THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVAL HISTORY
SOCIETY CERTIFIES THAT THIS COPY OF
THE GRAVES PAPERS IS
OF SIX HUNDRED AND FIFTY COPIES
PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY ONLY
THE NAVAL HISTORY SOCIETY
INCORPORATED BY ACT OF CONGRESS
AUGUST 21, 1912
OFFICERS
1916
PRESIDENT
REAR-ADMIRAL CASPAR F. GOODRICH, U.S.N.
VICE-PRESIDENT
ROBERT M. THOMPSON
SECRETARY AND TREASURER
ROBERT W. NEESER
247 Fifth Avenue, New York City
BOARD OF MANAGERS
JAMES BARNES
REAR-ADMIRAL F. E. CHAD WICK, U.S.N.
REAR-ADMIRAL C. H. DAVIS, U.S.N.
HENRY O. HAVEMEYER
GRENVILLE KANE
WILLIAM S. LLOYD
HERBERT L. SATTERLEE
REAR-ADMIRAL C. H. STOCKTON, U.S.N.
PUBLICATIONS
OF THE
NAVAL HISTORY SOCIETY
VOLUME VII
THE GRAVES PAPERS
The RilWi1* THOMAS 1,
AVJK ^
OF THE
THE GRAVES PAPERS
AND OTHER DOCUMENTS
RELATING TO
THE NAVAL OPERATIONS OF THE
YORKTOWN CAMPAIGN
JULY TO OCTOBER, 1781
EDITED BY
FRENCH ENSOR CHADWICK
Rear-Admiral, United States Navy
NEW YORK
PRINTED FOR THE NAVAL HISTORY SOCIETY
BY THE DE VINNE PRESS
M DCCCC XVI
Copyright, 1916, by
THE NAVAL HISTORY SOCIETY
CONTENTS
PAGE
INTRQDUCTION xix
LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF THE ADMIRALTY TO GRAVES, March
16, 1780 i
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, March 13, 1780 3
LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF THE ADMIRALTY TO GRAVES, March
25, 1780 4
STEPHENS TO GRAVES, March 25, 1780 5
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, April 5, 1780 6
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, April 7, 1780 8
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, April 9, 1780 9
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, April 30, 1780 11
LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF THE ADMIRALTY TO GRAVES, May
13, 1780 12
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, August 24, 1 780 13
RODNEY TO GRAVES, October 8, 1780 16
RODNEY TO GRAVES, October 8, 1780 17
GRAVES TO RODNEY, July 2, 1781 18
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, July 4, 1781 19
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, July 20, 1781 26
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, August 20, 1781 32
341322
CONTENTS
PAGE
STEPHENS TO GRAVES, September 25, 1781 40
STEPHENS TO GRAVES, June 22, 1781 44
RODNEY TO WELLS, July 7, 1781 44
LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF THE ADMIRALTY TO GRAVES, July 9,
1781 -45
RODNEY TO HOOD, July 9, 1781 46
RODNEY TO HOOD, July 24, 1781 47
RODNEY TO GIDOIN, July 30, 1781 51
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, August 30, 1781 52
HOOD TO STEPHENS, August 30, 1781 56
RODNEY TO ARBUTHNOT, August 13, 1781 59
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, September 14, 1781 61
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, September 22, 1781 84
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, September 23, 1781 85
HOOD TO JACKSON, September 1 6, 1781 86
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, September 26, 1781 94
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, September 26, 1781 no
GRAVES TO THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF THE ADMIRALTY,
September 27, 1781 112
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, October 13, 1781 114
HOOD TO JACKSON, October 14, 1781 116
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, October 1 6, 1781 119
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, October 19, 1781 131
[xiv]
CONTENTS
PAGE
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, October 19, 1781 132
RODNEY TO JACKSON, October 19, 1781 133
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, October 29, 1781 137
GRAVES TO MELCOMB, October 29, 1781 144
HOOD TO STEPHENS, November 3, 1781 146
HOOD TO STEPHENS, December 10, 1781 156
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, December 20, 1781 158
GRAVES TO STEPHENS, May 4, 1782 159
STEPHENS TO GRAVES, March 14, 1782 .162
THE LONDON'S JOURNAL, September i to 12, 1781 .... 164
THE LONDON'S LOG, September i to 12, 1781 170
A LOG BOOK OF His MAJESTY'S SHIP BARFLEUR BETWEEN
THE 1ST AND THE IITH OF SEPTEMBER, 1781, BY SAML.
BLYTH MASR 198
JOURNAL DE NAVIGATION DE L'ARMEE AUX ORDRES DE MON
SIEUR LE COMTE DE GRASSE, LIEUTENANT GENERAL, PAR-
TIE DE BREST LE VINGT DEUX MARS Dix SEPT CENT
QUATRE VINGT UN 212
LlVRE DE BORD DU VAISSEAU LE ClTOYEN, 29 AOUT-I I
SEPTBRE. 1781 222
EXTRAIT DU LlVRE DE BORD DU VAISSEAU LE PLUTON 3 SEP-
TEMBRE, 1781 245
APPENDIX I. LIFE OF LIEUTENANT GENERAL COMTE DE
GRASSE 247
APPENDIX II. LIFE OF ADMIRAL GEORGE BRYDGES RODNEY . 249
APPENDIX III. LIFE OF ADMIRAL SAMUEL HOOD . . . .251
APPENDIX IV. THE FRENCH ACCOUNT OF THE ACTION OFF
THE CHESAPEAKE PRINTED IN THE JAMAICA PAPER . . 253
"
ILLUSTRATIONS
THE RT. HONBLE. THOMAS LORD GRAVES, ADMIRAL OF
THE WHITE Frontispiece
From an original picture by Northcote.
FACING PAGE
PLAN DE LA COUPE VERTICALE-LONGITUDINALE D'UN VAISSEAU
DE 74 CANONS xxx
LE COMTE DE GRASSE xlviii
Etched by H. B. Hall from an original miniature.
THE BARFLEUR 100
From "The King's Ships," by courtesy ofT. H. Parker Bros.
ADMIRAL LORD VISCOUNT HOOD 150
From an original picture by F. Abbot.
INTRODUCTION
THIS book deals with a naval campaign, one of the most
notable and momentous in history; for on its outcome,
humanly speaking, depended whether, or no, the Amer
ican colonies in revolt should remain a part of the Brit
ish Empire.
Certain preliminaries are necessary to a clear under
standing of events: as the character of the fleets em
ployed; the tactics in vogue, and some account of the
antecedent events leading up to the final British failure.
At the outbreak of the Revolution, the British fleet,
which had been allowed to run down sadly after the
Seven Years' War ending with the peace of 1763, was
in a seriously unserviceable condition. The Admiralty
administration was corrupt and inefficient beyond mod
ern belief, the whole being under the influence of the
party spirit which permeated every form of the public
service and made both dockyard efficiency and sound
discipline afloat impossible. And, too, besides the evils
which come of party rancor in which admirals and
generals took full part, it was a dishonest and corrupt
period. There was peculation everywhere on the part
of civilians connected with the public service, and often
on a gigantic scale. Bribery, by the King, of members
of parliament in order to retain a government majority,
was the usual and recognized procedure. The paymas
ter-general of the forces built up a vast fortune, the
INTRODUCTION
dockyards, under civil control, were sinks of corrup
tion. Honesty, in the modern sense, was almost un
known; the pursers afloat robbed the seamen with bare
faced rapacity, and the higher officers were now and
then not guiltless.1 It was an age of what is now called
"graft" with which the present cannot compare in theft
efficiency.
At the outbreak of our Revolution only about 18,000
seamen were in the British service. These now and for
long years after were largely the product of the "Press,"
an organized institution throughout England, by which
in case of war every man who had remotest connection
with the sea, and many who had none whatever, were
ruthlessly seized and carried into service. Incoming
merchantmen were boarded and the men, with their
homes in sight, so to speak, taken aboard the men-of-
war, leaving sometimes too few to work the ship safely
into port, or manning them with men too old or weak
to go to sea, who were known as "men in lieu [of]," and
who were kept at hand for such purpose. Men-of-war
cruised off the port in order to meet merchantmen and
fill out their own crews, and if the unhappy sailormen
escaped such big and little cruisers, there was an inner
ring of small craft carrying press-gangs which com
pleted the work. Rarely was any mercy shown poor
Jack. "Thus the 'Monmouth's' men had in 1706 been in
the ship 'almost six years, and had never had an oppor
tunity of seeing their families but once.' In Boscawen's
ship, the 'Dreadnought,' there were in 1744 two hun
dred and fifty men who 'had not set foot on shore near
two years.' Admiral Penrose once paid off a seventy-
1 Captain Young (Rodney's flag-captain) in the Barham Papers,
[British] Navy Records Society, Vol. I, p. 75.
INTRODUCTION
four at Plymouth, many of whose crew had 'never set
foot on land for six or seven years' ; and Brenton, in his
Naval History, gives the case of a ship whose company,
after having been eleven years in the East Indies, on
returning to England were drafted straightway into
another ship and sent back to that quarter of the globe
without so much as an hour's leave ashore." 1 It was a
hard, rough age in which "man's inhumanity to man"
still had fullest swing. The press-gang was England's
rough-handed, and in the main effective, Inscription
Maritime, the best the Anglo-Saxon mind, never very
ready in matters of organization, was able at that time
to develop.2
The time of Hawke, Boscawen and Anson was just
past, and Howe, Rodney, Hood, and not least from the
point of promise, Kempenfelt, were coming forward as
the prominent commanders. The navy was, in a way,
still so much a go-as-you-please institution, that uni
form for officers had only a few years before been made
a matter of regulation, the first order respecting this
having been issued in 1754. Until then dress had been
much a question of individual taste. The dress of the
men continued for many years to be that common to all
seafarers of the sailorman class. Even so late as the
thirties of the nineteenth century, one captain dressed
his gig's crew in scarlet.
1 J. R. Hutchinson, The Press-Gang, p. 441.
2 Lieutenant Bartholomew James (later Rear-Admiral), belong
ing to the Charon (burned later at Yorktown), but serving tempo
rarily in the Richmond frigate, describes a press in New York: "On
the 27th [April, 1781], all the boats of the fleet having assembled by
break of day on board the Rainbow, we landed at New York, and
commenced a very hot press for six hours, having in the meantime
taken four hundred seamen. The business of this morning furnished
INTRODUCTION
Signals and tactics (of which more anon) were of the
crudest, the latter being of a rigid order which required
fleets to be practically equal in numbers and to be so
handled that each ship should engage the ship holding
the relative position in the opposite line, a rule which
for nearly a hundred years stood for ineffectiveness and
never brought a decisive action. These hard-and-fast
rules, backed by the political rancor of the day, were to
cause the putting to death of the unfortunate Byng.
And these rules, which had had nearly a century of
hold upon the service, combined with the inefficiency
of the signal system which Kempenfelt tried so hard to
reform and would have reformed much earlier than
came to pass had he not been drowned in the tragic
upsetting in Portsmouth harbor of the "Royal George,"
were to be a large element in the loss of America to
England. For they were, through want of general
knowledge of the new signals used by Graves (by order
of the Admiralty), in part the cause of the loss by the
British of the action between Graves and De Grasse off
the Capes of the Chesapeake. Thus moved by com
paratively simple things are even the greatest affairs of
men. An indigestion, a delay of a few hours, a mis
taken signal loses an empire.
The ships of the day were, as a rule, uncoppered and
thus suffered from rapid fouling and the marine borer.
us with droll yet distressing scenes— the taking of the husband from
the arms of his wife in bed, the searching for them when hid beneath
the warm clothes, and, the better to prevent delay, taking them off
naked, while the frantic partner of his bed, forgetting the delicacy of
her sex, pursued us to the doors with shrieks and imprecations, and
exposing their naked persons to the rude view of an unfeeling press
gang." (Journal of Rear-Admiral Bartholomew James, 1752-1828,
Vol. VI, [British] Navy Records Society.)
INTRODUCTION
Coppering was only just coming into use, the first Brit
ish man-of-war having been coppered in 1761. By
1778 perhaps half had been so treated; by 1785 practi
cally all. Naturally the uncoppered ships suffered
greatly in speed, through the rapid sea-growth on wood,
and in destruction through the sea-worm. So dull and
heavy in movement were the ships of the time that
many hours were sometimes spent in forming a line, and
even then often without success. Says Captain Young,
Rodney's flag-captain in 1780, in a letter to Charles
Middleton (later Lord Barham), Controller of the
Navy: "Your attention to the coppering reflects the
greatest merit on you. It is impossible for me to de
scribe the advantages attending it, and indeed exceeds
the expectations of everyone. The advantages from the
helm alone is immense, as they feel them instantly, and
wear in a third of the distance they ever did; it keeps
them tight and covers the neglect in your dockyards
from bad caulking; increases their speed in every situ
ation, more particularly in light winds tending to a
calm, which is no small advantage in this and every fair
weather country. Its greatest effect is in sailing large;
we have frequently made the signal for a line of battle
ahead (the squadrons all pretty close to us) when going
with the wind near aft, our topsails on the caps, the
yards braced contrary ways, and the uncoppered ships
with every sail they could set, and have not been able
to form, though six hours at it, but obliged to give
it up."1
To understand the unseaworthiness of the ships of
the day, one has but to read the terrible account of the
1 The Barham Papers, [British] Navy Records Society, Vol.
XXXII, p. 67.
[xxiii]
INTRODUCTION
gale of September, 1782,* encountered some 300 miles
southeast of Nova Scotia by the merchant fleet from the
West Indies, of over ninety sail, under convoy of ten
line-of-battle ships commanded by Admiral Thomas
Graves, who was in the "Ramillies." Half the battle
ships went down with a loss of 3500 men. Among the
ships lost were the lately captured "Ville de Paris" and
two others of the prizes taken by Rodney in the battle of
the 1 2th of April of that year. No doubt the great loss
was due to laying to, through ignorance, on the wrong
tack. The law of storms was not yet developed or even
broached.
The wonder is that these great tublike hulks, usually
but 170 feet long on the gun deck and 47 feet broad,
(and none exceeding 190 feet by about 53), with their
lofty freeboard of three or four decks, should ever
have got anywhere in reasonable time even under the
favorable circumstances of being coppered; and the
wonder is still greater that they could be manoeuvred
as an effective coherent mass. And very frequently they
could not. The diagrams of actions usually depict them
in a beautiful and mathematically exact formation. We
know, however, that a fleet of twenty or more battle
ships which should not under ordinary circumstances
have formed a column of more than two nautical miles,
frequently stretched as many leagues (and sometimes
greatly more), owing to calms or light airs. It was
such a condition which was fatal to De Grasse on the
1 2th of April, 1782, when, with a few ships, he became
separated from the rest of his fleet and was thus over
powered by numbers. Historians have spoken of this
as breaking the line. The fact is that with the vary-
1 See Beatson, Naval and Military Memoirs, V, 497 et seq.
INTRODUCTION
ing and light winds of the region natural in the situ
ation, near to several islands, both fleets were scattered
over leagues of sea and instead of a line being kept there
were widely separated groups. De Grasse's line, so
called, was broken by wind conditions under the high
land of Dominica. His main body had sailed or drifted
away and he was simply left unsupported.
Such conditions as existed, — blunt, short and broad
hulls, some ships coppered, some not, the varying sizes
of ships in the line of battle, — could not but work for
great uncertainty of action and had gravest weight o
the outcome of effort. Thus D'Estaing, sailing from
Toulon the i3th of April, 1778, did not reach his objec
tive point, the Capes of the Delaware, until the 6th of
July. He was thirty-three days in getting to the Straits
of Gibraltar and fifty-two thence to the Delaware, a de
lay which was fatal to the success of his campaign. Just
half of his twelve ships of the line wrere coppered, but
only two were good sailers. That he divided his twelve
ships into five categories shows in itself how unequal
his fleet was to concerted movement.
Admiral Byron who, on account of D'Estaing's de
parture, left Plymouth on the 9th of June with twelve
ships of the line, to reinforce the British force at New
York, was sixty-seven days in reaching the American
coast. And \vhen he did come in sight of Long Island
on the 1 8th of August he was all alone, his fleet having
been wholly scattered and much injured in a heavy gale
of wind just encountered. In this condition he sighted
the French fleet at anchor off Long Island, the greater
number of which were under jury-masts, thus showing
that they had suffered also. Byron headed for Halifax,
which he reached eight days later, fearing, on account
[xxv]
INTRODUCTION
of the enemy, to attempt to go to New York or Narra-
gansett Bay. Some of his ships had, however, already
reached New York.
These experiences are but fair illustrations of the
defects of the ships of the day.
For the benefit of the unprofessional reader, and as
the ships of a century and more ago are as obsolete and
as unknown almost even to the seamen of this genera
tion as the ancient galley, it is well to state that a ship
of the line was a vessel of a size and armament equal to
taking a place in the line of battle. The modern equiva
lent is found in the shorter phrase battle-ship. Such
ships varied materially in force much as the battle-ships
do to-day. They ranged from those of 60 guns to 120;
the latter, however, were rather rare exceptions. By far
the larger part of a fleet was made up of the class known
as seventy-fours. This was a "two-decker," i.e., it had
two complete tiers of guns, or two gun decks and
an incomplete tier on the upper deck. The two-decker
thus had guns really on three decks and the three-
decker on four. Naturally the lower gun deck was not
far above the water and the lee guns on this deck fre
quently could not be fought, as the ports would have to
be kept closed on account of the heeling of the ship.
The frigates had but one covered gun deck. They were
the scouts of the period; the eyes of the fleet of heavy
battle-ships. They had no place in the line of battle but
repeated the commander-in-chief s signals. The sloop-
of-war was a ship with guns only on the upper deck.
Though the information is readily available, it is not
amiss to give some details of the construction and arma
ment of the ships of the time, as being necessary to a
reasonable understanding of the actions of the period.
xxvi
INTRODUCTION
For a good three-quarters of a century, or one may say
well on to a full century, there was but little change in
size, character and armament of ships. Thus the "Royal
Sovereign" of 100 guns, launched in 1728, was 175 feet
long on the gun deck; 140 feet 7 inches on the keel and
50 feet ^/2 inches beam, with a tonnage of 1883 tons>
equivalent to a displacement of about 3000 tons; the
"Barfleur," of 90 guns, was 1 63 feet on the gun deck 5131
feet on the keel and 47 feet 3 inches beam, with a ton
nage of 1565. The "Victory" of 100 guns (launched
1765 to replace a "Victory" lost in 1744), Nelson's flag
ship at Trafalgar, and which is still afloat, was 186 feet
on the gun deck; 151 feet 3^ inches on the keel and 52
feet beam, with a tonnage of 2162. The 36-gun frigates
were about 140 feet on the gun deck; 120 on the keel,
and 36 feet beam, with a tonnage of 900 tons. Their dis
placement may be taken as about twice the measured
tonnage.
The guns (by the establishment of 1743, which held
for a long period) were, with slight variations as to
length and weight, as follows :
Length Weight Calibre Service Charge Windage
ft. in. cwt. in. Ibs. in.
42-pounder 10 o 65 7.03 17 .35
32 9 6 55 6.43 H -33
->* f9 6 50 ii
19 46 5-84 -30
To /9 6 42 5-3 9 .27
18 ig 39
6 36
12 X9 32 4.64 6 .22
6 31
There were five classes of the 9-pounders, varying in
weight from 28.5 to 23 cwt. writh a charge of 4 Ibs. 8 oz.,
xxvii
INTRODUCTION
and a windage of .22 inch.1 There were six of the six-
pounders, varying from 9 ft. to 6 ft. 6 in. Their calibre
was 3.67 in.; charge, 3 Ibs. ; windage, .19 in. The 100-
gun ship carried about 900 men; that of 90 guns, 800;
of 80 guns, 700; the seventy-fours, 600; the sixty-fours,
500; the fifties, 350; the forty-fours, 280; the thirty-
twos, 220.
By the strict wording of the "Establishment" the 100-
gun ship carried twenty-eight 32-pounders on the lower
deck; twenty-eight 24-pounders on the middle deck;
twenty-eight 12-pounders on the upper (gun) deck;
twelve 6-pounders on the quarterdeck, and four 6-
pounders on the forecastle. The class of seventy-fours
carried twenty-eight 32*8 on the lower deck; twenty-
eight i8's or 24's on the upper deck (as the size of the
ship varied) ; fourteen 9's on the quarterdeck, and four
9's on the forecastle. These figures are, however, only
approximate, as the heavier ships usually carried from
8 to 10 more guns than the number rated.
Carronades, invented as early as 1752 by a General
Melville, and which took their name from the foundry
at Carron in Scotland where they were made, did not
come into use until the period of our Revolution. They
were short guns of heavy calibre but of much less
weight for the same calibres. Their powder charge
was comparatively light and their ordinary range but
300 yards. As the actions of the day were usually at
close quarters, however, ships often being in actual con
tact, the new invention was, for mixed batteries, a valu
able one, as it gave a much greater weight of fire in close
1 That is, the ball was that much less in diameter than the bore.
INTRODUCTION
action.1 The guns and gun mountings were in general
character practically those carried in broadside down to
the time of our Civil War. Mountings, sights, and
methods of training and elevation were exceedingly
primitive and continued so with but little change for
generations. Neither sights nor locks were much used
until after I78o:2 guns were trained or elevated by
guesswork. As actions were frequently fought with
ships, as mentioned, in actual contact, such defects were
not in the long run as serious as might be thought. Lat
eral train was of course comparatively accurate; the ele
vation \vas of secondary consideration, as at the close
range at which actions were usually fought, if the shot
missed the hull it was pretty sure to cut something in
the towering mass of rigging which offered a target
about 1 80 feet square. Notwithstanding the crudity of
the means of handling, loading, pointing and firing
guns, an amazing number of shots were fired. Thus the
"Sandwich," Admiral Rodney's flag-ship, in the action
with the French fleet under Guichen off Martinique,
on April 17, 1780, fired 3288 round-shot, using 160
barrels of powder. She had herself eighty shot in the
hull and a mast shot away.3
1 Their real use was, however, as auxiliaries to the longer gun.
Their short range was fatal to the Essex in the action in 1814 with
the Phoebe and Cherub near Valparaiso. The Essex carried 40
thirty-two-pounder carronades and six long I2's. The Phoebe had
30 long i8's and 16 thirty-two-pounder carronades. Captain Por
ter, it must be said, protested against the armament before leaving
the United States. The British ships had only to stand off at long
range and pound the Essex to death, and this too within a half mile
of the shore just north of Valparaiso.
2 They were flint locks. "The detonating lock and percussion tube
came in 1842." (Robinson, The British Fleet, p. 254.)
3 Mundy, Life of Rodney, I, 287, note.
xxix
INTRODUCTION
All rigging was of hemp, and this on account of its
tendency to stretch in heavy weather was liable to give
wholly insufficient support to the masts, which in the
large ships towered from 175 to 190 feet above water,
with an immense weight of yards and canvas. The
ironwork (chain-plates) supporting the lower dead-
eyes was often inferior and gave way under severe stress.
Fleets were thus frequently disabled by the loss of masts
when only a few days out of port.
While the masts and spars were so at the mercy of
the gale, they suffered equally in action. It would seem
that one had but to fire a gun and a mast went by the
board. The cutting of a few shrouds or stays might
result in leaving the ship a helpless hulk. The battle
pictures of a sea covered with floating masts and debris
of yards and sails are in no degree, as a rule, overdrawn.
Such was but the natural result of every severe battle.
Chain cables were unknown;1 all cables were of
hemp. Those of the three-deckers of 80, 90 and 100
guns were 22, 23 and 24 inches in circumference. The
seventy-fours had cables of 21 inches.
The handling of such great ropes was a matter of
extreme labor and difficulty and the means were of the
crudest. One need not wonder that cables were cut
when in a hurry, instead of spending hours in heaving
in. The care of such a mass of water- and mud-soaked
material was a serious matter.
The continuous "spar deck"2 of more modern days
was unknown. There was a deep "waist" between the
1 These were not used until about 1811.
2 This name came from the use of the upper deck for the stowage
of the immense mass of spare spars, such as yards, topmasts, etc., car
ried there, forward of the mainmast. The quarterdeck was a real
quarter of a deck ; forecastle needs no explanation.
INTRODUCTION
quarterdeck and forecastle, uncovered but for spare
spars and boats, all of which were stowed on thwart-ship
beams, boat davits being unknown. Bright yellow
sides with upper works of blue and broad strakes of
black at the water-line, and nearly all inboard a dull
red, was the fashion in paint throughout the eighteenth
century. It was Nelson who introduced the black sides
with yellow port strakes which later were changed to
white and so continued throughout the era of wooden
ships.1
All ships of the period were very low between decks.
Ventilation was thus of the slightest, and of hygiene
there was but little thought. The water was carried in
wooden casks. It was often impure when taken on
board, and naturally did not improve by so keeping.
As a rule, the health of ships' companies was thus almost
incredibly bad, though there were some captains who
kept healthy ships. "The 'Stirling Castle,' 64, Captain
Samuel Cornish, arrived at Portsmouth [in 1756, after
a few months only of Channel service] with 480 men, of
whom 225 were the pressed refuse of gaols and scum of
streets; she was full of fever and other illnesses, and
when the sick had been sent ashore but 160 men re
mained for duty." Later, going to New York and the
West Indies, her new captain writes from Antigua: "I
officiate as Chaplain and bury eight men in a morn
ing."2 Of the 175,990 men raised from September,
1774, to September, 1780, 18,541 died from disease;
only 1243 had been killed, 42,069 had run.3
3 Cf. Robinson, The British Fleet, pp. 248, 249, for fuller details
of painting.
2 Clowes, The Royal Navy, III, 23.
3 Ibid., Ill, 339-
xxxi
INTRODUCTION
The habit of systematically carrying women to sea,
which, toward the end of the seventeenth century, was
in the proportion of so many per company of marines,
lasted in some degree throughout the eighteenth, as one
finds frequent mention of them. Of what we call
"morals" there was but little; Captain Thompson, writ
ing in the middle of the eighteenth century, after
describing the unsavory persons and dwellings of the
negroes of Antigua, goes on :
"But bad smells don't hurt the sailor's appetite, each
man possessing a temporary lady, whose pride is her
constancy to the man she chooses; and in this particular
they are strictly so. I have known 350 women sup and
sleep on board on a Sunday evening and return at day
break to their different plantations."1 I have been told
of similar things in our own service as existing in the
"forties" of the last century, my informant being Cap
tain Patterson, who was later head of the Coast Survey.
It is evident that in other times there were other
manners.
It is clear that Smollett in "Roderick Random"
scarcely overdraws the picture of sea-life in his own time
(1760). But the period was a coarse one both afloat
and ashore. The life of the sea was but a reflex of the
other. Both have changed together in immense degree,
in sanitation, morality, temperance, culture and man
ners. In all these, navies have much more than kept
pace with their shore-dwelling brethren. I have no
hesitancy in giving it as my opinion, after an acquaint
ance of nearly fifty-five years with naval life, that the
naval officers of every period have typified the best men
of that period, and never more than to-day. I quite
1 Clowes, The Royal Navy, III, 23.
INTRODUCTION
agree with the remark to me of a well-known British
Admiral : "The best men I meet in every country are
the naval officers." It stands to reason that they should
be. For no men have higher or heavier responsibilties,
in command, in diplomacy and in all that calls for
man's best efforts. The sea does not brook inefficiency.
It is not for the weakling to meet Nature in her stormi
est moods nor for such to deal in diplomacy or war with
men of all degrees and all races. Naval life is of so
stern an exigence that of necessity the unfit must dis
appear. The life of the sea is thus a great democracy
which respects man's ordinary social status not at all.
The great reward goes only to the man of whom it can,
in all truth, be said: "Well done."
Some time before the outbreak of our Revolution,
tactics and signals had begun a new development. The
BritishuFightingInstructions," which had long obtained
and in the main long continued in the letter, were hide
bound and forbade anything like originality. Devi
ation from them, if thereby any disaster occurred, was
fatal to the standing of a commander-in-chief, and, as
mentioned in the case of Byng, to life. Scarcely any
captains dared to deviate from what was laid down.
There was no initiative. Thus through scores of years
there had never been a really decisive fleet action. The
French were the first to develop anything like an ef
ficient system of tactics. The work of Vicomte de
Morogues, published in 1763, was the leading book of
its period on the subject. He wisely advised large ships
and heavy guns as thereby a fleet could be less numerous
without being less powerful: "Its movements were
more prompt, signals better received, formation more
exact." Kempenfelt wrote Middleton (the Controller
INTRODUCTION
of the Navy) , in August, 1779 : "That we have no regu
lar system of tactics you know; also that tactics are as
necessary for fleets as armies." And in January, 1780:
"I believe you will with me think it is something sur
prising that we who have been so long a famous mari
time Power should not yet have established any regular
rules for the orderly and expeditious performance of
the several evolutions necessary to be made in a fleet.
The French have long set us the example. They have
formed a system of tactics which are studied in their
academies and practiced in their squadrons. . . . We
should therefore immediately, and in earnest, set about
a reform."1 Well had it been for British success in our
Revolutionary period had Kempenfelt been listened to
when he first pressed the subject. Kempenfelt urged a
translation of the French tactics, and even went to
France to study the subject.2 Morogues, as mentioned,
favored throughout the fleet composed of fewer big
ships rather than of a greater number of smaller ones.
"The shortened line was the method of his choice."3
"Summing up his theory of naval warfare in general
and tactics in particular, it is this: Firstly, that the para
mount means of securing the end of warfare is a crush
ing decision against the enemy's fleet. Secondly, that,
given the gun as a basis of tactics, and given the ease of
avoidance at sea, such a decision can only be gained
by superior concentration of fire and superior mobility.
But here a dilemma is involved. Superior concentra
tion can best be obtained by close order, but close order
means loss of mobility. The dilemma, however, is not
1 Signals and Instructions, Navy Records Society, Vol. XXXV,
PP. 2, 3.
2 Ibid., Introduction.
12.
xxxv
INTRODUCTION
insoluble. The way out is to use big ships and big guns
whereby you can secure at the same time both superior
concentration and, having fewer units, superior mobil
ity." l We have here the theories of to-day enunciated
in 1763. Concentration against a portion was also held
by Rodney to be the true object rather than to follow the
rule of generations which required a careful formation
parallel to the enemy's line and then each ship engage
its opposite. In a note to Clerk's "Tactics" he said:
"It is well known that attempting to bring to action the
enemy, ship to ship, is contrary to common sense, and a
proof that that admiral is not an officer whose duty it
is to take every advantage of an enemy by which he will
be sure of defeating the enemy and taking the part
attacked, and likewise defeating the other part by detail
unless they make a timely retreat. During all his com
mands Admiral Rodney has been entrusted with he has
made it a rule to bring his whole force against part of
the enemy's, and never was so absurd as to bring ship
against ship."2
We have here in 1779 the beginning of the departure
from the ancient ship-to-ship rule, a departure at
tempted by Rodney in his action with Guichen on April
17, 1780, off Martinique, but rendered abortive by an
ambiguous signal combined with the authority of the old
"Fighting Instructions," which throughout their careers
had been stamped upon the minds of the captains. One
can readily understand the confusion that would result
from such a misunderstanding in a fleet of twenty ships
in the close order of one cable distance,3 which even
1 Signals and Instructions, Navy Records Society, Vol. XXXV,
p. 11.
2 I bid., 14.
3 The old cable was 120 fathoms = 720 feet.
XXXV
INTRODUCTION
thus stretched about three and a half nautical miles, in
action with one of twenty-two ships, with a line, by Rod
ney's estimate, of four leagues (twelve miles) in length,
as occurred in his action with Guichen. The British
captains in the van pressed all sail to reach the head
ships of the French line, and the concentration of the
compact British line upon the rear of the much ex
tended French was thus rendered abortive. Hence
much acrimony and ill-feeling, courts-martial and a
most harsh report home from the commander-in-chief,
whose own insufficient clarity in signals was chiefly
responsible. Something of the same kind was to hap
pen in Graves's encounter with De Grasse, by which the
battle was lost, and, with the battle, America.
A great deal which is more or less nonsense has
been written about "breaking the line." There were
generations of controversy over Rodney's action in this
respect on April 12, 1782, when De Grasse was defeated
and his flagship, the "Ville de Paris," taken. Rodney in
reality broke no line in this action because there was
none to break. The French fleet was so affected by the
light airs, calms and currents which prevailed in the
immediate vicinity of the islands near which they were,
that any careful reading of the narrative shows the im
possibility of any real formation on their part. The
battle ended with both fleets divided into widely scat
tered groups, miles apart; the French flag-ship with five
others formed the central group ; there were some
dozen ships two miles to windward of her and the rest
four miles to leeward. The British were in no better
formation, but Rodney was fortunate in having a su
periority near De Grasse's group. The result was the
capture of the French flag-ship and her immediate com-
xxxvi
INTRODUCTION
panions, and the escape, through Rodney's unwilling
ness to pursue, of nearly all the others. The net loss
to the French, it may be said, was six line-of-battle ships
taken, two destroyed and a demoralization which ended
their naval efficiency in the West Indies. It was this
demoralization of the French, and not the capture of a
few ships, which gave the battle its great importance.
Returning to the formerly much-vexed question of
breaking the line, the matter is thus summed up after
an extended examination by Mr. Corbett, in his volume
of "Signals and Instructions, 1776-1794": "We are
brought to the incontestable conclusion that by the end
of 1781, there was a signal for breaking the line on
every principal station except that which Rodney com
manded";1 and one of its chief exponents, in theory at
least, was the admiral who lost the battle against De
Grasse off the Capes of the Chesapeake.
With this somewhat long beginning, we turn to the
actual events which led to the overthrow of British
dominion over the thirteen colonies. In dealing with
these it seems fitting that some general account of
French naval effort on our coast should be given.
The surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga, on October
17, 1777, made the eventual independence of the United
States so likely that France, wounded to the heart by
the treaty of 1763, and ready to deal an avenging blow
to Great Britain, signed, on February 6, 1778, an alli
ance with the United States. Her sympathy and aid had
already been strongly shown, but now, on April 13,
1778, the Comte d'Estaing2 sailed from Toulon with a
1 Navy Records Society, XXXV, 57.
2 Charles Henri Theodat d'Estaing du Saillans, born at the Cha
teau de Reval (Puy-de-Dome), November 28, 1729; beheaded April
[xxxvii]
INTRODUCTION
fleet of twelve ships of the line, two of which were of
80 guns, six of 74, three of 64 and one of 50. There
were also five frigates of 26 guns each. He carried
with him M. Gerard de Rayneval, the first envoy from
France to the United States.
Unfortunately D'Estaing was not a seaman. His ca
reer to the age of thirty-four had been in the army. He
was transferred to the navy in December, 1763, with
the rank of vice-admiral, and was now, in his fiftieth
year, in the most important command afloat which the
King of France had to give. The situation in America
was made to hand for an enterprising officer. General
Howe had, at the moment when he should have been
assisting Burgoyne's expedition to the utmost, trans
ferred the main British force to Philadelphia. Clinton
was slow in moving to Burgoyne's support with the
remainder. The result was that he was too late, Bur-
goyne being forced to surrender the day Clinton's force
reached and burned Kingston on the Hudson. Howe
was still at Philadelphia, but was about beginning a
retreat across New Jersey to Sandy Hook and New
York. His brother, Vice-Admiral Lord Howe, who
was to come to high distinction, was in the Delaware
with six sixty-fours awaiting the preparation of the
large number of transports which were to carry the
army impedimenta. On June 18 the army crossed the
Delaware; the next day the transports moved down the
river, but did not get to sea until June 28. D'Estaing
had been at sea seventy-six days. He did not reach the
Delaware until ten days later, July 8. D'Estaing is
credited with the apothegm: "La promptitude est la
28, 1794, during the Terror. ( Lacour-Gayet, p. 139. Genealogy in
Doniol's Participation of France, etc., Vol. Ill, chap, v.)
INTRODUCTION
premiere des armes; etonner, c'est presque avoir
vaincu."1 Rarely has the observance of the precept
been more necessary and seldom has it been more com
pletely ignored. D'Estaing was thirty-three days to
Gibraltar, a distance of but about 750 nautical miles.
His average daily run was thus at the almost incon
ceivably slow rate of twenty-three miles a day. Passing
Gibraltar, where of course he was observed, and whence
he was followed for fifty leagues by a British frigate
which carried the news of his westward destination to
England, he was to be yet fifty-three days in reaching
the Delaware, though with the Straits as his point of
departure he was most favorably placed for making a
good passage. As mentioned, his quarry by the time of
his arrival had flown.
The meaning of the foregoing is that had D'Estaing
arrived ten days earlier — and by all reasoning he could
have done so by devoting his efforts wholly to a quick
passage, towing his slower ships as De Grasse did later
in his passage from Brest to the West Indies, thus mak
ing the passage from Brest to Martinique in five weeks
— he would have captured Lord Howe's much weaker
force in the Delaware, with all the British transports,
New York would have been defenseless and must have
fallen, and with this capture would have come an end
of the war, certainly so far as it concerned America.
D'Estaing's next move was of course to appear off
New York. But Howe, who was inside of Sandy Hook
on June 30, had shown every energy in preparing a de
fense. A five-gun battery was established on the Hook,
commanding the channel ; seven ships were echelonned
1 Lacour-Gayet, La Marine Militaire de la France sous la Regne
de Louis XVI, p. 143.
xxxix
INTRODUCTION
in the channel with springs and separate anchors. By
veering on the cables, their broadsides would present to
the east; and echelonned as they were, each ship would
fire clear of the other. Several other ships were utilized
independently of these, the whole being six sixty-fours,
three fifties and six frigates. D'Estaing anchored off
the Hook on July 1 1. The New York pilots declared it
impossible to take the heavy French ships over the bar,
though Admiral Arbuthnot states in a letter of October
8> J779, to the Admiralty, that "at spring tides there
is generally thirty feet of water on the bar at high
water." How much of the pilots' action was the result
of disloyalty, how much fear, one can only surmise.
Their cupidity was tempted by an offer of 150,000
francs without avail, and it is fair to suppose that both
disloyalty and fear must have contributed to defeat such
a temptation. Under the circumstances it required a
Farragut or a Suffren (who, by the way, commanded
the "Fantasque," 64, of D'Estaing's fleet). D'Estaing
was neither. In any case he gave up the attempt, though
on July 22 everything conspired to give every advan
tage; for on that day there was a fresh northeast wind
and a spring tide. "At eight o'clock," wrote an eye-wit
ness in the British fleet, "D'Estaing with all his squad
ron appeared under way. He kept working to wind
ward, as if to gain a proper position for crossing the
bar by the time the tide should serve. The wind could
not be more favorable for such a design ; it blew from
the exact point from which he could attack us to the
greatest advantage. The spring tides were at the high
est, and that afternoon thirty feet on the bar. We con
sequently expected the hottest day that had ever been
fought between the two nations. On our side all was at
INTRODUCTION
stake. Had the men-of-war been defeated, the fleet of
transports and victuallers must have been destroyed,
and the army, of course, have fallen with us. D'Estaing,
however, had not spirit equal to the risk ; at three o'clock
we saw him bear off to the southward, and in a few
hours he was out of sight."1
Thus ended d'Estaing's second great opportunity.
He was to have one more, which, though not compar
able in importance with either of the others, would, if
successful, have been a momentous event. This was the
possible capture of the 6000 British and Hessians, with
a naval force of five frigates and some smaller vessels
and transports, at Newport and the lower part of Nar-
ragansett Bay.
It had been concerted with Washington that should
the attack on New York not be ventured, D'Estaing
should go to Newport, in the vicinity of which was
already General Sullivan with a small force, shortly to
be added to by 2000 men under Lafayette, sent from
Washington's main force on the Hudson. General
Nathanael Greene was also sent to command one of the
three divisions into which the American investing army
was to be formed. Sullivan was hoping to raise his
force to 10,000 men, but militia are a very uncertain
quantity, and it was the slowness of their coming in
from Rhode Island and the neighboring States, and
Sullivan's request to await their coming, which was the
chief element in the miscarriage of this most promising
opportunity.
D'Estaing anchored off Brenton's Reef on July 29.
There was every reason for haste, for it was known that
Vice-Admiral Byron, who had sailed from England on
1 Clowes, The Royal Navy, III, 401.
INTRODUCTION
June 9 with thirteen ships of the line, was now due in
America. This fleet, scattered by heavy gales, was soon
indeed to begin to reach port, the flag-ship, for reasons
already mentioned, going into Halifax. The situation
thus offered a dangerous potentiality. Sullivan, at once
boarding the French flag-ship, in company with Lafay
ette, explained his own situation and asked for a little
more time to collect his troops. Delay was fatal. It not
only gave opportunity to the British general, Pigot, who
commanded the army, and to Captain John Brisbane,
the senior naval officer in command of the ships, to take
measures for defense, but, what was of much more im
portance, it brought, after a delay of nine days, the
British fleet under Howe, which caused D'Estaing un
wisely to leave the bay to meet them, and eventually
sent him to Boston with his ships much damaged by a
heavy gale, and without bringing the British fleet to
action. War is not a game in which success is to be
subordinated to an ally's vanity. Every element of the
situation demanded the disregarding of General Sulli
van's request at least to the extent of entering the bay
at the earliest moment and taking advantage of a
surprise.
D'Estaing the day after his arrival had sent two of
his ships of the line under Suffren into the channel west
of Conanicut Island, and two frigates and a corvette
into Sekonnet River, where the British now destroyed
a sloop of war and an armed galley. On August 5 Suf
fren anchored north of Conanicut and two other ships
took his place in the West Channel. It was now that
the five British ships \vere destroyed by Captain Bris
bane. Two were sunk south of Goat Island in the chan
nel leading to the inner harbor, and five transports were
INTRODUCTION
sunk between Goat and Coasters Harbor Islands. The
1500 Hessians on Conanicut Island were withdrawn to
Newport, and the batteries built on Goat Island and
at other points on the water-front were manned by the
seamen of the sunken ships.
On August 8 the other eight French ships of the
line, coming in at the main entrance, ran past the bat
teries without damage and anchored north of Goat and
Rose Islands, where they were rejoined by Suffren with
his two ships, the two in the west passage being ordered
to cruise outside. On Sunday morning, August 9, at
7 A.M., D'Estaing landed on Conanicut Island such of
the thousand soldiers as the prevailing scurvy and gen
eral ill-health had spared, and 2000 armed seamen.
Some fifteen flatboats had been provided by the Ameri
cans for the landing and for the transport next day to
the northern part of Aquidneck Island (on which is
Newport). It was while the landing upon Conanicut
was in progress that news came that General Sullivan,
anticipating the plan agreed upon for next day (the
roth) , had already crossed to the upper end of the island
with between two and three thousand men, but without
artillery and but little of his munitions. He desired
assistance. Too much appears to have been made by
the French officers of this breach of arrangement, which
after all was vastly better than tardiness. But whatever
the weight of the point of etiquette involved, it was
as nothing to what now happened. D'Estaing had
scarcely more than given orders to comply with Sulli
van's request for an immediate transfer of his landing
force to Aquidneck Island, when word was brought
that Lord Howe's fleet was seen, in the interval of lift
ing of the fog, at anchor off Point Judith, which is seven
INTRODUCTION
miles south of the entrance to Narragansett Bay. He
had with him one seventy-four, seven sixty-fours, five
fifties, six frigates and some smaller vessels, but his
exact force could not be absolutely determined.
The men were at once recalled aboard, a council of
war called and steps taken to dispose the ships of the
fleet for defense against attack in the bay, by anchoring
in close order on an east-and-west line between Gould
Island and Conanicut; there they should have re
mained. The afternoon and night was squally with the
wind from W.S.W. to N.W., with intervals of calm.
At daylight of the loth the weather was overcast, with a
light W.N.W. wind, almost calm. Many of the ships
were kedging into position. At 7 A.M., the wind, now
stormy, suddenly hauled to the N.N.E. and D'Estaing
determined to profit by its direction, which was fair to
go to sea and seek the enemy. Well would it have been
had he and his people been more weather-wise, for the
description in the journal1 kept by the Comte de Cambis
aboard the "Languedoc" flag-ship, and which has been
largely used in this account, is an exact premonition of
what is locally known as the "August gale," which has
its origin in a West Indian hurricane. Any reference
to local knowledge would, or at least should, have kept
D'Estaing in harbor ; any fisherman could have told him
what was brooding; the British fleet, driven off by the
furious tempest about to break, could not have returned
for some time; the situation of the army in Newport
was desperate, and it must have surrendered on the first
attack; Lord Howe himself, after communicating with
the British army and navy commanders in Newport,
"was of opinion that it was impracticable for him to
1 Doniol, III, 374 et seq.
Pxliv]
INTRODUCTION
afford Sir Robert Pigot any essential relief."1 But the
fates were against D'Estaing and at 7:30 A.M. (August
10) he gave orders to prepare to get under way. The
flatboats were sent back to Sullivan with a promise to
return with the fleet; and at 8:30 signal was made to
get under way, cutting the cables, and leaving behind
their boats and the four frigates. By 10:30 the fleet
had passed out of the harbor entrance, suffering no
injury of any moment from the fire of the British bat
teries. Once outside, it was seen that Howe was also
under way, he having also cut his cables, and for the
moment at least refusing action. In this he was entirely
justified, seeing that his force in guns was but as 672
to 782, and that he was wholly outclassed as to ships,
the French having two eighty-gun ships and six seventy-
fours, whereas but one of the British was even of the
latter force. There is no need to go into the manoeuvres
for position during that day and part of the next, or into
any account of the difficulties to come through the ris
ing gale. By the evening of the iith this had so in
creased that engagement was out of the question; it
became a matter of safety. The upshot was the scatter
ing of the two fleets and severe injuries to both, though
much greater to the French. The "Languedoc," flag
ship, lost all her masts, her bowsprit, and broke her tiller.
In this unmanageable condition she was attacked by two
of the British ships, and would have been captured but
for the happy advent of some of her less injured con
sorts. All of the French fleet, but two, gathered to
gether and on the 1510 of August were at anchor
twenty- five leagues east of Cape May. Here they were
seen by Admiral Howe, who, with his fleet separated,
1 Beatson, IV, 345.
INTRODUCTION
was alone in the "Centurion." On the i8th, on their
way again to Newport, the French were seen south of
Long Island by Admiral Byron, who, in his flag-ship,
the "Princess Royal," was all alone, his own fleet scat
tered to the winds. Byron was now sixty-seven days
from Plymouth, and fearing in his damaged condition
to attempt to get into New York, with the French fleet
at hand, put for Halifax, where he also found others of
his ships, though some had reached New York. One,
the "Cornwall," had arrived there on July 3Oth and had
taken part in Lord Howe's expedition to Newport, the
only seventy-four of his fleet. Such in that day, and for
generations later, were the uncertainties of the sea.
D'Estaing, though his officers were of one mind
that they should proceed under orders, which were
explicit to go to Boston to refit or take refuge if threat
ened by a superior force, held loyally to his promise to
return to Newport, an action for which he should have
every credit; with his flag-ship towed, he arrived of!
Newport on August 20. Here he communicated with
General Sullivan, who sent Generals Nathanael Greene
and Lafayette aboard the "Languedoc" to press for an
attack. Both of the reasons given in his orders were
now active, but D'Estaing offered to land the 1500
troops and marine infantry with the fleet, if they would
guarantee to reduce Newport in two days. This the
American officers felt unable to promise. D'Estaing
called a council of war; his captains were unanimous
that the fleet should go at once to Boston, and on August
22 it sailed. It arrived at Boston on August 28, and was
busied with repairs and looking after the defense
against the British fleet, which appeared but three days
after under Byron, Howe having now resigned his com-
[xlvi]
INTRODUCTION
mand. It did not attack. During most of the time at
Boston relations between the French and the populace
were strained. A riot even occurred in which a French
officer was killed. The feeling over the Newport fail
ure ran high, aided much by the indiscreet action of
Sullivan, who did not recognize how far his own delay
had gone to produce failure. He wrote a wholly
uncalled-for letter upbraiding D'Estaing, and in a gen
eral order to his now rapidly dwindling army (3000
had left in one day) criticized our allies so severely
that a duel was imminent between himself and Lafay
ette. To endanger thus our alliance with France was
an astonishing error which it required the ever wise V
Washington to repair.
On November 3, 1778, D'Estaing sailed for the West
Indies. Arriving at Martinique December 9, he entered
upon a year of varying fortune. He was reinforced in
February by a division of four line-of-battle ships under
De Grasse, by two under Vandreuil in April, and five
more under La Motte-Piquet in June. He had under
his command twenty-five of the line. One must look
elsewhere for the happenings in the West Indies. The
occupation, however, by the British of Savannah in De
cember, 1778, caused loud calls for naval aid from the
United States. The success of the French in taking all
the Windward Islands except St. Lucia emboldened
D'Estaing to disregard for a time his orders to return
with his own particular command to France, and at
tempt the relief of Savannah. On August 31 he
anchored off Savannah River, with twenty-two of the
line, with the idea of even continuing a career of con
quest as far as Halifax, after taking Savannah. Things
were to be far otherwise. The attempt on Savannah by
[xlvii]
INTRODUCTION
the French under D'Estaing and the Americans under
Lincoln was wholly unsuccessful; the two weeks pro
posed for the capture lengthened into two months, until
on October 28, the fleet, anchored in an open roadstead,
was driven to sea and separated in a fierce gale. On
November 5 the flag-ship, with not an anchor remaining
aboard, was 250 leagues southeast of Savannah, and
alone. To gather the scattered fleet, which returned
ship by ship to the West Indies, was hopeless. D'Es
taing stood for France, meeting the "Provence," which
gave him an anchor, and on December 7, 1779, reached
Brest.
D'Estaing's move against Savannah had had the im
portant effect of causing the withdrawal on October 25,
1779, of the British from Newport to New York,
through fear of attack there. Had D'Estaing, instead of
Savannah, attempted New York, where Admiral Ar-
buthnot then had but five ships of the line, he might
have ended his campaign with all the brilliancy of his
utmost hopes. Again he had the chance of ending the
war. As it was, the American coast was left open for
the movement at will of the British ships, of which there
were twenty-seven of the frigate class, large and small.
The southern coast was open to freest occupation and
desolation ; and though the eccentric policy now under
taken by the British was, through almost fortuitous cir
cumstances, to end unfavorably for them, it was not far
from conquering the country. For it delivered for a
time into their hands the whole region south of Vir
ginia, in which the loyalists were as many and as active
as were the patriots.1
1 On this subject see Van Tyne, The Loyalists in the American
Revolution.
INTRODUCTION
Thus ended the first French naval expedition to the
United States, from which so much had been hoped.
It was pursued by misfortune from beginning to end:
in the slowness of its passage, whereby Howe escaped
from the Delaware; in the failure to be properly served
by the pilots at New York, which not unnaturally dis
heartened a commander to whom and to whose captains
the waters were totally unknown; and in the delay in
attack at Newport, which resulted in such disaster.
D'Estaing's force was such that an immediate attack
must have been successful. He would have captured
the 1500 Hessians upon Conanicut and the ships which
the navy was given time to sink, and there would have
been no time to build the batteries which he would
later have had to attack with probably some loss.
Whether he should not have remained in the bay on
the appearance of Hood is a moot question. Beatson,
an excellent contemporary authority, says that "Lord
Howe was of opinion that it was impracticable for him
to afford Sir Robert Pigot any essential relief." Almost
certainly D'Estaing could have held his own in the bay
and have reduced Newport, in so doing, easily. His
choice as it turned out was a misfortune, and almost a
fault, for even a defeat of Howe's fleet at sea would
have left him with a much shattered force, which would
shortly have again been faced by one much more pow
erful under Byron. In the circumstances, instant ac
tion on the first arrival at Newport was a necessity.
The failure to act promptly must, as said, be laid chiefly
at our own door, through General Sullivan's specific
request for delay. To accede to this was courtesy but
not war. Perhaps Suffren would have been more insis
tent and less polite. D'Estaing's failure was not far
INTRODUCTION
from wrecking the American cause. Perhaps Suffren
was right in his estimate of his chief: "S'il avait ete
aussi marin que brave . . ."*
There seems to have been but one man of his time
who recognized the situation clearly: Washington. His
dictum, and it was an opinion expressed at various
times and in various forms throughout the war, places
him among the first who had a real recognition of the
value of command of the sea, which goes back to Ba
con's generalization. In a memorandum of July 15,
1780, which he sent to Rochambeau by the hands of
Lafayette, Washington said: "In any operation, and
under all circumstances, a decisive naval superiority is
to be considered as a fundamental principle, and the
basis upon which every hope of success must ultimately
depend." A hundred years were to pass before this was
to have a world-comprehension through the genius of
the American naval historian, Mahan.2
The years 1779 and 1780 were years of deepest gloom
to the American cause. Actually we had no govern
ment. On the same day, June 10, 1776, that there was
appointed a committee to draft the Declaration of Inde
pendence, another was formed to draw up the "Articles
of Confederation." This committee first reported on
July 12, 1776, but it was not until November 15, 1777,
1 For further accounts of this first French effort, see Doniol, Par
ticipation de la France a 1'Etablissement des fitats Unis d'Amerique.
2 A little-noticed writer who advanced the theories later so forcibly
inculcated by Admiral Mahan was the Frenchman Deslandes. In his
Essai sur la Marine et le Commerce ( printed at Amsterdam, by Fran-
c.ois Changuion, in 1743) he proclaimed that "from the beginnings
of history the marine had been a decisive factor in the rise and fall of
states." The only copy I know of is in the Yale University Library.
—EDITOR.
INTRODUCTION
that their report was adopted, and even then it was
not until March i, 1781, that the last colony, Mary
land, signed it, and it came definitely into the ineffec
tive operation of which only it was capable. Prob
ably no more impotent system of government was ever
attempted. Appropriations could be passed, but they
were only advisory, as the several States could be ap
pealed to only to furnish their quota. There was no
such thing as a command by Congress; it could only
request; any State could withdraw at will, for there was
no means of forcing it to remain in the Confederation.
Each State had entire independence as to fiscal arrange
ments. This is no place to enlarge upon this subject,
but the situation is well expressed by the phrase: "The
States were independent sovereignties, united in a
league of which the first object was, not to guard against
Great Britain, but against each other."1 Interest grad
ually fell away until the actual attendance rarely rose to
thirty of the ninety delegates. Even the definitive treaty
of peace could not be ratified until January 14, 1784,
because it had been impossible to bring together the rep
resentatives of the necessary nine States. The army in
1779 and 1780 was famished and in rags. Washington
marveled that there had not been a "general mutiny and
dispersion," and he marveled equally at the "incom
parable patience and fidelity of the soldiery," notwith
standing the fact that during the winter of 1777-1778
"twenty-three hundred deserters went into Philadelphia
and joined the British Army."2 They were simply
driven by hunger to the plentiful food which a sound
1 Encyclopedia Americana: Confederation, Articles of.
2 Van Tyne, The American Revolution, American Nation Series,
Vol. IX, p. 237-
INTRODUCTION
currency could buy and an utterly discredited currency
could not.
One who lifts the screen of laudation and glamor
woven in later generations can only marvel at our suc
cess. There was in fact but one reason for it — Wash
ington, who was the Revolution embodied. Ever firm
and constant, neither over-depressed nor elated, he
dominated events as no other man in history has done,
the nearest approach to his incomparable firmness and
tenacity being found in Frederick the Great in the
Seven Years' War.
Once again the French fitted out an expedition to
operate on the American coast. On May 2, 1780, the
Chevalier de Ternay, with seven ships of the line and
three frigates convoying thirty-six transports carry
ing some 5000 troops under the Comte de Rocham-
beau, left Brest for Newport, Rhode Island. It arrived
on July ii. For a whole year this very considerable
force was to effect nothing for want of anything like
the naval superiority which Washington so truly an
nounced as a principle in his first communication to
Rochambeau, and emphasized later to De Grasse:
"Whatever efforts are made by the land armies, the
navy must have the casting vote in the present contest."
Rodney, leaving the West Indies with ten ships of the
line, had reached New York on September 14 and had
assumed general command over the naval forces under
Arbuthnot without any specific authority from the Ad
miralty and despite the very proper indignation and
protests of Arbuthnot.1 He started on his return to
the West Indies on November 16, having done nothing
except create ill-feeling, though with the twenty-one
1 Rodney was, however, upheld by the Admiralty.
INTRODUCTION
sail of the line then in the combined squadrons at New
York he might have annihilated the French squadron
at Newport. Rodney's departure left Arbuthnot with
but ten of the line, including the six which had arrived
on July 13, 1780, under Graves. In September the trea
son of Arnold had come to add to Washington's heavy
burdens. On September 15 De Ternay, who saw no
hope for America, died at Newport, — "of chagrin,"
says Lafayette. He was clearly unfitted for his post.
Said an officer of Rochambeau's command: "I have
never seen an admiral more cast down or less enterpris
ing."1 He was succeeded for the moment by the next
in command, the Chevalier des Touches.
On December 20 a British force of 1500 men under
Arnold sailed for Virginia to create a diversion for
Cornwallis, then in North Carolina, whence adverse
conditions were soon to cause him to move to Virginia.
In Virginia was Lafayette, who, with De Kalb, was un
able, despite unsparing energy, to prevent the ruthless
devastation of the State. It would now have been
good strategy to meet Washington's views by making a
diversion from the West Indies with a few of the
French fleet under Monteil, who was left in com
mand after the departure in 1780 for France of
Guichen, De la Motte-Piquet and De Grasse, and who,
says the French historian Lacour-Gayet, did "almost
nothing." "His correspondence abounds in documents,
reports, memoirs, but in all this mass one cannot glean
a single fact of a truly military character. He was at
the Cape [Haitien] and he did not budge from Santo
1 Colonel le Vicomte de Charlus, Journal de mon Voyage en Ame-
rique (Lacour-Gayet, p. 254).
INTRODUCTION
Domingo, or he was at Havana and he did not budge
from Cuba."1
De Ternay had written Guichen for the aid of four of
his ships, but his letter arrived after Guichen's depar
ture, and, Monteil not having the cipher, De Ternay's
request, through Monteil's failure to make it out, had
no effect. Des Touches limited his first efforts to the
despatch of a ship of the line, two frigates and a cutter
to the Chesapeake in February. This squadron effected
nothing beyond the capture of a British forty-four and
eight transports. Finding Arnold's force afloat sup
ported by land batteries, the French ships returned to
Newport: In March Des Touches tried again with his
whole force of seven of the line and three frigates. But
this time he found within the Capes of the Chesapeake
Arbuthnot, who from his base in Gardiner's Bay, Long
Island, had been keeping close watch upon the move
ments of the French, and had left almost at the same
time, arriving at the Capes before Des Touches; it was
but another instance of the general superior capacity of
the Anglo-Saxon as a seaman. Arbuthnot came outside
the Capes, a futile action was fought on March 16,
1781, and Des Touches returned to Newport with noth
ing accomplished. Meanwhile, as said, there were in
the West Indies fifteen French ships of the line doing
nothing. As affairs turned out, any discussion pertain
ing to these items of history is purely academic, but they
are, notwithstanding, necessary parts of the account of
the events which led finally to the great success. All
mistakes may be said to have been providential, for all
led to Yorktown.
De Grasse, on his return to France in 1781, was se-
1 Lacour-Gayet, p. 345.
INTRODUCTION
lected for the command of the new fleet fitting out for
the West Indies. He sailed from Brest on March 22,
1781, with twenty sail of the line.
Born September 13, 1722, De Grasse was now in his
fifty-ninth year. He had only returned in January,
1781, from the West Indies, where he had served under
D'Estaing and Guichen. Four days after De Grasse, the
Comte de Barras, named as the successor of De Ternay,
sailed in the frigate "La Concorde" for Boston, where
he arrived May 6, and at Newport on the loth. On May
20, Cornwallis arrived at Petersburg, Virginia, having
moved from North Carolina, and there he took over the
command from the traitor Arnold, who had but just
succeeded to the command of the force under General
Phillips, who died on May 13. Arnold returned to New
York. Clinton, with between ten and eleven thousand
men at New York, was apprehensive of attack, and was
desirous that Cornwallis should send back to New York
some of the 7724 troops sent to Virginia between Oc
tober, 1780, and June, 1781. Cornwallis, who had now
moved to Portsmouth, Virginia, declared, however, that
it was impossible to hold his own in Virginia with less
than the force he had with him, which now, with a late
reinforcement of 1700, amounted to over 7000 men.
The selection of a point d'appui was ordered, Old Point
Comfort being specially named. The engineer and
naval officer who inspected the position declared
against it, and the main body of Cornwallis's force
finally left the vicinity of Norfolk for York River on
July 30, and the whole were at Yorktown and Glouces
ter by August 20. All this, of course, was subsequent to
the Wethersfield meeting and could have no bearing in
any decision there.
INTRODUCTION
Barras carried a letter from the Minister of Marine
to Rochambeau stating that De Grasse would inform
him when he could leave the West Indies for our coast.
Said the Minister: a[As De Grasse] is master of his
own movements, with authority to unite or separate his
forces, I trust he may control the American coasts for
some time to come, and that he may cooperate with you
if you are projecting any enterprise in the North."1
With this knowledge and also with the information
from despatches of the British Minister of War, dated
February 7 and March 7, 1781, captured and sent in by
a privateer, that it was the purpose of the Government
to occupy the Southern States and carry thence their
conquest North, the meeting of the two commanders for
consultation took place at Wethersfield on May 21.
The arrival of Cornwallis in Virginia from North
Carolina was yet unknown. The conclusions reached
are shown in the formal question of Rochambeau and
the reply of Washington. The former was : "If the fleets
from the West Indies should arrive in these waters, an
event which will probably be announced beforehand by
a frigate, what operations will General Washington
have in view, after a juncture of the French troops with
his own?" Washington's reply was to the effect that, the
enemy at New York having been reduced by detach
ment to less than half the force which they had in Sep
tember, 1780, it was advisable to unite the French and
American forces on the North River and move to the
vicinity of New York uto be ready to take advantage of
any opportunity which the weakness of the enemy may
afford. Should the West Indian fleet arrive on the coast
1 MS. Letter Books of Rochambeau, Library of Congress, quoted
by Tower, Lafayette, II, 283.
INTRODUCTION
. . . either proceed in the operation against New York"
or "against the enemy in some other quarter as circum
stances should dictate." The difficulties of a move
south were dwelt upon and the preference for an opera
tion against New York "in the present circumstances
over an attempt to send a force to the southward,"
reiterated.
With this understanding Rochambeau returned to
Newport.
On May 28, Rochambeau, now assured of the inten
tion of the French Government that De Grasse should
at least at some time appear on the coast, wrote a letter
to the admiral to go by "La Concorde" from Boston, say
ing: "The enemy is making the most vigorous efforts in
Virginia. Cornwallis is marching from Wilmington
near Cape Fear to join on the Roanoke at Halifax with
the corps of Phillips and Arnold, which goes to make
up an army of 6000 men at Portsmouth, Virginia, . . .
whence with his small armed vessels he ravages all the
rivers of Virginia. . . . General Washington is certain
that there remain at New York but 8500 regular troops
and 3000 militia. He has pressed the Comte de Barras
to go with the French troops to Chesapeake Bay. M.
de Barras has shown the impossibility of this. He then
pressed for the junction of the French army with his
own, on the North River, to conjointly menace and per
haps attack New York. M. de Barras says that as soon
as the army leaves he will go to Boston, following out his
orders. There will remain at Newport 500 American
militia to hold the works, which the enemy does not ap
pear to be in a position to attack.
"Some days since the English squadron cruised off
here five or six days. Four of them stood to sea, it is
Civil]
INTRODUCTION
supposed to return to New York or towards the Chesa
peake to assist the offensive operations in the South.
There are seven ships of the line; one of three decks,
three 74*8, three 64*8, two 50*8, four 44's and many frig
ates. These last are not always with the squadron ; they
spread themselves about in support of their different
movements.
"This is the state of things and of the severe crisis in
which America finds herself and particularly the States
of the South at this moment. The arrival of the Comte
de Grasse can save it; all our means at hand can do
nothing without his assistance and the naval superiority
which he can bring.
"There are two points at which to act offensively
against the enemy: the Chesapeake and New York.
The southeast winds and the distress of Virginia will
probably cause you to prefer the Chesapeake Bay, and
it is there where we think you can render the greatest
service ; besides, it would take you only two days to come
to New York. In any case it is essential to send us, well
in advance, a frigate to forewarn the Comte de Barras
as to the place at which you will land, as also General
Washington, in order that the first may join you and the
second may support you with the land forces."
Rochambeau added a postscript three days later in
forming De Grasse that Barras had decided to remain
at Newport. This decision was the result of a council
of war of officers of both army and navy.
On June 10 the ship of the line "Sagittaire" arrived
at Boston, bringing a letter dated March 29 from De
Grasse himself to Rochambeau: "His Majesty, Mon
sieur, has confided to me the command of the naval
forces which he has destined to protect his possessions in
INTRODUCTION
southern America [the West Indies], and those of his
allies in the North. The forces I command are suffi
cient to execute the views as to the offensive which it is
in the interest of the allied powers to carry out in order
to bring an honorable peace. . . ."
He requested to be informed at Santo Domingo,
"where I shall be at the end of June," of the British
naval forces north; that word be sent by several des
patch vessels, and ended by saying that it would be to
ward the 1 5th of July, at the earliest, that he could
reach our coast; "but it is necessary," he added, "seeing
the short time I can stay in the country, which in any
event the season will force me to leave, that everything
which can serve in the success of your projects shall not
delay action a moment."
Rochambeau replied the day of the reception of the
letter, June n, informing De Grasse that Washington
had written him four letters since his previous writing
on May 28, pressing him to move; that he expected to
join in five or six days and try, in menacing New York,
to make a diversion in favor of Virginia. He con
tinued: "I cannot conceal from you that Washington
has not half the troops he counted on having, and I be
lieve, though he is reticent on this, that he has not at
present 6000 men; that M. de la Fayette has not 1000
regular troops, including the militia, to defend Virginia,
and about as many more on the way to join him. ... It
is then of the greatest consequence that you take aboard
all the troops you can, 4000 or 5000 would not be too
many," to attack the force at Hampton Roads and then
to force the Hook, the land troops taking possession of
Sandy Hook, which would facilitate the entry of the
fleet over the bar. "We are sure that the 'Sandwich,'
INTRODUCTION
Rodney's flag-ship, in September, and the 'London/
Graves's flag-ship, more lately, have entered and gone
out; finally in order to aid us after the siege of Brook
lyn, supposing we are able to establish ourselves with
8000 men at this point of Long Island, keeping 5000
or 6000 at North River to mask King's Bridge, — voila,
Monsieur, the different objects you can have in view
and the actual and grievous picture of affairs in this
country. I am sure you will bring there a maritime
superiority, but I cannot too often repeat to bring also
troops and money."
He repeated also the necessity of forewarning Barras
and Washington, and added a postscript: "I observe by
a letter which the Chevalier de la Luzerne has written
you that M. Washington appears to wish you to land
first at the Hook, in front of New York, in order to cut
off Arbuthnot's squadron from anchoring there. I sub
ordinate my opinion to his as I am bound to do ; but our
latest advices indicate that the enemy's squadron, after
having anchored for several days outside the Hook, has
put to sea and gone toward the south."1
"This letter," says Tower, "and the one which Gen
eral de Rochambeau wrote in the last days of May are,
with regard to their results, among the most important
historical documents of the Revolution; for they laid
the basis upon which was established the cooperation of
the allied forces in the Yorktown campaign."2
This correspondence and the minutes of the Wethers-
field meeting, May 21 and 22, show very clearly the
1 For this correspondence, see Doniol, Correspondance du Comte
de Rochambeau, V, Appendix. The advices regarding the British
fleet were in error.
2 Tower, Lafayette in the American Revolution, II, 400.
INTRODUCTION
minds of both the American and French commanders.
It was not until July 13 that Washington was able to
inform Rochambeau that by information received on
the 3d Cornwallis was between Richmond and Fred-
ericksburg, "free, from his superiority of force, to go
where he would." It is clear from the conference of
July 19 that even at that date Washington regarded
New York as the most important objective for the fleet,
if all conditions of time of arrival, length of stay, etc.,
should be favorable.1 In these last words lay the crux
of the situation. Washington wisely held that the deci
sion should rest upon the turn of events, and of these the
time of De Grasse's arrival was of supreme importance.
His own preference for the Chesapeake and his delay
from the earliest mentioned date, July 15, to the actual
August 30, were the deciding factors. One has only to
piece together the happenings of July and August to see
how fully Washington's hopes against New York would
have been realized. On July 21 Graves had left New
York with his whole force of battle-ships for a cruise
to the eastward, leaving the place, from a naval stand
point, wholly defenseless. He did not return until
August 1 6. At any time in this interval, had De Grasse
appeared, he had but to enter the bay and New York
would have been his, and the main part of the British
army in America prisoners. Even after August 16
Graves had no force but five of the line to resist him,
two of his ships having been sent on August 17 to the
dockyard for repairs. And had De Grasse arrived at
any time before August 30, Hood's fleet, unless the lat
ter might have escaped by some extraordinary good
fortune, must have been at his mercy. It is thus in no
1 Minutes of Conference, Doniol, V, 516, Appendix.
INTRODUCTION
sense derogatory, but far otherwise, to Washington's
judgment that he was first inclined to a naval attack
against New York, which was a certain prey at any time
before August 31.
Some, including Doniol and the present (1916) hon
ored French ambassador to the United States, have
raised the question as to the initiator of the move
against Cornwallis. They have not recognized that
they are doing an injustice to Rochambeau's memory in
supposing him to press an overhasty advocacy of a trans
fer of the allied armies to the South. It is an unneces
sary and futile claim. It was a matter decided by the
trend of events. Washington and Rochambeau worked
indeed in finest accord and with absolute singleness of
purpose. The noble self-effacement of Rochambeau
deserves all praise. He placed himself entirely at
Washington's command. In his own words, "Vous
ferez de moi ce que vous voudrez."1
On June 18, 1781, a year less 23 days from its arrival
in America, the French army, leaving some 430 artil
lerymen and all their siege guns to support Barras's
squadron in case it should be attacked, started toward
the Hudson to join Washington, who by July 4 occu
pied a line from Dobbs Ferry to White Plains. The
French arrived and occupied the east end of the line on
July 6.
The "Concorde" did not leave Boston until June 20.
She had a swift safe passage to Cape Frangais. De
Grasse had left Fort Royal, Martinique, on July 5. He
arrived at Cape Frangais on July 26, where he found
four ships of the line left there the year before by Gui-
chen. On August 12 the "Concorde," carrying De
1 Doniol, IV, 630.
INTRODUCTION
Grasse's reply, dated July 28, reached Newport, and
two days later his letter was in the hands of Rocham-
beau and Washington. De Grasse announced his inten
tion to leave on August 3 (it was two days later that he
sailed) for the Chesapeake, "the point which appears
to me to be indicated by you, Monsieur le Comte, and
by MM. Washington, De Luzerne and De Barras, as
the one from which the advantage you propose may be
most certainly attained." He had engaged at Havana
the 1,200,000 livres requested by Rochambeau, had em
barked 3000 infantry, 100 artillerymen, 100 dragoons,
ten field-pieces, a number of siege guns and mortars,
part of the Santo Domingo garrison, all under the com
mand of the Marquis de Saint-Simon. He announced
that he could remain upon our coast only until October
15, on account of operations planned by the allied
French and Spanish officers. He had acted wholly on
his own responsibility and could not venture to change
their arrangements by delay beyond the time set.
On August 5 De Grasse left Cape Haitien with
twenty-eight ships of the line and, going by way of the
Old Bahama Channel, anchored on August 30, in three
columns, just within the Capes of the Chesapeake. Bar
ras, five days before, had left Newport with six ships of
the line, four frigates and eighteen French and Ameri
can transports, and Cornwallis only eight days before
had completed the movement, begun on August i, of
his force from Portsmouth to Yorktown, which position
he had taken under orders from Clinton, after having
made an examination of other likely points, including
Hampton Roads. He had some 7000 men, besides
about 1000 seamen belonging to several frigates and
smaller men-of-war, and a large number of transports.
[ban]
INTRODUCTION
Washington had broken camp on August 19, five days
after the reception of the news of De Grasse's departure.
He crossed the Hudson at King's Ferry on August 21.
By the a^th both armies were across and the march
south began with every caution against a revelation of
destination, and with endeavor to give the impression to
the British of a contemplated attack on Staten Island.
Clinton was completely misled. The Delaware was
forded at Trenton, and on September 5, the day of
Graves's arrival off the Capes of the Chesapeake, the
army reached Philadelphia, where Washington himself
had arrived six days before. The march was continued
thence to the Head of Elk.
The Continental army which marched south under
Washington numbered only 2000 men. The French
were 4000. Celerity was of the utmost importance, for
if Lafayette failed to hold Cornwallis and he should
escape to North Carolina, the situation would be of the
most serious character. The aid of the 3000 troops
under Saint-Simon brought from Santo Domingo,
which De Grasse had at once, after communicating with
Lafayette, sent into the James River, was now of great
est value. These, landing at Jamestown on September 2,
effectually settled the question of Cornwallis's retreat
southward.
Washington was at this moment still at Philadelphia,
whence, on September 2, he had written Lafayette, —
"distressed beyond measure to know what had become
of the Comte de Grasse, and for fear that the English
fleet [which he now knew had left Sandy Hook on
August 31], by occupying the Chesapeake, toward
which my last accounts say they were steering, may
frustrate all our flattering prospects in that quarter. I
INTRODUCTION
am also not a little solicitous for the Comte de Barras,
who was to have sailed from Rhode Island on the 23rd
ultimo and from whom I have heard nothing since
that time."1
Washington left Philadelphia on September 5 for the
Head of Elk on the Chesapeake. His anxiety would
have been still greater had he known that at that mo
ment De Grasse was getting under way to leave the bay
and fight a battle with Graves.
As to the British: On July 2, Admiral Arbuthnot
sailed for England, leaving Rear-Admiral Graves in
command. On the same day the latter wrote a letter to
Rodney which he sent by the brig "Active," that inter
cepted despatches showed that a heavy reinforcement
was expected from the West Indies to cooperate with
De Barras's squadron at Newport in operations on the
American coast. But Rodney was already informed,
and on July 7, then at Barbados, he wrote the admiral
at New York that he would send reinforcements.
Two days later Rodney received word that De Grasse
had left Martinique. He then gave Sir Samuel Hood
preparatory orders to leave for the North. Certain
reports delayed Hood and these orders were not exe
cuted in detail, the outcome being that while on Au
gust i Rodney sailed for England, on leave of absence,
taking with him four ships of the line, Hood, on August
10, sailed directly from Antigua for the Capes of the
Chesapeake.
It is the "ifs" which count in war as in everything
else, and there was a momentous one in the events of
this period in Rodney's seizure of the Dutch island of
St. Eustatius as one of the first acts of the newly de-
1 Sparks, Writings of Washington, VIII, 150.
INTRODUCTION
clared war with Holland. This island had been the
great base of supply of the United States whither not
only neutral ships carried their cargoes, but many Eng
lish as well who did not disregard such chances to turn
a dishonest penny. In conjunction with the army under
General Vaughan, Rodney seized the island on Febru
ary 3, 1781. The booty was immense, being valued at
over £3,000,000. It was Rodney's undoing. He be
came so entangled in the distribution and in the result
ing lawsuits that worry brought on his old enemy, the
gout, which made such serious inroads on his health
that he decided to go to England to take the waters of
Bath and to look after his interests, which had been so
severely assailed. St. Eustatius thus became a large
psychic element in determining the result of the war.
Had Rodney remained, had he himself gone to the
American coast, taking his available ships, it is not un
fair to suppose another turn of events.
But all the gods of Olympus were, for the moment,
with the French and Americans. The "Swallow," sent
by Rodney, arrived at New York on July 27, but
Graves, with information from the Admiralty of a con
voy from France for Boston, had sailed for Boston Bay
on July 21. Despatched thither, the "Swallow" was
forced ashore on Long Island and lost. The "Active,"
sent by Arbuthnot, reached Hood on August 3, was
despatched back to New York on the 6th, captured on
the way and carried to Philadelphia. Graves did not
return to New York until August 16, when he found a
copy which had been made of Rodney's despatch, but
this only notified him that a force would be sent, and
its course, not that it had started. He was still without
any word of Hood.
INTRODUCTION
On August 25 Hood was off the entrance to the
Chesapeake, and he now wrote to Graves: "Herewith
you will receive a duplicate of the letter I had the honor
to write you by Lieutenant Delanoe of the 'Active' brig,
lest any misfortune may have befallen her in returning
to you." This, carried by the "Nymphe," arrived at
New York on Tuesday, August 28, 1781, and Hood's
fleet, which Graves states never sighted the Capes of
the Chesapeake, anchored off the Hook later on the
same day.
The inability of Graves and Clinton to grasp the situ
ation is shown in a letter from Graves to Hood written
on August 28 : "I have this moment received your letter
by the 'Nymphe' acquainting me of your intention in
coming here with the fleet under your command. It was
not until yesterday that I had any information of your
having sailed, which came privately from Lieutenant
Delanoe, now prisoner at Philadelphia, taken on his
passage to this place. . . . We have as yet no certain
intelligence of De Grasse; the accounts say that he was
gone to the Havana to join the Spaniards and expected
together upon this coast; a little time will show us. I
have sent up for pilots to bring your squadron over the
bar, which should be buoyed to render it safe. To an
chor without would neither be safe at this season of the
year nor prudent, on account of its being quite exposed
to an enemy as well as the violence of the sea.
"De Barras's squadron was still at Rhode Island by
our last accounts, ready for sea. . . . All the American
accounts are big with expectations and the army has
lately crossed to the southward of the Hudson and ap
pears in motion in the Jerseys as if to threaten Staten
INTRODUCTION
Island. For my own part, I believe the mountain in
labour; only now that you are come . . .
"My squadron is slender and not yet ready to move,
or I should not hesitate upon your coming over the bar;
as we are circumstanced it is a clear point. I met the
General today at Denis, Long Island. . . ."*
On the reception of this letter, Hood pulled the long
distance to Denis's in the afternoon of the 29th. He
there told Graves that it was not right for him to go
within the Hook: "for whether you attend the army to
Rhode Island or seek the enemy at sea, you have no time
to lose; every moment is precious." Graves promised
to be over the bar next day. That evening word was re
ceived that Barras had put to sea from Newport with
all his ships and transports.2 In the afternoon of Sep
tember i,3 Graves crossed the bar with his only five
available ships, and the united armaments at once stood
south. There were in all nineteen ships of the line.
At 9:30 A.M. of September 5 the fleet, now off the
Chesapeake Capes, sighted the French fleet at anchor
just inside Cape Henry. It had taken over three and a
half days to come 240 nautical miles. Signal was now
made, says the log of the "London," "for the Line of Bat
tle ahead at 2 cables length [1440 feet]. At noon Cape
Henry W. y* S. 4 or 5 Leages."
De Grasse had sent four of his ships of the line into
the bay to watch Cornwallis's movements, and he had
now but twenty- four. About 9 : 30 A.M. on this event
ful day of September 5, his outermost ships signaled a
fleet in the east, and at 10: 15 the lookouts aloft reported
1 The Barham Papers, I, 121.
2 Hood to Barham, The Barham Papers, I, 130.
3 Log of London.
INTRODUCTION
twenty-four ships, and at n the lookout frigate
"Aigrette" reported thirty, the actual number being
twenty-seven, made up of nineteen ships of the line, a
fifty-gun ship, six frigates and a fire-ship. The French
had gone to quarters and the admiral had signaled to
get under way, without further signal, at noon, when it
was expected that the flood tide which had set at seven
would have slackened. At 12:30 the signal was made
to form line of battle promptly without reference to
particular stations.
The distance from Cape Charles on the north to
Cape Henry is about ten nautical miles. The channel
for heavy ships, however, is confined to a breadth of
some three miles between Cape Henry and a large shoal
known as the Middle Ground. In this channel were
anchored the French ships in three columns. The tide,
says the captain of the "Citoyen" (a name markedly in
dicative of the new French sentiment), was still setting
strong on Cape Henry, and several of the ships had to
tack to clear the cape. The "Citoyen" cleared the cape
at 1 145, the "Ville de Paris" a little in advance. The
former ship, through absentees on boat duty ashore, the
sick and those who had died, was short some 200 men
and five officers. There were not men enough to man
the upper deck guns. Much the same may be said of the
others of the fleet.
The two forces now to be opposed were — British: two
98*8 (three-deckers) ; twelve 74'$ (two-deckers) ; one
70; four 64*8 and seven frigates. These nineteen ships
of the line carried nominally 1410 guns, though prob
ably quite 100 more. The French were: one 104 (a
three-decker presented by the city of Paris and so
named, the finest ship of her day) ; three 8o's; seventeen
INTRODUCTION
74*8 and three 64*8, with, nominally, 1794 guns, or prob
ably nearer 2000. There were also two frigates. The
odds were thus strongly against the British. But it is
clear that under such circumstances as those just men
tioned the French ships must have left the Capes in very
straggling order, offering conditions which more than
nullified the discrepancy of force. It was a great op
portunity and had Graves had the initiative which was
only now beginning to filter into the mind of the Brit
ish service, so long hidebound by the old "Fighting
Instructions," which required the formation of line
ahead and each ship to engage her opposite, he would
have at once stood down and destroyed the French van
before the French line could have been formed.
At i P.M. Graves had formed his line on an east-and-
west bearing, heading west, the distance between ships
one cable (720 feet). On approaching the Middle
Ground, he wore together (2: 15 P.M.) and lay to in
order to let the center of the French "come abreast of
us" (the "London," flag-ship, being in the center of the
British line). The van was signaled at 2:30 to keep
more to starboard; the signal was repeated at 3 : 17 and
at 3 : 30 the rear of the fleet was ordered to make more
sail. At 3 : 34 the van was again ordered to keep more
to starboard, and at 3:46 signal was made for line
ahead, "the enemy's ships advancing very slow." Even
ing was now approaching and signal was made "to bear
down and engage their opponents." The flag-ship filled
the main topsail, bore down and at 4:03 repeated the
signal, and at 4:11 hauled down the signal for "Line
ahead" "so as not to interfere with the signal to engage
close." Signals for the line ahead and for close action,
which was begun at 4:20, were repeated at 4:22. At
INTRODUCTION
6:30 all firing ceased and both fleets stood eastward, the
lines being about three miles apart. The British had had
90 killed and 246 wounded ; the French reported a total
of about 200 casualties. But the damages to a number of
the British ships were such that Graves did not again
engage. The "Terrible," 74, was in sinking condition
and five days later had to be burned. Nor did the
French show any inclination to renew the battle. For
five days the two fleets were more or less in sight, some
times only from the masthead. On the loth the French
fleet bore, by the "London's" log, E.N.E. "five or six
miles," though the journal of the French ship of the line
"Citoyen" of the same day makes the British not visible,
showing thus how widely scattered the ships of each
fleet were. Cape Henry was N.N.W., distant "35
leagues."
It was now that the purpose for which they had come,
and which seems, temporarily at least, to have escaped
the minds of both commanders, came again into the con
sciousness of De Grasse, and he stood for the Capes,
within which he again anchored on the nth, taking off
the Capes the British frigates "Iris" (formerly the
American "Hancock") and "Richmond." De Grasse
found Barras anchored in the bay. He had arrived on
the evening of the tenth with all his fleet intact. The
French had now thirty-six of the line, an overpowering
force as against the British, even should we include a
reinforcement of six ships of the line just arrived at
New York under Admiral Digby; news which came
near sending De Grasse again to sea in search of the
enemy. It required the strongest protests of Washing
ton to hold him to the real purposes of the campaign.
Thus both the French and British commanders
INTRODUCTION
showed how little they comprehended the real strategy
of the situation. Graves did his best, but it was a fatally
bad best. He should, having a leading wind, have at
tacked the French as they made their exit, when they
were necessarily in disorder and while but a portion
were outside. Instead, after wearing at 2 : 1 5 and with his
east-and-west line heading east, he "brought to in order
to let the Central of the Enemy [where also was the
commander-in-chief] come abreast of us."1 An aston
ishing tribute to conservatism bred through the hard-
and-fast rules of the "Fighting Instructions"! Follow
ing this, three successive signals were made between
2 : 30 and 3 : 34 for the van to steer more to starboard.
At 3 146 signal was made for "Line ahead," followed by
the signal, which certainly was not congruous with its
immediate predecessor, "for the ships to bear down and
engage their opponents." The admiral filled the main
topsail and also "bore down to the Enemy." The signal
to "bear down and engage" was repeated three minutes
after the former and again at 4: 1 1 when the signal for
"Line ahead" was hauled down that it might not inter
fere with the signal to "engage close," having been up
twenty-five minutes, the signal for "Close action" also
flying. The van and center began action at 4: 15. The
signal for "Line ahead" was again hoisted at 4:22, "the
ships not being sufficiently extended." This was again
hauled down at 4:27 and the signal for "Close action"
was again made; this was repeated at 5 120, upon which
the rear (Admiral Hood) "bore down" (toward the
enemy) . The French rear, however, kept at such a dis
tance that the British rear practically did not get into
action at all. At 6 : 30 fire ceased on both sides.
1 London's log.
INTRODUCTION
That Graves desired "close action" by the whole line
is sufficiently clear, and it is not comprehensible to-day
why his orders, though marred by the signal "Line
ahead," were not carried out. Sir Samuel Hood (later
Lord Hood) was undoubtedly one of the most capable
officers of his time. Though he did not do what was evi
dently the obvious thing, he was wise enough after the
event, and expressed himself in a private letter to
George Jackson, assistant secretary of the Admiralty, in
terms which were an epitome, on this occasion, of good
tactics and good sense.
It is impossible, however, to avoid the impression that
Hood did not do his duty as, had he been in chief com
mand, he would have expected a subordinate to do.
Whether there was a temporary pettiness of mind,
arising from an unconcealed contempt of Graves, or
whatever the cause, he did not whole-heartedly aid
his chief. The journal of the "Barfleur," his flag-ship,
says at "31 minutes past 3 the Admiral made the Sigl. to
the Fleet to Alter the Course to Starboard." The signal
for "Close action" was flying, and this was Hood's op
portunity. Instead he chose to consider that he was to
hold the line and thus scarcely got into action at all. It
was not until 5:20, when the signal for "Close action"
was repeated (that for the line having been hauled
down at 4:27), that Hood stood down, but the ships of
the French rear bearing up also, he did not get near
enough to accomplish anything. Certainly his conduct
aided largely in the losing of the day for the British.
Graves says in one of the last paragraphs of his report
of the action : "The fleets had continued in sight of each
other for five days successively and at times were very
near. We had not speed enough in so mutilated a state
£ Ixxiii ^
INTRODUCTION
to attack them, had it been prudent, and they showed no
inclination to renew the action, for they generally main
tained the wind of us and had it often in their power."
This paragraph is curiously suggestive of the general
"wooliness" of idea as to the duty of the British fleet. Its
true strategy was to take advantage of the leading wind
with which it approached the Chesapeake, and upon the
straggling exit of the French fleet to have "worn to
gether" and have stood in toward Cape Henry. With
but the van of the French fleet outside, with the others
in the disorder of exit against a flood tide, there was the
assurance of victory for the British, the occupancy of
the bay and the relief of Cornwallis. Everything fa
vored such a course of action. Failing this, it should,
from the British point of view, have been Graves who
should, after the action, have gone into the Chesapeake
and left De Grasse aimlessly sailing about. Whether the
latter would have had the boldness to have then attacked
New York, which was wholly undefended, is a question.
On the day of the action, September 5, Washington
was standing on the river bank at Chester; "he waved
his hat in the air as the Comte de Rochambeau ap
proached and with many demonstrations of uncontrol
lable happiness he announced to him the good news" of
De Grasse's arrival. Had he known that De Grasse was
leaving the Capes at that moment to fight a battle, he
would have been less joyous. But the fates were with
the allies. It was an incapable British admiral that
saved the situation and brought De Grasse back to a po
sition he should never have left. As it was, by Septem
ber 28 the combined armies were in front of Yorktown,
partly transported from the head waters of the Chesa
peake by French frigates sent to Annapolis, partly by
[Ixxiv]
INTRODUCTION
the ordinary land route, and the loss of Cornwallis with
his 7000 men, and the complete restoration of Conti
nental authority in the South, a certainty. The sur
render took place on October 19. On the same day
Graves again crossed Sandy Hook bar, now with twen
ty-three ships, convoying Clinton with 7000 troops,
bound for the Chesapeake. They arrived off the Capes
on October 24. They there received word of Cornwal-
lis's surrender. In any case the expedition was futile.
The French were in fifty per cent, greater force and an
attack could end only in disaster. The fleet and troops
consequently returned to New York.
To show the low ebb to which we had fallen it should
be mentioned that Washington marched south with but
two thousand Continentals and four thousand French.
This fact alone shows the supreme importance of the
French fleet. Without it there had been no American
independence.
A word as to Graves personally. The son of an ad
miral of the same name (Thomas), he was born (with
some doubt as to the date) in 1725 and died in 1802.
He accompanied his father in Vernon's expedition
against Cartagena in 1741 ; was a lieutenant in 1743 at
the early age of eighteen; a commander in 1754; a
post-captain in 1755. In 1757 he was court-martialed
for not making sufficient effort to discover the real char
acter of a large French ship which Graves (command
ing a sloop of but twenty guns) took for a seventy-four
and thus did not engage. The Admiralty held that the
French ship was but an Indiaman. The trial has a pecu
liar interest in that the sentence, rendered the same day
as Byng's, shows that the court was, under the Articles
of War, enabled to exculpate the latter also on the
Clxxv]
INTRODUCTION
ground of error in judgment. Byng was found guilty of
"negligence" under the iath article; Graves was found
guilty of "error of judgment" under the 36th.
Graves later commanded the "Conqueror," 74, one of
the ships of Byron's squadron which went to North
America and the West Indies in 1778. He was pro
moted to Rear-admiral of the Blue, March 29, 1779;
was recalled home on this account and hoisted his flag
as a subordinate commander in the Channel squadron.
He was shortly ordered to command a reinforcement of
the fleet in North America under Admiral Arbuthnot.
He was made Rear-admiral of the Red, September 26,
1780. He took part under Arbuthnot in the latter's
action with Des Touches on March 16, 1781, off the
Chesapeake; relieved Arbuthnot in chief command on
July 4, 1781, and occupied this post just long enough to
ruin his reputation with posterity as a naval officer.
In the fall of 1781 he was ordered to the West Indies.
He was there as a subordinate, a situation to which,
after being commander-in-chief, he strongly objected.
He had, however, lost no favor with the Admiralty and
his request to be relieved was granted. He thus started
from Port Royal, Jamaica, July 10, 1782, under orders
from Sir George Rodney to convoy to England some
ninety sail of merchantmen. He had with him ten line-
of-battle ships, six of which (among them the "Ville de
Paris") were the French prizes taken in Rodney's ac
tion of April 12, 1782. Caught in a heavy gale some
three hundred miles south of Nova Scotia, the fleet lay
to on the wrong tack (the law of storms not then being
even heard of) , with the result of one of the greatest sea-
disasters on record. The "Ramillies," Graves's flag
ship, had to be abandoned; the crew, all saved, being
£ Ixxvi ]
INTRODUCTION
distributed among the merchantmen. The "Ville de
Paris" and "Glorieux" foundered with all on board.
The "Ardent" and "Caton" reached Halifax. The
"Jason" was the only one able to continue to England.
The loss of life, says Beatson, "may be safely com
puted" at "three thousand five hundred men."
Graves was promoted Vice-admiral of the Blue on
September 24, 1787 ; Vice-admiral of the White on Sep
tember 21, 1790; of the Red, January 2, 1793 ; Admiral
of the Blue, April 12, 1794, and of the White, June 6,
1795 ;* was commander-in-chief at Plymouth and in
1793 was second in command to Lord Hood in the bat
tle of the first of June, when he was badly wounded.
For his services in this action he was made an Irish peer
in 1794, receiving a gold medal and chain and a pension
1 The following is given by Commander Charles N. Robinson in
his book, The British Fleet, as the origin of the three ranks of admiral
in each grade :
"In or about 1627 and probably at the time of the expedition against the
Isle of Rhe, the fleet was divided into three squadrons, and each squadron
was given a different ensign, the centre red, the van blue and the rear white;
each flag having in the upper corner, next to the staff, a white canton charged
with a St. George's cross. At the same time the squadrons were divided
into three, respectively commanded by an admiral, vice-admiral and rear-
admiral, carrying their distinctive flags on the main, fore and mizzen masts.
As, however, the admiral commanding the centre was not only in command
of the red division but of the whole fleet, he flew, instead of the red flag,
the Union at the main, and thus it happened that there was no Admiral of
the Red; nor was there any until November pth, 1805, when, as a special
compliment to the Navy after Trafalgar, this rank was instituted. The
second in command flew a blue flag at the main and the Union at the fore ;
the third a white flag at the main and the Union at the mizzen."
All the ships of an admiral's command flew the ensign of his color.
The several grades of red, blue and white were abolished by order
of August 5, 1864, when the white ensign was ordered for all ships of
war; the blue became the Naval Reserve flag, and the red the mer
chant flag; the admiral's flag, white with a St. George's cross; the
vice-admiral's, the same but with a small red disk (in heraldry, tor-
teau) in the upper quadrant next the staff; the rear-admiral's, with a
torteau in each quadrant next the staff.
£ Ixxvii ]
INTRODUCTION
of £1000 a year. On account of his wounds he resigned
his command and saw no further service.
He married in 1771 and left a son and three daugh
ters. He died February 9, iSoz.1
In concluding, the Editor desires most gratefully to
express his obligation to the Director of the Archives
Nationales of France and M. Charles de la Ronciere
of the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, through whose
courtesy the De Grasse papers were found and tran
scribed for the Society, and to Mr. Gaillard Hunt of
the Library of Congress and Messrs. B. F. Stevens and
Brown, for their assistance in collecting the despatches
from the British Admiralty Records contained in this
volume.
1 Condensed from the British National Biography and Clowes's
History of the Royal Navy.
£ Ixxviii
THE GRAVES PAPERS
THE GRAVES PAPERS
REAR-ADMIRAL THOMAS GRAVES was ordered to a com
mand in the Western (Channel) Squadron on Septem
ber 2, 1779, his flag-ship being the "London." The
usual delays in fitting his flag-ship for service occurred,
and he was most of the time at the dockyard.
Early in 1780 it was decided that he should go to
New York to reinforce the fleet of Vice-Admiral
Marriot Arbuthnot, then in command in American
waters. His orders to prepare for this service were
issued on March 16, 1780, as follows:
[ THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF THE ADMIRALTY TO
REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES1 ]
By&c.
Having Ordered the Captains of His Majesty's Ships
named on the other side hereof at the places against
each exprest, to put themselves under your command &
follow your Orders for their further proceedings; You
are hereby required & directed to take them & the said
Ships under your command accordingly; & to cause the
1 Admiralty Records, Orders and Instructions, 2, 108, p. 400.
CO
THE GRAVES PAPERS
utmost dispatch to be used (so far as the same may de
pend upon you) in getting them ready for the Sea, &
then to hold yourself in readiness for sailing. Given
&c. 1 6th March 1780.
SANDWICH l
LISBURN
R. MAN.
Thomas Graves Esqr. Rear Admiral
of the Blue, &c.
By &c. P. S.
1 The First Lord of the Admiralty from January 12, 1771, to
March 30, 1782, when he was replaced by Admiral Augustus Kep-
pel. The latter held the office only until January 30, 1783, when
Lord Howe came, to remain but a few months (until April 10, 1783).
Keppel then again was appointed, but remained only until December
31 of the same year, when Howe again became First Lord until July,
1788. The latter was of saturnine temperament, gloomy and in a
way inarticulate both in speech and writing but with strong character.
The initials P. S. where they occur in the documents stand for
Philip Stephens. Stephens (later Sir P. S.) was secretary of the
Admiralty from 1763 through the Revolution. Under the British
system this official is the medium of communication to and from the
Admiralty Board. His position is thus highly responsible and impor
tant.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Enclosure A
LIST OF SHIPS REFERRED TO (NOT ALL OF WHICH
WENT WITH HIM).1
Capt. Graves London Spithead
" Tenny Marlboro* Do.
" Robinson Shrewsbury* . . . Do.
Rt. Hble. Ld. Capt. Robt. Manners Resolution Do.
Capt. Cornish Invincible* Do.
" Burnett Prudent Do.
" Biggs Amphitrite Do.
" Sir Digby Dent Royal Oak . . . Portsmouth
" Thompson America Do.
By&c.
P. S.
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
Sir
I beg of you to represent to the Lords Commissioners
of the Admiralty that the addition of eight cannon upon
the large second rates without an augmentation of the
compliment has made it necessary in quartering the
people to reduce the lower Deck Guns to 1 1 men each
which are too few to work a 32 pounder well; and like-
1 The ships starred did not go on account of delays in fitting out,
trouble with mutinous crews, etc. (the chief cause of which was
delayed pay). The Bedford, 74, was substituted. The Amphitrite
was a small frigate ; the others, line-of-battle ships.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
wise to reduce the middle deck guns to 9 men which are
too few for an 18 pounder
I presume to hope that their Lordships will thinck it
reasonable a Ship going on foreign service with 98 Can
non mounted should be augmented with 50 men, more
than the ordinary establishment for 90 Guns. The Lon
don has now only two Guns less than a first rate, and at
the same time has fewer men by 100 — under both these
considerations I hope their Lordships will be pleased to
order an addition of fifty men to the compliment of the
London.
I am Sir your most obedient
Humble Servant
London at Spithead THOS. GRAVES.
I3th. March 1780 —
Philip Stephens Esq: —
Minute 16 Mar | let him know that their Ldps | can
not consent to | the encreasg the | Complemt. of Ships
of the 2d. Rate
[ THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF THE ADMIRALTY TO
REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES1 ]
By&c
You are hereby required and directed to proceed,
with His Majesty's ships under your comand, without a
moment's Loss of time, to No. America, in order to join
and re-inforce the squadron under the comand of Vice
1 Public Record Office, Admiralty 2, 1337.
[43
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Admiral Arbuthnot; proceeding, in the first place, to
New York unless you shall sooner fall in with the said
Vice Admiral or receive contrary Orders from him,
And upon joining him, you are to deliver to him the in
closed pacquet; and, putting yourself under his com
mand, follow his Orders for your further proceedings.
In case, upon your arrival at New York, you shall
find that the sd. Vice Admiral is not returned from the
Southward, or being returned, that he is gone to any
other part of the Coast of America, You are to dispatch
a Frigate immediately to him whereever he may be, to
acquaint him with your arrival ; sending by her, the
abovementd pacquet and waiting at New York until the
arrival of the said Vice Admiral, or you shall receive
orders from him to quit that place & proceed elsewhere.
Given &c z^th March 1780
SANDWICH
J BULLER
Thomas Graves Esqr LlSBURNE
Rear Admiral of the
Blue &c. By &c. P. S.
Endorsed O.R.D. 25 Mar. 1780 / R. A. Graves.
[ PHILIP STEPHENS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES1 ]
A. O. 25th March 1780.
Sir.
Vice Admiral Lord Viscount Howe, late Comr in
Chief of His Majesty's Ships and Vessels in North
Ammerica having during such his Command estab-
1 Public Record Office, Admiralty 2, 1337.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
lished a Monthly Change of Signals for the Squadron
employed on that Station which still continue in force, I
am commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the
Admty to send you herewith a Copy of those Signals for
your Information and use ; and to recommend it to you
to keep the same as secret as possible and to give similar
Injunctions to the several Captains & Commanders of
the Ships and Vessels under your Command, or others,
to whom you shall find it necessary to communicate
them.
I am &c
Rear Admiral Graves. — P. S.
Endorsed Lre. 25 March 1780 / R. Adml Graves.
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London at Spithead 5th. April 1780.
Sir
The badness of the weather the deficiency of Stores,
and the great quantity of work to be done, has occa
sioned with every exertion of Sr. Thorns. Pye and my
self, that only the seven sail of the Squadron
Prudent under my command named in the Margin
Shrewsbury wil1 be ready bY the evening- The Resolu-
America tion will I hope be forward in a day or two
Invincible more
London The vagt deman(} of geer an(j water for
Amphitnte . 01 . 1t ^
so great a number of Ships, as well as rro-
visons required to keep up the daily consumption of so
great a Fleet as is here I find occasions more employ-
THE GRAVES PAPERS
ment than the other necessary wants of the Port will
admit the Craft to do; and the Ships unavoidably fall
back to a considerable deficiency.
I therefore purpose to improve the first possible op
portunity of pushing to the westward, with those Ships
which will be ready, and of stopping at Plymouth,
where we can be more easily kept complete — Giveing
orders to the other Ships to follow as fast as possible,
which I thinck will stimulate the Officers more than by
any other method whatever — And unquestionably one
of the two Ships will sooner get to the westward
through the narrow part of the Channel than the Squad
ron kept together; yet shou'd the Ship which will first
follow overtake me I shall proceed on according to
their Lordships intentions — If not, I shall certainly
have it in my power to sail from Plymouth with many
winds that, wou'd shut up the Squadron at this place
and prevent my carrying into execution their Lordships
order so early as if I go to the westward.
Therefore Sir be pleased to acquaint their Lordships
that, I purpose sailing to-morrow with those Ships
named in the Margin, and do not doubt but their Lord
ships will approve of my intention.
I am Sir your most obedient Humble Servt.
THOS. GRAVES
Philp. Stephens Esq. Admy. —
As the wind is Westerly and looks dirty, and the
Ships can hardly be so forward as to move to-mor
row, there will be sufficient time for my receiving any
directions if their Lordships shou'd not quite approve
of my intention.
Endorsed Read
THE GRAVES PAPERS
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London at Spithead 7 April 1780
Sir
I have received the Lords Commissioners of the Ad-
miraltys order to keep company with Comodore Wal-
singham and his Convoy to a certain distance, if I am
ready to put to Sea (with the number of Ships men
tioned in their order of the 25 last month) when he
sails —
Be pleased to acquaint their Lordships that I shall be
happy to comply with their orders, But the want of
Stores, to complete the Ships, added to the delay occa-
sion'd from bad weather in fitting them up with Beer
and water makes it impossible for me to fix the time of
being ready.
The Resolution is yet to be paid, her Books being
sent down last Wednesday, and the Commissioner have-
ing no day to pay her before Sunday, it will from the
disposition of the Ships company who mutinied about
the time they sailed last from Plymouth be impossible
to get her to Sea before the People get their money.
There is a disposition in my Ships company to re
quire Two months advance before they go to Sea. —
But if it is not within the Rules of the Service I hope to
be able to keep them within the bounds of their duty —
I am persuaded were ship Courts martial to be estab
lished, and punishment to follow close at the heels of
THE GRAVES PAPERS
offence, — there wou'd be a great deal of inconvenience
prevented —
I am Sir your most obedient
Humble Servant
THOS. GRAVES
Phil. Stephens Esq. Admiralty.
Endorsed 5 8th. Ansd. do.
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London at St. Hellens 9th. April 1780
Sir
I have this Moment receivd your letter of the 8th.
April wherein you mention the very great importance
of my sailing with Commodore Walsingham, even
though it be with Six Ships of the Line only — Their
Lordships will be acquainted by my letter of yesterday
and to day of my own situation and endeavors to get the
Ships forward, and that I shou'd have joined the Com-
dore if the Ships of my Squadron cou'd have followed
me — When I had made the Signal and unmoored the
Capts. of the Shrewsbury, America and Invincible
came to acquaint me of the mutinous state of their
Crews — I strongly recommended to them to Arm
their Marines & Officers, and such people as wou'd join
them, to force their men up into daylight; (they having
shut themselves up betwixt Decks with the Ports all
down ;) to mark those by wounds who stood in their way
as they proceeded from aft to the Bows opening the
Ports as they went on — And if any man ventured to
C93
THE GRAVES PAPERS
oppose by violence to put him to Death — and when they
had got the men upon Deck, to call them by name to
their respective stations, and by that means it wou'd be
in their power to bring proof against the disobedient —
And in the first instance whoever was wounded betwixt
Decks wou'd carry evidence of his disobedience
about him & might be brought to Trial — This method
succeeded with the Shrewsbury & she is now at St. Hel-
lens, And an Officer came to inform me it had with the
America, where the Mutineers had turned two of the
Day Guns aft & had drawn a third for priming. — The
Resolution was in much the same state & I advised and
directed both the Comdore and the Captain to use the
same means — for that in my opinion mutiny was to be
suppressed at the instant though it might cost some lives,
and justice wou'd then take her seal with propriety
With regard to the Stores I stated the case truely. —
Sr. Thorns. Pye exerted every means in his power —
The Cordage was taken off the hooks as it was made,
the Ships in the harbor were stripped of rigging &
boats — that every thing was done that a Commanding
Officer cou'd do — the detail was to be carried on by the
Captains I wrote to Sr. Thomas of the mutinous state
of the Crews — and told the Captains they were not to
content themselves with stateing difficulties ; it was the
province of an Officer to remove them and when they
had failed in every exertion of their own, to acquaint
thier Comanding officer with the point beyond which
they cou'd not not go — he wou'd then apply the remedy
and by such concurrence every thing wou'd advance
and go on well.
The Amphitrite is at this moment Ten Tons short of
Beer, which is a great thing to a Frigate.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
I am satisfied their Lordships will thing I have done
every thing in my power And I will sail immediately
with the ship here and if I join the Convoy proceed on
—otherwise stop at Plymouth.
I am Sir your most obedt.
Humble Servant
THOS. GRAVES.
at St. Hellens
London
I have received your packet to be
Prudent , „ , T /
01 , opend oft the Lizard
Shrewsbury
Amphitrite
Phil. Stephens Esq. Admiralty
Endorsed 9 Aprl. 1780 | St. Helens. Rear Adml.
Graves I? loth, at 9 A M | by Mr. Maxwell
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London in Cawsand Bay 3Oth. April 1780
Sir—
I have receiv'd your letter of the 26th. inst. accom
panying a large pacquet not to be opened until I get off
the Lizard — and their Lordships may depend upon my
complyance with their directions—
I am Sir your most
Obedient Humble Servant
To THOS. GRAVES.
Philip Stephens Esq. Admiry. — Office
Endorsed Read
THE GRAVES PAPERS
[ THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF THE ADMIRALTY TO
REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ]
By&c.
Notwithstanding; any former Orders.
To put to sea . , * , .
without waiting you are hereby required & directed to
for Commo. Wai- put to Sea with the Squadron under
your command with the first oppor
tunity of Wind & weather without waiting for Como.
Walsingham & the Trade under his Convoy, and pro
ceeding down the Channel, open the sealed Pacquets
which have been sent to you, when you are off the
Lizard, & carry into execution with all possible dili
gence the Instructions you will therin find for your
further proceedings. Given &c i3th. May 1780
SANDWICH
J. BULLER
H. PENTON.
Thomas Graves Esqr.
Rear Adml. of the Blue &ca.
Cowsand Bay.
By &ca. P. S.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
Sir—
My letter of yth. August may not probably arrive as
soon as this, to acquaint the Lords Commissioners of the
Admiralty of my arrival off Sandy Hook, the i3th. July
with the Squadron1 in pretty good health, except the
Prudent whose people had suffer' d from feaver and
Scurvey.
Their Lordships several pacquets were delivered to
Vice Admiral Arbuthnot who was within the bar.
During our passage in Lat. 32°, oo' W. we took the
Farges, Capt. Mugny from the Mauritius and Bourbon
of 900 tons, bound to L'Orient old France with Tea and
Coffee and a few other articles. The Amphitrite Frig
ate was left in care of her nine days before our arrival,
to conduct her to New York, where they both arrived
soon after.
I prefer'd the Southern passage, which cost us eight
weeks to preform the voyage and I am inclined to be-
leive the good weather we met with contributed greatly
to the health of the People. In the London we experi
enced great benefit from the essence of wort which was
constantly administered to the Scorbutick and effected
a cure upon thirty of our men besides many more greatly
recover'd in their health, in as much that we sent but
fourteen to the Hospital.
The slow effects of medicinal opperations cannot be
expected to influence Seamen to receive the Wort in
exchange for Spirits, when experience teaches us that
1 London, 98 ; Resolution, 74 ; Bedford, 74 ; Royal Oak, 74 ; Pru
dent, 64; America, 64; Amphitrite, 24.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
they will run every kind of risque to get at Spirituous
liquors. Wine is found to be as great an antiscorbutick
as most, and certainly accelerates the cure — therefore
to retrench the seamen from the use of it whilest under
a course of wort wou'd be to co-operate rather with the
disease I would thence wish to recommend the use of
Wort as a Medecine, to be administered under the
judgement and discretion of the Surgeon which is the
method followed in the London and from its con
tinued success will, I hope meet with their Lordships
approbation.
I have inclosed a State of the Squadron as delivered
at my arrival to Adml. Arbuthnot and likewise a return
of the promotion and removal of Officers in the Squad
ron from my leaving St. Hellens to the time of my ar
rival at the Barr of New York which I hope will meet
with their Lordships approbation.
I am Sir your most obedient Humble Servant
THOS. GRAVES.
London in Martha's Vineyard Sound | 24th August
1780.
Philip Stevens, Esq. Admiralty.
Endorsed 24 Aug 1780 Martha's Vineyd | R. A.
Graves | Reed. 25 Sepr.
On September 13, 1780, Sir George Rodney with
twelve ships of the line unexpectedly appeared at Sandy
Hook from the Leeward Islands and assumed com
mand, much to the wrath, which was not at all unnatu-
[143
THE GRAVES PAPERS
ral, of Arbuthnot.1 The latter, who was at the time at
Gardiner's Bay, Long Island, watching the French at
Newport, made strong protests against Rodney's action,
which Rodney based upon the necessity of a single con
trol in American and West Indian waters. Strangely
enough, his action was upheld by the Admiralty, for he
had a specifically defined command and his assumption
of such, in the circumstances, over Arbuthnot was dis
tinct injustice to the latter. With the combined force,
now amounting to twenty ships of the line, the French
at Newport should have been an easy prey, but Rodney
did nothing beyond issuing some useless orders which,
in so far as the despatch of Graves to the West Indies
was concerned, were not carried out, De Ternay not
leaving Newport. On November 19 Rodney sailed
again for the West Indies (leaving three of his ships
with Arbuthnot), having done nothing but create ill-
feeling, but himself better off by several thousand
pounds of prize-money from a rich prize taken while
he was at New York, which would have been Arbuth-
not's had he not come. His action was in keeping with
an unpleasant and overbearing character, aggravated
too by severe attacks of gout. The following were his
orders to Graves, whom he found at New York:
1 Rodney's fleet at Sandy Hook was: Sandwich, 90, Sir G. Rodney,
Admiral of the White, Captain Walter Young; Russell, 94, W.
Drake, Rear-Admiral of the Blue, Captain B. Haswell ; Centaur, 74,
J. N. P. Nott; Triumph, 74, Ph. Affleck; Culloden, 74, Geo. Bal-
four; Alcide, 74, Charles Thomb; Terrible, 74, Ja. Fergusen;
Shrewsbury, 74, M. Robinson; Torbay, 74, J. L. Gidoin; Suffolk,
74, Ab. Crespin; Intrepid, 64, Hen. Herney; Yarmouth, 64, J. T.
Duckworth; Fortunee, 42, H. C. Christian; Boreas, 28, John Rod
ney; Greyhound, 24, Wm. Fooks.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
[ADMIRAL RODNEY TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES1 ]
By Sir G. B. Rodney Bt. Admiral of
the White and Commander-in-Chief,
&c. &c.
You are hereby requir'd and directed to put Yourself
under My Command and follow such Orders and Di
rections as You shall receive from Me for His Maj's
Service, for which this shall be your Order.
Given under My Hand on bd. His Majesty's
ship Sandwich off New York 8th October
1780.
G. B. RODNEY.
To
R. A. Graves
&c. &c. &c.
By Command of the Admiral.
(Countersigned) Will Pagett.
Endorsed Copy of an Order to R. A. Graves, (dated
8th October)
In Sir G. Rodney's | 12 Octo. 1780.
1 Admiralty, In Letters (Class i), Vol. 311.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
[ADMIRAL RODNEY TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES1 ]
By Sir George Bridges Rodney
Secret Rear Admiral of the White and
Commander in Chief &c &c &c
Whereas I have directed Vice Admiral Arbuthnot in
Case Monsr. Ternay and his Squadron should escape
from Rhode Island to give you orders to follow him
with the Squadron under your Command.
You are therefore hereby required and directed to
proceed without a Moment's loss of time and cruize
with the Squadron under your Command to Windward
of Martinique in such a Situation as you may jude
most proper for the Intercepting Monsr. Ternay's
Squadron or any other Succors going to that Island.
You are to dispatch one of your Frigates to Bar-
badoes and St. Lucia for Intelligence, and with Orders
for all the Copper Bottom'd Ships to join you.
You are to take the Command of that station till
joined by me, which Junction you may hourly expect.
And whereas it will be highly necessary on my Ar
rival at Barbadoes I should be acquainted with the
Situation of Affairs, You are to send to that Island any
Intelligence that you think it proper I should be ac
quainted with — taking care that it is never left without
a Frigate of War.
And whereas it is of infinite Importance the Enemy
should make no impression whatever on the Island of
St. Lucia, You cannot pay too great attention to the
preservation of that Island.
1 Admiralty, In Letters ( Class i ) , Vol. 311.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
You will give such Orders and directions as you
think most necessary not only for the protection of His
Majesty's Islands, but likewise for the Annoyance of
his Enemies.
Given under my hand on board His
Majesty's Ship Sandwich, off New
York 8th October 1780.
(Signed) G. B. RODNEY.
To Rear Admiral Graves
&c &c &c
By Command of the Admiral
(Countersigned) Will Pagett.
Endorsed Copy of an Order from | Sir G. B. Rodney
Bart. | To Rear Admiral Graves | 8th Octr. 1780 7
In Sir G. Rodney's | 12 Oct. 1780.
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO ADMIRAL RODNEY ]
London, at Sandy Hook, 2d July, 1781.
Sir:
I have the honor to forward to you by Lieutenant
Delanoe, in the Active brig, his Excellency General
Clinton's messenger; also my despatch, containing the
latest intelligence here, as well as that from Europe.
The importance of that obtained here, which was taken
from an intercepted post, will shew you the apprehen
sion of a considerable force, expected from the French
Commander in Chief in the West Indies, in concert
CI83
THE GRAVES PAPERS
with whom M. de Barras seems to act; and will demon
strate how much the fate of this country must depend
upon the early intelligence, and detachments which
may be sent by you hither, upon the first movement of
the enemy.
I shall certainly keep the squadron under my com
mand as collected as possible, and so placed as to secure
a retreat to New York, where our stand must be made;
and will keep cruisers to the southward.
The French have the addition of a fifty-four gun
ship. We are weaker by the absence of the Royal Oak,
now at Halifax heaving down; in lieu of which the
Warwick has arrived sickly, and is not yet fit for ser
vice.1
I have the honor to be, &c.
THO. GRAVES
Graves passed nearly a year as second in command
under Arbuthnot. On July 4, 1781, the command-in-
chief was turned over to him, as is shown by the follow
ing:
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London off Sandy Hook 4th July 1781.
Sir
Be pleased to acquaint the Lords Commissioners of
the Admirality that I received a letter from Vice Adml.
Arbuthnot of which the enclosed is a Copy, relinquish-
1 Beatson, Naval and Military Memoirs of Great Britain, 1727 to
1783, V, 257.
[I93
THE GRAVES PAPERS
ing the command of His Majestys Squadron in North
America, into my hands this day.
I beg leave to assure their Lordships that in Zeal and
assiduity no person shall go beyond me, and that my
great ambition is to merit their Lordships esteem.
I am Sir
Your most obedient
Humble Servant.
THOS. GRAVES.
P.S. A cartel is just arrived from the Havanah in fif
teen days, with the first part of the Garrison of Pensa-
cola, the enclosed paper is all the news come to my
hand.
To
Philip Stephens Esqre
Admiralty Office
London.
Endorsed 4 July 1781 | Rear Adml Graves Red. 4th
Augt | (2 Inclosures)
Minute 13 Octr | Own rect
Enclosure A
[ VICE ADMIRAL ARBUTHNOT TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ]
(Copy)
q. Bedford off Sandy Hook 4th. July 1781.
Mr Stephens Secretary to the Admiralty having in
his letter dated the third day of May last, signified the
THE GRAVES PAPERS
acquiesence of the Lords Commissioners of the Ad
miralty to my desire to resign the Command of the
Squadron of his Majesty's Ships in North America, to
any Officer immediately upon the spot, and my wish to
return home, I enclose an Extract of the said Letter
herewith, as also a list1 & disposition of the Said Squad
ron, and a Schedule of the Papers and Intelligence nec
essary for Your guidance in the conduct of the
Command.
I therefore hereby resign the Chief Command of the
said Squadron into your hands, and wishing you all
imaginable success and happiness
I have the honor to be
Sir
Your most Obedient
humble Servant
Mx.2 ARBUTHNOT
Rear Admiral Graves
&ca. &ca. &ca.
1 The enclosures mentioned are not available. Arbuthnot's com
mand before Graves's arrival was the Europe, 74; Russell, 74; Ro
bust, 74; Defiance, 64; Adamant, 50. There were in addition five
44's, seven 32*5, four 28's, six 2o's and eleven sloops of 14 to 18
guns, three armed ships of 20, a bomb-ketch of 8, and a fire-ship of 8
guns. This force, except the five ships of the line kept at New York
as a base, was distributed from Massachusetts to the Carolinas.
2 Marriot Arbuthnot.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Enclosure B
[ PHILIP STEPHENS TO VICE ADMIRAL ARBUTHNOT ]
Duplicate.
Admiralty Office 26th June 1781 —
Sir,—
My Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty having
taken into their consideration your letters, acquainting
them with your having superceded some of the appoint
ments made by Admiral Sir George Brydges Rodney
while he was in North America, and of your intention
to supercede the rest of such appointments from time to
to time, as the Ships to which the officers wrho had been
so appointed, should join you: I am commanded by
their Lordships to acquaint you that Sir George
Brydges Rodney having found it necessary for His
Majesty's Service to proceed with a part of his Squad
ron from the Leeward Islands to North America, and
to take you and His Majesty's Ships employed in those
Seas under his command, had a right to fill up all
vacancies that happened in any of the Ships in those
Seas during his continuance there; that their Lordships
have therefore thought fit to confirm the commissions
given by him to Captains Douglas & Laugharne
(whom you have superceded) and will confirm such
other commissions, and also such warrants as were
granted by him upon regular vacancies, while he com
manded in North America when laid before them for
that purpose; that their Lordships will direct Captain
Douglas and Laugharne, and likewise such other of
ficers as may come to England under similar circum-
C22]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
stances, to return to North America to resume their
commands or employments. And it is their Lordships
direction you cause them to be reinstated on their ar
rival, as the commissions and warrants, you may have
given to dispossess them of such commands or employ
ments, cannot be confirmed.
I have the honor to be
Sir
Your most Obedient
Humble Servant
(Sign'd) PHIL. STEPHENS—
Vice Admiral Arbuthnot.
(Copy)
T. Graves.
Enclosure C
London off Sandy Hook 4th July 1781
Intelligence
The Angel de Guarda in 15 days from the Ha-
vannah, with Major McDonald and 87 of the Officers
and Garrison of Pensacola, consisting of Eleven hun
dred and thirteen Men under the command of Genl.
Campbell which surrendered on the loth May last,
after a seige of Nine Weeks. The enemy had before
the place 23,000 Men and eleven Spanish and four
French sail of the line, with four Frigates Commanded
by Adml. De Solano and General De Galvez.—
THE GRAVES PAPERS
It was said at the Havannah that the four sail of the
French line & one Frigate were about to sail for North
America. —
Endorsed Intelligence
On July 19, 1781, despatches dated May 22 reached
New York advising of "large supplies of money, cloath-
ing and military stores, which young Laurens was pre
paring to send for the use of the rebel army in North
America. They stated that he would in all probability
sail from France before the end of June, with a num
ber of merchantmen, under the convoy of one ship of
the line, another armed en flute, and two stout frigates:
that there was every reason to believe that this was one
of the most important supplies which the French had
ever sent to the rebels; and that it was considered by
themselves as furnishing them with the only possible
means of carrying on the war." The Lords of the Ad
miralty also gave their directions to the Admiral to
cause a good lookout to be kept for these ships, but left
to his judgment the course to be taken for intercept
ing them.1
This despatch was one of the "providences" for the
American cause. Graves sailed from Sandy Hook on
July 21, bound to the eastward, and did not return until
August 1 6. Meanwhile the Swallow, bearing Rodney's
despatch giving information of the reinforcement to be
sent north, reached New York. She was sent east to
look for Graves (a copy of Rodney's despatch being
1 Beatson, V, 258. The despatch itself does not appear among the
Graves papers.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
retained at New York) . Her captain, with more cour
age than discretion, chased and took a privateer, but the
tables were almost at once turned by the appearance of
three privateers which drove him ashore on Long
Island, where the ship became a wreck. Graves thus
knew nothing of Rodney's information until his return,
having accomplished nothing. That his move, though
directed and expected by the Admiralty, was ill-advised
and ill-judged is shown by the care taken by Graves
himself to be kept informed. It is clear that he ex
pected reinforcement in any case from the West Indies.
He stationed a lookout frigate from Navesink to Cape
May; three off the Delaware; three frigates and two
sloops in the Chesapeake, and three coppered ships were
ordered to Charleston to cruise alternately "and to look
out for the enemy then expected."
The destination of the apprehended French fleet was
entirely unknown. It was thought much more likely
to go to Newport and reinforce Barras, who was there
with eight ships of the line, than to the Chesapeake. No
apprehensions seemed to exist as to the safety of Corn-
wallis, Clinton being firmly convinced that the allies
meant to attack New York. In this he was supported
by intercepted despatches of such tenor, and by the
movements of the allies. But the main fault, strategi
cally, of Graves's easterly movement was that it left
New York wholly unprotected. Had De Grasse ar
ranged to come a fortnight earlier and to go to New
York instead of to the Chesapeake, and had he arrived
at New York before August 16, he would have been
able to sail into New York Bay with as little resistance
as on August 30 at the Chesapeake. Such are the
chances of war.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London off Sandy Hook zoth July 1781.
Sir:
By the Roebuck I had the honour to acquaint the
Lords Commissioners of the Adm'ty that Vice Admiral
Arbuthnot had proceeded for England in that Ship,
and left the command of the Squadron in this Country
to me.
I can add very little to the information carried by the
Vice Admiral, other than, that the Adamant so long
missing is returned, after having been upon the extent
of all the various rendezvous, owing to their not observ
ing a particular signal for the rendezvous off Sandy
Hook.
The Amphitrite returned from Boston bay on the 8th
inst. having lost a Mizen mast and Main topsail and
brought with her one prize. The General Monk1 from
the same place, arrived on the 12th with three prizes,
by whom we learn that the Assurance was gone for
Halifax, with the loss of a Mizen mast, and Main mast
sprung.
The Pearl and Iris2 are returned from a long cruize
off Bermuda with only two prizes, one of them a
French Xebeck from Cape Francois which I hope will
enable us to accomplish an exchange for most of the
1 A captured American privateer, General Washington, of 18 guns.
She was taken in Delaware Bay, April 8, 1782, by the Hyder Ally of
like force, Captain Joshua Barney, after a brilliant action.
2 This was the Continental frigate Hancock, 34, Captain Manley,
captured July 7, 1777, by the Rainbow, 44, Commodore Collin. She
was recaptured by De Grasse's fleet on August 1 1, 1781.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Mentor's Ships company taken at Pensacola; the Port
Royals is nearly effected, except for the Commission
Officers, who will go to Europe by the first opportunity.
The inclosed letter from Capt. Deans to Vice Admiral
Arbuthnot will show his situation. I refer their Lord
ships to Captain Kelly for the terms of Capitulation.
The assembling of an Army upon the White Plains:
— the attempt of the Enemy upon Lloyds Neck in the
Sound, and the operations in the Chesapeake will come
more correct and with greater propriety from head
quarters. —
The Squadron has been kept constantly before the
Hook to second any Army Operations which the Gen
eral had to suggest; it will not be prudent to keep them
much longer in so exposed a situation, as the time ap
proaches which will make it necessary to attend to the
appearance of Squadrons which the Hurricane Season
may occasion to depart from the West Indies. I shall
put them into safety the moment the Army detachments
have done moving upon the Coast.
I beg leave to call their Lordships attention to the
Agent Victuallers of the state of Provisions on the 5th
inst. of which the inclosed is a copy and I will send a
similar one to the Commissioners for Victualling His
Majesty's Navy.
The state of stores at the Yard seems very low; of
Slops1 a slender quantity, and of Marine clothing none.
As the winter approaches those deficiencies will be most
severely felt — whatever is purchased in this Country
is at immense expense. But of all other wants, the want
of Provisions is the least to be contended with.
Yesterday arrived here His Majesty's Sloop Hornet
1 In nautical language, clothes, etc., drawn from the paymaster.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
with their Lordships intelligence and dispatches of the
aand May, which I shall pay every possible attention to.
I am, Sir,
Your most Obedient humble Servant,
THOS. GRAVES.
Endorsed 20 July 1781 Sandy Hook | Rear Adml.
Graves | Red. 10 Sepr. | (2 Inclosures)
Minute 24 Sepr. Send Ext [thus much] to Mr. Knox |
for Ld. G. G. information Own rect. | let him know
it | let him also know that a Supply of 6 Mo., | Provns.
for 12,000 Men sailed | under Convoy of the Centaur |
on the 5 July; that a like Supply is now embarked &
will probably sail for | Spithd. in the Course of this
Mo., 1 & that their Ldps have orderd a further Supply
of 4 Mo. Provns. for the | above-mnd. number of Men |
to be shipped & dispatched | to No. America without j
any delay.
Enclosure A
[ CAPTAIN DEANS TO VICE ADMIRAL ARBUTHNOT ]
Pensacola the ist. of June 1781.
Sir:
After being embarkd., in Flags of Truce with the
remains of the Crews of His Majestys Ship Mentor, and
Port Royal Sloop agreable to the Capitulation at the
Surrender of the Province of West Florida the loth of
THE GRAVES PAPERS
May 1781 * I am orderd. to remain here, or to be carried
I dont know where, no reason being given other than
the disputes between the Spanish General Galvez and
Major Gen'l Campbell. I send this to acquaint you
that the Flag of Truce brings to your command Two
Hundred and Ten effective Men, besides Officers un
der the direction of Capt. Kelly of the Port Royal Sloop
and Lieut. Miller of the late Mentor both these Gentle
men are furnished with a copy of the articles of the
capitulation and to them I beg leave to refer you. I
have the Honor to be with the greatest respect Sir
Your most Obedient and most Humble Servant
ROBT. DEANS Capt. of the
Royl. Navy
To Vice Admiral Arbuthnot
or the Commander in Chief of
His Majestys Ships & Vessells &ca. &ca.
North America
Endorsed Captain Deans letter In R.A. Grave's Lre
of 26 July 1781 2
Endorsed on first page Reed. 24 Sepr. | Orgl. dated
I the 2Oth reed. & Ansd.
1 In the peace of 1763, the two provinces, East and West Florida,
now constituting the State of Florida, had been ceded to Great Brit
ain in exchange for Havana, captured by the British in 1762. A large
body of Colonials arrived in the expedition. The Floridas were
retroceded to Spain as the result of this surrender.
2 Letter dated "26 July" does not appear in transcripts: it was evi
dently a duplicate of that of the 2Oth, mentioned in the endorsement.
Enclosure B
Account of Provisions and Victualing Stores Remaining on be
Fleet employed in North America, under the Cc
Bread
in
Pounds
Rum
in
Gallons
Beef in pieces
of
Pork in pieces
of
Pounds of
4 Ibs.
8 Ibs.
2 Ibs.
4 Ibs.
Flour
Currants
Rai
128,800
4,OOO
29,900
«
41,756
83,000
9,640
6l,
Purchas
- 1
< From
theComm
issary Ge
neral >
Purchas
ed
The above Provisions will serve Ten Thou
Bread
Rum
Beef
Pork
Flour, Currants and Raisins
as Beef
Days
Weeks
12
6
3
4
4
idry Victuallers off New York, for the Service of his Majesty s
ad of Rear Adml. Graves the $th. July 1781.
Pease
Oatmeal
Butter
Vinegr.
Sour
Coals
in
in
Krout
in
Candles
iushs.
Gall.
Bushs.
Gall.
pounds
Galls.
Barrls.
Chalds.
hI22
it
6,498
(f
22,500
1,746
240
3
e(
Purchased
at whole allowance as under.
Pease
Oatmeal
Butter
Vinegar, Sour Krout and Coals
as above
13
18
-3
(A Copy) Heny. Davies.
Endorsed A Copy of the Agent Victuallers | Return of
Provisions remaining | in his Majestys Navy Victualling |
Transports off New York the 5th. | of July 1781. | In R. A.
Graves's Lre | of 26 July, 1781.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London at Sandy Hook aoth August 1781.
Sir
My last dispatch acquainted the Lords Commission
ers of the Admiralty of the arrival of the Hornet Sloop,
after eight weeks passage from England.
Immediatly on the 2ist of July I proceeded with the
Squadron into Boston Bay, to be in the way of inter
cepting the Supplies from France to North America.
The intence fog which prevailed without intermission
as we approached St. Georges Bank, deprived us of all
possibility of seeing, and soon convinced me how much
the Squadron wou'd be exposed to accidents, and that
the Fog Guns necessary to keep the Ships from sepa
ration wou'd give notice of our Situation. I there
fore after having made Cape Ann, determind to with
draw, and we returned to Sandy Hook the i8th of
August, we retook a Brig being one of the Convoy from
England, bound to Halifax, and burnt three small Ves
sels of little consequence.
The Royal Oak from Halifax joined the Squadron
parted again in the Fog, and has since returnd to this
place. She had taken soon after leaving Halifax, the
Aurora Boston Privateer carrying 18 Guns and 120
Men.
The Cruizers before the Delawar have been more
succesful, by taking the Bellisarius and Trumble,1 the
1 The Trumbull, built at Middletown, Connecticut. She was on
her first cruise, had but just got to sea, and, dismasted in a gale, was
met by the Iris and General Monk, both captured American ships.
1:323
THE GRAVES PAPERS
first of 22 Guns 150 Men, the latter of 32 Guns 190
Men, and two small Vessels of a Convoy which were in
motion for the West Indies, and had been forced to
push back into the Delawar, by the Vigilance of the
Medea and Amphitrite. The York Privateers have
been succesful in taking more of the Convoy.
The Swift Brigantine 14 Guns and 60 Men on board,
Richard Graves Commander, with dispatches from the
Cheasapeke provd so leaky, that in order to bail at the
Hatchways, they had taken their Lumber and Stores
upon Deck, in so distresful a situation they found them
selves attacked by the Holker Privateer carrying 18
Guns and full of Men; it was impossible to stand a
Cannonade, they therefore with great spirit boarded the
Enemy twice, but the Privateer having greatly the
advantage in sailing, disentangled and made away,
leaving their Enemy to pump and bail or drown, for
tunately she arrived, and was hauled on shore, she had
two Men killed and two wounded.
The Swallow Sloop Captn. Wills with dispatches
from Sr. George Rodney, being sent after the Squadron
into Boston Bay, on her return with a Privateer Brig of
14 Guns her Prize in Company, was attacked the i6th
Instant, by four Rebel Privateers, and pushed on Shore
upon Long Island 1 1 Leagues to the Eastward of this,
Captain Wills burnt his Prize, but could not get all his
People on Shore in time to burn the Swallow. The
Privateers pillaged her, if she is not bulged, we shall
endeavor to get her off, otherwise we shall set the wreck
on fire. The dispatches were destroyed which has pre
vented my inclosing the Plan of Old Point Comfort.
The inclosed copies of Letters from Captain Hudson
marked A & B. will show their Lordships the state of
THE GRAVES PAPERS
operations in the Cheasepeke, and at the same time
shew that one of my first attentions, was to secure the
best Naval Post in the Cheasepeke, as a place of retreat
during the Freezing Months for the Squadron, and at
the same time to shut the Door against the Enemys
Fleet.
The Robust is become so leaky, there is great reason
to apprehend that she must be hove down, to enable
her return to England. — The Europe is coming fast
into the same Condition, and I hope their Lordships
will see the necessity of relieving them as soon as pos
sible. The wooden Bottoms in the Cheasepeke, and at
Carolina are eat up presently, there is nothing resists
the worm, but Copper.
The small Men of War upon the out posts here, are
so preforated by the Worm, we find a necessity of haul
ing them frequently on shore to prevent their sinking,
this will oblige me to keep every thing upon Copper in
the Country, and to send home as Convoys all the
Wooden Bottoms, as well as the purchased Frigates, ex
cept a few of the most active, which may be employed
in places where they may be taken on Shore upon the
Tide and kept clean.
The Amphion, Britania and Ostrich and their Con
voy1 arrived safe, from Bremer Lee the nth instant,
after 93 days passage, they had lost only 65 People, and
landed in good order.
The detachment of Troops with General Ried[e]sel
for Quebeck sailed the 2j\h of July under Convoy of the
Warwick, and Garland, and in their way were to take
up the Victualers from Halifax, which happened very
1 Carrying part of the 29,867 troops hired in Germany and sent
during the war to America.
[34:
THE GRAVES PAPERS
opportunely, as Governor Haldiman had been very
Solicitous to get them.
The inclosure, Letter C, is a Copy of Sr. G. Rodney
Intelligence.1
Inclosed are the Duplicates of my last dispatch, by
which their Lordships will perceive the state of our
Provisions to be very low at present.
Also a List of Captures so far as are come to my
knowlege, since the departure of the Vice Admiral.
These dispatches will go by the Cartwright Packet.
Inclosed you will receive the State and Condition of
the Squadron [not available].
I am Sir
your most obedient and
most humble Servant
THOS. GRAVES.
P.S. Captain Thompson of His Majestys Sloop the
Beaumont, being in the last stage of Consumption, has
my permission to return to England in the Packet. A
change of Air being the only chance left to save his
Life.
T. G.
Philip Stephens Esqre:
Endorsed 20 Augt. 1781 | Sandy Hook Rear Adml.
Graves | ^ 24 Sepr. by the | Carteret Packet (5 In-
closures)
Minute 13 Octo Own rect & congratulate him | on the
Success of I his Cruizers.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Enclosure A
[ CAPTAIN HUDSON TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ]
Richmond in Hampton road ayth July 1781.
Sir—
I have had the honor of your order of the iath inst
and every attention in my power shall be paid thereto.
Earl Cornwallis as well as myself and other people are
of opinion that Old Point Comfort is not a place equal
to erect a Post at, or near it, for the protection of any
of his Majesty's ships that may occasionally come here
against an enemy of superior force. I herewith enclose
you a plan of the above place taken by the Engineers
which coincides with our opinion by which you will see
it is not tenable and in consequence thereof the Earl as
well as myself has come to a resolution to remove the
troops that are now at Portsmouth and its vicinity to
York and Gloucester river, where we apprehend a bet
ter Port can be established for the protection of the
King's troops. This manoeuvre of course prevents
Lord Cornwallis from sending any troops at present to
York, and my forwarding the Charon and Loyalist to
you, as every ship here will be necessary to assist and
Co-operate with them on this service, which I hope you
will approve of ; and as soon as it is over I shall not only
detach the ships that you directed to be returned to you
but likewise keep a fast sailing vessel without the capes
to give the earliest intelligence of an enemy's approach
THE GRAVES PAPERS
on this coast, and as soon as possible put the Richmonds
orders into execution.
I have the honor to be
Sir
Your most Obedient and very
faithful humble servant
CHARLES HUDSON.
Rear Admiral Graves
(Copy)
T. Graves
Endorsed Copy of a letter from Captain Hudson of
His Majesty's Ship Richmond 27th July 1781 | A |
In R. A. Graves | 20 Aug. 1781.
Enclosure B
[ EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM CAPTAIN HUDSON ]
Richmond York river the I2th Augt. 1781.
Sir—
We sailed from Hampton road the 30 July with the
Charon, Guadaloupe, Bonetta, Swift and Loyalist, and
all the transports and as many troops as they could
carry, in the whole about 4500 men. The Fowey and
Vulcan I left for the protection of those that remained
at Portsmouth.
We arrived here on the 2nd instant and the troops
were immediately landed at York and Gloucester, and
the Guadaloupe, Swift and Loyalist with the transports,
returned to Portsmouth for the total evacuation thereof.
C373
THE GRAVES PAPERS
The Army having brought very little artillery with
them by the first embarkation, the Earl requested that I
would order guns on shore to Gloucester from the ship
and the Charon (the only two now here) which I com
plied with, and that side is now tolerably well fortified.
Captain Robinson who I have a regular communica
tion with by whale boats informs me that it will take
ten days now to destroy the works at, and effectually to
evacuate, Portsmouth. As soon as they arrive here I shall
agreeable to your order dispatch the Charon and such
Convoy and transports with troops as my Lord Corn-
wallis may think proper to send to New York, and as it
will be absolutely necessary for the good of the King's
service, that the Loyalist should remain in this bay, I
have taken upon me to detain her here which I hope
you will approve of, and I shall with this ship see the
Charon and her convoy as far as the Delawar, where
no exertions of mine shall be wanting to put the Rich
mond's orders into effectual execution.
The Bonetta I have stationed between the Horshoe
and Lynnehaven bay to inform such friends as may
come in, of the army's present situation, and prevent
their going to Hampton road.
I have the honor to be, etc.
CHARLES HUDSON.
Rear Admiral Graves.
Copy
T. Graves.
Endorsed Extract of a letter from Captain Hudson of
His | Majesty's ship Richmond | rath Augt. 1781. | B |
In R. A. Graves | 20 Aug. 1781.
1:38:1
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Enclosure C
[ COPY OF THE INTELLIGENCE FROM SR. GEO. B. RODNEY ]
q. Sandwich, Barbados yth July 1781.
As the Enemy has at this time a fleet of 28 Sail of the
Line at Martinique, a part of which is reported to be
destined for North America, I have dispatched his
Majesty's Sloop Swallow to acquaint you therewith,
and inform You that I shall keep as good a look out as
possible on their motions, by which my own shall be
regulated.
In case of my sending a Squadron to America I shall
order it to make the Capes of Virginia, and proceed
along the coast to the Capes of the Delaware, and from
thence to Sandy Hook, unless the intelligence it may
receive from you should induce it to act otherwise.1
The Enemy's Squadron destined for America will
sail I am informed in a short time, but whether they
call at Cape Frangois, I cannot learn: however, you
may depend upon the Squadron in America being re
inforced, should the Enemy bend their forces that way.
I have the honor to be &c &c &c
Copy G B RODNEY'
T Graves
1 The copy of Rodney's letter forwarded by Graves omitted after
the second paragraph the following (in Beatson, V, 261) : "You will
please to order Cruizers to look out for it, off the first mentioned
Capes, giving orders to hoist a Dutch Ensign reversed at the fore-top
gallant-mast-head and an English Jack at the mizen-top-mast-head,
and firing two guns, which will be answered by a Blue Flag pierced
White at the main-top-gallant-mast-head, and three guns."
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Endorsed Copy of the Intelligence from Sr Geo. B.
Rodney y'th. July 1781 | C | In R A Graves's | 20
Aug 1781.
[ PHILIP STEPHENS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES1 ]
25th Sepr. 1781
Sir
I received on the loth inst. and immediately com
municated to my Lords Commsrs. of the Admty your
Letter of the 2Oth of July acquainting them with the
occurrences of the Squadron under your Command
since the Departure of Vice Admiral Arbuthnot, and
enclosing a Letter from Captn. Deans late of the Men
tor which was captured at Pensacola, received by the
Flag of Truce which brought the Crews of that Ship
and the Port Royal Sloop, giving an account of his
Detention at that Place; And I am to inform you that
my Lords have sent an Extract of so much of your Let
ter as relates to that Subject and a Copy of Capt. Dean's
to Lord George Germain for his Information.
In answer to your observation of the State of Pro
visions for the Squadron; I am to acquaint you that a
supply of Six Months Provisions for 12000 Men sailed
under Convoy of the Centurion on the ^th of July, that
a like supply is now embarked and will probably sail
from Spithead in the course of this Month; and that
their Lordships have ordered a farther Supply of four
Months Provisions for the above-mentioned Number
Admiralty 2, 573, p. 151.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
of Men to be shipped, and dispatched to North Amer
ica without any delay. I am | &c
P. S.
Rear Admiral Graves, New York By the Pacquet
same day
Duplicate By the Pacquet 6th Octr. 1781.
[40
Enclosure D
A list of prizes taken by his Majesty's Ship
August 1781 — so far asj
By what ship
taken
When
taken
Name of the
To what
nation
belonging
Sort of Vesse
Vessel
Master
'earl & Iris
jeneral Monk
Do.
Do.
Charles town
Do.
)rpheus
'earl & Iris
loyal Oak
)rpheus
Hedea
Squadron
tledea
jenl. Monk
Do.
Do.
ris
Orpheus
Do.
5olebay
VIedea
Solebay
[loyal Oak
orenl. Monk
6" July
6 "
7 "
7 "
7 "
8 "
8 "
10 "
24 "
30 "
2 Augt
Betsey
Columbia
Swallow )
a recapture )
Recovery
Hero
Swift
Tristm. Shandy
Le Tinge
Aurora
Polly )
a recapture J
Neptune
America
Do.
England
America
Do.
Do.
Do.
France
America
New York
America
England
America
Do,
Do.
Do.
Do.
Ship
Ship priv.
Brig
Schooner
Brig Privateer
Schooner Priv
Ship
Xebec
Ship Privateer
Ship
Schooner
Brig
Ship Privateer
Sloop Privateei
Schooner
Brig
Rebel Frigate
Brig
Schooner
Do.
Brig Privateer
Lugger
Sloop
Do.
Jno. Brice
N. Craddock
T. Seymour
4 "
4 "
8 "
8 "
9 "
14 "
16 "
6th "
13 "
15 "
15 "
HAugt.
Belisarius
Mercury
Liberty
Experiment
Trumbull
Monro
Jas. Nicholson
America
Do.
France
America
Do.
Maryanne
Amiable Elizh.
Magdalen
C. Whipple
London at Sandy Hook the 2Oth August 1781.
h America between the 6 July and 2Oth
>unts have been reed.
i whence
Where bound
Lading
Number of
In what
Port arrived
Tons
Men
Guns
elphia
Hispaniola
Ballast
39
9
New York
a
Boston
Bale Goods
50
16
Do.
>n
New York
Do.
IOO
13
6
Do.
arolina
0.
•ief
New Providence
On a cruize
Do.
Philidelphia
Salt & rum
40
7
4i
12
H
2-6 Prs
IO Swivels
6
Penobscot
Halifax
destroyed
New York
Wine and Salt
Francois
n
York
Marseilles
On a cruize
Tortola
Dry Goods
1 2O
120
8
15
18
2
Do.
Do.
Do.
Ballast
homas
Philidelphia
Salt & dry goods
70
12
2
Do.
md
n
London
Halifax
On a cruize
Do.
Provisions
2OO
500
70
8
150
32
2O
10
Do.
Do.
Do.
_
delphia
Cape Francois
Provisions
60
12
4
Do.
o.
Tenerief
Flour
60
IO
I
Do.
>o.
Rhode Island
Flour & bread
190
32
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
on
idence
•ient
On a cruize
Do.
Philadelphia
30
47
40
10
12
10
87
140
Silks, &ca.
3n
Rhode Island
Tobacco
12
6
Do.
town
Fish kill
Bread £ cloth
60
9
T. Graves.
Us
THE GRAVES PAPERS
[ PHILIP STEPHENS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES1 ]
o- . 2ad June 1781.
His Majesty having signified His Pleasure that Rear
Admiral Digby shall be appointed to Command His
Majesty's Ships and Vessels employed in North Amer
ica; I have it in command from my Lords Comm'rs of
the Admty to acquaint you therewith. And their Lord
ships think it necessary I should likewise inform you
that the Squadron on the Jamaica Station having been
very much diminished from the effects of the late Hur
ricane, it is very probable you will receive Orders to
proceed in the London to reinforce the said Squadron.
I am, &c. p «
Rear Adm'l Graves, New York, By the Centaurion.
Duplicate By the Prince George jth July 1781.
The following documents include transcripts of all
the orders given by Rodney respecting the reinforce
ment of the British forces on the American coast.
[ ADMIRAL RODNEY TO CAPTAIN WELLS OF
THE SWALLOW2 ]
By Sir George Brydges Rodney, Bart. &c. &c. &c.
You are hereby required and directed to proceed with
his Majesty's Sloop under your command to New- York
1 Admiralty 2, 572, p. 46.
2 Letters from Lord Rodney. London, Printed by A. Grant, No.
91 Wardour Street, Soho. MDCC LXXXIX.
C443
THE GRAVES PAPERS
without one Moment's loss of Time, and deliver the
accompanying letter to the Commanding Officer of his
Majesty's Ships at that Place. If before you arrive at
Sandy-Hook you fall in with any of his Majesty's Frig
ates stationed to the Southward, you will give the Cap
tain of such Frigate the sealed note you receive with
this Order.
Given, &c., Sandwich, Barbadoes, yth July, 1781.
G. B. RODNEY.
To
Captain Wells of his
Majesty's Sloop Swallow
[ THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF THE ADMIRALTY
TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES1 ]
By &ca.
To proceed in the Whereas We think fit that you
London to Jamaica, shall proceed in His Majesty's Ship
& to be under the the London to Jamaica in order to
Command of Vice reinforce the Squadron of His Maj-
Adml. Parker. , ~, . /-, • » • 1
esty s Ships on that Station, which
has been very much diminished from the effects of the
late Hurricane; you are hereby required and directed
to proceed thither accordingly as soon after the receipt
hereof as you possibly can ; and, upon your arrival, to
deliver the Pacquet you will receive herewith to Vice
Admiral Sir Peter Parker, or the Commanding Officer
of the said Squadron for the time being, and, putting
1 Admiralty 2, in, p. 139.
C451
THE GRAVES PAPERS
yourself under the Command of the said Vice Admiral,
or such Commanding Officer (if Senior to yourself)
follow his Orders for your further Proceedings.
In case Vice Admiral Arbuthnot shall have left the
Coast of North America, on his return to England, and
you shall, in consequence thereof, have succeeded to the
Command of the Squadron of His Majesty's Ships on
that Coast; you are hereby further required and di
rected to deliver to Rear Admiral Digby, who is ap
pointed Commander-in-Chief of the said Squadron,
and by whom you will receive this, attested Copies of
all unexecuted Orders which may have been left in
your hands by Vice Admiral Arbuthnot, and at the
same time to furnish the said Rear Admiral with Copies
of all Intelligence which you may have received, and
with all particulars relative to the State and Disposition
of the Squadron, which you may judge proper for his
knowledge.
Given &c. 9th July 1781. SANDWICH
B. GASCOYNE.
Thomas Graves, Esq'r. F. GREVILLE
Rear Admiral of the Red &c.
North America.
ByVc. P.S.
[ ADMIRAL RODNEY TO REAR ADMIRAL HOOD ]
By Sir George Brydges Rodney, Bart. &c. &c. &c.
Whereas I have received intelligence that a very
considerable Squadron of the Enemy's Line of Battle
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Ships are intended to reinforce the French Squadron
in America, and it being absolutely necessary that a
Squadron of his Majesty's Ships should reinforce his
American Squadron:
You are hereby required and directed to proceed
without Loss of Time with the Ships named in the Mar
gin,1 to the Road of St. John's, Antigua, where you are
to use every Endeavour to compleat them with all pos
sible Dispatch, with Masts, Cordage, and Sails for a
foreign Voyage, and as much spare Cordage as the
Ships can stand without Inconvenience.
Given, &c. 9th July, 1781.
To G. B. RODNEY.
Sir Samuel Hood, Bart, &c. &c. &c.
[ ADMIRAL RODNEY TO REAR ADMIRAL HOOD ]
By Sir George Brydges Rodney, Bart, &c. &c. &c.
Whereas the great Force the Enemy has to Leeward
makes it necessary as much as possible, to secure the
valuable outward bound Convoy for Jamaica, and the
Addition of such of his Majesty's Ships as can be sent
to North America, will in all Probability be wanted
there for the furthering of his Majesty's Service and
counteracting the Schemes of his rebellious Subjects:
In order as far as possible to answer both those desirable
Ends,
1 Alfred, Alcide, Invincible, Barfleur, Monarch, Pfrince] Wil
liam, Resolution, St. Monica.
C473
THE GRAVES PAPERS
You are hereby required and directed, as soon as ever
the said Convoy shall arrive with the two Ships I have
directed you to send for, and protect them in their Pas
sage from St. Lucia to St. Eustatius and St. Kitt's, to
proceed with the Line of Battle Ships and Frigates
named in the margin1 taking whatever Trade, Trans
ports, Victuallers, or Storeships, shall be then ready at
either of these Islands, and see them safely toward
Jamaica, as far as Cape Tiberoon; which having done,
you are to direct the Senior Officer of the Ships you may
leave to go quite through with the Convoy, to proceed
to Port Royal Harbour, Jamaica, with the Trade bound
there, and to the South Side, having at a proper time
detached the Hydra or Ranger armed Ship, to see them
to their respective Ports on the North Side of that
Island.
Having seen the said Convoy in Safety as above, you
are to make the best of your Way towards the Coast of
North America with the Remainder of the Line of
Battle Ships, together with the Saint Amonica, Nymph,
Fortunee, and Pegasus Frigates, which you are to em
ploy in such Manner, should you be Senior Officer on
that Station (or until you come under the Command
of such) as shall seem to you most conducive to his
Majesty's Service, by supporting his Majesty's liege
Subjects and annoying his rebellious ones, and in Coun
teracting such Schemes as it may be reasonable to con
clude are formed for the Junction of the French Fleet
from Cape Frangois with that already there, or with the
1 Barfleur, Alfred, Invincible, Monarch, Torbay, Alcide, Intrepid,
Resolution, Centaur, Shrewsbury, Belliqueux, Pr. William, Mon
tague, Terrible, Sandwich, Ranger, A. S., Nymph, St. Amonica, For
tunee, Pegasus, Hydra, Sandwich, A. S.
[483
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Forces of the Rebels in America. Having lately sent
an Express to Admiral Arbuthnot or the commanding
Officer on that Station by the Swallow, that the ships
I might either bring or send from hence would en
deavour first to make the Capes of the Chesapeak, then
those of the Delawar, and so on to Sandy Hook, unless
Intelligence received from his Cruizers (whom I de
sired might be looking out off the first Capes or Else
where) should induce a contrary Conduct; I think it
necessary to acquaint you therewith, and to direct your
sailing in Conformity thereto, unless Circumstances you
may become acquainted with as you range along the
Coast, should render it improper; which Service, al
though not only your general Experience and Skill as
an Officer, but your particular knowledge of that
Station, I make no Doubt will enable you with Repu
tation and Effect to perform. Having employed the
several Ships and Vessels there during the Hurricane
Months, you are to return with them immediately after
the first full Moon in October to this Station, for the
better protection of the Trade and Possessions of his
Majesty's Subjects in these Seas; for which this shall
be your Order.
Given under my Hand, the 24th July, 1781.
N.B. The Signals Estab- G. B. RODNEY
lished with the
American Cruisers
are . . .
To Rear Admiral Sir Samuel
Hood, Bart, &c. &c. &c.
By Command of the Admiral,
Will. Pagett
THE GRAVES PAPERS
[ COPY OF INTELLIGENCE REFERRED TO IN THE ORDER TO
REAR ADMIRAL SIR SAMUEL HOOD ]
A Mr. . . . arrived this Afternoon, the 3ist
July, from Saint Thomas's reports, that he left that
Island on Saturday last; — six Days previous thereto,
a Fleet of Merchantmen arrived in nine Days from the
Cape where a French Frigate had arrived the Day be
fore their sailing, with thirty Pilots for the Chesapeake
and Delawar, which together with a Number of North
Americans [vessels] Collected there and awaiting Con
voy, to the number of Sixty or upwards, made it looked
on as certain, that the French Fleet, which was hourly
expected there from Martinique, would proceed imme
diately to America. He further adds, that a few days
before the fleet from Saint Thomas's left the Cape,
seven Spanish Men of War had arrived there from
Pensacola, which place had been taken by Storm with
great Loss: that the Spaniards afterwards attempted
Augustine, but could not get over the Bar; that the last
Advices there from the Continent were, that Lord
Cornwallis was 40 Miles above York-Town; — that
Washington had moved to the Southward; — the
French had abandoned Rhode Island, and taken pos
session of Washington's former Post at West-Point; but
that General Green had marched to the Southward,
and forced Lord Rawdon within his lines in South
Carolina; — but that the same Advices brought the Ac
count of the Arrival of a Reinforcement of 3,500 Men
which it was supposed would oblige him to fall back
again: That the English Fleet were cruizing off Bos-
THE GRAVES PAPERS
ton, at which place a Reinforcement of three Frigates
had arrived with a Reinforcement, and Money for the
Troops. gaint Eustatius? ist August, 1781.
[ ADMIRAL RODNEY TO CAPTAIN GIDOIN1 ]
By Sir George Brydges Rodney, Bart. &c. &c. &c.
You are hereby required and directed to take the
Ships named in the Margin2 under your Command and
proceed without one Moment's Loss of Time, with the
Trade bound to Jamaica, Arriving off the East End of
the Island, you are to dispatch the Hydra with the
Trade bound to the North Side of it; and having seen
the Rest in Safety to Port-Royal, you are to make the
best of your Way with his Majesty's Ship under your
Command, and the Prince William to the Chesapeake,
where you are to await further Orders.
rp Given under my Hand, &c., the 3Oth July, 1781.
Captain Gidoin, of his
Majesty's Ship Torbay.
1 Note by Editor of the Rodney letters.— "Captain Gidoin was di
rected to see the Sandwich in Safety into Port Royal Harbour, with
a letter to the Commander in Chief on that Station [Vice-Admiral
Sir Peter Parker] to hasten the Torbay and Prince William, without
a moment's delay to the Chesapeake;— and pressing him to add to
their Force what Line of Battle Ships he could possibly spare from
that station— the Admiral having undoubted Intelligence that the
Enemy's Intention was certainly against the Chesapeake.
"N.B. The Torbay arrived at Jamaica on the 9th of August,
where she found the Princess Royal of 90 guns, Hector 74, Albion
74, and Ramillies 74— and did not sail till the 24th from thence, and
then with Convoy."
2 Sandwich, Pr. William, Hydra, Ranger, A. S.
CsO
THE GRAVES PAPERS
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London at Sandy Hook 3Oth August 1781.
Sir—
I beg of you to acquaint the lords commissioners of
the admiralty, that the moment I knew of the fate of
the Swallow I hasten'd out the Solebay and the Rover
sloop to scour the privateers off, who I very soon
learned had burned the Swallow before they left her.
The Solebay returned soon after with a retaken vessel
and the crew of a privateer brig, which she had taken,
but which has since been retaken. The Rover unfor
tunately by missing stays and the fatal effects of a
counter current got on shore near Shrewsbury inlet in
the night, Captain Duncan used every possible means
to get her off without effect, in which he had every kind
of assistance from the Medea who saw her situation at
daylight, the hull was burned the 26th so soon as the
ship bulged, and all the people were saved and brought
in here.
The a8th Sr. Samuel Hood arrived off the Hook
with fourteen sail of the line, four frigates one Sloop
and a fireship from the West Indies I was at that mo
ment settling a plan with Sr Henry Clinton for attempt
ing the French squadron in Rhode Island, as the French
troops were mostly with General Washington in the
Jerseys, we had only waited for the repair of three of
the Squadron and the troops were ordered to embark,
but the same evening intelligence was brought that
Mons Du Barras had sailed the Saturday before, with
£523
THE GRAVES PAPERS
his whole Squadron. As Sir Samuel Hood had brought
intelligence from the West Indies that all the French
fleet from the Cape were sailed, I immediately deter
mined to proceed with both squadrons to the South
ward, in hopes to intercept the one or both if possible.
We only wait for a wind to carry the North American
squadron over the bar and in the meantime, I have de
tached frigates to the Northward and Southward to
give information and to bring intelligence.
The Richmond came in the 29th from the Chesa
peake in four days, where every thing was quiet, and I
have had two frigates before the Delaware for some
time past.
Whether the French intend a junction, or whether
they have left the coast, is only to be guess'd at. I shall
get to sea as soon as possible, and shall use every means
to the best of my ability to counteract them.
The Robust is so defective from what yet appears,
that it is expected they can only make her fit to go home,
or to Halifax to heave down.
The Prudent has two new masts but has not yet got
out of the East river.
Enclosed you will receive duplicates of my last dis
patch by the Cartwright packet; Also the state and con
dition of the fleet under the command of Sir Samuel
Hood.1
I am
Sir
Your most Obedient and
most humble Servant.
THOS. GRAVES.
1 Not available.
[533
THE GRAVES PAPERS
P.S.
The inclosed f rench letter was
addressed to one of La Fayette's family
and seems to give the best plan of the
destination of De Grasse's great Fleet
of any which has come into my hands.
Philip Stephens Esqr.
Endorsed 30 Aug 1781 Rear Adml. Graves
Nov. A 31 Jany. 82 | (i Inclosure)1
Enclosure
The following are the more interesting parts of the
letter to La Fayette. (Spelling and accents as in the
copy.) It was signed only by a rubric.
"Havre de Grace [Le Havre] Le3i Mars, 1781
"J'ai regu Monsieur et Bon ami, La Lettre dont vous
m'avez honore en date du 19 8bre denier datee du Camp
1 Clinton, though but so shortly before so exercised in mind as
to a probable attack on New York by Washington and Rocham-
beau that he had gone to the extent of ordering Cornwallis to send
3000 men thither (against which Cornwallis successfully protested),
had now become eager to attack Barras (who was left at Newport un
supported ) , and reoccupy Newport and take Providence. Both naval
and military preparations had been proceeding to this end since
Graves's return on August 16. Clinton was, however, not to be
balked of an easterly expedition and prepared a force against New
London under the traitor Arnold, escorted by a frigate and several
sloops of war. The story of the destruction of New London and the
massacre of the defenders of Fort Trumbull across the river at
Croton on September 6 (the day after the action between Graves
and De Grasse) makes a very dark page of history.
CS43
THE GRAVES PAPERS
du General Washington pres Potowa [?] dans les
jerseys, elle m'est parvenue dans les premiers jours de
fevrier. Je me flatte que Les Lettres que je vous ai
adresse par voie de L'Orient vous auront etc remises,
cependant je ne suis pas sans inquietude sur leur sort vu
que vous m'en dites mot . . .
"M. de Grasse est parti le 22 de ce mois avec une
flotte de 26 Vaisseaux 8 fregates, 30 transports et 300
Batimens a la hauteur des Canaries, 9 vaisseaux sous le
commandement de M. De L' Espinousse et 2 fregates,
le quitteront pour filer dans L'inde avec 2 transports et
des Batimens marchands tres forts, on dit que M. De la
Mothe Piquet va parter avec une division de 6 vais
seaux et des Transports pour une expedition, rien de
Certain, on dit que e'st pour votre armee en outre de ce
que M. De Grasse vous porte que vous mene t'il on
1' ignore. Les Anglais etoient sortis le 13 avec 28 vais
seaux dont 10 a 3 ponts. avec une flotte considerable qui
se separera apres qu on oura ravitaille Gibraltar. Les
Espagnols avec 30 vaisseaux et en outre 2 f rancois sont
sortie des le commencement de fevrier pour attendre les
Anglais, on s'attend de moment en moment a des Evene-
mens bien interessant et qui font palpiter. Les Es
pagnols ont des injures grossieres a vanger et malgre
cela une tache considerable a remplir. Dieu veuille
etre une fois catholique, en outre Dom Barcelo est a
1'ouvert du detroit avec 4 vaisseaux et bon nombre de
chebecs ainsi pendant un combat le Convoi Anglais ne
pourroit filer sans risque de tomber dans le GrifTes de ce
vigilant chef d'escadre, 1'honneur de sa nation, voila
vous en conviendres un moment bien Critique. La
Josephine corsaire f regate de ce port, une des meilleures
voilieres qu'il y ait a pris le 22 un Paquebot double en
THE GRAVES PAPERS
cuivre de 14 canons partant de Plymouth pour New
York charge des depeches du Gouvernement Anglais
pour clinton et Arbuthnot notre corsaire est commande
par le Brave capitaine favre quo vous connaisses cette
fregate porte 30 canons de 12 et de 8. il a beaucoup
d'officiers americains. Le Ministre qui venoit de Brest
presser le depart de 1'escadre de M. de Grasse a recu a
L'Orient la male des mains du Capitaine favre.
"Le havre, mon bon ame ce n'est plus ce petit Paris
vivant, remuant, et si curieuse a voir en 1779. c'est un
desert, tout commerce y a cesse.
"La misere y est affreuse. vous sentes que La Bourse
de votre ami s'en ressent evaillement. quand reviendront
les heureux jours de la paix ils sont encore eloignes.
tout le monde le pense puisse t' on se tromper jamais
erreur de Calcul m'aura ete plus a notre avantage."
Endorsed In R. A. Graves' | 30 Aug 1781
[ REAR ADMIRAL HOOD TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
Barfleur, off Sandy Hook,
30th of August, 1781.
Sir:—
I beg you will acquaint the Lords Commissioners of
the Admiralty that Sir George Rodney sailed from St.
Eustatius on the ist of this month with the Gibraltar,
Triumph, Panther, Boreas, and two bombs, with the
trade for England, having the day before given up the
THE GRAVES PAPERS
command of his Majesty's fleet at the Leeward Islands
to me. On that evening I received the intelligence
No. i, and early the next morning Sir George sent me
the letter No. 2, and recommended to me to recall the
ships he had sent from Basseterre with Rear-Admiral
Drake to St. Lucia, and to wait their joining me before
I proceeded to this coast.
I instantly dispatched the Sybille on that service,
with orders for their meeting me at St. John's Road,
Antigua, for which place I sailed the next evening with
ten ships of the line. In the night I fell in with La
Nymphe, which Sir George Rodney had sent to recon
noitre Fort Royal Bay and St. Pierre, and being in
formed by her commander that he had seen four sail of
large ships in Fort Royal Bay, but that the weather was
so very hazy he could form no opinion of their force,
but thought they were of the line, I instantly sent La
Nymphe back with the letter No. 3 to Rear-Admiral
Drake. Early the next morning I spoke with an armed
brig from New York with despatches from Sir Henry
Clinton and Rear-Admiral Graves addressed to Sir G.
Rodney, of which No. 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 are copies.
I sent the armed brig into Nevis Road to complete
her water, and then proceed to St. John's Road. On
the 6th she joined me, and, without waiting an hour,
pushed away on her return to New York with my an
swers to the letters she brought.
Having embarked the 49th Regiment on board his
Majesty's squadron under my command, at the desire of
Brigadier-General Christie, to whom Sir Henry Clin
ton's messenger delivered the despatches he was charged
with for General Vaughan, I put to sea on the loth at
dawn of day, not caring to wait for the St. Lucia ships,
[57:
THE GRAVES PAPERS
lest the enemy should get to America before me; but
as I was running out Mr. Drake appeared with four
ships of the line, being certain the French had no ships
larger than a frigate at Martinique, and without delay
ing a moment I pushed on as fast as possible.
On the 25th I made the land a little to the southward
of Cape Henry, and from thence despatched a frigate
with the letter No. 9 to Rear-Admiral Graves, and find
ing no enemy had appeared either either in the Chesa
peake or Delaware,1 I proceeded off Sandy Hook. On
the 28th, in the morning, I received the letter No. 10
in answer, and foreseeing great delay and inconve
nience might arise from going within the Hook with
the squadron under my command.
I got into my boat and met Mr. Graves and Sir
Henry Clinton on Long Island, who were deliberating
upon a plan of destroying the ships at Rhode Island.
This was an additional argument in support of my opin
ion against my going within the Hook, as the equinox
was so near at hand, and I humbly submitted the neces
sity which struck me very forcibly, of such of Rear-
Admiral Graves's squadron as were ready coming with
out the Bar immediately, whether to attend Sir Henry
Clinton to Rhode Island, or to look for the enemy at
sea. My idea was readily acquiesced in, and Mr.
Graves said his ships should be sent out the next day,
but for want of wind they are still within the Hook.
Herewith I send you, for their Lordships informa
tion an account of the state and condition of his
1 Graves strongly affirms in his letter of May 4, 1782, written at
Port Royal, Jamaica, that Hood did not look into either the Chesa
peake or Delaware, but came directly on to New York.
[583
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Majesty's squadron I brought with me from the West
Indies. I am, Sir,
Your most obedient, humble servant,
SAM. HOOD.
Endorsed. — The 3oth of August, 1781, Rear- Admiral
Sir Samuel Hood.
Received, the 3rd of November.
Answered, the roth of November.
On September 8, the frigate Pegasus, Captain Stan
hope, arrived with a third despatch from Rodney, ad
dressed to Arbuthnot or the commander-in-chief for the
time being:
[ ADMIRAL RODNEY TO VICE ADMIRAL ARBUTHNOT ]
Gibraltar, at sea, 13 Aug. 1781.
Sir,
Herewith I have the honour to enclose you intelli
gence which I received from St. Thomas's the night
before I sailed from St. Eustatius, and to acquaint you
that I left Sir Samuel Hood preparing to sail with all
possible dispatch with 12 Sail of the line, 4 frigates, and
a fireship, for the Capes of Virginia, where I am per
suaded the French intend making their grand effort.
Permit me therefore to recommend it to you to collect
all the force you can, and form a junction with Sir
CS9]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Samuel there. You will I hope, ere this reaches you,
have heard of his approach, by his fastest sailing frig
ate, which I directed him to dispatch for the purpose of
looking out for intelligence off the Chesapeak and
Delaware.
The French fleet under Monsieur de Grasse, when
they left the Grenades to collect their convoy, consisted
of 26 sail of the line and two large ships armed en-flute;
and I imagine, at least 12 of those ships, and in all
probability of part of Mr. de Monteil's squadron, will
be in America; and it is not impossible they may be
joined by some Spanish Ships.
It is certain that the enemy intend to make an early
campaign in the West Indies after the hurricane
months; I have therefore directed Sir Samuel Hood to
return immediately after the full-moon of October, and
I must request not only that he is on no account detained
beyond that period, but that you will add to his force
what line of battle ships can possibly be spared from the
service in America during the winter season.
Besides the squadron Sir Samuel Hood brings with
him, two line of battle ships, which I sent to strengthen
the convoy to Jamaica, have my orders to proceed
thence through the Gulph, and join him at the Chesa
peak without delay.
I have the honour to be &a.
G. B. RODNEY
It is extraordinary that this despatch was not sent
Hood earlier. The news from St. Thomas reached
Rodney on the night of July 3 1 . JHe sailed for England
the next day. Hood was in easy reach, as he did not
THE GRAVES PAPERS
leave Antigua, distant only 70 miles from St. Eustatius,
on August 10. Rodney took the Pegasus with him and
when in the latitude of Bermuda sent her with the
despatch to Graves's fleet. She was 26 days in reaching
Graves. Rodney may have thought that his earlier or
ders to Hood respecting De Grasse's destination and
occupancy of the Chesapeake were definite, but they
clearly were not.
The despatch also shows how great a stress was laid
upon the preservation of the British islands in the West
Indies. This anxiety was ever uppermost in the British
mind, and cost Britain the United States. America was
sacrificed for a few sugar islands, which, had Britain
succeeded in suppressing the American Revolution,
would have fallen to the British navy in any case.
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London at sea the i/j-th Septr. 1781.
Sir.
I beg you will be pleased to acquaint the Lords Com
missioners of the Admiralty, that the moment the wind
served to carry the ships over the Bar, which was
buoyed for the purpose, the squadron came out, and Sir
Saml. Hood getting under sail at the same time, the
fleet proceeded together on the 3ist August to the south
ward, my intention being to go to the Cheasapeak, as
the Enemys views would most probably be upon that
part.
The cruisers which I had placed before the Delawar
THE GRAVES PAPERS
coud. give me no certain information, and the cruisers
off the Cheasapeak had not joined; the winds being
rather favourable we approached the Cheasapeak the
morning of the ^th Septemr. when the advanced ship
made the signal of a fleet. We soon discovered a num
ber of great ships at anchor, which seemed to be ex
tended across the entrance of the Cheasapeak, from
Cape Henry to the Middle Ground; they had a frigate
cruizing off the Cape which stood in and joined them,
and as we approached, the whole fleet got under sail
and stretched out to sea with the wind at N.N.E. As
we drew nearer I formed the line, first ahead and then
in such a manner as to bring his Majesty's fleet nearly
parallel to the line of approach of the Enemy; and
when I found that our van was advanced as far as the
shoal of the middle ground would admit of, I wore the
fleet and brought them upon the same tack with the
enemy, and nearly parallel to them, though we were by
no means extended with their rear. So soon as I judged
that our van would be able to operate, I made the signal
to bare away and approach, and soon after, to engage
the Enemy close. Somewhat after four the action began
amongst the headmost ships pretty close, and soon be
came general as far as the second ship from the center
towards the rear. The van of the enemy bore away to
enable their center to support them, or they would have
been cut up, the action did not entirely cease until a
little after sunset though at a considerable distance, for
the center of the Enemy continued to bear up as it ad
vanced, and at that moment seemed to have little more
in view, than to shelter their own van as it went away
before the wind. —
His Majesty's Fleet consisted of nineteen sail of the
[62]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
line, that of the French formed twenty four sail in their
line. After night I sent the frigates to the van and rear
to push forward the line and keep it extended with the
enemy, with a full intention to renew the engagement
in the morning, but when the frigate Fortunee returned
from the van I was informed that, several of the ships
had suffered so much they were in no condition to re
new the action until they had secured their masts. The
Shrewsbury, Intrepid, and Montagu unable to keep the
line, and the Princessa in momentary apprehension of
the maintopmast going over the side : we however kept
well extended with the Enemy all night, and in the
morning, saw they had not the appearance of near so
much damage as we had sustained, though the whole
of their van must have experienced a good deal of loss.
We continued all day the 6h. in sight of each other
repairing our damages. Rear Admiral Drake shifted
his flag into the Alcide until the Princessa had got up
another maintopmast. The Shrewsbury, whose Cap
tain lost a leg and had the first lieutenant killed, was
obliged to reef both topmasts, shift her topsail-yards,
and had sustained very great damage. I ordered Captn.
Colpoys of the Orpheus, to take the command of her
and put her into a state for action.
The Intrepid had both topsail yards shot down, her
topmasts in great danger of falling, and her lower
masts and yards very much damaged; her Captain hav
ing behaved with the greatest gallantry to cover the
Shrewsbury. The Montagu was in great danger of
losing her masts, the Terrible so leaky as to keep all her
pumps going, and the Ajax also very leaky from old
complaints aggravated. In the present state of the
fleet, and being five sail of the line less in number
[633
THE GRAVES PAPERS
than the Enemy, and they having advanced very much
in the wind upon us during the day, I determined to tack
after eight, to prevent being drawn too far from the
Cheasapeak, and to stand to the Northward.
Enclosed is the line of battle with ye numbers killed
and wounded in the different ships and their principal
damages during the action, marked A. The ships in
general did their duty well and the officers and people
exerted themselves exceedingly.
On the 8 it came to blow pretty fresh, and in stand
ing against a head sea the Terrible made the signal of
distress, I immediately sent the Fortunee and Orpheus
frigates to attend upon her, and received the enclosed
state of her complaints marked B.
At night about an hour after the fleet had been wore
together, the Intrepid made the signal to speak with the
Admiral, upon which the fleet was brought to, and I
was soon informed that her main topmast was gone over
the side and they expected the fore-yard would go
every moment. These repeated misfortunes in sight of
a superior enemy who kept us all extended and in mo
tion, filled the mind with anxiety and put us in a situ
ation not to be envied.
I have enclosed the state and condition of the ships
letter C, by which their lordships will perceive the state
of the fleet. To this I must add, that the Pegasus joined
the fleet from New York with an account that after
separating from Sir George Rodney in latitude 29° .55'
Longitude 59° .33', having six victuallers and a store-
ship under convoy for New York, had fallen in with
the French fleet and lost every ship, though the captain
seems to have used every prudential means for their
preservation.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
It may not be improper to add that we are without
resources at York, there having been neither stores nor
provisions but what has been purchased, for many
months past, and a very slender quantity even of that.
Several of the Squadron from the West Indies being
bare of water and provisions, particularly bread,
obliged me to supply them from other ships. It being
determined in a council of war held on the loth to
evacuate the Terrible and destroy her, I took the first
calm day to effect it, and at the same time distributed
the water and provisions which were wanted. This
took up the whole of the 4th, the wreck was set fire to,
and I bore up for the Chesapeake about nine at night.
The Fleets had continued in sight of each other for
five days successively, and at times were very near. We
had not speed enough in so mutilated a state to attack
them had it been prudent and they shewed no inclina
tion to renew the action, for they generally maintained
the wind of us, and had it often in their power.
The paper marked letter D will shew their lordships
Captain Duncan's report of the state of the Chesapeake,
when I sent him to look in, the day after the action.
The above-mentioned delay occasioned our losing
sight for the first time, of the French fleet. I therefore
sent Captain Duncan to reconnoitre the Chesapeake
who brought me on the morning of the 13™, the in
formation which occasioned the Council of War
marked letter E; and I sent him again to take a better
view, which confirmed the report of the French fleet
being all anchored within the Cape, so as to block the
passage. I then determined to follow the resolution of
a Council of War for securing the fleet if possible be
fore the Equinox at New York, and I immediately
THE GRAVES PAPERS
despatched the Medea with this pacquet for their Lord
ships information.
I am
Sir,
Your most Obedient and
most humble Servant,
THOS. GRAVES.
P.S.
Enclosed you will receive a duplicate of my last let
ter. I beg leave to recommend the necessity for the
immediate return of the frigates which may be sent
from this country, the want of the Roebuck has been
much felt.
T.G.
Philip Stephens, Esqr.
Endorsed No. 7 Rear Adml. Graves Letter to P. Ste
phens Esq. 14 Sept. 1781. -^ i3th Octo. at Night.
Enclosure A
THE LINE OF BATTLE
With an account of the numbers of the Killed &
Wounded, and the damages sustained by the Fleet un
der the command of Rear Admiral Graves, in an action
with the French Fleet off Cape Henry on the 5th
Septemr 1781.
[663
Line of Battle
The Alfred to lead with the Starboard and the Shrewsbury wh. the larbd.
tacks on board
Frigates
Rate
Ships
Commanders
Guns
Men
Divisions
3
Alfred
Captain Bayne
74
6OO
«
Belliqueux
Brine
64
500
u
Invincible
" Saxton
74
6OO
Sr. Samuel Hood
Rarfr
Santa Monica]
to repeat J
2
Barfleur
j Rear Admiral Hoodj
[Captain Hood }
90
768
1 Jtll L.
Rear Admiral of ye
Blue&ca.&ca. &ca.
Richmond
3
Monarch
Reynolds
74
600
i <
Centaur
Inglefield
74
650
3
America
Captain Thompson
64
500
«
Resolution
" Lord Rt. Manners
74
6OO
Salamander j
fireship
Nymphe j
to repeat
«
2
Bedford
London
Graves
jRear Admiral Graves]
[Captain Graves
74
98
600
800
Thomas Graves
Esqr.
-Rear Adml. of
the Red
3
Royal Oak
Ardesoif
74
6OO
Commander in
Solebay
i<
Montagu
Bowen
74
6OO
Chief
Adamant
«
Europe
Child
64
5OO
3
Terrible
Captain Finch
74
6OO
«
Ajax
" Charrington
74
550
Francis Samuel
Sybil j
to repeat
< <
Princessa
/Rear Admiral Drakel
[Captain Knatcbull j
70
577
Drake Esqr.
>Rear Admiral of
Fortunee
u
Alcide
Thompson
74
600
the Blue &c.&c.&c.
«
Intrepid
Molloy
64
500
((
Shrewsbury
Robinson
74
600
NB. If the Europe cannot keep up she is to fall into the Rear and the Adamant to take
her station in the Line.
Given on board His Majestys ship London
at Sandy Hook 3 it Augt. 1781
(Copy) T Graves
Note by Editor. — As the fleet stood in for the Capes, with the wind from the northward, the Alfred was leading
with the starboard tacks aboard; the signal to "wear together" brought the Shrewsbury in the lead, with the
larboard (port) tacks aboard. The action of September 5 was thus fought with the ships in the reverse order
of the names above, Sir Samuel Hood's division forming the rear.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
List of Men killed and wounded and guns dismounted
on board His Majesty's Ships under the command of
Rear Admiral Graves in an action with the French
Fleet off Cape Henry the 5 Septr. 1781
Killed
Shrewsbury . . .
H
Intrepid ....
21
Alcide
2
Princessa ....
6
Ajax !
7
/
Terrible ....
4
Europe
9
Montagu ....
8
Royal Oak . . .
4
London ....
4
Bedford ....
8
Resolution . . .
3
America ....
. .
Centaur ....
. .
Monarch ....
Barfleur ....
. .
Invincible . . .
Belliqueux . . .
. .
Alfred
Wounded Total
Guns
Dismounted
52 66 3
35 56
18 20
ii 17
16 23 3
21 25
18 27 3
22 30 4
5 9
18 22 3
14 22
16 19
Total ... 90 246 336 1 6
[68]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Damages received on board His Majesty's ships under
the command of Rear Admiral Graves in an action
with the French Fleet off Cape Henry the ^th Septr.
1781.
Shrewsbury, Captain Mark Robinson.
5th Septr. — Captain Everitt of the Solebay reported,
that at 5 minutes past 8 P.M., he spoke her, she having
made the signal of distress — was informed that Captain
Robinson had lost his leg, the first Lieutenant and 25
or 26 men killed, and 46 wounded, Mr. Retalick 2nd
lieut. commanding officer — all her masts yards and sails
so shattered, not able to keep the line — had on board at
the beginning of the action 532 men.
Carpenter's damages — Foremast shot through in
three different places, one of the trussel-trees shot
through and the cross-tree wounded — the fore yard
badly wounded in three places — fore top-sail-yard-
arm shot away, and two shot thro the yard — spreet-sail
yard wounded — three shot thro' the head of the main
mast, and another above ten feet above the quarter deck
which have much weakened the mast — main yard,
wounded at both arms — Maintopmast shot thro' just
above the cap, and the heel shot away main topsail
yard, shot thro' in two places — mizzenmast almost cut
off in two places — mizzen topmast shot thro' at the
head mizzen yard wounded, six studding sail booms
shot away — the spare topmasts, main topsail yard, fish
for the mast, hand-mast, jib-boom, spars, and all the
boats very much wounded. — Five shot under water, one
of them gone thro' — One end of an upper deck beam
much damaged — two upper deck standards, the spir-
[693
THE GRAVES PAPERS
ketting, clamps, etc., cut in several places — the plank-
shier, fife rails, blocks &c. on the quarter-deck, all shot
away — the outside much damaged by receiving so
many shot — When the larboard tacks are on board,
the ship makes 18 inches water in four hours.
Boatswain's damages — Twenty-eight lower and
eighteen topmt. shrouds and thirteen backstays & the
main and mizen stays all shot away; blocks, dead-eyes
and all the running rigging and sails cut to pieces. —
Gunners damages. — Two 18 prs. disabled and the
carriage of another.
Intrepid — Captain Anthony James Pye Molloy.
Carpenters damages. — Withoutboard, the head rails
shot thro — sixty-five shot holes in the starboard side,
and nineteen between wind and water — the rudder
much damaged — five side timbers, each of them cut
in two — the upper quarter-gallery shot to pieces, and
the stern-gallery much damaged. Gun Deck, the stan
dard against the post shot away, — Upper Deck, three
port timbers and the quick-work greatly damaged, the
second shift of spirketting and the port cell, string and
quick-work, greatly damaged. Two shot through the
middle of the Bowspreet, and one thro' the spreet-sail-
yard, three shot in the foremast, and two very danger
ous ones thro' the fore-topmast — foreyard much
wounded and the fore topsail-yard shot in two — two
shot in the main mast — the main topmast almost cut in
two, the heel of the main topmast shot to pieces. Sails
and rigging very much cut particularly the topsails —
All the boats damaged.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Alcide Captain Charles Thompson
Carpenters damages. — Jib-boom, Bowspreet fore
yard and top gallant mast slightly wounded — three shot
thro' the mainmast. Mizen topmast, topsail-yard, and
gafT, shot away — Clamps standards, spirketting &c,
on the Upper and Gun Decks, much wounded, the knee
of the head & part of the figure, — spare main topsail
yards & boats much hurt — many shot under water
which makes the ship leaky. —
p - /Rear Admiral Drake
[Captain Charles Knatchbull
Carpenters damages. — Main topmast shot thro' in
three places Maintopsail Yard shot away 12 feet from
the arm — a shot thro' the middle of the fore-mast 10
feet under the hounds — foretop gallant mast shot
thro — Maintopgalltmast Driven and three studding-
sail-booms, all shot away — fore yard arm shot almost
off 12 feet away from the slings — long boat and cutter
damaged two hanging knees and two port cells shot
away — several shot in the side and under water. —
Boatswain damages, — Six Fore & eight main shrouds
several topmast shrouds & great part of the running
rigging and sails very much cut, —
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Ajax Captain Nicholas Charrington.
Carpenters damages. — Upper Deck one shot thro
the gangway and one thro the clamp — the plankshier
blocks &c on the quarter deck torn to pieces — Mizzen
topmast shot thro', one shot thro' the head of the main
mast, but not of much consequence — maintopsail yard
wounded and the spare one shot through — main trussel-
trees shiver'd by shot & require shifting — fore topsail-
yard wounded — fore topgallantmast shot away — a shot
thro the cap and head of the foremast — the fore yard
wounded in the slings — spare maintopmast and the
boats wounded by shot.
Boatswains damages. — Ten lower and six topmast
shrouds seven back stays, and all the stays shot away —
running rigging and sails very much cut —
Gunners damages — Two Carriages, vizt. a 24 and a 9
Poundr. are wounded and a 9 pounder dismounted.
Terrible Honble Captain Finch
Two large shot thro' the foremast, and two buried in
it (the mast sprung before the action) main topsails and
cross jack yards much damaged — several shot between
wind and water, (the ship leaky before the action)
The pumps blowrn, and only kept together by tarr'd
canvas, lead, and wouldings — chains worn out, and but
few links to repair them — pump leather all expended —
makes two feet two inches water in 25 minutes. —
17*1
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Europe. Captain Smith Child
Carpenters damages — Four shot in the mainmast,
two of them gone thro' — the main yard wounded in two
places — main top mast wounded mizen top mast and
topsail-yard shot away — the spare topmasts boats &c
much wounded — two standards and three hanging
knees shot thro' — the fife rails plankshier and spirket-
ting much wounded — twelve shot between wind and
water and a great number in the upper works — the ship
strains and makes water.
Boatswains damages. — Eleven lower shrouds, two
topmast shrouds, two backstays, and all the mizen top
mast rigging shot away, and the sails and running rig
ging much cut.
Gunners damages — a 24 Pr. and a 9 Pr. carriages
damaged — and the carriage of an 1 8 Pr. render'd un
serviceable —
Montagu Captain George Brown
Carpenters damages — Clamp spirketting and water
way on the Gun and upper decks shot thro in several
places the hull much shatterd by shot — a shot thro' the
main piece of the rudder, which has split it — The fore
topgallantmast shot thro' Five shot in the main mast,
one of which is gone thro' — the main yard shot half off
— maintopmast shot thro' seven feet above the cap —
mizen mast cut half off two feet under the hounds —
C733
THE GRAVES PAPERS
main top gallant yard shot to peices — studding sail
booms shot away spare yards topmasts &c damaged by
shot.
Boatswains damages — Nineteen lower shrouds, ten
topmast shrouds, six backstays — the fore topmast stay
and the main spring stay, all shot away — the running
rigging and sails very much cut —
Gunners damages — four guns dismounted. —
Royal Oak Captain John Plumer Ardesoif
Carpenters damages — Clamp spirketting and water
way on the Quarter and upper decks, shot thro' in sev
eral places. Mizen mast and spare maintopsail yard
wounded — five shot in the wales and twelve in the top-
sides. —
T i fRear Admiral Graves
London^ .
[Captain David Graves
A large shot thro' the mainmast, and two in the fore
mast, fore top gallantmast shot away — Boats and booms
much damaged — a number of shot in the side and
several under water — The sails and rigging much
cut.
Gunner's damages — Three guns (one 18 pr. and Two
12 prs.) dismounted — one of which being rendered
unserviceable was thrown overboard.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Bedford — Captain Thomas Graves
Mizen topmast rendered unfit for service — a shot
in the mainmast and two in the head of the foremast.
The gammoning of the bowspreet and part of the knee
of the head shot away — a shot thro' the jib-boom, four
teen in the side and several under water, but the ship
not leaky.
Resolution — Captain Lord Robert Manners
The head rails shot away, mainmast and bowsprit
wounded
Centaur — Captain John Inglefield
Two strakes of spirketting cut almost off, and the
mainmast wounded.
Monarch — Captain Francis Reynolds
A large shot in the main mast about five feet below
the cheeks, the bowsprit cut ^d off just without the
gammoning.
America 1 T. GRAVES.
Barfleur
Invincible [-Received no damage in the action.
Belliqueux
Alfred J
C753
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Endorsed 4 The Line of Battle | the Numbers killed
& wounded | & the Account of damages sustained in
the Action of the ^th of September 1781 | A | In R A.
Graves Letter Dated 14 Sepr. 1781.
Enclosure B
[Copy of the several Letters representing the State and
Condition His Majestys Ship Terrible]
q. Terrible at Sea 9th Septemr. 1781.
Our Leaks since Yesterday have increased very much,
to day we were alarmed when we came against a very
trifling head Sea, with our Leaks gaining (over six
hand Pumps kept briskly going) 2 feet 2 Inches in 25
Minutes, and we are all convinced that she will make
much more in a gale of Wind, our Chain Pumps are
very bad, should the least Accident happen, I am ap
prehensive the Ship cannot be saved, our Foremast is
much wounded. It was sprung before we came into
Action, and there are now two Shot thro' the Main
Piece of the Foremast, two more lodged in it, we
weighed one of the Shot which weighed thirty nine
pounds, Should we be blown off the Coast we have
but ten days Water on board. WM CLEMT
The Carpenter informs me that in smooth Water if
the hand Pumps were kept still, the Ship would make
six feet water in the hour.
Rear Admiral Graves
Commander in Chief &c. &c. &c.
[76]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Memorandum enclosed in the preceding Letter.
The Pumps blown, and only kept together by Tar'd
Canvas Lead & Wouldings; the Sprocket Wheels much
decayed, and not one spare one in the Ship, the Chains
by constant use worn out, we have however a few spare
links to repair them, all the Winches Supplied the Ship
from having been so often broke and repaired, are ren
dered useless, the Iron burnt out, so that we have for
some time past been under the necessity to repair them
with New Iron. The Pump Cisterns so much shaken
by constantly Pumping that it gives employment to one
Man to keep Caulking them and that without being
able to do it effectually. The Pump Leather all ex
pended.
Terrible at Sea roth. Septr. 1781.
Sir
When I last sent you the state of the Terrible, I men
tioned that the least Water she made was Six . . . feet
an hour, the next four hours we pumped out 8 feet each
hour, our Leaks increased during the Night; from 12
P. M. to noon this day We have had all our Pumps
going, the Chain Pumps only Suck, and three times
during those 12 Hours, and never stood still for more
than ten Minutes each Time, our hand Pumps have
never ceased; In this Situation I have thrown overboard
5 lower Deck Guns, not knowing how long I might
have it in my Power to do so. If you do not forbid it
THE GRAVES PAPERS
I shall be under the necessity of throwing over board
the Fore Castle and Quarter Deck Guns, for although
we do not make quite so much Water on this Tack, we
make too much to give us any great hopes of being able
to carry her into Port. Perhaps you may think Sir that
some of her Stores may be of Service to some other Ship,
and in our present Situation we should be as well with
out them.
I am Sir
Your most Obedt. humble Servt.
WM. CLEMT. FINCH.
To
Rear Admiral Graves
Commander in Chief &c. &c. &c.
Terrible at Sea the nth. Septemr. 1781
Sir
I beg leave to send you the inclosed Certificates, and
to inform you that we find no Relief from the lower
Deck Guns being thrown over board, It is impossible
to keep Pumps workt better than ours have been all
Night, and they have barely prevented the Water gain
ing on us, I have all the Sick and wounded Men in the
Ward Room, I should be glad to begin by removing
them, I should be glad to receive your Orders where
they are to be sent, the Ships Company are divided into
six divisions about sixty each, with a Lieutenant and a
Proportional Number of Petty Officers, they are the
[783
THE GRAVES PAPERS
most equal division that can be made of them, as they
consist of equal No. of Fore Castle Men, Topmen &ca.
in each, the Marines are a very fine party of Men. I
have ventured to hoist the Long Boat out in conse
quence of what you mentioned Yesterday.
I have the honor to be
Sir your most Obedt.
humble Servant
WM. CT. FINCH.—
Rear Adml. Graves
Commander in Chief
&ca. &ca. &ca. —
Copy of the Certificate given by the Officers of His
Majestys Ship Terrible.
To the Honble. Wm. Clemt. Finch
Commander of H. M. S. Terrible
In Compliance with your directions to give in our
opinions of the possibility of carrying the Ship into
Port, we do hereby certify as follows, that during the
last Night the Water gained at two different times on
the Pumps, so that had any accident happen'd, to the
Chains, which have seldom work'd two days without
breaking, she must inevitably have founderd, and She
still continuing not withstanding the fineness of the
Weather, to keep all the Pumps constantly going (it is
our opinions that it is absolutely impracticable to carry
her into Port.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Given under our hands on board His Majestys
Ship Terrible at Sea the roth. September 1781.
RICHD. NASH first Lieutt.
H. W. MILLER Second do
THOS. PROCTER Third do
CHAS. APTHORP Fourth do
JAS. JNO. COLVIL Fifth do
JOHN ROICE Master
JOHN MULES Boatsn.
WM. DYERS Gunner
JOHN KAINS Carpenter
And we do further certify that any assistance from
the Fleet would be ineffectual for the preservation of
the Ship, and that no additional number of Men could
keep her free, so as to enable us to carry Her into Port.
Given under our hands on board His Majestys
Ship Terrible at Sea the nth. September 1781.
WM. CLEMT. FINCH . . Captain
RICHARD NASH . . . first Lieutt.
H W MILLER Second do
THOS. PROCTER Third do
CHAS. APTHORP . . . Fourth do
JAS. JNO. COLVIL .... Fifth do
JNO. ROICE Master
JOHN MULES Boatsn.
WM. DYERS Gunner
JOHN KAINS Carpenter
September nth 1781. At a Council of War held this
day on board His Majestys Ship London upon the
Leaky and dangerous state of the Terrible, as repre
sented by Captain Finchs two letters of the 9th and
[80]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
loth Instant, and the little probability of her being able
to get to New York or any other Port, we are of opinion
to take out her People and sink her.
THOS. GRAVES
SAM HOOD
(Copy) FRA:S: DRAKE
T. Graves
Endorsed (3) | Copy of the several letters from
Captn. Finch together with the Certificate from the
Captain and all the other Officers | representing the
state and | Condition of His Majestys Ship | Terrible
with the Council of war on the same | B | In R. A.
Graves's Letter | Dated 14 Sepr: 1781.
[ LETTER FROM REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ]
Sir
I have this moment put into my hands by the Pearl
Capt Montagu the Packet brought by the Active Brig
Captain Manley which arrived at New York the 10
instant, and was brought away the nth. by the Pearl.
The Zebra has arrived at [New] York from the West
Indies as Capt. Montagu informs me. The Prudent
had sailed from [New] York but has not joined me,
and she may be to the Southward and had spoken I
understand to the Pegasus, who had left me after the
action with dispatches for [New] York.
I am Sir your most Obedt.
Humble Servant
London off the THOS. GRAVES.
Cheasapeak C. Charles
14 Sepr. 1781. —
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Endorsed 14 Sepr. 1781 | R A Graves ^ 13 Octor.
at Night
Enclosure D
[ INTELLIGENCE BY CAPTAIN DUNCAN OF HIS
MAJESTY'S SHIP MEDEA ]
Thursday September 6th. 1781 in the Forenoon,
made Sail for the Cheasepeak, that Evening got close
to Cape Henry but too late to run in, spoke the Iris
returning from chasing a Ship which she obliged to
throw her Guns over board, and run her into Shoal
Water, kept the Iris with me that Night, in the night
spoke the Pegasus, she left the West Indies with Sir
George Rodney and was bringing seven Victuallers all
which She apprehended was taken by the French Fleet,
the Pegasus was chased four days by them in the Lattde.
38. Longde. 72.
Friday 7th. Run into the Cheseapeak, observed that
the French Fleet had left their Anchors behind them,
I left the Iris at the Cape and directed Captain Dawson
to cut away the Buoys after taking the bearings of them,
We went up the Bay, two Ships were working down,
one of which was a two Deck Ship, we could plainly
discover her lower Deck Ports, Stern Gallery and a
whole Mizen Yard, She hoisted English Colours and
the Pendant she hoisted from the Quarter Deck, the
other Ship was a Frigate; there were five Sails at
Anchor higher up, one of which came down and joined
them, she was not so large as the Line of Battle Ship,
and considerably larger than the Frigate, no Poop, most
THE GRAVES PAPERS
probably a 40 Gun Ship; four that lay above were
Small Vessels, when we had got pretty well up with
those Ships, two large Ships made their appearance
coming out of Elizabeth River, Captain Dawson took
them to be Line of Battle Ships, they did not appear so
large to us, they Anchord. The Line of Battle Ship,
the 40 and Frigate seemed to be Anchord in a Line
above the Horse Shoe, and near the entrance of the
York River, got out of the Bay at Night, and next
Morning saw the Fleet.
HENRY DUNCAN
Endorsed (5) | Copy of Intelligence from the Chesa
peake, by Captn. | Duncan of the Medea, the | yth
of September, 1781. | D In R. A. Graves's Letter |
Dated 14 Sepr. 1781.
Enclosure E
[ THE RESOLVE OF A COUNCIL OF WAR ]
At a Council of War held on board His Majesty's
ship London at Sea the 13 September, 1781, upon a
report from Captain Duncan of his majesty's ship
Medea, that they had seen the evening before, the
French Fleet at anchor off the Horseshoe shoal in the
Chesapeake, that the large ships appeared more numer
ous and to be in Divisions, but that it was too late to get
near enough to form a close judgement.
Upon this state of the position of the Enemy the pres
ent condition of the British Fleet, the season of the year
1:833
THE GRAVES PAPERS
so near the Equinox, and the impracticability of giving
any effectual succour to General Earl Cornwallis in the
Chesapeake,
It was resolved, that the British Squadron under the
command of Thomas Graves Esqr. Rear Admiral of
the Red — Sr. Samuel Hood Bart, and Francis Samuel
Drake Esqr. Rear Admirals of the Blue, should pro
ceed with all dispatch to New York, and there use every
possible means for putting the Squadron into the best
state for service, provided that Captain Duncan who is
gone again to reconnoitre shoud confirm his report of
the position of the Enemy and that the Fleet should in
the mean time facilitate the junction of the Medea.
THOMAS GRAVES
(Signed) SAMUEL HOOD
Copy FRANCIS SAMUEL DRAKE
T. Graves
Endorsed (6) | The Resolve of a Council of War held
on board H M S London | on the i3th September
1781. E | In R A Graves's Letter Dated 14 Sepr.
1781.
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London at Sandy Hook 22d Septr. 1781.
Sir:—
I beg you will be pleased to acquaint their Lordships
with my having receiv'd their dispatches of the 24th
July by ye Lively Sloop of War, directed to Vice Ad
miral Arbuthnot. — Also the several duplicates of their
THE GRAVES PAPERS
dispatches of the Third, fourth, Eighteenth and Twenty
Second of May last — all of which I beg you will be
pleased to assure their Lordships shall be paid every
possible attention to.
I am
Sir your most Obedt.
humble Servant
Philip Stephens, Esqre: THOS. GRAVES.
Admiralty Office
London.
Endorsed 2 Letter to Philip Stephens Esqr. 22 Septr.
1781 I? 3 Nov. 1781.
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London at New York 23d Septr. 1781.
Sir—
I beg leave through you to lay before the Lords Com
missioners of the Admiralty the situation of Captain
Mark Robinson, who in the action off Cape Henry
Virginia on the 5 Septr: last, commanded His Majestys
Shrewsbury. —
Captain Robinson led the British fleet consisting of
nineteen sail of line of battle ships into action against
the fleet of France, consisting of twenty four sail of the
line; and when the Signal for close action was made,
bore down and engaged the headmost Ship of the enemy
in a very spirited and gallant manner; during the course
of the action he had the misfortune to lose his left leg,
his first lieutenant was killed and thirteen men, and
[85]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
fifty one besides himself wounded. The urgent neces
sity for the fleet going to Sea so soon as possible made
it necessary for a man upwards of sixty years of age
after a recent amputation, to request to be superceded
in his command, though then at New York North
America, one of the most expensive places in the World.
These circumstances taken together call upon me in
a particular manner to recommend Captain Mark Rob
inson to their Lordships favor and protection. —
I am
Sir
Your most obedient
Humble Servant
Philip Stephens Esqr: THOS. GRAVES.
Endorsed Reed, n Febry | 1782
Minute 30 May | own rect. let him know their | Ldps
recomdatn. to N Bd. for a Pension of £300 a yr.
[ REAR ADMIRAL HOOD TO GEORGE JACKSON1 2 ]
Barfleur, off the Delaware, i6th of September, 1781.
Going to New York.
Private
My dear Jackson : —
On the ^th instant, about 10 A.M., one of the look-out
frigates made the signal for a fleet, and at eleven we
plainly discovered twenty-four sail of French ships of
1 Assistant Secretary of the Admiralty.
2 This and following letters of Hood to Jackson are from Letters
of Sir Samuel Hood (later Viscount Hood), edited by David Han-
nay, forming Vol. Ill, Publications of the British Navy Records
Society.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
the line and two frigates at anchor about Cape Henry,
with their top sail yards hoisted aloft as a signal for
getting under sail. Soon after they began to come out
in a line of battle ahead, but by no means regular and
connected, which afforded the British fleet a most glori
ous opening for making a close attack to manifest ad
vantage, but it was not embraced; and as the French
fleet was close hauled and the English line steered large,
the two vans got pretty near, at four, when the signal
for battle was hoisted — that part of the enemy's fleet
being to windward of their centre, and the centre to
windward of their rear. Our centre then upon a wind
began to engage at the same time, but at a most im
proper distance (and the London had the signal for
close action flying, as well as the signal for the line
ahead at half a cable was under her topsails, with the
main topsail to the mast, though the enemy's ships were
pushing on), and our rear being barely within random
shot did not fire while the signal for the line was flying.
No. i contains my sentiments upon the truly unfortu
nate day, as committed to waiting the next morning, and
which I mentioned to Mr. Graves when I attended his
first summons on board the London. On the 6th it was
calm the whole day, and in the evening Mr. Drake and
I were sent for, when Mr. Graves communicated to us
intelligence he had received from the captains of the
Medea and Iris, who had reconnoitred the Chesapeake,
which was as follows : That a ship of the line, a 4O-gun
ship, and a frigate, were at anchor between the Horse
Shoe Shoal and York Rivers, and that they saw three
large ships coming down the bay, which they thought
were of the line. Mr. Graves also made known to us
a letter from Sir H. Clinton to General Earl Corn-
THE GRAVES PAPERS
wallis, which he was desired to convey to his Lordship,
if possible. The Richmond and Iris were detached
upon that service, I fear to be cut off, and think the
whole squadron should have gone; they might then not
only most effectually have succoured Lord Cornwallis,
but have destroyed the enemy's ships there. On the j\h
and 8th, the enemy being to windward, had an oppor
tunity of attacking us if they pleased, but showed no
sort of inclination for it. On the 9th, the French fleet
carried a press of sail, which proved to me beyond a
doubt that De Grasse had other views than fighting,
and I was distressed that Mr. Graves did not carry all
the sail he could also, and endeavour to get off the
Chesapeake before him; it appeared to me to be a
measure of the utmost importance to keep the French
out, and if they did get in they should first beat us. In
stead of that, Mr. Graves put his Majesty's squadron
on a contrary course just at dark, and at 8 o'clock made
the signal and lay to. At daylight next morning noth
ing was to be seen of the French fleet from the Barfleur.
This alarmed me exceedingly, and I debated with my
self some little time whether I should venture to write
Mr. Graves a few lines or not, as it is rather an awk
ward and unpleasant business to send advice to a senior
officer. However, I at last took courage to do it, and
having made the signal for my repeating frigate to
come under the Barfleur's stern sent her with the letter
of which No. 2 is a copy. This occasioned another sum
mons to Mr. Drake and me on board the London, when
I found, to my very great astonishment, Mr. Graves as
ignorant as myself where the French fleet was, and that
no frigates were particularly ordered (for we had sev
eral with us) to watch and bring an account of the
THE GRAVES PAPERS
enemy's motions. The question was put to me, what
was most proper to be done? to which I replied that
I thought the letter I had taken the liberty to send had
fully and clearly explained what my sentiments were,
but if it was wished I should say more, it could only be
that we should get into the Chesapeake to the succour
of Lord Cornwallis and his brave troops if possible, but
that I was afraid the opportunity of doing it was passed
by, as doubtless De Grasse had most effectually barred
the entrance against us, which was what human pru
dence suggested we ought to have done against him.
On the 1 3th, early in the morning, I received the note
No. 3 from Mr. Graves, and No. 4 is my answer to it,
which again called Mr. Drake and me on board the
London. When the resolution contained in the paper
No. 5 was taken, there was nothing else left to be done,
irksome and much to be lamented as the alternative was.
I unbosom myself to you in great confidence that you
will not show what I write to a single soul. With every
affectionate wish for health and happiness to you and
yours, I am, my dear Jackson,
Your most faithful and sincere
S. H.
Enclosure i
[ REAR ADMIRAL HOOD'S "SENTIMENTS UPON THE
TRULY UNFORTUNATE DAY" ]
Coast of Virginia, 6th of September, 1781.
Yesterday the British fleet had a rich and most plen
tiful harvest of glory in view, but the means to gather
it were omitted in more instances than one.
£89:1
THE GRAVES PAPERS
I may begin with observing that the enemy's van was
not very closely attacked as it came out of Lynn Haven
Bay, which, I think, might have been done with clear
advantage, as they came out by no means in a regular
and connected way. When the enemy's van was out it
was greatly extended beyond the centre and rear, and
might have been attacked with the whole force of the
British fleet. Had such an attack been made, several of
the enemy's ships must have been inevitably demolished
in half an hour's action, and there was a full hour and
half to have engaged it before any of the rear could have
come up.
Thirdly, when the van of the two fleets got into
action, and the ships of the British line were hard
pressed, one (the Shrewsbury) totally disabled very
early from keeping her station by having her fore and
main topsail yards shot away, which left her second
(the Intrepid) exposed to two ships of superior force,
which the noble and spirited behaviour of Captain
Molloy1 obliged to turn their sterns to him, that the
signal was not thrown out for the van ships to make
more sail to have enabled the centre to push on to the
support of the van, instead of engaging at such an im
proper distance (the London having her main topsail
to the mast the whole time she was firing with the signal
for the line at half a cable flying), that the second ship
astern of the London received but trifling damage, and
the third astern of her (the London) received no dam
age at all, which most clearly proves how much too
great the distance was the centre division engaged.
1 This is the Captain Molloy who afterward, in a less "happy
hour of command," incurred so much discredit on the ist of June,
1794. (Navy Records Society, III, 32.)
C903
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Now, had the centre gone to the support of the van,
and the signal for the line been hauled down, or the
commander-in-chief had set the example of close action,
even with the signal for the line flying, the van of the
enemy must have been cut to pieces, and the rear divi
sion of the British fleet would have been opposed to
those ships the centre division fired at, and at the proper
distance for engaging, or the Rear-Admiral who com
manded it would have a great deal to answer for. In
stead of that, our centre division did the enemy but
little damage, and our rear ships being barely within
random shot, three only fired a few shot. So soon as the
signal for the line was hauled down at twenty-five min
utes after five the rear division bore up, above half a
mile to leeward of the centre division, but the French
ships bearing up also, it did not near them, and at
twenty-five minutes after six the signal of the line ahead
at half a cable being again hoisted, and the signal for
battle hauled down, Rear-Admiral Sir S. Hood called
to the Monarch (his leader) to keep her wind, as he
dared not separate his division just at dark, the London
not bearing up at all.
N.B. — This forenoon Captain Everett came on
board the Barfleur with a message from Rear-Admiral
Graves to Rear-Admiral Sir S. Hood, desiring his opin
ion whether the action should be renewed. Sir Sam
uel's answer was: 'I dare say Mr. Graves will do what
is right; I can send no opinion, but whenever he, Mr.
Graves, wishes to see me, I will wait upon him with
great pleasure.'
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Enclosure 2
[ REAR ADMIRAL HOOD TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ]
Barfleur, at Sea, loth of September, 1781.
Sir:—
I flatter myself you will forgive the liberty I take in
asking whether you have any knowledge where the
French fleet is, as we can see nothing of it from the
Barfleur.
By the press of sail De Grasse carried yesterday (and
he must even have done the same the preceding night,
by being where [he] was at daylight) , I am inclined to
think his aim is the Chesapeake, in order to be strength
ened by the ships there, either by adding them to his
present force, or by exchanging his disabled ships for
them. Admitting that to be his plan, will he not cut
off the frigates you have sent to reconnoitre, as well as
the ships you expect from New York? And if he should
enter the Bay, which is by no means improbable, will
he not succeed in giving most effectual succour to the
rebels?
I trust you will pardon the offer of my humble sen
timents, as they are occasioned by what passed between
us, when I had the honour of attending your summons
on board the London, on the 8th, in the evening.
I am, Sir,
Your most obedient, humble Servant,
(Signed) SAM. HOOD.
Rear-Admiral Graves, &c., &c., &c.
[92]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Endorsed. — A copy of a letter from Rear-Admiral Sir
S. Hood to Rear-Admiral Graves, loth of September,
1781.
Enclosure 3
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO REAR ADMIRAL HOOD ]
Admiral Graves presents his compliments to Sir Sam
uel Hood and begs leave to acquaint that the Medea
has just made the signal to inform him that the French
fleet are at anchor above the Horse Shoe in Chesapeake,
and desires his opinion what to do with the fleet, and
how to dispose of the Princesa.
London, Thursday Morning, 6 o'clock.
Endorsed. — Copy of a note from Rear-Admiral Graves
to Rear-Admiral Sir S.Hood,with Sir Samuel's answer,
I3th of September, 1781.
Enclosure 4
[ REAR ADMIRAL HOOD TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ]
Rear Admiral Sir Samuel Hood presents his compli
ments to Rear-Admiral Graves. Is extremely con
cerned to find by his note just received that the French
fleet is at anchor in the Chesapeake above the Horse
Shoe, though it is no more than what he expected, as the
press of sail the fleet carried on the 9th and in the night
£93]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
of the 8th made it very clear to him what De Grasse's
intentions were. Sir Samuel would be very glad to send
an opinion, but he really knows not what to say in the
truly lamentable state we have brought ourselves.
Barfleur, Thursday Morning, I3th of September,
7A.M.
Endorsed. — Copy of a note from Rear-Admiral Sir
S. Hood to Rear-Admiral Graves, i3th of September,
1781.
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London at Sandy Hook the 26th Septr., 1781.
Sir:—
When my last dispatch was made up and sent away
by the Medea I had not received the several accounts
from the Chesapeake, which shew that the French fleet
arrived off Cape Henry the same day that Rear Ad
miral Sir Samuel Hood with the Leeward Island
Squadron arrived off Sandy Hook. The last advices
from the Chesapeake dated the 8th & i6th Sept'r from
Captain Symonds of His Majesty's ship Charon marked
letter A shew the state of preparation on the Naval part
there.
The letters marked B and C, from Earl Cornwallis,
the Engineers, and the several Captains report of Old
Point Comfort and Hampton road, were sent by the
Pearl frigate into Boston Bay, and did not come to my
hands until the 15. inst. and at this time only seems to
show that the Cheasapeak was an early object of atten-
C943
THE GRAVES PAPERS
tion — The Prudent and several frigates of the West
India Squadron with dispatches for Rear Admiral Sr.
Samuel Hood, joined the fleet as it was returning to
the Hook.
The enclosed letter marked D from Captain Bazely
of the Amphion, will show the effect of the descent
upon New London.
The last letters from Captain Biggs of the Amphi-
trite in Boston bay dated the loth Septr. mention his
having taken in company with the General Monk four
prizes, and of his having fallen in with on the 4th off
Cape Ann two French Ships, one a Ship of the line, the
other a large frigate, and was chaced by them. Captain
Biggs likewise acquaints me that the Magicienne
French frigate had been taken by the Chatham Captain
Douglas on the 2d inst. off Cape Ann and carried away
for Halifax, in the action the French lost sixty men
killed and forty wounded in the Chatham, one killed
one wounded.
Captain Mowatt in a letter from Penobscot dated the
7th inst. acquaints me with the arrival of the Charles-
town and Vulture Sloop on the 4th Septr. at that place,
with two victuallers for the garrison there, and that they
had proceeded with a third to St. Johns river, and were
to convoy the Young William mast Ship from thence
to Halifax, where she is to be taken up by the Warwick
or Chatham and brought to New York.
Captain Mowatt confirms an account we had seen in
the Rebel papers of the Astrea and Hermionne French
frigates having fallen in with the Charles-town, Alle
giance and Vulture off Spanish River Cape Breton, as
they were convoying the coal Ships and some victuallers
for the St. Lawrence bound to Quebec. In the action
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Captain Evans was killed, but gives no further par
ticulars of our loss, nor have I received any later ac
counts though the Rebel papers mention their privateers
having taken most of the convoy.
Captain Evans's zeal and ardour led him into this
unfortunate dilemma, for the Warwick and Garland
arrived at Halifax with the Quebec fleet after a passage
of seven days, and the Assurance would have been re-
masted and ready to accompany him in eight days, and
had he waited, would probably have turned the catas
trophe; but he was anxious to give way to the pressing
solicitations of General Haldimand, and joined the
victuallers to his coal convoy.
Whilst the fleet was off the Cheasapeak I sent the
Solebay to cruise off Charles-town1 to acquaint the
commanding officers there of the French fleet being in
possession of the Cheasapeak and to warn any Ships or
convoys, of the danger in approaching the Capes of
Virginia; And I ordered the Iris to cruize off Cape
Henry; and as I came to the Northward I added the
Nymphe and Pearl to watch the motions of the enemys
fleet, and to bring the earliest intelligence.
Upon my return to Sandy Hook with the fleet on the
20th I was agreeably surprized to find that three of the
Pegasus's convoy of victuallers had arrived at New
York but from the length of time the bread had been on
board, very little of it is fit to eat. I must beg leave to
mention the bad effects which attend the manner of
stowing the Navy victuallers, the salt provisions and
rum are constantly stowed in coals, which is always
found to heat to such a degree, that the pickle is dried
up and the meat stinks and is seldom fit to eat, the rum-
1 Charleston, S. C., long called Charlestown.
[96:1
THE GRAVES PAPERS
casks damaged, and a very great waste of that expensive
article, the great heat of the hold also injures the dry
provisions and renders it generally bad. The army
victuallers having no coals, their provisions are gener
ally good, which is next to demonstration.
I beg leave earnestly to recommend that the method
of stowing the provisions with coals may be forbidden,
as a method wasteful to Government and injurious to
the Seamen, and probably a cause of diseases raging so
much amongst the seamen in this climate.
[[The critical situation of affairs in the Cheasapeak
occasioned the consultation of flag and general officers
— when it seemed to be the opinion of the army that no
diversion which they cou'd make by land would afford
relief to Lord Cornwallis, that unless the Navy Cou'd
land them in York or James Rivers, they saw very little
probability before them: The State of the Cheasapeak,
the Strength and Situation of the enemy's fleet, and the
condition of our own were consider'd, and it was con
cluded upon, that the Ships of war Shou'd take on
board what provisions they could for the army, embark
the General Sr. Henry Clinton and six thousand troops
if possible, and so soon as it cou'd be got ready, to make
an attempt to force its way, and that three fire-Ships
shou'd be added to the one already here which are now
preparing with every possible exertion, and it was hoped
the whole might be ready in ten days]]
The arrival of Rear Admiral Digby on the same
evening (the aist) in the Prince George, with the Can
ada and Lion, whilst we were together gave the greatest
Satisfaction.
[The whole fleet are as busy as they can be but I am
very apprehensive that so much as is wanted to the fleet,
C97]
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such a poverty of every kind of Stores and provisions,
and so much to do for the army afterwards, will con
sume more time than was foreseen. Every exertion of
mine and of any other officer in the fleet I may venture
to affirm will not be wanting — ]
I am sorry to find too much reason to believe the ac
count of the naval losses in Captain Symonds's letter of
the 1 6th, and to add to it the capture of the Savage
Captn. Stirling after a very gallant defence.
Enclosed you will receive a Rebel newspaper con
taining the best account of the French Fleet in the Ches
apeake exclusive of the Rhode Island Squadron, of any
I have been able to procure.
I am, Sir,
Your Most Obedient
Humble Servant
Philip Stephens, Esqr. THOS. GRAVES.
Endorsed No. i Letter to Philip Stephens, Esqr. 26
Septr. 1781 | from Rear Adml. Graves 9 3 Nov.
1781
Enclosure A
[ LORD CORNWALLIS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ]
(A Copy) Portsmouth, 26 July 1781
Sir:—
I was honored with your Letter of the I2th of July
by the Solebay, in which you mention a Desire of hav
ing a Harbour secured in the Cheasapeake for Line of
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Battle Ships. I immediately ordered the Engineers to
examine Old Point Comfort, and went thither myself
with the Captains of the Navy on this Station.
You will receive a Copy of the Engineer's Report,
with a Sketch of the Peninsula, and the Opinion of
the Officers of the Navy relative to the Occupying and
fortifying of that Post: — The Commander in Chief
having signified to me in his Letter of the nth Inst.
that he thought a secure Harbour for Line of Battle
Ships of so much Importance in the Chesapeak that he
wished me to possess one, even if it should occupy all
the Force at present in Virginia; and as it is our Unani
mous Opinions, that Point Comfort will not answer the
Purpose; I shall immediately seize and fortify the Posts
of York and Glocester, and shall be happy at all times
to concur in any Measures which may promote the Con
venience & Advantage of His Majesty's Navy.
I have the Honour to be
Sir
Your most Obedient &
most humble Servant
CORNWALLIS.
Rear Admiral Graves
&ca. &ca. &ca.
A Copy.
T. Graves
Endorsed 4 Copy of Lord Cornwallis Letter of the
26th of July 1781 | relative to Old Point Comfort | B
I In Ad. Graves's Lre | 26 Septr. | 5 3d Novr. |
[993
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Enclosure B
[ CAPTAINS HUDSON, SYMONDS AND EVERITT
TO LORD CORNWALLIS ]
(A Copy)
Mv Lord Richmond Hampton Road, 24 July 1781
I[n] Consequence of a Requisition that your Lord
ship received from the Commander in Chief of His
Majesty's Troops and Ships, relative to a Post at Old
Point Comfort, for the Protection and Security of the
Kings Ships, that m[a]y Occasionally be sent to the
Chesapeak,
We whose names are hereunto subscribed, have taken
as Accurate a Survey of that Place as possible, and are
unanimously of Opinion from the Width of the Chan
nel and depth of Water close to it, that any Superior
Enemys Force coming in, may pass any Work that can
possibly be Established there, with little Damage, or
destroy it, with the Ships that may be there under its
Protection.
We have the Honor to be
My Lord Your Lordships most Obedient
very humble Servants
CHARLES HUDSON.
THOMAS SYMONDS.
The Right Honble. C. H. EVERITT.
Lieut. General Earl Cornwallis
&ca. &ca. &ca. Portsmouth.
A Copy
T. Graves
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Endorsed 5 | Copy of Captain Hudsons, Symonds,
and Everitts, report of Old Point Comfort B | In
[I. A. Graves's Letter | Dated 26 Sepr. 1781.
Enclosure C
[ LIEUTENANT SUTHERLAND TO LORD CORNWALLIS ]
A Copy
Billy Ordnance Transport
Hampton Road, 25 July 1781.
Agreeable to Your Orders, I have examined the
Ground on Old Point Comfort with as much accuracy
as I possibly could, and for Your Lordships' better in
formation I have made a Survey of the Ground, upon
which is laid down the Width and Soundings of the
Channel.
I beg leave to offer what appears to me respecting
the Situation of a Work on that Spot.
The Ground where the Ruins of Fort George lays, is
the fittest for a Work, but at the same time must be
attended with many Inconveniencies.
The Level of the Ground there, is not above two feet
higher than the high Water Mark, which from a very
short Distance to the Deep Water must be destroyed by
a Naval Attack; — The Great Width and Depth of the
Channel, gives Ships the Advantage of passing the Fort
with very little risque; I apprehend, fifteen hundred
Yards is too great a distance for Batteries to stop Ships,
THE GRAVES PAPERS
which is the Distance here; Ships that wish to pass the
Fire of the Fort, have no Occasion to approach near.
Nor do I imagine a Fort built there could afford any
Great Protection to an inferior and weak Fleet, an
chored near the Fort, against a Superior Fleet of the
Enemy which must have it in their Power to make their
Own Disposition and place our Fleet between them and
the Fort, the Channel affording no Bay for the Security
of Ships under cover of a Fort.
The Time and Expense to build a Fort there, must
be very considerable, from the low Situation of the
Ground, which must necessarily cause the Soil to be
moved from a considerable Distance to form the Ram
parts and Parapets, and every other Material must be
carried there, as the Timber on the Peninsula is unfit
for any Purpose.
These are the Remarks which have occurred to me
on examining the Ground, a Situation of a Work on
Old Point Comfort, for the Protection of the Harbour
and Fleet, which I humbly submit to your Lordship.
I have the Honor to be with great Respect Your
Lordships most Obedt. & very humble Servt.
ALEXR. SUTHERLAND
Lt
The Rt. Honble.
Lt. General Earl Cornwallis &ca. &ca. &ca.
The above is a copy
A Copy Charles Hudson
T. Graves.
Endorsed 6 Copy of the Engineer's | Report of Old
Point Comfort C | In R. A. Graves's Letter | Dated
26 Sepr. 1781.
£102:1
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Enclosure D
[ CAPTAIN SYMONDS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ]
Sir:—
I did myself the Honor to acquaint you by the Whale
Boat Resolution, with the number of the Enemys Ships
that had arrived within the Capes and the force they
were then supposed to be, and sent a Duplicate and
Triplicate by the Mary Schooner and Guadaloupes
Whale Boat, since which I am informed it is the Fleet
from the West Indies, Commanded by Compte de
Grasse, consisting of upwards of Twenty Ships of the
Line, some say twenty five and four Frigates, with some
armed Ships.
Their Troops are landed in James River, and the
Boats supposed to be come down.
Since the first Blockade by the Triton and two Frig
ates, they were joined off the Rivers Mouth (but more
advanced) by the Glorieux and Valiant.
On Thursday there was an appearance of an attack
with the Ships but in the Afternoon one of the large
ones weighd, and ran out of sight, and was followed yes
terday by the remaining Ships, last Night I sent down
two Schooner Boats to Reconnoitre them, who return'd
this afternoon, and the Lieut, of the Charon informs
me, that this Morning one Line of Battle Ship weighd
from the East side of Towers Marsh, and ran down the
Bay, and two Frigates which were in Company with
her dropt down soon afterwards, and remain now at
the Horse Shoe. A Large Schooner coming down from
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Hampton prevented the Look out Boats from venturing
too near Lynn haven Bay, but from the distance they
were from it, tho' Cloudy, the Lieut, thinks, had there
been a Fleet there, He should have seen it.
Most of the Cannon and Ammunition of the Charon
are landed and great part of the Crew in Tents and
employed in enlarging the Sea Battery, and assisting
the Army, the Guadaloupe is moor'd head and stern,
opposite a Creek above York Town to enfilade a Gulley
should the Enemy attempt to cross it.
The Foweys Ammunition and Provisions are ashore,
and She is hauled close in, and her Men assisting at the
Batteries. The Bonetta at Gloucester side, Captain
Dundas ashore with his Officers and Men to man the
Batteries, assisted by thirty of the Foweys Men.
Captain Palmer of the Vulcan, lays prepared to Act
should the Enemys Ships return, and come up, and has
three Horse Vessels, fitted, to act on the same Service.
I have only to wish, whenever an opportunity offers,
a Supply of Provisions may be sent for his Majestys
Ships.
I send this by a Vessel belonging to the Quarter Mas
ter Generals Department and have the honor to be
Sir
Your most Obedient
and most humble Servant.
THOS. SYMONDS
Charon York River
Virga. 8 Septr. 1781
Rear Admiral Graves &ca. &ca.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
r"
Enclosure E
[ INTELLIGENCE FROM HAMPTON ROADS ]
A Person who was at Buckroe a little before Sun
down yesterday Evening, says he had a view of James
River, all Hampton Road, The Capes and Horse Shoe,
and he could only observe two Ships in Hampton Road,
two as low as the Cape, two Ships and a Brig, one of
which was working down, one Ship and a Brig at
Anchor by the Swash of the Horse Shoe, two small Ves
sels near them, and two Boats near Willoughby Point.
He adds in a Postscript, the night of the 4th, Morning
of the ^th, Night of the 5th, and Morning of the 6th,
a Firing was certainly heard far without the Capes.
Dated yth. Septr: 1781.
Enclosure F
[ CAPTAIN SYMONDS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ]
A Copy.
A Letter from another Person, enclosed in the above
Intelligence says that the French Ships have left their
Station after some Fleet, some say it is a Fleet from the
SoWd, others report it is possible to be a Fleet from
New York, but no certainty of either, and adds that the
French Boats are come down James River, and are
DOS 3
THE GRAVES PAPERS
gone to [New] York, and that it is reported Three
thousand French Troops, will be landed in Gloucester
or in its Neighborhood.
T. GRAVES.
Endorsed 7 | Copy of Capt Symonds Letter | from
York River, dated the | 7th and 8th September 1781. |
A In R. A. Graves's Letter dated 26 Sepr. 1781.
Enclosure G
[ CAPTAIN SYMONDS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ]
Copy Charon York River Virginia, i6th Sepr. 1781.
Sir—
On the 8th instant I did myself the honor to acquaint
you of the enemy's motions and the position of His
Majesty's Ships to act for the protection of this post
and sent a duplicate by another Vessel the same even
ing.
On the 12 I received certain information of an officer
who was in the look-out-boat, that twenty large Ships
were at anchor between the Horse Shoe and York Spit,
and the next day I saw eleven or twelve Ships go up the
Cheasapeak, four of which appeared to be frigates, and
the same afternoon two Ships of the line and a frigate
anchored at the mouth of this River and have continued
ever since, and four line of battle Ships went up the Bay
and anchored off the Patuxent.
This morning I learn that General Washington is
£106:1
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arrived at Williamsburg, that ten men of war are lying
just below Egg Islands, and the body of the enemys fleet
at the Horse shoe and that the Squadron from Rhode
Island had joined the Compte de Grasse, and that their
number consisted of thirty six Sail of the line besides
frigates, that the ships that went up the bay were mostly
transports and intended to bring down troops from
Baltimore, and that as soon as they arrive at the enemys
encampment, York will be attacked both by land and
Sea.
I am happy to add that the Seamen work with the
greatest Spirits and exertion in cutting down wood for
redoubts or Co-operating in any piece of Service Lord
Cornwallis is desirous of having them employed on. —
I have the honor to be Sir
Your most Obedient and most humble Servant
THOMAS SYMOXDS.
Rear Admiral Graves
P.S. A flag of truce which I sent to the French Ships
advanced at the requisition of Lord Cornwallis, is this
morning returned and brought up Lieut. Conway of
His Majesty's late Sloop Cormorant, which was cap
tured by the French fleet, as were also the Sandwich
armed Ship and South Carolina pacquet, the latter hav
ing Lord Rawdon on board, and I am Sorry to inform
you that the Richmond and Iris are both taken and now
in Lynne haven bay.
A Copy T. Graves
Endorsed 6 i6th Septr. 1781 | Copy of Captain Sy-
monds letter dated York river Virginia | A | In R. A.
Graves's Letter | dated 26 Sepr. 1781.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Enclosure H
[CAPTAIN BAZELY TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ]
(Copy)
Amphion off New London, 8th Septr. 1781.
Sir—
I have the satisfaction to inform you that I arrived
off this port at 2 A.M., on the 6th instant, at which time
an unfortunate change of wind took place directly out
of the harbour, which prevented my anchoring till %
past 6. I then disposed of the armed vessels and Trans
ports agreeable to Brigadier General Arnolds wishes,
in order to effect a covering and landing of the troops,
which was completed by nine oClock. The armed ves
sels and boats I immediately afterwards ordered to be
put in preparation under the direction of Captain Shep
herd of the Recovery, to proceed up the River and act
in conjunction with the Army, at any moment their
assistance was required to and in effecting the destruc
tion of the port of New London &ca agreeable to your
orders, which would have finally taken place, but for
the alarm guns which were fired from the forts at day
break, by this means I was deprived of getting hold of
their shipping at anchor in the stream, which with most
of those at the Wharfs, proceeded some miles up the
river so far as to prevent by any possible means my tak
ing or destroying of them. Those few remaining at the
Wharfs were burned by the army with the towns on
both sides, soon after they had got possession of them.
The ardour and determined conduct shewn by the
t io8:i
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Troops in storming of the ports deserve (in my opin
ion) the highest enccomiums.
I am now proceeding with all possible dispatch with
the armed vessels and transports to New York. The
Lurcher armed brig I have dispatched with General
Arnold's Aid de Camp and Lieut. Burns of the Am-
phion, who will present you this letter, to whom I beg
leave to refer you for any further particulars.
I have the honor to be
Sir
Your most Obedient Servant
r- A m i a * JOHN BAZELY.
Commodore Affleck, &c &c,
New York.
A Copy.
Endorsed 9 | Copy of Captain Bazelys | Letter of the
Destruction of New London D In R. A. Graves's
Letter Dated 26 Sepr. 1781.
Enclosure I
[ SCHEDULE OF THE CONTENTS OF THIS PACKET ]
No. i — Letter to Philip Stephens, Esqr. 26 Sepr.
2 — do. do. acknowledging the
receipt of their Lordships' dispatches, 22
Sepr.
3 — State and Condition of the Fleet on the I9th
Septr. 1781.
4 — Copy of Lord Cornwallis's Letter of the 26th
July, relative to Old Point Comfort.
[109]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
5 — Copy of Captain Symonds, Hudson's and
Everitt's report of do.
6 — Copy of the Engineer's report do.
7 — Copy of Captain Symond's Letter of the 8th
Septemr.
8 — Copy of do. do. i6th
Septemr.
9 — Copy of Captain Bazely's Letter of the destruc
tion of New London.
10 — Rebel Newspapers containing a List of the
French Naval Force in the Chesapeake, ex
clusive of those under Monsr. de Barras from
Rhode Island.1
ii — Schedule.
Endorsed No. 1 1 Schedule In R. A. Graves's Letter
| Dated 26th Sepr. 1781.
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London off New York the 26th Septr. 1781.
Sir
I have received by the Prince George Rear Admiral
Digby, who arrived off the Bar in company with the
Canada and Lion on the 24th inst, the Lords Commis
sioners of the Admiralty's order of the I9th July, to
Vice Admiral Arbuthnot, to deliver up to Rear Ad
miral Digby appointed Commander in Chief in North
America, attested copies of all orders relative to the said
command, and also their Lordships order of the 9th
1 Not available.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
July, directing me to proceed in the London to Jamaica
to reinforce the Squadron of His Majesty's Ships on
that Station, and put myself under the command of Vice-
Admiral Sr. Peter Parker or the Commanding Officer
of the said Squadron &c &c. Also a letter directed on
His Majesty's Service to Vice Admiral Sir Peter Par
ker or the Commanding Officer for the time being. All
which I shall comply with so soon as the London can
be spared from the Service of the Station, of which I
shall not make myself the judge — their Lordships hav
ing been pleased to appoint me to serve where I must
act in a Subordinate Situation.
By this conveyance I transmit for their Lordships in
formation an account of the Ships purchased and
armed, for His Majesty's Service the changes and pro
motions which have arisen from deaths and other acci
dents, of all which I hope their Lordships will be
pleased to approve.
I must beg leave to state to their Lordships in my
own behalf, that being superceded by a junior officer,
and sent to another Station where I can only be second
and possibly third in command, after having been
nearly four years upon severe and very critical Ser
vices, imply's such a disapprobation of my conduct as
will certainly discredit me in the opinion of mankind,
who are generally inclined to construe mens real Sen
timents from their actions. I dare hope their Lord
ships will not suffer me to remain long in so painful
a situation. I am
Sir
Your most Obedient
Humble Servant —
Philip Stephens Esqr. THOS. GRAVES.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Endorsed Rear Adml. Graves | Letter to Philip Ste
phens Esqr. | 26th Septr. 1781 ^3 Nov 1781 (5
Inclosures)1
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS
OF THE ADMIRALTY ]
London off New York the 27th Septr. 1781
Sir—
I beg you will acquaint their Lordships that the Pearl
frigate arrived of the Hook last night, being detached
by Captain Ford of the Nymphe, left to watch the mo
tions of the enemy in the Cheasapeak, with the enclosed
intelligence, received from a Cartel bound to this port
from the Cheasapeak, which he thought it prudent to
send by a frigate to gain time.
I am
Sir
Your most Obedient
humble Servant
THOS. GRAVES.
P.S.
The Warwick from convoying the Quebec fleet, ar
rived at the Hook last Evening.
Philip Stephens Esqr.
Endorsed 27 Sepr. 1781 | Rear Adml. Graves I? 3
Nov | (i Inclosure)
1 None available.
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Enclosure
[ INTELLIGENCE BY THE PEARL CAPTN. MONTAGU ]
Thursday the 2Oth Septr. 1781. Sent the first lieuten
ant on board the Pensylvania Packet a Cartel from the
French fleet in the Cheasapeak bound to New York,
where he gained the following intelligence from a per
son who said he had been master of a brig that was
captured by the French. —
That the French fleet consisted of thirty six Sail of
the line mostly of 74 guns — that 28 sail of the line with
two frigates besides the Richmond and Iris, lay be
tween the Capes of Virginia the day they parted,
(which was the I9th inst.) that two sail of the line and
some frigates were up the river and that a Squadron of
six sail of the line were at sea hed did not know where
they were gone but supposed cruizing and they were in
comparable fast sailors. That the French fleet had
received very little damage in the action in which they
had 23 Sail of the line and the Romulus he was on
board one of them during the action several of their
Ships of the line were up the rivers at the time our fleet
appeared off and coud not work down — The Rhode
Island Fleet had not joined the day of action — Genl.
Washington had joined the French army and had sur-
rounded Lord Cornwallis. GEQ MoNTAQU
(Copy) T Grayes
Endorsed Intelligence from the | Cheseapeak by the |
Pearl | In R. A. Graves' | 27 Sepr. 1781.
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[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London in the North River New York
I3th Octr. 1781.
Sir—
I am afraid that in the hurry of more important busi
ness, the account of captured Ships bought into the Ser
vice and commissioned, has not been so regular and full
as it ought to have been. I will therefore trouble you
with the detail though it may be a recapitulation.
In my letter of the aoth Augt. their Lordships were
acquainted with the distress'd State of the Swift brig-
antine Sloop of war, which has since been condemned
as totally unfit for Service. At the same time the
Avenger and Keppel both Sloops of war, were found
to be so much damaged as to be kept above water only
by doubling their bottoms. I therefore ordered to be
purchased, the Rattlesnake, American privateer Ship of
1 8 guns four pounders, prize to the Amphitrite, of 200
Tons burthen, a very complete vessel almost new and
requiring nothing more than to secure her magazine
and build Storerooms.
At this time the Belisarius privateer Ship of twenty
nine pounders and four small guns was brought in by
the Medea and Amphitrite. It was her first cruise she
was remarkably well constructed and quite new, of five
hundred tons and thought to be the most complete ves
sel ever taken from the Americans. I therefore pur
chased her and put her upon the establishment of a
twenty-four gun ship that she might not be bought by
American agents and act against us in a short time.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
The Swallow Sloop of war being burned and the
Rover Sloop of war wreck'd in the month of August, I
order'd the Aurora-American Ship privateer of eigh
teen six pounders, prize to the Royal Oak to be pur
chased as she was a well built vessel, of exceeding good
dimensions, large and esteem'd to sail remarkably fast,
of three hundred tons burthen, and put her upon the
Sloop established [establishment?] and called her the
Mentor.
The 24h Septem: a Council of War of General and
Flag Officers determining that three fireships should
be added to the Fleet then refitting to go against the
enemy, the Elizabeth, Empress of Russia, and Loyal
Club, were chosen from amongst the transports for that
Service and commission'd by the names of the Lucifer,
Volcano, and Conflagration.
I flatter myself their Lordships will be satisfied with
the propriety of my conduct in these several purchases,
and that it was necessary to keep up the number of small
active vessels for the protection of this very extensive
coast.
The several promotions and appointments occasioned
by those purchases, as well as those arising from deaths
and other accidents will be brought together in one
table, and I hope will meet with their Lordships appro
bation and be confirmed according to the dates of their
Several appointments.
I am
Sir
Your most Obedient
Humble Servant
THOS. GRAVES.
Philip Stephens Esqr.
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Endorsed No. i | Rear Adml. Graves | Letter to Philip
Stephens Esqr. | i3th Octr 1781 | ^ 14 Nov.
[ REAR ADMIRAL HOOD TO GEORGE JACKSON ]
Barfleur, Sandy Hook, i4th of October, 1781.
Duplicate.
My dear Jackson: —
I wrote you by the last packet, a duplicate of which
you will have by another packet or the Lively. Both
have been said to sail day after day for several past.
Whichever this goes by you shall have a duplicate by
the other, from the desire I have of telling you what
really passes here — though, by-the-by, I am monstrous
angry with you for not writing me a line by the August
packet, as you must know she would find me upon this
coast.
On the 24th of last month I attended a consultation
of generals and admirals at Sir H. Clinton's, when it
was agreed to attempt by the united efforts of army and
navy to relieve Lord Cornwallis in the Chesapeake, and
I proposed to have three or four fireships immediately
prepared, with which the enemy's fleet may possibly be
deranged and thrown into some confusion, and thereby
give a favourable opening for pushing through it. This
was approved, and upwards of 5,000 troops are to be
embarked in the King's ships. While this business was
under deliberation, word was brought that Rear-Ad
miral Digby with the Canada and Lion were off the
Bar, and as the wind was against their entering the
port, I went out to the Prince George next morning
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early, and had the happiness to find his Royal High
ness,1 and all on board, in most perfect health. I thank
God the disabled ships are now ready, and but for an
accident of the Alcides driving on board the Shrews
bury and carrying away her bowsprit and foreyard, I
imagine all the ships would have been here this day;
but I hope and trust they will be down tomorrow, and
that we shall be moving the day after if the wind will
permit. Every moment, my depar Jackson, is prescious ;
and I flattered myself when we came in that we should
ere this have been in the Chesapeake, but the repairs of
the squadron have gone on unaccountably tedious,
which has filled me with apprehension that we shall be
too late to give relief to Lord Cornwallis. I pray God
grant my fears may prove abortive!
It would, in my humble opinion, have been a most
fortunate event had Mr. Graves gone off to Jamaica
upon Mr. Digby's arrival as commander-in-chief by
commission, and I am persuaded you will think so too,
when I relate one circumstance only. On the 7th I
received a letter from Mr. Graves, desiring I would
meet the flag officers and some captains, upon a consul
tation on board the London at ten o'clock the next
morning, and acquaint Captain Cornwallis and Cap
tain Reynolds that their company was desired also.
Soon after we were assembled, Mr. Graves proposed,
and wished to reduce to writing, the following question,
"Whether it was practicable to relieve Lord Cornwallis
in the Chesapeake?" This astonished me exceedingly,
as it seemed plainly to indicate a design of having
difficulties started against attempting what the generals
and admirals had most unanimously agreed to, and
1 Prince William, afterward King William IV.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
given under their hands on the 24th of last month, and
occasioned my replying immediately that it appeared
to me a very unnecessary and improper question, as it
had been already maturely discussed and determined
upon to be attempted with all the expedition possible ;
that my opinion had been very strong and pointed
(which I was ready to give in writing with my name
to it), that an attempt under every risk should be made
to force a junction with the troops the commander-in-
chief embarks in his Majesty's fleet with the army under
General Earl Cornwallis at York; and admitting that
junction to be made without much loss, and the pro
visions landed, I was also of opinion the first favourable
opportunity should be embraced of attacking the
French fleet, though I own to you I think very meanly
of the ability of the present commanding officer. I
know he is a cunning man, he may be a good theoretical
man, but he is certainly a bad practical one, and most
clearly proved himself on the 5th of last month to be
unequal to the conducting of a great squadron. If it
shall please the Almighty to give success to the arms of
his Majesty in the business we are going upon, I think
we shall stand a tiptoe. The Torbay and Prince Wil
liam arrived on the i3th, a noble acquisition, and makes
my heart bound with joy. Why the Chatham is not
with us also is matter of astonishment to me. With best
affections to Mrs. Jackson,
Ever yours most sincerely,
S. H.
I trust you will bear in mind that I write to you most
confidentially. Desperate cases require bold remedies.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London at New York — the i6th Octr. 1781 —
Sir-
Be pleased to acquaint their Lordships that the Santa
Margarita arrived here the yh inst. with her convoy
from Cork, consisting of forty two sail for New York,
three only had parted company. Their lordships orders
by her dated the iih June directed to Vice Admiral
Arbuthnot I have left with Rear Admiral Digby to
carry into execution, as well all other orders & regula
tions respecting the North American Station.
The Carysfort which I had sent to Halifax upon my
returning with the Fleet, returned the 8h and in her
way back had the good fortune to meet with a mast
Ship bound to Cape Francois on the French king's
account with a considerable quantity of masts for large
Ships ; she had only parted from her convoy a few hours
before, and at this time of scarcity is a most valuable
acquisition, there being hardly a spar left in the yard.
Captain Douglas acquaints me that the money for
congress came in single men of war vizt. the Sybil, Ma-
gicienne, and Resolve. The enclosed letter from Sr.
Andrew Hamond gives an idea of the strength of Hali
fax.
The Janus Captain O'Hara arrived here the 8h
being part of the Jamaica convoy for Europe sent to this
place by Captain Bowyer being leaky the ijh Septr. to
refit, they parted company in the latitude 26° 26' No.
longitude 70° o' W. the builder reports to me that she
must be lightend and taken upon the ways before she
can go to Sea.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
The Belisarius Sailed on the 8h with dispatches for
Halifax, and carried the officers appointed to the Magi
cienne, which I had order'd to be purchased and was
fitting at Halifax. The officers who have seen the
Magicienne represent her as a very capital frigate, new,
and equal to any of our six and thirtys. I have ap
pointed Captain Thomas Graves of the Bedford to the
command of her, and appointed Captain,, Scott from
the Beaumont to take post in the Bedford but as Cap
tain Graves who has distinguished himself in the action,
desired to remain in the Bedford so long as there was
a prospect of a general action I cou'd not resist so spir
ited an offer, and therefore sent Captain Scott with an
order to fit the Magicienne out and bring her to this
place.
The Torbay and Prince William arriv'd here the
uh having parted from the Jamaica convoy the 2it
Septr. In a gale of wind and they went thro' the gulph
tho' the convoy went thro7 the windward passage.
The 13 inst. in a squall of wind the Alcide parted her
cable and fell on board the Shrewsbury which carried
away her fore yard and bowsprit This ugly accident
threw us back just at the time the troops were embarked
to fall down with the first division of the men of war
from Staten Island to Sandy Hook. Two Ships parted
their cables at Staten Island, & several drove in the
North River.
The Nymphe return'd from cruizing off Cape Henry
and brought in five prizes taken by her and the Am-
phion. The Nymphe was never able to look into the
Cheasapeak the French cruisers constantly, chacing off
every thing which appeared.
The same day came in a dispatch from the Earl Corn-
THE GRAVES PAPERS
wallis which gives us but little prospect of being able to
effect a relief, I enclose a copy of as much as the Gen
eral has communicated of the contents. Captain Sy-
monds has not given me any account but by the boatmen
we learn that a transport had taken fire from the
Enemy's shot and burnt the Charon together with a sec
ond transport.
The Enemy having collected all their Naval strength
between the Horse Shoe & York Spit plainly pointed
out that they had little to apprehend from an attempt
in James river. Lord Cornwallis letter confirms that
opinion, and I am inclined to beleive that with the ad
vantage of position and numbers, they think there is as
little to apprehend from an attempt to force York
River.
The excessive want of stores and provisions and the
immense repairs wanted for a crazy and shattered
Squadron, with many cross accidents which have inter-
ven'd, has thrown back the equipment of the Squadron
to a great distance. They are not quite ready. — They
are now very short of bread, and all the ovens will not
keep up the daily consumption — Several Ships have
parted their cables, others broke their anchors, and
three been on shore; that I see no end to disappoint
ments.
I am | Sir
Your most Obedient
Humble Servant
THOS. GRAVES.
Philip Stephens Esqr.
Endorsed No 2 | Rear Adml. Graves Letter to P. Ste
phens Esqr. i6h Octor. 1781 Reed. 14 Nov
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Enclosure A
[ LORD CORNWALLIS TO GENERAL CLINTON ]
(Copy)
York Town Virginia, 12 M
nth October 1781.
Sir—
Cochran arrived yesterday, I have only to repeat
what I said in my Letter of the 3d That nothing but a
direct move to York River which includes a Successful
Naval Action can save us.
The Enemy made their first Parallel on the Night of
the 6th at the distance of Six Hundred Yards, and per
fected it, & Constructed Places of Arms and Batteries
with great regularity and Caution. On the Evening of
the 9th their Batteries Opened and have since continued
firing without intermission, with about Forty Pieces of
Cannon, mostly heavy, and 16 Mortars from 8 to 16
Inches, We have lost about Seventy Men, and many of
our Works are Considerably damaged.
With such Works on disadvantageous ground against
so powerful an attack, we cannot hope to make a very
long Resistance.
I have the honor to be &ca.
Sign'd CORNWALLIS.
P.S. 5. P M
Since the above was written
we have lost Thirty Men.
Sir Henry Clinton K.B.
£122]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Endorsed No. 3 Copy of a Letter from Lord | Corn-
wallis, dated York Town | Virginia nth October 1781
In R. A. Graves's Letter | Dated i6h Octr 1781. |
Enclosure B
[ CAPTAIN DOUGLAS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ]
Copy
Chatham at Halifax the 7th Septemr. 1781.
Sir—
I have the honor to acquaint you that I arrived here
yesterday with the French Frigate La Magicienne, of
thirty-two guns, twelve pounders, and two Hundred
and eighty Men, commanded by the Seiur de la
Bouchetiere which was taken by His Majesty's Ship
under my Command on the 2d Instant, about three
Miles from the Harbour of Boston. The French
Officer behaved gallantly and engaged the Chatham
(although close alongside) for half an hour, which
gave time to a Store Ship which he had under his Con
voy from Portsmouth in New Hampshire, to escape into
Boston.
The Magicienne is a New Frigate and lately sheathed
with Copper, She had Thirty two Men killed in the
Action, and fifty five wounded. I have the satisfaction
to inform you that only two Men were killed and four
slightly wounded on board the Chatham.
I shall remain here only until I can get in a new
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Main Mast, which will be ready in a few days, and I
shall then proceed to execute your further Orders.
I have the honor to be | Sir
Your most Obedient ] humble Servant
A. J. DOUGLAS.
Rear Admiral Graves &ca. &ca. &ca.
Endorsed No 4 Copy Of Captain Douglases letter |
upon the Capture of the French | Frigate La Magi-
cienne, dated | Halifax yth September 1781. | In R. A.
Graves's Letter | Dated 16 Octr. 1781.
Enclosure C
[ CAPTAIN HAMMOND TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ]
(Copy)
Halifax loth September 1781.
Sir—
I have received by the Carysfort the Intelligence you
have been pleased to send hither respecting the Sailing
of the French Squadron.
I think it necessary to inform you Sir that although
this Place is now renderd by its Fortifications extremely
strong against an Attack from the Enemy, yet the Engi
neer has in planning the Defence always reckon'd upon
a Number of Seamen to Work the Guns. There are in
several Batteries upwards of 150 Peices of heavy Can-
£124:1
THE GRAVES PAPERS
non mounted, and the Number of Artillery Men in the
Garrison does not exceed eighty five Men.
As there are now in the Harbour more Prisoners than
can conveniently be accomodated without having an
other Prison Ship, I shall send the Cartel which had
been taken up by Sir Richard Hughes immediately to
France, with one Hundred Prisoners on board, in which
will go the French Captain and Lieutenants of the Ma-
gicienne whom I have exchanged for Captain Gayton,
and his two Lieutenants.
I have the honor to be | Sir
Your most obedient
humble Servant
A S HAMMOND.
To
Rear Admiral Graves
&ca. &ca. &ca.
Endorsed No. 5 | Copy of Letter from Sir | Andw.
Snape Hammond dated loth Septr. 1781. | respecting
the state of the Fortifications | at Halifax. | In R. A.
Graves's Letter | Dated 16 Octr. 1781.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Enclosure D
[ LIST OF THE FRENCH FLEET IN THE CHEASAPEAK
UNDER THE COMMAND OF LIEUT. GENERAL
COUNT DE GRASSE l8H SEPTR. 1781 ]
Guns
La Ville de Paris
La Due de Bourgoyne
La Languedoc
L'Auguste . . .
La St. Esprit
La Northumberland
La Diademe .
La Souverain
La Glorieux .
La Citoyen
LaVictoire .
La Desten
La Palmier .
La Neptune .
La Sceptre
La Hercules .
La Zele ....
La Bourgogne
La Caesar
La Valiant
La Scipion
La Pluton
La Victor
La Conquerant .
La Magnanime .
La Triton
La Solitaire .
La Caton
La Marseilles
St. Eveille . . .
La Provence .
La Jason .
LaRefleche . . .
L'Ardent
L'Experiment
La Romulus .
FRIGATES
St Andromaque .
La Ralieuse .
La Surveillante .
La Concorde
La Gentille .
St Aigrette .
La Diligente .
La Serpente .
St Iris ....
La Richmond
SLOOPS
La Cormorant
La Loyalist .
ARMED SHIP
Sandurck
Guns
64
64
64
64
64
64
64
64
50
44
14
16
Endorsed List of the French fleet in I the Cheasapeak
No 6 in R. A. Graves's Letter
C ^
Dated 16 octr. 1781.
Enclosure E
A List of Ships Purchased into His Majestys Service,
pr. order of Thomas Graves Esqr. Rear Admiral of the
Red &ca. &ca. &ca. North America between the 27th
of July 1781, and the 26th of September 1781.
Time when
Purchased
Sort
01
Vessel
Name
Number of
^
£
p
D
s
in
C
S3
O
I78l
July 28th
Ship
Rattlesnake - - -
2OO
125
18
New. Bought in the Room of
the Swift Sloop, Condemnd as
unfit for Service.
August 8th
Ship
Belisarius - - - -
5OO
1 60
24
Rebel Frigate. New.
Septr. ii
Ship
Aurora (now called the
230
125
18
New. Bought in the room
Mentor)
of the Rover wreck'd. —
" 22
Ship
La Magicienne - -
• •
280
32
French Frigate mounting 32
twelve pounders, allmost new,
and Copperd.
" 25
Ship
Empress of Russia, now
the Volcano Fire Ship
" 25
Ship
Elizabeth, now the Luci
fer Fire Ship.
" 25
Ship
Loyal Club, now the Con
flagration Fire Ship
Thos. Graves.
Endorsed No. 7 | A List of Ships Purchased | pr. Order of
Thos. Graves Esqre. | Rear Adml. of the Red &c &c &c |
In R. A. Graves's Letter | Dated 16 Octr. 1781
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Enclosure F
[ CAPTAIN SYMONDS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ]
(Copy)
Charon York River Virginia 29 Septr. 1781.
Sir
On the i6h Instant by a Vessel sent express from
Lord Cornwallis, I did myself the Honor to inform
you of the Situation of the Enemys Ships and their
Numbers, as near as I could learn, the Experiment I
find is one included in their Line.
The Enemy's movements from Cape Henry to York
River since that time, has been different, some times
twenty large Ships have layed for three or four Days
between Cape Henry and Towes's Marsh, and in a Day
or two after, four or five more have advanced higher
up, at present the Body of the Fleet lay between the
Horseshoe and York Spit, and two Sail of the Line and
a Frigate below Towes's Marsh, about eight Miles
from York Town.
On the 21 1 the Enemy's Ships advanced consisting
of three Sail of the Line and a Frigate, from a Report
from our Guard Boats, their not keeping that look out,
which might be expected from advanced Ships I or
dered four Vessels belonging to the Quarter Master
Generals Department to be fitted as Fire Vessels, with
the utmost expedition, and directed Captain Palmer of
the Vulcan to proceed in the Night, whenever the Wind
offered to endeavour to destroy the Enemy, or drive
them from the Post they had taken as it prevented a
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Communication from New York or the Eastern Shore,
he took a favourable Opportunity of the Night of the
22d about twelve O.Clock to slip with the other Ves
sels, and ran down to the French Squadron, and though
he did not meet with the Success which was to be
wished, he obliged all the Enemys Ships to cut, and two
Sail of the Line were run ashore, and on board each
other, but afterwards got off, owing to very moderate
Weather, one of which I am convinced met with con
siderable Damage as she ran down the next Day to
join her Admiral. I cannot say too much in favor of
Captn. Palmers behaviour on this Occasion, it was
Spirited and well conducted, and had not the Enemy
been alarmed at almost the Instant he was within hail
of them, when they sliped, two Ships of the Line must
have been destroyed.
In the small Vessels, I sent Lieuts. James and Sy-
monds, of the Charm and Lieut. Conway of His Maj-
estys late Sloop Cormorant, whose Conduct on this
Business, I have every reason to approve of.
Since the Vulcan was burnt, I have fitted out two of
the oldest Transports to act as Fire ships in Case the
Enemys Ships should attempt to come up to attack the
Sea Batteries.
. Yesterday morning the Enemy appeared in great
Numbers by Land, and this Evening have encamped
within two Miles of the Town.
I have the Honor to be
Sir
Your most obedt. & very humbl. Sert.
To THOMAS SYMONDS.
Thomas Graves Esqr.
&ca. &ca.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Endorsed No. 10 Copy of Captn. Symonds [ Letter,
dated York River 29th Septr. 1781. In R. A. Graves's
Letter | Dated 16 Octr. 1781.
Enclosure G
[ SCHEDULE OF THIS PACQUET ]
No i ... .Letter to P. Stephens Esqr. 13 Octo
2 Ditto 16 Octo
3 .... Copy of a Letter from Earl Cornwallis dated
i ih October 1781
4. . . .Copy of a letter from Captain Douglas of
His Majesty's Ship Chatham dated 7h Sep.
1781.
5. . . .Copy of a letter from Sr. A. S. Hammond
dated 10 Septr. 1781. —
6. . . .List of the French fleet in the Cheasapeak
18 Septr. 1781. —
7. . . .List of Ships purchased. —
8. . . .List of Promotions & Removals of Commis-
sion'd Officers. — l
9. . . .List of Promotions & Removals of Warrant
Officers 1
10. ... Copy of Captain Symonds letter dated York
River 29h Septr. 1781. —
Endorsed Schedule | In R. A. Graves's Letter Dated
1 6 Octr. 1781
1 Not available.
1:1303
THE GRAVES PAPERS
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London off Sandy Hook i9th Octor. 1781. —
Sir:—
My last letter cou'd not fix the time of my sailing,
The Ships were however moving down as they cou'd be
got ready, and on the ijth so soon as the tide serv'd, I
got under sail with the remainder of the squadron, ex
cept the Shrewsbury Montagu and Europe, and got
down with the help of the afternoon tide to Sandy
Hook.-
The next morning we embarked all the troops on
board the men of war from the transports, where they
had been in readiness for us some days, to the amount
of Seven thousand one hundred and forty nine (officers
included.) The Princessa went over the Bar with her
provisions and water in transports the same eveng.
The afternoon's tide all the Ships of easy draught of
water went over the bar, one of the ships left at York
joined us and this morning the whole fleet sailed and
got safe over the bar consisting of twenty five sail of the
line, two fifty's and eight frigates; and the whole are
now under sail for the Cheasapeak.
A numerous convoy appears off, which we judge to
be the English convoy as they are making for this place,
and the most advanced shew English colours; the Per
severance that I sent out to speak with them not being
yet return'd, I cannot acknowledge the receipt of any
dispatches, and being willing to send the Generals and
my own letters immediately upon the movement of the
fleet, I wou'd not defer a moment to inform their Lord-
THE GRAVES PAPERS
ships of so important a move — The Lively which car
ries this letter will accompany the Packet to convoy
with greater certainty the counter part.
I am
Sir
Your most Obedient
Humble Servant
p g THOS. GRAVES.
Enclosed you will receive the State & Condition of
the Fleet. ™ ^
Philip Stephens Esqr.
Endorsed 19 Octr 1781 | Rear Adml. Graves | ^ 14
Nov
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London at Sea 7 P.M. i9th Octr. 1781.
Sir—
I beg leave to acquaint you for their Lordships in
formation, that the fleet mentioned in my letter of this
day, proves to be the Centurion and her convoy, which
are all arriv'd safe (except eight private traders) and
are now standing in for the Hook.
I am
Sir
Your most Obedient
Humble Servant
Philip Stephens Esqr. — THOS. GRAVES.
Endorsed 19 Octr. 1781 R. A. Graves ? 14 Nov
THE GRAVES PAPERS
[ ADMIRAL RODNEY TO GEORGE JACKSON1 ]
Bath, 1 9th of October, 1781.
My dear Sir: —
This morning I was favoured with yours of the ijth
inst. and you may be assured that everything shall be
done by me that can contribute towards settling the
Eustatius affair, and that when the papers Mr. Cres-
pigny intends reading are presented to me I will execute
them as desired, and hope, on my arrival in town, every
necessary paper for me to sign will be ready before I
leave England, and all money affairs settled to the satis
faction of all parties; but at present I find myself very
much out of order with a very violent pain in my stom
ach, which has continued these four days and reduced
me much, which the news from America and Mr.
Graves's letter has increased; for it is impossible for
me not to feel most sensibly any news which appears to
me of the most fatal consequences to my country, and
more especially where the navy has been concerned. . .
In vain may plans be concerted to defeat the designs of
the public enemy if inferior officers will take upon
them to act in direct opposition to the orders and letters
of their superiors, and lie idle in port when their duty
ought to have obliged them to have been at sea to watch
the motions of the public enemy, and prevent the junc
tion of their squadrons. Had Mr. Graves attended to
the intelligence I sent him six weeks before I left the
West Indies, as likewise to two other expresses I sent
1 Letters of Sir Samuel Hood, edited by David Hannay, Navy
Records Society, Vol. Ill, 44.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
him pressing his junction with his whole squadron with
Sir Samuel Hood off the Capes of Virginia, he had been
on that station long before De Grasse, and, of course,
prevented the latter landing his troops in Virginia. The
commanding officer, likewise, at Jamaica, had no right
to detain the Torbay and Prince William, whose cap
tains had my positive orders not to lose a moment's time
(after seeing the Jamaica convoy safe at that island) in
joining Sir Samuel Hood at or off the Chesapeake. . . .
I likewise pressed Sir Peter Parker to send some of his
ships with them, as I was assured the French fleet were
intended for that coast, and that, in all probability, the
fate of the war depended upon his Majesty's fleet being
in full force, and that the blow on which depended the
sovereignty of the [ocjean must be struck off the coast
of Virginia. I advised Sir S. Hood by all means to
guard the mouth of the Chesapeake, to anchor in
Hampton Road if [there was] occasion, to keep his
frigates cruizing off the coast to the southward, that he
might have timely notice of the enemy's approach, and
to despatch one of his frigates to Mr. Graves, acquaint
ing [him] writh his arrival, and pressing a speedy junc
tion, no one thing of which has been regarded. The
Commander at Jamaica has detained the Torbay and
Prince William. Mr. Graves, so far from joining Sir
Samuel Hood off the Capes, lay idle at Sandy Hook,
and suffered the French squadron from Rhode Island
to join De Grasse, which cruizing from ten to forty
leagues from Sandy Hook or by joining Sir S. Hood
he might have prevented, and even, when he afterwards
joined him, four of his line-of-battle ships were want
ing. Ought any man, after the notice he had received,
to have separated his squadron of line-of-battle ships?
CI343
THE GRAVES PAPERS
The whole should have been kept in a body, and always
ready to act at a moment's warning, and suffered no re
pairs, but momentary ones, till the campaign was over.
His letter I cannot understand, and his terms, par
ticularly his cut up, a term neither military or seaman-
like; it must have been a mistake in printing; he meant
cut off the vans from the centre. The other part of the
letter contradicts itself, and his mode of fighting I will
never follow. He tells me that his line did not extend
so far as the enemy's rear. I should have been sorry if
it had, and a general battle ensued ; it would have given
the advantage they could have wished, and brought
their whole twenty-four ships of the line against the
English nineteen, whereas by watching his opportunity,
if the enemy had extended their line to any considerable
distance, by contracting his own he might have brought
his nineteen against the enemy's fourteen or fifteen, and
by a close action totally disabled them before they could
have received succour from the remainder, and in all
probability have gained thereby a complete victory.
Such would have been the battle of the iyth of April
had I been obeyed, such would have been the late battle
off the Capes, and more especially if all the line-of-
battle ships had (as they ought) been joined. Our num
bers then had been twenty-five, viz. four of Admiral
Graves and my two from Jamaica. In my poor opin
ion the French have gained the most important victory,
and nothing can save America but the instant return of
the fleet from New York with 5,000 troops and Digby's
squadron ; but even then the French fleet will have done
their business and gone. If not, block them up to eter
nity; suffer none to escape from the Chesapeake; they
will soon be tired of their station, and wish they had
[135:1
THE GRAVES PAPERS
never taken the part of America. I could say much
more on this subject, but it is impossible for you to
conceive the fatigue the writing this letter has occa
sioned. I must conclude with saying that if they intend
the war should be concluded, there must be but one
General and one Admiral commanding in chief in
America and West Indies.
Adieu, my dear Sir,
Yours most sincerely,
G. B. RODNEY.
My best respects to Mrs. Jackson.
Endorsed. — The iQth of October, 1781. Sir George
Rodney on Graves's action of the Chesapeake.1
1 This letter, while its tactical criticisms are perfectly correct, is
otherwise wholly unjust to Graves. Graves was not idle in port. It
had been well for his cause had he been, for he would then have
received Rodney's despatch at a much earlier date. He was instead
off Boston, by direction of the Admiralty. Nor did Rodney press
Graves's junction with Hood off the Chesapeake. No doubt, how
ever, such would have been Graves's action had he received Rodney's
despatch. There is no intimation whatever in his despatch of July 7,
1781, that he understood that De Grassc's fleet was specially directed
to the Chesapeake; nor was there any intimation that "the blow on
which depended the sovereignty of the ocean must be struck off the
coast of Virginia." He did not advise Hood, in his written instruc
tions at least, "by all means to guard the mouth of the Chesapeake, to
anchor in Hampton Road if [there was] occasion, to keep his frigates
cruizing off the coast to the southward, that he might have timely
notice of the enemy's approach, and to despatch one of his frigates to
Mr. Graves, acquainting [him] with his arrival, and pressing a
speedy junction. No one thing of which," adds Rodney, "has been
regarded." His remarks are but the imaginings of what ought to
have been advised by himself but was not advised in any such
terms. No doubt this letter, if shown to the Board, as was probably
done, did much to delay Graves's promotion, which was due in the
natural order of things in 1781 to 1787.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
r"
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London at Sea 29)1 Oct. 1781.
Sir:—
In my last letter by the Lively Captain Manly, I de
sired you to acquaint the Lords Commissioners of the
Admiralty of my having pass'd the Bar of New York
with the Bristol Fleet, with seven thousand of the army
embark'd, to go to the relief of Earl Cornwallis at York
in the Chesapeake.
The Fleet accordingly sailed the moment the troops
were put on board the last ships out, vizt, the Montagu
and Shrewsbury, and proceeded the same day (the
1 9th) for the Chesapeake. We carried several small
craft and whale-boats to send off at different stages for
intelligence.
The 24th we received intelligence from a black man
who was pilot of His Majesty's ship Charon, a white
man who belonged to the Quarter Master General's
Department, and another black man who had made
their escape together from New York,1 that Lord Corn
wallis had capitulated on the i8th instant, the day be
fore the Fleet sailed from Sandy Hook, a copy of which
intelligence is enclosed.
The 26h one of our boats brought off some people
from the shore near Cape Charles, who gave the same
report of the capitulation.
The 25th His Majesty's Ship La Nymphe joined us
from New York and brought dispatches from Lord
Cornwallis dated the i5th, a copy of which is enclosed
1 An error, evidently, for York = Yorktown.
[1373
THE GRAVES PAPERS
and leaves little room to question the truth of the other
intelligence. The three people being still on board and
questioned again, and known for what they reported
themselves to be, by several persons helped still to cor
roborate. I therefore determined to detach the Rattle
snake for Europe, to give the earliest information to
their Lordships, that Government may be prepared to
receive the particulars of so sad a catastrophe. — My
former letter to their Lordships did not abound in
hopes of success.
The West India Squadron under Monsr. De Grasse
being found so much more numerous than that of Brit
ain, wou'd still maintain its superiority when joined to
the three ships of the line of battle left in the Chesa
peake, and reinforced by the Squadron under Mons:
De Barras from Rhode Island, and further strength
ened by the advantage of position. I shou'd however,
been happy to have tried every possible means to effect
a relief cou'd we have arrived in time, that prospect
being at an end, no addition of troops intended for
Charles-town, nor an attempt against Rhode Island
thought advisable, under the present situation of things,
there appeared nothing so proper as to return with the
Fleet to New York, and by removing the troops from
out of the men of war, to put the West India Squadron
into a condition to quit this coast as soon as possible. I
therefore determined to leave this Station and retire
to New York.
Unsuccessful as the event has proved, I hope their
Lordships will not find any part of it has proceeded
from the want of attention or exertion on my particular
part.
I have dispatched a frigate forward to New York to
THE GRAVES PAPERS
direct the transports to be at Sandy Hook, in readiness
to receive the troops and to provide bread and water
for any ships which may be deficient.
Two successive days before my leaving the neigh
bourhood of the Chesapeak, I sent the Warwick and
Nymphe to reconnoitre, whose report I send enclosed.
Both these days we saw the Enemys Fleet from our mast
heads, and most of the last day, our Fleet lay to close off
the back of the Middle Ground.
In the Evening I dispatched the Carysfort and
Blonde for Charles-town1 with Lieut. General Leslie,
and a small detachment of the Artillery, with direc
tions, (if the General found it necessary to withdraw
the post from Wilmington) to proceed there and effect
it as quick as possible, and then to convoy any empty
transports or victuallers to New York.
I am,
Sir,
Your Most Obedient Humble Servant,
THOS. GRAVES.
Philip Stephens, Esqr.
Endorsed Vice Adml.2 Graves | Letter to P. Stephens,
Esqr., | 29th Oct: 1781 | Red. 25 Nov. 1781 at | n P.M.
| (3 Inclosures).
1 South Carolina.
2 The secretary probably took the promotion of Graves, when his
turn came, for granted. He was, however, passed over and was not
promoted until September 24, 1787. (See Clowes, III, 567.)
D393
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Enclosure A
[ LORD CORNWALLIS TO GENERAL CLINTON ]
Copy.
York Town Virginia
1 5th October 1781
Sir,
Last Evening the Enemy carried my two advanced
Redoubts on the left by Storm, and during the Night
have included them in their Second Parallel, which
they are at present busy in perfecting. My Situation
now becomes very critical, We dare not shew a Gun
to their old Batteries, and I expect their new ones will
be open to-Morrow Morning. Experience has shewn
that our fresh earthen Works do not resist their power
ful Artillery, so that we shall soon be exposed to an
Assult in ruined Works, in a bad Position and with
weakened Numbers.
The Safety of the Place is therefore so precarious
that I cannot recommend that the Fleet and Army
should run great Risque, in endeavouring to save us.
I have the Honor to be
with great Respect
Sir
Your most obedient &
most humble Servant
(Signed) CORNWALLIS
His Excellency
Sir H. Clinton K.B.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
\
Enclosure B
[ EVIDENCE FROM YORK TOWN ]
Memo.
London at Sea 24th October 1781.
About four O'clock this morning a Schooner Boat
came alongside with three Men in it, who upon being
taken on board and examined, gave the following Ac
count.
Jonas Rider a Black Man, says he left York Town
on Thursday the i8th in a four Oard Boat in Company
with a Captain and People belonging to the Sloop
Tarlton, the property of a Mr. Young of New York, to
which Place they were going.
That they left York Town to make their Escape, as
it was said the Troops were going to give it up ; There
had been no firing for a Day and a half before he left
it, and it was reported that Lord Cornwallis was mak
ing Terms to be sent to England and also respecting
private property.
He gives an Account of his being taken twice, and of
his escaping to a Dispatch Boat that had been sent from
the Fleet the Day before Yesterday. —
James Robinson (a Black) Pilot to the Charon Man
of War, left York Town with Rider because he heard
there was a treaty to surrender the Place —
On Wednesday the firing ceased and a Flag of truce
was sent out, which returned and the firing began again ;
that it ceased a short time afterwards, and he has not
THE GRAVES PAPERS
heard any since, tho' he was near the Place for two
Days.
The Soldiers were all standing on their Works dur
ing the time the Flags were out, That the Merchants
were getting all their things on Shore, as the Shipping
were to be given up to the French.
On Monday was sennight he heard all the Troops
were to go to Gloucester and march through the Coun
try, that a great part were over, but it blew so hard the
rest could not go, and the next Day they brought back
those that went.
About Eight or nine Days ago the Enemy made an
attack on our left and carried two of our Redoubts and
killed most of the People that were in them ; after which
they placed Cannon there, that the next Night our Peo
ple made a Sally and spiked Eleven Pieces. —
On Wednesday night he said he saw a large Bonfire
in the Enemy's Camp. — One of our Magazines had
been blown up. —
He says the Place was not given up, but that there
was no firing, nor has he heard any since. — This Man
produces Certificates, from several People that prove
he was one of our Pilots. —
Robert Moyse left York Town with the above, he
was told the Army had surrendered Prisoners of War,
according to the Terms granted at Pensacola. — That
all the People that could were making their Escape. —
He is very positive they have capitulated, and that the
Place was to be given up on Friday at one O'Clock;
there has been no firing since; He understood that our
People wanted Ammunition.
A Boat going from Lord Cornwallis to New York
was taken, — but the Letters were in Cyphers. — That
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Captn. Carey in a large Boat with thirty Oars had
sailed on Monday Morning. —
This Man originally belonged to the Lapwing Dis
patch Boat, and knew the Schooner to be the Mary as
soon as he saw her.
Endorsed London at Sea 24 Octr. 1781 ] The Evidence
of Jonas Rider | James Robinson and Robert Moyse
from York | Town. | Virginia. 2. | In Vice Adml.
Graves's Letter of 29 Octr 1781.
Enclosure C
[ OBSERVATIONS OF CAPTAIN ELPHINSTONE ]
Warwick Saturday 27th October 1781. —
At Sun set Cape Henry S W b W. dist. 2 or 3 Miles,
Willoughby's point W b S. saw a Ship under sail in
Lynnhaven Bay with Signals out, also one of the Line,
and a Frigate on the North side of the Horse shoe; 31
Sail anchored at the upper part of the Middle ground,
I imagine below the Egg Islands, as I could see Back
River point. From the top I could only see the Lower
Yards of the Ships at Anchor, in all we could count 45
Sail; all of them had Signals flying. —
Signed G K. ELPHINSTONE—
Sunday 28th October —
Sent the Warwick and Nymphe in again to Cape
Henry. A Ship of two Decks was under sail to meet
THE GRAVES PAPERS
them, two more in Lynn haven and forty four above the
Horse shoe, in the whole Forty seven sail. Two large
Ships were under sail from above to come down, and
the advanced Ship shewed her Colours and fired a Gun
under them, at two different parts of the day. —
Endorsed Observations of Captain Elphinstone Octo
ber the ayth | & 28th 1781 3. In Vice Adml. Graves's
| Letter of 29 octr. 1781
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO CAPTAIN MELCOMB ]
By Thomas Graves, Esqr. Rear Admiral of
the Red Commander-in-Chief, &c, &c.
You are hereby required and directed to receive on
board, mine and the General's dispatches for Govern
ment and proceed with them on His Majesty's Ship
under your command, immediately to England.
You are to use the utmost precaution to avoid falling
in with the enemy, and to keep the dispatches constantly
prepared with a weight ready to be sunk at a moment's
warning.
You are to endeavour to fetch as high up the Chan-
nell as possible, and to convey the dispatches yourself to
the Admiralty, in the most expeditious manner; suffer
ing nothing to detain you upon your passage, nor to
cause a moment's delay until you have safely deliver'd
THE GRAVES PAPERS
them at the Admiralty. And for so doing this shall be
your order.
Given under my hand on board His Majesty's
Ship London at Sea the 29th October 1781.
THOS. GRAVES.
To
Captain John Melcomb,
of His Majesty's Sloop Rattlesnake
By Command of the Admiral
George Graves.
Endorsed Rattlesnake.
[ REAR ADMIRAL HOOD TO GEORGE JACKSON ]
29th of October, 1781.
My dear Sir: —
The Ranger cutter joined the fleet yesterday with the
August packet from Antigua, by which I had the plea
sure of your very kind letter of the 2nd of August, and
thank you for it very sincerely. It is a most flattering
circumstance to me that my conduct on the 29th of
April is so generally approved.
Mr. Graves has just sent me word he is about to send
a ship to England. His messenger brings the most
melancholy news Great Britain ever received. Lord
Cornwallis capitulated to the combined forces of
France and America on the i8th — a most heartbreak
ing business, and the more so, to my mind, as I shall
ever think his Lordship ought to have been succoured,
THE GRAVES PAPERS
or brought off, previous to the return of the French
fleet to the Chesapeake, and which Mr. Graves had in
his power to effect at his pleasure, after losing the glori
ous opportunity of defeating its intentions on the ^th
of last month; but I have fully expressed myself upon
the management of that day in my last letters by the
Lively and the packet. I now feel too much, and my
mind is too greatly depressed with the sense I have of
my country's calamities, to dwell longer upon the pain
ful subject. We are now, I am told, going back to New
York to disembark the troops. I do not mean to go
within the Bar, and as soon as the troops are out of the
ships of my squadron I shall push away to the protec
tion of the West India Islands. I think Admiral Digby
would not do amiss if he was to send the greatest part
of his squadron with me till the month of March, as he
can put them in no place of safety except the Oyster
Bay, in the Sound, and they may as well be at Con
stantinople for any good they may do.
Adieu, my dear Sir. With best affections to Mrs.
Jackson,
I am ever and most faithfully yours,
SAM. HOOD.
[ REAR ADMIRAL HOOD TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
Barfleur, off Sandy Hook, 3rd of November, 1781.
Sir:—
I beg you will be pleased to acquaint the Lords Com
missioners of the Admiralty that the King's fleet under
Rear-Admiral Graves returned here yesterday evening,
THE GRAVES PAPERS
and as the Rear-Admiral has this day put the ships
I brought with me from the West Indies under my
orders again, I propose returning to my station for the
protection of his Majesty's islands committed to my
care, so soon as the troops, army, provisions, ammuni
tion, &c., are disembarked.
Herewith I transmit for their Lordships' informa
tion an account of the state and condition of his Maj
esty's ships under my command,
And have the honour to be, Sir,
Your most obedient, humble Servant,
Philip Stephens, Esq. SAM' H°OD-
Endorsed. — The 3rd of November, 1781. Sir Samuel
Hood, off Sandy Hook. Received the i6th of Decem
ber. Answered the 3rd of January, 1782. (i en
closure).
CONSULTATION OF FLAG OFFICERS, HELD ON BOARD HIS
MAJESTY'S SHIP LONDON OFF SANDY HOOK BAR
THE 30 NOVEMR. 1 78 11
Question The French fleet remaining in the Chesea-
peke, after the reduction of the British Forces
in York River — Whether at this Season of
the Year the British Fleet should separate, —
or Whether so much danger is to be appre
hended to the Posts upon the Coasts of No.
1 The despatch of November 6, 1781, which contained this enclo
sure, is not available.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
America as will make it necessary at the risque
of the Leeward Islands, to keep the fleet longer
assembled.
Resolved That the British Fleet shall (in considera
tion of the situation of the two fleets) be
equipped for Sea as expeditiously as possible,
and separate when ready.
THOMAS GRAVES
ROBT. DIGBY
SAML. HOOD
FRAS. SAML. DRAKE
EDMD. AFFLECK
A Copy | T Graves.
Endorsed Copy of the Consultation | of Flag Officers |
held on board his Majesty's | Ship London 3d Novr.
1781 | No. 7 | In R. A. Graves's Letter Dated 6 Novr.
1781.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
STATE OF THE TRANSPORTS & VICTUALLERS IN
YORK RIVER, VIRGINIA1
Ships Names
Bellona
Shipwright
Andrew
Houston .
Lord Mulgrave .
Harmony .
Providence
Favorite .
Emerald .
Selina ....
Sally ....
Horsington
Robert . . .
Race Horse .
Neptune .
Oldborough .
Present Succession
Two Brothers
Success Increase .
Concord .
Lord Howe .
Fidelity .
Mackrell .
Master's Names
John Wardell .
Thomas Kay .
Francis Todiridge
Robert McLash .
Andw. Casterby .
John Duffield
Benjn. Huntley .
John Wilson .
Robert Tindall .
John Crosskill
Arthur Elliott
Chrisr. Jolson
Jonathan Moore .
Chrisr. Chesman .
John Atkinson
Lionel Bradstreet
William Chapman
Magnus Mariners
John Saunderson .
Andrew Monk .
Thomas Woodhouse
Robert Pilmour .
William Fraser ,
VICTUALLERS.
Diana John Perkin .
Mercury Arthur Ryburn .
Ocean John Walker .
Providence Increase . . Thomas Berriman
Betsey Jno. Younghusband
Nancy Robert Hoakesly .
Rover John Beveon .
Harlequin .... Thomas Skinner .
Elizabeth . Naval Victualler .
State & Condition
. Taken
. Burnt
. Taken
. Sunk
. Do.
. Do.
. Do.
. Do.
. Do.
. Do.
. Do.
. Do.
. Do.
. Do.
. Do.
. Do.
. Do.
. Do.
. Do.
. Do.
. Do.
. Sunk
Do.
Sunk
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
(Copy) G' Robertson Agent.
T. Graves
1 Admiral Graves's despatch of November 9, 1781, which for
warded this document, is not available.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Endorsed State and Condition | of the Transports &
Victuallers in York River | Virginia. No. 6 | In
R. A. Graves's Letter | Dated 9 Novr. 1781.
THE FRENCH LINE OF BATTLE1
Chesapeak Bay off York River 22nd Octr. 1781.
Guns Guns
Le Neptune .... 78 Le Burgone 74
Le Provence .... 64 Le Valliant 64
L'Auguste 84 Le Ceazar 74
Le Magnanime ... 74 Le Citoyen 74
L'Hercule 74 Le Languidoc .... 84
Le Conquerant ... 74 Le Experiment ... 50
Le Due de Burgone . 84 Le Refleshe 64
Le Hector 74 Le Diadem 74
L'Septre 74 Le Scipion 74
Le Northumberland . 74 Le Victor 74
L'Evillie 64 Le Triton 54
L'Gloryeaux .... 74 Le Pluton 74
L'Esprit 60
Le Sollitaire .... 64 Frigates
Le Marsellie .... 74 Romulus Occasion-
Le Palmie 74 ally for the Line . . 44
Le Ville De Paris . .110 L'Andromaque ... 36
Le Sovereign .... 74 La Railleure .... 36
Le Caton 64 La Concorde .... 36
L Lile 74 La Surveillante ... 36
Le Destaing .... 74 L'Harmione .... 36
Le Ardent 64 La Diligente .... 30
Le Jason 64 La Genteele .... 38
1 Admiral Graves's despatch of November 9, 1781, which for
warded this document, is not available.
£150:1
m
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Endorsed A List of the French fleet in the Cheasapeak
22d Octr. 1781. | No. 3 | In R. A. Graves's Letter
Dated 9 Novr. 1781
[ CAPTAIN SYMONDS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES1 ]
York Town Virginia 2Oth Octr. 1781.
Sir:—
I am very Sorry to inform you, that the Garrison of
York, and the Vessels that remained in the River, sur-
renderd to the Enemy by Capitulation yesterday after
noon, after a seige of seventeen days.
On the loth instant the Charon was set on fire by red
hot Shot and entirely consumed, the Guadaloupe was
Scuttled, and Sunk the I7th to prevent her from sharing
the same fate, or falling into the Enemys possession and
the Fowey was hauld into Shoal Water and bored.
It being agreed by the capitulation, that the Bonetta
should proceed to New York, to carry Earl Cornwal-
lis's dispatches, and any People his Lordship thought
proper to send, Captain Dundas proceeds with his
Officers and Thirty Men with a Flag of Truce for that
purpose
The Number of Sick and wounded Seamen in the
Naval Tents, amounts to eighty five, which cannot be
removed for some time, but their own Surgeons will be
left to take care of them, during the siege Ten Seamen
were killed and Thirty two wounded. Enclosed I have
1 Admiral Graves's despatch of November 9, 1781, which for
warded this letter, is not available.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
the honor to send you the Articles of capitulation, and
the state of the Transports and Victuallers.
And have the honor to be.
Sir your most Obedient
Humble Servant.
^ A , . i ^ Sign'd THOS. SYMONDS.
Rear Admiral Graves
&c &c &c
An Attested Copy
T. Graves.
Endorsed Copy of Captn. Symonds Letter dated York
Town | Virginia 2Oth Octr. 1781. j No. 5 | In R. A.
Graves's Letter Dated 9 Novr. 1781
LIGNE DE COMBAT DE L'ARMEE FRANQAISE AUX ORDRES
DU COMTE DE GRACE LE 5 — 7BRE. 1781 FORMEE
PAR RANG DE VITESSE1
Le Pluton .
Le Marsellois
La Bourgogne
Le Diademe
Le Refleche
L'Auguste .
Le St. Esprit
La Caton .
Le Cezar .
Le Destin .
Scavoir
74 Canons
74 "
74 "
74 "
64
80 "
80 "
64 "
74 "
74 "
La Ville de Paris . 98
MM. Dalbert de Rious1
" Castellanne2
" Charitte3
" Monteder4
" De Boades5
f " Bouganville Chef
d'Escadre6
[ " Castellan Capitaine7
. " Chabert8
- " Framont9
" Despinouse10
Gonnpy11
De Grace— General12
Vaugiraud Major13
1 Admiral Graves's despatch of November 9, 1781, which for
warded this document, is not available.
£152:1
THE GRAVES PAPERS
La Victoire
Le Sceptre .
Le Northumberland
Le Palmier
Le Solitaire
Le Citoyen
Le Scipion .
Le Magnanime
L'Hercule . . .
Le Languedoc .
LeZele . . .
L'Hector . . .
Le Souverain .
La Railleuse
L'Aigrette .
MM. D'Albert14
" Vandreuil15
" Brigueville16
" Darros17
" Cice18
" D'Ethy19
" Clarel20
" Le Begne21
" Turpin22
Monteil Chef d'Escadre
Comdr. Capitaine23
De Preville24
Daleiur25
De Glandever26
St. Corme27
Traversair28
Endorsed The French Line of Battle j in the Action off
the Cheasapeak the 5th. September 1781. No. 2.
In R. A. Graves's Letter | Dated 9 Novr. lySi.1
JNoTE BY EDITOR.— The following is the revised list of names of
commanding officers :
1 D'Albert de Rions
2 Castellane Majastres
3 Charitte (Comte de)
4 Montecler
5 De Boades
6 Bougainville
7 Castellan (Chevalier de)
8 Chabert Cogolin
9 Framond (Comte de)
10 Coriolis d'Espinouse
11 Du Maitz de Goimpy Feu-
quieres (Comte de)
12Grasse (Comte de), Vice-Ad-
miral
13 Vaugiraud de Rosnay, Chief
of Staff
15 Vaudreuil (Comte de)
16 Briqueville (Marquis de)
17 D'Arros Argelos
18 Cice Champion ( Chevalier de)
19 Thy ( Comte de)
20 Clavel Aine
21 Le Begue (Chevalier de, later
Comte de)
22 Turpin Du Breuil (Chevalier
de)
23 Monteil (Baron de)
24Gras Preville (Chevalier)
25 Renaud d'Allen
26 Glandevez (Chevalier de)
27 St. Cosme (Chevalier de)
28 Traversais
14 D'Albert Saint-Hippolyte
(Chevalier)
C 153:1
List of Prizes taken by His Majestys Ships in North America under
By whom taken
Where taken
Name
Tons
Men
Guns
To w
belor
Chatham
800
?,8o
s6
Frar
Do
Polly
450
21
IO
Rpb«
Do
Genl. Mark Privr.
250
94
22
D<
Do
Defence
1 80
6s
18
D
Do
1 80
7
En*?
Do
ISO
8
Prhe
Do
Easrle . .
I4O
9
D
Do
Isabella
60
4
D
Do .
45
5
f)
Do
Dove
30
6
D
General Monk
T T> U.
Salem Packet
IOO
2S
12
D
Amphitrite
In Boston bay
i
Experiment priv.
300
20
22
Bris
Do
and J
V- 4.U C ~\K7 '
Endeavour
70
8
Ens
Do
on the b W
/— » r
Union
IOO
9
D
Do
Coast of
XT C t.'
St. John
90
10
Peb
Do
JNova ocotia
M^inerva
95
IO
D
Do
Dolphin
IOO
II
D
Do
Nero
Ens:
Do
Revenge priv.
40
30
8
Prb
Belisarius
Porl
Garland & Warwick .
Pearl
Greyhound priv.
Longsplice
30
5
Reb
D
Do
70
8
D
Do
Friendship
IOO
IO
D
Do
Senegal priv.
So
29
8
D
Carysfort
Off Nantucket
Soo
60
6
Frai
Pegasus & Rattlesnake
Solebay
\ off Long Island j
Deane priv.
Dan
1 60
soo
no
18
16
8
Reb
Efl2
Nymphe & Amphion .
Do
Royl. Louis Priv.
Molly
450
IOO
188
18
22
Reb
D
Do
Lexington
85
10
D
Do
Rambler priv.
90
48
IO
D
Do
Raccoon
So
IO
D
Do
On the
Lively Buckskin
70
1 1
D
now
Coast of
Juno
120
40
8
D
ea
Fortunee
Virginia
Favorite priv.
Felicity Do.
150
80
IOO
20
18
6
. D
P<
Iris
Jolly Tar Lre Marque
125
30
IO
D<
Do
Samuel
2OO
II
4
Eng
Solebay .
off Charles town
Savage .
300
so
16
D(
late Eng Sloop War. .
Total
1366
260
£154:1
ommand of Rear Admiral Graves, between the 20 Aug. and 31 Octr. 1781
Kind
of Vessel
From whence
Where bound
Lading
Capture
or
recapture
^rigate
Pisca.ta.qua. . . .
Boston . .
>hip . .
Boston
Sanco for Masts. . .
Ballast
Do
Do
Do
Do
Do
Bilboa
Newbury
Brandy &c
Do
^rior
Tersev
Quebec
Wine
J11fe
Do
Turks Island
Boston
Indian Corn
Do
Salem
Guadaloupe
Fish & lumber . .
Do
Hoop ....
Old York
Boston
Deals
Do
Do
Newfoundland . .
Do
Fish
Do
Do
Virginia
... Do
Tobacco
Do
>hip
Bilboa
Salem
Silks . . .
Do
Do
Re-capture
3 riff
Cork . .
Beef Pork &c
Do
Do
... Do
Do
. . Do
Do .
Salem
Santa Cruz
Plank
Do
Virginia
Newbury
Tobacco
.. Do
Do
Newbury
Guadaloupe
Plank
Do
Do
Virginia
Glasgow
Tobacco
Re-Capture ....
'chooner
Salem
On a Cruise
Capture
Do
Lisbon
Limerick
500 bis beef
Re-Capture ....
Do
Salem
Cruising
400 Cask butter
Capture
Do
Boston
Salem
Wine
Do
'loOD .
...Do
... Do
.. Do
Jrip-
. Do
Do
Cordage
Do
>chooner .
...Do
.. Do
'hip
. . Do
C Francois
Masts &c
. . Do
Jris: .
...Do
.. Do
Do
Madeira
New York
Wine
Re-Capture ....
>hiD .
Philidelphia
Cruizing
Capture
Jrigr
... Do
St. Thomas's
Do
Do
Salem
Baltimore
Wine
. Do
Do .. .
Philidelphia
Do
chooner .
...Do
Havannah
Flour
. Do
Do. ..
C. Francois
Baltimore
Salt
Do
•rig .
Havannah
Philidelph
Sugar & Rum
. . Do
Do
New London . . .
Do
chooner .
Philidelph
... Do
.. Do
Irie: .
...Do
Havannah
Flour
Do
jalley
Jamaica . .
Bristol
Rum & Sugar
Re-Capt
. . Do
T Graves.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
[ REAR ADMIRAL HOOD TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
Barfleur, in Carlisle Bay, Barbadoes, loth of
December, 1781.
Sir:—
I sailed from off Sandy Hook on the nth of last
month, with his Majesty's ships named in the margin,1
and having previously despatched the Nymphe and
Belliqueux to reconnoitre the Chesapeake, the latter
joined me on my given rendezvous on the i6th, and in
formed me that not a French ship was in the Chesa
peake on the loth. I immediately pushed away for my
station, not caring to wait a moment for the Nynphe,
and without meeting with any occurrence in my passage
deserving notice, I arrived here on.the ^th, with all the
line-of-battle ships except the Royal Oak and Monarch,
which parted company in a gale of wind and thick
weather on the iyth. The Intrepid's, Alcide's and
Shrewsbury's lower masts ought to be shifted; they
were wounded in the action of the Chesapeake, very
badly fished at New York for want of proper materials,
and were in so crippled a state in the passage that I
was compelled to carry a very moderate sail to preserve
the masts from tumbling over the side, and there not
being a single lower mast for a 74-gun ship in this coun
try, I am securing those of the Shrewsbury and Alcide
in the best manner I can, and shall give new ones to the
Intrepid. . . .
1 Barfleur, Princesa, Royal Oak, Alfred, America, Invincible,
Monarch, Canada, Torbay, Alcide, Intrepid, Montagu, Resolution,
Centaur, Prince George, Ajax, Shrewsbury, Pegasus, Sybille, Sala
mander.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
I endeavoured all I could to prevail upon Admiral
Digby to send the whole of his line-of-battle ships with
me, as the letters I wrote him, of which I herewith send
you copies, will show, but I could only obtain four.
With all his ships, which can be of no use upon the
coast of America before the ist of April, together with
a few that may probably be soon here from England, I
should have been equal, if not superior to the Count De
Grasse. . . .
As a packet was sent away the day before I arrived,
with an account of De Grasse's fleet being at Marti
nique, though it might be reasonably expected I should
make my appearance every hour, as the captain of the
Ranger brig had delivered the letters I had written to
the Governor and senior captain, I thought it right to
make known to their Lordships my arrival here as soon
as possible. I therefore propose to despatch the Ranger
as soon as she comes back from St. Lucia, to which place
I sent her to make known my return to this island the
moment I anchored.
I have the honour to be, with great truth and regard,
Sir,
Your most obedient and most humble Servant,
SAM. HOOD.
P. S. — I was obliged to leave the Prince William at
New York, as her rudder required to be unhung, which
occasioned me to write the letter you will herewith re
ceive to Rear-Admiral Digby.
P. S. — I have, since writing the above, received a let
ter from Rear-Admiral Drake, to acquaint me that the
THE GRAVES PAPERS
bread sent on board the Princesa was so very bad it
could not be received, and that the contractor has no
other.
S. H.
Endorsed. — loth of December, 1781, Barbadoes, Sir
Samuel Hood. Received 7th of January, 1782, at mid
night.
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London, Port Royal Harbour 2oh Deer. 1781.
Sir.—
Be pleased to acquaint the Lords Commissioners of
the Admiralty that I sailed from the Bar of New York
in the London the loh November, and arrived at An
tigua the 6h Deer, to put on shore my prisoners, having
taken on the passage a French ship called the Imperi-
eux of 800 tons, 38 guns and 319 Men, from Cadiz for
Philidelphia; laden with Salt, some arms, cannon, and
mixed goods, besides medicine. The 9th I sailed from
Antigua, and arrived at Jamaica the i7th. and deliv
ered their lordships pacquet to Sr. Peter Parker, ac
cording to their orders of the 9h July, receiv'd by Rear
Admiral Digby.
I hope their lordships have found the request I sub
mitted to their considerable, not unreasonable. The two
Admirals so lately under my command being both of
them Commanders in Chief upon separate stations,
THE GRAVES PAPERS
makes me become so much the object of observation,
that I hope there is nothing blamable in my conduct,
as to deserve the present painful humiliating situation.
I have obeyed with readiness their Lordships com
mands, and I flatter myself they will not suffer me to
remain long under so much anxiety of mind. —
I am
Sir
Your most Obedient
Humble Servant,
THOS. GRAVES.
PS.
Enclosed you will receive a list of the Prizes taken by
the cruisers on the North American Station between
the 2oh Augt. and 31 Octo. being the most correct ac
count I have been able to obtain. —
T. Graves
Philip Stephens Esqr.
Endorsed ^ 5 Febry 1782 ansd.
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ]
London Port Royal Harbour 4th May 1782.
Sir:—
I beg you will remind the Lords Commissioners of
the Admiralty, that in my letters of the 27th of Septem-
[159:1
THE GRAVES PAPERS
her and the 2Oth of December 1781, I entreated their
Lordships would be pleased to consider my particular
situation and recall me; instead of requiring me to serve
in an inferior situation at Jamaica, whilst a Junior
Officer who relieved me at York, continued in the su
preme Command.
The Island of Jamaica being at this time out of dan
ger, from the success of Sr. Geo. Rodney against his
Majesty's Enemy's, gives me a fair occasion to renew
my request, and to pray that I may be recalled.
If that should be inconvenient — that I may have leave
to quit my Command, and return to my native country
a passenger.
The many calumnies in the News-papers, and the in
jurious representations of my conduct, which pretend to
derive their authority from the debates in the houses
of Parliament, make it necessary for me to clear up this
matter; — And to require the liberty to do so, from
their Lordships hands.
If the representation made of me, be credited, it is a
reflection upon Government that I am permitted to
serve. If not, I hope their Lordships will signify their
opinion of my conduct and allow me the opportunity
of stating many things which may not be so proper in
a letter.
I feel myself particularly aggrieved by a publication
in the Morning Post of the 8th November, 1781, under
a pretence of its being spoken by Lord Denbigh in the
House of Lords, where much vigilance and attention is
insinuated on the part of Sr. Samuel Hood — and much
implied censure let fall upon me.
Sr. Saml. Hood's letter to me, is dated at Sea, off
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Cape Henry the 25th of August, 1781, — wherein he
says, "I am now steering for Cape Henry in order to
examine the Cheseapeake, from thence I shall proceed
to the Capes of the Delaware, and not seeing or hearing
any thing of De Grasse, or any detachment of Ships he
might have sent upon the Coast, shall then make the
best of my way off Sandy Hook." —
Except in the time of his continuance at the entrance
of the Cheseapeke, it runs so much in the tenor of the
speech attributed to my Lord Denbigh that the reader
can hardly doubt of its being the authority.
The fact is, that Sr. Saml. Hood changed his opinion
before the Nymph left him. — That it was the South
part of Virginia, somewhere about Curratuck that he
was off on the 2^th of August, and he arrived on the
28th following at Sandy Hook, not two hours later than
the Nymph; That he never saw the Capes of the
Cheseapeke, nor any other land until he made the Nev-
ersink.
Their Lordships will pardon me for saying that
credulity itself can hardly admit, that between the 2^th
and the 28th of August Sr. Saml. Hood could continue
for nine days before the Cheseapeke.
I would not venture to confirm the conclusion drawn
from the dates, if their Lordships did not know it offi
cially, from my letter as well as from Sr. Saml. Hood's,
(if he sent any officially upon his arrival at the Hook;)
and the letter alluded to could not have been sent home
until after the arrival of Sr. Saml. Hood, and the event
made known.
I am confident their Lordships will see my uneasy
THE GRAVES PAPERS
situation in its full extent, and grant me the liberty and
indulgence I sue for. —
I am Sir
Your most Obedient
And most Humble Servant
THOS. GRAVES.
Philip Stephens Esqr., Secretary to the Admiralty.
Endorsed 4 May 1782 Rear Adml. Graves
July by the | Vigilant Packet.
12
Minute 9 Augt. | Refer him | to Mr. Stephens Lre of
the 14 | of March last (of | which inclose him a Trip
licate) acquaintg. | him that R. A. Rowley was di
rected to give him | permission to return to | England.
| Send Triplicate of Mr. | Stephens's Lre of the same
date to R. A. Rowley.
[ PHILIP STEPHENS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES1 ]
I4th March 1782.
Sir:
I have received and communicated to My Lords
Commis'rs of the Adm'ty your Letter of the 2Oth of
December giving an account of your proceedings in the
1 Admiralty 2, 575, p. 68.
[1623
THE GRAVES PAPERS
London from the time of your leaving New York to
your arrival at Jamaica, and inclosing a List of the
Prizes taken by the Cruizers on the North American
Station between the aoth of August and 3ist of October
last.
In return to the observations you have made upon
being superceeded in the Command in North America
by a Junior Officer and sent to the Jamaica Station
where you can only serve in the Second Post their Lord
ships are pleased to direct me to acquaint you that you
are much mistaken if you apprehend that they thereby
meant to convey any disapprobation of your Conduct;
for nothing could be more distant from their thoughts.
They conceived that the sending you to Jamaica, as it
continued you in active Service, would be received as
a mark of their Attention, to you, and that the recalling
you to England upon Rear Admiral Digby's arrival at
New York might have created a suspicion that your
Conduct was not approved.
The Commanders-in-Chief at the Leeward Islands,
and Jamaica were both Senior Officers to you ; For their
Lordships, at the time they made that Arrangement,
did not know that Sir George Rodney would come to
England; So that there was no alternative, but to recall,
or send you to serve under a Senior Officer. But as
their Lordships find by your Letter abovementioned
that you feel yourself uneasy in your present situation,
And as they conclude that the mode in which you wish
to be relieved in the anxiety of your mind, tho' not
directly expressed, is the having permission to return
to England, they have given direction to Rear Admiral
Rowley to allow you to come home with the first Con-
THE GRAVES PAPERS
voy he sends to England, or in any other manner that
may be more agreeable to your inclination.1 I am, &c.
P. S.
Rear Admiral Graves, Jamaica.
By the Preston
23'd Apr. 82.
Duplicate sent under Cover to Mr. Bell
at Falmouth, to go by the May Pacquet.
Triplicate by the Pacquet roth August 1782.
THE LONDON'S JOURNAL
From the ist to the i2th day of September, 1781.
S. Hemmans, Master.2
Saturday, September i, 1781.
Sandy Hook N 24 W Dist. 24 Leagues. Modt
Breezs throughout Anchd. here ye Solebay & Huzssare
YZ past 3 PM Weighed with y Rist of our Squad & ran
out over y Bar & Jond. Adml. Hood Fleet who Saluted
us with 15 Guns which we Returnd. hoistd. in ye.
Long Boat & Md. ye Sigl. for all, Lieut at 7 Bore away
& M Sail Standing to y Suthwrd in all 19 Sail of y Line
1 Graves did not start from the West Indies until July 25, when
he sailed from Bluefields, Jamaica, in charge of a great convoy of
merchantmen and met the disastrous gale mentioned in the Introduc
tion. He reached Plymouth October 17, 1782, and on the 2ist was
ordered to strike his flag.
2 Admiralty Logs, 2383.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
a fity Gun Ship & Some Frigts with a Fier Ship. Saw
Strang Sails in Diferant Points of y Compass which
we Chaced. But Did Not Com up with Sound. 24
Fath fine clear sand
Wednesday, September 5, 1781.
Cape Henry W. y2 South Dist. 4 or 5 Leagues. Fresh
Breezs. & Cloudy y Middle & Latter Mod & Clear at
6 AM Made ye Richmond & Soelbay Sigl. to Com
within Hail Sent them to Look Into Chesepeek for y
Enmiens Fleet y2 past 9 ye. Solebay Md ye. Sigl. for
a Fleet in ye. S W y> Past 10. Md y. Preparative Sigl.
for Action at 10 ms. after to Call In all Cruzeres at n
Discoverd. a fleet of Large Ships at Anchor in Lynn
haven Bay Md y Sigl for a Line a Head at 2 Cables
Dist. formd. ye. Line & Standing for Lynn haven Bay
at ye. Same time Clearing Ship & Geting Ready for
Action
Thursday, September 6, 1781.
Cape Henry W. b S. Dist 3 Leagues. Modt. & fair
throughout y> past 12 Discovered ye Enmieny Geting
Under Sail % Past I2 Md. y Sigl. for the Line a head
at i Cables Lenght Asunder at i Hauld Down y Sigl.
for Y Line & Md. y Sigl. to form an East & West Line
at i Cable Lenght at 8 Min past Md. ye. Sigl. for y
Rear Division Adi. Drake to make Moor Sail y ware
Inclinable to Be Squaly took a Reef in the Topsails 20
Min past i Md y Sigl. for ye. Leading Ship Lead more
THE GRAVES PAPERS
to Starboard 25 Min past i Repd. ye. Sigl for ye. Rear
of ye. Fleet to Make More Sail ]/2 past i Md. ye Center
[Centaur] Sigl. to keep in her Station 35 Min past i
md y Sigl. for ye. Leading Ships to Lead more Larg
39 Min past i md. y Resolution, America & Bedford
Sigl. to Get in their Station at 2 found ye Enmeyes to
Consist of 24 Sail of y Line And 2 Frigats thire Van
Bore S' 3 Miles Standing to ye. Eastward with their
Larboard Tacks On Board in a Line a Head at 4 Min
past 2 finding our Van Approaching to Nere a Shole
Calld. y Middle Ground Md. ye. Preparative Sigl. to
Veer 15 Min After Md. y Sigl. & Woor together
Brought too In Order to let y Centure of y Emneys
Ships Com a Brest of us 21 Min after Made ye. Bed
ford Sigl. to gett in her Station y2 past md. ye. Sigl.
for ye. Leading Ships to Lead More to Starboard 40
Min After Made ye. Salamander Fire Ship Sigl. to
Prime 52 Min After made ye. Royal Oak Sigl. to keep
ye. Line 55 Min after md. y' Terrible Sigl. to gett into
her Station 56 Min After md. y Princessa Sigl. also at
3 md. y Alcide Sigl. Likwise at 17 Min Starboard 27
After Md. y' Sigl. for y Rear of y fleet to fill y2 past 3
Md. y Sigl. for ye. Ships a Stern to make more Sail
34 Min After Md. ye. Sigl. for ye. Ships of y Van to
keep More to Starboad. 46 Min After Md. ye. Sigl.
for a Line a head at i Cable Lenght ye Enmemy Ship
Advancing Very Slow & Even Approaching y' Adml.
Judging this to be Momant of Attack Md. ye. Sigl. for
ye Ships to Bear Down & Engage filld. ye. Main Top
sail & Bore Down to y Enmemy 3 Min After Repd.
[repeated] it 11 Min after hauld Down ye. Sigl. for y
Line a Head that it it Might not interfear with y Sigl.
to Engage Close $4 past 4 y Van & Center of our fleet
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Cummencd. ye. Action 22 Min After Hoistd. y Sigl.
again for y Line a Head y Ships not Sufficiantly Ex-
tendd. 27^ hauld it Down again & Md. ye. Sigl. for
a Close Action. 40 Min After Md. y Royl. Oak Sigl.
to keep her Station. 1 1 After 5 md. y Montagu Sigl.
to keep her Station 26 Min After Repd. y Sigl. for a
Closer Action ^ past our Rear Bore away 35 Min
After Md. ye. Solebay & Fortunens Sigl. to Come
within hail 15 Min past 6 y Adml. Sent y Solebay to
ye. Ships in y Rear & ye Fortunee to y Ships in y Van
with Orders for y Ships to keep in a Parallel with y
Emnemy and Well a Breast of them. During ye. Night
& in ye. Morning when he md. y Sigl. for a Close Ac
tion that evry Ship would be as nere ye. Enmey as Pos-
able 23 Min After Md. ye. Sigl. for a Line a Head at
i Cables Lenght aSunder & Hauld Down ye. Sigl. for
a Close Action y2 past 6 ye fier ceasd. on Bout Sides
y2 past 7 Md. y Night Sigl. for ye. Line a head at 2
Cables Length Asunder at y Montagua hail us and
Said She Could not keep y Line Being so Much Dam
age at 10 y Fortunee Informd. ye. Adml. that ye. Shrews
bury had ye. Capt. and Many Men Woundd. & ye. first
Lieutanent Killed. Bouth her topsail yards Shot away &
was than Impld. getting outhers up & that ye Intrepd.
was Much Disabld. in Every Respect ye. Princessa
Main Topmast So Much Damagd as to Expect evry
Moment to fall at 7 Cape Henry N W Dist 3 Leagues,
at 8 found our Four & Main Mast Dangerous by
Wounds Standing & Runing Rigging Much Cut ye.
Iner Gammoning of ye. Bowsprite Shot a Through
Sails much Damegd. 3 Guns Dismountd. one of which
was thrown over Board we had 2 Men Kill'd & 18
Woundd. at Midnight ye. Enemy to Leeward.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Friday, September 7, 1781.
Modt. & Clear y Van of y Enmey fleet South & y
Rair W S W & y. Appeared in a Line a Head on y
Larboard Tack ye. Kings Ships in a Parallel Line with
them & a Breast at 6 Md. ye. Orpheus Sigl. for her
Capt ye. Nymph Repd. ye. Shrewsbury Sigl. to Speak
ye. Adml. Md. y- Solebay & Medea Sigl. for their
Capts. Adml. Drake Hoistd. his Flag on Board ye.
Alcide Sailmakers Employd. Repairing ye. Sails.
Saturday, September 8, 1781.
Mod & Cloudy W. at 1 1 A M Saw y land Bearing
W B S Dis 6 or 7 Miles at 50 Min past md. y Sigl. for
ye. Van of y fleet to Make More Sail at Noon y Emeny
Tackd their Centure S B E aBaut 8 Miles Md. ye.
Preparative Sigl. for ye. fleet to tack md. y Sigl. &
Tackd. together md. y to form a Quarter Line
Sunday, September 9, 1781.
D W ye Enemys fleet S S E Dist 4 or 5 Leags. y2 past
7 AM Md. y Sigl. to make More Sail at 10 AM Partd.
Compy. ye. Richmond & Iris y2 past 1 1 y Terrible Md.
y Sigl. of Distress Ansd. Do. & Sent ye. Orpheus & For-
tunie to her Assistance.
Tuesday, September n, 1781.
Light Breezs. & fair Wr. at 7 PM Md. y Sigl. for all
Lieut, hoisted out y Long boat Reed, from H M S
[168]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Terrible 12 Marines & 30 Barrels of Powder and Som
Gunners Stores.
Wednesday, September 12, 1781.
Light Airs & Fogy PM Reed, from His M S In-
trepd. 13 Seaman Md. ye. Sigl. for all Officers to Re
pair on Boad. y2 past 8 H M S Terrible was Set on
Fire y2 past 9 Md. y Night Sigl. to make More Sail at
10 Sent ye. Fortunie ahead to ye. fleet md. y Fortunie
& Orpheus Sigl. to within Hail.
£169:1
The Lon
From the 1st to the I2t
S. Hemmaru
H
K
F
Courses
Winds
Sound
ings
Colour of the Ground
WN \A7
2
i> vv
3
4
5
6
NW K N
\J
VV L) i>
7
8
CJ
9
I
I
South
Nb W
10
2
2
«
»
16
fine brown Sand
ii
I
3
«
«
17
fine White do.
12
I
4
"
"
I
4
3
u
NbE
13
2
4
4
S EbEJE
NN E
15
"
3
5
u
SE
N E
16
"
4
5
2
u
u
21
21
5
5
"
"
"
22
"
6
5
«
«
u
21
«
7
2
4
{<
u
/
«
"
21
8
3
4
SSE
11
21
9
6
u
So.
"
23
10
6
"
"
«
24
1 1
3
"
S W h W
<(
2
3
o vv u vv
12
5
24
don's Log
day of September, iy8il
Master
Remarks &c Saturday Sepr. ist 1781
Modte. Breezes & Cloudy Wr. Anchd. here H M. Ship
Hussar & Solebay from New York Discharged 43 Men
into the Hussar
Made the Sigl. & Got under Weigh & run Over the Barr
Joind. the Squadn. under the Command of Adml. Hood
returned Adml. Hood's Salute with 13 Guns hoisted in
the Longboat Made the Sigl. for all Lts.
Bore away as did the Fleet.
the Never sunk N W b N 5 Leags.
the Fortunee made the Sigl. for a Strange Sail
made the Solebays Sigl. to Chace & the Fortunee.
Made the Richmond's & Solebay 's Sigl. to join the Fleet
Latd. Obsd. 39° 19' N
in Company with the Ships.
Vizt. Barfleur Rear Adml. Hood, Princessa Rear Adml. Drake Alfred Shrewsbury Amer
ica, Invincible, Monarch Richmond Alcide Adamant Le Nymphe Orpheus, Belliqueux,
Terrible Santa Monica Solebay, Intrepid La Fortunee Resolution Europe Sybile Centaur
Royal Oak Bedford Montagu Ajax Jane Sloop, Salamander Fire Ship
1 Admiralty Logs, No. 2383.
H
K
F
Courses
Winds
Sound
ings
Collour of the Ground
i
4
6
S Wb W
N E
23
fine Gray Sand
21
23
Do.
\
Up
NN
Wof N W
«
3J
24
4
3
"
S WbW
<{
23
5
3
6
"
"
18
6
3
4
"
«
7
i
6
S S W
E b S
20
/
i
6
8
3
6
"
< i
19
fine White Sand
9
3
«
lt
"
20
10
3
4
u
"
21
ii
2
4
"
11
24
12
2
"
( <
"
24
I
3
< i
"
"
25
2
3
"
"
u
25
3
3
"
11
«
23
4
2
4
C(
"
24
5
2
«
"
N N E
24
6
I
4
11
«
24
7
I
"
S W
«
24
8
2
6
u
* '
25
9
I
4
"
11
24
10
I
"
"
{<
24
Dark brown Sand
ii
"
6
"
"
24
12
11
4
"
"
24
CI723
Remarks, &c. Sepr 2d, 1781
Modte. & Clear Sent the Princessa & Barfleur fresh Beef
the Nymph made the Sigl. for seeing the Land Opened
4 barrels of Pork Contents 416 Short 5 ps.
Made the Fortunee's Sigl. to Chace and also the Nymph
& Sybil
Several Strange Sails in Sight.
the America to Chace
Performed Divine Service Light Airs & Variable
Latd. Osbd. 38° 33' N
H
K
F
Courses
Winds
Collour of the Ground
I
I
ws w
So.
2
I
WbS
Sb W
3
I
26
4
I
26
5
2
20
Coarse brown Sand
6
2
3
19
7
3
3
WbS
14
8
3
16
Large Gravel
9
3
2
17
10
3
6
17
White Sand
ii
3
3
S D JE
17
12
3
SE
ss w
19
I
2
4
19
2
I
6
18
3
2
21
4
2
19
5
I
2O
6
I
21
7
I
21
8
2
4
SEbE
S Wb W
24
9
2
4
WbS
Sb W
23
10
2
23
ii
2
4
19
12
3
4
Wt.
S S W
19
c 174:1
Remarks &c. Sepr. 3d, 1781
Light Airs
2 Strange Sail in the S W
Call'd in all Cruizers
Modte. & Hazey
Made the Sigl & Tkd.
the Medea joind the Fleet with a Prize Brig
Made the Nymph's Sigl. to Chace
Made the Sigl. & Tkd.
parted Compy. with the Medea & her Prize & the Iris
Modte. Breezes & Cloudy
Latd. Obsd. 38° 20' N
H
K
F
Courses
Winds
Sound
ings
Collour of the Ground
I
3
I
Wb S
Sb W
17
fine Wt. Sand
2
3
4
15
3
3
12
4
2
6
SE JE
12
5
3
12
6
3
4
SE
ss w
19
7
3
4
21
8
3
22
9
3
4
S Eb S
S Wb S
23
10
3
S S E
S W
25
ii
2
5
30
12
2
4
S Eb S
S WbS
34
I
I
N WbN
4
2
2
4
WbN
S WbS
37
3
3
3
32
4
3
2
24
5
3
25
6
3
4
Wb N JN
24
7
6
25
8
3
4
WbN
17
9
3
6
15
10
3
3
S S E
S W
16
ii
2
7
16
12
2
6
16
Remarks &c. Tuesday Sepr. 4th. 1781
Modte. & Cloudy Answd. the Nymph's Sigl. for Seeing
the Land.
Saw the Land Made the Sigl & Tkd. Opened a Cask
of Beef, Contts 208 pieces.
Answd the Nymph's Sigl. for 3 Sail in the NE
Made the Sigl. for the Ships to Windward to bear
down on the Admls. Wake
Fresh Breezes & Cloudy
Made the Sigl. & Tkd
Fresh Gales & Cloudy
Made the Nymph's Sigl. to keep 2 Points on the
Larbd. Bow & the Sana. Monica to look out in the S E
Saw the Land Made the Sigl. & Tkd.
Fresh Breezes & Cloudy
Latd. Obsd. 38° 15' N
D77]
H
K
F
Courses
Winds
Sound
ings
Collour of the Ground
I
2
6
S b E J E
S Wb W
19
2
2
4
SSE
S W
17
3
3
6
WJN
SS W
17
4
2
6
18
5
3
4
NWbN
16
6
I
6
South
N W
16
I
7
I
4
S W JW
W N W
16
8
I
4
South
16
9
2
5
s w
16
10
3
4
N W
18
ii
5
6
16
12
4
4
ss w
N N W
16
I
4
4
17
2
5
2
N N E
17
3
6
18
4
6
23
5
6
4
15
6
6
3
s w
16
7
5
4
16
8
5
3
13
10
9
4
4
S Wb W
16
15
10
ii
12
D78 3
Remarks &c Wednesday, Sepr. 5th, 1781
Fresh Breezes & Hazey Saw 2 Sail in the S E
Made the Sigl. & Tack'd
Answd. Sana. Monica's Sigl. for Seeing the Land
Made the Sigl. to Call in all Cruizers
Made the Sigl. & Tkd.
Modt. & Cloudy
Fresh Gales & Cloudy People Empd. Scrubing their Hammocks
Made the Fortunee's Sigl. to Chase to the S E
Made the Nymph's Sigl. to keep 2 points on the Larbd. Bow
The Solebay made the Sigl. for a Fleet in the S W. Cape
Henry Wt. 6 Leags. Made the Sigl. to prepare for Action
& to Call in all Cruizers Discovered a Fleet of Large Ships
at Anchor near Cape Henry Made the Sigl for the Line
of Battle ahead at 2 Cables Length.
At Noon Cape Henry W l/2 S 4 or 5 Leages.
H
K
F
Courses
Winds
Remarks &c.
I
4
3
WbS
N N E
Modte. & fair J^ past 12 dis-
'
the Sigl. for the Line ahead
the Line ahead, and Made
At 8 Min. after I Made the Sigl.
the Weather inclining to be
I made the Sigl. for the leading
the Sigl. for the Rear of the
to keep her Station. 35 M. past
39 Minutes past I Made the
2
2
o
u
«
their Station. At 2 found the
and 2 frigates their Van bearing
board Tacks on board, in a
approaching too near a Shoal
to Wear 1 1 M. Afterwards made
to let the Center of the Enemy's
Bedford's Sigl. to Get into
-ing Ship to lead more to
to Prime 52 M. Made the
the Terribles Sigl. to Get into
3
and at 3 made the Alcide's
for the Van Ship to keep
the Fleet to fill ^2 past 3
more Sail. 34 M. made
Starbd. 46 Min. Made the Sigl.
*
Ships advancing very Slow
£180:1
Thursday, Sepr. 6th. 1781
covered the Enemy's Fleet getting under Sail Made
i Cable length distant At I hauld down the Sigl. for
the Sigl to form an Et. & Wt. Line at I Cable length
for the Rear Division (Adml. Drake) to make more Sail.
Squally took a Reef in the T. Sails 20 Minutes past
Ship to lead more to Starbd. 25 Min. past I Rept.
Fleet to make more Sail ^ past I the Centaur's Sigl.
I the Sigl. for the leading Ship to lead more Large.
Resolution's America & Bedford's Sigl. to Get into
Enemy's fleet to Consist of 24 Ships of the Line
So. 3 Miles standing to the Eastward with their Lar-
Line ahead. At 4 Minutes past 2 rinding our Van
(called the Middle Ground) made the preparitive Sigl.
the Sigl. and Wore together, brought to in Order
Ships come abreast of us 21 M. past 12. Made the
her Station y2 past 2 made the Sigl. for the lead-
Starbd. 40 M. Past 2 Made the Salamander's Sigl.
Royal Oak's Sigl. to keep the Line 55 Min: Made
her Station 56 M. Made the Princessa's Sigl. also
Sigl. likewise At 17 Minutes past 3 Repd. the Sigl.
to Starbd. 27 M. Made the Sigl. for the Rear of
made the Sigl. for the Ships A Stern to Make
the Sigl. for the Ships in the Van to keep more to
for a Line ahead at I Cable length the Enemys
and evening approaching the Adml. judging this to
H
K
F
Courses
Winds
Remarks, &c.
be the Moment of attack made
4
their Opponents, filld. the Main
repeated it. 1 1 M. hauld down
interfere with the Sigl. to Engage
rt
£
-menced the Action 22 M.
not being Sufficiently extended.
5
w
<u
for close Action, 40 Min. the Royal
0
her Station. 20 Min. Repd. the
6
1
JS
09
.9"
c/a
Min. Made the Solebay's &
6 the Adml. Sent the Solebay
those in the Van with Orders
the Enemy and well abreast
Line I Cable length and haul'd
7
ceased on both Sides % past
9
2
6
S E b E
N EbE
Cables length assunder. at 9
the Line being so much
10
2
6
The Fortunee inform'd the
and many Men wounded
and was then Empd. getting
in every Respect. The
as to Expect it every
3 Leagues. Found our
-ing and Running Rigging
Shot through Sails Much
thrown over board, 2 Men
Thursday, Sepr. 6th. 1781
the Sigl. for the Ships to bear down and Engage
Topsail & bore down to the Enemy. 3 Min. past 4
the Sigl. for the Line ahead that it might not
close 54 Past 4 tne Van & Center of our Fleet corn-
hoisted the Sigl. again for the Line ahead the Ships
27 M. haul'd down the Sigl. for the Line ahead and made the Sigl.
Oaks Sigl. to keep her Station i M past 5 the Montagu's to get into
Sigl. for Close action y2 past our Rear bore up 35
Fortunee's Sigl. to come within Hail. 15 Min past
to the Ships in the Rear and the Fortunee to
for the Ships to keep in a parallel Line with
of them during the Night 23 Min. Sigl. for the
down the Sigl for Close Action y2 past the fire
7 made the Night Sigl. for the Line ahead 2
the Montagu Hail'd Said She could not keep
Damaged.
Adml. that the Shrewsbury had the Captain
& first Lt. Killed both his Topsail Yds shot away,
One up the Intrepid was much disabled
Princessa's Main Topmast so much Wounded
Moment to fall. At 7 Cape Henry N W
Main & Fore Mast Dangerously Wounded Stand-
much Cutt. Inner Gammoning of the Bowsprit
Damaged 3 Guns Dismounted One of Which was
Killed & 1 8 Wounded at 9 Modte. & Clear the
H
K
F
Courses
Winds
Remarks, &c
Van of the Enemy's
II
3
I
S r. ff F;
E N E
in a Line ahead
them and abreast
12
2
4
S E
"
Do. Wr. the French
I
I
2
«
«
2
2
4
«
u
3
2
2
SE JS
«
4
2
3
"
»
Do. Wr. the French
5
2
3
«
"
Made the Sigl.
6
I
4
SE
f(
Made the Orpheus's
7
I
6
«
»
the Nymph Repd.
the French Fleet
8
I
6
«
«
Made the Adamant's
9
I
4
«
«
Made the Solebay's
10
I
4
«
"
of our Van much
-ing the Main-
ii
I
6
«
«.
Made the Alcide
Line
12
I
4
u
The French Fleet
Septr. 6th. 1781
Fleet South & the Rear W S W and Appear'd
on the Larboard Tk our Ships parallel with
Fleet to Leeward about 3 Miles
Fleet as above
for forming a Line a Battle ahead
Sigl. for her Captain
the Shrewsburys Sigl. to Speak the Adml.
extending in a Line to Leeward
Sigl. to Come within Hail
& Medea's Sigl. for their Captains Observed some
Disabled Empd. Reeving & Splicing the Rigging fish-
mast, &c.
& Princessa's Sigl. to change Stations in the
to Leeward about 5 Miles parrallel \vith Ours
H
K
F
Courses
Winds
ound-
ings
Remarks, &c
I
2
E S E
N E
15
Modt. Breezs. & Clear Wr.
2
2
3
u
u
15
Lmpd. Repairg ye. Rigging
3
2
2
((
«
15
Jnbent ye. fore topsail &
4
2
u
( (
< <
16
Do. Wr. Sett T Gt. Sails &
5
I
4
S Eb S
E b N
«
ye. Signl. for ye. Line ahead
6
2
«
7
2
«
SE
E N E
«
Do. Wr. in T. Gt. Sails
8
I
6
< t
«
17
9
I
3
«
< t
18
Light Airs & Cloudy, ye. Van
10
I
2
(^
< <
18
ii
I
3
< <
«
19
Hd. Ship & Sett top Gallt.
12
I
«
EN E
SE
21
Do. W
I
I
4
EbW
S E bS
18
2
I
4
(i
u
17
hauld. Down ye. Sigl. for ye.
3
Sh
ps h
ead from Ea
Calm
t to North
< <
at ye f rench fleet in Sight
4
((
«
«
i i
u
Light Airs & Cloudy Wr. with
5
Sh
ps h
ead from N
E to S E
((
at 5 made ye. Day Sigl. for
6
«
«
< c
«
u
7
«
«
«
u
1 1
8
Sh
ps
ead S to S W
«
Do. Wr. ye. Center of ye.
9
D
0. f
om W S W
to E b S
S b W Dist 4 Leagues
10
22
Made Severl. Ships Sigl. for
ii
Up
S S
E off E S
E
Md. ye Sigl. to Veer Do.
12
Up
WN
W off SW
b S
22
Do. Wr. empd. Repairing ye.
N W
Friday, Sept. yth. 1781
Carpenters Empd. fishing the Main mast Seaman
ye. f rench fleet in sight
Bent Anouther
out first Reef Mizen Sail at Sun Sett haul'd Down
made ye. Night Sigl. for ye. Line ahead
J Melcomb.
Ship Kd. & ye Line tacking in succession
Sails
C. P.
Line ahead
Bearing S b W 2 Leags. J. Luck
lighting in ye S E Qr. ye. Enemy's fleet Still in Sight
ye Line ahead.
J. Melcomb
Enemys fleet
Sail Maker Empd. Repairing ye Sails
Officers ye. Carpenters Empd. fishing ye foremast
Veerd. Ship to ye Wtd.
Riging J. Luck
Lattd. Obsd. 36 08 No. C P
[1873
H
K
F
Courses
Winds
Sound
ings
Remarks, &c.
I
Up Wb
S S W
Modt. Breezs. & fair mad ye.
2
Off WN
W
to get into her Station Rould-
3
2
West
19
ye. Line of Battle ahead & Md.
4
3
18
8 to I at a Quarter past 3 hauld
5
2
J. Melcomb
15
ahead at 2 Md. ye. Sigl. for ye.
6
2
for ye. Leading Ships to keep
7
2
3
16
West 4 or 5 Leags. Made ye.
8
I
4
SE
S S W
17
of ye Land from W b N to
9
I
4
16
of Battle ahead
C P.
10
I
4
17
ii
I
4
SEb S
S WbS
18
12
I
4
20
Modt. Breezs. and fine
I
2
SSE
S W
23
2
2
2
SbE
SWbW
at }/2 past 2 ye. Solebay hauld
3
2
4
Van of Them Bore South &
4
2
4
S JE
Do and. Wr. Saw ye. flash of
5
2
2
6
2
South
WS W
Saw 3 Strang Sail in ye
7
2
8
2
4
19
Do. wear. Made ye Sigl. and wore
9
3
No.
19
Opend. 4 Barrels of Beef Con-
10
3
N W
17
to Bear Down into ye Adml.
ii
2
W N W
S W
17
Saw ye Land from ye. Mast
ye fleet to Make more Sail at
12
2
I7
Private Sigl. for ye fleet together
and Quarter Line.
Sunday 8 Sept. 1781
Sigl. for ye. Line of Battle 10 Min After Made ye Oarspus Sigl.
ing ye. fore Mast at 1 8 Mints, before one hauld. Down ye. Sigl. for
ye. Sigl. for ye. Division on ye. Starb tack to lead on ye. Larboard
Down ye. Sigl. for Veering ye. Line & ans. Sigl. for ye. Line of Battle
Van to fill Upon ye. Wind at 20 Min past 2 Made ye. Sigl.
ye Wind 10 Min after hauld it Down Saw ye. Land Bear
Sigl. for ye. Van to tack at 7 Modt. & Hazy Tkd. Ship ye. Extremes
S b E Dist at 4 Lea at 7 Made ye Night Sigl. to keep ye Line
wear. J. Luck
us to acquaint ye. Adi. ye. french fleet had Just tackd. & ye.
they Appeard. to be Stearing from ye. wind
a Gun Bearing East J. Melcombe
N.E.
Ship ye. Van of ye. Enemy South ye Rear E S E Dis. 6 or 7 Miles
-tents 208 pieces ^2 past 8 Made ye. Sigl. for ye. to Windward
Wake
head bearing W b S 6 Leags. Dist 50 M pt 1 1 Made ye Sigl. for ye Van of
Noon ye Enemy Tackd. their Center S b E Dist at 8 Mile Md ye
10 After made ye Sigl. and Tackd. and Md. ye Sigl. to form ye Bow
JLuck
Latt Obsd. 36° 4 North
1 189:1
H
K
F
Sound
ings
Courses
Winds
Remarks &c.
I
I
4
So.
WS W
Mod & Cloudy Wr.
2
I
4
SE
Vble
Squally with Thunder &
3
(i
Up
N Woff
WD
H M S Iris Medea Pegasus
4
(i
«
21
Do. Wr. Made ye Singl to
5
Up
E b S
off S E
N EbN
Contents 336 pieces Short
6
«
19
Do. Wr. Enemys fleet S S E
8
I
4
EastN
N E
Do. Md. Sail got Down top
9
3
2
10
3
4
23
partd. Company ye Richmond
ii
3
handed ye Mizen Top
12
2
6
30
Fresh Breezs. & Cloudy
i
2
6
2
2
6
3
2
6
EbS JS
NEbN
4
2
6
Fresh Breezs. & Cloudy
5
2
5
Do. W at daylight ye
6
2
6
E S E
N E
ye fleet H M S Richmond
7
3
y2 past 7 Made ye Sigl
8
i
ii
N WbN
Fresh Breezs & Clear Wr.
9
3
N N W
10
2
4
Split ye Mizen T Sail
ii
3
N b W
N EbE
Md. ye Pegasus Sigl.
12
2
4
40
Handd. ye fore & Main top
And sent ye Fortunee & Orpheus
& Cloudy
[190]
Sunday gih. Septr. 1781
Lighting & Rain Close Reefd. ye topsails Joind. ye fleet
ye. Center of ye french fleet S S E Dist 4 Leagus.
Veerd. Do. Wore Ship I Send a Cask of Port No. 6 C C
8 pieces.
Dist 4 or 5 Leags. % past 7 Md. ye Sigl. to Make Sail
Gt. Yards J Luck
&Iris
Sail
Weather with rain
Enemys Fleet bore South Dist 4 Leags Missing from
&Iris
& Ship
ye Center of ye Enemys fleet S b E Dist 4 Leag
Unbent it and Bent a Nouther
for ye Captain
Sails at Noon ye Terrible Md. ye Sigl. of Dist. Ansd. Do.
to her Asistance. French Fleet S S E 4 or 5 Leas. Fresh Gails
Latt Obs 35-48 N
H
K
F
Sound
ings
w.
Courses
Remarks &c.
I
Up
off
Nb W
N W
N E b E
Fresh Breezs. & Cloudy
2
6
Nb W
i W
Made ye Sig'l to Make
3
I
4
25
ahead at too Cables
4
I
5
24
Do. Wear ye Rear of ye
5
I
4
19
N b W
-penters Empd. a Occasionally
6
I
5
15
Do. Wear, ye Center of y
7
i
6
North
E N E
Md. ye Sigl. & Wore Ship
8
2
4
18
SE
The Terrible md. ye Sigl.
9
19
Up S E b E
off S S E
Night Sigl. to Lay By
10
ii
20
12
21
Modt. Breezs. & Cloudy md.
I
2
4
2O
SEbE
N EbE
2
2
4
21
3
2
4
21
4
2
2
21
Fresh Breezs & Cloudy
5
2
5
found Missing from ye
6
2
6
ye Mizen Topsail Md. ye
7
2
4
8
2
6
25
SE
E N E
Do. Wear.
9
2
3
68
,
10
2
5
SEbS
ii
2
6
Got Down ye fore T G
12
I
3
N N E
Do. Wear. Made ye Sigl.
I
3
£192:1
Monday loth. Sept.
More Sail After Lying By an to form ye Line of Battle
Length asunder
Enemy's fleet S E ye Van E b N Dist 9 or 10 Miles ye Car-
Enemy fleet East too or 3 Leags.
Sett ye fore Top Sail ye french fleet E N E Dist 5 or 6 Ms.
to speak ye Adml. Bore Down to Speak her Md. y
on ye Larb tack
ye Sigl. to make Sail After Lying By
fleet ye Pegasus & Solebay french fleet out or Sight Sett
Montague Sigl. to into her Station
mat and Got up a Nouther
and Tackd.
LattObsd. 35 15 C R
H
K
F
Sound
ings
Courses
Winds
Remarks, &c.
I
2
no
Ground
N N E
East
Modt. Breezs. and Cloudy
2
I
6
75
3
I
5
l/2 pt. 3 Made y Sigl for
4
6
5
]UP
N
NE o
ff N N W
6
|Up
No.
off
N W
E N E
Do. Wear. Opend. a Cask of
J
Making After Lying by
7
Up
No. off
N N W
8
2
23
NJW
9
2
23
10
2
i
22
North
ii
I
4
22
N bE
Eb N
12
I
6
22
Light. Breezs. & fine Weather
I
I
6
22
2
2
22
3
I
6
22
4
I
"
22
Light. Airs Do. Wear.
5
I
«
25
Out 3d. reef Topsails
6
1'
Up Nb W
off N NW
Brot. too Maintop sail to ye Mast
7
8
J
24
9
1
Up N bE
off N W
Empd. Supplying Difft. Ships
10
J
The Terrible leakd. so much
ii
23
East
at 1 1 Saw ye Land Bearing
12
Up N N E
off N NW
Do. Wear. Receivd. from H M S
Tuesday nth. Sept 1781
Weekly Accounts
JLuck
Beef Contents 208 pieces 8 Short at 7 md. ye Sigl. for
C. P. J Melcombe
JLuck
J Melcombe
at 7 Md. ye Sigl. for all Lieuts. hoistd. out ye Long Boat
with Water Supplyd ye Alcide with 20 tun of Water
that ye fleet was Impd. in getting her Stores out of her
W N W Dist 7 Leags.
Terrible 12 Merines 30 Barralls of Powder & some Guners Stores. J. Luck.
Latt Obs 35-30 North
[1953
H
K
F
Sound
ings
W.
Courses
Remarks &c.
I
Up
N E off E b
E E S E
Light Airs & Clear Wr
2
Up
EbNoffN
E bE SEbS
3
Up
E off N E b
E S S E
4
Up
E S E off E
bE S
Do. Wr. Sett ye Lowr. and
5
6
Md. ye Sigl. for all Officers
7
Up
S E off E b
S S S W
8
Do. Wr. y* past 8 H M Ship
9
20
to make Sail at 10 Sent
10
I
4
21
No
S S W
ii
4
4
21
"
"
12
4
5
21
«
"
Modt. & Clear Wr.
I
4
3
22
2
4
4
22
3
4
6
21
4
4
4
21
"
"
Do. W. C. P.
5
6
21
S W
6
5
6
2O
N N W i
w
Squally with Rain Md. ye
7
4
4
18
N WbN
W S W
Got up T. Gt. Yards
8
4
«
16
N W
Modt. & Cloudy Wr. Md. ye
9
3
4
16
N N W
Wt.
lett ye Reefs out of the
10
2
4
16
Sett T Gt Sails
ii
2
2
19
Nb E
N Wb W
12
I
2O
N E
N N W
D96]
Wendsday I2th Sept. 1781
Recvd from H M S Intrepid 13 Seaman
Topmast Shouds
to Repair on Board their Respective Ships. C P
Terrible was Sett on fier at J^ past 9 Md. ye Night Sigl.
ye Fortunie a head to Lead ye fleet
J Melcombe
Midias Sig to Com within Hail
Orphues & Fortunee Sigl. to Come within hail
Topsails
J. Melcombe
Latt Obsd. 36-44 N The Fleet in Company
CI973
THE GRAVES PAPERS
A LOG BOOK OF HIS MAJESTY'S SHIP BARFLEUR BETWEEN
THE 1ST AND THE IlTH OF SEPTEMBER, 1781,
BY SAML. BLYTH MASR.1
September ist, 1781
Moderate Breezes and Cloudy y2 past 2 the La
Nymph came out of the Hook, at 3 Adml. Graves got
under Way. Hove into % of a Cable, y± past 4. Saluted
Admiral Graves with 13 Guns and Weighd. Join'd. Com
pany the London, (Adml. Graves) Europa, Royal Oak,
Bedford, America, Adamant, Richmond, and Solebay.
at 8. pm Sandy Hook Lighthouse West 5 or 6 Miles.
24 past 8 Wore pr. Sigl. y2 past 9 Set T:Gt: sails —
at 10. Out ad. Reefs TrSails Sandy Hook Light house
W N W y2 W & Never Sunk W S W— Set MrSail.
at 12 the Adml. E B S, and the High land of Never
Sunk W y2 N 3 Leagues — In T:Gt: sails and down
Stay sails — y2 past i AM the Admll. bearing 4 pt. be
fore the Beam — at 2 Haul'd up & Made Sail to get in
Our Station, at 3 Admiral South — Shortned Sail. y2
past 8 Set Top Gt: Sails. In Company — London, Prin-
cessca, Alfred, Belliqueax, Invincible, Monarch, Cen
taur, America, Resolution, Bedford, Royal Oak, Mon
tague, Europe, Terrible, Ajax, Alcide, Intrepid,
Shrewsbury, Adamant, Santamonica, La Fortunee, La
Nymph, Sybil, Richmond, Solebay, Jane & Salaman
der.
1 Admiralty Logs, No. 2160.
CI983
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Signals Made
At y2 past i Made the St. Amonica's Sigls. for her Cap
tain. 3/4 past 2, For the Masters of the Invincible,
Monarch, Resolution & Montaqua. y2 past 3. The
Sigl. to Weigh — at 5 Admiral Graves Made the Sigl.
for all Lieutenants — y2 past 8. Admirals made the Sigl.
to Make Sail, after laying by. y2 past 8 to Alter the
Course, repeated both the Sigls.
AM — at 2. Adml. Made the Sigl. to Alter the Course 4
points, at 5 Adml. Made the La Fortunee's to look out
ahead, and the St. Amonica's to look out 2 pts. on the
Larboard Bow — And at 7. the Solebay's to Chace to
Windwd., y2 past 7 the Richmond's to Look out 2
points on the Starboard Bow — at 8 the La Fortunee's
to look out in the N.E. Qr. at 25 Minutes past 8. The
Richmonds to Make More Sail — % past 9 to recall the
Richmond 5 : Minutes past 10: the Admiral fir'd a Gun
to inforce the Signal — We repeated the Signal, at the
Same time the La Fortunee fir'd a Gun & Hoisted her
Colours — y2 past 10. Admiral made the La Nymph's to
look out 2 points on the Larboard bow.
September 4th, 1781
Light Breezes and Hazey weather Tack'd Fresh
Breezes and Hazey Adml E B S in 2d. Reefs Top
sails Set the Main Sail.
AM.— Do. Wr. Admiral E S E y2 past 12 Hauld down
the tacking Signal ^ past i AM Tack'd to keep our
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Station. Fresh Breezes and Cloudy weather Adml.
N B W. y^ past 4 up M :Sail at 6. Down Top Gallant
Yards % past 8. Up T:Gt: yards Set T:Gt: Sails y4
past 9. Tack'd & Out 2d. Reefs of the Topsails % past
10. In T:Gt: Sails Fresh Breezes and Clear weather
In Company as before
Signals Made
P.M. — 20 Minutes past i La Nymph Made the Signal
for Seeing the Land, at 3. Repeated the Sigls. to Tack.
*4 past 5 Shrewsbury Made the Sigl. for a Sail in the
N E Qr. y± past 6 Repeated the Sigl. for the Weather-
most Ships to bear down, at 12 Repeated the Sigl. to
Tack.
AM — at y2 past Repeated the Sigl. Wear at y2 past 7.
Repeated the Sata Monica's Sigl. to Chace in the S E.
% past 8 The Adml. Made the Sigl, for Seeing the
Land, at 9 Repeated the Sigl. to Tack J4 Pa§t 9 Re
peated the La Nymph's Sigl. to look out 2 points on the
Larboard bow. y^ past 8 La Fortunee Made the Sigl.
for Seeing a Sail in ye N. W. Qr.
September 5th, 1781.
Fresh Breezes and Hazey weather y2 past 2 Tack'd
Join'd Company H. M. S. Richmond. % past 3 Set T.
Gt. Sails. Tack'd. Squaly weather. Close Reef'd the
Topsails & Down T. Gt. Yards Thunder Lightening &
rain, at 7. fair weather & Moderate Set the Fore Sail &
[200]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Close Reefd Topsails— at H Admiral S. E. B. S. y* S.
AM. Fresh Breezes and fair weather. Admiral SEE
S ^ S Do. Wr. Latd. 37° 02' No. Out 3d. Reefs of the
Topsails. Let Out the 2d. & ist. Reefs of Topsails. Saw
the Land bearing N W Saw a Strange Sail, in the N E
Qr. standing into the fleet. Saw a Fleet bearing W B S
at Anchor within Cape Henry, at 1 1 Set Studding sails
at Noon all our Fleet in Company. Cape Henry W B S
2 Leagues.
Signals Made.
y2 past i pm Adml. Hood made the Sigl. to a Ship
joining the Fleet — after parting Company, at 2 Re
peated the Signal to Tack. *4 past 5 Repeated the Sigl.
for all Cruizers. 20 Minutes past 5. Repeated the Sig
nal to Tack. y> past 1 1 Repeated the Signal to Alter
the Course One pt. to port, AM. y4 past 6. Adml. Hood
Made the Solebay and Richmonds Signl. to come
within hail. y2 past 6. Adm'l. made the La Fortunee's
Sigl. to Look out in the S E Qr. at 7 for the Nymph to
look out 2 points on the Larboard bow at Do. the Al
fred Made the Sigl. for Seeing the Land, at ^4 Past 9
the Solebay made the Sigl. for a Fleet in the SW Qr. at
10. the Bedford Made the Sigl. for 16 Sail in the SW
Qr. at 5 Minutes past 10. the Admiral Made the Signal
to prepare for Action. The Barfleur repeated the Sigl.
for preparing for Action, and Cleared Ship for Action,
at Do. the Admiral made the Sigl. Call the Cruizers
from the SW Qr. and fifety Minutes past 10 he made
the La Nymph's to come with Hail. Repeated the Sigl.
for the Line ahead at two Cables length asunder.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
September 6th, 1781
Moderate and fair weather. Took in the Studding sails
& first Reefs of the Topsails, at the same time Bunted
the Main Sail, at 2 The Enemy's fleet coming out in a
line ahead standing to the Eastward — at % Past 2>
Wore per Signal as did all the fleet together — Cape
Henry WBS 2 Leagues, at y2 past 3 the Admiral
Hoisted his Colours as did the Fleet — at 4 the Admiral
haul'd down the Signal for Altering the Course as did
the Barfleur. Cape Henry West 2 or 3 Leagues — at }/2
past 4 the Vane [van] Ship began to Engage at the
Same time the Signal was made for Engaging — % past
5 the Enemies Shot went over Us — about 50 Minutes
past 5, the Barfleur & Monarch, Open'd their fire on the
Enemy — 35 Minutes past- 6 Haul'd the wind and
Tack'd to gain Our Station, at 7 retack'd for Do. at y2
past 7 the Solebay past and Ask'd Us where the Alfred
was — 45 Minutes past 7 Observed the Admiral's Night
Signal for the line of Battle, haul'd down the Day Sigl.
The Orpheus join'd the fleet in the time of the Action —
at 10 Shortn'd Sail & y2 past brought too. at 12 fill'd.
The Admiral bearing SE about y2 Miles Dist. the
Enemies Rear Ships, S y2 W 3 Miles — y2 past 12 Set
T:Gt: Sails and Staysails — at 4. the Admiral bore
SEBE Dist. 3 Miles. The Enemy's fleet from SEE to
ESE y2 past 6 in T: Gt: Sails & Back'd the Main T:
sail, at 7. fill'd the Main Topsail — Light Breezes and
Clear — at 9 the Medea Join'd Company, at n. Ad
miral Drake Shiffted his Flag to the Alcide, and the
Princessa and Alcide Change Stations in the Line. Cap
tain Everet came on board the Barfleur. at Noon Light
Airs and fair Weather.
C202H
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Signals.
P.M. at y2 past the Admiral made the Sigl. for the line
ahead, at one Cables length aSunder, which we re
peated, at i the Admiral Made the Sigl. for the line of
bearings East & West a Cables length aSunder. Which
we repeated — J4 Past l tne Admiral made the Sigl. for
the Rear Admiral, and his Division to Make More
Sail — 25 Minutes past i Adml. made the Sigl. to Alter
the Course to port. 29 past i the Admiral made the
Sigl. for the Rear Admiral & his Division to make
more Sail — 32 Minutes past i Adml. made the Cen
taur's Sigl. to keep a more regular line — 36 Minutes
past i. Adml. made the Sigl. to Alter the Course to
Starboard. 40 Minutes past i, Adml. made the Amer
ica's Sigl. for being out of her Station. 45 Minutes past
i. We made the Alfred's Sigl. to make More Sail — 48
Minutes past i. Adml. Drake Made the Intrepid's Sigl.
for being out of her Station. 51 Minutes past i, Re
peated the Sigl. for the line ahead to Cables length
a Sunder, at 6. Minutes past 2 We repeated the Sigl. for
the Fleet to Wear together & came to Sail on the Other
Tack — at 15. past 2 Adml. fir'd a Gun & put his helm a
weather — 52 Minutes past 2 the Adml. made the Sigl.
for the Leading ship to Alter her Course to Starboard —
at 9 Minutes past 3 the Admiral made the Princessa's,
Alcide's and Intrepid's Sigl. to Alter their Course
More to Starboard, at 19 Minutes past 3, the Admiral
fir'd a gun to Enforce the Alcides Sigl. at 29 Minutes
past 3 the Admiral made the Sigl. for the Admiral
commanding in the 2d. part and his Division to make
more Sail. Which we Answer'd and repeated — 31 Min-
utss past 3 Admiral made the Sigl. for the Fleet to
[203]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Alter the Course to Starboard, Which we repeated —
40 Minutes past 3, the Adml. made the Bedford's Sigl.
to Close. 54 Minutes past 3. the Admiral made the Sigl.
for the line ahead one Cables length a Sunder, at 4 the
Admiral Made a Sigl. with a Blue & Yellow
Checquer'd flag with a White pandant over it. at 1 1
Minutes after 4. the Admiral fir'd a gun to Enforce the
Last made Sigl. y\ past 4. We repeated the Signal,
at 17 past 4. We repeated the Sigl. to Engage the En
emy. 55 Minutes past 4. the Admiral Made the Sig
nals for the Alcide to keep her Stations in the Line
More regularly. 20 Minutes past 4. haul'd down the
White pendant & keept the Blue & Yellow Checquer'd
flag flying under the Red flag — 25. Minutes past 5
haul'd down the Sigl. for the Line, at the Same time
the Sigl. for Closer Action was flying. % past 6. the
Admiral Haul'd down the Signal for Closer Action,
and Made the Sigl. for the Line a head at One Cables
length a Sunder which we Answer'd. half past 6. the
Admiral Haul'd down the Signal for Engaging, as did
the Barfleur. 48 Minutes past 6. the Barfleur Made the
Centaur's Sigl. to come to Closer Action, at % Past 7-
repeated the Night Signal for the line of Battle.
AM — 45. Minutes after 5 Adml. made the Sigl. for the
line of Battle ahead y2 a Cables Length a Sunder — at
6 Adml. made the Sigl. for the Solebay to come
with [in] hail — y2 past 6. Adml. made the Richmond's
Sigl. to come within hail — */> past 6 Saw the Shrews
bury & Intrepid with Sigls. out to Speak the Admiral,
at 7 Adml. Made the Sigl. for the Orepheus's Captain,
and at 9, for the Medea's Captain. % past n, Adml.
[204;]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
made the Princessa and Alcide's Sigl. to Change Sta
tions in the Line
September 7th, 1781
Moderate and fair weather Made and Shortned Sail
Occasionally to preserve Our Station. y2 past 2, Set
T:Gt: Sails— at 3 set Majn Sail. y2 past Do. Tack'd to
get in Our Station & at % past Do. Tack to gain our
Station Set the Jib & Middle Stay sail, at 5 Saw the Land
bearing from WBNtoSSW5or6 Leags. Do Wr.
Set Top Gallant sails. y2 past 9 in T :Gt : Sails, at 10, up
Fore Sail — at n. the Enemy fir'd Several Guns. Made
false fires & Rockets — y2 past n SetT:Gt: Sails. Light
Airs at 12, the Body of the Enemy's fleet bore S S E —
y2 past 12, Tack'd Ship Close in the Monarch's Wake
—The Adml. E N E Dist. 5 or 6 Miles Set the Main
Sail & Mid-Stay sail in Stays — at 3, set T :Gt : Studding
sails — at 4, the Admiral E N E. 3 or 4 Miles — The
Body of -the Enemy fleet S E Light Airs and Variable
y2 past 4, Haul'd T:Gt: Studding sails — at 5, Saw the
Land — at 8 the Extreems of the Land from S W B W
to N W off Shore about 6 Leagues — The Enemies fleet
from ESEtoSBEyorS Miles at 1 1 Set Studding
sails and Royals — at Noon the Highland & Roanoak
W S W. 5 or 6 Leagues Adml. E N E 4 Miles. The
Enemy's fleet from SE^EtoE^Ss Miles Latd.
36° 07'
Signals Made
PM — at 40 Minutes past 3, the Admiral Made the
Sigl. for the Admiral in the port and his Division to
[205;]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Make More Sail, which the Barfleur repeated — by
[but] could make no More Sail but the Middle Stay
sail. R Grindall at 18 Minutes past 8, Repeated the
Sigl. for the Line a head.
AM — at y>2 past 5, Repeated the Signal for the Line of
Battle a head y2 a Cables length a Sunder. y2 past 8
Admiral Hood made the Sigl. for the Invincible and
Alfred's Captains. At u, The Adml. Made the Sigl.
to Veer. Repeated Do.
September 8th, 1781
Light Breezes and fair Weather, the Enemy's fleet
Close on the wind with their Starbooard tacks on board.
y± past i, In Studding Sails. y\ past T> brought too by
the wind, at 4, the Enemy's fleet bore from S E B S to
S E y2 E 3 or 4 Leagues off their heads to the Westward
—The Body of Roanoak S W B W 5 Leagues. Made &
Shortned Sail Occasionally — y\ past 5, Tack'd — at
Sun Set the Extreems of the Land of Roan:oak, from
SWBStoWSW^W4or5 Leagues at 8, Saw
lights bearing S E y2 E. The Adml. N W B N. and the
Body of the Enemies fleet S E B S. at % past 9, the Al
fred & Belliqueax bore up. y\ past 10 Shortned Sail
the Alfred, Belliqueax, & Invincible being 4 points to
Leeward of their Station — at 12, the Admiral bore
N N W y2 W and the Alfred S E y2 E Made Sail
Occassionally. y> past i, Saw a light bearing SEES
Which we take to be one of the Enemies Rear Ships- —
at 33, past 2, the Solebay hail'd us, and Sail the Enemy's
fleet was Tack'd — at 3 Down F:T:Staysail at y2 pt. 3.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Up Mizon & down T:G.Stay sail, at 4, the Adml. bore
N B W. at Daybreak Saw Twenty one of the Enemies
Ships bearing from SEBE^EtoSE^S. at 7 The
Vane [van] of the Enemy began to Tack — at 8, Wore
Ship — the Admiral No. \y2 Miles at Noon Roanoak
West 5 or 6 Leagues In Company 19 Sail of the Line 7
Frigates, one Sloop & a fire ship Latd. 36° 04' N
Signals Made
PM — YA, past One the Admiral Sigl. for the Ships that
Leads on the Starboard Tack to lead on the Larboard,
after i, Admiral Haul'd down the Sigl. for the Line,
as did we. at 28 Minutes after i, Admiral Hoisted the
Sigl. for the line — as Did we. 55 Minutes after i,
Adml. made the Sigl. for the Vane to fill. We repeated
Do. y2 past 2, Adml. Made the Sigl. for the Fleet to
Haul Close to the wind — at 5 Repeated the Sigl. to
Tack. — at 8, Repeated the Sigl. for the Line of Battle
a head —
AM — 35 Minutes past 7, the Princessa Made the Pri
vate Sigl. to three Ships in the N E Qr. at 43 Minutes
past 7 Repeated the Sigl. to Tack — at 8 Repeated the
Signal for the fleet to Wear together, at 10 Minutes
past 8, the Admiral Haul'd down the Signal for the Line
as did we — at 14' past 8, the Admiral Hoisted the Sig
nal for the line — as did we — 23 Minutes past 8, Adml.
Made the Signal for the Leading Ship to Haul the
Wind. 40 Minutes past 8, for the Ships to Windward
to bear down in the Admls. Wake — Which we re
peated — 20 Minutes, past 10, Barfleur made the Santa
O7H
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Monica Signal for being out of her Station. % Past 1 1,
The Enemy's fleet Tack'd. The Admiral Made the
Sigl. for the Vane of the fleet to make More Sail — at
Noon the Admiral Made the Sigl. for the fleet to Tack
together. Which we repeated —
September 9th, 1781
Light Airs & fine weather. y2 past 3 Close Reef'd
the T:Sls. & brought too M.T.S. to the Mast— Light
Breezes with Lightning, Thunder & rain. Join'd Com
pany three Frigates ^ past 4 Wore Ship. y2 past 4 a
boat came on bd. from the London, at Do. Admiral
Hood went on bd. the London, at 7. He returned again
from the London. y2 past 7 fill'd & Made Sail at 8
Saw some flashes of Guns bearing SEE. Adml. E.B.S.
Fresh Breezes and Cloudy, at 9 the Adml. E y2 S. at
10 Squally with rain. Bent the Mn. Staysail. Adml.
E y2 S. at ii Squally with rain. Adml. E y2 S at 12
Do. Wr. Adml. E y2 S at Squaly & Cloudy. y2 past
5 A M the Body of the Enemies fleet S y2 E 8 or 9
Miles. Down T.Gt. yards, at 7 Wore Ship, at 8 Do.
Wr. % past 9 Set the Jib & Main T.Staysail y± past 1 1 .
Down Jib & M.T.staysail. y2 past n. In Mizon &
F.T. Sails, at Noon Back'd the M. T. sail.
Signals Made
PM — at 10 Minutes past Noon Repeated the Sigl. to
Tack. 21 Minutes past Noon the Adml. Haul'd down
the Sigl. for the Line of Battle ahead, at 28 Minutes
past Noon Repeated the Sigl. for the Bow & Quarter
THE GRAVES PAPERS
line, at 10 Minutes past 2 the Admiral Haul'd down
the Sigl. for the Line Bow & Quarter as did we. at 4
Repeated the Signal for the fleet to Wear together.
40 Minutes past 5, the Admiral Made the Princessa
Sigl. to come within hail, at 50 Minutes past 5, Admiral
made the Signal for a Boat from the Montague,
Shrewsbury, Bedford, Fortunee, & Sybil. At 6 The
Admiral S W B S & the Enemis Fleet S B E 3 or 4
Leagues. y2 past 7 Repeated the Admiral's Signal for
Making Sail after lying by.
AM — at 7. Repeated the Admirals Signal for the Fleet
to Veer together. At Noon the Terrible Made the Sig
nal of Distress, Which the Admiral Answerd.
September loth, 1781
Fresh Breezes and Hazey Wr. at 20 Minutes past i a
boat came on board from the Pegasus, y^ past i fill'd.
The Enemy's fleet from S E to E B S at 4. the Admiral
S y> E 2 or 3 Miles. Twenty five of the Enemy's fleet in
Sight, Extending from S E y2 E to E B N. at 6, the
Vane of Our fleet N B W y2 W. the Adml. S B E. The
Body of the Enemy's fleet E B N 7 or 8 Miles. Set the
M.T.Staysail *4 Past 6 Wore. The Body of the Enemy's
fleet E B N. 7 or 8 Miles, at 8 hove too M.T. Sail to the
Mast. Fresh Breezes and Cloudy, at 9 Saw Several
Rockets, and flashes of Guns bearing N E B N. at
12, the Adml. S.B.W. y2 past 12. fill'd and bore up to
gain Our Station, at 4, the Admll. S E y2 E Made &
Shortned Sail Occasionally to keep Our Station, at Do.
Wr. at 24 Jo Spoke the Santamonica, and Order her to
THE GRAVES PAPERS
send her boat on board, at Noon Set the Main Sail at
Noon the Admiral S E B E y2 E. In Company 19
Sail of the Line, a 50 Gun Ship, 7 Frigates, i Sloop of
War & a fire ship
Signals Made
PM — at l/[ past i Repeated the Signal for the line of
Battle 2 Cables length aSunder. y2 past i Repeated
the Signal for the to fill, at 6. Repeated the Signal to
prepare to Veer. *4 Past 6. Repeated the Signal to
Veer, at 8 Repeated the Signal to Brace too and lye by.
at 12. Repeated the Signal for Making Sail after lying
by.
AM — at 10. We made the Santamonica's Signal to come
with hail. y2 past n, Repeated the Signal to Tack.
September nth, 1781
Fresh Breezes & Squaly. % past Noon Tackd. at 3
Spoke the Terrible, at 4 Shortned Sail & brought too,
and Sent a Boat on Board the Admiral, at ]/2 past 4
Hoisted out a Barge Sir Samuel Hood Went on board
of the London at 6. in Cutter, at 50 Minutes past 6, Sir
Samuel Hood returned In Barge ]/2 past 7 fill'd and Set
the Fore Sail, at 8 the Adml. E B N at 12 Set Jib &
Staysails The Adml. N W y2 N i Mile. y2 past 12
down Jib & Staysails Light Airs and fine Weather the
Adml. N W at 6 Out 3d. & 2d. Reefs of the Topsails.
Hoisted out the Boats to Assist the Terrible Employed
Stowing the Booms Light Breezes and fair Weather,
C2I03
THE GRAVES PAPERS
The Boats Attending the Terrible the Land bearing
N W In Company with 19 Sail of the Line, a fifty
Gun Ship, 6 Frigates, a Sloop and a Fire Ship. Latd.
35° 37 Longde. Made 0.28 Et.
Signals Made
PM — % past 3 the Adml. Made the Sigl. for Weekly
Accounts. Answerd it. at 20 Minutes past 5, the Ad
miral Made the Sigl. for the Captain of the Intrepid
at 25 Minutes Made the Signal for the Captain of the
Terrible, at 25 Minutes past 7 Repeated the Signal for
Making More Sail after lying by.
AM — at 7 the Admiral made the Signal for all Lieuten
ants. Answerd. Do. at 8. Made the Sigl. for the Boats
of Our Division.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
JOURNAL DE NAVIGATION DE L'ARMEE AUX ORDRES DE
MONSIEUR LE COMTE DE GRASSE, LIEUTENANT
GENERAL, PARTIE DE BREST LE VINGT DEUX
MARS DIX SEPT CENT QUATRE VINGT UN1
Du trois Septembre au quatre. Vents du Sud-Ouest,
joli frais, beau temps. Midy et quart, signal au Saint
Esprit, a la Bourgogne, au Reflechy et au Scipion.
Trois heures et demie, 1'Aigrette signale une voile. Sig
nal a 1'Aigrette et a la Railleuse d'appareiller. Quatre
heures et demie, ces deux fregates sortirent. Cinq
heures et demie, le mot de 1'ordre. Dix heures matin,
1'Aigrette signale une voile dans 1'Est Sud Est. Le
general est attentif.
Du quatre Septembre au cinq. Deux heures et demie,
signal d'un batiment a rame en derive sans espoir de la
sauver. Six heures et quart, une corvette fit route dans
la baye. Idem, on decouvrit deux voiles. Aussitot
1'armee mit pavilion et 1'amenerent de suite. Trois
heures et quart, matin, 1'Aigrette sortit et la Railleuse.
Sept heures et demie, matin, 1'Aigrette echone et de-
mande ancre et grelins. Idem, signal d'envoyer des
ancres et grelins a 1'Aigrette. Sept heures trois quarts,
1'Aigrette annulle le signal fait precidemment. Dix
heures, le Marseillais signale six voiles dans J'Ouest;
ensuite, il en signale vingt cinq. Idem, signal de faire
branle-bas, et celui de faire revenir promptement les
canots et chaloupes qui etoient a terre. Dix heures et
demie, signal de se tenir pret a appareiller. Onze
1 Archives de la Marine, B4, 184.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
heures et demie, une f regate de 1'ennemi tira un coup de
canon. Idem, TAigrette signale vingt trois vaisseaux.
Le general est attentif . Onze heures trois quarts, signal
a virer a pic.
Du cinq Septembre au six. Vent du Nord Est a
1'Est Nord Est, joli frais, beau temps. Route estimee
du moment du depart a midy. Sud Est i° Sud.
Chemin estime, dix huit lieues et demie, latitude arri-
vee estimee Nord, 36° 20'. Longitude arrivee occiden-
tale: 77° 50'. Mouvement. Midy et quart faire
appareiller sans autre signal. Midy et demie, 1'Au-
guste fit une signe a la troisieme division. Le general
quitte la section a Tancre. Idem, signe de former un
signe de vitesse sans ordre, m'observer de posts. Midy
trois quarts, Tarmee mit pavilion et flamme. Une
heure, ordre aux vaisseaux de tete de tenir le vent. Deux
heures et quart, 1'ennemy prit les amures a babord.
Idem, signal aux vaisseaux de tete d'augmenter de
voiles. Deux heures trois quarts, meme signal. Trois
heures, le Languedoc fut prendre son poste. L'Au-
guste signale la Bourgogne de forcer de voiles. Trois
heures trois quarts, les ennemis mirent leur pavilion.
Idem, ordre a tous les vaisseaux de suivre les mouve-
ments des vaisseaux de tete en serrant la ligne. Quatre
heures, ordre aux vaisseaux de courir deux quarts
largue. Quatre heures et quart, faire tenir le plus pres.
Combat. Quatre heures et quart, le combat commenga.
Cinq heures trois quarts, signal aux vaisseaux de tete de
courir deux quarts largue. Six heures, ordre aux vais
seaux de tenir le plus pres. Etant hors de portee de
Tennemi, le feu cessa. Six heures et demie, signal de
ralliement. Sept heures, la queue de Tennemy cesse le
feu et le rotre, ensuite. Huit heures trois quarts.
[2133
THE GRAVES PAPERS
L'Aigrette vint nous dire de la part du general de gou-
verner a sept quarts, largue. Cinq heures et demie,
matin, le Diademe signale qu'il est hors d'etat de com-
battre. Cinq heures et quart, signal de reconnoissance.
Cinq heures et demie, ordre aux vaisseaux de tete d'aug-
menter de voiles. Sept heures, une fregate demande si
notre mature etoit fort endommagee; on lui repondit
qu'oui. Elle alloit se desarmer pour donner du monde
au Diademe. Sept heures et demie, le Caton demande
du secours. Le general est attentif. Dix heures et
demie, ordre aux vaisseaux de tete de forcer de voiles.
Onze heures trois quarts, signal detenir le plus pres.
Idem, le Pluton demande a parler au general.
Du six Septembre au sept. Vents du Nort Est au
Sud, petit frais. Route estimee a midy: Sud Sud Est
4° 45' Est. Chemin estime: cinq lieues un tiers. Lati
tude arrivee estimee Nord 36° 06'. Latitude observee,
Nord: 35° 54'. Longitude arrivee, occidentale: 77°
41'. Variation o caze observee Nord Quest i° 20'.
Hauteur meridienne 59° 42'. Une heure trois quart,
la Railleuse signale le Pluton. Quatre heures trois
quarts, ordre aux vaisseaux de tete de tenir le plus pres
babord amures. Onze heures du soir, faire virer Tarmee
lof pour lof. Cinq heures et demie, matin: signal de
reconnoisance. Dix heures et quart, le Reflechy de
mande la permission d'envoyer a bord du general.
Onze heures et quart, signal de ralliement.
Du sept septembre au huit. Vents du Sud Sud Est
a 1'Ouest Nord Quest. Route corrigee a midy Est Nord
30' Sud. Chemin corrige, neuf lieues et demie. Lati
tude observee Nord 35° 53'. Longitude arrivee occi
dentale 77° 05'. (Variations ocaze observee Nord
Quest i° 15'. Hauteur meridienne 59° 20'. Difference
THE GRAVES PAPERS
sud, trois minutes.) Une heure trois quarts, faire virer
Tarmee lof pour lof tout a la fois. Deux heures, le
Souverain demande a parler au General. Le general
lui accorde. Idem, signal de ralliement. Deux heures
et quart, pris les amures a babord. Le general repeta
le signal de ralliement. Deux heures et demie, signal
au Souverain de se mettre a la tete de Tarmee. Quatre
heures et quart, signal d'augmenter de voiles. Le com-
mandans sont charges de la police de leur escadre.
Cinq heures et quart, la Railleuse nous dit que quand
le general signaleroit de tenir le vent, il faudroit gou-
verner a sept quarts et, a la repetition de ce signal, gou-
verner a six quarts. Idem, le mot le 1'ordre. Cinq
heures et demie vire par la contre marche 1'armee enne-
mie. Cinq heures et demie, signal de virer vent devant
et faire augmenter de voiles. Six heures et quart, rallier
1'armee en echiquier sur la ligne du plus pres, tribord
amures. Six heures et demie, faire tenir le vent a
1'armee. Cinq heures et quart, matin, signal de recon-
noisance. Cinq heures trois quarts, ralliement en
echiquier. Six heures trois quart faire virer 1'armee
vent devant tout a la fois. Sept heures et demie, signal
de serrer la ligne. Huit heures, ordre au vaisseau de
tete de gouverner pour passer de 1'avant de 1'ennemy.
Huit heures et quart, faire serrer la ligne. Huit heures
trois quarts, le Caton signale trois voiles sous le vent.
Neuf heures et demie, ordre aux vaisseaux de tete de
tenir le plus pres. Onze heures et quart, le Pluton sig
nale la terre au vent. Onze heures et demie, faire virer
1'armee vent devant, tot a la fois. Onze heures trois
quarts, rallier 1'armee en echiquier sur la ligne du plus
pres, babord, tribord amures.
Du huit septembre au neuf. Vents variable, temps
£215:1
THE GRAVES PAPERS
orageux, pluye, vent. A midy, la route estimee avalu
les Sud Est quart Sud 2° 15'. Chemin estime, six lieues
et quart. Route corrigee selon la hauteur, Sud Est
quart Sud 3° 15'. Chemin corrige, neuf lieues. Lati
tude arrivee, estimee nord 35° 28'. Latitude observee,
nord: 35° 31'. Longitude arrivee occidentale de Paris:
76° 45'. (Hauteur meridienne 59° 17'. Difference
nord, trois minutes.) Mouvement du huit septembre
au neuf midy et quart. Le Languedoc signale le nu-
mero sept et mit ensuite pavilion bleu. Une heure, le
Languedoc fait tenir le vent a la deuxieme escadre toute
a la fois. Une heure et quart, signal de raliement a
1'Echiquier sur la ligne du plus pres babord, tribord
amures, au plus pres du vent. Deux heures et demie,
le general et partie de 1'armee mit en panne Trois
heures et demie, le Languedoc fait signal de raliement
au Sceptre. Quatre heures et quart, faire virer 1'armee
lof pour lof tout a la fois. Six heures et quart, rallier
1'armee en echiquier sur la ligne du plus pres, tribord,
les amures a babord, la route au plus pres du vent. Sept
heures trois quarts, faire prendre des ris. Quatre heures
et quart matin, mis en panne, le grand hunier sur le mat.
Cinq heures et quart, fait voir que nous sommes de
1'armee. Six heures, rallier 1'armee a 1'ordre de ba-
taille, 1'amure a babord, dans 1'ordre naturel. Sept
heures et demie, faire tenir le vent a toute 1'armee. Huit
heures, meme signal. Huit heures et quart, faire virer
1'armee lof pour lof tout a la fois. Huit heures et demie,
1'armee vire lof pour lof. Idem, raliement a 1'Echiquier
sur la ligne du plus pres babord, les amures a tribord
au plus pres du vent.
Du dimanche neuf septembre au dix. Depuis hier,
midy, a ce jour, meme heure, les vents regnerent de
[2163
THE GRAVES PAPERS
1'Est Nord Est a 1'Est Sud Est, jusques sur les huit
heures du matin qu'ils remonterent a 1'Est Nord Est,
joli frais, beau temps, la mer belle, sous differentes
voilures, les amures a tribord. A six heures et demie
du soir, releve au compas, la tete de 1'armee ennemie au
Quest Nord Quest, 3° Nord et la queue au Quest quart
Sud Quest, 4° Sud, a toute vue de dessus le gaillard. A
midy, la route estimee a voillu le Nord Quest quatre
Nord 3° 15' ouest. Chemin estime, vingt une lieues
trois quarts. Route corrigee selon la hauteur: Nord
Ouest quart Nord 30' Ouest. Chemin corrige, vingt
trois lieues. Latitude arrivee estimee Nord 36° 24'.
Latitude observee, nord: 36° 28'. Longitude arrivee
occidentale de Paris: 77° 33'. Nous changeames, dans
la nuit, notre vergue de petit hunier et racomodames
nos voiles. Le matin, on ne vit plus 1'ennemy. (hauteur
meridienne 58 oo'. Difference nord 4'.) Mouvement,
midy et quart, 1'Aigrette signal d'ordre aux vaisseaux
qui ont signale 1'ennemi, de faire les signaux de corre-
spondance entre le general et les f regates de decouverte
qui s'executeront par le moyen des voiles dont messieurs
les capitaines ont seuls connaisance. Le general est
attentif aux signaux. Une heure et quart, 1'Aigrette
signale que 1'ennemi vire de bord. Le general est at
tentif. Deux heures et quart: Le Palmier signale que
1'ennemi tient le plus pres, tribord amures. Le general
a distingue les signaux. Deux heures trois quart le
Caton avertit qu'il a une voye d'eau. Le general dis
tingue les signaux. Idem, signal que les premiers sig
naux qui seront faits seront pris dans la table numero
trois. Idem, le Caton fait signal numero un pris dans
la table numero trois. Idem, avertir que les signaux
fait par un seul pavilion seront pris dans la table nu-
[2173
THE GRAVES PAPERS
mero un. Trois heures, le Caton fait un signal connu
des capitaines. Le general a distingue les signaux.
Trois heures trois quarts, signal que les signaux qui
seront faits seront pris dans la feuille trois. Le general
est attentif aux signaux. Idem, signal connu des capi
taines. Trois heures trois quarts, avertir un vaisseau
incommode que 1'armee se reglera sur sa voilure et
qu'il se mettra a la tete ou au vent. Cinq heures et
quart, une fregate signale le fond a cinquante brasses.
Le general distingue. Huit heures trois quarts du soir,
signal que Ton a connaissance de 1'ennemy et qu'il est
essentiel que chaque vaisseau prenne son poste. Cinq
heures et quart, matin, signal de reconnaissance. Cinq
heures trois quarts, on decouvre une escadre dans
1'ouest nord ouest. Le general a distingue. Six heures,
signale ralliement en ordre de bataille. Six heures et
demie, faire passer a poupe du general 1'Aigrette et le
Pluton. Idem, le Souverain demande a chasser. Ac-
corde. Six heures trois quarts, annuller la permission
de chasser. Sept heures, signal de ralliement. Sept
heures et quart, faire forcer de voiles a toute 1'armee.
Sept heures et demie, signal de ralliement. Sept heures
trois quarts, faire chasser toute 1'armee dans le Nord.
Neuf heures trois quarts, faire passer a poupe du gene
ral 1'Aigrette et la Railleuse.
Du dix septembre au onze. Vents de 1'Est a 1'Est
Nord Est, petit frais, presque calme. A midy, la route
estimee Nord Ouest quart Ouest 2° 15' Ouest. Chemin
estime: onze lieues et quart. Route corrige: Nord
Ouest quart Ouest 3° i'. Chemin corrige. Onzelieueset
quart. Latitude arrivee estimee Nord: 36° 45'. Latitude
observee Nord 36° 48'. Longitude arrivee occidentale de
Paris 78° 06'. A midy, releve le cap Henry: 34 Nord
THE GRAVES PAPERS
a deux lieues et demie. (Hauteur meridienne 50° 17'.
Difference nord 3'. Variation estimee Nord Quest i °
15'.) Mouvement, midy et demie signal de gouverner
au Nord Nord Quest. Une heure et quart, un vaisseau
decouvre deux voiles sous le vent. Le general est atten-
tif. Deux heures et quart, le Glorieux qui rallioit tira
un coup de canon. Deux heures trois quarts, signal a
tous les vaisseaux de mettre leur numero. Le general a
distingue. Quatre heures, ordre aux vaisseaux de tete
de tete de diminuer de voiles. Six heures et demie, le
general fait une signal que nous ne pumes distinguer.
Cinq heures et quart du matin, signal de reconnoissance.
Six heures et quart, le general mit en panne, tira un coup
de canon et mit pavilion rouge a la vague d'artimon.
Idem, nous avons sonde a quatorze brasses, sable gris.
Six heures et demie, signal que les vaisseaux les plus a
portee des chasseurs repeteront les signaux. Sept heures,
faire passer a poupe du general le Souverain. Idem,
la Railleuse decouvre une voile de 1'avant. Le general
distingue. Sept heures trois quart, faire rallier les vais
seaux et fregate de 1'armee. Huit heures, le Citoyen
decouvre cinq voiles de 1'avant. Le general a distingue.
Idem, le Citoyen signale la terre au vent. Idem,
1'ennemi court largue, babord amures. Le general est
attentif. Huit heures et demie, faire tenir le vent a
toute 1'armee. Neuf heures et quart meme signal avec
un coup de canon. Idem, le general fit des signaux de
reconnoissant et signal a la Concorde qui rallioit. Neuf
heures et demie, le Glorieux signale que les batiments
que 1'on voit sont ennemis. Idem, 1'Auguste signale que
les batiments qui restent ouest nord ouest sont f rangais.
Neuf heures trois quart, faire chasser toute 1'armee sans
observer d'ordre. Onze heures, signal au Destin de
THE GRAVES PAPERS
virer vent devant. Onze heures et demie, faire chasser
toute 1'armee au vent. Idem, la Railleuse tira un coup
de canon. Signal de reconnoissance a 1'armee de Mon
sieur de Barras. Idem, le Glorieux demande a chasser.
Le general lui accorde.
Du onze septembre au douze. Vents du sud, petit
frais, beau temps. Route estimee, depuis midy, au
mouillage : Nord nord ouest 5 ° ouest. Chemin estimee :
quatre lieues. Latitude arrivee estimee nord, 36° 59'.
Longitude arrivee occidentale de Paris 78° 13'. Releve
le cap Henry: Sud 10° Est, deux tiers lieue. Le cap
Charles: Nord 13° 4' Est. La pointe formant 1'entree
d'Hampton: i° Nord. . . . (Mouille's au Cap Henry
le onze.) Mouvement: une heure trois quarts, le Glori
eux signale que 1'ennemi court vent arriere. Deux
heures et quart, le Glorieux tira plusieurs vollee sur
deux f regates angloises dont une des deux amena. Deux
heures et demie, faire virer vent devant la Railleuse.
Deux heures trois quarts, faire virer 1'armee vent de
vant, lof pour lof. Trois heures et demie, le Langue-
doc donne ordre aux vaisseaux de repeter les signaux des
chasseurs et ceux du General. Quatre heures, signal
d'envoyer du secours au Glorieux et de mettre les canots
a la mer. Quatre heures trois quarts, faire, preparer
1'armee au mouillage. Cinq heures et demie, la seconde
fregate angloise amena. Cinq heures trois quarta,
1'Experiment et 1'Andromaque rallierent venant de la
riviere de Chesapeak. Six heures, 1'armee mouilla.
Sept heures et demie, matin, faire venir a bord du gene
ral le second capitaine du Languedoc. Idem, faire
aller a bord du general le major de 1'Escadre bleue et
blanche. Dix heures et demie, signal a la Railleuse.
Du douze septembre au treize. Vents du Nord Ouest
THE GRAVES PAPERS
au Sud Quest, joli frais. A midy 1'escadre de monsieur
de Barras appareilla et vint mouiller parmi nous. Midy
et demie, faire venir a bord du general les officiers
charges du detail. Idem, signal au Saint Esprit, une
heure et quart, signal au Zele. Deux heures et demie,
le Diademe decouvre des voiles et demande a chasser.
Le general lui accorde. Trois heures trois quarts,
1'Hercule signale des voiles dans le Nord Nord Est.
Quatre heures et quart, le Pluton mouilla avec la fre-
gate angloise le Richmond. Cinq heures et demie,
Signal, le mot de 1'ordre et au Caton de faire la ronde.
Six heures et demie, signal a 1'Andromaque. Six
heures, matin, signal a 1'Experiment et a la Bourgogne.
Sept heures et demie, le Languedoc signale des vais-
seaux de guerre dans le Nord Nord Est. Sept heures
trois quarts, signal a la Concorde et a la Surveillante.
Neuf heures et quart, flamme d'ordre. Dix heures trois
quarts, la Concorde appareilla.
THE GRAVES PAPERS
LIVRE DE BORD DU VAISSEAU LE CITOYEN
29 AOUT— II SEPTBRE. 1 78 11
Mecredy vingt neuvieme. (Suite du journal de mon
sieur le chevalier Dethy capitaine du Citoyen.) Les
vents toujours variables de 1'ouest sud ouest au sud ouest
petit fraix clair, Tarmee a continue tenir le vent babord
amure; au lever du soleil la sonde a rapporte vingt six
brasses fond gris tirant sur le jaune, sable fin. — A neuf
heures, 1'armee a mis pavilion au Souverain qui rallioit
avec la prise qu'il avoit fait de la corvette le Sandwihs.
Cette corvette ressembloit a une flutte sans figure, sans
aucune marque de batiment de guerre; elle portoit du
canon de dix huit. Elle avoit ete construite precise-
ment pour remonter les rivieres. Elle avoit ete fort
utile dans ces regions qui ne sont que rivieres. On dit
meme qu'elle avoit beaucoup contribue a la prise de
Charlestown. Deux de nos fregates ont chasse dans la
partie de 1'Est. Le general leur a fait signal de ne pas
perdre 1'armee de vue. A dix heures la sonde a rap
porte dix sept brasses meme qualite de fond. A midy
la latitude observee a ete 36° 49 nord. La routte a valu
selon 1'estime le Nord Ouest, chemin sept lieues un tiers
ainsi que la Corrigee. La longitude arrivee ouest 78°
49 ce qui nous met a terre au Sud du cap Henry. A
deux heures, j'ay arrive sur 1'armee pour m'y rallier.
J'etois trop en avant. Les vents etoient sud petit fraix;
a deux heures et demie, vu la terre dans 1'Ouest quart
Sud Ouest. La sonde a rapporte quatorze brasses, sable
1 Archives de la Marine, B4 238, fol. io8v°-i33v°.
C>22ll
THE GRAVES PAPERS
d'un gris jaunatre et fin avec des petits morceaux de
coquillages. A cinq heures et demie, meme profondeur.
Le general a fait un signal que je ne pouvois discerner
par le peu de vent qu'il y avoit et par ce que j'en etois
eloigne. Je le luy ai marque par un autre signal.
C'etoit le renvoy de la section des mouvements gene-
raux a celle de 1'ancre. A dix heures et quart, le general,
ayant fait signal 1'armee de se preparer a mouiller avec
une ancre a jet en ligne de bataille Est Sud Est et Quest
Nord Quest; au coucher du soleil, le cap Henry restoit
a 1'Ouest; corrige distance six lieues. C'est un terrain
de sable blanc tres has et boise. L'armee a continue
singler au Quest Nord Quest jusqu'a sept heures qu'elle
a mouille. J'etois, par les onze brasses, sable fin et
jaune; a deux heures du matin, les vents etoient toujours
au sud faibles. La f regate, qui etoit a croiser aux envi
rons de 1'armee, a passe parcourant touts les vaisseaux
de 1'armee pour avertir que 1'intention du general etoit
d'appareiller sans signal a quatre heures du matin; a
trois heures trois quarts, fay ete sous voile; mais, il etoit
presque calme. (En marge: Le Souverain rallie a
1'armee avec une prise. Mouille a 1'Est Sud Est du
general.)
Jeudi trentieme. Au point du jour, le calme m'em-
pechant par les courants de faire mettre le cap a la
routte du general qui avoit un peu d'air, toujours dans
la partie du Sud et me trouvant embarrassee entre plu-
sieurs navires qui portoient comme luy, j'ay mis mes
quatre canots a la mer pour revenir sur babord; et, y
etant venu, j'ai single avec un peu d'air au Sud a 1'ouest
nord ouest pour m'elever un peu et me tirer du milieu
des vaisseaux. A neuf heures, les vents ont ete Est Sud
Est petit fraix. L'armee a single a 1'Ouest sur le cap
C223:]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
Henry. A dix heures, le general a fait signal a 1'armee
depasser a la section de 1'ancre. J'ay diminue de voile,
attendant les ordres qu'il avoua donner. A dix heures
et demie, il a fait signal de mouillage sur trois colonnes
avec une grosse ancre. Les commandants des escadres
chacun a la tete des leurs. J'ay alors mis en pane pour
attendre 1'Auguste qui forgoit de voiles. J'ay fait servir
a onze heures au moment qu'un canot parti de la cote
du sud du cap Henry venoit a moy. II a ete abordee le
Diademe, croyant, malgre que nous avions notre pa
vilion et flammes de distinction, que nous etions anglois.
A onze heures et quart, le signal a ete fait pour faire
branle-bras general, ensuite de passer a la section des
mouvements generaux. A midy et demie, 1'armee a
mouille a 1'entree de la riviere de Chesapeak. J'etois
par les onze brasses, vase sableux et noir. Le cap Henry
restoit au Sud Est quart Sud a deux lieues de lieue, le
cap Charles au Nord Nord Est 3° Est, la terre la plus
au fond de la baye a 1'ouest 5° sud ouest. (En marge.
Variation observee: on tire: 2° 41, nord ouest. A six
heures et demie le general a fait signal aux vaisseaux
qui etoient en avant de reppeter les signaux des chas
seurs. Un canot a ete a bord du Diamede, persuade que
nous etions anglois. Celui qui le menoit etoit un roya-
liste qui a ete reconnu et consigne a bord du general. II
est trois hommes dans le courant de la journee.
Vendredy trente unieme. A sept heures du matin, les
vents au sud ouest petit frais et clair, la partie du nord
ouest un peu obscure, le general a mis flamme d'ordre.
J'y ai ete a bord. Les ordres portoient de preparer les
troupes pour la descente; a deux heures apres midy, le
signal a ete fait pour les embarquer; partie des vais
seaux de 1'armee ont porte les leurs a bord des fregates
1:2243
THE GRAVES PAPERS
et autres batiments destines pour monter dans les ri
vieres ; les orages, les tonnerres et les vent variables y joint
la pluye a verse qui tomboit ont dure jusqu'a quatre
heures et quart du soir auquel temps le general a fait
le signal d'embarquer les troupes dans les chaloupes a
ceux comme le Citoyen dont la chaloupe devoit etre
armee avec les soldats de Barrois passager incorpores
dans un des regiments destines a la descente. La cha
loupe etoit a bord de I'Andromaque; y debarquer les
effets et le detachment des hussards qui le Scipion avoit
a son bord et dont la Sienne qui etoit avariee ne pouvoit
les porter; j'ai fait tirer plusieurs coups de canon avec
le pavilion en berne pour la faire revenir; mais, les
orages ayant derechef commence, le general, voyant que
bien des vaisseaux ne pouvoient avoir pu remplir leurs
objets par le mauvais temps qu'il faisoit, a annulle le
signal et laisse ecouler cette maree qui a commence a
quatre heures. L'Experiment, les f regates la Diligente
et I'Andromaque ainsi que les corvettes ont appareille
avant la nuit pour monter dans la riviere James. (Le
marge: Le riot a quatre heures du soir) .
Samedy, premier Septembre. A quatre heures du
matin, le general a fait signal d'embarquer les troupes
destinees aux chaloupes et canots. Je me suis hate de
faire embarquer le detachment de Barrois dans ma
chaloupe armee avec deux officiers et je 1'ai envoyee au
general portant avec elle les jours de vivres ordonne;
a cinq heures, toute cette flotte est partie du bord du
general. La fregate I'Andromaque, ainsi que le Sand-
wishs qui etoient restes a 1'ancre, ont appareille pour les
escorter et monter avec eux. A sept heures, le general
a signale un batiment suspect, on luy a tire dessus
comme il traversoit Tarmee; c'etoit une des prises dont
[225]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
celle du Glorieux qui, chargee de troupes, s'etoit elevee
au large pour remonter en riviere. A dix heures, la
f regate 1'Aigrette est arrivee avec une corvette appellee
la Loyaliste qu'elle avoit pris le jour de notre entree
dans cette baye en chassant avec le Glorieux en avant
de 1'armee, dans la riviere Chesapeak, dans le nord ouest
de notre ancrage; elle avoit aussi une goalete chargee de
planches. Cette corvette avoit vingt deux canons. A
onze heures et demie, le vaisseau le Diademe a signale
un batiment dans la partie de 1'Est. A deux heures, le
general a hisse pavilion anglois qu'il a amene aussitot;
ce batiment a pris le large. A cinq heures du soir, le
Triton a appareille ainsi que le Vaillant pour monter la
riviere d'York. — Flamme d'ordre a bord du general
pour distribuer dans 1'armee les prisonniers de guerre
et les planches de la goalete aussi de maniere que le
Citoyen s'est libere d'une centaine de prisoniers qu'il
a donnes a divers vaisseaux. Les vents, dans la journee,
ont regne de 1'Est a 1'Est fraix; grosse mer, beaucoup
de pluye et de tonnerre; dans la nuit, vent de Nord
Nord Est.
Dimanche deuxieme. Le vent de Nord Nord Est,
petit vent, beau temps clair. Le vaisseau le Vaillant qui
n'avoit pu monter hier au soir a appareille ce matin
pour aller en riviere. Le flot a ete, aujourd'hui, a la
pleine lune a cinq heures et demie du soir. La fregate
1'Aigrette a appareille 1'apres midy pour aller en
croisiere au large; a trois heures, elle a signale deux
voiles au vent qu'elle pourroit attaquer avec avantage.
A neuf heures du soir, elle a tire sur ces batiments
qu'elle a pris et conduit dans la baye sur les deux heures
du matin. Nota que le general, dans la journee, avoit
mis flamme d'ordre pour signifier a tous les vaisseaux
C226]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
de 1'armee le traite fait pour les refraichissements et
provisions qu'on acheteroit sur le pays dans un imprime
qui avoit ete remis a chaque vaisseau ; mais les gens du
pays n'ont pas voulu y souscrire.
Lundy troisieme. Les vents ont ete dans la journee
variable du Sud Sud Est au Sud Sud Quest, fraix, le
temps couvert. Le general a fait a partie des vaisseaux
de 1'armee leurs signaux particuliers; nous avons ete du
nombre. Le Citoyen a eu pour sa part deux femmes,
un capitaine, deux enfants et quelques autres prison-
niers des aux batiments que 1'Aigrette avoit pris. A
trois heures apres midy, 1'Aigrette et la Railleuse ont
appareille pour aller reconnoitre une voile qui parois-
soit au large et qui avoit ete signale. Les vents ont ete
variables du Sud Quest a 1'Ouest Sud Quest petit fraix,
le temps pluvieux et a Forage. Dans la nuit, les fre-
gates ont rentres en tete de la baye ou elles ont mouille.
Mardy quatrieme. Les vents, dans la journee, ont ete
variables du Sud Sud Est au Quest Sud Quest petit vent.
Le temps a ete nuageux, clair au large. On a signale
des battiments en differentes fois. Mais, les fregates
n'ont pas appareille. Le Solitaire est rentre plus en
dedans. Les vents, dans la nuit, ont saute au Nord Est
et Nord Nord Est fraix, avec orages.
Mercredy cinquieme. Les vents de Nord Nord Est
continuant fraix, la mer agitee, le temps nuageux, 1'air
froid; a sept heures du matin, le fregate 1'Aigrette qui
etoit encore mouillie sous le cap Henry et s'y trouvoit
engagee a ne pouvoir appareiller (la Railleuse ayant
entre dans la nuit) a fait signal qu'on luy portat une
ancre et un grelin. Le General en a fait le signal a la
Railleuse qui, au moment qu'elle travailloit pour 1'em-
barquer dans sa chaloupe 1'Aigrette a annule son signal
[227]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
et a appareille a huit heures courant le bord au large
pour s'elever et profiler du riot pour entrer. Le flot
etoit etabli depuis sept heures environ a neuf heures et
demie. Les vaisseaux qui etoient mouilles les plus en
tete de la baye ont signale vingt cinq voiles dans la partie
de 1'est. Le general a repondu aussitot au signal. La
vigie du haut de mats en comptoit vingt quatre a dix
heures et quart. Le general a ordonne de faire branle-
bas et de faire revenir tous les batiments a rame qui
etoient a terre a bord de leurs vaisseaux. J'avois mon
petit canot a terre pour prendre de la viande pour les
equipages. J'ai fait mettre aussitot le pavilion en berne
pour le faire retourner mais inutilement. A onze
heures, la f regate 1'Aigrette qui venoit de la bordee dans
la baye a signale au general trente une voiles. A onze
heures et demie, le general a fait signal a 1'armee de
virer a pic et, a midy, d'appareiller sans autre signal.
A midy et quart, signal a 1'armee de passer a la section
des mouvements generaux. A midy et demie, le gene
ral a fait signal a 1'armee de se former en ordre de ba-
taille de vitesse sans egard au poste que 1'on doit
occuper, et avertir Tarmee que les signaux fair par un
seul pavilion seroient pris dans la feuille numero deux.
Le Citoyen a appareille a midy et trois quarts apres
avoir file son ancre d'affourche J'etois sous les huniers
et voiles d'etay. Le flot etoit encore fort et portoit sur
la cote du cap Henry. Je travaillois a mettre mon ancre
en haut et y accrocher le capon quand le f regate 1'Ai
grette qui entroit dans la baye en ce moment m'a helle
et parlant a monsieur de Koeflod qui tient la place de
lieutenant en pied en 1'absence de monsieur de Saint
Marc et qui etoit sur le gaillard d'avant a faire acce-
lerer la manoeuvre que si je nevirois de bord je pourois
THE GRAVES PAPERS
risque d'echouer sur le cap Henry et que definitivement
je revira que je n'avois pas du temps a perdre. Mon
sieur de Koefold a qui le capitaine de 1'Aigrette s'etoit
adresse en passant est venu de 1'arriere pour me le com-
muniquer. J'avoit de la peine a me decider a virer.
Monsieur de Koefold m'a dit que je devois croire ce
que tout le monde avoit entendu. Je demanday moy
meme a 1'Aigrette ce qu'elle m'avoit crie. Elle me
repondit que son pilote 1'assuroit que si je continuois a
courir je rencontrerois un bane de sable. J'ai revire et
couru la bordee au Nord Nord Quest avec le vent de
Nord Est et Nord Nord Est. J'ai etc force, en courant
cette bordee, de passer de 1'arriere du general qui ap-
pareilloit et que je ne voulois pas deranger dans sa ma
noeuvre; enfin, a un heure et quart, me trouvant
debarrasse de tous les vaisseaux qui etoient sous voile
pour sortir de la baye, j'ay revire aux amures babord et
fait routte pour sortir aussi. Le general etoit un peu
de 1'avant a moy, il avoit appareille a une heure en
faisant signal a la partie des vaisseaux qui etoient sorti
et qui se formoient, de tenir le vent. A une heure heure
et demie, 1'ancre de poste ayant etc accrochee, j'ai force
de voile pour sortir de la rade comme pour prendre un
poste. II etoit environ une heure trois quarts quand j'ay
eu double le cap Henry. J'avois ordonne a Monsieur
de Koefold de faire passer tout le monde a son poste
et de remplacer ceux qui manquoient aux batteries.
J'avois ordonne aussi qu'on y employat toute la troupe
ainsi que messieurs les officiers pour remplacer les
absents, mais, le nombre des soldats n'a pas ete suffisant
a remplir le vuide. II a fallu desarmer les canons des
gaillards et ne me garder, pour faire les manoeuvres
necessaires, que les officiers mariniers de la manoeuvre
[229]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
quelques gabiers destines a leurs mats, le pilote et
quelques timoniers pour reppeter les signaux avec la
mistrance. II manque a bord du Citoyen, entre les
absents, les morts, les malades, environ deux [cents]
hommes et cinq officiers. Apres avoir arme mes deux
batteries aussi bien que je le pouvois j'ai fait carguer les
basses voiles pour me placer a 1'arriere du vaisseau le
Northumberlan qui etoit un peu en avant et sous le vent.
J'etois occupe de ma manoeuvre quand le vaisseau le
Palmier m'a intime que son intention etoit de prendre
ce poste. Le Solitaire, qui forgoit de voiles, egal en
marche au Palmier et le tenant de tres proche, ne m'a
pas permis non plus de m'y placer sans risque d'avaries;
pour ne point entrer a disputer derechef j'ai arrive et
pris mon poste de 1'arriere du Solitaire; mais, voyant
que j'etois force a tout instant de mettre en pane; j'ai
tenu le Vent pour doubler ces deux vaisseaux et forcer
de voiles pour aller en avant. (En marge: le Scipion
forgoit de voile ainsi que ceux qui suivoient.) Le
Scipion, qui me suivoit, ayant fait la meme manoeuvre
pour ne pas rompre 1'ordre de bataille qui commengoit
a se former j'ai repris mon poste de 1'arriere de ce vais
seau et je me suis occupe pour ne pas le gener a etre
toujours sur le qui vive ou en pane ou le perroquet de
fougue sur le mat. A deux heures, le vaisseau 1'Auguste
qui commandoit les vaisseaux qui s'etoient forme en
tete de la ligne leur a fait signal de forcer de voile. A
deux heures et demie, 1'armee ennemie qui etoit en
bataille a bord oppose a la notre a vire lof pour lof
toute a la fois, a une lieue et demie de distance et au
vent; ils etoient vingt et un vaisseaux de guerre dont
trois a trois ponts. Les vents etoient Nord Nord Est,
petit vent clair; a trois heures et quart, le vaisseau
[230:1
THE GRAVES PAPERS
1'Auguste a fait signal au vaisseau de tete d'augmenter
de voile. Le general a reppete le meme signal ; a trois
heures et demie, le vaisseau le Languedoc a fait routte
pour venir prendre le commandement de la queue de
1'armee. Les ennemies, apres avoir vire a nos amures,
etoient en partie en pane; ils ont fait servir au moment
que le Languedoc couroit a bord oppose, entre les deux
lignes de bataille, pour aller prendre son porte. Les
ennemies, ayant fait servir babord amure comme nous
ils ont mis leurs pavilions et flammes. Nous avions le
notre depuis notre depart de la baye. Les vents ont
commence a varier au Nord Est, ensuite a 1'Est Nord
Est, petit f raix. Le general a fait signal aux vaisseaux
de tete de serrer la ligne et a 1'armee de suivre les
mouvements des vaisseaux de tete successivement en
serrant la ligne. A trois heures trois quart, le general
voyant le vent refuser toujours, a fait signal aux vais
seaux de tete qui se trouvoient par leurs positions a
portee de 1'ennemi et au vent du corps de bataille de
porter deux quarts largues pour retablir 1'ordre de la
ligne les vents refusant aux vaisseaux de la tete de notre
armee et faisant portee deux quarts largues les ennemis
arrivoient aussi. Alors, le general a assure sa mizaine
ainsi que beaucoup des vaisseaux de 1'armee que se trou-
virent au corps de bataille. Les ennemis arrivoient
toujours lentement suivant obliquement nos vaisseaux
de tete quand, a quatre heures et quart, nos vaisseaux de
tete ont commence a tirer sur les ennemis qui etoient
tres a portee, ce que par leurs positions obliques autant
que je pouvoit en juger on pouvoit les combattre avec
avantage. Le feu est devenu vif au deux avant gardes.
Le general leur a fait signal de serrer la ligne et de tenir
le vent. L'on combattoit de fort proche jusqu'en avant
THE GRAVES PAPERS
du centre de notre armee; mais les ennemis, au lieu
d'engager bien 1'affaire, mettoient en pane au moment
qu'ils faisoient leurs decharges. L'amiral luy-meme,
crainte de trop approcher, mettoit tous sur le mat a
quatre heures et demie; le feu a commence au centre de
1'armee de 1'avant et de 1'arriere du general ; les ennemis
maitres du vent ne se livroient que de fort loin et simple-
ment pour qu'il soit dit qu'ils ont combattu. II n'en
etoit pas de meme a la tete des deux armees ; ou ne voyoit
que feu et fumee de part et d'autre. A cinq heures et
quart, le general a reppete aux vaisseaux de tete de
tenir le vent. Us etoient tres foibles et variables a 1'Est
et Est Est Nord. Notre arriere garde se trouvoit en
echiquier par le refus et la faiblesse du vent; a cinq
heures trois quarts, le vaisseau a trois ponts comman
dant 1'arriere garde ennemie a arrive ainsi que deux
vaisseaux qui etoient a 1'avant de luy sur le Palmier et
le Solitaire et, apres avoir arrive quelques minutes, il
a mis en pane esseyant si ses coups de canon parvien-
droient jusqu'a ces vaisseaux. II a commence par tirer
quelques coups ainsi que les deux autres vaisseaux qui
avoient mis en pane comme luy. Les vaisseaux de
1'arriere garde ennemie tenoient toujours le vent; le feu
est venu general jusqu'a nous; mais il n'a pas dure long-
temps, les ennemis restoient en pane. La tete de notre
armee tenoient le vent; de forcant de voile, nous serrions
autant qu'il etoit possible notre ligne. Ce vaisseau a
trois ponts, a six heures un quart environ, n'a plus tire;
mais le feu a continue jusqu'a nuit clause du cote de
1'avant garde. Le Citoyen a en quelques coups de canon
dans les voiles aux au-bans et autres manoeuvres ainsi
qu'au corps de vaisseau; j'avois beaucoup plus d'avan-
tage que ce vaisseau a trois pont, a ce qu'il m'a paru car
[232]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
presque touts les boulets de ce vaisseau tomboient a la
mer avant de parvenir jusqu'a moy au lieu que je voyois
que le peu que j'ai fait tirer il ne s'en est guere perdu
ou, du moins, ils depassoient. Au coucher du soleil, le
cap Henry restoit au ouest nord ouest 5° nord, distance
trois lieues, la terre la plus Sud au Sud Sud Ouest 5°
Sud, le tout corrige, la variation observee: 3° 30 nord
ouest. Dans la nuit, les vents ont ete variables du Nord
Est a 1'Est faibles. La voilure a varie selon ma posi
tion, les armees ont continue courir babord amures. Les
ennemis ont ete toute la nuit a la vue, tenant le vent;
le temps etoit clair et beau. L'amiral ennemi a tire
un coup de canon sur les neuf heures. II 1'a reppete
a quelque temps de la.
Jeudy sixieme. Les vents toujours petit fraix a 1'Est,
les deux armees en presence tenant le vent babord
amure au point du jour cinq vaisseaux ennemis etoient
occupes a changer des mats d'hune. II y en avoit un qui
m'a paru avoir le ton de son grand mat en domage; a
huit heures et demie, la fregate TAigrette a ete parler
au Languedoc. A neuf heures du matin, le vaisseau de
tete de 1'armee ennemi a vire de bord et a couru la
bordee opposee pour se porter a la queue de sa ligne de
bataille pour ne pas trop approcher de notre armee;
cette manoeuvre a ete continuee toute la journee; elle se
conservoit a environ deux lieues au vent; la terre parois-
soit dans le Sud Ouest quart Sud a sept lieues environ.
A midy la latitude observee a ete 36° 21 nord, la routte
estimee depuis hier au coucher du soleil a valu le Sus
Sud Est 3° Est; chemin dix huit lieues. La corrigee
Sud Sud Est 5°, chemin dix sept lieues, la longitude
arrivee Ouest soixante dis huit degres quatorze. La
terre a ete releve au Sud Ouest quart Sud, distance sept
THE GRAVES PAPERS
lieues. Les vents, dans le reste de la journee, ont etc
variables de 1'Est Nord Est a 1'Est petit vent. Les deux
armees, courant toujours babord amures, les ennemis a
trois lieues au vent restant au coucher du soleil dans la
partie du Nord. Les terres les plus au Sud a 1'Ouest
Sud Quest 2° Quest, corrige a sept lieues et demie.
Dans la nuit, les vents ont varie, au Sud Est. A onze
heures un quart, le general a fait le signal de virer vent
devant tous a la fois; apres que 1'armee a en revire aux
amures sur tribord j'ay force de voile pour me mettre
en avant tacher de reconnoitre les ennemis; les vents
etoient faibles, la mer clapoteuse, le temps nuageux; la
reste de la nuit 1'armee a tenu le vent toute voile dehors.
(En marge: Le matin, a six heures et demie, le general
a fait signal de prendre a la feuille numero un les sig-
naux fait par un seul pavilion. A sept heures, ordre
aux vaisseaux de tete de faire de la voile. A minuit
trouve vingt cinq brasses, sable gris fin.)
Vendredy septieme. A cinq heures du matin, le peu
d'air etoit au sud sud ouest presque calme; les ennemis
etoient toujours dans le nord en calme ouest et mal en
ordre. J'etois en avant de 1'armee. A huit heures, la
sonde a rapporte dix neuf brasses sable fin jaunatre et
coquillage brise. Le calme a dure jusqu'a dix heures et
demie du matin que les vents ont passe au Sud Est petit
fraix et successivement au Sud Sud Ouest. A onze
heures et demie, le general a fait signale a 1'armee de
former la ligne de bataille a 1'ordre naturel; pour
prendre mon poste il m'a fallu tenir le vent babord
amure 1'armee se formant aux amures sur tribord. A
midy, latitude observee: 36° 6 nord, la routte depuis
hier a midy a valu le Sud Est, chemin sept lieues et deux
tiers, la longitude arrivee ouest soixante dix sept degres
1:234:
THE GRAVES PAPERS
cinquante six. A midy et demie j'ai vire et pris mon
poste par les eaux du vaisseau 1'Hector. A deux heures
moms un quart, 1'armee a eu ordre de virer lof pour lof
touts a la fois. A deux heures, ralliement a 1'ordre de
bataille renverse, babord amure; a deux heures et demie
ordre au vaisseau le Souverain de prendre la tete de
1'armee a la place du vaisseau le Pluton qui, par les
avaries qu'il a regues dans ses mats, ne pouvoit agir pour
conduire la tete de Tarmee. (En marge: le Pluton a
eu sa mature endommagee dans 1'afTaire du cinquieme,
etant a la tete de la ligne.) A quatre heures, 1'armee
marchant sur la ligne du plus pres babord amure a
1'ordre renverse, le Souverain a la tete, le vaisseau 1'Au-
guste commandant 1'escadre bleue a fait signal aux
vaisseaux de tete d'augmenter de voile. A quatre heure
et quart le general a fait signal aux commandants des
escadres qu'il les chargeoit de la police de la leur; im-
mediatement, il a signale le mot d'ordre numero qua-
rante sept. (En marge: A quatre heure et quart,
1'Auguste a fait signal de serrer la ligne a son escadre) .
A cinq heures, la fregate 1'Aigrette a prolonge la ligne
et a dit a tous les vaisseaux de la part du general de f aire
attention que, le premier signal qu'il feroit pour tenir le
vent, les vaisseaux fairoient porter a un quart largue et
que lorsqu'il reppeteroit le meme signal on tiendroit le
plus pres du vent. Les ennemis etoient alors occupes a
former leur ligne de bataille a nos amures revirant par la
centre marche et se formant sur le dernier vaisseau de
leur armee. Us etoient for sous le vent. A cinq heures
et demie, le general a fait signal a 1'armee de virer vent
devant toute a la fois et aux vaisseaux de tete d'aug
menter de voile et immediatement rallier 1'armee a
1'ordre d'echiquier sur la ligne du plus pres babord,
£2353
THE GRAVES PAPERS
amures, sur tribord au plus pres du vent. A six heures,
1'armee a revire aux amures sur tribord, apres avoir
revire, elle a porte un quart largue. A sept heures, le
general a fait le signal communique par 1'Aigrette pour
tenir le vent. A huit heures et demie, 1'armee a tenir
le vent sur tribord amure en ordre d'echiquier. Les
vents etoient Sud Sud Quest petit fraix. L'ennemi a
revire a nos amures avant la nuit. Le terre paroissoit,
au coucher du soleil, au Sud Quest quart Quest, a sept
lieues. La variation observee occase 4° Nord Quest.
Les vents ont ete toute la nuit variables du Sud Quest
au Sud Sud Quest petit fraix. J'ay tenir le vent au
poste que j'avais dans 1'armee sous differentes voilures.
Le temps beau et clair.
Samedy huitieme Septembre. A cinq heures du
matin, les vents du Sud Quest petit fraix, temps clair, le
general a fait signal a 1'armee de ralliement a 1'ordre
d'echiquier sur la ligne du plus pres babord, sur tribord
amure, la routte au plus pres du vent, les ennemis
restoient dans la partie du nord ouest. A trois
lieues un tiers au meme bord a sept heures du matin
signal a 1'armee de se rallier a 1'ordre de bataille,
renverse babord amures. L'armee a vire, vent devant,
toute a la fois, d'apres le signal fait; a sept heures et
quart, ordre de serrer la ligne. L'ennemi a vire aussi
par la contre marche a nos amures. A huit heures, le
general a fait signal au vaisseau de tete de gouverner
de maniere a passer de 1'avant du chef de file de
1'ennemi. Le Souverain a fait porter plein sur les ordres
qu'il avoit regus pour approcher 1'ennemi et luy passer
au vent. A huit heures et quart, le general a fait signal
de serrer la ligne; touts les vaisseaux, successivement,
suivoient les mouvements du vaisseau de tete. A huit
C2363
THE GRAVES PAPERS
heures trois quart, 1'Auguste a fait signal qu'il decouv-
roit des voiles sous le vent. C'etait trois vaisseaux ou
fregates de 1'armee ennemi qui rallioient. A neuf
heures et quart, 1'Auguste a fait signal qu'il avoit atten
tion aux signals du general, a neuf heures et demie, les
ennemis courant le meme bord que nous, le general a
fait signal au vaisseau de tete de tenir le vent et succes-
sivement toute 1'armee a tenu le vent babord arnure tou-
jours a 1'ordre de bataille renverse; il y avoit a craindre
que les ennemis ne nous eussent gagne le vent si 1'armee
avoit continue courir plein. (En marge: a dix heures
un quart, le Magnanime a signale la terre au vent) . Les
vents etoient toujours Sud Quest petit frais. La partie
du Nord Quest commengoit a devenir nuageuse. A
onze heures et quart, le general a fait signal de virer
vent devant touts a la fois; apres que 1'armee a eu re
vire le general a fait signal de ralliement a 1'ordre
d'echiquier sur la ligne du plus pres babord sur tribord
amure, au plus pres du vent. A midy, latitude observee
36° 2 nord; la routte, depuis hier, a midy, a valu le Sud
Sud Quest 3° 30 sud, chemin une lieue un tiers ; la longi
tude arrivee vaut 77° 58. Les vents toujours sud ouest
mais devenu faibles; 1'ennemi a revire a midy et quart.
A une heure apres midy, le general a reppete le signal
de 1'ordre d'echequier sur tribord amure. A trois heures,
les orages ont commence de la partie du Nord Nord
Est, les vents fraix variant sans se fixer qu'a quatre
heures et quart au Nord Nord Est avec grosse pluye, le
temps devenu noir; le general a fait signal a 1'armee de
virer lof pour lof touts a la fois babord amure; la pluye
et le tonnerre etoient en abondance; les vents faibles du
Nord Est au Nord Nord Est sur les cinq heures et par
raphales. L'armee apres avoir revire a tenu le vent en
[2373
THE GRAVES PAPERS
ordre d'echiquier, babord amure; a huit heures du soir,
le general a fait signal a 1'armee de prendre tous les ris.
Les vents commengoit a fraichir, le temps noir, la mer
grosse. Apres avoir pris les bas ris, j'ai force de voile
pour rallier le vaisseau qui etoit de 1'avant a moy et
le general qui etoit en avant; a onze heures, me trou-
vant a portee de touts les vaisseaux j'ai diminue de voile
et reste sous les huniers. Les vents etoient Nord Nord
Est fraix et par raphales, le temps noir, des eclairs de
partout, peu de pluye, ainsi que tout le reste de la nuit.
Dimanche neuvieme. A cinq heures du matin, les
vents ayant varie au Nord Est fraix, 1'armee tenoit tou-
jours le vent babord amure; les ennemis etoient dans la
partie du nord a trois lieues et demie environ et a nos
amures. Le general a fait signal a 1'armee de se rallier
a 1'ordre naturel de bataille, babord amure. J'ay arrive
pour prendre mon poste a huit heures. Le signal a etc
fait pour tenir le vent et, a huit heures et demie, faire
virer 1'armee vent arriere tout a la fois. Le temps etoit
obscur et un peu brumeux. Les ennemis paroissoient
confusement et on ne pouvoit distinguer leurs manoeu
vres; a neuf heures et quart, 1'armee ayant revire, le
general a fait signal de retablir 1'ordre de marche en
echiquier sur la ligne du plus pres babord sur tribord
amures ; a neuf heures et demie, les vents ont varie a
1'Est Nord Est fraix, la mer grosse, le temps moins bru
meux, tonjours nuageux. L'armee tenoit le plus pres
tous les huniers au bas viz et la mizaine. A midy, lati
tude observee 35° 41 nord; la routte estimee depuis hier
a midy a valu le Sud Est quart Est; chemin dix lieues
un tiers ; la corrige : le Sud Est quart Est 3 ° Sud, chemin
douze lieues; la longitude arrivee ouest 77° 21. A
trent quatre lieues du cap Henry au Nord Ouest quart
THE GRAVES PAPERS
nord 4° 20 ouest. A une heure, les vents d'Est Nord
Est moins fort que la mer de Nord Nord Est qui exis-
toit grosse, le vaisseau, ayant de la peine a se porter sur
la lame, j'ai amure ma grande voile. L'armee ennemie
a paru en ce moment courant la bordee du Sud Est
babord amure; elle restoit au Nord Ouest quart Ouest.
A une heure et demie, elle a revire aux amures sur tri-
bord par la contre marche et, apres avoir revire, elle a
serre le petit hunier pour ne pas trop courir dans le
Nord et conserver toujours 1'avantage du vent. Elle
etoit a trois lieues et demie environ de notre armee. A
trois heures, le Caton a signale avoir une voye d'eau.
Le general lui a repondu au feuillet numero trois et,
ensuite, 1'a renvoye au Nord Ouest; finalement, il a
change lof pour lof, mis en pane babord au vent, s'est
radoube; a quatre heures, il a fait signal qu'il etoit
prest. Le general lui a repondu que 1'armee reglera sa
voilure sur la sienne. II a, cependant, force de voile
pour joindre et repris son poste. A neuf heures du soir,
les vents a 1'Est fraix, beau temps, le general a fait
signal a 1'armee qu'il etoit essentiel que chaque vaisseau
se tint a son poste et de serrer la ligne, 1'ennemie etant
a notre vue. J'ai force de voile sans larguer les ris pour
me mettre en avant; a minuit j'etois de 1'avant des gene-
raux tenant le vent; j'ai diminue de voile en attendant;
les vents ont ete Est Nord Est jusqu'au jour, beau temps
clair.
Lundy dizieme. A six heures du matin, les vents tou
jours Est Nord Est petit fraix beau temps clair, 1'armee
ennemie ne paroissant point le Souverain et le Citoyen
etoient en avant de 1'armee; la vigie, du haut des mats,
a vu huit voiles dans 1'Ouest Nord Ouest; on en voyoit
encore dans le Sud et lans le Sud Ouest. A six heures
[239]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
et quart, le general a fait signal a 1'armee de se rallier
a 1'ordre de bataille renverse sur tribord amure. A sept
heures, faire passer 1'Aigrette a poupe du general ainsi
que le vaisseau le Pluton; mais, ce signal a ete annule
par le Pluton. A sept heures et quart, ralliement a tous
les vaisseaux et f regates qui chassoient sous le vent. A
sept heures trois quart, faire forcer de voile a toute
1'armee et reppeter tous les signaux. Le general a rep-
pete le signal de 1'ordre de bataille renverse sur tribord
amure. J'etois par les eaux de 1'Auguste; alors, suivant
les mouvements qu'il faisoit manquant le Scipion pour
se mettre en avant de moy et qui venoit prendre son
poste quand le general a huit heures du matin a fait sig
nal a 1'armee de chasser sans ordre; dans le nord,
1'armee 1'ennemie ne paroissoit point; il paroissoit deux
batiments de guerre dans le sud auest, a bord oppose a
notre armee, a trois lieues environ de distance. A dix
heures, le general a appele les deux fregates qui etoient
a chasser en avant. A midy, les vents etoient a 1'Est
f aibles, le temps clair, latitude observee 36° 44 Nord ;
la routte, depuis hier, a midy: le nord quart Nord Quest
3° 15; corrige; chemin vingt deux lieues; la longitude
arrivee, ouest, 77° 42. A seize lieues du cap Henry a
1'Ouest Nord Ouest 4° 30 ouest. Le general, a, environ
une heure apres midy a indique la routte au Nord Nord
Ouest. L'armee a single aussitot dans la ditte partie; je
chassois en avant de 1'armee, hautes et basses bonnettes;
a une heure precise, la vigie a decouvert deux voiles
dans le Sud Sud Ouest qui paroissoient courir la bordee
au Nord Nord Est. Le general n'ayant pas repondu a
mon signal et, a quatre heures, ayant fait celuy de dimi-
nuer de voile aux vaisseaux de tete, j'ai reste sous les
huniers et arrive au Sud Ouest pour me rallier inde-
[240]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
pendemment des deux bailments signales dans le Sud
Sud Quest, il en paroissoit deux autres dans 1'Ouest
courant a la bordee de 1'armee, les vents etoient a 1'Est
petit fraix. A huit heures du soir, la sonde a rapporte
vingt une brasses sable gris. A huit heures du soir, j'ai
mis en pane, le cap a la routte, pour ne pas trop faire
de chemin et attendre 1'armee. J'ai ensuite porte au
Nord Quest jusqu'a neuf heures et quart que j'ai fait
servir le grand hunier. Le vent etoit alors faible. A
deux heures j'ai trouve douze brasses d'eau fond sable
jaune. Le reste de la nuit, les vents ont ete tres faibles
a 1'Est, grosse mer du large, le temps clair. L'armee
a tenu le vent sur tribord amure a petite voile en atten
dant le jour. (En marge : Pendant la nuit, vu en differ-
entes fois des fusees differentes des notres que les bati-
ments de la pointe de 1'ouest langoient pour signaux de
reconnoissance.)
Mardy onzieme. A six heures du matin, un vaisseau
de 1'arriere de 1'armee a signale que les batiments que
1'on avoit chassee etoit f rangois ou allie. Effectivement,
c'etoit le Glorieux et la Diligente qui venoient joindre
1'armee. (En marge: les batiments qui restoient au
Sud Sud Quest hier apres midy.) A six heures et demie
du matin, le general a fait signal aux vaisseaux les plus
a portee des chasseurs de reppeter les signaux. A sept
heures et quart, signal au dixieme vaisseau de 1'escadre
blanche de passer a poupe de luy. (En marge: le Sou-
verain.) A huit heures, signal de ralliement en toute
occasion. A huit heures et quart, vu la terre. L'armee
partoit au Nord Quest quart Nord. Ensuite, elle a
single au Nord Quest, toujours a petite voile. Les vents
etoient sud petit vent. Le cap Henry restoit au Quest
quart Sud Quest, corrige distance: huit lieues. A neuf
THE GRAVES PAPERS
heures environ, signal a 1'armee de tenir le vent babord
amure. A neuf heures et quart, une fregate qui restoit
dans la partie du Nord Quest courant la bordee aux
amures sur tribord a mis en pane apres avoir reconnue
1'armee et fait des signaux de reconnoissance auxquels
le general a repondu aussitot et, un instant apres, le
general a mis son numero. C'etoit la Concorde qui a
couru le bord au large pour luy passer a poupe. A dix
heures, le general a fait signal a 1'armee de chasser son
ordre et de tenir le vent aux memes amures. Nous
etions a la vue de la baye de Chesapeak ou nous y
voyions 1'escadre aux ordres de Mr. de Barras mouillie;
le Glorieux avoit mis son numero; mais je n'etoit pas
encore rallie et, par consequent, encore de 1'arriere et
au vent de 1'armee qui tenoit le plus pres. Les vents
etoient Sud, petit f raix. II empechoit, par consequent, ces
deux batiments etrangeres a 1'armee qui restoient dans la
partie de 1'Ouest, hier, a prendre le large; toute 1'armee,
qui chassoit pour approcher la cote, les empechoit aussi
de courir Nord. A midy moins un quart, 1'Auguste
qui etoit sous le vent au Citoyen a revire de bord au
large. J'ay revire aussi par les neuf brasses. (En
marge: le fond est sable jaune). A une lieue un tiers
de la cote, la latitude observee 36° 55 nord. La routte
depuis hier a midy: 1'ouest nord ouest. Chemin treize
lieues un tiers. La corrigee: ouest un quart nord ouest
8° nord, treize lieues. La longitude arrivee: 78° 30
ouest, cap Henry Nord Ouest quart Ouest, restant a
trois lieues de distance. J'avois revire sur tribord amure
toute voile dehors et passe au vent de tous les vaisseaux
qui etoient de 1'arriere de moy. Le Glorieux, 1'Aigrette
et la Diligente avoient signale avoir espoir de joindre
ces batiments. Les vents qui etoient devenu assez frais
[242]
THE GRAVES PAPERS
pour courir des bordees a trois heures et demie. J'ai
revire a terre quand le vaisseau le Sceptre a fait signal
que les batiments chasses couroient vent arriere; effec-
tivement, c'etoient deux fregates; elles avoient pro-
longe la cote ne pouvant courir au large et forgoient de
voile aussi proche de terre qu'elles pouvoient pour que
les vaisseaux ne pussent les approcher. Le Glorieux qui
les poursuivoit et qui couroit vent arriere comme elles
a canone la derniere qui s'est aussitot rendue; celle qui
etoit en avant a continue forcer de voiles ; j'ai fait porter
plein sur la cote pour luy couper chemin et j'y serois
parvenu; mais, il y avoit tant des chasseurs a 1'autour
de cette f regate qui ne pouvoit echaper le Glorieux sans
s'amurer au mariner le Richmond; celle qui venoit
d'etre prise 1'a laissee a la Bourgogne et a continue
chasser; a quatre heures et quart, le vaisseau la Bour
gogne ayant fait le signal avec vaisseaux le plus a portee
de 1'aider a amariner la prise, j'ai couru de ce cotte la,
pour cet effet; 1'ayant joint, ainsi que le Pluton, sur les
cinq heures, j'ai mis mon canot a la mer pour 1'envoyer
a bord de la Burgogne avec un officier prendre les ordres
de Monsieur de Charite; le canot a ete mande a bord
du Richmond; on luy a donne vingt huit prisonniers
et il est retourne a bord sur les cinq heures et demie;
cette f regate le Richmond, de trente deux canons, etoit
de compagnie avec celle qui etoit encore poursuivie qui
se nommoit 1'Iris, re quarante canons, construite a Bos
ton et prise par les Anglois; elles etoient bien armees en
equipages et en canons; elles venoient de Chesapeack;
par ordre du general qui commande I'armee anglaise,
elles avoient coupe les bouees de Nord Quest ancres et
cherchoient leurs armees. Cette fregate, ditte 1'Iris,
combattoient toujours et contre 1'Aigrette et centres les
[243:1
THE GRAVES PAPERS
autres ; mais, sur les cinq heures trois quarts, ayant ete
obligee d'arriver pour ecarter la pointe Dingen qui va
au large et qui est dans le Sud Est cap Henry, le vais-
seau le plus a portee qui etoit le Palmier lui ayant coupe
le grand mat d'hune, elle s'est rendue et a ete conduite
par 1'armee dans la baye de Chesapeack qui y a ete
mouiller. A six heures et demie, le Pluton, nous ayant
mis le pavilion de mouillage, il a fait servir, le cap
Henry restoit, alors, au nord ouest; corrige distance:
quatre lieues. J'ai fait servir aussi et approcher le
Pluton qui m'a dit qu'il mouilleroit le long de la cote
en attendant le jour; pour aller mouiller dans la baye,
j'ai single au nord nord ouest de 1'arriere de luy et, a
neuf heures, comme il a mouille, je suis venu mouiller
dans le nord de luy a environ un cable et demie de dis
tance, les feux de Tarmee restant au nord nord ouest;
j'avois dix brasses, sable fin et jaune. La fregate a
mouille aussi entre nous, la Bourgogne a passe dans la
baye. Les vents etoient sud sud est petit f raix variables
au sud ouest, beau temps. — (En marge: II nous est mort
trois hommes.)
[2443
THE GRAVES PAPERS
EXTRAIT DU LIVRE DE BORD DU VAISSEAU LE PLUTON1
3 septembre, 1781
Lundi trois. Nous avons sgu que dans les batiments
pris hier au soir par 1'Aigrete, 1'un venoit de Charle-
town et de la Jamaique, avec beaucoup d'officiers allant
a 1'armee de Cornwalis. Le Souverain a appareille
pour rentier plus en dedans. — Monsieur du Patail,
commandant le genie dans 1'armee du general Vasing-
thon est arrive avec des lettre de ce general et de Mon
sieur de Rochambeau ; il mandent a Monsieur de Grasse
que sur la nouvelle de notre arrivee par la Concorde, ils
etaient parti de leur camppes de Newyork avec toute
1'armee frangoise et un detachement considerable
d'Americain pour gagner le bord de la baye de Chesa-
peak et qu'ils en avaient fait part a Monsieur de Barras
arm qu'il vient les prendre a la riviere d'Elk ou ils sont
actuellement, avec des batiment de transport pour les
amener ici et qu'ils le prient de ne point attaquer Corn
walis sans eux, qui a quatre mille cinq cents hommes de
troupes reglees. Le general a envoye le Serpent porte
la reponse qui est qu'il n'a point de batiment de trans
port et qu'il attendra Monsieur de Barras.
1 Archives de la Marine, B4 184, fol. 8ov°-9Ov°.
APPENDIX I
FRANCOIS JOSEPH PAUL DE GRASSE-ROUVILLE, Count de Grasse,
Marquis de Tilly, was born in the commune of Bar-sur-Loup, Alpes-
Maritimes, on the I3th September, 1722. When but 12 years old
he entered the service of the Order of Malta as a Garde-Marine. In
1740 he joined the French navy; was made capitaine de vaisseau in
1762, served under D'Orvilliers in the Squadron of Evolutions in 1772,
when he was highly commended as "a captain of the first distinction,
made for a general officer and to conduct the squadrons and fleets of
the King" ( Lacour-Gayet, 390). He was in command of the
"Robuste," 74 (again under D'Orvilliers), in the ineffective battle off
Ushant, July, 1778, an action which brought the British commander-
in-chief, Keppel, and one of his captains, Palliser, to a court-martial.
Raised to the rank of chef d'escadre (commodore) in this same
year, he sailed in 1779 (still in the "Robuste"), with a squadron of
four ships of the line, for the West Indies, where he served with credit
under Guichen and D'Estaing. He returned with Guichen to France
in January, 1781, and on March 22, the day he sailed from Brest in
command of the fleet which was to be so effective an instrument in
establishing American independence, was made lieutenant-general
(the equivalent of rear-admiral in France at this period). His good
fortune ended with his departure, November 4, 1781, from our wa
ters. On April 12, 1782, he was defeated and made prisoner by Rod
ney (with 36 ships to the French 30, to which the latter had been
reduced from 34 by collision and other accident), in the action usually
known as Les Saintes, the small islands between Guadeloupe and
Dominica. Though but six French ships were taken (one the flag
ship, the "Ville de Paris"), this battle warded off the contemplated
attack on Jamaica and ended French naval influence in the West
Indies. The loss of the battle was due (besides marked inferiority
in guns and class of -ships) to bad handling of the French fleet, which,
in the beginning, scattered over a length of ten miles, never got into
a real line of battle, and by standing south got into the light baffling
airs of an almost calm day, under Dominica. Much has been written
of Rodney's "breaking the line," but careful reading has convinced me
that the breaking of the French line, as a special tactical move, is a
myth. There was no real line to break. There were but discon-
APPENDIX
nected and scattered units to attack. The beautiful regularity of
printed plans is very misleading.
Of the six ships taken but two ever reached England. All were
with Graves as part of the convoy of the great fleet of merchantmen
which left the West Indies at the end of July, 1782. Two, the
"Ville de Paris" and "Glorieux," foundered with all on board; the
"Hector" sank later on her way to Halifax; the "Ardent" got into
Halifax, where she was condemned; the "Caton," after repairs at
Halifax, reached England. The "Jason" was the only one which
weathered the gale without serious injury.
De Grasse sailed from Jamaica on May 25, 1782, in the "Sand
wich," flag-ship of Admiral Peter Parker, for England. He reached
Portsmouth on July 31 ; London on August 3. On August 9 he and
all the French officers were presented to King George. He left
London on August 12, reaching Paris on the i6th. On the i8th he
was received by Louis XVI. He was granted a court. This, which
inquired into the conduct of all the superior officers in the battle of
Les Saintes, and many of lesser rank, was composed of fourteen
officers and a judge-advocate. It did not render a decision until May
21, 1784. Many— in fact, most— of the charges brought by De Grasse
were declared by the court "calumnious" and were ordered stricken
from the record. He received a letter from the Minister of Marine
(De Castries), saying: "His Majesty wishes to think you did all in
your power to prevent the misfortunes of the day, but he cannot have
the same indulgence in regard^Jo the matters you impute unjustly to
those officers of his navy who are found not guilty. His Majesty,
dissatisfied with your conduct in this regard, forbids you to present
yourself before him. It is with pain that I transmit his instructions
and that I add the advice that, in the existing circumstances, you
withdraw to your province." This De Grasse did. He saw no
further service. Chevalier ( Histoire de la Marine Frangaise pendant
la Guerre de L'Independance Americaine), who devotes several
pages to the finding of the court (pp. 313-320), and several more to
the result as it concerns De Grasse, says: "Beaten in the battle of
Dominica, he honored himself by defending the ship in which flew
his flag, with an energy difficult to surpass. His personal courage on
this unhappy day was above all praise. In exchange for the ser
vices he had rendered, France owed him forgetfulness of the faults
he committed on the I2th of April. As for himself, after the battle
of Dominica he was under strict obligation to keep silence and live
in seclusion. Instead of resigning himself to this role, the only one
which became him, he gave himself up to sterile and unjust recrimina
tions. He did not know— what, moreover, is the gift of but very few
men — how to show dignity in misfortune." Americans, remembering
their great debt to De Grasse, cannot but feel that he was harshly
treated, and that this criticism was but the echo of a hundred-year-
[248:1
APPENDIX
old dispute. Of De Grasse's courage there can be no doubt; of the
value of his services there can be no question. He was a vital factor
in the establishment of American independence. In the face of this
fact, such errors as those quoted from his compatriot are as nothing.
De Grasse was married three times: first, in 1764, to Antoinette
Rosalia Acaron, the daughter of a naval commissary. Of this mar
riage there were six children, Alexandre Francois Auguste, who died
about 1849; Amelie Maxime Rosalie, who died unmarried; Adelaide,
who died at Charleston, S. C, of yellow fever; Maxime, who died in
1773; Melanie Veronique Maxime, who died also of yellow fever at
Charleston, September 19, 1799; Silvie, who married Francis de Pau
and died in New York, January 5, 1855, aSe(^ eighty-three. Mrs. de
Pau left two sons and five daughters.1 Of these, there are a number
of descendants living in 1916.
The second wife of De Grasse was Catherine Pien, widow of a M.
de Villeneuve; the third was Christine Marie Delphine Lazare de
Cibon. Of these there were no children.
He died at Paris, January u, 1788.2
APPENDIX II
GEORGE BRYDGES RODNEY (born 1719, died 1792) entered the
navy in July, 1732, on board the "Sunderland," 60; in 1733 he was
in the "Dreadnought"; in 1739, in the "Somerset," 80, where he was
promoted lieutenant in October of the same year and sent to the
"Dolphin," frigate. In 1741 he was in the "Essex" in the Channel,
and in 1742 went to the Mediterranean with Admiral Mathews, by
whom he was promoted captain of the "Plymouth," 60, when but
1 De Grasse's four daughters came to Charleston during the French Revo
lution. On February 27, 1795, Washington, as President, approved an act of
Congress granting them $1000 each. Amelie (Maxime Rosalie) died August
23, 1799, and Melanie (Veronique Maxime) September 19 following. They
were buried in the Catholic Cemetery at Charleston. The second daughter,
Adelaide, was married to a Monsieur de Groschamps. The youngest, Silvie
Alexandrine, was married to Francis de Pau of Charleston and later of New
York. They had two sons and five daughters. The first child, a son, mar
ried a Miss Adams of Philadelphia; the second, Amelie, married Theodosius
Fowler of New York; the third, Elizabeth, Samuel M. Fox of Philadelphia;
the fourth, Silvie, Mortimer Livingston of New York; the fifth, Carolina,
Henry W. Livingston of New York; the sixth, Stephania, Washington Coster
of New York; the seventh, Louis, Angelina Thorne of New York.
2 The data concerning De Grasse's family life are largely from the two
journals of unknown officers in his fleet, printed by the Bradford Club, New
York, 1864.
APPENDIX
twenty-three years old. His promotion was confirmed by the Ad
miralty. In 1743 and 1744 he was in the "Sheerness" and "Ludlow
Castle"; in 1745 was in command of the new 6ogun ship "Eagle";
was in the action in which the French under L'Etenduere were defeated
in 1747. He was appointed to the "Rainbow," 40, in 1748, as Gov
ernor of Newfoundland ; paid off in 1752. After several years' service
in command of guard-ships at Portsmouth, he was, in February,
I757> given command of the "Dublin." He thus escaped being pres
ent at the execution of Byng (March 14, 1757), having the previous
December escaped serving on the court-martial, on the plea of "a
violent bilious colic." He was with Hawke in the expedition against
the Basque Roads, and in 1758 was with Boscawen in North Amer
ica, but took no part in the attack on Louisburg on account of sick
ness. He was made rear-admiral in 1759 ancl operated on the
French coast that year and in 1760 (bombarding Havre July 4, 5 and
6 in the former year). In 1761 was in command in the West Indies;
in 1762 was promoted vice-admiral; returned to England 1763;
created baronet, 1764; governor of Greenwich Hospital, 1765, where
he remained five years. He had a seat, as a nominee of the Govern
ment, in the House of Commons from 1751 to 1768, but in securing
a seat in the latter year, through his own resources, is said to have
spent £30,000. This crippled him financially for life. In 1771 he
was nominated rear-admiral of Great Britain; was in the West
Indies 1771-1774. On his return he was obliged to leave the coun
try on account of debt, and thus lived in Paris over four years. In
1778 he was enabled to return to England through the kindness of
the Marechal de Biron, who advanced him 1000 louis. He was
promoted admiral January 29, 1778, and at the end of 1779 was
given a command in the West Indies. On his way, he was to relieve
Gibraltar, having under his orders twenty-one ships of the line, some
frigates, and some three hundred store-ships. On January 16, 1780, he
came in contact with a Spanish squadron of eleven ships of the line off
Cape St. Vincent. Only two of the latter escaped. After the relief
of Gibraltar, he sailed with four ships of the line for the West Indies,
where he had a notable career in which an unsuccessful action
(through mistake of signals) against Guichen, the capture of St.
Eustatius and its £3,000,000 of plunder (which carried Rodney off
his head and led to financial ruin, partly through lawsuits, partly by
reason of the capture by the French of the convoy conveying the booty
to England), and the victory of the I2th of April, 1782, were the
principal incidents.
For this victory over De Grasse he was made a peer with a pension
of £2000, which in 1793 was settled on the title forever. He saw no
further service. He was prematurely old through gout and dissipa
tion and greatly harassed by lawsuits arising from his action at St.
Eustatius. He died suddenly at his house in Hanover Square, Don-
[250 ]
APPENDIX
don, on May 23, 1792. He was twice married, having two sons by
his first wife, and two sons and three daughters by the second, who
survived him thirty-seven years. His elder son, John, by his second
wife, was a remarkable example of the favoritism of the times. Ac
companying his father in the "Sandwich," he was made lieutenant,
commander and captain at fifteen, being at this age in command of
the "Boreas" frigate. These commissions wrere confirmed on his
return to England in 1782. Accidentally, when just appointed in
1795 to the "Vengeance," he broke his leg, which had to be ampu
tated, and he saw no further sea service. He died a captain on the
retired list April 9, 1847.
Sir Samuel Hood, who had joined Rodney in December, 1780, as
second in command, is very bitter in his criticisms of Rodney in his
letters. In these, however, Hood's character does not show well.
In his correspondence with Hood, Rodney was always appreciative
and even affectionate, nor does Hood in his correspondence with Rod
ney ever show any but a very different sentiment from that of his
private letters.
With all his faults, Rodney was a great commander.1
APPENDIX III
ADMIRAL SAMUEL HOOD was born December 12, 1724, the eldest son
of the Reverend Samuel Hood. He entered the navy in 1741 as
"captain's servant" and in 1743 was rated midshipman. He was
such with Rodney in 1744 in the "Ludlow Castle." He was lieu
tenant in 1746 in the "Winchelsea" and was wounded when in her in
an action with a French frigate which was captured. He served in
the "Lyon" on the North American coast in 1748, returned to Eng
land the same year and was placed on half pay; he married in 1749.
He was appointed to the "Invincible" guard-ship at Portsmouth in
I753>* m J754 had command of the "Jamaica" sloop of war, which
he took to America. He returned thence in 1756 as captain of the
"Grafton." In 1757 he had command of the "Antelope" of 50 guns,
drove ashore on May 14 the French ship "Aquilon" of like force, and
a week later captured two privateers. Was appointed to the "Bide-
ford" frigate, July, 1757; to the "Vestal," February, 1758, and was
with Hawke on his second and more successful attack on the Basque
Roads. On February 12, 1759, he sailed in the "Vestal" for North
America in a squadron under Commodore Holmes, but chasing a
strange sail, which turned out to be the French frigate "Bellona," he
captured her. His own ship after the action had only her badly
1 Mainly from the British Dictionary of National Biography.— THE EDITOR.
APPENDIX
injured lower masts standing; his prize was wholly dismasted. He
was thus obliged to return to refit. He then joined a squadron under
command of Rodney, just promoted to flag rank, and took part in his
attack on Havre, July, 1759. He was employed in the Mediterra
nean, 1760-1763; in 1765 carried a regiment of troops in the "Thun
derer" to America; in 1767 was appointed commodore and com-
mander-in-chief in North America, with his broad pennant in the
"Romney." From 1771 to 1776 he commanded the guard-ship at
Portsmouth. In 1778 he was appointed commissioner at Portsmouth,
governor of the Naval Academy, and was made a baronet, — appoint
ments which in the circumstances indicated retirement from active
service. He was, however, promoted to rear-admiral of the Blue on
September 26, 1780, and sent in December with a strong fleet to
reinforce Rodney in the West Indies. The supposed explanation of
these events was the difficulty in finding officers willing to serve in
high commands under the Sandwich administration, which was po
litically so corrupt as to be in strong disfavor. Politics were never
more disreputable than at this period. Hood, though he had made
no particular reputation before, was to show marked ability in the
West Indies and acquired a great reputation as a tactician. His con
duct while North with Graves appears in the text, but his handling
of his fleet at St. Kitts in the presence of De Grasse, where he occu
pied and held the anchorage against the latter, gave him a great repu
tation. He played a brilliant part as second in command on the I2th
of April, 1782, which brought him a peerage (September 12, 1782).
He remained in the West Indies as second in command until the
peace of 1783. Was returned in the general election of 1784 to Par
liament (for Westminster). Was commander-in-chief at Portsmouth
in 1787-88. Was promoted vice-admiral of the Blue, September 24,
1787, and in July, 1788, became a member of the Board of Admi
ralty, where he remained until the outbreak of war with France, Feb
ruary, 1793, when he was appointed commander-in-chief in the
Mediterranean. His flag-ship was the "Victory." He arrived off
Toulon on July 16, 1793. The extraordinary and dramatic events
of Hood's command of a year and a half off Toulon must be read
elsewhere for want of space here. He was promoted to admiral on
April 12, 1794, and sailed for England on October n, leaving Ad
miral Hotham in command. Hood was strongly criticized during
this command, but Nelson's opinion is decisive. Said he:
"The fleet must regret the loss of Lord Hood, the best officer, take
him altogether, that England has to boast of; great in all situations
which an admiral can be placed in."
On June i, 1796, he was created viscount; in March of the same
year he had been appointed governor of Greenwich Hospital, which
post he held in full possession of his faculties until his death on Janu
ary 27, 1816, in his ninety-second year.
1:252]
APPENDIX
APPENDIX IV
TRANSLATION OF THE FRENCH ACCOUNT OF THE ACTION OFF THE
CHESAPEAKE, AS PUBLISHED BY THEIR COMMANDERS AT
THE CAPE, AND PRINTED IN THE JAMAICA PAPER l
"Cape Frangois, 27th Nov. 1781.
"The fleet in Lynnhaven-bay was waiting for news from General
Washington, and the return of its boats, when, on the 5th of Septem
ber, at eight in the morning, the lookout frigate made the signal of
seeing twenty sail to the eastward, steering for the bay, the wind at
N. E. It was soon discovered to be an enemy's fleet, and not that of
the Compte de Barras, which was expected.
"The English fleet forcing sail was soon near enough to be per
ceived forming the line of battle a-head on the starboard tack, and
placing its heaviest ships in the van.
"As soon as it was known to be the enemy's fleet, the Compte de
Grasse gave orders to prepare for battle, to recall the boats from
watering, and for the fleet to be ready to get under sail. At noon the
tide permitted to get under sail ; accordingly the signal was made, as
also to form the line promiscuously as the ships could get under weigh.
"All the captains applied themselves so diligently to the manoeuvre,
that, notwithstanding the absence of ninety officers and eighteen hun
dred men, the fleet was under sail in less than three quarters of an
hour, and the line formed in the following order: Pluton, Marseil-
lois, Bourgogne, Reflechi, Auguste, L'Esprit, Caton, Cassar, Ville de
Paris, Victoire, Sceptre, Northumberland, Palmier, Solitaire, Citoyen,
Scipion, Magnanime, Hercule, Languedoc, Zele, Hector, Souverain.
The Languedoc, commanded by M. de Monteil, Commodore of the
White and Blue squadron, happened to be the ship next a-head of the
Ville de Paris; and the Compte de Grasse, observing that no general
officer was in his rear, gave M. de Monteil a verbal order to go and
take the command there.
"The enemy coming down took care in forming their line on the
starboard tack, still to preserve the wind. At two o'clock they wore
altogether, and formed their line upon the same tack as the French.
"In this position the two fleets were on the same tack, but by no
means parallel, as the rear guard of Admiral Graves was infinitely to
windward of his van.
"At three o'clock the headmost of the French ships, from the vary
ing of the wind and current, finding themselves too far to windward
for a well formed line, the Compte de Grasse made them bear up two
points, that his ships might have the advantage of engaging together;
1 From Beatson's Naval and Military Memoirs.
APPENDIX
and they kept the wind as soon as they were sufficiently in line to lee
ward.
"The headmost ships of both fleets approached each other to within
musquet-shot. At four the action commenced in the van, commanded
by M. de Bougainville, by a very brisk fire, and the main body was
successively engaged. At five the wind continuing to vary, even to
four points, placed the vanguard still too much to windward. The
Compte de Grasse ardently wished to make the action general, and to
dispose the enemy to it, ordered again his vanguard to bear away;
that of Admiral Graves was very ill treated, and he profited of the
advantage the wind gave him to be master of his distance, and to
avoid being attacked by the French rear, who were using their utmost
endeavour to reach his rear and his centre.
"The setting of the sun at last terminated the battle. The English
fleet kept their wind, and having preserved it, employed all the next
day in repairing their damages.
"The yth at noon, the wind changed in favour of the French, the
Compte de Grasse approached the enemy, and manoeuvred in the
night so as to preserve the wind.
"At daybreak on the 8th, the wind favoured Admiral Graves, it
enabled his ships to look up to windward of the French, who were
then in bow and quarter line upon a wind on the starboard tack, but
the Compte de Grasse perceiving it tacked his whole fleet together.
They were by this movement in a well formed line approaching the
enemy, who were upon the contrary tack in a line badly formed, and
appeared inclined, notwithstanding their bad order, to dispute the
wind. The Compte de Grasse made the signal for his van to pass
close to windward of the enemy, who were now attempting to form
the line of battle by tacking one ship after another, to come to the
same tack with the fleet of France.
"Admiral Graves then perceived how dangerous such a movement
would be, and that to continue it, would give opportunity to the
French to attack him before his fleet was half formed; those of his
ships had already tacked, when he made his fleet wear together, and
form astern of his rear-guard, by which means he gave up the wea
ther-gage to the French, and made sail from them.
"In the nights of the 8th and 9th, another variation of wind gave
them the weather-gage, but during the night of the 9th, the Compte
de Grasse regained it by his manoeuvres, for his ships having suffered
less in the action, he had the advantage of carrying more sail than the
enemy. In the nights of the 9th and loth the English disappeared.
"The Compte de Grasse perceiving how difficult it was to bring
Admiral Graves to action, and fearing that some variation in the
wind might put it in his power to enter the bay before him, deter
mined to return to the Chesapeake, in order to continue his operations,
and recover his absent people.
[2541
APPENDIX
"The Glorfeux and Diligente joined the fleet the loth in the even
ing. On the nth the two frigates, Richmond and Iris, which the
evening before had come out of the bay, where they had cut away the
buoys from the anchors of the French ships which had been obliged
to cut their cables to get the sooner under sail, fell into the hands of
the Compte de Grasse, who the same day anchored under Cape
Henry, where the Compte de Barras had arrived the evening before ;
he had sailed from Newport the 3Oth of August. This arrival was
of so much the more consequence, as he had on board the artillery for
carrying on the siege.
"The fleet, in this affair, had twenty-four sail of the line and two
frigates. Admiral Graves, reinforced by Admiral Hood, had twenty
sail of the line, and nine frigates and sloops. He had sailed from New
York the 3ist of August, upon hearing of the movements Generals
Washington and Rochambeau were making towards Philadelphia, and
which then first discovered to the enemy, the projects intended to be
executed.
"By the confession of the English, five of their ships were very
much damaged, and particularly the Terrible, which they were
obliged to burn. Only the fifteen headmost ships of the French could
come into the action ; and they had only an equal number of the enemy
against them, for the five ships of the English rear-guard refused to
come within cannon-shot.
"The French fleet has lost in this action, M. Boades, Capitaine de
Vaisseau, commanding the Reflechi; Duke D'Orvault, Lieut, de
Vaisseau, and Major of the Blue Squadron; Rhaub, Enseigne de
Vaisseau, Suedois on board the Caton ; de la Villeon, auxiliary officer
on board the Diademe; eighteen were wounded, and about 200 men
were killed and wounded.
"The 1 8th, Generals Washington and Rochambeau came on board
the Ville de Paris, to concert measures with M. de Grasse, for carry
ing on their future operations.
"The iQth, M. de Choisy passed York river, with the Legion of
Lausun, and 2000 American troops, to go and invest Gloucester,
where the enemy had 1500 men; he received almost as soon as he
arrived, a reinforcement of 800 men from the ships of war.
"The fleet had quitted Lynnhaven bay, where the ships did not lie
in safety, and moved above the middle ground and Horse-shoe, where
they anchored in a line of battle within the entrance of those two
banks, ready to oppose Admiral Graves, as he was reinforced by Ad
miral Digby, if he presented himself to succour Lord Cornwallis;
besides, this position gave means to hasten the siege by a greater facil
ity of transporting ammunition. Three ships were nowT to block up
the entrance of James river.
"The 3rd of October, the enemy, distressed for want of forage,
drowned 200 horses.
£255:1
APPENDIX
"On the night of the 6th and 7th, the trenches were opened both
above and below York, within half cannon shot of the town.
"The 8th, a battery erected by the Touraine regiment obliged the
Guadaloupe to cut her cables and run along shore under the protection
of the batteries of the town. The same day they fired red-hot shot
upon the Charon, and she was soon consumed.
"Everything was now ready for a general assault; when Lord Corn-
wallis, perceiving the great danger he was in, demanded on the iyth,
a suspension of arms for twenty-four hours; only two were granted;
and he signified that he was ready to capitulate.
"One day was employed to settle the articles of capitulation. Four
years before this event (i6th Oct. 1777), General Burgoyne signed
the capitulation of Saratoga, where 6040 Brunswickers and Tories of
the country surrendered themselves prisoners of war to General Gates.
"The enemy had 800 killed ; our loss, with that of the Americans,
was about 700 men. We have followed, for greater accuracy, the
printed account, different journals, and particularly a copy of M.
Rochambeau's, and others sent to us.
"The ships arrived last Tuesday are, the Provence, Victoire, Vail-
lant, and Triton, with the Ralieuse and Aigrette frigates. They
quitted the Chesapeake, the 4th of this month, and M. de Grasse,
four days after. The fleet of M. de Grasse is gone to Martinique,
and the English are already sailed for the Windward Islands."
£256;]
INDEX
Active, H. B. M. S., Ixv, Ixvi,
18,81
Adamant, H. B. M. S., 20, 26,
67, 171, 198
Admiral, grades of, in the Royal
navy, Ixxvii
Admiral Durell, Brig, 154
Admiralty, Administration of,
xix
Admiralty, Lords Commissioners
of the, 3, 13, 19, 20, 22, 24, 26,
32, 40, 44, 52, 56, 61, 85, 137,
146, 158, 159, 162; Letters
from, i, 4, 12, 45, no; Letters
to, xl, 112
Affleck, Edmund, Rear Admiral,
148
Affleck, Philip, Captain, 15
Aigrette, L', French frigate, Ixix,
126, 153, 212, 213, 214, 217,
218, 226, 227, 228, 229, 233,
235, 240, 242, 245, 256
Ajax, H. B. M. S., 63, 67, 156,
171, 198; Casualties, 68; Dam
ages to, 72
Albert de Rions, D', Capitaine
commandant, 152, 153
Albert, D', Saint-Hippolyte, 152,
153
Albion, H. B. M.S., 51
Alcide, H. B. M. S., 15, 47, 48,
63, 67, 117, 120, 156, 166, 171,
184, 195, 198, 202, 203, 204,
205 ; Casualties, 68 ; Damages
to, 71
Alfred, H. B. M. S., 47, 48, 67,
68, 75, 156, 171, 198, 202, 203,
206
Allegiance, H. B. M. S., 95
America, H. B. M. S., 3, 6, 13,
67, 68, 75, 156, 166, 171, 173,
181, 198, 203; Mutiny on
board, 9
Amiable Elizabeth, Lugger, 42
Amphion, H. B. M. S., 95, 108,
154 m
Amphion, Transport, 34
Amphitrite, H. B. M. S., 3, 6,
10, n, 13, 26, 33, 95, IH, 154
Andrew, Transport, 149
Andromaque, L', French frigate,
126, 150, 220, 221, 225
Angel de Guarda, Vessel, 23
Annapolis, Md., Ixxiv
Antigua, W. I., xxxi, 57, 61, 158
Apthorp, Charles, Lieutenant, 80
Aquidneck Island, R. L, xliii
Arbuthnot, Marriot, Vice Admi
ral, xl, xlviii, lii, liv, Ixvi, Ixxvi,
5, 13, 14, 15, 17, 28, 46, 49, 84,
no; Sails for England, Ixv, 26,
40; Superseded by Graves, 19,
20, 22
Ardent, L', French ship of the
line, 126, 150, 248
Ardesoif, John P., Captain, 67,
74
Armament of war vessels, xxvi-
xxviii, 3
Army, American, condition of, li,
lix, Ixxv; Movements of, Ixiv,
Ixv, 50, 107, 245 ; Supplies for,
24, 32
Arnold, Benedict, General, liii,
liv, 54, 108
Arros, D', d'Argelos, Capitaine
commandant, 152, 153
Assurance, H. B. M. S., 26, 96
Astrea, L', French frigate, 95
Auguste, L', French ship of the
line, 126, 150, 152, 213, 219,
230, 235, 237, 240, 253
[2S7:]
INDEX
Aurora, American privateer, 32,
42, 115, 127
Avenger, H. B. M. S., 114
Balfour, George, Captain, 15
Barfleur, H. B. M. S., xxvii,
Ixxiii, 47, 48, 56, 67, 68, 75,
86, 91, 116, 146, 156, 171, 173,
201, 202, 204, 206; Log of,
198-211
Barney, Joshua, Captain, 26
Barras de Saint-Laurent, Comte
de, Ivi, Ivii, Ix, Ixiii, Ixv, Ixvii,
Ixviii, Ixxi, 19, 25, 52, 54, 134,
138, 220, 221, 242, 245, 255
Bayne, Captain, 67
Bazely, John, Captain, 95, 108
Beaumont, H. B. M. S., 35
Bedford, H. B. M. S., 3, 13, 20,
67, 120, 166, 171, 180, 181,
198, 201, 204, 209; Casualties
on, 68 ; Damages to, 75
Beer, Supply of, needed, 6, 8, 10
Belisarius, H. B. M. S., 154
Belliqueux, H. B. M. S., 48, 67,
68, 75, 156, 171, 198, 206
Bellisarius, American privateer,
32, 42, 114, 120, 127
Bellona, Transport, 149
Betsey, Ship, 42
Betsey, Victualler, 149
Biggs, Captain, 3
Billy, Ordnance transport, 101
Blyth, Samuel, Master, 198
Bonetta, H. B. M. S., 37, 38,
104
Boreas, H. B. M. S., 15, 56
Boston, Mass., xlvi, Ivii, 43
Boston Bay, Mass., 32
Bougainville, Chef d'escadre,
152, 153, 254
Bourgogne, La, French ship of
the line, 126, 150, 152, 212,
213, 221, 243, 244, 253
Bowen, Captain, 67
"Breaking the line," xxxvi,
xxxvii
Brenton's Reef, xli
Brest, France, xxxix, lii, Iv
Brine, Captain, 67
Briqueville, Marquis de, Capi-
taine commandant, 152, 153
Brisbane, John, Captain, xlii
Britania, Transport, 34
Brown, George, Captain, 73
Brun de Boades, 152, 153
Buller, John, Lord Commis
sioner of the Admiralty, 5
Burgoyne, General, xxxvii
Burnett, Captain, 3
Byron, Vice Admiral, xxv, xli,
xlvi
Cables, xxx
Cambis, Comte de, xliv
Campbell, Major General, 23, 29
Canada, H. B. M. S., 97, no,
116, 156
Cape Ann, 32
Cape Breton, 95
Cape Charles, Va., Ixix, 81
Cape Frangais, W. I., Ixii
Cape Henry, Va., Ixviii, Ixix,
Ixxiv, 66, 96, 128, 179, 183,
201, 202, 2l8, 220, 224, 227,
233, 241 ; Arrival of Hood at,
58, 94; Arrival of Graves be
fore, 62, 179; Arrival of De
Grasse at, Ixiii, 21 2, 222
Cape May, xlv
Cape Tiberoon, 48
Carlisle Bay, Barbadoes, 156
Carron, Scotland, xxviii
Carronades, Description of,
xxviii
Cartwright, Packet, 53
Carysfort, H. B. M. S., 119,
124, 154
Castellan, Chevalier de, Com
mandant, 152, 153
£258:1
INDEX
Castellane Majastres, Capitaine
commandant, 152, 153
Caton, Le, French ship of the
line, 126, 150, 152, 217, 218,
221, 239, 248, 253
Cawsand Bay, 1 1
Centaur, H. B. M. S., 15, 28, 48,
67, 156, 168, 171, 181, 198,
203, 205 ; Damages to, 75
Centurion, H. B. M. S., xlvi, 44,
132
Cesar, Le, French ship of the
line, 126, 150, 152, 253
Chabert Cogolin, Capitaine com
mandant, 152, 153
Charitte, Comte de, Capitaine
commandant, 152, 153
Charleston, S. C., 96
Charlestown, H. B. M. S., 42,
95
Charm, H. B. M. S., 129
Charon, H. B. M. S., xx, 36, 37,
94, 104, 106, 128, 137, 151
Charrington, Nicholas, Captain,
67, 69
Chatham, H. B. M. S., 95, 118,
123, 154
Chesapeake Bay, Va., liv, Iviii,
Ixiv, 156, 165; Operations in,
34, 36, 37, 225; Situation in,
99, 100, 101, 112, 137
Chesapeake Capes, Battle off the,
xxii, xxxvii, Ixv, Ixviii-lxxiv,
62-84, 86-94, 253-256; British
line of battle in, 67; British
casualties in, 68 ; Damages sus
tained by ships in, 69-75, 76-
8 1 ; Extracts from ships' logs,
165-169, 180-197, 201-21 i,
213-218, 228-241; French line
of battle, 126
Chester, Pa., Ixxiv
Child, Smith, Captain, 67, 73
Choisy, de, Monsieur, 255
Christian, H. C., Captain, 15
Christie, Brigadier General, 57
Cice Champion, Chevalier de,
152, 153
Citoyen, Le, French ship of the
line, Ixix, Ixxi, 126, 150, 153,
219, 225, 227, 232, 239, 253;
Casualties on board, 230; Log
of, 222-244
Clavel aine, Capitaine comman
dant, 152, 153
Clerk, John, xxxv
Clinton, Sir Henry, General, Iv,
Ixiii, Ixvii, 18, 25, 52, 54, 57,
58, 87, 97, 116, 122, 140
Coasters Harbor Island, R. I.,
xliii
Collin, Commodore, 26
Colpoys, Captain, 63
Columbia, American privateer,
42
Colvil, James John, Lieutenant,
80
Complement of vessels of war, 3
Conanicut Island, R. I., xlii, xliv
Concord, Transport, 149
Concorde, La, French frigate, Iv,
Ivii, Ixii, Ixiii, 126, 150, 219,
221,242,245
Confederation, Articles of, 1
Conflagration, H. B. M. S., 115,
127
Conquerant, Le, French ship of
the line, 126, 150
Conqueror, H. B. M. S., Ixxvi
Conway, Lieutenant, 129
Coppering of ships, xxiii
Coriolis d'Espinouse, Capitaine
commandant, 152, 153
Cormorant, H. B. M. S., 107,
129
Cormorant, La, French sloop,
126
Cornish, Captain, 3
Cornish, Samuel, Captain, xxxi
Cornwall, H. B. M. S., xlvi
Cornwallis, Earl, Lieutenant
General, liii, Iv, Ivi, Ixi, Ixiii,
INDEX
25, 36, 50, 54, 84, 87, 94, 107,
1 1 6, 151, 245; Attempt to re
lieve, 137; Critical situation of,
at Yorktown, 97, 113, 116, 117,
120, 122, 128, 140, 142; Letter
from, 98; Surrender of, Ixxv,
137, .256
Crespin, A., Captain, 15
Culloden, H. B. M. S., 15
Dan, Brig, 154
Dawson, Captain, 82
Deane, American privateer, 154
Deans, Robert, Captain, 27, 29,
40
Defence, Ship, 154
Defiance, H. B. M. S., 20
Delanoe, Lieutenant, Ixvii, 18
Delaware Bay, xxxviii, 58
Delaware Capes, xxv, 86
Dent, Sir Digby, 3
Destin, Le, French ship of the
line, 126, 150, 152, 219
Dethy, Chevalier, Capitaine, 222
Diademe, Le, French ship of the
line, 126, 150, 152, 214, 221,
224, 226
Diana, Victualler, 149
Digby, Robert, Rear Admiral,
Ixxi, 44, 46, 97, no, 116, 119,
135, 146, 148, 157, 158, 163,
255
Diligente, La, French frigate,
126, 150, 225, 241, 242, 255
Disasters, Naval, xxiv, Ixxvi
Dolphin, Brig, 154
Dominica, W. I., xxv, 247
Douglas, Captain, 22
Douglas, A. J., Captain, 123
Dove, Sloop, 154
Drake, Francis Samuel, Rear Ad
miral, 57, 58, 63, 67, 81, 84, 87,
148, 157, 165, 171, 181, 202,
203
Drake, W., Rear Admiral, 15
Dreadnought, H. B. M. S., xx
Due de Bourgogne, Le, French
ship of the line, 126, 150
Duckworth, J. T., Captain, 15
Du Maitz de Goimpy Feu-
quieres, Comte de, 152, 153
Duncan, H. B. M. S., 52
Duncan, Henry, Captain, 82, 83
Dyers, William, Gunner, 80
Eagle, Brig, 154
Echiquier, L', French vessel, 216
Eleanor, Sloop, 154
Elizabeth, Transport, 115, 127
Elizabeth, Victualler, 149
Elphinstone, G. K., Captain, 143
Emerald, Transport, 149
Empress of Russia, Transport,
115, 127
Endeavour, Brig, 154
Espinousse, Monsieur de 1', 55
Estaing, Charles Henri Theodat
d'Estaing du Saillans, Comte d',
xxv, xxxvii, xli, xlii, xlvi, xlvii
Europe, H. B. M. S., 20, 34, 67,
131, 171, 198; Casualties, 68;
Damages to, 73
Eveille, L', French ship of the
line, 126, 150
Everitt, C. H., Captain, 100
Experiment, L', French ship of
the line, 126, 150, 220, 225
Experiment, American privateer,
154
Experiment, Brig, 42
Fantasque, French ship of the
line, xl
Farges, Vessel, 13
Favorite, American privateer,
154 .
Favorite, Transport, 149
Favre, Captain, 56
Felicity, American privateer, 154
Fidelity, Transport, 149
Fighting Instructions, xxxiii,
Ixxii
[2603
INDEX
Finch, William C., Captain, 67,
69, 76, 78, 79, 80
Flint locks, xxix
Fooks, William, Captain, 15
Fort Trumbull, Conn., 54
Fortunee, H. B. M. S., 15, 48,
63, 64, 67, 154, 167, 169, 171,
173, 179, 182, 190, 197, 198,
199, 200, 20 1, 209
49th Regiment, 57
Fowey, H. B. M. S., 37, 104
Framond, Comte de, 152, 153
Fredericksburg, Va., Ixi
Friendship, Brig, 154
Frigate, description of, xxvi,
Galvez, de, General, 23, 29
Gardiner's Bay, L. I., liv, 15
Garland, H. B. M. S., 34, 96,
154
Gascoyne, Bamber, Lord Com
missioner of the Admiralty, 46
General Monk, H. B. M. S., 26,
32, 42, 95, 154
General Washington, Privateer,
26
Gentille, La, French frigate, 126,
150
Gibraltar, xxv, xxxix, 55, 59
Gibraltar, H. B. M. S., 56
Gidoin, Captain, 51
Gidoin, J. L., Captain, 15
Glandevez, Chevalier de, Capi-
taine commandant, 152, 153
Glorieux, Le, French ship of the
line, 103, 126, 150, 219, 220,
226, 241, 242, 243, 253; Loss
of, Ixxvii, 248
Gloucester River, Va., 36
Goat Island, R. L, xlii
Gould Island, R. L, xliv
Gras Preville, Chevalier, Capi-
taine commandant, 152, 153
Grasse Du Bar, Comte de, Lieu
tenant General, xxii, xxiv, xxxvi,
xxxix, xlvii, liv, Iviii, Ixi, Ixii,
153; Announces his plans to ^
Rochambeau, Ixiii; Arrives off
the Chesapeake Capes, Ixiii, 212,
222; Defeated by Rodney, 247^^}
250; Disposition of his fleet,
126; Engages Graves' fleet, Ixv, ~
Ixviii-lxxiv, 62-84, IJ3, 126,
165-169, 180-197, 201-21 1,
213-218, 228-241, 253-256;
Journal of, 212-221 ; Leaves
Cape Haitien, Ixiii; Life of,
247; Movements of, 25, 54, 55,
59, 60, 82, 92, 103, 105, 106,
113, 128, 134, 138, H?, 185;
Orders to, Ivi, Iviii; Sails from
Brest, Iv
Graves, David, Captain, 67, 74
Graves, Richard, Captain, 33
Graves, Thomas, Rear Admiral,
xxii, xxiv, xxxvi, liii, Ix, 31, 57,
58, 66, 67; Arrival at Sandy
Hook, 13; Attempts to relieve
Cornwallis, 137; Calls council
of flag officers, 147; Condition
of vessels, 34 ; Disposition of his
fleet, 25; Engages De Grasse's
fleet, Ixv, Ixviii-lxxiv, 62-84,
86-94, 165-169, 180-197,201-
2il, 213-218, 228-241, 253-
256 ; Fits out his fleet, 7 ; Hood's
criticism of, Ixxiii, 86-94, IJ8,
145; List of prizes taken, 42,
43 ; Leaves New York, Ixi,
Ixviii; His criticism of Hood,
160-161 ; Life of, Ixxv-lxxviii ;
Letters from, 3, 6, 8, 9, II, 13,
18, 19, 26, 32, 52, 61, 81, 84,
85, 93, 94, no, 112, 114, 119,
131, 132, 137, 144, 158, 159;
Letters to, 5, 12, 36, 37, 40, 44,
45, 58, 92, 93, 98, 103, 105,
106, 123, 151, 162; Mutinous
state of his fleet, 9; Orders re
ceived from Rodney, 16, 17, 45,
59 ; Ordered to Channel Squad-
INDEX
ron, i ; Ordered to New York,
I, 4, 12; Ordered relieved by
Admiral Digby, 44, in, 160,
1 63 ; Permission granted to re
turn to England, 163, 164; Pro
motion to rank of Vice Admiral,
139; Reinforcement of his fleet,
47; Rodney's criticism of, 133;
Sails for the West Indies, 158;
Sails from Sandy Hook, 24, 25,
61, 198; Supersedes Admiral
Arbuthnot, Ixv, Ixxvi, 19, 21,
26; To proceed to Jamaica, 44,
45, in
Graves, Thomas, Captain, 67,
75, 120
Greene, Nathanael, General, xli,
xlvi
Greville, Charles Francis, Lord
Commissioner of the Admiralty,
46
Greyhound, American privateer,
154
Greyhound, H. B. M. S., 15
Grindall, R., 206
Guadeloupe, H. B. M. S., 37,
151
Guadeloupe, Whale boat, 103
Guichen, Comte de, xxix, xxxv,
liv
Gunnery, Naval, xxix
Guns, Description of, xxvii
Haldiman, Governor, 35
Haldimand, General, 96
Halifax, N. S., xxv, xlii, xlvi, 19,
26, 32, 43, 95, 119, 124
Hammond, A. S., Captain, 124
Hampton Roads, Va., lix, Ixiii,
37, 94, 101, 105
Hancock, American frigate, 26
Harlequin, Victualler, 149
Harmonic, L', French frigate,
150
Harmony, Transport, 149
Haswell, B., Captain, 15
Havana, Cuba, liv, Ixvii, 20, 23
Havre, France, 56
Health of crews, xxxi, 13
Hector, H. B. M.S., 51
Hector, L', French ship of the
line, 150, 153, 235, 253; Loss
of, 248
Hemmans, S., Master, 164, 170
Hercule, L', French ship of the
line, 126, 150, 153, 221, 253
Hermionne, L', French frigate,
95
Herney, Henry, Captain, 15
Hero, American privateer, 42
Hessian troops, 34
Holker, American privateer, 33
Hood, Sir Samuel, Rear Admi
ral, Ixi, Ixv, Ixvi, Ixxiii, Ixxvii,
59, 67, 81, 84, 93, 95, 134, 148,
1 60, 20 1, 206, 210; Arrives at
Sandy Hook, 52; His criticism
of Graves, 86-94, 117, 145;
Joins Graves' fleet, 61, 164, 171,
255 ; Letters from, 56, 58, 92,
93, 145, 146, 156; Letters to
George Jackson, 86, 116; Life
of, 25 1 ; Log of the Barfleur,
198-211 ; Orders to, 46, 47, 60;
Reaches Cape Henry, 58, 94
Hornet, H. B. M. S., 28, 32
Horsington, Transport, 149
Houston, Transport, 149
Howe, Admiral Lord, xxxviii,
xxxix, xlii, xliv, xlvi, 5
Howe, Sir William, xxxviii
Hudson, Charles, Captain, 33,
36, 37, ioo
Hudson River, xli
Hughes, Sir Richard, 125
Hyder Ally, Privateer, 26
Hydra, H. B. M. S., 48, 51
Hygiene, Naval, xxxi
Imperieux, L', French frigate,
158
Impressment of seamen, xx, xxxi
1:2623
INDEX
Inglefield, John, Captain, 67, 75
Intrepid, H. B. M. S., 15, 48,
63, 64, 67, 156, 171, 197, 198,
203, 204, 21 1 ; Casualties, 68;
Damages to, 70, 183
Invincible, H. B. M. S., 3, 6, 47,
48, 67, 68, 75, 156, 171, 198,
199, 206; Mutiny on board, 9
Iris, H. B. M. S., Ixxi, 26, 32,
42, 82, 88, 96, 107, 113, 154,
168, 175, 190, 243, 255
Iris, L', French frigate, 126
Isabella, Sloop, 154
Jackson, George, Assistant Sec
retary of the Admiralty, Let
ters to, Ixxiii, 86, 116, 133, 145
Jamaica, W. L, 48, 51, 158, 245
Jamaica Station, Admiral Graves
ordered to, 44, 45, in
James, Lieutenant, 129
James, Bartholomew, Lieutenant,
xxi
James River, Va., 103, 225
Jane, H. B. M. S., 198
Janus, Ship, 119
Jason, Le, French ship of the line,
Ixxvii, 126, 150, 248
Jolly Tar, American letter of
marque, 154
Josephine, La, French privateer,
55
Juno, Brig, 154
Kains, John, Carpenter, 80
Kelly, Captain, 27, 29
Keppel, H. B. M. S., 114
Knatchbull, Charles, Captain, 67,
69
Knox, Mr., 28
Koefold, de, Monsieur, 228, 229
Lafayette, Marquis de, xli, xlvi,
1, lix, Ixiv, 54
La Motte-Piquet de la Vinoyere,
xlvii, liii, 55
Languedoc, Le, French ship of
the line, xliv-xlvi, 126, 150,
153, 213, 216, 220, 231, 233,
253
Laugharne, Captain, 22
Laurens, Henry, 24
Le Begue, Chevalier de, Capi-
taine commandant, 152, 153
Leeward Islands, 14, 22, 47, 57
Lexington, Brig, 154
Liberty, Schooner, 42
Line-of-battle ship, Description
of, xxvi-xxvii
Lion, H. B. M. S., 97, no, 116
Lisburne, Wilmot, Viscount,
Lord Commissioner of the Ad
miralty, 2, 5
Lively, H. B. M. S., 84, 116,
132, 137
Lively Buckskin, Schooner, 154
London, H. B. M. S., Ix, Ixviii,
Ixxi, I, 3,6, 8, 9, 11, 13, 18, 19,
23, 26, 32, 45, 52, 61, 67, 80,
81, 84, 85, 87, 94, 1 10, 112,
114, 117, 119, 131, 132, 137,
158, 159, 162, 198, 210; Casu
alties on, 68; Damages to, 74,
90, 186, 187; Journal of, 164-
169; Log of, 170-197
Long Island, N. Y., xxv, xlvi, Ix
Longsplice, Schooner, 154
Lord Howe, Transport, 149
Lord Mulgrave, Transport, 149
Loyal Club, Transport, 115, 127
Loyalist, H. B. M. S., 36, 37
Loyalist, La, French sloop, 126
Lucifer, H. B. M. S., 115, 127
Luck, J., 187, 189, 195
Luzerne, Chevalier de la, Ix
Lynnhaven Bay, Va., 38, 104,
107, 143, 253
McDonald, Major, 23
Mackrell, Transport, 149
Magdalen, Sloop, 42
Magicienne, La, French frigate,
95, H9, 120, 123, 127, 154
INDEX
Magnanime, Le, French ship of Montague, H. B. M. S., 48, 63,
the line, 126, 150, 153, 237, 253
Man, Robert, Lord Commis
sioner of the Admiralty, 2
Manley, Captain, 81, 137
Manley, John, Captain, 26
67, 131, 137, 156, 167, 171,
183, 193, 198, 199, 209; Casu
alties, 68 ; Damages to, 73
Montecler, Capitaine comman
dant, 152, 153
Manners, Robert, Captain, 3, 67, Monteil, Baron de, Chef d'Es-
75
cadre, liii, 60, 152, 153, 253
Morogues, Vicomte de, xxxiii
Mutinous crews, 3
Marlborough, H. B. M. S., 3
Marseillais, Le, French ship of Mugny, Captain, 13
the line, 126, 150, 152, 212, 253 Mules, John, Boatswain, 80
Martha's Vineyard, Mass., 14
Martinique, W. I., xxix, xxxv,
xxxix, xlvii, Ixii, 17; French Nancy, Victualler, 149
fleet at, 39, 58
Mary, Schooner, 103
Maryanne, American privateer,
42
Mauritius, 13
Medea, H. B. M. S., 33, 42, 52,
Narragansett Bay, xxvi, xli, xliv
Nash, Richard, Lieutenant, 80
Navy, British, Condition of, xix,
xxvii
Neptune, Le, French ship of the
line, 126, 150
82, 83, 93, 94, 114, 168, 175, Neptune, Schooner, 42
185, 190, 202, 204
Melcomb, J., 187, 189, 195, 197
Melcomb, John, Captain, 144
Melville, General, xxviii
Mentor, H. B. M. S., 27, 28,
127
Neptune, Transport, 149
Nero, Brig, 154
New London, Conn., Destruction
of, 54, 95, 1 08
Newport, R. I., xli, xlvi, xlvii,
xlix, lii, Ivii, Ixiii, 15, 25, 54
Mercury, American privateer, 42 New York, N. Y., xxi, xxvi, xxxi,
Mercury, Victualler, 149
Middle Ground, Chesapeake Bay,
Ixix, 62, 139, 143, 181
Middleton, Charles, Lord Barn-
ham, xxiii, xxxiii
Miller, H. W., Lieutenant, 80
Minerva, Brig, 154
Minister of Marine, Orders
from, Ivi, Iviii
Molloy, Anthony James Pye,
Captain, 67, 70, 90
xl, xli, lii, Ivi, Ivii, Ixii, 5, 13,
25, 43,44, 54, no, 114
Northumberland, Le, French
ship of the line, 126, 150, 153,
253
Nott, J. N. P., Captain, 15
Nova Scotia, xxiv
Nymphe, H. B. M. S., Ixvii, 48,
57, 67, 96, 112, 120, 137, 143,
154, 156, 161, 168, 171, 173,
175, 177, 179, 184, 198, 199,
2OO, 2OI
Molly, Brig, 154
Monarch, H. B. M. S., 47, 48,
67, 68, 156, 171, 198, 199, 202, Ocean, Victualler, 149
205 ; Damages to, 75
Monmouth, H. B. M. S., xx
Montagu, George, Captain, 81,
O'Hara, Captain, 119
Old Bahama Channel, W. I.,
Ixiii
Oldborough, Transport, 149
[264:1
INDEX
Old Point Comfort, Va., Iv, 36,
94, 99, loo, 101
Orient, L', France, 13, 43, 56
Orpheus, H. B. M. S., 42, 63,
64, 168, 169, 171, 184, 190,
197, 202, 204
Ostrich, Transport, 34
Pagett, William, 16, 18, 49
Painting of ships, xxxi
Palmier, Le, French ship of the
line, 126, 150, 153, 217, 230,
232, 244, 253
Panther, H. B. M. S., 56
Parker, Sir Peter, Vice Admiral,
45,51, in, 134, 158
Patail, du, Monsieur, 245
Pearl, H. B. M. S., 26, 42, 81,
94,96, 112, 113, 154
Pegasus, H. B. M. S., 48, 59, 61,
64, 81, 82, 96, 154, 156, 190,
193
Penobscot, Me., 43, 95
Penrose, Admiral, xx
Pensacola, Fla., Capitulation of,
20, 23, 27, 28, 40
Petersburg, Va., Iv
Philadelphia, Pa., Ixv
Pigot, Robert, General, xlii, xlv,
xlix
Pluton, Le, French ship of the
line, 126, 150, 152, 214, 218,
221, 240, 243, 244, 253; Dam
ages to, 235 ; Extract from log
of, 245
Plymouth, England, 8
Point Judith, xliii
Polly, Ship, 42, 154
Port Royal, H. B. M. S., 27, 28,
29, 40
Port Royal, Jamaica, 58
Portsmouth, England, xxxi, 3
Portsmouth, Va., Iv, Ivii, Ixiii,
36, 37, 38, 98
Present Succession, Transport,
149
Press gang, xx
Prince George, H. B. M. S., 44,
97, no, 116, 156
Prince William, H. B. M. S., 47,
48, 51, 118, 120, 134
Princessa, H. B. M. S., 63, 67,
131, 156, 158, 166, 171, 173,
181, 185, 198, 202, 203, 205,
209; Casualties, 68; Damages
to, 71, 183
Princess Royal, H. B. M. S.,
xlvi, 51
Prizes, List of, 154, 155
Procter, Thomas, Lieutenant, 80
Provence, La, French ship of the
line, 126, 150, 256
Providence, Transport, 149
Providence Increase, Victualler,
149
Prudent, H. B. M. S., 3, 6, II,
I3,53,8i,95
Pye, Sir Thomas, 6, 10
Quarterdeck, Description of, xxx
Quebec, Canada, 34, 95, 112
Raccoon, Schooner, 154
Race Horse, Transport, 149
Railleuse, La, French frigate,
126, 150, 153, 212, 214, 215,
218, 219, 220, 227, 256
Rainbow, H. B. M. S., 26
Rambler, American privateer, 1 54
Ramillies, H. B. M. S., xxiv,
Ixxvi, 51
Ranger, H.B. M.S., 48, 51, 145
Rattlesnake, American privateer,
114, 127
Rattlesnake, H. B. M. S., 145,
154
Rayneval, Gerard de, xxxviii
Recovery, H. B. M. S., 108
Recovery, Schooner, 42
Reflechy, Le, French ship of the
line, 126, 150, 152, 212, 214,
253, 256
INDEX
Renaud d'Allen, Capitaine com
mandant, 152, 153
Resolution, Whale boat, 103
Resolution, H. B. M. S., 3, 6, 8,
13, 47, 48, 67, 156, 166, 171,
181, 198, 199; Casualties on,
68 ; Damages to, 75 ; Mutiny
of the crew of, 8, 10
Revenge, American privateer, 154
Reynolds, Francis, Captain, 75
Richmond, H. B. M. S., Ixxi,
36, 37, 53, 67, 88, 107, 113,
165, 168, 171, 190, 198, 199,
200, 201, 204, 221, 255
Richmond, La, French frigate,
126, 243
Richmond, Va., Ixi
Rider, John, 141
Riedesel, General, 34
Rigging, Description of, xxx
Robert, Transport, 149
Robinson, Captain, 3
Robinson, Mark, Captain, 15, 67,
69,85
Robust, H. B. M. S., 20, 34, 53
Rochambeau, General, 1, lii, Ivi—
Ixxiv, 245, 255
Rodney, John, Captain, 15
Rodney, Sir George Brydges, Ad
miral, xxiv, xxix, xxxv, xxxvi,
lii, Ix, Ixv, Ixxvi, 24, 33, 35, 39,
44, 51, 56, 64, 82, 160, 163,
247; Arrives at Sandy Hook,
1 4 ; Leaves for the West Indies,
15; Letter from, 133; Letters
to, 1 8, 22; Life of, 249-251;
Orders from, 16, 17, 45, 59;
Orders to Hood, 46, 47
Roebuck, H. B. M. S., 26, 66
Roise, John, Master, 80
Romulus, Le, French frigate,
126, 150
Rose Island, R. I., xliii
Rover, H. B. M. S., 52, 115, 127
Rover, Victualler, 149
Rowley, Rear Admiral, 163
Royal Louis, American privateer,
154
Royal Oak, H. B. M. S., 3, 6,
13, 19, 32, 42, 67, 115, 156,
166, 167, 171, 181, 183, 198;
Casualties, 68 ; Damages to, 74
Royal Sovereign, H. B. M. S.,
xxvii
Russell, H. B. M. S., 15, 20
Sagittaire, Le, French ship of the
line, Iviii
Sailing qualities of war-ships,
xxiii
Saint Cosme, Chevalier de, 152,
153
Saint Esprit, Le, French ship of
the line, 126, 150, 152, 212, 253
Saint Eustatius, W. I., 48, 56,
59; Capture of, Ixv, 133
Saint George's Bank, 32
Saint Hellens, England, 9
St. John, Brig, 154
Saint John's, Antigua, 47, 57
Saint Kitt's, 48
Saint Lawrence River, 95
Saint Lucia, W. I., xlvii, 17, 48,
57
Saint Pierre, Martinique, 57
Saint-Simon, Marquis de, Ixiii,
Ixiv
Saint Thomas, W. I., 60
Salamander, H. B. M. S., 67,
156, 166, 171, 181, 198
Salem, Packet ship, 154
Sally, Transport, 149
Samuel, Brig, 154
Sandurck, Le, French armed
ship, 126
Sandwich, John, Earl of, First
Lord of the Admiralty, 2, 5, 46
Sandwich, H. B. M. S., xxix, Ix,
15, 39,45,48,51, 222
Sandwich, Armed ship, 48, 107
Sandy Hook, N. J., xxxix, lix,
£266}
INDEX
13, 14, i8, 19, 20, 22, 24, 26,
32, 49, 52, 56,94, I3i
Santa Margarita, H. B. M. S.,
Santa Monica, H. B. M. S., 47,
48, 67, 171, 177, 179, 198, 199,
200, 209, 210
Santo Domingo, W. I., Ixiii
Saratoga, Battle of, xxxvii
Savage, Galley, 154
Savage, H. B. M. S., 98
Savannah, Ga., xlvii
Sceptre, Le, French ship of the
line, 126, 150, 153, 216, 243,
253
Scipion, Le, French ship of the
line, 126, 150, 153, 212, 230,
253
Sea life, xxxii
Sekonnet River, xlii
Selina, Transport, 149
Senegal, American privateer, 154
Serpent, Le, French frigate, 126,
245
Seven Years' War, xix, lii
Shepherd, Captain, 108
Shipwright, Transport, 149
Shrewsbury, H. B. M. S., 3, 6,
n, 15, 48, 63, 67, 85, 90, 117,
120, 131, 137, 156, 168, 171,
185, 198, 200, 204, 209; Casu
alties, 68, 183; Damage re
ceived, 69, 183; Mutiny on
board, 9
Signals, xxii, xxxvii, Ixxii, 5, 6
Sloop-of-war, Description of,
xxvi, xxvii
Slops, 27
Solano, de, Admiral, 23
Solebay, H. B. M. S., 42, 52, 67,
69, 96, 98, 154, 164, 165, 167,
168, 171, 182, 184, 188, 193,
198, 199, 2OI, 2O2, 2O4, 2O6
Solitaire, Le, French ship of the
line, 126, 150, 153, 227, 230,
253
South Carolina, Packet ship, 107
Souverain, Le, French ship of the
line, 126, 150, 153, 215, 218,
219, 222, 223, 235, 236, 239,
241, 253
Spar deck, Description of, xxx
Spithead, England, 3, 6, 8
Stanhope, Captain, 59
Stephens, Philip, Secretary of the
Admiralty, 2, 20; Letters of, 5,
22, 40, 44, 162; Letters to, 3,
6, 8, 9, ii, 13, 19, 26, 32, 52,
56, 61, 84, 85, 94, 1 10, 112,
114, 119, 131, 132, 137, 146,
156, 158, 159
Stirling Castle, H. B. M. S., xxxi
Stores, Account of, 30-31 ; Con
dition of, 96; Deficiency of, 6,
8, 10, 27, 104, 121 ; Ordered
for America, 28, 40
Success Increase, Transport, 149
Suffolk, H. B. M. S., 15
Suffren de Saint-Tropez,
Chevalier, xl, xlii, xlix
Sullivan, Major General, xli,
xlii, xlv, xlvi
Surveillante, La, French frigate,
126, 150, 221
Sutherland, Alexander, Lieuten
ant, 101
Swallow, H. B. M. S., Ixvi, 24,
39, 45, 49; Loss of, 25, 33, 52,
Swallow, Brig, 42
Swift, H. B. M. S., 33, 37, 114,
127
Swift, American privateer, 42
Sybille, H. B. M. S., 57, 67,
156, 171, 198, 209
Symonds, Thomas, Captain, 100,
103, 105, 106, 129, 151
Tactics, Naval, xxii, xxxiii
Tenny, Captain, 3
Ternay, D'Arsac de, lii, liv, 15,
17
INDEX
Terrible, H. B. M. S., 15, 48,
63, 64, 67, 1 66, 1 68, 169, 171,
1 80, 192, 198, 209; Casualties,
68; Damages to, 72, 76, 77-81,
191, 194; Loss of, Ixxi, 65, 81,
197, 210, 211, 255
Thomb, Charles, Captain, 15
Thompson, Captain, 3, 35
Thompson, Charles, Captain, 67,
69
Thy, Comte de, Capitaine com
mandant, 152, 153
Tinge, Le, Xebec, 42
Torbay, H. B. M. S., 15, 48, 51,
118, 120, 156
Touches, Chevalier des, liii, Ixxvi
Toulon, France, xxv, xxxvii
Trafalgar, Battle of, xxvii
Traversais, Lieutenant comman
dant, 152, 153
Tristram Shandy, Ship, 42
Triton, Le, French ship of the
line, 103, 126, 150, 226, 256
Triumph, H. B. M. S., 15, 56
Trumbull, American frigate, 32,
42
Turpin du Breuil, Chevalier de,
Capitaine commandant, 152,
153
Two Brothers, Transport, 149
Two Friends, Sloop, 154
Uniform, Naval, xxi
Union, Brig, 154
Vaillant, French vessel, 226, 256
Valliant, Le, French ship of the
line, 126, 150
Vaudreuil, Comte de, Capitaine
commandant, 152, 153
Vaudreuil, Rigaud, Marquis de,
xlvii
Vaughan, General, Ixvi, 57
Vaugiraud de Rosnay, Capitaine
de Vaisseau, 152, 153
Ventilation on shipboard, xxxi
Victoire, La, French ship of the
line, 126, 150, 153, 253, 256
Victory, H. B. M. S., xxvii
Victualling, Commissioners for,
27
Vigilance, H. B. M. S., 33
Ville de Paris, La, French ship
of the line, xxiv, xxxvi, Ixix,
126, 150, 152, 247, 253; Loss
of, Ixxvi, Ixxvii, 248
Volcano, H. B. M. S., 115, 127
Vulcan, H. B. M. S., 37, 104,
129
Vulture, H. B. M. S., 95
Walsingham, Commodore, 8, 9,
12
War vessels, State of, xxiv; De
scription of, xxvi
Warwick, H. B. M. S., 19, 34,
95, 112, 139, 143, 154
Washington, George, General,
xli, 1, Ivi-lxxiv, 50, 52, 107, 113,
245, 255
Wells, Captain, 33, 44
West Florida, Province of, Sur
rendered to the Spanish, 28
West Indies, Operations in the,
xxv, xxxi, xxxv, xxxvi, xxxix,
xlvii, liv; Anxiety regarding, 61
Wethersfield, Meeting at, Ix
Women on shipboard, xxxii
Yarmouth, H. B. M. S., 15
York River, Va., Iv, 36, 37, 83,
87, 97, 106, 128
Yorktown, Va., Ixiii, Ixxiv, 117,
151; Critical situation of the
British at, 97, 122, 140, 142;
Surrender of, 137, 151, 256
Young, Walter, Captain, xxiii,
15
Young William, Mast ship, 95
Zebra, H. B. M. S., 81
Zele, Le, French ship of the line,
126, 153, 221, 253
[268^
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