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GIFT    OF 
JANE  Ko^ATHER 


£w^7 


THE   GREEK   ORATORS 


THE 

GREEK  ORATORS 


BY 

J.    F.    DOBSON,    M.A. 

TRINITY  COLLEGE,   CAMBRIDGE, 

PROFESSOR   OF  GREEK  IN  THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF   BRISTOL 


METHUEN  &  CO.   LTD. 

36    ESSEX    STREET    W.C. 

LONDON 


First  Published  in  igig 


y-' 


PREFACE 


THE  object  of  this  book  is  to  provide  a  reasonably 
short  account  of  the  works  of  the  Orators  and  to 
give  a  general  idea  of  the  style  of  each.  It  seemed  to 
me  at  the  outset  that  this  object  could  be  best  attained, 
not  by  applying  methods  of  scientific  analysis,  but  by 
giving  numerous  quotations  from  the  speeches  to 
emphasise  the  points  which  I  wished  to  bring  out. 
I  have  therefore  avoided  as  far  as  possible  the  techni- 
caHties  of  criticism,  and  illustrated  my  remarks  by 
translations  of  characteristic  passages,  hoping  thus  to 
make  my  work  easily  accessible  not  only  to  classical 
students,  but  also  to  others  who,  while  generally 
interested  in  the  Classics,  have  not  the  time  or  the 
capacity  to  study  them  in  the  original. 

I  have  no  idea  of  superseding  the  standard  works 
on  the  subject,  such  as  Jebb's  Attic  Orators  and  Blass' 
Attische  Beredsamkeit,  which  deal  with  the  subject 
more  fully  and  from  a  somewhat  different  point  of  view. 
No  student  of  the  Orators  can  afford  to  neglect  the 
works  of  these  scholars,  but  though  I  have  frequently 
consulted  them,  I  have  by  no  means  considered  myself 
bound  by  their  opinions ;  in  fact,  my  chief  claim  to 
consideration  is  that  my  own  judgments  are  entirely 
independent    of    authority,    and    are    based    directly 

Y 

44Geea 


vi  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

upon  a  first-hand  study  of  the  extant  writings  of  the 
Orators. 

The  chief  work,  in  addition  to  the  two  above  men- 
tioned, to  which  I  am  indebted  is  Croiset's  Histoire 
dt  la  LitUrature  Grecque. 

I  have  to  thank  BalHol  College  and  the  Clarendon 

Press  for  permission  to  print  extracts  from  Jowett's 

Plato. 

J.  F.  DOBSON 

Bristol,  /u/y  igig 


CONTENTS 


I.   THE   BEGINNINGS  OF  ORATORY 
II.   ANTIPHON.  .... 

III.  THRASYMACHUS — ANDOCIDES     , 

IV.  LYSIAS 
V.   ISAEUS 

VI.   ISOCRATES 
VII.   MINOR   RHETORICIANS 
VIII.   AESCHINES 
IX.   DEMOSTHENES    . 
X.   PHOCION,  DEMADES,   PYTHEAS    . 
XL   LYCURGUS,   HYPERIDES,   DINARCHUS 
XII.   THE  DECLINE  OF  ORATORY 

INDEX  


PAGE 
I 

19 
50 

74 
103 
126 
160 

163 
199 
268 
271 
308 
315 


vU 


I 


•     THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

CHAPTER  I 
THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  ORATORY 

§1 

ORATORY  is  one  of  the  earliest  necessities  of 
society ;  as  soon  as  men  were  organised  on 
terms  of  equality  for  corporate  action,  there  must 
have  been  occasions  when  opinions  might  differ  as  to 
the  best  course  to  be  pursued,  and,  if  there  were  no 
inspired  king  whose  unquestioned  authority  could 
impose  his  will,  the  majority  must  decide  whether  to 
flee  or  to  fight,  to  kill  or  to  keep  ahve.  Thus  different 
plans  must  be  discussed,  and,  in  cases  where  opinion 
was  evenly  balanced,  that  side  would  prevail  which 
could  state  its  views  most  convincingly ;  and  so  the 
need  for  deliberative  oratory  arose. 

With  the  Greeks  oratory  was  instinctive;  in  the 
earliest  serm-historical  records  that  we  possess,  eloquence 
is  found  to  be~  a  gift  prized  not  less  highly  than  valour 
m  battle  ;  the  kings  and  princes  are  not  only  '  re- 
nowned for  their  power,'  but  are  *  leaders  of  the  people 
by  their  counsels,  .  .  .  wise  and  eloquent  in  their 
instructions ' ;  strength  and  courage  are  the  property 
of  all,  .but  the  real  leaders  must  be  the  counsellors, 
pov\r)(f)opoi,  avhpe^.  Nestor,  who  is  almost  „  past  the 
age  for  fightings  Js  honoured  among  the  first  for  his_ 


,.,2.^  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

,  eloquence,   dn'd' whereas  Achilles  shares  with  many 
/' '. :  f^jfiicr  warriors  the  glories  of  the  tUad,  Odysseus,  fertile 
in  counsel,   is  the  chief  subject  of  an  entire  poem. 
>^  The  speech  of  Phoenix  in  the  ninth  book  of  the  Iliad 
shows  us"the~ Heals  wlucli  were  aimed  at  in~tlie~educa- 
tion  of  a  prince.    He  tells  how  he  trained  the  young 
Achilles  to  be  a  '  speakerof  words  and  a  doer  of  deeds-~L 
and  Achilles,  as  we  know  him,  well  justified  this  train- 
ing.   The  leading  characters  in  the  Homeric  poems 
are  already  fluent  orators,  able  and  ready  to  debate 
inteUigently  on  any  concrete  subject,  and,  moreover, 
to   seek   guidance    from   general   principles.     Nestor 
makes    frequent    appeals    to    historical    precedent  ,* 
Phoenix   introduces    allegorical   illustration ;  ^    many 
speakers  refer  to  the  sanctity  of  law  and  custom  ; 
though  the  particular  case  is  foremost  in  the  mind, 
generalisations  of  various  kinds  are  by  no  means  in- 
r  frequent.     The  Homeric  counsellor  can  urge  his  own 
^   .  I  arguments  and  rebut  those  of  his  opponent  with  a 
^^^  /   natural  facility  of  speech  and  readiness  of  invective 
^K       I    which  even  a  polished  wielder  of  personahties  like 
[^  Demosthenes  might  envy. 

From  the  spontaneous  outpourings  of  Achilles  and 
his  peers  to  the  studied  artifice  of  Lysias  and  Demo- 
sthenes is  a  long  journey  through  unknown  country, 
and  it  is  obvious  that  no  definite  course  of  develop- 
fment  can  be  traced;  Jbut__a xeieisiKe  to  Hoiner  is  of 
I  twofold  importance.    In  the  first  place,  it  may  indicate 
c.    /  that  Greek  oratory  was  obviously  of  native  growth, 
\>^^/   since  the  germs  of  it  are  to  be  found  in  the  earliest 
^         I  £^nais ;     secondly.    Homer   was    studied    with    such 
i  devout  reverence  not  only  by  the  Athenian  orators 

1  Iliad,  ix.  443.  ^  Ihid.,  ix.  502  sqq. 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  ORATORY  3 

themselves  butjby  their  immediate  literary  prede- 
cessor^^ the  cosmopolitan  Sophists  and  the  rhetoricians 
of  Sicily,  that  his  influence  may  have  been  greater  than 
would  at  first  sight  seem  probaMe. 

§2 
The  records  of  eloquence  may  be  studied  from  various 
points  of  view,  which  may  be  roughly  classified  under 
the  headings  *  literary  '  and  *  practical,'  though  it  is 
not  always  easy  to  keep  the  elements  distinct.  A 
stylistic  study  of  the  writings  of  the  Athenian  orators 
must  find  a  place  in  any  systematic  work  on  the  de- 
velopment of  Attic  prose,  but  in  a  work  like  the  present, 
which  professes  to  deal  with  orators  only,  such  a  study 
cannot  be  carried  out  with  any  attempt  at  complete- 
ness ;  thus,  while  it  may  be  possible  to  discuss  the 
influence  of  Thucydides  or  Plato  on  Demosthenes, 
there  will  be  no  room  to  consider  how  far  the  historian 
himself  may  have  been  influenced  directly  by  Antiphon, 
or  the  philosopher  by  Gorgias,  though  a  cursory  in- 
dication may  be  given  that  such  influences  were  at 
work.  When,  however,  we  regard  rhetoric  not  for  its 
literary  value  but  as  a  practical  art,  our  task  becomes 
more  feasible  ;  in  literature  there  are  many  eddies 
and  cross-currents,  but  in  oratory,  especially  of  the 
forensic  type,  there  is  more  uniformity  of  flow.  Anti- 
phon and  Demosthenes  had,  to  a  great  extent,  similar 
ground  to  traverse,  similar  obstacles  to  overcome  or 
circumvent ;  and  a  study  of  their  different  methods  of 
approaching  like  problems  may  give  some  reasonable 
and  interesting  results  which  will  be  a  contribution 
to  the  history  of  the  *  Art  of  Persuasion.'  Even  here  we 
shall  find  diificulties,  for  one  who  is  reckoned  among 


4  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

the  greatest  orators,  Isocrates,  is  known  not  to  have 
been  practical  at  all  in  the  sense  in  which  Demosthenes 
was ;  his  so-called  speeches  were  never  meant  to  be 
delivered,  and  depended  for  their  efficacy  far  more  on 
their  literary  style  than  on  their  practical  character- 
istics. There  is,  perhaps,  only  one  great  factor  which 
is  common  to  all  orators  alike  ;  they  all  give  us,  both 
directly  and  indirectly,  invaluable  materials  for  the 
study  of  Athenian  history,  information  with  regard 
both  to  pubhc  and  private  life  and  national  character. 
While  the  speeches  before  the  assembly  and  in  public 
causes  increase  our  historical  knowledge  in  the  wider 
sense,  the  private  speeches,  often  dealing  with  matters 
of  the  utmost  triviality,  provide  a  miscellaneous  store 
of  information  on  domestic  matters  only  comparable 
to  that  more  recently  recovered  from  the  papyri  of 
Egypt. 

§3 

r     It  would  _seem   that   constitutional   liberty  and_  a 

'    strong  civic  feeling  are  indispensable  as  a  basis  for  the 

growth  of  oratory.     Such  a  statement  must  bejnade 

with  caution,  as  iOeaves"out  of  accoxmt  a  thousand 

^(j^,^    influences  which  may  have  been  operative  ;    but  we 

y^      \  have  no  records  of  oratory  at  Athens  before  the  estab- 

^         I  lishment  of  the  democracy,  and  after  the  limitatfon 

!  of  Athenian  influence  diie  to  the  spread  of  Hellenism 

'(  under  Alexander,  oratory  very  rapidly  decHned. 

The  imagination  of  Herodotus  gives  us,  in  the  de- 
bates of  the  Persian  court,  some  idea  of  what  he 
conceived  the  oratory  of  an  earlier  age  to  be;  but  as 
he  transferred  the  ideas  of  his  own  coimtry  to  another, 
without  any  serious  attempt  at  realism,  such  speeches 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  ORATORY  5 

are  of  little  value  to  us.  Thucydides  again  inserted 
speeches  freely  into  his  history,  but  these,  he  candidly 
admits,  are  not  authentic  records  but  imaginary 
reconstructions.  Nevertheless,  it  is  chiefly  on  Thucy- 
dides that  we  must  draw  for  information  about  the 
eloquence  of  the  early  statesmen  of  the  democracy. 

Themistocles  has  left  behind  him  some  reputation  as 
a  speaker.  Herodotus  indicates  how  he  harangued  the 
Greeks  before  the  battle  of  Salamis  ;  ^  Thucydides 
commends  him  for  ability  in  explaining  his  policy,  ^ 
and  the  author  of  the  pseudo-Lysian  Epitaphios  names 
him  as  '  equally  capable  in  speech,  decision,  and  action.'  ^ 
Beyond  these  meagre  notices,  and  a  reference  to  his 
eloquence  in  Cicero,*  we  have  nothing  earlier  than 
Plutarch,^  who  tells  us  that  from  early  youth  he  took 
an  interest  in  the  practice  of  speech-making,  and  that 
he  studied  under  a  Sophist,  Mnesiphilus,  who  apparently 
t£|.ught  him  something  of  the  science  of  statesmanship. 
Plutarch  records  his  answer  to  Eurybiadas,  who  had 
taunted  him  in  the  council  of  alHes  with  being  a  man 
without  a  city — since  Athens  was  evacuated — and 
therefore  not  entitled  to  the  right  of  speech  : 

'  We,  villain,  have  left  our  houses  and  our  walls,  disdain- 
ing to  be  slaves  for  the  sake  of  these  lifeless  things ;  but 
still  we  have  a  city — the  greatest  of  Greek  cities — ^in  our 
fleet  of  200  triremes,  which  now  are  ready  to  help  you  if 
you  care  to  be  saved  by  their  aid  ;  but  if  you  go  away  and 
betray  us  a  second  time,  the  Greek  world  shall  forthwith 
learn  that  the  Athenians  possess  a  free  city  and  a  country 
no  worse  than  the  one  they  have  lost.  *  ^ 

*  Herod.,  viii.  83.        *  Thuc,  i.  138.  »  §  42. 

*  Brutus,  §  28.  •  Themistocles,  ch.  ii.  "  Ibid.,  ch.  xi. 


6  THE  GREEK  ORATORS    . 

Another  fragment  is  preserved  by  Plutarch,  an  ad- 
dress to  Xerxes  in  quite  a  different  vein,  containing 
an  elaborate  metaphor  which  may  have  been  thought 
suited  to  the  Oriental  mind  : 

'  The  speech  of  man  is  like  to  a  piece  of  cunning  em- 
broidery, for  both  when  unrolled  display  their  patterns, 
but  when  folded  up  conceal  them.'  ^ 

Many  others  of  his  sayings  are  chronicled  ;  they  are 
more  or  less  apocryphal,  as  his  retort  to  the  man  af 
Seriphos,  who  hinted  that  Themistocles  owed  his 
greatness  to  the  fact  that  his  city  was  great.  '  You, 
Themistocles,  would  never  have  been  famous  if  you 
had  been  a  Seriphian  ' — '  Nor  would  you,  if  you  had 
been  an  Athenian.'  ^  His  interpretation  of  the  oracle, 
explaining  '  wooden  walls  '  as  ships,  shows  the  man 
ready  at  need  like  Odysseus ;  and  the  impression  that  we 
form  of  him  from  the  very  slight  indications  which  we 
possess,  is  of  a  man  always  clear  and  plausible  in  his 
statements,  never  at  a  loss  for  an  explanation,  and 
perhaps  rather  a  good  debater  than  an  orator. 

Of  Pericles,  who  represents  the  following  generation, 
we  have  a  clearer  picture.  We  know  more  about  his 
private  life  and  the  associates  who  influenced  his 
opinions.  His  earliest  instructors  were  the  musicians 
Damon  and  Pythoclides,  of  whom  the  former  remained 
his  intimate  friend  through  life,^  and,  if  we  believe 
Plutarch,  was  capable  of  giving  him  advice  even  on 
questions  of  statesmanship.*    The  friendship  of  Anaxa- 

^  Ch.  xxix.  2  Plato,  Republic,  i.  330  a. 

^  Plato,  Alcihiades,  i.,  118  c. 

*  Plut.,  Pericles yCh.  iv.,  who  quotes  Plato  (comicus) :  crv  yap,  Cos  (f)a<n, 
Xelpu}^  e^^dperpas  Hepi/cX^a. 


*«'*Ti»>*^.**-' 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  ORATORY  7 

goras  was_dffiibtless__,a- powerfiil  infliiP.nc£^.as_JElatdN^- 
affirms  in  a  well-knownjpassagejof  th^^  Phaedrusj^        j 

*  All  the  arts  require  discussion  and  high  speculation/*^ 
about  the  truths  of  nature  ;  hence  come  loftiness  of  thought 
and  completeness  of  execution.     And  this,  as  I  conceivel 
was  the  quaUty  which,  in  addition  to  his  natural  gifts,  \ 
Pericles  acquired  from  his  intercourse  with  Anaxagoras  / 
...  He  was  thus  imbued  with  the  higher  philosophy  .  .  .j 
and  apphed  what  suited  his  purpose  to  the  art  of  speaking. '\ 

He  is  saidjlso  to Jiave  _been„acq[Mi^^  of  \ 

Sea,  an  accomplished  dialectician,  and  with  the  great  j 
Sophist  Protagoras, 

Plutarch  represents  him  as  amusing  himself  by  dis-  ; 
cussing  with  Protagoras  a  question  which  is  the  theme  j 
of  one  of  Antiphon's  tetralogies — a  man  in  a  gym-  / 
nasium  accidentally  kills  another  with  a  javelin  :  who  j 
is  to  blame  ?  ^  In  Xenophon's  Memorabilia  ^  we  find  -^ 
him  engaged  in  sophistical  discussion  with  his  young  • 
nephew  Alcibiades,  who,  fresh  from  the  rhetorical  schools, 
was  apparently  his  superior  in  hair-splitting  argument. 

Thucydides  puts  three  speeches  into  the  mouth  of 
Pericles  ;   though  the  language  is  that  of  the  historian, 
some  of  the  thoughts  may  be  those  of  the  statesman.  / 
We  seem  to  recognise  his  high  intelligence,  developed  I 
by  philosophical  training,  and  the  loftiness  and  effec-  f 
tiveness  of  which  Plato  speaks.* 

The  comic  poet  Eupolis  gives  us  a  picture  from  a 
different  point  of  view  :  v/' 

A.   '  Whenever  at  Council  he  rose  in  his  place  ^ 

That  powerful  speaker — so  hot  was  the  pace — 
Could  give  other  runners  three  yards  in  the  race.'        / 

*  p.  270  A,  Jowett's  translation. 

2  Antiphon,  Tetral.  ii.  ^  j^  2.  40.  *  Plato,  I.e. 


8  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

\      B.  '  His  speed  I  admit ;   in  addition  to  that 
A  mysterious  spell  on  his  lips  ever  sate  : 
He  charmed  ;  and  alone  of  the  orators  he 
Left  something  behind,  like  the  sting  of  a  bee.'  ^ 

We  know  from  Thucydides  the  extent  of  his  influence 
over  the  people.  He  was  no  demagogue  in  the  vulgar 
sense  ;  they  knew  him  to  be  sincere  and  incorruptible. 
He  was  never  deterred  by  the  unpopularity  of  his 
i  policy ;  he  would  lead  the  people  rather  than  submit 
to  be  led  by  them  ;  he  could  abase  their  spirits  when 
they  were  unduly  elated,  or  raise  them  to  confidence 

-4l  when  imseasonably  disheartened.  ^  At  the  height  of 
his  career  his  eloquence  was  the  more  effective  because 
it  was  rarely  displayed  ;  minor  matters  in  the  assembly 
were  transacted  by  his  subordinates  ;  when  Pericles 
himself  arose  to  speak  it  was  a  signal  that  a  matter 
of  national  importance  was  to  be  debated,  and  his  ap- 
pearance roused  a  confident  expectation  that  the  treat- 
ment would  be  worthy  of  the  subject.^  The  epithet 
'  Olympian,'  applied  to  him  originally  in  sarcasm,  was 
felt  to  be  more  truly  applicable  than  its  originator, 
perhaps,  intended.     His  eloquence  was  a  noble  ex- 

n/  position  of  the  fine  intelligence  and  high  character 
which  first  claimed  a  hearing. 

Though  we  have  no  verbal  record  of  his  speeches,  a 
few  of  his  phrases  stuck  in  the  memory  of  chroniclers. 
Aegina  was  to  him  '  the  eye-sore  of  the  Piraeus  ' — it 
spoiled  the  view  from  the  Athenian  harbour,^  The 
Samians,  who'  submitted  very  reluctantly  to  the  bless- 

*  Bothe,  Comic  Frag.,  i.  162.     See  also  Aristophanes,  Acharn.  530. 

*  Then  Pericles  the  Olympian  in  his  wrath 
Lightened  and  thundered  and  confounded  Greece.' 

*  Thuc,  ii.  65.  »  Plut.,  Pericles,  ch.  vii. 

*  Arist.,  Rhet.,  iii.  10.  7  D. 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  ORATORY  9 

ings  of  Athenian  civilization,  are  like  *  babies  tha-t  cry 
when  you  give  them  their  pap,  but  take  it  all  the 
same '  ;  ^  and  Boeotia,  disintegrated  by  civil  war,  is 
like  an  oak  spHt  by  oaken  wedges. ^  His  finest  simile 
— ^not,  perhaps,  original,  since  Herodotus  attributes 
a  similar  phrase  to  Gelon,  when  Greece  refused  his 
invaluable  assistance — occurred,  according  to  Aristotle, 
in  a  ftmeral  speech  : 

'  The  city  has  lost  its  Youth ;  it  is  as  though  the  year 
had  lost  its  Spring.'  ^ 

§4 

The  eloquence  of  these  earlier  statesmen,  though 
significant  of  the  tendency  of  the  Attic  genius,  is  an 
isolated  phenomenon.  It  has  no  bearing  on  the 
development  of  Athenian  oratory.  We  have  now  to 
consider  two  direct  influences,  that  of  the  Sophists 
and  that  of  the  early  rhetoricians  of  Sicily. 

In  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century  B.C., — when  in 
turn  the  unrestricted  imagination  of  the  Ionian  phil^ 
osophers  had  failed  to  explain  the  riddle  of  existence  i 
on  physical  grounds,  the  metaphysical  Parmenides 
had  denied  the  possibihty  of  accurate  knowledge,  ajod 
Zeno,  the  dialectician  of  Elea.^  had  reduced  himselfJto 
dumbness  by  the  conclusion  that  not  only  knowledge 
is  impossible  but  even  grammatical  predication  isj 
im justifiable,  for  you  cannot  say  that  one  thing  is/' 
another,  or  like  things  unlike, — Philosophy  fell  somej 

what  into  disrepute^j^ A  spirit  of  scepticism  sprea^ 

..        ^^ 

1  Thuc,  i.  115-117  ;  Arist.,  Rhet.,  iii.  4.  3. 
*  Arist.,  ibid. 

'  Herod.,  vii.  162  ;  Arist.,  Rhet.,  i.  7.  34.  In  a  later  age  the 
orator  Demades  borrowed  it.     (Athenaeus,  iii.  99  d.) 


%r 


10  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

over  the  Greek  world,  and  the  greatest  thinkers,  foiled 
in  tTi~eTfattenipts"fo~dis^covef  the  higher  truths,  turned 
their  attention  to  the  practical  side  of  education::  -  In 
various  cities  of  Greater  Greece  there  arose  men  of 
high  intellectual  attainment,  conveniently  classed 
together  under  the  title  of  Sophists  (educators),  who, 
neglecting  abstract  questions,  undertook  to  prepare 
men  for  the  higher  walks  of  civic  life  by  instruction 
of  various  kinds.  The^reatest  of  these,  Protagoras^ 
of  Abdera,  expressed  his  contempt  for  philosophy  in 
the  well-known  dictum,  '  Man  is  the  measure  of  all 
things — of  what  is,  that  it" is";  and~of  what  is  not, 
that  it  is  not?  He"  th:efef6fe  devoted  himself  to  the 
study  of  literature,  and,  in  particular,  of  Homer. 
He  attained  great  popularity  ;  in  the  course  of  long 
travels  throughout  the  Greek  world,  he  made  several 
visits  to  Athens,  where  he  knew  Pericles.  Plato,  in 
the  dialogue  named  after  him,  gives  us  some  idea  of 
the  fascination  which  his  personality  exercised  over 
the  young  men  of  Athens,  and,  indeed,  *  Sophistry ' 
as  a  whole  had  a  tremendous  popularity.  All  young 
men  of  good  family  and  position,  who  aspired  to 
political  life,  flocked  to  hear  the  lectures  of  the  Sophists. 
Alcibiades,  Critias,  and  others  undoubtedly  owed  to 
this  movement  much  of  their  political  ability. 

The  morality  of  sophistry  has  been  much  discussed. 
The  comic  poets  represent  it  as  the  chief  instrument 
for  the  destruction  of  the  ancient  ideals  of  conduct- 
Plato,  though  he  recognized  its  humanistic  value  and 
spoke  with  appreciation  of  several  individual  teache  s, 
blamed  their  teaching  as  a  whole.  Certainly  the  claim 
of  Protagoras,  that  he  could  make  the  worse  cause 
appear  the  better,  laid  him  particularly  open  to  attack. 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  ORATORY  ii 

Protagoras  made  some  elementary  studies  in  grammar, 
presumably  as  a  basis  for  logic.  His  method  of  teach- 
ing was  apparently  by  example.  In  the  dialogue  of 
Plato  he  gives  a  demonstration  of  how  a  given  subject 
should  be  discussed  :  his  discourse  consists  first  of  a 
*  myth/  then  a  continuous  speech,  finally  a  criticism 
on  a  poetical  quotation.  We  may  suppose  that  this  "^ 
is  a  reasonable  imitation  of  his  methods.  His  pupils 
committed  to  memory  such  speeches,  or  summaries  of  J 
them,  on  various  -subjects,  and  were  thus  moderately 
well  equipped  for  purposes  of  general  debate. 

Prodicus  of  Ceos,  who  seems  to  have  been  many 
years  younger  than  Protagoras,^  was  more  concerned 
with  moral  philosophy  than  with  dialectical  exercises. 
He  paid  the  greatest  attention  in  all  his  teaching  to 
opOoeireLa,  the  correct  use  of  words,  i.e.  the  distinction  -^ 
of  meaning  between  words  which  in  the  popular 
language  have  come  to  be  treated  as  synonymous.? 
This  precision  may  have  been  carried  to  the  point  of 
pedantry,  but  as  the  correct  use  of  terms  is  an  important 
element  in  prose  style,  his  studies  deserve  consideration. 

Hippias  of  Elis  is  of  less  importance.    He  was  ready  j-f 
to  discourse  on  any  subject  under  the  sim,  and  could 
teach  his  pupils  a  similar  glibness  ;  abundance  of  words 
was  made  to  conceal  a  lack  of  ideas. 


§5 
Cicero  has  preserved,  from  Aristotle,  a  statement 
that  forensic  rhetoric  came  to  its  birth  at  Syracuse, 
when,  after  the  expulsion  of  the  tyrants  in  465  B.C., 

1  Plato,  Protag.,  317  c. 

2  Plato,  Protag.,  337  a-c,  where  Plato  parodies  his  style. 


12  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

many  families,  whose  property  had  been  confiscated 
by  them,  tried  to  re-estabhsh  their  claims.^  Certainly 
Corax,  the  founder  of  rhetoric,  was  teaching  about  the 
year  466  B.C.,  and  composed  a  ri^^^vr),  or  handbook„of 
rhetorical  principles. ^  He  was  followed  by  his  pupil 
TiStas,^^  who  also  wrote  a  treatise  which  Aristotle 
pronounced  to  be  better  than  his  master's,  and  was 
in  turn  soon  superseded  by  a  better  one.^  Both  Corax 
and  Tisias  attached  great  importance  to  et/co?  (pro- 
bability) as  a  means  of  convincing  a  jury.  A  sample 
of  the  use  of  this  argument  from  the  work  of  Corax  is 
the  case  of  the  man  charged  with  assault,  who  denies 
the  charge  and  says,  '  It  is  obvious  to  you  that  I  am 
weak  in  body,  while  he  is  strong ;  it  is  therefore 
inherently  improbable  that  I  should  have  dared  to 
attack  him.'  The  argument  can  of  course  be  turned 
the  other  way  by  the  prosecutor — *  the  defendant  is 
weak  in  body,  and  thought  that  on  that  accoimt  no 
one  would  suspect  him  of  violence.'  We  shall  find 
^  that  this  argument  from  eUora  is  very  characteristic 
of  the  orator  Antiphon  ;  it  occurs  in  his  court  speeches 
as  well  as  in  his  tetralogies,  which  are  model  exercises. 
It  seems,  indeed,  that  he  almost  preferred  this  kind  of 
argument  to  actual  proof,  even  when  evidence  was 
available.^  Tisias  improved  on  the  theme  of  Corax ; 
supposing  that  a  feeble  but  brave  man  has  attacked  a 
strong  one  who  is  a  coward,  he  suggests  that  both 
should  tell  lies  in  court.  The  coward  will  not  like  to 
admit  his  cowardice,  and  will  say  that  he  was  attacked 
by  more  than  one  man.  The  culprit  will  prove  this 
to  be  a  lie,  and  will  then  fall  back  on  the  argument  of 

1  Cicero,  Brutus,  §  46.  2  Arist.,  Rhet,  ii.  24.  11. 

*  Soph.  Elench.y  183  p.  28  sqq.  *  Vide  infra,  p.  36. 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  ORATORY  13 

Corax,  '  I  am  weak  and  he  is  strong ;  I  could  not  have 
assaulted  or  robbed  him/ — and  so  on.^ 

An  anecdote  of  these  two  rhetoricians  further  in- 
dicates the  slipperiness  of  the  groimd  on  which  they 
walked.^  Tisias  took  lessons  from  Corax  on  condition 
that  he  should  pay  the  fee  only  if  he  won  his  first  case 
in  court.  After  some  lapse  of  time  Corax  grew  im- 
patient for  his  money,  and  finally  brought  an  action — 
the  first  case,  as  it  happened,  on  which  Tisias  was  ever 
engaged.  Corax  asserted,  '  If  I  win  the  case,  I  get 
my  money  by  the  verdict ;  if  I  lose  it,  I  claim  payment 
by  our  contract.'  *  No,'  said  Tisias,  *  if  I  win,  I  don't 
pay,  and  if  I  lose  I  don't  pay.'  The  court  dismissed 
the  case  with  the  remark,  *  A  bad  crow  lays  bad  eggs ' ;  ^  ^1  ,^~-- 
and  this  was  obviously  to  the  advantage  of  the  younger 
man,  who  had  nine  points  of  the  law  on  his  side. 

Though  no  writings  of  either  are  preserved,  we  can 
form  an  idea  of  their  methods.  They  were  wholly 
immoral  or  non-moral,  and  perversely  sophistical.^ 
The^^;glausible  was_  preferred  to  the  true,  and  the  one 
object  was  to  win  the  case.  Their  method  of  teaching 
was,  according  to  Aristotle,  '  quick  but  unscientific,'  * 
and  consisted  of  making  the  pupil  learn  by  heart  a  ^ 
large  number  of  '  commonplace  '  topics  and  standard 
*  arguments  suitable  to  all  kinds  of  legal  processes .  They 
do  not  appear  to  have  paid  any  attention  to  style  on 
the  literary  side. 

§6 
Gorgias  of  Leontini,  a  contemporary  of  Protagoras, 
started  out,  like  the  Sophist,  from  the  position  that 

1  Quoted  by  Plato,  Phaedrus,  273  b-c. 

*  Schol.  on  Hennogenes;  also  Sext.  Empir.  adv.  Mathem,,  ii.  96.    .    ;      ^ 

'  KdKQxi  KbpuKot  KaKo.  (}}d.  *  Soph.  Blench.,  184  a.  i.  ,^i' 0  \* 


14  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

nothing  can  be  known,  and  the  pursuit  of  philosophy 
is  a  ploughing  of  the  sand.  He  is  said  to  have  been  a 
pupil  of  Tisias,  and  occupies  a  place  between  the  early 
rhetoricians  and  the  Sophists  usually  so-called.  Like 
the  former,  he  studied  and  taught  oratory,  but  whereas 
they  were  only  concerned  with  the  struggle  lor  mastery 
iiT  (TeBale^  he  entertained,  likeT^otagoras,  a  broad"view 
of  education,  and,  while  continuing  to  regard  rhetoric 
as  the  art  of  persuasion,^  attached  more  attentioril:o 
the  artistic  side  than  any  other  educator  had  done. 
He  became  the  first  conscious  artist  in  prose  style. 

Like  the  other  Sophists  he  travelled  from  town  to 
town  giving  displays  of  his  art,  and  gained  riches 
which  he  spent  freely. ^  In  427  B.C.  he  came  to  Athens 
as  an  ambassador  from  his  native  city,^  and  produced 
a  remarkable  impression  on  his  hearers,  not  only  the 
multitude  before  whom  he  spoke,  but  the  highly 
educated  class  who  could  appreciate  his  technique. 
Thucydides  owed  something  to  him,  and  the  poet 
Antiphon  showed  traces  of  his  influence.*  We  hear 
of  his  sojourn  at  Larissa,  where  the  Thessalians,  in 
^5  admiration,  coined  from  his  name  the  word  which 
*/ Philostratus  uses  to  express  his  exuberant  style. ^ 

His  first  work  is  said  to  have  been  a  sceptical  treatise 
on  Nature,  or  the  Non-existent.^  This  was  followed  by  a 

1  Cf.  Plato,  Gorgias,  453  a  ;  Phaedr.,  259  e. 

2  Isocr.,  Antid.,  §  155. 

3  If  it  is  true,  as  Philostratus,  Ep.  ix.  says,  that  Aspasia  '  sharpened 
the  tongue  of  Pericles  '  in  Gorgian  style,  he  must  have  visited 
Athens  in  a  private  capacity  at  an  earlier  date,  unless  his  Olym- 
piac  and  other  speeches  were  widely  circulated  and  read. 

*  IloXXaxoO  rG}v  id/x^up  yopycd^ei,  Philost.,  Lives  of  the  Sophists,  ix. 

493- 

^  Plato,  Meno,  70  b  ;   Philost.,  Epist.  ix.  364. 

^  irepl  (piLxrem  ij  rod  fir]  6vtos,  Sext.  Emp.,  vii.  65.  Cicero  {Brut.,  §  46) 
mentions  also  a  collection  of  communes  loci  made  for  instructional 
purposes. 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  ORATORY  15 

certain  number  of  speeches,  the  most  famous  of  which 
was  the  Olympiac,  in  which,  Uke  Isocrates  at  a  later-^'" 
date,  he  urged  on  the  Greeks  the  necessity  of  union.  ' 
The  Funeral  Oration,  to  which  we  shall  recur,  is  sup- 
posed to  have  been  delivered  at  Athens,  but  this  can 
hardly  have  been  the  case,  as  such  speeches  were 
regularly  delivered  by  prominent  Athenian  statesmen, 
and  there  would  be  no  occasion  for  calling  in  a  foreigner. 
A  Pythian  speech  and  various  Encomia  are  recorded  ; 
some  on  mythical  characters,  which  may  be  regarded 
as  mere  exercises,  some  on  real  people,  as  the  Eleans.^ 
He  seems  not  to  have  written  speeches  for  the  law- 
courts  ;  his  tendency,  as  in  his  personal  habits,  so  in 
his  speech,  was  towards  display,  and  so  he  originated  ' 
the  style  of  oratory  known  as  epideictic,  which  Isocrates  ^ 
in  a  subsequent  age  was  destined  to  bring  to  perfection. 
Though  an  Ionian  by  birth,  he  instinctively  recognized 
the  great  possibilities  of  the  Attic  dialect,  and  chose" 
it  as  his  medium  of  expression  ;  it  was  not,  however, 
the  Attic  of  everyday  life,  but  a  language  enriched  by 
the  exuberance  of  a  poetical  imagination.  We  possess 
of  his  actual  work  only  one  noteworthy  extract  from 
the  Funeral  Speech ;  but  from  this,  joined  to  a  few 
isolated  criticisms  and  phrases  preserved  by  com- 
mentators, as  well  as  from  the  language  ascribed  by 
Plato  to  his  imitator  Agathon,^  we  can  form  some  idea 
of  his  pompous  exaggerations. 

He  was  much  addicted  to  the  substitution  of  rare 
expressions — yXcoTrat,  as  the  Greek  critics  called  them 
— for    the    ordinary  forms  of  speech.     His  language 

1  Arist.,  Rhet.,  iii.  14.  12. 

2  Symposium,  194  e,  sqq.,  197  d  ;  the  latter  contains  some  excel- 
lent examples  :  Trpa^TTjTa  fi^p  iroplj^wp,  dypidrrp-a  8'  i^opi^uw  <pi\68<apos 
evfieyeias,  Aduiftos  dvafxevelai,  etc. 


i6  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

abounded  in  archaic  and  poetical  words,  striking 
metaphors  and  unusual  compounds.  He  frequently 
employed  neuter  adjectives  and  participles  in  pre- 
ference to  the  corresponding  abstract  nouns  ;  he  liked 
to  use  a  verbal  noun  accompanied  by  an  auxiliary 
in  places  where  a  simple  verb  would  be  naturally 
employed.  Finally,  though  he  could  not  aspire  to 
composition  in  elaborate  periods  like  Isocrates  or 
Demosthenes,  he  developed  the  use  of  antithesis,  word 
answering  to  word  and  clause  to  clause,  pointing  his 
antithetical  style  not  only  by  the  frequent  use  of  fikv 
and  Bi,  but  by  the  use  of  assonance  at  the  ends  of 

^  clauses,  corresponding  forms  of  verbs  in  similar 
positions,  and  by  some  attention  to  rhythm  and 
equahty  of  syllabic  value  in  contrasted  clauses. 

His  chief  fault  was  excess  ;  he  was  a  pioneer  in 
expression,  and  did  very  valuable  work  ;  but  he  lacked 
a  sense  of  proportion.  The  result  is  that  the  page  of 
his  genuine  work  which  we  possess  reads  like  a  parody 

.  of  style,  as  every  characteristic  is  carried  to  extreme. 
But  the  teacher  must  indulge  in  exaggeration,  or  the 
pupil  will  not  grasp  his  points,  and  the  work  of  Gorgias 
has  a  considerable  value.  It  was  the  first  attempt  to 
form  a  style,  and  his  followers  learned  partly  by  imi- 
tation, partly  by  avoiding  the  faults  which  were  too 
prominent.  The  very  fact  that  the  fragment  pre- 
served is  possibly  not  in  his  best  style  makes  it  the 
easier  to  observe  his  influence  on  his  successors — 
Antiphon,  Thucydides,  and  many  subsequent  writers 
of  artistic  prose. 

In  addition  to  the  speeches  already  mentioned  we 
possess  two  encomia  on  Helen  and  Palamedes,  which 
are   attributed  to  him.     Their  authenticity  is   very 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  ORATORY  17 

doubtful,  but  Blass,  who  discussed  the  question  very 
thoroughly  in  his  Attic  Orators  without  coming  to  a 
conviction,  has  since  decided  in  favour  of  their  genuine- 
ness.^ This  is  entirely  a  matter  of  personal  opinion  ; 
but,  even  if  not  genuine,  they  are  probably  able  imita- 
tions of  the  Gorgian  style  and  method. 

The  fragment  from  the  Epitaphios  can  hardly  be 
translated  in  a  way  that  will  give  a  proper  idea  of 
its  affectations,  but  as  some  notion  of  its  most  striking 
faults  may  be  formed  from  an  English  version,  some 
extracts  are  added.  In  the  Greek  in  some  places 
there  seems  to  be  very  little  sense,  and  what  there  is 
has  been  entirely  subordinated  to  the  sound  : 

'  What  quality  was  there  absent  in  these  men  which 
ought  in  men  to  be  present  ?  And  what  was  there  present 
that  should  not  be  present  ?  May  I  have  the  power  to 
speak  as  I  would,  and  the  will  to  speak  as  I  should,  avoiding 
the  jealousy  of  gods  and  escaping  the  envy  of  men.  For 
these  were  divine  in  their  valour,  though  human  in  their 
mortality ;  often  preferring  mild  equity  to  stern  justice, 
and  often  the  uprightness  of  reasoning  to  the  strictness  of 
the  laws,  considering  that  the  most  divine  and  universal 
law  is  this — to  speak,  to  omit,  and  to  do  the  proper  thing 
at  the  proper  time.  Two  duties  above  all  they  practised, 
strength  of  mind  and  strength  of  body  ;  the  one  in  delibera- 
tion, the  other  in  execution  ;  tenders  of  those  who  by  in- 
justice were  unfortunate,  punishers  of  those  who  by  in- 
justice were  fortunate.  .  .  .  And  accordingly,  though  they 
have  died,  our  yearning  died  not  with  them,  but  immortal 
over  these  bodies  not  immortal  it  lives  when  they  live  no 
more.' 

Contrast  and  parallelism  are  rampant  throughout 
this  incredible  piece  of  bombast,  which  in  addition  to 

'  Introduction  to  the  Teubner  edition  of  Antiphon  (1908),  p.  xxviii. 
B 


i8  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

the  curious  jingles  produced  by  such  words  as  yvwfirjv 
Koi  p(Ofir]v ;  BvarvxovvTcovt  cvtv^ovvtcov,  shows  a  poetical 
vocabulary  in  such  phrases  as  IfK^yro?  "A/dt??,  'the  Mars 
that  is  bom  in  them/  ivoirXio^  ept?,  '  embattled  strife/ 
and  (fitXoicaXo^  eiprjvr},  *  peace  that  loves  the  arts/ 
Antiphon  and  Thucydides  suffered  severely  from  the 
contagion  of  this  style,  and  a  conscious  imitator,  the 
author  of  the  pseudo-Lysian  Epitaphios,  has  repro- 
duced its  florid  monotony. 


CHAPTER  II 
ANTIPHON 

§1 

ANTIPHON  is  said  to  have  been  almost  contem- 
JLx.  porary  with  Gorgias,  but  a  little  younger.^  He 
was  bom  about  480  b.c.  He  took  no  part  in  public 
life,  perhaps  disdaining  to  serve  the  democracy  owing 
to  his  strong  aristocratic  prejudices.  He  wrote  many 
speeches  for  others,  but  himself  never  spoke  in  the 
assembly  and  very  rarely  in  the  pubhc  courts.  Most 
of  his  speeches  were  written  for  private  individuals, 
but  we  have  a  record  on  one  '  about  the  tribute  of 
Samothrace,'  apparently  composed  on  behalf  of  that 
community  when  appealing  against  their  assessment. 
Having  lived  in  comparative  obscurity  all  his  life,  he 
stepped  suddenly  into  brilliant  light  in  411  B.C.,  the 
year  of  the  revolution  of  the  Four  Hundred.  According 
to  Thucydides  his  was  the  brain  which  had  planned 
all  the  details  of  this  anti-democratic  conspiracy.  The 
historian  pays  a  striking  tribute  to  his  ability  as  an 
organiser : 

'  It  was  Pisander  who  proposed  this  motion  and  in 
general  took  the  most  active  steps  for  the  subversion 
of  the  democracy  ;  but  the  one  who  contrived  the  whole 
plot  and  the  details  of  its  working  and  who  had  given 
his  attention  to  it  longest  was  Antiphon,  a  man  who 

*  Ps.-Plut.,  Lives  of  the  Orators,  Antiplion,  §  9. 

1» 


20  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

must  be  placed  in  the  first  rank  for  his  character,  his 
ingenuity,  and  his  powers  of  expression.  He  never 
put  himself  forward  in  the  assembly,  nor  appeared, 
from  choice,  at  any  trial  in  the  courts,  but  lay  under 
the  people's  suspicion  owing  to  a  reputation  for 
cleverness.  He  was,  however,  more  capable  than 
any  other  man  of  giving  assistance  to  anybody  who 
consulted  him  with  regard  to  a  case  either  in  the  courts 
or  the  assembly.  Eventually,  when  the  Four  Hundred 
suffered  reverse  and  were  being  harshly  treated  by 
the  democracy,  he  was  himself  brought  to  trial,  for 
participation  in  the  revolution,  and  is  known  to  have 
'  made  the  finest  defence  ever  on  record  as  having  been 
delivered  by  a  man  on  trial  for  his  life.'  ^ 

During  the  short  rule  of  the  Four  Hundred  he  seems 
to  have  been  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  extreme  party, 
as  opposed  to  the  followers  of  Theramenes,  who  advo- 
cated measures  of  conciliation.  He  went,  with  Phry- 
nichus  and  eight  other  envoys,  to  negotiate  peace  with 
Sparta  in  the  hope  of  thus  securing  the  oligarchical 
government.  Shortly  after  the  failure  of  this  embassy 
came  the  murder  of  Phrynichus  and  the  fall  of  the  Four 
Hundred,  and  the  democracy  was  ready  for  revenge. 
Most  of  the  ringleaders  fled  to  Deceleia  ;  Antiphon  and 
Archeptolemus  remained,  were  prosecuted  for  treason  to 
the  people,  condemned  and  executed.  Their  property 
was  confiscated,  their  houses  razed  to  the  ground,  their 
descendants  disfranchised  for  all  time,  and  their  bodies 
refused  burial  in  the  soil  of  Athens  or  any  of  her 
sallies. 

On  the  occasion  of  his  trial  the  orator,  who  had  spent 
the  best  years  of  his  Ufe  in  pleading  by  the  lips  of  others 

1  Thuc,  viii.  68. 


ANTIPHON  21 

in  causes  which  did  not  interest  him,  justified  his 
renown  and  far  surpassed  all  expectation,  delivering 
what  was,  in  Thucydides'  opinion,  the  finest  speech  of 
its  kind  ever  heard  up  to  that  time.  Aristotle  pre- 
serves an  anecdote  telling  how  the  poet  Agathon 
congratulated  the  condemned  man  on  his  brilHant 
effort,  and  Antiphon  repHed  that  *  he  would  rather  have 
satisfied  one  man  of  taste  than  any  number  of  common- 
people' — ol  Tvyxavovrefi,  a  fine  aristocratic  term  for 
great  Athenian  people.^ 

At  the  time  when  Antiphon  composed  his  speeches, 
Attic  prose  had  not  settled  down  into  any  fixed  forms. 
The  first  of  the  orators  was  therefore  an  explorer  in" 
language  ;  he  was  not  hampered  by  traditions,  and 
this  freedom  was  an  advantage  ;  but  on  the  other  hand, 
the  insufficiency  of  models  threw  him  back  entirely 
on  his  own  resources. 

Of  his  predecessors  in  prose-writing,  the  early  his- 
torians were  of  no  account  as  stylists.  Herodotus 
wrote  in  a  foreign  dialect  and  a  discursive  colloquial 
manner  which  was  unsuited  to  the  needs  of  oratory ; 
Gorgias,  indeed,  used  the  Attic  dialect,  but  had  hin- 
dered the  growth  of  prose  by  a  too  copious  use  of 
florid  poetical  expression.  Antiphon,  therefore,  had 
little  to  guide  him,  and  we  should  expect  to  find  in  his 
work  the  imperfections  which  are  natural  in  the  ex- 
perimental stage  of  any  art. 

So  few  of  his  works  remain  that  we  cannot  trace  any 
development  in  his  style  ;   it  is  only  possible  to  guess 

^  Eth.  Eudem.y  iii.  1232  b.  7. 


X 


22  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

at    certain    influences    which  may    have    helped    to 
form  it. 

He  must  have  been  familiar  with  the  methods  of  the 
best  speakers  in  the  assembly  and  the  law-courts  of 
the  Periclean  age  ;  without  great  experience  of  pro- 
cedure in  both  he  could  not  have  hoped  for  any  success 
as  a  speech- writer.  He  must  have  been  versed  in  the 
theories  of  the  great  Sophists,  such  as  Protagoras  and, 
more  particularly,  Gorgias  ;  and  the  model  discourses 
which  they  and  others  composed  for  their  pupils' 
instruction  were,  no  doubt,  accessible  to  him.  The 
general  influence  of  Sophistry  is,  however,  to  be  traced 
more  in  the  nature  of  his  arguments  than  in  his  style. ^ 

§3 
As  regards  vocabulary,  we  are  struck  at  once  by  the 
fact  that  Antiphon  uses  many  words  which,  apart  from 
their  occurrence  in  these  speeches,  would  be  classed  as 
rare  or  poetical ;  words,  that  is,  which  a  maturer 
prose-style  was  inclined  to  reject.  This  was  partly 
the  result  of  circumstances  ;  as  has  been  noted,  there 
was  no  canon  of  style  and  vocabulary,  and  the  influence 
of  Gorgias  had  been  rather  to  confuse  than  to  dis- 
tinguish the  dictions  of  prose  and  poetry,  while  the 
great  importance  attached  to  poetry  in  the  sophistical 
education  of  the  time  increased  the  difficulties  for  any 
experimental  writer  who  was  imwilling  to  resort  to 
the  colloquial  language.  In  many  cases,  however,  we 
may  give  Antiphon  credit  for  intention  in  the  deliberate 
use  of  poetical  words :  the  *  austere '  style  '  is  wont  to 

*  The  Sophistical  element  is  very  prominent,  especially  in  the 
tetralogies.  Like  Tisias  he  makes  great  use  of  arguments  from 
probability. 


ANTIPHON  23 

expand  itself/  says  Dionysius,  '  by  means  of  big 
spacious  words  ' ;  ^  and  a  store  of  such  words  is  to  be 
found  in  the  poets,  notably  Aeschylus. ^ 

Antiphon  is  not  singular  among  prose  writers  in 
introducing  poetical  words  ;  Plato,  the  greatest  master 
of  Attic  prose,  is  in  some  cases  more  poetical  than  the 
poets  themselves,  though  his  genius  is  sufficient  to 
obviate  any  sense  of  harshness  or  incongruity.  But 
to  an  orator  such  harshness  might  on  occasion  be  a 
positive  advantage  for  producing  a  particular  effect  ; 
an  unusual  word  must,  at  the  worst,  attract  attention  ; 
at  the  best  it  lends  dignity  to  an  otherwise  pedestrian 
sentence.  Dionysius  classed  Antiphon  and  Aeschylus-- 
together  as  masters  of  the  '  austere  '  style,  and  some 
of  the  orator's  words  and  phrases,  quite  apart  from  his 
treatment  of  his  subjects,  have  a  certain  touch  of 
Aeschylean  majesty. 

Besides  poetical  words — ^words  which  may,  as  we  see, 
have  been  used  intentionally,  in  preference  to  their 
ordinary  equivalents  in  everyday  speech — he  employs, 
for  the  same  reasons,  a  certain  number  of  unusual 
words  and  forms  not  necessarily  poetical.  Every 
conscious  stylist  makes  experiments  :  some  of  his 
innovations  may  become  current  coin  ;  others  may 
never  pass  into  general  circulation,  but  remain  unused 
until,  perhaps,  after  many  generations  an  archaeologist 
discovers  and  uses  the  hoard. ^    A  few  famihar  words 

*  De  comp.  verborum,  ch.  22. 

'  Such  words  are,  for  instance,  dvarpoirevs ;  fi-nvi/xa  and  dXirnpios, 
separately,  as  fiifjPifjia  aKicaadai,  deipoi/i  dXiT'rjpiovs  'il^ofxev,  or  together, 
fiijvifia  Tuy  iXirrjpiujv  Trpoffrplrl/o/xai ;  dcla  KrjXis,  yeyuvelv^  inrTiip^ 
delfAvrjaros. 

'  Rare  but  not  poetical  words  are,  e.g.  inrijpKTo,  xw/)o0t\erv, 
KaraSoxOeis,  iirldo^oi,  and,  from  lost  speeches,  fiOipoXoyx^iv,  rpifiuveC- 
eo-flat,  dffTopyia,  and  many  others  quoted  by  lexicographers  for  their 
pecuUarity. 


24  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

occur  in  unusual  forms  which  are  generally  regarded  as 
un -Attic ;  unless  they  are  to  be  removed  by  emendation, 
we  must  suppose  that  they  were  used  intentionally  to 
give  an  archaic  tone.^ 

Another  noticeable  characteristic  of  Antiphon's 
•language  is  the  frequent  employment  of  circumlocu- 
tions both  for  verbs  and  nouns  ;  a  neuter  participle 
or  adjective  h\  combination  with  the  definite  article 
does  duty  as  a  substantive,  while  a  verbal  noun  joined 
to  an  auxiliary  takes  the  place  of  a  verb.  Thus,  by 
an  artifice  which  becomes  very  common  in  later  writers, 
'  the  beautiful '  is  used  as  a  synonym  for  the  abstract 
noun  '  beauty,'  and  to  '  be  judges  of  the  truth '  is 
substituted  for  '  judge  the  truth/  These  artificialities 
are  often  to  be  noticed  in  Thucydides,  especially  in 
the  speeches,  and  are  probably  derived  from  Gorgias, 
who  seems  to  have  instituted  the  fashion. ^ 

§4 
Aristotle  and  subsequent  critics  distinguish,  in  prose, 
the  running  style  {elpofievrj  Xeft?)  and  the  periodic 
(irepLoScKr}).  The  characteristic  of  the  former  is  that 
a  sentence  consists  of  a  succession  of  clauses  loosely 
strung  together  (etpo)),  like  a  row  of  beads  ;  generally 
by  re,  Be  and  other  copulae  ;  the  sentence  begins  and 
ends  with  no  definite  plan,  and  may  be  of  any  length. 
In  the  word  period  (circuit)  the  metaphor  is  rather  that 
of  a  hoop ;  the  sentence  does  not  stretch  out  inde- 
finitely in  a  straight  line,  but  after  a  certain  time 

1  E.g.  otda/jLcu,  ^5etj,  and  the  remarkable  elKbrepov. 

2  Vide  supra,  p.  i6.  A  striking  example  of  the  verbal  peri- 
phrasis is  in  Antiphon,  Herodes,  §  94 :  vvv  ixkv  o^v  yvupiaral  ylvtade 
T^s  5//C17S,  T&re  d^  SiKaa-ral  tuv  fiaprvpuv  pOp  p.kp  do^acrral,  t6t€  d^  Kpirai 
TIJ^V  dXT^dwp. 


ANTIPHON  25 

bends  back  on  itself  so  that  the  end  is  joined  to  the 
beginning.  It  must,  according  to  Aristotle,^  be  of 
hmited  length,  not  longer  than  can  be  taken  in  at  a 
glance  or  uttered  in  one  breath,  and  have  a  definitely 
marked  beginning  and  end.^ 

Aristotle  finds  the  loose,  running  style  tedious, 
because  it  has  no  artistic  limit  of  length,  and  never 
gets  to  an  end  until  it  has  finished  what  it  has  to  say. 
To  us  it  seems  to  have  this  slight  advantage,  that  it 
can  always  stop  when  it  has  said  what  it  me-ans,  and 
has  no  temptation  to  plunge  itself  into  antithesis  or 
lose  its  way  at  the  cross-roads  of  chiasmus  before  it 
arrives  at  its  destination  ;  for  though,  in  the  periodic 
style,  the  end  of  the  sense  should  ideally  coincide  with 
the  end  of  the  period,  there  are  in  practice  many 
instances  where  the  sense  is  fully  expressed  and  the 
sentence  might  end  before  the  '  circuit '  is  artistically 
complete. 

The  baldest  examples  of  the  '  strung  together  '  style 
must  be  sought  in  the  fragments  of  the  early  historians  ; 
but  Herodotus  is  sufficiently  near  to  them  to  provide 
us  with  an  object-lesson. 

Take,  for  instance,  the  following  : 

'  When  Ardys  had  reigned  forty-nine  years,  Sadyattes 
his  son  succeeded  him,  and  he  reigned  twelve  years,  and 
Alyattes  succeeded  Sadyattes.  And  he  made  war  on 
Cyaxares,  the  descendant  of  Deioces,  and  the  Medes,  and 
drove  the  Cimmerians  out  of  Asia  and  took  Smyrna,  a 
colony  of  Colophon,  and  attacked  Clazomenae.  Here  he 
had  not  the  success  he  desired,  but  met  with  grave  disaster. 

*  RheU,  iii.  9.  1-2. 

*  Rhet.y  iii.  9.  3  :  \i^u>  ^xov<^^^  ^PXh^  '^'^^  reKevrijv  avrijv  Ka6*  airriju 
Kal  fiiyedoi  tva^uovrToi'.     Ibid.,  5  :   evapdiry^varos. 


26        y  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

And  during  his  reign  he  did  other  noteworthy  deeds,  as 
follows.     He  fought  with  the  Milesians  .  .  .'  etc.,  etc.^ 

Yet  even  Herodotus,  the  most  obvious  exponent  of 
^  the  loose  style,  shows  a  tendency  towards  the  greater 
compression  of  periodic  writing ;  this  tendency  is  at 
times  strongly  marked,  e.g.  in  the  speeches  of  the 
Persian  nobles  in  debate. ^  Here  there  is  a  continual 
movement  towards  the  balance  of  clauses  ;  it  is  very 
far  from  the  harmonious  structure  of  Isocrates,  and  is 
perhaps  unconscious,  but  the  elements  of  the  periodic 
style  are  there. 

The  particular  faculty  of  this  latter  st3de  is  that  it 
can  be  more  emphatic  and  precise  than  the  other.  It 
must  be  concentrated  (KaTearTpafifievrj)  ^  if  the  sentence 
is  to  be  of  moderate  length  ;  it  tries,  as  Dionysius  says, 
*  to  pack  the  thoughts  close  together,  and  bring  them 
out  compactly/  * 

These  qualities,  concentration  of  thought  and  pre- 
ciseness  of  expression,  are  essential  for  a  pleader  in  the 
courts,  and  so  it  was  not  unnatural  that  the  develop- 
ment of  the  periodic  style  should  coincide  at  Athens 
with  the  rise  of  forensic  oratory.  Antiphon,  the  first 
practical  pleader  on  scientific  lines,  is  also  the  earHest 
of  extant  writers  known  to  have  been  a  careful  student 
of  periodic  expression. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  all  his  work  consisted 
of  periods  carefully  balanced :  on  the  one  hand,  perfec- 
tion could  not  be  attained  at  the  first  onset ;  many  of 
the  sentences  are  crude  ;    in  some  cases  there  is  a 

^  Herod.,  i.  16-17.  '  ^^j  "i-  80-81. 

^  Arist.,  Rhet.y  iii.  9.  3. 

*  Dion.,  de  Lysia,  6  :  -q  avarpiipovaa  rd  vo'/jfiara  /cat  arpoyyTjXws 
iK<pipovaa  X^^is. 


ANTIPHON  27 

weakness  of  emphasis  due  to  imperfect  mastery  of  the 
form ;  on  the  other  hand,  there  are  cases  where  the 
style  is  freer  and  more  analogous  to  the  simple  fluency 
of  the  elpofjuevT}  Xef  49.  The  plain  fact  is  that  the  method 
of  Herodotus  is  the  most  appropriate  for  telling  a 
straightforward  narrative  from  one  point  of  view  only  ; 
while  the  periodic  style  comes  spontaneously  into  being 
for  purposes  of  criticism,  or  where  we  contrast  what  is 
with  what  might  have  been  ;  or  of  debate,  where  we 
put  up  alternatives  side  by  side  with  the  object  of 
choosing  between  them. 

The  first  object  of  history,  to  the  mind  of  Herodotus, 
is  to  tell  a  story ;  and  Herodotus  mostly  keeps  this 
end  in  view.  Thucydides  in  some  parts  of  his  narrative 
does  the  same,  but  whereas  he  has  a  greater  tendency 
to  consider  each  event  not  by  itself  but  in  relation  to 
other  circumstances,  such  as  the  motives  for  the  action, 
its  effects  and  influences,  he  is  often  periodic  even  in 
narrative.  He  is  still  more  so  in  speeches.  The  object 
of  a  deliberative  speech  is  not  usually  to  tell  a  plain 
story  but  to  produce  a  highly-coloured  one ;  it  mentions 
facts  chiefly  with  the  object  of  criticizing  them  and 
drawing  an  inference  or  a  moral. 

If  this  is  true  of  the  speeches  in  Thucydides,  it  must 
be  still  more  applicable  to  those  of  a  forensic  orator. 
In  Antiphon  we  find  short  passages  in  the  simple- 
narrative  style — for  instance,  in  the  statement  of  facts 
in  the  Herodes  case  ;  but  a  short  section  of  this  nature 
is  followed  by  criticism  and  argument  expressed  in  the 
more  artificial  period.  This  is  inevitable ;  there  is  no 
time  to  spend  on  long  narratives. 

Closely  connected  with  the  desire  for  a  periodic  style 
is  the  tendency  to  frequent  use  of  verbal  antithesis,-' 


28  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

an  artistic  figure  which  provides  a  happy  means  of 
completing  the  period  and  the  sense.  It  is  useful 
because  the  second  part  of  the  antithesis  supplies  the 
reader  or  hearer  with  something  which  he  is  already 
expecting.  It  is  the  application  in  practice  of  a 
familiar  psychological  law  of  association  by  contrary 
ideas.  Such  contrast  is  emphasized  in  Greek  by  the 
common  use  of  the  particles  ^lev  and  Se,  and  is  of 
unnecessarily  frequent  occurrence  in  Athenian  writers. 
All  readers  of  Thucydides  will  remember  that  author's 

^craving  for  the  contrast  between  *  word  and  deed.' 
In  judicial  rhetoric  this  kind  of  opposition  must  in- 
evitably occur  very  often.  From  the  nature  of  things 
each  speaker  will  want  to  insist  on  his  own  honesty 
and  the  dishonesty  of  his  opponents  ;  the  truth  which 
he  is  telling  as  opposed  to  their  hes,  and  to  contrast 
the  appearances,  which  seem  so  black  against  him, 
with  the  transparent  whiteness  of  his  character  as 
revealed  by  a  true  account  of  the  case.  But  Antiphon, 
like  the  speakers  in  Thucydides,  carries  this  use  of 

"^  antithesis  too  far,  for  a  sentence  which  contains  too 
many  contrasted  ideas  is  difficult  to  follow,  and  so 
loses  force. 

A  fair  example  may  be  taken  from  the  third  speech 
of  the  second  tetralogy  : 

'  I,  who  have  done  nothing  wrong,  but  have  suffered 
grievously  and  cruelly  already,  and  now  suffer  still  more 
cruelly  not  from  the  words  but  the  acts  of  my  adversary, 
throw  myself  upon  your  mercy,  Gentlemen — ^you  who  are 
avengers  of  impiety  but  discriminators  of  piety — and  im- 
plore you,  in  view  of  plain  facts,  not  to  be  over-persuaded 
by  a  malicious  precision  of  speech,  and  so  consider  the  true 
explanation  of  the  deed  to  be  false  ;  for  his  statement  has 


ANTIPHON  29 

been  made  with  more  plausibility  than  truth ;  mine  will 
be  made  without  guile,  though  at  the  same  time  without 
force. ' 

This  outburst  is  part  of  a  sentence  in  which  the  pro- 
secutor expresses  his  indignation  that  the  opponent 
whom  he  has  accused  of  murder  has  had  the  audacity 
to  defend  himself  at  some  length. 

One  more  example — from  the  speech  on  the  charge 
of  poisoning — is  almost  ridiculous. 

'  Those  whose  duty  it  was  to  play  the  part  of  avengers 
of  the  dead  and  my  helpers,  have  played  the  part  of  mur- 
derers of  the  dead,  and  established  themselves  as  my 
adversaries.' 

§5 

All  speakers  must  consider  the  sound  of  their 
sentences  as  well  as  their  grammatical  structure, 
and  among  all  careful  writers  we  find  that  attention 
is  paid  to  the  balance  of  clauses.  Some  orators  go 
further  than  this ;  they  emphasize  contrasts  or 
parallels  by  the  repetition  of  similar  sounds  and  even 
show  a  preference  for  certain  rhythms,  it  being  a 
maxim  of  late  rhetoricians  that  prose,  though  not 
strictly  metrical  in  the  same  way  as  verse,  should 
possess  a  characteristic  rhythm  of  its  own. 

Some  authors  go  so  far  as  to  change  the  natural 
order  of  words  for  the  purpose  of  escaping  hiatus  of 
open  vowels,  which  are  necessarily  awkward  to  pro- 
nounce in  rapid  speech.  This  is  familiar  from  the 
pages  of  Demosthenes,  and  what  the  later  writers  did 
systematically,  Antiphon,  and  even  Thucydides,  seem 
to  have  done  at  times  instinctively. 


30  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

As  regards  the  balance  of  clauses,  a  good  example 
may  be  foimd  in  the  opening  of  the  Herodes  speech  : 

rov  fx€v  TrtTTCLpafiai  irkpa  rov  TrpoarrJKovTOS, 
Tov  8'  evSerj'S  iifxi  fiaiWov  tov  crv/A<^6/30VT0S, 

where  the  correspondence  of  the  two  clauses  in  equal 
numbers  of  syllables  is  noticeable.  The  next  sentence 
shows  the  same  sort  of  correspondence,  though  not 
quite  so  precise ;  but  here  the  structure  is  more 
elaborate,  since  we  have  two  clauses,  each  of  two 
parts,  contrasted  both  in  whole  and  part : 

A.  ov  fX€V    yap   /a'    eSci   KaKOTra$€tv  Tq>  (nafiari,  fi€Ta  rrj^ 

atTtas  T^s  ov  irpocT'qKO'va'rjSf 
a.  ivravOot  ovSiv  jjl  ij)<l>€\r)(r€v  17  ifitreipia, 

B.  o5  Sc  fxt  Set   <T(j>dYJvaL  /xera  Tr)s   dkyjOeias  tlrrovra  to. 

y€v6fi€va, 
ft.  iv  TovTip  fi€  ftXdirrn,  yj  tov  Xkytiv  dSvvafxia. 

Though  there  is  no  rhythmical  correspondence  here, 
and  the  syllabic  lengths  only  correspond  roughly,  the 
*  an tis trophic  '  structure  is  obvious. 

Gorgias,  if  we  may  condemn  him  on  the  evidence  of 
a  single  short  fragment,  seems  to  have  affected  rhyme 
— at  any  rate  his  collocation  of  yvoyfirjv  and  pco/nrjv  can- 
not have  been  accidental — and  the  similar  sound  of  the 
endings  of  the  two  clauses  in  the  first  passage  quoted 
above  proves  that  Antiphon  at  any  rate  took  no 
pains  to  avoid  such  natural  assonance.  In  an  in- 
flexional language,  where  there  is  always  a  strong 
probabihty  that  a  rhjnne  will  occur  wherever  we  have 
to  use  an  adjective  agreeing  with  a  noun,  or  two 
verbs  in  the  same  tense  and  person,  some  ingenuity 
has  to  be  employed  at  times  to  avoid  a  rhyme,  and 


ANTIPHON  31 

Antiphon  here,  at  any  rate,  did  not  choose  lo  avoid  it. 
The  use  of  rhyme  in  verse  seems  to  have  been  offensive^"^ 
to  the  Greek  ear ;  ^  perhaps  for  that  very  reason  it 
may  have  been  at  times  desirable  in  prose,  its  harshness 
producing  the  same  kind  of  effect  which  Antiphon  else- 
where attains  by  the  use  of  uncommon  words. 

Hiatus  is  of  fairly  common  occurrence  in  Antiphon, 
and  I  cannot  point  to  any  certain  instance  of  an  attempt 
to  avoid  it  by  a  change  from  the  natural  order  of  words. 

Antiphon  draws  little  from  common  speech  ;  perhaps  ^ 
his  dignity  prevented  him  from  enforcing  a  point  by 
the  use  of  those  r^v&iJbai — ^proverbial  maxims — ^which 
Aristotle  recommends ;  and  he  seldom  has  recourse 
to  colloquiaHsms.  We  are  inchned,  however,  to  put 
in  this  class  such  a  phrase  as  TrepiiTrea-ev  oh  ov/c  rjdeXep 
— 'he  got  what  he  didn't  want' — ^used  of  an  im- 
fortunate  who  has  been  accidentally  killed  through 
his  own  neghgence. 

Metaphors  are  rare,  but  teUing  when  they  do  occur,  as  --^ 
SUrj  Kv^€pvf]<r€ie — '  May  justice  steer  my  course  ' ; 
?GjvT69  KaTopoDpvy/jueda — '  I  am  buried  in  a  hving  tomb,' 
used  by  a  man  who  lost  his  only  son ;  or,  again,  the 
appeal  of  the  prisoner  to  the  jury  not  to  condemn  him 
to  death — avlaTo<;  yap  rf  fierdvoLa  t&v  toiovtcov  iariv — 
*  Repentance  for  such  a  deed  can  never  cure  it.' 

Some  exaggeration  of  language  is  permitted  to  an 
orator.  The  defendant  in  the  first  tetralogy  thus 
appeals  for  pity — '  An  old  man,  an  exile  and  an  out- 
cast, I  shall  beg  my  bread  in  a  foreign  land.' 

The  so-called  *  figures  of  thought '  (a-'^ij/jLaTa  htavoia^)  u 
such  as  irony  and  rhetorical  questions,  so  frequent  in 

*  See  Verrall,  Rhyme  and  Reason,  in  The  Bacchants  of  Euripides. 


32  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

Demosthenes,  are  scarcely  used  by  Antiphon.  There 
is  no  instance  either  of  the  hypocritical  reticence 
^^  {irapoKei'^Ls:),  also  common  in  later  orators,  which  by  a 
pretence  of  passing  over  certain  matters  in  silence 
hints  at  more  than  it  could  prove. 

Greek  oratory  was  much  bound  by  conventions 
from  which  even  the  greatest  speakers  could  not 
altogether  escape.  To  some  extent  this  may  be 
attributed  to  the  evil  influence  of  the  teachers  of 
rhetoric,  but  by  far  the  greater  part  of  the  blame  must 
rest  upon  the  Athenian  audiences. 

The  dicasts,  with  a  curious  inconsistency,  seem  to 
r-  have  demanded  a  finished  style  of  speaking,  and  yet 
to  have  been  suspicious  of  any  speaker  who  displayed 
too  much  cleverness.  It  was,  in  fact,  the  possession  of 
this  quality  which  made  Antiphon  himself  unpopular.  ^ 
A  pleader,  therefore,  who  felt  himself  in  danger  of 
incurring  such  suspicion,  must  apologize  to  his  audience 
in  advance,  stating  that  any  strength  which  his  case 
might  seem  to  possess  was  due  to  its  own  inherent 
justice,  not  to  his  own  powers  of  presenting  it.  He 
must  compUment  the  jury  on  their  well-known  im- 
\  partiality,  and  express  a  deep  respect  for  the  sanctity 
"^^  of  the  laws.  The  early  rhetoricians  made  collections 
of  such  *  topics  '  or  '  commonplaces,'  and  instructed 
their  pupils  how  to  use  them.  The  process  became 
merely  mechanical ;  any  speaker  could  obtain  from 
the  rhetorical  handbooks  specimens  of  sentences 
dealing  with  all  such  requirements,  but  only  a  man  of 
rare  genius  could,  by  originaHty  of  treatment,  make 
them  sound  at  all  convincing.  Aristotle  at  a  later  date 
.  made  a  practically  exhaustive  collection  of  such  topics.^ 

1  Supra,  p.  20.  •  Arist.,  Rhet.,  i. 


ANTIPHON  33 

Antiphon,  in  his  Tetralogies,  showed  by  example 
how  some  of  these  commonplaces  might  be  employed. 
In  his  real  speeches  he  uses  them  freely,  and  with  so 
httle  care  that  he  repeats  his  own  actual  words  even/ 
within  the  limits  of  the  few  extant  speeches. ^ 

In  the  introduction  of  these  devices,  however,  he 
shows  some  skill.  The  speech  on  the  murder  of  Herodes 
is  quite  subtle  in  places.  CompUments  are  paid  to 
the  jury,  but  the  flattery  is  not  too  open.  It  is  some- 
times achieved  rather  by  suggestion  than  by  statement. 
'  Not  that  I  wished  to  avoid  a  trial  by  your  democracy,' 
says  the  defendant ;  and  again,  '  Of  course  I  could 
trust  you  quite  without  considering  the  oath  you  have 
taken  '  ;  or  once  more,  in  parenthesis,  *  On  the  sup- 
position that  I  had  no  objection  to  quitting  this  land 
for  ever,  I  might  have  left  the  country.'  Here,  and 
in  other  cases,  there  is  little  more  than  a  hint  which 
an  intelligent  juror  may  grasp. 

The  most  prominent  of  all  the  topics  used  by  Anti- 
phon is  the  appeal  to  the  divine  law  by  which  guile 
meets  with  punishment ;  the  murdered  man,  if 
unavenged  by  human  justice,  will  find  divine  champions 
who  wiU  not  only  bring  the  homicide  to  book,  but  will 
punish  the  guilty  city  which  has  become  polluted 
by  harbouring  him.  So  much  stress  is  laid  upon  this  ; 
conception  of  divine  justice  that  some  writers  have ; 
believed  that  Antiphon  held  firm  reUgious  views 
which  he  thus  expressed.  This  opinion  may  reason- 
ably be  held,  but  it  must  not  be  pressed.  We  know 
from   external  sources    that   Antiphon   was   not   in 

*  E.g.,  on  the  laws,  Herodes,  §  14,  and  Choreutes,  §  2,  where  the 
same  passage  of  about  eight  lines  occurs  with  only  the  alteration  of 
two  or  three  unimportant  words. 
C 


34  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

sympathy  with  the  existing  government,  yet  the 
speakers  of  his  orations  express  or  imply  admiration 
for  the  democracy ;  the  speech-writer,  in  fact,  wrote 
what  he  thought  would  be  acceptable  to  the  judges 
rather  than  what  he  himself  believed.  Arguing,  in 
Antiphon's  own  way,  from  probabilities,  we  may  say  it 
is  more  likely  that  a  highly  educated  contemporary  of 
Anaxagoras  and  Pericles  should  in  private  life  profess 
a  moderate  scepticism  than  an  unquestioning  belief  in 
the  sort  of  curse  that  destroyed  the  house  of  Atreus, 
even  though  Antiphon  may  be  Aeschylean  in  style. 

The  argument  of  the  defendant  in  the  Herodes, 
'  Those  who  have  sailed  with  me  have  made  excellent 
voyages,  and  sacrifices  at  which  I  have  assisted  have 
been  most  favourably  performed,  and  this  is  a  strong 
argument  for  my  innocence,'  does  not  appeal  to  us, 
who  do  not  believe  in  the  accidental  blood-guiltiness 
of  the  community  which  imknowingly  harbours  a 
guilty  individual.  It  may  or  may  not  have  had  some 
weight  with  Antiphon  himself,  but  it  certainly  would 
have  some  influence  on  the  common  people  of  Athens, 
who  believed  that  the  whole  city  was  polluted  by  the 
sacrilege  of  the  mutilation  of  the  Hermae.  The  fact 
that  it  must  impress  the  jury  was  a  good  reason  for 
inserting  it,  whether  Antiphon  had  any  religious 
feeling  or  not.^ 

§6 

It  remains  to  consider  Antiphon's  manner  in  the 
treatment  of  his  subjects. 

1  Jebb  {Attic  Orators,  vol.  i.  pp.  40-41)  insists  that  the  prominence 
given  to  this  kind  of  argument  points  to  a  deep  rehgious  feeUng  in 
the  orator's  heart.  However,  we  meet  with  the  same  type  of 
aargument  in  Aeschines,  to  whom  no  such  depth  of  feehng  is  usually 
imputed. 


ANTIPHON  35 

His  personal  dignity  is  as  remarkable  in  his  manner 
as  in  the  formalities  of  style.  As  we  turn  back  to  him  ^ 
from  Demosthenes  or  Aeschines,  who  lowered  the  tone  \ 
of  forensic  pleading  to  suit  contemporary  taste,  we 
are  surprised  to  find  that  he  hardly  ever  condescends 
to  ridicule,  never  to  scurrilous  invective.  His  judicial 
adversaries  are  not  necessarily  persons  of  discreditable 
parentage,  immoral  character,  and  infamous  occupa- 
tion. They  may  perhaps  be  liars,  for  one's  own  state- 
ment of  the  case  must  be  assumed  to  contain  the  whole 
truth,  and  consequently  the  other  side  must  depend 
on  falsehood ;  but  even  here  the  orator  is  prepared 
to  admit,  with  almost  un-Attic  generosity,  that  his 
adversaries  have  been  misled  and  are  not  acting  up 
to  their  true  character.  Take  the  opening  of  Tet- 
ralogy II.  3 : 

'  The  behaviour  of  my  adversary  shows,  better  than  any 
theory  could,  that  necessity  constrains  men  to  speak  and 
act  contrary  to  their  better  nature. 

Up  to  the  present  he  has  never  spoken  shamelessly  or 
acted  desperately ;  but  now  his  misfortunes  have  con- 
strained him  to  use  language  which,  knowing  him,  I  should 
never  have  expected  him  to  utter.' 

Antiphon's  method  of  constructing  his  speeches  is 
simple  :    a  conventional  preface,  of  the  kind  which  "i.. 
every  rhetorician  kept  in  stock, ^  is  followed  by  an 
introduction   describing   and   criticizing   the   circum- 
stances under  which  the  action  has  been  brought. ^    ^ 
The  facts,  or  a  selection  of  facts  of  the  case,  are  then    ,:^ 
narrated, 3  and  are  followed  by  arguments  and  proofs.*    J 
The  evidence  of  witnesses  may  be  interspersed  through 

*  Cf.  the  Demosthenic  collection  of  irpoolfjua. 
'  xpOKaTa<rK€V7j.  ^  Sn^yrjffis.  *  vlffTen. 


36  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

the  narrative,  taken  point  by  point ;  or,  if  the  narra- 
tive is  short  and  simple,  all  the  testimony  may  be 
reserved  for  the  end.  A  peroration,^  reviewing  the 
situation  and  containing  a  final  appeal  to  the  court, 
normally  ends  the  speech. 

The  speeches  in  the  Tetralogies,  which  are  only 
blank  forms  composed  for  practice  or  as  specimens 
for  study,  contain  only  preface,  argument,  and  perora- 
tion ;  there  being  no  actual  facts  to  deal  with,  there  is 
no  introduction  or  narrative. 

It  is  a  pecuHar  weakness  of  the  extant  speeches  that 
they  rely  so  much  more  on  arguments  from  general 
^^  probability  {elKora)  than  on  real  pleading  on  the  basis 
of  evidence. 2 

Thus  the  defendant  in  the  Herodes  mentions  quite 
casually  that  he  never  left  the  ship  on  the  night 
when  the  murder  was  committed  on  shore,  but  he 
produces  no  evidence  for  the  alibi  and  treats  it  as  of 
quite  secondary  importance.^  He  insists  more  on 
the  point  that  the  slave  who  gave  evidence  against 
him  was  probably  induced  to  bear  false  witness  by 
the  prosecutors.  Another  piece  of  evidence  against 
him  is  the  assertion  that  he  wrote  a  letter  to  Lycinus, 
stating  that  he  had  committed  the  murder.  *  Why,' 
he  asks,  '  should  I  have  written  a  letter,  when  my 
messenger  would  know  all  the  facts  ?  ' 

It  may  be,  in  this  instance,  that  the  defendant's  case 
was  a  very  weak  one,  and  that  he  was  obliged  to  rely 
on  generahties :  but  the  First  Tetralogy  affords  an  in- 
teresting parallel.     There  the  defendant,  in  his  second 

^  iTriXoyos. 

2  This  is  another  characteristic  of  the  earher  rhetoricians ;   vide 
supra,  p.  12. 
»  Herodes,  §  26. 


ANTIPHON  37 

speech,  the  last  speech  of  the  trial,  affirms,  what  he  pf- 
has  apparently  forgotten  to  mention  before,  that  he 
never  left  his  house  on  the  night  of  the  murder. 

The  most  serious  artistic  defect  in  the  extant  speeches 
is  the  lack  of  that  realism  which  the  Greeks  called  rjOo^,  ^1 
characterization.  The  language  of  the  defendants  in 
the  Herodes  and  the  Choreutes  is  very  similar,  though 
the  former  is  a  young  Lesbian  and  the  latter  a  middle- 
aged  Athenian.  Moreover,  the  young  Lesbian  apolo- 
gizes for  his  inexperience  and  lack  of  capacity  for  t^^y^ 
speaking,  and  does  so  in  polished  periods  elaborated 
with  all  the  devices  of  rhetorical  art — antithesis  of 
words  and  ideas,  careful  balance  of  the  length  of 
clauses,  and  judicious  employment  of  assonance. 

A  perusal  of  Antiphon's  introduction  to  the  speech 
de  Caede  Herodts  will  help,  better  than  any  detailed 
criticism,  to  an  understanding  of  his  methods  of  com- 
position. We  must  note  the  disproportionate  length 
of  this  introduction,  to  which  the  pleader  evidently 
attaches  more  importance  than  to  the  disproof  of  the 
charge  itself.  ^  A  study  of  it  leads  us  to  believe  that 
the  guilt  or  innocence  of  the  party  would  have  little;  " 
to  do  with  the  verdict  if  he  had  once  succeeded  in  J^, 
impressing  the  jury  favourably.  He  apologizes  in 
artistic  periods  for  his  incapacity  in  public  speaking, 
and  enlarges  on  the  commonplace  that  truth  has  often 
been  stifled  through  lacking  the  power  of  expression. 

He  makes  no  appeal  for  impartiality,  since  he  can 
trust  the  jury — another  brazen  commonplace  (§§  1-7). 

The  procedure  of  his  adversaries  is  as  shameless  as 
it  is  unjust  (§§  8-9) ;  it  is  even  sacrilegious  (§§  10-12), 
so  that  they  merit  indignation,  while  the  defendant, 

*  The  Introduction  amounts  to  one-fifth  of  the  whole  speech. 


38  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

who  respects  the  laws  of  God  and  man  as  he  loves 
his  country,  deserves  every  indulgence  (§§  13-15).  The 
prosecutors'  brutality  can  be  explained  by  their  dis- 
trust in  the  justice  of  their  case  and  the  uprightness 
of  the  jury  (§§  16-17).  Finally,  they  have  had  ample 
time  to  work  up  their  case,  while  the  victim  of  their 
intrigues  is  called  upon  at  a  moment's  notice  to  answer 
the  most  serious  charges  (§§  18-19). 

'  I.  I  could  wish.  Gentlemen,  that  I  possessed  a  capacity 
for  speaking  and  an  experience  of  the  world  on  a  scale 
corresponding  to  the  misfortune  and  sufferings  that  have 
befallen  me  ;  as  it  is,  my  experience  in  the  latter  is  as 
much  beyond  my  deserts  as  my  deficiency  in  the  former 
falls  short  of  my  requirements. 

'  2.  When  I  had  to  suffer  in  my  own  person  under  an 
undeserved  charge,  I  had  no  experience  to  help  me  on ; 
now,  when  my  salvation  lies  in  a  plain  statement  of  the 
facts  as  they  occurred,  I  am  thwarted  by  my  incapacity 
in  speaking. 

*  3.  In  many  instances  men  with  no  capacity  in  speak, 
ing  have  been  disbeUeved  because  they  only  told  the  truth, 
and  have  owed  their  ruin  to  the  fact  that  they  could  not 
demonstrate  the  truth ;  many,  on  the  other  hand,  who 
possess  the  capacity  for  speaking,  have  been  believed  on 
account  of  their  lies,  and  owed  their  salvation  to  the  fact 
that  they  lied  well.  So  one  who  has  not  the  necessary  ex- 
perience of  procedure  in  the  courts  must  inevitably  be  at 
the  mercy  of  the  speeches  of  the  prosecution  ;  he  cannot 
rest  secure  upon  a  true  statement  of  the  facts  of  the  case. 

*  4.  Now,  most  parties  in  such  causes  as  this  make  a 
request  for  a  fair  hearing — implying  a  mistrust  of  them- 
selves and  a  conviction  that  you  are  not  impartial.  I 
shall  make  no  such  request,  for  it  is  only  reasonable  that 
honest  men  should  grant  a  hearing  to  the  defendant,  even 
though  he  has  not  asked  for  it,  just  as  the  prosecutor  has 
been  granted  a  hearing  without  cisking. 


ANTIPHON  39 

'  5.  But  my  prayer  is,  firstly,  that  if  my  tongue  leads  me 
into  error,  you  will  be  merciful,  and  consider  that  my  error 
is  due  to  inexperience  rather  than  guilt ;  and  secondly, 
that  if  I  should  in  any  point  express  myself  well,  you  will 
attribute  such  expression  not  to  any  cleverness  of  mine 
but  to  the  inherent  power  of  truth ;  for  justice  demands  that 
a  man  guilty  in  his  actions  should  not  win  salvation  by  his 
speech,  and,  equally,  that  one  righteous  in  his  actions 
should  not  for  his  speech  be  brought  to  ruin  ;  for  an  error 
in  speech  is  the  tongue's  fault — ^an  error  in  action  is  a  fault 
of  the  heart. 

*  6.  A  man  who  reaUzes  that  his  personal  safety  is  en- 
dangered is  bound  to  err  sometimes  ;  he  has  to  think  not 
only  of  the  defence  he  is  making,  but  of  its  possible  results  ; 
for  the  issue  of  all  matters  yet  undecided  depends  on  chance 
rather  than  on  forethought. 

'  7.  Such  considerations  cannot  fail  to  cause  anxiety  to 
one  whose  life  is  in  danger  ;  indeed,  I  observe  that  people 
,who  have  a  thorough  experience  of  the  courts  fail  to  do 
justice  to  their  powers  when  in  danger  themselves,  but  are 
far  more  successful  in  cases  which  involve  no  personal 
danger.  Thus,  Gentlemen,  my  request  is  both  lawful  and 
righteous  ;  it  is  as  just  for  you  to  grant  as  for  me  to  prefer 
it ;  and  I  now  proceed  to  answer  in  detail  the  charges  which 
have  been  brought  against  me. 

*  8.  First,  I  would  draw  attention  to  the  illegahty  of  the 
methods  by  which  I  have  been  forced  into  this  trial,  not 
that  I  wish  to  avoid  judgment  by  this  democratic  court — 
for  even  if  you  had  taken  no  oath,  and  were  bound  by  no 
law,  I  should  be  ready  to  leave  in  your  hands  the  decision 
about  my  life,  confident  as  I  am  that  I  have  done  no  wrong 
in  this  matter,  and  that  your  verdict  will  be  a  just  one — 
but  in  order  that  my  enemies'  violent  and  illegal  action 
against  me  in  this  case  may  help  you  to  realize  their  con- 
duct towards  me  on  other  occasions, 

*  9.  My  first  point  is  this :  Contrary  to  all  precedent  at 
Athens,  though  I  am  on  trial  for  murder,  I  was  indicted 


40  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

for  "  criminal  violence."  Now  my  enemies  themselves 
have  testified  that  I  neither  belong  to  the  class  of  "  violent 
criminals,"  nor  am  subject  to  the  law  which  covers  such 
cases.  It  applies  to  such  offences  as  steahng  and  highway 
robbery,  and  they  have  shown  that  no  such  charge  can 
attach  to  me. 

'  Thus  their  conduct  in  the  matter  of  my  summary 
arrest  has  made  it  in  the  highest  degree  legal  and  just  for 
you  to  acquit  me. 

'  10.  They  say,  indeed,  that  the  taking  of  life  is  in  itself 
an  aggravated  form  of  "  criminal  violence."  I  admit  that 
it  is  a  most  serious  kind,  and  so  is  sacrilege  or  treason  ; 
but  you  have  laws  which  deal  with  each  of  these  charges 
specifically. 

*  And,  to  begin  with,  they  have  brought  me  to  trial  in 
the  Agora,  the  very  place  which  a  defendant  in  a  charge 
of  murder  is  ordinarily  warned  to  avoid ;  secondly,  they 
have  proposed  a  penalty  of  their  own  choosing,  whereas 
the  law  ordains  that  the  man  who  has  taken  another's  life 
shall  lose  his  own  in  return. 

*  This  they  have  done,  not  for  my  benefit,  but  for  their 
own  convenience,  and  herein  they  have  failed  in  that  respect 
for  the  dead  which  the  law  prescribes. 

*  II.  Again,  as  I  imagine  you  all  know,  all  the  courts 
concerned  with  murder  trials  sit  in  the  open  air,  with  this 
particular  object,  that  the  jurors  may  not  have  to  enter 
the  same  building  with  those  who  have  blood  on  their 
hands,  and  that  the  prosecutor  in  a  trial  for  murder  may 
not  find  himself  under  the  same*roof  with  him  who  com- 
mitted the  act. 

'  But  you.  Sir,  have  acted  contrary  to  all  precedent  in 
transgressing  this  law  ;  and  not  only  this  :  It  was  incum- 
bent on  you  to  take  the  most  solemn  and  binding  oath,  to 
invoke  destruction  upon  yourself  and  your  family  and 
your  house  if  you  failed  in  its  conditions,  namely,  that  you 
would  not  bring  any  charges  against  me  except  such  as 
referred  to  the  murder  and  my  complicity  in  it. 


ANTIPHON  41 

'  Had  this  obligation  been  observed,  however  great 
crimes  I  had  committed  I  could  not  be  found  guilty  except 
in  view  of  the  one  fact  of  blood-guiltiness,  and  on  the  other 
hand,  however  many  good  deeds  I  had  to  my  credit,  these 
good  deeds  could  not  save  me. 

*  12.  All  this  regular  procedure  you  have  violated  ;  you 
have  invented  laws  for  your  own  use  ;  you  who  prosecute 
me  have  taken  no  oath  ;  your  witnesses  who  bear  witness 
against  me  have  taken  none,  though  they  ought  first  to  take 
the  same  oath  as  yourself ;  they  should  lay  their  hands 
upon  the  sacrifice  while  they  are  bearing  witness  against 
me. 

*  Further,  you  ask  the  court  to  dispense  with  the  oath  ; 
to  give  credence  to  your  witnesses  and  bring  in  a  verdict 
of  Guilty,  though  you  yourself  have  made  them  disinclined 
to  credit  you  by  transgressing  the  estabhshed  laws,  and 
by  imagining  that  your  own  illegal  conduct  should  in  their 
consideration  have  precedence  over  law  itself. 

*  13.  You  say,  however,  that  if  I  had  been  set  at  liberty 
I  should  not  have  remained  here,  but  should  have  gone 
away  and  disappeared — as  if  you  had  compelled  me  against 
my  will  to  enter  the  country.  I  answer  that,  on  your  sup- 
position that  I  should  not  have  minded  saying  farewell  to 
Athens,  it  was  open  to  me  either  not  to  appear  in  obedience 
to  the  summons,  and  so  incur  judgment  by  default,  or  to 
go  away  after  replying  to  the  opening  speech  of  the  prose- 
cution ;  for  this  privilege  is  open  to  all.  But  you,  by  legis- 
lating in  your  own  interest,  are  trying  to  withhold  in  my 
case  alone  this  privilege  which  belongs  to  all  of  Greek  race. 

'  14.  Yet  I  think  we  must  all  agree  that  the  laws  which 
govern  such  procedure  are  the  best  laws  in  the  world,  and 
most  in  accordance  with  divine  sanction.  They  have  a 
double  claim  to  respect ;  they  are  the  most  ancient  laws 
in  this  land,  and  they  are  unchangeable  as  the  offences  with 
which  they  deal ;  and  this  is  the  strongest  indication  that 
a  law  is  well  framed ;  for  time  and  experience  teach  man- 
kind to  recognize  what  is  not  well  done. 


42  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

'  So  you  do  not  require  to  leam  from  the  speeches  of 
the  prosecution  whether  the  laws  were  well  framed  or  not, 
as  he  implies  ;  but  you  do  require  to  learn  by  the  aid  of 
the  laws  whether  the  speeches  of  the  prosecution  are  urging 
a  righteous  and  lawful  action,  or  the  reverse — as  I  assert. 

'  15.  The  laws,  then,  which  relate  to  the  charge  of  murder, 
are  excellently  framed,  inasmuch  as  no  one  has  ever  ven- 
tured to  disturb  them  ;  you  alone  have  ventured  to  legis- 
late anew,  and  for  the  worse.  You  would  set  aside  justice 
as  you  have  transgressed  law  in  your  attempt  to  bring  me 
to  ruin.  But  your  illegal  procedure  is  in  itself  the  strongest 
evidence  in  my  favour ;  for  you  knew  well  enough  that 
nobody  who  had  taken  that  solemn  oath  would  have  borne 
witness  against  me. 

'  16.  Again,  you  did  not  rely  on  the  facts  sufficiently 
to  allow  the  question  of  facts  to  be  settled  indisputably 
by  a  single  trial ;  you  reserved  for  yourself  the  right  to 
dispute  the  judgment,  and  reopen  the  case,  implying  a  dis- 
trust in  the  verdict  of  the  present  court.  The  result  is 
that  even  if  I  am  acquitted  I  am  no  better  off,  since  it  is 
open  to  you  to  say  that  I  was  acquitted  on  the  charge  of 
criminal  violence  but  not  on  the  charge  of  murder  ;  whereas, 
.if  you  secure  my  condemnation  you  will  demand  my 
death  on  the  ground  that  I  have  been  found  guilty  of 
murder. 

'  What  can  surpass  the  cruelty  of  such  a  device  by  which 
you,  if  you  can  once  convince  the  jury,  have  attained  your 
object ;  while  I,  if  I  escape  your  clutches  once,  find  the 
same  danger  awaiting  me  again  ? 

'  17.  Again,  my  imprisonment  was  a  monstrous  illegality. 
I  consented  to  produce  three  sureties  as  required  by  law, 
but  they  contrived  that  I  should  not  be  allowed  to  do  so. 
There  is  no  other  instance  on  record  of  the  imprisonment 
of  a  non- Athenian  who  consented  to  produce  sureties. 

'  Yet  the  officers  who  have  custody  of  criminals  are  sub- 
ject to  this  same  law,  so  that  this  is  another  privilege 
common  to  all  men  which  was  withheld  from  me  alone. 


ANTIPHON  43 

*  i8.  Of  course,  it  suited  my  accusers,  firstly,  that  I  should 
be  as  unprepared  as  possible,  through  being  unable  to  attend 
to  my  own  business  in  person,  secondly,  that  I  should  suffer 
personal  ill-usage,  and  in  consequence  of  this  personal  ill- 
usage  find  my  own  friends  more  ready  to  bear  false  witness 
in  support  of  my  accusers  than  true  witness  in  my  support. 
And  so  they  inflicted  a  life-long  disgrace  on  me  and  my 
family. 

*  19.  Thus  I  have  been  brought  to  trial  handicapped  in 
many  ways  in  relation  to  your  laws  and  to  justice ;  but 
even  with  these  disadvantages  I  shall  try  to  demonstrate 
my  innocence. 

*  But  it  is  a  hard  task  to  refute  at  a  moment's  notice  a 
number  of  deliberate  falsehoods  long-prepared;  for  it  is 
impossible  to  be  forearmed  against  unexpected  attacks.* 

After  this  long  preamble,  the  speaker  at  last  dis- 
cusses the  accusation  (§§  19  sqq.),  and  to  some  extent 
deals  satisfactorily  with  the  evidence — entirely  cir- 
cumstantial— which  has  been  brought  against  him. 
It  has  already  been  noticed  that,  though  he  casually!' 
leaves  it  to  be  inferred  that  he  could  prove  an  alibi  J 
he  lays  no  stress  on  the  assertion,  and  is  far  more 
concerned  with  showing  that  it  is  *  improbable  '  that 
he  should  be  a  murderer.  The  final  and,  apparently, 
the  most  important  argument  is  drawn  from  the 
absence  of  divine  signs  which  might  have  pointed 
to  the  speaker's  guilt.  He  makes  no  attempt,  like 
the  defendant  in  the  First  Tetralogy,  to  suggest 
other  explanations  of  the  crime ;  many  crimes, 
he  says,  have  before  now  baffled  investigation,  and 
he  is  only  concerned  with  denying  the  charge  against 
himself. 


44  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

§7 

In  the  Life  of  Antiphon,  falsely  ascribed  to  Plutarch, ^ 
wfe  read  that  sixty  speeches  were  extant  under  the 
orator's  name,  but  of  these  twenty-five  were  con- 
sidered spurious  by  the  critic  Caecilius  of  Calacte. 
We  have  now  fifteen,  viz.  the  three  Tetralogies,  or  sets 
of  four  speeches  ;  the  speeches  on  the  Murder  of 
Herodes,  the  Death  of  the  Choreutes,  and  the  Charge 
of  Poisoning.  All  of  these  deal  with  homicide,  the 
department  in  which  Antiphon,  presumably,  showed 
especial  skill.  Blass  has  collected  besides  the  titles 
of  twenty-three  other  speeches  on  miscellaneous 
subjects.  2 

The  Tetralogies,  each  consisting  of  four  short  speeches 
on  the  same  imaginary  case — two  for  the  prosecution, 
and  two  for  the  defence — have  this  peculiar  interest, 
that  they  stand  on  the  border-line  between  theory 
and  practice.  They  differ  from  the  exercises  composed 
by  other  early  rhetoricians  and  from  the  declamations 
of  the  Roman  Empire  in  that  they  are  not  concerned 
with  historical  or  mythological  personages  in  possible 
or  imaginary  positions,  but  treat  cases  which,  although 
fictitious,  are  of  the  kind  which  might  arise  in  every- 
day life  at  Athens.  Thus  these  skeleton-speeches  give 
a  clear  idea  of  the  lines  on  which  either  side  might 
plead  its  case  in  an  actual  trial.  The  professioi^l 
advocate  must  be  ready  to  plead  on  either  side  in 
any  cause,  and  here  we  find  Antiphon  composing 
speeches  in  turn  suitable  for  both  sides.  As  has  been 
noted,  there  is  very  little  detail  given.     No  narrative 

1  Ps.-Plut.,  Lives  of  the  Ten  Orators. 

2  Attische  Beredsamkeit,  vol.  i.  pp.  104-105. 


ANTIPHON  45 

of  facts  occurs  ;  the  actual  circumstances  presupposed 
can  only  be  gathered  from  the  arguments  employed  ; 
and  the  result  is  that  the  outlines  of  the  speeches 
both  in  accusation  and  defence  are  very  clearly  marked. 

The  argument  of  the  First  Tetralogy  is  as  follows  : — 
A  certain  citizen  has  been  murdered  on  his  way  home 
from  a  dinner  party.  His  slave,  who  was  mortally 
wounded  at  the  same  time,  deposed  that  one  of  the 
murderers  was  a  certain  enemy  of  his  master,  against 
whom  the  latter  was  on  the  point  of  bringing  a  serious 
law-suit.     The  case  comes  before  the  Areopagus. 

a.  The  accuser  argues  that  the  deceased  cannot 
have  been  murdered  by  robbers,  since  he  was  not 
plundered ;  nor  in  a  drunken  brawl,  which  was  im- 
possible considering  the  time  and  place.  Therefore 
the  crime  was  premeditated,  and  the  motive  was 
revenge  or  fear.  The  accused  had  both  these  motives, 
and  moreover  the  slave  identified  him. 

y8.  The  defendant  argues  that  the  murder  may  have 
been  done  by  robbers  who  were  scared  away  before  they 
had  robbed  the  corpse,  or  by  some  criminal  who  feared 
the  dead  man's  testimony,  or  by  some  other  enemy, 
who  felt  secure  because  he  knew  suspicion  would  fall 
on  the  accused.  The  slave  may  have  been  mistaken 
or  perhaps  suborned.  If  probability  is  to  decide  the 
case,  it  is  more  probable  that  the  defendant  would 
have  employed  some  one  else  to  do  the  murder  than 
that  the  slave  would  be  certain  of  having  recognized 
the  criminal.  The  danger  of  losing  a  law-suit  could 
not  have  seemed  so  serious  as  the  present  danger  of 
losing  his  life. 

7.  The  accuser  in  his  second  speech  ingeniously 
meets  the  arguments  of  /3  point  by  point ;  and 


46  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

8.  The  defendant  criticizes  and  disposes  of  the  argu- 
ments of  7,  and  incidentally  mentions  that  he  could 
prove  an  alibi — though  he  does  not  seem  to  lay  any 
stress  on  this. 

With  the  exception  of  the  evidence  of  the  slave, 
now  dead,  the  whole  case  rests  on  a  discussion  of 
probabilities. 

The  Second  Tetralogy  deals  with  the  death  of  a  boy 
accidentally  killed  by  a  javelin  with  which  another 
youth  was  practising  in  the  gjnnnasium.  The  question 
to  decide  was,  who  was  to  blame — the  accuser  main- 
tained that  it  was  a  case  of  homicide,  the  defendant 
suggested  unintentional  suicide  !  ^ 

The  Third  Tetralogy  supposes  that  an  old  man  has 
been  brutally  beaten  by  a  young  man,  and  died  of  his 
injuries  a  few  days  later.  The  defendant  attempts  to 
put  the  blame  first  on  the  dead  man,  since  he  struck 
the  first  blow,  secondly  on  the  surgeon ;  and,  finding 
this  not  plausible  enough,  goes  into  exile  :  the  second 
speech  for  the  defence  is  spoken  by  a  friend  of  the 
accused. 

The  extant  speeches  composed  for  real  cases  may 
be  taken  in  the  order  of  their  importance. 

On  the  Murder  of  Her  odes. — Herodes,  an  Athenian 
citizen  who  had  settled  at  Mitylene,  made  a  voyage 
to  Aenus  in  Thrace  to  receive  the  ransom  of  some 
Thracian  captives.  He  sailed  with  the  accused,  a 
Mitylenean  whose  father  lived  at  Aenus.  They  were 
driven  by  a  storm  to  shelter  at  Methymna,  and  there 
exchanged  from  their  open  boat  into  a  decked  vessel. 

1  In  the  similar  case  discussed  by  Pericles  and  Protagoras,  the 
third  possibility  was  considered — the  guilt  of  the  javelin.  (Plut., 
Pericles,  ch.  36.) 


ANTIPHON  47 

They  fell  to  drinking  to  pass  the  time,  and  Herodes, 
going  ashore  one  night,  was  never  heard  of  again. 
His  companion  continued  the  voyage,  and  on  returning 
to  Mitylene  was  charged  with  murder.  It  was  asserted 
that  a  slave  had  confessed  to  having  assisted  in  the 
murder,  and  that  a  letter  had  been  discovered  from 
the  defendant  to  one  Lycinus,  supposed  to  be  the  in- 
stigator of  the  crime. 

By  the  laws  of  the  Athenian  League  such  a  trial 
must  take  place  at  Athens  ;  ordinarily  a  case  of  murder 
would  come  before  the  Areopagus,  but  actually  the 
accused  was  indicted  as  a  *  malefactor,'  ^  was  arrested 
and  brought  before  an  ordinary  court.  He  contends 
that  this  is  a  grievance,  for  if  the  prosecution  fails  he 
may  still  be  brought  before  the  Areopagus.  Further, 
he  was  kept  in  prison,  all  bail  being  refused.  This 
was,  apparently,  illegal. 

The  trial  took  place  probably  about  417  or  416  B.C. 
The  introduction  to  the  speech  has  been  quoted. ^ 
The  narrative  gives  first  the  facts  up  to  the  defendant's 
arrival  at  Athens  (§§  19-24),  and  shows  that  probabihty 
is  against  the  prosecution  (§§  25-28) ;  next,  the  return 
of  one  of  the  ships  to  Mitylene,  and  the  confession  of 
the  slave  imder  torture  (§§  29-30).  The  slave's  evidence 
is  proved  to  be  worthless  (§§  31-41).  The  alleged  letter 
to  Lycinus  is  discussed,  and  the  defendant  proves  that 
he  himself  had  no  motive  for  the  murder,  and  cannot 
be  expected  to  know  who  is  the  real  culprit  (§§  42-73). 
Odium  has  been  unjustly  stirred  against  him  by  the 
assertion  of  his  father's  disloyalty  (§§  74-80).  The 
absence  of  signs  of  divine  anger  is  a  further  proof  of 
his  innocence  (§§  81-84)  •    Finally,  he  appeals  for  another 

*  iv8ei^ii  KaKovpyias.  '  Supra,  p.  38  sqq. 


'•\ 


48  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

chance  at  least,  since,  if  acquitted  now,  he  may  be 
tried  again  by  the  Areopagus  (§§  85-95). 

The  speech  On  the  Choreutes  refers  to  the  death  of 
a  boy  Diodotus,  who  was  being  trained  to  sing  in  a 
choir  at  the  Thargeha,  and  was  accidentally  poisoned 
by  a  drug  given  him  to  improve  his  voice.  The 
choregus  or  choir-master  was  accused  of  poisoning 
before  the  Areopagus. 

The  extant  speech  is  the  second  for  the  defence  ; 
the  date  is  probably  about  412  B.C.  The  speaker 
comments  on  the  disingenuous  action  of  his  adversaries, 
who  refused  to  have  slaves  examined,  and  introduced 
much  irrelevant  matter.  He  contrasts  the  openness 
of  his  own  conduct.     The  epilogue  is  lost. 

The  speech  Against  a  Stepmother  on  a  Charge  of 
Poisoning  is  sometimes  regarded  as  a  mere  exercise, 
but,  in  striking  contrast  to  the  Tetralogies,  this  speech 
contains  full  and  detailed  narrative.  Its  authenticity 
has  been  further  questioned,  but  we  have  so  httle 
material  for  judging  of  the  style  of  Antiphon  that  it 
is  impossible  to  pronounce  definitely  against  the  sup- 
position that  this  speech  was  composed  by  him.  It 
may  be  that  it  was  an  early  work  ;  it  is  certainly  less 
powerful  than  the  other  two  genuine  speeches. 

The  Argument. — A  young  man  accuses  his  stepmother 
of  having  poisoned  his  father  by  the  help  of  another 
woman,  a  slave.  The  father  was  dining  with  Philoneos, 
a  former  lover  of  this  woman,  and  she  was  persuaded 
to  administer  a  love-philtre  to  the  two.  Both  men 
died,  the  woman  was  put  to  death,  and  the  prosecutor 
now  urges  that  his  stepmother,  who  instigated  the 
crime,  should  be  punished  for  her  guilt. 


ANTIPHON  49 

Of  the  speeches  known  to  us  only  by  name  or  by 
short  fragments,  it  is  probable  that  some  at  any  rate 
were  the  work  of  Antiphon  the  Sophist,  with  whom 
the  orator  is  often  confused.  A  work  on  rhetoric 
and  a  collection  of  proemia  and  epilogues  were  also 
current  imder  the  orator's  name. 


A 


CHAPTER  III 

THRASYMACHUS— ANDOCIDES 

§1 
NEW  period  begins  with  Thrasymachus  of  Chalce- 
don,  who  adopted  Athens  as  his  home.  He  is 
placed  by  Aristotle  between  Tisias,  one  of  the  founders 
of  rhetoric,  and  Theodorus  of  Byzantium, ^  who  was  a 
contemporary  of  Lysias.  According  to  the  chronology 
of  Plato's  Phaedrus,  he  was  already  at  the  height  of 
his  powers  when  Isocrates  was  only  a  youth  of  pro- 
mise. ^  The  dramatic  date  of  the  dialogue  being  410 
B.C.,  we  may  suppose  him  to  have  been  bom  between 
460  and  450  B.C.,  though  there  is  no  clear  indication. 

He  seems  to  have  followed  the  lines  of  his  prede- 
cessors. He  composed  a  rixvv  or  handbook  of  rhetoric, 
and  composed  or  compiled  a  collection  of  passages  to 
serve  as  models  for  his  pupils,  called  by  Suidas  dipopfial 
pr)ropLKab  (oratorical  resources) .  This  probably  included 
the  exordia  and  epilogues  mentioned  by  Athenaeus.^ 
Aristotle  mentions  a  work  called^EXeot  [appeals  to  pity),^ 
and  a  book  with  the  mysterious  title  v7r€pl3dWopT6<: 
completed  his  educational  output. ^    He  composed  also 

1  Soph.  Elench.,  183  b.  32.  ^  267  c. 

»  X.  416  A.  *  Rhet.,  in.  i.  7. 

'  The  word  seems  to  mean  powerful  or  convincing  ;  whether  r^irot 
(commonplaces  or  passages)  or  \6yoi  {arguments)  is  the  word  to  be 
supplied,  we  cannot  even  conjecture. 
50 


THRASYMACHUS  51 

some  epideictic  speeches,  which,  as  Suidas  calls  them 
irair^/vLa,  were  probably  of  the  mythological  type,  of 
which  we  possess  examples  in  the  Helen  and  Palamedes 
of  Gorgias.  Dionysius  says  that  he  left  no  deliberative 
or  forensic  speeches,  and  this  statement  agrees  with 
the  known  fact  that  he  was  an  ahen,  and  therefore 
could  not  appear  in  the  courts  or  the  assembly.  ^  On 
the  other  hand,  Suidas  mentions  public  speeches,  and 
Dionysius  has  himself  preserved  a  fragment  of  what 
appears  to  be  a  deliberative  speech. ^  The  probability 
is  that  this  was  composed  only  as  a  model  for  his 
pupils,  and  it  is,  in  fact,  of  a  vagueness  which  would 
be  appropriate  to  almost  any  circumstances. 

He  excelled  in  the  *  pathetic '  style :  *  For  the- 
**  sorrows  of  a  poor  old  man,"  '  says  Socrates,  *  or  any^ 
other  pathetic  case,  no  one  is  better  than  the  Chalce- 
donian  giant ;  he  can  put  a  whole  company  of  people 
into  a  passion  and  out  of  one  again  by  his  mighty 
magic,  and  is  first-rate  at  inventing  or  disposing  of 
any  sort  of  calumny  on  any  grounds  or  none.'  ^  These 
gifts  seem  to  have  been  the  natural  expression  of  his 
impetuous  and  passionate  character  represented  in  the 
Republic.^ 

The  loss  of  his  works  is  much  to  be  regretted,  since 
he  was  the  inventor  of  a  style — the  tempered  style, 
as  it  was  called  by  Dionysius — ^which,  standing  be- 
tween the  austerity  of  Antiphon  and  Thucydides,  and 
the  elaborate  simpHcity  perfected  by  Lysias,  combined 
the  best  quahties  of  both.  He  was  thus  a  forenmner 
of  Isocrates.  In  the  fragment  which  is  preserved,  we 
find  no  trace  of  rare  or  poetical  words  or  audacious 

*  de  Isaeo,  ch.  xx.  *  de  Demosthevie,  ch.  iii. 

»  Phaedrus,  267  c  (Jowett).  *  Book  i.,  336B. 


V. 


53  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

compounds  such  as  Gorgias  used ;  none  of  the  compli- 
cated sentences  of  Thucydides,  and  no  forced  antithesis ; 
the  diction  is  flowing,  and  the  expression  clear.  He 
seems  to  have  been  the  first  writer  to  make  a  careful 
study  of  metrical  effect,  and  is  mentioned  for  his  fre- 
quent use  of  the  paeon  by  Aristotle,  who  apparently 
classed  him  with  those  writers  to  whom  diction  is 
more  important  than  ideas.^ 

The  fragment  already  mentioned  purports  to  be  the 
exordium  of  a  political  speech  : 

'  I  could  have  wished,  men  of  Athens,  that  my  lot  had 
been  cast  amid  those  ancient  times  and  conditions  when  the 
younger  men  were  content  to  be  silent,  since  circumstances 
did  not  force  them  to  speak  in  public,  and  their  elders  were 
able  administrators  of  the  state.  .  .  .' 

This  is  a  conventional  opening ;  a  similar  phrase 
of  regret  (i^ovXofivv)  begins  the  speech  of  Antiphon  on 
the  murder  of  Herodes,^  and  Aeschines  has  elaborated 
the  same  theme  of  the  superiority  of  political  Hfe  in 
the  time  of  Solon  in  a  way  which  leads  us  to  suspect 
that  he  had  the  prooemium  of  Thrasymachus  in  mind.^ 

Of  the  works  of  Theodorus  of  Byzantium  not  a 
sentence  remains.  A  contemporary  of  Lysias,  he 
taught  rhetoric  and  composed  certain  works  on  the 
subject.^  He  concerned  himself  with  the  proper 
divisions  of  a  speech,  adding  a  section  of  *  further 
narrative'  {iirihuri^rja-L^)  to  the  usual  narrative,  and 
*  further    proof '    (iiriTrla-Tcoa-t^)   to  proof.^     It   is   for 

^  Rhet.,  iii.  8.  4  ;   iii.  i.  7.     The  paeon  =^  — ■^^^ot^^^s^—. 

2  Cf.  Aristoph.,  Frogs,  866  :  e^ovKbixriv  fikv  ovk  ipi^eiv  ivddSe, 

3  Aesch.  in  Ctes.^  §  2. 

*  The  reference  by  Arist.,  Rhet.,  ii.  23.  28  to  i)  irpbrepov  Qeoddtpov 
rixfr) — the  earlier  treatise  of  T. — ^implies  others. 

*  Cf.  Arist.,  Rhet.,  iii.  13.  4  :  dii^yriaiSf  hriSi-fiyrjais,  irpodi'^Tjais ; 
IXryxos,  iire^iXeyxos. 


ANDOCIDES  53 

this  over-subtlety  that  Plato  ridicules  the  '  cunning    ' 
artificer  of  speeches '  from  Byzantium. ^ 

§2 

Andocides  was  bom  about  440  B.C.,  a  member  of  a 
family  which  had  been  distinguished  for  three  genera- 
tions. 

His  great-grandfather,  as  he  tells  us,  fought  against 
the  Pisistratidae  ;  his  grandfather  Andocides  was  one 
of  the  envoys  for  the  peace  with  Sparta  in  445,  and  was 
twice  subsequently  a  strategus ;  his  father,  Leogoras, 
is  mentioned  by  Aristophanes  as  rearing  pheasants. ^ 
The  orator  himself  was  a  member  of  a  eraipela  or  club 
— ^probably  a  social  rather  than  a  poHtical  club,  as 
the  only  meeting  mentioned  was  purely  for  convivial 
purposes. 

In  415,  on  the  eve  of  the  saiHng  of  the  Sicilian  ex- 
pedition, Athens  was  startled  and  horrified  by  a  re- 
markable act  of  sacrilege.  The  images  of  Hermes 
which  stood  everywhere  in  the  town  were,  all  but  one, 
mutilated  and  defaced  in  a  single  night.  The  super- 
stitious citizens,  with  a  deep  feeUng  that  the  whole 
community  must  suffer  for  the  guilty  action  of  some 
of  its  members,  considered  this  an  evil  omen  for  the 
fortunes  of  the  Syracusan  expedition,  and,  less  reason- 
ably, took  it  as  an  indication  of  impending  revolution 
and  an  attempt  to  subvert  the  democracy.  Their 
anxiety  was  increased  by  rumours  that  a  profane  ^? 
parody  of  the  Eleusinian  mysteries  was  being  cele- 
brated  in  certain  private  houses.  Such  acts  of  impiety 
were  hkely  to  bring  upon  Athens  the  wrath  of  the  gods 
who  had  hitherto  protected  her. 

1  Phaedrus,  266  c,  \oyodal8a\os.  2  Aristoph.,  Clouds,  109. 


r 


54  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

It  will  be  remembered  how  Alcibiades,  one  of  the 
leaders  of  the  expedition,  was  accused  of  compHcity 
in  the  plot,  and  how  this  accusation  brought  about 
his  recall  from  Sicily  and  his  estrangement  from  his 
native  city,  which  led  to  the  utter  failure  of  the  great 
enterprise  of  conquest,  and  ultimately,  through  the 
total  loss  of  her  best  armies  and  fleets,  to  the  downfall 
of  Athens  herself. 

Andocides  was  accused  of  comphcity  both  in  the 
profanation  of  the  mysteries  and  the  mutilation  of 
the  Hermae.  Of  the  former  charge  he  apparently 
succeeded  in  clearing  himself,  but  he  confesses  to  a 
knowledge  of  the  affair  of  the  Hermae. 

A  certain  Teucrus  denounced  eighteen  persons  as 
guilty  of  the  mutilation  of  the  busts.  Of  these  some 
were  put  to  death,  the  rest  went  into  exile.  The  list 
included  some  members  of  the  club  to  which  Andocides 
belonged.  Another  informer,  Dioclides,  came  forward 
with  a  tale  that  about  three  hundred  persons  were 
implicated,  and  he  named  forty-two  of  them,  including 
Andocides  and  twelve  of  his  near  relations.  Athens 
was  in  a  panic,  and  eager  for  instant  vengeance.  The 
informers'  victims  were  at  once  imprisoned,  and  their 
situation  was  grave  indeed.  Andocides  describes  how, 
to  save  his  father  and  other  innocent  persons,  he  at 
last  resolved  to  tell  what  he  knew.  He  gave  his 
information  under  a  promise  of  immunity  from  punish- 
ment, but  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  a  subsequent 
decree  he  suffered  '  atimia,'  comprising  exclusion  from 
the  market-place  and  the  temples  ;  and  being  thus 
debarred  from  a  public  career  he  decided  to  go  abroad. 

In  the  de  Reditu,  delivered  in  410  B.C.,  five  years 
after  the  outrage,  Andocides  implies  that  he  was  him- 


ANDOCIDES  55 

self  concerned  in  the  deed,  and  asks  pardon  for  his 
'youthful  folly'  (§  7).  The  language  of  Thucydides^ 
and  others  also  implies  that  he  accused  himself  along 
with  others.  The  language  of  the  de  Reditu  is  not, 
however,  explicit,  and  does  not  necessarily  disagree 
with  the  statement  made  twelve  years  later  in  the 
de  Mysteriis. 

Andocides  there  affirms  that  he  knew  of  the  plot 
and  opposed  its  execution,  but  it  was  carried  out 
without  his  knowledge.  In  proof  of  this  he  points  out 
that  the  Hermes  opposite  his  own  house  was  the  only 
one  not  mutilated. 

'  So  I  told  the  Council  that  I  knew  the  culprits,  and  I 
declared  the  facts — namely  that  Euphiletus  suggested  the 
plot  while  we  were  drinking,  and  I  spoke  against  it,  and  for 
the  moment  prevented  it.  Some  time  later  I  was  riding  a 
colt  I  had  in  Cynosarges,  and  had  a  fall,  and  broke  my 
collar-bone  and  cut  my  head,  and  was  carried  home  on  a 
stretcher.  Euphiletus,  hearing  of  my  condition,  told  the 
others  that  I  had  been  persuaded  to  join  them,  and  had 
agreed  to  take  a  hand  in  the  work  and  mutilate  the  Hermes 
beside  the  shrine  of  Phorbas.  In  this  statement  he  de- 
ceived them,  and  this  is  the  reason  why  the  Hermes  which 
you  all  see  in  front  of  our  house,  the  one  erected  by  the 
Aegeid  tribe,  was  the  only  Hermes  in  Athens  not  to  be 
mutilated,  because  it  was  supposed  that  I  would  do  it,  as 
Euphiletus  said.  The  conspirators,  when  they  heard  of  it, 
were  highly  indignant,  considering  that  I  knew  of  the 
affair,  but  had  taken  no  part  in  it.  On  the  next  day  Meletus 
and  Euphiletus  came  to  me  and  said  : 

'  "  We  have  done  it,  Andocides,  and  it 's  all  over.  If  you 
care  to  keep  quiet  and  hold  your  tongue,  you  will  find  that 
we  are  as  good  friends  to  you  as  ever ;  if  not,  our  enmity 

*  Thuc,  vi.  60. 


56  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

will  count  much  more  than  any  friendship  you  could  fonn 
by  betraying  us." 

'  I  answered  that,  from  what  had  occurred,  I  considered 
Euphiletus  a  scoundrel ;  but  that  they  had  much  more 
to  fear  from  the  fact  of  their  guilt  than  from  my  know- 
ledge of  it.'  ^ 

This  story  is  at  least  a  plausible  one.  The  only 
suspicious  detail  is  the  orator's  own  candid  admission 
that  all  of  those  whom  he  accused — with  the  exception 
of  four — ^had  already  been  named  by  Teucrus  and 
punished,  some  by  death,  the  rest  by  exile,  so  that 
his  '  confession  '  could  do  them  no  further  harm.  The 
four  others  whom  he  included  were  not  yet  in  prison, 
though  they  were  known  to  be  associates  of  those 
who  had  already  paid  the  penalty.  They  had  time 
to  escape  into  exile  (§  68).  We  may  suspect  that  they 
^  received  from  the  informer  due  notice  of  his  intentions. 
Thus,  at  the  expense  of  driving  four  men,  who  were 
probably  guilty,  into  exile,  Andocides  imdoubtedly 
saved  the  lives  of  himself,  his  father,  his  brother-in- 
law,  and  the  rest  of  the  forty-two  prisoners.  The 
f  informer  Dioclides  now  recanted,  and  said  that  he 
'had  been  compelled  by  Alcibiades  and  Amiantus 
to  lay  false  information.  He  was  brought  to  trial 
and  put  to  death  (§  66).  Andocides,  suffering  from 
^^  partial  disfranchisement,  was  for  many  years  away 
(j'  from  Athens.  He  engaged  in  commerce  in  many 
V  '»  countries,  and  made  money,  sometimes  by  discredit- 
able means.  He  had  dealings  with  Sicily,  Italy,  the 
Peloponnese,  Thessaly,  Ionia,  the  Hellespont,  and 
finally,  Cyprus,  where  Evagoras,  King  of  Salamis, 
bestowed  a  valuable  property  on  him.^ 

'  de  MysU,  §§  6i  sqq.  «  Ihid.,  §  4. 


^) 


ANDOCIDES  57 

In  411  B.C.  he  made  an  attempt  to  recover  his  rights. 
He  procured  oars  for  the  Athenian  fleet  at  Samos, 
and  returned  to  Athens  to  plead  his  cause.  Un- 
fortunately the  Four  Hundred  had  then  just  usurped 
the  government,  and  they  rejected  his  plea  on  the 
ground  that  he  had  helped  their  enemies.  Later,  in 
410  or  408  B.C.,  he  made  another  attempt,  and  de- 
livered the  speech  de  Reditu,  but  was  again  imsuccessful. 
It  was  only  after  the  anmesty  of  Thrasybulus  (403  B.C.) 
that  he  resumed  his  full  citizenship,  and  henceforward 
took  an  active  part  in  public  life,  figuring  now  as  an 
ardent  democrat,  speaking  in  the  assembly  and  per- 
forming liturgies.  In  399  B.C.  old  enmities  burst  into 
flame,  and  he  was  accused  of  impiety  on  two  counts — 
as  having  taken  part  in  the  Eleusinian  mysteries  at 
a  time  when  he  was  legally  disquahfied  from  doing  so, 
and  as  having  deposited  a  supphant's  branch  on  the 
altar  at  Eleusis  during  the  time  of  the  mysteries — 
which  was  a  profanation.  The  penalty  for  either 
offence  was  death,  and  the  de  Mysteriis  is  his  successful 
answer  to  these  charges. 

In  391  B.C.,  as  one  of  the  envoys  delegated  to  bring 
about  a  peace  with  Sparta,  he  delivered  the  de  Pace. 
The  peace  was  not  concluded.  This  is  the  last  mention 
of  this  interesting  adventurer,  though  the  pseudo- 
Plutarch  affirms  that  he  went  into  exile  again.  If 
that  is  true,  we  know  that  he  had  comfortable  places 
to  retire  to,  in  Cyprus  and  elsewhere. 

§3 
Ancient    critics    dealt    severely    with    Andocides. 
Though  Alexandrine  criticism  included  him  in  the  list 
of  the  ten  standard  orators,  Dionysius  barely  mentions 


58  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

him  ;  ^  Quintilian  disparages  his  work,^  and  Herodes 
Atticus  modestly  hopes  that  he  himself  is  at  least 
superior  to  Andocides  ;  ^  Hermogenes  sums  up  his 
defects  as  an  orator  as  follows  : 

*  He  aims  at  being  a  statesman,  but  does  not  quite  suc- 
ceed. He  lacks  proper  articulation  and  distinctness  in  his 
"figures/'  he  lacks  order  in  connecting  his  sentences  and 
rounding  them  off,  losing  distinctness  by  the  use  of  paren- 
theses, so  that  he  strikes  some  as  ineffectual  and  needlessly 

V .  obscure.  He  has  very  little  finish  or  arrangement  and 
little  vigour.  He  has  a  small,  but  very  small,  portion  of 
cleverness  in  systematic  argument,  but  practically  none  of 
any  other  kind. '  * 

It  is  with  some  hesitation  that  I  give  this  tentative 
translation  of  a  difficult  passage.  It  seems  to  mean 
that  Andocides,  though  he  uses  '  figures,'  such  as 
antithesis,  rhetorical  question  and  irony,  does  not 
attain  '  precision '  or  make  them  distinct  enough. 
His  sentences  are  sometimes  deformed  because  a 
parenthesis  overpowers  the  main  clause.  His  diction 
^  is  unpolished  and  unconvincing.  The  only  credit 
\  which  he  deserves  is  for  his  fiedoho^ — his  system  of 
stating  his  case  ;  wherein  Hermogenes  was  perhaps 
thinking  of  the  way  in  which  the  orator  arranges  his 
material,  giving  only  part  of  the  narrative  at  a  time, 
and  criticizing  it  as  he  goes  along,  rather  than  keeping 
narrative  and  arguments  quite  separate.  Later  and 
more  practised  orators  have  been  commended  for  this 
method.     By  general  cleverness,  Hermogenes  probably 

^  Dion.,  de  Lysta,  ch.  2.  2  Quint.,  xii.  10,  21. 

^  Philostratus,  vita  Her.  Att.,  ii.  i,  §  14. 

*  Hermogenes,  irepi  iSeCop,  ch.  xi.  p.  416.  Spengel  [Rhetores 
Graeci). 


ANDOCIDES  59 

means  skill  in  the  use  of  the  usual  sophistries  of  the 
rhetorician. 
The  Pseudo-Plutarch  is  less  severe  on  the  orator : 

*  He  is  simple  and  inartificial  in  his  narratives,  straight- 
forward and  free  from  "  figures."  '  ^ 

It  must  at  once  be  granted  that  many  of  the  criticisms 
aimed  at  Andocides  hit  their  mark ;  but  it  is  open  to 
doubt  whether  they  can  penetrate  deep  enough  to  deal 
a  vital  blow  at  his  reputation.  The  ancient  critics 
were  academic  and  tended  to  lose  sight  of  practical 
details.  They  were,  as  a  rule,  more  concerned  with 
the  impressions  that  a  speech  produced  on  the  reader 
than  with  its  effect  on  the  hearers ;  they  laid  great 
emphasis  on  the  artistic  side,  and  in  examining  a 
speech  looked  carefully  to  see  how  closely  the  orator 
had  followed  the  artificial  rules  of  the  rhetorician. 
But  this  kind  of  estimate  may  lead  to  injustice,  for 
not  only  must  the  critic  refer  to  an  artificial  standard 
established  by  convention,  a  standard  which  might  not 
have  been  recognized  by  the  orator's  contemporaries, 
but,  even  granting  that  certain  rules  of  rhetoric  should 
generally  be  followed,  we  may  maintain  that  particu- 
lar circumstances  justify  a  speaker  in  departing  from 
them.  Rhetoric  is  a  practical  art,  whose  object,  as 
Plato  tells  us,  is  persuasion ;  and  though  most  people 
who  practise  it  will  do  best  to  move  on  the  accustomed 
lines,  there  may  be  some  who  can  succeed  without 
following  the  beaten  track. 

Andocides  is  not  to  be  compared  to  his  predecessor 
Antiphon  in  the  points  which  are  the  latter's  chief 
characteristics — dignity  of  manner,  balance  of  clauses 

*  Ps.-Plut.,  Lives  of  the  Ten  Orators. 


6o  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

and  verbal  antithesis  ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  he 
has  command  of  a  fairly  lucid  style,  and  a  gift  for 
telling  a  straightforward  narrative  of  events,  two 
matters  in  which  the  older  orator  was  not  conspicuously 
successful.  Again,  Andocides  starts  with  one  signal 
advantage.  If  we  read  the  tetralogies  of  Antiphon, 
excellent  as  they  may  be  in  showing  the  writer's  grasp 
of  the  technique  of  his  trade,  and  turn  from  them  to 
one  of  the  real  speeches,  the  Herodes,  for  instance, 
we  feel  at  once  how  great  a  gain  it  is  to  have  the  human 
interest  before  us.  A  speech  in  which  real  persons 
are  concerned  must  always  have  this  advantage  over 
a  declamatory  exercise.  But  we  still  feel  that  the 
personal  element  is  not  so  prominent  as  it  might  be, 
simply  because  the  orator  is  not  giving  voice  to  his 
own  thoughts  on  an  occasion  where  his  own  interests 
are  deeply  concerned,  but  stringing  together  sentences 
which  an  obscure  young  man  from  Mitylene  may 
clumsily  stumble  through  without,  perhaps,  in  the 
least  comprehending  their  cleverness.  But  Andocides 
V  [is  a  real  live  man  speaking  in  his  own  person  and  in 
'  his  own  defence  on  a  most  serious  charge.  He  is 
in  grave  danger,  and  must  exert  himself  to  the  utmost  ; 
he  must  rise  to  the  great  occasion,  or  expect  to  pay 
the  penalty — perhaps  with  his  life.  This  is  an  occasion, 
if  there  ever  can  be  one,  when  style  may  be  completely 
put  in  the  background,  where  matter  is  of  more  im- 
portance than  method,  where  the  means  are  of  no 
account  imless  the  end  can  be  attained ;  for  epigram 
cannot  temper  the  hemlock-cup,  and  the  laws  of  Athens 
are  stronger  than  the  rules  of  oratory. 

It  was  natural  to  Antiphon  to  pay  attention  to 
^details  of  style,  and  his  style  is  of  a  rather  archaic 


ANDOCIDES  6i 

tone.  Andocides,  on  the  other  hand,  was  not  a  trained 
orator,  except  in  so  far  as  every  Athenian  was  trained 
in  youth  in  the  elements  of  speaking.  He  was  not 
either  a  professional  pleader  or  a  frequent  speaker  in 
public — indeed,  from  the  fact  that  he  lived  long  in 
exile  he  cannot  have  had  many  opportunities  of 
appearing  either  in  the  law-courts  or  the  assembly. 
Possessing  a  convenient  fluency  of  speech  and  a^ 
thorough  command  of  the  language  of  daily  life,  he 
finds  in  it  a  satisfactory  means  of  expression.  In 
most  cases  he  seems  to  have  by  nature  what  Lysias 
obtained  by  art — a  clear  and  direct  way  of  expressing 
his  thoughts,  a  simplicity  of  language  in  which  nothing 
strained  or  unfamiliar  strikes  the  ear.  On  the  other 
hand,  there  are  inconsistencies  in  his  style  ;  there  are 
times  when,  apparently  without  premeditation,  he 
does  use  words  or  phrases  slightly  foreign  to  the  speech 
of  common  life.  We  have  a  feeling  that  this  was  done 
without  affectation  ;  that  in  the  course  of  his  fluent 
and  rapid  utterance  he  used  just  those  words  which 
naturally  occurred  to  him  as  appropriate. ^  In  this 
he  differs  from  Lysias,  who  took  the  common  speech 
and  perfected  it  into  a  literary  form,  attaining  by  study 
a  refined  simplicity  and  purity  which  only  careful 
practice  could  produce. 

^  The  following  is  a  list  of  some  of  the  poetical  or  unusual  words 
and  phrases  occurring  in  the  speeches — de  Myst.  :  §  29  ravra  rd. 
Setvd  Kal  (ppiKibdr)  dvcopdla^op.  §  67  wicTLV  .  .  .  dTrta-rordrT/j'.  §  68  opuffi 
rod  17M0U  TO  (pws.  §  99  iiriTpLTTTOv  dyados.  §  130  KXTjdup.  §  146  {yivo^) 
ol'xeTtti  TcLv  Trpbppi^ov. 

de  Pace:  §  7  rbv  Bij/xov  .  .  .  v\p7]\bv  '^pe.  §  8  and  in  three  other 
passages  KaT-qpydaaro  [secure,  bring  about,  cf.  Eur.  Her.,  646  TroXet 
ffUT7)piav  Karepyda-affdai).  §  18  KpanaTiveiv.  §  31  iKTcTvai.  rbv  dvfxby, 
dpX^v  -KoKKdv  KaKuiy. 

The  de  Face  is  noticeable  for  the  recurrence  of  two  grammatical 
forms  which  do  not  occur  in  the  other  speeches,  the  use  of  tovto 


62  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

On  the  whole,  Andocides  is  most  effective  when  he 
is  most  simple  ;  when  he  uses  common  v/ords  and  makes 
no  attempt  at  the  rhetorical  artifices  which  do  not 
come  natural  to  him.  The  following  narrative  will 
emphasize  my  point : 

*  When  we  had  all  been  taken  to  prison,  and  it  was  night 
and  the  prison  gates  were  shut,  and  one  man's  mother  had 
come,  and  another's  sister,  and  another's  wife  and  children, 
and  sounds  of  lamentation  were  heard  as  they  wept  and 
bewailed  our  miserable  state,  Charmides  spoke  to  me — ^he 
was  a  cousin  of  mine,  of  the  same  age  as  myself,  and  he  had 
been  brought  up  in  our  home  from  childhood. 

'  **  Andocides,"  he  said,  **  you  see  what  serious  trouble 
we  are  in  ;  and  though  I  did  not  want  to  say  anything,  or 
to  annoy  you  at  all  before,  I  am  now  forced  to  do  so  on 
account  of  the  misfortune  we  are  come  to. 

*  **  Your  other  friends  and  associates,  apart  from  us 
who  are  your  relations,  have  some  of  them  already  been 
executed  for  the  charges  on  which  we  are  being  done  to 
death,  while  others  have  admitted  their  guilt  by  fleeing 
from  the  country. 

'  "  If  you  have  heard  anything  about  this  affair,  tell  the 

truth,  and  by  doing  so  save  both  yourself,  and  your  father, 

who  must  be  very  dear  to  you,  and  your  brother-in-law, 

who  is  married  to  your  only  sister,  and  finally,  all  the  rest 

of  your  family  and  friends,  not  to  mention  me — ^for  in  all 

my  life  I  have  never  caused  you  annoyance,  but  am  devoted 

to  you  and  ready  to  do  anything  I  can  to  help  you."  '  ^ 

fiiu,  TovTo  8^  after  the  manner  of  Herodotus  for  the  simple  fx^y 
and  8^  ;  and  the  repetition  of  5^  with  a  resumptive  force,  as,  e.g., 
§  27  A  5^  irpbs  TouTovs  fidvovs  iKeTvoi  avvidevTO,  ravra  5'  oiSerrtJoiroT*  airovi 
(paat,  TrapcL^rjva.i. 

The  illogical  use  of  the  plural  of  oi)5efs  in  the  same  sense  as  the 
singular  [de  Myst.,  §  23  ovSiras,  §  147  ovSiva)  is  perhaps  colloquial. 
There  are  many  instances  of  the  use  of  this  plural  in  the  later 
orators,  a  point  which  Liddell  and  Scott  did  not  observe,  or,  at 
any  rate,  failed  to  make  clear.  Another  phrase  which  may  be 
colloquial  is  r^^yvib/jL-jj  Kal  raiv  x^po^y  toxv  ifxavTov  {de  Mysf.,  §  144)- 

1  de  My  si.,  §§  48-50. 


ANDOCIDES  63 

His  exposure  of  Dioclides  is  simple  and  effective  ; 
he  repeats  the  informer's  statement,  and  with  a  very 
few  words  of  comment  makes  it  appear  ridiculous  : 

'  Encouraged  by  his  country's  misfortunes  Dioclides  laid 
information  before  the  Council.  He  asserted  that  he  knew 
the  persons  who  had  mutilated  the  Hermae,  and  that  there 
were  about  three  hundred  of  them.  He  proceeded  to  relate 
how  he  had  come  across  the  matter. 

'  He  said  that  he  had  a  slave  working  at  Laureion,  and  had 
to  go  there  to  get  the  man's  wages.  He  rose  very  early, 
having  mistaken  the  time,  and  started  on  his  way.  The 
full  moon  was  shining,  and  as  he  passed  the  gateway  of 
Dionysus,  he  saw  a  number  of  men  coming  down  from  the 
Odeum  into  the  Orchestra.  He  was  afraid  of  them,  and 
so  went  into  the  shadow  and  sat  down  between  the  pillar 
and  the  pedestal  on  which  the  bronze  statue  of  the  General 
stands. 

'  He  estimated  the  number  of  the  men  he  saw  at  about 
three  hundred,  and  they  were  standing  round  in  groups  of 
five  or  ten,  or,  in  some  cases,  twenty.  He  could  recognize 
most  of  them,  as  he  saw  the  moonlight  shining  on  their 
faces. 

'  Now  he  made  this  monstrous  statement  in  the  first 
place  in  order  that  it  might  be  in  his  power  to  say  that 
any  citizen  he  liked  was  or  was  not  a  member  of  that 
company. 

'  After  seeing  all  this,  he  said,  he  went  on  to  Laureion,  and 
on  the  next  day  heard  of  the  mutilation  of  the  Hermae. 
So  he  knew  at  once  that  it  was  the  work  of  the  men  whom 
he  had  seen.^ 

The  opening  of  the  speech  shows  a  reasonable  use 
of  the  sort  of  commonplaces  which  custom  demanded 
as  a  preface  to  argument — the  mahgnity  and  ingenuity 
of  the  speaker's  enemies  and  the  perplexity  caused 

1  de  My  St.,  §§  37-39- 


64  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

by  the  number  of  their  accusations  which  makes  it 
difficult  to  know  where  to  begin. 

.^  '  Nearly  all  of  you  know,  Gentlemen,  with  what  per- 
sistency my  enemies  have  contrived  to  harm  me  in  every 
possible  way,  by  fair  means  or  foul,  from  the  time  when  I 
first  came  to  Athens,  and  there  is  no  need  for  me  to  dwell 
upon  the  subject ;  but  I  shall  ask  you  only  for  just  treat- 
ment, a  favour  which  is  as  easy  for  you  to  grant  as  it  is 
important  for  me  to  gain. 

'  First,  I  would  have  you  bear  in  mind  that  I  have  now 
appeared  before  you  without  having  been  in  any  way 
forced  to  await  my  trial ;  I  have  neither  surrendered  to 
bail,  nor  have  I  suffered  the  constraint  of  imprisonment. 
I  appear  because  I  have  put  my  trust  above  all  in  the 
justice  of  my  cause,  and  secondly,  in  your  character  ;  feel- 
ing as  I  do  that  you  will  give  a  just  decision,  and  not  allow 
me  through  a  perversion  of  justice  to  be  ruined  by  my 
enemies,  but  that  you  will  much  rather  save  me  by  allow- 
ing justice  to  take  its  course  in  accordance  with  the  laws 
of  the  city,  and  the  oaths  which  you  have  sworn  as  a  pre- 
liminary to  the  verdict  which  you  are  about  to  record. 

*  It  is  reasonable.  Gentlemen,  that,  in  the  case  of  men 
who  voluntarily  face  the  danger  of  a  trial,  you  should  take 
the  same  view  of  them  as  they  do  of  themselves.  Those 
who  refuse  to  await  their  trial  practically  stand  self- 
condemned,  so  that  you  may  reasonably  pass  on  them  the 
sentence  which  they  have  passed  on  themselves ;  but  as 
for  those  who  wait  to  stand  their  trial  in  the  confidence 
that  they  have  done  no  wrong,  you  have  a  right  to  hold  the 
same  opinion  about  them  which  they  have  held  about 
themselves,  and  not  decide,  without  a  hearing,  that  they 
are  in  the  wrong.  .  .  . 

'  I  am  considering,  therefore,  from  which  point  I  ought 
to  begin  my  defence.  Shall  I  begin  with  the  last- mentioned 
plea,  that  my  indictment  was  illegal  ?  or  with  the  fact  that 
the  decree  of  Isotimides  is  not  valid  ?  or  shall  I  appeal  to 


ANDOCIDES  65 

the  laws  and  the  oaths  which  you  have  taken  ?  or,  lastly, 
shall  I  start  by  relating  the  facts  from  the  beginning  ? 

'  My  greatest  difficulty  is  that  the  various  counts  of  the 
indictment  do  not  stir  you  all  equally  to  resentment,  but 
each  of  you  has  some  point  which  he  would  like  me  to 
answer  first.  It  is  impossible  to  deal  with  them  all  at  once, 
and  so  it  seems  to  me  the  best  course  to  relate  the  whole 
story  from  the  beginning,  omitting  nothing ;  for  if  you 
thoroughly  realize  what  actually  occurred,  you  will  easily 
recognize  the  lies  which  my  accusers  have  told  to  my 
discredit.'  ^ 

The  peroratibn  is  simple  and  vigorous  in  its  direct- 
ness : 

*  Do  not  deprive  yourselves  of  your  hopes  of  my  help, 
nor  deprive  me  of  my  hopes  of  helping  you.  I  now  request 
those  who  have  already  given  proof  of  the  highest  nobility 
of  feeling  towards  the  democracy  to  mount  the  platform 
and  advise  you  in  accordance  with  what  they  know  of  my 
character.  Come  forward,  Anytus  and  Cephalus,  and  you 
members  of  my  tribe  who  have  been  chosen  to  plead  for 
me — Thrasyllus  and  the  rest.'  ^ 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  vitality  of 
his  speech.  Compared  with  his  life-like  vigour,  the 
*  austerity '  of  Antiphon  becomes  dull  and  pompous. 
The  most  striking  feature  of  his  work  is  the  ease  with 
which,  in  reporting  conversations  or  explaining  motives, 
he  breaks  into  direct  quotation,  recalling  his  own  words 
or  putting  words  into  the  mouths  of  others  to  express 
what  they  said  or  thought.  We  recognize  in  this 
something  of  a  Homeric  quality ;  it  is  comparable 
to  the  Epic  use  of  wSe  Se  rt?  elVeo-^e  and  Kal  irori  rt? 

The  following  extract  shows  how  the  main  thread 

1  de  My  St.,  §§  1-3  and  8.  a  Ibid.,  §  150. 


66  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

of  the  sentence  may  be  lost  in  a  tangle  of  such  paren- 
thetical quotations  : 

*  From  the  first,  though  many  people  informed  me  that 
my  enemies  were  saying  that  I  should  never  await  my 
trial — "  For  what  could  induce  Andocides  to  await  his  trial, 
when  he  may  leave  the  city  and  still  be  well  off  ?  If  he 
sails  to  Cyprus,  where  he  comes  from,  there  is  waiting  for 
him  a  large  and  flourishing  farm  of  which  he  has  the  free- 
hold ;  will  he  prefer  to  put  his  neck  into  a  halter  ?  With 
what  end  in  view  ?  Cannot  he  see  which  way  the  wind 
blows  here  ?  "  I,  Gentlemen,  disagree  entirely  with  this 
view.  I  would  not  live  and  enjoy  the  utmost  prosperity 
somewhere  else  at  the  price  of  losing  my  fatherland  ;  and 
even  if  the  wind  did  blow  here  as  my  enemies  say  it  does, 
I  would  rather  be  a  citizen  of  Athens  than  of  any  other 
city  ;  prosperous,  for  the  present,  as  such  other  cities  may 
seem  to  me  to  be.  Holding  such  views  as  these  I  have 
committed  to  you  the  decision  about  my  life. '  ^ 

It  has  been  noted  that  Andocides  is  not  addicted 
to  the  use  of  verbal  antithesis  such  as  Thucydides  and 
Antiphon  have  made  too  familiar.  We  do  not  find 
him  playing  upon  the  contrasts  between  '  word  and 
deed,'  '  being  and  seeming '  with  such  recurrent 
monotony. 

There  is,  however,  one  kind  of  antithesis  to  which  he 
is  somewhat  partial — an  antithesis  of  thought  rather 
than  language.  He  is  fond  of  explaining  a  difficulty 
of  choice  by  putting  it  in  the  form  of  a  dilemma. 

As  far  as  his  own  personal  conduct  was  concerned, 
he  must  often  have  had  to  face  dilemmas.  From  the 
part  which  he  had  played  in  the  sacrilege,  and  the 
awkward  positions  in  which  consequently  he  foimd 
himself  placed,  it  must  often  have  been  equally  difficult 

1  de  Myst.,  §§  4,  5. 


ANDOCIDES  67 

and  dangerous  for  him  to  lie  and  to  speak  the  truth. 
So  it  is  not  unnatural  that  we  should  often  find  sen- 
tences  like  the  following  : 

*  How  would  each  of  you  have  acted,  Gentlemen,  if  you 
had  had  to  choose  either  to  die  nobly,  or  to  owe  your  life 
to  a  disgraceful  action  ? 

'  Some  may  say  that  what  I  did  was  base,  but  many 
would  have  chosen  as  I  did.'^ 

This  appeal  to  the  individual  feelings,  especially  the 
request  by  which  it  is  prefaced,  that  they  will  judge 
*  by  human  standards  '  (avOpayrrivoys:),  is  effective  in 
its  boldness.  The  speaker  must  have  felt  sure  of 
his  audience  before  he  ventured  to  appeal  to  the  lower 
nature  which  every  one  would  like  to  repudiate. 

In  marked  contrast  to  the  dignity  of  Antiphon, 
Andocides  from  time  to  time  lapses  into  scurrility, 
dragging  into  his  speech  discreditable  anecdotes  relating 
to  his  opponents  which  are  quite  irrelevant  to  his  proper 
subject  and  merely  serve  to  raise  a  laugh  at  the  moment. 
Thus  the  long  recital  about  the  domestic  affairs  of 
Callias  (§§  123-130)  has  no  bearing  at  all  on  the  trial. 
A  man  whose  father  has  been  three  times  imhappily 
married  may  still  be  a  trustworthy  witness.  The 
introduction  of  the  irrelevant  story  is  then  quite 
unjustifiable,  but,^  since  such  examples  of  bad  taste 
were  freely  tolerated  at  Athens,  it  was  worth  while 
to  make  a  score  by  such  foul  hitting,  especially  if  one 
could  deUver  the  blows  as  neatly  as  in  the  following 
passage  : 

'  At  the  mother's  request,  the  relations  took  the  child 
to  the  altar  at  the  time  of  the  Apaturia.     They  brought 

1  de  Myst,  §  57. 


68  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

a  victim,  and  requested  Callias  to  perform  the  sacrij&ce. 
He  asked  who  was  the  father  of  the  child.  "  CaUias,  the 
son  of  Hipponicus." — "But  I'm  CaUias." — "  Yes,  and  it's 
your  child."  '  ^ 

There  is  more  to  be  said  in  justification  of  the  attack 
on  Epichares.  To  prove,  or  to  assert  violently,  that 
his  accuser  was  an  enemy  of  the  democracy  and  a 
person  of  vile  character  formed  a  presumption  in 
favour  of  the  defendant.  Demosthenes  himself  made 
a  custom  of  such  practices,  and  was  not  less  un- 
scrupulous or  less  irrelevant  than  Andocides  : 

'  But  Epichares,  who  is  the  worst  of  them  all,  and  wants 
to  keep  up  his  reputation,  and  so  acts  vindictively  against 
himself — ^for  he  was  a  member  of  the  Council  in  the  time 
of  the  Thirty  ;  and  what  is  the  provision  in  the  law  which 
is  inscribed  on  the  pillar  in  front  of  the  Council  room  ? 
"  Whosoever  shall  hold  office  in  the  city  when  the  demo- 
cracy has  been  overthrown,  may  be  slain  without  penalty, 
and  his  slayer  shall  be  free  from  blood-guiltiness,  and  shall 
possess  the  property  of  the  slain."  Surely  then,  Epichares, 
any  one  who  slays  you  now  will  have  clean  hands,  according 
to  Solon's  law  ?  Let  me  have  the  law  on  the  pillar  read 
aloud  ? '  2 

But  Andocides  in  such  cases  certainly  violates  the 
laws  of  good  taste,  and  in  the  matter  of  this  personal 
abuse,  though  less  fertile  in  vocabulary,  is  a  worthy 
forerunner  of  the  great  orators.  His  scurrility  is 
hardly  excused  by  the  ingenuity  of  its  epigrammatic 
form  : 

*  You  jackal,  you  common  informer !  .  .  .  are  you 
allowed  to  live  and  prowl  about  the  city  ?  Little  do  you 
deserve  it ;  under  the  democracy  you  lived  by  the  informer's 

1  dt  Myst,  §  126.  "  Ibid.y  §  95. 


ANDOCIDES  69 

trade  ;  under  the  oligarchy,  for  fear  of  being  forced  to  give 
up  the  money  you  had  made  by  informing,  you  were  a 
menial  of  the  Thirty.  .  .  .'  ^ 

and  again  : 

*  One  result  of  your  decision  to  observe  the  present  laws 
is  that  he  has  been  restored  from  exile  to  citizenship,  and 
from  legal  disability  to  the  free  exercise  of  the  informer's 
trade/ » 

The  use  of  parenthesis  is  sometimes  carried  by  '^ 
Andocides  to  extremes.  An  instance  has  been  quoted 
in  which  the  grammatical  construction  breaks  down 
because  the  writer  introduces  an  imaginary  conver- 
sation into  the  middle  of  it.^  The  style  is  sometimes 
so  loose  and  discursive  that  not  only  is  the  construc- 
tion difficult  to  follow,  but  the  argument  is  obscure. 
The  writer  suffers  from  an  inability  to  keep  to  the 
point,  or  rather,  he  tries  to  explain  several  things  at 
once,  and  so  makes  nothing  clear.  An  extreme 
instance  is  to  be  found  in  §§  57  sqq.  of  the  de  Mysteriis. 
His  thoughts  run  too  fast  for  his  tongue,  and  he  has 
not  the  technical  skill  to  guide  them  on  their  proper 
courses.  Such  sentences  afford  a  practical  comment 
on  the  introduction  to  the  same  speech,  in  which  he 
states  that  he  does  not  know  where  to  begin.* 

On  the  other  hand,  passages  may  be  found  in  which 
a  series   of  short  sentences,   loosely  combined,   and 
disturbed   by  anacoluthon,  are  really  effective,   since  >!( 
they  simulate  the  broken  utterance  of  passion.     Of 
such  is  the  following  : 

*  Then  the  herald  inquired  who  had  deposited  the  sup- 
pHant's  branch,   and  no  one  answered.     Now  we  were 

1    (S  <TVK6<f>aPTa  Kai  iTriTpnTTov  KivaSos,  k.t.X.,  de  Myst.,  §  99. 
"  Ibid.,  §  93.  »  Supra,  p.  66.  *  §  8. 


X 


70  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

standing  close  by,  and  Callias  could  see  me.  When  nobody 
answered,  he  retired  into  the  temple.  Eucles,  stepping 
forward — oblige  me  by  calling  him  up — Now  then,  Eucles, 
first  of  all  give  evidence  whether  I  am  speaking  the  truth.*  ^ 

§4 

I  have  dealt  hitherto  chiefly  with  the  speech  de 
My  sterns,  the  best  of  Andocides'  work.  The  other 
speeches  now  demand  a  short  mention.  The  de  Reditu 
differs  remarkably  from  the  later  speech,  de  Mysteriis, 
but  it  is  chiefly  a  difference  of  tone.  The  verbal 
style  is  much  the  same,  though  there  is  rather  more 
tendency  to  antithetical  structure.  The  language  is 
simple,  the  sentences  are  less  hampered  with  par- 
entheses. But  here  Andocides  is  humble  ;  he  appears 
as  a  young  man  without  friends  speaking  before  a 
critical  and  hostile  assembly ;  he  is  moderate  in  his 
language,  apologetic  in  tone,  careful  not  to  give  offence 
by  any  sarcastic  or  ill-considered  utterance.  In 
the  de  Mysteriis  he  is  speaking  with  the  conscious- 
ness not  of  a  better  cause  but  of  increased  powers 
and  an  assured  position  in  the  State.  He  is  confident, 
almost  arrogant  at  times ;  he  is  bitter  and  violent  in 
his  attacks  on  his  enemies. 

The  de  Pace  bears  a  general  resemblance  in  style  to 
the  other  speeches,  except  for  certain  grammatical 
peculiarities.  Dionysius  declared  it  to  be  spurious, 
but  modem  critics  mostly  regard  it  as  genuine. 

The  chief  groimds  for  suspicion  are  the  inaccuracies 
of  the  historical  narrative  (§§  3-9)  and  the  curious  fact 
that  a  very  similar  passage  occurs  in  Aeschines  {de 
F.  L.,  §§  172-176),  where  even  certain  peculiarities 

1  de  Myst.y  §  112. 


ANDOCIDES  71 

of  phraseology^  are  reproduced.  As  to  history,  the 
orators  were  often  inaccurate  about  the  past  history  '" 
of  their  own  country.  Careless  statements  occur  even 
in  the  de  My  stents.  Demosthenes  is  an  untrustworthy- 
authority  even  for  events  almost  contemporary.  As 
to  the  other  matter,  there  is  good  reason  for  the  behef 
that  Aeschines  plagiarized  Andocides  in  the  fact  that 
a  reference  to  Andocides,  the  grandfather  of  the  orator, 
which  occurs  in  both  speeches,  is  in  place  in  a  speech 
of  Andocides,  while  there  is  no  particular  reason  why 
Aeschines,  if  he  were  composing  the  passage,  should 
have  mentioned  him.  In  some  minor  points,  as  Jebb 
has  shown,  Andocides  is  more  accurate  than  Aeschines. 
The  suggestion  that  the  de  Pace  is  a  spurious  speech, 
composed  by  a  later  rhetor  who  plagiarized  from 
Aeschines,  is  therefore  hardly  tenable.  There  remains 
a  third  possibility,  that  both  Aeschines  and  Andocides 
borrowed  from  the  same  semi-historical  compilation, 
perhaps  a  lost  rhetorical  exercise. 

The  de  Pace  and  the  de  Reditu  are  not  enlivened  by 
excursions  into  anecdote  or  the  consequent  direct 
quotations  of  speech  which  characterize  the  deMysteriis. 
The  historical  argument  already  mentioned  is  dull  in 
itself,  but  the  tedium  of  the  de  Pace  is  some- 
what relieved  by  a  not  infrequent  use  of  rhetorical 
question. 

'  What  is  there  left  for  us  to  discuss  ?  The  subject  of 
Corinth  and  the  invitation  of  Argos.  First,  I  should  hke 
to  b3  informed  about  Corinth :  if  the  Boeotians  do  not  join 
us  in  the  war  but  make  peace  with  Sparta,  what  will  Corinth 
be  worth  to  us  ?     Remember  the  day,  men  of  Athens, 

^  E.g.,  the  poetical  v\p'r]'^6v  ripe.  Andoc,  §  7  ;  Aesch.,  §  174.  Cf. 
Euripides,  Supp.,  555,  and  Her.  323. 


n  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

when  we  made  our  alliance  with  the  Boeotians ;  what  was 
our  feeUng  in  that  transaction  ?  Was  it  not  that  we  and 
Boeotia  in  combination  were  strong  enough  to  stand  against 
all  the  world  ?  But  now  our  question  is,  if  the  Boeotians 
make  peace,  how  shall  we  be  able,  without  Boeotian 
help,  to  fight  against  Sparta  ?  We  can  do  it,  say  some 
people,  if  we  protect  Corinth,  and  have  an  alliance  with 
Argos. 

'  But  when  the  Spartans  attack  Argos,  are  we  going  to 
help  Argos  or  not  ?  We  must  definitely  choose  one  course 
or  the  other.'  ^ 

An  appeal  for  peace  does  not  give  such  opportunities 
for  oratory  as  a  call  to  arms  ;  nevertheless,  a  greater 
orator  might  have  made  more  of  the  subject. 

TYi^^'^^^oh  Against  Alcihiades  is  undoubtedly  spurious 
and  belongs  to  a  much  later  date. 

It  is  based  upon  a  complete  misconception  of  the 
nature  of  the  law  about  ostracism.  The  speaker  is 
represented  as  discussing  the  question  whether  he 
himself  or  Nicias  or  Alcibiades  should  be  ostracized — 
a  quite  impossible  position.  The  speech  is  little  more 
than  a  collection  of  some  of  the  stock  anecdotes  about 
Alcibiades,  such  as  occur  in  Plutarch. 

The  names  of  four  lost  speeches  are  preserved  : — 
TT/oo?  €TaLpov<i,  (TVfiffovXevTiKOf;,  irepl  rrj<;  eVSeifew? 
and  aTToXoyta  tt/oo?  ^aluKa.  Fragments — a  few  lines 
in  each  case — remain  of  two  imnamed  speeches.  One 
of  these  refers  to  Hyperbolus  cLS  still  in  Athens, 
and  so  must  be  placed  not  later  than  417  B.C., 
the  year  when  Hyperbolus  was  ostracized.  It  de- 
serves  quotation  as  being  typical  of   the  snobbish- 

1  de  Pace,  §§  24-26. 


ANDOCIDES  73 

ness  of  the  young  aristocrat,  not  yet  disciplined  by 
misfortune. 

'  I  am  ashamed  to  mention  the  name  of  Hyperbolas ; 
his  father  is  a  branded  slave,  who  up  to  the  present  day 
works  in  the  public  mint ;  he  himself  is  a  foreigner,  a  bar- 
barian, and  a  lampmaker.'  ^ 

I  Frag.  5  (Blass) 


T 


CHAPTER  IV 
LYSIAS 

§1 

HOUGH  we  attempt  a  chronological  arrangement 
of  the  orators,  such  a  treatment  is  apt  to  be 
misleading,  for  their  lives  and  the  periods  of  their 
activity  overlap  considerably.  About  the  year  390  B.C. 
Andocides  was  still  composing  speeches,  Lysias  was 
yet  in  his  prime  ;  Isocrates  had  already  made  himself 
a  reputation,  and  Isaeus  had  at  least  begun  to  be 
known.  It  would  be  rash  therefore  to  attempt  to 
trace  in  the  work  of  any  one  the  influence  of  any  of 
the  others.  Speaking  and  writing  as  contemporaries 
all  may  have  had  something  to  teach  and  something 
to  learn,  but  we  can  hardly  say  that  one  is  in  the 
\  fullest  sense  the  Hterary  predecessor  or  the  disciple 
of  another. 

Lysias  was  by  descent  a  Syracusan ;  his  father 
Cephalus,  of  whom  Plato  gives  us  a  charming  picture 
in  the  opening  chapters  of  the  Republic,  was  induced 
by  Pericles  to  settle  in  Athens,  and  there  Lysias  was 
bom.  The  Pseudo-Plutarch  gives  the  date  as  459  B.C., 
and  Dionysius  gives  the  same  year  ;  but  this  is  founded 
on  an  assumption.  He  was  known  to  have  gone  to 
Thurii  at  the  age  of  fifteen,  and  Thurii  was  founded  in 

443  B.C.     But  there  is  no  proof  that  Lysias  went  to 

74 


LYSIAS  -     75 

Thurii  in  the  year  of  its  foundation  ;  we  only  know 
that  he  cannot  have  been  bom  eariier  than  459  B.C. 
Tradition,  however,  made  him  Hve  to  the  age  of  eighty 
or  eighty-three,  and  his  latest  known  speech  is  dated, 
probably,  in  380  B.C.,  so  that  if  we  assume  his  death 
to  have  occurred  shortly  after  380  B.C.,  we  shall  be 
consistent.  1  The  modem  view,  supported  by  Blass, 
that  Lysias  was  bom  not  earHer  than  444  B.C.,  has  little 
evidence  to  support  it.  It  is  based  chiefly  on  the 
statement  of  the  Pseudo-Plutarch  that  Lysias  did  not 
go  to  Thurii  till  after  his  father's  death,  and  the  belief 
that  Cephalus  was  alive  in  430  B.C.,  the  date  in  which 
the  scene  of  the  Republtc  is  supposed  to  be  laid.  But 
Blass  has  himself  collected  instances  of  Plato's  un- 
trustworthiness  about  dates,  and  the  biographer  by 
himself  is  a  poor  authority. 

Lysias,  then,  went  to  Thurii  with  his  brothers 
Polemarchus  and  Euthydemus.  He  is  said  to  have 
studied  under  the  Syracusan  rhetorician  Tisias. 
After  the  loss  of  the  Athenian  armies  in  Sicily,  413  B.C., 
Lysias  and  his  brothers  were  among  three  hundred 
persons  accused  of  *  Atticizing,'  and  were  expelled 
from  Thurii.  They  retumed  to  Athens  in  412  B.C. 
From  this  year  till  404  B.C.,  the  brothers  lived  in 
prosperity  and  happiness,  making  a  considerable 
fortune  as  proprietors  of  a  shield-factory,  where  they 
employed  120  slaves. 

They  had  many  friends ;  they  belonged  to  the 
highest  class  of  aliens — the  isoteleis — and  the  evidence 
of  Plato  and  Dionysius  makes  it  clear  that  they  mixed 

1  Two  lost  speeches  for  Iphicrates,  371  B.C.  and  354  b.c,  were 
pronounced  spurious  by  Dionysius  ;  but,  as  he  accepted  the  date  of 
Lysias'  birth  as  459  B.C.,  he  was  bound  to  conclude  that  these 
speeches  were  not  by  him. 


76  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

with  the  most  cultivated  society.  They  took  pride 
in  the  performance  of  all  public  services  which  fell 
to  their  share. 

Fortune  changed  for  the  sons  of  Cephalus  when  in 
404  B.C.  a  successful  revolution  brought  the  Thirty 
into  power ;  the  orator  himself  gives  a  graphic  de- 
scription of  the  way  in  which  their  ruin  was  brought 
about. 

The  Thirty,  he  tells  us,  *  avowed  that  they  must  purge 
the  city  of  wrongdoers,  and  turn  the  rest  of  the  citizens 
towards  virtue  and  j  us tice .  *  Two  of  the  leaders  pointed 
out  that  some  of  the  metoeci  were  discontented  with 
the  new  constitution  ;  these  metoeci  were  rich,  so  that 
their  execution  was  not  only  a  moral  duty  but  a  sound 
financial  move.  They  easily  prevailed  on  their  col- 
leagues, who,  as  Lysias  neatly  puts  it,  '  thought  nothing 
of  taking  hfe  but  thought  a  lot  of  making  money.' 
The  orator's  name  was  on  the  list,  and  he  was  arrested 
at  a  dinner-party  in  his  own  house.  He  describes 
what  followed  : 

'  I  asked  Piso  whether  he  would  save  my  life  for  money  ; 
he  said  he  would,  if  it  was  a  large  sum.  So  I  said  I  was 
ready  to  pay  a  talent,  and  he  agreed  to  the  terms.  I  knew 
well  enough  that  he  regarded  neither  god  nor  man,  but  I 
thought  my  only  chance  lay  in  trusting  him.  So  when  he 
had  sworn  by  his  own  and  his  children's  hope  of  salvation 
that  he  would  save  me  if  he  got  a  talent  for  it,  I  went  into 
my  strong-room  and  opened  the  chest. ' 

The  sight  of  its  contents,  amounting  to  about  six 

talents'  worth  of  gold  and  silver  as  well  as  a  quantity 

of  plate,  was  too  much  for  Piso's  honesty.     *  I  begged 

•  him  to  allow  me  enough  for  my  journey,  but  he  said 

I  ought  to  be  well  satisfied  if  I  saved  my  skin.' 


LYSIAS  77 

The  prisoner  was  handed  over  by  Piso  to  the  keeping 
of  Damnippus  and  Theognis  in  the  former's  house, 
and  Damnippus,  who  seems  to  have  been  softer- 
hearted  than  the  rest,  agreed  to  speak  with  Theognis 
on  Lysias'  behalf.  He  knew  his  man,  and  *  thought 
he  would  do  anything  for  money.'  While  they  were 
bargaining,  Lysias  managed  to  sUp  away  unnoticed 
through  the  back-door,  and  on  the  following  day 
escaped  on  ship-board  to  Megara ;  his  brother  Pole- 
marchus  was  arrested  by  Eratosthenes  and  put  to 
death.i 

During  his  exile,  which  lasted  something  less  than 
a  year,  Lysias  showed  himself  a  time  friend  of  the 
democracy.  He  gave  two  hundred  shields  to  the 
army  and  obtained  recruits  and  gifts  of  money.  When 
the  oligarchy  fell  in  403  B.C.  the  ecclesia,  on  the  motion 
of  Thrasybulus,  passed  a  vote  conferring  the  citizen- 
ship on  Lysias  ;  but  owing  to  some  informality  the 
decree  was  declared  illegal,  and  he  lost  his  privilege 
immediately.  From  this  time  till  about  380  B.C.  he 
was  actively  employed  in  writing  speeches,  very  few 
of  which  he  delivered  himself.  His  industry  must 
have  been  considerable,  since  Dionysius  attributed  to 
him  not  less  than  two  hundred  forensic  speeches. 

The  prosecution  of  Eratosthenes  in  403  B.C.  marks, 
so  far  as  we  know,  his  only  personal  contact  with 
Athenian  politics.  The  occasion  of  the  Olympiacus 
shows  us  Lysias  appealing  to  a  far  wider  audience 
at  the  Olympic  festival  of  388  B.C.  He  died,  according 
to  the  computation  of  the  ancients,  soon  after  380  B.C., 
at  the  age  of  about  eighty  years. 

1  Against  Eratosthenes,  §§  5-17. 


rr: 


78  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

§2 
In  literature  as  in  politics  we  grow  tired  of  hearing 
Aris tides  called  the  Just,  and  so  perfect  writers  are 
less  admired  than  they  should  be.  In  Latin  Terence, 
praised  by  all  for  the  purity  of  his  style,  is  less  read 
than  the  ruder  Plautus,  and  in  Greek  Lysias,  accounted 
by  ancient  critics  the  standard  writer  of  Attic  prose,i 
is  less  appreciated  than  Demosthenes.  * 

Using  the  everyday  language  as  a  literary  medium, 
Lysias,  by  his  exceptional  skill  and  mastery  over  its 
idiom,  exalted  it  to  a  simplicity  and  accuracy  of  ex- 
pression never  surpassed  by  other  writers.  This 
simphcity  is  deceptive  : 

*  ut  sibi  quivis 
Speret  idem,  sudet  multum  frustraque  laboret 
Ausus  idem.  * 

;  It  is  not  till  we  analyse  a  passage  or  try  to  imitate  the 
I  style  that  we  realize  how  great  a  part  has  been  played 
by  art  in  this  structure  which  seems  so  natural. 

The  smoothness  strikes  us,  after  a  time,  as  mono- 
tonous, and  many  readers  will  turn  with  rehef  from 
Lysias*  polish  to  the  more  telUng  ruggedness  of  Anti- 
phon,  or  the  varied  magnificence  of  Plato.  Lysias, 
in  fact,  provides  us  with  an  excellent  example  of  the 
purest  prose,  but  the  comparative  coarseness  of  the 
average  taste  prefers  something  less  refined,  less  care- 
fully purged  of  the  natural  impurities  which  prevent 
insipidity,  less  free  from  the  colouring  matter  which 
gives  character. 

So  far  I  have  considered  only  the  broad  impression 
produced  by  the  language,  apart  from  more  personal 
elements  in  style. 

^  Dion.,  de  Lysia,  ch.  2  :  r^s  'ArriKJJt  yXdrTrii  dpurrot  Kayiiv. 


LYSIAS  '  79 

As  an  orator,  Lysias  is,  on  first  acquaintance,  dis- 
appointing. He  seems  to  lack  fire,  and  to  subordinate 
vigour  to  precision. 

For  this  apparent  weakness  we  must  make  certain 
allowances.  We  must  remember  that  he  has  to  be 
judged  chiefly  by  speeches  written  for  others,  and 
speeches  deahng  with  cases  which  in  their  very  nature 
are  often  unimportant,  and  in  their  details  have  Httle 
interest. 

It  would  be  unreasonable  to  ask  for  any  other 
qualities  than  clear  statement  of  fact  in  a  speech  for 
the  prosecution  relating  to  embezzlement  by  a  trustee 
for  a  will  (Against  Diogiton),  or  in  the  indictment  of 
Nicomachus,  a  magistrate  who  has  not  rendered  his 
accounts  in  due  course.  Such  speeches  are  of  con- 
siderable importance  indirectly  :  to  the  jurist,  as  bear- 
ing upon  the  peculiarities  of  Attic  Law  ;  to  the  general 
reader,  because  they  help  to  fill  in  details  of  the  picture 
of  pubHc  and  private  life  at  Athens.  We  should  not 
pass  a  hasty  judgment  on  the  writer  because,  considered 
as  examples  of  oratory,  they  are  less  attractive  and 
impressive  than  some  of  the  more  famous  models. 

I  will  reserve  for  future  consideration  the  only 
speech  in  which  the  personal  feelings  of  Lysias  are 
deeply  involved — the  accusation  of  Eratosthenes.  Of 
the  other  speeches  there  is  none  which,  taken  as  a  whole, 
is  comparable  to  the  finest  of  the  pubhc  speeches  or 
the  harangues  of  Demosthenes.  Though  Lysias  had 
often  to  deal  with  trials  of  public  men,  these  trials 
were  never  really  of  public  importance.  It  was  not 
his  business  to  lay  down  a  definite  line  of  pohcy  for 
his  city  to  follow ;  it  was  not  for  him  to  awake  an 
apathetic  nation  to  the  need  of  instant  and  decisive 


8o  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

action.  We  cannot  believe  that  any  of  his  speeches 
would  appeal,  or  were  meant  to  appeal,  to  Athens  as 
a  whole. 

Even  when  he  is  dealing  with  events  that  took  place 
during  the  tyranny  of  the  Thirty,  though  no  doubt 
feeling  still  ran  high,  we  have  the  impression  that  only 
that  part  of  the  community  which  had  been  directly 
concerned  in  promoting  or  thwarting  the  Revolution 
would  be  keenly  interested  in  the  process  of  punishing 
or  rewarding  those  who  had  played  minor  parts  : 
^  the  majority  had  acquiesced,  with  greater  or  less  un- 
willingness, at  the  time  of  the  changes,  and  now  that 
the  trouble  was  past,  were  eager  to  make  the  best  of 
the  present ;  political  memory  at  Athens  was  short. 

The  position  of  Demosthenes  was  very  different ; 
his  chief  activity  was  not  after  a  crisis,  but  during  a 
time  of  national  danger.  He  foimd  great  opportunities 
and  he  rose  to  them. 

A  great  enthusiasm  is  required  to  produce  really 
great  men,  whether  orators  or  statesmen.  A  gifted 
man  under  the  influence  of  a  great  constructive  idea 
may,  with  exceptional  opportunities,  become  a  Pericles  ; 
an  extraordinarily  favourable  combination  of  such 
circumstances  may  give  birth  to  an  Alexander. 

In  modern  times  the  greatest  eloquence  is  usually 
V  on  the  side  of  the  opposition,  and  in  all  ages  a  losing 
cause  has  tended  to  produce  more  conspicuous  men. 

Demosthenes  owes  his  great  reputation  partly  to  his 
exceptional  ability,  but  in  very  large  part  also  to  his 
opportunities,  to  the  fact  that  he  was  fighting  against 
national  apathy  and  foreign  aggression  for  a  noble 
ideal — ^his  conception  of  Athenian  Liberty.  A  lesser 
intellect  might  have  shone  under  such  circumstances ; 


LYSIAS  8i 

and  on  the  other  hand  Demosthenes,  if  he  had  had  no 
opportunity  for  the  speeches  against  Philip,  might 
have  been  ranked  almost  in  the  same  class  with  such 
orators  as  Lysias. 

§3 

Lysias  is  no  less  simple  in  the  arrangement  of  his 
subject-matter  than  in  his  language.  Practically 
every  speech  which  has  come  down  to  us  in  entirety 
may  be  analysed  into  four  elements — preface,  narrative, 
proof,  and  epilogue.  The  preface  or  epilogue  may  be 
very  slight ;  the  narrative  may  be  so  self-evident  that 
proof  is  practically  unnecessary,  or  on  the  other  hand, 
there  may  be  hardly  any  facts  to  narrate,  so  that 
beyond  the  words  of  the  indictment  only  an  accumula- 
tion of  proofs  is  required ;  but  the  order  of  the  parts 
seems  to  be  invariable.  We  have  seen  that  Andocides 
instinctively  divided  up  his  narrative,  where  there  was 
a  long  story  to  tell,  and  interspersed  the  parts  with 
proofs  of  the  details.  Isocrates,  who  states  the 
necessity  of  the  divisions  which  Lysias  tacitly  adopted, 
himself  departs  from  his  own  rules  at  times,  while 
Isaeus,  by  a  judicious  subdivision  and  shifting  of  the 
parts,  contrives,  as  Dionysius  says,  to  *  outmanoeuvre  ' 
the  judges."^ 

Within  these  Hmits  Lysias  aimed  at  elasticity;- 
though  the  form  of  the  speech  was  to  be  settled  pre- 
cisely, his  artistic  sense  demanded  a  variety  in  the 
details.  It  is  remarked  by  Dionysius  that,  though 
he  composed  two  hundred  speeches,  he  never  used! 
the  same  preface  twice.  Some  orators  were  in  the 
habit  of  using  over  again  the  opening  sentences  which 
had  already  served  as  introduction  to  an  old  speech, 


82  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

and  even  borrowing  such  proems  whole  from  the 
speeches  of  their  predecessors  or  from  rhetorical  hand- 
books. 

Lysias,  with  a  truer  instinct  for  what  was  appro- 
priate, composed  for  every  speech  a  proem  adapted 
to  its  requirements.  His  versatihty  in  this  small 
matter  is  much  to  be  admired.  It  is  to  be  noticed 
also  that  there  is  considerable  variety  in  his  ways 
of  ending  his  speeches  ;  though  many  of  his  epilogues 
practically  say  the  same  thing  in  different  words, 
they  nearly  all  succeed  in  saying  it  in  a  way  more 
appropriate  to  the  particular  speech  than  to  any 
other. 

As  there  is  diversity  in  these  forms,  so  there  is  great 
variety  in  the  details  of  expression.  There  are  very 
few  formal  mannerisms  on  which  we  could  seize  if  we 
wished  to  produce  a  parody  of  the  style.  There  are 
indeed  one  or  two  common  necessary  phrases  which 
he  employed  frequently,  but  even  these  are  presented 
in  different  shape  from  time  to  time.^ 

§4 
Lysias  varies  greatly  in  the  structure  of  his  sentences, 
at  one  time  producing  periods  neatly  turned,  with 
clauses  carefully  balanced,  at  another  time  writing  in 
a  style  by  no  means  periodic  ;  again  varying  his  form 
by  mingling  the  two  methods,  inserting  in  the  middle 
of  the  period  a  parenthesis  or  relative  clause  which 
keeps  us  in  suspense,  or  attaching  to  the  end  of  the 
period  an  extra  limb  which,  from  a  technical  point 
of  view,  spoils  its  symmetry.     It  is  impossible  without 

^  E.g.  Setvby  S^  fioi  8okci  elvai.  el  vvv  fxev  .  .  .  rdre  8i,  etc.,  and  d^iov 
b'  evdvixTjdijvai  6ti  .  .  . 


LYSIAS  83 

quoting  a  large  number  of  examples  to  prove  these 
statements  in  detail,  but  we  may  state  broadly  that  in 
speeches  dealing  with  serious  matters  of  pubHc  interest 
the  style  is  more  periodic  ;  in  some  of  the  private 
speeches  on  comparatively  trivial  subjects  the  style  is 
simpler  and  more  straightforward. 

But  there  is  often  much  variety  within  the  limits 
of  the  same  speech  ;  as  Blass  and  others  have  pointed 
out,  the  narrative  is  usually  told  in  a  simple  style, ^ 
while  for  arguments  and  proofs  the  greater  elaboration 
of  the  period  is  employed.  As  I  have  pointed  out  in 
a  previous  chapter,  ^  narrative  and  argument  seem 
naturally  to  evoke  different  styles,  and  it  may  be  sup- 
posed further  that  the  juries  trying  the  more  serious 
cases  looked  for  a  more  finished  style  of  speech  than 
the  colloquial  simplicity  which  would  be  admissible 
in  minor  police-court  cases.  But  even  in  the  unim- 
portant private  speeches  Lysias  has  not  one  method 
only,  and  we  feel  that  he  varied  his  style  of  sentence- 
construction  to  suit  the  character  of  the  speaker  for 
whom  he  wrote.  Thus  the  youth  Mantitheus  is 
nearly  as  simple  in  speech  as  he  is  ingenuous  in  thought, 
while  the  cripple,  whom  we  feel  to  be  a  plausible 
rascal,  glibly  produces  strings  of  neat  antitheses,  such 
as  the  following  : 

'  The  rich  with  their  money  can  buy  exemption  from 
danger,  the  poor  are  compelled  by  their  indigence  to 
practise  moderation.  The  young  claim  indulgence  from 
their  elders,  but  both  young  and  old  are  equally  severe  on 
the  faults  of  the  others. 

*  Examples  are  numerous :  e.g.  the  speech  of  Polyaenus  [Foy  the 
Soldier,  §§  4-5)  shows  a  simplicity  in  narrative  which  Herodotus 
could  not  have  surpassed. 

'  Ch.  ii.  pp.  26-7. 


^M 


84  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

'  The  strong  have  the  opportunity,  without  risk  to  them- 
f'     selves,  of  ill-treating  whom  they  will ;  the  weak  can  neither 
defend  themselves  against  an  aggressor  when  they  are  ill- 
treated,  nor  overpower  their  intended  victims  when  they 
wish  to  ill-treat  others.'  ^ 


X 


§5 

The  variation  of  sentence -construction  is  a  minor 
help  towards  the  delineation  of  character — a  necessary 
part  of  the  business  of  a  professional  speech-writer 
who  tries  to  be  realistic.  But,  in  order  that  the  speech 
may  seem  appropriate  to  the  speaker,  it  is  necessary 
that  not  only  his  words  and  phrases  but  his  sentiments 
should  be  consonant  with  his  character.  This  effect 
Lysias  attempted  to  produce,  and  he  is  credited  with 
having  attained  great  success. 

We  may  to  some  extent  discover  from  the  speeches 
what  was  the  nature  of  the  speakers,  but  not  altogether, 
for  we  have  no  indication  as  to  tone  or  manner  of 
delivery. 

However,  from  data  of  various  kinds,  we  can  form 
conceptions  of  many  of  the  speakers.  Thus  the  de- 
fendant on  a  charge  of  receiving  bribes  (Or.  xxi.) 
gives  a  long  and  prosy  catalogue  of  his  services  to  the 
State,  with  an  accoimt  of  the  moneys  that  he  has  spent 
on  liturgies  (§§  i-io) ;  all  this  leads  up  to  his  conclusion 
that  he,  who  desired  little  for  himself  and  expended 
all  his  fortune  for  his  country's  good,  had  no  induce- 
ment to  take  bribes  to  injure  her. 

From  the  Mantitheus  we  get  quite  a   vivid  and 

^   pleasing  picture  of  a  young  Athenian  of  good  birth 

and    breeding,    who    ingenuously   admits    to    having 

1  For  the  Cripple,  §  7. 


LYSIAS  85 

some  fashionable  affectations  and  owns  to  an  over- 
powering ambition  to  distinguish  himself  as  a  speaker 
in  the  ecclesia,  as  he  has  already  done  good  service 
in  the  field. 

The  speech  throughout  is  frank  and  self-confident, 
but  not  by  any  means  boastful : 

*  From  such  records  as  these  you  ought  to  judge  a  man 
who  in  his  public  life  is  guided  by  ambition  combined  with 
moderation  ;  you  ought  not  to  detest  a  man  because  he 
does  his  hair  in  the  fashionable  way  :  such  habits  hurt 
nobody  personally,  and  do  no  harm  to  the  community ; 
while  all  of  you  alike  are  benefited  by  those  who  willingly 
face  your  enemies.  So  it  is  not  fair  either  to  love  or  to 
hate  any  one  on  account  of  his  looks ;  you  should  judge 
by  his  actions.  Many  people  who  talk  Httle  and  dress 
quietly  have  been  the  authors  of  great  harm,  while  others 
who  do  not  affect  such  deportment  have  done  you  great 
services.  .  .  . 

'  I  have  observed,  too,  that  some  people  are  offended 
with  me  because  I  have  ventured  to  speak  in  public  when 
I  am  in  their  opinion  too  young  :  but  in  the  first  place  I 
have  been  forced  to  speak  publicly  about  matters  which 
concern  me,  and  besides,  I  think  I  am  by  nature  somewhat 
excessively  ambitious. 

*  I  reflect  that  my  ancestors  have  never  ceased  to  serve 
the  State,  and — to  be  candid — I  observe  that  you  think 
that  such  people  alone  deserve  your  notice. 

'  Seeing  that  such  is  your  opinion,  who  would  not  be  en- 
couraged to  act  and  speak  on  the  State's  behalf  ?  And 
why  should  you  be  displeased  with  those  who  do  so  ?  No 
one  else  has  a  right  to  judge  them  ;  it  is  for  you  alone.'  ^ 

A  very  different  picture  is  that  of  the  cripple  (Ora- 
tion  xxiv.)    who    defends    himself    on    a    charge    of. 
receiving  a  State  pension  under  false  pretences.    He 

1  For  Mantitheus,  §§  18-21. 


\ 


86  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

seems  to  protest  too  much  about  his  infirmity,  his 
poverty,  and  his  general  helplessness,  while  he  keeps 
a  sneering  tone  throughout,  and  hardly  troubles  to 
conceal  a  malicious  temper  : 

*  I  am  almost  grateful  to  the  prosecutor  for  instituting 
this  trial.  Hitherto  I  have  had  no  pretext  for  giving 
you  an  account  of  my  life  :  now  I  have  obtained  one — 
through  him.  In  my  speech  I  shall  attempt  to  show  that 
he  is  a  liar,  and  that  up  to  the  present  day  my  life  has  been 
one  that  should  win  praise  rather  than  be  exposed  to 
jealousy,  for  I  cannot  think  that  he  has  brought  me  to  trial 
from  any  other  motive  than  jealousy.  But  if  a  man  feels 
jealousy  towards  one  whom  all  others  pity,  what  baseness 
will  he  not  sink  to,  do  you  suppose  ? 

*  It  is  not  to  gain  money  that  he  has  laid  this  infor- 
mation, and  he  is  not  trying  to  punish  an  enemy  ;  he  is  a 
bad  character,  with  whom  I  have  had  no  dealings  either 
friendly  or  hostile.  So  it  is  clear,  Gentlemen,  that  he  is 
jealous  of  me  because,  though  thus  afflicted,  I  am  a  better 
citizen  than  he  is.  For  I  think  that  one  should  compensate 
for  bodily  misfortunes  by  good  habits  of  mind  ;  and  if  I 
show  a  disposition  of  mind  to  match  my  unfortunate  body, 
and  fashion  my  Ufe  accordingly,  I  shall  be  as  bad  as  he 
is.  .  .  .'1 

'  As  to  my  riding,  which  he  has  had  the  audacity  to  men- 
tion, having  no  fear  of  fortune  or  respect  for  you,  there  is 
not  much  to  say.  I  know  that  all  who  labour  under  any 
incapacity  seek  some  such  relief,  and  speculate  how  best 
they  may  alleviate  their  suffering.  I  am  one  of  this  class, 
and,  being  afflicted  as  you  see,  have  found  riding  a  great 
comfort  for  a  journey  of  any  length.  .  .  . 

'  If  I  had  the  means,  I  would  ride  in  comfort  on  a  mule, 
instead  of  a  borrowed  horse  ;  but  as  I  cannot  afford  a  beast 
of  my  own,  I  am  compelled  often  to  use  a  borrowed  horse. 
...  I  am  surprised  that  he  does  not  make  it  a  ground  for 

1  For  the  Cripple,  §§  1-3. 


LYSIAS  ?^7 

accusation  that  I  walk  with  two  sticks,  while  others  use 
one — on  the  plea  that  only  the  affluent  can  afford  two. '  ^ 

*  Again,  he  says  that  I  associate  with  numerous  bad  ^ 
characters  who  have  spent  all  their  own  money,  and  are 
plotting  against  those  who  want  to  keep  what  belongs  to 
them.  But  reflect  that  this  accusation  does  not  hit  me 
more  than  anybody  else  who  practises  a  trade  ;  nor  does 
it  apply  to  my  visitors  more  than  those  of  the  rest  of  the 
working-class.  Every  one  of  you  pays  visits  to  the  per- 
fumer, the  barber,  the  shoemaker,  or  any  tradesman,  and 
most  people  go  to  the  establishments  nearest  the  market- 
place, and  fewest  to  those  farthest  away.  So  if  you  con- 
demn my  visitors  as  scoundrels,  it  is  clear  that  you  must 
equally  condemn  those  who  spend  their  time  in  other 
people's  shops  ;  and  if  they  are  guilty,  all  the  inhabitants 
of  Athens  must  be  ;  for  you  are  all  in  the  habit  of  paying 
visits  and  spending  your  time  somewhere  or  other.'  ^ 

Another  good  example  of  this  realism  in  depicting 
character  is  the  speech  de  Caede  Eratosthenis.  Lysias  ~f^ 
seems  to  have  given  us  just  the  kind  of  speech  that 
is  appropriate  to  a  rather  stupid  man  of  the  lower 
middle  classes  who,  by  his  own  showing,  is  no  better 
than  his  neighbours,  though  no  worse.  Incidentally, 
the  whole  speech  is  an  important  contribution  to  our 
knowledge  of  domestic  arrangements  in  an  Athenian 
home  : 

'  So  things  went  on,  till  one  day  I  returned  unexpectedly 
from  the  country.  After  dinner  the  baby  was  crying  and 
fidgeting — ^the  servant  had  been  teasing  it  on  purpose,  to 
make  it  cry,  for  Eratosthenes  was  in  the  house  :  I  heard 
all  about  that  afterwards. — I  told  my  wife  to  go  and  feed 
the  baby,  to  stop  it  crying.  She  refused  at  first,  pretending 
to  be  glad  to  have  me  back  after  so  long  ;  but  when  I  grew 
annoyed  and  told  her  again  to  go,  "  Yes,"  said  she,"  and 

1  For  the  Cripple,  parts  of  §§  10-12,  *  Ibid.,  §§  19-20. 


88  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

leave  you  and  the  servant  alone  up  here  ;  I  know  how  you 
behaved  one  night  when  you  were  drunk."  I  laughed,  but 
she  got  up  and  went  away  and  shut  the  door,  treating  it  as 
a  joke,  and  drew  the  bolt  outside.  I  thought  nothing  of  it, 
and  had  no  suspicion,  and  was  glad  to  go  to  sleep  after  my 
day's  work  in  the  country.  Early  in  the  morning  she  came 
back  and  opened  the  door,  and  when  I  asked  why  the  doors 
had  banged  in  the  night,  she  told  me  that  the  lamp  beside 
the  child's  bed  had  gone  out,  and  she  had  fetched  a  light 
from  a  neighbour.  I  made  no  remark,  supposing  that  this 
was  the  truth.  I  had  an  idea  that  her  face  was  powdered, 
although  her  brother  had  died  less  than  a  month  ago  ;  but 
for  all  that  I  said  nothing  more  about  it,  and  left  the  house 
and  went  on  my  business  without  comment.'  ^ 

§6 

Though  Lysias  shows  dramatic  instinct  in  the 
representation  of  character,  he  seldom  employs 
theatrical  effects  for  the  purpose  of  overpowering  the 
feelings  of  the  court.  He  trusts  more  to  logic  than 
to  the  elements  of  pity  and  terror,  and  shows  a  modera- 
tion of  language  comparable  to  the  self-restraint 
which  characterizes  his  style  in  general.  He  avoids 
exaggeration  of  every  kind  ;  even  the  story  of  his  own 
arrest  is  told  in  a  dispassionate,  almost  impersonal 
style. 2  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Lysias  thus  gains 
greatly  in  dignity.  The  prison  scene  described  by 
Andocides  ^  may  appeal  more  to  our  feelings,  but 
certainly  more  impressive  is  the  solemnity  of  a  similar 
scene  in  Lysias  : 

*  When  they  were  condemned  to  death,  and  their  end 
was  near,  they  sent  for  various  kinswomen — sister,  mother, 
wife,  as  the  case  might  be — to  visit  them  in  prison,  in  order 

*  de  Caede  Eratosthenis,  §§  11-14. 

*  Supra,  p.  76.  '  Supra,  p.  62, 


LYSIAS  89 

that  they  might,  before  they  died,  bid  them  a  last  farewell. 
Dionysodorus  sent  for  my  sister,  who  was  his  wife.     Re- 
,  ceiving  the  message,  she  came  dressed  in  mourning  as  a  fit 
tribute  to  her  husband's  condition.'  ^ 

The  prisoner  then  disposed  of  his  property,  and 
'  solemnly  warned  his  wife,  if  she  should  bear  a  son, 
to  tell  the  child  that  Agoratus  had  killed  his  father, 
and  bid  him  take  vengeance  on  the  murderer.' 

There  is  no  hint  here  of  such  weeping  and  wailing 
as  Andocides  describes  ;  nothing  but  the  quiet  pathos 
of  the  story  itself  to  work  upon  the  feelings.  To  a 
certain  class  of  audience  this  style  would  appeal  more 
truly  than  any  extravagance  of  grief,  and  passages  of 
this  kind  should  be  enough  to  refute  the  common 
charge  against  Lysias  that  he  lacks  pathos. 

§7 

Lysias  was  not  without  a  sense  of  humour,  and 
sometimes  employed  sarcasm  which  could  be  delicate 
•  and  playful  or  bitter  to  the  point  of  brutality  according 
to  circumstances ;  thus  in  the  Epitaphios  he  remarks 
how  the  Persians  thought  that  their  best  chance  of 
success  would  be  to  invade  Greece  *  while  Greece  was 
still  quarrelling  as  to  the  best  means  of  defence  against 
invasion.'  2 

Other  sentences  may  be  found  in  the  speech 
For  the  Cripple.'^  Sometimes  a  sarcastic  reference 
is  introduced  by  a  play  on  words — as  Bovkeveiv — 
BovXevecv  in  Philo,  §  26 — '  He  desires  the  position  of 
a  public  servant ;  that  of  a  public  slave  is  what  he 
deserves.'     Out  of  several  instances  in  the  Nicomachus 

1  Agoratus,  §§  39-40. 

2  Vide  infra,  p.  92,  on  the  question  of  authenticity. 
?  Supra,  pp.  83  sqq. 


90  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

one  may  be  quoted,  in  comparison  with  a  rather  similar 
passage  in  Andocides :  '  He  has  now  become  a  citizen 
instead  of  a  slave,  a  rich  man  instead  of  a  poor  man, 
a  legislator  instead  of  an  under-clerk/ 

This  is  far  less  effective  than  the  unexpected  turn 
which  Andocides  gives  to  a  similar  passage. ^ 

Finally,  the  fragment  of  the  speech  against  Aeschines 
the  Socratic  contains  a  long  humorous  passage. 
Aeschines  has  a  mania  for  borrowing  money  which 
he  never  repays.  '  His  neighbours  are  so  badly  treated 
by  him  that  they  all  move  as  soon  as  they  can  and 
take  houses  at  a  distance.  .  .  .  The  crowd  of  creditors 
round  his  doors  at  daybreak  makes  people  think  they 
are  assembling  for  a  funeral,'  and  so  on,  in  a  comic 
vein,  till  the  speaker  ends  with  a  spiteful  remark 
about  Aeschines'  mistress,  that  '  you  could  count  her 
teeth  more  easily  than  the  fingers  of  her  hand.' 

§8 

Lysias  composed  an  extraordinary  number  of 
speeches ;  of  the  425  attributed  to  him,  Dionysius 
pronounced  233  to  be  genuine. 2  There  are  now 
T^  extant  thirty-four,  either  complete  or,  in  some  cases, 
with  portions  missing.  A  hundred  and  twenty-seven 
speeches  are  known  by  the  preservation  of  their  titles 
or  of  small  fragments. 

As  we  cannot  trace  with  any  certainty  a  chronological 
development  in  style,  the  most  convenient  classification 
of  the  speeches  is  according  to  their  subject-matter. 

*  Lysias,  Nicomachus,  §  27  ;  Andocides,  de  Myst.,  §  93,  quoted 
inffa,  p.  96. 

*  Ps.-Plut.,  Lives  of  the  Ten  Orators ;  Dion,,  de  Lys,,  ch.  17,  diaxofflvy 
ovK  iXdffaovs  diKayiKovs  ypd\f/as  \6yovs. 


LYSIAS  91 

Epideictic  Speeches 

The  fragment  of  the  *  Ol5mipiac '  speech,  which  is  X 
undoubtedly  genuine,  is  an  interesting  specimen  of 
compositions  of  this  class. 

The  Sophists  had  early  realized  the  opportunities 
which  the  great  assembly  of  all  Greek  States  gave  for 
an  expression  of  national  feehng,  and  though  perhaps 
the  speech-making  was  instituted  chiefly  for  the 
display  of  oratory,  the  custom  had  grown  up  of  making 
it  an  occasion  for  discussing  broad  political  questions. 
Thus  Gorgias  had  preached  the  necessity  of  union 
among  Greeks,  and  in  later  time  Isocrates  in  his 
Panegyric  was  to  urge  again  the  need  of  putting  aside 
petty  disputes  among  cities  for  the  good  of  the  Greek 
nation. 

In    388    B.C.   Dionysius   of    Syracuse    had  sent   a  -  , 
magnificent  embassy  to  the  Olympic  festival.     Lysias, 
realizing  that  this  despot  of  the  West,  who  had  reduced 
important  cities  of  Sicily,  had  defeated  Carthage,  and 
was  now  threatening  the  towns  of  Magna  Graecia,     ;  ^' 
might  become,  especially  if  allied  with  Persia,  a  serious  .  C^;**^ 
menace  to  the  independence  of  the  cities  of  Greece         * 
proper,  urged  them  to  sink  their  private  animosities 
for  the  good  of  all,  and  as  a  foretaste  of  their  enmity 
he  called  upon  them  to  tear  down  the  royal  pavilion 
at  Olympia  and  scatter  its  treasures. 

In  the  extant  fragment  the  speaker  warns  his  hearers 
that  much  of  the  Greek  world  is  in  the  hands  of  tyrants, 
and  much  under  barbarian  sway.  This  is  owing  to  the 
weakness  caused  by  internal  discord.  Empire  depends 
on  command  of  the  seas,  and  Dionysius  and  Artaxerxes 
are  both  strong  in  ships. 


92  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

'  You  ought  therefore  to  lay  aside  your  war  with  each 
other,  and  by  harmonious  action  make  a  bid  for  safety  ; 
you  should  view  the  past  with  shame  and  the  future  with 
apprehension. ' 

He  invites  Sparta  to  take  the  lead.  The  substance 
of  the  end  of  the  speech  is  known  to  us  only  from  the 
*  argument/  but  the  fragment  is  long  enough  to  be 
judged  as  a  simple  yet  dignified  composition. 

The  Epitaphios  or  Funeral  Speech  purports  to  relate 
to  the  Athenians  who  fell  in  the  Corinthian  war^ 
c.  394  B.C.,  though  it  is  impossible  to  determine  the 
year  precisely. 

Such  speeches  were  habitually  delivered  at  Athens, 
a  speaker  of  estabUshed  reputation  being  generally 
chosen  to  perform  the  service.  Now  Lysias,  not  being 
a  citizen,  could  not  be  so  chosen,  and,  if  the  speech 
was  really  delivered,  he  can  hardly  have  composed 
it ;  for  a  practised  public  speaker  would  probably  not 
require  the  services  of  a  professional  logographos.^ 

An  extract  from  the  peroration  will  give  a  general 
idea  of  the  style  : 

*  And  so  we  may  deem  these  men  most  happy,  in  that 
they  faced  and  met  their  end  on  behalf  of  all  that  is  great 
and  noble,  not  committing  themselves  to  chance,  nor  await- 
ing the  death  that  comes  in  nature's  course,  but  choosing 
the  noblest  way  of  dying. 

'  For  their  memory  is  ageless,  and  their  honour  is  envied 
of  all  men  ;  we  mourn  for  them  as  mortal  in  their  nature, 
but  we  celebrate  them  as  immortal  for  their  valour.  They 
are  receiving  a  pubhc  funeral,  and  in  their  honour  we  in- 
stitute displays  of  strength  and  wisdom  and  wealth,  hold- 
ing them  who  have  died  in  battle  worthy  to  be  honoured 

^  However,  Socrates,  in  Plato's  Menexenus,  236  b,  suggests  that 
Pericles'  famous  Funeral  Speech  was  composed  for  him  by  Apasia. 


LYSIAS  93 

with  the  same  honour  as  the  immortals.  So  I  call  them 
happy  in  their  death,  and  envy  them  therefor,  and  think 
it  should  be  said  that  life  was  worth  the  possessing  only 
for  those  men  who,  endowed  with  mortal  bodies,  have  left 
behind  them  through  their  valour  a  memorial  that  is  im- 
mortal. Still,  we  must  follow  ancient  custom,  and,  obeying 
the  law  of  our  fathers,  make  lamentation  for  those  whom 
we  are  burying  to-day. '  ^ 

There  is  nothing  striking  or  original  in  this  perora- 
tion, which  recalls  the  fragment  of  the  funeral  speech  of 
Gorgias,  especially  in  the  forced  and  repeated  contrasts 
between  '  mortal '  and  *  immortal.'  In  manner  and 
in  substance  it  is  infinitely  inferior  to  the  famous 
speech  of  Pericles,  which,  with  all  its  extravagances  of 
style,  has  a  note  of  true  feeling.  The  Epitaphios  of  ?  | 
Lysias  rings  hollow  ;  it  is  feeble  in  imagery,  it  contains 
very  little  reference  to  the  dead,  and  holds  out  no  hope 
of  comfort  to  the  living.  The  allusions  to  the  Persian 
war  are  part  of  the  rhetorical  paraphernalia  such  as 
stirred  the  bile  of  Aristophanes,  while  the  historical 
references  to  the  supposed  circumstances  of  the  speech 
are  so  vague  as  not  to  be  appropriate  to  any  particular 
occasion. 

On  internal  evidence,  therefore,  we  may  well  believe 
that  it  is  not  a  real  speech,  but  a  declamatory  exercise. 

There  is  the  further  question,  whether  it  was  com- 
posed by  Lysias  or  not. 

The  composer  of  a  *  declamatio  *  may  allow  himself 
liberties  which  he  would  not  take  in  a  real  speech  ; 
yet  it  is  hard  to  believe  that  Lysias  would  have  com- 
mitted such  faults  of  taste  as  to  drag  the  wars  of  the 
Amazons  into  discussion  or  to  indulge  in  the  exaggera- 
tions of  the  opening  sections  :   '  All  time  would  not 

1  EpU.,  §§  79-Si. 


-^x 


94  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

be  enough  for  all  men  to  prepare  a  speech  adequate 
to  such  deeds ! '  and  again,  '  Everywhere  and  among 
all  men  do  those  who  mourn  for  their  own  sorrows 
proclaim  the  valour  of  these  dead  !  ' 

This  is  not  appropriate  to  the  Corinthian  war  nor 
to  any  war  in  the  lifetime  of  Lysias,  and  Lysias  did 
not  elsewhere  say  things  so  inappropriate. ^ 

The  speech  is  probably  an  exercise  composed  by  a 
writer  who  had  before  him  the  speech  of  Pericles  and 
other  such  compositions.  It  is  actually  quoted  by 
Aristotle,  who,  however,  does  not  assign  it  to  Lysias.^ 
The  general  lack  of  restraint  in  tone  is  suspicious,  and 
is,  on  the  whole,  the  strongest  argument  against 
authenticity. 

Only  one  fragment  (Or.  xxxiv.)  remains  of  a 
speech  composed  for  the  ecclesia.  According  to  its 
title,  it  was  delivered  in  opposition  to  some  proposals 
to  abolish  or  limit  the  ancient  constitution  after  the 
fall  of  the  Thirty  (403^  B.C.).  Dionysius  doubts  whether 
it  was  actually  deHvered,  but  considers  it  to  be  written 
in  a  style  suitable  for  debate. ^  It  is  significant  his- 
torically that  the  speaker  dares  to  compare  the  position 
of  Athens  in  relation  to  Sparta  with  that  of  Argos  and 
Mantineia.  The  Athenians  must  have  been  broken 
in  spirit  to  tolerate  such  a  reference. 

Public  Causes 

These  ypa(f>aL  fall  under  various  heads ;  they  deal 
with  all  offences  against  the  State,  directly  compris- 
ing treason,  sacrilege,  embezzlement,  unconstitutional 

1  The  reference  to  the  Amazons  and  the  general  vagueness  of  the 
historical  setting  are  closely  paralleled  by  the  Funeral  Speech  in 
Plato's  Menexenus,  which  is  generally  regarded  as  a  parody. 

*  Rhet.,  III.  10.  7.  ^  de  Lys.,  ch.  32. 


LYSIAS  95 

procedure,  evasion  of  military  service,  wrongful  claims 
for  admission  to  office  ;  or  against  the  State  in  the 
person  of  an  individual,  e.g.  charges  of  murder  or 
attempted  murder. 

They  range  in  importance  from  high  treason  (e.g. 
Ergocles)  and  dehberate  murder  [e.g.  Eratosthenes)  to 
the  attempt  of  the  Cripple  (Or.  xxiv.)  to  obtain  an 
insignificant  pension  by  alleged  false  pretences. 

For  Polystratus  (Or.  xx.),  411-405  B.C.  This  speech 
is  entitled  '  For  Polystratus ;  defence  on  a  charge  of 
attempting  to  subvert  the  democracy.' 

Polystratus  had  held  office  imder  the  Four  Hundred, 
and  had  even  been  a  member  of  that  body.  The 
nature  of  the  charge  brought  against  him  is  uncertain, 
but  as  the  penalty  proposed  was  only  a  fine,  it  cannot 
have  been  so  serious  as  the  title  implies.  Modem 
critics  decide  that  the  speech  is  spurious,  entirely  on 
grounds  of  style  and  method.  The  arrangement  is 
at  times  confused,  the  argument  obscure,  and  the 
style  weak. 

This  kind  of  argument  against  genuineness  must 
always  be  a  subjective  one  ;  it  is  hard  to  prove  the  case. 
The  speech  Against  Theomnestus  [see  below,  p.  100)  has 
faults  imworthy  of  Lysias,  and  yet,  according  to  the 
same  critics,  it  is  undoubtedly  genuine. 

It  should  be  remembered  that  the  present  speech  is 
earlier  by  some  years  {c.  407  B.C.)  than  any  of  the 
orations  accepted  as  genuine,  and  perhaps  in  the  case 
of  an  orator's  earlier  efforts  we  should  look  for  less 
precision  and  finish. 

Or.  xxi.,  on  a  charge  of  taking  bribes,  is  only  the 
second  half  of  the  speech.     The  first  part,  dealing  with 


.vV 


96  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

specific  charges,  is  lost.  The  defendant  points  to  his 
distinguished  pubhc  services  as  a  proof  that  he  is  not 
the  sort  of  man  to  be  bribed  to  betray  his  country. 
The  date  is  probably  402  B.C. 

Against  Ergocles  (Or.  xxviii.).  Against  Eptcrates 
(Or.  xxvii.),  and  Against  Philocrates  (Or.  xxix.)  may 
be  taken  together  as  speeches  delivered  by  a  public 
prosecutor,  all  in  the  year  389  B.C.  ;  they  assume  that 
the  previous  speakers  have  gone  fully  into  the  charges, 
so  that  they  themselves  need  only  recapitulate  them. 
The  speakers  are  vigorous  and  concise,  but  impersonal. 
There  was  no  need  in  such  formal  orations  for  the  kind 
of  adaptation  to  the  speaker's  character  which  we  find 
elsewhere.  Ergocles  was  prosecuted  and  put  to  death 
for  betraying  Greek  cities  in  Asia  and  enriching  himself 
by  embezzlement.  Philocrates  had  been  his  subor- 
dinate and  confederate.  Epicrates  was  also  accused 
of  embezzling  pubhc  money  when  in  a  position  of 
trust. 

Against  Nicomachus  (Or.  xxx.),  date  probably 
399  B.C. — The  only  charges  against  Nicomachus  are 
that,  having  been  appointed  to  revise  certain  laws,  he 
was  dilatory  in  his  work  and  did  not  finish  it  within 
the  appointed  time,  and  has  caused  an  excessive  ex- 
penditure of  public  money — ^not,  be  it  noted,  for  his 
own  advantage.  Though  Nicomachus  at  the  worst 
was  unbusinesshke  and  indiscreet,  the  accuser  thinks 
fit  to  shower  abuse  on  him,  chiefly  in  connection  with 
his  humble  origin,  for  his  father  was  a  freedman.^ 

Against  the  Corn-dealers  (Or.  xxii.)  is  a  plain,  unpre- 
tentious speech  arising  out  of  the  laws  relating  to  the 

1  Cf.  supra,  p.  90. 


LYSIAS  97 

com  supply ;  the  dealers  were  not  allowed  to  make 
a  profit  of  more  than  one  obol  a  bushel,  and  monopoly 
was  strictly  guarded  against.  The  date  is  imcertain  ; 
possibly  about  390  B.C. 

On  the  Confiscation  of  the  Property  of  the  Brother  of 
Nicias  (Or.  xviii.),  about  396-385  B.C. — Nicias'  brother 
Eucrates  was  put  to  death  by  the  Thirty  in  404  B.C., 
and  at  some  time  later  a  decree  was  passed  for  the 
confiscation  of  his  estate.  The  sons  and  nephew  of 
Eucrates  plead  against  the  enforcement  of  this  sen- 
tence. Of  the  fragment  which  remains  the  greater 
part  consists  of  an  appeal  to  pity,  which  is  very  un- 
usual in  the  speeches  of  Lysias. 

For  the  Soldier  (Or.  ix.),  394-387  B.C. ;  a  defence  of 
Polyaenus,  who  is  prosecuted  for  non-payment  of  a 
fine,  is  of  doubtful  authenticity,  though  the  arguments 
concerning  it  are  not  conclusive. 

On  the  Property  of  Aristophanes  (Or.  xix.),  387  B.C., 
is  another  case  dealing  with  confiscation.  The  speech 
is  very  carefully  constructed  to  meet  what  was  evidently 
a  difficult  case. 

Against  Evandrus  (Or.  xxvi.),  382  B.C. — This  is  a 
considerable  fragment  of  a  speech  relating  to  a  scrutiny 
(SoKifiaala).  Leodamas,  the  first  man  to  be  elected 
as  archon  for  the  year  381  B.C.,  having  been  rejected 
as  unfit,  the  second  choice,  Evandrus,  becomes  archon 
if  he  can  pass  the  scrutiny ;  but  his  enemies  refer  to 
his  actions  in  the  time  of  the  oligarchy,  and,  while 
admitting  that  he  has  been  blameless  since  the  Re- 
storation, refuse  him  all  credit  for  this.     The  bitterness 


98  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

'^    and  injustice  of  this  speech  are  unusual  in  Lysias,  but 
its  genuineness  is  not  suspected. 

For  Mantitheus  (Or.  xvi.),^  about  392  B.C. ;  Against 
Philo  (Or.  xxxi.),  405-395  B.C.  ;  and  the  wrongly 
entitled  Defence  on  a  charge  of  subversion  of  the  demo- 
cracy (Or.  XXV.),  402-400  B.C.,  are  all  concerned  with 
SoKCfiaa-la.  There  is  more  bitterness  in  the  Kara 
^lX(ovo<i  than  in  the  speech  against  Evandrus,  but  with 
more  justification,  for  Philo,  if  the  stories  told  of  him 
are  true,  must  have  been  a  very  objectionable  scoundrel. 

The  speech  For  the  Cripple  (Or.  xxiv.),  about  400  B.C., 
V'  is  also  concerned  with  a  EoKifiaarla,  though  of  a  different 
kind.  A  pension  was  given  by  the  State  to  certain 
persons  who  could  not,  on  account  of  bodily  infirmity, 
support  themselves,  and  had  no  other  means  of  Hving. 
The  defendant  in  this  case  is  accused  of  claiming  the 
pension,  whereas  he  is  comparatively  well  off.^ 

Against  Eratosthenes  (Or.  xii.),  403  B.C. — This,  the 
^  most  famous  of  Lysias'  speeches,  has  been  to  some 
extent  dealt  with  already.^  It  is  generally  classed  as 
a  speech  in  a  prosecution  for  murder,  but  it  seems 
more  probable  that  it  was  delivered  on  the  occasion 
of  the  evSvva  of  Eratosthenes ;  for  the  amnesty 
passed  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Thirty  specially 
provided  that  any  of  them  who  chose  to  give  an 
account  of  their  actions  should  receive  a  fair  trial."* 
Eratosthenes  and  Pheidon  were  the  only  two  who 
embraced  this  opportunity. 

The  latter  view  finds  some  support  in  the  fact  that 
only  the  first  part  of  the  speech  (§§  1-37)  deals  with 

1  Vide  supra,  p.  85.  ^  Vide  sttpra,  pp.  85-6. 

»  Supra,  pp.  76-7.  *  Andoc,  de  Myst.,  §  90. 


LYSIAS  99 

the  murder  of  Polemarchus ;  the  longer  portion 
(§§  37-100)  deals  more  generally  with  the  character 
of  Eratosthenes  and  the  crimes  of  the  Thirty  in  general. 

Against  Agoratus  (Or.  xiii.),  400-398  B.C. — Agoratus, 
an  informer,  is  prosecuted  for  having  caused  the  death 
of  the  speaker's  cousin,  Dionysodorus.  There  is  much 
historical  matter  in  the  speech,  but  the  accuser  keeps 
definitely  to  the  charge  of  murder,  touching  on  political 
matters  only  incidentally. 

On  the  Murder  of  Eratosthenes  (Or.  i.),  date  uncertain, 
is  of  interest  chiefly  as  illustrating  domestic  life  among 
the  middle  class  at  Athens. ^ 

Defence  against  Simon  (Or.  iii.),  after  394  B.C.  ; 
and  On  wounding  with  intent  (Or.  iv.),  date  uncertain, 
are  both  speeches  in  defence  on  the  charge  of  wounding 
with  intent  to  kill  {rpavfiarof;  i/c  7rpovola<;).  The  de- 
fendant in  the  latter,  wishing  to  prove  that  he  was 
formerly  on  good  terms  with  the  prosecutor,  tells  an  Cv 
extraordinary  story  of  corruption.  The  prosecutor 
was  nominated  by  the  defendant  as  judge  at  the 
Dionysia,  on  the  understanding  that,  if  elected,  he 
should  award  the  prize  to  the  latter' s  tribe.  He  left 
a  written  note  of  this  agreement ;  but  unfortunately 
he  was  not  elected,  so  that  the  prize  went  to  a  chorus 
which  either  sang  better  or  organized  its  corrupt 
practices  with  more  skill. ^ 

For  Callias  (Or.  v.),  date  uncertain,  is  a  defence, 
apparently,  on  a  charge  of  sacrilege.  The  precise 
charge  is  unknown. 

On  the  Sacred  Olive  (Or.  vii.),  about  395  B.C.,  is  in 
defence  of  a  man  charged  with  uprooting  the  stump  of 

1   Vide  supra,  p.  87.  *  §  3« 


100  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

a  sacred  olive — a  sacrilege  punishable  by  banishment 
and  confiscation  of  property. 

Against  Alcihiades,  I.  and  II.  (Or.  xiv.  and  Or.  xv.), 
about  395  B.C. — The  first  is  on  a  charge  of  desertion, 
the  second  of  avoiding  mihtary  service — two  different 
aspects  of  the  same  offence.     The  defendant,  a  son 

^  of  the  great  Alcibiades,  had  presumed  to  serve  in  the 
cavalry  when  he  was  only  entitled  to  be  a  hopUte. 
The  yoimg  Alcibiades  evidently  paid  for  the  sins  of 

f  his  father,  to  whom  half  of  the  present  indictment  is 
devoted.  On  this  point  we  may  compare  the  subject- 
matter  of  the  speech  of  Isocrates  in  defence  of  Alci- 
biades,^  and  the  speech  against  him  which  is  attributed 
to  Andocides,  but  is  probably  a  later  work.^ 

Private  Speeches 

Against  Theomnestus  (Or.  x.),  384-383  B.C.,  is  a  speech 
for  the  prosecution  in  an  action  for  defamation.  The 
speaker  deals  at  quite  disproportionate  length  with  a 
verbal  quibble  by  which  the  defendant  has  tried  to 
escape  justice.  The  argument  is  ingenious,  but  owing 
to  the  slightness  of  the  subject-matter  the  speech  has 
no  interest  except  to  students  of  method.^ 

Against  Diogiton  (Or.  xxxii.),  400  B.C.,  is  a  truly 
■-:  excellent  statement  of  the  case  against  a  dishonest 
guardian.     In    addition   to    the   skilful   handling    of 
financial  details,  there  is  much  dramatic  skill  in  de- 
scription and  suggestion  of  character. 

On  the  Property  of  Eraton  (Or.  xvii.),  397  B.C. — This 
speech  occurred  in  a  BiaBcKaa-U  between  an  individual 

1   Vide  infra,  p.  150.  -  Vide  supra,  p.  72. 

^  The  second  speech  with  the  same  title  is  only  an  epitome  of 
the  first. 


LYSIAS     ([  ,-,  \    ;;>'Oi;i^>/: 

and  the  State.  The  speaker  asserts  a  claim  to  the 
property  of  Eraton  (which  has  been  confiscated),  for 
the  repayment  of  a  debt. 

Against  Pancleon  (Or.  xxiii.),  date  uncertadn. — 
Pancleon,  accused  on  some  unknown  charge,  and  sup- 
posed by  the  prosecutor  to  be  a  metoecus,  has  put  in 
a  plea  that  he  is  a  Plataean  citizen  and  therefore  not 
amenable  to  the  law  under  which  he  was  indicted. 
He  turns  out  after  all  to  be  a  runaway  slave. 

These  last  two  speeches  consist  almost  entirely  of 
narrative. 

Spurious  or  Doubtful  Speeches 

Against  Andocides  (Or.  vi.),  399  B.C. — It  is  generally 
beheved  that  this  speech  is  not  by  Lysias,  the  most  - '' 
serious  argument  being  that  the  writer  of  it  is  a 
blunderer.  As  J  ebb  points  out,  he  makes  at  least 
three  damaging  admissions  calculated  seriously  to 
injure  his  own  case.  It  may,  however,  reaUy  be  a 
speech  dehvered  against  Andocides.  It  contains  some 
statements  which  do  not  agree  with  Andocides'  own 
admissions,  but,  as  we  have  seen,  it  cannot  be  proved 
that  Andocides  was  always  veracious.  On  the  groimd 
of  general  agreement  with  Andocides'  statements  we 
may  believe  that  it  was  composed  by  some  contempo- 
rary orator,  and  not,  as  has  been  sometimes  asserted, 
by  a  late  Sophist.  It  may  have  been  actually  de- 
livered at  the  trial  of  Andocides  in  399  B.C. 

Eroticus. — Phaedrus,  in  the  dialogue  of  Plato  which 
bears  his  name,  reads  aloud  a  speech  of  Lysias  which  -)^ 
Socrates  criticizes. 

If  Plato  could  be  taken  literally,  we  should  believe 


^■-s^ 


\    ro^  ;  0   n  J^HE  (rREEK  ORATORS 

that  what  is  read  was  the  authentic  work  of  Lysias  ) 
but  Plato  is  if  anything  too  emphatic  in  his  attempts 
to  produce  this  illusion,  and  most  readers  will  pro- 
bably be  left  with  the  impression  that  Plato  is  follow- 
ing his  usual  custom  ;  he  tries  to  give  his  myths  the 
solemnity  of  fact,  and  what  he  produces  here  is  an 
imitation  too  close  to  be  called  a  parody.  We  may 
compare  Plato's  reproduction  of  Aspasia's  oration  in 
the  Menexenus. 

The  speech  To  his  Companions  (Or.  viii.)  cannot 
reasonably  be  attributed  to  Lysias,  and  indeed  is  so 
trivial  that  it  can  hardly  be  the  work  of  any  self- 
respecting  forger.  It  is  probably  to  be  regarded  as  a 
declamatory  exercise. 

The  speaker  complains  that  his  friends  have  slandered 

.  him  by  asserting  that  he  forced  his  company  on  them  ; 

-'^  '^^    they  have  sold  him  an  unsound  horse,  and  accused 

him  of  inducing  others  to  slander  them.     He  therefore 

abjures  their  friendship. 

Extracts  from  six  lost  speeches  are  preserved  by 
quotation  in  various  writers  : 

Against  Cinesias  (Athenaeus,  xiii.  551  d)  ;  Against 
Tisis  (Dion.,  de  Demos.,  ch.  xi.) ;  For  Pherenicus  (Dion., 
de  Isaeo,  ch.  vi.)  ;  Against  the  Sons  of  Hippocrates 
(ibid.)  ;  Against  Archehiades  (ibid.,  ch.  x.) ;  Against 
AescMnes  (Athenaeus,  xiii.,  611  E-612  c).^ 

The  fragments  of  other  speeches,  in  Suidas,  Harpocra- 
tion,  and  others,  are  negligible. 

1  Cf.  supra,  p.  90. 


CHAPTER  V 
ISAEUS 

§1 

DIONYSIUS  could  find,  in  the  authorities  whom 
he  consulted,  no  definite  information  about  the 
hfe  of  Isaeus.  The  dates  of  his  birth  and  death  are 
unknown ;  we  cannot,  as  Dionysius  observes,  say 
what  were  his  political  opinions,  or  even  whether  he 
had  any  at  all.^  We  are  even  in  doubt  as  to  his  birth- 
place ;  some  authorities  called  him  an  Athenian, 
others  a  Chalcidian.  The  suggestion  that  he  may  have 
been  the  descendant  of  an  Athenian  who  settled  in 
Chalcis  as  a  cleruch  is  plausible,  but  without  any 
authority. 2  The  inference,  from  the  fact  that  he  took 
no  part  in  public  life,  that  he  was  probably  an  aHen,  is 
not  justifiable.  The  fact  that,  whether  an  Athenian  or 
not,  he  never  spoke  at  any  of  the  great  national 
assemblies,  where  rhetoricians  from  all  Greek  countries 
gave  displays,  seems  to  argue  that  he  had  no  ambition 
for  personal  distinction  as  an  orator,  but  was  content 
to  be  a  professional  writer  of  speeches. 

There  is  a  legend  that  the  young  Demosthenes,- 
impressed  by  the  effectiveness  of  Isaeus'  oratory, 
induced  the  latter  to  live  in  his  house  and  train  him 
thoroughly  in  all  the  arts  of  the  forensic  speech- 
writer  ;    it  is  even  said  that  the  earliest  speech  of 

1  Dion.,  de  Isaeo,  ch.  i.  *  Jebb,  vol.  ii.  p.  265. 


104  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

Demosthenes,  against  Aphobus,  was  in  reality  composed 
by  his  master.  The  authority  for  these  tales  is  quite 
insignificant,  but  the  influence  of  Isaeus  on  Demo- 
sthenes was  nevertheless  considerable,  whether  or  not 
they  came  much  into  personal  contact. 

Dionysius  records,  on  the  authority  of  Hermippus, 
that  Isaeus  '  was  a  pupil  of  Isocrates  and  a  teacher  of 
Demosthenes,  and  came  into  close  contact  with  the 
\best  of  the  philosophers.'  ^ 

There  is  no  evidence  that  he  was  ever  a  companion 
of  Socrates,  since  his  name  is  not  anywhere  mentioned 
by  Plato. 

His  earliest  speech  (On  the  Estate  of  Dicaeogenes)  is 
assigned  with  some  probability  to  the  year  390  B.C., 
and  his  latest  (On  the  Estate  of  Apollodorus)  to  353  B.C. 

If  the  date  390  B.C.  is  correct,  the  period  of  his  study 
imder  Isocrates  may  reasonably  be  placed  during  the 
period  393-390  B.C.,  when  that  orator  was  starting 
his  school,  and  on  this  assumption  we  might  place  the 
birth  of  Isaeus  approximately  at  420  B.C.  But  the 
chronology  rests  entirely  on  internal  evidence  which 
in  this  case  is  ambiguous  ;  a  later  date  for  the  speech 
is  equally  possible,  and  in  that  case  the  earliest  speech 
is  that  On  the  Estate  of  Aristarchus,  377-371  B.C. 
Isaeus,  then,  need  not  have  been  bom  before  400  B.C. 
There  is  more  certainty  in  the  dating  of,  the  last  ex- 
tant speech  about  353  B.C.,  but  we  have  no  means  of 
knowing  whether  or  not  the  orator  lived  long  after  its 
composition.  He  may  have  spent  many  years  in 
retirement.  Isocrates  was  writing  up  to  the  moment 
of  his  death,  but  he  had  great  thoughts  to  express  ; 
Isaeus,  with  no  interest  in  politics,  may,  when  he  re- 

^  de  Isaeo,  ch.  i. 


ISAEUS  105 

tired  from  the  monotonous  task  of  writmg  speeches 
for  others,  have  been  glad  to  find  no  further  necessity 
for  composition.  However,  the  approximate  dates  420- 
350  B.C.  will  give  a  reasonable  duration  for  such  a  life. 

Isaeus  is  perhaps  the  only  one  of  the  orators  for-^ 
whom  we  cannot  feel  any  enthusiasm.  If  we  had, 
from  external  sources,  the  slightest  clue  to  his  real 
feelings,  we  might  be  able  to  collect  from  his  speeches 
some  hints  that  would  help  us  to  form  an  image  of 
his  personality.  He  is  known  to  us  only  from  speeches 
which  he  wrote  for  others,  all  of  them,  with  the  ex-" 
ception  of  one  fragment,  dealing  with  testamentary 
cases,  which  are  not  the  most  interesting  province  of 
law.  He  was  not  personally  interested  in  any  of  these 
trials,  unless  we  can  believe  the  more  than  doubtful 
assertion  of  the  Greek  argument  to  the  fourth  oration, 
that  he  himself  spoke  in  support  of  Hagnon  and 
Hagnotheus,  being  their  kinsman. 

We  may  contrast  his  case  with  that  of  Antiphon, 
who  similarly  is  known  to  us  chiefly  from  speeches  in 
one  department  of  law — trials  for  homicide  ;    but  in 
Antiphon's  case  we  are  fortunate  in  having  a  short 
but   illuminating  notice  of   his    life   by  Thucydides, 
which  forms  the  outline  of  the  picture  ;  and  in  addition 
we  have  the  tetralogies  which  to  some  extent  help 
to  fill  in  the  details.     Of  Isaeus  as  a  man  we  know 
less,  almost,  than  we  do  of  Homer.     We  gather  only 
an  impression  of  his  wonderful  efficiency  in  dealing 
with  subjects   of  a  particular  class — his  exhaustive  J 
knowledge  of  the  intricacies  of  testamentary  law,  and' 
his  dexterity  in  applying  that  knowledge  to  the  best 
purpose  ;    a  kind  of  efficiency  which  is  admirable,, 
but  dull. 


V 


io6  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

Isaeus  is  our  chief  authority  for  the  Attic  Laws  of 
inheritance.^  These  laws  were  often  arbitrary,  and 
though  they  were  to  some  extent  simpHfied  by  the 
fact  that  a  man  who  had  sons  could  not  legally  will 
his  property  away  from  them,  the  intricacies  of  tables 
of  consanguinity  were  so  complex  that  only  a  specialist 
could  be  expected  to  have  a  complete  mastery  of  them. 
There  was  no  class  of  professional  lawyers  at  Athens  ; 
the  Attic  Laws  were  very  largely  framed  by  amateurs, 
of  which  we  have  evidence  in  the  number  of  recorded 
cases  in  which  the  proposers  of  laws  were  prosecuted 
for  illegahty,  i.e.  for  enacting  laws  contrary  to  laws 
already  established  ;  and  as  the  framing  of  them  was 
a  matter  of  haphazard  improvisation,  so  their  inter- 
pretation was  often  a  question  of  the  temper  of  the 
jury  for  the  moment.  No  doubt  some  record  of  ver- 
dicts was  kept,  but  the  Athenians  had  no  great  respect 
for  precedent,  or  at  any  rate  could  not  make  full  use 
of  it  in  the  lack  of  professional  judges  who  should  be 
experts  in  such  matters.  Thus  there  were  great 
opportunities  for  a  man  like  Isaeus,  who  combined  a 
minute  knowledge  of  law  and  procedure  with  skill  in 
applying  his  knowledge  ;  who  could  quote  at  will  either 
the  law  or  precedent  for  departing  from  its  letter,  and, 
where  the  wording  of  the  law  left  any  room  for  am- 
biguous interpretation,  could  twist  the  meaning  to 
one  side  or  the  other  to  suit  his  case. 

The  particular  branch  of  law  which  Isaeus  chose 
as  his  special  province  was  important  owing  to  the 
large  number  of  cases  dealing  with  inheritances  which 
seem  to  have  come  before  the  Athenian  Courts,  and 

*  He  is  by  far  the  most  important ;  in  some  cases  we  can  supple- 
ment him  from  Demosthenes,  but  other  authorities  are  negUgibie. 


ISAEUS  107 

these  cases  were  often  in  themselves  important  owing 
to  the  religious  significance  of  the  fact  of  inheritance. 
An  Athenian  desired  to  leave  behind  him  a  male  heir 
not  only  that  his  property  might  remain  in  the  family, 
but  that  the  family  might  have  a  representative  who 
should  carry  on  the  private  worship  of  the  household 
gods,  and  in  particular  should  duly  perform  the  funeral 
rites  of  the  testator  and  offer  all  the  proper  sacrifices 
at  his  grave.  Heirship,  therefore,  carried  with  it 
certain  definite  rehgious  duties,  and  a  man  who  had 
no  child  living  usually  ensured  the  continuity  of  the 
family  worship  by  adopting  a  son  either  in  his  hfetime 
or  by  will. 

The  skill  of  Isaeus  in  deahng  with  compHcated  cases  ^ 
is  well  shown  by  a  consideration  of  the  argimients  of 
any  of  the  remaining  speeches  ;  for  instance.  Oration  v. 
{On  the  Estate  of  Dicaeogenes)  is  concerned  with  the 
claims  of  a  certain  man's  nephew  as  against  his  cousin, 
who  inherited  a  third  portion  under  a  will  subsequently 
proved  to  be  false,  and  eventually  succeeded  to  the 
whole  under  a  second  will  which  the  claimants  proved 
false.  Two  wills  and  the  results  of  two  previous  trials 
have  to  be  kept  in  mind,  as  well  as  the  rather  compli- 
cated relationship  of  the  parties  ;  but  Isaeus  makes 
the  case  substantially  clear.  Again,  in  Oration  xi. 
{On  the  Estate  of  Hagnias)  twenty-three  members  of 
the  family  are  referred  to  by  name,  and  it  is  necessary 
to  trace  the  family's  ramifications  through  a  large 
number  of  second  cousins  whose  nearness  of  consan- 
guinity is  in  some  cases  affected  by  the  intermarriage 
of  first  cousins.  The  facts  of  the  case  are  not  easy  to 
follow  even  on  paper,  and  it  appears  that  the  judges  on 
this  occasion  were  puzzled  into  giving  a  wrong  verdict. 


io8  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

The  orator's  methods  may,  howfever,  be  studied 
more  conveniently  in  a  simpler  speech,  On  the  Estate 
of  Ciron  (Or.  viii.).  The  essential  facts  of  the  case 
are  as  follows  : — Ciron  by  his  first  marriage  had  one 
daughter,  the  mother  of  the  two  claimants.  Ciron 
married  a  second  wife,  the  sister  of  Diodes.  The  son 
of  Ciron's  brother,  instigated  by  Diodes,  made  a 
counter-claim  on  the  grounds  that  (i)  Ciron's  daughter 
was  illegitimate  and  consequently  her  sons  were 
illegitimate  ;  (2)  a  brother's  son  in  any  case  has  a 
better  claim  than  a  daughter's  son.  The  speaker, 
the  elder  of  the  claimants,  first  estabhshes  his  mother's 
legitimacy,  proving  that  Ciron  always  treated  her  as 
his  daughter  and  twice  gave  her  a  dowry,  and  regarded 
her  sons  as  his  natural  heirs. 

*  Our  grandfather  Ciron  died,  not  without  issue,  but 
leaving  as  issue  my  brother  and  myself,  the  sons  of  his 
legitimate  daughter ;  but  the  plaintiffs  claim  the  inheri- 
tance on  the  assumption  that  they  are  the  next  of  kin,  and 
insult  us  by  the  insinuation  that  we  are  not  sons  of  Ciron's 
daughter,  and  that  he  never  had  a  daughter  at  all.  This 
is  due  to  the  claimants'  covetousness  and  the  great  amount 
of  Ciron's  estate,  which  they  have  seized,  and  now  control. 
They  have  the  impudence  to  say  that  he  left  nothing,  and  in 
the  same  breath  to  lay  a  claim  to  the  inheritance. 

'  Now  your  judgment  ought  not,  in  my  opinion,  to  have 
reference  to  the  man  who  has  urged  the  claim,  but  to 
Diodes  of  Phlya,  known  as  Orestes,  who  has  incited  him 
to  annoy  us,  endeavouring  to  withhold  the  property  which 
Ciron  left  at  his  death,  and  to  endanger  our  interests,  so 
that  he  may  not  have  to  part  with  any  of  it,  if  you  are  misled 
by  the  assertions  of  the  claimant.  Since  they  are  working 
for  these  ends  it  is  right  that  you  should  be  informed  of  all 
the  facts,  in  order  that  no  detail  may  escape  you,  and  that 


ISAEUS  109 

you  may  have  a  full  knowledge  of  all  that  has  occurred, 
before  you  give  your  verdict.  So  I  ask  you  to  consult  the 
interests  of  justice  by  giving  to  this  case  as  serious  con- 
sideration as  you  have  given  to  any  other  case  before. 
This  is  only  just.  Recall  the  numerous  cases  that  have 
come  before  you,  and  you  will  find  that  no  plaintiffs  have 
ever  made  a  more  shameless  or  barefaced  claim  to  property 
that  does  not  belong  to  them  than  these  two. 

*  Now  it  is  a  hard  task,  Gentlemen,  for  one  entirely  in- 
experienced in  the  procedure  of  the  courts  to  hold  his  own 
in  a  trial  for  such  an  important  issue  against  concerted 
speeches  and  witnesses  who  give  false  evidence  ;  but  I 
have  a  confident  hope  that  I  shall  obtain  justice  from  you, 
and  that  my  own  speech  will  be  satisfactory  to  the  point, 
at  least,  of  stating  a  just  cause,  unless  I  am  thwarted  by 
some  obstacle  of  the  kind  which  I  apprehend.  I  therefore 
urge  you.  Gentlemen,  to  give  me  a  courteous  hearing,  and 
if  you  consider  that  I  have  been  wronged,  to  support  the 
justice  of  my  claim. 

*  First,  I  shall  convince  you  that  my  mother  was  the 
legitimate  daughter  of  Ciron.  For  events  long  past  I  shall 
rely  on  reported  statements  and  evidence,  for  those  within 
our  memory  I  shall  adduce  witnesses  who  know  the  facts,  as 
well  as  proofs  which  are  stronger  than  depositions ;  and  when 
I  have  laid  this  all  before  you  I  shall  prove  that  I  have  a 
better  right  than  the  claimant  to  inherit  the  estate  of 
Ciron. 

*  I  shall  start  from  the  point  at  which  my  opponents 
began,  and  from  thence  onwards  instruct  you  in  the  facts. 

*  My  grandfather  Ciron,  Gentlemen,  married  my  grand- 
mother, who  was  his  own  first  cousin,  being  the  daughter 
of  a  sister  of  his  own  mother.  After  the  marriage  she  in 
due  course  gave  birth  to  my  mother,  and  four  years  later 
she  died. 

*  My  grandfather,  having  only  this  one  daughter,  married 
his  second  wife,  the  sister  of  Diodes,  who  bore  him  two  sons. 
He  brought  up  my  mother  in  the  house  with  his  wife  and 


no  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

children,  and  during  the  lifetime  of  the  latter,  when  his 
daughter  was  of  marriageable  age,  he  bestowed  her  on 
Nausimenes  of  Cholarge,  giving  her  a  dowry  of  clothing 
and  gold  ornaments,  as  well  as  twenty-five  minae.  Three 
or  four  years  after  this,  Nausimenes  fell  ill  and  died,  before 
my  mother  had  borne  him  any  children.  My  grandfather 
took  her  back  to  his  house,  but  owing  to  the  disorder  of 
her  husband's  affairs  he  did  not  recover  all  the  dowry  he 
had  given  with  her ;  he  then  married  her  a  second  time 
to  my  father,  with  a  dowry  of  looo  drachmae. 

'  In  face  of  the  charges  now  brought  by  the  plaintiffs, 
how  can  my  statements  be  proved  ?  I  sought  and  found 
the  way. 

*  Ciron's  domestic  slaves,  male  and  female,  must  know 
whether  my  mother  was  or  was  not  his  daughter  ;  whether 
she  lived  in  his  house  ;  whether  he  did  or  did  not  on  two 
occasions  give  feasts  in  honour  of  her  marriage ;  what 
dowry  each  of  her  husbands  received.  Wishing  to  examine 
them  under  torture  by  way  of  supporting  the  evidence 
already  in  my  hands,  in  order  that  you  might  put  more 
confidence  in  their  evidence  when  they  had  submitted  to 
the  examination  than  you  would  if  they  were  only  appre- 
hending it,  I  requested  the  plaintiffs  to  surrender  their 
slaves  of  both  sexes  to  be  examined  on  the  above  points 
and  all  others  of  which  they  have  knowledge.  But  this 
man,  who  will  shortly  request  you  to  believe  his  own  wit- 
nesses, shrank  from  submitting  to  such  an  examination. 
But  if  I  can  prove  that  he  refused,  how  can  we  avoid  the 
presumption  that  his  witnesses  are  now  giving  false  evidence 
since  he  has  shrunk  from  a  test  so  searching  ? 

*  To  prove  the  truth  of  my  assertion,  take  first  this 
deposition  and  read  it.^ 

[The  deposition.] 

'Now  you  hold  the  opinion,  both  personally  and  officially, 
that  torture  is  the  surest  test ;   and  whenever  slaves  and 


ISAEUS  III 

freemen  come  forward  as  witnesses  and  you  have  to  arrive^! 
at  facts,  you  do  not  rely  on  the  evidence  of  the  freemen,  r 
but  torture  the  slaves  and  seek  thus  to  discover  the  truth. 
You  are  right  in  your  preference ;  for  you  know  that 
whereas  some  witnesses  have  been  suspected  of  giving 
false  evidence,  no  slaves  have  ever  been  proved  to  have 
made  untrue  statements  in  consequence  of  the  torture  to 
which  they  were  submitted.^ 

*  Who  may  be  expected  to  know  the  early  facts  ?  Obvi- 
ously those  who  were  acquainted  with  my  grandfather, 
and  they  have  told  us  what  they  heard.  Who  must  know 
about  my  mother's  marriage  ?  The  parties  to  the  marriage 
contracts,  and  their  witnesses.  On  this  point  the  relations 
of  Nausimenes  and  of  my  father  have  given  evidence. 
And  who  knew  that  my  mother  was  brought  up  in  Ciron's 
house,  and  was  his  legitimate  daughter  ?  The  present 
claimants  give  clear  evidence  that  this  is  true,  by  their 
action  in  refusing  the  torture.  Surely,  then,  it  would  not 
be  reasonable  for  you  to  discredit  my  witnesses,  while  you 
can  hardly  fail  to  disbelieve  those  of  the  other  side. 

*  Besides  these,  we  can  bring  other  proofs  by  which  you 
shall  know  that  we  are  sons  of  Ciron's  daughter.  He 
treated  us  as  he  naturally  would  treat  his  daughter's  sons  ; 
he  never  conducted  a  sacrifice  without  our  presence,  but 
whether  the  sacrifice  were  small  or  great,  we  were  always 
there  and  joined  in  it.  Not  only  were  we  summoned  for 
such  occasions,  but  he  always  used  to  take  us  to  the  rural 
Dionysia,  and  we  used  to  see  the  show  with  him,  sitting 
by  his  side  ;  and  we  came  to  his  house  to  keep  every  feast- 
day.  And  when  he  sacrificed  to  Zeus  Ktesios,  a  sacrifice 
to  which  he  attached  the  utmost  importance,  never  allow- 
ing slaves  or  even  freemen,  outside  the  family,  to  participate, 
but  doing  everything  by  himself,  we  used  to  share  in  the 
sacrifice  ;  we  helped  him  to  handle  the  offerings,  we  helped 

^  §  12.  I  have  translated  this  section,  though  not  relevant  to  the 
matter  under  discussion,  because  it  gives  a  good  indication  of 
Athenian  feeling  on  the  subject  of  the  torture  of  slaves. 


112  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

him  to  place  them  on  the  altar,  we  helped  him  in  every- 
thing, and,  as  our  grandfather,  he  would  pray  the  God 
to  give  us  health  and  wealth.  But  if  he  had  not  considered 
us  as  his  daughter's  sons,  and  seen  in  us  the  only  descend- 
ants left  to  him,  he  would  never  have  done  anything  of  the 
kind,  but  would  have  kept  by  his  side  this  man  who  now 
claims  to  be  his  nephew.  The  truth  of  this  is  known  best 
of  all  by  my  grandfather's  servants,  whom  the  plaintiff 
refused  to  surrender  to  torture  ;  but  it  is  known  accurately 
enough  by  some  of  my  grandfather's  friends,  whose  evidence 
I  shall  produce  '  (§§  14-17). 

The  speaker  continues  that  he  and  his  brother  were 
enrolled  by  Ciron  in  the  phratria,  and  were  allowed 
to  conduct  the  funeral  by  Diodes,  who  thus  tacitly 
admitted  their  claim. 

He  next  proves  by  legal  argument  that  direct  de- 
scendants have  a  better  claim  than  collateral  relations. 
By  way  of  epilogue  he  gives  an  account  of  the  property 
and  the  machinations  of  Diodes,  whose  personal  char- 
acter he  attacks,  and  at  the  end  produces  evidence  that 
Diodes  has  been  proved  guilty  of  adultery. 

§  2.  Literary  Characteristics 

N.  Isaeus  studied  imder  Isocrates,  and  it  is  therefore 
reasonable  to  follow  the  chronological  order  and  take 
the  master  first ;  but  as  the  master  survived  the 
pupil  by  several  years,  and  was  actively  engaged  in 
literature  down  to  the  day  of  his  death,  ordinary 
considerations  of  seniority  do  not  apply  in  this  case. 
It  is  more  satisfactory  to  study  Isaeus  in  relation, 
not  to  Isocrates,  but  to  the  earlier  speech- writers, 
Antiphon  and  Lysias.  He  is  more  closely  connected 
with  them  in  his  subject-matter,  since  he  is,  like  them, 


ISAEUS  113 

essentially  a  practical  writer,  and  his  businesslike 
style  has  more  affinity  to  the  terse  condensation  of 
Lysias  than  to  the  florid  *  epideictic '  diction  of  the 
author  of  the  Panegyric. 

In  language  there  is  not  very  much  difference  between 
Lysias  and  Isaeus  ;  both  use  the  current  vocabulary, 
making  a  literary  medium  out  of  the  popular  speech 
of  their  day.  A  search  through  the  latter's  speeches 
re-discovers  a  certain  number  of  words  which,  so  far 
as  our  knowledge  goes,  have  a  poetical  tinge ;  but 
practically  all  these  may  be  foimd  in  other  orators 
and  prose-writers.^ 

Again,  there  are  a  few  noteworthy  metaphors,  such 
as  iKKoiTTtiv,  to  *  knock  out '  or  '  knock  on  the  head ' 
— this  is  used  again  by  Dinarchus — and  KaQinriroTpo^^lv, 
'  to  race  away  one's  money,'  i.e.  squander  it  on  a 
stable.  We  know  little  of  the  idioms  of  the  language 
spoken  in  the  streets  of  Athens  in  the  fourth  century, 
but  we  do  know  that  popular  speech  has  always 
a  tendency  to  the  employment  of  rough  meta- 
phors, and  where  we  come  into  contact  with  the 
spoken  word  we  expect  to  find  expressions  of  this 
kind. 2  A  study  of  the  private  letters  contained 
among  the  Oxyrhynchus  Papyri  will  give  many  ex- 
amples to  the  point. ^  Lastly,  a  few  words  recall  the  — 
language  of  comedy.* 

We  may  readily  beheve  that,  in  admitting  these 
few  blemishes  to  the  purity  of  his  Atticism,  the  orator 

1  Jebb,  Attic  Orators,  \o\.  ii.  p.  277'. 

2  Cleisthenes  [Herod.,  vi.  129),  in  a  moment  of  extreme  excitement, 
remarked  to  Hippoclides  d7rajpx'^<''*o  t^"  y^iJ-ov — '  You  have  danced 
away  your  chances  of  marriage.' 

•  Cf.,  jtoo,  the  use  of  viroitnd^fa  in  the  New  Testament. 

*  E^.  ypv^ai. 

H 


114  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

was  indulging  in  a  realism  of  which  we  find  very  few 
traces,  as  a  rule,  in  hterary  prose. ^ 

His  grammar,  according  to  strict  Attic  rule,  is 
occasionally  at  fault, ^  and  the  MSS.  exhibit  a  certain 
number  of  word-forms  which  are  supposed  to  be  un- 
Attic.3 

Whether  we  should  emend  these  passages  to  suit 
the  supposed  standard,  or  make  the  standard  more 
liberal  to  admit  such  passages,  is  a  matter  for  contro- 
versy. The  MSS.  of  Thucydides  exhibit  a  wealth  of 
ingenious  perversity  in  the  way  of  grammar,  and  in 
that  case,  though  many  critics  have  spent  their  in- 
genuity on  reducing  the  text  to  order  and  decency, 
an  opposite  school  of  criticism  maintains  that  the 
historian  may  have  chosen  to  write  as  he  Hked.  The 
greatest  artists  are  above  the  laws  of  their  art,  and 
Isaeus  may  have  condescended  to  a  level  which  he 
knew  not  to  be  the  highest. 

With  regard,  then,  to  the  purity  of  language,  Isaeus, 
though  surpassed  by  Lysias  and  Isocrates,  is  not  far 
behind  them.  He  is  on  a  level  with  Lysias  also  in 
clearness  and  accuracy  of  thought,  and  in  what 
Dionysius  calls  ivdpyeta,  vividness  of  presentation. 
But  in  the  structure  of  sentences  some  differences 
between  these  two  must  be  noted.  Lysias,  as  has 
already  been  stated,  varied  his  structure  considerably 
according  to  the  subjects  of  his  speeches,  the  succes- 
sion of  periods  being  broken  by  the  introduction  of 

*  It  has  been  already  remarked  that  the  speech-writers  are,  cis 
a  rule,  ridiculously  unsuccessful  in  their  attempt  to  make  their 
cUents  speak  in  the  way  that  is  natural  to  them  {vide  supra,  p.  37). 

•  E.g.  Or.  V.  23,  7]yo}jfi€voL  ovk  Slv  airbv  ^e^aiibaeiv,  k.t.X.  Or.  v.  31, 
d}lj.o\oy^ffafi€v  ififiepeiv  oTs  tv  yvoiev.  Or.  v.  43,  dairavrjdels  (in  middle 
sense) . 

'  E.g,  KaBiffrdveLV,  \l/ri<pi(re<r6e,  Afavres. 


ISAEUS  115 

a  freer  style  ;  but  at  the  same  time  he  had  a  love  of 
antithesis  to  which  sacrifices  had  sometimes  to  be 
made. 

Isaeus  is  free  from  this  straining  after  antithesis,  - 
and  is  hardly  bound  at  all  by  scholastic  rules.  We  ''^  '^^ 
cannot  truly  say  that  his  style  is  non-periodic,  for 
formal  periods  are  to  be  met  with ;  but  a  marked 
characteristic  of  his  style  is  his  skill  in  the  use  of  short 
sentences,  often  abrupt,  nearly  always  vigorous.  In 
argumentative  passages  especially,  he  uses  the  form 
of  imaginary  question  and  answer ;  in  narrative  he 
sometimes  gives  us  a  series  of  short  sentences,  con- 
nected in  thought,  but  not  formally  bound  together. 
He  has  the  appearance  of  composing  negligently,  but 
from  his  effectiveness  we  conclude  that  the  negHgence 
was  studied.  The  following  passages  illustrate  these 
styles  : 

'  Eupolis,  Thrasyllus,  and  Mneson  were  brothers  from 
the  same  two  parents.  Their  father  left  them  a  con- 
siderable property,  so  that  they  were  eligible  for  the  per- 
formance of  public  services.  This  the  three  divided 
amongst  them.  Of  these  brothers,  two  died  about  the 
same  time,'  etc.^ 

The  speech  about  Ciron's  inheritance  contains  the 
best  example  of  argument  by  question  and  answer  : 

*  On  what  ground  should  a  statement  be  believed  ?  %^^, 
Should  we  not  say,  on  the  ground  of  the  evidence  ?  I  - ' 
fancy  so.  And  on  what  ground  should  we  beUeve  wit- 
nesses ?  From  the  fact  that  they  have  been  tortured  ? 
Naturally.  And  on  what  grounds  should  we  disbeUeve 
the  statements  of  the  plaintiffs  ?  Because  they  shrink 
from  this  test  ?     Most  certainly.'  2 

1  The  Estate  of  Apollodorus  (Or.  vii.),  §  5. 
«  Ciron  (Or.  viii.),  §  28. 


V 


ii6  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

A  third  quotation  gives  a  good  example  of  the 
"^.purely  ornamental  use  of  the  rhetorical  question  ;  it  is 
precious  as  showing  us  that  Isaeus  was  on  occasion 
capable  of  applying  a  Hghter  touch.  He  is  so  coldly 
logical  as  a  rule  that  we  turn  with  relief  to  any  exhibi- 
tion of  ordinary  feeling  : 

*  Who  was  there  who  omitted  to  cut  his  hair  short  when 
the  two  talents  arrived  ?  Who  was  there  who  failed  to 
wear  black,  hoping  that  his  mourning  would  give  him  a 
claim  to  the  inheritance  ?  Or  how  many  relatives  and 
sons  laid  claim,  by  deed  of  gift,  to  the  estate  of  Nicostratus  ? 
Demosthenes  said  he  was  his  nephew,  but  when  the  present 
claimants  disproved  his  statement,  he  retired.  Telephus 
said  that  Nicostratus  had  given  him  all  his  property.  He 
too  soon  ceased  to  be  a  claimant.  Ameiniades  came  before 
the  archon  and  produced  a  son  for  Nicostratus — a  child 
less  than  three  years  old,  though  Nicostratus  had  not  been 
in  Athens  for  eleven  years  past.  Pyrrhus  of  Lamptra  said 
that  the  money  had  been  dedicated  by  Nicostratus  to 
Athena,  but  given  by  Nicostratus  to  himself.  Ctesias  of 
Besaea  and  Cranaus  first  said  that  judgment  had  beei|^ 
given  in  their  favour  against  Nicostratus  for  a  talent,  and 
when  they  could  not  prove  it,  asserted  that  he  was  their 
freedman.  They,  like  the  rest,  failed  to  estabUsh  their 
statement. 

'  These  were  the  parties  who  in  the  first  instance  pounced 
at  once  upon  the  property  of  Nicostratus.  Chariades  made 
no  claim  at  the  time.'  ^ 

Dionysius,  a  very  keen  critic  on  the  literary  side, 
misses  in  Isaeus  the  grace  and  charm  of  Lysias,  but 
allows  him  more  cleverness. ^  * 

This  *  charm,'  by  which  Dionysius  could  distinguish 
a  genuine  speech  of  Lysias,  is  incapable  of  definition 
and  too  elusive  for  our  blunter  wits  to  apprehend; 

*  Nicostratus  (Or.  iv.),  §§  7-10.  ■  de  Isaeo,  ch.  3. 


ISAEUS  117 

but  we  can  form  a  general  impression  that  the  diction 
of  Lysias  has  something  in  it  more  pleasing  than  that 
of  Isaeus.  Perhaps  there  is  something  in  the  illustra- 
tion which  the  ancient  critic  applies,  when  he  compares 
the  speeches  of  the  former  to  a  clearly  drawn  picture 
of  simple  colour  and  design  ;  those  of  the  latter  to  a 
more  elaborate  and  ingenious  composition,  where  there 
is  more  play  of  light  and  shade  and  the  depth  and 
brilliance  of  the  colouring  in  some  cases  obscures  the 
lines — ^with  a  suggestion  that  the  drawing  may  be 
faulty.^  This  simile,  however,  applies  more  truly  to 
the  structure  of  the  speeches  than  to  the  diction. 
Dionysius  recurs  to  the  style,  ^  and  quotes  parallel 
extracts  from  the  introductions  to  speeches  by  the 
two  writers  to  demonstrate  the  simplicity  of  Lysias 
and  the  artificiality  of  Isaeus.  The  demonstration 
is  not  overpowering.  The  first  specimen  from  Lysias 
is  indeed  simple  and  clear,  but  the  extract  from  Isaeus, 
though  the  language  is  a  little  more  elaborate,  seems 
equally  suitable  for  its  purpose. 
Lysias  wrote  as  follows  : 

*  I  feel,  Gentlemen,  that  I  must  tell  you  about  my  friend- 
ship with  Pherenicus,  so  that  none  of  you  may  be  surprised 
that  I,  who  have  never  before  pleaded  for  any  one  else, 
am  now  pleading  for  him.  I  had  a  friend  in  his  father 
Cephisodotus,  and  when  our  party  was  exiled  to  Thebes  I 
stayed  with  him,  as  did  any  other  Athenian  who  wished  to. 

'  He  did  us  many  kind  services,  both  officially  and  pri- 
vately, before  we  were  restored  to  our  homes.  So  when  his 
family  met  with  the  same  misfortune,  and  came  in  exile  to 
Athens,  I  felt  that  I  owed  them  the  greatest  possible  grati- 
tude, and  received  them  in  such  intimate  fashion  that  nobody 
who  came  to  the  house,  and  did  not  know,  could  tell  which  of 
1  de  Isaeo,  ch.  4.  "  Ibid.,  ch.  5. 


\, 


ii8  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

us  was  the  owner  of  it.  Now  Pherenicus  knows  that  there 
are  many  who  are  cleverer  speakers  than  I,  and  have  more 
experience  of  such  business ;  but  he  thinks  that  he  can 
rely  absolutely  on  my  friendship.  So  I  should  think  it 
disgraceful,  when  he  asks  me  and  urges  me  to  support  his 
claims,  to  allow  him  to  lose  Androclides'  gift,  if  I  can  do 
anything  to  prevent  it.'  ^ 

The  following  is  the  parallel  extract  from  Isaeus  : 

*  Before  now  I  have  been  of  service  to  Eumathes,  as 
indeed  he  has  deserved ;  and  now,  so  far  as  in  me  lies,  I 
shall  try  to  help  you  to  save  him.  Now  listen  to  me  for 
a  short  time,  lest  any  of  you  suppose  that  I  through  reck- 
lessness or  any  other  unjust  motive  have  approached  the 
case  of  Eumathes. 

'  When  I  was  a  trierarch  in  the  archonship  of  Cephiso- 
dorus,  and  a  report  was  carried  to  my  relatives  that  I  had 
been  killed  in  the  sea-fight,  whereas  I  had  some  moneys 
deposited  with  Eumathes,  Eumathes  sent  for  my  relative 
and  friends,  and  declared  the  amount  of  the  money  which 
was  in  his  hands,  and  justly  and  honestly  made  payment 
in  full. 

*  In  consequence  of  this  I,  when  I  got  home  in  safety, 
treated  him  as  a  still  closer  friend,  and  when  he  was  starting 
business  as  a  banker  I  provided  him  with  money.  After 
this,  when  Dionysius  claimed  him  as  a  slave,  I  vindicated 
his  liberty,  knowing  that  he  had  been  manumitted  by 
Epigenes  before  the  court.  But  I  shall  say  no  more  on 
this  subject.'  ^ 

Dionysius  thus  criticizes  them  : 

*  What  is  the  difference  between  these  proemia  ?  In 
Lysias  the  introduction  of  the  subject  is  pleasing  for  this 
one  reason,  that  it  is  stated  naturally  and  simply. 

'  "  I  feel.  Gentlemen,  that  I  must  begin  by  telling  you 
about  my  friendship  with  Pherenicus  "  ' — 

1  Lysias,  fr.  46.  '  Isaeus,  fr.  15. 


ISAEUS  119 

What  follows  has  no  appearance  of  premeditation, 
but  is  put  just  as  an  amateur  might  express  it : 

"*  so  that  none  of  you  may  be  surprised  that  I,  who 
have  never  before  pleaded  for  any  one  else,  am  now 
pleading  for  him."  But  in  Isaeus  what  seems  so 
simple  is  really  premeditated,  and  we  see  at  once  that  it  is 
rhetorical :  "  Before  now  I  have  been  of  service  to 
Eumathes,  as  indeed  he  has  deserved ;  and  now,  so  far 
as  in  me  Ues,  I  shall  try  to  help  you  in  saving  him."  This 
is  more  exalted  and  less  simple  than  the  other  ;  still  more 
is  this  true  of  the  next  sentence  :  **  Now  listen  to  me  for 
a  short  time,  lest  any  of  you  suppose  that  I  through  reck- 
lessness or  any  other  unjust  motive  have  approached  the 
case  of  Eumathes."  ' 

Dionysius  finds  that  the  expressions  here  used, 
TrpoTrereca,  dSiKiay  7rpb<i  to,  'Fjv/iia6ov<i  TTpdy/jiaTa  TrpoarjX- 
Oov,  sound  to  him  artificial  rather  than  spon- 
taneous. In  this  he  may  be  right ;  but  we  feel 
him  to  be  hypercritical  when  he  blames  the  next 
sentence  for  lack  of  simplicity,  and  tries,  by  a  few 
verbal  alterations,  to  show  how  it  might  have  been 
improved.  He  would  re-write  the  sentence  thus  : — 
*  When  I  was  trierarch,  and  it  was  reported  at  home 
that  I  had  been  killed,  Eumathes,  having  some  money 
of  mine  on  deposit,'  etc.  Here  he  has  certainly 
succeeded  in  omitting  once  the  name  Eumathes, 
which  occurs  twice  in  Isaeus  ;  but  the  other  changes 
consist  purely  in  the  substitution  of  two  temporal 
clauses  introduced  by  ore  (when)  for  two  participial 
clauses  in  the  genitive  absolute — a  construction  which 
is,  surely,  common  enough  in  all  Greek  writers  to  escape 
the  censure  of  being  *  rhetorical.' 


120  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

§  3.  Structure  of  Speeches 

The  exceptional  power  of  Isaeus  does  not,  then, 
depend  upon  any  charm  of  language  or  any  oratorical 

^  gift ;  it  lies  in  his  exhaustive  legal  knowledge  and  his 
remarkable  skill  in  argument.  He  has  an  almost 
imique  gift  for  circumstantial  statement  and  proof 
of  the  facts  bearing  on  his  case.     This  is  the  cleverness 

v\  (BeivoTTj^;)  to  which  Dionysius  so  often  refers  with 
grudging  admiration. 

His  speeches  are  not  arranged  according  to  a  single 

'^  plan,  but,  on  the  contrary,  exhibit  great  variety  of 
structure.  Lysias  keeps  practically  to  one  form — 
exordium,  narrative,  proof,  epilogue.  Isaeus,  when 
the  narrative  is  too  long  or  complicated  to  be  grasped 
all  at  once,  does  not  set  it  out  as  a  whole,  but  breaks 
it  up  into  sections,  each  of  which  is  accompanied  by 
its  evidence  and  argument.^  '  The  orator  is  afraid,' 
thinks  Dioiiysius,  '  that  the  argument  may  be  hard 
to  follow,  on  account  of  the  number  of  its  sections, 
and  that  the  proofs  of  the  various  points,  if  all  collected 
together,  being  so  numerous  as  they  must  be,  dealing 
with  matters  so  numerous,  may  be  detrimental  to 
clearness.'  The  critic  is  referring  particularly  to  the 
speech  For  Euphiletus  (Or.  xii.),  a  large  fragment  of 
which  his  quotations  have  preserved  for  us  ;  but  an 
analysis  of  any  of  the  extant  speeches  will  show  that 
they  are  constructed  skilfully  on  varying  plans,  un- 
hampered by  technical  rule,  with  an  art  that  adapts 
its  material  according  to  the  requirements  of  the  case. 
This  skill,  which  aims  at  success  rather  than  literary 

^  finish,  shows  that  Isaeus  was  above  all  a  competent 

*  Cf.  de  Isaeo,  ch.  14. 


ISAEUS  121 

tactician — such  a  master  of  argument  that,  *  whereas 
we  should  be  ready  to  believe  Lysias  even  when  he 
tells  a  lie,  we  can  hardly  regard  Isaeus  without  sus- 
picion even  when  he  tells  the  truth.'  ^ 

Dionysius  is  no  doubt  led  rather  far  away  by  his 
desire  for  a  contrast ;  he  has  given  Isaeus  a  bad  name 
and  is  seeking  means  to  justify  his  condemnation  of  the 
man  who  '  takes  a  mean  advantage  of  his  adversary 
and  outmanoeuvres  the  judges.'  ^ 

This  Greek  of  a  late  Hellenistic  age  thoroughly 
grasped  the  Athenian  spirit,  which  demanded  artistic 
composition  and  was  yet  suspicious  of  any  man  who 
was  too  obviously  clever,  a  spirit  against  which  we 
find  Antiphon,  the  earliest  of  the  orators,  contending, 
when  he  makes  his  characters  protest  their  own  in- 
experience and  insinuate  that  their  opponents  seem 
strong  only  because  they  have  that  same  discreditable 
skill  to  make  the  worse  cause  appear  the  better.^ 

Isaeus  sometimes  reiterates  his  arguments  ;  he  will 
even  quote  the  same  document  twice.  This  is  in- 
artistic, but  it  pays.  A  notable  advance  on  his  pre- 
decessors is  found  in  the  form  of  some  of  his  epi- 
logues. The  earlier  orators  were  generally  content, 
after  stating  the  case,  to  finish  with  a  general  appeal 
to  justice  or  pity.  Isaeus  on  occasion  makes  a  more 
practical  use  of  his  closing  periods  ;  he  recapitulates 
the  case,  pointing  out  that  he  has  proved  what  he  set 
out  to  prove  ;  *  or  gives  a  short  summary  of  the 
narrative  which  he  regards  as  now  established,  or  of 
the  claims  urged  by  himself  and  his  opponent.  In 
one  speech^  he  has  actually  reached  the  end  and 

1  de  Isaeo,  ch.  i6.  *  Ibid.,  ch.  3.  '  Cf.  supra,  p.  38. 

*  E.g.  Orr.  2,  3,  7,  8,  9.  ^  Or.  8  {Ciron),  §  46. 


122 


THE  GREEK  ORATORS 


"^v. 


summarized  his  results,  when  the  very  last  words 
surprise  us  by  an  unexpected  attack  on  his  adversary's 
character  : 

'  I  do  not  know  that  there  is  any  need  for  me  to  say 
more,  for  I  think  there  is  no  point  on  which  you  have  not 
full  knowledge  ;  but  I  will  ask  the  clerk  to  take  the  last 
remaining  deposition,  showing  how  the  claimant  was  con- 
victed of  adultery,  and  read  it  to  the  court.' 

Some  of  the  earlier  speech-writers  made  an  attempt 
at  character-drawing,  and  tried  to  suit  their  speeches 
to  the  character  (77^09)  of  their  clients.  In  Isaeus  this 
illusion  is  not  maintained  ;  his  style  varies  somewhat 
according  to  the  subject,  but  every  speech  bears,  as 
Dionysius  observes,  the  stamp  of  the  professional 
writer,  which  must  have  betrayed  it  to  the  acute 
perceptions  of  an  Athenian  jury.^  Probably  the  ac- 
cumulated experience  of  the  orators  had  proved  that 
such  attempts  at  deception  were  on  the  whole  useless  ; 
for  a  certain  class  of  client  it  would  be  necessary  either 
to  write  a  bad  speech  or  let  it  be  evident  that  the 
speaker  was  only  a  mouthpiece  for  an  advocate  cleverer 
than  himself,  and  as  success  in  the  case  was  of  more 
importance  than  artistic  illusion,  the  proper  choice 
was  obvious.  The  ethos  in  Isaeus  consists  not  in 
making  the  characters  speak  as  they  naturally  would 
have  spoken,  but  in  putting  their  arguments  for  them 
in  the  way  most  likely  to  appeal  to  the  reason  and 
Ithe  feelings  of  the  judges.  Experience  had  further 
shown  that  though,  from  the  lips  of  a  real  orator, 
appeals  to  sentiment  and  passion  may  have  a  great 
effect,  such  appeals  by  themselves,  unsupported  by 


^  de  Isaeo,  ch.  i6. 


ISAEUS  123 

argument,  or  made  at  an  inauspicious  moment,  may 
do  more  harm  than  good.  An  appeal  to  the  reason 
is  always  stronger,  provided  only  that  the  speaker 
must  avoid  giving  offence  by  a  too  presumptuous 
bearing. 

When  the  court  is  already  convinced  by  an  argued 
demonstration  of  the  justice  of  the  case,  an  appeal  to 
pity  or  indignation  may  be  overpowering ;  without 
such  preparation  it  is  nothing  but  a  last  resort  of 
weakness. 

Isaeus,  though  he  uses  such  appeals,  as  indeed  he 
wields  every  weapon  of  the  orator's  armoury,  uses 
them  with  moderation  and  discernment,  showing  in 
this,  as  in  all  his  tactics,  a  sound  knowledge  of  practical 
utility. 

§  4.  Speeches 

The '  Life '  by  the  Pseudo-Plutarch  tells  us  that  sixty- 
four  speeches  were  attributed  to  Isaeus,  of  which  fifty 
were  considered  genuine.  He  also  composed  an  Art 
of  Rhetoric.  We  now  possess  eleven  and  a  consider- 
able fragment  of  a  twelfth,  and  know  the  titles  of 
forty-two  others.  The  eleven  speeches  which  are 
extant  all  deal  directly  or  indirectly  with  inheritances. 
Six  of  these  are  connected  with  8caBi,Kd<nai — trials  to 
decide  who  is  the  righteous  claimant — and  their  titles 
are  as  follows  : — On  the  Estate  of  Cleonymus  (Or.  i.), 
date  360-353  B.C.  ;  On  the  Estate  of  Nicostratus  (Or.  iv.), 
the  date  is  uncertain — the  author  of  the  *  argument ' 
asserts,  with  no  plausibility,  that  Isaeus  delivered  the 
speech  in  his  own  person ;  On  the  Estate  of  Apollodorus 
(Or.  vii.),  about  353  B.C. ;  On  the  Estate  of  Ciron 
(Or.  viii.)  [see  above,  pp.  T08-10),  date  uncertain,  per- 


124  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

haps  circa  375  B.C.  ;  On  the  Estate  of  Astyphilus  (Or.  ix.), 
date  perhaps  about  369  B.C. ;  On  the  Estate  of  Aris- 
tarchus,  date  probably  between  377  and  371  B.C. 

Three  speeches  deal  with  prosecutions  for  false 
witness  in  connection  with  testamentary  cases,  viz. 
On  the  Estate  of  Menecles  (Or.  ii.),  date  about  354  B.C.  ; 
On  the  Estate  of  Pyrrhus  (Or.  iii.),  of  imcertain  date  ; 
On  the  Estate  of  Philoctemon  (Or.  vi.), — the  date  of  this 
speech  can  be  fixed  with  certainty  at  364-363  B.C., 
as  we  learn  from  §  14  that  it  is  now  fifty-two  years 
since  the  Athenian  expedition  sailed  to  Sicily. 

Oration  v..  On  the  Estate  of  Dicaeogenes,  is  in  an 
eyyvrffi  BUt),  an  action  to  compel  Leochares,  who  was 
surety  for  Dicaeogenes  in  an  agreement  connected 
with  the  will  of  the  latter's  cousin,  also  named  Dicaeo- 
genes, to  carry  out  the  contract,  since  Dicaeogenes, 
the  principal,  is  a  defaulter.  The  date  can  only  be 
fixed  by  the  references  to  the  death  of  the  testator, 
who  was  killed  in  battle  at  Cnidos.  There  are  two 
engagements  which  might  be  referred  to,  the  first  in 
412  B.C.,  the  second  in  394  B.C.  Twenty-two  years 
have  elapsed  between  that  event  and  the  present  trial, 
so  the  date  is  either  390  B.C. — many  years  earlier  than 
that  of  any  other  speech  of  Isaeus — or  372  B.C. 

On  the  Estate  of  Hagnias  (Or.  xi.)  is  in  a  prosecution 
of  a  guardian  for  ill-treatment  of  his  ward  under  a  will. 

For  Euphiletus  (Or.  xii.),  a  considerable  fragment 
preserved  by  Dionysius,  is  the  only  specimen  that  we 
possess  of  a  speech  not  connected  with  a  will-case. 
It  refers  to  an  appeal  by  Euphiletus  to  a  law-court 
against  the  decision  of  his  fellow  demes-men,  who  have 
struck  him  off  the  roll. 

The    remaining    fragments    are    hardly   important 


ISAEUS  125 

except  in  so  far  as  they  provide  us  with  the  names  of 
several  lost  speeches.  One  of  them  (frag.  23)  contains 
several  sentences  repeated  verbally  from  Or.  viii. 
(Ciron),  §  28. 

The  fragment  of  the  speech  For  Eumathes,  preserved 
by  Dionysius,  has  been  referred  to  above  (p.  118). 


CHAPTER  VI 
ISOCRATES 

§  I.  Life 

ISOCRATES  was  born  in  436  B.C.,  and  lived  to 
the  remarkable  age  of  ninety-seven  in  full  pos- 
session of  his  faculties.  His  childhood  and  youth  were 
passed  amid  the  horrors  of  the  Peloponnesian  War ; 
he  was  already  of  age  when  the  failure  of  the  Sicilian 
expedition  turned  the  scale  against  Athens.  In 
mature  manhood  he  saw  the  ruin  of  his  city  by  the 
capitulation  to  Lysander.  He  lived  through  the 
Spartan  supremacy,  saw  the  foimdation  of  the  new 
Athenian  League  in  378  B.C.,  and  the  rise  and  fall  of 
the  power  of  Thebes.  At  the  time  when  Philip  obtained 
the  throne  of  Macedon  he  was  already,  by  ordinary 
reckoning,  an  old  man,  but  the  laws  of  mortality  were 
suspended  in  the  case  of  this  Athenian  Nestor.  Some 
of  his  most  important  works  were  composed  after  his 
V  eightieth  year ;  the  Philippus,  which  he  wrote  at  the 
age  of  ninety,  shows  no  diminution  of  his  powers  ; 
4  he  produced  one  of  his  longest  works,  the  Panathenaicus, 
^  in  his  ninety-seventh  year,  and  Hved  to  congratulate 
Philip  on  his  victory  at  Chaeronea  in  338  B.C. 

In  a  Hfe  of  such  extent  and  such  remarkable  variety 
of  experience  we  should  expect  to  find  many  changes 
of  outlook  and  modifications,  from  time  to  time,  of 
earlier  views.    But  Isocrates  was  a  man  of  singularly 

126 


ISOCRATES  127 

fixed  ideas.  With  regard  to  education,  he  formulated 
in  the  discourse  against  the  Sophists  (391  B.C.)  views 
which  are  practically  identical  with  what  he  expressed 
nearly  forty  years  later  in  the  Antidosis,  views  which 
he  maintains  in  his  last  work  of  all,  the  Panathenaicus 
(339  B.C.).  With  regard  to  Greek  poHtics,  he  held 
till  the  close  of  his  life  the  opinions  propounded  in  the 
Panegyricus  of  380  B.C.  His  aims  were  unchanged, 
though  of  necessity  he  modified  the  means  by  which 
he  hoped  to  carry  them  out. 

We  have  little  information  about  the  orator's  early 
life.  He  tells  us  himself  that  his  patrimony  was 
dissipated  by  the  Peloponnesian  War,i  so  that  he  was 
forced  to  adopt  a  profession  to  make  a  living. 

The  story  contained  in  the  '  Life,'  that  he  endea- 
voured to  save  Theramenes  when  condemned  by 
the  Thirty,  has  no  other  authority  but  the  Pseudo- 
Plutarch.  It  appears  from  Plato's  Phaedrus  ^  that  he 
was  intimate  with  Socrates,  that  Socrates  had  a  high 
opinion  of  him,  and  considered  that  the  young  man 
might  distinguish  himself  either  in  oratory  or  in 
philosophy.  Tradition  names  the  Sophists  Prodicus, 
Protagoras,  and  Gorgias  among  his  early  teachers. 
He  is  beUeved  to  have  visited  Gorgias  in  Thessaly. 

Plutarch  asserts  that  Isocrates  at  one  time  opened  a 
school  of  rhetoric,  with  nine  pupils,  in  Chios  ;  and 
that  while  there  he  interfered  in  politics  and  helped 
to  institute  a  democracy. ^  The  story  may  be  accepted 
with  reservations.     Isocrates  himself  never  refers  to 


1  Antid.,  §  161. 

2  Phaedr.f  pp.  278-9. 

^  Kai  dpxo-s  5i  [/cai]  (raj  ?)  nepl  rrjv  Kiov  Kariarrjae  Kal  t^p  ai>TT}v  rp  irarpiSi 
ToXlTfiap.     Ps.-Plut.,  837  B. 


■■'¥ 


128  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

# 

it,  and  in  Ep.  vi.  §  2  (to  the  children  of  Jason)  excuses 
himself  from  visiting  Thessaly  on  the  ground  that 
people  would  comment  tmfavourably  on  a  man  who 
had  '  kept  quiet '  all  his  Hfe  if  he  began  traveUing  in 
his  old  age.i  Jebb  assumes  a  short  stay  in  Chios  in 
404-403  B.C. 

Between  403  and  393  B.C.   Isocrates  composed  a 

certain  number  of  speeches  for  the  law-courts,  in  which, 

however,  he  never  appeared  as  a  pleader,  for  natural 

■   disabilities — lack  of  voice  and  nervousness,  to  which 

i  he  refers  with  regret — made  him  unfitted  for  such 

work. 

About  392  B.C.  he  opened  a  school  at  Athens,  and 

^^     in  391   B.C.  pubhshed,  in  the  discourse  Against  the 

-■^     Sophists,  his  views  on  education.    His  pupils  were 

mostly  Athenians,  many  of  them  afterwards  being 

men  of  distinction. 2 

It  was  probably  between  378  and  376  B.C.  that 
Isocrates  went  on  several  voyages  with  Conon's  son, 
Timotheus,  who  was  engaged  in  organizing  the  new 
maritime  league.  From  this  time  down  to  351  B.C. 
he  had  many  distinguished  pupils  from  far  countries — 
Sicily  and  Pontus  as  well  as  all  parts  of  Greece — and 
amassed,  as  he  tells  us,  a  reasonable  competence, 
though  not  a  large  fortune. 

In  the  year  351  B.C.,  when  a  great  contest  of  eloquence 
was  held  by  Artemisia,  widow  of  Mausolus  of  Caria, 
\  in  honour  of  her  husband,  it  is  reported  that  all  the 
competitors  were  pupils  of  Isocrates. 

In  the  last  period  of  his  Hfe,  351-338  B.C.,  Isocrates 

*  However,  if  we  pressed  this  passage,  we  must  regard  the  journey 
with  Timotheus  as  unhistorical.  All  the  evidence  is  to  be  found  in 
Blass,  Att.  Ber.,  vol.  ii.  pp.  16-17. 

2  Antid.,  §§  159  sqq. 


ISOCRATES  129 

still  continued  to  teach,  and  was  also  busily  occupied 
in  writing.  He  published  the  Philippus,  which  is  one 
of  his  most  important  works,  and  one  of  the  greatest 
in  historical  interest,  in  346  B.C.  ;  in  342  B.C.  he  began 
the  lengthy  Panathenaicus,  which  he  had  half  finished 
when  he  was  attacked  by  an  illness,  which  made  the 
work  drag  on  for  three  years.  It  was  finished  in  339 
B.C.  In  the  following  year,  a  few  days  after  the 
battle  of  Chaeronea,  he  died.  A  report  was  current 
in  antiquity  that  he  committed  suicide,  by  starving 
himself,  in  consequence  of  the  news  of  this  downfall 
of  Greek  liberty ;  the  story  is  quite  incredible  when 
we  consider  that  the  result  of  the  battle  gave  a  possi- 
bility of  the  fulfilment  of  the  hopes  which  Isocrates 
had  been  cherishing  for  half  his  life,  the  end  to  which 
he  had  been  labouring  for  over  forty  years — the  con- 
centration of  all  power  into  the  hands  of  one  man, 
who  might  redeem  Greece  by  giving  her  union  and 
leading  her  to  conquest  in  the  East. 

His  last  letter,  in  fact,  written  after  the  battle  of 
Chaeronea,  congratulates  Philip  on  his  victory;  and 
even  if  this  letter  is  spurious,  the  probability,  to  judge 
from  the  tone  of  his  earlier  works,  is  that  he  would 
have  hailed  the  Macedonian  success  as  a  victory  for 
his  imperial  ideas. 

§  2.     Style 

Though  Isocrates  composed,  in  his  youth,  a  few 
forensic  speeches,  it  is  not  by  such  compositions  that 
he  must  be  judged  ;  indeed  he  himself,  far  from  claim- 
ing credit  for  his  activity  in  that  direction,  in  later 
life  adopted  an  apologetic  tone  when  speaking  of  his 
earher  work.     As  a  teacher  of  rhetoric  he  won  great 


130  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

^^  \^.  renown,  numbering,  as  he  boasts,  even  kings  among 
his  pupils  ;  and  he  had  a  complete  mastery  of  all  the 
technique  of  the  rhetorical  art. 

He  was  also  a  master  of  style,  having  theories  of 

composition  which  he  exemplified  in   practice   with 

such  skill  that  he  must  occupy  a  prominent  place  in 

any  treatise  on  the  development  of  Greek  prose. 

But  his  highest  claim  to  consideration  is  as  a  political 

"^     thinker.     His   bold  and  startling  theories   of  Greek 

poUtics  were  expressed  indeed  in  finished  prose,  and 

in  rhetorical  shape ;   but  the  artistic  form  is  only  an 

added   ornament ;    if   Isocrates   had  written   in   the 

baldest  style  he  must  have  made  a  name  by  his  treatises 

on  political  science,  and  by  the  fact  that  he  took  a 

broader  and  more  liberal  view  of  Hellenism  than  any 

Athenian   before   or   after.    Thus   he,    who   perhaps 

never  delivered  a  public  speech,  is  of  more  importance 

than  any  of  the  other  orators ;  and  though  no  pohtician 

in  the  narrow  sense,   he  exerted  a  wider  influence 

than  any,  not  excepting  Demosthenes,  who  devoted 

,  their  lives  to  political  activity,  for  he  originated  and 

^.    promulgated    ideas    which    completely    changed    the 

^,  course  of  Greek  civilization.     It  was  probably  he  who 

^  was  the  first  to  instigate  Philip  to  attempt  the  conquest 

^  of  Asia,  as  he  had  before  urged  Dionysius  and  others 

to  make  the  attempt — all  for  the  sake  of  the  union  of 

Greek  States  and  the  spread  of  Hellenism ;  certainly 

he  encouraged  the  Macedonian  in  his  project,   and 

perhaps  it  may  be  said  to  be  due  to  him  that  on 

Philip's  death  Alexander  found  the  way  prepared. 

Isocrates  could  not  fully  foresee  the  results  of 
Alexander's  conquests  ;  Alexander  himself  modified 
and  expanded  his  ambitions  as  he  advanced ;    but 


ISOCRATES  131 

undoubtedly  Isocrates  urged  the  general  desirability 
of  the  undertaking  and  saw  clearly,  up  to  a  certain 
point,  the  lines  on  which  it  ought  to  be  carried  out. 
The  petty  law-suits  which  occupied  Lysias  and  Ando- 
cides  seem  trivial  and  unimportant,  even  the  patriotic 
utterances  of  Demosthenes  seem  of  secondary  weight, 
compared  with  these  literary  harangues  of  Isocrates, 
in  cases  where  civilization  and  barbarism,  unity  and 
discord,  are  the  litigants,  and  the  court  is  the  world. 

Isocrates  is  named  by  Dionysius  as  an  example  of 
the  smooth  (or  florid)  style  of  composition,  which 
resembles  closely  woven  stuffs,  or  pictures  in  which 
the  lights  melt  insensibly  into  the  shadows.^ 

It  is  clear  that  to  aim  consciously  at  producing  such 
effects  as  these  is  to  exalt  mere  expression  to  supreme 
heights,  and  to  risk  the  loss  of  clearness  and  emphasis. 
We  may  gather  the  opinions  of  Isocrates  on  the 
structure  of  prose  partly  from  his  own  statements, 
partly  from  the  criticisms  of  Dionysius,  and  partly 
from  a  study  of  his  compositions.  The  subject  has 
been  very  fully  and  carefully  dealt  with  by  Blass,  and 
in  the  present  work  only  a  summary  of  the  chief 
results  can  be  attempted. 

The  most  noticeable  feature  of  the  style  is  the  care 
taken  to  avoid  hiatus.  This  is  particularly  remarked 
by  Dionysius,  who,  after  quoting  from  the  Areopagiticus 
a  long  passage  which  he  particularly  admires,  notes, 
'  You  cannot  find  any  dissonance  of  vowels,  at  any 
rate  in  the  passage  which  I  have  quoted,  nor  any, 
I  think,  in  the  whole  speech,  unless  some  instance 
has  escaped  my  observation.'  ^ 

^  de  Comp.  Verb.,  ch.  xxiii. 

2  de  Comp.  Verb.,  ch.  xxiii.     He  quotes  Areop.,  §§  1-5. 


^, 


132  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

We  should  expect  to  find  that,  to  produce  this 
effect,  it  was  necessary  to  depart  frequently  from 
natural  forms  of  expression,  either  by  changing  the 
usual  order,  or  by  inserting  unnecessary  words.  It 
is  probable  that  Isocrates  resorted  to  both  these 
devices  ;  but  such  is  the  skill  with  which  he  handles 
his  materials  that  careful  reading  is  necessary  to 
detect  the  distortions.* 
^  Dionysius  further  notes  that  dissonance  or  clashing 
of  consonants  is  rare,  and  herein  Isocrates  seems  to 
have  been  at  pains  to  follow  the  rules  of  euphony  laid 
down  in  his  own  Tixvv-  In  a  fragment  preserved  by 
Hermogenes  he  tells  his  readers  to  avoid  the  repetition 
of  the  same  syllable  in  consecutive  words — as  riXiKa 
KaXd,  evda  %a\rj<;^  The  ingenuity  of  Blass  has  dis- 
covered passages  in  which  the  natural  form  of  a  phrase 
has  been  altered  to  avoid  such  juxtaposition  of  similar 
syllables.'    Certain  combinations  of  consonants,  too, 

'^  are  hard  to  pronounce,  and  must  therefore  be  avoided. 
There  is,  in  truth,  much  justice  in  the  remark  of 
Dionysius  that  in  reading  Isocrates  it  is  not  the  separate 
words  but  the  sentence  as  a  whole  that  we  must  take 
into  account. 

'^^  The  third  characteristic  of  Isocrates*  style  is  his 
attention  to  rhythm. 

The  extravagance  of  Gorgias  had  hindered  the 
development  of  the  language  by  introducing  into  prose 
the  rhythms  and  language  of  poetry  ;  Thrasjnnachus, 

1  Isocrates  allows  elisions  of  certain  short  vowels,  but  he  is  more 
sparing  than  most  poets  in  the  use  of  it.  In  the  epideictic  speeches 
the  commonest  elision  is  of  enclitics  or  semi-enclitics  {re,  5i,  etc.) 
and  of  personal  pronouns.  Crasis,  except  of  Kai  &v,  is  rare.  In  the 
forensic  speeches  (his  early  work)  eUsion  is  much  less  restricted. 

2  Maxim.  Planud.  ad  Hermog.,  v.  469.  '  Vol.  ii.  p.  144. 


ISOCRATES  133 

as  we  know  from  Aristotle's  Rhetoric,  had  studied  the 
effect  of  the  foot  *  paeonius  '  ( —  ^^  ^  v^  or  ^  s^  ^  — )  at  f 
the  beginning  and  end  of  periods. ^  Isocrates,  while 
deprecating  the  use  of  poetical  metres  in  any  strict 
sense,  asserted  that  oratorical  prose  should  have 
rhythms  of  its  own,  and  favoured  combinations  of  the 
trochee  and  the  iambus.  In  this  he  differed  from 
Aristotle,  who  disapproved  of  the  iambic  rhythm  as 
being  too  similar  to  the  natural  course  of  ordinary 
speech,  and  of  the  trochaic,  as  being  too  light  and 
tripping — in  contrast  to  the  hexameter,  which  he 
classed  as  too  solemn  for  spoken  language. ^ 

The  periods  of  Isocrates  are  remarkable  for  their 
elaboration .  The  analyses  of  Blass  show  us  a  compHca- 
tion  of  structure  in  some  of  the  longer  sentences  which 
may  almost  be  compared  to  that  of  a  Pindaric  ode.-| 
Never,  perhaps,  has  there  been  a  writer  who  attained 
such  luxuriant  complexity  in  his  composition  of 
sentences.  But  Isocrates  is  too  much  the  slave  of 
his  own  virtues  ;  his  periods  are  so  long,  so  complete, 
so  imiformly  artistic,  that  their  everlasting  procession  ?  ■ 
is  monotonous.  Lysias,  less  perfect  in  form,  has  in 
consequence  more  variety ;  Demosthenes,  who  could 
compose  long  periods,  did  not  confine  himself  to  them, 
but  enlivened  his  style  by  contrast. 

The  structure  of  the  period  lends  itself  naturally 
to  antithetical  forms  of  expression.  We  observed  in 
Antiphon  the  frequency  of  verbal  antitheses  of  various 
kinds — the  \6ya)  and  epyo),  the  fikv  and  Bi,  and 
others.  Isocrates,  having  before  him  the  examples 
of  his  predecessors  and  the  precepts  of  rhetoricians, 
and  having  theories  of  his  own  on  sentence-construc- 

1  Rhet.,  Book  iii.  8.  4.  «  Ibid. 


\ 


134  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

tion,  developed  very  fully  a  scheme  of   parallelism 
in  word,  sense,  and  somid. 

Thus  a  period  will  consist,  as  we  have  seen,  of  a 
succession  of  /cwXa  or  limbs,  each  one  corresponding 
to  another  in  size,  and  pairs  of  corresponding  KSiKa 
will  contain  pairs  of  words  parallel  in  sense,  form  or 
sound.     So  the  whole  period  is  bound  closely  together. 

Vocabulary.     Schemata 

His  vocabulary  avoids  excess  ;  he  is,  in  the  judgment 
of  Dionysius,  the  purest  of  Atticists,  with  the  exception 
of  Lysias.  But  if  we  compare  the  two  we  find  much 
more  tendency  to  fine  writing  in  Isocrates.  Using 
ordinary  words  he  can  produce  notable  effects,  and  he 
is  always  consciously  striving  after  a  certain  poni- 
posity  of  diction.  This  is  most  noticeable  in  the 
exhibition-writings,  such  as  the  Helen  and  Busiris, 
where  grandiloquent  compound  words  are  not  in- 
frequent, and  metaphors  are  commoner  and  more  strik- 
ing than  in  the  speeches  on  real  subjects. 

One  of  his  affectations,  copied  by  nearly  all  subse- 
quent orators,  is  the  unnecessary  piling  up  of  words 
almost  synonymous  to  express  one  idea.^  On  the  other 
hand  we  sometimes  find  synonyms  apparently  con- 
trasted in  different  parts  of  the  sentence  ;  such  con- 
trast is  only  verbal,  and  is  made  for  the  purpose  of 
rounding  the  period  ;  in  either  case  we  must  note  that 
the  writer  departs  from  simplicity  in  order  to  improve 
the  sound  of  his  words,  but  does  not  add  much  to  the 
sense.  2 

^  dav/xd^eiv  Kal  ^rj\ovy,  iiraiV€T}'  Kal  rifxav,  etc. 

*  E.g.  Paneg.,  §  5,  6Tav  H)  rd  vpAy/xara  Xd^y  r^Xos  .  .  .  i)  t6v  \6yoy 
tdri  Tis  itx^vTo.  vipaiy  where  t^Xoj  and  nipat,  two  words  for  end  or 


ISOCRATES  135 

Another  characteristic  is  the  use  of  the  plural  of 
abstract  nouns,  in  much  the  same  sense  as  the  singular.^  Vt 
All  these  details — the  partiality  for  compounds,  for  the 
accumulation  of  synonyms  and  for  the  use  of  the  plural 
instead  of  the  singular,  may  be  classed  together  under 
the  head  of  exaggerations  of  expression,  and  recorded .;  ^^ 
as  characteristics  of  the  epideictic  style.  ■ 

In  general,  the  tone  is  heightened,  and  Isocrates  tends 
to  appear  florid  when  compared  with  Lysias ;  if,  on 
the  other  hand,  we  take  Gorgias  as  a  standard,  we 
see  how  far  Isocrates,  who  imdoubtedly  imitated  the 
Sicilian  style,  has  surpassed  his  model  in  the  direction 
of  refinement.     . 


§  3.     On  Education 

Prevented  by  natural  disabilities  from  exercising  his 
talents  in  public,  but  urged  on  by  the  necessity  of  earn- 
ing a  living,  since  the  Peloponnesian  War  had  dissi- 
pated his  fortune,  Isocrates  turned  to  a  profession  for     .f'^^ 
which  he  was  well  fitted,  that  of  an  educator.     During  i 
many  years  he  was,  like  Gorgias,  a  teacher  of  rhetoric, 
and  like  Gorgias  he  may  be  classed  as  a  Sophist.    This 
title  is  misleading.     In  itself  it  means  nothing  more        v 
than  an  educator,  or  teacher  of  wisdom,  and  early    < 
writers  use  it  in  a  laudatory  sense  ;  Herodotus  applies 
it  to  the  Seven  Sages.     In  the  fourth  century  it  was 
debased,  partly  by  the  comic  poets,  as  representing  the 

completion,  are  not  really  distinguishable,  or,  at  any  rate,  the  dis- 
tinction is  very  sUght.  So  in  Evagoras,  §  11,  evXayelu  and  iyKWfu- 
d^eiv  are  used  antithetically  (to  praise — to  eulogise). 

^  E.g.  Evagoras,  §  10,  ai/Tois  rats  eipvOfxiais  koI  rats  avfifierplais 
\l>vx<iyuyov(n  rods  dKo6ovTas.  Elsewhere  we  find  fierpidTirreSy  Xa/iirpi- 
TTfT€i,  av9d5€i.ai,  dpyiai,  etc. 


136  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

popular  habit  of  sneering  at  anything  which  the  mob 
cannot  understand,  but  more  honestly  and  systemati- 
cally by  Plato,  who,  though  he  admitted  that  some  of 
the  Sophists,  such  as  Protagoras,  were  men  worthy  of 
the  highest  respect,  took  many  opportunities  of  dis- 
vparaging  Sophists  as  a  class,  and  Sophistry  as  a  pro- 
fession. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  was  quite  sincere,  for 
he  takes  great  pains  to  bring  out  the  distinction  between 
the  educators  and  his  own  master  Socrates,  whom 
Aristophanes  had  already  marked  as  one  of  the  crowd.^ 

To  us  it  seems  that  the  marked  distinction  cannot 
be  maintained ;  apart  from  Socrates'  peculiarity  of 
refusing  to  take  fees  from  his  pupils,  he  is  distinguished 
^- ~  *  only  by  possessing  a  higher  moral  tone  than  the  rest 
of  the  Sophists.  Like  them  he  was  a  sceptic  as  far  as 
philosophy  was  concerned,  and  like  them  he  was  an 
1  educator. 

We  have,  however,  accepted  the  word  at  the  value 
which  Plato  chose  to  put  upon  it ;  but  we  must  not 
suppose  that  this  was  the  value  at  which  it  was  usually 
current.  This  is  clear  from  the  fact  that  Isocrates  can 
use  the  word  without  any  idea  of  disparagement. 

Though  he  wrote  a  speech  Against  the  Sophists,  it 
is  directed  not  against  the  profession  as  a  whole,  but 
against  certain  classes,  whom  he  calls  the  ayeXacov 
ao(f>La'Tal — '  Sophists  of  the  baser  sort.' 

Isocrates'  earliest  work  on  education,  the  speech  or 

~X  tract  Against  the  Sophists  (Or.  xiii.),  dates  from  the 

beginning  of  his  professional  career,  perhaps  about  the 

year  390  B.C.     We  possess  only  part,  perhaps  less  than 

half,  of  the  speech.     What  remains  is  purely  destruc- 

*  Aristoph.,  Clouds^  passim. 


ISOCRATES  137 

tive  criticism  which,  as  is  clear  from  the  concluding 
words,  was  meant  to  lead  up  to  an  exposition  of  the 
writer's  own  principles  and  theory.  The  loss  is  to  be 
regretted,  but  is  not  irreparable,  since  the  speech  On  the 
Antidosis,  composed  thirty-five  years  later,  supple- 
ments it  by  a  full  constructive  statement. 

The  introduction  on  the  Sophists  is  sweeping  in  its 
severity :  ^ 

*  If  all  our  professional  educators  would  be  content  to 
tell  the  truth  and  not  promise  more  than  they  ever  intend 
to  perform,  they  would  not  have  a  bad  reputation  among 
laymen.  As  it  is,  their  reckless  effrontery  has  encouraged 
the  opinion  that  a  Hfe  of  incurious  idleness  is  better  than 
one  devoted  to  philosophy. ' 

He  proceeds  to  criticize  various  classes  : 

'  We  cannot  help  hating  and  despising  the  professors  of 
contentious  argument  (eristic),  who,  while  claiming  to  seek 
for  Truth,  introduce  falsehood  at  the  very  beginning  of  their 
pretensions.  They  profess  in  a  way  to  read  the  future,  a 
power  which  Homer  denied  even  to  the  gods  ;  for  they 
prophesy  for  their  pupils  a  full  knowledge  of  right  conduct, 
and  promise  them  happiness  in  consequence.  This  in- 
valuable commodity  they  offer  for  sale  at  the  ridiculous 
price  of  three  or  four  minae.  They  affect,  indeed,  to  de- 
spise money — mere  dross  of  silver  or  gold  as  they  call  it — 
yet,  for  the  sake  of  this  small  profit  they  will  raise  their 
pupils  almost  to  a  level  with  the  immortals.  They  profess 
to  teach  all  virtue  ;  but  it  is  notable  that  pupils,  before 
they  are  admitted  to  the  course,  have  to  give  security  for 
the  payment  of  their  fees.' 

The  general  tone  of  this  censure  recalls  the  attacks 
of  the  Platonic  Socrates  on  the  *  eristic  '  Sophists  ;  but 

*  Cf.  Isocrates'  reference  to  this  passage  in  Antid.,  §  193. 


138  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

it  is  certain  that  the  *  eristics/  whom  Isocrates  here 
attacks,  are  some  of  the  lesser  Socratics.  This  is  made 
obvious  by  the  reference  in  §  3  to  the  knowledge 
(iTrco-TrjfjLrj)  which,  according  to  these  teachers,  will  lead 
to  right  conduct  or  virtue,  and  so  to  happiness.  The 
Socratic  view  that  knowledge  is  the  basis  of  virtue,  and 
virtue  of  happiness,  is  well  known.  Socrates  himself 
did  not  profess  to  teach  virtue  for  a  fee  ;  but  the 
Megarians,  the  followers  of  his  pupil  EucHdes,  did,  and 
at  them  the  sarcasm  of  Isocrates  seems  to  be  directed. 
Elsewhere,  indeed,  Isocrates  refers  definitely  to  the 
Platonic  school  as  belonging  to  the  eristic  class. ^ 

The  teachers  of  *  Political  Discourse  '  fall  next  under 
ban,  that  is,  the  teachers  of  practical  rhetoric,  whether 
forensic  or  deliberative. ^  '  They  care  nothing  for 
truth  ' — whereas  the  eristics,  at  any  rate,  professed  to 
seek  it — *  they  consider  that  their  profession  is  to 
attract  as  many  pupils  as  possible  by  the  smallness  of 
their  fees  and  the  greatness  of  their  promises.  They 
are  so  dull,  and  think  others  so  dull,  that  though  the 
speeches  which  they  write  are  worse  than  many  non- 
professionals can  improvise,  they  undertake  to  make 
of  their  pupils  orators  equal  to  any  emergency.  They 
say  that  they  can  teach  oratory  as  easily  as  the  alpha- 
bet, which  is  a  subject  fixed  by  unchangeable  rules, 
whereas  the  conditions  for  a  speaker  are  never  quite 
the  same  on  two  occasions.  A  speech,  to  be  successful, 
must  be  appropriate  to  the  subject,  to  the  occasion, 
and  to  the  speaker ;  and  in  some  degree  original. 
Instruction  can  give  us  technical  skill ;  but  cannot  call 

*  Hel.  (Or.  X.),  §  I,  ol  8i  S(,e^i6vT€s  ws  iySpla  Kal  <ro<f)la  Kal  diKaioa^vij 
Tavrhv  iffTc. 
«  §§  9  sqq. 


ISOCRATES  139 

into  existence  the  oratorical  faculty,  which  a  good 
speaker  must  have  innate  in  him.' 

No  doubt  Isocrates  himself  professed  to  give  a  prac- 
tical training  for  public  life  ;  but  he  states  here  what 
he  repeats  with  more  emphasis  in  a  later  writing  :  ^ 

*  For  distinction  either  in  speech  or  in  action,  or  in  any 
other  work,  there  are  three  requisites  :  natural  apti- 
tude, theoretical  training,  and  practical  experience.  .  .  . 
Of  these  the  first  is  indispensable,  and  by  far  the  most 
important.'  The  Sophists  claimed  to  dispense  with 
the  first,  and  this  is  the  ground  of  the  philosopher's 
quarrel  with  them. 

The  third  section  of  the  speech,  following  naturally 
on  the  second,  deals  with  writers  of  technical  guides  to 
rhetoric  (rexvai). 

*  They  profess  to  teach  litigation,  choosing  for  themselves 
this  offensive  title  which  would  be  more  appropriate  in  the 
mouths  of  their  detractors.  They  are  worse  than  those  who 
wallow  in  the  mire  of  "  eristic,"  for  they  at  least  pretend  to 
be  concerned  with  virtue  and  moderation,  while  those  whom 
we  are  considering  now  undertake  only  to  teach  men  to  be 
busy-bodies  from  motives  of  base  covetousness. '  ^ 

Here   again    Isocrates,    who   himself   composed   an 

*  Art '  of  rhetoric,  does  not  condemn  all  who  may  try 
to  teach  the  subject ;  his  complaint  is  that  the  majority 
of  such  teachers  have  confined  themselves  to  the  ignoble 
branch  of  the  profession.  This  criticism  is  obviously 
a  vahd  one,  and  is  echoed  by  Aristotle,  who  declares 
that  speaking  before  a  public  assembly  is  less  knavish 
(Ka/covpyov)  than  speaking  in  a  law-court.^  , 

The   speech   entitled    On    the    Antidosis    is    really^' 
Isocrates'    defence    of    his    life    and    profession.     In 

1  Antid.y  §§  187-189.  -  §§  19  sqq.  *  Rhet.,  i.  i.  10. 


140  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

355  B.C.  he  was  challenged  by  one  Megacleides  to 
undertake  the  trierarchy,  or  else  to  accept  an  antidosis, 
or  exchange  of  properties.  The  matter  was  the  subject 
of  a  trial,  in  consequence  of  which  Isocrates  performed 
the  trierarchy.  Some  time — perhaps  two  years — ^later, 
he  wrote  this  speech,  which  is  of  no  historical  im- 
portance, since  even  the  name  of  the  plaintiff,  Lysi- 
machus,  is  fictitious.  The  introduction  (§§  1-13)  makes 
it  clear  that  the  law-suit  is  only  introduced  for  the  sake 
of  local  colour.  The  speech  itself  begins  with  a  sem- 
blance of  forensic  form  in  §  14,  but  the  pretence  is  very 
soon  dropped.  The  cloak  is  resumed  in  the  Epilogue 
(§§  320-323)  ;  but  the  greatest  part  of  the  speech  has 
nothing  to  do  with  any  trial,  real  or  imaginary. 

The  treatise,  as  we  may  call  it,  falls  into  two  parts  : 
in  §§  14-166  the  writer  defends  his  own  character ;  in 
§§  167-319  he  defends  his  system  of  education. 

The  indictment  against  which  he  pleads  is  that  he  is 
in  the  habit  of  corrupting  the  younger  generation  by 
teaching  them  habits  of  litigation.  He  has  little  diffi- 
culty in  showing  that  his  chief  work  has  lain  in  a  far 
nobler  field  than  that  of  forensic  rhetoric.  While 
others  have  been  engaged  in  the  paltry  contentions  of 
the  law-courts  he  has  composed  speeches  bearing  upon 
the  politics  of  all  Greece.  This  he  proves  by  reciting 
long  extracts  from  his  most  famous  works  :  the  Pane- 
gyric (§  59)  ;  On  the  Peace  (§  66)  ;   Nicocles  (§  72). 

The  second  half  of  the  speech  contains,  as  has  been 
noted,  a  statement  and  defence  of  Isocrates'  theory. 

'  Philosophy,'  he  says,  '  is  for  the  soul  what  Gymnastic 
is  for  the  body.' 

This  analogy  he  elaborates. 


ISOCRATES  141 

'  The  gymnastic  trainer  teaches  his  pupils  first  to  per- 
form the  separate  movements,  then  to  combine  them.  The 
educator  follows  the  same  order,  and  both  insist  on  long 
and  diligent  practice  ;  but  the  trainer  of  the  body  cannot 
always  make  a  man  an  athlete,  nor  can  the  trainer  of  the 
mind  make  everybody  an  orator.  There  are  three  essen- 
tials requisite  for  success-^natural  aptitude, ^proper  teach- 
ing, and  long  practice  ;  and  moreover  there  must  be  a  will 
on  the  part  of  both  teacher  and  pupil  to  persevere.  The 
natural  ability  is  by  far  the  most  important  element. 
Training,  however  complete,  may  break  down  utterly  if 
the  speaker  lacks  nerve.  ^ 

'  Some  people  expect  a  marked  improvement  after  a  few 
days  of  study  with  a  Sophist,  and  demand  a  complete  train- 
ing in  a  year.  This  is  ridiculous ;  no  class  of  education 
could  produce  such  results ;  and  there  is  no  need  to  dis- 
parage us  as  a  class  because  we  cannot  do  more  than  we 
profess.  We  cannot  make  all  men  orators,  but  we  can  give 
them  culture. 

*  Others  assert  that  our  philosophy  has  an  immoral 
tendency.  I  shall  not  defend  all  who  claim  to  be  educators, 
but  only  those  who  have  a  right  to  the  name.  We  have 
nothing  to  gain  by  making  men  immoral ;  on  the  contrary 
the  greatest  satisfaction  for  a  Sophist  is  that  his  pupils 
should  become  wise  and  honourable  men,  respected  by  their 
fellows.  Our  pupils  come  from  Sicily,  from  Pontus,  and 
from  other  distant  regions ;  do  they  com.e  so  far  to  be 
instructed  in  wickedness  ?  Surely  not ;  they  could  find 
plenty  of  teaching  at  home.  They  incur  the  trouble  and 
expense  because  they  think  that  Athens  can  give  them  the 
best  education  in  the  world. 

'  Again,  power  in  debate  is  not  in  itself  a  demoralizing 
thing.  The  greatest  statesmen  of  this  and  earlier  genera- 
tions studied  and  practised  oratory — Solon,  who  was  called 
one  of  the  Seven  Sophists,  Themistocles,  Pericles.  You 
blame  the  Thebans  for  lacking  culture  ;  why  blame  us  who 

^  t6  ToXfidy,  §  192. 


142  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

try  to  impart  it  ?  Athens  honours  with  a  yearly  sacrifice 
the  Goddess  Persuasion  ;  our  enemies  attack  us  for  seeking 
the  faculty  which  this  goddess  personifies. 

'  We  are  even  attacked  by  the  "  Eristics  "  :  ^  far  from  re- 
torting, I  am  ready  to  admit  that  there  is  good  to  be  got 
even  from  eristic  disputation,  from  astronomy, ^  and  from 
geometry :  they  are  useful  as  a  preliminary  to  higher 
studies. 

'  My  own  view  of  philosophy  is  a  simple  one.  It  is 
impossible  to  attain  absolute  knowledge  of  what  we  ought 
or  ought  not  to  do  ;  but  the  wise  man  is  he  who  can  make 
a  successful  guess  as  a  general  rule,  and  philosophers  are 
those  who  study  to  attain  this  practical  wisdom.  There  is 
not,  and  never  has  been,  a  science  which  could  impart 
justice  and  virtue  to  those  who  are  not  by  nature  incHned 
towards  these  quaUties ;  but  a  man  who  is  desirous  of 
speaking  or  writing  well,  and  of  persuading  others,  will 
incidentally  become  more  just  and  virtuous,  for  it  is  char- 
acter that  tells  more  than  anything. 

'  Thoughtful  speaking  leads  to  careful  action.  Your 
superior  culture  raises  you  above  the  rest  of  Greece,  just  as 
mankind  is  superior  to  the  lower  animals  and  Greeks  to 
barbarians  :  do  not,  then,  punish  those  who  would  give 
you  this  culture. '  ^ 

These  two  treatises  taken  together,  and  supplemented 
by  a  few  passages  from  other  speeches,  give  us  a  fair 
idea  of  Isocrates'  system.  His  '  Philosophy  '  is  to  be 
distinguished  from  all  merely  theoretical  speculation, 
such  as  the  physical  theories  of  the  lonians,  or  the 
logic  of  Parmenides  ;  from  '  eristic  ' — the  art  of  arguing 
for  argument's  sake — from  geometry  and  astronomy; 
from  literary  work  which  has  no  practical  use ;  from 
the  rhetoric  of  the  law-courts.     Boys  at  school  may 

1   Vide  supra,  p.  137.  '  Or  astrology  ? 

'  Antid.,  Summary  oi  §§  181-303. 


ISOCRATES  143 

profitably  study  grammar  and  poetry  ;  at  a  later  age 
the  applied  mathematics,  and  even  *  eristic/  are  good 
mental  training  ;  but  it  must  be  recognized  that  they 
are  only  a  preparation  for  the  Isocratean  '  philosophy/ 
which  is  for  the  soul  what  gymnastic  is  for  the  body. 

As  the  gymnastic-master  teaches  first  the  various 
thrusts  and  parries,  so  to  speak,  the  teacher  of  philo- 
sophy makes  his  pupils  learn  first  all  the  styles  of  prose 
composition.^  He  then  makes  them  combine  (crwelpeiv) 
the  things  which  they  have  learnt.  The  subjects  for 
such  exercises  must  be  properly  chosen— they  must  be 
practical  and  must  deal  with  wide  interests. 

Practice  on  these  lines  will  prepare  a  man,  as  far  as 
his  nature  allows,  for  speaking  and  acting  in  a  pubHc 
capacity ;  so  that  what  Isocrates  calls  his  '  philo- 
sophy '  is  really  a  science  of  practical  politics. 

Isocrates  seems  to  have  been  thorough  in  all  things  ; 
himself  a  hard  worker  who  took  extraordinary  care  over 
his  compositions,  he  expected  his  pupils  to  work  hard. 
He  was  not  content,  like  some  Sophists,  with  making  them 
learn  his  own  '  fair  copies  '  by  heart ;  they  must  do 
the  work  for  themselves.  He  scoffs  at  those  teachers 
who  claim  to  '  finish  '  their  pupils  in  a  year  ;  his  pre- 
tensions are  more  modest,  but  even  so  he  requires  a 
course  of  three  or  four  years.  He  believed  in  in- 
dividual attention  rather  than  class-teaching,  if  we 
may  regard  an  anecdote  of  the  Pseudo-Plutarch,  who 
recounts  that  three  pupils  once  came  to  him  together, 
but  he  admitted  only  two,  telling  the  third  to  come 
next  day.  He  endeavoured  to  impart  to  his  students 
something  of  that  broadness  of  view,  so  prominent  in 
his  own  speeches,  which  enabled  him  to  look  beyond 

'  Antid.,  §  II,  i54ai. 


144  THE  GREEK  ORx\TORS 

the  trials  of  the  law-courts,  beyond  the  interests  of 
party  or  even  of  individual  state,  and  lift  his  eyes  to  a 
conception  of  national  unity ;  and  something  of  that 
loftiness  of  spirit  which,  in  an  age  of  selfish  and  scurri- 
lous orators,  enabled  him  to  pursue  his  course  towards 
the  truth,  unbiased  by  personal  considerations,  and 
never  descending  to  invective  or  abuse. 

§  4.  Patriotism 

Isocrates  was  no  less  a  patriot  than  Demosthenes, 
though  he  differed  very  widely  in  his  political  views 
from  the  later  orator.  What  these  views  were  may  be 
gathered  from  a  series  of  speeches  on  national  subjects 
extending  over  a  period  of  more  than  forty  years. 
4  The  Panegyricus,  the  first  of  these,  was  probably 
composed  for  publication  at  one  of  the  great  national 
assemblies,  perhaps  the  Ol5anpic  festival,  about  380 
B.C.  This  was  certainly  a  time  when  the  long-con- 
tinued dissensions  of  the  city-states  had  brought  the 
affairs  of  Greece  to  a  crisis.  There  seemed  to  Isocrates 
to  be  no  solution  of  the  difficulties,  no  chance  of  estab- 
lished peace  or  contentment,  unless  some  enterprise 
r'  could  be  found  which  should  imite  the  sympathies  of 
the  rival  cities,  induce  them  to  put  their  own  quarrels 
aside,  and  throw  them  whole-heartedly  into  a  cause 
which  concerned  Hellas  as  a  nation. 

The  only  motive  which  had  ever  been  able  to  unite 
the  Greeks,  even  temporarily,  was  hatred  of  the  bar- 
barians, and  Isocrates  works  upon  this  feeling.  He 
draws  a  vivid  picture  of  the  miserable  state  to  which 
the  Greek  world  has  been  reduced  by  civil  war,  and 
shows  how  the  influence  of  Persia,  besides  keeping  this 
war  alive,  has  in  other  ways  worked  towards  the  ruin 


ISOCRATES  145 

of  Greece.  Having  discussed  with  outspoken  candour 
the  claims  of  Sparta  and  Athens  to  leadership,  he  sug- 
gests that  they  should  agree  by  a  compromise,  and 
urges  that  they  and  all  other  States  should  unite  in  a 
racial  war  against  the  Persians. 

This  speech  had  no  practical  effect.  The  rise  of 
Thebes  shortly  after  this  date  changed  the  balance  of 
power,  and  on  the  whole  did  not  improve  conditions. 
Despairing  of  originating  any  joint  action  within 
Greece  itself,  Isocrates  looked  farther  for  a  leader,  and 
in  or  about  368  B.C.  we  find  him  writing  to  Dionysius  of  " 
Syracuse,  who  at  the  time  held  an  empire  far  more 
powerful  than  that  of  any  State  of  Greece  proper,  and 
suggesting  that  he  should  come  forward  as  the  cham- 
pion of  the  Greek  national  spirit.^ 

In  356  B.C.  Isocrates  turned  again  towards  Sparta, 
this  time  writing  to  Archidamus,  who  had  recently 
succeeded  his  father  Agesilaus  in  the  kingship,  and 
urging  him  to  take  steps  which  will  '  put  an  end  to 
civil  war  in  Greece,  curb  the  insolence  of  the  barbarians, 
and  deprive  them  of  part  of  their  ill-gotten  gains.' 
Archidamus,  if  he  could  be  as  vigorous  as  his  father  and 
more  unselfish,  might  well  seem  to  be  a  suitable  leader 
for  the  crusade  on  which  Isocrates  had  set  his  heart. 

At  this  time  Philip  of  Macedon,  though  he  was 
beginning  to  attain  notoriety,  was  probably  regarded 
by  the  majority  of  Greeks  as  a  pauper  prince,  sitting 
insecurely  on  a  throne  which  he  had  usurped,  and  from 
which  he  might  at  any  time  be  removed  by  rebellion 
or  assassination.  But  in  this  year  he  obtained  pos- 
session of  the  gold  mines  of  Pangaeum,  and  it  was  soon 

^  Ep.  I,  §  87.     This  letter  is  referred  to  in  Philippus,  §  81 ;  the  text    .>•<. 
of  the  letter  remaining  to  us  is  incomplete.  *-^ 


146  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

realized  that  Macedon  was  to  play  a  leading  part  in 
Greek  politics. 

In  346  B.C.  Isocrates  addressed  Philip  as  one  capable 
of  taking  the  lead,  first  in  combining  the  Greek  States 
into  a  union,  and  secondly,  in  leading  them  to  conquer 
the  barbarian.  1  The  ten  years  of  desultory  hostilities 
between  Philip  and  Athens  had  now  been  ended  by  the 
peace  of  Philocrates,  and  Isocrates,  thinking  that 
Amphipolis,  for  which  they  had  been  fighting,  was  an 
undesirable  possession  for  either  party,  imagined  and 
hoped  that  the  peace  might  be  made  permanent. 

Though  the  Panegyric  and  the  addresses  to  Dionysius 
and  Archidamus  had  failed,  Isocrates  hoped  that  an 
appeal  to  Philip  might  be  more  successful. 

*  I  decided,'  he  writes,  '  to  broach  the  subject  to  you,  not 
as  a  special  compliment,  though  I  should  be  glad  if  my 
w6rds  could  find  favour  with  you,  but  from  the  following 
motive.  I  saw  that  all  other  men  of  distinction  have  to 
obey  their  cities  and  their  laws,  and  may  do  nothing 
beyond  what  they  are  told  ;  and  moreover  none  of  them 
are  capable  of  dealing  with  the  matter  I  now  intend  to 
discuss. 

'  You  alone  have  had  given  you  by  fortune  a  full  authority 
to  send  embassies  to  whom  you  will,  and  receive  them  from 
where  you  choose,  and  to  say  whatever  you  think  ex- 
pedient. Besides,  you  possess  wealth  and  power  beyond 
any  other  Greek — ^the  two  things  which  are  the  most  potent 
either  to  persuade  or  to  compel :  and  you  will  find  per- 
suasion useful  for  the  Greeks  and  compulsion  for  the 
barbarians.'  '^ 

A  summary  of  a  few  extracts  will  indicate  the  tenor 
of  the  speech. 

*  It  is  your  duty  to  try  to  reconcile  the  four  great  cities 

1  Philippus,  346  B.C.  *  Ibid.  (Or.  v.),  §§  14-17. 


ISOCRATES  147 

— ^Argos,  Sparta,  Thebes,  and  Athens  ;  bring  these  four  to 
their  right  mind,  and  you  will  have  no  difficulty  with  the 
rest,  which  all  depend  on  them  (§§  30-31).  Your  an- 
cestors are  Argive  by  descent,  and  these  cities  should  never 
have  been  at  enmity  with  you  or  each  other.  All  must 
make  allowances,  as  all  have  been  at  fault  (§§  33-38). 
If  Athens  or  Sparta  were  now,  as  once,  predominant, 
nothing  could  be  done  ;  but  all  the  great  cities  are  now 
practically  on  a  level.  No  enmities  are  so  deep-seated 
that  they  cannot  be  overcome :  Athens  has  at  different 
times  been  allied  with  both  Thebes  and  Sparta.  Sparta, 
Argos,  and  Thebes  all  desire  peace  ;  Athens  has  come  to 
her  senses  before  the  others,  and  already  made  peace. 
She  will  be  ready  to  give  you   her   active   sympathy ' 

(§§  39-56). 

*  History  provides  many  instances  of  men  who,  with 
few  advantages,  even  with  disabilities,  have  achieved  great 
tasks  :  you,  with  all  your  resources,  should  find  the  present 
task  easy  '  (§§  57-67). 

*  Success  in  such  a  cause  would  be  magnificent ;  even 
failure  would  be  noble  :  your  slanderers  impute  to  you  the 
design  of  subjugating  Greece  ;  you  will  convince  them  of 
their  error'  (§§  68-80). 

'  So  much  for  your  duty  to  Greece  ;  now  turn  to  the 
conquest  of  Asia.  Agesilaus  failed  because  he  stirred  up 
political  animosities. 

*  The  Greeks  under  Cyrus  defeated  the  Persian  army, 
and  though  left  leaderless  they  made  good  their  retreat. 
All  conditions  are  favourable  for  you.  The  Greeks  of  Asia 
were  hostile  to  Cyrus,  but  will  welcome  you.  The  present 
King  of  Persia  is  less  of  a  man  than  his  predecessor,  against 
whom  Cyrus  fought ;  and  Persia  is  divided  against  itself. 
Cyprus,  Cilicia,  and  Phoenicia,  which  provided  the  king 
with  ships,  will  do  so  no  longer  '  (§§  83-104). 

'  You  may  aim  at  conquering  the  whole  Persian  Empire  ; 
failing  of  that  you  might  win  all  that  is  west  of  a  line  drawn 
from  Cihcia  to  Sinope.     Even  this  would  be  an  enormous 


148  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

advantage.  You  could  found  cities  for  the  hordes  of 
mercenaries  who  are  driven  by  destitution  to  wander  and 
prey  upon  the  settled  inhabitants — a  growing  menace  to 
Greeks  and  Persians  alike.  You  would  thus  render  these 
nomads  a  great  service,  and  at  the  same  time  establish 
them  as  a  permanent  guard  of  your  own  frontiers.  If  this 
proved  too  much  for  you,  at  the  very  least  you  could  free 
the  Greek  cities  of  Asia.  However  great  or  little  is  your 
success,  you  will  at  least  win  great  renown  for  having  led 
a  united  expedition  from  all  Greece  '  (§§  1 19-126). 

*  No  other  state  or  individual  will  undertake  the  task ; 
you  are  free  from  restrictions,  as  all  Hellas  is  your  native 
land.  You  will  fight,  I  know,  not  for  power  or  wealth,  but 
for  glory.  Your  mission,  then,  is  this  : — ^To  be  the  bene- 
factor of  Greece,  the  king  of  Macedon,  the  governor  of 
Asia'  (§§127-155). 

It  may  be  said  that  Isocrates  overrated  the  purity  of 
Philip's  motives.  On  the  other  hand,  it  may  be  con- 
ceived that  Philip  would  have  greatly  preferred  to 
march  to  Asia  as  the  general  of  a  Greek  force  willingly 
united.  He,  whom  Isocrates  reckons  as  a  Greek  of 
royal  or  semi-divine  descent,  whom  Demosthenes 
stigmatized  as  a  barbarian  of  the  lowest  type,  had  much 
more  of  the  Greek  than  the  barbarian  in  his  nature. 
To  Athens  at  least  he  always  showed  extraordinary 
clemency,  treating  her  with  a  respect  far  beyond  her 
merits,  and  honouring  her  for  her  ancient  greatness. 
He  did  all  that  was  possible  to  conciliate  her,  and  this 
policy  he  handed  on  to  his  son.  But  he  could  not  start 
for  the  East,  leaving  so  many  irreconcilable  enemies 
behind  him ;  and  the  refusal  of  the  States  to  accept  his 
hegemony  made  Chaeronea  inevitable. 

Those  who  read,  not  this  short  summary,  but  the 
essay  as  a  whole,  must  be  struck  by  the  firm  grasp  which 


ISOCRATES  149 

the  writer  has  on  contemporary  history,  and  by  his 
insight  into  the  forces  at  work.  He  under-estimated 
the  conservatism  of  the  city-states,  wrongly  imagining 
that  the  majority  could  be  as  broad-minded  as  himself. 

The  chapters  on  Asia  show  considerable  knowledge 
both  of  the  conditions  and  the  requirements.  His 
advice  about  the  founding  of  cities  was  followed  liter- 
ally by  Alexander,  who,  immediately  after  his  first 
victory,  initiated  this  pohcy  for  securing  his  conquests. 

In  342  B.C.  Isocrates  wrote  again  to  Philip,  reproach- 
ing him  for  his  recklessness  in  exposing  his  own  life  in 
battle.  He  repeated  some  of  the  arguments  of  the 
first  essay,  and  summarized  his  advice  as  follows  : 
'  It  is  far  nobler  to  capture  a  city's  good-will  than  its 
walls.'  After  Chaeronea,  in  the  year  338  B.C.,  he  wrote 
once  more,  recalling  his  former  advice,  and  reflecting 
with  satisfaction  that  the  dreams  of  his  youth  were 
some  of  them  already  fulfilled,  and  others  on  the  point 
of  fulfilment. 

§  5.  Remaining  Works 

The  general  contents  of  the  Panegyricus  have  already 
been  discussed,  but  only  a  careful  study  of  the  speech 
will  reveal  the  skill  with  which  one  topic  is  made  to 
lead  up  to  another,  the  nice  proportion  of  the  parts,  and 
the  adroitness  displayed  in  gathering  and  binding 
together  the  various  threads  of  the  argument.  Numer- 
ous paragraphs  which  seem  at  first  to  be  almost  digres- 
sions are  foimd,  when  we  take  the  speech  as  a  whole, 
to  be  essential  to  its  unity,  and  though  in  its  course 
a  large  number  of  topics  is  handled,  the  main  subject 
is  never  left  out  of  view.  The  level  of  style  is  high 
throughout,  and  no  extracts  can  properly  represent  it. 


150  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

A  short  analysis  may,  however,  serve  to  indicate  the 
coherence  of  the  arguments  :  ^ 

'  I  am  here  to  offer  advice  about  the  necessity  of  war  with 
Persia  and  unity  among  the  Greeks.  Others  have  handled 
the  same  theme,  but  the  fact  of  their  failure  renders  any 
excuse  for  a  fresh  attempt  superfluous,  and  the  subject 
admits  of  being  treated  better  than  it  has  been '  (§§  1-14). 

*  My  predecessors  have  missed  an  important  point ;  that 
nothing  can  be  done  until  the  leaders — ^Athens  and  Sparta 
— are  reconciled,  and  persuaded  to  share  the  leadership. 

'  Sparta  has  accepted  a  false  tradition,  that  leadership 
is  hers  by  ancestral  right.  I  shall  try  to  prove  that  the 
leadership  really  belongs  to  Athens ;  Sparta  then  should 
consent  to  a  joint  command  '  (§§  15-20). 

'  Athens  first  possessed  maritime  empire,  and  her 
civilization  is  the  oldest  in  Greece  (§§  21-25).  Her  claims 
to  hegemony  are  as  follows : — 

'A.  (a)  Tradition,  which  has  never  been  refuted,  records 
that  Athens  first  provided  the  necessities  of  life.  Demeter 
taught  in  Attica  the  cultivation  of  corn  and  instituted  the 
Mysteries. 

'  (b)  Athens  undoubtedly  led  the  way  in  colonization,  thus 
enlarging  the  boundaries  of  Greek  land,  and  driving  back 
the  barbarians  (§§  28-37). 

'  (c)  Athens  had  the  earliest  laws,  and  the  earUest  con- 
stitution. She  established  the  Piraeus,  the  centre  of  Greek 
trade.  She  provides  in  herself  a  perpetual  festival,  at 
which  the  arts  are  encouraged.  Practical  philosophy  and 
oratory  are  so  highly  honoured  at  Athens  that  the  name 
"  Greek  "  is  applied  properly  not  by  claim  of  blood  but  by 
virtue  of  the  possession  of  Athenian  culture  (§§  38-50). 

'  B.  {a)  From  heroic  times  downwards  Athens  has  shown 
herself  the  helper  of  the  oppressed.  Even  Sparta  grew 
great  through  her  support  {§§  57-65). 

*  Isocrates  is  said  to  have  spent  ten  years  over  the  composition 
of  the  Panegyricus  ;  it  was  probably  pubUshed  in  380  B.C. 


ISOCRATES  151 

'  (6)  Athens  in  the  earhest  times  and  in  the  Persian  Wars 
distinguished  herself  against  the  barbarians  (§§  66-74). 

'  In  old  days  the  rivalries  between  opposite  political 
parties  and  between  Athens  and  Sparta  were  noble  ones, 
and  the  honourable  competition  of  the  two  cities  shamed 
the  other  Greeks  into  taking  arms  against  Xerxes.  Athens, 
however,  furnished  more  ships  than  all  the  rest  put  to- 
gether. Her  claim  to  leadership,  up  to  the  end  of  the 
Persian  War,  is  therefore  established  '  (§§  75-79). 

*  It  is  true  that  Athens  treated  her  revolted  allies — 
Melos  and  Scione— severely :  rebels  must  expect  punish- 
ment. On  the  other  hand,  our  loyal  subjects  enjoyed  for 
seventy  years  freedom  from  tyranny,  immunity  from 
barbarian  attacks,  settled  government,  and  peace  with  all 
the  world  '  (§§  100-106). 

'  Sparta  and  her  partisans  inflicted  more  harm  in  a  few 
months  than  Athens  in  the  whole  duration  of  her  empire  ' 
(§§  110-114). 

'Our  rule  was  preferable  to  the  so-called  "peace  and 
independence  "  which  Sparta  has  given  the  cities.  The 
seas  are  overrun  by  pirates,  and  more  cities  are  raided  now 
than  before  the  peace  was  made.  Tyrants  and  harmosts 
make  life  in  the  cities  intolerable.  The  Great  King,  whom 
Athens  confined  within  stated  limits,  has  raided  the 
Peloponnese  (§§  115- 119) ;  Sparta  has  abandoned  the  lonians 
to  slavery,  and  herself  caused  devastation  in  Greece,  and 
burdened  the  islanders  with  taxation.  It  is  monstrous  that 
we  Greeks,  owing  to  our  petty  quarrels,  should  devastate 
our  own  country,  when  we  might  reap  a  golden  harvest 
from  Asia  '  §§  (120-132). 

'  We  have  allowed  the  Great  King  to  attain  unheard  of 
power — simply  through  our  quarrels,  for  he  is  not  really 
strong. 

'  Numerous  instances  from  history  betray  the  inferiority 
of  the  Persian  leaders  and  organization.  They  have  often 
been  defeated  on  the  coast  of  Asia  ;  when  they  invaded 
Greece  we  made  an  example  of  them  ;   finally,  they  cut  a 


-^ 


152  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

ridiculous  figure  before  the  walls  of  their  own  palaces  '  ^ 

(§§  133-149)  • 

*  This  is  what  we  might  expect  from  their  manner  of 
life  ;  the  mass  of  the  people  are  more  fit  to  be  slaves  than 
soldiers  ;  the  nobles  are  by  turns  insolent  and  servile,  and 
being  permanently  corrupted  by  luxury  they  are  weak  and 
treacherous.  They  deserve  our  hatred,  and,  in  fact,  our 
enmity  can  never  be  reconciled.  One  of  the  reasons  even 
of  Homer's  popularity  is  that  he  tells  of  a  great  war  against 
Asia '  (§§  150-159)- 

'  The  time  is  favourable  for  attack  ;  Phoenicia  and  Syria 
are  devastated  ;  Tyre  is  captured  ;  Cilicia  is  mostly  in  our 
favour  ;  Egypt  and  Cyprus  are  in  revolt.  The  Greeks  are 
ready  to  rise  ;  we  must  make  haste,  and  not  let  the  history 
of  the  Ionic  revolt  repeat  itself.  The  present  suffering  in 
Greece  passes  all  records,  and  for  this  the  present  generation 
deserves  some  recompense — another  reason  for  haste.  The 
leading  men  in  the  cities  are  callously  indifferent,  so  we  who 
stand  outside  politics  must  take  the  lead,  as  I  am  doing  ' 
(§§  160-174). 

*  The  treaty  of  Antalcidas  need  not  stand  in  our  way ; 
it  has  been  broken  already  in  spirit.  We  only  observe  the 
provisions  which  are  to  our  own  shame,  i.e.  those  by  which 
our  allies  are  given  over  to  the  Persians.  It  was  never  a 
fair  covenant — ^we  submitted  to  terms  dictated  by  the  king. 

'  Honour  and  expediency  ahke  demand  that  we  should 
combine  to  undertake  this  war,  whose  fame  will  be  greater 
than  that  of  the  Trojan  war  '  (§§  175-189). 

We  may  now  consider  the  group  of  speeches  which 
deals  with  the  internal  affairs  of  Greece. 

Plataicus  (Or.  xiv.).  Plataea,  destroyed  in  427  B.C., 
was  restored  by  Sparta  in  386  B.C.  as  a  menace  to 
Thebes,  but  was  forced  into  the  Boeotian  Confederacy 
in  376  B.C.  In  373  B.C.  it  was  surprised  by  a  Theban 
army  and  again  destroyed.    The  inhabitants  escaped 

1  I.e.  the  victory  of  the  10,000  at  Cunaxa. 


ISOCRATES  153 

to  Athens,  and  their  case  was  discussed  in  the  ecclesia, 
and  also  at  the  congress  of  allies.  The  present  speech 
is  professedly  deUvered  by  a  Plataean  before  the 
Athenian  ecclesia.  It  consists  chiefly  of  an  appeal  to 
sentiment  through  history ;  the  speaker  recalls  the 
ancient  relations  of  Plataea  and  Athens,  and  thence 
infers  the  present  duty  of  Athens.  The  speech  is  in  a 
form  suitable  for  dehvery  before  the  assembly,  and 
may  have  been  so  delivered. 

On  the  Peace  (Or.  viii.),  on  the  other  hand,  is  a  political 
treatise.  It  dates  from  355  B.C.,  when  the  Social  War 
was  near  its  end.  The  main  theme  of  the  speech  is 
the  necessity  of  peace  between  Athens  and  all  the 
world,  but  the  urging  of  this  policy  naturally  brings  in 
a  criticism  of  the  war-party,  and  a  severe  indictment 
not  only  of  present  politics  but  of  the  conditions  of  the 
old  empire  of  Athens.  The  speech  is  remarkable  from 
the  fact  that  for  once  Isocrates  abandons  his  even 
and  temperate  language,  and  allows  indignation  and 
even  bitterness  to  give  colour  to  his  criticisms. 

*  The  acquisition  of  empire,'  he  says,  *  over  unwilling 
subjects,  is  both  unjust  and  impolitic.  Ambition  is  like  the 
bait  which  entices  a  wild  beast  into  a  trap.  Our  adminis- . 
tration  is  rotten  ;  our  citizens  have  lost  faith  in  personal 
effort,  and  we  employ  mercenaries  to  fight  our  battles. 
Our  politicians  are  our  worst  citizens,  and  we  appoint  as 
generals  incompetent  men  who  are  not  fitted  for  any 
position  of  trust.  We  hold  our  own,  but  only  because  our 
rivals  are  as  weak  as  we  are.  The  follies  of  our  assembly 
win  allies  for  Thebes  ;  their  follies  in  turn  are  our  salvation. 
It  would  pay  either  State  to  bribe  the  assembly  of  the  other 
to  meet  more  often. 

'  Our  hope  lies  in  abandoning  our  empire ;  it  is  unjust, 
and  moreover,  we  could  not  maintain  it  when  we  were  rich. 


154  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

and  now  we  are  poor.  The  statesmen  of  imperial  Athens 
did  all  that  they  could  to  make  their  city's  policy  un- 
popular. They  displayed  the  tribute  extorted  from  the 
allies,  thus  reminding  all  the  world  of  their  tjnranny  ;  and 
paraded  the  children  of  those  who  had  fallen  in  wars  in 
various  parts  of  the  world — ^the  victims  of  national  cove- 
tousness.  Far  different  was  the  position  of  Athens  under 
Themistocles  and  Aristides.  National  life  is  demoralized 
by  Empire.  The  history  of  Sparta's  supremacy  is  another 
case  to  the  point.  Pericles  was  a  demagogue,  and  led  the 
city  on  a  disastrous  career,  but  he  at  least  enriched  the 
treasury,  not  himself.  Our  modern  demagogues  are  merely 
self-seeking,  and  their  covetousness  reduces  not  only  the 
state  but  the  citizens  to  penury. 

'  Peace,  at  the  price  I  have  indicated,  is  the  only  remedy. 
We  must  deliver  Greece,  not  despoil  her.  Athens  should 
hold  among  Greek  States  the  position  that  the  kings 
occupy  in  Sparta ;  they  are  not  tyrants  ;  they  have  a 
higher  standard  of  conduct  than  any  private  person,  and  are 
held  in  such  respect  that  any  man  who  would  not  throw 
away  his  Ufe  for  them  in  the  field  is  reckoned  meaner  than 
a  deserter. ' 

There  is  much  truth  in  the  invectives  aimed  at  the 
old  empire  ;  Isocrates  could  see  behind  the  glowing 
colours  in  which  the  glories  of  the  Periclean  age  are 
sometimes  painted,  and  equally  with  Demosthenes  he 
realized,  and  did  not  shrink  from  noticing,  the  weakness 
of  Athens  in  his  own  days.  But  his  advice,  though 
noble,  is  unpractical.  He  failed,  in  spite  of  his  know- 
ledge of  history,  to  fathom  the  depth  of  Greek  selfish- 
ness. No  State  that  relied  solely  or  chiefly  on  moral 
worth  could  have  a  voice  in  the  council  of  Greece,  far 
less  dominiate  its  policy, 
^V^'  The  Areopagiticus  (Or.  vii.),  perhaps  composed  in 
^       the  same  year,  in  many  points  supplements  the  de  Pace. 


ISOCRATES  155 

It  is  chiefly  devoted  to  a  contrast  between  the  old  days 
of  dignified  government  under  the  constitutions  of 
Solon  and  Cleisthenes,  and  the  unsatisfactory  con- 
ditions of  hfe  in  the  orator's  time.  The  description  of 
the  old  constitution  is,  perhaps,  a  fancy  picture,  but 
the  contrast  serves  to  bring  out  the  evils  at  which 
Isocrates  is  aiming  in  the  modern  State.  The  speech 
deals  with  the  inner  life  of  Athens  rather  than  with  her 
foreign  policy,  and  the  chief  credit  for  good  govern- 
ment and  good  life  in  the  old  days  is  given  to  the 
Council  of  the  Areopagus,  that  majestic  body  which 
even  now  *  has  so  strong  an  influence  that  the  worst 
men  of  modem  times,  if  promoted  to  membership  of  it, 
are  pervaded  by  its  spirit,  and,  losing  the  meanness  of 
their  own  hearts,  think  and  act  in  accordance  with  the 
Council's  high  traditions.' 

The  Archidamus  (Or.  vi.)  is  put  into  the  mouth  of 
the  Spartan  king  of  that  name,  for  whom,  as  we  know 
from  a  letter,  Isocrates  had  a  deep  respect.  It  professes 
to  be  part  of  a  debate  in  366  B.C.,  on  the  proposal  of  the 
Thebans  to  grant  peace  on  condition  that  Sparta  re- 
cognized the  independence  of  Messenia.  It  probably 
contains  a  fair  representation  of  the  feelings  of  the 
Spartans  at  the  time  when  it  was  proposed  to  make 
an  independent  and  permanently  hostile  state  of  the 
Messenians,  whom  for  generations  they  had  regarded 
as  their  slaves. 

There  still  remain  works  of  three  classes — the  '  horta- 
tory letters/  the  *  displays,'  and  forensic  speeches. 

Hortatory  Letters 
To  Demonicus  (Or.  i.),  372  B.C.  (?).    This  letter,  ad- 
dressed to  a  young  monarch,  of  whom  nothing  else  is 
known,  is  destined  to    be    a  *  storehouse  '  (ra/jLielov) 


>    156  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

of  moral  maxims,  comprising  duty  to  the  gods,  duty  to 
men,  and  duty  to  oneself.  It  contains  a  vast  number 
of  maxims,  mostly  of  a  practical  or  semi-practical 
nature — '  We  test  gold  by  fire,  friends  by  misfortune.' 
*  Never  swear  by  the  gods  where  money  is  concerned  ; 
some  will  think  you  a  perjurer,  others  a  covetous  man.' 
Occasionally  the  moral  tone  is  higher — '  If  you  do 
wrong,  nevecihope  to  be  undiscovered ;  if  others  dis- 
cover you  not,  your  own  conscience  will  discover  you 
to  yourself.' 

To  Nicocles  (Or.  ii.),  374  B.C.,  addressed  to  Nicocles, 
fl  who  became  king  of  Salamis  in  Cyprus  in  374  B.C.,  deals 
with  the  duties  and  responsibilities  of  a  king.  *  Re- 
member your  high  position,  and  be  careful  that  you 
never  do  anything  unworthy  of  it.' 

Nicocles,  or  the  Cyprians  (Or.  iii.),  372  B.C.,  is  a  com- 
plement to  Or.  ii.  In  it  the  king  himself  is  represented 
as  discoursing  on  the  duties  of  subjects  towards  their 
king.  '  Do  to  your  king  as  you  would  wish  your  own 
subjects  to  do  to  you.' 

Epideictic  Speeches 

Many  of  the  Sophists  wrote  imaginary  speeches  on 
legendary  themes,  and  Isocrates,  though  this  art  was 
outside  his  province,  strayed  into  it  as  a  critic.  The 
--s^  Busiris  (Or.  xi.),  391  B.C.,  addressed  to  a  Sophist  Poly- 
crates,  contains  first  a  criticism  of  a  speech  composed 
by  Poly  crates  on  that  subject,  and  secondly  an  ex- 
position of  how  Isocrates  himself  would  treat  such 
a  theme.  Incidentally,  Isocrates  accepts  the  early 
legends  as  true  on  the  whole,  while  rejecting  certain 
parts  of  them  as  unbecoming. 

The  Encomium  of  Helen  (Or.  x.),  370  B.C.,  begins 
with  criticism  of  a  certain  encomium  which  is  generally 


ISOCRATES  157 

believed  to  be  the  extant  one  attributed  to  Gorgias. 
The  previous  writer  has  written  not  an  encomium  but 
an  apology ;  Isocrates  himself  will  write  a  real  en- 
comium, omitting  all  the  topics  which  have  been  used 
by  others. 

The  Evagoras  (Or.  ix.),  365  B.C.  (?),  was  composed  for 
a  festival  celebrated  by  Nicocles  in  memory  of  his 
father,  Evagoras  of  Salamis,  who  died  374  B.C.  It  con- 
tains a  laudatory  account  of  the  king's  career,  and  an 
encouragement  to  the  son  to  emulate  his  father's 
virtues. 

The  Panathenaicus  was  begun  when  Isocrates  was  ^^z" 
94  years  old,  i.e.  in  342  B.C.  Owing  to  an  illness,  he 
was  not  able  to  finish  it  for  three  years.  It  contains 
much  of  the  material  which  had  already  been  used  in 
the  Areopagiticus.  Its  main  topic  is  the  greatness  of 
Athens,  considered  historically,  and  not  with  refeience 
to  contemporary  politics.  But  it  contains  long  digres- 
sions— a  defence  of  his  own  system  against  the  attacks 
of  certain  baser  Sophists  (§§  5-34)  ;  a  discourse  on 
Agamemnon  (§§  62-73)  ;  a  personal  explanation  (§§  99 
sqq.),  in  which  the  author  explains  that  the  speech  would 
naturally  end  at  this  point,  and  details  the  conver- 
sations and  discussions  which  led  him  to  continue  it. 
He  was  blamed  for  being  too  harsh  against  Sparta,  and 
though  he  silenced  his  critics,  he  had  some  misgivings. 
The  result  is  to  increase  the  length  of  the  speech  by 
one  third,  and  completely  to  spoil  the  balance  and 
destroy  whatever  unity  it  possessed. 

Forensic  Speeches 
Six  forensic  speeches  have  come  down  to  us ;   they 
belong  to  the  early  days  of  Isocrates,  who  in  later 
years   regretted    that   he   had   ever  been   concerned 


158  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

with  such  an  art ;  they  may  be  dismissed  in  a  few 
words  : 

Against  Lochites  (Or.  xx.),  394  B.C.,  is  an  action  for 
assault ;  Aegineticus  (Or.  xix.),  394  B.C.,  a  claim  to  an  in- 
heritance; Against  Euthynus  (Or.  xxi.),  403  B.C.,  an 
action  to  recover  a  deposit ;  Trapeziticus  (Or.  xvii.), 
394  B.C.,  a  similar  action,  against  the  famous  banker 
Pasion  ;  irepl  rov  feu^ou?  (Or.  xvi.),  397  B.C.,  spoken 
by  the  younger  Alcibiades  against  a  man  Tisias,  who 
asserts  that  the  elder  Alcibiades,  father  of  the  speaker, 
robbed  him  of  a  team  of  four  horses.  This  is  an  action 
for  damages  amounting  to  five  talents.  Against  Calli- 
machus,  399  B.C.,  a  irapaypa^TJ  or  special  plea  entered 
by  the  defendant,  who  contends  that  an  action  for 
damages  brought  against  him  cannot  be  maintained. 

Letters 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  certain  letters, 
to  Dionysius,  368  B.C.,  Archidamus,  365  B.C.,  Philip  and 
Alexander,  342  B.C.  Others  extant  are  addressed  to 
,the  children  of  Jason  (Ep.  vi.),  359  B.C. — i.e.  Thebe 
and  her  half-brothers,  children  of  the  tyrant  of  Pherae, 
who  was  murdered  in  370  B.C.  ;  to  Timotheus  (Ep.  vii.), 
345  B.C. — a  king  of  Heraclea  on  the  Euxine  ;  to  the 
Rulers  of  Mitylene  {Ep.  viii.),  350  B.C. — the  oligarchs 
who  had  recently  overthrown  the  democracy ;  to 
Antipater  {Ep.  iv.),  340  B.C.,  at  the  time,  appar- 
ently, regent  of  Macedonia  during  Philip's  absence 
in  Thrace.  This  list  of  the  correspondents  of  Iso- 
crates,  with  some  of  whom  at  least  he  is  on  terms  of 
familiarity,  may  serve  to  indicate  his  importance  in 
the  Greek  world. 


ISOCRATES  159 

Isocrates  is  also  credited  with  the  composition  of  a 
rix^rj  or  treatise  on  the  art  of  rhetoric,  now  lost,  except 
for  a  single  quotation  ;  and  the  editions  of  the  text 
contain  a  number  of  apophthegms  attributed  to  him. 
None  are  important. 


V 


v.^ 


CHAPTER  VII 
MINOR   RHETORICIANS 

THE  contemporaries  of  Isocrates  are  over- 
shadowed by  his  genius  ;  nevertheless  there 
were  in  his  time  other  speakers  and  teachers  of  ability. 
The  only  one  of  them  who  deserves  serious  considera- 

^  tion  is  Alcidamas,  a  pupil  of  Gorgias  or  of  his  school, 
who,  though  a  rival  of  Isocrates,  had  come  imder  the 
influence  of  the  latter's  style.  We  possess  under  his 
name  a  sophistical  exercise,  the  Accusation  ofPalamedes 
by  Odysseus,  which  is  of  no  importance,  and  may  be 
spurious,  and  a  declamation  On  the  Sophists,  which  is 

-  probably  genuine  ;  at  least  we  may  say  that  it  is  the 
work  of  an  able  critic  and  a  graceful  writer.  His  other 
works  included  two  rhetorical  exercises,  the  Praise  of 
Death  and  the  Praise  of  Nais,  and  a  Messenian  Oration, 
which  was  apparently  a  counterblast  to  the  Archidamus 
of  Isocrates. 

\'  The  Sophists  is  really  an  attack  on  the  methods  of 
Isocrates,  and  is  directed  against  the  practice  of  labori- 
ously composing  written  speeches,  which  are  no  real 
help  to  a  man  who  wishes  to  be  an  orator,  whether 
in  the  assembly  or  the  law-courts.  Certain  so-called 
Sophists,  he  contends,  who,  while  quite  incapable  of 
speaking,  have  practised  writing,  pride  themselves  on 
this  accomplishment,  and  though  they  can  call  only 

160 


MINOR  RHETORICIANS  i6i 

one  small  department  of  rhetoric  their  own,  claim  to 
be  masters  of  the  complete  science.  He  would  not  dis- 
parage the  art  of  writing,  but  he  considers  it  of  second- 
ary importance,  while  other  accompHshments  deserve 
far  more  attention.  Any  man  of  abihty,  given  the 
time,  can  learn  to  write  moderately  well ;  but  in  order 
to  speak  well  you  must  apply  a  careful  training  to  the 
development  of  certain  special  gifts.  To  be  able  to 
speak  extemporaneously  is  a  very  important  gift ;  a 
man  who  possesses  it  can  adapt  himself  to  the  mood  of 
his  audience,  while  one  who  relies  on  prepared  orations 
must  often  miss  a  great  opportunity,  for  it  is  beyond 
human  powers  to  learn  by  heart  enough  speeches  to  be 
ready  at  a  moment's  notice  to  speak  on  any  subject 
and  to  any  kind  of  audience.  A  man  accustomed  to  the 
use  of  written  speeches,  when  forced  to  speak  ex  tempore, 
will  not  maintain  his  proper  level  of  performance.^ 
Many  arguments,  of  more  or  less  value,  are  adduced  ; 
in  all  of  them  there  is  a  certain  cleverness. 

Dionysius  thought  the  style  of  Alcidamas  coarse 
and  trivial ;  ^  Aristotle  says  that  he  used  his  epithets 
'  not  as  seasoning  but  as  meat.'  ^  These  strictures  do 
not  apply  to  the  one  surviving  work.  He  seems  to 
have  been  raised  above  the  dead  level  of  rhetoricians 
by  possessing  ideas  ;  in  the  speech  advocating  the 
freedom  of  the  Messenians  occurred  the  sentence,  *  God 
has  made  all  men  free  ;  nature  has  made  no  man  a 
slave  '  ;  and  his  description  of  the  Odyssey  as  *  a  noble 
mirror  of  human  life,'  is  a  fine  expression  in  itself, 
though  Aristotle  objects  that  such  ornaments  detract 

^  The  truth  of  this  maxim  is  illustrated  by  our  records  of  the 
impromptu  performances  of  Demosthenes,  vide  infra,  p.  190. 
'  de  Isaeo,  ch.  xix.,  TraxOrepoy  tvra  t^v  \4^iv  Kal  Koivdrepov. 
«  Rhet.,  iii.  3.  3. 


i62  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

from  the  value  of  a  speech,  as  giving  the  impression  of 
over-preparation .  ^ 

Poly  crates,  a  rhetorician  of  the  same  period,  is  known 
to  have  composed  a  fictitious  Accusation  of  Socrates, 
to  which  Isocrates  refers.^  His  Encomium  of  Busiris, 
the  cannibal  king  of  Egypt,  stirred  Isocrates  to  write 
his  own  Busiris,  in  order  to  show  how  such  a  theme 
ought  to  be  treated.  Dionysius  found  his  style  inane, 
frigid,  and  vulgar.^  Lycophron,  an  imitator  of  Gorgias, 
is  quoted  several  times  by  Aristotle  ;  and  Cephisodorus, 
the  best  known  rhetorician  of  the  school  of  Isocrates, 
wrote  an  admirable  defence  of  his  master  against  the 
attacks  of  Aristotle.* 

These  minor  teachers,  who  are  mentioned  only  as 
offshoots  from  the  prominent  schools,  had  no  perman- 
ent influence  on  the  growth  either  of  rhetoric  or  of 
oratory. 

1  Arist.,  Rhet.^  iii.  3.  4. 

2  Busiris,  §§  5-6.  He  endeavoured  to  make  Socrates  responsible 
for  the  misdeeds  of  Alcibiades. 

3  de  Isaeo,  ch.  xx. 

*  Dion.,  de  Isocrate,  ch.  xviii. :  Tr\v  itrokoyiav  t^p  irdvv  davixaar^v  iv 
Tats  ir/>6j  ^ApiffTOT^Xr)  &vTiypa<paU  iiroi.'fiao.To. 


CHAPTER  VIII 
AESCHINES 

§  I.    Life 

AESCHINES  was  for  twenty  years  a  bitter  enemy 
jlV  of  Demosthenes.  This  enmity  was  perhaps 
the  chief  interest  in  his  life  ;  at  any  rate  it  is  the 
dominant  motive  of  his  extant  speeches.  Demo- 
sthenes on  his  side  could  not  afford  to  despise  an  enemy 
whose  biting  wit  and  real  gift  of  eloquence  assured  him 
an  attentive  hearing,  whether  in  the  courts  or  before 
the  ecclesia,  and  thus  gave  him  an  influence  which  the 
vagueness  of  his  political  views  and  the  instabihty  of 
his  personal  character  could  never  entirely  dissipate. 
Aeschines  had  no  constructive  policy,  but  he  had  just 
the  talents  which  are  requisite  for  the  leader  of  a  cap- 
tious and  mahcious  opposition.  To  the  fact  of  the 
long-maintained  hostility  between  these  two  men  we 
owe  a  good  deal  of  first-hand  information  about  each  of 
them,  both  as  regards  public  and  private  life.  It  is 
true  that  we  cannot  accept  without  reservation  the 
statements  and  criticisms  made  by  either  speaker  about 
his  rival ;  but  in  many  cases  they  agree  about  facts, 
though  they  put  different  interpretations  on  them, 
and  so,  with  care,  we  may  arrive  at  a  substratimi  of 
truth. 


108 


i64  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

Aeschines  was  bom  about  390  b.c.^  His  father 
Atrometus,  an  Athenian  citizen  of  pure  descent, ^  was 
exiled  by  the  Thirty,  and  fied  to  Corinth,  with  his  wife. 
Jo/  He  served  for  some  time  as  a  mercenary  soldier  in  Asia, 
and  finally  returned  to  Athens,  where  he  kept  a  school. 
His  wife,  Glaucothea,  filled  some  minor  rehgious  office, 
initiating  the  neophytes  in  certain  mysteries,  appar- 
ently connected  with  Orphism.  Aeschines  seems  to 
have  helped  both  his  parents  in  their  work,  if  we  may 
suppose  that  there  is  a  grain  of  truth  mixed  with  the 
mahce  of  Demosthenes  : 

'  You  used  to  fill  the  ink-pots,  sponge  the  benches,  and 
sweep  the  schoolroom,  like  a  slave,  not  like  a  gentleman's 
son.  When  you  grew  up  you  helped  your  mother  in  her 
initiations,  reciting  the  formulas,  and  making  yourself 
generally  useful.  All  night  long  you  were  wrapping  the 
celebrants  in  fawn-skins,  preparing  their  drink-offerings, 
smearing  them  with  clay  and  bran,'  etc.^ 

The  whole  of  the  description  from  which  the  fore- 
going passage  is  taken  is  an  obvious  caricature,  and  its 
chief  value  is  to  show  that  Demosthenes,  if  circum- 
stances had  not  made  him  a  statesman,  might  have 
"^^  been  a  successful  writer  of  mediocre  comedy ;  but  it 
seems  to  point  to  the  fact  that  Aeschines'  parents  were 
in  humble  circumstances,  that  he  himself  had  a  hard 
life  as  a  boy,  and  did  not  enjoy  the  usual  opportunities 
of  obtaining  the  kind  of  education  desirable  for  a  states- 

^  See  Timarchus,  §  49,  where  Aeschines  states,  in  346  B.C.,  that 
he  is  rather  over  forty -five  years  old. 

*  Aesch.,  de  Leg.,  §  147.  Dem.  {de  Cor.,  129  sqq.)  asserts  that  he 
was  originally  a  slave  named  Tromes  {Coward),  but  changed  his 
name  to  Atrometus  (Dauntless). 

8  D«m.,  de  Cor.,  §§  258-259.     Se«  further  infra,  p.  249. 


AESCHINES  165 

man.^  After  this,  at  an  age  when  other  aspirants  to 
public  life  would  have  been  studying  under  teachers 
of  rhetoric,  he  was  forced  to  earn  his  hving.  He  was 
first  clerk  to  some  minor  officials,  then  an  actor — 
according  to  Demosthenes  he  played  small  parts  in  an 
inferior  company,  and  lived  chiefly  on  the  figs  and 
ohves  with  which  the  spectators  pelted  him.^  He  also 
served  as  a  hoplite,  and,  by  his  own  account,  distin- 
guished himself  at  Man  tinea  and  Tamynae.  In  357 
B.C.  he  obtained  political  employment,  first  under 
Aristophon  of  Azenia,  then  under  Eubulus,  and  later 
we  find  him  acting  as  clerk  of  the  ecclesia. 

He  married  into  a  respectable  family  about  350  B.C., 
and  in  348  B.C.  he  first  appears  in  a  position  of  pubUc 
trust,  being  appointed  a  member  of  the  embassy  to 
Megadopolis  in  Arcadia.  On  this  occasion  he  went  out 
admittedly  as  an  opponent  of  PhiHp,  but  came  back  a 
partisan  of  peace.  The  reasons  for  this  change  of  view 
will  be  discussed  later.  His  own  explanation,  that  he 
realized  war  to  be  impracticable,  is  reasonable  in  itself.^ 
Two  years  later  he  was  associated  with  Demosthenes 
in  the  famous  embassies  to  Philip,  which,  after  serious 
delays,  resulted  in  the  imsatisfactory  peace  of  Philo- 
crates.  The  peace  was  pronounced  by  Demosthenes 
to  be  unworthy  of  Athens,*  though  he  urged  that,  good 
or  bad,  it  must  be  upheld ;  and  besides  uttering  in- 
sinuations against  the  conduct  of  Aeschines  as  an  am- 
bassador, he  prepared  to  prosecute  him  for  betraying 

*  However,  his  elder  brother,  Philocrates,  was  elected  general 
three  times  in  succession,  and  his  younger  brother,  Aphobetus,  was 
sent  as  an  ambassador  to  the  Great  King. — Aesch.,  de  Leg.,  §  149. 

*  de  Cor.,  §  262,  vide  infra,  p.  249. 
'  de  Leg.,  §  79  ;  vide  infra,  p.  168. 

*  See  de  Pace  {passim)  delivered  in  the  same  year. 


V. 


V 


i66  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

his  trust  by  taking  bribes  from  Philip.  He  associated 
with  himself  as  a  prosecutor  one  Timarchus.  Aeschines 
prepared  a  counter-stroke.  He  prosecuted  Timarchus 
on  the  ground  that  he  was  a  person  of  notorious  im- 
morality, and,  as  such,  debarred  from  speaking  in 
public.  Timarchus  appears  to  have  been  found  guilty. 
In  343  B.C.  Demosthenes  brought  the  action  in  which 
his  speech  de  Falsa  Legatione  and  that  of  Aeschines  bear- 
ing the  same  title  were  delivered,  and  Aeschines  was 
acquitted  by  the  rather  small  majority  of  thirty  votes. 
In  the  next  year  Aeschines  prepared  for  reprisals,  but 
when  on  the  point  of  impeaching  Demosthenes  he  in 
his  turn  was  thwarted  by  a  counter-move  on  his  rival's 
part.i 

In  339  B.C.  Aeschines  was  a  pylagorus  at  the  Amphic- 
tyonic  Council,  and  an  inflammatory  speech  which  he 
made  there  led  to  the  outbreak  of  the  Sacred  War. 

In  337  B.C.,  the  year  after  the  battle  of  Chaeronea, 
the  proposal  of  Ctesiphon  to  confer  a  crown  on  Demo- 
sthenes for  his  services  to  Athens  gave  Aeschines  a  new 
weapon  with  which  to  strike  at  his  enemy.  He  im- 
peached Ctesiphon  for  illegahty.  The  case  was  not 
actually  tried  till  330  B.C.,  when  Aeschines,  failing  to 
obtain  a  fifth  of  the  votes,  was  fined  a  thousand 
drachmae,  and,  being  unable  or  unwilling  to  pay,  went 
into  exile.  He  retired  to  Asia  Minor,  and  lived  either 
in  Ephesus  or  Rhodes.  He  is  said  by  Plutarch  to  have 
spent  the  rest  of  his  life  as  a  professional  Sophist,  that 
is  to  say,  no  doubt,  as  a  teacher  of  rhetoric ;  ^  but 
we  have  no  further  information  about  his  life  or  the 
manner  or  date  of  his  death. 

1  Aesch.,  Ctes.,  §§  222-225. 

•  Dent.,  ch.  24,  irepl'FoSou  kuI  ^lojviav  (ro<picrTevo}u  KareliiuxTev. 


AESCHINES  167 

§  2.     Public  Character 

Aeschines  cannot  be  considered  as  a  statesman,  since 
he  had  no  definite  poHcy.  He  was,  as  he  admitted 
himself,  an  opportunist.  '  Both  individual  and  state,' 
he  says,  '  must  shift  their  groimd  according  to  change 
of  circumstances,  and  aim  at  what  is  best  for  the  time ' ;  ^ 
and  though  he  claims  to  be  '  the  adviser  of  the  greatest 
of  all  cities,'  2  he  never  had  in  public  matters  any  higher 
principle  than  this  following  of  the  line  of  least  re- 
sistance. 

It  is  necessary,  however,  to  consider  whether  he  was 
actually  the  corrupt  politician  that  Demosthenes  makes 
him  out  to  be. 

Athenian  opinion  with  regard  to  corrupt  practices 
was  less  strict  than  ours  ;  Hyperides  admits  that  there 
are  various  degrees  of  guiltiness  in  the  matter  of  receiv- 
ing bribes  ;  the  worst  offence  is  to  receive  bribes  from 
improper  quarters,  i.e.  from  an  enemy  of  the  State,  and 
to  the  detriment  of  the  State. ^ 

This  principle  implies  a  corollary  that  to  receive 
bribes  for  doing  one's  duty  and  acting  in  the  best  in- 
terests of  one's  country  is  a  venial  offence,  if  indeed  it 
is  an  offence  at  all ;  in  which  case  a  man's  guilt  or 
innocence  may  be  a  matter  for  his  individual  conscience 
to  determine. 

Demosthenes  definitely  accused  Aeschines  of  chang- 
ing his  policy  in  consequence  of  bribes  received  from 
Philip.  It  is  known  that  at  the  beginning  of  his  public 
life  he  was  an  opponent  of  Macedon,  and  we  have  his 

*  de  Leg.,  §  l6,  toIs  yiip  Kaipots  dvdyKr)  cv/j.irepKfy^peffdai  irph%  rh 
KpdriaTov  Kai  rdv  AvSpa  Kal  t^v  irSXiv. 

^  Ibid.,  §  157,  6  T^j  fieyia-TTjs  avfi^ovXoi  7r6Xfajy. 
'  Hyper.,  adv.  Dem.,  xxiv. 


i68  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

own  account  of  his  conversion  on  the  occasion  of  the 
embassy  to  Megalopolis  : 

*  You  reproach  me  for  the  speech  which  I  made,  as  an 
envoy,  before  ten  thousand  people  in  Arcadia ;  you  say 
that  I  have  changed  sides,  you  abject  creature,  who  were 
nearly  branded  as  a  deserter.  The  truth  is  that  during  the 
war  I  tried  to  the  best  of  my  ability  to  unite  the  Arcadians 
and  the  rest  of  the  Greeks  against  Philip ;  but  when  I 
found  that  nobody  would  give  help  to  Athens,  but  some 
were  waiting  to  see  what  happened  and  others  were  march- 
ing against  us,  and  the  orators  in  the  city  were  using  the 
war  as  a  means  of  meeting  their  daily  expenses,  I  admit 
that  I  advised  the  people  to  come  to  terms  with  Philip,  and 
make  the  peace  which  you,  who  have  never  drawn  a  sword, 
now  say  is  disgraceful,  though  I  say  that  it  is  far  more 
honourable  than  the  war.'  ^ 

After  the  conclusion  of  the  peace  of  Philocrates  the 
accusations  were  more  definite.  Demosthenes  asserts 
that  Aeschines  had  private  interviews  with  Phihp 
when  on  the  second  embassy,  and  that  for  his  services 
he  received  certain  lands  in  Boeotia ;  ^  he  recurs  to  this 
charge  in  the  de  Corona,  many  years  later.  Aeschines 
does  not  deny  or  even  mention  this  charge  either  in 
the  speech  On  the  Embassy  or  in  the  accusation  of 
Ctesiphon.  Demosthenes,  having,  apparently,  little 
direct  evidence,  tries  to  estabhsh  his  case  by  emphasiz- 
ing the  relations  of  Aeschines  with  the  traitor  Philo- 
crates ;  but  this  is  a  weak  argument,  for  though 
Aeschines  at  one  time  boasted  of  these  relations,  on  a 
later  occasion  he  repudiated  them,  and  even  ventured 
to  rank  Demosthenes  himself  with  Philocrates.^    Per- 

1  de  Leg.,  §  79. 

'  Dem.,  de  Falsa  Leg.,  §§  145,  166-177  '>    ^^  Cor.,  §  41. 

'  Timarchus,  §  174  ;    Ctes.,  §  ^S. 


AESCHINES  169 

haps  we  should  attach  more  importance  to  the  other 
fact  urged  by  Demosthenes,  that  Aeschines  from  time 
to  time  urged  the  city  to  accept  Phihp's  vague  promises 
of  goodwill ;  but  before  we  condemn  him  on  this 
ground  we  must  recollect  that  Isocrates,  a  man  of  far 
greater  intelligence  than  Aeschines,  and  of  undoubted 
honesty,  had  come  so  completely  under  the  spell  of 
Phihp's  personality  as  to  place  a  thorough  belief  in  the 
sincerity  of  his  professions.^  Aeschines  may  have  been 
duped  in  the  same  manner. 

But  the  most  severe  condemnation  of  Aeschines* 
policy  is  contained  in  his  own  speeches. 

During  a  visit  to  the  Macedonian  army  in  Phocis 
he  was  guilty  of  a  gross  piece  of  bad  taste  by  joining  r  '^ 
with  Philip  in  dancing  the  paean  to  celebrate  the 
defeat  of  Phocis.  He  admits  the  charge,  and  main- 
tains that  it  was  even  a  proper  thing  to  do.^  His 
conduct  at  the  Amphictyonic  Council  was  far  more 
serious.^  He  was  invited  to  make  a  speech,  and  as 
he  began,  was  rudely  interrupted  by  a  Locrian  of 
Amphissa.  In  revenge  it '  occurred  to  him  '  *  to  recall 
the  impiety  of  the  Amphissians  in  occupying  the 
Cirrhaean  plain.  He  caused  to  be  read  aloud  the 
curse  pronounced  after  the  first  Sacred  War,  and  by 
recalling  the  forgotten  events  of  past  generations 
worked  up  his  audience  to  such  a  pitch  of  excitement 
that  on  the  following  morning — for  it  was  too  late  to 
take  action  that  night — the  whole  population  of-  f 
Delphi  marched  down  to  Cirrha,  destroyed  the  har-  T 
hour  buildings,  and  set  fire  to  the  town.    Though  this 

1  Supra,  p.  148.  '  de  Leg.,  §  163. 

*  Vide  supra,  p.  166. 

*  iirri\ei  fxoi,  Aesch.,  Ctes.,  §  118,  where  A.  complacently  relates 
the  whole  incident. 


170  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

action  undoubtedly  plunged  Greece  into  an  Amphic- 
tyonic  War,  Aeschines,  quite  regardless  of  the  awful 
^^        consequences,  can   only  dwell  upon   the   remarkable 
effects  of  his  own  oratory. 

§  3.     Personality 
Something  of  the  personal  characteristics  of  Aeschines 
may  be  gathered  from  his  own  writings  and  those  of 
Demosthenes.     He  must  have  been  a  man  of  dignified 
presence,  for  even  if  he  only  played  minor  parts,  as 
Demosthenes    so    frequently    asserts,    he    acted,    on 
occasion,  in  good  company,  as  his  enemy,  in  an  un- 
guarded  moment,   admitted.    The  conditions   under 
which  Greek  tragedy  was  performed  required  a  majestic 
^  bearing  even  in  a  tritagonist,  and  the  taunt  of  Demo- 
sthenes, who  calls  him  '  a  noble  statue,'  makes  it  certain 
that  Aeschines  did  not  fall  short  of  these  requirements. ^ 
The  words  of  Demosthenes  probably  imply  that  the 
^  dignity  was  overdone,  that  the  statuesque  pose  of  the 
ex-actor  appeared  pompous  and  exaggerated  in  a  law- 
court.     Aeschines  himself  condemned  the  use  of  excited 
gestures  by  orators.      He  urged  the  necessity  of  re- 
^  straint,  and  often  insisted  that  an  orator  should,  while 
speaking,  hold  his  hand  within  his  robe.^    This  de- 
clared prejudice  on  his  part  gave  Demosthenes  his 
opportunity  for  a  neat  retort — '  You  should  keep  your 
hand  there,  not  when  you  are  speaking,  but  when  you 
go  on  an  embassy.'  ^    On  this  occaision  Demosthenes 
scored  a  point,  but  where  wit  and  repartee  were  in 
7/    question,  the  honours  generally  rested  with  Aeschines. 

1  de  Cor.,  §§  129,  262,  etc.  Further,  de  Falsa  Leg.,  §  246.  A 
tritagonist  would  ordinarily  have  to  play  the  parts  of  kings  and 
tyrants,  who  must  as  a  rule  be  majestic  characters  (cf.  6  Kpicov 
Aitrxivrfs,  de  Falsa  Leg.,  §  247). 

'  Timarch.,  §  25.  '  Dem.,  de  Falsa  Leg.,  §  252. 


AESCHINES  171 

Another  striking  characteristic  of  Aeschines  was  his 
magnificent  voice,  which  he  used  with  practised  skill ; 
Demosthenes,  who  had  serious  natural  disabiHties  as  a 
speaker,  envied  him  bitterly,  and  in  consequence  was 
always  trying  to  ridicule  his  delivery.^  Conscious,  no 
doubt,  of  his  natural  advantages,  to  which  Demo- 
sthenes had  once  paid  a  more  or  less  sincere  tribute,^ 
Aeschines  was  apparently  unmoved  by  these  taunts  ; 
but  he  seems  to  have  been  deeply  injured  when  Demo- 
sthenes compared  him  to  the  Sirens,  whose  voices 
charm  men  to  their  destruction.  His  indignation  can 
find  no  repartee  ;  he  can  only  expostulate  that  the 
charge  is  indecent,  and  even  if  it  were  true,  Demo- 
sthenes is  not  a  fit  man  to  bring  it ;  only  a  man  of  deeds 
would  be  a  worthy  accuser ;  his  rival  is  nothing  but 
a  bundle  of  words.  Here,  recovering  himself  a  Uttle, 
he  delivers  himself  of  the  idea  that  Demosthenes  is  as 
empty  as  a  flute — ^no  good  for  anything  if  you  take 
away  the  mouthpiece.^ 

In  the  case  of  other  orators  I  have  laid  but  little 
stress  on  personal  characteristics,  because  as  a  rule  the 
orator  must  be  judged  apart  from  his  qualities  as  a 
man.  In  considering  Isaeus,  for  instance — an  extreme 
case,  certainly — personal  qualities  and  pecuHarities  are 
of  no  importance  at  all.  But  so  many  personal  traits 
appear  in  the  writings  of  Aeschines  that  we  cannot 
afford  to  neglect  them  ;  they  form  important  data  for 
our  estimate  of  him,  both  as  a  speaker  and  a  public 
character.     There  is  some  excuse,  then,  for  dealing  at 

*  Dem.,  de  Falsa  Leg.,  §  255,  aeixvoKoyel .  .  .  (puivaa  Krja  as  y  etc.;  de 
Cor.,  §  133,  atfivoXbyov ;  and  numerous  references  to  rpiTayuviffrvs. 

2  Aesch.,  de  Leg.,  §  41,  ttjv  (pv<Tiv  /jlov  fiaKapij^uVf  etc.  (of  the 
behaviour  of  Demosthenes  during  the  first  embassy). 

*  Cies.,  §§  228-229,  ^^  ovofidrtav  ffvyKfi/xevos,  etc. 


172  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

greater  length  with  his  personality  than  with  that  of 
any  other  of  the  Attic  orators.  The  question  of  his 
pubhc  morahty  has  already  to  some  extent  been  dis- 
cussed ;  ^  an  examination  of  his  more  private  qualities 
may  possibly  throw  further  light  on  the  question  of 
his  culpability. 

He  was,  as  we  saw,  to  some  extent  a  self-made  man  ; 
he  had  at  least  risen  far  above  the  station  in  which  he 
was  bom.  All  through  his  speeches  we  find  traces  of 
\;  his  pride  in  the  position  and  the  culture  which  he  has 
attained — his  vanitS  de  parvenu,  as  M.  Croiset  styles  it. 
He  is  proud  of  his  education,  and  boasts  of  it  to  excess, 
not  realizing  that  he  thus  lays  himself  open  to  the 
charge  of  having  missed  the  best  that  education  can 
give.  Demosthenes  is  just,  though  on  the  side  of 
severity  : 

'  What  right  have  you,*  he  asks,  *  to  speak  of  education  ? 
No  man  who  really  had  received  a  liberal  education  would 
ever  talk  about  himself  in  such  a  tone  as  you  do  ;  he  would 
have  the  modesty  to  blush  if  any  one  else  said  such  things 
about  him  ;  but  people  who  have  missed  a  proper  education, 
as  you  have,  and  are  stupid  enough  to  pretend  that  they 
possess  it,  only  succeed  in  offending  their  hearers  when  they 
talk  about  it,  and  fail  completely  to  produce  the  desired 
impression.'  ^ 

Aeschines  considered  aTracBevo-la,  want  of  education, 
almost  as  a  cardinal  sin,  and  could  never  conceive  that 
he  himself  was  guilty  of  it.^  He  displays  his  learning 
by  quotations  from  the  poets,  which  are  sometimes,  it 
must  be  admitted,  very  appropriate  to  his  argument, 

1  Supra,  pp.  167-170.  '  Dem.,  de  Cor.,  §  128. 

'  References  to  himself  as  ireiraidevfi^vos,  to  his  adversaries  as 
diralSevToi,  to  their  iwaidevffla,  t6  d/xad^s,  etc.,  are  very  common 
in  the  speeches  against  Timarchus  and  on  the  embassy. 


AESCHINES  173 

and  by  references  to  mythology  and  legend,  which  are 
sometimes  frigid.  His  use  of  history  betrays  a  rather 
superficial  knowledge  of  the  subject ;  it  is  hardly  pro- 
bable that  he  had  studied  Thucydides,  for  instance. 
Still,  he  possessed  a  fair  portion  of  learning ;  what 
leads  him  astray  is  really  his  lack  of  taste.  He  is  at  his 
best  in  the  use  of  quotation  when  he  adduces  the  lines 
of  Hesiod  on  the  man  whose  guilt  involves  a  whole  city 
in  his  own  ruin — the  passage  will  be  quoted  later. ^ 
The  verses  give  a  real  sting  to  his  denunciations,  and 
the  opinion  which  he  expresses  on  the  educational  in- 
fluence of  poetry  is  both  solemn  and  sincere.  But  he 
cannot  keep  to  this  level.  His  much  boasted  education 
results  generally  in  an  affectation  of  a  sort  of  artificial 
propriety  in  action  and  language,  and  a  profession  of 
prudery  which  is  really  foreign  to  his  nature.  He 
professes  an  admiration  for  the  self-restraint  of  pubHc 
speakers  in  Solon's  time,  and  during  the  greatness  of 
the  repubhc,  and  speaks  with  disgust  of  Timarchus, 
who  *  threw  off  his  cloak  and  performed  a  pancration 
naked  in  the  assembly.'  2  In  the  opening  of  the  same 
speech  he  makes  a  strong  claim  to  the  merit  of  *  modera- 
tion '  ;  in  the  prosecution  of  Timarchus  his  moderation 
consists  in  hinting  at  certain  abominable  practices, 
which  he  does  not  describe  by  name. 

*  I  pray  you.  Gentlemen,  to  forgive  me  if,  when  forced  to 
speak  of  certain  practices  which  are  not  honourable  by 

1  Infra,  pp.  184,  187. 

2  Timarch.,  §  26.  Aeschines  adds  a  characteristically  Greek 
touch — '  his  body  was  so  horribly  out  of  condition  through  liis 
drunkenness  and  other  excesses  that  decent  people  covered  their 
eyes.'  It  was  the  neglect  of  the  body,  rather  than  thei*exposure 
of  the  arms  and  legs,  which  is  exaggerated  into  '  nakedness,'  that 
really  shocked  the  spectators,  in  addition  to  the  '  rough-and-tumble  ' 
gestures  of  the  orator. 


V 


174  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

nature,  but  are  the  established  habits  of  the  defendant,  I 
am  led  away  into  using  any  expression  which  resembles  the 
actions  of  Timarchus.  .  .  .  The  blame  should  rest  on  him 
rather  than  on  me.  It  will  be  impossible  to  avoid  all  use 
of  such  expressions,  .  .  .  but  I  shall  try  to  avoid  it  as  far 
as  possible. '  ^ 

Notice  again  the  hypocritical  reticence  or '  omission  ' 
(Paraleipsis) — a  rhetorical  device  familiar  to  readers  of 
Cicero — ^which  insinuates  what  it  cannot  prove  : 

*  Mark,  men  of  Athens,  how  moderate  I  intend  to  be  in 
my  attack  on  Timarchus.  I  omit  all  the  abuses  of  which 
he  was  guilty  as  a  boy.  So  far  as  I  am  concerned  they  may 
be  no  more  valid  than,  say,  the  actions  of  the  Thirty,  the 
events  before  the  archonship  of  Euclides,  or  any  other 
hmitation  which  may  ever  have  been  established.'  ^ 

'  I  hear  that  this  creature  '  (an  associate  of  Timarchus) 
*  has  committed  certain  abominable  offences,  which,  I 
swear  by  Zeus  of  Olympus,  I  should  never  dare  to  mention 
in  your  presence  ;  he  was  not  ashamed  of  doing  these  things, 
but  I  could  not  bear  to  live  if  I  had  even  named  them  to 
you  explicitly.'  ^ 

In  spite  of  the  prosecutor's  modesty,  particular 
references  to  the  offences  of  Timarchus  are  frequent 
enough  throughout  the  speech ;  the  reticence  is  as- 
sumed for  the  purpose  of  insinuating  that  only  a  tithe 
of  the  offences  are  really  named.  The  whole  tone  of 
the  speech,  therefore,  is  disingenuous  and  dishonest. 

»  Timarch.,  §§  37-38. 

2  Timarch.,  §  39.  "A-Kvpoi  is  used  in  a  double  sense ;  the  early 
actions  of  Timarchus  are  unratified  in  the  sense  of  not  proved  ; 
the  actions  of  the  Thirty  are  not  ratified  by  the  succeeding  govern- 
ments. It  is  a  looseness  of  expression  which  does  not  spoil  the 
general  sense,  and  there  is,  perhaps,  an  implied  reference  to  the 
Amnesty,  declared  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Thirty.  Similarly 
Aeschines  declares  an  amnesty  for  all  the  offences  of  Timarchus 
before  a  certain  date. 

»  Ibid.,  §  55.     In  §  70  there  is  a  further  apology.     Cf.  also  §  76. 


AESCHINES  175 

On  the  other  hand,  the  orator's  tribute  to  the  judges' 
respectabihty  is  at  times  overdrawn.  They  are  in- 
formed that  '  Timarchus  used  to  spend  his  days  in  a 
gambhng-house,  where  there  is  a  pit  in  which  cock- 
fights are  held,  and  games  of  chance  are  played — I 
imagine  there  are  some  of  you  who  have  seen  the 
things  I  refer  to,  or  if  not,  have  heard  of  them.'  ^  No 
large  assembly  could  ever  take  quita  seriously  such  a 
compliment  to  its  innocence,  and  it  must  have  been 
meant  as  a  lighter  touch  to  reheve  the  dark  hues 
aroimd  it.  Such  playful  sallies  are  not  infrequent,  and, 
like  this  one,  are  often  quite  inoffensive.^ 

A  far  more  serious  arraignment  of  the  character  of 
Aeschines  is  brought  by  Blass,  who,  having  made  a  very 
careful  study  of  the  speech  against  Timarchus,  finds  a 
strong  presumption,  on  chronological  grounds,  that  the 
majority  of  the  charges  are  false.  It  is  certainly  re- 
markable that  the  charges  of  immorahty  rest  almost 
entirely  on  the  statements  of  the  prosecutor.  He 
expresses  an  apprehension  that  Misgolas,  a  most  im- 
portant witness,  will  either  refuse  to  give  evidence 
altogether,  or  will  not  tell  the  truth.  To  meet  trouble 
half-way  like  this  is  a  very  serious  confession  of  weak- 
ness, which  is  confirmed  by  the  orator's  further  com- 
ment on  the  state  of  the  case.  He  has,  he  says,  other 
witnesses,  but  *  if  the  defendant  and  his  supporters 
persuade  them  also  to  refuse  to  give  evidence — I  think 
they  will  not  persuade  them  ;  at  any  rate  not  all  of 
them — there  is  one  thing  which  they  never  can  do,  and 
that  is  to  abolish  the  truth  and  the  reputation  which 
Timarchus  bears  in  the  city,  a  reputation  which  I  have 
not  secured  for  him  ;  he  has  earned  it  for  himself.    For 

1  Timarch.,  §  53.  *  Cf.  infra,  p.  191. 


176  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

the  life  of  a  respectable  man  should  be  so  spotless  as 
not  to  admit  even  the  suspicion  of  oifence/  ^ 

Blass  considers  that  the  minor  charges,  directed 
against  the  reckless  extravagance  with  which  Tim- 
archus  had  dissipated  his  inherited  property,  are  better 
substantiated ;  but  these  alone  would  have  been  hardly 
enough  to  secure  his  condemnation. 

Against  Blass'  theories  we  must  set  the  little  that 
we  know  about  the  facts.  Timarchus  was  certainly 
condemned  and  disfranchised. ^  Now  an  Athenian 
jury  was  not  infallible,  and  whether  in  an  ordinary 
court  of  justice  or,  as  for  this  case,  in  the  high  court  of 
the  ecclesia,  political  convictions  might  triumph  over 
partiality ;  nevertheless,  a  man  who  was  innocent  of 
the  charge  specifically  brought  against  him,  especially 
if  he  had  not  only  committed  no  real  ."r-olitical  offence, 
but  had  played  no  part  in  political  affairs — a  man, 
moreover,  who  had  the  powerful  influence  of  Demo- 
sthenes behind  him — might  reasonably  expect  to  have 
a  fair  chance  of  being  acquitted.  Aeschines  himself 
was  acquitted  a  few  years  later  on  a  political  charge, 
though  his  political  conduct  required  a  good  deal  of 
explanation,  and  he  had  all  the  weight  of  Demosthenes 
not  for  him,  but  against  him. 

Aeschines  might  well  feel  a  legitimate  pride  at  the 
high  position  to  which  he  had  cHmbed  from  a  com- 
paratively humble  starting-point ;  but  to  reiterate 
the  reasons  for  this  pride  is  a  display  of  vanity.  He 
likes  to  talk  of  himself  as  *  the  counsellor  of  this  the 
greatest  of  cities,'  as  the  friend  of  Alexander  and  Phihp. 
*  Demosthenes,'  he  says,  *  brings  up  against  me  the  fact 

^  Timarch.y  §  48. 

»  Dem.,  de  Falsa  Leg.,  §§  2,  257. 


AESCHINES  177 

of  my  friendship  with  Alexander. '  ^  Demosthenes  retorts 
that  he  has  done  nothing  of  the  sort.  '  I  reproach 
you,  you  say,  with  Alexander's  friendship  ?  How  in 
the  world  could  you  have  gained  it  or  deserved  it  ?  I 
should  never  be  so  mad  as  to  call  you  the  friend  of 
either  Phihp  or  Alexander,  unless  we  are  to  say  that 
our  harvesters  and  hirelings  of  other  sorts  are  "  friends  " 
and  "  guests  "  of  those  who  have  hired  their  services.'  ^ 

And  again — '  On  what  just  or  reasonable  groimds 
could  Aeschines,  the  son  of  Glaucothea,  the  tambourine- 
player,  have  as  his  host,  or  his  friend,  or  his  acquaint- 
ance, Phihp  ? '  ^  Demosthenes'  estimate  of  the  posi- 
tion is  probably  the  truer  one  ;  Aeschines,  with  all 
his  cleverness,  was  not  the  man,  as  Isocrates  was,  to 
meet  princes  on  terms  of  equality. 

His  vanity  about  his  speeches  and  the  effect  which 
they  produced  is  attested  by  the  various  occasions  on 
which  he  quotes  them,  or  refers  to  them.  He  gives  a 
summary  of  a  speech  which  he  made  as  an  envoy  to 
Phihp ;  *  a  speech  delivered  before  the  ecclesia  is 
epitomized ;  ^  a  speech  made  before  *  thousands  and 
thousands  of  Arcadians  '  is  mentioned.^  The  notorious 
speech  delivered  to  the  Amphictyons  is  quoted  at  some 
length,'  and  its  disastrous  effect  described,  the  speaker's 
delight  in  his  own  powers  blinding  him  completely 
to  the  serious  and  far-reaching  consequences  of  his 
criminal  indiscretion. 

His  private  hfe,  in  spite  of  some  damaging  admis- 
sions in  the  Timarchus,  seems  to  have  been  satisfactory 

1  ^€vla,  expressing  the  mutual  relations  of  host  and  guest,  cannot 
be  adequately  translated  into  Enghsh. 

2  de  Cor.,  §  51.  '  Ibid.,  §  284. 

*  Aesch.,  de  Leg.,  §§  25-33.  ^  Ibid.,  §§  75-78. 

«  Ibid.,  §  79.  '  Ctes.,  §§  119-121. 

M 


178  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

according  to  Athenian  standards.  Demosthenes  ac- 
cused him  of  offering  a  gross  insult  to  an  Ol5mthian 
lady.  Whether  or  not  the  statement  was  an  entire 
fiction,  we  are  not  in  a  position  to  judge.  Aeschines 
indignantly  denies  the  charge,  and  asserts  that  the 
Athenian  people,  when  it  was  made,  refused  to  listen 
to  it,  in  view  of  their  confirmed  respect  for  his  own 
character  : 

'  Only  consider  the  folly,  the  vulgarity  of  the  man,  who 
has  invented  so  monstrous  a  lie  against  me  as  the  one 
about  the  Olynthian  woman.  You  hissed  him  down  in  the 
middle  of  the  story,  for  the  slander  was  quite  out  of  keeping 
with  my  character,  and  you  knew  me  well.'  ^ 

Whatever  his  origin  may  have  been,  he  was  not 
ashamed  of  it.  He  more  than  once  refers  with  affec- 
tionate respect  to  his  father. ^  His  love  for  his  wife  and 
children  is  on  one  occasion  ingeniously  introduced  in 
an  eloquent  passage  to  influence  the  feelings  of  his 
hearers.  This  use  of  '  pathos  '  was  familiar  enough 
to  Greek  audiences,  but  Aeschines  shows  his  originaHty 
by  the  form  in  which  he  puts  the  appeal — aiming 
directly  at  the  feelings  of  individual  hearers  for  their 
own  families,  rather  than  asking  the  assembly  collec- 
tively to  pity  the  victims  of  misfortune  : 

'  I  have  by  my  wife,  the  daughter  of  Philodemus  and 
sister  of  Philon  and  Echecrates,  three  children,  a  daughter 
and  two  sons.  I  have  brought  them  here  with  the  rest  of 
my  family  in  order  that  I  may  put  one  question  and  prove 
one  point  to  my  judges  ;  and  this  I  shall  now  proceed  to  do. 
I  ask  you,  men  of  Athens,  whether  you  think  it  likely  that, 

»  Aesch.,  de  Leg.,  §  153. 

'  E.g.y  de  Leg.,  §  147.  His  esteem  for  his  mother  is  expressed, 
ibid.,  §  148. 


AESCHINES  179 

in  addition  to  sacrificing  my  country  and  the  companion- 
ship of  my  friends  and  my  right  to  a  share  in  the  worship 
and  the  burial-place  of  my  fathers,  I  could  betray  to  Philip 
these  whom  I  love  more  than  anything  in  the  world,  and 
value  his  friendship  higher  than  their  safety  ?  Have  I  ever 
become  so  far  the  slave  of  base  pleasures  ?  Have  I  ever 
yet  done  anything  so  base  for  the  sake  of  money  ?  No  ; 
it  is  not  Macedon  that  makes  a  man  good  or  bad,  but 
nature  ;  and  when  we  return  from  an  embassy  we  are  the 
same  men  that  we  were  when  you  sent  us  out.'  ^ 

Lastly,  he  could  speak  of  himself  with  dignity,  as  in 
the  passage,  quoted  above, ^  where  he  rebuts  a  charge 
against  his  private  character,  and  in  the  following : 

'  My  silence,  Demosthenes,  is  due  to  the  moderation  of 
my  life  ;  I  am  content  with  a  little  ;  I  have  no  base  desire 
for  greatness ;  and  so  my  silence  or  my  speech  is  due  to 
careful  dehberation,  not  to  necessity  imposed  by  habits 
of  extravagance.  You,  I  imagine,  are  habitually  silent 
when  you  have  got  what  you  want ;  when  you  have  spent 
it,  you  raise  your  voice.'  ^ 

§  4.    Style 

The  vocabulary  of  Aeschines  consists  mostly  of  words 
in  ordinary  use  which  require  no  comment.  Though  he 
was  a  great  admirer  of  poetry,  his  ordinary  writing 
does  not  display  more  poetical  or  unusual  words  than 
that  of  any  other  orator. 

The  difference  between  his  style  and  that  of  a  writer 
such  as  Lysias  is,  essentially,  a  difference  not  of  voca- 
bulary but  of  tone  ;  the  tones  of  Aeschines  are  raised. 
He  tends  to  use  words  which  are  stronger  than  they 
need  be,  to  be  '  angry  '  when  only  surprise  is  called  for  ; 
to  be  *  excessively  indignant '  when  a  moderate  resent- 

»  de  Leg.,  §  152.  »  p.  178.  «  Ctes.,  §  218. 


\ 


i8o  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

ment  would  meet  the  caise,  to  '  detest '  when  to  dislike 
would  be  enough.^  He  makes  unnecessary  appeals  to 
the  gods  more  frequently  than  any  other  orator  except 
Demosthenes.  Exaggeration  is  part  of  the  secret  of 
his  splendor  verborum,  as  the  Roman  critic  described  it ; 
but  by  far  the  greatest  part  is  his  instinct  for  using 
quite  ordinary  words  in  the  most  effective  combina- 
tions. His  best  passages,  if  analysed,  contain  hardly 
any  words  which  are  at  all  out  of  the  common,  and  yet 
their  vigour  and  dignity  are  unquestionable. ^  The 
ancients,  however,  denied  purity  of  diction  to  Aeschines, 
perhaps  on  account  of  the  characteristics  just  described. 

He  is,  as  Blass  observes,  occasionally  obscure  ;  that 
is,  it  is  possible  to  find  sentences  which  are  not  quite 
easy  to  understand ;  but  on  the  whole  these  are  very 
rare.  No  writer,  even  a  Lysias,  can  be  at  all  times 
perfectly  lucid.^  As  a  rule  Aeschines  is  as  simple  in 
the  construction  of  his  sentences  as  he  is  in  the  arrange- 
ment of  his  speeches,  and  he  is  much  easier  to  under- 
stand than,  for  instance,  Demosthenes. 

He  has  not  the  consummate  grace  and  terseness 
which  critics  admire  as  the  chief  beauties  of  Lysias  ; 
sometimes  unnecessary  repetitions  of  a  word  are  to  be 
found,  sometimes  two  S5nionyms  are  used  where  one 
word  would  suffice  ;  but  such  repetitions  often  give  us 
lucidity,  though  at  the  expense  of  strict  form,  and  the 
accumulation  of  s5nion5niis  increases  the  emphasis.* 
Only  the  great  artist,  who  is  perfectly  confident  that 

*  Cf.  ttie  frequent  use  of  Seivdi  and  Seiyws — Seivrj  diratSeufffa,  dyai<r- 
X^ffia ;  Seivws  (rxcXidfcti',  d(rx'»7/ioi'ca',  Aypoeiv,  etc.,  and  compounds 
such  as  vTrepayavaKrQ,  vir€pai<rxiJ''Ofiai. 

*  E.g.  the  fine  passage  about  Thebes,  infra,  p.  i86. 

'  The  speech  of  Lysias  against  Eratosthenes,  for  instance,  con- 
ains  many  complicated  sentences  which  are  unnecessarily  obscure. 

*  6p(apT<i}v  tppovoivTbiv  p\eTr6vT(av  v/xwv.      Ctes.,  §  94. 


AESCHINES  i8i 

he  has  found  the  right  word  to  express  adequately  his 
whole  meaning  in  exactly  the  right  way,  can  afford  to 
do  without  all  superfluous  strokes.  Aeschines  is  not  a 
perfect  artist  in  language  ;  he  aims  not  at  artistic 
beauty  but  effect,  to  which  style  is  nothing  but  a  subor- 
dinate aid.  The  composition  of  artistic  prose  is,  for 
him,  far  from  being  an  end  in  itself. 

His  speeches  were  designed  not  to  be  read  by  literary 
experts,  but  to  be  delivered  from  the  platform,  and  he 
aimed,  not  at  pleasing  the  critics'  taste  but  at  working 
on  the  passions  of  the  ordinary  citizen.  Some  of  his 
most  important  orations  were  not  written  at  all,  though 
he  probably  preserved  notes  of  them,^  and  the  three 
which  he  did  write  out  in  full  were  preserved  not  for 
their  literary  beauty  but  for  their  subject-matter. 
The  time  for  the  rhetoric  of  culture  was  past ;  the 
course  of  events  required  the  kind  of  oratory  that  would 
stir  men  to  action.  As  to  the  effectiveness  of  his 
speeches,  there  can  be  no  doubt.  We  know — on  his 
own  authority,  certainly ;  but  it  has  never  been  dis- 
puted— how  his  harangue  moved  the  Amphictyons  ; 
and  we  know  that,  without  any  conspicuous  moral 
qualities,  with  no  advantages  from  family  influence 
and  no  definite  political  principles,  he  became  a  power 
in  Athens  solely  by  virtue  of  his  eloquence. 

Aeschines  varies  the  length  of  his  sentences  very 
considerably ;  some  of  them  are  long,  and  consist  of 
strings  of  participial  and  relative  clauses.  These,  how- 
ever, occur  mostly  in  narrative  passages,  where  such 
discursive  style  is  excusable  :  for  instance,  the  long 
sentences  in  the  de  Legatione,  §§  26-27,  §§  75-77,  and 
§  115,  contain  reports  of  Aeschines'  own  earher  speeches. 
»  Cf.  his  frequent  references  to  his  speeches,  supra,  p.  177. 


i82  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

The  first  of  these  (§§  26-27)  is  monotonous  owing  to  the 
series  of  genitives  absolute  which  compose  an  inordin- 
ately long  protasis,  the  main  verb  not  occurring  till 
near  the  end  of  the  sentence,  and  then  being  followed 
by  another  genitive  clause. 

A  long  sentence  early  in  the  Ctesiphon  gives  a  risumi 
of  the  circumstances  by  which  the  orator  is  impelled 
to  speak ;  the  clauses  are  mostly  connected  by  xaC, 
though  all  depend  on  a  relative  at  the  beginning.  No 
skill  is  displayed  in  the  structure  of  such  sentences,  and 
their  possible  length  is  limited  only  by  the  amount  of 
water  in  the  clepsydra.  Up  to  a  certain  length,  they 
are  forcible,  but  if  the  Hmit  is  exceeded,  the  effect  is 
lost,  for  the  point  which  the  orator  wishes  to  make  is 
too  long  deferred,  since  the  main  clause,  containing  the 
statement  which  the  preceding  relative  clauses  illustrate 
or  explain,  is  not  reached  until  the  heavy  accumulation 
of  relative  clauses  has  wearied  the  perception. 

In  general,  however,  Aeschines  is  moderate  in 
length  ;  his  sentences,  on  the  average,  are  shorter 
.than  those  of  Isocrates,  and  he  tacitly  adheres  to  the 
rule  that  a  period  should  not  be  so  long  that  it  cannot 
be  uttered  in  one  breath. 

Though  not  pedantic,  he  was  far  from  being  without 
a  taste  for  composition.  In  all  the  speeches  we  find 
examples  of  the  deliberate  avoidance  of  hiatus,  and  in 
the  de  Legatione  he  bestowed  some  care  on  the  matter. 

The  avoidance  may  generally,  though  not  always, 
be  traced  in  an  unusual  order  of  words. ^  Examples  of 
harsh  hiatus  are  rare,  though  there  are  many  unim- 

^  E.g.  de  Leg.y  §  183,  toi/j  eh  t6p  /aAXovt'  ai/ry  XP^^o^  iyrepovPTas. 
Blass,  vol.  iii.  pt.  2,  p.  232,  notes  that  there  is  more  consistent  care 
on  this  point  in  the  de  Legatione  than  in  the  other  two  speeches. 


AESCHINES  183 

portant  instances.  Quite  apart  from  theoretical  rules, 
a  good  orator  will  instinctively  avoid  awkward 
combinations  of  letters,  for  euphony  is  necessary 
for  fluent  speaking.  Aeschines,  secure  in  the  pos- 
session of  a  perfect  delivery,  might  admit  sounds 
which  Isocrates  and  other  theorists  considered 
harsh ;  it  was  with  practical  declamation  that  he 
was  concerned. 

The  use  of  the  rhetorical  '  figures  '  is  a  prominent 
characteristic  of  Aeschines.  The  verbal  contrasts 
which  Gorgias  and  the  Sophists  affected,  many  of  which 
seem  to  us  so  frigid  and  tedious,  have  too  much  honour 
from  Aeschines  ;  for  instance,  the  purely  formal  anti- 
thesis— *  He  mentions  the  names  of  those  whose  bodies 
he  has  never  seen,'  ^  where  the  sound  of  the  jingle — 
ovofiara,  a-wfjiara — is  more  important  than  the 
sense.  The  effect  of  such  *  hke  endings  '  [homoeote- 
leute)  cannot  as  a  rule  be  reproduced,  though  some- 
times a  play  upon  words  will  indicate  it :  e.g.  ov  tov 
TpoTTov  dWa  TOV  TOTTOV  jJLOPOv  fjLeTrjWa^ev — *  he  has 
changed,  not  his  habits,  but  only  his  habitation.'  ^  In 
such  assonance  there  is  an  undoubted  aiming  at  comic 
effect.  A  forcible  repetition  of  words  is  found  in  such 
sentences  as  the  following  :  '  What  I  saw,  I  reported 
to  you  as  I  saw  it ;  what  I  heard,  as  I  heard  it ;  now 
what  was  it  that  I  saw  and  heard  about  Cersobleptes  ? 
I  saw  .  .  .'  etc.^  Repetitions  of  this  and  similar  kinds 
seem  to  break  at  times  from  the  speaker's  control,  and 
pass  all  measure.* 

1  Ctes.,  §  99.  «  Ibid.,  §  78.  »  de  Leg.,  §  81. 

*  Cf.  Ctes.,  §  198,  ^crrts  jxh  oiv  h  t^  rifi'/iaci  t^v  \//7)<poy  alrei,  tt]i>  6py^u 
T^v  vfiCT^pav  irapaiTc'iTai,  6<rTi5  5'  ip  r<p  vpibrtp  \6y<fi  t-^v  \pTJ(f>ov  alrel  SpKow 
alreT,  ydfiov  alrcc,  SrjfioKpaTlav  alTe7,  S}v  oOtc  alTrjffdi  oiidiv  Sffiov  qPt' 
OtlTiiQhTa  hipif  bovvai. 


y^ 


i84  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

Aeschines  does  not  seem  to  have  paid  any  attention 
to  rhythmical  writing  ;  his  style  is  too  free  to  be  bound 
by  unnecessary  restrictions  ;  verses  and  metrical  pas- 
sages occur  sporadically,  but  they  are  rare.  He  seems 
to  have  fallen  into  them  by  accident,  since  they  occur 
in  positions  where  no  special  point  is  marked  by  an 
unusual  rhythm. ^ 
Direct  quotations  of  poetry,  for  which  he  had  a 

^   great  liking,  are,  on  the  other  hand,  very  frequent. 

^  No  other  orator,  except  Lycurgus,  is  comparable  to 
him  in  this  respect,  and  Lycurgus  uses  his  power  of 
quotation  with  much  less  force  than  Aeschines,  who 
often  employs  it  aptly.  He  gives  us  the  impression 
that  serious  religious  conviction  is  at  the  back  of  his 
quotation  from  Hesiod  : 

'  Often  the  whole  of  a  city  must  suffer  for  one  man's 
sin.'  2 

In  other  cases  the  quotations  are  excessively  long  and, 
like  those  of  Lycurgus,  have  hardly  any  bearing  on 
the  point. 

His  metaphors  are  sometimes  vivid  and  well  chosen 
— dfi'TreXovp'yelv  ttjv  ttoKlv — *  to  strip  the  city  like  a 
vineyard  ' ;  evavKov  rjv  iraaiv — '  it  was  dinned  into 
everybody's  ears.'  Some  of  the  most  forcible  occur  in 
passages  which  purport  to  be  quotations  or  para- 
phrases of  Demosthenes  :  e.g.  iir lotto fiiaai,  '  to  bridle  ' 
the    war-party ;    aTToppd-^eiv   to  ^tXinrirov  (TTofiay    '  to 

^  E.g.  iambics,  Ctes.^  §  239,  A  <rw0poj'u;v  6  hrjjxos  ovk  ide^aro ;  and  de 
Leg.,  §  66,  /.dav  8^  viL/Kra  3taXt7rw»'  ffvvrjybpovv,  etc. ;  anapaestic  effect, 
ibid.,  223,  ad  rh  irapbv  \vfxaiv6fxevos,  t6  5^  fx^Wov  KaTeTayyeXXd/nevoi  ;  and 
a  curious  combination,  ibid.,  91,  ardfriap  fxcTaax^^  ''"«»'  Tdyuv  rg  iriXei, 

*  Ctes.,^  135.  3  dg  Lgg^^  §§  „o,  2T, 


AESCHINES  185 

sew  up  Philip's  mouth.'  ^    These  are  probably  carica- 
tures of  Demosthenes'  daring  phrases. 

Turning  now  from  the  consideration  of  the  materials 
to  the  finished  product,  we  find  that  Aeschines  can 
attain  a  high  level  of  style.  His  denunciation  of  the 
sharp  practices  prevailing  in  the  course  of  his  day  is 
impressive  ;  we  know  that  he  is  speaking  the  truth, 
and  he  does  not  make  the  mistake  of  exaggerating. 
The  seriousness  is  relieved,  but  not  impaired,  by  the 
light  thread  of  sarcasm  which  runs  through  the  whole 
fabric  : 

'  The  hearing  of  such  cases,  as  my  father  used  to  tell  me, 
was  conducted  in  a  way  very  diEerent  from  ours.  The 
judges  were  much  more  severe  with  those  who  proposed 
illegal  measures  than  the  prosecutor  was,  and  they  would 
often  interrupt  the  clerk  and  ask  him  to  read  over  again  the 
laws  and  the  decree  ;  and  the  proposers  of  illegal  measures 
were  found  guilty  not  if  they  had  ridden  over  all  the  laws, 
but  if  they  had  subverted  one  single  clause.  The  present 
procedure  is  ridiculous  beyond  words  ;  the  clerk  reads  the 
illegal  decree,  and  the  judges,  as  if  they  were  listening  to 
an  incantation  or  something  that  did  not  concern  them, 
keep  their  minds  fixed  on  something  else.  And  already, 
through  the  devices  of  Demosthenes,  you  are  admitting  a 
disgraceful  practice  ;  you  have  allowed  the  course  of  justice 
to  be  changed,  for  the  prosecutor  is  on  his  defence,  and  the 
defendant  conducts  his  prosecution  ;  and  the  judges  some- 
times forget  the  matter  of  which  they  are  called  on  to  be 
arbiters,  and  are  compelled  to  vote  on  questions  which 
they  ought  not  to  be  judging.  The  defendant,  if  he  ever 
refers  to  the  facts  at  all,  tells  you,  not  that  his  proposal  was 
legal,  but  that  somebody  else  has  proposed  similar  measures 
before  his  time,  and  has  been  acquitted.'  ^ 

*  Ctes,,  §§  192-193. 


i86  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

The  following  passage  has  been  many  times  pointed 
out,  and  justly,  as  a  fine  example  of  the  higher  style  of 
Aeschines'  rhetoric.  Taken  apart  from  its  context, 
and  without  any  consideration  of  the  truth  of  the  in- 
sinuations which  it  makes,  it  is  a  notable  piece  of 
*  pathetic  '  pleading.  The  Romans,  with  a  fondness 
for  epigrammatic  contrast,  attributed  to  Aeschines 
more  of  sound  and  less  of  strength  than  to  Demo- 
sthenes. This  is  true  if  we  regard  their  works  as  a 
whole ;  but  in  isolated  passages  like  this,  Aeschines 
finds  his  level  with  the  best  of  Attic  orators  : 

*  Thebes,  our  neighbour  Thebes,  in  the  course  of  a  single 
day  has  been  torn  from  the  midst  of  Greece  ;  justly,  per- 
haps, for  in  general  she  followed  a  mistaken  policy  ;  yet  it 
was  not  human  judgment  but  divine  ordinance  that  led 
her  into  error.  And  the  poor  Lacedaemonians,  who  only 
interfered  in  this  matter  originally  in  connection  with  the 
seizure  of  the  sanctuary,  they  who  once  could  claim  to  be 
the  leaders  of  the  Greeks,  must  now  be  sent  up  to  Alexander 
to  offer  themselves  as  hostages  and  advertise  their  disaster  ; 
they  and  their  country  must  submit  to  any  treatment  on 
which  he  decides,  and  be  judged  by  the  clemency  of  the 
conqueror  who  was  the  injured  party.  And  our  city,  the 
common  asylum  of  all  Greeks,  to  whom  formerly  embassies 
used  to  come  from  Greece  to  obtain  their  safety  from  us, 
city  by  city,  is  struggling  now  not  for  the  leadership  of  the 
Greeks  but  for  the  very  soil  of  her  fatherland.  And  this 
has  befallen  us  since  Demosthenes  took  the  direction  of  our 
policy.  A  passage  in  Hesiod  contains  a  solemn  warning 
appropriate  to  such  a  case.  He  speaks,  l  believe,  with  the 
intention  of  educating  the  people,  and  advising  the  cities 
not  to  take  to  themselves  evil  leaders. 

*  I  shall  quote  the  lines,  for  I  conceive  that  we  learn  by 
heart  the  maxims  of  the  poets  in  childhood,  so  that  in 
manhood  we  may  apply  them  : — 


AESCHINES  187 

'  "  Often  the  whole  of  a  city  must  suffer  for  one  man's  sin, 
Who  plotteth  infatuate  counsel,  and  walketh  in  evil  ways, 
On  such  God  sendeth  destruction,  by  famine  and  wasting 

plague, 
And  razeth  their  walls  and  armies,  and  shatters  their 

ships  at  sea."  '  ^ 

We  know  that  Aeschines  took  education  very 
seriously — more  seriously,  in  fact,  than  anything  else — 
and  his  reference  here  to  the  educative  influence  of  the 
poets  gives  proof  of  his  earnestness,  which  may  have 
been  a  transient  emotion,  but  was,  for  the  moment,  a 
strong  one. 

Setting  apart  a  few  such  serious  passages,  Aeschines 
is  at  his  best  when  he  is  directly  accusing  Demo- 
sthenes. His  attacks  are  nearly  always  characterized 
by  a  humorous  manner  which  does  not  make  them 
any  the  less  forcible,  and  they  generally  contain  just 
enough  truth  to  make  their  malice  effective.  The  fact 
that  Aeschines  himself  had  too  deep  a  respect  for  the 
truth  to  be  prodigal  in  the  use  of  it  does  not  diminish 
the  virulence  of  his  attack  on  his  rival's  veracity,  while 
any  question  as  to  the  exactitude  of  his  statements 
would  be  drowned  in  the  laugh  that  followed  the 
concluding  paragraph  : 

*  The  fellow  has  one  characteristic  peculiarly  his  own 
when  other  impostors  tell  a  lie,  they  try  to  speak  vaguely 
and  indefinitely,  for  fear  of  being  convicted  of  falsehood  ; 
but  when  Demosthenes  seeks  to  impose  upon  you,  he  first 
of  all  enforces  his  He  with  an  oath,  invoking  eternal  ruin 
on  himself  ;  secondly,  though  he  knows  that  a  thing  never 
can  happen  at  all,  he  dares  to  speak  with  a  nice  calculation 
of  the  day  when  it  is  going  to  happen  ;  he  utters  the  names 

'  Ctes.,  §§  133-136. 


i88  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

of  people  whose  faces  he  has  never  seen,  thus  cheating  you 
into  hearing  him,  and  assuming  an  air  of  truthfulness  ;  and 
so  he  thoroughly  merits  your  detestation,  since,  being  such 
a  scoundrel  as  he  is,  he  discredits  the  usual  proofs  of 
honesty. 

'  After  talking  in  this  way  he  gives  the  clerk  a  decree  to 
read — something  longer  than  the  Iliad,  and  more  empty 
than  the  speeches  he  makes  or  the  hfe  he  has  led  ;  full  of 
hopes  that  can  never  be  realized,  and  armies  that  will  never 
be  mustered.'  ^ 

The  pleasing  custom  followed  by  the  orators  of  anti- 
quity, whether  Greek  or  Roman,  of  defiling  the  graves 
of  the  ancestors  of  their  political  opponents,  and  de- 
faming their  private  lives,  can  be  as  well  exemplified 
from  Aeschines  as  from  his  rival.  Aeschines  shows  no 
great  originality  in  particular  terms  of  abuse — Din- 
archus  has  a  greater  variety  of  offensive  words — but 
the  following  extract  from  his  circumstantial  fictions 
about  Demosthenes  is  more  effective,  because  more 
moderate  in  tone,  than  the  incredible  insults  with 
which  the  latter  described  the  family  circumstances 
and  the  career  of  Aeschines  :  ^  . 

'  So,  on  his  grandfather's  account,  he  must  be  an  enemy 
of  the  people,  for  you  condemned  his  ancestors  to  death  ; 
but  through  his  mother's  family  he  is  a  Scythian,  a  bar- 
barian, though  he  speaks  Greek  ;  so  that  even  his  wicked- 
ness is  not  of  native  growth.  And  what  of  his  daily 
life  ?  Once  a  trierarch,  he  appeared  again  as  a  speech- 
writer,  having  in  some  ridiculous  fashion  thrown  away  his 
patrimony  ;  but  as  in  this  profession  he  came  under  sus- 
picion of  disclosing  the  speeches  to  the  other  side,  he 
bounded  up  on  to  the  tribunal ;  and  though  he  took  great 
sums  of  money  from  his  administration,  he  saved  very  little 

*  CUs.y  §§  99-IOO.  «  Dem.,  de  Cor.,  §§  129,  259. 


AESCHINES  189 

for  himself.  Now,  however,  the  king's  treasure  has 
drowned  his  extravagance — ^but  even  that  will  not  be 
enough  ;  for  no  conceivable  wealth  can  survive  evil  habits. 
*  Worst  of  all,  he  makes  a  living  not  out  of  his  private 
sources  of  income,  but  out  of  your  danger.'  ^ 

But  he  is  really  at  his  best  where  some  slight  slip 
on  the  part  of  his  opponent  gives  him  the  opportunity 
of  magnifying  a  trivial  incident  into  importance.  In 
the  following  caricature  the  indecision  of  Demosthenes 
is  better  expressed  by  the  vacillating  language  thrust 
into  his  mouth  than  it  could  have  been  by  the  most 
eloquent  description  in  the  third  person  : 

'  While  I  was  in  the  middle  of  this  speech,  Demosthenes 
shouted  out  at  the  top  of  his  voice — all  our  fellow-envoys 
can  support  my  statement — for  in  addition  to  his  other 
vices  he  is  a  partisan  of  Boeotia.  What  he  said  was  some- 
thing to  this  purpose  : — "  This  fellow  is  full  of  a  spirit  of 
turbulence  and  recklessness ;  I  admit  that  I  am  made  of 
softer  stuff,  and  fear  dangers  afar  off.  However,  I  would 
forbid  him  to  raise  disturbances  between  the  States,  for  I 
think  that  the  right  course  is  for  us  ambassadors  not  to 
meddle  with  anything.  Philip  is  marching  to  Thermo- 
pylae ;  I  cover  my  face.  No  man  will  judge  me  because 
Philip  takes  up  arms  ;  I  shall  be  judged  for  any  unnecessary 
word  that  I  utter,  or  for  any  action  in  which  I  exceed  my 
instructions."  '  ^ 

The  failure  of  Demosthenes  to  rise  to  the  occasion 
when  he  had  the  opportunity  of  delivering  an  impres- 
sive speech  before  Philip,  during  the  first  embassy, 
forms  the  groundwork  for  excellent  comedy  on  the 
part  of  Aeschines.  Demosthenes,  by  his  rival's  ac- 
count, was  usually  so  intolerable  as  a  companion  that 

*  CUs.,  §§  172-173-  *  de  Leg.,  §§  106-107. 


V 


190  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

his  colleagues  refused  to  stay  in  the  same  lodging  with 
him  whenever  another  was  obtainable ;  but  he  had 
found  opportunity  to  impress  them  with  his  own  sense 
of  his  importance  as  an  orator.  These  professions  are 
well  indicated  in  a  few  words.  The  account  of  his 
failure,  of  PhiUp's  patronizing  encouragement,  of  the 
fiasco  in  which  the  whole  proceedings  terminated,  are 
sketched  with  a  dehcate  malice  that  must  have 
made  any  defence  or  explanation  impossible  ;  indeed 
Demosthenes  seems  to  have  attempted  no  reply  : 

'  When  these  and  other  speeches  had  been  made,  it  was 
Demosthenes'  turn  to  play  his  part  in  the  embassy,  and 
everybody  was  most  attentive,  expecting  to  hear  a  speech 
of  exceptional  power  ;  for,  as  we  gathered  later,  even  Philip 
and  his  companions  had  heard  the  report  of  his  ambitious 
promises.  When  everybody  was  thus  prepared  to  listen  to 
him,  the  brute  gave  utterance  to  some  sort  of  obscure 
exordium,  half-dead  with  nervousness,  and  having  made 
a  Httle  progress  over  the  surface  of  the  subject  he  suddenly 
halted  and  hesitated,  and  at  last  completely  lost  his  way. 
Philip,  seeing  the  state  he  was  in,  urged  him  to  take  courage, 
and  not  to  think  he  had  failed  because,  like  an  actor,  he  had 
forgotten  his  part ;  but  to  try  quietly  and  little  by  httle  to 
recollect  himself  and  make  the  speech  as  he  intended  it. 
But  he,  having  once  been  flurried,  and  lost  the  thread  of  his 
written  speech,  could  not  recover  himself  again ;  he  tried 
once  more,  and  failed  in  the  same  way.  A  silence  followed, 
after  which  the  herald  dismissed  the  embassy.'  ^ 

Aeschines  not  only  excelled  in  this  class  of  circum- 
stantial caricature,  but  he  could  win  a  laugh  by  a 
single  phrase.  It  is  well  known  that  Midias,  after 
various  discreditable  quarrels,  put  the  final  touch  to 
his    insolence    by  a  public  assault  on   Demosthenes, 

1  de  Leg.,  ^^3^-35. 


AESCHINES  191 

whose  face  he  slapped  in  the  theatre.  Demosthenes 
on  many  occasions  made  capital  out  of  this  assault ; 
which  fact  inspires  the  remark  of  Aeschines,  *  His  face 
is  his  fortime.'  ^  Of  his  dexterity  in  repartee  a  single 
instance  may  be  quoted  :  Demosthenes,  in  an  out- 
burst of  indignation,  had  suggested  that  the  court 
should  refuse  to  be  impressed  by  the  oratory  of  a  man 
who  was  notoriously  corrupt,  but  should  rather  be 
prejudiced  by  it  against  him.^  Aeschines,  catching  at 
the  words,  rather  than  the  spirit,  retorted,  *  Though 
you,  gentlemen,  have  taken  a  solemn  oath  to  give  an 
impartial  hearing  to  both  parties,  he  has  dared  to  urge 
you  not  to  listen  to  the  voice  of  the  defendant.'  ^ 

§  5.     Treatment  of  subjects  :  general  estimate 

During  his  tenure  of  the  office  of  r^pa^ifiarev^ — 
clerk  to  the  ecclesia — Aeschines  must  have  gained  a 
thorough  knowledge  of  the  procedure  of  that  assembly, 
and  of  law.  This  comes  out  in  his  general  treatment 
of  his  subjects,  and  particularly  in  his  legal  arguments, 
which  are  clear  and  convincing.  In  the  speech  against 
Ctesiphon,  where  the  irregularities  of  the  proceedings 
about  Demosthenes'  crown  gave  him  a  good  subject  for 
argument,  he  makes  out  a  very  strong  case. 

In  the  structure  of  his  speeches  he  follows  a  chrono- 
logical order.  He  realized  well  that  the  style  of  his 
eloquence  lent  itself  naturally  to  bright  and  attractive 
narrative.  His  versatihty  saves  him  from  becoming 
tedious  ;  at  one  time  he  can  speak  with  a  noble  solem- 

*  Ctes.f  §  212,  ov  K€<t>a\T)v  dWd  irpbaobov  KiKT7}Tac.  The  play  upon 
words  is  not  easy  to  reproduce:  /ce^X^,  of  course,  suggests  K€<p- 
riXaioy,  '  principal,'  or  '  capital,*  while  irpdaodoi  is  '  income '  or 
'  revenue.' 

•  de  Falsa  Leg.,  §  339.  *  Aesch.,  de  Leg.,  §  i. 


192  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

nity  which  reminds  M.  Croiset  of  the  eloquence  of  the 
pulpit,^  at  another,  the  hghtness  of  his  touch  almost 
conceials  the  bitterness  of  his  sentiments  and  the  serious- 
ness of  his  purpose. 2  He  can  speak  of  himself  with 
dignity,  of  his  family  with  true  feeling ;  careful  argu- 
ment succeeds  to  lucid  narrative  ;  crisp  interrogation, 
reinforced  by  powerful  sarcasm,  to  masterly  exposition. 
He  can  awaken  his  hearers'  interest  by  an  indication 
of  the  course  which  he  intends  to  follow,  and  this 
interest  is  sustained  by  all  the  resources  of  an  eloquence 
which,  though  at  times  sophistical,  and  though  dis- 
figured by  occasional  blemishes,  has  more  of  natural- 
ness and  shows  less  traces  of  scholastic  elaboration, 
than  that  of  any  other  great  orator.  He  is  abler  than 
Andocides,  more  varied  than  Lysias,  more  ahve  than 
Isaeus. 

His  natural  gifts  place  him  above  Lycurgus,  though 
our  insight  into  the  latter's  high  character  gives  him 
a  powerful  claim  to  our  consideration.  Blass  ranks 
him  below  Hyperides,  but  a  study  of  the  lighter  pas- 
sages in  Aeschines  leads  us  to  believe  that,  had  he 
turned  his  attention  to  private  cases,  he  might  have 
equalled  or  surpassed  that  polished  orator  on  his  own 
chosen  ground.  The  unanimous  judgment  of  ancient 
and  modern  times  places  him  far  below  Demosthenes, 
who  stands  apart  without  a  rival ;  but  in  one  quality, 
at  least,  he  surpasses  the  paragon.  Demosthenes, 
according  to  the  opinion  of  Longinus,  is  apt  to  make  his 
hearers  laugh  not  with  him  but  at  him ;  ^  Aeschines 
never  turns  the  laugh  against  himself. 

1  La  Litt.  Grecque,  iv.  643,  with  reference  particularly  to  Ctes., 
§  133  (quoted  above,  p.  186)  and  §§  152  sqq. 

»  E.g.  on  Demosthenes,  quoted  supra^  pp.  187-188. 

'  de  Sublim.f  ch.  xxiv.,  ov  y^Xwra  Kivti  fidXXov  fj  KaraYcXaTai. 


AESCHINES  193 

Afeschines  is  perhaps  less  read  than  he  deserves ;  he 
has  suffered  from  historical  bias,  and  the  prevalent 
contempt  for  his  quaUties  as  a  statesman  has  led  to  an 
undue  disregard  of  his  virtues  as  an  orator.  There  is 
nothing  unfamiHar  in  this  judgment ;  other  orators 
have  suffered  in  the  same  way  at  the  hands  of  pre- 
judiced historians.  1 

It  is  interesting  to  read  the  account  of  Aeschines  in 
Blass'  Attische  Beredsamkeit ;  the  gifted  scholar  appar- 
ently starts  with  a  strong  prejudice  against  his  author, 
and  is  almost  too  ready  to  insist  on  his  faults  ;  but  time 
after  time  he  is  obliged  to  admit  the  existence  of  positive 
merits,  and  in  the  end  he  seems,  almost  against  his  will, 
to  have  been  forced  to  modify  his  judgment ;  while 
the  care  and  impartiahty  with  which  he  has  detailed 
all  points,  good  and  bad  ahke,  provides  material  for  a 
more  favourable  estimate  such  as  that  of  Croiset. 

§  6.     Contents  of  Speeches 

A  short  account  of  the  subject-matter  of  the  three 
speeches  may  conclude  this  chapter. 

I.  Against  Timarchus. 

The  speech  begins  (§§  1-2)  with  a  statement  of  the 
prosecutor's  motives ;  §  3  states  the  position  which  he 
intends  to  assume — that  Timarchus,  by  breaking  the 
laws,  has  made  the  bringing  of  this  action  inevitable. 
Laws  relating  to  the  matter  are  read  and  fully  dis- 
cussed (§§4-36). 

1  Mommsen  (Book  v.,  ch.  xii.  pp.  609-610,  Eng.  ed.  of  1887) 
could  write  of  Cicero  :  '  Cicero  had  no  conviction  and  no  passion  ; 
he  was  nothing  but  an  advocate,  and  not  a  good  one.'  .  .  .  '  If 
there  is  anything  wonderful  in  the  case,  it  is  in  truth  not  the  orations 
but  the  admiration  which  they  excited.' 


194  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

This  preliminary  legal  statement,  apart  from  the 
particular  case,  puts  the  prosecution  on  a  sounder 
footing  than  if  the  speech  had  begun  at  once  with  the 
narrative. 

§§  37-7^-  ^^^  fi'^^^  charge  (immorality).  Narrative 
of  the  private  life  of  Timarchus,  interspersed  with 
evidence  and  argument  as  to  his  political  disabilities. 

§§  77-93-  Examples  of  disability  imposed  on  other 
grounds.  Precedents  for  a  verdict  in  accordance 
with  general  knowledge  even  when  the  evidence  is 
defective. 

§§  94-105.  The  second  charge.  Timarchus  is  a 
spendthrift.  Narrative  and  evidence  about  his  pro- 
digality. 

§§  106-115.  The  third  charge.  His  corruptness  in 
public  life. 

§  116,  recapitulation.  §§  1 17-176,  anticipation  of 
the  defence. 

§§  177-195.  Epilogue,  announced  beforehand  (§117) 
as  an  *  exhortation  to  a  virtuous  life.'  §  196,  a  short 
conclusion — '  I  have  instructed  you  in  the  laws,  I  have 
examined  the  life  of  the  defendant ;  I  now  retire, 
leaving  the  matter  in  your  hands.' 

2.  On  the  Embassy. 

-.  Demosthenes  had  accused  Aeschines  of  treason  ;  his 
speech,  it  is  to  be  noted,  dealt  really  with  the  second 
embassy  only,  and  the  events  in  Athens  subsequent  to 
it,  though  he  makes  some  reference  to  the  third  em- 
bassy, and  implies  that  Aeschines  was  corrupt  even 
before  the  second.  He  follows  no  chronological  order, 
so  that  his  story  is  hard  to  follow.  Aeschines,  on  the 
other  hand,  has  a  great  appearance  of  lucidity,  treating 


AESCHINES  195 

all  events  in  chronological  order  ;  but  this  is  mis- 
leading, for,  in  order  to  divert  attention  from  the 
period  in  which  his  conduct  was  questionable,  he  spends 
a  disproportionate  time  in  describing  the  first  embassy, 
in  connection  with  which  no  accusation  is  made  by 
Demosthenes. 

The  exordium  (§§  i-ii)  contains  a  strong  appeal  for 
an  impartial  hearing.  The  events  of  the  first  embassy 
to  Philip  are  the  subject  of  an  amusing  narrative  at  the 
expense  of  Demosthenes  (§§  12-39)  i  the  return  of  the 
envoys  and  their  reports,  etc.,  occupy  §§  40-55.  The 
same  clearness  does  not  appear  in  the  rest  of  the  speech. 
Aeschines  has  to  make  a  defence  on  various  charges 
brought  against  himself,  so  a  plain  narrative  is  not 
enough.  The  chief  charges  were  that  Aeschines  was  in 
the  pay  of  Phihp,  and  that  he  deceived  the  people  as 
to  PhiHp's  intentions,  thus  leading  them  into  actions 
which  proved  disastrous.  The  former  charge  could 
not  be  proved  by  Demosthenes,  however  strong  his 
suspicions  were  ;  the  facts  relating  to  the  peace  of 
Philocrates  and  the  delay  in  the  ratification  of  the 
agreement  with  Philip  were  matters  of  common  know- 
ledge ;  it  was  only  a  question  of  intention.  The 
defence  of  Aeschines  is  that  he  deceived  the  people 
because  he  was  himself  deceived — a  confession  of 
creduhty  and  incompetence.  The  narrative  is  not  con- 
tinuous ;  details  about  the  embassy  to  Philip,  the  em- 
bassy to  the  Arcadians,  and  the  fate  of  Cersobleptes, 
are  to  some  extent  mixed  together.  Reference  is  also 
made  to  some  specific  charges,  e.g.  the  case  of  the 
Olynthian  woman,  the  speech  before  the  Amphictyons, 
the  singing  of  the  paean,  etc.  In  the  two  latter  cases 
there  is  no  defence,  but  an  attempt  at  justification 


\ 


196  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

(§§  55-170)'  The  epilogue  begins  with  an  historical 
survey  of  Athenian  affairs,  which  is  stolen  either  from 
Andocides  or  from  some  popular  commonplace  book, 
and  contains  the  usual  appeal  to  the  judges  to  save  the 
speaker  from  his  adversaries'  mahce. 

He  ends  by  calling  on  Eubulus  and  Phocion  to  speak 
for  him.     (§§  171-178.) 

Stress  has  been  laid  in  these  pages  on  the  somewhat 
disjointed  character  of  the  sections  dealing  with  the 
principal  charges,  and  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the 
defence  is  sometimes  vague  ;  that  Aeschines  seems  to 
aim  not  at  refuting  but  eluding  the  accusations.  X^ese 
imperfections  come  out  on  an  analysis  ;  but  the  speech 
taken  as  a  whole  is  a  very  fine  piece  of  advocacy,  and 
makes  the  acquittal  of  the  speaker  quite  intelligible. 

3.  Against  Ctesiphon. 

The  speech  opens  with  an  elaboration  of  a  trite 
commonplace,  modelled  on  the  style  of  Andocides, 
about  the  vicious  cleverness  of  the  speaker's  opponents 
and  his  own  simple  trust  in  the  laws.  Aeschines  pro- 
poses to  prove  that  the  procedure  of  Ctesiphon  was 
illegal,  his  statements  false,  and  his  action  harmful. 
(§§  1-8.) 

First  charge — '  The  proposal  to  grant  a  crown  to 
Demosthenes  was  illegal,  because  Demosthenes  was  at 
the  time  liable  to  evOwa  (§§  9-12).  All  statements 
to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,  a  consideration  of 
the  laws  proves  conclusively  that  Demosthenes  was  so 
liable.'     (§§13-31.) 

Second  charge — '  It  was  illegal  for  the  proclamation 
of  the  crown  to  be  made  in  the  theatre.'     (§§  32-48.) 

Third  charge — '  The  statements  on  which  the  pro- 


AESCHINES  197 

posal  was  made,  viz.  that  the  pubHc  counsel  and  public 
actions  of  Demosthenes  are  for  the  best  interests  of  the 
people ,  are  false . '     (§  49 . ) 

The  first  two  charges  are  dealt  with  by  means  of  legal 
argument,  in  which  Aeschines,  as  usual,  displays  con- 
siderable ability.  The  third  and  longest  section  of  the 
speech  (§§  49-176)  is  less  satisfactory.  The  orator 
proposes  to  set  aside  the  private  life  of  his  enemy, 
though  he  hints  that  many  incidents  might  be  adduced 
to  prove  its  general  worthlessness  (§§  51-53),  and  to 
deal  only  with  his  public  policy.  This  he  does,  in 
chronological  order  and  at  great  length.  Numerous 
occasions  are  described  on  which  the  policy  of  Demo- 
sthenes was  detrimental  to  Athens.  The  arguments 
with  which  the  narrative  is  interspersed  are  often  of 
a  trivial  nature,  consisting  sometimes  of  appeals  to 
superstition,  as  when  he  tells  us  that  troops  were  sent  to 
Chaeronea,  although  the  proper  sacrifices  had  not  been 
performed ;  and  attempts  to  show  that  Demosthenes 
is  an  a\LT7]pLo<;,  for  whose  sin  the  whole  city  must  suffer. 
Taken  in  detail,  some  of  these  passages  are  impressive  ; 
but  the  weakness  of  the  whole  is  that  Aeschines  him- 
self does  not  declare  any  serious  or  systematic  poHcy. 
This  section  contains  incidentally  digressions,  in  the 
taste  of  the  day,  about  the  family  and  character  of 
Demos  thenes.i 

§§  177-190  contain  some  references  to  heroes  of  anti- 
quity, by  way  of  invidious  comparison;  §§  191-202,  the 
deterioration  of  procedure  in  the  courts. ^ 

§§  203-205,  recapitulation ;  §§  206-212,  further  in- 
crimination of  Demosthenes,  and  §§  213-214,  of  Ctesi- 

1  E.g.,  in  particular,  §§  171-176,  partly  quoted  supra,  p.  188. 
•  Quoted  supra,  p.  185. 


iqS  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

phon.  §§  215-229,  chiefly  refutation  of  charges  against 
Aeschines.  §§  230-259,  further  general  discussion  of 
the  illegahty  of  the  measure  and  the  unworthiness  of 
Demosthenes.  The  final  appeal  to  the  past — '  Think 
yovL  not  that  Themistocles  and  the  heroes  who  fell  at 
Marathon  and  Plataea,  and  the  very  graves  of  our 
ancestors,  will  groan  aloud  if  a  crown  is  to  be  granted  to 
one  who  concerts  wdth  the  barbarians  for  the  ruin  of 
Greece  ?  '  ends  abruptly  and  grotesquely  with  an  in- 
vocation to  *  Earth  and  Sun  and  Virtue  and  InteUi- 
gence  and  Education,  through  which  we  distinguish 
between  the  noble  and  the  base.' 

It  reminds  us  strangely  of  the  invocations  put  into 
the  mouth  of  Euripides  by  Aristophanes. ^ 

^  Frogs,  892,  aWrip,  i/xdv  ^6crK7j/jLa,  kuI  yXiirrrrjs  aTpo<t>ly^,  kuI  ^ijveffi, 
etc. 


T 


CHAPTER  IX 
DEMOSTHENES 

§.  I.     Introduction 

HE  art  of  rhetoric  could  go  no  further  after 
Isocrates,  who,  in  addition  to  possessing  a 
sjtyle  which  was  as  perfect  as  technical  dexterity 
could  make  it,  had  imparted  to  his  numerous  dis- 
ciples the  art  of  composing  sonorous  phrases  and 
linking  them  together  in  elaborate  periods.  Any 
young  aspirant  to  literary  fame  might  now  learn  from 
him  to  write  fluent  easy  prose,  which  would  have  been 
impossible  to  Thucydides  or  Antiphon.  If  the  style 
seems  on  some  occasions  to  have  been  so  over-elabor- 
ated that  the  subject-matter  takes  a  secondary  place, 
that  was  the  fault  not  so  much  of  the  artist  as  of  the 
man.  Isocrates  never  wrote  at  fever-heat ;  his  greatest 
works  come  from  the  study ;  he  is  too  reflective  and 
dispassionate  to  be  a  really  vital  force. 

With  Demosthenes  and  his  contemporaries  it  is 
otherwise  ;  they  are  men  actively  engaged  in  politics, 
actuated  by  strong  party-feeling,  and  swayed  by  per- 
sonal passion.  This  was  the  outcome  of  the  political 
situation  :  just  as  feeling  was  strong  in  the  generation 
immediately  succeeding  the  reign  of  the  oligarchical 
Thirty  at  Athens,  so  now,  when  Athens  and  the  whole 
of  Greece  were  fighting  not  against  oligarchy  but  the 
empire  of  a  sovereign  ruler,  the  depths  were  stirred. 

199 


^-. 


200  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

^  A  new  feature  in  this  period  is  the  publication  of 
^  poHtical  speeches.  From  the  time  of  the  earhest 
orator — Antiphon — the  professional  logographoi  had 
preserved  their  speeches  in  writing.  The  majority  of 
these  were  delivered  in  minor  cases  of  only  personal 
importance,  though  some  orations  by  Lysias  and  others 
have  reference  indirectly  to  political  questions. 

Another  class  of  speeches  which  were  usually  pre- 
served is  the  epideictic — orations  prepared  for  delivery 
at  some  great  gathering,  such  as  a  religious  festival  or 
a  public  funeral.  Isocrates  was  an  innovator  to  the 
extent  of  writing  in  the  form  of  speeches  what  were 
really  political  treatises  ;  but  these  were  only  composed 
for  the  reader,  and  were  never  intended  to  be  delivered. 

Among  the  contemporaries  of  Demosthenes  we  find 
some  diversity  of  practice.  Some  orators,  such  as 
Demades  and  Phocion,  never  published  any  speeches, 
and  seem,  indeed,  hardly  to  have  prepared  them  before 
delivery.     They  relied  upon  their  skill  at  improvisation. 

Others,  for  instance  Aeschines,  Lycurgus,  and 
Dinarchus,  revised  and  published  their  judicial  speeches, 
especially  those  which  had  a  political  bearing.  Hyper- 
ides  and  Demosthenes,  in  addition  to  this,  in  some 
cases  gave  to  the  world  an  amended  version  of  their 
public  harangues.  Demosthenes  did  not  always  pub- 
lish such  speeches  ;  there  are  considerable  periods  of 
his  political  life  which  are  not  represented  by  any 
written  work  ;  but  he  seems  to  have  wished  to  make  a 
permanent  record  of  certain  utterances  containing  an 
explanation  of  his  policy,  in  order  that  those  who  had 
not  heard  him  speak,  or  not  fully  grasped  his  import, 
might  have  an  opportunity  for  further  study  of  his 
views  after  the  ephemeral  effect  of  his  eloquence  had 


DEMOSTHENES  201 

passed  away.  It  is  probable  that  most  of  the  speeches 
so  pubhshed  belong  to  times  when  his  party  was  not 
predominant  in  the  State,  and  the  opposition  had  to 
reinforce  its  speech  by  writing.  The  result  is  of  im- 
portance in  two  ways,  for  the  speeches  are  a  serious 
contribution  to  literature,  of  great  value  for  the  study 
of  the  development  of  Greek  prose  ;  and  they  are  of 
still  greater  historical  value ;  for,  though  untrust- 
worthy in  some  details,  they  provide  excellent  material 
for  the  understanding  of  the  political  situation,  and  the 
aims  and  principles  of  the  anti-Macedonian  party. 

§  2.     Life,  etc. 

[-Demosthenes  the  orator  was  bom  at  Athens  in 
384  B.C.  .  His  father,  Demosthenes,  of  the  deme  of 
Paeania,  was  a  rich  manufacturer  of  swords ;  his 
mother  was  a  daughter  of  an  Athenian  named  Gylon;] 
who  had  left  Athens,  owing  to  a  charge  of  treason,  at 
the  end  of  the  Peloponnesian  War,  settled  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  Cimmerian  Bosporus  (Crimea),^  and 
married  a  rich  woman  who  was  a  native  of  that  district. 
We  know  nothing  more  of  her  except  that  Aeschines 
describes  her  as  a  Scythian.  She  may  have  been  of 
Hellenic  descent ;  even  Plutarch  doubts  the  assertion 
of  Aeschines  that  she  was  a  barbarian ;  the  suspicion, 
however,  was  enough  for  Aeschines,  who  is  able  to  call 
his  enemy  a  Greek-speaking  Scythian. 

fDemosthenes  the  elder  died,  leaving  his  son  seven 
years  old  and  a  daughter  aged  five.  By  his  will  two 
nephews,    Aphobos    and    Demophon,    and    a    friend 

*  Aesch.  {Ctes.,  §  171)  says  only  dcpiKveTrai  eis  Bdairopov,  which 
is  ambiguous,  as  there  were  several  BSairopoi.  The  fact  that  he 
calls  the  woman  S/cv^i's  seems  to  prove  that  he  meant  the  Crimea. 


202  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

Therippides,  were  appointed  trustees,  i  The  two  former, 
as  nearest  of  kin,  were,  according  to  Attic  custom, 
to  marry  the  widow  and  her  daughter,  but  these  pro- 
visions were  not  carried  out.  ^During  the  years  of 
Demosthenes'  minority  his  guardians  ruined  the  sword 
business  by  their  mismanagement,  and  squandered  the 
accumulated  profitSt^ 

At  the  age  of  eighteen  Demosthenes,  who  had  been 
brought  up  by  his  mother,  laid  claim  to  his  father's 
estate.  The  guardians  by  various  devices  attempted 
to  frustrate  him,  and  three  years  were  spent  in  at- 
tempts at  compromise  and  examinations  before  the 
arbitrators.  During  this  time  Demosthenes  was  study- 
ing rhetoric  and  judicial  procedure  under  Isaeus,  to 
whose  methods  his  early  speeches  are  so  deeply  in- 
debted that  a  contemporary  remarked  '  he  had  swal- 
lowed Isaeus  whole.'  ^  At  last,-when  he  was  twenty- 
one  years  old,  he  succeeded  in  bringing  his  wrongs 
before  a  court ;  thanks  to  the  training  of  Isaeus  he  was 
able  to  plead  his  own  case,  and  he  won  it.^  The  in- 
genuity of  his  adversaries  enabled  them  to  involve 
him  in  further  legal  proceedings  which  lasted  perhaps 
two  years  more.  In  the  end  he  was  victorious,  -but  by 
the  time  he  recovered  his  patrimony  there  was  very 
nttle  of  it  left.- 

|r  Being  forced  to  find  a  means  of  living  he  adopted 
the  profession  of  a  speech-writer,  which  he  followed 
through  the  greater  part  of  his  life.^    He  made  speeches 

^  Pytheas,  quoted  by  Dionysius. 

*  The  last  private  speeches  of  which  the  genuineness  is  un- 
doubted are  dated  about  346  and  345  B.C.,  but  others,  e.g.  Against 
Phormio,  of  which  the  authenticity  was  not  questioned  in  ancient 
times,  go  down  to  326  b.c.  or  even  later.  The  genuineness  of  the 
Phormio  is  at  least  probable. 


DEMOSTHENES        ,  203 

for  others  to  use,  as  his  father  had  made  swords,  and 
he  was  as  good  a  craftsman  as  his  father.     He  succeeded 
by  this  new  trade  in  repairing  his  damaged  fortunes. 
'^  In  addition  to  forging  such  weapons  for  the  use  | 
of  others,  he  instructed  pupils  in  the  art  of  rhetoric. -^|  v-^ 
This  practice  he  seems  to  have  abandoned  soon  after  ■ 
the  year  345  B.C.,  when  pubHc  affairs  began  to  have^i 
the  chief  claim  on  his  energies.^  -  From  that  time  for- 
ward he  wielded  with  distinction  a  sword  of  his  own 
manufacture. 

It  is  said  that  as  a  youth  barely  of  age  he  made  an 
attempt  to  speak  in  the  ecclesia,  and  failed.  His  voice 
was  too  weak,  his  dehvery  imperfect,  and  his  style  un- 
suitable. The  failure  only  inspired  him  to  practise 
that  he  might  overcome  his  natural  defects.  We  are 
famihar  with  the  legends  of  his  declaiming  with  pebbles 
in  his  mouth  and  reciting  speeches  when  running  up 
hill,  of  his  studies  in  a  cave  by  the  sea-shore,  where  he--" 
tried  to  make  his  voice  heard  above  the  thunder  of  the 
waves.  - 

The  training  to  which  he  subjected  himself  enabled 
him  to  overcome  to  a  great  extent  whatever  disabihties 
he  may  have  suffered  from,  but  he  never  had  the  ad-  ^ '' 
vantage  of  a  voice  and  delivery  such  as  those  of 
Aeschines.  Legends  current  in  the  time  of  Plutarch 
represent  him  as  engrossed  in  the  study  of  the  best 
prose-writers.  He  copied  out  the  history  of  Thucy-.r 
dides  eight  times,  according  to  one  tradition.  This 
we  need  not  accept,  but  it  may  be  taken  as  certain  that 
he  studied  the  author's  style  carefully.     He  may  not 

1  Aesch.  (in  345  b.c.)  in  the  Timarchus,  §§  117,  170-175,  refers  to 
him  as  a  teacher.  In  the  Embassy  (343  b.c.)  there  is  no  reference 
to  this  profession. 


204  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

have  been  a  pupil  of  Isocrates  or  Plato,  but  from  the 
former  he  must  have  learnt  much  in  the  way  of  prose- 
construction  and  rhythm,  and  the  latter's  works, 
though  he  dissented  from  the  great  principle  of  Plato 
that  the  wise  man  avoids  the  agora  and  the  law-courts, 
may  well  have  inspired  him  with  many  of  the  generous 
ideas  which  are  the  foundation  of  his  policy.  From 
the  study  of  such  passages  as  the  Melian  controversy 
and  others  in  which  the  historian  bases  Justice  upon 
the  right  of  the  stronger,  he  may  have  turned  with 
relief  to  the  nobler  discussion  of  Justice  in  the  Republic, 
and  indeed,  in  his  view  of  what  is  right  and  good, 
^V^-  Demosthenes  approaches  much  nearer  to  the  philo- 
sopher than  to  the  historian. 

A  professional  speech-writer  at  Athens  might  make 
a  speciality  of  some  particular  kind  of  cases,  and  by 
thus  restricting  his  field  become  a  real  expert  in  one 
department,  as  Isaeus,  for  instance,  did  in  the  probate 
court ;  or,  on  the  other  hand,  he  might  engage  in  quite 
general  practice.  A  farmer  might  have  a  dispute  with 
his  neighbours  about  his  boundaries,  or  damage  caused 
by  the  overflow  of  surface  water ;  ^  a  quiet  citizen 
might  seek  redress  from  the  law  in  a  case  of  assault 
against  which  he  was  unable  or  unwilling  to  make  re- 
taliation in  kind ;  ^  an  underwriter  who  had  been 
defrauded  in  some  shady  marine  transaction  might 
wish  to  bring  another  knave  to  accoimt.^  But  besides 
these  private  cases,  whether  they  are  purely  civil,*  or 
practically,  if  not  technically,  criminal  actions,  there 
"-^   is  other  work  of  more  importance  for  a  logographos. 

1  Against  Callichs.  '  Against  Conon. 

3  The  speeches  Against  Zenothemis,  Lacritus,  Dionysodotus,  and 
Phormio.  *  E.g.  Against  Boeotus. 


DEMOSTHENES  205 

The  State  may  wish  to  prosecute  an  of&cial  who  has  - 
abused  its  trust.  In  times  when  honesty  is  rarer  than 
cleverness  it  may  find  the  necessity  of  appointing  a 
prosecutor  rather  for  his  known  integrity  than  for  his 
abihty  in  the  law-courts.  Such  a  prosecutor  will  need 
professional  assistance  ;  and  this  need  evoked  some  of 
the  early  poUtical  speeches  of  Demosthenes,  Against 
AndroHon,  Timocrates,  and  Aristocrates  (355-352  B.c.).i 
It  is  noticeable  that  we  have  no  trace  of  his  work 
between  the  speeches  dehvered  against  his  guardians 
and  the  first  of  this  latter  group.  Probably  he  spent 
these  ten  years  partly  in  study  and  partly  in  the  con- 
duct of  such  cases  as  fell  to  the  portion  of  a  beginner. 
In  this  time  he  must  gradually  have  built  up  a  repu- 
tation, but  he  may  not  have  wished  to  keep  any  record 
of  his  first  essays  which,  when  he  had  arrived  at  his 
maturity  as  a  pleader,  could  not,  perhaps,  have  seemed 
to  him  worthy  of  his  reputation. 
V-It  is  impossible  to  exaggerate  the  importance  of 
these  varied  activities  to  the  career  of  Demosthenes. 
In  the  course  of  these  early  years  he  must  have  made 
himself  famiUar  with  many  branches  of  the  law ;  he 
was  brought  into  intimate  relations  with  individuals  of 
all  classes,  and  all  shades  of  political  opinion.  ^  In 
order  to  be  of  use  vicariously  in  poUtical  cases  he  must 
have  made  a  careful  study  of  poHtics.  Such  studies 
were  of  great  value  in  the  education  of  a  statesman, 
and  by  means  of  the  semi-pubHc  cases  in  which  he 
was  engaged,  though  not  on  his  own  account,  and 
perhaps  not  always  in  accordance  with  his  convictions, 
his  own  poUtical  opinions  must  gradually  have  been 
formed. 
V-In  354  B.C.,  the  year  after  the  trial  of  Androtion, 


2o6  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

Demosthenes  appeared  in  person  before  the  dicastery 
on  behalf  of  Ctesippus  in  an  action  against  Leptines. 
This  was  a  case  of  some  poUtical  importance.  A  few 
months  later  he  came  forward  in  the  assembly  to 
deliver  his  speech  On  the  Symmories,  which  was  shortly 
followed  by  another  public  harangue  On  behalf  of  the 
people  of  Megapolis  (353  B.C.).     Two  years  later  he 

r    came  to  the  front  not  as  a  mere  pleader,  but  a  real 

i    counsellor  of  the  people,  and  began  the  great  series  of 

^   Philippics. 
|-  His  career  from  this  point  onward  is  divided  natur- 
ally into  three  periods. 

hin  the  first,  351-340  B.C.,  he  was  in  opposition  to  the 
party  in  power  at  Athens.  The  beginning  of  it  is 
marked  by  some  famous  speeches,  the  First  Philippic 
and  the  first  three  Olynthiac  orations  (351-349  b.c.).-| 

^Till  this  time  the  Athenians  had  not  realized  the  signi- 
ficance of  the  growth  of  the  Macedonian  power.  It 
.  was  only  eight  years  since  Philip,  on  his  accession  to 
the  throne,  had  undertaken  the  great  task  of  uniting 
the  constituent  parts  of  his  kingdom  which  had  long 
been  torn  by  civil  war,  of  fostering  a  national  feeling, 
and  creating  an  army.  He  had  won  incredible  successes 
in  a  few  years. n  By  a  combination  of  force  and  deceit 
he  had  made  himself  master  of  Amphipolis  and  Pydna 
in  357  B.C.  In  the  following  year  he  obtained  pos- 
session of  the  gold  mines  of  Mt.  Pangaeus,  which  gave 
him  a  source  of  inexhaustible  wealth,  and  enabled  him 
to  prepare  more  ambitious  enterprises.  This  was  an 
important  crisis  in  his  career :   the  bribery  for  which 

"*  he  was  famous  and  in  which  he  greatly  trusted  could 
now  be  practised  on  a  large  scale. 

In  the  early  speeches  of  Demosthenes  there  is  Httle 


DEMOSTHENES  207 

reference  to  Philip ;  he  is  certainly  not  regarded  as  a 
dangerous  rival  of  Athens.  There  is  a  passing  mention 
of  him  in  the  Leptines  (384  B.C.) ;  ^  in  the  Aristocrates 
he  plays  a  larger  part,  but  is  treated  almost  contemp- 
tuously :  '  You  know,  of  course,  whom  I  mean  by  this 
Philip  of  Macedon  *  (care  Stjttov  ^iXiinrov  tovtovl  rov 
MaKehova)  is  the  form  in  which  his  name  is  intro- 
duced (§111).  He  is  considered  as  an  enemy,  but  only 
classed  with  other  barbarian  princes,  such  as  Cerso- 
bleptes  of  Thrace. 

But  Philip  was  not  content  with  annexing  towns 
and  districts  in  his  own  neighbourhood  in  whose  in- 
tegrity Athens  was  interested — Amphipolis,  Pydna, 
Potidaea,  Methone,  and  part  of  Thrace.  He  interfered 
in  the  affairs  of  Thessaly,  which  brought  the  trouble 
nearer  home  to  Athens  (353  B.C.).  In  352  B.C.  he 
proposed  to  pass  through  Thermopylae,  and  take  part 
in  the  Sacred  War  against  Phocis,  but  here  Athens 
intervened  for  the  first  time  and  checked  his  pro- 
gress. 

After  this  one  vigorous  stroke  the  Athenians,  in 
spite  of  Philip's  renewed  activities  in  Thrace  and 
on  the  Propontis,  relapsed  into  an  apathetic  indiffer- 
ence, from  which  Demosthenes  in  vain  tried  to  rouse 
them. 

—  The  language  of  the  First  Philippic  shows  that 
Demosthenes  fully  recognized  the  seriousness  of  the 
situation,  and  the  imminent  danger  to  which  the  com- 
placency of  his  countrymen  was  exposing  them  ;  he 
wishes  to  make  them  feel  that  the  case,  though  not  yet 
desperate,  is  likely  to  become  so  if  they  persist  in  doing 

1  §  61.  '  Pydna  and  Potidaea,  which  are  subject  to  Phihp  and 
hostile  to  you.'     Also  §  63. 


2o8  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

nothing,  while  a  whole-hearted  effort  will  bring  them 
into  safety  again  :^ 

§  2.  '  Now,  first  of  all,  Gentlemen,  we  must  not  despair 
about  the  present  state  of  affairs,  serious  as  it  is ;  for  our 
greatest  weakness  in  the  past  will  be  our  greatest  strength 
in  the  future.  What  do  I  mean  ?  I  mean  that  you  are 
in  difiiculties  simply  because  you  have  never  exerted  your- 
selves to  do  your  duty.  If  things  were  as  they  are  in  spite 
of  serious  effort  on  your  part  to  act  always  as  you  should, 
there  would  be  no  hope  of  improvement.  Secondly,  I 
would  have  you  reflect  on  what  some  of  you  can  remember 
and  others  have  been  told,  of  the  great  power  possessed  not 
long  ago  by  Sparta ;  yet,  in  face  of  that  power  you  acted 
honourably  and  nobly,  you  in  no  wise  detracted  from  your 
country's  dignity ;  you  faced  the  war  unflinchingly  in  a 
just  cause.  .  .  .' 

§  4.  *  If  any  of  you  thinks  that  Phihp  is  invincible, 
considering  how  great  is  the  force  at  his  disposal,  and  how 
our  city  has  lost  all  these  places,  he  has  grounds  for  his 
belief  ;  but  let  him  consider  that  we  once  possessed  Pydna, 
Potidaea,  and  Methone,  and  the  whole  of  that  district ; 
and  many  of  the  tribes,  now  subject  to  him,  were  free  and 
independent  and  better  disposed  to  us  than  to  Macedon. 
If  Philip  had  felt  as  you  do  now,  that  it  was  a  serious  matter 
to  fight  against  Athens  because  she  possessed  so  many 
strongholds  commanding  his  own  country,  while  he  was 
destitute  of  aUies,  he  would  never  have  won  any  of  his 
present  successes,  or  acquired  the  mighty  power  which  now 
alarms  you.  But  he  saw  clearly  that  these  places  were  the 
prizes  of  war  offered  in  open  competition ;  that  the  pro- 
perty of  an  absentee  goes  naturally  to  those  who  are  on 
the  spot  to  claim  it,  and  those  who  are  willing  to  work 
hard  and  take  risks  may  supplant  those  who  neglect  their 
chances. ' 

§  8.  'Do  not  imagine  that  he  is  as  a  God,  secure  in 
eternal  possession.     There  are  men  who  hate  and  fear  and 


DEMOSTHENES  209 

envy  him,  even  among  those  who  seem  his  closest  associates. 
These  feelings  are  for  the  present  kept  under,  because 
through  your  slowness  and  your  negligence  they  can  find 
no  opening.     These  habits,  I  say,  you  must  break  with. ' 

§  10.  *  When,  I  ask,  when  will  you  be  roused  to  do  your 
duty? — ^When  the  time  of  need  comes,  you  say.  What 
do  you  think  of  the  present  crisis  ?  I  hold  that  a  free  nation 
can  never  be  in  greater  need  than  when  their  conduct  is  of 
a  kind  to  shame  them.  Tell  me,  do  you  want  to  parade 
the  streets  asking  each  other,  *'  Is  there  any  news  to-day  ?  " 
What  graver  news  can  there  be  than  that  a  Macedonian 
is  crushing  Athens  and  dictating  the  policy  of  Greece  ? 
"  Philip  is  dead,"  says  one.  "  Oh  no,  but  he  is  ill,"  says 
another.  What  difference  does  it  make  to  you  ?  Even 
if  anything  happens  to  him  you  will  very  soon  call  into 
existence  a  second  Philip  if  you  attend  to  your  interests 
as  carefully  as  you  are  doing  now.  For  it  is  not  so  much 
his  own  strength  as  your  negligence  that  has  raised  him 
to  power.' 

The  orator  proceeds  to  give  detailed  advice  for  the  j 
conduct  of  the  war ;  he  asks  for  no  *  paper  forces,'  ^ 
such  as  the  assembly  is  in  the  habit  of  voting,  irre- 
spective of  whether  they  can  be  obtained  or  not — ten 
or  twenty  thousand  of  mercenaries  or  the  like.  He 
requires  a  small  but  efficient  expeditionary  force,  of 
which  the  backbone  is  to  be  a  contingent  of  citizen-  * 
hoplites,  one  quarter  of  the  whole  ;  a  small  but  efficient 
fleet,  and  money  to  pay  both  army  and  navy — this  was 
a  matter  often  overlooked  by  the  assembly — and  an 
Athenian  general  in  whom  the  host  will  have  confid- 
ence. The  advice  was  moderate  and  sound  in  the 
extreme.  Demosthenes  probably  knew  what  he  was 
talking  about  when  he  said  that  two  thousand  hoplites, 

1  iiriaroXi/JLalovs  dvvdfxeii,  §  19. 


210  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

two  hundred  cavalry,  and  fifty  triremes  were  enough 
for  the  present.  A  resolute  attack  on  Philip  by  such  a 
force  would  probably  have  put  fresh  heart  into  the 
many  enemies  whom  he  had  not  yet  completely 
subdued. 

There  is  a  further  point  which  marks  the  difference 
between  the  present  advice  and  that  of  previous  coim- 
sellors.  The  army  is  not  to  be  enlisted  for  a  particular 
expedition  only  ;  it  is  to  be  maintained  at  its  original 
strength  as  long  as  may  be  necessary. ^  Soldiers  will 
serve  for  a  certain  Hmited  time,  and  at  the  end  of  their 
term  will  be  replaced  by  fresh  troops. ^  The  army 
which  he  suggests  will  not  be  enough  to  defeat  Philip 
unaided,  but  enough  to  produce  a  strong  impression. 
They  might  send  a  large  force,  but  it  would  be  un- 
wieldy, and  they  could  not  maintain  it.^ 

The  First  Philippic  failed  to  produce  the  effect 
desired.  The  Olynthiac  speeches  which  closely  followed 
it  were  also  ineffectual.  In  349  B.C.  Philip  seized  a 
pretext  for  making  war  on  Olynthus,  which  appealed  for 
help  to  Athens.  The  alliance,  which  had  been  sought 
in  vain  in  357  and  352  B.C.,  was  now,  apparently, 
granted  with  little  opposition,  and  Chares  with  two 
thousand  mercenaries  sent  to  the  help  of  the  Olynthian 
league.  Demosthenes  tries  to  emphasize  the  import- 
ance of  the  situation^  the  aid  which  has  been  voted  is 
not  enough ;  they  ought  to  act  at  once,  sending  two 
forces  of  citizens,  not  mercenaries  ;  the  one  to  protect 
Olynthus,  the  other  to  harass  Philip  elsewhere.     Large 

*  §  19,  Sivaixiv  .  .  .  '^  (ruvexws  iro\einif)(Tei.  .  .  . 

*  §  21,  XP^^^^  TaKTbv  a-rparevofi^povs,  fir]  fiuKpov  rovrov,  dW  6aov  tv 
doKTJ  KoXQi  ^X* "'»  ^'f  Siadoxrjs  dXXiJXois. 

'  §  23,  0^  Toipvv  viripoyKov  avT-f^v  {oi>  y^p  (ari  fxicrdbt  0^5^  Tpo<f>^),  oid^ 
waPTeXQs  raveiv^v  elvai  8eT, 


DEMOSTHENES  211 

supplies  of  money  are  necessary,  and  he  hints  that  the 
Athenians  have  such  supplies  ready  at  hand.  He 
refers  to  the  Festival  Fund  (decopiKov),  but  concern- 
ing this  he  is  in  a  delicate  position.  The  ministry  of 
Eubulus  was  in  power,  and  a  law  of  Eubulus  had 
pronounced  any  attempt  to  tamper  with  the  dempcKov 
a  criminal  offence.  Demosthenes,  being  one  of  a  weak 
minority,  could  only  move  cautiously,  suggesting  that 
a  change  of  administration  was  desirable,  but  not 
proposing  a  definite  motion. 

V  There  is  a  marked  difference  in  tone  between  the 
first  two  speeches  and  the  third.  In  the  former 
Demosthenes  insists  that  everything  is  still  to  be  done, 
but  he  points  out  that  there  are  many  weak  points  in 
Philip's  armour,  and  a  vigorous  and  united  policy  may 
still  defeat  him.  In  the  third  he  makes  it  clear  that 
the  opportunity  is  past,  and  the  lost  ground  can  only 
be  recovered  by  desperate  measures.  He  openly 
advocates  the  conversion  of  the  Festival  Fund 
into  a  military  chest,  and  this  is  the  main  theme 
of  the  oratjon,  to  which  every  argument  in  turn 
leads  up.i  -\ 

'•  The  efforts  of  Athens  were  dilatory  and  insufficient  ; 
Olynthus  and  the  other  cities  of  the  Chalcidian  League 
fell  in  the  following  year  (349  B.C.)  ;  they  were  de- 
stroyed, and  all  the  inhabitants  made  slaves.  \  Attempts 
to  unite  the  Peloponnesian  States  against  the  common 
enemy  were  futile,  and  negotiations  were  begun 
between  Philip  and  Athens.  They  were  conducted  at 
first  informally  by  private  persons,  but  in  347  B.C.,  on 

1  I  have  assumed  the  traditional  order  of  the  Olynthiac  speeches 
to  be  the  correct  one.  The  question  is  much  disputed,  and  is 
lucidly  discussed  by  M.  Weil  in  his  introductions  to  the  speeches 
{Les  Harangues  de  Wmosth^ne). 


212  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

the  proposal  of  Philocrates,  an  embassy  was  sent  to 
Philip.  Philip's  answer,  received  in  346  B.C.,  de- 
manded that  Phocis  and  Halus  should  be  excluded 
from  the  proposed  treaty.  Demosthenes  contested 
this  point,  but  Aeschines  carried  it.  A  second  em- 
bassy was  sent,  and  the  discreditable  Peace  of  Philo- 
crates was  signed.  The  result  was  the  ruin  of  Phocis. 
Although  Demosthenes  disapproved  of  the  peace,  later 
in  the  year,  in  his  speech  On  the  Peace,  he  urged  Athens 
to  keep  its  conditions,  arguing  that  to  break  it  would 
bring  upon  them  even  greater  disaster. 

In  consequence  of  the  peace,  Philip  had  been  able  to 
convoke  the  Amphictyonic  Council,  and  pass  a  vote 
for  the  condemnation  of  Phocis.  Twenty-two  towns 
were  destroyed,  and  the  Phocian  votes  in  the  Council 
transferred  to  Philip,  who  was  also  made  president  of 
the  Pythian  Games.  Thus  the  barbarian  of  a  few  years 
ago  had  received  the  highest  religious  sanction  for*his 
claim  to  be  the  leader  of  Greece.  Athens  alone,  whose 
precedence  he  had  usurped,  refused  to  recognize  him, 
and  Demosthenes  saw  that  to  persist  in  a  hostile  atti- 
tude might  involve  all  the  States  in  a  new  Amphictyonic 
war.  It  was  better  to  surrender  their  scruples,  and 
to  regard  the  convention  not,  indeed,  as  a  permanent 
peace,  but  a  truce  during  which  fresh  preparations  might 
be  made.  Six  years  of  nominal  peace  ensued,  during 
which  Philip  extended  his  influence  diplomatically. 
Whether  from  principle  or  policy  he  treated  Athens 
with  marked  courtesy,  and,  through  his  agents,  made 
vague  offers  of  the  great  services  which  he  was  prepared 
to  render.  Many  of  the  citizens  believed  in  his  sin- 
cerity, notably  Isocrates,  who  in  346  B.C.  spoke  of  the 
baseless  suspicions  caused  by  the  assertions  of  mahcious 


DEMOSTHENES  213 

persons,  that  Philip  wished  to  destroy  Greek  freedom. ^ 
Demosthenes  was  never  duped  by  these  professions.  ^ 
He  was  now  a  recognized  leader,  and  was  gathering  to 
his  side  a  powerful  body  of  patriotic  orators  such  as 
Lycurgus  and  Hyperides.  Phihp,  after  organizing 
the  government  of  Thessaly  and  allying  himself  with 
Thebes,  interfered  in  the  Peloponnese  by  supporting 
Messene,  Arcadia,  and  Argos  against  Sparta. 

An  Athenian  embassy,  led  by  Demosthenes,  was 
sent  to  these  states  to  advise  them  of  the  danger  which 
they  incurred  by  their  new  alliance.  Some  impression 
was  produced,  and  apparently  an  embassy  was  sent  by 
some  of  the  states  to  Athens.  In  reply  to  their  re- 
presentations, of  which  no  trace  is  preserved,  Demo-  "" 
sthenes  delivered  the  Second  Philippic.  In  it  he  ex-  -^ 
poses  the  king's  duphcity.  '  The  means  used  by 
Athens  to  coimteract  his  manoeuvres  are  quite  in- 
adequate ;  we  talk,  but  he  acts.  We  speak  to  the 
point,  but  do  nothing  to  the  point.  Each  side  is 
superior  in  the  line  which  it  follows,  but  his  is  the  more 
effective  line  (§§  1-5).  Philip's  assurances  of  goodwill 
are  accepted  too  readily.  He  realized  that  Thebes,  in 
consideration  of  favours  received,  would  further  his 
designs.  He  is  now  showing  favour  to  Messene  and 
Argos  from  the  same  motive.  He  has  paid  Athens  the 
high  comphment  of  not  offering  her  a  disgraceful 
bargain  (§§  6-12).  His  past  actions  betray  him  ;  as  he 
made  the  Boeotian  cities  subject  to  Thebes,  he  is  not 
likely  to  free  the  Peloponnesian  States  from  Sparta. 
He  knows  that  he  is  really  aiming  at  you,  and  that  you  ,,  . 
are  aware  of  it ;  that  is  why  he  is  ever  on  the  alert,  ' 
and  supports  against  you  Thebans  and  Peloponnesians, 

^  Isocr,,  Philippus,  §  73-74. 


214  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

who,  he  thinks,  are  greedy  enough  to  swallow  his 
present  ofers,  and  too  stupid  to  foresee  the  conse- 
quences'  (§§  12-19).  The  epilogue  contains  an  in- 
dictment of  those  whose  policy  is  to  blame  for  the 
present  troubles.  In  accordance  with  Demosthenes* 
general  practice  Aeschines  and  Philocrates,  at  whom 
he  aims  the  charge,  are  not  mentioned  by  name. 

The  anti-Macedonian  party  grew  in  strength  in 
343  B.C.  Hyperides  impeached  Philocrates,  who  re- 
tired into  exile  and  was  condemned  to  death.  About 
the  same  time  Demosthenes  himself  brought  into  court 
an  action  against  Aeschines,  which  had  been  pending 
for  three  years,  for  traitorous  conduct  in  connexion 
with  the  embassy  to  Philip.  The  position  was  a  diffi- 
cult one  for  two  reasons  :  his  own  policy  in  that  matter 
could  not  be  sharply  distinguished  from  that  of 
Aeschines  ;  the  accusation  depended  largely  on  dis- 
crimination of  motives,  and  he  had  practically  no  proof 
of  the  guilt  of  Aeschines.  Considering  the  technical 
weakness  of  the  prosecutor's  case  it  is  not  surprising 
that  Aeschines  escaped ;  it  is  more  remarkable  that 
he  was  acquitted  only  by  a  small  majority. 

In  342  B.C.  Philip,  whose  influence  in  the  Pelopon- 
nese  had  sHghtly  waned,  began  a  fresh  campaign  in 
Thrace,  and  in  341  B.C.  had  reached  the  Chersonese. 
The  possession  of  this  district  meant  the  control  of  the 
Dardanelles,  and,  as  Athens  still  depended  largely  on 
the  Black  Sea  trade  for  her  com  supply,  his  progress 
was  a  menace  to  her  existence.  Diopeithes,  an 
Athenian  mercenary  captain,  had  in  343  B.C.  taken 
settlers  to  Cardia,  a  town  in  the  Chersonese  in  nominal 
alliance  with  Macedon.  Cardia  was  unwilling  to 
receive  them,  and  PhiHp  sent  help  to  the  town.     Dio- 


DEMOSTHENES  215 

peithes,  who,  in  accordance  with  the  habit  of  the  times, 
in  order  to  support  his  fleet,  exacted  '  benevolences ' 
from  friends  and  foes  impartially,  happened  to  plunder 
some  districts  in  Thrace  which  were  subject  to  Mace- 
don.  Philip  addressed  a  letter  of  remonstrance  to 
Athens,  and  his  adherents  in  the  city  demanded  the 
recall  of  Diopeithes.  Demosthenes  in  his  speech  On 
4^  the  Chersonese  urged  that  the  Chersonese  should  not  be 
abandoned  at  such  a  crisis  :  a  permanent  force  must 
be  maintained  there.  He  defends  the  actions  of 
Diopeithes  by  an  appeal  to  necessity.  The  Athenians 
were  in  the  habit  of  voting  armaments  for  foreign 
service  without  voting  them  supplies  ;  consequently 
the  generals  had  to  supply  themselves. 

'  All  the  generals  who  have  ever  sailed  from  Athens  take 
money  from  Chios,  Erythrae,  or  from  any  other  Asiatic 
city  they  can.  Those  who  have  one  or  two  ships  take  less  ; 
those  with  a  larger  force  take  more.  Those  who  give, 
whether  in  large  or  small  amounts,  are  not  so  mad  as  to 
give  them  for  nothing  ;  they  are  purchasing  protection  for 
merchants  sailing  from  their  ports,  immunity  from  ravages, 
safe  convoy  for  their  own  ships  and  other  such  advantages. 
They  will  tell  you  that  they  give  '*  Benevolences,"  which  is 
the  term  applied  to  these  extortions. 

'  Now  in  the  present  case,  since  Diopeithes  has  an  army, 
it  is  obvious  that  all  these  people  will  give  him  money. 
Since  he  got  nothing  from  you,  and  has  no  private  means  to 
pay  his  soldiers  with,  where  else  do  you  imagine  he  can  get 
money  to  keep  them  ?  Will  it  fall  from  the  skies  ?  Un- 
fortunately, no.  He  has  to  live  from  day  to  day  on  what 
he  can  collect  and  beg  and  borrow. '  ^ 

In  addition  to  including  a  plan  of  campaign,  the 
speech  contains,  as  many  of  the  orations  do,  a  frank 

1  Chers.,  §§  24-26. 


216  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

statement  of  the  position  of  affairs,  and  the  usual  in- 
vectives against  Athenian  apathy.  The  concluding 
section,  however,  contains  a  more  solemn  warning  than 
is  usual,  showing  that  Demosthenes  almost  despairs  of 
success. 

*  If  you  grasp  the  situation  as  I  have  indicated,  and 
cease  to  make  light  of  everything,  it  may  be,  it  may  be  that 
even  now  our  affairs  may  take  a  favourable  turn ;  but  if 
you  continue  to  sit  still  and  confine  your  enthusiasm  to 
expressions  of  applause  and  votes  of  approval,  but  shirk 
the  issue  when  any  action  is  required  of  you,  I  cannot 
conceive  of  any  eloquence  which,  without  performance  of 
your  duty,  can  guide  our  State  to  safety. '  ^ 

^  The  Third  Philippic  was  dehvered  in  the  same  year 
(341  B.C.).  The  situation  is  in  all  essentials  the  same. 
Demosthenes  again  demands  that  help  should  be  sent 
to  the  Chersonese  and  the  safety  of  Byzantium  assured  ; 
but  he  does  not  enlarge  on  these  points,  which  have 
been  treated  by  previous  speakers. ^  '  We  must  help 
them,  it  is  true,  and  take  care  that  no  harm  befalls  them ; 
but  our  deliberations  must  be  about  the  great  danger 
which  now  threatens  the  whole  of  Greece.'  ^  It  is 
this  breadth  of  view  which  distinguishes  the  Third 
y^  V  Philippic,  and  makes  it  the  greatest  of  all  the  public 

'  harangues. 

In  the  Chersonese  Demosthenes  had  suggested  the 
dispatch  of  numerous  embassies  ;  he  now  enlarges  on 
this  topic ;  the  interests  of  Athens  must  be  identified 
with  those  of  all  Greece,  and  all  States  must  be  made 

I  to  realize  this.  Philip's  designs  are  against  Greek 
liberty  as  a  whole  ;  Athens  must  arm  and  put  herself 
at  the  head  of  a  great  league  in  the  struggle  for  freedom. 

M  77-  '  §  19-  '  §  20. 


DEMOSTHENES  217 

'  I  pass  over  Olynthus,  Methone,  and  Apollonia,  and 
thirty-two  cities  in  the  Thracian  district,  all  of  which  he  has 
so  brutally  destroyed  that  it  is  hard  for  a  visitor  to  say 
whether  they  were  ever  inhabited.  I  am  silent  about  the 
destruction  of  a  great  nation,  the  Phocians.  But  how  fares 
Thessaly  ?  Has  he  not  deprived  the  cities  of  their  govern- 
ments, and  established  tetrarchies,  in  order  that  they  may 
be  enslaved,  not  only  city  by  city,  but  tribe  by  tribe  ? 
Are  not  the  cities  of  Euboea  now  ruled  by  tyrants,  though 
that  island  is  close  on  the  borders  of  Thebes  and  Athens  ? 
Does  he  not  expressly  state  in  his  letters  "  I  am  at  peace 
with  those  who  will  obey  me  "  ?  And  his  actions  corro- 
borate his  words.  He  has  started  for  the  Hellespont ; 
before  that  he  visited  Ambracia  ;  he  holds  in  the  Pelopon- 
nese  the  important  city  of  EUs  ;  only  the  other  day  he  made 
plots  against  Megara.  Neither  Greece  nor  the  countries' 
beyond  it  can  contain  his  ambition.'  ^ 

This  short  extract  is  a  fair  example  of  Demosthenes* 
vigorous  use  of  historical  argun^ent,  but  it  can  give 
little  idea  of  the  speech  as  a  whole. r  It  abounds,  indeed, 
in  enumerations  of  recent  events  bearing  on  the  case, 
and  in  contrasts  between  the  present  and  the  past. 

This  running  appeal  to  example  to  a  great  extent 
takes  the  place  of  reasoned  argument,  but  the  effect  of 
the  whole,  with  its  combined  appeals  to  feeling  and 
reason,  is  convincingly  strong.  H 

The  orator  himself  must  have  attached  great  im- 
portance to  this  speech  as  an  exposition  of  his  policy, 
for  he  appears  to  have  published  two  recensions  of  itr^ 
Both  are  preserved  in  different  families  of  MSS.  The 
shorter  text  contained  in  S  (Parisinus)  and  L  {Lauren- 
tianus)  omits  many  phrases  and  even  whole  passages 
which  occur  in  the  other  group.     It  is  beheved  that  the 

1  §§  26-27. 


2i8  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

shorter  is  the  final  form  in  which  Demosthenes  wished 
to  preserve  the  speech.* 
)r       The  Fourth  Philippic  contains  the  suggestion  that 

•  -  I  Athens  should  make  overtures  to  the  Persian  king  for 
'  help  against  Phihp.  The  speech  is  probably  a  forgery, 
but  one  of  a  peculiar  kind.  About  a  third  of  the  text 
consists  of  passages  taken  directly  from  the  speech 
On  the  Chersonese,  and  one  division  (§§  35-45)  is  in 
favour  of  a  distribution  of  the  Theoric  Fund,  which  is 
quite  opposed  to  the  policy  of  the  Olynthiacs  and  the 
Chersonese  speech.  On  the  other  hand,  some  passages 
are  in  a  style  and  tone  quite  worthy  of  Demosthenes, 
and  consistent  with  his  views.  There  can  be  little 
doubt  that  we  have  here  a  compilation  from  actual 
speeches  of  Demosthenes,  expanded  by  a  certain 
amount  of  rhetorical  invention.  The  *  answer  to 
Phihp's  letter '  and  the  speech  irepl  o-vvrd^eco^  are, 
on  the  other  hand,  simple  forgeries.  This  concludes 
•  the  list  of  the  Philippic  speeches. 

\-  Y  ^^^  record  of  Demosthenes'  pubhc  speeches  ceases 
with  the  Third  Philippic,  at  the  moment  when  his 
eloquence  had  reached  its  greatest  height.  The  great 
speeches  belong  to  the  years  of  opposition  ;  now,  after 

1  The  subject  is  admirably  discussed  by  M.  Weil  {Les  Harangues 
de  Ddmosihine  (2nie  6d.),  pp.  312-316).  His  axguments  should  be 
carefully  read  by  those  interested  in  the  subject.  I  quote  only  his 
conclusions :  '  Nous  avons  dej4  vu  que  plusieurs  passages,  qui 
manquent  dans  S  et  L,  ne  pouvaient  guere  emaner  que  de  Demo- 
sth^ne  lui-meme '  (p.  314).  '  Le  resultat  de  cet  examen,  c'est  que 
nous  nous  trouvons  en  presence  de  deux  textes  egalement  autoris6s, 
et  que  les  additions  et  les  modifications  qui  distinguent  I'un  de 
I'autre  doivent  etre  attribuees  a  I'orateur  lui-meme  .  .  .'  (p.  315)- 
These  conclusions  are  adopted  by  Blass  (Ati.  Bered.,  1893)  and 
Sandys  (1900),  who,  however,  considers  that  the  shorter  version 
was  the  orator's  first  draft.  Butcher  {Demosthenes ,  3rd  ed.,  191 1) 
considers  that  the  shorter  text  represents  '  the  maturer  correction 
of  the  orator.' 


DEMOSTHENES  219 

eleven  years  of  combat,  he  had  estabhshed  himself 
as  chief  leader  of  the  assembly.     He  spoke,  no  doubt, 
frequently   and    impressively,    but,    engaged   in    im- 
portant administrative  work,  he  had  no  leisure  or  need^ 
for  writing. 

The  years  340-338  B.C.  were  a  time  of  vigorous  re- 
vival for  Athens.  For  a  short  but  brilliant  period  it  ^ 
seemed  that  the  city-state  might  emerge  triumphant 
from  the  struggle  against  monarchy.  Enthusiasm 
inspired  the  patriotic  party  to  noble  efforts.  Euboea 
was  removed  from  Philip's  influence,  and  Athens  in- 
augurated a  new  league,  including  Acarnania,  Achaea, 
Corcyra,  Corinth,  Euboea,  and  Megara.  Philip  himself 
suffered  a  check  before  Byzantium,  which  had  ap-. 
pealed  to  Athens  for  help,  and  had  not  called  in  vain.  }' 

In  internal  affairs,  a  new  trierarchic  law  not  only 
increased  the  efficiency  of  the  fleet,  but  abolished  a 
great  social  grievance  by  making  the  burden  of  trier- 
archy  fall  on  all  classes  in  just  proportion  to  their 
means,  whereas  hitherto  the  poorer  citizens  had 
suffered  unduly.  A  still  greater  reform  was  the  exe- 
cution of  the  project,  so  long  cherished,  for  applying 
the  Theoric  Fund  to  the  expenses  of  war  (339  B.C.). 
In  338  B.C.  Lycurgus  was  appointed  to  the  Ministry  of  ^ 
Finance,  an  office  which  he  was  to  fill  with  exceptional 
efficiency  for  twelve  years  to  come. 

But  PhiHp  held  many  strings,  and  was  most  dan- 
gerous when  he  seemed  to  turn  his  back  on  his  enemies. 
Unsuccessful  on  the  Hellespont,  he  withdrew  his  fleet 
and  undertook  an  expedition  by  land  against  a  Scythian 
prince  who  had  offended  him.  This  journey  had  no 
direct  relation  to  his  greater  designs,  and  Athens  was 
pleased  to  think  that  he  might  be  defeated  or  even 


220  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

killed.  He  was,  indeed,  wounded,  but  he  returned  to 
Macedonia  in  339  B.C.,  having  accomplished  what  was 
probably  his  chief  object,  to  restore  the  confidence  of 
his  soldiers  after  their  reverses  in  recent  encounters 
with  the  Greeks. 

Meanwhile  events  in  Greece,  which  perhaps  were 
partly  directed  by  his  influence,  pursued  a  course 
favourable  to  his  plans. 

In  340  B.C.  two  enemies  of  Demosthenes,  Midias  and 
Aeschines,  represented  Athens  as  pylagorae  at  the 
Amphictyonic  Council.  Aeschines  describes  how,  ap- 
parently from  no  political  motive  but  for  the  satis- 
faction of  a  personal  grudge,  he  himself  inflamed  the 
passions  of  the  Amphictyons  to  the  point  of  declaring 
a  sacred  war  against  the  Locrians  of  Amphissa.  Any 
war  between  Greeks  was  to  PhiHp's  advantage.  The 
Amphictyonic  War  was  carried  on  in  a  dilatory  way, 
and  in  the  autumn  of  339  B.C.  the  Council,  still  under 
the  influence  of  Aeschines,  nominated  Philip  to  carry 
the  affair  to  a  conclusion.  The  king  had  recovered 
quickly  from  his  wound,  and  eagerly  embraced  the 
sacred  mission  which  allowed  him  to  pass  through 
Thessaly  and  Thermopylae  unmolested.  On  reaching 
Elatea,  once  the  principal  town  of  Phocis,  but  now 
desolate,  he  halted  and  began  to  put  the  place  in  a 
state  of  defence.  The  news  was  received  at  Athens 
with  great  consternation,  as  Demosthenes  vividly 
describes.^  Aji  assembly  was  hastily  summoned,  and 
Demosthenes  explained  the  full  import  of  this  action. 
It  was  a  threat  to  Athens  and  Thebes  alike.  All  the 
masterly  eloquence  of  the  great  statesman  was  exerted 
to  the  utmost  of  his  powers  to  induce  Athens  to  forget 

1  de  Cor.,  §§  169-170. 


DEMOSTHENES  z2T 

long-standing  enmities  and  offer  to  Thebes  the  help  of  --^ 
her  entire  fighting  force  freely  and  unconditionally.     It 
was  probably  the  greatest  triumph  of  eloquence  ever  \ 
known  that  Demosthenes  was  successful  in  his  plea.  J 
War  was  inevitable  sooner  or  later,  and  it  is  greatly 
to  his  credit  that  he  brought  about  the  Theban  alliance, 
though  it  ended  disastrously  for  all  the  Greeks  con- 
cerned in  the  battle  of  Chaeronea  (338  B.C.). 

Henceforward  the  influence  of  Athens  on  external 
affairs  was  strictly  limited,  though  she  retained  her 
independence,  for  Philip  was  a  generous  foe.^    Demo- 
sthenes busied  himself  with  internal  matters ;   to  him 
was  committed  the  repair  of  the  fortifications,  to  the 
expense  of  which  he  gave  a  contribution  of  100  minae. 
For  this  act  Ctesiphon  proposed  in  337  B.C.  that  he 
should  be  rewarded  with  a  gold  crown.     Aeschines 
indicted  Ctesiphon  for  an  illegal  motion,  and  the  famous 
case  of  The  Crown,  which  produced  great  speeches  from  ^\ 
both  the  rivals,  was  the  result.     The  case,  however, 
was  not  heard  till  six  years  later, 
r  In  336  B.C.  Phihp  was  murdered.     Demosthenes  set 
the    example    of    rejoicing    by   appearing    in    public 
crowned  with  flowers,  though  he  was  in  mourning  for  "^ 
his  daughter  at  the  time.     The  great  hopes  which  the 
city-states  had  entertained  were  dashed  to  the  ground 
by  the  energy  of  Alexander,  who,  though  only  twenty  |^ 
years  old,  proved  himself  an  even  greater  general  and 
statesman  than  his  father. 

V  Thebes  was  induced  to  revolt  by  Demosthenes,  who 
was  supported  by  Persian  gold,  but  Alexander  crushed 

^  Philip  seems  to  have  had  a  genuine  admiration  for  Athens, 
and  always  treated  her  with  extraordinary  consideration.  For  a 
full  appreciation  of  this  attitude  see  Hogarth,  Philip  and  Alexander. 


222  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

"^^    and  destroyed  Thebes  before  help  could  reach  it,  and 

sent   an   ultimatum   to   Athens.     He   demanded   the 

^'  surrender  of  Demosthenes,  Lycurgus,  and  eight  other 

orators  of  their  party.     They  were  saved,  it  appears, 

by  the  intervention  of  Demades.^ 

Alexander  departed  for  Asia,  and  Athenian  states- 
men were  left  to  quarrel  about  the  politics  of  their  city. 
It  was  now  that  the  great  case  in  which  Demosthenes 
and  Aeschines  were  concerned  came  up  for  trial. 
The  matter  nominally  in  dispute  was  only  a  pretext  ; 
it  was  really  a  question  of  reviewing  and  passing  judg- 
ment on  the  pohtical  Hfe  of  the  two  great  antagonists 
for  the  last  twenty  years. 

The  charges  of  illegality  brought  against  Ctesiphon 
were  three  :  (i)  That  the  decree,  falsely  asserting  that 
Demosthenes  had  done  good  service  to  the  State,  in- 
volved the  insertion  of  a  lie  into  the  public  records. 
(2)  That  it  was' illegal  to  crown  an  official  who,  like 
Demosthenes,  was  still  subject  to  audit.  (3)  That 
proclamation  of  the  crowning  in  the  theatre  was  illegal. 

On  (2)  and  (3),  the  technical  points,  the  prosecutor 
had  a  strong  case,  but  the  first  section  was  the  only  one 
of  real  importance,  since  the  process  was  really  aimed 
at  Demosthenes.  The  main  part  of  the  speech  of 
Aeschines  against  Ctesiphon  is  accordingly  devoted 
^"^  to  an  indictment  of  the  public  life  of  Demosthenes. 
— "  Four  periods  are  taken  :  (i)  From  the  war  about 
Amphipolis  to  the  peace  of  Philocrates  (357-346  B.C.). 
(2)  The  years  of  peace  (346-340  B.C.).  (3)  The 
ministry  of  Demosthenes  (340-33S  B.C.).  (4)  The 
years  after  Chaeronea  (33^-33^  B.C.). 

The  reply  of  Demosthenes  [de  Corona)  is  mainly  con- 

1  Plut.,  Dem.,  ch.  xxiii. 


DEMOSTHENES  ,  223 

cemed  with  a  defence  of  his  own  pohc}^  the  technical 
points  on  which  the  issue  nominally  depended  being 
kept  very  much  in  the  background.  It  is  remarkable 
that  in  dealing  with  the  early  years  he  makes  no 
attempt  to  take  credit  for  the  great  speeches  by  which 
in  that  time  he  attempted  to  influence  his  country — 
the  First  Philippic  and  the  three  Olynthiacs.  He  dis- 
cusses chiefly,  the  peace  negotiations.  He  speaks  more 
fully  of  the  second  period,  and  lays  the  greatest  stress 
on  the  third — the  years  during  which  he  was  the  ac- 
knowledged leader  of  the  people,  so  that  an  eulogy  of 
the  national  policy  must  involve  a  tribute  to  his  own 
patriotism.  Only  short  allusions  are  made  to  the  last 
period,  the  years  since  the  battle  of  Chaeronea. 

The  order  is  not  chronological,  and  the  structure  is 
not  apparently  systematic  ;  nevertheless  the  de  Corona 
is  the  greatest  of  all  Athenian  speeches. 

The  speech  cannot  be  represented  by  extracts  ;  it 
must  be  read  as  a  whole  to  be  appreciated.  All  that  a 
summary  can  do  is  to  draw  attention  to  the  peculiarities 
of  structure,  which  are  possibly  due  in  some  measure 
to  the  length  of  the  speech  and  the  variety  of  the  sub- 
jects which  have  to  be  treated  :  ^ 

1.  §§  1-8.     The  conventional  exordium,  in  this  case 

both  introduced  and  finished  by  a  solemn 
prayer. 

2.  §§  9-52.     Refutation  of  the  calumnies  uttered  by 

Aeschines.  This  section  consists  chiefly  of 
Demosthenes'  own  version  of  the  negotiations 
for  the  peace  of  346  B.C.,  showing  that  Aeschines 
and  his  associates  were  really  guilty  of  treason 
in  their  dealings  with  Philip. 

1  See  also  infra,  p.  253,  note  i,  and  p.  254. 


224  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

3-  §§  53-125.  Defence  of  Ctesiphon — Demosthenes 
undertakes  to  prove  (a)  that  he  deserved  to 
receive  a  crown,  (b)  that  on  the  legal  point 
Ctesiphon  is  not  to  blame,  {a)  He  summarizes 
the  condition  of  Greece  during  the  years  of 
peace,  and  immediately  after  it  records  his  own 
public  services  and  justifies  his  policy,  {b)  He 
examines  the  question  of  legality,  and  proves 
that  Ctesiphon  is  on  the  right  side  of  the  law. 

4.  §§  126-159.     Invective  against  Aeschines.     This 

might  be  called  a  pseudo-epilogue,  but  is  really 
only  an  interlude.  It  deals  with  (a)  the  birth 
and  life  of  his  rival,  and  {b)  in  particular,  his 
action  which  kindled  an  Amphictyonic  war.      * 

5.  §§    160-251.     Demosthenes    continues    the    dis- 

cussion of  his  past  policy,  in  regard  to  the 
Theban  alliance  and  the  last  war  with  Philip. 

6.  §§  252-324.     An  epilogue  of  exceptional  length, 

mainly  devoted  to  a  comparison  between 
Demosthenes  and  Aeschines.  The  speaker 
closely  identifies  himself  with  the  city,  whose 
policy  he  has  shaped;  so  that  in  attacking 
him,  Aeschines  attacks  Athens.  The  speech 
ends,  as  it  began,  with  a  prayer. 

§3 
For  the  next  few  years  Demosthenes  probably  spent 
some  of  his  time  in  composing  private  speeches  for 
others,  though  the  extant  speeches  of  this  period  are 
mostly  of  doubtful  authenticity.  He  also  remained 
as  a  prominent  figure  in  Athenian  pohtics.  He  had 
not  changed  his  views,  but  he  seems  to  have  been 
deposed  from  the  leadership  of  the  patriotic  party  by 


DEMOSTHENES  225 

others  whose  patriotism  was  of  a  more  violent  type  than 
his,  so  that  he  must  be  now  counted  as  a  moderate  in 
opinion.  It  may  have  been  this  position  which  brought 
him  into  danger  in  324  B.C.  *^ 

Harpalus,  who  had  been  left  as  Alexander's  governor 
at  Babylon,  on  receipt  of  a  rumour  of  his  master's 
death  in  India,  made  off  with  the  royal  treasure,  and, 
accompanied  by  a  force  of  six  thousand  men,  took  ship 
and  sailed  for  Greece.  He  appeared  off  Piraeus,  and 
the  fervid  patriots  proposed  that  Athens  should  wel- 
come him  and  use  his  treasure  and  his  men  to  help 
them  in  a  revolt. 

Demosthenes  opposed  an  open  breach  with  Alex-, 
ander,  and  on  his  motion  admission  was  refused  to 
the  flotilla.  Harpalus  came  a  second  time  without  his 
army,  and  was  admitted.  Close  on  his  heels  came 
messengers  from  Alexander  to  demand  his  surrender, 
but  this  was  resisted  by  Demosthenes  and  Phocion. 
On  the  motion  of  Demosthenes  it  was  decided  to  tem- 
porize ;  Harpalus  was  to  be  treated  as  a  prisoner,  and 
the  treasure  deposited  in  the  Parthenon.  The  amount 
of  the  treasure  was  declared  by  Harpalus  as  720 
talents,  but  it  soon  became  known  that  only  350 
talents  had  been  lodged  in  the  Acropolis.  Harpalus 
in  the  meantime  had  escaped  from  prison  and  dis- 
appeared, and  suspicion  was  roused  against  all  who 
had  had  any  kind  of  dealings  with  him.  To  allay  the 
public  excitement  Demosthenes  proposed  that  the 
Council  of  the  Areopagus  should  investigate  the  mystery 
of  the  lost  talents.  Six  months  later  the  Council  gave 
its  report,  issuing  a  list  of  nine  pubHc  men  whom  it 
declared  guilty  of  receiving  part  of  the  lost  money. 
The  name  of  Demosthenes  himself  headed  the  list ;  he 
p 


226  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

was  charged  with  having  received  twenty  talents  for 
helping  Harpalus  to  escape.  This  declaration  did  not 
constitute  a  judicial  sentence,  but  in  consequence  of 
it  prosecutions  were  instituted,  ten  public  prosecutors 
"u  were  appointed,  and  Demosthenes  was  found  guilty. 
He  was  condemned  to  pay  a  fine  of  fifty  talents,  and 
being  imable  to  raise  the  money  he  was  cast  into 
prison.  He  soon  escaped,  and  fled  first  to  Aegina  and 
then  to  Troezen,  where,  according  to  Plutarch,  he  sat 
daily  by  the  sea,  watching  with  sad  eyes  the  distant 
shores  of  Attica. 

The  whole  affair  is  obscure  ;  we  do  not  know  how 
Demosthenes  defended  himself,  but  we  possess  two  of 
^A  the  speeches  for  the  prosecution,  by  Hyperides  and 
■  Dinarchus.  Neither  is  explicit.  The  report  of  the 
Areopagus  was  held  to  have  estabhshed  the  facts,  so 
that  no  further  evidence  was  required ;  it  was  the 
business  of  the  court  only  to  interpret  motives  and 
decide  the  degree  of  each  defendant's  guilt. 

Hyperides  ^  afiirms  that  Demosthenes  began  by  ad- 
mitting the  receipt  of  the  money ;  but  he  afterwards 
denied  it,  declaring  that  he  was  ready  to  suffer  death 
if  it  could  be  proved  that  he  had  received  it.^  It  was 
certainly  Demosthenes  who  proposed  that  the  Areo- 
pagus should  investigate  the  affair. 

Two  details  in  the  case  give  rise  to  perplexity  :  the 
fine  inflicted — two  and  a  half  times  the  amount  in- 
volved— was  fight,  considering  that  the  law  demanded 
ten-fold  restitution  ;  secondly,  it  is  difficult  to  see 
when  Demosthenes  can  have  received  the  money. 
Harpalus  could  not  pay  him  at  the  time  of  his  escape, 

*  Hyp.,  Against  Dem.,  fr.  3,  col.  xiii. 

*  Dinarchus,  Against  Dem.,  §  i. 


DEMOSTHENES  227 

or  indeed  at  any  time  subsequent  to  his  arrest,  for  he 
did  not  take  the  money  to  prison  with  him.  It  seems 
improbable  that  the  money  should  have  been  paid 
earlier,  for  Demosthenes  was  acting  against  Harpalus 
all  the  time.  Professor  Butcher  supposed  that  pay- 
ment might  have  been  made  when  Demosthenes  re- 
sisted the  surrender  of  Harpalus  to  Alexander.  ^ 

Two  theories  have  been  proposed  with  a  view  to  the 
complete  or  partial  exculpation  of  the  orator — one, 
that  he  was  absolutely  innocent,  but  became  the  victim 
of  a  coinbination  of  his  political  enemies,  the  extreme 
patriots,  who  were  dissatisfied  with  his  moderate  policy, 
and  his  ancient  foes  the  Macedonian  party.  The  other 
view  is  that  he  received  the  money  and  spent  it,  or  in- 
tended to  spend  it,  on  secret  service  of  the  kind  on 
which  every  State  spends  money,  though  it  is  generally 
impossible  to  give  a  detailed  account  of  such  expenses. 
Even  if  he  could  not  prove  such  a  use,  the  offence  of 
receiving  bribes  was  a  venial  one,  as  even  his  prosecutor 
Hyperides  admits,  if  they  were  not  received  against 
the  interests  of  the  State.  In  Demosthenes'  favour 
we  have  the  late  evidence  of  Pausanias,  who  affirms 
that  an  agent  of  Harpalus,  when  examined  by  Alex- 
ander with  regard  to  this  affair,  divulged  a  list  of  names 
which  did  not  contain  that  of  Demosthenes. 

A  minor  charge  of  briberj^  is  brought  by  Dinarchus, 
who  asserts  that  Demosthenes  received  300  talents 
from  the  Great  King  to  save  Thebes  in  335  B.C.,  but 
sacrificed  Thebes  to  his  own  avarice  because  he 
wished  to  keep  ten  talents  which  had  been  pro- 
mised to  the  Arcadians  for  their  assistance.  The  story 
is  ridiculous. 

1  Butcher,  Dem.,  pp.  124-127. 


228  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

In  323  B.C.  Alexander  died ;    the  hope  of  freedom 

^revived,  and  Demosthenes  started  at  once  on  a  tour  of 

the  Peloponnese  to  urge  on  the  cities  the  need  of  joint 

action.     He  was  reconciled  with  the  party  of  Hyperides 

and  recalled  from  exile.     He  was  fetched  home  in  a 

X  trireme,  and  a  procession  escorted  him  from  the  har- 
bour to  the  city.  By  a  straining  of  the  law,  the  public 
paid  his  fine.  The  Lamian  war  opened  successfully 
under  Leosthenes,  but  at  the  battle  of  Crannon  Anti- 
pater  crushed  the  Greek  forces.    Athens  was  forced 

^  to  receive  a  Macedonian  garrison,  to  lose  her  demo- 
cratic constitution,  and  to  give  up  her  leaders  to  the 
conqueror's  vengeance.  Demades  carried  a  decree 
for  the  death  of  Demosthenes  and  Hyperides.  Demo- 
sthenes had  already  escaped  and  taken  sanctuary  in  the 
temple  of  Posidon  on  the  island  of  Calauria.  Here  he 
was  pursued  by  an  agent  of  Antipater,  one  Archias, 
known  as  the  exile-hunter,  who  had  been  an  actor. 
This  man  tried  to  entice  him  forth  by  generous  promises, 
but  Demosthenes  answered, '  Your  acting  never  carried 
'  conviction,  and  your  promises  are  equally  uncon- 
vincing.' Archias  then  resorted  to  threats,  but  was 
met  by  the  calm  retort,  *  Now  you  speak  like  a  Mace- 
donian oracle  ;  you  were  only  acting  before  ;  only 
wait  a  little,  so  that  I  may  write  a  few  lines  home.' 
^"  While  pretending  to  write  he  sucked  poison  from  the 
end  of  his  pen,  and  then  let  his  head  sink  on  his  hands, 
as  if  in  thought.  When  Archias  approached  again  he 
looked  him  in  the  face  and  said,  '  It  is  time  for  you  to 
play  the  part  of  Creon,  and  cast  out  this  body  un- 
buried.  Now,  adored  Posidon,  I  leave  thy  precinct 
while  yet  aUve;  but  Antipater  and  his  Macedonians 
have  left  not  even  thy  shrine  undefiled.'    He  essayed 


DEMOSTHENES  229 

to  walk  out,  but  fell  and  died  upon  the  steps  of  the 
altar.  ^ 

Lucian,  in  his  Encomium  of  Demosthenes,  has  given 
a  fanciful  account  of  Antipater  receiving  the  news  from 
Archias  ;   these  are  the  concluding  words  : 

*  So  he  is  gone,  either  to  live  with  the  heroes  in  the  Isles 
of  the  Blest  or  along  the  path  of  those  souls  that  cUmb  to 
Heaven,  to  be  an  attendant  spirit  on  Zeus  the  giver  of 
Freedom  ;  but  his  body  we  will  send  to  Athens,  as  a  nobler 
memorial  for  that  land  than  are  the  bodies  of  those  who 
fell  at  Marathon.' 2 

.  "*  §  4.     Literary  Reputation 

\  The  verdict  of  antiquity,  which  has  generally  been 
accepted  in  modem  times,  ranked  Demosthenes  as  the 
greatest  of  orators.  In  his  own  age  he  had  rivals  : 
Aeschines,  as  we  have  seen  already,  is  in  many  respects 
worthy  of  comparison  with  him  ;  of  his  other  contem- 
poraries Phocion  was  impressive  by  his  dignity,  sin-., 
cerity,  and  brevity — '  he  could  say  more  in  fewer 
words  '  ;  the  vigorous  extemporizations  of  Demades 
were  sometimes  more  elective  than  the  polished 
subtleties  of  Demosthenes  ;  Aeschines  claims  to  prefer 
the  speaking  of  Leodamas  of  Achamae,  but  the  tone 
in  which  he  says  so  is  almost  apologetic,  and  the 
laboured  criticism  to  which  Aeschines  constantly  sub- 
jects his  rival  practically  takes  it  for  granted  that  the 
latter  was  reckoned  the  foremost  speaker  of  the  time. 
Later  Greek  authorities,  who  are  far  enough  removed 
to  see  in  proper  perspective  the  orators  of  the  pre- 
Macedonian  times,  have  an  ungrudging  admiration  for 
Demosthenes.     The  author  of  The  Sublime  saw  in  him 

1  This  account  is  taken  from  Plutarch  {Dem.,  ch.  xxix.). 
*  Lucian,  Dem.  Enc,  §  50. 


230  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

many  faults,  and  admitted  that  in  many  details 
Hyperides  excelled  him.^  Nevertheless  he  finds  in 
Demosthenes  certain  divine  gifts  which  put  him  apart 
from  the  others  in  a  class  by  himself  ;  he  surpasses  the 
t' orators  of  all  generations  ;  his  thunders  and  lightnings 
\  shake  down  and  scorch  up  all  opposition  ;  it  is  im- 
possible to  face  his  dazzling  brilliancy  without  flinching. 
But  Hyperides  never  made  anybody  tremble. 

In  later  times  we  find  Demosthenes  styled  '  The 
Orator,'  just  as  Homer  is  *  The  Poet.'  Lucian,  whose 
literary  appreciations  are  always  worthy  of  attention, 
wrote  an  Encomium  of  Demosthenes,  containing  an 
imaginary  dialogue,  in  which  Antipater  is  the  chief 
speaker.  He  pays  a  generous  tribute  to  his  dead 
enemy,  who  *  woke  his  compatriots  from  their  drugged 
sleep  * ;  2  the  Philippics  are  compared  to  battering- 
rams  and  catapults,  and  Philip  is  reported  to  have 
^rejoiced  that  Demosthenes  was  never  elected  general, 
for  the  orator's  speeches  shook  the  king's  throne,  and 
his  actions,  if  he  had  been  given  the  opportunity,  would 
have  overturned  it. 

Of  Roman  critics,  Cicero  in  many  passages  in  the 
Brutus  and  Orator  expresses  extreme  admiration  for 
the  excellence  of  Demosthenes  in  every  style  of  oratory  ; 
he  regards  him  as  far  outstripping  all  others,  though 
failing  in  some  details  to  attain  perfection.  Quin- 
tilian's  praise  is  discriminating  but  sincere  ;  in  fact  we 
may  say  that  the  Greek  and  Roman  worlds  were  prac- 
tically unanimous  about  the  orator's  merits.  ~^ 

It  is  difficult  to  take  a  general  view  of  the  style  of 
Demosthenes,  from  the  mere  fact  that  it  is  extremely 

1  de  Sublimi,  ch.  xxxiv. 

^  §  3^>  olop  eK  fxapdpaydpov  KadeiL^SovTas. 


DEMOSTHENES  231 

varied ;  the  three  classes  of  speeches — the  forensic 
speeches  in  private  and  pubhc  suits,  and  the  pubhc 
harangues  addressed  to  the  assembly,  all  have  their 
particular  features  :  nevertheless  there  are  certain 
characteristics  which  may  be  distinguished  in  all 
classes. 

First  of  these  is  his  great  care  in  composition. 
Isocrates  is  known  to  have  spent  yeSfs  in  polishing  the 
essays  which  he  intended  as  permanent  contributions 
to  the  science  of  politics  ;  Plato  wrote  and  erased  and 
wrote  again  before  he  was  satisfied  with  the  form  in 
which  his  philosophy  was  to  be  given  to  the  world  ; 
y  Demosthenes,  without  j^ears^  Ql.toil>  could  produce  for 
definite  occasions  speeches  whose  finished  brilliancy 
made  them  worthy  to  be  ranked  as  great  literature 
quite  apart  from  their  merits  as  contributions  to 
practical  policy.     V   .     v     .      /A   ;        ^ .  ^'       v- x\>v 

It  is  a  well-known  jest  against  him  that  his  speeches 
smelt  of  midnight  oil,  but  he  must  have  had  a  remark- 
able natural  fluency  to  be  able  to  compose  so  many 
speeches  so  well.  It  is  quite  possible,  on  the  other 
hand,  that  the  speeches  which  survive  are  not  alto- 
gether in  the  form  in  which  they  were  delivered.  It 
seems  to  have  been  a  habit  among  orators  of  this  time 
to  edit  for  publication  their  speeches  delivered  in 
important  cases,  in  order  that  a  larger  audience  might 
have  an  opportunity  of  reading  a  permanent  record  of 
the  speakers'  views  on  political  or  legal  questions  which 
had  more  than  a  transitory  interest. 

We  have  indirect  evidence  that  Demosthenes  was  in 
the  habit  of  introducing  corrections  into  his  text. 
Aeschines  quotes  and  derides  certain  expressions, 
mostly  exaggerated  metaphors,  which  do  not  occur  in 


.^ 


232  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

the  speeches  as  extant  to  us,  though  some  of  them 
evidently  should,  if  the  text  had  not  been  submitted 
to  a  recension.^  We  may  note  the  remark  of  Erato- 
sthenes 2  that  while  speaking  he  sometimes  lost  control 
of  himself,  and  talked  like  a  man  possessed,  and  that  of 
Demetrius  of  Phaleron,  that  on  one  occasion  he  offended 
against  good  taste  by  quoting  a  metrical  oath  which 
bears  the  stamp  of  comedy  : 

'  By  earth  and  fountains,  rivulets  and  streams/  ^ 

This  quotation  is  not  to  be  found  in  any  extant  speech, 
but  it  is  noticeable  that  formulae  of  the  kind,  typically 
represented  by  the  familiar  w  7^  kuI  Oeol — *  Ye 
Earth  and  Gods  ' — are  commonly  affected  by  Demo- 
sthenes, as  indeed  they  are  to  be  found  in  his  contem- 
porary AescKines. 

Evidently  the  Attic  taste  ,was  undergoing  a  modi- 
fication ;  such  expressions  are  foreign  to  the  dignified 
harmonies  of  Isocrates  and  of  rare  occurrence  in  the 
restrained  style  of  Lysias  ;  but  they  begin  to  appear 
more  frequently  in  Isaeus,  whose  style  was  the  model 
for  the  early  speeches  of  Demosthenes.  Certain  other 
expressions  belonging  to  the  popular  speech,  and  pro- 
bably avoided  by  Isocrates  as  being  too  colloquial,  are 
foimd  in  Demosthenes'  public  speeches — e.g.  6  Selva 
and  0)  rav. 

Under  the  same  heading  must  come  the  use  of  coarse 
expressions  and  terms  of  personal  abuse.  In  many 
of  the  speeches  relating  to  public  law-suits  Demo- 
sthenes   allows   himself    all    the    latitude  which  was 

1  Aescl).,  Ctes.,  §§  72,  166  ;   de  Leg.,  §  21  ;  Ctes.,  §§  84,  209. 

2  Plut.,  Dem.,  ch.  ix.,  irapd^aKxov. 

*  ipdovariQvTa.     Cf.  Aristophanes,  Clouds,  194  : 

fxa  yriv,  fid  vaylSas,  fia  ve(p^\ai,  /id  dlKTva. 


DEMOSTHENES  233 

sanctioned  by  the  taste  of  his  times.  In  the  actual 
use  of  abusive  epithets — Orjpiov,  Kardparo^,  and  the 
Hke — he  does  not  go  beyond  the  common  practice  of 
Aeschines,  and  is  even  outstripped  by  Dinarchus  ;  but 
in  the  accumulation  of  offensive  references  to  the  sup- 
posed private  character  of  his  pohtical  opponents  he 
condescends  to  such  excesses  that  we  wonder  how  a- 
decent  audience  can  ever  have  tolerated  him.^  Evi- 
dently an  Athenian  audience  loved  vulgarity  for  its 
own  sake,  apart  from  humour. 

In  the  private  speeches  there  is  at  times  a  certain 
coarseiiess — ^inevitably,  since  police-court  cases  are 
offen  concerned  with  sordid  details.  Offensive  actions 
sometimes  have  to  be  described ;  ^  but  this  is  a  very 
different  matter  from  the  irrelevant  introduction  of 
offensive  matter. 

In  the  speeches  delivered  before  the  ecclesia  Demo- 
sthenes set  himself  a  higher  ideal.  Into  questions  of 
pubHc  policy,  private  animosities  should  not  be  allowed 
to  intrude,  and  throughout  the  Philippics  and  Olyn- 
thiacs  Demosthenes  observes  this  rule.  Under  no  stress 
of  excitement  does  he  sink  to  personalities  ;  his  political 
opponents  for  the  time  being  are  not  abused,  not  even 
mentioned  by  name.  The  courtesies  of  debate  are 
fully  and  justly  maintained. 

^  Notably  the  caricatures  of  Aeschines'  private  Ufe  and  family 
history  in  the  de  Corona,  §§  129-130,  260.  Mr.  Pickard-Cambridge 
makes  it  clear  that  the  habitual  members  of  the  law-courts  would 
be  of  a  lower  average  socially  than  the  ecclesia.  The  pay  in  either 
case  was  not  enough  to  attract  any  but  the  unemployed,  but  whereas 
members  of  the  leisured  classes  would  have  sufficient  motives  for 
attending  the  ecclesia,  and  well-to-do  business-men  might  sacrifice 
valuable  time  unselfishly  for  the  good  of  the  State,  there  would  be 
little  inducement  to  such  people  to  endure  the  wearisome  routine 
of  the  law-courts  (see  Demosthenes,  ch.  iii.). 

«  E.g.  Canon,  §  4. 


234  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

§  5.     Style  and  Composition 

Though  Demosthenes  wrote  in  pure  Attic  Greek,  it  is 
to  Lysias  and  Isocrates  rather  than  to  him  that  Diony- 
sius  assigns  praise  for  the  most  perfect  purity  of  lan- 
s^  guage.  It  is  probable  that  Demosthenes  was  nearer 
to  the  hving  speech.  Even  in  his  dehberative  speeches 
he  can  use  such  famihar  expressions  as  w  rav,  6  Belva 
and  such  expletives  as  vrj  Ala,  the  frequent  use  of  which 
would  have  seemed  to  Isocrates  to  belong  to  the 
vocabulary  of  Comedy.  The  epideictic  style  would 
also  have  shunned  such  vigorous  touches  as  Xayo)  ^iov 
If?/? — *  you  hved  a  hare's  life,'  or,  to  give  the  proper 
equivalent,  *  a  dog's  life,'  ^  or  the  famous  kukcov  TXta? — 
*  Twenty-four  books  of  misery.'  ^  Colloquial  vigour  is 
apparent  in  some  metaphorical  uses  of  single  words, 
e.g.  i(oKa  KoX  '^frvxpd — *  stale  and  cold '  (applied  to 
crimes),^  irpoaijX&a-daL — *  to  be  pinned  down,'  ^  or  the 
succession  of  crude  metaphors  in  the  account  of  how 
Aristogiton,  in  prison,  picked  a  quarrel  with  a  new- 
comer ;  *  he  being  newly  caught  and  fresh,  was  getting 
the  better  of  Aristogiton,  who  had  got  into  the  net  some 
time  ago  and  been  long  in  pickle  ;  so  finding  himself 
getting  the  worst  of  it,  he  ate  off  the  man's  nose.'  ^ 
There  is  bold  personification  of  abstractions  in  *  Peace, 
which  has  destroyed  the  walls  of  your  allies  and  is  now 
building  houses  for  your  ambassadors,'  ^  and  such 
phrases  as  redvaai  rcS  Seec  tov<;  tolovtov^;  airoaToKov^ 

^  de  Cor.,  §  263.  2  ^^  Falsa  Leg.,  §  148. 

3  Midias,  §  91.  *  Ibid.,  §  105. 

'  On  the  other  hand  he  often  apologizes  for  metaphors  by  w^irep 

or  oXov — fjv  Tovd^  dxnrep  ifxirddiafxd  rt  r^  fl^i\lTnr(p though  ifiirbSitTfin 

is  probably  as  natural  a  form  of  expression  as  our  '  obstacle.' 

«  de  Falsa  Leg.,  §  275. 


DEMOSTHENES  235 

— *  they  are  frightened  to  death  of  so  and  so/  are  more    ""' 
vigorous  than  Hterary.^ 

Demosthenes  seems  to  discard  metaphor  in  his  most 
solemn  moments.  In  a  spirit  of  sarcasm  he  can  use 
such  expressions  as  those  quoted  above  about  the 
disorderly  scene  in  prison,  and  in  an  outburst  of  indig- 
nation he  can  speak  of  rival  politicians  as  *  Fiends,  who 
have  mutilated  the  corpses  of  their  fatherlands,  and 
made  a  birthday  present  of  their  liberty  first  to  Philip, 
and  now  again  to  Alexander  ;  who  measure  happiness 
by  their  belly  and  their  basest  pleasures ' ;  ^  but  on 
grave  occasions,  whether  in  narrative  or  in  counsel,  -^ 
he  reverts  to  a  simplicity  equal  to  that  of  Lysias.  The 
plainness  of  the  language  in  which  he  describes  the 
excitement  caused  by  the  news  of  Philip's  occupation 
of  Elatea  is  proverbial ;  ^  and  the  closing  sentences  of 
the  Third  Philippic  afford  another  good  example  : 

*  If  everybody  is  going  to  sit  still,  hoping  to  get  what  he 
wants,  and  seeking  to  do  nothing  for  it  himself,  in  the  first 
place  he  will  never  find  anybody  to  do  it  for  him,  and 
secondly,  I  am  afraid  that  we  shall  be  forced  to  do  every- 
thing that  we  do  not  want.  This  is  what  I  tell  you,  this  is 
what  I  propose  ;  and  I  believe  that  if  this  is  done  our  affairs 
may  even  yet  be  set  straight  again.  If  anybody  can  offer 
anything  better,  let  him  name  it  and  urge  it ;  and  what- 
ever you  decide,  I  pray  to  heaven  it  may  be  for  the  best.' 

The  simplicity  of  the  language  is  only  equalled  by 
the  sobriety  of  tone.  The  simplest  words,  if  properly 
used,  can  produce  a  great  effect,  which  is  sometimes 
heightened  by  repetition,  a  device  which  Demosthenes 

^  I  PhiL^  §  45  ;  cf.  Ttdvikvai  rip  <p6§(f  Qri^aiovs,  de  Falsa  Leg.,  §  8i. 

*  de  Cor.,  §  296.  *  de  Cor.,  §  169. 


236  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

finds  useful  on  occasion — dW  ovk  ea-rtv,  ovk  eariv 
6iT(o^  rjfidpT€T6 — *  But  surely,  surely  you  were  not 
wrong.'  ^  We  realize  a  slight  raising  of  the  voice  as  the 
word  comes  in  for  the  second  time.  Dinarchus,  an 
imitator  of  Demosthenes,  copies  him  in  the  use  of  this 
'  figure/  but  uses  it  too  much  and  inappropriately. 
In  this,  as  in  other  details,  his  style  is  an  unsuccessful 
parody  of  the  great  orator. 

Dionysius  compares  Demosthenes  to  several  other 
writers  in  turn.  He  finds  passages,  for  instance,  which 
recall  the  style  of  Thucydides.^  He  quotes  the  first 
section  from  the  Third  Philippic,  and  by  an  ingenious 
analysis  shows  the  points  of  resemblance.  The  chief 
characteristic  noticed  by  the  critic  is  that  the  writer 
does  not  introduce  his  thoughts  in  any  natural  or  con- 
ventional sequence,  but  employs  an  affected  order  of 
words  which  arrests  the  attention  by  its  avoidance  of 
simplicity. 

Thus,  a  parenthetical  relative  clause  intrudes  between 
the  subject  and  the  verb  of  the  chief  relative  clause, 
while  we  are  kept  in  long  suspense  as  to  what  the  verbs 
are  to  be,  both  in  relative  clauses  and  in  the  main  clause 
itself.  The  peculiar  effects  which  he  notices  cannot 
be  reproduced  in  a  non-inflexional  language  such  as 
English. 

At  other  times,  especially  in  narrative,  Demosthenes 
emulates  the  lucidity  of  Lysias  at  his  best.  Dionysius 
quotes  with  well-deserved  approval  the  vivid  present- 
ment of  the  story  on  which  the  accusation  against 
Conon  is  based.  As  the  speech  gives  us  an  excellent 
picture  of  the  camp  hfe  of  an  undiscipHned  mihtia,  it 
will  be  worth  while  here  to  quote  some  extracts  : 

1  <U  Cor.,  §  208.  2  de  Thucyd.,  ch.  53. 


DEMOSTHENES  237 

'  Two  years  ago,  having  been  detailed  for  garrison-duty, 
we  went  out  to  Panactum.  Conon's  sons  occupied  a  tent 
near  us ;  I  wish  it  had  been  otherwise,  for  this  was  the 
primary  cause  of  our  enmity  and  the  collisions  between  us. 
You  shall  hear  how  it  arose.  They  used  to  diink  every  day 
aird'Sll  day  long,  begiiming  immediately  after  breakfast, 
and  this  custom  they  maintained  all  the  time  that  we  were 
in  garrison.  My  brothers  and  I,  on  the  contrary,  lived  out 
there  just  as  we  were  in  the  habit  of  living  at  home.  So 
by  the  time  which  the  rest  of  us  had  fixed  for  dinner,  they 
were  invariably  playing  drunken  tricks,  first  on  our  ser- 
vants, and  finally  on  ourselves.  For  because  they  said 
that  the  servants  sent  the  smoke  in  their  faces  while  cook- 
ing, or  were  uncivil  to  them,  or  what  not,  they  used  to  beat 
them  and  empty  the  slops  over  their  heads  .  .  .  and  in 
every  way  behaved  brutally  and  disgustingly.  We  saw 
this  and  took  offence,  and  first  of  all  remonstrated  with 
them  ;  but  as  they  jeered  at  us  and  would  not  stop,  we  all 
went  and  reported  the  occurrence  to  the  general — not  I 
alone,  but  the  whole  of  the  mess.  He  reprimanded  them 
severely,  not  only  for  their  offensive  behaviour  to  us,  but 
for  their  general  conduct  in  camp ;  however,  they  were 
so  far  from  stopping  or  feeHng  any  shame  that,  as  soon  as 
it  was  dark  that  evening,  they  made  a  rush  on  us,  and  first 
abused  us  and  then  beat  me,  and  made  such  a  disturbance 
and  uproar  round  the  tent  that  the  general  and  his  staff 
and  some  of  the  other  soldiers  came  out,  and  prevented  them 
from  doing  us  any  serious  harm,  and  us  from  retaliating 
on  their  drunken  violence. '  ^ 

Another  passage  quoted  from  the  same  speech  gives 
a  companion  picture  of  the  defendant's  behaviour  in 
civil  life  : 

*  When  we  met  them,  one  of  the  party,  whom  I  cannot 
identify,  fell  upon  Phanostratus  and  held  him  tight,  while 

1  Against  Conon,  §§  3-5. 


238  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

the  defendant  Conon  and  his  son  and  the  son  of  Andro- 
menes  fell  upon  me,  and  first  stripped  me,  and  then  tripped 
me  up,  and  dashed  me  down  in  the  mud.  There  they 
jumped  upon  me  and  beat  me,  and  so  mishandled  me  that 
they  cut  my  lip  right  through,  and  closed  up  both  my  eyes. 
They  left  me  in  such  a  weak  state  that  I  could  neither  get 
up  nor  speak,  and  as  I  lay  on  the  ground  I  heard  them 
uttering  floods  of  abominable  language.  What  they  said 
was  vilely  slanderous,  and  some  of  it  I  should  shrink  from 
repeating,  but  I  will  mention  one  thing  which  is  an  example 
of  Conon's  brutality,  and  proves  that  he  was  responsible 
for  the  whole  incident — he  began  to  crow  like  a  game-cock 
after  a  victory,  and  the  others  told  him  to  flap  his  arms 
against  his  sides  in  triumph.  After  this  I  was  carried  home 
naked  by  some  passers-by,  while  the  defendants  made  off 
with  my  coat. '  ^ 

Dionysius  observes  that  the  ecclesia  and  the  courts 
were  composed  of  mixed  elements  ;  ^  not  all  were  clever 
and  subtle  in  intellect ;  the  majority  were  farmers, 
merchants,  and  artisans,  who  were  more  likely  to  be 
pleased  by  simple  speech ;  anything  of  an  unusual 
flavour  would  turn  their  stomachs  :  a  smaller  number, 
a  mere  fraction  of  the  whole,  were  men  of  high  educa- 
tion, to  whom  you  could  not  speak  as  you  would  to  the 
multitude  ;  and  the  orator  could  not  afford  to  neglect 
either  section.  He  must  therefore  aim  at  satisfying 
both,  and  consequently  he  should  steer  a  middle  course, 
avoiding  extremes  in  either  direction. 

In  the  opinion  of  Dionysius  both  Isocrates  and  Plato 
I  give  good  examples  of  this  middle  style,  attaining  a 
U  seeming  simplicity  intelligible  to  all,  combined  with  a 
"  subtlety  which  could  be  appreciated  only  by  the  ex- 
pert ;    but  Demosthenes  surpassed  them  both  in  the 

*  Against  Conon,  §§  8-9,  »  de  Demos.,  ch.  xv. 


~A 


DEMOSTHENES  239 

perfection  of  this  art.  To  prove  his  case  he  quotes 
first  the  passage  from  The  Peace  which  Isocrates  him- 
self selected  for  quotation,  as  a  favourable  example  of 
his  own  style,  in  the  speech  on  the  Antidosis.  With 
this  extract  a  passage  from  the  third  Olynthiac  is  con- 
trasted, greatly  to  the  advantage  of  Demosthenes,  who 
is  found  to  be  nobler,  more  majestic,  more  forcible,  and 
to  have  avoided  the  frigidity  of  excessive  refinement 
with  which  Isocrates  is  charged. 

The  criticism  professes  to  be  based  on  an  accumu- 
lation of  small  details,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that 
Dionysius  depended,  in  the  main,  not  upon  analysis, 
but  upon  subjective  impressions.  After  enumerating 
the  points  in  which  either  of  the  writers  excels  or  falls 
short,  he  describes  his  own  feelings  : 

'  When  I  read  a  speech  of  Isocrates,  I  become  sober  and 
serious,  as  if  I  were  listening  to  solemn  music  ;  but  when  I 
take  up  a  speech  of  Demosthenes,  I  am  beside  myself,  I 
am  led  this  way  and  that,  I  am  moved  by  one  passion  after 
another  :  suspicion,  distress,  fear,  contempt,  hate,  pity, 
kindliness,  anger,  envy — passing  successively  through  all 
the  passions  which  can  obtain  a  mastery  over  the  human 
mind  ;  .  .  .  and  I  have  sometimes  thought  to  myself,  what 
must  have  been  the  impression  which  he  made  on  those 
who  were  fortunate  enough  to  hear  him  ?  For  where  we, 
who  are  so  far  removed  in  time,  and  in  no  way  interested 
in  the  actual  events,  are  led  away  and  overpowered,  and 
made  to  follow  wherever  the  speech  leads  us,  how  must 
the  Athenians  and  other  Greeks  have  been  led  by  the 
speaker  himself  when  the  cases  in  which  he  spoke  had  a 
living  interest  and  concerned  them  nearly  ?...'* 

Dionysius,  as  we  know  from  many  of  his  criticisms, 
had  a  remarkably  acute  sense  of  style  ;   he  had  also  a 
^  Demos,  f  ch.  xxii.  ^ 


X- 


240  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

strong  imagination.  In  this  same  treatise  he  recounts 
how  the  forms  of  the  sentences  themselves  suggest  to 
him  the  tone  in  which  the  words  were  uttered,  the  very 
gestures  with  which  they  were  accompanied. ^ 

Though  we  modem  students  cannot  expect  to  rival 
him  in  these  peculiar  gifts,  it  is  still  possible  for  us  to 
sympathize  with  his  feelings.  We  cannot  fail,  in  read- 
ing a  speech  like  the  Third  Philippic,  for  instance,  to 
appreciate  how  fully  Demosthenes  reahzes  the  Platonic 
ideal,  expressed  in  the  Gorgias,  that  rhetoric  is  the  art 
of  persuasion.  We  need  not  pause  to  analyse  the 
means  by  which  he  attains  his  end  ;  he  may  resemble 
Lysias  at  one  moment  in  a  simple  piece  of  narrative, 
at  another  he  may  be  as  involved  and  antithetical  as 
Thucydides,  or  even  florid  like  Gorgias  ;  he  can  be  a 
very  Proteus,  as  Dionysius  says,  in  his  changes  of 
form  ;  but  in  whatever  shape  he  appears,  naive,  subtle, 
pathetic,  indignant,  sarcastic,  he  is  convincing.  The 
reason  is  simple  :  he  has  a  single  purpose  always 
present  to  his  mind,  namely,  to  make  his  audience 
feel  as  he  feels.  Readers  of  Isocrates  were  expected, 
while  they  followed  the  exposition  of  the  subject- 
matter,  to  regard  the  beauties  of  the  form  in  which  it 
was  expressed  ;  in  Demosthenes  there  is  no  idea  of  such 
display.  A  good  speech  was  to  him  a  successful  speech, 
not  one  which  might  be  admired  by  critics  as  a  piece 
of  hterature.  It  is  only  incidental  that  his  speeches 
have  a  literary  quahty  which  ranks  him  among  the 
foremost  writers  of  Attic  prose  ;  as  an  orator  he  was 
independent  of  this  quahty. 

1  Demos.,  chs.  liii.,  liv.  So  Aeschines,  after  reading  aloud  some 
extracts  from  Demosthenes,  and  observing  their  effect  on  his 
hearers,  exclaimed,  *  But  what  if  you  had  heard  the  brute  himself  ?  ' 


DEMOSTHENES  241 

The  strong  practical  sense  of  Demosthenes  refused 
to  be  confined  by  any  theoretical  rules  of  scholastic  ^^ 
rhetoricians.  He  does  not  aspire  to  the  complexity  of 
periods  which  makes  the  style  of  Isocrates  monotonous 
in  spite  of  the  writer's  wonderful  ingenuity.  Long^ 
and  short,  complex  and  simple  sentences,  are  used  in 
turn,  and  with  no  systematic  order,  so  that  we  can- 
not call  any  one  kind  characteristic;  the  form  of 
the  sentence,  like  the  language,  is  subordinate  to  its 
purpose.  1 

He  was  moderately  careful  in  the  avoidance  of  hiatus 
between  words,  but  in  this  matter  he  modified  the  rule 
of  Isocrates  to  suit  the  requirements  of  speech ;  he  , 
was  guided  by  ear,  not  by  eye  ;  thus  we  find  that 
hiatus  is  frequently  omitted  between  the  cola  or  sec- 
tions of  a  period ;  in  fact  any  pause  in  the  utter- 
ance is  enough  to  justify  the  non-elision  of  an 
open  vowel  before  the  pause.  Isocrates,  on  the  con- 
trary, usually  avoids  even  the  appearance  of  hiatus  in 
such  cases. 

There  is  one  other  formal  rule  of  composition  which 
Demosthenes  follows  with  some  strictness  ;  this  is  the 
avoidance  of  a  succession  of  short  syllables.  It  is  ""' 
notable  that  he  very  seldom  admits  a  tribrach  (three 
short  syllables)  where  a  little  care  can  avoid  it,  while 
instances  of  more  than  three  short  vowels  in  sue-  "vi 
cession  are  very  exceptional.^    An  unusual  order  of 

1  de  Chersoneso,  §§  69-71,  gives  an  example  of  a  sentence  of  about 
twenty-seven  lines  in  the  Teubner  edition. 

2  TimocrateSy  §  217,  oj55'  otiovv  Av  60e\oi  etr)  is  a  case  in  point — 

{y  ^  >^\j )  ;  in  this  instance  no  other  arrangement  of  the  words 

was  possible ;  ou5'  otioGv  div  eirj  cl^eXos  would  give  a  harsh  hiatus* 
Cf.  also  First  Olynthiac,  §  27,  iiKlKa  7'  iarl  rd  5ui<pop'  ivddd'  1)  Vet 
rroXefjLetv,  where  five  shorts  appear  in  sequence. 

Q 


242  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

words  may  often  be  explained  by  reference  to  this 
practice.^ 

We  know  from  Aristotle  and  other  critics  that  earlier 
writers  of  artistic  prose,  from  Thrasymachus  onwards, 
had  paid  some  attention  to  the  metrical  form  of  words 
and  certain  combinations  of  long  and  short  syllables. 
Thrasymachus  in  particular  studied  the  use  of  the 

"^^-  paeonius  (-  ^  ^^  ^  or  v>  ^  v>  -)  at  the  beginning  and  end  of 
a  sentence. 2 

The  effect  of  increasing  the  number  of  short  syllables, 
whether  in  verse  or  prose,  is  to  make  the  movement 
of  the  line  or  period  more  rapid.     The  frequent  use  of 

"^^  tribrachs  by  Euripides  constantly  produces  this  im- 
pression, and  an  extreme  case  is  the  structure  of  the 
Galliambic  metre,  as  seen,  for  instance,  in  the  Attis  of 
Catullus.^  Conversely  the  multiphcation  of  long  syl- 
lables makes  the  movement  slow,  and  produces  an 
effect  of  solemnity.* 
v^  Demosthenes  seems  to  have  been  the  first  prose- 
writer  to  pay  attention  to  the  avoidance  of  the  tri- 

^.^  brach;  Plato  seems  to  have  consciously  preferred  a 
succession  of  short  syllables  where  it  was  possible. 
The  difference  between  the  two  points  of  view  is  pro- 
bably this — that  Plato  aimed  at  reproducing  the 
natural  rapidity  of  conversation,  Demosthenes  aimed 

^  E.g.  de  Falsa  Leg.,  §  ii,  Stc^tcbv  TjKiKa  T7)p"EX\aSa  iraaav^  ovxl  Tds 
iSias  adiKOvai  fidvov  Trarpldas  oi  dojpoSoKovPTes.  The  position  of  ddiKoOai 
is  peculiar,  but  the  sentence  already  contains  a  preponderance  of 
short  syllables,  and  any  other  arrangement  would  give  more  of  them 
together :  e.g.  the  more  natural  orders  rds  iSiai  iibvov  TarplSas  ddtKodai, 
(^\^y^^^  —  ^^  or  iSLas fxbvov  dStKovcfi  irarpidas  (v^w  —  ^v^^v^  — v>^v> vy). 

2  Arist.,  Rhet.,  iii.  8.  4. 

*  Super  alta  vectus  Attis  celeri  rate  maria,  etc.  The  ending  with 
five  short  syllables  gives  an  impression  of  headlong  speed. 

*  Cf.  the  '  spondaic  '  hymn,  ZeC  Trdj'rwi'  dpxd,  iravrwy  iiyr}Top,  ZeO 
croi  fffrifdu  ravray  vjxvuv  dpxdv. 


\ 


DEMOSTHENES  243 

at  a  more  solemn  and  dignified  style  appropriate  to  / 
impressive  utterance  before  a  large  assembly. 

This  is  the  only  metrical  rule  which  Demosthenes  ''^ 
ever  observed,  and  one  of  the  soundest  of  modem 
critics  believes  that  even  this  observance  was  instinc- 
tive rather  than  conscious.^  He  never  affected  any 
metrical  formula  for  the  end  of  sentences  comparable 
to  Cicero's  famous  esse  videatur,  or  the  double  trochee 
( — v^ — s^)  at  the  beginning  of  a  sentence,  approved  by 
later  writers.  An  examination  shows  that  he  has  an 
almost  infinite  variety  both  in  the  opening  and  the  close 
of  his  sentences.  He  seems  never  to  follow  any 
mechanical  system. 

Much  labour  has  been  expended,  especially  in  Ger- 
many, on  the  analysis  of  the  rhythmical  element  in 
Demosthenes'  style.  There  is  no  doubt  that  many 
orators,  from  Gorgias  onwards,  laboured  to  produce 
approximate  correspondence  between  parallel  or  con- 
trasted sections  of  their  periods.  In  some  cases  we 
find  an  equal  number  of  syllables  in  two  clauses,  and 
even  a  more  or  less  complete  rhythmical  correspond- 
ence. Such  devices  serve  to  emphasize  the  peculiar 
figures  of  speech  in  which  Gorgias  deUghted,  and  may 
have  been  appropriate  to  the  class  of  oratory  intended 
primarily  for  display,  but  it  is  hard  to  believe  that 
such  elaboration  was  ever  consciously  carried  through 
a  long  forensic  speech. 

The  appendix  to  the  third  volume  of  Blass'  Attic  -^ 
oratory  is  a  monumental  piece  of  work.     It  consists  of 
an  analysis  of  the  first  seventeen  sections  of  the  de 
Corona,  and  the  whole  of  the  First  Olynthiac  and  Third 
Philippic  speeches,  and  conveys  the  impression  that 

^  Croiset,  Hist,  de  la  Litt.  Gr.,  tome  iv.,  pp.  552-553. 


244  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

this  Demosthenic  prose  may  be  scamied  with  almost 
as  much  certainty  as  a  comparatively  simple  form  of 
composition  like  a  Pindaric  ode.  It  is  hard  to  pro- 
nounce on  such  a  matter  without  a  very  long  and  careful 
study  of  this  difficult  subject ;  but  the  theory  of  rhyth- 
mical correspondence  seems  to  have  been  worked  out 
far  too  minutely.  In  many  cases  emendation  is  re- 
quired ;  we  have  to  divide  words  in  the  middle,  and 
clauses  are  split  up  in  an  arbitrary  and  unnatural  way. 
I  am  far  from  beheving  that  analysis  can  justifiably  be 
carried  to  this  extent ;  it  is  more  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  Demosthenes  had  a  naturally  acute  ear,  and  that 
practice  so  developed  his  faculty  that  a  certain  rhythm 
was  natural  to  all  his  speech.  I  am  not  convinced  that 
all  his  effects  were  designed.^ 

§  6.  Rhetorical  Devices 
Isaeus,  the  teacher  of  Demosthenes,  was  a  master  of 
reasoning  and  demonstration  ;  Demosthenes  in  his 
earhest  speeches  shows  strong  traces  of  the  influence  of 
Isaeus,  but  in  his  later  work  he  has  developed  varied 
gifts  which  enable  him  to  surpass  his  master.  Real- 
izing the  insufficiency,  for  a  popular  audience,  of  mere 
reasoning,  he  reinforced  his  logic  by  adventitious  aids, 
appeahng  in  numerous  indirect  ways  to  feeling  and 
prejudice.  One  valuable  method  of  awakening  interest 
was  his  striking  use  of  paradox  : 

*  On  the  question  of  resources  of  money  at  present  at 
our  disposal,  what  I  have  to  say  will,  I  know,  appear  para- 
doxical, but  I  must  say  it ;  for  I  am  confident  that,  con- 
sidered in  the  proper  light,  my  proposal  will  appear  to  be 
the  only  true  and  right  one.  I  tell  you  that  we  need  not 
raise  the  question  of  money  at  all :  we  have  great  resources 
^  See  ad  hoc,  Croiset,  iv.  553.  i. 


DEMOSTHENES  245 

which  we  may  fairly  and  honourably  use  if  we  need  them. 
If  we  look  for  them  now,  we  shall  imagine  that  they  never 
will  be  at  our  disposal,  so  far  shall  we  be  from  willingness  to 
dispose  of  them  at  present ;  but  if  we  let  matters  wait, 
we  shall  have  them.  What,  then,  are  these  resources  which 
do  not  exist  at  present,  but  will  be  to  hand  later  on  ?  It 
looks  like  a  riddle.  I  will  explain.  Consider  this  city  of 
ours  as  a  whole.  It  contains  almost  as  much  money  as  all 
other  cities  taken  together ;  but  those  individuals  who 
possess  it  are  so  apathetic  that  if  all  the  orators  tried  to 
terrify  them  by  saying  that  the  king  is  coming,  that  he  is 
near,  that  invasion  is  inevitable,  and  even  if  the  orators 
were  reinforced  by  an  equal  number  of  soothsayers,  they 
would  not  only  refuse  to  contribute  ;  they  would  refuse 
even  to  declare  or  admit  the  possession  of  their  wealth. 
But  suppose  that  the  horrors  which  we  now  talk  about 
were  actually  reaHzed,  they  are  none  of  them  so  foolish  that 
they  would  not  readily  offer  and  make  contributions.  .  .  . 
So  I  tell  you  that  we  have  money  ready  for  the  time  of 
urgent  need,  but  not  before.'  ^ 

Similarly  in  the  Third  Olynthiac  he  rouses  the  curiosity 
of  the  audience  by  propounding  a  riddle,  of  which, 
after  some  suspense,  he  himself  gives  the  answer. 
The  matter  under  discussion  is  the  necessity  of  sending 
help  to  Olynthus.  There  is,  as  usual,  a  difficulty 
about  money. 

*  "  Very  well,"  you  may  say  ;  "we  have  aU  decided  that 
we  must  send  help  ;  and  send  help  we  will ;  but  how  are 
we  to  do  it ;  tell  me  that  ?  "  Now,  Gentlemen,  do  not  be 
astoiiishgdJLl.what  I  say  comes  as  a  bUi'piiseTo  most  of  youT 
Appoint  a  legislative  hoard.  Instruct  this  board  not  to  pass 
any  law  (you  have  enough  already),  but  to  repeal  the  laws 
which  are  injurious  under  present  conditions.  I  refer  to  the 
laws  about  the  Theoric  Fund.'  ^ 

1  de  Symmor.,  §§  24-26.  '  Third  Olynthiac,  §§  lo-ii. 


246  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

This  mention  of  the  Festival  Fund  suggests  some 
reflections  on  the  orator *s  tenacity  and  perseverance. 
He  is  not  content  to  say  once  what  he  has  to  propose, 
and  leave  his  words  to  sink  in  by  their  own  weight. 
Like  a  careful  lecturer  he  repeats  his  statement,  em- 
phasizing it  in  various  ways,  until  he  perceives  that 
his  audience  has  really  grasped  its  importance.  The 
walls  which  he  is  attacking  will  not  fall  flat  at  the  sound 
of  the  trumpet ;  his  persistent  battering-rams  must 
make  a  breach,  his  catapults  must  drive  the  defenders 
from  their  positions.  Such  is  the  meaning  of  Lucian's 
comment  in  the  words  attributed  to  Philip.^ 

The  speech  On  the  Chersonese,  for  instance,  may  be 
divided  into  three  parts,  dealing  successively  with  the 
treatment  of  Diopeithes,  the  supineness  of  Athens,  and 
the  guilt  of  the  partisans  of  Phihp ;  but  in  all  parts 
we  find  emphatically  stated  the  need  for  energetic 
action.  This  is  really  the  theme  of  the  speech ;  the 
rest  is  important  only  in  so  far  as  it  substantiates  the 
main  thesis. 

The  extract  last  given  ^  shows  with  what  adroitness 
he  introduces  dialogues,  in  which  he  questions  or 
answers  an  imaginary  critic.  This  is  a  device  fre- 
quently employed  with  considerable  effect.  The  fol- 
lowing shows  a  rather  different  type  : 

'  If  Philip  captures  Ol5nithus,  who  will  prevent  him  from 
marching  on  us  ?  The  Thebans  ?  It  is  an  unpleasant 
thing  to  say,  but  they  will  eagerly  join  him  in  the  invasion. 
Or  the  Phocians  ? — ^when  they  cannot  even  protect  their 
own  land,  unless  you  help  them.  Can  you  think  of  any  one 
else? — "My  dear  fellow,  he  won't  want  to  attack  us." 
It  would  indeed  be  the  greatest  surprise  in  the  world  if  he 

*  Quoted  above,  p.  230.  '  Supra,  p.  245. 


DEMOSTHENES  247 

did  not  do  it  when  he  got  the  chance  ;  since  even  now  he  is 
fool  enough  to  declare  his  intentions/  ^ 

Narrative,  too,  can  take  the  place  of  argument;  a 
recital  of  Philip's  misdeeds  during  the  last  few  years 
may  do  far  more  to  convince  the  Athenians  of  the 
necessity  for  action  than  any  argument  about  the  case 
of  a  particular  ally  who  chances  to  be  threatened  at 
the  moment. 2 

Demosthenes'  knowledge  of  history  was  deep  and 
broad.  The  superiority  of  his  attainments  to  those 
of  Aeschines  is  shown  in  the  more  philosophic  use 
which  he  makes  of  his  appeals  to  precedent ;  his 
examples  are  apposite  and  not  far-fetched ;  he  can 
illuminate  the  present  not  only  by  references  to  ancient 
facts,  but  by  a  keen  insight  into  the  spirit  which 
animated  the  men  of  old  times. ^ 

The  examples  already  quoted  of  rhetorical  dialogue 
with  imaginary  opponents  will  have  given  some  idea 
of  his  use  of  a  sarcastic  tone.  Sarcasm  thinly  con- 
cealed may  at  times  run  through  a  passage  of  consider- 
able length,  as  in  the  anecdote  which  follows.  We  may 
note  in  passing  that  he  is  usually  sparing  in  the  use  of 
anecdote,  which  is  never  employed  without  good  reason. 
Here  it  may  be  excused  by  the  fact  that  it  figures  as  an 
historical  precedent  of  a  procedure  which  he  ironically 
recommends  to  his  contemporaries. 

1  First  Olynthiac,  §§  25-26. 

2  Chersonese,  §§  61-67.  The  recital  of  the  present  condition  of 
Phocis  is  a  simple  but  impressive  piece  of  argument  by  description  : 
'  It  was  a  terrible  sight,  Gentlemen,  and  a  sad  one ;  when  we 
were  lately  on  our  way  to  Delphi  we  were  compelled  to  see  it  all, 
houses  in  ruins,  walls  demoUshed,  the  country  empty  of  men  of 
military  age ;  only  a  few  poor  women  and  little  children  and  old 
men  in  pitiable  state — words  cannot  describe  the  depth  of  the 
misery  in  which  they  are  now  sunk '  {de  Falsa  Leg.,  §  65). 

3  Cf.  Third  Olynthiac,  §§  24-26. 


c<^^.^   4o~^ 


248  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

Inveighing  against  the  reckless  procedure  of  the 
Athenian  poUticians,  who  propose  laws  for  their  own 
benefit  almost  every  month,^  he  recounts  the  customs 
of  the  Locrians,  and,  with  an  assumption  of  seriousness, 
imphes  a  wish  that  similar  restrictions  could  be  im- 
posed at  Athens  : 

'  I  should  like  to  tell  you,  Gentlemen,  how  legislation  is 
conducted  among  the  Locrians.  It  will  do  yQ\L  nn  harm 
to^have  an  example  before  you,  espeaallythe  example  of 
a  weH-govemed  State.  There  men  are  so  convinced  that 
they  ought  to  keep  to  the  established  laws  and  cherish  their 
traditions,  and  not  legislate  to  suit  their  fancy,  or  to  help 
a  criminal  to  escape,  that  any  man  who  wishes  to  pass  a 
new  law  must  have  a  rope  round  his  neck  while  he  proposes 
it.  If  they  think  that  the  law  is  a  good  and  useful  one,  the 
proposer  lives  and  goes  on  his  way ;  if  not,  they  pull  the 
rope  and  there  is  an  end  of  him.  For  they  cannot  bear  to 
pass  new  laws,  but  they  rigorously  observe  the  old  ones. 
We  are  told  that  only  one  new  law  has  been  enacted  in 
very  many  years.  Whereas  there  was  a  law  that  if  a  man 
knocked  out  another  man's  eye,  he  should  submit  to  having 
his  own  knocked  out  in  return,  and  no  monetary  compen- 
sation was  provided,  a  certain  man  threatened  his  enemy, 
who  had  already  lost  an  eye,  to  knock  out  the  one  eye  he 
had  left.  The  one-eyed  man,  alarmed  by  the  threat,  and 
thinking  that  life  would  not  be  worth  hving  if  it  were  put 
into  execution,  ventured  to  propose  a  law  that  if  a  man 
knocks  out  the  eye  of  a  man  who  has  only  one,  he  shall 
submit  to  having  both  his  own  knocked  out  in  return,  so 
that  both  may  suffer  alike.  We  are  told  that  this  is  the 
only  law  which  the  Locrians  have  passed  in  upwards  of 
two  hundred  years.'  ^ 

This,  however,  occurs  in  a  speech  before  the  law- 

*  Viz.,  on  every  meeting  of  the  ecdesia  at  which  legislation  was 
possible. 

2  Timocrates,  §§  139  sqq. 


DEMOSTHENES  249 

courts  ;  it  is  excellent  in  its  place,  but  would  have  been 
unsuitable  to  the  more  dignified  and  solemn  style  in 
which  he  addresses  the  assembly.  Equally  unsuitable 
to  his  pubHc  harangues  would  be  anything  like  the 
virulent  satire  which  he  admits  into  the  de  Corona,  the 
vulgar  personaUties  of  abuse  and  gross  caricatures  of 
Aeschines  and  his  antecedents. ^  For  these  the  only 
excuse  is  that,  though  meant  maUciously,  they  are  so 
exaggerated  as  to  be  quite  incredible.  They  may  be 
compared  to  Aristophanes'  satire  of  Cleon  in  the 
Knights,  which  was  coarse  enough,  but  cannot  have 
done  Cleon  any  serious  harm.  Demosthenes  indeed 
becomes  truly  Aristophanic  when  he  talks  about 
Aeschines*  acting  : 

*  When  in  the  course  of  time  you  were  relieved  of  these 
duties,  having  yourself  committed  all  the  offences  of  which 
you  accuse  others,  I  vow  that  your  subsequent  life  did  not 
fall  short  of  your  earlier  promise.  You  engaged  yourself 
to  the  players  Simylus  and  Socrates,  the  "  Bellowers,"  as 
they  were  called,  to  play  minor  parts,  and  gathered  a  har- 
vest of  figs,  grapes,  and  olives,  like  a  fruiterer  getting  his 
stock  from  other  people's  orchards ;  and  you  made  more 
from  this  source  than  from  your  plays,  which  you  played 
in  dead  earnest  at  the  risk  of  your  lives  ;  for  there  was  a 
truceless  and  merciless  war  between  you  and  the  spectators, 
from  whom  you  received  so  many  wounds  that  you  natur- 
ally mock  at  the  cowardice  of  those  who  have  never  had 
that  great  experience.'  ^ 

He  is  generally  described  as  deficient  in  wit,  and  he 
seems  in  this  point  to  have  been  inferior  to  Aeschines, 

^  In  particular  de  Corona,  §§  129-130,  258-262.  Cf.  supra, 
p.  164. 

-  de  Corona,  §§  261-262. 


250  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

though  on  one  or  two  occasions  he  could  make  a  neat 
repartee.  1    As  Dionysius  says  : 

*  Not  on  all  men  is  every  gift  bestowed.'  ^ 

If,  as  his  critic  afhrms,^  he  was  in  danger  of  turning  the 
laugh  against  himself,  he  had  serious  gifts  which  more 
than  compensated  this  deficiency. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  he  was  entirely  free 
from  sophistry.  Like  many  good  orators  in  good  or 
bad  causes  he  laboured  from  time  to  time  to  make  a 
weak  case  appear  strong,  and  in  this  effort  was  often 
absolutely  disingenuous.  The  whole  of  the  de  Corona 
is  an  attempt  to  throw  the  judges  off  the  scent  by  lead- 
ing them  on  to  false  trails.  It  may  be  urged  in  his 
defence  that  on  this  occasion  he  had  justice  really  on 
his  side,  but  finding  that  Aeschines  on  legal  ground 
was  occupying  an  impregnable  position,  he  practically 
threw  over  the  discussion  of  legality  and  turned  the 
course  of  the  trial  towards  different  issues  altogether. 
In  this  case,  admittedly,  the  technical  points  were 
merely  an  excuse  for  the  bringing  of  the  case,  and  were 
probably  of  Httle  importance  to  the  court.  The  trial 
was  reaUy  concerned  with  the  poHtical  principles  and 
actions  of  the  two  great  opponents,  while  Ctesiphon 
was  only  a  catspaw.  But  a  study  of  other  speeches 
results  in  the  discovery  of  many  minor  points  in  which, 
accurately  gauging  the  intelligence  of  his  audience,  he 
has  intentionally  misled  them.  Thus,  his  own  know- 
ledge of  history  was  profound  ;  but  experience  has 
proved  that  the  knowledge  possessed  by  any  audience 

1  Vide  supra,  pp.  170,  177. 

^  ov  ydp  TTws  dfia  ir6.vTa  deol  SSaau  dvdpuTroKTi. 

'  de  Sublimty  ch.  xxxiv. 


DEMOSTHENES  251 

of  the  history  of  its  own  generation  is  likely  to  be 
sketchy  and  inaccurate.  Events  have  not  settled 
down  into  their  proper  perspective  ;  we  must  rely 
either  on  our  own  memories,  which  may  be  distorted 
by  prejudice,  or  on  the  statements  of  historians  who 
stand  too  near  in  time  to  be  able  to  get  a  fair  view. 
This  gives  the  pohtician  his  opportunity  of  so  grouping 
or  misrepresenting  facts  as  to  give  a  wrong  impression. 

Instances  of  such  bad  faith  on  the  part  of  Demo- 
sthenes are  probably  numerous,  even  if  unimportant. 

In  the  speech  on  the  Embassy  ^  he  asserts  that 
Aeschines,  far  from  opposing  Phihp's  pretension  to  be 
recognized  as  an  Amphictyon,  was  the  only  man  who 
spoke  in  favour  of  it ;  yet  Demosthenes  himself  had 
counselled  submission.  In  the  speech  Against  Timo- 
crates  there  are  obvious  exaggerations  to  the  detriment 
of  the  defendant.  Timocrates  had  proposed  that  cer- 
tain debtors  should  be  given  time  to  pay  their  debts  ; 
Demosthenes  asserts  that  he  restored  them  to  their  full 
civic  rights  without  payment. ^  Towards  the  end  of 
the  speech  a  statement  is  made  which  conflicts  with 
one  on  the  same  subject  in  the  exordium.^ 

But  such  rhetorical  devices  are  only  trivial  faults 
to  which  most  politicians  are  liable.*    The  orator  him- 

1  de  Falsa  Leg.,  §§  112-113,  with  Weil's  note.  2  §  ^q. 

^  §§  9»  196.  Weil  remarks  truly,  *  Les  orateurs  ne  se  piquent 
pas  d'etre  exacts  :  ils  usent  largement  de  I'hyperbole  mensongdre.' 

*  Mr,  Pickard-Cambridge  {Demos.,  p.  80)  observes  :  '  Men  who 
are  assembled  in  a  crowd  do  not  think.  .  .  .  The  orator  has  often 
to  use  arguments  which  no  logic  can  defend,  and  to  employ  methods 
of  persuasion  upon  a  crowd  which  he  would  be  ashamed  to  use 
if  he  were  deaUng  with  a  personal  friend.'  This  is  partly  true,  but 
should  be  accepted  with  reservations.  The  arguments  in  the 
harangues  of  Demosthenes  will  generally  bear  the  light,  and  the 
public  speeches  by  distinguished  statesmen  of  this  country  on  the 
causes  of  the  Great  War  have  frequently  appealed  to  the  higher 
nature  of  their  audiences. 


252  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

self  would  probably  feel  that  even  more  doubtful 
actions  were  justifiable  for  the  sake  of  the  cause  which 
he  championed.  We  must  remember  that  all  the 
really  important  cases  in  which  he  took  part  had  their 
origin  on  political  grounds,  and  during  his  pubhc  career 
he  never  relaxed  his  efforts  for  the  maintenance  of 
those  principles  which  he  expoimded  in  his  public 
harangues.  Until  the  end  he  had  hopes  for  Greek 
freedom,  freedom  for  Athens,  not  based  on  any  un- 
worthy compromise,  but  dependent  on  a  new  birth  of 
the  old  Athenian  spirit.  The  regeneration  which  he 
pictured  would  be  due  to  a  revival  of  the  spirit  of  per- 
sonal self-sacrifice.  Every  man  must  be  made  to 
reahze  first  that  the  city  had  a  glorious  mission,  being 
destined  to  fulfil  an  ideal  of  liberty  based  on  principles 
of  justice  ;  secondly  that,  to  attain  this  end,  each  must 
live  not  for  himself  or  his  party  but  wholly  for  the  city. 
It  is  the  consciousness  that  Demosthenes  has  these 
enlightened  ideas  always  present  in  his  mind  which 
makes  us  set  him  apart  from  other  orators.  Lycurgus, 
a  second-rate  orator,  becomes  impressive  through  his 
sincerity  and  incorruptibihty ;  Demosthenes,  great 
among  orators,  stands  out  from  the  crowd  still  more 
eminently  by  the  nobleness  of  his  aspirations. 

§  7.  Structure  of  Speeches 

The  structure  of  the  speeches  will  give  us  a  last 
example  of  the  versatility  of  the  composer  and  his 
freedom  from  conventional  form. 

We  find,  indeed,  that  he  regularly  has  some  kind  of 
exordium  and  epilogue,  but  in  the  arrangement  of  other 
divisions  of  the  speech  he  allows  himself  perfect  free- 
dom ;  we  cannot  reckon  on  finding  a  statement  of  the 


DEMOSTHENES  253 

case  in  one  place,  followed  regularly  by  evidence,  by 
refutation  of  the  opponent's  arguments,  and  so  forth. 
All  elements  may  be  interspersed,  since  he  marshals 
his  arguments  not  in  chronological  nor  even,  necessarily, 
in  logical  order,  but  in  such  an  arrangement  as  seems 
to  him  most  decisive.  He  is  bound  by  no  conventional 
rules  of  warfare,  and  may  leave  his  flanks  unprotected 
while  he  delivers  a  crushing  attack  on  the  centre.  In 
some  cases  it  is  almost  impossible  to  make  regular 
divisions  by  technical  rule  ;  thus,  in  the  de  Corona 
there  is  matter  for  dispute  as  to  where  the  epilogue 
really  begins. ^ 

The  majority  of  the  speeches  actually  end,  according 
to  the  Attic  convention  which  governed  both  Tragedy 
and  Oratory,  in  a  few  sentences  of  moderate  tone  con- 
trasting with  the  previous  excitement ;  a  calm  succeeds 
to  the  storm  of  passions.  In  the  forensic  speeches 
there  is  usually  at  the  very  end  some  appeal  for  a  just 
verdict,  or  a  statement  of  the  speaker's  conviction  that 
the  case  may  now  be  safely  left  to  the  court's  decision  ; 
thus  the  Leptines  ends  with  a  simphcity  worthy  of 
Lysias  : 

*  I  cannot  see  that  1  need  say  any  more  ;  for  I  conceive 
there  is  no  point  on  which  you  are  not  sufficiently  in- 
structed ' ;  the  Midias  more  solemnly,  *  On  account  of  all 
that  I  have  laid  before  you,  and  particularly  to  show  respect 
to  the  god  whose  festival  Midias  is  proved  to  have  profaned, 

1  There  is  a  pseudo-epilogue,  §§  126-159,  devoted  chiefly  to  the 
birth  and  Hfe  of  Aeschines.  Here  the  speech  might  have  ended, 
but  the  orator  reverts  in  §  160  to  an  examination  and  defence  of 
his  own  political  life.  The  real  epilogue  is  contained  in  §§  252-324. 
The  disorder  is  undoubtedly  due  in  part  to  the  pecuUar  facts  of 
the  case,  namely,  that  the  issues  of  the  trial  were  much  wider  than 
might  have  appeared.  Demosthenes  is  not  so  much  concerned 
to  prove  the  legality  of  Ctesiphon's  decree  as  to  offer  an  apologia 
of  his  own  political  conduct  during  many  years. 


254  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

punish  him  by  rendering  a  verdict  in  accordance  with  piety 
and  justice.* 

In  the  de  Falsa  Legatione  there  is  more  personal  feel- 
ing :  *  You  must  not  let  him  go,  but  make  his  punish- 
ment an  example  to  all  Athens  and  all  Greece/  The 
Timocrates  is  rather  similar :  '  Mercy  under  these 
circumstances  is  out  of  place  ;  to  pass  a  light  sentence 
means  to  habituate  and  educate  in  wrong-doing  as 
many  of  you  as  possible/  The  Androtion  ends  with 
a  personal  opinion  on  the  aspect  of  the  offence,  and  the 
Aristocrates  is  in  a  similar  tone.  The  (first)  speech 
against  Aristogiton  appeals  directly  to  the  personal 
interests  of  all  the  jurors  :  '  His  offence  touches  every 
one,  every  one  of  you  :  and  all  of  you  desire  to  be  quit 
of  his  wickedness  and  see  him  punished.' 

The  de  Corona  is  remarkable  in  every  way ;  this 
great  speech,  which,  arising  from  causes  almost  trivial, 
abandons  the  slighter  issues,  and  is  transformed  into 
a  magnificent  defence  of  the  patriotic  policy,  begins 
with  a  solemn  invocation  :  *  I  begin,  men  of  Athens, 
with  a  prayer  to  all  the  gods  and  goddesses  that  you 
may  show  me  in  this  case  as  much  good-will  as  I  have 
shown  and  still  show  to  Athens  and  to  all  of  you.'  It 
ends  in  an  unique  way  with  an  appeal,  not  to  the  court 
but  to  a  higher  tribunal,  an  appeal  which  is  all  the 
more  impressive  as  its  language  recalls  the  sacred 
formulas  of  religious  utterance.  *  Never,  ye  gods  of 
heaven,  never  may  you  give  their  conduct  your  sanc- 
tion ;  but,  if  it  be  possible,  may  you  impart  even  to 
my  enemies  a  sounder  mind  and  heart.  But  if  they 
are  beyond  remedy,  hurl  them  to  utter  and  absolute 
destruction  by  land  and  sea ;    and  to  the  rest  of  us 


DEMOSTHENES  255 

grant,  as  quickly  as  may  be,  release  from  the  terrors 
which  hang  over  us,  and  salvation  imshakable/ 

The  speeches  before  the  assembly  are  naturally 
different  in  their  endings  from  the  judicial  speeches  ; 
there  is  no  criminal  to  attack,  and  no  crime  to  stig- 
matize ;  the  hearers  themselves  are,  as  it  were,  on  their 
defence,  and  Demosthenes  freely  points  out  their 
faults,  but,  as  has  been  noticed,  individual  opponents 
escape  ;  if  there  have  been  evil  counsellors,  the  re- 
sponsibiHty  for  following  bad  advice  rests  with  the 
public,  and  they  can  only  be  exhorted  to  follow  a 
better  course.  The  speeches  on  the  Symmories  and  on 
Megalopolis  end  with  a  summary  of  the  speaker's 
advice.  So,  too,  does  that  On  the  Freedom  of  Rhodes, 
the  last  words  containing  a  fine  appeal  to  the  lesson  of 
antiquity.  *  Consider  that  your  forefathers  dedicated 
these  trophies  not  in  order  that  you  might  gaze  in  ad- 
miration upon  them,  but  in  the  hope  that  you  might 
imitate  the  virtues  of  those  who  dedicated  them.' 

Several  of  the  speeches  dealing  with  the  Macedonian 
question  end  with  a  short  prayer  for  guidance :  thus, 
the  First  Philippic, '  May  that  counsel  prevail  which  is 
likely  to  be  to  the  advantage  of  all ' ;  the  First  Olynthiac, 
'  May  your  decision  be  a  sound  one,  for  all  your  sakes  '  ; 
the  Third  Philippic,  *  Whatever  you  decide,  I  pray  to 
heaven  it  may  be  to  your  advantage ' ;  the  Third 
Olynthiac,  *  I  have  told  you  what  I  think  is  to  your 
advantage,  and  I  pray  that  you  may  choose  what  is 
likely  to  be  of  advantage  to  the  State  and  all  your- 
selves.' 

Sometimes  there  is  a  greater  show  of  confidence,  as 
in  the  Second  Olynthiac :  '  If  you  act  thus,  you  will  not 
only  commend  your  present  counsellor,  but  you  will 


256  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

have  cause  to  commend  your  own  conduct  later  on, 
when  you  find  a  general  improvement  in  your  prospects/ 
The  Second  Philippic  ends  with  a  prayer  rather 
similar  to  that  in  the  de  Corona,  though  less  emphatic  ; 
the  speech  On  the  Chersonese  with  a  reproof  and  a 
warning.  1  The  Peace  contains  no  epilogue  at  all,  but 
breaks  off  with  a  sarcasm. 

An  indication  of  the  nature  of  the  subjects  of  the 
genuine  speeches  may  be  useful  for  reference.  They 
may  be  taken  in  their  three  groups  :  A.  Private, 
B.  Public,  C.  Deliberative  speeches. 

A. — Speeches  in  Private  Causes 

Against  Aphobus,  i.  and  ii.,  363  B.C.,  delivered  in  the 
action  which  Demosthenes  brought  against  his  guar- 
dian for  the  recovery  of  his  property. 

For  Phanos  against  Aphobus,  363  B.C.  Aphobus, 
convicted  in  the  former  case,  accused  a  witness,  Phanos, 
of  perjury  :   Demosthenes  defends  the  latter. 

Against  Onetor,  i.  and  ii.,  362  B.C.  Another  case  aris- 
ing out  of  the  guardianship.  When  Aphobus  was 
convicted  it  was  found  that  he  had«made  over  some  of 
the  property  to  his  father-in-law  Onetor,  against  whom 
Demosthenes  was  forced  to  bring  a  BUrj  efouX?;?. 

On  the  Trierarchic  Crown,  between  361-357  b.c. 
Apollodorus,  having  been  awarded  the  crown  given 
each  year  to  the  trierarch  who  first  had  his  ship  in 
commission,  claims  a  second  crown  for  having  given 
the  best  equipped  ship. 

Against  Spudias  (date  unknown).  One  Polyeuctus 
died,  leaving  his  property  equally  to  his  two  daughters. 
The  husband  of  the  elder  claims  that  the  dowry  pro- 
mised with  her  was  never  paid  in  full,  and  that  Spudias, 

1  Quoted  supra,  p.  216. 


DEMOSTHENES  257 

the  husband  of  the  younger  daughter,  has  consequently 
no  right  to  half  of  the  gross  estate.  The  debt  to  the 
complainant  should  be  discharged  first. 

Against  Callicles  (date  unknown) .  Callicles,  a  farmer, 
alleges  that  the  defendant's  father  built  a  wall  stopping 
a  water-course  ;  consequently  the  plaintiff's  land  was 
flooded  in  rainy  weather.  The  defendant  denies  the 
charge,  and  ridicules  it  on  the  ground  that  the  high- 
road was  the  natural  water-course.^ 

Against  Conon  (possibly  341  B.C.,  see  Paley  and 
Sandys'  edition).  Ariston  prosecutes  Conon  for  as- 
sault. The  quarrel  dated  from  a  time  when  the  two 
parties  were  on  garrison  duty,  and  Conon  and  his  sons 
deliberately  annoyed  Ariston  and  his  friends.  Subse- 
quently the  defendant,  aided  by  his  sons  and  others, 
members  of  a  disreputable  *  Mohock '  club  called  the 
'  Triballi,'  violently  assaulted  the  speaker.^ 

For  Phormio,  350  B.C.  Phormio,  chief  clerk  to 
Pasion,  the  famous  Athenian  banker,  succeeded  him  in 
the  business.  Some  years  later  ApoUodorus,  Pasion's 
elder  son,  claimed  a  sum  of  money,  said  to  be  due  to 
him  under  his  father's  will ;  Phormio,  however,  proved 
that  a  compromise  had  been  made  which  rendered  the 
present  action  invahd. 

Against  Stephanus,  i.,  349  or  348  B.C.  ApoUodorus 
accuses  Stephanus,  a  witness  for  Phormio  in  the 
previous  case,  of  perjury.  It  is  noticeable  that 
Demosthenes,  the  professional  speech-writer,  has  now 
changed  sides,  an  action  of  rather  dubious  morality 
if  judged  by  strict  standards. 

^  A  plausible  answer.  In  Greece  at  the  present  day  water- 
courses are  used  as  roads,  and  the  same  is  true  of  the  south  of 
Spain.  At  Malaga,  a  few  years  ago,  the  tram-line  actually  crossed 
the  river-bed.  *  Vide  supra,  p.  237. 

R 


258  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

Against  Boeotus,  i.,  348  B.C.  Mantias,  an  Athenian 
politician,  had  three  sons,  Mantitheus  (legitimate), 
and  Boeotus  and  another  illegitimate.  Boeotus  laid 
claim  to  the  name  Mantitheus,  and  the  true  Mantitheus 
brought  an  action  to  restrain  him  from  using  the  name. 

Against  Pantaenetus,  346  B.C.  A  plea  (7rapaypa(j>7]) 
by  one  Nicobulus  against  Pantaenetus,  who  had 
charged  the  former  with  damaging  his  mining  property. 
"The  case  is  hard  to  follow,  since  the  mine  in  question 
was  held  in  succession  by  no  less  than  six  different 
parties,  whether  as  owners,  mortgagees,  or  lessees. 

Against  Nausimachus  (about  346  B.C.).  Nausima- 
chus  and  Xenopeithes,  orphans,  brought  an  action 
against  their  guardian  Aristaechmus  with  regard  to 
their  estate,  but  agreed  to  compromise  for  three  talents, 
which  was  duly  paid.  After  his  death  they  brought  201 
action  against  his  four  sons,  renewing  their  original 
claim.  The  sons  put  in  a  irapaypacf)!]  to  stop  the 
action  on  the  ground  of  the  compromise. 

Against  Eubulides,  345  B.C.  Euxitheus,  who  has 
been  '  objected  to  '  at  the  revision  of  the  Hst  of  citizens, 
claims  that  he  is  a  citizen  by  rights,  but  has  been  re- 
moved from  the  roll  maliciously  by  Eubulides.  The 
present  case  is  his  appeal  {e<^eaL<i)  to  the  court  against 
the  decision. 

-  The  remaining  private  speeches  were  quite  possibly 
not  composed  by  Demosthenes,  though  proof  is  gener- 
ally impossible.  They  seem,  however,  to  be  genuine 
speeches,  composed  for  delivery  by  some  author  or 
authors  of  the  Demosthenic  period,  and  are  of  extreme 
interest  and  importance  to  all  students  of  private  life 
at  Athens. 

Against  Callippus,  369  B.C.     An  ec^eo-t?  or    appeal 


DEMOSTHENES  259 

to  a  court  from  an  arbitration  which,  according  to 
the  plaintiff  Apollodorus,  Pasion's  son,  was  informal, 
as  the  arbitrator  had  not  taken  the  oath.  The  case 
arises  from  a  claim  made  by  Callippus  for  money  de- 
posited with  the  banker  Pasion,  and  by  him  paid  out 
to  one  Cephisiades. 

Against  Nicostratus,  368-365  B.C.  Apollodorus  had 
declared  that  Arethusius,  a  debtor  to  the  State,  pos- 
sessed two  slaves,  who  were  Uable  to  be  confiscated 
in  payment  of  the  debt.  Nicostratus,  brother  of 
Arethusius,  declared  that  the  slaves  were  his.  Apollo- 
dorus in  this  speech  has  to  prove  that  the  claim  is 
false. 

Against  Timotheus,  362  b.c,  Apollodorus  claims 
from  Timotheus  money  which,  he  affirms,  the  latter 
borrowed  from  Pasion. 

Against  Polycles,  358  b.c.  Apollodorus  was  forced 
to  act  at  trier  arch  beyond  the  appointed  time,  as 
Polycles,  his  successor,  was  not  ready  to  take  over  the 
duty.    The  former  claims  damages. 

Against  Stephanus,  ii.  See  Against  Stephanus,  i.,  to 
which  this  is  a  supplement. 

Against  Euergus  and  Mnesibulus,  356-353  B.C.  A 
prosecution  for  perjury  of  witnesses  in  a  case  of  ex- 
trierarchs  who  are  state-debtors. 

Against  Zenothemis,  date  unknown.  An  intricate 
story  of  fraud  and  collusion  in  connexion  with  money 
borrowed  on  the  security  of  a  ship  and  an  attempt  to 
scuttle  the  ship. 

Against  Boeotus,  ii.,  348-346  B.C.  (see  the  first  speech 
Against  Boeotus).  Mantitheus  claims  from  his  brothers 
the  payment  of  his  mother's  dowry  in  addition  to  his 
share  of  his  father's  inheritance. 


26o  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

Against  Macartatus,  c.  341  B.C.  A  case  dealing 
with  a  forged  will  and  conflicting  claims  to  an  inheri- 
tance. 

Against  Olympiodorus,  c,  341  B.C.  Ol5anpiodorus 
and  Callistratus,  brothers-in-law,  obtained  the  in- 
heritance of  Conon.  Their  title  being  questioned, 
judgment  went  against  them  by  default.  They 
brought  a  fresh  action,  Olympiodorus  claiming  the 
whole  and  Callistratus  half,  but  they  had  secretly 
agreed  to  divide  the  booty  equally.  Olympiodorus 
was  awarded  the  whole,  and  kept  it,  so  CalUstratus 
brought  an  action  on  the  ground  of  their  agreement. 

Against  Lacritus,  date  unknown.  Lacritus  dis- 
claims responsibiUty  for  the  debts  of  his  brother 
Artemon,  whose  property  he  has  inherited. 

Against  Phaenippus,  330  B.C.  (?).  The  petitioner, 
chosen  for  the  trierarchy,  claimed  that  Phaenippus 
was  better  able  to  afford  it,  and  should  submit  to 
antidosis,  or  exchange  of  property.  He  accuses 
Phaenippus  of  making  a  false  declaration. 

Against  Leochares,  date  unknown  ;  another  case  of 
disputed  inheritance. 

Against  Apaturius,  341  B.C.  (?).  Apaturius  claims 
that  the  speaker  has  certain  habilities  towards  him 
in  accordance  with  an  agreement  which  he  has  lost. 
The  speaker  af&rms  in  a  irapaypa^ri  that  the  con- 
tract was  fulfilled  some  time  ago  and  the  document 
torn  up.  « 

Against  Phormio,  c.  326  B.C.  Phormio  having  bor- 
rowed money  on  the  security  of  a  ship's  cargo  in 
a  voyage  to  the  Bosporus  and  back,  shipped  no  cargo 
on  the  return  journey,  but  as  the  ship  was  lost, 
evaded  his  habilities.     When  Chrysippus,  the  debtor, 


DEMOSTHENES  261 

claimed   repayment,    Phormio   put  in    a   Trapaypa^trj 
stating  that  he  had  fulfilled  his  contract. 

Against  Dionysodorus,  323-322  B.C.  Another  action 
for  breach  of  contract  in  a  similar  case. 

B. — Speeches  in  Public  Causes 

Against  Androtion,  355  B.C.,  written  for  Diodorus. 
Androtion  had  proposed  the  bestowal  of  a  golden  crown 
on  the  Boul6  for  their  services  during  the  year. 
Euctemon  and  Diodorus  attacked  the  proposal  as 
illegal  because  the  navy  had  not  been  increased  during 
the  year.  Demosthenes  in  this  speech  attacks  the 
retrograde  naval  poHcy,  pointing  out  by  historical 
argument  the  importance  of  the  navy,  and  inveighs 
generally  against  the  corruptness  of  the  party  which 
Androtion  represents,  as  well  as  his  personal  character. 

Against  Leptines,  354  B.C.  This  is  the  first  appear- 
ance of  Demosthenes  in  a  public  court.  Leptines  had 
proposed  the  abolition  of  hereditary  immunities  from 
taxation  (drcXeLaL)  granted  to  public  benefactors. 
It  was  a  salutary  measure  in  view  of  the  existing 
financial  embarrassment,  but  Demosthenes  opposed 
it  as  being  a  breach  of  faith.  *  You  must  take  care 
not  to  be  found  guilty  of  doing,  as  a  State,  the  sort  of 
thing  that  you  would  shrink  from  as  individuals.'  ^ 
This  debasement  of  the  State  is  compared  to  a  debase- 
ment of  the  coinage,^  which  is  a  capital  offence.^ 

Against  Timocrates,  353  B.C.  Another  speech  written 
for  Diodorus,  contains  several  passages  repeated  from 
the  Androtion.  This  man  and  others,  having  failed 
to  repay  certain  moneys  which  they  had  embezzled, 
were  liable  to  imprisonment.  Timocrates  proposed 
1  f  136.  »  §  167. 


262  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

an  extension  of  the  time  within  which  they  might  pay. 
Demosthenes  maintains  that  the  law  was  informally 
passed  and  was  imconstitutional.  Many  of  the  argu- 
ments are  sophistical  or  trivial,  butsome  are  weighty,  and 
on  general  groimds,  that  retrospective  legislation  in  the 
interests  of  individuals  is  bad,  this  speech  is  very  sound. 
The  peroration  contains  an  eulogy  on  the  laws  of  Athens.^ 

Against  Aristocrates,  352  B.C.,  is  an  important 
authority  for  the  Athenian  law  of  homicide.  Aristo- 
crates had  carried  a  resolution  making  the  person  of 
Charidemus  inviolable.  This  man,  an  Euboean  by 
birth,  was  a  mercenary  leader,  who  having  helped  to 
lose  Amphipolis,  was  now  proposing  to  recover  it.  He 
was  at  present  commanding  the  forces  of  the  Thracian 
chief  Cersobleptes.  Demosthenes  wrote  this  speech 
for  Euthycles,  who  impeached  the  proposal.  It  con- 
tains an  unusually  careful  arrangement  in  three 
divisions  :  (i)  The  proposal  is  illegal,  (2)  it  is  against 
our  interest,  (3)  Charidemus  is  an  unworthy  person. 
Demosthenes  is  seen  at  his  best  in  his  appeal  to  legis- 
lative principle,  his  use  of  historical  argument,  and  his 
description  of  the  conditions  of  mercenary  service  and 
the  politics  of  the  barbarian  fringe.  The  case  against 
Charidemus  is  strong ;  he  has  been  in  the  service  of 
Athens,  Olynthus,  Asia,  and  Thrace,  and  has  played 
fast  and  loose  with  all. 

Against  Midias,  347  B.C.  A  fine  speech  on  a  trivial 
subject,  which  all  the  eloquence  of  Demosthenes  cannot 
dignify.  Strong  emotion  is  evident  all  through, 
the  tone  is  exalted,  there  are  pathetic  and  humorous 
passages,  and  all  about  a  box  on  the  ear ! 

^  §§  210  s^^.  'A  State's  character  is  reflected  in  its  laws  '  {pd/xovi 
.  .  .  vv€l\r)(pa<ri .  .  .  rpdvovs  r^f  r6\t(as. ). 


DEMOSTHENES  263 

Midias,  who  had  a  long-standing  personal  grudge 
against  Demosthenes,  was  also  his  political  opponent. 
When  Demosthenes  undertook  to  furnish  the  chorus 
for  his  tribe  at  the  greater  Dionysia  in  348  B.C.,  Midias 
did  all  that  he  could  to  ruin  the  performance.  On 
the  day  itself  he  slapped  Demosthenes  in  the  face  in 
the  presence  of  the  whole  people  in  the  theatre. ^ 
Demosthenes  laid  a  complaint,  and  Midias  was  declared 
guilty  of  '  contempt '  in  a  religious  sense  {dBcKelv  irepl 
T7]v  kopTTjv).  This  preliminary  vote  involved  no 
penalty,  and  Demosthenes  was  determined  to  push  the 
case  to  extremes.  Midias,  having  assaulted  an  official 
in  discharge  of  his  duty,  and,  further,  committed  sacri- 
lege in  so  doing,  might  be  condemned  to  death  or  con- 
fiscation of  property.  In  the  end,  however,  as  we 
learn  from  Aeschines,^  a  compromise  was  made,  and 
Demosthenes  accepted  half  a  talent  as  compensation 
for  his  injuries.  This  sum  was  quite  inadequate,  but 
there  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  Demosthenes  gave 
way  for  political  reasons,  since  at  the  end  of  this  year 
we  find  there  is  an  understanding  between  him  and 
the  party  of  Eubulus,  to  which  Midias  belonged. 

On  the  Embassy  [de  Falsa  Legatione),  344  B.C. 

We  come  now  to  the  two  great  speeches  arising  out 
of  the  political  hostility  of  Demosthenes  and  Aeschines, 
the  speeches  On  the  Embassy,  344  B.C.,  and  On  the  Crown, 
330  B.C.  The  history  of  the  quarrel  has  been  given  in 
earlier  chapters,  and  the  speeches  themselves  to  some 
extent  described,  since  an  accoujit  of  the  lives  of  the 
two  orators  must  have  been  very  incomplete  without 
a  full  reference  to  their  antagonism. ^  A  few  supple- 
mentary remarks  may,  however,  be  in  place  here. 

1  Vide  supra,  p.  190.  »  Ctes.,  §  52. 

*  Vide  supra,  pp.  168,  194,  223. 


264  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

In  the  Embassy  Demosthenes  has  to  fight  an  uphill 
fight ;  he  accuses  Aeschines  of  having,  from  corrupt 
motives,  concluded  a  dishonourable  and  fatal  peace. 
He  can  bring  no  direct  evidence  of  the  guilt  of  his  rival, 
but  his  presumptive  evidence  is  strong.  He  has  one 
imdisputed  fact  to  work  upon  :  Aeschines,  on  his 
return  from  the  second  embassy,  made  certain  state- 
ments and  promises  which  misled  the  people,  and 
resulted  in  the  occupation  of  Thermopylae  and  the 
ruin  of  Phocis.  Aeschines  himself  must  either  have 
been  duped  or  bribed  by  Philip,  and  as  he  has  never 
admitted  that  he  was  a  fool,  it  becomes  certain  that 
he  was  a  knave.  A  long  section  of  the  speech  (§§  29-97) 
is  devoted  to  a  description  of  the  effects  of  Aeschines' 
policy,  and  another  (§§  98-149)  infers  his  guilt  on  the 
lines  indicated  and  from  other  incidents  in  his  career. 
A  presumption  of  guilt  had  already  been  reached  in 
the  opening  sections  (§§  9-28)  where  the  sudden  change 
of  front  of  Aeschines  is  described.  The  impression  is 
strengthened  by  a  review  of  the  events  of  the  second 
embassy  (§§  150-178).  The  charge  has  now  been  estab- 
lished as  far  as  circumstances  permit ;  the  remainder 
of  the  speech,  almost  as  long  as  this  first  part,  is  really 
a  supplement.  It  is  more  discursive,  and  in  some 
places,  by  its  enunciation  of  general  principles,  recalls 
the  tone  of  deliberative  oratory. 

The  speech  On  the  Crown, ^  330  B.C.,  surpasses  even 
the  preceding  speech  in  the  appearance  of  disorder, 
which  is  probably  due  to  deep  design.  The  unity  and 
consistency  of  the  whole  is  preserved  by  the  thought, 
which  pervades  every  section,  that  the  speaker  must 
identify  himself  with  the  city ;    his  policy  has  been 

^  Cf.  supra,  p.  223, 


DEMOSTHENES  265 

hers  ;  personal  interests  are  merged  in  those  of  the 
community,  and  the  case  is  to  be  won  not  on  technical 
points  of  law  but  by  a  justification  of  the  broader 
principles  which  have  underlain  all  actions  of  the 
State. 

The  speeches  Against  Aristogiton,  325-4  B.c.,^  are 
generally  considered  spurious  ;  Weil,  however,  defends 
the  authenticity  of  the  first,  while  abandoning  the 
second.  The  process  is  an  attempt  to  crush  a  malicious 
and  dangerous  sycophant. 

Two  more  public  speeches  by  contemporary  writers 
are  included  wrongly  in  editions  of  Demosthenes  : 
Against  Neaera,  written  for  Apollod4)rus  between  343 
and  339  B.C.,  on  a  question  of  the  legal  status  of  a 
hetaira,  and  Against  Theocrines,  about  340  B.C.  Theo- 
crines  was  another  sycophant,  whom  Demosthenes 
branded  for  ever  by  using-his  name  as  a  term  of  abuse, 
referring  to  Aeschines  as  *  a  Theocrines  with  the  bearing 
of  a  tragic  actor. '^ 

C. — Deliberative  Speeches 

On  the  Symmories,  354  B.C.,  deals  with  a  rumour  that 
Persia  intended  to  invade  Greece.  Demosthenes  points 
out  that  this  apprehension  is  unfounded,  and  dis- 
courages any  rash  steps  ;  but  admits  that  trouble  is 
to  be  anticipated  in  the  future,  and  so  finds  an  oppor- 
tunity for  introducing  a  scheme  of  naval  reform.  The 
money  could  be  obtained  when  the  danger  was  im- 
minent ;  2  it  was  necessary  now  to  perfect  the  machin- 
ery.    The  style  is  Thucydidean. 

1  We  know  from  Dinarchus,  Aristogiton,  §  13,  that  this  trial 
shortly  preceded  the  affair  of  Harpahis. 

"  de  Cor.,  §  313,  rpayiKds  QeoKplvT)^.  ■   Vide  supra,  pp.  244-245. 


266  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

For  the  people  of  Megalopolis,  353  B.C.  Megalopolis, 
the  city  of  the  Arcadian  league,  instituted  by  Epami- 
nondas,  was  threatened  with  disruption  by  Sparta,  and 
appealed  to  Athens.  Sparta  sent  an  embassy  at  the 
same  time.  Demosthenes,  professing  neutrality,  really 
supported  the  Arcadians,  wishing  to  preserve  their 
integrity  for  the  sake  of  the  balance  of  power.  He 
failed  in  his  object. 

First  Philippic,  351  B.C.,  vide  supra,  pp.  206-210. 

For  the  Liberty  of  the  Rhodians,  351  B.C.,  supports  the 
claim  of  the  islanders  against  oppression  by  Artemisia, 
widow  of  Mausolus  of  Caria.  Demosthenes  failed  again, 
chiefly  through  the  prejudice  against  Rhodes,  which 
had  revolted  against  Athens  in  357  B.C. 

First,  Second,  and  Third  Olynthiacs,  all  in  349  B.C., 
vide  supra,  p.  210. 

On  the  Peace,  346  B.C.,  vide  supra,  p.  212. 

Second  Philippic,  344  B.C.,  vide  supra,  pp.  213-214. 

On  the  Chersonese,  341  B.C.,  vide  supra,  pp.  215-216. 

Third  Philippic,  341  B.C.,  vide  supra,  pp.  216-218. 

The  spurious  Fourth  Philippic  (341-340  B.C.)  has 
been  discussed  {supra,  p.  218).  The  speech  on  Halon- 
nesus  (342  B.C.)  is  attributed  to  Hegesippus.  It  is  a 
reply  to  an  offer  on  the  part  of  Philip  to  present  to 
Athens  the  island  of  Halonnesus  which  he  had  seized, 
after  clearing  out  the  pirates  who  occupied  it.^ 

1  This  Hegesippus,  an  orator  of  secondary  importance,  was  an 
ardent  supporter  of  the  patriotic  party.  In  357  b.c.  he  had  brought 
an  accusation  against  one  Callippus  in  connexion  with  the  affairs 
of  Cardia  {de  Halon.,  §  43,  and  the  hypothesis  to  the  speech).  In 
343  B.C.  he  was  one  of  an  embassy  sent  to  Philip  (Demos.,  de  Falsa 
Leg.,  §  331).  He  was  still  aUve  in  325  B.C.  (Croiset,  vol.  iv.  p.  621). 
The  extant  speech  consists  of  a  clear  and  straightforward  discussion 
of  the  various  points  in  Philip's  proposal ;  the  style  is  easy,  but 
without  distinction,  and  Dionysius,  who  did  not  doubt  that  it  was 
the  work  of  Demosthenes,  remarks  that  the  orator  has  reverted 


DEMOSTHENES  267 

On  the  Treaty  with  Alexander,  date  uncertain,  probably 
335  B.C.,  is  also  by  a  contemporary  of  Demosthenes. 
The  theme  is, — Treaties  should  be  observed  by  all,  but 
Macedon  has  broken  promises,  so  this  is  an  opportunity 
for  Athens  to  recover  her  freedom. 

The  Answer  to  Philip's  Letter  and  the  speech  irepl 
avvrd^eo)^  (on  financial  organization)  are  generally 
regarded  as  rhetorical  forgeries. 

Two  epideictic  speeches,  the  Epitaphius  and  Eroticus, 
are  almost  certainly  not  by  Demosthenes,  and  the  six 
Letters  are  doubtful.  The  fifty-six  prooemia,  or  intro- 
ductions to  speeches,  are  probably  genuine  exercises 
of  the  orator's  early  days. 

to  the  style  of  Lysias  {de  Demos.,  ch.  ix.).  Hiatus  is  frequent  and 
there  are  some  monotonous  repetitions.  Critics  were  somewhat 
shocked  by  the  concluding  phrase  of  §  45 — '  If  you  carry  your 
brains  in  your  heads,  and  not  in  your  heels  so  as  to  walk  on  them.' 
Aeschines  calls  the  orator  KpwjSiXos,  from  his  affected  way  of  wear- 
ing his  hair  in  a  '  bun  '  on  the  top  of  his  head. 


CHAPTER  X 
PHOCION,  DEMADES,  PYTHEAS 

THOUGH  as  a  rule  an  orator  could  not  hope 
to  be  successful  in  fourth-century  Athens 
without  a  professional  training,  yet  there  were  at 
times  men  who,  either  through  strength  of  character 
or  natural  gifts,  could  dispense  with  a  rhetorical 
education. 

Foremost  among  the  men  of  the  peace  party  was 
Phocion,  an  aristocrat  by  instinct  if  not  by  birth ; 
a  man  admired  alike  for  ability  and  integrity,  so  that, 
though  he  was  no  great  orator,  his  speeches  always 
commanded  respect.  He  aspired,  like  Pericles,  to  be 
both  a  statesman  and  a  general,  and  in  the  former 
capacity  had  at  times  to  speak  in  the  assembly. 
Various  anecdotes  in  Plutarch  point  to  his  efforts  to 
attain  a  conciseness  which  was  almost  laconic.  His 
utterance  was  as  trenchant  as  it  was  brief — Demo- 
sthenes called  him  '  the  knife  that  cuts  my  speeches 
down  '  ;  and  he  had  a  lively  wit,  which  must  have 
pleased  his  hearers  even  though  his  policy  was  un- 
popular. On  one  occasion,  when  the  people  applauded 
him — which  was  rare,  for  he  neither  courted  nor  ex- 
pected popularity — he  paused  in  his  speech  and  asked, 
'  Have  I  said  something  absurd  ?  ' 

An  unsparing  critic  of  the  democracy,  as  he  was 
nevertheless  their  faithful  servant,  he  continued,  from 

868 


DEMADES  269 

the  purest  motives,  to  urge  peace,  though  the  best 
years  of  his  hfe  were  spent  in  war.  He  was  respected 
for  his  high  character  by  Phihp  and  Alexander,  and 
acquiesced  in  the  government  instituted  by  Antipater 
in  322  B.C.,  but  fell  a  victim  to  the  hatred  of  the 
extreme  democrats,  and  was  forced  to  drink  hemlock, 
at  the  age  of  eighty  years,  in  317  B.C. 

Demades,  his  contemporary,  and  a  member  of  the 
same  political  party,  is  a  perfect  type  of  the  vulgar 
demagogue.  He  depended  for  his  success  on  a  lively 
wit  and  a  never-failing  flow  of  words.  After  the  battle 
of  Chaeronea,  where  he  was  taken  prisoner,  he  became 
an  avowed  agent  of  Philip  and  Alexander.^  In  conse- 
quence of  his  supposed  services  to  Athens  after  the 
destruction  of  Thebes,  he  attained  great  popularity, 
his  statue  was  erected  in  the  market-place,  and  the 
more  material  benefit  of  perpetual  meals  in  the  Pry- 
taneum  was  decreed  to  him.  He  was  put  to  death  by 
Cassander,  the  son  of  Antipater ;  his  fellow-citizens 
melted  down  his  statues  and  apphed  the  metal  to  even 
baser  purposes. ^  His  recorded  sayings  show  imagina- 
tion— *  Alexander  is  not  dead ;  if  he  were,  the  whole 
world  would  stink  of  his  corpse  ' ;  or  again,  '  Macedon 
without  Alexander  would  be  like  the  Cyclops  without 
his  eye  '  ;  ^  finally,  Athens  is  to  him  '  not  the  sea- 
fighter  whom  our  ancestors  knew,  but  an  old  woman, 
wearing  slippers  and  supping  barley-water.'  *  For  the 
high  opinion  entertained  of  his  eloquence  we  may  refer 
to  the  verdict  of  Theophrastus — '  Demosthenes  is  an 
orator  worthy  of  Athens  ;    Demades  is  on  a  higher 

1  Dinarchus,  Demos,,  §  104,  ofioXoyiav  Xafi^dvciy  Kal  Xrirl/ecrdaL. 

'  Plut.,  Moralia,  820  F,  »taT€X<6»'«i'<rav  els  dfilSas. 

*  Demetrius,  de  ElocutionCt  §§  282,  284.  *  Ibid.^  §  286. 


270  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

plane  than  Athens.'  ^    We  have  no  further  means  of 
forming  any  conception  of  his  style. 

Pytheas,  another  orator  who  raised  himself  by  his 
talents  from  a  humble  position,  was  much  younger 
than  the  previous  two,  who  were  about  contemporary 
with  Demosthenes. 2  He  was  one  of  the  prosecutors  of 
Demosthenes  in  the  affair  of  Harpalus  in  324  B.C. 
Soon  after  the  death  of  Alexander  he  was  banished, 
took  service  with  Antipater,  and  worked  as  his  agent 
in  the  Peloponnese,  using  his  influence  to  thwart  the 
efforts  of  Demosthenes  towards  united  resistance. 
After  this  we  lose  sight  of  him.  He  is  said  to  have  had 
talent,  but  to  have  been  handicapped  by  lack  of  educa- 
tion. He  was  the  coiner  of  the  famous  phrase  about 
the  speeches  of  Demosthenes,  that  they  '  smelt  of  the 
lamp,'  cind  another  equally  apt,  though  less  familiar, 
that  Demosthenes  '  had  swallowed  Isaeus  whole.'  ^ 

*  For  this  and  other  judgments,  see  Plut.,  Demos.,  chs.  viii.-x. 
'  Ibid.,  ch.  viii.  *  Dionysius,  Isaeus,  ch.  iv. 


CHAPTER  XI 
LYCURGUS,  HYPERIDES,  DINARCHUS 

§  I.     Life 

LYCURGUS,  according  to  Libanius,  was  older 
-/  than  Demosthenes,  1  though  they  were  prac- 
tically contemporaries.  He  belonged  to  the  illustrious 
house  of  the  Eteobutadae,  who  traced  their  descent 
from  one  Butes,  brother  of  Erechtheus.  The  priest- 
hood of  Posidon-Erechtheus,  and  other  religious  offices,' 
were  hereditary  in  this  family. 

The  grandfather  of  the  orator,  also  called  Lycurgus, 
was  put  to  death  by  the  Thirt}/ ;  his  father,  Lycophron, 
is  known  only  by  name. 

In  the  orator's  extant  speech,  and  in  his  recorded 
actions,  we  find  abundant  proof  of  a  sincere  piety  and 
deep  religious  feeling,  which  were  natural  in  the  true 
representative  of  such  a  family.  The  traditions  of 
his  house  may  well  have  turned  his  thoughts  to  the 
stem  virtues  of  ancient  days,  the  days  of  Athenian 
greatness,  when  self-sacrifice  was  expected  of  a  citizen. 
He  expresses  a  friendly  feeling  towards  Sparta. 

Of  his  earher  political  life  we  know  only  that  he  was 
an  ally  of  Demosthenes. ^  He  came  into  greater  pro- 
minence after  Chaeronea,  and  was  one  of  the  ten 
orators  whose  surrender  was  demanded  by  Alexander 
after  the  destruction  of  Thebes. 

1  Hypothesis  to  Demos.,  ^gams/ /4m/ag«7ow. 

"  In  some  MSS.  of  Demosthenes  {Phil.,  iii.,  §  72)  his  name 
occurs  as  a  member  of  an  embassy  which  made  a  tour  of  the  Pelo- 
ponnese  in  343  B.C.  to  rouse  opposition  against  PhiUp. 

271 


c 


272  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

In  338  B.C.,  when  the  war  party  came  into  power, 
he  succeeded  Eubnlus,  the  nominee  of  the  peace  party, 
in  an  important  financial  office.  In  the  decree  quoted 
by  the  Pseudo-Plutarch  he  is  called  '  Steward  of  the 
pubUc  revenue  '  (rr)?  Koivrj<;  irpoaohov  Tafiia<;)f  which 
is  probably  not  his  correct  title,  though  it  fairly 
represents  his  appointment.^  He  kept  this  office  for 
twelve  years.  His  long  administration,  which  was 
characterized  by  absolute  probity,  brought  the  finances 
of  Athens  to  a  thoroughly  sound  condition.  During 
his  office  he  built  a  theatre  and  an  odeon,  completed 
an  arsenal,  increased  the  fleet,  and  improved  the 
harbour  of  Piraeus.  He  also  embellished  the  city 
with  works  of  art — statues  of  the  great  poets  erected 
in  the  pubhc  places,  golden  figures  of  Victory  and 
golden  vessels  dedicated  in  the  temples.  His  respect 
for  the  poets  was  further  shown  by  his  decree  that  an 
official  copy  should  be  made  of  the  works  of  the  three 
great  tragedians — a  copy  which  afterwards  passed 
into  the  possession  of  the  Alexandrine  library. ^ 

He  conceived  it  as  his  mission  to  raise  the  standard 
of  public  and  private  Hfe.     Himself  almost  an  ascetic,^ 
he  enacted  sumptuary  laws  ;    as  a  religious  man  by 
instinct  and  tradition,  he  built  temples  and  encouraged 
religious  festivals  ;    an  ardent  patriot  by  conviction, 

*  See  (Aristotle)  ^ A.$rival<i}v  TroXiTeia,  ch.  43,  with  Sandys'  notes. 
He  must  have  been  either  rafiias  tQu  cFTpaTLWTiKwp  or  president 
of  ol  irrl  rb  decapLKov,  or  perhaps  he  held  both  these  appointments,  as 
the  scope  of  his  work  seems  to  imply.     Ps.-Plutarch  says  iria-rev- 

ffdfieVOS  TT)V  dLolKTJfflV  TUP  xPVA''^'"w»'. 

'  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  borrowed  it  in  order  to  have  it  copied. 
He  deposited  a  large  sum  as  security,  but  in  the  end  he  sacrificed 
the  deposit,  kept  the  original,  and  presented  Athens  with  his  new 
copy. 

'  He  wore  the  same  clothes  in  summer  and  winter,  and  shoes 
only  in  very  severe  weather  {Ps.-Pluf.). 


LYCURGUS  273 

he  thought  it  his  duty  to  undertake  the  ungrateful 
part  of  a  public  prosecutor,  pursuing  all  who  failed  in 
their  sacred  duty  towards  their  country.  In  this  way 
he  conducted  many  prosecutions,  which  were  nearly 
all  successful.  He  was  never  a  paid  advocate  or  a 
writer  of  speeches  for  others ;  indeed  he  would  have 
thought  it  criminal  to  write  or  speak  against  his  con-iH.>^ 
victions.i  His  indictments  were  characterized  by 
such  inflexible  severity  that  his  contemporaries  com- 
pared him  to  Draco,  saying  that  he  wrote  his  accusa- 
tions with  a  pen  dipped  in  death  instead  of  blood.  ^ 

He  died  a  natural  death  in  324  B.C. ,3  and  was 
honoured  by  a  public  funeral.  His  enemy  Menes- 
aechmus,  who  succeeded  to  his  office,  accused  him  of 
having  left  a  deficit,  though,  according  to  one  story, 
Lycurgus,  on  the  point  of  death,  had  been  carried  into 
the  ecclesia  and  successfully  defended  himself  on  that 
score.  His  sons  were  condemned  to  make  restitution, 
and,  being  unable  to  pay,  were  thrown  into  prison,  in 
spite  of  an  able  defence  by  Hype  rides.  They  were 
released  on  an  appeal  by  Demosthenes,  then  in  exile.*/ 

§  2.  Works 
Fifteen  speeches  of  Lycurgus  were  preserved  in  anti- 
quity, nearly  all  accusations  on  serious  charges.  He 
prosecuted  Euxenippus,  whom  Hyperides  defended  ; 
he  spoke  against  the  orator  Demades,  and,  in  alliance 
with  Demosthenes,  against  the  sycophant  Aristogiton. 
Other  speeches  known  to  us  by  name  are  Against  Auto- 
lycus,  Against Leocrates,  two  speeches  Against  Lycophron, 

1  See  his  condemnation  of  the  advocates  of  Leocrates,  §  135. 

2  oil  fiiXaPL  dXXA  davdrip  XP^^^'''"-  "^^^  KdXafxov  Kara  rCov  irovqpQv  {Ps.- 
Flut.).  ^  Suidas. 

*  Assuming  (with  Blass)  the  authenticity  of  the  third  letter  of 
Demosthenes,  which  is  doubtful. 


M 

!%.. 


274  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

Against  Lysicles,  against  Menesaechmus,  a  Defence  of 
himself  against  Demades,  Against  Ischyrias,  irpb^  rct^ 
fiavreia^  (obscure  title),  Concerning  his  administration. 
Concerning  the  priestess,  and  Concerning  the  priesthood.^ 

Only  one  speech  is  now  extant,  the  impeachment  of 
Leocrates. 

Leocrates,  an  Athenian,  during  the  panic  which 
succeeded  the  battle  of  Chaeronea,  fled  from  Athens 
to  Rhodes,  and  thence  migrated  to  Megara,  where  he 
engaged  in  trade  for  five  years.  About  332  B.C.  he 
returned  to  Athens,  thinking  that  his  desertion  would 
have  been  forgotten  ;  but  Lycurgus  prosecuted  him 
as  a  traitor. 

Only  a  small  part  of  the  speech  is  really  devoted  to 
proving  the  charge.  By  §  36  Lycurgus  regards  it  as 
generally  admitted.  The  remaining  114  sections  con- 
sist mostly  of  comment  and  digressions  which  aim  at 
emphasizing  the  seriousness  of  the  crime  and  produce 
precedent  for  the  infliction  of  severe  punishment  in  such 
cases. 

Analysis 

1.  Introduction.     Justice  and  piety  demand  that  I 

should  bring  Leocrates  to  trial  (§§  1-2) ;  the  part 
of  a  prosecutor  is  unpopular,  but  it  is  my  duty 
to  undertake  it  (§§  3-6).  This  is  a  case  of 
exceptional  importance,  and  you  must  give 
your  decision  without  prejudice  or  partiality, 
emulating  the  Areopagus  (§§  7-16). 

2.  Narrative.    The  flight  of  Leocrates  to  Rhodes. 

Evidence  (§§  17-20).  His  move  to  Megara  and 
occupation  there.     Evidence  (§§  21-23). 

1  This  list  is  taken  from  Suidas.  The  hst  compiled  by  Blass, 
from  various  sources,  is  different  in  some  details. 


LYCURGUS  275 

3.  Argument.    Comments  on  the  narrative.    Possible 

line  of  defence  (§§  24-35).  The  case  is  now 
proved.  It  remains  to  describe  the  circum- 
stances of  Athens  at  the  time  when  Leocrates 
deserted  her  (§  36). 

4.  The  panic  after  the  battle  of  Chaeronea  (§§  37-45). 

Praise  of  those  who  fell  in  the  battle  there 
(§§  46-51)-  Acquittal  is  impossible  (§§  52-54). 
Another  ground  of  defence  cut  away  (§§  55-58). 
Further  excuses  disallowed  (§§  59-62) .  Attempt 
of  his  advocates  to  belittle  his  crime  refuted  by 
appeal  to  the  principles  of  Draco  (§§  63-67). 
They  appeal  to  precedent — the  evacuation  of 
the  city  before  the  battle  of  Salamis  :  this 
precedent  can  be  turned  against  them  (§§  68-74). 
The  sanctity  of  oaths  and  punishment  for  per- 
jury. Appeals  to  ancient  history.  Codrus  (§§ 
75-89).  Leocrates  says  he  is  confident  in  his  in- 
nocence— quern  deus  vult  perdere,  prius  dementat 
(§§  90-93)-  Providence  (§§  94-97).  Examples 
of  self-sacrifice  ;  quotations  from  Euripides  and 
Homer  (§§  97-105).  Praise  of  Sparta.  Influ- 
ence of  Tyrtaeus  on  patriots.  Thermopylae 
(§§  106-110) .  Severity  of  our  ancestors  towards 
traitors  (§§111-127).  Sparta  was  equally  severe 
(§§  128-129).  Due  severity  will  discourage 
treachery,  and  the  treachery  of  Leocrates  is  of 
the  basest  sort  (§§  130-134).  His  advocates  are 
as  bad  as  he  is  (§§  135-140).  Appeal  to  the 
righteous  indignation  of  the  judges  (§§  141-148), 
Epilogue  (§§  149-150)  : 

*  I  have  come  to  the  succour  of  my  country  and  her 
religion  and  her  laws,  and  have  pleaded  my  case  straight- 


276  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

forwardly  and  justly,  neither  slandering  Leocrates  for  his 
general  manner  of  living,  nor  bringing  any  charge  foreign 
to  the  present  matter ;  but  you  must  consider  that  in 
acquitting  him  you  condemn  your  country  to  death  and 
slavery.  Two  urns  stand  before  you,  the  one  for  betrayal, 
the  other  for  salvation  ;  votes  placed  in  the  former  mean 
the  ruin  of  your  fatherland,  those  in  the  latter  are  given 
for  civil  security  and  prosperity.  If  you  let  Leocrates  go, 
you  will  be  voting  for  the  betrayal  of  Athens,  her  religion, 
and  her  ships  ;  but  if  you  put  him  to  death,  you  will  en- 
courage others  to  guard  and  secure  your  country,  her  re- 
venues, and  her  prosperity.  So  imagine,  Athenians,  that 
the  land  and  its  trees  are  supplicating  you,  that  the  har- 
bours, the  dockyards,  and  the  walls  of  the  city  are  imploring 
you ;  that  the  temples  and  holy  places  are  urging  you  to 
come  to  their  help ;  and  make  an  example  of  Leocrates, 
remembering  what  charges  are  brought  against  him,  and 
how  mercy  and  tears  of  compassion  do  not  weigh  more  with 
you  than  the  safety  of  the  laws  and  the  commonwealth  '  ^ 

§  3.     Style,  etc. 

Lycurgus  is  called  a  pupil  of  Isocrates  ;  whether  he 
was  actually  a  student  under  the  great  master  we  cannot 
be  sure,  but  undoubtedly  he  had  studied  the  master's 
works.  The  influence  of  the  Panegyric  may  be  traced 
here  and  there  in  the  forms  of  sentences  and  in  certain 
terms  of  speech  which  are  characteristic  of  the  epideictic 
style .  Blass  and  others  have  drawn  attention  to  isolated 
sentences  in  the  speech  against  Leocrates  which  might 
have  been  deliberately  modelled,  with  only  the  neces- 
sary changes  of  words  for  the  different  circumstances, 
on  sentences  in  Isocrates. ^    The  employment  of  a  pair 

'  §§  149-150. 

*  E.g.  cf.    §  3,    i^ovKbixTjv  8'   &v,  HxTirep   6v(p4\ifx6v   itxTi,  etc.,    with 
Isocr.  viii.  {dt  Pace),  §  36,  ij^ovXbixrjv  5'  Hv,  &ffirtp  irpoffjjKdp  icnv,  etc. 
also  §  7  with  Isocr.  vii.  (Areopagiticus),  §  43,  etc. 


LYCURGUS  277 

of  synonyms,  or  words  of  similar  sense,  where  one 
would  suffice,  also  belongs  to  this  style  ^ — e.g.  safe- 
guard and  protect,  §  3 ;  infamous  and  inglorious,  §  91 ; 
greatheartedness  and  nobility,  §  100. 

With  these  we  must  class  such  phrases  as  rd  KOLvd  ro}v 
d8iK7)/j.dTa)v  for  rd  KOivd  dBifcrjfjiaTa^  (§  6),  and  the 
employment  of  abstract  words  in  the  plural,  as  evvoiai, 
(t>6^oi,  §  48,  43. 

Lycurgus  is  very  variable  with  regard  to  hiatus.  In 
some  instances  he  has  deliberately  avoided  it  by  slight 
distortions  of  the  natural  order  of  words ;  ^  in  some 
passages  he  has  been  able  to  avoid  it  without  any  dis- 
location of  order — a  work  of  greater  skill ;  *  but  again 
there  are  sentences  where  the  sequences  of  open  vowels 
are  frequent  and  harsh. ^  Other  instances  of  careless 
writing  may  be  foimd  in  the  inartistic  joining  of  sen- 
tences and  clauses,  for  instance  in  §§  49-50,  where 
several  successive  clauses  are  connected  by  ydp,^  or  in 
the  clumsy  accumulation  of  participles,  as  in  §  93.'  We 
must  conclude  that  Lycurgus,  though  so  familiar  with 
the  characteristics  of  Isocratean  prose  as  to  reproduce 
them  by  unconscious  imitation,  was  too  much  interested 
in  his  subject  to  care  about  being  a  stylist ;  and  that 

1  Cf.  supra,  p.  134. 

2  This  circumlocution  may  have  been  employed  originally  for 
the  avoidance  of  hiatus,  as  in  the  example  quoted,  and  in  §  iii, 
Ttt  /caXd  Twv  ^pyoop ;  it  is,  however,  also  used  in  cases  whero  no 
such  consideration  enters,  e.g.  §  48,  Toi>i  iroi.riToi>s  rdv  iraripuv. 

'  E.g.  §  7,  oit  fiLKpbv  Ti  ixipos  ffvuixfi-  T'J^*'  T^s  •7r6Xea;s',  oi'5'  ^tt'  dXiyhv 
XP^vov,  where  o-w^x^i  \  oiS'  is  deliberately  avoided. 

*  E.g.  §§  71-73- 

'^  E.g.  §  143,  Kal  avrUa  fidy  vfids  dfiaJaei  d/coi/eiv  adroO  dwoXoyovfi^vov. 
§  20,  TToXXoi  iTreladtjcrav  twp  fiapTvpwv  i)  dfivijfioveiv  rj  firj  i\6clv  ^  ir^pav 
irp6<pa<Tiu  evpeiv. 

•  See  the  translation  on  p.  278. 

''  (pvyoPTa,  Kal  .  .  .  aKovaravra  .  .  . ,  d<piK6fM€vov  xai  .  .  .  KaTa<f>vy6vTa,  Kal 
oid^v  ^Tov  .  .  .  dirodavbvTa. 


278  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

though,  like  Demosthenes,  he  wrote  his  speeches  out, 
he  really  belongs  rather  to  the  class  of  improvisatory 
speakers  like  Phocion. 

His  tendency  towards  the  epideictic  style  is  also  seen 
in  his  treatment  of  his  subject-matter ;  thus  §§  46-51 
are  nothing  but  a  condensed  funeral  speech  on  those 
who  died  at  Chaeronea.  It  is  introduced  with  an 
apology  (§  46)  ;  it  may  seem  irrelevant,  he  says,  but  it 
is  frankly  introduced  to  point  the  contrast  between  the 
patriot  and  the  traitor.  The  concluding  sections  of 
the  eulogy  are  as  follows  : 

'  And  if  I  may  use  a  paradox  which  is  bold  but  neverthe- 
less true,  they  were  victorious  in  death.  For  to  brave  men 
the  prizes  of  war  are  freedom  and  valour  ;  for  both  of  these 
the  dead  may  possess.  And  further,  we  may  not  say  that 
our  defeat  was  due  to  them,  whose  spirits  never  quailed 
before  the  terror  of  the  enemy's  approach  ;  for  to  those  who 
fall  nobly  in  battle,  and  to  them  alone,  can  no  man  justly 
ascribe  defeat ;  for  fleeing  from  slavery  they  make  choice 
of  a  noble  death.  The  valour  of  these  men  is  a  proof,  for 
they  alone  of  all  in  Greece  had  freedom  in  their  bodies  ;  for 
as  they  passed  from  life  all  Greece  passed  into  slavery  ;  for 
the  freedom  of  the  rest  of  the  Greeks  was  buried  in  the 
same  tomb  with  their  bodies.  Hence  they  proved  to  all 
that  they  were  not  warring  for  their  personal  ends,  but 
facing  danger  for  the  general  safety.  So,  Gentlemen,  I 
need  not  be  ashamed  of  saying  that  their  souls  are  the 
garland  on  the  brows  of  their  country. '  ^ 

This,  with  the  exception  of  a  slight  imperfection  of 
style  already  noticed,  is  good  in  its  way,  in  the  style 
which  tradition  had  established  as  appropriate  to  such 
subjects.  It  is  less  conventional  and,  in  spite  of  its 
bold  metaphors,  less  insincere  than  Gorgias,  avoiding 
as  it  does  the  extravagance  of  his  antithetical  style. 
'  §§  49-50. 


LYCURGUS  279 

But  in  spite  of  the  speaker's  apology  we  feel  that  it  is 
out  of  place,  and  its  effect  is  spoiled  by  the  use  to  which 
it  is  put  in  the  argumentative  passage  which  imme- 
diately follows  : 

'  And  because  they  showed  reason  in  the  exercise  of  their 
courage,  you,  men  of  Athens,  alone  of  all  the  Greeks,  know 
how  to  honour  noble  men.  In  other  States  you  will  find 
memorials  of  athletes  in  the  market-places ;  in  Athens 
such  records  are  of  good  generals  and  of  those  who  slew  the 
tyrant.  Search  the  whole  of  Greece  and  you  will  barely 
find  a  few  men  such  as  these,  while  in  every  quarter  you 
will  easily  find  men  who  have  won  garlands  for  success  in 
athletic  contests.  So,  as  you  bestow  the  highest  honours 
on  your  benefactors,  you  have  a  right  to  inflict  the  severest 
punishments  on  those  by  whom  their  country  is  dis- 
honoured and  betrayed. '  ^ 

His  use  of  examples  from  ancient  history  is  similar 
to  that  of  Isocrates,  e.g.  in  the  Philip  and  the  Pane- 
gyric ;  but  many  of  these  episodes  are  forcibly  dragged 
into  a  trial  of  the  kind  with  which  Lycurgus  was  con- 
cerned, whereas  those  of  Isocrates  always  help  to  convey 
the  lesson  which  he  is  trying  to  enforce.  Thus  the 
following  passage,  which  succeeds  a  quotation  from 
Homer,  leads  up  to  a  digression  on  Tjrtaeus,  accom- 
panied by  a  lengthy  quotation  from  his  works.  There 
is  only  a  bare  pretence  that  all  this  has  anything  to  do 
with  the  case  : 

'  Hearing  these  lines  and  emulating  such  actions,  our 
ancestors  were  so  disposed  towards  manly  courage  that 
they  were  content  to  die  not  only  for  their  own  fatherland 
but  for  all  Greece,  as  their  common  fatherland.  Those,  at 
any  rate,  who  faced  the  barbarians  at  Marathon,  conquered 
the  armament  of  all  Asia,  by  their  individual  sacrifice  gain- 

M51. 


28o  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

ing  security  for  all  the  Greeks  in  common,  priding  them- 
selves not  upon  their  fame  but  on  doing  deeds  worthy  of 
their  country,  setting  themselves  up  as  champions  of  the 
Greeks  and  masters  of  the  barbarians ;  for  they  made  no 
nominal  profession  of  courage,  but  gave  an  actual  display 
of  it  to  all  the  world.' 1 

Here  Lycurgus  has  reverted  to  the  antithetical  style 
of  Antiphon,  the  opposition  of  *  word '  and  *deed,' 
*  private  *  and  '  public,'  and  the  like.     We  are  also 
from   time   to   time   reminded   of  Antiphon   by   the 
prominence  given  in  the  Leocrates  to  religious  considera- 
tions.    The  digressions  may  be  partly  explained  by  the 
speaker's  avowed  motive  in  introducing  some  of  them 
— his  wish  to  be  an  educator.     He  introduces  a  very 
moral  tale  of  a  young  Sicilian  who,  tarrying  behind  to 
save  his  father,  on  the  occasion  of  an^ruption  of  Etna, 
was  providentially  saved  while  all  the  others  perished. 
^  This  is  his  excuse — *  The  story  may  be  legendary,  but 
it  will  be  appropriate  for  all  the  younger  men  to  hear  it 
'"""""--iiow  '  ;  2    and  the  manner  of  the  lecturer  is  evident 
elsewhere — *  There  are  three  influences  above  all  which 
guard  and  protect  the  democracy  and  the  welfare  of 
vthe  city,'  etc.     'There  are  two  things  which  educate 
/  our  youth  : — the  punishment  of  evil-doers  and   the 
, rewards  bestowed  on  good  men.'  ^ 

Quite    apart    fron    these    decorative    digressions, 
Lycurgus  admits  into  his  ordinary  discourse  poetical 
^^r-^   phrases  and  metaphors  which  the  stricter  taste  of 
Isocrates  would  have  excluded.     The  bold  personifica- 
tions in  his  epilogue  and  elsewhere  are  cases  in  point : 

'  So  imagine,  Athenians,  that  the  land  and  its  trees  are 
supplicating  you  ;    that  the  harbours,  the  dockyards,  and 

■  §  104.  »  §  95.  I       3  §§  3,  10  ;   cf.  also  §  79. 


LYCURGUS  281 

the  walls  of  the  city  are  imploring  you  ;  that  the  temples 
and  holy  places  are  urging  you  to  come  to  their  help. '  ^ 

Lycurgus  must  have  tried  the  patience  of  his  hearers 
by  his  lengthy  quotations  from  the  poets.  No  other 
orator,  perhaps,  would  have  dared  to  recite  fifty-five 
lines  of  Euripides  and  to  follow  them,  after  a  short 
extract  from  Homer,  with  thirty- two  lines  of  Tyrtaeus. 
Aeschines,  no  doubt,  was  fond  of  quoting,  but  his 
extracts  are  comparatively  short  and  generally  to  the 
point ;  he  can  make  good  use  of  a  single  couplet. 
Demosthenes  too,  in  capping  his  great  adversary's 
quotations,  observed  moderation  and  season.  But  the 
long  quotations  in  Lycurgus  are  superfluous ;  that  from 
Euripides  is  a  mere  excrescence,  for  he  has  already 
summarized  in  half  a  dozen  lines  the  story  from  which 
he  draws  his  moral ;  and  the  only  purpose  in  telling 
the  story  at  all  is  to  introduce  the  refrain  '  Leocrates  is 
quite  a  different  kind  of  person.' 

In  this  matter  Lycurgus  lacks  taste — that  is  to  say, 
he  lacks  a  sense  of  proportion  ;  but  for  all  that  he  is 
felt  to  be  speaking  naturally  quite  according  to  his  own 
character ;  he  is  attaining  the  highest  ethos  by  being 
himself.  We  know  his  interest  in  the  tragedians  from 
the  fact  that  he  caused  an  official  copy  of  the  plays  to 
be  preserved ;  and  though  religious  motives  would 
suffice  to  account  for  this  decree,  probably  personal 
feeling,  the  statesman's  private  affection  for  the  works 
which  he  thus  perpetuated,  to  some  degree  influenced 
his  judgment. 

*  §  150,  cf.  also  §  43.  '  He  contributed  nothing  to  the  nation's 
safety,  at  a  time  when  the  country  was  contributing  her  trees,  the 
dead  their  sepulchres,  and  the  temples  their  arms.'  And  §  17,  ofire 
Tovs  Xifievas  rrjs  TriXeojs  iXewv ;  §  61,  iroXewj  iari  ddparoi  dvaffrarov 
yev^cdai.  Hyperides  has  a  similarly  bold  expression,  '  Condemning 
the  city  to  death.' 


282  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

Though  he  may  be  unskilful,  if  judged  by  technical 
standards,  Lycurgus  impresses  us  by  his  dignified 
manner.  He  will  not  condescend  to  any  rhetorical 
device  which  might  detract  from  this  dignity.  He  has 
no  personal  abuse  for  his  opponent ;  he  promises  to 
keep  to  the  specific  charge  with  which  the  trial  is  con- 
cerned,^ and  at  the  end  of  the  speech  can  justly  claim 
that  he  has  done  so.^  Though  it  may  lay  him  open  to 
the  suspicion  of  sycophancy,  he  disclaims  any  personal 
enmity  against  Leocrates  ;  he  professes  to  be  impelled 
entirely  by  patriotic  motives,  and  we  believe  him.^ 
He  may  seem  to  us  excessively  severe  ;  we  may  regard 
the  crime  of  Leocrates  as  nothing  worse  than  cowardice; 
but  we  are  convinced  that  to  Lycurgus  it  appeared  as 
the  greatest  of  all  crimes  ;  and  the  Athenian  assembly 
too  was  apparently  so  convinced.* 

Failure  in  patriotism  was  to  Lycurgus  an  offence 
^  against  religion,  and  religion  has  the  utmost  prominence 
in  his  speech.  There  can  be  no  doubt  of  his  sincerity. 
The  court  of  the  Areopagus,  which  was  more  directly 
under  religious  protection  and  more  closely  concerned 
with  religious  questions  than  any  other  court,  is  men- 
tioned by  him  with  almost  exaggerated  praise.^  The 
Areopagus  was  very  highly  respected  by  all  Athenians, 
but  it  was  not  a  democratic  court ;  it  was  a  survival 
from  pre -democratic  da3^s.  An  orator  who  only  wished 
to  propitiate  the  good-will  of  his  popular  audience 
would  praise  not  the  old  aristocratic  court  but  the 
modem  popular  assembly  before  which  he  was  speaking. 

Mil-  M  149.  Ms. 

*  Leocrates  was  acquitted  by  one  vote  only. 

*  §  12.  '  It  is  so  far  superior  to  other  courts  that  even  those 
who  are  convicted  before  it  do  not  question  its  justice.  You 
should  take  it  as  your  model.' 


LYCURGUS  283 

Lycurgus  gives  praise  and  blame  where  he  thinks  them 
due.  .  He  is  by  no  means  satisfied  with  the  democratic 
courts. 

'  I  too,  shall  follow  justice  in  my  prosecution,  neither 
falsif5dng  an3d;hing,  nor  speaking  of  matters  extraneous  to 
the  case.  For  most  of  those  who  come  before  you  behave 
in  the  most  inappropriate  fashion  ;  for  they  either  give 
you  advice  about  public  interests,  or  bring  charges,  true  or 
false,  of  every  possible  kind  rather  than  the  one  on  which 
you  are  to  be  called  on  to  give  your  verdict. 

*  There  is  no  difficulty  in  either  of  these  courses  ;  it  is  as 
easy  to  utter  an  opinion  about  a  matter  on  which  you  are 
not  deliberating  as  it  is  to  make  accusations  which  nobody 
is  going  to  answer.  But  it  is  not  just  to  ask  you  to  give 
a  verdict  in  accordance  with  justice  when  they  observe  no 
justice  in  making  their  accusations.  And  you  are  re- 
sponsible for  this  abuse,  for  it  is  you  who  have  given  this 
licence  to  those  who  appear  before  you.  .  .  .'^ 

The  whole  speech  is  pervaded  by  references  to 
religion  ;  Rehdantz  has  noted  that  the  word  ^€09^ 
occurs  no  less  than  thirty-three  times  ;  and  other  words  -^ 
of  religious  import  are  very  frequent,  though  the  orator 
never  uses  ejaculations  such  as  the  w  7^  koX  Beoi  of 
Demosthenes.  This  reiteration  is  of  less  significance 
than  the  serious  tone  of  the  passages  in  which  such 
references  occur ;  his  opening  sentences  indicate  the 
attitude  which  he  is  to  maintain  : 

'  Justice  and  Piety  will  be  satisfied,  men  of  Athens,  by 
the  prosecution  which  I  shall  institute,  on  your  behalf 
and  on  behalf  of  the  gods,  against  the  defendant  Leocrates. 
For  I  pray  to  Athena  and  the  other  gods,  and  to  the  heroes 
whose  statues  stand  in  the  city  and  in  the  country,  that  if 
I  have  justly  impeached  Leocrates ;   if  I  am  bringing  to 


284  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

trial  the  betrayer  of  their  temples,  their  shrines  and  their 
sanctuaries,  and  the  sacrifices  ordained  by  the  laws,  handed 
down  to  you  by  your  forefathers,  they  may  make  me 
to-day  a  prosecutor  worthy  of  his  offences,  as  the  interests 
of  the  people  and  the  city  demand ;  and  that  you,  remember- 
ing that  your  deliberations  are  concerned  with  your  fathers, 
your  children,  your  wives,  your  country,  and  your  religion, 
and  that  you  have  at  the  mercy  of  your  vote  the  man  who 
betrayed  them  all,  may  prove  relentless  judges,  both  now 
and  for  all  time  to  come,  in  dealing  with  offenders  of  this 
kind  and  degree.  But  if  the  man  whom  I  bring  to  trial 
before  this  assembly  is  not  one  who  has  betrayed  his  father- 
land and  deserted  the  city  and  her  holy  observances,  I  pray 
that  he  may  be  saved  from  this  danger  both  by  the  gods  and 
by  you,  his  judges.'  ^ 

Passages  later  in  the  speech  deepen  this  impression, 
and  contain  definite  statements  of  belief  which  we 
cannot  disregard  : 

*  For  the  first  act  of  the  gods  is  to  lead  astray  the  mind 
of  the  wicked  man  ;  and  I  think  that  some  of  the  ancient 
poets  were  prophets  when  they  left  behind  them  for  future 
generations  such  lines  as  these  : 

For  when  God's  wrath  affiicteth  any  man. 
By  his  own  act  his  wits  are  led  astray, 
And  his  straight  judgment  warped  to  crooked  ways. 
That,  sinning,  he  may  know  not  of  his  sin. 
I     *  The  older  men  among  you  remember,  the  younger  have 
heard,  the  story  of  Callistratus,  whom  the  city  condemned 
to  death.     He  fled  the  country,  and  hearing  the  god  at 
Delphi  declare  that  if  he  went  to  Athens  he  would  obtain 
his  due,  he  came  here,  and  took  sanctuary  at  the  altar  of  the 
twelve  gods  ;  but  none  the  less  he  was  put  to  death  by  the 
city. 

'  This  was  just ;  for  a  criminal's  due  is  punishment.  And 
the  god  rightly  gave  up  the  wrong-doer  to  be  punished  by 


HYPERIDES  285 

those  whom  he  had  wronged ;    for  it  would  be  strange 
if  he  revealed  the  same  signs  to  the  pious  and  the  wicked.' 

*  But  I  am  of  opinion,  Gentlemen,  that  the  god's  care' 
watches  over  every  human  action,  particularly  those  con- ;, 
cerned  with  our  parents  and  the  dead,  and  our  pious  duty 
towards  them  ;  and  naturally  so,  for  they  are  the  authors 
of  our  being,  and  have  conferred  innumerable  blessings  on 
us,  so  that  it  is  an  act  of  monstrous  impiety,  I  will  not  say 
to  sin  against  them,  but  even  to  refuse  to  squander  our  own 
lives  in  benefiting  them.*  ^ 

The  following  fragment  deserves  quotation  as  an 
example  of  his  dignified  severity  : 

*  You  were  a  general,  Lysicles  ;  a  thousand  of  your  fellow- 
citizens  met  their  death,  two  thousand  were  made  prisoners, 
and  our  enemies  have  set  up  a  trophy  of  victory  over  Athens, 
and  all  Greece  is  enslaved  ;  all  this  happened  under  your 
leadership  and  generalship ;  and  yet  do  you  dare  to  live 
and  face  the  sun's  light,  and  invade  the  market-place — you, 
who  have  become  a  memorial  of  disgrace  and  reproach  to 
your  country  }  '  '^ 


HYPERIDES 

Hyperides,  a  member  of  a  middle-class  family, 
was  bom  in  389  B.C.,  and  so  was  almost  exactly  con- 
temporary with  Lycurgus,  whose  political  views  he 
shared.  He  too,  according  to  his  biographer,  was  a 
pupil  of  Isocrates  and  of  Plato,  but  the  influence  of  the 
latter  can  nowhere  be  traced  in  his  work. 

A  man  of  easy  morals  and  self-indulgent  habits,  he-^ 
presents  a  striking  contrast  to  the  austerity  of  Lycurgus. 
The  comic  poets  satirized  his  gluttony  and  his  partiality 
for  fish,  and  the  Pseudo-Plutarch  records  that  he  took 

^  §§  92-94.  *  Against  Lysicles,  fr.  75. 


N 


286  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

a  walk  through  the  fish-market  every  day  of  his  hfe ; 
but  the  pursuit  of  pleasure  did  not  impair  his  activity. 
He  was  at  first  a  writer  of  speeches  for  others,  as 
Demosthenes  was  at  the  beginning  of  his  career ;  ^ 
but  before  he  reached  the  age  of  thirty  he  began  to 
be  concerned  personally  in  trials  of  political  import. 
He  prosecuted  the  general  Autocles  on  a  charge  of 
treachery,  in  360  B.C.  ;  he  appeared  against  the  orator 
Aristophon  of  Azenia,  and  Diopeithes.  He  impeached 
in  343  B.C.,  Philocrates,  who  had  brought  about  the 
peace  with  Philip. ^  He  was  sent  as  a  delegate  to  the 
Amphictyonic  Council,^  and  showed  himself  a  vigorous 
supporter  of  the  policy  of  Demosthenes ;  in  340  B.C., 
when  an  attack  on  Euboea  by  Philip  was  anticipated, 
he  collected  a  fleet  of  forty  triremes,  two  of  which  he 
provided  at  his  own  cost.  Shortly  before  Chaeronea 
he  proposed  a  decree  to  honour  Demosthenes  ;  after 
the  battle  he  took  extreme  measures  for  the  public 
safety,  including  the  enfranchisement  of  metoeci  and 
the  manumission  of  slaves.  He  was  prosecuted  by 
Demades  for  moving  an  illegal  decree,  and  retorted, 
*  The  arms  of  Macedon  made  it  too  dark  to  see  the  laws  ; 
it  was  not  I  who  proposed  the  decree,  but  the  battle  of 
Chaeronea.'  *  He  was  able  to  retaliate  soon  aften\^ards 
by  prosecuting  Demades  for  the  same  offence  of  illegal- 
ity. Demades  had  proposed  to  confer  the  title  of 
proxenos  on  Euthycrates,  who  had  betrayed  Olynthus 

1  He  could  not  afford  to  be  particular  as  to  the  kind  of  cases 
which  he  took  up  ;  the  affair  of  Athenogenes  is  far  from  respectable 
on  either  side,  and  several  of  his  speeches  were  in  connexion  with 
heiaivai  of  the  less  reputable  sort.  His  defence  of  the  famous 
Phryne  was  his  masterpiece. 

«  He  mentions  these  three  among  the  most  famous  cases  in  which 
he  has  been  concerned  {For  Euxenippus,  §  28). 

*  Demos.,  de  Cor.,  §§  134-135.  '*  Fr.  28. 


HYPERIDES  287 

to  Philip.  A  fragment  which  remains  of  Hyperides' 
speech  on  this  subject  shows  him  to  be  a  master  of 
sarcasm.^ 


We  know  nothing  for  certain  about  the  origin  of  the 
breach  between  him  and  Demosthenes  ;  it  may  have 
been  due  to  his  disapproval  of  the  latter's  pohcy  of 
inactivity  when  Sparta  in  330  B.C.  wished  to  fight  with 
Antipater ;  at  any  rate  his  language  in  334  B.C.  shows 
him  to  be  an  irreconcilable  adversary  of  Macedon. 
Nicanor  had  sent  a  proclamation  to  the  Greeks  request- 
ing them  to  recognize  Alexander  as  a  god,  and  to  receive 
back  their  exiles.  At  the  same  time  Harpalus,  Alex- 
ander's treasurer,  had  deserted  from  the  king's  side 
and  arrived  at  Athens  with  a  considerable  treasure. 
Demosthenes  was  in  favour  of  negotiating  with  Alex- 
ander ;  Hyperides  wished  to  reject  the  proposals  of 
Nicanor,  and  use  the  treasure  of  Harpalus  for  con- 
tinuing the  war  against  Macedon.  Harpalus  was  ar- 
rested, but  succeeded  in  escaping,  and  many  prominent 
statesmen  came  under  suspicion  of  having  received 
bribes  from  him.  Hyperides  was  chosen  as  one  of  the 
prosecutors,  and  Demosthenes  was  exiled. 

Hyperides,  after  Alexander's  death,  took  the  chief 
responsibility  for  the  Lamian  war,  and  was  chosen  to 
pronounce  the  funeral  oration  on  his  friend,  the  general 
Leosthenes,  and  the  other  Athenians  who  fell  in  the 
war.  Demosthenes  had  now  returned  from  exile  ;  the 
two  patriots  were  reconciled,  and  persisted  in  the  policy 
of  resistance  from  which  the  prudence  of  Phocion  had 
long  striven  to  dissuade  Athens.  After  the  battle  of 
Crannon,  Antipater  demanded  the  surrender  of  the 
leaders  of  the  war  party  ;  Hyperides  fied,  was  captured 

*   Vide  infra,  p.  295. 


288  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

and  put  to  death  in  322  B.C.  He  is  said  to  have  bitten 
^^-out  his  tongue  for  fear  that  he  might,  under  torture, 
betray  his  friends.  His  body  was  left  unburied  till  the 
piety  of  a  kinsman  recovered  it  and  gave  him  interment 
in  the  family  tomb  by  the  Rider's  Gate.  He  had  proved 
himself  consistent  throughout  his  public  life,  and  how- 
ever mistaken  his  policy,  especially  in  the  latter  years, 
may  have  been,  honour  is  due  to  him  for  the  unflinching 
patriotism  which  led  him  to  martyrdom  in  a  vain 
struggle  to  uphold  his  country's  honour. 

Until  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century.  Hyper- 
ides  was  known  to  the  modem  world  only  from  the 
criticisms  of  Dionysius  and  other  ancient  scholars,  and 
from  a  few  minute  fragments  preserved  here  and  there 
by  quotations  in  scholiasts  and  lexicographers.  A 
manuscript  is  believed  to  have  existed  in  the  library  at 
Buda,  but  when  that  city  was  captured  by  the  Turks 
in  1526  the  library  was  destroyed  or  dispersed,  and 
Hyperides  was  lost. 
-4^-  In  1847  portions  of  his  speeches  began  to  reappear 
among  the  papyri  discovered  in  Egypt.  In  that  year 
a  roll,  containing  fragments  of  the  speech  Against 
Demosthenes  and  of  the  first  half  of  the  Defence  of 
Lycophron,  was  brought  to  England;  a  second  roll 
discovered  in  the  same  year  was  found  to  contain  the 
second  half  of  the  Lycophron  and  the  whole  of  the 
Euxenippus.  In  1856  were  discovered  considerable 
fragments  of  the  Funeral  Speech.  In  1890,  some  frag- 
ments of  the  speech  Against  Philippides  were  acquired 
by  the  British  Museum,  while  the  most  important  dis- 
covery of  all  was  that  of  the  speech  Against  Athenogenes. 
The  MS.  was  purchased  for  the  Louvre  in  1888,  but  the 
complete  text  was  only  pubUshed  in  1892.    Its  import- 


HYPERIDES  289 

ance  may  be  estimated  by  the  fact  that  Dionysius 
couples  this  speech  and  the  defence  of  Phryne  as  being 
the  best  examples  of  a  style  in  which  Hyperides  sur- 
passed even  Demosthenes.  The  pap5mis  itself  is  of 
interest  as  giving  us  one  of  the  very  earliest  classical 
MSS.  that  we  possess ;  it  dates  from  the  2nd  century  B.C. ^ 

In  many  points  Hyperides  challenges  comparison 
with  Lysias.  The  criticism  of  Dionysius  is  well  worth 
our  consideration  :  '  Hyperides  is  sure  of  aim,  but  sel- 
dom exalts  his  subject ;  in  the  technique  of  diction  he 
surpasses  Lysias,  in  subtlety  (of  structure)  he  surpasses 
all.  He  keeps  a  firm  hold  throughout  on  the  matter  at 
issue,  and  clings  close  to  the  essential  details.  He  is 
well  equipped  with  intelligence,  and  is  full  of  charm  ; 
he  seems  simple,  but  is  no  stranger  to  cleverness.' ^ 

The  first  sentence  contrasts  Hyperides  once  for  all 
with  his  contemporary  Lycurgus,  who,  while  less  sure 
of  his  aim,  has  a  personal  dignity  which  gives  exaltation 
to  every  theme. 

We  have  hardly  enough  of  the  work  of  Hyperides  to 
enable  us  to  form  a  first-hand  judgment  as  to  the 
merits  of  his  diction  compared  with  that  of  Lysias. 
He  has,  indeed,  the  same  simpHcity  and  naturalness, 
but  hardly,  so  far  as  we  can  judge,  the  same  felicity  of 
expression. 

Hermogenes  blames  him  for  carelessness  and  lack  of 
restraint  in  the  use  of  words,  instancing  such  expres- 
sions as  /jLOV(i)TaTO<i,  yakiaypa,  iirrj^oXof},  etc.,  which 
seem  to  him  unsuited  for  literary  prose.  As  we  have 
had  occasion  to  notice  already,  rare  and  unusual  words 

^  The  agreement  of  Blass  and  Kenyon  on  this  point  may  be 
taken  as  conclusive.  Small  fragments  of  another  speech  For 
Lycophron  have  been  recently  published  {Pap.  Oytyrh.,  vol.  xiii.). 

?  dpxo.i<>)v  Kpiais,  V.  6. 


290  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

may  be  found  occasionally  in  every  orator,  almost  in 
every  writer.  Hyperides  was  no  purist ;  he  enlivened 
his  style  with  words  taken  from  the  vocabulary  of 
Comedy  and  of  the  streets.  He  did  not  wait  for 
authority  to  use  any  expression  which  would  give  a 
point  to  his  utterance. 

Critics  who  expected  dignified  restraint  in  oratorical 
prose  may  have  been  shocked  by  the  adjective  dpcirrj- 
Bea-Tos,  *  worm-eaten,'  which  he  applied  to  Greece  ;  to  us 
it  seems  an  apt  metaphor.  Of  his  other  colloquialisms 
some  recall  the  language  of  Comedy — as  Kp6vo<;  ('  an  old 
Fossil'),  the  diminutive  depairovTiov,  and  6^okoaTdT7)<^^ 
('a  weigher  of  small  change '  =  ' usurer '),  m-poairepi' 
KOTTTeiv  ('  to  get  additional  pickings  ' — the  metaphor  is 
apparently  from  pruning  a  tree),  TratBaycoyelv  in  the 
sense  of  '  lead  by  the  nose.'  Others  seem  to  be  merely 
colloquial,  part  of  that  large  and  unconventional  voca- 
bulary which  was  soon  to  form  the  basis  of  Hellen- 
istic Greek  ;  for  we  must  remember  that  we  are  already 
on  the  verge  of  Hellenism,  and  that  the  Attic  dialect 
must  soon  give  way  before  the  spread  of  a  freer 
language.  In  this  class  we  may  put  iirocfydaXfMcdv 
(*  to  eye  covetously '),  viroirl'irTeLv  {'  to  put  oneself  under 
control  of  somebody '),  iva-elci)  ('  to  entrap '),  Kar  are  five  lv 
{'to  abuse'),  iirefi^aLvco  (poetical  or  colloquial,  'to 
trample  on'). 

In  some  of  his  speeches  relating  to  hetairai  he  seems 
to  have  used  coarse  language  which  offended  his  critics  ; 
nothing  offensive  is  found  in  his  extant  speeches. ^ 

Other  metaphors  and  similes  abound  ;  he  is  fond  of 
comparing  the  life  of  the  State  to  the  life  of  a  man,  as 

1  d^oKoaraTftv  was  used  by  Lysias  also  (fr.  41). 
*  Demetrius,  irepl  ep/j-rfvelas,  §  302. 


HYPERIDES  291 

LycurgllS  does  also — ev  /juev  a-ay/ia  dddvaTOv  V7r€i\'r}(f>a<i 
eaecOaty    ttoXgco^    Se    Trj\iKavTr)<i     OdvaTOV      KaTiyvcofi. 

*  You  imagine  that  one  person  [i.e.  Philip)  can  live  for 
ever,  and  you  passed  sentence  of  death  on  a  city  as  old 
as  ours.'  The  Homeric  phrase  iirl  ryrjpcDf;  68^  (  =  €7rl 
<y7jpao^  ovBd),  '  on  the  threshold  of  old  age  ')  is  curiously 
introduced  into  a  serious  passage  in  the  Demosthenes 
without  any  preparation  or  apology.  We  can  only 
suppose  that  it  was  so  famihar  to  his  hearers  that  it 
would  not  strike  them  as  being  out  of  place  in  ordinary 
speech.  It  is  similarly  used  by  Lycurgus.^  In  the 
same  speech  (Against  Demosthenes)  Hyperides  speaks  of 
the  nation  being  robbed  of  its  crown,  but  the  meta- 
phor is  suggested  by  the  fact  that  actual  crowns  had 
been  bestowed  on  Demosthenes.     Such  metaphors  as 

*  others  are  building  their  conduct  on  the  foundations 
laid  by  Leosthenes,'  though  less  common  in  Greek  than 
in  English,  are  perfectly  intelligible.  A  happy  instance 
of  his  '  sureness  of  aim '  which  Dionysius  commended 
is  preserved  in  a  fragment  about  his  contemporaries  : 

*  Orators  are  like  snakes  ;  all  snakes  are  equally  loathed, 
but  some  of  them,  the  vipers,  injure  men,  while  the  big 
snakes  eat  the  vipers.'  ^ 

He  uses  simile,  however,  with  varying  success  ;  the 
following,  though  the  conception  is  good,  is  not  properly 
worked  out,  as  the  paralleHsm  breaks  down  : 

*  As  the  sun  traverses  the  whole  world,  marking  out  the 
seasons,  and  ordering  everything  in  due  proportion,  and 
for  the  prudent  and  temperate  of  mankind  takes  charge 
of  the  growth  of  their  food,  the  fruits  of  the  earth  and  all 
else  that  is  beneficial  for  life ;  so  our  city  ever  continues 
to  punish  the  wicked  and  help  the  righteous,  preserving 
equal  opportunities  for  all,  and  restraining  covetousness, 

1  Leoc,  §  40.  «  Fr.  80. 


^ij\ 


292  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

and  by  her  own  risk  and  loss  providing  common  security 
for  all  Greece.'  ^ 

\^.  The  Epitaphios  from  which  the  last  quotation  is  taken 
r^  is  a  speech  of  a  formal  kind  composed  in  the  epideictic 
style,  and  naturally  recalls  similar  speeches  of  Isocrates 
and  others.  Its  composition  shows  much  greater  care 
than  was  taken  with  the  other  speeches  ;  thus  there  are 
few  examples  of  harsh  hiatus,  a  matter  to  which  the 
author  as  a  rule  paid  no  attention.  All  the  other  extant 
speeches  have  far  more  instances  of  clashing  vowels.^ 
The  antithetical  sentences  are  appropriate  to  the  style, 
and  the  periodic  structure  is  like  that  of  Isocrates, 
except  that  the  sentences  are,  on  the  whole,  shorter 
and  simpler. 

In  other  speeches  he  mingles  the  periodic  and  the 
free  styles  with  discretion.  The  objection  to  a  long 
period  is  that  it  takes  time  to  understand  it ;  we  cannot 
fully  appreciate  the  importance  of  any  one  part  until 
we  have  reached  the  end  and  are  in  a  position  to  look 
back  at  the  whole .  For  practical  oratory  it  is  far  better 
to  make  a  short  statement  which  may  be  in  periodic 
form,  and  amphfy  it  by  subsequent  additions  loosely 
connected  by  Kai,  Se,  7ap,  and  such  particles.  This  is 
what  Hyperides  does  with  success,  for  instance  in  the 
opening  of  the  Euxenippus,  an  argumentative  passage. ^ 
In  narrative  passages  a  free  style  is  expected.^ 

1  Epitaphios,  §  5. 

2  Cf.  de  Demos.,  col.  xi,  iv  t($  S-fjfUfi  iTrraKda-ia  0Vas  elvai.  rdXavra, 
vvv  tA  7]fil<rr]  dvacp^peis,  /cat  oiJ5'  iXoyiaru  6ti  rod  irdpra  dvevexOrivai,  dpdCHs, 
K.T.X.  Ibid.,  col.  xiii.,  Kal  ol  &\\ol  <f)l\oi.  avroO  ^\eyov  8ti  dvayKdcovai, 
K.T.X.     Euxenippus,  §  19,  etc. 

3  |§  1. 2,  although  a  full  stop  occurs  in  the  second  line  of  §  3, 
are  aU  resdly  one  sentence,  but  in  spite  of  its  length  it  is  perfectly 
lucid. 

*  A  good  example  of  a  story  told  by  a  succession  of  short  sentences 
joined  by  Kal  is  to  be  found  in  Athenogenes,  §  5. 


HYPERIDES  293 

In  contrast  to  this  flowing  style  we  must  notice  the 
quick  abrupt  succession  of  short  sentences  which  he 
sometimes  affects,  either  in  the  form  of  question  and 
answer,  as  in  the  following  fragment,  or  otherwise  : 

'  "  Did  you  propose  that  the  slaves  should  be  made  free  ?  " 
"  I  did,  to  save  the  free  men  from  becoming  slaves. "  "  Did 
you  move  that  the  disfranchised  citizens  should  be  en- 
franchised ?  " — "I  did,  in  order  that  all  in  harmony  might 
fight  side  by  side  for  their  country."  '  ^ 

Still  more  effective  is  the  following  : 

'  It  is  on  this  account  that  you  have  enacted  laws  to  deal 
separately  with  every  possible  offence  that  a  citizen  may 
commit.  A  man  commits  sacrilege — ^prosecution  for  sacri-\ 
lege  before  the  king-archon.  He  neglects  his  parents — the ; 
archon  sits  on  his  case.  A  man  proposes  an  illegal  measure 
— ^there  is  the  council  of  the  Thesmothetae.  He  makes 
himself  liable  to  arrest — the  "  eleven  "  are  permanent 
officials.' 2 

Hyperides  possessed  an  active  wit  which  enabled  him 
on  many  occasions  to  evade  an  argument  by  making 
his  opponent  appear  ridiculous.  Euthias,  in  prosecut- 
ing Phryne  for  impiety,  made  his  audience  shudder  by 
describing  the  torments  of  the  wicked  in  Hades.  '  How 
is  Phryne  to  blame,'  asked  Hyperides, '  for  the  fact  that 
a  stone  hangs  over  the  head  of  Tantalus  ?  '  ^  In  the 
Euxenippus,  he  complains  that  the  process  of  impeach- 
ment before  the  assembly  has  been  appHed  to  the 
present  case : 

*  Impeachment  has  hitherto  been  employed  against 
people  like  Timomachus,  Leosthenes,  Callistratus,  Philon, 
and  Theotimus  who  lost  Sestos — ^some  of  them  for  betray- 
ing ships  which  they  commanded,  some  for  betraying 
cities,  and  one  for  giving,  as  an  orator,  bad  advice  to  the 

1  Frr.  27-28.  '  Euxenippus,  §§  5,  6.  *  Fr.  173. 


294  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

people.  .  .  .  The  present  state  of  affairs  is  ridiculous — 
Diognides  and  Antidorus  are  impeached  for  hiring  flute- 
players  at  a  higher  price  than  the  law  allows  ;  Agasicles  of 
Piraeus  is  impeached  for  being  registered  as  of  Halimus  ; 
and  Euxenippus  is  impeached  on  account  of  the  dream 
which  he  says  he  dreamed.'  ^ 

His  sarcasm  is  playful  at  times,  even  in  serious  pas- 
sages ;  for  instance  the  following  : 

'  These  Euboeans  Demosthenes  enrolled  as  Athenian 
citizens,  and  he  treats  them  as  his  intimate  friends  ;  this 
need  not  surprise  you  ;  naturally  enough,  since  his  policy 
is  always  ebbing  and  flowing,  he  has  secured  as  his  friends 
people  from  Euripus/  ^ 

Another  good  example  of  his  sarcastic  humour 
appears  in  the  defence  of  Euxenippus  against  the  charge 
of  Macedonian  sympathy  : 

'  If  your  assertion  (the  prosecutor's)  were  true,  you  would 
not  be  the  only  person  to  know  it.  In  the  case  of  all  others 
who  in  word  or  deed  favour  Philip,  their  secret  is  not  their 
own  ;  it  is  shared  by  the  whole  city.  The  very  children  in 
the  schools  know  the  names  of  the  orators  who  are  in  his 
pay,  of  the  private  persons  who  entertain  and  welcome  his 
emissaries,  and  go  out  into  the  streets  to  meet  them  on  their 
arrival.'  * 

This  same  sarcasm  is  in  many  places  a  powerful 
weapon  of  offence,  as  in  the  next  extract  from  the 
indictment  of  Demosthenes  : 

*  You,  by  whose  decree  he  was  put  in  custody,  who 
when  the  watch  was  relaxed  did  nothing  to  assure  it,  and 
when  it  was  abandoned  altogether  did  not  bring  the  guilty 
to  trial — ^no  doubt  it  was  for  nothing  that  you  turned  the 
opportunity  to  such  advantage.     Are  we  to  believe  that 

^  Euxenippus,  §§  1-3. 

*  Against  Demos.,  fr.  v.,  col.  xv.  15.  The  tide  in  the  Euripus, 
which  ebbed  and  flowed  nine  times  a  day,  was,  of  course,  proverbial. 

'  Euxenippus,  col.  xxxiv.,  §  22. 


HYPERIDES  295 

Harpalus  gradually  paid  out  his  money  to  the  minor  poli- 
ticians, who  could  only  make  a  noise  and  raise  an  uproar, 
and  overlooked  you,  who  were  master  of  the  whole  situa- 
tion ?  '  1 

The  following  fragment  contains  the  most  striking 
example  of  irony  to  be  found  anywhere  in  his  works  ; 
the  situation  explains  itself : 

'  The  reasons  which  Demades  has  introduced  are  not  the 
true  justification  for  Euthy crates'  appointment,  but  if  he 
must  be  your  proxenos,  I  have  composed,  and  now  put 
forward,  a  decree  setting  forth  the  true  reasons  why  he 
should  be  so  appointed  : — Resolved — ^that  Euthycrates  be 
appointed  proxenos,  for  that  he  acts  and  speaks  in  the 
interests  of  Philip ;  for  that,  having  been  appointed  a 
cavalry-leader,  he  betrayed  the  Olynthian  cavalry  to  Philip  ; 
for  that  by  so  doing  he  caused  the  ruin  of  the  people  of 
Chalcidice ;  for  that  after  the  capture  of  Olynthus  he  acted 
as  assessor  at  the  sale  of  the  prisoners  ;  for  that  he  worked 
against  Athens  in  the  matter  of  the  temple  at  Delos ;  for 
that,  when  Athens  was  defeated  at  Chaeronea,  he  neither 
buried  any  of  the  dead  nor  ransomed  any  of  the  captured.'^ 

We  have  seen  already  how  he  could  turn  his  wit 
against  the  whole  class  of  orators,  to  which  he  belonged 
himself  ;  it  is  pleasant  to  find  him,  in  a  speech  which  he 
wrote  for  a  fee,  thus  describing  Athenogenes  :  '  A  com- 
mon fellow,  a  professional  writer  of  speeches.'  ^  It  was 
the  business  of  the  logographos  to  sink  his  own  person- 
ality in  that  of  his  client,  and  Hyperides,  who  was  an 
artist  by  instinct,  did  so  more  successfully  than  any 
other  speech- writer,  except,  perhaps,  Demosthenes.  In 
the  present  instance  he  must  have  felt  a  peculiar  satis- 
faction in  his  work. 

In  private  speeches  he  introduces  many  matters 

*  Against  Demos.,  col.  xii.  '  Fr.  76. 

^  Athenogenes,  col.  2,  &vOp(t}irov  \oy6ypa<p6v  re  /cat  dyopahv. 


296  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

extraneous  to  the  case  ;  thus  in  the  Athenogenes,  though 
the  question  is  only  about  a  shady  business  transac- 
tion, he  rouses  odium  by  references  to  his  adversary's 
poHtical  offences.  No  doubt  many  weak  cases  suc- 
ceeded by  such  devices,  which  call  forth  the  just  indig- 
nation of  Lycurgus.i  In  pubHc  cases  he  has  a  higher 
ideal.  When  Lycurgus  was  an  advocate  on  the  other 
side,  Hyperides  referred  to  him  with  all  the  respect 
due  to  his  character.  Even  the  speech  against  Demo- 
sthenes is  entirely  free  from  personal  abuse,  if  we  except 
a  little  mild  banter  about  Demosthenes'  austere  habits 
of  sobriety. 2  The  indictment  of  Demosthenes'  pubHc 
actions  is  vigorous  enough,  but  it  is  restrained  within 
the  limits  of  good  taste,  and  this  is  not  for  the  sake  of 
ancient  friendship,  which  Hyperides  repudiates  : 

'  After  that  will  you  dare  to  remind  me  of  our  friendship  ? 
...  (as  if  it  were)  not  you  yourself  who  dissolved  that 
friendship,  when  you  received  money  to  do  your  country 
harm,  and  changed  sides  ?  When  you  made  yourself  ridi- 
culous and  brought  disgrace  on  us  who  hitherto  had  been  of 
your  party  ?  Whereas  we  might  have  been  held  in  the 
highest  respect  by  the  people,  and  been  attended  for  the 
rest  of  life's  journey  by  an  honourable  repute,  you  shal  tered 
all  such  hopes,  and  are  not  ashamed  at  your  age  to  be  tried 
by  the  younger  generation  for  receiving  bribes.  On  the 
contrary,  the  younger  politicians  ought  to  receive  education 
from  men  like  you  ;  if  they  committed  any  hasty  action 
they  ought  to  be  rebuked  and  punished.  Things  are  quite 
different  now,  when  it  falls  upon  the  young  men  to  correct 
those  who  have  passed  the  age  of  sixty.  And  so,  Gentle- 
men, you  may  well  be  angry  with  Demosthenes,  for  through 
you  he  has  had  his  fair  portion  of  wealth  and  renown  ;  and 

1  Lycurgus,  Leocr.,  §  ii  ;    cf.  §  149. 

'  Col.  xxxix.,  the  Icist  two  fragments  of  the  speech  in  Blass' 
edition. 


HYPERIDES  297 

now,  with  his  foot  on  the  threshold  of  old  age,  he  shows  that 
he  cares  nothing  for  his  country.' ^ 

Dionysius  approves  the  diversity  of  Hyperides* 
manner  in  dealing  with  his  narratives  : — '  He  tells  his 
story  on  a  variety  of  ways,  sometimes  in  the  natural 
order,  sometimes  working  back  from  the  end  to  the 
beginning.*  ^  We  have  no  means  of  judging ;  the 
Euxenippus,  the  only  complete  forensic  speech,  con- 
tains practically  no  narrative ;  the  story  of  the 
Athenogenes  is,  apparently,  told  straight  through  with- 
out a  break,  and  then  followed  by  evidence  and 
criticism  and  legal  arguments.  Then  follows  the 
attempt  to  blacken  the  character  of  Athenogenes  by 
extraneous  arguments. 

We  may  conclude  this  section  by  a  few  sentences 
from  the  treatise  On  the  Sublime,  expressing  an  estimate 
of  the  general  character  of  his  oratory  : 

'  If  successes  were  to  be  judged  by  number,  not  by  magni- 
tude, Hyperides  would  be  absolutely  superior  to  Demo- 
sthenes. He  has  more  tones  in  his  voice,  and  more  good 
quaUties.  He  is  very  nearly  first-class  in  everything,  like 
a  pentathlete,  so  that,  while  other  competitors  in  every 
event  beat  him  for  the  first  prize,  he  is  the  best  of  all  who 
are  not  speciaUsts.'  .  .  .  'Where  Demosthenes  tries  to  be 
amusing  and  witty,  he  raises  a  laugh,  but  it  is  against  him- 
self. When  he  attempts  to  be  graceful,  he  fails  still  more 
signally.  At  any  rate,  if  he  had  attempted  to  compose 
the  little  speech  about  Phryne  or  the  one  against  Atheno- 
genes, he  would  have  established  still  more  firmly  the  re- 
putation of  Hyperides.'  'But  .  .  .  the  beauties  of  the 
latter,  though  numerous,  are  not  great ;  his  sobriety  renders 
them  ineffective,  and  leaves  the  hearer  undisturbed — ^no 
one,  at  any  rate,  is  moved  to  terror  by  reading  H57perides. '  ^ 

^  Demos.,  v.,  §§  20-21.  '  de  Dinarcho,  ch.  6. 

'  irepi  vxpovs,  ch.  34. 


J 


298  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

And  the  passage  concludes  with  a  sincere  tribute  to  the 
titanic  force  of  Demosthenes. 

Hyperides  had  seventy-seven  speeches  ascribed  to 
him,  of  which  fifty- two  were  thought  by  the  Greek 
biographer  to  be  genuine. ^  Blass  has  collected  the 
titles  of  no  less  than  sixty-five,  in  addition  to  the  five 
which  are  extant  in  the  papyri ;  so  that  only  seven  are 
unknown  by  name.  Some  quotations  have  been  given 
from  the  indictment  of  Demosthenes  ;  ^  the  subject- 
matter  has  been  explained,^  and  the  treatment,  so  far 
as  we  can  judge  from  the  fragments,  criticized.*  The 
date  is  324  B.C.  The  Defence  of  Lycophron  is  a  speech 
in  an  elcrayyeXla  in  which  Lycurgus  was  one  of  the 
prosecutors.  Lycophron,  an  Athenian  noble,  was  a 
commander  of  cavalry  in  Lemnos,  and  was  accused  of 
seducing  a  Lemnian  woman  of  good  family,  the  wife  of 
an  Athenian  who  died  before  the  case  came  on.  The 
date  is  uncertain  ;  perhaps  circa  338  B.C.  The  case  of 
Euxenippus  arises  out  of  the  fact  that  Philip,  after 
Chaeronea,  restored  the  territory  of  Oropus  to  Athens. 
It  was  divided  into  five  lots,  and  one  lot  assigned  to 
every  two  tribes.  A  question  arose  whether  the 
portion  given  to  the  Hippothoontid  and  Acamantid 
tribes  was  not  sacred  to  Amphiaraiis,  and  Euxenippus 
and  two  others  were  deputed  to  sleep  in  the  shrine  of 
the  hero  and  obtain  from  their  dreams  a  divination  on 
the  subject.  They  reported  a  dream  which  could  be 
interpreted  in  favour  of  their  tribes.  In  the  present 
instance  they  are  prosecuted  for  having  given  a  false 
report  of  their  dreams.  The  defendant  and  another 
advocate  had  already  preceded  Hyperides,  so  that  the 
present  speech  is  mainly  devoted  to  bickering  with  the 

1  Ps.-Pluf.,  §  15.  2  Supra,  pp.  i8,  294-296. 

*  Supra,  p.  225-227.  *  Supra,  p.  296. 


HYPERIDES  •       299 

prosecutors,  of  whom  Lycurgus  was  one.     Date  about 
330  B.C. 

The  speech  Against  Philippides  ^  is  very  much  muti- 
lated. It  is  a  ypa(l>T]  Trapavoficov  against  Phihppides, 
otherwise  unknown,  who  had  proposed  a  vote  of  thanks 
to  a  board  of  irpoehpot  or  presidents  of  the  ecclesia  for 
their  action  in  passing  a  certain  decree,  which  seems  to 
have  been  a  vote  of  honour  to  PhiHp.  It  was  passed 
under  compulsion,  and  Philippides  attempted  sub- 
sequently to  exonerate  them  from  all  possible  blame 
by  a  decree  which  is  here  declared  illegal. 

The  Efitafhios  or  Funeral  Speech  is  a  composition 
in  a  well-known  conventional  form.  The  topics  for 
such  a  speech  were  already  laid  down  by  long  custom. 
The  skill  of  the  orator  is  seen  in  his  original  way  of 
handling  the  traditional  commonplaces.  First  of  all 
there  is  the  strong  personal  note.  He  had  been  asso- 
ciated in  politics  with  Leosthenes,  and  with  him  was 
jointly  responsible  for  the  Lamian  war  in  which  the 
latter  met  his  death. ^  His  personal  feeling  for  the 
general  is  very  prominent  in  the  speech ;  Leosthenes 
is  in  fact  the  principal  theme  ;  he  is  put,  as  M.  Croiset 
remarks,  almost  on  a  level  with  Athens  : — '  Leosthenes 
seeing  all  Greece  humbled  and  cowering,  brought  to 
ruin  by  the  traitors  whom  Philip  and  Alexander  had 
bought ;  seeing  that  our  city  wanted  a  man,  and  all 
Greece  wanted  a  city,  to  take  the  leadership,  freely  gave 
himself  for  his  country  and  gave  our  city  for  the  Greeks 
to  win  their  freedom.'  ^  It  is  not,  he  says,  that  he 
wishes  to  slight  the  other  patriots,  but  in  praising 
Leosthenes  he  is  praising  all.  He  draws  a  fancy  picture 
of  the  heroes  of  antiquity  welcoming  Leosthenes  in 
Hades.  It  is  a  sign  of  the  times  that  the  individual 
*  Date  336-5  B.C.  2  322  B.C.  '  Epttaphtos,  §  10. 


300  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

should  so  be  exalted ;  we  have  travelled  far  indeed 
from  the  cold  impersonaHty  of  Pericles,  to  whom  the 
nameless  heroes  who  sacrifice  their  lives  are  but  part 
of  a  pageant  passing  before  the  eyes  of  the  deathless 

^     city.     The  consolation  to  the  living  is  remarkable  for 

-^"containing  references  to  a  future  life,  which  is  quite 

without  precedent : — '  It  is  hard  to  comfort  those  who 

are  in  such  grief ;    for  neither  speeches  nor  laws  can 

send  sorrow  to  sleep  '  .  .  .  (there  follow  remarks  about 

eternal  praise,  which  are  not  particularly  characteristic  ; 

but  he  concludes  in  a  higher  strain) : — '  Furthermore, 

if  the  dead  are  as  though  they  had  never  been,  our 

friends  are  released  from  sickness  and  pain  and  the 

other  misadventures  which  afflict  mankind  ;  but  if  the 

\  dead  have  consciousness,  and  are  under  the  care  of 

I  God,  as  we  beheve,  we  may  be  sure  that  they,  who 

upheld  the  honour  of  the  gods  when  it  was  threatened, 

are  now  the  objects  of  God's  loving  kindness.'  ^    Truly 

Socrates  had  not  lived  in  vain. 

.  ,       The  speech  Against  Athenogenes  ^  is  an  admirable 
"^^  -   example  of  the  orator's  lighter  style.     Its  chief  merit 
is  the  way  in  which  the  narrative  of  the  events  is 
delivered  by  the  speaker. 

Hyperides'  client,  a  young  Athenian,  wished  to  obtain 
possession  of  a  young  slave,  who  was  employed  in  a 
perfumery-shop.  Athenogenes,  the  owner  of  the  shop — 
^  '  a  vulgar  speech-maker,  and  worst  of  all  an  Eg3rptian  ' 
— saw  his  opportunity  for  a  good  stroke  of  business, 
and  at  first  refused  to  sell  the  slave.  A  quarrel  ensued. 
At  this  point  Antigona,  once  the  most  accomplished 
courtesan  of  her  day,  but  now  retired,  came  and  offered 
her  services  to  the  young  man.     She  contrived  to  pick 

*  Epitaphios,  §§  41-43.  ^  Date  between  328  and  323  B.C. 


HYPERIDES  301 

up  for  herself  a  gratuity  of  300  drachmas,  just  as  a 
proof  of  his  good  opinion.  Later,  she  told  the  young 
man  that  she  had  persuaded  Athenogenes  to  release 
the  boy,  not  separately,  but  together  with  his  father 
and  brother,  for  forty  minas.  The  young  man  bor- 
rowed the  money ;  a  touching  scene  of  reconcihation 
followed,  Antigona  exhorting  the  two  adversaries  to 
behave  as  friends  in  future.  *  I  said  that  I  would  do 
so,  and  Athenogenes  answered  that  I  ought  to  be  grateful 
to  Antigona  for  her  services ;  "  and  now,"  he  said,  "you 
shall  see  what  a  kindness  I  will  do  you  for  her  sake." ' 
He  offered,  instead  of  setting  the  slaves  free,  to  sell 
them  formally  to  the  plaintiff,  who  could  then  set  them 
free  when  he  liked,  and  so  win  their  gratitude.  *  As  to 
any  debts  they  have  contracted,  you  can  take  them 
over  ;  they  are  trifling,  and  the  stock  remaining  in  the 
shop  will  easily  cover  them.'  Assent  having  been 
given,  Athenogenes  produced  a  contract  in  these  terms, 
which  he  had  brought  with  him,  and  it  was  signed  and 
sealed  on  the  spot.  Within  three  months  the  unhappy 
purchaser  found  himself  liable  for  business  debts  and 
deposits  amounting  to  five  talents.  Athenogenes  made 
the  preposterous  excuse  that  he  had  not  known  any- 
thing about  this  enormous  debt.  His  dupe  was  in  an 
awkward  position,  as  he  had  formally  taken  over  the 
business  and  its  liabilities.  He  tries  to  prove  that  the 
contract  should  be  held  not  valid.  His  legal  claim  is 
very  slight ;  the  appeal  is  really  to  equity.  The  second 
part  of  the  speech  deals  with  Athenogenes  in  his 
political  relations.  The  epilogue  exhorts  the  judges 
to  take  this  opportunity  of  pimishing  such  a  scoundrel 
on  general  groimds,  even  if  he  cannot  actually  be  brought 
under  any  particular  law. 


302  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

DINARCHUS 

Dinarchus,  the  last  of  the  ten  orators  of  the 
"^^  Alexandrian  Canon,  was  a  Corinthian  by  birth.  He 
lived  as  a  metoecus  at  Athens,  but  never  obtained 
the  citizenship,  and  was  therefore  unable  to  appear  in 
the  courts  or  the  assembly.  He  was  bom  about  360 
B.C.  ;  on  coming  to  Athens  he  is  said  to  have  studied 
under  Theophrastus,  and  he  began  to  write  speeches, 
as  a  professional  logographos,  about  336  B.C.  He  did 
not  come  into  prominence  till  about  the  time  of  the  affair 
of  Harpalus,  and  his  most  flourishing  period  was  after 
^  the  death  of  Alexander,  under  the  oligarchic  constitu- 
tion set  up  by  Cassander.  During  these  fifteen  years, 
322-307  B.C.,  he  composed  a  large  number  of  speeches. 
In  307  B.C.  the  democratic  restoration  threatened 
danger  to  all  who  had  flourished  imder  the  oligarchy, 
and  he  retired  to  Chalcis  in  Euboea,  where  he  lived  for 
fifteen  years. ^  He  returned  to  Athens  in  292  B.C.  and 
stayed  for  a  time  with  one  Proxenos,  who,  taking 
advantage  of  his  age  and  infirmity,  robbed  him  of  a 
large  srnn  of  money.  He  brought  his  host  to  justice, 
and,  according  to  Dionysius  and  other  biographers, 
himself  spoke  in  court  for  the  first  time.  We  know 
nothing  of  the  result  of  the  case,  and  have  no  informa- 
tion of  the  rest  of  the  life  of  Dinarchus  or  his  death. 2 

1  Dion,  {de  Dinarcho,  ch.  iv.,  ad  fin.)  believed  that  he  wrote  no 
speeches  during  this  time,  for  nobody  would  take  the  trouble  to 
go  to  Chalcis  for  a  speech  either  in  a  private  or  public  action— o^ 
yd.p  riXeoy  TjTdpovv  oUtoj  X&yoov.  Dionysius  consequently  rejected 
as  spurious  all  speeches  attributed  to  Dinarchus  which  were  dated 
between  307  and  292  b.c. 

*  Suidas  says  that  he  was  appointed  Commissioner  of  th©  Pelo- 
p>onnese  {iiniui€\7}T^5  UeXoiropv-^aov)  by  Antipater,  but  this  was 
another  Dinarchus,  Demetrius  Magnes,  quoted  by  Dionysius 
Din.,  ch.  i),  mentions  four  men  of  this  name. 


\ 


DINARCHUS  303 

Dinarchus  wrote,  according  to  Demetrius  Magnes,^ 
over  a  hundred  and  sixty  speeches.  Many  of  these 
were  rejected  by  Dionysius,  who,  however,  admits  the 
authenticity  of  a  sufficiently  large  number — sixty  out 
of  eighty-seven  which  he  knew.^  Three  only  have 
come  down  to  us,  and  the  authenticity  of  the  longest 
of  these — Against  Demosthenes — was  questioned  by 
Demetrius.  We  shall,  however,  treat  it  as  genuine, 
since  in  style  and  subject-matter  it  is  very  similar  to 
the  others.  The  three  speeches,  Against  Demosthenes, 
Aristogiton,  and  Philocles,  all  relate  to  the  affair  of 
Harpalus.  The  corruption  connected  with  this  affair 
was  so  deep-rooted  that  it  was  necessary  above  all  to 
find  men  of  upright  character  to  conduct  the  prosecu- 
tions, and  these  would  not  be  well-known  orators,  since 
most  of  the  prominent  politicians  were  impUcated  as 
defendants  in  the  case.  It  is  hardly  remarkable, 
therefore,  that  professional  speech- writers  should  be 
employed  or  that  one  writer  should  compose  speeches 
to  be  delivered  in  three  of  the  many  prosecutions. 

Dinarchus,  the  last  of  the  truly  Attic  orators,  is  of 
very  little  importance  in  himself,  but  must  find  a  place 
in  any  history  of  this  kind  as  representing  the  beginning 
of  the  decline  of  oratory.  *  He  flourished  most  of  all,' 
says  Dionysius,  *  after  the  death  of  Alexander,  when 
Demosthenes  and  the  other  orators  had  been  con- 
demned to  perpetual  banishment  or  put  to  death,  and 
there  was  nobody  left  who  was  worth  mentioning  after 
them. '  This  contains  a  fairly  j ust  estimate  of  the  merits 
of  the  man,  who,  according  to  the  same  critic,  *  neither 
invented  a  style  of  his  own,  like  Lysias  and  Isocrates 

*  In  Dionysius,  de  Din.,  ch.  i. 

*  The  curious  may  collect  the  titles  from  Dionysius  {de  Din. 
chs.  x.-xiii.). 


304  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

and  Isaeus,  nor  perfected  the  inventions  of  others,  as, 
in  our  judgment,  Demosthenes,  Aeschines,  and  Hyperides 
did.'  '     His  merits  and  defects  are  very  obvious.     He 

"^  knows  all  the  technique  of  prose  composition  ;  he  can 
avoid  hiatus  cleverly,  and  writes  a  style  which  is  easily 
intelligible,  even  when  his  sentences  are  inordinately 
long.  He  has  some  skill  in  the  use  of  new  words 
and  metaphors — ^eToicoviaaaOaL  Tr}v  rif^rjv,  *  auspicate 
your  fortunes  anew ' — iKKaOdpare,  *  purge  him  away 
from  the  State ' — Seuo-oTroto?  Trovrjpla,  *  ingrained 
wickedness.'  He  has  some  vigour  and  liveliness : 
abrupt  statements  like  the  following  are  terse  and 
graphic  enough — '  You  chose  prosecutors  in  due  course  ; 
he  came  before  the  court ;  you  acquitted  him  '  ;  ^  he 
makes  good  use  of  rhetorical  questions  addressed  to 
the  defendant : — '  Did  you  propose  any  motion  about 
it  ?  Did  you  give  any  counsel  ?  Did  you  contribute 
any  money  ?  Did  you  ever  in  any  small  matter  prove 
serviceable  to  those  who  were  working  for  the  common 
safety  ?  Not  in  the  slightest  degree  '  .  .  .  etc,^  His 
sarcasm,  which  is  rare,  because  he  is  generally  too  directly 
violent  to  be  sarcastic,  is  at  times  pointed  : — *  Read 
again  the  decree  which  Demosthenes  proposed  against 

N^  Demosthenes.'  *  He  knows  the  oratorical  tricks :  he 
'  can  flatter  the  jury  by  references  to  their  intelligence, 
by  praise  of  the  Areopagus,  by  encomia  on  the  virtues 
of  their  ancestors.  He  can  appeal  to  ancient  and 
modem  precedent  for  the  impartiahty  of  judges  and 
their  severity  against  evil-doers. 

He  is  at  his  best  in  the  long  refutation  of  the  defence 
which  he  anticipates  from  Demosthenes^^ — this  is,  on 

1  Dion.,  Din.,  ch,  2.  *  Demos.,  §  58.  »  Ibid.,  §  35. 

*  Ibid.,  83.  »  Demos.,  §§  48-63. 


DINARCHUS  305 

the  whole,  orderly  and  effective — and  in  short  passages 
like  the  following  from  the  speech  Against  Phtlocles  : 

*  Reflecting  on  these  facts,  Athenians,  and  remembering 
the  present  crisis,  which  calls  for  honour,  not  corruption, 
it  is  your  duty  to  hate  evil-doers,  to  exterminate  from  your 
city  such  beasts,  and  show  the  world  that  the  nation  has 
not  shared  in  the  degradation  of  certain  of  its  politicians 
and  generals,  and  is  not  a  slave  to  conventional  opinion  ; 
knowing  that,  by  God's  favour,  with  the  help  of  justice  and 
concord,  we  shall  easily  defend  ourselves,  if  any  enemies 
wrongfully  attack  us,  but  that  in  union  with  corruption 
and  treachery  and  other  such  vices  which  infect  mankind, 
no  city  can  ever  be  saved. '  ^ 

He  was,  then,  thoroughly  competent ;  but  he  was 
careless.  He  passes  from  section  to  section  with  no 
logical  and  little  formal  connection  ;  invective  takes 
the  place  of  argument,  and  even  his  abuse  is  incoherent. 
Everything  is  overdone  ;  other  writers  have  produced 
striking  effects  by  slight  changes  in  the  order  of  words  ; 
Dinarchus  disarranges  his  order  without  improving  the 
emphasis. 2  Again,  the  repetition  of  a  single  word  may 
give  emphasis,  as  thus  : — *  A  hireling,  men  of  Athens, 
a  hireling  he  is  and  has  been  ' ;  but  this  device  is  used 
ad  nauseam.^  His  sentences,  great  concatenations  of 
participles  and  relatives,  trail  along  like  wounded 
snakes.* 

Invective  had  its  place  in  Athenian  oratory,  but 
when  on  every  page  we  find  such  expressions  as  beast, 

1  Phil,  §  19. 

'  In  such  extravagances  as  17  rajv  4k  irpovolas  <p6v(au  d^ioiriffTos  oC<ra 
^ovXrj  TO  SiKaLOP  Kai  raXrjdes  evpeiu  {Demos.,  §  6).  Cf.  also  §§  12,  23,  59, 
1 10,  and  elsewhere. 

*  Demos.,  §  28  ;   cf.  §§  10,  27,  46,  76,  etc. 

*  Demos.,  §§  18-21  (thirty -six  lines  without  a  real  stop)  ;  Phtlocles, 
§§  1-3  (twenty-three  hnes). 

U 


3o6  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

foul  creature,  foul  beast,  scum,  cheat,  accursed,  thief, 
traitor,  perjurer,  receiver  of  bribes,  hireling,  unclean, 
we  feel  that  the  orator  is  spitting  rather  than  talking.^ 
There  is  a  similar  lack  of  decency  in  his  imputation  of 
.^corrupt  motives  to  all  the  public  actions  of  Demosthenes, 
good  or  bad,  and  to  his  exaggeration  of  the  latter's 
offences.  He  becomes  positively  ridiculous  when  he 
describes  Aristogiton's  first  imprisonment — the  first 
of  many.  Aristogiton,  the  worst  man  in  Athens,  or 
rather,  in  all  the  world  .  .  .  has  spent  more  time  in 
prison  than  out  .  .  .  the  first  time  he  went  there  he 
behaved  so  disgustingly  that  the  other  prisoners,  the 
dregs  of  all  the  world,  refused  to  have  their  meals  with 
him,  or  associate  with  him  on  terms  of  equahty.^  This 
abuse  of  a  man  who  is  on  trial  for  a  merely  political 
offence,  is  grossly  over-coloured,  and  is  probably  as 
false  as  his  description  of  Demosthenes'  callousness  : — 
'  He  went  about  exulting  in  the  city's  misfortunes  ;  he 
was  carried  in  a  litter  down  the  road  to  Piraeus,  mocking 
at  the  miseries  of  the  poor.'  Finally,  his  plagiarisms 
from  Demosthenes,  Aeschines,  and  other  orators  are  too 
numerous  to  record  ;  he  borrows  whole  passages  with- 
out skill  or  appropriateness.^  He  borrows  even  from 
himself.*  The  ancient  nicknames  for  him,  a^ypolKo^ 
Afjfjbocrdevtjf;,  KpiOivo^  ATjfjLoaOev^f; — '  the  boorish  Demo- 

^  drjpiou,  Aciapos,  fjnapbv  drjptov,  Kddapfia^  7(5i?s,  KardpaToSy  /c\^7rT7;$, 
irpo86T7)s,  irrLOjpKrjKcbs,  8o}p68oKOs,  fxicrdwrds,  KCLTairTvarbs  are  culled  with- 
out any  special  diligence  from  his  elegant  repertory. 

«  Anstog.,  §§  I,  2,  9-IO. 

*  Demos.,  §  24,  description  of  Thebes,  from  Aeschines.  See 
Weil,  les  Harangues  de  Demosthene,  p.  338,  note  on  Philippic,  iii., 
§  41,  and  Din.,  Aristog.,  §  24,  which  is  borrowed  from  it ;  'II  est 
4  son  module  ce  que  la  bi^re  est  au  vin.'  (This  barley-beer  was  a 
barbarian  drink.) 

*  E.g.  the  passage  about  Conon's  son,  Demos.,  §  14,  used  again 
in  Phil.,  §  17. 


DINARCHUS  307 

sthenes/  *  the  small-beer  Demosthenes/  are  as  apt  as 
such  characterisation  can  be.^ 

To  sum  up :  the  very  marked  decline  of  which  f^, 
Dinarchus  is  tjrpical,  is  due  not  to  lack  of  technical 
abiHty,  but  to  lack  of  originality  on  the  intellectual 
side,  and  still  more  to  moral  causes  : — lack  of  literary 
conscience,  shown  in  the  plagiarisms  ;  lack  of  proper 
care,  shown  in  the  incoherence  of  the  whole  speeches  ; 
and  lack  of  all  sense  of  proportion  and  restraint,  shown 
by  the  numerous  exaggerations  of  various  kinds  which 
have  been  described  above. 

^  Dion.,  de  Din.,  ch.  viii. ;  Hermogenes,  irepl  iSewv,  b,  p.  384,  iv. 


CHAPTER  XII 
THE  DECLINE  OF  ORATORY 

OWING  to  the  extraordinary  success  of  the  Mace- 
donian arms,  Hellenic  culture  spread  rapidly 
over  a  great  part  of  the  world ;  but  it  was  beaten 
out  thin  in  the  process. ^ 

The  conditions  of  Hfe  in  Greece  underwent  a  great 
change  in  the  generations  which  succeeded  the  death  of 
Alexander.  Athens,  which  had  for  so  long  been  the 
intellectual  headquarters  of  the  world,  was  now  only  a 
station  of  secondary  importance.  Alexandria,  founded 
by  the  king  himself,  became  under  the  divine  auspices 
of  the  Ptolemies  not  only  the  great  mart  of  the  world 
but  the  greatest  centre  of  learning ;  Pergamus  in  the 
course  of  time  rivalled  Alexandria,  at  any  rate  in 
Uterary  resources ;  while  Antioch  and  Tarsus  also 
became  prominent  in  the  history  of  learning. 

From  early  times  men  of  genius  bom  elsewhere  in 
Greece,  in  the  Ionian  cities  and  in  Magna  Graecia,  had 
turned  to  Athens  for  appreciation  of  their  powers.  It 
is  easy  to  see  at  a  glance  how  much  Athens  owed  to 
these  ahens  for  her  intellectual  advancement — Gorgias 
of  Leontini,  Protagoras  of  Abdera,  Anaxagoras  of 
Clazomenae,  Thr£LS5nnachus  of  Chalcedon.  Her  dram- 
atic poets  were  her  own,  and  so  were  her  great  orators, 

*  The  general  decline  of  taste  reacted  on  literary  style,  cf.  infra 
pp.  309-10- 

808 


THE  DECLINE  OF  ORATORY  309 

with  the  exception  of  Lysias  ;  but  this  is  partly  due  to 
the  fact  that  the  constitution  of  her  laws  gave  little 
opportunity  for  aliens  to  win  distinction  on  the  plat- 
form or  the  stage.  Of  her  great  historians,  one  was 
not  of  Athenian  birth  and  even  wrote  in  a  foreign 
dialect ;  in  philosophy  no  true-born  Athenian  before 
Plato  won  real  distinction.  In  the  Macedonian  era  a 
distinguished  stranger  had  more  prospect  not  only  of 
appreciation  but  of  material  advancement  in  one  of  the 
royal  cities  than  in  a  city-state  which  had  become  little 
better  than  a  minor  satrapy  in  one  of  the  great  empires, 
and  traded  only  on  the  fading  memories  of  its  former 
magnificence.  Life  in  the  great  cities  was  very  different, 
too,  from  life  in  democratic  Athens.  From  the  time 
of  Pericles  to  that  of  Demosthenes,  all  citizens  had  at 
least  a  strong  corporate  feeling  ;  all  citizens  knew  each 
other.  The  sculptor  fought  side  by  side  with  the  tanner, 
the  Alcmaeonid  met  the  lamp-seller  in  debate  ;  there 
were  many  common  grounds  in  which  all  could  meet 
under  conditions  of  equality.  In  the  law-courts  the 
orator  must  satisfy  not  only  the  learned  few  but  the 
unlettered  many ;  in  the  theatre  the  poet  and  his 
actors  appealed  to  all  classes,  from  the  high-priest  who 
must  not  be  allowed  to  slumber  on  his  central  throne  to 
the  people  who  ate  sweetmeats  in  the  back  rows,  and,  if 
dissatisfied,  with  true  Athenian  spirit,  threw  these  harm- 
less missiles  at  the  performers. ^  Moreover,  all  spoke 
the  same  language.  The  diction  of  tragedy  gradually 
put  off  its  artificiality,  and  the  orators  approached 
nearer  and  nearer  to  the  idiom  of  common  speech. 
In  Alexandria,  on  the  other  hand,  to  take  one  typical 

1  Arist.,  Eth.  Nic.,  x.  5.  4,  ot  TpayTifiarl^oyTts.     Demos.,  de  Cor. , 
cl.  supra,  p.  249. 


X 


310  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

example,  there  was  no  such  unity.  Among  the  Greek 
inhabitants  there  were  many  classes — the  court-circle, 
the  scholars  of  the  Museum,  the  merchants,  the 
mercenary  troops,  all  with  different  aims  and  occupa- 
tions ;  and  these  formed  but  a  minority.  In  addition 
there  would  be  thousands  of  Jews,  Egyptians,  Phoeni- 
cians, Mesopotamians,  and  others,  to  whom  Greek  was 
at  first  a  foreign  language,  and  who  when  they  had 
acquired  it  spoke,  in  the  kolvti,  a  dialect  corrupted  by 
innumerable  foreign  elements.  Thus,  though  scholar- 
ship persisted  and  flourished,  there  must  always  have 
been  a  sharp  distinction  between  the  lettered  classes 
and  the  common  people. 

Oratory,  like  all  other  arts,  faded  away  in  Athens 
after  Alexander's  death,  partly  from  the  general  causes 
indicated,  partly  on  account  of  the  special  conditions 
of  Athenian  life. 

Forced  to  submit  to  Antipater  in  322  B.C.,  Athens  was 
allowed  to  exist  on  humihating  terms.  She  received 
a  Macedonian  garrison  into  Munychia,  the  democracy 
was  overthrown ;  12,000  of  the  poorer  citizens  were  not 
only  disfranchised  but  expatriated,  and  an  oligarchy 
was  instituted.  Five  years  later  a  temporary  revival 
occurred,  when  Polysperchon  (317  B.C.)  overthrew  the 
oligarchy ;  but  a  few  months  after  this  Cassander 
obtained  possession  of  the  city  and  again  established  a 
government  on  narrower  lines,  installing  as  governor 
a  man  of  great  erudition  and  culture,  Demetrius 
of  Phalerum.  This  Demetrius,  though  practically  a 
satrap  of  Cassander,  governed  the  city  wisely  for  ten 
years ;  but  in  307  B.C.  he  fled  before  the  approach  of 
Demetrius  PoHorcetes,  son  of  Antigonus.  The  Be- 
sieger made  a  proclamation  of  freedom,  which   the 


THE  DECLINE  OF  ORATORY  311 

Athenians  by  this  time  were  unworthy  to  enjoy  ;  they 
ascribed  to  him  divine  honours,  and  in  301  B.C.  he 
took  up  his  quarters  in  the  Parthenon.  No  wonder 
that  Pallas  Athene  fled  in  disgust  when  her  shrine  was 
polluted  by  the  licentious  orgies  of  this  new  war-god. 

Phocion,  Demades,  and  Dinarchus,  from  among  the 
contemporaries  of  Demosthenes,  lived  to  see  their  city 
under  Macedonian  rule,  but  they  left  no  successors. 
There  were  few  opportunities  left  for  an  orator.  The 
ecclesia,  when  it  met  on  sufferance,  could  debate  only 
on  matters  of  domestic  import ;  and  proposals  to  im- 
prove the  water-supply,  or  er§ct  statues  to  a  tyrant, 
give  less  scope  for  eloquence  than  the  great  issues  of 
peace  and  war  which  had  formerly  been  the  subject  of 
their  dehberation.  Men  of  political  abiHty  had  no 
scope  when  pohtics  were  dead.  In  the  courts,  too,  there 
could  be  no  public  cases  of  great  interest  comparable 
with  the  case  of  the  Crown  or  the  impeachment  of 
Demosthenes.  Private  cases,  in  which  aspiring  poHti- 
cians  had  hitherto  found  it  convenient  to  try  their 
strength,  were  more  suited  to  the  attainments  of  pro- 
fessional lawyers,  and  these  cases  must  have  greatly 
decreased  in  numbers  and  importance  when  all  the 
dependencies  of  Athens  were  taken  from  her.^  The 
oratory  of  display,  brought  to  perfection  by  Isocrates, 
had  likewise  but  few  openings.  No  orator  could  rise 
at  the  Olympic  Festival  to  summon  all  Greeks  to 
brotherhood  in  arms  ;  no  funeral  speech  could  move  a 
people  to  tears  or  exalt  them  to  enthusiasm  when  battles 

1  E.g.  many  of  the  private  speeches  of  Demosthenes  refer  to 
maritime  speculations  ;  many  of  these  cases,  under  Macedon,  would 
be  settled  in  local  courts  instead  of  being  brought  to  Athens,  and 
the  diminution  of  Athenian  commerce  would  still  further  reduce 
their  number. 


^ 


X... 


312  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

were  waged  by  mercenaries  and  war  declared  not  by  a 
nation  but  by  a  foreign  prince.  The  art  of  rhetoric  was 
still  practised,  but  already  Aristotle,  by  going  back  to 
first  principles,  had  composed  the  first  and  last  scientific 
treatise  on  this  subject,  and  shown  that  it  must  be  put 
into  its  true  place  as  a  branch  of  philosophy,  to  be 
studied  in  combination  with  its  counterpart,  Dialectic. ^ 
Political  theory,  which  figures  prominently  in  Isocrates 
and  Demosthenes,  had  likewise  become  the  property 
of  the  philosophical  schools. 

Demetrius  of  Phalerum,  the  regent  of  Cassander,  is 
reckoned  by  Quintihan  as  the  last  of  the  orators.  Such 
time  as  he  could  spare  from  the  management  of  the 
city  and  the  contemplation  of  the  360  statues  erected 
to  him  by  an  admiring  or  subservient  populace,  ^  was 
devoted  to  the  study  of  philosophy,  history  and  oratory. 
He  wrote  more  than  any  other  Epicurean  on  record  ^ — 
philosophical  dialogues,  historical  works,  erudite  re- 
searches, Hterary  and  rhetorical  studies,  speeches,  all 
testified  alike  to  his  industry  and  the  wide  extent  of 
his  interests.  His  Rhetoric,  which  contained  personal 
reminiscences  of  Demosthenes,  is  quoted  by  Plutarch 
on  that  account ;  his  treatise  on  Demagogy  contained 
his  iHeas  of  political  science  ;  his  history  of  his  regency 
(jrepl  T7}9  BeKaereia^)  might,  if  we  could  recover  it,  add 
much  to  our  scanty  knowledge  of  that  period.  So  short 
are  the  fragments  remaining  of  his  work  that  we  must 
turn  chiefly  to  Cicero  and  Quintilian  for  an  estimate  of 
his  value.  We  gather  that  he  was  an  excellent  example 
of  the  *  tempered  style,'  excelling  in  grace  and  brilhance, 
but  deficient  in  vigour  and  in  real  passion.     A  philo- 

^  Arist.,  Rhet.,  i.  i.,  ad  init.  *  Diog.  Laert.,  v.  75. 

?  Ibid.,  V.  80-81. 


THE  DECLINE  OF  ORATORY  313 

sophical  treatment  of  his  subject-matter  was  one  of 
his  marked  characteristics.^ 

A  few  facts  about  his  hfe  are  known  chiefly  from 
Diogenes.  He  was  the  son  of  Phanostratus,  an  en- 
franchised slave.  He  studied  imder  Theophrastus  and 
entered  political  Hfe  about  324  B.C.  Belonging  to  the 
Macedonian  party,  he  took  part  in  the  negotiations  after 
the  Lamian  war.  In  317  B.C.,  when  Phocion  was  put 
to  death,  he  fled,  but  was  chosen  by  the  citizens,  with 
the  approval  of  Cassander,  to  be  their  governor,  and 
ruled  from  317  to  307,  when  he  was  superseded  by 
Demetrius  Poliorcetes.  He  retired  to  Thebes,  and 
twenty  years  later  went  to  Egypt.  Exiled  from  Alex- 
andria by  Philadelphus,  he  died  of  a  snake-bite  in  one  ^ 
of  the  remote  demes  of  Egypt  about  280  B.C. 

Demochares  and  Charisius  belong  also  to  this  period  ; 
the  former,  one  of  the  few  Athenians  who  retained  any 
independence  of  spirit,  was  a  nephew  of  Demosthenes, 
whose  style  he  imitated ;  Charisius  imitated  and  ex- 
aggerated the  simplicity  of  Lysias.^ 

From  this  time  onward,  oratory  is  practically  dead ; 
declamations  on  fictitious  subjects  took  the  place  of 
real  speeches  in  the  assembly  or  the  courts ;  oratory 
became  an  element  in  education  and  nothing  more. 
We  need  mention  only  Hegesias  of  Magnesia  {c.  250  B.C.), 
the  founder  of  what  was  subsequently  known  as  the 
*  Asian  '  school  of  rhetoric,  the  characteristics  of  which 
were  affected  expression,  grotesque  metaphor,  plays  upon 
words,  incongruous  rhythms,  and  general  lack  of  ideas. ^ 

1  Cicero,  Brutus,  §  37  ;  Orator,  §  92  ;  de  Oratore,  ii.  §  95  ;  Quint., 
X.  I,  80  ;    Diog.  L,,  V.  82.  ^  Cicero,  Brutus,  §  286. 

^  He  was  over-fond  of  the  ditrochaeus  {—^-J)  at  the  end  of  the 
sentence,  vide  Cicero,  Brutus,  §  286;  Orator,  §§  226,  230;  Dion.,  dt 
Comp.  Verb.„  ch.  xviii. 


314  THE  GREEK  ORATORS 

Dionysius  quotes  an  extract,  with  the  remark  that  it 

looks  as  if  it  had  been  written  for  a  joke.     Hegesias  is 

r, f  important  only  on  accomit  of  the  debasing  influence 

*  which  he  exercised  over  his  Greek  and  Roman  followers. 

For  a  genuine  revival  of  oratory  we  must  wait  till 

the  last  years  of  the  Roman  Repubhc. 


INDEX 


Achilles,  2. 

Administration,  speech  of  Lycur- 

gns  on  his,  274. 
Aegina,  8. 

A egineticus,  the,  oiIsocta.tQS,  158   ; 
Aeschines,   163-108;    35,  70,   71, 

200,  201,  203,  220,  224,  229,  ; 

231,  247,  249,  255,  263,  265, 

267,  307. 
Aeschines  the  Socratic,  90,  112.    ; 
Aeschylus,  23. 
Agamemnon,  157. 
Agathon,  15,  21. 

Agesilaus,  145,  147.  | 

Agoratus,     speech     of      Lysias  ; 

against,  99. 
Alcibiades,  7,  10,  54,  158;  speech 

of  Lysias  against,  loo. 
Alcidamas,  160-162. 
Alexander  the  Great,  4,  130,  158, 

176-7,    221-2,   225,   228,   268, 

271. 
Alexandria,  308,  309. 
Allegory,  2.  i 

Amphictyonic  Council,  the,  169,  j 

220,  251,  286.  j 

Amphissa,  169,  220.  | 

Anaxagoras,  6,  34,  308. 
Andocides,  53-73;  81,  88,  192. 
Andocides,     speech     of     Lysias 

against,  loi. 
Androtion,    speech     of     Demo- 
sthenes against,  205,  254,  261. 
Antalcidas,  152. 
Antidosis,    speech   of    Isocrates 

on  the,  14,  127,  137  sqg. 
Antioch,  308. 
Antipater,    158,   228,   229,   269,  ' 

270,  287,  310.  i 

Antiphon,  19  49 ;  3,  7,  12,  16,  17, 

51.  59.  66,  105,  112,  199,  200,  I 

280.  i 


Antiphon  the  poet,  14. 
Antiphon  the  Sophist,  49. 
Antithesis,  16,  17,  27,  52,  58,  60, 

66,  70,93,  115,  T33,  183,  240, 

278,  280. 
Apaturius,     speech    of      Demo- 
sthenes against,  260. 
Aphobus,  speech  of  Demosthenes 

against,  103,  256. 
Apollodorus,  speech  of  Isaeus  on 

the  estate  of,  104,  115,  123. 
Archaism,  16. 
Archebiades,    speech   of    Lysias 

against,  102. 
Archeptolemus,  20,  93. 
Archidamus,  145,  158. 
Archidamus,    the,    of    Isocrates, 

155,  160. 
Areopagiticus,  the,  of  Isocrates, 

131,  154-5,  157- 

Areopagus,  the,  47,  155,  225, 
282,  304. 

Argos,  147,  213. 

Aristarchus,  speech  of  Isaeus  on 
the  estate  of,  104,  124. 

Aristides,  154. 

Aristocrates,  speech  of  Demo- 
sthenes against,  205,  254,  262. 

Aristogiton,  speech  of  Demo- 
sthenes against,  234,  265 ;  of 
Lycurgus,  273  ;  of  Dinarchus, 
303,  306. 

Aristophanes,  53,  136,  198,  232, 
249. 

Aristophanes,  speech  of  Lysias 
on  the  property  of,  97. 

Aristophon  of  Azenia,  286. 

Aristotle,  8,  9,  11,  12,  13,  15,  21, 
25,  32,  50,  133,  161,  162,  272. 

Artaxerxes,  92. 

Artemisia,  128,  266. 

Asia,  130. 

316 


3i6 


THE  GREEK  ORATORS 


Aspasia,  102. 

Astyphilus,  speech  of  Isaeus  on 
the  estate  of,  124. 

Athenaeus,  50. 

Athenogenes,  speech  of  Hyper- 
ides  against,  288,  295,  300-1. 

Athens,  4,  5,  10,  126,  141,  145, 
147,  150-2,  154,  219,  267, 
308-11. 

^Austere'  style,  the,  27. 

Autolycus,  speech  of  I.ycurgus 
against,  273. 

BalaxMce  of  Clauses  (see  also 

Period),  30. 
Blass,  R,  17,  44,  83,  132,  174, 

176,  192,  193,  218,  243-4,  273, 

276. 
Boeotia,  9. 
Boeotus,  speech  of  Demosthenes 

against,  258-9. 
Bosporus,  201. 
Bribery,  167. 
Busiris,   the,   of   Isocrates,    134, 

156. 
Butcher,  Prof.  S.  H.,  218,  227. 
Byzantium,  216,  219. 


Caecilius  of  Calacte,  44. 
Callias,  speech  of  Lysias  for,  99. 
Callicles,      speech     of      Demo- 
sthenes against,  204,  257. 
CaUimachus,  speech  of  Isocrates 

against,  158. 
Callippus,  speech  of  Demosthenes 

against,  258. 
Cassander,  302,  310. 
Cephisodorus,  162. 
Cersobleptes,  183. 
Chaeronea,   126,   129,   148,   149, 

221,  274-5,  278. 
Charidemus,  262. 
Charisius,  313. 
Chersonese,  the,  214,  240,  247, 

266 ;  speech  of  Demosthenes 

on  the,  215-16,  256. 
Choreutes,  speech  of    Antiphon 

on  the,  33,  37,  44,  48. 
Cicero,  5,  11,  14,  174,  193,  230, 

3"- 


Cinesias,  speech  of  Lysias  against, 

102. 
Circumlocution,  24. 
Ciron,  speech  of  Isaeus  on  the 

estate  of,    108-112,   115,  123, 

125. 
Cirrha,  169. 
Cleonymus,  speech  of  Isaeus  on 

the  estate  of,  123. 
CoUoquiahsms,  23,  31,  78,  113, 

232,  234,  289-90. 
Companions,  speech  of  Lysias  to 

his,  102. 
Conon,  speech  of  Demosthenes 

against,  204,  237-8,  257. 
Corax,  12,  13. 
Corinthian  War,  the,  94. 
Corn-dealers,   speech    of  Lysias 

against  the,  96-7. 
Cripple,  speech  of  Lysias  for  the, 

83,  86-7,  89,  95,  98. 
Critias,  10, 
Croiset,  M.,  192,  243,  244,  266, 

299. 
Crown,  speech  of  Demosthenes 

on  the,  165,  170,  220,  222-4, 

248,  254,  263-5,  311. 
Ctesiphon,    166,    179,    183,    185, 

187-9,  191,  196-8,  221,  222-4, 

253- 
Cunaxa,  147. 
Cyrus,  147. 

Damon,  6. 

Death,    the   praise   of,   by    Alci- 

damas,  160. 
Decelea,  20. 
Declamations,  44. 
Demades,    269-270;     200,    222, 

228-9 »     speech    of    Lycurgus 

against,  273,  274,  286,  294. 
Demetrius  Magnes,  303. 
Demetrius  of  Phalerum,  232, 290, 

310,  312-13. 
Demetrius  Pohorcetes,  310,  313. 
Demochares,  313. 
Democracy,  speech  of  Lysias  on 

a  charge  of  subversion  of  the, 

98. 
Demonicus,  letter  of  Isocrates  to, 


INDEX 


317 


Demosthenes,  199-267 ;  2,  3,  i6, 
29;  32,  35,  68,  78,  80,  81,  103, 
104,  130,  133,  144,  154,  163- 
198  passim^  270,  271,  278,  286, 
287,  289,  294,  296,  303,  304, 
306. 

Dicaeogenes,  speech  of  T.saeus  od 
the  estate  of,  104,  107,  124. 

Dinarchus,  302-307;  200,  226, 
236,  311. 

DiocHdes,  56,  63. 

Diogenes  Laertius,  312. 

Diogiton,  speech  of  Lysias 
against,  100. 

Dionysius  of  Hahcarnassus,  23, 
50,  57,  70,  74.  81,  90,  94,  103, 
104,  114,  116,  118,  120,  122, 
131,  161,  162,  236,  238-40, 
250,  270,  288,  289,  302,  303, 

313- 
Dionysius  i.  of  Syracuse,  91,  92, 

130,  145,  158. 

Dionysodorus,  speech  of  Demo- 
sthenes against,  204,  261. 

Diopeithes,  214-15,  246,  286. 


Education,  Isocrates'  views  on, 
127,  128,  135-44,  172,  187- 

Eleusis,  mysteries  of,  53-5. 

Embassy,  speech  of  Aeschines 
on  the,  166, 167,  179,  182,  191, 
194-6 ;  speech  of  Demosthenes 
on  the,  166,  168,  170,  251, 
253,  263-4. 

Encomia^  15,  16,  156-7. 

Epicrates,  speech  of  Lysias 
against,  96. 

Epideictic  style,  15-16,  93,  135, 
200,  234,  243,  276-7,  292. 

Epitaphios,  the,  of  Demosthenes, 
267 ;  of  Gorgias,  15,  17  ;  of 
Hyperides,  292,  299  ;  of  Ly- 
curgus,  288  ;   of  Lysias,  5,  17, 

89,  92-3- 
Eraton,  speech  of  Lysias  on  the 

property  of,  loo-i. 
Eratosthenes,  speech  of  Lysias 

against,  77,  79,  98. 
Eratosthenes,  speech  of  Lysias 

on  the  murder  of,  87,  95,  99. 


Eratosthenes  (criticism  of  De- 
mosthenes), 232. 

Ergodes,  speech  of  Lysias 
against,  95,  96. 

EroticuSy  the,  of  Demosthenes, 
267  ;  of  Lysias,  101-2. 

Ethos,  37,  67,  84-8, 114,  122,  295. 

Eubuhdes,  speech  of  Demo- 
sthenes against,  258. 

Eubulus,  196,  211,  263. 

EucUdes  of  Megara,  138. 

Eucrates,  95. 

Euergus  and  Mnesibulus,  speech 
of  Demosthenes  against,  259. 

Eumathes,  speech  of  Isaeus  for, 
118-19,  125. 

Euphiletus,  speech  of  Isaeus  for, 
120,  124. 

Euphony,  132. 

EupoHs,  7. 

Euripides,  198. 

Eurybiadais,  5. 

Euthynus,  speech  of  Isocrates 
against,  158. 

Euxenippus,  speech  against,  of 
Hyperides,  288,  293-5  >  o^  Ly- 
curgus,  273. 

Evagoras,  the,  of  Isocrates,  135, 

157- 
Evandrus,     speech     of     Lysias 
against,  97,  98. 

Falsa  Legatione,  de,  see  Embassy. 
Figures    of    thought     (see    also 

Rhetorical  devices),  31,  58,  89, 

183,  294. 
'  Florid '  style,  the,  131. 
Four  Hundred,  the,  19-20,  57. 

Gelon,  9. 

Glottal  (rare  words),  15,  51. 

Gorgias,  12-18 ;  19,  21,  22,  30,  51, 

52,  91,  93,  127,  135,  160,  240, 

243,  278,  308. 

Hagnias,  speech  of  Isaeus  on 
the  estate  of,  107,  124. 

Heilonnesus,  speech  of  Demo- 
sthenes on,  266. 

Harpalus,  225-7,  287,  302. 


3i8 


THE  GREEK  ORATORS 


Harpocration,  102. 
Hegesias,  313. 
Hegesippus,  266. 
Helenae  encomium  of  Gorgias,  51, 
157  ;    of  Isocrates,   134,   138, 

156-7- 
Hellenism,  4,  130,  290. 
Hermae,  the,  34,  53-4. 
Hermogenes,  13,  58,  289. 
Herodes,  speech  of  Antiphon  on 

the  murder  of,  27,  33-4,  36, 

37-43,  44,  46,  60. 
Herodes  Atticus,  58. 
Herodotus,  4,  5, 9,  21,  26,  27,  135. 
Hesiod,  173,  184,  186. 
Hiatus,  29,  30,  1 31-2,  183,  241, 

267,  277,  304. 
Hippias,  II. 
Hippocrates,    speech   of    Lysias 

against  the  sons  of,  102. 
Hogarth,  D.  G.,  221. 
Homer,  i,  2,  10,  65,   105,   137, 

152,  230,  279. 
Hyperbolus,  72-3. 
Hyperides,    285-301 ;    167,    192, 

200,  213,  214,  226-8,  230,  273, 

304- 

Inheritance,  105-7. 

Ionian  philosophers,  9,  142. 

Isaeus,  102-125;  81,  171,  192, 
202,  244,  270,  303. 

Ischyrias,  speech  of  Lysias 
against,  274. 

Isocrates,  125-159;  4,  14,  16,  51, 
81,91,  100,  104,  112,  113,  114, 
160,  162,  177,  199,  200,  204, 
212,  231,  234,  238-9,  241,  276, 
279,  285,  303. 

Jason,  letter  of  Isocrates  to  the 

children  of,  127,  158. 
Jebb,  Sir  R.  C.,  34,  loi,  102,  128. 

Lacedaemon,  92,  145,  147,  150- 
2,  154,  215. 

Lacritus,  speech  of  Demosthenes 
against,  204,  260. 

Lamian  War,  the,  228,  287,  299. 

Leochares,  speech  of  Demo- 
sthenes against,  260. 


Leocrates,  speech  of  Lycurgus 
against,  273,  274-6,  280,  283-5. 

Leodamas,  229. 

Leosthenes,  287,  299-300. 

Leptines,  speech  of  Demosthenes 
against,  206-7,  253-4,  261. 

Libanius,  271. 

Lochites,  speech  of  Isocrates 
against,  158. 

Locrians,  the,  248. 

Logographi,  34,  84,  92,  200,  202, 
286,  295,  302. 

Longinus,  192. 

Lucian,  229,  230,  246. 

Lycophron,  162 ;  speech  of 
Hyperides  for,  298 ;  of  Ly- 
curgus against,  273,  288,  298. 

Lycurgus,  271-285. 

Lysander,  126. 

Lysias,  73-102;  2,  51,  61,  112, 
113,  114,  117,  120,  133,  135, 
192,  236,  253,  289,  303,  308, 

313- 
Lysicles,    speech    of    Lycurgus 
against,  274,  285. 

Macartatus,  speech  of  Demo- 
sthenes against,  260. 

Macedonia,  128,  129,  311. 

Trpb%  ras  Marreias,  speech  of 
Lycurgus,  274. 

Mantitheus,  speech  of  Lysias  for , 

83-5,  98. 
Mausolus,  128. 
Megalopohs,  165,  168  ;  speech  of 

Demosthenes  for  the  people  of, 

206,  255,  266. 
Menecles,   speech  of   Isaeus  on 

the  estate  of,  124. 
Menesaechmus,    speech    of    Ly- 
curgus against,  274. 
Menexenus,    the,    of    Plato,    94, 

102. 
Messenian  Oration,  the,  of  Alci- 

damas,  160-1. 
Metaphor,  31,  184,  234-5,  290-1, 

304- 

Midias,  190, 220;  speech  of  Demo- 
sthenes against,  253,  262-3. 

Mitylene,  letter  of  Isocrates  to 
the  rulers  of,  158. 


INDEX 


319 


Mnesiphilus.,  5.  j 

Mommsen,  193. 

Mysteries,  speech  of  Andocides  | 
on  the,  55,  37,  62-5,  69,  71.       I 

NaiSy  the  Praise  of^  by  Alcidamas,  ! 

160.  I 

Nausimachus,  speech  of  Demo-  I 

sthenes  against,  258. 
Neaera,  speech  of  Demosthenes  j 

against,  265.  \ 

Nestor,  i.  -  j 

Nicias,  speech  of  Lysias  on  the  j 

property  of  the  brother  of,  97.  { 
Nicocles,    or    The    Cyprians,    by  j 

Isocrates,  140,  156. 
Nicomachus,   speech   of    Lysias 

against,  90,  96. 
Nicostratus,  speech  of  Isaeus  on 

the  estate  of,  116,  123. 
Nicostratus,   speech     of   Demo- 
sthenes against,  259. 

Odysseus,  2,  6, 

Odyssey,  the,  161. 

Olympia,  91,  144,  311. 

Olympiacus,  the,  of  Gorgiais,  15  ; 
of  Lysias,  77,  91. 

Olympiodorus,  speech  of  Demo- 
sthenes against,  260. 

Olynthiacs,  the,  of  Demosthenes, 
206,  210,  223,  233,  245,  246, 
255- 

Olynthus,  2 10-2 11,  217,  245,  286, 
295-  I 

Onetor,  speech  of  Demosthenes  j 
against,  256. 

Orphism,  164.  ! 

Palamedes,  the  defence  of,  by  i 
Gorgias,  16,  51.  j 

Panathenaicus,  the,  of  Isocrates,  : 
126,  127,  129,  157.  i 

Pancleon,  speech  of  Lysias 
against,  10 1. 

Panegyricus,  the,  of  Isocrates,  91, 

134, 140, 144, 146, 149-52, 276, : 

279.  i 

Pantaenetus,  speech  of  Demo- 
sthenes against,  258.  j 


Papyri,  4,  113,  288. 

Paradox,  244-5. 

Paraleipsis,  32,  174. 

Parallelism,  17,  29. 

Parenthesis,  69. 

Parmenides,  9,  142. 

Pasion,  158. 

Pathos,  88,  123,  178. 

Pausanias,  227. 

Peace,  on  the,  speech  of  Ando- 
cides, 57,  70  ;  of  Demosthenes, 
212,  256 ;    of  Isocrates,   140, 

153-4. 
Peloponnesian  War,  the,  126-7, 

135,  201. 
Pergamus,  308. 
Pericles,  6,  7,  10,  34,  74,  93,  141, 

154,  a^e;  309.  2.^:^  r^.^  ,  /.  ri-u.^t/'^ 
Period,  16,  24-6,  82-4,  114,  133.  ^^'^ 

Persia,  4, 92-3, 144,147, 150-2,221. 
Personalities,  35,  67-9,  122,  164, 

170-1,  187-91,  233,  248,  305. 
Personification,  198,  234,  280-1. 
Persuasion,  the  goddess,  142. 
Phaedrus,  the,  of  Plato,  7,  50, 127. 
Phaenippus,   speech    of    Demo- 
sthenes against,  260. 
Phanos,  speech  of  Demosthenes 

for,  256. 
Pherenicus,  speech  of  Lysias  for, 

102. 
Phihp  of  Macedon,  81,  126,  129, 

130,    145-9,  «58,    165,    167-9, 

176-7,  189,  206-221,  251,  269, 

286,  294-5. 
Philip's     letter,     Demosthenes* 

answer  to,  267. 
Philippics,  the,  of  Demosthenes, 

207-10,    213,     2i6-i8,    255-6, 

266. 
Phihppides,  speech  of  Hyperides 

against,  288,  299. 
Philippus,  the,  of  Isocrates,  126, 

129,  146-9,  215,  279. 
Philocles,   speech  of  Dinarchus 

against,  303-5- 
Philocrates,  speech  of  Hyperides 

against,  214,  286  ;    speech  of 

Lysias  against,  96. 
Philocrates,  the  peace  of,    146, 

168,  212. 


320 


THE  GREEK  ORATORS 


Philoctemon,    speech   of   Isaeus 

on  the  estate  of,  124. 
Philon,  speech  of  Lysias  against, 

98. 
Philostratus,  14. 
Phocion,  268-269 ;  196,  200,  225, 

229,  278,  287,  311. 
Phocis,  169,  212,  217,  220. 
Phoenix,  2. 
Phorinio,  speech  of  Demosthenes 

for,  257  ;  do.  against,  204,  260. 
Phryne,  Hyperides'  defence  of, 

286,  289,  293. 
Phrynichus,  20. 
Pickard-Cambridge,  A.  W.,  233, 

251. 
Piraeus,  8,  150,  225,  272. 
Pisander,  19. 
Piso,  76-7. 

Plataicus,  the,  of  Isocrates,  152-3. 
Plato,  3,  7,  10,  II,  14,  15,  20, 

50,  51,  74-5,  101-2,  104,  127, 

136,  204,  231,  238-9,  285,  309. 
Plato  comicus,  4. 
Plutarch,  5,  6,  166,  201,  203,  226, 

229,  232,  268. 
Pseudo-,  44,  57,  59,  74-5,  90, 

123,  127,  143,  272-3,  285,  298. 
Poetical  quotations,  184,  187,  232, 

275,  279,  281. 
Poetical  words,  16,  17,  23,  51-2, 

179. 
Poisoning,  speech  of  Antiphon  on 

a  charge  of,  29,  44,  48. 
Polemarchus,  99. 
Polycles,  speech  of  Demosthenes 

against,  259. 
Polycrates,  162. 
Polysperchon,  310. 
Polystatus,  speech  of  Lysie^  for, 

95- 
Priestess        and        Priesthood, 

speeches  of  Lycurgus  on  the, 

274. 
Probability,  argument  from,  36. 
Prodicus,  10,  20. 
Prooemia,  of  Demosthenes,  267  ; 

of  Lysias,  82. 
Prose-style     (see     also     Period, 

Style,  etc.),  3,  14,  16,  21,  130, 

201,  238-240. 


Protagoras,  7,  10,  11,  13,  14,  22, 

127,  136,  308. 
Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  272. 
Pyrrhus,  speech  of  Isaeus  on  the 

estate  of,  124. 
Pytheas,  202,  270. 
Pythian  speech,  the,  of  Gorgias, 

15- 
Pythian  Games,  the,  212. 
Pythoclides,  6. 

Questions,    rhetorical,    58,    71, 

115-16,  293,  304. 
Quintilian,  58,  230,  312. 

de  Reditu,  speech  of  Andocides, 

54-55,  70- 

Rhetoric  and  rhetoricians,  3,  9,  12, 
32,  50,  59,  129-30,  133,  138, 
161,  162,  181,  199,  312. 

Rhetorical  devices,  33,  64,  69,  93, 

183,  244-52,  304. 
Rhodians,     speech     of      Demo- 
sthenes on  the  freedom  of  the, 
255,  266. 

Rhyme,  18,  30-31. 

Rhythm,    16,    27-30,    52,    132-3, 

184,  241-4. 
Rome,  314. 

Sacred  Ohve,  speech  of  Lysias 

on  the,  99-100. 
Sacred  War,  the,  166,  169. 
Sacrilege,  53. 
Salamis,  5. 
Samos,  8. 
Samothrace,  19, 
Sandys,  Sir  J.  E.,  218. 
Sextus  Empiricus,  13,  14. 
SiciUan  expedition,  the,  53,  126 
Sicily,  3,  9. 
Simile,  9,  290-1. 
Simon,  speech  of  Lysias  against, 

99. 
Smooth  style,  the,  131. 
Social  War,  the,  153. 
Socrates,  127,  136-8,  300. 
Socrates,  the    Accusation  of,    by 

Polycrates,  162. 
Socratics,  138. 


INDEX 


321 


Soldier,  speech  of  Lysias  for  the, 

97- 

Solon,  141,  173. 

Sophists,  the,  3,  5,  7,  9,  10,  13, 
14,  22,  135-44,  157,  160. 

Sophists,  speech  of  Alcidamas 
on  the,  160. 

Sophists,  speech  of  Isocrates 
against  the,  127,  128,  136-144. 

Spudias,  speech  of  Demosthenes 
against,  256. 

Stephanus,  speech  of  Demo- 
sthenes against,  257,  259. 

Structure  of  sentences,  30,  82, 
133-4,  181-2,  292-3  ;  of 
speeches,  35,  52,  81,  114,  117, 
120-2,  191,  252-5. 

Style,  types  and  characteristics 
of,  15-16,21-7,  51,  58,61,78,  82, 
113,  117,  119,  179-81,  185,  234, 
238,  276,  292-3,  303-4. 

Sublime,  treatise  on  the,  229,  297. 

■Kepi  cvvra^em,  Speech  of  Demo- 
sthenes, 267. 

Symmories,  speech  of  Demo- 
sthenes on  the,  206,  244-5, 
255,  265. 

Syracuse,  11. 


Tarsus,  308. 

Tetralogies,  the,  of  Antiphon,  19- 
43,  44-9,  60. 

Thebes,  126,  141,  145,  147,  152, 
186,  215,  221,  227,  271. 

Themistocles,    5,    6,    141,     154, 

'    198. 

Theccrines,  speech  of  Demo- 
sthenes against,  265. 

Theodorus    of    Byzantium,    50, 

52-3- 
Theomnestus,  speech  of  Lysias 

against,  100. 
Theophrastus,  269,  302,  313. 
Theoric  Fund,  the,  211,  218,  219, 

245-6. 
Theramenes,  20,  127. 


Thermopylae,  220. 

Thessaly,  14,  217,  220. 

Thirty,   The,   76,   98,    127,    164, 

174,  199,  271. 
Thrasymachus,  50-52;   132,  308. 
Thucydides,  3,  5,  7,  8,  16,  18-20, 

27-9,    51,    52,    55,    105,    114, 

199,  203. 
Thurii,  74-5. 
Timarchus,  speech  of  Aeschines 

against,  164-6,  168,  170,  173, 

176,    193-4. 
Timocrates,    speech    of     Demo- 
sthenes against,  205,  248,  251, 

254,  261. 
Timotheus,  son  of  Conon,  128. 
Timotheus,  letter  of  Isocrates  to, 

158. 
Tisias,  12-14,  5°,  75- 
Tisis,  speech  of  Lysias  against, 

102. 
Torture  of  staves,  47,  no- 11,  112. 
Trapeziticus,    the,    of    Isocrates, 

158. 
Treaty  with  Alexander,  speech 

of  Demosthenes  on  the,  267. 
Trierarchic    Crown,     speech    of 

Demosthenes  on  the,  256. 
Trierarchic  law,  219. 

Verrall,  a.  W.,  31. 
Vocabulary,  18,   22,   23,  61,  68, 
81,  113,  134-5,  179,  289. 

Weil,  H.,  218,  251,  265,  306. 
Wounding   with    intent,   speech 
of  Lysias  on,  99. 

Xenophon,  7. 
Xerxes,  6. 

Zeno,  7,  9. 

Zenothemis,   speech    of    Demo- 
sthenes against,  204,  259. 
irepl    TOO    ^euyovs,    speech   of    Iso- 

crates,  158. 
Zfj)s  Krijcrios,  III. 


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Barnett  (Annie).    A  LITTLE  BOOK  OF 
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Beckfopd  (William).    THE  HISTORY  OF 
THE  CALIPH  VATHEK. 


Blake  (William).  SELECTIONS  FROM 
THE  WORKS  OF  WILLIAM  BLAKE. 

Browning  (Robert).  SELECTIONS  FROM 
THE  EARLY  POEMS  OF  ROBERT 
BROWNING. 

Canning  (George).  SELECTIONS  FROM 
THE  ANTI-JACOBIN  :  With  some  later 
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Cowley  (Abraham).  THE  ESSAYS  OF 
ABRAHAM  COWLEY. 


General  Literature 


iO 


The  Little  L\hv&rY— continued 

Crabbe  (Qeorg«).    SELECTIONS   FROM 
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Crashaw    (Richard).     THE    ENGLISH 
POEMS  OF  RICHARD  CRASHAW. 


PURGATORY. 


Dante  Alighierl. 
PARADISE. 


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POEMS 


OF 


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ANDREW  MARVELL. 

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JOHN  MILTON. 

Moir  (D.  M.).    MANSIE  WAUCH. 

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IN  MEMORIAM. 
THE  PRINCESS. 
MAUD. 


m 


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24 


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Fiction 


25 


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Williamson. 

Heritage  op  Peril,  A.    A.  W.  Marchmont, 

Highwayman,  The.    H.  C.  Bailey. 

Hillman,  The.     E.  Phillips  Oppenheim. 

Hill  Rise.     W.  B.  Maxwell. 

House    of    Srrravalle,    The.      Richard 
Bagot. 

Hyena  of  Kallo,  The.     Louise  Gerard. 

Island  Princess,  His     W.  Clark  Russe!!: 


30  Methuen  and  Company  Limited 

Methuen's  Cheap  •  Hovelu— continued. 


Jank.     Marie  Corelli. 

Johanna.    B.  M.  Croker. 

Joseph.     Frank  Danby. 

Joshua  Davidson,  Communist.      E.  Lynn 
Linton. 

Joss,  The.     Richard  Marsh. 

Kinsman,  The.     Mrs.  Alfred  Sidgwick. 

Knight  of  Spain,  A.     Marjorie  Bowen. 

Ladv  Betty  Across  the  Water.      C.  N. 
and  A.  M.  Williamson. 

Lalage's  Lovers.    George  A.  Birmingham. 

Lantern  Bearers,  The.    Mrs.  Alfred  Sidg- 
wick. 

Lauristons.     John  Oxenham. 

Lavender  and  Old  Lace.    Myrtle  Reed. 

Light  Freights.    W.  W.  Jacobs. 

Lodger,  The.    Mrs.  Belloc  Lowndes. 

Long  Road,  The.    John  Oxenham. 

Love  and  Louisa.     E.  Maria  Albanesi. 

Love  Pirate,   The.      C    N.    and    A.    M. 

Williamson. 

Mary  All-Alone.     John  Oxenham. 

Master  of  the  Vineyard.    Myrtle  Reed. 

Master's  Violin,  The.    Myrtle  Reed. 

Max  Carrados.     Ernest  Bramah. 

Mayor  of  Troy,  The.    "Q." 

Mbss  Deck,  The.    W.  F.  Shannon. 

Mighty  Atom,  The.    Marie  CorellL 

Mirage.     E.  Temple  Thurston. 

Missing  Delora,  The.    £.  Phillips  Oppen- 
heim. 

Mr.  Grex  of  Monte  Carlo.      E.  Phillips 

Oppenheim. 
Mr.  Washington.    Marjorie  Bowen. 
Mrs.  Maxon  Protests.    Anthony  Hope. 
Mrs.  Pkter  Howard.     Mary  E.  Mann. 

My     Danish     Sweetheart.       V/.     Clark 
Russell. 

Mv  Fkiend  the  Chauffeur.      C.  N.  and 
A.  M.  Williamson. 

My  Husband  and  I.     Leo  Tolstoy. 

Mv  Lady  of  Shadows.     John  Oxenham. 

Mystery  of  Dr.   Fu-Manchu,   The.     Sax 
Rohmer. 

Mystery   of    the   Green    Heart,    The. 
Max  Pemberton. 

Nine  Days'  Wonder,  A-     B.  M.  Croker.  | 


Nine  to  Six-Tkirtv.    W.  Pett  Ridge. 
Ocean  Sleuth,  The.    Maurice  Drake. 
Old  Rose  and  Silver.     Myrtle  Reed. 
Paths  of  the  Prudent,  The.  J.  S.  Fletcher. 
Pathway   of  the    Pioneer,    The.     Dolf 

Wyllarde. 
Peggy  of  the  Bartons.    B.  M.  Croker. 
People's  Man,  A.     E.  Phillips  Oppenheim. 
Peter  and  Jane.     S.  Macnaughtan. 
Pomp  of  the  Lavilbttes,  The.    Sir  Gilbert 

Parker. 

Quest  of  Glory,  The.     Marjorie  Bowen. 
Quest  of  the  Golden  Rose,  Thk.    John 

Oxenham. 
Regent,  The.     Arnold  Bennett. 
Remington    Sentence,     Thk.      W.    Pett 

Ridge. 
Rest  Cure,  The.    W.  B.  MaxwelL 
Return    of    Tarzan,    The.     Edgar   Rice 

Burroughs. 

Round  the  Red  Lamp.  Sir  A.  Conan  Doyle. 

Royal  Georgib.     S.  Baring-Gould. 

SaTd,  the  Fisherman.      Marmaduke  Pick- 
thall. 

Sally.     Dorothea  Conyers. 

Salving   of  a  Derelict,   The.      Maurice 
Drake. 

Sandy  Married.     Dorothea  Conyers. 
Sea  Captain,  The.    H.  C.  Bailey. 
Sea  Lady,  The.    H.  G.  Wells. 
Search  Party,  The.  George  A.  Burmingham. 
Secret  Agent,  The.     Joseph  Conrad. 
Secret  History.    C.  N.  and  A.  M.  William- 
son. 
Secret  Woman,  The.    Eden  Phillpotts. 

Set  in  Silver.    C  N.  and  A.  M.  William- 
son. 

Sevastopol,    and    Other   Stories.      Leo 
Tolstoy. 

Severins,  The.     Mrs.  Alfred  Sidgwick. 
Short  Cruises.    W.  W.  Jacobs. 
Si-Fan  Myspekies,  The.     Sax  Rohmer. 
Spanish  Gold.     George  A.  Birmingham. 
Spinner  in  the  Sun,  A.     Myrtle  Reed. 
Street    called    Straight,    The.       Basil 

King. 
Supreme  Crime,  The.     Dorothea  Gerard. 
Tales  of  Mean  Streets.     Arthur  Morrison. 

Tarzan   of   the   Apes.     Edgar  Rice  Bur- 
roughs. 


Fiction 


31 


Methaen'B  Cheap  ISoYeiis— continued. 

Terksa    of    Watling    Strbet.       Arnold 

Bennett. 
There  was  a  Crooked  Man.    Dolf  Wyllarde. 
Tyrant,  The.     Mrs.  Henry  de  la  Pasture. 
Under  Western  Eyes.    Joseph  Conrad. 
Unofficial      Honeymoon,     The.        Dolf 

Wyllarde. 

Valley  of   the   Shadow,  The.     William 
Le  Queux. 

Virginia  Perfect.    Peggy  Webling. 
Wallet  of  Kai  Lung.     Ernest  Eramah. 
War    Wedding,  The.     C.    N.  and  A.    M. 

Williamson. 
Ware  Case,  The,     George  Pleydell. 
Way  Home,  The.     Basil  King. 


Way  of  these  Women,  The.    E.  Phillips 
Oppenheim. 

Weaver  of  Dreams,  A.  Myrtle  Reed. 
Weaver  of  Webs,  A.  John  Oxenham. 
Wedding    Day,   The.      C.   N.  and  A.    M. 

Williamson. 
White  Fang.    Jack  London. 
Wild  Olive,  The.    Basil  King. 

William,  by  the  Grace  of  God.     Marjorie 
Bo  wen. 

Woman    with    the    Fan,    The.      Robert 

Hichens. 
WO2.     Maurice  Drake. 

Wonder  of  Love,  The.     E.  Maria  Albanesi. 
Yellow  Claw,  The.     Sax  Rohmer. 
Yellow  Diamond,  The.    Adeline  Sergeant. 


Methuen's  One  and  Threepenny  NoYels 

Fcap.  Sv0,    Is.  3^.  nei 


Barbara  Rebell.    Mrs.  Belloc  Lowndes. 

By  Stroke  of  Sword.    Andrew  Balfour. 

Derrick      Vaughan,      Novelist.       Edna 
Lyall. 

House  of   Whispers,    The.      William  Le 
Queux. 

Inca's  Treasure,  The     E.  Glanville. 


Katherine   the   Arrogant.    Mrs.  B.  M, 
Croker. 

Mother's  Son,  A.    B.  and  C.  B.  Fry. 

Profit  and  Loss.     John  Oxenham. 

Red  Derelict,  The.     Bertram  Mitford. 

Sign  of  the  Spider,  The.    Bertram  Mitford. 


27/6/19. 


printed  by  Morrison  and  gibb  limited,  Edinburgh 


^4  DAYU?^ 


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