Great Britain and the Illinois country, 1763-1774

11 B RAR.Y

OF THE

UNIVERSITY
OF ILLINOIS

9773

CS4g
cop.o

PRIZE ESSAYS

OP THK

AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
1908

To this Essay was awarded the

JUSTIN WINSOR PRIZE IN

AMERICAN HISTORY

for 1908

GREAT BRITAIN

AND

1763-1774

BY

CLARENCE EDWIN CARTER, A. M., Ph.D..

ASSISTANT PROFtSSOR OF HISTORY IN ILLINOIS COLLEGE, SOMETIME FELLOW IN
HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS

PUBLISHED BY

THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION

WASHINGTON, 1910

COPYRIGHT, igio

BY THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
WASHINGTON, D. C.

TO
MY FATHER AND MOTHER

PREFACE.

IN the present study my researches have been directed
toward the discovery of the legal, political, and economic
relations between Great Britain and the Illinois colony, and
the political events in Illinois which illustrate some of those
general relations. In addition to the Illinois settlement,
the great West which was ceded to England in 1763 in-
cluded other colonies of comparatively equal importance,
the chief of which was Detroit. Whatever general prin-
ciples, therefore, are ascertained with reference to the
relations between the home government and the Illinois
French apply equally to the whole West. In the discussion
of the illustrative events, however, I have followed their
course in Illinois alone.

In chapters I and III, both of which are in a sense
introductory, no serious attempt has been made at original
investigation. On certain points, however, I have sought
to verify secondary authorities and harmonize conflicting
statements by an examination of the sources. Chapter II
deals with the legal position of the western settlements in
the empire. Chapters IV and VII contain a narrative of
events in Illinois from 1765 to 1774, gleaned entirely from
hitherto unused manuscript material. The question of the
economic importance of the West to the empire is dis-
cussed in chapter V. The various attempts to colonize the
Illinois country by English settlers and the attitude of
Great Britain toward such enterprises in general occupy
chapter VI. This subject has been handled by previous
writers, but considerable new material has been found which
throws light on the colonizing movement, enabling one to
disentangle the various plans.

(vii)

viii PREFACE

The printed sources of value covering the period are
few. Such collections, however, as the Documents relat-
ing to the Colonial History of the State of New York, the
various editions of the works of Benjamin Franklin, and the
Reports on Canadian Archives have been invaluable.
The essay as a whole has been based , however , upon manu-
script sources found in the various archives of the United
States, Canada, and Europe. A personal search was made
not only in the local archives of the State of Illinois, but in
the libraries of the middle western and eastern States, as
well as in the Public Record Office and the British Museum
in London. In the last named places the bulk of the
material was found.

I desire to express my gratitude for aid and encourage-
ment to Professor Evarts B. Greene, in whose seminar in
history at the University of Illinois this essay was begun,
and especially to Professor Clarence W. Alvord of the
University of Illinois, whose intimate knowledge of the
field has been of material assistance throughout my study.
I also wish to express my thanks for helpful criticisms of
the manuscript to Professor Guy Stanton Ford of the
University of Illinois, to President C. H. Rammelkamp
and to Professor J. Griffith Ames of Illinois College, and
to Professor Charles H. Hull of Cornell University, chair-
man of the Justin Winsor Prize committee. I owe an
especial debt of gratitude to my wife and faithful amanuen-
sis, without whose encouragement the essay would not have
been completed in its present form.

CLARENCE E. CARTER.

JACKSONVILLE, ILLINOIS, August 20, 1909.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

PREFACE vii

CHAPTER I.
Introductory Survey ...... i

CHAPTER II.
Status of the Illinois Country in the Empire . -13

CHAPTER III.

Occupation of the Illinois Country . . . 27

CHAPTER IV.

Five Years of Disorder, 1765-1770 . . . .46

CHAPTER V.
Trade Conditions in the Illinois Country, 1765-1775 77

CHAPTER VI.

Schemes for the Colonization of the Illinois Country,
1763-1768 . . .... 103

CHAPTER VII.
The Struggle for a Civil Government, 1770-1774 . 145

DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX . . . . .165
BIBLIOGRAPHY 185

INDEX 201

(ix)

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTORY SURVEY.

As a result of the treaty of Paris (1763) which added
to the empire immense areas of territory peopled with
savages and alien inhabitants , Great Britain was confronted
with the momentous problem of readjusting all her colonial
relations. At this time the necessity of strengthening the
imperial ties between the old colonies and the mother
country and of reorganizing the new acquisitions came to
the forefront and led the government into a course soon to
end in the disruption of the empire. Certainly not the
least of the questions demanding solution was the disposi-
tion of the country lying to the westward of the colonies,
including a number of French settlements and a broad
belt of Indian nations.

The conclusion of the Seven Years' war saw a tremen-
dous change in the relative position of France and Eng-
land in North America : the former had lost and the latter
gained an empire. The final struggle for supremacy was
the culmination of a series of continental and colonial wars
beginning near the close of the seventeenth century and
ending with the definitive treaty of 1763. During the
first quarter of the century France occupied a predominant
position among the powers. Through the aggressiveness
of Louis XIV and his ministers her boundaries had been
pushed eastward and northward, thereby seriously threaten-
ing the balance of power in Europe. Until 1748 England

2 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

and Austria had been in alliance against their traditional
enemy, and in the war of the Austrian Succession France
had lent her aid to Prussia in the dismemberment of the
Austrian dominions — at the same time extending her own
power in the interior of America and India. These inter-
national struggles, however, brought no definite results :
territorial boundaries had not been adjusted nor had the
balance of power been satisfactorily settled. The growth
of the power of Prussia under the leadership of Frederick
the Great now became a most important factor. The
aggressions of France soon ran counter to the course of the
new national state and another conflict was inevitable. In
the interval of nominal peace after the treaty of Aix-la-
Chapelle in 1748, preparations were begun for another
contest. The astute diplomacy of Kaunitz won France
from her traditional enmity and secured that power as an
open ally for Maria Theresa in her war of revenge.1

While the European situation was giving occasion for
new alignments of the powers, affairs in America were be-
coming more and more critical between France and Eng-
land. Here for over a century the two powers had been
rivals for territorial and commercial supremacy. In North
America the pioneers of France had won for her the greater
part of the continent, the extensive valleys of the St.
Lawrence and the Mississippi with all the land watered by
their tributaries. The French claim to this region was
based almost entirely upon discovery and exploration, for
in all its extent less than one hundred thousand people
were permanently settled. Canada at the north and the
region about New Orleans on the extreme south contained
the bulk of the population, while throughout the old North-
west settlements were few and scattering. Trading posts

1 Perkins, France under Louis XV, II, 1-83.

INTRODUCTOR Y SUR VE Y 3

and small villages existed at Vincennes on the Wabash
River, at Detroit, at St. Joseph near Lake Michigan, and
at other isolated places. Outside of Detroit the most im-
portant and populous settlement was situated along the
eastern bank of the Mississippi, in the southwestern part of
the present State of Illinois, where about two thousand
people were living.2

In contrast to this vast area of French territory and the
sparseness of its population were the British colonies, with
more than a million people confined to the narrow strip
between the Alleghany mountains and the Atlantic Ocean.
These provinces were becoming comparatively crowded,
and many enterprising families of English, Scotch-Irish,
and German extraction were pushing towards the moun-
tains. Each year saw the pressure on the western border
increased. The great unoccupied valley of the Ohio in-
vited home- seekers and adventurers westward in spite of
hostile French and Indians. By 1750 the mountain bar-
riers were being crossed by constantly increasing numbers,
and the French found their possession of the West and
their monopoly of the fur trade threatened.

To prevent such encroachments the French sought to
bind their possessions together by means of a line of forts
extending from the St. Lawrence down the Ohio Valley to
the Gulf of Mexico. It had indeed been the plan of such
men as La Salle, Iberville, and Bienville to bring this terri-
tory into a compact whole and to limit the English col-
onies to the line of mountains. New Orleans and Mobile
gave France command of the Gulf of Mexico and the
Mississippi River; Louisburg, Niagara, and Frontenac

* Hutchins, A Topographical Description, ed. Hicks, i66ff; Pitt-
man, The Present State of the European Settlements on the Mis-
sissippi, ed. Hodder, 84ff.

4 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

afforded protection to Canada against the English colonies.
The weak point for France was the Ohio Valley, in the
upper part of which Virginia and Pennsylvania settlers had
already located by the middle of the eighteenth century.
Celeron, who went down the Ohio in 1749, burying plates
of lead to signify French dominion, warning English set-
tlers and traders, and persuading the Indians to drive out
the invaders of their hunting grounds, saw the inevitable-
ness of the conflict. The American phase of the final
struggle for colonial empire was to begin in this region.3

In the early years of the French and Indian war, the
American counterpart of the Seven Years' war, Great
Britain and her Prussian ally met with serious reverses
everywhere, and it seemed probable that France would be
able to hold her line of defence in America. The French
colonies, however, were fundamentally weak. They were
wholly dependent upon the mother country, and when the
latter became absorbed in the continental struggle to the
exclusion of her interests in the colonies defeat was in-
evitable. By 1758 the tide was turning in America; this,
together with the victories of Clive in India and Frederick
the Great at Rossbach and Leuthen, proved too much for
the resources of France, and with the transference of the
American struggle to Canada, and the capture of Montreal
and Quebec, the war was practically at an end. In 1762
the financial condition of France became so desperate that
Choiseul, the French minister of foreign affairs, was anxious
for peace, and he found George III and Lord Bute, Eng-
land's prime minister, ready to abandon their Prussian ally,
and even to give up the fruits of some of the brilliant vic-
tories of 1762 which had brought Spain, a recent ally of
France, to her knees.4

8 Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe^ I, 39-67.
4 Hunt, Pol. Hist, of Eng.> X, 23-40.

INTRODUCTOK Y SUR VE Y 5

The definitive treaty of Paris was signed February 10,
iy63.5 By its terms France ceded to Great Britain all of
Canada and gave up her claim to the territory east of the
Mississippi River, except the city of New Orleans, adding
to this the right of the free navigation of the Mississippi.
Spain received back Havana, ceding Florida to England in
return. A few weeks before signing the definitive treaty,
France, in a secret treaty with Spain, ceded to her the city
of New Orleans and the vast region stretching from the
Mississippi towards the Pacific. Thus was France divested
of every inch of territory on the continent of North America.

The French colony in the Illinois country had been
originally established to form a connecting link between
the colonies in Louisiana on the south and Canada on the
northwest. La Salle himself had recognized the possible
strategic value of such an establishment from both a com-
mercial and a military standpoint.6 Even before any
settlements had been made on the lower Mississippi, in
1682 he and his associates had attempted the formation of
a colony on the Illinois River, near the present site of
Peoria.6 This, the first attempt at western colonization,
was a failure. The opening of the following century saw
the beginning of a more successful and permanent colony,
when the Catholic missionaries from Quebec established
their missions at Cahokia7 and Kaskaskia, near the village
of the Illinois Indians. They were soon followed by
hunters and fur traders, and during the first two decades of
the eighteenth century a considerable number of families

5 Text of treaty in Chalmers, Coll. of Treaties, 1,467-483; Docu-
ments relating to the Constitutional History of Canada, I'j^g-ijgi, ed.
Shortt and Doughty (Can. Archives, 1907), 73-84.

6Parkman, La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, 312.

7 Cahokia was founded in 1699 by the priests of the Seminary of
Foreign Missions.

6 'I HE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

immigrated from Canada, thus assuring the permanency of
the settlement.

Meanwhile the contemporaneous colony of Louisiana had
grown to some importance , and in 1717, when the Com-
pany of the West assumed control of the province, the Illi-
nois country was annexed to Louisiana.8 Prior to this
time it had been within the jurisdiction of Quebec. The
Illinois country now entered upon a period of prosperity,
many new enterprises being undertaken, notably the open-
ing of lead mines. Shortly after its annexation to Louisi-
ana, Pierre Boisbriant was given a commission to govern
the Illinois country, and among his instructions was an
order to erect a fort as a protection against possible en-
croachments from the English and Spanish. About 1720
Fort de Chartres was completed and became thereafter the
seat of government during the French regime. In 1721
the Company of the Indies 9 divided Louisiana into nine dis-
tricts, one of which was known as the Illinois district,10 ex-
tending east and west of the Mississippi River between the
lines of the Arkansas and Illinois rivers." In 1731 Louisi-
ana passed out of the hands of the Company of the
Indies, and, together with its Illinois dependency, became

8 Archives of the Ministry of the Colonies (Paris), series A, vol. 22,
fol. 40.

9 In May, 1719, the Company of the East Indies and the Company
of China were assimilated to the Company of the West, the name of
which was changed to Company of the Indies. Margry, Decouvertes,
V, 590.

10 Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist. ofAm.,V, 43.

11 " Regulations for the government of the district ", Archives of the
Ministry of the Colonies, series B, vol. 43, fol. 103; Winsor, Narr.
and Crit. Hist, of Am., V, 43. The boundary between Canada and
Louisiana during the French regime was approximately the 4Oth par-
allel. This left the French settlement at Ouiatanon to the Quebec
government while Post Vincennes on the lower Wabash River was in
Louisiana. Pownall, Administration of the Colonies, 192.

INTRODUCTORY SURVEY 7

a royal province.12 It remained in this status until the
close of the Seven Years' war, when that portion east of
the Mississippi was ceded to England as a part of Canada.13

At the close of the French regime a number of villages
scattered along the Mississippi River from near the mouth
of the Kaskaskia northward seventy-five miles to Cahokia
contained the population of the country. Kaskaskia at
the extreme south was the largest town of the group, with
eighty houses, five hundred whites, and about an equal
number of negroes. Some seventeen miles north was
Prairie du Rocher with a population of one hundred
French and as many slaves. A short distance northwest
of Prairie du Rocher, on the bank of the Mississippi, stood
Fort de Chartres, surrounded by a little village called
Nouvelle Chartres, where some forty families were settled.
St. Philippe, five miles north of Fort de Chartres, con-
tained twelve or fifteen families, and forty-five miles further
north stood Cahokia with three hundred whites and eighty
negroes.14

Most of the French people of Illinois came originally
from Canada 15 although a few immigrated from France 16 and
others were sent there from Louisiana by the Company of

12 Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Am. , V, 49.

18 Treaty of Paris, section VII, Can. Const. Docs. , 7759-7797, 86.

u Pittman, State of the European Settlements on the Miss. , ed.
Hodder, 84-93. There is no detailed and satisfactory account of the
French regime in print, with reference either to its political, social, or
economic aspects. The works of Breese, Wallace, Brown, Mason, and
others are entirely unscientific and unreliable. The recent discovery
of a large number of papers bearing on the period will enable future
scholars to reach more accurate conclusions. For a recent brief but
judicious survey of the French, based largely on a study of document-
ary material, see Alvord, Illinois Historical Collections, II, xviii— xxv.

15 Du Pratz, Histoire de la Loutstane, II, 296.

16 Ibid., I, 230-231.

8 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

the Indies.17 There existed among them two classes, the
" gentry " and the habitant, the latter being greatly in the
majority. The habitants had belonged to the lower classes
in Canada and possessed few of the social and intellectual
attainments which marked their superiors. Occupied
chiefly in the collection of furs or in the humbler duties of
commerce, they came into close contact with the Indians,
in whose company much of their time was spent. They
not only associated with the Indians but many even married
Indian girls.'8 Outside of the gains made in the peltry
trade or their wages as boatmen their lives were not pro-
ductive, and their scanty earnings were spent immediately
upon returning to the villages. They cared nothing for
agriculture and other settled pursuits, exhibiting in all their
activities a total lack of initiative and of capacity to adapt
themselves to settled life.18 But the faults of the habitants,
conspicuous though they were, differed much from those of
the American frontiersmen. The frontiersmen had no
respect for law and authority, while the habitants in gen-
eral preferred to be guided by law in all their dealings.20
Petty quarrels were frequent, but instead of ending them
in a fight, recourse was invariably had to the courts. In
their business transactions the assistance of judge or notary
was always sought.20

On the other hand the " gentry ", comprising the larger
merchants and farmers, came from the better classes in
Canada and France. They surrounded themselves with all
the luxuries that could be brought from Canada or Europe.
Some were able to claim nobility of birth ,'a and many were

17 Bossu, Travels, 126.

18 Ibid.; Du Pratz, Histoire de la Louisiane, II, 297.
19Volney, View of the United States, 338ff.

20 Alvord, ///. Hist. Colls., II, xviii.

11 Ibia., xix; see also Du Pratz, Histoire at la Louisiane, II, 297.

INTRODUCTORY SURVEY 9

wealthy and influential. Some of the latter possessed
capital before immigrating to Illinois, and others rose to
prominence by industry and shrewdness. Among the more
prominent were Jean Baptiste Barbau of Prairie du Rocher,
the Bauvais, Charleville, Viviat, Lachance, and Cerr£ fam-
ilies of Kaskaskia, and the Sauciers, Francois Trottier, and
J. B. H. La Croix of Cahokia.22

The government of the French was neither military nor
paternal. Although the military commandant represented
the king of France, he did not have all power, nor were
the people subjected entirely to the will of the priest.23
After 1717 the Illinois district was subordinate to the gov-
ernment of Louisiana. The civil government of the dis-
trict was composed of a commandant, a commissary, a
judge, a principal scrivener of the marine, a king's attorney,
a keeper of the royal warehouse, a clerk of the court,
deputy clerks, syndics, and notaries.24 As a rule a number
of offices were united : the positions of commissary, judge,
and scrivener were held by the same person ; and the duties
of attorney and keeper of the royal warehouse were like-
wise combined. In addition to the officers already men-
tioned , each village had its captain of militia ,25 an important
local executive officer appointed by the colonial authorities.
His specific duties were to prepare the muster-roll of the
parish and to enforce the decrees of the intendant of the
council.26 The syndic and the parish priest also had very

"Alvord, ///. Hist, Colls., II, xix-xx.

23 Both views have hitherto been common to historians of the period.
Pittman is largely responsible for the view that the people were subject
to the caprice of the military commandant. Other writers have stated
that the French were living in a kind of Arcadian simplicity, with no
lawyers or litigation. An examination of the documentary material of
the time indicates that both views are erroneous.

"Alvord, ///. in the Eighteenth Cent., 8

J5Breese, Early Hist, of III., 216.

MMunro, The Seigniorial System in Canada, 43, 73.

io THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

important local duties, especially with reference to the
execution of the edicts of the village assemblies and the
laws of the commons.27 The French had in fact brought
with them the organization of the village community and
the system of land tenure which they had known in France.
Each village had its common field divided into long narrow
strips which the inhabitants cultivated , and the common , or
pasture land, belonging to the whole community. The vil-
lage assembly, meeting generally in the church-yard after
mass, fixed the day for planting and harvesting, and all
other matters relating to the common interest. If the
business to be transacted related to the church, the presid-
ing officer was the priest ; otherwise the syndic presided at
the meeting and saw to the execution of the decisions of
the assembly.28 The military commandant of the Illinois
country was responsible to the governor of Louisiana, while
civil officials were under the direction of the intendant.

All the land holdings of the French did not originate in
the same way. The land acquired from the Indians was
considered as belonging to the king's domain, which was
disposed of in two ways.29 At Kaskaskia and Nouvelle
Chartres the king retained control of the land and granted
it directly to the habitants™ in censive holdings, but at
Cahokia, St. Philippe, and Prairie du Rocher, large tracts
were granted to individuals as seigniories, the title being
similar to that of the benefice. The owners of these
seigniories granted out smaller tracts to the habitants as

27Babeau, Le village sous fancien regime, passim, and Babeau, Les
assemblies generates des communautes cohabitants, passim.

28 Babeau, Le village sous Vancien regime, ch. III.

29 Alvord, ///. Hist. Colls., II, xxii, n. 2\ Franz, Die Kolonization
des Mississippitales, 201; Breese, Early Hist, of III., app. E; Viollet,
Histoire du dro it f ran fats, j^Gft.

30 Habitants is here used in the broader sense of inhabitants.

INTRODUCTORY SURVEY n

manorial holdings which paid to the seignior an annual rent
of a sou an acre. Cahokia and its lands belonged to the
Seminary of Foreign Missions at Quebec, St. Philippe to
the Regnaults, and Prairie du Rocher to Boisbriant, and
later to Langlois.

The church is an institution which cannot be overlooked
in any survey of the Illinois French. The people were so
devoted to their religion that the church buildings were
generally the most imposing edifices in the village. The
parish priests at all times exercised the greatest influence
over the lives of the people. No matter how debauched
and lawless the voyageur became, the priest invariably
recalled him to a sense of his dependence upon the church.

There were a number of parishes in the district : the
parish of the Immaculate Conception at Kaskaskia, that of
St. Anne at Nouvelle Chartres with its dependent chapels
of St. Joseph at Prairie du Rocher and the Visitation at St.
Philippe, and the parish of the Holy Family at Cahokia.
The Jesuits governed the parish at Kaskaskia, where they
owned a large plantation, a brewery, and some eighty
slaves,31 and the Recollect and the Sulpitian fathers min-
istered to the other villages. These parishes, together
with those of the rest of Louisiana, were in the diocese of
the bishop of Quebec.32

The relation of the Illinois country to Louisiana was
economic as well as political. All of the trade of the upper
Mississippi valley was carried on through New Orleans, and
the southern colony often owed its existence to the large
supplies of flour and pork sent down the river.33 Although

31 Pittman, State of the European Settlements on the Miss., ed.
Hodder, 85.

82 Shea, Life of Archbishop Carroll, passim.

38 Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Am., V, 53; Pittman, European
Settlements on the Miss., ed. Hodder, 95.

12 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

the inhabitants occupied themselves chiefly with hunting
and with trading with the Indians , they yet raised a con-
siderable amount of corn, wheat, and various kinds of fruit,
which, together with cattle and hogs they frequently shipped
to the New Orleans market.3*

S4Pittman, op. cit., 93-95.

CHAPTER II.

STATUS OF THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY IN THE EMPIRE.

BEFORE entering upon the more detailed study of events
in the Illinois country during the British regime , it seems
necessary to examine certain general aspects of the subject
in order to understand more clearly the significance of the
period. The relation of that country to the empire, and
the views held by contemporary British statesmen concern-
ing its status are problems which naturally arise and de-
mand solution. What was the nature of the government
imposed upon the French in the Illinois country after the
final occupation of the West? Is the prevailing opinion
that the British government placed the inhabitants of those
villages under a military government any longer tenable?
Was the government de jure or de factot

The treatment received by the settlements in the North-
west and West in general was fundamentally different in
nature from that accorded other portions of the new em-
pire. The treaty of Paris was signed in February, 1763,
and the British ministry spent considerable time during the
months immediately following in the formulation of a policy
to be pursued towards the vast territories acquired in North
America. In the summer of 1763 it became apparent that
this policy must be determined upon immediately in order
to pacify the minds of the savage inhabitants of the West
who were rising in rebellion against the English. In

i4 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

October, therefore, a royal proclamation1 was issued, by
the terms of which civil governments were created for the
provinces of Quebec, East Florida, West Florida, and
Grenada, and all the western territory outside the pre-
scribed limits of these colonies, including a large portion of
southern Canada of today, was reserved as a vast hunting
ground for the Indian nations. No mention of the settled
portions of the West, however, is made in the proclama-
tion. It is therefore necessary to examine the official
correspondence which immediately preceded the issuance
of the proclamation, to find, if possible, what the directors
of the British colonial policy had in mind.

When the proclamation was under discussion by the
ministry in the summer of 1763, two opposing views with
reference to the West were for a time apparent. It appears
to have been the policy of Lord Egremont, at that time
secretary of state for the southern department, which in-
cluded the management of the colonies, to place the
unorganized territory within the jurisdiction of some one of
the colonies possessing a settled government, preferably
Canada.'2 It was at least his aim to give to the Indian
country sufficient civil supervision so that criminals and
fugitives from justice from the colonies might be retaken.
That he did not intend to extend civil government to the
villages of Illinois or to any of the French inhabitants of
the West seems clear, for his only reference is to the " In-
dian country" and to " criminals " and "fugitives from
justice ".

1 The text of the proclamation may be conveniently found in the
Annual Register, IV, 208, and in Can. Const. Docs., //jy-//?/, 119-
123. For a discussion of the history of the proclamation and the
origin of the various clauses, see Alvord, "Genesis of the Proclama-
tion of 1763 ", in Mich. Pioneer and Hist. Colls., XXXVI.

3 Egremont to the Lords of Trade, July 14, 1763, Can. Const. Docs.,

STATUS IN THE EMPIRE 15

Lord Shelburne, president of the Board of Trade and a
member of the Grenville ministry, and his colleagues were
of the opinion that the annexation of the West to Canada
might lend color to the idea that England's title to the West
came from the French cession, when in fact her claim was
derived from other sources ; that the inhabitants of the
province to which it might be annexed would have too
great an advantage in the Indian trade ; and finally that
such an immense province could not be properly governed
without a large number of troops and the governor would
thus virtually become a commander-in-chief . 3 Shelburne
then announced his plan of giving to the commanding gen-
eral of the British army in America jurisdiction over the
West for the purpose of protecting the Indians and the fur
trade. 4 Lord Halifax, who succeeded Egremont at the
latter's death in August, 1763, acceded to Shelburne's
views. The proposed commission to the commanding gen-
eral, however, does not appear to have been issued; for
Hillsborough, who succeeded Shelburne as president of the
Board of Trade in the autumn of 1763, favored a different
policy. But there is nothing to indicate that Shelburne
and his advisers had any thought of a government for the
French colonies. No hint appears in the correspondence
that the ministry had any idea of the existence of the sev-
eral thousand French inhabitants of the West.5

'Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King, August 5,
1763, Can. Const. Docs.^ 1759-1791, iio-m.

4 " We would humbly propose, that a Commission under the Great
Seal, for the Government of this Country, should be given to the Com-
mander in Chief of Your Majesty's Troops for the time being adapted
to the Protection of the Indians and the fur Trade of Your Majesty's
subjects." Ibid., ill.

4 They could not have been ignorant of the existence of such colonies
in the ceded territory, for Sir William Johnson, who was familiar with
western conditions, was in constant correspondence with the ministry,
and such works as the Histoire de la Louisiane by Du Pratz, published
in 1758, were doubtless familiar to English statesmen.

1 6 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

There remain one or two documents in which we might
expect to find some reference to the government of the
French settlers. The authors of that part of the proclama-
tion of 1763 which provided for the reservation of the In-
dian lands and the regulation of the trade , 6 had in con-
templation an elaborate plan comprehending the manage-
ment of both in the whole of British North America. 7 It
was left to Hillsborough, Shelburne's successor as president
of the Board of Trade, to direct the formulation of the
plan, which was finished in 1764. As the details of this
program will be taken up in a later chapter, 8 it will suffice
here simply to note the presence or absence of any provi-
sion for the French. The chief object of the plan was to
bring about centralization in the regulation of the trade and
the management of the Indians. In one article provision
also was made for a certain kind of civil supervision. For
the maintenance of peace and order within the reserved
territory, the general superintendents and the commis-
saries at each post were empowered to act as justices of
the peace, with all the powers belonging to such officers
in the English colonies. They were to have "full power
of Committing Offenders in Capital Cases, in order that
such Offenders may be prosecuted for the same ; And that,
for deciding all civil actions, the Commissaries be empow-
ered to try and determine in a Summary way all such
Actions, as well between the Indians and Traders, as be-
tween one Trader and another, to the Amount of Ten Pounds
Sterling, with the Liberty of Appeal to the Chief Agent or
Superintendent, or his Deputy, who shall be empowered

6 See below, ch. V.

7 Dartmouth to Cramah6, December I, 1773, Can. Const.
*759-i79*> 339-
* See below, ch. V.

STATUS IN THE EMPIRE 17

upon such appeal to give Judgement thereon ; which Judge-
ment shall be final, and process issue upon it, in like manner
as on the Judgement of any Court of Common Pleas estab-
lished in any of the Colonies."9 It is curious that no
provision of this article applies in any way to the govern-
ment of the French residing at the various posts.

Turning to another source , we find a document addressed
directly to the inhabitants of the Illinois country, dated in
New York, December 30, 1764 and signed by General
Thomas Gage , 10 which was not announced in Illinois until
the entry of Captain Sterling in October of the following
year. This proclamation related solely to guarantees by
the British government of the right of the inhabitants under
the treaty of Paris : freedom of religion , the liberty of re-
moving from or remaining within English territory, and
regulations concerning the oath of allegiance make up its
contents. Whether the inhabitants were to enjoy a civil
government or be ruled by the army there is no intimation.

In contrast with the barren papers of 1763-1765 the
documentary material after those dates proves so much
more productive, that we are enabled to arrive at some
pretty definite conclusions. Fortunately there were a few
men in authority during that period who had considerable
interest in the interior settlements, and who, from their
official positions, realized the difficulties of the problem.
General Thomas Gage, Sir William Johnson, and Lord
Hillsborough are perhaps the most representative ex-
amples. Gage, who was commander-in-chief of the British
army in America throughout the period under considera-
tion, with headquarters in New York City, was in direct

9 Can. Arch. Report, 1904, 244.

10 American * State Papers, Public Lands, II, 209; Dillon, Hist, oj
Indiana, I, 93-94; see below, ch. IV.

1 8 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1773

communication both with his subordinates in Illinois and
with the home authorities and was in a position to know
the general state of affairs in the West as well as to keep in
touch with ministerial opinion. Sir William Johnson, by
virtue of his office as superintendent of Indian affairs
for the northern district, was in a peculiarly strategic posi-
tion for acquiring information. His Indian agents were
stationed at all the western posts and he was in con-
stant correspondence with the Board of Trade relative to
the Indian and trade conditions. In the ministry itself
the correspondence of Lord Hillsborough perhaps best
reflects the prevailing opinion of the government. He
was one of the few ministerial authorities who took any
considerable interest in the western problem and informa-
tion coming from him must therefore have weight.

That the British commandant of the fort in the Illinois
country had no commission to govern the inhabitants, ex-
cept that power which naturally devolves upon the military
officer in the absence of all other authority,11 appears
amply clear from a recommendation transmitted by Gen-
eral Gage to his superior, Secretary Conway, shortly after
the occupation of Fort de Chartres : "If I may presume
to give my opinion further on this matter, I would humbly
propose that a Military Governor should be appointed for
the Illinois [sic] as soon as possible. The distance of
that country from any of the Provinces being about 1400
Miles, makes its Dependance upon any one of them im-

11 " The Secretary of State having signified to me that as my Com-
mission under the Great Seal as Commander-in-Chief of all His
Majesty's Forces in North America includes Florida and the Country
ceded by Spain, on this Continent, and likewise the Country ceded by
France on the left side of the Mississippi: It is the King's Pleasure I
should give the necessary Orders to the Officers commanding the
Troops, etc." Amherst to Lieutenant-Colonel Robertson, August 24,
1763, P. R. O., B. T. Papers, no. 19, fol. 49.

STATUS IN THE EMPIRE 19

practicable, and from its Vicinity to the French Settlements,
no other than a Military Government would answer our pur-
pose."12 In the following year he took a similar view in a
communication to Sir William Johnson, his co- laborer in
America : "I am quite sensible of the irregular behavior of
the Traders and have intimated to his Majesty's Secretary
of State what I told the Board of Trade four or five years
ago : That they must be restrained by Law, and a Judicial
Power invested in the Officer Commanding at the Posts to
see such Law put in force. And without this, Regulations
may be made, but they will never be observed." 13

During this period the authorities seemed unable to com-
bat successfully the condition of comparative anarchy in
the Illinois country and indeed in all the western posts and
throughout the Indian country. Had all the regulations
outlined in 1764 in the plan for the management of Indian
affairs14 been put into operation, the Indian department
would have been able to cope more successfully with that
phase of the situation. But neither military nor Indian
departments had legal authority to administer justice in the
West.15 In 1767, speaking of his inability to handle the

12 Gage to Conway, March 28, 1766, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.),
vol. XX.

15 Gage to Johnson, January 25, 1767, Johnson MSS. (N. Y. State
Library), vol. XIV, no. 28.

14 See below, ch. V.

15 In the Mutiny Act, passed in 1765, a clause was inserted regulating
criminal procedure in the Indian country, whereby persons accused of
crimes were directed to be conveyed to the civil magistrate of the next
adjoining province, where they should be tried. " . An Act for
punishing Mutiny and Desertion, and for the better Payment of the
Army and their Quarters." 5 Geo. Ill, cap. XXXIII. This was
evidently too slow a process. I have found but one case in the his-
tory of the Illinois colony where the clause was executed. October
7, 1769, Gage wrote to Hillsborough : "Two persons are confined in
Fort Chartres for murther, and the Colonel [Wilkins] proposes to
send them to Philadelphia, about fifteen hundred miles, to take their
Tryall." P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 125.

20 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

situation for lack of sufficient powers, Johnson declared
that " The authority of Commissaries is nothing, and both
the Commanding Officers of Garrisons and they, are liable
to a civil prosecution for detaining a Trader on any pre-
tence." I6 Writing of the disturbances which occurred in
Illinois a few years later, the commanding general observed
still more emphatically : " And I perceive there has been
wanting judicial powers to try and determine. There has
been no way to bring Controversys and Disputes properly
to a determination or delinquents to punishment." "

There is probably some justification for the current be-
lief that the government placed the inhabitants under a
military rule, inasmuch as the actual government proved in
the last analysis to be military. That the British ministry
consciously attached the interior settlements to the military
department is, however, far from the truth. Such a system
of government was probably contemplated by no one be-
tween the years 1763 and 1765 when the reorganization of
the new acquisitions was under consideration. A large part
of the new territory was believed to be within the fur-bear-
ing region and the desire for the development of the fur
trade controlled in the main the policy of the ministry re-
lative to the disposition of the ''peltry" districts. The in-
terests of the settlements were therefore completely ignored.

Secretary Hillsborough, who helped formulate the western

16 " Review of the Trade and Affairs of the Indians in the Northern
District of America", N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 964.

11 Gage to Hillsborough, August 6, 1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 128. See also Gage to Hillsborough, October 7, 1769, ibid., vol.
125. Lieutenant George Phyn, who went with a detachment of troops
from Fort Pitt down the Ohio and Mississippi rivers to Mobile in 1768,
making a visit of several weeks at Fort de Chartres, wrote to Sir
William Johnson: "There is no settled administration of Justice, but
the whole depends upon the mere will and fancy of the Officer com-
manding the Troops." April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS., vol. XXV,
no, 109.

S7A 7 US IN THE EMPIRE 2 1

policy in 1763 and 1764, doubtless gave the most adequate
explanation when, in 1769, he wrote : "With regard to the
Posts in the interior Country considered in another view in
which several of your letters have placed them ; I mean as
to the Settlements formed under their protection, which,
not being included within the jurisdiction of any other
Colony are exposed to many Difficulties and Disadvantages
from the Want of some Form of Government necessary to
Civil Society, it is very evident that, if the case of these
Settlements had been well known or understood at the time
of forming the conquered Lands into Colonies, some pro-
vision would have been made for them, and they would
have been erected into distinct Governments or made de-
pendent upon those other Colonies of which they were either
the offspring, or with which they did by circumstances and
situation, stand connected. I shall not fail, therefore, to
give this matter the fullest consideration when the Business
of the Illinois Country is taken up." 1S

Hillsborough's declaration that no provision for the gov-
ernment of the settlements had ever been made is borne out
by other testimony. A writer in the Annual Register for
I763,19 after describing the boundaries of the various gov-
ernments provided for by the royal proclamation, comment-
ed as follows : " The reader will observe and possibly with
some surprise, that in this distribution, much the largest,
and perhaps, the most valuable part of our conquests, does

18 Hillsborough to Gage, December 9, 1769, P. R. O., Am. and W.
I., vol. 124. " If the people are left to shift for themselves entirely
without any arrangements made for them, its possible they would no
longer consider themselves subjects, join openly with enemy Indians,
and British traders going to the Ilinois might be refused admittance
and drove out of the Country." Gage to Hillsborough, March 4,
1772, Sparks MSS. (Harvard College Library), XLIII, vol. 3, pp.
164-165.

19 Annual Register, VI, 20.

22 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

not fall into any of the governments ; that the environs of
the great lakes, the fine countries on the whole course of
the Ohio and Wabashe, and almost all that tract of Louisi-
ana, which lies on the hither branch of the Mississippi, are
none of them comprehended in this distribution ..."

In 1774 during the course of the debate in the House of
Lords on the Quebec Act, which provided for the form of
government and the extension of the boundaries of that col-
ony to the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, Lord North observed
that " It takes in no countries regularly planted by British
settlers, but merely distant military posts, at present with-
out any government but that of the respective commanding
officers. Now, the question here is merely this, Will you
annex them under the present government? Will you leave
them without any government? or will you form Separate
governments and colonies of them? " ao Finally the existence
of such a large area of territory without a government was
recognized in the preamble of the Quebec Act as ultimately
passed : ' ' And whereas, by the Arrangements made by the
said Royal Proclamation, a very large Extent of Country,
within which there were several Colonies and Settlements
of the Subjects of France, who claimed to remain therein
under the Faith of the said Treaty, was left without any
Provision being made for the Administration of Civil Govern-
ment therein."21

20 Parl. Hist., XVII, 1358. William Knox, the under secretary for
the colonies, in a contemporaneous pamphlet makes the following as-
sertion: "As these settlers had been put entirely under the direction
of the commanding Officers of the forts [during the French rule], when
the French garrisons were withdrawn, and military orders ceased to be
law, they were altogether without law or government; . . They had
been accustomed to obey French military orders, and the English offi-
cers, . . of their own authority exercised the same command over
them." Justice and Policy of the Quebec Act, 39.

21 Can. Const. Docs., 1739-1791, 401. In a paper entitled " Pro-
posed Extension of Provincial Limits", one of the reasons given for the

STATUS IN THE EMPIRE 23

English troops took formal possession of Fort de Char-
tres, the military post in the Illinois country, in 1765. It
was not intended, however, that the army should continue
there indefinitely. 'K Nevertheless as time went on the
necessity became evident of being constantly prepared to
crush a possible uprising of the savages and to repel the
constant invasion of the French and Spanish traders from
beyond the Mississippi, whose influence over the Indians,
it was feared, would be detrimental to the peace of the em-
pire. In its policy of retrenchment owing to the trouble
with the colonies, the government at various times contem-
plated the withdrawal of the troops,23 but each time the
detachment was allowed to remain ; the sole reason given
was to guard that portion of the empire against the French
and Indians.2*

Attention has now been called to the entire absence of
regulations for the government of the western settlements
in any of the official documents relating to that territory
prior to 1774. The proclamation of 1763, which had de-
finitely extended the laws of England to the new provinces of
Quebec and the Floridas, made no similar provision for the
West. This statement also holds for other state papers such

extension of the Quebec boundary was to " extend the benefits of Civil
Government to the Settlements of Canadian Subjects that have been
formed in the different parts of" the interior country, ibid., 381.
In the first two draughts of the Quebec Act no reference is made to
the western settlements, ibid., 376—380.

42 Hillsborough to Gage, February 17, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and W.
I., vol. 125.

13 " The situation and peculiar circumstances of the Ilinois Country,
and the use, if that Country is maintained, of guarding the Ohio and
Ilinois Rivers at or near their junctions with the Mississippi has been
set forth to your Lordship in my letter of the 22d of Feb. last. It is
upon that plan the Regiment is posted in the Disposition in the Ilinois
Country." Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, ibid,, vol. 123.

24 See for example, Hillsborough to Gage, February 17, 1770, ibid.,
vol. 125; Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, ibid., vol. 123.

24 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

as the plan of 1764 for the management of Indian affairs
and General Gage's proclamation to the inhabitants of Ill-
inois in 1765. Nor in any of the correspondence relating
to the various documents has any reference to the govern-
ment of the French been discovered. On the other hand
after 1765 we have the positive statements of such officials
as Sir William Johnson, General Gage, Lord Hillsborough,
and Lord North to the effect that the settlements in question
had been left entirely without any arrangement for their
government. Similar assertions in the Quebec Act and in
contemporary works, books, and pamphlets contribute addi-
tional testimony.

In the course of this inquiry relative to the legal status of
Illinois and the West no mention has been made of the ex-
tension or non- extension of English law and custom to the
West after the cession. This is one of the more important
general aspects of the western problem and merits attention
inasmuch as it may throw further light on the legal position
of the settlements. During the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries, the great era of English colonization, the ne-
cessity of fixing definitely the legal status of the colonies
called forth a series of judicial opinions and legal commen-
taries. It is to these that we have to look to determine the
theory held regarding the application of English law to the
colonies and particularly to conquered provinces. In gen-
eral it may be said that Blackstone represents the usual
view taken by jurists during these two centuries. In his
Commentaries published in 1765 he declared that " In
conquered or ceded countries, that have already laws of
their own, the king may indeed alter and change those laws,
but until he actually does change them, the ancient laws of
the country remain."25 This opinion is supported by the

16 Blackstone, Commentaries (3d ed., Cooley), Intro., sec. 4, 107.

STATUS IN THE EMPIRE 25

authority of Lord Mansfield in his decision in the case of
Campbell v. Hall,26 rendered in 1774, which involved the
status of the island of Grenada, a conquered province. He
laid down in this decision the general principle that the
' ' laws of a conquered country continue in force until they
are altered by the conquerer. The justice and antiquity of
this maxim are incontrovertible . . ." 27

As has already been suggested the proclamation of 1763
failed to extend English law to the West, nor did the crown
ever take such action. We may therefore lay down the
general principle that although with the change of sover-
eignty the public law of England was substituted for that
of France, the private law of the province remained un-
changed. The British government then was obliged to govern
its new subjects in this region according to the laws and
customs hitherto prevailing among them ; any other course
would manifestly be illegal. The commanding general of
the army in America and his subordinates, who were em-
barrassed by the presence of this French settlement for
which no provision had been made by the ministry, and
who found it necessary to assume the obligation of enforc-
ing some sort of order in that country, had no power to
displace any of the laws and customs of the French inhabi-
tants. It will be pointed out in succeeding chapters that
this general principle, although adhered to in many respects,
was not uniformly carried out.

16 Text of decision in Can. Const. Docs., 1759-1791, 366-372.

27 Other important leading cases, such as Calvin's case, involving the
status of Jamaica, are of the same effect. See also Sioussat, English
Statutes in Maryland (J. H. U. Studies, XXI), 481-487, and espe-
cially Walton, The Scope and Interpretation of the Civil Code of Lower
Canada, 6-7, 26-27. The same opinion is expressed by Attorney-
General Thurlow in a speech in Parliament in 1774 on the subject of
the Quebec Act. This speech is found in Egerton and Grant, Canadian
Const. Development, 33-41.

26 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

It is apparent from the foregoing considerations that the
government of the Illinois people was de facto in its nature.
It had no legal foundations. Every act of the military
department was based on expediency. Although in general
this course was accepted by the home authorities, all offi-
cials concerned were aware that such a status could not
continue indefinitely. Nevertheless it did continue for a-
bout a decade, during which time the inhabitants were at
the mercy of some six or seven different military command-
ants. In 1774, however, Parliament passed the Quebec
Act, which provided, among other things, for the union of
all the western country north of the Ohio River, which but
for the cataclysm of the American Revolution would have
secured civil government for the whole region.

CHAPTER III.

OCCUPATION OF THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY

By the treaty of Paris the title to the Illinois region pass-
ed to Great Britain, but Fort de Chartres was not immedi-
ately occupied. Detachments of British troops had taken
possession of practically every other post in the newly ceded
territory as early as 1760. The occupation of the forest
posts of Green Bay, Mackinac, St. Joseph, Ouiatanon, De-
troit, Fort Miami, Sandusky, Niagara, and others seemed
to indicate almost complete British dominion in the West.
The transfer of the Illinois posts, however, remained to
be effected, and although in the summer of 1763 orders
were forwarded from France to the officers commanding in
the ceded territory to evacuate as soon as the English forces
appeared , l almost three years elapsed before the occupa-
tion was accomplished ; for soon after the announcement of
the treaty of cession , the chain of Indian tribes stretching
from the fringe of the eastern settlements to the Mississippi
River rose in rebellion.2 This unexpected movement had
to be reckoned with before any thought of the occupation
of the Illinois country could be seriously entertained.

Of the two great northern Indian families, the Iroquois
had generally espoused the English cause during the recent

1 Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 272-273.

2 For the Indian rebellion the best secondary accounts are : Park-
man, Conspiracy of Pontiac; Kingsford, Hist, of Can., V, 1-112;
Poole, "The West ", in Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Am., VI,
684-700; Winsor, Miss. Basin, 432-446; Bancroft, Hist, of U. S.
(ed. of 1852, containing references), IV, 110-133.

27

28 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

war, while the Algonquin nations, living in Canada and
the lake and Ohio regions, had supported the French. At
the close of the war the greater portion of the French had
sworn fealty to the English crown, although the allegiance
of their allies, the Algonquins, was at best only temporary.
It was thought that, since the power of France had been
crushed, there would be no further motive for the Indian
tribes to continue hostilities. From 1761, however, there
had been a growing feeling of discontent among the western
Indians. So long as France and Great Britain were able to
hold each other in check in America the Indian nations
formed a balance of power, so to speak, between them.
England and France vied with each other to conciliate
the savages and to win their good-will. As soon, however,
as English dominion was assured, this attitude was some-
what changed. The fur trade under the French had been
well regulated, but its condition under the English from
1760 to 1763 was deplorable.3 The English traders were
rash and unprincipled men 4 who did not scruple to cheat
and insult their Indian clients at every opportunity. The
more intelligent of the western and northern Indians per-
ceived that their hunting grounds would soon be overrun
by white settlers with a fixed purpose of permanent settle-
ment. 5 This was probably the chief cause of the Indian up-
rising. There remained in the forests many French and
renegade traders and hunters who constantly concocted

3Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, I, 182; Pownall, Admin, of (he
Cols., I, 187-188. Although Pownall discusses the situation somewhat
earlier, he appears to hold the same view which Johnson and other
contemporaries express later.

4 Johnson to Lords of Trade, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 929, 955, 960,
964, 987; Pownall, Admin, of the Cols., I, 188; Kingsford, Hist, of
Can., V, I2lff.

5 Johnson to Amherst, July 11, 1763, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 532;
Pownall, Admin, of the Cols., I, 187-190.

OCCUPATION

29

insidious reports as to English designs and filled the savage
minds with hope of succor from the king of France.
Many of the French inhabitants had since 1760 emigrated
beyond the Mississippi, because, as the Indians thought,
they feared to live under English rule. 7 This doubtless
contributed something towards the rising discontent of the
savages. Finally the policy of economy in expenses, which
General Amherst inaugurated, cut off a large part of the
Indian presents, always so indispensable in dealing with
that race , and augured poorly for the future welfare of the
Indians.

The mass of the Indians rose chiefly from resentment,
but Pontiac, the great chief of the Ottawas, acted from a
deeper motive. He determined to rehabilitate French
power in the West and to reunite all the Indian nations into
one great confederacy in order to ward off approaching
dangers. During the years 1761-1762 he developed the
plot and in 1762 he despatched his emissaries to all the
Indian nations. The ramifications of the conspiracy ex-
tended to all the Algonquin tribes, to some of the nations
on the lower Mississippi, and even to a portion of the Six
Nations. The original aim of the plot was the destruction
of the garrisons on the frontier, after which the settlements
were to be attacked. The assault on the outposts, begin-
ning in May, 1 763, was sudden and overwhelming ; Detroit,
Fort Pitt, and Niagara alone held out, the remainder of the
posts falling without an attempt at defense. Had the
proclamation of 1763, which aimed at the pacification of
the Indians by reserving to them the western lands, been

6 Johnson to Amherst, July II, 1763, N. Y. Col. Docs., Mil, 532;
Pownall, Admin, of the Cols., I, 187—190.

7 Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, I, 181, quoting from a letter of
Sir William Johnson to Governor Golden, December 24, 1763; Winsor,
Miss. Basin, 433.

3o THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

issued earlier in the year, this devastating war might have
been avoided. Peaceful pacification was now, however,
out of the question. During the summers of 1763 and
1764 Colonel Bouquet raised the siege of Fort Pitt, pene-
trated the enemy's country in the upper Ohio Valley, and
completely subdued the Shawnee and Delaware tribes upon
whom Pontiac had depended. Previous to Bouquet's
second campaign, Colonel Bradstreet had advanced with a
detachment along the southern shore of Lake Erie, pene-
trating as far west as Detroit, whence companies were sent
to occupy the posts in the upper lake region. In the cam-
paign as a whole the Bouquet expedition was the most ef-
fective. After the ratification of a series of treaties, in
which the Indians promised allegiance to the English crown,
the eastern portion of the rebellion was broken.

It now remained to reach the Illinois country in order to
relieve the French garrison at Fort de Chartres. Pontiac
had retired thither in 1764, after his unsuccessful attempt
upon Detroit. There he had hoped to rally the western
tribes and sue for the support of the French. But as we
shall see, his schemes received a powerful blow by the re-
fusal of the commandants to countenance his plans.

To what extent Pontiac was assisted by French intriguers
in the development of his plans may never be positively
known. As has already been pointed out, French traders
were constantly among the Indians, filling their minds with
hopes and fears. That the plot included French officials
may be doubted, although Sir William Johnson and General
Gage seemed convinced that such was the case.8 Their

8 Johnson to Lords of Trade, July I, 1763, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII,
525; Johnson to Amherst, July 8, 1763, ibid., 531; Johnson to Lords
of Trade, December 26, 1764, ibid., 688-689; Gage to Bouquet, June
5, 1764, Can. Arch. (Ottawa), series A, vol. 8, p. 409; Gage to
Bouquet, October 21, 1764, ibid., p. 479; Johnson to Governor
Golden, January 22, 1765, Johnson MSS., vol. X, no. 99.

OCCUPATION 3I

belief, however, was based almost wholly upon reports from
Indian runners, whose credibility as witnesses may well be
questioned. A perusal of the correspondence of the French
officials9 residing in Illinois and Louisiana, and of their
official communications with the Indians during this period
goes far to clear them of complicity in the affair. 10

General Gage, who succeeded Amherst as commander-
in-chief of the British army in America in November, 1763,
was convinced that the early occupation of the western
posts was essential, " since it would in a measure cut off
communication between the French and the Indian nations
dwelling in that vicinity. The Indians, finding themselves
thus inclosed, would be more easily pacified. The partici-
pation in the rebellion of the Shawnee and Delaware tribes
of the upper Ohio River region precluded for a time, how-
ever, the possibility of reaching the Mississippi posts by way
of Fort Pitt without a much larger force than Gage had at
his command in the East, and the colonies were already
avoiding the call for additional troops. u The only other
available route was by way of New Orleans and the Missis-
sippi River, whose navigation had been declared open to

9 Can. Arch. Report, 1905, I, 470; Neyon to Kerlerec, December i,
1763, Bancroft Coll. (Lenox Library); extracts from letters of d'Ab-
badie, January, 1764, Can. Arch. Report, 1905, I, 471; d'Abbadie to
the French minister, 1764, ibid. , 472.

10 This is the view taken by Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II,
279, and by Bancroft, Hist, of U. S., V, 133, 136. But Kingsford,
Hist, of Can., V, 25, takes an opposite view. He says that the " high
character claimed for Pontiac cannot be established . . He can be
looked upon in no higher light, than the instrument of the French
officials and Traders." On page 6 he declares that "there is no evi-
dence to establish him as the central figure organizing this hostile feel-
ing."

"Gage to Halifax, July 13, 1764, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am.,
1764-1765; Winsor, Miss. Basin, 444, 456; Winsor, Narr. and Crit.
Hist, of Am. , VI, 702.

"Beer, British Colonial Policy, 263; Kingsford, Hist, of Can., V,
68.

32 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

the French and English alike by the treaty of Paris. Little
opposition might be expected from the southern Indians
toward whom a liberal policy had been pursued. Presents
to the value of four or five thousand pounds had been sent
to Charleston in 1763 for distribution among the southern
nations which counteracted in a large measure the machina-
tions of the French traders from New Orleans. 13 The
Florida posts, Mobile and Pensacola, were already occupied
by English troops, and Gage and his associates believed
that with the cooperation of the French governor of Louisiana
a successful ascent could be made. u

Accordingly in January, 1764, Major Arthur Loftus, with
a detachment of three hundred and fifty-one men from the
Twenty-second Regiment embarked at Mobile for New
Orleans , where preparations were to be made for the voy-
age. 15 A company of sixty men from this regiment were
to be left at Fort Massac on the Ohio River, and the re-
mainder were to occupy Kaskaskia and Fort de Chartres. "
At New Orleans boats had to be built, supplies and pro-
visions procured , and guides and interpreters provided.17 The
expedition set out from New Orleans February 2 7 . Three
weeks later the flotilla was attacked by a band of Tonica
Indians near Davion's Bluff, or Fort Adams,18 about two hun-

18Winsor, Miss. Basin, 433; Ogg, Opening of the Miss., 301.

u Bouquet to Amherst, December I, 1763, Can. Arch., series A, vol. 4,
p. 443; Gage to Bouquet, December 22, 1763, ibid., vol. 8, p. 341.
Early in February, 1 764, Captain George Johnston arrived at Pensacola
with a detachment of troops. On February 24th he despatched Loftus
to take possession of Fort de Chartres, A.lbach, Annals of the West, 88.

15 Lieutenant-Colonel Robertson to Gage, March 8, 1764, Bancroft
Coll., Eng. and Am., 1764-1765; de Villiers du Terrage, Les dernieres
Annees de la Louisiane franfaise, 180.

16 Robertson to Gage, March 8, 1764, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am.,
1764-1765. ™ Ibid.

18 Loftus to Gage, April 9, 1764, ibid. ; Gage to Halifax, May 21,
1764, ibid.; Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 283, 285; Kings-

OCCUPATION 33

dred and forty miles above New Orleans. After the loss of
several men in the boats composing the vanguard Loftus
ordered a retreat and the expedition was abandoned. De-
pleted by sickness, death, and desertion the regiment made
its way from New Orleans back to Mobile. 19

Major Loftus placed the blame for the failure of his expe-
dition upon Governor d'Abbadie and other French officials
at New Orleans.20 There is probably sufficient evidence,
however, to warrant the conclusion that his accusations
against the governor were without foundation. The corre-
spondence of d'Abbadie, Gage, and others indicates that
official aid was given the English in making their prepara-
tions for the journey, 21 and letters were issued to the com-
mandants of the French posts on the Mississippi to render
the English convoys all the assistance in their power.22

ford, Hist, of Can., V, 69-74; Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Am,,
VI, 701, 702; Gayarr6, Louisiana, II, 102-103. See map, "Course
of the Mississippi River", by Lieutenant Ross, London, 1772, showing
where Loftus' force was driven back. A section of this map is repro-
duced in Winsor, Miss. Basin, 450.

19Loftus to Gage, April 9, 1764, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am.,
1764-1765; de Villiers du Terrage, Les dernier es Annees de la Loui-
siane frangaise, 182-184; Claiborne, Hist, of Miss., I, 104-105.

20 Loftus to Gage, April 9, 1764, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am.,
1764-1765.

21 Robertson to Gage, March 8, 1764, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am.,
1764-1765; "Account of what happened in Illinois when the English
attempted to take possession of it by way of the Mississippi", in
Archives of the Ministry of the Colonies, summarized in Can. Arch.
Report, 1905, I, 470-471; Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 284,
n. i, containing a letter from Gage thanking d'Abbadie for his efforts
in behalf of the English.

22 Summary of the correspondence of d'Abbadie with the French
commandants, January, 1764, Can. Arch. Report, 1905, 1, 471. Park-
man, who made a careful study of the correspondence in the French
archives, came to the conclusion that the French officials may be ex-
onerated. Winsor holds a similar view, Miss. Basin, 452. See also
Gayarre, Louisiana, II, 101. Kingsford, Hist, of Can., V, 69-74,
places no dependence, however, in d'Abbadie's statements. On the
other hand he bases most of his argument upon a letter of Loftus which

34 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

There may have been some justification for the suspicion of
Loftus that intrigues were at work, for the French as a
whole were not in sympathy with the attempt, and the suc-
cess of the English would mean the cessation of the lucra-
tive trade between New Orleans and Illinois. They were
no doubt delighted at the discomfiture of the English officer,
for when some of the chiefs engaged in the ambuscade
entered New Orleans they are said to have been publicly
received.23

Granting, however, the machinations of the French, the
chief reason for the failure of Loftus may be found in the
absence of precautions before undertaking the journey.
Governor d'Abbadie had given the English officer warning
of the bad disposition of a number of tribes along the Mis-
sissippi River , among whom Pontiac had considerable in-
fluence , and had assured him that unless he carried presents
to the Indians, he would be unable to proceed far up the
river. u The policy of sending advance agents with con-
voys of presents for the Indians was successful the follow-
ing year when the Illinois posts were finally reached from
the east, but no such policy was adopted at this time.25
No action was taken to counteract any possible intrigues
on the part of the French; d'Abbadie's advice was not
heeded, and his prophecy was fulfilled. General Gage, in
his official correspondence relative to a second attempt,
implied that he did not think sufficient care had been exer-

he quotes at length, but gives no hint as to its location, date, etc. It
is evidently not the letter written to Gage, which is quoted above.

23 Loftus to Gage, April 9, 1764, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am.,
1764-1765.

"Gage to Halifax, April 14, 1764, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 619.

JSThis has reference to those tribes along the Mississippi River who
were in direct communication with Pontiac and the French. The great
Cherokee and Chickasaw nations were favorable to the English.

OCCUPATION 35

cised to insure success, and expressed his belief that if Lof-
tus would make use of the ' ' necessary precautions ' ' he
might reach the mouth of the Ohio with little interruption. M
This want of judgment, therefore, accounts in a large de-
gree for the unfortunate termination of the plans for an
approach from the south.

The news of the defeat of Loftus had two results. First,
it gave Pontiac renewed hope that he might be able to rally
again the western and northern Indians, and, with French
assistance , block the advance of the English. In the second
place it led General Gage to determine upon an advance
from the east, down the Ohio River, which was made prac-
ticable by the recent submission of the Shawnee and Dela-
ware Indians.

Meanwhile the Illinois country in 1764 presented an
anomalous situation. St. Ange was governing, in the name
of Louis XV, a country belonging to another king. Al-
though he was under orders to surrender the place as soon
as possible to its rightful owner, the prospect of such sur-
render seemed remote. He was not only surrounded by
crowds of begging, thieving savages, but was also being con-
stantly petitioned by the emissaries of Pontiac for his active
support against the approaching English. A considerable
portion of the French traders of the villages were secretly,
and sometimes openly, supporting the Indian cause, which
added greatly to the increasing embarrassment of the com-
mandant. So distressing was the situation in 1764 that
Neyon de Villiers, St. Ange's predecessor, had called the
latter from Vincennes on the Wabash to Fort de Chartres

Z6Gage to Bouquet, May 21, 1764, Can. Arch., series A, vol. 8, p.
393; Gage to Halifax, May 21, 1764, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am.,
1764-1765; Gage to Haldimand, May 27, 1764, Brit. Mus., Add.
MSS., 21, 662; Gage to Halifax, July 13, 1764, Bancroft Coll., Eng.
and Am., 1764-1765.

36 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

and left the country in disgust, taking with him to New
Orleans sixty soldiers and eighty of the French inhabitants. n
He had shortly before indignantly refused to countenance
the proposals of Pontiac, and had begged the Indians to
lay down their arms and make peace with the English. 'K

The news of Loftus' defeat aroused in Pontiac the thought
of meeting and repelling the advance from the east as it had
been met and repelled in the south. In spite of the news
of the defeat of his allies by Bouquet and the report that
preparations were being made by his victorious enemy to
advance against him, Pontiac determined to make a supreme
effort. By a series of visits among the tribes dwelling in
the Illinois country, on the Wabash, and in the Miami coun-
try, he succeeded in arousing in them the instinct of self-
preservation, in firing the hearts of all the faltering Indians,
and in winning the promise of their cooperation in his plan
of defense. It was under these circumstances that he met
and turned back Captain Thomas Morris in the Miami
country early in the autumn of 1764. Morris had been
sent by Bradstreet, who was at this time engaged in his
campaign against the northern Indians, from the neighbor-
hood of Detroit with messages to St. Ange in the Illinois
country, whence he was to proceed to New Orleans. 29 After

27 Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 275; Winsor, Miss. Basin,
454-

28 St. Ange to d'Abbadie, August 16, 1764, Can. Arch. Report, 1905,
I, 471; Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 279-280.

29 The original journal kept by Morris during this journey is reprinted
in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 298-328. There is also a
biographical sketch in the same volume. See account by Henry C.
Van Schaack, " Captain Thomas Morris in the Illinois Country ", Mag.
of Am. Hist., VIII, Pt. 2, pp. 470-479. Correspondence relating to
the Morris mission is to be found in the Bouquet Collection, Can. Arch.,
series A, vol. 8, pp. 475-491. For good accounts of the incident, see
Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 198-208, and Kingsford, Hist, of
Can., V, 8.

OCCUPATION 37

being maltreated and threatened with the stake Morris ef-
fected an escape and made his way to Detroit. 30 It was
during his interview with Pontiac that the latter informed
him of the repulse of Loftus, of the journey of his own emis-
saries to New Orleans to seek French support, and of the
determination of the Indians to resist the English to the
last. 31

A few months later, in February, 1765, there arrived at
Fort de Chartres an English officer, John Ross, accom-
panied by a trader named Crawford. They were probably
the first Englishmen to penetrate thus far into the former
French territory since the beginning of the war. 32 They
had been sent from Mobile by Major Farmer, the com-
mandant at that place, to bring about the conciliation of
the Indians in the Illinois country. 33 Instead of following
the Mississippi they worked their way northward through
the great Choctaw and Chickasaw nations to the Ohio, de-
scended the latter to the Mississippi and proceeded thence
to the Illinois villages. 3* Although St. Ange received them
cordially 35 and did all in his power to influence the savages
to receive the English,36 the mission of Ross was a failure.
The western Indians had nothing but expressions of hatred

30 This incident illustrates the practical failure of Bradstreet's cam-
paign against the Indians in the lake region. While he retook the
posts, his terms were so easy that the Indians were not in the least awed
by the proximity of his army.

31 Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 305.

82 Ross to Farmer, February 21, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am.,
1764-1765; Gage to Halifax, August 10, 1765, ibid.

3SRoss to Farmer, May 25, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am.,
1764-1765; H. Gordon to Johnson, August 10, 1765, Johnson MSS.,
vol. XI, no. 73.

"Ross to Farmer, May 25, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am.,
1764-1765.

35 Ross to Farmer, May 25, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am.,
1764-1765. **Ibid.

38 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

and defiance for the English \ even the Missouri and Osages
from beyond the Mississippi had fallen under the influence
of Pontiac.37 Ross and his companion remained with St.
Ange nearly two months, but about the middle of April
were obliged to go down the river to New Orleans. M

During the winter of 1764—1765 preparations were made
to send a detachment of troops down the Ohio from Fort
Pitt to relieve Fort de Chartres. To pave the way for the
troops two agents were despatched in advance. Sir Wil-
liam Johnson selected his deputy, George Croghan, for the
delicate and dangerous task of going among the Indians of
that country to assure them of the peaceful attitude of the
English, to promise them better facilities for trade, and to
accompany the promise with substantial presents.39 The
second agent was Lieutenant Fraser, 40 whose mission was to
carry letters from General Gage to the French commandant

37 Ibid,; "Copy of Council held at the Illinois in April, 1765", P.
R. O., Home Office Papers, Dom., Geo. Ill, vol. 3, no. 4 (l); copy
of minutes of council, April 4, 1765, summarized in Can. Arch. Report,
1905, I, 473. See also de Villiers du Terrage, Les dernieres Anntes
de la Louisiane franfaise, 220.

38 Ross to Farmer, May 25, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am.,
1764-1765.

89 Johnson to Gage, June 9, 1 764, Johnson MSS. , vol. XIX, no. 1 1 1 ;
Johnson to Lords of Trade, December 26, 1764, N. Y. Col. Docs.,
VII, 689; Bouquet to Gage, January 5, 1765, Can. Arch., series A,
vol. 7, p in; Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 291-292; Winsor,
Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Am., VI, 702. Croghan is one of the most
interesting figures of the period. He had charge, as Sir William John-
son's deputy, of the Indians in the Ohio River region, and was thor-
oughly conversant with western affairs. For biographical sketch, see
Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 47-52, or N. Y. Col. Docs.,
VII, 690.

40 Gage to Bouquet, December 24, 1764, Can. Arch., series A, vols
8, p. 499; same to same, December 30, 1764, ibid. This distinction i-
not generally made. Writers have usually inferred that Fraser accom.
panied Croghan in an unofficial capacity. See however, Winsor, Miss.
Basin, 456. Ogg, Opening of the Miss., 310, places Fraser's journey
a year previous to Croghan's, which is obviously an error.

OCCUPATION

39

and a proclamation for the inhabitants. 41 January 24 , 1765,
Fraser and Croghan set out from Carlisle, Pennsylvania,42
followed a few days later by a large convoy of presents. 4S
During the journey the convoy was attacked by a band of
Pennsylvania borderers,4* and a large part of the goods
destined for the Indians was destroyed 45 together with some
valuable stores which certain Philadelphia merchants were
forwarding to Fort Pitt for the purpose of opening up the
trade as early as possible.46 Croghan found it necessary
therefore to tarry at Fort Pitt to replenish his stores and to
await the opening of spring.47 Another matter, however,
intervened which forced him to postpone his departure for
more than two months. A temporary defection had arisen
among the Shawnee and Delaware Indians. 48 They had
failed to fulfill some of the obligations imposed upon them
by Bouquet in the previous summer, and there was some
fear lest they might not permit Croghan to pass through
their country. His influence was such however, that in
an assembly of the tribes at Fort Pitt he not only received
their consent to a safe passage, but some of their number
volunteered to accompany him. 49

41 Gage to Johnson, February 2, 1765, Parkman Coll. (Mass. Hist.
Soc.), Pontiac-Miscell. , 1765-1778.

"Jos. Galloway to B. Franklin, January 23, 1765, Sparks MSS.,
XVI, 54, 55.

43 Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac , II, 292.

44 The frontiersmen could not understand the significance of the
movement and were incensed at the idea of giving valuable presents to
the Indians.

45 Johnson to Lords of Trade, May 24, 1765, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII,
716; Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 292-297.

46 Johnson to Lords of Trade, May 24, 1765, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII,
716.

47 Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 297.

48 Johnson to Lords of Trade, January 16, 1765, N. Y. Col. Does.,
VII, 694.

4*Croghan's "Journal of transactions", February 28 to May 12,

40 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

Meantime Lieutenant Fraser, Croghan's companion, de-
cided to proceed alone, inasmuch as Gage's instructions to
him were to be at the Illinois country early in April. 50 On
March 23 he departed, accompanied by two or three whites
and a couple of Indians,51 and reached the Illinois posts in
the latter part of April, shortly after the departure of Lieu-
tenant Ross and his party. Here Fraser found many of
the Indians in destitution and some inclined for peace. &
Nevertheless, instigated by the traders and encouraged by
secret presents, the savages as a whole would not listen to
him. He was thrown into prison, his life threatened, and
was finally saved only by the intervention of Pontiac him-
self. M Fraser, feeling himself to be in a dangerous situa-
tion, unable to hear from Croghan, whom he was daily ex-

1765, MS. in Parkman Coll.; Johnson to Burton, June 6, 1765, John-
son MSS. , vol. X, no. 263. Johnson had expected Croghan to meet
Pontiac at Fort Pitt, but in this he was disappointed. Johnson to
Lords of Trade, May 24, 1765, JV. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 716.

50 Croghan's "Journal of transactions", February 28 to May 12,
1765, MS. in Parkman Coll.

51 Maissonville, a Frenchman, and one Andrew, an interpreter, were
among the whites. Shawnee and Seneca Indians also accompanied
the party. Note the error in Kingsford, Hist, of Can., V, 116, and in
Wallace, Illinois and Louisiana under French Rule, 354, wherein
Sinnott is said to have accompanied Fraser. Sinnott had been sent
about the same time from the south by Indian agent Stuart. On ar-
riving at the Illinois his goods were plundered and he was finally forced
to flee to New Orleans. Johnson to Lords of Trade, September 28,
1765, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 765; same to same, November 16, 1765,
ibid., 776. Apparently Sinnott must have arrived at Illinois after
Fraser's departure for New Orleans, since Croghan implies that Sinnott
was still at Fort de Chartres during his own captivity at Vincennes.
See Croghan's "Journal and transactions", May 15 to September 25,
1765, as printed in N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 780.

52 Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 300.

53 Fraser to Gage, May 15, 1765, Bancroft Coll. , Eng. and Am.,
1764-1765; Fraser to Crawford, May 20, 1765, Mick. Pioneer and
hist. Colls., X, 216-218; Fraser to Gage, May 26, 1765, Bancroft
Coll., Eng. and Am., 1764-1765; Gage to Johnson, August 12, 1765,
Parkman Coll., Pontiac-Miscell., 1765-1778.

OCCUPATION 41

pecting, and frequently insulted and maltreated by the
drunken savages , took advantage of his discretionary orders
and descended the Mississippi toward New Orleans. 5* Al-
though the French traders continued to supply the Indians
with arms and ammunition, and to buoy up their spirits by
stories of aid from the king of France , Pontiac himself was
being rapidly disillusioned. He had given Fraser the as-
surance that if the Indians on the Ohio had made a per-
manent peace he would do likewise. 55 St. Ange continued
to refuse the expected help , 56 so that when the news came
of the failure of the mission to New Orleans and of the
transfer of Louisiana to Spain, the ruin of the Indian cause
was complete.

Having adjusted affairs with the Indians at Fort Pitt,
Croghan set out from there on May i5th with two boats,
accompanied by several white companions and a party of
Shawnee Indians. 57 In compliance with messages from
Croghan, representatives from numerous tribes along the
route met him at the mouth of the Scioto and delivered up
a number of French traders who were compelled to take an
oath of allegiance to the English crown , or pass to the west

"Fraser to Gage, June 16, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am.,
1764-1765; Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 302; de Villiers du
Terrage, Les dernieres Annies de la Louisiana frangaise, 220-221.
Reports were current in the East that Fraser and his party were killed
by Indians. See Gage to Johnson, June 17, 1765, Myers Coll. (Lenox
Library); Johnson to Lords of Trade, July, 1765, Johnson MSS., vol.
XI, no. 43. One of the party, Maissonville, remained in Illinois,
Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 146. Fraser accompanied
Farmer back to Fort de Chartres later in the year, Fraser to Gage,
December 16, I765,|B. T.Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XX.

55 Fraser to Campbell, May 20, 1765, Mich. Pioneer and Hist. Colls.,
X, 216-218.

56 St. Ange to d'Abbadie, Can. Arch. Report, 1905, I, 471.

57 A party of traders headed by one Crawford preceded Croghan.
They were, however, cut off before reaching the Illinois country.
Shuckburgh to Johnson, July 25, 1765, Johnson MSS., vol. XI, no. 56.

42 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

of the Mississippi. 58 The only other incident of import-
ance on this voyage was an attack by the Kickapoos and
Mascoutin Indians near the mouth of the Wabash on June
8th,59 which contributed greatly to the success of the mis-
sion. After the attack, in which two whites and several
Shawnees were killed, the assailants expressed their profound
sorrow, declaring that they thought the party to be a band
of Cherokees with whom they were at enmity. ^ Neverthe-
less, they plundered the stores and carried Croghan and the
remainder of the party to Vincennes, a small French town
on the Wabash. Croghan was now separated temporarily
from his companions and carried to Fort Ouiatanon, about
two hundred and ten miles north of Vincennes. The poli-
tical blunder of the Kickapoos in firing upon the convoy
now became apparent ; 61 they were censured on all sides for
having attacked their friends, the Shawnees, since the latter
might thus be turned into deadly enemies. 62 During the
first week of July deputations from all the surrounding tribes
visited Croghan, assuring him of their desire for peace and
of their willingness to escort him to the Illinois country

^Croghan's journal in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 131;
Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 304. The chief sources of in-
formation for this journey are Croghan 's journals, most of which have
been printed in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 126-166. For
good secondary accounts see Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 304-
315; Kingsford, Hist, of Can , V, 116-120; Winsor, Narr. and Crit.
Hist, of Am., VI, 704; Winsor, Miss. Basin, 456-457.

S9Croghan's journal, in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 131;
Gage to Conway, September 23, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am.,
1764-1765.

^Croghan's journal, in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 139.

61 Croghan to Murray, July 12, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am.,
1764-1765; Gage to Conway, September 23, 1765, ibid.

62 Croghan to Murray, July 12, 1765, Bancroft Coll., ling, and Am.,
1764-1765; Croghan 's journal, in Thwaites, Early Western Travels,
I, 146.

OCCUPATION 43

where Pontiac was residing.68 July nth, Maissonville ,
whom Fraser had a few weeks before left at Fort de Char-
tres, arrived at Ouiatanon with messages from St. Ange re-
questing Croghan to come to Fort de Chartres to arrange
affairs in that region. 6I A few days later Croghan set out
for the Illinois country, attended by a large concourse of
savages, but had advanced only a short distance when he
met Pontiac himself who was on the road to Ouiatanon.
They all returned to the fort where, at a great council, Pont-
iac signified his willingness to make a lasting peace and
promised to offer no further resistance to the approach of
the English troops. 65 There was now no need to go to Fort
de Chartres ; instead Croghan turned his steps toward De-
troit, where late in the summer of 1765, another important
Indian conference was held in which a general peace was
made with all the western Indians. 66

Immediately after effecting an accommodation with Pont-
iac at Ouiatanon, Croghan sent an account of the success
of his negotiations to Fort Pitt, " where Captain Sterling

63 Croghan to Murray, July 12, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am.,
1764-1765; Croghan's journal, in Thwaites, Early Western Travels,
I, 144-145; Johnson to Lords of Trade, July, 1765, Johnson MSS.,
vol. XI, no. 43.

64 Croghan's journal, in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 145-
146.

65 Croghan's journal, in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 145-
146; Jas. Macdonald to Johnson, July 24, 1765, Johnson MSS., vol.
XI, no. 50; Thos. Hutchins to Johnson, August 31, 1765, ibid. no. 97;
Gage to Conway, September 23, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am.,
1764-1765.

^Croghan's journal, in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 154—
166; Johnson to Wallace, September 18, 1765, Johnson MSS., vol.
XI, no. 56; Gage to Conway, September 23, 1765, Bancroft Coll.,
Kng. and Am., 1764-1765; Johnson to Lords of Trade, September
28, 1765, N. Y. Col. Docs.,\ll, 766; Gage to Conway, November 9,
1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 1764-1765. The editor of the
N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 982, says that Croghan went to Fort de
Chartres, which is erroneous.

67 Gage to Conway, September 23, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and

44 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

with a detachment of about one hundred men of the Forty -
second or Black Watch Regiment, had been holding him-
self in readiness for some time , waiting for a favorable re-
port before moving to the relief of Fort de Chartres. Al-
though the Thirty-fourth Regiment under Major Farmer
was supposed to be making its way up the Mississippi to
relieve the French garrison in Illinois, General Gage would
not depend upon its slow and uncertain movements. 68
Upon receipt of the news from Croghan, on the 24th of
August Sterling left Fort Pitt 69 and began the long and te-
dious journey. Owing to the season of the year the navi-
gation of the Ohio was very difficult, forty-seven days being
required to complete the journey. 70 The voyage on the
whole was without incident until about forty miles below the
Wabash River. Here Sterling's force encountered two boats
loaded with goods, in charge of a French trader, and accom-
panied by some thirty Indians and a chief of the Shawnees,
who had remained in the French interest. 7I On account of
the allegations of a certain Indian that his party had planned
to fire on the English before they were aware of the latter's
strength, Sterling became apprehensive lest the attitude of
the Indians had changed since Croghan's visit. He there-
fore sent Lieutenant Rumsey, with a small party, by land
from Fort Massac to Fort de Chartres, in order to ascertain

Am., 1764-1765; Johnson to Wallace, September 18, 1765, Johnson
MSS., vol. XI, no. 56; Johnson to Lords of Trade, September 28,
1765. N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 766.

68 Gage to Conway, September 23, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and
Am., 1764-1765.

69 Ibid.; Letter of Jas. Eidington, October 17, 1765, P. R. O.,
Chatham Papers, vol. 97.

"Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol.
122.
" Ibid.

OCCUPATION 45

the exact situation and to apprise St. Ange of his approach.72
Rumsey and his guides, however, lost their way and did
not reach the villages until after the arrival of the troops. 73
Sterling arrived on the gth of October, M and on the follow-
ing day St. Ange and the French garrison were formally re-
lieved. 75 With this event the last vestige of French author-
ity east of the Mississippi River passed away.

"Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol.
122.

Sterling alleged that the Indians and French were unaware
of his approach until he was within a few miles of the villages, and that
the Indians upon learning of the weakness of the English forces, as-
sumed a most insolent and threatening attitude. He further asserted
that although Croghan claimed to have made a peace with all the
Illinois chiefs, he is assured that not one was present at the peace at
Ouiatanon, and that his own sudden appearance at the villages was the
real cause of his success. Sir William Johnson, in a letter to Croghan,
February 21, 1766, casts doubt upon the representations of Sterling.
He says that it is easy to account for his motives, and that he has
written General Gage fully upon the subject. The letter referred to has
probably been destroyed, at any rate it is not in any of the large col-
lections. Johnson MSS., vol. XII, no. 60.

"Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol.
122; Eidington to --- , October 17, 1765, P. R. O., Chatham Papers,
vol. 97; Gage to Johnson, December 30, 1765, MS. in Hist. Soc. Pa.;
Gage to Barrington, January 8, 1766, P. R. O. , Am. and W. I., vol.
122; Gage to Conway, January 16, 1766, ibid.; Johnson to Lords of
Trade, January 31, 1766, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 808; Articles of sur-
render, inventory of goods, etc., P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 122.
These documents are printed in Transactions of the 111. State Hist.
Soc. for 1907. For secondary account of the surrender, see Stone,
Life of Sir William Johnson, II, 252. Captain Sterling relates in his
letter to Gage that he had considerable difficulty in persuading St.
Ange to surrender his ammunition and artillery stores. St. Ange
claimed he had positive orders to surrender only the fort and a few
pieces of artillery. Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 314, says
Sterling arrived at Fort de Chartres in the early part of winter, and
Nicollet, in his sketch of St. Louis, states that the fort was reached in
mid-summer. From the references already quoted, however, there can
be no doubt as to the exact date.

CHAPTER IV.
FIVE YEARS OF DISORDER, 1765-1770.

WHAT actual events took place in the Illinois country
after the English occupation has long been problematical.
Previous writers, almost without exception, have dismissed
with a sentence the first two or three years of the period.
Indeed, the whole thirteen years of British administration
have generally been crowded into two or three paragraphs.
Although the available historical material relating to the
field in general has been considerably augmented , gaps yet
remain which must be bridged before a complete history of
the colony under the British can be written.

The first duty of the British commandant after taking
formal possession of Fort de Chartres in October, 1765,
was to announce to the inhabitants the contents of Gage's
proclamation, defining the status of the individual inhabi-
tants of Illinois. One of the leading features of this docu-
ment was a clause granting to the French the right of the
free exercise of the Roman Catholic religion " in the same
manner as in Canada",1 which was the fulfilment on the
part of the British government of the pledge given in the
fourth article of the treaty of Paris, which contained the
following clause : ' < His Brittanic Majesty agrees to grant
the liberty of the Catholic religion to the inhabitants of
Canada ; he will consequently give the most precise and

. State Papers^ Pub. Lands, II, 209; Dillon, Hist, of Indiana,
I, 93-94-

46

YEARS OP DISORDER 47

effectual orders, that his new Roman Catholic subjects may
profess the worship of their religion, according to the rites
of the Roman Catholic Church, as far as the laws of Great
Britain permit." This provision appertained to the whole
western territory as well as to Canada proper. Prior to the
treaty of cession the Illinois and Wabash settlements were
subject to the jurisdiction of Louisiana, and approximately
the country north of the fortieth parallel had been within,
the limits of Canada. But in the treaty all the territory
lying between the Alleghanies and the Mississippi River was
described as a dependency of Canada. The government
was thus committed to religious toleration within the whole
extent of the ceded territory. This meant, however, that
only the religious privileges of the church had been secured,
for the clause in the treaty, " as far as the laws of Great
Britain permit ",2 meant that the authority of France would
not be tolerated within the British empire.

Other clauses provided that all the inhabitants of Illinois
who had been subjects of the King of France , might if they
desired, sell their estates and retire with their effects to
Louisiana. No restraint would be placed on their emigra-
tion, except for debt or on account of criminal processes. *
This was also a fulfilment of the pledges made in the treaty
of Paris. * All the inhabitants who desired to retain their
estates and become subjects of Great Britain were guaran-
teed security for their persons and effects, and liberty of
trade upon taking the oath of allegiance and fidelity to the
crown. 5

When Captain Sterling proceeded to Kaskaskia to post

1 Can. Const. Docs., 1759-1791, 75.

8 Am. State Papers, Pub. Lands, II, 209.

4 Can. Const. Docs., /7J9-/79/, 75.

6 Am. State Papers, Pub. Lands, II, 209.

48 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

the proclamation and to administer the oath of allegiance
as authorized by the commanding general, he was confronted
by an unexpected movement on the part of the inhabitants.
A petition was presented, signed by representative French-
men of the village, asking for a respite of nine months in
order that they might settle their affairs and decide whether
they wished to remain under the British government or
withdraw from the country. 6 According to treaty stipula-
tions the inhabitants of the ceded territory had been given
eighteen months in which to retire , the time to be computed
from the date of the exchange of ratifications. 7 The limit
thus defined had long since expired , and it was therefore
beyond the legal competence of Sterling or of his superior,
General Gage, to grant an extension of time. Sterling, in-
deed, refused at first to grant the request,8 but when he
perceived that unless some concessions were made the vil-
lage would be immediately depopulated, he extended the
time to the first of March, 1766," with the stipulations that

6 Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol.
122. "Nous avons eu 1'honneur de faire, a cette Occasion, nos justes
Representations a Mr. Sterling, et lui avons demande un Delai de neuf
Mois, pour attendre que les Commercans Anglais etant arrives, et la
Confiance retablie avec le Commerce, ceux d'entre nous qui voudront
quitter puissent tirer parti de leurs Biens fonds et Maisons." Petition
of the inhabitants to Gage, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 122.

7 Can. Const. Docs. , 1759-1191, 86.

8 Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol.
122.

9 Ibid. " Comme il n'a pas cru pouvoir prendre sur lui d'accorder
que jusqu'au Mois de Mars prochain, il nous a promis d'appuyer
aupres de Votre Excellence, la justice de notre Cause, ainsi que 1'Im-
possibilite de rien vendre dans le Moment present. L'entiere Con-
fiance que nous avons en Sa Parole, nous borne a remettre seulement
sous vos yeux, que personne n'a pu prendre des arrangements anterieurs
a Parrivee des Troupes Anglaises dans ce PaTs, que nous etions tous les
jours prets 1'abandonner, par les Violences des Sauvages enhardis par
notre petit nombre." Petition of inhabitants, ibid.

YEARS OF DISORDER 49

a temporary oath of allegiance be taken, 10 and that all de-
siring to leave the country should give in their names in
advance. " To this tentative proposal the French in Kas-
kaskia agreed on condition that Sterling forward to the
commanding general a petition in which they asked for a
further extension. 12 An officer was then despatched to the
villages of Prairie du Rocher, St. Philippe, and Cahokia,
where similar arrangements were made. l3

The machinery of government in operation under the
French had become so unsettled during the French and
Indian war that when the English troops entered the country
affairs were in a chaotic state. The commandant of the
English troops had of course no commission to govern the
inhabitants, but he found himself confronted with condi-
tions which made immediate action imperative. Practically
the only civil officials Sterling found on the English side of
the river were Joseph Lefebvre , who acted as judge , attorney-
general, and guardian of the royal warehouse, and Joseph
Labuxiere, who was clerk and notary public. 14 These men,
however, retired to St. Louis with St. Ange and the French
soldiers shortly after the arrival of the English. )5 This
brought the whole governmental machinery to a standstill,

10 Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol.
122.

11 Ibid.; Farmer to Gage, December 19, 1765, B. T. Papers (Hist.
Soc. Pa.), vol. XX.

12 P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 122. The petition is signed by
such prominent Frenchmen as La Grange, who acted as civil judge
under the British, Rocheblave, who became the last British command-
ant in Illinois, Bloiiin, a wealthy merchant and later a prominent advo-
cate of a civil government, J. B. Beauvais, Charleville, and others.
Gage granted the request without waiting for an answer from London,
thus indorsing the action of his subordinate. Gage to Conway, January
1 6, 1766, ibid.

"Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, ibid.

"Sterling to Gage, December 15, 1765, ibid. 15 Ibid.

50 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

and the English commander was forced to act. He de-
termined to appoint a judge and after consulting the princi-
pal inhabitants of the villages, selected La Grange, who
was intrusted " to decide all disputes according to the Law
and Customs of the Country ' ' , with liberty of appeal to the
commandant in case the litigants were dissatisfied with his
decision. J6 The captains of militia seem to have retained
their positions under the British, their duties being practi-
cally the same as in the French regime. Each village or
parish had its captain who saw to the enforcement of decrees
and other civil matters as well as to the organization of the
local militia. " The office of royal commissary was also
continued and James Rumsey, a former officer in the Eng-
lish army, was appointed to this position.18 But who was
to continue the duties of the old French commandant with
both his civil and military functions? Obviously the most
logical person was the commanding officer of the English
troops stationed at the fort, with the difference that the
French official held a special commission for the perform-
ance of these duties, and the English commandant had no
such authorization. A further and more fundamental differ-
ence lay in the fact that formerly the French had the right
to appeal to the Superior Council at New Orleans, 19 while
apparently no such corresponding safeguard was given them
by the new arrangement.

Sterling did not long retain command of the post 20 for on

16 Sterling to Gage, December 15, 1765, ibid.

"Sterling to Gage, December 15, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 122; Cahokia Records (Belleville, 111.), British period.

18 Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 122. 19See above, ch. I, p. u.

20Monette, Hist, of Miss. Valley (1846), I, 411, says that " Capt.
Stirling died in December; St. Ange returned to Fort Chartres, and
not long afterward Major Frazer, from Fort Pitt, arrived as command-
ant." The statement is wholly incorrect. Sterling later served in the

YEARS OF DISORDER 5 1

December 2, he was superseded by Major Robert Farmer,21
his superior in rank, who arrived from Mobile with a de-
tachment of the Thirty-fourth Regiment, after an eight
months' voyage. T2 Their arrival was exceedingly welcome
to Sterling and his men, who were becoming greatly em-
barrassed for lack of provisions, ammunition, and presents
for the Indians. 23 When they left Fort Pitt in August, it
had not been deemed necessary to take more than sixty
pounds of ammunition, inasmuch as Fort de Chartres was
expected to yield a sufficient supply, and both Gage and
Sterling believed that Croghan, with his cargo of supplies,

Revolutionary war, and lived until 1808. The "Major Frazer" re-
ferred to was doubtless the Lieutenant Fraser who preceded George
Croghan to the Illinois country early in 1765. He never commanded
in Illinois at any time, nor is there the slightest evidence that St. Ange,
the last French commandant at Fort de Chartres, ever returned. This
tradition of Sterling's death and of the succession of Fraser has been
perpetuated by Reynolds, The Pioneer Hist, of III. (1852), 55; Blanch-
ard, Hist, of III. (1883), 35; Billon, Annals of St. Louis (1886), I,
36; Dunn, Hist, of Indiana (1905), 76. Blanchard, in his Disco-very
and Conquest of the Northwest (1879), 179. after repeating the story,
states that " both Peck and Brown erroneously give this commandant's
name as Farmer. It should be Fraser, the same who first advanced to
the place from Fort Pitt." For a sketch of Sterling's career see N. Y.
Col. Docs.y VII, 786, or Diet. Nat. Biog.

21 For sketch of Farmer's life see N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 816.

22 Farmer to Gage, December 16 and 19, 1765, B. T. Papers (Hist.
Soc. Pa. ), vol. XX; Johnson to Lords of Trade, March 22, 1766, N. Y.
Col. Docs., Mil, 816; Gage to Conway, March 28, 1766, B. T. Papers
(Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XX; Campbell to Johnson, March 29, 1766,
Parkman Coll., Pontiac-Miscell., 1765-1778; Farmer to Gage, March
n, 1765, P. R. O., Home Office Papers, vol. XX, no. 41. In the
letter last cited Farmer blames Governor Johnstone of West Florida for
the long delay in starting for the Illinois country and for the scant sup-
ply of provisions he carried. It appears that Farmer had planned to
start early in the spring of 1765, and he alleges that Johnstone ques-
tioned his right to take provisions from the store, and insisted upon all
the officers and men taking passes from himself, and in many other
ways delayed the departure for several weeks.

23 Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol.
122; letter of Eidington, October 17, 1765, P. R. O., Chatham
Papers, vol. 97.

52 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

would be awaiting the arrival of the troops at the fort. M
Neither expectation, however, was realized. Croghan was
back in the colonies prior to Sterling's arrival at the post,
and when the fort was transferred it yielded neither am-
munition nor any other supplies in sufficient quantity to
meet the needs of the troops. 25

An assembly of three or four thousand Indians had been
accustomed to gather at the fort each spring to receive an-
nual gifts from the French. But the English had made no
provision for such a contingency, which, coupled with the
weakness of the garrison and the recent hostility of the
Indians, would probably lead to serious complications. A
probable defection of the Indians therefore necessitated a
large supply of military stores 26 which it was possible to ob-
tain only from the French merchants in the villages. The
latter agreed to furnish the soldiers with ammunition on
condition that they would also purchase other provisions,27
for which, the English allege , they were charged an exorbi-
tant price. 28 Sterling was compelled to acquiesce, for the
merchants had sent their goods across the river where he
could not get at them. 29

24 Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol.
122; letter of Eidington, October 17, 1765, P. R. O., Chatham Papers,
vol. 97. Nevertheless in the Audit Office records are two entries
wherein 293 pounds sterling is allowed Sterling for presents to the In-
dians in the Illinois country. P. R. O. , Declared Accounts, Audit
Office, bundle 163, roll 446.

"Letter of Eidington, October 17, 1765, P. R. O., Chatham Papers,
vcj. 97.

™Ibid.; Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765. P. R. O., Am. and
W. I., vol. 122. "Ibid. ™Ibid.

29 Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. p., Am. and W. I., vol.
122. The French afterwards declared that their reluctance to sell pro-
visions to the English was occasioned by the pay they received, which
was in bills on London or New York. These they were obliged to sell
to the merchants of New Orleans from whom they purchased their
goods, at a loss of fifty and sixty per cent. They were also averse to any

YEARS OF DISORDER 53

The large supply of provisions which the colony had pro-
duced in former years seems to have decreased ; at any rate
it fell far short of the expectations of the English officers.
One officer writes at this time that " they have but little
here , and are doing us a vast favor when they let us have a
Gallon of French Brandy at twenty Shillings Sterling and as
the price is not as yet regulated the Eatables is in the same
proportions."30 The wealth of the colony had been con-
siderably impaired since the occupation on account of the
exodus of a large number of families who disobeyed the
order of Sterling that all who desired to withdraw should
give in their names in advance. Taking their cattle, grain,
and effects across the ferries at Cahokia and Kaskaskia,
they found homes at St. Louis and St. Genevieve on the
Spanish side. 31 Probably a larger part of the emigrants left
in the hope that in Louisiana they might still enjoy their
ancient laws and privileges,32 and others from fear lest the
Indians, who were now assuming a threatening attitude,
might destroy their crops and homes.83

kind of paper currency, owing to its bad management by the French
government of Louisiana prior to 1763. Croghan to Gage, January 12,
1767, Johnson MSS. , vol. XIV, no 12. For an account of tne paper
money issued during the French regime, see Pittman, Present State of
the European Settlements on the Miss., ed. Hodder, 47-48.

80 Letter of Eidington, October 17, 1765, P. R. O., Chatham Papers,
vol. 97.

51 Sterling to Gage, December 15, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 122.

82 Fraser to Gage, December 16, 1765, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.),
vol. XX; Farmer to Gage, December 19, 1765, ibid. Fraser alleged
that St. Ange, who acted as commandant at St. Louis after his retire-
ment from Fort de Chartres, instigated many of the French to cross
over, and that other residents of the Spanish side endeavored to
frighten the inhabitants of Illinois by representing Major Farmer as a
rascal who would deprive them of their former privileges. See also
Fraser's "Report of an Exploratory Survey", May 4, 1766, Can.
Arch., series B, vol. 26, p. 24.

83 Memorial of the inhabitants to Gage, October, 17659 P. R. O.,

54 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

The serious situation of the garrison continued through
the winter and spring of 1765 and i766.34 Farmer esti-
mated that all the provisions available (barely enough to last
the garrison until July), 35 amounted to no more than 50,-
ooo pounds of flour and i ,250 pounds of cornmeal, a portion
of which would have to be given to the Indians since repre-
sentatives of that department had not yet appeared. These
circumstances obliged Major Farmer to send Sterling and
his troops to New York by way of the Mississippi River and
New Orleans. 36 In response to a series of urgent requests
for assistance, Gage employed a force of Indians to trans-
port a cargo to Fort de Chartres, 37 which reached there

Am. and W. I., vol. 122; Fraser to Gage, December 16, 1765, B. T.
Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XX. The movement across the river
was considerable during the early years of the occupation. In the
summer of 1 765 there were approximately 2,000 whites on the English
side. Fraser to Gage, May 15, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol.
122. Three years later in 1768 the approximate number was 1,000,
" State of the Settlements in the Illinois Country", P. R. O. , Am. and
W. I., vol. 125.

84 Farmer to Gage, December 16 and 19, 1765, B. T. Papers (Hist.
Soc. Pa.), vol. XX; same to Barrington, March 19, 1766, P. R. O. ,
Am. and W. I., vol. 122.

35 Farmer to Gage, December 16 and 19, 1765, B. T. Papers (Hist.
Soc. Pa, ), vol. XX. Farmer had just received word that Colonel Reed
was on his way from Mobile to the Illinois country with about fifty men
and just enough provisions for the journey. Reed was expecting to
receive further supplies at Fort de Chartres, ibid.

38 Farmer to Gage, December 16 and 19, 1765, B. T. Papers (Hist.
Soc. Pa.), vol. XX; Gage to Johnson, June 2, 1766, Gage's Letters
(Harvard College Library). This was contrary to Gage's orders, ibid.

37 Gage to Conway, June 24, 1766, P. R. O. , Am. and W. I., vol.
122. " Soon after the Regiment's arrival at Illinois, with the concur-
rence of the Captains present there was small notes Issued out, I believe
to the amount of two months' Subsistance in order to provide the men
with small Articles and Necessarys, the Paymaster gave the Merchants
and others that brought in these Circulating Notes, bills on the Agent
in London for the amount of them. And this is all the subsistance the
Regiment received during the time I was with them at Illinois." Far-
mer to Haldimand, July 29, 1768, B. M., Add. MSS., 21, 677, fol.
103. Among the Kaskaskia Records is a proclamation issued by Far-
mer to the French assurring them that these notes would be redeemed.

YEARS OF DISORDER 55

early in the summer of 1766, by which time also represen-
tatives of the English merchants at Philadelphia had arrived
with large stores of supplies. 38 Henceforth we hear nothing
of a shortage of provisions in Illinois, for not only did the
English merchants import supplies from the East, but car-
goes were brought up the river from New Orleans by the
French,39 and for a time the English government itself
transported the necessary provisions from Fort Pitt.40

Late in the summer of 1766 Farmer was superseded by
Lieutenant- Colonel John Reed who came from Mobile with
another detachment of the Thirty-fourth Regiment. " By
this time a growing discontent among the Indians was
manifesting itself, and became one of the most important
problems confronting the new commandant of Fort de
Chartres. Although the majority of the western tribes had
professed their allegiance to Great Britain prior to the occu-
pation of Illinois, there were still large numbers who con-
sidered themselves as allies of the king of France. More-
over , agents of the French merchants were roaming at will
among the various tribes, spreading stories of English greed
and duplicity 42 in order to retain control of the lucrative fur
trade.43 With false promises of succor from France in case the

38Gage to Conway, July 15, 1766, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol.
122; Baynton, Wharton and Morgan to Gage, August 10, 1766, John-
son MSS., vol. XIII, no. 30.

39 See below, ch. V.

40Gage to Shelburne, August 24, 1767, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 123.

"I have been unable to determine the exact date of the change.
The first document appearing with Reed;s signature as commandant is
dated September 8, Johnson MSS., vol. XIII, no. 104. Major Far-
mer appears to have expected the arrival of his successor in July or
August. Farmer to Barrington, March 19, 1766, P. R. O., Am. and

W. I., vol. 122.

"Johnson to Shelburne, December 16, 1766, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII,
882-883. *Ibid.

56 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

Indians chose to rebel ,** the French emissaries were rapidly
laying the foundation for another outbreak like that of 1 763.
It was therefore imperative to adopt some immediate and
effective measure for the conciliation of the western tribes.
One of the evidences of English neglect to which these
agents referred was the apparent absence of any arrangements
for regulating and developing the fur trade and for providing
presents and other concrete proofs of the goodwill of the
English nation. We find Captain Sterling himself complain-
ing of the " disagreeable situation" he was in," without
an Agent or Interpreter for the Indians, or Merchandize
for presents to them which they all expect. ' ' 45 The English
government had indeed been very slow in formulating and
executing any definite program for Indian management.
In 1764, shortly after the announcement of the proclama-
tion of 1763, guaranteeing the Indians in the possession of
their lands, Lord Hillsborough and the Board of Trade
draughted a plan providing for the government of the
Indian reservation and the regulation of the trade. 46 Among
other things it was provided that in the future Indian affairs
would be directed by two superintendents, one in the north-
ern and one in the southern district. In the former, which
included the territory north of the Ohio River, an interpre-
ter, a gunsmith, and a commissary, who was to represent
the government in all political transactions with the Indians
and to look after the enforcement of the trade regulations
defined in the plan, were to reside at each Indian post,

44 Johnson to Lords of Trade, March 22, 1766, ibid., 817; Johnson
to Shelburne, December 16, 1766, ibid., 882-883; Johnson to Lords
of Trade, January 15, 1767, Dartmouth Papers, Fourteenth Report,
Royal Hist. MSS. Comm., Appendix X.

"Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 122.

46 Can. Arch. Report, 1904, 242-246.

YEARS OF DISORDER 57

under the immediate direction of the general superintendent
and his deputies. The military officials were expected to
give advice and assistance but they could take no independ-
ent action except in cases of emergency or where the nego-
tiations were purely military.

This plan of the Board of Trade, however, was proposed
at an unfortunate time. The Stamp Act, which had been
recently passed with the view of raising money for imperial
purposes, met with such vigorous opposition on the part of
the colonies, that Parliament hesitated to take formal action
on a measure entailing considerable additional expense.
Although no definite Parliamentary action was ever taken
on the plan, the Board of Trade directed the Indian super-
intendents to put into execution such parts of it as they
found practicable.47 For some reason, however, Sir Wil-
liam Johnson, who had directed Indian affairs in America
since 1756 and who had been appointed superintendent for
the northern department, delayed for more than a year the
appointment of the Indian officers indicated in the plan. *8
When finally on April 17, 17 66, he appointed Edward Cole
to be commissary of Indian affairs in the Illinois country,49

47 " Representation of the Lords of Trade on Indian Affairs, March
17, 1768 "./V. Y. Co!. Docs. , VIII, 24. See also Johnson to Lords
of Trade, March 22, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XII, no. 101, and
N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 817. For further notice of the plan see below,
ch. V.

48 In this Johnson apparently acted on the advice of Gage. See
Gage to Johnson, February 2, 1765, Parkman Coll., Pontiac-Miscell.,
1765-1778. It is probable that they wanted to make sure that such
appointments could be supported.

49 Cole to Johnson, June 23, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XII, no. 218.
See also the deed for a house purchased at Fort de Chartres by the
government through Cole as commissary, which was sworn to by com-
mandant Reed. Johnson MSS., XIII, no. 104. Almost all previous
writers on western history have given currency to the idea that Edward
Cole was the military commandant at Fort de Chartres from 1766 to
1768 and that he was followed by Colonel Reed who governed but a

58 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

it was found necessary to send an additional representative
of the Indian department to Fort de Chartres to perfect, if
possible, a general pacification of the western Indians.

Early in February General Gage and Sir William Johnson
arranged with George Croghan to undertake a second mis-
sion in the West. 50 Croghan was probably the best-fitted
man in the colonies for such an undertaking. He had been
one of the most successful traders in the West and knew
personally the chiefs of most of the western tribes. His
familiarity with the languages and customs of the various
nations gave him a prestige which perhaps few English offi-
cials, except Sir William Johnson, could command. Equip-
ped with Indian presents to the value of over three thous-
and pounds 51 and with instructions as to their distribution
and the general purpose of the mission, 52 Croghan set out

few months. This is an error, which has been repeated by the follow-
ing writers: Moses, ///., Hist, and Statis., I, 137; Moses, "Court of
Enquiry at Ft. Chartres", in Chicago Hist. Soc. Colls., IV, 292;
Mason, Chapters from III. Hist., 278; Parrish, Historic III., 184;
Wallace, ///. and I.a. under French Rule, 395; Dunn, Hist, of In-
diana, 76.

50 Croghan to Johnson, February 14, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XII,
no. 42; Johnson to Croghan, February 21, 1766, ibid., no. 60.

51 Gage to Johnson, April 7, 1766, Gage's Letters.

52 Instructions to George Croghan, April 16, 1766, Parkman Coll.,
Pontiac-Miscell., 1765—1778. The instructions to Croghan are signed
by General Gage. While, generally speaking, Sir William Johnson
was the chief authority in Indian affairs, there seems to have been no
very clear line of division between the Indian and military departments.
While on the one hand all the correspondence with the subordinate
Indian officials and with the home government was carried on by Sir
William Johnson, as an examination of the New York Colonial Docu-
ments and the Johnson MSS. will indicate, on the other hand all the
receipts for Indian expenditures had to pass through Gage's hands and
receive his approval before becoming valid. On one occasion he re-
fused to sign the bills drawn by Commissary Cole. See Cole to Croghan,
December 19, 1767, Johnson MSS., vol. XV, no. 183; Gage to Hills-
borough, March 12, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 124. For
further evidence of this confusion see Johnson to Shelburne, April I,
1767, N. Y. Col. Does., VII, 914.

YEARS OF DISORDER 59

for Fort de Chartres late in April, 1 7 66, 53 arriving there
August 2oth. 54 The newly appointed commissary, Edward
Cole, arrived from Detroit about the same time. 55

Croghan found several nations of Indians collected at
Kaskaskia, and after consulting with Commandant Reed,
issued a call for a general meeting to be held on August
25th. The chiefs and principal warriors of eight nations,
comprising some twenty-two tribes, obeyed the summons.
Deputies from the Six Nations and the Delaware and
Shawnee tribes had accompanied Croghan from Fort Pitt,56
so that the congress became one of considerable import-
ance. Although the presence of so many tribes made the
negotiations difficult to carry on , Croghan was able in a few
days to finish the business to the satisfaction of nearly every
one present. A general peace and alliance was declared
between the English and all the western and northern
Indians 5T except those tribes with whom the French had
sufficient influence to keep them from the conference. 58

53 Gage to Johnson, April 13, 1766, Gage's Letters. He probably left
New York at that. time. He left Fort Pitt June 18, accompanied by
the merchant, George Morgan, and by Lieutenant Hutchins and Captain
Gordon of the army, Morgan to his wife, June 20, 1766, MS. letter in
possession of Mrs. E. S. Thacher, Nordhoff, Cal.

54 Croghan to Johnson, September 10, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol.
XIII, no. 80.

55Cole to Johnson, June 23, 1766, ibid., vol. XII, no. 218.

56 Croghan to Johnson, September 10, 1766, ibid., vol. XIII, no. 80;
Morgan to his wife, June 29, 1766, MS. letter in possession of Maria
P. Woodbridge, Marietta, Ohio. Morgan's letters contain a good
description of a portion of this journey down the Ohio.

57Croghan to Johnson, September 10, 1766, Johnson MSS. , vol.
XIII, no. 80; Gage to Shelburne, December 23, 1766, B. T. Papers
(Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XXVII; Johnson to Shelburne, January 15,
1767, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 892; Johnson to Lords of Trade, Fifth
Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Comm,, p. 319; Croghan to Gage, January
1 6, 1767, ibid.

58 Croghan to Johnson, September 10, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol.
XIII, no. 80.

6o THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

Nevertheless the chiefs who had attended the congress soon
persuaded these tribes to enter the peace and on September
5th they came to Fort de Chartres and publicly announced
their friendship for the English. 59

Reed remained in command of Fort de Chartres until
1766. According to the meagre information we have for
these years the relation between commandant and people,
both French and English, was very unhappy. If we may
trust our informants,60 Reed's rule was characterized by
numerous petty tyrannies. By imposing a high fee for ad-
ministering the oath of allegiance 6; and for the issuance of
marriage licenses,62 and by inflicting exorbitant fines and
even imprisonment for trivial off ences , 63 the commandant
won the ill-will of nearly every resident in the country. 64
This constant interference with the inhabitants led to a
movement early in 1768 for the establishment of a civil

60 The chief source of information is a letter book kept by George
Morgan, a prominent merchant in Illinois during the British occupation.
A copy of this letter book is in the Illinois State Historical Library.
It is my opinion, however, that some of his statements should be dis-
counted somewhat. In July, 1768, Morgan established a store at Vin-
cennes on the Wabash River, and in a letter of instructions to his agent,
Alexander Williamson, occurs the following passage: " If you write to
any of your friends do not let them know but that the trade is excessive
Bad at the Post, lest some of the Traders there shou'd be induced to
interfere with you . . ." Morgan doubtless followed this method
himself. It is possible that his many statements regarding the tyranny
of the military government were written for the purpose of deterring
other merchants from entering the field. There was some ground,
however, for his strictures, since there are some references to the com-
mandant's conduct in the correspondence of the parish priest.

61 Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, December 10, 1767, Morgan's
MS. letter book.

62 Father Meurin to Bishop Briand, June II, 1768, Jesuit Relations,
ed. Thwaites, LXXI, 43. The charge was six piasters.

63 Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, December 10, 1767, Morgan's
MS. letter book. Morgan himself was thrown into prison for a time.

YEARS OF DISORDER 61

government,85 but the matter was not pushed at the time,
for in February Colonel Reed was recalled 66 and the post was
left temporarily in charge of Captain Forbes, a subordinate
officer.

But the friction between the military commandant and
the French inhabitants, although somewhat minimized, did
not entirely disappear during the short rule of Captain
Forbes. This was illustrated by their attitude on the oc-
casion of another threatened outbreak of the Indians in the
spring and summer of 1768. Although the peace of 1766
had been kept in good faith by the few tribes of Illinois
Indians who resided in the immediate vicinity of the post,67
those nations dwelling in the surrounding country began to
grow restless in the course of the following year. The
French and Spanish traders from Louisiana continued to
circulate war belts and messages among the Indians 68 which
effectively alienated them from their new masters. More-
over, the character and method of the British traders, whose
lawlessness was frequently condemned by contemporary
English observers,69 likewise contributed to turn the savages
to their old friends and allies. Not only were the Indians
along the Wabash and Mississippi rivers affected, but the

65 Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, February, 1768. "They have
appointed Mr. Rumsey and myself to forward this Petition to Governor
Franklin to inclose and recommend it to the Board of Trade." Ibid.

^Gage to Hillsborough, June 18, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 124.

67 Cole to Johnson, July 3, 1767, Johnson MSS., vol. XV, no. 2;
Morgan's MS. letter book, passim.

68 Johnson to Gage, January 15, 1767, Johnson MSS., vol. XIV,
no. 15; Johnson to Shelburne, October, 1767, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII,
986; Johnson to Lords of Trade, October 20, 1767, ibid., 987.

89 See for example, Johnson to Lords of Trade, October 20, 1767,
N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 987, and Gage to Johnson, January 25, 1767,
Johnson MSS., vol. XIV, no. 28.

62 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

disaffection extended to the powerful Delaware and Shawnee
tribes of the upper Ohio River. 70

It was in preparing to meet a probable attack upon the
fort that Commandant Forbes, in April, 1768, ordered all
the Englishmen, to the number of fifty or sixty, to organize
themselves into a militia, 71 and likewise requested the French
to form themselves into companies. 72 To this demand the
French at first refused to accede. They took the ground
that from the nature of the oath of allegiance they had
taken, they were not obliged to take up arms which would
only give offence to the Indians with whom they had no
quarrel.73 They were, therefore, determined to remain
neutral, M and when Forbes insisted upon obedience they
threatened to go over to the Spanish side of the river. But
as soon as the French found that the commandant was not
to be influenced by threats they consented to be enrolled. 75

70 Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, April 5, 1768, Morgan's MS.
letter book; Gage to Shelburne, March 12, 1768, Dartmouth Papers,
Fourteenth Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Comm., Appendix X, p. 6l.

71 Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, April 5, 1768, Morgan's MS.
letter book.

72 Gage to Hillsborough, August 17, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W.
I., vol. 124; same to same, January 6, 1769, Dartmouth Papers,
Fourteenth Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Comm., Appendix X, p. 66;
Gage to Hillsborough, March 5, 1769, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol.
125.

"Gage to Hillsborough, August 17, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 124. 74 Ibid.

75 Ibid. The following passage from a letter of Lord Hillsborough to
Gage throws some light on the former's attitude towards the French
inhabitants: " I must presume that Capt. Forbes had both good reason
and proper authority, tho' they do not appear from your Letter, for
forming the Inhabitants of the Illinois into a regular militia; but I must
wait for further information before I can with precision form any judge-
ment or opinion upon a measure, which I confess seems in the general
view of it, considering the temper and disposition of the people with
regard to whom it was to take place, at least of doubtful policy, if not
of dangerous tendency." October 12, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 124. See answer of Gage to Hillsborough, March 5, 1769, P. R.
O., Am. and W. I., vol. 125. Two years later, during a war between

YEARS OF DISORDER 63

Forbes's preparations were well timed, for on May 5,
1768, word reached him that war parties from the Chippewa,
Ottawa, Pottawottomi, and Kickapoo tribes were preparing
for an attack upon the fort. '6 The defence was immediately
organized, and night and day watches were set. A close
guard was kept during the following week , but the projected
attack was never made. " A day or two before news of the
contemplated attack came, a band of Pottawottomies had
captured a soldier and his wife near Chartres village.
Shortly afterward a party of ten Indians belonging to the
same nation entered the village and requested from Com-
missary Cole shelter and provisions for the night. The
party was given lodging in the Indian house, but Captain
Forbes resolved to retain them as prisoners and therefore
summoned them to the fort for a conference. The Indians,
however, frightened at the sight of the soldiers under arms,
jumped from the windows and fled. 78 It is probable that the
knowledge thus gained of the defensive preparations at the
fort induced the Indians to give up the assault. Although
for a time numerous bands of belligerent savages were fre-
quently seen in the neighborhood of the villages, 79no further
attempt was made against the English garrison. 80

the Missouri and Illinois Indians, the French again objected to being
called into service. "Lieut. Col. Wilkins complains greatly of the
behavior of the French, who could not be persuaded to speak to the
Invaders, tho' the domestic Indians declared any Frenchman might go
in safety. He says in those disagreeable circumstances, he summoned
the militia, encouraged and threatened, but met with little better than
an absolute refusal, and he was shortly after informed, and for a cer-
tainty that one of them declared the Inhabitants would rebel." Gage
to Hillsborough, January 6, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 126.

76Jenning's Journal (MS. in Hist. Soc. Pa. Library), May 5, 1768.

77 Ibid., May 10, 1768.

78Jenning's Journal, May 6, 1768.

79 Ibid. , passim.

80 Acts of hostility were frequent during the summer of 1768, espe-

64 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

The unhappy relation existing between commandant and
people during the administrations of Reed and Forbes con-
tinued under Willkins, who took command September 5
1 768. 81 There were , moreover, numerous disagreements be-
tween the English residents and the French, and among the
French themselves there was almost continual strife. 82 Nat-
urally a litigious people, the French were thrown into dis-
order when the judicial system to which they had been ac-
customed since the foundation of the colony was transferred
to the Spanish side. It is true that the first English com-
mandant had ordered the establishment of a civil court,
with the right of appeal to the commandant, but we have
no record of any activity on the part of such a court.

daily along the Ohio River. Early in July a hunting party of ten or
twelve men sent from Fort de Chartres by Baynton, Wharton and
Morgan was attacked near the mouth of the Wabash River and all but
one were killed. A little later a party of whites from Virginia was fired
upon in the same region and only one man escaped. Similar outrages
occurred in other localities about the same time. Morgan to Baynton
and Wharton, July 20, 1768, Morgan's MS. letter book; Forbes to
Gage, July 28, 1768, Johnson MS'S., vol. XVI, no. 117; Wilkins to
Gage, August 15, 1768, ibid., no. 140; Gage to Johnson, October 10,
1768, Gage's Letters; Gage to Hillsborough, October 14, 1768, P. R.
O., Am. and W. I., vol. 124; same to same, November 8, 1768, ibid.
These isolated instances appear insignificant, but judging from the offi-
cial correspondence of the time, their importance can scarcely be over-
estimated by the student of the American Revolution. There was a
constant apprehension on the part of the officials that another Indian
rebellion would break out. It was well known that the French and
Spanish were doing all in their power to bring about such an event.
Note the apprehension at this time of Gage, Johnson, and Hillsborough,
in Gage to Shelburne, March 12, 1768, Dartmouth Papers, Fourteenth
Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Comm., Appendix X, p. 61 ; Hillsborough to
Gage, October 12, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 124; Johnson
to Hillsborough, October 23, 1768, N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 105-106.

81 Moses, " Court of Enquiry ", in Chicago Hist. Soc. Colls., IV, 292.
He brought several companies of the Eighteenth or Royal Regiment of
Ireland from Philadelphia, leaving there in June. Gage to Hillsbor-
ough, June 18, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I. , vol. 124.

82 Ensign Butricke to Geo. Barnsley, February 12, 1769, Hist. Maga-
zine, VIII, 262: Moses, " Court of Enquiry", in Chicago Hist. Soc.
Colls., IV, 292-293.

YEARS OF DISORDER 65

There is some evidence , however, that in the various villages
there were certain local courts 83 and resort was frequently
had to courts of arbitration. 84 The fact nevertheless remains
that there was no settled judicial power in Illinois, with the
result that the peace of the villages was disturbed by the
constant bickerings of the inhabitants, both French and
English. 85

In an effort to correct this evil Commandant Wilkins is-
sued a proclamation on November 12, 1768, declaring his
resolution to establish a court of judicature for the settle-
ment of all civil disputes. 86 Commissions of the peace were
granted to six of the more prominent inhabitants, both
French and English, who were authorized " to form a Civil
Court of Judicatory, with powers expressed in their Com-
missions to Hear and Try in a Summary way all Causes of
Debt and Property that should be brought before them and

83"Antoine Cecirre, Captain, judge and commandant accompanied
by the notary and sergeant, etc." Cahokia Records, British Period.
In another document the same person is called " juge et Commandant
du village des Cahokias", ibid. He is also called "Captain of militia
and commandant", ibid. James Rumsey signed himself in 1768 as
"Judge Advocate of the Province of Illinois". His duties, however,
were confined to administering the oath of allegiance and examining
land titles. He was purely an assistant to Commandant Wilkins. See
///. Hist. Colls., I, 315-316.

84 For example, in Cahokia there was a case of arbitration in regard
to the estate of a deceased Jacques Compte. Cahokia Records, British
Period.

85 See account of an address of the French to Commandant Wilkins
in letter of George Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, October 29,
1768, Division of Pub. Records, Pa. State Library.

86 MS. Court Record (Chester, 111.), p. 23; Ensign Butricke to Barns-
ley, February 12, 1769, Hist. Magazine, VIII, 262; Edmund Flagg, The
Far West, reprinted in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, XXVII.
Flagg's narrative was written in 1836. In a note (p. 79) he quotes several
paragraphs from the court record, including merely the account of the
preliminary proceedings of the court. He says, by way of explanation,
that "it purports to be transcribed from the state records, and first
appeared in a western newspaper."

66 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

to give their Judgement thereon according to the Laws of
England to the Best of their Judgement and understand-
ing." 87 We may fairly ask at this point, by what authority
the military commandant could authorize a court to give
"Judgement according to the laws of England ". Atten-
tion has been called in another chapter to the fact that until
the laws of Great Britain were definitely extended to this
territory the French could be judged only by their own
laws. M It has likewise been pointed out that no act of
king or Parliament had ever extended English law to the
West. It was therefore beyond the legal competence of
Commandant Wilkins or of the commander-in-chief of the
army to make such alteration.

Turning to another point of view, did Wilkins create the
court on his own responsibility ? Historians have generally
taken the view that Wilkins 's action was in pursuance of
explicit orders from the commander-in-chief, General
Gage. 89 There is, indeed, some justification for this view,
for Wilkins declared in 1770 that he had created the court
" by virtue of the power to me given by his Excellencey
Major General Thomas Gage, commander-in-chief of his

8TMS. Court Record, p. 23. See also Bulricke to Barnsley, February
12, 1769, Hist. Magazine. VIII, 262: Flagg, The Far West, in
Thwaites, Early Western Travels, XXVII, 79. There is a slight mis-
conception as to the number of judges appointed. Moses, ///., Hist,
and Stat., I, 137, and the same author, "Court of Enquiry", in
Chicago Hist Soc. Colls , IV, 292; Wallace, ///. and I. a. under French
Rule, 396, and a number of others, including Bancroft, state that there
were seven judges appointed. Ensign Butricke. who wrote concerning
the court, asserted that there were " several " judges, but according
to the record itself there were but six commissions issued and only six
judges ever appear.

85 See above, ch. II.

89 Moses, /// , Hist, and Stat., I, 137; Moses, "Court of Enquiry",
in Chicago Hist Soc. Colls., IV. 292; Winsnr, West-ward Movement,
40; Wallace, ///. and La. under French Rule, 396; Davidson and
Sttive, Complete Hist, of III., 165; Bancroft, Jlist. of U. S. (ed.
1854), VI, 224-225.

YEARS OF DISORDER 67

Majesty's forces in North America." 90 Considered alone,
this sounds convincing. But Gage evidently had not the
slightest knowledge of the existence of the court. In all of
that officer's official correspondence with the home gov-
ernment, with subordinate officials in Illinois, and with Sir
William Johnson, there is not the least mention of a court
of any character. In fact Gage declared in 1771, when
writing of the conditions which had prevailed in Illinois
since 1765 : "I perceive there has been wanting judicial
power to try and determine. There has been no way to
bring Controversys and Disputes properly to a determina-
tion or delinquents to punishment." 91 Lord Hillsborough,
secretary for the colonies, whose knowledge of occurrences
in Illinois was remarkable, and whose comments on con-
ditions are always noteworthy, likewise gives no intimation
that he was aware of the existence of the court. More-
over, Wilkins himself is silent on the subject when he writes
to Gage, Secretary -at- War Barrington, and others.92 It is
therefore probable that Wilkins received no order from
Gage to establish a court, and that he merely used, as a
basis for his action, the general instructions of the com-
mander-in-chief to keep order in the country.

The court consisted of six judges throughout its history

90 MS. Court Record, p. 23. He made a similar statement about
the same time : '' D'autant que par les Pouvoisque . . . etoient donnas
par Son Excellence 1'Hon Thomas Gage . . Proclamation of

Wilkins concerning the justices of the court, March 12, 1770, Kas-
kaskia Records, British Period.

91 Gage to Hillsborough, August 6, 1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 128.

92 A few of the longer and more detailed letters relating especially to
Illinois from 1768 to 1770 have been selected for citation: Gage to
Hillsborough, February 4, 1769, P. R. O., Am. and \V. I., vol. 125;
same to same, August 12, 1769, ibid.\ same to same, September 9,

1769, ibid. ; Wilkins to Barrington, December 5, 1769, ibid.\ Hills-
borough to Gage, December 9, 1769, ibid.; same to same, July 31,

1770, ibid., vol. 126; Gage to Hillsborough, November 10, 1770, ibid.

68 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

from December, 1768 to June, 1770. In the beginning it
was composed of four Englishmen, George Morgan, James
Rumsey,93 James Campbell, and James McMillan, and two
Frenchmen, Jean Baptiste Barbau and Pierre Girardot. **
The commandant designated Morgan as the first president
of the court. 95 Morgan was an English trader who played
an important role in the affairs of the Illinois country from
1766 to 1771. He was born in Philadelphia in 1741 and
was educated in Princeton College. Through the influence
of his father-in-law, John Baynton, he was admitted to the
firm of Baynton and Wharton of Philadelphia. This com-
pany had traded extensively among the Indians on the
Pennsylvania border prior to 1765, and during the Indian
wars had lost heavily. In an attempt to retrieve their for-
tunes a branch house was established in the Illinois country
in 1766, and Morgan became the firm's personal representa-
tive in the West. He first appeared in Illinois in the early
part of 1766, remaining there the greater part of the next
five years. gt According to a contemporaneous letter,97 the
appointment of Morgan was considered an offence by the
French inhabitants. "The French all hate the Morgan-
ians ' ' , the writer declares , and Morgan himself is ' ' uni-
versally hated by them." Whether Morgan was so " uni-
versally hated" does not appear from any other document.

93 Rumsey was private secretary to Wilkins.

MMS. Court Record, p. i; Flagg, The Far West, in Thwaites,
Early Western Travels, XXVII, 79.

95 Butricke to Barnsley, February 12, 1769, Hist. Magazine, VIII,
262; MS. Court Record, p. i.

96 After his experience in the Illinois country Morgan served the
Revolutionary cause in the capacity of Indian agent. He died in 1810.
For further details of Morgan's life see "Biography of Col. George
Morgan ", by Julia Morgan Harding, in the Washington (Pa.) Observer,
May 21, 1904.

97 Butricke to Barnsley, February 12, 1769, Hist. Magazine, VIII,
262.

YEARS OF DISORDER 69

It is probable, however, that the appointment was made in
order to favor the trading company which Morgan repre-
sented in Illinois, for Wilkins and Morgan were at first inti-
mate friends, and we find the former making large grants
of land to the English merchants, receiving in return a por-
tion as compensation. 98

The court retained its original composition until Novem-
ber, 1769, when the name of David Williams appeared as
judge. " It is impossible to ascertain which judge he super-
seded, for there were few sittings in which the entire court
was present. From this time changes were made rapidly.
In February, 1770, Louis Vivial, a prominent Frenchman
of Kaskaskia, became a judge,100 and in May, Charleville
and Louviere were given commissions. 101 The court then
consisted of Morgan, who still acted as president, Barbau,
Girardot, Viviat, Charleville, and Louviere, all the English-
men except Morgan having been displaced by Frenchmen.
This complete transformation was of course the work of Wil-
kins himself, for the court was in every sense his own crea-
tion. March 4, 1770, we find him extending its jurisdic-
tion to criminal as well as civil cases : " And whereas
several Disputes and Controversys have from time to time
arisen Between the Inhabitants of the Country aforesaid as
well as Assaults and Batteries Committed which by the
Powers by me Heretofore given to Said Court may not ap-
pear to be cognizable by them, . . . And as the present

88 Statement of George Morgan and Jas. Rumsey that Wilkins had
granted lands to Joseph Galloway, Jas. Rumsey, John Baynton and
Company, and Baynton, Wharton and Morgan on April 12, 1769, and
on April 15, certain land to George Morgan and Samuel Wharton.
Wilkins was to receive one-seventh part. The statement is sworn to at
Fort de Chartres, June 25, 1769. Record of Deeds, p. 131, Kas-
kaskia Records, British Period.

"MS. Court Record, p. 21.

100 Ibid. , p. 22. 101 Ibid., p. 28.

70 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

Establishment of the Country does not admit of Tryals by
Juries on account of its Small number of Inhabitants as
Well as their Want of Knowledge of the Laws and Cus-
toms of England. I do hereby therefore Further Authorize
and Impower the Said Court to Hear, Try and Determine
in a Summary Way all Disputes, Controversys and Debates
Brought before them whether the Same be Assaults, etc.,
upon the Person or Trespass upon the Property of the In-
habitants of the Country aforesaid, and to impose and bring
such Fines and Inflict such Corporate Punishment or
commit Offenders to Jayle at the discretion of the said
Court . . . "102 A little later we find him complaining
that the people are not sufficiently interested to consent to
serve as justices. m

In the early period of the history of the court cases be-
tween French and English were generally decided in favor
of the latter ; but with the change in its composition this
partiality in favor of Englishmen vanished,104 and with it

102 MS. Court Record, p. 23. It will be observed that trial by jury
was not introduced into Illinois at this time. The contrary has, how-
ever, been generally stated by historians of the period. Justin Winsor
writes that the " severest wrench to the feelings of the French . . .
came with the establishment, under orders from Gage, of a court and
jury according to English usage . . . ", Westward Movement, 40.
The same statement is made by Wallace, ///. and La. under French.
Rule, 396, Davidson and Stuv6, Complete Hist, of III., 165, and
Moses, ///., Hist, and Stat., I, 140. In a later work Moses takes the
other and more correct view, although adducing no proof. See
"Court of Enquiry", in Chicago Hist. Soc. Colls., IV, 292. In addi-
tion to the testimony of \Yilkins and the court record itself, we have the
statement of Butricke, an eye-witness, that the court was " to deter-
mine on all causes of debt, without a Jury ", letter to Barnsley, Febru-
ary 17, 1769, Hist. Magazine, VIII, 262.

103 Proclamation by Wilkins, March 4, 1770, concerning the justices
of the peace at Fort de Chartres, Kaskaskia Records, British Period.

104 Out of twenty-one cases heard between December 6, 1768, and
June 6, 1770, of which there is record (pp. 5-10 of the record being
gone), eleven were between English and French, the former winning
nine decisions. Of the other two, one decision was given in favor of

YEARS OF DISORDER 71

disappeared in a measure evidences of national antagonism.
In place of the latter came the formation of two new parties,
one headed by Wilkins and his secretary, Rumsey, and the
other by Morgan, which was composed of the greater portion
of the discontented French. The genesis of these factions
is found in the definite break between court and comman-
dant on June 6, 1770, when the judges acted contrary to
the wishes and orders of the commandant. The court in
one instance ordered the sale for debt of a house belonging
to Captain Philip Pittman,105 which was contrary to the ex-
plicit order of Wilkins. 10* Another cause of friction was
the decision of the judges to hold the future sessions of the
court at Kaskaskia. 107 Until March, 1770, the sessions had
been held alternately at Kaskaskia and Chartres village, but
after that date they were held at Chartres village only. 108
The change to Kaskaskia was very inconvenient to the com-
mandant, since his home was at Fort de Chartres.

On the same day, June 6, Joseph L'Esperance, an attor-
ney-at-law, complained to the court of his inability to obtain
writs of attachment for which he had applied to the com-
mandant and his secretary. m The complainant further
alleged that one of the writs prayed for was at the instance
of his client, George Morgan, president of the court, and

one Daniel Blotiin, a son-in-law of Charleville, and a person always
favored by the English. Four cases were between Englishmen, and six
involved Frenchmen alone, in which Bloiiin was either defendant or
plaintiff and won every decision. MS. Court Record, passim.

105 The same Fittman who wrote Present State of the European Set-
tlements on the Miss.

108 MS. Court Record, pp. s8ff . "" Ibid. , pp. 3;ff.
108 Chartres village, December 6, 1768; Kaskaskia, January 2, 1769;

Chartres village, April 4, 1769; Kaskaskia, May 3, 1769; Chartres
village, November, 1769; Kaskaskia, December 5, 1769; Chartres
village, Febiuary 6, March 6, April 3, June 5, 1770; Kaskaskia, June
6, 1770.

109 MS. Court Record, p. 45.

72 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

Morgan then added his testimony to the effect that on
several occasions since the i4th of May he had applied in
vain to Wilkins for a similar writ. no In consequence of
these relations the court drew up and unanimously adopted
a memorial to the commandant, setting forth that his action
was very prejudicial and unfair to creditors and praying
that he might not interfere with the course of justice. ni
The court then adjourned to meet the following month, lu
but there is no record of any further meetings after June 6.
Presumably Wilkins abolished the institution which no
longer supported him. The importance of the details con-
nected with the termination of the court will be seen in a
later chapter in connection with the movement inaugurated
by the French for the establishment of a civil government
in Illinois.

Side by side with the court of judicature there grew up
another method of settling civil disputes, by what were
termed courts of inquiry, composed of military officers. A
court of inquiry was called January 13, 1769, to settle cer-
tain disputes between the merchant, George Morgan, and a
number of complaining Frenchmen. It continued until Jan-
uary 20, and the result was satisfactory to neither party.113
Another court was convened September 24, 1770 to adjust
difficulties between Baynton, Wharton and Morgan and
Richard Bacon. m The details of the hearing afford further
evidence of the existence of factional strife between the
Morgan and Wilkins parties.

110 MS. Court Record, p. 45. ™ Ibid. ™ Ibid., p. 46.

u*Hist. Magazine, VIII, 270.

114 The complete record of the proceedings has been printed by
Moses, in Chicago Hist. Soc. Colls. , IV, 294-356. Moses states that
he obtained a manuscript copy from the Wisconsin Historical Society
Library, but Dr. Thwaites, the secretary, finds no such papers there
now. There is, however, a manuscript copy in somewhat different
form, in the Division of Public Records of the Pennsylvania State
Library.

YEARS OF DISORDER 73

Wilkins had his share of trouble with the Indian problem .
There were constant rumors of war 115 and of attacks upon
the Illinois post, 116 and murders of whites became frequent
in the vicinity of Fort de Chartres. m It was therefore neces-
sary to be on guard continuously against a possible surprise.
Moreover, after the year 1768, the commandant was forced
to look after the local management of Indian affairs ; for in

115 Gage to Hillsborough, January 5, 1769, Dartmouth Papers, Four-
teenth Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Com. , Appendix X ; same to same,
February 3, 1767, ibid.; same to same, February 4, 1769, P. R, O. ,
Am. and W. I., vol. 125; Johnson to Hillsborough, June 26, 1769,
N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 173; same to same, August 26, 1769, ibid.,
184-185; Gage to Hillsborough, August 12, 1769, P. R. O., Am. and
W. I., vol. 125; same to same, September 9, 1769, ibid. A congress
of all the western and southern Indians was held on the Scioto River in
the summer of 1768, where the Delaware and Shawnee Indians at-
tempted to form a general union against the English. See Gage to
Hillsborough, September 9, 1769, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 125;
Gage to Haldimand, August 28, 1770, B. M. , Add. MSS., 21, 664,
fol. 178, and Hillsborough to Johnson, November 15, 1770, N. Y.
Col. Docs., VIII, 254.

116Bulricke to Barnsley, June 25, 1769, Hist. Magazine, VIII, 27off.;
Gage to Hillsborough, October 7, 1769, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 125; Johnson to Gage, April 6, 1770, Johnson MSS., vol. XVIII,
no. 266; Gage to Johnson, April 16, 1770, Gage's Letters; Hillsbor-
ough to Gage, June 12, 1770, P. R. O. , Am. and W. I., vol. 126;
Gage to Hillsborough, December 4, 1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 128. In addition to the Indian troubles, the English residents and
soldiers had to contend with a most distressing sickness during the years
1768-1770. At one time, late in 1768, nearly all the soldiers were ill
with fevers peculiar to that locality. See Morgan's MS. letter book,
passim ; Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, October 30, 1768, Division
of Pub. Records, Pa. State Library; same to John Baynton, October
30, 1768, ibid. ; Butricke to Barnsley, February 12, 1769, Hist.
Magazine, VIII, 262.

117 Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, April 24, 1769, Division of
Pub. Records, Pa. State Library; Gage to Hillsborough, August 18,

1770, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 126; Gage to Johnson, Septem-
ber 3, 1770, Gage's Letters; Gage to Hillsborough, September 3,

1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 127; Pa. Packet and General
Advertiser, April 6, 1772, containing letters from Kaskaskia, June
14, 1771; Gage to Johnson, August 14, 1771, Gage's Letters; same
to same, September 10, 1771, September 24, 1774, ibid.; Gage to Hills-
borough, October i, 1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 128.

74 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

that year the home government withdrew all the special
Indian agents from the various posts in consequence of the
transference of the management of the Indians to the colo-
nies.118 Edward Cole, Indian commissary in Illinois, left
early in 1769, "9 and with him went others employed in the
Indian service. 12° Thus was additional work imposed upon
the military department. The significance of the change,
moreover, was not lost upon the Indians, who looked upon
it as another evidence of the negligence of the British gov-
ernment. m Wilkins succeeded, however, in keeping the
large body of Indians pacified. m The murder of Pontiac by
an Indian in 1769 m led to a civil war among themselves,12*
which turned their attention from the white settlers.

Wilkins's relations with the Roman Catholics were ap-
parently amicable, a large part of the regiment stationed at

118 Hillsborough to Johnson, April 15, 1768, N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII,
57> 58; Johnson to Hillsborough, October 23, 1768, ibid,, 105-106;
same to same, February 15, 1769, ibid. , 151.

119 Cole to Johnson, June 13, 1769, Johnson MSS., vol. XVII, no.
189. There was considerable dissatisfaction with Cole's management
of Indian affairs on the ground of his alleged extravagance. See
Maturin (Gage's secretary) to Baynton, Wharton and Morgan, May 7,
1768, Division of Pub. Records, Pa. State Library.

120 Return of people employed in the Indian Department at the Illi-
nois (1767) :

A Commissary . I- 2CO Sterling.

A Gunsmith L 100 "

An Interpreter L 80 "

A Doctor . . . . L So "

L 460

131 Johnson to Hillsborough, October 23, 1768, TV. Y. Col. Docs.,
VIII, 105-106; same to same, ibid., VII, 151.

122 Gage to Hillsborough, August 12, 1/69, P. R. O., Am. and W.
L, vol. 125; same to same, August 18, 1770, ibid., vol. 126.

123 Cole to Johnson, June 13, 1769, Johnson MSS., vol. XVII, no.
189; Gage to Johnson, August 6, 1769, Gage's Letters.

124Gage to Hillsborough, August 12, 1769, P. R. O., Am. and W.
I., vol. 125; Gage to Johnson, July 15, 1771, Gage's Letters.

YEARS OF DISORDER 75

Fort de Chartres being members of the Roman Catholic
church. The legal position of the church had been well
defined by the treaty of Paris and by succeeding documents ,
and on the whole the course pursued by the English govern-
ment toward the Catholics of Illinois was an honorable one.
In the Illinois country the Jesuits had had charge of the par-
ish at Kaskaskia and of the mission among the Indians of the
same name. By a royal decree in 1764 the Jesuit order in
France and its dependencies was abolished, and the decree
was executed in the Illinois country in the same year, 125 the
property being confiscated for the use of the French
king. m Not only did the Jesuits leave, but the Sulpitians
likewise abandoned their parishes,127 so that at the begin-
ning of the British occupation not a single priest was in the
country. Father Meurin, however, one of the expelled
priests, obtained leave to return to minister to the aban-
doned parishes. 128 Illinois had always been attached to the
bishopric of Quebec, and in 1768 Bishop Briand of Quebec
made Father Meurin his vicar-general in Illinois. 129 But
owing to his age and ill-health, and the widely scattered
parishes, it was impossible for Meurin to carry on the work

125 The best contemporary account of this incident is in Bannisse-
ment des Je suites de la Lottisiane, September 3, 1764, in Jesuit Re-
lations, ed. Thwaites, LXX, 211-301.

186 General Gage complained that the sale was illegal, because made
after the treaty of cession of 1763, Gage to Conway, June 24, 1766,
P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 122.

127 M. Forget, the only remaining priest of that order in 1764, sold
the property at Cahokia and carried the proceeds with him, allhough
his action was opposed by many of the inhabitants, Sterling to Gage,
December 15, 1765, P. K. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 122; Meurin to
Bishop Briand, June II, 1768, Jesuit Relations, ed. Thwaites, LXXI,
37-

128 Bannifxement des JesuiUs de la Louisiane, September 3, 1764,
Jesuit Relations, ed. Thwaites, LXX, 291; Shea, Life of Archbishop
Carroll, 113.

129 Ibid., 116.

76 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

alone. The English authorities made efforts to secure an
additional priest130 but without success. In 1768, how-
ever, Bishop Briand sent Father Pierre Gibault, who took up
his residence at Kaskaskia, Meurin retiring to the less popu-
lous parish of Cahokia. 131 Throughout the entire British
period we find little or no complaint by church officials of
the attitude of the English government. Although politi-
cally the French had much to complain of during the first
five years of British rule, their religious privileges were ac-
corded them at all times.

130 Gage to Conway, June 24, 1766, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol.

122.

131 Shea, Life of Archbishop Carroll, 125. Father Meurin had not
had a very happy experience with the Kaskaskians. They refused to
pay their tithes, and in numerous other ways showed him disrespect.
He tells us that the people had lost their piety almost entirely during
the years of chaos incident to the removal of the Jesuits and the arrival
of the British, Meurin to Bishop Briand, June u, 1768, Jesuit Rela-
tions, ed. Thwaites, LXXI, 4iff. ; Shea, Life of Archbishop Carroll,
114-129.

CHAPTER V.

TRADE CONDITIONS IN THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY,
I76S-I775.

THE peltry trade had been one of the chief elements in
the rivalry between France and England in the Ohio and
Mississippi valleys. It was the main support of the French
government in Canada and now that the English were in
possession of the great peltry districts the management of
the trade deserved most serious consideration. It was be-
coming of increasing importance to the manufacturing
monopoly of the mother country, and therefore, in the
minds of English statesmen, deserved far more attention
than did the few thousand French colonists scattered
throughout the West. The desire to increase this branch
of commerce dictated in large measure those clauses in the
proclamation of 1763, which forbade the formation of settle-
ments or the purchase of lands within the Indian reserva-
tion, but which at the same time declared that trade with
the Indians should be free and open to all English subjects
alike. Again, the plan proposed in 1764 related solely to
the management of the Indians and to the regulation of the
trade with a view to making the English monopoly of in-
trinsic value to the empire. Even towards the close of the
period under consideration there was little or no change of
policy so far as official utterances are concerned. In 1772,
in a report to the crown, the Lords of Trade made the fol-
lowing declaration : " ' The great object of colonizing upon

77

78 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

the continent of North America has been to improve and
extend the commerce, navigation, and manufactures of
this kingdom ... it does appear to us, that the extension
of the fur trade depends entirely upon the Indians being
undisturbed in the possession of their hunting grounds ;
that all colonizing does in its nature, and must in its con-
sequences, operate to the prejudice of that branch of com-
merce.' . . . ' Let the savages enjoy their deserts in quiet . . .
Were they driven from their forests the peltry trade would
decrease.' M1

Under the French regime the western Indians and their
trade had been managed with greater success than had the
tribes living under English influence. The success of
France was due largely to her policy of centralization, com-
bined with the genial character of the French fur trader and
the influence of the missionary. The English, on the con-
trary, had managed their relations with the Indians through
the agency of the different colonies, without a semblance of
union or cooperation, each colony competing for the lion's
share of the trade, a policy which resulted disastrously to
the peace of the empire.

In 1755 the English government, under the influence of

1 Franklin's Works, ed. Sparks, IV, 303-323. " I conceive that to
procure all the commerce it will afford at as little expense to ourselves
as \ve can is the only object we should have in view in the interior
Country for a century to come." Gage to Hillsborout h, November 10,
1770, P. R. O., Am. and \V. I., vol. 126: " This Traffick was the Prin-
cipal Benefit in View, in the Extent of Territory in N. America made
by the late 1'eace." Conway to Gage, March 27, 1766, Conway's
MS. letter book in Library of Congress. It may lie noted, however,
that some members of the government had serious doubts as to this
policy. Such men as Shelburne favored an early opening of the coun-
try to coloni/ation. See below, ch. VI. Shelburne, however, was
also convinced that the management of the Indians and their trade
should be considered first among American affairs. Calendar of Home
Office Papers, 1766-1769, no. 348. For a similar view of Shelburne's
in 1774 see Par/. Hist., XVIII, 672.

TRADE CONDITIONS

79

Halifax, president of the Board of Trade, took over the
political control of the Indians, and appointed two super-
intendents to have charge of the different nations. 2 A little
later, in 1761 , the purchase of Indian lands was taken out of
the hands of the colonies and placed under the control of
the home government. 3 No further change is to be noted
until after the issue of the war was known, when the whole
question was again taken under consideration. The most
important step yet taken respecting the Indian and his
concomitant, the fur trade, appeared in the proclamation of
1763, issued in October following the treaty of cession.
Some of its provisions for the West have already been noted.
In addition to reserving for the present the unorganized
territory between the Alleghany Mountains and the Missis-
sippi River for the use of the Indians, the government
guaranteed the Indians in the possession of these lands by
announcing in the proclamation that no governor or com-
mander-in-chief would be allowed to make land grants
within this territory, and further prohibited all land pur-
chases and the formation of settlements by private indi-
viduals without royal consent. Trade within this reserva-
tion was, however, made free to all who would obtain a
license from the governor or ccmmander-in-chief of the
colony in which they resided. 4

The Indian trade now came to be regarded as British
rather than colonial,5 since its management was now
directed by the central government. In the course of the

2 Alvorcl, " Genesis of the Proclamation of 1763", in Mich. Pioneer
and Hist. Colls., XXXVI, 25.

* Ibid.

* Can. Const. Docs., 1759-1791, 122.

6 Johnson to Lords of Trade, May 17, 1759, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII,
375. Franklin pointed out the same thing in 1766. Franklin's
Works, ed. Biglow, III, 429.

8o THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

year following the issuance of the proclamation an elaborate
plan was outlined by Hillsborough 6 comprehending the
political and commercial relations of all the Indian terri-
tory.

According to the proposed scheme 7 British North Amer-
ica was to be divided, for purposes of Indian management,
into two districts, a northern and a southern, each under
the control of a general superintendent or agent appointed
by the crown, the Ohio River being designated as the ap-
proximate line of division. In the northern district, with
which we are here concerned, the regulation of such Indian
affairs as treaties, land purchases, questions of peace and
war, and trade relations was to be given into the hands of
the superintendent who was to be entirely free from outside
interference. Without his consent no civil or military officer
could interfere with the trade or other affairs of any of the
Indian tribes. Three deputies were to be appointed to
assist the superintendent and at each post a commissary, an
interpreter, and a smith were to reside, acting under the
immediate direction of the superintendent and responsible
only to him for their conduct. For the administration of
justice between traders and Indians and between traders
themselves, the commissary at each post was to be empow-
ered to act as justice of the peace in all civil and criminal
cases. In civil cases involving sums not exceeding ten
pounds the commissary was to have summary jurisdiction,
but an appeal might be taken to the superintendent.
The Indian trade was to be under the direct supervision of
the general superintendent. Traders who desired to go
among the Indians to ply their trade could do so by obtain-
ing a license from the province from which they came.

6 See above, ch. II, pp. 16-17.

7 Can. Arch. Report, 1904, 242; N, Y. Col. Docs., VII, 637-641.

TRADE CONDITIONS 81

The region into which the traders intended to go was to be
clearly defined in the license and each had to give bond for
the observance of the laws regulating the trade. The super-
intendent, together with the commissary at the post and a
representative of the Indians, was to fix the value of all
goods, and traders were forbidden to charge more than the
price fixed. For the still better regulation of the trade, it
was to be centered about the regularly fortified and gar-
risoned forts. Regulations for the sale of land were also
proposed : outside the limits of the colonies no individual
or company could legally purchase land from the Indians
unless at a general meeting of the tribe presided over by the
superintendent.

The plan thus outlined by the ministry was never carried
into effect by parliamentary action, although the superin-
dents used the outline as a guide in their dealings with the
Indians. 8 The original intention had been to levy a tax on
the Indian trade to defray the expense of putting the scheme
into operation, but it was found that the budget was already
too greatly burdened,9 and the Stamp Act disturbances
which followed illustrated the probable inexpediency of im-
posing such a duty. 10

The foregoing considerations serve to indicate the im-
portance which the ministry attached to the Indian trade in
general. But what of the trade in the Illinois country?
This region had been one of the great centers of the Indian

8 Practically all the provisions were adopted by the superintendents,
" Representation of Lords of Trade on the State of Indian Affairs",
March 17, 1768, N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 24.

'Franklin's Works, ed. Bigelow, V, 38; Knox, Justice and Policy
of the Quebec Act, 39; "Proposed Extension of Provincial Limits",
Can. Const. Docs., 7759-7797, 381; Johnson to Gage, March 9, 1765,
Parkman Coll., Pontiac-Miscell., 1765-1778.

10 Knox, Justice and Policy of the Quebec Act, 39.

82 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

trade under the French regime ; and in addition the French
inhabitants had been one of the main supports of New
Orleans since its foundation early in the century. The
commercial connection between the Illinois villages and New
Orleans had never been broken, and at the time of the oc-
cupation of Illinois in 1765, French fur traders and mer-
chants still plied their traffic up and down the Mississippi
River. Now that the title to this trade centre had passed
to England it was expected that the volume of trade would
be turned eastward up the Ohio River. The necessity for
this was patent if any material benefits were to accrue to
the empire from the cession, for failure to carry out the plan
would leave the country a dead weight on the empire.

The home and colonial authorities early saw the import-
ance of turning the course of the trade. They hoped and
expected that a trade would be opened with the Indians in
and about the Illinois country immediately after the active
occupation by the English troops. u A large number of
individual traders were early aware of this and representa-
tives of some of the large trading companies of the East
were also preparing to take advantage of the opening of the
West to trade. In 1765 Fort Pitt became the great rendez-
vous for this element. From this point traders, with their
cargoes to exchange for the Indians' furs, followed the army
to Fort de Chartres as soon as the season of the year would
permit.

Among the more prominent figures was George Morgan,
a member of the firm of Baynton, Wharton and Morgan,
and the company's personal representative in the Illinois
country. Other representatives of the company left Fort
Pitt in March of the same year with a large cargo of goods,

11 Johnson to Governor Penn, April 12, 1765, Johnson MSS., vol.
X, no. 190.

TRADE CONDITIONS 83

which reached Fort de Chartres during the summer. "
Firms such as Franks and Company of Philadelphia and
London, and Bentley and Company of Manchac, on the
lower Mississippi, also traded extensively in the Illinois
region during the following years ; all the larger British
companies becoming rivals for that portion of the Indian
trade which the English were able to command. Other
and perhaps greater sources of profit to the English mer-
chants lay in the privilege of furnishing the garrison with
provisions 13 and the Indian department with the goods for
Indian presents.14 Although the houses of Baynton, Whar-
ton and Morgan, and of Franks and Company were usually
competitors for the former privilege, the latter company
generally had the monopoly. 15 On the other hand Bayn-
ton, Wharton and Morgan derived their greatest profits
from the sale of enormous quantities of goods to the govern-
ment through the Indian department for distribution among
the Indians accustomed to assemble at the Illinois vil-
lages. 16 But whether all these houses received profits com-
mensurate with the risks undertaken is problematical. »
In the Indian trade, in which all the merchants were in-

12 Five bateaux loaded with goods under the command of John Jen-
nings, sailed from Fort Pitt, March 9, 1765. Joseph Uobson to Bayn-
ton, Wharton and Morgan, March 9, 1765, MS. letter in Hist. Soc.
Pa. Library. In 1767 the firm wrote: "Our Speculation has been at-
tended with the most favorable circumstances to his Majesty's Interest,
As we are the only English Merchants who have ventured to forward
British Merchandize to the Illinois Country; Whereby the King's
Agents have been enabled, in some Degree to counteract the French
and Spanish on the opposite side of the Mississippi." Baynton, Whar-
ton and Morgan to Macleane, October 9, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist.
Soc. Pa.), vol. XXVI. The best sources of information for the company's
methods and operations in the West are Morgan's MS. letter book and
the firm's papers in the Division of Pub. Records, Pa. State Library.

13 Morgan's MS. letter book. H Ibid. ™ Ibid. ™ Ibid.

17 Gage wrote in 1770 that the " Company from Philadelphia [Bayn-
ton, Wharton and Morgan] failed in the Illinois trade", Gage to Hills-
borough, December 7, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 126.

84 'I HE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

terested, they not only had to compete with each other and
with independent English traders, but with the French and
Spanish who had not ceased to ply their trade among their
old friends the Indians. This continuance of foreign
traders in British territory was probably the most serious
problem in the trade situation. Not only did it affect Eng-
lish traders but the interests of the empire itself were seri-
ously threatened by the presence within its limits of un-
licensed foreign traders. It is therefore evident that the
close of hostilities between France and England in 1763
and the formal transfer of Canada and the West to Great
Britain by no means closed the intense rivalry between the
fur- trading elements of the two nations for predominance
in the western trade. It rather accentuated it. As has
already been suggested, France, until the cession of the
West, had naturally possessed the dominant influence
among the savages of the Mississippi Valley and Canada,
and consequently the monopoly of the fur trade accrued to
her subjects. In the upper Ohio River region and among
the tribes bordering on or living within the limits of the
English colonies, the British, during the first half of the
eighteenth century, were either strong rivals of the French
or were completely dominant. It was therefore generally
expected that after the cession of the West the British
would inherit the influence of the French among the Indians
and succeed to the monopoly of the fur trade just as Great
Britain had succeeded to the sovereignty of the territory
itself. But the conspiracy of Pontiac, due in large part to
the machinations of the French traders, postponed for a
considerable period the entry of the British traders, during
which time the French became more strongly entrenched
than ever in the affections of the savages.

The French methods of trade had from the beginning

TRADE CONDITIONS 85

been different from those pursued by their neighbors and
rivals. The government divided the Indian country into
districts corresponding to the divisions recognized by the
Indians themselves, and licenses were adapted to the sev-
eral ' ' hunts ' ' with reference to the customs and habits of
the natives.18 Traders were absolutely forbidden under
severe penalties to trade or hunt beyond the limits of their
respective districts. 19 The traders, moreover, lived among
the Indians, affected their manners, treated them kindly
and respectfully, and supplied all their wants, and the mis-
sionary, the connecting link between the two races, was
ever present. This association of religion which was one
of the causes of the success of the French in gaining such a
permanent foothold in the affections of the Indians, was
entirely absent in the British relations with that race. The
English traders were in general unscrupulous 20 in their deal-
ings with the savages and deficient in that tact which en-
abled Frenchmen to overcome the natural prejudice of the
Indian and acquire an interest with him which would be
difficult to sever. In that section of the Indian country
where the influence of Great Britain was such that her
traders could go among the Indians, there was always con-
siderable dissatisfaction on account of the methods employed
by a large number of independent and irresponsible traders.
Many carried large quantities of rum , some dealing in noth-
ing else. 21 English traders frequently attended public

18Pownall, Admin, of the Cols., 187. ™ Ibid.

• 20Johnson to Hillsborougb, October 23, 1768, N. Y. Col. Docs.,
VIII, 105-106; same to Shelburne, ibid., VII, 929; same, "Review
of the Trade and Affairs of the Indians", September, 1767, ibid., 955,
960, 964; same to Lords of Trade, ibid., 987; Johnson to Carleton,
January 27, 1767, Can. Arch., series Q., vol. 4, p. 115.

81 Johnson to Hillsborough, August 14, 1770, N. Y. Col. Does.,
VIII, 226. See extract from " Ponteach, or the Savages of North
America: A Tragedy ", in Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 344ff.

86 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

meetings of Indians, gave them liquor during the time for
business, and defrauded them of their furs. 22 This abuse
was one of the great causes of complaint against British
traders. 23 Indeed wherever they participated in the trade,
its condition was deplorable. Many of the independent
traders had little or no credit so that the legitimate mer-
chants suffered as well as the Indians. 2* The unlicensed
traders adopted various expedients to draw trade from each
other, such as selling articles below first cost, thus ruining
a large number of merchants. 25 Fabrications dangerous to
the public were frequently created to explain the prices and
condition of goods. w But probably more injurious still to
imperial interests, was the fact that whole cargoes of
goods were sometimes sold by English firms to French trad-
ers, thus enabling the latter to engross a great part of the
trade, and depriving the empire of the benefit of the reve-
nue accruing from the importation of furs into England.
This practice was probably followed to a greater degree in
the farther West, 27 where the French continued to have a
monopoly in the trade long after the English occupation.

It had been expected that the Illinois villages would be
the center of trade for the English side of the upper Mis-
sissippi Valley 28 just as it had been one of the centers dur-

22 Johnson to Hillsborough, August 14, 1770, Ar. Y. Col. Docs.,
VIII, 226.

23 Johnson to Hillsborough, April 4, 1772, ibid. , 292.

24 Johnson, " Review of the Trade and Affairs of the Indians ", Sep-
tember, 1767, ibid., VII, 964-965. ^Ibid. ™ Ibid.

27 Gage to Shelburne, January 17, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist. Sor.
Pa.), vol. XXVII; Johnson to Lords of Trade, November 16, 1767,
N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 776; Croghan to B. Franklin, January 27,
1767, Sparks MSS., V, vol. I, p. 46. Croghan, writing from New
York, says that "persons here of no. inconsiderable Consequence sup-
ply the French at New Orleans with Goods to carry on their Contra-
band Trade in the Illinois Country." Ibid.

28 Lords of Trade to Johnson, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 635.

TRADE CONDITIONS 87

ing the French regime. But the British were not so well
situated to command the trade as the French had been.
Previous to this time the trade of the Missouri River region
had centered at the Illinois posts, but after the cession of
the West to England and the foundation of St. Louis by
Laclede in 1764, the latter place drew all the trade west of
the Mississippi. Moreover, except for the few tribes of Illi-
nois Indians in the immediate vicinity very few savages
found their way to Fort de Chartres for trading purposes.
English traders, on the other hand, did not trust themselves
far beyond this narrow circle,29 but their French and
Spanish rivals from Louisiana, many of whom formerly
lived in the Illinois country, carried on a trade in all direc-
tions both by land and by water. 30 They ascended the
Ohio, Wabash, and Illinois rivers31 and crossed the Mis-

29 " Information of the Slate of Commerce given by Capt. Forbes,
1768", P. R. O., Am. and VV. I., vol. 125. General Gage declared
in 1770 that the posts had failed as centers of trade. Gage to Hills-
borough, November 10, 1770, ibid., vol. 126.

30 Gordon's "Journal down the Ohio", 1766, MS. in Hist. Soc. Pa.
Library; Lieutenant Geo. Phyn to Johnson, April 15, 1768, Johnson
MSS., vol. XXV, no. 109. Morgan complained in 1767 that the great
number of French hunters who went up the Ohio from New Orleans
had almost exterminated the buffalo. Morgan to Baynton and VVhar-
ton, December 10, 1767, Morgan's MS. letter book.

31 Morgan to Baynton and \Vharton, December 10, 1767, Morgan's
MS. letter book; Gage to Shelburne, April 24, 1768, P. R. O., Am.
and W. I., vol. 124; Gage to Hillsborough, April 24, 1768, ibid.
Early in 1768 the Indians attacked a party of Frenchmen crossing the
country from Vincennes with eight horses loaded with peltry, Morgan
to Baynton and Wharton, April 10, 1/68, Morgan's MS. letter book.
On April 23, 1768, Morgan again writes: "A single boat has just
arrived at Misere (St. Genevieve) loaded with Wine, Taffia and Brandy,

. . four other Boats were to leave New Orleans Eight Days after.
What their Cargoes consist of I cannot exactly learn but I fear chiefly
Liquors. On their Arrival and their Cargoes Will greatly depend the
Sales we shall make this Spring." MS. letter book. " They are even
so impudent as to wear English Colours up the Ohio on Acct. of the
Cherokees", Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, December 10, 1767,
ibid.

88 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

sissippi River above the Illinois, plying their traffic among
the tribes in the region of the Wisconsin and Fox rivers. 32
This was probably the most productive area in the Mis-
sissippi Valley in the supply of fur-bearing animals. The
Mississippi River northward from its junction with the Illinois
was also considered especially good for the peltry business,
the otter, beaver, wolf, cervine, and martin being found in
abundance,33 but the British traders dared not venture into
that quarter. 34 The loss of this trade, however, cannot be
attributed altogether to their misconduct, for the French
had never allowed it to pass from their own hands. The
latter continued to intrigue with the Indians throughout the
greater part of this period just as they had done prior to
1765. As we have seen they pointed out to the savages
how they would suffer from the policy of economy practised
by the British government. 35 Thus by giving presents and
by circulating stories and misrepresentations the French
subjects of Spain attempted to checkmate every move of

32 Gage to Hillsborough, November 10, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and W.
I., vol. 125; Hutchins, "Remarks upon the Country of the Illinois,
1771 ", MS. in Hist. Soc. Pa. Library. It may be noted that during
the French regime the French -Canadians traded extensively in this
region. See Gage's " Report on the State of the Government of
Montreal ", Can. Const. Docs., 7759-7797, 69-72.

33 Wilkins to Barrington, December 5, 1769, P. R. O., Am. and W.
I., vol. 125; Gage to Hillsborough, Ndvember 10, 1770, ibid., vol.
126.

34 " To ascend the Mississippi or Illinois Rivers with Goods would be
certain Death, so great is the Influence of the French there." Morgan
to Baynton and Wharton, December 10, 1767, MS. letter book.
Lieutenant Hutchins, an English engineer, who spent a year in the
Illinois country, stated that the " Peltries in general that are sent from
the British Side are obtained from the French Traders on the Spanish
Shore, as no Englishman can with safety venture among the Savages."
Hutchins, " Remarks upon the Country of the Illinois ", MS. in Hist.
Soc. Pa. Library.

36 Johnson to Carleton, January 27, 1767, Can. Arch., series Q,
vol. 4, p. 115.

TRADE CONDITIONS 89

the English. 36 The Indians were constantly reminded of
bad designs on the part of England, and were encouraged
with unauthorized promises of aid in case they should take
up the hatchet in defense of their hunting grounds. 37

This state of affairs continued throughout the greater
part of the period, although it was probably modified to
some extent after 1770. In answer to a number of vig-
orous protests from General Gage,38 O'Reilly, the Spanish
governor of Louisiana, issued an order to all the com-
mandants in that colony to prohibit the inhabitants crossing
the river in the pursuit of trade and whenever any excesses
were committed to give satisfaction to the English com-
mandant according to the laws of nations. 39

During the first years of the British occupation there was
considerable friction in the contact of the two alien peoples
in the Illinois villages. In spite of the fact that the French
who remained became subjects of Great Britain sharp com-
petition existed for several years between the English and
French residents in the vicinity of the villages.40 The latter
were on terms of friendship with the savages and could go

36 Johnson to Hillsborough, February 18, 1771, N. Y. Col. Docs.,
VIII, 263; same to same, October 23, 1768, ibid., 105-106.

37 Gage to Hillsborough, April 24, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 124. There was considerable apprehension among English offi-
cials throughout this period lest the Indians should be stirred up for an
attack upon Canada. See Hillsborough to Carleton, November 4,
1769, Can. Arch., series Q, vol. 6, p. 121.

S8Gage to Hillsborough, April 24, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 124; Gage to Shelburne, April 24, 1768, Dartmouth Papers, Four-
teenth Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Com., Appendix X.

39 Order of O'Reilly, January 27, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 126.

40 " Information of the State of Commerce in the Illinois Country, £0 5
given by Captain Forbes, 1768", P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 125.
Morgan informed his partners that " a Number of French Merchants
have combined against us and made Application to Captain Forbes and
offered to supply the Crown at a much lower rate than we do." April
5, 1768, Morgan's MS. letter book.

9o THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

into any part of the country without difficulty and those
Indians who came to Fort de Chartres to trade generally
preferred to deal with their trusted friends. The French
often carried the packs of furs thus obtained across the river
to St. Louis or transported them directly to the New Or-
leans market. Although the British merchants were oc-
casionally able to pool their interests with the French resi-
dents, such cases were exceptional prior to 1770. In that
year, however, General Gage informed the home govern-
ment that " the competition between his Majesty's old and
new Subjects is greatly abated and must by degrees subside ,
for if carried to extremes it would be very prejudicial to
both."41

Naturally the large quantities of furs and skins obtained
by such contraband trade as well as by the French residents
of Illinois were taken directly to New Orleans and there
embarked for the ports of France and Spain.42 These
foreign interlopers, however, only followed the route to
which they had long been accustomed. On the other hand
it was expected by the government that the traders who
carried English manufactured goods down the Ohio River
would return by the same route with their cargoes of peltry
for the purpose of transporting them to England. But in
this the government was disappointed. English traders and
merchants followed the line of least resistance, the route
down the Mississippi to New Orleans.43 Moreover, the

" Gage to Hillsborough, November 10, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and W.
I., vol. 126.

"Morgan to Baynton and \Vharton, December 10, 1767, Morgan's
MS. letter book. "The French in open Day and without the least
Ceremony send their Peltries from hence to New Orleans or to the West
Side of the Mississippi", ibid.

43 Gage to Shelburne, January 17, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc.
Pa.), vol. XXVII.

TRADE CONDITIONS 91

New Orleans market was attractive, for peltries sold at a
higher price there than in the British markets.44 The ten-
dency of the English traders and merchants to follow this
course was discovered soon after the occupation.45 In a
communication to Secretary Shelburne in 1766 Gage in-
formed the government that ' ' It is reported that the Traders
in West Florida carry most of their Skins to New Orleans,
where they sell them at as good a price as is given in Lon-
don. As I had before some Intelligence of this, the Officer
commanding at Fort Pitt had orders to watch the Traders
from Pensilvania who went down the Ohio in the Spring to
Fort Chartres ; and to report the quantity of Peltry they
should bring up the Ohio in the Autumn. He has just ac-
quainted me that the traders do not return to his Post,
that they are gone down the Mississippi with all their Furrs
and Skinns under the pretense of embarking them at New
Orleans for England."46 A few weeks later he wrote again
in a similar strain : ' ' That Trade will go with the Stream is
a maxim found to be true from all Accounts that have been
received of the Indian trade carried on in that vast Tract
of Country which lies on the Back of the British Colonies ;
and that the Peltry acquired there is carried to the Sea

44 Gage to Shelburne, December 23, 1766, ibid.; Johnson to Gage,
January 29, 1767, Johnson MSS., vol. XIV, no. 35; Gage to Shel-
burne, February 22, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XXII;
Gage to Johnson, January 25, 1767, Johnson MSS., vol. XIV, no. 28;
George Phyn to Johnson, April 15, 1768, ibid.t vol. XXV, no. 109;
Gage to Dartmouth, May 5, 1773, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 128.
Gage wrote in 1766 that skins and furs bore a price ten pence per
pound higher at New Orleans than at any British market. Gage to
Conway, July 15, 1766, ibid., vol. 122.

45 Gage to Conway, July 15, 1766, ibid. Remarks of Gage on Bar-
rington's plan, May 10, 1766, Lansdowne MSS., vol. L, pp. 45-61.

46 Gage to Shelburne, December 23, 1766, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc.
Pa.), vol. XXVII. In 1767, George Morgan informs his partners,
Baynton and \Vharton, that he will " send a Boat with a few Packs of
Peltry to New Orleans ". Morgan's MS. letter book.

92 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

either by the River St. Lawrence or River Mississippi."47
Gage seemed to believe that the part which went down the
St. Lawrence would be transported to England ; but that
the peltry passing through New Orleans would never enter
a British port.48 " Nothing but prospect of a superior
profit or force will turn the Channel of Trade contrary to
the above maxim."49 "The Traders from these Colonies
say that it will answer to carry Goods down the Ohio, but
that it will not answer to return with their Peltry by the
same Route, as they can get to the Sea at so much less ex-
pense, and greater expedition by means of the Rapidity of
the Mississippi, and pretend that they have Ships at New
Orleans to transport their Peltry to England."50 ". . .
the British Traders at the Illinois who carry their goods
above three hundred miles by land before they have the con-
venience of Water Carriage cannot afford to return the same
way with the produce of their Trade."51 In this opinion
Sir William Johnson likewise concurred. 52 Lieutenant John
Phyn, of the British army, who spent some time at Fort de
Chartres in 1768, also declared that " as long as New Or-
leans is in the hands of another power, the whole produce
of that country must centre there. For our merchants will

*7 Gage to Shelburne, February 22, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc.
Pa.), vol. XXVII. Lieutenant-Governor Carleton of Canada com-
plained that owing to the restraints on the fur trade in that colony, all
the trade was going down the Mississippi, Carleton to Johnson, March
27, 1767, Mich. Pioneer and Hist. Colls., X, 222-224.

48 Gage to Shelburne, February 22, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc.
Pa.), vol. XXVII. ™ Ibid.

50 Gage to Shelburne, January 17, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc.
Pa.), vol. XXVII, For a similar view see Gage to Johnson, January
19, 1767, Johnson MSS., vol. XIV, no. 23, and Gage to Johnson,
January 25, 1767, ibid., no. 28.

51 Gage to Hillsborough, November 10, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and
W. I., vol. 126.

52 Johnson to Gage, January 29, 1 767, Johnson MSS. , vol. XIV, no.
35; same to same, February 24, 1767, ibid., p. 67.

TRADE CONDITIONS

93

always dispose of their peltry or whatever the country pro-
duces, at New Orleans where they get as good a price as if
they were to ship them off." 53

In 1768 some steps were taken toward the better regu-
lation of the trade. In that year Captain Forbes, the com-
mandant at Fort de Chartres, issued a placard forbidding
the traders to send any peltry down the river without in-
forming the commandant of the number of packs, and at
the same time giving a bond of two hundred pounds sterling
that they would land them in a British port.54 At the same
time General Gage served notice on Governor Ulloa of
Louisiana to prohibit the inhabitants of that province from
going up the Illinois, Ohio, and Wabash rivers. The com-
mandant at Fort de Chartres was then given directions to
scour the river with armed boats, and to make prisoners of
all persons acting contrary to the order of Don Ulloa and
to carry them to Fort Pitt.55

Conditions, however, grew no better as time went on.
In 1773 we find Gage complaining that " the Trade of the
Mississippi, except that of the upper parts from whence a
portion may go to Quebec, goes down that River ; and has,
as well as everything we have done on the Mississippi . . .
tended more to the Benefit of New Orleans than of our-
selves."66

An examination of the customs returns for the period

53Phyn to Johnson, April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS., vol. XXV, no.
109.

"Forbes to Gage, April 15, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol.
124. This had been advised before by the trader and Indian agent,
George Croghan. Croghan to Franklin, January 27, 1767, Lansdowne
MSS., vol. XLVIII.

55 Gage to Hillsborough, April 24, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 124; Gage to Johnson, August 14, 1768, Gage's Letters.

56 Gage to Dartmouth, May 5, 1773, p- R- °-» Am- and w- !•» vo1'
128.

94 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

from 1763 to 1775 indicates that the statements of English
officials relative to the productivity of the West were not
groundless. Instead of an increase in the number and
value of furs and skins imported into England as a result of
the French cession of the great fur-bearing regions of
Canada and the Northwest, there is a decided decrease
each year.57 A diminution is likewise to be noted in the
value of the exports from Canada during the same period.58
It is difficult to figure exactly what the loss to imperial
interests was under these conditions. Furs and skins, how-
ever, being among the enumerated commodities59 some
loss certainly accrued to British shipping and to the govern-
ment through loss of the duty , as well as to English manu-
factures. Although practically no peltries reached the
Atlantic ports from the Illinois region, large quantities
were carried to New Orleans. The few who have left any
estimate of the amount of peltries exported to New
Orleans agree in general that from five hundred to one
thousand packs were shipped annually from the Illinois
country. 60 According to the usual estimate five hundred

57 The value, as given in P. R. O. , Customs Accounts, vols. 64-68,
of beaver skins exported from America from Christmas, 1763, to
Christmas, 1768, was as follows:

1764, £28,067 Si8 1767, £20,262 S2

1765,227,801 Sil 1768, £18,923 Si8

1766, £24,657 S O

58 The total value of beaver skins exported from Canada in 1764 was
17,259 pounds sterling, and in 1768 it was 13,166 pounds sterling.
P. R. O., Customs Accounts, vols. 64-68.

59 Par I. Hist., VII, 913-916.

60 "An account of the exports from the Illinois from Sept., 1769 to
Sept., 1770", in Hutchins's "Remarks upon the Country of the Illi-
nois, 1771 ", MS. in Hist. Soc. Pa. Library:
From the British Territory :

Flour to New Orleans, 120,000 weight which may yield 4 Dollars
pr Cwt. Sterling Lii2o.

Peltries 550 Packs which on an average if no damage happen

TRADE CONDITIONS 95

packs were worth in New Orleans about five thousand five
hundred pounds sterling. 61 At the same time the expense
of maintaining the various posts and the Indian department
was heavy. The Indian expenses at Fort de Chartres
alone between September, 1766, and September, 1767,
were more than six thousand pounds sterling. 62 In the
following year the expenses for nine months in Indian
affairs, fitting out an armed galley to prevent illicit trade,
and in repairs on Fort de Chartres and new works of de-
fense in expectation of an Indian rupture exceeded two
thousand pounds sterling. m

to them may yield at London, Ten Pounds each Pack. 5,500
Pounds.

Total : Sterling L 6,620.

From the Spanish Territory:

Flour 15,000 Weight L 150

Peltries 835 Packs L 8350

L 8,500

Total value of the Exports in the year 1768: L 15,120.

The merchant Geo. Morgan declared that if proper regulations were
adopted and enforced, 3000 packs per annum could be procured on
the British side. Morgan tj Baynton and Wharton, December 10,

1767, Morgan's MS. letter book. In 1763, 8000 packs of beaver
peltry had been exported from New Orleans, Marsh to Haldimand,
November 20, 1767, B. M., Add. MSS., 21,728.

61 Hutchins, "Remarks upon the Country of the Illinois, 1771."
From New Orleans, where all the western trade finally centered, it was
estimated that peltries worth between 75,000 and 100,000 pounds sterl-
ing were sent annually to foreign ports. Gage estimated it at 80,000
pounds sterling, Gage to Shelburne, January 17, 1767, B. T. Papers
(Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XXVII. "New Orleans remits one hundred thou-
sand pounds Sterling worth of Peltry annually to France ", Baynton,
Wharton and Morgan to McLeane, October 9, 1767, ibid.,\o\. XXVI.

62 P. R. O., Audit Office, Declared Accounts, bundle 1530, roll 2,
Indian Affairs. Gage estimated Commissary Cole's expense for the
same period at ten thousand pounds sterling, Gage to Johnson, April 4,

1768, Gage's Letters.

63 Gage to Hillsborough, October 7, 1769, P. R. O., Am. and W.
L, vol 125. In a speech in the House of Lords in 1783, in which he
defended the cession of the Northwest to the United Slates, Lord Shel-
burne declared: "The exports of this country to Canada, then, were

96 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

There seems to have been unanimity of opinion respect-
ing the commercial inutility of the Illinois and surrounding
country under existing conditions. Effective though ex-
pensive measures would have to be taken to change the
course of trade and to expel foreign traders. But General
Gage was very doubtful about the probable efficiency of any
further regulations. Early in 1767 he declared that it
would " not answer to England to be at much expense about
the Mississippi " so long as better prices prevailed at New
Orleans.64* Secretary Hillsborough took the same view a
few years later, in an argument against the planting of
western colonies : " This Commerce cannot ... be use-
ful to Great Britain otherwise than as it furnishes a material
for her Manufactures, but it will on the contrary be prejudi-
cial to her in proportion as other Countries obtain that

only 140,000 pounds and the imports were no more than 50,000
pounds. Suppose the entire fur trade sunk into the sea, where is the
detriment to this country? Is 50,000 pounds a year imported in that
article any object for Great Britain to continue a war of which the peo-
ple of England, by their representatives, have declared their abhorence?
. . . But much less must this appear in our sight, when I tell Parlia-
ment, and the whole kingdom, that for many years past, one year with
another, the preservation of this annual import of 50,000 pounds has
cost this country, on an average, 800,000 pounds. I have the vouchers
in my pocket, should your lordships be inclined to examine the fact."
Par/. Hist., XXIII, 409.

64 Gage to Johnson, January 19, 1767, Johnson MSS., vol. XIV, no.
23. Captain Forbes, commandant at Fort de Chartres during part of
1768, wrote to Gage : " As I am very sensible of the immense expense
this Country is to the Crown and the little advantage the public has
hitherto reaped by the trade with savages, and the reason is that the
Inhabitants have continued to send their Peltry to New Orleans which
is shipped from thence for Old France and all the money that is laid
out for the Troops and Savages is immediately sent to New Orleans, for
which our Subjects get French Manufactures. I hope, Sir, you will
excuse me when I observe to Your Excellency, that the Crown of Great
Britain is at all the expence and that France reaps the advantages."
Forbes to Gage, April 15, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 124.
Commandant Wilkins wrote the same year that "the French of New
Orleans are the sole gainers in this Trade and the public suffer greatly
thereby." Wilkins to Gage, September 13, 1768, ibid.

TRADE CONDITIONS 97

material from us without its coming here first ; and whilst
New Orleans is the only Port for Exportation of what goes
down the Mississippi, no one will believe that that town
will not be the market for Peltry or that those Restrictions,
which are intended to secure the exportation of that Com-
modity directly to G. Britain, can have any effect under
such circumstances." 65

The original intention of the British government had
been to use Fort de Chartres, on the east bank of the Mis-
sissippi between the Illinois and Kaskaskia rivers, to guard
the rivers in order to prevent contraband trading.66 But
its inefficiency was soon apparent.67 Although well con-
structed , its location was not strategic ; it commanded
nothing but an island in the river.68 An indication to the
Indians of British dominion 69 and a place of deposit for
English merchants70 constituted about the sum total of its effi-
ciency. In order to make the Illinois country effective as
a barrier against foreign aggression and to keep the trade in

65 Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, ibid., vol. 126.

66 Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, ibid., vol. 123.

67 Gage to Johnson, February 8, 1767, Johnson MSS., vol. XIV, no.
44; Remarks by Gage on Barrington's plan, May 10, 1766, Lansdowne
MSS., vol. L, p. 53.

68 " It has not the least command of the River, owing to an Island
which lies exactly opposite to it, and the Channel is entirely on the
other side for a great part of the year. This is impassible from a sand
bar which runs across even for small boats, and the French and Span-
iards on the other side pass and repass at pleasure with contraband
goods, forcing an illicit Trade, to our great disadvantage and a certain
and very considerable loss to His Majesty's Revenue." Commandant
Wilkins to Secretary-at-War Barrington, December 5, 1769, P. R. O.,
Am. and W. I., vol. 123. See also Morgan to Baynton and Wharton,
April 24, 1769, Division of Pub. Records, Pa. State Library.

69 Gordon's "Journal down the Ohio, 1766," MS. in Hist. Soc. Pa.
Library; Gage to Johnson, February 8, 1767, Johnson MSS., vol. XIV,
no. 44; Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and W.
I., vol. 126.

70 Gage to Hillsborough, June 16, 1768, ibid., vol. 124.

98 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

English hands, it was necessary to adopt measures looking
toward the closing of those natural entrances into the
country, the mouths of the Illinois and the Ohio rivers.71
Almost all the correspondence of the time relating to
Illinois, contains references to the practicability of erecting
forts at the junctions of the Illinois and Ohio rivers with
the Mississippi. In most cases this was insisted upon as
the only practicable measure to make the country of
value.72 Suggestions were also offered relative to the erec-

71 Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, ibid., vol. 123; Johnson,
" Review of the Trade and Affairs of the Indians," loc. cit.; Morgan
to Baynton and Wharton, December 10, 1767, Morgan's MS.
letter book. " A Post up the Mississippi at or near the Ilinois
River might leave to us the greater part of the Trade that is now car-
ried to the Settlements on the other side." Hutchins, "Remarks
upon the Country of the Ilinois, 1771 ", MS. in Hist. Soc. Pa. Library.
George Croghan wrote : " With respect to the building some new Forts
there — I conceive they are indispensably necessary, One at Jhe Mouth
of the Illinois and one on the Wabashe; as they would effectually pre-
vent the French and Spaniards from entering into the Indian Country
and thereby seducing the trade from us, to France and Spain. Croghan
to Franklin, January 27, 1767, Lansdowne MSS., vol. XLVIII, fol. 135.

72 Gage to Halifax, August 10, 1765, Dartmouth Papers, Fourteenth
Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Com., Appendix X, p. 17; Gage to Conway,
July 15, 1766, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 122. " As for the Post
at, or near the. conflux of the Ohio and Mississippi, I have now that
affair under consideration, and sent the Chief Engineer about six weeks
ago to survey all that Country." Gage to Brigadier Taylor of Pensa-
cola, June 26, 1766, B. M., Add. MSS., 21,662, fol. 220. See also
Gordon's "Journal down the Ohio, 1766", MS. in Hist. Soc. Pa.
Library; Gage to Johnson, January 25, 1767, Johnson MSS., vol. XIV,
no. 28; same to same, February 8, 1767, ibid., no. 44; Gage to Shel-
burne, January 17, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XXVII;
same to same, April 3, 1767, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 123;
Johnson, " Review of the Trade and Affairs of the Indians," loc. cit.;
Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, December 10, 1767, Morgan's
MS. letter book; Phyn to Johnson, April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS. vol.
XXV, no. 109; Wilkins to Gage, September 13, 1768, P. R. O., Am.
and W. I., vol. 124; Wilkins to Barrington, December 5, 1769, ibia.,
vol. 125; Gage to Hillsborough, November 10, 1772, ibid., vol. 126.
The merchant Morgan wrote from Fort de Chartres in 1768 that " noth-
ing is wanting but proper Posts at the Illinois River, St. Vincents and
Manchac, a Civil Government and encouragement to Settlers from the
Frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia to make this a most

TRADE CONDITIONS 99

tion of a fort on the Mississippi river above its junction
with the Illinois for the protection of that section of the
peltry district.73 Moreover, projects were likewise proposed
for the establishment of proprietary colonies on the Ohio
and Illinois rivers.'* Gage himself suggested that all the
French villages along the Mississippi be amalgamated into
one settlement, which would also be the center of the mili-
tary establishment, and from which detachments could be
sent out to guard the rivers and prevent British traders
from descending the stream to New Orleans and likewise
watch for foreign interlopers.75

At one time it was the hope of such men as Gage , John-
son, Haldimand, and Hillsborough that the opening of the
Iberville River would prove feasible, thus enabling English
vessels to reach the British ports of West Florida through
lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain without going by way of
New Orleans. This would necessitate the maintenance of
a post at the junction of the Iberville and Mississippi rivers
in order to turn English boats into the proposed channel.
Numerous surveys were made and at one time the work of
clearing the channel was actually begun.76

flourishing Colony. Without these means taken 'tis not worth keep-
ing possession of as to any immediate Advantage resulting therefrom,
As the English Nation is now at the whole expence of maintaining the
Country and France reaps all the benefits from the Trade ..." Mor-
gan's MS. letter book.

73 Gordon's "Journal down the Ohio, 1766", MS. in Hist. Soc. Pa.
Library; Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, December 10, 1767, Mor-
gan's MS. letter book. " It is acknowledged by the French themselves,
that should a Settlement be made at Cape au Gres on the Mississippi,
about 250 miles above the Illinois river, those on the French side would
be ruined as it would draw and intercept the Trade of the upper Miss-
issippi." Hutchins, "Remarks upon the Ilinois Country, 1771 ", MS.
in Hist. Soc. Pa. Library.

74 See below, ch. VI.

75 Gage to Hillsborough, June 16, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 124.

76 Gage to Taylor, June 10, 1766, B. M., Add. MSS., 21,662, fol.

TOO THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

None of these projects, however, were ever adopted.
One of the principal reasons for this apparent neglect may
well be summed up in a statement by Hillsborough, who
appeared by 1770 to have given up the hope of any im-
mediate advantages from the West. He declared in that
year that under existing conditions " Forts and Military
Establishments at the Mouths of the Ohio and Illinois
Rivers , admitting that they would be effectual to the attain-
ment of the objects in view, would yet, I fear, be attended
with an expence to this Kingdom greatly disproportionate
to the advantage proposed to be gained. . ." "

The matter of expense was not the only reason why the
government refused to adopt any of the schemes suggested
for the betterment of western conditions. The ministry had
in mind a different plan, which if carried out would have
completely changed the situation. The idea of the con-
quest of Louisiana from Spain was kept in mind during the
greater part of the period under consideration and received
more serious thought than perhaps any other western plan.
Much of the correspondence between Gage and Brigadier
Haldimand, the English commander in West Florida, re-
lated to the best method of attacking New Orleans, and
many official and private letters also contained expressions

214; same to same, June 26, 1766, ibid.; Taylor to Gage, January 23,
1767, ibid., 21,671; Gage to Haldimand, March 20, 1767, ibid.,
21,663, '°1- J45 same to same, April 16, 1767, Can. Arch., series
B, vol. 3, p. 24; same to same, April 30, 1767, B. M., Add. MSS.,
21,663, f°l- 335 Captain Home to Haldimand, May 6, 1767, Can.
Arch., series B, vol. 68, p. 173; Hillshorough to Gage, July 31, 1770,
P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 126; Gage to Hillsborough, November
IO, 1770, ibid.; Gordon's " Notes on the Country along the Mississippi
from Kaskaskia in the Illinois to New Orleans ", MS. copy in Cham-
paign, 111., Pub. Library; Hutchins to Haldimand, April 8, 1773, B.
M., Add. MSS., 21,730, fol. 25; Pittman, European Settlements on
the Miss. , ed. Hodder, 62-63.

77 Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 126.

TRADE CONDITIONS 101

favorable to such a move.78 In 1770-1771, when the
Falkland Islands dispute was about to drag England and
Spain into war, the opportunity had apparently come for
the proposed conquest. Early in 1771 Secretary Hills-
borough issued orders to Gage in New York to mobilize an
army and prepare for an immediate descent upon New
Orleans by way of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers.79 Gage's
preparations, however, were never completed, for the ques-
tion at issue was settled peacefully.80

In the beginning Great Britain had hoped to realize in
the development of the fur trade one of her chief returns
for taking over the western country. But her traders found
the French hard to dislodge. The character and methods
of the French fur traders appealed to the Indians, and
England's failure to realize more from the trade may be
traced in part to this cause. Moreover, that portion of the
western trade which went to the English centered in a large
degree in a foreign port. With the means at hand attempts
were made to check this tendency, and numerous plans
were projected to induce a change of conditions, but no
expensive measures were undertaken. The problem of the
western trade confronted the ministry at a most unfortunate
time, for during the decade following the treaty of Paris
questions of graver importance were arising and demanding
immediate attention. The necessity became apparent of
increasing the revenue for purposes of imperial defence
and of colonial administration, and the question of the re-
adjustment of all the relations between the mother country

78 See, for example, George Phyn to Johnson, April 15, 1768, John-
son MSS., vol. XXV, no. 109; Gage to Hillsborough, November 10,
1770, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 126; Hillsborough to Gage,
July 31, 1770, ibid.; Reasons for the Establishment of a Colony in
Illinois, 1766, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vols. XXVII, XXVIII.

"January 2, 1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 127.

80 For a fuller account of the movement see below, ch. VII.

102 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

atnd the colonies was thereby introduced. When the colo-
nial opposition to Parliamentary taxation manifested itself
in the outcry against the Stamp Act and other revenue
measures, the expenditure of large sums of money on new
projects was out of the question. Instead of seeking new
schemes upon which to expend money, every opportunity
was seized upon to curtail expenses.81 We find that not
only was the plan for the management of Indians outlined
in 1764 never put into full operation because of the added
financial burden which it would entail, but also that in 1768
the management of the trade was transferred from the
crown to the colonies82 in order that the budget might be
further reduced. The western question had become sub-
ordinated to that of the empire. Furs were important to
the manufacturing monopoly of Great Britain, but at this
time of rising discontent in the colonies any new projects
entailing further expense were out of the question.

81 The following extract from a letter of General Gage to Brigadier
Taylor of Pensacola, illustrates something of the situation: "I have
no doubt of the Exactitude or Necessity of the Expenses incurred, and
would beg you to believe so, but the strictest Oeconomy is become the
general Topick, and is recommended in every letter I receive from
Home; in Compliance therewith, It's my part to notify the several
Military Commanders what's hoped for, and expected by His Majesty's
Ministers . . . ; Estimates of the probable Expences of every Department
have been expected in almost every Letter, and imply no more, than
that a Calculation may be made therefrom, of the necessary Expences
of North America, which being laid before Parliament, a Fund may be
appropriated for the same. . ." March 20, 1767, B. M., Add. MSS.,
21,663, fol. 12.

82 Hillsborough to Johnson, April 15, 1768, N. Y. Col. Docs.,Vlll,
57-58. In this letter the secretary announced the new plan, and de-
clared that it was due largely to the necessity of curtailing expenses.
Alvord, ///. Hist. Colls., II, xxix, misinterprets this measure. He says
it was done for the purpose of turning the channel of trade up the
Ohio. Within a year it was evident that this change made conditions
worse. The Indians were aggrieved because of the removal of the
commissaries and interpreters, and the trade conditions in the interior
country became worse through lack of supervision. See Johnson to
Hillsborough, August 26, 1769, N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 184.

CHAPTER VI.

SCHEMES FOR THE COLONIZATION OF THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY,
1763-1768.

THE first step in the establishment of British colonies
west of the Alleghany Mountains was in 1738, when the
assembly of the colony of Virginia established Augusta
County, with the Blue Ridge Mountains as the eastern
boundary and the "utmost limits of Virginia" as the
western and northwestern.1 In spite of French claims to
this region, the old sea-to-sea charters still possessed a po-
tential value in the minds of the colonists, and from this
time on there was a steady move westward. Gradually, to-
ward the middle of the century , the more enterprising and
farsighted of the colonists who appreciated the future value
of the region began to lay plans for its systematic exploita-
tion. In 1748, shortly after the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle,
the Ohio Company, composed of London merchants and
Virginia land speculators, obtained from the crown a grant
of land south of the Ohio River. This was the precursor
of several companies formed for similar purposes. In 1754
the question of western expansion had become of sufficient
importance to engage the attention of the Albany Congress
and plans for the creation of western colonies were discussed
by that body.2 The following year Samuel Hazard of

1 Alden, New Governments West of the Alleghanies before ij8o
(University of Wisconsin Bulletin, vol. II, no. i), i.

2 Ibid., 1—3. No attempt is made in this study to add any new con-

103

104 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

Philadelphia outlined a proposition looking toward the
formation of a western colony,3 probably the first which
comprehended the Illinois country.

The treaty of cession in 1763 gave a new impetus to the
colonizing spirit which had lain dormant during the early
years of the war. The English now believed that they
were free to occupy at will the unsettled lands as far west-
ward as the Mississippi River. Pamphlet literature was
printed and disseminated throughout England and America
from 1763 on, advocating the feasibility and necessity of
settling the new lands. Soon after the conclusion of peace
there appeared in Edinburgh a pamphlet entitled The Ex-
pediency of securing our American Colonies by settling the
country adjoining the River Mississippi, which pointed out
the expediency of locating a colony between the Ohio and
Mississippi rivers and the fresh-water lakes to the north-
ward. Such a colony, the author set forth, would give
Great Britain command of the continent, would serve as a
protection against the incursions of French and Indians,
and secure the fur trade of the Northwest. 4 The govern-
ment was urged to encourage settlers by giving lands on
easy tenure, and by furnishing cattle, tools, and other
necessaries. The colonists should also be given " a set of
well contrived good rules with respect to their constitution,
policy, economy and order, wise prudent Governors, and a
sufficient number of able approven Clergymen and teach-
ers." 5 There were doubtless many other pamphlets issued

tribution to the period preceding 1763. Mr. Alden's monograph in-
cludes an account of all the projects during that period, such as
Hazard's, Pownall's, and Franklin's earlier plan.

8Alden, New Governments West of the Alleghanies before 1780,
7-1 1. ''Ibid., 16.

6 Expediency of Securing our American Colonies, 43. For a sum-
mary of other details see Alden, New Governments West of the Alle-
ghanies, 14.

SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 105

during the period of land fever, descriptive of the new
country and its possibilities, of which we have no record.6
Throughout the colonies and in England many of the
leading men as well as the more venturesome pioneers on
the borders of New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia were
ready to take an active hand in the exploitation of the rich
lands lying to the westward. Early in the summer of 1763,
before the British ministry had had time to consider and
determine upon its policy toward the new acquisitions, there
was formed an organization known as the Mississippi Land
Company , 7 for the purpose of planting a colony in the
Illinois and Wabash regions. In this project some of
the most prominent residents of Virginia and Maryland
were directly interested ; indeed , membership in the organi-
zation was drawn almost entirely from those two colonies
and from England. Some of the original members of the
company were George, Samuel, and John Washington ; the
Lees — William , Thomas , Francis Lightf oot, Richard Henry ,
and Arthur ; Henry and William Fitzhugh , Presly Thorn-
ton, and Benedict Calvert.8 There were thirty-eight sub-

6 In this connection the following is of interest: " As the happy pos-
session of the Illinois Country is the Subject of much conversation, both
in England and America, we beg leave to inclose, — a small pamphlet,
wrote lately, on a very interesting point — to wit, The Establishment of
a Civil Government there. The Author has borrowed some of his Sen-
timents from De. Pratz." Baynton, Wharton and Morgan to Sir Wil-
liam Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XII, no. 128.

7 Original Articles of Agreement of the Mississippi Company, P. R.
O. , Chatham Papers, vol. 97. Another copy, in the handwriting of
George Washington, is in the Library of Congress. This has recently
been printed by A. B. Hulbert in Ohio Arch, and Hist. Publications,
XVII, 436-439. Most of the information concerning the proposition
comes from a collection of papers relating to the company and its trans-
actions, all in the handwriting of William Lee, which was found in a
miscellaneous collection of the Earl of Chatham's papers, in the Public
Record Office.

8 Original Articles of Agreement of the Mississippi Company, P. R.
O. , Chatham Papers, vol. 97.

lo6 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

scribers to the agreement, but the company was eventually
to be composed of fifty members who were to contribute
equally towards the maintenance of an agent in England.9
To this agent was intrusted the duty of soliciting from the
crown a grant of two million five hundred thousand acres
of land on the Mississippi 10 and its tributaries , the Wabash
and Ohio rivers, including not only the so-called Illinois
country of that time , but the western portion of the present
States of Kentucky and Tennessee.11

In their petitions the memorialists enumerated the ad-
vantages which would accrue to the empire in case the land
were granted , especial emphasis being laid on two points of
view, commerce and defense. "The Increase of the peo-
ple, the extension of trade and the enlargement of the
revenue are with certainty to be expected, where the fer-
tility of the soil, and mildness of the Climate invite
emigrants (provided they can obtain Lands on easy terms)

9 Ibid. The first agent in London was Thomas Gumming, who was
also a stockholder in the company, Memorial to the Crown, Septem-
ber 9, 1763, ibid. Cumming's successor was Arthur Lee, Petition to
the Crown, December 12, 1768, ibid., printed in Butler, Hist, of Ky.,
381-383; see also petition of company in Privy Council Office, Unbound
Papers, 1768.

10 Memorial to the Crown, prepared at a meeting of the company at
Belleview, Va. , September 9, 1763, P. R. O., Chatham Papers, vol.
97, printed below in the Documentary Appendix, no. I.

11 For the boundaries of the proposed grant, see below, Documentary
Appendix, no. i. The original articles of agreement do not give the
exact location of the proposed grant. The subscribers were to be free
to retain their lands twelve years, or more at the pleasure of the crown,
without the payment of taxes or quit rents. Within the same period
also the company was to be obliged to settle two hundred families in
the colony, unless prevented by Indians or a foreign enemy. In order
to insure against any such interruption it was hinted that the govern-
ment might establish and garrison two forts, one at the confluence of
the Cherokee and Ohio rivers, and the other at the mouth of the Ohio.
Memorial to the Crown, Documentary Appendix, no. i. The last sug-
gestion was withdrawn four years later at the suggestion of their Lon-
don agent, Thomas Gumming. Letter of the company to Gumming,
March I, 1767, P. R. O., Chatham Papers, vol. 97.

SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 107

to settle and cultivate commodities most wanted by Great
Britain and which will bear the charges of a tedious naviga-
tion, by the high prices usually given for them, — such as
Hemp, Flax, Silk, Wine, Potash, Cochineal, Indigo, Iron,
etc., by which means the Mother Country will be supplied
with many necessary materials, that are now purchased of
foreigners at a very great expense." 12

From the point of view of both trade and defense, the
company proposed " that by conducting a trade useful to
the Indians on the borders of the Mississippi they will
effectually prevent the success of that cruel policy, which
has ever directed the French even in time of peace, to
prevail with the Indians their Neighbors to lay waste the
frontiers of Your Majestic 's Colonies thereby to prevent
their increase." 13

Lastly the establishment of a buffer colony would effec-
tually prevent the probable encroachment of the French
from the west side of the Mississippi and cut off their politi-
cal and commercial relations with the Indians. They would
' ' thereby be prevented from instigating them to War , and
the harrassing the frontier Counties as they have constantly
done of all the Colonies." w

12 Memorial to the Crown, Documentary Appendix, no. i. Some of
the members declared their intention of becoming early settlers in the
new colony. The richness of the soil and mildness of the climate be-
yond the mountains, coupled with the " dearness and preoccupancy of
the lands, within their respective colonies" which rendered it "im-
practicable to make a proper landed provision for their numerous fami-
lies; a circumstance which begins already to restrain early marriage,
and therefore speedy population ", were set forth as reasons for their
determination, Petition to the Crown, December 16, 1768, printed in
Butler. Hist, of Ky. , 381-383. It may be noted that no suggestion is
made with reference to the form of government for the proposed colony.

13 Memorial to the Crown, Documentary Appendix, no. i.

14 Letter of the company to Thomas Cumming, September 26, 1763,
P. R. O. , Chatham Papers, vol. 97.

io8 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

The plan received its first official check in the year of
its inception, when in October, 1763, the British ministry
announced its western policy in a proclamation according
to which all the territory lying north of the Floridas and
west of the Alleghanies was reserved for the use of the In-
dians.15 Thereafter the colonial governors were forbidden
to issue patents for land within this reservation without the
consent of the crown.16 However, the enunciation of this
policy did not deter the Mississippi Land Company and
similar organizations from pressing their claims upon the
Board of Trade. The more farsighted of the Americans
had probably correctly interpreted the proclamation as tem-
porary in character and as promulgated to allay the minds
of the savages. " The Mississippi Company therefore con-
tinued to solicit the grant until 1769, when it was decided
that on account of the temper of the ministry towards
America, it would be advisable to drop the affair for a time
in the hope that a change of ministry would bring a cor-

15 Can. Const. Docs., 7759-7797, 122. See also above, ch. II, pp.

16 Ibid.

17 " I can never look upon that proclamation in any other light (but
this I say between ourselves), than as a temporary expedient to quiet
the minds of the Indians, and must fall, of course, in a few years,
especially when those Indians are consenting to our occupying the
lands." Washington to Crawford, September 21, 1767, Writings of
Washington, ed. Ford, II, 220-221. The report of the Board of

Trade on Indian affairs in 1769 admitted these claims to be "mere
provisional arrangements, adopted to the exigence of the time." Pa.
Archives, IV, 315. The same opinion is expressed in " Remarks on
Lord Barrington's Plan, no. 2 " (1766), Lansdowne MSS., vol. L, p.
78. For an extreme example of the notion held by some members of
the government that the proclamation of 1763 should be strictly ad-
hered to and that all western military posts should be abandoned and a
general restrictive policy toward the West adopted, see Lord Barring-
ton's Plan relative to the Out Posts, Indian Trade, etc., 10 May, 1766,
Lansdowne MSS., vol. L, pp. 49-61. Barrington, who was Secretary
at War, reveals a remarkable ignorance of western affairs.

SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION

109

responding change of policy.18 But at no time does it
appear that the promoters of the colony received the
slightest encouragement from those in authority.19

About the time of the organization of the Mississippi
Company in 1763, General Charles Lee 20 outlined a scheme

18 Letter to William Lee, London, May 30, 1769, P. R. O., Chat-
ham Papers, vol. 97.

19 No account of any further activity on the part of the company has
been found. In 1774 a copy of the correspondence was sent to the
Earl of Chatham, which may have been done in the hope that his in-
terest might be aroused in the undertaking. The bundle of papers
contains the following indorsement: " Mississippi Co3. Papers, sent to
the Right Honble William Earl of Chatham, on Saturday the 2Oth of
April 1774." Charles Lee, in speaking of this undertaking, said:
" Another society solicited for lands on the lower part of the Illinois,
Ohio and on the Mississippi: this was likewise rejected; but from what
motives it is impossible to define, unless they suppose that soldiers in-
vested with a little landed property, would not be so readily induced to
act as the instruments of the oppression of their fellow subjects, as those
whose views are solely turned, if not reduced, to farther promotion;
and if reduced, to full pay." Lee Papers, IV (N. Y. Hist. Soc. Colls.,
Fund series, VII), 98. Benjamin P'ranklin apparently knew nothing
of the existence of the company until 1768. lie states in his famous
reply to Hillsborough, Works, ed. Bigelow, V, 44: "Consistent,
however, with our knowledge, no more than one proposition for the
settlement of a part of the lands in question has been presented to
government and that was from Dr. Lee, thirty-two other Americans,
and two Londoners, in the year of 1768, praying lhat his Majesty
would grant to them without any purchase-money, two million five
hundred thousand acres of land, in one or more surveys, to be located
between the thirty-eighth and forty-second degree of latitude and over
the Allegheny Mountains . . . " The company is mentioned in Con-
siderations on the Agreement . . . with the Honourable Thomas Wai-
pole . . . , 25-26, as being comprised of " thirty-three gentlemen of
character and fortune in Virginia and Maryland, several of whom were
of his Majesty's council in Virginia, and many of them, members of
the house of assembly, both of that colony and of the province of
Maryland." Perkins, Annals of the West, 130 ; Sato, Hist, of the Land
Question in the U S., 25; H. B. Adams, Maryland's Influence upon
the Land Cessions to the U. S., 14; De Hass, History of the Early
Settlement and Indian Wars of Western Virginia, 139, and the author
of Plain Facts, 69, all note the existence of the company, but place the
date of its organization in 1767. The first three quote from Plain
Facts.

20 The Charles Lee of Revolutionary fame.

no THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

for the establishment of two colonies, one on the Ohio
River below its junction with the Wabash , and the other on
the Illinois River.21 It was his plan to organize a company
and petition the crown for the necessary grants of land.22 A
portion of the settlers were to be procured in New England ,
and the remainder from among the Protestants of Germany
and Switzerland.23 In narrating the probable advantages
to be derived from such settlements, Lee takes practically
the same point of view as the promoters of the Mississippi
Company, adding the suggestion that a new channel of
commerce would be opened up through the Mississippi
River and the Gulf of Mexico.2* This proposal suffered
the same fate as its contemporary in being rejected by the
ministry, whose policy of allowing no settlements in the
country beyond the mountains had been too recently
adopted.25 Apparently the authors of these projects did
not have the ear of such members of the ministry as Lord
Shelburne, whose general attitude gave some ground for
the belief that in the end plans for western settlements
would be adopted.26

The next definite schemes of which we have knowledge
appeared in 1766, although it is probable that there were
many others,27 for during those years half of England was

J1 Lee Papers, IV, 214; Draper, Life of Boone (MS.), HI, 266;
Sparks, Life of Charles Lee, 19.

22 Lee Papers, IV, 214.

™ Ibid. ™ Ibid. ™Ibid.

26 B. Franklin to W. Franklin, September 27 and October n, 1766,
and June 13, August 28, and November 25, 1767,^1 Franklin's Works,
ed. Bigelow, IV, 138-144; Shelburne to Gage, November 14, 1767,
P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 123.

27 See for example references to Colonel Bouquet's proposition in
Bouquet to Franklin, August 22, 1764, Franklin Papers (Am. Phil.
Soc.), vol. I, no. 94, summarized in Calendar of the Franklin Papers,
ed. Hays, I, 31. Among the papers in the Lansdowne collection are
a number which discuss the matter in general terms.

SCHEMES FOR COL ONIZA TION 1 1 1

said to have been " New Land mad and every body there
has their eye fixt on this Country."2 It is hardly prob-
able, therefore, that the few definite proposals of which
we have record were the only plans projected during those
years. Indeed the colonial plan of 1766, promoted by
prominent merchants and land speculators of New York,
Pennsylvania, and New Jersey, had its origin, we may
safely say, as early as January, 1764. At that time the
Board of Trade received a communication from one of the
promoters, George Croghan, who was then in England,29
asking their Lordships "whether it would not be good
policy at this time while we certainly have it in our power
to secure all the advantages we have got there by making
a purchase of the Indians inhabiting the Country along the
Mississippi from the mouth of the Ohio up to the sources
of the River Illinois, and there plant a respectable colony,
in order to secure our frontiers, and prevent the French
from any attempt to rival us in the Fur trade with the
Natives, by drawing the Ohio and Lake Indians over the
Mississippi, which they have already attempted by the last
accounts we have from Detroit. " 30 In spite of the recent
announcement in the proclamation of 1763 of the land
policy of the government, which interdicted all settlements
beyond the line of the Alleghanies, without royal consent,
the ministry at this time must have been favorably im-

28 Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XII,
no. 127.

29 Sir William Johnson sent his agent Croghan to England to sound
the ministry on the question of the boundary between the frontier and
the Indian territory. Winsor, Westward Movement, 9; cf. also N. Y.
Col. Docs., VII, 603. Croghan was also instructed to petition the gov-
ernment for a grant of land south of the Ohio to satisfy the claims of
the Ohio company, and of those soldiers whom Dinwiddie had enlisted
in 1754 with promises of land, Winsor, Westward Movement, 8.

30 N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 605.

H2 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

pressed by Croghan's advice, for the latter informs us a few
months later that " there is a talk of setleing a Colony from
the mouth of the Ohio to the Illinois, which I am tould
Lord Halifax will Desier my opinion of in a few Days. Mr.
pownal tould me yesterday that I would be soon sent for to
attend the board of Trade, what Meshures they will Take
the Lord knows, but nothing is talkt of except Oconomy." 31
No further action, however, was taken at this time. But
the tentative proposition thus suggested to the Board was
in essence the same plan that Croghan and his associates
developed two years later. In the general outline of Cro-
ghan's earlier plan there is no suggestion that he intended
to include the cultivated lands of the French inhabitants of
the Illinois villages who might leave that country after the
occupation by the British.32 Two years subsequently, how-
ever, Sir William Johnson, Croghan's superior in the Indian
department in America and his constant associate in colo-
nizing enterprises, in a communication to the Board of
Trade, gave as his opinion that " some of the present In-
habitants may possibly incline to go home , and our Traders
will, I dare say, chuse to purchase their rights, this may be
the foundation for a Valuable Colony in that Country, . . .
this may be effected in time, and large concessions ob-
tained of the Natives." 33 The idea of basing a colony in

31 Croghan to Johnson, March 10, 1764, Johnson MSS., vol. VIII,
no. 202. The style of the letter is characteristic of Croghan. His
official letters, however, were usually put into form by some one else.

32 Later, however, he adopted that idea, Croghan to Johnson, March
30, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XII, no. 127,

3S Johnson to Lords of Trade, JamTary 31, 1766, A7". Y. CoL Docs.,
VII, 809. When Croghan was preparing to go to flie Illinois villages
in 1766 to bring about a general pacification of the Indians, Johnson
wrote him: " So soon as I hear farther from the General [Gage] I
shall write you and send the Instructions in which I shall insert an
Article directing you to enquire into the French Bounds and Property
at the Illinois. I have no objection to what you propose on that sub-

SCHEMES FOR COL ONIZA TION 1 1 3

part upon lands vacated by the French was also taken up
and emphasized a few weeks later by General Gage.

Very early in the period of the British occupation of the
West the chief representatives of the military department,
upon whom devolved the responsibility of governing the
territory, became exceedingly embarrassed on account of
the immense expense which the department was called
upon to meet in providing for the maintenance of garrisons
among the French inhabitants scattered throughout the
Indian country. In 1766, the year of the repeal of the
Stamp Act, the imperial government was conscious not
only of the necessity of maintaining in America a force
sufficient to put down a probable uprising of the Indians
and to guard the country against French encroachments,
but also of the obligation to curtail expenses. General
Gage, therefore, became keenly alive to the necessity of
resorting to some expedient to reduce the enormous cost
of transporting provisions and other necessities from the
seacoast to such distant parts as Fort de Chartres. With
reference to the Illinois country in particular, he reported
to the home government 3* that he was ' ' a good deal dis-
appointed that any Demand should be made for Provisions,
as the country used to abound with it, and none can be
supplied from our Provisions , but with great difficulty , and
at enormous Expense." "This want," he continued,
' ' must arise from the Inhabitants abandoning their Farms
to go over to the new French Settlements, and the only
method which appears to me the most proper to obviate

ject there, and as the French are now said to be retiring fast, you will
have the better opportunity of making a good Choice on which the
value will chiefly depend." Johnson to Croghan, March 28, 1766,
Johnson MSS. , vol. XII, no. 121.

34 Gage to Conway, March 28, 1766, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.),
vol. XX.

H4 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

Difficulties on account of Food, as well as to strengthen
those parts at the least Expense, is to grant the Lands de-
serted by the French, which I presume forfeited, as well as
other Lands unsettled , using necessary Precautions to avoid
Disputes with the Indians, to the British Settlers. All En-
deavours must be used to procure a Supply of Provisions
upon the Spot, and I have directed the Officer command-
ing to get seed, and try to make his men cultivate the
Ground near the Fort." Gage next proposed, as we have
already noted in another connection,35 that a military gov-
ernor be appointed immediately for the Illinois country , on
account of the distance of the villages from any of the Eng-
lish provinces and because of their proximity to the French
settlements on the Spanish side of the river, which would
make any other form of government impracticable. Am-
plifying his idea further he declared that " Lands should be
granted without Delay, by any Person authorized properly
to do it ; but no fees to be taken by the person who grants,
or by Secretarys, Clerks, Surveyors, or other Persons what-
ever : That no large Tracts should be given , but the Lands
granted in Farms, consisting of an Hundred and Fifty or
Two Hundred Acres of good Land, unless perhaps to Half
Pay Officers, who might have Four or Five Hundred Acres.
People may be tempted on these Advantages to transport
themselves with a Year's Provisions, Seed Corn and Tools
for Husbandry, down the Ohio. The Lands shall be held
of the King on condition of Military Service, and such
other Obligations as shall be convenient."

It has seemed necessary to go into Gage's plan in some
detail because in the first place it represents an attitude
toward western colonization quite contrary to the position
he assumed a few years later, when he strongly opposed

35 See above, ch. II, pp. 18-19.

SCHEMES FOR COL ONIZA TION 1 1 5

such movements.86 In addition these details give us some
perception of the purposes which Gage had in mind in the
establishment of a colony, the saving of the heavy expense
incurred in transporting provisions into the interior, and to
protect the empire, by a buffer colony, from possible in-
cursions of French and Spanish.

Although not connected with any other projects of the
time this proposal of General Gage undoubtedly gave some
encouragement to the promoters of a larger colony, who
now began to develop the ideas of Croghan and Johnson
into something tangible. About the same time Governor
William Franklin of New Jersey, together with the Phila-
delphia firm of Baynton , Wharton and Morgan , and Joseph
Galloway and John Hughes , also of the colony of Pennsyl-
vania, conceived the idea of forming a land company for
the definite purpose of purchasing such lands at the Illinois
villages as the French might desire to sell, as well as to ob-
tain a grant for other lands in the adjoining country. Ac-
cordingly, in March, 1766, they drew up some articles of
agreement s7 for the proposed company, which provided
among other things that application was to be made to the
crown for a grant of 1,200,000 acres of land in the Illinois
country or ''more if to be procured ".38 Provision was also
made for ten equal shareholders, the stipulation to be
subject to change in case others desired to enter the com-
pany.39 Apparently Sir William Johnson and his deputy,
Croghan, were not directly concerned in the formation of
this company, but they were immediately invited to enter,

36 See below.

37 Articles of Agreement, dated March 29, 1766, MS. in Hist. Soc.
Pa. Library.

38 Articles of Agreement, March 29, 1766. " Ibid.

1 1 6 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

and Croghan, who was then in Philadelphia, signed the
contract on behalf of himself and Johnson.40

The land company thus organized was intended to be the
foundation of a permanent colony in the northwest coun-
try. ' Governor Franklin, in a letter to his father, Dr.
Franklin, who was at the time in London as agent for the
colony of Pennsylvania, explained the proposition to him
as follows : " A few of us , from his [Croghan's] Encourage-
ment, have form'd a Company to Purchase of the French
Settled at the Illinois, such Lands as they have a good
Title to, and are inclined to dispose of. But as I thought
it would be of little Avail to buy Lands in that Country,
unless a Colony were established there, I have drawn up
some Proposals for that Purpose, which are much approved
of by Col. Croghan and the other Gentm. concerned in
Philad1. and are sent by them to Sr. W. for his Sentiments
which when we receive, the whole will be forwarded to

40 Writing to Johnson, March 30, Croghan explained: " Soon after
my Return here [Philadelphia] from your Honour's I wrote you about
the Scheme of purchasing whatever Grants the french was possess'd of
in the Illinois Country and imform'd your Honour that Governor
franklin with some other Gentlemen hear had form'd the same scheme
and offered me to be concerned with them and your Honour, since w'h
I have agreed with them in behalf of your Honour and myself . . .
itt is likewise preposed to apply for a grant of 1200,000 acres to the
crown in that Country and to take into this Grant two or three Gentle-
men of Fortune and Influence in England and Governor franklin and
those other Gentlemen Desire to know whome your Honour wold
chouse to be concerned, and that you wold write to them if you should
nott name ye whole you would chouse they Designe to Save y Nomina-
tion of such as you dont to Dr. franklin who they prepose to send the
proposals to . . . " Johnson MSS., vol. XII, no. 127. According
to the Articles of Agreement, as we have them, there were to be ten
equal shareholders, but Croghan informs Johnson that the persons and
shares were as follows: Sir William Johnson, 2/16, Governor Franklin,
2/16, John Baynton, 2/16, George Croghan, 2/16, Samuel Wharton,
2/16, George Morgan, 2/16, Joseph Wharton, Jr., 1/16, Joseph Whar-
ton, Sr. , 1/16, John Hughes, 1/16, and Joseph Galloway, 1/16, ibid.
It may be suggested that possibly a different arrangement was made
after the signing of the original contract.

SCHEMES FOR COLON IZ A TION 1 1 7

you. It is proposed that the Comp7. shall consist of 12
now in America, and if you like the Proposals, you will be
at Liberty to add yourself, and such other gentlemen of
Character and Fortune in England as you may think will be
likely to promote the Undertaking. ' ' 41

The proposals mentioned in Governor Franklin's letter
were outlined by him along with the Articles of Agreement ;
indeed the substance of the latter was included in the pro-
posals for a colony.42 Franklin enumerates a number of
reasons why the establishment of a colony on the Mississippi
River and its environs was desirable. The attention of the
ministry was called to some of the natural products of the
Illinois and the Mississippi valley countries and to the many
advantages of soil and climate over other regions of North
America. He declared that if the lands on the Mississippi
were settled " we should be enabled to supply all Europe
with those commodities, and at a far cheaper Rate than
they could be afforded from any other Country." The
adaptability of the western country to the cultivation of
tobacco, hemp, flax, indigo, and silk was positively affirmed.
" Great Britain might also ", he continued, " be furnished
from thence with Cotton, Copper, Iron, Pot Ash, Wine,
Salt Petre , a great variety of valuable Medicinal Drugs , and

41 April 30, 1766, Franklin Papers (Am. Phil. Soc. ), II, no. 17.
He observes further that "Mr. Galloway has met with a Pamphlet at
Mr. Hill's on the Subject, which I wish I had seen before I had drawn
up the Proposals, as it might have afforded some Hints. However, as
I believe you have not seen it, it being printed, and I believe wrote in
Scotland, I send it enclosed. You will find your Name ment. in it,
page 52." The reference to the pamphlet is doubtless to Expediency
of Securing our American Colonies by Settling the Country adjoining
the River Mississippi.

42 "Reasons for establishing a British Colony at the Illinois with
some proposals for carrying the same into immediate Execution ", B.
T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vols. XXVII-XXVIII; Franklin Papers
(Am. Phil. Soc.), vol. LVIII, no. 4. See Documentary Appendix,
no. 2.

n8 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

other Articles, which, with those mentioned before, make
the great Ballance of Trade against the Nation, and drain
it of its Treasure."

Speaking more specifically of the district of Illinois, he
asserted confidently that Great Britain would " carry on a
more extensive and advantageous Fur- Trade, with the
numerous Indian Nations which reside near the Lakes and
the different Branches of the Mississippi, than was ever
known since the first settlement of America — Supplying
them with British Manufactures to a vast Amount." It is
pointed out that the French could not rival the English in
that branch of commerce because the latter could transport
goods through Pennsylvania and Virginia to the West much
more cheaply than could be done from New Orleans up the
Mississippi. " For want of this Opening thro' the middle
Provinces of North America to the Mississippi, the French
never had it in their Power to reap so much advantage from
that Country as the English now may."

Governor Franklin then raised the question of the most
efficacious method of supporting the posts which had so
recently been taken from the French. The solution offered
was the establishment of a colony with a civil government.
This, it will be noticed, differed from the plan of Gage, in
that he believed a military government best suited to the
circumstances. " If We have not a Colony on the Spot to
support the Posts We are now possessed of in that Country,
the French who have a Fort and an increasing Settlement
on the opposite Shore of the Mississippi, will have it in
their Power, by means of their influence with the Indians,
to intercept our Supplies, interrupt our Trade , and ultimately
cutt off all Communication between the Illinois and the
present English Colonies." The suggestion was made that
a well-established colony would not only prevent the French

SCHEMES FCR COL ONIZA TION 1 1 9

and Indians from interfering, but the English would be en-
abled to dispossess the French of the remainder of Louisiana,
"should a future War make it expedient ".

The more important proposals submitted for the conside-
ration of the ministry were:43 (i) To purchase from the
Indians all their rights to the territory in the Illinois coun-
try, not already occupied by the French. (2) To establish
a civil government. 44 (3) To lay out the proposed land
grant in townships.45 (4) To give grants to provincial officers

43 To each proposal was appended a paragraph of remarks, which
may have been added by Sir William Johnson, to whom the proposals
had been sent for such amendments or alterations as he thought neces-
sary. Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XII,
no. 127; Governor Franklin to his father, April 30, 1766, Franklin
Papers (Am. Phil. Soc. ), II, 17.

44 The promoters of the colony evidently thought that the govern-
ment intended to establish a civil government in the West. In the
Articles of Agreement of the land company, we find the statement that,
"it is expected that a Civil Government will be established by his
Majesty in the Illinois country at or near Fort Chartres. " Croghan
about the same time wrote: " By Leters from England there is the
greatest reason to believe that a government will soon take place there,
if so a thing of this Kind must be very valuable provided we succeed."
Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XII, no.
127. John Baynton, one of the original subscribers, and a prominent
merchant of Philadelphia, wrote to James Rumsey that a civil govern-
ment was soon to be formed in the Illinois country, March I, 1766,
Ohio Company Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), I, 52. Note also the refer-
ence in note 6, above. The following extract is of interest in this con-
nection: "In case of laying aside the superintendents [of Indian
affairs], a provision is thought of for Sir William Johnson. He will
be made governor of the new colony." B. Franklin to his son, August
28, 1767, Works, ed. Bigelow, IV, 141.

45 Evidently the authors of the proposals made use of the suggestions
in Smith's Historical Account of the Expedition against the Ohio In-
dians. " Let all the Lands which may be granted within the first
twenty years be laid out in Townships, after the manner practised in
some of the New England Colonies, or according to the Plan laid down
in the Historical Account, of the Expedition under Colonel Bouquet,
lately published (quod vide)." In this work the township system as we
know it to-day was outlined. The work is most available now in the
Ohio Valley Historical Series, see below in Bibliography. Sir William
Johnson was doubtless familiar with the work, for in January, 1766,

120 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

and soldiers who served in the French war. (5) To concede
mines and minerals to the owners of the land in which they
may be found, except royal mines, from which the crown
might reserve one fifth.46 (6) To reserve five hundred acres
in every township for the maintenance of a clergyman of the
Established Church of England.47 (7) To bound the colony
as follows : " From the mouth of the Ouisconsin (or Wis-
consing) River down the Mississippi agreeable to Treaty,
to the Fork or Mouth of the Ohio. Then up the same
River Ohio to the River Wabash, thence up the same River
Wabash to the Portage at the head thereof, Then by the
said Portage to the River Miamis and down the said River
Miamis to Lake Erie. Thence along the several Courses
of the said Lake to Riviere al Ours (or Bear River) and up
the said River thereof, and from thence in a Straight Line,
or by the Portage of St. Joseph's River and down the same
River to Lake Michigan, then along the several Courses of
said Lake on the South and West Side thereof to the point
of Bay Puans, and along the several courses on the East
Side of the said Bay to the Mouth of Foxes River, thence
up to the Head thereof and from thence by a Portage to the
Head of Ouisconsin River, and down the same to the

Dr. William Smith, of Philadelphia, sent him a copy. .See article by
Charles Whittlesey, in Journal of the Association of Engineering
Societies, vol. Ill, no. n, p. 278.

46 Lead-mining was an important industry in the Illinois country in
the eighteenth century, but at this time it was largely in the hands of
the French and Spanish west of the Mississippi River, see Thwaites,
"Early Lead-mining in Illinois and Wisconsin," in Annual Report,
Amer.Hist. Assoc., 1893, pp. 191-196.

47 This clause throws an interesting side-light. In the " Remark,"
presumably by Johnson (see above, note 43), appended to the clause
he says the church " ought to be well supported there, otherwise Pres-
byterianism will become the Established Religion in that Country. It
is interesting to note that the Bayntons, the Whartons, Morgan, and
the other participants in this movement were Quakers.

SCHEMES FOR COL ONIZA TION 1 2 1

Place of Beginning. " ** In order to settle immediately the
colony in the Illinois country , " a Company of Gentlemen
of Character and Fortune are ready and willing to engage,
That if the Crown will make them a Grant, ... of Land49
free of Quit Rent . . . to be located at one or more places
as they shall chuse, within the Bounds above mentioned,
they will at their own . . . Expence , Settle thereon at least
One white Protestant Person for every Hundred Acres . . ." 50
As already stated in Franklin's letter to his father, these
proposals were sent to Sir William Johnson for his altera-
tion and recommendation.61 Johnson in turn inclosed the

i8 Benjamin Franklin estimated that there " will be in the proposed
country, by my reckoning, near sixty-three millions of acres . . . ",
Works, ed. Bigelow, IV, 138.

49 It is impossible to tell from this document just how many acres
were petitioned for, but according to the Articles of Agreement, as
already noticed, the company expected to obtain 1,200,000 acres.

50 " The crown need not be put to much Expence to procure the
Settlement of this advantageous Colony. The principal Charges will
be a Salary to the Governor, and some other Officers of Government
for a few Years, when the Colonists will be enabled to support their
own Civil Establishment." It is further suggested in the " Proposals "
that two or three companies of light infantry and light horse be raised
and disciplined for service in the West, which would be a good security
for the infant colony as well as a protection for the frontiers of the old
settled colonies. The idea of purchasing the rights of the French
seems to have been abandoned, for no suggestion of it appears in the
" Proposals ".

51 He also received copies from several members of the company,
Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS. , vol. XII, no.
127; Baynton, Wharton and Morgan to Johnson, June 6, 1766, ibid. ,
no. 197; Johnson to Governor Franklin, June 20, 1766, see Lincoln,
Calendar of MSS. of Sir William Johnson in Am. Anliq. Soc. Li-
brary, 45. " Mr. Croghan will transmit to your Honour, some pro-
posals which we shall be greatly obliged to you both to consider, and
alter, in such manner, as you shall judge will be best." Baynton,
Wharton and Morgan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS.,
vol. XII, no. 128. Johnson took exception to that part of the plan
which called for the establishment of a civil government in the new col-
ony. He asserted that " we have nothing to fear from a Military
Establishment from which a young Colony will derive many advantages
..." He did not, however, make any alteration, Johnson to Bayn-

122 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

papers to Benjamin Franklin in London, together with a
letter to Secretary Henry Conway in which he strongly
recommended the adoption of the plan. 52 Dr. Franklin
received the papers in September, 53 but news of the pro-
ject was already abroad in England. Johnson had " hinted
the Affair " some time before in a letter to the Board of
Trade M and Benjamin Franklin had himself received a
number of communications from his son and from his Penn-

ton, Wharton and Morgan, June 20, 1766, ibid., vol. XII, no. 214.
It is of interest to note that previous to this time no correspondence
had ever passed between Sir V\ illiam Johnson and Governor Franklin.
Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, ibid., vol. XII, no. 127; John-
son to B. Franklin, July 8, 1766, Lincoln, Calendar of the MSS, of
Sir William Johnson, 45.

52 Johnson to Baynton, Wharton and Morgan, June 20, 1766, John-
son MSS., vol. XII, no. 214; Johnson to Governor Franklin, June 20,
1766, MS. letter in Am. Antiq. Soc. Library; same to same, July 8,
1766, ibid.; Johnson to B. Franklin, July 10, 1/66, ibid. In a letter
to Conway, dated July 10, 1766, Johnson wrote: "As the scheme
appears to me to be so reasonable and so well calculated for the mutual
Interests of Great Britain and its colonies I could not refuse their re-
quest ... I shall be happy, Sir, if my thoughts on the subject may co-
incide with Yours and I flatter myself with Your pardon for the liberty
I now take as it is intended for a public benefit and proposed by men
of whose motives I can have no doubt.'1'' Johnson MSS., vol. XIII, no.
I, and B. T. Papers, (Hist- Soc. Pa. ), vol. XXVII. Observe that John-
son makes no mention, in his letter to Conway, of his own or Governor
Franklin's interest in the land company. It was understood, however,
that no mention was to be made of that fact: " itt is preposed that its
not to apear till ye success of our plan is known that Your Honour and
Governor franklin is concerned as its thought that you can be of more
Service by nott being thought Concern'd . . . ", Croghan to Johnson,
March 20, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XII, no. 127. Johnson had,
indeed, hesitated about taking an active hand in the affair. He wrote
that he was " somewhat of Opinion it would answer better that I rec-
ommended it in Gen'l Terms, as an Affiiir I had heard was in agitation

. . . ", Johnson to Governor Franklin, June 20, 1766, see Lincoln,
Calendar of the MSS. of Sir William Johnson, 45.

53 Franklin to his son, September 12, 1766, Works, ed. Bigelow,
IV, 137; Franklin to Johnson, September 12, 1766, Works, ed.
Smythe, IV, 461.

64 Johnson to Governor Franklin, June 20, 1766, MS. letter in Am.
Antiq. Soc. Library.

SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 123

sylvania friends.55 The proposition was one which Frank-
lin had kept in mind ever since the meeting of the Albany
Congress in 1754, when he advanced the idea of western
settlements, and it was therefore with little or no hesitation
that he now promised to forward the scheme with all his
power.56

In the meantime the Rockingham ministry, which had
been in power since July, 1765, had resigned ; the Earl of
Chatham had been made prime minister in August, 1766,
and Lord Shelburne had displaced Conway as secretary of
state for the southern department. 57 Johnson's letter to
Conway and the proposals for a colony went, therefore, into
Shelburne 's hands.68 In addition to the plan itself with
Johnson's recommendations, Dr. Franklin gave Shelburne
copies of Croghan's letters from the West together with his
journal, and several of Johnson's letters on the subject. 59

55 Governor Franklin to his father, April 30, 1766, Franklin Papers
(Am. Phil. Soc. ), II, 17. "Upon the first thoughts of the Scheme,
Mr. Galloway and I wrote to Dr. Franklin, so that he might essay it,
with the ministry . . . ". Baynton, Wharton and Morgan to John-
son, July 12, 1766, Johnson MSS. , vol. XIII, no. 2.

68 Franklin to his son, May 10 and August 25, 1766, Works, ed.
Bigelow, IV, 136-137; Baynton, Wharton and Morgan to Johnson,
July 12, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XIII, no. 2; Baynton, Wharton
and Morgan to Johnson, August 28, 1766, quoting from a letter of
Franklin's, Johnson MSS., vol. XIII, no. 65; B. Franklin to Johnson,
September 12, 1766, Works, ed. Smylhe, IV, 461.

"Hunt and Poole, ed., Pol. Hist, of Eng., X, 471-472.

58 Franklin to his son, September 12, 1766, Works, ed. Bigelow,
IV, 137. Franklin felt that this change augured well for the success
of the project, for he said, " it will of course go to Lord Shelburne,
whose good opinion of it I have reason to hope for; and I think Mr.
Conway was rather against distant posts and settlements in America."
Ibid. In another letter of the same date he wrote: "He [Conway]
is now in another Department, but it will of course go to Lord Shel-
burne, who I think is rather more favorably dispos'd towards such
Undertakings." Franklin to Johnson, Works, ed. Smythe, IV, 461-
462.

59 Franklin to his son, September 27, 1766, Works, ed Bigelow, IV,
139-

124 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

He offered as an additional exhibit, one of Evans's maps of
the middle colonies on which he had marked in red ink the
whole country included in the boundaries of the proposed
colony.60

Shelburne was pleased with the plan submitted,61 but
openly confessed to Franklin that there were members of
the government with whom the scheme did not find ap-
proval.62 He intimated in addition that the expense which
all such affairs promised would work against it in the Board
of Trade,63 and consequently did not at once promise his
active support of the undertaking.64 As it was therefore
useless to proceed with the plan without the aid of Shel-
burne and other members of the cabinet, Franklin
spent the remaining months of 1766, and a large part
of 1767 in an attempt to obtain their official approval.
In this he joined efforts with General Phineas Lyman of
the colony of Connecticut, a veteran officer of the French
and Indian war, who was at this time in London soliciting
a grant of land on the Mississippi for himself and his sol-
diers.65 Since the boundaries of the two proposed grants

60 Franklin, to his son, September 27, 1766, Works, ed. Bigelow,
IV, 139-

61 " I have mentioned the Illinois affair to Lord Shelburne. His
Lordship had read your plan for establishing a colony there, recom-
mended by Sir William Johnson, and said it appeared to him a reason-
able scheme." Franklin to his son, September 27, 1766, ibid., 138.

62 Ibid.

63 Franklin to his son, October II, 1766, ibid., 139. "He was
pleased to say he really approved of it: but intimated that every new
proposed expense for America would meet with difficulty here, the
treasury being alarmed and astonished at the growing charges there,
and the heavy accounts and drafts continually brought in from thence."

64 Franklin to his son, September 27, 1766, ibid., 138.

65 Franklin to his son, September 12, 1766, Works, ed. Bigelow, IV,
137. " Plan proposed by General Phineas Lyman for settling Louisi-
ana, and for erecting new colonies between West Florida and the Falls
of St. Anthony," Fifth Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Com., 216, 218.

SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 125

coincided in a large measure, both projects were united at
the suggestion of Shelburne . 66 The task of creating a senti-
ment among the leading members of the government suffi-
ciently strong to bring the whole question to a conclusion
was slow and tedious. Although Shelburne and some of
his subordinates were personally favorable to the project,
many months elapsed before they were ready to recommend
the proposals to the Board of Trade for its consideration.67
One of the most vital questions of the day in England was
that of reducing expenses, and Dr. Franklin seized the op-
portunity of urging upon Shelburne, Conway, Clare, and
others that a settlement in the Illinois country would be one
of the best modes of saving the cost of maintaining out-
posts for the protection both of trade and of the colonies.

For further account of Lyman and his career, see Hinsdale, "The
Establishment of the First Southern Boundary of the United States",
in Annual Report, Amer. Hist. Assoc., 1893, and Sabine, Loyalists of
the American Revolution, II, 33-34.

66 Franklin to his son, September 27, 1766, Works, ed. Bigelow IV,
139-

67 The following excerpts indicate the progress of the negotiations.
" I have just had a visit from General Lyman, and a good deal of con-
versation on the Illinois scheme. He tells me that Mr. Morgan, who
is under-secretary of the Southern department, is much pleased with it;
and we are to go together to talk to him concerning it." Franklin to
his son, September 30, 1766, Works, ed. Bigelow, IV, 139. " Mr.
Jackson is now come to town. The ministry have asked his opinion
and advice on your plan of a colony in the Illinois, and he has just
sent me to peruse his answer in writing, in which he warmly recom-
mends it, and enforces it by strong reasons." November 8, 1766,
ibid., 140. " More than one plan has been given in relative to form-
ing a Government in the Illinois Country, but till a general system for
America shall be further advanced, no resolution can be taken on this
Head." Shelburne to Gage, December n, 1766, P. R. O. , Am. and
W. I., vol. 122. "Great changes being expected keeps mens' minds
in suspense, and obstructs public affairs of every kind. It is therefore
not to be wondered at that so little progress is made in our American
scheme of the Illinois grant." Franklin to his son, February 14, 1767,
Works, ed Bigelow, IV, 140. " The Illinois affair goes forward but

slowly; Lord Shelburne told me again last week that he highly ap-
proved of it, but others were not of his sentiments, particularly the
Board of Trade. Lyman is almost out of patience and now talks of
carrying out his settlement without leave." Ibid., 140.

126 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

He reinforced the various arguments enumerated in the
proposals, laying particular stress upon the strategic value
of such a colony in the event of war with Spain. A force
could be raised there ' ' which , on occasions of a future war,
might easily be poured down the Mississippi upon the lower
country, and into the Bay of Mexico, to be used against
Cuba, the French Islands, or Mexico itself." 68 Finally,
as a result of his solicitations, Franklin could report on
August 28, 1767, that " the secretary appeared finally to
be fully convinced, and there remained no obstacle but
the Board of Trade , which was to be brought over privately
before the matter should be referred to them officially."69

His mind made up, Shelburne became at once an earnest
advocate of western colonization, and himself drew up a
statement of reasons for those settlements, which he pre-
sented to the King in Council.70 He reinforced his own

68Franklin to his son, August 28, 1767, Works, ed. Bigelow, IV,
141. * Ittd.

70 Ibid. In a letter to Gage, November 14, 1767, Shelburne clearly
indicated his position: "The enormous expense attending the present
method of supplying the Troops cantoned in the back Settlements and
frontier Posts of North America with the heavy contingent Charges
arising from the Transportation of Stores, and the danger to which the
Discipline of the Army is exposed by the Regiment's being broken up
into small Detachments; have all been very often and very justly repre-
sented in your letters: — to remedy these evils no measure seems to bid
fairer than one, which, by establishing Governments where Provisions
and Necessaries may be furnished on the spot, will render half the
Posts kept up unnecessary; while the remainder may be partly trans-
ferred to the care of the several Provinces and partly maintained at a
much less expense. The illicit Trade with the French and Spaniards
will be in a great measure cut off, as the goods must be intercepted by
our Traders in their passage; the Indians will be prevented from In-
cursions into the back Settlements; precise and definite Boundaries
will be put to the old Colonies; the Trade and Manufactures of Great
Britain will be extended into the remotest Indian Nations, and such
Posts only require to be garrisoned as command the different Indian
communications, or the intercourse between his Majesty's different
colonies, by the great Rivers and Lakes." P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 123.

SCHEMES FOR COL ONIZA TION 1 2 7

sentiments by excerpts from the letters of Generals Am-
herst n and Gage 72 and Richard Jackson, 73 whom he de-
clared were the best judges of everything relating to
America. The Council having approved the plan,74 it was
on October 5th submitted to the Board of Trade.75

71 Amherst, Gage's predecessor as commander-in-chief in America,
carried on considerable correspondence with the ministry concerning
the West both before and after his resignation in 1763. The details of
his proposals do not appear, but he recommended in general terms the
creation of some sort of establishments in the West, Shelburne to Lords
of Trade, October 5, 1767, B.T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XXVII;
N, Y. Col. Docs., VII, 982; Franklin to his son, November 25, 1767,

Works, ed. Eigelow, IV, 144; Fifth Report, Royal Hist. MSS.
Com., 210, see also 217.

72 Gage advocated western settlements until about 1768, after which
date he is found in opposition, Gage to Hillsborough, June 16, 1768,
P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 124, and correspondence after that date.
Although favoring colonies prior to 1768, Gage was in no way connected
with any of the schemes promoted by the land companies. Statements
that he was so interested have been made by Bancroft, Hist, of U. S.,
ed. 1854, VI, 32, and by W. C. Ford, in. Writings of George Wash-
ington, II, 326. Winsor also states that " General Gage and a body
of Philadelphia merchants joined the others in this new memorial ",
Westward Movement, 38, but Sir William Johnson declared: "I have
sounded Gen'l Gage on the occasion, who declines being concerned."
Johnson to Governor Franklin, June 20, 1766, MS. letter in Am. Antiq.
Soc. Library. Gage, indeed, did not favor the large proprietary colo-
nies which were being urged by the land companies. Believing that
the Board of Trade would declare in favor of the policy of western set-
tlements, he wrote: "I would now beg leave to mention the Propriety
at the first formation of these Settlements, of granting the lands upon
easy conditions and in small Lotts contiguous to each other, not to be
alienated by the grantees, or else by various artifices they will soon be
transferred into the hands of a few people who will become proprietors
of large Tracts which Experience has shown are seldom settled, but kept
by the owners in Expectation that the lands will increase in value. The
Prospect of getting good farms on easy Terms will encourage many
Families to emigrate from all the Colonies." Gage to Shelburne, Jan-
uary 23, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 124. Note also Gage's
propositions, pp. 114-115, above.

73 Jackson was appointed counsel to the Board of Trade in Apri^ 1770,
Chalmers, Opinions of Eminent Lawyers, 37.

74 " I returned last night from Paris, and just now hear that the Illi-
nois settlement is approved of in the Cabinet Council ", Franklin to his
son, October 9, 1767, Works, ed. Bigelow, IV, 141 .

75 Shelburne to Lords of Trade, October 5, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist.

128 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

The proposition to be considered by the Board was not,
however, the one originally submitted by Franklin. Dur-
ing the years from 1763 to 1770, we find representatives of
other companies and interests in London seeking to ad-
vance their cause. The Mississippi Company was still
alive and its agents, Thomas Gumming and Arthur Lee,
were both in London at this time urging the proposition of
this company upon the ministry.76 Colonel George Mercer
was suing in behalf of the old Ohio Company for the per-
fection of its former grant, "and representatives of the
soldiers who were enlisted by Governor Dinwiddie in 1754
under promises of land were likewise claiming their rights.
And we have already noted the presence in England of
General Lyman, with whom at the suggestion of Shelburne,
Dr. Franklin had made common cause. Moreover, some
of the proposed grants coincided 78 while others overlapped
each other.79 Although converted to the policy of western

Soc. Pa.), vol. XXVII; Franklin to his son, October g, 1767, Works,
ed. Bigelow, IV, 142; same to same, November 25, 1767, ibid., 144:
Shelburne to Gage, November 14, 1767, P. R. O. , Am. and W. I.,
vol. 123. The whole western problem was before the cabinet during
the entire summer and autumn of 1767, when the matter was turned
over to the Board of Trade. Note in margin of " Minute " submitted
by Shelburne to the cabinet in 1767, Lansdowne MSS., vol. L, p. 185.

76 Letter of the Company to Gumming, March I, 1767, P. R. O.,
Chatham Papers, vol. 97; Petition to the Crown, December 16, 1768,
printed in Butler, Hist, of Ky., 381-383.

77 Letter of the Company to Gumming, September 28, 1763, P. R. O.,
Chatham Papers, vol. 97. " We are also to observe to you, Sir, that
Col. Mercer is now in London soliciting for the Ohio Company, and
perhaps he may have under his protection the Interest of other Com-
panies whose concerns may possibly interfere with ours, or that he may
think so; and thereby be induced to oppose our Scheme; we request
you not to converse with Col. Mercer on the subject of our solicitation,
nor to let him know that any such plan is projected." Ibid. See also
Johnson to Lords of Trade, July 8, 1763, P. R. O. , Colonial office,
class V, i33o,No. Y., 107, p. 511.

78 Such as the Franklin and Lyman proposals.

79 For example, the Franklin and Mississippi Company's boundaries.

SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 129

colonization along broad general lines, Shelburne was
doubtless also convinced that under these confusing cir-
cumstances, it would be impossible to make any progress
toward securing a favorable report from the Board of Trade,
whose president was already known to be hostile to the
movement.80 On October i, 1767, therefore, Shelburne
presented a plan providing for the establishment of three
distinct colonies in the Northwest.81 The center of one of
the proposed governments was to be " at the Detroit be-
tween Lakes Erie and Huron," another "at or near the
Mouth of the Ohio," and the third " in the Illinois Coun-
try at or near the Mouth of the River of that name." 82 In
each colony there were to be one hundred original proprie-
tors, each of whom was to be allowed " to take up twenty
thousand acres of land (without paying any fine or consid-
eration to the King for them) , and to sell to undertenants ;
and the proprietors were also to have possessed their lands

80 Franklin to his son, September 27, 1766, Works, ed. Bigelow, IV,
138.

81 " Settlement on the Ohio River ", ibid., V, 45; Considerations on
the Agreement with the Honorable Thomas Walpole, 21.

82 " Representation of the Lords of Trade on the State of Indian Affairs,
March 7, 1768," N. Y. Col. Docs. , VIII, 27. " During the administra-
tion of the Earl of Shelburne, several applications were made to his
lordship, for grants of land upon the Ohio, at the Illinois and Detroit;
and . . . his lordship, at that time proposed the establishment of three
new colonies at these places." Considerations on the Agreement with
the Honourable Thomas Walpole, 21. See also "Settlement on the
Ohio River", in Franklin's Works, ed. Bigelow, V, 45-46. Both
Gage and Amherst had recommended the erection of more than one col-
ony in the West : " His Majesty likewise commands me to refer to Your
Lordships Extracts from several Letters of Sir Jeffry Amherst and Gen-
eral Gage recommending the Establishment of further new Governments
on the Mississippi, the Ohio, and at Detroit ". Shelburne to Lords of
Trade, October 5, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.); Amherst to
Egremont, November 30, 1762, recommending the establishment of a
seat of government at Detroit, Fifth Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Com.,
317, 218; Franklin to his son, November 25, 1767, Works, ed. Bige*
low, IV, 144.

1 30 I HE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

fifteen years, without paying any quit- rent or taxes; . . .
at the expiration of the 15 years, they were to have paid a
quit-rent to the King of two shillings per hundred acres ;
and this quit rent was to have been altogether applied to
the payment of the contingencies of the government." M
What form of government Shelburne had in mind for the
new colonies does not appear. It is probable that that
question was left in abeyance until the decision of the
Board of Trade was made known.

In his communication to the Lords of Trade, in which he
presented the question of new settlements, Shelburne called
the Board's attention to certain other phases of the western
problem just then demanding solution. It was felt by the
government that since the danger of an Indian rupture was
becoming minimized, the enormous expense attending the
administration of the western country should be reduced.
The Indian trade, which, since the peace, had been man-
aged by the imperial government acting through the general
superintendents, was not fulfilling the expectations of the

88 Considerations on the Agreement with the Honourable Thomas
Walpole, 22. It is possible that Shelburne intended the colony " at
or near the Mouth of the Ohio "to be undertaken by the Mississippi
Company, but there is not enough evidence to prove it. It may be
said, however, that the Mississippi Company had petitioned for land,
part of which lay south of the Ohio River, while Franklin's proposed
grant was all on the northward, so that we might expect some such
arrangement. In the meantime the land company organized by Gov-
ernor Franklin and Baynton, Wharton and Morgan had evidently in-
creased its membership. Provision was made in the Articles of Agree-
ment for at least two additional members, and it was expected that Dr.
Franklin would himself choose these two in England. Franklin, how-
ever, was so pleased with the proposition, that he recommended a
further enlargement in membership, as will appear from the following :
" It gives us great pleasure that thou approves the Illinois scheme, and
although it was at that time thought it might be prudent to take in two
persons, such as thou should approve of, yet I conceive it will by no
means be disagreeable to our Company, should thou enlarge the num-
ber, if a proportionable number of acres be granted." Thomas Whar-
ton to B. Franklin, November 11, 1766, Sparks MSS., XVI, 81.

SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 131

ministry. w Its management was furthermore becoming
more and more expensive and the necessity of supporting
garrisons for the protection of that commerce added greatly
to the already heavy burdens of the treasury. Shelburne
was himself convinced that the management of the Indian
trade should be transferred to the individual colonies and
that some of the interior posts should be reduced or else
supported by the colonies.85 On these two questions he
was in substantial agreement with his colleagues. But he
was persuaded in addition that the planting of colonies in
the interior of America would tend more than anything
else to bring about a proper adjustment of all the discord-
ant elements. Such settlements would, in his mind, form
barriers for the old colonies, become markets for the sale
of British manufactures, protect the fur trade against French
and Spanish emissaries, furnish provisions for necessary
military posts, and give to the French subjects of England
a stable government.86 In a very able paper presented to
the Cabinet in the early summer of 1 7 67 87 Shelburne had
argued that such colonies would not be expensive : that the
quit rents would soon be sufficient to maintain them and to
create a fund for other purposes, especially if the grants of
land were placed under proper supervision. He believed
that a very simple system could thus be created for the
West through the establishment of new governments ra and
the maintenance of a few military posts, and by leaving the
management of Indian affairs to the colonies, subject to

84 See above, ch. V.

85 Minutes submitted to cabinet, Lansdowne MSS., vol. L, p. 185.

86 See quotation from letter of Shelburne to Gage, November 14,
1767, in note 70, above.

87 Lansdowne MSS., vol. L, p. 185.

88 At this time he proposed two colonies, one at Detroit and one in
Illinois, ibid.

I32 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

general regulation by the Board of Trade. In answer to
those who protested that the Indians would be outraged,
Shelburne made the prophetic suggestion that if the Indians
did not like to be surrounded by the new colonies they
could sell their lands and move westward or become civil-
ized.

Shelburne doubtless had in mind a certain element of
opposition to his plan in the Board itself,89 when, in his
letter of October 5th, he placed the heads of inquiry relat-
ing to the expense of the imperial management of the In-
dian trade and of the maintenance of western garrisons first
in the list, so that they formed a sort of introduction to his
proposition for the western colonies.90

Soon after this the Board called for the opinion of the
merchants, whether the settlement of colonies in the Illi-
nois country and at Detroit would promote in any way the
commerce of Great Britain. Dr. Franklin, who was pres-
ent at the meeting, says that they answered unanimously in
the affirmative.91

Whatever may have been the prospect in October or
November for a favorable report on the colonial project,
the hopes of the promoters were dashed in the following
months. In order to understand the situation it is neces-

89 This opposition was apparent as early as 1766, at the first sugges-
tion of the project. Dr. P'ranklin was of the opinion that Lord Hills-
borough was at the bottom of the opposition at that time, Franklin to
his son, September 27, 1766, Works, ed. Bigelow, IV, 138.

90 " The parts of the Service which we are more immediately called
upon by the Earl of Shelburne's letter to give Our attention, are First,
The present Civil Establishment regarding the Indians; Secondly, the
disposition of the Troops for Indian Purposes; and lastly, the Establish-
ment of certain new Colonies." "Representation of the Lords of
Trade on the State of Indian Affairs, March 7, 1768," N. Y. Col.
Docs., VIII, 20.

91 Franklin to his son, November 13, 1767, Works, ed. Bigelow, IV,
142.

133

sary to note the political situation in England at the period
under discussion. The Chatham ministry, formed in August,

1766, contained several men who favored the cause of the
colonies. Chatham himself, Conway, one of the secretaries
of state and mover of the repeal of the Stamp Act, and
Lord Shelburne, secretary of state for the southern depart-
ment, were all in favor of adopting a more liberal policy
toward the colonies. But with the retirement of Chatham
on account of illness a group of men stepped into power
who believed that the colonies should bear part of the
burden of imperial defence. Prominent among these men
was Charles Townshend, author of the Revenue Act of

1767. At that time the management of American affairs
was centered in the hands of two men, the secretary of
state for the southern department and the president of the
Board of Trade. The president of the Board in 1766 was
Lord Hillsborough, a thoroughgoing advocate of restriction.
The Board at this time, however, had but little power, it
having become a mere " Board of Report upon reference
to it for advice or information on the part of the Secretary
of State".92

Throughout 1767 Shelbourne was under the necessity of
carrying out the will of the ministry and of Parliament, dis-
tasteful though it was. Friction between himself and the
cabinet became so pronounced that for months he failed to
attend the meetings.93 In September, Townshend, the
most influential minister in the cabinet, died and there was
an opportunity for Grafton to reconstruct the policy of the
government along the lines advocated by Chatham and
Shelburne. But he chose to continue the policy of Town-

92 Fitzmaurice, Life of Shelburne, II, 2. Hillsborough accepted the
office on that condition. Gren-ville Papers, III, 73, 254.
98 Ibia,, 58.

I34 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

shend and admitted into the ministry members of the Bed-
ford party, who were advocates of the adoption of a firm
policy toward the colonies. The retirement of Shelburne
as colonial minister was made a condition of the support of
Bedford.94 The King was likewise using his influence
against the retention of the liberal minister.95 Shelburne
was finally relieved of his unhappy situation ; for in Jan-
uary, 1768, the office of secretary of state for the colonies
was created, and Lord Hillsborough was appointed to fill
the office.96 The Board of Trade, now deprived of all its
executive powers, was under the nominal direction of Lord
Clare, Hillsborough having resigned the presidency in
December, i766.97

Hillsborough 's opposition to western colonies has already
been noted. To men like Franklin, therefore, the adverse
report made in March, 1768, must have been no surprise.
The Board of Trade, under the inspiration of Hillsborough,
indorsed the recommendations of the former colonial min-
ister that the management of the Indian trade should be
transferred to the colonies and that certain interior posts
might then be reduced,98 but declared a disbelief in the
western colonial plan as a further means of reducing im-
perial expenses.99 The elaborate argument against this last
proposition may be logically divided into two parts. In

94 Grenvitte Papers, III, 67. 95 Ibid,, 77.

**Ibid., 77; Hunt and Poole, ed., Pol. Hist, of Eng., X, 472.

97 Rockingham Memoirs, I, 78. Later in 1768 he again became
president of the Board, thus holding two offices.

98 " Representation of the Lords of Trade on the State of Indian
Affairs, March 7, 1768", N. Y. Col. Docs., Mill, 19-28; Hillsborough
to Gage, April 15, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 124, Winsor,
Westward Movement, 41, places the date at 1767, which is incorrect.
On p. 40 of the same work he also states that Shelburne laid Frank-
lin's scheme before the Board in October, 1766, which should be 1767.

99 " Representation of the Lords of Trade on the State of Indian
Affairs, March 7, 1768 ", N. Y. Col. Does., VIII, 28-31.

SCHEMES FOR COL ONIZA TION j 3 5

the first place the proposal for the establishment of colonies
in the interior as a general principle of policy is subjected
to a severe criticism. The policy of Great Britain had
always been to confine settlements to the seacoast in order
better to promote the commerce, navigation, and manu-
factures of the kingdom.100 This principle was illustrated
by the encouragement given the colonizing of Nova Scotia,
and the formation of the colonies of Georgia, East Florida,
and West Florida, and by the provision in the procla-
mation of 1763 whereby the interior country was left to the
Indians. The Board declared that this policy had been
productive of vast commercial and industrial benefits to the
mother country.

In the second place, they proceeded to answer the spe-
cific arguments advanced by the advocates of the new
propositions : (i) Settlements in the interior, inaccessible
to shipping, would be led to manufacture for themselves,
instead of becoming a market for English products. (2)
The extension of the fur trade depended upon the Indians
remaining in possession of their hunting grounds. (3) In-
stead of affording protection to the old colonies, they
would demand protection for themselves. (4) New colo-
nies would undeniably be of advantage in furnishing a
supply of provisions for the forts and garrisons in the in-
terior country, but since many of these might be reduced,
the advantage would be of doubtful value. (5 ) They would
furnish the French inhabitants of the West with civil gov-
ernment, but that would likewise be of doubtful utility,
since these colonies have always been subject to a military
government, and therefore needed no other.

Hillsborough was a bitter opponent of colonial expansion

100 See also Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and
W. I., vol. 126.

136 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

in general, and the objections summarized in this report
represent in a large measure his own opinions as well as the
point of view held by a large body of conservative English-
men of that time, who had not yet reached the broader
notions held by Shelburne, Franklin, and Adam Smith as
to the end for which colonies ought to be created. The
view of the class represented by Hillsborough and Lord
Barrington was well defined by a pamphleteer of the time,
who declared that ' ' a colony is profitable according as its
land is so good, that by a part of the labor of the inhabi-
tants bestowed on its cultivation, it yields the necessaries of
life sufficient for their sustenance ; and by the rest of their
labor produces staple commodities in such quantity, and of
such value, as brings for the mother country, in the way of
commerce and traffic, all manufactures necessary for the
proper accommodation of the colonists, and for the gradual
improvement of the colony, as the number of people in-
crease."101

There were reasons, however, other than those mentioned
by the Board of Trade, which appear to have influenced
Hillsborough's attitude, and even that of Gage, who, in
1768, reversed his position on the colonial question. It
seems worth while, therefore, to examine whether the argu-
ments in the report of 1768 are an entirely adequate expla-
nation of the rejection of Shelburne 's policy. At the same
time it must be observed that although Hillsborough was
opposed to the creation of new provinces in the interior, he
did not at this time disapprove of the gradual extension of
the older settlements beyond the Alleghanies. As late as

101 Quoted by Winsor, but without indication of author or title, West-
ward Movement, 41. See also Lord Harrington's Plan relative to the
Out Posts, Indian Trade, etc., May 10, 1766. Lansdowne MSS., vol.
L, pp. 49h-6i.

SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 137

1768 he stated definitely that no objection could be had to
such colonies,102 and at the first suggestion of the Vandalia
grant south of the Ohio, warmly supported it.103

It is necessary to bear in mind that the imperial govern-
ment during the decade under consideration was becoming
more and more embarrassed by the many problems of im-
perial administration. The great war just closed had re-
sulted in bringing upon the government many new respon-
sibilities, not the least of which was the administration of
the newly -ceded territories and the defence of the empire.
It is not surprising, therefore, that the members of the
ministry should hesitate to sanction the establishment of
new colonial governments when questions of administration
and finance were already causing serious difficulties between
the mother country and the established colonies. The
factor of expense entered into the consideration of every
new project and the colonial schemes were no exception to
this rule , especially since the government was asked to bear
a certain part of the expense.

The correspondence of Shelburne and Franklin shows that
at the first suggestion of the proposed settlements this factor
was uppermost in the mind of the former.104 Shelburne
became convinced that ultimately this objection would be

102 " Representation of the Lords of Trade on the State of Indian
Affairs, March 7, 1768", N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 28-31.

108 Franklin to his son, July 14, 1773, Works, ed. Bigelow, V, 197.
With the reason for Hillsborough's later opposition the present study
is not concerned.

104 Franklin to his son, October n, 1766, Works, ed. Bigelow, IV,
139, quoted above in note 63. "In case your Lordships should think
it right to advise his Majesty to establish these New Governments, you
will consider whether it will not be practicable to fall upon such a Plan
as will avoid great part of the Expense incurred by the Estimates
of the New Governments established after the Peace." Shelburne to
Lords of Trade, October 5, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol.
XXVII; and N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 981.

138 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 2763-2774

overcome, but Hillsborough was not of that opinion.
Writing to Gage shortly after the issuance of the report he
dwelt at considerable length upon the necessity of avoiding
an increased expense on any account : 105 " It appears to
his Majesty that in the present state of the Kingdom its
future Safety and Welfare do in great measure depend upon
the relieving it from every Expence that is not an absolute
necessity, and therefore though his Majesty applauds the
Motives which induced the first Institution of the present
plan of Indian Superin tendency , which was evidently cal-
culated to regain the Confidence, and combine the Force
of the Savages against a then powerful Enemy, yet, as in
the present State of America, the main object of that Plan,
if not entirely removed are at least greatly diminished . . .
His Majesty concurs in opinion with his Board of Trade,
that the laying aside that part of it [the Plan of Superin-
tendency] which relates to the Indian Trade and entrust-
ing the entire management of that Trade to the colonies
themselves will be of Publick Utility and Advantage, as a
means of avoiding much Difficulty and saving much Ex-
pense to this Country both in present and in future . . .
The Propriety therefore of entrusting the Management of
the Trade with the Indians to the Colonies, does . . . ap-
pear to His Majesty to depend in great measure upon a re-
duction of such Posts in the Indian Country, as are by their
situation, exposed to the Resentment of the Savages, it
being evident that in Proportion as the number of such
Posts is diminished, the Necessity of carrying on an Indian
War at the Expense of this Kingdom will be less. . . .
His Majesty has not failed in this great and extensive Con-
sideration to give due attention to Propositions, which have

106 April 15, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 124.

SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 139

been made with regard to the Establishments on the Rivers
Mississippi, Ohio and Illinois. But as his Majesty has
doubts concerning the Utility of Establishments in such re-
mote situations, which consequently cannot be kept up,
but at an immense Expence, it is the King's pleasure that
you should report your Opinion with regard to the con-
tinuance of any of the Forts in those situations. . . ."106

It should be noted that in the report of the Board of
Trade in 1768 great emphasis is placed upon the general
commercial and political inutility of the proposed colonies,
but there is no suggestion that the matter of expense stood
in the way. On the other hand there is an intimation that
the clause in the proclamation of 1763, reserving the in-
terior country for the use of the Indians, was inserted there
on the principle that all settlements should be confined to
the sea- coast. Again in a similar report in 1772 against

ice A few Weeks later Gage replied to Hillsborough : " From what
has been represented your Lordship will perceive that I am not of
opinion that a Post at the Illinois will be productive of adrantages
equal to the expence of supporting it." June 16, 1768, P. R. O., Am.
and W. I., vol. 124. Two years later he again wrote to Hillsborough:
" I conceive that to procure all the commerce it will afford and at as
little expence to ourselves as we can, is the only object we should have
in view in the interior Country for a century to come ... I am of
opinion the advantages we might propose to gain from Civil and Mili-
tary Establishments at the mouths of those Rivers [Ohio and Illinois]
would be greatly disproportionate to the Expences, they would be at-
tended with." November 10, 1770, ibid., vol. 126. Hillsborough
writes in the same year: "Forts and Military Establishments at the
mouths of the Ohio and Illinois Rivers, admitting that they would be
effectual to the attainment of the objects in view would yet, I fear, be
attended with an Expence to this Kingdom greatly disproportionate to
the advantages to be gained and those objections to Civil Establish-
ments which I have above stated, do weigh so strongly against that
measure in the scale both of general and local policy, as greatly to dis-
courage that idea." The latter part refers to his argument against the
commercial utility of a regular settlement in the West, which he de-
clared, "cannot be of that commercial benefit to the state which it
would be of in other places". Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770,
ibid.

I40 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

the proposed Vandalia or Walpole grant,107 emphasis is
placed upon that clause ; indeed it is advanced as the chief
argument for the rejection of the proposition.108 But no-
where in the Hillsborough-Gage correspondence is there
the slightest intimation that Hillsborough had the procla-
mation of 1763 in mind. It would seem reasonable to as-
sume that if he believed that the clause in that document

10T After 1 768 the attention of land and colony promoters was turned
to the region of the upper Ohio River valley. In 1768 the long-pro-
posed Indian boundary line was determined at the treaty of Fort Stan-
wix and there was opened up for colonization a wide strip of territory
in that region. A company was formed in the same year for the estab-
lishment of a colony, some of the members being Benjamin Franklin,
Thomas Pownall, Thomas Walpole, and the firm of Baynton, Whar-
ton and Morgan. In 1770, the crown was petitioned for a grant, but
in 1772 the Board of Trade, still under the leadership of Hillsborough,
reported adversely. This report called forth a vigorous answer Jfrom
Dr. Franklin, which completely demolished the arguments of Hills-
borough. His successor, Lord Dartmouth, began at once to make ar-
rangements for the establishment of a colony, but the whole matter was
dropped on the outbreak of the American Revolution. For a full ac-
count see Alden, New Governments West of the Alleghanies before
1780, 19-35. The following writers have confused the Walpole grant
with the plan of 1766: Hinsdale, Old Northwest, 133; Peyton, Hist,
of Augusta Co., Va., 144 ff; Fitzmaurice, Life of Shelburne, II, 31;
Bigelow, in Franklin's Works, IV, 136; Perkins, Annals of the West,
127; Adams, Maryland's Influence upon the Land Cessions to the
U. S., 13.

108 This interpretation by Hillsborough may be entirely disregarded.
He was not responsible for that particular clause in the proclamation.
It was conceived and written by Lord Shelburne himself, as has been
pointed out by Alvord, "Genesis of the Proclamation of 1763", in
Mich. Pioneer and Hist. Colls., XXXVI, 31 ff. He has shown that
Shelburne did not have in mind the principle of confining the colonies
to the sea-coast. Coffin, in Province of Quebec and the Am. Rev, , 428,
and Alden, in New Governments West of the Alleghanies before 1780,
43-44, have also rejected Hillsborough 's interpretation. For the old
view that the proclamation was intended to confine the colonies to the
sea-coast, see for example Hinsdale, Old Northwest, ch. VIII, and the
same author, "The Western Land Policy of the British Government
from 1763 to 1775", in Ohio Archaeological and Historical Quarterly,
December, 1887. There is positive proof of Shelburne's position in a
minute submitted by him to the cabinet in 1767, Lansdowne MSS.,
vol. L, p. 185.

SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION i4I

stood in the way, some mention of it would have been made
in his many communications to General Gage and Sir Wil-
liam Johnson. Nor does Franklin intimate it in any of his
private correspondence on the subject. In order to justify
his position with some appearance of legality, it is probable
that Hillsbo rough brought forward that clause in the procla-
mation, which had been interpreted by nearly every one
else as merely temporary in character.

There was still another important reason for the rejection
of interior settlements, which comes to light in contempo-
rary correspondence, but which is not contained in the re-
port of the Board of Trade. During this period Louisiana,
with New Orleans commanding the mouth of the Mississippi
River, was in the hands of Spain. New Orleans was practi-
cally the only outlet for the western country, and it was the
settled conviction of many that so long as it remained in
the possession of a foreign power, it was useless to expect
much from the West. In 1768 Lieutenant George Phyn
of the regular army was sent from Fort Pitt down the Ohio
and Mississippi rivers to Mobile, and in writing to Sir Wil-
liam Johnson he declared that the country in and about the
Illinois region would never be settled ' ' with any advantage
to England " unless New Orleans were procured.109

In a communication to Secretary Hillsborough in 1770,
in which he argued at length against the establishment of
settlements or of any additional military posts in the West,
General Gage declared that no further time or money should

109 April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS., vol. XXV, no. 109. He affirmed
that a settlement "will never happen with any advantage to England
until we can procure the Ideal Island of Orleans : . . . could we find
passage for even small craft to go to the Sea, the Country of the Illinois
would be worthy of attention, but had we the Island of Orleans, that
country would in a very short time I believe be equal to any of our
Colonies." Ibid,

r42 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

be expended on that country, and particularly the Illinois
country, because it would be of no conceivable " advantage
to the King's subjects, unless New Orleans was added to
His Majesty's Possessions ". uo

In the same year Lord Hillsborough himself mentioned
one of the chief objections which he considered to ' ' lie
against Colonies in the Illinois with a view to the Peltry
Trade, which is the peculiar Commerce of that Country."
"This Commerce", he affirmed, "cannot (I apprehend)
be useful to Great Britain otherwise than as it furnishes a
material for her Manufactures, but it will on the contrary
be prejudicial to her in proportion as other Countries obtain
that material from us without its coming here first ; and
whilst New Orleans is the only Port for Exportation of what
goes down the Mississippi, no one will believe that that town
will not be the market for Peltry or that those Restrictions,
which are intended to secure the Exportation of that Com-
modity directly to G. Britain, can have any effect under
such circumstances." m

In this connection it should be noted that throughout
this decade there were serious thoughts of an attack upon
Louisiana and New Orleans should a war with Spain afford
the opportunity. One of the reasons offered by Governor
Franklin in 1766 for the establishment of a colony in the
Illinois country was that such a colony would enable the
English to get possession of the whole of Louisiana ' ' should
a future war make it expedient". 112 We find Gage himself
discussing with General Haldimand, who was stationed in

110 November 10, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 126.

111 Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, ibid.

111 Reasons for the Establishment of a Colony, Franklin Papers (Am.
Phil. Soc.), vols. XXVII, XXVIII; same idea expressed in Remarks
on Lord Barrington's Plan, no. 2, Lansdowne MSS., vol. L, p. 80.

SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION

143

West Florida during the latter half of this period , possible
plans for an attack in case war should be declared. u

In 1770 the cherished opportunity seemed to have ar-
rived. In that year the dispute between England and
Spain over the possession of certain of the Falkland Islands ,
lying near the Strait of Magellan, brought the two nations
to the verge of war.114 Hillsborough evidently expected
war, for in January, 1771 , he communicated secret instruc-
tions to Gage in New York115 to mobolize an army and to
prepare for the invasion of Louisiana. He commissioned
Gage as commander of the invading forces and instructed
him to use his own judgment as to the time and method of
attack. Gage replied116 that he would at once assemble a
body of troops and prepare for the invasion. He further

113 Hamilton, Colonial Mobile, 2-29. The English officers in
West Florida were instructed to inform Gage as to the number of troops
and inhabitants the Spaniards might bring to Louisiana, and whether
any of the old French colonial troops entered the Spanish service, Gage
to Brigadier Taylor, June 10, 1766; B. M. Add. MSS., 21, 662, fol.
214. In 1767, General Haldimand sent Captain Marsh from Pensacola
to New Orleans to make a special inquiry relative to the British trade,
the disposition of the French and Acadians towards the Spanish, and
the treatment of the Indians and French by the Spaniards, J. Marsh to
Haldimand, November 20, 1767, ibid., 21, 728. The keenest interest
was always taken in the movements of the Spanish, especially with ref-
erence to how many troops were to be sent up the Mississippi and how
many and what ports on that river were to be garrisoned. See for ex-
ample, Captain Innis to Haldimand, October n, 1769, Can. Arch.,
series B, vol. 69, p. 60. Haldimand wrote to Gage, June 12, 1770,
that " although on the one hand the military Force, which you are in-
formed General O'Reilly intends to leave in the Colony, is too small to
create much alarm, yet on the other the appointment of a Company of
French under the Command of an Active French Officer for the upper
Posts of the Mississippi is a circumstance that wears a suspicious appear-
ance." P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 126.

1U Hunt, Pol. Hist, of £ng., X, 112-114.

118 January 2, 1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 127. See Docu-
mentary Appendix, no. 3.

118 Gage to Hillsborough, April 2, 1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 127. See Documentary Appendix, no. 4.

144 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

declared his intention of approaching Louisiana and New
Orleans by way of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, and
actually sent reinforcements to Fort de Chartres.117 Soon
after the despatch of Hillsborough, however, Spain acceded
to the demands of England, and the attack upon New
Orleans was given up. 118

In conclusion it may be observed that after 1768 the
attention of those most interested in the colonizing of
Illinois was turned in another direction. In that year, at
the treaty of Fort Stanwix, the boundary line between the
Indians and the whites was determined, thus opening for
settlement a large tract of land in the region south of the
Ohio River. There was formed in the same year a com-
pany, called the Walpole or Vandalia Company, for the
purpose of establishing a colony there. Although Hills-
borough again opposed the scheme, he was overruled, and
the grant was made. But the Revolution put an end to
further progress in the scheme. In the Illinois country
there was another revival of land speculation in 1773,
which, however, was simply an attempt of individuals and
companies to purchase large tracts of land from the Indians
without applying to the crown, a proceeding manifestly
contrary to the proclamation of I763.119

117 " I have advices that the Artillery and Stores sent down the Ohio
for Fort Chartres, have got into the Mississippi, and were going up to
the Fort. The prospect of a war with Spain could not be concealed,
for the news had been conveyed by many hands." Gage to Hills-
borough, August 6, 1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 127.

118 Gage to Hillsborough, March 7, 1771, ibid.

119 It is of interest to note that in 1770, Dr. Connolly, a nephew of
George Croghan, and a prominent land speculator in the West, pro-
posed to George Washington that a colony ought to be erected south of
the Ohio River, " to be bounded ... by the Ohio northward, and
westward, the ridge that divides the waters of the Tennessee or Chero-
kee River southward and westward, and a line to be run from the falls
of Ohio, or above, so as to cross the Shawna River above the fork of
it". " Washington's Tour on the Ohio ", Writings, ed. Ford, II, 315,

CHAPTER VII.

THE STRUGGLE FOR A CIVIL GOVERNMENT, 1770-1774.

THE action of Commandant Wilkins in abolishing the
court of judicatory and in assuming again all judicial
powers, l aroused the French people in Illinois to take a
decided stand for their rights. From this time they ceased
to depend on their English associates, whose actions were
often inspired by selfish motives, and who were frequently
connected with the speculative schemes of the eastern
merchants for exploiting the country by means of American
settlers. The French people perceived that their interests
would not be subserved by such measures, and that they
might fulfill by themselves along different lines what had
been in the minds of the English speculators. Under the
administration of Lord Hillsborough, the great opponent of
western expansion, restriction seemed to have become a
permanent policy, and by 1770 many of the English
traders, who had been interested in the promoters' schemes,
had become disheartened and were leaving Illinois. The
plan of a French colony appeared to be justified, however,
by the actual settlements in existence, and the French
leaders might reasonably hope that, proper representations
being made to the ministry, no opposition to the creation

1 See above, ch. IV, p. 72. Regular sessions of a court were held
from July, 1770, to January 30, 1773, but there were no regular judges,
and the judgments were those of the military commandants, see MS.
Court Record (Chester, Illinois).

145

146 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

of a French colonial government on the Mississippi would be
met.

It was with this idea in mind that the leaders of the
French inhabitants called an assembly on August 24, 1770,
shortly after the downfall of the court.2 Daniel Bloiiin, a
citizen of Kaskaskia, was chosen to go to New York and
explain the situation to General Gage.5 He took with him
a document enumerating some of the grievances of the
people against the military commandant and certain of the
English merchants,4 and instructions to use all possible
efforts to obtain the promise of a civil government for the
country.5 The French people had thus advanced beyond
their position of 1768," and, without the assistance of the
resident English,7 had assumed the initiative in a new
movement for the extension of civil rights to the colony.

The French agent, Daniel Bloiiin, chose as an associate
in this mission William Clazon, a Frenchman with some
understanding of English usages.8 Arriving in New York

8 MS. Court Record, p. 108.

*Ibid.t p. 107; Hamilton to Gage, August 8, 1772, P. R. O., Am.
and W. I., vol. 128; Gage to Dartmouth, January 6, 1773, ibid.

*Gage to Hillsborough, August 6, 1771* ibid.t\o\. 127; Gage to
Dartmouth, January 6, 1773, ibid.,vo\. 128; Bloiiin to Dartmouth, Oc-
tober 6, 1773, B- T- Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XXXI.

5 He was authorized "a faire toutes les Demarches legitimes qui '1
conviendera de faire en notre nom pour tacher d'obtenir de son Excel-
lence Monsieur le Major General Thomas Gage . . . le redressement
de nos Griefs, et Prier sa ditte Excellence . . . d' enterceder Pour
nous aupres de sa Majeste afin d'en obtenir 1'Establissement du
Gouvernement Civil . . . ): MS. Court Record, p. 107.

6 See above, ch. IV, p. 60.

7 There is no trace of Morgan in Illinois after 1770. Many others
left about the same time, see Gage to Dartmouth, May 5, 1773, P. R.
O., Am. and W. I., vol. 128.

8Gage to Hillsborough, August 6, 1771, ibid., vol. 127. Clazon's
name does not appear as a resident of the Illinois villages, nor has his
name been located in the Canadian genealogical registers. For Gage's
estimate of Clazon see below, p. 151.

STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL GOVERNMENT 147

in 1771, they presented their credentials and memorial to
General Gage on July pth,9 and prayed that a civil govern-
ment be established in the Illinois country. Although their
reception was not very favorable, Gage finally did demand
an outline of their plan.10 The agents set to work to pro-
duce a draft of government " — Gage speaks of it as a rough

9Bloiiin to Dartmouth, October 6, 1773, B- T- Papers (Hist. Soc.
Pa.), vol. XXXI. The exact date of their departure from Illinois and
arrival in New York does not appear. September 3, 1770, Bloiiin
gave power of attorney to continue during his absence to Joseph
Charleville, his father-in-law, Louis Viviat, and Pierre Girardot, Kas-
kaskia Record Book, British Period. He was still in Illinois in No-
vember, 1770, for in that month he acted as attorney for Viviat, ibid.,
p. 171. It is probable that they arrived in New York in the early
summer of 1771.

10 Gage to Dartmouth, January 6, 1773, P» R- O-> Am. an^ W. I.,
vol. 128.

11 This episode has been discussed by several writers. In Hist, of U.
S., IV, 741, Bancroft states that the people of Illinois met together and
prepared a plan of government, providing for institutions like those of
Connecticut, which was forwarded by them to General Gage through
their agent Daniel Bloiiin. This, however, is an error. In detailing
the account of his negotiations with the agents, Gage declared that " he
[Bloiiin] presented me memorials that related solely to complaints of
which he desired redress, but delivered no memorials containing propo-
sitions for the forming of a Civil Constitution which from the contents
of my Dispatch, Your Lordship was led to conclude I had received
from him. The people's wishes or desires of a Civil Government be-
ing however, mentioned, gave occasion to my sending afterwards to
Mr. Bloiiin and his associate Mr. Clazon to know what kind of Gov-
ernment the people expected and w'd be satisfied with . . . ; and re-
ceived for answer that it would require a great deal of time to form a
plan of the kind." He then asked for a brief outline of their plan,
and they drew up a " rough sketch ", Gage to Dartmouth, January 6,
1773, P- R- O-» Am. and W. I., vol. 128. This letter was in answer
to that of John Pownall, one of the under secretaries, who wrote on
October 7, 1772: " I think it necessary in the absence of Lord Dart-
mouth who is at present in the Country, to acquaint you that your Dis-
patch No. 76, has been received and laid before the King, but the
regulations for a Civil Government proposed by the Inhabitants of the
Illinois . . . were not included in your Packet." Ibid., and Dart-
mouth Papers, Fourteenth Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Comm., Ap-
pendix X, 98. Gage answered Pownall as follows: " You had good

I48 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

outline — which was probably the work of Clazon, for the
model of the proposed government was the constitution of
Connecticut,12 the most liberal of the eastern colonies, of
which the average Illinois Frenchman could have known
nothing.

Such a proposition was naturally rejected by the gen-
eral,13 who, in order to gain more information concerning
their actual sentiments, and to discredit, if possible, the
two representatives,14 directed Major Hamilton, the acting
commandant in Illinois, to sound the people as to their

Reasons from my Letter and the Extract inclosed, to suppose that there
had been an Omission in not transmitting the said Proposals of the In-
habitants, but I never received them from Monsieur Bloiiin and I ex-
plain that matter by this Opportunity to the Earl of Dartmouth." Jan-
uary 6, 1773, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 128. Bancroft's error
has been repeated by Mason, Chapters from III. Hist., 282, and by
Parrish, Historic III., 158.

12 Gage to Dartmouth, January 6, 1773, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 128.

13 " It cannot be suggested that a regular Constitutional Government
can be established amongst a people who are settled and scattered in a
far distant desert . . . They don't deserve so much attention or ex-
pence ..." Gage to Hillsborough, March 4, 1772, Sparks MSS.,
XLIII, vol. 3, p. 164. "They were told propositions of that sort
would not be received, and that I would not confer with them on the
Subject of a Government to be so constituted." Gage to Dartmouth,
January 6, 1773, **• R- O., Am. and W. I., vol. 128. The proposal
would have met the same fate had it been carried to the ministry, for
upon hearing of the movement, Secretary Hillsborough, just before his
retirement, wrote to Gage: "Some arrangements for the Inhabitants
of the Illinois Country may be necessary, but as I agree with you in
opinion that a regular Constitutional Government for that District
would be highly improper, I am not without apprehension that any
Plan, however limited, may be wrested [sic] to bad purposes, and will
in a greater or less degree operate to fix what we both think it would
be better to remove." July I, 1772, Sparks MSS., LXIII, vol. 3,
p. 165.

u " These two people have been a long time here, and are not to be
relied on", Gage to Haldimand, June 3, 1773, Can. Arch., series B,
vol. 5, p. 142. See also Gage to Hillsborough, September 2, 1772,
P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 127, and Gage to Haldimand, January
5, 1774, B. M., Haldimand Papers, Corr. with Gage, 1758-1777,
vol, IV,

STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL GOVERNMENT 149

wishes.15 The commandant was likewise requested to cir-
culate among the French a plan of government draughted
by Gage himself,16 which if endorsed by them, might be

15 Gage to Hillsborough, April 13, 1772, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 127.

16 The current opinion has been that Lord Dartmouth, who succeeded
Hillsborough as secretary for the colonies in August, 1772, drew up the
sketch and forwarded it through Gage to Illinois. Bancroft, Hist, of
U. S., IV, 472, says that Dartmouth "censured the ideas of the in-
habitants of the Illinois District with regard to a Civil Constitution . . .
and rejected their proposition to take some part in the election of their
rulers ... A plan of Government was therefore prepared of great sim-
plicity, leaving all power with the executive officers of the crown, ..."
" Dartmouth prepared and forwarded to Illinois what he called a ' Sketch
of Government for Illinois'", Mason, Chapters from III. Hist., 283.
" His [Hillsborough's] successor, Lord Dartmouth, took a similar view,
and immediately drew up what he termed ' A Sketch of Government
for Illinois ', and returned it with his compliments, into the western wil-
derness ..." Parrish, Historic III., 159. The statements quoted
are quite inaccurate. Gage wrote to Hillsborough April 13, 1772, as
follows: " The Officer commanding at the Illinois . . . is directed to
sound the sentiments of the people on the subject of a Civil Govern-
ment ... I sent him a Sketch of what I proposed which I have now
the honour to transmit Your Lordship, with a list of the Officers of Gov-
ernment and their respective Salarys." P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 128. There is an abstract (in English) of the sketch in the Public
Record Office, endorsed as having been inclosed in Gage's letter of
the 13 of April. On July I Gage reported to the secretary that he
" had not yet received an answer concerning the Government pro-
posed to the Inhabitants of Illinois", ibid. In the summer of 1773
Gage was summoned to England to give the government informa-
tion on colonial affairs and General Haldimand was left in charge of
the American army and of the West. October 6, 1773, Bloiiin wrote
to Dartmouth from New York: "That worthy general had scarcely
departed from America, when a secret Enemy to his Glory . . . found
means to cause the Inhabitants of the Illinois to be assembled by the
Commanding Officer there, and presented with an anonymous Writ-
ing, which, they were told, came from the General, and a Plan of
the Form of Government, which they were requested to solicit through
his Intercession." B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XXXI. A
few weeks later he again wrote to Dartmouth : "I have delivered to
Gen'l Haldimand a literal Copy of the Sketch I mentioned to your
Lordship in the letter of which I now enclose the duplicate with another
Copy and translation of that Sketch." November 4, 1773, P. R. O. ,
Am. and W. I., vol. 128. It is curious that Bancroft should have
made the mistake, since he refers to other portions of this letter in his
text, and there is among his manuscripts a copy of the letter. Note

150 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

granted by the ministry. The plan " contained some pop-
ular elements, but provided also for certain appointive
officers — a governor of the district, and a magistrate for
each of the villages of Kaskaskia and Cahokia, and one for
the three remaining villages. A grand council was to be
formed, consisting of the governor, and five or six coun-
cilors elected by the inhabitants. In minor civil and crim-
inal cases the individual magistrates were to have jurisdic-
tion. The " Chamber of Kaskaskia " was the next higher
court, consisting of three magistrates sitting together.
From this court an appeal might be taken to the grand
council, whose decision was to be final. The governor and
council were also to legislate for the better government of

also the following extract of a letter from Gage to Haldimand, written
from London, January 5, 1774: " The Paper given you by Bloiiin and
Clajon, is an exact Copy of that I sent to the Illinois, for the Com-
mandant to show the Inhabitants, and endeavour to persuade them to
petition for a Government of that Nature." B. M., Haldimand Papers,
Corr. with Gage, 1758-1777, vol. IV. For another declaration from
Gage as to his part, see Gage to Haldimand, June 3, 1773, Can. Arch.,
series B, vol. 5, p. 142. It may be observed further that when the sketch
of government was drawn up and sent to Illinois, Lord Dartmouth had
nothing to do with American affairs. He did not take charge of the
colonial office until August, 1772. See Appendix to Hunt's Pol. Hist,

°f E*S-» X, 473-

17 The original sketch, in French, unsigned and undated, is among
the Kaskaskia Papers. There is also a copy in the British Museum,
Add. MSS., 21,687, subscribed to by a notary public in Kaskaskia,
June 13, 1773, and by William Clazon in New York, November 2,
1773. It is endorsed, however, as being a " Memoire des Habitants
des Illinois, qui fut presente par Mess. Bloiiin et Clargeon." This
copy had been sent by the inhabitants of Illinois to their representatives
in New York, according to the letter of Bloiiin to Dartmouth cited
above in note 9, and was placed by them in Haldimand's hands. The
endorsement is evidently the work of a clerk, who did not understand
the situation, and has caused one or two errors to be made. In the
calendar of Haldimand Papers, Can. Arch. Rept., 1885, 203, the
document is described as a '' Memorial of the inhabitants of the Illinois
for a Civil Government, presented by Messrs. Bloiiin and Clargeon, on
the 3rd of November, 1773 (in French)." Coffin, The Province of
Quebec and the Early Am. Rev., 417, n. 2, takes the statement in the
Can. Arch. Rept. in good faith.

STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL GOVERNMENT 151

the country, regulate fees for the support of the courts, and
fines for certain crimes, which, with confiscations, were to
be applied to the extra expenses of the government. The
estimated expense of the proposed government was three
hundred and nine pounds, seven shillings sterling per
annum.18

In pursuance of Gage's orders Commandant Hamilton
convened the principal inhabitants of the village in the sum-
mer of 1772, and addressed them on the subject of a civil
government.19 " They were very high on the Occasion",
however, and " expected to appoint their Governor and all
other Civil Magistrates." 20 Upon being requested to draw
up their plan in writing and sign it, the French informed
Hamilton that they had deputed Daniel Bloiiin to represent
them before General Gage, and that until they could learn
what success he had met with, they would give no definite
answer.21

A few weeks later Gage transmitted to Secretary Hills-
borough the following account of the negotiations up to that
time : ' ' An answer has been returned to the Proposals sent
to the Illinois for the arrangements for that Country with
an Account of the motives the people of those Settlements
have formed of a Civil Government ; which I transmit your
Lordship in the inclosed Extract of a Letter from Major
Hamilton. Those ideas were given them by the Mons.
Blotiin mentioned in the Major's Letter, or rather an asso-
ciate of his named Clajon, a Frenchman by birth, an ad-

18 " Civil Officers for the Illinois", in General Gage's of April 13,
1772, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 127. In this memorandum Gage
suggested that the governor receive 182 pounds sterling per annum, each
of the magistrates 800 French livres, and a secretary to the governor
and council and keeper of the records 500 livres.

19 Hamilton to Gage, August 8, 1772, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 127.

*/#</.

152 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 2763-1774

venturer, artful and intelligent, who, after passing some
years in these Colonies went to the Spanish side of the Mis-
sissippi and during his residence in the Colonies, he learnt
the English language and got a shallow knowledge of our
Laws. Those two People came to me from the Illinois
about twelve Months ago ; but from their character , the
disturbance they had occasioned in the Country, and the
extravagant proposals they brought, I refused to enter into
any Conference with them on subjects that had relation to
Civil Government."22

Although Gage apparently gave the French leaders little
encouragement, they had hope that in time some sort of
civil government would be established. During the visit of
the French representatives in New York there was published
in Philadelphia, in 1772, a pamphlet entitled " Invitation
Serieuse aux Habitants des Illinois ", which emanated from
some member of the French party seeking a new govern-
ment.23 The writer of this French tract urged his neighbors
in Illinois to shake off the lethargy which had so long en-
veloped them, and win economic independence for the col-
ony. They were urged to follow the example of their en-
terprizing friends who lived among them. He argued that
if the British government had fully understood the situation
of the Illinois French who had not as yet enjoyed any ben-

22 September 2, 1772, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 127. Gage
further declares that " Clazon is the chief mover, and puts all into the
mouth of Bloiiin, and since his residence in our Provinces is become a
mere Republican." Gage to Haldimand, January 5, 1774, B. M.,
Haldimand Papers, Add. MSS., 21,655. ^n a letter to Haldimand, June
3» J773> Gage wrote : " They [Bloiiin and Clazon] shewed me a Sketch
of a Republican Government two years ago, which they were told
would not be received." Can. Arch., series B, vol. 5, p. 142.

23 See reprint of this pamphlet in Publications of Club for Colonial
Reprints, IV, with introduction and notes by C. W. Alvord and C. E.
Carter, wherein an attempt is made to trace its authorship to Bloiiin
and Clazon.

STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL GOVERNMENT 153

efits from becoming English subjects, it would long since
have granted them a civil government. He also prophesied
that in a short time the right to enjoy their religion would
be confirmed and a civil government established.

The French party failed, however, to obtain a government
along the lines applied for.24 Not only was Lord Hillsborough
opposed to it, but his successer Lord Dartmouth declared
himself against such a popular form of government. Writ-
ing to Gage March 3, 1772, he explained his position:
' ' The Propositions toward forming a Government for the
Illinois Country, suggested to you long ago by the Inhabi-
tants of that District were certainly in the outline of them
too absurd and extravagant to afford the least ground for
consideration." 25

The attention of the authorities had been called, how-
ever, to the needs of the Illinois villages : indeed for a num-
ber of years considerable thought had been given to their
disposition. The idea was at times advanced of removing

2i Compare this movement with the proposals of Major Robert Rogers
to erect a civil government at Michilimakinac in 1767. In a long re-
port on Indian and trade conditions at the northern post Major Rogers
declares that the only remedy for existing evils is to establish a govern-
ment there. He proposes that " Michillimackinac and its depend-
encies, should be erected into a Civil Government; with a Governer,
Lieutenant Governer, and a Council, of Twelve; chose out of the
Principal Merchants, that carry on this valuable branch of Trade [fur-
trade] with Power to enact, such Laws as may be necessary and these
be transmitted to the king, etc., for Approbation: That the Governer,
should be Agent for the Indians, and Commandant of the Troops, that
may be ordered to Garrison the Fort ..." In a closing paragraph
he says: "Whereas by the propos'd Plan, all are under a Civil Power
and ye Gov. Commandant of the Troops, and Agent to the Indians —
Which wou'd cause every Branch to be countenanc'd for the mutual
safety of each other." "Journal of Major Rogers' Proceedings with
the Indians at the Garrison of Michilimakinac from May the 24th to
July 23d, 1767", MS. in Am. Antiq. Soc. Lib.

25 Dartmouth to Gage, March 3, 1773, B. M., Haldimand Papers,
Add. MSS., 21,697. For the same opinion, see same to same, Novem-
ber 4, 1772, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 128.

154 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

all the inhabitants from Illinois to Canada.26 Although this
was deemed impracticable,27 it may nevertheless be said that
the government was thoroughly anxious to reach a satisfac-
tory solution of the problem. Secretary Hillsborough was
fully aware of the situation and was awakened to the neces-
sity of taking some steps, for in 1769 he declared that " if
the case of these settlements had been well known or under-
stood at the time of forming the conquered Lands into
Colonies, some provision would have been made for them,
and they would have been erected into distinct Govern-
ments or made dependent upon those Colonies of which
they were either the offspring, or with which they did by
circumstances and situation, stand connected. I shall not
fail, therefore, to give this matter the fullest consideration
when the business of the Illinois Country is taken up."28
We find his successor, Lord Dartmouth, expressing the
opinion in 1772 that the " state of the Illinois District ap-
pears to me in every light in which it is viewed to require a
very serious consideration, and I will not fail to collect as
soon as possible those informations which may enable me
to form a judgment, as well of the arrangements which have
been already made respecting that Country, as of those
which may be further necessary, considering it in a light of
a Colony of the King's subjects."29 And more emphati-
cally still a little later he wrote : "It has always appeared,

26 Hillsborough to Gage, December 4, 1771, P. R. O., Am. and W.
I., vol. 127; Gage to Hillsborough, March 4, 1772, Sparks MSS.,
XLIII, vol. 3, p. 165.

27 " I fear there are but too many obstacles to such a measure, and
therefore it will be the more necessary to consider whether any per-
manent plan ought to be adopted ." Hillsborough to Gage, December
4, 1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 126.

28 Letter to Gage, December 9, 1769, ibid., vol. 124.
a* Letter to Gage, November 4, ibia., vol. 128.

STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL GOVERNMENT 155

and does still appear to me, that if those Inhabitants have
(as I conceive they have) a Right, under the Treaty of
Paris to continue in their possessions, it is both dangerous
and disgraceful to leave that District without such Regula-
tions as may on the one hand insure to the Inhabitants that
Protection in their Civil Rights which they are entitled to
expect, as on the other hand to secure their Allegiance as
Subjects. I shall, therefore, think it my Duty to make this
an Object of my attention."30

In the meantime events were taking place in Illinois
which changed somewhat the attitude of the people. Under
the administration of Wilkins the people had evidently suf-
fered a good many indignities. Moreover, at the begin-
ning of his regime we have seen that he did not look with
disfavor upon the questionable operations of one of the
great trading companies in Illinois , inasmuch as his private
interests were being subserved at the same time. But
eventually his connection with Baynton, Wharton and
Morgan was broken, and party factions began to form.
From 1770 to 1772 the whole country was apparently
torn by party strife.31 Wilkins also attempted to enrich
himself at the expense of the government by falsify-
ing his accounts and by misappropriating large sums of
money.8'2 Finally the officers of his regiment preferred

30 Letter to Gage, March 3, 1773, B. M., Add. MSS., 21,697.

81 " There has been a strange work at Illinois, very bad Proceedings
carried on — indeed most shameful ones. A Quarrel amongst them has
laid open scandalous Scenes, and able is Faction." Gage to Haldi-
mand, September 13, 1771, ibid., 21,655.

82 Engineer Hutchins to Captain Sowers, April 8, 1771, ibid.; Gage
to Haldimand, September 13, 1771, ibid.', Gage to Wilkins, Septem-
ber 16, 1771, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 5, p. 50; Captain Sowers to
Gage, September 17, 1771, ibid.; Gage to Haldimand, June 9, 1772,
ibid., p. 103. For a denial by Wilkins see Wilkins to Gage, April 7,
1772, ibid., p. 76.

156 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

serious charges against him,33 and he was dismissed from
the service in September, I772.34 His successor, however,
did not arrive until the following spring, after which Wil-
kins sailed for England.35 Major Isaac Hamilton took
charge of the fort temporarily,36 but was relieved in a few
weeks by Captain Hugh Lord,37 who took up his post at
Fort Gage, near Kaskaskia, because Commandant Hamil-
ton,38 acting under orders from Gage,39 had destroyed Fort
de Chartres on account of the ravages of the Mississippi
River.40 During the next two years the relation between

83 Gage to Haldimand, September I, 1773, B. M., Add. MSS.,
21,655.

84 Gage to Haldimand, September 13, 1771, ibid.

35 Haldimand to Gage, July 14, 1772, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 5,
p. 109.

36 Gage to Hillsborough, July i, 1772, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 128. There is but one document, aside from a letter, in which
Hamilton signs himself as commandant in Illinois. June 6, 1772, he
approves the decision of an arbitration court, Kaskaskia Record Book,
p. 1 80.

37 Gage to Hillsborough, September 2, 1772, P. R. O., Am. and W.
I., vol. 128.

"Thomas Willing to Haldimand, July 6, 1772, B. M., Add. MSS.,
21,721; Gage to Hillsborough, September 2, 1772, P. R. O., Am. and
W. I., vol. 128; Gage to Johnson, September 4, 1772, General Gage's
Letters, Harvard College Library; Gage to Haldimand, June 3, 1773,
Can. Arch., series B, vol. 5, p. 142.

39 Cabinet Minute, December I, 1771, Dartmouth Papers, Fourteenth
Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Commission, Appendix X, 81; Hillsborough
to Gage, December 4, 1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 127; Gage
to Hillsborough, March 4, 1772, Sparks MSS., XLIII, vol. 3, p.
165; Gage to Haldimand, March 16, 1772, Can. Arch., series B, vol.
5, p. 73; Gage to Hillsborough, April 13, 1772, P. R. O., Am. and
W. I., vol. 128. The current opinion has heretofore been that the
Mississippi floods destroyed the fort. See any State history for state-
ment to that effect.

40 For an account of the anxiety felt for the security of the fort, and
of the various attempts to secure it, see Wilkins to Gage, September 13,
1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 124; Gage to Hillsborough,
January 6, 1770, ibid., vol. 126; same to same, December 7, 1770,
ibid.', Hillsborough to Gage, February u, 1771, ibid., vol. 127; same
to same, July 3, 1771, ibid.

STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL GOVERNMENT 157

commandant and people was greatly altered. Captain
Lord entered upon a policy of conciliation, and in a short
time won the confidence and respect of the inhabitants,41
with the result that their clamor for a change of government
was considerably minimized. The tact which he displayed
in his relations with the French, and his boldness in deal-
ing with the Indian nations42 likewise elicited the com-
mendation both of the commanding general and of the
home authorities.43 The abuses and disorders of previous
years had been largely a matter of controversy and mutual
accusation, but with the removal of Wilkins, and the ejec-

41 See for example, letter of Daniel Bloiiin to Dartmouth, October 6,

1773, wherein he speaks of Captain Lord as acting " so fairly ", B. T.
Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XXXI. The Kaskaskia Records show
no evidence of the least hostility to Lord, and the official correspon-
dence likewise reveals no proof of friction.

42 The period from 1772 to 1774 was a critical one in Indian affairs
throughout the West. In 1774 occurred the Dunmore War, involving
the borders of Pennsylvania and Virginia, and at the same time all the
western Indians were extremely uneasy. Murders and raids were es-
pecially frequent in Illinois. For illustrations of this and of Com-
mandant Lord's conduct, see Lord to Gage, April 20, 1772, Can.
Arch., series B, vol. 27, p. 204; Letter of Charles Stuart, May I, 1772,
tbid., vol. 12, p. 118; Gage to Hillsborough, May 6, 1772, P. R. O.,
Am. and W. I., vol. 128; Gage to Johnson, May 12, 1772, General
Gage's Letters, Harvard College Library; Hamilton to Stuart, May 29,
1772, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 12, p. 75; Lord to Stuart, May 30,

1772, ibid., p. 77; Gage to Johnson, September 4, 1772, General
Gage's Letters; Dartmouth to Gage, November 4, 1772, P. R. O.,
Am. and W. I., vol. 128; Gage to Johnson, December 15, 1772,
General Gage's Letters; Gage to Johnson, March 31, 1773, ibid.;
same to same, April 25, 1773, ibid.; Lord to Gage, April 20, 1773,
B. M., Add. MSS., 21,687; Gage to Dartmouth, June 2, 1773, P. R.
O., Am. and W. I., vol. 128; Haldimand to Gage, August 31, 1773,
Can. Arch., series B, vol. 5, p. 182; Haldimand to Dartmouth, August
31, 1773, B. M., Add. MSS., 21,695; Dartmouth to Johnson, Decem-
ber i, 1773, N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 404; letter to Gage, July 3,

1774, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 5, p. 280; letter to Charles Stuart,
July 22, 1774, ibid., vol. 12, p. 388.

4SGage to Dartmouth, February 8, 1773, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 128; same to same, May 5, 1773, ibid.; same to same, June 2,

1773, ibid.; Dartmouth to Haldimand, December I, 1773, Johnson
MSS., vol. XXV.no. 221.

158 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

tion from the country of the English and French concerned
in the disputes,44 complaints became less frequent.45

The government was anxious, nevertheless, to displace
the military government by one more suited to the needs
of the people. Although the constitution proposed by the
French representatives was not acceptable, the authorities
were willing to establish one along the lines suggested by
Gage in I772,46 which was certainly an improvement over
the military government and over the system under which
they had lived during the French regime. Gage ordered
the commandant, therefore, to give the people another trial
and to intimate to them that their request for a govern-
ment of such a character would be favorably received,
provided their petition be forwarded from Illinois through
the regular military channels.47 But the changed condi-
tion of things in Illinois had brought about a feeling of

"Gage to Haldimand, May 5, 1773, P. R. O., Am. and W. I.,
vol. 128.

45 Ibid.

46 " A Civil Establishment at the Ilinois has been very long an object
of consideration; and as I have comprehended the matter, the only
obstacle towards the completion of it, has been the Difficulty of form-
ing a Government of small Expence, and suitable to their Situation and
Circumstances." Gage to Dartmouth, May 5, 1773, ibid. "There
have been Thoughts of a Civil Government at the Ilinois, if the people
should desire one in such a Form as His Majesty could grant and suit-
able to their situation." Gage to Haldimand, June 3, 1773, Can.
Arch., series B, vol. 5, p. 142.

i7 " I have . . . wrote to the Commanding Officer at Kaskaskies to
desire he would confer again with the people of the Ilinois on the sub-
ject of a Civil Government, and endeavour to prevail on them to send,
thro' him, some reasonable proposals on that head ..." Gage to
Dartmouth, April 7, 1773, P- R- O., Am. and W. I., vol. 128.
" Captain Lord has again Orders to try the people on the Subject and
to prevail on them to apply properly through their Commanding Offi-
cer." Gage to Haldimand, June 3, 1773, Can. Arch., series B, vol.
5, p. 142. Gage further says that he "gave the Inhabitants of that
Country to Understand I should receive no Proposals but through their
Commander". Gage to Haldimand, January 5, 1774, B. M., Add.
MSS., 21,665.

STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL GOVERNMENT 159

indifference towards the whole question. In a report to
General Haldimand, the acting commander-in-chief in
1773, Commandant Lord wrote that "The Inhabitants
have given me no answer on the subject of a Civil Es-
tablishment." "I believe", he continued, "the appre-
hension they have of losing all the Troops should the Civil
Government be fixed makes them so inactive in the matter.
The little money that circulates now comes first from the
Troops. Should they be recalled, the inhabitants hav-
ing no market for their Property, would soon be reduced to
the most miserable situation in life." 48 There is no evi-
dence that any further interest was taken in the subject by
the inhabitants themselves. 49

48 September 3, 1773, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 31, p. 7.

49 This is somewhat contrary to the current view. Bancroft says on
this point : " It was on the fourth of November that the fathers of the
Commonwealth of Illinois, through their agent Daniel Bloiiin, for-
warded their indignant protest against the proposed form, which they
rejected as oppressive and absurd ; much worse than any of the French
or even the Spanish Colonies; . . . ' Should a Government so evi-
dently tyranical be established ' , such was their language to the British
minister, ' it could be of no long duration; there would exist the neces-
sity of its being abolished'." Hist, of U. S., ed. 1854, VI, 472.
Mason, Chapters from III. Hist,, 283, and, quite recently, Parrish,
Historic III., have enlarged upon the story. They declare that, in a
public meeting, and under the leadership of Daniel Bloiiin, a protest
was drawn up by the inhabitants against the plan proposed by the gov-
ernment, and forwarded to Lord Dartmouth. This is a myth, pure and
simple. Bancroft's original statement is based upon a letter written to
Dartmouth by Bloiiin, dated at New York, November 4, 1773. From
this letter Bancroft extracted the detached phrases regarding the op-
pression, etc., of the plan quoted in his statement. A careful reading
of the whole letter indicates, however, that the sentiments expressed
are those of Bloiiin and Clazon, and not of the people of Illinois. For
this letter see P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 128. There is abso-
lutely no record to indicate that any public meeting was held in 1 773
to consider a government. Proof of the apathy of the people has
just been cited. Nor is there any evidence that Bloiiin was in Illi-
nois between 1771 and 1774. For evidence that he was in New York
or the East during this time, see Bloiiin to Dartmouth, October 6,
1773, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XXXI, and Haldimand to
Lord, October 13, 1773, B. M., Add. MSS., 21,693.

160 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

Another wave of land speculation 60 similar to that of
1766 occurred in 1773, when we find the organization of
the Illinois Land Company, composed chiefly of Philadel-
phians, and in 1775, upon the formation of the Wabash
Land Company. William Murray , representing the Illinois
Company, purchased from the Indians in 1773 one large
tract of land on the Illinois River, and another south of
Kaskaskia on the Ohio, both of which the company pur-
posed to colonize. Later the Wabash Company, through
its agent Viviat, an Illinois Frenchman, purchased tracts
on the Wabash River. These purchases were in direct
contravention of the proclamation of 1763, and, although
the purchasers exhibited the opinions of Lord Camden and
Chancellor York to the effect that such transactions were
valid, 51 the government through General Gage annulled the

50 The following extract from a letter of Gage is of interest in this
connection: "There have many reports spread through America con-
cerning New Governments on the Ohio and the Mississippi, and a Book
called Political Essays has been lately published in London, wherein
the Author treats largely of the Colonies. He finds great fault with
England for Colonizing in the Manner she has done in the Northern
Provinces, and blames the Ministers for not endeavouring to remedy
past Errors, by opening new Tracts of fertile Lands to the Westward,
to tempt the Northern People to move thither; and talks of the great
advantage to be obtained by establishing new Governments . . . He
advances many things as Facts, which we all know to be absolute
Falsehoods." Letter to Haldimand, May 18, 1772, B. M., Add.
MSS., 21,693. Gage refers doubtless to Political Essays concerning
the Present State of the British Empire, etc. Under section IV, " De-
fects in the Establishment of the Colonies and the means of Remedying
them ", he treats of the desirability of settlements on the Mississippi
and Ohio. He criticises severely the proclamation of 1763 restricting
settlements east of the Alleghany Mountains. James Adair, another
contemporary writer, in an elaborate argument, censures the policy of
the English Government in refusing to found colonies and governments
in the West, on the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, where the surplus
population of England and the colonies might go, History of the Amer-
ican Indian, 454-460.

51 Gage to Haldimand, February 2, 1774, Can. Arch., series B, vol.
5, p. 214; Lord to Gage, July 3, 1773, B. M., Add. MSS., 21,687.
For the opinion of York see B. M., Add. MSS., 21,687.

STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL GOVERNMENT 161

grants.52 This ended the successive attempts to create an
independent colony in the Illinois country.

In 1774 came the opportunity to make a final disposition
of the Illinois French. During the period under consid-
eration events had so shaped themselves in the neighboring
colony of Canada that the ministry was under the necessity
of reorganizing the government of that province. The
proclamation of 1763 had extended English law to Canada
with the result that the French inhabitants were subjected
to many hardships. Their grievances were now to be taken
into consideration by the government, and as the solution
of the western and Canadian problems seemed to be
closely connected, the two questions were taken up at the
same time. General Gage was summoned home in 1773,
and was directed to bring with him every paper relating to
the West which might tend to " explain as well the causes
as the effects " of the abuses and disorders in Illinois. w

54 For an account of the Illinois and Wabash land companies, see a
pamphlet published in Philadelphia in 1 796 entitled Account of the
Proceedings of the Illinois and Ouabache Land Companies. See also
memorials in American State Papers, Public Lands, vols. I and II.
The history of their operations may be traced in the following letters :
Lord to Haldimand, July 3, 1773, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 70, p.
132; Lord to Gage, July 3, 1773, Johnson MSS., vol. XXV, no. 211;
Johnson to Haldimand, September 30, 1773, B. M., Haldimand
Papers, Corr. with Sir William Johnson, 1759-1774; Haldimand to
Dartmouth, October 6, 1773, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 35; Haldi-
mand to Lord, October 10, 1773, ibid., p. no; Haldimand to John-
son, October 20, 1773, B.M., Haldimand Papers, Corr. with Sir William
Johnson, 1759-1774; Dartmouth to Haldimand, November I, 1773,
Can. Arch., series B, vol. 35, p. 52; Haldimand to Dartmouth, No-
vember 13, 1773, B. M., Haldimand Papers, Corr. with Lord Dart-
mouth, 1773-1775; Dartmouth to Haldimand, December i, 1773,
Johnson MSS., vol. XXV, no. 221; Haldimand to Dartmouth, Janu-
ary 5, 1774, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 35, p. 62; Dartmouth to Haldi-
mand, January 8, 1774, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 128; Haldi-
mand to Lord, March 9, 1774, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 33, p. 233;
Haldimand to Gage, March 4, 1774, B. M., Add. MSS., 21,655.

58 Dartmouth to Gage, March 3, 1773, B. M., Add. MSS., 21,697.
It was also decided to send an agent into the Illinois country for the

1 62 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774

As a result of his recommendations and of the investigations
of the ministry the Quebec Act of 1774 was enacted,54 ac-
cording to the provisions of which the entire Northwest was
included within the limits of the province of Quebec.55 In
the instructions issued to the governor of Canada in January,
1 7 75, M we find provisions for the government of Illinois.
It was to be governed from Quebec, and a lieutenant-gov-
ernor or superintendent was to reside at Kaskaskia , 5T at
which place also a lower court of King's Bench was to be
established to cooperate with the superior courts of the
province in general.58

These arrangements were not put into execution, how-
ever, because of the outbreak of the American Revolution,
which absorbed the whole attention of both the home gov-
ernment and Canada. As early as January, 1774, the de-
tachment of troops had been ordered to leave Fort Gage,
and the allowance to the commanding officer discontinued.59

purpose of making an exact report of every phase of the western prob-
lem, including Indian affairs and the temper of the French inhabitants.
A Major Hay was selected for the mission. Dartmouth to Haldimand,
October 14, 1773, P- R- O-» Am. and W. I., vol. 128; Haldimand to
Dartmouth, March 2, 1774, B. M., Add. MSS., 21,695; Haldimand
to Johnson, April 7, 1774, ibid., 21,670; same to same, April 29,
1774, ibid.; letter to Robert Basset, April 30, 1774, Mich. Pioneer
and Hist. Colls., X, 260; Johnson to Haldimand, May 5, 1774, Can.
Arch., series B, vol. X, p. 165; Guy Johnson to Haldimand, August 20,
1774, Can. Arch., series B, vol. X, p. 178. The results of the mission,
however, do not appear.

54 Text of the Act in Can. Const. Docs., //J9-/79/, 401-405. This
volume also contains the various draughts of the bill. For the best
discussion of the act, see Coffin, Province of Quebec and the Early Am.
Rev., 275-562.

M Can. Const. Docs., ifjg-rfqi, 402.

68 Can. Arch. Report, 1904, 229-242.

w Ibid., 233. ** Ibia., 242.

"Barrington to Haldimand, February 2, 1774, B. M., Add. MSS.,
21,695. ^ee a'so " List of Officers who have commanded at the Out-
posts from 25th December 1772 to 24th December 1773 inclusive",
ibid., 21,696. Lord and a few of the soldiers did not, however, leave

STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL GOVERNMENJ 163

From this time on little or no attention was paid to western
affairs. Illinois was left in the hands of a Frenchman
named Roche blave, who acted as agent for the government
from 1776 to 1778. *° His best efforts to save the country
to Great Britain were, however, in vain. As the govern-
ment had ignored his call for troops, an American army
under George Rogers Clark easily effected the conquest of
Illinois, and the whole Northwest in 1778.

until the spring of 1776. There is evidence of this in A Narrative
of the Transactions, Imprisonment and Sufferings of John Connolly ',
an American Loyalist, 19-29, and in Carleton to Lord, July 19, 1776,
B. M., Add. MSS., 21,699.

^Alvord, ///. Hist. Colls., II, xxxi-xliii.

DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX.

I. MEMORIAL OF THE MISSISSIPPI COMPANY TO THE KING

AND RESOLUTIONS FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF

THE COMPANY.1

AT a meeting of the Mississippi Company at Belleview Sept.
9th, 1763.

Present,

Thomas Ludwell Lee Presly Thornton

George Washington James Douglas

Francis Lightfoot Lee William Fitzhugh, Sen.

Thomas Bullitt Henry Fitzhugh

Richard Henry Lee Francis Thornton

Anthony Stewart George Stimson

William Lee William Booth

John Aug. Washington William Brent

Charles Diggs Robert Brent

A Memorial to his Majesty being read, some amendments
made thereto, the same was agreed to and is as followeth :
To the King's most Excellent Majesty.
The Humble Memorial of Inhabitants of Great Britain, Vir-
ginia, Maryland, etc.

May it please Your Majesty,

The Memorialists considering it the duty of all good subjects
to improve to the utmost of their power the blessings of peace
and reflecting how this improvement may be best obtained by
the exertions of their abilities and the applications of their for-
tunes ; have proposed with the approbation and under the pro-
Chatham MSS., vol. 97, Public Record Office, London.

166 DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX

tection of Your Majesty to settle as speedily and as effectually
as possible, some part of that vast country on the Mississippi
and its waters ; now unquestionably your Majesty's territory by
the late Treaty of Peace.

The Increase of the people, the extension of trade and the
enlargement of the revenue are with certainty to be expected,
where the fertility of the soil, and mildness of the Climate in-
vite emigrants (provided they can obtain Lands on easy terms)
to settle and cultivate commodities most wanted by Great
Britain and which will bear the charges of a tedious naviga-
tion, by the high prices usually given for them, — such as Hemp,
Flax, Silk, Wine, Potash, Cochineal, Indigo, Iron, etc., by
which means the Mother Country will be supplied with many
necessary materials, that are now purchased of foreigners at a
very great expense. Especially naval stores so essential to the
very being of a commercial state, that it must index great re-
straints, in all transactions with those powers by whom they
are furnished. Whilst the inhabitants of the infant settlements,
finding their labor most profitably bestowed upon Agriculture
will not think of interfering with the Mother Country in Manu-
factures but afford a never failing demand for them.

To effect these good purposes the memorialists have formed
themselves into a Company by the name of the Mississippi
Company, that by a Union of their Councils and fortunes they
may in the most prudent and proper manner explore and as
quickly as possible settle that part of the Country hereafter
mentioned, if your Majesty shall be graciously pleased to in-
dulge them with these conditions.

ist That Your Majesty grant unto your memorialists, being
fifty in number by name of the Mississippi Company two mil-
lion five hundred thousand acres of Land on the Mississippi
and its waters, to be laid off within the following bounds begin-
ning upon the East side of the River Mississippi one hundred
and twenty miles above or to the northward of the confluence
of the River Ohio therewith. Thence by a line to strike the
River Wabash or St. Ireon eighty miles above its junction with

DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX 167

the River Ohio. Thence southerly crossing the River Ohio
one hundred and twenty miles above the union of the Ohio and
Wabash, and abutting on the main branch of the River Chero-
kee or Tennessee one hundred and fifty miles above the junc-
tion of Cherokee River with Ohio and proceeding thence
Westerly in a line to strike the River Mississippi ninety miles
below the union of Ohio with that River ; thence upon the said
River to the beginning.

2ly That your memorialists shall have liberty of holding
their lands twelve or any other larger number of years that
your Majesty shall approve (after a survey thereof shall have
been made and returned) clear of all composition money quit
rent or taxes. And that your memorialists within twelve
years shall be obliged to seat the said lands with two hundred
families, at the least, if not interrupted by the Savages, or any
Foreign Enemy, and to return the Survey thereof to such office
as your Majesty shall be pleased to direct, otherwise to forfeit
the grant, so to be made by your Majesty, and the said lands
liable to the entries of any other Adventurers.

The Memorialists humbly hope that Your Majesty may be
graciously moved to grant these favorable terms in considera-
tion of the heavy charges and great expences they must neces-
sarily incur, in the exploring, surveying and settling this dis-
tant Country and the great risk they will run of losing their
property, from their contiguity to the French and their prox-
imity to the Indian Nations. And because it has been proved
by experience, that large tracts of land taken up by Companies
may be retailed by them to Individuals, much cheaper than
they can obtain them immediately from the Crown, occasioned
by the charges arising from the solicitation of patents, making
surveys and other contingent expences. Besides the difficulty
the poorer sort are under from their ignorance of the proper
methods to be taken in solliciting patents as well as their in-
ability to advance ready money for such purposes. Whereas
from Companies they have only to receive their Conveyances,
without any previous Expence, credit given them to make their

1 68 DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX

payments, when by their industry they become enabled to
do so.

And though attempts to settle in this way have sometimes
miscarried, in the hands of Gentlemen possessed of afluent
fortunes, because of that indolence and inattention frequently
attending persons in such circumstances especially when not
excited by the near prospect of immediate and considerable
profit. The greater part of the present Adventurers being of
good families and considerable influence in the Counties where
they live, though possessed of but moderate fortunes, are in-
duced from the goodness of the Soil and Climate of the Coun-
try upon the Mississippi to believe that by a proper application
of their money and industry, they will acquire as well a present
advantage as a provision for their prosperity ; which being
joined by the pleasing prospect of public utility ; all their affairs
will be conducted with that spirited assiduity, which in matters
of danger and difficulty, can only insure success. The truth
of this is evident from a determined resolution in several of
the members to be themselves among the first settlers.

The Memorialists most humbly submit it to Your Majestic' s
great Wisdom whether the remote situation of this Country from
the Colonies already settled may not render it expedient to pro-
tect the Infant Settlement from the insults of the Savages.
Which protection might effectually be obtained, if Your Majesty
were graciously pleased to order a small Fort to be garrisoned
at the confluence of Cherokee River with Ohio ; as it would
interpose between the first Settlers, and the Chicazaw and
Chattaes Indians, the only powerful Nations in that quarter.
Which is probable, might by a small garrison, be influenced
to continue in their ancient amity with British Subjects. Es-
pecially the former of these Nations, whose faith and friendship
have ever remained firm and unaltered. At the same time a
garrison placed at the junction of Ohio and Mississippi Rivers,
if they should be disposed to encroach on the Dominions of
Your Majesty, in that part where they appear to have been in-
clinable to take footing on account of its communication with

DOCUMENTAR Y APPENDIX 1 69

the northwestern lakes ; and the conveniences wherewith in
time of War they can harass and disturb Your Majestic' s Colo-
nies already settled.

It is humbly conceived from the mild and friendly disposition
of the Southern Indians that the Settlement of the Country pro-
posed, may be obtained more safely and speedily by beginning
such settlem1- in their Neighborhood than further North, where
the fierce and warlike Irocois, with their six Nations ever ac-
customed to War and shedding of blood, would certainly ob-
struct, if not absolutely prevent the Settlement for many years
to come, while the southern Settlem'- begun in safety and ad-
vancing in security will soon become much too powerful to be
prevented in their progress, by the enmity of the Northern or
any other Indians. At the same time that by conducting a
trade useful to the Indians on the borders of Mississippi they
will effectually prevent the success of that cruel policy, which
has ever directed the French even in time of peace, to prevail
with the Indians their Neighbors to lay waste the frontiers of
Your Majestic' s Colonies thereby to prevent their increase.

In consideration of the reasons here afforded, the Memorial-
ists most humbly submit this their Memorial to Your Majesty's
Wisdom.

Resolved that Wm Lee, Esq., be appointed Treasurer to the
Company and that he give Bond with Security, in the Penalty
of One thousand pounds current money to the Company for
the just and faithful performance of his Office of Treasurer.

Resolved that the annual general meeting of the Com-
pany shall be held at Stafford Court House in Virginia on the
first day of October if the same should not happen on Sunday ;
if it should then the meeting to be on the day following.

Resolved that the following members to wit, Honble
Presly Thornton, Thomas Ludwell Lee, Richard Henry Lee,
Francis Lightfoot Lee, Henry Fitzhugh, John Augustine Wash-
ington, William Booth, William Brodenbrough, Richard Parker
Esquire, and Doctor William Flood be appointed a Committee
of the Company who are to meet at Westmoreland Court House

I7o DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX

in Virginia twice a year (that is to say) on the loth day of May
and the loth day of November, if not on Sunday; if it shod<
happen to be on Sunday, then the meeting to be on the next
day and likewise they are to meet as much oftener as the affairs
of the Company require ; and the said Committee to have such
power as they, by the general Articles of Agreement, are vested
with.

Resolved that the said Committee do with all possible dili-
gence transmit the Memorial after the same shall be fairly
transcribed, to Thos. Gumming Esqr. of London to be by him
laid before the King; that they invite Mr. Gumming to be one
of the Company, and desire him to procure subscribers to the
Scheme, not exceeding nine of such influence and fortune as
may be likely to promote its success. That the Committee re-
quest Mr. Gumming, that if he sho'd not choose to be one of
the Company or to sollicit their Grant, to put all their affairs
into the hands of an Agent or Sollicitor as in his opinion may
be most likely by his Interest and Diligence to Succeed; That
Mr. Gumming on finding the Ministry disposed to comply with
the Company's Memorial give the most early intelligence
thereof to the Committee, in order that a meeting of the Com-
pany may be had to raise such a Sum of money as may be
sufficient to obtain Letters Patent from the Crown, that in the
meantime he proceed as far as the nature of the thing will
admit in issuing out the said Letters Patent ; That he inform
the Committee, the expence that will accrue on the said issuing
of such Letters Patent.

Resolved that the Sum of One Hundred and Twenty-two
pounds Sterling be forthwith paid by the Company into the
hands of the Treasurer to be by him disposed of according to
the direction of the Committee. Each member being allowed
to pay his proportion in so much current money of Virginia as
will amount to his Sterling proportion.

Resolved that the Committee inform Mr. Gumming that if
he chooses to undertake the Sollicitation of their affairs they
present him with an hundred Guineas as an earnest of their
present and future good-will.

DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX 1 7 1

Resolved that altho' the Original Articles of Agreement, do
declare that a general meeting of the Company shall be had
at one particular time and place annually ; yet if it shall happen
that the circumstances of affairs render it necessary that a gen-
eral meeting should be more frequently held, the Committee
shall have power to summon the said general meeting (by ad-
vertising it twice in the Virginia and Maryland Gazette) as
often as shall be requisite, and a majority of such general
meeting as meet shall have full and ample power to determine
all matters relative to the Company and their determinations
to be binding on the whole Company and that it shall be a
never failing rule of the Company, whenever a contrariety of
opinion shall arise concerning the Sum of money to be raised
and different Sums shall be proposed, that the least Sum men-
tioned shall first be put to question, and rise from thence to
the next greatest Sum, untill the highest Sum proposed has
been put, and that which has the largest number of votes
shall be the Sum to be raised by the Company.

Resolved that if the Company shall be so fortunate as to
succeed in their Sollicitations, and a grant be obtained for the
Lands they request in that Case when it shall be determined
by a general meeting that a division of the Lands shall be
made, such a division, shall for the sake of fairness and im-
partiality, be effected in the following manner: The whole
Quantity of Land shall be divided into as many equal lots or
parcels, as there shall be members or shares in the Company,
and the lots so divided shall be numbered, and as many cor-
respondent numbers being prepared, each member or a sub-
stitute by him appointed (provided he make such appointment
in twelve months after the Division shall be agreed on, and
notice thereof conveyed to him, by the Treasurer for the time
being, but if he fail to make such appointment then the ma-
jority of the general meeting shall appoint a person to act for
such absentee) shall draw from among such corresponding
numbers, and whatever number is drawn by each shall take
such lot of Land, the number of which agrees with the num-
bers drawn.

172 DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX

II. "REASONS FOR ESTABLISHING A BRITISH COLONY AT
THE ILLINOIS WITH SOME PROPOSALS FOR CARRY-
ING THE SAME INTO IMMEDIATE

EXECUTION. ' ' 1

THE Country of the Illinois on the Mississippi, is generally
allowed to be the most fertile and pleasant Part of all the
Western Territory now in the Possession of the English in
North America.

The French Canadians have long called it, The Terrestrial
Paradice.

It appears from the best Intelligence, that about Four Hun-
dred French Families are now settled in that Country ; and
that, in all Probability it would have been the most consider-
able French Settlement in North America, had not the Inhabi-
tants throughout Canada, and Louisiana, particularly those
living among, or near Indians, been Subjected to Military
Command, liable to be taken from their Farms even in the
Time of Harvest, to go upon distant Expeditions, and to have
the Product of their Labour seized for the Use of the Army.

It has been the mistaken Policy of the French to aim at es-
tablishing Military instead of Commercial, Colonies in North
America. Their Views were to expel the English from all
their Settlements on the Sea Coast, and thereby to engross the
whole of the Continent.

In this, however, they have, thro' Providence, been happily
disappointed.

But had the French contented themselves with settling and
improving the Country they actually possessed, they would
have rivalled the English in their most valuable American
Commodities, and have increased the Commerce of France,
and consequently the French Power, to a very great Degree.
For instance,

1 In Sir William Johnson's letter of July 10, 1766, Board of Trade
Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), Plantations General, vols. 27 and 28, 1765-
1767; Franklin Papers (Am. Phil. Soc.), LVIII, 4.

DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX 1 73

The Lands in Louisiana produce Tobacco of a much superior
Quality to any raised in either Maryland or Virginia, and Rice
and Indigo equal to the best of Carolina.

Those Articles, with Skins and Furs, are the principal Com-
modities which North America has hitherto produced to any
great Extent, for European Consumption.

But were the Lands on the Mississippi well settled, we should
be enabled to supply all Europe with those Commodities, and
at a far cheaper Rate than they could be afforded from any
other Country.

But what is of the utmost Consequence to Great Britain, no
Country in the known World is better adapted than this for the
Raising Hemp, Flax and Silk.

Of the Former, indeed, there are immense Quantities grow-
ing Spontaneously on the large extensive Plains of Louisiana,
And this wild sort appears from some late Experiments, to have
a firmer Texture than that commonly cultivated. The Country
likewise abounds with Mulberry Trees and both native and for-
eign Silk Worms thrive extremely well there.

Great Britain might also be furnished from thence with Cot-
ton, Copper, Iron, Pot Ash, Wine, Salt petre, a great variety of
valuable Medicinal Drugs and other Articles, which, with those
mentioned before, make the great Ballance of Trade against
the Nation, and drain it of its Treasure.

From the Illinois we might likewise carry on a more exten-
sive and advantageous Fur-Trade, with the numerous Indian
Nations which reside near the Lakes and the different Branches
of the Mississippi, than was ever known since the first Settle-
ment of America; — Supplying them with British Manufactures to
a vast Amount.

Nor will the French be able to rival us in this Trade, as we
can transport our Goods through Pennsylvania and Virginia to
that Country much cheaper than can be done from New Orleans
up the Mississippi. This is the only passage the French have
now left, and being all the Way, against the Stream is extremely
difficult and tedious. Whereas the English have now a ready

1 74 DOCUMENTAR Y APPENDIX

Communication from Virginia and Pennsylvania to Fort Pitt
on the Ohio, and from thence have Water Carriage with the
Stream to the Mississippi, and when they have disposed of their
Goods to the Indians in that Country, they may easily trans-
port the Commodities they receive in Return down the Missis-
sippi to Mobile, and from thence ship them to England.

For want of this Opening thro' the middle Province of North
America to the Mississippi, the French never had it in their
Power to reap so much advantage from that Country as the
English now may.

After several Disappointments, and much Expence and
Trouble, the English have at length got possession of all the
French posts on the East Side of the Missippi \sic\ .

A Question arises. What will be the most efficacious Means
of supporting these Posts, so distant from every British Settle-
ment, and yet so necessary to maintain the British Interest
amongst the numerous Indians which inhabit that, and the ad-
jacent Country ?

It is answered, That there is no Way so effectual as to settle
a Colony at the Illinois under a good civil Government.

This Colony being in one of the finest Corn Countries in the
World, would have it in its Power, not only to supply the dif-
ferent Posts in the Indian Country, but the two Floridas with
provisions. Several of the French Writers term it the Granary
of Louisiana, and mention that at a Time when there happened
to be a Scarcity at New Orleans, the French Settlement at the
Illinois, small as it then was, Sent them upwards of 800,000
Weight of Flour.

If we have not a Colony on the Spot, to support the Posts
We are now possessed of in that Country, the French who
have a Fort and an encreasing Settlement on the opposite
Shore of the Mississippi, will have it in their Power, by means
of their Influence with the Indians, to intercept our Supplies,
interrupt our Trade, and ultimately cut off all Communication
between the Illinois and the present English Colonies.

It is said, that many of the French in Canada, and numbers

DOCUMENTAR Y APPENDIX 1 7 5

of those settled on the East Side of the Mississippi, near our
Posts, intend to remove to the Settlement belonging to the
French on the opposite Shore.

Should the French succeed in establishing a Colony there
(which they probably will as it is in so fine a Country) and we
have not another to Balance it, in that part of the World, the
Consequences may be very Prejudicial to the British Interest.

It may not be amiss to quote here the Sentiments of a late
Writer very conversant with this Subject. In speaking of the
Fineness of the Soil and climate of the Country on each Side
the Mississippi, near the Illinois, he says "It is this that has
made the French undergo so many long and perilous Voyages
in North America, upwards of Two Thousand Miles, against
Currents, Cataracts, and boisterous Winds on the Lakes, in
order to get this Settlement of the Illinois; which is nigh to the
Forks of the Mississippi, the most important place in all the
inland Parts of North America, to which the French will sooner
or later remove from Canada; and there erect another Mon-
treal, that will be much more dangerous and prejudicial to us,
than ever the other in Canada was. They will here be in the
Midst of all their old Friends fed Allies, and much more con-
venient to carry on a Trade with them, to spirit them up
against the English etc. than ever they were at Montreal. To
this Settlement, where they likewise are not without good
Hopes of finding Mines, the French will forever be removing,
as long as any of them are left in Canada. ' '

The most likely Way to prevent these Mischiefs, and to en-
able the English to dispossess the French of the remaining Part
of Louisiana, should a future War make it expedient, will be,
it is thought, to establish a Colony there, agreeable to the fol-
lowing Proposals, Viz1.

I. Let the Crown purchase of the Indians all their Rights to
that Tract of Country lying on the East Side of the River Mis-
sissippi, between the Illinois River and the River Ohio, and
Fifty Miles back from the said River Mississippi.

1 7 6 DOCUMENTAR Y APPENDIX

Remarks

This Tract includes Fort Chartres, Cahoke, and Kaskasqmas
(three considerable French Settlements) and it is said from
good Authority, that the Indians have expressed an Inclination
to part with it to the English on very moderate Terms, and
that they might easily be persuaded to sell all the Lands as far
back as the Heads of the several small Rivers which empty
themselves into the Mississippi between the Illinois and the
Ohio. They having a greater Quantity of fine Hunting Country
than they can ever have any use for. This would be a sufficient
Tract to begin a Colony upon, and having a natural Boundary,
would be most preferable.

2. Let a Civil Government be established there, agreeable
to the Principles of an English Constitution.

3. Let the first Governor be a person experienced in the
Management of Indian Affairs, and who has given Proofs of
his Influence with the Savages.

Remark

This is a Matter of the utmost Consequence in the first Set-
tlement of a Colony surrounded by Indians: And for want of a
due Attention to it, many Undertakings of the like kind have
either entirely failed, or been greatly impeded.

4. Let all the Lands which may be granted within the first
Twenty Years be laid out in Town Ships, after the Manner
practiced in some of the New England Colonies, or according
to the Plan laid down in the Historical Account of the Expedi-
tion under Colonel Bouquet1, lately published (quod vide).

Remark

The Advantage of this Mode of Settling in a Country sur-
rounded by Savages, who may One Day become Enemies, are
too obvious to need mentioning.

5. Let Grants of Land in this Country be offered to the Pro-

1See p. 119. n. 45, and bibliography for account of pamphlet.

DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX 177

vincial Officers and soldiers who served in the late War in
America, in the following Terms, -Viz*

100 Acres to every common Soldier.

1 50 Acres to every Corporal and Serjeant.

250 Acres to every Ensign.

350 Acres to every Lieutenant.

350 Acres to every Surgeon.

350 Acres to every Chaplain.

500 Acres to every Captain.

750 Acres to every Major.

1,000 Acres to every Lieut. Collonel.

1,200 Acres to every Collonel.

The Soldiers, Corporals and Serjeants who have served more
Campaigns than one to have Ten Acres besides for each Cam-
paign after the first. The Ensigns, Lieutenants, Surgeons,
Chaplains and Captains Thirty, and the Majors, Lieut. Colo-
nels, Fifty Acres, in like manner Each General Officer (of
which there were two or Three) to have a Grant of 5,000 Acres.
The whole to be granted in Fee, and to be exempt from Quit
Rent for a certain Term of Years, or for, and during the natural
Lives of the said Officers and Soldiers; and then to be liable to
the same only as is reserved in Virginia. No Grant to be made
to any Officer or Soldier under Fifty Years of Age, who does
not appear in person at the Illinois (with a Certificate from the
Government, or Commander in Chief of the Province in whose
Employ he was, specifying his Station, and the Number of
Campaigns he was in the Service) and actually make a Settle-
ment on the Lands for which he shall receive a Warrant of
Survey. — But such Officers and Soldiers as are fifty Years of
Age and upwards, and who may not incline, or be able to re-
move to the Illinois, should be allowed either to dispose of their
Rights to Grants of Lands to such Persons as will settle them,
or place Tenants thereon, as may be most convenient to them-
selves. Provided; That every Officer and Soldier who does
not make, or cause to be made a Settlement and Improvement
on the Lands he may be entituled to, within Six Years after the

1 78 DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX

Arrival of an English Governor at the Illinois in order to estab-
lish a Colony there, shall forfeit all Right and Title Thereto.
Provided also that every Officer of the Rank of a Captain, and
upwards shall at his own proper Cost and Expence settle upon
his Grant at least One white Protestant Person for every Hun-
dred Acres thereof within Six Years following the Date of his
said Grant — Subject to the Forfeiture of such Proportion of the
said Grant, as there shall be a Deficiency of that Number of
Settlers. — It would be proper for the Crown to furnish the Sol-
diery with a few Implements of Husbandry at]their first Arrival at
the Illinois, and to allow all Settlers the Use of the King's Boats
at Fort Pitt, and other Assistance, to transport themselves as
far as the Mississippi.

Remark

The giving Encouragement to these Men, who are Soldiers
as well as Farmers, etca to engage themselves in the first Set-
tlement of this Country, will be not only, Right in point of
Policy, but be an Act of Justice. The Provincial Officers and
Soldiers who have served in the several Campaigns during the
War in America, and who have undergone equal Fatigues, and
run equal Hazards with the King's Troops, think it extremely
hard, that they should not be allowed, as well as the disbanded
Regulars, a Grant of some of the Lands in that immense Tract
of Country, which they have assisted in obtaining from the
Enemy, especially as they had not equal Advantages when in
Service; The Officers not being entituled to half Pay, nor the
Men to Chelsea Hospital. They were generally paid off and
discharged, as soon as the Campaign was over. The giving
these persons Lands in Proportion to their Rank, and the
Number of Campaigns they have served will be likewise a great
Encouragement to the Colonists to enter into the Military Ser-
vice on any future Occasion. And, besides, it is said, that at
the Beginning of the late War, the Americans were promised,
or given to understand, that such of them as engaged in the
Provincial Service, should, when the War was at an End, have
some such Gratification in Land as is here proposed.

DOCUMENTAR Y APPENDIX 1 79

6. Let all Mines and Minerals belong to the Owners of the
Land in which they may be found, except those denominated
Royal Mines, and of these let the Crown reserve a Fifth, clear
of all Charges.

Remark

This will encourage People to be at the Trouble and Expence
of searching for and working of Mines, but if the whole or too
great a Part is reserved to the Crown, they will want the neces-
sary Inducement to make Discoveries, whereby both the Crown
and Nation may be prevented from receiving many Advantages.

7. Let there be 500 Acres reserved in every Township for the
maintenance of a Clergyman of the Established Church of
England.

Remark

As it is the Interest of every Nation, that the Religion, it has
thought proper to establish, should be the Religion most gener-
ally prevalent throughout its Dominions, this Matter ought to
be particularly attended to in America, and the Church be well
supported there, otherwise Presbyterianism will become the
Established Religion in that Country. It is much to be regret-
ted, that the Crown did not reserve in each of the Colonies,
Lands for this purpose, at the Time of granting their respective
Charters. It is however not yet too late for the Crown to cause
such Reservations to be made in many of the old settled Colo-
nies, particularly Nova-Scotia, New York, Virginia, North
and South Carolina and Georgia. Care should likewise be
taken, in Time, to make the like Provision in our new Ac-
quisitions, Canada, and the Two Floridas.

8. Let the Bounds of the Colony be as follows, Viz. From
the Mouth of the Ouisconsin (or Wisconsing) River down the
Mississippi agreeable to Treaty, to the Forks, or Mouth of the
Ohio. Then up the same River Ohio to the River Wabash,
thence up the same River Wabash to the Portage at the Head
thereof, Then up the said Portage to the River Miamis and

i8o DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX

down the said River Miamis to Lake Erie. Thence along the
several Courses of the said Lake to Riviere al Ours (or Bear
River) and up the said River to the Head thereof, and from
thence in a straight Line, or by the Portage of St. Joseph's
River and down the same River to Lake Michigan, then along
the several Courses of the said Lake on the South and West
Side thereof to the point of Bay Puans, and along the several
Courses on the East Side of the said Bay to the Mouth of Foxes
River, thence up to the Head thereof and from thence by a
Portage to the Head of Ouisconsin River, and down the same
to the Place of Beginning.

Remark

These being natural Boundaries may be easily ascertained.
Altho' no Person should be allowed to settle on any Lands, but
what are within the Bounds purchased by the Crown of the In-
dians, yet it will be highly proper, that the Civil Jurisdiction of
the Colony should extend much farther than will be probably
purchased for many years to come; otherwise loose, evil dis-
posed Persons may straggle into those Parts, and commit Dis-
orders that may involve the Colony in Disputes with the Indians,
and be attended with fatal Consequences. And it might have
good Effects if a Civil Authority was likewise established at
D'Etroit, to take Cognizance of all Misdemeanors committed
by British Subjects upon the Lakes and Country adjacent.

9. But that a Colony may be speedily settled at the Illinois,
and the Crown and Nation receive the Advantages to be de-
rived from it, without Delay, A Company of Gentlemen of
Character and Fortune are ready and willing to engage, That
if the Crown will make them a Grant, in Fee of [ ] Hundred
Thousand Acres of Land free of Quit Rent for [ ] Years to
be located in one or more Places as they shall chuse, within
the Bounds above mentioned, They will at their own proper
Cost and Expence, Settle thereon at least One white Protestant
Person for every Hundred Acres within [ ] Years next fol-
lowing the Date of their Grant; Subject to the Forfeiture of such

DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX 181

Proportion of the unsettled part of the said Grant as shall be
equal to a Deficiency of that number of Settlers — And the said
Company will likewise engage to settle at least 2,000 of the said
Persons on the Lands aforesaid within [ ] Years next after
the Date of the said Grant, or the Arrival of a Governor in the
said Colony: unless an Indian War should happen to put it out
of their Power.

The Crown need not be put to much Expence to procure the
Settlement of this advantageous Colony. The Principal Charges
will be a Salary to the Governor, and some other Officers of
Government for a few Years, when the Colonists will be en-
abled to support their own Civil Establishment.

And if there were two or three Companies of light Infantry,
and of light Horse were raised and disciplined in the manner,
and on the Terms, recommended by Coll. Bouquet in the
Publication before mentioned, They would not only be an effec-
tual Security for the Colony in its Infancy, but also contribute
greatly to the Protection of the Frontiers of the Old settled Col-
onies from the Incursions of the Indians, and they would like-
wise be of infinite Service in case of a future War with the
French. This Corps might be raised and disciplined within a
Year, or two at farthest, when the Regiment now posted there
might be employed upon other Service more suitable to such
Troops, unless indeed it should be thought necessary to keep a
few of them to do Garrison Duty for some Time longer. The
Officers who served during the War in America in the Corps
of light Infantry and Rangers would be the most proper to raise
and discipline the Foot Companies; but for the light Horse it will
be necessary that Officers should be sent from England, who
have been accustomed to that Service. Horses of a good Sort
are to be had in great plenty at the Illinois. If a Company, or
two of this kind of Soldiery were also kept at each of our prin-
cipal Posts in the Indian Country, it would be the most likely
Means of deterring the Indians from going to War with us in
future.

i8a DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX

3. LORD HILLSBOROUGH TO GENERAL GAGE. '
Most Secret.

WHITEHALL, Jan. 2d, 1771.

Nothing has happened since my last Letter to You to streng-
then our hopes that the Public Peace might be preserved; on
the contrary, there is but too much reason to apprehend that
the matter in Negotiation with the Court of Spain will have its
Issue in a speedy war, the Success of which will depend upon
the most vigorous Exertions of every Strength this Kingdom is
able to put forth.

In this situation it has become necessary to give full Scope
to the Consideration not only of those measures which it may
be proper to pursue for the Defence and Security of His Ma-
jesty's Possessions, but also in what places the Enemy may be
annoyed and attacked with the greatest Advantage and best
hope of Success, and also what Steps may be advisable, pre-
paratory to any Enterprize that may be undertaken.

The Result of this Deliberation, so far as it regards offensive
Operations in America, has been the adopting a Proposition to
begin those operations by an attack upon New Orleans.

The Advantage that would attend the entire Possession of
the Mississippi, both in point of Commerce and of Security to
the rest of the King's Possessions in North America, have been
fully expiated upon and explained in the Course of Our Cor-
respondence and those Advantages combined with the general
Intelligence of the small Number of Troops left in Louisiana
by General O'Reilly, the Indisposition or rather aversion of the
French Inhabitants to the Spanish Government, the great Ex-
tent and Weakness of the Defenses of the town of New Orleans,
and the supposed Practicability of approaching it either on the
side of West Florida or By the Rivers Ohio and Mississippi,
have been the grounds on which this Proposition has been
adopted. The Practicability, however, of such an undertaking,

1 P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 127.

DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX 183

as well as the Quantum of Force to be employed, and the
manner in which the attack is to be made, must entirely de-
pend upon your own Judgement, forming that Judgement on a
variety of Facts and Circumstances that cannot be known here;
and therefore it is the King' s Pleasure that you do give the ful-
lest Consideration to this Proposition, and if you see no reason-
able Objections to it that you do take such preparatory Steps
as shall be necessary for carrying it into immediate Execution,
so soon as you shall receive the King's Orders to commence
Hostilities, in Case His Majesty should be driven to that ne-
cessity;— An Event that will probably be decided upon in a
few days.

It is the King's present intention, from the reliance His
Majesty has upon your Ability and Zeal for the Honor of His
Arms, that you should command upon this Expedition in Person:
and as the Assistance of a Naval Force may be necessary on
the side of the Gulph of Mexico to prevent any Succours being
thrown in, either before or after the Operations are commenced,
the Commander-in-Chief of the Squadron at Jamacia will be
ordered to co-operate with you in this important Service, and
to afford every aid the nature of his command will admit of.

The King's Servants having submitted to His Majesty their
Opinion, that, as well for carrying into Execution the proposed
Attack upon New Orleans, as for answering any other purposes
which Government may have in view in the Prosecution of a
War, it may be advisable that a large body of Troops should
be collected together in one convenient Spot; I am therefore
commanded to recommend this Measure for your Considera-
tion; but at the same time I must not omit to mention to you
that the force in the Province of Quebec should not be dimin-
ished, nor any reduction made of that in Newfoundland or in
West Florida, nor that the Posts upon the Lakes should be
left in a State of Insecurity.

1 84 DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX

4. GENERAL GAGE TO LORD HILLSBOROUGH. l

NEW YORK, April 2d, 1771.

Your Lordship's Most Secret of the 2d of January has been
received. . . .

From all accounts that have been received hitherto, of the
State and Condition of Louisiana, an Attack upon that Province
is very practicable, and of the different means of approaching
New Orleans the River Mississippi is judged the most advan-
tageous; tho' feigned attacks might at the same time be of ser-
vice, on the side of the Ohio, and West Florida.

Your Lordships Letter was not received till the 2$th ult. the
Packet having been about ten weeks from Falmouth, a Passage
unfortunately long at this Juncture; but the greatest Diligence
will be used to assemble a Body of Troops. And in due Con-
sideration of every circumstance requisite in the fitting out an
Expedition, I know no place in North America so proper as the
Port of New York. I therefore propose, till camp Equipage is
provided, or that the weather permits to encamp the Troops,
to post them as near to New York as I shall be able.

Orders have been transmitted for the 64th and 6$th Regi-
ments to embark at Halifax for Boston; from whence they will
March into some of the Colonys the most contiguous to this,
till further Orders; . . .

1P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 127.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

In the descriptive notes which follow comment has been confined to
the value of the sources and other works for the special field of the essay.

GUIDES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES.

Alvord, C. W., " Eighteenth Century French Records in the Archives
of Illinois ", printed in Annual Report of (he American Historical As-
sociation for 1905, vol. I. Washington, 1906. — Valuable.

Alvord, C. W., Illinois in the Eighteenth Century, printed as Bulle-
tin of the Illinois State Historical Library, vol. I, no. I. Springfield,
111., 1905. — This is a report on the documents in the St. Clair County
Court House at Belleville, 111. — An illuminating study.

Andrews, Charles M. , "Materials in British Archives for American
Colonial History", printed in American Historical Review, vol. X,
pp. 325-349.

Andrews, Charles M., and Frances G. Davenport, Guide to the
Manuscript Materials for the History of the United States to f?Sj, in
the British Museum, in Minor London Archives, and in the Libraries
of Oxford and Cambridge. Carnegie Institution of Washington, Pub-
lication No. 90. Washington, 1908. — A work of first importance
which appeared too late for use in the present investigation.

Canadian Archive Reports, — This well-known series is especially
valuable on account of the extended inventories and calendars it con-
tains of documents in English and French archives. Because of the
careless editing of the earlier volumes they must be used with caution.
Of most value for this study have been the volumes for 1884-1889,
containing lists of the Bouquet and Haldimand papers, and for 1905,
I, containing abstracts of documents in the Ministry of Colonies in
Paris.

Channing, Edward, and Albert Bushnell Hart, Guide to the Study
of American History. Boston, 1896.

Day, R. E. , comp., Calendar of the Sir William Johnson Manu-
scripts in the New York State Library. Albany, 1909. — Valuable.

1 86 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Hays, I. Minis, comp., Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin
in the Library of the American Philosophical Society, 5 vols. Phila-
delphia, 1908.

Lamed, J. N., ed., The Literature of American History : a Bibli-
ography, published for the American Library Association. Boston,
1902.

Lincoln, Charles H., Calendar of Johnson MSS. in the American
Antiquarian Society Library. Worcester, Mass., 1906.

New York Public Library, Manuscript Collections in the New York
Public Library (Deposited in the Lenox Building), printed in the
Bulletin of the New York Public Library for July, 1901. — A valuable
descriptive list. Of much service in consulting the Bancroft Collection.

New York State Library, Calendar of Council Minutes, 1668-1783,
printed as Bulletin 58, History 6, March, 1902.

Reports of the Royal Historical Manuscripts Commission. — Es-
pecially the Fifth Report, Appendix I, on the Shelburne papers, and
the Fourteenth Report, Appendix X, on the Dartmouth papers.

Sabin, Joseph, A Dictionary of Books relating to America, 19 vols.
New York, 1868-1892.

Thwaites, Reuben G. , ed., Descriptive List of Manuscript Collec-
tions of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin. Together with Re-
ports on Other Collections of Manuscript Material for American His-
tory in Adjacent States. Madison, 1906.

Thwaites, Reuben G., Benjamin F. Shambaugh, and Franklin L.
Riley, " Report of Committee on Methods of Organization and Work
on the Part of the State and Local Historical Societies", printed in
Annual Report of the American Historical Association for 1905, vol. I.
— Contains notes on the collections of source material in the libraries of
the various historical societies.

Van Tyne, C. H., and W. G. Leland, Guide to the Archives of the
Government of the United States in Washington, second edition, Car-
negie Institution of Washington, Publication No. 92. Washington,
1907.

Winsor, Justin, Narrative and Critical History of America, 8 vols.
Boston, 1889. — Of great value for accounts of sources, especially those
in vol. V.

MANUSCRIPT SOURCES.

Public Record Office, London. — A large part of the present essay has
been based upon documents found in the Colonial Office records, under

BIBLIOGRAPHY 187

the title of " Military Correspondence, Series America and West
Indies." The greater portion of the correspondence between the
ministry and the British agents in America having charge of the West
is found in this collection. It cannot be said, however, that the orig-
inal document is always to be found here; very often a copy or a mere
extract is all we have. In the Colonial Office records are also found
the "Board of Trade Papers", which contain a few valuable letters.
The Home Office records and the War Office records likewise contain
a few documents of importance. In a miscellaneous collection of the
Earl of Chatham's papers, on deposit in the Public Record Office, is a
bundle of papers having an important bearing on the West. The refer-
ences in the foot-notes are to the old classification. The re-classifica-
tion of the Public Record Office was commenced in 1908, and is not
yet (1910) complete. The Guide to the Manuscript Materials for the
History of the United States to 1783 in the Public Record Office, which
is being prepared by Professor C. M. Andrews for the Carnegie Insti-
tution of Washington, will contain a key enabling references to the
former classification to be found in the new classification.

British Museum, London. — The Bouquet Papers, in 17 volumes
(Add. MSS., 21,631-21,600), and the Haldimand Papers, in 4231
volumes (Add. MSS., 21,661-21,692), are the important sources in
this depository. The Bouquet Papers contain a few documents relat-
ing to the early history of the period, with especial reference to early
Indian troubles. The Haldimand Papers are indispensable for the
latter half of the period. The collection is composed of letters which
passed between Haldimand and the home officials, his correspondence
with Gage and the officers in the West, besides many other letters
which came into his possession. The correspondence throws consider-
able light upon the political status of the Illinois French. Transcripts
of the Bouquet and Haldimand collections are in the Canadian Archives
at Ottawa, and have been calendared by Douglas Brymner in the Re-
ports on Canadian Archives, for 1884-1889.

Privy Council Office, London. — This collection contains a few im-
portant documents bearing on western colonization.

Lansdowne House Manuscripts, London. — The papers of the Earl
of Shelburne, found here, are of great value in the study of western
trade conditions.

New York State Library, Albany. — Here are found 26 volumes of
Sir William Johnson's papers, a very valuable collection, dealing
largely with Indian affairs, which came under Johnson's supervision.

1 88 BIBLIOGRAPHY

There are also important documents relating to western trade and
colonization.

Lenox Library, New York City. — This contains the manuscript col-
lection of George Bancroft, which includes a large number of tran-
scripts from the "America and West Indies" series in the Public
Record Office. His copies are generally accurate : capitalization and
punctuation, however, cannot always be depended upon. There are
also in this collection transcripts from the Earl of Shelburne's papers
from the Lansdowne House manuscripts. In the selections made to
illustrate western history, however, Bancroft evidently omitted some of
the more important papers.

Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. —
Considerable use was made of a number of volumes of transcripts of
the Board of Trade papers, Plantations General, of which the library
contains 1 80 volumes. A comparison of a few papers with the orig-
inals in the Public Record Office indicates that the transcripts were
accurately made. There are also a number of minor collections of
original manuscripts which are indispensable to students of western
history. Among these are the Gratz-Croghan Papers, vol. I, the Ohio
Company Papers, vols. I and II, and the Etting Papers, vol. III.
These collections deal largely with western trade conditions and land
speculation. There are also a number of miscellaneous manuscripts,
e. g., the original " Journal " written by Captain Harry Gordon on his
trip down the Ohio River in 1 766, and a diary kept by John Jennings
in Illinois during the years 1766-1768.

American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia. — Here are many
valuable letters to Benjamin Franklin on the West, which are not
found elsewhere.

Pennsylvania State Library, Harrisburg, Pa. — In the Division of
Public Records are most of the account books of the firm of Baynton,
Wharton and Morgan, and an important collection of George Morgan's
papers.

Library of Congress. — One volume of the correspondence of Secre-
tary Henry S. Conway, which yielded a few scattering letters on
western trade conditions and Indian affairs.

Library of the American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass. —
Here were found a few original letters of Sir William Johnson having
an important bearing on western colonization.

Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston. — Use was
made of the Francis Parkman Collection of transcripts, which relate to

BIBLIOGRAPHY 189

the early part of the period. Lack of proper references to the location
of the originals, as well as evidence that the copies were not always
made with absolute accuracy, render the use of this collection rather
difficult.

Harvard College Library. — The chief sources found here were a vol-
ume of General Gage's letters, which shed considerable light on Indian
affairs in the West, and the Sparks Collection of transcripts from the
Public Record Office and the British Museum. Little use was made of
the Sparks Collection, however, the originals being consulted in prefer-
ence, although in a few cases where the latter could not be found the
transcripts had to be relied upon.

Canadian Archives, Ottawa, Canada. — Transcripts of the Bouquet
and Haldimand Papers are to be found here, as well as of a large num-
ber of Colonial Office records.

Kaskaskia Records, British Period. — These papers contain a few
important sources bearing on the political events in Illinois. The most
important document is the court record, which consists of 256 pages.
The collection is at present in the library of the University of Illinois,
but belongs to the county of St. Clair, Illinois.

Cahokia Records, Court House, Belleville, 111. — This collection con-
tains a few papers throwing light on the local government in Illinois
during the British period.

Miscellaneous. — Among the documents belonging to private indi-
viduals the most important is the letter-book kept by Colonel George
Morgan, 1766-1768, which is in the possession of Mr. A. S. M.
Morgan, of Pittsburg. There are also important Morgan letters in the
possession of Mrs. Maria P. Woodbridge, of Marietta, Ohio, Mrs. E.
S. Thacher, of Nordhoff.Cal., Mrs. H. C. More, of Gaviota, CaL.and
Mrs. T. C. Smith, of Santa Barbara, Cal.

PRINTED SOURCES.

American State Papers, Public Lands, vols. I-III. Washington,
1832. — Necessary for study of western land schemes.

Canadian Constitutional Development shown by Selected Speeches and
Despatches, edited by H. E. Egerton and W. L. Grant. London, 1907.
— Important contribution.

Chalmers, George, A Collection of Treaties bet-ween Great Britain
and other Powers. London, 1790.

Chicago Historical Society Collections, vol. IV. Chicago, 1890. —
Important miscellaneous documents, the originals of which cannot be
traced.

1 90

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Documents illustrative of the Canadian Constitution, edited by
William Houston. Toronto, 1891.

Documents relating to the Colonial History of the State of New
York, edited by E. B. O'Callaghan, 15 vols. Albany, 1856.— Im-
portant for study of Indian affairs and western colonization. Volumes
entitled " Paris Documents " must be used with care.

Documents relating to the Constitutional History of Canada, 1757—
1791, selected and edited by Adam Shortt and Arthur G. Doughty.
Ottawa, 1907. — Indispensable to the student of the proclamation of
1 763 and the Quebec Act.

" Documents relating to the Occupation of the Illinois Country by
the British Army ", edited by Clarence E. Carter. Printed in Trans-
actions of the Illinois State Historical Society for 1907. Springfield,
1908.

Franklin, Benjamin, Complete Works, edited by John Bigelow, 10
vols. New York, 1887-1889. — Necessary for study of western coloni-
zation.

Franklin, Benjamin, Life and Writings, edited by A. H. Smythe,
10 vols. New York, 1905-1907. — Contains some documents on the
West not printed in the Bigelow edition.

Franklin, Benjamin, Works, edited by Jared Sparks, 10 vols.
Boston, 1837-1844.

Grenville Papers, being the correspondence of Richard and George
Grenville, their friends and contemporaries, edited with notes by
William James Smith, 4 vols. London, 1852.

Illinois Historical Collections, vol. I. Springfield, 1903. — Docu-
ments chosen arbitrarily. Not complete.

Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, vols. 19, 20. Lansing,
1891, 1892. — Contain selections from the Haldimand Papers. Arrange-
ment and editing poor. Uncritical copies taken from uncritical copies.

New York Historical Society Collections, 9 vols. New York, 1811-
1859; Publication Fund series, 18 vols. New York, 1868-1881. —
Important for study of western colonies.

Parliamentary History of England, from the Earliest Period to the
Year 1813, edited by T. C. Hansard, vol. XVII. London, 1813.—
Very useful.

Report on Canadian Archives, 1904, edited by Arthur Doughty,
Ottawa. — Contains important documents. See also above under
Guides and Bibliographies.

Rockingham, Memoirs of the Marquis of, and his contemporaries ;
with original documents, 2 vols. London, 1852.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 191

Stiles, Henry R., Affairs at Fort Chartres, 1768-1781. Albany,
1864. — Includes a few important letters. The same are also found in
the Historical Magazine, vol. VIII, no. 8.

Thwaites, Reuben Gold, ed., The Jesuit delations and Allied Docu-
ments, vols. LXX and LXXI. Cleveland, 1900-1901. — Contain a few
documents of importance for present study. Notes not all trustworthy.

Thwaites, Reuben Gold, ed., Early Western Travels, 1748-1846,
vols. I and XXVII. Cleveland, 1904 and 1906. — Croghan's " Journals "
and Flagg's "The Far West" are the most important documents.
Notes to be used with care.

Washington, George, Writings, edited by W. C. Ford, 14 vols.
New York and London, 1889-1893.

Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. XVIII. Madison, 1908. —
This volume contains documents of considerable value for the British
period.

CONTEMPORARY BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS.

Account of the Proceedings of the Illinois and Ouabache Land Com-
panies. Philadelphia, 1796. — Invaluable.

Adair, James, The History of the American Indians ; Particularly
those Nations adjoining to the Mississippi, East and West Florida,
Georgia, South and North Carolina, and Virginia. London, 1775.
— Valuable for contemporary criticism of western policy of Great Britain.

Annual Register, or a View of the History, Politics, and Literature
for the Year 1763, also for 1774. London, 1776. — Supposed to have
been written by Edmund Burke. Important source.

Blackstone, William, Commentaries on the Laws of England (Coolty
edition). Chicago, 1899.

Bossu, M., Travels tJiroughout that Part of North America called
Louisiana. Translated from the French by J. R. Forster. London,
1771. — Excellent view of the French in the Mississippi Valley prior to
1763.

Considerations on the Agreement of the Lords Commissioners of His
Majesty's Treasury, with the Honourable J^homas Walpole and the
Associates for Lands upon the River Ohio in North America, in a
Letter to a Member of Parliament. London, 1 774. — Supposed by W. C.
Ford (Bibliography of Franklin), to have been written by Franklin.
Contains important statements on western colonization.

Expediency of securing our American Colonies by Settling the
Country adjoining the River Mississippi, Considered. Edinburgh, 1 763 .
— Of great importance.

192

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Historical Account of the Expedition against the Ohio Indians 1764.
— Attributed by Charles Whittelsey to Thomas Hutchins, and by Jus-
tin Winsor to Dr. William Smith of Philadelphia. In the Library of
Congress is a letter by Smith asserting his own authorship of the book.
The work is now available in the Ohio Valley Historical Series.

Hunt, William, The Justice and Policy of the late Act of Parliament
for making more Effectual Provision for the Government of the Prov-
ince of Quebec, Asserted and Proved, London, 1774. — Invaluable for
view on the legal position of the West.

Hutchins, Thomas, A 7*opographical Description of Virginia, Penn-
sylvania, Maryland, and North Carolina. Reprinted from the orig-
inal edition of 1778. Edited by F. C. Hicks. Cleveland, 1904. — An
excellent account of conditions in British Illinois.

Invitation Serieuse des Habitants des Illinois, by " Un Habitant des
Kaskaskias." Philadelphia, 1772. Reprinted by Club for Colonial
Reprints, vol. IV, with introduction and notes by C. W. Alvord and
C. E. Carter. Providence, 1908.

Narrative of the Transactions, Imprisonment and Sufferings of
John Connolly, an American Loyalist. London, 1783. Reprinted
by C. L. Woodward. New York, 1889.

Pittman, Philip, The Present State of the European Settlements on
the Mississippi. London, 1770. — Written by an English officer who
did not thoroughly understand conditions in Illinois either in the
French or British periods. Has been trusted too much. Most avail-
able in edition of F. H. Hodder. Cleveland, 1906.

Plain Facts. Philadelphia, 1787. — According to Sabin, this pamph-
let was written by Benjamin Franklin or A. Benezet. According to
W. C. Ford, it was written by neither of these, but by Samuel Whar-
ton. Many later writers have copied from this work.

Political Essays concerning the Present State of the British Empire ;
Particularly respecting : (/) Natural Advantages and Disadvantages.
(//) Constitutions. (Ill) Agriculture. (IV) Manufactures. ( V")
Colonies, and (VI} Commerce. London, 1772. — Attributed by Sabin
to Dr. John Campbell. This is probably a wrong inference. Contains
a contemporary criticism of the western policy of Great Britain.

Pownall, Thomas, The Administration of the Colonies. London,
1 768. — Valuable for view of an English official relative to the merits of
the French and English claims in the West prior to 1 763 and to the
relations of the two nations with the Indians.

Pownall, Thomas, A Topographical Description of the English Col-

BIBLIOGRAPHY

193

oiits. London, 1776. — Contains the earliest printed copy of Gordon's
Journal down the Ohio in 1766.

Pratz, Le Page du, Histoii e de la Louisiane, 3 vols. Paris, 1758. —
Good treatment of French conditions in Illinois prior to 1763 by a
French traveler.

Volney, C. F., View of the Climate and Soil of the United States.
Translated from the French. London, 1814. — Excellent account of the
character of the French in the Mississippi Valley towards the close of
the eighteenth century.

CONTEMPORARY NEWSPAPERS.

There is in general little to be found in the newspapers relating to
the West during the British period. Some stray bits of information,
however, are gleaned from the following newspapers, found in the
libraries of the Pennsylvania Historical Society and the American
Antiquarian Society :

J^ennsylvania Chronicle and Universal Advertiser, 3 vols. 1768-

1774.

Pennrtlvania Gazette, 34 vols. Philadelphia, 1728-1789.

Pennsylvania Journal, 13 vols. Philadelphia, 1751-1788.

Pennsylvania Packet and General Advertiser, 9 vols. Philadelphia,
1772-1784.

GENERAL HISTORIES AND BIOGRAPHIES.

Bancroft, George, Historv of the United States from the Discovery
of the American Continent, 10 vols. Boston, 1834-1874. — For this
essay, the early edition, containing references to sources, was used.
The ponions of the author's last revision which relate to the West,
differ in no particular from those of the f.rst edition. Bancroft had
access to more material than any other writer, but his interpretations
cannot be depended upon. Serious errors which have found their way
into most of the western histories are traceable directly to this work.

Draper, L. C., " Life of Boone ", 5 vols. MS. in Draper Collection,
State Historical Society of Wisconsin.

Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmund, fife of William, Earl of Shelburne, 3
vols. London, 1875. — Necessary for understanding of bhelburne's
position in England. Perspective very poor.

Franklin, Benjamin, 7 he Life of Benjamin Franklin, ivritten by
himself. Edited by John Bigelow, 3 vols. Philadelphia, 1899. — Con-
tains one valuable document. Otherwise of little use for present study.

194

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Howard, George E., An Introduction to the Local Constitutional
History of the United Mates. J. H. U. Studies. Baltimore, 1889. —
No understanding of local institutions in British Illinois.

Hunt, William, and Reginald L. Poole, ed., Political History of
England. 12 vols. New York, 1906. — Vol. X is of use on account of
tabks giving ministerial changes.

Kingsford, William, History of Canada, 10 vols. Toronto, 1887—
i8co. — In general a very sane piece of work, although the author is
prejudiced against the French.

Parkman, Francis, Conspiracy of Pontiac and Ihe Indian War after
the Conquest of Canada. New library edition, z vols. Boston, 1903. —
Invaluable but lacks sympathy for the French.

Parkman, Francis, La Salle and the Disco-very of the Great West.
Boston, 1903.

Parkman, Francis, Montcalm and Wolfe, 2 vols. Boston, 1903.

Perkins, James B., France under Louis XV, 2 vols. Boston, 1897.

Sabme, Lorenzo, Loyalists of the American Revolution, 2 vols.
Boston, 1864.

Shea, John Gilmary, Life of the Most Rev. John Carroll, embracing
the History of the Catholic Church in the United States, 1763-1875.
New York, 1888. — Sound, but carelessly constructed. Practically the
only tiust worthy account of the Catholic Church in the West.

Spaiks, Jartd, Life of (.harles Lee. In Library of American Biog-
raphy, vol. XVIII. Boston, 1846.

btone, WilLam L., 1 he Life and Times of Sir William Johnson,
2 vtls. Albany, 1865.— Disappointing wiih respect to the West in
which Johnson was greatly interested. Ihe author had a large amount
of material, but failed to master it.

Winsor, Justin, ed , Narrative and Critical History of America, 8
vols. Boston and New York, 1889. — Chapter on "The West" by
Poole in vol. VI covers the British period, but is practically worthless
so far as interpretation is concerned. The editorial notes are, how-
ever, very valuable. The chapter on "The Mississippi Valley" in vol.
V, by A. McF. Davis, covering the period prior to 1763, is of more
value. The bibliographical notes scattered throughout the volumes are
indispensable.

SPECIAL AND SECTIONAL TREATISES.

Adams, Herbert B., Maryland's Influence upon the Land Cessions
to the United States. J. H. U. Studies. Baltimore, 1885. — An un-
critical study.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

195

Aider), George H., Nrw Governments West of the Allfg'iany Moun-
tains before ij8o. Bulletin of University of Wisconsin, II, Madison,
1899. — Good. He has confined himself almost entirely to printed
sources, but has used them carefully. Interpretations sound.

Alvord, Clarence W., "Genesis of the Proclamation of 1763", in
Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, vol. 37. Lansing, 1908.
— Completely refutes old views of the proclamation. Indispensable to
students of western history.

Alvord, Clarence W., " Introduction " to Illinois Historical Collec-
tions, vol. II. Springfield, 1907. — Contains excellent resum6 of con-
ditions in British Illinois. Based on original sources.

Alvord, Clarence W., "The British Ministry and the Treaty of Fort
Stanwix", in Proceedings of Wisconsin Stale Historical Society.
Madison, 1909. — Excellent for analysis of British ministry. Authorita-
tive.

Annals of the West. Embracing a Concise Account of the Principal
Events which have occurred in the Western States and Territories
from the Discovery of the Mississippi Valley to the Year 1850. Edited
by James H. Perkins, Cincinnati, 1846. Revised by John M. Peck,
St. Louis, 1850, also by James R. Albach. Piitsburg, 1858. — Anti-
quated. Must be used wiih great care.

Babeau, H., Les Assemblies GeneraUsdes Communautes d* Habitants
en France. Paris, 1893.

Babeau, H., Le Village sous I' Ancien Rfgime. Paris, 1879. — Neces-
sary for an understanding of the French village community life.

Beer, George L., British Colonial Policy, 1754-1765. — An excellent,
critical study of the colonial problems of Great Britain. He does not
seem to appreciate fully, however, the magnitude of the western prob-
lem.

Benton, Klbert J., The Wabash Trade Route in the Development
of the Old Northwest. J. H. U. Studies. Baltimore, 1903. — Confined
altogether to printed sources, which have not been used critically.
Has failed to grasp the larger aspects of the western trade.

Chalmers, George, Opinions of hmittent Lawyers on Various Points
of English Jurisprudence. London, 1858. — Valuable for gaining
point of view of certain English officials.

Coffin, Victor, The Province of Quebec and the Early American
devolution : A Study in English-American ( 'olonial History, Uni-
versity of Wisconsin Bulletin, vol. I, no. 3. Madison. 1896. — Based on
manuscript as well as printed sources. Useful for discussion of western

196 BIBLIOGRAPHY

land policy of Great Britain. Some of the conclusions reached, how-
ever, need revision.

DeHass, Willis, History oj the Earlv Settlement and Indian Wars
of Western Virginia. Wheeling, 1851. — Of some use in study of
western colonization.

Douglas, W. B., " Jean Gabriel Cerre, a Sketch ", in Transactions
of the Illinois State Historical Society for 1903. Springfield, 1904.

Dunn, J. P., " Father Gibault ", in Transactions of the Illinois State
Historical Society for 1905. Springfield, 1906. — Neither of the last-
named articles contribute anything new.

Farrand, Max, "The Indian Boundary Line", in American His-
torical Iff new, vol. X, pp. 782-791. — Has missed many important
sources. Will have to be rewritten.

Fernow, Berthold, 1 he Ohio Valley in Colonial Days. Albany,
1890. — No contribution.

Franz, Alexander, Die Kolonization des Mississippitalei ztim Aus-
%ange der franz"sischen Heet shaft. Leipzig, 1902. — Of value for
economic treatment.

Gale, Henry, 7 he Upper Mississippi or Historical Sketches of the
Mound Builders, the Indian Tribes and the Progress oj Civilization
in the Aorthwetf. Chicago and New York, 1861. — Valueless.

Hamilton, Peter J., Colonial Mobile. Boston and New York, 1897.
— The author has had access to important material relating to the
occupation of the West. lie has also followed \Vinsor pretty closely.

Harding, Julia Morgan, "Col. George Morgan: His Family and
Times". Washington (Pa.) Obserrer, May 21, 1904. — Most complete
account of the life of Morgan available.

Hildreth, Samuel R., lioneer History: being an Account of the First
Examinations of the Ohio Vt'llry, at;d the harly Settlement of the
North-west Territory. Cincinnati, 1848. — Uncritical.

Hinsdale, B. A., The Old A orthu-est. New York, 1888.— Not based
on original research. Very uncritical.

Hinsdale, B. A., "The Western Land Policy of the British Govern-
ment from 1763 to 1775", in Ohio Archaolcgical and Historical
Quarterly. Columbus, Dec., 1887. — Uncritical and unreliable.

Hosmer, James K., A Short History of the Mississippi Valley.
Boston and New York, 1901. — The author has generalized from
secondary authorities. Untrustworthy.

Margry, P., Decouvertes el etabl<i.sements des fran$ais dam L'Anier-
ique stptentrionale, 1614-1754, 6 vols. Paris, 1887.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 197

Monette, John W., History of the Discovery and Settlement of the
Valley of the Mississippi, 2 vols. New York, 1848. — Antiquated and
unreliable.

Moore, Charles, The Northwest under Three flags, 1635-1196.
New York and London, 1900. — Has used a few good sources in an
uncritical manner.

Munro, William B., The Seigniorial System in Canada: A Study in
French Colunial Policy. New York, 1907. — An excellent, scientific
account of institutions in the contemporaneous colony.

Ogg, Frederic A., The Opening sf (lie Mississippi. New York, 1904.
— A popular treatment, based on secondary authorities. Of little value.

Roosevelt, Theodore, 7 he Winning of the West,^\o\%. New York,
1896. — The author has seen many important sources, but has used
them uncritically in some instances.

Rozier, Firmis A., A History of the Early Settlement of the Missis-
sippi Valley. St. Louis, 1890. — Of little value.

isato, shosuke, A History of the Land Question in the United States.
J. II. U. Studies. Baltimore, 1886. — Superficial.

Schuyler, Robert L., The Transition in Illinois from British to
American Government. New York, 1909. — Has made excellent use
oi the printed sources.

bioussat, St. George L., The English Statutes in Maryland. J. H.
U. Studies. Baltimore, 1903. — Very useful.

Thwaites, Reuben G., " Early Lead-ruining in Illinois and Wiscon-
sin ", in Annual Report of American Historical Association, 1893. —
Good.

Turner, Frederick J., Character and Influence of the Indian Trade
in Wisconsin. J. H. U. Studies. — Suggestive treatment.

Viollet, P., Histoire du Droit Civil trancais (third edition). Paris,

Walker, Charles J., "The Northwest during the Revolution", in
Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, vol. III. — Of little value.

Walton, Frederick Parker, 'J he Scope and Interpretation of the Civil
Code of Lower Canada. Montreal, 1907. — A sound work.

\\ hittelsey, Charles, " The Origin of Land Surveys ", in Journal of
the Association of Engineering Societies, vol. Ill, no. II. — Contro-
versial. Relates to authorship of the Historical Account of the Ex-
pedition of Colonel Bouquet against the Ohio Indians.

\\ insor, Justin, '1 he Mississippi Basin. Boston, 1895. — Covers early
part of the period. Chief objection is the absence of reference to
sources. Seems generally accurate.

198 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Winsor, Justin, The Westward Movement of the Colonies and the
Republic west of the Alleghanies, 1763-1798. Boston, 1897. — No
foot-notes. Based on vast amount of material, but interpretations of
events in the West during the British period not altogether reliable.

STATE AND LOCAL HISTORIES.

A single criticism will be sufficient for the greater part of the follow-
ing works. \Vith a few exceptions, to which attention will be called,,
they are almost worthless. Sufficient citations have already been made
in the foot-notes to indicate the uncritical and unreliable character of
most of the writings on western and Illinois history.

Alerding, H., A Histoty of the Catholic Church in the Diocese of
Vincennes. Indianapolis, 1883.

Billon, Frederick L., Annals of St. Louis in its Early Days under
French and Spanish Dominations, 2 vols. St. Louis, 1886. — Necessary
for the eaily history of St. Louis. The work of an antiquarian.

Blanchard, Rufus, History of Illinois to accompany an Historical
Map of the Stale. Chicago, 1883.

Boggess, Arthur Clinton, The Settlement of Illinois, 1778-1830*
Chicago, 1908. — Contains important references for study of land ques-
tion.

Bieese, Sidney, Early History of Illinois. Chicago, 1884. — Entirely
untrustworthy.

Brown, Henry, The History of Illinois, from its first Discovery and
Settlement, to the Present. New York, 1884.

Butler, Mann, History of Kentucky. Louisville, 1834. — Contains
important documentary appendix.

Claiborne, J. F. H., Mississippi as a Province, Territory and Stale.
Jackson, 1880.

Craig, O. J., "Ouiatanon ", in Indiana Historical Society Publica-
tions, II. Indianapolis, 1895.

Davidson, A., and B. Stuv6, A Complete History of Illinois from
1763-1884. Springfield, 1884.

Dillon, John B., 7 he History of Indiana, 2 vols. Indianapolis,
1843. — Most oiiginal ol all the series of state histories.

Dunn, J. P , jr., Indiana: A Redemption fr>.m Slavery. Boston
and New York. 1888. — Fair. Has not used all the available material.

Gayarre, C. E., A History of Louisiana, 3 vols. New Orleans, 1906.
— The best that is available.

Gerhard, Fred., Illinois as it is. Chicago and Philadelphia, 1857.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

199

History of Monroe, Randolph and Parry Counties, Illinois. Phila-
delphia, 1883.

History of St. Clair County., Illinois. Philadelphia, 1881.

Houck, Louis, A History of Missouri, 3 vols. Chicago, 1908. — An
accurate, scientific work. Of little value, however, for the present study.

Mason, Edward G., Chapters from Illinois history. Chicago, 1901.

Mason, Edward G., Illinois in the Eighteenth Century ; Kaskaskia
and its Parish Records. Chicago, 1889. — Fair.

Mason, Edward G., " Philippe de Rocheblave and Rocheblave
Papers ", with historical sketch and notes, in Chicago Historical Society
Collections, vol. IV. Chicago, 1890. — Generally accurate.

Moses, John, Illinois : Historical and Statistical, 2 vols. Chicago,
1889. — The best of the popular histories of Illinois.

Moses, John, " Court of Inquiry at Fort Chartres ", in Chicago His-
torical Society Collections, vol. IV. Chicago, 1890. — A brief, but good
sketch.

Parrish, Randall, Historic Illinois : The Romance of the Earlier
Days. Chicago, 1906.

Peyton, J. Lewis, History of Augusta County, Virginia. Staunton,
Va., 1882.

Phelps, Albert, History of Louisiana. New York, 1905. — A read-
able work, but no contribution.

Reynolds, John, The Pioneer History of Illinois. Belleville, 111., 1852.

Smith, George, A Studenfs History of Illinois . Bloomington, 1906.

Terrage, Marc de Villiers du, Les dernieres Annees Je la i.omsiane
franfaise. Paris, 1903. — Good. The author has made better use of
the colonial archives in Paris than any other writer. The work con-
tains important quotations from the original sources. Considerable
partiality is shown to Governor Kerlerec.

Wallace, Joseph, History of Illinois and Louisiana under French
Rule. Cincinnati, 1893. — Decidedly uncritical.

ERRATA AND ADDENDA.

Page 51, line 9. "Pounds of ammunition" should be "rounds of
ammunition."

Page 60, line 6 from the top. " 1766 " should be " 1768 ".

Page 63, notes 76 and 78. " Jenning's " should be " Jennings'. "

Page 74, rote 120. The source is P. R. O , Am. and W. I., v .1. 123.

Page 80, line 6 from the bottom. In civil and criminal actions the
commissaries were to have all the powers of justices of the peace in
any colony. In addition they were to have summary jurisdiction — as
justices of the peace had not — of civil cases under 10 pounds steiling,
but in such cases an appeal lay to the superintendent, whose decision
was final.

Page 101, note 80. " Chapter VII " should be " chapter VI."

Page 124, note 62. For the best discussion of the altitude of the
British ministry towards western expansion, see Ahord, '-The British
Ministry and the Treaty of Fort Stanwix", in Wis. Hist. Soc. I'rocecii-
ings, 1908, pp. 165 ff.

Tage 133, line 9 from the bottom. " Shelbourne " should be " Shel-
burne."

Page 137, note 102. Hillsborough's attitude at this time is best
described by Alvord, in " British Ministry and the Treaty of Fort Sian-
wix ", in Wis. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 1908, p. 179.

Page 149, note 16, line 9 from the top. Dartmouth prepared and
forwarded to Illinois what he called a " Sketch of Government for
Illinois" should be " Dartmouth prepared and forwarded to Illinois
what he tailed a ' Sketch of Government for Illinois '."

2OO

INDEX.

Abbadie, Eugene d'. letters from,
to French minister, 31 n.; to
French commandants, 33 n.;
blamed for failure of Loftus'
expedition, 33; Kingsford's
opinion of, 33 n.; Gage disbe-
lieves in complicity of, 33, 34;
gives Loftus advice concerning
Indians, 34; letters to, from
St. Ange, 36 n., 41 n.

Account of the Proceedings of the
Illinois and Wabash Land
Companies, cited, 161 n. See
also Bibliography

Adair, James, History of the
American Indian, cited, 160 n.
See a/so Bibliography

Adams, H. B., Maryland's In-
fluence upon the Land Cessions
in the United States, cited, 109
n., 140 n. See also Bibliog-
raphy

Aix-la-Chapelle, treaty of, 2, 103

Albany Congress, 123; considers
creation of western colonies, 103

Alden, George H., Neva Govern-
ments West of the Alleghanies
before 1780, cited, 103 n., 104
n., 140 n. See also Bibliog-
raphy

Algonquin Indians. See Indians,
Algonquin

Alleghany Mountains, 3, 47, 79,
108, 109 n., in, 136, 160 n.

Alvord, C. W., Illinois Historical
Collections, vol. II, cited, 7 n.,
8 n., 9 n., ion., 163 n. ; Illi-
nois in the Eighteenth Century,
cited, 9 n. ; "Genesis of the

Proclamation of 1763", cited,
14 n., 79 n., 140 n.; "The
British Ministry and the Treaty
of Fort Stanwix ", cited, 200.
See also Bibliography

America, I, 2, 5, 13, 25, 28, 31,
57, 67, 78, 102 n., 105, 108,
112, 113, 117, 118, 124 n.,
125 n., 126 n., 127 n., 131,
149 n., 160 n. ; relations of
France and England in, 2, 4;
plan for the management of
Indians in, 16; agitation in,
for the establishment of western
colonies, 104

American Revolution, 140; pre-
vents Quebec Act from becom-
ing effective in West, 26; rela-
tion of western problem to, 63
n. ; checks colonizing schemes,
144, 162

American State Papers, Public
Lands, cited, 17 n., 45 n., 47
n., 161 n. See also Bibliog-
raphy

Amherst, Gen. [Jeffrey], 127;
letters from, to Lieut. -Col. Rob-
ertson, 18 n.; letters to, from
Johnson, 28 n., 29 n., 30 n.;
from Bouquet, 31 n. ; effect
of policy of economy of, on In-
dians, 29; succeeded by Gage
as commander-in-chief of Brit-
ish army in America, 31; pro-
poses creation of western settle-
ments, 127 n., 129 n.

Andrew, Indian interpreter, ac-
companies Lieut. Fraser to Illi-
nois, 40 n.

201

2O2

INDEX

Annals of the West, cited, 34 n.,
109 n., 140 n. See also Bibli-
ography

Annual Register, cited, 14 n., 21.
See also Bibliography

Annual Report, American His-
torical Association, 1893, 120
n., 124 n. See also Bibliog-
raphy

Archives of the Ministry of the
Colonies, cited, 6 n., 33 n.

Arkansas River, forms southern
boundary of Illinois district, 6

Articles of Agreement for the land
company of 1766, cited, 115
n., Il6n.; formation and terms
of, 115; purpose of, 1 15, 1 16;
extent of territory in proposed
grant, 115, 121 n.; provision
for shareholders in, n6n.; in-
corporated in Gov. Franklin's
proposals for a colony, 117;
anticipates establishment of civil
government in Illinois country,
119 n.; Franklin recommends
change of, to admit increased
membership, !3On.

Assembly, village, 10

Atlantic Ocean, 3

Audit Office records, cited, 52 n.

Augusta County, Va., 103

Austria, I

Austrian Succession, War of the, 2

Babeau, H.. Le village sous Fan-
cien regime, cited, 10 n.; Les
assemlilees generates des com-
munautes d habitants, cited, IO
n. See also Bibliography

Bacon, Richard, 72

Bancroft, George, History of the
United States, cited, 27 n., 31
n., 66 n., 127 n., 147 n., 149
n., 159 n.; criticism of state-
ments of, concerning struggle
for civil government in the Illi-
nois country, 147 n., 149 n.,
159 n. See also Bibliography

Bancroft Collection (New York
Public Library), cited, 31 n.,

32 n., 33 n., 34 n., 35 n., 37
n., 38 n., 40 n., 41 n., 42 n.,
43 n., 45 n. See also Bibliog-
raphy

Barbau, Jean Baptiste, resident of
Prairie du Rocher, 9: appointed
member of court of judicature,
68

Barnsley, , letters to, from

Butricke, 64 n., 65 n., 66 n.,
68 n. , 70 n., 73 n.

Barrington, Secretary of War, 67;
letters to, from Gage, 45 n.;
from Farmer, 55 n. ; from Wil-
kins, 67 n., 88 n., 97 n., 98 n.;
advocates restrictive policy to-
wards West, 108 n., 136;
" Plan relative to the Out Posts,
Indian Trade ", etc., cited, 108
n., 136 n.; letter from, to Hal-
dimand, 162 n.

Bauvais, ,49 n.; family of,

residents of Kaskaskia, 9

Baynton, John, letter to, from
Morgan, 73 n.; amount of share
of, in land company, 116 n.;
believes a civil government will
be established in Illinois, 1 19 n.

Baynton and Company, land grant
in Illinois to, 69 n.

Baynton and Wharton, letters to,
from Morgan, 60 n., 61 n., 62
n., 64 n , 65 n., 73 n., 87 n.,
88 n., 89 n., 90 n., 95 n., 97
n., 98 n., 99 n.; from Maturin,
74 n.

Baynton, Wharton and Morgan,
130 n.; letters from, to Gage,
55 n.; to Macleane, 83 n., 95
n.; to Johnson, 105 n., 121 n.,
123 n.; hunting party sent out
by, attacked by Indians, 63 n.;
land grant in Illinois to, 69 n.;
court of inquiry called to settle
disputes between Richard Bacon
and, 72; competition and suc-
cess of, 83; letters to, from
Joseph Dobson, 83 n.; from
Johr.son, 121 n., 122 n. ; enter
into articles of agreement for

INDEX

203

purchase of lands in Illinois,
115; enter Vandalia company,
140 n. ; Wilkins' connection
with, broken, 155

Beauvais. See Bauvais

Bedford party, 134

Beer, G. L., British Colonial
Policy, cited, 31 n. See also
Bibliography

Benefice, seigniory compared with,
10

Bentley and Company, trade ex-
tensively in Illinois country, 83

Bienville, Le Moine de, plan of,
with reference to Mississippi
Valley, 3

Billou, H. Is., Annals of Si. Louis,
cited, 51 n. See also Bibliog-
raphy

Blackstone, William, Commen-
taries, cited, 24. See also Bibli-
ography

Blanchard, R., History of Illinois,
cited, 51 n.; Discovery and
Conquest of the Northwest,
cited, 51 n. See also Bibliog-
raphy

Bloiiin, Daniel, favored by court
of judicature, 70; appointed by
Illinois French as agent to
Gage, 146; letters from, to
Dartmouth, 146 n., 147 n., 149
n., 157 n., 159 n. ; gives power
of attorney during absence from
Illinois, 147 n.; outlines draft of
government at request of Gage,
147-148; Gage's opinion of,
148 n., 151, 152 n.; returns
Gage's draft of government to
Haldimand, 149 n., 150 n.;
Bancroft's statements concern-
ing part taken by, in struggle
for civil government, 159 n.

Blue Ridge Mountains, 103

Board of Trade, 6l n., 79, 112,
124, 125, 127 n., 128, 132,
136, 138, 141; Shelburne presi-
dent of, 15; Hillsborough presi-
dent of, 15, 16; plan of, for
regulation of the trade and

management of the Indians, 16;
relations of Sir William John-
son with. 18; Johnson writes to,
concerning irregular behavior
of traders, 19; devises plan of
1764 for management of Indian
affairs, 56; gives directions to
Indian superintendents, 57; ex-
presses opinion as to policy to
be pursued towards West, 78;
is solicited by land companies,
108; interprets proclamation of
1763, 1 08 n. ; receives com-
munication from Croghan rela-
tive to establishing a colony in
Illinois, III; Johnson recom-
mends colonial project to, 122;
attitude of, towards proposed
Illinoiscolony, 125 n., 126, 127;
Shelburne's communication to,
130-131; Shelburne's method
of presenting colonial plan to>
132; calls for opinions of mer-
chants, 132; power of, in 1766,
133, 134; makes adverse rep >rt
on Shelburne's recommendation
for western colonies, 134-135;
discussion of report of, 139-
140; report of, on Vandalia
grant, 140

Board of Trade Papers (Historical
Society of Pennsylvania), cited,
I9n.,4l n.,49n.,5in., 53n.,
59 n., 83 n., 86 n., 90 n., 91
n., 92 n., 95 n., 101 n., 113 n.,
117 n., 127 n., 129 n., 137 n.,
146 n., 147 n., 149 n., 157 n.,
159".

Boisbriant, Pierre, commissioned
to govern Illinois country, 6;
lands of Prairie du Rocher
owned by, II

Bossu, M., Travels, cited, 8 n.
See also Bil >liography

Bouquet, Col. Henry, 30, 39, IIO
n. ; expedition of, and its re-
sults, 30; letters to, from Gage,
30 n., 32 n., 35 n., 38 n.; let-
ters from, to Amherst, 32 n.;
to Gage, 38 n.; to Franklin,

204

INDEX

HO n.; effect of victory of,
up»n Pontiac, 36

Bratlstreet, Col. John, leads force
along Lake Erie, 30; sends
Thomas Morris into Indian
country, 36; campaign of, a
failure, 37 n.

Breese, Sidney, Early History of
Illinois, cited, 9 n., 10 n. See
also Bibliography

Briand, Bishop of Quebec, letters
to, from Father Meurin, 60 n.,
75 n.; creates Father Meurin
vicar-general of Illinois, 75;
sends additional priest to Illi-
nois country, 76

British army, 15, 92; occupies
most of western posts, 27; Gage
succeeds Amherst as comman-
der-in-chief rf, 31; occupies
Mobile and Pensacola, 32;
official aid given, in expedition
of Maj. Loftus, 33; Pontiac
agrees to offer no further resist-
ance to, 43; takes formal pos-
session of Fort de Chartres,
45; detachment of, in Illinois
stricken with sickness, 73 n.

British commandant, immediate
duty of, after occupation of
Fort de Chartres, 46; problems
confronting, 49-50

British government, 48, 88; guar-
antees by, of the rights of the
inhabitants of Illinois under the
treaty of Paris, 17; transports
provisions from Fort Pitt to Illi-
nois country, 55; is slow in
forming definite program for
management of Indian affairs,
56; officials of, fear Indian out-
break in 1768, 63 n.; expects
to inherit influence of French
among Indians of West, 84;
loss of customs duty to, 94; ex-
pects to use Fort de Chartres to
protect trade, 07; adopts policy
of economy, 113; anxious to
displace military government of
Illinois:, 158: annuls land grants
in Illinois country, 160-161

British ministry, 105, 123 n., 133;
discuss policy to be pursued to-
wards West, 13-15; opposing
views in, 14; purpose of, 21;
announces western policy in
proclamation of 1763, 108; atti-
tude of, towards western colo-
nization in 1764, i II

British Museum, Additional Man-
uscripts, cited, 35 n., 54 n.,
73 n., 94 n., 98 n., 99 n., 102
n., 143 n., 150 n., 155 n., 1156
n., 157 n., 158 n., 159 n., 160
n., 161 n., 162 n. See also
Bibliography

Brown, H., History of Illinois,
cited, 7 n., 51 n. See also
Bibliography

Bute, Lord, 4

Butler, M., History of Kentucky,
cited, 106 n., 107 n., 128 n.
See also Bibliography.

Butricke, Ensign, letters from, to
Barnsley, 64 n., 65 n., 66 n.,
68 n., 70 n., 73 n.; assertion
of, concerning number of judges
in court of judicature, 66

Cabinent, 128, 133; plan for west-
ern colony approved by. 127;
Shelburne presents arguments
to, in favor of western colonies,
131. See also British ministry

Cahnkia, 7, 9, 49; mission estab-
lished at, 5; foundation of, 5
n.; population of, 7; character
of land holdings at, 10; parish
at, ii; French cross river at,
53; case of arbitration at, 65
n.; Sulpitian property at, sold.
75 n.; Father Meurin resides
at, 76

Cahokia Records, cited, 50 n.
See also Bibliography

Calendar of Home Office Papers,
7766-7769, cited, 78 n. See
also Bibliography

Calvert, Benedict, 105

Calvin's case, 25 n.

Camden, Lord, 160

Campbell, Lieut., letter to, from

INDEX

205

Fraser, 41 n.; letter from, to

Johnson, 51 n.
Campbell, James, 68
Campbell v. Hall, case of, cited,

25

Canada, 15, 27, 45, 84, 94; pop-
ulation of, 2; separated from
English colonies by line of forts,
3; immigrants from, in Illinois,
5, 7, 8; cession of, to England,
8; portion of, reserved for In-
dians, 15; proposal to place
West within jurisdiction of, 15;
liberty of Catholic religion given
to, by treaty of Paris, 45; Illi-
nois country described as part
of, by treaty of Paris, 47; fur-
trade of, 77, 92 n., 94; state-
ment of Shelburne concerning
exports and imports of, 05 n.;
proposed removal of Illinois
trench to, 154; state of affairs
in, 1763-1773, 161; instruc-
tions to governor of, respecting
the Illinois country, 162

Canadian Archives, series A, cited,
Son., 32 n., 35 n., 36 n., 38
n.; series B, cited, 53 n., 99
n., 143 n., 148 n., 149 n., 152
n., 155 n., 156 n., 157 n., 158
n., 159 n., 160 n., 161 n.;
series Q, cited, 85 n., 88 n.,
89 n.

Canadian Archives Report, for
1885, cited, 150 n.; for 1904,
cited, 56 n., 80 n. ; for 1905,
cited, 31 n., 33 n., 36 n., 38 n.,
41 n. See also Bibliography

Canadian Constitutional Develop-
ment (ed. Egerton and Grant),
cited, 25 n. See also Bibliog-
raphy

Cape au Gres, suggestion for settle-
ment at, 99 n.

Captain of militia. See French
officials

Carleton, Gov. Guy, letters to,
from Johnson, 85 n., 88 n.;
from Hillsborough.Sgn ; letters
from, to Johnson, 92 n.

Carlisle, Pa., 39

Catholic missionaries, establish
missions at Cahokia and Kas-
kaskia, 5

Cecirre, Antoine, 65

C61oron, M., 4

Cerr6, family of, 9

Chalmers, George, Collection of
Treaties, ciied, 5 n. ; Opinions
of Eminent Lawyers, cited, 127
n. See also Bibliography

Charleston, S. C., 32

Charleville, Joseph, 49 n., 70 n. ;
family of, residents of Kaskas-
kia, 9; appointed member of
court of judicature in 1770, 69;
holds power of attorney from
Bloiiin, 147 n.

Chartres village, Indian depreda-
tions near, 63; meetings of
court of judicature at, 71 n. ;
controversy over holding court
at, 71

Chatham, Earl of, papers of, re-
ferred to, 105 n.; papers of
Mississippi Land Company sent
to, 1090.; becomes prime min-
ister, 123; attitude of ministry
of, towards America, 133

Chatham Papers, cited, 44 n., 45
n., 51 n., 52 n., 53 n., 105 n.,
106 n., 107 n., 109 n., 12811.

Cherokee Indians. See Indians,
Cherokee

Cherokee River, ic6 n., 144 n.

Chicago Historical Society Collec-
tions, cited, 58 n., 64 n., 66 n.,
70 n., 72 n. See also Bibliog-
raphy

Chickasaw Indians. See Indians,
Chickasaw

China, Company of, 6 n.

Chippewa Indians. See Indians,
Chippewa

Choctaw Indians. See Indians,
Choctaw

Choiseul, Gabriel de, 4

Church, assembly at, to; descrip-
tion of, in Illinois, 1 1

Church of England. See England

2O6

INDEX

Civil government in the Illinois
country, 79, 105 n. ; move-
ment for establishment of, in
1768, 60-6 1, 98 n.; promoters
of western colony in 1766
expect establishment of, 119
n. ; proposed in Gov. Frank-
lin's plan for colony, 119;
struggle for, 1770-1774, 145-
163; Bloiiin and Clazon draw
up rough draft for, 147; pro-
posal f»r, rejected by govern-
ment, 148, 152 n. ; Gage and
Hillsborough write in opposi-
tion to, 148 n. ; Gage outlines
plan for, 149, 150-151; Hamil-
ton addresses Illinois French on
subject of, 151; Gage writes
concerning ideas of Illinois
French on subject of, 151-152;
Lord's report concerning atti-
tude of inhabitants towards, 159

Clai borne, J., History of Missis-
sippi, 33 n. See also Biblio-
graphy

Clare, Lord, 125, 134

Clark, George Rogers, effects con-
quest of Illinois, 163

Clazon, William, 147 n., 149 n.,
152 n., 159 n.; chosen by
Bloiiin as associate on mission
to Gage, 146; sketch of gov-
ernment presented to Gage
probably the work of, 148;
Gage's opinion of, 148 n., 151,
152 n.; signs Gage's draft of
government, I5on.

Clive, [Robert], 4

Coffin, Victor, The Province of
Quebec and the Early Ameri-
can Revolution, cited, 140 n.,
150 n., 162 n. See also Bib-
liography

Golden, Gov. C., letters to, from
Johnson, 29 n., 30 n.

Cole, Kdward, appointed com-
missary of Indian affairs in
the Illinois country, 57; letters
from, to Johnson, 57 n., 59 n.,
61 n., 74 n. ; to Croghan, 58

n. ; Gage refuses bills drawn by,
58 n.; arrival of, at Fort de
Chartres, 59; provides shelter
for Indians, 63; recalled from
Illinois, 74; Gage's estimate of
expenses incurred in the Illinois
country by, 95 n.

Colony, attempts at establishment
of, in Illinois prior to 1763,
103-105; plan of Mississippi
Land Company for establish-
ment of, 105-108; effect of
proclamation of 1763 on pro-
jects for, 108; attitude of
Charles Lee toward establish-
ment of, in Illinois, 109-110;
of Shelburne, no, 124, 125,
126-127, 129, 130, 131, 132,
T36, 137; of Gage, 114, 115,
127 n.; of Gov. Franklin, 116,
II7-I2I, 125 n.; of Johnson,
1 19 n., 122 n., 123; of Lyman,
124; plan of 1766 for, ni-
112, 115-127; description of
plan for, submitted to Board of
Trade, 128-130; opposition to
establishment of, 134-144

Commandant. See French offi-
cials

Commissary. See French officials

Common?, laws of, extended to
Illinois by French, 10

Company of China. See China,
Company of

Company of the East Indies. See
East Indies, Company of

Company of the Indies. See In-
dies, Company of the

Company of the West. See West,
Company of the

Corr.pte, Jacques, 65 n.

Connecticut, 124, 147 n., 148

Connolly, John, 144 n.

Considerations on the Agreement
with the Honourable Thomas
Walpole, cited, 109 n., 129 n.,
130 n.

Conway, Sir Henry, 125, 133;
letters to, from Gage, 19 n., 42
n., 43 n., 44 n., 45 n., 49 n.,

INDEX

207

54 n., 55 n., 75 n., 76 n., 91
n., 98 n., 113 n.; from John-
son, 122 n.; opinion of, re-
specting inclusion of West in
cession of 1763, 78 n.; letter
from, to Gage, 78 n.; leaves
ministry, 123; Franklin's opin-
ion concerning, 123 n.

"Council, Copy of, held at the
Illinois in April", 1765 ", cited,
38 n.

Court, clerk of. See French offi-
cials

Court of arbitration, 65, 156 n.

Court of inquiry, 72; proceedings
of, cited, 72 n.

Court of judicature, establishment
and purpose of, 65; authority
for establishment of, discussed,
66-67; history of, 68-72;
changes in composition of, 69;
power of, extended, 69-70;
attitude of, towards French,
70; breaks with Wilkins, 71;
controversy over place of met t-
ing of, 71; petitions Wilkins
not to interfere with its pro-
ceedings, 72; abolished, 72;
effect of abolition of, on inhab-
itants, 145; later cessions of,

145 n-

Court of King's Bench, designed
for Illinois, 162

Court Record, MS. (Chester, 111.),
cited, 65 n., 66 n., 67 n., 68
n., 69 n., 70 n., 71 n., 72 n.,
145 n., 146 n.

Courts, local village, 65

Crawford, a trader, 41 n.; accom-
panies John Ross to Fort de
Chartres, 37

Crawford, Hugh, letters to, from
Fraser, 40 n,

Croghan, Col. George, 38 n., 39,
40, 43, 49, 112, 144 n.; sent
by Johnson as deputy to In-
dians, 38; account of journey
of, from Carlisle to Fort Pitt,
39> "Journal of Transactions"
(Parkman Coll.), cited, 39 n.,

40 n.; statement of, relative to
Sinnott, 40 n.; experiences of,
on journey down the Ohio, 41—
42; "Journal of" (Thwaites),
cited, 42 n., 43 n.; begins
negotiations with western In-
dians, 42-43; Sterling's doubts
concerning peace made by, 45
n.; letters to, from Johnson,
45 n., 58 n., 112 n.; letters
from, to Gage, 53 n., 59 n.;
to Johnson, 58 n., 5911., 60 n.,
Ill n., 112 n., 116 n., 119 n.,
121 n , 122 n.; to B. Franklin,
86 n., 93 n., 98 n.; undertakes
second mission to western In-
dians, 58; instructions to, 1766,
cited, 58 n.; negotiates general
peace with Indians, 59; state-
ment of, respecting contraband
trade, 86 n.; plans of, for estab-
lishment of colony in the Illi-
nois country, Hi; sent to Eng-
land by Johnson, in n.; in-
structed by Johnson to inves-
tigate property of French in
Illinois, H2 n.; enters land
company for settlement of Illi-
nois, 115; transmits Gov.
Franklin's proposals for colony
to Johnson, 121 n.; letters and
journals of, 123

Cuba, 126

Gumming, Thomas, 106 n., 128;
letters to, from Mississippi Land
Company, io6n., 10711., 128 n.

Customs accounts, cited, 94 n.

Dartmouth, Lord, 140 n., 147,
159 n.; letters from, to Cra-
mahe, 16 n.; to Gage, 153 n.,
154 n., 155 n., I57n., 161 n.;
to Haldimand, 157 n., 161 n. ;
to Johnson, 157 n.; succeeds
Hillsborough as secretary of
state, 140 n., 149 n.; letters to,
from lilouin, 146 n., 147 n.,
157 n., 159 n.; from Gage,
91 n., 93n , 146 n., 147 n.,
148 n., 149 n., 158 n.; from

208

INDEX

Haldimand, 157 n., 161 n.;
attitude of, towards civil gov-
ernment for Illinois, 149 n.,
153; expresses concern over
status of the Illinois country,

154-155

Davidson, A., and B. Stuv6. A
Complete History of Illinois,
cited, 66 n., 70 n. See also
Bibliography

Davion's Bluff, 32

De Hars, W.. History of the
Early Settlement and Indian
Wars of Western Virginia,
109 n. See also Bibliography

Delaware Indians. See Indians,
Delaware

Detroit, 3, 59, in; occupation
of, 27; holds out against Pon-
tiac, 29; advance of Bradstreet
to, 30; Pontiac's attempt to
capture, 30; Bradstreet's cam-
paign in vicinity of, 36; escape
of Capt. Morris to, 37; Cro-
ghan concludes peace with In-
dians at, 43; Shelburne pro-
poses establishment of colony
near, 129; proposed colony at,
131 n., 132

Dictionary of National Biog-
raphy, cited, 50 n.

Dillon, J., History of Indiana,
cited, 17 n., 46 n. See also
Bibliography

Dinwiddie, Gov. [Robert], III
n.. 128

Dobson, Joseph, letter from, to
Baynton, \Vharton and Mor-
gan, 83 n.

Documents relating to the Colo-
nial History of the State of New
York, cited, 28 n., 30 n., 34
n. , 38 n. , 39 n. , 40 n. , 43 n. ,
45 n., 51 n., 55 n., 56 n., 57
n., 58 n., 59 n., 6l n., 64 n.,
73 n., 74 n., 79 n., Son., 8l
n., 85 n., 86 n. , 89 n., 98 n.,
IO2 n., in n., 112 n., 127 n.,
129 n., 132 n., 134 n., 137 n.
See also Bibliography

Documents relating to the Consti-
tutional History of Canada,
J759-f79r (ed. Shortt and
Doughty), cited, 5 n., 7 n., 14
n., 15 n., 16 n., 17 n., 22 n.,
25 n., 47 n., 48 n., 79 n., 81
n., 88 n., 108 n., 162 n. See
also Bibliography

Dunmore War, 157 n.

Dunn, J. P., History of Indiana,
cited, 51 n., 58 n. See also
Bibliography

East Florida. See Florida

East Indies, Company of, 6 n.

Edinburgh, 104

Egremont, Lord, 14, 15; letter
from, to Lords of Trade, 14 n.

Eidington, Lieut., lettersof,44 n.,
45 n., 51 n., 52 n., 53n.,6qn.

England, 28, 77, 84, 90, 91, 92,
95 n., 96, 101, 105, in, 116
n., 117, 119, 122, 125, 128,
13011., 131, 141 n., 149, 156,
160 n.; relation of, to France
in America, I ; cession of Illi-
nois country to, 7; influence
of, in Upper Ohio Valley, 84;
importation of furs into, 86, 87,
94; promise of aid to Indians
against, 89; dispute between,
and Spain over Falkland Is-
lands, 101, 143; agitation in,
for establishment of western
colonies, 104, 105; Mississippi
Land Company maintains agent
in, 106; Croghan's statement
regarding attitude of, towards
western colonization, 110— in;
established church of, provision
for, in plan for colony in the
Illinois country, !2On.; political
situation in, in 1767, 133;
Spain yields to demands of, 144

England, Political History of (ed.
Hunt and 1'oole), cited, 4 n.,
123 n., 134 n., 143 n., 149 n.

Engli>h army. S'e British army

English government. See British
government

INDEX

209

English law, application of, to

West, 24-25

English merchants. See Traders
English settlers, warning of C^le-

ron to, 4

English troops. See British army
Erie, Lake, 30, 129
Europe, 8, 117; situation in,

leading to Seven Years' War,

1-2

Evans, Lewis, 124

Expediency of securing our Amer-
ican Colonies by settling the
Country adjoining the River
Mississippi, contents of, de-
scribed, 104, H7n. See also
Bibliography

Falkland Islands, 101, 143

Farmer, Maj. Robert, 44, 51
n>» 54» 55 n-» sends Lieut.
Ross to Illinois on mission to
Indians, 37; letters to, from
Ross, 37 n., 38 n.; letters from,
to Gage, 49 n., 51 n., 53 n.,
54 n.; to Haldimand, 54 n. ;
to Barrington, 55 n. ; takes
command of Fort de Chartres,
51; misrepresented to French
in Illinois, 53 n.; superseded
in command of Fort de Chartres
by Col. Reed, 55

Fitzhugh, Henry, 105

Fitzmaurice, Edmund, Life of
Shetburne, cited, 133 n., 140
n. See also Bibliography

Flagg, Edmund, 65 n.; The Far
West, cited, 65 n., 66 n., 68 n.
See also Bibliography

Florida, 18 n., 51 n., 99, 100,
135, 143, 188; cession of, to
England, 6; civil government
extenc'ed to, by proclamation
of 1763, 14, 23; posts in, occu-
pied by English troops, 32

Forbes, Capt. Hugh, 62 n., 64,
89 n.; takes command of Fort
de Chartres, 61; orders of, to
English and French, 62; prepa-
rations of, to meet Indian

attack, 63; letters from, to
Gage, 64 n., 93 n., 96 n.; at-
tempts to regulate trade, 93,
96 n.

"Forbes, Capt., Information of
the State of Commerce given
by, 1768", 87 n., 89 n.

Forget, Father M., 75 n.

Fort Adams. See Davion's Bluff

Fort de Chartres, 18, 19 n., 30,
40, 43, 46, 50 n., 53 n., 55,
57, 60, 69 n., 70 n., 71, 75,
83. 90, 93. 96 n., 97 n., 98 n.,
113, 119 n., 144, 156 n.; order
for erection of, 6; statement by
George Phyn concerning gov-
ernment of, 20 n.; English
possession of, 23; troops de-
signed for, 32; St. Ange trans-
ferred to, 35; de Villiers leaves,
36; preparations to send troops
from, 37; Croghan invited to,
43; preparations for relief of,
44; final occupation of, 45;
articles of surrender of, cited,
45 n.; lack of sufficient supplies
at, 51-52; supplies sent to, 54;
Indian representatives sent to,
58; Col. Reed in command of,
60; preparations to meet Indian
attack on, 63; Indian depre-
dations in vicinity of, 73;
trade carried on at, 82, 87;
estimate of Indian expenses at,
95; intention of British regard-
ing use of, 97; plan for main-
tenance of, 1 18; destruction
of, 156

Fort Gage, 156, 162

Fort Massac, 32, 44

Fort Miami, 27

Fort Pitt, 20 n., 31, 39, 40 n.,
43> 44> 5l "•> 59 n-> !4i ; holds
out against Pontiac, 29; Bou-
quet raises siege of, 30; prepa-
rations to send troops to Illi-
nois from, 38; goods sent to,
39; Croghan at, 39, 41; pro-
visions sent to Illinois from,
55; rendezvous for English

2IO

INDEX

traders, 82; instructions to
commander of, regarding Eng-
lish traders, 91 ; orders to send
French traders as prisoners to,

93

Fort Stanwix, 140 n., 144

Fox River, 88

France, 18 n., 29, 47, 53, 77, 84,
98 n.; aggressions of, i, 2; re-
lations of, with England in
America, 2-5, 28, 84; cession
of Louisiana and New Orleans
to Spain by, 5; immigrants
from, in Illinois, 7-8; organ-
ization of village community
and system of land tenure in,
10; orders sent from, to evacu-
ate Illinois, 27; Jesuits expelled
from Illinois by order of, 75;
methods employed by, in deal-
ing with Indians, 84-85; furs
sent to, from Illinois, 90, 95
n., 96

Franklin, Benjamin, 79 n., 116,
121 n., 123 n., 128, 134, 136,
137, 141; Works of (ed.
Sparks), cited, 78 n.; Works
of (ed. Bigelow), cited, 79 n.,
81 n., 109 n., non., 119 n.,
121 n., 123 n., 124 n., 125 n.,
126 n., 127 n., 129 n., 132 n.,
137 n., 140 n.; letters to, from
Croghan, 86 n., 93 n., 98 n.;
from Bouquet, no n.; from
Johnson, 122 n.; from W.
Franklin, 123 n.; from T.
Wharton, 130 n.; statement
of, relative to Mississippi Land
Company, 109 n.; letters from,
to W. Franklin, no n., 119
n., 122 n., 123 n., 124 n., 125
n., 126 n., 127 n., 129 n., 132
n., 137 n.; to Johnson, 122 n.,
123 n.; part taken by, in estab-
lishment of Illinois colony, 122,
123, 124, 125, 126, 130 n.,
132, 140 n.; Works of (ed.
Smythe), cited, 123 n. See also
Bibliography

Franklin Papers (American Phil-

osophical Society), cited, no
n., 117 n., 119 n., 123 n., 144
n. See also Bibliography

Franklin Papers, Calendar of the
(ed. Hays i, cited, non. See
also Bibliography

Franklin, Gov. William, 6 1 n.,
119 n., 121 n., 130 n.; letters
to, from B. Franklin, no n.,
119 n., 122 n., 123 n., 124 n.,
125 n., 126 n., 127 n., 129 n.,
132 n., 137 n.; from Johnson,
121 n., 122 n., 127 n.; part
taken by, for establishment of
Illinois colony, 115, 116, 117,
119-121, 122 n., 142; letters
from, to B. Franklin, Ii7n.,
123 n.

Franks and Company, 83

Franz, A., Die Kolonizalion des
Mississippitales, cited, 10 n.
See also Bibliography

Fraser, Lieut., 40 n., 43, 50 n.;
goes to Illinois, 38-39, 40; ex-
periences of, with Indians, 40-
41 ; letters from, to Crawford, 40
n.; to Gage, 40 n., 41 n., 53 n.;
to Campbell, 41 n.; report of
death of, 41 n.; accusations of,
against St. Ange, 53 n.; "Re-
port on an Exploratory Survey",
cited, 53 n.

Frederick the Great, 2, 4

French, of the Illinois country, 29,
3X> 36* 59> 72, 112 n., 121 n.;
original purpose of colony of,
5; origin of, 7; character of,
8-9; description of government
of, 9-10; character of land
holdings of, 10-11; character-
ization of church of, u; pro-
visions for government of, 14,
15-18, 21, 24-25, 49, 64-66,
70 n., 145, 149-15°. ISS-^S.
158, 161-162; charge English
high prices for goods, 52; ex-
tent of migration of, in 1765,
53 n.; Farmer issues proclama-
tion to, 54 n.; attempts of, to
stir up Indians, 55-56, 64 n.;

INDEX

211

relations of, with British com-
mandants, 60, 61, 62, 64, 71,
157; friction among, 64, 65;
attitude of, towards Morgan,
68; religious privileges ac-
corded, 76; trade carried on
by, 28, 86-87, 89-90; Gage
recommends establishment of
colony on lands vacated by,
113-114; company formed to
purchase land from, 115-116;
actions of, relative to civil gov-
ernment, 146, 147 n., 151, 152,
159. See also Traders, French

French and Indian War, 4, 49,
124

French officials, 9, 10, 31, 33, 34,

49. 5°. 6S n-

French traders. See Traders
Fur-trade. See Trade

Gage, Gen. Thomas, 30, 32, 35,
38, 44, 45 n., 48, 49 n., 51,
54 n., 57 n., 67, 70 n., 95 n.,
96 n., 99, 127, 138, 151, 153,
156; proclamation of, to in-
habitants of Illinois, 17, 24,
46-47; proposes military gov-
ernment for Illinois, 18, 114;
letters from, to Hillsborough,
19 n., 20 n., 21 n., 58 n., 61
n., 62 n., 64 n., 67 n., 73 n.,
74 n., 78 n., 83 n., 87 n., 88
n., 89 n., 90 n., 92 n., 93 n.,
95 n., 97 n., 98 n., 99 n., 101
n., 127 n., 139 n., 143 n., 144
n., 146 n., 148 n., 149 n., 156
n., 157 n.; to Shelburne, 23
n., 55 n., 59 n., 62 n., 64 n.,
86 n., 87 n., 89 n., 90 n., 91
n.; to Bouquet, 30 n., 32 n.,
35 n., 38 n.; to Halifax, 31 n.,
32 n., 34 n., 35 n., 37 n., 98
n.; to Haldimand, 35 n., 73
n., 99 n., 148 n., 149 n., 152
n., 155 n., 156 n., 158 n., 160
n.; to Johnson, 40 n., 41 n.,
45 n., 54 n., 57 n., 59 n., 61
n., 64 n., 73 n., 74 n., 91 n.,
92 n., 93 n., 95 n., 96 n., 97

n., 98 n., 156 n., 157 n.; to
Conway, 42 n., 43 n., 44 n.,
45 n., 49 n., 51 n., 55 n., 75
n., 76 n., 91 n., 98 n., 113 n.;
to Barrington, 45 n.; to Dart-
mouth, 91 n., 93 n., 146 n.,
147 n., 148 n., 158 n.; to Pow-
nall, 147 n.; to Hamilton, 151
n.; letters to, from Hillsbo-
rough, 21 n., 23 n., 64 n., 67
n., 73 n., 97 n., 99 n., 100 n.,
101 n., 134 n., 135 n., 139 n.,

142 n., 148 n., 154 n., 156 n.;
from Robertson, 32 n., 33 n.;
from Loftus, 32 n., 33 n., 34
n.; from Bouquet, 38 n ; from
Johnson, 38 n., 61 n., 91 n.,
92 n.; from Fraser, 40 n., 41
n , 53 n.; from Sterling, 44 n.,
45 n., 48 n., 49 n., 50 n., 51
n., 52 n., 53 n., 56 n., 75 n.;
from Farmer, 49 n., 51 n., 53
n., 54 n.; from Croghan, 52
n., 59 n. ; from Baynton, Whar-
ton and Morgan, 55 n.; from
Forbes, 64 n., 93 n., 96 n.;
from Wilkins, 64 n., 96 n., 98
n., I55n., I56n.; from Conway,
780.; f rom Taylor, 99 n.; from
Shelburne, lion., 126 n., 127
n., 131 n.; from Haldimand,

143 n., 156 n., 157 n.; from
Pownall, 147 n.; from Dart-
mouth, 153 n., 154 n., 155 n.,
157 n., 161 n.; from Sowers,
155 n.; from Lord, 157 n., 160
n., 161 n.; takes command. of
British army in America, 31;
opinion of, concerning French
officials, 33, 34; issues instruc-
tions to Fraser, 40; supplies
sent to Illinois by, 54; letters
of (Harvard College), cited, 54
n., 58 n., 59 n., 64 n., 73 n.,
74 n., 93 n., 95 n., 156 n., 157
n.; Croghan sent to Illinois by,
58; extent of authority of, in
Indian affairs, 58 n ; fears In-
dian outbreak, 64 n.; knowl-
edge of, concerning judicial

212

INDEX

court in Illinois, 66-67; opinion
of, concerning sale of church
property in Illinois, 75 n.; opin-
ion of, concerning England's
object in West, 78 n.; attempts
of, to protect trade in Illinois,
87 n., 89, 91, 92, 93, 96, 99;
statement of, concerning com-
petition between French and
English in Illinois, 90; plans
of, for attack upon New Or-
leans, loo-ioi, 144; statement
of, concerning expenses of mili-
tary department, 102 n.; part
taken by, in efforts to establish
Illinois colony, 113-114, 115,
118, 127 n., 129 n., 136, 139
n., 141-142; instructions to,
respecting attack upon Louisi-
ana, 143; Bloiiin sent to, as
representative of Illinois French,
146-147; attitude of, towards
civil government for Illinois,
148-153, 158; annuls land
grants in Illinois, 160-161

Galloway, Joseph, 69 n., 115, 116
n., 117, 123 n.

Gayarre, C. E., Louisiana, cited,
33 n. See also Bibliography

Gentry, description of, 8-9

George III, 4

Georgia, colony of, 135

Germany, no

Gibault, Father Pierre, 76

Girardot, Pierre, 68, 147 n.

Gordon, Capt. Harry, 59 n.; let-
ter from, to Johnson, 34 n.;
"Notes on the Country along
the Mississippi from Kaskaskia
in the Illinois to New Orleans",
cited, 99 n. ; "Journal down
the Ohio, 1766", cited, 87 n.,
97 n., 98 n., 99 n.

Government. See Civil Govern-
ment

Graf ton, , 133

Great Britain, 47, 66, 84, 85, 87,
95 n., 96, 97, 101, 102, 104,
107, 122 n., 126 n., 132, 135,
142, 163; problem confronting,

in 1763, i; Canada ceded to,
by France, 5; receives title to
Illinois region, 27; inhabitants
of Illinois guaranteed rights of
subjects of, 47; Indians profess
allegiance to, 55; opinions con-
cerning advantages to, by estab-
lishment of Illinois colony, 96—
97, 1 1 8. See also England, and
items under British army, British
government, etc.

Green Bay, 27

Grenada, province of, 14, 25

Grenville ministry, 15

Grenville Papers, cited, 133 n.,
134 n.

Haldimand, Gen., 99, 100, 142,
143 n.; letters from, to Gage,
143 n., 156 n., 157 n.; to Dart-
mouth, 157 n., 161 n.; to Lord,
159 n.; to Johnson, 161 n.;
takes command of the Amer-
ican army, 149 n.; plan for
civil government for Illinois
submitted to, I5on.; report to,
concerning attitude of the Illi-
nois French, 159

Haldimand Papers (British Mu-
seum), cited, 148 n., 149 n.,
152 n., 153 n., 161 n.

Halifax, Lord, 15, 79, 112; let-
ters to, from Gage, 31 n., 32
n., 34 n., 35 n., 37 n., 98 n.

Hamilton, Maj. Isaac, letters
from, to Gage, 146 n., 151 n.;
to Stuart, 157 n.; acting com-
mandant in Illinois, 148, 156;
circulates among Illinois French
a plan of government, 149; ad-
dresses inhabitants of Illinois
relative to a civil government,

IS'

Hamilton, P. J., Colonial Mobile,
cited, 143 n. See also Bibliog-
raphy

Harding, Julia Morgan, "Biog-
raphy of Col. George Morgan ",
cited, 68 n. See also Bibliog-
raphy

INDEX

213

Havana, 5

Hay, Maj. John, sent on mission
to the Illinois country, 162 n.

Hazard, Samuel, outlines proposal
for western colony, 103-104

Hillsborough, Lord, 21, 24, 99,
109 n., 140, 144, 151, 153;
president of Board of Trade,
15; author of plan of 1764, 16,
56, 80; interest of, in West,
17; letters from, to Gage, 21
n., 23 n., 64 n., 67 n., 73 n.,
97 n., 99 n., 100 n., 101 n.,
134 n., 135 n., 139 n., 142 n.,
148 n., 154 n., 156 n., i6on.;
to Johnson, 73 n., 74 n., 102
n.; to Carleton, 89 n.; letters
to, from Gage, 21 n., 58 n., 61
n., 62 n., 64 n., 67 n., 73 n.,
74 n., 78 n., 83 n., 87 n., 88
n. , 89 n., 90 n., 92 n., 93 n.,
95 n., 97 n., 98 n., 99 n., 101
n., 127 n., 139 n., 143 n., 144
n., 146 n., 148 n., 149 n., 156
n., 157 n.; from Johnson, 64
n., 73 n., 85 n., 86 n., 89 n.,
102 n.; attitude of, towards
Illinois French, 62 n.; fears
Indian outbreak, 63 n ; knowl-
edge of, concerning court of
judicature, 67; views of, re-
specting value of West to Eng-
land, 96-97, 100; orders of,
for conquest of Louisiana, 101,
143; attempt of, to regulate
trade, 102 n.; attitude of, on
colonial project, 132 n., 133,
134> 13$-137> 138, 139 n., 140
n., 142, 144, 148 n.; becomes
secretary of state for colonies,
134; interpretation placed on
proclamation of 1763 by, 140—
141; effect of restrictive policy
of, 145; expresses concern over
status of western settlements,

154

Hinsdale, B. A., "The Estab-
lishment of the First Southern
Boundary of the United States ",
cited, 124 n.; The Old North-

west, cited, 140 n.; "The
Western Land Policy of the
British Government from 1763
to 1775", cited, 140 n. See
also Bibliography

Historical Magazine, cited, 64 n.,
6511., 66 n., 68 n., 70 n., 72
n.,73n. See also Bibliography

Holy Family, parish of, at Ca-
hokia, II

Home, Capt., letter from, to Hal-
dimand, 99 n.

Hughes, John, 116 n.; enters
company for purchase of land
in Illinois country, 115

Huron, Lake, 109

Hutchins, Thomas, A Topograph-
ical Description, cited, 3 n.;
letters from, to Johnson, 43 n.;
to Haldimand, 100 n.; accom-
panies Croghan to Illinois, 59
n.; "Remarks upon the Coun-
try of the Illinois", cited, 88
n., 94 n., 95 n., 98 n., 99 n.
See also Bibliography

Iberville, d' (Lemoine or Le-
moyne), 3

Iberville River, 99

Illinois Land Company, 1 60, 161 n.

Illinois River, 5, 6, 23 n., 87, 88,
93» 97) 98 n., 99, 100, 109 n.,
no, in, 139, 160

Immaculate Conception, parish
of, n

India, 2, 4

Indian affairs, plan for manage-
ment of, 16, 19, 77, 80, 81,
102; commissary of, 56-57, 80;
superintendents of, 56, 57, 79,
80, 1 19 n. See also Johnson,
Sir William

Indian country, 14, 19. See also
West

Indians, 8, 12, 21 n., 31, 39 n.,
41, 48 n., 53, 62 n., 82, 85, 87
n., 89 n., 90, 97, 101, 102,
104, io6n., 107, io8n., 112
n., 113, 114, 118, 119, 126 n.,
131, 132, 135, 139, 153 n.,

2I4

INDEX

157; provisions for regulation
of trade with, 15 n., 16, 8c-8l,
IO2 n., 138; lands reserved for
use of, 16, 79, 108, 139; influ-
ence of Spanish over, 23, 6 1 ;
influence of French over, 23,
30, 41, 61, 78, 84; causes of
revolt of, in 1762, 28-29; pres-
ents to, 29, 32, 34, 39 n., 51,
52 n., 54, 58, 85; attitude
of, towards English, 30, 32,
3S» 36, 37. 40, 4i-43» 44.
45 n., 52, ss, 60, 61-63, 73-
74; attack expedition of Maj.
Loftus, 34; Croghan sent to
conciliate western, 38; goods
designed for, destroyed, 39;
employed to carry supplies to
Fort de Chartres, 54; incited
by French, 55-56, 88-89; plan
for government of, 56; Croghan
sent on mission to, 58; general
peace with, concluded, 59; civil
war among, 74; history of Eng-
lish management of, 78-80;
expectations concerning trade
with, in Illinois country, 82;
contrast between English and
French methods of dealing with,
85-86; expense of management
of, in Illinois country, 95;
plans to purchase lands from,
in Illinois country, III, 119,
160; Illinois, 5, 45 n., 61, 62
n., 87; Iroquois, 27; Algon-
quin, 28, 29; Delaware, 30,
3,1 • 3S» 39. 59. 62, 73 n.;
Shawnee, 30, 31, 35, 39, 40 n.,
41, 42, 44, 59, 62, 73 n.; Ton-
ka, 32; Chickasaw, 34 n., 37;
Cherokee, 34 n., 42 n., 87 n.;
Choctaw, 37; Osage, 38; Mis-
souri, 38, 62 n.; Seneca, 40
n.; Mascoutin, 42; Kickapoo,
42,63; Chippewa, 63; Ottawa,
63; Pottawottomi, 63
Indies, Company of, 6, 8
Intendant of Louisiana, civil offi-
cials of Illinois responsible to,
10

"Invitation Serieuse aux Habi-
tants des Illinois ", contents of,
152-153; relation of, to strug-
gle for civil government, 152.
See also Bibliography

Jackson, Richard, recommends
establishment of colony in Illi-
nois country, 125 n.,' 127;
counsel to Board of Trade,
127 n.

Jamaica, 25 n.

Jennings, John, Journal of, cited,
63 n. See also Bibliography

Jesuit Relations (ed. Thwaites),
cited, 60 n., 75 n., 76 n. See
also Bibliography

Jesuits, 11; property of, in Illi-
nois confiscated, 75

Johnson, Guy, letter from, to Hal-
dimand, 161 n.

Johnson Manuscripts (New York
State Library), cited, 19 n.,
20 n., 30 n., 37 n., 38 n., 39
n., 41 n., 43 n., 45 n., 52 n.,
55 n., 57 n., 58 n., 59 n., 60
n., 61 n., 63 n., 73 n., 74 n.,
82 n., 91 n., 92 n., 93 n., 96
n., 97 n., 98 n., 101 n., 105
n., Hi n., 112 n., n6n., 119
n., 122 n., 123 n., 141 n., 157
n., 161 n. See also Bibliog-
raphy

Johnson, Sir William, 15 n., 19,
24, 30, 38 n., 40 n., 45 n., 48
n., 58, 64 n., 67, 92, 99, 112
n., 116 n., iign., I22n., 123,
124 n., 127 n., 141; letters to,
from Gage, 19 n., 40 n., 41 n.,
45 n., 54 n., 57 n., 58 n., 59
n., 61 n., 64 n., 73 n., 74 n.,
91 n., 92 n., 93 n., 95 n., 96
n., 97 n., 98 n., 156 n., 157
n.; from Phyn, 20 n., 87 n.,
91 n., 93 n., 98 n., 101 n.;
from Gordon, 37 n.; from
Shuckburgh, 41 n.; from Hut-
chins, 43 n.; from Macdonald,
43 n.; from Campbell, 51 n.;
from Cole, 57 n., 59 n., 6l n.,

INDEX

215

74 n.; from Croghan, 58 n.,
59 n., 60 n., in n., 112 n.,
116 n., 1 19 n., 121 n., 122 n.;
from Hillsborough, 73 n., 74
n., 102 n.; from Lords of
Trade, 86 n.: from Carleton,
92 n.; from Baynton, Wharton
and Morgan, 105 n., 121 n.,
123 n.; from W. Franklin, 122
n.; from B. Franklin, 122 n.,
123 n.; from Dartmouth, 157
n.; from Haldimand, 161 n.;
declaration of, concerning gov-
ernment in West, 20; "Peview
of the Trade and Affairs of the
Indians in the Northern District
of America", cited, 20 n., 85
n., 86 n., 98 n.; letters from,
to Amherst, 28 n., 29 n., 30
n.; to Lords of Trade, 28 n.,
30 n., 38 n., 39 n., 41 n., 43
n., 45 n., 51 n., 55 n., 57 n.,
59 n., 61 n., 79 n., 85 n., 86
n., 128 n.; to Golden, 30 n.;
to Gage, 38 n., 61 n., 73 n.,
91 n., 92 n.; to Croghan, 45
n., 58 n., Ii2n.; to Shelburhe,
55 n., 56 n., 58 n., 59 n., 61
n., 85 n.; to Hillsborough, 64
n., 73 n., 85 n., 86 n., 89 n.,
102 n.; to Penn, 82 n.; to
Carleton, 85 n., 88 n.; to Bayn-
ton, Wharton and Morgan, 121
n., 122 n.; to B. Franklin, 121
n., 122 n.; to W. Franklin,
121 n., 122 n., I27n.; to Con-
way, 122 n.; to Haldimand,
161 n.; instructions of, to Cro-
ghan, 38, i n n., 1 12 n ; neglect
of Indian affairs by, 57; extent
of authority of, in Indian affairs,
58 n . ; connection of, with colo-
nial project, 112, 115, 119 n.,
1 21-122; suggested as gover-
nor of proposed Illinois colony,
119 n.

Johnstone, Gov., 51 n-

Journal of the Association of En-
gineering Societies, cited, 119
n. See also Bibliography

Judge. See French officials
Jury, trial by, 70
Justices of the peace, 16

Kaskaskia, 9, 69, 97, 146, 156,
158 n., 1 60; mission estab-
lished at, 5; population of, 7;
character of land holdings at,
10; parish at, n; troops de-
signed for, 32; Capt. Ster-
ling confronted with opposition
at, 47-49; French cross river
at, 53; meetings of court of
judicature at, 71 n.; contro-
versy over holding court at, 71?
Jesuits at, 75: Father Gibault
takes up residence at, 76; de-
signed as center of government
for Illinois, 162

Kaskaskia Records (British Pe-
riod), cited, 67 n., 69 n., 70 n.,
147 n., 150 n., 156 n., 1570.
See also Bibliography

Kaunitz, 2

Kentucky, state of, 106

Kerlerec, Gov., letters to, from
Neyon, 31 n.

Kickapoo Indians. See Indians,
Kickapoo

King's attorney. See French
officials

Kingsford, William, History of
Canada, cited, 27 n., 28 n.,
31 n., 32 n., 33 n., 36 n., 40
n., 42 n. See also Bibliography

Knox, William, Justice and Policy
of the Quebec Act, cited, 22 n.,
8l n. See also Bibliography

Labuxiere, Joseph, 49

Lachance, family of, 9

Laclede, , 87

LaCroix, J. B. H., 9

La Grange, M. , signs petition of
inhabitants of Illinois, 49 n.;
appointed judge, 50

Langlois, family of, II

Lansdowne MSS. , cited, 91 n.,
93 n., 97 n., 98' n., 108 n.,
127 n., 131 n., 136 n., 140 n.,
142 n. See also Bibliography

2l6

INDEX

La Salle, M. de, 3, 5

Lead -mining, important industry

in Illinois country, 120 n.
Lee, Arthur, 105, 109 n., 128
Lee, Charles, 109 n.; outlines

plan for colonies in West, 109-

IIO

Lee, Francis Lightfoot, 105

Lee, Richard Henry, 105

Lee, Thomas, 105

Lee, William, 105; letter to,
from Mississippi Land Com-
pany, 109 n.

Lee Papers (N. Y. Hist. Soc.
Colls., Fund series), cited, 109
n., no n. See also Bibliog-
raphy

Lefebvre, Joseph, 49

L'Esperance, Joseph, 71

Leulhen, battle of, 4

Lincoln, C. H. , Calendar ofMSS.
of Sir William Johnson in
American Antiquarian Society
Library, cited, 121 n., 122 n.
See also Bibliography

Loftus, Maj. Arthur, attempts to
reach Illinois, 32; attacked by
Indians, 32-33; letters from,
to Gage, 32 n., 33 n., 34 n.;
defeat of, 33, 34, 35, 37

London, 49 n., 52 n., 54 n., 83,
91, 103, io6n., 116, 124, 128,
132, 149 n., 160 n.

Lord, Capt. Hugh, 162 n.; letters
from, to Stuart, 151 n.; to
Gage, 157 n., 160 n., 161 n.;
to Haldimand, 161 n.; com-
mandant in Illinois, 156; policy
of conciliation adopted by, 157;
report of, concerning attitude
of Illinois French, 159; letters
to, from Haldimand, 159 n.,
161 n.

Lords, House of, 22, 95 n.

Lords of Trade, letters to, from
Johnson, 28 n., 30 n., 38 n.,
39 n., 41 n., 42 n., 43 n., 45
n., 51 n., 56 n., 57 n., 59 n.,
6l n., 79 n., 85 n., 86 n., 128
n.; from Shelburne, 103 n.,

127 n., 129 n.; representation
of, on Indian affairs, cited, 57
n., 81 n., 129 n., 132 n., 134
n., 137 n.; letters from, to
Johnson, 86 n.

Louis XIV, I

Louisburg, 3

Louisiana, 22, 32, 93, 142; Illi-
nois country annexed to, 6, 9;
becomes a royal province, 7;
economic relations of, with Illi-
nois country, n; effect on In-
dians of transfer of, to Spain,
41; Illinois and Wabash settle-
ments in jurisdiction of, 47; in-
habitants of Illinois migrate to,
47» 53? traders from, 6l, 87,
89; plans for conquest of, 100-
101, 119, 141-144

Louviere, M., 69

Lyman, Gen. Phineas, 124, 125
n., 128

Macdonald, James, letter from, to

Johnson, 43 n.
Mackinac, occupation of, 27
Macleane, L. , letters to, from

Baynton, Wharton and Mor-
gan, 83 n., 95 n.
McMillan, James, 68
Magazine of American History,

VIII, cited, 36 n. See also

Bibliography
Magellan, strait of, 143
Maissonville, 40 n., 41 n., 43
Manchac, 83, 98 n.
Mansfield, Lord, 25
Margry, P., Decouvertes, cited,

6n.

Maria Theresa, 2
Marsh, Capt., letters from, to

Haldimand, 95 n., 143 n.
Maryland, 98 n., 105, 109 n.
Mascoutin Indians. See Indians,

Mascoutin
Mason, Edward G., Chapters from

Illinois History, cited, 58 n.,

147 n., 149 n., 159 n. See also

Bibliography
Maturin, G., letter from, to

INDEX

217

Baynton, Wharton and Mor-
gan, 74 n.

Maurepas, Lake, 99

Memorial of the inhabitants of
Illinois to Gage, 48, 53 n.

Mercer, Col. George, 128

Meurin, Father, 75, 76 n.; letters
from, to Bishop Briand, 60 n.,

75 "•

Mexico, 126

Mexico, gulf of, 3, no, 126

Michigan, Lake, 3

Michigan Pioneer and Historical
Collections, cited, 14 n., 40 n.,
41 n., 79 n., 92 n., 140 n.,
161 n. See also Bibliography

Michilimakinac, 153 n.

Mines, regulations proposed for,
1 20

Ministry, the. S?e British ministry

Misere. See St. Genevieve

Mississippi Land Company, no,
128, 130 n.; organization and
history of, 105-109; letters
from, to Gumming, 106 n.

Mississippi River, 6, 20 n., 22,
23, 27, 29, 31, 38, 40, 42, 44,
45, 47, 54, 77, 83, 84, 86, 98,
101, 104, 107, 109 n., no, in,
118, 120 n., 126, 139, 141,
143 n., 144, 146, 152, 160 n.;
Illinois villages situated on, 3;
navigation of, declared open,
5, 32; attitude of Indians in
region of, 34, 61 ; attempts to
regulate trade on, 82, 87-88,

90, 91. 92, 93, 94, 97, 99,
142; plans to establish a colony
on, 106, 117, 124; threatens
Fort Chartres, 156

Missouri Indians. See Indians,
Missouri

Missouri River, 87

Mobile, 20 n., 33, 37, 51, 54 n.,
55, 144; command of Gulf of
Mexico given to French by, 3;
occupied by English troops, 32

Monette, J. W., History of the
Mississippi Valley, I, cited, 50
n. See also Bibliography

Montreal, 4

Morgan, George, 69, 82, 87 n.,
91 n., 1 16 n.; goes to Illinois,
59 n.; letters from, to his wife,
59 n.; to Alexander William-
son, 60 n.; to Baynton and
Wharton, 60 n., 62 n., 64 n.,
65 n., 73 n., 87 n., 88 n., 89
n., 90 n., 95 n., 97 n., 98 n.,
99 n.; to John Baynton, 73 n.;
statement of, concerning trade
in Illinois, 60 n.; letter book
of, cited, 60 n., 61 n., 62 n.,
64 n., 73 n., 83 n., 87 n., 88
n., 89 n., 90 n., 91 n., 94 n.,
98 n., 99 n.; part taken by,
towards establishment of a civil
government in Illinois, 6l n.;
sketch of life of, 68; heads
party faction, 71; involved in
court of inquiry, 72; sugges-
tions of, concerning regulation
of trade, 95, 98 n.; leaves Illi-
nois, 146 n. See also Baynton,
Wharton and Morgan; Bibliog-
raphy

Morris, Capt. Thomas, attempts
to reach Illinois, 36; journal of,
36 n.; escapes from Indians, 37

Moses, John, 70 n.; "Court of
Enquiry at Ft. Chartres", cited,
58 n., 64 n., 66 n., 70 n.; Illi-
nois, Historical and Statistical,
cited, 58 n., 66 n., 70 n. See
also Bibliography

Munro, W. B., The Seigniorial
System in Canada, cited, 9 n.
See also Bibliography

Murray, , letters to, from

Croghan, 42 n., 43 n.

Murray, William, 160

Mutiny and desertion, act for pun-
ishing, 19 n.

Myers Collection (New York Pub-
lic Library), 41 n.

Narrative of the Transactions,
Imprisonment and Sufferings
of John Connolly, an Amer-
ican Loyalist, cited, 163 n.

2l8

INDEX

New England, 1 10

New Jersey, in, 115

New Orleans, 2, 3, 12, 31, 33,
36,38,40, 54, 87 n., 91 n., 99,
1 1 8; ceded to Spain, 5; expe-
dition organized at, to take
possession of Illinois, 32; Pon-
tiac seeks aid from, 37, 41;
provisions sent to Illinois from,
55; commercial connection of,
with Illinois, 82, 86 n., 90, 91,
92. 93» 94-95 96 n., 97; plans
for attack upon, 100-101, 141-
144

New York, city of, 17, 52 n., 54,

86 n., 101, 143, 146, 147 n.,
149 n., 150 n., 152, 159 n.;
colony of, 105, III

New York Colonial Documents.
See Documents relating to the
Colonial History of the Slate
of New York

Niagara, 3, 27, 29

North, Lord, 22, 24

North America. See America

Notary. See French officials

Notes, issuance of, 54 n.

Nouvelle Chartres, 7, IO, 1 1

Nova Scotia, 135

Observer, Washington (Pa.), cited,
68 n. See also Bibliography

Ogg, F. A., Opening of the Mis-
sissippi, cited, 32 n., 38 n. See
also Bibliography

Ohio Arch, and Hist. Quarterly,
cited, 105 n., 140 n. See also
Bibliography

Ohio Company, 103, in n., 128

Ohio Company Papers, cited, 1 1 9 n.

Ohio River, 20 n., 22, 26, 31, 32,
37, 56, 59 n., 62, 77, 80, 84,

87 n., 91, 93, 101, 102 n., 103,
104, 106, 109 n., in, 112, 114,
130 n., 137, 139, 141, 160 n.;
proposal to guard, by mainte-
nance of Illinois posts, 23 n.;
preparations made to send
troops down, 35, 38; journey
of Capt. Sterling down, 44; In-

dian depredations along, 63;
attempts to regulate trade on,
82, 87, 90, 98; plans to plant
colony on, no, 129, 144

O'Reilly, Gov., 89, 143 n.

Osage Indians. See Indians,
Osage

Ottawa Indians. See Indians,
Ottawa

Ouiatanon, 6n., 27, 42, 43, 45 n.

Pacific Ocean, 5

Paris, 127 n.; treaty of, I, 13,
27, 48 n., 75, 101, 155; terms
of, effecting Illinois country, 5,
17, 46-47, 48; Mississippi River
declared open by, 31; defines
legal position of Roman Cath-
olic church in West, 47; influ-
ence of, on colonizing spirit, 104

Parish priest, duties of, 9-10

Parishes of Illinois, II

Parkman Collection (Mass. Hist.
Soc. ), cited, 39 n., 40 n., 51
n., 57 n., 58 n. See also Bib-
liography

Parkman, Francis, La Salle and
the Discovery of the Great
West, cited, 5 n.; Montcalm
and Wolfe* cited, 6 n.; Con-
spiracy of Pontiac, cited, 27 n.,
28 n., 29 n., 31 n., 32 n., 33
n., 36 n., 38 n., 39 n., 40 n.,
42 n., 45 n., 85 n. See also
Bibliography

Parliament, 25 n., 26, 57, 66, 95
n., 102, 133

Parliamentary History, cited, 22
n., 78 n., 95 n. See also Bib-
liography

Parrish, Randall, Historic Illi-
nois, cited, 58 n., 147 n., 149
n., 159 n.; statements of, rela-
tive to struggle for civil govern-
ment in Illinois, 147 n., 149 n.,
159 n. See also Bibliography

Party factions, 71, 72

Penn, Gov., letter to, from John-
son, 82 n.

Pennsylvania, 39, 91, 98 n., 105,

INDEX

219

115, 116, 118; settlers from,
in Ohio valley, 3; residents of,
interested in colonial plan of
1766, in; Indian troubles on
frontier of, 157 n.

Pennsylvania Archives, cited,
108 n.

Pennsylvania Packet and Gen-
eral Advertiser, cited, 73 n.
See also Bibliography

Pennsylvania State Library, Divi-
sion of Public Records, cited,
65 n., 72 n., 73 n., 74 n., 83
n., 97 n. See also Bibliography

Pensacola, 32, 143

Peoria, 5

Perkins, James B., France under
Louis XV, cited, 2 n. See also
Bibliography

Peyton, J. L., History of Augusta
Co., Va., cited, 140 n. See
also Bibliography

Philadelphia, 19 n., 39, 64 n., 83,
104, 116, 1190., 120 n., 152,
161 n.

Phyn, Lieut. George, 92, 141; let-
ters from, to Johnson, 20 n.,
87 n., 91 n., 93 n., 98 n.,
101 n., 141 n.

Pittman, Capt. Philip, 71; The
Present State of the European
Settlements on the Mississippi,
cited, 3 n., 7 n., 9 n., II n.,
53 n., 71 n., 99 n. See also
Bibliography

Plain Facts, cited, 109 n. See
also Bibliography

Political Essays concerning the
Present State of the British
Empire, cited, i6on. See also
Bibliography

Pontchartrain, Lake, 99

Pontiac, 34, 41, 84; motive of,
in. leading revolt, 29; assistance
given to, by French intriguers,
30; effect of Loftus' defeat on,
35-36; influences Missouri and
Osage Indians, 38; saves Lieut.
Fraser's life, 40; makes peace
with English, 43; murder of, 74

Poole, William, "The West",

cited, 27 n. See also Bibliog-
raphy

Pottawottomi Indians. See In-
dians, Pottawottomi

Pownall, John, letter to, from
Gage, 147 n.; letter from, to
Gage, 147 n.

Pownall, Thomas, 140 n.; Admin-
istration of the Colonies, cited,
6 n., 28 n., 29 n., 83 n. See
also Bibliography

Prairie du Rocher, 7, 9, II, 49

Pratz, Le Page du, Histoire de la
Louisiane, cited, 7 n., 8 n., 15
n. See also Bibliography

Privy Council Office, Unbound
Papers, cited, 106 n. See also
Bibliography

Proclamation of 1763, 56, 108,
in, 135, 161; issuance of, 14;
purpose of authors of, 16; com-
ment in Annual Register on,
21 ; no provision for West in,
23, 25; trade regulations of,
77, 79; influence of, on Board
of Trade, 139-141 ; violated by
land companies, 144, 160

Prussia, 2

Public Record Office, series Amer-
ica and West Indies, cited, 19
n., 20 n., 21 n., 23 n., 44 n.,
45 n., 48 n., 49 n., 50 n., 51
n., 52 n., 53 n., 54 n., 55 n.,
56 n., 58 n., 6l n., 62 n., 63
n., 64 n., 67 n., 73 n., 74 n.,
75 n., 76 n., 78 n., 83 n., 87
n., 88 n., 89 n., 90 n., 91 n.,
92 n., 93 n., 95 n., 96 n., 97
n., 98 n., 99 n., 100 n. 101
121 n., 125 n. 126
134 n., 135 n. 138
142 n., 143 n. 144
147 n., 148 n. 149
152 n., 153 n. 154
I57n., 158 n. 159
n., 161 n.; Home Office Papers,
cited, 38 n., 51 n.; Declared
Accounts, cited, 95 n.; Colonial
Office Papers, cited, I28n. See
also Bibliography ; Chatham
Papers.

n.,

no n.

n.,

127 n.

n.,
n.,

139 n.
146 n.

n.,
n.,

151 n.
156 n.

22O

INDEX

Publications of Club for Colonial
Reprints, cited, 152 n.

Quebec, 4, 5, 6 n., n, 14, 23,

75, 93

Quebec Act, 23 n., 24, 25 n.;
provisions of, relating to West,
22, 26; passage of, 162

" Reasons for the Establishment
of a Colony in Illinois, 1766 ",
cited, 101 n., 117 n. See also
Documentary Appendix

Recollect fathers, 1 1

Reed, Lieut. -Col. John, 54 n., 57
n., 59, 64; commands Fort de
Chartres, 55, 60; recalled, 61

Regnault, family of, II

Revenue Act of 1767, 133

Reynolds, John, The Pioneer His-
tory of Illinois, cited, 51 n.
See also Bibliography

Robertson, Lieut. -Col., letters
from, to Gage, 32 n., 33 n.

Rocheblave, M. de, 49 n.; rep-
resents English government in
Illinois, 163

Rockingham Memoirs, cited, 134
n. See also Bibliography

Rockingham ministry, displace-
ment of, 123

Rogers, Maj. Robert, proposes
civil government for Michili-
makinac, 153 n.; journal of,
cited, 153 n.

Roman Catholic church, rights of,
defined in treaty of Paris, 46-
47; Wilkins' relations with
members of, 74; sketch of,
during British period, 75-76

Ross, Lieut. John, letteis from, to
Farmer, 37 n., 38 n.; attempt
of, to conciliate Indians in Illi-
nois, 37-38; departure of, from
Illinois, 40

Rossbach, battle of, 4

Royal Historical Manuscripts
Commission, Fifth, Report,
cited, 59 n., 124 n., 127 n.,
129 n. See also Bibliography

Royal Historical Manuscripts
Commission, fourteenth Re-
port, cited, 56 n., 62 n., 64 n.,
73 n., 89 n., 98 n., 147 n., 156
n. See also Bibliography

Royal warehouse, keeper of. See
French officials

Rumsey, Lieut. James, 68, 69 n.,
11911.; sent to Fort de Char-
tres, 44-45; made royal com-
missary under British, 50; ap-
pointed to forward petition for
civil government, 61 n.; duties
of , 65 n . ; heads party faction , 7 1

Sabine, L., Loyalists of the Ameri-
can Revolution, cited, 124 n.
See also Bibliography

St. Ange, 36, 38, 50 n.; French
commandant at Vincennes, 35:
letters from, to d'Abbadie, 36
n., 55 n.; refuses to aid Pontiac,
37, 41; surrenders Fort de
Chartres, 45; retires to St.
Louis, 49; commandant at St.
Louis, 53 n.

St. Anne, parish of, II

St. Genevieve, 87 n.; French from
Illinois found homes at, 33

St. Joseph, 3, ii, 27

St. Lawrence River, 3, 92

St. Louis, 45, 49; French from
Illinois found homes at, 53; St.
Ange acts as commandant of,
53 n.; foundation of, 87; furs
transferred from Illinois to, 90

St. Philippe, 7, 10, n, 49

St. Vincent. See Vincennes

Sandusky, occupation of, 27

Sato, S., History of the Land
Question in the United States,
109 n. See also Bibliography

Saucier, family of, 9

Scioto River, 41, 73 n.

Scrivener of the marine. See
French officials

Seminary of Foreign Missions, 5
n., ii

Seneca Indians. See Indians,
Seneca

INDEX

221

Seven Years' War, I, 4, 7

Shawnee Indians. See Indians,
Shawnee

Shea, John G.,Li/e of Archbishop
Carroll, cited, n n., 75 n., 76
n. See also Bibliography

Shelburne, Lord, 91, 136, 140 n.;
opinions of, concerning dispo-
sition of the West, 15-16, 78
n., 95 n.; letters to, from Gage,
23 n., 55 n., 62 n., 64 n., 86
n., 87 n., 89 n., 90 n., 91 n.,
92 n., 95 n., 97 n., 98 n., 127
n.; from Johnson, 55 n., 58 n.,
59 n., 6l n., 85 n.; letters
from, to Gage, no n., 125 n.,
126 n., 131 n.; to Lords of
Trade, 127 n., 129 n., 137 n.;
general attitude of, towards
western colonies, no, 123 n.,
124, 125, 126-127, 129-131,
132, 137; becomes secretary of
state for southern department,
123; retires from ministry, 133-

134

Shuckburgh, Richard, letter from,
to Johnson, 41 n.

Sinnott, sent to Illinois, 40 n.

Sioussat, St. George L., English
Statutes in Maryland, cited,
25 n. See also Bibliography

Six Nations, 29, 59

Smith, Adam, 136

Smith, William, Historical Ac-
count of the Expedition against
the Ohio Indians, cited, 119 n.
See also Bibliography

Sowers, Capt., letter from, to
Gage, 155 n.

Spain, 18 n., 41, 88, 98 n., 71,
126; brought to terms by Eng-
land, 4; Louisiana ceded to,
5; furs sent to, 90; proposed
conquest of Louisiana from,
loo-ioi, 141-144; disputes
with England over Falkland
Islands, 143

Spanish traders. See Traders

Sparks Manuscripts i Harvard Col-
lege Library), cited, 21 n., 39

n., 86 n., i3On., 148 n., 1540.,
156 n. See also Bibliography
Stamp Act, 57, 81, 102, 113, 133
Sterling, Capt. Thomas, 50 n., 52
n-» 53» 56; takes command of
Fort de Chartres, 44-45; letters
from, to Gage, 44 n., 45 n., 48
n., 49 n., 50 n., 51 n., 52 n.,
53 n., 56 n., 75 n. ; announces
Gage's proclamation to inhabi-
tants of Illinois, 46-48; petition
to, from inhabitants of Illinois,
48; efforts of, to bring about
order in Illinois, 49-50, 64;
embarrassed by lack of supplies,
51—52; returns to New York,

54
Stone, William L., Life of Sir

William Johnson, II, cited, 45

n. See also Bibliography
Stuart, Charles, 40 n.
Sulpitian fathers, n, 75
Superintendent of Indian affairs.

See Indian affairs
Superior Council at New Orleans,

5°
Switzerland, no

Syndic. See French officials

Taylor, Brig., letters to, from.
Gage, 98 n., 99 n., 102 n., 143
n.; letter from, to Gage, 99 n.

Tennessee, state-of, 106

Tennessee River, 144 n.

Terrage, Marc de Villiers du. Lef
dernier es Annees de la Louisi-
ane franfaise, cited, 32 n., 33
n., 38 n., 41 n. See also Bib-
liography

Thornton, Presly, 105

Thurlow, Att.-Gen., 25 n.

Thwaites, R. G., Early Western
Travels, I, cited, 36 n., 37 n.,
38 n., 40 n., 42 n., 43 n., 65
n., 66 n., 68 n.; "Early Lead-
mining in Illinois and Mich-
igan", cited, 120 n. See also
Bibliography

Tonica Indians. See Indians,
Tonica

222

INDEX

Townshend, Charles, 133

Township system, recommended
for proposed Illinois colony,
119

Trade, 8, II, 87, 130, 132,
I34» J35. I42. J53 n-? French
monopoly of, threatened, 3;
comparison of French and Eng-
lish methods of managing, 28,
78, 84-86; attempts to regu-
late, 55, 77, 79, 80 81, 89, 93,
98-100, 131; rivalry between
France and England for pre-
dominance in, 77, 84; condi-
tions of, in Illinois country,
1765-1775, 77-102; rush of
English to participate in western,
82; French attempt to monopo-
lize, 88; benefit of, to Great
Britain, 94-96; contraband,
86 n., 97 n., 126 n.; man-
agement of, transferred to col-
onies, 102, 138; effect on,
through establishment of col-
ony in Illinois, 118, 125

Traders, British, 21 n.; regula-
tions for, 1 6, 80-8 1, 93, 96-
97; behavior of, 19; character
of, 28; methods employed by,
32, 61, 85-86; rush to Illinois
country, 82; rivalry among,
83-84; fear to enter Indian
country, 87-88; route followed
"by, 90—95; Spanish, 23, 61,
64 n.; French, necessity of re-
pelling invasion of, 23; methods
employed by, 28, 30, 35, 40,
41, 61, 64 n., 85; take oath
of allegiance to English crown,
41; route followed by, 82, 87;
rivalry of, with British, 83-84;
purchase goods from British, 86

Transactions of the Illinois State
Historical Society for 1907,
cited, 45 n.

Trottier, Francois, 9

Ulloa, Gov., 93
United States, 95 n.

Vandalia Company, 144

Vandalia grant, 137, 140

Van Schaack, Henry C., "Cap-
tain Thomas Morris in the Illi-
nois Country", cited, 36 n.
See also Bibliography

Villiers, Neyon de, gives up com-
mand of Fort de Chartres, 35-
36

Vincennes (Post Vincennes, Post
Vincent, St. Vincent), 3, 6 n.,

35, 40 n., 42, 87 n., 98 n.
Viollet, P., Hisloire du droit fran-

fais, 10 n. See also Bibliog-
raphy

Virginia, 98 n., 105, 118, 157 n.;
settlers from, in Ohio Valley, 3;
party from, attacked by In-
dians, 63 n.; establishes Au-
gusta County, 103; residents
of, in Mississippi Land Com-
pany, 105, 109 n.

Visitation, chapel of, n

Viviat, Louis, 9, 69, 147 n., 160

Volney, C. F., Viewoftke United
States, cited, 8 n. See also Bib-
liography

Wabash Land Company, 160,

161 n.
Wabash River, 3, 6 n., 22, 35,

36, 42, 44, 60, 61, 63 n., 87,
93, 98 n., 105, 106, no

Wabash settlements, 47

Wallace, Lieut. Hugh, letters to,
from Johnson, 44 n.

Wallace, J., Illinois and Louisi-
ana under French Rule, cited,
40 n., 58 n., 66 n., 70 n. See
also Bibliography

Walpole, Thomas, 140 n.

Walpole Company. 140, 144. See
also Vandalia Company

Walton, F. P., The Scope and In-
terpretation of the Civil Code
of Lower Canada, cited, 25 n.
See also Bibliography

Washington, George, 105, 144
n.; letter from, to Crawford,
108 n.

INDEX

•223

Washington, George, Writings
of (ed. Ford), cited, 108 n., 127
n., 144 n.

Washington, John, 105
Washington, Samuel, 105
West, the, 58, 77, 79, 84, 86, 87,
94, 108 n., 113, 119 n., 121
n.,123, 127 n., 131, 135, 141,
144 n., 160 n., 161; treatment
accorded, 13, 14; Shelburne's
plan for, 15; Gage in touch
with, 18; inability of govern-
ment to control, 20; no pro-
vision for, in proclamation of
1763, 23; extension of English
law to, discussed, 24-25; occu-
pation of posts in, 27; Pon-
tiac determines to rehabilitate
French power in, 29; value of,
to Great Britain, 93 ff.; Hills-
borough's statement regarding,
100; propositions for establish-
ment of colonies in, 129 n.;
opposition to establishment of
colonies in, 139 n., 144 n.;
Haldimand left in charge of,
149 n.; condition of Indian
affairs in, 157 n.
West, Company of the, 6
West Florida. See Florida
Wharton, Joseph, Jr., 116 n.
Wharton, Joseph, Sr., 116 n.
Wharton, Samuel, 69 n., 116 n.
Wharton, Thomas, letter from, to

B. Franklin, 130 n.
Wilkins, Lieut. -Col. John, 68 n.,
70 n.; complaints of, against

French in Illinois, 63 n., 70;
takes command at Fort de
Chartres, 64; letters from, to
Gage, 64 n., 96 n., 98 n., 155
n. , 156 n.; to Barrington, 67
n., 88 n., 97 n., 98 n.; efforts
of, to bring about order in Illi-
nois, 65, 69; discussion as to
authority of, in establishing
court, 66—67; proclamation of,
concerning justices, 67 n., 70
n.; heads party faction in Illi-
nois, 71; abolishes court of
judicature, 71-72, 145; con-
fronted with Indian problem,
73, 74; relations of, with Roman
Catholics, 74; effort of, to regu-
late trade, 96 n.; letter to,
from Gage, 155 n.; dismissed
from Illinois post, 155-156;
goes to England, 157-158

Williams, David, 69

Willing, Thomas, letter from, to
Haldimand, 156 n.

Winsor, Justin, Narrative and
Critical History of America,
cited, 6 n., 7 n., II n., 27 n.,
31 n., 32 n., 38 n., 42 n.; Mis-
sissippi Basin, cited, 27 n., 29
n., 31 n., 32 n., 33 n., 35 n.,
38n.,42n.; Westward Move-
ment, cited, 66 n., 70 n., in
n., 127 n., 134 n., 136 n. Set
also Bibliography

Wisconsin River, 88

York, Chancellor, 160