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GREEK LYRIC POETRY

PLAGE «I.

OMS ZANE LA gf

τεεησονν AMAALANAAKAAAAA
ti]

ΠΟ ἡ ἡ

cee
OI : Ye

pene SUUNANATIINS

[See Alcaeus x1., Sappho x., and Additional Note A.)

meme K EYRIC POETRY

PCO VMEi thE COLMEACTION (OF THE
SURVIVING PASSAGES FROM THE
GREEK SONG-WRITERS

ARRANGED WITH PREFATORY ARTICLES, INTRODUCTORY

MATTER, AND COMMENTARY

GEORGE S. FARNELL, M.A.

ASSISTANT MASTER AT ST. PAUL’S SCHOOL

LATE SCHOLAR OF WADHAM COLLEGE, OXFORD

LONDON
DeOMGnia Ns, GREEN, AND CO,
AND NEW YORK: 15 EAST 16TH STREET
1891

PA
SHY3
ΕΞ

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ΒΕ Pew

AMPLE as are the remains of Greek poetic literature that
have been preserved, there is one important branch of it
which has all but perished. The student usually forms
a close and valuable acquaintance with Greek Drama and
Greek Epic, but of the Lyric poetry proper he reads
little or nothing. It is true that the more fortunate,
though I fear their number is small, read Pindar, the
greatest perhaps of the Greek Lyric poets ; and, further-
more, all of us become acquainted with choral lyric
poetry in the Drama. Pindar, however, in his only sur-
viving complete poems, the Epinician odes, represents one
branch alone of the subject; and similarly in the Plays
we have practically choral Lyric only, and that, too, under
such conditions as are best adapted to the preponderating
interest of the Drama. Of Greek Lyric Poetry then, with
these important exceptions, we are profoundly ignorant ;
and our knowledge of Greek poetry in general is accord-
ingly almost as limited, as if in our own language we
read Milton and the Elizabethan Dramatists, but knew
nothing, or almost nothing, of the great song-writers con-
temporary with them, or of the lyrics of Shelley, Keats,
and Tennyson in our own century.
| The loss of these Greek song-writers is irreparable ; but
if we could imagine the connected works of any great
modern poet, or series of poets, entirely lost, many valu-
| able fragments might yet be recovered by a patient search
for quotations from them in surviving literature. This is

viii PREFACE

precisely the task so successfully accomplished in connec-
tion with the lost Greek lyrics by scholars during the last
three centuries, who, by a laborious and discerning investi-
gation of all ancient writers or critics on style, metre, and
grammar, have been able to recover for us fragments
scanty and mutilated indeed, but yet of a nature to repay
fully the study of all those who are interested alike in
Greek literature and in Greek life.

My object in this volume has been to present to readers
of Greek a collection in an accessible form of all the
fragments of the ‘ Melic’ poetry, omitting from the text
instances of single words or half lines cited in illustration
of some special point in grammar or metre, and also
passages which are hopelessly corrupt. My task then has
been not to select the best only, for the fragments are
too scanty to admit of any such selection, but to include
everything that can fairly be regarded as readable, adding
in the Introduction and elsewhere such information as I
have deemed necessary for a fuller comprehension of the
poems, and of Greek Lyric Poetry in general. To make
the collection complete for purposes of reference, etc., I
have added in an Appendix all the passages excluded
from thé text proper. These latter I have taken from
the last edition of Bergk’s Poetae Lyrici, without com-}
mentary or alteration of the text.

I deal only with ‘ Melic’ poetry, or the poetry adapts)
for music, to the exclusion of Elegiac poems, which, though

. . . . . } Ἢ
in early times at least not without musical accompaniment,

were recited or intoned rather than sung. The distinction
is far from being one of form alone; for, since the Greek
excelled in the perfect adaptation, in poetry as in all
else, of form to matter, it follows that poetry which was
distinct in metre, mode of delivery, and also in traditional
dialect (see page 75 seg.), was widely distinct also in sub-
ject, in treatment of subject, and in its whole spirit.

RPREEACE ix

I must add that the Epinician odes of Pindar, though
essentially ‘Melic’ poetry, or Song-poetry proper, are not
included in this edition, because so much has by great
good fortune survived as to necessitate entirely separate
treatment. I have however inserted some of the chief
fragments from Pindar, for reasons explained elsewhere
(p. 281).

I have to thank several of my friends for their assistance
in different portions of my work; and I am particularly
indebted to Dr. ABBOTT, my former Headmaster, for his
kindness in revising a considerable part of my commen-
tary, to which he has added some valuable suggestions.
Mr. Murray, Keeper of. the Classical Antiquities at the
British Museum, and other gentlemen connected with
that Department, have also given me much useful infor-
mation.

6: 5::τ

St. ῬΑ τσὶ SCHOOL,
February 1801.

CONTE NES

PAGE
PREFATORY ARTICLES—

I, Revival of Melic or Song-poetry, . : ς I-14
II. Some Distinctive Features of Greek Lyric Poetry, 15-20

III. Choral and Single or Personal Melic Poetry—
Dorian and Lesbian Schools, . ‘ Ξ 20-24
IV. Dance as an accompaniment of Greek Song, : 25-33
V. Musical accompaniment of Greek Song, . : 34-44
VI. Metre in Lyric Poetry, : : : : 45-74

VII. Dialect in the Lyric Poets—

3 Sec. 1. General Characteristics, . ; ‘ 75-80
Sec. 2. Lesbian Dialect, . : : 80-91
Sec. 3. Dorian Dialect, . : ‘ : 91-96
Addendum, 3 ; 97

VIII. General view of the history of Greek Melic Poetry, 98-108

TEXT, WITH BIOGRAPHICAL AND INTRODUCTORY MATTER—

Archilochus, 3 : : : ; ἮΝ 1 ΠῚ
Melic Poetry at Sparta—

Terpander, . : : : : : 122

Tyrtaeus, . : : ; : : 123

Spartan Dance-Songs, : 5 ; é 123

Alcman, . : ; : 3 : . 124-134

᾿ Alcaeus, . ‘ Ἢ : ‘ : τ 135-147

Sappho, . : : ς A , . 148-167

Stesichorus, : : : : : . 168-175

Ibycus, . 3 : : : . 176-181

Anacreon, 3 : : : ς . 182-196

| Simonides, : : : : 4 . 197-218

Timocreon, i ; ; ἡ : τς ΖΤΟΞΩΖΙ

Bacchylides, : : : : : Ὁ 222-251

ΧΙ CONAN aS

Banquet Songs—The Scolia,
Popular Songs,

Miscellaneous and Anonymous,
Dithyrambic Poets,

Some Fragments from Pindar, .

COMMENTARY,

ADDITIONAL NOTES—

A. Sappho and Alcaeus,
B. Eros in the Lyric poets,

APPENDIX—Fragments not included in the Text, .

I, SUBJECT INDEX, .

II. GREEK INDEX,

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Plate I. Alcaeus and Sappho, .
», II. Sappho and her Pupils,
», II. Eros as described in the Lyric Poets,
» LV. Blind Man’s Buff,
» WV. Boeotian Cup, .

PAGE

232+246
247-250
251-262
263-280
281-295

299-424

424
426

429-469
471-481

482-490

. Frontispiece

xiii

X1V

PLATE II.

: Ga is aS :
Ca ᾿ Wks ; :

cq
Ay
᾿ Ay
"“ «
n

ἘΞ ἢ

δι see 2

PLATE, ΠῚ:

+ LHEANMOITANE OIPA N

EROS AS DESCRIBED IN THE LYRIC POETS—Sce Additional Note B, and ANACREON νι.

PLATE, IV.

BLIND MAN’S BUFF—See Popuvar Sones vi. azd Note.

PLATE V.

BOEOTIAN CUP. See BaccHy.ipEs x11. 2, and Note.

CORRIGENDA

PAGE
120, Arch. xiv. 1, for Tiady’ read Tiadx?

124, line 5, for Harting read Hartung

127, Alc. 1. 10, for φαίνην and ἐπαινῆν read patvey and ἐπαίνεν
NOX 5 13, for ate read ot

ἘΝ 2, for ἀμύναι read ἀμῦναι

131, ,, Xii. 3, for σασάμῳ read σασάμῳ τε
142, Alcaeus v. 2, for x00’ read 208

158, Sap. 111. 3, for oxxata read ὄπποτα

159, 5, Vil. 2, for ’vijtoto read ἀνήτοιο

163, 4, XXl. I, for Kud<on read Κυϑέρη᾽
225, Bacchyl. ii. 2, decefe comma after ϑυμόν

oo " 1. 3, for Κυπρίδος read Κύπριδος
230, » xvi. (Metrical scheme, line 1) in 5th Cretic

Sor —sw read —, —
262, Miscel. xxx. 7, for κοιρανῆον read xotpavijov
a 5 10, for πολίας read πολιᾶς

274, line 2, for ἐχφοϑησείσαν read ἐχφοβηϑεῖσαν
279, Dith. Poet. xiv. 2, for Nixa read Nixa
286, Pind. i. 4, for πόλλοις read πολλοῖς
327, Note on Sappho I., par. 2, line 1, for τήλυι read πήλυι

333, Note on Sappho x, |. 3, dele¢e For ὄμματα

ΠΤ ΘΙΡΕΡῚ

REVIVAL OF MELIC OR SONG-POETRY—ANCIENT FORMS
OF LYRIC AGAIN CULTIVATED

ALTHOUGH in the history of surviving Greek literature
Epic poetry precedes Lyric, of course, as a matter of fact,
poetical emotions found their utterance in song long before
professional poets produced lengthy and elaborate Epic Lyric properly
compositions: Orpheus, according to the myth, preceded Dan ee
Homer. Epic, however, owing to certain obvious causes Sai eae .
to be looked for in the social conditions of the day, ‘Feudal’
attained a popularity among the influential classes which ΡΣ
attracted to its service all men of ambition in the
sphere of poetry, and Melic composition was for the time
cast into the shade. Songs were doubtless written and
sung all through the Epic period, and indeed we find
frequent reference thereto in Homer, but evidently no
special cultivation was given to poems which did not
celebrate xAgx ἀνδρῶν or similar subjects, and the songs
remained in the position of Volkslieder, or else of
monotonous and stereotyped religious chants. When,
however, the ‘feudal’ state of society in the Greek world With the decay
(if such an expression may be used) sank gradually to aac: Tae
decay, and with it its favourite and appropriate form of supplanted by
poetry, the Epic, poetical genius was forced to adapt itself ἯΙ
to its surroundings. The glories of the past had now, in
a period of revolution, become discredited, while the life
of the present, which for long had been unvarying and
monotonous, underwent such a change as intensified its
feelings and heightened the interest of its actions. It
was to actual life that the poets now directed their
attention, and Epic narrative was thus supplanted by
Lyric poetry of a subjective and personal character.

First came
Elegiac and
Iambic verse,

then Lyric
poetry proper,
or Melic.

Rapid develop-
ment of Melic.
Causes.

2 GREEK ΤΟΥ RIC POLES

The wide gulf, however, between Epic and Melic, or the
poetry of song, was bridged over by Elegiac and Iambic
poetry, both of which, like Epic, were recited or intoned
rather than sung.

Elegy broke the dignified flow of the hexameter, so
well suited for an elevated narrative style, by alternating
with it the so-called Pentameter, which, as metricians
point out, is merely a varied form of the hexameter. In
subject, on the other hand, Elegiac poetry broke boldly
away from the traditions of Epic, and we find it employed
by a Tyrtaeus, a Callinus, or a Solon as a powerful factor
in the warfare or the politics of the day.

The Iambic trimeter, again, the invention of which is
ascribed to Archilochus, introduced still greater innova-
tions both in form and in subject. The whole nature of
the metre is altered from the γένος ἴσον, where, as in the
hexameter, the arsis and thesis of each foot are equal, to
the γένος διπλάσιον, where, as in the lamb and the Trochee,
they are as I to 2, or 2 to 1; while the subject we find to
be personal in the most pronounced degree, being chiefly
invective or satire of the bitterest kind, not against prin-
ciples or public enemies, but against private foes.

But neither Elegy nor Iambic verse was suited by metre
or by subject to satisfy the craving for a more noble and
elevated poetry which was strong among the Greeks ; and
the poets betook themselves to what must always be the
truest source of fresh poetic inspiration—to the songs which,
hitherto uncultivated and little heeded, yet touched the
deepest sympathies of the people in their religious or
secular life. We find accordingly that with rapidly pro-
gressive innovations, which will be duly noticed, in metre,
in music, and in the choral dance, Melic poetry soon
attained to its maturity. The swiftness of this advance is
indeed astonishing, and is only intelligible when we reflect
how many were the occasions for song in the life of a
Greek city, and that in this period of social and literary
revolution, the powerful poetical genius of the Greeks was
concentrated almost entirely upon such occasions; nor
must we forget that it was not one country alone that was

mewn OF MEEIC POETRY 3

developing its poetical powers, but a number of States,
more or less parallel and independent, each of which,
owing to easy and constant communication, readily in-
fluenced all the rest.

What then were the most important and inspiring occa- Early forms of

sions for song in early Greek life, and what was the nature (72> Veh
of the early song-poetry so long overshadowed by its attracted |
younger sister Epic? For it is to this source that we must ee ἢ
trace the characteristics of later and cultivated Melic. On pistinc:
this subject one cannot do better than quote a well-known “sscation.
passage from Colonel Mure’s History of Greek Literature :
‘From Olympus down to the wandering mendicant every
rank and degree of the Greek community, divine or human,
had its own proper allotment of poetical celebration. The
gods had their hymns, nomes, paeans, dithyrambs ; great
men their encomia and epinicia; the votaries of pleasure
their erotica and symposiaca; the mourner his threnodia
and elegies ; the vine-dresser his epilenici; the herdsmen
their bucolica; even the beggar his eiresione and cheli-
donisma.’ The number of titles amounts to upwards of
fifty ; and Colonel Mure justly remarks that ‘the number,
variety, and methodical distinction of these modes of lyric
performance supply one of the most striking illustrations
of the fertile genius and discriminating taste of the Greek
nation’! It is to be noticed that these distinct classes of
song were not the creation of cultivated lyric, but were
handed down from primitive times. We may follow
Proclus in grouping them in two main divisions—the
Religious and the Secular.

Of religious or sacred lyric the chief forms are the Hymn, , Religious
the Paean, the Hyporchem, the Nomos, the Dithyramb, the Ly"
Comus, and the Prosodion; and these I will proceed to
discuss briefly in their order.

The Hymn (ὕμνος) dates far back into remote ante- Aymn.
Hellenic ages, and may be regarded as the original stock

1 Hist. of Language and Liter. of Anc. Greece, Bk. 111.} ο. ii.
Mure’s remarks are based upon a long passage from Proclus’ Xpy-
στομαθία, quoted in Photius’ Bzb/oth. pp. 521 seg.

Close connec-
tion of poetry
and religion in
ancient times.

4 GRAS Ki yy RC <P ORAS

of all the religious songs, the others being specialised and
in many cases later forms of the Hymn (ὡς εἴδη πρὸς
γένος, Proclus). But the Hymn also constitutes a special
type of religious poetry, though its only peculiar features
mentioned by our chief authority, Proclus, are that it was
suing standing, and accompanied by the cithara—é δὲ κυρίως
ὕμνος πρὸς κιϑάραν ἥδετο ἑστώτων.

Burnouf? suggests that the word ὕμινος is identical with
the Sanscrit ‘sumna’, good thought, and he adds that the
custom of accompanying a sacrifice at the altar with a
song to the gods, or hymn, was common to all the Aryan
races. It is in fact in this ὕμνος in its more general sense
that we may, perhaps, with Hartung, look for the earliest
development of poetry and song among the Greeks ; since
solemn prayer naturally tends to become rhythmical, and
harmonious musical sounds have a special value on such
occasions, both in elevating the mind of the worshipper
and in drowning all discordant and inauspicious noises.
That the earliest mythical poets, at any rate, were con-
nected with religion is illustrated by the examples of
Orpheus and Eumolpas, both of whom belong to the
primitive age, when, as in their cases, the characters of
head of the family, priest, and poet-singer were combined
in the same person.

The majority of the hymns, until the re-awakening of
lyric) inspiration, were probably traditional and mono-
tonous dirges chanted rather than sung, as seems to follow
from \the very limited range of the music of these early
times (see page 35). They admitted, however, of variety,
according to the deity that was invoked, according to
the periods of the day or the changing seasons of the
year.

Among the early poets of the Lyric age we find Aleman
and Stesichorus cultivating this branch of Melic.

Passing on to more special forms of the ὕμνος, we find

* Hist. de la Litt, Grecque, p. 40.
* See Burnouf, p. 51.
3 See Burnouf’s remarks on the Vedic Hymns, pp. 48, 56.

REV weak OF MELIC POETRY 5

that the Paean, the Hyporchem, and the MNomos were all
consecrated, in early times at least, to the worship of
Apollo (v. Proclus, doc. c7t.).

The Paean is twice mentioned in Homer. In JZ. i. 473 Paean.
it is sung by the Greeks to Apollo, in order that he may
take away from them the plague that he has sent—
Καλὸν ἀείδοντες παιήονα, κοῦροι ᾿Αχαιῶν,
Μέλποντες ᾿Ἑκάεργον, ὁ δὲ φρένα τέρπετ᾽ ἀκούων.

Similarly we are told that it was sung at an expiatory
festival in the first month of spring, called Βύσιος, at Delphi.
The second occasion in the /éad is xxii. 391, where
Achilles calls upon his comrades to sing the Paean as they
carry off the slain Hector: Νῦν δ᾽ ἄγ᾽ ἀείδοντες παιήονα, etc.

It took then the double form of earnest prayer for the
removal of plague, or for the bestowal of victory, and also
of thanksgiving for favour granted, especially for military
suCCESS.

Further reference will be made to the Paean in connec-
tion with the Dance (pp. 27 and 29); and we shall there
find that one of the early masters in lyric poetry, Thaletas,
devoted his efforts to the improvement of this species of ,
religious song. .

In the Hyforchem the leading feature was that the song Ayporchem.
to Apollo was accompanied by a dance of a distinctly
imitative character. It is said by Miiller? to have been
of Cretan origin, and to have passed from Crete to Delos.
The subject dealt with, he adds, was originally the history
of Latona, and was then extended to a wider range, as we
find in Hom. Hymn to Apollo, 162. There is a passage in
71. xviii. 590 which is said to refer to the Hyporchem. <A
bard is playing on the harp (φορμίζων), and a band of
youths and maidens-dancing, ‘sometimes in rows, some-
times in quick circles, easily as a potter might turn his
wheel, trying how readily it will run’; the maidens carry
garlands, the youths golden swords (ἐξ ἀργυρέων τελαμιώνων) 5

1 Miller’s Dorians, vol. i. c. vili. 2 [bid. vol. i. p. 371.

Thaletas.

Nome.

Terpander.

6 GREE RL ΕΟ ΡΘΕ Ξ

and the passage, as also a similar description in Odyss.
iv. 18, concludes by adding that two tumblers rolled about
in the midst: δοιὼ δὲ χυβιστητῆος κατ᾿ αὐτοὺς... ἐδίνευον
κατὰ μιέσσους.

If this be an account of a Hyporchem, it would appear
that the chorus intended their dance to represent some
action in a general way, while the tumblers exhibited more
definite and vehement pantomimic gestures. Such at any
rate was the nature of the Hyporchem in later times, as we
see from Lucian’s account of one at Delos—oi μὲν ἐχόρευον,
ὑπωρχοῦντο δὲ οἱ ἄριστοι, προχριϑέντες ἐξ αὐτῶν. That the
performance of οἱ ἄριστοι was expressly mimetic we learn
from Athen. xiv. 62ὃ---ἐχρῶντο τοῖς σχήμασι (the figures of
the dance) σημείοις povov τῶν ἀδομένων---ὅϑεν καί ὑπορχήνατα
τοιαῦτα ἠγόρευον.

It was Thaletas, again, who in connection partly with
the Hyporchem, developed the complete union of dance
and song which we find in later Greek choral lyric
(see p. 28, seg.). I must add that often no very close
distinction appears to have been drawn between the
Hyporchem and the Paean. See Boeckh, De Metris
Pindari, p. 201.

The Nome.—The term νόμος is applied in early religious
Melic chiefly to chants or tunes of a fixed type, sung (τεταγ-
μένως καὶ μεγοϊλοπρεπῶς, Proclus), not by a chorus, but by the
priest, to the accompaniment of the lyre, at the altar of
Apollo. In its earnest supplicatory tone it is regarded by
Proclus as very similar to the Paean. The Nome was on
the one hand of great antiquity, and on the other survived
beyond almost all other forms of lyric. We hear of it in
very ancient poetical contests at Delphi,? but it comes
chiefly into prominence as the branch of lyric cultivated
by Terpander, who is generally regarded as the earliest
Melic poet. Further remarks on the Nome will be neces-
sary elsewhere (see p. 36); it is sufficient for the present
to say that the use of the term was considerably extended

1 De Saltat. c. 16. 2PAaUS. os 7.2.

Peeve, OF MELT CPOE TRY 7

subsequently, and that though usually connected with the
worship of Apollo, accompanied by the lyre, in hexametric
metre and monodic, yet it occasionally, especially in later
times, dispensed with any one or all of these characteristics.

The Dithyramb—We come now to a species of hymn 716 Dithyramé.
connected with the worship, not of Apollo, but of Bacchus.
Its invention is ascribed to Arion, but, as it existed long
before his day, this is only one of the many instances
where tradition has described as the inventor one who in Arion not the
reality was but the first to cultivate and elaborate an ‘"“™:
ancient style of composition or the like. That we find no
mention of the Dithyramb in the earliest Greek literature
is perhaps owing to the fact that it was consecrated to the
service of Bacchus, whose rites were introduced to the
Greeks comparatively late, and amid much opposition
(cf. especially Eurip. Bacchae). The hymn, however, to
the god of wine probably dates back to the earliest Aryan
times, and traces of it are to be found in the Vedat A
very ancient invocation to Bacchus, of an unpolished
character, is preserved in Plutarch, Quaest. Graec. 36 (see
Popular Songs, X11.) ; but the first mention of the Dithy-
ramb in Greek literature proper meets us in Archilochus,
a generation or two before the time of Arion:

Ὡς Atenvicor ἄναχτος καλὸν ἐξάρξαι μέλος
οἶδα διϑύραμβον, οἴνῳ συγκεραυνωϑεὶς φρένα.

The word ἐξάρξαι is said by Miiller (Greek Liz. c. xiv.)

to indicate that the early Dithyramb was not choral,

as we find it to be ever since the time of Arion, but

monodic. This does not strike one as a necessary infer- Dithyramb per-
ence from the words of Archilochus, but it is likely Gores
enough that in the time of that poet the Dithyramb still te mes.
retained what was perhaps the primitive form of all early

hymns, that of being sung by one man only, originally

the priest at the altar. The improvements made by

Arion will be touched upon subsequently (see p. 102), and

a 1 Burnouf, p. 227.

Some charac-
teristics.

Comus,

Processional
hymns a strik-
ing feature in
Greek religion,

8 GREE KEY RIC PORTS

for its subsequent history see Introduction to the last
Lyric period, page 263. I will now only add that this
species of religious song, when once it had gained its
ground, enjoyed the greatest popularity, and, as I need
hardly mention, gave birth to that noblest of offsprings,
the Greek Drama. It continued, however, to survive side
by side with its more famous progeny—matre pulcera filia
pulcrior—and to attract to its services some of the finest
literary, and especially musical, talent. Being connected
with the worship of Bacchus, it assumed an enthusiastic
character,’ with rich and often inflated language, and a
musical accompaniment, the elaborations of which called
forth bitter remonstrances from the admirers of the simpler
style of the antique. One of the most magnificent frag-
ments from Pindar (Pind. rag. No. vi.) affords the best
example of the rich and glowing character of Dithyrambic
poetry at its prime.

Akin to the Dithyramb is the Comus-song, also con-
nected originally with the worship of Bacchus, and partak-
ing in its general character. The’ Comus is associated
by Hesychius and Suidas with dancing and drunkenness,
and the term is especially applied to the boisterous song
of the revellers as they issued forth from the banquet, and
escorted one of their party home, or serenaded a lady with
music, dance, and song.” We hear of the practice in Hesiod,
Scut. 281: κώμαζον ὑπ᾽ αὐλῷ... Or ὀρχύϑμῳ χαὶ ἀοιδῇ, and
later in Alcaeus: δέξαι με κωμάζοντα, etc. (Text No. 12),
where the Comus takes the form of the serenade. Cf.
Aristoph. Plutus 1039 seg. The term became extended
to any songs for festal occasions, and hence it is to this:
branch of lyric that many of Pindar’s Odes belong (Εγχώμιαν.

Lastly, I will mention Prosodia, or Processional hymns,
sung to the flute by the band of worshippers when
approaching the altar or temple of a deity.3 Many of the

* χεχινημένος καὶ πολὺ τὸ ἐνθουσιῶδες μετὰ χορείας ἐμφαίνων, Proclus.

5 The Comus is a favourite subject on Greek vases, etc. See
Panofka, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Greeks, Plate XVI. 1.

3 προσίοντες vadts ἡ βώμοις πρὸς αὐλὸν ἦδον, Proclus.

ἘΠ OF MELIC POETRY 9

other classes of song might come under the heading of the
Prosodion in a more general sense; for the Paean, the
Comus, the Wedding-song, etc., are all more or less con-
nected with processional singing. Indeed it is worth while
dwelling upon the popularity of the custom in Greek reli-
gious ritual, and to consider what a spirit of grace and
cheerfulness must have been imparted to worship by these
processions of picked dancers and vocalists.

Not the least interesting of these Prosodia are the Par- Parthevea.
thenia or processional choruses of maidens in honour of
some deity. We hear of this custom, apparently, in 74. xvi.
180, ἐν χόρῳ ᾿Αρτέμιδος, etc., and at the beautiful festival of
the Daphnephoria at Thebes,! the scene at which has been
made familiar to us in Sir F. Leighton’s well-known picture.
But it was at Sparta that Parthenia attained to the greatest
popularity, for it was at Sparta that the maidens by their
generous culture were best qualified to adorn the service
of religion. |

In this city one of the earliest Melic poets, Alcman,
found his genius powerfully attracted by these Parthenia ;
and a very quaint and interesting specimen of his talent in
in this kind of composition has been recently recovered
(Aleman No.1.). In later times the best of the lyric poets,
such as Simonides, Bacchylides, and Pindar followed the
example of Alcman.

Having described the chief forms of religious lyric 2, secular
existing both before and during what we may call the “το.
Melic period in Greece, I will pass on to certain species
of secular lyric. I propose to touch only upon the follow-
ing—the Dirge (ϑρῆνος) or funeral song, the Wedding-song
(ὑμέναιος, or ἐπιϑαλάμιον), the important class falling under
the heading of Convivial songs (συμποσιακά), and lastly
certain popular songs or Volkslieder which do not come
under any precise category.
The Dirge and the Wedding-song are probably secular- pirge and wed-

> > ᾿ ding-song pro-
ised forms of a lyric once sacred. It is true that such as batiy oiesane

sacred nature.

ISPaus) ΤΣ: τὸ; ἡ:

Dirge—
Threnos.

Professional
mourners.

10 GREER EX ROC ΡΟ rs

survive are entirely secular, but Burnouf reasonably main-
tains that occasions of such import as the wedding and
the funeral must have been accompanied by a sacerdotal
hymn such as we actually find in the Veda in connection
with the Dirge.! He surmises that this sacerdotal chant
was followed up by another of a more secular nature out
of which was developed the Wedding-song, or the Dirge
as we know them; and in the case of the Wedding-song
the refrain ὑμήν ὑμέναις, unintelligible even to the Greeks
themselves, was probably a relic of the priestly chant or
formula dating back to remote ages. Be this as it may,
what is certain and sufficient for our present purpose is
that before the beginning of the Melic period, and indeed
as far back as the time of Homer, we find dirges and
wedding-songs recognised as definite branches of lyric.

The Dirge—The example of a ϑρῆνος in Homer occurs
at the burial of Hector, // xxiv. 720 seg., and deserves
special attention. The bearers bring the hero’s body to
the palace and place it on a couch:

x > = > \
παρὰ δ᾽ εἷσαν ἀοιδοὺς
, > , oe / 2 \
Θρήνων ἐξάρχους, οἵ τε στονόεσσαν ἀοιδὴν
Οἱ μὲν ἄρ᾽ ἐϑρήνεον, ἐπὶ δὲ στενάχοντο γυναῖκες.

From this we learn that at this period there existed a
class of professional dirge-singers, whose strains of mourn-
ing were accompanied by the lamentations of the women
around. When these men had finished their songs, which
were probably of a formal and set description (perhaps
connected with the old sacerdotal hymns of Burnouf’s
conjecture), they were succeeded in Homer by the spon-
taneous and exquisitely touching lamentations of Andro-
mache the wife, Hecuba the mother, and Helen the grateful
kinswoman of the chivalrous warrior. At the commence-
ment and at the conclusion of the lamentations of each of

1 For the very solemn and important ritual connected with the
Greek marriage, see De Coulanges, La C7zté Antique, Bk. τι. ch. i.
ad fin., and ch. ii.

repeal wea wOrr WEL Ee POETRY II

these three the poet employs similar expressions—tfouv
δ᾽ ᾿Ανδρομάχη λευχώλενος ἦρχε γόοιο (cf. 747, and 761)—and
at the conclusion :

« y , > > 1 Qa , As
ως SOaTO XAQLOUG > Tt δὲ GTEVAYOVTO YUVALAES.

(Cf. 1. 760 and 1: 775.)

In addition then to the female relatives, it would appear
that not only the ἀοιδοὶ ϑρήνων ἔξαρχοι but also these
yuvaixes played a definite part in the formal ceremony.
They were, so to speak, the chorus whose lamentations
were led first by the professional dirge-singers, and more
especially by the female members of the afflicted family.’
Notice finally that, with the exception of the ἀοιδοὶ, none
but women appear to take part in the lamentations, and
also that Andromache, Hecuba, and Helen give utterance
to their ϑρῆνοι in the order of the closeness of their rela-
tionship to the dead.

It is most interesting to read, in Fauriel’s Preface to his
Chants Populaires de la Grece Moderne, that nearly all the
distinctive features of the funeral dirge in the time of
Homer are preserved to the present day in the Myriologues
or funeral-songs of Modern Greece. Shortly before the
body is taken from the house for burial, and after a certain
time has been spent in indiscriminate lamentation, the chief
women rise, generally in order of their relationship, and
sive utterance to improvised dirges, called Myriologues.
These are continued until the body is removed, and are
renewed when the burial is effected. Just as in Homer,
the men take no active part in these laments; they are
present, but express their adieux in brief words. The pro-
fessional ἀοιδοί have disappeared, but their place is occa-
sionally taken by professional female myriologue-singers.

Among the great lyric poets Simonides was the most
famous for his Dirges, a touching example of which remains
for us in the famous Danae poem (Simonides, No. I1.).
But we must remember that such compositions, being

1 This may perhaps partly account for the choral form subse-
quently taken by some ϑρῆνοι : see mote, Simonides, No. IL, and cf.
Axt. 111, p. 24.

Comparison of
ancient Dirge
with ‘ Myrio-
logues’ of
modern Greece,

Wedding-song.

Comparison
with modern
Greek wedding-
songs.

* Convivial’
SONS.

i GREEK LYRIC POETS

ϑρῆνοι and not ἐπικηδεῖα, were not necessarily delivered on
the occasion of the funeral, but at any time subsequently.’

The reference to the Wedding-song in Homer is briefer.
It occurs in the description of the Shield (//. xviii. 490 seq.),
and tells us how the bride is led through the streets to the
bridegroom’s house amid loud hymenaeal strains—zodv¢
δ᾽ ὑμέναιος ὀρώρει ; while young men dance to the music of
flutes and harps, and the women stand at their doors admir-
ing the scene. Here we see that the Hymenaeus was
sung during the procession, and thus before the completion
of all the religious ceremonies. It appears, however, to
have been of a more or less secular character; and still
more was this the case with the Epithalamion, the song
sung before the door or window of the bride-chamber. To
this latter class are usually referred the wedding-songs of
Sappho, who devoted much of her talent to this form of
lyric.

I must again make reference to Fauriel’s interesting
preface, where we read that the ceremony of marriage in
Modern Greece extends over two or three days, and that
each part of the ceremony has its regular and appropriate
song, the ancient ὑμέναιος being paralleled closely enough
by the special song sung during the procession which con-
ducts the bride from her house to the church.

I come now to the ‘ Convivial’ songs, συμποσιαχοῖ, among
which the Scolia are the most prominent. Whether or not
these Scolia existed before the Melic period, it is certain
that the custom of singing at banquets, constantly referred

Also perhaps of to in Homer, was of great antiquity. This species of lyric

sacred origin.

also appears to have been once of a religious nature.
Compare J/. i. 472:

Νώμησαν δ᾽ ἄρα πᾶσιν ἐπαρξάμενοι δεπάεσσιν,

Οἱ δὲ πανημέριοι μολπῇ ϑέον ἵλάσχοντο.

De Coulanges, La Cité Ant. Bk. Il. ο. vii. forcibly points

1 ~ τ ha U , :
θρῆνος οὐ περιγράφεται χρόνῳ, Proclus.

ivy i, OKIMELIC POETRY 13

out the religious character of the common banquet among
the Greeks, and remarks that it was accompanied by
hymns of a set form. These hymns, which formed, as
Colonel Mure puts it, a kind of grace to the entertainment,
were often called Paeans, as we learn, among other sources,
from a Fragment of Aleman’s (Alcman, No. xi.).

Φοίναις δὲ χαὶ ἐν ϑιάσοισιν

ἀνδρείων (-Ξ- συσσιτίων i in Sparta) παρὰ δαιτυμιόνεσσι

πρέπει παιᾶνα χατάρχειν.

From these sacred songs may naturally have arisen the
custom of singing others of a more secular description, and
we shall see that a large portion of Greek ‘single’ or non-
choral melic may be classed under the heading of ‘con-
vivial’ poetry. Further remarks on the Scolia in the
Melic period will be found in the Introduction to the sur-
viving Scolia.

It remains for me to notice certain songs, fragments of
which still remain, of the nature of Volkslieder, but refer-
able to no distinct class of lyric.

The Lznos-song is said to be of Phoenician origin, and
to have derived its name from the words az /e nu, ‘woe is
us, which probably formed part of the refrain of the song.
The Greeks, misunderstanding this, came to regard Linus
as the name of a youth whose untimely fate at the hands
of Apollo is bewailed,' or sometimes as the inventor of the
mournful dirge bearing what was supposed to be his name.”
Be the origin of the term however what it may, the Linus-
song was evidently of a plaintive and mournful character,
and it appears to have been popular with agricultural
people, especially at vintage-time, being, as some say,
employed as a lament for the decay of summer. It is
referred to in the Shield passage (//. xviii. 570 seg.). Men,
youths, and maidens are gathering in the harvest :

Τοῖσιν δ ἐν μέσσοισι Tai φόρμ. yy λιγείῃ
ἽἹμερόεν κιϑιάριζε, λίνον δ᾽ ὑπὸ χαλὸν ἄειδεν.

Hesiod also mentions the Linos-song as habitually sung

lV. Miller’s Dorzans, vol. i. p. 346. 2 Plut. de Musica, c. iii.

Volkslieder,

Linos-song.

14 GCE’ E.R sven CrP On Ts

at feasts and banquets (/rag. I.); and neither in Homer
nor Hesiod are the occasions, regarded as suitable for the
Linus-song, of a melancholy nature ; but Bergk’s remark
is perhaps pertinent, that the people are always fond of
sweet, plaintive airs. A fragment from a Linus-song will
be found in the text, Popular Songs, 1. :

Similar ‘za/ure Just as the Linos was applied, or is supposed to be

SOMES, . .

5 applied, to the decay of summer, so the song of Adonis,
also perhaps of Semitic origin,’ and of Hyacinthus were
connected with the disappearance of spring. Besides these
we find the Lityerses song in Phrygia at reaping-time, the
Scephros at Tegea in the full heat of the summer, and
others of a similar description, all having this in common,
that they direct the imagination to the world of nature,
and render it susceptible to its influence.

Chelidonisma. Similar in this respect is the famous Chel¢donisma or
Swallow-song (Popular Songs, I1.), sung by minstrels beg-
ging for alms at the doors of the well-to-do, and celebrating
the return of the swallow and the spring-time, the ceremony
in fact corresponding in some degree to the old English
observance of the return of May-day. The actual song
preserved to us by Athenaeus is not apparently of very
ancient date (see note ad /oc.), but the custom of singing
such a song from house to house at this season may well
have been of the greatest antiquity, and appears to have
taken such a hold upon the popular taste, that, if Fauriel
be right, it has endured in Greece down to the present day.

Modern Greck Δί any rate, whether or not there be a gap in the descent,

‘Swallow-sons’. the fact remains that children still go round singing a
modern Greek Swallow-song, which, with its accompanying
circumstances, closely resembles the ancient Chelidonisma.”

Flower-song. I will conclude this article by calling attention to the
Flower-song (Carm. Pop. V.), displaying that love of
flowers which, conspicuous in nearly all the Lyric poets,
rises almost to a passion in the greatest of them, Sappho.

1 See Renan, Warc-Auréle, pp. 131, 575, 576, on the Semitic aspect
of Adonis-worship, and Miiller’s Doréans, vol. i. c. 1x.

2 V. Fauriel’s Preface ; and see Pop. Songs, 11. note, for the modern
Swallow-song.

——Y

min ΘΙ E> bl
SOME DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OF GREEK LYRIC POETRY

IN the previous Article I have endeavoured to point out
what were the chief materials for the exercise of poetic
genius, which the Greek muse found worthy of her closer
attention on deserting the now exhausted region of Epic.
We have seen that the service of the gods had given rise
to various types of religious song, such as the Paean or
song of triumph, the joyous Hyporchem, the enthusiastic
Dithyramb, and the Processional Ode, characteristic of a
cheerful religion ; and that the more important events of
human life, such as the funeral and the wedding, with their
imposing ceremonial, afforded powerful inspiration to the
singer. Furthermore, we have observed how universally
song pervaded alike the social life of the convivial citizen,
and the outdoor life of the simple country folk, the one
regarding song as the natural accompaniment of his
festivity, the other of his toil. Carrying ourselves back
to this starting-point, and bearing in mind certain further
influences shortly to be mentioned, we have now to con- -
sider what are likely to be some of the main features
assumed by Greek lyric poetry.

The most prominent external characteristic is its classifi- (a) Distinct \.
cation into clearly marked species. As Mr. Jevons says, in πε wees
his History of Greek Literature,a Greek poet ‘did not sit
down to compose an Ode toa Skylark, or to a Cloud’. He
wrote, if he was to serve the Gods, a Hymn, a Dithyramb,

a Hyporchem, or the like; or if for men, an Epinicion, a
Threnos, or a Wedding-song ; or again, he gave utterance
to his emotions on love, on politics, or on wine in a Scolion;

16 GR Bake 1 Ὁ 1 Car Ore 1Ὲ 5

and in each case he knew that a certain conformity to
customary treatment was expected of him. It is plain
that under such circumstances there might therein have
been a danger of lyric poetry losing its freedom by becom-
ing tied down to certain stereotyped forms, had not the
Greek genius at this period been far too vigorous and
Results. creative to admit of any such calamity. On the contrary,
these forms served, like the reins in the hands of a skilful
horseman, to exercise a salutary guidance and control
over the poetic imagination, but not to impede its energy.
H. N. Coleridge! points out that, whereas Hebrew lyric
is satisfied with an intensity of enthusiastic emotion, too
| often at the sacrifice of intelligibility, Greek lyric on the
ee deficiency in
depth of feeling by Mirable tact with which it
assigns to form and to thought each its proper province,
and never neglects to provide for the artistic symmetry of
the whole composition. In a later period, however, when
originality of thought declined, the balance was destroyed,
and the excessive importance which became attached to
the mere form was probably one of the causes leading to
the extinction of Greek lyrical production.
(Ὁ) Greek Lyric Again, if we consider the distinctive element in the
‘occasional’. various types of lyric poetry, we find it to consist in the
special nature of the occasion for which the poem was
designed. Hence Greek lyric is rightly called ‘occa-
sional’. It is true that one class of these ‘occasions’, con-
vivial meetings, to which were appropriated the species of
lyric called Paroenia or Scolia (see p. 12), admitted of
a very wide range in the choice of subject, and the songs
of this description are those that most resemble the lyric
poetry of modern times? But from causes shortly to be
examined, this branch of lyric, with some very brilliant
exceptions, did not assume nearly so important a place in
cultivated Greek poetry as was taken by choral Melic,
whose range was somewhat more confined to subjects

1 In an Article in the Quarterly Review, xlix. 349.
2 See Introduction to Scolia, page 232.

ΠΟ ΕΠ FEATURES ΤΠ

appropriate to the special ceremony or festival for which
the services of the poet were required. Thus the skill of
the poet was exercised, and in the bloom of Greek lyric
successfully exercised, in avoiding, on the one hand, too
great limitation and monotony, and, on the other, in re-
straining his imagination within the bounds necessary for
the unity strictly required by a lyrical composition. We Variety of sub-
must here remember that a polytheistic religion, rich in 7991 atorded to

songs for reli-

mythology, afforded to the poetry devoted to its service gio oF sina

opportunity for very great variety of treatment in recount- mythology.

ing the qualities or adventures of the Deity addressed ;

while the intimate and simple nature of the relations

supposed to exist in early times between gods and men

admitted of an introduction of secular subjects, which

would be excluded from religious song by a people hold-

ing a more exalted and reverential notion of the Deity.

While, then, the fact of lyric poetry being ‘occasional’

did not necessarily restrict the genius of the poet, a more

rapid development was attained by the opportunity thus

given for a modified form of division of labour among Division of ᾿
: 5 labour among

poets. It is true that we find no example of a lyric poet Lyric poets.

confining himself to one or even a few branches of his

subject, but many of them seem to have devoted their

chief energies to perfecting that species to which their

particular genius impelled them. Thus Alcacus, though

a writer also of hymns, excelled in Scolia and similar

compositions ; Simonides was unsurpassed alike in epi-

grammatic poems and in the beauty of his Threnoi; while

Pindar brought the art of the Epinician ode to the summit

of its perfection.

On the other hand, the dangers that beset ‘ occasional ’ Natural tend-
poetry are obvious, and the avoidance of them is merely {"°%,?r nae
a matter of time. Poetry, written not at the prompting
of the poet’s own heart, but because a certain occasion
requires a song for its adornment, cannot for long keep
itself from frigidity and inanition. At first, indeed, this
may not be the case, while the poet is still writing only
on subjects closely connected with his own life, and
capable of inspiring him with enthusiasm; and in Greece

Ὡς GREEK LVRIC POETS

so powerful was the re-awakening to poetic life in the
eighth and seventh centuries B.C., and so stirring was
the zesthetic, intellectual, and political history of the Greek
world onwards till the fourth century, that lyric poetry
maintained its excellence long after the poets had ceased
to confine their talents to subjects in which they felt a
personal interest, and even after they were ready to let
themselves out for hire to the highest bidder.

The corrupting influence, however, could not be resisted,
and it was aided, as Bergk points out, by the multiplica-
tion of prize-contests for lyrical compositions, until in the
end the poet was sapped of all his freshness and vitality,
and became a mere tool in the hands of the musician
(see p. 40 seq.).

in Greek Lyric. offspring the Drama, is the religious, or moralising, or
didactic tone which widely prevails. This again is mainly
due to the elements from which lyric in great part arose ;
for the poet, once perhaps identical with the priest, re-
tained his function as the teacher of his hearers. _ This
tendency shows itself chiefly in the Gnomic poetry, which —
is directly didactic in character; but we find it pre-
dominating also in such subjects as the Epinician Odes of
Simonides and Pindar, both of whom gave poetical utter-
ance to precepts in a manner which at times was hardly
gratifying to their employer. Doubtless these writers
were influenced by the importance now attaching to ethical
discussion; but their ready adoption of such subjects
shows that they felt that the poet and philosopher were
here at least on common ground.

Even more marked is the strongly didactic or moralising
tone throughout the Scolia (see p. 232), showing that even
here, where lighter themes might have been looked for,
the singer was expected to remember that he was also a

teacher.
(ὦ) Greek Lyric As being ‘ occasional’, and connected mainly with pub-
‘ objective’. lic festivals, religious or semi-religious, we naturally find

Greek lyric to be of a more objective character than is
usually to be expected in this branch of poetry. Poets, like

Dis we hi Vrs FEATORES 19

the majority of the Greek song-writers, whose compositions

were not merely in honour of some event or ceremonies of

public interest, but destined also to be sung in public by a

chorus of perhaps fifty singers, would naturally refrain

from giving vent to such purely personal emotions as are

so often portrayed to us in modern lyric poetry. Another

cause tended to impress this character of objectivity yet

more strongly upon Greek lyric. I refer to the still active

influence of Epic upon all poetic composition, not only Prevalence of
with regard to the dialect (see p. 76) and the form of Greek Lyric du
expression, but also to the treatment of subject. It is to per το Ἐς
this influence of Epic that we must in great part attribute

the remarkable prevalence of objective narrative in Greek

lyric. In religious lyric singing the praises of a god or

demigod readily enough took the form of a narrative of

their adventures or achievements, and we find Stesichorus,

to take a striking instance, whose poems were perhaps in

the form of hymns (see p.169), devoting himself almost

entirely to mythical or epic subjects treated in lyric

manner. ‘Stesichorus sustained the weight of Epic poetry

with the lyre’ (Quintilian),.

Again, as is well known, the mythical element plays a
most important part in the Epinician Odes of Pindar, whose
treatment of incidents, always in some manner connected
with his main subject, stands, as Professor Jebb points out,
midway between Epic and the Drama. But even in such
a subject as a Threnos, Epic influence made itself felt, as
is seen in the famous passage of Simonides (No. II.), where
the woes of Danae and her hopes of aid are probably
introduced for consolation to those for whom he wrote.

Epic, indeed, with its stores of mythology, afforded to the
Greeks of later times a boundless supply of ideal incidents
whereby to illustrate and adorn the present; and this
applies not to poetry alone but to works of art; for the
combats between Gods and Giants, Hero and Centaur,
Greek and Amazon, are said to be sculptural allegories
which typify recent victories of Greeks over Asiatic bar-
barians.

Even in the less prominent branch of Lyric, that of

Little self-reflec-
tion even in
‘“monodie’
songs.

20 GRE ΕΚ YRC: PO Bass

monodic and personal song, we find, with a few brilliant
exceptions,! far less reflection of the poet’s own life and
emotions than might be expected. Such poems of which
Scolia form the chief part were usually composed for the
benefit of the author’s own circle of acquaintances and
partisans, and his object would naturally be to give utter-
ance to sentiments, personal indeed, but appealing hardly
less strongly to his hearers than to himself. This may be
seen in the political odes of Alcaeus, in the so-called Attic
Scolia (i-ix.), or in the drinking-songs of Alcaeus and
Anacreon. And indeed, when we consider the great pre-
dominance of social or club life in Greek cities, and the
conspicuous absence of anything like solitary, or even
home interests, we are not surprised to find that both in
choral and single Melic the poet’s individual feelings gave
precedence to subjects appealing either to the whole body
of his fellow-citizens, or to his own friends or boon-com-
panions.

Such are, I consider, some of the distinguishing features
of Greek Lyric, in contrast especially with that of modern
times. It is obvious also that the fact of all songs being
composed for music, and the greater part for an elaborate
dance-accompaniment as well, must have had great in-
fluence on the character of the poetry itself; and this
subject will be touched upon in the articles appropriated
to the dance and the music of Greek Lyric.

11 am referring especially to Sappho’s immortal description of her
passion, in OW. ii.

nee POE ΓΙ

CHORAL, AND SINGLE OR PERSONAL MELIC POETRY—
DORIAN AND LESBIAN SCHOOLS

I HAVE had occasion, mainly in the preceding article, to
refer several times to the predominance of choral over
monodic or personal Melic poetry—with the former of
which is associated the Dorian school of lyric poetry, with
the latter the Lesbian. I propose in this article to con-
sider briefly the causes leading to this.

First of all, we must bear in mind that the chief occa-
sions which called for the exercise of lyric poetry were
connected with religion, and that religion tends to foster
choral rather than solo singing, this being certainly the case
in Greece, where, in the absence of a distinct sacerdotal
class, the worshippers would naturally take each an active
part in the ceremony. Again, we must remember the all-
important part that public life as a citizen played in the
existence of a Greek, so that far greater attention was
likely to be bestowed on choral poetry, intended as it was
for public delivery, than upon monodic song, which was
composed rather for the poet’s own circle.

Furthermore, in a world ignorant of publishers or readers,
a poet who courted notoriety must needs have written for
occasions which secured for his works the largest audiences
—and these with the Greeks were occasions for choral
song.

Finally, recollecting that the term ‘choral’ as applied to
Greek song, denotes not merely, or primarily, song de-
livered by a choir or body of singers, but song accompanied

by dance, we naturally expect to find this agreeable
: 21

Causes leading
to the predomi-
nance of choral
over monodic
songs.

Influence of the
Dorian race,
and particularly
of the Spartans,
in encouraging
choral poetry.

25 GREE ΘΙ:

custom attain to the greatest popularity among a people
so devoted to graceful movements and gymnastic training
as were the Greeks.

Such considerations by themselves would lead us to
expect that choral song would play a very important part
in Greek lyric poetry ; but when, in addition, we find that
it was among the Dorians, and especially under Spartan
patronage, that lyric developed in its early bloom, we are
not surprised that the reign, brilliant as it was, of personal
or single Melic was, comparatively speaking, of brief
duration, and that before long nearly all great lyric poems
were composed for choral delivery. For all the features
in Greek life that I have been mentioning were emphasised
to a marked degree among the Dorians. Religion, I have
said, naturally encouraged choral poetry. Especially was
this the case with the Dorians, the main supporters, as
they are said to have been,’ of the great Hellenic worship
of Apollo, with whose name choral singing, or the union
of song and dance, was connected from the earliest times.?
Again, it was remarked that public life as a citizen fostered
choral or public displays of poetic talent ; and at Sparta,
the bulwark of Dorian influence, we know that private life
among the citizens was of the smallest importance. Lastly,
we saw that the predominance of choral poetry was in a
great measure attributable to the love and practice of
gymnastics among the Greeks. Now with the Spartans, of
all the Greeks, gymnastics, including rhythmical military
evolutions, were nothing less than a solemn if also agree-
able duty, the omission of which would have endangered
her commanding position in Greece. Hence it is naturally
under Spartan auspices that we find developed that perfect,
and to us hardly realisable union of music, dance, and song,
which was soon adopted by the entire Hellenic world.*

1 See Miiller’s Dorzans, Bk. 11. cc. i. 11. iii. “Seep. 5.

3 Socrates, af. Athen. 628, referring to the Spartans, declares that
the ‘bravest of the Greeks make the finest chorus’; and Pratinas
Z.c. 633, speaks of the ‘Spartan Cicada ready for the chorus’. See
also the account of the numerous Spartan dances in Miller's Dorzans,
vol. ii. p. 351 seg.

Mk ewe w NDE S BILAN SCHOOLS 23

On the other hand, the comparatively insignificant his-
torical importance of Lesbos, the home of Aeolic song,
and the fact that Lesbian life and Lesbian thought were

not such as were destined to appeal most strongly to the
sympathies of the main body of the Greek race, caused

the outburst of the Aeolic style of lyric poetry, ze. the

monodic and strongly subjective style, to be as brief as it

was dazzling. It would appear that the Lesbians, Terp-

ander and Arion, who were the first to teach their art to αὶ school of
Greece proper, belonged toa school of lyric poetry, if we ae pect ae
may use such an expression, early established at Lesbos, at Lesbos.
which reached its perfection in the time of Alcaeus and

Sappho ; and from the proud words of Sappho herself—
Πέρροχος ὡς ὄτ᾽ ἄοιδος ὁ Λέσβιος ἀλλοδάποισι

—we gather that the ascendency of the school was un-
challenged. Soon after this period, however, as the States pmportance of
of Greece proper came more and more to the front, while SSS eae
the importance of the Asiatic-Greek cities began rapidly that of Greece
to wane, the scene of lyric activity was transferred to P™°P™
Dorian ground. Yet though the Lesbian school ceased to \... vs snetess
exist, it is hard to over-estimate the influence which it an enduring
continued to exercise on all subsequent Greek lyric poetry. aes dpe
Naturally, this influence most directly affected the Greeks eee
of Asia Minor or of the adjacent islands; and it is a Asiatic Greece.
noticeable fact that besides the Lesbians, Terpander and

Arion, no less than six of the nine chief lyric poets—

Alcman, Alcaeus, Sappho, Anacreon, Stesichorus, Ibycus,
Simonides, Bacchylides, and Pindar—are of Asiatic-Greek

descent. Of the rest, /6ycws, a Dorian who attached him-

self to the court of Polycrates at Samos, identifies himself

with the Lesbian poets in the passionate glow of his

language and thought; /Pzxzdar, who alone belongs to

Greece proper, is of Aeolic race; while Szeszchorus of

Himera, a colony half Ionic, half Dorian, is supposed to be

connected in origin with a line of Locrian Epic poets who

followed in the footsteps of the Boeotian Hesiod.! Finally,

1 See Miiller’s Ast. of Gr. Lit. p. 198. We must nevertheless
remember that however freely we may admit the existence of innate

Dorian stamp
impressed upon
choral song.

Extension of
the choral form.

24 GREEK EY RCO Eas

it is to be noticed that nearly all the lyric poets from
Alcman to Pindar acknowledged their debt of gratitude to
Lesbos by the partial employment of its dialect.

Nevertheless, although its inspiration was mainly drawn
from the Lesbians or Asiatic Greeks, lyric poetry accom-
modated itself in form, under which I include subject,
metre, dialect to a considerable extent, and style of
delivery, mainly to the predominant Dorian taste, and
it is in Dorian guise that it meets us in the choruses of
the Attic drama. So powerful, indeed, did the attraction
of choral Melic poetry become, that we find eventually
classes of song that were properly only monodic adapted
to choral delivery. This appears to be the case in the
famous Threnos of Simonides (No. 11.), and it is so even
with Scolia in Pindar,? and with the Nomos in later times.3
It must not, however, be forgotten that the Lesbian or
monodic style lived on in the lighter, though hardly less
important, form of lyric—the convivial songs which played
so intimate a part in the social life of the Greeks.*

poetical ability in the Lesbian branch of the Aeolic race, it is by no
means safe to extend our conclusions to any other branch such as the
Boeotian. Witness the proverbial expression, ‘The Boeotian pig’,
quoted by Pindar himself.

1 See, however, p. 97. 2 See on Pind. Frag. Ix.

3 See Bergk’s Gr. L7¢. vol. ii. p. 530.

4 See Introd. to Scolia, p. 232.

wee @ len = TV

DANCE AS AN ACCOMPANIMENT OF GREEK SONG

IN the previous Article I have endeavoured to point out
the reason of the predominance in Greek poetry of choral
song, in which the dance formed one of the chief accom-
paniments. I now wish to dwell more in detail upon this
connection of dance and song at the different periods, and
to consider, so far as circumstances allow, what was the
function and the nature of the dance in Lyric poetry.
Epic, the earliest form of Greek poetry with which we are
acquainted, was of course unaccompanied by the dance. rarly union of
We are, however, supplied by Epic with passages pointing (nce nd sons,

though of a less
to a very early, not to say primitive, union of dance and intimate nature

song, which was but revived and developed at the period of ao Ἔα
the great Renaissance of Lyric. In the passages I am about

to quote, we shall see that whereas in classical Lyric the
singers were identical with the dancers, their steps follow- ;
ing with precision the rhythm alike of the poetry and of

the melody, on the other hand in these early times the
connection was of a far less intimate character.. We have
indeed few, if any, cases in Homer of dance unaccom-
panied by song,’ and not many of song without some form

of measured movement to enhance its effect ; but usually

the dancers move in silence, while the minstrel both plays

(on the lute) and sings; or again, if the chorus is also
represented as singing, we find their movement to be not

that of a set dance, but of a procession, and it would

1 In Qd. viii. 370 two men dance in the palace of Alcinous without
any mention being made of vocal or even of musical accompaniment.
Yet in Il. 379, 380 we find the words χοῦροι δ᾽ ἐπελήχεον ἄλλοι, and πολὺς
δ᾽ ὑπὸ κόμπος ὀρώρει.

Passages in
Homer—

(z) Where the
chorus dance
but take no part
in the song.

26 ἘΠ ἘΠΕ oR CaP OE 9

appear in some cases that they join not so much in the
actual song as in the refrain.

In 74 xviii. 590 seg., a passage already referred to in
connection with the Hyporchem, p. 5, we have a detailed
and beautiful description of youths and maidens dancing
while a minstrel sings to them and plays his lute:

Μετὰ δέ σφιν ἐμέλπετο ϑεῖος ἀοιδός Φορμίζων,

and this passage is all the more suited to our present
purpose if it is rightly regarded as a description of a
Hyporchem, since in this branch of lyric poetry at a later
period the union of choral dance and choral song was
most intimate.

Again, in Od. viii. 261 seg.,a famous minstrel, Demodocus,
plays his clear-toned lute (φόρμιγγα λίγειαν), and sings the
story of Ares and Aphrodite, while he is surrounded by a
band of young men in the flower of their youth, ‘well skilled
in their art, who strike with their feet the dance divine’
(πέπληγον δὲ χορὸν ϑεῖον ποσίν), while Odysseus gazes in
wonderment on the flashing movements of their feet—
μαρμαρυγὰς ϑηεῖτο ποδῶν, ϑαύμαζε δὲ Sup.

Lastly, in Od. xxiii. 143 the following expressions
occur :

Ὃ δ᾽ εἵλετο ϑεῖος ἀοιδὸς
Φόρμιγγα γλαφυρὴν, ἐν δέ σφισιν ἵμερον ὦρσεν
Μολπῆς τε γλυχερῆς καὶ ἀμύμονος ὀρχηϑμοῖο.
Τοῖσιν δὲ pS δῶμα περιστεναχίζετο ποσσοίν
᾿Ανδρῶν παιζόντων χαλλιζώνων τε γυναικῶν.

In this passage we find men and women dancing, while
the bard plays the lute; but we may also reasonably con-
clude from the very fact that he was an ἀοιδός that he also
sang. Moreover, although the word μολπῆς may indeed refer
only to the dance, and not necessarily imply singing,’ the

1 In this passage Hartung regards the dance as a prelude to the
lay of Ares and Aphrodite. Even if this be the case, we may still
conclude that the dance was an accompaniment to song, namely, to
the song which served as a prelude to an Epic recital. See Miiller’s
Hiist.of Gt, ΤΙ p: 72. 2 Miiller, Zoc. cz. p. 20.

DANCE ACCOMPANIMENT 27

epithet γλυχερῆς, and the immediate mention of ὀοχηϑμός,
almost compel us to regard the word in this passage as
signifying ‘song’. We must not, however, conclude that the
chorus take part in the singing—rather they feel ‘a desire
to hear sweet song, and to take part in the noble dance.’

In the passages that I will now mention we find a slight (6) Where
distinction from those just quoted, in that the chorus do cee! eee
take some part, though a small one, in the singing. Tes in the
According to a description in //. xviii. 569, a boy, standing ;
in the middle of the band, plays a sweet melody on the

lute, and sings the lovely song of Linus with sweet voice :

Λίνον δ᾽ ὑπὸ χαλόν ἄειδεν
, ~ Ν A «7 « ~
Λεπταλέῃ φωνῇ τοὶ δὲ ῥησσοντες ἁμαρτῇ
~ ’ > ~ ἊΝ ivé
Μολπῇὴ τ ἰυγμιῷ τε ποσὶ σχαίροντες ἕποντο.
Π ‘ ἢ ‘ =)

The words μολπῇ 7 ἰυγμῷ te x7. evidently imply not that
the song was choral, but that the dancers joined in a
refrain such as the mournful. cry of αἴλινον.

The case is somewhat similar apparently with the pass-
age in //, xviii. 492 seg. already cited (see p. 12). We
are not told who sang the hymeneal song; but we may
surmise that while some duly appointed singer, or possibly
singers, sang the chant, the whole revelling band joined in
the refrain of ‘Hymen Hymenaee, or the like. Compare
on the Threnos, p. ΤΙ.

A still more active part in the singing is taken by the (c) Where
chorus in chanting the Paean, for example in //, xxii. 391 eer
seqg., where Achilles calls upon his men to carry off to his butis less —
ships the slain Hector, and to sing with him the song of me cee
victory as they go—Niv δ᾽ dy? ἀείδοντες παιήονα, x7. That
their song was not unaccompanied by rhythmic move-
ments, if not by actual dance, we may infer from the
analogy of a passage in the Homeric hymn to Apollo,

l. 514 seg., where the god celebrates his victory over the
Python, playing on the lyre, while the Cretans follow him
with measured steps singing the Paean.

Similarly, in Hesiod, Proem. Theog., the Muses are
represented as first dancing, and then singing as they
move along in procession, a passage closely imitated in

(dz) Where the
chorus sings but
does not dance
at all.

Identity of
singers and
dancers not
found in early
period—

First noticeable
in the time of
Thaletas.

28 GREE KRREY KPC POEs

the well-known song of Callicles in M. Arnold’s Empedocles
on Aetna, ad fin.

Lastly, I will notice a case of choral singing without
any reference at all to dancing or movement, and where
it seems implied that the banqueters join in the Paean as
they ‘lie beside their nectar’. This occurs //. i. 471:

Νώμησαν δ᾽ ἄρα πᾶσιν ἐπαρξάμενοι δεπάεσσιν,
Οἱ δὲ πανημέριοι μολπῇ ϑεὸν ἱλάσχοντο,
Καλὸν ἀείδοντες παιήονα, κοῦροι ᾿Αχαιῶν
Μέλποντες ‘ Kxaepyov.

The conclusion, then, that we may draw from these
passages is that in these early times there was but little
‘orchestic singing’, implying by that term song delivered
by a band of singers, who at the same time dance to their
own melody. We either find that the dancers are prac-
tically silent while a poet sings and plays, or that if the
singing is ‘choral’ in the modern sense of the word, it is
at the expense of the dance, which either disappears, or
more usually takes the form of mere rhythmical proces-
sional movement. Of the stages by which pure ‘ orchestic’
singing, such as we find in classical Lyric, or in the
choruses of the Drama, was brought to perfection, we have
but little knowledge. The chief development is ascribed
to Thaletas, under whose influence we appear to find the
union of dance and song suddenly accomplished, the facts
probably being that he systematised and brought to artistic
completion a process already at work. Thaletas belongs, in
common with Alcman, to what Plutarch calls the second
epoch (δευτερὰ καταστάσις) in the progress of lyrical poetry
at Sparta. The first epoch takes its character from the
innovations of Terpander, which were mainly in connection
with monodic song unaccompanied by the dance (see p.

Development of 36); and as it had been Terpander’s task to enrich poetry

‘ orchestic’
singing by
Thaletas,

in connection

by musical accompaniment, so it was left for Thaletas to
bring into intimate connection with choral lyric the further
accompaniment of elaborate dance movements. We have

with the Paean, seen that in Homer mention of choral singing occurs

Daweh ACCOMPANIMEN T 29

mainly in connection with the Paean. Consistently with
this we find Thaletas directing his attention chiefly to the
cultivation of this form of religious song. Again, in
Homer we find that the Cretans enjoyed a great reputa-
tion in the art of dancing, and it was from Crete that
Thaletas came to Sparta.

Lastly, we notice that one of the occasions for choral and the Gymno-
song, to which he particularly devoted himself, was that of P*°4
the Gymnopaedia, at which he glorified mere gymnastic
evolutions by bringing them into harmony with the rhythm
of lyric poetry and its proper melody. In Athen. xv. 678
we read that choruses of boys and of men at the Gymno-
paedia sang and danced simultaneously, the song being one
either of Alcman or of Thaletas: ὀρχουμένων καὶ ἀδόντων
Θαλήτου χαὶ ᾿Αλχμᾶνος ἄσματα.

In this passage we have first ὠγεοΐ testimony to the
union of song and dance in the time of Thaletas, and
secondly zxdirect; for from existing fragments we know
Alcman to have written in the antistrophic style, which
from its nature implies ‘orchestic’ singing proper; and
from the close connection in this passage of his name with
that of Thaletas, we may conclude that the latter also
employed a similar form of composition.

Orchestic lyric, however, in the time of Aleman, taking Further de-
him as the first poet, after the innovationS of Ttiatetas, of Ylopment in

orchestic sing-
whom we can form any judgment from surviving frag- Naame i
ments, was far from having attained its full completion. Zpode.
In the first place, it yet remained for Stesichorus, accord- ' bet
ing to the common account, to relieve the continuous
strain which must have taxed alike the endurance of the
performers and the attention of the spectators, by intro-
ducing after each antistrophe the Epode during which
the song continued, though with change of metre, and
necessarily of melody, while the dance was temporarily
stopped. We must bear in mind that the Epode intro-
duced a greater innovation into choral lyric at this period
than it would have done into choral delivery as found in

1 See, however, p. 170.

30 ἜΘ,

Greater variety the Drama. For in the latter, as I have mentioned in
so: Article v., each strophe and its antistrophe usually differs
pees Le from the preceding pair in metre, and therefore in melody
and dance measure, while in lyric proper, not only in the
early time of Alcman, but of its latest great representative,
Pindar, we find the same succession of strophe and anti-
strophe continued throughout the poem. It was the desire
to break the monotony of this system, which would be
keenly felt in the long choral poems of Stesichorus that
naturally led to the invention of the Epode.
Lastly, not merely in form but also in the treatment of
the personality of the chorus and of the poet respectively,
the lyric of an Aleman is markedly distinct from that of a
Simonides or a Pindar. In the latter we find that the
chorus serves merely as the mouthpiece of the poet, who
as it were lends his own personality entirely to this col-
lective body, the constituent members of which are in
Early choral Complete unison in voice and in movements. In Alcman,
pee cubits on the other hand, this is far from being the case. The
collective action poet, himself taking part in the chorus,’ retains his own
Berne personality and allows the chorus to retain theirs also.
HSN Often the poet addresses the chorus collectively or indi-
vidually, as in the beautiful line where he laments the
advance of old age :
Οὔ p? ἔτι παρϑενιχαὶ μελιγάρυες ἱμερόφωνοι
γυῖα φέρειν δύναται, x72.
(No. IL.) or in the newly discovered Parthenion. Often
in turn do the choruses address or speak of their leader
the poet as in No. IV., ox εἷς ἀνὴρ ἄγροικος, etc. (cf. Aleman,
No. V., ὅσαι δὲ παῖδες, etc.) Nor must it be thought
that this last characteristic of early chorus as exemplified
by Alcman is not to be connected with our present sub-
ject—the dance ; for I imagine that where the personality
of the choral performers was so far from being brought to
a collective unity in idea, in the dance also there must
have been far less united action, It is therefore not un-
important to bear such considerations as these in mind in

1 See Alcm. 1. ii. Iv. v.

γοιὸν

Pea ΘΝ Ὁ C ONPANT MENT 31

ὥ

endeavouring to realise the full nature of a Greek Lyrical
performance.
If Greek music be an art which, whatever its merit May The character
have been, has left but little appreciable record of itself, still of the dance
Ε . : Ess itself may
more is this the case with the Greek dance. Nevertheless be partially
of that branch at any rate which was so closely connected jose" Py us
with Lyric we are able to form some conjectures not un- acts ore
. - . ἃ ance-songs.
worthy of our attention ; for little as we may be in a posi- :
tion to realise the actual steps and figures accompanying
the song, yet one most important detail of the dance, its First, in metre,
time and the different succession of its movements, is not
beyond our knowledge, being preserved to us in such
portions of the Greek Lyric poetry as still survives. For
as the dance must follow the time of the melody, and the
melody in Greek that of the words (see pp. 34, 41), the
phases in the rhythm and metre of the poetry represent
exactly corresponding phases in the dance. If then we
wish to consider what was the predominating style of
Lyric dance, we must consider what was the predominat-
ing metrical style of Lyric poetry. Let it not be thought
that by predominating style I mean some set form of and although
dance which was most in fashion; for the Greek public °¢h.new sons
ε bes ; 3 required a new
demanded in every choral poem originality as much in the metrical system
2 - : and dance-
metre as in the language itself, each strophical system measure,
being (with minute exceptions) without parallel in the
surviving literature ; so that it follows necessarily that a
new dance-figure also had to be designed for every fresh
occasion. In spite, however, of the constant variety, there
are naturally found classes of metrical systems which
display a certain unity in general character. We have
already noticed the great influence of the Dorian race yet we find pre-
on the development of Greek choral Lyric; and it was ἀραῖος ΤῈ τ
therefore natural that the Dorian metrical system should movementof the
. ἘΣ Ξ ., Dorian style.
predominate! The most striking feature of this, a bril-

liant example of which may be seen in the famous Ode of

1 Plato, Laches 188 Ὁ, speaks of the Dorian musical style (ἁρμονία)
as the only genuine Hellenic one. Considering the essential con-
nection between the metre and the music, he would doubtless have
extended the remark to Dorian metre also.

Secondly, in
subject,

for the Greek
dance was
minretic.

Dance an im-
portant factor in
Greek religious
ritual,

and even in that
of the early
Christian
church.

32 ΘΕ FP ORS

Pindar, Pyth. IV., is majestic, and regular movement
effected by an even flow of trochees and dactyls, with but
little resolution of the syllables. Corresponding to this
metrical style must have been the character of the dance
in the greater part of Greek Lyric, displaying a stateliness
of movement in which, just as in Greek sculpture, the
expression even of keen emotion was chastened and
subdued.

Again, the Greek dance was dependent on the language,
not only for the direction of its movements and rhythm
but also for its whole meaning. For the dance in Lyric
poetry was a display of graceful action not for its own
sake alone, but aided language in the expression of
thought, and it bore to poetry the same relation, though
in a more intimate degree, as gesticulation to the art of
oratory. That man therefore would be best qualified to
reconstruct for us the Greek dance, in accompaniment to
any given specimen of Greek choral song, who, being of
course a master of the art of rhythmical movement, could
also identify himself most nearly with the emotions
expressed by the words of the poet.

Bearing in mind this mimetic character of Greek dance,
whereby it served as a fitting and welcome accompaniment
to the expression even of the most elevated thought and
emotions, we shall not allow our modern prejudices to
cause us surprise at the fact that dancing was with the
Greeks an important and constant form of religious ritual.

We are apt to connect the dance either with frivolity in
a civilised state of society, or with serious occasions only
among barbarians; but when we study Greek Lyric with
all its accessories we observe that frivolity or childish-
ness are but accidental and by no means essential char-
acteristics of the orchestic art, and that in a period of
highly advanced civilisation it has shown itself capable of
fulfilling a lofty function in connection alike with religion
and with elevated poetry. Many illustrations, indeed, of the
religious dance may be gathered from the Old Testament
or from Mohammedan practices, and furthermore those
who care to consult an article in Ho/k-Lore (Oct. to Dec.

DANCE ACCOMPANIMENT 33

1887) may be surprised and interested to find how con-
siderable a part dancing once played, and in a few places
even at this day still plays in the ritual of the Christian
religion. It is not unnatural to conjecture that in this as
in many other matters the early Christians impressed
ancient pagan customs with the service of the new Faith.

I must touch upon one more subject before concluding
this Article, and point out the influence which the dance
must have exercised not only upon Lyrical melodies, but,
as we can better appreciate, upon Lyrical metrical struc-
ture.

The music which accompanied Lyric and which was
also the predominating form of music among the Greeks
(cf. Plato, Laws, 669 E) must have belonged to the class of
dance-music ; and similarly the metrical structure of choral
poetry may be classified, as indeed its name implies, as
dance-metre. No subtle complications of melody would
have suggested to the poet the elaborate, at times almost
labyrinthine paths taken by strophe, antistrophe, and epode.
It is plain then that for this feature of Greek Lyric which
often renders mere reading so tantalising, the refinements
of the orchestic art are in no small degree responsible.”

1 Thus Scaliger says that many early churches were constructed
suitably for dances ; and that bishops were called Praesules, because
they led the dance !—as if the word were to be derived from sadzo.
A religious dance is still said to be performed by the choristers
before the high altar in the cathedral of Seville. Lastly the jumping-
saints (Springende Hetligen) at Luxemburg deserve notice.

= I have been unable to hear of any representations on vases of the
Greek choral dance in connection with any of the branches of lyric
poetry. Of dancing itself, however, there are many. See, for
example, in the British Museum, Vase E. 783, where girls are appa-
rently imitating the flight of birds, and E. 200. There is also a fine
illustration of the ὅρμος, or circular dance of men and women, in
Panofka’s Manners and Customs of the Ancient Greeks, Plate IX. 5.

Influence of the
dance upon the
metrical struc-
ture of Greek
poems.

AURA ΘΝ
MUSICAL ACCOMPANIMENT OF GREEK SONG

IT is far from being my object in this Article to endeavour
to deal with the unsatisfactory question of the real nature
of Greek music. Those who wish for information herein
should consult e.g. Chappell’s Hzstory of Music, vol. i., or
Boeckh De Metris Pindari.
It is necessary for me to refer to the subject only so far
as to enable us to realise more clearly the whole effect of
a Greek song, and to detect the cause of certain charac-
teristics of its structure.
agence in Since music and lyric poetry, so long as the latter
Greek music retained its vigour, proceeded hand in hand, the develop-

closely con-
nected with ment of the one follows closely upon that of the other.

Bean But be it remembered that the two arts were not of
partly traceable parallel importance, poetry from primitive times till the
surviving pas- end of the classical period employing music as an accom-
ΤΩΝ paniment, subordinate, though essential."

Since, again, the musical notes exactly matched the
syllables of the poetry, no trills or runs being admitted, we
are able to trace, in the increasing elaboration of metrical
structure, a corresponding advance in the musical accom-
paniment, and even to re-construct at least the rhythm of
the melody.

I will begin by giving an outline of the development
of Greek vocal music, clouded though the facts be in

uncertainty.

1 τὸ μέλος καί ὁ ῥυϑμὸς ὥσπερ ὄψον ἐπὶ τῷ AOYW.—Plut. Symp. vii. 8.

4; cf. Plat. Rep. 398 B.
84

MUS τ NECOMPANIMENT 3:

In the early times, into which Homer gives us some Primitive nature
insight, the melodies must have been of a simplicity which $f ones
for us it is difficult to realise. An instrument of four
strings, each capable of producing one note only, appears
to have sufficed; and though the wind-instrument was
probably of a more extensive compass, we may conclude,
from the far less frequent mention of it, that its use was
very limited ; and critics point out that it is never men-
tioned in Homer as employed by Greeks, but only by
Trojans. The simplicity of the music was a natural result in agreement

Ἢ " ar: ὁ a with the simple
of a corresponding simplicity in the songs which were metrical struc-
accompanied, and which were as yet wholly neglected as a tue of the early
cultivated branch of poetry. So far as we can surmise,
these songs often consisted of a monotonous repetition of
metrically similar lines, which seem to be taken together
in pairs.1 Or again, the four-line stanza must have existed
long before it became, in the hands of the Lesbian poets,
so perfect a vehicle for the expression of passionate feel-
ings; and it would appear that in olden times the four
lines of the stanza differed scarcely if at all from each
other in their metre. It is obvious that this simple
recurrence of metrically similar lines, whether grouped
in couplets or in four-line stanzas, required very short
and simple tunes, which would be repeated with each
fresh couplet or stanza. Furthermore, Epic, at that Litte progress
time the only cultivated branch of poetry, was unsuited ceripeehay
for melody. Evidence, indeed, shows that it was chanted poetry was

- - ὃ superseded by
or intoned; but for this purpose a lyre of four strings Lyric,
would be amply sufficient to give the proper modula-
tions to the voice. It is not, then, till the decay of Epic
and the dawn of Lyric that we hear of advance in Greek
music.

The first innovation is connected with the name of 7erf- Terpander and
ander, and it is sometimes described as consisting in the YO Πρρία-
extension of the old tetrachord to a heptachord, by the
addition of a second tetrachord to the first. Seven strings
only were employed, as the two tetrachords had one string

‘ See notes on Pop. Songs, 1. 11.

Musical import-
ance of the
Nome.

Clonas and
Olympus—Im-
provements in
Flute-music.

36 ΠΕ Kel YR ΡΙΘΗ ΙΝ

in common, A more probable account, however, as given
by Boeckh De Metris Pindarz, is that Terpander added
one more string to the hexachord which was already in
use among the Dorians, amidst whom his work lay, and that
his highest string stood in the same relation to the lowest
as the highest to the lowest note of an octave, while
one of the intermediate notes was for some reason omitted.
Chappell, on the contrary, maintains that Terpander’s
heptachord was merely a discordant minor seventh, and
that, since it thus fell too far short of the octave system to
admit of real melody, it can only have been suited for an
improved form of the recitative of the Epic rhapsodists.
Such a view is certainly not in accordance with the tes-
timony of the ancients as to the entirely new character
assumed by musical accompaniment in the time of Terp-
ander. The expression, for instance, in Plutarch, de Musica,
C. ill. μέλη ἔπεσι περιετίϑετο, could hardly be applied merely
to a more elaborate style of rhapsodising.

This improved musical system, whatever its exact
nature may have been, was applied by Terpander mainly
to that branch of religious lyric called the Nome! The
Nome previously consisted of four parts, ἀρχή, κατατροπή,
ὀμφαλός, σφραγίς. These were extended by Terpander to
SEVEN—ZpyT, μεταρχή, κατατροπή, μετακατατροπή, ὀμφαλός,
σφραγίς, ἐπίλογος 2 So that Miiller (Τὴ. Greek Lit. Ὁ. 155)
is justified in remarking that ‘The nomes of Terpander
were finished compositions, in which a certain musical idea
was systematically worked out.’

Terpander confined his improvements to the lyre, asso-
ciated as it was with the Nome. Another important
branch of his work lay, as we have seen, in the passage
above quoted from Plutarch, in setting Epical subjects to
melody ; for this purpose, too, the subdued music of the
lyre was fitting rather than the shrill and exciting notes
of the flute. In Terpander’s footsteps, however, followed
Olympus and Clonas of Tegea, who in their ‘ Aulodic’
Nomes, applied to the wind instrument improvements

1-See Art. I. p. 6. 2 Pollux. iv. 9, 66.

MEU Shen ACCOM PAN DME NT 37

similar in kind to those confined by Terpander to the lyre.

It was Olympus who is said to have given the chief
development to Auletic or flute music among the Greeks.

He was οἵ Phrygian origin, and seems to have flourished

in Greece a little later than Terpander (Plut. de Musica,

c. 7). So great was the importance attached to his work

that Plutarch calls him rather than Terpander ἀρχηγός τῆς
᾿Ελληνικῆς καὶ καλῆς μουσικῆς ; and even in Plutarch’s own

day ((ἔτι χαὶ νῦν)) some of his Nomes were employed at

sacred festivals. As being a flute-player, there is no

poetry attributed to him ; but he is said to have been the
inventor of an entirely new class of rhythm, which had

great influence on Greek poetry. This was the ἡμιόλιον to

which class belongs the Cretic foot --᾿-- and the pzons

—vvy, ve etc. (see Art. VI. pp. 70, 71).

Just as the lyre was appropriated mainly to the service Apollo and the

of Apollo, so in turn-was the flute to that of Bacchus ; [15 ΕἸαῖο

» music extended
and it was not without much reluctance on the part of the to poetry de-

é ; ὴ signed for the
former deity that his patronage was extended to wind worship of that
instruments. It was fortunate for the progress of choral °°"
lyric that Apollo, for whose service so much of Greek
poetry was destined, at length appears to have been par-
tially reconciled to the flute; since it is hard to conceive
that the intricate accompaniment implied in the intricate
metrical structure of the later choral odes, could have been
adequately rendered, amid the beat of the dancers’ rapid
footsteps, merely by stringed instruments unaided by
the bow, the pedal, or even wire strings. It would
appear that Olympus was among the first to bring the
flute into connection with the cult of Apollo; for we
find him playing a dirge over the slaughtered Python,
probably at the Pythian games at Delphi! We find
also that a flute contest was established early in the 6th
century B.C., under the direct patronage of Apollo at
Delphi.”

Furthermore, we have poets, eg. Alcaeus, attributing the
very invention of the flute to Apollo. Herein, however,

1 Plut. de Mus. c. 15. ZS PAUS τς Τῆς ΤΟ; Σ᾿ 7. As

Thaletas and
flute-music.

Improvements
in music indi-
cated by the
poetry of this
age.

Sappho as a
musician.

38 GRE kp Ὁ PP Olina

the bard’s desire to praise a favourite instrument probably
led him to transgress orthodox tradition. For the recog-
nition by Apollo of Auletic as a high art was after all
of a half-hearted character. The contest at Delphi was
ere long abolished (Pausan. x. 7. 5), and the lyre, or rather
the Cithara, retained its position as the genuine Hellenic
instrument. Thus the abuse heaped upon the ‘spittle-
wasting’ flute by Pratinas! in the fifth century, is but a
revival of the sentiment which many centuries before gave
rise to the stories of the fate of Marsyas and other αὐλητιχοί
at the hands of Apollo.

Returning to the age of Olympus and Clonas, we come
next to 7) haletas, the most prominent figure in the second
literary epoch at Sparta.2 This epoch was marked by the
rapid advance of choral lyric; and Thaletas, whose ae
work has been noticed in the Article on the Dance, p. 2
availed himself of the musical improvements, not of ἘΣ
ander, but of Olympus and Clonas. It is the flute that
we now find as the chief accompaniment at the Gymno-
paedia, even though that festival was in honour of Apollo ;
and it was to the sound of the flute that the Spartans
practised their ‘ orchestic’ military evolutions, and advanced
to the charge—not, as one account would have it, that
their too impetuous courage might be duly restrained, but
simply because the piercing notes of the flute made them-
selves heard above the trampling of the warriors’ feet and
the clashing of their weapons.

Profiting by this steady advance of the musical art, the
movements of lyric poetry gain in freedom and scope, as
we can discern for ourselves in the metrical structure of
the choruses of Aleman and Stesichorus, or of the monodic
songs of the Lesbian school. Sappho, indeed, is directly
connected with the progress of music; for not only is the
invention of the Mixo-Lydian style ascribed to her, but

1 See the passage from Pratinas, p. 272, and compare the rather
severe epigram : ᾿Ανδρὶ μὲν αὐλητῆρι ϑεοὶ νόον οὐχ ἐνέφυσαν, "AM ἅμα τῷ
φυσῆν yw νόος ἐχπέταται, Athen. viii. 337 E.

2 δευτερὰ xataotacte. See Art. IV. p. 28.

MUSICAL ACCOMPANIMENT 39

she is also said to have attracted round herself a number

of disciples of her own sex. Now, to teach the art of

poetry itself, would baffle the skill of the most cunning
pedagogue, so that we may fairly assume with Bergk that

the instruction given by Sappho was in the arts of music

and rhythm as employed by poetry.

In spite, however, of the advance in music effected by Great simplicity

the reformers I have mentioned, the choral strophes of the 9175 Say

choralsystemsas

succeeding period are far from exhibiting the elaborate compared ὙΠῸ

- - - - - - Ε ar
construction found in the Pindaric ode or in the Lyrical and the Dra-
. - matists, which

passages of Tragedy (compare Art. iv. p. 30, and Art. vi. Vere subsequent

p. 56). For before this later period comes another epoch eae
in the history of Greek music, associated with the nafhe practice and
of Pythagoras. bai τς

According to Chappell indeed, who, as I have stated, οἵ Pythagoras.
considers that Terpander’s heptachord was not on the
octave-system, the octave was introduced to the Greeks
from Egypt by Pythagoras. Now as the earliest date for
his birth is fixed at 608 B.C., and more usually at 570 B.C.,
it follows, if Chappell be right in his surmise, that the
Greeks were satisfied with the inferior system until the
middle or latter part of the sixth century. Thus not only
the finest monodic poetry produced by the Greeks, the odes
of Sappho, herself renowned as a musician, but also the
choral odes of Aleman, Stesichorus, and even of Ibycus must
have been accompanied by melody which Chappell him-
self (p. 37) describes as hardly worthy of the name. Such
a veductio ad absurdum militates, I think, overpoweringly
against his assumption that Pythagoras introduced the
octave. Nevertheless it is certain that much was done by
Pythagoras for the development of music ; he first appears
to have studied it as a theoretical science, urging that to
discern the real nature of music we must employ the
intellect rather than the ear.!

Music now assumed a more important place among the
arts, and presented more difficulties to the ambitious lyric

1 See Arist. Quznz. 111. p. 116; Plut. de Mus. c. 37; and compare
especially Plato’s Republic, p. 531.

40 GRE Koy RC EPO as

poet. Thus Pindar, before he embarked on his poetical
career, went to Athens to study the principles of music
under Lasus of Hermione, the leading musician of the day,
who was also the first to write a treatise on the subject.
Repetition of Furthermore, great as was the advance exhibited in the
Sa ey choral systems of a Pindar, as compared with those of a
Eye icn ps found Stesichorus or an Alcman, still further progress in an im-
yric poets ine = -
avoided by the POrtant respect is indicated in the lyrical passages of the
Pramatistss Dramatists. No longer is each group of Strophe, Anti-
strophe, and Epode succeeded by another of a precisely
similar metrical arrangement—thus A AB, AA B,A AB,
etc., to the end of the song; on the contrary, with each
new strophe a new metrical and musical system was
Nature ofthe usually introduced thus AA B,CCD, EEF, etc. It has
ae” been remarked by critics as a characteristic excellence of
Schubert’s song-music that he realised that an exact re-
currence of the melody to match the recurring strophes of
the poetry was not always desirable—that a change in the
spirit of the poetry, although its metrical form remained
unaltered, required a change also in the nature of the
melody, care being however taken that the lyric unity of
the poem should be preserved, in spite of variety, in the
whole effect of the music.1 It would seem that a similar
reform was effected in the system of the Greek Dramatic
choruses, though, of course, not only the music was varied,
but also the metre of the poetry.
Growing im- From this period onwards music assumes a position less
err oe and less dependent on poetry, until with the decay of lyric
expense of inspiration, poetry, much to the disgust of the admirers of
ae the old school, became as entirely subordinate as it is in
the Italian opera. Thus we find Plato condemning the
predominance of mere ψίλη κιϑάρισις or instrumental music,
and at an earlier period Pratinas, M¢scell. and Anon. Frag. i.,
bitterly complains of the inverted relation of music and
poetry. Similarly whereas formerly the poet composed
his own melody, was entire master of his chorus, and was
the recipient of all the glory won by the performance, it is

1 A good instance is ‘ Der Leiermann’.

MisieGAr= ve COM PANIMENT 41

now the Αὐλητής, the bandmaster who is all-important,
while the poet is a mere verse-writer who receives his
orders from the musician as from a superior.
Such is a brief sketch of the progress of Greek vocal
music throughout the course of the Lyric period. If we
try to realise the musical effect of a Greek melody we find
ourselves on very hazardous ground. I will content my-
self with pointing out two main features of a Greek song—
First, that at any rate in the Classical period the members Chorus sang in
of the chorus sang in unison only, and part-songs were Wise, thoush

Ἶ the same remark
practically unknown.?, The musical accompaniment how- 4965 not apply

ever did not necessarily go with the voice note by note. cana ae
Thus Archilochus is said to have invented the χροῦσις bao

τὴν ᾧδην, which however probably indicates merely that

the accompaniment, though in unison with the voice, was

in a lower octave, and Plato, Laws vii. p. 812, while urging

that the notes of the lyre should be at one with those of

the voice (πρόσχορδοι τὰ φϑέγματα τοῖς φϑέγμασι), implies

that the contrary was a common practice—ryy ἑτεροφωνίαν

χαὶ ποικιλίαν τῆς λύρας, ἄλλα μὲν μέλη τῶν χορδῶν ἱεισῶν, ἄλλα

δὲ τοῦ τὴν μελῳδίαν ξυνϑέντος ποιήτου, %.7.A.

Secondly, as already mentioned, the rule was—one
syllable one note. Words were to be treated not as the ‘One syllable
servants but as the masters of the melody, and therefore 958 τοῖς.
trills and runs on one syllable were out of the question, at
any rate so long as poetry maintained its dignified position.

To have extended the first syllable of the word Alleluia
over some six or seven notes, as is done in a well-known
modern hymn, or to have made each syllable of the names
‘Robin Adair’ do duty for two, would have been treated
with the ridicule which the practice from the Greek stand-
point would have deserved. At the present day lyric poems
are written primarily for reading or recitation, and when
set to music they are often invested with quite a different
rhythmical character in the hands of the musical com-

1 See Bergk, Griech. Lit. ii. p. 504, ole 20.
2 It is perhaps worth observing that at the present day hymns in
the Greek churches are, I believe, sung in unison only.

Hence the metre
still indicates
the rhythm and
general char-
acter of the
music.

Advantage of
poet composing
his own music,
and training his
own chorus.

Importance at-
tached by
Greeks to the
influence of
music, in spite
of its elementary
character,

42 GREK Εν ΠΕ ΟΡ OF is

poser. With the Greeks the words were written expressly
for song, and the poet in most cases simultaneously created
the accompanying melody. Thus the rhythm of the words
indicates exactly that of the music, and according as the
metre is simple or involved, regular and stately or abrupt
and impetuous, such must have been the character of the
melody. In an instructive article on Song in Grove’s
Dictionary, it is pointed out that the power of such com-
posers of song-music as Schubert and Schumann is shown
above all in their careful attention to every detail of the
poetry—their music not only interpreting the true spirit of
the words but closely following the metrical accent or other
emphasis. Schumann was in fact the poet’s ‘counterpart
or reflector.’ In Greece the lyric poets enjoyed an advan-
tage yet greater than that of finding an exact musical
exponent of their words, for they united in their own per-
sons the functions of poet and composer. Nay more, in
most cases they themselves trained the chorus that was to
deliver their composition, and thus was assured a perfect
sympathy between the poetry, the music, and the delivery
hardly to be paralleled in modern times. The important
reactionary influence exercised on the metre by its close
connection with melody is obvious, and will be further
dwelt upon in the next article.

There is one constantly recurring question in connec-
tion with Greek music which must not be passed over here
without allusion. Granting, as we seem forced to do, the
sreat inferiority of the musical art among the Greeks
to that of modern times—how are we to account for the
vast importance attached to its influence by the ancients,
an importance greater and more widely extended than in
these days would be claimed for music even by its most
ardent admirers? Professor Mahaffy furnishes us _per-
haps with a partial clue to the difficulty by arguing that
in an elementary stage, before melody becomes, to un-
trained ears at least, lost in the elaboration of harmony,
music exercises upon the average susceptibility an influence
bearing a more distinctly marked ethical character. This
is perhaps reasonable, but I believe we must go further

MUSCAT, ACCOMPANIMENT 43

than this, and further also than an eulogy on the delicate
susceptibilities of the Greeks, for an explanation of such
words as the well-known passage of Ρ]αίο--- οὐδαμοῦ κινοῦν-
ται μουσικοὶ τρόποι ἀνεῦ πολιτικῶν νομῶν τῶν μεγίστων, Rep.
A24 C.

We must look for it rather in the very close connection due mainly to
which at any rate down to Plato’s time music bore to poetry association Wie
and to thought ; for Plato and others like him were not P°°"Y
thinking of ψιλὴ κιϑάρισις or αὔλησις, mere instrumental
effects, which he almost declines to recognise as a legiti-
mate form of μουσική, but rather of ‘melic’ music ; and such
was the Greek sense of fitness that any change in the
character of the music was necessarily associated with a
similar change in the whole tone of the poetry. It is not
then mere sound of which Plato is speaking, but of sound
which, partly from the more distinct meaning attaching to
pure melody, and chiefly from its being united with definite
thought expressed in language, belongs directly to the
world of ethical ideas. Thus Plato’s words are as intelli-
gible as if one should say that the character of a nation
may be clearly read in the monuments of its literature or
of its art, and that corruption in these is always associated
with corruption in national morals.

It may be objected that Plato in his discourse on the The Modes—
character of the different Modes of Greek music, the Distinct not so

much in their
Dorian, Lydian, and Phrygian, etc., appears to be dealing musical char-
with music proper entirely apart from that which it accom- ane of the coe
panies. A consideration, however, of the real nature of My βρριομεῖι.
the distinctions between these modes that were borne in ated to them.
mind by Plato will furnish us also with an answer to the

objection, particularly if we accept the view taken by

Chappell in his A7sz. of Mus. vol. i. ch. v. In opposition

to Bockh and others, who assert that the modes assumed

their several characters from differences in the arrange-

ment of their intervals, Chappell maintains that the only

essential musical difference in the modes, was that of

pitch, all their further distinctive traits being due to asso-

ciations more or less accidental—hence the frequently con-

flicting views taken of the character of any particular mode

Subordinate
position as-
signed to music
proper.

44 Gok 18 Reman 1 (ΟΣ δ, Ὁ)

(see Chappell, Zc. p. 99). In the main however, although
of course there is room under the same pitch for an infinite
variety of musical styles, the wise discrimination of the
Greeks led them in course of time to associate with the
several modes compositions which in music, metre, sub-
ject, and language exhibited a clearly marked character ;
and naturally the modes lying at either extremity with
regard to pitch, were most readily invested with a certain
uniformity of character; for example the Dorian mode,
which was in the lowest pitch, was always associated with
that calm stateliness and self-control which was the
leading trait in the whole of Dorian art.

Such, briefly, is the position taken up by Chappell on
this subject, and whether or not we accept his view with
regard to the question of intervals, it must, I think, be
admitted that in distinguishing and criticising the char-
acter of the various musical styles, Plato has before his
mind, not the mere music, standing abstracted from all
else, but rather the ‘out ensemble of a lyrical performance
with one harmonious character overspreading thought,
language, music, and dance. Neither need our deprecia-
tion of the musical art of the Greeks cause us any longer
to wonder at the importance attached by them to a
‘musical’ training, implying, as it did, a liberal education in
poetry and the secrets of poetical style, as much, or even
more, than in music proper. Indeed, the subordinate
character of the latter is clearly expressed in the words of
Plutarch, to the effect that of music the poet is the proper
judge, and of poetry the philosopher—words which, apart
from all else that we may know of Greek music, indicate
sufficiently its incomplete character.

el Lei, ΝΠ
METRE IN LYRIC POETRY

IN this Article I propose to give a short sketch of the
development of the lyrical metres, and to add some
remarks on the general principles on which they are regu-
lated in accordance with the views of certain metricians
whom I have followed. I shall then conclude with a
description of the chief types of metrical style with which
we are concerned.

In the rapid transition from Epic to Lyric poetry, Revival of
we notice a revolution effected in metre as in all other 3ncient metrical
respects. The stately flow of the dactylic hexameter
rolling on without break or pause for some 500 lines,
was admirably suited for recitative, but very poorly for
song. Consequently, we find the ‘invention’ of many
new metrical forms attributed to various poets at the
period of the Lyric Renaissance, though it would be
nearer the eee betook themselves, as in
subject and style, so also in metre, not to the creation, but
to the revival and development of forms already in use
among the uncultivated. Unfortunately, the traces that
are left of these old metrical forms, which must have
existed before the hexameter, are very scanty, and we
must rely rather upon conjecture than upon fact.

It is commonly believed that in the Linus song (Pof.

Songs, I.), we have a specimen of the old ballad or song-
metre, which was afterwards developed into that of Epic ; Traces of
and Usener! ingeniously conjectures that distinct traces of @ncient ballad

: : τ ἢ metre to be seen
it are still to be seen in the hexameter itself. Thus a large in Epic.

1 See Classical Rev., vol. i. p. 162.

46 ΘΕ YeRaLC Pons

number of the stock phrases, the naive repetition of which
is so marked a feature in Homer, exhibit the metrical form
of the verses in the Linus song :—

for example:
of [ay a2) coe ,
ἄναξ ἀνδρῶν Αγαμέμνων,
βοὴν ἀγαϑὸς Διομηδής,
ῥεχϑὲν δέ χε νήπιος ἔγνω,

and it seems reasonable to conclude that they had already
acquired the force of set formulae in the old ballads which
were subsequently merged in Epic. The Epic hexameter,
on this theory, was formed by uniting two of these short
rhythmic sentences into one period or verse, and the union
was all the more easy and natural since in the early poems
these short lines appear to have been taken not separately,
but in distiches or couplets.

Four-line stanza We may also assume that the four-line stanza was a

Been crit: favourite vehicle of expression in Greek prehistoric lyric
poetry. This is the form taken subsequently by most of
the Lesbian poetry, and indeed it is exceptionally suitable
for monodic song.? Finding it also, as we do, almost univer-
sally employed in the ballad poetry of medieval times,
we may not unreasonably surmise that it was equally
popular in the Greek Volkslieder before it was brought
to perfection by the skilled hands of an Alcaeus or a
Sappho.

Short logaedic Be this as it may, the primitive metre of the Greeks

eeectn ie appears to have consisted mainly of short logacedic or

earliest form of trochaic lines, such as are employed also in the primitive

mee poetry of many other Aryan races.2 This simple metre,

1 See notes on Pop. Songs, 1. 11.

2 “By such grouping, symmetry could be attained along with
variety ; and thus the whole made a satisfactory impression, while
the melody still possessed in itself enough variety not to be tire-
some by continued repetition.’—Schmidt, RAythmic and Metric of
the Classical Languages, p. 96.

3 ‘See Class. Rev. vol. i. p. 92, and 162.

METRE IN LYRIC POETRY 47

though overshadowed by the hexameter, survived through-
out the Epic period as the metre in which the lyrics of the
time were sung, until in its turn it became, in more fully
developed and beautiful forms, the vehicle for the highest
poetic utterance.
Mention is elsewhere made (pp. 41, 115, 116) of the im- Archilochus the
portance to be attached to the services rendered to lyric Mt to revive

i ; _ and develop
poetry, near the commencement of its revival, by Archi- trochaicand

lochus. Among these services, Plutarch, de Jus. C/EXViIt eth
econ the ‘invention’ of a new metrical type, the γένος
ἄνισον, or γένος διπλάσιον. In this the relation of arsis to γένος ἄνισον.
thesis! is no longer one of equality, as it is in the dactyl or

spondee, but is in the ratio of 2 to 1, as in the trochee

or iamb, the two kinds of feet mainly employed by Archi-

lochus. Archilochus is also described by Plutarch as the

inventor of ‘ Logacedic’ verse. That the term ‘inventor’

is in neither case directly applied is indicated by the

remarks already made on the primitive metre; but it is

from the time of Archilochus that we may date the birth

of that perfect command attained by the Greeks over

trochaic and logacedic rhythm, whereby they produced in

many of their songs such wonderful effects that merely a

glance at the bare metrical scheme fills us with a sense of

exquisite melody.

The subject of logacedic metre calls for our closer atten- Logacedic
tion, since it forms the most characteristic and beautiful aan
feature in the construction of the Melic poems. Logacedic
lines are those in which trochees and dactyls stand side by
side in close connection. The name is usually described
as arising from a feeling of inequality in the measure which Οηρίη of name.
caused it to resemble prose (λόγος). W. Christ, however
(Metrik, p. 221), offers an opposite and perhaps more
reasonable explanation, to the effect that the term im-

plies ‘singing language,’ the arrangement of the syllables

1 have thought it more convenient to retain the customary sig-
nification of these terms, and not to invert their application as is
done, no doubt correctly, by Schmidt, Verses Rhythmic and Metric,
€10:, ἢ. 22:

48 GREEK AER CAP Om dus

being suggestive of song rather than of mere speech or
recitative.

Essential nature The essential nature of logacedics consists not in the

ofthis metre. inequality of their movement—for the dacty] being ‘cyclic’!
που ison musical principles of exactly the same rhythmical
value as the choree —v, but rather in the variety which it
affords in the midst of rhythmic uniformity, and which
imparts to this metre not only a wonderful esthetic charm,
but also a power of expressing the ebb and flow of pas-
sionate emotions, which is of infinite value in lyric poetry.
For example, in an ordinary Sapphic line, e,¢.,

ποικιλόϑρον᾽ ιἀϑάνατ᾽ [ Αφρόβιτα͵

the dactyl in the third foot, succeeding to the slower
movement of the first two trochees, is strongly suggestive
of highly-wrought feeling, of which this metre is so perfect
a vehicle. Perhaps nowhere can be found more forcible
examples of the inimitable power of logacedics than in the
poems of Shelley, himself almost as mighty an innovator
in English rhythm as Archilochus of old in the Greek.
One of the finest instances that occurs to me is the poem
to Night, which begins as follows :-—

Swiftly walk over the western wave,
Spirit of night !

Out of the misty eastern cave,

Where all the long and lone daylight,

Thou wovest dreams of joy and fear,

Which make thee terrible and dear,—
Swift be thy flight !

Wrap thy form in a mantle grey,
Star-inwrought !

Blind with thine hair the eyes of day,

Kiss her until she be wearied out,

Then wander o’er city, and sea, and land,

Touching all with thine opiate wand—
Come, long-sought.

Returning to our subject, we find, in addition to the γένος

1 See below, p. 53.

ΠΝ ΠΝ ΕΟ POETRY - 49

διπλάσιον, or ἄνισον, to which both the trochaic and the
logacedic metre belong, a third class, called the γένος third type
ἡμιόλιον, or quinquepartite measure, in which the relation of BIE ν.,
arsis to thesis is as 2:3. To this belongs the cretic foot ἐκεῖ κυ, by
—v-,and the various Paeons —vvy, etc. The introduction lets.
of this rhythm is attributed to Thaletas,! who, as we know,

is connected not with the music of the lyre or monodic

song, but with the flute and choral poetry. We now find

ourselves in a metrical region which is foreign to us;

but I will reserve further comment on this subject until

we have glanced at the remaining changes or improve-

ments effected in the metrical system of Greek lyric

poetry.

After Thaletas the next name to be mentioned is that Choral strophe
of Aleman with whom is associated the development of the $V7oPed Py
the choral strophe. Until recently his reputation in this
respect was hardly supported by any extant passages from
his poems; but in the fragment discovered in 1870, part
of which is inserted in the text, No. L, we find well-
organised strophes, each of fourteen lines, continued
throughout the piece. It is true that, as a glance at the
fragment will show, the lines are individually of great
metrical simplicity, and present but little variety as we
pass from verse to verse, thereby contrasting strongly with
the intricate structure of a Pindaric ode; but the fact
remains that by the time of Aleman choral poetry had far
transcended the bounds of the short stanza, and had
adopted in its completeness, though as yet without ela-
boration, the antistrophical system with which finished
melody and artistic dance were inseparably connected.

One more step only in the development of Lyrical The Epode
metrical style remains to be here noticed—namely, the παρα ἜΝ τεῦ
introduction of the Epode, commonly attributed to Stesi-
chorus, for which see p. 170. Lyric poetry had now laid
in the entire stock of her metrical materials, and progress
henceforth took the direction no longer of innovation, but
of a more skilful manipulation of existing resources.

1 See p. 38.

Some types of
Greek metre ;
e.g. the γένος
ἡμιόλιον are
hardly intelli-
gible to modern
ears,

and are to be
explained by
the fact that
they were in-
tended for song
only—not for
recitation.

50 GREED ΚΟ ΡΘΕ

I have mentioned that with the introduction of the
ἡμιόλιον γένος, to which Cretics and Paeons belong, we find
ourselves introduced to a rhythm which is strange to us.
Trochaic metre is thoroughly familiar to modern ears;
Logacedics, though not so common, are readily appreci-
ated; while, although English hexameters cannot be
called successful, such poetry as, for example, the stanzas
in Swinburne’s Atalanta beginning

MELEAGER.— Let your hands meet
Round the weight of my head, etc.

shows us what wonderful effects can be produced in
skilled hands by the dactyl or the anapaest, which is but a
dactyl with anacrusis. But Cretics, the simplest example
of the γένος ἡμιόλιον, sound to us strange and unnatural,
although indeed the rhythm is still intelligible to us ; and
when we come to Paeons, and still more to Paeons or Cre-
tics with the long syllable resolved into two short syllables,
we seem to be outside the domain of rhythm entirely, and
are tempted to imagine that the mechanism of the Greek
ear must have been on a different system from that of our
own. When, for example, we read such lines as those of
Pratinas, p. 272, beginning

Τίς ὁ ϑόρυβος ὅδε, x.7.A.

we take it on trust indeed that it is a line of poetry, but if
we had come across it printed as a prose sentence we
should hardly have detected the error.

For the explanation of this kind of rhythm we must
constantly bear in mind that while monodic poems, such
as those of the Lesbian school, however suitable for recita-
tion or reading, were adapted and intended for melody,
choral compositions in connection with which the γένος
ἡμιόλιον, Or Quinquepartite measure was developed, were
adapted for nothing else. In early times when song was
delivered to a simple lyre-accompaniment which subordin-
ated itself to the rhythm of the words, the obvious nature
of the metre rendered it perfectly suitable even for mere
recitation. But when poetry was written to match, not

MEP MV. | Net iy ΕΤΟ POETRY 51

only the complications of a more elaborated musical system, Hence it is on
such as was introduced by the flute, but also the move- ape Cea
ments of an intricate dance, the word-rhythm passes out of ΘΕ ἜΝΙ
the sphere of mere language into that of music ; and it is studied.
from the standpoint of music that the chief authorities on
the subject, of recent date, have dealt with Greek metre.
We have seen in the previous article how Greek music was
affected by its close connection with poetry. We have
now to observe how music in its turn, together with the
dance, reacted upon the metre or rhythm of the words,
and invested it with a new character.

Remembering that the Greek principle was one syllable Since each
to each note, it is obvious that to keep pace with the rapid ae eae
advance of melody, and also of the movements of the choral eerie i

dance, the metre was forced to become increasingly compli- recognise cer-
5 ° . : tain details of
cated ; and that thus in the specimens of choral lyric which the melody, and
Ω . in particular the
are left to us, the metrical arrangement of the syllables (opine of

represents up toacertain point exactly the rhythm and the notes,
: 5 though this

phrasing of an elaborate melody. Now if we take the cannot be done

notes of any modern song where, as is usually the case, the ΡΟ ΤΙΝ

air does not closely follow the rhythm of the words, and sion.

write down so far as can be done a scheme of the vocal

sounds which the notes represent, substituting for a

crotchet the sign -- and for a quaver the sign ὦ, perhaps

employing certain other signs for minims, semi-quavers,

etc., we shall often get results which are startling enough,

and as remote as possible from the poetical metre. Yet in

Greek lyric poetry, we are led by many considerations to

conclude that from the metrical value of the syllables we

can replace the time-value of the notes in the forgotten

melody ; and as we are usually brought up to believe that

every syllable in Greek had one or other of only two _pos-

sible values, namely -- or ὦ, the natural inference would

seem to be that the music consisted of nothing but a

monotonous succession of crotchets and quavers. Thus in

a Sapphic line we should obtain the following scheme of

notes :—

Be Nine aul ΡΝ ἣν

Eguality of
times, the
essential prin-
ciple of metre as
of music.

Varieties of
time-value in
long and short
syllables respec-
tively.

52 GREE KA LY RIC (ΘΟ. ΒΡ 5

and to represent a pentameter, if ever it was sung, we should
have—

ΡΠ τ atey tw
so that in the first instance a bar in $-time stands side by
side with others in 2-time, while in the second case bars in
2-time correspond to others in ~$,—combinations which
the most elementary knowledge of music declares to be
impossible.

Accordingly, writers on Greek Metric such as Schmidt,
W. Christ, and others, following in the wake of Apel and
Boeckh in his De Metris Pindari, endeavour to base the
rhythm of lyric poetry on sounder principles, and oppose
the old doctrine that all long syllables and all short sylla-
bles have an invariable value, represented respectively by
the sign -- and the signv. Indeed, the practice of ordin-
ary recitation would have made the point for which they
contend plain enough, were we not so carefully drilled in
the opposite unnatural view, the deficiencies of which only
become grossly patent when we leave the regular dactylic
or iambic metre and come to lyric poetry.

So, then, the new metricians, intent on exhibiting in the
metrical systems that equality of times which is essential
in music, maintain that a long syllable, usually equal in
time-value to a crotchet, and represented by the sign -,
may often be equivalent to a dotted crotchet or ὃ note,
in which case it is represented by -- (=-v ), or even to a
minim, when its metrical sign is I (=-vv, or -- -- δ); lastly,
its value may be depreciated, as in the ‘cyclic’ dactyl to be
shortly mentioned, to that of a dotted quaver, while not
unfrequently, especially in the last syllable of trochaic
dipodies, the ong syllable answers to the quaver only.!
Similarly, a short syllable, usually equivalent to a quaver

1 See below, p. 66. In such cases, the metrical sign adopted by
Schmidt is >. To avoid a multiplication of new metrical symbols, I
have not employed this in my metrical schemes, but have simply
used the familiar ¥ or τ, indicating that while the lower sign should
strictly be expected, the other does or may occur.

ΔΙ ΝΒ RVC POETRY 53

or 4th note, can also have a less value, and be equal to a
semi-quaver or ;'sth note, as in ‘cyclic’ and ‘choreic’ dac-

tyls, which are equivalent in time-value to trochees. I Examples:
will illustrate by a few examples. The long syllable is Ordinary time-
increased to twice its usual value, and corresponds to a abe long:
minim in the pentameter, which may be represented thus doubled, sign —
in musical notes :

ὁ 2} 4 {2} εἰ} 4 δὰ} 4 4} ὁ

and metrically
πυυπυυ |e] -ve | πυυ |

The long syllable is increased by one half, and is equi- pare
valent to a dotted crotchet in eg. the Epitrit, which is
described below (p. 64). Thus the metrical scheme of the

line in Pind. O7. iii. 5:
Δωρίῳ φώναν ἐναρμόξαι πεδίλῳ

which occurs in a dactylic Ode, is as follows:
ey ee | ie ππ|πυ Ξ
: Ν | N
ἐδ, delddlddlddladlde |
For an example of the diminished value of the long diminished in
cyclic dactyls,

syllable, we may take the Sapphic line : ταν;
Ποικιλόϑρον᾽ ἀϑάνατ᾽ ᾿Αφρόδιτα.

This is an instance of 3-time, and the line with its dacty]l,
in this case termed ‘cyclic,’! must be represented musically
thus :

Pid dl ordi el de
the metrical equivalent being
This last example also illustrates in the third foot the short syllable
possibility of a short syllable being reduced to half its Daf its usual

value in
‘choreic’ dactyls

--͵υυὺυν-.

1 See below, pp. 63, 64.

54 GREEK LYRIC POETS

value. A better example is afforded by ‘choreic ’! dactyls,
such as occur in the line of Praxilla ;

Ὦ διὸ τῶν ϑυρίδων καλὸν suBrErorca
the metrical scheme being :

ied 81 4 3} 4 3} ὁ δ} 4 δ

On a similar principle, an apparent Paeon --υὐω may

stand side by side with dactyls, as is the case in Soph.

Oed. Col. 216 seq., for which see W. Christ, MZetrzk, p. 225 seg.
The ‘rest’ in Again, why may a short vowel stand at the end of a verse
ἜΝ ede where, to be in strict accordance with the metrical scheme,
the possibility of a long vowel would be required? Simply because the
a short syllable cas = P 3 ,
atthe endofa additional time is made up by the rest in music, χρόνος
Beas ae χενός being the corresponding metrical expression. Hence

the fact thata also the hexameter cannot close with a dactyl, because
hexameter = 9 .
cannot conclude the time occupied by the last syllable, corresponding to
witha dactyl, the final quaver, is already supplied by the unavoidable
rest at the end of the long rhythmic sentence; and the
last foot of a pentameter is equivalent to a bar of music
in 4-time, even though there be but one short syllable in
itself =}4, because the deficiency is made up by a corre-
spondingly long rest of the value of 3.”
belies treat. Musical considerations then explain away the apparent
ment of quantity s Sia ἢ : 7
πο metre, inequalities in many specimens of Greek metre, and aid us
due toits inti in discerning harmony in some cases where, at first sight,
mate connection - . . . .
with music, is the impression is rather one of discordant variety. Bear-
after all re- ᾿ Ω τ ᾿ ᾿ .
Strained within ig in mind then the influence of the musical accompani-
peeesratively ment on the metrical structure in giving a varying value to
narrow limits. . . . - . ᾿
long and to short syllables, in supplying deficiencies in the
syllables by ‘empty times’ or musical rests, and above all

in the licence it affords of resolving any ordinary long

! Below, Joc. cit¢.

2 It may be noticed that in Latin hexameters and pentameters
(which were in most cases aided by no sort of musical accompani-
ment) the trochaic ending in the hexameter, and the final short vowel
in the pentameter, are much rarer than is the case with Homer and
the Greek elegiac poets.

Vere Ne ERC POET RY 55

syllable, equivalent to a crotchet, into two short syllables=

two quavers, the only matter for surprise is that the metre

of the surviving lyric passages is not more complex and
unintelligible than we actually find it to be. That it is not

so is due to the proper appreciation among the Greeks of

the relative importance in song of the language to the

music. For all the licences described were exercised,

during the period at least of Classical lyric poetry, with a

laudable moderation. A long syllable was given more Circumstances
than its usual value, commonly only at the end of a word, QE κι,
which is invariably the case with the imitations of Greek iS peers long
metre by Horace, ¢.g. in his Choriambic Odes. In cases ἡ
where in Greek the emphatic long syllable falls within a

word, it is usually upon the first syllable, naturally the

most accentuated, and W. Christ suggests that, as the

poet was also his own musical composer, he would choose

for this purpose such syllables only as from their vowel-

sound, or other causes, were exceptionally long in quantity.!

Similarly, short syllables were given less than their usual

value very sparingly—usually in fixed places, and with

set purpose. Again, musical rests, or χρόνοι xevol, were yodvor χενοί
confined to the end of a line or the corresponding musical Only at the end
phrase, and were not, as in modern music, permissible else-

where also.

Lastly, the power of resolving a long into a correspond- Resolution of
ing number of short notes, is, in the first place, consider- eee
ably restricted when applied to song by the very nature of ployed une the
language, since it is impossible to pronounce a succession period.
of syllables, each having the time-value of τί, with any
pretence to intelligibility ; and in Greek vocal music still
further limits were by custom imposed upon the practice
of resolution. The syllable ‘in arsi’ scarcely ever is

1 For instance, in Pindar’s line Δωρίῳ φώναν ἐναρμόξαι πεδίλῳ, where
the scansion is © y. a
ΞΘ ΞΘ --
there is good reason for dwelling on each of the three underlined
syllables: the word Awpiw is emphatic, and the stress is naturally
laid on its first syllable, in φώναν the ah#-sound is easily prolonged,
and the same remark applies to the final diphthong in ἐναρμόξαι.

Great inequal-

56 GREEK JL RIC YPOETS

resolved in early Lyric poetry, and only sparingly even in
the time of Pindar. Such a line is that of Pratinas:

ει “ > »
Tis ὕβρις ἔμολεν ἐπὶ Διονυσιάδα mokunataya ϑυμέλαν ;

which consists of resolved anapaests, with scarcely any long
syllables, is a mark of the decay of Lyric poetry, now
becoming subordinated to the musical accompaniment ;
and is probably employed by Pratinas in his protest against
this growing evil, to show by an example its disastrous
results ;? and perhaps to an Alcman the line would have
presented almost as strange a rhythmical appearance as it
does to ourselves.

There is one other respect to which I must allude,

ities in length of wherein Greek choral poetry does not fall in with our own

lines in the same

strophe, signify. (hythmical notions. Hitherto I have been dealing with

ing effective
changes in the
dance and the
music,

the rhythm of lines taken singly; I now refer to the in-
equalities often found between lines in the same strophe.
This inequality is confined within very reasonable limits in
most of the passages in the text, and in the ‘ Dorian’ odes
of Pindar, while, however, it is a marked feature in the
‘Aeolic, and in the specimens of later lyric which we
possess. It testifies to a variety in the movements of the
dance and in the phrasing of the music which must have
been very effective, and inclines us the more to agree with
the view expressed by Professor Mahaffy, that whatever
may have been the deficiencies of the Greeks in the know-
ledge of harmony, their melody was cultivated to a degree
considerably beyond that usually attained in modern
music. Our impression of their power of metrical and
musical composition will be still further enhanced if we
direct our attention to the skilful grouping of the metrical
periods within each strophe; and on this subject, which
exceeds the limits of this article, I cannot do better than
to refer the reader to Dr. Schmidt’s Rhythmzc and Metric
etc., Bk. v. ‘Eurhythmy.’

* It is indeed common enough in the ‘Aeolic’ odes, but exceedingly
rare in the ‘ Doric.’

* We may compare Aeschylus’ parody of Euripides’ lyrics in
Ar. Frogs, 1353, etc.

Ver ior tN ΠΥ RIC. POE DRY: 57

When Greek lyrical metres were imitated by Roman Latin imitations

poets they naturally chose for their models the metres of Greek 'yrical
monodic song, as being not unadapted for mere recitation ; pean ex:
but even here, now that metre was divorced from music,
certain changes, unconscious or otherwise, were effected ;
and since most of us obtain our knowledge of Alcaics,
Sapphics, and the like at second hand from Horace and
Catullus, it is important to note the main distinctions be-
tween the imitations and the original. This will be done
in the introductions to Sappho, Alcaeus, and Anacreon.

I will now proceed to give a short account of the chief
metrical types which meet us in the text, noticing first
four terms which concern the manner in which the verse
is introduced or concluded.

ANACRUSIS

Anacrusis (ἀνάχρουσις) denotes the syllable or syllables anacrusis.
which in many lines precede the ictus or commencement
of the first full rhythmical foot, and which may be com-
pared with the latter portion of a bar that frequently
precedes the first complete bar ina melody. The rule is Rule.
that this Anacrusis should not exceed in length the ‘thesis’
of the regular feet ; thus a dactyl may be preceded by an
anacrusis not exceeding vv or —, and a trochee, strictly
speaking, only by one short syllable. The Anacrusis, how-
ever, may consist of an ‘irrational’ syllable, viz., a long
syllable, with the apparent time-value of ashort. Hence the
varying quantity of the first syllable in Greek Alcaic lines,
whereas Horace, forgetting its merely introductory character,
seldom employs any but a long quantity! It is obvious
that the neglect of Anacrusis in scansion leads to metrical
schemes which are on entirely wrong principles, and which
flagrantly violate the rule of equality of measures.

The literal meaning of the term is ‘backing-water, and
the metrical usage is thus compared with a ship retiring
slightly to enable herself to dash to the charge with the

1 See on Alcaeus, p. 139.

General effect.

Basis.

Forms of the
basis.

58 GARE Hava ΡΟ

greater impetus. Anacrusis is accordingly regarded as
giving a character of energy to, for instance, Alcaics, which
is less suited to the lines of the poetess Sappho, whose pre-
vailing metre commences with the full measure. Compare
on Alcaeus, xi. where it is to be remarked that Alcaeus, in
the line ᾿Ιόπλοχ᾽ ἄγνα x72. addressed by him to Sappho
herself, while paying her the graceful compliment of
abandoning his favourite metre for her own, considers that
it requires, in his masculine hands, the slight addition of
Anacrusis.

BASIS

Basis refers to a portion of the line which, like Anacrusis,
is to a certain extent preliminary, though far less separable
from what follows. To the term ‘ Basis’ the epithet ‘ Her-
mannic’ is often added, since Hermann first remarked
upon its metrical nature, defining it as ‘praeludium quod-
dam, et tentamentum numeri deinceps secuturi’. Dr.
Schmidt (Rxyth. and Metr., p. 90) appears to explain it as
due to the fact that in certain rhythmical sentences the
chief ictus falls not on the first but on the second foot.
Thus, in a Sapphic line such as

ἸΠοιχιλόϑρον ἀϑαάνατ᾽ ᾿Αφρόδιτα,

the strong rhythmical emphasis on the second foot imparts
an introductory character to the first, and this is all the
more the case in certain choriambic lines, where the
choriambics do not begin until the second foot. Hence
the Basis may assume any one of at least four distinct
forms, viz.,-—v, --, τὸ or even vy, in which latter case it
is not always distinguishable from Anacrusis. It occurs
most frequently, and is most unmistakable in choriambic
metre, as in the passage from Sappho (No. VI.) beginning

Κατϑανοῖσα δὲ κείσεαι οὐδ᾽ ἔτι τις μναμοσύνα. σέϑεν,
or in Alcaeus, No. XXIV., beginning
"Haves ἐκ περάτων γᾶς ἐλεφαντίναν,

in which poem each of the four varieties may be seen.
Similarly in other metres the presence of the basis may be

ΝΡ ENVY RIC (PORT RY 59

detected by the variable nature of the first foot. Thus in
Alc., No. x., taking the first line alone,

Κέλομαί twa τὸν χαρίεντα Μένωνα καλέσσαι,

it would be quite possible to regard the two first syllables
as anacrusis ; but when we go on to read

> \ ,ὔ 2 LY “ &
αι χρη συμιποσιᾶς ἐπ ονᾶσιν ἔμοι γεγενῆσϑαι,

it is obvious that in both lines we have an example of
basis. Compare also the second line in Sappho, VIII. «

λυχύπιχρον ἀμαγχανον ὄρπετον
ἢ ΐ aad
with the first
“Epos δ᾽ αὐτέ p ὁ λυσιμέλης δονεῖ.

It is to be noticed that when lyric poetry was no longer The basis was

written for song, the basis was not employed, since it is due to the close
: : z é connection be-
obvious that metre without the aid of melody must display tween poetry

greater strictness in the quantity of its syllables to main- ΠῺΣ ee
tain the requisite equality of movements in the same line. ee ς
The basis, therefore, in Greek poetry must be regarded as written for
one of those features due to the close union of the metre “47°
and the melody. It is a doubtful point how far it formed Connection of
part of the rhythmic construction of the line. If it invari- pas ve rest
ably did so, then to such a form as the Pyrrhic vv the music doubtful.
must have given a fictitious value, if I may use the expres-

sion, to equalise it with the ensuing trochee or cyclic

dactyl, thus :—

τῷ — vw OF vu | vw YY
NN NON XS
ον

W. Christ, however, is of opinion that in Aeolic lyrics,
which alone admitted of such varieties, the true rhythm
did not begin till after the basis ; while in the lyric poetry
of the drama, which always exhibits the basis in its fuller
and more regular form, it is to be reckoned as an integral
portion of the rhythmic period. Finally, in Horace’
imitations of Greek metres, especially in his choriambics,
the basis in its proper character disappears, and is invari-
ably represented by a spondee.

60 GREEK EYER EC “BOERS

In the metrical schemes, the basis is denoted by the
sign x placed over the first syllable, thus :
πες
for the line
Κατϑνόσχει Κυϑερὴ ἄβρος ΓΑδωνις, τί xe ϑεῖμεν ;

CATALECTIC AND ACATALECTIC LINES

Catalexis and These terms apply to the conclusion of a line. A line

Acatalexis: ending incompletely, ze. having the arsis of the last foot
without the thesis, is called Catalectic—one which ends
with the full measure is Acatalectic. Thus in the couplet
of Anacreon (No. V.):

σϑι τοι καλῶς μὲν ἄν τοι τὸν χαλινὸν ἐμβάλοιμι,
ἡνίας δ᾽ ἔχων στρέφοιμί σ᾽ ἀμφὶ τέρματα δρόμου,
the first line ending with the trochee is acatalectic, while the
second, ending with the single long syllable, is catalectic,
The practice of catalexis at the end of a line is of course
due to the pause which fills up the place of the missing
syllable ; and it is especially common in all languages, as
in the above illustration from Anacreon, to mark the close
of a couplet or stanza. Thus in English:
Pale and breathless came the hunters,
On the turf lies dead the boar.
God ! the Duke lies stretched before him
Senseless, weltering in his gore.!
ΠΕ τ of A succession of acatalectic lines is rare in lyric poetry,
Bee dines but often very effective, expressing a fervour of sentiment
tive. which instinctively avoids the incisive character of catalec-
tic lines. The Sapphic stanza, in which all the lines are
acatalectic, affords us a good example of this ; whereas, in
the favourite metre of Alcaeus, the catalexis in the first
two lines of the stanza is far more appropriate to the
general tone of the poem. Similarly in the lines of Burns:
Had we never loved sae kindly,
Had we never loved sae blindly,

Never met or never parted,
We had ne’er been broken-hearted,

1M. Arnold, ‘The Church of Brou.’

Neher) PN LY RIC POR TRY 61

the absence of catalexis in the second and fourth lines as
well as in the first and third greatly enhances the intense
pathos of the words.
Two other terms are employed by the old metricians—
Brachycatalectic and Hypercatalectic. Both expressions
relate to the conclusions of lines which are supposed to be
scanned in dipodies. By Hypercatalectic is meant a line Hypercatalectic
in which the last complete dipody is followed by a single 27a Prachy.
long syllable. Such cases are of rare occurrence, and need
no special remark.’ Brachycatalectic lines are far more
frequent, and impart a very distinct character to the
rhythm. They are described as cases where the last com-
plete dipody is followed by what is apparently a single
foot, but the proper explanation of them is that they have
an ordinary catalectic conclusion, and that the penultimate
syllable is syncopated. Thus the line in Sappho xIv. :

"» I fae ᾿ > J
ἔστι μοι καάλα παϊς χρυσίοισιν ἀνθέμιοισιν,

should be scanned

΄ fe / 2
Ξ2.0--.-.-.-:.0.--- :υ--οὐΣ- Δ

Such a type of rhythm has its origin in the connection Brachycatalexis
of Greek lyric poetry with music, and can hardly be gute tein |
paralleled in modern lyrics. A fine example of this is
quoted by Dr. Schmidt in his Rhythmic and Metric, p. 37,
from the Agamemnon, 192-197, and illustrates, as he
says, the melancholy character imparted by a succession
of verses in the ‘falling’ rhythm, as he calls it.

It is obvious that the pause implied by catalexis, in- The different
cluding its varieties of hypercatalexis and brachycatalexis, UMGvaine οἱ
must vary in time-value, according to the circumstances of eee
the case, and certain appropriate signs are employed to ati?
mark the distinctions. Thus in ordinary trochaic metre
the pause is equivalent to an δορί note, and is repre-
sented thus “; while in a dactylic or epitritic line the
pause is of the value of a fourth note, and is represented
by the sign 7: Instances of longer pauses than these
hardly occur in the text. In a hypercatalectic line, the

1 Sappho vi. may be taken as an instance, if at least such lines are
to be scanned in dipodies,

The Dactyl in
lyric poetry.

The hexameter.

Rarity of
spondees,

The Prosodiac.

62 GREK JES EC PROEaS

pause would be one of four ezghths or a half, and the
sign ‘ZX.

Such being the chief features of the beginning and of
the end of the line, we may now briefly consider the most
important metrical feet as employed in lyric poetry.

‘PoE DACTVL

The most celebrated dactylic metre, the hexameter, is
from its regular and stately nature scarcely suited for
song. It is not, however, entirely excluded from lyric
poetry, at least in early times. Witness the beautiful lines
in Alcman, (No. IL):

οὔ μ᾽ ἔτι παρϑενικαὶ μελιγάρυες ἱμερόφωνοι, %.T.).
and in Sappho, (No. XXXII):
Οἷον τὸ γλυκύμαλον ἐρεύϑεται ἄκρῳ ἐπ᾽ ὕσδῳ, x.7.A.

It should be noticed, however, that in the first example
the spondee is not used at all, and in the verses of
Sappho very sparingly.’

Shorter dactylic lines are very common, a familiar
species being the Prosodiac,? so called from its being
employed specially in Prosodia or processional hymns, for
which it was indeed eminently suited. Its form is gener-
ally either :

Ξ:πυυπυυ-, or Ξ:πυυπυυ--Ξ
The verses in the Linus-song, p. 247, which have anacrusis,
may be taken as an example of the latter, and A/zscel/. Frag.
aK
τὸν ᾿Ελλάδος ἀγαϑέας, x.7.2. ,
as an instance of the former. Usually two prosodiac Cola
are combined into one complete line, 4.9. Ibycus No. VII. :

Οὐκ ἔστιν ἀποφϑιμένοις ζωᾶς ἔτι φάρμακον εὑρεῖν.
It is also common in proverbial sayings :

"R , x2 +
puyov XAKOV, eupov XU.ELVOV.

1 Compare also Sap. XXXIV, and Alcman, XXVI.
2. See W. Christ, pp. 214-216.

σε ΡΝ RC POR TR VY 63

A third form is seen in the Swallow-song, p. 247:

7 . Χ
0 DS ΟΣ Oe

"HAG, ἦλϑε χελιδών
καλὰς ὡρᾶς ἄγουσα,
καλοὺς ἐνιαυτούς, κ.τ.λ.
‘The shortest dactylic sentence is the Adonius, τῷ ὦ -- Ξς, The Adonius.
commonly employed as a clausula to a stanza, the most
familiar example being in the case of Sapphics. It is
also, like the Prosodiac, common in proverbs or yoyo, e.g.
Bods ἐπὶ φάτνῃ, Γνῶϑι σεαῦτον.

I need not say more on other combinations of dactyls, Dactyls not em-
except to call attention to the rule that an independent verse, pees Ξ “ΠΕ
namely a verse not forming part of a larger system, must not
conclude with a true dactyl. We are familiar with this in
the case of the hexameter, and it applies equally to all
other dactylic verses.

Thus the three lines of Aleman, No. VIII.

Maio’ ἄγε Καλλιόπα, ϑύγατερ Διός, xr.

must probably be scanned not as a dactylic tetrapody
πυυπυυπυύπυυ, but as a catalectic pentapody in which
dactyls are ‘choreic’, thus:
es a as A
on the model of Soph. Phz/. 827 :
"Tv ὀδύνας ἀδαὴς, ὕπνε δ᾽ ἀλγέων.

If, however, in the complete poem of Alcman the three except when the
verses were finished off by a line with some change of ae oF
metre at its conclusion, the final dactyls might stand, the
verses then being members of a ‘system’, ! and incomplete
in themselves.

It is in union with feet of another class that dactyls most Dactyls in union
frequently occur in lyric poetry. This we already noticed vai cee
in logaoedic metre where the dactyl is side by side with or ‘Cyclic’.
the trochee, and assumes a different value which gives it eee
its name of the Cyclic Dactyl. The ‘Choreic’ Dactyl *"4s
has a similar time-value, ὃ, and is not always easily

1 See below, p. 73.

The dactyl in
Epitritic lines.

The Anapaest.

64 GREEK LY RUC PORTS

distinguished from the cyclic or logaoedic dactyl. The
real difference is one of ictus, there being in the case of the
latter a secondary ictus on the third syllable, at the expense
of the first, which is to be hastily pronounced.t Dactyls
in a passage of 8 time are to be treated as choreic rather
than cylic when they are not in close juxtaposition with
trochees. Thus any succession of 8 dactyls implies that
they are choreic, and the nature of the ictus as distinct
from that of the logaoedic dactyls in e.g. Sapphics or Alcaics
will be at once felt on reading such a line as Praxilla’s

Ὦ διὰ τῶν ϑυρίδων χκολὸν ἐμβλέποισα.

There is, however, another kind of union of dactyls and
trochees, in which the dactyl retains its full value of a
4 measure, and does not become cyclic or choreic. I
refer to cases where it comes side by side with the
Epitrit, or slow-moving trochaic dipody (+v--), which
will be referred to below. In this case the time-value of

the trochee is increased from % to 4, thus -v or ¢. φὺ
thereby securing that equality of time which in logaoedics
was obtained by reducing the value of the dactyl. The
following lines from Pindar, Of xi. 1 will serve as an
example:
"Eotw ἀνθρώποις ἀνέμων ὅτε πλείστα
χρῆσις, ἔστιν δ᾽ οὐρανίων ὑδάτων.
EAN SP pel nee
a
Akin to the dactylic rhythm is the anapaestic, which
originally was simply a dactylic measure with anacrusis—
the earliest form of it being the Prosodiac, described above.
Anapaestic rhythm was specially appropriate for spirited
movement, and hence is the march-measure par excellence.
This is exhibited for us in the two fragments from Tyrtaeus;
and similarly it was employed for the entrance song of the
dramatic chorus as they marched on to the stage. In later
times the anapaest often assumed a new character by the
resolution of the long syllable, resulting in the what is

1 See Dr. Schmidt, Rhyth. and Metr. pp. 49-50.

ΝΕ ΕΝ ΕΟ POETRY 65

called the Proceleusmatic foot wove, of which we have an
example in the passage from Pratinas already alluded to:

Τίς ὁ ϑόρυβος ὅδε, x.7.2.

We need not dwell further on anapaestic rhythm, since
the subject has more importance for the lyrical passages
of the drama than for the melic fragments, among which
its occurs but seldom.

THE TROCHEE

Trochaic may be regarded as the predominating metre Importance of
throughout Greek lyric poetry, and indeed Greek poetry jy Frochee ἷη
in general, for it not only prevails in trochaic lines proper,
but gives the character to logaoedics, and even to iambic
senarii, or trimeters, which are nothing but trochaic feet
with anacrusis. or song the trochee is specially adapted,
owing to the rapid recurrence of the arsis, imparting to a
succession of trochees a stirring and emotional character.

In trochaics proper, the metre is usually reckoned by pipouies.
dipodies. Thus the tetrameter so common in Archilochus
and in spirited passages in the chorus of the Drama, con-
sists of eight trochaic feet taken in four pairs; and trimeters,
the iambic senarii, consist of six trochees, the last catalectic,
taken in three pairs, with anacrusis. The reason for this
practice is that in this species of the γένος ἄνισον, the return
of the arsis is too rapid to readily allow each foot a distinct
or equal beat or ictus. The stress then is laid on the arsis
of the first foot, and recurs on that of the third, fifth,
seventh, etc. Thus the rhythm of the line

Θυμέ, ϑύμ᾽ ἀμ:ηχάνοισι χήδεσιν κυχώμενε
should be represented

“ ΄, Wi ,ὕ ΓΙ» [Ὁ
9... 030-032 Ξ Ὰ

--. --

the sign ‘ denoting the ictus of arsis as compared with
thesis, and ’’ the main ictus of the dipody.

This arrangement has important results on the further syrational
metrical structure ; for in the second or unemphatic foot of Dipoeas
each dipody, a long syllable is admissible which is described

Their explana-
tion.

Often explicable
in English
poetry by com-
pensation.

Nature of the
‘ Epitrit’.

66 GRE wk iE WRC POTS

as ‘irrational’ because it apparently has the value only of
a short. The reason for this slight change in the rhythm,
which however at once commends itself to the ear as
perfectly harmonious, is not far to seek; for, since the
main stress of the dipody is imposed upon the first arsis,
the value of the second is so far weakened that room is
left for a succeeding syllable of a value greater than would
otherwise be admissible. Thus we may, perhaps, represenv
the second foot musically by the dotted quavers {* 8, which
have the total value of J J’, the notes appropriate to the
first foot. The employment of irrational syllables has a
very important bearing upon the variety and emphasis of
any rhythm ; and while in many cases they are introduced
with the design of slackening the movement as in Pope’s
well-known line,

That like a wounded snake drags its slow length along,

they are often also to be explained as above by compensa-
tion. This may be distinctly seen in the following
examples from Shelley’s A donazs :—

And the w2/d winds flew round, sobbing in their dismay.
It flashed through his Aa/e limbs, and past to its eclipse.

In both cases the spondee, as it may be called, is preceded
by a foot composed of very unemphatic syllables ; and in
the trochaic line

The Zale purple even,

the compensation is found in the actual foot, which
approximates to an iamb.! The effect is proportionally
bold, and could be produced without discord only by a
master-hand.

There is another class of trochaic dipody in which the
thesis of the second foot not only may be, but regularly is
long. The syllable in this case is not irrational, but has
its full value,=the crotchet |, This kind of dipody is

* In reality the first syllable is almost ignored, and the second pro-
longed almost to the value of a trochee, thus U.

Mes ΝΟ POE TRY 67

called the Epitrit,1 and I have already made some reference
to it. It is its constant connexion in the same line with
dactylic feet, and its frequent occurrence in poetry such as
the Doric odes of Pindar, which have much of the metrical
character of Epic, that leads to the conclusion that instead
of the ce being reduced to 3-time, the trochees are
raised to the $-time ὍΣ the ordinary dactyl.

We have then three main classes of trochaic rhythm, Three classes
which I mention in order of the rapidity of their move- sipagien
ment.

I.—A succession of pure trochees, or as they are often
called chorees, taken in dipodies. This is obviously
adapted admirably for easy lively movement in songs not
expressing any great depth of feeling. The most brilliant
example is the delightful song of Anacreon, No. V., begin-
ning

Πῶλε Θρηκίη, τί δή με λοξὸν ὄμμασιν βλέπουσα,
which exhibits only two irrational syllables throughout
the poem.

I].—Trochaic dipodies with frequent irrational syllables,
but without admixture of dactyls. These have the same
time-value as choreic dipodies, but apparently express a
slower ¢tempo—Andante as compared with Allegro.

I11.—The Epitritic dipody which has not so much a
slower tempo as a different time, ¢ instead of δ.

I pass on now to two other well-known classes of
dipodies, the Choriambic —-vv-, and the Ionic --uv. The
Choriambic, so called because ancient metricians imagined Choriambic
it to consist of two such impossible yoke-fellows as a choree 7°"
—v and an iamb ὦ --, is much employed in Greek songs, but

appears very unsuited for modern poetry.? The immediate unsuited for any
ἘΠΕ ΞΘ τ -΄ἷἴἷἼ Ἢ... butsong-poetry.

1 For the mistaken principles which have given rise to the mis-
nomer, see W. Christ, pp. 67, 577, or Schmidt, p. 41.
2 Comic operas have almost a monopoly of this metre. One
instance only occurs to me in ordinary English poetry—
Rattle his bones over the stones, ete.

and it can hardly be said to invite imitation.

Considerable
limitations upon
the employment
of choriambs
even in melic
poetry.

Usually intro-
duced by basis
or anacrusis.

68 Gir Kv IRE Oras

juxtaposition of emphatic long syllables, which a succes-
sion of choriambs involves, would have a strange effect in
recited verses, especially if the long syllables occurred in
the same word as is frequently the case in Sappho, e¢.g.—

Δεῦτέ νυν ἄβραι Χάριτες, x.7.A.

Consequently we find this carefully avoided in the chori-
ambic odes of Horace, in which each choriamb closes with
a final syllable. Compare

Nullam | Vare sacra | vite prius | severis arborem,

with the line of Alcaeus which Horace appears to have
copied—

My ev ἄλλο φυτεύ σῃς πρότερον | δένδρεον ἀμπέλω.

Choriambic metre, then, though in this way it can be
sometimes successfully employed in merely recited poetry,
at any rate in a language where the metre is regulated
not by accent but by quantity, is above all intended for
song. But even in true melic poetry its peculiar character,
which expresses an unrestful and excited feeling too
intense to be long sustained,! is such that we find it only
used with a considerable limitation ; for there are few if
any cases of a line consisting from start to finish of
nothing but choriambs. In the first place the choriambic
movement is very commonly introduced by the ‘basis’, as
in the examples just quoted from Horace and Alcaeus.
With Horace, indeed, his odes being for recitation only,
the basis is the invariable rule. In Lesbian poetry, on the
other hand, we have not a few examples of an initial
choriamb, e¢,g.—

Δεῦτέ νυν ἄβραι Xoortes, x.7.A.
or with anacrusis—

ὁ πλοῦτος ἀνεῦ (τᾶς) ἀρέτας, χ.τ.λ., Sap. No. XXVII. β.
Κρῆσσαί νύ ποτ᾽ ὧδ᾽ ἐμμελέως πόδεσσιν, Sap. No. XIX.

1 W. Christ points out that it is specially appropriate for songs of
a Bacchic nature, e.g. Alcaeus, I, V.

ΒΕ TN aver fC BOE TRY 69

Secondly, the conclusion of a choriambic line is always, No final chori
at least in the melic fragments, in a different rhythm— ὅπη τὰν
the vehemence of the choriamb subsiding into the quieter ments.
movement of trochaic or logaoedic measures. A favourite
conclusion is -uv—v— as in the lines from Horace and

Alcaeus, and in Horace’s Asclepiads, e.g.—
Maecenas atavis edite regibus

Another is -vv—v—* as in more than one of the examples
above from Sappho.

The time-value of the choriamb, which is thus matched Time-value.
by trochaic or logaoedic dipodies, is £, and it should be
regarded as composed of a cyclic dactyl and a syncopated
long syllable thus VU.

lonics are supposed to be so called from the metre being /onie Dipodies.
regarded as owning an effeminate and voluptuous character
such as was attributed to the Ionian race. There are two
kinds :

Ionics a majore (ἀπὸ μείζονος) --ve
Ionics a minore (ἀπὸ ἐλάσσονος) ὦὐ -- --

A succession of the latter being simply a succession of
Ionics αὶ mazore with two short syllables as anacrusis.

Ionics @ majore are often hardly distinguishable from fonies a majore
choriambics with one long (irrational) syllable as anacrusis. poem.
Thus we should not be certain that the Ionic lines : epee

Κρῆσσαί νυ ποτ᾽ 00’ ἐμμέλεως πόδεσσιν
ὦρχευντ᾽ ἀπάλοις ἀμφ᾽ ἐρόεντα βῶμον,

were not choriambic, were they not succeeded by a line
with a short syllable for anacrusis :

, A
πόας τέρεν AVIOS μάλαχον μάτεισαι.

* Instances to the contrary may, however, be seen in W. Christ,

§§ 530, 531.

Ionics a minore.

r . U
Γένος ἡμιόλιον.

70 GR K PoC 16 ORT S

Like the choriamb an Ionic dipody is of the same time-
value as the trochaic, which often answers to it, e.g.

ΠΠλήρης μὲν éoatver’ & σελάννα,

ai δ᾽ ὡς περὶ βῶμον ἐστάϑησαν."
Similarly in Anacreon No. XVI. after a series of brachy-
catalectic trochaic dimeters with anacrusis :

"Aye δεῦτε pyne® οὕτω, 2.7.

we find a dimeter composed of two Ionics a mznore :

ὑποπίνοντες ἐν ὕμνοις.

Ionics a majore are unadapted for recited poetry, probably
because after two consecutive long syllables a rest is re-
quired which is only afforded by Ionics a mnore. The
latter metre is effectively employed by Horace, Od. ili. 12:

Miserarum est neque amori, etc.
in imitation perhaps of Alcaeus, No. XIV.
“Eps Ssthav, ius πασᾶν καχοτάταιν πεδέχοισαν.

Horace, however, appears to have found it somewhat too
remarkable in its effect for anything more than an experi-
ment in metre, since this is the only instance of it in his

Odes.

PAEONS AND CRETICS

On the third yévos—the γένος ἡμιόλιον or Quinquepar-
tite measure, I will dwell as briefly as possible since it
occurs but rarely in the text. In the rhythm to which
I have already referred we have a 3 time, which is very
rare in modern music but not unknown to it. It was
designed specially as a dance-measure, and it was from
Crete that it was introduced into Greek poetry, an island
famous as we have seen for its dancing from the most
ancient times. From Crete too comes the name of the
best known form of the Paeon, namely the Cretic -v-, of
which we have a good example in Aleman, No. XVII.

1 Sap. xx. See however note ad /oc. pointing out that perhaps the
metre is of a different kind.

Vets PN Ly RIC POE TRY 7X

For much the same reasons as in the case of the Chori-
amb, the Cretic is unsuited for any but melic poetry, and
it is also apparently always in connection with the dance.

The Paeon proper consists of a long and three short
syllables, and is named according to their relative positions,
thus :

πυυυ First Paeon.
vouy Second Paeon.
vue Third Paeon.
vu Fourth Paeon.

Lastly in the same class we have the Bacchius -- --ὖ, ag.
in Aesch. Prom. 115, with anacrusis :

Tt a) a) τί ὀὸδυνα 7 οσέπτα yw. . Nerray Km ς
8. 9 95. Ot RUC e Ere ee 135
oy eee ee

All these rhythms, and especially the Bacchius, are said to
denote excited feelings, or extreme uncertainty or surprise.’

Finally comes the difficult measure of the Dochmius
(δόχμιος, the oblique rhythm) which is said to take no less
than thirty-two forms, the most common being »—-v-, or
-vv-v-. The real nature of this rhythm is difficult to
comprehend and variously explained, but I need not
touch upon the subject since the Dochmius, so common
in the lyric poetry of the Drama, is not found among the
lyric poets with whom we are concerned, probably because
its complicated and apparently irregular nature belongs to
a later period when the early simplicity of movement was
becoming corrupted.”

COLON, VERSE, SYSTEM

I will conclude by explaining a few terms, which will be
employed in the notes, concerning the rhythmical divisions
of a poem and the grouping of the lines.

The smallest of these divisions is the Colon, or short
rhythmical sentence, which may by itself form an entire

1 Schmidt, Rhyth. and Metr. pp. 33-4- 2 See 70. p. 11.

The Cretic
suited only for
song-poetry.

The Dochmtus

The Colon.

Separate cola
in the same line
marked by
caesura and
diaeresis.

Distinguishing
marks of the
complete verse.

72 GRE EK AlewRd ΡΥ"

line, or, as is more often the case, be one of two or more
members welded together into a single verse. Thus in
the Linus-song each verse is composed of a single colon
only ; whereas in the hexameter the line is composed of
two of these cola, dove-tailed together by means of the
caesura. Similarly in English Alexandrines, such as those
which conclude each stanza of Shelley’s Skylark, e.g.,

Our sweetest songs are those which tell of saddest thought.

the line is composed of two short iambic cola, three feet in
length, which stand as entire lines in the previous part of
the stanza, 6.9",

We pine for what is not.

Cola then may be compared to short grammatical sentences
or clauses, which may stand alone or may be compounded
together to form one long sentence; and just as in the
latter case a pause or stop of some kind must come between
the separate clauses, so in a compound verse a pause in
the shape of the caesura or diaeresis must separate the cola
and allow each to exhibit its main ictus or accent.

It is by mistaking the Sapphic pentapody, which is a
single rhythmic sentence or colon, for a compound verse,
that Horace is led, in his earlier Sapphics at least, to intro-
duce an invariable caesura. On the other hand, in the
line,

In profuse strains of unpremeditated art.

it is the absence of the diaeresis which produces some
sense of strangeness in the rhythm.

Next comes the Complete Line or Verse (στίχος), which as
as we have just seen may be composed of a single colon or
of more than one. It is important to bear in mind the
distinguishing marks of the complete verse as compared
with a mere colon, since upon this depends the arrange-
ment of the lines, which in some cases admits of doubt.
The following then are the chief signs which indicate the
end of a verse ;—the syllaba anceps, or syllable of neutral
quantity, admission of hiatus before the next word,
absence of elision or of the shortening of a long vowel

ΕΝ ΠΝ ΤΕΥ REC POE ER Y 73

or diphthong before a succeeding vowel, and lastly and
chiefly the ‘Wortschluss’ as the Germans call it, ze. the
conclusion of the line by a final syllable only. The rule
that a line must conclude with a complete word is practi-
cally without any exception, and Béckh uses it as a sure
guide so far as it goes in the separation of the verses of
Pindar. We see then that the Adonius -ῦυ -τν which con-
cludes the Sapphic stanza is often if not always treated
not as a separate line but as a clausula to the third ; for
we by no means unfrequently find one word common to
both portions, e.g. Sappho I.

adv φωνείϊσας ὑπαχούει
> , >»
ἐπιρρόμβεισι δ᾽ ἄκουαι,

and in several other instances. Similarly such a division
of the lines of Anacreon No. Xx. as is made by Hartung:

” A U ~ “
ἔμιε γὰρ Rey σοφῶν εἴ-
-νεχα παῖδες ἂν φιλοῖεν.

is misleading, and the words should be written in one line
as is done by Bergk.

The other requirements at the end of a line are
observed with little less regularity when each line is
entirely independent metrically of the others, as is the
case with hexameters or with the trimeters of the Drama,
etc.; but in lyric poetry the verses are sometimes related
in such a manner that, though they cannot be regarded as
mere Cola, they are yet not complete when taken sepa-
rately but form parts of one harmonious rhythmical group,
described as a ‘System’.

The System is composed of a number of Cola, for they verses only
can hardly be called lines, which taken together would Smiindepend-
form far too long a period for a single verse. They admit System.
of elision, and the shortening of a final long vowel or
diphthong before a succeeding vowel, e.g. Soph. ZZ 148:

& Ἴτυν αἰὲν Ἴτυν ὀλοφύρεται
»” > ,ὔ \ "
ὄρνις ἀτυζομένα Διὸς ἄγγελος.

They avoid hiatus and the Syllaba Anceps, but vindicate

74 GREE wee POR DS

the semi-independence of the lines by nearly always re-
taining the ‘Wortschluss.’ Among melic fragments the
best illustrations of the ‘system’ may be seen in the
poems of Anacreon, e.g. No. UI.

I can now bring this article to a close, and I am aware
that it occupies an almost undue space in the Intro-
duction; but the subject of metre is so important for
Greek lyric poetry, and yet so commonly neglected, that
I have thought it worth while to dwell upon it at some
length.

I subjoin a list of certain metrical signs employed which
to many readers may be unfamiliar :—

where one long syllable is equivalent to --ο or a dotted
crotchet A, See p. 52-3.

.- where one syllable is equivalent to-~ or οὐ 714.

τοὺ the Cyclic Dactyl, equal to the trochee, thus J“ SS

—w the Choreic Dactyl, J A See p. 53 and pp. 63-4.

x placed over a foot in the metrical scheme denotes the
Basis, pp. 58-9.

’ denotes the occurrence of the ictus, e.g. on the first foot
of each trochaic dipody.

The following mark the time-value of the verse-pause
(p. 61.) ---

Δ the eighth-pause, equivalent to Ἵ or one short syllable.

x the quarter-pause, equivalent to P or one long syllable.

“A the four-eighth pause, equivalent to -=.

Ani GWE Vit

DIALECT IN THE LYRIC POETS!

SECTION: I
GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

IN the transition from Epic to Lyric poetry we naturally Native dialect
find great changes in dialect as in metre. When poetry oe Oe
became personal and subjective, it tended to assume a «lylyricpoets
style of diction familiar to the singer and his hearers.

Hence a characteristic feature of the poetry of several of

the earlier Melic writers is the abandonment of the time-

honoured epic forms, and the employment of the peculi-

arities of their own dialect. Sappho and Alcaeus wrote in

their native Lesbian, Archilochus and Anacreon in Ionic,

and Corinna in Boeotian. We may compare the instance

of Burns, who in the revival of British lyric poetry plays a

part somewhat parallel to that taken by a Sappho or an

Alcaeus among the Greeks. In his case as in theirs the

charm of the songs is inseparably connected with the

native dialect; and when he abandons it for the con-

ventional English diction the result is anything but
satisfactory.

But the employment of the local dialect was far from but not by the
being so universal as might be expected from the nature of Coie ca
the case; for, with the single exception of Corinna, it is found
in monodic poetry only. In choral poetry, which, as we
have seen, came to predominate greatly over monodic, an
admixture of dialectic forms was adopted, presenting to us
an artificial dialect which can only be called lyric, since it
certainly cannot be attached to any particular locality or

any branch of the Greek race. Nor is this unnatural. An Reasons for
ξ΄. τ. ee this:
1 See Addendum at the conclusion of this article, p. 97.

76 GigE PAGE YRC P.O TS

Alcaeus or a Sappho, in the words of Pindar,! ‘lightly shot
τ. Choral poetry forth their honey-voiced songs of love. Though fragments
not personal. . : .
of their songs have won an immortality, they wrote for
their own circle or boon companions, and the subjects
of their poems were drawn from the deeds or the
pleasures or the passions of their own life. In such
poetry no language could win favour so readily as one
which, though indeed exalted above the region of common-
place by the genius of the poets, was yet familiar to the
hearers and free from poetic conventionalities. But in
choral poetry the circumstances were far different. The
personal element, always incomparably less than in monodic
song, tended to disappear entirely in later choral poems,
consequently the subject did not call for the language of
Sel poetry ordinary life. Again choral poetry at first was mainly
Racted with religious, and religious diction is notoriously conservative
ἐν τς αι of ancient style. Furthermore the mythical or narrative
eoihical are element entered largely into this branch of lyric poetry, and
for this the Epic dialect was best fitted by the influence of
association. Lastly, choral poetry tended to detach itself
from local ties, and rather to assume a Hellenic character.
pyrene After Aleman none of the great choral poets worked for
jocal character. their native city alone ; on the contrary they exercised their
ofchoralpoetry. talents for the most part in other Greek states, wherever
they were likely to enjoy the most encouraging patronage.
Under such circumstances, it was absolutely necessary for
them to adopt some uniform style of diction, which, while
confining itself to no dialect in the proper sense, would be
Artificial understood by all educated Greeks. The result was the
Bed, adoption of a composite artificial dialectic style, which was
handed down with comparatively few changes from gene-
ration to generation of choral poets.
composed Naturally the Epic dialect was taken as the foundation
mainly of Epic 4+ main element of the whole ; and therefore, just as in the
most important choral metres, such as those of Stesichorus
and of the ‘Dorian’ odes of Pindar, the old dactylic
rhythm of Epic poetry still made manifest its influence,

πο. Ws. 3:

DIALECT 77

so also in the language the forms of Epic were widely

retained. But besides this a considerable admixture of with a consider
(2) Lesbian and (4) Doric forms was introduced. Little as ae oe
the Lesbian poets were directly connected with the develop- 2°"

ment of choral song, I have already commented on the wide-

spread influence they exercised on all subsequent Greek

lyric poetry, and not a few of the most striking Lesbian

forms found their way into the choral ‘dialect. Again it

was amid the Dorian race, however unproductive of original

talent, that choral poetry was fostered and developed, and

hence it exhibits conspicuously many of the Doric dialectic
peculiarities. These, however, are not so prominent as

might have been expected, since the Doric from which

lyric poetry borrowed was of the kind described by

Alcaeus as ‘mitior’, which, as will be mentioned below,

exhibited far fewer distinctive features than strict Doric
(‘severior’), and probably was intelligibleinall Hellenicstates.

The proportion in which Lesbian or Doric enters into
the language naturally varies with the different poets, or
(as in Pindar’s odes) with the different portions of the
same poet’s writings. But speaking summarily, Hermann’s
remark upon the language of Pindar applies equally to
that of the choral poets in general: ‘Est enim Pindari Hermann on
dialectus epica, sed colorem habens Doricae, interdum P'"“"
etiam Aecolicae (ze., Lesbiae) linguae. Aliis verbis funda-
mentum hujus dialecti est lingua epica, sed e Dorica
dialecto tantum adscivit Pindarus, quantum et ad dictionis
splendorem et ad universorum commoditatem idoneum
videretur, repudians illa que aut interioris essent, aut
vulgaris aut certis in locis usitati Dorismi. Nec primus
hoc fuit Pindarus, sed secutus alios,’ etc.

As I have described in some detail the forms in the
Lesbian and Doric dialects which appear in lyric poetry,
readers can estimate for themselves how far these elements
enter into the surviving fragments. I would also refer
them to E. Mucke’s Dissertation on the dialects of the
chief choral poets cgmpared with Pindar,! where a careful

1 De Dialectis Stesichori, Ibyci, Simonidis, Bacchylidis.

Gs} GREEK ΕΟ POETS
~~

analysis is given of the Doric, Lesbian, and Epic forms
which are to be found in Pindar and the other choral
poets.

Dialectic forms Most of the melic fragments being quoted in Greek authors

in many of the : ᾿ τς :

Melic fragments Who employ a very different dialect, it is obvious that the

eecran. forms used by the poet must in many instances have
become corrupted. Once lost their restoration is a process
attended with considerable uncertainty ; and considering
the free eclecticism exercised by the choral writers in their
diction, the only principle upon which in most cases we
can proceed is that of analogy. Accordingly, the enumera-
tion that I am about to give of the instances of Doric and
Lesbian forms, which are of most frequent occurrence in
the poets, will serve a further purpose in aiding us to
understand the reasons for the commonest emendations
effected by editors. ~

Chief Dorian I.— Firstly, the choral parts seem nearly always to have

and Lesbian 5 ᾿ : - - ἘΠῚ

forms in Melic followed the Doric and Lesbian dialects in employing ἃ in
pony mea Place of ἡ, when the latter has originated from an «-sound.
where weakened Consequently editors are in most cases justified in restor-

infonicto7”- ing @ in place of an Ionic or Attic ἡ.

Exceptions. Mucke, however, maintains that there is not sufficient
reason for altering ἡ in certain cases, for instance in certain
poetical forms or words borrowed apparently from Homer,
νῆες, νηυσίν, Zyvt, Θρηΐκιος, etc. Again in certain passages
of Bacchylides, viz. XIII. and XXI., we find an Ionic or
Attic ἢ freely used, and Neue and Bergk regard it as
natural, since these passages are not in choral but in
simple trochaic rhythm, not necessarily intended for song.
Finally in the ‘Attic’ scolia, y as well as other Attic.
forms are frequently employed and should not be emended.
Similarly in Bacchylides No. 11, which appears to be a
scolion, it seems best not to follow Bergk, in altering
αἰγλήεντα and νῆες ; these are in harmony with the Attic
forms ἄγουσι, μαρμαίρουσι, the first of which is left unchanged
by Bergk.

Il. τἂν for-ov II].—Secondly, the Doric and Lesbian contraction in

fon.) in : “ys = : ἐλ be
ΠΡ ΚΡ ΒΑΉΒΙ the genitive plural of ¢-wy into ἂν is constantly adhered to

sion.

DIARECT 79

in Melic poetry; and it occurs so frequently that in the
few cases where the MSS. give ov, editors are fully
justified in restoring ἅν.

Doubtless the suitability of the z-sound for song weighed
with the poets as much as, or more than, a mere desire to
imitate Doric or Lesbian forms, since in verbs in a-stems,
where strict Doric contracts a into ἡ, the choral poets
employ ἃ, 6.5. συλᾶται, νωμιᾶται.

I1]—The Epic and Attic terminations -ουσα, and -οὐσι(ν), 111. Lesb.
in the feminine participle, and the 3d plural present indica- a ee
tive respectively, are avoided in Melic poetry. For the ciple for Ion.
first we usually have the Lesbian -o1cx ; and in the case ~°%%-
of the word Μοῦσα (Attic), in reality a participle (*Movzx2),
the Doric form Μῶσα is often employed, though the Les- Exceptions.
bian Μοῖσα is common enough. Μοῦσα occurs in the
trochaics of Bacchylides, No. XIII.; and χλείουσα and
ἑχοῦσα in Stesichorus, who employs no Lesbian forms
in his poetry. In the weak aorist participle active the
Lesbian form -a¢ is common in Pindar, but is not found
in the other choral poets, except, perhaps, in Simonides,

No. ΙΧ. 1. 12, πράξαις (see Note ad Joc.).

In the 3d plural in -ovo (Epic and Attic) it is again the esp third μίας
Lesbian form in τοῖσι which is preferred ; but the Dorian im τοῖσι, or Dor
termination in -ντι, whether in thematic or non-thematic veel a
verbs, is not uncommon, e.g. ϑραύοντι, Simonides, No. XX.,
φωνέοντι Hybrias, ἐντί Timocreon, and many instances in
Pindar’s odes. The termination -ovs: occurs twice, as I Exceptions.
have already mentioned, in a scolion of Bacchylides, No.

II., and in the ode attributed to Arion, where the form is
one indication of the late origin of that poem. In other
cases the commentators reasonably emend to -οισι.

It is to be noticed that the Lesbian accusative plural in
τοις -a1¢ (Att. -ovg -%) is never employed, except, perhaps,
in one doubtful instance ;! and the same is true of the
Lesbian dative plural of the 3d declension in τοῖσι.

1 Ibycus, vi. 2 1, see Note.

IV. Contraction

often avoided,

Synizesis
common,

V. Lesb. forms

for 1st and 2d
pers. pron.

plur.

Ψίλωσι:.

80 GREE REY RAC POraS

IV.—Melic poetry follows Doric or Epic (the latter in
Mucke’s opinion) in very frequently avoiding contraction,
especially where the first vowel is e—e.g. ἵκεο, φορέοντα
(Stesich.), φιλέω, μίμιεο (Simonid.) ; also δινάεντα (Simonid.),
puvaevta, ἔγχεα, Etpex (Bacchyl.), etc.

In these non-contracted forms synizesis for metri-
cal purposes is very common, eg. Swaevra, Τιμοκρξοντα,
pre, etc.

V.—In the pronouns ἡμεῖς, ὑμεῖς, etc. (Attic), the choral
poets appear to have always employed the Lesbian forms
ἄμμες, ἄμμιν, ὕμμιν, εἴς. In Simonides IX., 1.18, the MSS. give
ὑμῖν, which is unmetrical, and emended to ὕμμιν.

The above are all the Lesbian and Dorian forms which
are regularly or commonly employed by the choral poets.
They appear scanty enough in a bare enumeration, but
nevertheless owing to the frequency with which they occur
they are amply sufficient to establish a very distinct poetic
diction, which would be intelligible to all Greek hearers,
but commonplace to none. Other instances of Lesbian
or Doric forms less frequently occurring will be referred to
in the course of the notes. I will now proceed to give a
more detailed account of the Lesbian and Doric Dialects,
so far as is sufficient to illustrate the forms occurring in
Alcaeus and Sappho on the one hand, and on the other in
Alcman, and certain poems where the Doric dialect is
freely employed.

SECTION Il

THE LESBIAN DIALECT IN THE LYRIC POETS

I propose here to summarise the chief dialectic forms
found in the Lesbian poets with whom we are concerned.

Two of the most prominent characteristics of the dialect
that first deserve notice are the Ψίλωσις and the Βαρυτόνησις.
Ψίλωσις, the avoidance of the Spiritus Asper, appears,

DIALECT SI

according to the testimony of the grammarians, to have
been the universal practice of the Lesbians. Ahrens, it is
true, formulates a rule that the aspirate, rejected in all
other cases, was employed when taking the place of an
original s or 7. Thus he retains the aspirate in the
Article 6, «, etc. (Sanskrit sa, sa), and in ayva and ἔφαβος,
which he connects, though probably erroneously, with
sanctus and juvenis. Meister (dze Griechischen Dialekte)
follows Bergk (zofe on Sap. I. 9) in condemning these
forms, and admits of no exception to ψίλωσις. He adds
that Ahrens himself was inclined subsequently to give up
his view. I have therefore throughout the text adopted
universal ψίλωσις, reading ὁ, ἀ, ἄγνα, etc.

By ‘ Barytonesis’ is meant the practice of casting back
the (acute) accent from the last syllable when a word is
not monosyllabic, so that, with few exceptions, no oxytones
remained in the dialect. For us, who ignore the accent in
our pronunciation of Greek, this has but little significance,
but we ought to bear in mind how great a distinction
between Lesbian and other Greek dialects must have been
effected by such a diversity of intonation.

Here, as in many other respects, the Lesbian happens to
have been at one with Latin; cf. Athenaeus, x. 425. Ot
Ῥωμαῖοι πάντα τοὺς Αἰολεῖς μιμούμενοι καὶ κατὰ τοὺς τόνους
τῆς φώνης. (Quoted by Ahrens.) Illustrations of this
Barytonesis are σόφος, δύνατος, κάλος, αὖτος, etc. Exceptions
are dissyllabic prepositions and conjunctions, eg. ἀνὰ, διὰ,
αὐτὰρ, ἀλλὰ, etc. (see however Bergk on Sap.1. 25). In the
case of monosyllables Aeolic is said to have changed an
oxytone to a perispomenon, e.g. Ζεῦς, χἣν, for Ζεύς, χήν ;
and, since the circumflex consists of an acute + a grave
accent, the word is thus rendered barytone. A gram-
marian, Choeroboscus, however, quoted by Professor
Chandler (Greek Accentuation, Ὁ. 570), declares that mono-
syllables keep the acute accent—yets being apparently a
bond fide example.

The Digamma, as the metre often clearly shows, was
frequently employed in Lesbian, it being, of course, retained
from ancient usage, and not, as some grammarians state,

Barytonesis.

Digamma.

Double liquids

and nasals.

82 GREE ΡΘΕ ds

added in certain cases. We find it in the pronoun Féd<v
Foti, Fé, etc. in βείπην (ϑέλω τι δείπην, Alcaeus), in έργον
(ὐπὸ Féoyov), and in the reduplication FéFaye (γλῶσσα FéFaye,
Sappho) ete.

Before p, F becomes β, 6.9. βράδινος, βρόδον (Sappho),
though not in βρῆξις, as Alcaeus is said to have written.
Between two vowels F appears as υ, 2g. alos= ἠώς, Att.
ἕως, Doric aoc.

Another distinctive feature of Lesbian is the employ-
ment of double liquids or nasals, where in other dialects we
usually find a single liquid preceded by a lengthened
vowel ora diphthong. The reason of this is that in Les-
bian ‘every spirant is assimilated to a contiguous A, 9, μ5 ν᾿
(Curtius, Greek Ezt. 665), whereas in most dialects the
spirant is rejected and the preceding vowel lengthened by
“compensation. Thus—Lesb. ἔμμι (for ἐσ-μί), Att. εἰμί ;
Lesb. ἄμμες, Dor. ayes, Att. ἡμεῖς ; Lesb. ὄμμες, Att. “ὑμεῖς,
Sanskrit showing in all three cases that assimilation has
taken place between o and p.; Lesb. φϑέορω, xtévv from
ἔφϑεριω, ἔχτενιω (Att. φϑείρω, κτείνω) ; Lesb. γόννα from
*vovFa, Ionic γοῦνα.

It should be noticed that the double liquid or nasal is
never employed after « in Lesbian, the diphthong « being
found as in other dialects, eg. χαίρω (yao) μέλαινα
(ἔμελανια), μάκαιρα (ἔμακαρια), etc.

It should also be noticed that in not a few cases the
single liquid or nasal only is employed, without compen-
satory lengthening of the vowel, 4.5. μόνος (Ionic μοῦνος,
Doric μῶνος), κἄλος (onic κἄλός), and in the fem. gen. sing.
tEpévag (Ξε τερείνης), which is probably influenced by the
analogy of the masculine τέρενος.

Double mutes are found in the pronominal forms ὄττι
(ὅτι), ὄττινας (οὕς τινας) ὄπποτα (ὅποτε), for which see below
on ‘ Pronouns.’

Again, we find co retained where in other dialects it is
usually weakened to σ, eg. χάλεσσαι, τέλεσσαι, where the
stem 15 χαλεσ-, τελεσ-, ἔσ-σεται for Ion. ἔσεται, Att. ἔσται.
Here again, as with the Digamma and the double liquids

DEVE GT 83

ὃ

and nasals, Lesbian poets, in many cases, reserved for them-
selves freedom of choice between as and 6 We have
ἀμπέτασον, γελάσειας, etc., τέλεσσχ: and τελέ S67, μέσσος and
μέσος, στήϑεσσι and στήϑεσι.

In no case was oo employed in Lesbian, unless «oo
existed in the early form, or σ with another consonant
subsequently assimilated to it; e.g. ἐπύχασσσ is from *émxnad-
σα, ἴσσος (ἴσος) from *tcFos.

One of the most noticeable peculiarities of Lesbian is its -οις, ταις --
treatment of an original vo after a short vowel. Whereas Attic τοὺς, ὃς,
other Greek dialects (except Cretan and Argive, which a neeeeee
retain vo) reject ν, and give compensatory lengthening to Meet
the vowel, Lesbian by substituting 1 for v produces an
i-diphthong ; ¢g. Cretic tove, Att. τούς, Doric tw, Lesb.
τοῖς ; similarly, Lesb. tats, Attic and Doric τας. The fol-
lowing are the chief cases to which the rule applies :—

(a.) The acc. plur. of the 1st decl. ends in a for ἂς; of

the 2d in οἷς for -ους (Attic), 6.5. κυλίχναις, tots.

(6.) Aor. partic. in -a1 (Attic «¢), eg. κινηήσαις, also the
adject. μέλαις (ἔμελαν-ς).

(¢c.) 3rd pers. plural in -ντι, in which the t perhaps first
passed into σ, thus exposing v to the usual Lesbian
change. Thus, χρύπτο-ντι, preserved in Doric,
becomes in Lesbian χρύπτοισι, in Att. χρύπτουσι:;
δίψα-ντι, ἐπιρρόμιβε-ντι (see below, on ‘Contracted ’
Verbs), become δίψαισι, ἐπιρρόμβεισι.

I will refer to a few other consonantal peculiarities, and

then pass on to the vowels.

We find = in certain cases where most dialects use s—
eg. πέμπε, πέσσυρες for πέντε, τέσσαρες, πήλυι for τήλυι
(=t7)oce)—the fact being that the ‘ Velar’ k (Lat. qu) be-
fore ¢ or ἢ becomes =, where in other dialects it becomes τ

We also find φ for 9 in φήρ (= 9), φοίναις (= ϑοίναις),

t for τὸ

φ for ὃ,
1 The fact that tovs became either tovs or τοίς certainly supports

the view that the Greek v was often sounded like the French 22 after

vowels, e.g. 07. For the z-sound, which in Lesbian crept in before

the v, and finally ousted it, we may compare the vulgar British pro-

nunciation of Boulogne.

« for ἢ.

afrom a-0.a-w.

ἡ. ὦ for ev, ov.

Diphthongs.

84 GREE KWo VY RC PO 5

but this change is sporadic, and not parallel to that in
πέμπε, etc.

In Lesbian 63 is not uncommonly found for the ¢! of
other dialects, e.g. φρ ροντίσδην (= φροντίζειν, from φροντιδὸ-),
oe (ane: from te¢med-1%); on the other hand, we
have μείζων (μεγιων), πλάζω (πλαγιω) as usual. In short δι,
when medial, becomes in Lesbian od), while γι becomes ©
When initial, δὲ in some instances became % where δὲ
is found in other dialects, eg. ζάβατον, ζάδηλον -- διαβατόν,
διάδηλον.

We come now to the vowels.

Of the long vowels, ἃ is retained, for the Ionic ἡ, in all
cases where the «-sound is original; ἡ however is, of
course, used in Lesbian, as in Ionic, whenever derived from
an ¢-sound.

We have then « kept throughout the 1st Declension, e.g.
τᾶς ἔμας, μελαίνας, etc.; in the Imperfect ἄγον; in verbs
from z-stems, στᾶϑι, ὑποδεδοόμακεν; in. the termination
-μᾶν, e.g. ἡρᾶμαν. But ἡ remains in ἤρεο, ἡρᾶμᾶν, and in the
forms χάλημι, φίλημι, etc., because in all these cases it is
lengthened from «. We even find ἡ in ὄρημι, and χρῆμα,
where we might have expected ἃ ; instances of this kind,
however, will be commented on as they occur in the text.
The strength of the «sound in Lesbian, as also in Doric,
is further shown by its predominance over ὁ or ὦ in cases
of contraction, ἄο and #w both resulting in ἃ; thus Κρονίδα
in the genitive singular, χαλεπᾶν, μεριμνᾶν, etc., in the geni-
tive plural.

In certain cases of contraction we find ἡ and ὦ, where
we are accustomed to the diphthongs εἰ and ov respec-
tively. Thus se contracts into y.in yye¢ (=eiyes), in
the infinitives ἄγην, φέρην, etc., from Ἐἄγε-εν, Ἐφέρε-εν. Ὁ
stands for oo oly a in the genitive sing. of the second
declension ἀνθρώπω, etc., and for o¢ in τώμον.

Passing on to the diphthongs—the employment of αι,

1 The variance, however, may be one of orthography rather than
of actual sound. See Meister Gr. τς p. 130, and Meyer, Gr. Gr.
§ 284.

DUALECT 8s

οι from original xv, ov followed by « has been dealt with
above. Ev occasionally stands for the contracted forms of εὖ from --ο.
s-0, ¢.g. βέλευς (for βέλεος) and the participles οἰνογοεῦσα,
μοχϑεῦντες, etc.
The use of ει, ov in Lesbian, when these are not genuine
or original diphthongs, is considerably restricted, owing
(among other reasons) to the preference for 7, ὦ in cases
of contraction, and to the doubling of liquids. In many short syllables
other instances also Lesbian either does not employ a ἴοι “iphthongs.
diphthong, or does not give an apparent diphthong its
usual value. This is due to the fact that the semi-vowel »
frequently failed to coalesce with a preceding short vowel,
and was treated rather as a consonant; its consonantal
value, however, was so slight that the letter often disap-
peared altogether, at any rate in writing, for in speech the
sound was probably retained involuntarily to avoid hiatus.
We have πόας (Doric ποία = grass), λαχόην, ἐπόησαν,
τόαυτα, etc.,as Ahrens and in some instances Bergk read
for λαχοίην, ἐποίησαν, etc.; ¢ for εἰ in ἀλαϑεα Ξε αληϑεια, ἃ
for a ἴῃ ᾽ΥὙμήνδον.

Among short vowels, we have ἃ for ε, in temporal and short vowels.
local adverbs especially, such as ἄλλοτα, ἔνερϑα, πότα, ete. ; % for ε,
% for o in ὕπα (ὑπό) the explanation in these instances
being that they employ different case-endings ; and far
more commonly o occurs for % This last change takes ὁ for ἅ.
place usually either before a liquid or nasal, e.g. χόλαισι
(= χαλῶσι), ὀνίαισι (= ἀνίαισι), ὄν = ἄν for ἀνα, or where
oo=a ‘sonant’ r, 6.5. βροχέως (= βραχέως).

I (¢) is employed by Lesbian instead of ς in the termina- ἴ for ς.

tion (originally -s1o¢) of adjectives expressive of material ;
6.9. πορφυρίαν, χάλκιαι, χρύσιον, for Attic πορφυρέαν, ete.
Meister, however, is of opinion that the old termination
τεῖος (metrically -εἴος) should be retained, » being treated
not as a vowel, but as a spirant (Dze Griech. Dial. p. 91).

Examples of v for o, and 1 for ὃ will be remarked upon

' Cf. our pronunciation of α in all, altar, warp, etc., and the French
«in an, etc.

Declensions
le a:

86 GREERULYRIG pPOETS

as they occur in the text. I pass on now to further
dialectic peculiarities in the Declensions and in the Pro-
nouns, Adverbs, Prepositions, and the Verbs.

Declensions I. and 77.

First be it noticed that throughout the declensions no
dual is found in Lesbian, which herein does not exhibit
its usually somewhat conservative character.

I have already referred to the predominance of « through-
out Declension I., and to the accusative plural in -o¢ and
τοῖς in Declensions I. and II. respectively. The two
declensions agree further in the employment of -σισι(ν),
-οισι(ν) in the Dative Plural, in preference to the shorter
form in -a1g -Οἱς.

The latter, according to Ahrens, are only found—

(2) Before a vowel, e.g. κορύφαις ἐν αὔταις.

(Ὁ) At the end of a verse, eg. τάδε viv ἐταίραις | ταὶς
ἔμαισι, etc.

(ὦ) In the Article, which never has the longer form.

The prevalence in most cases of -αισι(ν) -οισι(ν) was per-
haps due to the endeavour, conscious or unconscious, to
avoid confusion with the Lesbian accusatives in -αἰς and οις.ἷ

In the first declension « in the vocative is said by the
grammarians to be short (cf. the Homeric νύμφα.) We
find this in°Q δίκα, ἃ dactyl, in ὦ |’ pawa χέλιδον (= ἔραννα) ;
and Ahrens corrects ’Agooditx, and similar instances of
the vocative to’ Agecditz, etc. In the second declension,
the genitive singular in ὦ has been already noticed.

The following is a scheme of the declension of χάλεπος.

Masculine. Feminine. Neuter.
Singular—N. χάλεπος χαλέπα χάλεπον
Α. χάλεπον χολέπαν χάλεπον

α. χαλέπω γαλέπὰᾶς γαλέπω
1). χαλέπῳ LNT χοαλέπῳ
Ν. χάλεπ χαλεπὰ γαλέπον

1E. Mucke, p. 54, points out that the choral poets also, except in a
few instances (e.g. Simon. I. 1. 1, Ibye. vi. 1. 1) observe the same
practice as the Lesbians.

DIALECT 87

No Dual.
Masculine. Feminine. Neuter.
Plural—N. and V. γχάλεποι χάλεπαι χάλεπα
G. χαλέπων yorendvt γχαλέπων
D. χαλέποισι(ν) χαλέπαισι(ν) χαλέποισ!(ν)
Α. γαλέποις χαλέπαις χαάλεπα

- Declension ITT,

In this declension ancient forms are, in many cases
more faithfully preserved by Lesbian than, for example,
by Attic. Thus vowel stems and others seldom contract,
e.g. ὥχεες, στήϑε-ος (from Ἔστήϑεσ-ος), εὐάνϑεα, etc.,an excep-
tion being βέλευς for βέλεος in Alcaeus ; the vocative usually
retains the short vowel of the stem, e.g. χέλιδον ; and nouns
in -ἰς (Attic gen. -ew¢) retain 1, ¢.g. πόλιος. But in the
frequent employment of ν in the accusative sing. Lesbian
is less careful of the ancient form, and is probably in-
fluenced by the analogy of the second declension ; thus
we find ἀβάχην, ἐμφέρην (cf. in Attic Σωχράτην as an alter-
native form of Σωχράτη), and in ὃ- stems, χλάμυν, σφρᾶγιν,
παϊν (= παῖδα), though we also have, e.g. κακοπάτριδα.

Words in -sug form their genitive in -ος, which is of
course more ancient than the Attic -sws, where a transposi-
tion of the respective quantities of the vowels has taken
place.

Words in -ig, -idog (Attic) have 3, e.g. κνάμῖδες.

Feminine nouns in -wg or τῷ have their genitive in -we,
Τόργως, Σάπφως, and their accus. sing. in -wv, eg. Ἤρων,
Λήτων (of. ἐμφέρην, etc., above).

Declensio

n III.

Pronouns.—The following appears to be the declension Pronouns.

of the Personal Pronouns :—

Ist Person. 2d Person. 3d Person.
-. = =f , ,
Singular—N. ἔγων, ἔγω σύ, TU
α. ἔμεϑεν σέϑεν (F ) έϑεν
vv / la ,
1). ἔμοι, μιο! σοί, τοί (F )ot
ΕΙΣ , / \ ,
A. tus, ue σέ, TE? (F )e

1 Bergk prefers χαλέπαν. Note ad Sap. I. |. 25.

Adverbs.

Prepositions.

88 GREEK EV RIG POH TS

No Dual.
_ Ist Person. 2d Person. 3d Person.
Plural—Nn. cus DULLES σφεῖς
. εἰ oc es t " “ὧς σῴξ =
. / > ,
G. apse! ὑμμέων! σφείων
» ΕΒ yy ” »
1). ἄμμι, ἄμμον ὑμῳι, ὕμμιν ἄσφι
»Μ » »
Α. ἄμμε ὑμιιε ἄσφε

For the Relative, besides the proper form ὅς, etc., we
more usually find the form with initial τὶ strictly speak-
ing demonstrative ; eg. καττᾶν (Alcaeus)=xa0 ὦν. From
ὅστις, or rather dott, we have (besides οἴτινες) ὄττι, ὄττινας,
etc. The neuter ott originally is due to assimilation from
60-71; and in ὄττινας, etc., Lesbian was probably misled by
the analogy of ὄττι, and of ὅ-ποτε (Lesb. ὄπποτα), ὅ-πως, ὅπου,
where ὁ (or 65) is employed merely as an adverbial prefix,
to forget that in ὅς-τις the first syllable should be declined
throughout.

Τίς has unusual forms in the datives only
if the word belonged to the second declension. Correspond-
ing to these we have in Homer τέῳ, τέοισι, ¢ being Ionic, as
in Δεύνυσος (Anacreon) for Διόνυσος, and in πόλεως, χρύσεος,
etc.,as compared with Lesbian πόλιος, χρύσιος.

τίῳ, τίοισι, as

Adverbs—The forms ὅτα, ἄλλοτα, ἔνερϑα, etc. have
already been mentioned.

Local adverbs in -o. are not uncommon, expressing place
where in μέσοι, cf. οἴκοι, or place whither, as in ὑψοι (or tor),
Sap. XXVIII, cf. mot.

There are other local adverbs in τι, e.g. τυϊὸξ = hither ;
πήλυι (τηλόσε) = afar.

For ἄν Lesbian appear always to have used ze(v) ; Ahrens
therefore corrects ὄπποταν πλήϑοισα, in Sappho IIL, to ὄπποτα.
πλήϑοισα.

Prepositions—Syncope of prepositions was very freely
used, and seems to have been the invariable rule with eva,
THO, κατὰ; CL. κὰν. LEV γλῶσσα ἔαγε---κὰδ δὲ χευάτω---χαττᾶν

πε \ , A >
( Ξξεχαϑ’ ὠν)---πὰρ δ᾽ ἴεισι τὰ πτέρα---ἀυπέτασον.
We find, however, χαταστείβοισι (Sap. No. XXXII.) where

1 Bergk, ἀμμεὼν ὑμμεων. Vede Bergk ad Sap. 1. 1. 25.

10}}} δι 1 Cr 89

the authenticity of the lines is not quite certain; and χαταρρεῖ,
which Ahrens corrects to χαρρέει (cf. Note on Sappho Iv.).

Syncope also occurs frequently with περί, as in πέρϑεσϑε
(ΞΞ περίϑεσϑε).--πὲρ μὲν γὰρ ἄντλος ee ἔχει (Alcaeus,
No. xvu.). In the last instance, as also in πέορροχος (Sap.
No. XXVIII. note), and in περὶ γᾶς μελαίνας (Sap. No. 1.), περὶ
is said to be used in the sense of ὑπὲρ: For μετά Lesbian
used πεδα, which, as Ahrens points out, is not a dialec-
tical variety for μετά, but connected with πούς, in the

sense of ‘following after,’ hence ‘accompanying.’

Verbs—The following peculiarities are common to all
verbs in Lesbian :—

The augment, as in Homer, is generally omitted.

The termination -o9z, which is really a double inflexion,
is in several instances employed in the second person
singular, cf. οἶσϑα, 769%, and in Homer πίῃτσϑα, βάλοι-σϑα.
(See Bergk’s note on Sap. XXII. and Meyer, 450.)

The infinitive active generally ends in -yy, not only in
the present or second aorist, where -ν is contracted from
s-cv, 6.9. ἄγεν, εἴπην, but also in the perfect, te9vaxyv. We
must probably with Curtius attribute this latter form to the
influence of the present tense, cf. yeyaxew in Pindar O. vi.
83, for γεγαχέναι. Similarly even in the aorist passive we
find μεϑύσϑην for μεϑυσϑῆναι.

The third person plural in τοῖσι, and -αισι (δίψαισι), the
feminine participle in -o10z, the use of % in the termination
-u.a2v, have already been referred to,

In the w-conjugation further peculiarities are —the
double form for the optative in Thematic verbs, e,g. δαύοις,
but λαχοίην; the double oo in the aorist of certain verbs
above noticed ; the reduplicated aorist ἐχλελάϑεσϑαι, as in
Homer ; and non-contraction in the second person singular
middle, ἤρεο, φαίνεο, ῥύσαο. Bergk is of opinion that for Ὁ
eg, -ct in the indicative active Lesbian employed, though
Beans not invariably, the forms -ς and -ἡ. The question,
however, is involved in much uncertainty, and inscriptions
afford little assistance. (See Bergk on Alcaeus, No. V.)

1 Vide note ad Alcaeus, Joc. czt. 2. (Ὁ ῥύσαο.

Verbs.

Infin. in -ν.

3d plur. τοῖσι,
-αισι.

2-145, -ἢ, for εἰς;

—EL
ot

‘Contracted’
Verbs.

gO GREE ΡΥ T'S

It is in the ‘contracted’ verbs, usually in cw, xo, ow, that
Lesbian stands furthest apart from other dialects. In
most cases, these verbs employ not the conjugation in -a,
but forms resembling those of the verbs in -y1s; thus we
have φίλημι, καλημι, δοκίμιωμι, γέλαμι (or γέλαιμι), the parti-
ciples φίλεις, οἴκεις, etc. In the infinitive active, however,
the termination of the w-conjugation is used—ézatvyy (from
-e-ev, according to the usual Lesbian contraction), while
in certain forms, 4.9. the first plural φίλημεν, φορήμεϑα, etc.,
and in the participle ἀσόμενος, etc., a long vowel is em-
ployed where a short vowel is found in the -y., conjugation.

The following is a (probable) scheme of the chief
Lesbian forms in the three classes of verbs :—

Attic Φιλέ-ο.

Pres. Indic. Active—otiqu., others (or φίλεισϑα), φίλει.

No dual.

Plural. φίλημεν, φίλητε, φίλεισι(ν).

In the Pres. Indic. Passive, in this as in the «- and o-
verbs, the long vowel is employed throughout, e.g.
φορήμεϑα, ἔραται.

Imperative Active, φίλη. Infin. φίλην. Ῥαγίίςο. Act. φίλεις,
-s160, -εν. Partic. Pass. φιλήμενος.

Attic δηλό-ω.
i
Present Indic. Act. δήλωμι, δήλοις, δύλοι..
Plural δήλωμιεν, δήλωτε, δήλοισι(ν).
Imperat. δήλω. Infinit. δήλων.
Partic. δήλοις -οῖισα. -ov. Part. Pass. δηλώμενος.
4 ? bien >

7 τ “
Attic. τιμα-ὦ.
Pres. Indic. τίμαμι (? τίμιαιμ.), τίμιαις, τίμιαι.
Plur. τίμάαμιεν, τίμιάατε, τίμιαισι(ν).
Imperat. τίμα. Infin. τίμαν. Partic. τίμαις, τίμιαισα,
τίμαν. Part. Pass. τιμάμενος.

For the form in -wyt we have an instance in Sappho
of -ow., δοκίμοιμι; moreover a scholiast gives δίδοιμι as an
Aeolic (Lesbian) form. Ahrens regards this as an error,

DIAIGE.C Er ΟΙ

arising from a false analogy with the second and third
persons in τοῖς, τοι. He accordingly corrects to Soxtiyeou.s,
though Bergk defends δοχίμιοιμι.

Again grammarians give -αιμι, not -ἅμι, as the present
of verbs with «-stem, following the terminations of the
-y1 conjugation. The only instance, however, that occurs
in the poets is φᾶμι (not giv), and Ahrens, while admitting
the possibility of -αιμι, or even of -ow., due to the influence
of the ancient j or y (Sanskrit ayd@zz), is yet disposed to
reject -αιμι from the analogy of both -qy1 and -ey. in the
ordinary -y. conjugation.

Besides these forms in the ‘ contracted’ verbs, borrowed
from the -v1 conjugation, we find others belonging to verbs
in τω Thus we have the Imperfect ὥρχευντο, and several
participles such as δινεῦντες, μοχϑεῦντες, μοαρτυρεῦντες, etc.,
contracted from co (cf. βέλευς from βέλεος). All of these
Ahrens discredits, and wishes to correct to δίνεντες, ὦρχηντο,
etc. They are however retained by Bergk and by Meister.

More noticeable are the forms in -ω, e.g. ποϑήω, ἀδυκήω,
the correctness of which cannot be impugned. The origin
of the ἡ Meister looks for in the desire to obtain unifor-
mity in this respect between the present tense and the
others, fut. ἀδικήσω, perf. ἠδίκηκα, etc., or it may be due to
the analogy of the alternative form -qu.

SECTION III
DORIAN DIALECT

A glance at passages from any of the Melic poets. will
show that far fewer peculiarities will require dealing with
in the Doric than in the Lesbian dialect. This is not
because the more pronounced form of Doric differed much
less than Lesbian from Attic, but because it is very little
employed in lyric poetry, and in no instance, not even in
that of Alcman, is Doric made use of exclusively, as is
practically the case with the Lesbian dialect in Alcaeus
and Sappho.

The dialect of the Dorian race is usually divided into
two main branches, called by Ahrens ‘ severior’ and

Paucity of Doric
forms in lyric
poetry.

Doric ‘ severior’
and ‘ mztior.’

Predominance
of the latter.

Vowels.

92 G ROK Wey RAC OP OES

‘mitior’ respectively. The former or stricter Doric, spoken
by the Laconians, Tarentines, Heracleans, and other
Italiots, and by the Cretans and the Cyreneans, is supposed
to have been employed where Dorian blood or at any rate
Dorian predominance was more pronounced ;! while the
latter is thought to be due to the large intermixture of
other branches of the Greek race in states usually called
Dorian. Owing to the comparatively small numbers of
the Dorians,? who usually formed not the bulk of the
nation but rather a powerful aristocracy, we naturally find
‘mitior’ Doric more widely spread than the ‘ severzor’ or
stricter form (if such it be), and as its divergencies from the
latter are mainly in the direction of Attic ‘or Ionic, we meet
with comparatively few forms with which we are not well
acquainted. It is this species of Doric which is mainly
employed in the choral poets, with the exception of
Alcman, many of whose Dorisms belong to the Laconian
branch οἵ“ severtor’ Doric.

It will then be sufficient if I mention summarily the
chief dialectic peculiarities of Doric which are likely to
occur in the text. With not a few of them students of
Greek are already acquainted in the choruses of the drama.

Inits general features Doric of all kinds seems to adhere
in several respects closer to antiquity than Ionic or Attic-—
e.g. in retaining F in many cases, and ἃ (so often weakened
to ἡ by Ionic), and in the preservation of the old termination
πντι in the third person plural. Ahrens, however, warns
us that forms preserved in a majority of the branches of
Doric would naturally be those which are most ancient.
He cautions us further against connecting any such ten-.
dency with the conservative character often attributed to
the Dorian race ; for at Sparta, usually considered the most
conservative of all Hellenic States, the dialect became quite
as far removed from its ancient character as was Attic.

The most conspicuous characteristics that concern us
are in connection with the vowels.

* Ahrens, however (p. 427), suspects a non-Dorian origin for the
distinctive features of ‘severzor’ Doric, rather than for those of
‘ mitior’ Doric. 2 See Miiller’s Doréans, vol. i. p. 84.

DA Be T 93

In the employment of ἅ Doric (‘mztzor, as well as Original ἃ never
‘severtor’) agrees closely with Lesbian; for it not only change an
retains x, where modified by Ionic to ἡ, but also employs «+0, 2.+w0=«
it in cases of contraction from ao, zo, e.g. in the genitive ee ie
plural feminine -%v for -ὧν, and the genitive singular ἃ and plural.
(Att. ov), such as κομᾶν, πὸ δος ἐπέ ες Αλχμᾶν from
᾿Αλχμαίων, ᾿Αλχμᾶων, a¢ (Pindar, etc., for gw) fron * ἄος.

We find, however, no examples in the Melic fragments of
such forms as ὀπτᾶντες (Epichar. 82), διαπεινᾶμες (Arist.
Achar. 751), πεινᾶντι (Theocr. xv. 148).

On the other hand, «+¢ becomes in Dorian not ἃ but q)«+<=y.
and although, as I have mentioned above, the choral poets
in general employ % in such cases, ἡ is found in Alcman,
eg. ποτῆται, and also x7v=xzx(t) ἐν.

Doric (‘ severzor, not ‘ mztior’) resembles Lesbian further ε ε-- ἡ.
in contracting e+¢ into ἡ (Ion. εἰ), o+0 and o+¢ into ὦ ae =
(Ion. ov). Thus we have the ean infinitive κιϑαρίσδην Pe
(from κιϑαρίσδ-ε-εν), ἦχον for εἶχον, and the gen. sing. 2d decl.
in ὦ, e.g. ἠπιοδώρω.

Still more commonly the Doric ἡ and ὠ, where [onic ἡ and ὦ for
has εἰ and ov, are due to compensatory lengthening (Les- pomnonstory
bian εἰ and οι, if v has been lost, double liquids in other ~ =
cases). Examples of ἡ are χαρίης from * yaptevt-¢ (Ion. and
Att. χαρίει (εις), ut, ἡμές from * ἐσ-μί, * ἐσ-μές (Att. εἰμί, ἐσμέν,

Lesb. gu, ἔμμεν). Examples οἵ are the accus. plur, 2d

decl. in τως, e.g. τώς (Att. τούς, Lesb. tots), and the femin.
participle in -mox, eg. ἄγωσα, οἵ. Moca, (Att. Μοῦσα, Lesb.
Μοῖσα) from * Μόντια. Just as Dorian ες not suffer ἃ tO memnceton
become ἢ, so among the short vowels there are certain 4 «.
instances of ἅ where Attic, etc., have e—e.g. “ἅτερος, τάμινω,
τράπω, φρασί, In most of these and similar cases Doric
appears to be employing a collateral stem in «, seen

also in the Attic “ἅτερος (22 crasz from 6 ἅτερος), -tap-ov,
ἔ-τραπ-ον, εὐφραίνω. We also find ¢ final (Att. -¢) in ἔγωνγα,

ὅχα (Att. ὅτε), etc., as in Lesbian.?

1 Though not in ἄλιος from ἀέλιος.
Ὁ See above, p. 85; and see G. Meyer Gr. Gram. 20 on pact, 22
On τάμνω, 24 On -γὰ -χα, 32 and 397 on ἅτερος.

Shortening of
final syllables.

ΤῸ δ:

σ for 0 ἴῃ
Laconian,

Declensions
I. and ΤΙ.

94 ΟΕ ΕΚ ror Ts

In many final syllables ending in ν or ¢, preceded by a
long vowel or diphthong in other dialects, Doric employs
a short vowel, thus—

παρὰ παγᾶς ἀπείρονας (Stesich. I. β΄).
καλὰς ὡρᾶς ἄγουσα (Pop. Songs, I1.).
ἔσλος αἰνεῖν (Pind. Vemz. iii. 28, for ἔσϑλους).

These are all cases where the usual compensation for the
loss of a consonant is not given, as in ὡρᾶς from * ὥρανς
ἔσλος from * ἔσϑλονς. The same fondness for a short final
syllable is shown in the Dorian Infinitive in -ev (Att. -ew,
Lesb. and Lacon. -4y), 4.5. φαίνεν, ἐπαινέν (Alcman).

Among the consonants I need only refer to a few dia-
lectic usages. Doric preserves τ in many cases where it 15
weakened in other dialects toc. This peculiarity is com-
mon to all kinds of Doric, and is said to be one of the dis-
tinguishing features of that dialect. It occurs especially
before the semivowel 1 in the 3d pers. sing. of verbs in -u
—oart, δίδωτι, etc. in the 3d plural active -οντι (Att. -ουσι,
Lesb. -οισι), e.g. τίϑεντι, ἐντί (Att. εἰσί) in Aleman; also in
ΠῸτιδάν (otherwise Ποτειδάν) and before the semivowel υ in
τὸ (hence in τε; τεῦ, tot).

The substitution of « for % seems to be peculiar to
Laconian, e.g. παρσένοις, σιός, in Alcman for παρϑένοις, ϑεός.
As the change is not found in the Laconian colonies
Tarentum, Heraclea, it must have been of late introduction,
and we find in Alcman the ordinary forms as well, e.g.
παρϑενικαί, ϑεοῖσιν (see Ahrens, sect. 7).

The employment of € for ¢ in certain futures and aorists
will be noticed when we come to the verbs.

I pass on now to further changes requiring attention in
the Declensions and in the different parts of speech.

In Declensions I. and IT. 1 have already had occasion to
mention the essential peculiarities, viz. the employment of
αι throughout all forms of the 1st declension, that of ὦ and
ὡς for ov and ovg in the 2nd, and the occasional shortening

1 See G. Meyer 211, who is of opinion that the usage is of much
later date than Ahrens supposes, and that it has been wrongly intro-
duced into the fragments of Aleman.

DIAGEO 9%

of the accusative plural in both to ἄς and ος respectively.
In the last instance the accent does not appear to have
been affected—nacx, wox% rather than πᾶσας, woxs (see
Ahrens, sect. 3 (5)).

Declension I1I—The nomin. sing. sometimes retains
¢ where lost in other dialects, eg. μάκαρ-ς, pete or μής (Att.
uv); the final syllable is sometimes short where usually
long, eg. πραξᾶς ; the dat. plur. has -eoot or -σι; the accus.
plur. is never long as in Att. βασιλέας (see Ahrens, sect.
30.) Asin Lesbian, stems in: retain the vowel unchanged,
πόλις, πόλιος, etc., μεγαλοπόλιες, Pind. P. vil. I, and nouns
in τος, -74, τὺς (genit. -eo¢) do not contract in the nomin.
and accus. plural.

Feminine nouns in -mg and -w form their genitive in -ῶς
(Att. -οὔς), 2.5. ᾿Αγιδῶς, Aleman.

Pronouns.—In the Ist Personal Pronoun, the old form
ἐγών is very common ; the nomin. plur. is ᾿ἄμές, where the
a is due to compensation for a lost σ (Lesb. és), gen.
plur. ἁμέων (Alcman), dative ἁμίν and ἁμῖν (both being
found in Alcman).

In the 2d personal pronoun Dorian preserves τ in τύ, τέ
gen. sing. τέο, dat. sing. τοί and τίν (τίν or τίν), accus. plur.
ὑμέ (Aleman). “E and viv are used for the accusative of
the 3d personal pronoun.

For the Relative, Dorian, like Lesbian, often uses the
form with initial τ.

Prepositions —Dorian again resembles Lesbian in reject-
ing, though by no means invariably, the final syllable of
ἀνα, κατό, παρά, and also of ποτί (Att. πρός), eg. καττᾶν,
ποττᾶν (in inscriptions) ; and a still further ‘apocope’ takes
place in χαβαίνων (Aleman), and χάπετον (Pindar), which
may indicate that χα-τὰ is a compound.

Verbs.—In the tst pers. plur. active Dorian (‘#zt¢ior’ as
well as ‘ severzor’) employs the form -ys¢ (Att. -ev) through-
out, 2.2., ἡμές, ἀπίωμιες (cf. Lat. -zus, Sanskrit -mas? or -mas).
In the 3d plural of the primary tenses Dorian again em-
ploys the ancient form in -ντι (Latin -w7), eg., ϑραύοντι

Declension III.

Pronouns,

Prepositions,

Chief dialectic
forms in Verbs.

96 GI Ὁ eek Ponts

(Simonides), ἐντί (Aleman). This termination never ad-
mits of v ἐφελχυστιχόν.

The 3d singular termination in -σι, called the ‘Schema
Ibyceum,’ and attributed by some to the Rhegine branch
of Dorian, will be discussed where it occurs in the text.!
The infinitives in τῶν and in -yy, and the feminine par-
ticiple in -wsz, have been noticed above.

In the future and weak aorist a noticeable feature in
Dorian is the employment of € for the σ of other dialects
in ane case of verbs in -ζω, whatever the stem, 4¢., 2w-
μάξατε. It is likely that this is due to the analogy of
verbs in -Cw whose stem is guttural (see G. Meyer 531.)

Contracted Verbs—I. In z-w. I have mentioned above
that «+o non-final, or + usually contract into ¢ This
is, however, by no means always the case in the verbs, and
indeed scarcely any example of it occurs in lyric poetry.”
A+s, and «+7 contract into ἡ.

The following, then, is the scheme of the present tense :—

νικῶ, νικῇς, νιχῇ | | νιχῆτον, νικῆτον νιχῶμες (Or -ἅμες)
γικῆτε, νικῶντι (OF -ἄντι).

I]. In s-w. E-+e,ande+y,=7. E-+o, ἐ-ω are often
uncontracted ; but lyric poetry not unfrequently follows
‘mitior’ Doric in contracting ¢+0 into ov or ev. Doric
sometimes changes ¢0 into 10 (cf. σιός = ϑεός), but no examples
of this in the verbs are found in poetry. Thus we have
for the present tense :—

II]. In the verbs in 6-«, all that need be noticed is that
o+c¢, and o+o contract into ὦ, as mentioned above.
Kit, Zo be.

Present tense—Sing. jut, goo, ἐστί (ἐντί in the Chelido-
nisma 15 TARE v. ad ie)

all

Plur. ἡμές or εἰμές (weetzor), ἐστέ, ἐντ
1 See on Ibycus ν.
2. An instance occurs in Aleman, XIX. A. γεγλωσσαμένον.

DEATLECT 97

Imperfect—Sing. ἦν, ἦσϑα (ἧς in Alcman), etc.
Plur. yu.2¢, ete.
Subjunctive—3d plur. ἔωντι.
Infinitive—jusev (severzor), εἶμεν (72¢20r) ; participle, ἐών.

ADDENDUM

Since my work has been in the press I have had an
opportunity of reading an article by Dr. A. Fihrer
(Fahresbericht tiber das Kénigliche Paulinische Gym-
nastum zu Miinster, 1885) on the dialect employed in
Greek Lyric Poetry, in which he argues with no little force
against the time-honoured theory, which I have here
followed, of the composite nature of the dialect. It is too
late for me to do more than to recommend my readers to
consult the article, the essential conclusion of which is that,
while the Epic dialect, as is on all hands admitted, was
the foundation of the language of the (choral) lyric poets,
they borrowed from no other sources, but employed with
this exception their own local dialect. I do not regard as
very cogent Dr. Fihrer’s ὦ frzovz arguments against the
‘composite dialect,’ to the effect that a race of such exquisite
taste as the Greeks could never have employed so artificial
a style in their song-poetry ; for he himself admits the
non-local element in the shape of Epic forms, and he also
hardly lays sufficient stress on the fact that scarcely any
of the great choral poets could be called local poets at all.
Pindar, for instance, found favour at cities so diverse as
Cyrene, Syracuse, and Athens, and it is hard to imagine
this to have been the case had he employed such forms as
we find in the Theban poetess Corinna. On the other
hand, Dr. Fiihrer’s remarks on the insufficiency of the
evidence on which the ordinary theory is based deserve
considerable attention ; and he certainly makes it appear
probable that such forms as -ovs1, -ovox, which are Epic
as well as Attic, are too freely rejected in favour of Lesbian
or Doric forms by Schneidewin, Bergk, etc., whose example,
however, I have for the most part already followed,

Object.

Four periods.of
Melic poetry to
be considered.

MRA TCL EV bi

GENERAL VIEW OF THE HISTORY OF GREEK MELIC
POETRY

IN the previous articles I have had occasion to mention
nearly all the names of those who were most active in
furthering the early development of Melic poetry and its ac-
companiments, while of the chief poets, any part of whose
works have survived, an account will be found in connec-
tion with the text. I purpose in this article to give a brief
connected sketch of the course followed by Melic poetry,
noticing especially the influence exerted upon its progress
by the historical circumstances of the chief parts of Greece
in which it was fostered.

Melic poetry at its different stages flourished under the
patronage, first, of Lesbos, Sparta, and Sicily ; secondly,
of the Tyrants in various Hellenic states; chzrdly, as a
costly commodity demanded by rich men, Tyrants or other-
wise, or by entire states; and /as¢ly, under the unhealthy
stimulus of prize competition. I will therefore deal with

- our subject in the order of these several stages.

Circumstances
favourable to
Melic poetry at
Lesbos.

I begin with Lesbos, because, although it is at Sparta
that we first hear distinctly of rapid progress in this branch
of poetry, the original inspiration appears, as I have said
in Article Ill, to have come from Lesbos, It is not easy
to give reasons why any particular nation or age happens
to be gifted with poetical genius ; but certainly among the
Lesbians in the 7th century many circumstances tended to
quicken the love of song. The Aeolic race are generally
described as especially devoted to poetry, and they are by

GENERAL VIEW OF MELIC POETRY 99

many regarded as having played a very important part in Race-character-
Greek Epic poetry.t Now Lesbos was the centre of the ts
Aeolic race in or adjacent to Asia Minor, and thus na-
turally took the lead in that vigorous renaissance of poetic
life which took place in the 8th and 7th centuries B.c.,
chiefly among the Asiatic Greeks. The delightful climate Geographical
and scenery of the island? tended to inspire the inhabitants Antone
with a sense of beauty and a sympathy with nature
strongly reflected in the poems of Sappho and Alcaeus ;
while the favourable position of Lesbos, with its magni-
ficent harbourage and its ready communication alike with
the Hellespont and Black Sea, with the southern coasts
and islands of Asia Minor, and with Greece itself, imparted
to the inhabitants just that energy of mind which the age
required for the creations of new forms of poetry. Com- Active maritime
merce, with its accompaniments of maritime adventure, '*
was fast becoming the important feature in Lesbian life.
Thus Sappho’s brother was a wine-merchant, and Pittacus
was essentially a leader of the middle classes, and had a
keen eye to business.
But this commercial life was far from fostering material
or prosaic sentiments in the nation, for the imagination
was fired by the stories of the sea, and of the new lands
and peoples that were met with, and by contact with the
great kingdoms of Asia Minor with their ancient traditions
and civilisation. Lastly, a certain romance and refine- Influence of old
ment was imparted by the influence still exercised upon "°?""™
society by the aristocratic families, among whom some-
thing of the old feudal hospitality and love of song still
survived.? In a word, although such comparisons are
often misleading, we cannot help being reminded of our
own Elizabethan age, when on the one hand the influence Comparison
of the middle classes was becoming more and more marked, pote ΡΞ ας
and the intellect quickened by the development of com-
merce which led men to the wonders of a new world, while

! E.g. by Fick in his Introd. to the Odyssey.
2 Cf. Tacit. Az. vi. 3. Insula nobilis et amcena.
3 Ath. xiv. 624.

Interesting part
played by
Sparta in the
history of Melic
poetry.

Her liberal
patronage of
men of genius
from other
Greek states,

Position of
Sparta at this
time.

100 GRE EK SEV-R Cy ROE TS

on the other hand the still active influence of the age of
chivalry cast a poetic glamour over the whole scene.
Finally, in Lesbian poetry as in the Elizabethan drama, it
was from the life of the times that poetry now sought its
inspiration.

It was among such circumstances then, and such sur-
roundings that the school of Lesbian poetry was developed,
which must have already secured its reputation by the
time when Sparta applied to Lesbos for a poet Terpander
about the beginning of the seventh century. Within a
century, which brings us to the age of Sappho and Alcaeus,
Lesbian monodic song not only by the energy and
intensity of its thought, but also by the perfect finish of its
style in all respects, had attained to an excellence hardly
to be surpassed. Of the influence of Lesbian poetry upon
all Greek lyric poetry I have already spoken,! and will
pass on to Melic poetry at Sparta.

The part played by Sparta in the history of lyric poetry
is a remarkable one, and tends to correct our notions,
gathered from a laterage, and mainly from Attic writers,
with regard to the entire absence of culture among the
Spartan warriors. It was at Sparta that Melic music and
Melic dance received their development, and Sparta was
the scene of the labours of the distinguished poets Tyrtaeus,
Terpander, Alcman, Polymnastus, Sakadas, and others.
The noticeable feature, however, in this progress of Melic
poetry and its accompaniments at Sparta, is that it was
due not to Spartans themselves, but to foreigners, who were
in most cases invited to Sparta and treated with conspicu-
ous honour. Sparta, then, instead of being the stranger-
banishing, culture-despising state of later times, appears
at this early period to be a centre to which was attracted
much of the best poetical talent of the day. Sparta in
fact at the end of the eighth or the beginning of the seventh
century was fast advancing to the position, which after-
wards she long held unchallenged, of the leading or repre-
sentative state of the Greek world. The effects of the

ΘΕΈ pp- 22; 20, 58; Εἷς:

GENERAL VIEW OF -MELIC POETRY τοὶ

Lycurgean system had now had time to make themselves
fully felt. Internal order was secured, and her rivals in the
Peloponnese were rapidly yielding to the prowess of her
arms; for the Messenians had been for the time crushed
in the first war (743-724 B.C.), and as far back as 748 B.C.
Sparta had successfully contended with Pheidon the great
king of Argos. Among her warrior-citizens a demand
naturally arose for music and song, both as an inspiriting
and useful accompaniment to their constant drill and
gymnastics, and as a relaxation in the intervals of their
hard discipline. In their own ranks, where individuality
was constantly suppressed, conspicuous talent could hardly
be looked for ; and moreover, as inhabitants of an inland
state without commercial or maritime experiences, less
sources of inspiration were open to them than to the Greeks
of Asia Minor or elsewhere. Consequently men of genius
from other parts of the world found at this time a ready
welcome at Sparta ; and they were naturally eager to avail
themselves of such a compliment from so powerful and so
well-ordered a state. In addition to this, the survival of Monarehical
royal power, as Professor Mahaffy points out, was favour- pean uy
able to a liberal culture, for the strictly conservative
dominion of the Ephoralty was not yet fully established,

and the kings, like the tyrants in other states, would be

glad to enhance their somewhat scanty glory by the
patronage of genius. Therefore the praise was well-merited

that was bestowed upon Sparta by Terpander and Alcman

in such words as :— |

iv) αἰχμα τε νέων Barrer xa Madox λίγεια
χαὶ Δίκα εὐρυαγυῖα, %.7.A.—Terp. Prag. I.

or Aleman’s
ἕρπει γὰρ ἄντα TH σιδάρω TO καλῶς χιϑαρίσδεν.

Nor was her reputation for song and dance short-lived, Sparta’s reputa-
: : πνεύματος
for Pindar sings how at Sparta the counsels of the old and jeetry and its
the spears of ic ic erin ~ ἡ accessories sur-
p the young excelR&—xal χοροὶ καὶ Μοῖσα καὶ arccssorits ut

᾿Αγλαΐχ (Frag. XV.); Socrates Speaks of the Spartans as times.

102 Re NRVC RPO EAS

forming the finest chorus,! and Aristotle attributes to them
a true appreciation of music, in spite of their deficiency in
creative power.

With this development of Melic poetry at Sparta are

_ connected the names of Tyrtaeus, who was not solely an

Arion and the
Dithyramb.

Lyric poetry in
Sicily and Italy.

Elegiac poet, Terpander, Thaletas, and Alcman. As I
have spoken of these elsewhere at some length, I need not
dwell further on this part of my subject. Before leaving
the Peloponnese, however, mention must be made of Arion,
the scene of whose labours lay chiefly at Corinth, during
the rule of Periander (B.c. 625-585). Like Terpander he
came from Lesbos ; and he is not unaptly called a disciple
of Alcman since he devoted himself to extending still
further the choral branch of Melic poetry. It is with the
Dithyramb that his name is associated in the history of
Greek literature, and he applied to it a systematic choral
delivery which had hitherto not been extended to the
worship of Bacchus. From a wild ecstatic song sung by
wine-flushed revellers, the Dithyramb, with its cyclic
choruses (χύχλιοι χοροί), so called because a chorus of
worshippers danced in a circle round the sacrificial altar,
became an important branch of Melic poetry, and with the
Nome survived when all the rest had fallen into neglect.
Its well-known connection with dramatic literature need
not be dealt with here; and its subsequent history as a
form of Lyric poetry will be referred to later on.”

Almost ‘contemporaneously with the development of
Melic poetry in the Peloponnese, we find a corresponding
advance made among the Sicilian and Italian Greeks. It
was now above a century since Greek colonisation had
begun to take root in these regions, and it had met with
rapid and conspicuous success. The progress of the arts
was a natural result, and while the splendid ruins at
Paestum in Italy and Selinus in Sicily, whose probable
date falls about 600 B.C., testify to the progress of archi-
tecture, that of Lyric poetry is associated chiefly with the

1 Athen. xiv. 628 ; cf. p. 22, n. 3:
2 See Introduction to ‘ Dithyrambic Poets.’

GENERAL VIEW? OF vMELIC: POETKY 103

name of Stesichorus, whose lifetime falls approximately
between 632 and 556 B.c. The fable of Arion returning
from Italy and Sicily laden with wealth bears witness to
the liberal appreciation of his art by the western Greeks ;
but in Stesichorus, and later in Ibycus, they showed that
they could themselves produce original poets, one of
whom, Xenocritus, had already been received at Sparta.
Stesichorus, like the other poets who wrote for Dorian
states, devoted himself to choral song, and the great
addition of the Epode to the choral system, usually
attributed to him,! is spoken of elsewhere. A further
account of him will be found on p. 168 seg.; at present I
will only add that while he chiefly devoted himself to sub-
jects of an Epical character, the influence of Sicilian life
and legends is clearly seen in his Bucolic poems, the first
of the kind, and in his love-stories or poetical novelettes.

Ibycus, at any rate in the early part of his career, appears
to have followed closely in the footsteps of Stesichorus,”
so closely, indeed, that we are told that authorities were
often in doubt whether to refer certain poems to one or to
the other. He belongs, however, more properly to the
next period of Lyric poetry, when it was under the patron-
age of the Tyrants.

The encouragement given to poetry and the other arts
by the much-abused Tyrants is too well known to require
further comment. From the time of Ibycus onward, every
one of the great lyric poets came into connec on more or
less close with one or other of the despots. —

Ibycus and Anacreon can perhaps alone be called court-
poets by profession, for from the time of Simonides begins
the period when Lyric poetry became a marketable com-
modity at the command not only of Tyrants but of all who
had the means to pay for it. But Simonides and Bacchy-
lides certainly found their chief employment in the courts
of princes ; and though Pindar refused, it is said, to give
up his freedom by becoming a courtier, he was at one

᾿Ξ ΘΕ ἢ: 170.
* See, however, Welcker AZ. Schrift, vol. 1. on Ibycus.

Stesichorus.

Lyric poetry
under the

patronage of
the Tyrants.

Ibycus and
Anacreon.

104 GREE KV EYiRICSPOETS

time a rival of Simonides and Bacchylides for the favour
of Hiero; and a large number of his Epinician Odes are
in honour of that Tyrant or of others.

No distinct. ~*~ Confining ourselves, however, for the present to Ibycus
characteristics -
ἘΠ ΕΘΆ ΠΕ, and Anacreon as the only representatives of court poetry

whose works survive, it is not easy to form any accurate
estimate of the influence exercised upon Greek Lyric poetry
by princely patronage. The change from the boisterously
independent life of an Alcaeus to the luxurious surround-
ings of the poets at the would-be oriental court of Poly-
crates is striking enough, and it is easy to theorise as to
its probable results upon the genius of the poet. Such
inferences, however, as we draw meet with no very satis-
factory support in the actual poems that survive. It is all
very well to say that the absence of any depth of feeling
in Anacreon or of the glowing imagery so conspicuous in
the Lesbian poets is due to the fact of his writing for those
who required to be amused with graceful verses on love
and wine, but not to be troubled with any intensity of
emotion ; the same is not true of Ibycus, also Polycrates’
courtier, who in ardour of sentiment and expression vividly
recalls the verses of Sappho. Nor should we necessarily
conclude from the poems of Anacreon that they reflected
the life of a despot’s court rather than of any Ionic state

Rie adulatory of the time. What I think we may notice more con-

tone not yet spicuously in the songs written by any of the great Lyric

Ὁ poets in praise of despots, is the absence of anything like
the gross sycophancy and adulation that might have been
expected, but which the freedom of thought and good
taste of the Greeks would not admit of. Thus Simonides.
in singing the praises of a Scopad of infamous character
did it in so half-hearted a manner that he is said to have
received but half his stipulated payment ;! and Pindar’s
admonitions to Hiero and Arcesilaus were, no doubt,
more deserved than agreeable. Nothing like the nauseous
flattery in the ode to Demetrius (J/zscel/. No. XX.) is to be
found till long after the Lyric age proper.

1 See fost, Biographical Notice of Simonides.

GENERAL VIEW OF MELIC POETRY 105

_In the period to which we next approach, the period in Timp
which poems were written to order and for a fixed price, SSE.
the influence exercised on the character of the songs by 9 a ios
the circumstances under which they were composed is
more distinctly marked. Lyric poetry now approached imonides and
nearer to the position of a mere trade; nor did the poet,
as in modern times, first compose his volume of poems on
whatever subjects his genius suggested, and then endea-
vour to find a satisfactory purchaser ; for every occasion
and for every poem he had to strike a bargain with his
employer. To this period, as I have said, belong Simon-
ides and his successors.

That the men of genius felt the restraint of their posi-
tion very grievously is made clear in many ways, but no-
where so plainly as in the well-known words of Pindar,
Isthm. ii.— The men of old who entered the chariot of
the golden-filleted muses—lightly shot forth their honey-
voiced hymns of love. For the muse was then not
yet greedy of gain nor an hireling; nor were sweet
soft-voiced songs, wth silvered faces, sold from ‘Terpsi- Restraint felt by
chore of honeyed utterance. We see too how the poets Pos by
endeavoured to cast off the bonds imposed upon them by ἀἰέτονιοῖ τ
systematic digressions from the proper subject, in which they
often felt little or no personal interest. Thus Simonides
skilfully avoids bestowing an ill-deserved eulogy on
his patron by giving vent to philosophical reflections on
᾿Αρετή, Frag. 1X.; and Pindar, as indeed to a less degree his
contemporaries, almost invariably passes rapidly over his
proper topic, the particular athletic victory, to mythological
subjects which possessed special attraction for his genius.

Under such artificial circumstances it is remarkable that Unfavourable
Lyric poetry should have displayed such high merit as we Se AE ΠΣ
discern in the remaining poems of Simonides, Bacchylides, Ports How wrote

and above all of Pindar. That it did so is in great part Ἐπ τ τς
due to the fact we are now concerned with the most stir- Hoc shel
ring and inspiring period of all Greek history, the first half P°"°*:

of the fifth century. But when the mighty impetus given

to Greek thought and Greek art by the removal of the

“Tantalus-stone’ of barbarian invasion was checked by

Rapid decay of
lyric poetry.

og
Final period—
Poems written

for public com-
petition.

Early origin of
the custom.

All classes of
Lyric poetry
tended now to
fall into disuse,
with the excep-
tion of the
Dithyramb and
the Nome.

106 ΘΕ le WER IC Ose as

the narrow and internecine warfare, and when too the
chief patrons and employers of lyric poets, wealthy aristo-
crats and tyrants, gave place before the advance of demo-
cracy, the course of Melic poetry came to an abrupt
conclusion, and it ceased to attract men of poetical genius.

The Nome and the Dithyramb alone retained their pre-
stige, and with the mention of these we come to what I
noticed as the final period of Lyric poetry, when composi-
tions were not written spontaneously or for any definite
employer but for public competition. Contests in music
and poetry date back indeed to the earliest times in
Greece ; for many of the great innovators in lyric poetry,
e.g. Terpander and Clonas, are mentioned as prize-winners ;
and the legends about Apollo and Marsyas and others
point to the same custom. In Athens, by the time when
that city had become the centre of Hellenic culture, nearly
all great literary or musical productions, of which the
Drama is a conspicuous instance, were destined for occa-
sions of public competition, mainly at the great religious
festivals in honour of Bacchus or Apollo, such as the
Dionysia, the Thargelia and the like ; and thus the poet
found his patronage no longer in wealthy and powerful
individuals but in a democratic public.

Epinicia, Encomia, and even Threnoi were no longer in
demand; Parthenia were inconsistent with the oriental
seclusion of the Athenian women; Prosodia or proces-
sional songs were unsuited for prize-competition ; while
Hymns and Paeans to the gods could hardly evoke a
high poetic strain at an age when the popular religion
had completely lost its hold upon all but the ignorant or
the superstitious. So one by one the time-honoured
classes of Lyric poetry fell into disuse! until only the
Dithyramb and the Nome, from their connection with
the great public festivals, retained a position of any im-
portance. Hence Aristotle, Poez. 1, uses the expression
7% τε τῶν διϑυράμβων ποίησις χαὶ ἣ τῶν νόμων, Or even ἣ

τ Cf. Plat. Laws, 700-701, where it is complained that all the old
distinctions are now ignored. The whole passage should certainly
be consulted as a striking criticism on this period of Melic poetry.

GENERAL VIEW OF, MELIC POETRY 107

διϑυραμβοποιητικύ as an equivalent of Lyric poetry in general.
The natural results of this system of public competition are Results of the
obvious enough. The composer was forced to consult the Riis
predominant taste of the period, and to aim rather at
producing striking effects than at genuine merit; thus
we find in Plut. de Mus. c. 12, the complaint made that
writers seek tov φιλάνθρωπον τρόπον alone, ze. the manner
pleasing to the multitude. Poetry becomes more and
more subordinate to the music,! it being perhaps easier
to form an immediate and superficial judgment on the
latter than on the comparative merits of a series of poems.
Lastly, the composer sought to attract the attention and
enlist the sympathy of the audience who sat in judgment
upon him by introducing into Lyric poetry practices really
foreign to it. Thus dialogue between some individual
and the chorus was often employed ; while members of
the chorus, dressed in appropriate costumes, represented
dramatically characters which formed the chief subject of
the poem ;? lastly the Myth, instead of forming an orna-
ment artistically subordinated to the main subjective
interest of the lyric poem, now became again, as it had
been apparently in the hands of Stesichorus, the main
topic, as is shown by the titles of poems of Melanippides or
Philoxenus—the Danazids, Marsyas, Persephone, Artemis,
etc.

As I am speaking elsewhere of this final period of Lyric poetry
Melic poetry,? I need not now dwell further on the sub- te the pos
ject. From this time forward, in spite of isolated Paeans jt Ped one
and other Melic passages that survive, we may with safety century 8.0,
say that Lyric poetry was no longer cultivated by the
literary. To affirm that songs were no longer written
and sung would be absurd, especially in connection with

CL p. 20.

* Arist. Prod, xix. 15. speaks of Dithyrambic performers as μιίμη-
τικοί, See also Bergk’s Griech. Lit. vol. ii. p. 534, note 30, where
he refers especially to Aristoph. P/zz. 298, and to Athen. ix. 374 A,
and points out that we have practically a return to the τραγιχὸς yopds
of Arion.

* See Introduction to ‘ Dithyrambic Poets.’

108 GRE PRME VRVMY POETS

such a race as the Greeks. But song-poetry tended more
and more to return to the humble position it had held
before the 8th century B.C., when lyric poems were written
for and by simple people, and in honour of the particular
occasion rather than to win a literary immortality. Never-
theless it is likely enough that among the uncultivated
song-poetry played as intimate and important a part as
ever in their lives. In spite of the fact that literary artists,
according to Plato’s testimony above mentioned, no longer
maintained the proper distinctions between the various
types of Melic poetry, we can hardly doubt that the
Greek race in general did not abandon the peculiar and
agreeable practice of employing special kinds of song for
all the interesting occasions of life; and indeed, as I have
intimated on pages 11 and 12, it is not improbable that
at least two of these types, the Wedding-Song and the
Dirge, have survived to the present day.

ὙΠῸ ΘΙ OG ris

ΕἸ. 687 8.6.

SOME explanation is perhaps required for including in ἃ
collection of Greek Melic poetry proper any of the frag-
ments of Archilochus. In the first place it is quite certain
that Archilochus was a composer not only of Iambic
and Elegiac but also of Melic poetry proper. He himself
speaks of his Dithyrambs and Paeans, Frag, XXI. α΄ and
β΄, and the ancients undoubtedly regarded him as a lyric
poet in the ordinary sense. Thus Horace places him side
by side with Sappho and Alcaeus in the lines

Temperat Archilochi Musam pede mascula Sappho,
Temperat Alcaeus, etc.

and in several passages such expressions as λυρικὸς ποιητής
and πρὸς λύραν ἀείδειν are used of him.' Secondly, although
no passages from Archilochus survive which we can regard
in quite the same light as the Odes of Sappho, Alcaeus,
or Anacreon, yet we cannot altogether deny the title of
‘“Melic’ at any rate to his Tetrameters and his Epodes.
These poems alike in form and in spirit stand as it were
midway between poetry suited for recitation on the one
hand, such as Archilochus’ Iambics, and poetry accom-
panied by melody on the other. Some passages, such as
the tetrameters describing the ideal general, and to a less
degree the fable-epodes, are in the plainest and most un-
impassioned style; in others, as in the tetrameters in which
he boldly faces his troubles, No. Ix., and still more in the
erotic fragments, an ardent passion breathes in the lines

1 See Nicephor. in Schol. ad Synes. de Insom. p. 427, and an Epi-
gram of Theocritus on Archilochus.

112 GRE EAC ene eke Om dss

which is essentially characteristic of Melic poetry. For
these reasons I have had little hesitation in including the
fragments of the Tetrameters and Epodes in this collection.

Archilochus was a native of the Ionian island of Paros,
and was apparently of noble descent on the side of his
father Telesicles,! though his mother Enipo was a slave.
His father led a colony to Thasos, in which Archilochus
took part, with a view to improving his fortunes.? The
date at which this took place was probably 708 B.c., which
is in agreement with the statement that the poet flourished
687 B.C., and was contemporary with the reign of Gyges®
(716-679 B.C.), whom he mentions in an Iambic line. He
was thus contemporary also with Terpander and ranks
among the earliest lyric poets. Dissatisfied with his
expectations of gold at Thasos, which he abuses roundly
in his Iambics, he appears from his fragments to have
joined with the inhabitants in their attempts upon the
neighbouring coast of Thrace, whither the gold-mines again
attracted him. He obtained little beyond hard fighting,
in the course of which he incurred the disgrace, if such
it was, of casting away his shield, the loss of which he
recounts with but little regret, and with characteristic
frankness:

᾿Ασπίδι μὲν Σαΐων τις ἀγάλλεται, ἣν παρὰ ϑάμνῳ
ἔντος ἀμώμητον κάλλιπον οὐκ ἐθέλων.

’ \ > rae ͵ 7,
αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐξέφυγον ϑανάτου τέλος" ἀσπὶς ἐχείνη

? /

aie ew /
ἐρρέτω᾽ ἐξαῦτις χτήσομαι οὐ χκαχίω.

It is conjectured that he returned from Thasos to his
native island Paros, since he fell in a war between the
Parians and Naxians. His life was an active one, and

1 Bergk, on the strength of Pausanias x. 28. 3, thinks that Telesicles
belonged to one of the priestly families of Paros. Archilochus indi-
cates that he was of wealthy parentage in the line—Ov γὰρ μοι πενίη
πατρωΐϊος τ.

2 See Bergk 149 and Aelian ΓΖ H. x. 13.

SEE) 1, 12.

Re Ht Oe US τς

which place, be it remembered, was at this period not alone
a centre of literary influence, but a strong fortress of
Hellenic morality. We can trace his nobler nature in not
a few of the surviving fragments. The passage beginning

, / / 7
Θυμὲ, ϑύμ᾽ d&unyavors. κήδεσιν κυχώμενε

(No. IX.) is admirable in its firm and dignified resolution ;
in Frag. XVI. the words are those of a warrior who is calm
and unflinching, though keenly alive to the danger of the
coming struggle ; and in the line

? \ 2 \ ~ i Epes poe aN eal Z
οὐ γὰρ ἐσϑλα κατϑανοῦσι xEpTOU.cELY ἐπ᾽ ἀνὸρασιν,

he shows that for all his bitter animosity he is too
chivalrous to continue it after the death of his adversary.
But, whatever may be the nature of his sentiments, what
calls most for our admiration is their entire sincerity and
the earnestness with which they are enforced. In every
clear incisive word he lays bare the eager thoughts in his
heart, whether his mood be one of love or of hatred.

His reputation as a poet was extraordinarily high. He
is constantly placed on a level with Homer, not on account
of any particular similarity in their poetry, as was the
case with Stesichorus, but simply from their common
quality of great and original poetic power! ; and as Homer
was the father of Epic poetry, so also was Archilochus of
Iambic and even of Lyric, for he was the first to abandon
the traditions of ideal heroic poetry, and to find in the
realities of his own life a fitting subject for his great
genius. Dio Chrysostom, 33. 11, says: δυὸ yao ποιητῶν
γεγονότων ἐξ ἅπαντος τοῦ αἰῶνος, οἷς οὐδένα τῶν ἄλλων συυβολεῖν
ἄξιον, ᾿Ομιήρου τε καὶ ᾿ Αρχιλόχου ; and Velleius, 1. 5: ‘Neque
quemquam alium, cujus operis primus fuerit auctor in eo
perfectissimum praeter Homerum et Archilochum reperie-
mus. Cicero, Ovat. i., ranks Archilochus with Homer,

‘ Archilochus, however, imitated Homer in dialect, and more
directly in not a few passages ; and indeed it was on this score that
Longinus, c. 13. 3, gave him the title of ᾿ Ομηριχώτατος. Yet, of course,
on the whole the points of contrast between the two poets far out-
weigh any similarities in detail.

mG GREEK τ POrTS

Pindar, and Sophocles ; and Quintilian, who speaks of his
‘powerful and terse throbbing phrases, full of blood and
nerves, declares that he was inferior to none, apparently
not even to Homer, except only in his choice of subject.’
Not only in the spirit of his poetry did Archilochus
exhibit the originality of his genius, but also in many
innovations connected with the mechanical side of his art.
I need not dwell upon these now, as I have mentioned
them elsewhere? in connection with Greek music and
Greek metre. I will only point out that the fact of the
‘invention, not only of Iambic metre and of dimeters and
tetrameters being attributed to him, but also that of
Trochaics, Choriambics, and even of the ‘ Alcaic’ stanza,
points to the important influence that he must have exer-
cised on the development of Greek Melic poetry proper.

' x. 1.60: Validae tum breves vibrantesque sententiae, plurimum
sanguinis atque nervorum, adeo ut videatur quibusdam, quod quoquam
minor est, materiae esse non ingenii vitium. Cf. Plut. T. vi. p. 163:
μέμψαιτο δ᾽ ἄν τις μὲν τὴν ᾿Αρχιλόχου ὑπόϑεσιν.

2 See pp. 41, 47.

ARCHILOGCHUS
EPODES

I
[Bergk, 8.1]
Ti-v-o-U 4%
VY
ret NI ree NP Nl NP eh Na NI ir re

OS WU Sy

Δύστηνος ἔγκειμαι πόϑῳ

By ~ ~ > LA ec
ἄψυχος, χαλεπῇσι ϑεῶν ὀδύνῃσιν ἕκητι
πεπαρμένος δι’ ὀστέων.

II
[103]
= SSC Swe SEM
σ:πυ-πυποπωυν---
ΕΠ τ τ ν--
Τοῖος γὰρ φιλότητος ἔρως ὑπὸ χαρδίην ἐλυσϑείς
πολλὲν HAT ἀχλὺν ὀμμάτων ἔχευεν,
κλέψας ἐκ στηϑέων ἁπαλὰς φρένας.

Ill
[85]

EO Oo al Oo —

ΔΝ

, ΕΥ = NS
᾿Αλλά μ᾽ ὁ λυσιμελής ὦ ᾽ταῖρε, δάμναται πόϑος
Ιν

TO LYCAMBES
[94] τ
, , =e , 1K :
(a) Πάτερ Λυχαμβα, ποῖον ἐφράσω τόδε:
, , ,
τίς σάς παρήειρε φρένας ;
ἧς τὸ ποὶν ἠρήρεισϑα; νῦν ὃς δὴ πολύς
Ὡς TO πριν ἡρὴρξ σύοι; ἢ π ς
ἀστοῖσι φαίνεαι γέλως.

1 The references throughout the text are to Bergk’s Poet. Lyr.
Graect, Ed. iv. 1882.

118 GIVE ake yen Te POETS

{Bergk, 96]
(8) Ὅρχον δ᾽ ἐνοσφίσϑης μέγαν.
ἅλας τε καὶ τράπεζαν.

ν
(TO NEOBULE)
-πιυπου-πουπουυπύπωυ---λ
pSysySyo year
δε e το EY! ἘΣ τς \ Κη, tMegll = Ἢ ONE
Οὐχέϑ' ὁμῶς ϑαλλεις, ἁπαλὸν Yom χάρφεται yao ἤδη

Ὄγυος κακῶν δὲ γήραος καϑαιρεῖ.

ΝΙ
THE FOX AND THE EAGLE
[86]
(x) Aivos τις ἀνθρώπων ὅδε

€ zy , tea > A ἴα ,
ὡς %0 COT NS “ZALETOS ξζυνωνιὴν

[87, 110]
(8) “Ορᾷς ἵν ἔστ᾽ ἐκεῖνος ὑψηλὸς πάγος
TOYS τε χαὶ παλίγκοτος"
᾿ ἘΣ , \ 9 19 ,
ἐν τῷ κάϑημαι σὴν ἐλαφρίζων μιάχην.
Mr τεὺ μελαμπύγου τύχοις.
[88]
(y) ὈὮ Ζεῦ, πάτερ Ζεῦ, σὸν μὲν οὐρανοῦ κράτος,
Νὴ > ἑν > rye) > la « ~
σὺ ὃ ἔργ ἐπ ἀνθρώπων ὁρᾷς
λεωργὰ κἀϑεμιστά, σοὶ δὲ ϑηρίων
ὕβρις τε καὶ δίκη μέλει.

VII
[89]

Su - SU - ot ἊΝ
SN ONIN
᾿Ε)ρέω τιν᾽ ὑμῖν αἶνον ὦ Κηρυχίδη
Ψ ,ὔ 2 Ξ
ἀχνυμένη σχυτοίλη
ΤΠίϑηχος Her ϑηοί χποκοιϑείς
ἥχος Hee ϑηρίων ἀποκριϑείς

μοῦνος av ἐσχγατίην᾽"

ee Cielo El US

x > - t
τῷ δ᾽ ao ἀλώπηξ χερδαλέη συνήντετο

δὴ v ,
TIZAVGV SYOUGH νοον.

VIII
[Bergk, 119]
HYMN TO HERCULES

Τήνελλα καλλίνιχε᾽
(ὦ) χκαλλίνικε χαῖρ᾽ ἄναξ ᾿ Ἡράχλεες᾽
τήνελλα HOA VILE
αὐτός τε x’ Ἰόληος, aiyyytat duo
τήνελλα χκαλλίνιχε.
(ὦ) καλλίνικε χαῖρ᾽ ἄναξ ᾿Ηράχλεες.

TETRAMETERS

ΙΧ
[66]
Θυμέ, Sup. ἀμτηχάνοισι : χήδεσιν χυκώμιενε,
ἄνεχε, δυσμενῶν δ᾽ ἀλέξευ προσβαλὼν ἐναντίον
στέρνον, ἐν δοχοῖσιν ἐ ἐχϑρῶν myotov χατασταϑείς
ἀσφαλέως: χαὶ μήτε νικῶν ἀμφάδην ἀγάλλεο
Tae Ae MOIR sry ke A re
/ ‘ A > ,
υἱήτε νιχηϑεὶς ἐν οἴκῳ καταπεσὼν ὀδύρεο᾽
ἀλλὰ χορτοῖαίν τε χαῖρε, χαὶ χαχοῖσιν ἀσχαλα
e δὴ > / “,
7) λίην" γίγνωσχε ε δ᾽ οἷος ὄυσμιος ἀνϑρώπους ἔχει.

Χ
[56]

Τοῖς ϑεοῖς tie. (τὰ) mavta πολλάκις μεν ἐχ χαχῶν

ἄνδρας ὀοϑοῦσιν pehatvy κειμένους ἐπὶ χϑον

/ 4 U z
πολλάκις δ᾽ ἀνατρέπουσι καὶ por’ εὖ fe ΠΕ
ὑπτίους χλίνουσ᾽" ἔπειτα πολλὰ γίγνεται κακά,

,
χαὶ βίου χρήμῃ πλανᾶται χαὶ νόου παρήορος.

ΧΙ

[74]
Χρημάτων ἄελπτον οὐδέν ἐστιν οὐδ᾽ ἀπώμοτον,
οὐδὲ ϑαυμάσιον, ἐπειδὴ Ζεὺς πατὴρ ᾿Ολυμπίων
ἐχ μεσηνβρίης ἔϑηχε νύχτ᾽ ἀπ τοχρύψας φ LOC
ἡλίου λάμπ τοντος᾽ ὑγρὸν δ᾽ TAY ἐπ᾽ ἀνθρώπους δέος.
ἐχ δὲ τοῦ χαὶ πιστὰ πάντα ἽΕΙ ελπτα γίγνεται

[19

120

GRE Eee eC POTTS

ἀνδράσιν unders ἔϑ᾽ ὑμῶν εἰσορῶν ϑαυμαζέτω,
und) ὅταν ΩΣ ϑῆρες ἀνταιείψωνταὶ νομιόν
ἐνάλιον καί σφιν ϑαλάσσης ἠχέεντα κύματα
φίλτερ᾽ ἠπείρου γένηται, τοῖσι δ᾽ ἡδὺ ἣν ὄρος.

XII
[Bergk, 70]
Totos ἀνθρώποισι ϑυμός, Γλαῦκε, Λεπτίνεω ποῖ,
~ \ € Sey,
γΐγνεται ϑνητοῖς ὁχοίην Ζεὺς ἐπ᾽ ἡμέρην ἀγει,
χαὶ φρονεῦσι TOL ὁχοιοις ἐγχυρέωσιν ἔργμασιν.

ΧΙῚ
[58]
Οὐ φιλέω μέγαν στρατηγὸν ο οὐδὲ διαπεπλιγμένον,
οὐδὲ βοστρύχοισι γαῦρον οὐδ᾽ ὑπ πεξυρημένον,

ὄλλα μοι σμικρός τις εἴη χαι περὶ χνήμιοις ἰδεῖν

cot 206, ἀσφαλέως B βεβηκὼς ποσοι, χαρδίης πλέος.

XIV
[54, 55]
Pray’, ¢ ὅρα, βαϑὺς γὰρ ἤδη χύμιασιν ταρασ σεται
πόντος, ἀμφὶ δ᾽ ἄκρα Tupfav ὀρϑὸν ἵ ἵσταται ν έφος,
σῆμα χειμῶνος" χιχάνει y ἐξ ἀελπτίης φόβος.

\ , , eth δ 2 ~ 4
χαὶ νέους Daoouve’ νίχὴς ὃ ἐν ϑεοῖσι πείοοτοι.

XOW
[63]
7 id ~ Sy 3) ~ , ” ἐξ
Οὔ τις αἰδοῖος μετ᾽ ἀστῶν καίπερ ἴφϑιμος ϑανών
/ ~ ~ ~
γίγνεται χάριν δὲ μᾶλλον τοῦ Cood διώχομεν.

XVI
[64]
\ > \ ~ >
Οὐ γὰρ ἐσθλὸὼ κατϑανοῦσι χερτομέειν ἐπ᾽ ἀνδράσιν.

XVII
[65]
ἕν δ᾽ ἐπίσταμ. αι sya,
\ ~
TOV χαχῶς (με) δρῶντα δεινοῖς ἀνταμιείβεσϑαι κακοῖς.

Mek ΘΠ ΘΕ EUS 121

XVIII

[Bergk, 75]
Κλῦϑ’ ἄναξ Ἥφαιστε χαί μοι σύμμαχος γουνουμένῳ
ἵλεως γενεῦ, χαρίζευ δ᾽ οἷάπερ χαρίζεαι.

XIX
[69]

Νῦν δὲ ΔΛεώφιλος μὲν ἄρχει, Λεώφιλος δ᾽ ἐπικρατεῖ,

Λεωφίλῳ δὲ πόντα χεῖται, Λεωφίλου δ᾽ ἀκούεται.

Εἰ yap ὡς ἐμοὶ γένοιτο yet

% Νδεοβούλης ϑιγεῖν.

“oO

XXI
[77]
( + Nye t -.
(a) Ὡς Διωνύσοι᾽ ἄνακτος καλὸν ἐξάρξαι μέλος
τὸ δ , 9 ” n \ ,
olda διϑύραυον. οἴνω συγχεοαυνωϑεὶς φοένας.
vee ) ᾿ | \ Se GL} »"
[76]

(β) Αὐτὸς ἐξάρχων πρὸς αὐλὸν Λέσβιον πανήοναι.

XXII
[59]
« \ ‘ ~ , Gl ᾽ ͵ ,
Ente γὰρ νεχρῶν πεσόντων, οὗς ἐμαροψαμιεν ποσίν,
, ~ > ’ὔ
χίλιοι φονῆες ἐσμέν.

122 GREEK EVRIC POETS

MELIG. POETRY “At SPARTA
TERPANDER

ON LACEDAEMON
[Bergk, 6]

"Ev? aiyus τε νέων ϑάλλει καὶ μῶσα λίγεια
~ , v
χαὶ δίχα εὐρυσγυια, χοιλῶν ἐπυταρροῦος ἔργων.

II
[5]

v Δ», = t > a ᾽ Sy
Σοὶ ὃ ἡμεῖς τετροαγήρων ἁποστερζαντες ἀοιὸγν
ε U , , τ

ETTATOVY) DOOM. YL νέους χελαδύήσομιεν ὕμνους

III
LIBATION HYMNS
[1]

(a) Ζεῦ πάντων ἀρχά,
πάντων ἀγήτωρ,
Ζεῦ, σοὶ πέμπω
ταύταν ὕμνων Koya.

[3]
(8) Σπένδω tg Μνάμας
τένδωμεν τοῖς Μνάμας

παισὶν Μώσαις
A ~ ,
χαὶ τῷ Μωσάρχῳ

[2]
PROGMION TO APOLLO
᾿Αμφί μοι αὖτις ἄνοαχϑ’ ἑκατάβολον
ἀειδέτω gory.

Sb whe AN SONGS

TYRTAEUS
᾿Εμβατήρια μέλη

I
[15]

ING Ses ena

"Αγετ᾽ ὦ Σπάρτας φὐάνδρω
κῶροι πατέρων ΕΠ
λαιᾷ μὲν ἴτυν προβάλεσϑε,
δόρυ δ᾽ εὐτόλμιως πάλλοντε
νὴ φειδόμενοι τᾶς Goode:
οὐ γὰρ πάτριον τᾶς Σπάρτας.

[16]

OS ϊπππυω-π-ππο.υ-πιυ,------

τας ἔνοπλοι χῶροι ποτὶ τὰν “Apso

SPARTAN DANCE SONGS

I
[Ρ. 1303]
TEPONTES. ‘Apes rox’ ἦμες ἄλκιμοι νεανίαι.
ANAPES. Εἶμ δέ a ἡμές αἱ δὲ λῇς, αὐγάσδεο.
TIATAES. Apés δέ γ᾽ ἐσσόμεσϑα πολλῷ χάρρονες.
II
(bid.
ἀβτυποικου

Πόρρω γάρ, ὦ παῖδες, πόδα
μετάβατε χαὶ κωμάξατε

βέλτιον.

ς χίνησιν.

bo
OR

ALCMAN

F]. 670 B.C.

OUR information concerning the events of Alcman’s? life is
scanty enough, as might be expected from his early date.
He came from Sardis, as we learn from Frag. Iv., in which
he playfully boasts of his connection with the centre of
Lydian civilisation. Harting, it is true, declines to accept
the poet’s plain testimony, believing him to have spoken
in jest; but this strange view and Bergk’s assumption,
from the name of Alcman’s father, Damas or Titarus,?
that he was at any rate the son of a Greek residing in
Sardis, seem to be due to a jealous reluctance to admit
that the celebrated poet was not of genuine Hellenic
origin. Suidas describes him, according to one authority,
as Λυδὸς ἐκ Σάρδεων, according to others as Λάχων ἀπὸ
Μεσσόας ; but the statements are reconcileable by suppos-
ing that when he became an adopted Lacedaemonian,
Messoa was the district with which he was connected.
He had attained to poetical notoriety, Suidas tells us, by
the 27th Olympiad, or 671 B.C., a date which Miiller regards
as inherently improbable, its ποῖον being, he thinks,
hardly consistent with the comparative maturity displayed
by his muse.

Miiller’s argument is not, I think, a strong one; for
Melic poetry must have received considerable attention,
especially at Lesbos, long before the close of the seventh
century, when it displays itself to perfection in the poems
of Alcaeus and Sappho. Alcman lived, Suidas adds,
during the reign of Ardys, king of Lydia (652-615 B.c.)

Denney or “Adzpawy, ae former being a Doric contraction of the
latter. 2 Suidas.

ALCMAN 125

and Eusebius assigns the 42d Olympiad, or 612 B.C., as one
period in his long poetical career. He somehow became a
slave of the Spartan Agesidas, but his talents won him his
freedom, and quite contrary to the later practice at Sparta
he was received as an adopted citizen.1 He seems to have
flung himself vigorously into the life and language of his
new country; and the position he took as leader of the
choral performances, which played so important a part in
Spartan life, must have made him a prominent member of
the state. Besides the passage in Eusebius, vag. 11. indi-
cates that he lived to an advanced age. He died, according
to Plutarch,” from the same offensive disease as Sulla, and
he was buried at Sparta.?

I have already dwelt upon Alcman’s relation to the
δευτέρα κατάστασις at Sparta, and on the part he played in
the development of Choral Meliceand of the dance that
accompanied it. It has also been remarked that life at
Sparta as reflected in his scanty fragments by no means
accords with our preconceived notions on the subject.®
Instead of being a species of barracks both for males and
females, the town seems to be alive with bands of dancing
maidens, engaged now in earnest supplication to the gods,
now in mirthful poetic intercourse with each other or with
their leader the poet ; instead of the traditional black broth
the tables are heavy with ‘cakes and ale’ in abundance and
variety ; while around the town and its pleasant life there
extends the beautiful scenery of the mountains which for
so many centuries secured to Sparta that peace which to
the poet’s eyes they typified in their outward form.®

I mentioned that Aleman adopted the language, or rather
the dialect, of his new city. This statement requires limi-
tation. He employs Doric forms freely,” and not a few
Laconisms (¢.,g. σιῶν = ϑεῶν, παρσένοις, oxAst),° but his dialect
can in no way be called a popular or local one in the

1 Hercul. Pont. Podz¢. i1., and see p. 100. as SUL, Ὁ 30.
= )Pausan. ii. 15. 4 See pp. 29, 38. 5. Pp: 100; TOT
6 Frag. 111. εὕδουσιν δ᾽ ὀρέων κορυφαί te χαὶ φάραγγες κ.τ.λ,

T χέχρηται Δωρίδι διαλέχτῳ, xadanco Λαχεδαιμόνιος.

δ. See, however, p. 94, note I.

126 GREEK EWR CPO iss

same way as we speak of the Lesbian of Sappho and
Alcaeus. As with the majority of the Lyric poets, the funda-
mental part of Alcman’s dialect was Epic; and, besides
the Dorisms, he introduces several Lesbian forms, e.g.
xrewve, and the diphthong δὶ for the Ionic 6v. Pausanias, III.
xv. 2, is nearer the mark than Suidas: ( Αλχμᾶνι) ποιήσαντι
ἄσμιαται οὐδὲν ἐς ἡδονὴν αὐτῶν ἐλυμήνατο τῶν Λακώνων ἣ γλῶσσα
ἥκιστα παρεχομένη τὸ εὔφωνον. That is to say, Alcman,
while appealing to his auditors by a flavour of Laconisms,
avoided all the harsher forms of that dialect.

Suidas tells us that Alcman was the ‘inventor’ of love
songs, as if people had not fallen in love and committed
their sentiments to poetry before the 7th century B.c. He
may, however, have been among the earliest Melic poets
proper who cultivated this time-honoured branch of the
art. How much he was indebted herein to the influence of
a possible Lesbian school, subsequently the headquarters of
erotic poetry, we are not in a position to determine ; though
his employment of Lesbian dialectical forms is to a certain
extent significant. We have a fine erotic couplet in Frag.
XVI. Ἔρος με δ᾽ αὖτε x72, and another graceful passage in
Frag. ΧνΊΙ., ᾿Αφροδίτα μὲν οὐκ ἔστι x72. In his Parthenia
also a.sentiment of romantic admiration for his beautiful
maiden-choristers is prominent; and Aristides calls him
‘the praiser of women ’.?

The extant fragments are scanty enough, and many of
them are merely quotations in illustration of some kind of
food or wine; but in addition to the interesting, newly-
found Parthenion, there are two short passages of the
highest poetical merit: I refer to rag. UL. εὕδουσιν δ᾽ ὀρέων
κορυφαὶ TE χαὶ φάραγγες x.7-A., Which for its loving sympathy
with nature is almost unique in Greek poetry ; and to the
beautiful melic hexameters in Frag. IL., οὔ μ᾽ ἔτι παρϑενιχκαὶ
usrvyaouss iw.cooowvot %.7.A., Charming in their rhythm and in
the plaintive tenderness of the language. Such gems as
these assure us that in losing the works of Aleman we
have lost those of a great poet.

an“ ,’ \ \ € \ ' ~ ~ ~
1 wy ἐρωτιχὸς πανὺ EVOETIS γέγονε τῶν ἐρωτικῶν μελῶν.

ALCMAN

I
[Bergk, 23]

PARTHENION (discovered in Egypt 1855)

11. 1-4. πυπύπυ-λ
ΞΡ π΄ Ξ ἦν
OLN
SO aN
11. 5-8, repeat the metrical system of Il. 1-4.
ll. 9-14. ἐ.-οτυ-υτὺ-ς-ῦ

-- να INA ee AS

I - ὃ) - τῷ (also πυυπούπου- Δ).

Ye Wa
—Ww— wv ἄλαστα OF στρ. Y
+ [2

, \
ξργὰ TWAGOV καλὰ μησᾶμιξνοι.

(Ἔστι τις σιῶν τίσις" στρ. δ΄
ὁ δ᾽ (GA)B(t)os, ὅστις εὔφρων
(ἁ)νέραν (δι)λαπλέχει, 5

(ἀἄγκίλαυ)στος ἐγὼν δ᾽ ἀείδω

) ὃ ~ \ mine) 2 ~

Αγιδῶς TO φῶς" O90)-
Ji) δ᾽ “᾿ἢ ce = =

-9 WT ἅλιος, OVTED ἅμιν

3 \ /

Αγιδὼ μαρτύρεται

φαίνην. ᾿Εμὲ δ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἐπαινῆν 1O
” ~ , e τ᾿ ἘΝ = αν \

OurE UOLAGIAL νιν & χλεννὰ χορα()ὸς

‘ ~ I~ \ yy eo
οὐδὲ AGG’ ἐῇ᾽ δοχέει YOO HUEY AUTO

128

GR Ene ΕΘ 95

ἣν

ἐχπρεπὴς TUS, ᾧπερ ak τις

(ὃν BOTOIC στάσειεν (ὕππον

παγὸν (ἀ)εϑλοφόρον χαναχάποδα, 15
(τῶν) ὑ(π Oe ὀνείρων.

Ἦ οὐχ ὁρῇ ἧς» © ὁ μὲν χέλης στρ. &
Ἔνετιχός, & δὲ χαίτα.

τᾶς ἐμᾶς ἀνεψιᾶς

᾿Αγησιχόρας ἐπανϑεὶ 20

“4 \ a > /

(χ)ουσὸς (ὡ)ς ἀκήρατος,

τὸ τ’ ἀργύριον πρόσωπον

NS , / /

διαφάδαν-- τί τοι λέγω ;—

) , / 3 a

Αγησιχόρα, psy ela 5.

sine Liss

ἁ δὲ δευτέρα 720’ ᾿Αγιδὼν τὸ εἶδος 25

’ , a > τω
ἵππος & βήνῳ πολσς αἰὲς δραμεῖται:

TEX λειάδες yop ἁμίίν
? 91
Opdiz φάρος φεροίσαις
ae δ ἀπ βροδίαν ἅτε σ(εί)οιον
F ‘ i) = * LY
ἄστρον αὐειρομέναι μάχονται. 30

Otte γάρ τι πορφύρας στο.
τόσσος χόρος, ὥστ᾽ ἀμύναι,
οὔτε ποικίλος δράκων
παγχρύσιος, οὐδὲ μίτρα
Λυδία νεανίδων... 35
ὧν ἄγαλμα
οὐδὲ ταὶ Ναννῶς κόμαι
PAW’ οὐδ᾽ Ἔρατα σιειδής
οὐδὲ Σύλοικίς τε καὶ Κλεησισήρα.

II
{Bergk, 26.]

Οὐ p.’ ἔτι, παρϑενικαὶ μελιγάρυες ἱμερόφωνοι
γυῖα φέρειν ΟΣ Σὲ Bode δὴ Bere χηρύλος εἴην,
π

᾿ χύματος ὄνϑος ἅμ. ἀλχυόνξεσσι ποτῆται
areas x. « ΓΈΡΝΙ, ” ᾽
νηλεγὲς ἦτορ ἔχων, ἁλιπόρφυρος εἴαρος OOVIC.

> Musk 2
ὅς τ᾽ ἐ

ALCMAN

Ill
[Bergk, 60]
OU
πυπτυ-ὧ-ῦ

OO ae
Spa SS a as
tO ON TIN
SS aS
SEER SIA,
Εὕδουσιν δ᾽ ὀρέων χορυφαί τε χαὶ φάραγγες
πρώονές τε χαὶ χαράδραι,
φῦλα τε βέρπεϑ᾽ ὅσα τρέφει μέλαινα γαῖα,
ϑῆρές τ᾽ ὀρεσχῷοι καὶ γένος μελισσᾶν
t ) χαὶ χνώδαλ᾽ ἐν βένϑεσι πορφυρέας ἁλός:
7 εὔδουσιν δ᾽ ὀϊωνῶν
φῦλα τανυπτερύγων.

nin
Οὐχ εἷς ἀνὴρ ἄγροικος, οὐδὲ
σχαιὸς, οὐδὲ πὰρ σοφοῖσιν,
οὐδὲ Θεσσαλὸς γένος,
δ᾽ Ἤ ι io IN ΤΕΣ ,
οὐχ ουσιχαῖος οὐδὲ ποιμὴν,
ἀλλὰ Σαρδίων ἀπ᾽ ἀχρᾶν.

ν
[66]

7
Ὅσαι δὲ παῖδες ἁμέων
Ἧ \ ᾿
ἐντί, τὸν χιϑαριστὰν αἰνέοντι.

VI
[29]

2 ”

~ U > \ \ /
Ζεῦ πάτερ, αἱ γὰρ ἐμὸς πόσις εἴη.
Ι

130

GIR ΚΕ ΡΟΣ EP Ouse

VII
[Bergk, 1]
-͵ωου-πτυυ-υυπυυ
BS IN

P ΄ ,
ωϊξωπιωυξυπυ---

Maio’ ἄγε, Μῶσα λίγεια πολυμμελὲς
αἰενάοιδε μέλος
νεοχμὸν ἄρχε παρσένοις ἀείδεν.

VIII
[45]
--συ-υὐ-πυυ-ςυυ
Maia’ ἄγε, Καλλιόπα ϑύγατερ Διός,
ἄρχ᾽ ἐρατῶν ἐπέων, ἐπὶ δ᾽ ἵμερον
ὕμνῳ χαὶ χαρίεντα τίϑει χορόν.

IX
[7]

‘A Μῶσα χέχλαγ᾽ ἁ λίγεια Σειρήν.

x
[16]
TO HERE
Καὶ τὶν εὔχομαι φέροισα
τόνδ᾽ ἑλιχρύσω πυλεῶνα
χηρατὼ χυπαίρω.

Β. BANQUET SONGS.
XI
[22]

Ve
Ξ:----ῆὥτο.--

/ A ees /
Φοίναις δὲ χαὶ ἐν ϑιάσοισιν
ἀνδρείων παρὰ δαιτυμιόνεσσιν

~ /
πρέπει παιᾶνα κατάρχειν.

ALCMAN 131

XII
[Bergk, 74 B]

— ΄ὔ --ἕ 7 ͵
Ὡς, πὸ nN

Κλῖναι μὲν ἑπτὰ καὶ τόσαι τράπεσδαι
μαχωνίδων ἄστων ἐπιστέφοισαι,

λίνῳ τε σασάμῳ χὴν πελίχναις
πέδεσσι χρυσοχόλλα.

[75]
Ἤδη παρέξει πυάνιόν τε πόλτον
χίδρον Te λευχὸν κηρίναν τ᾽ ὀπώραν.

XIII

[33]

I RI) TT NTS

Καὶ ποχά tor δώσω τρίποδος χύτος,

ᾧ x ἔνι --ὐ--ὦ ἀγείρῃς"

ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι νῦν γ᾽ ἄπυρος, τάχα δέ πλέος

ἔτνεος, οἷον ὁ παμφάγος ᾿Αλχμάν

ἡἠράσϑη χλιερὸν πεδὰ τὰς τοοπός: '
PACU] χλιξοοὸν πεόα τὰς TOOTIAS 5
Μ \ dia ΕΠ

οὔτι Yao nU τετυγμένον ἔσϑει,

> \ \ \ δ « c ~

ἄλλα TH χοινὰ γὰρ, ὥσπερ ὁ δᾶμος,

ζατεύει.

XIV
[76]
Ὀϊπυπυ-πω-ᾺἜ

Ὥρας δ᾽ ἔσηκχε τρεῖς, ϑέρος
χαὶ χεῖμα. χὠπώραν τρίταν,
χαὶ τέτρατον τὸ ξῆρ, ὅκα
σάλλει μὲν ἐσϑίεν δ᾽ ἄδαν
οὐχ ἔστιν. 5

XV
[34]

Πολλάκι δ᾽ ἐν κορυφαῖς ὀρέων, ὅκα
ϑεοῖσιν ἅδῃ πολύφαμος ἑορτά,

132 GREE RPE VRIC POETS

χρύσιον ἄγγος ἔχοισα μέγαν σκύφον,
οἷοί τε ποιμένες ἄνδρες ἔχουσιν,
\ ῃ , ἼΩΝ
χερσὶ λεοντειον γάλα ϑησαο, 5
τυρὸν ἐτύρησας μέγαν ἄτρυφον ἀργύφεόν TE.

C. MISCELLANEOUS

ΟΝ:
[Bergk, 36]
το) ὦ II) FI III IG
"Epos με δ᾽ αὖτε Κύπριδος δέκατι
γλυκὺς κατείβων καρδίαν ἰαίνει.

᾿Αφροδίτα μὲν οὐκ ἔστι, μάργος δ᾽ "Ἔρως οἷα παῖς παίσδει
ἄκρ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἄνϑη χαβαίνων, ἅ μὴ μοι ϑίγῃς, τῷ κυπαιρίσχω.

XVIII
[21]
Κύπρον ἱμερτὰν λιποῖσα καὶ Πάφον περιρρύταν.

ΧΙΧ

[37)
OPIS IS
5 RI Ὧν
OOK) I —
Tot® ἁδεᾶν Μωσὰᾶν ἔδειξεν Ἑ
δῶρον μάκαιρα παρϑένων
ἃ ξανϑὰ Μεγαλοστράτα.
XX
GNOMIC PASSAGES
[62]
FORTUNE
(a’) Εὐνομίας (τε) καὶ Πειϑοῦς ἀδελφά
“ δ 4 ’ i,
xa ΠΙρομαϑείας ϑυγάτηρ.

ALCM AN 133

[Bergk, 42
(β) Τίς (δ᾽) ἄν, τίς ποκα ῥὰ ἄλλω νόον ἀνδρὸς ἐνίσποι ;
[63
(Υ) Πεῖρά τοι μαϑήσιος ἀρχά.
[50]

(δ) Μέγα γείτονι γείτων.

ΧΧῚ

[25]
(α) Vimwrwi-v
=—Vy—o—u—N

—we ww - Δ
Ἔπη δέ τε χαὶ ros ᾿Αλχμαν
Supe, γεγλωσσαμιένον
(ὃ , ,
χαχκαβίδων στόμα συνϑέμινος.

[67]
(6) Oida δ᾽ ὀρνίχων νόμως
πάντων.
XXII
[48]
DEW

Oia Διὸς ϑυγάτηρ

ἔρσα τρέφει καὶ Σελάνας δίας.

XXIII
[6]
A CALM SEA
r U Ν > / ~
Χερσόνδε κωφὸν ἐν φύκεσσι πιτνεῖ.

XXIV
[35]
SPARTA
Sifu m— tub QU HAN

Ἕρπει γὰρ ἄντα τῶ σιδάρω τὸ χαλῶς χιϑαρίσδεν.

134 GREE KVP VRICePOETS

XXV
[Bergk, 28]
= --ου-οὐυ-τυυ--Ἀ
Αὖσαν δ᾽ ἄπραχτα νεάνιδες ὥστ᾽
ὄρνεις ἱέρακος ὑπερπταμένω.

XXVI
[40]

Δύσπαρις, αἰνόπαρις, χαχὸν ‘Ed adn βωτιανείρᾳ.

ΧΧΥΙΙ
[8]
ried
ΠΟ a I -ὐινῦι
. ο ω-π-υυπ.πουπο
ωτξω---υπτυ
? \ ees) 2 ,
Ανὴρ ὃ ἐν ἀρμένοισιν
γ \ τ 3 σεῖς Ke A ,
ἄλιτρος TOT ἐπὶ ϑάχω LATA πετρᾶς
ὁρέων υέν οὐδὲν δοχέων δέ.

XXVIII
[58]

“Ῥιπᾶν ὅρος ἀνϑέον vay
Νυχτὸς μελαίνας στέρνον.

POLO US:

F]. 600 8.6.

OUR scanty knowledge of the life of Alcaeus is connected
almost entirely with the restless political history of Lesbos
at the time, which enters so largely into his poems. Of
his birth we know nothing, except that he belonged to
some branch of the old Lesbian nobility, whose decadence
was now in rapid process. The earliest contemporary
reference in his poems is to the tyranny of Melanchrus,
who was overthrown in 612 B.C. by Pittacus. Since his
two brothers Cicis and Antimenidas are mentioned as
Pittacus’ chief supporters, and nothing is said of Alcaeus,
who was usually well to the front on such occasions, we
may perhaps assume that he was then of immature age.
Six years later, however, according to Eusebius, we hear
of his playing a prominent part in the war between the
Mityleneans, led by Pittacus, and the Athenians, with
regard to the possession of Sigeum in the Troad.! It was
in an engagement during this war that Alcaeus, after the
fashion of Archilochus, Anacreon, and Horace, saved his
life at the expense of his shield, an event to which he
frankly alludes in Append. No. XIv. Some critics regard
this as an indelible blot on his military character ; others,
on the contrary, argue that if his reputation as a gallant
warrior had not been firmly established, he would never
have alluded to the event with such composure. We need
not attach too much importance to the incident; for the
obligation on a brave man not to take part in a general
rout is by no means universally recognised. However

1 See Grote, vol. 111. p. 155, and 199 seg., and Hdt. v. 95.

136 GREER KEY RIC POETS

this may be, the Athenians regarded the captured shield
as a worthy offering to Athene in her temple at Sigeum! ;
and this fact indicates that the poet had by this time
acquired notoriety. Shortly after this Alcaeus appears
among the champions of the Mitylenean constitution
against the encroachments of Myrsilus and other short-
lived demagogues and tyrants; and in “vag. XIX. he cele-
brates the death of Myrsilus with heartfelt joy. With this
period the credit of his political career ceases, and the
patriotic defender of the republic in his turn is engaged in
intrigues for winning tyrannical power—in the words of
Strabo xiii. 617, οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς χκαϑαρεύων τῶν τοιούτων νεωτε-
ρίσμων. The upshot of the struggle was that the poet and
his brother Antimenidas were driven into exile, Alcaeus
himself, according to his own testimony,” wandering as far
as Egypt, while Antimenidas served with great distinction
in the armies of the king of Babylon? It was during this
period that many of the so-called Stasiotica were written.
Compare Horace Qd. ii. 13, speaking of the subjects of
Alcaeus’ odes: ‘Dura navis | dura fugae mala, dura belli’.

Eventually Alcaeus and his brother, with other exiled
nobles, endeavoured to re-establish their position by force
of arms.t/ The people of Mitylene elected Pittacus as
Αἰσυμνήτης or Dictator; the nobles were defeated and
Alcaeus taken prisoner. His generous opponent, in spite
of the insolent abuse heaped upon him by the poet (see
Frag. XXI.), paid a tribute to his genius by restoring him
to liberty, with the remark that ‘mercy is better than
vengeance ᾿--συγγνώμη τιμωρίας χρείσσων. Under this wise
and: moderate ruler Mitylene once more enjoyed repose,
and it is probable that Alcaeus lived to enjoy a peaceful
old age (see Append. No. XVI.).

1 Hadt. Zoc. cit., and see Grote iil. p. 155 for the probable mistake
in the Greek historian’s chronology.

2 Strabo 1. 37. 3 See on Frag. XXV.

* Arist. Pol. 111. 14; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. v. 73 ; see on Frag. XXI.
and XVI.

ΕΣ Diog, 1: 74: 3:

A CALE OS 137

Such is a sketch of what we know or can conjecture of
the circumstances of the poet’s career. The story of his
supposed romantic admiration for Sappho I have consi-
dered in the additional note on “rag. ΧΙ. Of his inward
life and character we have a clear enough picture in the
fragments. Whether the subject be love, wine, politics, or
warfare, in every word there breathes a fiery and restless
energy, which is in keeping with what is known of his
history. His emotions were always strong and genuine,
and therefore always possess poetical interest. He was
keenly alive to the influences of nature, a vigorous drinker
and boon-companion, a fiery warrior, and above all, an
uncompromising hater of all his political opponents. If we
hope to find exalted sentiments in a poet of such celebrity,
we shall be disappointed. His opposition to the tyrants
Melanchrus and Myrsilus was to his credit; but his own
subsequent intrigues and his disparagement of the noble
Pittacus mark him as anything but the lofty patriot. Yet
we need not, with Col. Mure, put on modern spectacles
and condemn him as a more or less despicable profligate
and debauchee. His morality, private and political, was
that of the Greek of his age, not too scrupulous, but yet
healthy-minded. Devotee as he may have been of Bacchus
and Aphrodite, his surviving poems exhibit no trace of
sottishness or sensuality. In spite of his factious intrigues,
it is hardly likely that the shrewd Pittacus would have
extended pardon to him so readily, had he not seen in
him the making of a good citizen for the future ; and even
in his excesses of love, or wine, or party-feeling, there is a
freshness and impetuosity as of the early Homeric Greek,
or of Voltaire’s L’/ngénu.

As a poet he enjoyed the highest reputation among
ancient critics. He was placed among the nine great
lyric poets, and his works were deemed worthy of elabo-
rate commentary by the Alexandrines Aristophanes and
Aristarchus. He was notoriously a favourite model of
Horace, who testifies to his renown in Qd. ii. 13, where he
remarks that Alcaeus, partly owing to the nature of his
subjects, enjoyed even greater popularity than Sappho.

138 GARGS Hie Roe GEO gor 9

Quintilian, Bk. x., has the following criticism on him:
‘In parte operis aureo plectro merito donatur (alluding to
Horace 44), qua tyrannos insectatur multum etiam moribus
confert; in eloquendo quoque brevis et magnificus et
diligens et plerumque oratori (v. 1. Homero) similis: sed
in lusus et amores descendit, majoribus tamen aptior.
Dionys. Hal.! bestows still greater eulogy upon him:
᾿Αλκαίου δὲ σκόπει τὸ μεγαλοφυὲς καὶ βραχὺ καὶ ἡδὺ μετὰ
δεινότητος, ἔτι δὲ χαὶ τοὺς σχηματίσμους υετὰ σαφηνείας, ὅσον
αὐτῆς μὴ τῇ διαλέχτῳ τι κεχάκωται, καὶ πρὸ ἁπάντων τὸ τῶν
πολιτικῶν πραγμάτων ἦϑος. He adds that in many passages
the style, but for the metre, is that of a rhetorician.
Modern readers, will, I think, fail to find in his fragments
poetry of the highest order. His faultless style and the
unflagging energy of his sentiments are worthy of the
greatest admiration ; but there is something we look for
in great poetry which is wanting in Alcaeus. The pcet’s
eye should ‘move from heaven to earth, from earth to
heaven, but the gaze of Alcaeus remains fixed upon the
earth, and he never transports us with him into an ideal
region. His descriptive passages, for all their vivid realism,
are not lit up by any radiance of the imagination; they
have none of the glamour of Alcman’s famous Εὔδουσιν
δ᾽ ὀρέων χορυφαί τε χαὶ φάραγγες x.7.A. or the rapture of the
dithyramb in which Pindar celebrates the approach of
spring. Even the line which has in it the truest ring of high
poetry— Hoos ἀνϑεμοέντος ἐπάϊον ἐρχομένοιο----ἰ5 but the pre-
lude to an invitation to the wine-cup. In fact, Alcaeus
makes manifest to us that poetry was the ornament or
plaything of his existence rather than its vital essence.
Most of his poems may be ascribed to the class of Par-
oenia or Scolia,? and this alone would lead us to expect
that the writer would aim rather at appealing to the sym-
pathies of his boon-companions than to an exalted poetic
standard. Nevertheless, his poetry is admirable of its
kind, and in variety and rhythmical power surpasses that
of his else more gifted contemporary Sappho. It is only

1 De Vet. Scr. cens. ii. 8. 2 See Introd. to Scolia.

Je IDF 20 Pa Os: 139

when we look to find in Alcaeus a master-spirit among
poets that we need be disappointed.

The Alcatc stanza in Alcaeus and Horace.

As most classical readers owe their acquaintance with
the Alcaic stanza to the Odes of Horace, it is important
for me to point out in what particulars the Roman poet
deviated from his Greek model. The proper metrical
scheme of the stanza in Alcaeus is, strictly speaking, as
follows :

PISS ASAI AIDS
RET es Ps
OS SE)

NIA NI IND

This is varied by admitting an ‘irrational’ long syllable
in certain places, so that the scheme becomes in practice :

Sy Se UN
S fay Sy oye
SL SuseSusseE

πων ρος π᾿

It will be noticed that whereas in the neutral places
Alcaeus employs a long or short syllable more or less
indifferently, Horace with rare exceptions employs a long
syllable only ; so that his regular scheme becomes

= 9 a ev
oe SN -ὶ-οἰὶ οὐ -ὑὶ ,,-ἰὸ

. VY
---π- ------, -—

VY
Tet NA NINES SNS -Ὁ

In the anacrusis of the first three lines, Horace does indeed
not infrequently employ a short syllable, there being some
twenty instances in the Odes ; but in the case of the fifth
syllable, we find ‘one single example alone of a short
quantity, viz. Od. iii. 5. 17:
‘Si non perirét immiserabilis.’

It is not likely that these changes in the Alcaic stanza
were made by Horace unconsciously. His Odes were

140 GME ΕΘ, Ls

written not for melody, as those of Alcaeus, but for recita-
tion ; and the slower movement effected by the extensive
use of the ‘irrational’ long syllables imparted a gravity
and dignity to the rhythm admirably adapted in most
cases to the nature of the subject.

There is another novel and important feature in Horace’s
Alcaics, namely the employment in ll. 1-2 of dzaeresis
after the fifth syllable or the second trochee, thus:

Caelo tonantem || credidimus Jovem.

In Alcaeus cases of such diaeresis are entirely accidental,
but Horace admits of only four exceptions to the practice:

(1) Od. i. 16. 21. Hostile aratrum exercitus insolens.
(2) Od. i. 37. 5. Antehac nefas depromere Caecubum.
(3) Od. i. 37. 14. Mentemque lymphatam Mareotico.
(4) Od. iv. 14. 17. Spectandus in certamine Martio.

Of elision between the fifth and sixth syllables I find
no more than eighteen instances throughout the Odes of
Horace.

Having slackened the natural movement of the rhythm
by avoiding short quantities whenever it was possible to
do so, he evidently found the line too long for a single
colon. Indeed when we read the four examples above,
where there is no diaeresis, we feel that, in declamation, if
not in melody, the pause after the second trochee falls
best on a final syllable.

FUE CIA OES

A. Συμποτικα and ᾽'Ἔρωτικα.

DRINKING AND LOVE-SONGS

I
[Bergk, 45]

SPRING
FOOD TO ow rw

"Hoos ἀνϑεμόεντος ἐπαϊον ἐογομιένοιο᾽
‘ ° TAS t

* ἃς * *
> A 7 » / yy /
ἕν δὲ ALOVATE TO) μελιάδεος OTTL τάχιστα
7
*OATYON.
II
[39]
SUMMER
x
4 VU

Sm es a - ZN

Τέγγε πνεύμονα Foiv τὸ γὰρ ἄστρον περιτέλλεται᾽
> ὃ’ » a , δὲ δί aN ΄
ἃ δ᾽ op χαλέπα, πάντα. δὲ δίψαισ᾽ ὑπὸ καύματος,
yy δ᾽ 2 , (ὃ Ἷ te) , ἣν "
ἄχει δ᾽ ἐκ πετάλων βάδεα τέττιξ, πτεούγων δ᾽ ὕπο

ϑ =) [

/ a »

χαχχέει λιγύραν (πύχνον) ἀοίδαν, ἔ ὦ ὄπποτα.
φλόγιον καϑέταν UL UU *

A A ΄. ~ A / 7

ἄνϑει χαὶ σχολυμιος" νῦν δὲ γύναιχες μιαρωταται,
λέπτοι δ᾽ ἄνδρες, ἐπεὶ καὶ χεφάλαν καὶ γόνυ Σείριος
ἀἄζει.

1
[34]
WINTER
op OT en ORO ROR Aan
Sa a SOON
σΐξυ-σ--ὰῦ

SN ON ἤΞΞ τθΣ
"er μὲν ὁ Ζεύς, ἐκ δ᾽ ὀράνω μέγας

χείμιωων, πεπάγασιν δ᾽ ὑδάτων dou

GRE aa Ὁ a OES

Καββαλὰς τὸν χείμιων᾽ ἐπὶ μὲν τίϑεις
πῦρ, ἐν δὲ χίρναις οἶνον ἀφειδέως
΄, > \ > κ᾿ ͵
ὑέλιχρον, αὑταρ ἀμφὶ zeae
Ul >
V-AADAKOV ἄμφι ὦ — γνοφαλλον.

Ιν

[Bergk, 35]

Οὐ χρή χα; ϑῦμιον ἐπιτρέπην᾽
ὐ χρή κάχοισι ϑῦμον ἐπιτρέπη
͵
προχόψομεν γὰρ οὐδὲν ἀσάμενοι,
ὦ Βύχχι, φάρμακον δ᾽ ἄριστον
οἶνον ἐνειχαμένοις μεϑύσϑην.

[41]
Πίνωμεν᾽ τί τὰ λύχν᾽ ὀμμένομεν ; δάκτυλος ἀμέρα.
χὰδ᾽ δ᾽ depos κυλίχναις μεγάλαις," ἄϊτα, ποικίλαις" Ἐ
οἶνον yoo Σεμέλας χαὶ Δίος υἷος λαϑιχάδεα
ἀνθρώποισιν ἔδωχ᾽- ἔγχεξ χίρναις ἔνα χαὶ δύο
πλέαις κὰκ χεφάλας, & δ᾽ ἐτέρα τὰν ἐτέραν κύλιξ
ὠϑήτο.

[36]
᾿Αλλ᾽ ἀνήτω μὲν περὶ ταῖς δέραισιν
/ / > / ,
TEPVETW πλέχταις ὑποθύμιδας τίς;
χὰδ δὲ χευάτω υύρον LOU χὰτ τῶ
στήϑεος ἄμμι.

VII
[49]
SS Sy yey = | —O eee - 5-4
"Og γὰρ δήποτ᾽ ᾿Αριστόδαμόν φαισ᾽ οὐκ ἀπόάλαμινον
ἐν Σπάρτᾳ λογον
” a / ἐν / ) 3 Ν / ?
εἴπην᾽ χρήματ᾽ ἄνηρ, πένιχρος δ᾽ οὐδεὶς πέλετ
ἔσλος οὐδὲ τίμιος.

EGA E'S 143

WAAL
[Bergk, 92]
᾿Αργάλεον Πενία κάχον ἄσχετον, & μέγα. δάμιναις
λδον ᾿Αμαχανίᾳ σὺν ἀδελφέᾳ.

IX
[53]

᾽ὔ — --
πως“ ΩΝ τ τ NP.

—e
Vv.

Οἶνος γὰρ ἀνθρώποις δίοπτρον.

[57]

VY
Ba OR ας

Owvos, ὦ φίλε παῖ, καὶ ἀλάϑεα.

[46]

| Gee

VY --
SDP STIR OORT

Κέλομαί τινα τὸν χαρίεντα Μένωνα χάλεσσαι,
αἱ χρὴ συμποσίας ἐπόνασιν ἔμοι γεγένησϑαι.

ΧΙ

[55]

wy, ox ΕΝ
5 INS RID)

Tomhox’ ἄγνα μελλιχόμειδα Σάπφοι,
ϑέλω τι ξείπην, ἀλλά με κωλύει αἴδως.

τ ἈΕῚ
So Suyo me

ie 14 ha
Δέξαι με κωμάζοντα, δέξαι, λίσσομαί σε, λίσσομαι.

Κόύλπῳ σ᾽ ἐδέξαντ᾽ ἄγναι Χάριτες, Κρίνοι.

144 CREEKALUWRIC: LOLS

XIV
[Bergk, 59]

v ~ "4
"Kus δείλαν EUS παισᾶν χαχοτάτων πεδέχοισαν.

ΧΟ
[63]

7 —
τὰς NO NS

» 3, 7 ὄ
‘Asicov ἄμμι τάν ἰόκολπον.

B. STASIOTICA.

GV iT
[15]

ALCAEUS’ ARMOURY
x oS

= 9 av UE | Ξυ-ωυ-πωυ-πο---Λ
/ ~~
Μαρμαίρει δὲ μέγας δόμος χάλκῳ᾽ παῖσα δ᾽ “Apn κεκόσμηται
στέγα
~ ~ ,
λάμπραισιν χυνίαισι, καττᾶν λεῦχοι χατύπερϑεν ἴἵππιοι λόφοι
, t yA ὃ > U / \ t
VEVOLGLY, χεφαλαισιν ἀνόρων ἀγάλματα χαλχιαι δὲ πασσάλοις

͵ , Doe .
χρύπτοισιν περιχείμεναι λάμπραι χνάμζδες, ἄρχος ἰσχύρω

βέλευς,
ϑείραχές τε νέοι λίνω κόϊλαι δὲ κὰτ ἄσπιδες βεβλημέναι: 5
πὰρ δὲ Χαλχίδικαι σπάϑαι, πὰρ δὲ ζώματα πόλλα καὶ
χυπάσσιδες.

~ vy , > “
τῶν οὐχ ἔστι λαϑεσϑ᾽ ἐπειδὴ πρώτιστ᾽ ὑπὸ βέργον ἔσταμιεν
/
τόδε.

XVII
[18]

3 = ff -“Ὕ >? ,
Ασυὐνέτηνι τῶν ἀνέμων στάσιν᾽
τὸ μὲν yao ἔνϑεν κῦμα κυλίνδεται,

aN ἊΝ Χο ς Ἦν ἂν a \ L

τὸ ὁ ἔνϑεν᾽ ἄμμες ὁ OV TO υέσσον

rhe ῃ
vat φορήμεϑα σὺν μελαίνᾳ,

ALGAE US

χείμωνι | μιο me SUVTES υ. evan ῳ eam
πὲρ ps ἕν γὰρ ὄἄντλος eee NS ἔχει,
ἀπε δὲ πᾶν ᾿ζάδηλον ἤδη
χαὶ λαχιὸς ς μεὴ γαλαι XLT αὐτο
/ 3 Μ
χόλαισι ὃ ἄγκυραι.

XVIII
[Bergk, 19]

x ~ ~ Yi
To Saute κῦμα τῶν προτέρων ὄνω
ζ > , ,
στείχει, παρέξει δ᾽ ἄμμι πόνον πόλυν
χυτλ ἐπεί χε νᾶος ἐϊὶ βᾷ
ἄντλην, ἐπεί χε νᾶος ἐμβῷ

XIX
[20]
MYRSILUS
Νῦν χρὴ μεϑύσϑην καί τινα πρὸς βίαν
πώνην, ἐπειδὴ κάτϑανε Μύρσϑος.

XX
[25]
x

A ra dN

"Ὥνηρ οὗτος ὁ μαιόμενος τὸ μέγα χρέτος

> ΄ U \ » 7
ὀντρέψει τάχα ταν πόλιν ἃ δ᾽ ἔ χεται ροπας.

XXI
[37 A]
PITTACUS
x
Se SG SES Ae TS
Tov χαχοπάτριδα
Πίτταχον πόλιος τᾶς ἀχόλω καὶ βαρυδαίμονος
ἐστάσαντο τύραννον μέγ᾽ ἐπαινέοντες ἀόλλεες.

XXII
[21]
Μέλαγχρος αἴδως ἄξιος εἰς πόλιν.
Κ

145

146 GRA ee VOR) PO 9

Cy HYMNS AND MISCELLANEOUS

XXIII
[Bergk, 5]

TO HERMES

Χαῖρε Κυλλάνας 6 μέδεις" σὲ γᾶρ μοι
ϑῦμος ὄμνην, τὸν χορύφαις ἐν ἄχραις
Μαῖα γέννατο Koovidy μίγεισα.

XXIV
[13 B]
TO EROS
o—-u-o Δεινότατον θεῶν

ἐγέννατ᾽ εὐπέδιλλος Ἶρις
χρυσοκόμια Ζεφύρῳ μίγεισα.

ΧΧν
[33]
TO HIS BROTHER ANTIMENIDAS

x
SO eu -ς-τυ -- IW
Ἤλϑες ἐκ περάτων γᾶς, ἐλεφαντίναν
aA) w~ CPL τὶ δέ ΕΣ
λαάβαν τῶ ξίφεος χρυσοδέταν ἔχων,
Ξὺ -- μέγαν adhov Βαβυλωνίοις
MK ἢ t She 9.1 / > As ἘΞ , *
συυνμάχεις τέλεσας, ῤῥύσασ τ᾽ ἐκ πόνων,
χτένναις ὄνδρα μαχαίταν, βασιληΐων
παλαίσταν ἀπολείποντα μόνον μίαν
ποχέων ἀπὺ πέμπων.

XXVI
[27]

"ExtaCov wor’ ὄρνιϑες ὦκυν
, 27 ͵
αἴετον ἐζαπίνας φάνεντα.

ATC INE OS 147

XXVII
[Bergk, 16]

/ 3... "Ὁ ᾽ , ᾿
Βλήχρων ἀνέμων ἀχείμιαντοι πνόαι.

XXVIII
[84]
Ὄ 9. ,ὔ ἰὸ me U <i ΞΕ ἃ ΣΕ /
pydes τίνες old’ ὠχεάνω γᾶς τ᾽ ἀπὺ περράτων
ἘΞ ,
ἦλθον πανέλοπες ποικιλόδερροι τανυσίπτεροι:

OID
[23]

Ανδρες πόληος πύργος ἀρεύϊοι.

INEXEX:
[40]

ΤΠίνωμεν, τὸ γὰρ ἄστρον περιτέλλεται.

ΘΙ ΡΈΓΟ

Fl. c. 590 B.C.

THE immense reputation attaching to the poetry of Sappho
both in ancient and modern times has caused whole volumes
to be written in the endeavour to arrive at a more intimate
knowledge of her life and character. The results are not
very satisfactory ; for while we can glean only the scantiest
details with regard to the events of her life, her personal
character has been the subject of an acrimonious discussion
which is both profitless, and, as readers of Col. Mure’s
History of Greek Literature will testify, decidedly dis-
agreeable. Nevertheless, although we are likely to re-
main for ever ignorant as to whether the poetess leapt
off the Leucadian rock, or as to the exact nature of her
moral principles, we can perhaps gather from her own
fragments, from our knowledge of the history of her age,
and from a certain amount of authentic testimony, all, or
nearly all, that it is important for us to know in connection
with any great writer of antiquity. For we know closely
enough the period at which she lived, the nature of her
surroundings and position at Lesbos, and the general
tenour of her life ; above all, sufficiently typical fragments
of her poetry remain to give us a clear impression of the
particular direction and character of her surpassing genius.

Sappho was born either at Eresos or Mytilene towards
the end of the seventh century B.C., and was thus contem-
porary with Alcaeus and Pittacus. Her father’s name,
according to Herod. ii. 135, was Scamandronymus, and her
mother’s Cleis (Suidas). We know that her family was of
noble rank, since her brother Larichos was cup-bearer in
the Mytilenean Prytaneum, and only youths of the highest
birth were eligible to this office.1 Not later than 592 B.C.

1 Athen. x. 424.

SA er © 140

according to the Parian marble, where the exact date is
lost,| Sappho was forced by political troubles to retire in
exile to Sicily. We need not think this improbable ; for
though it is in the highest degree unlikely that the poetess
herself took part in politics, it is quite possible that her
artistocratic male relations were concerned in the factions
and seditions rife at this period, and that she may have
accompanied members of her own family into banishment.
Her return to her native land is implied in Axth. Pal. vii. 14
and 17,and we may perhaps conjecture that Pittacus, when
he had defeated and become reconciled in B.c. 590 with
the aristocrats who were headed by Alcaeus,? extended his
clemency to the exiles in Sicily also. If Suidas be rightly
informed in saying that she married a wealthy stranger
from Andros, Cercylas by name, the event is likely to
have taken place after her return to Lesbos, since other-
wise she would hardly have fled so far as Sicily. To this
Cercylas she bore a daughter Cleis; mentioned in Frag. XIV.

The next landmark in Sappho’s biography is the men-
tion made by Herodotus, Strabo, Athenaeus and others
of her quarrel with her brother Charaxus for his frenzied
devotion to the celebrated courtesan Rhodopis or Doricha.?
Charaxus came across this lady at Naucratis, to which he
had sailed for the purpose of trading in Lesbian wine.
Now this must have been not earlier than 569 B.c., for not
only does Herodotus tell us that Rhodopis was at the
height of her fame in the reign of King Amasis, who
became king of Egypt in 569, but we also learn from
the same authority, that it was Amasis who established
Naucratis as a Greek commercial settlement.4

Sappho then at the time of this last episode must have
been upwards of forty or fifty years of age; and this
among other circumstances would militate against the
authenticity of the well-known story of her leap from the
Leucadian rock through despair at the loss of Phaon’s
love. The account is given by Strabo x. 452; it was

- 7 See Clinton’s Fast. Hell. an. 559. 2 See p. 136.
3 See Hdt. ii. 135 ; Athen. xiii. 596.
* Hdt. ii. 134, 178 ; see Grote iii. pp. 327-8 for a contrary view.

150 GREE ΠΟ ΡΘΕ 5

current in the time οἵ Menander, and recurs in many
ancient authorities. Readers will find the question
threshed out in Col. Mure’s History of Greek Literature,
where I think that too much importance is attached by
that writer to such late authorities as Strabo and Ovid, or
even Menander, and too little weight to the absence of real
historical evidence in support of a story so romantic, so
likely to attach itself to an amatory poetess, and yet prima
facie so highly improbable in the case of a lady of her age,
and no novice in the tender passion. It will I think be
safer to accept the testimony of the epigram in Axthol. l.c.
to the effect that Sappho died in her native land, and
Frag. HG it be genuine, points irresistibly to the same
conclusion.

I must recur to other more important and less dubious
facts connected with Sappho’s life at Mytilene. She
appears to have formed the centre of some sort of literary
circle among the ladies of her city ; she stood to the others
partly in the relation of an intimate friend, partly in that
of a teacher. Suidas mentions the name of three of her
pupils (μαϑήτρισι) who came from distant cities, Angora
from Miletus, Gongyla from Colophon, and Euneika from
Salamis. Her instruction was probably not so much in
the hardly communicable art of poetry itself, as in music
and all the difficult technique so closely connected with
Greek lyric poetry.?

These circumstances bring us into connection with a
state of society at Lesbos which, so far as our knowledge
extends, may be described as unique in the Greek world.
We find a number of ladies, seemingly of high birth, band-
ing themselves together to assert their right to a life in
which they could gratify to the full their craving for the
keenest sensuous and intellectual enjoyment—a life re-
moved both from the degradation of Ionic seclusion, and
from the rigour of Spartan discipline. In fact the inde-

1 Consistently with her character as a teacher in such subjects, we
find ascribed to Sappho by Suidas the invention of the plectrum and
of the Mixo-Lydian mode.

2 See Plate 11., and note, in connection with this subject.

SAPP HO {ΠῚ

pendence they enjoyed was just such as, with the rarest
exceptions, has in all ages been reserved for the male sex
alone. Yet withal the life they lived was essentially that of
a Greek woman, with none of that eager clamouring for
masculine rights and activities which would so surely
characterise any similar society of women in modern
times. The cultivation of music and- lyric poetry was, it
would seem, the essential object of their union, and from
such pursuits female talent has never been excluded. The
poetry of their leader Sappho is full of delight in all the
objects of nature, and the glorious similes and expres-
sions which flash upon her imagination from this source
own a grace which is exquisitely feminine. The promi-
nence of the women at Lesbos is regarded by Miiller? ‘asa
survival of ancient Greek manners, such as we find them
depicted in their epic poetry and mythology, where the
women are represented as taking an active part not only
in social domestic life, but in public amusements’; and he
compares the association at Lesbos, over which Sappho
presided, to a somewhat similar system among the Dorians.”
Col. Mure, on the other hand, regards this trait in Lesbian
customs, not as a survival but as a piece of notorious
depravity ; and, without indorsing his extreme views on
this subject, we may reasonably assume that the freedom of
an earlier age had, with the increase of luxury and refine-
ment, lost much of its simplicity and was apt to border
upon licence.

There is a curious circumstance, resulting apparently
from Sappho’s position as the leading member of a female
coterte, which cannot be passed over without remark. I
refer to the fact that in her most ardent love-poetry her
passion is aroused by one of her own sex. Maxim.
Tyrannus, xxiv. 9, compares her relation towards Atthis
and others with that of Socrates to his disciples Alcibiades,
Charmides, and Phaedrus. Of course such a circumstance
offered a splendid handle to Athenian comedy, and has

1 Hist. Lit. of Anc. Greece, Ὁ. 173.
* Miiller’s Dorzans, vol. 11. pp. 316-17.

152 Gua ce Ey ΠΟ Oar dies

given rise to a protracted discussion in modern times
‘—Welcker especially, with some excess of chivalry,
defending Sappho from all attacks made upon the purity
of her character, while Colonel Mure takes the opportunity
to enter into a detailed examination of the question, with
which we could have well dispensed. We need not prose-
cute the subject further. Biographies, even of a contem-
porary, are notoriously inaccurate ; in the case of.a poetess
in the seventh or sixth century B.C., concerning whom our
direct information is almost nil, inquiries of this kind
become little short of absurd. What rather concerns us in
this and similar instances is not so much the morality of
the writer’s sentiments as their poetic depth and value.
On this score there can be but one opinion of Sappho’s
merits ; for when we read her portrayal of the passion of
love, we feel that we can look for nothing nearer to per-
fection, or more intensely real.

There is one more circumstance in Sappho’s life with
which we gain acquaintance, not, I believe, from any
external testimony, but from her own poems. All was
not harmony in the Lesbian co¢erze. From several of
Sappho’s fragments we glean the fact that at one time she
was engaged in painful hostilities with certain other Les-
bian ladies, some of them being her own pupils. Max.
Tyrann. Dess. XXIV. speaks of Andromeda and Gorgo as
being rivals to Sappho, so perhaps the dispute owed its
origin to professional jealousy. She scoffs at Andromeda
with truly feminine raillery, and complains that the once
beloved Atthis has deserted her and sided with her rival,
an example which seems to have been followed by others
of her pupils. A different kind of quarrel is indicated in
No. VI. (κατϑάνοισα δὲ χείσεαι x. τ. 2.), which is written
against a rich but vulgar woman (v. note ad /oc.), whom
she attacks with a stinging but beautiful upbraidal, which
contrasts graphically with the often hardly poetical bitter-
ness displayed in the invectives of her masculine contem-
porary Alcaeus. It should be noticed that in none of these

1 See XV. and notes.

SAPPHO 153

passages have we any evidence of charges being brought
against Sappho in her lifetime similar to those made at a
later date.

In person we are told by Max. Tyr. xxiv. 7 that Sappho
was ‘small and dark.’ Alcaeus pays her what is, perhaps,
one of the highest of compliments, in addressing her as
werdyous.daZ, ‘sweetly-smiling.’ Sappho herself indicates
that she was of a gentle temper (/’rag. XV. e.), and a lover
of elegance and refinement (/vag. XXV. and Χν. @).

As a poetess her fame was unparalleled, according to
the testimony of many passages in ancient literature.
First comes the well-known story of her contemporary
Solon, who, when his nephew had sung one of Sappho’s
odes, bade him teach it him before he died, ἵνα μαϑὼν αὐτὸ
ἀποϑάνω (Aelian, Ap. Stob. Serm. xxix. 28). Plato (Phaedr.
235, C) instances the names of Sappho and Anacreon as
examples of the most eminent writers of olden times, and
he uses of Sappho the epithet χαλή, referring apparently to
the quality of her poetry. He also declares that she is
the Tenth Muse (Azth. Pal. ix. 506). Aristotle places her
on a level with Homer and Archilochus (Rez. ii. 23), and
Strabo (xiii. 617) speaks of her as ϑαύμαστόν τι χρῆμα, and
adds οὐ γὰρ ἴσμεν ἐν τῷ τοσούτῳ χρόνῳ τῷ μνημονευομένῳ
φανεῖσαν τινα γυναῖχα ἐνάμιλλον, οὐδὲ χατὰ μικρὸν, ἐκείνῃ
ποιήσεως χάριν.

Plutarch ((Εγοί, c. 18) declares that her utterances are
‘truly mingled with fire, and that her songs are penetrated
with the ardour of her heart. Αὕτη δὲ ἀληϑῶς μεμιγμένα
πυρὶ φϑέγγεται, καὶ διὰ τῶν μελῶν ἀναφέρει τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς χαρδίας
θερμότητα. The same writer adds that the enchanting
grace of her poems causes him to set aside the wine-cup in
very shame.

Besides these and many more encomia upon the poetess
we have valuable criticisms by Longinus, by Dionysius
of Halicarnassus, and by Demetrius. The telling remarks
of the first writer I have quoted in the notes on Frag. IL,
that being the poem which he uses in illustration of Sap-
pho’s sublimity. Dionysius of Halicarnassus (De Comp.
Verb., c. 23) takes Sappho as the most conspicuous example

154 GREE KIUYRIC POETS

among Melic poets of what he designates the γλαφυρὸς
χαὶ ἀνθηρὸς yaouxtye. He quotes the famous Ode to
Aphrodite (No. 1.) as an instance of her power, and remarks
- ταύτης τῆς λέξεως ἡ εὐέπεια καὶ ἢ χάρις ἐν TH συνεπείᾳ καὶ
λειότητι γέγονε τῶν ἁρμονίων, %.7.A.
Demetrius (De Eloc. 166) 538γ5--- Σαπφο
;

> ~ τ ,
ἄδουσα χαλλιεπής ἐστι χαὶ ἡδεῖα 12 χαὶ ἅπαν χαλόν ὄνομα

A f
περὶ μὲν κάλλους

ἐνύφανται αὐτῆς τῇ ποιήσει.

Little as it is, enough of Sappho’s poetry still remains to
enable us to feel that the ancients were amply justified in
their enthusiastic admiration; and their laudations are
echoed by modern critics from Addison (see Sfectator,
No. 223) to Swinburne (Votes on Poems and Reviews).
Indeed the fragments display a perfection at all points
which is little less than startling—a perfection too which is
peculiarly typical of the Greek genius at its best. Intense
poetical feeling, and an imaginative power exuberantly
rich, are matched by an exquisite readiness and _ self-
command in expression; while, to complete the effect,
every line is pervaded with a charming and varied cadence,
which is almost music in itself.

‘SAPPHICS’—GREEK AND HORATIAN

Familiarised as we are with the Sapphic stanza, as with
the Alcaic, mainly by the Odes of Horace, it is important
to bear in mind the details in which Horace has not fol-
lowed the metrical system of Sappho’s own odes. Whereas
in. Alcaics, as I have pointed out, his deviations are -not
detrimental, and under the altered conditions perhaps
desirable, in the case of his Sapphics it is hardly presump-
tuous to say that the clever Roman poet blundered, and
seems in his latter days to have become conscious of his
blunder. I refer especially to his rule of introducing a
needless and objectionable caesura after the fifth syllable.
A glance at the metrical scheme of a Sapphic line
(-οἁα-σ-οὐυ-ὦ-- Ὁ) shows that the voice should not dwell
upon this syllable, as being the first of the cyclic dactyl,

SAP PHO 155

but should pass on rapidly to the sixth syllable. It is
therefore desirable for ease in recitation that the fifth
should not be a final syllable. Again the effect is still
more awkward if the fifth be not only final, but preceded
by a long vowel; for then, being forced to pause against
our will, it is also difficult to give the fifth syllable the
emphasis due to it from its position ‘in arsi.’ Consequently
such lines as τᾶς ἔμας αὔδως ἀΐοισα πήλυι (--ου------ἰυὐ--ὦ -- ο)
are rare in Sappho, there being about twelve genuine
instances out of some sixty possible cases in the fragments.
Now in all these lines I think we experience a difficulty in
reading them, so as to give the true rhythmic effect—an
apparent fault however which is not due to defective
workmanship on the part of the great poetess, since her
lines were written not for recitation but for song, which
is by no means bound to observe so closely as recitation
the slight pauses at final syllables and the like. Horace,
on the other hand, wrote, as modern poets do, to suit the
requirements of recitation ; and for some unfortunate rea-
son he conforms nearly all his ‘Sapphic’ lines in the first
three books of the Odes to the type which is exceptional
in Sappho (-Vv---|vv-v-v). There are but four
{ΠΕ ΟΠ ΕΘ. in) books: T.-1iM, (BK I. X. 1, Xi, Ty XXVelTT ;
Bk. II. v. 11), out of some 450 possible cases where the
fifth syllable is not final ; and the second foot is invariably
in the form of a spondee. As in the case of the Alcaic
hendecasyllabic line (which is indeed only the Sapphic line
with anacrusis and a catalectic instead of a full conclusion),
Horace lost sight of the fact that the verse consisted
naturally of a single colon only, and he chose the most
unsuitable place for his artificial division to occur, thereby
losing all the effect of passionate speed which is so con-
spicuous in the lines of Sappho.

In the Fourth Book of the Odes, and in the Carmen
Saeculare, written in Horace’s later years, we find a con-
siderable change for the better, there being no less than
twenty-nine lines among 163 Sapphics where the caesura
at the fifth syllable does not occur.

Catullus in his Sapphic Odes XI. and LI. is truer to the

156 GRE ERY Re? OE Ws

genius of the Greek model. He makes no rule about the
caesura at the fifth syllable; he admits a pure trochee
freely in the second foot, and has no objection to the fourth
syllable being final, or to the last word of the line being a
monosyllable—in all of which characteristics he is at
variance with Horace.

ΘΟΛΟΡ coal

I
[Bergk, 1]

SAI SIG SIGS

(

FIN

(

YSIS

IT,

Ποικιλόϑρον᾽ ἀϑάνατ᾽ ᾿Αφρόδιτα
παὶ Δίος, δολόπλοχε, λίσσομ.αί Ge,

\ 38 1:3. PANS yes Je Ὁ ,
pen p. ἄσαισι und ὀνίχισι δάμινα,

πότνια, ϑῦμον.
᾿Αλλὰ τυϊδ᾽ EAD’, αἴποτα χἀτέρωτα
τὰς ἔμος αὔδως ἀΐοισα πήλυι
ἔχλυες, πάτρος δὲ δόμον λίποισα
>) ρ ἵν
, 2
χρύσιον HAE,
ἄρμ᾽ ὑποζεύξαισα" κάλοι δὲ σ᾽ ἄγον
ὥχεες στροῦϑοι περὶ γᾶς μελαίνας
πύχνα. δινεῦντες πτέρ᾽ ἀπ’ ὠράνω αἴϑε-
-ρος διὰ μέσσω"
αἶψα δ᾽ ἐξίκοντο: τὺ δ᾽ ὦ μάχαιρα
μειδιάσαισ᾽ ἀϑανάτῳ προσώπῳ,
» » NSS »
Hos’, ὄττι δηὖτε πέπονθα, κώττι
xy ΄
δηῦτε χαάλημι,

" ~ , ,
κὠώττ᾽ ἐμῷ μάλιστα ϑέλω γένεσϑαι
μαινόλᾳ ϑύμῳ: τίνα δηύτε Πείϑω
μαῖς ἄγην ἐς σὰν φιλότατα, τίς σ᾽ ὦ

Ψάπφ᾽ ἀδικήει:
κ᾿ \ ’ , a ὃ ina
Ka γὰρ ai φεύγει ταχέως διώξει,
αἱ δὲ δῶρα μὲ δέχετ᾽ ἀλλὰ δώσει,

, A \ y [2 ζ
αἱ δὲ μὴ φίλει, ταχέως φιλήσει

> > /
ZOUK ἐϑέλοισα.

158

ΠΡ RIC POETS

"EXGe μοι καὶ νῦν, χαλεπᾶν δὲ λῦσον
ἐχ μεριμνᾶν, Goon δέ μοι τέλεσσαι
~ > / / κι \ ) /
θϑῦμος ἰμέρρει, τέλεσον᾽ σὺ δ᾽ αὐτα
/ v
σύμμαχος ἔσσο.

II
[Bergk, 2]

/ / ~ ” [4
Φαίνεταί μοι χῆνος ἴσος ϑέοισιν
ἔμμεν ὦνηρ, ὄστις ἐναντίος τοι
7 , \ , 70 ,
ἰζανξι, καὶ πλασίον ZOV φωνευ-

͵
-σας ὑπαχούει,
> / ’ /
χαὶ γελαίσας ἰμεροεν, TO μοι Pov
/ yy
χαρδίαν ἐν στήϑεσιν ἔπτοασσεν᾽
2 δ, Ὁ ty ΕἾ I ἢ g fe
ὡς yap *o ἴδω βροχεὼς με φῶνας
> \ v ,
οὐδὲν ἔτ᾽ εἴχει.

ἀλλὰ nop. μὲν γλῶσσα ξέξαγε, λέπτον δ᾽

αὔτικα χρῶ πῦρ ὑπαδεδρόμαχεν,
ὀππάτεσσι δ᾽ οὐδὲν Conv. ἐπιροόμ.-
θη! ? ‘ em
-βεισι δ᾽ ἄχουαι.
"A δὲ p Wows καχχέεται, τρόμος δὲ
παῖσαν ἄγρει, ~Awootéox δὲ ποίας
ps OG θ ϊ ᾿
y 2
ἔμμι, τεϑνάκην δ᾽ ὀλίγω *’mdednv*
φαίνομαι --ο
ολλὰ πᾶν TOMLATOV —— --

ΠῚ

[3]
ἤΑλστερες μὲν ἀμφὶ καλαν σελάννοιν
ail’ ἀποχούπτοισι φάεννον εἶδος
ἣ 3)
ὄππατα πλήϑοισα μάλιστα λάμπῃ

(ἀργυρία) γᾶν.

[4]
᾿Αμφὶ δέ ψῦχρον κελάδει δι’ ὕσδων
μοϊλίνων, αἰϑυσσομένων δὲ φύλλων

- ,
AILS ταῦρος .

SAPPHO 159

V
[Bergk, 5]
co © Noel © ORO) "Ede Κύπρι
χρυσίαισιν ἐν κυλίχεσσιν ἄβρως
συμμεμιγμένον ϑαλίαισι νέχταρ
οἰνοχοξῦσα.

[68]

x
μι

πτυςνυ---᾿ὦἍἱὉς---..0--κ
Κατϑαάνοισα δὲ χείσεαι, οὐδ᾽ (ἔτι) τις μναμοσύνα σέϑεν
“ 5) 2 / ) > yA > \ , ,
ἔσσετ᾽ οὐδέποτ᾽ (εἰς) ὄστεῤον᾽ οὐ γὰρ πεδέχεις βρόδων
τῶν &% Πιερίας, ἀλλ᾽ ἀφάνης κὴν ᾿Αἴδα δόμοις
φοιτάσεις 780" ἀμοαύρων νεχύων ἐχπεποταμένα.

Vil
[78]

Ὁ Pe tue tu 40K
, z , ,

Σὺ δὲ στεφάνοις, ὦ Δίχα, περϑέσϑ᾽ ἐράταις φόβαισιν,
ΕΣ /
ὀρπαχας 'VYTOLO συνέρραισ᾽ ἀπάλαισι χέρσιν.

7 > \ ~
εὐάνϑεσιν ἐκ yao πέλεται χαὶ χάριτος μαχκαιρᾶν
μᾶλλον προτέρην᾽ ἀστεφανώτοισι δ᾽ ἀπυστρέφονται.

VIII

()

"Epos Sauté μ᾽ ὁ λυσιμέλης δόνει,
γλυχύπικρον ἀμαχανον ὄρπετον.

(5)
[42]
Ἔρος (μοι) φρένας (αὖτ᾽) ἐτίναξεν ὡς

“

vy \ / /
ἄνεμος XAT ὄρος δρύσιν ἐμπέσων.

160 GRA, PLAYER C PiOiE ΤΣ

TEXG
[Bergk, 52]
BOSSY SYS =
Δέδυχε μὲν & σελάννα
χαὶ Πληΐαδες, μέσαι δὲ
, \ Dr ant >”
νύχτες, παρὰ δ᾽ ἔρχετ "don
v \ U [2
ἔγω δὲ μόνα χκατεύδω.
Χ
(ALCAICS).
[28]
| SP ὩΣ ἢ nana aie:
Ai δ᾽ ἦχες ἔσλων ἴμερον ἢ κάλων,
, ~ / ,
καὶ pn τι Feinny γλῶσσ᾽ ἐκύχα χόάχον,
aides κέ σ᾽ οὐ κάτειχεν ὄμματ’,
ἀλλ᾽ ἔλεγες περὶ τῶ δικαίως.

Χ
v—/ / ΄ -----
Ξυποωυ- -ᾧῖ΄τὰὦ’᾽---π΄ο-ςποοπλὶ

᾿Αλλ᾽ ἔων φίλος ἄμμιν λέχος ἄρνυσο νεώτερον,
οὐ γὰρ τλάσομ᾽ ἔγω συν(β)οΐκην ἔσσα γεραιτέρα.

XII
[29]
Στᾶϑι κἄντα φίλος.
καὶ τὰν ἐπ᾽ ὄσσοις ὀμπέτασον χάριν.

XIII

[90]
Poe uau lean

/
Sega ee

Γλύχεια υᾶτερ οὗτοι

δύναμαι χρέχην τὸν ἴστον
7 , ~

πόϑῳ δάμεισα παῖδος

βραδίναν dv’ ᾿Αφροδίταν.

sUsUelgls @)

XIV
{Bergk, 85]
$= 4 = GS FU -— LEN
” , he. ,ὔ ) Te
ἔστι μοι χαλα TALC, χρυσιοισιν ἀνϑέεμοισιν
ΕΣ , v / ‘ee > Τὰ τ
ἐυιφξρὴν SYOLGK μορφᾶν Κλὴῆϊς αγαπατα
> \ τὰν Ὁ γδι , as 9) »
AVTL τὰς sya οὐδὲ Λυδίαν TALGKV οὐὸ SOLVVAY

XV
SAPPHO AND HER ENEMIES

[12]
A \
(@) --ουὐ--ὔ--ὺ ὄττινας y~e
3 , ~ , , 7
20 ϑέω, χκῆνοί με μάλιστα σίννον-
ὩΣ ὦ ὦ» ππ τος
[14]
ins ΄ ΕΣ \ U Ὗ
Ταῖς κάλαις ὕμμιν (τὸ) νόημα TOP.OV
> ,
od διάμειπτον.

(0), (¢), and (4) SAPPHO, AITTHIS, AND ANDROMEDA

[33]
x
(ὁ) SY mm su Δ

"Hoapav μὲν ἔγω σέϑεν, "ATO, πάλαι πότα.

[34]
Σμίκρα μοι παὶς ἔμμεν ἐφαίνεο χκἄχαρις.
[41]
(2) Ξε πους ORAS
ἔΑτϑι, σοὶ δ᾽ ἔμεϑεν μὲν ἀπήχϑετο
? ἢ ᾿ ‘ τ C
JENS ea >) “ Yosh
φροντίσδην, ἐπὶ δ᾽ ᾿Ανδρομέδαν mov.
[70]
xX =
(4) YS te Ne eA
ἘΤίς δ᾽ ἀγροιῶτίς τοι ϑέλγει voov,*

Ε y , ΝΠ ΩΣ ΚΛ γ EEN ν , 4
οὐχ ἐπισταμένα τὰ Boas’ ἔλκην ἐπὶ τῶν σφύρων ;

()

» A / >

Ἔχει μὲν ᾿Ανδρομέδα ZOEY ἀμιοίβαν.
iu

161

162 GREE KR yee Ree oP OETS

[Bergk, 72]
(7a) Yom sw - - 4
YSOMG τις οὐχ ἔμμι παλιγχότων
ὄργαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀβάχην τὰν φρέν᾽ ἔχω --.
᾿ 7 i Lu
[2]
(2) FIN) LINN NG) τ το,
Σχιδναμένας ἐν στήϑεσιν ὄργας
μαψυλαάχκαν γλῶσσαν πεφύλαξο.

XVI

[37, 32]

Ic x

Sai Sees
(4) Ψαύην δ᾽ οὐ δοκίμωμ᾽ ὀράνω δύσι πάχεσιν.
¥ + * * +
Μνάσεσϑαί τινά φαμι καὶ ὄστερον ἀμμέων.
[10]
THE MUSES
(6°) Αἴ με τιμίαν ἐπόησαν ἔργα

\ ‘\ ~
τὰ σφὰ δοῖσαι.

XVII
[136]
SAPPHO ΟΝ HER DEATH-BED TO HER DAUGHTER
x
~Go Ue wu - NN
οὐ γὰρ ϑέμις ἐν μοισοπόλω οἰκίᾳ
ϑρῆνον ἔμμεναι οὐκ ἄμμι πρέπει τάδε.

XVIII

Metre, cf. No. VI.
[69]
οὐδ᾽ ἴαν δοκίμιωμι προσίδοισαν φάος ἀλίω
ἔσσεσϑαι σοφίαν πάρϑενον εἰς οὐδένα πω χρόνον
τοιαύτον ..

SAPPHO 163

XIX

[Bergk, 54]

Tim
Κρῇσσαί νύ ποτ᾽ od’ ἐμμελέως πόδεσσιν
ἀὔρχευντ᾽ ἀπάλοις ἀμφ᾽ ἐρόεντα βῶμον,
πόας τέρεν ἄνϑος μάλακον μάτεισαι.

XX
[53]

ἃ τ , VY
Diet NI ND SA SS ee

TD rons μὲν ἐφαίνετ’ & σελάννα
αἱ δ᾽ ὡς περὶ βῶμον ἐστάϑησαν.

ΧΧῚ
[62]
x

/ / / rar;
BIS SYS MIS

Κατϑνάσχει Κυϑέρη, ἄβρος "Adwvc, τί xe ϑεῖμεν ;
χαττύπτεσϑε κόραι καὶ κατερείκεσϑε χίτωνας.

XXII

TO HER LYRE
[45]
“Aye δὴ χέλυ δῖα μοι

φωνάεσσα γένοιο.

XXITI
[60]
(a) Suu te LAN
Δεῦτέ νυν ἄβραι Χάριτες, καλλίκομοί te Μοῖσαι

[65]

(4) ϑ

Βροδοπόχεες ἀγναι Χάριτες, δεῦτε Δίος κόραι.

ἘΞ
-- 2 Z /
Ge fy fu KEN

164 GREE KER C POLES

XXIV
[Bergk, 16]

DOVES

Ταῖσι (δὲ) ψῦχρος μὲν ἔγεντο ϑῦμος,
πὰρ δ᾽ ἴεισι τὰ πτέρα -- --.

XXV
[79]
y ZAIN

aos, ΄ὕ ΄
Gm V&V EE

Ἔνγω δὲ φίλημ᾽ ἀβροσύναν, καὶ μοῦ υ -- τὸ λάμπρον

ἔρος ἀελίω Uy καὶ τὸ καλον λέλογχεν.

ΧΧΥῚ
[39]

"Hoos ἄγγελος ἰμερόφωνος ἀήδων.

XXVII
GNOMAE

[τοι]

IC x

ἘΞ 7
PGI SGI SIO ayaa

(a)
Ὀ μὲν γὰρ κάλος ὄσσον ἴδην πέλεται (καάλος)
ὁ δὲ χἄγαϑος αὔτιχα καὶ κάλος ἔσσεται.
[80]
(ὁ) ωυϊτξυω--.Φ..--- eH UKM

) τ " ~ ΣΝ, γ a) ,
O πλοῦτος ἄνευ (τᾶς) ἀρέτας οὐκ ἀσίνης πάροικος.

XXVIII
[9]

AW ἔγω, χρυσοστέφαν᾽ ᾿Αφρόδιτα,
τόνδε τὸν πάλον λαχόην.

ΞΡ ΒΕ

ΧΧΙΧ

[Bergk, 19]

IIddau¢ δέ
ποίχιλος μάσλης ἐκάλυπτε, Avdt-

πλον ἕρ ἢ
τὸν χόλον ἔργον.

ΧΧΧ

[36]

> <5 ) / / / \ 7
Οὐχ oid’ ὄττι ϑέω: δύο ὑοι TH νοηματα.

VET TS cou JY OULGL.

XXXII
[rz]

™ ~ > p2
τάδε viv ἐταίραις
ταῖς ἔμαισι τέρπνα χαλῶς ἀείσω.

BRIDAL SONGS

XXXII
ἰ91]
(α) Metre, see Pop. Songs, 1., note.
ἼΨοι δὴ τὸ μέλαϑρον
’ /
γυήναον
yey vy
ἄέρρετε TEXTOVES ἀνὸρες"
Ὑμήναον
/ ,ὔ
γάμβρος ἐσέρχεται ἴσος “Acevi
(Ὑμήναον)
ἄνδρος μεγόλω πόλυ μείζων.
,
(Ὕμηναον).
[92]

(ὁ) ἹΠέρροχος, ὡς Or ἄοιδος ὁ Λέσθιο

~ δ"
IC ἀλλοδαποισιν.

165

166 GRACE ΠΟ OL TS

XXXIV
[Bergk, 104]
SS NS SSS
z ~ ih »
Tio σ᾽, ὦ othe γάμβρε, καλῶς ἐϊκάσδω ;
ΕΣ τ β δί Ξ EN J Pra Us 5
OPTAAL ΐ ρᾶς νῷ GE χαλιστ ειχασοω.

ΧΧΧν

IW) NF

Ὄλρβις γάμβι οξ σοὶ μὲν
δὴ γάμος, ὦ ς dono,
ἐχτετέλεστ᾽, ᾿ χης δὲ
πάρϑενον ἂν ἄραο.

XXXVII

- > 2 / » 2 3, Ν
Maidens. Οἷον τὸ γλυκύμαλον ἐρεύϑεται ἄκρῳ ἐπ᾽ ὕσδῳ
Ly yee) / Yh \ ~
ἄκρον ET ἀχροτάατῳ᾽ λελαϑοντο δὲ μαλοδροπῆες,
οὐ μὰν ἐκλελάϑοντ᾽, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐδύναντ᾽ ἐπίκεσϑαι.

Youths. lav τὰν ὑάκινϑον ἐν οὔρεσι ποίμιενες ἄνδρες
/

“Ω τῷ δέ ͵ " :
TOGGL χκαταστείβοισι, YAS & TE πορφύρον ἀνῦος δ» ὦ

XXXVIII

[109]

΄ / / ,
AGH AG GS 4G UGE UISSA

, 7 ne ἌΝ

~~ yt SG USE wise

Bride. Παρϑενία, παρϑενία, ποῖ με λίποιο᾽ (am )otyy ;
Parthenia. Οὐκέτ᾽ ἥξω προτὶ σ᾽ οὐκέτ᾽ ἤξω.

SEA EP Et. ©

XXXIX
[Bergk, 95]

βέσπερε πᾶντα φέρων ὄσα φαίνολις ἐσχέδασ᾽ Aves,
φέρεις ὄϊν, φέρεις αἶγα, φέρεις μάτερι παῖδα.

Θυρώρῳ πόδες ἐπ ττορόγυιοι,
τὰ δὲ ane πεμπεβόηα,
πίσυγγοι δὲ dex’ ἐξεπόνασαν.

XLI

[51]
4-4...------οὐ-Ξκ
4-:..---- ---οὐ--ῶπ
24....-.-- | ---οὐ--τν

Κὴ δ' ἀμβροσίας μὲν κράτηρ ἐκέκρατο,
μᾶς δ᾽ ἔλεν ὄλπιν ϑεοῖς οἰνοχόησαι"
χῆνοι δ᾽ ἄρα πάντες καρχήσια (τ᾽) ἦχον,
χἄλειβον ἀράσαντο δὲ πάμπαν ἔσλα

τῷ γάψνβρῳ

STESICEO RUS:
ὦ. 640-555 B.C.

TISIAS, or Stesichorus as he was subsequently called from
the progress he effected in Choral Melic, was an inhabitant
of Himera, which was founded about 650 B.c.,) and he
and his family may have come from the Locrian town
Mataurus.2. He was born about the year 640 B.C. and
became a prominent citizen at Himera, if we may form an
opinion from the rather doubtful story of his allegorical
warning given to his fellow-citizens against the tyrant
Phalaris Suidas tells us that he was forced to go into
exile perhaps as a result of this action of his, or, as Kleine
suggests, owing to civil factions promoted by the intrigues of
Phalaris ; and he spent the rest of his days at Catana. Cicero
mentions a statue of him at Himera,as an old man, and he
died at the age of eighty-five, being buried at Catana.®
Stesichorus, so far as we know, was the first to develop
lyric poetry among the western Greeks in Sicily and Italy.
Chronologically he succeeds Aleman, but, although he must
have profited by the advance made by that poet and by
Thaletas in the choral strophe, he turned his genius in a
very different direction. His own taste seems to have
inclined him towards Epic, and, according to Miiller’s
explanation of the myth which described him as the
son of Hesiod, he was brought up in the traditions of the
Hesiodic school. But as he could not resist the fashion of

1 Thucyd. vi. 5. 2 Suidas.

3’ Comparing Lucian de Macrod. c. 26. with the testimony of Suidas
and Eusebius to the time of his death.

4 Arist. Rhez. ii. 20.

bGic. Vern 11: 35,07, 5 ucla 75: Agno ad, νὴ ΠΣ"

SRESTCHORUS 169

his age, he endeavoured to effect some sort of compromise
between Epic and Lyric. That is to say, while the form of '
his poetry was undoubtedly that of Choral Melic, the sub-
jects were those of Epical mythology. In the well-known
words of Quintilian, he sustained the weight of Epic poetry
on the lyre—‘epici carminis onera lyra sustinens’. Nor
was the mythical narrative merely an important adjunct
to his poems, as is the case in the Odes of Pindar; it was
the essential part, as we discern from the titles of his
poems—‘ The Destruction of Troy’, ‘The Oresteia’, The
Helena’, etc. I have mentioned that the objective element
enters largely into Greek Lyric ; in Stesichorus’ poems the
subjective, so far as we can judge, was excluded altogether.
They may perhaps, in their union of the lyric and narra-
tive style, be compared with our longer ballads, which
were also in early times accompanied by the dance. Some
critics, taking a different view, infer from a passage in
Clem. Alex. Strom. Ὁ. 133, ὕμνον ἐπενόησε Στησίχορος, that
his poems were in the form of hymns, and that the narrative
element, like the myth in Pindar’s Odes, was in some way
connected with the occasion. There can indeed be little
doubt that Pindar was much influenced by the example
of Stesichorus, and the long poem, γώ. iv., which might
be entitled ‘the Argonauts’, will perhaps give us some
idea of the nature of one of Stesichorus’ compositions. Yet
it must be admitted that we are at a loss to comprehend
how any strictly lyrical composition could reach such pro-
portions as to be divided into two books, as is said to have
been the case with Stesichorus’ Ovesteza.1

Stesichorus did not confine himself to mythology.
Athen. xiii. 601 A. tells us that he was one of the ‘inventors’
of love-songs. These again were not of the proper subjec-
tive kind, but narrative, anticipating in poetry the novelette
of later times. To this class belonged the poems ‘ Calyce’
and ‘ Rhadina’ (see Frag. VI. note).2_ Athen. vi. 250 B. also

' Bekk. Anecd. Gr. p. 783.

* For the prevalence among the early Greeks of romantic and
sorrowful love-stories, see Welcker, on Stesichorus, in his A deze
Schriften.

170 GRICE vee © Wri iS

mentions a Paean by Stesichorus, popular as an after-
dinner song in the time of Dionysius the younger; and some
species of monodic composition appears to be indicated
in the story that Socrates, after his condemnation, heard a
man singing a poem by Stesichorus, and begged to be
taught it before he died.1

The important addition of the Epode to the choral
system is usually ascribed to Stesichorus, mainly on the
strength of the proverbial expression οὐδὲ τὰ τρία Συτησιχόρου
γινώσχεις, employed against any person at a wine-party
who could not take his part in the singing.? Hartung, how-
ever, points out that the song required on such an occasion
would not be choral but a scolion or a paean; and O.
Crusius,®? who refers the Epode to Alcman, explains the
proverb as ‘you don’t even know three verses of Stesi-
chorus.’ If this be correct, I suppose that the force of the
article before τρία is to be explained thus: ‘ You don’t even
know the proverbial three verses,’ etc.

The extant pieces from Stesichorus are so scanty that
‘we must take it on trust from ancient critics that he was
a great poet. By them he is spoken of in terms of the
highest praise. Quintilian, in the passage I have already
referred to, observes: ‘Stesichorum quam sit ingenio validus
materiae quoque ostendunt, maxima bella et clarissimos
canentem duces, et epici carminis onera lyra sustinentem
Reddit enim personis in agendo simul loquendoque debi-
tam dignitatem: ac si tenuisset modum videtur aemulari
proximus Homerum potuisse ; sed redundat atque effun-
ditur, quod ut est reprehendum, ita copiae vitium est.’
The comparison of Stesichorus to Homer is found also in
the Greek critics Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Longinus.
The former‘ declares that among Melic poets Stesichorus
and Aleman come nearest to Homer in the ‘Common or
Middle style’ (κοινῆς εἴτε μέσης συνϑέσεως χαραχτήρ), which
stands between the austere (αὐστηρὰ ἁρμονία) and the
ornate (γλαφυρὰ χαὶ ἀνθηρά σύνϑεσις). In Longinus, Περί

1 See Marcell. xxxviii. 4. 2 See Hesych. and Suidas.
3 Commentationes Ribbeckianae. + De Comp. Verb. § 24.

SlEST CHORUS ΠῚ

ἽὝψους, we read: οὐ γὰρ μόνος ᾿Ηρόδοτος ᾿Ομηρικώτατος
ἐγένετο, Στησί τς ἔτι πρότερον, ὃ τε ᾿Αρχίλο χος" πάντων δὲ
τούτων μάλιστα ὁ Πλάτων κιτιλ. Similarly, Dio Chrysostom!
says that Stesichorus was a devoted disciple of Homer,
and that there was great resemblance between their works;
and an epigram? declares that the soul of Homer dwells
again in Stesichorus—‘A πρὶν ᾿Ομύρου | ψυχὰ ἐνὶ στέρνοις
δεύτερον ὠκίσατο. Finally, the fable of a nightingale sitting
upon the lips of the infant Stesichorus singing is a beautiful
tribute to his poetical reputation.

I can hardly agree with Colonel Mure that ‘the com-
ments are all more or less borne out by the remains of the
Himeraean poet’. Some of the lines are, it is true, stately
and sonorous, and we have one or two poetical expressions,
e.g. the graceful reference in Frag. I. β. to the silver mines
at the source of the river Tartessus—(rayas ἀπείρονας
ἀργυρορίζους), and to the approach of spring (Frag. VIL.) Hone
ἦρος émepyouevov. There is no small beauty in Prag. IX. §.,
ϑανόντος ἀνδρός x.7A,, and the beginning of the Rhadina
(Frag. V1.) is promising in its delicacy of touch and attrac-
tive metre. But most of the lines remaining are so exceed-
ingly plain, not to say dull, that their preservation is not
avery great boon. We must remember that Stesichorus
was hardly a lyric poet in the ordinary sense ; and that
therefore his business was not so much to work up each
detail and line to perfection, as to provide for the poetic
development of his narrative, and the artistic delineation
of his characters.’ Consequently we cannot form a proper
estimate of his poetry from isolated lines and fragments.
His metres show a considerable advance on those of
Alcman, being very similar to those of many of Pindar’s
‘Dorian’ Odes. Compare especially O/ I11., which is de-
scribed by one MS. as Στησιχόρεια.

1 Vol. ii. p. 284 (Reiske).

2 Anth. Pai. vii. 75.

3 Cf. Dion. Hal. de Vet. Scrif. who calls attention in the case of
Stesichorus to ἡ μεγαλοπρέπεια τῶν χατὰ τὰς ὑποϑέσεις πραγμάτων, ἐν
οἷς τὰ ἤϑη χαὶ τὰ ἀξιώματα τῶν προσώπων τετήρηχεν.

5 GE Sli © RUS

From the Iyovovaic.
()

[Bergk, 8]

YY
πος A Nah) rn Pn Nad eh Se Nd) OD rns SND na hin πὶ
ND NI ND END IN ID I
IIT NIN INN NN
PIE PIII IDI
LY ποτ Ὁ INS OT NIN
ON - τ) NG
c ἮΝ δ ,
᾿Αέλιος δ᾽ Ὑπεριονίδας δέπας ἐσχατέβαινεν
ἢ Ui ~
χρύσεον, ὄφρα δι’ ᾿Ωχεανοῖο περάσας
> , de ~ Ν ΄
ἀφίκοιϑ᾽ ἱερᾶς ποτὶ βένϑεα νυχτ
ποτὶ ματέρα κουριδίαν τ᾽ ἄλοχον

O-
ray
a
[Ὁ]
a
Ss
«
Ὡς
SV

͵ Δ᾽ 5 2 ΕΣ ΄
παῖδας τε φίλους" ὁ δ᾽ ἐς ἄλσος ἔβα δάφναισι χατάσχιον

GERYON’S HERDSMAN.,

[5]

‘
Ταρτησσοῦ ποταμοῦ παρὰ παγᾶς ἀπειρόνας ἀργυρορίζους,
ἐν χευϑμῶνι πέτρας.
()
HERCULES.
[7]

Σχύπφειον δὲ λαβὼν δέπας ἔμμετρον ὡς τριλάγυνον
πῖνεν ἐπισχόμενος, τὸ 6% οἱ παρέϑηχε Doras κεράσας.

(sat

SES HO RU'S 5

(x)

ODE AND PALINODE.

[Bergk, 26]
VW —
πο τ GIF SIF FR
II) 5 λα ϑ. ἘΞ ΕΞΞ
ΞΟ SSI S99 SSS VISOR
a COMI τὶν

Ones Τινδάρεος ; ῥέζων ποτέ
τι ϑεοῖς μούνας λαϑετ᾽ ἠπιοδώρω
Κύπριδος: χείνα δὲ Τυνδαρέου χούραισι χολωσαμένα
διγάμους τε χαὶ τριγάμιους τίϑ' AGW χαὶ λιπε τεσανορας.

See eats AS
πυππιτυ---- τς
EERE RE Cee ee
Οὐχ ἔστ᾽ ἔτυμος λόγος οὕτος᾽
. οὐδ᾽ ἔβας ἐν νηυσὶν εὐσέλμιοις,
οὐδ᾽ ἵκεο πέργαμια Τροίας.

ΠῚ

BRIDAL OF HELEN AND MENELAUS (?)
[29]
ee FH eH ev
Ww
AS ee
-,-τ΄τὐπου ππιπυ---Ἢἃ
Πολλὰ υὲν Κυδώνιχ μᾶλα ποτξρρ πτον ποτὶ δίφρον ἄναχτι

πολλὰ δὲ μύρρινα φύλλα

. / »
χαὶ ὁοδίνους στεφάνους ἴων τε χορωνίδας οὖλας.

174 GREEK LYRIC POETS

DREAM OF CLYTEMNESTRA.
[Bergk, 42]

— SS
SN ND NI NS NING, NN TN τ τὐττς

Seyret ry ru HK
Τῷ δὲ δράκων ἐδόχησε μολεῖν χάρα βεβροτωμένος ἄχρον᾽
éx δ᾽ ἄρα τοῦ βασιλεὺς Πλεισϑενίδας ἐφάνη.
V
EPEUS.

[18]

[Ωικτειρε γὰρ αὐτὸν ὕδωρ αἴει φορέοντα Διὸς χούρα βασιλεῦσιν.

From the ‘ Padiwe.

[44]

UU Pe we NN

"Aye Μοῦσα λίγει᾽ ἄρξον ἀοιδᾶς ἐρατωνύμου
Σαμίων περὶ παίδων ἐρατᾷ φϑεγγομένα λύρᾳ.

VII

From the ᾿Ορεστεία.

[37]
III SIMI II TR
= 8 8 Ser ru - KK

Τοιάδε yor, Χαρίτων δαμώματα καλλικόμων
ὑμνεῖν Φρύγιον μέλος ἐξευρόντας ἁβρῶς ἦρος ἐπερχομένου.

[36]

ὅταν ἦρος ὥρᾳ χελαδῇ χελιδών.

SEE ΞΟ ΠΟ US

Vill
[Bergk, 50]

Mara τοι (μάλιστα)
παιγμιοσύνας τε φιλεῖ μολπάς τ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων᾽
χύδεα δὲ στοναχάς τ᾽ ᾿Αἴδας ἔλαχεν.

ΙΧ

(x)

[51]
᾿Ατελέστατα γὰρ καὶ ἀμήχανα τοὺς ϑανόντας
χλαίειν.

()

[52]

Θανόντος ἀνδρὸς πᾶσ᾽ ἀπόλλυται ποτ᾽ ἀνϑρώπων χάρις.

175

he xXeUsS

HIG: 530) B.C:

IBYCUS was an inhabitant of Rhegium, a city whose popu-
lation consisted of Ionians from Chalcis and Dorians
from Messene. The latter for a long time retained the
supreme power in the state;+ and Ibycus apparently
belonged to one of the chief Dorian families, if we can
trust the statement that he had the chance of becoming
Tyrant of the city.2 Instead of doing so, he betook him-
self to the court of Polycrates, who was a distinguished
patron of literature; and this to a certain extent deter-
mines the date of Ibycus’ poetical career, since Polycrates
became Tyrant about the year 532 ΒΟ At his court
Ibycus met Anacreon (see p. 104), but there is not the
slightest apparent affinity in the style of their poetry.

The well-known story of Ibycus and the cranes who
revealed his murderers is unfortunately consigned by
modern scepticism to the list of those romantic folk-lore
legends, where a blank, as it were, is left for the insertion
of the name of the hero, as from time to time found suitable.
It is supposed to have attached itself to Ibycus perhaps
because of the resemblance of his name to the word ἰβυξ,
or ἴβυς, defined by Hesychius as ὀρνέου εἶδος.

In one branch of his poetry Ibycus followed closely in
the footsteps of Stesichorus. This we assume partly from
the fact that a very large number of the references in
eminent authors to his writings are in connection with

UStrab. ΝΠ 1: ps 257.
2 Diogen. ii. 71, in explanation of the proverb ἀρχαιότερος Ἰβύχου.
3 See Clinton’s Fast. Hel/. vol. 11. note B.

IBYCUS 177

mythology, and more directly because in many cases the
ancients themselves were in doubt whether to assign a
poem or passage to Stesichorus or to Ibycus.t So far as
chronology goes it is not impossible that, as a young man,
he was a pupil of Stesichorus. It is not, however, as a
composer of Epico-Lyric, if indeed he was such,” but as an
erotic poet that Stesichorus is known to us from his frag-
ments. Suidas speaks of him as ἐρωτομανέστατος, and the
epithet is well borne out in his poems.* Herein he departs
entirely from the traditions of the Himeraean poet,
whose love-poems were merely narrative and in no way
connected with his own sober feelings. It is with the
Lesbian school that, in this respect, Ibycus has the closest
affinity, and it is possible that, on coming to Samos, he fell
more directly under its influence. The fiery intensity of
his feelings and language and the perfect beauty of his ex-
pressions vividly recall the spirit of Sappho’s poems. He
resembles her too in his keen appreciation of the beauties
of nature; see Frag. 1.; VI. αὐ 8’, Υ΄. On the other hand
he is strongly distinguished from the Lesbian and indeed
all other lyric poets by the somewhat remarkable fact that
his love-songs are not monodic but choral. This is mani-
fest from the nature of the metre; and it is not easily
intelligible how such purely personal feelings as his poems
appear to express could be the subject of an ordinary
choral representation. Welcker has an ingenious conjec-
ture—-it is little else—that the odes were sung at beauty-
contests by choruses of boys. If so, we could to some
extent compare them with the choral songs of Alcman, in
which, as we have seen, the poet often breaks off from his
proper subject to pay compliments to his girl-choristers.
Apparently, however, the love-songs of Ibycus were not
mere digressions of this kind, but the main theme, as we
gather from the mention of an Ode to Gorgias, and from
the address to Euryalus in Frag. 111. A far closer com-

ΘΕΈ Derg 16, 52, 53, 55, 62.
* See Welcker, Kleine Schriften, p. 241.
3 Cf. Οἷς. Tusc. iv. 33, 71: Maxime vero omnium flagrasse amore
Rheginum Ibycum apparet ex scriptis.
M

178 Gk Bake ay RCS ΡΣ"

parison is afforded by Pindar’s choral scolion to Theoxenus
(Pind. Frag. IX.).

Unsuited as choral poetry may be for love-songs, the
irregular movements of its rhythm are most skilfully
employed by Ibycus to give expression to the tremor and
frenzy of his restless passion. Aristoph. 7hesmoph. 162
speaks of Ibycus as ‘softening melody’ (χυμίζειν ἁρμονίαν),
and assuredly the accompaniment which followed such
metre as that of Prag. IL, ἔρος αὖτε ps χυανέοισι x%.7.A., must
have been of a peculiarly sweet and appealing nature,
which sterner critics might condemn as enervating. The
extant fragments are only’ too scanty; but as the most
important, frag. 1, IL, IL, are quoted not to illustrate |
some curious point of grammar or mythology or the like,
but apparently with approval of their poetical merit, they
are perhaps specimens of his best work, and we have only
to regret that no more has been preserved. It is strange
that the poems of Ibycus, though he was ranked as one of
the nine great lyric poets, seem to have attracted so little
attention among ancient critics. Probably he was out-
stripped by Stesichorus in the sphere of Epico-lyric, and
perhaps his experiments in choral love-poetry were on the
whole unsatisfactory. At the court of his patron Poly-
crates it is easy to understand that the lighter and more
playful verses of Anacreon won greater popularity.

IBYEUS

Ι
[Bergk, 1]
ΞΘ π᾿ Δ.
Ξ ΠῚ
Sweweuet®

OID SII
NS A SN 5

Sa Tm a Bie λων
aN
I

/
BO ee ee OO OS
[a es ᾿ 3
ar or SS = = =
τλὺς WO SS — τ
͵υ-που-πο-πτο ΙΟ

παν Δαν δε

"Hor μὲν αἵ τε Κυδώνισι
(ὃ > δό eiow
υαλίοες ALOOGP.EVAL ῥοᾶν
ἐκ ποταμῶν, ἵνα παρϑένων
κῆπος ἀκήρατος, αἵ τ᾽ οἰνανϑίδες
/ re « wi
αὐξόμιεναι σχιεροῖσιν ὑφ᾽ ἕρνεσιν 5
οἰναρέοις ϑαλέϑοισιν' ἐμοὶ δ᾽ ἔρος
ὐὸ , , «“ day ¢ \ ~ /
οὐδεμίαν κατάκοιτος ὥραν, ἀϑ’ ὑπὸ στεροπᾶς φλέγων
ἣν \ y ,
Θρηΐκιος Βορέας, ἀΐσσων παρὰ Κύπριδος ἀζαλέαις
, > \ > ,
υανίαισιν ἐρεμνὸς ἀϑαμβὴς
> / , ,
ἐγχρατέως παιδόϑεν φυλάσσει 10
ἁμετέρας φρένας.

180 ΘΚ ΡΘΕ

II
[Bergk, 2]
IDI INAS II NII) III
a er BB HG er πυππυ- -
5 POI I IISO SI STR
INS JO JO oll OM © Jeo ONO dO Jal

" ay , » « eva} , πὰ Σἢ ὃ !
Ερος αὐτέ με κυανέοισι ὑπὸ βλεφάροις τακέρ᾽ ὄμμασι δερκόμενος
χηλήμασι παντοδαποῖς ἐς ὄπειρα δίκτυα Κύπριδός we βάλλει.

ἡ μὰν τρομέω νιν ἐπερχόμενον,

«“ U A > , \ Le

ὥστε φερέζυγος ἵππος ἀεϑλοφόρος ποτὶ γήρᾳ

ἀέκων σὺν ὄχεσφι ϑοοῖς ἐς ἅμιλλαν ἔβα. 5
Ill
[5]
ND NA NI NI ND NAP SSN ND
* * *

at Nd EN ND Se ND ΝΣ

rth Naa Li ἐς τ κτλ το τος τ το Sons a Nd Snr me
Εὐρύαλε γλυχεῖδν Χαρίτων ϑαλος,
* * *
χοϊλλικόμων μελέδημα, σὲ μὲν Κύπρις
ἅ τ᾽ ἀγανοβλέφαρος Πειϑὼ ῥοδέοισιν ἐν ἄνϑεσι ϑρέψαν.

HERCULES
[16]

ΖΝ

TaN
tN Nd NTN ND
YY -
NIN -' νὼ πολ NS.

Be RO ὰ

Τούς τε λευχίππους κόρους
/ / /
τέχνα Μολιόνας xtavov,
ἅλικας ἰσοχεφάλους, ἑνιγυίους,
ἀμφοτέρους γεγαῶτας ἐν ὠέῳ ἀργυρέῳ.

Ἰ 18. νυ (10:15) [81

ν
[Bergk, 9]
ree Oe Oe Owe
πυυπυυςτα
Γλαυκώπιδα Κασσάνδραν ἐρασιπλόχομον xdupav Πριάμιοιο
φᾶμις ἔχησι βροτῶν.

[24]
υϊἱπυ-πυσου-ποπουπ-πλ
FID NIG

Δέδοικα μή τι παρὰ ϑεοῖσιν ἀμβλακών
τιμὰν πρὸς ἀνθρώπων ἀμείψω.

VII

(«’)
[6]
KW ww - 5

=O WN UU
Μύρτα τε χαὶ ἴα καὶ ἑλίχρυσος
~ , ἐς AAS \ , “
μᾶλά τε καὶ ῥόδα καὶ τέρεινα δάφνα.
(6)
[7]
-αυι--ου-πυυτ--οὐ-ο-ςλ
Τᾶμος atinvos χλυτὸς ὄρϑρος ἐγείρησιν ἀηδόνας
/
(Cy)
[3]
νυϊἱπππυυ πυυιτι-( πουυπςπου-Ξ

Φλεγέϑων, ἀπερ. διὰ νύχτα μακρὰν σείρια παμφανόωντα.

VIII
[27]

Οὐκ ἔστιν ἀποφϑιμένοις ζωᾶς ἔτι φάρμακον εὑρεῖν.

ANACREON

ἘΠῚ (a Β50ὲ

IN the fragments from Anacreon we have poetry very
distinct in character from that of any of his predecessors.
As amonodic poet, who writes chiefly of love and wine, he
is the successor of Alcaeus and Sappho, and the three
together are almost the only Greek representatives of
Lyric poetry, as we understand it, namely of the subjective
and personal order. But beyond this Anacreon has little
in common with the Lesbians. He alone of all the Melic
poets proper employed the Ionic dialect, though we must
remember that in avoiding the Epico-Doric of ordinary
choral Lyric, and in keeping to his own dialect for the
inartificial expression of his own feelings, he is still at
one with Alcaeus and Sappho. In metre, although his
individual lines are of a similar character to those of the
Lesbian poets, he usually abandons the four-line stanza
which they employed with such effect, and leaves himself
more liberty for the expression of his less concentrated
thoughts.

But it is not in these external characteristics alone that
he differs from the other Melic writers. He is the only
genuine court poet; that is to say, while plenty of Greek
authors found patrons among the Tyrants, none of them
exhibit in their writings the influence of their environment
to anything like the same extent as is done by Anacreon.
His poems transport us far from the life of a Hellenic
citizen, with its eager activity in peace and in war. The
favourite of a Tyrant has no burdensome rights or duties;
he has simply to drink, love, be merry, and to write grace-
ful poetry.

Finally, Anacreon is the only Melic poet whose writings

ANCA © ROE ON 183

reflect vividly the temperament of the Ionic Greeks, who
dwelt upon or close by the coasts of Asia Minor, and who
were thus subject to the relaxing influence of the East. He
would never have vexed his mind and body, like Alcaeus,
in struggling for political mastery ; still less would he have
dreamt of abandoning daily comfort and life itself at the
call of duty, like the typical Spartan. His was just the
calibre of those Ionians who flung away the prospect of
victory before Lade, because a few days’ discipline and
hard work were quite intolerable to them.

An inhabitant of Teos, we hear of Anacreon as among
those who, when the reduction of their city by Harpagus
was imminent, escaped slavery by fleeing to a new home
at Abdera, about the year 540 B.c. It was probably at
this time that he made his acquaintance with the evils
of warfare, an acquaintance which brought him little
credit, if we may judge from an apparent confession in
Frag. XX1X. d. (uv. note ad loc.). Neither was his love of
freedom so great as to hinder him from accepting the
invitation of the Tyrant Polycrates to Samos, and he lived
in close friendship with his patron! until the murder of
the latter in 522 B.c. Anacreon had long since estab-
lished a Hellenic reputation; and Hipparchus? invited
him to add lustre to his princely household, sending a
fifty-oared vessel to escort him to Athens. Here he
must have been in intimate acquaintance with Simonides,
and also on terms of friendship with many of the great
Athenian families,’ and the citizens in general showed
their appreciation of the poet by raising a statue in his
honour.*

His movements after the death of Hipparchus (514) or
the expulsion of Hippias (510) are uncertain. It is not
likely that he remained in or revisited Athens, like Simon-
ides, for his poetical style and general temperament were
little suited to the taste of a democracy. An epigram

1 Hdt. 111. 121, and Strabo, xiv. 638. 4 Plat. Azpp. 228 Ὁ.

3 Plat. Charmid. 157 Ε. ]7Palisaned. 254 Te

5 Compare Append. Anac. 8, where he speaks of himself as οὐδ᾽
Aotdist προσηνής.

184 GRO Kale VORP On aS

ascribed to the poet himself (Bergk, No. 103) speaks of a
votive offering of a Thessalian prince, Echecratidas, from
which the rather unsafe but not improbable conjecture is
drawn, that Anacreon on leaving Athens, like Simonides,
enjoyed the hospitality of the Aleuadae.t

Lucian, de Macrob., c. 26, tells us that he reached the
age of eighty-five, and he himself speaks of his grey hairs
which yet have not abated the ardour of his passions, and
similarly we find him represented on Tean coins as an
aged voluptuary.

The character of Anacreon is readily discernible in his
extant verses. He presents us with an excellent and
agreeable type of the refined man of pleasure. He
studiously avoids all things earnest or serious, and all
things painful even in word (v. ZZ 94, Bergk). He is
not a hedonistic philosopher, who, dissatisfied with the
brevity and the trouble of existence, betakes himself on
principle to the studied pursuit of enjoyment; rather it
was a matter of pure inclination and good fortune with
Anacreon not to be touched by the sorrows of life, and to
take a fresh and joyous delight in its pleasures. He dreads
death, which will bring an end to his gay, ephemeral
existence ; but his feeling is not one of heartfelt terror,
and he can speak of the subject in the same careless,
graceful tone (No. XXII.) with which he might describe an
unsuccessful flirtation. Even in his favourite pursuits of
wine and love there is no trace, I will not say of the ter-
rible earnestness of Sappho, but even of strong emotion.

᾿Ερῶ te δηῦτε χοὐχ ἐρῶ

Καὶ μαίνομαι κοὐ μαίνομαι
is the key-note to his happy temperament. Eros to him is
not the dreaded deity portrayed by Ibycus, but a sportive
god who playfully vexes the poet with his golden ball
(No. VI.); and when his attacks become too annoying,
Anacreon proposes, with wine and merriment as his seconds,
to box with the god whom Sophocles calls ‘ unconquered in

τ Cf. zafra, Biog. of Simonides, p. 199.

ANACREON 185

battle’ (No. xIv.). Similarly his Bacchic songs are written,
we are told, in sobriety,! and Aelian deprecates the notion of
his being a debauchee, Μὴ γάρ τις... τὸν ποιητὴν τὸν Triov

. ἀχόλαστον εἶναι λεγέτω. If we feel disposed to quarrel
with Anacreon as a poet without poetic fire, and to draw
invidious comparisons between him and the more ardent
song-writers of Greece, we are withheld by the charm of
his marvellous ease and grace.? It is not so much that
he falls behind other Melic poets; he stands apart from
them in an entirely different sphere of poetry, and in that
sphere it is hardly too much to say that he attained as
near as may be to perfection.

Anacreon was a hater of all things unrefined or excessive.
He detests persons of a jarring and difficult disposition,
and loves the easy-tempered (No. XIX.) ; he admits that,
probably for this reason, he is not friendly to the common
citizens (Append. Anac. 8). He dislikes a man, who over
his wine-cups neglects the Muses and talks of quarrels and
‘tearful war’ (Z/eg. 94). He despises sottishness as _ bar-
baric, and looks for wine to quicken and not to stultify his
wits. Ath. XI. 463A speaks of Anacreon as ὁ χαρίεις, and
the epithet is well-deserved. This quality, the poet himself
says (No. ΧΧ.), is the foundation of his popularity, and he
reserves his love only for those who exhibit a similar char-
acter (No. XXI.). As with the man so also in his poetry it
is the χάρις, its grace and refinement, which chiefly delights
us; and all the more because these good qualities come with
the most complete spontaneity. There is no trace of his
employing laborious care and workmanship ὃ to produce his
effects ; whatever Anacreon wrote was sure to be pleasing
and faultless of its kind. Plato speaks of Anacreon as the
Wise He can hardly have applied the epithet to him in
the same sense as he does to Simonides (v. p. 202) or
as it is applicable to any of the poets who dealt with the

' Athen. x. 429 B, and cf. note on XVI.

2 *Sa grace infinie et sa légéreté charmante.’—Burnouf.

3 “Non elaboratum ad pedem,’ Hor. fod. xiv. 12, of Anacreon.
4 ᾿Αναχρέοντος τοῦ σοφοῦ, Phaed. 235 C.

186 GRE Ky oR Crr Olas

great subjects of life. Amnacreon, so far as we can infer
and judge, carefully abstained from anything of the kind ;
and in his instance the epithet probably signifies that he
was a man of consummate poetic taste and skill.

His genius was not one-sided, as might appear from the
Melic fragments; he also wrote elegies and epigrams, some
of those which remain displaying no small merit (e,g. Bergk,
Nos. 101, 113). We have besides in No. XXIII. an example
of powerful stinging satire, which shows that the pleasure-
loving poet could prove himself on occasion no mean
antagonist. His skill is nowhere more apparent than in
his command of metre. His favourite Glyconics and
Pherecrateans might easily tend to monotony, were it not
for the slight but effective varieties which he introduces.
In the lines ᾿Αναπέτομιαι δὴ πρὸς Ὄλυμπον πτερύγεσσι
χούφαις, %.7.A., the impression of an angry flutter of dis-
appointment is admirably conveyed by the metre ; while
in Frag. XIX. ἐγῶ de μισέω, «7... where the poet is in a
comparatively reflective mood, the metrical effect is cor-
respondingly calm, the dactyls being followed by the
slower trochees. But it is in the song beginning Πῶλε
Θρῃχίη τί Ox με, x.7.A. (No. V.) that the poet surpasses him-
self. Here the rhythmical movement, simple and easy as
it appears, is a brilliant work of art in itself; and we are
readily able to appreciate the force of the expression
applied by Aristophanes, 7/eswz. 162, to Anacreon as to
Ibycus, that he softened melody ‘yuyiCew ἁρμονίας.

There are certain peculiarities in Anacreon’s treatment
of this branch of his art which deserve attention. As I
have mentioned above, although he makes use of a variety
of the usual lyric metres, such as the logaoedic, choriambic,
and Ionic, he seldom employs the four-line stanza so
common in Sappho and Alcaeus. The distinguishing
feature in his poetry is the ‘system’, or series of short and
not wholly independent lines, generally wound up by a
clausula ; and one of the most important of these systems
consists of Glyconics (-G-vv-v-), with a Pherecratean
(-s-yv--) as a clausula, the latter recurring, not at
regular intervals, but as best adapted to the nature of the

ANACREON 187

subject or the demand for rhythmical variety. Each of
the lines before the clausula is so far independent, in that
the ‘wortschluss’ is in all cases observed,’ and all but very
slight elisions avoided ; on the other hand no certain cases
of hiatus occur, nor is the final syllable treated as ‘ anceps’;
for in the three instances where it appears to be short (viz.,
Frag. U.1. 1 ἐλαφηβ che, Append. 1 χεχορημένε, Append. 3
πὴ it is really prolonged by peng succeeded in
the next line by the double consonants ζξ, oy, ot respec-
tively. In the Glyconics the first foot was probably
originally treated as the ‘basis ;’” and hence assumes no
less than three forms, —v, -- -- and ὦ --- Of these the lamb
occurs very rarely,? the trochee is equally uncommon,'
wherein we may contrast the Glyconics in Catullus 1,Χ1.
in which the pure trochee is almost universal; so that in
Anacreon, as in the choriambics of Horace, the basis
nearly always assumes the form of the spondee, or, to
speak more precisely, of the irrational trochee. The Phere-
cratean in Anacreon ends in a long vowel without excep-
tion, and there-is little doubt that it is not an acata-
lectic tripody, --σ τυ --ῦ, but a brachycatalectic tetrapody,
πυ-οὧου--- Δ In Catullus ἐς, on the other hand, the final
syllable is frequently short, eg. ‘Hymen, O Hymenaee,’
‘Prodeas nova nupta.’

Another favourite system with Anacreon, in which also
hiatus, elision, and the ‘syllaba anceps’ at the end of the
line are avoided, consists in a series of what are called
‘broken dimeters’ ole on ἀναχλώμιναλ) thus: w—-v-v+—%,
each line being a ‘broken’ or resolved form of an Ionic
dimeter, »uo--vvu--7ZH (See Hrag. XIV, XV, XVL, etc.)
The Ionic dimeter itself frequently occurs either as a
clausula (6.9. Hrag. XVI. 1. 11, ὑποπίνοντες ἐν ὕμνοις), Or aS a
mere variety (e.g. /d. 1.5). The ‘broken dimeters’ should
probably be regarded as brachycatalectic, while in the Ionic
there is a pause after the last syllable equivalent to two
short syllables, as indicated in the scheme.

1 Contrast Catull. 1xi, 86. 2 See W. Christ’s Metrik. p. 517.
3 Frag. Xu. 1.1; Append. Anac. 4 and 8. * Append, 1, 6.

A NACE RE ON

I
[Bergk, 89]
ἘΞ οἷν a
NS a Ned NS ND ee

Ἐρῶ τε δηῦτε κοὐκ ἐρῶ
χαὶ νιαίνομιαι χοὐ υναίνομια..

TO ARTEMIS

[1
/\

ΞΞ τ τ and -" Osu

Tovvotpat σ᾽ ἐλαφηβόλε,
A ~ / > ”
ξανϑὴ παῖ Διός, ἀγρίων
δέσποιν’ ΓΑρτεμι ϑιηρῶν᾽
oe ~ ἐς ἐπὶ 7
7 χου νῦν ἐπὶ Ληϑαίου
δίνῃσι ϑρασυχαρδίων
2 ~ > ~ /
ἀνδρῶν ἐσχατορᾷς πόλιν
χαίρουσ᾽" οὐ γὰρ ἀνημέρους
ποιμαίνεις πολιήτας.

III

TO BACCHUS
[2]
yz ta ὙΣ
Ὥναξ, o δαμάλης ἔρως
A 1) /
καὶ Νύμφαι χυανώπιδες
La a, d 7

πορφυρέη τ Αφροδίτη

συμπαίζουσιν" πιστρέφεαι δ᾽

é
ὑψηλῶν χορυφῶς ὀρέων
Yq . Ἐπὶ φ create ?

Bo Ase ROROUN

youvotpat ce σὺ δ᾽ εὐμενής
ἔλϑ᾽ ἡμῖν, κεχαρισμένης δ᾽
εὐχωλῆς ἐπαχούειν.
Κλεοβούλῳ δ᾽ ἀγαϑὸς γενεῦ
σύμβουλος: τὸν ἐμὸν δ᾽ ἔρωτ᾽,

ὦ Δεόνυσε δέχεσϑαι.

[Bergk, 65]
(Tov) "ἔρωτα γὰρ τὸν ἁβρόν
νέλομιαι βρύοντα μίτραις
πολυανϑέμιοις ἀείδειν:
ee \ ~ ‘
ὅδε yap ϑεῶν δυναστής
ὅδε χαὶ βροτοὺς δαμαζει.

~ Aan ἢ , , ἡ αὶ "ὕ 4
Πῶλε Opyxty, τί δή με λοξὸν ὄμμασιν βλέπουσα
~ ΄ > \ > /
νηλεῶς φεύγεις, δοχέεις δέ μ᾽ οὐδὲν εἰδέναι σοφόν ;

Ἴσϑι τοι καλῶς μὲν ἄν τοι τὸν χαλινὸν ἐμβάλοιμι,
ἡνίας δ᾽ ἔχων στρέφοιμί (6) ἀμφὶ τέρμιατα δρόμου.

Noy δὲ λειμῶνάς τε βόσχεαι κοῦφα τε σκιρτῶσα παίζεις"
δέξιον γὰρ ἱπποσείρην οὐκ ἔχεις ἐπεμβάτην.

[76]

Κλῦθί μευ γέροντος εὔεϑειρα χρυσόπεπλε κοῦραι.

VI
[14] at
Loxton δηὐτέ με πορφυρέῃ
βάλλων youcoxou.ns ”Kows
Vive ποικιλοσαμβοΐλῳ
συμπαίζειν προκαλεῖται"

190 ΘΕ VaR Ve iO ies

ἡ δ᾽, ἐστὶν γὰρ dn’ εὐχτίτου
Λέσβου, τὴν μὲν gry κόμην,
λευκὴ YX, καταμέμφεται,
\ > w+ ,
πρὸς ὃ ἄλλην τινα χάσχει.

VII
[Bergk, 47]
/ Ip / Ξ-ἅ
κα AD ee ON Ξ SS NS ST SON.

Μεγάλῳ δηῦτέ μ᾽ "Ἔρως ἔκοψεν ὥστε χαλκεύς
΄ὔ ie > ΕΣ ΄ δ
πελέκει, χειμερίῃ δ᾽ ἔλουσεν ἐν χαοάδρῃ.

ΨΠΠ
[46]

Su BV eS US oe vv πο ra -τῷὸ

᾿Αστραγάλαι δ᾽ "Ερωτός εἰσιν pavion τε καὶ κύδοιμοι,

ΙΧ

᾿ς [24-5]

σ-. ͵ ͵
GOA Ser Sa δ aes

(2) ᾿Αναπέτομαι Si
διὰ τὸν ΓἜρωτ

‘ ” / ,
προς ᾿Ολυμπον πτερύγεσσι κούφαις
"ov γὰρ ἐμοὶ παῖς ἐθέλει συνηβᾶν

xo ἐμ fis ἐθέλει "βᾶν.

-“.

(ὁ) (Ἔρως) ν᾿ ἐσιδὼν γένειον
ὑποπόλιον χρυσοφαέννων πτερύγων ἀήταις
παραπέτετοαι.

Χ
[4]

παῖ παρϑένιον βλέπων
9 \ oh. J
δίζημαί σ᾽" σὺ δ᾽ οὐχ ἀΐεις
" \ a ~ ~
οὐχ εἰδὼς ὅτι τῆς ἐν ἧς
[veers Rect
ψυχῆς ἡνιοχεύεις.

ΧΙ
[3]
Κ)εοθοιλου μὲν ἔγωγ᾽ ἐρῶ,
Κλεοθούλῳ δ᾽ ἐπιμαίνομαι,
Κλεόβουλον δὲ διοσχέω.

ANACREON IQI
XII
[Bergk, 8]
᾿Εγὼ δ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἂν ᾿Αμαλϑίης
βῚ / / Sa a
βουλοίμην κέρας, out’ ἔτεα
πεντήχοντά τε χαὶ ἕχατον

Ταρτήσσου βασιλεῦσαι.

XIII

[το]
-σνπτνξο-- ἡ
Χ

,ὕ

Ξ ts 2 Z py
που-ὦ.υ---.,.----,ϑ.- οὐκὶ

᾿Αρϑεὶς δηύτ᾽ ἀπὸ Λευχάδος
πέτρης ἐς πολιὸν χῦμα χολυμβῶ μεϑύων ἔρωτι
‘ 2 ‘ ᾿ \ )

XIV
[62]
Ww + yout ὭΣ
) 50 Z ) 3 3 me
ὕδωρ, φέρ᾽ οἶνον, ὦ παὶ,
> ~ c
δ᾽ ἀνθ εμοῦντας ἡμίν
στεφάνους, ἔνεικον, ὡς OF
\ / 4
πρὸς "Howra πυχταλίζω.

XV
[61]

Παρὰ Outs Πυϑόμανδρον

χατέδυν "Ἔρωτα φεύγων.

XVI
[63]

COPS Gate Sas and ων--..---

TX
"Aye δὴ φέρ᾽ ἡμίν, ὦ ποῖ,
τ / Aes cf A
χελέβην, ὅκως ἄμυστιν
NS >
προπίω, τὰ μὲν δέχ᾽ ἐγχέας

«ΝΟ ΄ ,
ὕδατος, τὰ πέντε δ᾽ οἴνου

192 GiReE ΚΠ vee le) POE Tes

(2)

χυάϑους, ὡς ἀνυβρίστως 5
ἀνὰ δηῦτε βασσαρήσω.

"Ave δηῦτε μηχέϑ᾽ οὕτω

πατάγῳ τε χἀλαλήτῳ

Σκχυϑικὴν πόσιν παρ᾽ οἴνῳ

μελετῶμεν, ἀλλὰ χαλοῖς 10
ὑποπίνοντες ἐν ὕμνοις.

XVII

[Bergk, 99]
Stu o STUN
Mrs’ ὥστε κῦμα πόντιον
a ~ /
λόλαζε, τῇ PES
σὺν Γαστροδώρῃ χαταχύδην
πίνουσα τὴν ἐπίστιον.

XVIII
[17]

ΞΟΠ ΞΡ

Ξε το οξοσϑῦν

Ἢ / ‘ > /

otornsa μὲν ὑτρίου
λεπτοῦ μικρὸν ἀποχλάς,

v + ee / ,

οἴνου δ᾽ ἐξέπιον κάδον,
νῦν δ᾽ ἁβρῶς ἐρόεσσαν

ψάλλω πήχτιδα τῇ φίλῃ
χωμάζων παϊδ(() ἁβρῇ.

[18]
Ψάλλω δ᾽ εἴκοσι (Λυδόν)
χορδῇσιν μαγάδην ἔχων
ὦ Λεύχασπι, σὺ δ᾽ ἡβᾷς.

ANACREON 193

XIX
[Bergk, 74]
Dye tu eA
τι δὰ a

-οὐςπου - eyo) δὲ μισξὼ
πάντας, ὅσοι χϑονίους ἔχουσι ῥυϑυμιούς

Ny ee , ὩΣ y ὡς ἢ ,
καὶ χαλεπούς" μεμαϑηκχα σ᾽, ὦ Μεγίστη,
τον ἀβαχιζομένων.

"Eps γὰρ ὁ-- λόγων εἵνεκα παῖδες ἄν φιλοῖεν
χαρίεντα μὲν γὰρ ἄδω χαρίεντα δ᾽ οἷδα λέξαι.

XXI

[44]
Ἔραμαι (δέ) τοι συνηβᾶν,
χαριτοῦν ἔχεις γὰρ ἦϑος.

XXII
[43]
4 A Ch iw os
Πολιοὶ μὲν ἡμὶν ἤδη
, ‘ /
XPOTAOOL χαρὴ TE λευκόν,
, ? >. / > of
χαρίεσσα δ᾽ οὐχέϑ᾽ ἥβη

πάρα, γηράλεοι δ᾽ ὀδόντες.

Τλυχεροῦ δ᾽ οὐκέτι πολλός
βιότου χρόνος λέλειπται"
διὰ ταῦτ᾽ ἀνασταλύζω
ϑαμὰ Τάρταρον δεδοιχώς.

᾿Αἴδεω γάρ ἐστι δεινός
, ? ΖῈΣ ) > ε 7 /
υυχὸς, ἀργαλέη δ᾽ ἐς αὐτόν
χάϑοδος" χαὶ γὰρ ἕτοιμον
χ. «-
χαταβαντι μὴ ἀναβῆναι.
Ν

194 GREEK (IL WRAC“ROETS

XXIII
[Bergk, 21]
2 HE SU SEG SSM or ἘΞ Ξο ON
Sous Souls Sy εϑι εξ αν or OS GOIN
Ὁ:ΞΞυ-σ--ο- Δ

-υυ-- τοῦυ- Ξανϑῇ (δέ) γ᾽ Εὐρυπύλῃ μέλει
« ΄ ΄
ὁ περιφόρητος ᾿Αρτέμων,
πρὶν μὲν ἔχων βερβέριον καλυμμιά τ᾽ ἐσφηκωμένον,
Ν , i 3 μ > rite Ν ‘ ,
χαὶ ξυλίνους ἀστραγάλους ἐν ὠσί, καὶ ψιλὸν περὶ
πλευρῇσι --ὖ -- Boos, 5
Ui ” ~ > , > t
νήπλυτον εἴλυμα ZAKS ἀσπίδος, ἀρτοπώλισιν
χἀϑελοπόρνοισιν ὁμιλέων ὁ πονηρὸς ᾿Αρτέμων,
χίβδηλον εὑρίσκων βίον,
πολλὰ μὲν ἐν δουρὶ τιϑεὶς αὐχένα, πολλὰ δ᾽ ἐν τροχῷ,
πολλὰ δὲ νῶτον σχυτίνῃ μάστιγι ϑωμιχϑείς, κόμην 10
πώγωνά τ᾽ ἐχτετιλμένος.
~ δ᾽ Dee /B\ ell ΤΣ ae eras , i ,
viv δ᾽ ἐπιβαίνει σατινέων, χρύσεα φορέων χαϑέρματα
παῖς (ὁ) Κύχης, καὶ σχιαδίσχην ἐλεφαντίνην φορεῖ
γυναιξὶν αὕτως --ὦ --.

τ γα σρηθον ἀμ, νὰν..».».,ν“--

XXIV

[513

Ἵ

/ fd ——s >
QT OV IYI IAIN
4B 7 ==
DDI IYI IIIS TR
.., / ——
DD) DOI DIOR

᾿Αγανῶς οἷα τε veBoov νεοϑηλέα
a ; ‘ ie 4 )
aradnvoy, Oot ἐν LAN χεροεσσὴς
a Aen τὰς Heese OU
> Ὁ Ν ᾽ /
ἀπολειφϑεὶς ὑπὸ μητρὸς EXTOTYY.
φ YT wy

XXV
[6]
Mets μὲν δὴ Ποσιδηΐων
ἕστηκεν, νεφέλας δ᾽ ὕδωρ
βαρύνει, Δία τ᾽ ἄγριοι
χειμιῶνες κατάγουσιν.

(2)

(ὁ)

(2)

(¢)

ANACREON 195

XXVI
(Bergk, 41]
See Ue Gu See
(Ὁ) Μεγίστης δ᾽ ὁ φιλόφρων δέκα δὴ μιῖνες ἐπεί τε

~ , ’ \ U , fie
στεφανοῦταί τε λύγῳ καὶ τρύγα πίνει μελιηδέα.

XXVII

[20]
Χ

(1. 2) — Stub fue fu EN
΄ > ,
' Τίς ἐρασμίην
> a / «ε , > ~
τρέψας ϑυμιὸν ἐς ἥβην τερένων ἡμιόπων ὑπ᾽ αὐλῶν
pay dees νὰ ae nt
2 ~
ὀρχεῖται.

ΟΝ ἢ ἢ
[54]
ων : 5 vous =O KW
"Ext δ᾽ ὀφρύσιν σελίνων στεφανίσχους
,ὔ ‘ « \ > ,
ὕέμενοι ϑαλειαν ὁρτὴν ἀγάγωμεν
Δεονύσῳ.
[39]

Πλεχτὰς δ᾽ ὑποϑυμίδας
περὶ στύϑεσι λωτίνας ἔϑεντο,

ΧΧΙΧ
[70]
OO -ὠνποπου-ο
’Opacroros μὲν Αρης φιλέει psvaty way.
[72] pi
Νῦν δ᾽ ἀπὸ μὲν στέφανος πόλεος ὄλωλεν.

᾿Αλχίμων σ᾽, ὠριστοχλείδη, πρῶτον οἰκτείρω φίλων,
a NS
ὥὦλεσας δ᾽ ἥβην ἀμύνων πατρίδος δουληΐην.

[22.528]

/ / t / , ,
Suu tue -“..0.--ο-Ὁ--ΔΛ

196 GREP ROU WRUC POETS

XXX
(Bergk, 48]
ao 2 4 7 --
PI 3 -τ τινι IIIS

᾿Απέκειρας δ᾽ ἁπαλῆς κόμης ἄμωμον ἄνϑος.

ΧΧΧΙ

[83)
AN
ἘΞ Ν

΄ ͵
.ϊπωυ---Ξ ὺ πω

΄ ΄,
Time -Ξ ὺὺ πο

Σ τεφάνους δ᾽ ἀνὴρ τρεῖς ἕκαστος εἶχεν
τοὺς μὲν ῥοδίνους, τὸν δὲ Ναυχρατίτην.

XX XII
[32]
ORS licen ORS Neal © Daal ©)
—
Nd NS NH ND NI NI NN πὰ
᾿Ωινοχόει δ᾽ ἀμφίπολος μελιχρόν
οἶνον, τρικύαϑον χελέβην ἔχουσα.

SIMFONIDES€
B.C. 556-467.

THE life of Simonides is of great interest, if for no other
reason than that with his eighty-nine years of vigorous man-
hood he is linked on the one hand with the older and simpler
Greece, to which all our Melic poets have so far belonged,
and on the other with that new world of thought which, for
good and for evil, developed so rapidly after the Persian
wars. We are now no longer in the region of conjecture
or of pure ignorance, but have the opportunity of attain-
ing to something like historical accuracy with regard to
the most important details of the poet’s life and work.
We are approaching the period when really authentic
Greek history begins ; for the first Greek historian, Hero-
dotus, was born in 484 B.C., seventeen years before the
death of Simonides. The poet’s career was intimately
associated with such tangible characters as the Pisistratids,
Themistocles, Pausanias, and Hiero; and some of the best
of his surviving poems, especially those of a non-Melic
order, relate to the great events of the Persian wars.
Finally we have ample testimony from various sources
with regard to facts bearing upon his life.

It is fortunate that we are able to form this compara-
tively close acquaintance with the poet’s career; for his
name marks an epoch in the history of Greek Lyric poetry.
The Elegy, the Threnos, the Dithyramb, the Epinician Ode,
and in particular the Epigram, take a new departure in the
hands of Simonides. Above all, the vocation of a lyric
poet now assumes a very different character ; for he first
made of his art a paid profession, and discarding local ties
and sympathies placed his genius at the command of all

198 GREEK DY ΕΟ PORTS

who could afford to pay for it. For the time he raised the
art of choral poetry to the highest pedestal; but he had
fatally sapped its foundations, and although it was upheld
in all its splendour by the magnificent genius of Pindar,
it was soon to degenerate and collapse.

Simonides was born at Ioulis in Ceos in the year 556,
a date which he himself verifies in an Epigram stating that
he was eighty years old in the Archonship of Adimantus.?
Ceos was inhabited by Ionians, and those who believe
in marked distinctions of character between the various
branches of the Hellenic race, may trace in Simonides
much of the readiness and shrewdness, and not a little of
the want of depth and lofty principle often ascribed to the
Ionic temperament. His vocation as a choral poet found
an opportunity of developing itself in his own island in con-
nection with religion, for he appears® to have taken some
official part in the cult of Bacchus, and Athenaeus /c. speaks
of him as ‘teacher of the chorus’ (διδάσχειν τοὺς χορούς) at a
neighbouring city Carthaea, which was devoted to the
worship of Apollo. His ambition, however, impelled him to
seek a wider sphere for his talents,and we must assume that
he had already won something like an Hellenic reputation
when we hear of him at the court of the Pisistratids, where
Hipparchus, consistently with his active patronage of litera-
ture and the arts, showed special favour to Simonides.*‘
He now became associated with Anacreon and Lasus of
Hermione ; and with the latter he was on terms of un-
friendly rivalry,° as he was subsequently with Pindar at
the court of Hiero.

Lasus’ special province was the Dithyramb, and enmity
may well have arisen between the two poets as rivals in
this branch of lyric poetry, for since the Dithyramb was
particularly connected with the chief public festivals of the
Athenian citizens, and since it was the aim of the tyrants

1 Schol. Ar. Wasps, 1402. * Epigram 147, Bergk.

3 Athen. x. 456.

1 ἀεὶ περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχε, μεγάλοις μισϑοῖς καὶ δώροις πείϑων, Plat. Hipparch.
228 C. 5 Schol. Wasps, Lc.

—

SIMONIDES 199

to educate their subjects as much as possible (Plat. Zc.)
it is likely that Simonides, who subsequently attained
great distinction in Dithyrambic poetry, first gave his
attention to it under the patronage of the Pisistratids.

The next patrons of Simonides were the Scopadae and
Aleuadae, the great Thessalian families to whom he betook
himself probably on the fall of the Pisistratids in 510 Β.0,,
or perhaps on the assassination of Hipparchus in 514. He
celebrates a member of the house of Scopadae in a well-
known ode (No. IX.), in which with admirable adroitness
he avoids censuring a notorious villain, and yet does no-
violence to his own moral principles; and a familiar
anecdote concerning Simonides and the Scopadae is told
by Cicero? and other authorities in connection possibly with
this or at any rate with a similar poem in honour of that
family. They complained that Simonides dwelt too much
on the praise of the Dioscuri and not enough on the glory
of his patrons; and they accordingly paid him only half
the stipulated reward, recommending him to apply to the
Dioscuri for the rest. Presently, while they were still
sitting at the banquet in honour of the occasion for which
the song was composed, a message came in that two
strangers wished to speak with the poet outside. No
sooner had he left the banquet-hall than the building
collapsed with a crash and buried the impious revellers,
while to Simonides the Dioscuri had paid their debt.
The kernel of truth in the story seems to be that some
sudden disaster certainly did overwhelm the Scopadae,
perhaps, as Schneidewin suggests, the result of a suc-
cessful conspiracy on the part of the oppressed Thessalians.
Simonides, however, bore no grudge against them, as the
story would imply, since he lamented their fate in a
Threnos, of which a fine specimen still remains (/vag. IIL).

From Thessaly he returned to Athens, probably because
he prudently foresaw the amplest employment for his great
talents in a state which was rapidly coming to the front.
The fact that he had been a favourite of the now much-
abused Pisistratids in no way impaired his popularity with

1 Orat. ii. 86, 2 See on Frag. 11. and Athen. x. 438.

200 GREE CEM Ra Orn TS

the new democracy ; and with a truly laudable impartiality
he sang the praises of the assassins of his former patrons.
(Epig. 156, Bergk.)
Ἢ μέγ᾽ ᾿Αϑηναίοισι φόως γένεϑ᾽, ἡνίχ᾽ ᾿Αριστο-
-γείτων Ἵππαρχον χτεῖνε χαὶ ᾿ Αρμόδιος.

He threw himself, whether or not with a genuine
enthusiasm, into the patriotic spirit of the anti-Medising
Greeks, and it is in connection with the victories over the
Persians that the poet won his greatest renown. The
style of composition that he selected was not, with some
exceptions, Melic, but the Elegy or the Epigram, for which
the particular bent of his genius admirably fitted him.
His elegy upon the victory at Marathon won him the prize,
although he had no less formidable a competitor than
Aeschylus ; and the two extant lines (Bk. 133) in which he
tells how the Athenians ‘fighting in the vanguard of the
Greeks laid low the might of the gold-bedizened Medes’,
show that the prize was not ill-bestowed. The long roll
of successes at Artemisium, Salamis, Mycale, Plataea, etc.,
all earned their meed of praise from the skilful poet ; but
it is when he speaks of those who fell in the conflicts at
Thermopylae that he reaches his highest strain. On this
subject, besides a Melic passage of great power (Frag. 1.),
we have the well-known and immortal epigram:

Ὦ ξεῖν᾽ ἀγγέλλειν Λαχεδαιμονίοις ὅτι τῇδε
Ἱζείμεϑα τοῖς κείνων ῥήμασι πειϑόμενοι,
and many others of conspicuous merit. Thus we read
(Bergk 99 and 100) how the comrades of Leonidas to ‘win
glory unquenchable for their country clad themselves in a
dark cloud of death, and yet though dead have not died
(οὐδὲ τεϑνᾶσι ϑανόντες), but ‘lie in the enjoyment of glory
ever young (κείμεϑ᾽ ἀγηράντῳ χρώμενοι εὐτυχίᾳ)

As the poet-laureate of the Persian wars, Simonides was
intimate with the great generals who led the Greeks to
victory. His friendship with Themistocles is mentioned
by Plutarch (Z7em. v.) in connection with an anecdote of
the statesman refusing him an unreasonable request ; and
we read in Plat. 22. 11. of his intimacy with Pausanias, to

SIMONIDES 201

whom he gave the pithy and appropriate advice μέμνησο
ἄνϑρωπος wy, Aelian adding that Pausanias during his last
hours in the temple of Chalkioikos lamented that he had
not heeded the poet’s words.

In Melic poetry proper he appears to have devoted him-
self during this period chiefly to the Dithyramb, for he
records (Bergk 145) that he won no less than fifty-six oxen
and tripods, the prizes for the Dithyramb ; and he is able
to boast that he was successful even when he had reached
the age of eighty (Bergk 147), in the archonship of
Adimantus, B.C. 476. He introduced, or adopted, a con-
siderable innovation in this class of poetry by extending
it to subjects other than those connected with Dionysus,
as is shown by one of his titles, ‘Memnon’.1

Very shortly after the above date he retired to the court
of Hiero at Syracuse, for we hear of him in 475 B.C. success-
fully intervening between Hiero and Theron of Agrigentum,
who were on the point of war. Hiero in his old age had
followed the example of so many prominent Greek tyrants
in attracting men of genius to his court, and Simonides
with his nephew Bacchylides was in the company of
Aeschylus and Pindar. At this time, apparently, began
that enmity between Pindar and the two kinsmen, which
is supposed to exhibit itself so frequently in the writings
of the Theban poet. They were not only rivals contending
in the same branch of poetry for the favour of their patron,
but as men also they were in strong contrast, and it is
likely that Pindar’s temperament could not brook the easy
self-complacence, the shallow principle, and adroit versatility
of Simonides, which enabled him to adapt himself so
readily to the caprice of the hour in poetry, in politics, and
in morals. Simonides appears to have enjoyed the special
favour of Hiero, and to have often stood to him in the
relation of an influential counsellor, as in the affair with
Theron ; and similarly Xenophon represents the poet and
the monarch as discussing together the nature of tyranny.
Hieronymus tells us that he maintained his poetic activity

1 Strab. xv. 728 B. 2 Schol. Pind. OZ ii. 29.

202 GRE RL ven TC ΡΘΕ 9

to the last, and several of his epigrams belong to the latest
period of his life. At the age of eighty-nine (467 B.C.) he
died at Syracuse,aswe gather from Callimachus 71,wherethe
ghost of Simonides inveighs against the Agrigentine general
who during a war with Syracuse had violated his grave.
There must have been something singularly attractive
about the man who could win the favour of such diverse
patrons as the Pisistratids, the rude Scopadae, the arrogant
Pausanias, and the Athenian democracy withal. To secure
such success qualities more genuine were needed than mere
clever insincerity, artfully adapting itself to all changes of
persons and circumstances. Doubtless Simonides was not
without the latter useful quality, but the universal popularity
and esteem which he enjoyed were probably much more due
to an amiable and tolerant disposition which naturally won
for him the affection of his associates and friends, and led
him to regard their shortcomings with laxity. He himself
says, or Plato says for him, οὐ γάρ εἰμι φιλόμωμος (Frag. IX.,
1. 5 note); and that σωφροσύνη, or moderation, for which
he became proverbial,! was exhibited not only in his own
life but in his judgments of men. The worst charge
brought against his personal character is that of avarice,
to which there is an abundance of testimony. Thus we
have it recorded by Suidas that he was the first poet who
wrote each composition for a fixed charge (cf. above), and
Athen., xiv. 650, brings forward as an example of his greed
the story of his selling the greater part of the allowances
supplied to him by Hiero, a shrewd transaction for which
the poet made a clever apology to his detractors (v. p. 204).
The reputation of Simonides did not rest entirely upon
his poetry, he was also regarded by the ancients as a sage.
For this statement we have ample authority zzter alia in
the works of Plato. Thus in Ref. i. 335 Ἑ, he speaks of
Simonides, or Bias, or Pittacus ‘7 tw’ ἄλλον τῶν σοφῶν τε
χαὶ μακαρίων ἀνδρῶν, and a little before (331 E) on Simon-
ides’ definition of justice being given, Socrates remarks,
“ἀλλὰ μέντοι Σιμωνίδῃ ys οὐ ῥχδιον ἀπιστεῖν" σοφὸς γὰρ καὶ

1 Aristid., περὶ xapagd., ili. p. 645.

SIMONIDES 203

ϑεῖος ἀνήρ. In Plat. Hf. ii. 311, the intimacy of Simonides
with Hiero and Pausanias is given as one of sevcral
illustrations of the natural tendency of great wisdom and
great power to come together (πέφυχε ξυνιέναι εἰς ταὐτὸ
φρόνησίς τε χαὶ δύναμις μεγάλη). Again in Protag. 316 Ὁ,
Homer, Hesiod and Simonides are spoken of as ancient
professors of 7 σοφιστικὴ τέχνη, Who imposed their art upon
mankind under the attractive disguise of poetry ; and still
more emphatic is the passage in Protag. 343 seg., where
Simonides, in his ambition to win a reputation for wisdom,
is described as trying to prove himself a better man than
Pittacus by attacking a dictum of that sage (see Notes on
Frag. 1X.). Indeed by the time of his birth Simonides
almost belongs to the period in which the sages flourished,
and though he made poetry his chief vocation, he often
imitated in his poems and elsewhere the short pithy utter-
ances characteristic of those early Sophists, if we may
call them such.

The actual principles of his philosophy were not of a
very elaborate nature. He accepts without question the
simple religious and moral views of the early age in which
he was born, The gods are omnipotent and ever-active
rulers of the universe (ἅπαντα γὰρ ἐστι Deady ἥσσω, XX., 1. 5) ;
mankind alike in virtue and in happiness is frail and
entirely dependent on the will of the gods (κἀπίπλειστον
ἄριστοι τούς (xe) ϑεοὶ φιλεῶσιν, Hvag. IX. 1.14). Yet in a fine
passage elsewhere (No. X.), in writing which presumably
the poet had not to consider the dubious character of his
patron to the same extent, he tells us that ἀρετή is to be
attained only by the most strenuous efforts of mortals—
his standard herein being far higher than that mediocrity
which in Frag. IX. he pronounces to be satisfactory.
In the Threnoi he gives expression to particularly gloomy
views of man’s lot on earth, such as are not uncommon in
Ionic writers ; nor does he, like Pindar in similar composi-
tions, hold out hopes of a brilliant after-life.

The wisdom and shrewdness of Simonides were not
entirely the gift of nature. He gained much from his
travels and extensive experience of widely different men

204 GREEK LYRIC POETS

and governments, and much too from careful study. This
is apparent from Pindar’s invective (Οἱ ii. 86), aimed, it is
supposed, at Simonides, against poets who rely not upon
natural genius, but on acquired knowledge and training.
Indeed the greater part of Simonides’ fragments bear the
character of self-conscious finish rather than of spontaneity.

He was famous too for his ready wit, of which several
examples are handed down to us. For example he
declared that he sold Hiero’s allowances in order to exhibit
his patron’s generosity (μεγαλοπρέπειχ) and his own modera-
tion (κοσμιότης). He assured Hiero’s wife that it was better
to be rich than wise, for you see the wise at the rich men’s
doors ;! he remarked to a stranger who sat silent at a
wine-party, ‘ Friend, if you are a fool you are acting like a
wise man, but if you are wise, like a fool.’ ”

In his poetry he probably excelled above all in that
part which does not here concern us—his Elegiac and
Epigrammatic poems. For this difficult work his admirable
tact, the terseness of his expression, and his self-restraint
peculiarly fitted him, and it is greatly to the credit of
Greece to have produced a poet who could celebrate her
victories over the barbarian without one word of super-
fluous vain-glory. The most salient characteristics com-
mented on in his Melic and other poetry are its exactitude
and delicacy of expression, its sweetness, and its pathos.
Thus in Dion. Hal. Vett. Scrip. Jud. we read Σιμωνίδης
παρατηρεῖ τὴν ἐκλογὴν τῶν ὀνομάτων, τῆς συνϑέσεωςτὴν ἀχρίβειαν.
Similarly Quintil. x. 64, says, ‘Simonides sermone proprio
et jucunditate quadam commendari potest, and Dion. Hal.
de Comp. Verb. c. 23, selects Simonides and Anacreon.as
the most conspicuous examples, next to Sappho, of the
‘finished and decorative style (ὁ τῆς γλαφυρᾶς nal ἀνθηρᾶς
συνϑέσεως). As an illustration of these criticisms we may
take the Ode in honour of the heroes of Thermopylae
(No. I.), which is a masterpiece of appropriate expression.

Simonides himself speaks of his songs as τερπνότατα,

1 Ar. PRhet. ii. 16.

97 uv Ἴ = \ ~ ~ m=O
2 °Q ἄνϑρωπε, εἰ μὲν ἠλίϑιος εἶ σοφὸν πρᾶγμα ποιεῖς" εἰ δὲ σοφὸς ἠλίϑιον.

SIMONIDES 205

and the critics are in agreement with him. He is said to
have been called Μελιχέρτης διὰ τὸ ἡδύ, and in Anth. Pal.
ix. 571, he is thus contrasted with Pindar :
Ἔχλαγεν ἐκ Θηβῶν μέγα Πίνδαρος" ἔπνεε τερπνά
᾿Ηδυμελιφϑόγγου Μοῦσα Σιμωνίδεω.

As a further criticism upon Simonides’ composition we
may apply his own remark that ‘painting is silent poetry
and poeiry is speaking painting,” for he excels in close
realistic description. He brings before our eyes the swelling
waters high above the head of the mother and child as they
lie in the trough of the waves (Frag. IL. |. 9, ὕπερϑε τεᾶν κομᾶν,
%.7.4.); and a mere casual comparison of his hyporchem to
the movement of a hunted stag is full of life in the picture
he summons up of the averted neck of the prey in his last
struggle for escape. Similarly Longinus de Sud/. c. 15. 7,
in speaking of the treatment of visions in the poets, gives
the palm to Simonides for realism (ἐναργέστερος).

But the quality for which his poems received the most
enthusiastic praise was their ‘pathos.’ ‘Cea Naenia’ (Hor.
Od. τι. i. 37), and ‘lacrimae Simonideae’ (Cat. 38. 8) were
proverbial expressions. A grammarian in a life of
Aeschylus says that Simonides surpassed the tragedian
τῇ περὶ τὸ συμπαϑὲς λεπτότητι. Dion. Hal. Vett. Scrip. Jud.
II. vi. 420, places him above Pindar in the the same respect
--χαϑ’ ὃ βελτίων εὑρίσχεται χαὶ Πινδάρου τὸ οἰχτίζεσϑαι υὴ
μεγαλοπρεπῶς ὡς ἐχεῖνος ἀλλὰ παϑητικῶς. And Quintilian,
x. 64, says that he excelled all others ‘in commovenda
miseratione. Fortunately we have one immortal specimen
of his pathetic style remaining. I refer to the Danae
passage, No. 11., which is always regarded as a fragment
from a Threnos. When we read this exquisitely touching
poem we do not wonder that. mourners sought the con-
solation of Simonides’ simple pathos rather than of the
majestic and exalted thoughts of Pindar.

Another branch of Melic composition in which he is said

1 Schol. Arist.. Wasps, 1402.
2 Τήν μέν ζωγραφίαν ποίησιν σιωπῶσαν... τὴν δὲ ποίησιν ζωγραφίαν
λαλοῦσαν. Plut. de Glor. Athen., c. 3; cf. Lessing’s Laocoon, passim.

206 GREEKVEYRIGIPOETS

to have excelled was the Hyporchem.! We have only two
or three scanty fragments of this description remaining
(No. XXIV. A, I and 2), in which he speaks of his skill
at mingling dance and song, τος of the intricacy of the
movements he invented.

He was a very popular writer of Epinician Odes,”
although his glory in this respect paled before that of
Pindar. Probably in his hands the Epinician Ode first
took the elaborated form which it exhibits in the Odes of
his younger and greater rival. It was Simonides who
raised it beyond the narrow limits of the particular occa-
sion by introducing digressions, mainly into the region of
mythology, a practice which he himself justifies in the
words « Μοῖσα yap οὐκ ἀπόρως γεύει TO πάρον μόνον, %.T.A.
(No. XXIV. B), and which is referred to by Schol. Pind.
Nem. iv. 60, Sw. ὠνίδης παρεχβὅσεσι χρῆσϑαι εἴωϑεν. In illus-
tration there is the story already mentioned of the Epinician
Ode on one of the Scopadae, in which he devoted so large
a portion to the praise of the Dioscuri; and the long
ethical discussion still extant (No. IX.), is generally, if in-
correctly, supposed to be from an Epinicion (see note ad
/oc.). In this species of composition he appears to have
been far from always maintaining the dignified tone which
characterises Pindar’s Odes. Thus we have in No. XVIII.
a rather ungenerous punning allusion to a defeated
antagonist, and Suidas_ remarks, οὗτος πρῶτος δοχεὶ
υικρολογίαν εἰσενεγχεῖν εἰς τὸ ἄσμια.

It is difficult to estimate the loss that we have suffered
in Simonides’ poems. His genius was lacking perhaps in
erandeur and in depth, but its perfection at all other
points, and its universality, mark him as foremost among
the Greek Lyric poets. Contemporary as he was with the
period of the Drama, a further knowledge of his writings
would have been of the highest value and interest in the
study of the literature and the thought of his age.

hehe ODP TAA ΟΖ... ΤΕ. ἔν. 2:
* See Ar. Clouds, 1356; Knights, 407.

SIMON TD E'S

THERMOPYLAE
[Bergk, 4]

ἘΞ ν}Ξ--Ξ
VY
Bee EU Sv er

.
-““:πυωυπυυ -πυπύυπωυυ--Ξ

-“Ῥ.ιὐ-πυυξτ-υπυυπωπτκ
ΞΘ wewwlSe Glave

OI = FH

Τῶν ἐν Θερμοπύλαις ϑανόντων

εὐχλεὴς μὲν ἅ τύχα, καλὸς δ᾽ ὁ πότμος,

βωμὸς δ᾽ ὁ τάφος, πρὸ γόων δὲ μνᾶστις, ὁ δ᾽ οἶκτος ἔπαινος.
ἐντύφιον δὲ τοιοῦτον OUT’ εὐρώς

on} ὁ πανδαμάτωρ ἀμαυρώσει χοόνος. 5
᾿Ανδρὼν ἀγαϑὼν ὕδε σαχὸς οἰχέταν εὐδοξίαν

“Ἑλλσδος εἵλετο’ μαρτυρεῖ δὲ Λεωνίδας

ὁ Σπάρτας βασιλεὺς, ἀρετᾶς μέγαν λελοιπώς

κόσμον ἀέναόν τε χλέος.

GREEK EY REC PORGS

THRENOI
II

DANAE AND PERSEUS

[Bergk, 37]
IN ed NINA IN NN
V9 teu eo eS = ---

TLS JE) RI RP | SS υσοσος

YOSSI SYS SSS TR

an pm --- -- 5
YO IF | I 7,.--- ---

lOO Bee OO Dil eel © --

FIIYF IIS SFR

— te ye Ve Oe
NSN Ci ING 19

NING ἘΞΞ5. 1: NI G/N

yy mv bub Ut (ὦ - -Ὁ

FY SY SUS FR

OO a ee ae ORO Baal O alin
υυϊπππυυς--ο--οἀα-- 15

WRU ATK

OO BROS SYS] SIMI SVS TR
PIG 9YI FOF ATFR
SSS SUSE

Ὅτε λάρναχι (δ᾽) ἐν δαιδαλέᾳ

ἄνεμός τέ μιν πνέων χινηϑεῖσα τε λίμινα

δείματι ἤριπεν, οὐκ ἀδιάντοισι παρείαις,

ἀμφί τε Περσέϊ βάλλε φίλαν χέρ᾽, εἶπέν τ᾽, τέκος,
οἷον ἔχω πόνον σὺ δ᾽ αὔτως 5
γαλαϑηνῷ στήϑεϊ χνώσσεις ἐν ἀτερπεὶ

δούρατι χαλχεογόμφῳ, νυχτιλαμπεὶ

xvavéw τε δνόφῳ ταϑείς᾽

ἅλυαν δ᾽ ὕπερϑε τεᾶν κομᾶν βαϑεῖαν

περιόντος κύματος οὐχ ἀλέγεις, ΙΟ
οὐ δ᾽ ἀνέμου φϑόγγον πορφυρέᾳ

χείμενος ἐν χλανίδι πρόσωπον χαλὸν (. -- 5)

Εἰ δέ τοι δεινὸν τό γε δεινὸν ἦν

SIT MONTDES 209

καί xev ἐμῶν ῥημάτων λεπτὸν ὑπεῖχες οὔὖας:
χέλομιαι εὖδε βρέφος, εὑδέτω δὲ πόντος, 15
εὑδέτω δ᾽ ἄμετρον κακόν’

μεταβουλία δέ τις φανείη, Ζεῦ πάτερ ἐκ σέϑεν᾽

ὅττι δὲ ϑαρσαλέον ἔπος εὔχομαι

τεχνόφιν δίκαν σύγγνωϑί μοι.

III

ON THE SCOPADAE
[Bergk, 32]
— mE a NN
— rb ee 4%
Set ie OAS dee oR © ee ORS Noell © eS]
=—G—v—-u-N
Ανϑοωπος ἔων μήποτε φύσης OTL γίνεται αὔριον
ες Ξ Ἢ \ τῇ τ ἣν "ἢ ͵ Y ὃ ᾿
3 » > x ¢ v
pS ἄνδρα ἰδὼν ὄλβιον ὅσσον χρόνον ἔσσεται"
᾽ Ss \ DQ. ͵ ,
οχξιχ y%e οὐδὲ τανυπτερυγοιο PULA
es ig ,
OUTWS % μξεταστᾶσις.

IV
[62]
ΕΣ ΡΝ IN
ωυἱοσουπυπσπυυ-ου-ςλ

NING
Οὐχ ἔστιν χαχόν
> δό > 7 γα. 7) δὲ i
AVETLOGLYATOV AVIPUTOLG, OALYW OE χρόνῳ
΄ la
TAVTA μεταρρίπτει DEVS.

Sa πα
DDI INI RI GIT
᾿Ανϑρώπων ὀλίγον μὲν κάρτος, ἄπρηχτοι δὲ μεληδόνες,
αἰῶνι δὲ παύρῳ πόνος ἀμφὶ πόνῳ’
ὁ δ᾽ ἄφυχτος ὁμῶς ἐπικρέμαται ϑάνατος"
χείνου γὰρ ἴσον λάχον μέρος οἵ τ᾽ ἀγαϑοί
ὅστις τε κακός.
O

210 GREEK VEY RAC? POETS

VI
[Bergk, 36]

aN
sy ov eu

= Oy πο PS Sy Se aS
= —
Ὁ εξ τ --- τ’

8 ro ev =

Οὐδὲ γὰρ of πρότερόν ποτ᾽ ἐπέλοντο,
ϑεῶν δ᾽ ἐξ ἀνάκτων ἐγένονθ᾽ υἷες ἡμίϑεοι,
ἄπονον οὐδ᾽ ἄφϑιτον οὐδ᾽ ἀκίνδυνον βίον
ἐς γῆρας ἐξίκοντο τελέσαντες.

Oe One One

Πάντα γὰρ μίαν ἱκνεῖται δασπλῆτα Χάρυβδιν,
αἱ μεγάλαι τ᾽ ἀρεταὶ καὶ ὁ πλοῦτος.

ΨΝΙΠ
[577]
-- ἢ MSS ΞΘ SYS SF SS
Sr RN
ΠΠολλὸς γὰρ ἁμῖν εἰς (τὸ) τεϑνάναι χρόνος, ζοῖμεν δ᾽ dordud
παῦρα καχῶς ἔτεα.

ETHICAL SUBJECTS
IX

΄
-οὐσ ων οὐ παν τον Ξν
Pte τες / = = YAN
aN NN NII INST ING νι
4

΄ ΄ Vv
w itv tury tu HA

/ /
witvcetcwuu-“4A

5
vi440-G
2 eH a er -
"Avdo’ ἀγαϑὸν μὲν ἀλαϑέως γενέσϑαι στο. α΄
Pp &Y ἰ θ

χαλεπὸν χερσίν TE χαὶ ποσὶ καὶ νόῳ τετρο-
τ-γωνον, ἄνευ ψόγου τετυγμένον᾽

SEMONT DES 211

ὃς ἂν ἡ χαχὸ δ᾽ ἄγαν ἀπάλαμιος. εἰδώς γ᾽ ὀνασίπολιν
ς ἂν ἦ κακὸς μηδ᾽ ἄγαν ἀπάλαμνος, εἰδώς γ

ίκαν
e “ > / > \ la ? /
ὑγίης ἀνήρ’ οὐδὲ μιή μιν ἐγώ
μωμάσομιαι: τῶν γὰρ ἀλιϑίων 5

ἀπείρων γενέϑλα.
[2

πάντα τοι χαλὰ, τοῖσι τ᾽ αἰσχρὰ μὴ μέμικται.

Οὐδέ μοι ἐμμελέως τὸ Πιττάχειον στρ. β΄
νέμεται, καίτοι σοφοῦ παρὰ φωτὸς εἰρημένον᾽
χαλεπὸν φᾶτ᾽ ἐσϑλὸν ἔμμιναι.
ϑεὸς ἂν μόνος τοῦτ᾽ ἔχοι γέρας" ἄνδρα δ᾽ οὐκ ἔστι μὲ οὐ τὸ
aoe
KHARKOV ἔμμεναι,
Ov ἀμάχανος συμφορὰ καϑέλῃγ
πράξαις γὰρ εὖ πᾶς ἀνὴρ ἀγαϑός,
nanos δ᾽ εἰ χακῶς (τι)

— --
Ἐχἀάπίπλειστον ἄριστοι τούς χε ϑεοὶ φιλέωσιν. ἢ

Τοὔνεχεν οὔποτ᾽ ἐγὼ τὸ μὴ γενέσϑαι στρ. Υ 15
δυνατὸν διζύμενος, κενεὸν ἐς ἄπραχτον ἐλπίδα
μοῖραν αἰῶνος βαλέω,
πανάμωμιον ἄνϑρωπον, εὐρυέδους ὅσοι καρπὸν
αἰνύμεϑα χϑονός:
ἐπὶ δ᾽ ὕμμιν εὑρὼν ἀπαγγελέω.
πάντας δ᾽ ἐπαίνημι καὶ φιλέω,
ἑχὼν ὅστις ἔρδῃ 20

a
udev αἰσχρόν, ἀνόγχᾳ δ᾽ οὐδὲ ϑεοὶ μάχονται.

Χ
[Bergk, 58]
/\

ow
PIF FDIS IIO®
== GO
Sy SS YO FGF we

τό SO ΠΡΌΣ 5

PID

(

Ἔστι τις λόγος
A 3 A , δ fy ,ἢ Ppt ,
τὰν ᾿Αρετᾶν ναίειν δυσαμβάτοις ἐπὶ πέτραις,
~ , ~ ~ e \ > / ᾿
νῦν δέ μιν ϑεῶν χῶρον ἁγνὸν ἀμφέπειν

212 GREE KY EVR ve POETS

> QA , lé ~ ΝΜ
οὐδὲ πάντων βλεφάροις ϑνατῶν ἔσοπτος,
ᾧ μὴ δαχκέϑυμος ἱδρὼς ἔνδοϑεν μόλῃ,
ἵκῃ τ᾽ ἐς ἄκρον ἀνδρείας.

ΧΙ

[Bergk, 61]

=I U— τον
Οὔτις ἀνεῦ ϑεὼν
ἀρετὰν λάβεν, οὐ πόλις, οὐ βροτός:
ϑεὸς ὁ πάμμιητις: ἀπήμαντον δέ
> / > ~
οὐδέν ἐστι ϑνατοῖς.

XII
[71]
να ἘΞ eae Δ
3 OI) τ) - - ον - τ.
Τίς γάρ ἁδονᾶς ἄτερ
~ a
ϑνατῶν βίος ποϑεινὸς ἢ ποία τυραννίς ;
τᾶς δ᾽ ἄτερ οὐδὲ ϑεῶν ζαλωτὸς αἰών.

XIII
[70]
UU SUMS SITAR

raed ᾿ς SSI σι τος
Οὐδὲ καλᾶς σοφίας ἐστὶν χάρις,
? , “ \ Ὁ ,ὔ
εἰ pn τις ἔχει σεμνὰν ὑγίειαν.
XIV

GNOMAE

Ὃ δ᾽ αὖ ϑάνατος κίχε καὶ τὸν φυγόμαχον

SIMONIDES 213

[Bergk, 69]

(ὁ) UW wae -
To yao γεγενημένον οὐχέτ᾽ ἄρεχτον ἔσται.
[66]
ῶ τ-τυ--οπυ--οὡςπ
Ἔστι χαὶ σιγᾶς ἀκίνδυνον γέρας.
[42]
eee es
“Peta ϑεοὶ κλέπτουσιν ἀνθρώπων νόον.
[76]
Ql ΓΠ-- ---
Τὸ δοχεῖν χαὶ τὰν ἀλάϑειαν βιᾶται.

[67]

(f) Πόλις ἄνδρα διδάσχει.

EPINICIAN SUBJECTS

TO GLAUCUS THE BOXER

[8]
-αἰ|σὄξξΞξ---.ὄ. - πα
OO ee an
DDSI OOF

2 pa
Οὐδὲ ἸΠολυδεύχεος βία

ἐναντίας τᾶς χεῖρας ἀντείναιτ᾽ ἄν αὐτῷ
οὐδὲ σιδάρεον ᾿Αλχμιαάνος τέχος

214 GREEKMLVRIC POETS

XVI

TO ASTYLUS
[Bergk, ro]
= | ee κι ξῖς
ωωϊπ-ω-πππ- GS er er rea
CV αι ISIS
Τίς δὴ τῶν νῦν τοσάσδε
πετάλοισι μύρτων ἤ στεφάνοισι ῥόδων ἀνεδήσατο νίκας
ἐν ἀγῶνι περικτιόνων ;

XVII
MELEAGER

[53]
Ste Gre
I NO TX
We
a gf ert Nash Nh ct Na Nag eel Neel ee eae
-“ἰιπυυξο --τ--οὐσοςτου --
“Oc δουρὶ πάντας
νίκασε νέους δινάεντα βαλών
ἤΑναυρον ὕπερ πολυβότρυος ἐξ Ἰώλκοῦ'
er \ “ roe , BA ~
οὕτω yao Ὅμηρος nde Στασίχορος ἄεισε Anois.

XVIII

[x3]

,
ωυϊττυυ---ῶὧἂἊἼᾷ;πο-«Λ

— / uN

σΐπω--- Ὁ rr re -

Go
VvuUY

Ἐπέξαϑ᾽ ὁ Κριὸς οὐκ ἀεικέως
ἐλϑὼν ἐς (εὔ)δενδρον ἀγλαὸν Διός
τέμενος.

ΧΙΧ

A MULE-VICTORY

ot ET Vetere

[γ]
lee OS Nan ON © Nell © eel OO

Χαίρετ᾽ ἀελλοπόδων ϑύγατρες ἵππων.

SIMONIDES

MISCELLANEOUS

XX
CLEOBULUS CRITICISED

[Bergk 57]

VY
UV ee rr tu

“οουοπουυι -πουςπτοι.-τ

“͵οὐὖὐπο.-- ποι.--
Sy SSS yy YRS TR
“οοπιο.ω---ὰἸ΄Ὺοι--ο
-.ο͵ἦου-ο.--- ee ee Ee

215

Τίς xev αἰνήσειε vow πίσυνος Λίνδου ναέταν Ἰζλεόβουλον,
ἀενάοιςϊποταμοῖσιν ἀνϑεσί τ᾽ εἰαρινοῖς,

ἀελίου τε φλογὶ χρυσέας τε σελαάνας,

7
καὶ ϑαλασσαίαισι δίναις ἀντιϑέντα μένος στάλας ;

“Απαντα γάρ ἐστι ϑεῶν ἥσσω" λίϑον δέ

καὶ: βρότεοι παλάμαι ϑραύοντι᾽ μωροῦ φωτὸς ἅδε βουλά.

5
“ως,

- πολ ποῦ) FOO,

~ 7 A ~ >
πωτῶντ᾽ ὄρνιϑες ὑπὲρ χεφαλᾶς, ἀνά δ᾽ ἰχϑύες ὀρϑοί
͵ 3. te ¢ “Ὁ Y ~
χυανέου ᾽ξ ὕδατος ἅλλοντο χαλᾷ σὺν ἀοιδᾷ"

ΧΧΙ
ORPHEUS
[40, 41, 12]

DPI IS I

a τις, πο GS πω πο eee

-ὐολι- ὦ -ατ π΄ στοὺς τ στὶς ieee

-“,ουὅυυ-πτουω-πιουωυι-ι-- που.-- τι

. VY
dN Nel eh NA) Naot Oc AND BS fore PINS cere Nd incre at
Ta a ἀλπ σ εὐστος

SS DOO OS -α--

--πυυ- KK

\V~ A > ͵ὔ
Tod χαὶ ἀπειρέσιοι

VS =u yy UU KH

216

GRE Kew Ri ee Orr s

ἠδὲ \ 5 , 7 γε ῦσ ον τ ΑΝ ας af
οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐννοσίφυλλος ητὰα TOT WOT ἀνέμὼν
ἅ τις κατεχώλυς κιδναμέναν μελιαδέα γᾶρυν
ἀραρεῖν ἀκοαῖσι βροτῶν,
ὡς ὁπόταν χειμέριον nate μῆνα πινύσχῃ

\ ” shee , : ͵ ἱ , «“
Ζεὺς ἤματα τεσσαρακαίδεκα, λαϑάνεμον δέ μιν ὥραν

χαλέουσιν ἐπιχϑόνιοι

ἱρὰν παιδοτρόφον ποικίλας ἀλκυόνος.

YOU
[Bergk, 25]

TO THE BREEZE

(a) oe a ee

I
=

“Amahog δ᾽ ὕπερ χυμόάτων χεόμενος
πορφυρᾶ σχίζε περὶ πρῴραν τὰ χύματα.

[51]
(CO) .- τ ττὺύὺύ 7
Ee hada iat a τ:
"Toye. δέ με πορφυρέας ἁλός
ἀμφιταρασσομένας ὀρυμαγδός.

XXIII
[74]
(a) SOO Cees

͵Ὧοὧοὧο-ωωπσὺο

"Αγγελε χλυτὰ ἔαρος ἁδυόδμου,
χυανέα χελιδοῖ.

[73]
ὮΝ

τ ese

73 Ὰ

Δεῦτ᾽ ἀηδόνες πολυκώτιλοι
S
/ ᾿ ᾿
χλωραυχενες εἰαριναι.

SIMONIDES 217

XXIV
ON HIS OWN POETRY

A. SONG AND DANCE
[Bergk, 31]
Ge ω-πῦ - ἊΝ
=O tla - IN
DBD DDI INI
*’"Ona δὲ γαρῦσαι
, 48. \ » τ δῷ ϊὸ i *&
σὺν τ᾽ ἐλαφρὸν ὄρχημα ποδῶν οἶδα υιγνύμιεν
Κρῆτα μιν χαλέουσι τοόπον. τὸ δ᾽ ὄοσγανον Μολοσσόν.
| ‘ ᾽ \ ἡ

[29, 30]
.υϊἱπυπυποξ κα
Ὄπ Ξε ON
DBD wD row vy Hv HK -
a =
GF GGG DTD TW Ttw row -—w -F9
ΞΞ a ON 5
as
SV — VE GGG = =

Nhe 1

᾿Απέλαστον ἵππον ἤ κύνα

᾿Αμυχλαίαν ἀγωνίῳ

ἐλελιζόμενος ποδὶ υίμεο χκάμπυλον μέλος διώχων,

οἷος ἀνὰ Δώτιον ἀνϑεμιόεν πεδίον πέταται ϑάνατον
χεροέσσα

εὑρέμεν ματεύων ἐλάφῳ: δ

Ἀ τὰν δ᾽ ἕλ᾽ αὐχένι στρέφοισαν ἑτέρωσς κάρα

Tae ἀπτολμον".. .

B. VARIETY OF SUBJECT

[46, 47]
FANN DISS IIIS) DG I
DYE IID BIS IID =F

Vv
πωυωυ--ς-υυ πω που πυωυ--ῷοἡ---

ee On er
-π “πο σ-ου - ς
“A Μοῖσα γὰρ οὐκ ἀπόρως γεύει τὸ παρὸν μόνον, ἀλλ᾽
ἐπέρχεται

218 GREEK ἘΠ ΘΙ POL TS

πάντα ϑεριζομένα" μή μοι χαταπαύετ᾽ ἐπείπερ ἄρξατο
, ͵ « / [ > ,
TEPTVOTATODY υξλέων ὁ χαλλιβοας πολύχορδος αὐλος.
* * * * ΕἼ *
ὁμιλεῖ δ᾽ ἄνϑεσιν μέλιττα
ξανϑόν μέλι υηδομέναι.

XXV
[Bergk, 52]
WO OS
Si-uS" σὺ. τὴν

(Εὐρυδίκας)
ἰοστεφάνου γλυχεῖαν ἐδάχουσαν
ψυχὰν ἀποπνέοντα γαλαϑηνὸν τέχος.

XXVI
EROS

[43]

--,πς-- τοσοῦ HZ

AO πὶ τ απ ἐ--

Σχέτλις παῖ δολόμιηδες ᾿Αφροδίτας,
τὸν ἴΑρει δολομ:ηχάνῳ τέκεν.

XXVII
[60]

SS ΞΕ Ξο SSI

Ὥνϑρωπε, κεῖσαι ζῶν ἔτι μᾶλλον τῶν ὑπὸ γᾶς ἐχείνων.

ΤΠ O COR EON

ΕἸ: 271.

TIMOCREON was a lyric poet of Rhodes, of whom we know
little more than is made apparent from his fragments. He
was banished from his island on the charge of Medism, and
as Athen. x. 416 speaks of him as a friend and guest of the
king of Persia, no doubt his punishment was deserved, and
in fact he confesses his guilt in /vag.11.%. He had formed
a friendship with Themistocles, whom he attacks so fiercely,
probably in Athens; and it was presumably in Athens
that he came across Simonides. From whatever cause,
the two poets were bitter rivals, as appears from Suidas
and from their surviving poems. Thus Timocreon parodies
a rather inane couplet of Simonides (see on Iv.); and
Simonides wrote a bitter epitaph for him, probably during
his lifetime, in which he satirised his huge appetite and
his slanderous tongue :

Πολλὰ φαγὼν καὶ πολλὰ πιὼν χαὶ πολλὰ xox’ εἰπών
> , ἋΣ , « ,
ἀνϑρώπους xsi. Τιμοκρέων ἱ Ῥόδιος.

We learn from Athen. x. 415 that he was distinguished as
an athlete in the Pentathlon, and he imparts much of his
physical vigour to his verses. It will be noticed that his
poetry is distinct from that of his contemporaries in being
almost entirely personal, and that too although he appears
to use the choral and not monodic style. Now Timocreon
was known as a writer of Scolia, of which No. III. is an
example, and I would suggest that the other passages also,
particularly No. 1, are also Scolia, written like those of
Pindar in the choral form.

TIMOCREON

ON THEMISTOCLES

[Bergk, 1]

— tH ee eu eS
--ὐ τ ξιι e ττλ- --- τὴ -
OOD

YS ee eV ey ae eb

Epode

— 8 eV ee ey er ee

= 9 ee oe eu eu

στροφ.
"AN εἰ τύγε Παυσανίαν ἢ καὶ τύγε ἘΞάνϑιππον αἰνεῖς
7 τύγε Λευτυ χίδαν, ἐγὼ δ᾽ ᾿Αριστείδαν ἐπαινέω
ἀνδρ᾽ ἱερᾶν an ᾿Αϑανᾶν
ἐλϑεῖν ἕνα λῷστον, ἐπεὶ Θεμιστοχλῆ᾽ ἤχϑαρε Λατω,
ἄντιστρ.
ψεύσταν, ἄδικον, προδόταν, ¢ ὃς Τιμοχρέοντα ξεῖνον ἐόντα =
ΧΡ (οἷσι κοβαλικοῖσι πεισϑεὶς οὐ κατᾶγεν
ἐς πατρίδ᾽ Ἴαάλυσον.

λαβὼν δὲ τρί᾽ ἀργυρίου τάλαντ᾽ ἔβα πλέων εἰς ὄλεϑρον,
ἐπωδ.
\ A U > / \ 3.5.9 /
τοὺς μὲν χατάγων ἀδίκως, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐχδιώκων, τοὺς δὲ χαίνων,
ἀργυρίων ὑπόπλεως' Iodust δ᾽ émavooxeve γλοιῶς ΙΟ
ψυχρὰ χρέα παρέχων"
οἱ δ᾽ ἤσϑιον χηὔχοντο μὴ ὥραν Θεμιστοχλέος γενέσϑαι.

«
ῇ

TIMOCKREON

THEMISTOCLES DISGRACED

[Bergk, 2]
(a)

Μοῦσα τοῦδε τοῦ μέλεος
χλέος ἀν’ “Ἄλλανας τίϑει,
ὡς ἐοιχὸς χαὶ δίχαιον.
[3]
(6)
πυου-πυυ- ee ERK
ah ee ala ee =
Beye GeV --
-ο͵υπυυϊκωποπ
Οὐχ ἄρα Τιμοχρέων μοῦνος Μύδοισιν ὡρχιατόμει,
ἀλλ᾽ Ever κἄλλοι δὴ πονηροί’
οὐχ ἐγὼ μόνα χόλουρις"
ἐντὶ χαὶ ἄλλαι ἀλώπεκες.

Ill
SCOLION
[8]
/ — ἿΛ / es —) — ἡ --
στ ποτ τ IND mer tae NGM ee Na! Ben τ τω
/ i Lh WY —, fé = δ Vv——
Si A erred A fee Area ANGI DN aed a ak om NA re od εν fe ND ae Nd τ NG

ΕΣ / 4) “Ὁ A Eee me ~ RIE) of ,
Ὠφελέν σ᾽ ob τυφλὲ Totte, pyre γῇ par’ ἐν ϑαλασσῃ
? ~
unr’ ἐν ἡπείρῳ φανῆμεν,
> \ , U , > / \ \ \ , ᾽
ἀλλὰ Ταρταρόν τε ναίειν κἀχέροντα᾽ διὰ σὲ γὰρ πάντ
(ἔστ᾽) ἐν ἀνθρώποις χκαχᾶ.

[10]
Kyla με προσῆλῦς φλυαρία οὐχ ἐθέλοντα.
οὐκ ἐθέλοντα μι προσῆλϑε ΙΚηΐα φλυαρία.

221

ΒΑΓ AY Lib ES

C. 500-430 B.C.

WE have but few details of the life and career of Bacchy-
lides, nor does it appear to have possessed much indepen-
dent interest for us. He was born at Iulis in Ceos,! and
was the nephew on his mother’s side of Simonides. We
do not know the date of his birth, but he had evidently
reached manhood before the year 476 B.c. when he went
with his uncle to the court of Hiero ; and since he is men-
tioned by Eusebius under the date 431 B.c., I have
adopted as the approximate period of his lifetime 500-430
B.C. This agrees with the fact that he was younger than
Pindar, who was born in 518 B.C., and with the statement
of Eusebius that Bacchylides flourished in 450 B.c. His
patron Hiero is said to have preferred the poems of
Bacchylides to those of Pindar,? and it is supposed that
considerable enmity existed between the two poets. After
the death of Hiero he appears from a passage in Plutarch 3
to have gone to live in the Peloponnesus, and we know
nothing further of his life.

He was no doubt greatly influenced by the example
and instruction of his celebrated uncle, and in the zechnzque
of his art he was probably content to follow his footsteps
without attempting independent innovations of his own.
Nevertheless, as Hartung remarks, the fact that he enjoyed
a considerable reputation side by side with such giants as
Pindar and Simonides, implies that his talents were of no
mean order. An epigram (Azth. Pal. ix. 184) testifies to
the fascination of his style, in designating him λαλὸς Σειρήν,

1 Strabo x. 486, Suidas. * Schol. Pyth 11. 167.
3 De Exilio c. 14, p. 605.

ΘΟ (Θ᾽ ΕΠ sh) BS 223

and similar praise is bestowed upon him in Jacobs’ de/ect.
Epig. iv. 19.
Λαρὰ δ᾽ ἀπὸ στομάτων φϑέγξατο Βαχχυλίδης.

Longinus (p. 101) has an interesting criticism upon him,
in which, while denying entirely to him any claims to real
greatness as a poet, he testifies to certain other high
qualities which are conspicuous in his extant fragments.
Comparing poets such as Bacchylides and Ion with Pindar
and Sophocles, the former, he says, are ἀδιάπτωτοι χαὶ ἐν
τῷ γλαφυρῷ πάντῃ κεχαλλιγραφημένοι, whereas Pindar and
Sophocles, in their mighty efforts, do not always keep up
the high standard they set before themselves, καὶ πίπτουσιν
ἀτυχέστατα. The surviving fragments exhibit considerable
merit, and are perhaps, many of them, specimens of his
best style, a large proportion being obtained from Stobaeus'’
Florilegium. Those that deal directly with the ‘criticism
of life’ do not betray any distinct originality of thought, but
repeat the sentiments found in Simonides and in Ionic
elegy generally. Yet, though the matter may be slight,
the manner is excellent, the expression and the rhythm
being usually full of charm; while in the lines αἰαὶ téxo¢
ἁμέτερον, x... rag. XVIIL, there is a pathos worthy of
Simonides himself. But it is in passages where the note
is one of pleasure that he is at his best. His Paean on the
delights of Peace, when ‘the din of the brazen trumpet
resounds no more and _ sweet-thoughted sleep is not
ravished from our eyelids’, rings with joyous enthusiasm ;
and there is a beauty and a humour in his song on ‘the
sweet compulsion of wine’ (No. 11.) which, combined with
the fascinating metre, are, I think, far more pleasing on
such a subject than Pindar’s sublimer flight.t

1 See note ad Joc.

BACCEVELDES

I
[Bergk, 13]
= BS SS SS =] = VU ST
x
mab ya rb eb AK
PIPPI SADA SS SIR
et ONO Nel ONO fell © Neal © leet!
POD SF = 9 YN 5
OT Oa ONO Illa © elo
ωυνϊ- -Ες --ς-
— rye eb yb KK
Sy Sy Sus πε
eS a τῶν τς τς τι ΙΟ
ΞΘ ΞΞΞΞ ϑ ξϑοε
mye eee [bb

Τίχτει δέ te ϑνατοῖσιν εἰράνα μεγάλα

πλοῦτον καὶ μελιγλώσσων ἀοιδᾶν ἄνϑεα,

δαιδαλέων τ᾽ ἐπὶ βωμῶν ϑέοῖσιν αἴϑεσϑαι βοῶν

ξανϑ φλογὶ μιῆρα τανυτρίχων τε μήλων,

γυμνασίων τε νέοις αὐλῶν τε χαὶ κώμων μέλειν. 5

"Ey δὲ σιδαροδέτοις πόρπαξιν αἰϑᾶν

ἀραχνᾶν ἱστοὶ πέλονται"

ἔγχξα TE λο γχωτὰ ξίφεα τ’ ἀμφάκε᾽ εὐρὼς δάμναται,

χαλκεᾶν δ᾽ οὐχ ἔστι σαλπ ae χτύπος"

οὐδὲ συλᾶται μελίφρων t ὕπνος ἀπὸ βλεφάρων, IO

ἀμὸν ὃς ϑαάλπει χέαρ᾽

συμποσίων δ᾽ ἐρχατῶν βρίϑοντ᾽ ἀγυιαί, παιδικοί 9 ὕμινοι
φλέγονται.

BA CCH GE LDES

bo
bo

PAROENION

[Bergk, 27]

wwe NI τον ee)

(

SVU Oo --αῷἋἬαἯ)ἣ΄-

= — OSU σ-ο- ἃ

. Πλυχεῖ ἀνάγκη
σευομένη κυλίκων ϑάλπῃσι ϑυμόν,
Κυπρίδος" x ἐλπὶς διαιϑύσσει φρένας

> / , /

auuryvuu.evy Διονυσίοισι δώροις,

5) , δ e , , , -

ἀνδράσι ὑψοτάτω πέμπει μερίμνας 5
Syn gre \ , ,ὔ ,

AUTLY ὁ μὲν πόλεων χρύδεμνα λύει,

πᾶσι δ᾽ ἀνθρώποις ψοναρχήσειν δοχεῖ.

χρυσῷ δ᾽ ἐλέφαντί τε νιαρμαίρουσιν οἶκοι

πυροφόροι δὲ κατ᾽ αἰγλύεντα (πόντον)

νῆες ἄγουσιν ἀπ’ Αἰγύπτου υνέγιστον 10
πλοῦτον᾽ ὡς πίνοντος ὁρμιαίνει κέαρ.

ETHICAL SUBJECTS

III

[36]
ἘΦ ἘΞ - Ά
Ὁ = Gyan
ΔΝ

Θνατοῖσι δ᾽ οὐχ αὐϑαίρετοι

οὔτ᾽ ὄλβος οὔτ᾽ ἄκαμιπτος Αρης,

οὔτε πάμφϑερσις στάσις,

ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιχρίμπτει νέφος ἄλλοτ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἄλλαν

γαῖαν ἃ πάνδωρος αἶσα. 5
P

226 GREE REY RIC POETS

EPINICIAN ODE

[Bergk, 1-2]
SWS 9 SS SY S99 TFN
SN I I II IR

— 1a yy my et - — - KK
* * * *

— tee y— — ey —

- BOS II Se

Ὄλρβιος ὦτινι ϑεὸς μοῖραν τε χαλῶν ἔπορεν

σύν τ᾽ ἐπιζάλῳ τύχᾳ ἀφνειὸν βιοτὰν διάγειν'

οὐ γάρ τις ἐπιχϑονίων πάντα γ᾽ εὐδαίμων ἔφυ.
* * * * *

Θνατοῖσι wr φῦναι φέριστον

und’ ἀελίου προσιδεῖν φέγγος

ὄλβιος δ᾽ οὐδεὶς βροτῶν πάντα χρόνον.

ν
[3]
-, πω FH GG ee FU
--.:ἰὀ᾿ὲωηυ- HV UY HK
mye — --οὖὺὖὺ-τὰ

Παύροισι δὲ ϑνατῶν τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον δαίμων ἔδωκεν
πράσσοντας ἐν χαιρῷ πολιοχρόταφον
γῆρας ἱκνεῖσϑαι, πρὶν ἐγκύρσαι δύᾳ.

PROSODION
[21]
=

~ et es er evr ωπτ- τ--

, ae ® > ie »
Παάντεσσι ϑνατοῖσι δαίμων ἐπέταξε πόνους ἄλλοισιν ἄλλους.

+e ν

eer

“a

eee ane σῆς ead ae

Bue CHV ΕἼΘ. ES

227
VII
PROSODION
[Bergk, 19, 20]
I I a Oe iS
ΞΕ σὰν ΖΝ
πο.“ το πο» ἈΝ ον στ ΑΝ “πὶ
ΟΞ ἘΞ
vols ΞΞ ξϑεξ πξ οὐ
΄΄ς-
GGG UH UV — 5

Grate wees
TN NW
PBIB SDFGS SO =>

— US

Eig ὅρος, μία (δὲ) βροτοῖς ἐστὶν εὐτυχίας ὁδός,
ϑυμοὸν εἴ τις ἔχων ἀπενϑῆ διατελεῖν δύναται βίον"
* τ δὲ a 7x 2 ~ ς
G δὲ μέριμν ™ ἀμφιπολεῖ φρενί,
\ δὲ 1.9: , G ‘ ἫΝ DX , ,
τὸ δὲ παρ᾽ ἀμάρ τε (καὶ) νύχτα μελλόντων χάριν
ελ >
ἑὸν ἰάπτεται κέαρ, 5
ἄχαρπον ἔχει πόνον.

* * * * *

, \ \ Cpe S) 2». DiS: Jeo: , ~
aM y%e ἔλαφρον τ ὃστ απρὴχτ ὀδυρόμενον Sovety
χαρδίαν 3

VIII
[29]
-- Ὁ ἘΞ OTS) IDI IOI IO
= FSS SS II SI SS SY SS SY STN
SI = UO OU = Fe
Ne εξ NNN ING
en Se ἀπττες 5

Ὦ Τρῶες ἀρηΐφιλοι, Ζεὺς ὑψιμέδων, ὃς ἅπαντα δέρκεται,

οὐκ αἴτιος ϑνατοῖς μεγάλων ἀχέων᾽ ἀλλ᾽ ἐν μέσῳ κεῖται κιχεῖν
πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποισι Δίχαν ὁσίαν,

ἁγνὰν Εὐνομίας ἀκόλουϑον καὶ πινυτᾶς Θέμιδος"

ὀλβίων παϊδές νιν εὑρόντες σύνοικον. 5

228 ΘΙ WR CPO Tes

ΙΧ

HYPORCHEM
[Bergk, 22]

we meubeuSbo”m

See ee Oe το

Λυδία μὲν yap λίϑος μανύει χρυσόν,

> ὃ ~ ὃ᾽ > \ 7: \ 2 2 > , ΄
ἀνὸρῶν ὃ ἀρετᾶν σοφίαν TE παγκρατὴς ἔλεγχει ἀλαϑεῖα.

Χ
[30]
a LN
— 99 ee ey eb

Πιστὸν φάσομιεν
χῦδος ἔχειν ἀρετάν᾽ πλοῦτος δὲ καὶ δειλοῖσιν ἀνθρώπων ὁμιλεῖ.

ΑΙ

[4]
DIY ASIII AIT
ΞΘ ΞΘ:

Ὡς δ᾽ ἅπαξ εἰπεῖν, φρένα καὶ πυκινάν
, > , ~
κέρδος ἀνϑροίπων βιᾶται,

XII
[44]

I SOI III

Le ye:

Ὀργαὶ μὲν ἀνθρώπων διακεκριμέναι

νυρίαι.

BACGCITY ET DE'S 229

MISCELLANEOUS PASSAGES

XIII

TO THE DIOSCURI

(Bergk, 28]

7, / , ii ie , , ἊΝ
I) TE , οὐ» «πη ποιόν - ἰὠσ I ON FS
, ΄,

/ / / -
I SI I τ΄ ἴων -- ΝΑ

5.--.-:
Οὐ βοῶν πάρεστι σώματ᾽, οὔτε χρυσός, οὔτε πορφύρεοι τάπητες,

ἀλλὰ ϑυμοὸς εὐμενής
Motes τε Ὑλυχεῖα χαὶ Βοϊζωτίοισιν ἐν σχύφοισιν οἶνος ἡδύς.
ς ἡδύς

XIV
[9]
ere rn
ἔξ ey i EK
SIMS ---- IO = FN

Nixa γλυχύδωρος..
ἐν πολυχρύσῳ δ᾽ ᾿Ολύμπῳ Ζηνὶ παρισταμένα κρίνει τέλος
ἀϑανάτοισί τε καὶ ϑνατοῖς ἀρετᾶς.

PAEAN

—~ 7 ——~

GES oe eee
2 / —iy4

4 wa Sweee ΞΟ ΕΞ ΩΝ

“ > ε ) \ / / / ~
Exeoog ἐξ ἑτέρου σοφὸς τό τε πάλαι TO τε νῦν.
οὐδὲ γὰρ ῥᾷστον ἀρρήτων ἐπέων πύλας
ἐξευρεῖν.

30 GREER K IDV POETS

XVI

HYPORCHEM
[{Bergk, 23]

΄, / ΄’ 7 / /
ofS Swe SS Sw Ss Sep Sa

, , , , ΄ ὩΣ
So ΕΞ τ πο πον σε

Οὐχ ἕδρας ἔργον οὐδ᾽ ἀμβολᾶς, ἀλλὰ χρυσαιγίδος Ἰτωνίας
χρὴ παρ᾽ εὐδαίδαλον ναὸν ἐλϑόντας ἁβρόν τι δεῖξαι.

XVII
HERCULES AT THE HOUSE OF CEUX

[33]

QI 9 IY IIIS IR
π-᾿ωυω--υωι.---.--- eK — EB

Ftd ie ae. tale,

“Kora δ᾽ ἐπὶ λάϊνον οὐδόν, τοὶ δὲ ϑοίνας ἔντυον, ὧδέ τ᾽ ἔφα"
Αὐτόματοι δ᾽ ἀγαϑῶν δαῖτας εὐόχϑους ἐπέρχονται δίκαιοι
φῶτες.

XVIII
HYMN
[11]

6S SICH τὰς

OD I 9 MIS FI πὴ

Aiat τέκος ἁμέτερον,
ἴζον ἢ πενϑεῖν ἐφάνη κακόν, ἀφϑέγχτοισιν ἴσον
μεῖζον ἢ πενϑεῖν ἐφάνη , ἀφϑέγ :

INCLINE
CORINTH
[7]

SO =O = = τ -- πὶ τς

ΕΥ̓ ~ \
Ὁ Πέλοπος λιπαρᾶς vacou ϑεόδματοι πύλαι.

ΒΡ Θ᾽ ΠΥ EDES

ΧΧ
[Bergk, 40]

OO OO ONS a
Le

a
RS ΔΝ

Vv SSS

“Exata δχδοφόρε Νυχτός
/ ,
υεγαλοκόλπου ϑυγάτερ.

XXI

: [24]

. Εὖτε τὴν ἀπ᾽ ἀγχύλης ἵησι τοῖς νεανίαις
λευχὸν ἀντείνασα πῆχυν.

XXII
THE EAGLE

[47]

Νωμᾶται δ᾽ ἐν ἀτρυγέτῳ χάξει.

BANQUET-SONGS—THE SCOLIA.

AMONG the remains of Greek Melic poetry not the least
interesting are these Banquet-songs. They reveal to us
how intimate a part was played by poetry in the life of
the ordinary Greek citizen, and remind us that monodic
song, which seems to us the most natural form for lyric
poetry to adopt, little cultivated as it was by the great
Melic poets, received its full share of attention in the daily
social life.

I have mentioned, on p. 12, that convivial poetry in its
earliest stage was probably of a sacred character. Whether
the later secular songs were simply a departure from the
hymnal style, or of independent origin, is uncertain and of
little importance ; but we may perhaps trace the moralis-
ing vein which predominated in the Scolia to an early
connection with religion. Not a few also of the surviving
Seolia are in the form of prayers to some deity.

According to Athenaeus, xv. 694 seg., and Dicaearchus
ap. Suidas, convivial songs were of three kinds. First came
the Paean, sung in unison by the whole company—zedrov
μὲν ἧδὸον ᾧδην τοῦ ϑεοὺ κοινῶς ἅπαντες μίχ φώνῃ παιανίζοντες.
It was sung after the banquet and as an introduction to
the wine, as we gather from Plat. Symp. 176 A. It was
addressed to some appropriate deity, and was distin-
guished, Athenaeus says, by the refrain "Ij Παιάν. We
may assume that the Paean usually took the character of
thanksgiving to the god ; and for this and other reasons
that he mentions, Athenaeus is right in protesting against
the application of the term Paean to such a poem as
Aristotle’s Ode to Virtue (J7zscel/, V1.). An early reference
to the banquet-paean occurs in Aleman, Frag. XI.; and
see on Mzscell. Frag. V.

BANQUET-SONGS—THE SCOLIA 233

Secondly come the Paroenia, or ‘songs sung over the
wine-cup.’ These were monodic and sung by each member
of the company in turn. They might either deliver a
composition of their own, whether improvised or not, or
apparently sing or recite some passage from any famous
poet. Thus we read in Ar. Clouds 1355 seg. of quotations
from Simonides, Aeschylus or Euripides as suitable for
such occasions, and Alcaeus and Stesichorus were popular
for the same purpose. Ilgen! decides that most of the
songs of Alcaeus and Anacreon belonged to this class of
Paroenia, and it is obvious that the practice gave the poet
an excellent opportunity for securing an audience.

The proceedings were conducted with due ceremony.
We are told that a lyre, a myrtle-bough and a cup were
handed round to the right, not to the left_as we pass
our decanters.?, The lyre was probably intended only for
those who were skilful enough to accompany their own
songs ; the myrtle-bough for others, or for any who were
reciting non-melic passages. Thus in Ar. Clozds, loc. cit.
Strepsiades gives his son the lyre when he wishes him to
sing a song from Simonides (goa Σιμωνίδου μέλος), but
substitutes the myrtle-bough when he asks him to recite
a passage from Aeschylus (τῶν Αἰσχύλου λέξαι τί μοι %.7.2.).
The cup was passed round the company like our loving-
cup, and probably retained by each man in his turn while
he was singing,

The Scolia, according to the account which I am at
present following, form the third and most important class
of Banquet-song. In these, which like the Paroenia were
monodic, only the most accomplished took part,* and
indeed no small strain was imposed on the poetical inven-

1 De Scoliorum Poest, the introduction of which is usually accepted
as the standard authority on the subject of Scolia.

2 Pollux. vi. 108 and cf. Ath. xi. 503. The myrtle-bough, or μυρρίνη, is
called by Plutarch αἴσαχος, which Hesychius defines as ὁ τῆς δάφνης
χλάδος ὃν χατέχοντες ὕμνουν τοὺς Deovs(as if he were speaking of the
Paean) ; so that it would appear that the laurel sometimes took the
place of the myrtle.

3 Athen. xv. 694, οὐ μετεῖχον οὐκέτι πάντες, ἀλλ᾽ of συνετοί δοκοῦντες
εἶναι μόνοι,

234 GREEKILVRIC POETS

tion or memory and the ready wit of the performers. The
leader started by singing a short verse on a subject and in
a metre of his own choice. He then passed on the lyre or
myrtle-branch, not necessarily to his neighbour, but to any
person who was ready to accept it, or, if Plutarch’s* account
be right, the first man of one couch was succeeded by the
first of the next, and so on until the game began afresh
with the second of each. The main feature and difficulty
of the Scolion, as thus described, was that each singer was
bound to follow his predecessor not only in subject but in
metre also, and was thus precluded from preparation
beforehand. Original improvisation was, however, not
always enforced, and quotations from famous poets or
slight variations upon well-known passages were often
substituted ; but while in the Paroenion the nature of the
quotation was left to the choice of each member of the
company, who might thus come ready primed with his
recitation or song, in the Scolion presumably it had to
continue or cap the verses of the preceding singer. We
have an illustration of the Scolion-singing, as thus described,
in the song on Harmodius and Aristogeiton, if at least we
follow Ilgen and others in regarding each verse as a
separate Scolion in itself. The simple yet effective repeti-
tions, relieved by a sudden change of expression, are
supposed to reveal to us the manner in which the game
was carried on. The same is said to be true of No. XVI. α'
as compared with No. ΧΥῚ. β΄, and of No. XVII. « as com-
pared with No. Xvil. β΄, also perhaps of the second strophe
or verse of Hybrias’ Scolion (No. xX.) as compared with
the first. A still better example of the game, or rather an
imitation of it, occurs in Ar. Wasps, 1220 seg. Here the
leader makes several quotations which the next man caps
in each instance with some appropriate passage altered if
necessary to suit his own purposes, the composition being
in no case wholly original. It would appear also from this
passage that two performers were enough for the game.
Such is the description usually given of the nature of the

1 Quaest. Symp. i. 1.

‘OTN PRATT

BAN@QUET-SONGS—THE SCOLIA 235

Scolia, in accordance with Ilgen’s interpretation of the
ancient authorities. On the other hand, in certain impor-
tant respects Engelbrecht 1 forcibly urges that Ilgen’s views
are misleading. Engelbrecht’s main contention is, that
whatever may have been the case in the time of Dicaearchus
who wrote towards the end of the fourth century B.c., the
distinction between Paroenia and Scolia, the second class
and the third, did not exist in the Melic period proper
(¢c. 700-450 B.C.), and that the term Scolion had a much
wider application than is given to it in the above account.
In Hesychius and Suidas σχολιόν 5 is explained simply as
παροίνιος ᾧδή, While in Schol. Wasps 1231, what Ilgen would
entitle Paroenia are spoken of as ‘ Scolia’, so that the two
terms seem more or less convertible, or rather σχολιόν
appears to be the proper name for a certain species of
Melic poetry, namely all Banquet-songs other than the
Paean, while παροίνιος is simply an adjective used in con-
junction with μέλος or φδή to describe the Scolion. There
is no mention in any authorities contemporary with the
Melic period of the peculiar kind of Scolion-game described
above ; and Engelbrecht very reasonably maintains that
to attribute the repetitions in ‘ Harmodius and Aristogeiton’
or in the song of Hybrias to the ‘capping’ system is merely
an unwarrantable conjecture on Ilgen’s part ;? and indeed
similar iterations are common enough in our own ballad
poetry. Certainly the large majority of the surviving
Scolia exhibit no trace of the game; and in Pindar’s
choral Scolia such a notion is absolutely out of the
question.

What then was the exact meaning in earlier times of the
term Scolion? and what were the characteristics of this
species of Melic poetry? In answering these questions, the
less closely we attempt to define the less likely we are to
fall into error. Greek-lyric poetry, as I have often men-

1 De Scoliorum Poest, 1883, being one of the most recent works on
the subject.

* For the accentuation see Engelbrecht, ad zz.

’ Particularly unjustifiable is Ilgen’s statement that the single four-
line stanza was the form regularly assumed by the Scolia.

236 GRsE EK ΠΕ VaR A.C PO aie

tioned, was classified according to the occasion for which
it was intended; and apparently Scolia were the poems
composed for convivial meetings. But in addition many
well-known poems, or passages from well-known poems,
originally designed for some other purpose, earned the
name of ‘Scolia’ because they were often sung or recited
at convivial meetings. Of this kind would be the passages
from Simonides or even from Aeschylus mentioned in
Ar. Clouds l.c.; while such poems as those of Alcaeus, classi-
fied by the grammarians as στασιωτιχα, ἐρωτιχα, συμποτικά,
etc., were probably all written as Scolia, or παροίνιοι ὠδαί, and
the same is true of the odes of Anacreon. Even Sappho
appears to have written Scolia, judging from the fact that
No. XI. was ascribed to her by some authorities. Her odes
in general, though intended no doubt rather for meetings
of friends of her own sex, were also made use of as Scolia
at the wine-feasts of men.!

With regard to the second question—as to the char-
acteristics of the Scolion—we can again give no very
definite answer. In form the Scolia were, with rare ex-
ceptions, monodic, and written frequently in four-line
stanzas. Eleven of the surviving Scolia are uniform in
their metre, but they are quoted as the ‘ Attic Scolia’, and
we cannot infer that the type was anything like general.
The rest of them exhibit considerable metrical variety,
many of them being in couplets, and one even in Elegiac
metre. In subject, such topics as love or wine were likely
to predominate, as is the case in Pindar’s Scolia, but the
range was very wide. Among Alcaeus’ Scolia, if we are
right. in so calling them, the ‘Stasiotica’ play the chief
part, and many of those passages specially quoted by
Athenaeus as Scolia are on political subjects. Again, the
genomic or moralising tone predominated widely (see Nos.
VIII, XII., XIIL, etc.), often not unmixed with humour, e.g.
500]. XIX.; and Athenaeus Zc. calls special attention to the
good moral influence supposed to be exercised by the
Scolia. It is a note-worthy fact that wine-songs should

1 Cf. Aelian af. Stod. Flor. xxix. 58, speaking of Solon—zapa πότον τοῦ
ἀδελφιδοῦ... μέλος τι Σαπφοῦς ἄσαντος, and Plut. Quaest, Symp. vii. 8. 2.

is ct eae ce en

ὌΝ ΞΟ ΟΝ ΕΞ ΤΕ. SCOLIA 237

bear this character, and we are supplied with one more
proof of the sobriety of Greek gentlemen.’ Eustathius,
Od, p. 1574, speaking of the different kinds of Scolion,
SayS—ta μὲν σχωπτιχά, τὰ δὲ πρὸς ἔρωτα, πολλὰ δὲ χαὶ
σπουδαῖα. To the last class, which Eustathius indicates to
be the largest, would belong these political and moral
Scolia. The expression σχώπτικα signifies, I think,
‘jeering’ or ‘scoffing,’ and not simply ‘jesting’ or ‘comic,’
for it seems to recal the phrase παραίβολα χερτομέουσι in the
Homeric hymn to Mercury,” and to imply good-humoured
personalities on the part of the boon-companions. The
singers often endeavoured to deliver a clever home-thrust
at each other; thus in Ar. Wasfs 1226, Cleon is supposed
to begin quoting a line from a popular Scolion—ovddeic
πώποτ᾽ ἀνὴρ ἔγεντ᾽ ᾿Αϑύναις---η Philocleon immediately
supplies—ovy οὕτω γε πανοῦργος οὐδὲ χλέπτης--- doubtless
pointing significantly at his butt. We have but little illus-
tration of this in the surviving Scolia, for I think that
Colonel Mure exercises some over-ingenuity in detecting
personal hits and inferior puns in passages which rather
belong to the class of σπουδαῖο.

Briefly, then, we can with safety say little more of the
Scolia than that, so far as we can judge, the term was
applied primarily to all poetry designed for no more
special occasion than the convivial meeting; and that
accordingly there was room for a practically unlimited
range of subject and style, although we find, as is natural,
that certain characteristics, such as I have described, pre-
dominated. If the works of certain grammarians who
wrote on the Scolia had survived, our knowledge of the
subject might have been materially increased.

After the Melic period, according to Engelbrecht’s view,
the term ‘Scolion’ acquired its more limited signification
of a kind of poetry-game, as above described, while other

* See Anacr. XVI. note.
9? , wr , Vee se ad
* Ἔξ αὐτοσχεδίης πειρώμενον, ite Kodpot
ἡβηταὶ Farina παραίβολα χερτομέουσι.
% Cf. note on Scol. I1.

238 ΘΕ ΕΚ Wen CP OARS

convivial songs retained their generic title of Paroenia
(παροίνια μέλη), and no doubt there are traces of the game
as early as Aristophanes, in the passage from the Wasps to
which I have already referred.

About the origin of the expression xodoy, ‘crooked ’, as
applied to a certain class of songs, there is no little dispute.
The commonest explanation is, that it arose from the
irregular order in which one singer followed another.!
Others ascribe the term to the irregularities in metre per-
mitted in the case of improvisations ; or again the songs
may have been ‘crooked’ or ‘oblique’ from the double-
entendres not uncommonly made use of. Of course none
of these explanations are consistent with the view taken
by Engelbrecht of the nature of the Scolia in the Melic
period. His own conjecture is ingenious, that oxox μέλη
were originally opposed to ὄρϑια μέλη, that the latter term
was applied to hexametric composition, and that thus
σχολιὰ μέλη at first included all Melic poetry.2 It became,
however, limited to convivial songs, because these were
probably the first to adopt the Melic style and metre—
religious lyric retaining the hexametric form to a later
period.

1 χατὰ τέπον τινὰ εἰ τύχοιεν ὄντες, Athen. xv. 694.

2 This explanation would render intelligible the expression in
Schol. Ar. Wasps, 1231, σχολιὰ χαὶ πενϑὴήρη ἥδοντο μέλη, applied to the
songs which induced Proserpine to give back Alcestis.

LF Pa ATE EA

SEOLEA, ete

τον ATHENIAN SCOLIA

[Bergk, 9]
σ-τωυο--οθῶῆο---οὧοὖ--ὦὧὠὋμθ

σ-ς-τωυωυ--’ύ-τοω--α

[Le VAN

OTS nw) Ke)

SI = Sy = =X

(a) "Ev μύρτου κλαδὶ τὸ ξίφος φορήσω,

()

(5)

ὥσπερ ᾿ Δρμόδιος x’ ᾿Αριστογείτων,
3 Sieh ;
ὅτε τὸν τύραννον χτανέτην
ἰσονόμους τ᾽ ᾿Αϑήνας ἐποιησάτην.
[ro]
Φίλταϑ᾽ ᾿Αρμόδι᾽ οὔ τί που τέϑνηχας,
νήσοις δ᾽ ἐν μακάρων σέ φασιν εἶναι,
ἵνα περ ποδώκης ᾿Αχίλεύς,
Τυδεΐδην τέ φασιν Διομήδεα.
[ττ|
Ἔν μύρτου χλαδὶ τὸ ξίφος φορήσω
ὥσπερ ᾿ Αρμόδιος x’ ᾿Αριστογείτων,
ὅτ᾽ ᾿Αϑηναίης ἐν ϑυσίαις
ἄνδρα τύραννον Ἵππαρχον ἐχαινέτην.
[12]
Αἴει σφῷν κλέος ἔσσεται κατ᾽ αἷαν,
φίλταϑ᾽ ᾿Αρμόδιος x’ ᾿Αριστογείτων,
Lh a ;
OTL TOV τύραννον κτάνετον
ἰσονόμους τ᾿ ᾿Αϑήνας ἐποιήσατον.

240

G Reb Ke ay Roe. POEs

II
[Bergk, 14]

> w »
Ait Λειψύδριον προδωσέταιρον,

ov “ἷ > , U
οἵους ἄνδρας ἄπωλεσας, μαχεσῦαι
Ε] \ > > af
ἀγαϑούς τε καὶ εὐπατρίδας
of τότ᾽ ἔδειξαν οἵων πατέρων ἔσαν.

ΠῚ
[6]

᾿Ενικήσαμεν ὡς ἐβουλόμεσϑα,

χαὶ νίκην ἔδοσαν ϑεοὶ φέροντες

= δὴ « I y 1. ~
παρὰ Πανδρόσου ὡς φίλην ᾿Αϑηνᾶν.

IV
[2]

Παλλὰς Τριτογένει᾽ ἄνασσ᾽ ᾿Αϑηνᾶ,
ὄρϑου τύνδε πόλιν τε χαὶ πολίτας
ἄτερ ἀλγέων καὶ στάσεων,

χαὶ ϑανάτων ἀώρων σύ τε καὶ πατήρ.

Ψ
[3]
Πλούτου μιητέρ᾽, ᾿Ολυμπίαν ἀείδω
εθὺ ἰ
, , > (4
Anu-ntea στεφανηφοροις ἐν ὥραις,
, ~ /
σέ τε Tat Διὸς Φερσεφόνη,
χαίρετον, εὖ δὲ τάνδ᾽ ἀμφέπετον πόλιν.

[5]
Ἰὼ Παν, ᾿Αρκαδίας μεδέων χλεεννᾶς,
ὀρχηστά, Βρομίαις ὀπαδὲ Νύμφαις,
γελασειας, ὦ Πάν, ἐπ᾽ ἐμαῖς
εὐφροσύναις, ἀοιδαῖς χεχαρημένος.

BANQUET-SONGS—THE SCOLIA a4!

VII
(Bergk, 4]

Ἔν Δήλῳ ποτ᾽ ἔτικτε τέχνα Aare’,
Φοῖβον χρυσοχόμαν ἄνακτ᾽ ᾿Απόλλω,
ἐλαφηβόλον τ᾽ ἀγροτέραν

Ἄρτεμιν, ἃ γυναικῶν μέγ᾽ ἔχει κράτος.

VIII

7]
ἴϑ᾽ ἐξὴν ὁποῖός τις ἣν ἕκαστος,
τὸ στῆϑος διελόντ᾽, ἔπειτα τὸν νοῦν
ἐσιδόντα, κλείσαντα πάλιν,

ἄνδρα φίλον νομίζειν ἀδόλῳ φρενί.

ΙΧ
[8]
᾿Ὑγιαίνειν μὲν ἄριστον ανδρὶ ϑνατῷ,
δεύτερον δὲ Quay καλὸν γενέσϑαι,
τὸ τρίτον δὲ πλουτεῖν ἀδόλως,
χαὶ τὸ τέταρτον ἡβᾶν μετὰ τῶν φίλων.

Χ
SONG OF HYBRIAS THE CRETAN

[28]
ἊΝ

--ὐ----τω-,ὧοὧὐὦ-ο--
“αεὠπΞο-ς-τω-τ-οο --ὀὁᾷἰσ

πωυ-οῦ--ὼᾷἫ- τὺ

(

SoS JG SG SI SGU] Vas
-Ὗο]Ὧο-ω--οῦ - 0 - 9 OF KU Hr HK

Ἔστι μοι πλοῦτος μέγας δόρυ xa, ξίφος,

χαὶ τὸ καλὸν λαισήϊον πρόβλημα χρωτός:

τούτῳ γὰρ ἀρῶ τουτῷ ϑερίζω,

τούτῳ πατέω τὸν a οἶνον am’ ἀμπέλω,

τούτῳ δεσπότας μινοίας χέχλημααι. 5
QO

GREER VRC POETS

Ν ‘ BN ~ ) a. "ὃ ς Ν /
Tot δὲ pq τολμῶντ᾽ ἔχειν δόρυ καὶ ξίφος
χαὶ τὸ χαλὸν λχισύήϊον TOO GA τὸς
χαὶ τὸ καλὸν λαισήϊον πρόβλημα χρωτός,
πάντες γόνυ πεπτηῶτες ἅμιν
σιπυυ-υ- χυνεῦντί (με) δεσπόταν
᾿Ξ Ν / A) ices /
χαὶ μέγαν βασιλῆα φωνέοντι.

ζ
-.-
πο

PRAXILLA
[Bergk, 21]

᾿Αδμιήτου λόγον, w’ ταῖρε, μαϑὼν τοὺς ἀγαϑοὺς φίλει,
~ ~ 3. / A eo ~ 3 , ,
τῶν δειλῶν δ᾽ ἀπέχου, γνοὺς ὅτι δειλοῖς ὀλίγα χάρις.

XII
[23]
“Ὑπὸ παντὶ λίϑῳ σχορπίος, ὠ᾽ Talo’, ὑποδύεται:
Ψ t ~ Cre) a ~ ¢/ /
φράζευ wy σε Body τῷ δ᾽ ἀφανεῖ πᾶς ἕπεται δόλος.

XIII
[26]

Ὅστις ἄνδρα φίλον μὴ προδίδωσιν, μεγάλην ἔχε:

\ Μ ~ v ~ \ /
τιμὴν EV TE βροτοῖς ἔν τε ϑεοῖσιν χατ᾽ ἐμὸν νόον.

, as , , ,
Σὺν μοι πῖνε, συνήβα, συνέρα, συστεφανηφόρει,
,

, ,
σύν μιοι μιαινομένῳ μιαίνεο, σὺν σώφρονι σωφρόνει.

Χν

[24]
« Hz ΄ \ y y ~
A Uc τὰν βάλανον τὰν μὲν ἔχει, τὰν δ᾽ ἔραται λαβεῖν"

χἀγὼ παῖδα χαλὴν τὴν μὲν ym, τὴν δ᾽ ἔοχμαι λαβεῖν
a TSM AEN EXO EY (ORE CREE EEN:

Pee

or reams

BANOUEITSONGS—THE -SCOLIA 243

II = GSI SSRI SIS
ωωυ--ΤΟὉ)--οασκτ--- ORO ORO) yds
XVI
[Bergk, 19]

/ ” / 5 ΜᾺ ΩΣ > ans λα
(a) Eide λύρα καλὴ γενοίμην ἐλεφαντίνη,
y, Ν ~ f - , > δι ἐς
καί με καλοὶ παῖδες φέροιεν Διονύσιον ἐς χορόν.

[20]
μ yQ) “ \ ,ὔ , ,
(8°) EXS ἄπυρον καλὸν yevoluny μέγα χρυσίον,
χαί με καλὴ γυνὴ φοροίη καϑαρὸν ϑεμένη νόον.

XVII
[17]
ALCAICS
(a') Παὶ Τελαμῶνος Alay aiyunta, λέγουσί σε
᾿᾿Αχϑλλέα.

τω

ἐς Τροΐαν ἄριστον ἐλϑεῖν Δαναῶν μετ

(67) Τὸν Τελαμῶνα πρῶτον Αἴαντα δὲ δεύτερον
ἐς Τροΐαν λέγουσιν ἐλϑεῖν Δανχῶν μετ᾽ ᾿Αχιλλέα.

XVIII
[15]
ALCAICS
Σ᾽ - \ Riba. U
τ: τῷ ἐχ γῆς χρὴ κατιδεῖν πλόον,
τις δύναυτο nal παλάμην ἔχοι
mel δέ x’ ἔν πόντῳ γένηται,

, / > i
TO TAOEOVTL ~PEYELY YVAVKN.

~
y
‘

XIX

[16]
US Sree
Giwe-u- 4%

—U-vV VU
Vimovuvu-vu ys
Ὃ χαρχίνος ὧδ᾽ ἔφα
᾿
χαλᾷ τὸν ὄφιν λαβών᾽
εὐθὺν χρὴ τὸν ἑταῖρον ἔυμιεν
χαὶ μιὴ σχολιὰ φρονεῖν.

244 GREEK? PY RIC’ POETS

[Bergk, 30]

Gavi Ξε : /\

NINN NS -ῳ.

(

Οὐ χρὴ πόλλ᾽ ἔχειν ϑνητὸν ἄνϑρωπον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐρᾶν,
nol κατεσϑίειν᾽ σὺ δὲ χάρτα φείδῃ.

ΧΧΙ
PYTHERMUS

[1
Οὐδὲν ἦν ἄρα THA πλὴν ὁ χρυσός.

SCOLIA ATTRIBUTED ΤΟ THE SAGES

XXII
BIAS

[Bergk, p. 969]
— 5 eR EOS

3 I FI Ὧν
᾿Ξ τ ell © eel © -ς;
) ~ + ~ 2 / ”. ,
Αστοῖσιν ἄρεσχε πᾶσιν ἐν πόλει αἴκε LEVYS
πλείσταν γὰρ ἔχει yaou’ αὐϑάδης δὲ τρόπος

1 p EX X ᾿ ϑ

7 x

πολλάχι βλαβερὰν ἐξέλαμψεν ἄταν.

XXIII
PITTACUS
[p. 968]
Viqeu-— oe Uo a
DO Iw ow - 0-0

NT ENT τ ιν a Ned sll A
τῶ OI NS)
"Byovra det τόξον καὶ ἰοδόκον φαρέτραν
στείχειν ποτὶ φῶτα κακόν" πιστὸν γὰρ οὐδέν
- a \ if ~
γλῶσσα διὰ στόματος λαλεῖ
διχόμυϑον ἔχουσα καρδίᾳ νόημοι.

BANOWUEDSONGS=GHE SCOLIA

XXIV

SOLON
Ὄπ Ow OS
FS SOUS
“ψᾳτ-ς---ὧ-π-ῖ -ὧπςπῷὸ

SNS -- ιν, A,

--.ξπ- -ὧ-τωω-ςὸῦ

Πεφυλαγμένος ἄνδρα ἕκαστον ὅρα

\ \ SF ve a /,
μιὴ χρυπτὸν ἔγχος ἔχων χραδίῃ

~ , = /
φαιδρῷ πρός σ ἐννέπῃ προσώπῳ
~ / « ,

γλῶσσα δέ οἱ διχόμυϑος
ἐκ μελαίνας φρενὸς γεγωνῇ.

ΧΧν

CHILO

[Bergk, 969]
/\

eh in fk 2) NA Nd: Sh
ἌΝ

5 III -

--ὧ-- τι -ὠὴὐὐ --ῷῶ;αα-ὧὐ--θῆπὌΟ-οὺὺὺοὺ

"Ey λιϑίναις ἀκόναις ὁ χρυσὸς ἐξετάζεται
» \ / ἠὲ
διδοὺς βάσανον φανεράν'

> ~ ~ ~ ~ Nd »> w
ἐν δὲ χρυσῷ νοῦς ἀγαϑῶν τε χακῶν τ᾽ ἀνδρῶν ἔδωχ᾽ ἔλεγχον,

XXVI

THALES

[Ρ. 970]

VY Vv VY τ ω dh ὶ--
NNT ak IANA NG
ere eo -Ξ
wm = HG = = - HK

Μ \ πῶς Ν ὦ , > , ara
OU τι τὰ πολλὰ ἔπη φρονίμιην ἀπεφήνατο δόξαν
ἕν τι μάτευςε σοφόν"
ἕν τι χεδνὸν αἱροῦ.

λύσεις γὰρ ἀνδρῶν χωτίλων γλώσσας ἀπεραντολύγους.

240 GREE Kye RVC ePOE ALS

XXVII
CLEOBULUS
Vertu oVE oe
OBE ESO UA

᾿Αμουσία τὸ πλέον μέρος ἐν βροτοῖσιν
λόγων τε πλῆϑος" ἀλλ᾽ ὁ χαιρὸς ἀρχέσει.
(φρόνει τι χεδνόν' μὴ μάταιος ἄχαρις γινέσϑω.)

XXVIII
; [Bergk, 27]
Ἔγχει καὶ Κύδωνι, διάκονε, und’ ἐπιλήϑου,
εἰ χρὴ τοῖς ἀγαϑοῖς ἀνδράσιν οἰνοχοεῖν.

POrPUEARY SONGS

POPULAR SONGS

I
LINUS SONG
{Bergk, 2

—vu- oo -ΞοήΞ:--͵Ἀυ-οὐὔὐ-ν, or (3) ae

Ὦ, Atve πᾶσι ϑεοῖσιν
τετιμένε, σοὶ γὰρ ἔδωχαν
, / > ἴς
πρώτῳ μέλος ανϑρωποισι
φωναῖς λιγυραῖς ἀεῖσαι"
“ὋὌ δὲ eu ς᾽ ? ~~
Φοῖβος δὲ κότῳ σ᾽ ἀναιρεὶ

Μοῦσαι δέ σε eres Ξ

SWALLOW-SONG
[41]
(Metre, see Notes.)

“HAY ἦλϑε χελιδών,
χαλὰς ὡρας ἄγουσαι,
χαλοὺς ἐνιαυτούς,
ἐπὶ γαστέοα λευχά

i tk ἵν Ψ <5)

~ /
ἐπὶ νῶτα μέλαινα.
Παλᾶάϑαν od προχύχλει
ἐχ πίονος οἴκου,
οἴνου δὲ δέπαστρον
τυρῶν τε χάνυστρον.
Q , ,

χαὶ πυρνὰ χελιδών
χαὶ λεχιϑίταν

ΙΟ

~ U a
οὐχ ἀπωϑεῖται. Πότερ᾽ ἀπ πίωμες, ἢ λαβώμεϑα ;

εἰ μέν τι δώσεις" εἰ δὲ Yh οὐχ éxcou.<v.
Ἢ τὰν ϑύραν φέρωμες 7 τὴ τοὐπέρ ϑυρον ;
ἢ τὰν γυναῖκα τὰν ἔσω χαϑημέναν ;
μικρὰ μέν ἐστι, dadios μιν οἴσομεν"

ἂν δὲ φέρῃς τι

μέγα δή τι φέροιο.

Ανοιγ᾽ ἄνοιγε τὰν ϑύραν χελιδόνι:

οὐ γὰρ γέροντές ἐσμεν, ἀλλὰ παιδία.

248 GRE Ke AY ΡΣ"

ΠῚ

[Bergk, 42]

VvYY vy Vv
i ts rv -

, \ > qs , δέξ \ Cee
Δέξαι ταν ἀγαῦαν τυχᾶν, OEGAL τᾶν ὑγίειαν,
« δὰ ~ ~ “ , ,
ἃν φέρομεν παρα τᾶς ϑεοῦ, ἂν ἐχαλέσσατο THY.

CHILDREN’S GAMES

TORTOISE SONG
[21]

Χόρος. Xen! χε xy τί ποΐεις ἐν τῷ μέσῳ:
Χελώνη. Μαρύομ᾽ ἔρια καὶ χρόκαν Μιλησίαν.
4 COCR SE
Xoo. Ὃ δ᾽ ἔχγονός σου τί ποΐων ἀπώλετο ;
Χελ. Λευχᾶν ἀφ᾽ ἵππων εἰς ϑάλασσαν ἅλατο.
“5

FLOWER SONG
[rg]

A. Ποῦ μοι τὰ ῥόδα, ποῦ μοι τὰ ἴα, ποῦ μοι τὰ καλὰ σέλινα;
G NS ,
Β. Ταδὶ τὰ ῥόδα, ταδὶ τὰ ἴα, ταδὶ τὰ καλὰ σέλινα.

VI
BLIND MAN’S BUFF

[zo]
]

τ
Ὃ Περιστεφόμενος. Χαλχὴν μυῖαν ϑηράσω.
Χόρος. Θηράσεις, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ λήψει.
VII
[22 a]

TIATAES. "Εξεχ’ ὦ φίλ᾽ “Hue.

ΘΟ SON.GS

VIII

MILL-SONG AT MYTILENE
[Bergk, 43]

“Ader pura, ἄλει

καὶ yao Πίττακος ἄλει

μεγάλας Μιτυλάνας βασϑιεύων.

ΙΧ
TO DEMETER

[1Ἱ

Πλεῖστον ovAov ἵει, ἴουλον ἵει.

x
[24]

Μαχραὶ δρύες, ὦ Μέναλχα.

THE GAMES

ΧΙ

(α) THE SUMMONS

[Bergk, 14]
SS II SS Tx
INFN i NN
Ξε Ὁ ---

ἔΑρχει μὲν ἀγὼν τῶν καλλίστων
ἄϑλων ταμίας, καιρὸς δὲ χαλεὶ

νηχέτι υξλλειν.

(Ι΄) THE START
[15]

Βαλβῖδι πόδας θέτε πὸρ πόδα πόδα.

250 GREEK VEVRAIC POETS

(γ) THE FINISH
[Bergk, 16]

Anyer μὲν ἀγὼν τῶν χαλλίστων
A , \ δ' ~
ATAWY ταμίας, καιρὸς δὲ χαλεὶ
υ᾿ηχέτι υξλλειν.

RELIGIOUS

XII
ELEAN WOMEN TO BACCHUS
[6]

᾿Ελϑεῖν, ἥρω Διόνυσε,

ἔΑλιον ἐς ναόν,

2 A wn , > ,

ἄγνον σὺν Χαρίτεσσιν, ἐς ναόν
~ / ΝΥ ,

τῷ βοέῳ ποδὶ ϑύων.

᾽ ~ 1a ~

"Atte ταῦρε, ἄξις TAUPE.

XIII
PHALLOPHORI TO BACCHUS

[8]
Σοὶ, Βάχχε, τάνδε μοῦσαν ἀγλαίζομεν.
« ~ e \ 4 of /
ἁπλοῦν ῥυθμὸν χέοντες αἰόλῳ μέλει,
χαινάν, ἀπαρϑένευτον, οὔτι ταῖς πάρος
χεχρημέναν φδαῖσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀκήρατον
AATHOYOUEY TOV ὕμινον.

XIV

[5]

Δαδοῦχος Καλεῖτε Sev"
Χορός Σεμελήν Ἴακχε πλουτοδότα,

POPUL AK SONGS

ΧΝ

AT THE LIBATION
[Bergk, 11]

Tic τῇδε; πολλοὶ χἀγαϑοί.
᾿Ἐχχέχυται: κάλει ϑεόν.

XVI

[4]
᾿Ανάβαλ᾽ ἄνω τὸ γῆρας,
ὦ καλὰ ᾿Αφροδίτα.

XVII
[26]

Στρίγγ᾽ ἀποπουπεῖν
,

νυχτιβοαν--

/ “ 2 \ ~
GTOLYY ATO λαῶν,
ὄρνιν ἀνώνυμον

, ? ~
ὠχυπόρους ἐπὶ νῆας.

252 GREEKSEY RAC TPO S

MISCELLANEOUS AND ANONYMOUS

oO ieee ORCAS oie)
—t— Ue SN

--ἱ πολ Ἐπεξο Ξὺὶ

6 PSS ESSA
DSWD row rw ae - τὸ
Ὁ v/

2 =O = -
/\

-U- “ὦ -

— vy vr

ZS eg wo
WN IPme wy ow rrwr-w - 9
= 8 Sy Sa πεν’
Gs ὌΞΟΣ
/\

5 πο I DN

(

“«οὐ-- es ve --

-ἱ- ὀἩωυ-ωςπῦ-πτο-ςπτο

ὝΜψιστε ϑεὼῶν

πόντιε χρυσοτρίαινοι Πόσειδον,

γαιήοχ᾽, ἐγκύμον᾽ ἀν᾽ ἅλμαν'

βράγχιοι περὶ δὲ σὲ πλωτοί

ϑῆρες χορεύουσι χύχλῳ,

χούφοισι ποδῶν ῥίμμασιν

ἐλάφρ᾽ ἀναπαλλόμιενοι, σιμιοί,

φριξαύχενες, ὠκυύδρομοι σχύλακες, φιλόμουσοι

δελφῖνες, ἔναλα ϑρέμματα

χουρᾶν Νηρεΐδων ϑεᾶν,

ἃς ἐγείνατ᾽ ᾿Αμφιτρίτα"

οἵ μ᾽ εἰς Πέλοπος γᾶν ἐπὶ Ταιναρίαν CATON

ἐπορεύσατε πλαζόμενον Σικελῷ ἐνὶ πόντῳ,
ἜΡΑΕ δε

κυρτοῖσι νώτοις ὀχέοντες,

MISCELEANEOUS AND: ANONYMOUS

ἄλοκα Νηρεΐας πλακός

τέμνοντες, ἀστιβῆ πόρον, φῶτες δόλιοι
ὥς μ᾽ ἀφ᾽ ἁλιπλόου γλαφυρᾶς νεώς

εἰς oidu.’ ἁλιπόρφυρον λίμνας ἔριψαν.

CORINNA

[Bergk, Corinna, 21]

(2)

’

-͵ηωὠοἮ-ωυῖῦ-.ιπωο-

A , σ΄.
Goo oe se τ ΞξῦνΝ

Μέμφομαι δὲ χαὶ λιγοῦραν Μουρτίδ᾽ ἱώνγα,
eo \ ~ oo) vA ὃ , Iv
ὅτι Bava φοῦσ᾽ ἔβα Τ]Πινδάροιο ποτ᾽ ἔριν.

Νίχασ᾽ ὁ μεγαλοσϑένης
᾿Ὡαρίων, χώραν τ᾽ ἀπ᾿ ἑοῦς
πᾶσαν ὠνούμιαινεν.

[9]

(Ω)

Ἦ διανεχῶς εὕδεις; οὐ μὰν πάρος ἦσϑα Koowve ;

Ill
PRAXILLA
ADONIS

[2]

Κάλλιστον μὲν ἐγὼ λείπω φάος ἠελίοιο,
δεύτερον ἄστρα φαεινὰ σεληναίης τε πρόσωπον
> : e / : 7

" Ν , \ Ὁ Ve ὯΝ
ἠδὲ καὶ ὡραίους σικύους καὶ μιἦλα καὶ ὄγχνας,

54 GREEK, LVRIC POETS

IV
PRAXILLA

4 ~ NY > ,
Ω διὰ τῶν ϑυρίδων καλὸν ἐμβλέποισα,

, \ Ud \ I» 7
παρϑέενε TAY χεφαλᾶν, TH ὃ ἔνερϑε νυμφα.

ν
ARIPHRON (9)

PAEAN TO HYGIEIA

I ID SSD SII II IN TN
OO OO Nal OHO ---
Spey III SII FR
— leu ee ZK
— V9 yy ey eK 5
--,, a -π ποι. μι τ ----ς, EU ---
. Vv
NON rar esa πο νης πο
S~ rb Gey UK
σι: πυξ--υξυπ-π — FU - KK

€ , - ey U \ ~ , \ /

Tricin πρεσβίστα μακάρων, μετὰ σεῦ ναίοιμι TO λειπόμενον

Ὶ D
iw \ / / ,

βιοτᾶς, σὺ δέ μοι πρόφρων σύνοικος εἴης"

> BAN
εἰ γάρ τις ἢ πλούτου χάρις 7 τεχέων,
ἜΑΣΟΝ Sel Σ ΕΣ ὃ , ἘΠῚ 9. ΞΕ β De id 2s 1 πόϑ.
1, τὰς ἰσοδαίμονος ἀνθρώποις βασιληΐδος ἀρχᾶς, ἢ πόϑων

“ , 3 / e z =
οὖς κρυφίοις Αφροδίτας ἕρκεσιν ϑηρεύομεν, 5
a ἢ 3, , “Δ / > A
ἢ εἴ τις ἄλλα ϑεόϑεν ἀνθρώποισι τέρψις ἡ πόνων ἀμπνοῦ

πέφανται,
\ oy, ΤῈ ο᾽ Ὃ le

μετὰ σεῖο, μάχαιρ᾽ ᾿ Ὑγίξια,

, , Ta / “
τέϑαλε πάντα καὶ λάμπει Χαρίτων ἔαρ,

/ ἂν Ν LA 2) / v
σέϑεν δὲ χωρὶς οὔτις εὐδαίμων (ἔφυ).

MESCELEANEOUS: AND ANONYMOUS 255

VI
ARISTOTLE TO ARETE

[Bergk, vol. ii. Avtstot. 7]

ORO ORO ORO Be Oe

—ibu---u-K
ORS Nell ON © ----
εω----ῤοὐ--ῶαὑὡὑὺ ----
Bey UU UE 5

Bor? Ny dls mm Naa Nad τ εχ

os, So See ee
SOI ---- τὴ ----
πωυυπυυ--υυ- -ίου---
-ὺὐσύξευ.--- 10
SYS SUV IR
A I) OT LS -- - τς
OVS U9 = == 7K

DIB SII SOY SY SS YS =
INI Nea INI en INN I hr -αὖ---- 15
-“’᾿ωυ-πυυξΞβωω- -ουυ--ᾶοὖυ--- -᾿ἴαυ--οὧοὧοὐτου----

᾿Αρετὰ πολύμοχϑε, γένει βροτείῳ

ϑήραμα κάλλιστον βίω,

σᾶς πέρι, παρϑένε, μορφᾶς

xa. ϑανεῖν ζηλωτὸς ἐν “Ἑλλάδι πότμος

χαὶ πόνους τλῆναι μαλεροὺς ἀχάμαντας" Ξ

τοῖον ἐπὶ φρένα βάλλεις

χαρπόν τ᾽ ἀϑάνατον χρυσοῦ τε χρείσσω

χαὶ γονέων μαλακαυγήτοιό 9’ ὕπνου"

σεῦ 0’ ἕνεχ᾽ οὗ ᾽κ Διὸς ᾿Ηραχλέης Λήδας τε χοῦρο!ι

πόλλ᾽ ἀνέτλασαν ἔργοις 10

σὰν ἀγρεύοντες δύναμιν"

σοῖς δὲ πόϑοις ᾿Αχιλεὺς Αἴας τ᾽ ᾿Αἴδαο δόμους ἦλϑον'

σᾶς δ᾽ ἕνεχεν φιλίου μορφᾶς

χαὶ ᾿Αταρνέος ἔντροφος ἀελίου χήρωσεν αὐγόας.

τοιγὰρ ἀοίδιμον ἔργοις ἀϑάνατόν τέ μιν αὐξήσουσι Μοῦσαι 15

Μναμοσύνας ϑύγατρες, Διὸς ξενίου σέβας Ἐ αὔξουσαι Ἐ φιλίας τε
γέρας βεβαίου.

256

(δ ΝΒ ES Ke aE eels? PLO des

VII
[Bergk, Frag. Odes, p. 139]
ΤΥΧΗ
Qin
el Oe πυυπυυ---- -- -- -- ας
SII) II)
I EO NISRA TRS
6 SI II SD TN 5
I NINN IN TINIAN χα
DBS IPI PDL DI I |

PIF BI DIDI SHIR

Tuya, μερόπων
>? , A , \ Ἀν , - [τὰ
ἀρχα (τε) καὶ τέρμα, τὺ καὶ σοφίας ϑακεὶς ἕδρας
καὶ τίμαν βροτέοις ἐπέϑηκας ἔργοις"
καὶ τὸ καλὸν πλέον ἢ κακὸν ἐκ σέϑεν, ἃ τε χάρις
λάμπει περὶ σὰν πτέρυγα χρὕσέαν" 5
Q \ ~ U \ , ΄
καὶ τὸ τεᾷ πλάστιγγι δοϑὲν μακαριστότατον τελέϑει"
τὺ δ᾽ ἀμαχανίας πόρον εἶδες ἐν ἄλγεσιν,
xa λαμπρὸν φάος ἄγαγες ἐν σχότῳ, προφερεστάτα ϑεῶν.

VIII

PRAYER TO THE FATES

OI OND τ Ξς
Ϊ

a, ---
SS BSUS = τὴν ]

τ -ὐῶ HR

Κλωϑὼ Λαχεσίς τ᾽ εὐώλενοι

~ , > / > , y ᾽ / /
χοῦραι Nuxrds, εὐχομένων ἐπαχούσατ᾽, οὐράνιαι χϑόνιαί τε
δαίμιοονες ὦ πανδείμαντοι"
πέμπετ᾽ ἄμμιν ῥοδόκολπον ᾿

MISCEEEANEOUS AND ANONYMOUS 257

,
Ἐὐνομίαν λιπαροϑρόνους τ᾽ ἀδελφεάς, Δίκαν 5
Ls > Ul
χαὶ στεφανηφόρον Εἰραναν"
΄. , 5 ) ,
πόλιν τε τανὸς βαρυφρόνων
λελάϑοιτε συντυχιᾶν.

ΙΧ
' FRIENDSHIP
[Bergk, Frag. Adesf. 138]
SS SS EO oe
ἘΞ eae ee ia τὸ τ Ow eS Soe
By — Fb - RK
Oi Oe ΞΕ ἘΞ

> δὴ 9 \ / > ~ /
Ov χρυσὸς ἀγλαὸς σπανιώτατος ἐν θνατῶν δυσελπίστῳ
βίῳ, οὐδ᾽ ἀδάμας,
οὐδ᾽ ἀργύρου κλῖναι, πρὸς ἄνϑρωπον δοχκιμαζόμεν'
\
ἀστράπτει πρὸς ὄψεις,
οὐδὲ γαίας εὐρυπέδου γόνιμοι βρίϑοντες αὐτάρχεις γύαι
Ξ Ὁ Eh SS IN) Ne εἰ 6 TALES 9 ESS)
€ > ~ > ~ id ΓΔ Τρ
ὡς ἀγαϑῶν ἀνδρῶν ὁμοφράδμων νόησις.

EURIPIDES. EPINICION TO ALCIBIADES
[Bergk, vol. ii. Zurip. 3]

υυϊἱπυυκτ-πξξυ ----
ωωΐϊ--------- DDS SS Sh = TR
-, αυ--ὧὐὖὐ---- τ UV ES
= 5S VY =U SS = 5

Σὲ δ᾽ ἀείσομαι ὦ Κλεινίου παῖ'

χοϊλὸν ἁ νίκα, κάλλιστον, ὃ μιηδεὶς ἄλλος ᾿ Ἑλλάνων (λάχεν),
ἅρματι πρῶτα δραμεῖν χαὶ δεύτερα καὶ τρίτα,

ΣΝ , Sued a , Ot , 3) 3 ,

βῆναί τ᾽ ἀπονητί, dig στεφϑέντα τ᾽ ἐλαίᾳ

χάρυχι βοᾶν παραδοῦναι. 5

XI
[Frag. Adesp. 96]
PS SI SII
INFN ND IND σ-ω
WN imu - 9
Ἔπειτα χείσεται βαϑυδένδρῳ
ἐν χϑονὶ συμποσίων τε xa λυρᾶν ἄμοιρος,
ἰαχᾶς τε παντερπέος αὐλῶν.

258 ΘΕ ΕΣ ΡΘΕ

XII
[Bergk, Frag. Adesf. 97]
i Δ

PYF ΛΕ ΞΞοχ υ--

- ὁ 7 Ὡς ΡΞ
Ἀπ τ πε ed Nad NI NPN ND,

re vous

a ded σΞῷ / LY (2, fe
Ὡς ao’ εἰπόντα μιν ἀμβρόσιον

τηλαυγὲς ἐλασίππου πρόσωπον
ἀπέλιπεν ἁμέρας.

XIII
[16. 87]
ΑΞ πο, Se ayer
=== VOU =a

Ναὶ τὰν Ὄλυμπον χαταδερκομέναν σκαπτοῦχον Ἥραν,
ἔστι μοι πιστὸν ταμιεῖον ἐπὶ γλώσσας.

XIV
[72. 86]
/ tA i / —
Se ND NS ON NN ree
et IN ee NIP ἘΣ
Od γὰρ ἐν μέσοισι χεῖται δῶρα δυσμάχητα. Μοισᾶν
3 ͵ ,
τῷ ᾿πιτύχοντι φέρειν.

[76. 89]
Ὦ γλυχεῖ εἰρόνα
πλουτοδότειρα βρότοις"

XVI
NIOBE
[78. 98]
Οὐχ αἰεὶ ϑαλέϑοντι βίῳ
βλάσταις τε τέκνων βριϑομένα γλυχερέόν
Paine: oe
φάος ὁρῶσα.

MISCELLANEOUS AND ANONYMOUS 2:9

XVII

DEATH OF ADONIS
[16.. 79 A]

x
SUSI a ees IN

Κάπρος ἡνίχ᾽ ὁ υμαινόλης
ὀδόντι σχυλαχοκτόνῳ
Κύπριδος ϑάλος ὦλεσεν.

XVIII
(Zé. 101]
HECUBA
DIDI IIIS
be eel SS πω Mel © I © elon
υυζξυωυ--- IX
-,Ἴυ-πυ(υπ)υντουνου- --
Α / I 2 «
AXPOTAV κυνα᾽ χαλκξον δέ οἱ
γναϑμῶν ἐκ πολιᾶν φϑεγγομένας ὑπάχους μὲν Ἴδα,
Τένεδός τε περιρρύτα
Θρηϊκιοί τε (πάγοι) φιλάνεμοί τε πέτραι.

ΧΙΧ
[90]
yuu nu
=U — = — UU ==
FOF DI RO FS IDI A OG

πππυυ--οὐτυ ete Oy 8

a OSS 5ο ταὶ 5

Προβάτων γὰρ ἐκ πάντων χελάρυξεν,
ὡς ἀπὸ κρανᾶν φέρτατον ὕδωρ,
ϑάλεον γάλα" τοὶ δ᾽ ἐπίμπλων ἐσσύμενοι πίϑους"
> \ ) > la > \ γ᾿.) ) Ly
ἀσχὸς δ᾽ οὐδέ τις ἀμφορεὺς ἐλίνυ᾽ ἐν δόμοις,

πέλλαι γὰρ λίϑινοί τε πίϑοι πλᾶσϑεν ἅπαντες. δ
XX
[62]

Ἔκ Sanus τόδ᾽ ἀμελγόμινος μέλι τοι φέρω.

260 GREEK 2 VRICHPOETS

XXI
[53]

Ἐγώ φαμι ἰοπλοκάμιων Μοισᾶν εὖ λαχεῖν.

OKIE
[99]

ἤΛλλον τρόπον ἄλλον ἐγείρει
φροντὶς ἀνθρώπων.

XXIII
[104 A]

ἸΠοικίλλεται μὲν γαῖα πολυστέφανος.

XXIV
[104 B]
= 8 U0 a HK

Od μήν ποτε τὰν ἀρετὰν ἀχλάξομαι ἀντ᾽ ἀδίκου κέρδεος.

XXV
[116]
LN

Pre , ,
Oe OO -τὮὦὸ --

, eh U - ~
Τίν᾽ ἀχτάν, τίν᾽ ὕλαν δράμω ; ποῖ πορευθῶ ;

XXVI
[741]

Μισέω μνάμονα συμπόταν.

XXVII

PAEAN TO LYSANDER

[Carm. Pop. 45]

VY ---- —
- NI INN

Tov Ελλάδος ἀγαϑέας
στραταγὸν ἀπ᾽ εὐρυχόρου
Σπάρτας ὑμνύήσομεν, ὦ

Ἰὴ Παιαν.

MiSsCECEANEOUS AND ANONYMOUS

XXVIII

ITHYPHALLIC HYMN TO DEMETRIUS POLIORCETES

[16. 46]

ς οἷ υ ἰἔγιστοι τ τῶν ϑεῶν χαὶ φίλτατοι

if
t

~ /
τὴ πόλει 1 παρ οξισιν᾽

7
ἐνταῦϑ' γὰρ o Av ητρα χαὶ) Δημήτριον
A a Spe

CL. i ὁ ὍΝ ἢ

χὴ psy τὰ σεμνὰ τῆς Κόρης μυστήρια
ἔρχεϑ᾽ ἵνα ποιήσῃ, ys

c cf « Ὁ \ “

ὁ δ᾽ ἵλαρος, ὥσπερ τὸν ϑεὸν δεῖ, καὶ καλός
χαὶ γελῶν πάρεστιν,

σεμνὸς ὅϑι φαίνεϑ᾽, οἱ φίλοι πάντες κύχλῳ
ἐν μέσοισι δ᾽ αὐτός,

ὅμοιον, ὥσπερ οἱ φίλοι μὲν ἀστέρες,
ef. ᾽ > ~
ἥλιος δ᾽ ἐχεῖνος.

᾿Ὦ τοῦ χρατίστου mat ἸΠοσειδῶνος θεοῦ
χαῖρε χἀφροδίτης'

ἄλλοι υὲν 7 μαχρὰν γὰρ ἀπέχουσιν Deol,
ἢ οὐχ ἔχουσιν ὦτα,

ἢ οὐχ εἰσίν. ἢ οὐ προσέχουσιν ἡμῖν οὐδὲ ἕν

ἢ 4 5 ἢ 17: Oy! 5) 61 ξ ὃν,

/ [- ~

σὲ δὲ παρόνϑ᾽ ὁρῶμεν,

οὐ ξύλινον, οὐδὲ λίϑινον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀληϑινόν'
εὐχόμεσϑα δή σοι

πρῶτον μὲν εἰρήνην ποίησον, φίλτατε,
κύριος ἢ γὰρ εἶ σύ"

¢ ~ /

τὴν δ᾽ οὐχὶ Θηβῶν GAN ὅλης τῆς “Ἑλλάδος

Σφίγγα περιερατοῦσαν---

Aimonay, ¢ ὅστις ἐπὶ πέτρας ~AD HUEVOS,
ὥσπερ ἣ THA,
\ / 3». 1, ~ , J: ͵7 ,ὔ ~
τὰ GOULD ἡμῶν πάντ᾽ ἀναρπάσας φέρει,
χοὐχ ἔχω μάχεσϑαι,
" \ ~
(Αἰτωλικὸν γὰρ ἁρπάσαι τὰ τῶν πέλας,
νῦν δὲ χαὶ τὰ πόρρω )---
\
fh \ δ) , > Nie 3 > δὲ A
μάλιστα ὑξν δὴ χολασον KUTOS εἰ OE μὴ,
Οἰδίπουν tw’ εὑρέ,
\ , Ἧ [2 “ ΜᾺ er
τὴν Σφίγγα ταύτην ὅστις ἢ καταχρημνιεῖ
,
ἢ σπίνον ποιήσει.

261

262 GREE KV LY RAC POR rs

XXIX

PAEAN OF THE CHALCIDIANS TO T, FLAMININUS

-“΄,΄πω.,------ or
--ω - -

Vv
ORO Oe ete -Ὁ- --Ξ

“πο ι,-- --

VY
— Ur =

Πίστιν δὲ Ρωμαίων σέβομιεν

τᾶν μεγαλειοτάταν ὅρκους φυλάσσειν.

Μέλπετε κοῦραι

Ζῆνα μέγαν ᾿Ρώμαν τε Τίτον ὃ᾽ ὅμα Ῥωμαίων τε
πίστιν" ἰήϊς Toy

o Tite σῶτερ.

XXX
SAPPHIC ODE TO ROME BY MELINNO OF LocRI (?)

Nips «ε v 4 Μ
X aioe μοι Ῥωμα ϑυγατηρ “Apyos,
Ap +
χρυσεόμιτρα, δαΐφρων ἄνασσα,
σεμνὸν ἅ ναίεις ἐπὶ γᾶς “Ὄλυμπον
οἰὲν ἀϑραυστον᾽
δ, τὰ
Σοὶ μόνᾳ πρέσβειρα δέδωχε Μοῖρα
RNR ἫΝ a) το > εἶ
χῦδος ἀρρήκτω βασιλῇον ἀρχᾶς,
BA ~ “
ὄφρα χοιρανῆον ἔχοισα κάρτος
ἁγεμονεύῃς"
σὰ δ᾽ ὑπὸ σδεύγλᾳ χρατερῶν λεπάδνων
στέρνα γᾶ ίας χαὶ πολίας ϑαλάσσης
σφίγγεται: σὺ δ᾽ ἀσφαλέως χυβερνᾷς
ἄστεα λαὼν.
Πάντα δὲ σφάλλων ὁ μέγιστος αἴων
καὶ μεταπλάσσων βίον ἄλλοτ᾽ ἄλλως
σοὶ μόνᾳ πλησίστιον οὖρον ἀρχᾶς
οὐ pe ἐταβαζλλει.
Η γὰρ ἐκ πάντων σὺ μόνα χρατίστους
»Μ > \ / /
ἄνδρας αἰχμητας μεγάλους λοχεύεις,
" ͵ cr a ee
evotayuy Δάματρος ὅπως ἀνεῖσα

Ἂν > MO) ~
καρπὸν απ ἀνδρῶν.

ES BELL POA cd

ΘΠ Ή BIC .POETS

I HAVE already described on p. 106 seg. the general
characteristics of the last or Dithyrambic period in Greek
Melic poetry, and I have also on ἢ. 40and p. 107 dwelt upon
the tendency at the time of the musical accompaniment to
become more and more important at the expense of the
poetry. It remains for me to sketch briefly the develop-
ment of Dithyrambic poetry, and to give some account of
the poets from whom passages appear in this collection.

From the latter part of the seventh century B.C., when it
was first raised to the position of a branch of cultivated
Melic poetry by Arion (see p. 102), to the end of the sixth
century, when it took a new departure in the hands of
Lasus of Hermione, the Dithyramb proper appears to have
received but little attention. It was not, so far as we can
judge from the silence of authorities, patronised during
this period by the great Lyric poets, and we have more
positive evidence in the words of Pindar (Frag. 47, Bockh)

Πρὶν μὲν εἷρπε σχοινοτένειά τ᾽ ἀοιδὰ διϑυράμβων
χαὶ τὸ σὰν χίβδαλον ἀνθρώποισιν ἀπὸ στομάτων.

So great were the alterations effected by Lasus that he is
described as the ‘inventor’ of the Dithyramb.! He was
probably more a musician than a poet, and his innovations
appear to have mainly consisted in bringing the musical
accompaniment, hitherto plain and monotonous, into better
agreement with the excited’tone supposed to characterise
a Dithyrambic song. For this purpose he made a free use
of the flute,” and from this time we may date the commence-

1 Clem. Strom. i. 365: διϑύραμβον δὲ ἐπενόησε Λάσος 'Ερμιονεύς. ΟΕ
a Scholiast on Pindar, ἔστησε δὲ αὐτὸν (διϑύραμβον) πρῶτος "Aplwy.. .
εἶτα Λᾶσος.

2 Schmidt, Diatribe in Dithyr. p. 128 seg., points out that the flute
had not always been the appropriate instrument of the Dithyramb.
Thus Arion was a χιϑαρῳδός,

264 (ΟΣ 51 ς ea RC PO ae ds

ment of the quarrel between the advocates respectively of
the flute and the lyre, of which we have such a lively illus-
tration in Frag. 1. It must not, however, be thought that
the new or more typical dithyrambic style, as ridiculed by
the comedians, belonged to this date. Lasus falls rather
within the last period of the great Lyric poets, and
Simonides probably and Pindar almost certainly adopted
his improvements. From the latter poet we have a long
fragment, No. VI, which we may regard asa type, though
a favourable one, of the ‘ Lasian’ dithyramb. ‘The rhyth-
mical structure of the fragment is bold and rich, and a
lively and almost violent motion prevails in it, but this
motion is subject to the constraint of fixed laws, and all
the separate parts are carefully incorporated in the artfully
constructed whole’.!_ However great may have been the
improvements introduced in the music, they certainly
had not yet detracted from the excellence of the poetry.
Nevertheless the corrupting influence was already begin-
ning to make itself felt, as we gather from the lines of
Pratinas (Frag. I.), written about the beginning of the fifth
century B.c.; and during the course of the next hundred
years the new style came rapidly to the front. Its progress
is described in a lively passage from the comic writer
Pherecrates, quoted in Plutarch’s de Muszca, where ΠΠοίησις
is complaining of her wrongs:

vO
ἐ ἧι τ a σε ae Ὁ
᾿Αλλ᾽ οὖν ὅμως οὗτος μὲν Ἣν ἀποχρῶν ἀνὴρ
ἔμοιγε πρὸς τὰ νῦν nana"
, Peke, rye ) ῃ
Κινησίας δέ, ὁ χαταρατος “ATTUXOS,

Σ x a "4
ἐξαρμιονίους καμπὰς ποιῶν ἐν ταῖς στροφαῖς
ἀπολώλεχέ μ᾽ οὕτως %.T.A.

* * % Ἂς %
a /
Φρύνις δ᾽ ἴδιον στρόβιλον ἐμβαλών τινα
κάμπτων μι LOL στρέφων, am διέφϑορεν
ay πέντε χορδαῖς δώδεχ᾽ ἁρμονίας ἔχων"

1 Miiller, Wést. of Greek Lit. c. xxx. ad fin.

DPR ANB TC POETS 265

INNS) ete ie © tee Σ ᾿ ;
ad’ οὖν ἔμοιγε οὗτος ἣν ἀποχρῶν ἀνήρ.
« κ , , ἢ ᾿ ᾿
Ο δὲ Τιμόϑεός p’, ὦ φιλτάτη, κατορώρυχξε
. ΄ ἢ ,

na διαχέκναιχ᾽ αἴσχιστα...

ΗΝ CMe ἢ

Tae AG απαντας οὕς λέγω

a Be swe “" Νὰ) 2. at SA es
παρελήλυϑ᾽ ἄγων (ὅδ᾽) ἐκτραπέλους νυρμνηκίας.

We thus see that the first step in the direction of the new
style is attributed to Melanippides, and Suidas is in agree-
ment, who says of him—év τῇ διϑυράμβων μελοποίχ ἐκαινο-
τόμτησς πλεῖστα. One of the chief innovations assigned to
him is the substitution of the ἀναβολή for the antistrophical
system.! The ἀναβολή originally signified a mere prelude
before the full commencement of the song, and the term
was now applied to the whole musical composition,
apparently because it partook of the nature of what was
once only the prelude, in observing no fixed laws and
regular periods. Aristophanes speaks of these ἀναβολαί as
being collected among the clouds (Peace 830) or floating
about the void air (zrds 1385); and Aristotle δας appears
to condemn them as exhibiting no distinct τέλος. The
effect upon the poetry was certainly disastrous, as we
gather partly from the passage quoted by Aristotle from
Democritus in condemnation of Melanippides :

re ) 5 ~ \ , Se SN 3. \ ’
Οἱ τ᾽ αὐτῷ κακὰ τεύχει ἀνὴρ ἄλλῳ κακὰ τεύχων
\ ~ /
ἡ δὲ μακρὰ ἀναβολὴ τῷ ποιήσαντι κακίστη.

Melanippides flourished in the latter part of the fifth
century,” and his pupil Philoxenus (435-380), of whom
Pherecrates makes no mention, followed in his wake, many
innovations being attributed to him by Plutarch. Yet his
music and poetry were regarded as severe when compared
with the still more elaborated and ornate style of the next
generation.? There is a long passage surviving from his
Asizvoy, but the nature of the composition, whatever may

1 Arist. Rhez. ili. 9.

* Suidas describes him as younger than Diagoras, who, as he says,
flourished 468 B.c.

3 See Antiphanes ag. Athen. xiv. 643.

266 GREEK EWR C OES

have been the class of Lyric poetry to which it was
assigned, is so essentially un-melic, that I have not in-
cluded it in this collection.

Little is known of Cinesias ‘the accursed Attic’ and of
Phrynis, who appear next on the charge sheet of Phere-
crates. Aristophanes ridicules the empty, unsubstantial
style of the former, in the Birds 1352; and Phrynis is still
more strongly condemned by Pherecrates. The latter is
said by Plutarch (de Mus. c. V1.), to have altered the an-
cient form of Terpander’s nomes. Next to these comes
Timotheus, who attained to very great renown as a
Dithyrambic poet. Plutarch calls him φιλόκαινος, and
accuses him of being addicted to τὸν φίλάνϑρωπον τρόπον,
and Suidas speaks of his enervating the ancient musical
style—tiv ἀρχαίαν μουσικὴν ἐπὶ τὸ μαλακώτερον μετήγαγεν.
He made important alterations in the Nome, giving up for
the most part the use of the hexameter, long regarded as
essential in this branch of Melic poetry, and effecting a
still more radical change in what had once been regarded
as a calm and sedate style of composition by giving it
the opposite characteristics of the Dithyramb. He speaks
with pride of his own innovations in Frag. 1. ε΄, Οὐκ ἄδω
τὰ παλαιὰ %.T-A.

Contemporary with Timotheus in the first half of the
fourth century was Polyeidus, who is spoken of by Plutarch
de Mus. c. XX1., as surpassing even Timotheus in the
intricacy of his musical style.

From the silence of authorities with regard to later
Dithyrambic poets we may conclude that the flourishing
period of this last product of the lyric muse came to a
close about the middle of the fourth century.

Of the real character of the later Dithyramb we have
but little means of judging except from the criticisms
of the comedians and others, since the surviving frag-
ments are insignificant. After making due allowance
for exaggeration there can be no doubt that the poetry
at any rate was of an inferior order. , All those who won
distinction were renowned not for their poetic genius
but for their musical skill; and the very fact that such

DEG WeANME LC POE T:S 267

meagre fragments survive from so many poets living at so
late a period, indicates that their writings owned but small
literary merit. Nor indeed was the Dithyramb intended
for a literary composition ; it was a lively mimetic repre-
sentation of more or less dramatic scenes, in which imita-
tive gestures and clever instrumental effects were of far
more importance than the diction.! Dithyrambs were
intended for prize competitions, and written to win the
immediate favour of a public of a somewhat vitiated taste,
and by no means to endure as monuments of literature.
They probably consisted, according to a good description in
Miiller’s H7zst. of Greek Literature, in a ‘loose and wanton
play of lyrical sentiments, which were set in motion by the
accidental impulses of some mythical story, and took now
one direction, now another, preferring however to seize on
such points as gave room for an immediate imitation in
tones, and admitting a mode of description which luxuriated
in sensual charms.’

I append in their chronological order a short account of
the poets from whom fragments appear in the text.

Bean NAS
ἘῚ. δοο Β.0.

Pratinas is known to us in connection with the rise of
the drama, and it would of course be misleading to speak
of him as a Dithyrambic poet. Nevertheless at this early
period it is by no means easy to separate dramatic from
dithyrambic poetry, and the satiric drama itself, the ‘in-
vention’ of which is ascribed to Pratinas, was probably in
particularly close connection with the Dithyramb. ~More-
over the fragment in the text, quoted by Athenaeus as a

1 See Plat. Rep. iii. 395, where Socrates speaks with contempt of
the imitation of the neighing of horses, the lowing of bulls, the roaring
of the sea, and the crash of thunder.

268 GRIME K Gv Caron rs

hyporchem, appears to partake rather of the dithyrambic
nature, and it will be noticed that it is addressed not to
Apollo, as we should expect in the case of a hyporchem,
but to Bacchus the patron of the Dithyramb. In any
case, the connection of the subject of the fragment with
the history of the later period of Greek Melic poetry com-
pletely justifies its insertion in this place.

Suidas, from whom our scanty information about
Pratinas is obtained, tells us that he came forward with
Aeschylus and Chaerilus about the year 500 B.c., and that
he was the first composer of satiric dramas, thirty-two of
his fifty plays being of this nature. Pausanias (ii. 135)
speaks of his fame as a satiric poet, and Athenaeus (i. 22)
testifies to his reputation as a master of the dance.

LAMPROCEES

Lamprocles is mentioned as a dithyrambic poet by
Athenaeus (xi. 491), and probably belongs to the earlier
part of the fifth century, being described as the pupil of
Agathocles and the teacher of Damon, the latter of whom
maintained that simplicity was the highest law of music,
and numbered Pericles and Socrates among his pupils.
Thus Lamprocles belongs to an early period of dithy-
rambic poetry, and was not open to the charges brought
against its later cultivators.

MELANIPPIDES
El GC. 4408.6.

I have spoken above of Melanippides and his innovations,
and, if Suidas be right in distinguishing between an elder
Melanippides, born 520 B.c., and his grandson, what has
been said applies to the younger poet. Many critics think
that Suidas was mistaken, but G: M. Schmidt in his
Diatribe in Dithyrambum not only accepts his testimony
but attributes rag. τ. β΄ in the text to the elder. If, on
the contrary, we are to regard the later Melanippides

Pee RAM BS EC.POETS 269

as the author of the attack on the flute, it is difficult
to accept Plutarch’s statement with regard to that poet
(de Musica, c. 30) that from his time onwards the flute-
player in importance took precedence of the poet himself.
Melanippides the younger, according to Suidas, was later
than Diagoras, who flourished, according to that authority,
468 B.C., and must have died before 414 B.C., since his death
took place at the court of Perdiccas 11. of Macedon, whose
reign extended from 454-414 B.C.; with this monarch he is
said to have spent a great part of his life. Melanippides is
given the first place among dithyrambic poets by Xenophon
(Wem. 1. iv. 13), and Plutarch classes him with Simonides
and Euripides as one of the greatest masters of music.

DIAGORAS

Diagoras of Melos is described by Sextus Empiricus
(ix. 204) as διϑυραμβοποιός, but he is better known as a
philosopher of atheistical tendencies who earned the title
of “A%so¢. His date is uncertain, for Suidas can hardly be
right in saying that he flourished in 468 B.c., if at least it
is true that he was taken prisoner at the fall of Melos in
411, and ransomed by the philosopher Democritus. He is
said by Sextus Empiricus to have been originally a man
of great piety, as the fragments of his poetry indicate, but,
according to the story, he was impelled to atheism by the
injustice of the gods in not punishing a fellow-poet, who
fraudulently published as his own a Paean written by
Diagoras. His atheism took the aggressive form of
attacking the popular religion in its most hallowed quarter,
the Mysteries ; and he is said to have diverted from their
purpose many who were about to be initiated. The
Athenians retaliated by outlawing the poet, and put a
price upon his head.!- He escaped to Corinth, where he
took up his abode ; and we also hear of him at Mantineia.
His position as a poet seems to have been one of but little
prominence, and he probably abandoned his art for
philosophical speculation.

1 Schol. Arist. Frogs 323, Birds 1073.

270 GRIEG, epee A Ome aS

TIMOTHEUS
ΕἸ. 398 B.c.

Timotheus of Miletus was born in 454 B.C., since Suidas
says that he lived to ninety-seven years of age, and he died,
according to the Parian marble, in 357 B.c. The flourishing
period of his career is placed at 398 B.C. by Diodorus (xiv.
46,) but, as Clinton points out,’ he must have attained to
eminence and effected the innovations already referred to
before that date. He was a voluminous writer and became
one of the most celebrated of the dithyrambic poets, his
reputation surviving long after his death. Thus Athenaeus
(xiv. 626 C) speaks of the Nomes of Timotheus and
Philoxenus being studied as the last stage in the education
of the Arcadian youth; and a Cnossian decree in the
second century B.C. speaks of him in terms of the highest
praise. On the other hand, the most wholesale condem-
nation of his style is to be found in the pseudo-Lacedae-
monian decree, which summarises in its charges against
Timotheus all the sins of all the dithyrambic poets. He
doubtless flung himself boldly into the spirit of the age,
which delighted in luxuriant expression and _ realistic
pantomime ; and in a surviving fragment (No. 1. ς΄) he bids
defiance to the admirers of the older style.

TEES iS
Fl. 398 B.C.

Very little is known of this poet. Hecame from Selinus
in Sicily, and flourished, according to Diodorus Zc., in 398
B.C., the Parian marble mentioning him as victorious in a
dithyrambic contest in the year 401. His poems are said
to have been particularly admired by Alexander; and
Aristratus, Tyrant of Sicyon, raised a monument in his
honour.2. The fragments that remain are insignificant
enough, and are excellent illustrations of the vapidity of
dithyrambic poetry.

LD Past fell ΑἸ 357.

ες Plut. Avex, 6: Oi elute. WV Στ ν 50: 29)

Dire eRe Ava iCc- POETS 271

EICYMNIUS

Licymnius was a dithyrambic poet of Chios whose date
is uncertain. He is spoken of by Arist. (Rez. iii. 2.) as
ἀναγνωστικός, ‘fit for reading, and the few surviving lines
attributed to him are not without literary merit. <A
rhetorician of the same name is mentioned by Aristotle
(Ret. iii. 2), and is identified by some critics with the poet.

Of Lycophronides, from whom two passages are quoted
by Athenaeus, we have no information.

Dit VR ANEEIC POETS

Passages referring to Flute-playing and the New
Musical Style.

(4)

PRATINAS. HYPORCHEM

[Bergk, 457]
o~ — yg
a ΛΔ
Pa Ih ww
UA) es
— , “= AN A
υυιυπιυυυνύσνυ-

, ΄
wo? Seg Sp Suga 5
4
: ὯΝ
BEGIN FW rw 7s
Ρ A p=
OI SOS AN
, 7 , / ia
6S AGS yew Gey Slee
7 7] he St:
SI SUSY} Ἐξ
δα δε» , , ΄ ,
De awa 4S GS ee νος, εἶπ 3 δ 0.5 Ἂχ Io
΄ ;
ΞΞ πω ξξ εξ
* * *
Ζ΄ Ζ
BD GS “πῃ π--π-
μυωυωυωωυωυυυσ
΄
we oN } ris
WN Dy pw yyw ew -u NN
a ΠΕ

᾽ὔ 7] ᾽ὔ

A ΡΞ ΕΣ ee SIAN

, / / ru
Bee ee ee ΘΝ

/ 7 / / UZ
Soe Su ow Sub 4uoul4aeaA

Τίς ὁ ϑόρυβος ode;
τίνα τάδε τὰ χορεύματα :
= ὕβρις ἔμολεν ἐπὶ Διονυσιαδα πολυπάταγα ϑυμξλαν
UOC éu.0¢ ὁ Βρόμιος
ἐ ἐμὲ δεῖ χελαδεῖν ἐμὲ δεῖ 7 παταγεὶν

a ae

DME y RAM BIC’ POETS

ἀν᾽ ὄρεα ϑύμενον μετὰ Ναϊαδων
οἷοι τε RURVOV ἄγοντα ποικιλόπτερον μέλος.
r \ , (YANN > ,
Γὰν ἀοιδὰν χατέστασς Meets βασίλειαν" ὁ δ᾽ αὐλός
- , >
ὕστερον χορευέτω, καὶ yao ἐσϑ’ ὑπηρέτας"
χώμῳ μόνον ϑυραμάχοις τε πυγμαχίαισι νέων ϑέλει παροίνων
ἔμμεναι τ hdres,
ἘΠαὶς τὸν Φρυναίου ποικίλου προανέχοντα ἢ
,
OASYS τὸν ὀλεσισιαλοχάλαμιον,
λαλοβαουόπο. παραμελορυϑμοβάταν ϑ’ ὑπαί
τρυπάνῳ δέμας πεπλασμένον.
” > CANS Cas
ἦν ἰδού" ὅδε σοι δεξιᾶς
ΤῸ δὸ ὃ ᾿ ω δι } A)
χαὶ ποδὸς διαρριφα, ϑριαυβοδιϑύραμβε.
5 Ὁ ᾽ , ,
Κισσόχαιτ᾽ ἄναξ ἄκουες τὰν ἐμὰν Δώριον γορείαν.
(6)
MELANIPPIDES. ATHENE REJECTS THE FLUTE
[Bergk, p. 590]

SoS
ES Saw
AS EG IIIS
ISU I SOULS
“A μὲν ᾿Αϑανα
( ὀργαν" rae D ἱερᾶς ἀπὸ χειρός,
εἰπε τ ᾿ Ἔρρετ᾽ αἴσχεα, σώματι 2.) σ᾽
οὗ με THO ἐγὼ κακότατι Sou!
(7)
TELESTES. DEFENCE OF THE FLUTE
[p. 627]

(
Is
ς
Ι
iq]
ς
|
(
ς
|
ς

f , ΄ / ΛΔ
ND A τι ee NR τ το υσε
/ E= if /
LAS oi f πον των NIN Some Nd
= / ΄ ’,
i πριν σα ad Na nt Nady em aah

“ \ \ ~~ > ΓΕ δ f
ὃν σοφῶν σοφᾶν λαβοῦσαν οὐχ ἐπέλποιλαι VOU
5

Sy
W

ΤΕ

274

GRAD EK WEE Re CaO 1: 8

δουμοῖς ὀρείοις ὄργανον δίαν “Adavay,

δυσόφϑαλμον αἶσχος ἐκφοϑησεῖσαν,

mide ἐκ χερῶν βαλεῖν,

γυμφαγ evel χοροιτύπῳ φηρὶ Μαρσύᾳ χλέος. 5
AM γάρ νιν εὐηράτοιο χάλλεος ὀξὺς ἔρως ETELPEY,

ζ παρϑενίαν ἄγαμον YO. ATOLL” ἀπένειμε Κλωθώ:

ve) ULTONY δ. χόρευτος

ἅδε ματαιολόγων

φάμα 7 ἩΡλο συ ἢ “Ἑλλαδα μο ουσοπόλων 10
σοφᾶς ἐπίφϑονου βροτοῖς TEYVAG ὄνειδος

(δ)
TELESTES, FROM THE “ ASCLEPIUS ἢ
[p. 628]
VY

ΞΞ τ IN -- NI IND NAINA τς
IRI NIN lie
-.αιὐυὐπωυυπππυυπωυωυ-Ξ
-οὐπυουυ- π-- © Peal OS ey AO

ἢ Φρύγα χαλλιπνόων αὐλῶν ἱερῶν βασιλῆα,
Λυδὸν ὃς ὅομοσε πρῶτος
Δωρίδος ees μούσας νόμον αἰόλον Ov. φᾷ
πνεύμοτος εὐπ ττερον αὔραν ἀυνφιπλέκων χαλάμλοις.

ἴ5)
TIMOTHEUS. PRAISE OF THE NEW STYLE

Ip. 624]

we YI GE

« pam Come DENS | men ar JN

to ws KK

, / =

wwe ee Na Sa Sr τυσσο IN

᾽ὔὕ / ———.

A ie ered Nd ND τς ΛΔ

Οὐχ So τὰ παλαιΐ,

χαινὰ γὰρ ἄσματα. χρείσσω᾽
νέος ὁ Ζεὺς βασιλεύει

τὸ πάλαι δ᾽ ἣν Κρόνος ἄρχων

, /

ἀπίτω Μοῦσα modu.

BPP ERY RA WEB IC. POE T

I]
MELANIPPIDES
(a’)
[p. 591]
Ses Ge

IE NI στ oN gee π

Ws 9
0 ἀπ εστύγξον ὕδωρ

\ \ x7 > ὯΝ
(11 SOYTES Hie ριες οἴνου,

\\ te
TAYE OF TAY: TOL μὲν ΟΣ anon OYTO,
i

~ gS , ~ ~
Κλῦθί μοι, ὦ πάτερ, ϑαῦμα βροτς
~ > ΡΟ, ~ ®7
τᾶς ἀειζώου ψυχᾶς μεδέων.

DIAGORUS

(2)
[p. 562]

Wel
ΞΖ οἿΞΞ lawl, oy

SUIS ΕΞ τς

υυ- -οωου--ουωτ-υ---

Θεός, ϑεὸς πρὸ πάντος ἔργου βροτείου
VOLE φρέν᾽ ὑπερτάταν,

? ὃ \ W > \ \ 5
χυτοδαὴς δ᾽ ἀρετὰ βραχὺν οἶμον

BS OID IOS

VY. :
—Yu- ytey — —

v4
ξρῆξ'

\ 4
Κατὰ δαίμονα καὶ τύχαν
\ , ἘΝ > ~
τὰ παᾶντα βροτοῖσιν ἐχτελεῖται.

275

GREEK EY RUCEPOLTS

lV
(a)
LAMPROCLES
[p. 554]
INS U \ > >
Πάλλαδα περσέπολιν δείναν ϑεὸν ἐγρεχύδοιμον
δ 4 ΝδΝ « ,
ποτιυκλήζω πολεμαδόχκον, ἁγναν
LS
maida, Διὸς μεγαλου δαμιαάσιππον.

THE PLEIADS
{p. 556]
αἵτε ποτανοῖς
ε ‘ ~ 2 " ,ὔ ~
OU.CVUU.OL TEASLAGLY αἰθέρι ZELGVE.

LICYMNIUS

ΤΟ HYGIEIA
[Bergk, p. 599]
Ve HU eee EU HK
TN Gee ΣΤ αν ρον tee
y

et OO Ml OS --Ξ

* ΒΕ *
al ellie ORS ial oh oe ἃ

—fevvrvuvr st tye Tea

Ye —v
a IN πον

Λιπαρόμψατε μᾶτερ, ὑψίστων ϑρόνων
~ Ui
σεμνῶν ᾿Απόλλωνος βασίλειοι ποϑεινά,
- in « 4 =
πραὔγέελως Υγίεια
* * *
Tic γὰρ πλούτου χάρις ἢ TEXEOY,
5) ~ > r WANS ~
7 τᾶς ἰσοδαίμονος ἀνθρώποις βασιληΐδος ἀρχᾶς ;
* % *

“ς δὲ Ν " ON YZ "
σέϑεν OF χωρὶς οὔτις εὐδαίμων ἔφυ.

DiRieMRAMBIC POETS

VI
SLEEP AND ENDYMION
[598]
= BS SS SS 9 SS SII ISS Σ

SP UI λ --
Ὕπνος δὲ, ages ὀνμάτων αὐγαῖς, ἀναπετ: τταμιένοις
ἔσσοισιν ἐχοίμισε κοῦρον.

VII
Ὁ
--ωπ πως - KK
τ πο IONS ING

Μυρίαις Fens. δακρύων
᾿Αχέρων ἀχέων τε βρύει

fo’

(6°)
᾿Αγέρων ἄχεα
“ to. 700% eye
ϑὡροτοῖσι mopduw.cver

VIII
PHILOXENUS
[Ρ. 611]

NaN

SS NS Se ed Ὁ NS τον Ὁ,
“> aes
«τ ad re a ND re Na
Ὦ χαλλιπρόσωπε
χρυσοβόστρυχε Γαλάτεια
χαριτόφωνε χαλλος ἐρώτων.

ΙΧ
TIMOTHEUS
[p. 624]
ΘΙ OO τ Π-
Ἐξ ς ἀπε ee εξ
-“.Σϊὧυ-πιουου-π EHR
τ εχ

Σύ τ᾽ ὦ τὸν ἀεὶ πόλον οὐράνιον
ἀχτῖσι λαμπραῖς “Are ἢ ων;
πέμψον ἑχαβόλον. ἐχϑροῖσιν β βέλος
σᾶς ἀπὸ νευρᾶς, ὦ ἰὲ Παιαν.

78 GREEK VEY RUC ΡΟΝ

x
‘FROM THE ‘ CYCLOPS’

[p. 621]

Fre Ζ ΣΕ ΟΝ

"Eyeve δ᾽ ἕν νὲν δέπας χίσσινον μελαίνας
σταγόνος ἀμβρότας ἀφρῷ BovaCov

εἴχοσιν δὲ ust ἀνέχευεν ἔμισγε δ᾽

αἷμα. Βακχίου νεορρύτοις δαχρύοισι Νυμφᾶν.

FROM THE PERSAE
[p. 622]
(α΄)

Kiswoy ἐλευϑερίας τεύχων μέγαν ᾿Ιὑλλαδι %OGU.OY-

(6)
CARNE a re Ne

I SI IID IIS --

Ss ap) ) id ~ , > a 5 ͵
Σεβεσῦ: FLO) συνξργον LOSTAS οριμιοι YO").

XII
IO) I)

» Γ e “ἦδ
᾿Αρης τύραννος᾽ χρυσὸν “Has οὐ δέδοικεν.

XIII
[p. 621]

Οὔτοι τόν γ᾽ ὑπεραμπέγοντα
οὐρανὸν εἰσαναβήσει.

Dit VRAMBIC -POETS

XIV
[p. 623]
a wy eS ΞῈ
« DENI ND ret Cady me aD OD PD Se I NA

΄ὔ / li
SSS es EK

r 3 ~ re ἰπ >
Μακάριος yoda, Τιμόϑεε, κᾶρυς ὅτ᾽ εἰπεν᾽
~ /
Nix& Τιμόϑεος Μιλήσιος
\ / >
τὸν Koumvos τὸν ἰωνοχάμπταν.

XV
TELESTES
[p. 630]
ES A ~N A
NINN re INNS τον NII NS π'
eee ΄ 7
SF 6 SY SS SSS x
ORO OO eis

"Adios δ᾽ ἄλλαν κλαγγὸὰν ἱείς
χερατόφωνον ἐρέϑιζε μάγαδιν,
? Ul ~ ef
ἐν πενταράβῳ χορδᾶν ῥύϑμῳ

~ > ~ /
χεῖροι χαμψιδίαυλον ἀναστρωφῶν τάγος.

XVI
[630]
17 4
= Sse coe y jews
/
vwvy a ae No NP NSE πῶς τὰ - τὸ Κὶς
,
Se τς τς
/ , _—
~;45-—-—YMy--4 TCT κα
/
eee

Πρῶτοι παρὰ κρατῆρας © Ελλάνων ἐν αὐλοὶς
A / A > ,

συνοπαδοὶ Πέλοπος ματρὸς ὀρείας

Φρύγιον ἄξισαν νόμιον᾽

τοὶ δ᾽ ὀξυφώνοις πηχτίδων ψαλυιοὶς χρέκον

Λύδιον ὕμνον

279

280 GREE ΚΟ POETS

XVII

LYCOPHRONIDES

[Ρ. 633]
a
/
υτϊτύνωυ-πωυ-υ N
SR ͵ ͵ A
INT οὐ ΩΣΥΕΞΙ
Χ
ΠΣ» ΄ὕ / y
SSO SG SSS
aa ames
/ ΄ ΄
υυϊξυζουι.ςοῦ.-.0-Δ

Τόδ᾽ ἀνατίϑημί σοι ῥόδον
δ Ψ ͵ AN / ~ A /
χαλον ἀναϑημα χαὶ πέδιλα χαὶ χκυνέαν
χαὶ τὰν ϑηροφόνον λογχίδ᾽, ἐπεί μοι νόος ἄλλᾳ κέχυται
au \ ͵ , ΤᾺΣ x , π
ἐπὶ τὰν Χαρισι φίλαν THIOK χαὶ χαλαν.

XVIII

5, NS » >
Οὐτε παιδὸς ἄρρενος ote παρϑένων
TOY χρυσοφόρων οὔτε γυναικῶν βαϑυχόλπων
χαλὸν τὸ πρόσωπον, ἄν μιὴ κόσμιον πεφύχῃ
« \ > \ yy ,
Ὑ γὰρ αἰδὼς ἄνϑος ἐπισπείρει.

PINDAR
B.C. 522-442.

THIS book professes, as I have explained in the Introduc-
tion, to be a collection of the readable fragments of the
Greek Melic poets other than Pindar. I have nevertheless
admitted by way of supplement the more important of the
fragments of that poet also, and the addition hardly
requires justification. No collection of Greek songs would
be complete without the splendid specimens of the Threne,
the Dithyramb, the Hyporchem, and the Scolion to be
found among Pindar’s surviving poems, for apart from their
great poetical merit, such ample illustrations of the different
branches of Melic poetry add considerably to our know-
ledge of their several characters. On the other hand, 1
have not thought it necessary to include all the readable
passages from Pindar’s fragments, but have selected only
the most important. Of the works of the other Melic
poets so little remains that nothing of value can be spared ;
with Pindar this is fortunately not the case, and in addition
whatever I have omitted in this collection is readily
accessible to English readers in the various editions of
Pindar. I must leave to these latter any detailed remarks
on Pindar’s life and works, contenting myself with a brief
biographical sketch and a few general remarks chiefly in
connection with the fragments. Beyond this I would refer
all readers to excellent articles on Pindar in the Hedlentc
Journal, vol. iii., by Professor Jebb, and in the Quarterly
Review, January 1886, to Professor Gildersleeve’s and Mr.
Fennell’s introductions to their editions of Pindar’s Odes,
and to M. Alfred Croiset’s La Poeste de Pindare, in which

282 GREEK DY REC, POETS

the chapter entitled ‘La Destinée Humaine dans Pindare,’
p. 201 seg., should especially be read, containing as it does
good criticisms on the fragments of Threnes, which are
included in this text.

Pindar was born in the year 522 B.C., and lived, it is said, till
the age of eighty (442 B.c.). He was thus contemporary
with the old age of Simonides (556-468 B.C.), with Lasus,
who instructed him in the technique of lyric poetry, and
with Bacchylides, and he may also have profited by the
advice or example of the Theban poetesses Corinna and
Myrtis. He belonged to the great family of the Aegidae,
branches of which existed not only in Thebes, but among
the Dorians of Sparta, Cyrene, and Aegina. The Aegidae
also held high office among the cultivated and devout
priesthood of Delphi, a fact probably not without influence
on Pindar’s career and poetry. Atan early age Pindar left
Thebes for Athens, where he received instruction from
Lasus, Apollodorus, and Agathocles. His first great
Epinician Ode, the tenth Pythian, was composed by him
at the age of twenty, and, considering the importance
attached to such occasions as victory in any of the great
games, we must infer that he had established his reputation
in Greece even at this early age. We have two other odes,
Pyth. vi. and xii, composed in 494 for citizens of Agrigen-
tum, marking the commencement of Pindar’s connection
with the Sicilian magnates ; and many odes follow closely
upon this in date for victors from various Hellenic cities.
The period of the Persian wars now succeeds, and Pindar
had a difficult part to play. His profession, and, if we may .
judge from his later utterances, his own sympathies were
entirely Hellenic; while, on the other hand, as a member
of the Theban aristocracy he was expected to adhere to
the Persian cause. The course he adopted in his poetry
was to abstain from reference to the delicate topic at any
rate till later times ; and soon after the battle of Salamis
he was able to withdraw himself from the troubles in
Greece by accepting Hiero’s invitation to his court at
Syracuse. He was apparently held in great esteem in all

PINDAR 283

the Sicilian cities,! and his fame spread as far as Cyrene,”
which he is even supposed to have visited in person.
Judging from /’rag. VI. he had returned to Thebes by the
year 463 B.C., but of the later period of his life scarcely
anything is recorded. He speaks of himself in “vag. ΟΧΧΥῚ.
(Bockh) as in the contented possession of a modest estate,
and the lines may refer to a time when he had quietly
settled down in his native city after his travels, and after
the Thebans had freed themselves from the difficulties in
which they were involved subsequently upon the expulsion
of the Persians. He composed an Epinician Ode, OZ iv.,
as late as 452 B.C., when he was seventy years of age, and
died, it is said, at the age of eighty, his death being sent
to him by the gods in response to his prayer for their
sreatest boon. He received after his death almost divine
honours at Delphi, and when the Lacedaemonians, and
subsequently Alexander, sacked Thebes, Pindar’s house
was regarded by them as sacred.

Pindar could hardly have lived through a period more
favourable to the production of great poetry. Melic poety
as an art had been brought to its full development by Simon-
ides and his predecessors, and the musical accompaniment
had attained to what was considered by many Hellenic
judges as its prime ; finally lyric poetry in general was never
in greater demand or esteem than at this period, when it
enjoyed practically a monopoly in literature. It was not
indeed long before there came rapidly to the front that
new and perhaps greatest offspring of Greek poetic genius
the Drama, which was soon to cast lyric poetry proper
entirely into the shade. We are struck with the rapid
advance of Dramatic poetry, and attribute it in great part
to various contemporary circumstances ; but we must also
remember that it was no sudden revival of poetic inspira-
tion that took place at this period, such as was to a certain
extent the case in our own Elizabethan age; rather the
existing poetical talent, owing to certain causes, was
directed to a new channel, and thus lyric poetry at the
period which practically marks its close, so far from

ΤΠ ΒΘ 2, 3,4; Sy ἘΣ ete. 5 See PyZh. 4.

284 GREEK sb YR Cee Omar's

being in a state of decay, was in full vigour. It is to
this final period that Pindar belongs, and his writings
exhibit all its characteristic features. Stamped as _ his
poems are with his own individuality, the directly personal
or subjective element has all but disappeared. His com-
positions were intended for public representation, and
his existing poems without exception are in the choral
form which he extended even to his Scolia He writes
throughout as the professional poet, whose duty it is to
devote his talents to the occasion for which his services are
required ; but his estimate of his profession is a high one,
and he places before himself a lofty standard in language
and in thought which he seldom deserts, and he notoriously
avoids allowing the narrow limitations of his special subject
to curtail the range of his genius. The Epinician Odes are
full of narrative, but besides this they are pervaded with an
earnest religious and moral tone, upon which I lay stress
here, since it is very noticeable in many of the fragments
before us. His sentiments on religious matters are
particularly elevated. Attached as he was to mythology,
he exercises a purifying eclecticism in his acceptance of
its legends ; and his test of truth in such matters is the
consistency of the story with godlike character. Instances
of this might be multiplied from the Epinician Odes; in
the fragments those which I have grouped together under
No. XII. exhibit Pindar’s reverent appreciation of the
mystery and of the ever-active omnipotence of the gods.
Similarly on ethical subjects, bound as he was by his pro-
fession to speak words not unpleasing to his patrons, there
is yet no trace in the Odes of the sophistical compromising -
found in Simonides ; his tone is throughout earnest and
lofty and almost austere. The moral atmosphere is that
of the tragedies of Aeschylus and Sophocles? and in

I See on Frag. IX.

* See M. Jules Girard (Le Sentiment Religieux en Gréce, Ρ. 348) on
the epoch of Pindar and Aeschylus, which he regards as the highest
in Greek religion :—‘ C’est le moment ov leur religion sous l’influence
orphique est le plus prés de s’épurer sans se détruire, ow elle allie le
mieux le sentiment de la dignité humaine avec le respect de la divinité.’

PINDAR 285

reading Pindar’s Odes we at once perceive that the ethical
and didactic character of so many choral passages in the
tragedians is but an inheritance from their predecessors
the lyric poets. It is only in the Fragments that Pindar
appears to unbend, and not only condescends to utter
shrewd precepts on social tact and manners, but to sing
of love and wine.

His appreciation of nature is great, and a fine example
occurs in “rag. VI. descriptive of the approach of spring.
Here again he relaxes the grand magnificence which in
the Epinician Odes characterises, for example, the splendid
description of Aetna, and assumes an exquisitely light and
graceful tone both in rhythm and language.

On the whole the surviving fragments indicate that, if
we knew more of Pindar’s writings, our estimate of his
poetical qualities, gathered as it is almost entirely from the
Epinician Odes, might undergo not a few modifications.

PINDAR’S FRAGMENTS

THRENOI

I
[ Bickh, 97]
eS υτυ---οὠαὐ-πίυυ----ἡθ "Ὁ oa
COROT TORO LOT One
= eye ee HK
ἐξιυξ La, ee ee Ue eee ΞῈ ἡϑεσ νι
Bg te HU IR 5
᾿Ολβίχᾳ δ᾽ ἅπαντες alow λυσίπονον (μετανίσσονται) τελευτάν᾽
χαὶ σῶμα μὲν πάντων ἕπεται ϑανάτῳ περισϑενεῖ,
ζωὸν δ᾽ ἔτι λείπεται αἰῶνος εἴδωλον. τὸ γάρ ἐστι μόνον
x ϑεῶν' εὕδει δὲ πρασσόντων μελέων, ἀτὰρ εὑδόντεσσιν
ἐν πόλλοις ὀνείροις
δείκνυσι τερπνῶν ἐφέρποισαν χαλεπῶν τε χρίσιν. 5
II
195]
Cy a Ge ee
ἘΠ Ges ee ee
Sy a CR ae kee nee
SRG a oy ae
I IN OO a ne nn an 5

ORS NOS ad ae Oy

II I NO --

Stroph. «.
min~ / \ , > / \ ; Νδὸ , ,
Poto. λάμπει μὲν μένος ἀελίου τὰν évOods νύχτα κάτω,
, , ~
φοινικορόδοις τ᾽ ἐνὶ λειμιώνεσσι προάστιον αὐτῶν
Ἀ Ν᾽ ~ A / = ~ (2 / Q 6
χαὶ λιβάνῳ σχιαρᾷ καὶ χρυσέοις χαρποῖς βέβριϑεν

Pee Ny Ark

‘ κ ν er a Wa ,

καὶ τοὶ μὲν ἵπποις γυμνασίοις (τε), τοὶ δὲ πέσσοις,

τοὶ δὲ φορμίγγεσσι τέρπονται, παρὰ δέ σφισιν εὐανθὴς
ὅπας τέϑαλεν ὄλβος:
πᾶς τέϑαλ βος

> νι Qy 9 ‘ \ ~ (ὃ

ὀδμὰ δ᾽ ἐρατὸν κατὰ χῶρον χίδναται

αἰεὶ ua μιγνύντων πυρὶ τηλεφανεὶ παντοῖα Deady ἐπὶ
βωμοϊς.

Stroph.

* δ ὡς κ
d λ " ᾽ , ,
ἔνϑεν τὸν ἄπειρον ἐρεύγονται σκότον
βληχροὶ δνοφερᾶς νυχτὸς ποταμοί.

Ii]
[97]

Fe Se ἐπ ΡΩΝ
I ime ΞΘ
OD 9S SE) SUH FR

- οὧου ωπωω---- -----

ΞΞ ΞΘ ΞΟ EI, ᾿π ξεν. Ξ--

Ψυχαὶ δ᾽ ἀσεβέων ὑπούρανιοι

γαίᾳ πωτῶνται ἐν ἄλγεσιν φονίοις

ὑπὸ ζεύγλαις ἀφύκτοις χαχῶν᾽

εὐσεβέων δ᾽ ἐπουράνιοι valorem

νολπαὶς μάκαρα μέγαν ἀείδοντ᾽ ἐν ὕμνοις.

[98]
SII) IS Ξ τὰς
ππυυπου.- ποτ ----τ-ὖι,-.υ--
Ge tS
? NS : t A ~ ,
Οἷσι δὲ Φερσεφόνα ποινὰν παλαιοῦ πένϑεος
Wy > \ 4 εἴ. ,ὔ ; U “ ΓΕ
δέξεται, ἐς τὸν ὑπερῦεν ἅλιον χείνων ἐνχτῳ ἔτεϊ
ἀνδιδοῖ ψυχὰς πάλιν"
> ~ ~ > Ν fy \
ἐκ τᾶν βασιλῆες ἀγαυοὶ χαὶ σϑένει κροαιπνοὶ σοφίᾳ τε
μέγιστοι
»“μ \ ” Cer δὲ ‘ \ , Ci « Ν
ἄνδρες αὔξοντ᾽- ἐς δὲ τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον ἥρωες ἁγνοὶ
πρὸς ἀνθρώπων χαλεῦνται.

“st

288

GREEK ALY kLCoPr OF is

V
THE ELEUSINIAN MYSTERIES
[98]

ε »® τὰ
Ὄλρβιος ὅστις ἰδὼν ἐκεῖνα xorhav
sic’ ὑπὸ χϑόν᾽ οἷδε μὲν βίου τελευτάν
3 NS NS ,
οἶδεν δὲ διόσδοτον ἀργάν.
x

VI
DITHYRAMB
[45]
=
Wwemey ἘΞ = = Δ

aa Δ
VOU Sova er

—
OS Sowa

(

Ω -; \
$V su — oO Fe --

(

ye eae

ay — GSU EH ESSN
-. Pe ee NN
CS Ξ Oe

S Peay we ow Se Ge suyuwae™

Ἴδετ᾽ ἐν χορόν, ᾿Ολύμπιοι,

ἔπι τε χλυτὰν πέμπετε χάριν, ϑεοί,
πολύβατον οἵτ᾽ ἄστεος ὀμφαλὸν ϑυόεντα
ἐν ταὶς ἱεραῖς ᾿Αϑαναις

οἰχνεῖτε πανδαίδαλόν τ᾽ εὐκλέ᾽ ἀγορόν᾽

1Θ

EEN DAR 289

ἰοδέτων λάχετε στεφάνων, τᾶν τ’ ἐαριδρόπων
λοιβᾶν, Διόϑεν τέ με σὺν ἀγλαΐχ
” / rE > A ,
ἴδετε πορευϑέντ᾽ ἐς ἀοιδὰν δεύτερον
ἐπί τε χισσοδέταν ϑεόν,
τὸν Βρόμιον τὸν ᾿Εριβόαν τε βροτοί καλέομεν. 10
Γόνον ὑπάτων μὲν πατέρων μελπέμιεν
γυναικῶν τε Καδμειᾶν ἔμολον.
Ἔν ᾿Αργείᾳ Νεμέχ μάντιν οὐ λανϑάνει
, ε D8) <5 , ε τῷ ,

φοινικοξεάνων ὁπότ᾽ οἰχϑέντος ᾿Ὡρᾶν ϑαλαάμου
εὔοδμον ἐπαΐωσιν ἔαρ φυτὰ νεκτάρεα. 15

/ ΑἹ i Lt) es } > ἢ / > ,
Τότε βάλλεται, τότ᾽ ἐπ’ ἀμβρόταν χέρσον ἐοαταί

/ ev /
ἴων φόβαι, ὁόδα τε χόμαισι υΐγνυται,
~ \ ~

ἀχεῖταί τ᾽ ὀμφαὶ μελέων σὺν αὐλοῖς
ἀχεῖται Σεμέλαν ἑλικάμπυκα χοροί.

VII
HYPORCHEM

[84]
x
SO 9 Ga HN
“~~
wt} Go wow SSA
υἱπυυπυυ-πο-υπου-λκ
“~~
se BS we me uN

ἊΣ

ως πῶς τος -΄ -

Sy τυ ev a ποις

VM Pm ee vv ev ra

τίϊπυυ--ῦ-ο--Δ
υυϊἱπυπου-οἷπου-υ- Δ
che “~~
SD ev 19
ἊΝ

NO MO © Jal OOO I © -
Nad NaN on A) AD

υυΣ-ου-π υ- Ὁ
--ο-.-Ὁ.-- © Neal Sled -’΄᾽΄ἦυ-υ--ο--ἰ

=
Ww Py EO SUE aN 15

᾿Αχτὶς ᾿Αελίου, τί, πολύσχκοπ᾽ ἐμᾶς ϑέας ὦ υᾶτερ ὀμμάτων,
ἄστρον ὑπέρτατον ἐν ἁμέρᾳ κλεπτόμενον,
ἔϑηκας ἀμόχανον ἰσχὺν πτανὸν ἀνδράσιν
καὶ σοφίας ὁδόν, ἐπίσκοτον ἀτραπὸν ἐσσυμένα
at

290

GREEK JER ΡΟ"

> (2 , a ,

ἐλαύνειν τι νεώτερον ἢ πάρος ; 5
᾿Αλλά σε πρὸς Διὸς ἵπποισι ϑοαῖς ἱκετεύω

ἀπήμιον᾽ ἐς οἶμόν τινα τράποιο Θήβαις,

ὦ πότνια, πάγκοινον τέρας.

Πολέμου δ᾽ εἰ σᾶμια φέρεις τινός, ἢ στάσιν οὐλομέναν,

ἢ καρποῦ φϑίσιν, ἢ νιφετοῦ σϑένος ὑπέρφατον, ΙΟ
ἢ πόντου χενέωσιν ἀνὰ πέδον,

μὴ \ , a , ,

ἢ παγετον χϑονος, ἡ νότιον ϑέρος

ὕδατι ζακότῳ διερόν,

Ἃ ne Ἔν ͵ > πο , Η > ~ ,

ἡ γαῖαν χαταχλυσαισα ϑησεις ἀνδρῶν νέον ἐξ ἀρχᾶς γένος,

> , > \ a , , ’
) υ ι { ν I, A A .
ὀλοφ(ύρομαι οὐ)δὲν ὅ τι πάντων μέτα πείσομαι 15
VIII
PROSODION
(a) DELOS
[58]
SN NIN NIN
-,:πωπππουπου.--
εχ oe A Ἂ ONIN ον
IIS IND τσ πο εξ Ad mee 5
S53 SS SE SU SH
te ae eV FU
ND SN ND ger ae Na har ID oe πτν
Stroph.

Xaio’ ὦ ϑεοὸδμάτα, λιπαροπλοχαμιου
παίδεσσι Λατοῦς ἱμεροέστατον ἔρνος,
πόντου ϑύγατερ, χϑονὸς εὐρείας ἀκίνητον τέρας,
ἅντε βροτοί
Δᾶλον χικλύσχοισιν, μάχαρες δ᾽ ἐν Ὀλύμπῳ τηλέφατον
χυανέας χϑονὸς ἄστρον... 5
Antistroph.
* * * *
ἦν γάρ τοπάροιϑε Moonta κυμιάτεσσιν παντοδαπῶν τ᾽
ἀνέμων

PINDAR 291

ῥιπαῖσιν" ἀλλ᾽ & Κοιογενὲς ὁπότ᾽ ὠδίνεσσι ϑοαῖς

ἀγχιτόχοις ἐπέβα νιν, δὴ τότε τέσσαρες ὀρϑαί 5
πρέμιννων ἀπώρουσαν χϑονίων,

ἂν δ᾽ ἐπικράνοις σχέϑον πέτραν ἀδαμιαντοπέδιλοι

κίονες" ἔνϑα τεκοῖσ᾽ εὐδαίμον᾽ ἐπόψατο γένναν.

(8) AT DELPHI
[60]

ΠΣ

eae

IY LIS
ISIS I ae
SoU eu Hoo NN

-͵οιυ--ωπο δ

Πρὸς Ὀλυμπίου Διός σε,

χρυσέα xrutop.aver ΤΠυϑοῖ,

λίσσομαι Χαρίτεσσί τε καὶ σὺν ᾿Αφροδίταᾳ
ἐν Caddo we δέξαι χώρῳ ἀοίδιμον

Ἷ

Πιερίδων προφάταν. 5

XI
SCOLION

TO THEOXENUS OF TENEDOS

OI INS OO
στο τὺ i bes IS
. VY
-π:πωπππο.-ο.ω-Ξ
a SS a SS Sa
LE pod.
Ve
-͵οἱὀ--ου---ο--’

πο.υ-οοὖὐῪς----.

Stroph.
Χρῆν μὲν κατὰ καιρὸν ἐρώτων δρέπεσϑαι, ϑυμέ,
σὺν ἁλικίχ᾽
τὰς δὲ Θεοξένου ἀκτῖνάς (τις) ὄσσων μαρμιαριζοίσας δρακείς

292

GREEK ΕΟ POETS

a \i 59: ν᾿ ἐξ 10 Ul
ὃς μὴ πόϑῳ κυμαίνεται, ἐξ ἀδάμαντος
a ,
% σιδάρου χεχάλχευται υέλαιναν χαρδίαν
Antistroph.
~ , \ >) , > \ ε ,
ψυχρᾷ φλογί, πρὸς δ᾽ ᾿Αφροδίτας ἀτιμασϑεὶς ἑλικοβλεφάρου 5
Ὁ ἡ , Ἢ
7 περὶ χρήμασι μοχϑίζει uations, Ἢ γυναικείῳ ϑρασει
ψυχὰν φορεῖται πᾶσαν ὁδὸν ϑεραπεύων.
"AN ἐγὰ IGS ἕχατι χηρὸς ὡς δαχϑεὶς ἕλᾳ

Epod.
ἱρᾶν μελισσᾶν τάχομαι, εὖτ᾽ ἂν ἴδω παίδων νεόγυιον ἐς ἥβαν.
ἐν δ᾽ ἄρα καὶ Τενέδῳ Πειϑώ τε ναίει 10
χαὶ Χάρις Ἐ viov ᾿Αγησίλα ξ΄.

Χ
SCOLION (Ὁ)
[239]
me eV em er eu
ee et ee EO
-“..ῳὦὌ.0.--οϑὕὔν Έ----. ---
κ----..-.,.------ --
* * *
()υτ--τουτυυτσιυςς :
“Ανίχ᾽ ἀνϑρώπων χαματώδεες οἴχονται μέριμναι
στηϑέων ἔξω, πελάγει δ᾽ ἐν πολυχρύσοιο πλούτου
πάντες ἴσᾳ νέομιεν ψευδῇ πρὸς ἀκτάν᾽
ὃς μὲν ἀχρήμων ἀφνεὸς τότε, τοὶ δ᾽ αὖ πλουτέοντες
* * *
ἀέξονται φρένας ἀμνπελίνοις τόξοις δαμέντες. 5

SOCIAL PRECEPTS

(a) AMPHIARAUS TO HIS SON AMPHILOCHUS
[173]

RUSK
a ee rm TU AK
--ωπππουυπυυπππυυπυυπσπττσυςχὶ
-ωππ-τυ-τιὶ

ἾὮ τέκνον,

~ U
ποντίου ϑῆρος πετραίου χρωτὶ μάλιστα νόον

PINDAR

προσφέρων πάσαις πολίεσσιν Opther τῷ παρεόντι
δ᾽ ἐπαινήσαις Exay

ἄλλοτ᾽ ἀλλοῖα φρόνει.

(6)

[172]

-ουπιυι.υ- πο --π-ςπτπ
ποη͵ηυπυυππωππτο.ο- τ
MIS Ξ3- ἘΞ Ιλ.

Μὴ πρὸς ἅπαντας ἀναρρῆξαι τὸν ἀχρεῖον λόγον"

uv “ , ~ ,
ἔσϑ᾽ ὅτε πιστοτατα σιγᾶς ὁδός" κέντρον δὲ μάχας
ὁ χρατιστεύων λόγος.

()
4
{171
-ουιπ-ωυῖτ τ ee mr UU HK
YS SS BM SUIS TN
Ute Ge ee ee be eb
SII I OI I
VY
a Θ ππνν-

᾿Αλλοτρίοισι νὴ προφαίνειν τίς φέρεται
υόχϑος ἄμμιν τοῦτό γέ τοι ἐρέω"

χαλῶν μὲν ὧν μοῖράν τε τερπνῶν ἐς μέσον χρὴ παντὶ λαῷ
δεικνύναι εἰ δέ τις ἀνθρώποισι ϑεόσδοτος ἀτλάτα χαχότας

προστύχῃ, ταύταν σχότει χρύπτειν ἔοικεν.

XII
THE GODS
(a’) PAEAN
[33]

Ψ
Ξι- που. - er ra

2 SII IS YD

᾿--ωϊτ-ω-πυυππ a er UFR

SS BS IIS IMI DIL

Τί δ᾽ ἔλπεαι σοφίαν Eupevan, ᾧ ὀλίγον τοι
ἀνὴρ ὑπὲρ ἀνδρὸς ἰσχύει ;

204 GREEK “LY RTC ePOETS

οὐ γὰρ ἔσϑ᾽ ὅπως τὰ ϑεῶν βουλεύματ᾽ ἐρευνάσει βροτέᾳ
φρενί"

ϑνατᾶς δ᾽ ἀπὸ ματρὸς ἔφυ.

(β) HYPORCHEM

[75]

Θεοῖ δὲ δείξαντος ἀρχόν

[7 ᾿ ~ > ~ \ 7 » ‘ « ~
ἕκαστον ἐν πρᾶγος εὐϑεῖα δὴ χέλευϑος ἀρεταν ἑλεῖν,
TEASUTAL τε καλλίονες.

ἢ"
[106]
vik VUr-UTG

"
(aS
SGomMmavisoua

?
Ua υπυπυίτπου- Δ

Cee Ἀν τον

Ged δέ δυνατὸν ἐκ μελαίνας

νυχτὸς ἀμίαντον ὄρσαι φαος,
χελαινεφέϊ δὲ σκότει καλύψαι καϑαρόν
ἁμέρας σέλας.

Θεὸς ὁ τὰ πόντα τεύχων βροτοῖς καὶ χάριν ἀοιδᾷ φυτεύει.

(:)
[107]
Χ
πυ-ωυ-υυ-πο-πλ
ω:ξὺ-“ GS WI A
we Vaan
NF ee as Nad rer Nat NP Nd LD
Keivor γάρ τ᾽ ἄνοσοι καὶ ἀγήραοι
πόνων τ᾽ ἄπειροι βαρυβόαν
ἵ
πορϑμον πεφευγότες ᾿Αχέροντος.

PINDAR 295

XIII
THEBES
[206]
en eS ee
πῳυπππυππιτυ-πῖ
poem INNS
BIS FS SIM) I IOI III ISI ISI

ΞΕ ||"

Κεχρότηται χρυσέα κρηπὶς ἱεραῖσιν ἀοιδαῖς;

εἶα τειχίζωμεν ἤδη ποικίλον

κόσμον αὐδάεντα λόγων᾽

ὃς καὶ πολυχλειτάν περ ἐοῖσαν ὅμως Θήβαν ἔτι μᾶλλον
ἐπασχήσει ϑεῶν

καὶ κατ᾽ ἀνθοώπων ἀγυιάς. 5
XIV
ATHENS. DITHYRAMB
[46, 196]
-:πυυ-πυυ-πουυπυυς--π-πλ

a Ὡνωπωυπυ.-πππο.-ου.--

ὌΝ eee eee

--: om
Ὦ ταὶ λιπαραὶ καὶ ἰοστέφανοι καὶ ἀοίδιμιοι,
“Ἑλλάδος ἔρεισμα, κλειναὶ ᾿Αϑᾶναι, δαιμόνιον πτολίεϑρον.

* * * * * *
691 παῖδες ᾿Αϑαναίων ἐβάλοντο φαεννάν

χρηπὶδ᾽ ἐλευϑερίας.

XV
SPARTA
[213]
ee el pee ey ee Yee
B= = HK

Ἔνϑα (καὶ) βουλαὶ γερόντων καὶ νέων ἀνδρῶν ἀριστεύοισιν
αἰχμιαί͵
καὶ χοροὶ καὶ Μοῖσα καὶ ᾿Αγλαΐα.

Vitae yh in VT Sy vis βε τῶν 7

ye A Wie ἢ ᾿ ied :

ARCHILOCHUS
EPODES

FoR Epodic metre, see Schmidt, Rhythmic and Metric, p.93 seg. It
is peculiar in frequently changing the nature of the rhythm in the
second line of the couplet as’ compared with the first. Thus in
Frag. τ. the first line is in dactylic or $ time, and the second in trochaic
or $ time, while in Frag. vil. we find the reverse.

I. Stob. Flor. Ixiv. 12. ‘Woe-begone I am enwrapped half-lifeless
in desire, by the will of the gods pierced to the very marrow with
sharp pangs.’

Jewov, apparently Aphrodite and Eros. For the use of ἕχητι cf.
Κύπριδος Fexatt, Aleman XVI.

11. Totos γὰρ x.7.2..

Stob. Flor. Ixiv. 11. The metre of this Epode is imitated by
Horace, 1 Od. iv., Solvitur acris hiemps, etc. For the 3-time
dactyls — ww, see Metre, p. 63, and for an entirely different metrical
arrangement of the Epode, see Schmidt, p. 96.

Notice the languishing effect, appropriate to the words, produced
by the ‘falling’ or brachycatalectic close.

Compare closely with the passage Sap. 11. : Ὃππάτεσσι δ᾽ οὐδὲν ὄρημ’
ἐπιρρόμβεισι δ᾽ axovat, and Apoll. Rhod. iii. 962, of Medea in the
presence of Jason :

Ἔχ δ᾽ ἄρα of χραδίη στηϑέων πέσεν, ὄμματα δ᾽ αὕτως
ἬἬχλυσαν.

III. ᾿Αλλὰ μ᾽ ὁ dus. Hephaest. go.

Λυσιμελής is applied to Eros, Sap. vill., and Hesiod, 7heog. 911.

Δάμναται, cf. Sap. XIIL, πόϑῳ δαμείσα, and Anacr. Iv. of Eros, ὅδε
καὶ βρότους δαμαζει.

IV. (a) Πάτερ Λυκάμβα χιτιλ. Schol. Hermog. in Walz. Μ᾿ οί. vii.
$20, and Hephaest. 129 (Il. 1-2).

]. 1. We should probably restore the Ionic χοόϊον.

1, 2. mapretpe cf. X. 5, νόου παρήορος.

l. 3. ἧς Schneidew., for MSS. ἧς, Bergk ἃς (Walz).

300 GREE KEV RTC ΒΘ

(ὁ) Orig. adv. Cels. ii. 74: Ὁ Πάριος ἰαμβοποιὸς τὸν Λυχάμβην (ὀνειδί-
ζων), cf. Dio Chrys. ii. 746. Huschke thinks that this passage belongs
to the same poem as the Fable of Zhe Fox and the Eagle, No.vi. If
so, this is the application of the story to the case of Archilochus and
Lycambes, the words ἅλας τε χαὶ τράπεζαν matching ξυνωνίην ἔμιξαν
(vi. @.).

V. Ovxed" ὁμῶς χιτιλ. Hephaest. 35 and 30. The two lines are not
unsuitably placed together by Elmsley, and the passage may perhaps
be sneeringly addressed to Neobule.

For the position of δέ cf. on No. XI. 9.

VI. THE FOX AND THE EAGLE. Huschke ((M¢scell. Philol. ed.
Matthiae t. I. p. i.) concludes that this and the next Fable (No. vii.)
are directed against Lycambes. Philos., Jag. 766, says: ἐμέλησε
μύϑου χαὶ ᾿Αρχιλόχῳ πρὸς Λυκάμβην, and Julian, vii. 227A, speaks of
Archilochus employing fables for purposes of this sort. The story,
which is found in Aesop I., was that the eagle, after contracting an
alliance with the fox, devoured its cubs. Vengeance however over-
took her, for her nest was burnt by a spark from an altar from which
she had stolen some meat; her young ones fell to the ground and
were eaten before her eyes by the fox.

Between («’) and (β΄) there is a considerable gap, in which the
crime of the eagle is related. In (β΄) the eagle is jeering at the fox
from her own inaccessible crag, concluding, if my arrangement be
accepted, with a sarcastic expression of hope that the fox will not
come across any more eagles. The last passage (y’) is either the
fox’s prayer to Zeus to punish the offender whom she cannot reach,
or her song of grateful triumph after the punishment has been in-
flicted.

(«') Quoted by Ammon. 6, ed. Valck., and many other authorities.

For the use of ἄρα equivalent to ἄρα cf. Pind. Pyth. iv. 78, and
see Hartung on the Particles, 1. 456.

(β΄) 1. 1-3. Atticus ap. Euseb. Praep. Ev. xv. 795A, with reference
to this same fable. Obviously, as Meineke pointed out, the passage
is from Archilochus, though his name is not given.

1. 3. ἐλαφρίζων. Hesych. παρασχευαζόμενος ῥαδίως, ‘preparing for’, or
‘awaiting untroubled’, since the eagle has taken up an unassailable
position. Schneidewin conjectures μάνην -- μανίαν (cf. Aristoph. Frag.
647).

1. 4. Schol. 27. xxiv. 315, εἴωϑε χαὶ ὁ ᾿Αρχίλοχος μελάμπυγον τοῦτον (the
eagle) χαλέίν. Hesychius also gives the line, with τύχοις for τύχῃς,
and he explains μελαμπ, without reference to the eagle. Schneidewin
conjectured that the line belongs to the fable, and I have accordingly
placed it in the taunting speech of the eagle.

(y') Stobaeus, c/. Phys. i. 122, attributes this passage to Aeschy-
lus ; but Clem. Alex., Strom. v. 725, and Eusebius to Archilochus.

ARCHILOCHUS 301

]. 2. ἐπ᾿ ἀνθρώπων Schneidewin. Stobaeus has ἐπ᾽ οὐρανίων χαὶ
ἀνθρώπων, Clem. Alex. ἐπ᾽ οὐρανοὺς, Euseb. ἐπ’ ἀνθρώπους.

1. 3. κἀϑέμιστα has better authority than Liebel’s reading καὶ ϑεμιστὰ
adopted by Bergk, and is I think more suited to the context, as the
fox is only speaking of sin and its punishment, ὕβοις τε καὶ δίκη.

VII. THE APE AND THE Fox. Ammon. 6, and elsewhere.

In this fable Archilochus is supposed by Huschke to be attacking
the pride of Lycambes, Aesop narrating (14 Schneider) how an ape
boasted about his ancestry to a fox. Or the story may be that of
Aesop 69, where an ape who had attained to royal power was en-
trapped by a fox.

1.1. 2. “1, an angry messenger, will tell a tale to you, O Cerycides.’
If Huschke be right, Κηουχ. must be applied to Lycambes, and as
it was a gentile name in the Ionic cities Athens (Photius) and
Miletus (Hesych. s.v. κηρουχίδαι), it may perhaps also have been that
of the Parian family to which Lycambes belonged; in this case,
Archil. is jeering at his boasted descent, and is therefore probably
employing the former of the two fables mentioned.

The metaphor in σχυτάλη is of course suggested by Κηρυχίδη,
ς Herald’s son’. Somewhat similarly Pindar, O/. vi. 91, speaks of the
man to whom he has consigned (probably verbally only) his choral
song and its musical and dance-accompaniment as ἄγγελος ὀρϑύός,
ἠὐχόμων σχυτάλα Μοισᾶν. See especially Fennell’s remarks, Introd. to
Pindar, p. xxviii.

It is hard to see how ayy. σχυτ. can mean ‘a messenger of evil
tidings’, as Liebel takes it.

1. 3. ἀποχριϑείς, 2.6. he was too proud to associate with his
fellows.

1. 4. ἄρα, cf. on No. VI. α΄.

χερδαλέη (trisyll.) cf. Plat. Rep. 365, referring to this passage.

VILI. Τήνελλα χαλλίνιχε κ.τ.λ.

Schol. Ar. Birds 1764, and Schol. Acharn. 1230. Cf. Schol. Pind.
Nem. iii. 1 Οἵ. ix. 1.

I have adopted the arrangement suggested by Bergk in his note,
though not employed in his text. It not only imparts a very lively
effect, but brings the song into accordance with the description in the
Scholia—to μέλος ἦν τρίστροφον.. . . τρὶς ἐπεχελάδουν τὸ Καλλίνιχε., The
song was a hymn to Hercules in honour of his victory over Augeas
(Schol. Birds, /.c.), after which occasion he founded the Olympic
games (see Pind. Οἱ x.). Hence the lines were appropriately em-
ployed as an informal Epinician ode by victors. Compare OZ ix. I. :
TO μὲν ᾿Δρχιλόχου μέλος | φωνᾷεν ᾿Ολυμπίᾳ, Καλλίνικος ὁ τριπλόος κεχλαδὼς
ἄρχεσε x%.t.A. Cf. also Aristoph. Knights, 1254.

Archilochus himself, we are told, was the first to use it for purposes
of this kind—@oxét δὲ πρῶτος ᾿Αρχίλογος νικήσας ἐν Πάρῳ tov Δήμητρος

302 GREEK EVE Le“? Or TS

ὕμνον (2.6. ‘having been victorious with his hymn to Demeter’, v.
Bergk 120), ἑαυτῷ τοῦτον ἐπιπεφωνηκέναι.

Τήνελλα was a cry employed when there was no music at hand, in
imitation of the notes of the lyre (cf. ϑρεττανελό, Ar. Plutus, 290). It
was uttered by the leader, ὁ ἔξαρχος, while the band of revellers, ὁ τῶν
χωμάστων γόρος, followed it up with the words χαλλίνιχε x.t.2. (Schol.
Ol. ix. etc.). *Q has little authority, but is supplied by Dindorf in the
Schol. Avzsz., and seems desirable for the completion of the metre,
though not essential.

1. 4. Bergk leaves αἰχμητά ; but Fick points out that if the dual
were employed at all it would assuredly be αἰχμητή.

TETRAMETERS

IX. Θυμέ, uy? ἀμηχάνοισι χ.τιλ. Stob. Flor. xx. 28.

1. 1. χυχώμενε, Cf. Solon. 11, 61, κακαῖς νούσοισι κυχώμενον.

1. 2. ἄνεγε. So Grotius for MSS. ἄναδευ, or évadev, confusion having
apparently arisen with the succeeding syllable in δυσμενῶν.

1. 3. ἐν δοχσίσιν z.t.A. If the word means ‘spears’, we must translate :
‘Firmly taking thy stand close up amidst the spears of the enemy.’
In that case, however, the words πλησίον and ἐν are hardly reconcile-
able. It has been suggested to me that δόχοι is possibly used for
‘expectation’ (2.6. of the enemy). In the singular, at any rate, the
word has a meaning similar to this; see Liddell and Scott. The
interpretation ‘ambush’ for δοχσίσιν is not so well suited to the context.

1. 7. ῥυσμὸς or δυϑμὸς in this passage is regarded by all the com-
mentators as signifying ‘disposition, character, nature,’ and they
compare Anacr. xvili. ὅσοι χϑονίους ἔχουσι ῥυϑμούς, and Theogn. 964,
ὀργὲν χαὶ δυϑμὸν x.t.A. With this interpretation I fail to see the force
of the words in a passage relating to the alternations of human
fortune, and I would suggest that the meaning is rather : ‘ Consider
what an even ebb and flow of destiny governs the affairs of men,
tempering good with evil fortune and evil with good.’ Cf. No. x.

Χ. Τοῖς ϑεσίς tier (τὰ) πάντα x.t.A. Stob. Flor. cv. 24.

These lines express the same sentiment as No. Ix. : ‘ Remember
that our fate is in the hands of the gods, who can reverse it at any
moment.’

1. 1. Grotius supplies τὰ, For τίϑει, Bergk compares Aesch. Pers.
424, ταῦτα... πᾶντα ϑήσομεν Desist. For the sentiment cf. Hor. 3 Od.
vi. 5: ‘Dis te minorem quod geris imperas | Hinc omne principium
huc refer exitum.’

1. 3. pad’ εὖ βεβηχότας : ‘those who have taken a firm stand.’ Cf.
Hat. vii. 164, τὴν τυραννίδα εὖ βεβηχυΐαν, and for the phrase in its literal
sense No. XIII. ]. 4.

ARCHILOCHUS 303

1.5. χρήμη, ‘want’, ‘poverty’ (χρεία----σπάνις, Suidas), not as in Lid.
and Scott’s earlier edition, ‘request’, ‘ prayer’.

νόου παρήορος, ‘with mind distraught’. Cf. No. tv. (a), 1. 2.

Ilgen keeps the MSS. reading χρήμη, and proceeds χαὶ νόος παρήορος,
comparing with the application of πλανᾶται to evils wandering abroad,
Hes. Wks. 100: ἄλλα δὲ μύρια λυγρὰ xar’ ἀνθρώπους ἀλάληται.

ΧΙ. Χρημάτων ἄελπτον οὐδὲν κιτιλ. Stob. Flor. cx. 10, 1. 1 being
also quoted by Ar. ᾿ἰλθί. lil. 17: (Ἀρχίλοχος) ποιεξὶ τὸν πατέρα λέγοντα
περὶ τῆς ϑυγατρὸς χ.τιλ.. from which Schneidewin conjectures that
Lycambes is commenting on the change in Archilochus from ardent
love for Neobule to violent hatred.

Stobaeus quotes the passage as if it were written on the occurrence
of an eclipse ; but from Aristotle’s words we should rather gather that
Archilochus is merely taking the power of Zeus to change day into
night as a crowning instance of his omnipotence, ἔϑηχε in that case
being the gnomic aorist.

1. 1. ἀπώμοτον : explained by Etym. Mag. ὃ av τις ἀπομόσεις γεγονέναι
ἢ μὴ γενέσθαι" ἔνιοι δὲ ἀνέλπιστον. It σα hardly express the notion here,
as, in Soph. Antig. 388, 394, of ‘swearing not to doa thing’; although
that passage seems to allude to Archilochus’ line. Possibly the
watchman there is playing upon the signification of the word. In
the famous speech of Ajax (Soph. A7. 646), “Anav® ὁ μαχρὸς x.t.2.
Sophocles again seems to have had the lines of Archilochus in his
mind.

l. 4. ὑγρὸν, Valckenaer for MSS. λυγρὸν, which is unmetrical. Bentley
ὠχρὸν. Ilgen explains ὑγρὸν with reference to the misty feeling in the
eyes caused by extreme fear ; rather perhaps ‘faint’, ‘languid’, as in
Soph. “4110. 1235, ὑγρὸν ἀγκῶνα, and Eur. Phoen. 1437, ὑγρὰν γέρα.
As applied to the eyes the word signifies usually the ‘languishing
look of love’.

]. 5. ἐχ tod, ‘ex hoc tempore’, ‘after this’, that is to say, unless
we refer the passage to an actual eclipse, ‘(Since Archilochus has
proved fickle) from this time forth (all nature may prove fickle), and
everything become credible and to be expected.’ Or we may take
2% tov to mean simply ‘therefore’, just as ἐχ τίνος: =‘ wherefore ?’
Καὶ πιστὰ πάντα Liebel, for οὐκ ἄπιστα πάντα. Ilgen reads ex δὲ τοῦδ᾽
ἄπιστα πάντα χ.τιλ., referring τοῦδε to δέος, so that the passage would
mean ‘Fear will make a man believe the most incredible things’.
But surely this is out of harmony with the context.

1. 7. ἐὰν, Valckenaer for ἵνα, Bergk ὅταν.

1.9. For the corrupt τοῖσι δ᾽ ἡδὺ ἦν Gaisford reads τοῖσιν ἥδιον δ’
ὄρος. For the position of δέ cf. No. V. 2, ὄγμος κακῶν δὲ, in which case,
however, it is justified by the close connection between the two nouns.
For other instances see Hartung’s Parézcles i. 190-1, in all of which
there is more justification for the transposition than there would be
in Gaisford’s version. With ll. 7-9 cf. Hor. 1 Od. ii. 7.

304 GREEK LYRIC POETS

XII. Τοῖος ἀνθρώποισι χκιτιλ' Theo. Progymnasm. i. 153 (Walz)
quotes Il. 1-2 with the remark that Archilochus is paraphrasing Homer,
Od. xviii. 136—

~ \ , > x > 9. ἮΝ Ἶ τ 9 f=
Tovos Y%P voos εστίν ETLYVOVIWY AVUPWTWY,
< >) Sige: ” \ eR Soe ἘΦ
οἷον ἐπ᾿ ἡμαὰρ ἀγηῆσι πατὴρ avopwy τε Θεῶν τε.

I. τ. Glaucus appears again in No. XIV. as Archilochus’ companion in
arms. He is also spoken of slightingly in Bergk 57 as tov χεροπλάστην,
explained by Plut. as φιλόκοσμον περὶ xouny.

1. 2. ὁχοίην : ze. men’s feelings vary with the fortune (ἡμέρην) Zeus
brings to them. With the reading oxctov, which has less authority,
ἐπὶ must of course be taken not, as in the former case, with ἄγει zz
tmest, but with ἡμέρην, ‘men’s feelings are such as Zeus brings them
daily’. For «yet Stob., who quotes the passage, Zc/. Phys. i. 38, has
«yx, which might perhaps be expected in imitation of the Homeric
construction above.

1. 3. Supplied from the Platonic Eryxias 397 E.

ἐπ᾽ ἡμέρην : we should perhaps read ἐπ᾽ ἡμέρην, as an example of Ionic

Psilosis’. Cf. Anacr. ii. 6, ἐσκατορᾷς note, and see Fick in Bezzen-
berger’s Beztrige, vol. x1. p. 246 seg.

XIII. Οὐ φιλέω μέγαν χιτιλ. Il. 1-2 Dio Chrys. ii. 456; Il. 3-4,
Galen in Hippocr. de Arézc. 111. T. xviii. 1. 537.

1. 1. διαπεπλιγμένον Hemsterhuys, for διαπεπηγμένον or διαπεπληγμεένον.

]. 2. βοστρύγ. γαῦρον, cf. Eur. Or. 1532, βοστρύχοις γαυρούμενος,
sarcastically of Menelaus.

1. 4. δοιχὸς has somewhat more authority than ῥαιβὸς. Both have
the same signification, ‘with the knees bent inwards’, ‘ knock-kneed’,
a physical peculiarity favourable, according to Galen, to firmness of
stand.

Kapding πλέως : 50 Galen ; while Dio has a totally different version,
χαὶ ἐπινοήμασι δασύς, according to the common reading. Schneidewin
follows Bergk’s older version, xanwepacty δασύς, and interprets ‘ con-
silio abundantem, oppositum ὑπεξυρημένῳ", ‘bristling with plans’.
Emperius reads χἀπὶ χνήμαισιν δασύς (MSS. Dio καὶ ἐπὶ κνήμαισι), hair
about the limbs and body being often, if erroneously, regarded as a
sign of strength.

XIV. Τλαῦχ᾽ ὅρα x.t.A. Heracl. Pont. Allegor. Hom. c. 5, ᾿Αρχίλοχος
ἐν τοῖς Θραχικοὶς ἀπειλημμένος δεινοῖς τὸν πόλεμον εἰχαάζει ϑαλαττίῳ χλύδωνι.
Cf. Alcaeus φα5577ι for the frequent application of the same metaphor.

]. τ. Pads’ ὅρα, perhaps Opa ; cf. on No. ΧΙ] 1. 3.

1. 2. Tupgwv. Rocks of this name are mentioned in the Odyssey iv.
500, but as they were near Naxos (Scholl. ad /oc.) they can hardly be
those referred to by Archilochus. Schneidewin conjectures that the
latter were " πέτρας quasdam στρογγύλας non procul Thaso’. Liebel,
γυρεὸν (with νέφος) zg. γυρὸν or χυρτὸν, ‘nubes convexa’, a cloud

pon Ci TOI HUS 305

pregnant with rain, But he has possibly overlooked the fact that
Τυρέων is the Ionic form of the gen. plur. fem. from γυρός, not yvpeds.
Compare Anacr. XXIII. 1. 12, σατινέων, etc.

1. 3. ἐξ ἀελπτίης = ἀέλπτως (Hesych.).

1. 4. Clem. Alex. Strom. vi. 739. I have conjecturally placed this
line with ll. 1-3. Archilochus is apparently imitating Homer 72. vii.
102.

Νικῆς πείρατ᾽ ἔχονται ἐν ἀϑανάτοισι ϑεσῖσιν.

XV. οὐ τις αἰδοίος x%t.A. Stob. Flor. cxxvi. 4.
χαιπὲρ ἴφϑιμος Porson, for χαὶ περίφημος. Salmasius χαίπερ εὔφημος.
Bergk χαναρίϑμιος.
1. 2. ζοοῦ Porson, for ζωοῦ. Compare with this line Stesich. 1Χ. β---
ϑανόντος ἀνδρὸς πᾶσ᾽ ἀπόλλυταί ποτ᾽ ἀνθρώπων χάρις.
I have omitted a third line, bracketed by Bergk, and quoted in a
corrupt state by Stob. : Gwol zaxtota δὲ τῷ ϑανόντι γίγνεται.

XVI. Ov γὰρ ἔσϑλα x.1t.4. Stob. Flor. cxxv. 5, and Schol. Od. xxii.

ΠᾺΡ ire Ἧ aay Fe πον > ,
412 (οὐχ ὁσίη χταμένοισιν ἐπ᾽ ἀνδρασιν evyetaacvat).

XVII. Ἕν δ᾽ ἐπίσταμαι μέγα κιτιλ. Theoph. ad Autolyc. ii. 37, p.
377. Cf. Frag. 143 (Bergk), τέττιγα δ᾽ εἴληφας πτεροῦ, Archilochus
speaking of himself.

1. 2. με Hecker and Bergk, some MSS. tt.

XVIII. KAO ἀναξ κ-τιλ. Plut. de aud. poet. c. 6, with the remark
αὐτὸν τὸν ϑεὸν ἐπικαλούμενος δῆλός ἐστιν, not the element fire as in Lveg.
12 (Bergk).

l. 1. Cf. Aesch. Choeph. 2, σωτὴρ γενοῦ por ξύμμαχός τ᾽ αἰτουμένῳ.
γενεῦ ; Fick Zc. points out the inconsistency of retaining yevov’side by
side with yapifev.

1. 2. γαρίζευ x.t.A., ‘show me thy wonted favour’.

XIX. Νῦν de Λεώφιλος x.t.A. Herodian, περὶ σχημ. 57. 2.

1. 1. ἄρχει. Liebel, supposing that the speaker is enamoured of
Leophilus, has a note: “ἄρχειν et χρατέϊν de formosis, ut Anacreon de
Bathyllo, tov ἀρτι τῶν ἅπαντων | xpatodvta χαί τύραννον."

1. 2. Κεῖται : ‘all things lie at the disposal of L.’, ‘all power,is in his
hands’, like ϑεῶν ἐν γούνασι χείται.

Λεωφίλου δ᾽ ἀκούεται Porson, for Λεώφιλος δὲ ἄχουςε.

XX. Εἰ yao ὡς ἐμοὶ χ.τιλ. Plut. de EJ af. Delph. ς. 5.
Εἰ γὰρ ὡς is pleonastic, and Liebel supports the reading ὡς ‘vel sic’,
7.6. perhaps ‘in spite of my anger at my rejection’.

XXI. (a) Ὡς Διωνύσοι avaxtos. Quoted by Athen. xiv. 628A, to
show that the proper accompaniment of the Dithyramb was οἶνος καὶ
U

306 GRE Ee ΤΕ 2 OF ans

μέϑη. We see from this and the following passage that Archil. was
a composer of Melic poetry proper (cf. Biog. Archil. p. 111).

ἔξαρξαι, see p. 7, and cf. Ar. Poet. i. 30, where it is stated that
Tragedy arose from τῶν ἐξαρχόντων tov διϑύραμβον.

(B) αὐτὸς ἐξάρχων. Athen. v. 180 E.

Λέσβιον. The epithet points to the early existence of a Lesbian
school of Lyric poetry, see p. 100.

a ov \ ~ if '
XXII. Ἕπτα yao νεχρῶν zt.A. Plut. Galba, c. 27. “Ὥσπερ δέ φησιν
> ar nee Gi \ a , ΕΥ͂ ~ , \ ,
Apxthoyos’ Exta yap z.1.A., οὕτω tote πολλοὶ τοῦ φόνου μὴ συνεφαψα-
μένοι, χέϊρας δὲ χαὶ ξίφη χαϑαιμάσσοντες ἐπεδείχνυντο.

ΜΡ ΠΟ AT ΞΡ αν

TERPANDER

I. "Ev? alypo zt. Plut. Lyc. c. 21. (Τέρπανδρος) οὕτως πεποίηχε
περὶ τῶν Λαχεδαιμονίων. See Art. VIII. p. 101, and compare the passage
from Pindar there quoted (No. XV. in this text), also Aleman XXIV.

αἰχμὰ νέων, cf. Pind. Mem. x. 23: ϑρέψε δ᾽ αἰχμὰν ᾿Αμφιτρύωνος, where,
as in this passage, Dissen explains alyye as ‘warlike spirit’, Moca,
Dor. Dial. p. 79.

Λίγεια. If Chappell (7157. of Music, p. 107) is right in saying that
Greek music was pitched extremely high, we can more readily under-
stand why λιγύς, properly ‘shrill’, is so often used for ‘sweet-toned’,
‘musical’. Cf. Aleman VII. and IX. etc.

evpvayvia, Schneidew. conjectures εὖ opapvia, Bergk thinks that
εὐρυαγ. may be explained by Aratus 105: Alun... ἀγειρομένη δὲ
γέροντας | "Hé που civ ἀγορῇ ἢ εὐρυχόρῳ ἐν ἀγυιῇ. I should take it to
signify, like εὐρυόδεια, ‘easily accessible’, ‘open to all’.

11. Σοὶ δ᾽ ἡμεῖς χιτλ. Quoted by Strabo xiii. 618, to show that
Terpander was the inventor of the heptachord, discarding the older
tetrachord. See, however, A/Zusic, pp. 35, 36, and Ath. xiv. 635, where
the use of many-stringed instruments is spoken of by Euphorion as
παμπάλαιον. Some (e.g. Bergk, Hist. Gk. Lit. p. 211) understand by
τετράγηρυν aotd. the old Wome of 4-parts (see p. 36).

ἀποστέρξαντες, so Eucl. Introd. Harm. 19; Strabo, ἀποστρέψαντες.
The dialect is given as it appears in these authors.

111. (a) Zed πάντων ἀρχά x... Clem. Alex., Strom. vi. 784, quotes
this for the solemnity of the rhythm.

1. 3. πέμπω perhaps implies that the passage is from a processional
hymn. Bergk alters to σπένδω.

(β) Keil, Anal. Gramm. 6. 6. Conjecturally attributed to Terp-
ander by Bergk, who has restored the Doric forms Musatc, Μωσάρχῳ.

SPAR EAN SONGS 307

It is, however, hardly safe to tamper with a word so familiar in Epic
poetry as Μοῦσα.

IV. ᾿Αμφί μοι xt.A. Schol. Ar. Clouds 595, ᾿Αμφί pot αὖτε S08

ἄναξ, x.T.A.

TYRTAEUS

These, if we may include No. 11. (v. below), are the only extant
passages from Tyrtaeus of a Melic description.

I, "Aye? ὦ Σπάρτας edavdpw x.1.A. Quoted by Dio Chrys. i. 34
(Emp.) as an instance of an ἐμβατήοιον or march-song, and by Tzetz.
Chil. i. 692.

1. 1. εὐάνδρω. Ihave restored the Doric genit. in ὦ, v. Dor. Dial.
Ρ. 94.

1. 4. δόρυ δ᾽, ze. δεξία δὲ δόρυ, x.7.2., δεξ. being implied in δόρυ. παλ-
λοντες, so Thiersch for βάλλετε, βάλλοντες.

II. "Ayer ὦ Σπάρτας ἔνοπλοι κιτιλ. Quoted by Hephaest. 46, without
the name of the author, and conjecturally assigned to Tyrtaeus. It
is a brilliant example of spirited metre. χίνησιν: Hephaest. has
xtvasty, but this is with little doubt a hyper-Dorism of later times.

SPARTAN DANCE SONGS

I. Plut. Zyc. 21 and elsewhere. Bergk thinks that it may be
attributed to Tyrtaeus on the strength of Pollux iv. 107. Τριχορίαν δὲ
Τύρταιος ἔστησε, τρέϊς Λαχώνων χόρους,. . . παΐδας, ἄνδρας, γέροντας. It is
worth noticing that the Spartans did not regard dancing as incon-
sistent with the dignity of old age.

1. 1. apts, Bergk (Dor. Dial. p.95). Plut. gives the Lesbian ἄμμες
(ἀμες in one passage), but the pure Doric is more probable in a song
of this character.

Tpes=7pev, but ἠμὲς in 1. 2=eopev, Dor. Dial. p.96. ἡἠμές is restored
by Ahrens for the ‘milder’ Doric εἰμές. λῇς from λά-εις, pp. 92, 93.
αὐγάσδεο -- αὐγάζεο, Lesh. Dial. pp. 83, 84. avyacdco is read in two out
of the three passages in Plutarch where these lines occur, πέραν λαβέ
in the third.

ai is an old form of εἰ, found in early Doric and Lesbian inscrip-
tion, and in Homer when accompanied by χε or γάρ; v. G. Meyer,
Gr. Gram, 113.

κάρρονες (=xpelttoves) from *xcotuwv, ἔχάρσσων. For the assimilation
of ος cf. θαρρεῖν as compared with θαρσεῖν, etc. (v. Meyer, 271).

11. πόρρω yap x.t.A. Quoted by Luc. de Saltat. 10, who explains
χωμάξατε Bert. aS ἀμεινον ὀρχήσασϑε. Bergk compares Hesych. κωμάδδειν
ὀρχεῖσθαι. For χωμάξατε τ. Dor. Dial. pp. 95, 96.

308 GER Ἐπ ΕΒ as

ἈΠ ΙΑ

A, PARTHENION

THE discovery of this fragment, from which I have taken nearly all
that is intelligible, is an incident of considerable interest, not only
from the literary value of the rescued poem alone, but because of the
possibilities thus opened out of the further recovery of lost Greek
literature.!

The parchment containing this Parthenion (see p. 9), was found
among the Egyptian tombs by Mariette in 1855, and handed over
by him to Egger, who published it in Mémoires Phistotre ancienne et
de philologie; Paris, 1863. Since then it has been edited by Ten
Brink, Bergk, Ahrens, Blass, who revised the papyrus with a magnifier
1869, and Canini, who adds a full commentary and French transla-
tion (Paris, 1870). ’

The poem is universally acknowledged as Alcman’s, not only from
the nature of the composition and from the Laconian dialect, but
because no less than four passages in it are quoted elsewhere as his.
To Ahrens belongs the credit of detecting the strophical arrangement
of the poem, this being the earliest known example of the kind in
Greek literature (see Prefat. Art. v. p. 38, and VI. p. 49).

Unfortunately, of the three pages of which the parchment consists
the second only can be said to be in a state of decent preservation.
As regards the rest it is almost hopeless to try to disentangle the
meaning, and even in page 2 the task is often far from easy ; nor is
this to be wondered at, since this page is occupied mostly with very
personal jests and compliments, addressed to one or other of the choral
band of virgins. Notwithstanding, the fragment is of great value and
interest. In the history of Greek poetry the song ranks as the earliest
choral ode worthy of the name; many of the passages, even when
imperfectly intelligible, are not without poetic beauty ; and above ail
we have a delightfully fresh and quaint picture from Spartan life in
the seventh century B.c. Particularly striking also is the rapid trans-
ition from a religious subject (for the poem is a hymn) to matters
exceedingly secular (v. text ad 27111.), clearly illustrating for us how
far were the Greeks from isolating religious ceremonies and senti-
ments from the everyday life and thoughts of the worshippers.

It is usually considered that the poem is a hymn to tbe Dioscuri ;
for the fragment in the original begins with the word HwAvdevxys, and

1 Compare the recent discovery of a fragment, probably from a Greek Comedy, in a tomb
in Egypt, announced by Professor Sayce in the Acadenzy, October 11th, 1890.

ave € NAN 309

seems at the commencement to be celebrating the slaughter by these
deities of Hippocoon and his sons: and Canini further urges that
among the Spartans Stot (= Θεοί, v. text 1. 3) would stand par excellence
for Castor and Polydeuces (cf. Xen. He//. Iv. iv. 10, νὰ te) σιω).
Another suggestion is that it is in honour of Diana Orthia (v. on 1. 28
and Bergk, p. 25), in which case the Dioscuri might be mentioned
incidentally as tutelary deities of Sparta.

For further information I recommend readers to consult Bergk’s
remarks, and especially his copy of the Ms., and Canini’s separate
edition of the Parthenion. The text closely follows the MS. as given
by Bergk, the letters in brackets being conjecturally inserted by the
commentators.

I. 1. 1 etc. A recountal has preceded of the well-earned punishment
of the family of Hippocoon at the hands of the Dioscuri. The connec-
tion with what follows seems to be: The gods ‘hold vengeance in
their hands’. Happy is he who escapes it and leads a peaceful life,
as I do who sing, etc. Hecov=[Z]za%ov, Dor. Dial. p. 94.

1. 3. For σιῶν = dewv see Doric Dialect, p. 94.

ll. 6-30. General Sense.—Alcman begins by complimenting Agido,
when suddenly Agesichora (ἃ χλεννὰ χοραγός) engages his attention
(11. 10-24). In ll. 25-30 he makes amends to Agido, and declares that
the two maidens run level in the race for beauty.

1. 7. ᾿Αγιδῶς (genitive for οὖς). See Dor. Dial., p. 95.

1. 8. ἄλιος Bergk for ἄλιον. The ceremony is taking place in the
night (cf. 1. 29, νύχτα δι’ ἀμβροσίαν), but ‘ Agido,’ the poet says, ‘makes
us believe that the sun has risen.’ Cf. Romeo and Juliet, ‘It is the
morn, and Juliet is the sun.’

]. το. patvev, ἐπαινέν (Ahrens, ἐπαινῆν). See Doric Dialect, p. 93.

1.11. χλεννὰ Canini on the authority of Hesychius takes in the
sense of ‘beautiful’. For the form see Lesd. Dial. p. 82. Perhaps
we ought to adopt the Lesbian accentuation χλέννα. See Athen. xiv.
633 A, for χοραγός in the sense of ‘leader of the band’.

Seg.: οὐδὲ hwo’ ἐῇ is Bergk’s ingenious conjecture. He declares
that the original has OYAEAQC, and the change from A to A is very
slight. Blass thinks he can trace OYAAMQC, which would avoid the
harshness of οὐδὲ,

Λῶσα is given by Hesych. = ϑέλουσα (cf. Spartan Dance Song No. 1.
εἰ δὲ λῇς). For ἐῇ from ἐά-ει see Dor. Dial. p. 92-3.

The meaning of the passage, whether we follow Bergk or Blass,
appears to be: ‘ The beauty of our leader (Agesichora, |. 20) withholds
me from dwelling further upon the qualities of Agido’ (νιν 1. 11).
Canini refers χοραγός to Agido, and explains : ‘She is above all praise
or blame.’ Butsurely Il. 10-16 must refer to the same lady as Il. 17-22,
namely Agesichora.

1. 12. ἦμεν = εἶναι. See Dor. Dial. p. 96.

1. 14. BOTOIC Bergk gives up as insoluble, since a man of Alcman’s

310 GRE Eee BN iG riots

gallantry would never have been guilty of so invidious a comparison
with the other ladies as would be implied by the reading βοτοῖς.

1. 15. The word παγὸν (=xyyov) in the comparison seems to imply
that Agido was of fine stature, doubtless a claim to beauty among the
Spartans ; or it may be simply a stock epithet borrowed from Epic.

1. 16. Blass professes to trace τῶν in the original. ‘Yrozetprdiwy
(ΞΞ ὑποπτεριδίων) is a syncopated form of *dxoneteptdiwyv. It is referred
to in ΞΔ Mag. 783. 20. The meaning is apparently ‘a horse such as
the fancy sees in winged dreams’. This seems hardly a Greek thought,
but the Scholiast appears to have understood the passage in that
way :—ott τὰ ϑαύμαστα καὶ τερατώδη of ποιηταὶ εἰώϑασι τοῖς ὀνείροις προσ-
ἀπτειν. Bergk supplies Νώμά(α) ΞΞ νόημα, Ahrens Σαῦμ(α) = ϑαῦμα.
I suggest οἷον ὑποπτεριδίων, if at least it is permissible to combine the
last two syllables for metrical purposes.

1.17. ops. See Dor. Dial. p. 92-3.

]. 18. ’Evettxos, z.e. ‘the horse of my comparison is of the highest
breed’. Venetian mules were famous as early as Homer; see 77. il.
852. Compare Append., Misc. and Anon., No. 12, ᾿Ἐνέτιδας πώλως
στεφαναφόρως, and Strabo v. 4.

1. 23. διαφάδαν, etc. The adverb accompanies some verb never
uttered by the poet. If Bergk’s somewhat fanciful reading μέν(ε) for
μὲν be right, the poet is saying ‘to what shall I liken her countenance ?’
(τί τοι λέγω 3) when Agesichora, who is becoming embarrassed, begins
to retire. Alcman reassures her (gv αὗτα, ‘remain’), and though
continuing his compliments (I. 25 seg.) couples her name with that of
Agido. Αὗτα in this case must be taken in the sense of the Latin
“beus tu!” ΘΕΟΣ Gol. 1627.

1. 25. πεδὰ for peta. See Lesbian Dial. p. 88.

]. 26. The reading in the text is that of Blass (excepting ds,
Blass as, although τ appears in the original), ‘ will keep pace ever like
horse attending upon hound’, alluding apparently to the dogs called
πάριπποι, trained to run exactly with the horse (Pollux, v. 38), though
here the emphasis is rather upon the horse not suffering itself to be
outstripped. Koda§ is explained by Ahrens and Blass as ϑεραπών.
Εἰβήνῳ seems to be the same as ἐβῆνος, which Hesych. interprets as
ἀλωπεχίς, a Laconian hound, half-fox half-dog (Poll. v. 39). é

Bergk reads xohafatos, ‘a horse belonging to Kolaxis’, king of
Scythia (Hdt. iv. 5 and 7), as if his horses had become proverbial for
swiftness.

ll. 27-30. ‘ For these doves (Agesichora and Agido), rising before us
like Sirius as we bear the garment to Artemis through the ambrosial
night, contend (in beauty).’ This has occurred to me as the least im-
probable*rendering of this very doubtful passage, adopting the above
text. For a variety of other versions consult Bergk and Canini, as
they transcend the limits of these notes. That which I have offered
has the merit of connecting the passage closely with what precedes.

᾿Ορϑίᾳ, a Laconian epithet of Artemis, is Bergk’s conjecture for

Ae MAN 311

ὀρϑρίαι which the original gives. (Compare above, p. 309.) See
Pausan. 111. 16. 6.

Πελειάδες is taken as ‘ Pleiads’ by some (see Canini), as if the chorus
of girls were compared to that constellation.

φᾶρος or φάρος is explained by the Schol. ad Joc. as ἄροτρον, ‘a
plough’, and this meaning is mentioned by Herodian as occurring in
Alcman. Nothing, however, is known of any such offering in connec-
tion with Artemis, whereas φᾶρος, ‘a robe’, was a common offering to
goddesses. Cf. //. vi. 90, where Hecuba presents her best garment
to Athene.

Σείριον ἄστρον is constantly used for ‘the sun’, compare passages
quoted in Liddell and Scott. But no more than Sirius, the Dog-star,
the brightest of all the stars, need be meant here, a rendering which
avoids the repetition of the simile in Il. 7-8.

Αὐειρομέναι from ᾽Α δειρομέναι (’Aciow = ἀδεριω, see King and Cook-
son’s Sounds and Inflexions, p. 408). The change from F to v is
probably Lesbian; see Lesd. Dial. p. 82. Possibly we should read
ἀξειρομέναι, retaining the digamma; otherwise we must treat the
diphthong αὖ as short.

1. 31 seg. The argument seems to be, either, ‘ We have but few fine
garments or ornaments, but yield to none in beauty’; or else, ‘just
as one is never weary of such good things as purple robes and golden
ornaments, so the beauty of these maidens never palls’.

᾿Αμῦναι. Schol. to 71 v. 206 quotes this passage (with ἀμύνασϑαι) to
show that ἀμύνεσϑαι = ἀμείψασϑαι, and Bergk compares χλαῖνα ἀμοιβᾶς,
Oa. xiv. 521, ‘a cloak for a change’. The difficulty les in the
necessity of reading the active ἀμῦναι here on account of the metre.
There is, however, a somewhat similar usage in Oed. Col. 1128,
ἀμύνω τοϊσδε τοῖς λόγοις ταδε.

The meaning apparently is, either, ‘We have not sufficient purple
garments for a change’ (cf. Bergk ‘non tanta est copia purpurearum
vestium ut mutare liceat’), or, ‘There is never such satiety of purple
garments that we wish to change them.’

1. 33. δράχων, of a serpent-shaped bracelet or armlet ; see Lexicon.
ὕρφις is said by Hesychius to be similarly used.

1. 34. Avdla μίτρα, the Lydian snood, evidently famous. Cf. Pind.
Nem. viii. 15, where Pindar, φέρων | Λυδίαν μίτραν xavaynda πεποι-
χιλμέναν, metaphorically applies the expression to his own Ode in
Lydian measure. Lydia was famous in all matters relating to cos-
tume. Cf. Sappho ΧΧΙΧ. note, of Lydian dyes.

1. 38. σιειδής = θεοειδής, v. on 1. 13. Similarly in 1. 39 Κλεησισήρα is
the Laconian form, according to Bergk, of Κλεισιθήρα.

The rest of the fragment is hardly intelligible enough for insertion
here. See Append. Alcman, No. 12.

II. Οὐ μ᾽ ἔτι παρϑενιχαὶ κιτιλ. Antig. Caryst. Wzst. Mir. 27, who ex-
plains that Aleman, now too old to join in the maidens’ choruses, wishes

312 GRE RACE VAR TCA POR nS

that he were a χηρύλος, or male halcyon, which when enfeebled by
old age is borne on the wings of the females. The poet, who is said
by Suidas, though incorrectly, to have first introduced τὸ μὴ ἑξαμέτροις
μελῳδεῖν, here retains the hexametric style. Notice, however, the
lyrical movement imparted to the lines by the employment of dactyls
exclusively. (Cf. p. 62). The whole rhythmic effect of this beautiful
passage 15 singularly melodious.

1. I. ἱμερόφωνοι, accepted by most commentators for MSS. ἱερόφωνοι,

]. 2. The word βάλε =utinam, is of uncertain origin, for it is hard
to see how it can be the imperative of βάλλω as Liddell and Scott
say. It is more likely to be connected with βούλομαι, and to signify
‘(Heaven) grant that...

1. 3. ὅς te. For the use of the particle te in a general instance, see
on Anacr. XXIV., Sappho XXXVII. 5.

ἐπὶ κύματος ἄνϑος. Buchholz very aptly compares the French phrase
‘a fleur d’eau’, ‘between wind and water’.

ποτῆται for ποτᾶται, Dor. Dial. p. 92.

l. 4. νηλεγὲς Bergk, for νηλεὲς. Boissonade νηδεὲς.

III. Εὕδουσιν χ.τιλ. Apollon. Lex. Hom. τοι. 18.

I have placed this well-known passage conjecturally among the
fragments of Parthenia. It is evidently choral, and its solemnity is
well suited to religious lyric. It is not unpleasing to think that it
was sung in a midnight Parthenion (cf. No. 1. 1. 29). The graphic
personification of natural objects in these lines is strongly suggestive
of the spirit of modern poetry.

l. 1. εὕδουσι. Bergk suggests that Aleman employed the Lesbian
form εὕδοισιν. See, however, p. 97, ad fin.

1. 3. I have adopted Schneidewin’s reading for MSS. φῦλα te ἕρπετά
ὃ» ὅσα xt. Bergk reads φύλλα 9 ἕρπετα 8’ ὅσσα χιτιλ.; but such an
abrupt introduction of φύλλα would be very bald, and the quick
succession of 3, 9, σσ would have been far too great a strain upon
Laconian vocal organs (see Dor. Dial. p. 94).

1. 5. χνώδαλα is said by Apoll. Zc. to be the appropriate term for the
monsters of the deep, ta ϑαλάσσια κήτη, such as whales, etc.

]. 6. ὀϊωνῶν Bergk, for οἰωνῶν.

IV. Οὐκ εἷς ἀνὴρ xt.A. Steph. Byz. (v. ’Eouatyn) παρ᾽ ᾿Αλχμᾶνι ἐν
ἀρχῇ τοῦ δευτέρου τῶν Παρϑενείων ἀσμάτων. These words, like those of
the next passage, are evidently addressed to Aleman by the maidens
of the chorus (v. Art. IV. p. 30).

1, 2, Πὰρ σοφσῖσιν. This is usually regarded as unintelligible, and the
commentators propose various emendations—Jacobs παράσοφος,
Welcker παρ᾽ ἀσοφσῖσι. It is not, I think, impossible to retain the
words as they stand ; for the maidens are perhaps rallying Aleman on
a fit of poetic modesty, and reminding him that he is not ‘amidst a
critical audience’. A different and highly probable translation of the

Aol EM AN 313

line has been suggested to me: ‘ You are no fool, no, not even in the
eyes of clever critics.’

Σοφός, σοφία, constantly relate to poetic skill. Cf. Pind. Οἱ 1.9;
lili. 44; Pyth. i. 42, etc.

1. 4. Ἐρυσιχαϊος. Ἐρυσίχη was a city in the middle of Acarnania
(Steph. Byz., and Strab. x. 460), taken as a typically rustic district.

The ancient authorities are doubtful whether in this passage we
should not read ἐρυσίχαιος, ‘ trailing a shepherd’s crook’.

l. 5. Σαρδίων, v. Biog. Aleman, p. 124.

V. “Ooo δὲ noiides 7.2. Apoll. de Pronom. 381 B. Cf. No. Iv. ad init.

Goat δὲ... ἐντί, “411 maidens who belong to our band’.

χιϑαριστὰν, in early times more or less synonymous with κιϑαρῳδός
(Aristox. ap. Ammon. p. 81).

ἅμέων, Dor. Dial. p. 95 ; ἐντί, alveovtr, 762.

VI. Zed πάτερ χιτιλ. Schol. Od. vi. 244 (Nausicaa Jog. at γὰρ ἐμοί
τοιόσδε πόσις x.T.A.).

᾿Αλχμὰν παρϑένους λεγούσας εἰσάγων---50 that this line is in all pro-
bability from a Parthenion.

VII. Mobo’ aye, Μῶσα λίγεια. Maxim. Plan. Retz. v. p. 510. v. 3,
Priscian de metr. Terent. ii. 425 (Keil), with the name of Alcman.

1. 1. λίγεια, cf. on Terpander I.

1. 2. αἰενάοιδε, Bergk’s conjecture for ἀεὶ δὲ, or αἰὲν, ἄειδε, etc., Hartung
αἰολαοιδε.

παρσένοις, Dor. Dial. p. 94; ἀείδεν, p. 93.

VIII. Moo ἄγε Καλλιόπα. An instance of Alcman’s strophical
system (cf. p. 49); for Hephaest. 40, where the passage is quoted,
tells us that he composed whole strophes in this metre.

ll. 2-3. ἐπὶ... γόρον, a good instance of zeugma, being equivalent,
as Welcker points out, to ἐπιτίϑει ἵμερον ὕμνῳ καὶ tide χόρον γαρίεντα.

IX. “A Moca xéxAny’. Aristid. 11. 508 : τοῦ Λάχωνος λέγοντος εἰς αὗτον
τε χαὶ τὸν γύρον. He further implies that the words belong to the
same song as No. VII., as if the line showed that the prayer in No.
vil. had been answered, the chorus being poetically regarded as the
muse.

For κέχληγ᾽ Bergk reads κέχλαγ᾽, but κέχληγ᾽ may be retained, as due
to Epic influence ; v. p. 78.

X. Καὶ τὶν εὔχομαι xt.A. Athen. xv. 681 A.

Τίν -- σοί, Dor. Dial. p. 95, genitives in -w, p. 92, φέροισα, Lesh. Dial.
p. 83. We may conclude from the fem. partic. that this is from a
Parthenion, and that the leader of the chorus is speaking ; and we
gather that the hymn is addressed to Here from Athen. xv. 678 A,
TlvAcwy . . . ὁ στέφανος Ov τῇ “How περιτιϑέασιν of Λάχωνες.

1. 2. πυλεώνα, trisyll.

314 ΟΕ ΙΕ CaO ies

1. 3. κυπαίρω Welcker, on the strength of Eustath. Od. 1648. 7, χοὶ
χύπειρον χύπαιρον παρ᾽ ᾿Αλχμᾶνι. MSS. χυπέρω.
χήρατῶ = καὶ ἐρατοῦ, V. Pp. 92-3.

B. BANQUET SONGS

XI. Φοίναις x%t.A. Strabo x. 482.

1. 1. Φοίναις -- Θοίναις, Lesd. Dial. p.83. This is the only certain
instance in Alcman’s fragments of the shorter form of the dative ;
see Lesh. Dial. p. 86.

1. 2, ἀνδρείων, Cretan and anc. Laconian term=ovasitta (Strabo Zc.).
Cf. Miiller’s Dor. 11. p. 294.

1. 3. παιᾶνα. For the Paean at banquets, v. Art. I. pp. 12-13, and
Introd. to Scolza, p. 232.

XII. KXtvat μὲν ἕπτα, Athen. 111. 110 F.

This and the following passages, as written by a Spartan citizen
for a Spartan audience, by no means accord with our notions of the
black broth regimen. Similarly in Bergk 117 we find a fragmentary
passage dilating on the varieties of Laconian wine. It would appear
that in this as in other respects the rigid Spartan discipline was not
yet fully established (v. p. 100). See Lesd. Dial. for ἐπιστέφοισαι, p. 83,
tparesbat, pp. 83-84, χὴν -- χαὶ ἐν, p. 92.

ll. 3-4. Various conjectures are made for this corrupt passage ; it
is simplest, I think, to adopt Schneidewin’s λίνω te σασάμω te (genit.
after ἐπιστέφοισαι), and Bergk’s πέδεστι (-- μέτεστι, p. 88), such an usage
of μέτεστι as impersonal not being without parallel; see Liddell and
Scott. Welcker prefers Schweighduser’s παίδεσσι, suggesting that the
word applies, as in No. V., to the maidens of the chorus. The form
πελίχνη (2.6. πελίκη) occurs in Athen. 495 B, where the cup is described.
γρυσόχολλα is explained by Athen. as a mixture of honey and linseed.

ll. 5-6. Athen. xiv. 648 B. I have taken them with Il. 1-4, on account
of similarity in subject and metre. Some subject must be supplied
for παρέξει.

χηρ. ὀπώρ. 2.6. τὸ μέλι, Athen. /.c. v. Liddell and Scott, ὀπώρα.

XIII. Kat ποχά τοι δώσω χιτιλ. Athen.x. 416C. ’AAxpav... ἑαυτὸν
ἀδηφαγον εἶναι παραδίδωσιν.

1. 1. τρίπ. κύτ., cf. Eur. Supp. 1202, τρίποδος ἐν κοίλῳ κύτει. Welcker
explains the phrase not as ‘a three-footed caldron’, but as ‘a cal-
dron on a tripod’, the two being separable, and compares γάστρην

. τρίποδος, /7. xvill. 348.

]. 2. Itis hardly possible to supply the gap. Welcker reads ὦ x) eve
λεία τριήρης ἀλλ᾽ én” Eve ye νῦν χιτιλ. He thinks that τριήρης, a kind
of cup (see Athen. xi. 500), was used as a ladle for the caldron.

1.4. mappayos. Welcker objects to the interpretation of this
word given by Athen. ἀδηφάγον, and by Aelian πολυβορώτατον, urging
that it means rather ‘an eater of all kinds of diet’ (ὥσπερ ὁ δᾶμος),
no doubt a praiseworthy quality at Sparta. Welcker compares

iy LG & N 315

Ar. Pol. τ. iii. 3, τὰ piv (ζῶα) ζωοφάγα, τὰ δὲ καρποφάγα, τὰ δὲ παμφαγα;
but we need hardly take the word in its strict scientific sense, and it
seems safer to follow the ancient critics, and translate ‘omnivorous’,
which is loosely equivalent to ‘greedy’.

1. 5. yAtepov πεδὰ, Casaubon’s conj. for yateoov παΐδα. Tedd = peta
Lesb. Dial. p.88. For the shortened acc. plur. τροπᾶς see Dor. Dial.
Ρ. 93.

ἠραάσϑη ‘has ever loved,’ Gnomic Aorist. ‘After the (winter) sol-
stice,’ 2.6. when winter has fairly set in; unless we can read περὶ τὰς
τροπάς, ‘about the time of the (winter) solstice’, z.e. in the depth of
winter.

1. 6. 7, a correction by an unnamed commentator for MSS. ov.

1. 7. κοινά Casaub., for χαινά. ἀλλὰ... γὰρ ‘meets what has pre-
ceded not by a simple opposition, but by going back to a reason
for the opposite’ (Monro’s Hom. Gram. p. 254. q.U.).

XIV. Ὥρας δ᾽ ἔσηχε τρεῖς x.t.A. Athen. Zc, as a further example of
Alcman’s gluttony.

ἔσηχε sc. Ζεύς. See Dor. Dial. for Fijo, p. 92, σάλλει-ε ϑάλλει, p. 94,
ἐσϑίεν, p. 92.

Σάλλει must be used impersonally like ὕει, etc.

XV. πολλάκι δ᾽ ἐν χορύφαις χ.τ.λ.

Bergk and other commentators explain this passage by referring it
to a Maenad or Bacchante ; and the words ἐν κορύφαις ὀρέων, and still
more those in line 5, if the reading be correct (see below), point
forcibly to the same conclusion. Welcker, however, finds a difficulty
in χρύσιον ἄγγος as the natural utensil of a Maenad ; and, altering line 5
as below, he applies the passage to some Spartan woman whois carry-
ing a cheese-offering to the gods in a golden vase. Compare for the
golden vase on such an occasion Scol. Xvt. β΄, and for a cheese-offer-
ing Athen. xiv. 658. His objections, however, to the first explanation
are not strong, for the epithet χρύσιον is merely ornamental, and
appropriate enough, as Hartung says, in connection with a being
more than human, such as a Maenad ; and it is very difficult to dis-
sociate the words of Aristides, given below, from this passage.

1. 2. ϑεσίσιν ἀδη Hermann, for ϑεσὶς ἀδῃ. πολύφαμος Fiorillo, for
πολύφανος, which according to Welcker is a Dorian form of πολύφωνος
—a view discountenanced by Ahrens. It has been suggested to me
that πολύφανος may possibly be a compound from eaves a torch,
signifying ‘lit with many torches’, which would be very appropriate
of a midnight Bacchic festival.

1. 4. ἔχουσι. Possibly ἔχοισι or the Doric ἔχοντι should be restored ;
but there can be no certainty about such cases (see p. 97), and per-
haps ἔχουσι is more in keeping with the Epic tone of ποίμενες ἀνδρες.

1. 5. In this line the MSs. read χερσὶ λεοντέον ἐπαλαϑείσα. The re-
storation is due to Fiorillo, who most aptly compares Aristides 1. 49 :

316 GREE ΚΝ LC Por ns

Καὶ δύναιτ᾽ ἂν χαὶ ὄνους πτεροῦν (ὁ Διόνυσος) ody ἵππους povov’ ὥσπερ καὶ
λεόντων γάλα ἀμέλγειν avedyxd τις αὐτῷ Λαχωνιχὸς ποιητής. There is no
difficulty in supposing that Arist. incorrectly speaks of Dionysus when
he should have said a follower or companion of the god.

Θήσαο (‘thou didst milk’ from the obsolete Saw) is Bergk’s reading,
and although too far removed from the MSS. ϑείσα, and involving
asyndeton with ἐτύρησας, I have admitted it into the text in default of
anything more satisfactory. Fiorillo cuts out ϑείσα and ἄτρυφον as
glosses.

1.6. ἄτρυφος. Hesych. has” Atpogos (ἄτρυφος Welcker): τυρὸς ὁ πησσό-
μενος ὑπὸ Λαχώνων.

ἀργύφεόν te. So two MSS., the rest ᾿Αργειοφόνται or the like. Welcker
and Bergk, on the strength of a grammarian’s testimony, read ἄργι-
govtay, thinking that Aleman humorously applied the epithet to τυρόν
—an explanation which, I think, will hardly commend itself to readers.

C. MISCELLANEOUS

XVI. Ἔρος pe Saute x.A. Athen. xiii. 600 F, where Alcman is
spoken of as ἡγεμόνα τῶν ἐρωτιχῶν μελῶν. Cf. p. 126.

XVII. ᾿Αφροδίτα μὲν οὐχ ἔστι x1.4. Hephaest. 76.

As Meineke remarks, ‘sensus non plane liquet’. The curiously
sharp contrast drawn between Aphrodite and Eros can hardly
be explained without further knowledge of the context; nor do I
understand the force of the words ἃ μή μοι ϑίγης, ‘prithee touch them
not’. The passage would certainly be improved if we were bold
enough to accept Canini’s wholesale revision of the text in 1. 2: ἄχρ᾽
ἐπ᾿ ἄνϑινα βαίνων te κωῦτοι σίγει τῶ χυπαιρίσκω, “11 ne touche pas méme
aux corolles’; cf. Hes. Frag. 156: ἄχρον ἐπ᾽ ἀνθερικῶν χάρπον ϑέεν οὐδὲ
κατέχλα, and Aen. vii. 808. See Lesd. Dial. for παίσδει, p. 83, καβαίνων,
Pp. 95.

XVIII. Κύπρον x.7.A. Strab. viii. 340, and Menander (Walz, Rhedz.
ix. 135), with reference to the custom of invoking deities from their
favourite haunts. Compare Anacr. II. 1. 4, note.

XIX. Τοῦϑ’ ἁδεᾶν Μωσᾶν xt.A. Athen. xiii. 600 F, where it is
mentioned that Megalostrate was a poetess of whom Alcman was
enamoured.

I] 1-2. adeav Bergk (earlier ed.) for ἁδειᾶν. Τοῦτο. . δῶρον, appa-
rently a song or hymn by Megal. poetically described as a gift of the
Muses, being composed under their inspiration.

μάκαιρα παρϑένων ‘blessed among virgins’; cf. the familiar Sta ϑεάων,
δῖα γυναικῶν. The genit. in these cases is perhaps due to the fact
that the epithet used is so strong as to be equivalent to a superlative.
Μαχαίρᾳ παρϑένῳ has also good authority: ‘to the blessed virgin-
goddess’, z.e. Diana or Athena.

ALCMAN 317

XX. I have placed these four passages together on account of their
sententious character, which may possibly indicate that they are
fragments from Scolia (cf. p. 236).

(«’) A clever poetical genealogy of Τύχη (Plut. de fort. Rom. 4),
without, of course, any foundation in mythology. Cf. No. Xx1I. and
on Alcaeus XXIII.

Πειϑοῦς, probably as the spirit opposed to blind obstinacy, which
prevents men from listening to the dictates of reason. Perhaps we
should correct to the Doric Tews.

(β) Apollon. de Adv. in Bergk An. 11. 566. 11. Περὶ tod “PA.

δ᾽ inserted by Schneidewin. δὰ Bergk, for 6%, explaining it as the
neut. of an old form ‘PAIS, whence ῥᾷστος.

ἐνίσποι Bergk for ἐπίσποι.

(7) Schol. Pind. sth. 1.35 : ὁ πονήσαις δὲ vow καὶ προμάϑειαν φέρει.

(δ) Schol. 77. xxii. 305, to illustrate the use of μέγα Ξεμέγα ἀγαϑόν.

XXI. The next four passages are illustrative of Alcman’s familiarity
with nature. That he learnt his power of song from birds seems to
indicate that he went further than his lyric predecessors in casting
off the stiffness of semi-epical lyric and in cultivating freer rhythm
and melody.

(α΄) Athen. ix. 390 A ἔπη δέ te Hartung for ἐπῆγε δὲ ; Bergk ἔπη τάδε
particularises too closely. For δέ te cf. on Sappho XxXxvII. |. 4.

1. 2-3 restored by Meineke from εὗρέ te γλωσσ.. . . ὄνομα συνϑ.-.

TeyAwss., which is nowhere else found, is apparently a participle
from a verb γλωσσάω, whence γλώσσημα.

(8) Ath. ix. 374 D, as an example of the Dorian ὄρνιξ for ὄρνις
(v. King and Cookson’s Sounds and Infiexions in Greek and Latin,
Pp. 143). νόμωςτενόμους, v. Dor. Dial. p. 94.

XXII. Οἷα Διὸς ϑυγάτηρ xt.A. Quoted by Plut. Sym. 111. x. 3, to
illustrate the remark that dew is most abundant at the full moon.
Διός he explains as ἀέρος.

XXIII. γερσόνδε x.7.2. Quoted for the long quantity of the seventh
5011. by Priscian de Metr. Terent. 251, immediately after a line from
Alcman (Append. Alcman 3.); hence this also is attributed to that
poet; ‘Upon the beach (the wave) falls hushed amid the sea-weed.’

XXIV. “Epre yap avta απ Quoted by Plut. Zyc. 21, as the
words of ὁ Aaxwvixds ποιητὴς, possibly Aleman. Cf. Terpander 1.
(note).

To) σιδάρω and κιϑαρίσδεν (Bergk -ην) Welcker for -w and εἰν.

XXV. Αὖσαν δ᾽ ἄπραχτα x.t.A. Athen. ix. 373

Αὖσαν Bergk (in earlier ed.) for Adsav, which Welcker retains, sc.
χορείαν, as if the lines referred to a panic amidst maidens performing
a choral dance. Bergk supposes that the reference is to the alarm

318 GREEK LYRIC POETS

caused by Ulysses among the maidens of Nausicaa ; he reads Δῦσαν
in ed. 4, which, as Welcker says, would be a very inappropriate
expression of frightened maidens. Compare Alcaeus XXVI.

XXVI. Δύσπαρις x%7.A. Schol. on δύσπαρι in 77. iii. 39, presumably
imitated by Alcman in these appellatives.

XXVII. ᾿Ανὴρ δ᾽ ἐν ἀρμένοισιν x.1.A. Schol. Pind. O27. i. 60, in illustra-
tion of the story of a stone hanging above the head of Tantalus.

ll. 1-2. ἀρμένοισιν, Bergk and others for ἀσμένοισιν (see below) ; the
words may be either neuter, ‘in bonds’, or masculine, ‘among those
bound’; ϑάκω (Dor. genit.) Hermann and Bergk, for ϑάκας.

]. 3. Welcker explains this line as signifying that it was no real
stone that hung above his head, but a mere phantom of his dis-
ordered mind, comparing Eur. Bacchae 918, Verg. Aen. iv. 468 seg.,
etc. With our text, however, the meaning is rather that Tantalus
is so chained that the danger, though not unknown to him, is unseen
and thus all the more terrible. Welcker’s version of the whole
passage is entirely different: Ὅπως (from Schol. Pind.) ἀνὴρ δ᾽ ἐν
ἀσμένοις ἀλιτρός ἧστ᾽ ἐπὶ ϑάχος χάτα, πέτρας ὁρέων μὲν οὐδέν, δοχέων δέ,
He regards the incident as taking place not in the Inferno but in
heaven when Tantalus was admitted to the presence of the gods (see
Athen. vii. 281 B). The rendering would be, ‘ Like a sinful man he
sat down upon his seat among the blissful gods, seeing naught of the
stone, but deeming that he saw it.’ This is certainly strained, and
we should expect rather a word for reclining.

XXVIII. ‘Pixr&yv ὄρος x.t.A. Schol. Soph. Oed. Col. 1248. Νυχιᾶν
ἀπὸ Pinay . . . λέγει δὲ αὐτὰ ἐννύχια διὰ τὸ πρὸς TH δύσει κεῖσϑαι.

The lines are conjecturally emended by Lobeck from ἱΡιπὰς ὄρος
ἔνϑεον ὕλαι ν. μ. στέρνων.

ALCAEUS

I. “Hpog ἀνϑεμόεντος x.1.A. This and several of the succeeding pas-
sages are quoted by Athenaeus x. 430, to illustrate the remark: κατὰ
πᾶσαν ὥραν χαὶ περίστασιν πίνων ὁ ποιητὴς (Alcaeus) εὑρίσχεται.

The dactyls in these lines, following upon an initial trochee, should
be regarded as ‘choreic’ (see p. 63); and thus, though only one
short syllable is wanting to give us the form of a complete hexameter,
an entirely different movement is effected, admirably adapted to the
spirit of the passage.

Tw, Lesh. Dial. p. 84, ὅττι, p. 88.

ἐρχομένοιο, for Lesbian genitive in -w, is probably due to the influence
of Epic tradition.

PCA US 319

For éxaiov, the beauty of which ‘nonnemo’ (see Gaisford’s note)
endeavours to spoil by correction, compare Pind. Frag. XLV. 14
(No. VI. in this edition) :—

u . ~ ,
οἰχϑέντος Qoay ϑαλαμου,
ST Xe “ " ,
εὐοῦμον ἐπαίωσιν ap φυτὰ νεχτάρεα.

II. Τέγγε πνεύμονα z.t.A. Lines 1-3 (part) in Proclus on Hesiod,
Works 584, and Athen. x. 430 B, and i. 22 E; lines 6, 7, 8 in Proclus
only; the end of 1. 3, and ll. 4 and 5 are quoted anonymously by
Demetrius de Eloc. 142, and a comparison with the passage in Hesiod
shows clearly enough that the lines belong to this poem of Alcaeus :

ἬΠΜμος δὲ σχόλυμοός τ᾽ ἀνϑεὶ καὶ ἠχέτα τέττιξ
Δ ee? > ζό ae nN Sta Gg Sear
evdpew ἐφεζόμενος λιγυρὴν xatayever’ ἀοιδήν
\ © , ῃ , a
Πυχνὸν ὑπὸ πτερύγων, ϑέρεος χαματώδεος ὡρῃ-

For the metre see J/e¢re pp. 67, 68.

Foivw, Faden, Lesh. Dial. p. 81; δίψαισι, p. go; χαχχέει, p. 88; ὄπποτα
Ρ. 88.

]. 1. τέγγε πνεύμονα Foivw is the simple correction of the com-
mentators for the unmetrical οἴνῳ πνεύμονα τέγγε (Procl. Z.c., and Athen.
i. 22). Bergk prefers πνεύμονας from Athen, x. 430 τ. πλεύμονας οἴνῳ :
but ς may well have crept in through inattention to the F, by which
hiatus is avoided.

ἄστρον, Ζ.6. Σείριος (1. 7). cf. also Theognis 1040 :—

ἴΑφρονες ἄνϑρωποι χαὶ νήπιοι οἵτινες οἶνον
Μὴ πίνουσ᾽, ἄστρου χαὶ κυνὸς ἀρχομένου.

CihLlorsOda xxix 13.

1. 2. δίψαισι, Alcaeus follows the example of Homer in employing
the plural verb with πάντα, there being clearly in this passage a
‘notion of distinct units’. See Monro’s Hom. Gram. 172.

1. 3, etc. For the appreciation of the grasshopper by the Greeks,
see Liddell and Scott under τέττιξ. Plat. Phaedr. 262 Ὁ calls it
‘O Μουσών προφήτης.

ll. 4 and 5. καχχξει if correct does not follow the usual Lesbian con-
jugation of the contracted verbs (v. pp. 90-91); πύχνον is suitably
supplied by Bergk from the passage in Hesiod. The succeeding
words are very corrupt ; ὄπποτα is Ahrens’ reasonable conjecture for
OTITIOTAN, but no conjectures can satisfactorily restore 1. 5, where
we have after x«détav—ETIIITAMENONKATAYAEIH. The words,
whatever they once were, appear to have been an amplification of
Hesiod’s ϑέρεος χαματώδεος ὥρῃ.

1. 7. γόνυ, so Seidler for γόνατα, Bergk γόνα, but Schneidewin quotes
Steph. Byz. : yovva of Alodéts τὰ γόνατα.

111. "Yer μὲν ὁ Ζεύς κιτλ. Athen Zc. This ode is imitated by
Horace, chiefly in 1 Od. i. 9.

320 GREEK EY RCP OL is

For κάββαλλε, χίρναις, see Lesbian Dialect, pp. 88, 83; for ὕρανος
where we should expect ὄρρανος (Doric weaves), cf. Lesb. μόνος, κάλος,
p. 82, and see on Sappho 1. |. 11.

1. 5. χκαββαλλε : ‘Dissolve frigus’, Hor. Zc.

1. 8. ἀμφὶ : commentators suggest -τίϑη (-τίϑει) -βάλων, etc.

γνόφαλλον, for γνάφαλλον, or χνάφαλλον (cf. χνάπτω), see Lesbian
Dialect on o for «, p. 85.

IV. Οὐ χρὴ κάχοισι x.t.A. Athen. /c. For ἐπιτρέπην and μεϑύσϑην,
see Lesh. Dialect, p. 89; ἀσάμενοι, p. 90.

1. τ. ϑῦμον, an emendation by Stephanus for μῦϑον.

1. 3. Buxyts, Lesbian form of Baxyos. A grammarian compares
Ἵππις and Oixts (the capitals are Bergk’s) for ἵππος and otxos; and for
the use of v, βύϑις = βάϑος.

V. πίνωμεν κιτλ. Athen. Zc. For metrical scheme see No. 11.

This poem should be compared with the more sober lines of
Anacreon XVI. From that passage, and from the remarks of Athe-
naeus we gather that the potations of Alcaeus and his friends were
in excess of those sanctioned at ordinary Greek wine-parties (cf. note
on Anacr. ζω).

See Lesb. Dial. for «ad, χάχ, p. 88; accusatives in -ats, partic.
χίρναις, ὠϑήτω (= ὠϑείτω), P. 90.

1. τ. Athen. x. 481 A gives τί τὸν λύχνον ἀμμένομεν. Porson emends
to tx Avyv(a), Ahrens ὀμμένομεν (see Les. Dial. p. 85), Welcker,
whom Bergk follows—ti τὸ λύχνον μένομεν; but the neuter form of
λύχνος, if authentic, is at any rate far less common in the singular than
in the plural. δάκτυλος ἀμέρα : these words in connection with the
preceding have been variously explained ; Δάχτυλος seems to express
a minimum of time as in δάχτυλος ἀὼς (Anth. Pal. xii. 50), and
Matthiae interprets thus : ‘Why wait for evening (the usual time for
revelry)? Let us enjoy the little left of the day’. The words may,
however, I think, be regarded in the light of an apology for an early
commencement of the drinking-bout. ‘The day has only a finger’s
breadth to run. Weshall not be much too soon.’ Or we may accept
Schweighauser’s rendering, ‘punctum est quod vivimus’, ze. ‘let us
eat, drink, and be merry, for to-morrow we die’.

1, 2. ἄερρε: so Ahrens for cee; cf. Sappho Xxx. 1. 2. Possibly,
however, ἄειρε Should be retained as another instance of Epic influ-
ence on the literary dialect.

᾽σῖτα is the reading boldly adopted by Schneidewin as a Lesbian
variation on ’oit«; it has at least the merit of keeping closely enough
to the original atta zormtAdts, or ποιχιλα,

1. 4. ἔνα (sc. xvatov), χαὶ δύο, z.e. one of water to two of wine; for
Athen. x. 430 speaks of this as a drunkard’s mixture, whereas in
Anacreon ἄς we find the proportion of two parts of water to one of
wine regarded as suitable for a sober reveller—ta μὲν dex’ ἐγχέας |

ML CAE U § 321

ὕδατος, τὰ πέντε δ᾽ οἴνου | κυάϑους ὡς ἀνυβριστί | ava δηῦτε βασσαρήσω.
Judging from these and other passages (e.g. Ar. Kuzghts 1184), it
appears to have been customary to mention the water first.

1.5. xax χεφάλας, adopting Porson’s punctuation (v. Bergk, note
ad loc.), implies that the cups were to be brimming over ; for χεφαλή
in this sense cf. Theocr. vill. 87, ὑπὲρ χεφαλᾶς, of a milk-pail. It is
hardly so likely that χατὰ χεφαλᾶς can be used in the sense of ἐπὶ
χεφαλήν, ‘headlong,’ praecipitanter (Bergk). For xax Bergk suggests
ὅς (= ἕως).

VI. ’AAX ἀνήτω χιτιλ. Lines 1-2 in Athen. xv. 67γ4 ; Il. 3-4, Athen.
xv. 687 C, the two fragments being united by Bergk into a single
stanza. For metrical scheme see Sappho I.

See Lesbian Dialect for genitives ἀνήτω, τῷ, p. 84; accus. πλέχτα!ς,
Pp. 83; περϑέτω (= περιϑέτω), p. 88; the dat. ἄμμι, p. 87 ; and the form
yevatw, where v represents an original F, p. 82.

These luxurious banquet-customs of wearing garlands round the
neck, and anointing both head and breast with perfumes, are described
by Plutarch SyzPos. iii. 1, with a reference to some similar passage in
Alcaeus—xehevny καταχέαι τὸ μύρον χατὰ τᾶς πόλλα παϑοίσας χεφαλᾶς και
τῶ πολιῶ στήϑεος (Append. Alcaeus, No. 12), cf. Anacr. XXXVIII. β΄.

᾿Ανήτω : Galen says that this was employed at banquets, as it was
supposed to assist the digestion.

VII. Ὡς γὰρ δήποτ x.t.A. Schol. Pind. /s¢h. ii. 11. For metre cf.
No. XVI. and note.

See Lesb. Dialect for εἴπην, p. 84, and east (Ξε φασί) p. go. In this
fragment and in the next Alcaeus appears to be lamenting alike his
own poverty, a natural result of his combative spirit, and also the
increasing importance of the commercial classes among the Asiatic
Greeks at the expense of the old aristocracy (see Art. VIII. p. 99).
With this passage compare Pindar /.c., where the proverb is attri-
buted to a ‘man of Argos’, without any name being given. A
Scholiast informs us that a Spartan Aristodemus was by one
authority reckoned among the Seven Sages.

"Eskos is found in Lesbian, and ἐσλὸς in Doric, or other dialects
for ἐσθλός" cf. μάσλης-- μάσϑλης, Sap. XXIX.

VIII. ᾿Αργάλεον Πενία κ.τ.ιλ. Stob. Flor. xcvi. 17.
Metre.—If the second line be complete it should probably be
scanned :

RNS

but very likely it is a fragment of a hexameter, the last syllable of
ἀδελφέα being shortened before a succeeding vowel. For hexameters
in lyric poetry see Metre, p. 62.
Δάμναις (see Lesh, Dial. p. 90), or the middle δάμναι, is Bergk’s
emendation for δάμησι.
xX

322 GREEK ΤΥ ΡΞ

᾿Αδελφέᾳ (cf. Epic) should perhaps be written ἀδελφία, since it is an
adjective (ἀδελφε-ιος) of the same kind as χρύσεος, Lesbian χρύσιος.
See Lesb. Dial., p. 85.

IX. Otvos yap xt.A. Tzetz Lycophr. v. 212; Schol. Plat. p. 377.
(Bek.).

For ἀλάϑεα (= ἀλήϑεια) see Lesh. Dial. p. 85.

These two lines recall the apophthegmatic or sententious character
common in convivial songs (see Introduction to Scolia).

X. Κέλομαί τινα x.t.A. Καλεσσαι, Lesh. Deal. p. 82.

The passage is quoted by Hephaestion 41 as Altodtxov, and is
attributed by Bergk to Alcaeus.

For ai=«t see note on Spartan Dance-song I.

XI. Ἰόπλοχ᾽ ayvax.t.A. 1.1. Hephaest. p. 80; 1. 2. Arist. 2 762. i. 9.
Metre.—Apparently Alcaeus out of compliment to Sappho has
chosen her own favourite metre, but has imparted to it a little
masculine energy by the addition of the Anacrusis. For Sappho’s
retort in Alcaics see Sappho Frag. X., and refer especially to
Additional Note A. In the second line χωλύει αἴδως is usually treated

aN
as a case of ‘synizesis’, and scanned χωλύει αἴδως -- ὦ -- -- Bergk,

however, reasonably urges that κωλύει should be treated as a dactyl,
εἰ being shortened before the succeeding diphthong. The same
applies to Sappho i. 11, Weaver αἴϑε | pos διὰ μέσσω, We have no other
cases in Greek Sapphics of a dactyl in this position, but as similar
licences are found in Seneca and other Latin poets, Bergk thinks
that they must have been imitating Greek models.

See Lesh. Dial. p. 82 for the double liquid μελλιχόμειδα, and for
Εείπην p. 82, and p. 89.

I have adopted Blomfield’s reading μελ λιχόμειδα for μελλιχόμειδε, for
Hesychius gives the nominative in -ys, and not in -ος, and we have
the analogous φιλομμείδης. A Lesbian vocative in -« (for -ss) on the
model of the first declension in -7¢ is quite conceivable.

XII. Δέξαι pe χωμαζοντα χ.τ.λ. Hephaest. 30.

The tetrameter with Anacrusis is well suited to a tone of earnest
entreaty. The line is evidently from a serenade, see Art. I. p. 8,
on Κῶμος, Compare Hermesianax :

Λέσβιος ᾿Αλχαϊΐος δὲ πόσους ἀνεδείξατο χώμους
Σαπφοῦς φορμίζων ἱμερόεντα γάμον.

XIII. Κόλπῳ δ᾽ ἐδέξαντ᾽ κιτιλ. Quoted by Hephaes. 59, where there
is some doubt whether this beautiful line is ascribed to Alcaeus or to
Alcman.

Κρίνοι (voc. of the fem. name Κρίνω) is Bergk’s excellent emenda-
dation for Κρόνῳ. He aptly compares Theocr. xvii, 36.

ΠΡΟ es UES 223

XIV. Ἔμε δείλαν χκιτιλ, A solitary instance of the striking metre
Lonicus a minore, in which Alcaeus composed many poems
(Hephaestion 66). Compare 3 Hor. Od. xii., possibly in imitation of
the poem of Alcaeus to which this line belongs.

See Lesb. Dial. 88 for the prep. πεδά (Ξε μετά) in πεδέχοισαν, and for
παισᾶν (-- πασῶν), p. 83, and p. 84.

XV. "Actsov ἄμμι x.t.A. Apollon. de Pron. 384 B.
Liddell and Scott give ἰόχολπον -- ἰόζωνον, ‘ purple-girdled’ ; why not
‘dark-bosomed’, of some Southern beauty ἢ

XVI. Μαρμαίρει δὲ μέγας δόμος x.7.A.

Metre. "Each of these lines consists of two (if not three) Co/a, both
of which are introduced by the Basis (see Art. Vi. p. 58), which we
therefore find employed not only at the beginning of a line, but also
of a new Colon (see Boeckh’s de Metris Pindari p. 188, and p. 138).

This passage is quoted by Athen. xiv. 627 A, to show that Alcaeus
was μᾶλλον tod δέοντος πολεμικός, and esteemed his military higher
than his poetic career. Mr. Jevons, in his H7story of Greek Litera-
ture, thinks that the passage betrays more military foppery than
befits the stern warrior, and we cannot perhaps help being reminded
of Paris, περικάλλεα τεύχε’ ἕποντα, 771. vi. 321. The Duke of Wellington
however, I believe, remarked that the greatest dandies were often his
finest officers.

That the description is intended not for itself alone but mainly as
an incentive to war is shown by the last line.

See Lesb. Dial. for χυνίαισι, χάλχιαι (p. 85), καττᾶν (Ξε χαϑ' ὧν), p. 84,
Ρ. 88, νεύοισιν, πασσάλοις (acc. plur.), χρύπτοισιν, p. 83, the genitives
ἰσχύρω, λίνω (p. 84), βέλευς -- βέλεος (p. 84), πὰρ-Ξεπαρὰ, εἴς.

1. 1. "Apn (for”Aget) ‘in Martis honorem’ (Jahn).

1. 3. γάλχιαι, etc., ‘brazen greaves bright-gleaming hide the pegs
on which they hang.’

χναάμῖδες. Lesbian for xvqpides.

l. 5. χόϊλαι, I have adopted Seidler’s emendation for χοΐλαι (from
x0(F)-that), the two short syllables being permissible in the ‘Basis’
(see p. 58). Possibly the F should be retained, see Lesd. Dial. p. 81.

No apostrophe is necessary after kat, which is the usual Lesbian
form, see p. 88.

βεβλημέναι, Casaub. reads βεβλημένων (two MSS. βεβλημένον) ‘ =oCcCci-
sorum’, as if these were trophies from slain adversaries.

Χαλχίδιχαι, According to Stephanus the name Χαλκιδεῖς was given
to the people διὰ to yahxoupydia πρῶτον παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὀφθῆναι.

XVII. ᾿Ασυνέτημι τῶν ἀνέμων x.t.A. That the apparent description
of a storm is rightly placed among the Stasiotica, is shown by the
fact that it is quoted as an allegory by Heracleides, Ad/eg. Homer.
c. 5, who explains thus : Μυρσίλος ὁ δηλούμενός ἐστι καὶ τυραννιχὴ κατὰ
Μυτιληναίων ἐγειρομένη σύστασις.

324 GREE ΚΟ ΕΠ ΡΘΕ

Cf. Hor. 1 Od. xiv. Soph. Oed. Tyr. 23. .Antig. 163, etc.

See Lesh. Dial. for ἀ ἄμμες (ἡμεῖς), p. 87 ; ὃν (ΞΕ ἀνὰ), p. 85 ; πὲρ (περί),
Ρ. 88; μέσσον, p. 82; ἀσυνέτημι, φορήμεϑα, μοχϑεῦντες, γόλαισι Galaens
pp. 89-90.

1. τ. ἀσυνέτημι is Ahrens’ conjecture for ἀσυνέτην χαὶ, The lengthen-
ing of the v zz arsé is for metrical purposes and not dialectical.
Cf. on Sap. XI.

With ἀνέμων στάσιν comp. Aesch. Prom. 1087. στάσιν ἀντιπνοῦν,
‘strife of opposing winds.’ Alcaeus plays upon the word στάσις.

1. 6. πὲρ is said by Ahrens to have the force in this passage as in
others (see Les. Dial. p. 88) of ὑπέρ ; but surely the usual meaning
gives excellent sense here : ‘the water encompasses the mast-box’.

1. 7. ζάδηλον (Ξεδιάδηλον, Lesd. Dial. p. 84) is usually interpreted
‘something you can see through’; the next line then is merely an
amplification of this epithet.

1. 9. Bergk objects to the mention of anchors, when the ship is
being driven by the tempest in mid-ocean (I. 3), and he accordingly
emends. Such a confusion, however, is excusable enough in
allegorical or figurative language.

XVIII. To δηῦτε κῦμα x...

A similar allegorical attack upon a tyrant (Heracleides /.c.). Bergk
suggests that reference is made to this passage by the Schol. Pind.
Isth. i. 32: ᾿Αλχαΐος τὴν δυστυχίαν χειμῶνα χαὶ τριχυμίαν λέγει. If this
be so, Alcaeus is possibly referring to Pittacus as the third tyrant,
worse than his predecessors Myrsilus and Melanchrus. It must,
however, be admitted that according to Heracleides the words of
the text apply to Myrsilus.

See 7656. Dial. for ὄνω (Ξε ἄνω) p. 85; and the infin. ἄντλην p. 89.
The text is very corrupt in Heracl. and has been emended mainly
by Bergk and Seidler.

1. 3. vaog ἐμβᾶ, MSS. νᾶος ἐμβαίνει. Νᾶος is probably dependent on
some noun coming after ἐμβᾷ. ᾿Ἐμβαίνω however takes the genitive
in Oed. Col. 400, γῆς δὲ μὴ ᾿μβαίνῃς ὅρων.

XIX. νῦν χρὴ μεϑύσϑην χιτιλ. Quoted by Athenaeus x. 430 as.a
further illustration of the readiness of Alcaeus to seize upon every
occasion for wine-bibbing. See on No. 1.

See Lesh. Dial. for μεϑύσϑην (μεϑυσϑῆναι), and πώνην (ΞΞ πίνειν) p. 89.

This passage is imitated by Horace (1 Od. xxxvii.): ‘ Nunc est
bibendum,’ etc. Hartung attacks the reading twa πρὸς βίαν πώνην
(Ahrens for xovéiv) as being mere tautology after μεϑύσϑην. He
therefore adopts a suggestion founded on Horace’s ‘pede libero
Pulsanda tellus,’ χϑόνα πρὸς βίαν χρούην (or παίειν). Matthiae defends
the reading in the text, explaining πρὸς βίαν not as ‘violentius’ but
in its usual sense of ‘invitum,’ z.e. ‘We must drink whether we wish
it or not.’

BECAEUS 325

XX. "Qvnp ovtog κιτλ. This passage is applied by Aristoph.
Wasps, 1234 (v. Schol. ad foc.) against Cleon.

Κρέτος, 1,650. for xpatos. ᾿Οντρέψει, Lesh. Dial. p. 85.

δόπας (ona¢?) is of course Lesb. for the gen. ῥοπῆς, for the accusative
would be ῥόπαις. "Eyetat 6ozac,‘ Keeps ever on the brink of ruin.’

XXI. Tov xaxonaterda x.t.A. Quoted by Aristot. Pol. II. ix. 5, to
show that the Mytilenaeans chose Pittacus as their champion against
the exiles headed by Alcaeus and Antimenidas (v. Introd. to Alcaeus).

For metre cf. “vag. Il.

Lesh. Dial. for πόλιος, p. 87 ; ἀχόλω, p. 84.

For «yoAw Bergk reads διχόλω, Ζ.6.. ‘discordis,’ but surely ἀχόλω
‘chicken-hearted’ is most appropriate, when Alcaeus is rebuking his
fellow-citizens for voluntarily putting their necks beneath the yoke of
the tyrant.

For éxatvzovtes, which is here quadrisyllabic, we should expect
ἐπαινεῦντες, Ahrens ἐπαίνεντες. Lesb. Dial. p. 91.

XXII. Μέλαγχρος x.t.A. Hephaest. 79. It is generally supposed
that Alcaeus is ironically praising his old enemy Melanchrus in
comparison with some other tyrant such as Pittacus, whom the poet
regards as casting all Melanchrus’ vices into the shade.

The construction of εἰς after ἄξιος, though hard to parallel, is
intelligible enough in this instance. ‘M. showed himself towards the
city as worthy of respect,’ z.e. he acted towards the city in a manner
worthy of respect.

XXIII. Χαΐρε Κυλλανας x.t.A. Hephaest. 79. Lesd. Deal. for ὑμνην,
p. 89; yevvato, p. 82.

1. 1. Bergk is in favour of retaining the accent on ὃ (= ὃς) and
treating μέδεις as second pers. sing. (v. Bergk on Alcaeus, 5). Others
read ὁ μέδεις (partic.) = ὁ μέδων, as if from μέδημι, Lesb. for μεδέ-ὦ
(a form implied by the participle μεδέων) ; see Les. Dial. p. 90.

ὕμνην, Bergk in this and one or two other instances, apparently by
an oversight, does not carry out his plan of universal Psilosis.

1. 2. Meineke’s correction for χορυφᾶσιν αὐγαῖς.

]. 3. Bergk’s correction from γέννα τῷ χρονίδη μαίεια,

XXIV. Δεινότατον ϑεῶν xt.A. See Lesd. Dial. for εὐπέδιλλος,
ἐγέννατο. p. 82.

The well-known line ‘In the spring (which should be the season of
the west wind and the rainbow) a young man’s fancy lightly turns to
thoughts of love’, gives us the explanation of the graceful allegory of
the Greek poet (as is implied in Etym. Gud. 278. 17, quoted by
Bergk). The genealogy of course has no foundation in mythology.
Cf. Aleman XXII.

326 GRE Ke eae Ne Oras

XXV. Ἤλϑες ἐχ περάτων zt... Lines 1-2 are given by Hephaestion.
The rest has been reconstructed from a paraphrase in Strabo xiii.
617; ll. 3, 4 by Bergk, ll. 5-7 by O. Miller.

The passage is usually placed among the Stasiotica, since it was
civil strife at Lesbos which caused Antimenidas to enter the service
of the king of Babylon. (Introd. to Alcaeus p. 136.) Hartung points
out that he may have aided Nebuchadnezzar in the siege of Tyre, or
the conquest of Judzea, or Cyaxares in the conquest of Nineveh.

See Lesb. Dial. for τῶ, p. 84, xtévvats (= κτείνας) pp. 82-3, the partic.
συμμάγεις, P. 90.

anv = ἀπὸ, as δεῦρυ for δεῦρο (v. on Sap. VII. 4) : πέμπων = πέντε, for
in Lesbian the declension of the numerals is extended beyond the
first three ; cf. δυοχαιδέχων, Append. Alcaeus No. 35.

1. 1. ἐλεφαντίναν λάβαν.... χρυσοδέταν ; Mr. Murray has pointed out to
me a sword in the Bronze Room of the British Museum belonging
approximately to this period, which affords a beautiful commentary
on this passage. The handle is composed, not, as is often the case,
of one solid piece of ivory hollowed out to receive the metal, but
of two pieces divided lengthwise and bound together by a golden
thread running round the whole length of the hilt.

l. 4. τέλεσας, aor. indic. (the participle would be in -ats). We should
rather expect τέλεσσας, but we find e.g. χάλεσαι, as well as χάλεσσαι.
See Lesh. Dial. p. 82.

1.5. The form payattay for μαχητήν, is curious. We find, however,
a Dorian form payates, pointing to a stem paya-, side by side with
waye-. From peya- Lesbian, retaining the Spirant τ of the termina-
tion sw, may have formed a verb payatw, or possibly μάχαιμι (see p. 90),
from either of which the derivative payattas could be obtained.

βασιληΐων, etc., ‘But one span short of 5 royal cubits’, z.e. the man’s
height was about eight feet four inches. Miiller reads βασιλήϊον with
μαχαίταν : Bergk Basthytwv with παχέων, quoting Herod. i. 178 to the
effect that the royal cubit exceeds the Greek τρίσι δαχτύλοις. The
epithet, otherwise prosy, thus enhances the glory of the achievement.

BactAy-tos preserves the ancient diaeresis, while in Attic we have
the diphthong βασίλειος.

XXVI. "Exta{ov wot’ χιτιλ. Herod. περὶ pov. Act. xxiii. 9.

Lesh. Dial. πταζω = πτήσσω. One or two other instances are given
in Liddell and Scott of the accusative following this verb in the sense
of ‘cower for fear of.’

Assigned by Bergk to the Stasiotica as if describing a sudden panic
among the enemy.

XXVII. Βλήχρων ἀνέμων χιτιλ, Schol. 74, viii. 178.
This also is placed by Bergk among the Stasiotica, as if it were an
allegorical picture of peace. Cf. Nos. XVII. and XVIII.

ACA EU 5 327

XXVIII. "Opvides tives οἶδ᾽ κιτιλ. Schol. Ar. Birds 1410. For metre,
cf. No. II.
ποιχιλόδερροι, Schneidewin for -ειροι, Lesh. Dial. p. 82.

XXIX. "Avopes πόληος x.t.A. Schol. Aesch. Pers. 347. v. 1. ἄνδρες
yap πόλεως (restore Lesbian πόλιος) πύργος ἀρ.

XXX. Πίνωμεν z.t.A. Ath. 1. 22 F. It is not unlikely that Athenaeus
may have manufactured this line by confusing together I. 1 in No. I.
and No. V. respectively. For ἄστρον see on No. 11. 1. 1.

See EO

I. Πποικιλόϑρον᾽ κιτιλ. Quoted by Dionys. de Comp. Verb. c. 23, as
an example of the ‘finished style’ (γλαφυρὸς γαραχτήρ), in which, he
says, Sappho excels all other Melic composers. He adds—tavuty¢
τῆς λέξεως ἡ εὐέπεια χαὶ ἡ χάρις ἐν τῇ συνεπείᾳ χαὶ λειότητι γέγονε τῶν
ἁρμονιῶν.

See Lesb. Dial, for ὀνίαισι (= ἀνίαισι), p. 85; the adverbs τυΐϊδε, τήλυι
(= tose), p. 88 ; αἴποτα, (= εἴποτε, note on Spartan Dance-song I. and
p. 85); χρύσιον (= χρύσεον), p. 85 ; -οισα, -atsa in the participles, p. 83 ;
w in the genitives weave, μέσσω, αὐδῶς, p. 84; the forms of the ‘con-
tracted’ verbs δινεῦντες, κάλημι, ἀδικήει, pp. 90, οἵ ; the forms τέλεσσαι,
iuéppst, pp. 82, 83, etc.

1. τ. Ποικιλόθρον᾽, v. 1. ποιχιλόφρον᾽ : this, however has less authority,
and is tautological as compared with δολόπλοχε in the next line, unless
we follow Ahrens in regarding ποιχιλόφρον᾽ as Lesbian for ποιχιλόϑρον᾽
(cf. Lesb. Dial. p. 83). The word is ἅπαξ λεγόμενον, and, in the sense
of ‘goddess of richly-carved throne’, is a little unsuited to the
context. Welcker conjectures that it refers to some contemporary
work of art at Lesbos (cf. Jebb, He//. Journ. 111. i. 117, on εὐϑρονοι
Ὧραι in Pind. Py/d. ix. 62). But Aphrodite, although I must admit
that she is called εὐϑρονος by Pindar (Pyzh. i. 28), is nearly always,
especially in early art, represented as erect. Consequently another
conjecture of some commentators (4.9. Wustmann /hezz. Mus. No.
23, Ρ. 238) is worthy of attention, who connect the word with the
Homeric ϑρόνα (74. xxii. 441, where Helen embroiders ϑρόνα ποιχίλα
on her robe). Aphrodite may thus be described as ‘ goddess of the
spangled flowers’, just as at Cnosus she was called ᾿Ανϑεία (v. Hesych.
s.v. ἀνϑεία). The epithet in this sense would be particularly appro-
priate from the lips of Sappho, whose love of flowers is conspicuous,
Cf. Frag. VI. VI. XXXIL, etc.

ll. 3-4. με... ϑῦμον, Schema za ὅλον χαὶ μέρος.

1. 5. ἑτέρωτα = ἑτέρωϑι, “See p. 85.

1. 6, αὐδως (Lesbian for αὐδοῦς), apparently from a form (αὔδω =

328 GREE KVR iC oP Oars

avon). ᾿Δίοισα---ἔχλυες ; the former, as usual, applies to physical hearing,
while xAvw, especially in the imperative χλῦϑι, χκέχλυτε, etc., constantly
signifies ‘attend to’, ‘ give heed to’.

1, g-10. χάλοι. . . wxeeg: the two adjectives, unconnected by a
conjunction, must not both be taken as mere epithets. Transl. :
‘With speed did thy beauteous sparrows, etc.’

otpovvot, sacred to Aphrodite, v. Athen. ix. 391 E; Aristoph. Lyszstr.
724. The Latin poets have familiarised us rather with swans as the
charioteers of Venus (v. Hor. 3 Odes xxviil. 14; 4. 1. 10, etc.). The
Romans seem not to have been satisfied with the simplicity of the
Lesbian picture.

περὶ = ὑπὲρ, v. Lesh. Dial. p. 88.

μελαίνας : Moebius directs attention to the Homeric character of
this epithet.

1.11. For the scansion cf. note on Alcaeus ΧΙ. Gaisford reads
ὠράνω ὃϑέ- [-ρεὺυς διὰ μέσσω, from an MS. reading ἀπωρανώϑερος διὰ μέσω ;
he compares Vergil’s ‘nare per aestatem liquidam’. With ϑέρευς (=
ϑέρους) cf. βέλευς, Lesb. Dial. Ὁ. 87.

weave = οὐράνου. We should expect in Lesbian oppavos from
*FooFavoc, and G. Meyer is inclined to discredit wpavog, which is
rather Dorian. Cf. on No. XVI.

1. 14. μειδιάσαισ᾽ z.7.2. recalls Homer’s φιλομμειδὴς ’Agoodtta,

1. 15. χὠττι-ε χαὶ ὅττι (Ξε χαὶ ὅτι), v. Lesh. Dial. p. 88. Meister
suggests χ᾽ ὅττι, since we should expect ἃ and not ὦ in sucha con-
traction. Compare, however, ϑυρῴρω in Sap. XL.

1. 17. χὠττ᾽ ἐμῷ, Bergk substitutes χώττι μοι, without, however, any
MSS. authority.

ll. 18-19. Τίνα z.7.4. Notice the effective transition to the goddess’
own words.

The reading here is very doubtful, for the Mss. have something like
τινα δευτε πειϑωμαισαγήνεσσαν. The text is Bergk’s, being a slight varia-
tion upon Seidler’s. Transl. ‘Whom dost thou wish Peitho to bring
to thy love ?’

Mais (=pas, Lesh. Dial. p. 90) is objectionable, since the pres.
active is not elsewhere found, μάομαι on the contrary being employed
in Sappho, App. No. 10; Seidler’s λαΐς (cf. Spartan Dance-song No. 1)
has no MS. authority. Among many other readings that of Blass is
worthy of attention. πείϑω--μαί σ᾽ ayny x72, Ze. σοι aynv; but we
have no other instance in Sappho of the first or second line in the
stanza to which she has given her name, ending in a non-final
syllable.

For Peitho as the attendant of Aphrodite cf. Ibycus Il, and
Sappho 135 (Bergk), where she is called the daughter of the great
goddess. Unknown to Homer, Peitho appears first in Hesiod in the
legend of Pandora. Her prominence in later literature and worship
is perhaps due to Sappho, Ibycus, and other lyric poets. From the
seventh century onwards she is usually the familiar of Aphrodite, and

ΞΕ ΕΣ PEO 329

sometimes a mere attribute, as it were, of her ; although at Sicyon
and at Athens Peitho appears to have had a separate worship.

1. 20. Yary’. Hermann regards this as an endearing diminutive for
the vocat. Vargor (τῶν ὑποχοριστιχῶν) ; it is, however, not unlikely that
in this case, as in some others (v. p. 87), Lesbian is influenced by
the analogy of a different declension. Τύριννα is given in Max. Tyr.
from Tvetvvw, which is found in ΖΔ Mag. 243. 51.

1. 25. Véde Bergk’s note on the accent of γαλεπᾶν, etc., in which he
is inclined to think that here too, and in the adverbs αὐτάρ, ἀτάρ, etc.,
Lesbian kept to its practice of casting back the accent.

1, 28. ἔσσο -εἴσϑι, Ahrens conj. ἔσϑι.

11. Φαίνεται, etc. Quoted by Longinus de Sublim. c. 10, and his
criticisms deserve notice. After commenting on the realistic char-
acter of Sappho’s description (ἐκ τῆς ἀληϑείας αὐτῆς) he points out that
she exhibits her power mainly in combining in a single picture all the
most violent symptoms of the love-complaint (τὰ ἄχρα αὐτῶν χαὶ
ὑπερτεταμένα δεινὴ καὶ ἐχλέξαι xa εἰς ἄλληλα συνδῆσαι). He continues-—
ἅμα ψύχεται, καίεται, ἀλογιστεῖ, φρονέϊ... ἵνα μὴ ἕν τι περὶ αὐτὴν πάϑος
φαίνηται, παθῶν δὲ σύνοδος.

Plutarch refers to the poem, 727ογαζί. ii. 762 F., etc., remarking that
Sappho ἀληϑώς μεμιγμένα πυρὶ φϑέγγεται.

Catullus’ rendering of this Ode is well known, ‘Ile mi par esse deo
videtur.’ Cat. LI.

See Lesb. Dial. for the double liquid in ἔμμεν (=stvar), ἔμμι (ΞΞ εἰμί),
p. 82; tor (=sot), p. 873 φωνεύσας, γελαίσας, ἐπιρρόμβεισι, pp. 90, 91;
τό for the relat., p. 873; βροχέως, ὑπαδεδρόμαχεν, p. 85 ; xa, xax- for
χατὰ, p. 883 τεϑνάχην, p. 89; ὀλίγω for the genit. p. 84; etc.

1.1. Mot, Apoll. de Pron. 336 A quotes from Sappho the words
φαίνεταί Fot κῆνος, a version which is adopted by some commentators ;
but since all authorities have μοι in this passage, and Catullus renders
the line ‘Ille mi,’ etc., and since Apollonius himself quotes μοι in this
line a little before, 335 A, we are almost forced to accept Bergk’s ex-
planation that in 356 A the grammarian was referring to some other
poem.

That the reference in κῆνος is quite general is shown by ὅστις in
12 [ΞΞ5Ὶ quis).

1. 1. χῆνος, Lesbian and Dorian for (ἐ)χεῖνος. Cf. χῆ Ξε: (ἐ)χεὶ, Sap. XLI.

]. 2. "Ὥνηρ = ὁ ἄνηρ.

]. 4. traxovet, “ Attente et cum silentio audit,’ Weiske.

1. 5. γελαίσας, so Buttmann and Neue (MSS. γελαῖς or γελᾷς δὴ), and
the reading is supported by Catullus, ‘dulce ridentem,’ and by
Horace’s apparent imitation in 1 Od. xxii. 23, ‘Dulce ridentem La-
lagen amabo | Dulce loquentem.’ The reading in the text supplies
us with a good example of zeugma, alodevetat being implied in
Unaxovet, as Schneidewin points out. For pav (= μήν) Hartung reads
"μὰν (= ἐμήν).

330 GREE ΤΟ ΡΟΝ "5

l. 6. ἐπτόασεν, gnomic aorist.

From πτοέω we should of course expect ἐπτόησεν in Lesbian as in other
dialects ; ἐπτόασεν is from the collateral form πτοάω ; cf. on ὄρημι 1. 11.

l. 7. I have given in the text the MSS. reading. (One MS. βρογέως,
the rest βρόχεως.) Endless conjectures have been made to restore
the line, the nearest to the original being Neue’s ὥστε yao σ᾽ ἴδω x.7.A.
Ahrens suggests ὡς σε γὰρ Fidw χιτιλι; Bergk, with undue disregard
of the MSS., ὡς γὰρ εὐιδον (= *zFidoy, εἶδον) Booyews σε. I suggest as
possible ὡς χε γὰρ σ᾽ ἴδω.

1. 8. etxet, if it be right, must be Ζιφ. the Doric ¢ixet with Lesbian
psilosis = ἵχει, ‘no utterance comes to me.’ Toup reads ἴχει.

1. 9. Εέξαγε (p. 82), similarly we speak of ‘broken accents,’ etc.
Compare Lucretius’ imitation of this passage, iii. 155 :

Sudores itaque et pallorem existere toto
Corpore, et 22fring7 linguam.vocemque aboriri,
Caligare oculos, sonere aures, succidere artus.

1. το. χρῶ, acc. for χρόα. Bergk χρῷ dative.

1. 11. ὀππάτεσσι is the reading given almost unanimously for
ὀμμάτεσσι, and, if it be correct, the change of zy. to xz, and not to μμ is
probably without parallel. ἴομματα, on the contrary, is given by the
MSS. in Sap. X.

For ὄρημι we should expect ὄραμι (Lesd. Dial. p. 84), but the form
is due to the collateral ὁρέω, frequent in Herodotus.

1.3. Bergk ἃ δὲ μίδρως, quoting μάλευρον in Alcaeus as another
instance of ». from F, Schneidewin ἔχ δέ Fidgws, with some authority
for éx, but scarcely any for the omission of μ΄. If & δέ μ᾽ ἴδρως be
right, μ᾽ must stand for pot. Cf. 724, vi. 165, xiii. 481, etc. ᾿Ἰδρὼς is
given as feminine in ‘ Aeolic’ Cram. Az. Ox. i. 208.

1, 14. ἄγρει-Ξ αἱρεῖ, cf. Hesch. xataypdt, καϑαιρεί, καταλαμβάνει, and the
Homeric παλινάγρετος, αὐτάγρετος, v. Buttmann Lex. i. 130.

1. 15. ?mdevnv (Lesb. Infin. = ἐπιδεύειν) so Ahrens from πιδεύσην,
πιδεύειν, etc. “1 seem to lack but little of dying,’ cf. the paraphrase in
Longinus /.c. παρ᾽ ὀλίγον τέϑνηχεν. It is true that this use of the active
instead of the middle ἐπιδεύομαι is without any certain parallel, but
Hermann’s reading ᾽πιδεύης (the adjective) is against the MSS., all of
which have the letter v.

ll. 16-17. To fill up the gap Bergk conjectures ἄλλα = ἠλεή, demens ;
Hermann ’Atv*, etc.

1. 17. The unmetrical words ἐπεὶ χαὶ πένητα follow in the MSS., and
Bergk supposes that they belong to Longinus’ remarks with regard
to the passage. In any case they probably indicate the sense of what
followed in the original poem.

III, “Aotepes x.7.A. Eust. Il. 729. 20.
See Lesh. Dial. for σελάνναν. p. 82; ἀποχρύπτοισι, πλήϑοισα, p. 83:
ὄπποτα (=ox0te), p. 85 and p. 88; ἀργυρία, p. 85.

SAP EEO 331

1. 4. ἀργυρία is mentioned as occurring somewhere in this or a very
similar passage by Julian 222. xix. ; and is conjecturally placed as
in the text by Blomfield. Neue, remarking that λάμπῃ requires a
preposition, rather boldly reads γᾶν ἐπὶ πᾶσαν, from a comparison
with the phrase πᾶσαν ἐπ᾽ αἴαν in ZZ. viii. 1. 1 and xxiv. 695.

Possibly λάμπῃ γᾶν is used transitively for ‘causes the earth to
gleam’, ‘lights up the earth’; but in all other instances of the transitive
use the object is something whose very nature it is to shine, e.g. ἀστήρ,
σέλας, φέγγος, and not something which is illumined by a foreign light.

With the whole passage cf. Hor. 1 Od. xii. 46: ‘Micat inter
omnes | Julium sidus velut inter ignes | Luna minores ; and Pindar
Isth. iii. 42, ᾿Αωσφόρος ϑαητὸς ὡς ἄστροις ἐν ἄλλοις.

IV. ᾿Αμφὶ δὲ χιτιλ. Quoted by Hermog. Walz. Afez. ill. 315 as an
example of a beautiful description of nature. Bergk suggests that
the passage refers to the gardens of the Nymphs (cf. Ibycus I.), which,
as we learn from Demetrius Zloc. CXXXII., were often introduced
into Sappho’s poems, cf. Od. xvii. 209, Theocr. vil. 135, and Hor.
Efpod. ii. 27: ‘¥Frondesque (Markland for ‘fontesque’) lymphis
obstrepunt manantibus | Somnos quod invitet leves’.

1.1. ὕδωρ is interpolated, according to Neue, for the sake of ex-
planation. He adds that ψῦχρον χελαδει = ψυχρὸς ἔστι χελαδός.

ὕσδων Lesbian for ὄζων. v. Lesh. Dial. p. 83, and note on VII. |. 4.

1, 3. the word χαταρρεὶ is against Lesbian usage in two respects :
in the employment (1) of the contracted form instead of χατάρρησι,
(2) of the full form zata- (see Lest, Dial. pp. 88, 90) ; consequently
Ahrens reads χαρρέει, treating this line as the third and not the fourth
in the ‘Sapphic’ stanza.

V. Ἐλϑέ Κύπρι. Athen. xi. 463, κατὰ τὴν χαλὴν Σαπφώ, and the
quotation certainly justifies the epithet he uses. Bergk’s suggestion
that these words occur in the song in which Sappho spoke of her
brother as cup-bearer (cf. Introd. p. 140) is far-fetched and apt to mis-
lead ; for Sappho is speaking figuratively of the nectar of love, just as
Pindar describes his poetry as νέχταρ yutov, OV. vii. 7.

Lesh. Dial. for χρυσίαισι, p. 85; οἰνογοεῦσα (Bergk for -οὔῦσα, Neue
-810%), Pp. OI.

συμῳ. Jad. ‘mixtum voluptate’, Neue.

VI. Κατϑανοισα x.t.A. An attack upon a rich but uncultivated
woman who had probably provoked Sappho (v. Introd. p. 152).
Stob. Flor. iv. 12, Σαπφοῦς πρὸς ἀπαίδευτον γυναΐκα : Plut. Praec.
Conjug. c. 48, πρός twa πλουσιᾶν ; and Plut. Symp. 111. i. 2, to show
that rose-garlands were sacred (ἐπιπεφήμισται) to the Muses.

See Lesb. Dial. for κατϑάνοισα, p. 83 ; ποτα, p. 85; πεδὰ for μετὰ,
p. 88; βρόδων for ῥόδων, p. 82.

], 1-2. ὕστερον. The reading here is very doubtful. Stob. Zc. has
not, δὲ χείσεαι οὐδέποχα pv. σέϑεν ἔσ. οὐδέποχ᾽ ὕστερον. Plut, however,

332 GRE BAK Gib ἰς Ε ΡΟ. Ἴ

gives χείσεαι οὐδέ τις pv. σέϑεν ἔσεται" οὐ γὰρ χιτιλ. In]. 11 have given
Spengel’s simple but ingenious addition to Plutarch’s text, ἔτι imply-
ing ‘you will no longer enjoy the reputation your wealth now gives
you’, In 1 2 Grotius conjecturally adds εἰς ; οὐδέποτ᾽ has been
replaced by the commentators for οὐδέποχ᾽, which is not Lesbian.

1. 3. For χήν (= καὶ ἐν), which is a Dorian contraction (v. 93), we
should certainly have expected χάν. Meister suggests that χήν was
employed to avoid confusion with χὰν = zai av (ava). I believe that
we should either read καὶ ᾽ν, or else χ᾽ εἶν, the latter of which would
account for the reading in one MSs—zelv. The Epic form εἶν might
suitably be borrowed in this Epic expression, and we find καί elided
elsewhere, e.g. Scol. i. 2

VII. Σὺ δὲ στεφάνοις. Quoted, Athen. xiv. 674 E, as Sappho’s simple
reason for the custom of wearing garlands at sacrifices.

See Lesb. Dial. for στεφάνοις (acc. plur.), p. 83 ; περϑέσϑ᾽ (= neprda?’),
Ῥ. 88 ; συνέρραισα (= συνείρασα), pp. 82, 83 ; the infin. προτερῆν, p. 89.

1. 1. ὦ Δίχα, Welcker’s conjecture for ὠδιχα, (For ἅ in the voc.
sing. v. Lesb. Dial. Ὁ. 86.)

περϑέσϑ᾽ (Seidler for παρϑέσϑ᾽) after σὺ must stand for zeprdeodat, the
infinitive for imperative, such an elision being not unfrequent in Epic.

1. 2. ἀνήτοιο: so Ahrens and Bergk (metri causa) for the usual
Lesbian gen. avjtw. Cf. Alcaeus I. note.

ἀπάλαισι, Casaubon for ἀπαλλαγείσῃ.

1.3. Athen. has εὐάνϑεα yao πέλ. x. χάριτες μάχαιρα. Bergk’s text,
which I have followed, is sufficiently far from the original, but does
not perhaps present more difficulties than the various conjectures of
other commentators, and at least gives us the sense required. Trans.
‘It is the lot (cf. ἐχπέλει in Antig. 478) of the flower-bedecked to be
further in the favour of the goddesses’, there being perhaps special
reference to Aphrodite. Cf. on No. I. 1.

]. 4. ἀπυστρέφονται = anoste. Cf. Appendix, Sap. No. 18, amv.
δεῦου is also said to occur in Lesbian, though Sappho has δεῦρο
(Appendix, No. 84). In the cases found the syllable is usually a
very unemphatic one, except in the instance of Uadog = ὄσδος (aos) in
ΘΕ ive te 588 G. Meyer’ s Gr. Gram. 62.

The dative after ἀπυστρέφ. in the sense of ‘are averse Zo’, is
intelligible enough, but not easy to parallel. In both the Greek and
the English phrase the verb seems to have lost the thought of motion
and acquired that of hostility.

VIII. (a) Hephaest. 42, where XV. (c) is also quoted, Schneidewin
and others joining that passage with this.

The epithet λυσιμέλης seems to be borrowed from Epic. — It is
applied to Sleep in Homer, ¢.g. Od. xx. 57, and to Love in Hesiod,
Theog. 911. Cf. λυσιμελής. . . πόϑος in Archil. 1. Τλυχύπιχρον, cf.
Catull. Ixviii. 18, ‘dulce amarus’.

Spar ΒΕ Ee EO 333

(ὁ) I have adopted Hartung’s conjecture in |. 1, The passage is
quoted or paraphrased in Maxim. Tyr. xxiv. 9 thus, τῇ δὲ Σαπφοσὶ ὁ
Epwg ἐτίναξε τὰς op. x.T.A.

For the treatment of Eros in these passages see Additional Note B.

IX. Acéuzez.t.A. Hephaest.65. The lines are attributed to Sappho
by Stephanus. Schneidewin remarks ‘aura cantilenae popularis
afflat’. Lesh. Dial. p. 82, for σελάννα. Bergk restores Psilosis in
χατεύδω for καϑεύδω.

Μέσαι νύχτες for ‘ midnight,’ v. Blomfield Gloss. Aesch. Choeph. 282.
He quotes Hdt. vii. 76, Thuc. viii. 101, Xen. Avad. 1. vil. 1, for the
same phrase. Klausen remarks that the plural in such cases implies
some notion of universality, and Peile explains μέσαι νύχτες as ‘the
period at which all nights, whether long or short, are half gone. We
are hardly justified in saying that νύχτες = ‘the watches of the night’
(νυ. Liddell and Scott), unless some instance can be found of Νὺξ in
the singular being used for ‘a watch of the night.’ The nearest
parallel to this case is τόξα, ‘the parts of a bow,’ z.e. a bow, though
τόξον never =a single part of it. Whatever be the explanation, it
would seem that the plural came to be used exactly in the same sense
as the singular in such phrases as 2% νυχτῶν, πόρρω τῶν νυχτῶν, etc.

X. El δ᾽ χες %7.A. Quoted by Aristot. Rhez. 1. 9, as Sappho’s re-
sponse to Alcaeus’ addresses. See Alcaeus XI. note, and Additional
Note A.

See Lesb. Dial. ἤχες (= εἶχες)» p. 84; Feixny (= sinétv), pp. 82 and
89; ἔσλος for ἐσθλός is found in Lesbian, and ἐσλός in Dorian and
other Dialects ; cf. μάσλης-- μάσϑλης, Sap. XXIX.

1. 1. at (=), see note on Spartan Dance-song, I.

1. 2. μή τι Fetzyv, Blomfield from μητιτειπῆν ; the words of course
scornfully repeat Alcaeus’ τι ξείπην.

1. 3. I have adopted Mehlhorn’s conjecture for μέν σε οὐχ εἶχεν, or
χέν σ᾽ οὐ κἂν yev. Weshould expect zxatjyev in Lesbian. Bergk pro-
poses χέ σ᾽ οὐ χίχανεν. For ὄμματα Blomfield reads ὄππατα for MSS.
ὄμματα (v.on 11. 1.11). Notice Schema xa’ ὅλον χαὶ μέρος.

1. 4. Tw διχαίως, ‘thou wouldst speak of it straightforwardly’. So
Bergk and Ahrens for τῷ διχαίω, which would be ridiculously tame.

ΧΙ. ᾿Αλλ ἔων. Stob. Flor. Ixxx. 4. Another refusal from Sappho
to a suitor.

See Lesh. Dial. for ἀμιμιν, p. 87; svvFotzxyy (= cvuvorxétv), pp. 82, 89.

]. 2. συν οΐχην, Schneidewin ; or we may read συνοΐχην, and regard
vas lengthened zz arst. Cf.on Alcaeus XVII. Bergk, in a different
metre, reads ξυνοίχην νέῳ γ᾽ ἔσσα from two MSS. ve? οὖσα.

XII. Stade κιτλ. Athen. xiii. 564 Ὁ.
The metre is uncertain. According to Bergk’s arrangement, as in
the text, the second line is an ordinary Alcaic hendecasyllable.

334 GREE KEY RVCrP Oa is
Τὰν ἐπ᾽ ὀσσοις x.7.A., ‘unveil, or reveal, the beauty in thine eyes.’
Liddell and Scott, in spite of the article, give a strange rendering,
“shed grace over the eyes’.

XIII. Τλύχεια μᾶτερ χ.ιτλ., Hephaest. 60. The lines are probably
to be regarded as ‘ brachycatalectic’ dimeters (with anacrusis) rather
than as tripodies, as is indicated partly by the fact that the final
syllable is long in each case and not neutral. See W. Christ, Metrzh,
p. 284.

See Lesb. Dial. for χρέχην (= χρέχειν), p. 89; and βραδίναν, p. 82.

]. 2. δι’ ᾿Αφροδίτ. cf. Hes. Zheog. 962, ὑποὸδμηϑεῖίσα διὰ χρυσέην
᾿Αφροδίταν.

Horace’s ‘tibi qualum Cythereae puer ales tibi telas’, etc. (3 Od.
ΧΙ. 4) is probably in imitation of these lines. Compare too the
English song,

‘O mother, put the wheel away,
I cannot spin to-night,’ etc.

XIV. Ἔστι μοι %.t.A. These lines, quoted by Hephaest. 95, are
assigned to Sappho by Ursinus, since Sappho is said by Suidas to
have had a daughter named Cleis. Sappho’s mother bore the same
name.

Metre.— Brachycatalectic trochaic tetrameters (v. IWetre, p. 61 ;)
γχρυσίοισιν being trisyllabic, and Λυδίαν disyllabic by synizesis. Others
arrange the lines on a simpler metrical system,

΄, ΄, ΜΕ ΄ὔ
-Ξ. -ὸὺ- -- ᾿λετ τῶ γα Σὰ,

by reading Κλέηις (W. Christ) and ἁπαῖσαν (Ahrens) for πᾶσαν or παϊΐσαν.
See Lesb. Dial. for γρυσίοισιν, p. 85; ἔχοισα, p. 833 ἐμφέρην, p. 87.
ἀγαπάτα, as the length of the first syllable shows, is for & ayanata.

XV. These passages, or most of them, refer to certain quarrels that
Sappho was engaged in (v. p. 152), excited perhaps by jealousy on
the part of her Lesbian rivals. In Xv. (4) she complains of the in-
gratitude of those whom she has befriended, perhaps some of her
own pupils, but she adds that she is not speaking of the nobler sort ;
in (ὁ), (c), and (@) she speaks of the estrangement even of her favourite
Atthis ; in (6) she implies that some punishment has befallen her
rival Andromeda; but in (/) she disclaims resentment on her part,
and I have conjecturally regarded the gnomic sentence in (g) as
suggested by the circumstances to which the other passages seem
to refer.

Neither would it, I think, be excessively fanciful to suppose that in
the lines of No. Xvi. Sappho is concluding the subject by proudly
vindicating her poetic reputation against the spiteful criticisms of her
rivals.

(a) Et. M. 449. 34. εὖ ϑέω is explained as ποιέϊν εὖ ἔχειν. cf. Xen.
A ges. Xi. 12. τιϑεὶς τὰ τῶν φίλων ἀσφαλῶς, v. Elsmley Eur. Med. 896.

SAPPEHO 335

χῆνοι (= κείνου), cf. on No. 11. 1. 1; σίννονται Ahrens for σίνονται from
Choerob. 259.

ταὶς χάλαις x.t.A. Quoted by Apollon. de Pron. 348 c. to illustrate
ὕμμιν (1656. Dial. p. 87). It is, I think, extremely probable that
this fragment belongs to the same Ode as the lines OTTIVvas x.T.A.

(6) 1. 1. Hephaest. 42. Mr. Swinburne makes much of this line in
his Avmastasia, and certainly its rhythmical flow is singularly attrac-
tive. cf. No. XVI. (a).

nota Blomfield for πόχα, v. Lesh. Dial. p. 85.

1. 2. Plut. Zvo¢. c. 5, in illustration of a usage of χάρις, the meaning
of χἄχαρις here being given as τὴν οὔπω γάμων ἔχουσαν ὥραν. That the
line refers to Atthis, and is closely connected with the previous line
in the text, is demonstrated, as Bergk points out, by Terentian AZaur.
2154: ‘Cordi quando fuisse sibi canit Atthida parvam | Florea
virginitas sua cum foret.’

ἔμμεν egatveo, Bergk from Max. Tyr. xxiv. 9, ἔτι gatveo. Plutarch has
ἔμμεναι φαίνεαι.

1. 2. φροντίσδην (= φροντίζειν), Bentley for φροντὶς δ᾽ ἦν, v. 2656. Dial.
pp. 84 and 89. Andromeda is mentioned by Maxim. Tyr. xxiv. 8, as
one of Sappho’s rivals (ἀντίτεχνος). She is attacked by Sappho in
the next passage, and in Bergk 58.

(4) Athen. i. 21 c.. Σαπφὼ περὶ ᾿Ανδρομέδας σχώπτει, Various
attempts are made to restore 1. 1, and many commentators make use
of what seems to be a paraphrase of this passage in Maxim. Tyr.
Xxiv. 9: τίς δ᾽ ἀγροιῶτιν ἐπεμμένα στόλην.

See Lesb. Dial. for βράχεα, p. 82 ; ἔλκην (= ἕλχειν), p. 89.

βράχεα may very well bear its common meaning of ‘rags’, or
‘shabby clothes’, here ; but Liddell and Scott on the authority of
Hesychius (eaxos' ἱμάτιον πολυτελές) translate the words as ‘a rich
woman’s garment’. If so, the force of the satire is that the fine
clothes cannot conceal the innate clumsiness of the wearer. Similarly
the Scotch girl in Burns, commenting on a rival, points out

‘ How her new shoon fit her auld shachl’t feet.’

(ὁ) Hephaest. 82. |

(f) Et. M. 2. 43. See Lesb. Dial. ἔμμι, p. 82; ἀβάχην, p. 87.
ἔμμι and ὄργαν, Ursinus for ἔμμεν and ὀργάνων.

‘I am not one of the resentful in temper, but have a gentle
spirit.’ ’ABaxys is explained ΖΔ M. as ἀντὶ tod ἡσύχιον zat πρᾷον. Cf.
Anacreon XIX, ἀβαχιζομένων in contrast to χαλεπούς. Liddell and
Scott’s translation of ἀβάχης in this passage, ‘childlike,’ ‘innocent,’ is
surely incorrect. Its literal meaning seems to be ‘not answering
again, rather than ‘ without the power of speech, like an infant.

(g) Plut. de Coh. Irac.7, ἡ Σαπφὼ παραινέϊ ox, ἐν ot. ὀργῆς πεφυλάχϑαι
γλῶσσαν μαψυλάχταν. The text has been restored by Hermann and
Seidler. I have adopted Ahrens’ πεφύλαξο, since πεφυλάχϑαι is

336 GREEK ULYR τ POETS

evidently dependent in Plutarch on παραινεῖ, Μαψυλάχας occurs Pind.
Nem. vii. 105.

XVI. (a) Ψαύην z.t.A. Herod. περὶ μον. λέξ. vil. 28. Μνάσεσϑαι κχ.τ.λ.,
Dio Chrysos. Oy. xxxvii. T. 1. 535. The two passages not improbably
belong to the same song. (See also on Xv. ad init.) They are
recalled respectively by Horace’s ‘ Sublimi feriam sidera vertice’, and
‘Usque ego postera | Crescam laude recens’.

See Les. Dial. for ψαύην, p. 89; δοχίμωμι, p. 89 ; ἀμμέων, p. 87.

In the first line Herod. has ψαύειν δὲ οὐ δοχέϊ μοι ὠρανῷώ δυσπαχέα,
δύσι πάχεσιν being Bergk’s conjecture. ‘I deem that I touch not the
heavens by two cubits,’ z.e.‘ Two cubits more and I touch the heavens.’

ὀράνω = οὐράνου. For the single liquid, where we should have
expected ὀρράνω (from *FopFavos) v. p. 82, and cf. on No. 1. 1.11.

In the second line ὕστερον is given by Volger for ἕτερον. Casaubon
μνάσεσϑαι for μνάσασϑαι.

(6) Αἴ με τιμίαν κιτλ. Apoll. de Pron. 404 A. Sappho is evidently
speaking of the Muses, and Bergk reasonably connects with this
passage Aristid. 11. 508, Σαπφοῦς λεγούσης ὡς αὐτὴν at Μοῦσαι τῷ ὄντι
ὀλβίαν τε χαὶ ζηλωτὴν ἐποίησαν, χαὶ ὡς οὐδ᾽ ἀποθανούσης ἔσται λήϑη. The
fragment would thus appear to be connected either with the pre-
ceding one or with No. VI.

At με Seidler for ἔμε.

XVII. Οὐ yao ϑέμις x.t.2. Restored by Neue from Maxim. Tyr.
xxiv. 9, who compares with Socrates’ exhortation to Xanthippe the
dying words of Sappho to her daughter, οὐ γὰρ 9. ἐν μουσοπόλων
οἰκία | ϑρῆνον.

εἶναι χιτιλ. I have adopted Schneidewin’s reading, μοισοπόλω gen.,
‘in domo vatis,’ referring to Sappho; Neue μοισοπόλῳ, ‘a house
serving the Muses’.

Bergk (Sappho 137) conjectures that these lines are from the song
which Solon is said to have taken pains to learn before he died.

XVIII. Οὐδ᾽ ἴαν χ.τιλ. Chrysipp., περὶ ἀποφατιχῶν, 13. See Lesd.
Dial. for δοχίμωμι, p. 89 ; ἀλίω = ἡλίου.

‘I deem that no maiden that beholds the light of the sun will at
any time be (thine) equal in wisdom.’ Sappho is perhaps speaking
of one of her pupils, unless of her own fame as in No. XVI.

Σοφία, ‘poetic skill,’ as in Pind. O7. 1. 116, PyZth. 1. 12, etc.

Notice epical phraseology in προσίδ, φάος ἀλίω.

XIX. Κρῆσσαι κιτιλ, Lines 1-2 are quoted by Hephaest. 63 as
Ionics a majore (—— vv); but if, as seems probable, 1. 3 quoted zézd.
65,is rightly attached by Santen to ll. 1-2, the metre must be choriambic
with anacrusis, v. Metre, p. 69.

Se et © 337

See Lesh. Dial. for wpysdvto, μάτεισαι, p. 90; ματέω (= πατέω),
v. Hesych.

πόας τ. & seems copied from Odyss. ix. 449, τέρεν’ ἄνϑεα ποίης. For
Cretan dancers v. p. 29.

XX. πλήρης χκιτιλ. Hephaest. 63 as an example of Ionics a mazore,
as indicated above in the text. Fora trochaic dipody answering to
an Ionic, v. Metre, p. 70. It is, however, possible to scan the lines
as logaoedic with anacrusis :

Gi eH
Schneidewin remarks, ‘videtur de artibus magicis sermo esse.’
ἐφαίνετο, ‘de ortu,’ Neue. Cf. //. viii. 556, etc.

XXI. Katdvaoxet x.t.A. Quoted by Hephaest. p. 59, and attributed to
Sappho on the strength of Pausan. IX. xxix. 8, where it is said that
Sappho sang about Adonis and Oetolinus, and of Ath. Pal. vii. 407.
Ἢ Κινύρεω νέον ἔρνος ὀδυρομένη, ᾿Αφροδίτῃ | Σύνϑρηνος, in reference to
Sappho. -

In this, as in many other cases, e.g. the Bridal Songs, the poetess is
drawing upon the Volkslieder for her material. See pp. 12, 14.

XXII. "Aye δὴ κιτιλ, Reconstructed by Bergk from Hermog. iil.
317 (Walz), and Eust. 11. ix. 41, the latter of whom says that Sappho
speaks ᾿ομηριχῶς Pindar, like Sappho, addresses his lyre in a
famous passage, PyZh. i. I.

XXIII. (2) Hephaest. 52 as a choriambic tetrameter. The Graces
are invoked to give beauty to the song. They are constantly invoked,
or mentioned by Pindar, in a similar manner, e.g. ΟἿ. xiv.

Gaisford reads νῦν (given in several MSS.), comparing for metre ‘ Te
deos oro Sybarin cur properas amando,’ Hor. 1 Od. viii. But the
Latin poets were always more anxious to avoid a long succession
of choriambics than the Greek (v. Mefre, p. 68); and Gaisford dis-
regards the testimony of Hephaestion.

(ὁ) Argument Theocr. xxviii. Philostr. EAzs¢. 71, commenting on
Sappho’s love of the rose, seems to refer to the beautiful epithet in
this passage (v. Bergk, ad /oc.).

Βροδοπάχεες, restored by Schneidewin for 608. v. Lesb, Dal. p. 82.

XXIV. Ταῖσι (δὲ) ψῦχρος. Schol. Pind. Py¢h. i. το, where Pindar
describes the soothing influence of music even on the eagle of Zeus,
causing him to relax his swift wings (wxétav πτέρυγ᾽ ἀμφοτέρωϑεν
γαλαξαις 1. 6) : Η δὲ Σαπφὼ ἐπὶ tod ἐναντίου ἐπὶ τῶν περιστερῶν.

The words ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐν. imply that, while in Pindar the eagle relaxes
his wings from delight, in Sappho the same effect is caused by the
reverse feeling of pain or fear. Thus Neue, ψῦχρος, ‘ob timorem,’
cf. Prom. Vinc. 693. If we could accept Volger’s ‘ Ψῦχρος, languidus
prae somno’, the meaning of the Scholiast would be that, while Pindar

338 GREE ΙΕ ΕΚ TCP OR is

takes as his illustration of the influence of music one of the fiercest
of birds, Sappho for the same purpose speaks of the gentlest. But
such a rendering of ψῦχρος is, I think, out of the question, as it always
signifies ‘lifeless’, or ‘spiritless.’

δὲ added by Neue; ἔγεντο, Bockh for ἐγένετο.

XXV. Ἔγω δὲ φίλημ᾽ xt.A. Ath. xv. 687, arguing that luxury is not
necessarily inconsistent with virtue, quotes this passage with the
remark Σαπφὼ ἠδέσϑη τὸ καλὸν τῆς ἁβρότητος ἀφελεῖν.

Metre.—Choriambic with anacrusis, and a brachycatalectic con-
clusion. See Lesd. Dial. φίλημι, p. go.

The words καί wot x.t.4. are paraphrased by Athenaeus thus: 7 tod
ζῆν ἐπιϑυμία τὸ λαμπρὸν χαὶ τὸ καλὸν εἶχεν αὐτῇ ; 50 that ἀελίω seems to be
used for ‘life,’ like the Homeric φάος ἠελίοιο. If so, the meaning of
the passage as it stands is as follows: ‘ My desire for the light of life,
the joy I take in life, includes all that is splendid and all that is fair.’
The context in Athenaeus clearly shows that χάλον has here an
ethical and not merely an aesthetic signification.

XXVI. “Hoos ἀγγελος κιτιλ. Schol. Soph. ZZ. 149.
The dactyls are probably choreic, as is shown by the initial trochee ;
cf. on Alcaeus Frag. 1. Comp. Odyss. xix. 518.

XXVII. (a) Ὃ μὲν γὰρ κιτιλ. Galen Protr. c. 8. See Lesd. Dial.
or ὄὕσσον, p. 82: ἴδην = ἰδεῖν), p. 89.

Bergk and Schneidewin place this among the Epithalamia as if
it were an apology for the ill looks of the bridegroom.

χάλος is plausibly added by Hermann. Notice the redundant xa
in κἄγαϑος. . . Kal χκάλος, arising out of a natural confusion, as if the
sentence ran ‘he is both good and fair. Cf. Plat. Phaedo 64 Ὁ.
Σχέψαι ἐὰν ἄρα καὶ σοὶ συνδοχῇ ἅπεο κἀμοί, and 771. vi. 476, δότε δὴ Kal
τόνδε γενέσϑαι | oid’ ἐμὸν ὡς καὶ ἐγώπερ.

(4) 6 πλοῦτος x.t.A. ΘΌΒΟΙ Pind. Οὐ ii. 53 and Pyth. v. 1. Tas
supplied by Neue.

AXVIIIT. AWW’ ἔγω χιτιλ, Apoll. de Synt. 247. Conjecturally
assigned to Sappho on account of metre and dialect.

XXIXM. Πόδας δὲ x.t.2. Quoted by Schol. Ar. Peace 1174, in illus-
tration of the excellence of Lydian dyes, to which therefore the words
Avé, x. @ refer. Compare Hom. 71. iv. 142, where Myovis stands for
Lydian. Μάσλης for μάσϑλης. Cf. ἔσλος, and v. on Sap. x. I.

XXX. Οὐκ οἶδ᾽ χιτιλ. Chrysipp. x. ἀποφατ, 1. 23.

ΧΧΧΙ. Ὡς 8 nats xt. Lt. 17. 662, 32. Οἱ γὰρ ’Atordis εἰώϑασι
προστιϑέναι σύμφωνον, ὥσπερ τὸ ἐπτερύγωμαι πεπτερύγωμαι, also Schol.
Theocr. 1. 55.

πεδὰ so Schol. Theocr. but ΖΔ JZ. παῖδα. The alliteration both of

Sack EO 330

the labials and dentals in the line is particularly noticeable. Cf. for
the dentals, Dzth. Poets 1. α΄, ll. 1-2.

XXXII. Τάδε νῦν ἐταίραις x.t.A, Athen. xiii. 751 Ὁ. xahodar γοῦν

\ ©? Ὧ ~ ” Ἔρος Ἀπ Τὰς ec 9¢ \ 1g. PES μ
xa αἱ ἐλεύϑεραι γυναΐκες ἔτι καὶ νῦν xal αἱ παρϑένοι τὰς συνήϑεις χαὶ φίλας
ἑταίρας.

BRIDAL SONGS

For the early Greek Bridal Song, see p. 12.

These short fragments bring before us very dramatically the nature
of the occasion for which they were intended. It is plain that
Sappho’s Bridal Songs took their character from the appropriate
Volkslieder, a fact which is conspicuous alike in the metre of several
of the passages and in the naiveté of the language.

XXXIII. “hou x.t.A. This passage is quoted by Hephaest. 129, to
illustrate the use of the μεσύμνιον, or refrain after each line ; and by
Demetr. de Eloc. clxviii. for the beauty of the μεταβολή, or change
from an exaggerated expression ἴσος Αρευι to a more sober statement
in 1. 4 (ἔστι δέ τις ἰδίως χάρις Σαπφικὴ ex μεταβολῆς, ὅταν τι εἰποῦσα μετα-
βάλληται καὶ ὥσπερ μετανοήσῃ).

Metre.—Various attempts have been made, often with considerable
violence to the text, to bring these lines to the form of hexameters.
As they stand, ll. 1, 2, 4 are paroemiacs, with or without anacrusis, a
metre of great antiquity and common in Volkslieder. Cf. 27/ra on
Linus song, Popular Songs1. For 1.3 v.below. The refrain was pro-
bably sung, or shouted, by the whole bridal company ; the rest of
the song perhaps by a chorus of maidens, cf. on No, XXXVII.

See Lesh. Dial. for ἀέρρετε (ἀείρετε), p. 82; ὑμήναον, p. 85; μεγάλω
(genit.), p. 84.

1. 1-2. Ἴψοι z.t.A. At first sight these words look as if they refer to
the erection of a triumphal arch; but doubtless they are a mere com-
plimentary jest at the stature of the bridegroom as he approaches the
house.

Although the Ms. authority is against it, this form is usually
adopted, since the grammarians state that this was the Lesbian for
vvot. Meister (p. 46), however, discredits their testimony. _

Notice the Epic expression téxtoves ἄνδρες, cf. ποίμενες ἀνὸρες in
No. XXXVII. 1. 3.

1. 3. Bergk brings this line metrically into harmony with the rest
by reading ἔρχεται, and regarding γάμβρος (or γάβρος) as UU, compar-
ing ἀνδροτῆτα χαὶ ἥβην in Homer (v. Bergk) ; but in a song of this
kind, interrupted as each verse is by the refrain, it is hardly necessary
for them all to have been of equal length.

γάμβρον᾽ tov νυμφίον Αἰολεῖς, Bekk. Amecd. Gr. p. 228. Cf. Pind.
ΟἿ. vii. 4.

(ὁ) Those who arrange the previous lines as hexameters, add to

340 GREEK LP VRIC PORTS

them this verse, which is quoted by Demetr. de Joc. cxlvi. from
Sappho in reference to a man of great stature. The proverbial
‘Lesbian singer’ is usually taken to be Terpander (cf. Eust. 71. 741,
16), but refers rather to the Lesbian poets in general.

For the hexametric metre, cf. No. XXXVII. and see Metre, p. 62.

XXXIV. Tiw κιτιλ. Quoted by Hephaest. 41 as Aeolic Pentameters
though without the name of Sappho.

See Lesd. Dial. for tlw (-Ξ τίνι), p. 88; ἐϊκάσδω, p. 84. The diaeresis
of an original diphthong in ἐϊκάσδω is remarkable, and is perhaps em-
ployed for metrical reasons on the analogy of the diaeresis common
in Lesbian where the diphthong is not original. See pp. 84-5.

χαλιστ᾽ answering to χαλῶς, so Bergk for padtot’. Similarly a
grammarian tells us that Alcaeus employed χάλιον for χάλλιον.

XXXV. Χαῖρε χιτλ. Serv. Verg. Georg. i. 31. See Lesb, Dial. p.
86, for νύὑμφὰ.

XXXVI. "OABte xt.A. Hephaest. 102. See Lesb. Dial. for ἔχης
(Reisk for ἔχεις), p. 89. Schneidewin points out that ὄλβιε γάμβρε is
the conventional greeting in Epithalamia, cf. Theocr. xviii. 16; Eurip.
Hel. 640 (Bisav=addressed as ὀλβία), Hes. #7. xlix.

ἄραο, unaugmented Imperf. in the -y: conjugation=7paso. See
Lesb. Dial. p. 90.

XXXVII. Οἷον xt.A. Il. 1-3 Schol. Hermog. (Walz) vii. 983. Il.
4-5, Demetr. de loc. cvi. That the first of these passages refers to
the bride is obvious from Himerius i. 4 and 16, where a sort of para-
phrase is given of Sappho’s Bridal Song (v. quotation in Bergk).
The second passage is quoted without Sappho’s name, but is very
reasonably assigned to her by Bergk. A comparison with the
Wedding-song, Catullus (No. 62), renders this practically certain.
In the Latin poem a band of youths sings in answer to a band of
girls, and in 1. 39 the latter compare the maiden who has been care-
fully reared to a flower that has grown up unharmed in a garden—

Ut flos in septis secretus nascitur hortis,
Ignotus pecori, etc.

In 1. 49 the youths declare that a maiden who shuns marriage is
like a vine in a bare field, with no husband-elm on which to rest for
support.

Ut vidua in γαῖ vitis quae nascitur arvo,
Nunquam se extollit, nunquam mitem evocat uvam,
Sed tenerum frono deflectens pondere corpus,

Jam jam contingit summum radice flagellum,—
Hanc nulli agricolae, nulli accoluere juvenci, etc.

It is only natural to conclude that herein Catullus was imitating the
Greek passages before us, both being from Sappho, and that just

SACL PaELO 341

as the lines οἷον τὸ γλυχύμαλον x.t.A. refer, we are told, like Catullus’
‘ut flos, etc.,’ to the tenderly-reared virgin-bride (Himer. Zc.), simi-
larly the passage οἷαν τὰν ὑάκινθον κιτιλ. describes the obscure and
neglected lot of the unmarried girl, ἐν οὔρεσι being paralleled by ‘in
nudo .. . arvo,’ yaya by ‘ prono deflectens, etc.,’ and the neglect of
the shepherds by the line ‘hanc nulli agricolae, etc.’ A further
probable assumption from the comparison with Catullus is that 1]. 1-3
are sung by a chorus of maidens, and Il. 4-5 by youths, as I have
indicated in the text.

See Lesb. Dial. for ὕσδῳ (Ξε ὄζῳ), p. 84, and note on vii. 4; μαλο-
δρόπηες, p. 87 ; χαταστείβοισι, p. 83, and p. 88.

1. 3. ‘Forgot it not, nay! but got it not, for they could not get it
till now.’ Rossetti.

ll. 4-5. Demetrius /.c. remarks, τῆς λέξεως ἡ μὲν ὑπηρετεῖ ἡ δὲ ἐπιχοσμεῖ
εὐννς͵ ὑπηρετεῖ μὲν ἡ τοιάδε’ olay... καταστείβουσι. ἐπιχοσμέϊ δὲ τὸ
ἐπιφερόμενον: χαμαὶ δέ τε x.T.A.

With the Epic ποίμενες ἄνδρες cf. No. XXXIII. 2, τέχτονες ἄνδρες.

δέ τες ‘Tein the combinations μέν te, δέ te, καί te, γάρ τε, ἀλλά τε,
and the like, is not a conjunction, and does not affect the meaning of
the conjunction which it follows.’ Monr. Hom. Gr. p. 243. ‘It serves
to mark an assertion as general or indefinite,’ 7d. p. 242.

XXXVIII. Παρϑενία κιτιλ. Demetr. de Lloc. cxl. as an example
of the beauty of ἀναδίπλωσις :---΄ νύμφη πρὸς τὴν παρϑενίαν φησί. .. ἡ δὲ
ἀποχρίνεται x.T.A.

1. 1. Blomfield conjectures ἀποίγη for otyn; otherwise the metre
would be

ἜΘ ΞΡ usar

a most improbable arrangement in monodic poetry.

1. 2. Various endeavours have been made to restore this line to the
metre οὔ]. 1. In itself it becomes perfectly metrical merely by elision
and the substitution of προτὶ or ποτὶ for πρὸς, as in the text.

XXXIX. Feonepe κιτλ, Lt. M. 384, 4. Demetr. de Eloc. cxli., etc.

These lines perhaps belong to the same song as No. XXXVII, and
probably suggested the address to Hesperus in Catullus 62. Com-
pare Byron’s

“Ὁ Hesperus, thou bringest all good things,’ etc.

], 2. ὄϊν, Casaubon’s admirable emendation for οἶνον.
Many attempts have been made to restore this line to greater
metrical regularity. Ifit be right as it stands the scansion is :

Vm tm eae Ee oe
Bergk reads 9. axv μάτερι π. from ἄποιον in one of the authorities.
If we accept the introduction of the preposition, I would suggest a
further alteration to ἀπὺ patepos naiv, thus bringing the passage into
agreement with Catullus’ ‘Hespere . . . qui natam possis complexu

342 GREEK ΡΝ ms

avellere matris.’ Bergk’s reading, however, may possibly bear the
same meaning, since it is conceivable that ἀποφέοειν, like ἀφαιρεῖν,
should take a dative in the sense of ‘ from the mother’.

XL. Θυρώρῳ x... Hephaest. 41, and described by Demetr. de Eloc.
clxvil. as a satirical passage where Sappho intentionally adopted
prosaic language.

Schneidewin quotes Pollux iii. 42, καλεῖταί τις τῶν τοῦ νυμφίου φίλων
χαὶ ϑυρωρός, ὁ ταῖς ϑύραις ἐφεστηχὼς καὶ εἴργων τὰς γυναΐχας βοηϑεῖν τῇ
νύμφῃ βοώσῃ. These verses then exhibit to us a phase in the mimic
bridal combat, when the maidens console themselves for their baffled
attempt at rescue by aiming feminine sarcasms against their opponent.

For ϑυρώρῳ, where we should expect in Lesbian ϑυράρῳ v, p. 84.
Compare, however, κώττι in Sap. I. 15 (note).

πέμπε- Schneidewin for πέντε-, Lesb. Dial. p. 83.

XLI. Κῆ δ᾽ ἀμβροσίας χκιτιλ, Il. 1-2 are cited by Athen. x, 425 Ὁ. ἴὸ
exhibit Hermes as wine-bearer to the gods; ll. 3-5 Athen. xi. 475 A.
Bergk and Ahrens reasonably join the two passages together.

See Lesb. Dial. ἦχον, p. 84. For κῆνοι Ξε χέϊνοι, see on No. Il. 1. Ki,
Lesb. for ἐχεῖ,

If, as seems to be the case, the lines are from an epithalamium,
perhaps the bridal of Peleus and Thetis is referred to ; and we have
a good example of the Greek love of drawing upon mythology fora
parallel to the present occasion. Cf. p. 19.

For the gen. ἀμβροσίας Neue compares Odyss. iii. 390, 393.

1. 3. χαρχήσια, an illustration of these may be seen in Panofka’s
Manners and Customs of the Ancients, PI. viii. 9.

l. 4 is in a different metre from the rest, perhaps as the closing line
in a stanza. It is either Ionic as indicated in the scheme, concluding
with a trochaic dipody (v. AZetre, p. 70), or choriambic with anacrusis :

7
SS IS Sia

Hermes assumes the office of cup-bearer to the gods as being the
χῆρυξ, whose duty it appears to have been to pour out the wine at

sacrifices or great banquets, cf. 10. iii. 245 seg., and elsewhere, and
see Roscher’s Lexzcon, ‘ Hermes.’

St RSICHORUS

These three passages are all from the Γηρυονηίς, or the story of the
exploits of Hercules against Geryon.

I, («) Athen. xi. 469 E. The story of Hercules borrowing the cup
of Helios to sail over the ocean (v. Athen. xi. 470 C) probably arises
from a confusion in mythological tradition. The cup seems to have

Ὁ ΕΘ ΘΟ ΘΕ ΓΘ 343

been the attribute originally, not of Helios, but of Hercules, in his
character as a sun-god, corresponding to Melcart. As this aspect of
Hercules was lost sight of, the myth was transferred to Helios, the
sun-god proper, and Hercules in the present story was represented as
merely borrowing the cup. He sailed in it to Erytheia, where the
cattle of Geryon were to be found (cf. Athen. xi. 781 A, and 469 &) ;
and in the passage before us has apparently just restored it to Helios,
who goes on his westward voyage, while the hero makes his way
inland.

1. 3. ἀφίχοιϑ᾽ Blomfield, for ἀφίχηϑ, Notice the Epic phraseology
in βένϑεα νυχτὸς, as in χουριδίαν ἄλογον, etc. (I. 4).

ll. 5-6. For the trochees in 4-time, v. Metre, p. 67.

1. 6. ποσσὶ, explained by some as ‘with firm tread,’ Buchholz com-
paring Theocr. vill. 47, Μίλων βαίνει ποσί. But it is, I think, much
better to translate the word ‘on foot’ in contrast to the journey in the
ocean-cup which is just completed. Cf. above.

mais Schneidewin, for παῖς.

(8) Strabo iii. 148, περὶ tod Τηρυόνος βουχόλου.

Erytheia is explained by Strabo as Gades and the adjoining islands,
Tartessus as the Baetis, while ἀργυρορίζους refers to the silver mines
near that river. There remains no little difficulty in the words, since
the poet seems to say that Eurythion (the herdsman) was born
opposite Gades and yet near the source of the Baetis. Bergk, to meet
this, entirely inverts the order, thus: Tapt. ποτ. σχεδὸν (a word in
Strabo which I have not included in the text) ἄντ. xd. ᾿Ερυϑείας | ἐν
xevd. πέτρ. παρὰ may. ἀπείρ. ἀργυρορίζους, the meaning then being that
he was born hard by (the mouth of) the Baetis, opposite Gades and
near the silver mines, παγάς referring not to the river, but to the mines
(cf. Aesch. Pers. 234, ἀργύρου πηγή τις %.t.A.). Even then the poet
will be in error, since Strabo speaks of the silver mines as being ina
mountain out of which the Baetis rises ; nor does the expression in
Aeschylus justify us in regarding the phrase ‘silver-rooted sources’
as equivalent to ‘silver-mines’. As the words stand in the text they
become quite intelligible if we regard zayas not as ‘fountains’ or
‘source’, but as ‘streams’, ‘waters’.

For the short final syllable in the accus. plur. παγάς (Schneidewin
πᾶγας) v. Dor. Dial. p. 93.

(y) Ath. xi. 499 A. These lines relate to the occasion when the
other Centaurs were attracted by the smell of Pholus’ wine, and were
disastrously defeated by Hercules. This took place on the hero’s
return from Spain.

σχύπφειον Casaubon, for σχυφίον.

πίνεν Bergk, for ztev.

II. (a) Οὕνεχκα Τυνδάρεος x.t.2. Schol. Eur. Ov. 249.
With 1. β΄ and probably with 11. α΄ is connected the well-known
story of Stesichorus’s blindness and subsequent recovery, thus

344 GREEK LYRIC POETS

briefly related by Suidas—@aot δὲ αὐτὸν γράψαντα ψόγον ᾿ Ἑλένης τυφλω-
ϑῆναι, πάλιν δὲ γράψαντα ᾿ Ἑλένης ἐγκώμιον ἐξ ὀνείρου, τὴν παλινῳδίαν,
ἀναβλέψαι. The poem in which he offended Helen was probably
either the ᾿Ἑλένα or the ᾿Ιλίου Πέρσις, and Bergk, whose remarks ad
oc. should be consulted, considers that the lines in 1. α΄ are part of
it. It is impossible to say how the story arose, but not improbably
it was devised to account for the heterodox version of the Flight to
Troy adopted or invented by Stesichorus, to the effect that it was
only a delusive image of Helen that accompanied Paris (cf. Plat.
Rep. ix. 586 C).

1. 1. Cf. Eurip. Zc. ποτέ is supplied by Bergk, three Mss. giving
ovvexa ποτε. Schneidewin thinks that οὕνεκα does not belong to the
words of Stesichorus.

1, 2. μούνας Bk. for μόνας, or μιᾶς. Ἠπιοδώρω (v. Dor. Dial. p. 93,
for the genit.), cf. the expression 6p’ ᾿Αφροδίτης, and see note on
Bacchyl. 11. 1. 4.

χολωσαμένη. Kleine χολωσαμένα, but the change is unsafe in the
case of a word so frequent in Epic; cf. p. 78.

]. 3. Schneidewin prefers κούρας, since the goddess was not angry
with the daughters of Tyndareus. But we may perhaps take γολω-
σαμένη to mean ‘venting her wrath upon’.

1. 4. τριγάμους, referring to Helen’s union with Theseus, Menelaus,
and Paris respectively.

(β) οὐκ ἔστ᾽ ἔτυμος x.t.A. From the famous ‘ Palinode’ to which
reference is made by a host of ancient authorities. The passage is
quoted by Plato Phaedr. 243 A, with the remark—xot ποιήσας δὴ πᾶσαν
THY καλουμένην παλινῳδίαν παραχρῆμα ἀνέβλεψεν.

III. Πολλὰ μὲν Κυδωνια χκιτ.ιλ. Quoted by Athen. iii. 81 Ὁ, from
Stesichorus’ ‘ Helena,’ in which poem there apparently occurred an
Epithalamium celebrating the nuptials of Helen and Menelaus
(Schol. Argum. Theocr. xvii. v. Bergk, Stesich. 31). It is, therefore,
likely that the passage refers to the flowers cast before the bridal
procession on that occasion.

I have followed Meineke in retaining μύρρινα (Schneidewin and
Bergk μύρσινα), v. Ahrens Dor. Dial. 102 and cf. on χάρρονες, Spartan
Dance-song, I.

IV. Te δὲ δράκων x.t.2. Quoted by Plut. de Sera Numin. Vind. c. το,
as the vision of Clytemnestra. Agaxwy is referred generally not to
Agamemnon but to Orestes: cf. Aeschyl. (who appears to be borrow-
ing the idea of Stesichorus) Choeph. 527, texéiv Spaxovr’ ἔδοξεν, and
Schneidewin quotes Eur. O7. 469, μητροφόντης δράχων of Orestes.
The word βεβροτωμένος will then imply ‘smeared with the blood of his
mother.’

The Pentameter (1. 2) if correct is most unusual in Melic. By the
omission of μολεῖν in 1. 1 we should obtain a hexameter, and thus have

STESICHORUS 345

a complete elegiac couplet. There is not, however, any record of
Stesichorus employing this non-Melic metre.

V. "Quatetipe χτιλ. Athen. x. 456 F, with reference to Epeus who
was forced to carry water for the Atridae.

Atos κούρα, either Athene or Helen.

We are reminded of Miranda and Ferdinand in the Zempest :

‘ My sweet mistress
Weeps when she sees me work.’

VI. "Aye Μοῦσα Atye’ x7.2. Quoted by Strabo viii. 347, who re-
counts the story of the ‘Rhadina’ which appears to have been a
kind of love-novelette in verse (v. p. 169). Rhadina was a Samian
woman, married to a Tyrant of Corinth. Her own nephew Leon-
tychus, being enamoured of her, followed her to that city. There the
tyrant slew them both, and at first cast forth their bodies unburied.
He afterwards relented, and had them duly interred. Pausanias
however (vii. 5, 13) speaks of their tomb in Samos, at which anxious
lovers prayed.

Ἐρατωνύμου Bergk, for ἐρατῶν ὕμνους, Ahrens ἀοιδὰς ἐρατωνύμους.

VII. Totade χρὴ z%.t.A. Quoted from the ‘Orestea’ by Schol. Ar.
Peace 797, where we have τοιάδε χρὴ. . . xadAtxdpwv | τὸν σοφὸν
ποιητήν | ὑμνέϊν ὅταν ἠρινὰ μὲν φωνῇ χελιδὼν | ἑἕζομένη (Bergk ἡδομένῃ)
χελαδῇ.

δαμώματα explained by Schol. τὰ δημοσίᾳ ἀδόμενα, Hesych. παίγνια.

ἐξευρόντας, Kleine for ἐξευρόντα.

VIII. Mada τοι (μάλιστα) χ.τ.ιλ. Plut. de EJ ap. Delph. ς. 21.

Bergk refers the lines to the flute-contests at Delphi, which were
abolished shortly after their introduction; see p. 378. Regarding
Apollo as representative to a great extent of the Greek poetical
genius, we may compare with this passage Sap. XVII.

᾿Αλλ’ οὐ γὰρ ϑέμις ἐν μοισοπόλω οἰχία
ϑρῆνον ἔμμεναι χ.τ.λ,

For μάλιστα Bergk reads μελιστᾶν.
Κήδεα, Schneidewin and Bergk χάδεα, but see Dralect, p. 78.

IX. (α) Stob. Flor. cxxiv. 15. ᾿Αμήχανα (Schneidewin and Bergk
auayava), Dialect, Lc.

(8) 74. cxxvi. 5, ἀπόλλυται z.t.A. Kleine for ὄλυτ' avd. χάρις, from a
marginal reading πᾶσα πολιά ποτ᾽ ἄνϑρ. y. Compare Archil. Xv. χάριν
δὲ μᾶλλον tod Cood διώχομεν.

346 GREK LY RUC (PP Os

LIBYCUS

I, “Het μέν x.t.A. Quoted among other erotic passages by Athen.
xili. 601 B, who comments on the fervour of the poet’s outcry, βοᾷ xat
χέχραγεν.

In the metrical scheme I have treated the dactyls as ‘ choreic’, z.e.
in ὃ time, equal to the ordinary trochees. It is of course possible to
regard the dactyls as pure, z.e. in δ time, and the trochee as prolonged
thus \-u, but I think that the more rapid movement is best adapted
for this poem. On the other hand in No. 11., owing to the rarity of
the trochees and the entire absence of the single syncopated syllable,
I have treated the dactyls as pure and the trochees as in # time.

‘With the spring the flowers and trees are released from their
winter bondage ; me the storms of love never leave.’ Such a con-
trast between the joy of nature and the sorrow of the poet, familiar
as it is to us in modern lyrics, is rare enough in surviving Greek
poetry. .

1 1. Κυδώνιαι, cf Stesich. M1. τὶ

]. 2-3. ἀρδόμεναι δοᾶν ἐκ ποτ. ‘watered by streams from rivers’; the
expression seems to point to some process of orchard-irrigation.
The genit. 60%» may be described as one of ‘agency’, or possibly of
‘material’, The Homeric λούεσϑαι ποτάμοιο is not quite parallel, since
it involves also a notion of place (v. Monro’s Hom. Gramt. p. 107).
Buchholz gives a nearer illustration from Eur. Phoen. 674, αἵματος
ἔδευσε γαΐαν. It is, however, not unlikely that the construction is
simply a0. ἐκ ῥοᾶν ποταμῶν, ‘watered from streams of rivers.’

Παρϑένων χῆπος : this is generally supposed to refer to the Νυμφαῖοι
χῆποι, which Demetrius tells, de //oc. c. xxxii., Sappho was fond of
introducing into her poetry. If this be so, the phrase probably re-
fers not to any particular garden of the Nymphs, e.g. that of the
Hesperides, but signifies rather ‘a garden such as Nymphs might
haunt’, cf. ‘Nympharum domus’ Verg. Ae. i. 1€3 and Odyss. xii.
317-318. Hartung suggests an entirely different explanation, quoting
Pausan. vill. 24. 4, who speaks of cypress-trees round the grave of
Alcmaeon which were never cut down, and which were called
Tlaodevot,

1. 4. In χῆπος, as in Θρηΐχιος (1. 8), ἡ should be retained as due to
Epic influence: ‘The first buds that sprout beneath the shadowing
vine-shoots.’ Stephanus reads vz’ ἔρνεσιν, but the form ἕρνος is men-
tioned in Cramer. Amz. i. 173, 27.

1. 6. ϑαλέϑοισιν, Les. Dial. p. 83, ἐμοί, Ethic dat.

1.7. a . . . βορέας, ‘like the north wind of Thrace, that rages amid
the lightning-flashes.’ ὑπὸ expresses accompaniment, as in δαΐδων
ὑπὸ λαμπομενάων, J2, xviii. 492. Buchholz compares (ἀέλλη) ὑπὸ
βροντῆς, 71. xiii, 796, and he thinks that there is reference to the

ρον 5 347

ancient notion of the wind bringing the lightning from the clouds.
v. Lucret. vi. 246 seg., and 96. For φλέγων, cf on Bacchyl. 1. 12.

1. 8. ἀΐσσων.. .. ἐρεμινός, ‘speeding on his dark course from the side of
Aphrodite, with parching frenzy’; ἀζαλέαις, ‘active’, v. Lid. and Scott.

l. 9 seg. ἀϑαμβής x.t.A. ‘unflinching holds fast from earliest man-
hood the fortress of my heart.’ Παιδόϑεν is generally taken to be the
objective genitive (=‘love for a boy’). I have followed Schneidewin’s
explanation ‘a puero’, z.e. ‘from the time when my boyhood left me.’
᾿Αϑαμβής ἐγκρατέως, Herman from ἀϑαάμβησε(ν) χραταιώς.

For the description of Eros in this and the next passage, v. Addi-
tional Note B on £vos 271 the Lyric Poets.

II. "Epos αὖτε x.t.A. Plat. Parmen. 137 A, Schol. For the metre,
cf. on No. 1.

1. 1 seg. ‘Eros, with melting glance beneath his shadowy eyelids,
thrusts me with spells manifold into the infinite toils of Aphrodite.’
Με supplied by Bergk.

III. Εὐρύαλε κιτιλ. Quoted by Athen, xiii. 564 F, among a series of
passages, illustrating the fact that love is ‘engendered in the eyes’.
The lines of Ibycus are contrasted with those of Philoxenus, ὦ
χαλλιπρόσωπε χ.τιλ. (UV. p. 277), with the remark τυφλὸς ὁ ἔπαινος χαὶ
zat’ οὐδὲν ὅμοιος τῷ Ιβυχείῳ ἐχείνῳ.

A verse appears to be missing after 1. 1, beginning with a vowel, so
that the final syllable of ϑάλος may be short in the ‘System’ (v.
Metre, p. 73), and containing a noun with which χαλλικόμων agrees.

l. 1. γλυχεῖᾶν, so Mucke (Jacobs γλυχέων) for γλαυχέων, Hecker
γλυχερὸν with Dados. The words yap. θάλος, ‘nurseling of the Graces’,
express the same idea as Alcaeus’ κόλπῳ σ᾽ ἐδέξαντ᾽ ayvar Χάριτες,
No. XIII.

1. 3. Πειϑώ, see on Sap. 1. 18, and v. Bockh on Pind. βγῆ. ix. 39.

IV. τούς te λευχίππους x.t.A. Ath. 11. 57.

Hercules is speaking of his slaughter of the Molionidae, for whom
see Pind. O/. xi. 26 seg. B6ckh. This fragment and the next, not of
any particular value in themselves, show us that Ibycus did not con-
fine himself to subjective lyric after the fashion of the Aeolic School,
but dealt also with mythological subjects, cf Biog. Ibyc. p. 137.

ἰσοχεφάλους, Meineke proposes ἰσοπάλους.

V. Γλαυχώπιδα Κασσάνδραν. Herodian, περὶ σχημ.. 60. 31, in discuss-
ing the so-called σχῆμα Ἰβύχειον. He remarks that it consists of the
addition of -σι to the 3d sing. subjunctive. Ahrens and others are of
opinion that -σι in this passage and others from the Lyric Poets (cf
No. vul. β΄ and ϑάλπησι in Bacchyl. 11. 2), stands for the indicative and
not the subjunctive, and that it arose from a mistaken imitation of
certain passages in Homer, where it represents the true subjunctive.

348 απ SL GRA EP ORAS

Bergk suggests that the termination was first applied to verbs in -cw,
as if they followed the - conjugation, e.g. φίλησι, νόησι (cf. φίλημι in
Lesbian) and then extended to other verbs also; but he inclines to
the opinion that, with the exception of verbs from ε stems (among
which he includes ϑάλπησι in Bacchyl. v. note ad /oc.), the cases that
occur, in Homer and elsewhere, are subjunctives and not indicatives.
Compare E. Mucke de Déalectzs, etc. pp. 62-8. However this may be,
Ahrens reasonably objects to the form being regarded as Rhegine
᾿ (in which we should expect -τι, Dor. Dial. p. 94)—rather it has become
associated with Rhegium from its employment by Ibycus. He adds
that the name ‘schema’ or ‘construction’ is a misapplication of terms
on the part of the grammarians, who thought the poets were using
the subjunctive, where the indicative would be expected.

VI. Δέδοικα x.t.A. Plut. Quaest. Symp. ix. 15, 2, and Plat. Phaedr.
242 C.

‘I fear that Iam buying honour from men at the price of sinning
before the face of the gods.’

Bergk suggests περὶ ϑεοὶς (Lesbian acc. for ϑεοὺς), which version
seems to have been followed in Professor Jowett’s translation, ‘sin-
ning against the gods.’

VII. I have placed together three very fragmentary pieces, which
are yet not without poetical merit.

(a.) Athen. xv. 681 A. The hiatus in χαὶ ἴα may be ascribed to the
influence of the ancient F in (F) ta.

(β΄.) Herod. περὶ cynp. 60. 24, cf. on No. v. Compare the well-known
words of Soph. ZZ. 17, λαμπρὸν ἡλίου σέλας | ἑῷα κινεῖ φϑέγματ᾽ dovidwy
σαφῆ.

(γ΄.) Theon. Smyrn. p. 146, to show that Ibycus and others use
Σείριος, or Σείριον of any star, cf Hesych. and Suidas.

VIII. οὐχ ἔστιν κιτιλ. Chrysipp. περὶ ἀποφατ. c. 14.
Schneidewin compares the German saying, ‘Fir den Tod ist kein
Kraut gewachsen.’

ANACREON

I. Ἐρῶ te Oyvte. Hephaest. 29. I have placed this fragment first
as it forms a fitting motto for the poet and his songs. He lives, he
implies, for love and wine, but is never carried away by either passion.

11. Tovuvodpat x.t.A. Hephaest. 125.
1. 5. 7 κου, Bergk from ἥχου which is given by four Mss. The usual
reading is tov (with ἐγχαϑόρα in 1. 6, v. below), which involves

ANACRE ON 349

asyndeton and a dubious construction in ἐπὶ δίνῃσι. Besides, Ληϑαῖος
was a river in Magnesia (v. Athen. 683 C), with which region, so far
as we know, the poet had no connection. On the other hand,
Leucophris, a city of Magnesia, on the river Lethaeus, was celebrated
for its worship of Diana (v. Athen. 7c. and Strabo xiv. 647, who
speaks of an immense temple there to Artemis), so that apparently
the poet, in order to attract the attention of the goddess, begins by
singing the praises of her favourite abode from which she hears his
prayer. Schneidewin (without, I think, much reason) is of opinion
that so long a digression would be out of place, and that ll. 4-9 must
refer to the city for which Diana’s aid is invoked. He therefore
retains txov, regarding ‘. ἐπὶ δίνησι as a pregnant construction : ‘Come
and stay by the streams.’

1. 6. ἐσκατορᾷς Bergk, for ἐγχαϑόρα, on the strength of a MS, reading,
ἐσχατορὲς or -atc, and a passage from Apollon. de Syntaxi p. 55, where
ἐσχατορᾷς πόλιν is given among instances of psilosis in Ionic.

1. 7. χαίρουσ᾽, ‘propitia’, Moebius.

{ΠῚ ΟΕ κτλ Oro Chrys. O7 I. ty 1.35.

]. 1. δαμάλης, Hesych. tov δαμάζοντα, ἢ ἀγέρωχον. Cf. No. Iv. 1. 5.

1. 2. Νύμφαι. Owing partly to the custom of celebrating the rites
of Bacchus among the woods and mountains, and partly perhaps as
the mythical representatives of the Maenads, the Nymphs are con-
stantly associated with that deity. Cf. Hor. 2 Od. xix. 1, ‘Bacchum

. vidi, Nymphasque discentes.’

1. 3. Notice that in πορφυρέη, ἐπιστρέφεαι (1. 4), διοσχέω (No. XI. 1. 3),
and many other instances in Anacreon, ¢ combines with the following
long vowel or diphthong so as to form, for metrical purposes, one
syllable.

1. 7. χεχαρισμένης, proleptic, ‘Give heed to our prayer, and may it be
well-pleasing to thee.’

1, 8. ἐπαχούειν. Monro, Hom. Gram. 241, points out that the em-
ployment of the infinitive for the imperative is chiefly found (as in
this instance) after another imperative, ‘so that the infinitive serves
to carry on the command already given.’

1. το. Bergk reads ᾧ Δεύνυσε from ὦ δ᾽ εὔνυσε, ὧδ᾽ εὖ νυ σε, εἰς. I
have followed Fick in writing Δεόνυσε, with which he compares the
form Δεονῦς, on an inscription from Erythrae 7.G.A. 494.

IV. Τὸν Ἔρωτα. Clem. Alex. Strom. vi. 745.
ll. 2-3. peAowat .,. ἀείδειν Hermann for péAnopat . . . ἀείδων μίτραις.

V. Ilwie Θρῃχίη. Heraclid. Pont. Alleg. Hom. c. 4.

These couplets of acatalectic and catalectic trochaic tetrameters
furnish us with one of the most charming specimens of metre in
Anacreon. Notice the light and rapid movement imparted by the
very sparing use of the irrational trochee (— —), while a welcome
pause is given by diaeresis after the second dipody ; this, however, is

350 GREE KEV RTC ΡΘ

not found in 1. 7, χλῦϑί pev x.7.4., nor does it justify us in dividing each
of these lines into two, as is done in Hartung’s edition.

1. 1. WlwdAe, cf. Hor. 3 Od. xi. 7, ‘Quae velut latis equa trima
campis.’ Θρῃχίη ; cf. Eur. Hec. 1090, where the Thracians are spoken
of as εὔιππον γένος. For the form Buchholz quotes C. B. Stark: ‘In
primae declinationis formis fere ubique 4 pro ἃ positum est, prae-
cedentibus vocali { aut littera p in nominativo.’ Fick prefers Θρειχίη,
from a form Θρεΐκιος which he says should be used in Hippon. 42, l. 1,
where the metre would otherwise be imperfect. ἡ

λόξον, implying scorn, as in Theocr. x. 13, χείλεσι μυχϑίζοισα χαὶ
ὄμμασι λόξα βλέποισα.

1. 4. σ᾽ is supplied by Bergk, being required both by the metre and
the sense.

1. 5. λειμῶνας ; Buchholz remarks that this is the local accusative,
comparing πηδῶντα πεδία, Soph. 47. 30, and contrasting βοσχόμενος
λειμῶνι, Odyss. xxi. 49. The expression in Sophocles is only parallel
if we can regard βόσχεσϑαι as implying motion. If so, λειμῶνας, like
πέδια, may be regarded as a quasi-cognate accusative after a verb of
motion, or perhaps an accusative of extension. Compare our ‘rove
the sea’, and similar phrases.

]. 6. ἱπποσείρην Bergk, for ἱπποπείρην.

Κλῦυί μευ. Hephaest. 76. Liddell and Scott give εὐέϑειρος as of
only two terminations, and Bergk formerly read εὐέϑειρε: but
τανυέϑειρα occurs Pind. ΟΖ ii. 26. It is possible that this line belongs
to the song from which ll. 1-6 are taken.

Bergk suggests χοῦρα, comparing Theocr. xxvii. 55.

VI. Σφαίρῃ κ-τ.λ, Quoted by Athen. xiii. 599 C, mentioning a report
that the poem was addressed to Sappho. See however Addl. Note A.

1, 1. Σφαίρῃ : cf. Meleager EZ. 97, σφαιρίσταν τὸν "Ἔρωτα τρέφω. Plate
111., in which Eros is represented as a youth playing at ball, graphi-
cally recalls this passage; and it is not unlikely that the artist, in
painting the vase, was consciously influenced by Anacreon’s words.
It is with a ball that Aphrodite tempts Eros in Apol. Rhod. Argonaut.
The 15}.

The metaphor is very happily employed by the poet to express the
light and playful nature of the attacks that Love made upon him.
He uses, with less truth, a contrary metaphor in the next passage.

1. 3. νήνι, contracted from νήνιϊ, dative of νῆνις contracted from the
Ionic form νεῆνις (= νεᾶνις). Bergk compares the Samian vq (= νέα).

ποιχιλοσαμβάλῳ, Seidler’s ingenious conjecture for ποικίλος λαμβάνω,
or ποιχίλους ἀμβάλω. Cf. σάμβαλα Sappho XL.

1. 8. ἄλλην Sc. κόμην ; Some commentators unnecessarily alter to ἄλλον.

VII. Μεγάλῳ x... Hephaest. 68. For trochaic dipodies answer-
ing to Ionics, see Metre, p. 70. χειμερίῃ . . . χαράδρῃ, ‘a bath of
despair’. ‘It would seem as if blades were tempered in naturally
cold mountain-springs.’ Gold. Treas. Greek Lyrics.

ANACREON 351

VIII. ᾿Αστραγάλαι, Schol. 11. xxiii. 88, illustrating the Ionic astea-
γάλαι for -o. Compare Apoll. Rhod. iii, 115, where Eros and
Ganymede are playing together with golden astragali.

In Miillers Gv. 1171. p. 183, the passage is curiously translated
‘Dice are the vehement passion and conflict of Eros,’ the sense of
which I fail to understand. Surely Ἔρωτος must be taken with
ἀστραγάλαι, so that the lines mean that Eros sports with the frenzies
and conflicts of his victims as if with dice.

IX. (a) ᾿Αναπέτομαι, Hephaest. 52 and Schol. Arist. Bzrds 1372.

The resolution of the first long syllable of a choriamb is very rare
in monodic Melic, but is excellently adapted to the spirit of this
passage.

Bergk compares Himer. 07. xiv. 4, wherein Anacreon, finding him-
self spurned by the object of his affections, threatens the Loves (tots
"Epwaty) that he will never celebrate them in song unless they aid
him. The meaning of these lines is ‘I flutter up to Olympus on
account of Eros’ (z.e. to accuse or threaten Eros).

συνηβᾶν, cf. Scol. XIV. and ἥβη in Pind. PyZh. iv. 295, ϑυμὸν ἐχδόσϑαι
πρὸς nav, and δαιτὸς ἥβη, Eur. Cycl. 504, and Hesych. ἡβᾶν᾽ edwydiodat,
μεϑύσκεσϑαι κιτιλ. ; but in the present passage as in No. Xx. the word
seems to have an erotic signification which does not belong to it in
the other instances.

(4) Cleverly restored by Bergk from Lucian Here. Gall. c. 8, ὁ ἔρως
ὁ σός, ὦ Τήϊε ποιητά, εἰσιδών (or ἐσιδων) με ὑποπ. γέν. χρῦσος: πτερ. ἢ ἀετοῖς
παραπετέσϑθω. I see no reason for inserting ὡς (Bergk) or ὅς
(Schneidewin) before μ᾽ ἐσιδών.

πτερύγων, see Additional Note B.

X. Ὃ noi. Athen. ΧΙ. 564 Ὁ:

1 τὶ pace Ων βλέπων, cf. No. V. 1, Aofov . . . βλέπουσα, and Ibyc.
It; a ὄμμασι δέρχόμενος.

οὐχ ἀΐεις, Bergk conjectures οὐ κοείς, Schneider οὐχ ἄεις.

ΧΙ. Κλεοβούλου κ-τ.λ: Herod. περὶ σχημ. 57. 5.

δὲ διοσχέω (dissyll.), Bergk from διὸς χνέων, δὲ διοσχνέω, etc. Hesych.
διοσχέω»" διαβλέπειν συνεχῶς τὴν ὅρασιν μεταβάλλοντα. Thus the meaning
is ‘to keep on casting glances at, rather than ‘to look earnestly at,’
as Lid. and Scott render it.

XII. Strabo iii. 151. ᾿Εγὼ δ᾽ οὐτ᾽ ἂν x.t.A.

For the Iambic daszs, v. p. 187.

᾿Αμαλϑίης χέρας, the Cornucopia, see Dict. of Biography. .—

Ταρτήσσου βασιλεῦσαι, referring to Arganthonius, for whom see
Hat. i. 163, where a more moderate span of years is assigned to his
reign.

The general sense appears to be that the poet would rather win
the object of his affections than the greatest treasures.

352 GREEK LYRIC POETS

XIII. ᾿Αρϑεὶς δηῦτ᾽ x.1.A. Quoted by Hephaestion 130 as an
example of the Proode, or a distich where a short line precedes a
long one, being the reverse of the Epode.

For 1. 2, see Metre, p. 68. It has no exact parallel in the Melic
fragments. Sappho vil. closely resembles it, but the choriambs are
there introduced by anacrusiés instead of éaszs. Again, Alcaeus V.
would be identical in metre, but for its catalectic conclusion.

Δευχκ. πέτ. Hartung quotes Eur. Cycl. 165, πίπτειν δ᾽ ἐς ἅλμην
Λευχάδος πέτρας ἄπο, remarking that the expression had become pro-
verbial. The poet is speaking metaphorically of plunging into the
waves of love.

XIV. Φέρ᾽ ὕδωρ «7.0. Athen. xi. 782 A. For the metre in this and
the two following passages, v. p. 87.

1. 2. Ihave adopted Fick’s correction of ἀνθεμοῦντας for ἀνθεμεῦντας.
Cf. on No. XXI. 1. 2.

1. 3. Referred to by Eustath. 71. 1322. 53, Orion p. 62. 31, and £7.
M. 345. 39. We are left doubtful whether to read δὴ as in the text,
or μὴ. With μὴ, the sense is ‘ bring wine as a refuge from Eros’, or
perhaps, ‘bring wine and garlands that I may give up the contest
with Eros, and greet him as conqueror’ ; with δή, ‘ bring wine that I
may fight unhesitatingly’. Bergk comp. Trach. 441, Ἔρωτι μὲν νῦν
ὅστις ἀντανίσταται | πύχτης ὅπως ἐς χέϊρας x.t.A. Δὴ not infrequently
accompanies ὡς (=ut) or ἵνα to emphasise the purpose. Cf. 7 v. 24
and Plat. Rep. 420 E.

XV. Παρὰ dnote x.t.A. Hephaest. 70.
χατέδυν ἔρωτα, Bergk for κατέδυν᾽ ἔρωτα.

XVI. “Aye 64 %.7.A. Athen. x. 437 A.

We have here an illustration of the sober habits of the better sort
among the Greeks. Wine was to be an incentive not to uproar or
stupefaction but to song (xaAdis ὕμνοις). Compare Introd. to Scolia,
pp. 236-7, and Athen. x. 431.

τοῦτ᾽ go0”, ὁρᾷς, Ελληνιχός
πότος, μετρίοισι χρωμένους ποτηρίοις
λαλεῖν τε καὶ ληρεέϊν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἡδέως"
τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἕτερον λουτρόν ἐστιν οὐ πότος x.T.A.

For the proportion of wine and water, cf. on Alcaeus Vv. and see
Athen. x. 426 seg. Anacreon’s mixture of two parts water to one of
wine is unusually moderate, three to two being the common ratio
(Schol. Ar. Knights 1184). Elsewhere (Append. Anac. 23) he calls
for a slightly stronger potation, χαϑαρῇ δ᾽ ἐν χελέβῃ πέντε xal τρεῖς
avaystoduy.

1. 5. ἀνυβρίστως, Bergk follows Baiter in reading ἀνυβριστί, but this
would give us a solitary instance of hiatus between Anacreon’s rapidly
moving lines. For the Ionics, v. p. 187.

ANACREON 353

1. 7 seg. Compare Hor. 1 Od. xxvii. 2, ‘ Tollite barbarum | Morem,
verecundumque Bacchum | Sanguineis prohibete rixis’; and Ben
Jonson’s

‘So may there never quarrel
Have issue from the barrel
But Venus and the Graces
Pursue thee (Bacchus) in all places.’

1, 9. Σχυϑιχὴν πόσιν. explained by Athen. x. 427 as ἀχρατοποσίαν.

The Scythians were notorious drunkards, see Athen. /.c. who refers
to the story in Hdt. vi. 84, that Cleomenes learnt drunkenness from
the Scythians. Horace ἄς takes a similar view of the Thracians,
and Plato (Laws i. 637 E) speaks of the Scythians and Thracians with
their wives drenching themselves with wine, and thinking it a very
fine and pleasing custom.

1.11. ὑποπίνοντες. Not ‘soaking’, as in Ar. Bzrds 494, but ‘ drinking
quietly ’, as in Plat. Rep. 372 Ὁ, μετρίως ὑποπίνοντες.

XVII. Myo ὥστε κῦμα χιτιλ. Athen. x. 446 ΕΒ. This passage ex-
presses the same sentiments as we find in No. XVI.

1. 2, τῇ πολυχρότῃ, ‘the noisy, chattering Gastrodore’, not as Lid.
and Scott strangely translate the expression in the passage ‘the
many-oared’, z.e. the ship(!) The term is mentioned in Lobeck’s
Parall. 466 as implying contempt.

1. 4. ἐπίστιον, explained by Athenaeus as a kind of cup, usually
called ἀνίσων.

XVIII. (a) ᾿Ηρίστησα x.t.A. Hephaest. 59. Athen. xi. 472 E.

I have followed Hartung in the arrangement of the lines, so as to
give a succession of alternate Glyconics and Pherecrateans (v. p. 187).

1. 3. ἐξέπιον χάδον, ‘drained a bumper’. The word χάδος generally
denotes a large earthenware vessel, so that we feel disposed to ex-
claim, as Prince Henry at Falstaff, ‘But one halfpenny-worth of
bread to this intolerable deal of sack !’

1, 6. κωμάζων ; if the regular χῶμος or serenade (v. p. 8) is implied,
it seems to have taken place in the day-time (cf. ἠρίστησα) as well as
in the evening.

matd(t) ἁβρῇ, Hermann for παιδὶ ἁβρῇ, or ποδὶν «Bows. Bergk, in
justification of the elision, quotes Pind. OZ. ix. 112, where, however,
the reading is doubtful; and an Attic inscription, κήρυκι ἀϑανάτων
Ἑρμῇ στῆσαν μ᾽ ἀγοραίῳ.

(6) ψάλλω κιτιλ. Athen. xiv. 634 Ο.

1. 1. Bergk supplies Λυδόν on the strength of Athen. Zc. ἡ γὰρ
μάγαδις ὄργανόν ἐστι ψαλτικόν, ὡς ᾿Ανακρέων φησί, Λυδῶν te εὕρημα.

1.2. χορδῇσιν. ., μαγάδην, Bk. for χορδαϊΐσιν μάγαδιν, cf. Pollux iv. 61,
where μαγάδη is said to be the form used by Anacreon.

1. 3. 784s, cf. No. Ix. (a) 1. 2, note, and No. ΧΙ.

354 GREEK’LY RIC POETS

XIX. VEye) δὲ μισέω x.t.A. Et. MW. 2. 45.

I have placed this and the next three passages together, since they
display to some extent the poet’s personal character (v. Biog. p. 85).

l. 2. ὅσοι, Bk. for of. X@ovfovs seems to be explained by Hesychius ;
χϑόνια᾽ χεχρυμμένα, βαρέα, φοβερά. Bergk translates it here, ‘ callide
celans iram’. Jacobs σχολιούς. “Pudwous, ‘temper,’ cf. Theogn. 964 :

πρὶν ἂν εἰδῇς ἄνδρα σαφηνώς
ὀργὴν xat δυϑμὸν χαὶ τρόπον ὅστις ἂν ἢ.

ll. 3-4. ‘I have found thee, O Megistes, to be one of the gentle in
disposition.” ἀβακιζ. Ht 17. ἡσυχίων καὶ μὴ ϑορυβωδῶν, cf. on Sap.
Xv. F. The word is inadequately explained in Lid. and Scott.
Μεμαϑηχά σ᾽ ὦ M. Bergk, for μεμαϑήχασιν ὡς μεγίστη. For Megistes,
cf, No. XXViL.

XX. Ἔμε γὰρ x... Quoted with the next passage by Maxim.
Tyr. xxiv. 9, to exhibit Anacreon’s σωφροσύνη, even in his love-songs.
ἄδω, Valckenaer for διδῷ.

XXI. "Epapat x.t.A. wv. above.

Bergk χαριτεῦν ἐ γὰρ, for χάριεν γὰρ 2. Herodian attributing the word
χαριτόεις to Anacreon. I have adopted Fick’s correction to γαριτοῦν.
For συνηβᾶν, cf. on No. IX. («) 1. 2.

XXII. πολιοὶ μὲν xt.A. Stob. Flor. cxviil. 13.

For the metrical arrangement, see Introduction. Notice that
γηρᾶλεοι, ᾿Αἴδεω, ἀργαλέη are trisyllabic ; cf. on No. Il. 1. 3.

1. 4. The Ionic measure takes the place of the Trochaic dipody.
See p. 70.

XXIII. Ξανϑῇ χιτλ. Athen. xii. 533 E.

An interesting specimen of Anacreon’s satiric powers. He appears
to have been fired by jealousy; for Eurypyle, the admirer of
Artemon, was the object of his own affection ; Φ. Azth. Pal. vii. 27.

11. 1-2. Bergk adds γ᾽ to improve the metre, which even then does
not exactly correspond with that of the other lines.

περιφόρητος explained by Chamaeleon, af. Athen. Zc. διὰ τὸ τρυφερῶς
βιοῦντα περιφέρεσθαι ἐπὶ χλίνης, though a different meaning is given to the
word by Schol. Arist. Achar. 815. Bergk renders ‘famosus’, object-
ing to any mention of a litter, since he is said (I. 10) to ride in a
chariot.

1. 3. βερβέριον, the meaning of the word is quite uncertain. Sché-
mann thinks it signifies some barbarian head-covering, and that the
words χαλύμματ᾽ ἐσφηκωμένα (the usual reading), in apposition to
βερβέριον, imply that it narrowed off to a point. Κάλυμμα is generally
used of a woman’s veil or hood, but is obviously not inappropriate
of a man’s head-dress of this description. Καλυμμά τ᾽ ἐσφηκωμένον
(Meineke), signifies the meagre tightened garment in contrast to. the

ANACREON 355

‘bis trium ulnarum toga,’ in Hor. fod. iv. where the spirit of this
passage is closely imitated. For χαλύμμα, not in the sense of a head-
dress at all, but merely of a covering, cf. Soph. Zvach. 1078. But a
possible objection is that Anacreon goes on to describe the man’s
garment in 1. 4 seg., and the plural καλύμματα receives some support
from Hesychius’ καλύπτρα᾽ κεφαλῆς χαλύμματα.

1. 4. ‘Wooden earrings’, contrast χρύσεα χαϑέρματα in 1. το. Sché-
mann refers to Plin. V. H. xi. 37, 50, for the use of earrings by
Asiatic men.

That Artemon followed the customs of the barbarian or Asiatie (cf.
1, 3 and 1. 5) is probably meant as a jeer at his low, and perhaps
non- Hellenic birth.

1. 5. δέρριον (Bk.), or a similar word is required. Schneidewin refers
to Hdt. i. 71, for the use of leather clothing among the primitive Per-
sians.

1. 6. νήπλυτον, ‘unwashed,’ so Schémann for νεόπλουτον, νεόπλυτον,
etc.

ἀρτοπωλισιν ; these persons did not enjoy a high reputation ; cf.
Dionysus’ rebuke to Aeschylus, Frogs, 858, λοιδορέίσθαι δ᾽ ov ϑέμις |
ἄνδρας ποιητὰς ὥσπερ ἀρτοπωλιδας.

]. 8. - οαγηϊηρ a fraudulent living’, for which he receives the pun-
ishment described in the next line, v. note.

1. 9. ἐν δουρὶ, explained by Schémann as ἐν ξύλῳ, ze. the χύφων
or pillory described by Pollux x. 177, σχεῦος ξύλινον ᾧ τὸν αὐχένα ἐνθέντα
δεῖ μαστιγοῦσϑαι Tov περὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν κακουργοῦντα.

1. το. Hesychius has sativa’ αἱ ἅμαξαι. In this passage, however,
as in the others in which it occurs, viz. Eur. He/. 1311, and Hymn to
Venus, 1. 13, the penultimate is short. The word is said to be of
oriental origin. For the genit. plur. in -έων, cf. Archil. XIv. 2. It
comes from -ἄων through -ἥων.

]. 12. καϑέρματα, ‘earrings,’ cf. ἕρματα in Homer. See on ]. 4.

l. 13. σχιαδίσχην, a representation of the Greek sun-shade may be
seen in Panofka’s Manners and Customs of the Greeks, Pl. xix. 9. It
appears on the Parthenon Friese and the Nereid Monuments.

1. 12. αὕτως, ‘instar’, Casaubon; v. Buttm. Leri/. i. 30, where,
however, there is no other example of the word in this sense with
the dative.

XXIV. ᾿Αγανῶς οἷα x%t.A. Athen. ix. 396 D. Aelian A7st. An. vii.
39; Schol. Pind. OZ iii. 52. (29.)

It will be noticed that, though each line differs from the rest in its
metrical arrangement, they are all of the same rhythmical value ;
since trochaic dipodies are equal to Ionics (v. Metre, p. 70). Horace
appears to be imitating the passage in Odyss. i. 23, ‘ Vitas hinnuleo
me similis Chloe | Quaerenti pavidam montibus aviis | Matrem’; so
that we may conclude that Anacreon also is addressing a coquettish
lady-friend.

356 GREEK LYRIC POETS

ost’ or ὃς τ᾽, cf. Alcm. 11. 3, and note on Sappho XxXxvVII._ In ὅστε,
τε has the force of an undeclined τις. Monro’s Hom. Gr. p. 67.

χεροέσσης, the epithet as applied to a hind is more picturesque than
correct; but cf. Pind. /.c. χρυσόχερων ἔλαφον ϑηλέίαν, and the remark
of the Scholiast, of ποιηταὶ πάντες χέρατα ἐχούσας ποιοῦσιν.

ΧΧν. Μὲϊς μὲν δὴ κιτιλ, Schol. 71. xv. 192; and Eustath. 72, 1012, 1.

1. 1. Toots. Eust. Zc. τὸν περὶ χειμερίους τροπὰς μῆνα.

1, 2 seg. νεφέλας x... I have given Bergk’s conjectural reading.
The Schol. 7. Zc. gives νεφέλη δ᾽ ὕδωρ βαρὺ δ᾽ ἀγρίοι χ. xat.; Eust. Ze.
νεφέλαι δ᾽ ὕδατι βαρύνονται, ayo, δὲ χειμ. παταγοῦσιν. Bergk introduces
Δία from a comparison with Hor. Zfod. xiii. 2, ‘ Nivesque deducunt
Jovem.’

XXVI. ὁ Meylotys κιτλ, Athen. xv. 671 E.

Ionic (a minore) tetrameters; cf. Alcaeus XIv.; and Hor. 3 Od.
ΧΙ],

1. 1. Μεγίστης, cf. No. XIX. and ἐπεί +t cf. on Sappho XXXVII.
λύγῳ ; Athen. xv, 673, mentions that the custom of wearing willow-
chaplets was popular among the Carians, and copied by the Samians.

XXVII. Τίς ἐρασμίην κιτιλ, Restored from Athen. iv. 177 A, Tis ἐρ.
tp, Sup. ἐσέβην tepev’ ὡς ἡμίοπον xt.A.; Bergk ἐς ἥβην, Casaubon τερένων
ἡμίοπων from Athen. iv. 182 C.

ἥβη, ‘merriment,’ ‘revelry,’ cf. on No. Ix. 1. 2.

XXVIII. ’Em δ᾽ ὄφρυσιν κιτιλ. These passages are quoted by Athen.
xv. 674 in illustration of the custom of wearing garlands on the brows,
and hanging from the neck over the breast. (Cf. Alcaeus VI.)

1. 3. ὁρτὴν... Διονύσῳ. Perhaps merely a figurative expression
for his wine-party, although Bergk quotes passages from Hesych. and

Steph. Byzant. indicating an extensive cult of Bacchus in Samos.
Δ

XXIX. These passages refer apparently to the wars which drove
Anacreon from Teos, or else to troubles at Samos. Cf. Biog. p. 183.
In the first the attack is imminent ; in the second the blow has fallen
upon his city; in the third and fourth, which are retrospective, he is
lamenting the fate of his friends, and frankly confessing the
insignificant part he himself took in the contest.

(a) ’Opsorono¢. Hephaest. go.

(6) Νῦν ἀπὸ μὲν x.t.A. Schol. Pind. OZ. viii. 42, illustrating στέφανος
in the sense of the wall of a city. Bergk conjectures πόλευς as the
Ionic contraction from πόλεος. Fick, however, declares that this
belongs to a later period.

(@) Anta Ἐ2 ΕἸΠ 5333: 22;

1. 2. Attil. Fortunat. 359, Adopting Schneidewin’s suggestions of

ANACREON 357

αὐτῆς and φύγον for αὐτῆς and φεύγω, which restore the choriambic
metre, I have joined these two lines together.

]. 2. Bergk ῥίψας... . map’ ὄχϑας for Stl ἐς... προχόας. It must
be confessed that both the text of the lines and the circumstances to
which they refer are quite uncertain.

XXX, ᾿Απέχειρας͵ x.t.A. Phavor. ap. Stob. Flor. Ixvi. 6, γελόίος ἂν
φανείη ὁ ᾿Αναχρέων χαὶ μικρολόγος, τῷ παιδὶ μεμφόμενος x.t.A. Cf. Max.
Tyr. xxiv. 9, μεστὰ δέ αὐτοῦ (Anacreon) τὰ ἄσματα τῆς Σμέρδιος χόμης
zt.A. Aelian V. .ix. 4 says that Polycrates, in jealousy of Anacreon,
cut off Smerdis’ hair; but from this passage and from the words with
which it is introduced it would appear that Smerdis did it himself.

XXXI. Stepavovs δ᾽ ἀνὴρ x.t.A. Athen. xv. 671 E. An explanation
of the term Ναυχρατίτην, which is declared to signify ‘myrtle,’ is
attempted in Athen. 675 F, seg.

XXXII. ’Qwoyoe x.t.A. Athen. xi. 475 F.

SH NVEON 1D ES

I, Τῶν ἐν Θερμοπύλαις x.t.A. Diod. Sic. xi. 11. Σιμωνίδης... ἄξιον
τῆς ἀρετῆς αὐτῶν ποιήσας ἐγκώμιον.

It is doubtful to what description of Melic poetry this song belongs,
for Diodorus’ expression ἐγκώμιον is obviously not to be understood
in atechnical sense. It may have been intended for some public
funeral ceremony, as it were, in honour of the heroes of Thermopylae.

1. 2. ‘Glorious their fortune, and splendid their fate.’ Τύχα = fors,
πότμος = sors (Schneidewin), the former being the chance or oppor-
tunity given to them for distinguishing themselves.

1. 3. βωμὸς, implying that they would be worshipped at their tomb
as if they were heroes or demigods.

πρὸ you, Ilgen for προγόνων. He is, however, inclined to regard
the words προγόνων δὲ wy. as an interpolation by singers of Scolia
in later times. Mehlhorn retains προγόνων, and explains thus:
‘majorum virtutem posteris in mentem revocat.’ Oixtos Jacobs, for
οἶτος. Ὁ δ᾽ οἶκτος ἔπαινος, 2.6. ‘Instead of pitying their untimely end,
we congratulate them on their glorious lot.’

11. 5-6. χρόνος. ᾿Ανδρῶν ay. Bergk, for χρόνος, ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν. The
latter would give an awkward redundancy, ἄνδρ. ay. being merely
explanatory of τοιοῦτον.

ll. 6-7. οἰχέταν z.7.2., 2.6. the glory of Greece has taken up its head-
quarters, so to speak, in the tomb of her brave defenders.

ll. 7-8. μαρτυρεῖ... χλέοςς. These words form a tame conclusion
to the poem, and it is hard to see what paptupé refers to. Ilgen is of

353. GREE ον ΘΙ

opinion that the passage is an addition by a singer some century or
so after the time of Simonides.

11. “Ote λάρνακι x%t.A. Dion. Hal. de Verborum Compos. c. 26, ἔστι
δὲ ἡ διὰ πελάγους φερομένη Δανάη, tas ἑαυτῆς ἀποδυρομένη τύχας. :

The metrical arrangement of the passage is uncertain, since
Dionysius expressly avoids writing the poem in lines, remarking that
if it is written according to the divisions not of poetry, but of prose,
the poetical rhythm escapes τι5--λήσεταί σε ὁ δυϑμὸς τῆς ὠδῆς καὶ οὐχ
ἕξεις συμβαλεῖν οὔτε στρόφην οὔτε ἀντίστροφον ote ἐπῳδόν. From the last
words we gather that the song was choral with the usual strophical
system. As there is no correspondence distinctly traceable between
any two parts of the fragment, Bergk and Schneidewin and others
conclude that it consists of an antistrophe and epode, though where
the latter begins is uncertain. Line 13 seems the most natural point,
and is consequently chosen for the purpose by Schneidewin and by
Bergk in his earlier edition, though in his last he places the epode
back to 1. Io.

The song is generally regarded as part of a Threnos, though, as is
pointed out on p. 12, it does not follow that it was sung on the actual
occasion of the burial. For the choral form taken by a Threnos, v.
p. 24; and for the introduction of a mythological episode, wv. p. 19.
Schneidewin conjectures that the reference to Perseus is to be ex-
plained by assuming that the song was written either for the Scopadae
or Aleuadae with whom Perseus was a domestic hero. (Cf. Bockh
on Pind. PyZh. x.)

1. 1, etc., ‘ What time in the fair-wrought chest the blast of the wind
and the heaving ocean dismayed her with terror, her cheeks bathed
in tears she cast her loving hand around Perseus ’, etc.

In this doubtful passage I have followed Schneidewin who in 1. 2
has altered μὴν to μιν, and in |. 3 ott’ to οὐχ. In 1. 3, ἤριπεν is
Brunck’s conjecture for coctzev. It is true that ἐρείπω in the 2d Aor.
is usually intransitive, but Schneidewin quotes Hdt. ix. 70 for a
transitive use, ἐπέβησαν tod τείχεος καὶ ἤριπον.

Certainly in the reading given ἀδ. παρείαις is an unusually bold
example of the ‘comitative’ dative. In none of the other cases
quoted, e.g. in Monro’s Hom. Gr. p. 99, is this dative so isolated from
the rest of the sentence.

1.5. αὔτως, Mehlhorn for αὐταῖς, or αὖτε εἰς (Athen. ix. 396 E);
Casaubon ἀωτεῖς ‘thou sleepest’, which would be awkward before
χνώσσεις in the next line ; Schneidewin ἀωρεέίς ‘ thou heedest not’.

1. 6. στήϑεϊ Schneidewin : in Dion. Hal. we have the unintelligible
δείϑει, in Athen. Zc. γαλ. δ᾽ ἥτορι, which is objectionable since the
dative of ἦτορ is not elsewhere found in classical Greek. Bergk
adet.

1. 7-8. νυχτιλαμπεί. . . ταϑείς Sas thou liest outstretched in the dark
gloom that illumines the night’. voz. ὃν. ‘tenebrae quales noctu

SiO NED ES 359

lucent (ἢ. 6. σχότος)᾽, Schneidewin, as if the gloom at night plays the
part of the light by day. Compare Oecd. Tyr. 419, βλέποντα νῦν μὲν
Go, ἔπειτα δὲ σκότον, and Eur. Hed. 518, μελαμφαὲς ἔρεβος. Bergk
accepts Ilgen’s νυχτὶ ἀλαμπεῖ, remarking that hiatus is frequent in
Simonides (cf. 1. 3).

ταϑείς Schneidewin, for τάδε els.

1.9. Bergk’s reading ἅλμαν followed by τεᾶν χομᾶν (Ahrens for
τεὰν χύμαν) is too attractive to be resisted. ‘Thou heedest not the
deep briny-waters above thine hair as the wave rolls by.” The usual
reading is avaddav. . . tedv χόμαν x%t.A, ‘Thou heedest not the wave
as it rolls past thine uncombed, thick hair, high above.’ The employ-
ment of the two epithets αὐαλέαν and Bad<iav without a conjunction
would be hardly justifiable in this instance; αὐαλέαν would stand in
an undeservedly emphatic position, and βαϑέϊαν would be a curious
epithet to apply to the hair of the new-born Perseus.

1. 11. φϑόγγον Bergk, on the authority of 3 MSS., for φϑόγγων.

1. 12, πρόσωπον χαλὸν, if correct, must mean ‘beautiful child that
thou art’, As some MSS. give πρόσ, χαλόν προφαίνων, various con-
jectures have been made, ¢.g. πρόσ. καλ. προφαίνων Ahrens, zpos. χλιϑὲν
προσώπῳ Bergk.

1. 13. δημάτων, genit. as if ὑπείχες ovas= ὑπήχουες.

1. 14. χέλομαι" ede, the pause accounts for the hiatus. Cf. Pratinas
Dithyr. Poets i. τό.

ll. 15-16. εὖδε x.7.A. Doubtless the poet, as the commentators point
out, is pathetically imitating the style of the βαυχάλημα or Cradle-
song. Compare the beautiful lullaby in Theocr. xxiv. 7-9:

“Ψ \ ' '

Evder’ ἐμὰ βρέφεα γλυχερὸν καὶ ἐγέρσιμον ὕπνον᾽
“ ς »ς ,

εὐδετ᾽ ἐμὰ ψυχὰ Sv’ adehyew εὐσοα τέχνα᾽

ὄλβιοι εὐναζοισϑε χαὶ ὀλβιοι dw ἵχοισϑε,

1. 17. Μεταβουλία ‘change of purpose’ on the part of Zeus. Bergk’s
μεταιβολία would rather signify ‘change of circumstances’, the prayer
for which could hardly be called θαρσαλέον ἔπος. With ματαιοβουλία,
the usual reading, the sense would be ‘ may the counsels of my foes
fail’.

Schneidewin remarks that the ray of hope displayed in this line
is intended as a consolation to those for whom Simonides was
writing.

1. 18. In lengthening the last syllable of ϑαρσαλέον before ἔπος, we
need not assume that Simon. was conscious of the influence of the
old Digamma. He is more probably simply imitating a constant
Epic usage (e.g. 77, vii. 35, Xil. 737, xxiv. 744, etc.) due, of course, to
the influence of the old F in ἔπος, but it does not follow that Simonides
was aware of the fact.

1. 19. τεχνόφιν δίχαν, so Mehlhorn, with the exception of the v
ἐφελχυστ. which I have added for the improvement, as I think, of
the metre. Schneidewin takes δίχαν to mean ‘for the sake of’ my

360 GREEKIEY RUC’ Pon rs

child, comparing Aeschyl. Prom. 614, tod δίχην πάσχεις τάδε; where,
however, δίκην may clearly be ‘(as) the penalty.” Possibly δίκαν here
is accusative in apposition to the sentence : ‘Grant me thy pardon, as
compensation to my child’, z.e. for its abandonment by its father, Zeus.
The Mss. have τεχνόφι δίκας and χνοφιδίχας. Bergk reads νόσφι δίχας.

III. ΓΑνϑρωπος ἐὼν χιτιλ. Stob. Flor. cv. 62 and ο. ὁ ποιητὴς
διεξέρχεται τήν τῶν Σχοπαδῶν adpoav ἀπώλειαν, see Biog. p. 199.

1. 2. ἄνδρα ἰδὼν, the hiatus, due originally to the influence of the
ancient F, is employed by Simonides probably merely in imitation of
the Epic practice ; cf. on 1. 18.

ll. 3-4. The order of translation is οὐδὲ γὰρ & μεταστ. ταν. pol. οὕτως
ὠχεϊα (ἐστιν). Bergk reads wxéta γάρ, οὐδὲ. οὐ τόσα μετάστασις “ For
swift is the change, and not so great is that of’, etc. This reading
improves the metre, but otherwise is objectionable ; wxdia γάρ stand-
ing alone is very tame ; and τόσα is -out place, since the comparison
is not with the greatness of the change in the physical nature of the

fly, but with its suddenness.

IV. Οὐκ ἔστιν χαχόν χιτιλ, Theophil. ad Autol. ii. 37. Conjec-
turally from a Threnos.

V. ᾿Ανθρώπων ὀλίγον χιτιλ. Plut. Consolat. ad. Apoll. c. τι.
Σιμωνίδης ἀνθρώπων φησὶν ὀλίγον μὲν...

The metre of ]. 1 would be improved if we could assume μὲν to
have been added by Plutarch, and treat the first syllable of ἄπρηχτο!
as short ; we should then have

= eu eu — -τῖὰλ
a form of choriambic verse with basis very common in Sappho and
Alcaeus.

1. τ. Schneidewin ἄπρηχτοι for ἄπραχτοι on the strength of Béckh’s
Not. Crit. Pind. Isthm. vii. 7, ‘&xonxtov, tnutile, quo nihil proficias,
ἄπραχτον, quod perfici non potest’.

l. 3. I have not adopted Schneidewin’s suggestion of ὅμως for ὁμῶς
(‘equally’) since, although it certainly adds to the pathos of the
lament ‘ For all our labours nothing but death awaits us’, it is not so
consistent with the words in 1]. 4-5.

VI. Οὐδὲ γὰρ of πρότερον x.t.A. Stob. Flor. xcviii. 15.

Notice the frequent resolution of the long syllable 271 ars#, as a sign
of later metrical style.

With the nature of the consolation Schneidewin aptly compares
Pyth. 11. 86—alov δ᾽ ἀσφαλής | οὐκ ἔγεντ᾽ οὐτ᾽ Alaxida παρὰ Πηλεὶ | οὔτε
παρ᾽ ἀντιϑέῳ Kado.

VII. Πάντα γὰρ μίαν xt.A. Stob. Flor. cxvili. 5.

SIMONIDES 361

VIII. Πολλὸς γὰρ. Stob. Flor. cxxi. 1.
A good example of the force of the perfect τεϑναναι, ‘Long is the
time for us to lie dead’, ‘ Long is the time after death’.

ETHICAL SUBJECTS

IX. The arrangement of this poem must always be a matter of
uncertainty. I have with some hesitation followed Bergk, who with
no very considerable violence to the text of Plato, wherein amplifica-:
tion and paraphrase are entangled with quotation, has reproduced a
monostrophic song, which, even if not entire, is yet sufficiently com-
plete in itself, exhibiting a regular and simple metrical system, and
an intelligible succession of ideas.

The poem is pieced together from scattered quotations in Plato’s
Protag. 339-346, where it is discussed and criticised in detail. The
quotations occur as follows :—Protagoras first cites ll. 1-2, ‘&vSpa.. .
τετυγμένον᾽ (339 B), in apparent contradiction to which he quotes a
passage further on in the poem (προϊόντος tod ἀσματος) “ οὔδε por
ἐμμελέως. . . ἔσθλον ἔμμεναι᾽, Il. 7-9. The object of the discussion in
Plato is to reconcile, if possible, these two passages with each other.
Socrates, who eventually undertakes the task, remarks that Simonides’
comment on the dictum of Pittacus is that he misapplies the term
χαλεπόν to what is really ἀδυνατόν, namely, the task of always main-
taining one’s virtue (ἔμμεναι as distinct from γενέσθαι) ; God alone can
attain to this, ‘eds ἂν μόνος... καθέλῃ᾽, 11. 10-11 (344 C), to which
is added (344 E), ‘mpdfats ... κακώς᾽, Il. 12-13, and in 345 C, a
paraphrase from which commentators obtain 1. 14 (v. note ad oc.).

All these remarks of Simonides, Socrates proceeds, are directed
against Pittacus, zat τὰ ἐπιόντα ye tod ἄσματος ἔτι μᾶλλον δηλοῖ" φησὶ γὰρ᾽
‘Totvexey . . . μάχονται᾽, ll. 15-21 (345 C, D).

Lastly are quoted (346 C), though without their position in the song
being indicated, the lines ‘ ἔμοιγ᾽ ἐξαρκεῖ ὃς ἂν μὴ κακός ἢ... μέμικται,
ll. 2-7 (the first two words and μὴ are omitted by Bergk, v. note ad
loc.). Now Socrates regards, or at any rate applies, these words as
a personal explanation from Simonides to Pittacus, thus: ‘I don’t
blame you, Pittacus, out of a cavilling spirit (ὅτι εἰμί φιλόψογος), since
I am quite satisfied with mediocrity and am not φιλόμωμος. But your
mistake is too serious (πεοὶ τῶν μεγίστων ψευδόμενος) even for me to
condone.’

At first sight then it would appear that, wherever these words are
to be placed, they must come somewhere after the mention of Pittacus
(I. 8, etc.). Bergk, however, is with little doubt right in urging that
Socrates for his own purposes is applying the words of Simonides
in a manner not warranted by the poet. This point once granted,
the position assigned to the lines by Bergk is far the most suitable,
and they thus fill up what would otherwise be a gap in Strophe α΄.
Hermann, followed by Schneidewin, treats the lines as forming

362 GREEK ας Pon rs

an epode, occurring after φιλέωσι (1. 14 above) ; Hartung, preserving
the monostrophic arrangement, places them in a final and addi-
tional strophe δ΄.

The poem, Plato tells us, 339 A, is addressed to Scopas of Thessaly
(v. Biog. Simon. p. 199), and it is generally considered, though with
little reason, to form part of an Epinician ode. Bergk, not accepting
this view, regards the poem as complete, with the exception of the
exordium, or first strophe, dedicating the song to Scopas. Socrates
insists that throughout the whole song Simonides’ object is to confute
Pittacus (σφόδρα χαὶ δὺ ὅλου tod ἄσματος ἐπεξέρχεται τῷ τοῦ Πιττάχου
δήματι, 345 Β, cf. 344 Β)}; since he hoped (ἅτε φιλότιμος ὧν ἐπὶ σοφία)
by successfully opposing and improving upon the dictum, or γνώμη,
of one of the Seven Sages, to establish his own reputation for pithy
wisdom of the Laconian order (βραγυλογία τις Λακωνιχή, v. Protag. 343
A, B, C). His mode of attack hardly wins him respect, since he
wilfully distorts an obvious truism of Pittacus, so as to render it liable
to hostile criticism. We may perhaps find some excuse for the poet
if we regard him as writing for a patron, the extenuation of whose
vices required no small ingenuity. The song was evidently weil
known and much admired (see Profag. 339 B, and 344 B).

Strophe «'.—‘ Ever to reach perfection is indeed hard. We must
be satisfied with mediocrity in a man; plenty fall short even of that.’

ll. 1-2. The emphasis in the sentence, if Socrates be right, is on
γενέσϑαι, ‘to become,’ z.e. ever once to reach the level of virtue, in
contrast with ἔμμεναι, 1. 9, signifying. ‘to keep oneself up to the
standard.’ ᾿Αλαϑέως is explained by Socrates (343 E) as ὑπερβατὸν, or
transposed, belonging, he says, not to ayatov, but to yakexov—‘ the
real difficulty is, etc.,’ in contrast to the ‘difficulty’ of Pittacus, which
is not a difficulty at all, but a sheer impossibility. Socrates will not
of course allow that virtue could be anything but genuine or real,
and thus the epithet as attached to ἀγαθὸν would be meaningless.
Simonides,. however, was probably not so particular in his
phraseology.

Τετράγωνος is explained, Schneidewin says, by χερσίν. . . vow
‘sound all round, alike in mind and in body’. Compare Hor. 2 Sevm.
vil. 86,

‘Fortis et in se ipso totus teres atque rotundus.’

]. 3. Most editors, employing a different metrical arrangement,
insert the words given by Plato, " ἐμοίγ᾽ ἐξαρχεί, but as the quotation
occurs in the midst of an imaginary address from Simonides to
Pittacus (346 C), Bergk may well be right in rejecting the words from

the text. He deals similarly with ‘ov yao εἶμι gtAdpwyos,’ which occur

1 The words δι’ ὅλου τοῦ ἄσματος seem to show that we have before us nearly the entire
song, or at any rate leave little room for the subjects proper to an Epinician Ode, as some
suppose this to be.

SIMONIDES 363

in Plato after μωμήσομαι. Healso, mecrz causa, omits μὴ before καχός,
urging that it is easily supplied from μηδ᾽ ayav ἀπάλαμνος.

εἰδὼς. . . δίκαν, ‘with justice in his heart,’ like the Homeric χεδνὰ,
ἀϑεμίστια, εἰδώς, etc.

l. 4. vying sc. ἐστι. οὐδὲ μή μιν Bergk, for οὐ μήν.

]. 5. I have followed Mucke in retaining μωμήσομαι (Schneidewin
and Bergk -ἀσομαι). He compares μωμεῖν, Hesiod Of. 754, and
μωμεῦνται, Theogn. 369, from a stem μωμε-.

1. 7. πάντα, etc., 2.6. ‘We may call those virtuous who display no
flagrant vices.’ See Protag. 346 Ὁ, τὰ μέσα ἀποδέχεται ὥστε μὴ ψέγειν.

For the Homeric τοῖσι te, Ψ. Monro’s Hom. Gr. p. 243, ‘te is used
when the relative clause serves to describe a class,’ and pp. 184, 186.
Cf. note on Sappho Xxxvil. ]. 4, and Anac. XXIV.

Strophe 8'.—‘ Pittacus should not have said it is “hard” for a man
to maintain his virtue; it is not “hard,” but impossible, for man’s
virtue varies with his fortune, and is therefore dependent entirely
on the favour of the gods.’

1. 8. ἐμμελέως sc. εἰρημένον from |. 9.

l. 9. gata, a Doric form of φῶτα. This word is of uncertain origin,
so it is hardly safe to compare Dor. πρᾶτος -- πρῶτος, from πρόατος.

ἔμμεναι... Simonides, according to Socrates, understands this to
mean γενόμενον (ἀγαϑὸν) διαμένειν ἐν ταυτῇ τῇ ἕξει, χαὶ εἶναι ἄνδρα ἀγαϑόν
(344 c.), as if Pittacus was speaking of never exhibiting any trace
of vice or imperfection—an ideal which, Simonides remarks, is
superhuman.

l. 11, ov, Bergk for ov ἂν (metri causa). See Monro’s Hom. Gram.
p. 204. ‘(In conditional Relative clauses) the fure Subjunctive (26.
without ἄν or xv) is used when the speaker wishes to avoid reference
to particular cases, especially to any /z¢ure occasion or state of things.
Hence the governing verb is generally a Present or Perfect Indica-
tive.’ All this is true of the present instance.

12; πραξαις, Lesh. Dial. p. 83.

1. 13. ttis added by Bergk to complete the line. He remarks that
it may easily have fallen out in the text of Plato, as it is succeeded
by the word τίς (345 A).

1 14. Plato’s paraphrase runs—2zt πλείστον δὲ zat ἀριστοί εἰσιν ous ἂν
of ϑεοὶ φιλῶσιν, In the above text χἀπίπλειστον is Blass’ suggestion, the
rest Hermann’s. Bergk diverges too far from the paraphrase. Θεοὶ
must be scanned as monosyllabic. Φιλέωσιν (trisyllabic) is more cor-
rect than φιλῶσιν, since the choral poets do not contract ¢-w, cf. p. 80.

Strophe y'.—‘ 1 therefore will never seek idly for that impossibility, a
blameless man. All meet with my esteem who do not plunge wilfully
into vice—for when circumstances drive men to it, they cannot help
themselves.’

1. 15-17. ‘I will never fling away upon an idle hope my span of
life to render it void, seeking what can never be a blameless man
(among) all of us who,’ etc.

364 ΕἸ Το IPCs PO iss

1. 16. χενέαν Buchholz takes not with ἐλπίδα but with μοίραν, as a
proleptic epithet. Βαλέω is dissyllabic.

εὐρυέδους, etc., on the model of the Homeric ‘ ot ἀρούρης χαρπὸν gous.’

1. 18. ‘Festive haec addita’, Schneid. Ὕμμιν, the Scopadae or an
imaginary audience (See Zesé. Dial. for vpyw and ἐπαίνημι, 1. 19.),
Socrates remarking that Simonides is purposely imitating Pittacus’
own dialect (346 E); cf. πραάξαις in 1. 12.

1. 20. Exwv Socrates (345 Ὁ and E) professes to take not with ἔρδη
but with ἐπαίν. x. φιλέω ; for, he urges, a wise man like Simonides
would never speak of a man voluntarily pursuing vice. Doubtless
the philosopher is ironical in putting into the head of the poet his
own favourite doctrine of the involuntariness of vice.

X. Ἔστι τις λόγος χιτιλ, Clem. Alex. S¢rom. iv. 585, in illustration
of the text, ‘Every one who believeth on him shall not be ashamed’.

1. 3. ϑεῶν Bergk, for Svav, Schneid. dav.

1. 4 seg. ‘Neither is she visible to the eyes of all mortals, save to
him in whom the soul-consuming sweat issueth from the inmost pores,
and who cometh to the topmost height of manhood.’ Surely this is
a more natural interpretation than that of Schneidewin (whose text
I have followed), ‘ Neque conspicuus est inter homines, nisi cui, etc.’,
‘nor is any one conspicuous among men save him in whom, etc.’
Bergk in this passage departs too far from the original.

For the myth, see Hesiod, Works and Days, 287 seq.

ΧΙ. οὔτις aved ϑεῶν. Theoph. ad Autzol. ii. 8.
I have adopted Bergk’s conjecture of ἐστι ϑνατσὶς for ἐστιν ἐν αὐτοῖς.
With Il. 1-2 compare Diagoras, Dithyr. Poets 111. 4, 1. 3.

XII. Τίς γὰρ ἁδονᾶς ἄτερ x.t.A. Athen. xii. 512 c. καὶ of φρονιμώτατοι
χαὶ μεγίστην δόξαν ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ ἔχοντες μέγιστον ayatov τὴν ἡδονὴν εἶναι
νομίζουσιν. Σιμωνίδης μὲν οὕτως λέγων χ.τιλ.

With this passage, cf. Pind. Frag. 92. (Béckh), ‘M73’ ἀμαύρου
τέρψιν ἐν βίῳ πολύ tot | φέρτιστον ἀνδρὶ τερπνὸς αἴων. Schneidewin, with
some reason, supposes that the words of Simonides, like those of
Pindar, were addressed to his patron Hiero. If so, ποία τυραννίς is an.
especially appropriate illustration.

In this passage, as in the next, we recognise the signs of the
approaching contest of the Philosophers over the Summum Bonum.

XIII. οὐδὲ χαλᾶς σοφίας x.t.A. Sextus Emp. Adv. Matth. xi. 556
Bekk., Schneidewin restoring the Oratio Recta.
Compare the address to ‘Yyista, p. 253, and Scol. ΙΧ.

XIV. Gnomic passages.
(a.) Stob. Flor. cxviii. 6. Compare, of course, Horace’s ‘ Mors et
fugacem prosequitur virum ’, 3 Od. 11. 14.

SIMONIDES 365

For the choreic dactyl —VUW in this and the following passage
instead of the cyclic, -- see Metre, pp. 63-4.

(6.) Schol. Soph. A7. 375. Cf. Hor. 3 Od. xxix. 47; Agathon ap.
Arist. Ethics, vi. 2:

U \ ’ ~ x \ ,
Μόνου γὰρ αὐτοῦ καὶ ϑεὸς στερίσχεται
> , ~ 4 τὰ ῃ
ἀγένητα ποιέϊν aco’ ἂν ἢ πεπραγμένα.

(4) Aristid. 11. 192. Translated by Horace in 3 Od. ii. 25, ‘Est
et fideli tuta silentio | Merces’. Comp. Pind. Frag. ΧΙ. β΄, ἔσϑ᾽ ὅτε
πιστοτάτα σιγᾶς ὁδός.

For the ΖΦ, 227γ115 in this and the following Booman. v. Metre,

pp. 66-7.

(d.) Stob. Eclog. ii. το. Cf. Td. vi. 234, “Τλαύχῳ. . . φρένας ἐξέλετο
Ζεύς. Schneidewin takes the words to be a Simonidean excuse for a
patron’s misconduct.

(e.) Schol. Eur. Or. 236 (xpéiscov δὲ to δοχέϊν, κἂν ἀληϑείας arr),

(7) Plut. Az seni resp. sit ger.c. 1. Thus πόλις appears to signify
not mere ‘ civic life’, but ‘ political life’, ‘the holding of political office’.

EPINICIAN SUBJECTS

Many of the fragments from Simonides are quoted from Epinician
Odes, e.g. No. XXI. seg. ; but I have placed under the above heading
only such as relate to the special subject of such songs. Others I
have classified in the manner that appeared to me most suitable.

XV. οὐδὲ Πολυδεύκεος βία κιτιλ. Quoted by Lucian pro Imag. c. 19,
in Oratio Obliqua, οὐδὲ Πολ. βίαν φήσας ἀνατείνασϑαι av αὐτῷ ἐναντ. τὰς
χέϊρας χιτιλ. I have retained the article, which Bergk and Schneidewin
omit, with different metrical arrangements. Simonides, as appears
from Lucian, is addressing Glaucus, who won a boxing victory at
Olympia with the ‘ ploughshare blow’, v. Pausan. VI. x. 1. Simonides’
somewhat irreverent estimate of his powers savours perhaps rather
of a later period in the art of encomium among the Greeks (cf.
Miscell. Xv, XV.), and Lucian is surprised that such language brought
no discredit either upon the poet or the athlete.

In 1. 1. the metre would be decidedly simplified by reading
Πωλυδεύχεος, a Doric form which occurs in Append. Alcman, No. 23,
1.1. The resolution of the arsis of a spondee is most unusual until
a later period. Cf. on No. xvii. I. 4.

XVI. Τίς δὴ x.t.A. Quoted by Photius 413, 20 under περιαγειρόμενοι,
to illustrate the custom of showering down flowers and garlands
upon a victorious athlete ; a custom, he adds, supposed to have
originated at the time of Theseus’ triumphant return after slaying
the Minotaur. The lines are addressed to Astylus, a runner of Cro-
tona, who at three successive meetings won the prize at the Olympic
games. On one occasion, to please Hiero, he allowed himself to

306 GREEK WAR LG 7 PO ales

be proclaimed a Syracusan, a disloyalty for which he was disgraced
at Crotona. Pausan. VI. xiii. 1.

τίς δὴ. . . ἀνεδήσατο, ‘which of the men of this day ever garlanded
so many victories with leaves of myrtle or chaplets of the rose?’ A
fine metaphor, Pindaric in its boldness.

1. 3. ἐν ἀγῶνι περιχτ., the local contests in which a young athlete
first won his laurels.

XVII. Ὃς δουρὶ πάντας κιτιλ. Athen. iv. 172 E, Σιμωνίδης... περὶ
τοῦ Μελεάγρου x.t.A. The passage probably belongs to an Epinician
Ode in honour of a victory at casting the javelin.

1. 4. Ὅμηρος ; as no reference to the subject in Homer is known,
Schneidewin supposes that Simonides is thinking of some cyclic
poet.

Stastyopos, v. Append. Stesich. No. 3. Θρώσχων μὲν yao ᾿Αμφιάραος,
ἄχοντι δὲ νίχασεν Μελέαγρος, quoted by Athen. Zc. The tribrach in the
fifth foot in place of a dactyl or trochee in 4-time is very unusual and
not easy to account for. See Schmidt (Rhythmic and Metric of the
Class. Languages, p. 42) who decides that the final short syllable is
rhythmically equivalent to a long syllable, though if it were actually
long, as in λέγομαι, an undue emphasis would be given to the thesis
(arsis in Schmidt’s terminology). He gives the musical notation thus

It is perhaps simpler to assign to the third syllable its usual
@@¢e_ value, and to regard the first two syllables as a resolved form
of the syncopated syllable. The musical notation corresponding
to this foot would then be aN ap ἊΝ

XVIII. ᾿Ἐπέξαϑ᾽ ὁ Κριὸς κιτικλ. Quoted Schol. Mudes 1356, where
Strepsiades bids his son sing this evidently well-known passage from
Simonides as a parcenion (cf. Introd. to Convivial Songs, p. 233).

Crius, upon whose name Simonides puns (cf. Biog. Simon. p. 206),
was an Aeginetan wrestler (Schol. 7c. and Hdt. vi. 73), who appears
to have been badly punished by the hero of Simonides’ Epinician
Ode. As Crius is called a παλαιστής, I fail to see why Schneidewin
speaks of a boxing-contest.

1. 1. ἐπέξαϑ', ‘got himself well-shorn’. Hartung compares ‘ pectere
pugnis’ or ‘fusti’ in Piautus Red. 111. 47, etc.

]. 2. εὐδενὸρον Dobree, for δένδρον.

Διός ; the victory may then have been either at the Olympic or the
Nemean games.

XIX. Χαίρετ᾽ κιτιλ. Quoted by Arist. Afez. 111. 2 (and Heracl. Pont.
- Polit. c. 25) in connection with a well-known story, illustrative alike
of Simonides’ cupidity and of his skill in overcoming difficulties in
his subject. Anaxilas of Rhegium (or rather his son Leophron, or
Cleophron, Athen. i. 3) had won the mule-chariot race at Olympia,
and invited Simonides to write him an ode in honour of the occasion.

SIMONIDES 367

The poet, not being satisfied with the payment offered, refused on
the ground that mules were unworthy of his muse. On the offer
being increased he waived his objection and skilfully ignored the
asinine descent of the victorious animals.

MISCELLANEOUS

XX. Τίς xev αἰνήσειε x%.t.A. Diog. Laert. i. 89. Simonides is carping
at a beautiful epigram by Cleobulus on Midas :

Χαλχέη πάρϑενος εἰμὶ, Μίδεω δ᾽ ἐπὶ σήματι χείμαι,
ἔστ᾽ ἂν ὕδωρ τε ῥέη καὶ δένδρεα μαχρὰ τεϑήλῃ,
᾿ξλιος τ᾽ ἀνιὼν evr, λαμπρά te σελήνη;

χαὶ ποταμοί γε δέωσιν, ἀναχλύζῃ δὲ ϑάλασσα"
αὐτοῦ τῆδε μένουσα πολυχλαύτῳ ἐπὶ τύμβῳ
ἀγγελέω παριοῦσι, Μίδας ὅτι τῇδε τέϑαπται.

Bergk thinks that Diogenes is wrong in referring the words of
Simonides to this epigram, since in the above the monument is of
brass, while Simonides speaks of stone (1. 5). But may he not be
using λίϑος generally, for a monument ὃ

Simonides’ criticisms are trivial enough (cf. No. Ix. passzm, and
Biog. p. 203), even though he professes to be deprecating a certain
irreverence in the exaggerated expressions of Cleobulus.

1. 1, Alvdov ναέταν. Schneidewin regards these words as used con-
temptuously, implying a possible Carian origin. But Lindus at this
time was the chief city in the island of Rhodes, and it was not
Simonides’ object to decry his adversary ; rather to show that, wise
though the latter might be, he himself was wiser still, and able to find
out the weak points in the wisdom of the sage.

1. 2. ποταμοσῖσιν, Bergk for ποταμσῖς, to avoid the pentameter, which
would be ill-suited for a Melic passage.

1. 3. Bergk, objecting to the epithet ‘golden’ being applied to the
moon rather than to the sun, re-writes the line in a somewhat
unwarrantable fashion.

1. 6. ϑραύοντι, v. Dor. Dial. p. 95.

XXI. I have placed XXI.-XXIII. together, as they are all descriptive
of nature.

Τοῦ καὶ ἀπειρέσιοι χ.τ.λ.

ll. 1-3. Tzetz: Chzd. i. 316, περὶ ᾽Οορφέως. Il. 4-6. Plut. Quaest. Symtp.
Vill. 3, 4, νηνεμία yao ἠχῶδες xt.A. 11. 7-10. Arist. Hist, Anim. v._9,
explaining the expression ‘halcyon days’. The three passages are
very plausibly united by Schneidewin into one.

1. 2. ἀνὰ δ᾽ ἴχϑυες χιτλ. There is something of bathos in the
transition from the countless birds fluttering above the poet’s head to
the leaping fish. The idea recurs in Ap. Rhod. i. 569, where the fish
are said to leap up and follow Orpheus. For the use of σὺν Bergk
compares Pind. Dith. Frag. V1. 18 (p. 289), ayéitat τ᾽ ὀμφαί μελεῶν. σὺν

368 GREEKVLY RIC POEs

avAcic, but σὺν in the passage before us hardly has such a distinct
meaning of ‘in accompaniment to,’ as it has in Pindar’s Fragment.
We should rather expect χαλᾶς ὑπ᾽ ἀοιδᾶς, as Herwerdt proposes,
unless indeed σὺν here implies ‘keeping up with’, the fish following
the course of the vessel in which Orpheus is singing.

1. 4. ἐννοσίφυλλος, the doubling of the nasal v is Lesbian (v. p. 82),
but the poet was probably influenced in his choice of this form by
the familiar Homeric ἐννοσίγαιος.

1. 5. χιδναμέναν Schneidewin, for σχιδναμένα,

1.7. Bekk, Az. i. 377, 27, refers to this passage as occurring ἐν
Πεντάϑλοις, 50 that probably we have before us part of an Epinician
Ode. (See, however, note preceding No. Xv.)

χειμέριον. . . μῆνα, Arist. lc. tells us that these halcyon days occur
seven before and seven after the winter solstice,

πινύσχῃ, for the metaphor implied by this word of calming the angry
passions of the tempest, cf. Verg. Aen. 1. 57, ‘mollitque animos et
temperat iras’ (referring to Aeolus and the winds), and similar expres-
sions in that part of the Aeneid.

ἤματα, the ἡ is Epic, see Dza/. p. 78. Schneidewin and Bergk

ἄματα.

XXII. (a) ᾿Απαλὸς δ᾽ ὑπὲρ x.7.2.

Heiner. Oraz. iii. 14, speaks οἵ τὴν Κείαν ὠδήν sung by Simonides to
the breeze, and elsewhere Fc/og. xiii. 32, ἐκ τῆς Kelag Μούσης προσειπεῖν
ἐθέλω τὸν ἄνεμον... ἁπαλὸς. . . κύματα.

I have followed Schneidewin in omitting τὴν before πρώραν, but not
in his other alterations.

(ὁ) Ἴσχει x.t.A. Quoted by Plut. de Exz/. c. 8 (speaking of a man
going into banishment) as ta τῶν παρὰ Σιμωνίδη γυναιχῶν, whence
Schneidewin not unreasonably conjectures that this is the cry of the
Athenian women when deported to Salamis, and that the words be-
long to a poem by Simonides entitled Ἢ ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ναυμαχία.

XXIII. (a) ΓΑγγελε χιτιλ. Schol. Birds 1410.

"Ayyede, cf. the Swallow-song (p. 246) and Notes.

κλυτά, ‘shrill-voiced’, cf. Pind. Οὐ. xiv. 21. χλυτὰν..΄. ἀγγελίαν.
Pyth: x. 6, κλυτὰν ona.

ἁδυόδμου, cf. Pind. rag. Dithyr. νι. 1. 15, εὐοῦμον.. . . ἔαρ.

(0) Etym. M. 813. 8, Δεῦτ᾽ Schneidewin, for εὖτ᾽.

χλωραύχενες, cf. Odyss. xix. 518, χλωρηὶς ἀηδών, and M. Arnold’s

Hark to the nightingale, the tawny-throated’.

XXIV. A. SONG AND DANCE.

For Simonides’ skill in the orchestic art, see p. 206.

(1) Plut. Sympos. ix. 15.2. Αὐτὸς γοῦν ἑαυτὸν οὐχ αἰσχύνεται περὶ τὴν
ὄρχησιν οὐχ ἧττον 7 τὴν ποίησιν ἐγκωμιάζων" “Otav δὲ γηρῶσαι νῦν ἐλ ὄργ.
οἶδα %.T.A.

SIMONIDES 369

Il. 1-2. I have followed Schneidewin’s text in ox« x%.t.4., with the
exception that I have transposed oté« and ποδῶν, to simplify the
metre. Obviously the passage requires some mention of the voice
or song. Bergk inl. 2 reads ἐλαφρὸν ὄργημ᾽ ἀοιδᾷ ποδῶν μίγνυμεν, and
certainly the Cretic metre is well adapted to the passage.

Κρῆτα, cf. Athen. iv. 181 Β : Kontixa χαλοῦσ! τὰ ὑπορχήματα, and p. 29.

τὸ δ᾽ ὄργανον Μόλοσσον. It is uncertain what musical instrument is
implied. Athen. vi. 629 E speaks of Μολοσσιχὴ ἐμμέλεια.

(2) Plut. Zc. 1]. 3-7 are quoted separately, but as they exactly fit
on to ll. 1-3, I have treated the whole passage as continuous, and
placed only a comma after διώχων.

], 2. ᾿Αμυχλαίαν. The penultimate is probably shortened as in Δη-
ϑαίου, Anacr. 11. The fame of Laconian hounds is well known,
cf. Pind. Frag. 73 (Béckh): ᾿Απὸ Tavyétov piv Λάχαιναν | ἐπί ϑηρσὶ
χύνα τρέχειν πυχινώτατον ἕρπετόν ; and Midsummer Night’s Dream,
‘My hounds are bred out of the Spartan kind.’

᾿Αμυχλαίαν, I suppose, simply stands for Laconian, the poetical
imagination dwelling upon the ancient times when Amyclae was the
representative city of that district.

1. 3. xaprvdov. . . διώχων, the dancer is of course addressed ‘Keep-
ing step with the mazy song’. Cf. L’Adlegro:

‘The melting voice through mazes running.’

Notice in this line the imitative nature of the metre, proper to a
hyporchem.

1. 4. Awttoy. . . πεδίον, an extensive plain in Thessaly near Lake
Boebeis, apparently a famous hunting country. Compare again
Midsummer Night's Dream :

‘A cry more tuneable
Was never holla’d to, nor cheered with horn
In Crete, in Sparta, nor in Thessaly.’

χεροέσσᾳ Wyttenbach, for χεράσασα. For hinds with horns, cf.
Anacr. XXIV. and note.

1. 5. ματεύων Schneidewin, for μανεύων.

ll. 6-7. The text here is doubtful, the original being τὰν & ἐπ᾽ αὐχένι
στρέφοιαν ἕτερον χάρα πάντα ἕτοιμον. Schneidewin ἕλ᾽ and Hartung
ἑτέρωσε and navi ἄτολμον. A verb such as ἕλε (Gnomic Aorist) is
required by the construction, and ἑτέρωσε supplies us with a very
graphic picture of the averted head of the overtaken quarry. On the
other hand, Schneidewin’s πάντ᾽ ἐπ᾽ οἶμον is appropriate if Simonides
is comparing the intricate movement of his lines and his dance to
the rapid doublings of the hunted animal and her pursuer.

B. VARIETY OF SUBJECT (see p. 206).

ll. 1-3. Bergk has united two passages quoted by Aristid. ii. 513,
ZA

370 GARE PRY eRe oO -

with the remark that the poet is praising himself, ὡς γόνιμον χαὶ
πόριμον εἰς τὰ μέλη.

‘For the Muse with bounteous hand grants us a taste not alone of
that which is set before us, but onward goes, gathering all things to
her harvest. Prithee stay (her) not, since the tuneful flute of many
notes has begun sweet melodies.’

πολύχορδος αὐλός ; the epithet is curious and interesting as indicat-
ing the predominance in Greek music of string- over wind- instru-
ments, musical terms being devised primarily for the former and
then applied or misapplied to the latter. Schneidewin quotes Plut.
Symp. ii. 4: χαὶ τὸν αὐλὸν ἥρμοσϑαι λέγουσι χαὶ χρούματα αὐλήματα
καλοῦσιν, ἀπὸ τῆς λυρᾶς λαμβάνοντες τὰς προσηγορίας.

W4-5. Plut. de.Prof. in Vird.c. 8 and Cram, An) Ox. ΤΠ 175. ἘΞ
χαλῶ σε. . . μέλιτταν Μούσης, οὐκ ἀπό τινων ϑύμων καὶ δριμυτάτων ἀνθέων
ξανϑον μέλι μηδομένην ὡς φησὶν ὁ Σιμωνίδης χιτιλ. We may then
assume that Simonides is comparing his Muse to a bee culling
honey from every flower (cf. πάντα ϑερ. 1. 2), and that the passage is
from the same poem as Il. 1-3. Pindar speaks in an exactly similar
manner, Pyti. x. 51 seg., in checking the diffuseness of his muse :
Κώπαν oyacov . . . ἐγκωμίων γὰρ ἄωτος ὕμνων | ἐπ’ ἄλλοτ᾽ ἄλλον ὧτε μέλισσα
Duvet λόγον.

ΧΧν. (Εὐρυδίχας) ἰοστεφάνου. Athen. ix. 396 Ε, in reference to the
fate of the infant Archemorus. The passage is probably from a
Threnos over the death of a child whose fate is paralleled in
mythology by that of Archemorus (cf. on No. 11.).

Bergk supplies ἙΕὐρυδίχας, the name of the mother ; Schneidewin
στόματος after ἴοστ.

XXVI. SyétAte παὶ χιτιλ. Quoted by Schol. Apol. Rhod. iii. 26 as
one of several genealogies of Eros.

1. τ. Bergk, with some MS. authority, reads 3. παΐ, δολόμητις ’Agpo-
Oita %.T.A.

δολομηχάνῳ (Bergk arbitrarily χαχομηχάνῳ), is not inapplicable to
Ares here, with reference to his intrigue with the wife of Hephaestus.

XXVII. ἴῶνϑρωπε, κείσαι κιτιλ, Aristid. 11. 13.

Schneidewin explains this as the remark of a pugilist, elate with
the slaughter of his former victims, to a new antagonist. But this is
surely out of the question, since fatal results in a boxing-match were
rare exceptions to the rule, and a repetition of the occurrence on the
same occasion would have been abhorrent to Greek taste. The
words seem rather to be contemptuously addressed to some one whose
existence is a mere death in life. Cf. ἔμψυχον. . . νεχρόν Soph. Anizg.
1167. It should be noticed that xis constantly has the technical
meaning of ‘lying in the grave’, e.g. Amfzg. 73 and 76.

TIMOCREON B71

TIMOCKEON

I. ᾿Αλλ᾽ εἰ τύγε Παυσανίαν κιτιλ. Plut. Zhen. c. 21.

Grote, v. p. 135, remarks on this passage: ‘The assertions of
Timocreon, personally incensed against Themistocles, are doubtless
to be considered as passionate and exaggerated. Nevertheless they
are a valuable memorial of the feeling of the time, and are far too
much in harmony with the general character of this eminent man to
allow of our disbelieving them entirely.’

About the arrangement of these lines there is a great diversity of
opinion. I have followed Ahrens and Bergk, the latter observing
that these short strophes were particularly suited to songs of the
‘convivial’ character, such as this and the other passages from
Timocreon.

ll. 1-2. τύγε, Dor. Dial. p. 94.

Notice δέ in the apodosis implying distinct opposition.

The poet emphasises his admiration for Aristides, as being the
rival and antitype of the avaricious and corrupt Themistocles. Thus
the connecting ἐπεὶ is not inappropriate.

Λευτυχίδαν. Ahrens, Dor. Dial. p. 214, says that this contraction
appears only in comparatively late Doric, and chiefly among the
Dorians of Asia Minor or the islands, who were near neighbours to
the Ionians.

1. 4. Θεμισ. ἤχϑαρε Aatw ; Schneidewin suggests that the reference
is to Lato in her capacity as χουροτρόφος, the meaning being that
Themist. was a rascal from his very cradle.

1. 6. xoBadtxciat ; Bergk’s suggestion for MSS. σχυβαλιχοῖσι, βαλιχσῖσι,
χυμβαλιχοῖσι,

1. γ. Ἴαλυσον (---- -- ) ; the poets allowed themselves freedom in
the quantities of this word. In Hom. 72. ii. 656, it is scanned v-—*,
in Pind. OJ. vii. 74, ὦ τυ Ὁ, while in Anth. Pal. vii. 716. 1 we find
᾿Ἰαλύσοιο as the conclusion of a hexameter—Uc—v.

1. 8. ἀργυρίον, ‘fortasse non sine contemtu’, Bergk.

ἔβα πλέων εἰς ὄλεϑρον, ‘ went on his accursed voyage’.

]. 10, totuct κιτλ, There is an unknown reference in these lines
apparently to some stingy behaviour on the part of Themistocles on his
return to Greece after the expedition referred to in the previous line.
Perhaps a division of the spoil captured from Medising cities or indi-
viduals took place, at which Themistocles kept the lion’s share for
himself, and left ‘cold comfort’ (ψυχρὰ χρέα) for his coadjutors.

γλοιῶς Bergk (for γελοίως), ‘stingily’, as an adverb from γλοιός.
expl. by Hesych. as ῥυπαρός.

1. 12. μὴ ὥραν χιτιλ. ‘that the day of Themistocles might be no
more’, z.e. that his ascendancy might come to an end.

372 GREEKMLY RIG IPOETS

For the hiatus Schneidewin compares Arist. Lyszst7. 1037. Per-
haps, however, μὴ should coalesce with the first syllable of ὥραν, and
the line scanned thus :

II. (α.) Μοῦσα z.t.A. Plut. dic. πολὺ δὲ ἀσελγεστέρᾳ. . . βλασφημίᾳ
' \ \ , ~ . τ ee
χέχρηται μετὰ τὴν φυγὴν αὐτοῦ (Themistocles) ... ἄσμα ποιήσας ov ἡ

"pyn 2. πιὰ.

(β.) οὐκ ἄρα Τιμοχρέων. Plut. Z.c. with reference to the same circum-
stances. The meaning seems to be as follows : ‘I am not the only one
who has suffered for his villany (lit. lost his tail). Others, too,
have turned out foxes (2.6. rascals).’

There is a frank avowal of his own rascality in the fragment, which
is in keeping with the bitter and cynical character of Timocreon.

III. "Ωφελέν σ᾽ ὦ, x.7.2. Schol. Achar. 532, " σχολιὸν κατὰ τοῦ Πλούτου."

One would think that Timocr. is inveighing against the bribery
and corruption which, as he says in No. I., keeps him in banishment.
There is however a passage in Isidor. Pelus. £7. 11. 146, which seems
to point to there being no such special reference in the lines : "Evo;
ἣν πάλαιον μετὰ τὴν συνεστίασιν ἅπτεσϑαι λύρας χαὶ ἄδειν᾽ ᾿Απόλοιο, ὦ
Πλοῦτε, χαὶ μήτε ἐν γῇ φανείης, μήτ᾽ ἐν ϑαλασσῃ.

1. 1. "Qgedev σ᾽ ὦ Ilgen, for ὠφελες ὦ ; he considers that the Mss.
᾿ὮΦΕΔΕΣΩ -- ὠφέλε σ᾽ ὦ. For the impersonal construction, cf. Pind.
Nem. ii. 6; ὀφείλει, . . νιχᾶν Τιμονόου maida, and Luc. Dea Syr. 25 T.
IX. Ρ. 110; οἷα μήτε σε παϑεῖν, μήτ᾽ ἐμὲ ἴδεσϑαι ὠφελε.

ἠπείρῳ, Schneidewin, objecting to the pleonasm after γῇ, proposes
οὐρανῷ. Asa conjecture I suggest μὴ ᾽πὶ γῇ, μήτ᾽ ἐν Dad. μήτ᾽ ἐν ἠπείρῳ
χιτιλ., 2.e. ‘Would that thou mightest not be seen upon the earth (as
opp. to Τάρταρον, 1. 2), whether on sea or land.’

IV. Kyla pe προσῆλϑε x... Anth. Pal. xiii. 31.

The lines are a parody on an epigram by Simonides, Bergk 170.
Μοῦσα μοι ᾿Αλχμήνης χαλλισφύρου υἷον ἀειδε,
Yiov ᾿Αλχμήνης ἄειδε Μοῦσα por χαλλισφύρου.

BACCEHY ΤΕ

I, Τίχτει δέ te ϑνατσίσιν χιτιλ, Stob. Flor. ἵν. 3: Βαχχυλίδου παιάνων.
Commentators expend considerable ingenuity in endeavouring to
restore the lost division of strophe, antistrophe, and epode. The
predominance of dactyls and of the epitrit (v. p. 67) makes it clear
that the song is in 4 or § time, and not in 3 or ὃ; so that the
trochees must be scanned not —v but —v. Altogether there is a

BACCHYLIDES 373

ring of calm but deep-felt triumph about the rhythm which is admir-
ably suited to the subject.

The description in these lines, idealised it may be, is not with-
out value in helping us to realise the bright and cheerful existence of
the Greek citizen in time of peace. The passage was evidently
a famous one among the ancients. Plutarch refers to it in his 7.275 of
Numa, c. 20, where he says that the blessings of peace bestowed by
that king outdid even the exaggerated descriptions of the poets, and
he quotes 1]. 6-10 as an example. Plutarch appears to be borrowing
from Bacchylides in his description of the ‘feasts, plays, sacrifices,
and bankets’ (North) celebrated over all Italy.

]. 1. δέ te, see zofe on Sap. XXXVII. ]. 5.

1. 2. ἀοιδᾶν ἄνϑεα, a favourite figure of speech in Pindar, e.g. ἄνθεα
ὕμνων, OU. ix. 48. Μελιγλώσσων, cf. Pind. Zs. 11. 3, μελιγάρυας ὕμνους, and
24. 1. 8, μαλϑακόφωνοι ἀοιδαί.

1. 3 seg. The next three lines probably refer to the sacrifices and
rejoicings in honour of the return of peace ; or, perhaps, simply to
the customary ceremonies and festivities of Greek life, kept perforce
in abeyance during time of war. Similarly Εἰρήνη is addressed as
δέσποινα χορῶν, Ar. Peace, 976. Αἴϑεσθαι is the ingenious and probable
reading of Dindorf and Schneidewin for ἔϑεσθε. Neue and others
αἴϑεται, and μέλει (1.5). Αἴϑεσθαι and μέλειν are dependent on τίκτει,
as if they were substantives co-ordinate with πλοῦτον and ἄνϑεα.

1. 4. μῆρα Buttmann, τανυτρίχων Schneidewin, from a MS. reading
μηρίταν εὐτρίχων. Buttmann and Neue μῆρα δασυτρίχων.

1.5. αὐλῶν τε χαὶ κώμων, perhaps a kind of hendiadys, the flute
being the almost inseparable accompaniment of Comus-songs.
Cf. p. 8 and Dithyr. Poets 1. «, 1. το.

1. 6. «dav, ‘fiery-red’, which appears to be the meaning also of
αἰϑὼν ἀλωπηξ, Pind. Οἱ x. ad fin.

]. 7. ἱστοὶ, so Stob.; ἔργα, Plut. 7c, in which case the second
syllable of ἀραχνᾶν would be long, and the line scanned thus :

(WO) SS SS) CO

With this passage Schneidewin aptly compares Theocr. xvi. 96 :

Ny)

τ , ΨῈ Ὁ i) U
ἀράχνια δ᾽ εἰς oA’ apayvat

, ~~ , ~ ἋΣ ΕΣ Ss) ” 9 vv
Renta διαστήσαιντο, Boas δ᾽ ἔτι μηδ᾽ ovo’ εἴη.

and Tib. i. 10, 50.

1. 8. εὔρως, not given in Stob., is supplied by Plutarch. Bergk need-
lessly inverts εὔρως and δάμναται. Notice the scansion of ἔγχεα, -- --
and ξίφεα, ὦ --.

ll. 12-13. βρίϑοντι, p. 95.

ἀγυιαί, ‘the streets,’ because of the processional choruses etc.
associated with these συμπόσια ; thus too are suggested the παιδιχοί
ὕμνοι, songs of love or serenades, which often formed the sequel to
the banquet (see p. 8).

374 GREEKY{ LY REC POETS

φλέγονται (or as Bergk suggests φλέγοντι), ‘burst forth’. Cf. Oecd.
Tyr. 186, παιὰν λάμπει. The metaphor as applied to song is
particularly common in Pindar, e.g. Pyth. v. 42, σὲ δ᾽ ἠὔχομοι φλέγοντι
Χάριτες ; Mem. vi. 37, Χαρίτων. .. ὁμάδῳ φλέγεν; 7. vi. 23, and iii. 61,
πυρσὸν ὕμνων.

This poem is perhaps imitated by Eurip. Frag. 462:

, ,

Εἴρηνα Badumdoute . . .
> /> \ \ ‘
δέδοιχα μιὴ πρὶν πόνοις
ε at ~
ὑπερβαλῃ μὲ γῆρας,

\ ο
πρὶν σὰν χαρίεσσαν ὥραν π

[9]

<
5

κ , τι ὡς
χαὶ χαλλιχόρους ἀοιδας

U ,
φιλοστεφάνους τε χώμους.

II. ᾿λυχέῦ ἀνάγκα χ.τ.λ, Athen. ii. 39 Ε.

Neue is of opinion that this poem is a Scolion. He regards it as
choral (cf. Pind. Frag. ΧΙ. note, and p. 24), and endeavours to
distinguish strophe and antistrophe. But surely the lines with their
easy and regular metre fall beautifully into the form of the 4-line
stanza of monodic song.

The poem should be closely compared with Pindar 1x., and we can
hardly help assuming that one of the two poets borrowed from the
other. Yet their treatment of a similar subject is markedly dis-
tinct, Dissen characterising Pindar’s song as ‘ nervosior, ingeniosior,
sublimior’. Admitting this, I should be inclined, on the other hand,
to say that the passage from Bacchylides is ‘elegantior, pulcrior,
suavior ’, etc., and that Pindar’s sublimity is in this instance a little
out of place. Horace has closely imitated this fragment in 3 Od. xxi.
12 seg.: ‘Tu lene tormentum ingenio admoves. . . Tu spem reducis
τους addis cornua pauperi’,etc. But the spirit of Bacchylides’ poem is,
I think, best displayed in the lines of Burns’ Tam οὐ Shanter :

‘Kings may be rich, but Tam was glorious,
O’er all the ills of life victorious.’

ll. 1-3. ‘Sweet compulsion speeding from the cups fires my soul
with love.’ The word ἀνάγχα (cf. Pind. Mem. ix. 51, βιατὰν ἀμπέλου
παῖδα) simply implies that wine takes away from men freedom of
thought and action. Schweighauser’s explanation is unsuitable, ‘vis
illa, qua... calices hominem. . . attrahunt ad se’. Casaubon, objecting
to the omission of the preposition ἐχ or ἀπὸ before κυλίχων, reads
γευομένα, Bergk ἐσσυμενᾶν, which mars the beauty of the passage.
Jacobs connects ἀνάγχα χυλίκων together. ‘Blanda illa potandi
necessitas,’ or ‘lene tormentum quod admovent calices’ (Ilgen).

ϑαάλπησι, Schem. Ibyc., = ϑάλπει, cf. on Ibyc. v. This case Bergk
regards as parallel to the Lesbian φίλησι, and the like, on the strength
of a form ϑαλπείω mentioned by the grammarians. Κύπριδος, cf. the
‘material genitives’ ‘ πρῆσαι πυρός, “ πυρὸς δηΐοιο ϑέρηται᾽ (v. Monro’s
Hom. Gr. p. 107). In 1. 3 the MSS. give Κύπριδος" ἐλπὶς & αἰϑύσσει 90.

BACCHYLIDES 375

Erfurdt corrects to Κύπριδος δ᾽ ἐλπὶς διαιϑύσσει φρ., but Ilgen reasonably
urges that Κύπριδος ἐλπὶς is out of place, as we require rather ‘spes in
universum’, cf. Hor. Zc. and 4 Od. xii. 19. Neue’s Κύπριδος" ἐλπίδι δ᾽
αἰϑύσσει gp. is not in accordance with what appears to be the metrical
scheme ; Bergk’s Κύπρις ὡς" ἐλπὶς γὰρ ald. op. is very flat. I have con-
jecturally written in the text Κύπριδος’ χ᾽ ἐλπὶς διαιϑύσσει x.t.2., for if δ᾽
αἰϑύσσει became substituted for διαιϑύσσει, x(at) would naturally be
dropped as unnecessary. For the elision of za, cf. Scol. 1. 1. 2.

1. 4. ἀμμιγνυμένα, Neue -as (with φρένας) to avoid the repetition in
sense of σευομένα χυλίχων.

Διον. δώροις, cf. Hes. Theog. 975, ‘ Διωνύσου Sup’ ἐσαειράμενος᾽ and
11. iii. 54, ‘Sp’ ᾿Αφροδίτης.᾽ The expression appropriately attaches
itself to deities associated with pleasure.

1.5. vdotatw πέμ. pep., Ζ.6. raises men’s thoughts to a higher level,
as is explained by what follows. For this sense of μερίμνας Mehlhorn
compares Pind. PyZh. viii. 92.

1. 6. αὐτίχ᾽ ὁ μὲν, so Bergk for the unmetrical αὐτὸς piv’ ὁ μὲν refers
to the drinker rather than to οἶνος or Διόνυσος, as Bergk explains it.

λύει as in 71. xxili. 513, Odyss. vii. 74.

1. 8. Cf. Hor. 2 Od. xviii., ‘Non ebur neque aureum | mea renidet
in domo lacunar, and Odyss. iv. 71, φράζεο... Χαλχοῦ te στεροπὴν
χὰδ δώματα ἠχήεντα | Χρυσοῦ τ᾽ ἠλέκτρου te χαὶ ἀργύρου ἠδ᾽ ἐλέφαντος.

]. 9. πόντον is conjecturally supplied by Erfurdt, Bergk καρπόν.

TII.-XII. ETHICAL PASSAGES

I have grouped together under this heading fragments, belonging
to various classes of Melic poetry, which contain reflections upon
human life or destiny (v. p. 223).

Lit Stobs£ch. Phys. 1. Ve 3:

]. 4. νέφος in this metaphorical sense is used specially of evils (cf.
νέφος πολέμοιο, νέφος στεναγμῶν, etc.), and therefore refers in this passage
only to ΓΑρης and στάσις, not also to ὄλβος. Thus, although the
poet’s theme is that men’s lot is entirely in the hands of fate, he
implies also, as he does more directly in the succeeding passages,
that this lot is a hard one.

1. 5. γαῖαν Bockh, for γᾶν.

IV. [Ολβιος ᾧτινι κιτιλ. Stob. Flor. ciii. 2 and xcviii. 27, both
passages being from the same Epinician Ode.

For the trochees in $-time in this and many of the subsequent
passages cf. on No. I.

1. 1. ᾧτινι, altered by Neue to ᾧτε, but ϑεὸς may be scanned as a
monosyllable. Kadwv, Neue suggests χαχῶν, the sense then being
‘happy the man in whose life the inevitable evil is tempered also
with good’.

376 GREEK LYRIC-POETS

1. 2. The last syllable of τύχα coalesces with the first of ἀφνειόν.
ll. 3-6. Bergk refers to Cic. usc. Quaest. 1. 48, where the same
sentiment is ascribed to Silenus.

V. Παύροισι δὲ ϑνατῶν κ-τιλ. Clem. Alex. Strom. vi. 745.

1. 1. δαίμων ἔδωχε, so Neue for τῷ δαίμονι δῶχεν.

]. 2. πράσσοντας ἐν καίρῳ, apparently ‘faring prosperously’, but such
a signification of ἐν χαίρῳ is doubtful. Perhaps we should read
εὐκαίρως.

VI. Παᾶντεσσι ϑνατσισι χιτλ. Stob. Flor. xcvili. 25, from a
Prosodion.

VII. Εἷς ὅρος χκιτιλ. Stob. Flor. cviii. 26, from a Prosodion.

]. 2. Stat. δύνατ. Dindorf, for Suvat. stat.

]. 3. The Mss. have οἷς δὲ μυρία μὲν ἀμφ. op. Stephanus ᾧ δέ
Neue μέριμνα.

ll. 4-5. The Mss. have τόδε (or τὸ δὲ) παρόμαρτε νύχτα ped. yap. ἀόνι
ἅπτεται χέαρ. The reading in the text is that of Grotius ; Béckh atty
ἰάπτεται. The subject in this clause is changed from μέριμνα to ὅς,
implied in ᾧ (I. 3).

ll. 7-8. Quoted by Stob. Zc. 26, also from a Prosodion, and the
commentators agree that it belongs to the same poem as Il. 1-6. The
line is nearly in metrical accordance with 1. 1, and may have been
the commencement of the antistrophe.

ἄπρηχτα Bockh, for azoaxta, v. on Simonides V. I.

VIII. Ὦ Τρῶες x... Quoted by Clem. Alex. Stvom. v. 731, from
«ὁ Avptxes.” They are ascribed by Sylburg to Bacchylides on the
strength of the words of Porphyrio ad Hor. 1 Od. xv., ‘ Hac ode
Bacchylidem imitatur; nam ut ille Cassandram fecit vaticinari
futura belli Trojani, ita hic Proteum.’

On the other hand it may be noticed that the sentiments here are
contrary to the tone elsewhere adopted by Bacchylides with regard
to the inevitable woes which the deity brings upon mankind.

1.2. ἀλλ᾽ ἐν μέσῳ χκιτιλ. Cf. Ar. Ethic. i. g on Ἑὐδαιμονία, “ εἴη δ᾽ av
“OL πολύχοινον ".

l. 4. ἁγνάν coming after ὁσίαν is rejected by Neue. Bergk reads
ἁγνᾶς.

1. 5. ὀλβίων παίδες xt.A. Cf. 71. vi. 127, ‘ Δυστήνων δέ τε παῖδες ἐμῷ
μένει ἀντιόωσιν. But in Homer the emphasis is on the misery of the
bereaved parents ; (‘ Unhappy are the parents whose sons oppose my
might’); while in this passage the notion is perhaps that the happy
lot is inherited by children from their parents—‘Sons of blessed
parents are they who find justice as the partner of their home.’

With the Epic usage of εὑρόντες (ΞΞ of eve.) Neue compares Pind.
Ol. ii. 86, σοφὸς ὁ ROAM εἰδὼς ova? μαϑόντες δὲ x.T.A.

BACCHYLIDES 377

IX. Λυδία γὰρ λίϑος κιτιλ. Stob. Flor. xi. 7, from a Hyporchem,
and on a gem (Caylus Rec. εἰ, Ant. T. v. tab. 50. 4) thus :

AYATA
ΛΙΘΟΣΜΑ
ceo LUIDGEAG GS Gee
ANAPQNAAP .. .
ς ΤΑΊ ΕΙΤΑ - .:
-HSTEAET ...
AAHOEIA.

1. 1. Λυδία λίϑος, ‘the Lydian touchstone’. It should be borne in
mind that gold was one of the earliest sources of wealth in Lydia.
The metaphor is a favourite one, cf. Scol. xXxv., ἐν λιθίναις
axovats z.t.A., and Simonides 175 (Bergk), “οὐχ ἔστιν μείζων βάσανος
χρόνου οὐδενὸς ἔργου ᾿.

]. 2. σοφίαν τε παγχρατὴς ἔλ. So Salmasius for σοφία τε παγχράτης
τ᾽ ἐλ... the reading on the gem, and in the Μ55.. though there is
some authority for σοφίαν.

Neue retains σοφία te may. te, interpreting σοφία as ‘poetic skill’
(cf. on Sapph. Xvill.), so that the whole expression = ‘a poet who
speaks the truth’. That men’s achievements require song to display
their full glory is a favourite theme of Pindar’s (e.g. Οἱ x. 91). But
in this passage, with Neue’s reading, σοφία need be no more than
‘wisdom ’, ‘ power of discrimination’, and ἀλάϑεια perhaps ‘the force
of truth’, as in the expression, ‘magna est veritas’, With the whole
passage cf. Eur. Jed. 561 :

Ζεῦ, τί δὴ χρυσοῦ μὲν ὃς χίβδηλος ἡ x.T.A.

X. Πιστὸν φάσομεν x.t.A. Plut. de Audiend. Poet. c. 14.
mot, φάσομ. Béckh, for φάσωμεν πιστόν.

ΧΙ. Ως δ᾽ ἅπαξ elxéivz.t.A. Stob. Flor. x. 14, from an Epinician Ode.
Cf. Pind. Pyth. iii. 54, κέοδει καὶ σοφία δέδεται.

XII. ’Opyat pevz.t.A. Zenob. Prov. 111. 25,and Hesych. s.v. δίχολοι.
A similar passage is attributed to Aleman, v. Bergk, vol. iii. p. 193.

MISCELLANEOUS PASSAGES

XIII. Οὐ βοῶν πάρεστι x.7.A. Athen. xi. 500 B, with the words
ποιούμενος (Βαχχυλ.) τὸν λόγον πρὸς τοὺς Διοσχούρους, χαλῶν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ
ξενία (or ξένια). The lines would therefore form part of a banquet
Paean (v. pp. 13 and 232). Notice that the invitation to the gods is
in no way different from an invitation to an honoured mortal friend.
Horace appears to be imitating this song in 2 Od. xvili., ‘Non
ebur neque aureum . . . At fides et ingeni | Benigna vena est’, etc.

Notice that none but pure trochees, or chorees, are employed ;
thus a lively movement is given to a metre, which otherwise, like the

378 GREASE ILYiRC TOES

ordinary trochaic tetrameter, would perhaps have been more adapted
for recitation than for song.

βοιωτίοισιν ἐν σχύφοισιν. Athen. /.c. mentions that Boeotian cups
were famous, their distin-
guishing feature being the
᾿Ἡράχλειος δεσμός. This is
doubtless identical with
the ‘Nodus Herculeus’, ome
or Herculean Knot, em- Soma
ployed on cups for deco-
rative effect, or perhaps
for its supposed medi-
cinal value (Plin. 4. 7.
xxvill. 63). A series of
σχύφοι may be seen in
the British Museum with
their handles interlaced
in the Herculean or reef-
knot, thus :—

It is possible that Bacchylides mentions Boeotian cups in his invi-
tation, because the Dioscuri had special connection with Thebes.

XIV. Nixa γλυχύδωρος κιτιλ. Ursinus, p. 206, from Stob. Flor. 11],
in Orat. Obliqua. It has been restored by Neue, who substitutes δὲ
in 1. 2, for χαὶ ἐν πολ. ᾽Ολ.

τέλος, ‘ prize’, as in Pind. OZ. xi. (x.), 70, πυγμᾶς τέλος.

XV. Ἕτερος ἐξ ἑτέρου χιτιλ. Clem. Al. Sérom. v. 687, from a Paean.

Such. a passage as this could not fail to be regarded as a hit at
Pindar. Should this be so, it would be apparently in answer to O/.
li. 86. σοφὸς ὁ πόλλ᾽ εἰδὼς φυᾷ᾽ μαϑόντες δὲ... κύραχες ὡς ἄχραντα
γαρύετον x.T.A.

τό τε πάλαι τό τε νῦν, a. Customary formula applicable to universal
truths, cf. Amfig. 181: κάχιστος εἶναι νῦν τε καὶ πάλαι δοχεΐ,

1, 2. ῥᾷστον, the super. being somewhat out of place, Bergk
ingeniously suggests 6% ‘otlv. ‘Pa would be more consistent with
his own views ; see on Alcman Xx. β΄.

ἀρρήτων, either ‘unspoken’ (as Odyss. xiv. 466) 2.6. original poetry,
or ‘unutterable by common mortals’, Ζ.6. mysteriously inspired.

1. 3. ἐπέων πύλας, cf. Pind. Οἱ vi. 27 (in celebrating a mule-victory)
γρὴ τοίνυν πύλας ὕμνων ἀναπεπτάμεν αὐταῖς.

XVI. Οὐχ ἑδρᾶς ἔργον χιτιλ. Quoted by Dion. Hal. de Comp. Vero.
c. 25, and by a grammarian to illustrate the employment of the Cretic
metre in Hyporchems (v. p. 5). The resolution of the last syllable
of the fifth Cretic in 1. 1 is exceptional.

᾿Ιτωνίας. An epithet of Athene, from a town Iton in Phthiotis,
where she had a sanctuary. Cf. Catul. Efzthal. Pel. and Thet. 228.

BACCHYLIDES 379

XVII. "Eota δ᾽ ἐπὶ λάϊνον ovdov xt.A. Athen. v. 188 B, Βαχχυλίδης
περὶ ᾿Ηραχλέους λέγων ὡς ἦλθϑεν ἐπὶ τὸν τοῦ Κηῦχος οἶχον.

1. 1. Neue, ἔντῦον for ἔντῦνον, and ἔφα for ἔφασ᾽, the elision being
hardly possible.

1]. 2. The explanation of 6: (which Brunck omits) is to be looked
for in the fact that Hercules is adapting a proverb isolated from its
context, which is referred to in Athen. Zc. αὐτόματοι δ᾽ ἀγαϑοὶ ἀγαϑῶν
ἐπὶ δαῖτας ἴασι, in Zenob. ii. 19, and in. Plat. Symp. 174 B. From
Zenobius we learn that Hesiod first put the proverb into the mouth of
Hercules on entering the house of Ceux.

XVIII. Atot téxo¢ x.t.. Stob. Flor. cxxii. 1.

By whom we are to suppose this beautiful lament to be uttered is
uncertain.

XIX. Ὦ Πέλοπος κ-τιλ. Schol. Pind. OZ xiii. ad ἔμ. where Corinth
is described as ᾿σϑμίου πρόϑυρον.

XX. ‘Exata δαδοφόρε x.t.A. Schol. Ap. Rhod. iii. 467.

I have indicated in the metrical scheme that in this instance the
Cretics are to be regarded as dipodies in §- and not in 3-time (see p.
70). This is evident from the fact that in 1. 2 an ordinary trochaic
dipody corresponds to the previous Cretics.

A poetical and not mythological genealogy of Hecate (cf. Aleman
XX. and XXII. and Alcaeus XXIV.).- It is appropriate to the concep-
tion of Hecate partly as a divinity of the nether world, partly as a
moon-goddess. It is hardly necessary, with Ursinus, to alter μεγαλο-
χόλπου, ‘ample-bosomed ’, ‘all-embracing’, to μελανοχόλπου.

ΧΧΙ. Εὖτε τὴν ax ἀγχύλης χιτιλ. Athen. xi. 782 E and xv. 667 C.
Βαχχυλ. év’ Epwtekois.

‘When she throws the cast (τὴν, sc. πρόεσιν, Neue), for the young
men, outstretching her white arm.’ The reference is to throwing the
cottabus, for Hesych. defines ayxvAq: “γείρ ἀπηγχυλωμένη χαὶ συνεστραμ.-
μένη εἰς ἀποχοτταβισμόν᾽ ; Athen. giving a somewhat different account,
ς ποτήριον πρὸς τὴν τῶν χοττάβων παιδιάν χρήσιμον᾽.

XXII. Νωμᾶται κιτιλ. Schol. Hes. 7eog. 116 (illustrating the use
of yaos for ἀήρ), Βαχχυλ. περὶ τοῦ derod. Cf. Ibyc. (Append. No. 14)
ποτᾶται δ᾽ ἐν ἀλλοτρίῳ γάει.

Bacchyl. is perhaps imitating the Epic δι᾿ αἰϑέρος ἀτρυγετόΐο, 74. xvil.
425.

ΘΟ ΘΙ Ete:

Scolia I.-XIX. are quoted by Athen. xv. 694-5, as examples of the
most popular banquet-songs. In 693 E, he uses the expression τῶν
᾿Αττιχῶν ἐχείνων σχολιῶν, and it appears to be applied to most of

380 ΘΕ RLC OP OES

these that he quotes, with the exception of the verses by Praxilla,
Hypbrias, etc. I have placed first those which refer, directly or pre-
sumably, to Athenian history. In these and in others there will be
noticed amidst the ordinary dialectical peculiarities of Lyric many
Attic forms (e.g. τὴν, φίλην, z.7.A.) which the commentators rightly
refrain from altering.

Metre of Scolia,i.-ix. 1.1. 1-2 begin with the Basis, which assumes
a variety of forms ; — οὐ -- -- are the commonest, in which case the
line is equivalent to a Sapphic pentapody with the cyclic dactyl in
the 2d instead of the 3d foot; we also find ὦ — e.g. ἐνικήσαμεν χ.τ.λ,
(No. 1.), and w— e.g. ὑγιαίνειν x.1.2. (No. IX.). Line 3 displays no
variations in its metrical scheme throughout the Sco/¢a. It consists
of a basis always of the form ὦ vand two catalectic dipodies. Diaeresis
predominates after the first dipody, though with many exceptions, é.g.
ὅτε τὸν τύραννον χτανέτην, cf. 1 β΄, VIII, 1X. In]. 4, on the contrary,
diaeresis never occurs after the 6th syll. +, with one exception,
yatostov εὖ δὲ tava’ x.t.4., where however we have elision. Had Horace,
or any other poet writing for recitation and not for song, imitated
this metre, he would no doubt have made diaeresis after the synco-
pated syllable in 11. 3 and 4 the universal rule.

I. HARMODIUS AND ARISTOGEITON. It is disputed whether
these famous stanzas are to be taken separately or regarded
as forming one complete song. Hesychius, in explaining ‘Appodtov
μέλος, mentions only the first, which he assigns to Callistratus,
while in Schol. Acharn. 980, the second is taken as the beginning of
the poem, if not as the entire song—pédos “Appodtov χαλούμενον οὗ ἡ
ἀρχὴ, Φίλταϑ᾽ “Αρμόδιε, The most probable view seems to be that,
although the stanzas were not necessarily all composed at the same
time, they were intended to be taken together as a single poem, even
if the order of their delivery was not always the same. In any case,
as Engelbrecht maintains, there is no reason for us to conclude that
the stanzas were sung in succession by different singers in a game of
verse-capping.

For the historical blunders in popular tradition said to be exhibited
in these verses and in the writings of the philosophers, see especially '
Thuc. vi. 54-55, Hdt. v. 55, and Grote pt. ii. c. xxx. pp. 38-42. From
these authorities we gather (a) that Hipparchus who was slain was
not τύραννος at all, (ὁ) that Harmodius and Aristogeiton could not be
rightly said to have liberated Athens, for in the first place they were
merely endeavouring to satisfy a desire for personal vengeance, and
secondly, in spite of their partial success, the tyranny endured in an
aggravated form for four years longer. I think, however, that, at
any rate as far as these Scolia are concerned, the charges of inaccu-
racy are overstated. As to Hipparchus being designated τύραννος, it
may with some reason be urged that, although no doubt the actual
τύραννος was the elder brother Hippias, we can hardly help conclud-

SCOLEA BITC 381

ing even from Thucydides that Hipparchus was invested with a con-
siderable share of the despotic power. He has a bodyguard of his
own (Thue. vi. 57. 4), his influence is sufficient to exclude Harmodius’
sister from the procession, and to banish Onomacritus (Hdt. vi. 6) ;
and finally Thucydides himself includes Hipparchus under the title
of τύραννος, for he uses the expression οἵ τύραννοι οὗτοι in a passage
(c. 54. 7) where we cannot urge that he is speaking of Pisistratus the
father and his son Hippias (see Arnold’s note /.c. on εἰχοστὴν, etc.,
ad init., and compare the expressions in Thuc. vi.c. 54. 5). Secondly,
though the attempt of the friends to overthrow the tyranny proved
abortive, yet they initiated that spirit of resistance to the despotism,
which four years later drove Hippias from the throne and caused the
establishment of the democracy ; and it is evident from the narrative
of Thucydides that Hippias fully realised how terribly insecure the
position of the tyranny was rendered by the partially successful
conspiracy. Consequently I think that Grote lays too much stress
on the literal inaccuracy of the line ἰσονόμους τ
particularly as Thucydides in his strictures on the erroneous nature
of the traditions makes no reference to any such unpardonable
blunder as Grote assumes to be made in this line. At any rate we
cannot charge the composer or composers of this Scolion with
sharing in the mistaken view held by some that Hipparchus was the
elder brother and was succeeded in the tyranny by Hippias as the
younger Pisistratid.

The fame of the Scolion is amply testified to by the reference in
Aristophanes, see Achar. 980 (Schol.), Wasps 1226, Lysts. 632. Cf.

ε ͵ No 5: τᾶς \ enn ,
Hesych.'Aguodiov μέλος" τὸ ἐπὶ Apwodi ποιηϑὲν σχολιὸν ὑπὸ Καλλιστράτου

ΕΣ 7 ,
᾿ "Adjvas ἐποιησατην,

a
οὕτως ἔλεγον.

(a) 1. 1, μύρτου χλαδί. There is a double reference, after the usual
manner of the Scolia, on the one hand to the myrtle-bough held by
the singer (see p. 233) and on the other to the myrtle-bough in which
the conspirators appear to have concealed their daggers (cf. Thuc.
Lc. 58 ad fin.). For the practice of carrying myrtle-boughs at sacred
festivals Ilgen refers to Arist. Bzrds 43:

χανοῦν δ᾽ ἔγοντε χαὶ γύτραν χαὶ μυρρίνας"
cf. Thesm. 37, Wasps 861. On the other hand Hesychius speaks of
olive-branches, s.v. ϑαλλοφορός" “ὁ πομπεύων ᾿Αϑήνησι χαὶ ἐλαίας χλάδον
4 ᾽
φέρων.

(3°) Harmodius is addressed separately because he won the
additional credit of perishing in the very act of the tyrannicide.

νήσοις... μαχάρων, as Joc’ classict on this subject, see Hesych.
Works 164, Pind. Οἱ ii. 71 seg., Frag. Threnos No. 11. (in this
edition).

Ι. 4. Τυδείδην. He was still more fortunate according to another
tradition, v. Pind. Mem. x. 7, Διομήδεα. . . Πλαυχῶπις ἔϑηχε Decv.

382 GRE AP KIL YoR ΘΟ 9

The MSS. gives the unmetrical Τὶ τέ φασι τὸν ἐσθλὸν Δ, Bergk,
unlike the other commentators, retains ἐσθλὸν, thereby producing a
metrical effect which is unparalleled in the other stanzas of this kind,
and out of harmony with the rhythmic effect of Il. 1-3.

(y') ᾿Αϑηναίης, penult. short, cf. Anacr. 11. 4, Ληϑαίου.

(δ΄) xtaverov.. . ἐποιήσατον, so Ilgen for -ν -ν, a reading which is
due, he thinks, to a mistaken imitation of (α΄) 1]. 3-4.

11. Atot Λευνύδριον. This Scolion was composed, as we are told in
Etym. 17. 361. 31, in lamentation over the defeat of the anti-Pisis-
tratid party headed by the Alemaeonids, who had fortified Leipsydrion
and were disastrously defeated by Hippias. Leipsydrion was a spot
on the southern slopes of Mount Parnes, not far from Deceleia, and
commanding the descent into the Athenian plain.

Col. Mure (2252. of Gk. Liv. vol. iii. p. 106) fancies that he detects
puns in the words Λειψύδριον and προδωσέταιρον, which would have been
in the worst possible taste, for the passage is obviously a pathetic
one, and belongs to the class of Scolia described by Eustathius as
σπουδαῖα (p. 237).

1. 3. καὶ Εὐπατρίδας. Various conjectures are made to avoid the
hiatus, but they are, I think, needless, since it is softened by the
metrical pause on the syncopated syllable καὶ —-

111. ᾿Ενιχήσαμεν χιτιλ. I have placed this Scolion next, since it may
possibly refer to the final triumph over the Pisistratids. If so, it
would appear best to accept Bergk’s conjecture for 1. 3, παρὰ Πανδροσον
ὡς φίλην ᾿Αϑηνᾷ, Pandrosus being the daughter of Cecrops who had
won Athene’s favour by refusing to follow her sister’s example in
spying into the chest where Erichthonius was confined (cf. Pausan.
1. 27. 3). ‘ Bringing the victory to Pandrosus’ will then mean that the
Athenian people who worshipped her were successful against their
tyrants ; or we might venture to conjecture that one of the Eupatrid
families now successfully opposing Pisistratus was associated with
the cult of Pandrosus.

The explanation suggested by Brunck, with the reading in the text,
is that the Scolion celebrates a poet’s victory at the Panathenaea.
The prize was a wreath of olive plucked from the sacred pogtat which
grew in the temple of Pandrosus, and was presented to the victorious
poet in the temple of Athene (see Miller, de Minerv. Poliad. 22,
Apollod. iii. 14. 1). Hence the gods were said to bring the victory,
cr emblem of victory, from (the temple of) Pandrosus, to (the temple
of) beloved Athene.

IV. IaAAag Tortoyeve’. The mention of στάσεων suggests that this
Scolion was written after freedom had been restored, but while they

SiC OLW Ay Ent €. 383

were still smarting from the effects of the civil wars; or it may well
have served, as Hartung suggests, for a general litany or grace
appropriate before any convivial meeting (see p. 232).

Τριτογένεια, The ancient explanation of this word is ‘water-born’,
and accordingly the birth of Athene was localised by the fabulous
river Triton in Libya, or by the Tritonian lake. That there was an
ancient word of this kind denoting ‘water’, is indicated by ‘ Triton’,
‘Amphitrite’, etc. ; the usual modern explanation of Τριτογένεια accepts
this meaning, but supposes the word to designate the ‘goddess born
from the watery cloud’. Athene has from this point of view been
regarded as the goddess of the cloud, and of the blue sky.

Ἀθηνᾶ, Bergk is of opinion that this contracted form of ᾿Αϑηναία,
or Αϑηνάα, is of too recent origin to have been employed in this
Scolion, not being found in Attic inscriptions till after the Pelopon-
nesian war. He would therefore prefer the Doric ’Adava used in the
Lyric poets, and borrowed by them from the Tragedians.

V. Πλούτου μητέρα.

1. 1. Τλυμπίαν. she was called χϑονία at Sparta, as goddess of the
earth, hence Casaubon suggests ᾿Ομπνίαν, ‘ goddess of the corn’ ; this,
however, would not only substitute a trochee for a cyclic dactyl in
the second foot, but is rendered impossible, as Bergk points out, by
the fact that the last syllable of "Ouxviay (for so it should be accented)
is short and not long. ᾿Ὀλυμπίαν is applied to Demeter simply asa
divinity.

1. 2. στεφανηφύόροις ἐν ὥραις. This is variously explained as the season
of the year at which garlands are worn, or the season which brings
the flowers for garlands, or, best of all, as ‘the hour of wreathing’, 2.6.
the banquet-time, when Scolia were sung by the garlanded boon-
companions (‘a cette heure du repas οἱ l’on est couronné’, De la
Nauze). Jacobs conjectures ot. σὺν “Ὥραις, comparing Orph. Hymn
XLII. 7, where Proserpine is in company with the hours. Similarly in
Orph. Hymn XXVi1. 9, she is called “Qewv συμπαίχτειρα. In this case
the epithet στεφανηφ. would probably have merely the same force as
Pindar’s Ὧραι πολυάνϑεμοι (OZ. xiii. 17):

VI. Ἰὼ Πᾶν. Bockh (Frag. Pind. p. 592) conjectures, without
much foundation, that this Scolion was in celebration of the assistance
given by Pan at Marathon. It closely resembles a fragment from
Pindar: No. 63 (B6ckh)—

> Ἁ ‘>. ' , ~ . | a '
Πᾶν, ᾿Αρχαδίας μεδέων, χαὶ σεμνῶν ἀδύτων φυλαξ,
\ , ᾿ ' ~ = r ’
Matoos μεγάλας ὀπαδέ. σεμνᾶν Χαρίτων μέλημα τερπνον.
᾿ Ἵ ἢ ᾿ iy

In 1. 1. Ἰὼ is altered by Hermann to ὦ, but is defended by Ilgen,
who treats it as monosyllabic, comparing Eur. Bacch. 531, where ἰὼ
Ζεῦ answers to ata in 1. 316.

1. 2. ὀρχηστά. Cf. Aesch. Pers. 448, ὁ φιλόχορος Πάν, and Orph.

384 GREER SL YRECE?O Ets

Hymn X., where he is called σχιρτητής. Pan of course figures among
the Bacchic nymphs and revellers in endless vase-representations.

Βρομίαις . . . νύμφαις, cf. on Anacreon III. 2. Some commentators
prefer βρομίαις, ‘the noiseful Nymphs’.

1. 3. γελάσειας Valckenaer, for γελασίαις.

Ι. 4. The text is Hermann’s ; MSS. εὐφροσύναις ταϊσδ᾽ ἀοιδαῖς ἄειδε xey.
Bergk reads εὐφροσύναισι, ταῖσδ’ ἀοιδαῖς zey., regarding the line as a
variety on the ordinary metrical scheme. Cf. on No. 1. β΄, 1. 4.

VII. Ἐν Δήλῳ. ᾿Αγροτέρα was a common title of Artemis. Cf.
Paus. i. 19, ναὸς ’Aypotepas ἐστὶν ᾿Αρτέμιδος, and Arist. Kvights 660,
Thesm. 115.

VIII. Eto’ ἐξῆν. Ilgen gives the order for translation thus: e0 ἐξῆν,
TO στ. Sted. ἔπειτα τὸν νοῦν ἐσιδόντα, ὁποῖος τις ἦν Ex. χιτλ. Hermann
more suitably regards τὸν νοῦν as a mere pleonastic repetition of
ὁποῖός τις ἦν x. The past tense ἦν is either due to the attraction of
ἐξῆν, or we may compare the famous τὸ τί ἣν εἶναι of Aristotle, where
the past tense carries us back to the primal or original nature of the
everlasting essence. Similarly in the case of the Gnomic Aorist,
employed of something that always did happen in the past and
always does happen in the present, the attention is directed to the
former time instead of to the latter.

Eustath. ad Odyss. vii. p. 277 1. 8, compares with this Scolion the
fable of Momus blaming Prometheus for not constructing a gate in
man’s breast.

IX. ᾿Ὑγιαίνειν χιτιλ,, Ascribed by some to Simonides (e.g. Clem.
Alex. Strom. iv. 375), and by some to Epicharmus on the strength of
Schol. Plat. Gorg. 451 E.

It is, however, probably an ordinary popular song by no known
poet, as appears from Athen. xv. 694, “ὁ τὸ σχολιὸν εὑρὼν éxdivos ὅστις
jv’, and Plat. Gorg. lc. " ὁ ποιητὴς τοῦ oxodtod’, and again ‘6 τὸ σκολιὸν
ποιήσας" : and similarly in Laws ii. 661 he criticises the sentiment of
the lines without naming the author.

l. 1. Cf. the Ode ‘Yyisa πρεσβίστα μακάρων x.t.A., p. 253, and with the
sentiment contrast Plat. Laws Zc. " ταῦτα (all sorts of external advan-
tages) σύμπαντα διχαίοις μὲν χαὶ ὁσίοις ἀνδράσιν ἄριστα χτήματα, ἀδίχοις δὲ
χάχιστοι σύμπαντα, ἀρξάμενα ἀπὸ τῆς ὑγιείας. Notice the anapaestic basis,
unless indeed ὑγιαίνειν can be treated as a trisyllable, cf. the (un-
classical) form ὑγεία for ὑγίεια (Ilgen).

1. 2. A conspicuously Greek sentiment. Similarly even Aristotle
excludes the hideous man (ὁ τὴν ἰδέαν παναίσχης) from the possibility
of attaining εὐδαιμονία. Eth. 1. viii. 16; ἡβᾶν, cf. on Anacr. IX.

X. SONG OF HYBRIAS THE CRETAN. That this, if a Scolion at all,
was not regarded as one of the ordinary type, is implied by the words.
of Athen. 695 F, in quoting the passage, σχολιὸν δέ φασί τινες τὸ

SCOLIA “ETC 385

ὑπὸ “YBotov tod Κρητὸς ποιηϑέν, We should certainly have expected
a Scolion of the early date, to which this seems to. belong, to exhibit
a simpler metrical form such as the 4-line stanza, so prevalent in
Scolia and all early monodic song, Considering the popularity of the
dance in Crete (v. pp. 5, 27, 29, 70) I imagine this to have been a short
and simple choral song, such as might have been sung by the Dorian
nobles of Crete at their syssitia, for which see Muller’s Dorzans ii.
293. The style of the Scolion is supposed to be exhibited in the
partial repetition of the first stanza by the second. Notice also the
employment of ‘severe’ Doric forms.

We are carried back socially to the heroic age, when the dominant
warrior-class was full of contempt for the subject agricultural
population.

]. 1. For μέγας, μέγα is given by Eustath., who quotes this passage,
1574, 7, and taken by Byron in his translation of this song, ‘My
wealth’s a burly spear and sword.’ Μέγα, however, is obviously un-
metrical.

1.2, λαισήϊον, cf. Hdt. vii. g1, Λαισήϊα εἶχον ἀντὶ ἀσπίδων ὠμοβοΐης
πεποιημένα, The word occurs twice in Homer, each time with the
epithet πτερόεντα, which seems to imply that it was lighter than the
ἀσπίς. Hdt. is speaking of the Cilicians, and perhaps the large pro-
portion of the Asiatic element in the population of Crete may account
for the use of the λαισηΐον. Liddell and Scott, and others, refer to
Miller Avch. d. Kunst. 342, 6. He there states that it was such a
shield as is represented and described by Tischbein 4, 51, and Mil-
lingen Cogh. το, z.e. a large round shield differing from the ἀσπίς only
by having a long rectangular cloth hanging from it. This theory,
however, has been demolished by Michaelis, Avmalz del? Inst., 1875,
p. 76. Cf. Helbig, Homer. Epos. p. 234.

I. 3. Cf. Archil. Bergk 2 :

ἐν δορὶ μέν μοι μᾶζα μεμαγμένη. ἐν δορὶ δ᾽ οἶνος
) = , τοὺ ,
Ισμαριχοὸς, πίνω δ᾽ ἐν δορὶ χεχλιμινος.

1. 4. ἀμπέλω, v. Dor. Dial. p. 93.

1,5. Mvoia, μνοΐα, or pvwa is defined by Athen. vi, 263 F, as the
χοινὴ δουλεία of Crete, as distinct from the ᾿Αφαμίωται or ἰδία δουλεία.
‘We may infer that every state in Crete was possessed of public lands,
which the Mnotae cultivated in the same relative situation to the
community in which the Aphamiotae stood to the several proprietors.’
Miiller’s Dor. 111. 4. sec. 1. In the present passage, as Miiller pro-
ceeds to remark, the term μνοία is probably used for the serf
population in general.

1, 6. τολμῶώντ(ι) (= τολμῶσι, v. Dor, Déal. p. 95) Hermann, for
τολμῶντες, 50 that the metre corresponds with that of |. 1.

Il, 8-10. ἀμὸν Hermann, for ἐμὸν. Bergk supplies ἀμφὶ (placing
ἐμὸν inl. 9) since γόνυ seems to require a preposition to govern it.
Possibly, however, γόνυ may be the object of πεπτηῶτες, ‘ crouching

386 GREEKSLY RIC POEs

before my knee’, since we get a similar, though not quite parallel,
case in Aesch. Prom. 181 (174), ἀπειλὰς πτήξας. Or perhaps γόνυ is
the object of χυνεῦντι with φωνέοντες in 1. 10 for φωνέοντι. Eustath.,
however, (1574-7), paraphrases thus : προσχυνοῦσί με ὡς δεσπότην χαὶ
προσφωνοῦσι x.t.4., whence Bergk inserts pe as indicated in the text.
If we follow Eustath. on this point it is reasonable to accept also the
third pers. plur. in 1. 10, although the Mss. authority is in favour of
φωνέοντες rather than -ovtt.
For χυνεῦντι, owveovtt, see Dor. Dial. p. 95 and p. 96.

XI. Praxilla of Sicyon, who flourished about 450 B.C., is said by
Athenaeus 7c. to have been distinguished as a writer of Scolia,
ἐθαυμάζετο ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν σχολιῶν ποιήσει. If these were genuine Scolia
(2.6. songs written specially for the banquet), it is remarkable that the
writer was a woman. Praxilla is also mentioned by Hephaest. 22 as
a composer of dithyrambs. She gave her name to an attractive metre
(see Miscellaneous and Anonymous, No. Iv.) and she is classed in
Anth. Pail. ix. 26, among the nine Greek poetesses designated as the
Nine Muses.

᾿Αδμήτου λόγον z.t.A. Athen. Zc. does not give the name of the com-
poser of this Scolion, but Eustath. 7/7. 326, 36 says that some attribute
it to Alcaeus, some to Sappho (probably on account of the metre, cf.
Sap. VI. and xviil.), and some to Praxilla; while Schol. Aristoph.
Wasps 1240, states positively ἐν τοῖς Πραξίλλης φέρεται παροινίοις.
Hartung assigns the next four Scolia also to Praxilla on the strength
of their metre, and of their position in close proximity in Athen. to
Scol. XI. Hecertainly appears to be right with regard at least to
No. XII. vide seg.

The passage is thus explained in Eust. /.c., ἔοικε δὲ διὰ piv τῶν ἀγα-
Dov τὴν γενναίαν χαὶ φίλανδρον ὑποδηλοῦν "“AAxnotv, διὰ δὲ τῶν δειλῶν
τὸν ᾿Αδμήτου πατέρα, ἧς ὦχνησε ϑανεῖν ὑπὲρ τοῦ παιδός.

XII. Ὑπὸ παντὶ λίϑῳ χιτιλ, A very similar line is attributed to
Praxilla, Schol. Arist. Zhesm. 529, “Ὑπὸ παντὶ λίϑῳ σχόρπιον, ὦ ταῖρε,
φυλάσσεο.

The proverb was a familiar one, cf. Zenob. vi. 20, Diogen. viii. 59,
etc. and is wittily applied by Aristoph. Zc, ὑπὸ λίϑῳ yap | παντί 'που
χρὴ | μὴ δάκῃ δήτωρ ἀϑρεῖν.

φράζευ Dor. Dial. p. 96.

XIV. Suv μοι πῖνε χιτιλ, A very clever expression of the require-
ments of an ideal camaraderie. scvv7 Ba, ‘make merry with me’, see
on Anacr. IX. 2.

συστεφανηφόρει refers, Ilgen says, to the garlanding at convivial
meetings. Cf. Demos. de Fal. Leg. 380, 27, συνεστεφανοῦτο xar
συνεπαιώνιζε τῷ Φιλίππῳ.

It is perhaps possible that the poet was not unconscious of the
rhyme in this couplet. Cf. on No. XVI.

SCOLMALE DC. 387

XV. ‘A b¢x.t.2. The close juxtaposition of the Dor. τὰν and the
Attic τὴν is curious, but perhaps hardly to be corrected in a Scolion

(v. p. 78).

XVI. (a’) Εἴϑε λύρα κιτιλ. (β΄) ct ἄπυρον x.t.A. In many editions
(e.g. Schneidewin’s) these four lines are printed together as if forming
a single Scolion. Others separate them, and regard the second as
intended to cap the first in what is often considered the usual Scolion
style (see Introd. pp. 234-5). There is a very Elizabethan ring in
the sentiment of the lines, perhaps unique in Greek poetry. We
are reminded of Shakespeare’s ‘O that I were a glove upon that
hand’, and it is likely that Dio Chrysostom’s sober criticism on the
text (i. 36), εὐχὰς οὐ βασιλεῦσι πρεπούσας, ἀλλὰ δημόταις καὶ φράτορσιν
ayatdis χοὶ σφόδρα ἀνειμένοις, would have been extended to many of
the beautiful extravagances in Elizabethan love-poetry.

A curious feature in these lines is the assonance or rhyme
which occurs in each couplet on the syncopated syllables, in a manner
which can hardly be accidental. Cf. Append. Alcaeus, No. 52, if
Bergk’s version there given be correct. A very lively movement is
imparted by the initial cyclic dactyls.

(a) λύρα ἐλεφαντίνη, cf. Ov. Metam. xi. 168, “ Distinctamque lyram
gemmis et dentibus Indis.’ A specimen of a lyre inlaid with a thin
veneer of ivory may be seen in the British Museum.

This passage, among others, is quoted by Schmidt to show that in
the dithyramb and other Dionysiac choral performances the lyre was
certainly used, and not the flute exclusively. Cf. p. 263.

(8) ἀπυρον, not so much ‘unrefined’ gold, as gold so pure as not to
need refining. Thus Zeus is said to have changed himself into
ἄπυρος χρυσός, in a passage referring to Danae, wrongly attributed to
Euripides (Frag. 1117).

xa, Deu. νόον, cf. Aesch. Prom. 163, ϑέμενος ἄγναμπτον νόον, and
Pind. Vem. x. 89 οὐ γνώμᾳ διπλόαν ϑέτο βούλαν.

XVII. These two couplets are also united into one passage by
Brunck and others. The effect would be decidedly tame: and it is
better to regard the two couplets as variations upon a similar theme.
Compare 74. 11. 768 :

᾿Ανδρῶν αὖ μέγ᾽ ἄριστος ἔην Τελαμώνιος Αἴας,
ὀφρ᾽ ᾿Αχιλεὺς μήνιεν᾽ ὁ γὰρ πολὺ φέρτατος ἦεν.
and Pind. Wem. vii. 27, χράτιστον (Ajax) ᾿Αχιλέος ἄτερ.

These lines are attributed to Pindar, Schol. Lyszstr. 1237, probably
because Ajax was a favourite hero with that poet.

XVIII. ’Ex γῆς χρὴ χατιδείν πλόον. Ilgen’s interpretation of Il. 1-2 is
as follows : ‘E terra oportet nautam de navigatione videre, a7 possit
per temporis opportunitatem (εἰ δύναιτο) et scientiam rei nauticae
habeat (παλάμην ἔχοι), 2.6. before embarking on any enterprise one

388 GREEK Lane EO rads

should consider wether it be achievable, and whether one has the
requisite ability. For this use of εἰ with the optative as an ‘ object-
clause’ see Monro’s Homeric Gram. pp. 228-9, where we find that
after a primary tense εἶ is generally accompanied in Homer by z«(v).
In this passage, as in Od. xii. 112, ἐνίσπες | εἴ πως τὴν ὀλοήν μὲν. ὑπεχ-
προφύγοιμι Χάρυβδιν, the pure optative should probably be regarded as
equivalent to the optative in an apodosis with ἄν in ordinary Attic to
express indistinct futurity. For similar cases of the omission of ἄν
see Goodwin’s Moods and Tenses 240-2. The objection to Ilgen’s
interpretation is that his rendering of χατιδέϊν as ‘videre de’ is hardly
justifiable. It is true we have in Hdt. ii. 38 xatopé . . . τὰς τρίχας τῆς
οὐρῆς, εἰ κατὰ φύσιν ἔχει πεφυχυΐας, but there xatopé implies actual physical
scrutiny, whereas χατιδέίν πλόον must, according to Ilgen’s version, be
used of mental calculation, for a man can hardly be said to view his
whole voyage from the cliff. Casaubon and others regard the passage
as meaning ‘It is best, if possible, to survey the voyage from the land,
and not to go to sea at all,’ ze. to keep yourself, if you can, out of all
risks. Cf. ‘Suave mari magno,’ etc. Line 2 will then be an ordinary
protasis with a slight tautology, ‘should a man have the chance,
and find any device (to escape the voyage).’

1. 2-3. ‘When once in the open sea you must needs run before the
wind that blows,’ z.e. when once started it is too late for deliberation ;
or perhaps, as Casaubon seems to take it, ‘ when once started you must
make the best of your circumstances,’ in which case, however, we
should expect γρή rather than avayzy.

XIX. Ὃ καρχίνος χιτιλ. This Scolion gives a lively expression to
the sentiment which is more soberly stated in Scol. x1, The play
upon the words εὐϑύν and σχολιὰ as applied to the snake is especially
characteristic of this species of Lyric poetry, and there is a humour
in the incident and its application suggestive of Samuel Weller.
We find a closely parallel passage in Aesop, Fable 70, where a crab,
after finding his admonitions lost upon the snake, throttles him
in his sleep and remarks as he looks upon the outstretched corpse,
οὕτως ἔδει zal πρόσϑεν εὐϑὺν χαὶ ἁπλοῦν εἶναι. Ilgen refers also to Aelian
Hist. An. xvi. 35, where we read of certain serpents in a cave near
Ephesus, which lead a precarious existence on account of the crabs
which wait for them outside and choke any they catch.

1. 2. Casaubon very strangely reads yada x,t.2. ‘when you pick up a
snake let him drop again.’ Eustath., who quotes this Scol. 1574. 14,
makes it clear that we should read χᾶλᾶ = (χηλῇ).

1. 3. ἔμμεν Casaubon, from ἐν μὲν, ἔμεν, Ilgen ἴμεν ; so that, bearing
in mind the sidelong gait of the crab, an additional point is given to
the passage by the pot calling the kettle black.

XX. Οὐ χρὴ πόλλ᾽ ἔχειν κ.τ.λ.
The words of Amipsias ap. Athen. xi. 783 E, regarded by Bergk as
a quotation of an old Scolion.

SC OLMPA,; ETC 389

ΧΧΙ. Οὐδὲν ἦν apa x.t.2.

A line from a certain Pythermus of Teos, referred to by Athen.
xiv. 625 C, as a writer of Scolia.

‘So then all else zs nought save only gold.’ Cf. Goodwin’s Moods
and Tenses, p. 13. ‘The imperfect (generally with ἄρα) may express a
fact. . . just recognised as a fact by the speaker or writer, having
previously been denied, overlooked, or not understood.’ Compare
χύὐπρίς οὐκ ap’ ἦν ϑεός. Eur. Hipp. 359.

For the sentiment cf. Alcaeus VII. χρήματ᾽ ἄνηρ κχ.τ.λ.

XXII.-XXVII.
SCOLIA ATI RIBUIED TO LE SAGES.

All these passages are quoted by Diog. Laert. Bk. i., in his accounts
of the various Sages. They are prefaced in each case by the words
τῶν δ᾽ ἀδομένων αὐτοῦ μάλιστα εὐδοχίμησε τάδε, or some similar expres-
sion, and are very reasonably added by Brunck to the list of Scolia.
Whether or not tradition rightly ascribed the lines to the Sages can
hardly be decided. Betraying, as they do, a considerable uniformity
in style, metre, and dialect, Casaubon’s view seems most tenable,
that the passages were all written by one man who put into a poetical
form prose utterances attributed to the several Sages.

Cf. note on No. XXVI. ad fin.

XXII. ᾿Αστοΐσιν ἄρεσχε χ.τ.λ.

Compare Pind. ΧΙ, « (in this edition) and Eur. Jed. 222 seg.
Χρὴ δὲ ξένον μὲν χάρτα προσχωρεῖν πόλει,
οὐδ᾽ ἀστὸν ὕνεσ’ ὅστις αὐϑάδης γεγώς
πικρὸς πολίταις ἐστὶν ἀμαϑίας ὕπο.

1.1. αἴχε μένης. Ilgen ‘si vivis in communione cum aliis civibus.’
This is most unnatural. The condition is rather one of immediate
futurity. ‘If you are for abiding, propose to abide, in any city.
Casaubon reads ᾧχε.

Ι. 3. ‘ λάμπω, saepe active, sed non nisi in re quae natura sua
λάμπει, ut φέγγος, πῦρ. Itaque ΖΔ.4 ἄταν absolute positum arbitror ;
emicuit periculo malo, z.e. insignem cladem tulit,’ Mehlhorn. Cf. on
Sap. 10. But, though Mehlhorn’s objection may hold good against
treating γᾶν in Sappho’s line as the object of λάμπει, it hardly applies
to the present passage, where the expression is purely metaphorical.

XXIII. "Eyovta δεῖ κ.τ.λ,

l. 4. διχόμυϑον hardly ‘double-speaking’ as Liddell and Scott, but
‘different-speaking,’ ze. a thought which would be expressed by
different words than those that come from his lips. Cf. γλῶσσα διχό-
μυϑος in No. XxIv. Cobet changes to διχόϑυμον ἔχουσα ; Bergk, object-
ing apparently to the boldness of the metaphor, alters to ἔχουσι.

390 GREEK YRC PORES

XXIV. πεφυλαγμένος κ.τ.λ.

]. 2. The metaphor is curious, and we can hardly take χραδίῃ to
mean simply ‘bosom’. Ilgen ingeniously conjectures ἔχϑος ‘enmity’,
for eyyos.

1. 3. σε προσεννέπῃ Bergk, for προσενέπῃ. Ilgen φαιδρῷ πρός σ᾽ ἐνέπῃ.

1. 4. διχόμυϑος v. on No. XXIII. 1. 4.

XXV. Ἔν λιϑίναις χ.τ.λ.

Cf. Bacchyl. 1X., Δυδία μὲν γὰρ λίϑος μανύει χρυσόν, and Note. Here
we have a more than usually apt application of a favourite simile.

"Edwxa, notice the natural predominance of the gnomic aorist in
these sententious passages. Cf. Nos. XXII. 3, XXVI. I.

XXVI. οὔτι τὰ πολλὰ ἔπη.

1. 2. The meaning seems to be ‘seek out one path of wisdom, and
choose one sure guiding-principle for your life; by keeping consistently
to these you will defy captious criticism,’ or perhaps, ‘you will show
yourself superior to the man who is full of professions of what he can
do (τὰ πολλὰ ἔπη).᾽

Δύσεις. Schneidewin objects to λύειν γλώσσας in the sense of
‘sagging the tongues,’ urging that the expression would have just
the contrary meaning. (Compare the opposite metaphor Kays ἐπὶ
γλώσσῃ, quoted in note on Miscel. x11.) He therefore suggests
χλείσεις, Bergk παύσεις. But λύω is so frequently used in the sense
of ‘ undo,’ ‘ frustrate,’ ‘ bring to nought,’ that it may quite conceivably
be applied in this way to γλώσσας. Compare Pind. O/.x. 9, λῦσαι...
ἐπιμομφαν. It is worth noticing that there is a strangeness in the
metaphorical expressions of several of these passages attributed to
the Seven Sages, which may favour Casaubon’s view of the single
authorship of the various stanzas. Cf. Nos. XXII. 3, XXIII. 4. XXIV. 2.

XXVII. ᾿Αμουσία χ.τ.λ.
- The last line is doubtless corrupt, being hardly translateable, and,
even with considerable alteration, quite unconnected with the rest of
the passage.

ὁ χαιρὸς, apparently opposed to λόγων πλῆϑος, ‘seasonable words’,
‘words no more than are enough’.

XXVIII. ἜἜγχει καὶ Κήδωνι x... Athen. xv. 695 E.

A curious instance of a Scolion in elegiac metre.

An Athenian Kedon fell at Naxos 376 when Chabrias defeated the
Spartans (Diod. Sic. xv. 34). Bergk suggests Κύδωνι, cf. Diog. viii. 42.
Τίς ἐν Kudwvog, ἐπὶ τῶν φιλοφρόνως δεχομένων τούς ξένους. Et χρὴ τοῖς
Porson, for εἰ δὴ χρὴ τοῖς.

NOWES 391

POPULAR SONGS

Although it is impossible to draw the line between popular songs
and other specimens of anonymous lyric poetry, I have included under
this rather unsatisfactory heading all those surviving passages which
are said to have been customarily employed by the people on fixed
occasions for the most part. The Scolia come under this descrip-
tion, but they are more conveniently taken alone. On the other
hand such poems as Paeans to definite persons are, I think, wrongly
classed by Bergk among the Carmina Popularia, and I have there-
fore included them among the Miscellaneous and Anonymous pas-
sages (e.g. Miscel. XXVII., XXVIII.).

I. LINUS-SONG.

Seesintrod: Art, ps 11: Art Iv: Dance, etc, p..27 5, Art. VI:
Metre, pp. 45, 62, and Miiller’s A/zst. of Greek Lit. Ὁ. 17.

Cited by Schol. 71. xviii. 576, as a ϑρηνητικὸν μέλος sung in a shrill
tone (μετ᾽ ἰσχνοφωνίας), cf 71. Lc. λεπταλέῃ φωνῇ. We learn from the
Iliad that the song was accompanied by a choral dance, and I have
mentioned, p. 45, that we probably have here an example of the short
lines taken in couplets from the union of which arose the hexameter.

The words in the Schol. run thus Ὦ Δ. ϑεσὶς tet. σοὶ γὰρ πρώτῳ μέλ.
26. ἀϑάνατοι avo. x.t.A. Some hexameters are also given, Schol. Hom.
Zc. and Eustath. 1163 closely imitating the original song, and begin-
ning thus :

"OQ Alve, πᾶσι ϑεοῖσι τετιμένε σοὶ γὰρ ἔδωχαν
᾽ , , , ’ Ts
ἄϑανατοι πρώτῳ μέλος ἀνθρώποισιν ἀείσαι χ.τ.λ.

1. 4. φωναῖς λιγυραῖς, perhaps simply a stock epithet in connection
with singing, but it is specially appropriate in reference to the high,
shrill notes of the Linus-song (v. above). Cf. on Terpander 1. λίγεια,

1. 6. Μοῦσαι ; similarly the Muses sing the dirge of Achilles (Odyss.
xxiv. 60). As dirge-singing was confined to females (v. p. 11), they
appear, in these cases, to be taken simply as the most distinguished
poetical representatives of their sex. Otherwise we might be sur-
prised to find the Muses siding with Linus against their leader Apollo.

Il. THE SWALLOW-SONG.

Quoted by Athen. viii. 360 D (and in part by Eustath. 1914. 45)
as an example of a song for mendicant purposes among the Rhodians ;
see p. 14. I cannot understand how Athenaeus and after him
Eustathius, can say that it was sung in the month Boedromion, since
it manifestly greets the first approach of spring. It is true that
among the Rhodians this name (in the form Βαδρόμιος) was not applied
to September but to June (v. Darembert and Saglio’s Dict. Chedé-

302 GREEK ἀν παν ες

donisnia), but even this is, of course, much too late. I can only
suggest that Athenaeus was thinking of another mendicant-song, the
Eiresione, which was sung at the Thargelia in May or June.

Like the modern Greek Swallow-song, referred to p. 14, and our
Christmas Carols, etc., the Chelidonisma was sung not by the
ordinary professional mendicant, but by children (παιδία, 1. 20). The
practice is said to have been instituted by Cleobulus, tyrant of
Lindus, in a time of great scarcity (Athen. /.c.) ; but we cannot accept
so special an explanation of a custom so wide-spread.’ The actual
song before us can hardly belong to a very ancient period, since
with the Dorian forms there is a large admixture of ordinary Attic,
characteristic of the later modified (wztior) Doric (see Dor. Diad.,
p. 92). That the latter cannot be ascribed to later alterations is shown
by the fact that in certain cases they are required by the metre, e.g.
ἐάσομεν, οἴσομεν, for the ‘severe’ Doric ἐασοῦμες, οἰσοῦμες.

There is a charmingly naive illustration on an ancient vase, not
indeed of the Chelidonisma, but of the greetings which the swallow
received as the harbinger of spring. A man of mature age,a youth,
and a boy are together, the two former being seated. Above them
the swallow has suddenly appeared, and all three exhibit an attitude
of delighted surprise. Their exclamations are inscribed on the vase
as they issue from the mouths of the speakers, thus :

(Youth) “Idou χελιδων.
(Man) Νὴ τὸν ραχλέα.
(Boy) avcit

(Man) “Eao ἤδη.

v. Monum. dell? Institut. di Corr. Archaeol. τι. Plate xxiv. and
Annalz, do. vii. p. 238.
The Modern Chelidonisma is as follows :—

Χελιδόνα ἔρχετα!
"An τὴν ἄσπρην ϑάλασσαν᾽
χαϑησε χαὶ λάλησε᾽
Μάρτη, Μάρτη pov χαλὲ
Ν ᾿ ἊΝ
χαὶ Φλεβαρη φλιβερὲ
te ba "
x ἂν yrovions, χ᾽ av ποντίσῃς
, ” "
παλε ἄνοιξιν μυρίζεις.

Metre. In 1]. 1-11 the form ΞΖ“: --ὧὖ --Ξξ, an Adonius with ana-
crusis, prevails. In ]. 11 the anacrusis is not used, and in the original
certain irregularities occur, which will be noticed below. Ahrens
maintains that they are justifiable in a song of this description ; but

I think that even in nursery-rhymes or the songs of village-children,

1 We may compare the practice still existing, I believe, in the Isle of Man, of children
going round in the winter from house to house, saying :
‘The night is cold, our shoon are thin,
Gie’s a cake, and let us rin.’

POP Ul AR= Ss ON'G:S 393

the character of the rhythm, however crude, displays a tendency to
monotonous uniformity rather than to licence. I have therefore fol-
lowed the commentators who have endeavoured to remove the irregu-
larities. As in the Linus-song, the verses here seem to run in
couplets (cf. pp. 35, 46), beginning at 1. 2, 1. 1 standing alone as
specially emphatic. The transition to Jambic trimeters in the latter
part of the poem gives a good dramatic effect, the children pausing
in their song to remonstrate in metrical dialogue with the tardiness
of the householder.

1. 2, for ἃ in the acc. plur. καλᾶς weds, v. Dor. Dial. p. 94.

1. 3. Hermann omits χαὶ before χαλοὺς, metrd causa.

ἐνιαυτούς, in the sense of ‘seasons’, is not easy to parallel ; but the
meaning is closely enough akin to ‘ period’ or ‘ cycle’, of which several
instances may be seen in Liddell and Scott, s.v. It is, perhaps, here
used as longer or more emphatic than ὥρας.

1. 6. xadadayv, expl. by Eustath. as συχῶν ἐπισύνϑεσις.

σὺ προκύχλει, Hermann for the unmetrical οὐ προχυχλεῖς. Yet
Eustath. paraphrases οὐ παλαϑὰν ζητοῦμεν οἴνου te δέπαστρον, a yer.
χαὶ λεχιῦ, οὐχ ἀπωϑεῖται, Ze. ‘we don’t want luxuries like fig-preserve
or wine, wheaten cakes content the swallow’; and I fail to see how
he arrived at this unless he read οὐ προχυχλέϊς, ‘you are not putting
forth,’ z.e. ‘you have not got to put forth” ‘we don’t require you to
put forth. With od the meaning appears to be, ‘Do you from a
rich house (emphatic) bring forth luxuries, (but if you won’t go so
far as that), even from πύρνα and dex. the swallow turns not away
in contempt.’ Ilgen regards προχύχλει as equivalent to ἐχχύχλει,
referring to the ἐχχύχλημα on the stage. Such a reference is hardly
suitable in a children’s song, and the word implies nothing more than
lavish profusion.

I. 10. xot πύρνα γελ. Bergk for zat πυρῶνα y., or χαὶ πυρῶν & yeh.
χαὶ πυρῶν χελιδων.

1. 12. If the text be correct, we have a trochaic tetrameter, forming
a natural transition between the lively metre of 1]. 1-11 and the con-
versational tone of what follows.

ἀπίωμες v. Dor. Dial. p. 95, cf. 1. 14, φέρωμες.

1. 13. Cf. Hom. Carm. Min. xv. 1. 14 (The Eiresione) :

Εἰ μέν τι δώσεις" εἰ δὲ μὴ, οὐχ ἑστήξομεν᾽
᾽ \ , > ins ¥
οὐ γὰρ συνοιχήσαντες ἐνθ αδ᾽ 7ADOEY.

εἰ δώσεις is an example not of future condition (usually ἐὰν with the
subjunc.), but of a present condition expressing intention, v. Good-
win, Moods and Tenses, Ὁ. 146, and Monro’s Hom. Gram. p. 239.

1, 17. I have adopted Bergk’s text for ἂν δὴ φέρῃς τι μ. δή τι χαὶ φέροις
(two MSS. omitting καὶ) ; δή may have arisen from the succeeding δή ;
φέροιο, ‘mayst thou win or obtain,’ is more suitable than φέροις, ‘mayst
thou bring us something large,’ and the sudden change back to the

304 GREEK LYRIC POETS

short metre is effective. Dindorf restores the trimeter by reading
ἐὰν φέρης δέ τι x.T.A,

III. Δέξαι χ.τιλ. Argument. Theocr. iii, where we are told that
shepherds in Sicily sometimes meet together with supplies of food,
etc., to be given to the best singer. After the contest, the unsuccess-
ful competitors go round the neighbourhood to collect food for them-
selves, and address this song among others to those from whom they
beg.

1. 2. Tas ϑεοῦ, probably Artemis as patroness of the flocks. For
av ἐχαλέσσατο, which is apparently meaningless, Bergk suggests av
éxAaCeto ‘quam dea claustris suis retinebat’, Hermann κἀγαρίσσατο.

IV. TZortotse-Game. Described by Pollux ix. 125, and Eustath.
1914, 56, as a game played by girls 6? ἀμοιβαίων ἰάμβων, in which one
sits in the middle, who is called the Tortoise, while the others run
round her, asking the two somewhat disconnected questions. Com-
pare the game of the yvtea, (Pollux ix. 113). Becq de Fouquiére
(Les Jeux des Anciens) quotes a traveller who tells us that in Scio
there may still be seen bands of girls dancing in a ring round one in
the centre, and refusing to let her go till she has given them distich
for distich ; but de Fouquiére trespasses a little too far into the
region of conjecture, when he declares that in this song we have the
wail of the bereaved mothers dwelling on the coasts of Asia Minor,
whose sons perished in the defeat at Salamis.

1. 1. χελὶ or χελεὶ, is expl. by Eustath. as προσταχτιχὸν δῆϑεν παρηγ-
ούμενον τῇ γελώνη ; cf. probably, κόρη or χορὶ κορώνη, Append. Carm.
Pop. 9; and πονωπόνηρος, Arist. Wasps, 466; Lys. 350.

1. 3. Tlotets and xotwv Meineke, for ποιξίς, ποιῶν ; v. Ahrens Dor. Dial.
p. 208, where ποΐων, xolwvtt are quoted from Heraclean inscriptions.

χρόχαν Μιλησίαν, cf. Verg. Georg. 111. 306 ; ‘quamvis Milesia magno |
vellera mutentur’.

1. 4. λευχῶν ay’ ἵππων, explained by many commentators as the
‘white horses’ or ‘breakers’. This I think objectionable, simply
because it offers a more or less rational explanation of what bears the
appearance rather of nonsense doggrel ; furthermore, the preposition
ἀπὸ would be entirely inappropriate.

V. Flower-song. Athen. xiv. 629 E says that this was called the
Anthema, or Flower-song, and that it was accompanied by a dance
and mimetic gestures. It is tempting to regard ῥόδα and ἴα as
instances where the metrical beat falls not on a long syllable but on
an accented one, cf. on No. vill. We could then regard each line in
the text as a short period of three lines, thus :

Ποῦ μοι τὰ ῥόδα ; Pees cats

Ποῦ μοι τὰ ἴα ; re:

(4, (4! Ὁ

~ Νὴ Ν
Ποῦ μοι τὰ χαλὰ σέλινα ; ἘΞ ΟΞ ΞΕ

Otherwise, I do not see what explanation can be given of the metre.

POR Ake SONGS 395

VI. Blind Man’s Buff. \t is interesting to read in Pollux ix. 123,
that-this game is of remote antiquity. One boy, he says, ties a band
tightly round his eyes, remarking χαλκῆν ~.t.d., the rest responding
ϑηράσεις x.t.A. They then beat him with strips of leather, until he
catches one of them. (See Illustrations, Pl. 1v.) Becq de Fouquitre,
p. 88, explains χαλχῆν μυΐαν as ‘Tinsecte aux reflets métalliques que
Penfant poursuit de buisson en buisson, . . . et qui lui échappe au
moment méme oi il croit le saisir’.

VII. Pollux 7c. says that when acloud passes over the sun
children clap their hands and cry, ἔξεχ᾽ κτλ. Cf. Arist. Frag. 346.

VIII. "Ade, pura, ἄλει 2.7.2.

Thales (Plut. Sesz. Sap. Conv. xiv.) says he heard the song sung by
a Lesbian woman at the mill-stone. The Mill-stone Song was a
recognised species of popular lyric (ἡ ἐπιμύλιος, Athen. xiv. 618 D).

The hit at Pittacus is directed, it is supposed, not so much at any
actual oppression on his part, as against his shrewd business pro-
clivities.

l. 1. Bergk has followed Koester in changing the accentuation of
ἀλεὶ to &Act, the word thus being imperative: in 1. 2, ae is for 7c,
the imperf. indic. It is only reasonable to restore the Lesbian accent
Πίτταχος (Bergk Πιτταχός).

The metrical scheme is doubtful. See Ritschl Ofzsc. i. 298, who
regards the scansion as regulated by the accent rather than quantity.

IX. TAgistov οὖλον x.t.2.

Athen. xiv. 618 Ὁ ; an invocation to Demeter, who was called ’IovAw,
the Sheaf-Goddess, from οὖλος or ἴουλος, ‘a sheaf’. Koester thinks
there is also a reference to the cry tov, the cult of Demeter usually
being of a mournful character. Athen. Zc. adds that others regard
the words as belonging to a wool-worker’s song.

X. Μαχραὶ δρύες x.t.d.

This mournful plaint occurs, so Athenaeus (xiv. 619) tells us, in a
pastoral poem (τὸ καλούμενον νόμιον) by a lyric poetess Eriphanis,
with whom a romantic love-story is connected. She was enamoured
of a hunter Menalcas, whom she sought throughout all the woods and
hills, until she moved with pity the hearts of the sternest men and
even of the fiercest beasts. The issue of the story is not told us, but
from the analogy of the similar romances of Calyce and Harpalyce
(Athen. 14) we may conclude that the maiden’s efforts were fruitless.

XI. The Games.

These are the dpdia χηρύγματα of Sophocles Lect. 683, or poetical
formulae chanted by the heralds at the games.

(a) Julian. Caes. 289. This corresponds to the ringing of the bell
at our athletic meetings which summons the competitors to the
start.

306 GREEK UYRIC POETS

(8) Moeris, p. 193. 4 The herald calls upon them to toe the line
at the start, βαλβῖδες being explained by Moeris as af ἐπὶ τῶν ἀφέσεων
βάσεις ἐγχεχαραγμέναι αἷς ἐπέβαινον of δρομεῖς x.t.A. The line in Moeris is
corrupt, BadBida ποδὸς (uv. 1. πόδας) ϑέτε πόδα π. πόδα. Bergk conjec-
tures Βαλβίδι ποδῶν ϑέντες πόδα παρ πόδα ϑεῖτε (=run); but who can
conceive runners being actually started, as the word ϑεῖτε would
imply, by a line of poetry? I have inserted my own conjecture in
the text. ‘Place your feet on the line foot to foot.’

(y) Lucian zz Demonactis Vita 65.

XII. ᾿Ἐλϑεϊν ἥρω Διόνυσε, κ.τ.λ.

This is probably a specimen in the disguise of a later dialect, of a
very ancient invocation to Bacchus, in use long before the later
development of the hymns appropriated to him. See p. 7.

Avy. The passage is quoted by Plut. Quaest. Gr. 36. 7. Ata τί tov
Διόνυσον at τῶν ᾿Ηλείων γυναῖχες ὑμνοῦσαι παραχαλοῦσι βοέῳ ποδὶ x.7.A.
εἶτα δὶς ἐπαάδουσιν᾽ "Αξιε ταῦρε, ἀ. τ. Plutarch’s own explanations of
these expressions are fittingly described by Koester as ‘merae
nugae’. Dionysus was sometimes conceived as bearing the form of
a bull (more frequently merely with the head or horns of a bull
(ταυρομέτωπος, ταυρόχερως, etc.), probably because that animal was the
symbol of generation and fertility, and this was the province of
Dionysus (cf. the Phallic processions) as being the god of vegeta-
tion and growth, the limitation of his power to the vine being
probably later.

Compare φάνηϑι ταῦρος, Eur. Bacch. 108, and many similar expres-
sions.

The union of the Graces with Dionysus is very common, arising,
we may presume, from his intimate connection with music and poetry ;
cf. Pind. OZ, xiii. 18, ταὶ Διωνύσου πόϑεν ἐξέφαναν σῦν βοηλάταᾳ Χαριτες
διϑυράμβῳ, and Ben Jonson’s address to Bacchus (elsewhere quoted,
p- 353), ‘But Venus and the Graces Pursue thee in all places’.
There is a very apt illustration of the text in ancient art to be seen in
Miiller-Wieseler 11. Plate xxxill, 383, where the three Graces are
sitting between the horns of the Ox-Dionysus.

"Ahtoy, Ζ.6. Elean (Welcker for ἅλιον), cf. Paus. vi. 26. 1. Θεῶν δὲ ἐν
τοῖς μάλιστα Διόνυσον σέβουσιν ᾿Ηλέϊοι, καὶ tov ϑεόν σφισιν ἐπιφοιτᾶν ἐς τῶν.
Θυίων τὴν ἑορτὴν λέγουσιν.

XIII. Σοὶ, Baxye χ.τ.λ.

In strong contrast to the foregoing primitive invocation we have
the specimen of a polished Phallic song preserved by Athen. xiv.
622 E. The Phallophori, crowned with chaplets of roses, violets and
ivy, enter upon the stage from the side- and centre-entrances singing
this song, and accompanying it with measured movements (βαίνοντες
ἐν ῥδυϑμῷ). The words of the performers themselves show that the
Iambics were sung and not recited, and that therefore the passage
may rightly be regarded as Melic.

POPULAR, 5 ONGS 397

I suppose that the novelty claimed for the song (1. 3 seg.) consists
in the adaptation of Iambics (ἁπλοῦν ῥυϑμὸν) to complicated melody
(αἰόλῳ μέλει) : or perhaps in discarding the ruder invocations of
ancient times, of which No. XII. is an example.

ἀπαρϑένευτον, not in its usual sense of ‘unmaidenly’, but ‘ virgin-
pure’ (« copulative), so Hesych. ἀπαρθ, ἀκέραιος, χαϑαρά, cf. Soph.
Frag, 287.

XIV. Schol. Arist. Frogs 479, Ἔν τοῖς Anvaizdig ἀγῶσι. . . ὁ δαδοῦχος
. . « λέγει καλ. ϑεόν᾽ καὶ of ἐπακούοντες βοῶσι Σεμελήϊε x.t.A,
πλουτοδότα, as the god of fertility, etc. (cf. on No. XII.)

XV. The Libation.

1. 1. Schol. Ar. Peace 968, σπένδοντες γὰρ ἔλεγον᾽ τίς τῇδε ;. . . εἶτα
of πάροντες εὐφημιζόμενοι ἔλεγον᾽ Πολ. xay.

1. 2, Schol. Frogs 479, ἐπειδὰν σπονδοποιήσωνται zt).

XVI. ᾿Αναβαλ᾽ ἄνω κ.τ.λ.
Plut. Quaest. Symp. iii. 6. 4, ἐν τοῖς ϑεῶν ὕμνοις x.7.2.

XVII. Στρίγγ᾽ ἀποπομπεῖν χ.τ.λ.

Quoted by Festus, p. 314, the term στρίγξ being applied, he says, to
witches (‘maleficis mulieribus’). The reference in these lines, which
we may regard as a kind of nursery-song or prayer, is rather to the
strix as a bird supposed to be dangerous to infants. (v. Pliny
H. N. xi. 232, who adds ‘ quae sit avium constare non arbitror ’.)

1. 1. ἀποπομπεῖὶν Bergk, from AIIOMIIEIEN ; Hesych. ἀποπομπεῖν᾽
ἀποπέμψασϑαι xat ἀποχαϑήρασϑαι.

]. 2. νυχτιβύαν. Turneb. on the authority of Hesych. ; MSs. Νυχτι-
χόμαν.

]. 4. ἀνώνυμον Bergk, for ἀνωνύμιον, in the sense of δυσώνυμον.

Bergk, with no authority, adds ἐχϑρών, since otherwise he fails to
see the force of 1. 5. The objection, however, of unintelligibility
applies to many passages in nursery literature, and I suppose that
the swift-sailing ships may simply be representative of the sea, to
which the hated bird is consigned.

MISCELLANEOUS AND ANONYMOUS

I. Ὕψιστε ϑεῶν x.1.2.

This passage is ascribed to Arion by Aelian, A/7zst¢. Am. xii. 45, in
illustration of the musical taste of dolphins. Modern critics are
almost unanimous in discrediting Aelian’s testimony that the hymn
was composed by Arion, The language and metre are entirely
unsuited to a pupil of Aleman, as Suidas describes Arion (see p. 102),
and the shallow verbosity is eminently suggestive of the later dithy-

398 GREER EYRE PORTS

rambic period, to which Bergk assigns the passage. The poem need
not have been intended as a forgery, for, as Bergk suggests, the
writer was perhaps introducing Arion as the speaker, and thus
Aelian may have been misled. For the well-known legend of the
poet’s escape, and his offering at Taenarum consult Herod. i. 24, and
Pausan. iii. 25. 5. Schmidt is of opinion that the story was invented
either by Arion himself or by his friends to typify his introduction of
the dithyramb from Magna Graecia to the Peloponnese.

1. 2. Perhaps imitated by Ar. Knights 559, ὦ γρυσοτρίαιν᾽, ὦ δελφίνων
μεδέων.

1. 3. So Hermann for γαιήοχ᾽ ἐγκυμονάλμαν.

1.4. Cf. ZZ. xiii, 27. Βράγλχιοι is supposed to be an adjective in-
vented by the poet from βράγχιον. Hermann reads βραγχίοις.

1, 6, ποδῶν, an unwarrantable poetic licence as applied to dolphins.

17. σιμοί two MSS., the rest σεισμοί.

1. 14. ὀχέοντες Beane MSS. yop εὐοντες.

1. 18. ἁλιπόρφυρον, Reiske ἁλιπορφύρου, Bergk οἴδμα πορφυροῦν,

II. (α) Μέμφομαι δὲ κ.τ.λ.

Apoll. De Pron. 324 C, to illustrate the use among the Boeotians of
twvya for 2ywvya (ἔγωγε).

The Boeotian Μέμφομη. ες χὴ. . . Μούρτιδ. are restored by Βδοκῃ
for μέμφομαι. . . καὶ... Μύρτιδ, I have retained μέμφομαι and καὶ,
following Fiihrer (De Dza?. Boeot.) who maintains that, although the
Boeotians pronounced αἱ as ἡ, it was not so written in the time of
Corinna. Bergk maintains that in tuvya (Ξε ἔγωγε) the sfzrztus asper,
which Fiihrer discredits, is natural enough, being due to transposition
from ἰώνγα, where it has arisen from the loss of the guttural seen in
ἐγώ. Béckh, C. Z 720, gives many other instances from Boeotian
inscriptions oft fore. The form twvye occurs in Ar. Acharn. 906.

Bava is explained by Hesychius and Herod. Περ. pov. λέξ. 18-25 as
the Boeotian form of γυνή. For «in the first syllable cf. the Sicilian γανα͵

(6) Νίχασ᾽ χ.τ.λ.

Quoted by Apoll. De Pron. 358 Β, from Corinna’s χαταπλοῦς.

᾿Ωαρίων, Orion, famed as a Boeotian hero, see Miller's Orchom.
p. 100; cf. Béckh or Dissen on Pind. em. 11. 12.

χώραν. Schneidewin ingeniously suggests that the district was
Hyria, the Οὐρία mentioned Append. Corinna 4.

ἀπ᾽ ἑοῦς Ahrens (sec. 34); compare Dor. Lnscr. ἐπ᾿ ἁμέρας, ἐπ᾽ ἱερέως.
There is no Boeotian analogy, v. Fiihrer /.c. sec. 3, who discredits
this instance.

ὠνούμαινεν. Béckh and others ὠνούμηνεν ; see on (a).

Quoted by Hephaest. 22, as an example of Synizesis in διανεχώς,
The shortening of the « is remarkable. Bergk (ψ. Uv.) compares the
option that poets gave themselves between εὐάνεμος and εὐήνεμος,
δύσερις and δύσηρις, ἀνόλεϑρος and avwAcdpos.

MISCELEANEOUS AND ANONYMOUS 399

III. Κάλλιστον μὲν ἐγώ xt.A.

Quoted by Zenob. iv. 21, in explanation of the proverbial phrase
ἠλιϑιώτερος τοῦ Πραξίλλης ’Adwvidog. Adonis, he says, gives this
answer on being asked by the shades after his death what was the
finest thing he left behind him in the world above. With the senti-
ments we may perhaps compare Charles Lamb, Essays of Ela,
‘New Year’s Eve’-—“Sun and sky, and breeze and solitary walks,
and summer holidays, and the greenness of fields, and the de/éczous
juices of meats and fishes—do these things go out with life?”

Σεληναίης, properly adjectival, cf. γαληναία (= γαλήνη), παρϑενιχή
( =xapdévos).

IV. Ὦ διὰ τῶν ϑυρίδων x.7.A.

Quoted by Hephaest. 43, as an example of τὸ Πραξίλλειον. The
metre is particularly effective.

For Praxilla see on Scol. XI.

Ἐμβλέποισα, Lesh. Dial. p. 83.

V. ᾿Ὑγίεια, πρεσβίστα κ.τ.λ.

Quoted by Athen. xv. 702 A, as ἃ Paean to Health, and ascribed, if
the reading be correct, to a certain Ariphron of Sicyon, of whom
nothing further is known. On referring to Dithyrambic Poets No. v.
it will be noticed that three lines in the poem of Licymnius are
nearly identical with ll. 3, 4, 9, in this. It is a vexed question
whether both passages are from one and the same poem, composed
by Ariphron or by Licymnius, whether one poet is copying from the
other, or whether, as Bergk suggests, both are borrowing from some
familiar hymn to ᾿Ὑγίεια (v. Bergk ad /oc.). The poem in the text
enjoyed a great reputation (τὸ γνωριμώτατον ἐχεῖίνο χαὶ πᾶσι διὰ
στόματος, Lucian De Lapsu Inter Sal.c. 6). Itis found engraved very
faultily on a monument, Béckh C. 1. Athen. ili. p. 66. It was prob-
ably intended as a Paean suitable for convivial meetings (v. p. 232),
and we may compare Scol. 1x. 1.1. Notice in this later Melic poetry
the custom of addressing hymns to deified abstractions such as
Health, Fortune, Virtue, rather than to the old divinities of
mythology.

1, 1. πρεσβίστα ‘most revered’, as “Yytete could hardly be called
‘eldest of the gods’.

]. 2. σύνοιχος, cf. Bacchyl. VIII., ὀλβίων παϊδές viv (Δίκαν) εὑρόντες
σύνοιχον.

1. 4. Cf. on Licymnius ἦς.

]. 5. ἕρχεσιν Bergk, for ἄρκυσιν (Athen.) on the strength of ελχεσι on
the monument.

1. 6. πόνων ἀμπν, cf μόχϑων ἀμπνοα, Pind. OZ. viii. 7.

1. 8. πάντα is omitted on the monument and bracketed by Bergk.
Schneidewin interprets the rest of the line ... ‘instar veris, quod
Gratiae reddunt pulcrum, affulgent’, ‘are bright as a spring of the
Graces’ (z.e. blessed by the Graces). Bergk reads ἔαρι.

400 GRE ER 16 Waar Ce iOae aes

1. 9. ἔφυ, wanting in Athen., is supplied from the monument and
from Licymnius.

VI. ’Apeta πολύμοχϑε x.t.2. Athen. xv. 695 A, τὸ ὑπὸ τοῦ πολυμαϑεσ-
τάτου γραφὲν ᾿Αριστοτέλους x.t.A. Athen. goes on to describe the Ode
as a ‘kind of Scolion’, denying that it is a Paean, as a certain
Demophilus urged, who wished to convict Aristotle of the impiety of
addressing a Paean to a mortal, Hermias of Atarna (v. on 1. 13) ;
see on No. XXvu. It is not easy to understand why Athen. classifies
the song as a Scolion, except that Aristotle was said to have sung it
daily ἐν τοῖς συσσιτίοις. One is the more inclined to believe that the
term Scolion came to be extended to any song which, whatever its
original intention, was popularly employed at convivial meetings
(see Introduction to Scolia, p. 237).

Bergk describes this poem as ‘jejunum, frigidum’, etc., and therefore
declares that it is falsely attributed to Aristotle. We have yet to
learn, however, that the philosopher had any talent for lyric poetry,
neither do I think that the song is so deficient in merit as Bergk
asserts.

1. 1. πολύμοχϑε, we need hardly treat this as used in a passive
signification, ‘won by much toil’ (Liddell and Scott) ; rather ‘full of
labour’, the epithet being transferred to Arete from those who follow
her (γένει Bootetw), just as we talk of ‘pale death’, ‘gaunt famine’,
etc.

1. 2. Blw (= βίου) Bentley, for βίῳ.

1. 5. ἀχάμαντας, explained by Schweighauser as agreeing with the
implied subject of τλῆναι. He is, however, of opinion that the word
has been substituted for ἀχαμάτους, for which there is more authority,
and that the latter was merely a gloss explaining μαλεροὺς, a close con-
nection being established between the two epithets from the constant
application of either one or other of them to mvp in Homer.

1. 6 seg. ‘Such a reward dost thou bestow upon the mind, a reward
immortal, and more precious than gold’, etc. For καρπόν τ᾽ ad. (=
καρπὸν at. te), compare 72. v. 878, and other instances of the misplace-
ment of te quoted in Monro’s Hom. Gram. p. 242. Ilgen takes the
meaning of the passage to be ‘you exert on the mind an influence
more powerful than the temptations of gold, than the admonitions of
parents’, etc.

μαλαχαυγήτοιο, ‘languid-eyed’, but Ilgen quotes Hesych. αὐγέϊν (=
ἀλγεῖν), and suggests that the epithet = ‘lessening pain’. This would
require a derivative rather from the verb μαλαχίζω than from the
adjective μαλακός,

1. 9. Cf. Hor.-3 Od. ili. 9, ‘Hac arte Pollux, et.vagus Hercules’, etc.

ll. 9-11. ἔργοις, . . δύναμιν, Aristotle is perhaps thinking of his own
doctrine in the Ethécs ii. 1. 4, τὰς ἀρετὰς (which are δυνάμεις) AapBavo-
μεν ἐνεργήσαντες πρότερον.

1, 14. ’Atapy. ἔντροφ., the reference, as we learn from Athen. Zc. is to

MISCEEELANEOUS: AND ANONYMOUS 401

Hermias, a slave of Eubulus, Tyrant of Atarna. At one time he was
a disciple of Plato and Aristotle at Athens, enjoying particularly the
friendship of the latter (Diog. Laert. v. 9). He advised Eubulus to
revolt from Persia, and on his master’s death, whom, according to
Diog. Laert., he murdered, he himself obtainedrule. He entertained
Aristotle as his guest while in possession of royal power. At last
Mintor, a Persian satrap, entrapped him and had him slain, B.c. 345
(Diod. Sic. xvi. 33, Strabo xiii. 420). An interesting account of the
friendship of Aristotle with Hermias may be read in Blakesley’s Zz/e
of Aristot. vol. 111.

ah, χήρωσεν αὐγάς. Liddell and Scott translate χηρῶ in this passage
‘deprive oneself of, forsake’, but why not in the usual sense, ‘he left
desolate the light of day’? The expression is florid, it is true, but we
are not dealing with first-class poetry. Schweighauser prefers the
reading αὐγᾶς, and regards χήρωσεν as intransitive, comparing Plut. ii,
749 D, to which Liddell and Scott add Theognis 956, but in these
instances ἐχήρωσε, χηρώσει, etc., may easily be a mistake of a copyist
for ἐχήρευσε, etc.

1. 15. ἀοίδιμον (uv. 1. ἀοίδιμος), proleptic after αὐξήσουσι.

]. 16. Διὸς ξενίου x.t.2., ‘who extol reverence for hospitality, and the
honour of steadfast friendship.’ Αὐξουσαι is awkward after αὐξήσουσι
inl. 15; Bergk reads ἀσχοῦσαι, Ilgen omits altogether, taking σέβας as
in apposition to μιν, Hermias, = tov σεβάζοντα ; but, as Schweighauser
points out, the abstract when employed in such cases for the concrete
has a passive, not an active, signification ; cf. Soph. £7. 685, πᾶσι τοῖς
exet σέβας of Orestes.

Διὸς Eeviov, a good instance of the employment of the name of a god
with a special epithet in place of a mere abstract noun, such as
‘hospitality’. Cf. the well-known tov ἐμὸν ἱχέσιον Δία (Eur. Hec. 345)
= ‘my supplication’. Ζεὺς ξένιος occurs in Aesch. Ag. 61, 353.

VII. Tuya μερόπων. Stob. Ecl. Phys. τ. vi. 13.

The lines are attributed by some to Aeschylus, but Bergk thinks
this to be a manifest error, and regards them as the composition of
some poet-philosopher.

], 2. te inserted by Meineke. Τέρμα τὺ Grotius from a reading
Τέρματι. ϑαχεϊς ἕδρας, Jacobs’ conjecture for ἄχος δρᾶς.

]. 5. πτέρυγα. The representation of Τύχη as winged is a mere
poetic idea, rarely if ever exemplified in art. Cf. Hor. 3 Od. xxix. 53.

1. 8. ἐν σκότῳ, perhaps we should read ἐν σχύτον, regarding ἐν as the
‘ Aeolic’ form of εἷς, often found in Pindar. See on Pind. Frag. VI.
Bie

VIII. Κλωϑὼ Acyesis τ᾽ χιτιλ. Quoted anonymously by Stob. ΖΞ οἱ.
I. v. 12, between two passages from Sophocles.

1. 1. Bergk thinks that the name of the third Fate may have
dropped out (Αἴσα χαὶ Κλωθὼ x.7.2.). He points out, however, that
Pausan. X. xxiv. 4, speaks of two Fates being worshipped at Delphi.

402 GREE ΚΙ ΡΘΕ

]. 4. πέμπετ᾽, Bergk reads πέμπετε δ᾽, “Appt, v. Lesb. Dial. p. 87.

1. 5. ἀδελφεᾶς Dindorf, for ἀδελφας.

1. 8. λελάϑοιτε, ‘make to forget’, v. Monro’s Hom. Gram. p. 28,
“These (reduplicated) aorists are exclusively Homeric except ἤγαγον
and ἔειπον (Attic εἶπον. They are mostly Transitive or Causative in
meaning ; compare é-Aayo-v, ‘I got for my share’, with λέλαχο-ν, ‘I
made to share’, ἄρηρε, ‘2s fitting’, with ἤραρε, ‘ made to fit’,

IX. Οὐ χρυσὸς ἀγλαὸς χιτιλ. Plat. HA. α΄, quoted on rejecting an
offer of gold from a friend.

11. 1-2. ‘Gold, bright gold, is not the rarest thing in the hope-baffling
life of mortals, neither does adamant nor do couches of silver, when
tested in comparison with man, flash upon the gaze, etc.’ δυσελπίστῳ,
lit. ‘hard to be hoped about’, hence either ‘that about which one
cannot form any secure hopes’, ‘hope-baffling’, as above, or simply
‘cheerless’, ‘hopeless’, The apparent ‘Schema Pindaricum’ in
ἀστράπτει is accounted for by the neuter δοχιμαζόμενα, referring tc
ἀδάμας and χχίναι. ᾿Αστράπτει belongs to ll. 3-4 also by a kind of
zeugma, unless in |. 3 we are to think of the gleam of the yellow
corn.

Χ, Σὲ δ᾽ ἀείσομαι x.t.A. Quoted by Plut. Vzt, Alcid. c. 11, from an
Epinicion by Euripides in honour of the successes of Alcibiades in
the chariot-race at Olympia. Cf. Athen. 1. 3 E. Plutarch mentions
that he surpassed all records in entering no less than seven chariots
for the race, with which he obtained the first, second, and either
third or fourth places ; for, curiously enough, while Euripides speaks
of the third place, Thucydides in a speech of Alcibiades (vi. 16)
describes it as the fourth. It is difficult to conceive how either
authority could have made a mistake on such a point. Athen. Zc.
adds that to celebrate his success Alcibiades gave a general public
entertainment (τὴν πανήγυριν πᾶσαν εἱστίασε). See Grote vol. vi. p. 323
seg. for the importance of the whole occasion, the date of which he
fixes at 420 B.C. (Ol. 90).

I. 2. Bergk reads xadov & νίχα᾽ (τὸ) κάλλιστον (δ᾽) ὃ μ.. x.T.A,

1. 4. The asyndeton is very awkward ; Bergk suggests στεφϑείς τ᾽,
Some commentators alter δὶς to τρὶς, but, as Grote points out, there. is
no reason to suppose that crowns were given for any but the first and
second places. Indeed, but for this passage, we have no reason to
suppose that there was a prize even for the second place. The words
in Thucydides (and after him Plutarch) lead to this conclusion.
"Evixyoa δὲ, καὶ δεύτερος καὶ τέταρτος ἐγενόμην, “1 won the prize and took
the second and fourth places’. Athen. i. 3 E speaks of the ‘ victories’
(νίκας) of Alcibiades on this occasion, but even if his words imply that
Alcibiades won three prizes, he may easily have been misled. Con-
sequently in this passage Hermann for δὶς reads Διὸς, and Bergk
follows him. Either word is connected closely enough with στεφϑέντα
to account for the position of te.

MISCELLANEOUS AND ANONYMOUS $403

XI, Ἔπειτα κείσεται Plut. Von Posse Suav. Viv., Sec. Epic. 26.

XII. ‘Qe ἄρ᾽ εἰπόντα μιν xt.A. Plut. 2c. 27. πρόσωπον Wyttenbach,
for πρὸς τόπον.

XIII. Ναὶ τὰν Ολυμπον. Quoted by Clem. Alex. Stvom. v. 661, who
compares a line from Aeschylus, ᾿Αλλ᾽ ἔστι κἀμοὶ χλὴς ἐπὶ γλώσσῃ φύλαξ.
Cf. also Soph. O. C. 1052. Bergk thinks that the lines are from
Pindar, and, judging by the sonorous style, his conjecture is a prob-
able one.

XIV. Ov γὰρ ἐν μέσοισι. Clem. Alex. Strom. v. 654.

δυσμάχητα, ‘hard-won’. Pindar, on the other hand, in a well-known
passage (ΟΖ. ii. 80, μαϑόντες x.t..) scorns the idea of the gift of poetry
being acquired by any labour. It must, however, be remembered
that to be a master of the art of Greek Melic Poetry with its elaborate
accompaniments, natural inspiration had to be seconded by very
careful training.

XV. Ὦ yAvad cloava x.t.A. Theodor. Metoch. p. 515.
πλουτοδότειρα. Cf. Bacchylides 1. τίκτει x.t.d.

XVI. Οὐχ αἰεὶ x.7.A. Plut. De Consol. c. 28, εἰ γοῦν ἡ Νιόβη «.7.A.
The words may very likely be from a Threnos, wherein consolation
was frequently sought from mythology. Cf. Simon. 11. and p. 19.

XVII. Καάπρος ἡνίχ᾽ κιτλ. Hephaest. p. 56, as an example of
Glyconics. See Introd. to Anacreon ad fin. Bergk is of opinion that
these lines are by Glycon himself, whom he considers to have been a
poet of the Alexandrine period.

XVIII. Χαροπαν xvva x.t.A. Dio Chrysos. Or. xxxiii. T. 11: 470,
referring to the legend of Hecuba being converted into a dog.
Welcker attributes this fragment to Alcman, but, so far as we can
conclude, it is entirely out of keeping with his metrical style (see p. 49).

11. 1-2. xvva, the accus. belongs to the construction in Dio Chrys. .

In γναϑμῶν πολιᾶν, if the reading be correct, we have a singular
instance of γναϑμός being used like γνάϑος in the feminine. οἵ...
φϑεγγομένας, for the change in construction Bergk compares 74. xvi.
531 ; xiv. 25; Od. xxii. 17, etc., in all of which cases we may regard
the participle as in the genit. absolute with the pronoun understood.

1. 4. πάγοι, conjecturally inserted by Bergk.

XIX. Προβάτων yap x... Plut. de Pyth. Orac. c. 29, in explanation
of the name Galaxion in Boeotia.
πέλλαι yao Bergk, for πέλλαι δὲ,

XX. "Ex Σάπφως x.t.A. Choerobosc. 7a Aldi Cornu Cop. 268.
Ahrens has restored the Lesb, accent to the Lesb. genitive Σαπφώς.

404. GREEK LYRIC POETS

XXI. Ἔγω φαμι, xt.y. Plut. De Garrul.c. 5. Bergk thinks that
the line, in an altered form, may be Sappho’s. Cf. Sap. xvi. 4, and
XVII. ἐν μοισοπόλω olxta.

XXII. "AdAov τρύπον, xt.A. Plut. De Amic. Mult. c. 5. Bergk

U U
τροπον for τρόπος.

XXIII. Ποιχίλλεται μὲν, κ-τιλ. Demetr. De Eloc. 164. One is reminded
of Pindar’s Dithyramb (Frag. VI. 1. 16), tote βάλλεται, τότ᾽ ἐπ᾿ ἀμβρόταν
χέρσον ἐραταί [ἴων φόβαι, x.T.A,

XXIV. οὐ μήν ποτε Clem. Al. Stvom. vi. 796. Bergk ποτε for ποτ᾽
ἂν, and χέρδεος for κέρδους, the former being more consistent with the
lyric ‘dialect’ (see p. 80).

XXV. Tiv ἄχταν, τίν᾽ ὕλαν, x%7.A. Dion. Hal. De Comp. Verb. c. 17.
For the Bacchic metre, cf. Aesch. Prom. 115.
Τίς ayw, tig ὀδμὰ προσέπτα μ᾽ ἀφέγγης ;

XXVI. Μισέω zt. Δ. Plut. Quaest. Symp. 1. Proem. and Lucian,
Sym Pos. C. 3.

XXVII. Tov Ἑλλαδος ἀγαϑέας, x.1.A. This, we are told by Douris
ap. Plut. Vt. Lysand. 18, was the first instance among the Greeks
of an adulatory apotheosis of a living man ; πρῶτον μὲν yao Ελλήνων
ἐχείνῳ βωμοὺς αἱ πόλεις ἀνέστησαν ὡς Dew καὶ ϑυσίας ἔϑυσαν, εἰς πρῶτον δὲ
παιᾶνες (cf. on Miscel. νἹ.), ἡσϑησαν, of one of which Paeans this
passage is the commencement. The degrading practice became a
popular one, as we see from the two succeeding passages, and from
Athen. xv. 697. It spread especially among the cities of Asia Minor,
in honour of Roman generals, governors, or emperors, sapping the
pagan religion of whatever soundness it still possessed, and marking
the decay not only of freedom, but of the very desire for freedom.
Consult on the subject Hermann, (7. Azféig. 11. p. 59 (ed. Stark,
Heidelberg, 1858). εὐροχόρου Naeke, for εὐρυχώρου.

XXVIII. Ὡς of μέγιστοι χιτιλ. Quoted by Athen. vi. 253 C with.a
full account from Demochares of the adulation heaped upon Demetrius
at Athens. For the circumstances leading to his triumphal reception
on this occasion, see Grote, vol. xii. p. 205 seg. (cf. p. 197). The date
of this occurrence, as indicated partly by the references to the
Aetolians, and to the Eleusinian Mysteries, was 302 B.C. in the month
Boedromion (part of September and October). Grote’s criticisms on
the sentiments of the song are worthy of attention: ‘ Effusions such
as these, while displaying unmeasured idolatry and subservience
towards Demetrius, are yet more remarkable as betraying a loss of
force, a senility, and a consciousness of defencelessness and degraded
position, such as we are astonished to find publicly proclaimed at

MISCELLANEOUS AND ANONYMOUS 405

Athens. It is not only against foreign potentates that the Athenians
avow themselves incapable of self-defence, but even against the incur-
sions of the Aetolians,’ etc. It is at least satisfactory to read that the
brilliant young warrior himself was disgusted with the unwholesome
compliments lavished upon him (see Athen. vi. 253 A). The song is
described by Athen. as an Ithyphallus, a species of religious lyric
now, like the Paean, no longer confined to the service of the gods,
The mode of delivering the Ithyphallus is described by Athen. xiv.
622, and it was of a nature to enhance the servility and idolatry of
the performers in this instance. They wore masks representing the
countenances of drunken men—wreaths on their heads and arms—
long white garments reaching to the ankles, etc.

1.1. ‘Q¢. Either we have not the beginning of the song, which is
not likely from the manner in which it is cited by Athen., or ὡς does
not belong to the poem, but to the words of Athen., some other
monosyllable beginning the line; or, thirdly, we must, with Hulle-
mann, read Ὡς.

1, 3. γὰρ Δήμ. καὶ, conjecturally inserted by Toupe, something cf
the kind being obviously required.

1. 7. ἵλαρός. .. χαὶ χαλός ; in this description flattery was in
accordance with fact, judging from the testimony of Plut. ΓΖΔ. Demetr.
c. 24. Indeed his lively disposition led him to excesses which it
required a stretch even of Athenian reverence tocondone. Cf. Grote,
vol. xii. p. 207.

1 9. σεμνὸς ot, χιτιλ. The text as it stands is only just translatable,
‘where he shines forth in majesty, his friends all around him, and
himself in their midst, like as if his friends were the stars and he the
sun’.

A majority of MSS. give σεμνὸν, and Bergk adopts the reading of
Meineke and Mehlhorn σεμνόν τι φαίνεϑ, He has also changed ὅμοιος
to ὅμοιον. Οἱ φίλοι probably refers to Demetrius’ personal retinue of
flatterers, Athen. 253, mentioning that the Athenians, of τῶν xohaxwy
χόλαχες, paid divine honours to these also.

]. 13. παὶ Ποσειδῶνος, alluding probably to his maritime power ;
χἀφροδίτης, a compliment to his beauty.

1. 15 seg. This passage, with its curious mixture of outspoken
blasphemy and fulsome idolatry, reveals to us how entirely the old
religion had by this time lost its hold on the Athenians. We may
compare Philos. Apollon. i. 15 (on Emperor cult): τοῖς βασιλείοις
ἀνδράσιν, ot καὶ Διὸς τοῦ ἐν ᾿Ελυμπία φοβερώτεροι τότε καὶ ἀσυλώτεροι ἦσαν,
and Ovid’s 7y7st. III. i. 35, and ll. 77-8.

1. 18. Cf. Hor. 3 Od. v. 2: ‘Praesens divus habebitur | Augustus.’

1. 25. Αἰτωλὸν (v. 1. Αἰτωλὸς) ; see Grote, vol. xii. pp. 164, 191, 204;
ἐπὶ πέτρας, in allusion to the mountainous country of the Aetolians.

29-30. In the general weakness of Greece, the Aetolians were able
to extend their cateran warfare as far as Attica itself.

1. 31. χόλασον Toupe, for σχόλασον.

406 GRE PKL VRC Riots

1. 34. σπίνον, Schweighauser for σπείνον, πεινῆν, etc., as if there were
some legend of the Sphinx being transformed to a finch. Meineke
σπίλον, a rock.

XXIX. Πίστιν δὲ Ρωμαίων, κιτιλ, The end of a Paean sung by the
Chalcidians in honour of Titus Flamininus, Plut. Vz¢. Flam. c. 16.

1. 2. I have conjectured μεγαλειοτάταν ‘most glorious at keeping
oaths’, for the corrupt μεγαλευχτοτάταν. Bergk reads μεγαλαυγοτάταν,
but a depreciatory sense attaches itself to this word.

XXX. Ode to Rome.

Stob. Flor. vii. 13. Μελιννοῦς Λεσβίας εἰς Ρώμην. It is presumed by
some that Melinno, a poetess of Epizephyrian Locri, is meant, who
is referred to “μέλ. Pal. vi. 353; and the epithet ‘Lesbian’ may be
due to the employment of Lesbian metre and style in the poem-
Schneidewin conjectures that the occasion of the Ode was either the
seizure of Locri by the Romans after the defeat of the soldiers of
Pyrrhus who had occupied the city (v. Liv. ix. 16): or else the
period of the first Punic war, indicated by the allusion to maritime
supremacy in 1. 10, πολιὰς ϑαλάσσας---Σὴ expression, however, which
Mehlhorn would explain as a mere laudatory exaggeration.

But on the whole the language made use of throughout the Ode
implies a period in the history of Rome when her empire was wider
and more firmly established than at the time of Pyrrhus or even of
the first Punic war ; and there is a ring of enthusiasm in the poem
too genuine for mere flattery. It is, therefore, I think, far better to
follow Welcker and others in attributing the Ode to the flourishing
period of Roman dominion, and to be content to remain in ignorance
as to the identity of Melinno.

The view that the song was composed by Erinna of Lesbos, and
that Ῥώμη is simply the personification of strength is disposed of in
Welcker’s Kleine Schriften vol. ii. p. 160, and needs little refutation.

The dialect is intended for Lesbian, but the strict Lesbian forms
are not always adhered to (cf. on Il. 1 and 3).

The remarks made on the metre of Lesbian Sapphics as compared
with Latin apply equally to this Ode: see p. 154 seg.

1. 1. ϑυγάτηρ “Apyos, particularly applicable to ‘Mavortia Roma’.
ἤλρηος, Epic, the Lesbian form would be rather “Agcvog, v. Meister,
p- 156.

1. 2. χρυσεομίτρα, the third syllable should be long, and Welcker
compares φιλομμειδής : but in the latter case the py» is no doubt
due to the lost consonant seen in our ‘smile’, while χρυσεομμίτρα
would have no such justification. See Monro’s Hom. Gram. secs. 371,
372, for the frequent lengthening of syllables composed of a short
vowel and a liquid. Many of these cases are accountable for by the
influence of a second consonant subsequently lost ; others are due to.
analogy ; but in not a few, notably in the instances of μέγας and

VMESCELEANEOUS*AND- ANONYMOUS 407

μέγαρον, we can allege no certain reason, etymological or otherwise.
Doubtless then in γρυσεομίτρα the author is endeavouring to copy a
not uncommon Epic practice.

1. 3 ναίεις. Lesbian would be ναύεις (v. Meister, p. 111, and cf.
Alcaeus Append. 2).

The Roman land is said to be a heaven upon earth. Schneidewin
compares Odyss. vi. 42. ϑεῶν ἕδος ἄσφαλες αἰεί.

ll. 6-7. ἀρρήχτω, v. Lesh. Dial. p. 84, ἔχοισα, p. 83.

1. 9. σδεύγλᾳ, Lesbtan Dial. p. 83.

1. 10, στέρνα γαίας, cf. Soph. O. 7. 691, στερνούχου χϑονός, with
Jebb’s note ad Joc. and Pind. Mem, vil. 33. παρὰ μέγαν ὀμφαλὸν
εὐρυχόλπου | μόλον χϑονός.

DIM TVA BIEL ΡΘΕΈΘ

I. (a) Pratinas.

Athen. xiv. 617 tells us that this poem was written as a violent
protest against the dominion in the orchestra of the flute-players.
whose boisterous notes cast the poetry into the shade (v. Art. v.
Pp. 40) ; αὐλητῶν καὶ χορευτῶν μισϑοφόρων χατεχόντων τὰς ὀρχήστρας,
ἀγαναχτεῖν τινας ἐπὶ τῷ τοὺς αὐλητὰς μὴ συναυλείν τοῖς χοροῖς, χαϑάπερ ἣν
πάτριον, ἀλλὰ τοὺς χοροὺς συνάδειν τόϊς αὐληταῖς. . . ὁ Πρατίνας ἐμφανίζει
διὰ τοῦδε τοῦ ὑπορχήματοςς Pratinas emphasises his invective by
scornfully employing the new metrical style, in which, by repeated
resolutions of the long syllable ‘in arsi’, poetical rhythm proper is
almost unrecognisable, though the loss was not felt when the words
had become subordinated to the music. The song is called a
hyporchem ; but the distinctions of the various classes of Melic
poetry were now becoming uncertain (v. p. 106) and the dithyrambic
form was beginning to pervade Melic in general ; thus, for instance,
this hyporchem is addressed not to Apollo (v. p. 5), but to Dionysus ;
on the other hand, the Cretics in ll. 8, 9, and 16 are characteristic of
the hyporchem.

ll. 1, 2. For the alliteration of the dentals, cf. on Sap. XXXI.

1, 2. τίνα, Stephanus for τί.

11. 4-5. ἐμὸς. . . ἐμὲ, ze. ‘I the poet, and not the flute-player,
should take the lead in the worship of Bacchus.’

1, 6. ϑύμενον, Bergk quotes Hesych. ἐχϑύμενος" tayus.

1.7. ἄγοντα, Hesych. ἄγω" μέλπω, ἄδω, but no doubt it implies not
merely ‘singing’, but ‘ taking the lead in the song’.

It is perhaps a mistake to attribute the song of swans to the poetic
imagination. Swans of a certain breed, not known in this country,
are said to have a very fine power of song.

1, 8. χατ. Π. βασίλειαν Bergk, from χατέστασεπιερείς βασίλεια,

408 GREE ER LY RICGe ORAS

1. τὸ. κωμῷ χιτιλ. uv. p. 8. and cf. Anacr. XXVII. and note on
Bacchyl. I. 5.

1. 12. I have given the Mss. reading, which defies-any but purely
conjectural emendation. Bergk defends παῖε (for which παῦε is
usually substituted) in the sense of ‘abigere’; comparing Ar. Wasps
456 (where, however, ἀπὸ follows) and Pausan. i. 24. 1, where the
meaning is uncertain.

In Φρυναίου it is probable that some such word as Φρύγα is con-
cealed, flute-playing being constantly associated with the Phrygians
(contrast Δωρίον, 1.17). Bergk reads παῖε tov Φρύγα tov ἀοιδοῦ | ποιχίλου
προαχέοντα, Hartung παῦε tov Φρύγ᾽ αὐλοῦ ποιχίλου πνόαν ἔχοντα.

1. 13. ὀλεσισιαλ. ‘ spittle-wasting’ Emperius and Bergk, for ὀλοσίαλον
χάλαμον, OF ὀλοσιαλοκάλαμον.

1. 14. 0 ὑπαὶ Emperius, for ϑύπα, ‘its body fashioned beneath the
borer’.

ll. 16-17. δεξιᾶς Bamberger, for δεξία ; the meaning appears to be
‘See! this is the way your hand and foot dash about’, alluding to
the fingers rushing up and down the πολύχορδος αὐλός (Simon.
XXIV. B. 1. 3), while the feet of the dancers endeavour to keep pace
with the excited notes. “Aée no doubt implies some imitative gestures
on the part of the performers.

1. 18. Δώριον, in the calm Dorian style. Cf. p. 31.

(β΄) “A μὲν ᾿Αϑανα κ.τιλ.

Athen. xiv. 616 Ε. ὁ μέν τις ἔφη τὸν Μελανιππίδην καλῶς ἐν τῷ Μαρσύᾳ
διασύροντα τὴν αὐλητιχὴν εἰρηκέναι περὶ τῆς ᾿Αϑηνᾶς κ-τιλ.

᾽Ἄϑανα, cf. on 8060]. Iv. 1. 1.

1. 4. οὐ με Bergk, for ἔμε.

(y) “Ov σοφόν x.7.A.

Athen. xiv. 616 Ε. Τελέστης τῷ Μελανιππίδῃ ἀντικορυσσόμενος ἐν ᾿Αργοῖΐ,

1. τ. seg. ‘Which cunning thing (sc. αὐλόν), I believe not that the
cunning goddess, bright Athene, amid the mountain thickets took and
cast the instrument again from her hands, fearing to deform her
countenance.’ “Opyavoyv, if the text be correct, resumes the object
already expressed in ov. Schweighauser plausibly suggests ἕν σοφόν,
Ζ.6. unum omnium, etc. Bergk reads ὀργάνων dep. on αἶσχος ; but the
flute is not described as a disgrace to musical instruments, but as
causing deformity or contortions in the face of the player.

1. 3. In the metrical scheme I have regarded the first two syllables
asthe “basis yz. ἢ. 38.

l. 5. χοροιτύπῳ, suggested in Liddell and Scott, cf. Pind. Frag. 57
(Bockh). Bergk χοροχτύπῳ, MSS. χειροχτύπῳ.

φηρὶ, this form of ϑήρ (Ὁ. Lesb. Dial. p. 83), seems to be specially
employed of human creatures partly akin to animals, such as the
Centaurs and the Satyrs.

1. 7. & Dobree and Bergk, for αἱ γὰρ.

1. 8. ἀχόρευτος, ‘cheerless’, ‘kill-joy’ (cf. Liddell and Scott), unless
there is a more special meaning of ‘unchoral’, ze. averse to choral

DITHYRAMBIC POETS 409

singing, for which the flute was particularly adapted. Two more
verses after 1. 11 are added by Athenaeus, but they are in a hope-
lessly corrupt condition.

(δ) ἢ Φρύγα x.t.A.

Athen. xiv. 617 Β. ὁ Τελέστης ἐν τῷ ᾿Ασχληπιῷ.

The Phrygian sovereign over the ‘sweet-breathing flutes’, who is
here said to have been the first to adapt the flute to the human
voice, Bergk supposes to be Olympus, from the mention of Avéov. . .
νόμον : cf. Plut. de Mus. c.xv. "Ohuprov. . . ἐπικήδειον αὐλῆσαι Λυδιστί,
The text however is too uncertain for any definite conclusions.
Λυδὸν ὃς Huschke, for αὔδονος ; ἅρμοσε Schmidt, for ἥροσε ; vou. αἰόλον
ὀμφᾷ Dobree and Schweighauser, for νομοαίολον ὀρφναί,

(ε) Οὐκ ᾷδω x.t.A. Athen. iii. 122 Ὁ.

1. 1. I have put adw for ἀείδω, in order to restore the Ionic metre
as we find it in Il. 3-5. In 1. 2 ἃ dipody of two choreic dactyls takes
the place of the Ionic, being of equal rhythmical value.

1. 2. ἄσματα Schneidewin, for ἅμα, Bergk μάλα.

1. 4. τὸ πάλαι Meineke, for τὸ παλαιόν.

II. (a) Πάντες δ᾽ ἀπεστύγεον χ.τ.λ. β

Quoted by Athen. x. 429 Β to illustrate the power of wine.

1. 3. Hartung’s reading for οὖν ἀπελαύοντος There is not much sense
in Bergk’s τοὶ μὲν dn’ wy ὄλοντο.

(ὁ) Κλῦθί μοι xt.A. Clem, Al. Strom. v. 716.

The language of these lines is a little remarkable, and is the out-
come of those higher religious sentiments which were beginning to
gain ground at the time among the cultivated. Cf. Introductory
remarks on Pindar’s Threni, p. 413.

111. (α΄) Dede, ϑεὸς χ.τ.λ.

Quoted by Philodemus περὶ εὐσεβείας, p. 85, ed. Gomperz, Vol. Herc.
nova Coll. ii. 11, with the remark that whatever may have been
Diagoras’ religious principles, he exhibits no trace of impiety in his
poetry. The lines are addressed to a certain Arianthes of Argos,
possibly in an Encomium, or an Epinician Ode. They are certainly
Pindaric in sentiment, cf. Pind. Frag. x11. β΄.

1. 2. νωμᾷ φρένα, cf. Od. xiii. 225. Αἰὲν ἐνὶ στήϑεσσι νόον πολυχερδέα
νωμῶν.

]. 3. Added by Didymus Alexan. de Trinizt. 111. 2, p. 320. Com-
pare Simon. XI.

(β΄) Κατὰ δαίμονα κ.τ.λ.

Philodemus /.c. Addressed to Nicodorus of Mantineia, a famous
boxer and subsequently a legislator.

ἐχτελείται, Philod. ἐχτελείσϑαι, but Sext. Empir. ix. 402 quotes from
Diagoras χατὰ Salp. x. τύχ. πάντα τελεῖται.

ΙΝ. (α΄) Παλλαδα. περσέπολιν κχ.τ.λ.
Quoted by the Scholia on Arist. Clouds 967,"H Παλλαδα περσέπολιν

410 CREEK LYRIC Onis

δεινὰν ἢ Τηλέπορόν tt βόαμα. The passage is given in one of the
Scholia almost exactly as it appears in the text. Other Scholia give
a somewhat different version, and it is mentioned that some con-
sidered the lines to be from Phrynichus. Thirdly, in Schol. Aristid.
T. ili. 537, similar words are attributed to Stesichorus ; so that we
may accept Bergk’s explanation that the three poets adopted some
ancient formula commonly addressed to Pallas. This is the more
likely, since in all the versions the first line exhibits the hexametric
form proper to the early hymnal style.

1. 3. δαμάσιππον. Bergk quotes from Ez. MZ. 474. 30. Ἱππία"
ἐχλήϑη οὕτως ἡ ADVE, ἐπεὶ ex τῆς κεφαλῆς TOD Διὸς pe ἵππων ἀνήλατο, ὡς
ὁ én’ αὐτῆς ὕμνος δηλοὶ, . . and he thinks that the hymn there men-
tioned is perhaps the ancient one imitated by Stesichorus, Phrynichus,
and Lamprocles.

(B') αἵτε notaveits x.t.A. Athen. xi. 491 C.

Ketove, Bergk and Meineke νείσϑε,

V. Λιπαρόμματε μᾶτερ x.t.2. Sext. Emp. xi. 49, 556 (Bekker).

See Miscellaneous Passages, No. v. and notes. Compare also
Scol. ΙΧ.

1. 2. ᾿Απόλλωνος as the god of healing.

1. 3. Bergk has improved the metre by reading ‘Yytet« in place of
the later form ‘Yyeta.

1. 6. Unless, as Bergk assumes, something is omitted between l. 5
and 1. 6, the expression is somewhat confused, since, strictly speaking,
the sense requires σέϑεν χωρίς to be included in the same sentence
with the words Tis γὰρ. . . apyas.

taodatpovos . . . ἀρχᾶς, cf. Eur. Zroad. 1169, τῆς ἰσοϑέου τυραννίδος,
and Eur. Hee. 356, where Polyxena describes herself, when a princess
of Troy, as ἴση Dediat, πλὴν τὸ χατϑανέϊν μόνον.

VI. Ὕπνος κτλ. Athen. xiii. 564 C, in discussing the power of the
eye in love, says that, according to Licymnius, Sleep was enamoured
of Endymion and kept open his eyelids in slumber. I have adopted
Meineke’s ὄσσοισιν ἐχοίμισε for ὄσσοις ἐχοίμιζε, which gives a harsh
metre.. Schmidt reads ὄσσοισι χοιμίζει χόρας, as the pupils may be said
to sleep even though the eyelids are open.

For the personified Ὕπνος see on Miscel. v. He is represented as
a child on the chest of Kypselos, Pausan. v. 18. I.

VII. (α Μυρίαις x.t.A. Stob. Ecl. Phys. i. 41. 50, with reference
to the supposed derivation of ᾿Αχέρων from ἄγος.

I have followed Grotius in inserting Αγέρων, for which there is the
authority of one MS., and I have endeavoured to improve the metre
by reading παγαῖσι for παγαῖς (Grotius for πάσαις).

(8’) Stob. Zc. The passage is of course in imitation of Aesch.
Ag. 1558, ὠχύπορον | πόρϑμευμ᾽ ἀχέων.

DTPA M SEG POETS 411

VIII. Ὦ κχαλλιπρόσωπε. Quoted by Athen. xiii. 564 , with the
remark that the Cyclops, as if with a presentiment of his blindness
(προμαντευόμενος τὴν τύφλωσιν), praises everything in Galatea except her
eyes. Athen. contrasts this ‘blind praise’ with the lines in Ibycus
11. Cf. above on VI. Καλλος Fiorillo, ϑάλλος Schweighauser, and
others Dados; cf. Ib. Zc. Χαρίτων ϑάλος.

IX. Σὺ τὸ ὦ tov ἀεὶ x.t.A. Macrob. Sa. i. 17. 19.

The Paean was addressed to Apollo, who, however, is here identified
with the sun-god Helios. This became common from the time of
Euripides onwards, and illustrates the tendency of the later Greeks to
convert mythical religious figures into physical ideas.

1, 2. axtion λαμ. Bergk for λαμ. axt.

1. 3. For the sake of the metre I have altered ἐχϑροίς to ἐχϑροῖσιν.

X. "Eyeve δ᾽ χκιτιλ. Athen. xi. 465 C, Τιμόϑεος ἐν Κύχλωπι.

1. I. χίσσινον.. . . δέπας, alluding perhaps to the κισσύβιον, the term
applied to the Cyclops’ cup, Od. ix. 346.

1. 4. The florid language is characteristic of the later Dithyrambic
poets. Baxytov for Baxyov, as in Soph. Andig. 154.

ΧΙ. (a’) KAewovx.t.A. Quoted by Plut. Vzt. Philopoem.c. 11. The
line chanced to be sung just as Philopoemon was entering the theatre.
The ‘ Persae’ was apparently a Nome, since in Plutarch’s account it
was being sung by a single lyre-player ; and the hexametric form of
« is a further indication ; cf. pp. 7, 266.

(β΄) Plut. de Aud. Poet. c. 11, Τιμόϑεος ὁρμιηϑεὶς οὐ χακώς ἐν τοῖς Πέρσαις
τοὺς Ἕλληνας παρεχάλει.

Belt ΒΤῸΙ 77. Agesz. Ὁ. v4

1. 2. Plutarch has the unmetrical χρυσὸν δὲ Ἕλλας χκιτὰλ' Bergk
places δὲ after Ἕλλας, a construction for which there would be in-
sufficient justification (see on Archil. xi. 9). 1 have, therefore, omitted
6: altogether.

XIII. Οὗτοι x..A. Chrys. π. ἄποφατ. c. 10, Cyclops loguctur.

XIV. Μαχάριος ἦσϑα xt.A. Plut. de Se 725. Laud. c. 1, condemning
the bad taste of Timotheus’ self-laudation.

Κάμωνος Bergk, for Κάρβωνος, explaining this passage by Pollux iv.
66, καὶ Ppiviv δὲ τὸν Kapovos μέλεσι πολυχαμπέσι. . . χεχρῆσϑαι λέγουσιν.

XV. ἴλλλος δ᾽ ἄλλαν κιτιλ. Athen. xiv. 637 A, Τελέστης ἐν “Ypevalw
διθυράμβῳ (see p. 106 note, on the confusion at this later period be-
tween the different classes of Melic poetry).

1. 1. Αλλος. Schweighauser remarks that we must suppose that there
are several musicians all playing the magadis, and that we should
rather expect the plural in ἐρέϑιζε, etc. He suggests ἀλλως.

Ἔρέϑιζε, ‘digitorum pulsu velut titillare’ (Dalecamp).

412 GREE ΟΕ ΘΙ

XVI. Πρῶτοι παρὰ χκιτιλ. Athen. xiv. 625 F, to prove that the Greeks
learnt the Lydian and Phrygian harmonies from the Lydians and
Phrygians who, as he says, accompanied Pelops to the Peloponnese.

XVII. Tod ἀνατίϑημι χιτιλ. Athen. xv. 670 E., the speaker being a
goatherd in love. Schweighauser supposes that he is presenting the
gifts to a boy whom he now neglects for a maiden. I think it preferable
to consider that, according to a common custom, the goatherd is
offering up to some deity (σοι) the emblems of his calling, which love
now forces him to abandon. To these he adds the simple rustic
offering of a rose.

1. 3. ἄλλα Schweighduser, for ἄλλαι. According to my explanation
of the passage «Ax must be taken adverbially.

κέχυται, cf, Pind. Zs¢h. i. 3, Δᾶλος, ἐν a κέχυμαι.

1. 4. Χάρισι φίλαν, a favourite compliment. Cf. Alcaeus XIII.

XVIII. Οὔτε παιδός ἄρρενος x..A. Athen. xiii. 564 A, from Lyco-
phronides.

Χρυσοφόρων, probably = χρυσοπέπλων, cf. γρυσόπεπλε xodpa, Anac. V.
1. 7., and Pind. /s¢h. v. 75 ; or perhaps ‘wearing golden ornaments’,
ch Scol: xvi, 9:1. 2.

1. 2. οὔτε Porson, for οὐδε.

1. 3. Corrected by Meineke from ἀλλὰ κόσμιον πεφύκει,

PINDAR’S FRAGMENTS

THRENOI

The well-known criticism of Dionys. Ret. p. 69, that Pindar’s
Dirges were written μεγαλοπρεπῶς and those of Simonides παϑητικώς
will be fully appreciated by any who compare the following passages
with e.g. the ‘Danae’ of Simonides (No. 1.). The latter, by exalting
the incident into the region of mythic ideality (cf. p. 19) affords an
indirect consolation by lending a poetic beauty to the sorrow of the
mourners. Pindar endeavours to transcend the sadness of the occa-
sion and to carry their thoughts beyond the gulf which separates this
world from the next.

It is not unnatural that his Threnoi should have won less popularity
than those of Simonides, especially when we consider how little in
harmony with ordinary Greek views were the doctrines exhibited in
the passages before us. His main theme, that the upright receive
everlasting rewards in the next life, may have been derived by him
from the Orphic poets, or perhaps from the mysteries of Demeter or
of Bacchus, wherein the doctrine was prominent. Others refer us
rather to Pythagoreanism; and indeed the Orphic, Bacchic, and

PINDAR’S FRAGMENTS 413

philosophical mystics seem to have had much in common; cf. Hat.
ii. 81. Totar ᾽Ορφικσῖίσι καλεομένοισι καὶ Βαχχικσίσι, ἐοῦσι δὲ Αἰγυπτίοισι καὶ
Πυϑαγορείοισι. Miiller in his Ast. of Greek Lit. ch. xvi., which should
be read on this subject, points out that, whereas in Homer only the
specially favoured, such as Menelaus, the son-in-law of Zeus, are
admitted to Elysium, while of the rest even the best lead but a joy-
less existence (cf. the well-known lament of Achilles in Od. xi. 489),
Pindar, on the contrary, holds out some form of Paradise to all who
can win it by their virtue. He is at one rather with Hesiod, accord-
ing to whom all the heroes (ύλβιοι ἥρωες) assemble in the Islands of
the Blest (Wks. 169). See Οἱ 11. 1.61 seg. Zeller, in his Pre-Socratic
Philosophy, Introd. sec. ii., asserts that Pindar is speaking of the
future rewards not of the pious in general, but only of those initiated.
in the mysteries. I see, however, nothing in the text to support the
limitation, with the exception of /vag. V.; and Plutarch’s words in
citing No. 11. are expressly against it (περὶ τῶν εὐσεβῶν ἐν adov, and
εὐσεβῶν χῶρον). He is rather, I think, in accord with the sentiments in
the fragment of Euripides Chrysifpus (Dindorf 836), and of the
Aphrodisias of Antiphanes, Stob. #7ov. 124. 27, in which passages
the doctrine of immortality has an universal application. Neverthe-
less Pindar was probably speaking, as usual, for aristocrats only,
and had no notion, to use M. Girard’s expression, of ‘une vaste cité
divine, facilement accessible ἃ tous.’

I. ᾽Ολβία δ’ ἅπαντες χ.τ.λ.

Plut. Cons. ad Apoll. 1. 35. ἐν... ϑοήνῳ περὶ ψυχῆς λέγων x72.
The doctrine that the immortal part of us awakes to life only when
our mortal members are asleep is said to be derived by Pindar from
Heraclitus, from whom Béckh cites the following passages : ϑαάνατός
ἐστιν ὁχόσα ἐγερϑέντες ὁρέομεν, ὁχόσα δὲ eUdovtes ὕπνος... Kat τὸ ζῆν
nor τὸ ἀποθανεῖν χαὶ ἐν τῷ ζῆν ἡμᾶς ἐστι χαὶ ἐν τῷ tedvavar. . . Ζῶμεν
τὸν ἐχείνων (τῶν ϑεῶν) ϑάνατον, τεϑνήχαμεν δὲ τὸν ἐχείνων βίον. The
well-known lines of Sophocles will also suggest themselves, Τίς δ᾽ οἶδεν
εἰ τὸ ζῆν μὲν ἔστι χατϑανεῖν x.t.2.,and Shelley’s A donais, Stanza xxxix. seg.

1. 1. ὀλβία δ᾽ ἅπαντες atom, 2.6. ἅπαντες of εὐσεβεῖς, since for others there
is in store the χαλεπῶν χρίσις (1. 5).

μετανίσσονται, conjecturally supplied by Béckh.

1. 2. ἕπεται, ‘obeys the call of’.

1. 3. αἰῶνος εἴδωλον ; judging from the context (εὕδει δὲ πρασσόντων
μελέων χ.τ.λ.}) the word εἴδωλον does not appear to indicate, as it usually
does, any diminution in reality, but to be used of the vital spirit in its
purity as divested of its bodily form. Translate perhaps ‘the image
of (true) life’, but the force of εἴδωλον must not be pressed too closely ;
unless indeed the meaning is that what was a mere semblance of life
before the death of the body survives it and is transformed intoa
reality.

l. 4. πρασσόντων μέλ., when the limbs are in action. For this neuter

414 GREEK ΠΝ τὸ ΡΘΕ

use of πράσσω, Béckh compares Wem. i. 26, πράσσει γὰρ ἔργῳ μὲν σϑένος
~ > [2
| BovAdicr δὲ φρήν.
εὑδόντεσσι, sc. μέλεσιν, or else ἀνϑρωποις.
1. 5. τερπνῶν χαλ. τε χρίσιν ‘award be it of gladness or of sorrow’,

II. Τσίσι λάμπει, κιτιλ. Quoted by Plut. Consol. ad Afoll. c. 35, and
reconstructed by Hermann and Béckh, with but little violence to
the original.

1. 1. ‘For them the might of the sun shineth below in our night-
season.’ Μὲν probably contrasts the lot of the righteous with the doom
of the unrighteous, subsequently described (v. on 1. 8). Notice that
Pindar is not speaking of the Isles of the Blest, as in O/. 11. 70 seg.,
but of an Elysium in Hades (κάτω). In that passage the sun is
described as shining both by night and by day, while the meaning of
this line is probably, though not certainly, that our night is day in
Elysium, and our day their night. Vergil, who partly imitates this
fragment, Aen. vi. 637 seg., speaks of a distinct sun and stars for
Elysium, ‘solemque suum, sua sidera norunt’.

1. 2. προάστιον (Hermann, for προάστειον), as if there were a πόλις in
Elysium of which this is the playing-ground. Vergil, on the other
hand, /.c., speaks only of groves and glades, a garden of Eden, as it
were, in which the spirits wander at random. ‘ Nulli certa domus ;
lucis habitamus opacis,’ 1. 673, cf. 638, 679, etc. His description was
more in accordance with the growing fondness of the Romans of his
day for country-life and surroundings, For προάστιον, cf. Arnold’s note
on Thuc. iv. 69: ‘The προάστειον of a Greek city was not what we
call a suburb, but rather an open space, like the parks in London.
. .. It was used as a ground for the reviews of the army, and for
public games, At Rome the Campus Martius was exactly what the
Greeks call προάστειον."

1. 3. σχιαρᾷ Hermann, for σχιερὰν, σχιαρὸν. Χρυσέσις χαρποὶς Bockh,
for χρυσοχάρποισι.

ll. 4-5. Cf. Vergil Zc. ll. 642-4, ‘ Pars in gramineis exercent membra
palaestris, etc. EvavOys an. té. ὄλβος, cf. Is. IV. (V.) 12, evavdet σὺν
ὄλβῳ. Metaphors of this kind from flowers are very common in
Pindar, ¢.g. ζωᾶς ἄωτον, ϑαάλλοισ᾽ apeta, Is. ἦς. ; ἱερὸν εὐζωᾶς ἄωτον,
Pyth. Iv. 131; αὐξεται δ᾽ ἀρετά, χλωραὶς ἐέρσαις ὡς ὅτε δένδρεον ᾷσσει,
%.t.A., Nem. VIII. 40.

1. 7. Sve Hermann, for ϑύματα.

ll. 8-9. These lines, which, as far as they go, correspond metrically
to ll. 6 and 7, the last of the strophe, evidently belong to a descrip-
tion of the place of the wicked. ‘Where sluggish streams of murky
night belch forth their impenetrable gloom,’ as if the darkness rose
up from the black, misty rivers of Hades. With PAnypct.. . ποταμοί,
cf. Hor. 2 Od. xiv. 17, ‘visendus ater flumine languido Cocytus’;
Aeneid vi. 323, ‘Cocyti stagna alta vides, Stygiamque paludem,
Βληχρὸς is applied to calm winds in Alcaeus XXVII.

PINDAR’S FRAGMENTS 418

111. Ψυχαὶ δ᾽ ἀσεβέων, x.t.A. Quoted by Clem. Alex. Strom. iv. 640,
22, and attributed to Pindar by Theodoretus. There can however be
little doubt that Dissen is right in rejecting the testimony of the
latter. Pindar would hardly have spoken of the souls of righteous
going to heaven, and not to the Elysium in Hades, or to the Μαχάρων
Νῆσοι ; nor is he likely to have used such an expression as μάχαρα
μέγαν. The passages mentioned in Fennell’s note (from Prof. Sey-
mour) do not materially affect Dissen’s argument; and it is probable
that the poet was of the Jewish or Christian religion.

1. 2. πωτῶνται, Dissen compares Lumen. 98, where Clytemnestra,
speaking of her existence in Orcus, says αἰσχρῶς ἀλώμαι.

1. 4. ναίοισαι, 7.656. Dial. p. 83.

]. 5. ἀείδοντ(ι), Bockh for ἀείδουσ(ι), v. Dor. Dial. p. 95.

IV. οἷσι δὲ Φερσεφόνα, x... Quoted by Plat. Meno, 81 B, in con-
nection with his doctrine of ἀνάμνησις. Pindar is supposed to derive
his notions of transmigration from the Pythagoreans or from the
Orphic poets. Compare with this passage, Plat. Rep. x. 615 A, and
Aeneid vi. 713, 738, etc. Dissen, judging from the expression ποινὰν

. πένϑεος, and from the period of nine years (v. Miiller’s Dorzans, 1.
pp. 353 and 445), thinks that Pindar is speaking of a case of involun-
tary homicide. But πένϑεος simply as an euphemism for sin is not
inappropriate to the context, where emphasis is laid on the penance ;
and the number ze may very likely have some connection with Pytha-
gorean mysticism (cf. the employment of its factor τρίς in a similar
passage, Οἱ 11. 68); finally, why should Pindar say that the souls of
kings and heroes issue from the souls of those who have atoned for
involuntary homicide ?

1. 1. οἷσι, ‘at whose hands’, cf. Pyth. Iv. 22, ϑεῷ. . .. ξείνια... δέξατο.

παλαιοῦ πέν. cf. Aen. vi. 739, ‘veterumque malorum | supplicia
expendunt’.

1. 2. ἐνάτῳ ἔτεϊ, Plato and Vergil make the period a thousand years,
The expression here may possibly account for Horace’s ‘ nonumque
prematur in annum’, Ars Poet. 388.

1, 3. ψυχὰς Bockh, for ψυχὰν.

1. 5. ἥρωες has its penultimate short as in ἥρωας ἀντιϑέους. Ῥ, 1. 53.

V. Ολβιος ὅστις, χιτιλ. Clem. Alex. Strom. iii. 518. Πίνδαρος περὶ τῶν
ἐν ᾿Ελευσῖνι μυστηρίων. A dirge ‘On an Athenian who had been initi-
ated at Eleusis.’ So Fennell; he might have added that this is a
pure assumption on the part of Béckh (not Bergk, as Fennell says),
and that there is no direct evidence that the lines belong toa dirge
at all.

1. τ. Κοίλαν, for χοινὰ, Heins and Béckh.

ll, 2-3. ote... 8. τελευτᾶν. This expression supports the view that
those initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries were introduced to certain
esoteric doctrines with regard to a future life (cf. above, Introd. to
Threnoi).

416 GIR ENR ne SOLE iS

VI. Ἴδετε ἐν χορόν, x.t.A. Quoted by Dionys. Hal. de Comp. Verb.
c. 22, as exhibiting the quality of to doyatxdv . . . καὶ αὐστηρόν, and
not τὸ ϑεατρικὸν χαὶ γλαφυρὸν κάλλος, Pindar being the representa-
tive that he selects in poetry of the αὐστηρὰ ἁρμονία, and Thucydides
in prose.

The song was apparently composed for the Great Dionysia at
Athens, celebrated in the month Elaphebolion (part of March and
April); and in date is subsequent to the Persian wars (v. on ]. 5).
The excited nature of the rhythm throughout, and the rapturous
enthusiasm with which the approach of spring is described, are
eminently characteristic of the dithyramb at its best; and it is easy
to understand how such a style, in the hands of inferior poets, degene-
rated into the florid inanity which characterises the later dithyrambic
poets (cf. p. 264, and p. 267).

1. 1. There is a preponderance of authority for ἴδετε rather than δεῦτε.

Ἔν is here used in the sense of εἰς, as in several passages of Pindar.
Originally Greek employed only one preposition, ἐν, to do duty, like
the Latin 27, for the similar notions of ‘in’ and ‘into’. ἢ Ἔν-ς, whence
εἴς, ἐς, was a later form adopted by most dialects; but Boeotian,
Thessalian, etc., retained the double signification of ἐν. See G.
Meyer 58.

]. 2. Dissen, remarking that the word χάρις is constantly associated
with Bacchus (cf. on Popular Songs III.), translates it ‘festivitas’,
‘laetitia’. I should interpret it rather in its ordinary sense, ‘Send,
or impart, charm to our choral dance and song’ (I. 1). Compare
xu. δ΄, ‘It is God who imparts charm to the song’. Χαρις in
such cases does not greatly differ from κάλλος, only it is beauty as
winning favour. Fennell renders χλυτὰν χάριν, ‘loud song’, but the
passages he quotes for this use of χάρις (Zs¢h. iii. 8, vii. 16) hardly
justify so boldatranslation. Bergk interprets the line rather strangely,
‘non ἐπιπέμπετε χάριν Pindar dixit, sed πέμπετέ pe ἐπὶ χαριν᾽. Χάρις and
the Χάριτες play an important part in Pindar’s vocabulary, see
Donaldson’s Index and Professor Jebb’s article on Pindar, Hed/.
Journ. vol. 111.

1. 3. ὄμφαλον. Dissen, with much plausibility, urges that by this is
meant the Altar of the Twelve Gods in the Athenian ἀγορα (1. 5), which,
according to Miiller, was the centre from which distances round Athens
were measured, and which might properly be called πολύβατον,
‘multum frequentata a diis’ (Dissen).

1. 5. πανδαίδαλον. .. ἀγοράν, the ancient forum between the Pnyx,
Acropolis, and Areopagus. Πανδαίδ, refers to its splendid restoration
after the havoc of the Persian occupation (Béckh).

ll. 6-7. The reading here is uncertain ; ἐαριδρύπων Bergk, Béckh
λοιβᾶν, for λοιβὰν. Τᾶν τ’ ἐαρ. λοιβᾶν, “ drink-offerings of spring-
gathered herbs’ (Myers). Bergk reads στεφάνων τῶν ἐαριδρόπων᾽
ἀμοιβὰν Διόϑεν x7.A.. explaining ἀμοιβὰν as χάριν, ‘in return for the
garlands offered to you.’

PINDAR’S FRAGMENTS 417

For Διόϑεν, which Bergk explains as οὐρανόϑεν, ‘look down on me
from heaven’, see below on I. 13.

1. 8. πορευϑέντ᾽ ἐς ἀοιδάν Hermann, for πορευϑέντες ἀοιδὰν, π, ἀοιδαῖς,
π. ἀοιδαί, ΒδΟΚΗ reads σὺν ayhag ἰὃ. πορευϑέντ᾽ ἀοιδᾷ.

δεύτερον. Fennell suggests that the first occasion may have been
that with which Frag. XIV. is connected.

Il, 11-12, psdncpev .. eguodov, ‘I came to sing’, so Béckh for
μέλπομεν, χ.τιλ. Πατέρων... γυναικῶν, plural for singular referring
to Zeus and Semele respectively. Cf. /s¢. VII. (VIII.) 36, Atos map’
ἀδελφεσίσι, 2.96. Poseidon, as the Schol. say.

μὲν contrasts the divine father with the mortal mother, but any
unnecessary emphasis on the contrast is avoided by te taking the
place of δὲ.

ll. 13-14. Taking the reading in the text, the meaning of this much
disputed passage apparently is as follows :—‘ Although I, the bard
(μάντις), was at Nemea, I failed not to remember the approach of the
Dionysia with the spring-time.’ Thus is explained the words Διόϑεν

. . πορευϑέντ᾽. . . ἐπὶ χισσ, ϑεόν, 2.6. ‘journeying from Nemea (where
Zeus was the presiding deity) to the Dionysia at Athens.’ The
mention of Nemea, or some place where the poet has last been stay-
ing, is natural enough after ἔμολον in 1. 12, although Bergk renders it
probable that Béckh and others are wrong in placing the Nemean
games in the winter (v. Poetae Lyr. Gr. vol. 1. p. 14 seg.). Either the
present tense Aavdave is used for the past, or we may consider that
the poet did not leave Nemea in person, but in the words πορευϑέντα
and ἔμολον is simply identifying himself with his song.

Φοινιχοεάνων, ‘bright-robed’, H. A. Koch from φοίνικος ἐανῶν
gowtxzosawy. The usual reading is φοίνικος ἔρνος, which Boéckh explains
by the fact that the victor at the Nemean games received a branch of
palm, the μᾶντις, according to his interpretation, being the priest who
looked after the sacred tree. Even if Bockh were right with regard
to these games being in the winter, such an allusion as this would
surely be unnatural and misplaced. With φοινικοεάνων the subject of
AavOaver is implied in ὁπότε x.t.A. ‘In Argive Nemea the bard over-
looketh not the season when the nectarous plants feel the fragrant
spring-time as the chamber of the bright-robed hours is flung open.’
Cf. Alcaeus I., Ἦρος ἀνθϑεμόεντος ἐπαΐον ἐρχομένοιο, and with οἰχϑέντος
ch Luer, 1: 10-11 :

‘Simul ac species patefacta est verna diei
Et reserata viget genitabilis aura Favoni.’

Jebb, in his article on Pindar already referred to, suggests that
many of Pindar’ epithets may refer to well-known contemporary
pictures or other works of art, e.g. gowmonefav . . . Δάματρα (OL, vi.
94). The same might well be conjectured of the epithet φοινιχοεάνων
as applied to ‘Qeay.

2.19

418 GIVE EK YR TCs Or ΒΞ

ἐπαΐωσιν, the plural verb with a neuter plural subject is not uncom-
mon in Pindar, cf. Py¢h. i. 13, O2. 11. 91, O2. ix. 89.

Bergk’s version of ll. 13-15 is as follows: ἐναργέ᾽ ἀνέμων μαντήϊ οὐ
λανϑάνει, | φοινικοεάνων ὁπ. oly, Qo. Dar. | cod. ἐπάγωσιν gap" φυτὰ νεχτάρεα

| tote x.T.A.

1. 16. βάλλεται, a good instance of the ‘Schema Pindaricum,’ cf.
ἀχεῖται below. Matthiae, Gr. Gr. sec. 303; remarks that in most
instances there is a singular noun or a neuter plural forming part of
the subject, as in //. xvii. 387, xxiii. 380, and Pind. O/7. x. 5-6. In this
passage, however, as in Pyth. x. 71, xéitat . . . χυβερνάσιες, such an ex-
planation does not hold good. In both, as in most other instances,
the verb precedes its subject, and, in. the words of Professor Gilder-
sleeve (/utroduction to Pindar, p. \xxxviii.), we have ‘not so mucha
want of concord, as an afterthought’.

1. 17. ἴων φόβαι, referring to the violet garlands worn at the Dionysia,
cf. ἰοστέφανοι in Frag. XIV.

1. 18. ἀχέϊται, for the middle = qyé, cf. Oed. Col. 1500, where, how-
ever, Jebb takes the verb to be in the passive. Bergk ἀχεὶ τ᾿ ὄμφαι
χιτιλ. Avdots, the usual Bacchic instrument, cf. p. 37.

VII. ᾿Αχτὶς ᾿Αελίου κτλ, Dionys. Hal. De adm. vi dic. Demosth.
Ge7:

The eclipse which was the cause of this supplication is said by
Ideler to have been that which occurred on April 30th, 463 B.C. at 2
P.M., just falling short of a total eclipse. The fragment is assumed
by Béckh to be from a hyporchem, both on account of its metrical
nature and from the words of Dionys., who is speaking of ‘ Dithy-
rambs and Hyporchems,’ to the former of which, from the nature of
the subject, this cannot belong. The hyporchem belongs to the cult
of Apollo (v. p. 5) ; but Dissen properly warns us not to think that
Apollo is in this fragment identified with the sun. See on Dithy-
rambic Poets, No. x. More special reference may have been made
in the course of the poem to Apollo as ἀλεξίκαχος, or the like.

1. τ. ᾿Αχτὶς Ach, cf. “μέρ. 1. 100, so that conceivably this phrase
was a common form of addressing the sun. ἐμᾶς θέας... ὀμμάτων,
‘O mother of mine eye-sight.’. Dionys. has ἐμῆς Deo μ᾽ ἄτερ ὀμμάτων ;
Boissonade μᾶτερ, the rest is my ownconjecture. In Philostrat. ᾿Ξ 2252.
53 we find the words paraphrased thus—tiyv ἀχτῖνα... εἶναι τῶν ἐμῶν
ὀφθαλμῶν μέτρα ; hence Bockh reads ἐμαῖς ϑέαις pete’ ὀμμάτων, which
he interprets ‘visui meo mensura rerum adspectabilium,’ regarding
ὄμματα as = ϑεάματα, for which he compares Soph. ZZ. 903, and Plat.
Phaedr. 253 ©. But dain the plural for ‘eyesight’ is objectionable,
and Bergk remarks that the Mss. of Philostrat. give not μέτρα but
μητέρα. See Bergk for many other conjectures ; his own reading is
τί πολύσχοπ᾽ ἐμήσαο, ϑοῶν μᾶτερ ὀμμάτων ;

1. 2. ἄστρον, of the sun, cf. ΟΔ 1.6; and Aesch., Sept. contr. Th. 390,
calls the full moon πρέσβιστον ἄστρων.

τ τ ERAGMEN ES 419

1. 3. ‘Made useless unto men the wings of their strength’ (Myers).
Similarly Lid. and Scott, ‘soaring, aspiring strength.’ But why not
‘transient, fleeting’, as in Eur. Frag. 273, πτηνὰς- ἐλπίδας This
quality is constantly associated with the attribute of wings, as in the
instances of Victory, Fortune,.and Love.

]. 4. σοφίας, ‘especially augury and foreknowledge’ (Fennell).
Corrected by Hermann and Schneider from ἐπίσχοπτεν at. ἐσσαμένα.

1, 5. ἐλαύνειν, cf. Nem. III. 74; ἐλᾷ δὲ καὶ τέσσαρας ἀρετὰς | ὁ μαχρὸς
αἴων. Tt νεώτερον ‘some strange thing’ (Myers) ; a familiar euphem-
ism, cf. Pyth. iv. 155; and Soph. ΦΖΖΖ. 1229, etc.

1. 6. I have slightly altered Hermann’s ἵπποις ϑοαῖς, MSS. ἵππος Doas.

ll. 7-8. τράποιο, MSS. τρόποιο. The use of the middle τρέπομαι in an
active sense is doubtful, and some editors therefore read τράποις.

1. 9, δ᾽ εἰ σᾶμα Hermann, for δὶς ἅμα. I have partly followed Bergk’s
inversion of the order of the words in this sentence, στάσιν οὐ. occur-
ring in the MSS. most inappropriately between vigetod of. ὑπ. and ἢ
πόντου χεν. %.T.A,

1. 13. διερὸν Scaliger, for ἱερόν.

1. 14. καταχλύσαισα, Lesh. Dial. p. 83.

1. 15. Hermann’s reading from one MS. oAog . . . dev ott, χιτιλ. the
rest giving GAogv . . . πάντων, x.T.A.

Fennell compares Eur. Phoeniss. 894: εἷς yao ὧν πολλῶν μέτα τὸ
μέλλον εἰ χρὴ πείσομαι" τί yap πάϑω ;

VIII. (α΄) Χαΐρ΄ ὦ ϑεοδμάτα, κ.τιλ.

Il. 1-5. Philo De Corrupt. Mundz, p. 961 (ed. Francof.) ; the rest by
Strabo x. p. 742 B, 743 A. It is a Prosodion, or rather ‘ Processional
Paean’ (παιὰν προσοδιακός), sung by worshippers approaching Delos,
of the kind mentioned by the Schol. 7521. 1. ad 77111.

1. 2. ἔρνος, further explained by πόντου ϑύγατερ (I. 3).

1. 3. ἀχίνητον. In Hdt. vi. 98, we are told that Delos was first dis-
turbed by an earthquake in 490 B.C. in accordance with an oracle
χινήσω χαὶ Δῆλον ἀχίνητόν περ ἐοῦσαν. Thucyd. ii. 8, speaking of the
Peloponnesian War, says, Δῆλος ἐχινήϑη ὀλίγον πρὸ τούτων, πρότερον
οὔπω σεισϑεῖσα, ἀφ᾽ οὗ Ἕλληνες μέμνηνται. Klein endeavours to recon-
cile the discrepancy by supposing that Hdt. ante-dates, and Thucyd.
post-dates, the same occurrence. We may either assume that Pindar
wrote before the earthquake, whatever its date, or take ἀκίνητον simply
as opposed to τοπάροιϑε φορητά below.

ll. 4-5. Δᾶλον ‘ Far-seen’; ἄστρον, the ancient name being Asteria.
Dissen remarks that primitive names are constantly ascribed, especi-
ally in Epic poetry, to the gods (cf. Odyss. x. 305; Μώλυ δέ μιν
zadsovuat deol, and //. xiv. 291 ; 77. i. 403).

Antistr. 1. 4, Kotoyevys, Porson’s correction from xa ὁ γένος,
χαινογενὴς. Cf. Apoll. Rhod. Avgon. ii. 710; Λητὼ Κοιογένεια, and
Hes. Theog. 404. Θοαῖϊς Béckh, for Ovo, ϑείαις ; Bergk ϑύοισ᾽
(=%vovcx), with a different metrical arrangement.

420 GREEK. DY RE C32 Oasis

1. 5. ἐπέβα νιν Porson, for ἐπιβαίνειν.

δὴ τότε, χιτιλ. ‘Then verily from foundations deep in the earth
there shot up four straight pillars, shod in adamant, and held up the
rocky isle on their capitals.’ Πρέμνων Hermann, for πρυμνῶν.

1. 8. ἐπόψατο γένναν, a fine example of Pindar’s terse descriptive
power, a picture of the mother’s fond gaze on her ‘ goodly offspring’
being called up by a single stroke.

(β΄) Πρὸς ᾿Ολυμπίου, xt.A. Aristid. T. 11. p. 379. Béckh concludes
that the passage is from a Prosodion on approaching Delphi, and
apparently the poet himself took part in it.

χώρῳ. Donaldson thinks that this refers to the dancing-place at
Delphi, where the choral odes were performed.

Πιερίδων προφάταν, cf. Fv. 118 (Béckh), Mavteveo Μοῖσα, προφατεύσω δ᾽
ἐγώ, and Plat. Laws, iv. 719, ποιητὴς ὁπόταν ἐν τῷ τρίποδι τῆς Μούσης
χαϑίζηται. In Plat. Phaedr. 262, Μουσῶν προφῆται is used of grasshop-
pers ; cf. on Alcaeus, ΠῚ 1. 3.

SCOLIA.

For Pindar’s Scolia, see Béckh, vol. 111. p. 607; Bergk, Poet. Lyr.
Gr. vol. i. 371; and Engelbrecht De Scol. Poest, ad fin. It is doubt-
ful whether they were comprised in an independent book, but that he
wrote songs falling under this division of Melic poetry, we know
from his own testimony in 27. 87 (Béckh), τοιάνδε μελίφρονος dpyay
εὑρόμενον σχολιοῦ. Their peculiarity was that they were choral, thereby
illustrating the tendency in Greek Lyric poetry to extend the province
of choral song (v. p. 24). Béckh conjectures that they were delivered
by only one singer at a time, while the rest of the band accompanied
him in silence with the dance. The strophes, so far as we can judge,
were short, and the metrical system was in the simple Dorian style.
There are several fragments which seem to be referable to the class
of choral Scolia, their common characteristic being that they relate
to the appropriate convivial subjects, love and the banquet.

IX. Χρῆν μὲν χατὰ καιρὸν, χιτιλ. Quoted among various specimens of
love-poetry by Ath. xiii. 601 C, who speaks of Pindar as οὐ μετρίως ὧν
ἐρωτιχός. It is only in these fragments that this feature in his char-
acter exhibits itself, since, with rare exceptions (e.g. in the beautiful
passage concerning the love of Apollo and Cyrene, Pyth. Ix.), it is
conspicuously absent in the Epinician Odes. ‘The lines are in praise
of Theoxenus of Tenedos, a youth in whose arms Pindar is said to
have died (Suidas).

1. 1. Notice χρῆν, not χρὴ, ‘it were right’ under other circumstances ;
z.e. ‘the beauty of Th. makes me forget what becomes old age’. Mév
Heyne, for ps.

ll. 2, 3,4. Quoted elsewhere also by Athen. 564, with the expression
ὁ μεγαλοφωνότατος Πίνδαρος. In this passage Ath. gives ὄσσων instead

PNAS hea ΟΝ ΕΝ TS 421

of προσώπου, which occurs in Ath. 601 C, and which is less poetical.
Hermann restores the metre by the insertion of τις,

Μαρμαριζοίσας (Les. Dial. p. 83). Dissen compares the ὄμματα
μαρμαίροντα of Venus, 74. ill. 397.

1. 4. μέλ. xa9d. Dissen, who compares Soph. 47. 955, χελαινώπαν
ϑυμὸν of Ulysses, regards the epithet as implying not dulness of heart,
but villany or brutality. If so, Pindar is regarding vice as the natural
associate of insensibility, just as Shakespeare does in the passage:
‘The man that has not music in his soul,’ etc. But I think that
the force of μέλαιναν is explained rather by ψυχρᾳ φλογί, ze. ‘The
dark metal of his heart has never been heated to a red glow’. Or
possibly ‘black’ in this connection signifies ‘turbid’, ‘brooding’,
compare πορφύρω, καλχαίνω, perhaps from the notion of the black
and turbid surface of a pool.

1. 6. Bratws, ‘strenuously’, ‘with all his force’, not in the sense of
Aristot. Ethics 1. v. 8. ὁ δὲ χρηματιστὴς (βίος) Plaids τίς ἐστι, 2.5. a life
one would only take to of necessity.

yov. do, χιτιλ. Fennell suggests that Space is a ‘ Pindaric’ dative
after ϑεραπεύων, an attendant on shameless women’, the meaning
being that such a man is incapable of true love. Dissen, adopting
Schneider’s ψυχὰν for Ψυχρὰν interprets ‘muliebri nequitia vagatur huc
illuc animo, omnem viam sequens’.

ll. 8-9. ‘But I by her power (Aphrodite’s) melt away like the wax
of sacred bees, when caught by the heat.’ Taod’ gat. Hermann, for
δ᾽ ἕχατι τᾶς. “Eda ἱρᾶν Bergk, for ἐλεηρὰν, ἐλεκρὰν. Bockh reads ἀλλ᾽
ἐγὼ (ὥρας) ἕχατι τᾶς (ποϑεινᾶς) χηρὸς ὡς | Δαχϑεὶς ἐλαιηρᾶν μελισσᾶν (the
honeyed bees). With τᾶἄσδ᾽ ἕχατι cf. Aleman XVL., Κύπριδος ἕκατι. The
epithet ἱερὸς is applied by Pindar to bees in Prag. 129 (Bockh), ταῖς
tepdiiar μελίσσαις τέρπομαι., and Bockh explains it from the fact that
bees were closely connected with the worship of Ceres and Proser-
pine. Demeter and Artemis were both called Μέλισσα, and the
priestesses at Delphi Μέλισσαι (v. Liddell and Scott) ; and there seems
to have been a special connection between bees or honey and pro-
phecy. See Pind. O/. vi. 47, and Hom. Hymn to Mercury 556 seq.
Κηρὸς δαγχϑεὶς ἕλα is, however, a doubtful expression, though δαχϑεὶς in
the sense of ‘love-smitten’ is not uncommon: cf. Eur. Poe. 303,
Hipp. 1303. With the whole passage Cookesley compares Ov. Wet.
il. 487 seg. :

. . ‘ut intabescere flavae

Igne levi cerae. .
. . sic attenuatus amore
Liquitur, et caeco paulatim carpitur igni’.

Ι. το. Hartung is in favour of omitting the words υἷον ’Ayys., and
indeed it is perhaps somewhat unnatural to say ‘In Tenedos Per-
suasion and charm dwell in the son of Ages’, as if Persuasion, like
χάρις, were a personal quality of his. It is not unlikely that viov is

422 GAR dE EK ΡΝ ΘΟ Ol ΝΞ

governed by a verb not preserved, so that ]. to would be simply ‘ In
Tenedos Persuasion dwells’. For Peitho, see on Sappho I. 18.

X. ᾿Ανίχ᾽ avdownwy %7.A.

Quoted by Athen. xi. 782, in illustration of the inspiring influence
of wine. Compare the very similar passage from Bacchylides II.
and note. From the nature of the subject I have placed this frag-
ment under the heading of ‘ Scolia’.

1. 3. ἴσᾳ Hermann, for ἴσα. Bergk, who objects to ἴσα as an adverb
in Pindar, reads ἴσα.

ll. 4-5. Dissen thinks that the gap indicated after πλουτέοντες by
Athen. (ct? ἐπάγει) is a small one. Transl. ‘And the rich grow
(wealthier still), their senses mastered by the vine-shaft’.

XI. Boéckh thinks that these three passages, only the first of
which is quoted as Amphiaraus’ admonition to his son, form part of
a single poem, probably a Scolion (see however on y’), which was
very likely, as Dissen suggests, addressed by Pindar to some youth
about to assume the ‘toga virilis’.

(a) “QO τέχνον κ.τ.λ.

Athen. xii. 513 c. Amphiaraus to his son Amphilochus. ‘ In Rome
do as Rome does.’ Cf. Scolia XXII.

Pindar is apparently borrowing from a Cyclic poet quoted by
Athen. vil. 317 A:

, , ' , “
πουλυποδός μοι τέχνον ἔχων νοον, ᾿Αμφίλοχ᾽ jows,
- Dan ly ἔα, ON BN
TOiaty ἐφαρμόζου, τῶν χεν καὶ δῆμον ἵκηαι.

ἐπαινήσαις (Lesd. Dial. p. 83), ‘assenting to’, cf. 71. xviil. 312 :
Ἕχτορι μὲν γὰρ ἐπήνησαν χαχὰ μητιοῶντι,

(B’). Μὴ πρὸς ἅπαντας κ.τ.λ.

Clem. Al. Strom. 1. 345. 11.

1. 1. ἀναρρῆξαι, like προφαίνειν, must be taken in an imperative sense,
and, as these fragments occur amidst a series of precepts, Monro’s
remark that this kind of infinitive usually follows an imperative may
very well apply to the present instances (Hom. Gram. p. 162).

For the expression cf. Ar. Knights 626, ἐλασίβροντ᾽ ἀναρρήξας ἔπη,
and ‘rumpitque hanc pectore vocem’, Aen. ili. 246. ’Aypétov Bockh,
for ἀρχαῖον, the correction being supported by the words δι οὐδὲν
γρήσιμον quoted by Clem. Al. in illustration of this passage. ’Aypétov
appears to be an example of μείωσις, ‘useless’, 2.6. ‘harmful’, ‘irritat-
ing’, unless ay. λόγον signifies rather ‘unseasonable exhortation or
admonition’.

1. 2. mot. σιγ. ὁδός ‘Silence is the safest course’. Sylburg for ὅτι
πιστοτάταις σιγᾶς Odctc. Cf. Simon. XIV. C and Nem. v. 15—ovtor
ἅπασα χερδίων | φαίνοισα πρόσωπον ἀλάϑει’ ἀτρεχής | zal τὸ σιγᾶν πολλάκις
ἐστὶ σοφώτατον ἀνϑοώπῳ νοῆσαι.

ὁ χρατιστέυων λόγ. ‘overbearing language’.

PINDAR’S FRAGMENTS 423

(γ΄) ᾿Αλλοτρίοισι x...

Stob. Flor εἶχ 1. Πινδάρου Ὕμνων according to one MS.

Béckh attaches these lines to Frag. β΄ so as to form one con-
tinuous passage. The transition, however, would be abrupt both in
language and sentiment. ;

11. 1-2. Cf. Pyth. iii. 84, τὰ καλὰ τρέψαντες ἔξω.

1. 4. ath. κακ. Bockh, for ἀτληχηχότας, ἀτλητηχότα. Bergk ata, from
a MS. ἄτη.

XII. («) Tt & edmene x.t.A.

Stob. Ecl. Phys. ii. 18. Πινδάρου Παιάνων. and Clem. Al. Szrom.
v. 726.

Boéckh ἔμμεναι, gocuvace, for εἶναι, ἐρευνᾶσαι, For the signification
of ἔλπεαι, cf. Nem. vii. 20.

To the poem in which the passage occurs may perhaps belong the
expression which Pindar uses of τοὺς φυσιολογοῦντας (Stob. For.
Ixxx. 4) ἀτελῆ σοφίας καρπὸν δρέπειν; quoted by Plat. Rep. v, 457 B.

Pindars words suggest to us the long-standing quarrel between
poets and philosophers, mentioned by Plato, Re. x. 607.

(β΄) Θεοῦ δὲ δείξαντος ἀρχᾶν χ.τ.λ.

Epist. Socr.1., from a hyporchem, of which the Cretic rhythm in
the lines is characteristic.

év=és, see on Pind. VI. 1. 1.

(Υ) Θεῷ δὲ δυνατὸν x.t.d.

Clem. Al. Strom. v. 708, ὁ μελοποιός, and assigned to Pindar by
Theodoret. Gr. Af. Cur. vi. 89. 27.

Perhaps suggested by the eclipse at Thebes (see on Frag. VI1.).
Compare Archiloch. XI., note.

(δ) Θεὸς ὁ τὰ πάντα τεύχων %.T.A.

Didymus Alex. De 7 7271. iii. 1, Ὁ. 320, and Clem. Al. Strom. v. 726.

For yaptv, see on VI. 2.

(c') Κέϊνοι yap zt.A. Plat. de Superst.c. 6. ὁ Πίνδαρος ϑεούς φησι.

Boéckh supposes, with reason, that the lines are from a Threnos.

XIII. Kexpotytat z..a. Aristid. ii. 509.

1. 1. Χρυσέα, an epithet often used by Pindar for ‘splendid’,
‘glorious’, cf. χρυσέα ἐλαία OL. X. 13, χρυσῆ δάφνη Ol. X. 40, ὑγίειαν
χρυσέαν Pyth. il. 73, χρυσέαισιν ἵπποις (Frag. VI. Bockh). Κρηπὶς, a
favourite architectural epithet in Pindar (v. Jebb, Zc.), cf. χρηπίδα
σοφῶν ἐπέων Pyth. 1V. 138, χρηπὶς ἀοιδᾶν Pyth. VII. 3, φαεννὰν χρηπίδ᾽
ἐλευϑερίας Frag. 196 (Béckh). Béckh points out that the word stands
not for the foundations below the ground, but for the whole basement
(cf. Pausan. vi. 19.1). Thus ποιχίλ, χόσμον Ξε 6. ‘beautifully-wrought
superstructure’. Bergk’s alteration to ποιχίλων is unnecessary.

]. 2. εἴα τειχίζωμεν, which has the authority of one MS., is far more
spirited than οἷα τειχίζομεν.

I. 4-5. ϑεῶν καὶ za? ἀνθρώπων ἀγυίας may be regarded as a case of

424 GREEK bY Ric sPOEasS

zeugma. The poet is speaking of ‘Thebe’ as a goddess, and not
merely as representing the city. The goddess Thebe is painted on a
vase, seated, and with name attached; see Millingen Umed. Monum.
pl. xxvii.

XIV.. Ὦ ταὶ λιπαραὶ.

ll. 1-2. Schol. Arist. Achar. 673, παρὰ τὰ ἐκ τῶν Πινδάρου διϑυ-
ράμβων, Schol. Διό. 299, Schol. Avist/d.i. 319. Cf. Ar. Knights 1329,
where the line is parodied. From these and a score of other
references to the passage (v. Bergk ad Joc.) it is evident that the
eulogy had become a household word in the mouths of the Athenians.
It is in connection with these lines that we have the well-known story
(Aeschin. Φ 2252 iv. 474) that the Thebans fined Pindar for his compli-
ments to the Athenians, but that the latter repaid him and erected a
statue in his honour (Pausan. i. 8), Isocr. de Antid. 166 adding that
they made him Proxenus, and gave him 10,000 drachmae.

1. 1. ἰοστέφανοι, cf. VI. 1. 6 and note.

i, 2. W. Christ scans without anacrusis —U us = d x = equivalent
Ν
to ἃ dactyl (ἰί 2p ).
1. 4. Plut. De Glor. Athen. c. 7, implying that the lines belong to the
same poem as ll. 1-2. They refer to the battle at Artemisium.

XV. Ἔνϑα (καὶ) βουλαὶ, Plut. Vit. Lycurg.c.21. Compare the very
similar passage from Terpander No. I. and note. See pp. 101, 22.

1. τ. Plut. ἔνϑα βουλαὶ γερ., but the metre seems to require another
long syllable, and I have inserted xa. Béckh reads ἔνϑα βουλαὶ μὲν.

Μοῖσα, ἀριστεύοισιν (Bockh for Μοῦσα,. . . -ovaww) Lesh. Dial. p. 83.

ADDITIONAL NOTES

vibe
SAPPHO AND ALCAEUS

See Alcaeus XI., Sappho x., and Plate I. (Frontispiece).

The story of romantic relations between Alcaeus and Sappho rests
on no less authority than that of Aristotle. In fez. 1. 9. 20 he states
that Alcaeus addressed the line ϑέλω τι εἴπην x%.t.A. to Sappho, and
that the poetess made answer in the stanza Ei 6 ἦχες gohwy zt.A. The
line Ἰόπλοχ᾽ ἄγνα x.t.A. is quoted separately by Hephaestion from
Alcaeus, but is plausibly enough connected with 1. 2 by Bergk, and
his example is generally followed.

There would have been little hesitation in accepting Aristotle’s
statement but for the fact that Anna Comnena, who, however, is
evidently quoting loosely from memory, ascribes the words ἀλλά pe

ADDITIONAL NOTES 425

χωλύει αἴδως to Sappho (ὡς πού φησιν ἡ χαλὴ Σάπφω) ; and Stephanus
ap. Cram. Ann. Par. i. 266, 25, expressly casts doubt on Aristotle’s
version and speaks of the whole passage from θέλω onwards as a
dialogue composed by Sappho alone. His words are as follows :—
Εἴτε ὁ ᾿Αλκαΐος ἤρα κόρης τινός, ἢ ἄλλος τις Now, παράγει οὖν ὅμως ἡ Σαπφὼ
διάλογον, καὶ λέγει ὁ ἐρῶν πρὸς τὴν ἐρωμένην x.t-A. One of three courses
may be thought satisfactory. Either let us regard Stephanus as
unduly sceptical, and accept Aristotle’s testimony, together with
Bergk’s addition of the first line Ἰόπλοχ᾽ ayva z7.2. ; or we may urge
that Aristotle, who is not here speaking as a commentator or critic,
adopted a common, though perhaps erroneous tradition ; or, finally,
we may accept, not without boldness, a suggestion that Aristotle
merely wrote εἰπόντος τινός, and that τοῦ ’AAzatov was substituted for
τινός by a glossator imbued with the popular tradition. Consult
Museo ltalico Antichitta Classica, vol. ii. (1886). It is of course pos-
sible to urge that biographical gossip was ὦ friord certain to bring
the great Lesbian poet into connection with the still greater Lesbian
poetess ; and we are put on our guard by the story of Anacreon
making love to Sappho, who was some two generations his senior.
On the other hand, there is not the slightest inherent improbability in
Alcaeus becoming enamoured with Sappho; contrariwise, in the
limited society of a Greek city they can hardly have failed to come
into contact, nor is the susceptible poet unlikely to have succumbed
to the charm which the writer of the surviving Sapphic fragments
must have possessed. Some weight too may be attached to the argu-
ment in support of the tradition from the fact that each writer adopted
the other’s favourite metrical style.

The incident implied in the verses became a popular subject in art.
The most famous instance is that of a vase at Munich belonging to
the fifth century, in which Alcaeus and Sappho with their names
inscribed are standing together lyre in hand apparently singing the
one to the other. See Plate 1. (Frontispiece), and Millingen Uned.
Monum. i. 33, 34. There is also a terra-cotta in the British Museum,
without names, but conjecturally described as a representation of the
same subject. In neither case is there any direct proof that Alcaeus
is making love to Sappho, though from his expression on the Munich
vase it is certainly probable. All that we can safely affirm is that
Alcaeus and Sappho were brought into connection in works of art
some time before Aristotle.

In the article in the Italian periodical above referred to there will
be found a full description with illustrations of the chief representa-
tions of Sappho. In one case, see Plate 11., Sappho is seated reading
a scroll, with three maidens around her. It is likely that these are
intended for some of her pupils (μαϑήτριαι), to whom I have referred
in the introduction to her poems, p. 150. Upon the scroll certain
words are inscribed, which are not improbably to be interpreted :

Θεοὶ, ἠερίων ἐπέων ἄργομαι ἄλλων, OF ἀδειν.

426 AD Dt TO NA | IN Oar Ess

It is supposed that these are from one of the poetess’ own songs ;
and the assumption is strengthened by the occurrence of the word
ZAT(POQS), referring apparently to the scroll and its contents.

Dumont, I must add, considers that the painting is merely a scene
from an Athenian ‘gynaeceum’, idealised by the employment of the
name of Sappho ; and he points out that the other names, Nicopolis
and Kall(i)s are not those of any known pupils of Sappho. He thinks
that we have an illustration of the important part played by music
and lyric poetry in the life not alone of the Lesbian women, but of
the secluded Athenian ladies.

B.
EROS IN THE LYRIC POETS

The character of Eros in the early lyric poets is worthy of
attention from the fact of its being quite distinct from that of later
times. From the scattered passages in Alcman XV. XVI. Sappho VIH.
Ibycus I. 11. and Anacreon VI. VII. VIII. IX. etc., we can construct the
conception of a youthful divinity in the first bloom of manhood, with
golden wings, and with that profound expression in the eyes (Ibyc. 11.)
which appears so effectively in the sculpture of Praxiteles. Though
at times sportive, no childish attributes are as yet imputed to him; he
is conceived rather as a relentless deity, whose approach is full of

terror to his victims ; compare Alcaeus XXIII. δεινότατον dewv. Thus
the lyric age regarded him more seriously than the Alexandrine, and
also invested him with more dignity as a cosmic power, the idea of
the god being not yet entirely distinct from the idea revealed in the
early worship at Thespiae, where Eros was revered almost as the
manifestation of a physical force ; and traces of this older conception
appear to survive in Sappho 132 (Bergk), where he is called a son of
Ge and Uranus.

The wings usually attributed to him both by poets and artists pro-
bably did not belong to the original religious conception, but were an
addition of the poetic imagination.

Plate 11. (see Millingen Uned. Mon. xii.) very closely illustrates the
conception of Eros in the lyric poets. He is playing with a ball, as in
Anacreon VI. (see note).

The representation of Eros as a young child or infant, and of his
actions as the mischievous pranks of a child, becomes common in
literature and art from the end of the fourth century onwards, and it
is a distinguishing mark of the Anacreontea as distinguished from
the genuine fragments of Anacreon.

ALCMAN

BERGK
l. Vit. Aratd ed. BUHLE ii. 437. 2
᾿Εγώνγα δ᾽ ἀείσομαι
ἐχ Διὸς ἀρχομένα.
2. APOL. de Pron. 399 B. 3
Tye τε χαί σφετέρως
ἵππως.
9. PRISCIAN de Metr. Terent. 251. 4
Καὶ ναὸς ἁγνὸς εὐπύργω Σεράπνας.
*4, SCHOL. APOL. Rhod. i. 146. 8
Tos téxe οἱ ϑυγάτηρ
Γλαύχω μάχαιρα.
5. HEROD. περὶ σχημ. 61. 9

Κάστωρ τε πώλων ὠχέων ὁματῆρες, ἱππόται σοφοί

P Parr Pes, )
, /

χαὶ Πωλυδεύχκης χυδρός.

*6. HEPHAEST. 3. IO
Καὶ χῆνος ἐν σάλεσσι πολλοῖς ἥμενος μάκαρς ἀνήρ.

*7. APOL. de Pron. 334 A.
Μάχαρς éxsivos.

8. 7b. 356 8. 17
Ἔμέ, Λατοΐδα, τέο δαυχνοφόρον.
9. SCHOL. Hom. 72. 9. 485. 18

᾿Ιπαμμένα πέρι δέρματα ϑηροῶν.

*10. SCHOL. HEPHAEST. p. 77. 19
Οὐδὲ τῷ ΚΚναχάλω οὐδὲ τῷ Νυρσύλα.

430 AP PEN DAC

BERGK
11. ATHEN. 111. 114 / 20

Θριδαχίσχας τε καὶ χριβάνας νῶντος.

12. 23
See Text, ALCMAN I.
στρ.α.

Page I. .. » Tewdvdevx
Ξ : Ὡς
3 ? > ~
οἷον οὐ Λύχαισον ἐν καμοῦσιν ἀλέγω,
.. . ᾿Εναρσφόρον τε καὶ Σέβρον ποδο χη,
\ ,
Βωχόλον τε τὸν βιχτᾶν,
5 1s. . TE τὸν KOPUGTAY.
> / Ἢ , + , >) > /
Ds τε, Ράναχτα τ᾽ ἀρήιον
εὐνν͵ ἔζοχον Ἡμισίων
ενν TOV ἀγρέταν
έγαν, Εὐὔρυτόν τε
νον μέγαν, Εὔρυτον τε
ΕΝ > ,
10 ἴΑρεος av πώρω χλονον.
᾽ , \ ἜΣ ἢ
Abnova τε TWS ἀρίστως
. παρήσομες

34 ἄλαστα δέ
(For lines 35-68, see Text.)

Page 3 Le ὧν ἄγαλμα,

70 οὐδὲ ταὶ Ναννὼς χόμαι,
GAN οὐδ᾽ ἐράτα σιειδής,
οὐδὲ Συλαχκίς τε καὶ ΚΚλεησισήρα,

>) 2 > ’ 2 , -

οὐδ᾽ ἐς Αἰνησιμβρότας ἐνθοίσα, φασεῖς"
᾿Ασταφίς τέ μοι γένοιτο

75 χαὶ ποτηνέποι Φίλυλλα,
Δαμαγόρα τ᾽ ἐρατά τε ᾿Τανϑεμίς,

/ ~

ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Αγησιχόρα pe τηρεῖ.

Οὐ γὰρ & χαλλίσφυρος στρ. δ
᾿Αγησιχόρα παρ᾽ αὐτεὶ,
80 ᾿Αγιδοῖ δὲ παρμένει,
"ἢ “ ete hed ~
ϑωστηρια F apy. ἐπαινεῖ,
> / ~ 12
OMAK THV. . . GLOL,

ALCMAN 431

BERGK
dscacd. . .
χαὶ τέλος.
85 εἴποιμί κ΄ ἅπαν μὲν αὐτά
παρσένος μάταν.
γλαύξ: ἐγὼν 0... μάλιστα
ἁνδαάνην ἐρῶ" πόνων γόρ
ee ἊΣ Δ y
ἅμιν ἰάτωρ ἔγεντο᾽
ΕΣ ) , A ,
go ἐξ Αγησιχόρας δὲ νεάνιδες

> ~~ ? “9
. ἐρατᾶς ἐπεβαν.. . ,

13. ARIST, 11. 40. 27
ΤΠολλαλέγων Ovup.’ ἀνδρί, γυναικὶ δὲ Πασιχαρῆα.

14. APOL. de Pron. 399 8. 30
Dosa δὲ προτὶ γούνατα πίπτω.

15. CYRILLUS ap. Cram. Am. Par. iv. 181. 27. 31
~ ‘ \ , ~ v 1S <
Τῷ δὲ γυνὰ ταμία σφεᾶς ἔειζε χώρας.

16. EUSTATH. 77. 110, 25. 32

(Ἄρχτον δ᾽) ἐπ᾽ ἀριστερὰ χηρὸς ἔχων.

17. ATHEN. xv. 682 A. 39
Χρύσιον ὅρμιον ἔχων ὁαδινᾶν πετάλοις ἴσα χαλχᾶν.

18. ScHOL. Hom. 77. x. 236. 41
Kat ποτ᾽ Ὀδυσσῆος ταλασίφρονος Fad ἑταίρων
Κίρκα ἐπαλείψασα.

19. AMMON. vz. ἵπες. 43

ULTEAWY

ὮΝ 7 ἊΣ \ od
χαὶ ποικίλον κοι, TOV oO

ὀφθαλμῶν ὀλετῆρα.
20. HERODIAN. περὶ pov. λέξ. 44, 10. 44

~ δὲ Es , ) , , SELL, 7
To ὸξ σχομυνῦεα κατ ἂν χαρραν ὕαβως ἐπιαζεν.

21. ScHOL. Hom. Odyss. y. 171. 46

Παρ 9” ἱερὸν σχόπελον παρά τε Ψύρα.

22. ARISTID. il. 509. 47

Εἰπατέ μοι τάδε, φῦλα βροτήσια.

23. HEPHAEST. 40. 49

Ταῦτα μέν ὡς ἂν ὁ δᾶμος ἅπας.
ἰ ς ἰ

432

24.

*26.

ΣΟΥ͂:

28.

29.

30.

*31.

32.

34.

90.

36.

37.

DEPP EN DX

APOL. de Pron. 324 B.

b \ ὩΣ , , \ lf
Οὐ γὰρ éywvya, Favacon, Διὸς ϑύγατερ.

APOL, de Pron. 366 C.
Πρὸς δὲ τὲ τῶν φίλων.

Lb,
Tel γὰρ ᾿Αλέξανδρος δάμασεν.
Lb.
Σὲ γὰρ ἄζομαι.
Et, M. 622. 44.
Μ ~ ee Σ Fi δος ΤΆ x
ἔχει p ἄχος, ὦ AS δαῖμον.
APOL. de Pron. 403.
Σφοῖς ἀδελφιδεοῖς
χκᾶρα χαὶ φόνον.
Et. Flor. Miller Mise. 213.
Εἰπέ ν᾽ ¢ ᾿ αὖτε φαί ὃ ἱμιος Αἴας.

Etym. Va. ap. Gaisf. Et. M. p. 327
Μηδέ; μ ἀείδην ἀ ἘΣ

SCHOL. Hom. ZZ. v. 588.
Mosca, Διὸς ϑύγατερ,
ὠρανίαφι Aly’ ἀείσομαι
ρος κῳ Ly SOON ESS

APOL, de Conj. Bekk. Az. ii. 490.
“Hox τὸν Φοῖβον ὄνειρον εἶδον ;

EUSTATH. Od. 1787, 43.

Ἔστι παρέντων μνᾶστιν ἐπιϑέσϑαι.

APOL. de Pron. 378 C.
Ὡς ἁμὲς TO χαλὸν pedtoxov.

CHOEROBOSC. “ 2Ζ)167. 1. 94.

Δουρὶ δὲ ξυστῷ μέμηνεν Αἴας αἰχμιατάς τε Μέμνων.

SCHOL. Hom. 7... «a. 222.

a ' » ~ ὃς "ἢ iP
Os Fédev πάλοις ἔπαλεν δαίμονας τ᾽ ἐδάσσατο.

56 A

568

64.

Pe 6 ee eee

38.

39.

40.

41,

42.

45.

46.

47,

49.

51.

ALCMAN

ATHEN. iv. 140 C.
Kimi τᾷ μύλαᾳ δρυφῆται κἠπὶ ταῖς συναιχλίαις.
7,
Aixdov ᾿Αλκμάων ἁρμόξατο.
HEROD. Cram. Am. Ox. i. 159. 30.
ἮΗσχέ τις σχάφευς ἀνάσσων.
APOL, de Adv. Bekk. Amn. ii. 563.
Tlodc® ᾿Απόλλωνος Λυχήω..
Et Flor. Miller Misc. 55.
Ναοῖσιν ἀνθρώποισιν αἰδοιέστατον.
APOL. de Pron. 383 8,
Αἰ γὰρ dp
τούτων μέλοι...
“Aply δ᾽ ὑπαυλήσει μέλος.
PRISCIAN 1. 21.
Καὶ χεῖμα πῦρ τε δαξιον.
HEROD. Cram. Am, Ox. 1. 287. 4.
Oixas γὰρ ὡραίῳ λίνῳ.
Ib. 60. 24.
Λεπτὰ δ᾽ ἄταρπος, νηλεὴς δ᾽ ἀνάγκα.
STRABO ΧΙ]. 580.
Φρύγιον αὔλησεν μέλος Κερβήσιον.
HEPHAEST, 81.
Περισσόν᾽ αἱ γὰρ ᾿Απόλλων ὁ Λύχηος
Ἰνὼ σαλασσομέδοιο᾽, ἂν ἀπὸ μάσδων.

HEPHAEST. 66.

Ἕχατον μὲν Διὸς υἱόν τάδε Μῶσαι κροκόπεπλοι.

Et. Flor. Miller Misc. p. 206.
Λιγύκορτον πάλιν ἄχει.
APOL. de Pron. 365 A.
“Adon Διὸς δόμῳ
ὁ χορὸς ἁμὸς καὶ τοί, Fava.
Zee;

433

BERGK
70

82-3

85 A

85 Β

434

52.

53.

55.

56.

57.

59.

60.

61.

62.

63.

64.

65.

66.

67.

APPEND PX
BERGK
HEROD. Cram. A”. Ox. 1. 418. 8. . 88
“Οπότε ὑπὸ τοῦ ᾿Ιππολόχου, κλέος δ᾽ ἔβαλλον
οὐ νῦν ὑπεστάντων.
ΑΡΟΙ͂,.. Dyse, de Synt. 212. . 89
Νικῷ δ᾽ ὁ χάρρων.
ATHEN. iii. 81 F. go
Μῆον ἢ χοδύμαϊλον.
Tb. xiv. 636 F. ΟἹ
Μάαγαδιν δ᾽ ἀποϑέσθϑαι.
ἘΣ Why τις σι 92
Ταυσία παλλαχίω.
Tb. 506. 20. 93
Καὶ Képxupos ἁγεῖται.
Lb, 620. 35. 94
Ὅνχχα δὴ γυνὰ εἴην
EustaTu. 72. 1547. 50. 95
Τὰν Μῶσαν xataticsic.
ScHOL. Hom. JZ. μ. 66. 96
Tov ἐν Θεσσαλίᾳ κλείτει.
EustTaTH. 725 1147. I. 97
Λᾶδος εἱμένα καλόν.
Et. M. p. 486. 39. 98
Καλλὰ μελισδομέναι.
_APOL. de Pron. 396 C. 99°
Ta Fa xadex.
ATHEN. il. 39 A. 100
To νέχταρ ἔδμεναι.
EUSTATH. Od. 1618. 23. IOI A
᾿Αρτέμιτος θεράποντα.
Et. Flor. Miller Misc. 291. IOI B

Medioxcva τὸν ἀμιόρη.

ΧΟ:

*6.

*10.

APPENDIX

(Ore ΕΠ5

HEPHAEST. 79.
Ὦ ᾿ναξ ΓΑπολλον, Tat μεγάλω Διός.
STRABO ix. 411.
*Ovaca’ ᾿Αϑανάα πολεμαδόχος.
ἄ ποι ἹΚορωνήας ἐπὶ πίσεων
ναύω πάροιϑεν ἀμφι (βαίνεις)
e ‘ Lo τ
,ὔ , BA
Κωραλίω ποτάμω παρ᾽ ὄχϑαις,;

APOL. Dysc. de Pron. 358 B.
Ὥστε Sov un dév' ᾿Ολυμπίων λῦσαι ἄτερ Feder.

APOL. de Pron, 387 B.
To γὰρ ϑέων ἰότατ᾽ ὕμμιε λαχόντων γέραι ἄφϑιτον
ἀνϑήσει.
ΑΡΟΙ, de Pron. 395 A.
Τὸ δ᾽ ἔργον ἀγήσαιτο τέα χόρα.
APOL. de Adv. in Bekk. Az. ii. 613, 36.
. Γαίας καὶ νιφόεντος ὠράνω μέσοι.

STRAB. xiv. 661.
Λόφον τε σείων Kaouxov.

HEROD. περὶ μον. λέξ. 10, 25.
Et Flor. Miller M7sc. 264 (I. 3).

Οὐδέ πω Ποσείδαν
ἄλμυρον ἐστυφέλιξε πόντον"
οἷον (πέδον) γᾶς γὰρ πέλεται σέων.

HEROD. Cram. Az. Ox. iii. 237. I.

ἤΑρευ δαΐφοβος Saixryp.
CHOEROBOSC. Lfzm. i. 210.

ἤλρευος στρατιωτέροις.

435

BERGK
I

1 The passage as it stands above is mainly conjectural, otherwise

I should have inserted it in the text.

"ADdava amore. . ἀπὸ Κοιρωνίας ἐπιδεων αὐω πάροιϑεν ἀμφὶ...

Racene

In Strabo we have only “Aso’
Κωραλίω

436 | APPENDIX

BERGK
30
To yap
“Apevi κατϑάνην κάλον,
31

Μίξαν δ᾽ ἐν ἀλλάλοις ΓΑρευα.
*11. HEPHAEST. 63. 38
Τριβώλετερ᾽ οὐ γὰρ ᾿Αρκάδεσσι do Ba.
12. PLUT. Symfos. iii. 1, 3. 42
Kart τᾶς πόλλα παϑοίσας χεφάλας κακχεάτω μύρον
χαὶ κὰτ TA πολίω στήϑεος.ἷ
13. ΑΤΗΕΝ. xi. 481 A. 43
Λάταγες ποτέονται
χκυλιχνᾶν ἀπὸ Τηϊᾶν.
14. ATHEN. il. 39 B. 47
"AdAoTa μὲν μελιάδεος, ἄλλοτα δ᾽
ὀξυτέρω τριβόλων ἀρυτήμενοι.

15. HEPHAEST. 61. 48 A
Κρονίδα βασίληος γένος Αἴαν, τὸν ἄριστον
Te) ᾿Αχίλλεα.

16. EUSTATH. ad. Dionys. Per. 306. 488
.. . ᾿Αχίλευ, 6 γᾶς Σκυϑίκας μέδεις.

*17. DEMETR. περὶ ποιημάτων, Vol. Hercul. Ox. i. 122. 50
.. . Δοχίμοι δ᾽ ἄριστος ἔμμεναι
πώνων᾽ αἱ δέ x’ ὀνῆσι ξᾶδυς πεοὶ φρένας οἶνος, αὖ
δὶς ἄϑλιος.
Κᾶπος γὰρ χεφάλαν xaticyer τὸν Foy ϑαμὰ ϑῦμον
αἰτιάμιενος
πεδαμευόμιενός τ᾽ cooler τόχ᾽ οὐκέτι Favdaver’
πῶ τάνδε, πῶ.

17. ATHEN. iii. 85 F. 51

Πέτρας καὶ πολίας ϑαλάσσας τέχνον.
.. . ἐκ δὲ παίδων χαύνοις φρένας, ἀ ϑαλασσία λέπας.

1 Conjecturally restored from Plutarch’s (κελεύων) χαταχέαι τὸ μύρον
αὐτοῦ κατὰ τᾶς πολλὰ παϑοίσας χεφαλᾶς xal τῷ πολιώ στήϑεος,

18.

*19.

21.

23.

25.

27.

30.

31.

ALCAEUS 437

BERGK
ATHEN. xi. 460 D. 52
Ἔκ δὲ ποτηρίων πώνης Διννομένῃ παρίσδων.
Et M. 689, 51. 54 AB
Χαῖρε καὶ πῶ τάνδε
Δεῦρο σύμπωϑι.
SCHOL. PIND. O/. x. 15. 58
Οὐχέτ᾽ ἔγω Λύχον
ἐν Μοίσαις ἀλέγω.
HEROD. Cram. Az. Ox. 1. 144-6. 60
"Emetov Κυπρογενήας παλάμαισιν.
Tb. 413, 23. 61
Τερένας ἄνϑος ὀπώρας.
112
Ἔκ τοῦ ψέφους... τοξεύοντες.
Etym. Gud. 162, 31. 64
Καὶ πλείστοις ἐάνασσε λαάοις.
STRABO xiv. 606. 65
Πρῶτα μὲν ἴΑντανδρος Λελέγων πόλις.
HESYCH. ᾿Ἐπιπνεύων. 66
Ἤ που συναγανδρωνδάσμενον
στρατὸν νομίσμιενοι πνέοισα.
CRAM. “41. Par. ἵν. 61. 13. 66
Tov χάλινον ἄρκος ἔσῃ.
HARPOCR. 175. I5. 68
Πάμπαν δ᾽ ἐτύφωσ᾽, ἐκ δ᾽ Bere φρένας.
HEPHAEST. 43. 69
Kat τις ἐπ᾽ ἐσχατίαισιν οἴχεις.
PHOTIUS 244. II. 70
Μίγδα υάλευρον.
Comment tn Arat. ap. Iriart. p. 239. 71

Ὡς λόγος Ex πατέρων ὄρωρεν.

34.

35.

36.

37.

188.

99,

40.

41.

42.

43.

45.

APPENDIX

APOL. de Pron. 363 A.
᾿Ἐμαύτῳ παλαμιάσομαι.
Tb. 388 B.
"Or dog’ ἀπολλυμένοις σάως.
Tb, 395 A.
Θἴκω τε πὲρ σῶ χαὶ περ᾽ ἀτιμίας.
Et. ΤΠ. 290. 47.
Εἰς τῶν δυοχαιδέκων.
Lb. 639. 31.
Kat x οὐδὲν éx δένος γένοιτο.
APOL. de Pron. 384 B.
> , 5 aaa 2 \ , ,
Ai δέ x ἄμμι Ζεὺς τελέσῃ νόημα.
Tb, 363 A.
... Νόον δ᾽ ἐαύτω
πάμπαν ἀέρρει.
HEROD. Cram. Am. Ox. i. 298. 17.
Κἀπιπλέυσῃ νάεσιν.
APOL. de Pron. 384 B.
ΓΑμμιν δ᾽ ἀϑάνατοι Mor
νίκαν.
Et. M. 188. 44.
᾿Αγνάσδημι χαχῶς οὔτι γὰο οἱ φίλοι.
χνασοηι ς ΐ
EustTATH. //. 633. 61.
Νῦν δ᾽ (αὖτ᾽) οὗτος ἐπικρέτει
χινήσαις τὸν ἀπ᾽ ἴρας πύματον λίϑον.
PROCL. HESIOD. ΟΖ. 719.
Al x’ εἴπῃς τὰ ϑέλεις, (αὐτος) ἀχούσαις χε
Ἵ ) > ld
τα χ᾽ οὐ ϑέλοις.
HEPHAEST. 60.
Νύμφαις, ταὶς Atos ἐξ αἰγιόχω φαῖσι τετυγμέναις.

HERODIAN. περὶ μον. AcE. 27. 7.

Αἱ γὰρ κἄλλοϑεν ἔλϑῃ τόδε, Oat κήνοθϑεν ἔμμεναι.

BERGK
72

73
74
75
76

46.

47.

49.

50.

51.

52.

53.

54.

55.

56.

57.

58.

59.

ATGAE US 439

BERGK
APOL. de Pron. 263 B. 87
.. . Σὺ δὲ σαύτῳ τομίας ἔσῃ.
1b, 381 C. . 88
M70’ ὀνίαις τοῖς πέλας ἄμμεων παρέχην.
ScCHOL. Hom. Odyss. φ. 71. 89
Οὐδέ τι μυνάμενος ἄλλυι TO νόημα.
CRAM. Ax. Par. iil. 121. 5. 90
᾿Ερραφεώτου γὰρ ἄναξ.
ARTEMIDOR. Onezr. 11. 25. ΟἹ
ἴΑρκαδες ἔσσαν βαλανηφάαγοι.
SCHOL. PIND. OZ. i. 97. 93
(Ταντάλῳ)
χεῖσϑαι πὲρ χεφάλας μέγας, ὦ Αἰσιμίδα, λίϑος.
HEPHAEST. 90. 94
*Ho’ ἔτι, Διννομένη, τῷ Τυρραδήῳ
τἄρμενα λάμπρα xéave’ ἐν Μυρσίλήῳ ;
ὙΦ το: 95
"Ex μ᾽ ἔλασας ἀλγέων.
APOL. de Pron. 382 B. 96
Οἴτινες ἔσλοι
ὑμμέων τε καὶ ἀμμέων.
SCHOL. SOPH. Oed. Reg. 156. 97
"Exape δὲ βρόμος ἐν στήϑεσι φύει φόβερος.
HERODIAN περὶ μον. λεξ. 35, 32. οὗ
Ἐπὶ γὰρ Πᾶρος ὀνίαρον ἴκνηται.
PAROEMIOG. T, 11. 765, ed. Goth. 99
Πάλιν & ὑς παρορίνει.
APOL. de Pron. 383 C. 100
Αμψεσιν πεδάορον.
Lb. 363 B. 10]

\ U /
᾿Αλλὰ σαύτω μετέχων ἄβας πρὸς πόσιν.

61.

62.

*63.

AP PHN EX

Et. M. 264. 17.

"Evo μὲν οὐ δέω ταῦτα μα ῦ
Yo p. μαοτυρεῦντας.

HARPOCRAT. 168.
Καὶ Σκυϑίκαις ὑποδησάμινος.

HERODIAN. περὶ μον. AcE. 36. 15.
"AT πατέρων μάϑος.

APOL. Dysc. de Pron. 381 C.
Πατέρων ἄμμων
> / > /
Αμμετέρων ἀχέων.

SA Fe EO

STRABO i. 40.
Ἤ σε Κύπρος καὶ Πύφος ἢ Πάνορμος.
APOL. de Pron. 364 C.
Σοὶ δ᾽ ἔγω λευχᾶς ἐπὶ βῶμον αἰγος.
κἀπιλείψω τοι.
APOL, de Syn. 291.
... Eyo δὲ xv’ ὀτ-
“TO τις ἔραται.
APOL. de Pron. 324 B.
Ἔνγων δ᾽ ἐμαύτᾳ
τοῦτο σύνοιδα.
Eb; 1570.22, 12.355 55
.. . Kav’ ἔμον otadoypov
τὸν δ᾽ ἐπιπλάζοντες ἄμιοι φέροιεν
χαὶ μελεδώναις.
AMMON. 23.
᾿Αρτίως μ᾽ & χρυσοπέδιλλος Αὔως.

SCHOL. APOL. Rhod. i. 727.
Tlavrodarrauc ὑεμιγμέ-
να χροΐαισιν.

BERGK
102

103

104

105 A B.

7,8

SAP PHO 441

BERGK
*8. APOL. de Pron. 343 B. 21
.. . Ἔμεϑεν δ᾽ ἔχεισϑα λάϑαν.
50. 72, 22
Ἤ τιν᾽ ἄλλον
(μᾶλλον) ἀνθρώπων ἔμεϑεν φίλησϑα.
¥10. ΠΣ M. 485. 45. 23
Καὶ rod jo καὶ μάομαι.
*11. APOL. de Pron. 370 Β. 24
Οὐ τι μοι ὕμμες.
12. Jb. ae
"As ϑέλετ᾽ ὕμμες.
183. ATHEN. ii. 54 F. 30
Χρύσειοι δ᾽ ἐρέβινϑοι én’ ἀϊόνων ἐφύοντο.
14. J. xiii. 571 D. 31
Λάτω καὶ Νιόβα μάλα μὲν φίλαι ἦσαν ἔταιραι.
*15. HEROD. περὶ μον. λέξ, 26. 20. 35
"Adie, μιὴ μεγαλύνεο δακτυλίω πέρι.
16. JULIAN 22:2. xviii. 126
TO μέλημα τώμον.
17. APOL. de Pron. 386 B. 43
"Ora πάννυχος ἄσφι κατάγρει.
18. ATHAN. ix. 410 Ὁ. 44
Χειρόμακτρα δὲ καγγόνων
πορφυρᾶ...
Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἀτιμάσεις,
ἔπεμψ᾽ anv Φωχάας
δῶρα τίμια καγγόνων.
19. 70. xv. 674 D. 46

Κἀπαάλαις ὑποθύμιδας 1
/ > »> ?> / /
πλέκταις ἀμπ᾽ ἀπάλᾳ δέρᾳ.

1 Bergk has ὑποϑύμιδας, I presume, by an oversight, since he adopts
Psilosis throughout the Lesbian poets.

442 ἈΓΡῚΡ EN Dd X

BERGK

20. ZENOB. iii. 3. 47

Γέλλως παιδοφιλωτέρα.
21. ALD. Cornu. Cop. 268 8. 48
Mora δὴ xexoonuévac
Γόργος.
22. ATHEN. xv. 690 Ε. 49
Βρενϑείω βασιληΐω.
23. HEROD. περὶ pov. Ace. 39. 27. 50
"Eyo δ᾽ ἐπὶ μαλϑάκαν
Τύλαν σπολέω μέλεα.
*24. 1b. 26. 21. 55
ἼΑβρᾳ δηΐτε mayne σπόλᾳ ἀλλόμαν.

25 ἘΠῚ: NT 822. 50: [ 56
Φαῖσι δή ποτα Λήδαν ὑαχίνϑινον
πεπυχαδμένον ὠϊον
εὔρην.

26. 20, ττὴ τῆς ἘΠ

᾿Οφϑαλμοις δὲ μνέλαις νύκτος ἄωρος.

27. PHILODEM. περὶ εὐσεβείας, p. 42, ed. Gomperz. 57 A

Χρυσοφάη ϑεράπαιναν ᾿Αφροδίτας.
28. HEPHAEST. 82. 59
Ψάπρφοι, τί τὰν πολύολβον ᾿Αφρόδιταν.
29. ATTIL. Fortun. 350. 61
ΠΠάρϑενον ἀδύφωνον.
80. Mar. PLOT. p. 266. 63
Ὦ, τὸν "Αδωνιν.
91 POLLUX. x. 124. 64
"Ελϑοντ᾽ ἐξ ὀράνω πορφυρίαν (ἔχοντα)
περϑέμενον χλάμωυν.
32. PRISCIAN. vi. 92. 66

. Ὁ δ᾽ "Apsug patct κεν ΓΑφαιστον ἄγην βίᾳ.

*34.

35.

36.

37.

39.

40.

41.

42.

45.

46.

SeeE EEO 443

BERGK
ATHEN. xi. 460 D. 67
.. « Πόλλα δ᾽ ἀνάριϑμα ποτήρια
χκοϊλαίφις.
ALD. Cornu Cop. 268 B. 71
Ἤ ρων ἐξεδίδαξ᾽ ἐκ Γυάρων τὰν τανυσίδρομον.
SCHOL. AR. Thesm. 401. 73
... Αὐτὰρ ὀραῖαι στεφανηπλόχευν.
MAX. EYR. Χχῖν. 9. 74
... Σύ τε χἄμος ϑεράπων “Hoos.
HEPHAEST. 64. 76
Εὐμορφοτέρα Μνασιδίκα τᾶς ἀπάλας Γυρίννως.
Lb. 77
᾿Ασαροτέρας οὔδαμ᾽ ἐπ᾽, ὦ ῥαννα, σέϑεν τύχοισα.
HEROD. περὶ pov. λέξ. 39. 27. 81
Kap. μέν τε τύλαν κασπολέω.
HEPHAEST. 85. 82
Αὖὔτα δὲ σὺ Καλλιόπα.
£t. M. 250. το. 83
Δαύοις ἀπάλας ἐτάρας.
ἐν στήϑεσιν.. . .
HEPHAEST. 102. 84
Δεῦρο δηύτε Μοῖσαι, χρύσιον λίποισαι...
MAX. TYR. xxiv. 9. 86
.. . Πόλλα μοι ταν
ἸΠωλυανάχτιδα παῖδα χαίρην.
HEPHAEST. 69. 87
Za δ᾽ ἐλεξύμιεν ὄναρ ἹΚυπρογενήᾳ.
HEPHAEST. 66. 88
Τί ws TlavStovis ὦ ῤαννα χελίδων.
POLLUX. vii. 73. 89

. ᾿Αμφὶ δ᾽ ἄβροις λασίοις εὖ Fe πύκασσεν.

47.

49.

¥95.

57.

59.

60.

APPEND X

DEMETR. de E/oc. 162.
Πόλυ πάχτιδος ἀδυμελεστέρα.

χρύσω χρυσοτέρα.
HEROD. Cram. Am. Ox. i. 71. 10.
᾿Αὐπάρϑενος ἔσσομαι.
Lb. i. 190. 19.
Δώσομιεν, ἦσι πάτηρ.
HEPHAEST. 102.
Μελλίχιος δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἱμέρτῳ κέχυται προσώπῳ.
APOL. de Conj. in Bekk. Ax. 11. 490.
"Ho’ ἔτι παρϑενίας ἐπιβάλλομαι.
HEPHAEST. 25.
Χαίροισα νύμφα, χαιρέτω δ᾽ ὁ γάμβρος.
Dionys. de. Comp. Verb. c. xxv.
Οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἀτερὰ mais, ὦ γάμβρε, τοιαύτα.
PLOTIUS 266.

“Eoret’ Ὑμήναον.
Ω τὸν ᾿Αδώνιον.

HEROD. περὶ μον. Ack. 26. 21.
“Addav pn καμεστέραν φρένα.
APOL, de Pron. 366 A.
Φαίνεταί For xFvos.!
ATHEN. ii. 57 D.
‘Oil πόλυ λευκότερον.
MOSCHOPUL. Ofpusc. 86 (ed. Titz).
Μήτ᾽ ἔμοι μέλι write μέλισσα.
SCHOL. APOL. Rhod. i. 1123.
Μὴ χίνη χέραδας.
APOL. de Pron. 387 A.
Ὄπταις ἄμμε.

1 See on Sappho 11. ]. 1.

BERGK
22, 125

96
97
i00
102
103
106

107-8

110
ΤῊ
112
“Ae
[14

115

61.

62.

“ai

*6,

“aT fe

SALE ΒΗ Ὁ

SCHOL. ARIST. Plut. 729.
᾿Ημιτύβιον στάλασσον.

APOL. de Pron. 396 B.
Tov Fov παῖδα χαλεῖ.

SES ICHORUS

Et. M. 544. 54.

“Ἑρμείας φλόγεον μὲν ἔδωχε καὶ Αρπαγον ὠκέα

τέκνα Ποδάργας.
Ἥρα δὲ Ξάνϑον καὶ Κύλλαρον

ATHEN. iv. 172 Ὁ.
, , Δ De eee J
Σασαμίδας χόνδρον τε καὶ ἐγκρίδας,
x /
ANAM τε πέμματα καὶ μέλι χλωρόν.

ATHEN. iv. 172 E.

Θρώσκων μὲν γάρ τ᾽ ᾿Αμφιάραος, ἄκοντι, δὲ νίκασεν

Μελέαγρος.
ATHEN. ili. 95 Ὁ.
Κρύψαι δὲ ῥύγχος
ἄχρον γᾶς ὑπένερϑεν.
EUSTATH. 316. 16.
Πάτρω᾽ ἐμὸν ἀντίϑεον Μελάμποδα.
SCHOL. ΑΒ. Pac. 775.
Μοῦσα σὺ μὲν... μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ
χλείουσα ϑεῶν τε γάμους ἀνδρῶν τε δαῖτας
καὶ ϑαλίας μακάρων.
Tb. v. 78ο.
Ὅταν ἦρος dex χελαδῇ χελιδών.
EUSTATH. 7... Io. 1.
Δεῦρ᾽ aye Καλλιόπεια λίγεια.

ARISTID. ii. 572.
Μέτειμι δ᾽ Ep’ ἕτερον προοίμιον.

1 Conjecturally restored by Bergk.

445

BERGK
116

117

446

10.

11,

12.

19,

APPEN DEX

ZONAR. 1338.
Matas εἰπών.

ATHEN. iv. 154 F.
Αὐτόν ce Πυλαμαᾶχε πρῶτον.

SCHOL. Ap. Rhod. iii. 106.
“Ῥαϑινοὺς δ᾽ ἐπέπεμπον ἄκοντας.

ΓΝ 5

ATHEN. ix. 388 E.
Δίημ᾽, ὦ φίλε ϑυμέ, τανύπτερος ὡς ὅχα πορφυρίς.
PRISCIAN vi. 92.
᾿ὈΟνομαχλυτὸς Ὀρφήν.
Et. M. 703. 28.
Tlomtrn ῥέγματα καὶ χαλύπτρας
περόνας τ᾽ ἀναλυσαμένα.᾿

elt. Me τα

Οὐ yap αὔσιον παῖς Τυδέως.
DIOMED. 1. 323 (Keil).
“Ἑλένα Μενελαΐίς,
᾿Αλϑαία Μελεαγρίς
HEROD. Cram. Ax. Ox. i. 255. 7.
Παρελεξχτο Καδμίδι xovex
GALEN. xvii. P. i. 881.
ΠΠυχινὰς πέμφιγας πιόμινοι
HEROD. π. pov. λέξ. p. 32, 20.
Over χατὰ σφετερὰν ἐέλδωρ.
Lb. p. 32, 25.
*Eod ov προδεδεγμένον ἔλδωρ.

BERGK
47°

48 ©

IO A

10 B

13-14

15
9
18

UBAIGUES 447

BERGK
100 ELM, 542; 51- 20
Οὐδὲ Κυάρας ὁ Μηδείων στραταγός.
1. HEROD. x. pov. Ack. 36: 2. - 21
Δαρὸν δ᾽ ἄνεω χρόνον ἧστο Taper πεπαγώς.
12. SCHOL. PIND. Vem. i. I. ᾿ 22

Ilapx χέρσον
λίϑινον ἔχλεχτον TAAL! βροτῶν:
, / ) >? ~
προσὺε δέ νιν πεὸ ἀναριτᾶν
ἰχϑύες ὠμοφάγοι νέμοντο.ἷ
13. PORPHYR. 27 Ptolem. Harmon.in Vallis. Opp. T. ill. p. 255. 26
(Taya κέν τις ἀνὴρ) "ἔριδος ποτὶ μάργον ἔχων στόμα
ἄντια δῆριν ἐμοὶ κορύσσοι.
14. ScHOL. AR. Av. 192. 28
Ποτᾶται δ᾽ ἐν ἀλλοτρίῳ χάξει.
15. SCHOL. PIND. /s¢h. vill. 43. 29
Κλάδον ᾿Ενυαλίου.

ANACREON

1. EUSTH. Od. i. 542, 47. 5
᾿Αλλ᾽ ὦ τρις κεχορημένε
Σμερδίη.

2. SCHOL. Hom. 77. y. 219. OF

Σὺ γὰρ ἧς ἔμοιγ᾽

ἀστεμφής.

ὃ. ATHEN. xv. 687 E. 9
.. « Tt Atyy werent
συρίγγων χκοϊλώτερα
στήϑεα χρισάμενος μύρῳ ;

4. Et. M. 601. 20. Io
Ὃ δ᾽ ὑψηλὰ νενωμένος.

1 Conjecturally restored from—Ilapa χ. λίϑινον τὸν παλάμαις βροτῶν
πρόσϑε νιν παῖδα νήριτον χ.τιλ. It relates to Ortygia.

448

10.

11.

12.

18.

14.

15.

16.

17.

APPENDIX
Et M. 259. 28.
Πολλὰ δ᾽ ἐρίβρομον
Δείνυσον.
SCHOL. Eur. Hec. 361.

Ovr’ ἐμιὴν ἁπαλὴν χάσιν.

Et. Flor. Miller Msc. 208.
Λευχίππων ἔπι δίνεαι.

Lb. 266.
Οὗτος δηὖτε Θαλυσίοις
τίλλει τοὺς χυανασπίδας.
CHRYSIPP. π ἀποφατ, C. 22.
Od Snir’ ἔμπεδός εἰμι
οὐδ᾽ ἀστοῖσι προσηνής.
SCHOL. Hom. Odyss. 9. 71.
Μυϑῖται δ᾽ ἀνὰ νῆσον
Μεγίστη, διέπουσιν
ἱρὸν ἄστυ (Νυμφέωνλ).

HEPHAEST. IOI.
Σίμαλον εἶδον ἐν χορῷ myxttd’ ἔχοντα καλήν.
ΟΣ 52:
᾽ ~ J , Ψ , ,
Ex ποταμοῦ ’πανέρχομαι πάντα φέρουσα λαμπρά.
ATHEN. Vi. 229 B.
Xetoa τ’ ἐν ἡγάνῳ βαλεῖν.
PRISCIAN. vil. 7.
“Hate καλλιλαμιπέτη.
HEPHAEST. 96.
\ \ > , , " ,
Τὸν μυροποιὸν ἠρόμην Στράττιν εἰ κομήσει.
SCHOL. PIND. J/s¢%, ii. 9.
Οὐδ᾽ ἀργυρέη κω τότ᾽ ἔλαμπε πειϑώ.

ATTIL. Fortun. 359 (ed. Gaisfd.).
εἶμι λαβὼν ἐς Ἥρης.

BERGK
II

12 Ἃ

128

138

ANACREON 449

BERGK
18. SCHOL. Hom. 77. w. 278. 35
“Ἱπποϑόρον δὲ Μυσοί
εὑρεῖν, μῖξιν ὄνων πρὸς ἵππους.
19, ScHoL. Hom. Odyss. μ. 313. 36
Αἰνοπαϑῇ πατρίδ᾽ ἐπόψομαι.
20, POLLUX. vii. 172. ai
.. . Xyhwvov dyyos . . .
ἔχον πυϑμένας ἀγρίων σελίνων.
21. HESYCH. v. Ἕρμα. 38
᾿Ασήμων ὑπὲρ ἑρμάτων φορεῦμαι.
22. ΑΡΟΙ, de Synt. 238. 40
Σὲ γάρ oy
Ταργήλιος ἐνμιελέως
OLOXELY.
23 ATHEN. x, 430 Ὁ. 42
Καϑαρῇ δ᾽ ἐν κελέβῃ πέντε καὶ τρεῖς ἀναχείσϑων.
2, Et. M. 713. 26. 52
Σινάμωροι πολεμίζουσι ϑυρωρῷ.
25. HEPHAEST. 69. 55
Διονύσου σαῦλαι Βασσαρίδες.
*26, SCHOL. AESCHYL. Prom. 128. 56
Οὐδ’ αὖ μ᾽ ἐάσεις μεϑύοντ᾽ οἴκαδ᾽ ἀπελϑεῖν.
27, ATHEN. x. 433 F. 57
Φίλη γὰρ εἶ ξένοις, ἔασον δέ με διψῶντα πιεῖν.
28. APOL. Sophist. 87. 21. 58
᾿Απὸ δ᾽ ἐξείλετο ϑεσμὸν μέγαν.
29, SCHOL. Eur. Hec. 934. 59
Ἐκδῦσα χιτῶνα δωριαζειν.
30. AMMON. 42, Valck. 60
Kat p. ἐπίβωτον κατὰ γείτονας ποιύσεις.
31, SCHOL. HESIOD. 7heog. 767. 64

Χϑόνιον δ᾽ ἐμαυτὸν ἦρεν.
Ze

450

32.

33.

*36.

39.

40.

41.

42.

43.

44.

45,

APPENDIX

SCHOL. PIND. OV. vii. 5.
.. » ᾿Αλλὰ πρόπινε
ῥαδινοὺς, ὦ φίλε, ν᾿ηοούς.
HEPHAEST. 39.
᾿Αδυμελές, χαρίεσσα χελιδοῖ.
Lb.
Μνᾶται δηὖτε paranods "Αλεξις.
Et. M. 429. 50.
Οὔτε γὰρ ἡμετέρειον οὔτε καλόν.
ScHOL. HEPHAEST. p. 163 (ed. 2 Gaisf.).
᾿Αστερίς, οὔτε σ᾽ ἐγὼ φιλέω our’ ᾿Απελλέης.
Et. M. 433. 44.
Βούλεται ἀπεροπὸός {τις) ἡμὶν εἶναι.

JULIAN. Misopog. 366 8.
Hite μοι λευχαὶ μελαίναις ἀναμεμίξονται τρίχες.

SCHOL. SOPH. “116. 138.
(Ey) μελαμφύλλῳ δάφνᾳ χλωρᾷ τ᾽ ἐλαίᾳ τανταλίζει.
HEROD. de Barbar. 193 post Ammon. Valcken.
ἸΚοίμισον δ᾽, ὦ Ζεῦ, σόλοικον φϑόγγον.
SCHOL. Hom. 7. ρ. 542.
Διὰ δέρην ἔκοψε μέσσην, xad δὲ λῶπος ἐσχίσϑη.
HEROD. Cram. Am. Ox. i. 288. 3.
Ai δέ μευ φρένες
ἐκκεχωφέαται.

ATHEN. vi. p. 498 C.

᾿Εγὼ δ᾽ ἔχων σχύπφον ᾿'Ερξίωνι

τῷ Λευκολόφου μέστον ἐξέπινον.

AMMON. p. 37, ed. Valck.

BERGE

δι

Καὶ ϑάλαμος, ἐν ta κεῖνος οὐκ ἔγημεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐγήματο.

Et. M, 523. 4.
Κνίζη τις ἤδη καὶ πέπειρα γίνομαι
σὴν διὰ μαργοσύνην.

47.

*48.

49.

ANACREON

ZONAR. 1512.
Κοὐ μοχλὸν ἐν ϑυρῇσι διξῇσιν βαλών
«“
Ὑσυχοὸς χαϑεύδει.

STRABO xiv. 661.
Διὰ δεῦτε Καρικευργέος,
ὀχάνοιο χεῖρα τιϑέμεναι,
HEPHAEST. 30.
Ὃ μὲν ϑέλων μόάγεσϑαι,
πάρεστι yao, μαχέσϑω.
Prisc. de Metr. Terent. 249, Lind.
ὮὮ ’ραννὲ δὴ λίην,
πολλοῖσι γὰρ pce}

STMONT DES

PRISCIAN. de Metr. Com. 250 Lindem.
᾿Ἐβόυνβησεν ϑαλάσσας
᾿Αποτρέποισι χῆρας.
PuuT. de Discr. Amic. et Adul. c. 2.
c , \ > ,
Ἱπποτροφία γὰρ οὐ Ζακύνθῳ
ἀλλ᾽ ἀρούραισι πυροφόροις ὀπαδεῖ.
SCHOL. AR. Pac. 117.
.. « Kovia δὲ παρὰ τροχὸν μεταμώνιος ἄρϑη.

PLUT. de Virtut. Mor. c. 6.
Μὴ Bary φοίνικας ἐκ χειρῶν ἱμάντας.

ATHEN. Xi. 490 F.
Δίδωτι δ᾽ εὖ τὶν ᾿Ερμᾶς ἐναγώνιος,
Μαιᾶδος οὐρείας ἑλικολεφίρου παῖς"
ἔτικτε δ᾽ ΓΑτλας τὰν Υ᾽ ἔξοχον εἶδος
Ente ἰοπλοχάμων φιλᾶν ϑυγατρῶν, ταὶ καλέονται
Πελειΐδες οὐράνιαι."

1 Conjecturally restored by Bergk from ὁρᾶν ἀεὶ μὲν x.7.A.
2 The first part of this passaye especially is in a very rough state,
and is restored partly with the assistance of Schol. Pind. Vem. ii. 16.

451

BERGK

452 APPENDIX

BERGK
*6§, Put. Praec. Ret pub. Ger. c. 2. 23
Λευχᾶς καϑύπερϑε γαλάνας
εὐπρόσωποί σφας παράϊξαν ἔρωτες ναΐας
χλαΐδος χαραξιπόντου δαιμονίαν ἐς ὕβριν."
*7. ArRiSTOT. Fhe? iii. 8. 20 B
Δαλογενές, εἴτε Λυκίαν...
la “ ~ /
youacoxop.as Kxare, mat Διὸς.
8. Put. de’ Pyth. Orac. c. 17. 44
"EvOa χερνίβεσσιν ἀρύεται
Μοισᾶν καλλικόμων ὑπένερϑεν ἁγνὸν ὕδωρ.
9. Lb. 45
᾿Αγνὰ ἐπίσκοπε Κλειοῖ, χερνίβων πολύλιστον
(ἅτ᾽) ἀρυόντεσσι νᾶμα χρυσόπεπλου (Μναμοσύνας)
(εἰ ides) ἵεις ἀμβροσίων ἐκ μυχῶν ἐραννὸν Bde.”
10. ScHOL. EurRIP. Med. 20. 48
Ὃ δ᾽ ἵκετ᾽ ἐς Κόρινϑον, of Μαγνησίαν
ναῖεν, ἀλόχου δὲ Κολχίδος
σύνϑρονος ἄστεος Αεχαίου τ᾽ ἄνασσεν.
11. ScHoL. Hom. JZ. x. 252. 49
Kai ot μέν, εἴκοσι παίδων μᾶτερ, ἴλαϑι.
12. ScHOL. PIND. O/. xiii. 78. 50
Κορινϑίοις δ᾽ οὐ μανίει, οὐδὲ Δαναοί.
135. ΡΤ es ὙΠ τ: 1. 54
. . . Bowixeoy ἵστιον ὑγρῷ
πεφυρμένον πρινὸς ἄνϑει. . . ἐριϑάλλου,
14. SCHOL. SOPH. 47. 740. 55

Βιότου κέ ce μᾶλλον vaca πρότερος ἐλϑών.

11 have considered the passage too doubtful for insertion in the
text. Schneidewin in 1. 2 seg. has εὐπρόσωπος spas παραχνίξας γέλως
ναΐαις κλάδεσσ᾽ ἄραξει πόντου x.T.A.

2 The words in brackets are inserted by Bergk, who has re-
modelled the whole passage, which is hopelessly corrupt in Plutarch.

15.

16.

11.

18.

19.

21.

SIMONIDES 453

BERGK
HEROD. π. pov. AcE, 12, 18. 59
Τοῦτο γὰρ μάλιστα φὴρ ἔστυγε πύϊρ.
PLUT. An. Sen. resp. sit 547. ς. 1. 63
ἜἜσχατον δύεται κατὰ γᾶς.
PLUT. Discrim, Amic. et Adul. c. 24. 64
Παρὰ χρυσὸν ἀκήραντον ἑφϑόν
οὐλομόλυβδος ἐών.
PLUT. de Util. Ex host. Cap. ς. το. 68
Ἔπεί
πάσαις κορυδαλλίσι χρὴ λόφον ἐγγενέσϑαι.
ATHEN. xiii. 604 Β. 72
TIopqupgou
ἀπὸ στόματος ἱεῖσα φωνὰν παρϑένος.
SCHOL. PIND. ΟΖ ix. 74. 75
Κούρων δ᾽ ἐξελέγχει νέος
οἶνος οὐ τὸ πέρυσι δῶρον
ἀμπέλου" ὁ δὲ μῦϑος κενεόφρων.
THEODOR. Metoch. go. 77
Μόνος ἅλιος ἐν οὐρανῷ.
SCHOL. Hom, 7. φ. 127. 78
Bio’ ἅλα στίζοισα πνοιά.
SCHOL. Hom. ZZ. β, 2. 79
Οὗτος δέ τοι ἥδυμον ὕπνον ἔχων.
CRAM. An. Par. iv. 186. 33. 80 A
“Eva δ᾽ οἷον ἔνειχε ϑεὰ μέγαν εἰς δίφρον.
ATHEN. ix. 374 Ὁ. 80 Β

ὴ Ἀμερόφων᾽ ἀλέκτωρ.

454 APPENDIX

£)MO'C RE'GN
BERGK
HEPHAEST. 71. 6
Σικελὸς κομψὸς ἀνὴρ
ποτὶ τὰν ματέρ᾽ ἔφα.

CORINNA
1. HEROD. π. pov. AcE. 11. 8. I
Tov δὲ, μάχαρ pe τοῦ που ἄναξ Βοιωῶτέ.
2. APOL. de Pron. 365 Β 4
Οὐ γὰρ τὶν ὁ φϑονερὸς δαίμων.
Jn 72: 379 Ε: 6

Οὐμὲς δὲ χομισϑέντες.
Χά, PRISCIAN. 1. 36. 8
Καλλιχόρω χϑονός
Οὐρίας ϑούγατερ.
5. APOL. de Pron, 325 A. fe)
Ἰώνει δ᾽ εἰρώων ἀρετάς
χειρωιάδων (cide).
6: 75.355 Ὁ. Il
Περὶ τεοῦς ᾿ Ἑρμᾶς ποτ᾽ "Αρευα πουχτεῦι.

7. THEODOS. af. Dindorf ad Aristoph. Schol. T. ili. p. 418. 12
Λάδοντος δονακοτρόφω.

8, HEPHAEST. 108. 13
\ 4 ᾽ > /
Ky πεντήκοντ᾽ οὐψιβίας.
9. Jb, 106. 14-18
͵ 7 .“ ᾽ > I ν

Δώρατος wat’ ἐφ᾽ ἵππω.
Κάρτα μὲν βριμόμινοι.
Πόλιν δ᾽ ἐπράϑομεν, προφανείς.
Τλουχοὺ det τις ἀΐδων
Πελέκεσσι δονεῖτη.

10. APOL. de Pron. 396 B. 19
(Εὐωνυμίης)
πῆδα Fov ϑέλωσα φίλης
ἀγκάλης ἑλέσϑη.

11,

12.

13,

*14,

*15,

*16,

CORINNA

HEPHAEST. τοῦ.
Kita γέροντ᾽ ἀϊσομένα
Ταναγρίδεσσι λευχοπέπλυς᾽
νέγα δ᾽ ἐμῆς γέγασε πόλις
λιγουροχωτίλης ἐνόπης.ἢ
APOL. de Pron. 382 B.
To δέ τις οὐμίων ἀκουσάτω.

SCHOL. Hom. //. B. 498.
Θέσπια χαλλιγένεϑλε, φιλόξενε, μουσοφίλητε.

ΑΡΟΙ. de Pron. 356 A.
Τεὺς γὰρ ὁ κλᾶρος.
Tb, 381 Ὁ:
“Αμῶὼν δόμων.
HEROD. Cram. Az. Ox. i. 172. 14.
᾿᾿ὐσσάρχι πτολέμω.

θυ. ΘΠ Ε10Ὲ}5

SCHOL. PIND. Οδ 1. Argum.
Ἐξανϑότριχα μὲν Φερένικον
᾿Αλφεὸν παρ᾽ εὐρυδίναν πῶλον ἀελλοδρόμιον
εἰὸς νιχάσαντα.

APOL. de Pron. 368 A.
ΤΠΙροσφωνεῖτέ νιν ἐπὶ νίκαις.

HEPHAEST., 130.
Ἦ καλὸς Θεόκριτος" οὐ μόνος ἀνθρώπων ἐρᾷς"
76.
Σὺ δ᾽ ἐν χιτῶνι μούνῳ
παρὰ τὴν φίλην γυναῖκα φεύγεις,
Tb, 76.
Ὦ Περίκλειτε, τἄλλ᾽ ἀγνοήσειν μὲν οὐ σ᾽ ἔλπομαι.

1 Conjecturally restored by the commentators.

455

BERGK

456

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

APPENDIX

PLUT. vzt. Num. Cc. 4.
Εἰ δὲ λέγει τις ἄλλως, πλατεῖα κέλευϑος.
Et. M. 296. 1.
Μελαγκευϑὲς εἴδωλον ἀνδρὸς ᾿Ιϑαχησίου.
ATHEN. i. 20 Ὁ.
Τὰν ἀχείμαντόν τε Μέμφιν καὶ δονακώδεα Νεῖλον.
SCHOL. PIND. OZ. x1. 83.

Πσειδόνιον ὡς Μαντινεῖς τριύδοντα
χαλκοδαιδάλοισιν ἐν ἀσπίσι φορεῦντες.

IOANN. SICEL. Walz. vi. 241.
“Αβρότητι ξυνέασιν ᾿Ιώνων βασιλῆες.
Prisc. Meir. Terent. p. 251 (Lind.).
Χρυσὸν βροτῶν γνώμαισι power χαϑαρόν.

Et. M. 676. 25.
Πλήνμυριν πόντου φυγών.
HEROD. Cram. Az”. Ox. i. 65. 22.
Δυσμενέων δ᾽ ἀϊδύς.
CLEM. AL. Strom. ν. 715.
Oi μὲν ἀδμᾶτες ἀεικελιᾶν εἰσὶ νόσων καὶ ἄνατοι,
οὐδὲν ἀνθρώποις txeAou?
CLEM. AL. Praedag. iii. 310.
Od yap ὑπόχλοπον φορεῖ
βροτοῖσι φωνάεντα λόγον copia.

POPULAR. ΞΟΝῸ5

ATHEN. xiv. 636 D.
“Aoteut σοί μέ τι φρὴν ἐφίμερον
ΓΕ " " areal Ply.
ὕμνον UEVAL TE ovev
Ai δὲ ctov® ἅμα χρυσοφάεννα
χρέμβαλα χαλκοπάραα χερσίν.

1 Conjecturally restored from a corrupt text.

BERGK

ΑἹ

POPULAR SONGS 457

BERGK
2. ATHEN. xiv. 622 B. 7
ΣΑΙ , =~ , a > Ul > ; > 1 ,
(Ανάγετε πάντες) avayer’ εὐρυχωρίαν
τῷ DEW ποιεῖτε"
ἐϑέλει γὰρ 6 ϑεὸς ὀρϑὸς ἐσφυδωμένος
διὰ μέσου βαδίζειν.
3. PROCLUS zz Hes. Op. 389. 9
Πάριϑι, κόρη, γέφυραν"
ὅσον οὔπω τρὶς πολέουσιν.
4. ΟΚΙΟΘΕΝΕΒ (ΗΙρροϊὶγί.) adv. Haeret. p. 115. 10
“Ἱερὸν ἔτεχε πότνια κοῦρον
Ἁ /
Βριμιὼ βριμον.
5. HERACLIT. Alleg. Hom. c. 6. 12
Ἥλιος ᾿Απόλλων, 6 δέ γ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων ἥλιος.
6. ATHEN. ill. 109 F. 13
᾿Αχαΐνην στέατος ἔμπλεων τράγον.
ἥ ΕΕΥΟΗ: Ὁ. ἐξαγω, χ: τ. 228
᾿Ἐζάγω χωλὸν τραγίσκον.
8. PLUT. Quaest. Graec. c. 35. 23
Ἴωμεν εἰς ᾿Αϑήνας.
9. HORAPOLLO Hierog!. 1. 8. 25
"Exxopsr, κόρη κορώνη.
10. ATHEN. xv. 697 8. 27
Ὦ τί πάσχεις, pn προδῷς dup’, ἱκετεύω"
πρὶν χαὶ μολὲν χεῖνον, ἀνίστω᾽
μὴ κακὸν σὲ μέγα ποιήσῃς HAVE τὴν δειλάκραν'
ἁμέρα καὶ δή τὸ φῶς Cx τᾶς ϑυρίδος οὐκ ὀρῇς;
11. PAUSAN. iv. 16. 6. 28

"Ec τε υέσον πεδίον > Στενυχλήριον, ἔς τ᾽ ὄρος ἄχρον
εἵπετ᾽ ᾿Αριστομένης τοῖς Λαχεδαιμονίοις.]

1 Although in Elegiac metre, I have inserted this couplet, since
Pausanias distinctly describes as a song dopa τὸ χαὶ ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔτι
ἀδόμενον. There follow in Bergk’s edition a series of riddles or the
like (29-40), chiefly in Iambic metre, which hardly come under the
heading of ‘ Melic poetry’,

458 APPENDIX

BERGK
5 PLUT: Amatior. c. 17: 44
Ὦ παῖδες ὅσοι Χαρίτων τε καὶ πατέρων λάχετ᾽ ἐσθλῶν,

\ \ > εὖ , γε \ " Fe SN

σὺν γὰρ ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ ὁ λυσιμξλης ἔρως ἐπὶ

Χαλχιδέων ϑάλλει πόλεσιν.

ANONYMOUS AND MISCELLANEOUS

1. Ona Vase. 30 A
Μοῖσά μοι, ἀμφὶ Σκάμανδρον ἐὕρρων ἄρχομ᾽
ἀείδεν.
2. ἘΣ M. 48. 39: 30 B
Χειρῶν ἠδὲ ποδῶν ἀκινάγματα.
3. ΡΒΙΒΟΙΑΝ i. 20. 32
Ὀψόμενος Ferevav ἑλικώπιδα.
A.” 16.21. 32

Νέστορα δέ Fos παιδός.

Oy 7: 22. 33 4
“Αμὲς δ᾽ εἰράναν, τὲ δέ, τάρροϑε Μῶσα λίγεια.

6. APOL. de Prom. 356 Β, 33 B
Αἰνοδρυφὴς δὲ τάλαινα τεοῦ κάτα τυμβοχόησα.

7. Id. de Synt. p. 335. 35, 35, 36,37 A, B
Κὼ τοξότας ᾿Ηραχλέης.
Καλλιστ᾽ ὑπαυλέν.
Κὰ υεγασϑενὴς ᾿Ασαναία.
Μελάμποδα τ’ “Αρπόλυχόν τε
ἤΑρχοιμιεν γὰρ κὠϑρασίων.
8, £7. M. 579. 19. 38
Mevaras te χκἀγαμέμνων.

9, ATHEN. xi. 781 D. 40
‘A δ᾽ ὑποδεξαμένα ϑαύσατο.
χρύσεον αἶψα ποτήριον. . ..

ANONYMOUS AND MISCELLANEOUS 460

10.

11.

12.

19.

14,

15.

16.

11.

18.

19.

20.

21.

BERGK
Apol. de Pron. 318. 4
M77’ ἐμὼ αὐτάς
Μήτε χασιγνήτων πόδας ὠχέας
τρύσῃης.
Lb. 338 8. 42-3 ἃ
Καὶ τὺ Διὸς ϑύγατερ μεγαλόσϑενες.
Καί tu φίλιππον ἔϑηχεν.
HESYCH. ᾿Ἐνετίδας. 438
᾿Ἐνετίδας πώλως στεφανηφόρως.
SCHOL. Hom. 77. π. 52. 44
᾿Αλλ a πολυνειχής
ov ᾿Ελένα.
HEPHAEST. p. 25. 45
"Ay αὖτ᾽ ἐς οἶκον τὸν Κλεησίππω.
Lb. 460A
Kip’ ot’ ἀπ᾽ ὑσσάχκω λυϑεῖσα.
Et. Flor, Miller Misc. 263. 46 B
“Apraps, ῥύτειρα τόξων.
Et. M. 420. 40. 47 B
“Adoy φίλον, ὃς κεν ἅδῇσιν.
Lb. 417. 12. 48-9
“Aye Atya μέγα odip.o
“Ay: ὁ χλεινός
᾿Αμφιτρυωνίδας.
Et. Gud. 308. 26. 50
Καύχων 9 ἕλικος βόας,
HEPHAEST. 81, 51
Τοιοῦτος εἰς Θήβας παϊς ἀρμιάτεσσ᾽ ὀχήμιενος.
70. 52

Μᾶλις μὲν ἔννη λεπτὸν ἔχοισ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀτράκτω λίνον.

460

26.

31.

32.

34.

35.

ἌΡΡΕΝ ΘΚ

APOL. de Adv. Bekk. Ax. il. 573.
"On γὰρ ἄρξατο.
Id. de Pron. p. 383 B.
"ADAG τις ἄμμι δαίμων.
HEROD. Cram. Az. Ox. ill. 239. 28.
Παῖς ὁ χῶρος.
HEROD. Cram. Ax. O%. 1. 63. 29.
Καὶ κατ᾽ ἰψύλων ὀρέων.
Lb. 327. 3.
᾿Αλλ᾽ ὦ πάντ᾽ ἐπόρεις “ADte.
Tb. 208. 13.
“Ἰδρῶς ἀμφότερα.
HESYCH. Πασσύριον.
Τὸ πασσύριον ἡμῶν ἁπάντων γένος.
Et. M. 574. 65.
Κλαΐην δάκρυσιν.

Ft. Me 587. 12:
Αἰτιᾶο τὰ μέτερρα.
APOL. de Adv. Bekk. Ax. ii. 563.
Ὃ δ᾽ ἐξύπισϑα κασταϑείς.
Et. M. 702. 41.
Παρὰ δε σφι χόραι λευχόάσπιδες.

HEPHAEST. p. 50.

“Totomovor p.stoaxes.

Οὐδὲ λεόντων σϑένος, οὐδὲ τροφαί.

At ΚΚυϑερήας ἐπιπνεῖτ᾽ ὄργια λευκωλένου.

Fit. 77.655 22.
“Og πὸς ἔχει μαινομένοισιν.
Et. Flor. Miller Misc. 249.
Ilavtes φαυροτέροις πόχτοις φέρον.

HESYCH. Τῦδε.
Τυϊδ᾽ ἀν xore vay Τυνδαριδᾶν.

BERGK

69, 70, 71

ANONYMOUS AND MISCELLANEOUS 461

37.

39.

41.

ἜΤ Nt. τοῦΣ 52;
Πόϑεν δ᾽
ὠλκὸς εὐπετὲς ἔβλης ;
HEROD. Cram. Az. Ox. i. 413. 12.
Napxutccov τερενώτερου.

Et. M, 225. 8.
Γέλαν δ᾽ ἀϑάνατοι ϑεοί.
HEROD. Cram. Az. Ox. ili. 237. 23.
Ἐπὶ δ᾽ ἴαχε
Ζηνὸς ὑψερεφὴς δόμος
ζαχρειές.

HESYCH. ὁμ. κασιν.

“Ομόπαιδα κάσιν Κασάνδρας.

HESYCH, Εὐσέλ.
Ἡὐσέλανον δῖον οἶκον.

ATHEN., xiv. 633 A.

Γλυχυτάτων πρύτανιν ὕμνων.

Μέλεα μελιπτέρωτα Μωσᾶν.
HEROD. Cram. Az. Ox. τι. 237. 26.

KASH μοι Ζανός τε κούρη
Ζανί τ᾽ ἐλευϑερίῳ.
Et Flor. Miller Misc. 142.
Βαίῳ δ᾽ ἐν αἰῶνι βροτῶν.

Et, 47. 230. 58.

Τὰς ᾿Ραϑάμανϑυς πιμιπλεῖς βίαν.

ORIGENES adv. Haeret. v. p. 96, ed. Miller.

BERGK

79 B

79€

80-1

82 AB

83.4

838

ἔλνθρωπον (ὡς) ἅνδωχε γαῖα πρῶτα ἐνεγκαμένα καλὸν

γέρας

. . τὸ δ᾽ ἐξευρεῖν χαλεπόν,

εἴτε Βοιωτοῖσιν ᾿Αλαλκομένευς λίμνας ὑπὲρ ΚΚαφισίδος

πρῶτος ἀνθρώπων ἄνεσχεν,
εἴτε Κουρῆτες ἔσαν γένος ᾿Ιδαῖοι ϑεῶν,

462 APPENDIX

BERGK
ἢ Φρύγιοι Κορύβαντες,
ots ἽΑλιος πρώτους ἐπεῖδεν δενδροφυεῖς ἀναβλαστόντας,
εἴτ᾽ ’Apxadta προσελαναῖον Πελχοαγόν,
7 ‘Paptas Δίαυλον οἰκιστῆρ᾽ "Ελευσις,
10 ἢ χαλλίπαιδα Λᾶμνος ἀρρήτων ἐτέχνωσε KaBerpov ὀργίων,
εἴτε Πελλάνα Φλεγραῖον᾽ Αλχυονῆα Γιγάντων πρεσβύτατον
.. « Gavel δὲ πρωτόγονον Γαράμαντα
Λίβυες avyp-nooiy πεδίων ἀναδύντα γλυχείας
Διὸς ἀπάρξασϑαι βαλᾶνου"
Νεῖλος δὲ.
15. σαρχούμεν᾽ ὑγρᾷ ϑερμότατι Cor σώματ᾽ ἀνδιδοῖ.

48. From a chart found in Egypt. See Egger Act. Acad.
Paris, 1877, and Blass Rhein. Mus. xxxil. 450. 85

XXXII 450!
“ τ
Υμνον ὧν
χλύετε᾽ πένπω δέ νιν
ὡς σέ, Κλ(ει)ϑέμιος παῖ,
, | ~
᾿Απόλλωνι μὲν ϑεῶν,
», > 5 w~ I ,
5 ἄταρ ἀνὸρῶν ᾿Εχεχράτει
παιδὶ ΤΠΠυϑαγγέλω
͵ NS ,
στεφανωμα δαυτιχλυτόν
πόλιν ἐς Ὀρχομενὼ διώξ-
-ὑππον᾽ ἔνϑα ποτέ
10 ἃς Ot’ Εὐρυνόμα Χαρίτας
ϑαλασοίας ἔτικτεν,
ἔτραφον᾽ τὸ δὲ παρϑένος
» 3. ὦ \ a
ἄεισ᾽ ἀγλαὸν μέλος
παρϑενηΐας ὀπὸς εὐηράτω
στόματι πέραναν.

49. ATHEN. ν. 217 C. 864
(ΔΙ ηδὲ) πᾶν ὕττι x’ ἐπ᾽ ἀχαιρίμιαν

γλῶσσαν ἔπος chy χελαδεῖν.
i

1 The fragment in the original is in a most mutilated condition, and
Bergk’s text, as above, rests for the most part on conjectural restora-
tions.

ANONYMOUS AND MISCELLANEOUS 463

BERGK
50. SCHOL. ARISTOT. iv. p. 26 B, 35. 88
᾿Αφροδίτας ἄλοκα τέμνων καὶ Χαρίτων ἀνάμεστος.
δ1. PLUT. an. Seni sit ger. Resp. 12. ΟΙ
"Ore Τυνδαριδᾶν ἀδελφῶν ἅλιον ναύταν πόϑος
βάλλει.
52. Jd. de Occ. Viv. c. 6. 92
Νυχτὸς ἀϊδνᾶς ἀεργηλοῖο 8’ ὕπνου xoloavoy.
53. Jd. Non. pos. suav. viv. c. 13. 93

Εὐρύοπα χέλαδον ἀχροσόφων ἀγνύμιενον διὰ στομάτων.

54. Id. adv. Stoic. το. 94
? , aA , aA \ / ? ν
Οὐ ψάμμος ἢ χόνις ἡ πτερὰ ποικίλοϑροων οἰωνῶν
τόσσον ἂν χεύαιτ᾽ ἀριϑμόν.
55. SCHOL. PIND. Wem. vi. 85. 95
Δίπτυχοι γὰρ ὀδύναι viv ἤρεικον ᾿Αχιλλείου δόρατος.
56. PLuT. de Saint. Praec. c. 13. 100
Iloo χείματος ὥστ᾽ ἀνὰ ποντίαν ἄχραν
Βορέα πνέοντος.
57. AR. Wud. 966. 102
Τηλέπορόν τι βόαμα λύρας.
58. BaccHius J/ntrod. Mus. p. 25. 103

Ὃ τὸν πίτυος στέφανον.

59. HEROD. Cram. Am. Ox. 1. 171. 33. 105
Πολύμνια παντερπὴς κόρα.

60. CHRYSIP. π. χποφατ. c. 24. 106
Οὐχ εἶδον ἀνεμιωχέα κόραν.

61. HEPHAEST. p. 75. 107
Θυμελιχὰν ἴϑι μάκαρ φιλοφρόνως εἰς ἔριν
62. Dion. HAL. de Comp. Verb. ς. 17. 108
Βρόμιε, δορατοφύρ᾽, ἐνυάλιε, πολεμοχέλαδε, πάτερ Αρη.
63. Jd. 109

Ἴακχε ϑρίαμβε, od τῶνδε χοραγέ.

464 APPENDIX

BERGK
64. Dion. HAL. de Comp. Verb. c. 17. ΤΟ
Lot, Φοῖβε, Μούσαις τε σύμβωμον.
65. 1ώ. III
Κέχυται πόλις ὑψίπυλος κατὰ γᾶν,
66. 0. iow
Λέγε δὲ σὺ κατὰ πόδα νεόχυτα μέλεα.
67. SCHOL, HEPHAEST. p. 157. 113
Ἴϑι μόλε ταχύποδος ἐπὶ δέμας ἐλάφου.
68. Marius PLOT. 264. 114
ἘΞεῖνε, τὸν ᾿Αρχεμόρου τάφον.
69. Μή. 294. TI5 A
Ἴϑι μᾶτερ μεγάλα,
70. PLOTIUS 293. 115 B
“Ἐλικοπέταλε, καλλικέλαδε, φιλοχορευτὰ (Βάκχε).
71. Dion. HAL. de Comp. c. 17. iy,
Οἱ δ᾽ ἐπείγοντο πλωταῖς ἀπήναισι χαλκεμβόλοις.
(PR Ag ey 335 118
ἹΚρησίοις ἐν ῥυθμοῖς παῖδα νέλψωρ. sv.
73. Mar. PLOT. p. 259. 119
Ἴλιον ἀμφ᾽ ᾿ Βλένῃ πεπυρωμένον WAETO.
74. Id. p. 273. 120
Ὃ Πύϑιος μεσομφάλοις ϑεὸς παρ᾽ ἐσχάραις.
75. HEPHAEST. 68. 121
Ταλλαὶ υητρὸς ὀρείης φίλόϑυρσοι δρομάδες,
αἷς ἔντεα παταγεῖται καὶ χάλκεα χρόταλα.
16. HEROD. π. διχρ. in Cram. Az. 111. p. 283. 5. 122
Κλάδα χρυσεόχαρπον.
77. Cod. v. ap. Gaisfd. ad HEsiop. Of. v. 664. 123
Καὶ τὰν ἀκόρεστον αὐάταν.
78. ARISTOT. οί. iil. 14. 124
Διὰ σὲ καὶ tex δῶρ᾽ εἴτε σκῦλα.
79. Ῥι01. de Prim. Frig. c. 17. 251

Εὐϑὺς ἀνέπλησεν ἀεροβάταν μέγαν οἶκον ἀνέμων.

BERGK
80. PLUT. Won poss. suav, viv. c. 23. 133
> / fy / ΑἹ /
Exepyou.svoy τε μοϊλάξοντες βιαταν
πόντον ὠχείας T ἀνέμων ῥιπας.
81. APOLLON. TYAN. 22. 83, p. 55 (Kayser). 142

‘Odever μοῖρα πρὸς τέλος ἀνδρῶν,
οἵτε τὰν πρώταν λελόγχασι τίμιον.
Θ᾿ PLU. αΚ. 5108: Ζ 1. Phys. 1. 5; 19. 143
(JA / > , ,
Χῶὦπερ μόνον ὀφρύσι νεύσῃ,
A 7ὔ > Z
χαρτερὰ τούτῳ χέχλωστ᾽ ἀναγχα.

PGE YR NBIC PORTS

1. PLAT. Charmid. 155 Ὁ. Ρ. 564
CYDIAS
Εὐλαβεῦ δὲ μὴ κατέναντα λέοντος
\ ΕΣ \ ~ € ~ “
νεβρὸς ἐλϑὼν μοῖραν αἱρεῖσθαι κρεῶν.
2. ATHEN. xiv. 651 F. p. 589
MELANIPPIDES—DANAIDS
Od γάρ ἀνθρώπων φόρευν poppay ἐνεῖδος,
οὐ δίαιταν τὰν γυναικείαν ἔχον,
rH’ ᾿ « ᾿ , ὃ , ᾿ ΩΣ (ζ ἘΔ 3
ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἁομότεσσι dupoouyors ἐγυμνάζοντ᾽ ἂν εἰ,
BL {y ,
Ov ἄλσεα πολλάκι ϑήραισιν φρένα τερπόμεναι, 4
YQ: δα; "ty 3090 esx , ~
70" ἱεροόαχρυν λίβανον εὐώδεις TE φοίνικας κασίαν τεματεῦσαι,
τέρενα Σύρια σπέρματα.ἷ

3. STos. Eclog. Phys. i. 41. 50. p. 590
Jd. PERSEPHONE
Καλεῖται δ᾽ εἵνεχ᾽ ἐν κόλποισι γαίας
ays εἶσιν προχέων
) / 2
Αχέρων.
4. ATHEN. il. 35 A. p. 591
᾿Επώνυμον, δέσποτ᾽ οἶνον Oivéos.
Ὦ ΕΠ: Ἔ͵ΖΟΣ. δ. 1:
(Ἔρως) Γλυκὺ yap ϑέρος ἀνδρὸς ὑποσπείρων πραπίδεσσι
πόϑον.
1 This passage has undergone very considerable alterations at the
hands of Bergk and other commentators.
2 Restored conjecturally from a corrupt text.

466

(2)

AIP PE DE DPX

BERGK
Ρ- 600
PHILOXENUS
Δεῖπνον.

ATHEN. xv. 685 D.
Κατὰ χειρὸς δ᾽

ἤλυϑ᾽ ὕδωρ᾽ ἁπαλὸς παιδίσκος ἐν ἀργυρέκ προχόῳ φέρων ἐπέ-

YEVEV Ἢ

tie Seg / ~ > \ , ? , i
ELT ἔφερε GTEPAVOY λεπτὰς ἀπὸ μυρτίδος ξυγνήτων χλαδέων

δισύναπτον.

(6) ATHEN. iv. 146 F.

Εἰς δ᾽ ἔφερον διπλόοι παῖδες λιπαρῶπα τράπεζαν
YUU, ἕτεροι δ᾽ ETE ἄλλοι δ᾽ ἑτέραν μέχοι οὗ πλήρωσαν
ἄμμ’, ἕτεροι τέραν, οαν μέχοι οὐ πλήρωσα
οἶχον.
ταὶ δὲ πρὸς ὑψιλύχνους ἔστῶβον αὐγάς
εὐστέφανοι λεχάναις παροψίσι τ᾽ ὀξυβάφων πλήρεις σὺν τε
χλιδῶσαι
a , Ἐν \ ͵ τω
παντοδαποῖσι τέχνας εὑρήμασι πρὸς βιοτάν, ψυχδς δελεα-
σματίοισι.
, 3 / / / ws ’
. + « πάρφερον EV XAVEOLG μάζας χιονοχροας, ἄλλοι oe
(τοῖς δ᾽) ἔπι πρῶτα παρῆλϑ᾽ οὐ κάχκαβος, ὦ φιλότας, ἀλλ᾽
ἀλλοπλατεῖς τὸ μέγιστον
πάντ᾽ ἔπαϑεν λιπαρόν τ᾽ ἐς ἐγχέλεα τινες ἄριστον,
γογγροιτοιωνητέμων πλῆρες ϑεοτερπές" ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ δ᾽
ἄλλο παρῆλϑε τόσον, βάτις δ᾽ ἐνέης ἰσόκυκλος.
μικρὰ δὲ κακκάβι᾽ ἧς, ἔχοντα τὸ μὲν γαλέου τι
vaoxtov ἄλλο, ...
~ iv4 , > A 7 4 f
παρῆς ἕτερον πίων ἀπὸ τευϑιάδων καὶ σηπιοπουλυποδείων
(τῶν) ἁπαλοπλοχάμων᾽ ϑερμὸς μετὰ ταῦτα παρῆλϑεν
ἰσοτράπεζος ὅλος νήστις συνόδων...
πυρὸς ἔπειτα βαϑμοὺς ἀτμίζων᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ δ᾽ ἐπίπασται
τευϑίδες, ὦ φίλε, κἀξανϑισμέναι καρῖδες αἱ χυφαὶ παρῆλϑον,
ϑρυμματίδες δ᾽ ἐπὶ ταύταις εὐπέταλοι χλωραί 9’ ἁδυ-
,
φάρυγγες . . -
πύρνων τε στεγαναὶ φυσταὶ μεγάϑος κακὰ κακχάβου γλυκύου
ὄξιος.
ὀμφαλὸς ϑοίνας καλεῖται παρά γ᾽ ἐμὶν καὶ τίν, σάφ᾽ οἶδα.
4 Q A \ ε Ἢ , , δ I
ὕστατα ναὶ μὰ DEous ὑπερμέγεϑεές τι δέμας ϑύννου μόλεν
ὀπτὸν ἐχεῖϑεν,

DITHYRAMBIC POETS 467

~ {τ “ / > A ᾽ “ Ἢ
merous ODL YAUOAVOLS τετμημένον εὐθὺς ἐβαφϑη
~ , , >
τοῦ δ᾽ ὑπογαστριδίοις διανεχέως ἐπαμύνειν
εἴπερ ἐμίν τε μέλοι καὶ τίν, μάλα κεν κεχαροίμεϑ᾽.
GAN ὅϑεν ἐλλίπομεν, ϑοίνα παρέης, ὅτ᾽ ἐπαλλάξαι δύνατ
ἐπικρατέως ἔγωγ᾽ ἔτι, κοὔ κε λέγοι τις.
πάντα. παρῆς ἐτύμως ἄμμιν᾽ παρέπαισε δὲ ϑερμόν
, v ~
σπλάγχνον, ἔπειτα δὲ νῆστις
δέλφακος οἰχετικᾶς καὶ νῶτος ἐσῆλθε καὶ ὀσφὺς καὶ
μινυρίγματα Seo.
A / cf: ͵ > \ > A
καὶ χεφάλαιον ὅλον διάπτυχες ἐφῦον ἀπερπευϑηνος
ἀλεχτοτρόφου πνιχτᾶς ἐρίφου παρέϑηχκεν.
εἴτα δίεφϑ᾽ ἀχροκώλια, σχελίδας τε μετ᾽ αὐτῶν
λευχοφορινοχρόους, ῥύγχη; κεφάλαια, πόδας τε, χναυμάτιόν τε
σεσιλφιωμένον.
ἐφϑό τ᾽ ἔπειτα κρέ᾽ ὀπτά τ᾽ ἄλλ᾽ ἐρίφων τε καὶ ἀρνῶν᾽
ἀϑυπέρωμα χκαρὸς χορδὰ γλυχίστα,

7 oe AY / fe , \ / 7) I
μιξεριφαρνογενής, ἅν δὴ φιλέοντι Dot’ τούτωνί σὺ μέν), ὦ φίλο-
τας ἔσϑοις xe λαγᾷα δ᾽ ἔπειτ᾽ ἀλεχτρυόνων TE νεοσσοί,
περδίκων φασέων τε χύδαν ἤδη παρεβάλλετο ϑερμὰ πολλά...
καὶ μαλακοπτυχέων ἄρτων" ὁμοσύζυγα δὲ ξανϑόν τ᾽ ἐπειο-

ἦλϑεν μέλι καὶ γάλα σύμπακτον τό χε τυρὸν ἅπας τις
τ y 4 Ἢ / ΕΣ \ ᾽ fi ech, sey,
ἦμεν ἔφασχ' ἁπαλόν, κἠγὼν ἐφάμαν' ὅτε δ᾽ ἤδη
> A ~ > ° e Ὁ
βρώτυος ἠδὲ ποτᾶτος ἐς κόρον ἦμεν ἑταῖροι,
τῆνα μὲν ἐξαπάειρον δμῶες, ἔπειτα δὲ παῖδες νίπτρ᾽ ἔδοσαν
κατὰ χειρῶν,
s > re A ao > /
σμιήμιασιν ἰρινομίκτοις χλιεροϑαλπες ὕδωρ ἐπεγχξοντες
τόσσον ὅσον (τις) ἔχρῃζ᾽, ἐκτρίμματά ve . . . λαμπρά
- , \ , a 2 , \
σινδονυφῇ, δίδοσαν (δὲ) χρίματα τ΄ ἀμβροσίοδμα xat
στεφάνους ἰοϑαλέας.

Τὰς δὲ δὴ πρόσϑεν podoucns . . . λιπαραυγεῖς,

πορϑμίδας πολλῶν ἀγαϑῶν πᾶλιν εἴσφερον γεμούσας,

τὰς ἐφήμεροι καλέοντι τραπέζας (δευτέρας,)

ἀϑάνατοι δέ τ’ ᾿Αμαλϑείας κέρας.

ταῖσι δ᾽ ἐν μέσαις καϑιδρύϑη μέγα χάρμα βροτοῖς λευκὸς
υυελὸς γλυχκερός, λεπτοῖς ἀράχνας ἐναλιγχίοισι πέπλοις,

συγχαλύπτων ὄψιν αἰσχύνας ὕπο, uy, κατίδῃ τις

μαλογενὲς TAU λιπόντ᾽ ἀνάγκαις

468

ΤΟ:

APPENDIX

BERGK
\ 2 -, 7 , ~
ξηρὸν ἐν Expats ᾿Αρισταίου παλιρρύτοισι παγαῖς
τῷ δ᾽ ὄνομ’ ἧς ἄμυλος" χερσὶν δ᾽ ἐπέϑεντο στόμιον
Beas .
J « ~ a “Ὁ
. . tav δεξαμέναν 6 τι κα διδῷ τις ἃ Ζᾶνος
χαλεῦντι
τρώγματ᾽" ἔπειτ᾽ ἐπένειμεν ἐγκαταχναχκομιγὲς πεφρυγμένον
U Μ “ἃ
πυρβρομολευχερεβινϑοξάνϑωμ᾽ ἔκκριτον ἁδύ
βρῶμα τὸ παγχατάμικτον᾽ ἀμπυρικηροιδηστίχας παρεγίνετο
τούτοις
σταιτινοχογχομαγὴς YO ψαιστελαιοξανϑεπιπαγκαταπύρωτος
χοιρίνας.
ἁδέα δὲ... χυχλώϑ᾽ ὁλόφωχτ᾽ ἀνάριϑμα,
χαὶ μελίπηκτα τετυγμέν᾽ ἄφϑονα σασαμόφωχτα.
I , z Yj
TUPAXLVOLS δὲ γάλαχτι καὶ μέλι συγκατάφυρτος ἧς ἄμυλος
πλαϑανίτας" Ξ
σασαμοτυροπαταγὴ δὲ καὶ ζεσελαιοπαγὴ πλατύνετο σασα-
υόπαστα
πέμματα χᾷτ᾽ ἐρέβινϑοι κνακοσυμμιγεῖς ἁπαλαῖς ϑαάλλοντες
ὥραις,
ἢ Oras: , ~ af. μ
Oa τ ἀνυγδαλίδες τε τῶν μολακοφλοΐδων ον τὰ τρῶχτα
παισίν
ἀδυϊδη κάρυ᾽, ὄλλα τ᾽ ὅσσα πρέπει παρὰ ϑοίναν
> Ν ἐ ΠΡ. , , / ,
ὀλβιόπλουτον (ἔμεν) πόσις τ᾽ ἐπεραίνετο κότταβοί τε λόγοι
τ᾽ ἐπὶ κοινᾶς:
ἔνϑα τι καινὸν ἐλέχϑη κόμψον ἀϑυρμότιον, καὶ ϑαύμασαν
αὖτ᾽ ἐπὶ τ᾽ ἥνησαν...

(2) ATHEN. xi. 487 A.

εν Σὺ δὲ τάνδε Baxytou
εὔδροσον πλήρη μετανιπτρίδα δεξαι:

~ , Ι , [2 U A > ͵
Toad τί τοι Βρόμιος γάνος τόδε δοὺς ἐπὶ τέρψιν
πάντας ἄγει.

(e) ATHEN. χι. 476 E.

= Ife

Πίνετο γεχτάρεον Tap. ἐν χρυσέαις προτομαῖς κοίλων
κεράτων.

Ψ' / \ \ /

ἐβρέχοντο δὲ κατὰ μικρόν.

ATHEN. xv. 692 D. p. 610
Συμβαλοῦμαί τι μέλος ὑμῖν εἰς ἔρωτα.

10.

11.

12.

¥13.

*14.

*15.

16.

ΧῚ7.

ΠΥ ΠΑ ΜΠ ΒΙΟ POETS

ΖΕΝΟΒ. ν. 45.
a 5) ae / fe ~
Οἵἴῳ μ᾽ ὁ δαίμων τέρατι συγκαϑεῖρξεν.

SUIDAS Ἔϑυσας.
ἼἜϑυσας, ἀντιϑύση.

ATHEN. i. 6 A.
Tope ϑεῶν λαμπρότατε.

Vat 35: Ὁ.
Εὐρείτας οἶνος πάμφωνος.

TIMOTHEUS

TO ARTEMIS

PLUT. de Aud. Poet. c. 4.
Mauvada, ϑυιάδα, φοιβάδα, λυσσάδα.
Td. Qu. Symp. iii. το. 3.

Διά κυάνεον πόλον ἄστρων,
δια τ᾿ ὠχυτόχοιο σελάνας.

PORPHYR. af. Stob. Ζεΐ. Phys. i. 41, 61.
"Or ἀέξεται ἁλίου αὐγαῖς.

D10G. LAERT. vi. 28, de Zenone.
"Ερχομαι" τί μ᾽ avers ;
Et. M. 630. 41.

Τεταμένον ὀρίγανοα διὰ μυελοτρεφῆ.

PLUT. de fort. Alex. ii. c. I.
Σὺ δὲ τὸν γηγενέταν ἄργυρον αἰνεῖς.

4609

BERGK
p. 611

p. 612

p. 614

p. 615

76.

Lb.

Ρ. 621

τς oe Snag ape,
, a 4

ad τ)

Ξ ᾿ Δ
a ‘ J Ma

:
i-

EK tibet 79 err :

ξ a
rari aya

. μὰ ᾿
ἘΜΉΝ Se μὸ '

Mi . See ἔπι ἊΣ nk ἀνά

Dre AE Ae yee ee

fey

f
᾿

SUBJECT INDEX

(The references are to pages, when not otherwise stated)

ACATALECTIC, see Metre (60).

Addison on Sappho, 154.

Adjective, double, Ibyc. 1. 5.

Admetus, Scol. xi.

Adonis, Miscel. xvii.

Adonius, see Metre (63).

Aegidae, Pindar a member of the
family, 282.

Aeolic race, some characteristics of,
98-9.

Aeschylus, passages from, as banquet
songs, 233.

defeated at Athens by Simonides,

200.

at court of Hiero, 201.

Aesop’s fables, ref. to in Archil. vi.
vii; Scol. xix. motes.

Agesidas, Alcman’s master at Sparta,
125.

Alcaeus, Biography, etc.—rank ; date;
loses shield in fighting with Athe-
nians; opposes tyrants; exiled;
defeated and captured by Pittacus,
but restored to liberty ; personal
qualities ; criticisms of ancients on
his poetry; how far sustained by
surviving fragments, 135-140.

his ‘ Alcaics’ compared with those

of Horace, 139.

Alcaeus and Sappho, Additional
Note A.

—— his vituperations compared with
Sappho’s, 152.

songs as Parcenia, 233-238.

Alcaics, 139 seg.; effect of anacrusis
in, note on Ale. xi.

Alcibiades, his Olympic
Misc, x.

Aleman, Biography—birthplace ; life
at Sparta; dialect; love - songs ;
some fragments of exceptional merit,
124-6.

some characteristics of his choral

songs, 30 seg.

victories,

Alcman, progress of music shown in his
choral systems, 39.
—— development of choral strophe,

49.

Praise of Sparta for lyric poetry,
101.
Parthenion recently found, Alem,

i. note; love of nature, xxi. zofe.

Alexander spares Pindar’s house at
Thebes, 283.

Alliteration, Sappho xxxi. zofe.

Amasis and the Greeks in Egypt, 149.

Amyclaean hounds, Simon. xxiv.

Anabole in the Dithyrambic Poets,
265.

Anacreon, Biography —his position
among melic poets; a court - poet
(cf. 103) ; a typical Ionian; flight -
from Teos ; warfare ; life with Poly-
crates; with Hipparchus; subse-
quent career; character as man and
writer ; metrical power ; character-
istics of his metres, 182-187.

his refined tastes, xv. ; desertion
of shield, xxix. (4) xofe.

——— at court of Pisistratus, 198.

his songs as banquet-songs, 233.

Anacrusis, see Metre (57).

Andromeda, rival to Sappho, 152,
Sap. xv.

Antimenidas, brother to Alcaeus,
serves under king of Babylon, 136.
Antistrophic style, employed by Alc-

man and probably by Thaletas, 29,

9.
Ξ addition of Epode, Ζῤία : con-
trast between lyric and dramatic
systems, 40.
Aorist, reduplicated forms, Misc. viii.
8 note.
gnomic, in sententious passages,
Scol. xxv. 2076.
Apollo and flute-music, 37.
and Marsyas, 106.

472

Apollo identified with sun-god, Dith.
Poets ix., cf. on Pind. vii.

Apotheosis of living men, Carm, Pop.
XXVll. 72076. :

Archilochus, Biography—How far a
‘melic’ poet (cf. note on xii.
@); parentage; travels; return to
Paros ; military life; Neobule and
Lycambes ; character; honoured at
Delphi; comparison with Homer;
originator of iambic, and even of
lyric poetry, 11-116.

metrical inventions, 47.

—— inventor of χροῦσις ὑπὸ τὴν ὠδήν,
41.

Arganthonius, Anac. xii. zo¢e.

Arion, ode assigned to him, Miscel. i. ;
came from Lesbos; composed mainly
at Corinth; disciple of Aleman;
cultivated choral dithyramb, 102.

Aristophanes on Ibycus, 178.

on Anacreon, 186.

references to Scolia in, 233 seg.

on ἀναβολαί, 265.

Aristotle, Ode on Virtue, Misc. vi. ;
friendship with Hermias, zézd.

-—— on music at Sparta, 102.

—— on Sappho, 153.

on avaBohat, 265.

Arnold, Matthew, quoted as an example
of metre, 60.

Arsis and Thesis, signification in which
employed, 47 xo¢e.

Artemis worshipped at
Anacr. ii. 4 o0fe.

Article omitted before participle,
Bacchyl. iii.

Astragali, Anac. viii.

Astylus, a Crotoniate
graced, Simon. xvi.

Athene and flute, Dith. Poets, i. B’,y’.

Athens, praise of, in Pindar, xiv.

Atthis, 152; Sap. xv. 0. ¢. d.

Attic Scolia, see Scolia.

Aphrodite and Eros contrasted, Alc-
man xvii.

Magnesia,

runner, dis-

BACCHIC SONG, primitive, Pop. Songs
xii.

Bacchius, AZetre, 71.

Bacchylides, Biography—scanty de-
tails ; nephew of Simonides accom-
panied him to court of Hiero;
reputation ; characteristics of his
poetry, 222-3.

— ethical principles in, note on
Bacchy]. iii.

—— Attic dialectic forms in, 78.

——— SEZ ASOD, 168:

Baetis, called Tartessus, Stes. 1, β' 7.

GREER EY RAC. PO irs

Ballads, long narrative ballads in Eng-
lish, with dance accompaniment,
compared with the epico-lyric poems
of Stesichorus, 169.

Banquet songs; chief occasion for
monodic poetry; early connection
with religion ; description of banquet
songs in Athenaeus, etc., as Paeans,
Paroenia, and Scolia proper, the
latter as a game of capping verses ;
Engelbrecht’s view on the subject ;
meaning and application of term
Scolion ; characteristics; Eustathius
on subject-matter ; Scolion game in
later times; origin of term, 232-
238.

antiquity of, 12.

-—— choral, 24, and Pindar ix. noe.

Barytonesis in Lesbian, 81.

Basis, AZetre, 58.

Beauty-contests supposed by Welcker
to account for choral form of Ibycus’
love-songs, 177.

Bias, Scolion attributed to, Scol. xxii.

Bockh on Heptachord, 36.

on musical modes, 43.

on metre, 52.

Boeotian cups, Bacchyl. xiii. 1. 2,
Plate v.

Brachycatalexis; AZetre (61).

Bread-sellers, bad reputation of, Anac.
xxiii. 6,

Burns, illustration from his employ-
ment of local dialect, 75.

—— effect of acatalexis in, 60.

line in Zam ο᾽ Shanter, cp. with

Bacchyl. ii.

566 also on Sappho, xv. d.

CAESURA, origin of, 72.

in Horatian Sapphics, edd., and
154.

Catalexis, see Metre (60).

Catana, Stesichorus at, 168.

Catullus, Sapphics in, 156.

his glyconics as compared with

Anacreon’s, 187,

his translation of Sap. ii. sofe.

imitation of Sap. xxxvii. vote.

Cea Naenza, 205.

Cercylas, Sappho’s husband.

Chalcidian swords, Alcaeus, xvi. 6
nove.

Chappell on the Heptachord, 36.

on Pythagoras and the octave,

on the musical modes, 43.

on high pitch of Greek vocal
music, note on Terp. i.

Charaxus, a brother of Sappho, 149.

SUBJECT INDEX

Cheese-offerings to gods, Alcman xv.
note.

Chelidonisma, Pop. Songs ii.

modern Greek, zbzd. note.

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Full text of "Greek lyric poetry; a complete collection of the surviving passages from the Greek songwriters, arr. with prefatory articles, introductory matter and commentary"

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