horse also that he sat upon was 
golden, and those who came against them, he caused to be thrown off, and only a few 
remained when he left them. Again, when they returned to the attack he destroyed 
them all. And so the boy was much thought of by the people. 

Now, my friends, why did the boy do these things ? He wanted to live some 
where, and he desired to take refuge in the bosom 1 of the Great Spirit, perhaps, and 
so he sought him. When he had found him, then the Bad Spirit sought to make him 
(the Great Spirit) eat them up. So he fled again he desired to live, perhaps, and 
fled. But they followed him, so that he again fought with them and killed them all, 
it seems. It appears that he did not do this of his own purpose. It seems as if no 
one was chargeable with it, and no one was to be blamed for it. But they wanted 
the head (hill) of gold, perhaps, and so they did it. I think that this is like Sitting 
Hull. 



Ikpi generally means Iwlly, abdomen. Sometimes it may mean the thorax also; but that is more 
properly called "wakn." So says the author in his Dakota Dictionary, p 195. j. o. D. 



ODOWAN SlGSICE. 1 
SONGS BAD. 

WRITTEN IN DAKOTA BY DAVID (}RKY CLOIT>. 



Hituijkaijkanpi war) hecen oyakapi. Uijktomi \vaij kaken ya waijka : - 

Myths a thus is-told. rijktomi one su going was; 

mde way kahda ya waijka, uijkaij inde kiij carman magaksica, ka iiiaga, 

lake one by-the- going was, and lake the out-iu ducks, and geese, 

side-of 

ka magatarjka koya ota hiyeya. Uijktomi waij wicayaka ca icica \viij 

and swans also many were. Uijktomi them-aaw and backward 

pustagstag isirjyaij kihde; <Ja pezi yusda, ka owasirj yuskiskite ( a kiij, ka 

crawling out-of-8ight went-home; and grass plucked, and all bound-up and carried aid 

on his back 

ake mde kiij kahda ya. 

rgaiu lake tbe by-tbe- went, 
side-of 

Uijkaij magaksica ka niaga ka magataijka kiij hena heyapi : Uijktomi, 

^nd ducks and geese and swans the they tbissaid: L qktomi, 

hena taku e VJikiij hwo, eyapi. Uijkai) Uijktomi heya: Hena is odowaij 

these what that you-carry ? they said. And I nktomi thia-said : These they Songs 

sigsicedaijka e he wakiij do, eya. Uijkai) magaksica heyapi : Kra Uijktctmi, 

bad-little <mes that I-carry on , said. And ducks this said: Now Uijktomi. 

my bnck 

uijkidowarj miye, eyapi. Tka Uijktomi heya: Hoho! tka eca odt>waij kiij 

us-for-sing, they said. But Unktomi this-said : Indeed! hut now songs the 

sigsi6e se eya. Tuka magaksica kiij nina kitaijpi hiijca. Uijkaij, Iho po, 

bad-ones like, he said. Bat ducks the much insisted on very. And, Come-on (vc ) 

eca pezi wokeya waijzi kaga po, eya. Uijkaij waijxi tanka kagapi ka 

now grass booth one make ye, said. And one large tliey-made and 

yustaiji)i. 

they finished. 

Uijkaij Unktomi heya: Waijua, magaksica, ka niaga, ka magataijka 

And Unktomi this said: Now, ducks, and geese, and swans 

owasiij pezi wokeya kiij timahen iyaya po, cicidowaijpi kta ce, eya. 

all grass lodge the within a ye , I-for-you (pi.) sing will , said. 

Uijkaij magaksida ka maga, ka magataijka owasiij timahen iyayapi, ka 

And ducks, and geese, and swans all within they went. and 

1 For the correspoiidin}!; Omaha and Punka myth, see Contr. N. A. Eth., vi, pt. 2, \ip. 66-69. .1. o. i>. 
2 Ya waijka, li< inix . / " ", / litrnill.v, yoiny he-reclined. Waijka, originally a classifier of attitude 
(<fc reclining object), is used here as haijka (haiika) is in Winnebago. .1. o. n. 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 1 1 1 

pezi wokeya kiij ozudaij iyotaijkapi. Unkaij Uijktomi pezi wokeya tiyopa 

grass lodge the full they sat-down. And Unktomi grass lodge door 

kiij ohna iyotaijka, ka heya: Cicidowaijpi kiijhaij, icuijhaij tuwedaij toijwe 

the in he sat-down, and this-said: I-for-you (pi.) sing if, whilst no-one look 

kte sni, odowaij kiij he liecen kapi ce, eya: ka waijna heya ahiyaya: 

shall not, song the that thus means , said: and now this-said sang: 

"Istohmus waci po; Tuwe yatoijwe ciij, Ista nisapi kta; Ista nisapi kta." 

"Eye-shut danceye; Who you look the, Eyes you-red shall; Eyes you-red shall." 

Heya ahiyaye ciij he icuijhaij, magaksica, ka maga, ka magataijka owasiij 

This- he-sung the that whilst ducks, and geese, and swans all 

saying 

istohmus wacipi, keyapi. 

eyes-shut they danced, they-say. 

Unkaij Unktomi nazhj hiyaye ca heya ahiyaya: "Miye keskes 

And Unktomi to-stand went and this-saying sang*: "I even-even 

owakipa; Miye keskes owakipa," heya opeya waci kiij he icuijhaij owasiij 

I follow-in-my- I even-even I follow-in- this- wifb danced the that whilst all 

own; my-own," saying 

hotoij wacipi kiij, hehan Uijktomi wiciyotahedaij waci uij ; ka magaksica, 

gabbling danced the, then rgktomi tliem-among dancing was; and ducks, 

ka maga, ka magataijka tona cemcepa owanyag wastepi kiij hena tahu 

and geese, and swans as-many fat ones to-look"at they good the those necks 

yuksa awicaya. Uijkaij magataijka waij tahu yukse kta tka okihi sni, ka 

twisted-off t*M>k-them. And swan one neck twist-off would but able not, and 

yuhotoijtoij. Uijkaij magaksica waij, Skiska eciyapi, kiij heca war) istogiij- 

made-squall-often. And duck one, Ski-ska by name, the such one eye-half 

kiya toijwe kta, uijkaij Uijktomi hee magataijka waij tahu yukse kta, tka 

open look would, and rnktomi himself swan a neck "break off would, but 

okihi sni he waijyaka : uijkaij Skiska kiij heya: Tonwaij po, toijwaij po, 

able not that saw : and Ski-ska the this-said : Look ye ! look ye ! 

wanna Uijktomi unkasotapi kta ce, toijwaij po, eya. 

now Unktomi us-use-up will , look ye! said. 

Unkaij hecehnana owasiij toijwaijpi, ka taijkan akiyahde kta; uijkaij 

And without delay all they looked, and out-doors go -home would; and 

Unktomi tiyopa kiij ohna ehpeiciye ca tiyopa kiij anice wacin; ka hecon, 

Unktomi door the in threw-itself and door (lie forbid intended; and this-did, 

tka hupahu ka siha koya oij apapi, ka ecen kafapi, ka siha kiij oij tezi kiij 

but wings and feet also with they-smote, and thus knocked-dead, and feet the with stomach the 

en amanipi, ka tezi owasiij kinaksaksapi, ka en ta waijka ; kitaijh ni, 

on they-walked, and stomach all they-cut-up-with- mid there dead belay; by-a-little lived. 

their-feet, 

vnjkaij inaziij-ka ohoinni etoijwan, tuka waijna tokiya akiyahda. Unkaij 

and he-arose and around looked, but now somewliere gone-home. And 

Skiska waij tokahcya toijwe ciij heoij ista sa keyapi. 

Ski-ska one first looked the therefore eyes red. they-say, 

Hehan Unktomi magaksica, ka maga, ka magataijka tona tahu 

Then Unktomi ducks, and geese, and swans, many-as necks 

wicayukse cikoij hena wicapahi ka kiij ka iyooj)ta ya waijka ; ka wakpa 

them-twisted-off had been those them-gathered and carried and thence going was; and river 

waij iyohpaya ka kahda ya, wakpa oha waij tehaij kiij iyokopeya yeya ; 

a came-to, and by-the-sidc went, river reach a long very in-sight stretched ; 

uijkaij hen e wohaij. Magaksiea, maga ka magataijka, tona tahu wicayukse 

and there he-boiled. Ducks, geese and swans, many-as necks them-twisted-off 

ciij hena oharj elide: ka hehan istiijma iwanka; wakpa kiij olmayaij paptus 

the those to-boil placed: and then to-sleep lay -down; river the upon squatting 






112 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AXD ETHNOGRAPHY. 

iwanka, ka heya : Mionze echj tuwe u kinluuj mavuhica wo, eya ka 

he-lay, and this-sairt: My <)i)ze, now who comes if wake thon me up, said, and 

istinina wanka. 

asleep lay. 

Unkan Doksinca hee wakpolina watom u warjka, uijkan invun, 

And Mink it-was river-on paddling coming was, and Iwhold, 

Unktomi hee wohan lule, ka eu iyapeya paptus istinma wanka wanyaka. 

Unktomi it-was boiling had-placed, and in close-by squatted asleep lying hc- waw. 

Hecen etkiya ya, unkan Unktomi hee onsyuhmuze kta, tka ikiyowin 1 

So thither went. and Unktomi it-was close up his ogze would, but he-mniith- 

mot ion 

iyekiya, unkaij kicunni, tka ican u, dus ye ca en i, ka Unktomi 

made suddenly, and he-stopped, but .just com- swiftly went and there ar- and Unktomi 

then ing, rived. 

istinma wanka, tka wohe cikon he icu ka owashj teinye (-a liuliu kiij owasin 

sleeping lay, but boiled had that took and all devoured and hones the all 

idicawin cega kin en. okada, ka tokiya iyaya. Wayna isiyyaq iyaya, 

back-again kettle the in he-put, and somewhere went. Now out-oi -sight bad-gone, 

uykar) hehan Uijktoini oyze waawarjyag kiye ( ikoij lie oyaka, ka kitata 

and then Uijktoini onze to-watc h caused had that "told, and shook 

orjsyuhmuza. Uijkaij Uijktomi heya: Iva, mioijze is kakecadaij ve, 

the onze closed. And Unktomi this-said: Well, niy-oqze he (acted) indeed (0 

in that manner 

eya hirjhdaiyotaijg hiyaya, ka ohomni etorjwar), tkn tuwedaij warjyake sni 

saying suddenly setting up went, and around looked, but no-one saw not 

uijkai) heya: Okhjiii ecas waqna wowahe ciij inicispaij, oij inayiiliice, 

and this-said: Perhaps indeed now my-boiling the for-me-cooked. on ar- me-waked, 

count of 

eye & kun ehde, ka ( aijwiyuze OTJ patata, tuka huhu ecee o/udaij. Uijkaij 

said and down set, and holding-wood with stirred, but bones alone full. And 

akes heya: pjhaes owasiij ouahba do, eye <;* tukiha oij kaze, tka huhu 

again this-said : Indeed all fallen-on" , said and spoon with (lipped-out, but bone 

ecedar) ohua uij. Urjkaij heya: Miorjze, tokeca tuwe u khjharj oniakiyaka 

only in were. And this-said: My-onze, why who comes if me-tcll-thou 

wo, epe sede cikor); ihomica kaki^ciye kta, eye ca caij ota pahi ka 

I-said I-thought iu the past surely I you-pun ish will, said and wood much gathered and 

aoi), ka waijua peta uina ide, urjkay iwarjkaiu oijze hdujjaij inazin, ka 

pat-on, and now fire much burn, and over-it onze opened his own stood, and 

onze kiij gag-ahaij, tka hecen nazin, ka wanna te-hnaskiyyaij, uykay hehan 

onze the squirmed, but so he-stood, and now death-struggle, and then 

yuktanyan inyanke, ca ecen kasamyedan ihpave ca en ta wanka, keyapi. 

to-turn-over he-ran, and so a-blackened-mass it-fellMlown and there dead lay, the y-say. 

Hecen liitunkaijkanpi kiij de Odowan Sigsicedanka ediyapi. 

So myth the this Songs Bad-little-ones is-called. 

Homaknidan inacistiyna kiij heehaij de nina nawalion s a, tuka 

Me-boy me-little the then this nmch I-heard habitually, but 

wanna ehantanhan waniyetu wikcemna nom aktorj nawahon sni. 

now from years ten two more-than I-hear not. 



Ripcgs ft>v H in liis Dakota Dictionary iyokiwit), to gesture to one with the mouth. If ikiyowiij 
be an alternative form, it is a ase of metathesis. J. o. D. 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 113 

NOTES. 

These Dakota myths, with interlinear translations, are all written out by 
Dakota men, and hence are pure specimens of the language. This one of the 
Bad Songs is by Eev. David Grey Cloud, one of our native pastors, and, as he is a 
Santee, the peculiarities are of that dialect, in which our books are generally written. 

The rhythmic quality of the language comes out very fairly in Uijktomi s songs : 

Istohmus wa6i po; 
Tuwe yatonwe cin, 
Ista nisapi kta; 
Ista niSapi kta. 

And in this, reduplication and repetition are finely illustrated: 

Miye keskes, owakipa: 
Miye keskes, owakipa. 

TBANSLATION. 

There is a myth which is told in this way: Unktomi was going along; his way 
lay along by the side of a lake. Out on the lake were a great many ducks, geese, 
and swans swimming. When Uijktomi saw them he went backward out of sight, 
and plucking some grass bound it up in a bundle, which he placed on his back and 
so went again along by the side of the lake. 

Then the ducks and the geese and the swans said, " [Inktomi, what is that you 
are carrying?" And Uijktomi said, "These are bad songs which I am carrying." 
Then the ducks said, "Now, Uijktomi, sing for us." But Unktomi replied, "But 
indeed the songs are very bad." Nevertheless the ducks insisted upon it. Then 
Uijktomi said, " Make a large grass lodge." So they went to work and made a large 
in closure. 

Then Uijktomi said, "Now, let all of you ducks, geese, and swans gather inside 
the lodge, and I will sing for you." Whereupon the ducks, the geese, and the swans 
gathered inside and filled the grass lodge. Then Uijktomi took his place at the door 
of the grass lodge and said, " If I sing for you, no one must look, for that is the mean 
ing of the song." So saying, he commenced to sing: 

"Dance with your eyes shut; 
If you open your eyes 
Your eyes shall be red ! 
Your eyes shall be red ! " 

While he said and sung this the ducks, geese, and swans danced with their 
eyes shut. Then Unktomi rose up and said as he sang: 

" I even, even I, 
Follow in my own ; 
I even, even I, 
Follow in my own." 

So they all gabbled as they danced, and Uijktomi, dancing among them, com 
menced twisting off the necks of the fattest and the best looking of the ducks, geese, 
7105 VOL. ix 8 



1J4 DAKOTA GRAMMAR. TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

and swans. But when he tried to twist off the neck of a large swan, and could not, 
he made him squall. Then a small duck, which is called Skiska, partly opening its 
eyes, saw Unktomi attempt to break off the neck of the swan, and immediately made 
an outcry : 

"Look ye, look ye, 
Unktomi will destroy us all, 
Look ye, look ye." 

Whereupon they all immediately opened their eyes and started to go out; but 
Unktomi threw himself in the doorway and attempted to stop them. But with feet 
and wings they smote him and knocked him over, walking over his stomach and cut 
ting it all up, leaving him lying there for dead. But comiug to life he got up and 
looked around. All were gone. But they say that the Wood duck, which first looked, 
had his eyes made red. 

Then Uijktomi gathered up the ducks and geese and swans whose necks he had 
twisted off, and carried them on his back. He came to a river, and traveled along by 
the side of it till he came to a long straight place or "reach," where he stopped to boil 
his kettle. When he had put all the ducks, geese, and swans, whose necks he had 
twisted off, into the kettle and set it on the fire to boil, then he lay down to sleep. 
And as he lay there curled up on the bank of the river, he said, Now, my onze, if any 
one comes you wake me up. So he slept. Meanwhile a mink came paddling on the 
river, and coming to Uijktomi s boiling place saw him lying close by fast asleep. 
Thither he went, and although the onze of Unktomi should have given the alarm by 
closing up, it made a mouth at the mink, at which he stopped only for a moment (till 
he felt all was safe). Then he pressed on swiftly, and, while Unktomi slept, took out 
all his boiling and ate it up, putting back the bones into the kettle. Now, when the 
mink was gone out of sight, the oi)ze of Uijktomi which he had set to watch told of 
it. Unktomi commended the faithfulness of his guard, and sitting up looked around, 
but saw no one. "Perhaps my boiling is cooked for me. and that is the reason he has 
waked me," he said, and set down his kettle, and taking a stick lie found it full of 
bones only. Then he said, "Indeed the meat has all fallen off," and so he took a 
spoon and dipped it out, but there was nothing but bones. Then said he, " Why, my 
onze, I thought that I told you to inform me if any one came. I will surely punish 
you." So saying he gathered much wood and put on the fire, and when the fire burned 
fiercely he turned his onze to it, and there stood holding it open, although it squirmed 
even in the death struggle, and then turned it over, so that finally, they say, it fell 
down a blackened mass and lay there dead. 

This is the myth of Uijktomi and the Bad Songs. 1 

1 This is a very free rendering of the original. See p. 112, 1. 20: "So this myth is called, -The 
Bad Little Songs. " Lines 21, 22 should have been translated : "When I was a little boy I used to hear 
this (myth) very often; but it has been more than twenty years since J have heard it." J. O. D. 



TASI^TA-YUKIKIPI. 



WiijUT.x IN DAKOTA BY M. KKXVILI.E. 



Invurj kakeli : Koska e<5e topapi, ka wanzi Hakekena eciyapi; hena 

Behold thus: Young-men alone were four, and one Hakaykayna was called; these 

tipi keyapi. Hecen tohan wotihni yapi kta eca warjzi hakakta kirj lie ti 

dwelt they say. Sn when to-hunt they-go would when one youngest the that house 

awarjhda<>-kiv;ipi ka heciyapi ecee: Misurj, tokiya ye sni, owarjzi yarjka wo, 

to-waU-h-they-caused-him and this-said-to always: My-brother nowhere go not, in-one-place bethou 

eyapi, ka hecen wotihni iyayapi ece. Hecen tarjyarj ti awarjhdaka ecee. 

th*ev said, and so hunting they weul always. Thus well house his-own-watched always. 

Hecen ti harjska war) nina harjska otipi, tuka wakiij kiij ti-\vihdtiksaij 

Thus house long a much long in they dwelt, but packs the house around 

iciyahdaskin hiyeya keyapi. Ka nakurj taijkata kiij is wocarjahde kiq 

pih-d-on-each were they say. And also without the it scaffolds the 

hiyeya keyapi ; taku woteca ocaze kiij arjpetu eca ahdi yuke uakaes nina 

were they say; what animals kinds the day when brought- wore indeed, very 

home 

wasecapi keyapi. 

rich-they-were they say. 

Urjkaij ake wotihni iyayapi ka Hakekena ti awaijhdaka tuka icorani 

Then again hunting tliey-went and Hakaykayna house his-own-watcht-d but weary 

keharj way sag 1 bakse i ; tuka siha taku icapa, ka nina yazarj keharj hdicu, 

when arrow greeii to cut went; but foot something stuck in, and very sore when started- 

home, 

ka hdi kehaij hdasdoka: unkar) iyyuij hoksiyopa way wiijyarj e kasdog 

and come home when pulled-out-his: and behold baby a girl that pulling-ont 

icu keyapi. Uijkay Hakekena nina icarjte sica yarjka. oina war) iyapemni 

he took they say. And Hakaykayna very heart bad * wan. Blanket a ne*wrapped 

around 

ka heyata ehnaka. Hecen iiiina yanka. Tokirj icage ces, ecii) ; hecen 

and behind placed. Thus quiet was. Oh that grow may, he-thought; so 

carjte sica yarjka, ecen ciijcu kirj owasiij wotihni hdipi. Hecen lidipi eca 

heart bad * was, until his brothers the all hunting came home. So they-corae- when 

home 

nina wiyuskhj ece, tuka ecece sni, heorj ciijcu kiij taku ican sica iyukcarjpi, 

very he rejoiced always, but like-that not, therefore brothers- the something heart bad they-judged, 

his 

kaheciyapi: Misun, tokeca taku icarjte nisica ; tuwe taku ecanicon heciyharj 

and this said to: My -brother. why what heart you-bad; who what has-done-to-you if 

uijkokiyaka po, eyapi. Urjkay, Hiya, tuwena taku ecamicorj sni, tuka 

ns-tell, they-said. And, No, no one something has-done-me not. but 

taku wanmdaka, urjkarj iyomakisice Qa inina marjke. Urjkaij, He taku he, 

something I-have-seen, and I-am-sad and silent I-am- And, That what ! 

eyapi. 

they said. 

115 



116 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

Unkan, Cirjye, owasirj idadapi keharj icomamni ecen warj sag- yukse 

And, Brothers, all you were gone when I-was-weary so-that arrows given cut 

wai, tuka siha camape, ka nina mayazarj keharj wahdidu; ka wahdi kehaij 

I went, but foot me-pierced, and very me-sore when I-startcd-home; and I-came-home when 

wahdasdoka, uijkarj hoksiyopa warj wakasdoka, urjkaij wirjyaij nade; 

I-puHed-off-my-own, and child a I-pulleil-out, and girl may -be; 

injkarj, Tokirj icage des, epda; urjkarj heorj iyomakisida de, eya. Urjkaij 

and, Oh that grow may, I thought; and therefore I-sad-am , he said. And 

cirjcu kirj, Misurj, tukte e he, eyapi kehaij idu ka wicakipazo. 

brothers-his the, My brother, which in it f they said when, he-took and sliowed-it-to-them. 

Urjkarj idiyaza kici<?u yekiyapi ka, E, tokiij icage des, eyapi. Uijkan 

Then one-to-other gave each they caused and. Well, oh that it grow may, they said. And 

ake Hakekena heya heyapi: Hopo, dirjye, ti ahmihbe urjyarjpi kta ce, 

again Hakaykayna this said, they say: Coine ye. brothers, house whirl around we cause will , 

eya, keyapi. Hecen idupi ka tideska kirj ohna kahoya iyeyapi. Urjkaij 

he said, they say. Then they took and house-top the through whirling they sent it. And 

ohmihmarj hiyaye <;a ilipaya. Urjkarj hoksiyopa waij sdohaijhaij ceya tin 

whirling it went and feU down. And baby a creeping <Tymg house- 

in 

hiyu keyapi. Tuka ake icupi ka eden iyeyapi; urjkay hehari wiciijyaijua 

it came, they say. But again they took and so threw it; and then girl 

war) mani tin hiyu. Tuka ake icupi ka ecen iyeyapi. Urjkarj wiciijyaijna 

a walking house in came. But again they took and so threw her. Then girl 

car) ade yuha tin hiyu ka aonpa. Tuka ake icupi ka ecen iyeyapi 

wood-to-burn having house in she came and laid-on. Bnt again they took and so threw 

itopa iyeyapi; urjkarj hehan wikoska warj carj kirj hdi, ka hiijska hduske 

the fourth time they and then young woman a wood carrying came, and strap unbound 

threw ; home her own 

Qa tin hiyu ka hiyotaijka. 

and house in came and sat down. 

Urjkarj, Iho, taku urjyarjpi kta hwo, eyapi. Urjkarj warjzi heya: 

Then, Come, what we-have-her shall ? they said. And one this- said: 

Misurjka iye he iyeya e hduze kta ce, eya. Tuka Hakekena heya: Hiya, 

My-brother ho this found he take-her shall , he said. But Hakaykayna this said: No 

hecetu kte sni de, eya. Urjkarj eda taku urjyarjpi kta hwo, eyapi, ka 

that-so shall not , he said. And then what we-have-for shall ? they said, and 

wowahecorj warjziksi kapi; tuka Hakekena wicada sni. Eca rnisun, taku 

relationships several meant; but Hakaykayna willing not. Then my brother, what 

unyanpi kta yacirj he, eyapi. Urjkarj, De urjkiyohakam icaga, heoij 

we have her will you want ? they said. Then, This us-after grew, therefore 

tarjksiurjyarjpi kta de, eya. Urjkarj, He hecetu ce, eyapi, ka catku kirj en 

younger sister we have will , he said. And, That is fitting , they said, and back part the in 

ohehdepi kidagapi ka ohna ehnakapi. Hecen wipata wayupika, nakaes 

bed for-her-made and, on placed her. And-so embroidering skillful, indeed 

warjzu ka harjpa ka isarj ozuha wicirj ko ipata widakicage nakaes 

quivers and moccasins and knife sheaths, straps also embroidered them for she made indeed 

nina iyuskirjpi, ka wotihni yapi kta da hehan, E, misurj, taijksi taijyarj 

much rejoiced and hunting tliey go would when then, See, my brother, sister well 

awarjyaka wo, eyapi ka iyayapi edee, keyapi. 

look thou after her, they said and they went always, they say. 

Urjkarj ake heyapi ka iyayapi: tuka idomni keharj, Tarjksi, ito awarj- 

Tlien again this they said and they went : but he-tired when, Sister, to keep 

yaka wo, war) saka warjzi bakse mde kta ce, eya ; ka heden ryaya ; ka 

tboo watch, arrow green one to cut I go will , he said ; and so te- went ; and 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 117 

edana hdi tuka tarjksitku en yanke sni. Hdi tuka inahnina toki iyaya 

soon came back but sister-his iu was not. He.-came- but hurriedly somewhere gone 

home 

hecirj : ka hdi ape yarjka. Tuka teharj hdi sni keharj ode i ka kiparj un, 

he thought : and to come wait- was. But longtime come not when to went and calling was, 

homo ing home hunt 

taku iyeye sni ; hecen hdi ka akipe yanka. Tuka hdi sni ecen cincu kirj 

but found not; so came and waiting for was. But come not even brothers his the 

home home 

hdipi, ka, Misurj, tarjksi toki iyaya he, eyapi keharj ecen owicakiyaka. 

camo home and, My brother, sister whither gone ? they said when oven so them he told. 

Uijkan, Hehehe tarjksi toki iyaye kta hwo, eyapi, ka ape yukarjpi ; tuka 

Then, Alas, alas ! sister whither go will ? they said, and waiting were ; but 

eden okpaza e hecen Hakekena deya ; hecen dindu korj owasirj om ceya. 

so dark was so-that Hakaykayua cried ; so brothers his the all with he-cried. 

Tuka tokapa khj heya: Misurj, ayastarj po, tokesta arjpa kta ce, eya: maka 

But eldest the this said : My brothers, stop ye crying presently light will be , he said : earth 

wita cistiyena ce, he taku kae unyuceyapi hecirjharj waijurjyakapr kta ce, 

island small , that what ever us make cry if we-see will , 

eya, keyapi. 

he said, they say. 

Hecen wanna anpa keharj tate ouye topa kirj hena otoiyohi ecen ipi, 

Thus now morning when winds source four the those each thus went-to, 

ka nakurj maka kirj owarjcaya urjpi tuka ; hecen iyekiyapi sni nakaes nina 

and also earth the all-over were but ; so-that finding their own not indeed very 

carjte sidapi ka baicismismi deya yakonpi ; eden okide ayustarjpi. Uqkaij 

heart bad, and cutting themselves crying were; until to hunt they ceased. Then 

their own 

kaketu : Hakekena aijpetu eda manin 6eya okawirjga urj ede, ake maiiiu 

thus it was: Hakaykayna day when abroad crying going around was always, again abroad 

ceya urj ecen isthjma; uqkarj inyurj ogunga unkarj toki tuwe deya nahon, 

crying was until he slept ; and behold he waked and somewhere someone crying he heard, 

tuka tanyarj nahoij sni keliay paha waq tehanwankarjtuya kiy akan inazin, 

but well heard not when hill a very-high the upon he stood, 

urjkar) hjyur) winoliiijca way toki deya wiwakonza niyarj nahorj : Timdo, 

and behold woman a somewhere crying wailing out breathed he heard : Brothers, 

Tasintayukikipi ewicakiyapi korj, timdo, wasasmayapi kon, maka torn 

Tasiiitayookeekeepee them called that were, brothers, you-thought-much-of-me the, seasons four 

iyotarj iyewakiye, eyaniyarj, naliorj. UrjkaTj, E toke tayksi liee se, eye, ca 

hard I find it, sne cried out, he heard. And, Well indeed sister this-is it he said, and 

seems, 

hecen deya ku, ka ecen hdi nakaes ake cirjcu koi) om ceyaya. Uqkan, 

so crying return, and so he came indeed again brothers his the with cried often. And, 

back 

Cinye, ayastanpi ka woharj po, wahanpi urjyatkanpi kta ce, eya. Heden 

Brothers stop ye and cook ye broth we drink will , he said. So 

wohaqpi ka wotapi, uykay liehan Hakekena, heya: (5inye, tuwe Tasinta 

they cooked and ate, and then Hakaykayna this said: Brothers, who Tasinta 

yukikipi ewicakiyapi he eye. Unkarj tokapa kiq he heya: Oyate lay eye 

yookeekeepee them called ? he said. Then eldest the that this said : People all 

dig uykisnana wica ede uijkicagapi e heunkiciyapi do, eya. Unkan, 

the we alone men only we-grew therefore this to-ns-they-say , he said. And, 

Tokeca heha he, eyapi. Unkan, Winohinca warj deya wiwakoqze ^a 

Why this you say ? they said. And, Woman a crying wailed and 

heya niyay nawahorj de, eya. Urjkan, Hehehe tarjksi hee sede do, eyapi, 

saying afoud I heard , he said. Then, Alas, alas! sister that-is it seems , they said, 



118 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

ka peta enen inazinpi. Tuka Hakekena, Cinye, ayastaij po, tokesta taijksi 

and fire in iii they stood. But Hakaykuyna, Brothers, cease ye crying presently sister 

hee e nahanhiij ni hechjhaij waijna waijuijhdakapi kta naceca ce, eya. 

that-is until now lives if now we-see-ours will perhaps , he "said. 

Heceij wanna aijpa kehaij yapi ka etanhaij nalioij korj en oni inazhj. Ho, 

So now morning when they went and whence he-heard the in with he stood. Yes, 

detaijhaij nawalioij ce, eya. Uijkar) ake eya niyaij: Tiindo, Tasiijta 

from here I -heard it , he said. And again said it afoud: Brothers, Tasinta 

yukikipi ewicakiyapi kon, Timdo wasasmayayapi koij, maka torn iyotaij- 

yookeekeepce who were called, Brothers you-wh*o cared for-me seasons four very hard 

iyewakiye, eya niyaij nahoijpi. Uijkaij, E, taijksi hee sece do, eyapi ka 

I find it, she cried out they heard. Tlien. Well sister that is it seems , they said and 

ceyapi. Tuka, Ayastaij po, tokesta aijpetu haijkeya taijksi waijuijhdakapi 

they i-ried. l!ut. Stop ye crying, presently day half sister we-see-onrs 

kta ce, Hakekena eye ca, Mive tokaheya waijwahdake kta c"e, eye ca, 

shall , Hakaykayna said, and. l first I see her my own will , he said, and 

wiyuskinskiijiia icicage ca en i, ka taijksitku koij hulia topa kiij owasiij 

chickadeedee made himself and in went, and sister IHH the limhs four the all 

okataij waqka en i; uijkaij ite kii] haijahohoya waijka e wayhdaka e 

fastened lay to [or he and face the broken out " [she lay] thus he saw her, tlu-n 

there] came > was his own 

hecen en iyahar) tuka timdoku wayzi hee kediq sni nakaes lieye: 

so (there) he alighted but her brothers one that was she not indeed this said: 

in thought that 

Wiyuskinskinna, tiindo warjwicawahdaka uijkaijs cek]>a [lit: navel] icipate 

Chickadeedee, my brothers I could see them, my own if breast 1-you- 

emfiroidt-r 

kta tuka, eya. Unkar) Aviyuskiqskiij koij, Taijksi, de miye do, e\a. 

would but, she said. And chickadeedee the. Sister, this is f , he said. 

Unkan, Timdo, unkiyahde kta, eya. Tuka, Tokesta taijksi; waijna 

And, Brother, we-g o-home will she said. But, Presently sister; now 

iyeunniyaijpi ce, eya, keyapi. Tanksi, tanyaij wohdaka wo, eya. Uijkaij, 

we-yon-have-found he said, they say. Sister, well tell -your-story, he-said. Then, 

Timdo de ptanpi e amahdipi ce, eya keyapi. Maka kiij mahen taijluuj 

Brother the otters they bronght-me-home, she said, they say. Karth the within from 

ka ayapi ka ecen marjka ciij etoopta yahdogyapi ka ohna yumaheu-imacupi 

dig- they came and even I was the towards they gnawed a hole, and through dragged-me inside 

ging 

ka maka kiij ecen paohduta iyeyapi nakaes, heoij iyemayayapi sni ce eye 

and earth the like hole stopped they made indeed, therefore " me-you-fln d not she saiil 

ca ciijcu en wicahdi, keyapi. Taijksi hee ce, eye ca om en ya. Uijkaij 

and brothers his to them he came they say. Sister that is, he said and with to went. And 

home, 

tihaijska kakiyotaijna iyeya haij e en itankan taijksitkupi koij huha topa 

house long in that direction extending stood that there outside sister theirs the limbs four 

kiij owasiij okataij oijpapi e en ipi. Uijkaij heya: Timdo, waijna maka 

the all fastened placed that there came. Then she this said : Brothers, now seasons 

torn den iyotag iyekiya manka, tuka ni waijm;ivahdakapi kiij he taku 

four here experiencing dinieulty I-am, but alive you (pi.) see me, your own the that some 

thing 

wanzi oij hecece ciij he ociciyakapi kta ce, eya keyapi. Ptaij kiij de ocaze 

one for that-so the that I-you-tell will , she -said they say. Otters the this kinds 

zaptanpi ce; wanzi sa, wan/i to, wanzi zi, ka waijzi ska ka waij/i sapa he 

are five one red, one blue, one yellow, and one white and one black this 

og timdo dehaij ni manka ce. Tohan hogaij ohaijpi huliu kiij kadapi ca 

by brothers now alive I-arn. When fish they boiled bones the threw out when 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 119 

waharjpi kate cirj huhu ko akada akastarj-iyemayarjpi ede; hecen kate cirj 

broth hot the bones also emptied on they-poured out on me always ; so-that hot the 

orj maspan, ka hulm kirj is omakasdate cirj orj ite kirj mahdi kirj demadeda 

by I-was-burnt, and bones the that mo stuck in the by face the me-sore, the this me such: . 

ce: tuka toharj ptarj sapa kirj u ka hogarj hu kirj kada kta da conica ka 

but when otter black the came and fish bones the throw out would then meat and 

haijpi ko orjge iyohnagmakiya ede korj orj ni warjmayadakapi; heorj ptarj 

broth also some put in my mouth always that for alive you see me, your own therefore otter 

waij sape cirj he ni wadirj ce, eya, keyapi. Tohari htayetu da hehan wanna 

a black the that alive I want , she said, they say. When night when then now 

wihni aku ede eca sa kirj he ku da wakarjhdi sa e tiyobogaga ede, ka to 

hunting come always then red the that comes then lightning red it is Wise shines always, and blue 
home through 

kiij he ku eca wakarjhdi kirj to e tiyobogaga ede; ka zi kirj ku da 

the that comes when lightning the blue that house glints through always and yellow the comes when 

wakarjhdi zi e tiyobogaga ede, ka ska kirj ku da wakanhdi ska e tiyo- 

lightning yellow that h ouse shines in always, and white the comes when lightning white that house 

bogaga ece, eya. 

illumes always, she-said. 

Urjkaij waijna timdoku kirj darjhpi ioicagapi tiharjska kirj tiyopa 

And now brothers hers the war clubs made for themselves house long the door 

anokataijharj inazirjpi : uijkarj warjna wakarjhdi sa kirj e tiyobogaga, urjkarj 

both sides stood: and now lightning red the that house illumed, and 

ptarj sa korj hee pa tin uye da, Wati takumna, eya, tuka kata ehpeyapi ka 

otter red the that is head house pushed and. My house smells, he said, but they beat him to death and 
in 

tiyoyusdoharj idupi. Tuka ake wakanhdi to e tiyobogaga, ka to kin, Wati 

house* into they dragged him. But again lightning blue that house lighted, and blue the, My house 

takumna, eya hirjhda pa tin uya, tuka kata ehpeyapi ka tiyoyusdoharj 

smells. saying suddenly head house in thrust, but they beat him to death and dragged him in- 

idupi. Tuka ake wakarjhdi zi e tiyobogaga, urjkarj ptarj zi e, Wati takumna, 

to the But again lightning yellow that Wise illumed, and otter yellow that, My smells 

house. house 

eya pa tin uya, tuka kata ehpeyapi ka tiyoyusdoharj idupi. Ake wakarjhdi 

saying head house in thrust, but they beat him to death and dragged him into the house. Again lightning 

way ska e tiyobogaga, urjkarj ptaij warj ska pa tin uya, tuka kata ehpeyapi 

one white that house shined in, then otter one white head house thrust, but they beat him to death 

is in 

ka tiyoyusdohaij idupi. Heharj ptarj sape cirj hee ku, urjkarj, Timdo he 

and house in dragging took him. Then otter black the that is came, and, Brothers that 

edorj eya e hecen niyake yuzapi. Hehan tarjksitkupi korj okatarj he cikorj 

did it she said that so that alive they took it. Then sister theirs the fastened that was 

ikaij kirj owasiij bapsakapi ka ite kirj lidi korj owasirj kiyuzaza ka hdokupi. 

thongs the all they cut and face the sores the all for washed and brought home, 

Ka ptarj kirj nakurj. Hecen hdipi hehan iyotarj tarjksitkupi kirj tarjyarj 

And otter I he also. So came home then most sister theirs the well 

awarjhdakapi ; ka nakurj ptarj kirj niyake tarjyarj yuhapi. Tuka ohirjni 

watched over theirs ; and also otter the alive well they k<-pt. But always 

iyokisida ka ididowaij da hey a ede keyapi : Heparj cirjye, Heparj cirjye, 

gad and sang-hiinsi-lf when this said always, they say: Haypai) brothers, Haypan brothers. 

oiyakapte tokeca uijkoijpi kte epe cirj anamayagoptarjpi sni ka miye hirj 

ladle another we use should I said the me you listened to not and me hair 

sica omakaptapi ye, Heparj cirjye, Heparj cirjye, eya ic.idowarj ecee. 

bad me they have spared, Haypai) brothers, Haypai) brothers, saying he sung to himself always. 

Urjkarj heciyapi, keyapi : Tarjyarj edaurjyedonpi e orj tarjyarj uijniyuhapi 

And this they said to, they say : Well to u you did therefore well we-you-have 



&P 




120 DAKOTA GBAMMAB, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

urjcippi, tuka ohirjni iyoniciside kta e hecen niye taku iyonicipi kirjliai) ecen 

we wish, but always you sad will be that so you wbat please you it so 

e<5anorj kta ce, eciyapi ; is tokecirj yaurj kta yaciij khjhaij ecen yaiuj 

you do shall , they said to whether as you you be will you want il so you-be 

him; please 

kta ce, eciyapi. Urjkaij, Ho, tokecirj waurj waciq ce, eya keyapi. Uijkaij, 

shall [usu- they said to And, Yea, anywhere I be I want he said, they sav. Theii, 

ally. ] him. 

Ho, hunktiya wo, Wiyohpeyata Wakarjheza Ptarj eniciyapi kta ce, eciyapi 

Yes, go thou forth, westward child otter you called shall [usn they said 

ally. ] to him 

ka hiyuyapi. Unkarj heorj dehay ptaq sapa eceedai) yuke dig heoij hecetu 

and sent him forth. And therefore now otter black alone are the therefore so it is 

keyapi. 

they say. 

NOTES. 

1. The name of the myth: Tasinta means Deer s tail, and from that is applied to 
the tail of auy ruminating animal. Tasint-ostaij is the name of the upper joint of the 
tail where it joins the backbone, and is regarded as a peculiarly nice little piece to 
roast. As for yukikipi, it is said to belong to the old language, and they do not 
know what it means. One old woman suggests that ynkiki means to twist or rub 
off. It would then mean deer s tail-twisted-off. That appears to correspond with the 
reason given by the eldest of the brothers. In reply to Hakaykayna s question, Who 
were called Tashjta yukikipi? he replied, " Of all people we only are males, and hence 
are so called." 

2. At first one would think that the four young men constituted the household, 
and that the youngest of those four was called Hakaykayua. But that is not so. 
Hakaykayna was only a boy and is not counted in the/owr. He was the fifth, as the 
name Hakay would necessarily require. 

3. It is opportune to note the use of " misun," my younger brother, used by the 
brothers in their collective capacity, both in a direct address to, and also in speaking 
of, Hakaykayna. Also he uses " c~inye," older brother, in speaking of and to one or 
all of them together. In like manner they use " tarjksi," younger sister (of a man), in 
speaking of or to the girl, and she uses "timdo," older brother (of a woman), in her 
addresses to one or all of them. It is like our use of " brother " and " sister " without 
the pronoun " my." But the Dakotas always say " misuij " or " misuijka," and a woman 
always says " mit uij " and " mitaijka," my older sister and my younger sister. The 
peculiarities of the lauguage in the uses of brother and sister, whether older or 
younger, and whether of a man or woman, are well illustrated in this myth ; but in 
the translation I have not thought it needful to add the older and the younger. 

4. Everything is possible in a myth, as illustrated by Hakaykayna s suddenly 
changing himself into a chickadeedee. Animals always have the gift of speech in 
myths. 

5. The icail of the captive girl in her affliction is very affecting: " Brothers who 
are called Tasiijta yukikipi brothers who once cared for me tenderly." The word 
" wasasya " here used is a very peculiar one, expressing great care and love. The 
same is true of the song or wail of the black caged otter "Hepaij (nijye! Hepaij 
6inye! Brothers Haypaij ! Brothers Haypaij ! You did not listen to me; now I, the 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 121 

bad-furred one, alone am saved!" Hepaij, which means the second son, is the sacred 
name for the otter. s. K. R. 

In the Omaha myth of "The Brothers, Sister, and the Red Bird" (Contr. 1ST. A. 
Eth., VI, Pt. i, pp. 219-22*!), the youngest brother finds a sister in the manner described 
in the Dakota myth. In the myth of "Ictinike, the Brothers, and Sister" (Contr. N. 
A. Eth., vi, Pt. i, pp. 79-83), the youngest brother finds the sister who had been 
carried underground by an elk. J. o. D. 

TRANSLATION. 

Behold, thus it was : There were four young men and one who was called Hakay- 
kayna. These lived together. And so it was that when they went hunting they made 
the youngest one the keeper of the house, and said to him, " My youngest brother, 
don t go anywhere, stay at home." Saying this they went to hunt, and he watched 
the house. Now the house they lived in was a very long one, but all around the inside 
the packs were piled up on each other, and also there were scaffolds on the outside, 
for every day they brought home all kinds of wild animals, and so they had a great 
abundance of meat. 

And so, on a time, they went out to hunt and Hakaykayna watched the house, 
but when he was lonesome he went out to cut arrow sticks, and when something 
pierced his foot that it was very sore he started home. When he reached the house 
he opened the sore place, and, lo ! he took out a girl baby. 

And on account of this Hakaykayna, sad of heart, wrapped a blanket around it 
and laid it back and so was silent. "Oh that it might grow up!" he thought, and so 
was sad of heart until all his brothers came home from the hunt. He had always 
been glad when they came home, but it was not so now. They judged something had 
made him sad, and so they said to him, "My brother, what makes you sad of heart? 
If anyone has done anything to you, tell us." But he said, "No one has done anything 
to me, but I have seen what makes me heart-sore and silent." And they said, "What 
is it?" And he said, "Brothers, when you went away I was lonesome and went out 
to cut arrow sticks, and something stabbed my foot and it was very sore, so that I 
came home. When I reached home and took it out, it was a- baby that I pulled out ; 
and it was a girl baby, perhaps. Oh, that it might grow up! I thought, and on that 
account I am heart-sore." 

And his brothers said, "Where is it?" So he took it up and showed it to them, 
and they passed it from one to another, and said, "Oh, that it might grow up !" Then 
Hakaykayna said, "My brothers, come, let us whirl it around the house." So they 
took it up and threw it out of the roof hole and it whirled around and fell down. But 
now it was a creeping baby and came in crying. Again they took it up and whirled 
it as before, and then she came in walking, a little girl. But again they took her up 
and threw her, and she came in a girl bringing sticks of wood, which she placed on the 
fire. But again they took her up ar.d threw her as before. This was the fourth time 
they whirled her, and then she came with a back-load of wood. She untied the strap 
and came in the house and sat down. 

Then they asked, "What relation shall she be to us?" And one said, "My 
youngest brother found her. let him take her for his wife." But Hakaykayna said, 
"No, that shall not be so." And they said, "What then shall be her relation to us?" 



122 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

and mentioned several terms of relationship. But Hakaykayna did not consent. 
"What then," they said, "shall we have her for! What do you want!" And he 
said, "This one came after us, let us have her for younger sister." They all said, 
"That is the proper thing." So they made her a bed and placed her in the back part 
of the house. 

Now she was very skillful in needle and quill work. She embroidered quivers, 
moccasins, knife sheaths, and carrying-straps for them, so that they greatly rejoiced. 

When they were to go out hunting they said, "Now, my brother, watch over sis 
ter well." But when he grew tired, he said, "Now sister, do you watch, I will go and 
cut a green arrow stick." He went and soon came back, but his sister was 7iot there. 
He thought she had gone for a little while, and so waited for her to come home. But 
when she came not for a long while, he went to hunt her. Not finding her, he came 
in and waited until his brothers came home and said to him, " My brother, where is 
sister?" When he told them about it, they said, "Alas, alas! where has our sister 
gone?" And they waited and it became dark, and Hakaykayna cried and the broth 
ers all cried with him. 

Then the oldest one said, "My brothers, stop crying, soon it will be morning; 
this island earth is small ; we will then see what has made us cry." So now when the 
morning came they started out to each of the four winds, and they went all over the 
earth. Anfl when they found her not, they were very sad and cut off their hair as 
they wept. 1 

When they had ceased to hunt for her Hakaykayna every day went abroad and 
walked around crying. One day, after crying around, he fell asleep, and lo! on 
waking up, he heard someone crying somewhere. But not hearing it distinctly he 
went to a high hill and stood on it. Then, lo! somewhere he heard a woman wail out 
in her crying, "Brothers, who are called Tasiutayookeekeepee; brothers, who once 
cared for me tenderly, for four seasons I have had a hard time." This he heard and 
said, "Well! that seems to be sister somewhere;" and so he started home crying. 
When he arrived his brothers cried too; but he said, " My brothers, cease and boil the 
kettle; we will drink some soup." So they cooked and ate. Then Hakaykayna said, 
"My brothers, who are they who are called Tasintayookeekeepee?" The eldest one 
answered, "Of all people we only are all males, and hence are so called. But why do 
you ask that?" And he said, " I heard a woman wail out that as she cried." "Alas, 
alas! that is probably our sister," they said, and they stood in the lire. But Hakay 
kayna said, "Brothers, cease; if indeed this is our sister she is alive and we shall per 
haps see her again," and he cried. 

Now when the morning came they went and stood nth him where he had heard 
the voice. He said, "Yes, this is where I heard it." TUCII they heard her again say 
ing, "My brothers who are called Tasintayookeekeepee, brothers who cared for me 
tenderly, for four seasons I have had a hard time." They heard this cry and said, 
"Yes, this is our sister," and they all cried. But Hakaykayna said, "Stop, we shall 
indeed see our sister in a part of a day, and I will see her first." So saying he 
changed himself into a chickadeedee and went in and saw his sister lying with her 
limbs fastened and her face covered with sores. He alighted by her, but she did not 
think it was one of her brothers; and so she said, "Chickadeedee, if I could only see 
my brothers I would embroider your breast around." And the chickadeedee said, 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 123 

My sister, it is I." She said, " Brother, let us go home." But he said, "Presently, 
my sister. We have now found you. Tell all about it." And she said, " Brother, 
the otters brought me home. They dug from within the earth, and made a hole up 
to where I was and dragged me in. Then they closed up the hole in the earth so that 
you could not find me." 

When she had said this, he said, "Yes, I will go for my brothers." When he 
came home to his brothers, he said, "It is our sister." And they went with him. 
And they came to a house that was stretched out very long, outside of which their 
sister was placed with her four limbs fastened. Then she said, "My brothers, I have 
been now four seasons in this suffering state, but 1 am still alive, as you see me. That 
is owing to one thing, of which I will tell you. There are five kinds of otters here; 
one is red, one is blue, one is yellow, one is white, and one is black. It is because of 
the last one that I am alive, brothers. When they boiled fish and threw out the 
bones they emptied the bones and the hot soup upon me, so that I am burned by the 
heat, and the bones pierced me so that my face is all sore. That is the reason of my 
being so. But when the black otter came to empty out the bones he would put into 
my mouth some of the meat and of the soup also. On account of that you see me 
alive. Therefore my desire is that the black otter may live." 

"When the evening conies then they return from their hunts. When the red 
one conies he makes red lightning shimmer through the house ; when the blue one 
comes he lights up the house with blue lightning ; when the yellow one comes he 
makes yellow lightning shoot through the house; when the white one comes he make 
white lightning shine through the house." 

Now, when her brothers had made themselves war clubs they took their stations 
at each side of the door of the long house. Now it came to pass when the red light 
ning gleamed through the house and the red otter put his head in at the door and 
said, "My house smells of something," then they killed him and drew him inside the 
house. Then, again, the blue lightning gleamed through the house, and as he said, 
My house smells of something," he put in his head, but they killed him and drew 
him into the house. The yellow lightning gleamed through the house, and the yellow 
otter, saying, "My house smells of something," pushed in his head, but they killed 
him and pulled him into the house. By and by a white lightning gleamed through 
the house and a white otter pushed in his head, but they killed him also and drew 
him into the house. Then the black otter came home, and the sister said, "That is 
the one that did it." So they took him alive. Then they cut all the cords that bound 
their sister and washed the sores on her face, after which they took her and the otter 
to their home. Now, when they had come home they watched over their sister better, 
and they took good care of the otter that they saved alive. But he was always sad of 
heart, and as he simg to himself, he said, " Brothers Haypan! Brothers Haypan! I 
said we ought to use a different ladle; you did not listen to me, and I, the bad-furred 
one, alone am saved. Brothers Haypan ! Brothers Haypan!" 

And they said this to him, u You did well to us, and therefore we want to treat 
you well, but if you are going to be always sad of heart, you shall do what pleases 
you; if you want to go where you please, so you shall do." And he said, "Yes, I 
want to be free to go where I please." And they said to him, "Go, you shall be 
called the Western Child Otter." And they let him go. 

Therefore they say it is that now there are only black otters. 



CHEE-ZHON, THE THIEF. 1 



WRITTEN IN DAKOTA BY JAMES GAHVIK. 



Igyurj kaken wiwazica way c irjhiijtkti kic i ti, keyapi. Warjna 

Lo! thus widow one son-hers with dwelt, they say. Now 

hoksidarj kitaijna taijka hehan hurjku kiij heya iwarjga: Cirjs, wayna 

boy little large then mother-bis the this said inquiring: My-son now 

wicohar) duhe kta iyehaqtu, hecen tukte wicohar) iyonicipi kta iyececa he, 

work you-have should it-is-time, so which work please-you will is-like ? 

eya. Hehan hoksidarj kiij is, Wamanonpi s a, eya. Hehan hurjku kirj 

she-aaid. Then boy the he, Thieves, he-said. Then niother-his the 

heya: Cirjs, wicohar) kirj he iyotarj teliike wada korj, eya. Tuka ake 

this said: Son, work the that most difficult I esteem that, she said. But again 

nakuij yuhe kta keya; ka heya: Howo eca ina, wanagi tipi ekta ye ka 

also have would he-said; and this said: Come now mother, ghosts house to go and 

tukte wicoharj mduhe kta heciijharj iwicawarjga wo, eya. 

which work lhave shall if of them inquire thou, he said. 

Hehan hunku kir) iyaya. Tuka Cizay duzaharj nakaes ohomni inyang 

Then mother-his the went thither. But Chee-zhon swift indeed around running 

iyaye ca iye tokaheya ekta i, ka wanagi kiq hewicakiya: Ecirj ina den hi 

went and W first there ar- and ghosts the this-to-thcin-said: To-day mother here conies 

rived, 

ka widoharj tukte mduhe kta iniwarjgapi kiyhay, wamanorjpi s a eya po; 

and work which I-have shall inquires of you if, stealing regularly .say -ye; 

eye (;a hdicu ka hdi. Hehan iteliaq hehan hunku kiy tieya lidi. Hehan 

he-said and started and came Then long-after then mother-his the crying came Then 

home home. home. 

Cizaij heya: Ina, taku wicohay makupi he, eya. Hehan huyku kiij is 

Chee-zhon this said : Mot her, what work i4(e-they-give ? he said. Then mother his the she 

heya: Ciijs, wicohar) kirj he nina tehike wada koi), eya, Tuka heya: 

this said: Son, work the that very hard I-esteemed that, she said. But tliis-he said: 

Howo, ina, inina yanka wo, tokesta warjna ecadarj wiurjzice kta ce, eya. 

Well, mother, silent he thou, presently now soon we-rich will , he said. 

Ka hehan tokiya iyaya. Urjkarj eciyatarjhaq sugtaqka 2 warjzi ahdi. Ake 

And then somewhere he went. And from-thcnce horse one he-brought- Agaiu 

home. 

1 Though stories resembling this are found in many countries of the Old World, it has been 
thought best to retain the story of Cheezhon to show how the Dakota adopt stories of foreign origin. 
A version of Jack the Giant-killer has been adopted by the Omaha J. o. n. 

s $uktanka or unktanka is the usual Santee form of this word. J. o. I). 
124 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 125 

tokiya ivaya eca eciyatarj pte, kais tahirjca ska, kais taku wanurjyanpi 

somewhere "went then from-thence cow, or deer white, or some cattle 

hecekcen awicahdi e<Jee. 

thus them-brought- always, 

home 

Ihnuharjnah hunku otoijwe eciyatarj hdi, urjkarj heya: Cirjs, harjyetu 

Suddenly mother-his village trom came home, and this said : Son, night 

kiij de wicastayatapi tawicu mazanapcupe tawa kirj iyacu sni kirjharj 

the this chief wife-hia finger-ring hers the you take not if 

harjhanna wiyotarjhaij kirjhaij pa niyuksapi kta, keyapi, tka eye, ka ceya. 

tomorrow noon if head they break off will, they-say, but she said, and cried. 

for you 

Tuka iyoki sni ka heya : Ina, iniiia yarjka wo, he takusni ce. Ka wanna 

But permitted not and this said: Mother quiet be [sit thou], that nothing-is . And now 

litayetu tuka iye wokoyake tawa keya wicasta iyecen opugitorj eca heharj 

evening but ne clothes his even man like stuffed when then 

caniyamanipi warjzi kaga ; ka hehan wanna haijyetu tuka wicasta kage cirj 

ladder one made; and then now night but man made the 

he darjiyamanipi iyahna icu ka ekta i. Hehan caniyamanipi ecen ehde ca 

that ladder with took and there went. Then ladder so placed when 

wakaijtkiya ye Qa owarjye oheiia tiinahen etorjwarj ; unkaq wicastayatapi 

upward went and window through house- within looked; and chief 

kiij mazakai) ptecedaij napanurjkatanhar) yuha istinma waijka. Tuka 

the gun short hauds-both-with had sleeping lay. Bnt 

owaqye pakokog pawaqkan-iyeya eca pezi wicasta kage ciij he owanye 

window rattling shoved-up when grass rann made the that window 

ohna yuza. Hehan wicastayatapi ogunga ka kute. Tuka pezi wicasta 

in held. Then * chief waked and shot. But grass man 

kage cikoi] kiij he o, nakaes kun yulipa ehpeya ; ka helian tin iyaya. 

made hal the that hit, indeed down threw it threw it and then house-in he went. 

down away : 

Tuka icunharj wicastayatapi kte kecirj heoij kun iyaya. Tuka icunharj 

But whilst chie f killed he thought therefore down he-went. But in-the-mean- 

time 

Cizai} wicastayatapi tawicu kir) heciya : Mazanapcupe kiq he hiyu 

Chee-zhon chief wife-his the this-said-to: Finger-ring the that to-come 

makiya wo, Oizar) hee sni, tuka wakte ce, eya. Uijkarj ku ; tuka icu eca 

to-me-cause, Chee-zhon that WKS not, but I-killed , he said. And she-gave; but took when 

kun hdicu. 

down he-came. 

Hehan wicastayatapi tin hdicu ka tawicu heciya : Mazanapcupe kirj 

Then chief house-in came and wife-big thia-sald-to: Finger-ring the 

hiyu makiya wo, Cizarj hee sni tuka wakte ce, eya. Tuka is heya : Naka 

to-come to-mo-cause, Che-zhon that was not but I-killed , he said. But she this-said: But-just 

waqna heha ces ci<?u sece cikon, eya, E, he Cizaq ee tka yaku do, eya. 

now that-you- since I-gave- it seems in the she said. "Well, that Chee-zhon was but you-gave- , he said, 
said to-you past, it-to-him. 

Tuka icunhaq waima Cizaq ki, ka huyku kirj heciya: Iho! dece- 

But in-the-meantime now Chee-zhon reached- and mother-his the this-sald-to : Lo ! tins- 

home 

hnana tuka he taku oq ceya yauij he eya, ka hehan mazanapcupe kiq ku. 

is-all but that some- for crying you were ) he said, and then flnger-ring the cave- 

thing her. 

Hehan warjna ake kitanna teharj hehan hurjku otogwe ekta i, unkarj 

Then now again little long then mother-his town to went and 

nakuij ake 6eya hdi. Unkarj Cizarj heya: Ina, de taku yaka he; de 

also again crying came home. And Cheezhon this said : Mother this what you mean this 



126 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

winizice sni kin heeharj kaes yaceye sni; de winizica urjkai) ecarj ceya 

you rich not the then even you-cry not, this yon-rich and now crying 

yaurj he, eya. Hehan hurjku kiij heya: Gins, haijtuke wicastayatapi kiij 

you-are ? he-said. Then mother-liis the this said: Son, now-indrcd chief the 

iye hhjca \vilmwe hi kta keya tuka, eya, Hehan Cixaij heya: Ina, is he 

he very to-take-you come will he-said hut, she said. Then Cheezhon this said: Mother.thisthat 

taku sni do, eya: ka hecehnana cotaijka cistinna way ka;Va yaijka ca vustaij. 

something not , hesaid: and that alone whistle small one making was (sat ?) when lie-finished. 

Hehan heya: Ina, tasupa wanzi we okastaij ka oijholida imahentaijhaij inj 

Then this said: Mother, gut one blood pour-in and clothes underneath from wear 

wo; hecen tohan hi khjhaij isaij kirj de oij capa iheciye kta, tokesta tasupa 

thon; so when he-come if knite the this with stabbing I-strike^you will, inci 1 gut 

kiij he cawape kta, hecen he we kinhay cikte keciij kta ce: esta hehan 

the that I-stab will, so that bleed if I-you-kill he-think will : hut then 

tohau cotaijka kiij de mdazozo kii;haij naziij yahidade kta ce, eya. Hehan 

when whistle the this I-blow often if you rise to your feet will , he said. Then 

wayna wiyotaqhar) helian wicastayata])i kiij tin hiyu, tuka lunjku capa 

now noon then chief the house in came, but motlier-his stab 

iheya waijyaka. Hehan wicastayatapi kirj heya: Hoeca Cizaq, winitkotkoka 

he-thrust saw. Then chief the thissaid: Astonishing Cheezlion, you-fool 

ecee sta ake nakahake seececa, eya. 

always although again tins time it seems, he said. 

Urjkarj Cizaij is heya: De taku yaka he; de mis ina niwakive kta 

And Cheezhon he this said: This what you mean ? this I mother 1-bring-to-life will 

hecamon, eya; ka cotarjkadarj kiq ehdaku eca ayazozo, uijkaij luujku kiij 

this-I-do, he said; and whistle (-small) the took-up his when whistled-on, and mother-his the 

nazirj liiyava. Hehan wicastayatapi kin heya: Cizaij, he niazaska tona 

she rose to her J eet . Then chief the this-said: Cheezhon. that money how many 

iyahdawa he, eya. Hehan Cisai) is heva: Hehe de ota iyopewaye hecen 

youcountyour . he said. Then Chet^zhon he this said: Alas? this much I-pay-for so 

own 

wiyopewaya waciy sni ce eya. Ecin mis tohaii tuwe ta esta niye masipi 

I-sell I-want not , he said. For I when any-one dead although muke command 



me 



kiqhaQ.de OTJ niwaye kta nakaes heoij tcwjd iiijda ce, eya. Tuka tona 

if this with I make "live will indeed, therefore I-prize-it , he -sjiid. But many-as 

hiijca ihdawa esta iyena ku kta keya. Hecen mazaska opawin-e za])taij 

very he-counts although so many he-give would, he said. So money hmnlred five 

his own 

kta, keya, Urjkar), Ho, eye, ka iyena ku ka akiyahda. 

will, he said. And, Yes, he said, and so many gave, and took it home. 

Hehan ovate owasiij wicakico eca taku warjzi ecoij kta, keya. Hecen 

Then people ail them-he-called when something one he-do would, he sniil. So 

wicasta itaycan ota en hipi. Hehan warjna ecoq kta keye ciq wamia 

nieu chief many there came. Then now do would he-said the now 

iyehantu, hehan tawicu en hinazhj si eca he cape ka kte esta ake kinive 

it-was-time, then wife-his then to-stand com- when that stab and kill although again make live 

manded 

kta keya, eca cape ka kte. Hehan (Sotankadar) kirj ayazozo yanka, tuka 

would, he said, then lie-stabbed and killed. Then (small?) whistle the he-blew-on-it (sat) was, but 

hecen ta waijka waijke. Hehan uina canze hirjca. 

so dead lying (lay) was. Then much heart-hurt very. 

Hehan Cizarj hurjku ediyataijhaij hdi, ka, Ciqs, haijliayna wayna, 

Then Cheezhon mother-bis t rom-tliere came-home, and, Son, in -the-morning then 

wozuha ohna minin ehpeniyaijpi kta, keyapi tuka, eya. Tuka Cizaij, Ha! 

bag in iu-water they-you-tlirow will, they say but, she said. But Cheezou, Ha! 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 127 

ha! ina, is lie taku sni do eya. Hehan wanna haijhaijna wiyotanharj unkarj 

ha! mother, this that some- not . lie said. Theu now morning noon and 

thing 

wicastayatapi kiij hi era akiyahda. Hehan wanna ki(5i ki, hehan akicita 

chief the come when took-him home. Then now with went then soldiers 

home. 

wozuha. waij/i mahen ohnag wicasi, ka minin ehpeya wicasi: ka waijna 

hag one within place them com- aud water-in throw-him them com- and now 

manded. manded: 

Cizarj wozuha en ohnaka ka ayapi ka ikiyedarj aipi, hehan wicastayatapi 

Cheezhon bag in placed and took and near-to carried him. then chief 

kiij, Ito wicakico ka akiyalida. Hehan tuwe taliirjca ska iyasasa 

the, Hold, them call and take him home. Then some one deer white shouting to 

nalion. Hehan Cizaij heya hiijhda: Wicastayatapi cunvvintku kici urjpi 

he heard. Then Cheezhon said this suddenly: Chief daugliter-his with being 

wacirj sni ! Wicastayatapi cuijwhjtku kici uijpi wachj sni ! eya yaijka. 

I-want not! Chief daughter-his with being I-want not! he-saying (sat) was. 

Hehan tahinca ska awanyake <5irj en hi ka heya : De taku yaka he. 

The^i deer white watched-over the there came and this said : This what you mean . 

Urjkarj heya : He de Wicastayatapi dunwirjtku war) kici waurj kta keyapi, 

And this-he said: That this chief daughter-Ins one with I-be shall they say, 

ka wicawada sni tuka ekta amayaijpi ce, eya. Unkaij hecehnana wicasta 

and T-willing not but thero me-they-take , he said. And immediately man 

kirj heya : Howo, miye e mde kta ce, eya, Hehan, Koyahaijna wo eca, eya. 

the this said: M ell, I that 1-go will , he said. Then, * Hurry tho:: now, hesaid. 

Hehan wicasta kiij wozuha kohayna yuska iyeya, ka Cizarj nazitj 

Then men the l>ag quickly untied tore it. 1 and Cheezhon standing 

hiyaya; ka wicasta kirj isto ohna pahta ehpeya, eda tahinca ska wanunyarjpi 

went: and man the him-now in tied they put him. then deer white tame animals 

owasirj carjmahen kahani evvicavaya, ka heciya un yaijka. 

all wof>d-into driving them-took. and there was (sat) continued. 

Hehan wanna kitaijna tehaij hehan tahinca wanuijyaijpi optaye kirj 

Then now little long then deer tame animals flock the 

owasirj wicastayatapi ti kiij en awicahdi, ka heya: Ho, cannanwapa 

all chief house the to them-brought-homc, and this said: Yes, far-ont-in-the- water 

ehpemavayapi uijkans heciya sugtanka totopi ka tatarjka kiij is he kiij 

you-me-had-thrown if there horse blue-ones and oxen the they h jrns the 

inazaskazizipi tuka ce, eya. Hehan wicastayatapi kiij heya: Cizan, heceya 

golden-ones but hesaid. Then chie f the tliia saicl: Cheezhon, so " 

wicayaka he, eya, Hehan (Jizaij; Ho, heceya wicawaka ce, eya. Hehan 

are you true ? he said. Then Cheezhon, Yes, so I-am-true he said. Then 

akicita tuwe token okihi minin ehpeiciyapi warjka. Hehan ecen wicastaya- 

soldiers whoever so was-able into- water threw themselves (lay) were. Then so chief 

tapi is eya minin ehpei^iya ka minin hi, keyapi. Hecen Cizarj iye ni 

he also inthewater threw himself and in water died, they-say. So (Jheezhon himself lived 

naceda. 

probably. 

TRANSLATION. 

There was once a widow who had a son. When the boy was well grown his 
mother inquired what trade or business would suit him. The boy replied that he 
would like to be a robber. The mother said she very much disliked that business. 
But the boy repeated that he would have that, and then proposed to his mother to go 



1 Iyeya does not mean "to tear," but conveys the idea of forcible or sudden action. J. o. D. 



128 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

and ask the spirits. While she was going on this errand he went around and reached 
the house of spirits first, and he instructed them how to answer his mother. 

The mother came home crying. When the boy asked her what employment had 
been assigned to him, she had to reply, " The work that I think difficult." Hut the 
boy said, Never mind, mother, soon we will be rich." Then he went away and 
brought home a horse; and again he brought home cows, sheep, and all kinds of 
domestic animals. 

One day his mother came home from the village crying, and told her son of a 
plan to take off his head the next day at noon if lie did not get possession of the chief s 
wife s finger ring. He told her to be quiet, and said, " That is nothing." Then in 
the evening he took his own clothes and stuffed them. He made a ladder, and taking 
the stuffed mau and the ladder he went to the chtef s house. The ladder he placed 
upright and looked in at a window. The chief was lying asleep with a pistol in his 
hands. As the young man shoved up the window lie held in it the grass man. The 
chief was waked by the noise and fired his pistol. Cheezhon, which was the young 
man s name, let fall the grass man, and while the chief went to seek the man he 
supposed he had killed, Cheezhon made his way to the chamber, and said to the 
chief s wife, "Hand me the finger ring; that was not Cheezhon, but I have killed 
him." Whereupon she gave it, and he took it home. Afterwards the chief came in 
and said to his wife, "Hand me the finger ring; that was not Cheezhon, but I have 
killed him." To which she replied, " It was but just now you said that, and L gave 
up the ring." To which he said, " Really, that was Gheezhon, and you gave it to him 
after all!" 

In the meantime Cheezhon reached his home, and saying to his mother, " See, 
this is what you cried for," he handed her the ring. 

Sometime after this his mother came home from the village again crying, when 
Gheezhou said, "Mother, what do you mean? When we were not rich you did not 
cry, but now we are rich you are always crying." On which the mother said, " My 
son, the chief said that he himself would come and take you." But Cheezhou made 
light of this also, and said, " Mother, that is nothing." In the meantime he went on 
making a small whistle, which he finished. Then he told his mother to fill a large 
entrail with blood and put it under her clothes. " When he comes," said he, " I will 
stab you with this knife, but I will only run it into the entrail, but as there will be 
blood he will think I have killed you; and when I blow on this whistle you will stand 
up again." 

On the morrow at noon the chief came and saw Cheezhon stab his mother. He 
was much astonished, and said, " Cheezhon, you were always a fool, but this beats all 
the rest." But Gheezhon replied, " What do you mean by saying that? I have done 
this that I may bring my mother to life again." So he took up his whistle and blew 
upon it, and his mother stood up. The chief then offered him any sum he might name 
for the whistle. But Gheezhon said, " I have paid a great sum for the whistle, and I 
do not want to sell it. When anyone asks me to bring back to life one who is dead, I 
can do it by means of this, so I value it very highly." But the chief repeated that he 
would give him any sum, and Cheezhon named five hundred dollars. 

This was given and the whistle taken home. Then the chief called all the people 
together, and said he would do a thing. Then all the principal men came, and the 



DAKOTA MYTHS. J 29 

chief proposed to stab his wife, kill her, and then restore her to life. When he had 
stabbed her and killed her he blew his whistle over her to bring her to life, but she 
lay there dead. 

He was thereupon much enraged. Then Cheezhon s mother came home and told 
him that in the morning they planned to put him in a bag and cast him in the water. 
But he laughed and said, " Mother, that is nothing." 

It came to pass the next day at noon the chief came and took Cheezhon home 
with him, and commanded his soldiers to put him into a bag and cast him into the 
water. And when they had placed him in the bag and carried him along and were 
now near to the place, the chief said, "Call them and take him home." 

Just then Cheezhon heard some one calling sheep, whereupon he cried out, 
"I do not want to live with the chief s daughter! I do not want to live with the 
chief s daughter!" So the shepherd came and said, "What do you mean?" Said 
Cheezhon, "They say I must live with a daughter of the chief, and I am not willing; 
nevertheless, they are taking me there." The shepherd replied, "I will go." So they 
tore open the bag, released Cheezhon, and bound the other man whom they put in 
the bag. 

In the meantime the flock of sheep was scattered, and Cheezhon, having his lib 
erty, drove them to the woods and there kept them. 

After some time he brought the whole flock back to the chief s house and said, 
" If you had thrown me far out into the water there would have been blue horses and 
oxen with horns of gold." Then the chief said, "Are you indeed telling the truth ?" 
And Cheezhou said, "I am indeed telling the truth." Then the soldiers, as fast as 
they were able, cast themselves into the water (to find the blue horses and the oxen 
with horns of gold). And the chief also, they say, threw himself into the water and 
was drowned. Thus Cheezhon saved himself, 
7105 VOL ix 9 



THE YOUNGER BROTHER; OR, THE UNVISITED ISLAND. 



WRITTEN IN DAKOTA BY M. EENVILLK. 



Oyate war) kaken tipi. Urjkar) en widastayatapi war) diqca yamni, 

People one so lived. And then chief one children three, 

hena hoksincarjtkiyapi. Nom wicapi ka wanzi winyarj. Unkai) tokapa kiij 

these boys beloved. Two males and one female. Then eldest the 

he tawicuton, hecen sunkaku khj hduha. Urjkarj hankaku kiij ena si^ecu 

that wife-his-took, so that younger- the he-had Then sister in -law-b is the then brother-in 

brother-his his own. law -hers 

kiij nagiyeya: Unwanke kte, eya kes, Hoho, cirjyewaye c"irj misnana 

the troubled: We-two-lie together will, she-said although, No indeed, older -brother-mine the me-alone 

temahinda, tokerj iwakihaha kta he, eya ecee, keyapi. 

thinka-much-of-me, how I-make-him- shall 1 he said always, they say. 

ashamed 

Unkarj kaketu : Winyarj koi) c"ar> kiij i tin hdicu ka heya ; Sice, ito 

And thus-it-was : Woman the wood carry went house came home and this said ; Brother- lo 

in in-law, 

siyo keya karj yukanpi ce, wanzi makio ye, eya. Tuka, Ho, miye 

grouse many yonder are , one shoot for -me, she said. But, Not-so, 1 

nahahirj wicasta waoka hemada sni, tuwe tokeca kute yasi sni, eya. Tuka 

as-yet man good-shooter such-me not, some one else shoot you-com- not, he-said. But 

mand 

cincu kin, Warjzi kio wo, eye, e hecen wanhinkpe ikikcu ka iyaye ca wayzi 

brother- the, One for-her-kill. said, that so that arrows he took and went and one 

his 

kio, ka, Hee ce, icu wo, eye, fa icunom iyaya, Unkaq winyaij koij ku ka 

for-her- and, That is it, take it, he said, and to another- went. Then woman the is re- and 

killed, place turning 

ceya hdi, ka hilmaku heciya : Nisurjka wadintanka ca ohhjni nagiyemayarj 

crying has and husband-her this said to Tour younger persistent when always troubles me 

come home, him : brother 

de, epa <5a, ceturjmayahda kon, dena ecamaori ce, eye c,a siyo siha kiij orj 

, 1 say when, you-me-disbelieve the, these h^-haa-done-to-me, she said and grouse claws the with 

canna kirj owarjcaya liduhdalidate ca kipazo. Unkarj heden wicada, ka 

I lii- hs the all over she-scratched-herself, and showed-him. And so he believed her. and 

heya : Unktomi kico ya po, 1 eya. Hecen Unktomi hi. Unkan, Unktomi, 

this said: Unktomi to-call-him go ye, he said. So TJqktomi came. Then, CTijktomi, 

misunka wita-ipi-sni ekta eehpeya wo, hecen tarjksi duze kta ce, eya. 

my -younger- island they-go-to-not at there-take-and-leave, BO sister-mine you have shall , he said, 
brother 

1 This use of the plural for the singular (ya vro, go thou) occurs now and then in myths, J. o. D, 
130 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 131 

Hecen warjna koska korj hdi, urjkarj hecen Urjktomi heye: Suijg, 

So now young man the came home, and thus Unktomi this said : Brother, 

ito whjtka pahi unye sni, eya. Tuka, Hiya, miye-na-hirj, tuwe kasta 

come eggs to gather we-two-go not, he said. But, No, 1-am-alone, some one else 

kici de sni, eya. Uijkarj cirjcu kirj, Kici ya wo, eya. Urjkarj hecen 

\vith you-go not, he said. And brother-his the, With him go thou, he said. Then thus 

kici iyaya. Wata war) en opapi ka wita kin ekta ipi, ka wiijtka pahipi: 

with- he-went. Boat one in they- and island the to they and eggs gathered: 

him followed came, 

ka waqna wata kirj ozuyapi, urjkarj koska kirj heya; Warjna urjhde 

and now boat the they filled, then young-man the this said; Now we-go-home 

kte, eya e hecen warjna wata kirj en okipapi. Urjkan Urjktomi heya: 

will, he said that so now boat the in they went. Then Unktomi this said: 

Surjg-, kana ees wasteste ce, ehake icu ye, eya. Tuka, Hi, warjna de ota kirj, 

Brother, those there are-very-good, the last take, he said. But, Why, now this much the, 

eya. Tuka Urjktomi kitaij, uijkarj iyaye <?a icu, tuka Urjktomi wata kirj 

he said. But Unktomi persisted, and he-went and got them, but Unktomi boat the 

pacarjnarj iyeye ca hdicu. Urjkarj, Hi, Urjktomi, wata he au ye, eya. 

head-out turned and started Then, Fie, Unktomi, boat that bring please, he said, 

home. 

Tuka, Tuwe, tokenken teniciya he, eya. Hi, au ye, eya. Tuka wicada 

But, Who, in-some-ways you kul ? he said. Fie, bring please, he said. But he was 

yoniself willing 

sni. Urjkarj, Urjktomi, wata kirj he au wo, urjki kirjharj tarjksi duze kte do, 

not. Then, Unktomi, boat the that bring, we-reach- if sister-mine you shall . 

home have 

eya, Urjkarj, De is he iyape makiyapi orj hecamorj se, eya. Tuka 

he said. And, That is it that wait-for-they-cause-me for this-I-do as if, he said. But 

keya yatjka; urjkarj taku sica hdute si, uijkarj ecorj. Heharj Urjktomi 

this- he- was; then what bad his-own- com- and he did it. Then Unktomi 

saying [or, he sat] to-eat manded, 

ilia, Urjkarj, Wahte-sni sica mayahnaye do, eye ca ake ostehda, Urjkarj, 

laughed. Then, Good-not bad you-iiave-deceived , he said and again he cursed him. Then, 

Hurjktiya wo, Caporjg tarjka warjdake kte do, eya. Tuka ake ostehda. 

Go thou away Musquito-large you-see will , he said. But again he cursed him. 

Urjkarj, Hurjktiya wo, Mato warjdake kte do, eya. Ake eya, urjkarj, 

Then, Go thou away Gray-hear you-see will , he said. Again he said it, when, 

Hunktiya wo, Ispa-tahirjspa warjwicadake kte do, eya. Tuka ake eya: 

(ro thou away Arm-awls them-you-see will , he said. But again he said it: 

Urjkarj, Hurjktiya wo, Tasurjke-ota warjdake kte do, eya. Tuka ake 

Then, Go thou along His-dogs-many you see will , he said. But again 

eya. Uijkarj, Hurjktiya wo, Wirjyarj-nonpapika warjwicadake kte do, eya, 

he said it. Then, Go thou away Women-two them you see will , he said, 

ka hecen kihda. 

and so went home. 



Urjkarj koska kirj is hecen iyaye, urjkarj warjkan taku hmurjyarj u 

Then young man the he so went, and from above something whizzing com 

ing 

nahoij keharj caporjpa 1 warj miniii ihpaye ?a ohtateya ehpeiciya. Urjkarj 

he heard when mosquito one in water fell, and underneath it he-threw-himself. And 

irjyurj taku warj pehaijgina se hinazirj ka heya: Taku den oskarjskarj e 

behold something one crane-brown like coming stood and this said : What hen moving often that 

en liibu korj toki iyaye se eye c;a, Kozarj den uij kirjharj kaken ecamoij 

to [or I come the [in some- has gone as if he said and, Indeed here was if so [in that I do 

there] thepast] where manner] 

daporjka is the usual form. (5aporjg is a contraction of this. .1. o. D. 



132 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

kta tuka, eye, <a daponpa korj pasu orj apa. Tuka pasu oyatake, heden 

would but, he said, and mosquito the bill with struck. But bill he stuck in, so-that 

[aforesaid] 

iye itkom kte, ka pasu bakse c,a yuha iyaya. Ake taku uahorj; urjkarj 

he iu-turn killeil him, and bill cut-off and having went on. Again something ho heard; and 

mato warj hoyeva u. Tuka ake wakanateca idicage da mini en wanka. 

gray-bear one sending-his-voieecame. But again mysterious dead mude-himself and water in lay. 

Urjkarj, Taku den oskarjskarj urj e wau korj, eyaya. Mato korj hinazirj da 

Then, What here moving often was when I was coming, he repeated. Gray bear the came and when 

[aforesaid] stood 

heya; Kae kakes wate kta, eya; ka hogarj teda koij iyohnag iyeya: tuka 

thissaid; Yonder whatever I-eat will, he said; and tish dead the into-his-niouth-took: but 

mdaska nakaes iyolia urjrna en itokto ekta iyaye d.a eden otosa napca. 

flat indeed jaws each in time-about to it-went and thus whole swallowed. 

Tuka tezi ekta isarj icu ka carjte kirj baspuspu, ka kte, ka dmvi khj balidoke 

But belly in knife he-tookand heart the cut-to-pieces, and killed, and side the cut-hole-in 

c.a etarjharj hdidu ka nape napin bakse c,a yuha iyaye. Unkarj daijku ohna 

and from came forth and fore-feet both cut-off and having went. And road in 

danha wokeya warj sota izita harj e ya keharj, Ispa-tahirjspa eye cikorj deepi 

bark lodge one smoke burning stood to went when, Arm-awls he said that [in these-are 

the past] 

de edin, ka sina yupsunka adoksoharj ka tiyonasdog iyaye Qa datku 

he thought, nnd blanket rolled-up under-arm and tent-went-into and back-part 

iyotanke <Ja lieya; Ito uncina tipi en wahi kta, eya, Tuka wakarjka nom 

sat-down and thissaid; Lo, grandmother house in I-come will, he said. But old- woman two 

tianorjg yukanpi, ka tiyopata takitili iyotang heyayapi. Uijkaq ake nazirj 

house-each-siae were, and door-at fussing sitting they kept saying. Then again rose-to 

hiyaye <Ja, Uncina, tipi wahi tuka iyokipipi sni e wahde kta, eya, da nasa- 

his-feet and, Grandmother house I-came, but they-pleased not when I-go home will, he said, when blanket- 

yupsuijka yus kihde koqze fa tiyopa en ehpeya, Unkarj ispa orj napin 

bundle holding go-home pretended and aoor in he-threwit. And arm with both 

capa-iheyapi, tuka sina ecena capapi nakaes sanpa dakicipapi ka heyapi; 

they stabbed-through, but blanket only they stabbed indeed beyond stabbed each-other and thissaid; 

Ideparjsi, mayakte ye, eyapi. Tuka, Taku denideda makte wacannipi he, 

Cousin, me you have killed, they said. But, What like vou [you are me-kill you thought ? 

8Qch as this] 

eye, (-a napin widakate da iyoopta-iyaya. 

he said, and both them-killed and went onward. 

Unkarj tuwe tokata, Mitasuijke wo-wo, eya u niyarj. 1 Suijg kidodo u 

And someone ahead, My-dogs come come, saying was calling. Dog calling was 

coming often com 

ing 

keharj poge ihduwewe ka warjhiijkpe kirj owasirj wekiye da darjku kirj ohna 

when nose made bleed often and arrows the all made-bloody and road the in 

yumden-ehpeya ka iturjkam iwarjka. Urjkarj mnaza ka inmutarjka henaos 

scattered them and on-his-back lay down. Then lion and great-lynx those two 

tokaheya en hipi ka we kirj sdipapi. Tuka, Ustaij, iyooj)ta-i\aya po, 

first there came and blood the they licked. But, Stop, go-ye-on oeyond, 

wakarjheza tuwe orjsiliarj ee, eya. Urjkarj iyoopta iyayapi. Urjkaij en u 

child who poor is, he said. And on they went. And to was 

coining 

ka, E, mitakoza, wita-ipi-sni ekta eelipeyapi keyapi-korj he niye he, eya, 

nnd, "See, my-grandchild, island-go-to-not at wa-left they-have-told-abont that you ? he said, 

keyapi. Huijktiya wo, mitasunke nom hekta upi de, henaos kate da 

they say. Go thou along, my-dogs two behind they art , 1 hose two kill nnd 

coming 

1 Dr. Riggs gives uiyaq in the dictionary as audibly, with a loud voice, and eya niyai) as to ay 
inidilili/, or witlt a hind voice. .1. O. D. 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 133 

wicayuta wo, eya. He Tasuqke-ota ee : taku maka askai)skan un kiq 

them eat tliou, he*said. This His-many-dogs Is: what earth on-moving is the 

iyulipa tasunkeya keyapi. 

all he-has-it-for-a-dog they say. 

Hecen nazin ka iyaya. Unkay wica nom wohdag upi, tuka napin 

So he-aroae anil went. And raccoon* two talking were but both 

, coming, 

wicakate <; a kin iyaya, Urjkan canku ohna caijha wokeya wan harj e en 

them-killed and carrying went on . And road in baik lodge one stood that to 

ya, ka tankan wica koij napin ehnake 6a tin iyaya. Urjkai) wakagka nom 

"he and outside raccoona the both he laid and house- he went. And old-women two 

went, in 

tianog yukanpi, kehan catku kh) en iyotarjka. Uqkai) heyapi : Takoza, 

bouse were. when back part the in ne-sat-down. And this-they-said : Grand-son, 

each side 

wita-ipi-sni ekta eelipeyapi kon he niye he, eyapi. Hena eke wakanka 

ialand-go-to-not at they ieft the that you ? they said. Those onea old-woman 

waste hecapi. Unkan un.na lieya : Taku ta nor) kes wota ce, wokiharj ye, 

good such-were. And one this said: What die as although eats , boil thou for him, 

eya. Uijkai) heden wokihaijpi, ka wo kupi, ka heyapi: Takoza, taku 

she said. And so they boiled for him, and food gave, and thus said: Grandchild, what 

tehika ota ehna yau tuka iyotarj kirj he tokata hay ce, eyapi, keharj, 

hard much through you have but most the that ahead stands , they said, when, 

been coming 

Urjcina, wica nom den tarjkau ahiwahnaka ce, i<5u po, eya. Hecen 

Grandmother, raccoons two here outside I brought-laid , , take yo them, he said. So 

icupi kti ake owicahanpi; unkaq unma heya: Eyakes, mitakozatak eciyaye, 

they took and again them boiled; and the other this said : Indeed my-grandchild some- say to him 

thing, (female sp.) 

eya, Uijkarj heya : Takoza, Wirjyan-nonpapika de tipi en yai kta, tuka 

ahesaid. Then this-she-said: Grandchild, Woman-two this house there you- will, but 

reach 

taqyai) nicuwapi kta ; tuka harjyetu kiq he hehan niktepi kta 6e ; tuka 

well they you treat will-, but night the that then you kill will ; but 

tokesta en urjyakoqpi kta ce, eye (Ja hi khj waijzi yupsuq ku keyapi. 

presently then ^te-be will , she said and tooth the one pulling out gave, they say. 

Ui]kar) unma is wapahta wan ku keyapi. Unma hi yupsun ku kii) he 

And the other she bundle one gave the,y say. The one tootli pulled out gave tho that 

manida ee. Unma wapahta waij ku kiq he hoka ee ; nonksi kiij he apahte 

gopher was. Tho other bundle a gave the that badger was; ear the that tied up 

Qa ku, keyapi. Tohan ui)ina kici inurjke <5inhai) sina wan anicalipe (-a toka 

and gave, they say. When the one with you lie if blanket a with you-eover and no way 

yaniya sni kinhan hi kin de on siiia kiq pahdog-iyeye ga oniya nuijke 

you breathe not if tooth the this with blanket the pierce-through and breathing you Ho 

kta 6e ; ka wapahta kin de duske kta (5e, eya keyapi. Ka wo niyupi kinhaq 

will ; and bundle the this you-untie will t she said they say. And food they give you if 

makata eyatonwe ca, Uqcina, toki idada hwo, ehe kta <5e, eyapi. Tokesta 

earth-to you look and, Grandmother, where have you ) you sy will , they said. Presently 

gone 

hen uriyakonpi kta <5e, eyapi. 

there we-be will , they said. 

Hecen wanna ekta iyaya. Unkaq wakeya wan taijka e hay. Unkan 

So now thither he went. And teiit one large there stood. And 

itankan canha wokeya wan he en ye a wakeya kin en tin iyaye ga 

outsidn bark lodge one the to went and tent the in house-in lie went and 

datku kin en iyotanke, tuka tuwena en yanke sni. Unkan litayetu hehan 

back-part the in sat down, but no one in was not. And evening tlien 



134 DAKOTA GEAMMAB, TEXTS, AND ETUNOGEAPHY. 

toki wikoska ilia niyarjpi. Urjkarj canha wokeya way tankan lie cikorj hen 

some girls laughed aloud. And bark lodge* one outside it the the 

where stood [aforesaid] 

wakarjka warjyaka hee heya: Wihomni ista tarjka inina kum, eya. Hecen 

old woman he-saw she-it- was this-said: Courtezan eyes large silently come, she said. So that 

iirj ma tin hdicu kta, tuka en yarjka wanyaka, uykai), Wati takiinma, eye <;a 

the one house- start would, but in he-was she-saw, and, My-house smells of she^said and 

in home something 

icicawhj iyaya. Ake uijma eye ya iyaya. Uijkaij wanna napin tin hdipi 

back went. Again the other said and went. And now both came home 

lielian urjma waijna \vokiharj; urjkaij widasta kamdapi okihe ca ku, waksica 

then the-oue now boiled-fbr-hiin; and 111:111 cut-up boiled for and gave, dish 

liim 

war) ohna ahikihde kehan, paniahdena iyotarjke a, Urjciiia, toki idada liwo, 

one in ]laced-for-him, when head-bowed he-sat and. Grandmother where have you ? 

gone 

eye ca makata etoywan, urjkarj irjyurj niaka mahentarjharj iskaya icam 

hesaid and earthward he looked, and behold earth within-from wliite-in outh pushing 

hiyotaijka e, hecen owas.en okilmake ca waksicakin kicu. Unkaij, Mitaij, 

sat down there, so all in placed for him and dish the gave back. Then, My younger 

sister 

naka wicadote wakarj nijke ye, eye. Urjkarj uijma kiij is ake wo ku: ake 

now man-food mysterious we-two-have, she said. Then other the she again food gave: a.iiain 

is eya wicasta-conica ece ku; tuka icu ka ake; Urjdina, toki idada liwo, 

she a"lso man-flesh ~ alone gave; but he-took and again; Grandmother whore have you ;;une 

eya. Unkarj maka inalientayluuj iskaya liiyotayka. Hecen owas en 

he-said. And earth within-from white mouth coming sat down. So-that all in 

okilmake <;a waksica kiij kicu. Urjkarj, Micuij, naka wicadote wakay 

placed for him and dish the returned. Then, My elder sister, now man-food holy 

uijke ye, eya. 

we-have, she said. 

Hecen waijiia okpaza, unma tokaheya kici iwayke ; injkaij sina warj 

So now dark, the one first with him she-lay-down : and blanket one 

akalipa, tuka nina tke liiijca e orj toka niya sni, keliarj inanica hi koy he orj 

she-threw- but much heavj* very, so that in no breathe not, when gopher tooth the that with 
over. , way [aforesaid] 

palidog-iyeye <;a poge ohna niya warjka. Urjkaij tak eciij ka yutan: 

pushed-a-hole-tlirough and nose through breathing lay. And some- thought and touched: 

thing 

whjyaij kiij he hecoy. Tukahehan wapahte cikoij he yuske, uijkaij Aviijyaij 

woman the that did it. But then bundle the that he loosed, and woman 

[aforesaid] 

kovj sina kiij kazamni-iyeye <;a, Mitaij naka wica okoye, eye ca iyaye. H< j 

the blanket the threw oft and, My-side now man hole-made, she and went. That 

[aforesaid] said 

sina kirj kasota sina, keyapi. Hehan uijma kiij is ake kici iwanke, uijkarj 

blanket the clear sky blanket, they say. Then other the she again with him she lay down, and 

taku warj akalipa, tuka nina tke e akahpe ca wanna ake toka niya sui keliarj 

what one covered, but very heavj- that covered and now again in no way breathe not when 

maiiica hi korj he orj palidog-iheye ya oniya waijka. Uijkaij ake yutarj, 

gopher tooth the that with pushed-a-hole-iii and through lay. And again he touched, 

[aforesaid] breathing 

tuka tokeca sni, he ta kecirj ka lie(5orj ; tuka ake wapahte kon hee yuske. 

but different not, that he she and she did it; hut again bundle the that unloosed 

died thought [aforesaid] ho. 

Unkan, Mitan naka wica okoye, eya hinhda sina kazamni-iyeya. He 

And, My side now man hole-made, she-said suddenly blanket she threw off. That 



iyokisice ga iniua yarjka. Uijkarj heyapi; Tokeca inina yaurj he, eciyapi 

was sad and silent was [sitting]. And this they said: Why silent you are they said k 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 135 

mahpiy a sapa sina keyapi. Hecen napin widayuwaste keyapi ; ka napin 

cloud black blanket they say. So that both them-he-made-good they say; and both 

widayuze. 

them he took. 

Urjkaij hewidakiye; Taku yatapi kirj de ehpeya po, eya. Urjkarj, 

Then this-to-them-he-said; What yon-eat the this throw ye away, he said. And, 

Taku urjtapi kta he, eyapi. Edirj tuwe widasta yute kta he, he sida de, 

What we-eat shall ? they said. Indeed who men eat would 1 that bad , 

eya. Tokesta taku yutapi tokeda waste ota de, eya. Urjkarj wicadapi, ka 

he* said. Presently jtf at is-eaten diiferent good much he said. And they -believed, and 

hecen widasta yutapi korj ayustarjpi. Hehan waijna napin cirjda torjpi; 

so men they ate the [in they stopped. Then now both children had; 

the past] 

uijkarj sakim wica widayuhapi. Urjkarj ihnuharjna tiyata ewacirj ka 

and both male them-had. And suddenly at-his-home he-thought and 

i. 

to 
him. 

Urjkaij, lyomakisica de, eya. Urjkarj, He etarjharj teharjtu he, tokesta ekta 

And, I am sad , he said. And, That from far is 1 presently to 

mjhdapi hta ce, eyapi, ka horjkupina kirj heciyapi ; Ina, deguka aceti, de 

we-go-home will , they said, and their mother the this said to: Mother, soft-stouo burn, this 

iyokisica e ekta urjkayapi kta ce, eyapi. Hecen wakarjkana kirj deguka 

is-sad there to we take-him will , they said. Thus old woman the soft stone 

adeti ka yustarj. Urjkarj hehan, Ate kiparj, eyapi. Urjkarj mini kahda 

burnt and "finished. And then, Father call, they said. And water bythesideof 

inazirj, ka, Wicahirjda, kuwa, micurjksi hutata yapi kta ye, eya. Urjkarj 

she stood, and, Old man, come, my daughters to-main-land go will indeed she said. And 

ihnuharjna taku wag mini kig etaghag okapote <?a u ka hihugni ; ugkag 

suddenly what one water the from floated and was and came to land ; and 

coming 

hihnakupi kig wozuha wag en okihnakapi. Taku kog he wakagkana kig 

husband theirs the bag one in they placed. What the that old woman the 

[aforesaid] 

hihnaku ka wikoska kig hegaos digca he Ugktehi keyapi. Hecen wagna 

husband-hers and young woman the those-two children that Urjktelii they say. Thus now 

Ugktehi kog u ka hihugni ; ugkag deguka adetipi kog hena ista kig napirr 

Unktelii the was and arrived; and soft-stones burned the those eyes the both 

[aforesaid] coming [aforesaid] 

ozuna okadapi, ka he kig ota hena wahpaya kig ekiksupi, ka hihnakupi 

full they-sprinkled, and horns the many those baggage the they-piled-on, and husband-theirs 

wahpaya idihnuni ekihnakapi. Ugkag heya : Cugs, taku nimna se, eya. 

baggage among they placed. And this he said : Daughter, something alive it seems, he said. 

smells 

Tuka; Wicahigca sida, taku omnapi kta he, eyapi. Ugkag, O, eya keyapi. 

But; Old-man bad, what be smelled will ? they said. And, O, he said they say. 

Hecen wagna iyayapi. Ugkag, Cugs, mitakoza cagna etaghag yuke- 

So now they -went. And, Daughter, my grandchildren sticks from Irather, " have- 

some] 

widayakiyapi, ka uwastena mda da he kig makakokokapi kta de, eya ; ka 

them-you-cause, and slowly I-go when horns the me-they -drum-on will , he said; and 

nakun, Cugs, rrina wakitapi, eya. He Wakigyag aku kte dig he ka. Ecig 

also, Daughter, much look out for, he said. That Thunder come will the that he For 

meant. 

kidi tokakidiya ugpi. Wagna mini kig opta huta kig ekta hdapi, ugkag 

with foes to each other they-are. Now water the across show the to they go home, and 



13(5 DAKOTA GKAMMAK, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

irjyurj heya; Ourjs, taku aharjzimayarj ce, eya. He warjna mahpiya 

behold this he said : Daughter, something shades-rue* , ho said. That now clouds 

ahdinarjpa, urjkarj sdorjye ca heya. Tuk$, Taku ahaijziniye kta he, de 

had-come-over, and he-knew and this said. But, What shade-you should < this 

kasota ye, eyapi. He hnayanpi, warjna mahpiya ahdinarjpa tuka heyapi. 

sky-clear indeed they said. This they-deceived, already clouds had come over hut tbey-said-that. 

(?) 

Hecen wanna huta kirj deharjna, tuka Wakirjyarj kirj is kiyena aku. Tuka 

So now shore the near-by, hut Thunder the he near comes. But 

huta khj en kihurjriipi keharj hihnakupi e tokaheya lieyata ehpeyapi: hehan 

shore the there tbey-rcached when husband theirs that tirst * ashore they carried: then 

wahpaya kit) owasiii icupi, ka hehan, Hunktiya, ate, Wakinyaij kiyena aku 

baggage the all they took, aud then, Go along, father, Thunder near comes 

ce, eyapi. Urjkarj, Hehe! cmjs, tarjni hecece kta cikoij, eye ca kihda; tuka 

, they said. And, Alas! daughter, long ago so be would the [in he said aud started home ; but 

the past] 

ecen Wakinyarj khj kutepi ka mini kirj owarjcaya we hirjhda, orj wicasta 

so Thunder the shoot-hiru and water the all over blood became, therefore man 

khj, Ho! turjkarjsi korj, eya. Tuka heyapi: Hetarjharj te kte sui, hecorjpi 

the, Alas! my-father-in-law the [in he said. But this they said : From-that die will not, this-they-do 

the past] 

kes te sni ecee, eyapi, keyapi. 

though dies not, always, they said, they say. 

Heceii warina hetarj ye cikorj en wahdi, tuka oyate kirj toki eyaya 

Thus now whence he-went the [in there all-come- but people the when bad-gone 

the past] home, 

tanirj sni keharj heye; Den wakeya tikicaga po, ito, ekta mde kta de, eye 

manifest not when this said; Here tent put-ye-np lo, there I-go will , he said 

ca ekta ye a miniyowe kiq en ya; unkarj irjyurj winohiyca pa nisko u 

and to went and spring the to went; and behold woman head so-large was 

coming 

wanyake. Unkarj tanksitku korj hee keya, pa nisko, ite kirj is owas hdi 

he saw. And sister-his the it is she he said, head so large, face the it all sores 

[aforesaid] 

ka u wanka. E, hecen tanksi kon, eya; unkaij, Timdo koij, eye, <;a 

and was was [she Indeed so my sister that he said; and, Mv brother that she said, and 

coming lay] [aforesaid] [aforesaid] 

poskirj kiyahpaya keharj, Tarjksi, toketu hwo, eya. Uqkay, Timdo, 

he-embraced-lier when, My sister, how-is-it ! he said. Aud, -My brother^ 

Unktomi oyate kiij owasirj wicakasote ca misnana omakapte; tuka nakuy 

Uijktomi people the all t hem destroyed and me alone me has-left ; but also 

tehiya mayuha ce, eya keyapi: decen mini huwe wahi ka waki ca warjna 

hardly me-"he-ha8 , she said they say: thus water to bring I-come and I-reach- when then 

home 

ake, Tuwe oniciya nace, eye Qa caliota kata ite kirj amakada ecee, orj ite 

again, Who has courted perhaps, he-says and ashes hot face the sprinkles on me always there- face 

YOU fore 

kirj owasirj mahdi ce, eya. Uqkay, Hunktiya wo, mini kirj alrde, a ake 

the all me-sore , she said. And, Go-thou-along, water the take home, and again 

eye cirjharj, Oyate warj owasiij wicayakasote, tuwe ni urj ka omakiye kta 

he-say if, People one all them-you-destroyed, who alive is and court-me would 

he, eye Qa mini kirj apapsorj ka hiyu wo, deri ahdi wati ce, eya. Uijkarj 

? say and water the throw on him and come thou, here I-ha *e-come- , he said. And 

home-to-dwell 

hecen mini kiij ahde ca tin kihda. Unkarj waijna ake Unktomi ite ecece 

so water the took home and house in she went. Aud now again Unktomi face like 

sni yanke ca wanna ake, Tuwe onidiya nace es, eya. Tuka, Na ye oyate 

not " was and now again, Some one has courted perhaps , he said. But, See ! people 

[sitting] you 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 137 

waij owasirj widayakasote dikorj, tuwe ni urj da omakiye kta he, eya; ka 

one all them you have the [in the who alive is when court-me will f she said; and 

destroyed past] 

mini kirj apapsoij-iyeya. Urjkarj iha, ka, Wirjyarj, taharj hdi he, eya. Nis 

water the threw-i>n-hiin-sirdden]y. And he and, Woman, Brother- he has ? sttid. You 

laughed. m-law come home 

wita ipi sni ekta eehpeniyanpi kes yahdi ka, eye ca heden hiyu keyapi, ka 

island go-to not at you-were-taken if you come ? she-said and so camo they say, and 

home towards 

tirndoku ti kirj en hdicu. Unkarj heye; Tanksi koyakiharj po, eye, ca 

brother-her house the there she started And he said: Sister be-ye-in-haste-for, he said, and 

home. 

heceu mini kanyapi ka oij yuzazapr ka kidakcapi, ka heyake waste urjkiyapi 

so water they-iieated and with wasbed-her and combed-her, and clothes beautiful put-on-her 

ka catku kirj en ekihnakapi. Hehan dirjda hoksina kirj napin, Huijktiya 

and hack-part the in they placed her Then children boys the both, Go ye a- 

their own. 

po, Unktomi krdo ya po, ewidakiya. Urjkarj yapi ka; Urjktomi, unnicopi 

long. Unktomi to call go ye, to them he said. And they went and; Unktomi, we-you-invite 

do, eyapi. Uijkarj, E, mitorjskapina taku wastepi ye, eye da wrdiyahna u 

they said. And, Well, my little nephews what good * ! he-said and them-behind was 

coming 

ka tin hiyu. Unkarj tawicu korj tarjyehirj ihduze ca catku en yarjka warjyag 

and tent came. And wit e-his the well-very dressed and back-part in was to see her 

into [aforesaid] herself [sitting] 

hiyu. Tuka, Tiyopa kiij hen hiyotanka wo, eya. Unkan, Han, taharj, 

he came But, i>oor the there sit thou down, he said. And, Yes brother- 

towards. in-law, 

token ehe diij ecen ecamorj kta, eya. Ka err iyotarjke <;eharj, Urjktomi 

how thou- the so I-do will, be*said. And there ne-sat-down when, Unktomi 

sayest 

(taku sida way cazeyata ka) he hduta wo, eya. Urjkarj edeu ecorj ke)^api. 

(what bail one he named and) that eat-thou-thy- he said. And so he-did they say. 

own, 

Is eya hecorj si nakaes tokicon. Hehan Makarj yarj -ka wo, ka irhduta 

He also that-do com- indeed he avenged. Then Tamarack- weave thou it, and your-own- 

manded roots size 

yarj -ka* w r o, ka tahu kiij err yuotins idupi kta heden yarj -ka wo, eya. 

wvave-thou-it, and neck the in tightly drawn will so weave-thou-it, he said. 

Unkarj owasiij eden yustarj. Unkarj, Ohna iyotanka wo, eya. Urjkarj 

And all so he-finished. And, In-it sit-thou-down, he said. And 

ohna iyotaijka, tuka yuotins-rdu ka peta iwarjkam otkeya. Nihirjciya, tuka, 

in-it lie sat down, but he-pressed it-in and fire above he-hung. Affrighted- was, hut, 

Cay ota aorj po, eye, ca Urjktomi sota teye, ca darjte kirj rcu ka pusye ca 

Wood much pile-on ye, he said, and Unktomi smoke killed, anu heart the he-took and dried and 

kaparj ka pezihuta icahive ca dindana kirj napin wicaku, ka, Otiwota kirj 

pounded- and medicine mixed and children the both them-gave, and, Village ruins the 

flno 

owarjca okada po, eya. Uijkarj ecorjpi. 

all over scatter ye it, he said. And they did it. 

Harjharjna keharj, Ho po, pezihuta oyakadapi korj warjyaka po, eya. 

Morning when, Come ye, medicine you scattered that look-ye-after, heaaid. 

[aforesaid] 

Ekta ipi ka heyapr : Ate, taku wamdudarj se owancaya skarjskaijpi do, 

Thither they and this said: Father, what worms like all over they are moving about . 

went 

eyapi. Ake iharjliarjna keharj ye-wida-si. Urjkarj, Ate taku kiij waijna 

they said. Again morning next when them he sent. And, Father what the now 

tarjkirjkirjyarjpi do, eya hdipi. Ake harjharjna keharj ekta yewicasi. 

they are very large . saying they returned. Again morning when to he-sent-them. 



138 DAKOTA GEAMMAE, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 



Urjkarj hdipi, ka, Ate, hena wicastapi-na do: nazirj wo nipaksa, eyapi, 

And they returned, and, Father, those they are little men . stand thou up thou art-crooked, they said, 

ka pasto-ilipayapina ecee do, eyapi. Itopa cay hehan oyate kirj ekicetu, ka 

and brushing they fell dpwn always . they said. Fourth day then people the perfected, and 
along [little ones] 

armao tuka cegapapi ka paijparjpi ka eyarjpahapi, ka owodutatorj, ka koska 

daylight but kettle beating and yelling and crying the news, and great noise. and young 

man 

korj ti kirj ihduksarj hodokatorj ahitipi, ka Itaijcarj kicagapi, keyapi. 

the house the around in a circle they-pnt-their- and Chief they made him, they say. 

[afore- tents, 

said] 

Urjktomi carjte kirj orj oyate kirj ekicetu, keyapi. Henana. 

1 ijktomi heart the by people the were- they say. That is all. 

resurrected, 

NOTES. 

1. On furnishing this myth Mr. Eenville remarked, "It is another Joseph." By 
which he did not mean that the Dakota legend had received anything from the Bible 
story ; but that the impure desires of a wicked woman had worked out similar results. 
In the whole structure of it there is evidence that this is a genuine Dakota myth. 

2. It will be noticed that the language of the Dakotas has simple words to ex 
press younger brother, (suijka), elder -brother, (ciijye), a marts sister-in-law, (haijka), 
a woman s br other -in-laic, (sice), a man s brother-in-laic, (tahaij), a man s father-in-law, 
(tuijkan), etc. These all are found in the myth, and others like them exist in the 
language. However they may have been formed in the first place, these words are 
now beyond analysis. Now it is claimed that the existence in a language of such rad 
ical words expressing relationships is evidence of descent from a higher civilization. 
Whence came the Dakotas? 

3. In all Dakota myths Uijktoini is represented as the incarnation of evil. Here 
it overreaches itself and is properly punished. But the annihilation of it is only local 
and temporary. , 

4. This myth gives the best characterization of this great water god, Unktelii, 
which answers to the Neptune and Poseidon of the Greeks and Romans. Also it 
portrays vividly the eternal enmity that exists between him and their Jupiter 
Tonans the Wakhjyan. 

5. The word c eguka, translated soft-stone, is of somewhat uncertain signification. 
What was it the old woman burned and sprinkled in the eyes of Uijktelii to enable 
him to swim so long in the light? The analysis would seem to be the skin of a kettle. 
The word cega is now applied to all iron kettles as well as wooden buckets. But the 
original cega was undoubtedly earthen. Then the uka, the shin, would mean the 
glazing. This, too, would point back to a higher civilization. 

6. The element of the supernatural is prominent in all the Dakota myths. Here 
in answer to his prayer the earth opens and the gopher comes to his assistance, while 
the aid of the badger is no less needed for his deliverance and victory. And not only 
is deliverance secured by supernatural help, but the race is elevated by a mixture 
with the gods. 

7. It is significant that, after this miraculous passage across the water, they find 
the mainland uninhabited. The spirit of Evil has destroyed the race. But, as 
Deucalion and Pyrrha repeopled the world by casting " the bones of the earth" behind 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 139 

them, so here the Younger Brother repeoples his fatherland by burning up the Evil 

One and sowing the ashes. 

8. The, use of , sni in the following phrases is peculiar: 

Tuwe tokeca kute yasi sni, Why do you not tell some one else to shoot f 

Who different to shoot you not 
at commaiid 

Tuwe kasta kici de sni, Why do you not go icith someone else? 

Who soever \vithhimyougonot 

In these two, sui has the force of why not? 

Sung, ito whjtka pahi uijye sni, Younger brother, come, ice have not (yet) gathered 

Younger coiue t-gg to gather we two not 
brother go 

eggs. But this last implies a request, Come, let us gather eggs. j. o. D. 

P. 134, line 1. He, from haij, to stand on end, as an inanimate object. See p. 7, 
0, c.J. O. D. 

TRANSLATION. 

Once there was a people, the chief among whom had three beloved children, two 
boys and one girl. The eldest son married a wife and the younger brother lived with 
him. But the sister-in-law troubled her brother-in-law, "Let us lie together," often 
saying to him. But he always answered, " How can I make my older brother 
ashamed, seeing he sets such store by me!" 

One day, when the woman had brought home some wood, she said, " Brother- 
in-law, yonder are many prairie chickens; shoot one for rue." To which he replied, 
"No; I am not a hunter ; send some one else to shoot them." But his brother said, 
" Shoot them for her." So he took his arrows and shot one for her, and said, " There 
it is, take it," and so went away. After awhile the woman came home crying, and 
said to her husband, " Your younger brother persists in troubling me. But when I 
tell you of it you do not believe me. See, this is what he has done to me," and she 
showed him where she had scratched her thighs all over with the prairie chicken s 
claws. 

Then he believed her, and said, "Go call Uijktomi." And Uijktomi came. 
Then he said, " Uijktomi, you take my younger brother to the (In visited Island and 
leave him there, and you shall have my sister for your wife." 

The young man came home and Uijktomi said to him, "My younger brother, 
come, we will go and hunt eggs." But he said, " No, I can not. do with some one 
else." But the elder brother said, " Go with him," and he went with him. 

They entered a canoe and went to the island and gathered eggs. And when 
they had filled the canoe the young man said, " Let us go home." And so they got 
into the boat. But Uijktomi snid, " Brother, yonder are some nice ones, get them 
also." The young man replied, " No, w T e have now a great plenty." But Uijktomi 
was persistent, so the young man went and got the eggs. In the meantime Uijktomi 
had turned the head of the canoe outward and was starting home. " Halloo, Uijktomi, 
bring the canoe here," he said. But Uijktomi answered back, " What are you killing 
yourself about?" "Halloo, bring it here," he repeated, but he would not. Then he 
said, " Uijktomi, bring the canoe here; when we reach home you shall have my sister 
for your wife." He replied, "That is what I am doing this for." The young man 
continued to plead. Uijktoini bade him eat his own dung, which he would willingly 
do if the canoe would come for him. Uijktomi laughed at him. Then the young man 



140 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

said, " You mean, bad fellow, you have deceived uie," and so he reviled him. Unktouri 
answered, " Go away, you will see the Great Mosquito." Again he reviled him. " Go," 
said Unktomi, " you will see the Gray Bear." He repeated it, and Urjktomi said, " Go 
away, you will see the Arm-awls." Again he cursed him, and the auswer was, " Go, 
you will see His-mauy-dogs." Then for the last time he reviled Urjktomi, who said, 
" Go, you will see the Two Women," and theu he came home. 

Then the young man also departed, and when he heard something above coine 
whizzing along, the Great Mosquito fell into the water, and he threw himself under it. 
But, lo! something like a brown crane came and stood and said, " That thing that was 
moving about here as I was_coining has gone somewhere. Indeed, if it were here I 
would do so to it," and he struck the mosquito with his bill. But as the bill stuck in, 
he (that is, the young man) in turn killed the crane, cut his bill off , and carried it 
along. Again the young man heard something, and the Gray Bear came crying out 
against him. But the young man changed himself into a dead h sh and lay on the 
water. Then said the Gray Bear, What was here moving about when I was coming 
has gone." The Gray Bear came, and saying, " I will eat whatever is yonder," he took 
the fish in his mouth. But, as it was flat, he turned it from one side of his jaws to 
the other, and finally swallowed it whole. 

But in the belly of the bear the young man resumed his shape, took his knife, 
and cut the bear s heart to pieces, and so killed him. Then he cut a hole in the side 
and came out, and having cut off the two fore paws he took them along. 

As he weut along in the path there stood a bark lodge, from which smoke issued. 
He immediately thought, " These are what he called the Arm-awls," and so he wrapped 
his blanket up into a bundle, and placing it under his arm he went into the lodge and 
sat down in the back part, saying, "Lo! my grandmother, I would come into the 
house." Now, there were two old women sitting, one on either side, and making a 
disturbance about something at the door. Then, rising to his feet, he said, "Grand 
mother, I have come into the house, but you are uot pleased; I will go out again." 
And as he said this he made pretense of going out, but threw his bundle at the door. 
And they with their elbows both pierced it, but, as it was only a blanket, they thrust 
through further than they had intended and stabbed each other. " My cousin, you 
have killed me," they both said. But he said, " Did such as you think you would kill 
me?" and at once he killed them both and went on. 

Theu he heard some one ahead saying aloud as he came, "Come, come, my 
dogs." And while he carne on calling his dogs, the young man made his nose bleed 
aud besmeared all his arrows with blood and spread them out in the path and lay 
down on his back. Theu there came a lion -and a great lynx and licked them. But 
the owner of the beasts said, "Let him alone, and go along, this is a poor child." So 
they passed on. Then the man came and said this: "Ah! my grandchild, you are 
the one that they say was left on the unvisited island. Go on, there are two of my 
dogs coming behind, those you may kill and eat." This was the one called His-many- 
dogs, because they say he has all things, that move upon the earth for his dogs. 

Then the young man rose aud went on. And two raccoons caiae aloug, talking 
to each other. He killed them and carried them with him. Then he came to a bark- 
lodge which was standing in the path, and, laying down both the raccoons outside, 
he went in. There were two old women, one on either side of the house, and he sat 
down in the back part of the tent. Then they said: "Grandchild, are you the one 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 141 

i*> 

who was cast away on the unvisited island?" These were good old women. Then 
one said: "Even if one is almost dead he eats; cook Ainething for him." Then they 
boiled for him and gave him food and said: "Grandchild, you have come through 
many difficulties, lint the hardest is yet to come." And he said, "Grandmother, I 
brought two raccoons and laid them outside, take them." So they took them and 
boiled them. Then one said to the other, "Give some counsel to my grandchild." 
Whereupon she said: "Grandchild, you will go to the house of The Two Women. 
They will treat you well, but at night they will seek to kill you. But we shall be there 
with you." Saying this, she pulled out a tooth and gave to him. And they say the 
other one gave him a bundle. The one .who pulled the tooth and gave him was the 
Gopher; and the other who gave him the bundle was the Badger; he tied up his ear 
and gave him. Then one of the old women told him what to do. "When you lie with 
one of the Two Women and she covers you with a blanket so that you can not breathe, 
pierce a hole in the blanket with this tooth, and you shall breathe freely; then untie 
the bundle. When they give you food, you will look to the earth and say: Grand 
mother, whither have you gone, and at once we will be there with you. " 

Then he traveled till he reached a very large tent. And outside of it there was 
a bark lodge. He entered into the tent and sat down in the back part. But no one 
was there. But when the evening was coming on he heard young women laughing 
loudly. In the bark lodge he had seen an old woman, who now said; "Come quietly, 
you big-eyed courtezans." So when one of them would have entered she saw him 
there, and saying, "My house smells of something," she turned back. Again the 
other came and said the same thing and went again. But now, when both had come 
home, one of them went to cooking for him. And she gave him the half of a man cut 
up. This she put in a dish and placed before him. He bowed his head and looking 
to the earth said: "Grandmother, where have you gone ?" Lo! from the earth there 
came a white mouth pushing up and sat down. So he emptied it all in and handed 
the dish back? And the young woman said, "My younger sister, now we two have 
mysterious man food." Then the other young woman also gave him her man-flesh, 
which he took, saying, "Grandmother, whither hast thou gone?" And from within 
the earth a white mouth came and sat down. So again he poured all the food in the 
mouth and handed the dish back. And the young woman said, " My older sister, 
now we two have mysterious man-food." 

When it was now dark one of the young women lay down with him, and covered 
him with a blanket; but it was very heavy, so that he could not breathe. Then he 
pierced a hole through it with the gopher s tooth and with his nose through it he lay 
breathing. The woman thought something was wrong and touched him. But just 
theii he untied the bundle, and the woman threw off the blanket and started off ex 
claiming, "A man has made a hole in my side." That blanket was the clear sky 
olanket. 

Then the other young woman in turn lay down with him, and put over him a 
covering that was so very heavy that he could not breathe. Again he punched a hole 
in it with the gopher s tooth, and lay breathing. Again there was the touch. She 
thought he was dead. But he untied the bundle; when she suddenly exclaimed: "A 
man has made a hole in my side," and threw off the blanket. This was the black 
cloud blanket. In this way. as the story is told, he made them both good and married 
them both. 



142 DAKOTA GEAMMAE, TEXTS, AND ETHXOGEAPHY. 

Then he said to them "You must change your food." But, -What shall we 
eat?" they said. To which he*eplied; "No one should eat men; it is bad food : there 
are plenty of other things good to eat." And they believed him, and so left off eating 
men. 

Now, in process of time they each had children, and both were boys. Then sud 
denly the husband thought of his old home and was sad and silent. The wives said 
to him, "Why are you silent?" He said, "Because I am sad." " It is not far away, 
we will go home with you," they said; and then they said to their mother, "Mother, 
burn soft stones. He is sad and we will take him home." So the old woman burned 
soft stone. Then the wives said, "Call father." So the mother-in-law stood by the 
side of the water and said; "Old man, come, my daughters will go to the main land." 
Then immediately something floated up from the water and came to the shore. The 
wives put their husband in a bag. What appeared was the husband of the old 
woman, and the young women were his children. They say it was Uijktelii. So when 
the Uijktelii had come to the shore, they filled both his eyes with the burnt stones, 
and on his many horns they piled the baggage, and their husband they placed among 
the baggage. He said, "My daughter, I sinell some live thing." But they said 
"Bad old man, what is there to be smelled?" To which he replied "Oh." Thus they 
set off. Moreover he said, " Let my grandchildren take little sticks and when I move 
slowly let them drum on my horns." He also said, "My daughters, keep a sharp 
lookout." This he said lest the Thunder should come. For the Thunder and the 
Uijktelii are enemies. 

Now, as they went over the water towards the mainland, he said, "My daugh 
ters, something overshadows me." He said this because it had clouded up and he 
knew it. But they said. "What is there to shade you; it is all clear sky." In saying 
this they deceived him, for already the clouds had come over. And now when they 
approached the shore the Thunder came nearer. But when they came to land they 
put ashore their husband first and then took off all the baggage; and* then they said, 
"Go away, father; the Thunder is near." "Alas! my daughters, I thought so," he 
said, and started home. But just then the Thunder shot him, and the water all over 
turned to blood. The young man said, "Alas! my poor father-in law!" But they 
said, " He will not die of that. Although that is done, he never dies." 

They had now returned to the place whence he went out, but where the people 
had gone was not manifest. So he said, "Put up the tent here, while 1 go over yon 
der." He went towards the spring of water, when lo ! he saw a woman with a head 
so large coming. "That is my sister," he said. She was coming her head was the 
proper size, but her face was all broken out in sores. "Yes, that was my sister," he 
said; and as she said, "My brother that was," he embraced her, and said, "My sis 
ter, how is it?" " My brother," she said, "Uijktomi has destroyed all our people. 
Me alone he has saved, but has treated me very badly. When I come thus for water 
and go back, he says, Now somebody has been courting you, and he sprinkles hot 
ashes on my face, and so my face is all over sores." Then he said to her, "Go, take 
home water, and if he says that again, say to him, You have destroy* d all the peo 
ple; who is there alive to say anything to me? Then throw the water on him, and 
come hither; I have pitched my tent here." 

So she took the water home and went in; wherefore again Unktomi s face was 
flushed, and he said, "Now some one has been courting you indeed." But she replied, 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 143 

"See, you have destroyed all the people; who is there alive to say anything to me?" 
And vShe dashed the water on him. He only laughed and said, " Woman, has my 
brother-in-law come home?" She replied, "If you had been left on the unvisited 
island would you ever have returned?" Then she left him and came to the tent of 
her brother, who commanded his wives to hasten with the preparations for his sister. 
So they heated water, washed her, combed her hair, put beautiful clothes on her, and 
placed her in the back part of the tent. Then the man said to his two boys, "Go, 
call Uijktomi." They went and said, "Uijktomi, we call you." He said, "Oh, how 
beautiful my nephews are," and followed them to the tent of his wife s brother. He 
was going in to see her who had been his wife, now dressed so beautifully and seated 
in the back part of the tent; but the young man said, " Sit there in the door." To 
which Uijktomi made answer, "Yes, my brother-in-law, I will do what you say." 
When he was seated, the young man said, " Uijktomi, eat your own dung." And 
they say he did so. This was done to be avenged, because Uijktomi had once told 
him to do the same. Then the young man said, " Weave tamarack roots; weave the 
basket just your own size and make it come close around your neck." And Uijktomi 
did so. "Sit down in it." And Uijktomi sat down in it. So the young man pressed 
Uijktomi in and hung it over the fire. Unktomi squirmed, but the young man said, 
"Pile on wood." So he killed Uijktomi with the smoke, took out his heart and dried 
it, pounded it up tine and made medicine of it. Then he gave it to his two boys, and 
said, " Go, scatter it on the ruins of the village." And they did so. 

When the next morning came, he said to them, " Go see the medicine you scat 
tered." They returned and said, "Father, all over there are things like worms 
crawling." The next morning he sent them again. They returned and said, "Father, 
the things are now very large." On the third morning he sent them again. They 
brought back word, "Father, they are little men. Stand up! You are crooked, 
they said to each other; and so they stumbled along," they said. On the fourth day 
the people were perfected, and at daybreak, with drum beating, yelling, making 
proclamations, and great noise, they came and pitched their tents around the tent of 
the young man, whom they made their chief. Thus they say that by means of 
Uijktomi s heart the people were brought to life again. That is all. 



WAMNUHA-ITAGOSA. 

BEAD SPITTER. 



WRITTEN IN DAKOTA BY M. RENVILLE. 



Hoksincantkiyapi war) hee tohan tagosa eca wamnuha ocaze kirj owasirj 

Boy-beloved one that is when he spits then beads kinds the all 

itagosa ece ; hecen taoyate kirj hena wokoyake yapi ece. Heorj oyate 

he spita out always or so that his-people the those clothes made-them always. Therefore people 

regularly 

ihduksaij tarjhaij wikoska owashj hihuaye au ede. Urjkarj wikoska warj 

round about from young-women all to-marry- they were always And young-woman one 

him coming in or regu- 
large num- larly. 
oers. 

is hihnaye ya, urjkarj irjyurj hekta tuwe iha niyarjpi. Hecen inazirj ; 

she marry -him went, and behold benind who laughed they aloud. So-that she stopped; 

urjkarj wikoska nom en upi ka heyapi ; Inama ! Carjktewirj derr nazirj ce, 

and maidens two thither they and this-say; Wonderful! Heart-killer female here stands , 

were 
coming, 

eyapi : ka, Iho ye, Oarjktewirj, Waranul ia-itagosa hihnaye urjyanpi ce, 

they said: and, Come on, Heart-killer female, Beads-who-spits-out to-marry we are going 

urjyarjpi kte, eyapi. Hecen om iyaye. Wikoska kirj denaoza Wirjvay- 

we-go will, they said. So with them she went. Maiden the those-two Ivomen 

Norjpapika ewicakiyapi. Oyate en icagapi sni, ituya icagapi ; hena taku 

Two they were called. People among they grew not, wildly they-grew; these some 

thing 

wakarj hecapi, hecen cazepi. 

mysterious such they hence their name, 
were, 

Heden hena om ya, ka om iwanka, warjna htayetu heorj. Hecen 

So those with she went, and with she lay-down, now evening therefore. Thus 

them 

wanna istirjmapi kta, urjkarj Wirjyarj Norjpapika kiij heyapi : Ihorjye, 

now they -sleep would, and Women-Two the this said: Come-on, 

Carjktewirj, harjharjna uqkiktapi kirjharj tarjpa waksica warj ohornni pahirj 

Heart-killer female, morning we awake if birch-bark dish one around quills 

orj akisonpi e psirj tona e pa kirj harj arjpa kirjharj he Wamnuha-itagosa 

with braided that rice which that head the stands daylight if that Bead-spits-out 

(?) ever (?) 

hihnaye kta, eyapi. Tuka harjliarjna urjkarj (Carjktewirj e pa kiij en 

husband nave shall, they said. But morning then Heart-killer female that head the in 

ecen harj, keyapi. Hecen, yapi, ka mde war) yapi en tarjka, huta tarjirj 

so stood, they say. So they-went, and lake one they went in large, shore appear 

sni e en ipi. Oaijnarj wata warj tarjka yarjka, hen Wamnuha-itagosa 

not that in they Out-on boat one large was (sitting), there Beads-spits-out 

arrived. 

144 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 145 

tonweye dirj hetu ; hecerj parjpi, ka, Wamnul ia-itagosa hihnaye unhipi ye, 

dwells the there: so they called, and, Beads spits-out to-marry we have come, 

eyapi. Hecen watopa wag u. Hi uijkarj heyapi : Wamnuha-itagosa 

they said. Then rower one was Arrived and this they say : Beads-spits-out 

coming. 

hihnaye urjhipi ce, eyapi. Unkan, Ilia, tuwe hediyapi sta sdorjwaye sni, 

to-marry wehavecomo , they said. Then, No, who thus called although I know him not, 

eye <5a iozuna wamnuha iyohnake a tagosa iyeya : Unkarj wamnuha keya 

he said, and mouth full beads he-placed and spit them out : Then beads abundantly 

in his mouth 

kada iyeya : Uijkarj ihal m pahipi ; ka hecerj Wirjyarj Norjpapi kirj napin 

scattered "were : And laughing; they picked and so Woman-Two the both 

them up: 

wata kirj opapi, ka warjzi kirj kisicapi, Carjktewirj ; Ako iyaya, eyapi, "ka 

boat the went-in, and one the they sent her Heart-killer female ; Away go, they said, and 

away. 

kici kilulapi. Tuka he Wamnuha-itagosa ee sni. Hecen urjma korj ecerj 

with they went home. But this Beads-spits-out that not. So other the thus 

him [aforesaid] 

ceya yaijka. Urjkarj, irjyun, wata waij hinarjpa, urjkarj nina wiyatpa, niaza 

cry ing was (sitting). And, lo, boat. one came-in-sight, and very brilliant, metal 

wata nakaes. Hecen u ka en hi : eke Wamnnha-itagosa hee ; iye kirj 

boat indeed. Thus it was and there arrived : this Beads-spits-out that was; he the 

mining 

taku wiyatpa ece koyake nakaes nina okitaniij. Hecen, Taku oij, wikoska, 

some- bright alone wears indeed, very appears. Then, What for, maiden, 

thing 

den ya6eya he, eya. Unkay is, Wamnuha-itagosa hihnaye lii keya ; ka 

here you cry ? he said. And she, Beads spits-out to-marry came, she said : and 

en Wirjyarj Norjpa token ecakicorjpi he okiyake. Urjkaij, Ho wo, urjhde 

these Woman Two how they did to her that ahe told him. Then, Come on, we two- 

go-home 

kta <5e eye <;a kici ki. 

will , he said, and with he arrived 
her at his 
home. 

Ito urjmapi kirj he omdake kta. Hecen Wirjyarj Norjpapi kirj wicasta 

Now others the that I tell will. Thus Women Two the man 

koij kici kipi. ~ Urjkaij kurjkisitku ti en ipi. Unkarj iijyuij tuwe heya; 

the with they reached Then grandmother-his house in they And lo some one this said ; 

(aforesaid] home. came. 

Siyaka, Wamnuha-itagosa riico ce, eya. Uijkan, Ho, token takeye se, 

*Teal, Bead Spitter you-calls , he-said. Then, Soho! somehow what-he- it 

saj S seems, 

c\ a: Hecerr upi sni po, he taku wakanyarj ecorjpi ece e tuwena wiijyaij 

he"said. Hence come ye not, this something mysteriously they-do always that no-one woman 

warjyake 4ni edee ce, eya a iyaya. Tuka winyarj korj heyapi: Taku 

sees not always , he said, and went. But women the this said: What 

[aforesaid] 

wakarj ke.s warjyag urjyakorj ecee, ekta urjye kte, eyapi; ka en yapi. 

mysterious even seeing we-two-are always, to it we-two-go will. they said; and there wont. 

Unkarj nina oko e heden wakeya ohdoka way ohna etonwarjpi, urjkarj 

Then much noise that so tent hole one In they looked, and 

hihnakupi korj hee nite kirj he awacipi: urjkarj tawicu kiij eyokasirjpi e 

husband-theirs the that-is hack the that they danced on : and wives-his the looking in that 

[aforesaid] 

warjwi<5ayake; urjkarj nazirj hiyaye a, Mis siyaka nite awadipi owapa, eye 

them-he-saw; and he rose to his feet and, I teal s back dancing on I follow he said, 

ca psipsida, keya})i. lie magaksica waij siyaka eyapi edee, hee keyapi. 

and jumped often, they say. This duck one teal called always, that-is-it they say. 

7105 VOL ix 10 



146 DAKOTA GBAMMAE, TEXTS, AKD ETHNOGKAPIIY. 

Heorj dehanyarj magaksica kirj he nite khj cepe sni : uykarj he oyate awac ipi 

Therefore to-this-time duck the this back the fat not: and this people they danced 

on liiin 

ka hececa, eyapi ec"e. 

and so-it-is, they say regularly. 

Hehan wirjyarj korj hdicupi, ka sina noin, uijma tuhmaga mahen 

Then women tlie thev-started and blanket two, the one bees within 

[aforesaid] home, 

ehnakapi, ka unma tazuska niahen ehnakapi, ka iyayapi; ka urjma whjyarj, 

they-placed, and the other ants within they-placed, and went on: and the other woman, 

Carjktewiij eciyapi koij lie hoksincaijtkiyapi kiij ku i waijkan yaijka; tuka 

Heart-killer she was the that boy-beloved the with above was [sitting]; but 

female called [aforesaid] 

yus tankan hiyuyapi, ka iye itarj-anog iyotarjkapi. Urjkaij Siyaka hde ca 

taking outside they thrust lier, and tney ou-each-side they sat down. Then Teal went- and 

home 

ki ka sina urjmarj yugarj, tuka tuhmaga koij ya/ipe. Ake urjma yugaij, 

he and blanket the one opened, but bees the they-stung- Again the other * opened, 

readied [aforesaid] him. 

home 

tuka tazuska kirj yazipe. Unkan, Ecirj taku wakaij ota ce, eye (-a sina 

but ants the they bit Then, Indeed what mysterious many , he siiid, and blank 

[aforesaid] him. ets 

yazanmi, tuka tazuska tuhmaga ko ti ozuna; hecen owasirj wicakal i;i])api. 

opened oxit, but ants bees also house full; so that all they were driven out. 

Heden ye <;a Wamnuha-itagosa biyaka tawiru kiij napiu 0111 yaijka en i; 

So "he- and Bead Spitter teal wives-his the both with was there he 

went [Hitting] arrived; 

ka, Cinye, hakakta kiij he micu ye, eya. Tuka eraca tak eye sni. Ake 

and. Older brother, last the that return her to me, s aid. But no-way omettlog uid not Again 

eya kes ecaca tak eye sni. Uijkaq hecen Siyaka khj hde <;a dowaij niyay 

he although not- some- said not. And so Teal the went- and he sang aloud 

said at-all thing home 

keyapi: Wamnuha-itagosa, wi hakakta micu wo; mde akasaijpa kes caijsuska 

they-say: Bead Spitter, woman last return her to me; lake across even box-elder 

ko okataijtar) ihewaya ce, eya doway niyaij. Heon dehan woyazaij way 

also pouuding-in-often I drive , he said he sang aloud. Therefore now si ekness one 

tukten tonwicaye <?a nina wicayazaij ece kirj he Siyaka wicao, eyapi kiij 

when pus-forms and very they sick always the that Teal then-shoots thev-say the 

hetaijhaq he icupi. 

hence this they-take. 

Hehan hanyetu kehai] Igangaqheca isan way icu ka en ya: injkaij 

Then .night when Sharp-grass knife one took and there went: And 

Hoksincantkiyapi kir) wiyyaij kiy napin orn istiijina waijka: tuka pa kiij 

Boy -beloved the women the both with sleeping belay: but head the 

tahu kin en baksa iyeye ca hehan ti mahen Avakeya kiij mahen yuha inazii). 

neck the in he-cut-on and there house-in tent the within having he stood 

there. 

Hehan oyate kirj sdonyapi. Hoksincaijtkiyapi koij pa cona wanka e hetVn 

Then people the Xnew-it. Boy-beloved the bend without lay that so 

| aforesaid | 

owodutaton. Hecen Siyaka ti kiij ekta yapi; injkaij koijkisitku kon 

tumult-was Thus Teal house the to they went; and urandmother-his the 

j aforesaid | 

owaqcaya toki ye ca ti akan ekihde ka en yapi. Tuka hok a gina waq 

all-over some- she and house upon placed, and there they went. But heron brown one 

where went 

kinyarj iyaye, heden wahupakoza war) hok agicana eciyajii koy he siyaka 

flying \\ MI so that fowl one little brown heron is c alled the that teal 

(snipe) 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 147 

kunkisitku ee. Hecen cedi kahmirj wag en iyalie. Hecen oyate khj en 

jramlniother Ms is. Then reed corner one in she alighted. So people the thus 

aye ca cedi wita kiij ecelma inapaijpi ka inakukapi. Hecen c"edi hute kiq 

weni and reed island the entirely tramped down and stamped out. Hence reed roots the 

owasirj sasa eca kiy liena Siyaka kuijkisitku we kiij hena ee, keyapi. 

all red here when the those Teal grandrnother-his blood the those are, they say. 

and there 

Helian Siyaka is Hoksincantkiyapi pa kiq yuha wicastayatapi kirj 

Then Teal he Boy-beloved head the having chief the 

timalien wokeya khj mahen yuha inazin. Ujkaij Hoksincantkiyapi honku 

house-in tent the within having he stood there. And Boy -beloved mother 

ceye <;a, Wahte sni, sica, micinca kiij wowihahaye <;a nite awaci wicakiye 

his cried and. Worthless, bad, my-child the debauched and back on-dance tliem-he-nia<le 

cikoij wahpanimaye, eya ceya ca, Toki he miye nakaes hecamon, eya ecee. 

that one poor me made, said crying when, Well, that 1 indeed that-I did, he-said always. 

Uijkaij Uijktonii ki6opi, ka hoijku kiij lieya ceya ca; Toki is heya niyarj 

Then Uijktomi theycalled, and mother-his the this-said crying when; Well, he thissaid afoud 

ece, he miye naes hecainorj, eya ece; Eca iyukcarj wo, eyapi. Uykaij, 

always, that 1 verily this I did, hesaid always; Indeed consider thou, theysaid. And 

Unktomi witkotkoka ehapi ce, tokeca idukcaijpi sni he. De wakeya kiij 

Ui|ktomi a fool you say , why you consider not 1 This tent the 

mahen nazirj, heya, tlykarj wakeya kii) yimizupi, unkarj Siyaka Hoksin- 

within standing, hesaid. Then tent the they tore down, and Teal I5oy- 

caijtkiyapi pa yuhe, ca uijma is isaij koij yuhe ca wankan inaziij. Uijkaij, 

beloved head he-had, and other ho knife the had and above he-stood there. Then, 

| aforesaid | 

Kun ku wo, yani kta ce eyapi. Tuka waijkan iyaye, ca hayyetu wi kir) 

Down come thou, you live shall , tlieysaid. But upward he-went, and night sun the 

( okay a inazir). Hecen tolian haijyetu wi mima ca taku wag taijiij kii) he 

in the-middle he-stood there. Thus when night sun round and something one appears the that 

8iyaka ee, nape saijni Waniiuiha-itagosa pa kirj yuhe <?a unma is Igaij-aijlieca 

Teal is, hand one liead-Spitter head the holds, and other it Sharp-grass 

isnij koi) yuhe ca naziij, keyapi. 

knife the holds and he stan.is, they say. 
[aforesaid] 

NOTES. 

1. The form, Hoy-beloved^ is said to be used only of the first-born or eldest son 
of a chief, and so would stand for Prince. It is hoksidaij, boy, and <c"antekiya, to 
love. This is put in the plural and passive form, and so means Beloved-Son. 

2. Tliis myth shows that plurality of wives is a custom of ancient date among 
the Dakota, and that the taking of sisters was a common form of it. Further, the 
myth shows a very low state, of .social riiorality. To the question, what Laws or im 
memorial usages among the Dakota, restrain them in their matrimonial alliances, M. 
Keuville answers, "There are no laws that is, laws with penalties to prevent a man 
from taking his sister to wife, or even his mother, but we simply say such a man is 
like a dog he is a dog." That they often have largely transgressed the line of pre 
scribed consanguinity, in taking wives, is evidenced by the name Kiyulc.m being worn 
by a number of the sub-gentes in the Dakota nation. This dividing or breaking of 
custom is uniformly referred to their matrimonial alliances. 

3. It is interesting to note in these myths the origin, or at least the explana 
tion, of certain singular forms of speech in the language, which it is impossible to 
account for otherwise. For example, in this myth, we have i^iyaka-o, Teal-shot, 



148 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

which means a boil, the core of which is the mythical arrow of box-elder which the 
Teal drives in, even from beyond the lake. 

4. Rather a beautiful mythical idea is that the roots of the toll reeds are made 
red by the blood of the snipe, which is the grandmother of the teal. Another, which 
is quite as good as our "man in the moon," is the translation of the Teal, with the 
gory head of Boy-beloved, together with Sharp-grass and his executioner s kuife, to 
the broad land of the Night Sun. 

TRANSLATION. 

There was a Boy-beloved whose spittle was all kinds of beautiful beads. So 
abundant were they that his people arrayed themselves therewith. As the fame of 
this spread abroad, the young women of surrounding tribes were all anxious to have 
him for a husband. And as a certain maiden was going to make l;im her husband, if 
possible, she heard behind her someone laughing. She stopped, when lo! two women 
came up and said, "Why, here stands Heart-Killer." And they added, "Come 
along, 1 leart- Killer, wo are going to make the Bead-Spitter our husband; let us go 
together." So she went with them. 

These two young women were called "The Two- Women." They did not grew 
from the people, but grew wildly and were supernatural beings, hence their name, 
"The Two- Women." 

So Heart-Killer went with them and lay down with them, as it was now night. 
But before they went to sleep the two women said, "Look here, Heart- Killer, when 
the morning comes, at whosesoever head stands the birch-bark dish with quill work 
around it and filled with rice, she is the one who shall have Bead-Spitter for a 
husband." So when the morning came it was standing at the head of Heart-Killer, 
they say. 

Then they went on and came to a large lake, whose farther shores could not be 
seen. Out on the water was a large canoe. And as this was where Bead-Spitter s 
village was they called and said, " We have come to get Bead-Spitter for our husband." 
Some one came rowing. When he arrived, they said, " We have come to make Bead 
Spitter our husband." To which he replied, " I do not know any one by that name;" 
but at the same time he filled his mouth with beads, and then spat them out. The 
beads were scattered all around, and, laughing, they gathered them up. Then the two 
women went into the canoe, but the other they drove back, and said, "Go away, 
Heart-Killer." So they went home with the man, but he was not Bead-Spitter. 
Heart- Killer stood there crying, when, lo! another canoe came in sight. It was a 
very bright and beautiful one, for it was all metal. It came on and arrived. This 
was the Bead-Spitter, and, as he wore very bright clothing, the appearance was very 
splendid. 

"Young woman, what are you crying for here?" he said. So she told him she 
had come to get Bead-Spitter for a husband and what the two women had done to 
her. Then he said, "Come on, we two will go home." So she went home with him. 

Let us return to the others. 

The two women went home with the man whom they had met. His name was 
Teal-Duck, and he lived with his grandmother. By and by some one said, "Teal- 
Duck, Bead-Spitter calls you to a feast." The Teal said, "Indeed, somebody has 
said soinething;" and then to the women he said, "Do not come; they are making 
mystery; no woman looks at it." So he went. But. the women said, "We, too, are 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 149 

accustomed to see the supernatural; we will go," aiid so they went. Wlveu they 
reached the place there was much noise, and they came and looked in by a hole of 
the tent, and lo! the inmates were dancing on the back of Teal-Duck. He saw his 
wives peeping in, and jumping up, said, "I, also, will join the dance on the Teal s 
back," and so he jumped about. They say this was the duck that is called the "Teal," 
and hence, to this day, that duck has no fat 011 its back, because the people danced 
on it, they say. 

Then the two women started back, and, taking two blankets, they put bees in 
the one and ants in the other and went on. The other woman, who was called Heart- 
Killer, was with the Boy- Beloved. Her they took and thrust out, and then placed 
themselves on either side of him. 

Then Teal-Duck came home, and when he had lifted one blanket the bees came 
out and stung him; when he lifted the other the ants came out and bit him. Then 
he said, "Indeed, here is much that is strange," and so he opened out the blankets 
and the ants and bees swarmed out and drove everybody from the house. So he went 
and found the two wives of Teal-Duck with Bead-Spitter, to whom he said, " My 
elder brother, give me back the younger one." There was no reply. Again he 
made the demand, but no answer came. And so Teal-Duck went home singing this 
song, they say: 

" You Spitter of-Pearls, give me back my younger wife; 
For over the lake I always drive box-elder pegs." 

And from this has come down to us this form of speech, viz : When sores come 
out on people and pus is formed, they say, "Teal-Duck has shot I hem." 

Now, when night came on, Sharp-Grass took his knife, and finding the Boy- 
Beloved sleeping with the two women, lie cut off his head, and, holding it in his hand, 
took his station inside of the tent. When the people knew that the Boy-Beloved 
lay headless there was a great tumult. So they went to the house of the Teal, but 
his grandmother had placed him on the top of his tent. They went in, but only a 
little brown heron came flying out. Hence the fowl that is called Little-Brown-Heron 
(snipe) is the grandmother of the Teal- Duck. It Hew away and alighted in the corner 
of a reed marsh. Then the people went and trod down and trampled up thoroughly 
the reed island. Hence, when all the roots of the reeds are red, they say this is the 
blood of the Teal s grandmother. 

Then Teal-Duck, having the head of the Boy-Beloved, went and stood within 
the tent of the chief. And the mother of Boy-Beloved cried, and said, " You bad, 
worthless fellow who debauched my child and had people thince upon your own back, 
you have impoverished me." While she cried, some one said, " Indeed, and was it I 
who did this thing?" Then they called Uijktomi, and when his mother said, crying, 
" Who is it who says this aloud, Indeed, and was it I who did it? " Then Uijktomi 
said, "Now, consider this: You say Uijktomi is a fool; why, don t you understand 
this? It is lie who stands within the tent who says this." 

Then they tore down the tent and beheld Teal-Duck holding the head of Boy- 
Beloved and the other having the knife, and they stood up high. " Come down," 
they said, "you shall live;" but up they went and stood in the moon. And so 
now, when the moon is full, what appears in it is Teal-Duck holding the head of One- 
who-spits-otit-pearls, and the other is Sharp-Grass holding the knife in his hands. 

This is the Myth. 



PARABLE OF THE PRODIGAL SON LUKE XV, 11-32. 1 
Wicasta war) chjhiijtku noijpa: uijkaij hakakata kirj he atkuku khj 

Man a son-liis two: and youngest the that father-hie the 

heciya: Ate, woyuha mitawa kte ciij he micu-wo, eya. Urjkarj woyuha 

said to-hiui : Father, goods mine will be the that me-mine-give. lie said. And goods 

kirj yuakipam wicaku. Uijkaij iyohakain arjpetu tonana, ciijhhjtku hakakta 

the dividing tbem-he gave. And after day few, son-his youngest 

koij he owasiij witaya tpahi, ka itehaijyaij makoce war) ekta icimairi ya; 

that- that all togolher gathered and a-far-off country a to traveling went; 

was his-own, 

ka lien siharj ohaijyaijpi kiij oij, taku yulie cirj owasiij hdutakunisni. Uijkaij 

and there bad doings the by, what be-ha*l the all he-destroyed-his-own. And 

owasiij waijna hdusote ceharj, makoce kiij he en wicaakiliaij hiijca; uijkaij 

all now he-had-spent when, country the that in famine very; and 

his own 

hirjnakaha wicakiza. Urjkarj makoce kiij hen mjpi kiij wajjzi ti kiq ekta 

consequently be-was-in want. And country tlie there dwelt the one bouse the to 

i, ka kici yaijka; unkay he maga kiij ekta kukuse wo wicaku kte yesi- 

went, and with was; and that-one field the to swine food them-give should sent. 

Uijkaij kukuse taku yutapi kiq hees oij wipiiciye waciij; tuka tuwedai) 

And swine what eat the even-that with rill-hiitiself desired ; but some-one 

dot oku sni. Uijkarj warjua iciksuye cehaij heya : Ate wicasta opewicatoij 

food gave- not. And now remembered- when this-siiid: My- man them-bought 

him himself father 

kirj heca tona wicayuha, ka hena ag-uyapi iyaki^uya yuhapi, tuka iniye ke 

the such how-many them has, and those bread more-than enough they have, but I myself 

wotektehdapi kir) orj atakunisni amayarj ce. Ito nawaziij, ka ate ekta 

hunger the by- I am becoming fe cble. Lo! I stand and my t 

ini-:iiis til (-arise), father 

walide ga, hewakiye kta; Ate, malipiya kirj ekta ka niye nakurj nitokam 

l-go-home and, to-him-I say-this will: Father, heaven the against and thee also thee -before 

wawahtani; ka detaijharj chjcamayaye kta iyemacece sni; wicasta 

I-have-sinned ; and from-this time, cbild-me-thou-have sbouldst I am worthy not; man 

opewicayatorj kiij hees waijzi iyececa makaga wo, epe kta c*e, eya. Urjkaij 

bein-th-ni bast-bought the even one like me-make, I-say will , he-said. And 

nazirj hiyaye, ?a atkuku ekta ki. Tuka nahalih) itehaij ku, atkuku 

he rose to his feet, and father-Ms to went-home. But while-still far-off coming- father-hia 

home, 

warjhdake ca, onsikida ka, inyang ye (;a, poskin liduze <?a, iikputaka. Uijkaij 

saw-him and lia<l-compas- and running went, and by-the-neek i-la.sped and kissed-him And 

liis own sinnon his own, bisown, liisown. 

ciijhiijtku kirj heciya: Ate, malipiya kirj ekta ka niye nitokam wawahtani, 

son-bis the tbis-said- Father, heaven the to and thee theo-beforo I-havo-siuned, 

to-him: 

ka detarjliarj cirjdamayaye kte cirj he iyemacec e sni, eya. 

and from-this-time child-me tliou-have shouldst the that I am worthy not, he-naid. 



1 The accompanying interlinear translations from the Hible appeared in the edition of 1852, just 
after the Grammar. 
150 



DAKOTA MYTHS. 151 

Tnka atkuku kii) taokiye kir) hewicakiya: Sina iyotai) waste kiij he 

lint father-hifl the his-t rvant the this-tfl-them-said: Blanket most good the that 

au-po, ka iijkiya-po; ka mazanapcupe war) nape kirj en iyekiya-po; ka 

bringye, and put-on-him-ye: and nuger-ring a hand (he on put-ye; and 

siha haijpa ohekiya-po; ka ptezicadarj cemyapi kii) he den au-po, ka kte-po; 

feet moccasins put-on-him ye; and cow-calf fatted the that hero bring-ye, and kill-ye; 

wauijtapi ka ui)kiyuskii)pi kta ce. Miciijksi kiq de ta, urjkai) kini; tarjirjsni 

we-eat and we-rejoice will . My -aon the this dead, and livea-agaiu ; lost 

ka iyeyapi, eya. Urjkar) hiijnakaha wiyuskirjpi. 

and is found, he-said. And immediately they-rejoiced. 

Uijkai) ciijhiijtku tokapa koij, he raa^ata urj : unkarj tikiyadarj ku ca 

And son-his eldest that- was, that field-at was: and honse-near-to was when 

coming 
home 

dowanpi ka wadipi nahon. Urjkar) ookiye warjzi kipan, ka hena token 

sinking and dancing he-heard. And servant one he-called-to, and these-things how 

kapi heciijhan, he iwan^a. Uykaij heciya : Nisuijka hdi ; uykaq ui urj ka 

meant if, that ho-iuquired. And he-said-this- Thy-younger- has- and alive is and 

iiiliim: hrotlior come-liome; 

zaniyaij hdi kiij ; heoq-etaqhay niyate ptezicadaq cemyapi koy he kikte ce, 

well lias- the; therefore thy-father cow-calf fatted that-was that killed , 

corae-homu for him 

eya. Urjkar) hecen sihda, ka tin kihde wacirj snr ; hehan atkuku kii) 

he-said. And so he-was-augry, and into-the- he-go- desired not; then father-his the 

house home 

taijkan hiyu ka cekiya. Urjkar) hehan wayupte ?a atkuku kii) heciya: 

out came and l^esou^ht-liiin. And then he-answered and father-Ms the this-aaid-to . 

Iho, waniyetu ota waijna waociciye, ya iyae ciq tohiijni kawape sni; hececa 

Lo! winter many now I-havo-helped-thee, and thy- word the ever I-passed- not; thus 

bevond 

esta, kodawicawaye cirj orn winiduskiq kta e tohirjni taciycadarj wayzi 

although, friend-them-I-hav e the with I-rejoice might that at-any-time deer-child one 

mayaku sni ce : Tttka nicirjksi witkowirjpi kii) om woyuha nitawa kirj 

me-thou- not : But thy-son harlots the with property thy the 

gavest 

ternniciye cirj de hdi ca, wai)cake ptezicadai) cemyapi kirj he yecicata ce, 

eati ii up for thee the this come- when, at-once cow-calf fatted the that thou for-him- , 

home bast-killed 

eya. Urjkar) heciya ; Cirjs, oliiijniyai) mici yaurj ; ka taku mduhe cirj he 

he-said. And thin-he-said- Son, always me-with thou-art; and what I-have the that 

to-bim: 

iyul ipa nitawa. Nisuijka kiij de to uqkarj kini ; taninsni, unkarj iyeyapi 

all thine. Thy-younger- the this was- and has-come- was-lost, and is-found 

brother dead to-life; 

kii) heorj etarjhai) ito, caijte urjwastepi ka urjkiyuskirjpi kte cirj he hecetu 

the therefore lo! heart we-good and we-rejoice should the that is right 

ce, eya ce. 

, he-said . 



THE LORD S PRAYER. 
Itancarj tawocekiye kin. 

Lord his-prayer the. 

Ateui)yanpi malipiya ekta nayke cirj; Nicaze Kir) wakandapi kte; 

Kather-we-havo heaven in tbou-art the; Thy-name the holy-regarded shall; 

Nitokidonze kii) u kte. Malipiya ekta token nitawacirj ecoypi kirj, maka akaii 

Tby-kingdom tins come shall. Heaven in how thy-will is-doue the, earth upon 



152 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

hecen ecoq pi nunwe. Anpetu kig de taku-yutapiuijku-po: 1 kawaunhtanipi 

so done may -it-be. Day the this food us-give: and our-t.respassew 

kin unkicicazuzu-po, unkis iyecen tona eciysniyan unkokicihanyanpi. hena 

the erase-for-us, we like-as as-uijiy-as wrongly have-done-to-us those 

iyecen wicunkicicaznzupi kiij. Wowawiyutaijye kirj he en iyaye unyaijpi 

even-as them-we-forgive the, Temptation the that into t-go us-causo 

sni-po, ka taku sica etanhan euijhdaku-po. Wokicoijze kiij, wowas ake kiij, 

not, and what bad from us-deliver. Kingdom the, strength the, 

wowitaij kiy, henakiya owihaqke wanin nitawa nuijwe. Amen. 

glory the, all-theae end none thine may-be. Amen. 



THE FOURTH COMMANDMENT. 
Woahope itopa. 

Commandment fourth. 

Arjpetu-okilipapi kirj he kiksuye a wakarj da-wo. Anpetu sakpe 

Day-of-rest the that rememher and lioly regard thou. Day six 

htayani ka nitohtani kiq owashj ecanoy kta. Tuka aijpetu isakowir) kiy lie 

thou-labor and thy-work the all thon-do shalt. But day seventh the that 

aijpetu-okihpapi, Yehowa Taku-Wakay nitawa kiij he tawa, he en wicohtani 

day-of-rest, Jehovah God thy the that his, that in work 

takudar) ecanoij ktesni, niye ka nicirjksi, ni( uijksi, wicasta nitaokiye, wiyyaij 

some-little thou-do shalt not, thou .and thy-son, thy-daughtor, man thy-servant, woman 

nitaokiye, nitawoteca, ka tuwe tokeca nitatiyopa kiy en uy kirj henakiya. 

thy-servant, thy-eattle, and whoever else thy door the in is the go-many. 

Anpetu sakpe en Yehowa mahpiya, maka, miniwaijca ka taku ohnaka 

Day six in Jehovah heaven, earth, water-all and what is in 

ko owasirj kaga; unkarj arjpetu isakowiij kiij he en okihpa, hecen Yeliowa 

also all made; and day seventh the that in rested, so Jehovah 

aijpetu-okihpapi kiq he hdawaste ka hduwakaq. 

day-of-rest the that blessed and hallowed 

his own his own. 



1 Some of the Dakota object to the use of the impeiative iii wo and po, in addressing God, pre 
ferring the ending yc, please. J. o. D. 



DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 



PART THIRD. 



ETHNOGBAPHY 



153 



ETHNOGRAPHY 



CHAPTER I . 

THE DAKOTA. 

The introduction to the Dakota Grammar and Dictionary, published 
by the Smithsonian Institution in 1852, commences with this paragraph: 

Tlie nation of Sioux Indians, or Dakotas, as they call themselves, is supposed 
to number about 25,000. They are scattered over an immense territory, extending 
from the Mississippi River on the east to the Black Hills on the west, and from the 
mouth of the Big Sioux River on the south to Devils Lake on the north. Early 
in the winter of 1837 they ceded to the United States all their land lying on the 
eastern side of the Mississippi ; and this tract at present forms the settled portion 
of Minnesota. During the summer of 1851 the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, with 
Governor Ramsey, of Minnesota, negotiated with the Dakotas of the Mississippi and 
Minnesota, or St. Peters Valley, for all their land lying east of a line running from 
Otter-Tail Lake through Lake Traverse (Lac; Travers) to the junction of the Big Sioux 
River with the Missouri; the Indians retaining for their own settlements a reservation 
on the upper Minnesota 20 miles wide and about 140 long. This purchase includes all 
the wooded lands belonging to the Dakotas, and extends, especially on the south side 
of the Minnesota River, some distance, into the almost boundless prairie of the West. 
Beyond this, the Indians follow the buffaloes, which, although evidently diminishing 
in numbers, still range in vast herds over the prairies . This animal furnishes the 
Indian with food and clothing, and a house, and, during the summer, with the " bois 
de vache" for fuel. In the winter these sons of the prairie are obligetl to pitch their 
tents at or iu the little clusters of wood, which here and there skirt the margins of 
the streams and lakes. 

The interval of thirty years has made such changes in this people as 
to require an almost entirely new statement. First, as regards numbers: 
The above statement was made mainly by estimation, and not on actual 
count. Only a small portion of the Dakota were at that time receiving 
annuities. In this case the estimate was largely under the truth. Since 
that time, when the western Dakota were at war with our Government, 
they were variously estimated as numbering from 40,000 upward. But as 

155 



156 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

they are now gathered at the various agencies, viz, Cheyenne River, Crow 
Creek, Devils Lake, Lower Brule, Pine Ridge, Rosebud, Sisseton, Stand 
ing Rock, and Yankton, in Dakota Territory, with Poplar River in Mon 
tana, and Santee in Nebraska, they are reported at a little less than 30,000. 
This does not include the more than 100 families of homesteaders at Flan- 
dreau and Brown Earth. Nor does it include Sitting Bull s party, the 
greater part of which has recently returned to- the United States. In addi 
tion to these, are, Dakota-speaking people beyond the line, the Stoneys, 
and Assiniboin, besides at least 1,000 of the refugees from our war of 
1862, who have become permanent residents in the Queen s dominions. 
We now conclude that 40,000 will be a low estimate of those who speak 
the Dakota language. 

Secondly, as regards habitat: This will be made, plain by a brief state 
ment of the migrations and history of the different tribes which constitute 
the Dakota nation. 

TRIBES. 

Their name, the Dakota say, means leagued or allied; and they some 
times speak of themselves as the " Odeti sakowiy," Seven council fires. 
These are the seven principal bands which compose the tribe or nation, viz: 

1. The Mdewakantonwan, Village of the Spirit Lake. Their name is 
derived from a former residence at Mdewakaij (Spirit or Sacred Lake), Mille 
Lacs, which are in Minnesota, at the head of Rum River. This was the 
old home of the nation, when Henuepin and Du Luth visited them two 
hundred years ago. As these so-called Spirit Lake villagers occupied the 
gateway of the nation, they were for a long time better known than the 
other portions of the tribe, and came to regard themselves as living in the 
center of the world. Thirty years ago this record was made of them : 

They are divided into seven principal villages, three of which are still on the 
western bank of the Mississippi, and the others on or near the Minnesota, within 25 
or 30 miles of Fort Snelling. This portion of the Dakota people have received an 
nuities since the year 1838, and their number, as now enrolled, is about 2,000. They 
plant corn and other vegetables, and some of them have made a little progress in 
civilization. 

In that same year of 1851 they sold their land to the Government 
and were removed to a. reservation 011 the upper Minnesota, and were the 
principal actors in the emeute of 1862, which resulted in their capture and 
dispersion. Those who fled to the Dominion of Canada with Little Crow 
have, for the most part, remained there, while those who lived through the 



DAKOTA TRIBES. 157 

ordeal of captivity are now a civilized people at the Santee Agency, in 
Nebraska, and at the Flandreau Homestead Settlement on the Big Sioux. 

The origin of the name Mdewakantonwaij is accounted for by Mr. M. 
Renville as follows: In the east country there was a large lake, and in the 
lake there was a Taku-Wakaij, which was feared. But there they made 
their village. And when the planting time came this local god always 
made his appearance. But tins gens dreamed of it and worshiped it, and 
no more feared it. Hence they got the name of "Sacred-Lake Villagers." 
This was an original gens of the Dakota people, which was afterwards 
divided into seven gentes, viz: (1) Ki-yu-ksa, Breakers of custom or law, 
said to refer to marrying into their own gens. (2) He-mni-carj (Hay- 
minnee-chan), Hill-tvater-wood, the name of Barn Bluff at Red Wing. (3) 
Ka-po-za (Kaposia), Light ones, those who traveled unincumbered with 
baggage. (4) Ma-ga-yu-te sni, They who do not eat geese. (5) He-ya-ta- 
ton-we, The Back Villagers. This was the Lake Calhoun band. (6) Oyate- 
sica, Had- people. (7) Tirj-ta-torj-we, Prairie Villagers. 1 

2. The Wahpekute, Leaf -shooters. It is not now known from what 
circumstances the Wahpekute received their name. Thirty years ago 
they were a roving band of about 500 or 600, who laid claim to the 
country of Cannon River, the head waters of the Blue Earth, and west 
ward. They were guilty of the massacre of Spirit Lake, in Iowa, in 1857, 
and were so demoralised thereby that they became rovers, and have lost 
their place in the Dakota family. After the sale of their land, in 1851, 
they became connected with the Spirit-Lake band, and, disregarding their 
gentes, some of them are now at Santee Agency and some at Sisseton 
Agency, but the greater part have fled to the Missouri River and to Canada. 

3. The Wahpetoijwaij, Village in the Leaves, probably obtained their 
name from the fact that formerly they lived only in the woods. The old 
home of this band was about the Little Rapids, which is some 45 miles by 
water from the mouth of the Minnesota River. Thirty years ago it was 
written : 

About . 500 still reside there, but the larger part of the baud have removed to 
Lac-qui-parle and Big Stone Lake. In all they number about 1,000 or 1,200 sonls. 
They all plant corn, more or less, and at Lac-qui-parle, one of the mission stations 
occupied by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, they have 
made some progress in learning to read and write their own language, and have 
substituted, to soiue extent, the use of the plow for the hoe. 



Hake-waste, a chief of the Mdewukaqtonwnq, who was in Washington, D. C., in 1880, gave 
the fifth and seventh gentes us " Heyataotonwe" and " Tiytaotoijwe;" but since then Rev. A. L. Kiggs 
has given the forms " Heyatatoqwai) " and ^Tiqtatoqwaq." J. <>. D. 



158 DAKOTA GRAMMAR: TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

These Dwellers in the Leaves were more or less mixed up in the out 
break of 1862. Some of them fled to Manitoba, where they now have a 
native church near Fort Ellin. Some of them were of the captivity, and 
carried letters and religion into the prison, while some were prominent in 
bringing about a counter revolution and in delivering the white captives. 
They are now mixed with Sisseton on the Sisseton and Devil s Lake Reser 
vations and in the Brown Earth Homestead Settlement. 

Mr. M. Renville accounts for the origin of the name Leaf Villagers in this wise: 
"First, tradition says the clan were in the habit of making booths witli tree 
branches with the leaves attached. Secondly, when camping in a country of prairie 
and woods they were in the habit of making their camp in the wood. Hence their 
name. They were divided into three subgentes, viz : 1. Wali-pa-toij-wan. 1 2. Ta-ka- 
psin-tona. 3. Oteliatoijna. They lived originally at Knife Lake, where there was a 
beautiful prairie. A part of the clan became famous ball players, and hence the name 
of Takapsintona. Another part were afraid of enemies, and so, when on journeys, 
they sought a thicket in which to make their camp. Hence they were called Otelii- 
atoijwe, Dwellers in Thickets. 1 

4. The Si-si-torj-waij. Formerly we were told that si-shj meant 
swampy land; and so we translated the name Swamp Villagers. But the 
evidence is in favor of another meaning and origin. M. Renville gives the 
following: At Traverse des Sioux, at the Blue Earth, and on the Big Cot- 
tonwood, they made their villages. They took many fish from the river 
and lakes. These they cut up and dried, throwing the scales and entrails 
in heaps, which appeared partly white and shining, and partly black and 
dirty. This appearance they called shj-sirj. And hence when the young 
men of other villages would go to see them they said, Let us go to the 
Sisiatoqwai) those who live on the sirjsirj. Hence the people were called 
Sisseton. 

They were divided thus into subgentes: The white people brought 
whiskey. The Sissetons got drunk and killed each other. By this means 
they were scattered. Some went up to Lake Traverse, and some went to 
the Two Woods west of Lac-qui-parle. 

These last were called (1) Ti-zaptarma, Five Lodges. These were 
Thunder Face s people. Some were called (2) Okopeya. These were his 
brother s followers. A part of the gens remained at Traverse des Sioux 

The following is a full list of the gentes of the Walipetonwai), as obtained from their mis 
sionary, Kev. Edward Ashley, in 1884: (1) Inyai) coyaka atoijwai), I illage at the liiipids ; (2) Takapsiii 
toijwaqna, Those who Dwell at the Shinny -ground ; (3) Wiyaka otina, DweUern on the s rf; (4) Otelii 
atoqwai), Village On-the-Thicket (sic); (5) Wita otina, Dwellers Iii-tlie-Tsland; (fi) Wukpa atoijwaq, 
Village On-the- Hirer ; (7) daq-kaga otina, Dwellers In-Log (huts?). When they camped with the 
Sisitoijwai), a different order of these geutes was observed, as will be explained hereafter. J. o. D. 



DAKOTA TIUBES. 159 

and at Little Rock. These were called (3) Can-sda-ci-ka-na, Little place 
bare of wood. 1 These were Sleepy Eyes and Red Iron s people. Another 
portion was called (4) Amdo-wa-pus-kiya. They lived at Lake Traverse 
and were great buffalo hunters. They often moved camp when their meat 
was not dried, and so spread it out on the horses backs and on the thills, 
and hence were called Dryers on the Shoulder. These were Standing Buf 
falo s people. (5) Basdece sni. (6) Kapoza. (7) Ohdihe. 

Previous to 1862 they numbered about 3,000. But, being in 
volved, in the uprising of that year, they fled to the Missouri River and 
to Canada. Some have returned, and are at the Sisseton and Devil s Lake 
agencies. 2 

These Mississippi and Minnesota Dakotas are called, by those on the 
Missouri, Isanties or Santies, from isanati or isanyati; which name seems 
to have been given them from the fact that they once lived at Isarjtamde, 
Knife Lake, one of those included under the denomination of Mille Lacs. 3 

1 Mr. Ashley says that these were Sleepy Eyes division of the KaVimi atoqwaq. J. o. D. 

2 The following are the gentes and subgentes of the Sisitoqwaq, as given by their mission 
ary, Rev. Edw. Ashley, in 1884. Beginning at the north and to the right of the opening of the 
tribal circle the tents were pitched in the following order: 1. (n) Wita waziyata otiiia, Dwellers at 
the Northim Inland, (b) Ohdihe. 2. (a) Basdece sni, Those who do not split (the backbone of the 
buffalo). (6) Itokali-tina, Dwellers at the South. 3. (a) Kalimi atoqwaq, Village at the Jiend. Part of 
these were called Caqsda oikana. (b) Mani-ti, Those who pitched their tents ail-ay from the main camp. 
(c) Keze, Jiarbed, as a iishhook ; a nUmo of ridicule. The Keze touts were on the right of the south 
end of the tribal circle. On the left of them came: 4. tiaqkute, Shooters at trees, another name given 
in derision. 5. () Ti-zaptaq, Fire Lodges, (b) Okopeya, In danger. 6. Kap.oza, Those who travel with 
Hi/lit burdens. 7. Amdowapuskiynpi, Those who place the meat on their shoulders in order to dry it. These 
were divided into three subgentes, Maka ideya, Waqmdiupi dnta, and Waqrudi nahotoq. When only 
a part of the tribe was together the following camping order was observed : The Wita waziyata ot inn 
pitched their tents from the right side of the opening at the north and as far as the east; next, the 
Itokali-tina extended from the east to the south ; the Kapoza occupied the area from the south to the 
west, and the Amdo-wapus-kiyapi tilled the space between them and the Wita waziyata otina. 

When the Sisitoqwaq and Walipetoqwaq camped together it was in the following order, begin 
ning at the right side of the opening at the north: 1. Wita waziyata otina (including Ohdihe). 2. 
Basdece sni (including Itokali tina). 3. Iqyaq ceyaka atoqwaq. 4. Takapsin toqwaqna. 5. Wiyaka 
otina. 6. Otelii atoqwaq. 7. Witaotina. 8. Wakpaatoqwaq. 9. Caqkaga otina (on the right of the 
south part of the circle). 10. Keze (on the left of the south part of the circle). 11. Kalimi atoqwaq. 
12. Caqknte. 13. Okopeya. 14. Tizaptaij. 15. Kapoza. 16. Amdo wapuskiyapi (on the left side of 
the opening at the north). J. o. D. 

According to the context, we are led to make this last sentence of the author refer to four 
divisions of the Dakota: Mdewakaqtoqwaq, Walipeknte, Walipetoqwaq, and Sisitoqwaq. But this 
is commented on in " The Word Carrier" for January, 1888, in a criticism of Kirk s Illustrated History 
of Minnesota: 

"One such" error "we find on page 33, where the Mdewakantonwans are said to be one of the 
four bands of the Santees. Instead of this, the Mdewakantonwaiis are the Santees. It is true that 
white men on the Missouri River and westward, with utter disregard of the facts, call all the Minne 
sota Sioux Santees ; but a Minnesota writer should keep to the truth, if he knows it." 

This led the undersigned toask the editor of "The Word Carrier," Rev. A. L. Riggs, the following 
questions (in April, 1888): (1) Why do you say that the Mdewakaqtoqwaq are the (only) Santees? (2) 
How do you interpret the statement made in the first edition of The Dakota Language, p. viii ( These 




160 DAKOTA GKAMMAK, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGKAPHY. 

5. The Ihaijktonwarj 1 or Yankton, Village at the End, were counted, 
thirty years ago, at about 240 lodges, or 2,400 persons. They are now 
reported at nearly that number by actual count. The outbreak did not 
disturb them and they continue to occupy their old home at the present 
Yankton Agency on the Missouri River, where they are making progress 
in civilization. This is the headquarters of Rev. J. P. Williamson s Presby 
terian mission, and also of Bishop Hare s mission of the Episcopal Church. 

6. The Iharjktonwamia, one of the End Village bands, were estimated 
at 400 lodges, or 4,000 souls. The Dakota tents on the Minnesota do not 
average more than about 6 inmates ;. but on the prairie, where, though the 
material for the manufacture of tents is abundant, tent-poles are scarce, 
they make their dwellings larger, and average, it is thought, about 10 per 
sons to a lodge. The Ihanktoijwarjna are divided into the Hurjkpatina; 2 
the Pabakse, Cut Heads; the Wazikute or Carjona, Pine Shooters ; A and the 
Kiyuksa, Dividers or Breakers of Law. Formerly they were the owners of 

Mississippi anil Minnesota Dakotas are called by tbose on tbe Missouri, Isanties, to which your 
father added in 1882, or Santees )? Who were these Mississippi and Minnesota Dakotas at the date 
mentioned (1852) if not the Mdewakaijtoywaij, Walipekute, Walipetoijwaij, and Sisitoijwaijf (3) Has 
there not been a change in the use of Santee since 1852? (4) Are not all the Dakotas on the Sautee 
reservation known as Santees, or were they not thus known from the time of their settlement on that 
reservation till they became citizens of the United States?" 

To this Mr. Riggs replied as follows : 

"The point I made with Prof. Kirk was this: That while there is a use of the name Sautee in 
the Missouri River country to signify the Dakota Indians or the Minnesota and Mississippi, and those 
removed from there, yet the original meaning was more specific and limited. And that it was inex 
cusable in a Minnesota historian to have ignored the original and local signification of the term. 
This did not conflict in the least with the statement made by my father in the Dakota Dictionary 

* The Mdowakau and Isantamde are one and the same, i. ., one of the Mille Lacs, from whence, 
as you know, came the names Mdewakantonwan and Isanyati. These Mdewakantonwan are the 
Santees of Santeo Agency, Nebraska, who were removed from Minnesota." 

Such testimony ought to bo decisive; yet we find the father making the following statement (in 
1882) in his "Argument of Migrations (derived) from Names" which will be found in the present 
volume : "Santee. For a century or more past there have been included in this name the Leaf Shooters 
(Walipekute) and also the Leaf Village (Wanpetoijwan)." .1. o. D. 

The following names of the Yankton gcntes were furnished by Hel iaka ruani, a Yankton, in 
1878: 1. Caij-kute, Shooters at Trees. 2. (5agu, Lights, or, Lunys. 3. Wakmuha oil), Pumpkin-rind Kar- 
ritig. 4. Iha isdaye, Mouth Greasers. 5. Waceuqpa, Boasters. 6. Ikmun, Wild Cat (people). 7. Oyate 
sitfa, Bad Nation. 8. Wasi^un (iiijca, White Men s Sons, or, Half -Breeds (a modern addition). In 
August, 1891, Rev. Joseph W. Cook, a missionary to the Yankton, obtained from several men the fol 
lowing order of their gentes in the camping circle: On the right: 1. Iha isdayo. 2. Wakmuha oin. 
3. Ikmun. On the left: 4. Wa6eunpa. 5. Can knte. 6. Oyate sica. 7. (Sagn. The first and seventh 
gentes always camped in the van. j. o. D. 

*See note under the next division Hunkpapa. 

3 It is said that the young men of a clan were poor shooters, and were led to practice by shoot 
ing at a mark, and that was a pine tree. Hence both these names Caij-ona, Hiltiny the Wood, and 
Wazi-knte, Shooting the Pine. From this clan of Pine Shooters the Assimboin, or "Hohc" of the 
Dakota, are said to have sprung. 



DAKOTA TKIBE?. 1 (5 1 

the James River country. Now they are distributed in the villages along 
the Missouri, principally at Standing Rock. 1 

7. The Titoijwaij. In its present form this might mean House-dwellers. 
But it is understood to be a contracted form of Tiqta-tonwan, meaning 
Dwellers on the Prairie, or prairie villages. They constitute one-half or 
more of the whole Dakota nation. For many years they have followed the 
buffalo west of the Missouri River, and now they are mainly confined to 
the great Sioux Reserve in southwestern Dakota. Not a dozen years have 
passed since they began to take steps towards education and civilization. 
Hitherto the Episcopalians have done the most missionary work among 
them. Within two years past they have taken some interest in sending 
their children to Hampton and Carlisle to be educated. With the Shaiena 
Shahiyela, or Cheyennes, they have maintained friendly relations and 
intermarried. They are divided into seven principal tribes, viz: The 
Sicaijgu, or Brules, Burnt Thighs ; the Itazipco, or Sans Arcs, No Sows, or 
Without Boies, as the word is understood to be contracted from Itazipa 
codaij; the Sihasapa, Black-feet; the Minikaijye wozupi, or Minnekonjoos, 
Who Plant by tltc Water ; the Oohenonpa, Two Boilings or Two Kettles; the 
Oglala, or Ogalala, and the Huijkpapa. Each of these names has doubtless 
a history, which will be herewith given as far as we are able to trace it. 
Let us begin with the last: , 

Huijkpapa: For a good many years we have been anxiously seeking 
to find out the meaning and origin of "Huijkpapa," and its near neighbor 
"Hiujkpatina" they both being names of large families or clans among 
the r \ itonwaij. But our investigations have hitherto been unsatisfactory. 
Sometimes it has seemed to us that they must be formed from "Huijka," 
which is an honorable name for the older male relatives, and for ancestors 
generally: as in "Huijkake" ancestors, and "Huijkawanzi" brothers, and 
"Huijkayapi" elders. The analysis would be reduced to its limit in 
"Huij" mother. " Hunkpa" would be Hunka-pa meaning Family-Head; 
and Huijkpapa would be a reduplication, while Huijkpatina would mean 
Divellers of Family Head. 

In 1880, Nasuua tanka, Jlig Betid, and Mate noqpa, Ttro Grizzly Hears, said that their people 
were divided into two parts, each having seven gcutes. (I) 1 pper Ihaijktonwaniia includes the fol 
lowing: 1. Oan-ona, Thote who Hit Hie Tree, or, Wa/i-kute, Shooters at Hie I ine, 2. Takini. 3. ikwi- 
cena, Small liud ones nf different .kinds. 4. Bnkihoij, Thoxe who flaslied-Themselves. 5. Kiyuksa, /irrakers 
of the Law or Custom, fi. Pa-baksn, Cut Heads (divided into sub gentes). 7. Name not remembered. 
(II) Hiinkpatina, or Lower Ih:ii)ktij\v!iijna, includes the following: 1. Putc teinini (sic), Sweat in;/ 
Upper-Lips. 2. Surj ikceka, Common Dogs (f). 3. Taliuha yuta, Eaters of the S< rapi;/n of Skins. 
4. Saijona, I lioxe Who Hit Something Wliito or Gray (in the distance). These are called the Saijonee 
(Our. Sidersf) by tlie author. 5. Iha sa, lied Lips. G. Ite gu, Burnt Faces. 7. Pte yute sni, Eat no 
Jtnffuhi. Tin- Ihayktoijwanna are generally called Vanktonai. j. o. I). 

7105 VOL IX 11 



162 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

Then, again we have endeavored to derive the words in question, from 
He-inkpa or He-oinkpa, which would give two meanings, Horn-end or Thai- 
end. In this case we have supposed the names might have originated from 
their dwelling on the upper or smaller part of the Missouri River. But as 
I said, neither of these have been quite satisfactory. Some other attempted 
explanations by Indians have been still less so. 

But the other day, Paul Mazakuternani, who is largely acquainted with 
the habits and customs of the prairie Indians as well as the more eastern 
bands, gave what seems to be a very natural account of the origin of both 
the words. From time immemorial it has been the custom of the prairie 
Dakota to travel under strict camp regulations. The tribes of the children 
of Israel in the wilderness did not set forward with more formality, and 
camp with more precision. The "Tiyotipi" or Soldier s Lodge took the 
place of the Ark of the covenent. Under this leadership each band and 
each family took its appointed place in the encampment. In two lines they 
followed the lead of young men on horseback until the circle was completed. 
At the farther end of the circle a space was left in which was pitched the 
Tiyotipi. More commonly on the prairie this soldiers tent was in the 
center of the area. The ends of this gateway, which would be well repre 
sented by the horns of a buffalo cow turning inwards, were called 
"Hunkpa," evidently from Hc-oiykpa. The families camping on either side 
of this gateway were called Huykpa-tina : whence the name came to be at 
tached to a clan of the Ihanktonwaniia. The added "pa" in Huykpapa is 
probably only a reduplication. 1 This is decidedly the best and most satis 
factory explanation of this difficult question in philology, that has come to 
my knowledge. 

Oglala finds its corresponding term in Santee, in Ohdada, which means 
to scatter one s own in; and is understood to have originated in boys throw 
ing sand in each others eyes. 

The following important information is furnished by Rev. J. Owen 
Dorsey: 

In 1879 I received a letter from the Rev. John Robinson, missionary to the 
Oglala at Red Cloud Agency, giving the origin of the names Huijkpapa, Oglala, etc., 
as told him by the Indians at that place: 

" Huijkpapa, those who camp at the head end of the (Dakota) circle; Huijkpati, 
those who camp at the tail end of that circle. This latter probably includes both 

1 If there were a reduplication in this -word, would not the form be "Hui)-kpa-kpa," instead of 
Hun-kpa-pa? The final "pa" may be compared with the adverbial ending " wapa " in akowupa, etc., 
the locative ending "ta," and with the Biloxi endings " wa" and "waya"," denoting direction. J. o. D. 



DAKOTA TRIBES. 163 

Ihanktoijwaij (Yaiikton), or End Village People, and Iharjktoijwaijna (Yanktonnais), 
or People of the Smaller End Village. 

" Oglala originated in a quarrel between two women. One threw some flour ( ?) 
in the face of the other, thus giving rise to the name, which means She scattered 
her own. The adherents of the injured woman separated from the rest, and 
since then their people have been called the Oglala." 

The Oglala are called U-ba -<a by the Ponka and Omaha tribes. 

DIVISIONS OF THE TITOtyWAtf. 

A. Stfangu Burnt Thighs, or Brulei: List of Tatanka wakan (1880): (1) lyakoza, Lump or 
Wart on a horse s leg; (2) (5oka towela, Blue spot in the middle; (3) &yo taijka, Large Grouse; (4) 
Honnia, Smelling of Fish; (5) $iyo subula, Small (t) Grouse; (6) Kaijgi yuha, Keeps the Raven; (7) 
Pispi/a wicasa, Prairie Day People (t); (8) Walega un wohan, Soils with the Paunch Skin; (9) 
Waceuypa, Roasters; (10) Sawala, Shawnees (descended from former Shawnee captives); (11) 
Ihanktonwan, Yanktons (descended from Yanktous refugees?); (12) Nahpahpa, Take down leggings 
(after returning from war) ; (13) Apewarj taijka, Large Mane. 

List of Rev. W. J. Cleveland (1884): (1) Sicangu, Burnt Thighs proper; (2) Kakega, Making a 
grating noise; (3a) Hiqhaij Hinjwapa, Towards the Owl Feather; (b) Sinjkulm nap.in, Jt ean dog-skin 
around the neck; (4) Hihakanhayhan win, Woman the skir, of whose teeth dangles; (5) Hunku wanica, 
Motherless; (6) Miniukuya kicui), Wears Salt ; (la) Kiyuksa, Breakers of the Law or Custom (" Breaks 
or Cuts in two his own ") ; (ft) Tiglabu, Drums-on-His-own Lodge; (8) Waceonpa, Roasters; (9) Waglune, 
Inbreeders; (10) Isaiiyati, Santees (descended from the Mdewakantonwan?); (11) Wagmeza yuha, 
flag Corn; (12 a) Walega on wohaij, Boils with the Paunch Skin; (ft) Walina, Snorters; (13) Oglala 
icicaga, Makes himself an Oglala; (14) Tiyoeesli, Dungs in the Lodge; (14) Wazaza, meaning not given 
(Osagef or Wash?) ; (15) leska cinca, Interpreters Sons, Half-breeds; (17) Ohe nonpa, Two Boilings, or, 
Two Kettles (descended from the Ooho noypa?); (18) Okaga wicasa, Southern People. 

t5. Itazipro Sans Arcs, or, Without Jiows : (1) Mini sala, lied Water; or, Itazip6o-h6a, Meal 
Itazipco; (2) ^iua luta oin, lied cloth ear-pendant; (3) Woluta yuta, Eat dried venison or buffalo meat 
from the hind quarter ; (4) Maz pegnaka, Piece of metal in the hair; (5) Tatanka cesli, Buffalo Dung; 
(6) Siki<;ela, Had ones of different sorts; (7) Tiyopa ocanuunpa, Smokes at the Door (Rev. H. Swift, fide 
Waanatan, or, Charger). 

C. Siha-sapa Black Feet: (I) Ti-zaptan, fire Lodges; (2) Siha sapa lica, Real Blaok Feet ; (3) 
Hohe, Assiniboin, or, Rebels; (4) Kaijgi suij pegnaka, Raven Feather In-the-hair ; (5) Waza^e, " Wash," 
or, Osaye (t) ; (6) Wumnuga oiy, Shell ear-pendant (of the shape of a conch, but very small); (7) Un 
known or extinct (Rev. H. Swift, fide Charger, who denied that the last gens was called Glagla heca). 

1). Minikoozu (Miuueconjou) Those who Plant by the Water: (1) Unkce yuta, Dung Eaters; 
(2) Glagla hera, Untidy, Slovenly, Shiftless; (3) Suijka yute sni, Eat no Dog; (4) Nige tanka, Big Belly 
(fide Charger); (5) Wakpokiijyan, Flies along the creek; (6) Inyan-ha oin, Shell ear-ring, i. e., the 
muscle-shell one; (7) Siksicela, Bad ones of different sorts; (8) Wagleza oil), Water-snake ear-ring ; (9) 
Wai) nawega, i.e., wayhiykpo nawega Broken Arrows (about extinct, fide Charger). All but Nos. 4 
and 9 were obtained in 1880. All nine were given in 1884 by Rev. H. Swift. 

E. Oohe nonpa, Two Kettles, or, Two Boilings: (1) Oohe nonpa; (2) Mawahota, Skin smeared with, 
whitish earth. (Rev. H. Swift, fide Charger.) 

F.Oglala: List of 1879-80 : (1) Payabya (see 2 of next list); (2) TapisUeca, Spleen; (3) Kiyuksa, 
Breakers of the, Law, or, Custom; (4) Wazaza, see Sieaqgu list; (5) Ite sica, Bad Faces, or, Oglala lica, 
Real Oglala; (6) Oiyulipe, see next list; (7) Waglulie, In-breeders (commonly called Loafers). List of 
Rev. W. J. Cleveland (1884) : (1) Ite Sica, Bad Faces; (2) Payabyeya, Pushed aside; (3) Oyulipe, Thrown 
down, or, Unloaded; (4) Tapisleca, Spleen; (5) Pesla, Bald-headed; (6) (5eh huha ton, Pot with legs; (7) 
Wableuica, Orphans (Rev. Mr. Swift makes this a society or order, not a gens) ; (8) Pesla ptecela, 
Short P>ald-head; (9) Tasnahera, Gophers; (10) Iwayusota, Used up by begging for, or, Used up with the 
mouth; (11) Wakan, Mysterious; (12 a) Iglaka teliila, Refused to remove the camp; (6) Ite si6a, Bad 
Faces; (13) Ite sica etaqhaq, Part of the Bad Faces; (14) Zuzeca kiyaksa, Bites the Snake in two; (15) 
Waceoijpa, Roasters; (16) Wacape, Slabbers; (17) Tiyocesli, Dungt in the lodge; (18) Waglulie, In- 
breeders (Cleveland renders, "Followers," or, "Loafer-i"); (19) Waglulie; (20) Oglala; (21) leska 
6irjca, Interpreters Suns, or, Half-breeds. 



164 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

Mr. Cleveland also gives as uames for all the Oglala, Oiyulipe and Kiyaksa. 

G. Hunkpapa List of 1880: (1) 6aijka oliaij, Broken lacks (?); (2) Co oliba, Sleepy mrmbrum 
virile; (3) Tinazipe sica, Bad lioirs; (4) Talo imp.h), Fresh meat neolclaeet; (5) Kigla.ska; (6) Ceknake 
okisela, Haifa bnechcloth; (7) Sikxicela, Bad axes of different sorts; (8) Wakai), ifyxlrriouti; (9) Huijska 
cantozuha, Tobacco-pouch leggins," probably so called from using leggius as tobacco pouches. 

.1. o. D. 

(8) The Assiniboin: The majority of this tribe live north of the forty- 
ninth parallel, but some of them are mixed in with the Dakota proper at 
Poplar River and elsewhere. That they branched off from the Yanktonai 
some two centuries ago, is one of the traditions of the Dakota. They 
speak the language as purely as other portions of the parent stock. The 
name Assiniboin is said to be a combination of French and Ojibwa. The 
name given to the Dakota by their former enemies is " Bwaij." Hence the 
Assiniboin are Stone Dakota. The Dakota name for them is "Hohe," the 
origin and meaning of which we have hitherto failed to find out, 1 

PRIORITY. 

Questions of priority and precedence among these bands are sometimes 
discussed. The Mdewakarjtorjwarj think that the mouth of the Minnesota 
River is precisely over the center of the earth, and that they occupy the 
gate that opens into the western world. These considerations serve to give 
them importance in their own estimation. On the other hand, the Sisitoywaij 
and Iharjktorjwaij allege, that as they live on the great water-shed of this 
part of the continent, from which the streams run northward and eastward 
and southward and westward, they must be about the center of the earth; 
and they urge this fact as entitling them to the precedence. It is singular 
that the Titorjwaij, who are much the largest band of the Dakota, do not 
appear to claim the chief place for themselves, but yield to the pretensions 
of the Iharjktorjwan, whom they call by the name of Wiciyela, which, in 
its meaning, may be regarded as about equivalent to "they are the people." 

METHOD OF COUNTING. 

Counting is usually done by means of their fingers. If you ask some 
Dakota how many there are of anything, instead of directing their answer 
to your organs of hearing, they present it to your sight, by holding up so 
many fingers. When they have gone over the fingers and thumbs of both 
hands, one is temporarily turned down for one ten. Eleven is ten more one, 
or more commonly again one; twelve, is again two, and so on; nineteen is the 

According to Dr. J. Trnmbnll, the u:uu Ansiniboin is derived from two Ojibwa w. rds, 
"asiijiii," stone, and "bwai)," enemy. Some of the Sibasapa Dakota are called Hohe. j. o. i>. 



METHOD OF BECKONING TIME. 165 

other nine. At the end of the next ten another finger is turned down, and 
so on. Twenty is two tens, thirty is three tens, etc., as will be seen by refer 
ring 1 to the section on Numeral Adjectives in the Grammar. Opawinge, one 
hundred, is probably derived from pawinga, to go round in circles or to make 
mirations, as the fingers have been all gone over again for their respective 
tens. The Dakota word for a thousand, kektopawirjge, may be formed of 
nke and opawhjge, hundreds again, having now completed the circle of 
their fingers in hundreds, and being about to commence again. They have 
no separate word to denote any higher number than a thousand. There is 
a word to designate one-half of anything, but none to denote any smaller 
aliquot part. 

METHOD OF RECKONING TIME. 

The Dakota have names for the natural divisions of time. Their 
years they ordinarily count by winters. A man is so many winters old, or 
so many winters have passed since such an event. When one is going on 
a journey, he does not usually say that he will be back in so many days, as 
we do, but in so many niyhts or sleeps. In the same way they compute 
distance by the number of nights passed in making the journey. They 
have no division of time into tveeks. Their months are literally moons. The 
popular belief is that when the moon is full, a great number of very small 
mice commence nibbling on one side of it, which they continue to do until 
they have eaten it all up. Soon after this another moon begins to grow, 
which goes on" increasing until it has reached its full size only to share the 
fate of its predecessor ; so that with them the new moon is really new, and 
not the old one reappearing. To the moons they have given names, which 
refer to some prominent physical fact that occurs about that time in the 
year. For the names of the moons most commonly used by the Dakotas 
living in the Valley of the Minnesota, with their significations and the 
months to which they most nearly correspond, the reader is referred to the 
word "wi," Part I of the Dictionary. 

Five moons are usually counted to the winter, and five to the summer, 
leaving only one each to the spring and autumn; but this distinction is not 
closely adhered to. The Dakotas often have very warm debates, especially 
towards the close of the winter, about what moon it is. The raccoons do 
not always make their appearance at the same time every winter; and the 
causes which produce sore eyes are not developed precisely at the same 
time in each successive spring. All these variations make room for strong 



166 DAKOTA GEAMMAB, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAUY. 

arguments in a Dakota tent for or against Wicata-wi or Istawicayazan-wi. 
But the main reason for their frequent difference of opinion in regard to 
this matter, viz., that twelve lunations do not bring them to the point from 
which they commenced counting, never appears to have suggested itself. 
In order to make their moons correspond with the seasons, they are obliged 
to pass over one every few years. 

SACKED LANGUAGE. 

The Dakota conjurer, the war prophet, and the dreamer, experience 
the same need that is felt by more elaborate performers among other 
nations of a language which is unintelligible to the common people, for the 
purpose of impressing upon them the idea of their superiority. Their 
dreams, according to their own account,^ are revelation^ made from the 
spirit-world, and their prophetic visions are what they sa\f ami knew/in a 
former state of existence. It is, then, only natural that their dreams and 
visions should be clothed in words, many of which the multitude do not un 
derstand. This sacred language is not very extensive, since the use of a 
few unintelligible words suffices to make a whole speech incomprehensible. 
It may be said to consist, first, in employing words as the names of thing 
which seem to have been introduced from other Indian languages; as, nide, 
water; paza, wood, etc. In the second place, it consists in employing de 
scriptive expressions, instead of the ordinary names of things; as in calling 
a man a biped, and the wolf a quadruped. And thirdly, words which are 
common in the language are used far out of their ordinary signification; 
as, hepan, the second child, if a boy, is used to designate the otter. When the 
Dakota braves ask a white man for an ox or cow, they generally call it a 
dog; and when a sachem begs a horse from a white chief, he does it under 
the designation of moccasins. This is the source of many of the figures of 
speech in Indian oratory; but they are sometimes too obscure to be beauti 
ful. 

ARE THE INDIANS DIMINISHING! 

One view of the question, and that hitherto the most common one, 
considers that North America had a dense population before the coming of 
the white race, and that since the Indians have been brought in contact 
with the advance guard of civilization they have been diminishing, many 
tribes having disappeared. But another view is gaining ground among 
students of the Indian. It is now maintained that, in spite of wars, dis 
eases, exposures, and migrations, there are nearly as many Indians to-day 



AEE THE INDIANS DIMINISHING? 167 

in the United States as there were in the same territory in \ 520, when the 
Soaniards met the Indians of Florida. 

A. 

While it must be conceded, as a matter of history, that some tribes and 
bands which once inhabited the country occupied by the people of these 
United States have greatly diminished, and a few have disappeared alto 
gether, other tribes have been on the increase. War and "spirit water," 
and the diseases introduced among them by the white people, have wrought 
out their legitimate effects. A different course of treatment would un 
doubtedly have greatly modified or entirely changed the character of these 
results. 

But there is one way in which a diminution of some tribes is taking 
place, viz, by ceasing to be Indians and becoming members of civilized 
society. In Minnesota all persons of mixed blood, i. e., of white and Indian 
descent, are recognized as citizens. The same is true in other States; and 
the privilege is extended to those who are not mixed bloods. Also, under 
present homestead laws, Indians are becoming citizens by going off their 
reserves. Let a well-arranged severalty bill be enacted into a law, and 
Indians be guaranteed civil ^rights as other men, and they will soon cease 
to be Indians. 

The Indian tribes of our continent may become extinct as such; but if 
this extinction is brought about by introducing them to civilization and 
Christianity and merging them into our own great nation, which is receiving 
accretions from all others, who will deplore the result I Rather let us labor 
for it, realizing that if by our efforts they cease to be Indians and become 
fellow-citizens it will be our glory and joy. 



CHAP T E 11 II. 
MIGRATIONS OF THE DAKOTA. 

Of the aboriginal tribes inhabiting this country, George Bancroft, in 
his History of the United States, has assigned the first place, in point of 
numbers, to the Algonquin family, and the second place to the Dakota. 

Those who have made a study of the ethnology and the languages of 
the races have almost uniformly come to the conclusion that the Indians 
of this continent are connected with the Mongolian races of Asia. The line 
across from Asia to America by Bering Straits is regarded as perfectly 
practicable for canoes. And in 10 degrees farther south, by the Aleutian 
Islands, the distances are not so great but that small boats might easily pass 
from one to the other, and so safely reach the mainland. 

Lewis H. Morgan, of the State of New York, who has given much time 
and study to solving the question, "Whence came the Indians?" has adopted 
this theory, and makes them gather on the Columbia River, from whence 
they have crossed the Rocky Mountains and spread over these eastern lands. 
But it can be safely affirmed that, up to this time, ethnology and the com 
parative study of languages have not quite satisfactorily settled the ques 
tion of their origin. 

In discussing the question of the migrations of the Dakota or Sioux, 
there are two lines open to us, each entirely independent, and yet both 
telling the same story: First, the history, as written in books; second, 
the history, as found in names. 

ARGUMENT FllOM HISTORY. 

The book history runs back nearly two and a half centuries. The 
first knowledge of the Dakota nation obtained by the civilized world came 
through the French traders and missionaries, and was carried along the 
line of the Great Lakes through New France. 

Early in the seventeenth century, a young man of more than ordinary 
ability, by name Jean Nicolet, came from France to Canada. He had great 
aptness in acquiring Indian languages, and soon became Algonquin and 

168 



MIGRATIONS ARGUMENT FROM HISTORY 1 69 

Huron interpreter for the colony of New France. In the year 1639 he 
visited the lake of the Winnebagos, or Green Bay, in the present state of 
Wisconsin, and concluded a friendly alliance with the Indians on Fox 
River. In the next year, Paul le Jeune, writing of the tribes who dwelt 
on Lake Michigan, says, "Still farther on dwell the Ouinipegon, who are 
very numerous." And, "In the neighborhood of this nation are the 
Xaduessi and the Assiniponais." This appears to be the first mention made 
by voyagers of the Dakota and Assiniboin. Le Jeune s information was 
obtained from Nicolet, who claimed to have visited them in their own coun 
tries. 

In 1(141, at the Sault Ste. Marie, Jogues and Raymbault, of the 
"Society of Jesus," met Pottowattomies flying from the Dakota, and were 
told that the latter lived "about eighteen days journey to the westward, 
nine across the lake, and nine up a river which leads inland." 

Two adventurous Frenchmen, in 1654, went to seek their fortunes in 
the region west of Lake Michigan, and returning to Quebec two years 
afterwards, related their adventures among "the numerous villages of the 
Sioux." And in lG. r ><), it is related that the two traders, as they traveled 
six days journey southwest from La Pointe in Lake Superior, came upon a 
Huron village on the shores of the Mississippi. These Hurons had fled 
from a fierce onslaught of the Iroquois, and for the time had taken refuge 
among the Dakota. In the vicinity of the Huron they saw the Dakota 
villages, "in five of which were counted all of 5,000 men." 

From the beginning of the intercourse of white men with Indians on 
this continent the fur trade has been the chief stimulus to adventure and 
the great means by which the location and condition of the aboriginal pop 
ulations were made known to the civilized world. Two other subsidiary 
motives operated to bring white men into connection with the great Dakota 
nation, viz, the desire to discover the great river on which they were said 
to dwell, and the zeal of the church of Rome to convert the savages. 

In the summer of 1660 Rene Menard, the aged, burning with an 
apostolic desire to make converts from among the pagans, bore the standard 
of the cross to the shores of Lake. Superior. At La Pointe, which was 
already a trading port, he wintered. But in the following spring he started 
011 foot with a guide to visit "four populous nations" to the westward. 
By some means he became separated from his guide while passing through 
the marshes of northwestern Wisconsin and was lost. Many years after 
wards a report was current in Canada that "his robe and prayer-book 
were found in a Dakota lodge," and were regarded as "wakan" or sacred. 



170 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

The successor of Meiiard in the toils of missionary life was Father 
Claude Allouez. He established the mission of the Holy Spirit at La Pointe 
and the Apostles Islands in the year 1665, and four years later lie com 
menced a mission among the Winnebago and others on Green Bay. 

On reaching La Pointe, Allouez found the Huron and Ojibwa villages 
in a state of great excitement. The Huron, who had fled to the Dakota 
of the Mississippi for protection from the tomahawk of the Iroquois some 
years before, had behaved ungraciously toward their protectors by taunting 
them with having no guns; whereupon the Dakota rose against them, massa 
cred many of them in a swamp, and drove them all back to the shores 
of Lake Superior. The Ojibwa had formerly lived to the east of Lake 
Michigan, but had been driven westward by the victorious Iroquois. Now 
the Dakota, the Iroquois of the West, as they have been called, had shut 
them up to the lake shore. The young men were burning to be avenged 
on the Dakota. Here was gathered a grand council of the neighboring 
nations the Huron, the Ojibwa, the Pottowattomi, the Sac and Fox, the 
Menomoni, and the Illinois. Allouez commanded peace, in the name of 
the King of the French, and offered them commerce and alliance against 
the Five Nations. 

In 1667 Father Allouez met a delegation of Dakota and Assiniboin 
at the western end of Lake Superior, near where is now tl>e town of Duluth. 
They had come, they said, from the end of the earth. He calls them "the 
wild and impassioned Sioux." "Above all others," he says, "they are sav 
age and warlike; and they speak a language entirely unknown to us, and 
the savages about here do not understand them." 

But Allouez resolved to abandon his work at lLa Pointe, "weary of 
their obstinate unbelief," and was succeeded by the renowned Jacques 
Marquette. This enterprising and estimable man entered at once upon the 
work of perpetuating peace among the various tribes, and, in the autumn 
of 1669, sent presents and a message to the Dakota, that he wished them to 
keep a way open for him to the Great River and to the Assiniboin beyond. 
But not from the mission of the Holy Spirit was he to take his journey to 
the "Father of Waters." In the following winter it became apparent that 
the Huron were not safe on the southern shores of Lake Superior, and 
accordingly they abandoned their village, and at the same time Marquette 
retired to the Sault Ste. Marie, from which point, in the spring of 1672, he 
proceeded, with Louis Joliet, to find the Great River, the "Messipi." 1 They 

1 Probably in the language of the Illinois Indians, " messi," great, and " sepi," river. 



MIGRATIONS ARGUMENT FKOM HISTORY. 171 

proceeded by way of Green Bay. The}* entered the mouth of Fox River, 
followed up its windings, and were guided by Indians across to the head of 
the Wisconsin, which they descended to the mouth, and down the great 
river to the mouth of the Arkansas. They had wintered at Green Bay, and 
so it was the 17th of June, 1673, when their canoe first rode on the waters of 
the Mississippi. On their return they ascended the Illinois River, stopped 
to recruit at the famous Illinois village, and, crossing over to Lake Michi 
gan, reached Green Bay in the latter end of September. 1 

The Jesuit relations of this period have much to say about the habits 
of the Dakota; that about 60 leagues from the upper end of Lake 
Superior, toward sunset, " there are a certain people, called Nadouessi, 
dreaded by their neighbors." They only use the bow and arrow, but use 
them with great skill and dexterity, filling the air in a moment. " They 
turn their heads in flight and discharge their arrows so rapidly that they 
are 110 less to be feared in their retreat than in their attack. They dwell 
around the great river Messipi. Their cabins are not covered with bark, 
but with skins, well dried, and stitched together so well that the cold does 
not enter. They know not how to cultivate the earth by seeding it, con 
tenting themselves with a species of marsh rye (wild rice), which we call 
wild oats." 

We now come to more definite information in regard to country occu 
pied by the Dakota two hundred years ago. Du Luth and Hennepin 
approached the Dakota by different routes, and finally met each other at 
the great villages on Mille Lacs and Knife Lake, at the head of Run River. 

Daniel Greysolon Du Luth, who built the first trading port on Lake 
Superior, "on the first of September, 1678, left Quebec" to explore the 
country of the Dakota and the Assiniboin. On July 2, 1679, he caused 
the King s arms to be planted "in the great village of the Nadouessioux, 
called Kathio, where no Frenchman had ever been, and also at Songaski- 
cons and Houetbetons, 120 leagues from the former." 2 

In September of that year Du Luth held a council with Assiniboin and 
other nations, who came to the head of Lake Superior. And in the summer 
of 1680 he made another trip down to the Mississippi, where he met with 
Hennepin. 

1 Green Bay was called the Bay of the Puants, or Winnebago. In this neighborhood there were, 
at that time, the Winnebago, the Pottowattomi, the Menomoni, the Sac and Fox, the Miami, the Mas- 
contin, the Kickapoo, and others. The Miami and Mascontin lived together and had their village on 
the Neenali or Fox River. The Miami afterwards removed to the St. Joseph River, near Lake Michi 
gan. The Mascontiu, or " Fire Nation," is now extinct. 

2 It is stated, on what appears to bo good authority, that Dn Luth this summer visited Mille 
Lac, which he called Lake Buade. 



172 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

When Du Luth was fitting out his expedition by Lake Superior to the 
Dakota Nation and others, Robert La Salle was preparing to go to the great 
river of the West by the south end of Lake Michigan. 1 Louis Hennepin, a 
Franciscan priest of the Recollect order, accompanied him. 

La Salle stopped to build a ship on Lake Erie, which he called the 
Griffin. This so detained his expedition that it was late in the fall of 1(>79 
when they reached Green Bay. There the Griffin was left for the winter, 
and La Salle and Hennepin, with others, proceeded in canoes to the south 
end of the lake (Michigan), and thence by portage into the Illinois River. 
In the beginning of the year 16^0, La Salle, after enduring incredible 
hardships, built a fort a little below where is now the town of Peoria, which 
he called "Crdve Coeur," thus making his heart troubles historical. 

In the month of February, La Salle selected Hennepin and two voy- 
ageurs na?ned Michol Accau and the Picard du Gay, whose real name was 
Antoine Auguel, to undertake the discovery of the Upper Mississippi. On 
the last day of the month they embarked in a canoe laden with merchan 
dise, and the venerable Ribourde took leave of Hennepin with the charge, 
"Viriliter age et confortetur cor tuum." On March 12 Hennepin and his 
companions turned their canoe up the stream of the Great River, and on 
April 11 they met a war party of 120 Dakota in thirty-three bark canoes. 
This meeting took place near the mouth of the Wisconsin, where Marquette 
had first seen the Mississippi, nearly seven years before. The Frenchmen 
had found wild turkeys abundant on their voyage, and were at this moment 
on the shore cooking their dinner. The Dakota approached with hostile 
demonstrations, and some of the old warriors repeated the name "Miamiha," 
giving the white .men to understand that they were on the warpath against 
the Miami and Illinois. But Hennepin explained to them, by. signs and 
marks on the sand, that these Indians were now across the Mississippi, 
beyond their reach. 

The white men were the prisoners of the war party. What should be 
done with them? Not without much debate, did they decide to abandon 
the warpath and return home. Then, by signs, they gave the white men 
to understand that it was determined to kill them. This was the policy 
and the counsel of the old war chief, "Again-fills-the-pipe" by name, 
(Akepagidan), because he was mourning the loss of a son killed by the 
Miami. Hennepin and his companions endeavored to obtain the mercy of 
their captors by giving them a large amount of presents. They spent an 
anxious night. But the next morning, better counsels prevailed, and a 

The great village which ho calls " Kathiu" must have been in that region. 



MIGRATIONS ARGUMENT FROM HISTORY. 173 

younger chief, whose name was "Four Souls" (Nagi-topa), filled his pipe 
with willow bark and smoked with them. And then made them under 
stand that, as the war against the Miami was abandoned, and they would 
now go back to their villages, the white men should accompany them. 

This voyage up the Mississippi was not without continued apprehen 
sion of danger to the Frenchmen. When Hennepin opened his breviary 
in the morning, and began to mutter his prayers, his savage captors gath 
ered about him in superstitions terror, and gave him to understand that his 
book was a "bad spirit" (Wakar) sica), and that lie must not converse 
with it. 

His comrades besought him to dispense with his devotions, or at least 
to pray apart, as they were all in danger of being tomahawked. He tried 
to say his prayers in the woods, but the Indians followed him everywhere, 
and said "Wakar) ci," Is it not mysterious? He could not dispense with 
saying his office. But finally lie chanted the Litany of the Virgin in their 
hearing, which charmed the evil spirit from them. 

But the old chief, Again-fills-the-pipe, was still apparently bent on 
killing a white man to revenge the blood of his son. Every day or two 
he broke forth in a fresh fit of crying, which was accompanied with hostile 
demonstrations towards the captives. This was met by additional presents 
and the interceding of their first friend, Four Souls, in their behalf. It 
looks very much like a species of blackmailing a device practiced by 
them by which the goods of the white men should come into their posses 
sion without stealing. They were also required to bring goods to cover 
some bones, which old Akepagidarj had with him, and over which they 
cried and smoked frequently. At Lake Pepin they cried all night, and 
from that circumstance, Hennepin called it the "Lake of Tears." 

Thus they made their way up the Father of Waters where no white 
man had ever traveled before. Nineteen days after their capture they 
landed a short distance below where the city of St. Paul stands. Then the 
savages hid their own canoes in the bushes and broke the Frenchmen s 
canoe into pieces. From this point they had a land travel of five days, of 
suffering and starvation to the white men, when they reached the Dakota 
villages at Mille Lacs, which was then the home of the Mdewakantons. 
Hennepin estimated the distance they traveled by land at sixty leagues. 
But it was probably not over one hundred miles. They passed through 
the marshes at the head of Rum River, and were then taken by canoes "a 
short league" to an island in the lake, where were the lodges. 



174 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

This lake the Dakota called "Mdewakaij," mysterious lake, from which 
came the name of this branch of the Dakota family, Mde-wakaij-tonwai). 
They also called it "Isarj-ta-mde," Knife Lake, because there they found 
their stone knives and arrowheads. From this came the name "Santee," 
which covers a much larger part of the tribe. (See footnote 3 , pp. 159, If jo.) 

Thus, iu Pere Louis Heimepin s narrative, we have the first exact, 
locality of the eastern bands of the Dakota people, two hundred years 
ago. The principal chief, at that time, of this part of the tribe, is called by 
Hennepin "Washechoonde." If he is correct, their name for Frenchmen 
was in use, among the Dakota, before they had intercourse with them, and 
was probably a name learned from some Indians farther east. 

The three white men, with their effects, were divided up among the 
various villages. And, strange to say, Hennepin was taken home by the old 
savage who had so much wished to kill him on the journey. He had now be 
come his friend, even his father; his five wives became Heimepin s mothers. 
They treated him kindly covered him with a robe made of dressed beaver 
skins, ornamented with porcupine quills, rubbed him down after his jour 
ney, and set before him a bark dish full of fish. As the Franciscan fell 
sick, his savage father made a sweating-cabin for him, and after the process 
of sweating naked by means of heated stones, he was rubbed down by four 
Indians. Thus he was reiiivigorated. 

As no mention is made by either Hennepin or the historian of Du Luth 
of any planting at these villages, we may be quite sure that they did not 
plant, but lived by hunting and fishing mainly, which was supplemented 
by gathering roots and berries and wild rice. 

During the stay of the white men there came four Indians from the far 
west Hennepin says, "500 leagues" who reported the Assiniboin villages 
as only six or seven days journey to the northwest. This would place this 
branch of the Dakota people, at that time, within the present limits of 
Minnesota, somewhere east of the Red River. 

In the month of July the whole encampment of Dakota, numbering 
250 men, with women and children, started on a buffalo hunt. The French 
men were to go with them. But Hennepin, anxious to make his escape, 
represented that a party of traders, " spirits" or " wakan men," were to 
be sent by La Salle to the mouth of the Wisconsin, and he wished to meet 
them there. The Indians gave them leave to go, but Accau, who disliked 
Hennepin, preferred to stay among the savages. 

They all camped together on the banks of the Mississippi, at the mouth 
of Rum River, from which point Hennepin and Du Gray descended the great 



MIGRATIONS ARGUMENT FROM HISTORY. 175 

river in a small .birch-bark canoe. At the falls, which Hennepin named 
St. Anthony, for his patron saint, they made a portage and saw half a dozen 
Dakotas, who had preceded them, offering buffalo-robes in sacrifice to 
Uyktelii, the great water god. 

As they paddled leisurely down the stream by the beautiful bluffs in 
this month of July, now and then shooting a wild turkey or a deer, they 
were suddenly overtaken by Hennepin s Dakota father, the old savage 
Akepagidarj, with 10 warriors in a canoe. The white men were somewhat 
alarmed, for he told them he was going down to the mouth of the Wisconsin 
to meet the traders, who were to be there according to the words of the 
Franciscan. They passed on rapidly, found no one at the place named, 
and, in a few days, they met them on their return, when the savage father 
only gave his son Hennepin a good scolding for lying. 

They were then near the mouth of the Chippewa River, a short dis 
tance up which a large party of those with whom they had started were 
chasing buffalo. This information was given to the white men by the 
Indians as they passed up. Hennepin and Du Gray had but little ammuni 
tion, and for this reason they determined to turn aside and join the buffalo 
hunt. In this party they found their former comrade. A grand hunt was 
made along the borders of the Mississippi. The Dakota hunters chased the 
buffalo on foot and killed them with their flint-headed arrows. At this 
time they had neither guns nor horses. When they first saw the white 
men shoot and kill with a gun they called it " maza-wakar)," mysterious 
iron. And, in after years, when the horse came to their knowledge they 
called it "shuijka wakar)," mysterious dog. 

While they were thus killing the buffalo and drying the meat in the 
sun there came two Dakota women into camp with the news that a Dakota 
war party, on its way to Lake Superior, had met five " spirits washe- 
choon. 1 These proved to be Daniel Greysolon Du Luth with four well-armed 
Frenchmen. In June they had started from Lake Superior, had probably 
ascended the Burnt Wood River, and from that made a portage to the St. 
Croix, where they met this war party and learned that three white men 
were 011 the Mississippi. As this was Du Luth s preempted trading country, 
he was anxious to know who the interlopers were, and at once started for 
the hunting camp. We can imagine this to have been a joyful meeting of 
Frenchmen. 

The hunt was now over. The Indians, laden with dried meat and 
accompanied by the eight white men, returned to their resting place at Knife 



176 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

Lake. And when the autumn came the white men were permitted to leave, 
with the promise that in the following year they would return with goods 
to trade for the abundant peltries. They descended the Mississippi in bark 
canoes. At the Falls of St. Anthony two of the men took each a buffalo- 
robe that had been sacrificed to the god of the waters. I hi Luth greatly 
disapproved of the act as both impolitic and wrong, but Hennepin justified 
it, saying they were offerings to a false god. As the white men were about 
to start up the Wisconsin River they were overtaken by a party of Dakota, 
again on the war-path against the Illinois. The white men, remembering 
the stolen robes, were alarmed, but the Dakota passed on and did them no 
harm. 1 

These Nadouessioux, or Sioux, of the east of the Mississippi, whose 
acquaintance we have now formed somewhat, appear at this time to have 
been divided into Matantouy Watpaaton, and Chankasketon. These are 
band names. But the headquarters of all was the Mde-wakaij or Isaij-ta- 
mde. From this point they issued forth on their hunting expeditions and 
their war parties. The latter penetrated into Iowa and central Illinois to 
Lake Superior and Lake Michigan. Sometimes we find them at peace with 
the Ojibwa and at war withXthe Fox. Then, again, we find the Fox and 
loway joining the Dakota waft parties against the Ojibwa. The war which 
separated the Assiniboiii from the Dakota had not ceased at this period, 
and the impression is that the separation had taken place not many years 
before they became known to history. 

Nicholas Perrot was sent by the governor of Canada, in 1683, to take 
charge of the trading interests among the loway and Dakota. And in 1G8!) 
the first recorded public document was signed in which the land of the 
Dakota was claimed for the French king. In this document Father Marest, 
of the Society of Jesus, is spoken of as missionary among the Nadouessioux, 
and Mons. Le Sueur, to whom we are indebted for the next ten years of 
history, was present. 

Le Sueur was first sent to La Pointe to maintain peace between the 
Ojibwa and Dakota. And in the year 1695 he erected a trading post on 
an island of the Mississippi, above Lake Pepin and below the mouth of St. 
Croix. In the summer of the same year he took to Montreal delegations 
from several western tribes, including one Dakota, "Teeoskatay" 2 by name. 
This man died in Montreal, and one hundred and fifty years afterward the 



Le Clercq, the historian of the Sienr Du Luth, corroborates the story of Heiinepin in regard to 
their meeting at Knife Lake. 
a Tioskate. 



MIGRATIONS ARGUMENT FROM HISTORY. 177 

writer of this sketch heard him spoken of by those who claimed to be his 
descendants, then on the Minnesota River. 

Becoming impressed with the idea that there were valuable mines in 
the land of the Dakota, Le Sueur obtained a royal license to work them. 
He was hindered in various ways, and not itntil the summer of 1700 do we 
find him ascending the Mississippi. On the 30th of July he met a war party 
of Dakota in seven canoes, who were on the warpath against the Illinois. 
Le Sueur bought them off with presents and turned them back home. Ad 
vancing up as far as the Galena River he called it the River Miiio. On the 
19th of September he entered the mouth of the Minnesota, or as he proba 
bly named it then, and long afterwards it continued to be called, the "St. 
Pierre." And by the 1st of October lie had reached the Blue Earth River, 
where he built a trading post and expected to make his fortune out of the 
blue earth of its shores. 

While Le Sueur was building his stockade on the Blue Earth he was 
visited by Dakota from the east of the Mississippi, who desired him to 
locate at the mouth of the St. Peter or Minnesota, since the country of the 
Blue Earth, they said, belonged to the western Dakota and to the Iowa and 
Oto. However, a short time after this Le Sueur was informed that the 
Iowa and Oto had gone over to the Missouri River to join the Omaha. At 
this time it is recorded that the Iowa and Oto planted corn, but the Dakota 
did not. Le Sueur offered to furnish corn to the latter for planting. 

At the beginning of the eighteenth century we have the Dakota 
nation, so far as known, described by bands. Some of the names it is now 
impossible to read with certainty. Some have disappeared or given place 
to others, while some of them are old landmarks by which we can read the 
history of their migrations. Living at that time to the east of the Missis 
sippi, whose headquarters were about Knife Lake, were the Spirit Lake 
Village (Mdewakaijtoijwarj), Great Lake Village (Matanton perhaps origi 
nally Mdetarjk-toywaij), Wild Rice Gatherers (Psiy-omani-toijwan), River 
Village (Watpatoijwarj), Boat Village (Watomanitorjwaij), Fortified Village 
(Cankaskatoijwaij). The Western Dakota are thus given, viz: Pole Village 
(Canhuasinton?), Red Wild Rice Village (Pshjcatorjwan), Small Band Vil 
lage (Wagalespeton?), Great Wild Rice Village (Psiijluitaykirj-toqwan), 
Grand Lodge Village (Titaijka-kaga-toij ?), Leaf Village (Wahpetoqwai)), 
Dung Village (Urjkcekce-ota-tonwaij), Teton Leaf Village (Wahpeton- 
Teton), and Red Stone Quarry Village (Hinhaneton). This last must be 
the Red Pipe Stone, and the Dakota who guarded it were doubtless the 
7105 VOL ix 12 



178 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

Yanktou. 1 It is possible that the "Red Stone" may have signified the 
Des Moines River, which was so called. 

These bands were all at that time within the present State of Minne 
sota, and mainly having their homes north of the forty-fifth parallel, except 
the last, who are said to have been living at the Red Stone Quarry. This 
can be no other than the Red Pipe Stone in the neighborhood of the Big 
Sioux. Le Sueur says the Assiniboin lived on the head waters of the Mis 
sissippi. 

For the next fifty years the Dakota appear to have kept within their 
old limits, sometimes at war with the Ojibwa, and then again in league with 
them against the Fox-and Sank. Already the quarrel between the English 
colonies and the French had commenced. The Fox took the side of the 
English, but were defeated at the port of Detroit and elsewhere, and obliged 
to flee for protection to their enemies, the Dakota. For a while it appears 
that the Fox hunted north of the Minnesota River. 

The maps made in France about 1750 locate the Dakota, as we have 
already seen, partly on the east and partly on the west side of the Missis 
sippi. They occupied Leech Lake, Sandy Lake, and probably Red Lake 
at that time and for some years afterwards. At the source of the Minnesota 
River there is put down a large lake called "Lake of the Teetons." 
Whether this was intended for Big Stone Lake, or for what we now call 
Devil s Lake, in Dakota, may admit of a doubt. Besides this, these maps 
locate a portion of the Teton 2 (Titonwaij) and the Yankton (Ihanktorjwaij) 
on the east side of the Missouri, down in Iowa, whence came the names of 
the streams, Big and Little Sioux. 

In the "French and Indian war," the Dakota nation took 110 part. 3 But 
very soon after the English came into possession of Canada and the French 
ports in the northwest, a company of Dakota braves visited Green Bay to 
solicit the trade of the Englishmen. They told the officer in charge that if 
the Ojibwa or other Indians attempted to shut up the way to them (the 
Dakota), to send them word, and they would come and cut them off, "as 
all Indians were their dogs." 

Previous to this time, the "Sioux of the East" had given the number 



1 Hiijhanetoqwai) approximates Ihaijktorjvrai). Nasalizing the,"n s" will make tills change. 
J. o. D. 

3 Perhaps tlie present Ihaijktonwaij gens of the Sicaijgn (Titonwan) see list of Tatai)ka-wakai) 
includes those whose ancestors intermarried with the Yaukton proper, when part of the Titoijwui) 
were neighbors of the Yankton. ,i. o. D. 

3 The only thing I find which looks like participation at all, is a record of arrivals at Montreal 
in 1746, July 31. "Four Sioux came to ask for a commandant." 



MIGRATIONS ARGUMENTS FROM HISTORY. 179 

of the "Sioux of the West" as "more than a thousand tepees." It is added, 
"They do not use canoes, nor cultivate the earth, nor gather wild rice. 
They remain generally in the prairies, which are between the Upper Missis 
sippi and the Missouri Rivers, and live entirely by the chase." 

Jonathan Carver, a native of New England, was the first English 
traveler who visited the country of the Dakota and added to our knowledge 
of their history. He left Boston in June of 1766, and by the way of Green 
Bay and the Wisconsin River he reached the Mississippi at the town whose 
name he writes "La Prairie les Chiens," consisting, as he says, of fifty 
houses This was then, and for many years after, the great fur mart of the 
Upper Mississippi. The villages of the Sauk and Fox lie passed 011 the 
Wisconsin River. The Dakota he first met near the mouth of the St. Croix. 
For years past they had been breaking away from their old home on Knife 
Lake and making their villages along down the river. Hence the name of 
"River Bands," a term that then comprised the "Spirit Lake," the "Leaf 
Villagers," and the "Sisseton." The Nadouessies of the plains, he says, were 
divided into eight bands, not including the Assiniboin. 

Carver ascended the St. Pierre River for some distance and wintered 
with a camp of Indians. In the spring he descended, with several hundred 
Dakota, to the mouth of the river. When they came to deposit their dead, 
in what seems to have been a general place of interment, in the cave, since 
called "Carver s Cave," Jonathan claims to have obtained from them a deed 
of the land. This purchase, however, has never been acknowledged by the 
Sioux. 

Carver found, in 1766, the Dakota at war with the Ojibwa, ana was 
told that they had been fighting forty years. Before the year 1800 the 
Ojibwa had driven the Dakota from what hold they had on the Sandy Lake 
and Leech Lake country. As the Indian goods commenced to come to them 
up the Mississippi, they were naturally drawn down to make more perma 
nent villages on its banks. Then two forces united diverted the Dakota 
migration to the south and the west. 

The Government of the United States, in the year 1805, sent into the 
Dakota and Ojibwa countries Lieut. Zebulon M. Pike, for the purposes 
of regulating the trade and making alliances with the Indians. He met 
the Dakota first at Red Wing, a short distance above Lake Pepin, and then 
at Kaposia, a short distance below where is now St. Paul. The respective 
chiefs were Red Wing and Little Crow. He also visited a Dakota village 
a short distance up the Minnesota River, and held a grand council with the 
Dakota assembled on the point where Fort Snelling was afterwards built. 






180 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

On his downward trip in the following spring, he met Wabashaw s band, 
the Kiyuksa, below Lake Pepiu. As he ascended the Mississippi as tar as 
Leech Lake, and found the country above the Falls of St. Anthony, in the 
main, occupied by Ojibwa, the inference is that the Dakota had, in the pre 
vious years, been driven by their enemies from that part of the countrv. 
One reason for this was, that the Ojibwa were furnished with firearms be 
fore the Dakota A second reason was found in the drawing of the fur 
trade. And a third was the gradual disappearance of the buffalo in the 
wooded country of the Mississippi. At this date the Sisseton and Yankton 
were on the head waters of the Minnesota. Delegations of these hands met 
Lieut. Pike in the spring, and proceeded to a grand council at Prairie du 
Chien. 

Old men still living relate how the Wahpeton, or Leaf Village, when 
they retired from the bullets of the Ojibwa on the east of the Mississippi, 
pitched their tents towards the northwest corner of what is now the State of 
Iowa, and when they returned they established their planting village at 
what has been called Little Rapids, on the lower part of the Minnesota 
River. In about 1810, a portion of them removed up to an island in Big 
Stone Lake, and afterwards a larger part settled at Lac qui Psirle. 

Until after the middle of this century, the habitats of the Dakota were, 
for the Mday-wakan-ton (Mde-wakarj toijwan), the Mississippi River from 
Winona to the Falls of St. Anthony, and up the Minnesota as far as Shakopee. 
The Leaf Shooters (Wahpekute) were on the Cannon River, where Fari- 
bault now is; and the Wahpeton (Leaf Village) were, as stated, at the Little 
Rapids, and Lac qui Parle and the lower end of Big Stone Lake. The 
Sisseton occupied the Blue Earth country and the southern bend of the 
Minnesota, while the great body of them were at the villages on Lake 
Traverse. The Yankton, Yanktonai, Cut-heads, and Titoijwan were on 
the great prairies to the westward. 

When Lieut. Pike made his tour up the Mississippi, in the years 1805 
and 1806, he found much of the trade, in the Dakota and Ojibwa countries, 
in the hands of men who were in sympathy with Great Britain. The trad 
ers, many of them, were Englishmen, and the goods were British goods. 
It is not strange then that, in the war of 1812, the Dakota, together with 
other Indians of the Northwest, were enlisted in the war against the United 
States. This was brought about mainly by Robert Dickson, a Scotchman, 
who was at this time at the head of the fur trade in this part of the coun 
try. Under his leadership the Dakota, the Ojibwa, the Winnebago, the 
Meuomonie, the Sauk and Fox, and others, were brought into action, 



MIGRATIONS ARGUMENTS FROM HISTORY. 181 

against the soldiers of the States, at Mackinaw, at Rock Island, and at Prai 
rie du Chieii. Of the Dakota villages, Little Crow and Wabashaw are 
especially mentioned. Joseph Renville, afterwards of Lac qui Parle, and 
other traders, were the lieutenants ot Col. Dickson. History tells us of but 
two Dakota men who kept themselves squarely on the American side 
during the war. One of these was the special friend (Koda) of Lieut. Pike, 
his name being Ta-ma-he, meaning the pike fish. Probably he took that 
name as the friend of Pike. He went to St. Louis at the commencement 
of the war, and was taken into the employ of Gen. Clarke. He lived until 
after the middle -of this century, always wore a stovepipe hat. had but one 
eye, and claimed to be the only "American" of his tribe. 

It does not appear that the war of 1812 changed the location of Da 
kota. They still occupied the Mississippi above the parallel of 43, and 
the Minnesota, and westward. In 1837- 38, the "Lower Sioux," as they 
were called, ceded to the Government their title to the land east of the 
great river. In 1851, all the Mississippi and Minnesota Dakota sold to 
the Government all their claim to the country as far west as Lake Traverse, 
except a reservation on the Upper Minnesota. A year or two afterwards 
they removed to this reservation, and were there until the outbreak of 
August, 1862, which resulted in the eastern Dakota, or those coining under 
the general name of Santees, being all removed outside of the lines of Min 
nesota. A part of those Indians fled to Manitoba, and a part across the 
Missouri, supposed to be now with (Tataijka lyotaijke) Sitting Bull a 
part were transported to Crow Creek on the Missouri, who afterwards were 
permitted to remove into the northeast angle of Nebraska. This is now the 
Santee Agency, from whence a colony of sixty families of homesteaders 
have settled on the Big Sioux. Still another portion were retained by the 
military as scouts, which have been the nuclei of the settlements on the 
Sisseton and Fort Totten reservations. 

About what time the Dakota in their migrations westward crossed 
over the Missouri River, to remain and hunt on the western side, is a ques 
tion not easily settled. There are various traditions of other neighbor tribes, 
which indicate pretty certainly that the Sioux were not there much over 
one hundred years ago. 

Dr. Washington Matthews, of the U. S. Army, relates that the Ber- 
thold 1 Indians say, " Long ago the Sioux were all to the east, and none to 
the West and South, as they now are." In those times the western plains 
must have been very sparsely peopled with hostile tribes in comparison 

1 These may be the Hidatsa, Mandan, and Arikara tribes. j. o. D. 



182 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

with the present, for the old men now living, and children of men of the 
past generation, say that they traveled to the southwest, in search of scalps, 
to a country where the prairie ceased, and were gone from their village 
twenty-one moons. Others went to the north to a country where the sum 
mer was but three moons long. 

The French maps of this western country, made about one hundred 
and twenty -five years ago, are, in many things, very inaccurate, but max 
be received as indicating the general locality of Indians at that time. In 
one of the maps the Ponka, Pawnee, and some of the Oto, together with 
the Panimaha, 1 are placed on the Platte and its brandies-. Other villages 
of the Maha (Omaha) are placed, apparently, above the mouth of the James 
or Dakota River, on the eastern side of the Missouri. The Iowa, the Oto, 
and the Yankton and Teton Dakota are placed down, in what is now the 
State of Iowa. 

When Lewis and Clarke ascended the Missouri, in the autumn of 1803, 
they met the Yankton Dakota about the mouth of the James or Dakota 
River, where Yankton now stands. Their village was some distance above, 
perhaps about the site of Bon Homme. They met the Teton Dakota at the 
mouth of the Teton or Little Missouri (Wakpa sica), where old Fort Pierre 
stood. These were of the Oglala band. Tradition says that the Oglala 
were the first to cross the Missouri, and that this was the place of crossing. 
At first they went over to hunt. The buffalo were found to be more 
abundant. They returned again. But after several times going and 
returning they remained, and others followed. At the commencement of 
this century some Teton were still on the east side of the river, but their 
home seems to have been then, as now, on the west side. 

As this is the only notice of their meeting Teton on their ascent, we 
infer that the main body of them were not on the Missouri, but far in the 
interior." 

ARGUMENT- FROM NAMES OF NATIONS, TRIBES, ETC. 

In all primitive states of society the most reliable history of individuals 
and nations is found written in names. Sometimes the removals of a 
people can be traced through the ages by the names of rivers or places 

1 Skidi or Pawnee Loup. 

In the winter count of American Horse (4th An. Kop. I!ur. Eth., p. 130), Standing-Hull, a 
Dakota, discovered the Black Hills in the winter of 1775-70. The I takuta have of late years claimed 
the Black Hills, probably by right of discovery in 1775- 7(i; but the Crow were the former possessors, 
and were found in that region by the Ponka before the time of Marquette, (/. < ., prior to the date of 
his autograph map, 1673). J. o. D. 



MIGRATIONS ARGUMENT FROM NAMES. 183 

which they have left behind them. The Dakota people, on the other hand, 
carry with them, to some extent, the history of their removals in the names 
of the several bands. 

DAKOTA. 

The Sioux people call themselves Dakota. 1 They say "Dakota" means 
"league" or "alliance" they being allied bauds. And this meaning is con 
firmed bv other uses of the word in the language. The name Sioux, on the 
other hand, was given to them by their enemies. In the preceding account 
the word " Nadouessi," or " Nadouessioux," is of frequent occurrence. The 
Huron, and perhaps other western Indians, called the Iroquois Nadowe or 
Nottaway, which is said to mean enemy. Because they were ever on the 
war-path, as were the Six Nations, the Dakota were styled the Iroquois of 
the West, and, for distinction s sake, were called Nadouessioux, enemies. 
The last part of the word stuck, and has become a part of their history. 
The Ojibwa, it appears, called the Dakota by the name of Bwan, which 
comes out in the name Assiniboin, Stone Dakota; and a small band, or 
family, of the Assiniboin are called Stoneys, living in the Dominion of 

Canada. 

Spirit Lake Villages. We have seen that Du Luth and Heunepin first 

visited the villages of the Dakota on the islands and shores of Mille Lacs, 
which was their Mde-wakaij, and hence the name Mde-wakan-tonwan. 
This name has come down through more than two centuries, and still 
attaches to a portion of the people, and is abiding evidence of their having 
lived on the head of Rum River. 

Not long after their first discovery by white men, if not at the time, a 
portion of this same band of Dakota were called Matanton, which name 
appears to be a contraction of Mde-tarjka-toijwan, meaning Village of the 
Great Lake. This was only a designation given to a portion of Mille Lacs. 

Before the end of that century these people began to make their villages 
along down Rum River, and perhaps also on the Mississippi, and so ob 
tained the name of Wakpa-atoijwan, Village on the River. But, after one 
hundred and fifty years, this, with the name preceding, passed out of use. 

As previous to this time the Ojibwa had contented themselves with 
the shores of Lake Superior, but were now getting an advantage over the 
Dakota in the first possession of firearms, we find the Dakota, who pitched 
their tents westward and northward, toward Leech Lake and Sandy Lake, 
earning the name of " Chonkasketons " (Cankaske-torjwar)), Fortified Vil- 

I:i the Teton dialect this is Lakota. 



184 DAKOTA GBAMMAB, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGKAPHY. 

lages. 1 From the name we read that they were in a wooded country and 
made wooden protections from the assaults of their enemies. 

Some of the families appear to have made the gathering of the wild 
rice in the lakes a specialty, and so for a century or more we find them 
known as the Villages of Wild Rice Gatherers. 

When the Frenchmen, in 1680, joined the buffalo hunt of the Dakota, 
they remarked that they killed them with stone-headed arrows and cut up 
the meat with stone knives. The sharp flint stone used for this purpose 
they found on the banks of the Thousand Lakes, and hence the name of 
"wakaij," or mysterious. And from this fact also they called the lake, or 
a part of it, by the name of " Isay-ta-mde," Lake of Knives, or Knife Lake. 
From living there the whole of those eastern Sioux were called " Isaij-ya-ti" 
Knife Dwellers which has been modified to 

SANTEE. 

For a century or more past there has been included in this name The 
Leaf-shooters (Walipekute), and also Leaf Village (Walipetoijwaij). 2 Both 
these last-named bauds continued to dwell, for the most part, in the wooded 
country, as their names indicate. In the list of Dakota bands furnished by 
Le Sueur, about the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Wahpatons, 
or Leaf Villages, are classed with what was then called "The Sioux of the 
West." And a somewhat singular combination occurs in the name "Wa- 
hpeton-Teton," indicating that some of the Leaf Village band had become 
" Dwellers on the Prairie." 

Other names of divisions at that period, such as "Great Wild Rice Vil 
lage," "Grand Lodge Village," "Dung Village," etc., have gone into disuse. 
Nor is it possible, at this time, to discover to what families they belonged. 

Two hundred years ago, the Dakota nation was said to consist of seven 
Council Fires. Of these we have already spoken of three, viz: Spirit Lake 
(Mdewakantonwan), Leaf Shooters (Walipekute), and Leaf Village (Wahpe- 
toijwaij). 

SISSETON. 

Coming next to these is the Sisseton band. The meaning of the name 
is not quite clear; but Mr. Joseph Renville, of Lac-qui-parle, in his day re 
garded as the best authority in Dakota, understood it to mean "Swamp 

1 Another version of this uatno is " Bravo-liearts," as if from CaT)te, heart, and kaska, to bind. 

2 See testimony of Rev. A. L. Riggs in foot-note on pp. 159, 160. 



MIGRATIONS ARGUMENT FROM NAMES. 185 

Village." 1 Tliis well accords with the early history, which places them in 
the marshy parts of the country. From the head waters of the Mississippi 
they journeyed southward to the country of Swan Lake and the Blue Earth, 
and above, on the Minnesota River. Here they were found early in the 
eighteenth century, and here a portion of them still remained until after 
1850. But the great body of them had removed up to the Lake Traverse 
region before the war of 1812. The great Sisseton chief of those times was 
Red Thunder (Wakirjyaij duta), still spoken of by his descendants. Since 
1862 the Sisseton live on the Sisseton and Wahpeton Reservation, and at 
Devil s Lake, both of which are in Dakota. 

YANKTON. 

The Ihanktoywaij, now shortened to Yankton, were the "Villages of 
the Border." The "End," or "Border," appears to have been that of the 
wooded country. Connected with them, and to be treated in the same cate 
gory, are the 

YANKTONAI. 

They were both Borderers. The name of the latter (Ihanktoi)wan.na) 
is, in the Dakota, simply a diminutive of the former; but for more than a 
century possibly more than two centuries the distinction has been recog 
nized. The Assiniboin branched off from the Yanktonai. Other divisions 
of them, reaching down to the present time, are the Sanonee 2 (or One 
Sidersl), the Cut Heads (Pabakse); Kiyuksa or Dividers; Breakers of the 
law; the Pine Shooters (Wazikute), and the Huijkpa-tina, or Hoonkpatee. 
This last name is explained in other parts of this volume. The same word 
is found in the name of one of the Teton divisions, now become somewhat 
notorious as the robber band of " Sitting Bull," viz: The Hunkpapa, or, as 
it is incorrectly written, Unkpapa. Both of these bands have for many 
years roamed over the Upper Missouri country one on the east and the 
other on the west side. The name of "Pine Shooters," by which one 
division of the Yanktonai is still called, they brought from the pine country 
of Minnesota, 3 and must have retained through at least two centuries. 

As the Yankton, who now live on the Missouri River, at the Yankton 
Agency, claim to have been placed by the Taku Wakarj as guardians of 

1 For another explanation of this terra, see "Sisitonwaq " in the preceding chapter, p. 158. 

2 The Sanona. See p. 161, footnote. J. o. D. 

The Ornaha Bay that when their ancestors found the Great Pipe Stone Quarry, the Yankton 
dwelt east of them in the forest region of Minnesota, so they called them Ja"a^a uikaci"ga, or People 
of the forest. See 3d Rep. Bur. Eth., p. 212. j. o. D. 



186 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

the great Red Pipe Stone Quarry, there is scarcely a doubt but that they 
were the "Village of the Red Stone Quarry" mentioned in Le Sueur s 
enumeration. Fifty years after that, we find them placed on the French 
maps about the mouth of the Little Sioux River. In those times thev 
hunted buffalo in the northwestern part of Iowa and down the Missouri to 
its mouth and up to their present location or above, and eastward over the 
James River and the Big- Sioux to the Red Pipe Stone, where was the gath 
ering of the nations. 1 

TETON. 
These have been known for two hundred years and how much longer 

/ O 

we know not as "Dwellers on the Prairie." The full name was Tiyta- 
toyway, Prairie dwelling, contracted now into Titonwan, and commonly 
written Teton. 

As we have already seen, the French, in their map?, made a great lake 
at the head of the Minnesota River, which they called " Lake of the 
Tetons." The name gives us nothing more than Inhabitants of the 
Prairie. There is abundant evidence that, as far back as our knowledge of 
the Dakota Nation extends, the Teton have formed more than half the 
tribe, and causes have been in operation which have increased their number, 
while in some cases the more eastern bands have been diminished. The 
buffalo hunt has always tended to increase the Teton somewhat by immi 
gration; and by furnishing a supply of wild meat their children have grown 
up, while many of those who came to use flour and pork have died off. The 
late wars of the Minnesota Dakota with the whites have operated in the 
same way. 

As the result of the massacre of Spirit Lake, on the border of Iowa, in 
the spring of 1857, a large portion of the small band of Leaf Shooters, 
under the leadership of Iqkpaduta s family, have disappeared from the east 
of the Missouri and become absorbed by the Teton. The same thing is 
true of hundreds of those engaged in the massacre of 1862. While a large 
number fled north into the Dominion of Canada, others, in 1863, crossed 

1 Near the mouth of the Missouri, whore in one of its bends it approaches the Mississippi, is a 
place called Portage dee Sioux. Here, evidently, the Dakota, a century ago, carried their canoes 
across from one river to the other, when on their hunting and war expeditions. This fact quite agrees 
with what we are told of their war parties descending the Mississippi two centuries ago, to attack 
the Illinois and Miamis. 

The Yanktonai passed over to the Upper Minnesota, and from thence, and from the KIM! River 
of the North, they have journeyed westward to the Missouri, led on by the buffalo, from which they 
have obtained their living for more than a century and a half. Thus they have occupied the country 
as it was vacated by the more numerous of the " Seven Council Fires." 



MIGRATIONS ARGUMENT FROM NAMES. 187 

the Missouri and joined the various northern divisions of the "Dwellers on 
the Prairie." 

It is curious to find the number seven occurring so frequently in their 
tribal and family divisions. 1 Of the whole tribe there were seven bands 
or "council fires;" of the Spirit Lake band there were seven villages, and 
of this great body of the Dakota Nation there are still seven divisions or 
subgentes. 

First. The Brules: This is the French translation of Sicangu "Burnt 
Thighs." They occupy, at present, the mouth of Makaizite River 2 and up 
to Fort Thompson. The origin of this name is uncertain. They are 
divided into Uplauders and Lowlanders. 

Second. The Two Kettles, or Oohe nonpa, literally, "Two Boilings:" 
One story is, that the name originated in a time of great scarcity of pro 
visions, when the whole band had only enough of meat to put in two 
kettles. The present headquarters of this band, as well as of the two that 
follow, is at the Cheyenne Agency and at Standing Rock, on the Missouri. 

Third. The Miimekanjoo : The full name is Mini-karjye-wozupi 
(Water-near to-plant), " Planters by the Water." We ask, "What water?" 
They do not remember. It looks very much as though the name had a 
history possibly in Minnesota more than a century ago. 

Fourth The Sans Arcs : This is the French translation of their own 
name, Itazipco; which written in full is, Itazipa-codarj, "Bows without" or 
"No Bows." It is easy to imagine a few families of Dakota appearing, at 
some time of need, without that necessary implement of the chase and war, 
and so, having fastened upon them a name, which they would not have 
chosen for themselves. 

Fifth. The Uglala, or Ogalala, meaning Scatterers: This name em 
bodies the peculiar characteristics of the Teton dialect of the language, 
viz: The frequent use of the hard "g" and the "1." 

Sixth. The Black Feet, or Siha sapa: This band of the Western 
I hikota must not be confounded with the Black Feet 3 of the mountains, 
which are connected with the Piegans and Bloods. The Oglala and Black 
Feet Dakota mainly constitute the camps of Spotted Tail and Red Cloud. 
But the bands are all a good deal mixed up by marriage and otherwise. 

Seventh. The Hunkpapa: This band has for many years roamed over 

1 1 have found many examples of the use of mystic numbers among cognate tribes, e. g., seven 
(1+3), four, ten (7-|-3), tivelre (4x3), ami, in Oregon,/. I hope to publish an article on this sub 
ject. See "A Sludy of Sioiiun Cults/ in llth An. Rep. of the Director, Bur. Kthn. .1. o. i>. 

From maka, earth, and i/.ita, to smoke, i. ., the White Earth River of South Dakota. J. o. D. 

Sik -slk-a. 



188 DAKOTA GEAMMAE, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

the country of the Upper Missouri. The war of 1870 made it somewhat 
notorious under its war chief "Sitting Bull," or " Sitting Buffalo," as Tataijka 
iyotanke ought to be translated. 

This article, on the Migrations of the Dakota, will not be complete, 
without a brief notice of the affiliated tribes. The Dakota family, as shown 
by similarity of language, is quite extensive. 



ASSINIHOIN. 



I. Evidently the first to claim our attention, outside of the Dakota 
themselves, is the Assiniboin tribe. Indeed they are a part of the great 
Dakota Nation. Their language differs less from the Dakota in general, 
than the dialects of the Dakota do from each other. In our historical nar 
rative of the Dakota, we found the knowledge of the Assiniboin coming to 
white people at the same time, and along with that of the Dakota proper. 
More than two centuries ago Assiniboin and Dakota met the French traders 
at the head of Lake Superior. The Assiniboin are said to have broken off 
from the Pine Shooters (Wazikute), a branch of the Ihaijktoijwaijna. 

At that time the split, by which they ranged themselves as a separate 
people, appears to have been a recent thing. The name " Bway," applied 
by the Ojibwa to the whole Dakota people, fastened itself on that branch. 
They are Stone Dakota. And at the present time, we have information of 
a small family of the Assiniboin people living on the Saskatchewan, which 
goes by the name of Stonies. The name given to the Assiniboin by the 
Dakota is Hohe, 1 the origin and meaning of which are in the darkness. 

At the time we first learn anything of the Assiniboin, they appear to 
have been occupying the country of the Red River of the North, probably 
both on the eastern and western side. Their migrations have been north 
ward and westward. About the middle of the seventeenth century a 
French pilot, by name Grosellier, roamed into the country of the Assini 
boin, near Lake Winnipeg, and was taken by them to Hudson Bay. In 
1803 Lewis and Clarke met Assiniboin at their winter camp near where 
Fort Stevenson now is. But their movement westward seems to have been 
mainly farther north up the Assiniboin and Saskatchewan rivers. At pres 
ent they are .found in the neighborhood of Fort Peck, on the Upper Mis 
souri, but the most of them are within the Dominion of Canada. 



Pronounced ho -hay. There is also a Hohe gens among the Sihasapa Titoywaij. Hohe is said 
to mean " Rebels." J. o. D. 



MIGRATIONS AliGUMENT FROM NAMES. 189 

, WINNEBAGO. 

Two centuries and a third ago the French traders and missionaries 
from Montreal and Quebec came in contact with the Puants, living on the 
"Bay of the Puants," now Green Bay, in Wisconsin. These Indians were 
called Winnepekoak, or "People of the fetid water," by their Algonkian 
neighbors; but their name for themselves is Hotcailgara, "People of the 
Original Speech," modified to Hotanke by the Dakota, and Hujanga by 
the Omaha and Ponka, though these modified names signify "Big Voices" 
in their respective languages. 

The Winnebago language is closely allied to the Dakota. 1 One can 
not but think that less than a thousand years ago they were a part of the 
same people. 

They may have, separated at an early period from these cognate tribes, 
and even reached "salt water," whence their Algonkian name. Examples 
of such separation are found in the Biloxi of Mississippi and the Yesa u or 
Tutelo, formerly of Virginia and North Carolina, now in Canada. 

But, confining ourselves to history, two centuries ago the Winnebago 
were on Lake Michigan. During the eighteenth century they had drifted 
slowly across the State of Wisconsin. In 1806 Lieut, Pike met the Puants 3 
with the Fox at Prairie du Chien. In the war of 1812 the Winnebago, with 
the tribes of the Northwest generally, ranged themselves on the side of the 
British. While a small portion of the tribe remained in the interior of Wis 
consin, the majority were removed across the Mississippi into Iowa and 
located on Turkey River about the year 1840. Thence they were taken 
up to Long Prairie, in Minnesota. Not being at all satisfied with that 
country, they were again removed to what was to be a home in Blue Earth 
County, back of Mankato. They were supposed to have had some sympathy 
with the Dakota in their outbreak of 1862, and accordingly they were 
removed with the captured Dakota, in the spring following, to the Missouri 
River. Their location at Crow Creek was highly distasteful to them, and, 
accordingly, they made canoes and floated themselves down to the Omaha 
Reservation, in Nebraska, on a portion of which the Government arranged 
to have them remain. 

It should be mentioned that the Winnebago were largely engaged in 
the French and Indian War. Forty-eight were present in 1757 at the 

1 See "Comparative Phonology of Four Sioo.au Languages," in Smithson. Kept., 1883. .1. o. D. 

2 The name 1 uants means Stinkers. There is no doubt but that the French traders at first 
understood the nam Wiunebago to mean stinking \vatnr. But it is believed they were in error, and 
that its i>ruiit>r meaning i.s salt water. 



190 DAKOTA GKAMMAH, TEXTS, AND ETHNOUKAPHY. 

battle of Ticonderoga, together with large numbers of the Ojibwaand other 
Western bands. 

OMAHA AND PONKA. 

These tribes have a common dialect and are closely related to the 
Osage, Kansa, and Kvvapa. The first are the Maha of the old French 
maps. The five tribes form the (pegiha (or Dliegiha) group of the Siouan 
family. According to their traditions, their ancestors dwelt east of the 
Mississippi River, on the Ohio and Wabash. When they reached the 
mouth of the Ohio, part went down the Mississippi, becoming the Kwapa 
(Uj[aqpa, Ugaqpa), or " Down-stream People," who afterwards met De Hoto. 
The others ascended the Mississippi; hence the name " Up-stream People," 
or U-ma"-ha u (Umanhan), now Omaha, applied at first to those who subse 
quently became four tribes (Omaha, Ponka, Osage, and Kansa). Another 
separation occured near the mouth of the Osage River, where the Omaha and 
Ponka crossed the Missouri, and went north, being joined on the way by a 
kindred tribe, the Iowa. These three wandered through Iowa and Minne 
sota till they found the Great Pipestone Quarry, where they made a set 
tlement. At that time the Yankton (perhaps including the Yanktounai) 
dwelt in a wooded region near the source of the Mississippi, being called 
"People of the Forest" by the Omaha and Ponka. 1 

The three tribes were finally driven off by the Dakota, wandering 
westward and southwestvvard till they reached the Missouri River, which 
they followed as far as the mouth of White Earth River. There the Ponka 
left their allies, ascending the White Earth River till they drew near the 
Black Hills, which they found in the possession of the Crows. Retracing 
their course, they joined the Iowa and Omaha, and all three went down 
along the southwest side of the Missouri River till the Niobrara was reached. 
There was made the final separation. The Ponka remained at the mouth 
of the Niobrara; the Omaha settled on Bow Creek, Nebraska; the Iowa 
went beyond them till they reached Ionia Creek (probably Town Creek at 
first), where they made a village on the east bank of the stream, not far 
from the site of the present town of Ponka. The subsequent migrations of 
these tribes have been given in the paper mentioned in the preceding foot 
note ( l ), as well as in the Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology 
(p. 213). The three tribes occupied different habitats as far back as Mar- 
quette s time, and they are thus located in his autograph map of K>73. 

The migrations of the KauBa, Kwapa, Osage, etc., have been treated l>y the editor in a recent. 
paper, "Migrations of Siouan Tribes," which appeared in the American Naturalist for March, isxii 
(Vol. 22, pp. 211-222). See "Omaha Sociology," i:i the Third Ann. Rept. of the Director liiir. Ktli.. 
pp. 211-213. J. o. D. 



MIGRATIONS ARGUMENT FROM NAMES. 191 

When, in 1803, Lewis and Clarke made their voyage up the Missouri 
and across the Rocky Mountains, they found the Ponka (Poncara) near their 
present location. They say, "The Maha (Omaha) were associated with 
them for mutual protection." But the Omaha were there only on a visit. 
It is quite certain that they had not lived together for many years pre 
vious to this. The Omaha were in northeastern Nebraska, south of Sioux 
City, Iowa. 

IOWA AND OTO. 

The two tribes Iowa and Oto are associated here becaiise they are 
mentioned together by Le Sueur, in 1700, as having, previous to that time, 
had the occupancy and the hunters right to the country of the Blue Earth 
and of southern Minnesota. 1 They appear to have retired before the 
aggressive Sioux down the DesMoines into central Iowa, the Oto going on to 
the Missouri and down into Kansas. While in possession of the country of 
the Blue Earth, we have notices of their having hunted on the St. Croix, in 
northern Wisconsin. It is also stated, which appears to be a matter of 
tradition only, that at a much later date, not far from the commencement 
of the present century, the Iowa, in war, cut off entirely a small tribe, which 
dwelt south of the St. Croix, called the Unktoka, which means, Our Enemies- 
Ten Iowa warriors were present at the battle of Ticonderoga. 
There are, near the Minnesota River, old fortifications, or earthworks, 
which were probably made by these tribes to protect themselves against 
the incursions of the more powerful Dakota. One such is found a few miles 
above the mouth of the Yellow Medicine River. But possibly this was an 
old Cheyenne fortification, which would seem to be the reading of Dakota 
tradition. 

MANDAN AND HIDATSA. 

These two small tribes live together at Fort Berthold in connection 
with the Ree. They are both small tribes. The Mandan at present num 
ber less than 400. Years ago they numbered many more, but wars and 
smallpox have almost annihilated them. From rather a remarkable fact, 
that many of this people have sandy hair, it has been affirmed that they 
are of Welsh origin supposed to be a lost Welsh colony. George Catlin, 

This must have boon long before, 1673, the date of Marquette s autograph map. The Oto did 
not accompany the lovva, I onka, and Omaha. They were lir.st met by the Omaha and Ponka, accord- 
ing to Joseph La Floche, on the I latte Kiver iu comparatively recent times. J. o. D. 



192 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

the celebrated Indian portrait painter, takes this view of their parentage, 
and affirms that their language bears more than a likeness to the Welsh. 1 

The Mandan tradition of their origin is, that ages ago they lived 
underground by a great lake. The root of a grapevine pushed itself down 
through the crust of the earth. One by one they took hold of it and 
climbed up by its help, coming out into the light of day. By and by ;i 
very fat woman took hold of it and the vine broke, leaving the remainder 
of the Mandans by the lake underground. Gould this legend have any 
connection with a passage over the ocean I 

Ever since they have been known to the whites they have lived on 
the Upper Missouri. In the winter of 1803- 04, Lewis and Clarke wintered 
near their villages, only a short distance below where they now are. 

The Hidatsa are better known by the names Minnetaree and Gros 
Ventres. 2 There is no apparent reason why the latter name should have 
been given them by the French. Minnetaree means "over the water," and 
was given to them when they crossed the Missouri, coming as they did from 
the northeast and crossing to the southwest. They number about 500. 
These Hidatsa have often been confounded with the "Minnetaree of the 
Plains," or "Gros Ventres," who belong to another linguistic family. 

Both the Hidatsa and Mandan belong to the Siouan or Dakotan family. 
Whether it is from the common likeness to the tongue of their enemies, or 
for some other reason, it is a remarkable fact that many persons of each 
tribe can speak Dakota. 

ABSAROKA OR CROW. 

This tribe and the Hidatsa speak dialects of the same language. It is 
said that the Amahami, now extinct, were a branch of the Absaroka. 

When the Ponka reached the Black Hills country, several hundred 
years ago, they found it in the possession of the Absaroka, whose habitat 
included the region now known as the western part of Dakota (south of the 
Missouri River) and the eastern part of Montana. 

1 1 have made a careful examination of the Maudan vocabularies of Kipj>, Hayileu, Wied, and 
others. The following conclusions have been reached: (1) The Mandau is closely related to the 
Winnebago, Iowa, Oto, and Missouri dialects. (2) The fancied resemblance to the Latin, based on 
what was thought to be "sub" in three compound nouns, has no foundation. Suk, suke, kshuk, or 
kshuke means small. J. o. D. 

* Hiy I aunch (Gros Ventre) must have referred to a buffalo paunch over which a quarrel arose 
resulting in the separation of the Hidatsa and Crow. See Kihatsa in Matthews s Ethnog. and I hilol. 
of the Hidatsa Indians, j, o. D. 



MIGRATIONS ARGUMENT FKOM NAMES. 193 

OSAGE, KANSA, KWAPA, AND, MISSOURI. 

All these tribes belong 1 to the Siouan stock. The Missouri, who call 
themselves Nyu-t a-tci, speak a dialect allied to those of the Iowa and Oto, 
while the dialects of the others are related to that of the Omaha and Pouka. 

The Osage connect themselves by tradition with the beavers. The first 
father of the Osage was hunting on the prairie all alone. He came to a 
beaver dam, where he saw the chief of all the beavers, who gave him one of 
his daughters to wife. From this alliance sprang the Osage. 1 

AEIKARA OR RICKAREE. 

This tribe, commonly called Ree and sometimes Pawnee, has been 
heretofore counted as belonging to the Dakota family. But the Ree 
language, as spoken at Berthold, appears to have no resemblance to the 
Dakota, and indeed to be radically different in its construction. So that, 
without doubt we must deny them a place in the Dakota linguistic family. 
But the Ree, the northern branch of the tribe now at Fort Berthold, num 
bering more than 1,000 souls, have been for many years intermingling with 
the Dakota, and probably separated from their southern kindred, the 
Pawnee proper, on account of an intrusion of the Dakota. 2 In 1803 Lewis 
and Clarke found the Ree on the Missouri River, near the mouth of Grand 
River. 

SHAVENNE OR CHEYENNEE. 

This name is variously written. The tribe comes into the same cate 
gory as the last named Ree and Pawnee. We can not admit them into 
the Dakota linguistic family. The name they bear is of Dakota origin, by 
whom they are called " Sha-e-a-na." 3 Sha-e-a, 4 in Dakota, means " to talk 
red," that is, unintelligibly, as " Ska-e-a" 5 means "to talk white" intelligi 
bly that is, to interpret. The Shayenne language then, we under 
stand, is not like the Dakota. But, though sometimes enemies of the 
Dakota, they have more generally been confederates. Two hundred years 

1 This is probably the tradition of part of the Osage, the Beaver people, not that of the whole 
tribe. See " Osago Traditions " iu the Sixth Ann. Kept, of the Director Bur. Eth., pp, 373-397. .1. o. D. 

2 According to Omaha tradition, the Ree and Skidi (or Pawnee Lonps) were allies of the Winne- 
bago and the ancestors of the Omaha, Pouka, Osage, Kansa, Kwapa, Iowa, etc., when all these people 
dwelt east of the Mississippi. It is doubtful whether the Ree were ever neighbors of the Grand, Re 
publican, and Tappage Pawnee, siuce the latter have been west of the Missouri. The latter conquered 
the Skidi, with whom they do not intermarry, according to Joseph la Flftche, formerly a head chief 
of the Omaha. The Skidi met the three southern Pawnee divisions at a comparatively late date, ac 
cording to Pawnee tradition. If all five were ever together, it must have been at an early period, and 
probably east of the Mississippi River. J. o. l>. 

: Sa-i-ye-na. *Sa-ia. 5 Ska-ia, 

7105 VOL ix 13 



194 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AXD ETHNOGRAPHY. 

ago, or thereabouts, the Shayenne village was near the Yello\v Medicine 
River in Minnesota, where are yet visible old earthworks. From thence, 
according to Dakota tradition, they retired before the advancing Dakota, 
and made their village between Big Stone Lake and Lake Traverse. Their 
next remove appears to have been to the south bend of the ( heyenne, a 
branch of the Red River of the North. The fortification there is still very 
plain. While there they seem to have had both the Ojilma and Dakota 
for their enemies. Bloody battles were fought and finally the Shayenne 
retired to the Missouri. This is supposed to have been about one hundred 
years ago or more. After that time the Dakota became friendly to them. 
The Shayenne stopped on the east side of the Missouri and left their name 
to the Little Cheyenne. Soon after they crossed over and took possession 
of the country of the Big Cheyenne. There they were, hunting out to the 
Black Hills, in 1803, when Lewis and Clarke ascended the Missouri. 



CHAPTER III. 

> 

GENS AND PHRATRY OF THE DAKOTA. 

THE GENS. 

In the Dakota Nation the man is the head of the family; the woman 
was not considered worthy of honor. No Dakota woman ever aspired to 
be a chief. The chieftainship descended from the father to his sons, the 
eldest son taking the precedence. But in the making- up of the gens the 
woman was an equal factor witli the man. Thus a child counts his father s 
brothers all fathers, and his father s sisters all aunts; while his mother s 
sisters are all mothers, and his mother ^ brothers are only uncles. Hence, 
a man s brother s children are counted as his own children, and his sister s 
children are nephews and nieces. On the other hand, a woman s sister s 
children are counted by her as children, while Her brother s children are 
nephews and nieces. 1 These same distinctions are carried down through 
the venerations. In this circle intermarriages are not allowed by Dakota 
custom. This is the gens, but there is lacking the totem to bind them to 
gether. The real foundation for the totemic system exists among the Da 
kota as well as the Iroquois, in the names of men often being taken from 
mythical animals, but the system was never carried to perfection. Some 
times indeed a village was called through generations after the chief of the 
clan, as Black Dog s, Little Crow s, etc, 

THE PHRATRY. 

Among the eastern Dakota the Phratry was never a permanent organi 
zation, but resorted to on special occasions and for various purposes, such 



as war or buffalo hunting. 



THE TIYOTIPI. 



The exponent of the Phratry was the "Tiyotipi" or Soldiers Lodge. 
Its meaning is the " Lodge of Lodges." There were placed the bundles of 
black and red sticks of the soldiers. There the soldiers gathered to talk 
and smoke and feast. There the laws of the encampment were enacted, 

See Kinship System of the Omaha in 3d Ann. Rept. of the Director, Bur. Eth., pp. 252-258. .1. o .n. 

195 



196 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

and from thence they were published by the camp crier. It is said that 
in the camps of the Prairie Dakota, the real buffalo hunters, the Soldiers 
Lodge was pitched in the center of th circular encampment. This area 
was Called ho-co-ka; and the gateway of th& camp, which was always left 
at the front end, was called ho-a-na-pa. The encampment was then in the 
form of a horseshoe, or, more properly, in the form of the horns of a buf 
falo cow, which turn inward toward each other. The ends of the horns 
were called " Hun-kpa," from he," a horn] and " irjkpa," small end. Hence 
those camping at these ends of the hori^s would be called " Huijkpa-tina." 
And hence the name of two of the geutes, which have developed into larger 
clans of the Dakota Nation, viz., the Huijkpatina and the Huijkpapa. 

While, within the historical period, no political organization has been 
known to exist over the whole Dakota Nation, the traditional alliance of 
the " Seven Council Fires " is perpetuated in the common name Dakota. 

FELOWHOOD. 

One of the customs of the olden time, which was potent both for good 
and for evil, and which f s going into desuetude, was that of fellowhood. 
Scarcely a Dakota young man could be found who had not some special 
friend or Koda. This was an arrangement of giving themselves to each 
other, of the David and Jonathan kind. They exchanged bows, or guns, 
or blankets sometimes the entire equipment. In rare cases they exchanged 
wives. What one asked of the other he gave him ; nothing could be de 
nied. This arrangement was often a real affection, sometimes fading out 
as the years pass by, but often lasting to old age. 

In order to exhibit properly and as fully as may be Dakota national 
and individual life, I will here introduce a pen picture of a very prominent 
man of the last generation. 

STANDING BUFFALO. 

In connection with Standing Buffalo, the last great chieftain of the 
Sisseton Dakota, will be found a description of the "Tiyotipi," already 
referred to. 

Ta-tan-ka-na-zirj, or Standing Buffalo, was the son of The Orphan, and 
hereditary chief of quite a large clan of Sisseton Dakota. Their planting 
place, before the outbreak in 1862, was in that rich and beautiful valley 
which lies between the head of Lake Traverse, whose waters communicate 
with the Red River of the North and Big Stone Lake, through which the 



GENS AND PHKATRY OF THE DAKOTA. 197 

Minnesota River runs to the Mississippi. Through this isthmus, between 
the two lakes, now known as Brown s Valley, the Minnesota, as it comes 
down in small streams out of the Coteau, winds its way. 

As soon as Standing Buffalo had come to man s estate, or when he was 
probably about twenty-five years old, the father abdicated his chieftainship 
in favor of his son. Henceforth he wore his father s medals, carried his 
father s papers, and was the recognized chief of his father s people. As 
already stated, the Dakota custom is that the rank and title of chief descend 
from father to son unless some other near relative is ambitious and influential 
enough to obtain the place. The same is claimed also in regard to the rank 
of soldier or brave, but this position is more dependent on personal bravery. 

At the time of the outbreak Standing Buffalo was a man in middle life. 
He was tall and well-featured rather a splendid looking Dakota. Pre 
vious to 1852 he and his people received no annuities, but raised a good deal 
of corn. Still they depended chiefly, &oth for food and clothing, on the 
buffalo, and much of the year they spent in the chase. 

Although congregating in vast herds on the great prairies and moving 
in certain directions with a grfeat deal of apparent force, the buffalo are 
nevertheless easily driven away. And hence the Indians find it necessary 
to protect the hunt by regulations which must be enforced. In this neces 
sity probably originated the Ti-yo-ti-pi, or so-called Soldiers Lodge, which 
is both the hall of legislation and the great feasting place. 

Some patriotic woman vacates her good skin tent and goes into a 
poorer one that she may furnish the braves with a fitting place for their as 
semblies. This tipi is then pitched in some central place, or in the gate 
way of the circle, and the women take delight in furnishing it with wood 
and water and the best of the meat that is brought into camp, for every 
good deed done for this Soldiers Lodge is proclaimed abroad by the crier 
or eyanpaha. 

A good fire is blazing inside and we may just lift up the skin door and 
crawl in. Towards the rear of the tent, but near enough the fire for con 
venient use, is a large pipe placed by the symbols of power. There are 
two bundles of shaved sticks about 6 inches long. The sticks in one bun 
dle are painted black and in the other red. The black bundle represents 
the real men of the camp those who have made their mark on the war 
path. The red bundle represents the boys and such men as wear no eagle 
feathers. Around this fire they gather together to smoke. Here they dis 
cuss all questions pertaining to the buffalo hunt and the removal of camp ; 



HIS DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

ill short, all public interests. From these headquarters they send out from 
time to time runners, who bring- back information of the whereabouts of the 
bison herds. From this lodge goes out the camp crier, who makes procla 
mation of the time and place of the buffalo surround. And from this same 
central place of power go forth the young men who are commissioned to 
cut up the tent and the blankets, or break the gun and kill the horse of one 
who has transgressed the laws of the Ti-yo-ti-pi. And when the hunt of 
the day is past, and the buffalo meat brought in, the breast or some nice 
piece is roasted or boiled here, and the young men gather to eat and smoke 
and sing and tell over the exploits of the day. It will not then surprise 
any one to know that this Soldiers Lodge became the central force in the 
outbreak of 1862. 

In the summer before the outbreak took place, there was quite a trou 
ble at the Yellow Medicine. The payment was promised to these annuity 
Indians when the strawberries were ripe, that is the last of June or the first 
of July of each year. This season the Sisseton came down earlier perhaps 
than usual, and the annuity money and goods were delayed much beyond 
time. About 4,000 Indians were gathered at the Yellow Medicine, where 
they waited about six weeks. The small amount of provisions on hand 
Agent Gralbraith wished to keep until the time of making the payment. 
The corn and potatoes planted by Indians living in the neighborhood had 
not yet matured. Consequently this multitude of men, women, and chil 
dren were for more than a month on the borders of starvation. Some flour 
was obtained from traders, and the agent gave them small quantities; they 
gathered some berries in the woods and occasionally obtained a few ducks. 
But by all these means they scarcely kept starvation off. They said the 
children cried for something to eat. 

Standing Buffalo was the principal chief of these northern Indians. 
They were encamped in a large circle on the prairie immediately west of 
the agency. It was now along in the first days of August. Hunger pressed 
upon them. They knew there was flour in the warehouse which had been 
purchased for them. It would not be wrong for them to take it in their 
present necessitous circumstances. Thus they reasoned; and although a 
detachment of soldiers from Fort Ridgeley had their camp near the ware 
house, the Indians planned to break in and help themselves. 

So it was, on a certain day, the men came down to the agency five or 
six hundred strong and surrounded the soldiers camp. The white people 
thought they had come to dance; but while they stood around in great 



G-ENS AND PHRATRY OF THE DAKOTA. 199 

numbers, a selected tew broke in the door of the warehouse with axes and 
carried out a large quantity of flour and pork. To this the attention of 
Agent Galbraith was immediately called, who made an ineffectual effort to 
have it carried back. The howitzer was turned towards the Indians and 
there was a prospect of a collision, but the numbers were so disproportion 
ate that it was judged best to avoid it. Scarcely had they reached their 
own camp when those four hundred tents were struck, and all removed off 
to a distance of 2 or 3 miles. That was supposed to mean war. 

The next morning the writer visited the agency, having heard some 
thing of the trouble. When I met the agent he said, "Mr. Riggs, if there 
is anything between the lids of the Bible that will help us out of this diffi 
culty, I wish you would use it." I said I would try, and immediately drove 
up to Standing Buffalo s camp. I represented to him the necessity of having 
this difficulty settled. However perfect they might regard their right to the 
provisions they had taken, the Government would not be willing to treat 
them kindly until the affair was arranged. The breaking in of the ware 
house was regarded as a great offense. 

He promised to gather the chief men immediately and talk the thing 
over and come down to the agency as soon as possible. 

It was afternoon when about fifty of the principal men gathered on the 
agent s porch. They said they were sorry the thing had taken place, but 
they could not restrain the young men, so great was the pressure of hunger 
in the camp. They wished, moreover, the agent to repair the broken door 
at their expense. Some of the young men who broke it down were present, 
but they did not want to have them punished. It was rather a lame justi 
fication, but Agent Galbraith considered it best to accept of it and to give 
them some more provisions, on condition that they would return immedi 
ately to their planting places at Big Stone Lake and Lake Traverse. This 
he desired them to do because the time when the payment could be made 
was unknown to him and their own corn patches would soon need watching. 
Standing Buffalo and his brother chiefs accepted the conditions, and in a 
couple of days the northern cainp had disappeared. 

Four or five weeks after this, these warriors came down again to the 
Yellow Medicine and the Red Wood ; but it was not to meet the agent or 
any white people, but to see Little Crow and the hostile Indians and ascer 
tain whereunto the rebellion would grow. It is reported that, on this occa 
sion, Standing Buffalo told Little Crow that, having commenced hostilities 
with the whites, he must fight it out without help from him; and that, failing 



200 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS,. AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

to make himself master of the situation, he should not flee through the 
country of the Sisseton. 

But although as a whole these northern Dakota refused to go into the 
rebellion with the Santee, it is very certain that quite a number of their 
young men joined in the raids made upon the white settlements; and more 
over, the attack upon Fort Abercrombie, at which several hundred Dakota 
warriors were said to have been present, must have been made almost 
entirely by these same Sisseton. 

In the autumn which followed they all fled to the Upper Missouri 
country or into the Queen s dominions. It was reported soon after that 
Standing Buffalo had gone on the warpath and was killed. 

THE TIYOTIPI. 

(Translated from M. Kenville a Dakota version.] 

When Indians would hunt the buifalo, they do it in this way: When 
ever they hear that there are buffalo, they look out a young man and ask 
him for his tent. If he consents, then no woman or child is allowed in the 
tent ; men alone go into it. And so the man whose the tent is is called 
Tiyoti, and is the master in it. 

Then also they do in this way: They shave out small round sticks all 
of the same length, and paint them red, and they are given out to the men. 
These are to constitute the Tiyotipi. This done, they choose four men 
whom they make the chiefs, who make all the arrangements. Also one 
who is called Eyanpaha (crier), who makes proclamation of everything 
that is determined on. In addition to these, they select two young men 
who are called Touchers. These attend to all the provisions that are 
brought to the Tiyotipi. 

Then, of all the painted sticks that wei-e given around, not one is brought 
in empty. When one is to be brought to the Tiyotipi, food is brought 
with it. And when these are all brought in, they are tied in a bundle. In 
the back part of the tent, by the fire, the ground is carefully cleaned off, 
and a pipe and a pipe rammer and incense leaves are all brought and placed 
together. 

These are all completed in this way and then about two young men 
are selected, and the pipe is filled and passed to them, which is done by the 
Eyanpaha. When this ceremony is finished they are sent out into that part 
of the country in which they heard the buffalo were. Hence they are 



(JENS AND PHRATRY OF THE DAKOTA. 201 

called Wakcarjya and also Wayeya, that is One-who-finds-out, and also 
One Sent. 

Whither they were sent they go, and when they know the buffalo are 
there, they return to camp. When they come near they run, and by this 
it is known that they are bringing tidings. Thus they come directly to the 
Tiyotipi, which is already filled with those who want to hear. Then in the 
back part of the tent, which has been made sacred, where the pipe and the 
tobacco are, there the Eyarjpaha fills the pipe and puts it to their mouths. 
Then privately they tell the news to the P^yarjpaha, who says, "Hayen, 
hayen," and spreads his hands out to the earth. All in the tent do the same, 
and then the news is told openly. The Kyarjpaha then goes out and makes 
proclamation to the whole cam]). But this he does in a somewhat different 
style: "When a boy comes home to me from another place, and brings me 
word of so many large pieces of buffalo meat, let every ghost in all your 
families hear it; so far on the other side the earth is not visible, they say." 
While he cries this through the camp, all who are able whistle, which they 
do for joy. 

When the Eyavjpaha has returned to the Tiyotipi, then the four 
masters of the assembly consider and determine when they will go on the 
hunt. This being determined, the Eyarjpaha again makes proclamation to 
all the people. This is what he says: "Bind on your saddle, for a piece 
of a day I will kill valuable children." Then all get themselves ready 
and they start out together. 

Only the four chief men give the commands. When they come near 
to the buffalo, the party is divided and the approach is made from both 
sides. This is done whether there be one herd or two. They go on both 
sides. It is determined to conduct the chase in a proper manner. But if 
in doing this one side gets in a hurry and drives off the game, then their 
blankets and even their tents are cut to pieces. This they call "soldier 
killing." 

When they come home from the buffalo chase, all who can bring fresh 
meat to the Tiyotipi. Then the Touchers cook it, When it is cooked they 
cut off some pieces and put in the mouths of the four chief men, and then 
they all eat as they please. In the meantime the Eyarjpaha stands outside 
and praises those who brought the meat. 

The summing up of the whole is this: The back part of the Tiyotipi, 
near the fire, is cleared off carefully; and there are placed two grass fenders, 
about a foot long each, on which the pipe is laid. The pipe is never laid 



202 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

back after the common custom. Also they shave a round stick, sharpening 
one end and cutting the other off square. This is driven in the ground, and 
on it, when the pipe is smoked out, they knock out the ashes. They 
always do this. Then of all the round-shaved sticks, some of which 
were painted black and some painted red, four are especially marked. 
They are the four chiefs of the Tiyotipi that were made. And these 
men are not selected at random for this place ; but men who have 
killed many enemies and are the most able, are chosen. The things 
desired are, that the chase may be conducted in the best way, that 
the people may have a plenty of food, and that everything may be done 
properly so they determined, and so they do. The ashes of the pipe are 
not emptied out carelessly, so that when they command each other, and 
give each other the pipe, it may be done only in truth. That is the reason 
for doing it. 

Also in the deer hunt they have a Tiyotipi, but in that they do not 
send out persons to reconnoiter. Nevertheless, in that also, if anyone goes 
to hunt on his own motion, they "soldier kill" him, that is, cut up his blanket 
and coat. 

These are the customs of the Otiyoti. 

Thus far the translation to which may be added some words of 
explanation. 

1. The special making of the sticks is done on the line of personal 
history. Whatever is indicated by the kind of eagle feathers a man is 
entitled to wear in his head, and by the notches in them, this is all hiero- 
glyphed on his stick in the Tiyotipi. Then these bundles of sticks are used 
for gambling. The question is, "Odd or even!" The forfeits are paid in 
meat for the Tiyotipi. 

2. The announcements of the crier show the rhythmical character of the 
language. This especially appears in the order for the hunt: 

Akii) iyakaska: 
Siceca tetiike, 
Arjpetu haqkeya, 
Ecawaliaij kta < -e. 

The saddle bind : 
Children dear, 
For half a day, 
I will kill. 



C H A P T E K IV. 
UNWRITTEN DAKOTA LAWS. 

THE FAMILY. 

In the commencement and growth of the Dakota people and language 
we may pi-operly assume that the words "a-te," father, and "i-na" and 
"liui)," mother ("nihun," thy mother, "hunku," his mother), were among the 
very first. They are short, and not capable of further analysis. "Wica," 
male, and "win" or "winna" and "winy an," female, would be the first 
words to designate the man and woman. From these would grow naturally 
the present names, wi-ca-sta, 1 or the Yankton and Teton form, "wi-ca-sa" 
(male-red), -man, and winohinca 2 (female-very), woman. There would be 
father-in-law before arandfather ; and hence we find the former designated 
by "tun-kan," 3 the shorter one, and the latter by "tuij-kan-si-na." "Tun- 
kan" is also the name of the stone god, which may indicate some kind of 
worship of ancestors. The shortest word also is found in motlirr-in-law, 
"kun" ("nikuij," thy mother-in-law, "kunku," his mother-in-law). A woman 
speaking of or to her mother-in-law and grandmother calls them both 
"uijci," making the latter sometimes diminutive "uncina." 

Some words for child should be at least as old, if not older than, father 
and mother. Accordingly we find the monosyllables "cins," son, and 
"cuns," thaif/hter, used by the parents when speaking to the children, while 
"cinca" is the common form. 

In the line of "win" being the oldest form word for woman, we have 
the Dakota man calling his wife "mitawin," my woman. The word as wife 
is not used without the affixed and suffixed pronominal particles (mi-ta-win, 
nitawin, tawicu), which would indicate property in the woman. On the 

While wica sa may mean "male red," how shall we render wida sta? Wica = uika (Cegiha), c 
male of the hitman species; and wica sa or wica 6ta = nikaci"ga ((/ egiha). a person; an Indian. J. o D. 
2 Shortened to winohc5a. 
3 Tuykaijsidar), in Santee; tunkaqsina, in Yankton; turjkansila, in Teton. 



204 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

other hand, the woman calls her husband "mihihna," my husband. The 
latter part of the word we can not analyze satisfactorily. 1 

Thus we come into the family as constituted, the man calling his 
woman "mi-ta-win," and she calling her man "mi-hihna," and each calling 
the child "cins" or "cuns," as the case may be. The taking of each 
other makes each related to the family of the other. But somehow shame 
has come into the tipi, and the man is not allowed to address or to look 
towards his wife s mother, especially, and the woman is shut off from 
familiar intercourse with her husband s father and others, and etiquette pro 
hibits them from speaking the names of their relatives by marriage. This 
custom is called "wisten kiyapi," from "isteca," to be ashamed. How it 
grew is not apparent. But none of their customs is more tenacious of life 
than this. And no family law is more binding. 

THE HOUSEHOLD. 

The "tipi" is the house or living place. There is no word for home 
nearer than this. The Dakota woman owns the "tipi;" she dresses the 
skins of which the " wakeya" or shelter is made; she pitches and takes down 
the tipi, and carries it on her back oftentimes in the march. It should 
belong to her. But when it is pitched and the ground covered with dry 
grass, her man takes the place of honor, which is the back part opposite the 
door. The wife s place is on the left side as one enters, the right side as 
one sits in the back part. The children come in between the mother and 
father. The place of the grandmother or mother-in-law or aunt is the 
corner by the door opposite the woman of the house. If a man has more 
wives than one, they have separate tipis or arrange to occupy the 
different sides of one. When a daughter marries, if she remains in her 
mother s tipi, the place for herself and husband is on the side opposite 
the mother, and back near the "catku," the place of honor. The same 
place is allotted to her in her husband s mother s tent. The back part of 
the tent, the most honorable place, and the one usually occupied bv the 
father, is given to a stranger visitor. 

Mr. Dorsey is right, undoubtedly, in regarding "hna" as the root, or at least one root, of 
"mi-hi-hna, my husband, "hi-hna-ku," tier husband. And the meaning of it is rather that of placing 
than of deceiving, relating it to "ohnaka" to place in, as if in the woman s family, rather than with 
"hnayan," to deceive. But what account shall we make of the "hi," or "hin," as many Dakotas per 
sist in writing it? Does that mean liair. and so send the word hack to an indelicate origin? Quite 
likely. s. R. R. 

Compare the Dakota tawinton, tawinya, and tawiton, "to have as his wife," used only of 
coition. See footnote ( ), i>. 207. J. o. D. 



TTNWKITTEN DAKOTA LAWS. 205 

The young man who goes to live with his wife s relatives is called 
" wicawoha," which literally means man-cached, as if the man, by so doing, 
buried himself. Mothers, who have daughters to be married, are often de 
sirous of having the sons-in-law come and live, for a while at least, with 
them, since, if the young man is a good hunter, this arrangement secures to 
them plenty of game. But on the other hand, the young man s parents are 
quite as likely to require his services and that of his wife in addition. So 
that, in this regard, there is no prevailing law. As soon as the young 
couple are able to procure a tent, and if the man is a good hunter and buf 
falo are plenty, that may be very soon, they set up for themselves. This 
usually takes place soon after their first child is born, if not before. 

COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE. 

Before proceeding farther with the laws of the family, it is proper to 
describe how it becomes a family. Grirls are sometimes taken very young, 
before they are of marriageable age, which generally happens with a man 
who has a wife already. The marriageable age is from fourteen years old 
and upward. The intercourse of young men with maidens is not always 
open and honorable, but the public sentiment of a Dakota community, 
while it does not prevent much that is illicit, makes it more or less dishoii- 
able, especially for the girl. A boy begins to feel the drawing of the other 
sex and, like the ancient Roman boys, he exercises his ingenuity in making 
a "cotarjke," or rude pipe, from the bone of a swan s wing, or from some 
species of wood, and with that he begins to call to his lady love, on the 
night air. Having gained her attention by his flute, he may sing this: 

Stealthily, secretly, see rue, 
Stealthily, secretly, see me, 
Stealthily, secretly, see me; 
Lo! thee I tenderly regard; 
Stealthily, secretly, see ine. 

Or he may commend his good qualities as a hunter by singing this 
song: 

Cling fast to me, and you 11 ever have plenty ; 

Cling fast to me, and you 11 ever have plenty ; 

Cling fast to me. 

When the family are abed and asleep, he often visits her in her mother s 
tent, or he finds her out in the grove in the daytime gathering fuel. She 
has the load of sticks made up, and when she kneels down to take it on her 



206 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

back possibly he takes her hand and helps her up, and then walks home by 
her side. Such was the custom in the olden time. Thus a mutual under 
standing is reached. He wants her and she wants him. He has seen her 
ability to supply the tipi with fuel as well as do other necessary things, 
and she has often seen him bringing to his mother s tent a back load of 
ducks, or, it may be, venison Capt. R. H. Pratt, of Carlisle school, tells a 
capital story of a Kiowa young man who, under a variety of circumstances, 
never "cared for girl." "But when Laura say she love me, then I begin 
to care for girl." 

The young man then informs his father and mother, and they approv 
ing, together with other family friends, make up the bimdlc-of-purchase. 
It may be a horse. If so, it is led by one of his friends and tied by the 
tent of the girl s parents. Or guns and blankets are contributed, which are 
carried by an aunt or other female relative, and the load is laid down at the 
tent door. It is "wo-hpa-pi," laying doivn, and the young man thus lays 
down or tenders his offer for the girl. If this is not satisfactory, either from 
the small amount or the character of the young man, the offerings are carried 
back, and the young folks have a chance to elope, unless they are restrained 
by higher considerations. 

Sometimes it happens that a young man wants a girl, and her friends 
are also quite willing, while she alone is unwilling. The purchase bundle 
is desired by her friends, and hence compulsion is resorted to. The girl 
yields and goes to be his slave, or she holds out stoutly, sometimes taking 
her own life as the alternative. Several cases of this kind have come to the 
personal knowledge of the writer. The legends of Wmona and Black Day 
Woman are standing testimonies. The comely dark-eyed Winona wanted 
to wed the successful hunter, but the brilliant warrior was forced upon her, 
and therefore she leaped from the crag on Lake Pepin, which immortalizes 
her name. For a like reason, Black-Day Woman pushed her canoe out 
into the current, above the Falls of Saint Anthony, and sang her death song 
as it passed over. These are doubtless historical events, except that the 
years are not known. 

When the offer is accepted the girl is taken by some relative to the 
tent of the buyer. In the olden time it is said the custom was that she 
rode on the back of some female friend. Thus they become man and wife, 
with the idea of property strongly impressed upon the mind of the man. 
He has purchased her, as he would do a horse, and has he not a right to 
command her. and even to beat her? The customs of his people allow it. 



UNWKITTEN DAKOTA LAWS. 207 

If she pleases him not, he may throw her away (ehpeya), for is she not his 
property? Nevertheless this was the honorable way for a girl to be taken. 
On many accounts it was better than to be stolen or taken unlawfully. 
And this custom of wife-purchase maintains its hold upon the Dakota people 
until they have made much progress in civilization. 

The difference in the pronouns used in my wife and my husband seems 
to mark the difference of the property idea. Two kinds of possession are 
indicated by the affixed possessive pronouns, one easily alienated, as in 
"mita-suijke," my horse; and the other -not transferable, as in "mi-nape," 
my hand. The man uses the first form, where possession sits lightly, as 
"mitawirj;" while the woman uses the other, "mihihna." But it must not 
be inferred from this that a Dakota woman does not often run away from 
her husband. In that case, unless he endeavors to win her back, the laws 
of his nation allow him to cut off her nose, or otherwise mutilate her for 
infidelity. 

THK JJAHY. 

The young father is away on purpose. He has gone to his own 
father s people, or perhaps on a hunt with his comrades. The mother is 
left with the older women, her own mother and other female relatives. 
Many of the middle-aged women become skillful mid-wives; and the Dakota 
women, who are healthy, have less labor at such times than women in 
more civilized communities. The baby is born, and, like the infant Saviour 
of the world, is wrapped in swaddling bands. "Hoksi" appears to be 
the root form of "ho-ksi-na," boi/? and hence to the "hoksi" is added 
"iyokopa," the board to which the child is bound, and we have the long 
descriptive name for "baby" "hoksiyokopa," and sometimes "hoksiyopa" 
and "hoksicopa." This board is shaved out nicely, and often ornamented 
in various ways, with beads and quills, having a stay board around the 



This is another instance of the necessity of observing great caution in the analysis of Indian 
words. Mitawitj hardly falls in the category to which mitasnnke belongs. It is better, for several 
reasons, not to lay too much stresi upon the derivation of mitawin from inita, my, and win, mnnini. 
(1) We should consider all the persons of each kinship term in any one language. (2) We should 
compare the Dakota terms with the corresponding ones in cognate languages. (3) We do not find 
any kinship terms which make their possessives in initial ta, but ill final kn, cu, or tkn (see what thr 
author himself shows in $ 69, b, p. 44). In Dakota we find, tahan, a (not his) brother-in-law; tahan- 
kn, Ms ditto; tahaijsi, a man s male cousin (or, my ditto); tahansi-tkn, his male, cousin; tawi-cn, his 
wife; tawii), a wife. Tawin answers to the xoiwere stem tnini, in i-tami, liis wife, where i- is the 
possessive fragment pronoun, hi* or Tier. Other xniwere kinship terms in which ta- occurs are as 
follows: i-takwa, his or her grandson; i-takwa-mi, his or her granddaughter; i-taha", his brother-in- 
law, in all of which i-, not ta-, is the sign of the possessive. J. o. i>. 

-Hoksidai) inSantee; hoksina in Yanktom ; hoksila in Teton. The initial ho answers to to, 
etc., of the cognate languages. J. o. n. 



208 DAKOTA GKAMMAK, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

foot, and a strap board or handle standing out over the head of the child, 
which serves both for protection and to tie the mother s strap to. In this 
nicely arranged cradle, which is often hung up in the daytime, the baby 
has his home for the most part, being taken out at night, and at other 
times when needing care. So it grows, crying sometimes as other babies 
do, but needing and receiving much less care than a civilized child. In 
the meantime the mother has, perhaps on the first day, or if not on that day 
very soon after, gone to the stream or lake and washed away her unclean- 
ness. If it is winter she cuts a hole in the ice to do it. When they begin 
to take on civilized habits, the Dakota women find they can not continue to 
follow the customs of their grandmothers. 

What will they call the baby? If it be a little girl, and is the first 
born, then it inherits the beautiful name of Winona. When the second 
child comes, if that is a girl, it is called "Ha -paij;" the third, "Ha -pi- 
stinna;" the fourth, "Wanske;" and the fifth, "Wi-hake." Some of these 
names are said not to be used by the Sioux on the Missouri. On the other 
hand, if the first born is a boy, his inherited name is "Caske," and the 
second child, if a boy, will be called "He-paij:" and the third, "He-pi;" 
and the fourth, Ca-tan;" and the fifth, "Ha-ke." Some children have no 
other names giveft them, and wear these alone when they are grown up. 
But if all families were content with this limited circle, much confusion 
would exist, especially as they have no family name. Hence the necessity 
of giving other names. This is done often by the father, and sometimes by 
some relative of consideration. Frequently a feast is made by the father 
to mark the occasion, and the child s ears are bored that it ma} wear 
ornaments. 

Girls names generally terminate in "wiij" or "whjna," but not always. 
I recall a family of girls who were named "Aijpao," Morning, "Ahiyaijke- 
wiy," Woman Come-to-stay, "Mahpi-whjna," Cloud Woman, "Haijyetu-ku-whj," 
Coming Night Woman, etc. But the boys, either in their childhood or when 
they are grown, receive the imposing and honorable names of ancestors, 
as, Gray Bear, Standing Buffalo, Standing Soldier, The Orphan, Burning 
Earth, etc. Oftentimes new names are given when young men signalize 
themselves in war or otherwise. Then there is feasting, music, and dancing. 



Cll 1 1.1) LIFE. 



The children have now come into the family. How will they grow 
upf What shall they be taught? Who Shall be their teachers ? What the 



UNWRITTEN DAKOTA LAWS. 201 > 

father and mother do they will do. What the father and mother know they 
will know. What the father and mother are they will be. One can hardly 
say there is much government in a Dakota family. Children are scolded 
often, they are pushed, or shoved, or shaken sometimes, and they are 
whipped rarely. They are petted and indulged a good deal, but not more 
than children in civilized lands. But somehow or other, with exceptions, 
they manage to grow up affectionate and kind, the pride of father and 
mother. The love of the parents has wrought this. Not unfrequently the 
grandfather and grandmother are the principal teachers. 

TRAINING OF THE BOY. 

The old man sits in the tipi and shaves out a bow and arrow for the 
little boy. In the mean time he tells him stories of history and war. The 
boy s father, it may be, has been killed by the enemy. The grandfather 
tells the story over and over again. It burns itself into the boy s heart. 
It becomes the aninms of his life. He shoots his first bird and brings it 
into the tent. He is praised for that. "When you become a man you 
must kill an enemy," the old man says. "Yes; I will kill an enemy," is the 
boy s reply. He dreams over it. He witnesses the "Scalp Dance" and the 
"No Flight Dance" in his village. His heart is growing strong. When lie 
is fifteen or sixteen he joins the first war party and comes back with an 
eagle feather in his head, if so be he is not killed and scalped by the enemy. 
All this is education. Then there are foot racings, and horse racings, and 
ball playing, and duck hunting, and deer hunting, or it may be the whole 
village goes on a buffalo chase. 

These are the schools in which the Dakota boy is educated. In the 
long winter evenings, while the fire burns brightly in the center of the lodge 
and the men are gathered in to smoke, he hears the folk lore and legends 
of his people from the lips of the older men. He learns to sing the love 
songs and the war songs of the generations gone by. There is no new 
path for him to tread, but he follows in the old ways. He becomes a 
Dakota of the Dakota. His armor is consecrated by sacrifices and offerings 
and vows. He sacrifices and prays to the stone god, and learns to hold up 
the pipe to the so-called Great Spirit. He is killed and made alive again, 
and thus is initiated into the mysteries and promises of the Mystery Dance. 
He becomes a successful hunter and warrior, and what he does not know 
is not worth knowing for a Dakota. His education is finished. If he has 
7105 VOL ix 14 



210 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

not already done it, he can now demand the hand of one of the beautiful 



maidens of the village. 



TRAINING OP THE GIRL. 



Under the special care and tuition of the mother and grandmother and 
other female relatives the little girl grows up into the performance of the 
duties of tent life. She plays with her "made child," or doll, just as children 
in other lands do. Very soon she learns to take care of the baby ; to watch 
over it in the lodge, or carry it on her back, while the mother is away for 
wood or dressing buffalo robes. Little girl as she is, she is sent to the 
brook or lake for water. She has her little workbag with awl and sinew, 
and learns to make small moccasins as her mother makes large ones. Some 
times she goes with her mother to the wood and brings home her little bun 
dle of sticks. When the camp moves she has her small pack as her mother 
carries the larger one, and this pack is sure to grow larger as her years in 
crease. When^the corn is planting, the little girl has her part to perform. 
If she can not use the hoe yet, she can at least gather off the old cornstalks. 
Then the garden is to be watched while the god-given maize is growing 
And when the harvesting comes, the little girl is glad for the corn roasting. 
So she grows. She learns to work with beads and porcupine quills and to 
embroider with ribbons. She becomes skilled in the use of vermilion and 
other paints. A stripe of red adorns her hair and red and yellow spots are 
over her eyebrows and on her cheeks. Her instincts teach her the arts of 
personal adornment. She puts cheap rings on her fingers and tin dangles 
in her ears and strands of beads around her neck. Quite likely a young 
man comes around and adds to her charms as he sings: 

Wear this. I say; 
Wear this, I say; 
Wear this, I say; 
This little finger ring, 
Wear this, I say. 

Thus our Dakota girl becomes skilled in the art of attracting the young 
men, while she is ambitious in the line of carrying bundles as well as in 
cooking venison. In all these ways she is educated to be a woman among 
Dakota women. It is a hard lot and a hard life, but she knows 110 other. 

WHEN DEATH GOMES. 

Ill the wild life of the Dakota the birth rate exceeded the death rate. 
So that, without doubt, notwithstanding famines sometimes and pestilences. 



UNWRITTEN DAKOTA LAWS. 211 

and wars, the Dakota nation has increased for the last two hundred years. 
This has bean proved true within the last few decades at villages where 
actual count has been made. But in their entering upon the habits and 
environments of civilization, it is usually found that a wave of death goes 
over the people. They do not know how to live in the changed conditions, 
and the death rate is fearfully increased. "We die, we all die, we are con 
sumed with dying," is the sad refrain of many a Dakota family. 

Living much in the outdoors and within airv tipis, and subsisting 
on wild meats and such roots and fruits as they could gather, the children 
usually lived. But, nevertheless, even then death came. The baby in the 
mother s arms or strapped to her back sickened; or the little boy or girl 
occasionally succumbed under the hardships and privations; or the mother 
was taken with insidious consumption. The young father, it may be, ran 
too long and hard after that deer ; he never ran again, but sickened and 
died. Then the old and the blind and the lame passed away, because they 
had reached the limits of life. So death comes to Indian tipis as to 
white men s hovels and palaces. But it is no more welcome in the one 
case than in the other. The Dakota mother loves her infant as well as the 
white woman her baby. When the spirit takes its flight a wild howl goes 
up from the tent. The baby form is then wrapped in the best buffalo calf 
skin or the nicest red blanket and laid away on a scaffold or on the branch 
of some tree. Thither the mother goes with disheveled hair and the oldest 
clothes of sorrow for she lias given away the better ones and wails out 
her anguish, in the twilight, often abiding out far into the cold night. The 
nice kettle of hominy is prepared and carried to the place where the spirit 
is supposed to hover still. When it has remained sufficiently long for the 
wanagi to inhale the ambrosia, the little children of the village are invited * 
to eat up the remainder. 

But let us take another case. A young man is lying sick in yonder 
tent. He has been the best hunter in the village. Many a time he has 
come in carrying one, two, or more deer on his back, and has been met and 
relieved of his burden by his wife or mother. The old men have praised 
him as swifter than the antelope, while they have feasted on his venison. 
But now some spirit of wolf or bear has come into him. and caused this 
sickness. The doctors of the village or conjurers are tried, one after 
another. The blankets, the gun, and the horse have all been given to 
secure the best skill ; but it is all in vain ; the hunter dies. The last act 
of the conjurer is to sing a song to conduct the spirit over the wanagi 



212 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

tacarjku, the spirifs road, as the milky way is called. The friends are in 
consolable. They give away their good clothes, and go into mourning 
with ragged clothes and bare feet, and ashes on their heads. Both within 
the lodge and without there is a great wailing. Micinksi, micirjksi, ///// 
son, my son, is the lamentation in Dakota land, as it was in the land of 
Israel. 

The departed is wrapped in the most beautifully painted buffalo robe 
or the newest red or blue blanket. Dakota custom does not keep the dead 
long in the tipi, Young men are called and feasted, whose duty it is to 
carry it away and place it on a scaffold, or, as in more recent times, to bury 
it. The custom of burial, however, soon after death was not the Dakota 
custom. It would interfere with their idea that the spirit had not yet 
bidden a final farewell to the body. Therefore the laying up on a scaffold 
which was erected on some mound, where it would have a good view of 
the surrounding country. After a while the bones could be gathered up 
and buried in the mound and an additional quantity of earth carried up to 
cover it. This is partly the explanation of burial mounds made since the 
period of the mound-builders. 

Thus the lodge is made desolate. It must be taken down and pitched 
in a new place. The young wife cries and cuts her flesh. The mother and 
other female relatives wail out their heart sadness on the night air. The 
father, the old man, leans more heavily on his staff as he goes on to the 
time of his departure. The brothers or cousins are seen wending their 
way, in the afternoon, to the place of the dead, to lay down a brace of 
ducks and to offer a prayer. A near relative makes up a war party. The 
feathers and other ornament, together with the clothing of the young man, 
are taken by this company on the warpath and divided among themselves 
in the country of their enemies. This is honoring the dead. If they suc 
ceed in bringing home scalps their sorrow is turned into joy. For will not 
this make glad the spirit of the departed? So, then, this will be gladness to 
the dead and glory to the living. The young men and maidens dance 
around the war trophies until the leaves come out in the spring or until 
they fall off in the autumn. 1 

THE SPIRIT- WORLD. 

If sorrow brings mankind into a common kinship, a white man may 
understand something of an Indian s feelings as he stands by the side of his 

For Tetou burial customs, etc., see "Teton Folk-lore," translated by the editor and published 
in the Amer. Anthropologist for April, 1889, pp. 144-148. J. o. i>. 



UNWRITTEN DAKOTA LAWS. 213 

dead and looks over into the land of spirits. What has gone? And whither 
has it gone I The belief of the Dakotas in the existence of spirit is deeply 
inwrought into their language. The "nagi," or shadow, in the concrete 
form, meaning primarily the shade or shadoiv made by any material thing in 
the sunlight, is used to indicate the human soul or spirit, as well as the 
spirit of all living beings. It is, moreover, put into the abstract form as 
"wanagi," and also into the human absolute., "wica-nagi," human spirit. 
They speak also of the "wanagi tipi," house of spirits, and say of one who 
has died, "wanagiyata iyaya," gone to the spirit land. And the road over 
which it passes is called "wanagi tacaijku," spirit s path. The war prophet 
also, in his incantations, sings: 

I have cast in here a soul; 

I have cast in here a soul; 

I have cast in here a buffalo soul; 

I have cast in here a soul. 

In the sacred language of conjuring man is designated by the "mythic 
buffalo." 

Thus we have abundant evidence, in the language and customs of the 
people, of the common belief of the nation in the existence of spirits. But 
having- said that, there is little more that can be said. The vista is dark 

~ 

No light shines upon the path. But looking out, into this dark avenue, the 
sad heart of the Dakota sings a song for the dead. Take this mourning 
song of Black-Boy for his grandson as a specimen. The object appears to 
be that of introducing the freed spirit of the child to his comrades in the 
world of spirits. 

"The unearthliness of the scene," says Mr. Pond, "can not be de 
scribed, as, in the twilight of the morning, while the mother of the deceased 
boy, whose name was Makadutawiij, Red-Earth-Woman, was wailing in a 
manner which would excite the sympathies of the hardest heart, Hoksidaij- 
sapa, Bliwk-boy, standing on the brow of a hill, addressed himself to the 
ghostly inhabitants of the spirit-world, in ghostly notes, as follows: 

"Friend, pause and look this way; 
Friend, pause and look this way; 
Friend, pause and look this way; 

Say ye, 
A grandson of Black-boy is coining." 



C H A P T E R V. 

THE SUPERHUMAN. 

The existence of spirits and the necessity for the superhuman are facts 
fully recognized by the Dakota*. The unknown and unknowable form a 
broad belt in which hinnbuggery can be practiced by the Dakotas as well 
as other nationsoThe powers are evil. The lightning strikes suddenly 
and kills. The thunder god is angry and merciless. The north god 
sweeps down upon them with terrible snow storms, and buries their 
encampments, killing their ponies, and making buffalo hunting impossible. 
Or in the spring floods, the Uyktelii, or god of the waters, is malignant and 
kills now and then a man or a child. And all through the year the demon 
spirits of the wolf and the bear and the lynx and the owl and the snake are 
doing their mischievous work, scattering disease and death everywhere. 
Who shall cope with these evil-minded powers ? How shall deliverance 
come to the people? Will not fasting and praying and self-inflicted suffer 
ing bring the needed power? To the Dakota thought this is surely among 
the possibilities. Hence, naturally, grows up the wakaij man, or the so- 
called "medicine man." His applied power and skill are denominated 
renewing ov fixing orer "wapiyapi;" and the man is called a rcttcircr. He 
works rather by magic than by medicine. His singing, and rattling the 
gourd shell, and sucking the place where the pain is, are all for the purpose 
of driving out the evil spirits. It is a battle of spirits. The greater a man s 
spirit power is the more successful he is as a doctor. And the secret of 
spirit power is the alliance with other spirits. Hence the efficacy of fasting 
and praying. Praying is "crying to." Hence also the augmented power 
obtained in the Sun Dance. The singing, the back cuttings, the thongs, 
the buffalo head, the dancing unto entire exhaustion, all these bring one 
into the realm of the spirits. Also the experiences in passing through the 
death and the resurrection of the Mystery Dance must bring added super- 
Imman power. Still more, the vision seeking, the fasting, the prayer to the 
night winds, the standing on a mound where men have been buried, or 
getting down into a hole nearer the bones, this will surely bring communi- 

214 



THE SUPERHUMAN. 215 

cations from the spirit world. Thus, armed by all these experiences and 
aids, the man becomes a wicasta wakarj indeed, a man of mystery, a healer 
of diseases, a war-prophet and a leader on the war-path. 

The conjuring, the powwowing, that is, the magic of the healing art, 
m;iv always have called to its aid, in some small degree, a knowledge and 
use of barks and roots and herbs. But as the magic declined the use of 
roots and medicines increased, so that the doctor comes to be designated 
Pezihuta wicasta, the Grasx Root Man. As the knowledge of letters and 
Christianity have come in, their faith in vision seeking and necromancy 
has been undermined and the power, they say, has departed. 

The Dakota beliefs in regard to diseases, and the common way of 
treating them, as well as the progress of thought, and change of practice, 
consequent upon the introduction of Christianity, will be well illustrated in 
the following sketch of a full blood Dakota man, who was a member of the 
Presbyterian General Assembly of 1880, and who before that body made 
a speech on Indian rights in the capitol of Wisconsin. 

EHNA-MANI. 

The "One who walks through," as his name means, is now a man of 
fifty winters or more and the pastor of the Pilgrim Church at the Santee 
Agency, in Knox County, Nebraska. He was born at Red Wing on 
on the Mississippi, which place the Dakotas called He-mini-car) liill- 
troter-irood thus finely describing the hill, standing so close to the water, 
with its river side covered with trees. 

At his baptism Ehna-mani was called Artemas. Tall and athletic, en 
ergetic and swift of foot, as a young man, he appears to have made his 
mark on the war path, in the deer hunt, on the ball ground, and in the 
dancing circles. Even now he can sing more Dakota songs of love, war 
songs, and songs of the sacred mysteries, than any other man I have seen. 
During last summer I journeyed with Artemas and others, on horseback, 
many hundred miles up the Missouri River, and across to Fort Wadsworth 
and Minnesota, and often beguiled the tedious prairie rides with listening 
to these songs, hearing his explanation of the enigmatical words, and then 
stopping my pony to note them down. 

Because of the light that came through the increasing intercourse of 
the Dakotas with white people, the father of Artemas was afraid he might 
be induced to forsake the religion of his ancestors, and so made him 
promise that, while he had his children educated in the civilization and 



DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

Christianity brought to them by the missionaries, he himself would be true 
to his ancestral faith. Under all ordinary providences, Artemas thinks he 
should have so lived and died. 

But when the trouble came in 1862, he found himself at the ferry, 
without gun or war-club, when Captain Marsh s men were fired upon and 
nearly half of them killed, and because he too was wounded there, he was 
imprisoned. This change of circumstances produced a change of life. 
With the younger men he learned to read and write, became a Christian, 
and was elected elder or leader of the Red Wing class, while in prison at 
Davenport, Iowa. This place he filled with great credit to himself and 
profit to others. 

It was during the last winter of their imprisonment that the question 
of conjuring came before them in its moral and religious aspects. Will 
Christianity grapple successfully with the customs of the fathers! Will it 
modify or abolish this system of Dakota conjuring ? 

Among all the nations of men disease and death are common. Heathens 
die as fast as Christians, perhaps faster. And when sickness comes into a 
family it would be inhuman not to make some efforts to alleviate and cure. 
This feeling belongs to our humanity. It is greatly influenced and shaped, 
but not created, by the Christian religion. 

Among the Dakotas, and probably all Indian tribes, the method of 
treating the sick is that known to us as powwowing or conjuring. Disease, 
they say, comes from the spirit world. The gods are offended by acts of 
omission or commission, and the result is that some spirit of animal, bird, 
or reptile is sent, by way of punishment, and the man is taken sick. The 
process of recovering must accord with the theory of disease. It will not 
be met by roots and herbs, but by incantations. Hence the Indian doctor 
must be a wakarj man ; that is, he must be inhabited by spiritual power 
which will enable him to deliver others from the power of spirits. The 
process includes chants and prayers and the rattling of the sacred gourd 
shell. 

From the commencement of the Dakota mission we had never taken 
any fancy to powwowing. It seemed to us that such terrible screeching, 
groaning, singing, rattling, and sucking would make a well man sick rather 
than a sick man well. This was education. An Indian did not think so. 
But, soberly, we thought it was not a civilized and Christian way of ap 
proaching a sick person. 



THE SUPERHUMAN. 217 

We had also an opinion about it as wrong and wicked thus to come 
in contact with the evil spirits over the suffering body of one sick. Hence 
Dr. Williamson always refused to practice medicine in a case where the 
conjurer was also employed. And it had been generally understood that 
we regarded the Dakota method of treating the sick as inconsistent with a 
profession of Christianity. Still the question could not be considered as 
settled. 

In October of 1865 it came up for discussion and settlement in the 
prison on this wise: During the previous summer, when no missionary was 
with them, a number of men had yielded to various temptations. Some 
had drunk beer, and perhaps something stronger, to an extent that they 
could hardly be sober. Some had been persuaded and hired by white men 
to dance an Indian dance, and others had either powwowed or been the 
subjects of the powwow. 

In the adjustment of these cases, one man admitted that he had prac 
ticed as a Dakota conjurer, and claimed that it was right. His fathers 
practiced in this way, and were often successful in healing the sick. He 
grew up in this system of doctoring, and had also practiced it with success. 
He was not skilled in any other mode of treating disease. The white 
people had their medicine men. No one was willing to see a friend die 
without making some efforts to prolong his life. It was merciful, it was 
right. Jesus Christ when on earth healed the sick and cast out devils. 

Besides, they the prisoners were in peculiar circumstances. More 
than one hundred had died since their first imprisonment, And the white 
doctor, who was appointed to treat their sick, cared not whether they died or 
lived. Indeed, they thought he would rather have them die. When a good 
many of them were sick and dying with smallpox, he had been heard to 
sny that his Dakota patients were doing very well! Thus they were 
under the necessity of endeavoring to heal their own sick, by the only 
method in which they were skillful. This was the argument. 

The missionary would not decide the case, but referred it to the 
elders Ehnamani and his brethren. After two weeks they signified that 
they were prepared to give their decision. When they were come together 
for this purpose, they were told that the Grospel of Christ molded the cus 
toms and habits of every people by whom it was received. There might 
be some wrong things in a national custom which could be eliminated, and 
the custom substantially retained. Or the custom might be so radically 
absurd and wrong, that it could not be redeemed. In that case, Christian- 



218 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

ity required its abandonment. It was for them, with their knowledge of 
the teachings of the Bible, and the requirements of Christ s religion, to 
decide on the character of this custom of their fathers. 

There were twelve elders. Very deliberately each one arose and stated 
his opinion. Two thought the circumstances were such that they could 
not altogether give up this, their ancestral method of curing disease. They 
were shut up to it. "But Artemas jnul nine others agreed in saying that 
the practice of conjuring was wrong, and inconsistent with a profession of 
the Christian religion. They said the notion entertained by the Dakotas, 
that disease was caused by spirits, they believed to be erroneous; tliat 
sickness and death, they now understand, come not out of the ground, but 
by the appointment of the Great Spirit; and that the system of conjuring 
brings men into contact with the evil spirits and tends to lead them away 
from Christ. 

This decision was regarded as a finality in the prison on that point 
and is accepted throughout the mission churches. 

When the prisoners were released, Artemas met his wife and family 
with great gladness of heart; and as soon thereafter as possible he was 
married according to the Christian form. For he said that, when a heathen 
he thought she was his wife, but the Bible had taught him that he had not 
truly taken her. 

A few months after this he was licensed to preach the gospel, and in 
the next year was ordained as one of the pastors of the Pilgrim church. 
In the autumn of 1868, he attended a large gathering of ministers at Min 
neapolis, and was cordially received by all classes of Christians. The 
Congregational and Methodist Sunday Schools were entertained with the 
story of his turning from the warpath to the "strait and narrow way;" and 
from seeking after a chaplet of eagle s feathers as the reward of prowess 
on the battlefield, to his reaching forth for the prize of the high calling in 
Christ even the crown of Life. 



CHAPTER VI. 

ARMOR AND EAGLE S FEATHERS. 

For more than two hundred years we know that the Dakota have been 
noted as the most warlike nation of the northwest. Hennep : n and his 
comrades were captured by a flotilla of canoes coming down to make war 
on the lllini and Miami of Illinois. And the reputation of good fighters 
has come down to recent times, as we know from the Ouster massacre. 
The making and keeping them a nation of warriors has, in my judgment, 
been accomplished mainly by three customs, viz: The scalp dance, the 
wearing of eagle s feathers, and consecrated armor. In their natural order 
the last comes first. 

In the ancient times the exhortation to a young man was, "Guard well 
your sacred armor ; " and that consisted of the spear, an arrow, and a bundle 
of paint, with some swan s down painted red, to which were sometimes 
added some roots for the healing of wounds. These were wrapped together 
in strips of red or blue cloth, and could be seen in pleasant days carefully 
set up outside of the lodge. These were given by an older man, who was 
believed to have power over spirits, and who had, in the act of consecra 
tion, made to inhere in them the spirit of some animal or bird, as the wolf, 
the beaver, the loon, or the eagle. Henceforth these, or rather the one 
which became each one s tutelar divinity and his armor god, were sacred 
and not to be killed or eaten until certain conditions were fulfilled. Cer 
tain customs of this kind are finely illustrated in the following personal 
narrative of 

SIMON ANAWANG-MANI. 

Simon was all that a Dakota brave could be. In his early years he 
must have been daring even to recklessness. There was in him a strong 
will, which sometimes showed itself in the form of stubbornness. His eye, 
even in a later day, showed that there had been evil, hatred, and malicious 
ness there He was a thorough Indian, and for the first dozen years of his 
manhood, or from his eighteenth to his thirtieth year, no one of his com- 

219 



220 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

rades had followed the warpath more, or reaped more glory on it, than he 
had. None had a right to wear so many eagle s feathers ; no other one was 
so much honored. 

Dakota war-honors are distributed in this manner : A party of young- 
men have gone on the warpath against the Ojibwa. They find a man 
and kill him. Five braves may share this honor and be entitled therefor 
to wear each a feather of the royal eagle. The one who shoots the enemy 
is one of the five, but is not the chief. He who runs up and first plunges 
his battle-ax or scalping knife into the foe is counted the first. Then 
others may come up and strike him and be partakers of the glory. Each 
wears for that act an eagle s feather. If it is only a woman that is killed 
and scalped, the mark of honor is only a common eagle s feather. 

There is another distinction worth noting. The only real punishment 
existing among the Dakota, having the sanction of law or immemorial 
usage comes under the name of "soldier-killing." This is carrying out the 
decrees of the braves or warriors. The shape it takes is the destruction of 
property, cutting up blankets or tents, breaking guns, or killing horses. 
But the same immemorial custom places an estoppage on this power. A 
man who has killed more enemies than anyone else in the camp can not be 
"soldier-killed" by anyone else. Or if he has killed an enemy in more 
difficult circumstances than the others, as, for instance, if he has climbed a 
tree to kill one, and no other man has performed a like feat, no one has a 
right to execute on him any decree of the "{Soldiers lodge." In this way 
he is placed above the execution of law. 

To this eminence Simon had risen. By the customs of the nation no 
one in that part of the country had a right to publicly cut up his blanket 
or tent, or break his gun, or kill his horse. This was surely an honorable 
distinction 

Another custom prevails among the Dakota which may be mentioned 
in connection with Simon. The reception of the wo-ta-we, or armor, by the 
young- man places him under certain pledges which he must, if possible, 
redeem in afterlife. It taboos or consecrates certain parts of an animal, as 
the heart, the liver, the breast, the wing, etc. Whatever part or parts are 
tabooed to him he may not eat until by killing an enemy he has removed 
the taboo. Simon had removed all taboos, and in this respect was a free 
man. His armor was purified and made sacred by the blood of his enemies. 
His manhood was established beyond all dispute. All things were lawful 
for him. 



ARMOR AND EAGLE S FEATHERS. 221 

This Dakota name, Anawarjg-mani, means "One who walks 1 gallop 
ing upon." It may have had its significance. It may have been given 
after his war exploits, and had reference to the fury with which he rushed 
upon the foe. This is a common thing. Young men distinguish themselves 
on the warpath, and come home with the scalps of their enemies. Their 
boy-names are thrown away and new names given to them. And so the 
giving and receiving of a new name was not among them a new or strange 
thing. It was a mark of distinction. Hence the desire that all had, when 
making a profession of the Christian religion, to have new names Christian 
names given them. They were to be new people. There was a fitness 
in it, for Christ had said, "I will write upon him my new name." 

At his baptism the "One who walks galloping upon" was called Simon, 
and by that name he is extensively known among white people and Indians. 
He learned to read and write in the first years of the mission at Lac-qui- 
parle, though he never became as good a scholar as many others, and he 
became a convert to Christianity about the beginning of the year 1840. 
The energy and independence which had characterized him on the hunt 
and the warpath he carried with him into his new relations. By dressing 
like a white man and going to work, he showed his faith by his works. 
This was all contrary to the customs of his people, and very soon brought 
on him a storm of opposition. He built for himself a cabin, and fenced a 
field and planted it. For this his wife s friends opposed and persecuted him. 

It is true, as already stated, no man in the village had more Dakota 
honors than he had. No one had taken more Ojibwa scalps, and no one 
could cover his head with so many eagle feathers ; and hence no one could 
"soldier-kill" him. But now he had cut off his hair and abjured his Dakota 
honors, and no one was found so poor as to do him reverence. As he 
passed through the village, going to his work, he was laughed at, and the 
children often said, "There goes the man who has made himself a woman." 
The men who before had honored him as a Dakota brave now avoided 
him and called him no more to their feasts. But those forms of opposition 
he met bravely and was made stronger thereby. 

It happened that, about the beginning of the year 1844, -Simon went 
down with his family to the then new mission station at Traverse des 
Sioux. While there he cut rails for the mission and taught as an assistant 
in the Dakota school. The Dakota men at this place, although even more 
openly opposed to the new religion than were those at Lac-qui-parle, never- 

1 That is, continues. J. O. D. 



222 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETIINOd KAI ll V. 

theless pursued a very different course with Simon. They honored him 
and invited him to their dog feasts. They praised him; told him he was ;i 
good fellow; that he had taken many Ojibwa scalps, and so they wanted 
him to drink spirit water with them. How much Simon resisted the impor 
tunities is not known. He fell. He was ashamed. He put off his white 
man s clothes and for some time was an Indian again. 

For several years his history in regard to fire water was one of sin 
ning and repenting. Again and again he was drawn away. His appetite 
for spirit water would return, and the desire to obtain horses by trading in 
it led him farther astray So we mourned sadly over his fall. He repented 
and promised reformation only to fall again; and each time he appeared to 
go down deeper than before. For years he seemed to work iniquity with 
greediness. Yet during all this time we had hope in his case. We often 
urged him to come back to the path of life; and something seemed to say, 
"Simon will yet return." Sometimes we obtained from him a promise, and 
sometimes he came to church, but was so much ashamed that he could not 
be persuaded to enter, but would sit down on the doorstep. 

Thus he came up gradually, getting more and more strength and 
courage. And so in 1854 he returned to the dress and customs of the white 
men and to his profession of love to Jesus Christ. Since that time he has 
witnessed a good confession before many witnesses as a ruling elder and 
class leader, and recently as a licensed local preacher. 

When the outbreak of 1862 occurred Simon and his family were living 
in a brick house near the Hazelwood mission station. Subsequently Little 
Crow and the whole camp of hostile Indians removed up to that part of the 
country, and they forced the Christian Indians to leave their houses, which 
were all afterwards burned. While the hostile and loyal parties were 
camped there near together on Rush Brook, Mrs. Newman, one of the cap 
tives, and her three children, came to seek food and protection in Simon s 
tipi. She had been badly treated by her captors, and now cast off to go 
whither she could. She afterwards told me that she felt safe when she 
found herself and children in a family where they prayed and sang praise 
to the Great Spirit. 

Little Crow ordered the camp to be removed from the vicinity of 
Hazelwoo.d up to the mouth of the Chippewa. At this time, when all had 
started, Simon fell behind, and leaving his own family to take care of them 
selves, he and one of his sons placed Mrs. Newman and her children in a 



ARMOR AND EAGLE S FEATHERS. 223 

little wagon and brought them safely down to Gen. Sibley s camp at Fort 
Ridgley. 

The bringing in of these and some others not only caused great glad 
ness in our camp, but gave us hope that God would enable us to rescue 
the remaining captives. Indeed, this was to us the first certain knowledge 
of that counter revolution, which was brought about by the daring and 
energy of the Christian Indians. It was the lifting up of the dark cloud of 
almost despair that had for weeks been setting down upon us. 



OHAPTEK VII. 
DAKOTA DANCES. 

The function of the dance among the Dakota may be stated as four 
fold: First, amusement; secondly, gain; thirdly, superhuman help; and, 
fourthly, worship. Two or more of these objects may be combined in one 
dance, but usually one idea is predominant. In a purely heathen Dakota 
camp there is always a great deal of drumming, some by day and more by 
night. This is a kind of practice and preparation for more important occa 
sions as well as a nightly amusement for the young men. All dances have 
musical accompaniments. 

SINGING TO. 

There is one especially, which is called "Adowarj" and " Wadowan," 
that is, Singing to or over. This is a begging dance. Sometimes it is 
called "Zitkadarj pa adowarj," Singing over the heads of birds. A man 
gathers some beautiful woodpeckers heads and sings over them to another 
person. They are a gift to that person, and, of course, the honorable deeds 
of that person are mentioned and his praises sung. In return a horse or 
something quite valuable is expected. It has been related to me that 
articles of clothing or other skins or curiously wrought pipes were, in years 
gone by, taken by the Dakota of Minnesota to the Missouri, and this cere 
mony of singing over was practiced upon the heads of a man s children, 
who, in return for the honor, gave several horses. 

BEGGING DANCE. 

But the common begging dance, which was often seen among the 
eastern Dakota forty years ago, included a variety of fashionable dances, 
all of which were made for the purpose of begging. Sometimes it was 
called the buffalo dance, when the dancers made themselves look hideous 
by wearing the horns and long hair of that animal. Doubtless women 
alone could dance a begging dance, bxit all that I ever saw were of men 
alone. Dressed in their best clothes and painted in the most approved 
styles, with all their eagle s feathers properly arranged in their heads, the 

224 



DAKOTA DANCES. 225 

men collect aud dance in a ring. Their bodies lean forward, and their knees 
are bent accordingly, and thus with a motion up and down, keeping time 
to the drum and the deer-hoof rattle, they dance and sing their almost 
monotonous song, concluding with a shout and the clapping of the mouth 
Avith the hand. Then some warrior steps out into the middle, and, with 
abundance of gesture, recites some war exploit. This is received with a 
shout, and the dance begins again. Presently, at one of these intervals, 
an old man, sitting outside, makes a speech in praise of the man or the 
people who are expected to make the presents. If the dance is made to a 
trader, he loses no time in sending out tobacco, or powder and lead, or pro 
visions, or, it may be, all together. If one Indian village is dancing to 
another village, the women hasten to bring their presents of food and cloth 
ing from the different lodges. Another dance of thanks is made, the pres 
ents are distributed, and the party breaks up or goes elsewhere. Consider 
ing that begging dances must be very demoralizing, white men have often 
been greatly to blame for encouraging them. 

XO-FLIGHT DANCK. 

In the organization of an army and its preparation for effective service 
a large amount of drill is found necessary. Something very like this, in 
its objects, is resorted to by the Dakota war captain in preparing the young 
men and boys for the warpath. It is called the "No flight dance." 1 This 
gathers in the young men who have not yet made their mark on the battle 
field, and drills them by the concerted motions of the dance, while, by the 
recital of brave deeds, their hearts are fired and made firm for the dav of 

J 

battle. The instructions given are lessons in Indian warfare. 

All this is preparatory to the war prophet s organizing a part} for the 
warpath. But before starting he must propitiate the spirits of evil and 
obtain the help of the gods. This was sought for in a variety of ways, one 
of which was by the "Yumni Wacipi," or Circle dance. 

CIRCLE DANCE. 

A preparation for this, and for god-seeking in general, was through 
the purification of the vapor bath or initipi. This finished, the wakarj man 
had a tent set for him, joined to which a circle was made of about forty 
feet in diameter, by setting sticks in the ground and wreathing them with 
willows. Four gateways were left. In the center stood a pole twenty 

1 Nupe tiiii kagapi, literally, They pretend not to flee. 

7105 VOL ix 15 






226 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

feet high, with bark images suspended at the top. Near the foot of this 
the ground was scooped out and a small willow booth made over it. At 
the entrance to this was a fire of coals, a stone painted red, and a pipe. 
When everything was thus prepared, and the night previous had been spent 
in drumming and fasting and praying, the old man came out of the tent, 
naked except a wisp of grass around his loins. He carried his drum and 
rattles. Before the painted stone he stood and trembling prayed, "Grand 
father have mercy on me!" This done, he entered the little booth and 
commenced to sing and drum. The dancers then entered the circle and 
danced around, a dozen or more at once, and all fixed up in paint and 
feathers. Three or four women followed. The men sang and the women 
answered in a kind of chorus. This continued for ten minutes perhaps, 
and they retired for a rest. The dance was resumed again and again, each 
time with an increased frenzy. When the last act was finished several men 
who had guns shot the wolf image at the top of the pole, when the old 
man gave forth his oracle, and the dance was done. 



SCAM DANCK. 



When the spirits had been propitiated and the vision had appeared, 
the leader made up his party and started for the country of the enemy. 
We will suppose they have been successful, and have obtained one or more 
scalps. They come home in triumph. This is wakte-hdipi, Jiaviny killed, 
they come Jiome. But having killed enemies, they paint themselves black 
and let their hair hang down. Before reaching their village they sit down 
on some knoll and sing a war dirge to the souls they have disembodied, 
when they are met by some of their own people and stripped of their 
clothes, which is called wayuzapi or taking-all. And their blankets may 
be taken from them on each occasion of painting the scalps red, which 
ceremony is commonly performed four times. 

Then the scalp dance commences. It is a dance of self-glorification, 
as its name, "Iwakicipi," seems to mean. A hoop 2 feet in diameter, more 
or less, with a handle several feet long, is prepared, on which the seal}) is 
stretched. The young men gather together and arrange themselves in a 
semicircle; those who participated in taking the scalp are painted black, 
and the others are daubed with red or yellow paint, according to their 
fancy; and all dance to the beat of the drum. On the other side of the 
circle stand the women, arranged in line, one of whom carries the scalp of 
the enemy. The men sing their war chants and praise the bravery and 



DAKOTA DANCES. 227 

success of those who have returned from the warpath, and the women, at 
intervals, sing an answering- chorus. As with other nations a new song is 
often made for the occasion; bnt the old ones are not forgotten. This may 
serve as a sample: 

Something: I ve killed, and I lift up my voice; 
Something I ve killed, and I lift up my voice; 
The northern buffalo I ve killed, and I lift up my voice; 
Something I ve killed, and I lift up my voice. 

The "northern buffalo" means a black bear; and the "black bear" 
means a man. The "lifting up the voice" is in mourning for the slain 
enemy. Night after night is the dance kept up by the young men and 
women, until the leaves fall, if commenced in the summer; or, if the scalp 
was brought home in the winter, until the leaves grow again. On each 
occasion of painting the scalp a whole day is spent dancing around it. 
And these days are high days days of making gifts, feasting, and general 
rejoicing. 

The influence of the scalp dance on the morality of the people is quite 
apparent. In so loose a state of society as that of the Dakotas, such fre 
quent and long-continued night meetings tend greatly to licentiousness. 
But the great wrong of the scalp dance consists in its being a crime against 
our common humanity. "If thine enemy hunger feed him, and if he 
thirst give him drink." What a contrast is the spirit of those divine words 
with the spirit of the "Iwakicipi." The eagle s feather and the scalp dance 
tended greatly to keep up the intertribal wars among the Indians. 

Since the "circle dance" and the "scalp dance" have become things 
of the past among our partly civilized Dakotas, what is called the "grass 
dance" has been revived. It is said to have derived its name from the 
custom, in ancient times, of dancing naked, or with only a wisp of grass 
about the loins. Only the men appeared in this nude state. It is a night 
dance, and regarded as extremely licentious, although now they are repre 
sented as dancing in their Indian dress or even clothed as white men. 

MYSTERY DANCE. 1 

This is a secret organization, which is entered through mysterious 
death and mysterious resurrection. As it appears to have been confined 
mainly to the eastern portion of the Dakota Nation, it is supposed to have 
been derived from some other Indians at no very remote date. The 

1 Wakaij waoipi. [See Mnmlaii feast, j>. 273, ami Wacicka dance, pp. 342-6, 3d. Ann. Kept, of the 
Director Hur. Eth J. o. n.J 



228 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

Dakofra themselves, however, claim that it was communicated to them by 
the great Unktehi or god of the waters. It is a form of religion which has 
doubtless largely supplanted older forms of worship. The badge of the 
order is the "wakay" sack, or sack of mystery. The great water god 
ordained that this should be the skin of the otter, raccoon, weasel, squirrel, 
loon, or a species of fish and of snakes. It should contain four kinds of 
medicine and represent fowls, quadrupeds, herbs, and trees. Thus grass 
roots, the bark of tree roots, swan s down, and buffalo hair are the symbols 
which are carefully preserved in the medicine sack. This combination is 
supposed to produce 

A charm of powerful trouble, 
Like a hellbroth, boil aud bubble. 

Certain good rules, in the main, are laid down, which must govern the 
conduct of members of this organization: They must revere the "wakarj" 
sack; they must honor all who belong to the dance; they must make 
many "sacred feasts;" they must not steal nor listen to slander, and the 
women must not have more than one husband. The rewards promised to 
those who faithfully performed the duties were honor from their fellow 
members, frequent invitations to feasts, abundance of fowl and venison, 
with supernatural aid to consume it, long life here with a crown of silver 
hair, and a dish and spoon in the future life. 

After the proper instruction in the mysteries, the neophyte practiced 
watchings and fastings and was purified for four successive days by the 
vapor bath. Then came the great day of initiation. The ceremonies were 
public. A great deal of cooked provisions was prepared. At the sacred 
dance which I witnessed four decades ago, there were a half dozen large 
kettles of meat. The arrangements for the dance consisted of a large tent 
at one end, whose open front was extended by other tents stretched along 
the sides, making an oblong with the outer end open. Along the sides of 
this inclosure sat the members, perhaps a hundred in number, each one 
having his or her "sack of mystery." At a given signal from the officiat 
ing old men, all arose and danced inward until they became a solid mass, 
when the process was reversed and all returned to their seats. Near the 
close of the performance those who were to be initiated were shot by the 
"sacks of mystery," and falling down they were covered with blankets. 
Then the mysterious bean or shell which they claimed had produced death 
was extracted by the same mysterious power of the sack of mystery, and 



DAKOTA DANCES. 229 

the persons were restored to a new life. But this new life came only after 
the throes and the bitterness of death. Then he has a "sack" given him, 
and is thenceforth a member of the order of the sacred mysteries. 

A necessary adjunct of the Wakan-wacipi is the "Wakan-woharjpi," 
or Sacred P^east. This is made very frequently when there is a plenty of 
food in the village. Of course, as a general thing, only those are invited 
who belong to the order. Forty years ago I was honored with an invitation 
to one of their feasts, in a wild Teton village at Fort Pierre on the Missouri. 
It is in part a worship. The pipe is lighted and held up to the gods with 
a prayer for mercy. Then they smoke around, after which tfye food is 
dished out. The guests bring their own wooden bowl and horn spoon. 
Each one must eat up all that is given him or pay a forfeit. This is a 
blanket or gun or such article as the person can give. I have known a 
community, in time of plenty, run wild over the idea of stuffing each other 
and getting all the forfeits possible. Their god is their belly. 

Quite likely there are other forms of the dance in other parts of the 
Dakota country, or dances which have other names than those spoken of 
here; but these are sufficient. There remains, however, to be mentioned 
the greatest exemplification of self-sacrifice and worship in the sun-dance. 

SUN-DANCE. 

The following graphic account of the sun-dance held in June, 1880, 
by the Teton under Red Cloud, is an abstract of what was published in the 
Daily Journal of Sioux City, Iowa. It is a very trustworthy and more than 
usually vivid description of a ceremony which is becoming rarer under the 
influence of Christianity. 

This sun-dance began at 5 a. m., June 24, 1880. The lodges, 700 
in number, were arranged in a circle of about six miles in circumference 
on a level plain near White Clay Creek, Nebraska. The dance began 
with a grand charge within the circle. It is estimated that about 4,000 
men and women took part in the charge. Nearly all were on horse 
back, and they charged back and forth over the ground, yelling for an 
hour, for the alleged purpose of frightening away the ghosts and bad 
spirits from the grounds. A hard rain set in at 6 o clock, and nothing more 
was done until 1 o clock, when the sky cleared and the people went up on 
a branch of White Clay Creek to cut the sacred pole. Around the tree to 
be felled a ring was formed, and no living object was allowed to enter 
therein except the persons who took part in felling the tree. The master 



230 DAKOTA GliAMMAK, TEXTS, AND ETIINOGUAPH Y. 

of ceremonies was a colored mail, captured when a child, and at the time of 
this dance attached to the band of Little Wound. It was his duty to keep 
intruders out of the circle. After much ceremony, dancing, and giving. 
away of horses, six men walked slowly up to the tree and each gave it a 
hack, after which it was felled by the wife of Spider. When it went down 
a charge was made on it, and the tree, branches and all, was taken up and 
carried by men and women to the sun-dance grounds, a distance of two 
miles. On reaching the grounds, they made another charge to drive away 
any ghosts that might be lingering there. Then Tasuijke kokipapi, 1 the 
younger "(commonly called Young-Man- Afraid-of-his- Horses), announced 
that there was nothing more to be seen till 10 o clock on the following day, 
Friday, June 25. 

The evening of the 24th and the forenoon of the 25th were spent in 
raising the pole and erecting a tabernacle. The latter was formed in a 
circle of about 500 yards in circumference, 12 feet high, and was con 
structed by putting posts in the ground and covering them with green 
boughs. The pole was placed in the center and decorated witli red, 
white, and blue flags, said to be gifts to the Great Spirit. There were 
within the inclosure about 1,000 men sitting around, and 300 dancers, 
besides 25 men riding their horses around the ring. The 300 dancers 
marched around the pole, dancing, singing, and shooting up at the pole. 
Each man had from one to three belts of cartridges strung around his 
body. He had little clothing besides his breechcloth, and his bare body 
and limbs were painted in various colors. This performance lasted for 
two hours, then all firing ceased, and twenty children entered the ring 
to have their ears pierced. The parents of each child gave away two 
horses to the poor. When a horse was turned loose, the first man who 
caught hold of it owned it. Persons competing for the horses were placed 
outside the gate of the inclosure in two parallel rows 30 feet apart, one row 
on each side of the road. When a horse was turned out there was a 
scramble to see who could reach it first. 

The child to be honored was laid by its mother on a pile of new 
calico. Then six old men sprinkled water on its head, repeating the fol 
lowing words: "() Wakaijtaijka, hear me! this man has been a good and 
brave man, and the mother is a good woman. For their sake let this child 
live long, have good luck and many children." Then, with a long, slender, 
sharp-pointed knife, two holes were made through each ear, wherein were 

1 Literally, They (the foe) fear even his horse. J. o. D. 



DAKOTA DANCES. 231 

placed rings of German silver. When all the children had had their ears 
pierced, ten men placed by the pole the skull of some large animal, crying 
over it and making sundry passes. Then all the young unmarried maidens 
who had obeyed their parents and had been chaste during the year went 
up and touched the tree, raised their right hands to the sun, bowed to the 
skull, and then retired from the inclosure. The young women had been 
told that if any of them had been unchaste the touching of the tree would 
insure fatal consequences to them, as the large animal represented by the 
skull would carry them off to the spirit land. 

At 8 o clock the sun-dancers proper, seventeen in number, entered the 
ring. These men had been fasting, no food or water having been given 
them for three days and nights previous to their entering the inclosure. 
Men who take part in this dance say what they are going to do before they 
are placed on record /. c., they intend going one, two, or more days with 
out food and water, and whether they intend being cut and tied up to the 
pole. After making such a declaration they lose all control of their own 
wills. They are obliged to fast, and are placed on buffalo robes in a sweat- 
house until they become as gaunt as grayhouiids. In this condition were 
the seventeen brought into the ring by guards, and each one had a whistle 
placed in his mouth and a banner with a long staff placed in his hand. 
Then ten large bass drums, beaten by sixty men, struck up a hideous noise, 
the seventeen men danced, whistled, gazed steadily at the sun, and kept 
time with the drums. This scene was kept up with little or no change until 
the morning of the third day. 

The white visitors reached the grounds at 10 a. m. Saturday, the 26th. 
The same noise was there, and the seventeen were still dancing and whist 
ling. The clubs used as drumsticks had horses tails fastened to them 
instead of the scalps which would have been used in earlier days. At 1 1 
a. m. seven of the seventeen were laid down on blankets, and after much 
ceremony and giving away of horses and calico, each man was cut and tied 
up to the pole. This operation was performed by raising the skin of the 
right breast and then that of the left, cutting a hole about an inch long 
through the skin at each place. A round wooden skewer was inserted 
through each hole, fastened by sinews, the sinews tied to a rope, and the 
rope to the pole. One fellow had pins inserted in each arm, tied with, 
sinews, and fastened to a horse which was standing beside him. The first 
and second dancers seemed to be veterans, as they went forward to the 
pole, made a short prayer, and then ran backward, breaking loose and fall- 



232 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 

ing flat on their backs. The third man, seeing the others break loose, took 
courage, braced up, and made a desperate struggle. He succeeded not 
only in breaking from the pole, but also from the horse. This feat pleased 
the Indians, who shouted lustily. Little Big Man, who was mounted, was 
so delighted that he shot an arrow straight up into the air, whooping with 
all his might. The arrow came down on the hack of a large fat woman, 
who was standing outside the inclosure. The old woman jumped up and 
ran howling across the prairie. An Indian on the outside happened to be 
on horseback, so he ran up to her and held her while the others extracted 
the arrow. Little Big Man was obliged to part with three horses to satisfy 
the woman. 

The four remaining dancers were young and inexperienced, so they 
could not break their bonds. Consequently they gave awav three horses 
each and Avere cut loose. One of them fainted, and on being resuscitated 
he became unruly, making a break from the ring, tumbling over several 
women, and when finally seized he was standing among several infants 
that had been stowed away under blankers in the corner of the lodge. He 
was brought back, a whistle made of an eagle s feather was put into his 
mouth, and he was set to dancing. Then an old man with a looking-glass 
in his hand and a buffalo skull on his head performed mystery rites over 
him, to drive out the evil spirit which they thought had entered into the 
young man. Meantime two breathless infants were taken out into the air 
and resuscitated. Another old man said that he was ready to give to any 
worthy woman the mysterious anointing. A large number went up and 
received this ancient rite. This was administered by cutting a hole in the 
right arm and introducing medicine under the skin. Women entitled to 
this privilege were those who had at any period of their lives held a horse 
or borne arms in battle. At 6 p. M. the sun disappeared under the clouds, 
and the old man with the buffalo skull 011 his head uttered a few words 
and dismissed the audience. Then the dance ended, and an hour later the 
lodges were taken down and most of the Indians started homeward. 



ABSAROKA and Hidatsa, Kindred dialects of . 

, Ownership of Black hills by 

ACCENT, Peculiarities of 

ACCOUCHEMENT of Dakota women 

ACTION, Variable, in Dakota verbs. 



Page. 
192 
192 
5 

207 
22 

ADJECTIVES 45, 46, 56, 72 

, Abstract nouns formed from 41 

, Adverbs formed from 51 

, Change of, to verbs 20 

.Numeral 47,73 

, Pronominal 73 

, Syntax of 72 

, Verbal roots used as 25 

ADVERBS 50, 74 

, Derivations of 50, 51, 52 

, Numeral 4ft 

.Syntaxof 74,77 

AGENT, Nouns of person or 40 

ALGONQUIAN name for the Winnebago 189 

. Place assigned to, by Bancroft 168 

ALLOUEZ, CLAUDE, Ueference to work of 170 

ALPHABET, Dakota xii, 3, 4 

AMDO WAPUSKIYA gens 159 

AMERICAN HORSE, Kefercuce to winter count of 182 

ANIMALS. Nouns referring to 40 

ANIMATE OBJECTS, Plural for 42 

AORIST, Syntax of 66 

tense 25 

ARIKARA fuund on Missouri river - 193 

ARM-AWLS killed by younger brother 139 

ARMOR, Sacredness of 2)9 

, Taboos connected with 220 

ARTICLE, Definite 18, 60, 61, 89 

, Indefinite 18,62 

ASHLEY, EDWARD, List of \Valipetoijwai) gi-ptes by. 158 

ASPIRATED sounds (c, s, z) 3, 4 

ASSINIBOIN an offshoot of the Yank tonal 164 

and Dakota, Reference to 170 

, Derivation of name 160, 164 

, Description of 189, 178, 188 

-, History of 160,164,171,174 

AUNT, Place of, in the tipi 204 

AUTUMN reckoned as one moon 185 

AUXILIARY verbs, Syntax of 88 



BABY. The 207 

BADGE of the Mystery dance 228 

BADGER, References to 101,102,141 

BAB SPIRIT, 109 



Page. 

BAKIHON gens. Reference to 161 

BANCROFT, GEORGE, Classification of Indians by 168 

BASDECE SKI, Description of 159 

BEAVER, Reference to 193 

BEGGING DANCE, Description of 224 

BELIEFS, Primitive 90, 101, 108, 113, 120, 121, 122. 138 

139, 148, 149, 164, 105, 193, 211, 214, 216, 219, 220, 228 
BERTHOLD Indians, Tradition of, respecting the Da 
kota 181 

BIG Sioux RivL R. Origin of name of 178 

BIG STONE LAKE, Indians on island in 180 

| BlLOXI kinship terms xix.xxi 

, Reference to 189 

BIRTH-NAMES, Remarks on xvi, 45 

BLACK BUNDLE, Symbolism of 197 

BLACK DAY WOMAN, Legend of 206 

BLACKFEET, Notes on 187 

BLACK HILLS, Reference to 182 

BLACK OTTER, Lament of 123 

j BLACK paint. Use of 226 

BLIZZARD, Belief respecting 93 

BLOOD-CLOT BOY, Myth of 93, 101, 103, 104 

BLUEEARTH region. Reference to 177, 189 

BLUEEARTH RIVER, Trading post on 177 

BOAT VILLAGE, A Dakota band " 177 

BOILS, Belief concerning 147, 148 

Bow tiiiMKK, Omaha settlement on 190 

Bow, Belief concerning a 93 

BOY-BELOVED, Meaning of term 147 

BOYS, Naming and training of 208, 209 

BREVIARY. Dakota fear of 173 

BROTHERS, Myths concerning 123, 139, 143 

BRULES, Description of 187 

BUNDLE of purchase 206 

BURIAL customs 211, 212 

BWAN, Meaning of 183 



AGU gens 160 

CALENDAR, Primitive 165 

CAMP, Usage concerning 162,196 

OAN-KAGA OTINA gens 158 

CAN-KASKE TONWAN, Derivation of name 183, 184 

CA^ KUTE gentes 159, 160 

CA^ ONAgens 160,161 

CAJJ-SDA CIKANA, Remarks concerning 158,159 

CARDINAL numerals 47 

CARVER, JONATHA N, Travels of 179 

CASE, genitive 15,43,44 

of pronouns 11, 16 

233 



234 



INDEX. 



CAUSATIVE action implied ly modal prolix. . 
CEGUKA, Meaning of 

(. EREHHAI.S. ] Mill it i. in Of 

CEK, Definition of 

CHANGES of letters 

the moon, Belief concern}:. g. 



Paga 
20 

138 
4 

101 
6,10 

165 

CHANKASKETON, Definition of 176 

CHEE ZHON, Legend of 124,129 

CHEYENNE, Account of the 193 

, Friendship of Titonwan toward 161 

CHICKADEE, Belief concerning 120, 122 

CHIEFTAINSHIP, Descent of 195 

CHILD life, Dakota 208,230 

CHILDREN, Names of 45 

CHONKASKETONS, Identification of 183 

CHRISTIAN Indians, Character and position of 217, 222 

CIRCLE dance, Description of 225 

CITIZENSHIP, Indian 167 

COLD, Effect of, implied by modal prefix 20 

COLLECTIVE plural of verbs of motion 23 

COLORS, Symbolism of 226 

CONJUGATION, Dakota 21,26,28.32 

CONJUNCTIONS 53, 78 

CONJURING, Beliefs concerning 216, 217, 218 

CONSONANTS 3, 4, 8, 9 

CONTINUATIVES, I li-niarks on xvi 

CONTRACTION 10 

COUNCILS, Indian 170, 179, 180 

COUNTING, Method of 164 

COURTSHIP and marriage 205 

CHOW CREEK, Reference to 181 

CROW Indians, Remarks concerning 182 

CUT-HEAD Indians, Remarks on 180, 185 

CUTTING, Action by 202 

<] >:< nil \ K in ship terms xviii, xx 



DAKOTA, Remarks ou eastern 177, 181 

, Bancroft cited on the 168 

beliefs 90, 101, 108, 113, 120, 121, 122, 138, 139, 148, 149, 164 

165, 193, 211, 214, 216, 219, 220, 228 

calendar 165 

custom of wife purchase 207 

dances xxxii, 224 

, Ethical sense of the 205 

fear of breviary 173 

, General account of the 155 

grammar 3 

habitats 156,169,180,181 

, History of the 168, 171, 176, 178, 179, 180, 183, 190 

, Industries of the 184 

kinship terms xviii, xx 

legends 105,124,206 

, Meaning of name 183 

migrations 168 

mourning customs 212 

myths... 83, 90, 95, 101, 110, in, H. >, 1:11. 130,1.19,144,148 

names for natural time divisions 165 

population 155, 169 

, Sociology of the 158, 177, 179, 183, 195, 203 

, Use of stone implements by the 184 

war customs 220 

DANCES 224 

DATS, Counting of, by the Dakota 165 

DEATH and burial customs 211,212 

DEFINITE articles 18 

DEMONSTRATIVES, Use of 89 



Page. 

DKSIRE, Expression of strong 101 

DIALOGUE, Repetition of verb in 83 

DICKSON, ROBERT, Enlistment of Indians by 180 

DIMINUTIVES 41 

DISEASE, Beliefs concerning 215, 216 

DIVISION of time among the Dakota 165 

DIVORCE, Primitive 207 

DORSEY, J.OWEN, Criticism on kinship terms by ... 207 

, List of kinship terms by xvii, xxi 

, Notes by, on hoksutan, etc 207 

Dakota dances xxxii 

myths xxx, xxxii 

mihihua 204,207 

, Quotations from 162 

, Remarks by, on cardinal birth-names xvi 

numerals xxiii, xxix 

coutinuatives xvi 

kinship terms xxii, xxiii 

pronouns \iv, xv, 31 

theGros Ventre 192 

Mandan 192 

DOUBLE verbs, Dakota 35 

DUAL number, Dakota 11, 16, 23, 46 

JJuLHUT, DANIEL GBEYSELON, Inferences to work of. 171, 175 
DUNG VILLAGE (UnkcekO ota tonwanj Indians 177 



EARS. Piercing of, during sun dance 230 

EARTH, Belief concerning repeopling of 139, 143 

EASTERN Sioux, Designation of 184 

EGG, Mention of, in legend 109 

EHNA-MANI, Account of 215 

KI.ISION, Substitution and 6 

EMPHASIS 3, 4 

ENCAMPMENT, Form of the 196 

ENGLISH, Indian trade by the 180 

EVIL, Beliefs concerning 138 

EXPLOSIVE sounds 4 

EYAIJPAHA the crier 200 



FALLS OF SAINT ANTHONY in Indian history 180 

FAMILY, The primitive 195,203 

FASTING and prayer, Efficacy of 214 

FATHER, Place of, in tent 204 

FATHER-IN-LAW, Usage concerning 203,204 

FELLOWHOOD, Custom of 196 

FINGERS, Use of, in counting 164 

FLINT, Occurrence of 184 

FOOD for the dead 211 

FOOT, Action by the 20 

FORPZITS. Payment of 202 

FORNICATION, condemnation ot 205 

FORTIFIED VILLAGE " bund " 177 

Fox Indians, Remarks concerning 176, 178 

FRENCH records ami maps, Reference to 108, 178, 182 

FRENCHMEN, Dakota name for 174, 175 

FREQUENCY of action, Denotation of 41 



GAMBLING among the Dakota . 202 

GARVIE, JAMES, Reference to writings of 124 

GENDER 42 

GENITIVE case, Dakota 15, 43, 44 

GENS, Remarks ou the 195 

GEMTBS of the Dakota 157, 161, 163, 164 



INDEX. 



235 



Page. 

GIRLS, Myth concerning 122 

, Names of 208 

, Usage concerning 205. 206, 210 

GRAND LODGE VILLAGE Indians 177 

GRAND PAWNEE, Reference to 193 

GRANDMOTHER, Place of, in tipi 204 

GRASS dance, Reference to 227 

GRAY BEAR, Myth concerning 102, 139 

GRBAT MOSQUITO, Mention of, in ray th 139 

GREAT Pipestone quarry, Discovery of 193 

GREAT SPIRIT, Beliefs concerning 108 

GREAT WILD RICE VILLAGE Indians 177 

GREEN BAY, Tribes on 169,171 

GREY CLOUD, DAVID, Reference to writings of 95,110 

GROS VENTRE, Remarks on the name 192 

GUTTURALS, Dakota 3 



HAKAYKAYNA, Reference to 120,123 

105 
148 
20 

157 
17* 
175 



HEAD OF GOLD, Legend of 

HEART KILLER, Reference to 

HEAT, Effect of, implied by modal prefii. . . 

HE-MNI-C\AN gens 

HKNNEPIN, Louis, Adoption of, by Indians. 
and Du Lhut, Meeting of 



, Contact of, with Dakota Indians 172, 173 

HEYATA TONWE gens 157 

HIDATSA kinship terms six, xxi 

, Confounding of, with other Miliitari 192 

HISTORY, Argument from 168 

HOHE gens 163 

HOKSIDAN, Note on 207 

HOME, Dakota word for 204 

HOMESTEAD laws, Observance of, by Indians 167 

HONOR, Place of, in tent or tipi 204 

HOTCASGARA, meaning of 189 

HOUETBATONS, Remarks on 171 

"HOUSE OF SPIRITS," Dakota 213 

HOUSEHOLD, The Indian 204 

HUMAN species, Nouns referring to 40 

HUNKPA, Meaning of 162 

HUNKPAPA, Remarks on 161, 162, 163, 164, 188 

lll .NKPATI, Meaning of 162 

HUNKPATINA division 160, 161 

HUNTING customs 201 

HURON, Remarks on the 169, 170 

HUSBAND, Rights of 204, 206 



IH A ISDAYE gens 160 

IHAIJKTONWAN tribe 160, 163, 164 

IHA SA gens 161 

IKMUN gens 160 

I LLINOIS, Reference to 172, 176, 177 

ILLINOIS KIVER, Ascent of 171 

IMMORALITY condemned by the Dakota 205 

IMPERATIVE mode 24,64 

IMPERSONAL forms of verbs 81 

INANIMATE objects, Plural termination of names of . . 42 

I NDEFINITE article 18, 62 

INDIAN population, Opinions as to 166 

trade, Early 180 

INDIANS, Conclusion respecting the 168 

enlisted against the United States 180, 181 

INDICATIVE mode 23 

INFANTS, Customs respecting 121 



INFLNITIVE mode 

INITIATION, Description of 

INKPA-DUTA people, Union of, with the Xeton 

INTERCOURSE, Illicit, condemned 

INTERJECTIONS, Dakota 

INTERMARRIAGE, Prohibition of 

INTERTRIBAL wars fostered by scalp dance* 

INVOLUNTARY action of inanimate objects 

INYAN CEYAKA ATONWAN gens 

IONIA CREEK, Reference to 

IOWA, Remarks concerning 176, 

IOWA, Reference to the 176, 177, 182, 

IROQUOIS, Reference to the 

IRREGULAR verbs 

ISANTA MDE, Origin of name 

ISAIJYATI gens and tribe 

ITAZIPCO tribe 

ITE 6u gens 

ITOKAH TINA division 



JESUIT RELATION S on the Dakota 

JOGUES, Father, cited on the Dakota. 
JOLIET, Louis, Journey of 



Page. 

24, K 
228 
186 
205 

54,79 
195 
227 
20 
138 
190 

180. 182 
190, 191 

170. 183 
35 

181 

163. 184 
161, 163 

161 
159 



171 
169 
170 



KAHMI ATOIJWAN:, division 159 

KANSA, Reference to . 193 

kinship terms xviii, xx 

KAPOSIA village, Reference to 179 

KAPO^A gens 157, T59 

K ATHIO village, Reference to 171 

KEZE division 159 

KICKAPOO, Reference to 171 

KINSHIP names, Siouan xvii, xxii, 45, 138, 203, 207 

system of the Omaha. Reference to 195 

KIOWA lover, Story of the 206 

KIYAKSA, Meaning of 164 

KlYUKSA gentes 157, 160, 161. 163, 180, 185 

KNIFE LAKE, Origin of name 174, 184 

KWAPA, Reference to 190, 193 

kinship terms xviii, xx 



L of the Titonwan dialect 9 

LAKOTA, Teton equivalent of Dakota 183 

LAND, Cession of, by Indians 181 

LANGUAGE, Sacred 166 

LA POIXTE mission, Reference to 170 

LA SALLE, ROBERT, Reference to 172 

LAWS, Unwritten Dakota 195, 203 

LEAF VILLAGE division 177, 179 

LEECH LAKE region, Account of 178, 179 

LEGEND of Black Day woman 206 

the head of gold 105 

Winona 206 

LE JEUXE, PAUL, Reference to 169 

LE SUEUH, References to 176, 177, 178 

LETTERS, Changes of 6, 10 

LEWIS, MEBRIWETHER, Explorations of 182, 191 , 192 

LHUT, DANIEL GBEYSELOX, SIEUR DU, Reference to 

work of 171,175 

LITTLE CROW, Career of 179, 181, 222 

LITTLE RAPIDS, Reference to 180 

LITTLE Sioux KIVER, Origin of namo of 178 

LORD S prayer 151 



236 



INDEX. 



LOVER, Procedure of .1 Dakota 

LOWER Sioux, Cession of land by 

LOWLAXDERS, Division of 



Page. 
205 
181 
187 



M Ai i A YUTE Am geiin 157 

MAGIC, Indian 9!, 121,214, 215 

MAHA (Omaha), L ocatiou of, 0:1 early maps 182 

MAN, Customs and beliefs affecting 193, 204, 205 

. Mythic account of a 108 

MAXDAN kinship terms xix 

, Remarks cpnceruing the 191, 192 

M AXI TI, Indians 159 

MANITOBA, Flight of the Santeo to 181 

MAREST, FATHER, Reference to work of 176 

MARQUETTE, JACQUES, Reference to work of 170, 171 

MARRIAGE customs and laws 147, 195, 204, 205, 200 

MASCOUTIN, , Reference to 171 

MATAXTON division 176, 183 

MATTHEWS, WASHINGTON, Tradition of Berthold 

Indians by 181 

MDE-WAKAX, Reference to 156,174 

MDEWAKANTONWAN tribe 150, 157, 173, 179, 180 

belief .... 104 

MEADOW LARK, Myth concerning 91 

MEDICIXE, Magic connected with practice of 214, 215 

MEXARD, RENK, Reference to 169 

MEXOMONI, Reference to 171, 180 

MIAMI, Reference to 171,172 

MICHIGAN, LAKE, Reference to 170 

MIGRATIONS of Siouan tribes 108, 182, 190 

MIHIHNA, Analysis of 204.207 

MILKY WAV, Dakota name for 2:2 

MlLLELACS, Reference to 150, l":i, 174 

MIXIKAXJOO, Origin of name -. 187 

MINIKANYE woiUPi tribe 101. 103,187 

MIXIKOO^U gentes 163 

MIXK, Reference to 114 

MIXXEKANJOO tribe 187 

MINNESOTA Dakota, Cession of land by 181 

law as to mixed blood 167 

MIXNETAREE, Meaning of term 192 

MISSISSIPPI Dakota, Cession of land by 181 

MISSISSIPPI RIVER, Descent of, by Marquett* anil 

Joliet .. 171 

MISSOURI Indians, Reference to 193 

tribe. Reference to 181,189 

MISSOURI RIVER, Ascent of, by Indians 190 

MODAL particles 19 

MODAL prefixes 19,20 

MODE 23,24,25,64 

MONGOLIAN", Connection of Indian with 168 

Moox, Place of, in calendar 165 

, Myths concerning the 149,105 

MORGAN, LEWIS H., Theory of, respecting Indians . 168 

MORPHOLOGY 11 

MOTHER-IN LAW, Customs affecting 203, 204 

MOURNIXO customs and songs. , 212, 213 

MOUTH, Action with 20 

MYSTERY dance, Account of tlio 214, 227, 228 

MYTHS of the Dakota 83, 00, 95, 101, 110, 113, 

115, 121, 130, 139, 144, 148 



NADOUESSI, Appellation for the Dakota 179,183 

NADOUESSIOUX, Derivation and use of 171, 183 

NADOWE, Meaning of 183 



Page. 

XAMES. Personal and family xvi, xvii, xxii, 44, 45, 138, 

203, 207, 208 

, Prohibition of use of 204 

NASALS, Dakota 4 

NICOLET, JEAN, References to 108, 169 

NIGHT winds, Prayer to the 214 

NIOBRARA KIVER, Reference to 190 

NO-FLIGHT dance, Account of 225 

NOTES by J. Owen Dor.sey xxx, xxxii 

NOTTAWA Y, Meaning of 183 

NOUNS, Dakota 15, 40, 41, 43, 44, 51, 52, 50, 71, 72 

, adverbs formed from 51, 52 

- and adjectives declined as verb. t 20 

, Incorporated pronouns in 50 

of relationship 15, 44 

Nr.MBEit, belonging to adjectives 40, 47, 49 

incorporated pronouna 57 

pronouns 11. 57 

verbs 1C, 23 

, Syntax of 02,72 

NUMERALS, Analysis of xxiii, 48, 50 

NYU-T A-TCI tribe 193 



OBJECTIVE pronouns, Remark* on 30,31 

OCETI S AKOWIX, Reference to 150 

" ODD-OH-EVEN ! " Playing of, by gamblers 202 

ODOWAN fes iCE or Bad Songs no 

OGLALA tribe and gens 101, 163, 182 

, Meaning of 162, 163, 187 

OHDIHE division 159 

OHE NOXPA gens 103 

OIYUHPE gens 163, 164 

OJIBWA name for the Dakota . 183 

, Observations on the 170, 170, 179, 180 

OKOPEYA division 158, 159 

OLD MAX, Reference to, in myth 91 

OMAHA Indians, Observations concerning the. 177, 189, 190,191 
"OMAHA Sociologj," Reference to 190 

tradition s 193 

OOHE NOXPA tribe and gens 101, 163 

OPTATIVE, Syntax of 06 

OKDIXAI.S, Dakota 50 

OSAGE, Traditions concerning 103 

kinship terms xviii, xx 

OTEI II ATONWAN- gens I5g 

OTO, Observations concerning 177, 182, 191 

OTTER, Myth concerning 122, 123 

, Notes on 123 

OUTBREAK, Result of Indian igi 

OWL, Belief concerning 92 

OYATE s"i(5 A gentes 157, 160 

OYUHPE gens 163 



PA-BAKSA gens 100,101 

PAINT, Use of 226 

PAKABLEof the prodigal son 150 

PARADIGM of active verbs 38 

PARTICIPLES 25, 70, 71 

PAWNEE, Reference to 182,193 

PEOPLE, Mythic origin of 139, 143 

PERROT, NICHOLAS, Reference to 176 

PERSON of pronouns 11 

verbs 

or agent, Nouns of **> 



INDEX. 



237 



Page. 

PERSONAL pronouns, Tables of 16 

PHONOLOGY 3. 9 

I HRATKY, Character of the 195 

PIKE, ZEBULONM., References to 179,180 

PINE-SHOOTERS division 185 

PLURAL number 11, 16, 23, 42, 130 

PLURALITY of wives 147 

POLE VILLAGE division 177 

POLITICAL organization among the Dakota 196 

POLYGAMY, Dakota 147, 204 

POLYSYLLABIC words, Accentuation of 5 

PONKA, Observations concerning 182,190,191 

name for the Oglala 162 

POPULATION of the Dakota 155 

POSSESSION among the Dakota 14. 15, 43, 207 

POTENTIAL, Syntax of 66 

POTTO WATTOMIE, References to 169, 171 

POWER Symbols of 197 

PRAIRIE DU CHIEN, Council at 180 

PRATT, R. H., Story by, of a Kiowa lover 206 

PRAYER, The Lord s . 151 

to the night winds 214 

PREPOSITIONS, Dakota 52, 77 

used as verbs 21 

PRESSURE, Action by 20 

PRIORITY among the Dakota 164 

PROCLAMATION of the Eyanpaha 201, 202 

PRODIGAL SON, Parable of the 150 

PRONOUNS xiv, xv, 6, 11, 12, 13, 14. 16. 17, 30, 50, 55. 58, 59, 60 

-, Incorporated 12, 16, 55, 56, 57 

, Inserted 27, 28, 32, 33 

, Numbers of 11,16,57 

, Person of 11 

_, Prefixed 15, 16, 26, 27, 32, 33 

57 

34 

7 

161 



, Separate 

, Suffixed 

PRONUNCIATION, Peculiarities of . 

PTE YUTE SNI gens . . 

PUANTS, Application of name 

PUNCHING, Action by 

PUNISHMENT of runaway wife . . 

PURCHASE, The bundle of 

PUSHING, Action by 



KAYMBAULT, Father, cited on the Dakota 

RED BUNDLE, Mythic significance of. 

RED CLOUD, People of 

RED IRON, People of 

RED LAKE region, Reference to 

RED painting of scalps 

RED STONE QUARRY VILLAGE Indians 

RED THUNDER, Reference to 

RED WILD RICE VILLAGE Indians 

REDWING, Reference to 

REDUPLICATION 

RELATIONS, Names of family 

RENVILLE, JOSEPH, Reference tu 

RENVILI.E, MICHEL, Reference to writings of 83, 



REPUBLICAN PAWNEE, Reference to 

RlGGS, A. L., Classification of substantive verbs by 

cited on the name Santee 

genitive case . 

RlGGS, S. R., Remarks on substantive verbs by ... 
the supernatural in myths by 



20 
207 
206 

20 



197 

187 
159 
178 
226 
177 
185 
177 
179 
46,69 
45,138 
181 

115, 130, 

144,158 

193 

70 

159, 160 
43 
89 
90 



Page. 
RIOGS, T. L., Suggestion of, conceruingprepositioiu. 52 

RIVER bands of the Dakota, Reference to 179 

RIVER VILLAGE baud 177 

ROBINSON, JOHN, cited on 1 1m in MUM Oglala, etc 162, 163 

ROOTS, Verbal 19 

RUBBING, Action by 20 

RULES of conduct 201.204,228 

RUNAWAY WIFE, Punishment of 207 



SAC and Fox tribe, Notes on 171, 180 

SACKED armor 219 

feast, Account of 229 

language, Description of.... 166 

SACRIFICE, Primitive 175 

SALLE, ROBERT, PERE DE LA. Explorations of 172 

SANDY LAKE region, Reference to 179 

SANONA gens 161 

SAXOXEE gens 185 

SANS ARCS. Origin of name 187 

SAXTEE, Observations concerning the 159, 180, 181, 184 

dialect, Texts in the. 83, 95, 110, 115. 124, 130. 144, 150. 151, 152 

SAUK and Fox, Notes on 171, 180 

SAULT STE. MARIE, Reference to 170 

SA WALA gens 163 

SAWING, Action by 2C 

"SAY, "Repetition of word in dialogue 89 

SCALP dance, Influence of, on morality 22* 227 

SCOUTS, Selection of 200 201 

SEVEN, a mystic number 156. 184. 137 

" SHADOW" or nagi, Various meanings of 213 

SHARP GRASS, Reference to 149 

SHAVING, Action by 20 

SHEPHERD, Belief concerning 129 

SHOOTING, Action by 20 

SICANGU tribe and gens 161, 163 

SIHA-SAPA tribe and gentes 161.163 

SIKICENA gens 101 

SIMON ANAWANG-MANI, Account of 219 

"SINGING TO," Definition of 224 

SIOUAN tribes, Migrations of 190 

Sioux, Observations on name 183,184 

SISITONWAN. gens 158, 159. 104. 179, 180 

SISSETOX, Remarks concerning 180, 184, 185 

SISTER 122 

SITTING BULL, Reference to 188 

SIYAKA-O, Reference to 147,148 

SKIDI, Tradition respecting 193 

SLEEPS, Days counted by 165 

SLEEPY EYES people. Reference to 159 

SMALL BAND VILLAGE Indians 177 

I Sxi, Peculiar use of - 139 

j SNIPK, Mythical origin of 149 

! SOCIOLOGY of the Dakota 158,177.179,183,195,203 

1 "SOLDIER-KILLING," Exemption from 220 

j SONGASKICONS, Reference to 171 

! SOUNDS peculiar to Indian words. . . . : xii, 3, 4 

SPIRIT LAKE band 179 

- villagers 156, 177, 183 

SPIRITS, Dakota belief in the existence of 212, 213 

SPOTTED TAIL, Reference to 187 

SPRING reckoned as one moon 165 

STANDING BUFFALO. Account of 182, 190 

STAR BORN, Myth of 91. 92, 93, 94. 121 

STAR LAND, Mythical world of 90 

STONE implements used by the Dakota 184 



TB* 




238 



INDEX. 



Page. 
183 
204 
20 



STONEVS, a band of Assiniboin 

STRANGER, Place of, in the tipi 

STRIKING. Action by 

SUBJUNCTIVE, Syntax of 65 

SUBSTANTIVE VERBS, Dakota. 70, 89 

SUBSTITUTION and elision 6 

SUMMER reckoned as five moons 165 

SUN DANCE, Observations on 214, 220. 230 

SUN ih< I:K v gens 161 

SUPERHUMAN, Beliefs concerning the 214 

SUPERIOR, LAKE, Reference to 171, 176 

SupERNATUEALISMin Dakota myths 90,138 

SWEAT LODGE, Description of 101 

SYLLABICATION 5 

SYMBOLIC COLORS 197, 200. 202, 226 



" TA, Meaning of 207 

TABOOS, Removal of 220 

TAHUHA YUTA gens 161 

TAKAPSINTONA, Origin of name 158 

TAKAPSIN TONWANNA gens 158 

TAKINI gens 161 

TAMAHE, Reference to 181 

TAPPAGE PAWNEE 193 

TASINTA YUKIKIPI, Explanation of 120,121 

TEAL duck, Belief concerning 149 

TENSE, Dakota 25, 66, 67 

TENT given to be used for the tiyotipi 197 

TETON, Account of the 182,186,212 

dialect, Remarks concerning 7 

TETON LEAF VILLAGE Indians 177 

TEXTS in the Santee dialect 83, 95, 110, 

115, 124, 130, 144, 150, 151, 152 

Yankton dialect 105 

THUNDER-BEING, Belief concerning 142 

TICONDEROGA, Reference to battle of 189, 191 

TIME, Method of reckoning -. . 165 

TlNTA TONWE geUS 157 

TlPl, Observations concerning the 204 

TITONWAIJ References to the 161. 164, 180, 182, 187 

dialect, Observations on 8, 9 

TIYOTI, Meaningof 200 

TlYOTIPI, Observations on 162, 195,196,200 

Ti ZAPTAN, Reference to 158, 159 

TOUCHERS, Selection of 200 

TRADITIONS of the Omaha and Ponka 190 

TRAVERSE LAKE. Reference to 158 

TUTELO kindship terms xix, ixi 

Two KETTLES, Origin of the name 187 

Two WOMEN 141, 142, 148, 149 

XOIWEHE kinship terms \iv\\j 



UNKTEHI 138,142 

UNKTOKA tribe I .n 

UNKTOMI 104. Ill, 113. 114. 138; 139, 142, 143 

TTPLAOTJERS division 187 

UPPER IHANKTONWANNA gentes 161 



VERBALHOOTS, Dakota 19.25 

VERBS, Dakota 6. 19, 21, 22, 23, 

27, 28, 30, 31, 32. 33. 35, 51, 02. 63, 69 
, Adjective 31 



VERBS, Advert 
, Auxiliary. . 



formed from 



Page. 
51 
08 

Causative 21, 23, 68 

30,35 
33,34 
23, 31 
63 



, Defective 

, Formation of 16, 20, 21, 26, 27, 28. 32, 

, Forms of 21, 22, 

, Government of 

, Position of 

. Syntax of B2, 

VILLAGE OF WILII RICK GATHERERS. Origin of name. 

VILLAGE ON THE RIVER, - -, 

VIOLATORS of hunting laws, Treatment of 

VOCATIVES of kinship terms 

VOWELS and vowel changes 



64.69 
181 
183 
202 
120 
3.8 



WABASHAW band. Reference to 180 

WAtfEONPA gentes 160, 163 

WAHPEKUTE tribe 157, 180, 1X4, 186 

WAHPETON, Remarks on the 180 

WAHPETON-TETON, Explanation of 184 

WAHPKTOXWAN tribe 157. 158, 179, 180, 184 

WAKANmen, Beliefs concerning 214,210 

SACK, Mythical origin of 228 

WAKCAIJYA, Meaning of 201 

W AKINYAN, Meaning of 138 

WAKMUHA OIN gens ion 

WAKPA ATONWAN gens 158, 183 

WALKING ELK, Writings of 105 

WAMNUGA ITAGOSA, Description of 143 

WAR, Indian 176, 177 

honors. Distribution of 220 

prophet, Song of the. 213 

WASICUN, Meaning of 174, 175 

WASICUIJ CINCA band 100 

WATER, Effects of running, shown by prefix 20 

WATPAATON, Dakota division 176 

WAYEYA. Meaning of 201 

W AAA gens 103 

WAZI-KUTK, Origin of name 160 

WAZIYA, Myth of 92, 93 

WEEKS not reckoned by the Dakota 165 

WESTERN DAKOTA divisions 177 

WHITE EARTH RIVER, Ascent of 190 

WHITE MAN, Siouan terms for xxx 

WlCANHPI HINHPAYA, Myth of 83 

WICA^A, Analysis of 203 

WICAWOHA, Meaning (if 205 

WIDOW, Reference to. in legend 127, 128 

WIFE, Position of the 204, 206, 207 

WILD RICE GATHERERS band 177 

WILLIAMSON, A. W., Suggestion of, respecting pro- 

nouns 31 

WIND, Effect of, shown by prefix 20 

, prayer to 214 

WINNEBAGO, Observations on the 109,170 180,189 

kinship terms - xix, xxi 

WINNEPEKOAK, Algonqiiiiin name for the Wiune- 

bago 189 

WINONA, Legend of 200 

WINTER, Reckoning of, in calendar 105 

WINTER COUNT of American horse, Reference to the 

peculiar 182 

WISCONSIN RIVER, Descent of, by Marqueite and 

Joliet 171 

WIBTENKIVAPI, Dakota custom of 204 



IXIlEX. 



239 



Page. 

WITA OTINA genn 158 

WlYAKA OTINA gens 158 

WOHFAPI, Explanation of . . 206 

WOMAN, Social position of 195, 204 

. Easy accouchement of 207 

, Myth concerning - 90 

, Names of 45 

-, Temptation of hnsbaml rt brother by 139 

WOOD dark, Myth concerning 114 



Paee. 

TANKTO.N, Explanation of name 185 

- dialect, Text in the 105 

, Migrations of the 178, 180, 182, 185, 186 

YANKTONAI, Migrations of the 180. 186 

-, Origin of 185 

YEARS, Counting of, by the D:tkota 165 

YELLOW MEDICINE RIVBK, Reference to 104 

YESA" or Tutelo, Meaning of 181 

YOUNGER BROTHER, Mythic adventures of i:m. U* 



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