Gulab Singh 1792 1858

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GULAB SINGH

GULAB SINGH

1792 1858

Founder of Kashmir

BY

K. M. PANIKKAR

SOMETIME PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AT THE UNIVERSITY

OF ALIGARH ; HONORARY READER TO THE

UNIVERSITY OF CALCUTTA

MARTIN HOPKINSON LTD

2j Soho Square London

1930

COPY RICH
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN

PREFACE

THIS short memoir, in which I have traced the life
story of Maharajah Gulab Singh, is meant to fill a
gap in the history of India in the nineteenth century.
Gulab Singh's name is known to students of Indian
history only as an overgrown feudatory of the Lahore
kingdom, who, taking advantage of the confusion
which followed the death of Ranjit Singh, was able
to carve out a State for himself. The establishment
of the Jammu and Kashmir State by the treaty of
1846, and its recognition later in the century as one
of the great internal States of India, have obscured
the essential greatness of Gulab Singh as a soldier
and a statesman. His claim to high rank in the roll
of Indian statesmen was established firmly even
before he became the ruler of Kashmir. When he
was in his thirties he had attained eminence in the
Court of Ranjit Singh as an intrepid general and
a far-seeing statesman. When Ranjit Singh died in
1839, Gulab Singh was easily the most influential
personage in the Sikh Empire and was its chief
feudatory. In the years that followed (1840-1842)
he conquered Baltistan and Western Tibet, and
added to the geographical boundaries of India an
atea such as no ruler in the past had ever done.

PREFACE

Even if Gulab Singh had died before the Treaty
of Amritsar had guaranteed to him his State of
Jainmu and transferred to him the Sikh rights in
Kashmir and its dependencies, he would have been
justly regarded as one of the most remarkable men
of his time in India. It is, therefore, as a contribu-
tion to the history of India, and not as a chapter in
the history of Jammu and Kashmir, that this work is
offered.

There has been no lack of original material for
this memoir. The main authority on which the life
of Gulab Singh could be based is the contemporary
record entitled Gulabnama, written in Persian, by
Dewan Kirpa Ram, the Maharajah's private secre-
tary and the son of Dewan Jwala Sahai, the Maha-
rajah's Prime Minister. This work, though written
in the flowery style of the Persian panegyrists, is
none the less a remarkable historical document, as
the Dewan published in it many original docu-
ments which are not now available elsewhere. Its
facts and chronology are beyond dispute. The
Dewan was also fully conversant with the political
conditions of the Punjab at the time, and his de-
scriptions of events are vivid and informed by direct
knowledge of men and things.

Three other histories, two written in Dogri, the
local dialect, and one in Urdu, also deal with the life
of Gulab Singh. They are not of much value,

PREFACE 3

though I have been able to gather from them stray
facts relating to the family of Gulab Singh and his
early life.

The English authorities on the period which deal
with events narrated in the book are numerous. A
few of the most important are mentioned below :

Life of Henry Lawrence. By Edwardes and
Merivale. (Smith Elder, Third Edition, London,

18730

The Punjab. By Lieut-Colonel Steinbach.
(London, 1845.)

Court and Camp of Ranjit Singh. By the Hon.
W. G. Osborne. (London, Henry Colburn, 1840.)

Thirty-five Years in the East. By Dr. Martin
Honigberger. (H. Balture, London, 1852.)

Lada\. By Alexander Cunningham. (W. H.
Allen and Co., London, 1854.)

History of the Reigning Family of Lahore, with
some account of the Jammu Rajahs. By G. C.
Smyth. (Thacker and Co., Calcutta, 1847.)

History of the Sikjis. By J. D. Cunningham.
(Murray, London, 1849.)

Punjab Government Records.

Lahore Political Diaries, Vols. III., IV., V., and
VI.

All these books are more or less contemporary,
and their authors were in most cases men who took

PREFACE

part in the Punjab politics of the time. Captain
Cunningham, the historian of the Sikhs, was assist-
an^to the Agent to the Governor-General at Lud-
hiana. He was the officer selected to go to Tibet in
order to witness the evacuation of Lhassa territories
by Zorawar Singh. Alexander Cunningham* the
historian of the Ladak campaign, was sent by agree-
ment between Gulab Singh and the Company Jo fix
the frontier between Ladak and Tibet. Edwardes,
the biographer of Sir Henry Lawrence, is no other
than Lieutenant Edwardes, the brilliant young
political officer attached to Sir Henry at Lahore in
1846-1848. Steinbach was an officer of Ranjit Singh.
Honigberger was the State physician to the Lahore
Court, and was a friend of the Jammu family.

Contemporary histories, though they have great
value from an historical point of view, undoubtedly
possess one disadvantage, especially when they are
written by persons who have taken an active part
in the affairs they narrate. Not merely do they
adopt a partisan attitude, but they allow their judg-
ments of men and matters to be clouded by violent
prejudices. One has only to read the contemporary
biographies of such men as Napoleon. Gulab Singh
has been no exception to this. He was traduced,
slandered, and openly accused in his lifetime by the
champions of the Sikhs, by the imperialists and
annexationists of the day, and by the anonymous

PREFACE 5

writers in the Press, to whom his towering person-
ality offered a unique target for attack. But an im-
partial investigation of the facts, such as I have
undertaken, cannot fail to establish the greatness of
Gul^b Singh both as a man and a statesman.

K. M. PANIKKAR
DELHI

CONTENTS

PAGE

PREFACE - - - - i

CHAPTtk

I." EARLY DAYS - "9

II. GULAB SINGH AT THE SIKH COURT - 19

III. GULAB SINGH AND THE SIKH ANARCHY - 42

IV. GULAB SINGH AND THE SIKH ANARCHY con-

tinued - - - - 63

V. CONQUEST OF LADAK, BALTISTAN, AND

WESTERN TIBET (1834-1842) - - 74

VI. GULAB SINGH AND THE SIKH WAR - 90

VII. TREATY OF AMRITSAR AND THE FOUNDATION

OF THE STATE - - - in

VIII. THE REIGN OF GULAB SINGH - - 126
IX. CONCLUSION . . . 151

APPENDIX I. 161

APPENDIX II. 165

INDEX - - - - - 170

MAP (by courtesy of the India Office) at end

CHAPTER I

EARLY DAYS

TUB hilly tract which lies between the sunny plains
of the Punjab and the pleasant Valley of Kashmir
and now forms the Province of Jammu was never
before the time of Gulab Singh united under any
single ruler. From Sialkot in British territory the
plain rises in gradual ascent, and within a few
miles becomes hilly and ragged. The lower Hima-
layan ranges begin of a sudden behind the town
of Jammu, which, placed on a slope of over
1,300 feet, overlooks and commands the plain
watered by the Chenab and the Ravi. These hills,
which become higher and higher in the interior and
cut up the country into isolated and inaccessible
areas, formed a succession of ramparts behind which
the local inhabitants safeguarded their independence
and lived a life of placid contentment unaffected by
the changes and revolutions in Hindustan.

The ruling classes of this hilly tract were Rajputs,
who seem to have taken refuge in these mountain
fastnesses when the Rajput hegemony in the Punjab
was shattered in the twelfth century by the invasion
of Mohammad of Ghor. Their petty principalities,
the most important of which were those of Jammu,

9

10 GULAB SINGH

Khistwar, and Bhadarwah, maintained their inde-
pendence even during the Moghul times, though no
doubt they paid a nominal tribute and accepted the
overlordship of the Padishah of Hindustan. On
the disintegration of the Moghul kingdom in the
first half of the eighteenth century, following the
invasion of Nadir Shah, the Rajput rulers who held
sway around the town of Jammu regained their
complete independence. They even acquired under
Rajah Dhrov Deo and his son, Rajah Ranjit Deo,
some prominence in the politics of the Northern
Punjab. Ranjit Deo was a ruler who was highly
respected in the hilly tracts over which he held sway.
He received a jagir from the Durranni king for
sending a small force to Kashmir vid Banihal to
punish Rajah Sukh Tewan. He subdued most of
the petty hill rajahs around Jammu, notably
Nihar Singh, Rajah of Khistwar; Shamsher Chand,
Rajah of Chenani; Kirchipal, Rajah of Bhadarwah;
and Amrit Pal, Rajah of Besolhi. He also held
many jagirs in the Punjab, especially in the district
of Gujerat, But this independence which Ranjit
Deo achieved was short-lived. With the breakdown
of Mohammadan authority in the Punjab the great
Sikh misls began to acquire political and territorial
importance, and Jammu, along with the rest of the
Northern Punjab, became the scene of rivalry
between the sardars of the Bhangi, Kaneihya, and

EARLY DAYS II

Sukerchakia misls. The sardars of the Bhangi
misl attacked Jammu in about 1770 and compelled
Ranjit Deo to pay tribute to them.

Ranjit Deo had two sons, Brij Lai and Dulel
Singh. ' Brij lal revolted against his father and
sought the help of Charrat Singh, the Sukerchakia
chief, and together they attacked Jamrnu. Ranjit
Deo naturally depended for help upon the Bhangi
chief whose over lordship he had accepted. In the
fight that took place at Jammu, Charrat Singh was
killed. The Sukerchakia partisans, fearing that
Janda Singh, the Bhangi chief, might profit by this
catastrophe, had him also murdered.

Brij Lal, who succeeded his father in 1780, was
a great friend of Mahan Singh, the son of Charrat
Singh, who is known to history as the father of
Ranjit Singh. Brij Lal now considered himself
strong enough to claim from the Bhangi chieftains
some of his estates which had fallen to them and to
reassert his independence. The Bhangis secured the
help of the Kaneihya misl, and in the fight that
followed Mahan Singh was defeated and Brij Lal
had to agree to a humiliating peace, by which he
undertook to pay a tribute to the Kaneihya chieftain.
On the pretext that this tribute had fallen into
arrears, the Kaneihya chieftain decided to attack
Jammu. He requested the help of Mahan Singh in
this expedition.

12 GULAB SINGH

Mahan Singh, though he had vowed solemn vows
of friendship with Brij Lai, forgot his obligations
an$l agreed to help. But one who was not loyal even
to his own sworn friend was not likely to be faithful
to a temporary alliance. Before the Xaneihya
chieftain began to march, Mahan Singh attacked
Jammu, sacked the town and plundered the treasure
accumulated in the palace. Laden with the booty
he retired to the plains, leaving Brij Lai Deo to the
government of his principality. The sack of Jammu
saved its independence for a time. The contending
Sikh chieftains, knowing that there was nothing
left in the treasury, left Jammu well alone. The
sovereignty of the House of Dhrov Deo over the
surrounding country disappeared, but Brij Lai was
still in possession of the Jammu town and fort and
continued to maintain the form and court of petty
royalty. The hilly districts of the interior remained
in the possession of the other members of the
family, who held them as jagirs. On the death of
Brij Lai, he was succeeded by his one-year-old child
Sampurna Deo. The State was managed by Mian
Mota, a cousin of Brij Lai. Sampurna Deo died at
the age of eleven, and was succeeded by Jeet Singh,
the son of Dulel Singh.

Gulab Singh is descended in direct line from
Rajah Dhrov through his third son, Mian Soonit
Deo, Soorut Deo, who was thus the third brother

EARLY DAYS 13

of Rajah Ranjit Deo, had a son, Mian Zorawar
Singh. His son .was Kishore Singh, who held the
jagir of Andarwah in Jammu TehsiL Gulab Sirgh
was his eldest son. The following is the genealogy
of die family :

Dhrov Deo

!

Ranjit Deo Ghunsar Deo Soorut Deo Bui want Deo

Brij Lai Deo Dulel Singh Mian Mota Zorawar Dulla
(expelled from | (assassinated) Singh Bhoola

throne, 1780, by Jeet Singh
Mahan Singh)

Kishore Singh

GULAB SINGH Dhyan Singh Suchet Singh

1

Randnir Sohan Ranbir Singh
Singh Singh
Hira

1 1
Singh Jawahir
Singh

Moti Singh
of Pooncn

Some doubt was cast on the genealogy of the
Jammu family by Cunningham and others, whose
enthusiastic admiration of the Sikhs led them to an
unreasonable hatred of Rajah Gulab Singh, whom
they considered to be the chief cause of the ruin of
the Sikh State. But there is no doubt whatever
about the genealogy of the family, Zorawar Singh
was alive during a considerable portion of Maha-
rajah Ranjit Singh's reign, and Mian Kishore Singh,
the father of Gulab Singh, was also later on at the

14 GULAB SINGH

Lahore Court. Maharajah Ranjit Singh, in his
grant of the Raj of Jammu to Gulab Singh, men-
tio^ the fact of Gulab's ancestors having been tl&
rulers of the State. Ranjit Singh's father and grand-
father had fought against the Rajahs of Jammu,
Ranjit Deo and Brij Lai Deo, and therefore knew
the history of that family intimately. The ancestry
of Maharajah Gulab Singh became a matter of con-
troversy, not only through the malice of his enemies,
but also through the sycophancy of his courtiers.
A Kashmiri Pandit went to the length of identifying
the thirty-five missing kings in Kalhanas' list of
Kashmir kings in the Rajataranjini with the
early ancestors of the Jammu family. 1 There is,
however, not the least doubt that Gulab Singh was
descended in the direct male line from Rajah Dhrov
Deo, the Rajput prince of the Surya Vansi (Solar)
dynasty, who ruled over Jammu in the eighteenth
century.

Mian Kishore Singh is reported to have been a
valiant soldier. He lived mainly on his jagir at
Andarwah, eight miles from the modern town of
Samba. His financial condition does not seem to
have been prosperous, and he achieved distinction
only after his sons attained prominence. Kishore
Singh married a Rajput lady of the Jij caste. The

1 P. 73, foot-note to Stein's edition of Rajataranjini.
(Constable, London.)

EARLY DAYS 15

marriage was celebrated at Gam Madtha, a village
in the Besolhi district. By this lady he had three
sons, Gulab Singh, Dhyan Singh, and Suchet Singh.

Gulab Singh was born in 1792 (on the 5th Katik,
1849, Vikrami Samvat), Dhyan Singh was born in
I796 r and Suchet Singh in 1801. Early in his child-
hood Gulab Singh was sent to live with his grand-
father, Zorawar Singh, a stern old warrior who
lived in his jagir, Dyawago, at some distance
from Jammu. Like all true Rajputs of the time,
Zorawar Singh had great contempt for the study
of letters, and does not seem to have taken any
trouble to give his grandson a literary education.
All that Gulab Singh seems to have learnt was to
read and write. But though Zorawar neglected to
give Gulab Singh any school education, he trained
him in all manly arts. Thus even at a very early
age Gulab Singh could ride his horse like any cavalry
trooper and wield his sword with deadly effect. He
was also an excellent marksman.

An opportunity soon came for Gulab Singh to
exhibit his prowess. The affairs of Jammu were
in great confusion. Rajah Jeet Singh, the nephew
of Brij Lai Deo, was an incompetent man, and his
rani was an ambitious, intriguing woman. She
took the management of affairs in her own hands.
Taking advantage of the confusion resulting from
this, Ranjit Singh ordered, in 1808, Bhai Hukam

l6 GULAB SINGH

Singh to reduce Jammu and to annex it to the Sikh
State. The Sikh general advanced with a very con-
siderable force and reached the confines of Jammu.
Mian Mota, who was in charge of the cfefence,
organised a small force and came out of the town to
give battle. When the forces met outside the Gumat
Gate, young Gulab Singh, who was bjit a boy of
sixteen, was found taking an active and prominent
part in the battle. His spirit of adventure had been
roused. Here was a unique opportunity to dis-
tinguish himself before his Rajput brethren and to
earn a name for himself. Without even obtaining
permission from his grandfather, Gulab Singh bor-
rowed a charger from the stables and appeared on
the battlefield. His prowess on that day attracted
the attention of Hukam Singh, the enemy com-
mander. The defence was to some extent successful,
and Gulab Singh's part in it was no mean one.
Hukam Singh had to withdraw his forces to Said-
garh. But a skirmish could not stem the onrush of
Ranjit Singh's forces, and the whole province passed
under the suzerainty of Ranjit Singh and the Lahore
government.

Soon after this Gulab Singh left his grandfather's
protection. It seems that one day he took a horse
from his grandfather's stable and went for a ride in
the forest. By careless riding he hurt the aninial,
and on return his grandfather, who, true to his

EARLY DAYS IJ

soldier's creed, loved his horse as a comrade, scolded
the boy for his carelessness. The sensitive mind of
the boy he was still hardly more than seventeen
was so nurt by these unkind words that he took some
ornaments from his mother and left the house at
night with a few attendants. His original idea was
to enlist in the army of Shah Shuja, the unlucky
ruler of Kabul, whom his uncle, Shah Mahmud,
had expelled from Afghanistan and succeeded on
the Kabul throne with the help of the Bakarzai
tribe. But when he reached the Indus his attendants
refused to go to Afghanistan.

Foiled in his intention to go to Kabul, Gulab
Singh approached Dewan Khushwaqt Rai, who was
managing the jagir of Sardar Nehal Singh of Attari.
The Dewan was intensely disliked by the people of
the jagir, whom he oppressed greatly by his merci-
less exactions. As there was great unrest among
them, the Dewan decided to raise a small force for
the purpose of defending himself and his master's
property. Gulab Singh approached the Dewan and
offered his services, which were accepted. He is
himself responsible for the story that a certain jama-
dar, who was formerly in the employ of Zorawar
Singh, reported to Khushwaqt Rai the identity of
the new recruit. Gulab Singh did not have to wait
long to win his spurs. Soon after he joined service
a skirmish occurred in which the Dewan's forces

l8 GULAB SINGH

routed by the villagers, who attacked the fort
itself. It was only Gulab Singh's courage and in-
trepid action that saved the fort and enabled the
Dewan to put down the incipient rebellion. r

This action of his attracted attention, and Hukam
Singh, who already had occasion to notice the young
Mian's prowess, reported the matter to Ranjit Singh.
Ranjit Singh asked Mian Mota to send Gulab Singh
down to him. In Samvat 1867 (A.D. 1809) Gulab
Singh joined the army of Ranjit Singh at Daska, a
village a few miles from Sialkot.

CHAPTER II

GULAB SINGH AT THE SIKH COURT

THE author of Gulabnama says that Gulab Singh
was taken into Ranjit Singh's service as commander
of a regiment on a monthly salary of Rs.275. This
is not unlikely. Cunningham, 1 and, following him,
most English writers, assert that Gulab Singh was
employed at the Lahore Court as a running foot-
man. This is quite improbable. It is clear that he
was personally well known to Ranjit Singh and was
holding a sufficiently important post near the Maha-
rajah, for we find him, almost immediately after
his own appointment, presenting his brother Mian
Dhyan Singh at Court. Dhyan Singh was ap-
pointed on a monthly salary of Rs.6o. Kishore
Singh was also introduced to Maharajah Ranjit
Singh, who appointed him to a civil post carrying
Rs.55 a month.

In 1809, when Gulab Singh joined the Lahore
Court, Ranjit Singh had not attained that eminence
which at a later time earned for him the sobriquet
of the Lion of the Punjab. He was as yet looked
upon only as a rising potentate. His empire, which
later on extended from the Pamirs to Sind and from
Peshawar to the Sutlej and included within it not

* * J. D. Cunningham, History of the Sif(hs, p. 190.

20 GULAB SINGH

ly the Punjab but the North- West Frontier pro-
vinces and the territories of Jammu and Kashmir,
was then only in formation. Ranjit Singh had
acquired Lahore and the title of Rajah only In 1799.
It was not until 1802, when he was just twenty-two,
that he attacked and conquered Amritsar, ^lore-
over, the power of the Sikh misls had not been finally
broken till the destruction of the Nakkai confederacy
in 1 8 10. In 1809, the English concluded a treaty
with him, as they saw in him a formidable frontier
chief who was likely to unite the forces of the Khalsa
under his personal rule. The Maharajah was daily
strengthening his position, but it is necessary to re-
member that in 1809, when Gulab Singh joined his
service, he was not yet the renowned and masterful
King of the Punjab, but merely an important and
rising Sikh ruler, claiming his title from the grant
of the Afghan and his power from the alliance of
the Sikh misls.

In 1812 Ranjit Singh started on his first expedi-
tion against Kashmir, in alliance with Fateh Khan,
Minister of Shah Mahmud of Kabul. To under-
stand the events which follow it is necessary to
realise the position of the Afghan kingdom at this
time. In the beginning of the nineteenth century
the Durrani Empire comprised the whole of the
Indus Valley, including Multan, Kashmir, and the
hilly provinces attached to the valley. Peshawgr,

AT THE SIKH COURT

Attock, and other places were considered integral
parts of Afghanistan in the same sense as are Herat
and Kandahar to-day. Kashmir was a recognised
province of the empire. Zaman Shah, whose name
had once been a cerror to the East India Company,
was on the throne in 1803, and it was from him that
Ran] it Singh had received the title of Rajah in 1799.
But in that year the Shah was deposed by Mahmud,
his brother. Mahmud was in turn expelled by Shah
Shuja, the unlucky sovereign who plays an important
part in the history of the Punjab during the next
thirty years. In 1809 the Dakar zai tribe again
rebelled, and its chief, Fateh Khan, son of Poynda
Khan, put Mahmud back on the throne, keeping
to himself all the power in the State as Wazir. It
was this Wazir Fateh Khan who allied himself with
Ranjit in the invasion of Kashmir. General Mokam
Chand was, on behalf of Ranjit Singh, in charge of
the expedition, and the army marched up the Jhelum
Valley. The alliance, however, broke on the way,
as Fateh Khan tried to forestall the Dewan. Though
the trick failed, Fateh Khan stuck to Kashmir. In
1813 the Maharajah attempted to oust Fateh Khan,
and Ranjit Singh led a force in person into Kashmir.
In this campaign Gulab Singh's regiment played a
prominent part. On the advice of Ajar Khan of
Rajouri, the Punjab army was divided into two por-
tions, one section proceeding by way of Poonch

22 GULAB SINGH

under Ranjit himself, and the other under Dewan
Ram Dyal, the grandson of the great Mokam Chand,
by jvay of Bahramagalla. This division of the in-
vading forces was disastrous, and Ram Dyal's,army
was cut to pieces by the Governor of Kas-hmir.
The people also rose in rebellion behind the Sikhs.
Gulab Singh and his company escaped with diffi-
culty. In these perilous circumstances Gulab Singh
showed the greatest courage in reassembling his
forces and bringing them back safely. His father,
Mian Kishore Singh, was wounded in this cam-
paign. Ranjit Singh was greatly pleased with Gulab
Singh's achievement, and gave him as jagirs Kharoti
and Beyol and promoted him in his command.

At this time Mian Mota, the brother of Zorawar
Singh, was murdered at Jammu through the intrigue
of the Sikh Governor, and this event had a great
influence on the career of Gulab Singh. We have
already mentioned how the ambitious Rani Bindral
had tried to take in her own hands the management
of Jammu. The great hindrance to her plans was
her uncle-in-law, Mian Mota Singh, who wielded
great influence in the area. In 1812 Prince Kharrak
Singh, the eldest son of Ranjit Singh, to whom
Jammu was allotted as jagir, came to take possession
of the city, and the Rani Bindral insinuated herself
into favour with him. When the matter came to
the knowledge of Ranjit Singh he ordered that the

AT THE SIKH COURT 23

government of Jammu should be carried on in
consultation with Mota Singh, and that he should
be given a jagir bringing an annual income of
Rs. 12,000. This displeased the Rani greatly. When
Kharrak Singh returned to Lahore he left Dewan
Ajit Singh, Khullal of Gujerat, as Governor. The
Rani, nothing daunted, intrigued with the Dewan,
over whom she acquired great influence, and per-
suaded him to order the assassination of Mian Mota.
This dastardly act was entrusted to two bravos,
Traho and Sutro, who waylaid the mian and mur-
dered him (1812).

One day, on their way to the Durbar at Lahore,
Gulab Singh and Dhyan Singh encountered the
murderers by the Bhati Gate and killed them in
broad daylight. This action of the brothers caused
a great sensation in Lahore, especially as these
bravos were known to be under the protection of
Prince Kharrak Singh. When Gulab Singh arrived
at the Durbar the guards insisted on his surrender-
ing his arms, which he refused to do. But Ranjit
Singh took no notice of the incident, merely remark-
ing that Gulab Singh should be more careful of his
life. As he feared vengeance against the brothers,
Ranjit Singh took care to put Dhyan Singh under
Jamadar Khushal Singh, the famous Deorhi Officer
or Chamberlain, who was at the time the most
powerful personage at the Lahore Court.

24 GULAB SINGH

Gulab Singh continued to rise in favour at the
Lahore Court. At the siege of Jullundur he dis-
tinguished himself greatly, and was as a reward given
additional jagirs of Chohana and Ramgarli.. He
was also empowered to raise as his* own a company
of 200 soldiers. This was the first force which
owned Gulab Singh as its master. Ramgarh was
reduced after some fighting, and Mian Zorawar
Singh, with the family, took his permanent abode
there. (It was at this place that Rajah Hira Singh
was born.)

In 1815 Reasi, which is an important district in
the proximity of Jammu, was awarded by Ranjit
Singh as jagir to Mian Dewan Singh. Dewan Singh
was the mortal enemy of Gulab Singh, and was one
of the prime movers in the murder of Mota Singh.
The ambitious chief, who dreamed of uniting all the
hilly country over which his ancestor ruled into one
State, naturally disliked the grant of Reasi to his
enemy. As Dewan Singh was in the plains, Gulab
Singh forestalled him and took possession of the area
and put Wazir Zorawar Kalhoria, who was destined
to earn undying fame as the conqueror of Ladak and
Tibet, in charge of its defence. But his rival was a
person of courage and influence. Dewan Singh had
a large body of supporters, and at their instigation the
whole district rose against Gulab Singh's unauthor-
ised action. Zorawar was hard pressed in the fort*,

AT THE SIKH COURT 25

but the courage, fortitude, and resourcefulness which
later on enabled him to conquer Ladak and Baltistan
and lead an army into the heart of Tibet were not
to b$ shaken by a local siege. He held the town in
spite t of al 1 that the enemy could do. When Kishore
Singh heard of the plight of the garrison at Reasi
he. sent a few servants to Jammu to inform Gulab
Singh of the position. Gulab Singh was away in
Lahore, but Dewan Amir Chand, the father of
Dewan Jwala Sahai, who figures greatly in the later
events of Gulab Singh's life, was in charge of affairs
at Jammu, and he took up the matter with all ex-
pedition. There was no money in the treasury and
there were no troops at his command. He tried to
enlist the support of the Rajputs of the locality, but
they, envious of Gulab Singh's rising position, held
back. Amir Chand, however, was not a man who
easily lost hope. He borrowed money from a mer-
chant in Jammu, collected as much arms and am-
munition as he could, and marched on Reasi. He
had only forty men with him, but the Dewan
obtained recruits on the way by producing a letter
which he declared he had received from Gulab
Singh to the effect that he would soon be coming
himself and that he was in greater favour than ever
at Lahore. With his followers thus increased he
reached Reasi and relieved the garrison.
- Almost within six years of his taking service

26 GULAB SINGH

in Lahore, Gulab Singh had become an important
grandee. He was in possession of many estates
granted to him as jagir in recognition of his meri-
torious services, and he was among the few noble-
men entitled to maintain a regular force of {heir
own. Rajah Dhyan Singh also had advanced
greatly in the favour of the Lahore Durbar.

In all the campaigns that the Sikh King carried
on at this time Gulab Singh played a prominent part.
Especially at the siege of Multan, in 1819, his
personal bravery attracted Ranjit Singh's favourable
notice. During the siege, which was conducted
under the supervision of Ranjit Singh, one of the
Sikh sardars fell dead at the very foot of the fort.
The besiegers were being subjected to heavy cannon
fire, and Ranjit Singh, who was fond of the dead
sardar, commanded his officers to ride to the spot
and bring back the dead body. No one ventured
except Gulab Singh, who, without a word, rushed
forward to the amazement of the whole army and
brought back on his horse the body of his dead
comrade.

In the frontier campaigns of Ranjit Singh between
1815 and 1820 Gulab Singh played a prominent and
noteworthy part. The most important among them
was the campaign against the tribe of Yusuf in 1819
which enabled Ranjit Singh to acquire Peshawar.

In 1819 Dhyan Singh was made Deorhi Officer,

AT THE SIKH COURT 2J

or Grand Chamberlain, when Khushal Singh was
sent as Governor of Multan. This appointment
gave Dhyan Singh great influence over the Maha-
rajah.

At this time the hilly area behind Jammu was
being terrorised by an intrepid chief by the name of
Mian Dedo. His word was law in the interior, and
he even attacked the Sikh garrison, which numbered
over 2,000, in the Jammu fort. 1 The local Rajput
chiefs sympathised with him and afforded no help
to the Sikhs. The Sikhs laid hands on some of the
leading Rajputs, held them as hostages, and sent
them to Sheikhpura to be detained in prison. Dewan
Bhavani Das called Juna Dingh, a Rajput chieftain,
to Jammu and cut him to pieces on the mere sus-
picion of having given refuge to Dedo. This was
the signal for a general revolt. The whole country
behind the Jammu town threw off the Sikh yoke,
and Mian Dedo placed himself at the head of the
popular discontent. His adventures took a more
serious turn, and it became clear either that he had
to be put down or that Ranjit Singh would have to
withdraw to Sialkot.

In open Durbar one day Gulab Singh requested
to be entrusted with the duty of putting down this
insurrection. Having secured the commission he

1 Smyth, History of the Reigning Family of Lahore. (Cal-
cutta, 1847.)

28 GULAB SINGH

started without delay, accompanied by Sardar Attar
Singh Kallol and Sardar Jagan Nath Singh, of
Attari. At his request the Rajput chiefs held as
hostages at Sheikhpura were released. On reaching
Jammu he proceeded vigorously to put down the re-
bellion. The local chiefs surrendered, but Mian
Dedo continued his depredations. The rtiethods by
which he brought Dedo to book were characteristic.
It soon came to his notice that Dedo got free supplies
in all the villages where he went. The bandit chief
used to requisition all that he wanted, and the vil-
lagers out of fear obeyed him. It was necessary to
stop this if Dedo was to be captured. Gulab Singh
hit on a stratagem. He suddenly appeared in some
out-of-the-way villages and demanded supplies in the
name of Dedo. When the villagers brought the
supplies he announced his identity, and punished
them for helping the bandit. When this procedure
was followed in a few villages Dedo found it diffi-
cult to get any supplies, because, when he sent his
requisition, the villagers, not knowing whether it
was Gulab Singh trying their loyalty or Dedo him-
self, refused to obey.

After this manoeuvre Gulab Singh marched on
Jugti, which was the headquarters of Dedo. The
chief himself was not there, but his aged father
defended the place, though he was past ninety.
The old man was cut to pieces at the entrance to his

AT THE SIKH COURT 2<)

house by Attar Singh Kallol. Dedo then took refuge
on the Trikuti peak. The peak was surrounded,
and in this last extremity Dedo, after committing

his wife and children to the care of one Brahma-

t

chari, who was in the temple of the Devi, came out
bravely to sell his life dear. He encountered Attar
Singh, who was responsible for the death of his aged
father, and challenged him to open combat. Attar
Singh was killed in the fight, but Dedo was immedi-
ately shot dead by Gulab Singh's soldiers.

In 1820 Jammu was given to Gulab Singh in
farm. Ran] it Singh followed the medieval system
of farming out provinces for revenue. Jammu had
always been considered an unruly and difficult pro-
vince to manage, and when the government of the
province was offered to Gulab Singh he represented
that it was impossible to collect the revenue, as the
place had not been completely subdued. Ranjit
Singh therefore allowed him to keep an army of his
own and gave him the title of Rajah, and Mian
Kishore Singh and Dewan Chand were sent to instal
him in his office. This appointment to the govern-
ment of Jammu should not be confused with the
conferment of that principality as an hereditary
possession three years later.

In 1821 Gulab Singh undertook the conquest of
Khistwar. With this object he marched into the
interior. On the way he called on Dyal Chand,

30 GULAB SINGH

Rajah of Chenani, to do him obeisance. But as the
Rajah would not come, Gulab Singh sent a man to
call on him. The Rajah agreed to help in the con-
quest of Khistwar. The Chenab was crossed^ and
the camp was pitched at Doda. Instead qf directly
attacking Khistwar he decided first to create poetical
dissension in the State. Rajah Tej Singh, of Khist-
war, was a suspicious man, but he was served by an
able Minister, by name Wazir Lakhpat. Gulab
Singh sent a letter to Lakhpat in the following
words : * I have received your petition and under-
stood the contents. You are ordered to present your-
self before me without delay and to discharge the
duties entrusted to you satisfactorily, in which case
my kindness will always protect you.'

Gulab Singh had taken good care that the letter
should fall into the hands of the Rajah and not the
Wazir. Not suspecting the stratagem of Gulab
Singh, the Rajah imprisoned the Wazir, who, how-
ever, escaped to Bhadarwah. Khistwar was con-
quered, and this was Gulab Singh's first independent
province.

Wazir Lakhpat was taken into Gulab Singh's
service, and till his death in Kashmir, in 1846, he
was one of the Rajah's most trusted officers. He
proved himself loyal to his master, and Gulab Singh
sent him on many notable expeditions.

An important expedition entrusted to Gulab

AT THE SIKH COURT 3!

Singh at this time was the reduction of Rajouri,
which was under the rule of a local Mussulman
dynasty of Rajput descent. The Rajah, whose name
was Ajar Khan, had given Ran jit Singh more than
one occasion for. enmity. It was his double-faced
advice which brought disaster on Ran] it Singh in
his expedition against Kashmir in 1813. Gulab
Singh was entrusted with the duty of capturing him,
in which he succeeded.

These distinguished services to the Lahore Govern-
ment were rewarded by the Maharajah with the
grant to Gulab Singh and his successors of the prin-
cipality of Jammu, with the hereditary title of Rajah.
For this purpose the Maharajah moved in great state
to Aknoor. The town of Aknoor is situated at the
point where the Chenab debouches into the plain.
Placed on the bank of the river, with a magnificent
range of mountains as a background, the town pre-
sents a most striking appearance. The fort at Ak-
noor was built at the end of the eighteenth century
by Mian Tej Singh, who was a feudatory of Rajah
Ranjit Deo. Ranjit Singh took up his residence in
the fort and made preparation for the ceremony of
Rajtila\, or installation.

Gulab Singh, who was away on an expedition in
the hills, was summoned to the royal presence. On
4th Ashad, 1879 (A.D. 1822), Ranjit Singh installed
him on the Gadi and personally performed the Raj-

32 GULAB SINGH

tilaf(. When marking the saffron on the forehead,
Ranjit Singh, instead of marking it upwards, as is
the custom, marked it downwards. When a courtier
asked him why he had departed from established
usage, Ranjit Singh replied : ' I firmly sowed the
seed in the soil that it may thrive well, hold its root
strong in the earth, and last for ev^r.' On the same
day he gave to Mian Suchet Singh the jagir of Ram-
nagar with the title of Rajah. Gulab Singh was sur-
prised that Dhyan Singh, who was then in high
favour with the Maharajah, was not given any prin-
cipality, and requested that, since both he and
Suchet Singh had been so honoured, Dhyan Singh
also might be granted a jagir. Ranjit Singh was
highly pleased with this thoughtfulness on the part
of Gulab Singh, and remarked that so far as Dhyan
Singh was concerned, he did not propose to award
him a jagir, as his intention was to make him a
Raja-i-Rajagan, or a ' Rajah of Rajahs.'

A copy of the sanad that Maharajah Ranjit Singh
granted to Gulab Singh is given below in transla-
tion:

On this auspicious occasion, with extreme
joy and with heartfelt love, I grant to Rajah
Gulab Singh, in recognition of his conscientious
and loyal service, the government of the Chakla
of Jammu, which from time immemorial has
been in the possession of his family. He and

AT THE SIKH COURT 33

his brothers, Dhyan Singh and Suchet Singh,
appeared in my Court at a very early age and
loyally and devotedly served me and the State.
Their ancestors also served faithfully for a long
time under my father Mahan Singh Ji of happy
rremorv- They spared no pains to render their
services to me promptly and submissively and
to give me satisfaction. They have always
been found faithful to me and loyal to the
State, They have shed their blood freely in
many campaigns such as the conquest of
Kashmir, the reduction of Multan, the punish-
ment of the rebels, the suppression of rebellion
on the frontier and the fight with the forces of
Kabul. In consideration of these and other
services I grant the government of the Chakla
of Jammu to Rajah Gulab Singh and his de-
scendants, and I myself mark the forehead of
this loyal and devoted servant of mine with the
emblem of sovereignty. With great pleasure
I also grant Rajah Suchet Singh the govern-
ment of Ramnagar to be his own and his de-
scendants' as a reward for the great services he
has rendered to me. He and his descendants
may dispose of its income on their own account
provided that the Rajahs be as loyal to the
State henceforward as they have been till now,
that they receive our descendants with no less

3

34 GULAB SINGH

honour and submission and that their descend-
ants be as loyal to us and our descendants. In
witness of this I grant this Purwana of mine
with my own hands together with a bunch of
saffron. . c

Dated 4th Ashad, 1879 (Vikram).

* **~i rr *"

Gulab Singh was just thirty years old. He had
every reason to be proud of his achievements. With
nothing but a name, a proud ancestry, and his own
talents he had succeeded in getting back his heredi-
tary possession and in being recognised by Ran jit
Singh as the Rajah of Jammu. His fame as a warrior
had reverberated through the Punjab. He had be-
come an important grandee at the Lahore Court,
where his brothers also stood high in favour. Dhyan
Singh, though hardly more than twenty-seven, was,
next to Aziz-ud-Din and Dina Nath, the most in-
fluential man in the Lahore Government. He held,
besides, the post of Deorhi Officer, which kept him
in intimate touch with Ranjit Singh. Suchet Singh
was reputed to be the most handsome man in the
Sikh army, and he was also equally in favour with
the Maharajah,

After the conferment of Jammu, Gulab Singh
was sent on an expedition against Azam Khan, of
Tihri, .on the frontier. The army was nominally
under the command of Prince Sher Singh, but to

AT THE SIKH COURT 35

him were attached Gulab Singh and Hari Singh
Nalwa. The latter was the noblest and the most
gallant of the Sikh generals of his time, the very
embodiment of honour, chivalry, and courage. His
position at the Court was high, and he was the idol
of the Sikhs. With these two commanders attached
to him Sher Singh marched to the frontier. A
moulvi by the name of Khalifa Saidulla had roused
the religious fanaticism of the tribes, and the cam-
paign was more difficult than was originally antici-
pated. Immediate victory did not fall to the Sikh
army, and the handsome but chicken-hearted Sher
Singh proposed to retire. He was, however, dis-
suaded from this disastrous course by Gulab Singh,
whose brothers had also by this time joined the
campaign.

In 1823 Dost Mohammad, brother of Wazir Fateh
Khan, became King of Kabul. The kingdom which
he inherited had already lost Multan, Kashmir,
Peshawar, Dera Ghazi Khan, and Dera Ismail
Khan. The frontier was naturally the scene of
further disturbance, and in 1826 Saidulla again
raised the standard of revolt.

Sardar Budha Singh, who was in charge of the
frontier districts, was sorely tried, and Gulab Singh,
who was in Jammu, received orders to go to his help.
The Rajah immediately sent his forces under Dewan
Amir Chand, and himself joined them later, by

36 GULAB SINGH

forced marches, at Peshawar. Hari Singh Nalwa
also joined him there. The Pathans, on retreating,
had destroyed the bridge at Attock, which made
further advance difficult. Leaving the army behind,
Gulab Singh crossed the Indus with a very- small

force and attacked the enemy from behind a hill with

f- **i * r *'

only 300 men. While the fray was in progress Hari
Singh Nalwa, who was not to be left behind in any
act of valour, joined him. The enemy, not knowing
the strength of the attacking force, retired. Gulab
Singh was wounded in the arm on this occasion.
For fifteen days the army halted there. The Sikh
chief proposed the erection of entrenchments with
a view to defending the position, but Gulab Singh,
with superior wisdom, pointed out that in view of
the strength of the enemy safety lay for the Sikhs in
their mobility, and dissuaded Hari Singh from the
course which he had suggested. The tribes sought
the help of Dost Mohammad, who marched towards
the Indus with a large force. Ranjit Singh, who
realised the gravity of the danger, himself arrived at
the scene of the operations with the leading nobles
in his train. Before any fighting took place, Dost
Mohammad's discontented brothers, Pir Mohammad
and Sultan Mohammad, put themselves in touch
with Gulab Singh. Sultan Mohammad requested a
personal interview with Gulab Singh with the object
of negotiating for his own safety. An interview was

AT THE SIKH COURT 37

arranged between him and Ranjit Singh, who was
well pleased at the collapse of the Afghan invasion.
The Sikh ruler accepted the submission of Sultan
Mohammad, 1 and agreed to invest him with Pesha-
war This proposal made Hari Singh angry, and it
was only at the personal intervention of Gulab Singh
that Sultan JVloliammad k was not sent back to his
brother. Furious at the desertion of his own
brothers, Dost Mohammad marched back to
Kabul.

In 1825 Gulab Singh made further conquests in
the hilly tracts lying in the interior of Jammu. With
Dewan Amir Chand and Mian Gulab Singh Dhul-
patia he took the fort of Samarth and reduced the
surrounding country. In the period between 1820
and 1827 Gulab Singh brought under his effective
control the numerous principalities lying between
the Kashmir Valley and Jammu, except Poonch,
which was the jagir of Dhyan Singh; Jasrota, which
was given to Hira Singh, and Ramnagar, which
belonged to Suchet Singh. Gulab Singh himself
conquered Reasi, Khistwar, Rajouri, and Samarth,
which, with Jammu, formed a very extensive
dominion for a subordinate prince.

To the management of his principality Gulab

1 Sultan Mohammad became one of the leading sardars at
the Lahore Court, and was esteemed by all parties as a noble-
man of great courage.

38 GULAB SINGH

Singh devoted great attention. Other chiefs of the
Lahore Court who held jagirs spent most of their
time in Lahore in attendance on Ranjit Singh, and
depended on their managers for their income a
system that led to great abuses. The managers,
not being under the control of their masters, were
only concerned to squeeze out of tlie cultivators as
much money as they could, and took no interest
in their welfare. The chiefs were only interested in
getting money regularly and the managers only in
satisfying their masters and in enriching themselves.
Gulab Singh, from the time that Jammu was con-
ferred on him, followed a totally different policy.
He stayed mostly in Jammu and appeared at Lahore
only when summoned. He took great personal
interest in the management of his property and the
government of his dominions which, by their hilly
nature and by the independent character of their
people, called for personal attention.

In this duty he was helped by a family of remark-
able men, whose devotion to him and whose ability
in his service he rewarded most munificently. This
was the family of which Dewan Jwala Sahai, later
the Prime Minister of the State and Gulab Singh's
plenipotentiary in the negotiation of all confidential
matters, was the most important member. Dewan
Amir Chand, the father of Jwala Sahai, was "the
managing agent of Gulab Singh in the Newal Ilaqa,

AT THE SIKH COURT 39

and when Jammu was granted as an hereditary prin-
cipality in 1823, Amir Chand was made Madar-ul-
Maham, or Chief Minister, of Jammu. In 1836,
when Dewan Amir Chand died, his eldest son,
Dewan Jwala Sahai, became the chief adviser and
Dewan of Gulab Singh. Jwala Sahai had two
brothers, Dewan Hari Chand and Dewan Nihal
Chand, both of whom were employed by Gulab
Singh in important civil and military capacities.

The attention which Gulab Singh devoted to the
management of his fiefs and the good results that
followed from it attracted the attention of Ranjit
Singh. The ruler of the Punjab, who was quick
to realise the value of such government, entrusted
Gulab Singh with the management of the following
areas at different times to be held as farms from the
Lahore Durbar :

Behra, Miani, Fadka, and the salt mines of
Pinddadan Khan.

Farms : Estimated Income.

Chukh Huzara and Pukhlee R S .

Dhumtour ... ... 150,000

Djunnee, Kuttas, and Chak-

kowall ... ... ... 100,000

Sialkot ... ... ... 50,000

Salt mines ... ... about 8 lakhs

40 GULAB SINGH

He was also given the following jagirs :

Bhadarwah (part), Padar, Jammu, Chenai,
Reasi, Khistwar, Aknoor, Rajouri.^

The following jagirs were held by the other
members of the family :

Estimated Income.

Suchet Singh : R S .

Besholi ... ... ... 75,000

Jasrota ... ... ... 125,000

Makkot, Bhuddo, and Bhad-
ralta

Dhyan Singh :

Samba, Bhimber, Poonch, Kottlee.
Town duties at Amritsar and Lahore.

Gulab Singh was able to follow this policy of
staying on his estate and looking after its manage-
ment only because he knew that his interest and
the interests of his family were safe at Lahore.
When the government is personal and is dependent
on the whims of a ruler, a courtier, however able
and useful, is likely to be forgotten unless he is
present at Court and is in a position to compete for
the favour of the sovereign. Fortunately, Gulab
Singh had not to do this. The presence of his
brother, Dhyan Singh, at Court as Lord

AT THE SIKH COURT 4!

lain and later as Prime Minister, and the favour
to which Hira Singh, Dhyan Singh's son, attained,
were sufficient guarantee for him. In fact, all the
three brothers consciously followed as a policy the
celebrated saying of a French Marshal : ' He who
hurts my brother hurts me.' The political influence
of Dhyan Singh left Gulab Singh free to look after
the affairs of his territories, to raise and keep intact
a reserve of money, and to train and equip an army.
He was left free to consolidate his authority and to
perfect a military machine with which to conquer
new countries when occasion arose. He was shrewd
enough to foresee that all these precautions would
be required once the strong hand of Ran] it Singh
was removed from the Punjab.

By 1835 Gulab Singh had become the most im-
portant feudatory of Ran] it Singh and the most
powerful personality at the Lahore Court. Besides
his own principality he held in farm some of the
most productive lands in the Punjab. His army,
which was under renowned commanders, had
already attacked Ladak. Ranjit Singh, who never
doubted Gulab Singh's loyalty, was in no way
envious of the overgrown power of his dependent
and continued to show favour to him and his family.

CHAPTER III

GULAB SINGH AND THE SIKH ANARCHY

t

ON the 27th June, 1839, Maharajah Ranjit Singh
died at the age of 59. A few months before his
death his powers had visibly declined and the govern-
ment of the kingdom was in the hands of Dhyan
Singh, the Dewan. Rajah Dina Nath had the
control of finances, and Fakir Aziz-ud-Din was the
Foreign Minister, but the authority of the State was
in the hands of Rajah Dhyan Singh. Ranjit Singh
was succeeded by his son, Kharrak Singh, an im-
becile and a voluptuary, who was in the hands of his
favourite, Chet Singh. This alienated the great
officers of the Court, who were not willing to sur-
render their power to a Court favourite. Forgetting
their own quarrels, the leading rajahs and sardars
joined hands, and on 8th October, 1839, the most
important of them, with Nao Nihal Singh, the heir
apparent, at their head, forced their way into the
palace. Kharrak Singh was tying his turban. Gulab
Singh killed the doorkeeper and broke open the
door, though Kharrak Singh tried to lock it from
inside. The Maharajah refused to yield up his
favourite and held him in his arms, but Gulab Singh
tore him away. Chet Singh ran into a dungeon,
where Dhyan Singh followed him and killed him'.

42

THE SIKH ANARCHY 43

After this, Gulab Singh left the Lahore Court and
went on a pilgrimage to Gaya, returning thence
direct to Tammu, The death of Chet Singh had,
however, not improved the prospects of his family.
Nao Nihal Singh, Kharrak Singh's young son, was
an able and ambitious prince, and it was his un-
disguised object to work the ruin of Gulab Singh
and his brothers. He decided to attack Jammu and
reduce the too presumptuous subject, who by this
time held Jammu, Reasi, Khistwar, Rajouri, and
other hill principalities, besides numerous districts
given on contract by the Lahore Government. To
reduce him was not an easy affair. Nao Nihal Singh
realised this and proceeded systematically to concen-
trate a very strong force at favourable points. On
the pretext of preparing for a campaign against
Mandi, a large force under General Ventura was
concentrated to the east of Jammu. Nao Nihal
Singh was compelled, however, to postpone the
campaign for a few months owing to Afghan
troubles. When these were over, and before he
could undertake the campaign, Kharrak Singh died
on the 5th November, 1840. But the same day Nao
Nihal Singh also died as a result of an accidental
fall of an archway under which he passed on his
return from the obsequies of his father, Gulab
Singh's eldest son, Ootam (Randhir) Singh, rode
with the prince and died as a result of the same

44 GULAB SINGH

accident. According to Dr. Honigberger, 1 who was
present at Lahore and treated the Prince, Dhyan
Singh himself was injured. These facts should dis-
pose of the baseless suggestion of Cunningham 2 that
the fall of the archway was not accidental, but was
the result of design by the Jammu rajahs.

The death of Nao Nihal Singh left the Lahore
throne vacant. Dhyan Singh favoured Sher Singh,
a reputed son of Ranjit Singh, but Gulab Singh,
Khushal Singh, and Bhai Ram Singh declared them-
selves in favour of Chand Kour, the widow of
Kharrak Singh, who assumed the reins of govern-
ment with the title of Regent. A compromise was
for the time arranged, and Sher Singh accepted the
position of Vice-Regent. Dhyan Singh kept aloof
from this arrangement and returned to Jammu.
From there he negotiated with Sher Singh, who
also had withdrawn from the capital. Winning over
some divisions of the army, Sher Singh declared
himself King and attacked Lahore, where he had
been promised support by Dhyan Singh. But the
Prime Minister was away in Jammu, and Gulab
Singh, who was in the fort, refused to surrender it.
Sher Singh had, in fact, calculated without the host.
Gulab Singh's loyalty to Mai Chand Kour upset all

1 Dr. Honigberger, Thirty-five Years in the East, p. 103.
(London, 1852.)

2 History of the Sitys, p. 244.

THE SIKH ANARCHY 45

his plans. Sher Singh, who marched on the capital
with a large force, was held up in front of Lahore.
Gulab Sirgh advised Mai Sahib to offer resistance,
and himself took command of the forces within the
citadel. With him in the fort were Rajah Hira
Singh, Attar Singh Sindhanwalla, and Mansul
Singh Sindu. The city was put in a state of defence
and guns were placed at all the city gates. Gulab
Singh was indefatigable in his efforts to strengthen
the defence, and gave four months' pay as gratuity
to the garrison. He personally went round to every
post, inspected the garrison, and encouraged them
by promises and rewards. This unexpected deci-
sion to hold the fort against the army which had
gone over to Sher Singh created a difficult situation
for that Prince. Sher Singh was now forced to lay
siege 1 to Lahore and to declare war against the con-
stituted authority of the State, while Gulab Singh
stood forward as the champion of the Sikh Govern-
ment. Sher Singh, however, found unexpected sup-
port in Rajah Suchet Singh and General Ventura,
both of whom acknowledged him as King. He
had now under his command 70,000 troops. By
bribing the gatekeeper, Sher Singh was able to gain
access to the city, but Gulab Singh defended the

1 This famous siege is described in many histories. The
description given by Smyth, Reigning Family of Lahore,
pp. 43-61, is the most detailed.

46 GULAB SINGH

citadel with heroism in the face of vastly superior
numbers. The attack began against the Hazuri
Bagh Gate. The gate was blown in, but the small
force which entered the city was shot down by the
Dogra soldiers of Gulab Singh placed behind the
gate, and the attack was repulsed. Soon afterwards
Sher Singh was forced to withdraw from Hazuri
Bagh. Successive assaults were repulsed and Gulab
Singh maintained himself in the fort for five days.
At the end of the fifth day news arrived that Dhyan
Singh was approaching Lahore. He was given a
royal ovation by the populace and Sher Singh per-
sonally went to receive him at the city gate.

By this time Chand Kour was in a state of great
fear, and she was anxious that peace should be
restored on the condition of proper provision for
herself. She accordingly wrote the following letter
to Gulab Singh :

To the wise and enlightened Rajah Gulab Singh,
Chief Minister of the State.

This imperial Irshad is issued to you now.
I thank you very much and Rajah Hira Singh
Bahadur, Sardar Mangal Singh, Sardar Sultan
Mohamad Khan, and other faithful nobles
yvho helped you in the siege, for the devotion,
loyalty and obedience which you displayed so
heroically in holding your own against the

THE SIKH ANARCHY 47

usurper. For this I again thank you sincerely.
You proved yourself most faithful to the Sircar
and the Sircar's obligations to you are very
great. You are now at liberty to put an end
:o the fight in any manner you choose. The
Sircar leaves the matter to your discretion.
The only thing the Sircar wants is that you
should settle the matter as quickly as possible.
Settle the matter very soon and receive the
Sircar's kindness.

On this Gulab Singh opened negotiations. He
made the following three conditions : (i) The Mai
Sahib should be honoured and given a suitable
position, (2) all the sardars on her side should be
pardoned, and (3) Gulab Singh and other leading
nobles should be taken into favour.

Sher Singh accepted all these conditions and sent
to Gulab Singh the following message, signed by
himself and all the leading nobles on his side :

To the wise and enlightened Rajah Gulab Singh,
Minister of State.

This imperial Irshad is issued to you now.
Please stop firing the guns in the fort. Bhai
Uttam Singh and Babu Blahyam Singh are
appointed by the Sircar to come to you to the
presence, and if you attend you will be treated

48 GULAB SINGH

with honour and titles. You can rest assured
of it. We are very kindly disposed towards
you. If you yourself do not liko, to come,
kindly ask Mai Saheb to come out of the fort
for Sri Granth Sahib's sake. She will.be safe
and welcome. Whoever prefers to die in the
fort, keep him there, but come yourself. Your
three conditions will be fulfilled if you come.
Leave all anxieties aside and rest assured of our
kindness and help.

On a truce being arranged, Sher Singh sent a
message praising the services which Gulab Singh
and his brothers had rendered and promising to
abide by the advice of the chiefs. His conditions
were agreed to, the fort was surrendered, and Gulab
Singh marched out at midnight on the ipth January,
1841.

Although Gulab Singh was offered the position
of minister under the new regime, he was in no
mood to take part in the intrigues of Lahore, and
preferred to return to his own dominions. It is said
that when he left the fort he carried away with him
the accumulated treasures of Ran] it Singh which
were there. Sixteen carts were filled with rupees
and other silver coins, while 500 horsemen were
each entrusted with a bag of gold mohurs. With
this vast treasure he returned to Jammu, where his

THE SIKH ANARCHY 49

presence was urgently required in support of the
Ladak campaign, which was now in full swing, 1

In 1841 disaster overtook the British arms in
Afghanistan. The garrison at Jalalabad was being
besieged, and to relieve it a British force was
equipped at Peshawar. The co-operation of the
Sikhs was necessary. To obtain this, Major (later
Sir Henry) Lawrence was sent to Peshawar. His
duty was to keep the Sikhs in good humour and
to secure from them as much help as possible. To
co-operate with the British expedition which was
being organised on the frontier, the Lahore Govern-
ment very reluctantly deputed Gulab Singh, who
was at that time at Hazara. Gulab Singh's position
was by no means easy. He knew well enough that
the Lahore authorities were not in any way anxious
to help the British in their Kabul expedition. At
the same time, being gifted with farsighted views
in politics, he knew that this was the occasion to
secure the firm friendship of the British. He was
therefore personally anxious to afford all help, pro-
vided it was clearly understood that the obligation
was to him and not to the Lahore Government. The
position of the British was desperate. They had been
driven out of Afghanistan. Their own base was far
away, and on their line of communication was the
Sikh State, whose neutrality, if not help, was essential

1 See infra'.

4

5U GULAB SINGH

for success. The Lahore Government was reluctant
to afford any help, and this was known to the British
authorities. Gulab Singh realised the full strength
of his position namely, that if effective help could
be rendered to the British through his influence and
authority, then their friendship towards him would
be assured.

Before Gulab Singh arrived on the scene all hope
of co-operation with the Sikhs had come to an end.
On the I9th January, 1842, the British force was
beaten back at the Khyber Pass. As the British
entered Khyber the Sikhs quietly marched back to
Peshawar. 1 The Nuseeb battalions consisting of
Mussulmans had mutinied at the suggestion of co-
operation with the British against Afghanistan. They
threatened to attack the retreating force in the rear.
It was then that General Pollock was chosen for
the command of the army, and he marched through
the Punjab territory to the rendezvous at Pesha-
war. Gulab Singh, who knew when not to hurry,
also arrived in Peshawar, and struck his tents on
the left bank of the river. His orders were 'to
march to Peshawar, to coerce all mutineers, and co-
operate with the English.' The Rajah, however,
encamped on the left side of the river, and the first
communication he addressed to Major Lawrence

1 Edwardes and Merivalc, Life of Sir Henry Lawtencc,
Third Edition, p. 223. *

THE SIKH ANARCHY 51

was a mild hint not to proceed by the direct road
from Peshawar to Attock as he might be attacked
by the Nuseeb battalions. 1 This advice was taken.
Gulab Singh, however, managed to put the Nuseeb
out of the way, and on the 3rd February, 1842, he
moved on towards Peshawar in advance of the
British troops. The Rajah took fully ten days from
the Indus to Peshawar, a distance which he had on
many former occasions covered in three days.

The original intention of the British Government
was to persuade the Lahore Government to send a
Sikh contingent with them to Jalalabad. Previous
to the arrival of Gulab Singh the command of the
frontier force was entrusted to General Mehtab
Singh, whose attitude towards the British was
frankly hostile. 2 When Gulab Singh arrived on
the scene he told Lawrence that it was not advis-
able to take the Sikhs to Jalalabad. In their im-
patience the British commanders urged on the
Rajah the necessity of making an example and
of disbanding the battalions which had mutinied.
Gulab Singh replied that the Sikhs had already
borne him ill-will enough, and that he would not
be supported in measures of coercion. In this there
was some truth. 3 He naturally asked the British

1 Edwardes and Merivale, Life of Sir Henry Lawrence,
Third Edition, p. 223.
1 Ibid., p. 225. 3 Ibid.

52 GULAB SINGH

Chief to allow him to proceed in his own manner.
To this Lawrence agreed and Gulab Singh set out
quietly to undermine the opposition^ the Sikhs.
Knowing the spirit and temper of the Sikh seldiers,
he had no difficulty in dissuading them from sctive
hostilities against the British army in Peshawar.
If the Sikhs had turned against the British at -that
time the whole expedition would have ended dis-
astrously. He pointed out to the Sikh soldiers that
it was wiser to lead the British to the Khyber Pass
and safely across it : that if they were defeated by
the Afghans the property they left at Peshawar
would belong to the Sikhs, while if they defeated
the enemy the Sikhs could claim that it was through
their help that the victory was won.

The Chiefs of the Khalsa army appreciated this
wisdom. Gulab Singh was thus free to help the
British with provisions and advice, and also to send
some of his own troops with the British army. At
this time news reached him of the debacle that had
overtaken Zorawar in Central Tibet. He was
naturally much grieved at this loss and sent Dewan
Jwala Sahai on the iyth February, 1842, to Law-
rence's camp with the request that the news of the
disaster should not be made public, as it might
cause a mutiny among his own troops. On the
2oth February Gulab Singh paid a formal visit to
General Pollock. The British commanders weie

THE SIKH ANARCHY 53

getting tired of the dilatory tactics of Lahore and
were determined to use the opportunity to come to
some explanation. They received Gulab Singh
with full military honours, and after all were seated
Captain Makeson, an officer of ' commanding
countenance and stately form uniting the beau ideal
of the soldier and the diplomatist/ 'advanced
through all the preliminaries of courtesy and the
exigencies of the situation to the inevitable climax n
asking for what purpose had the Sikh army been
sent to Peshawar and what orders had been received
from Lahore.

Gulab Singh was taken by surprise, but he was
too experienced a diplomat to show it. His reply
is thus described by the biographers of Lawrence :

Those whose lot it has been to parley
with that Ulysses of the Hills can call up
before them the sweet deference of attention,
the guileless benevolence, the childlike simpli-
city, and the masterly prolixity of fiction, paren-
thesis and anecdote with which Rajah Gulab
Singh stroked his silver beard while listening
to the question and then charmingly consumed
the hours in avoiding a reply. Much had he
to say about the past, the loyalty of his brothers
and himself to the empire of their great master
1 Life of Sir Henry Lawrence, Third Edition, p. 227.

54 GULAB SINGH

Ran] it Singh, and the wickedness of those who
attributed to them schemes of an independent
sovereignty. . . . But as to thgjuture and
what had now to be done fo save the English
garrisons still in Afganistan, Raj ah, Gulab
Singh in all his flow of talk and illustration
got no further than to remind the English
that Dost Mohammad was a prisoner. But
on being further questioned as to what were
the orders of the Lahore Government, the
Rajah produced a purwana in which he was
ordered to consult General Pollock as to the
objects the British Government had in view,
what they proposed to effect and by what
means, and to act in support of the British
troops agreeably to the terms of this treaty. 1

With this the Durbar terminated.

The British authorities began to think that some-
thing could not be had for nothing, and that unless
Gulab Singh received an adequate quid pro quo,
no help would be forthcoming. Lawrence had
already suggested that a consideration should be
offered to him. ' In plain terms, he explained, the
troops should be paid extra batta, the Rajahs secured
in their territory even with additions.' He added
that ' if Gulab Singh assists the British efficiently

1 Life of Sir Henry Lawrence, Third Edition, p. 227. **

THE SIKH ANARCHY 55

they should assist him to get possession of the
Valley of Jalalabad, and endeavour to make some
arrangement to secure it and Peshawar to his
family. 51

These? inducements he did not want. He had his
own reasons for rendering whatever help lay in his
power. More, he secured the neutrality of the Sikh
regiments which at one time were actively hostile
to the British. General Pollock was therefore en-
abled to enter the Khyber Pass on the 5th April,
1842.

The British Government sent an appreciative
Kharita, dated 8th April, 1842, to Gulab Singh,
through Mr. Clerk, their agent at Lahore, in which
they said that they wrote to him with the pen of
love and appreciation. ' We heard from the Chiefs
of our army how wisely you planned for the help
of our troops and how kindly you rendered this to
them. . . . The fruit of the long-sown seed of friend-
ship between us which was concealed for a long time
has now come to light . . . you who are the flower
of the garden of this world . . . the most delicious
fruit of the tree of hope, we remember your troubles
and difficulties in rendering help to our army : we
shall never forget that.'

The basis of friendship between Henry Law-
rence and Gulab Singh was thus well and truly laid.

1 Letter to Clerk, 30th January, 1842.

56 GULAB SINGH

The offer of Jalalabad was renewed, but a condition
was made by Lord Ellenborough, the Governor-
General, that Gulab Singh should give up Ladak
and take the Afghan province irrltsstead. , Gulab
Singh was too shrewd a man not to see through this
proposal. Ladak was in the vicinity of his own terri-
tories and could not be attacked either by the British
or by the Sikhs. He was thus the uncontrolled master
of that area which, though barren, was his own by
right of conquest. Jalalabad, on the other hand, was
far away from his base and could not be held against
an enemy. Naturally, he refused the offer and was
content with the friendship of the British.

The Lahore Government again fell into anarchy.
Mai Chand Kour died in 1842. Relieved of the
fear of usurpation, Sher Singh began to chafe
against the authority of Dhyan Singh and sent for
the Sindhanwalla sardars, Ajit Singh and Lehna
Singh, to Lahore. Sher Singh had no love for the
Sindhanwalla chiefs, but he hoped that their in-
fluence with the Sikhs would be an effective counter-
poise to the influence of Dhyan Singh. But Sher
Singh was not the man to follow a consistent policy.
He soon alienated his best friends. Lehna Singh
was imprisoned, Khushal Singh was not in favour
at Court, the Jammu rajahs were greatly in dis-
favour. The idea that Sher Singh developed was
to get hold of Gulab Singh and his brothers an'd

THE SIKH ANARCHY 57

kill all of them at one stroke. So in 1843 Gulab
Singh was summoned to Kangra, where Sher Singh
was camping at the time. Though he knew the
object, Gulab Singh did not hesitate. Dhyan Singh,
on the other hand, sent Hira Singh to Jasrota and
went alone. Suchet Singh remained at Lahore.
Failing to get all the brothers together, Sher Singh
hesitated to act, treated Gulab Singh well and sent
him back to Jammu.

In 1843 tf 16 m^riage of Ranbir Singh to the
daughter of Rajah Bijai Singh of Seeba was cele-
brated with great pomp. Ranbir Singh was the
third and youngest, and the only surviving, son of
Gulab Singh. Gulab Singh married early in life in
1809 a lady from the Rukwal Rajputs. By this
lady he had three sons, Randhir Singh, Sohan
Singh, and Ranbir Singh. Randhir Singh, as has
been said above, died in company with Nao Nihal
Singh as the result of an accident. Sohan Singh died
young.

Ranbir Singh, born in 1829 at Ramgarh, was at
this time only fourteen years old. As a young boy
he was adopted by Rajah Suchet Singh, who had
no son of his own. He spent his boyhood mostly
at Ramnagar, which was the jagir of Suchet
Singh. 1

1 Thakur Kashari Singh Bilawani, Life of Ranbir Singh in
Urdu. (Jammu, 1890.)

5 GULAB SINGH

The whole family gathered at Jammu alas ! for
the last time. Rajah Dyhan Singh, the wise states-
man and the leading Minister of the Sikh king-
dom; Rajah Hira Singh, the accomplished cpurtier
and the favourite of Ranjit Singh; Rajah Suchet
Singh, reputed to be the most handsome man in
the Sikh army, and the numerous dependents of
each, all came together on the auspicious occasion.
Gulab Singh could well claim that he had laid the
foundation of the greatness of each one of them
all great and powerful men in the world now.
He, the eldest, had spurned the life of the capital,
and devoted himself entirely to the welfare of the
family. He had raised armies, conquered king-
doms, and laid the foundation of a future greatness
for his family such as few could claim. The occa-
sion was really one for thanksgiving.

As soon as the marriage was over a messenger
came from Lahore summoning Dhyan Singh.
Against the advice of his brother he went. On
his arrival he was received graciously by Sher Singh,
but orders had already been issued to have him
murdered. Dhyan Singh was advised of this by
Sardar Ajit Singh Sindhanwalla. The sardars of
Sindhanwalla played a double game in this matter.
They hated Sher Singh and planned the fall of the
Sovereign and Minister at one stroke. For this pur-
pose they pursuaded the Maharajah that Dhyan

THE SIKH ANARCHY 59

Singh had determined to destroy him and his safety
lay in having the Minister assassinated first. Sher
Singh believed it and authorised the Sindhanwalla
chiefs* in writing to get rid of Dhyan Singh.
Having plotted Dhyan Singh's destruction, Ajit
Singh went straight to him and informed him of
the. conspiracy and advised him to strike the blow
first. Ajit Singh, who was reported to be a bosom
friend of Sher Singh, was himself conspiring to get
rid of Sher Singh. The next day at the review of
troops Ajit Singh shot his Sovereign dead. Lehna
Singh killed the boy Pratab Singh, the son of Sher
Singh, at his devotions. After this dastardly action
Ajit Singh mounted his horse and galloped towards
Lahore with 300 followers.

Dhyan Singh, who was ignorant of the murder,
was driving out at what is now the Badami Bagh
when he was met by Ajit Singh and taken to the
fort. As they ascended the fort, Ajit Singh, whom
the Rajah, who had guessed the details of the
tragedy, accused of treason, shot him dead (i5th
September, 1843).

Thus died Rajah Dhyan Singh, for over fifteen
years Prime Minister of the Sikh State. As a states-
man he had worked hard and successfully for the
maintenance of the independence of the Punjab.
He had resisted with all the means in his power
the encroachment of the English Agent at Lahore

60 GULAB SINGH

on Sikh authority. 1 On one notable occasion he did
not even hesitate to advise Sher Singh against a
public interview with the Viceroy. 2 Polished and
courtly, his personality was sueh as wou!4 have
made a mark even in the Court of Shah Jehan or
Louis XIV. Of his personal appearance, the follow-
ing description is given by W. G. Osborne, Military
Secretary to Lord Auckland : * Rajah Dheean Singh
is a noble specimen of the human race; rather above
the usual height of the natives, with quick and in-
telligent eyes, high handsome forehead, and aquiline
features ; dressed in a magnificent helmet and cuirass
of polished steel, a present from King Louis Philippe
of France, he looked a model of manly beauty and
intelligence.' 3

As soon as Dhyan Singh's death was known the
partisans of the Jammu rajahs prepared for war.
Hira Singh and Suchet Singh, who were in Lahore,
immediately sent round word, and the whole aspect
of Lahore changed. It became a city of rival camps.
Rajah Hira Singh displayed unexpected calmness of
mind on this occasion. He ascended the terrace of
General Avitabile's house, and, having seated him-
self there, sent messages to the several sardars, re-
questing their immediate attendance. The call was

1 Osborne, Court and Camp of Ranjit Singh, p. 75.
(London, 1840.)

3 J. D. Cunningham, History of the Si\hs, p. 267.
3 Osborne, p. 74.

THE SIKH ANARCHY 6l

promptly obeyed and the sardars, with their troops,
assembled at the foot of Budhuka Awa. Placing
himself in front and unsheathing his sword, the
young Rajah said. 'You know the traitors have
killed our Sovereign, his innocent son, and my brave
father, who loved you as much as he loved me.
We .are deprived of our Sovereign and I am father-
less. I now trust your courage, your patriotism,
and your loyalty to our lamented King. Either
uphold me firmly or kill me with this sword, as
it is better to die with honour than to live in dis-
grace in the midst of enemies.' 1

The response to this touching speech was im-
mediate. The whole army agreed to follow him.
Placing himself at the head of 40,000 troops, Hira
Singh marched against the Sindhanwalla chiefs.
Suchet Singh joined him in assaulting the fort,
which fell into their hands. Ajit Singh met the
fate of the murderer, and Lehna Singh also fell in
the fight. The head of Ajit Singh was laid at the
feet of the widowed rani of Dhyan Singh who, well
content, declared : * I am now fully satisfied/ Then
she addressed Hira Singh and said : * I will tell your
father that you have acted the part of a brave and
dutiful son.' After this she placed her dead hus-
band's kulgee on Hira Singh's head and calmly
ascended the pyre as sati.

1 Syed Latif, History of the Punjab, p. 516.

62 GULAB SINGH

After this, Suchet Singh and Hira Singh put
Dhuleep Singh on the throne, and Hira Singh
became Prime Minister. After the situation had
settled down Gulab Singh, whcr had kept kimself
out of the intrigues of Lahore, came down from
Jammu. He was requested by all to take up the
post of Prime Minister. Especially was he pressed
by Aziz-ud-Din, the Foreign Minister, who knew
that a strong hand would be required to restore
order and steer the ship of State through safe
channels. But Gulab Singh, who knew the condi-
tions at Lahore, refused to be inveigled into the
whirlpool of Sikh politics, and returned to Jammu,
taking Suchet Singh with him. He, however, left
a body of his troops at Shahdara under Dewan Hari
Chand, knowing well that Hira Singh might soon
require help.

CHAPTER IV

GULAB SINGH AND THE SIKH ANARCHY Continued

HIRA SINGH had great difficulties to face as Prime
Minister. The claims of the boy Dhuleep Singh,
who was proclaimed Maharajah, were contested by
Peshwara Singh, a reputed son of Ran] it Singh.
Rajah Suchet Singh, who was jealous of the power
of Hira Singh, declared himself in favour of Pesh-
wara Singh and Kashmira Singh, both reputed
sons of Ranjit Singh, who refused to acknowledge
Dhuleep Singh as King. Kashmira Singh, who
held Sialkot as jagir, continued in his rebellious
attitude, and Gulab Singh was ordered to subdue
him. The Sikh soldiers would not fight against
Kashmira Singh, as he was a son of the great
Ranjit Singh; but Gulab Singh, with the help of his
Dogra forces, captured the city, though he allowed
the Princes to escape.

Suchet Singh had promised support to the rebel-
lion, and the relations between uncle and nephew
became strained. In March, 1844, Suchet Singh,
who knew that the army was discontented, sud-
denly made his appearance in Lahore and tried to
raise a rebellion. But his efforts did not succeed.
Hira Singh acted with vigour. Suchet Singh had

63

64 GULAB SINGH

left his forces at Shahdara and had crossed the Ravi
.with only 400 men. But when he came to Lahore
the regiments which had invited him refused to rise,
and the next day Hira Singh surrounded his camp
and he was overcome. He died fighting.

So far everything had gone well. Successful
against Suchet Singh and others, Hira Singh tried
to place himself in opposition to Gulab Singh. The
immediate occasion was the claim to the property
of Suchet Singh, which Gulab Singh had taken
possession of on the latter's death. To proceed
against Gulab Singh required some courage, but
Hira Singh, whatever his other faults, did not lack
that quality. Besides, he could claim that the pro-
perties of Suchet Singh were forfeit to Lahore owing
to his rebellion. Gulab Singh in taking possession
of them had proceeded on the ground that Suchet
Singh, who was childless, had adopted Ranbir
Singh when the latter was still a child, and that
therefore the dead Rajah's property was vested in
him by right. Hira Singh also claimed that he
was the legal heir. On Gulab Singh's refusal to
yield, Hira Singh ordered that the towns and
grants held by Gulab Singh in the Punjab on con-
tract be forfeited, and he decided, further, to attack
Jammu itself. Gulab Singh was prepared for this.
But as a quarrel was likely to cause weakness to
both, he agreed to give half of Suchet Singh's

THE SIKH ANARCHY 65

property to Hira Singh, and thereupon the towns
and villages which had been taken away from him
were restored.

Hire Singh could legitimately claim that within
a short time he had restored order, suppressed all
rebellions, and had the authority of Lahore recog-
nised even by Gulab Singh. But his star was on
the wane. The dissolute Rani Jindan and her
lover, Lai Singh, turned to Jawahar Singh, the
brother of the Rani, who was a man of some capacity,
for help against the power of Hira Singh. Jawahar
Singh took the boy Maharajah to the army and
asked them to get rid of Hira Singh in order to make
Dhuleep their real Sovereign. The army demurred
to this, as Hira Singh was popular with them,
but agreed to request him to surrender Julia, his
favourite. Refusing to surrender his friend and
realising the danger that surrounded him, Hira
Singh left Lahore on his famous horse, Burchi
Bahadur. But on the way the party was overtaken.
Hira Singh died, fighting to the last, on 2ist Decem-
ber, 1844.

The Lahore Durbar was not yet satisfied. Dhyan
Singh, Suchet Singh, and Hira Singh were dead,
but the oldest and most powerful of the Jammu
family was still alive and well entrenched in his
possessions. To get him into their power was not
so easy. A pretext for a quarrel was soon found.

5

66 GULAB SINGH

Hira Singh's property was declared confiscated.
Rani Jindan sent Lala Rattan Chand and Baba Mian
Singh to Gulab Singh with the demand that the
possessions of Rajah Hira Singh should r be sur-
rended to Lahore and that the Rajah himself should
pay a fine of three crores of rupees for his contu-
macious conduct. She also asked for the surrender
of Mian Jawahir Singh, the second son of Dhyan
Singh. Gulab Singh was unwilling to hand over
Jawahir Singh to those whose hands were still red
.with the blood of Dhyan Singh. He sent Jawahir
Singh to Jasrota, where Hira Singh had before his
death collected an army to attack Chamba. He then
ordered all his commanders to be ready with their
forces mobilised for action. He recalled even Dewan
Hari Chand, whose troops were at Uri, and Wazir
Lakhpat, who had gone to Khori for the relief of
Gulam Mohiudeen, was also asked to return in haste
with the forces at his command. The position was
indeed critical. The Lahore Court, which had
always been friendly, had become hostile. The
Sikh sardars, who never trusted the Jarnmu rajahs,
were ready to wreak vengeance on their supposed
disloyalty to Lahore. False rumours were spread
and revolt engineered among the Rajputs them-
selves. But Gulab Singh never lost heart. Sardar
Chet Singh of Attari, who was at that time living
in Jammu, where he had taken refuge from the

THE SIKH ANARCHY 67

hostility of Jindan and her courtiers, tried to placate
the Sikh soldiers, but they were bent on attacking
Jamniu. The Sikh army attacked Jasrota first.
Jawahir Singh, who was in charge there, was
betrayed by his Dewan, who, with a portion of his
army, joined the enemy. Jasrota fell into the hands*
of Sham Singh, and Jawahir Singh retreated to
Jammu. The forces against Gulab Singh gathered
strength every day. Faqir-Ullah of Rajauri threw
in his lot with the Sikhs and sent a body of soldiers
to conquer Poonch. The regiments of Rajah Jawa-
hir Singh at Nowshara mutinied and went over to
the enemy. Rajah Lai Singh, the Prime Minister
of Lahore, himself took command of the attack, and
the Sikh forces even occupied some of the jagirs
which had been granted to Gulab Singh. So far
the fight had gone against him. The Rajah, how-
ever, maintained his courage and put Dewan Hari
Chand in charge of the defence of his palace. Wazir
Ratanu, who had earned fame in Ladak, and Jawa-
hir Singh were given charge of the defence of
Jammu, which was threatened by the Sikh army
under Lai Singh. A regiment of Sikhs was at
Jasrota, and a force marched down from Ramnagar.
The Governor of Kashmir was also ordered by the
Lahore Government to send his troops to Khistwar
and raise rebellion in that area. Thus surrounded
by dangers on all sides a smaller man would have

68 GULAB SINGH

lost heart, but Gulab Singh stood firm. Among
those who stood loyally by his side were Dewan
Jawala Sahai, his brother Dewan Hari Chand, and
Wazir Lakhpat.

Rajah Lai Singh's troops halted at a distahce of
ten miles from Jammu. As there was no possibility
of reducing Jammu, which from its position was
considered impregnable, Lai Singh sent Sardar
Fateh Singh as emissary to bring Gulab Singh to
reason. Gulab Singh said that he was prepared
to obey the mandates of the Lahore Government
provided his territories were respected. When the
emissaries left the palace, Gulab Singh sent Wazir
Ratanu with them as escort. But on their way an
accident occurred. Some over-zealous soldiers of
Rajah Jawahir Singh, who recognised them as
sardars of the enemy's camps, shot them while pass-
ing the gate. On this, Rajah Lai Singh's troops
marched on Jammu. They burnt the villages round
about the town, and on the 3rd April, 1845, they
invested the town itself. On the Plain of Satwari
a battle took place in which the Jammu forces were
commanded by Dewan Hari Chand. The Sikh
army was defeated and five of their guns fell into the
hands of Gulab Singh. But Ramgarh surrendered
to the enemy, and though Devigarh was defended
heroically by Arjan Mai, it had to yield to superior
numbers. At Uttambhai an attempt was made to

THE SIKH ANARCHY 69

stop them, but it was not wholly successful. The
encircling movement of the Sikh army left Gulab
Singh with the option of either withdrawing into
the interior or of opening negotiations. He pre-
ferred the latter course. The Sikh soldiery was in
no mood for peace, but the chiefs persuaded them
to retreat to Sialkot. Sardar Sultan Mohammad
Khan and Sardar Chattar Singh were deputed to
discuss the terms of an armistice. It was suggested
that Lai Singh and Gulab Singh should meet and
settle the terms of a compromise, and the Lahore
chiefs agreed that the Sikhs would return home if
Jawahir Singh were surrendered. Gulab Singh
agreed, but as soon as the Sikhs got hold of Jawahir
Singh they imprisoned him. Bukshi Barkat Ram
even then tried to induce the Sikhs to attack the
fort, but this scheme was upset by Gulab Singh
himself arriving in the Sikh camp with a large
retinue. He entrusted Dewan Hari Chand with
the government of his State, enjoining him never
to yield the fort or city of Jammu. With great
courage he then went personally among the Sikh
soldiers and won over two regiments to his side.
Dewan Jwala Sahai was sent beforehand to the
camp of Sardar Mewa Singh Majeetha, who was
well known to him. The regiments which Mewa
Singh commanded declared themselves in his favour,
Gulab Singh distributed money liberally among

70 GULAB SINGH

officers and men, giving to each soldier a present
of Rs. 5, and to the general a cash gift of Rs.25,ooo
and a magnificent horse with saddle of gold and
silver. By the same policy he won over sbme of
the minor sardars and a considerable section of the
army, which swore on the Granth, the Scripture
of the Sikhs, that no harm would befall him if he
went with them to Lahore. The army chiefs were
furious, but the soldiers, without taking any notice
of them, returned to Lahore with Gulab Singh at
their head.

Rani Jindan was naturally angry when she heard
what had happened. She had sent her army to
reduce Gulab Singh; she had directed the entire
resources of her great State towards this end. But
the result was that the enemy whom she was anxious
to capture was arriving at the capital at the head
of her own army. She sent a message giving ex-
pression to her disapproval of the army's conduct,
and on this the temper of the soldiers again changed.
But General Mewa Singh, with his four regiments,
remained true to Gulab Singh, and for the time
there was no danger to his life. When the camp
reached Shahdara, General Mewa Singh, who went
in advance, was imprisoned in the fort by orders of
the Queen. Orders were also issued to the soldiers
to attack Gulab Singh. The situation was af one
time so serious that he thought that his end had

THE SIKH ANARCHY 71

come. However, before deciding to give up his life
in battle, he decided to outwit the soldiers if possible.
Reminding them of their oath on the Granth to
bring him safely to Lahore, he asked that since they
had arrived in Lahore he might be handed over to
the Lahore soldiers. To this they agreed. Leaving
Dewan Nehal Chand at Shahdara, Gulab Singh,
accompanied by Jwala Sahai and Bakhshi Hari
Singh, crossed the river and reached Lahore. As
soon as the party had crossed, a letter was received
ordering the army chiefs to arrest him and bring
him under guard to the Durbar. When Gulab
Singh reached Lahore a great popular demonstra-
tion awaited him. He entered the city half in
triumph and half in bondage. He knew that he
was a prisoner, but such was the confidence that
the masses had in him that they took it for granted
that Gulab Singh would come out of all the trouble
with flying colours.

On reaching the Durbar he was ordered to be
placed in solitary confinement. Dewan Jwala
Sahai courageously went to the Durbar and pleaded
for honourable treatment for his master. There
was still hope left, as Jwala Sahai was free. The
Lahore Government desired to obtain Gulab Singh's
treasure, and, knowing Jwala Singh to be in the
secret, thought of torturing him. But the Dewan
was more than a match for the greedy sardars of the

72 GULAB SINGH

Lahore Court. He spread the news among the
soldiers that what the Durbaries wanted was to
get for themselves Gulab Singh's hoarded wealth,
and to divide his vast possessions amongst them-
selves. By this method he created an agitation
among them. The army chiefs, led by Rattan
Singh, waited on Lai Singh and demanded- the
release of Gulab Singh. Others were also found
to give vent to their opinions in open Durbar, The
soldiers remembered their oath and declared that
if anything happened to Gulab Singh they would
take vengeance on the members of the Government.
When the attitude of the soldiers came to be known
the Government was naturally in a difficult posi-
tion. They had still another card to play. They
produced Dhuleep Singh before the army on the
polo ground. But Rattan Singh, who had been well
paid by Jwala Sahai, harangued the soldiers before-
hand, and when Jawahar Singh appeared on the
scene with the young Dhuleep Singh, the soldiers
declared unanimously that Gulab Singh should be
released. The Durbar was helpless to resist this
demand, and Gulab Singh was immediately set free.
He was restored to the lands which had been de-
clared forfeited on paying a fine of 68 lakhs, and his
lease of the salt mines was renewed. He stayed in
Lahore till August, 1845, utilising his time to become
popular with the soldiers.

THE SIKH ANARCHY 73

In September, 1845, Jawahar Singh was executed
by the soldiers, and the State was again without
a minister. Gulab Singh was requested to come
and take charge, but the ruler of Jammu could not,
after his recent experience and after the treatment
meted out to his family, be persuaded to leave his
mountain fastness to take part in what had proved
for his brothers and nephews a fatal occupation.

Such was the position immediately before the
Anglo-Sikh War began. The Lahore Government
had made every effort to root out the Jammu family.
Only Gulab Singh had escaped from their thirst for
blood, and that by sheer good luck. The Khalsa
chiefs and Rani Jindan had shown that they bore
no good will to Gulab Singh.

CHAPTER V

CONQUEST OF LADAK, BALTISTAN, AND WESTpRN
TIBET, 1834-1842

THE plateau of Ladak does not belong geographic-
ally to India. It forms part of the Himalayan table-
land and has for a very long time been ruled by
a dynasty which was Tibetan in origin. The popu-
lation of Ladak is predominantly Mongolian in
type. Buddhism in its Lamaistic form is the pre-
vailing religion.

Ladak is bounded on the north by the Kara-
korum Mountains as far as the Karakorum Pass.
On the west it touches Gilgit and Astore. It is
one of the most elevated regions in the world, the
average height above the sea-level being about 12,000
feet. Enormous mountain peaks ranging from
25,000 to 28,000 feet lend majesty to the ice-clad
mountain ranges which encircle it.

The most important portion of Ladak proper is
central Ladak, through which runs the River Indus.
The climate of Ladak and Baltistan is dry and
healthy. During the major portion of the year the
weather is intensely cold. The rainfall is very slight
and, naturally, vegetation is very scanty. Timber
and fuel are the most difficult things to obtain. The
population lives by agriculture.

74

CONQUEST OF LADAK 75

The general aspect of the whole country is thus
described by Cunningham in his book Lada\ t pub-
lished in 1854 :

The general aspect of Ladak Is extreme
barrenness. Seen from above it would appear
a mere succession of yellow plains and barren
mountains capped with snow, and the lakes
of Pangkong and Tshomoreri would seem like
bright oases in a vast desert of rock and sand.
No trace of man or of human habitations would
meet the eye, and even the large spots of culti-
vated land would be but small specks on the
mighty waste of a deserted world. But a close
view would show many fertile tracts covered
with luxuriant crops and picturesque monas-
teries, from which the chant of human voices
ascends high in daily prayer and praise. 1

Though Baltistan and Ladak are geographically
similar and their people ethnologically the same,
they follow different religions. The people of
Ladak are Buddhists while the people of Baltistan
are mainly Mohammadans.

Ladak formed originally a part of Tibet, but in
the fifteenth century it became independent under
a line of Tibetan kings who accepted the Grand

1 Cunningham, Lada\, p. 16.

76 GULAB SINGH

Lama as their suzerain. This dynasty continued to
rule till the nineteenth century. The last king of
this Ladaki dynasty was Tsepal Namgyal, who
inherited the throne from his brother. He was
an eccentric man, and many stories are told of his
peculiarities. He never slept at night nor were
any of his servants allowed to do so. It was in his
reign that Moorecroft visited Ladak. The English
traveller, it would seem, offered to build a fort in
Ladak, but Tsepal had wisdom enough to refuse
it. Through Moorecroft the Rajah offered to the
East India Company an alliance, but for communi-
cating this wish Moorecroft was rebuked by the
authorities in Calcutta. The Ladaki chronicles de-
scribe the reign of Tsepal as follows :

Although the land had to suffer much the
king did not perceive it, and he never asked
whether his subjects fared well or ill. He took
an interest only in what concerned his pocket.
At that time the royal treasure had increased
so much that something had to be done with
it and the king decided to use the money for
building purposes.

In 1834 Gulab Singh decided to attack Ladak.
He made a confidential enquiry of the Company,
and, on being informed that the British Govern-

CONQUEST OF LADAK 77

ment had no objection to his expedition, a well-
equipped force was prepared under General Zorawar
Singh. This force marched through Kishtwar and
entered the Ladaki province of Purig. This province
was' held by the tri-sultans, whose capital was at
Kartse. There was no opposition at first, as the
Ladakis were taken by surprise, but about 5,000 men
were collected in haste and on the i6th August,
1834, an attempt was made to stop the Dogra
advance at Sanku. The Ladakis were heavily
defeated. Kartse fell to the Dogras and Zora-
war pursued a systematic policy of leaving small
garrisons in the forts with a sufficient supply of
arms.

From Kartse the invading army marched down
the Suru River. On the plains of Pashkyum the
Ladakis were again defeated. As winter was ap-
proaching, Zorawar, anxious to return to a warmer
climate, entered into negotiations. But the Ladakis,
depending upon the extreme cold of the winter to
drive away Zorawar 's men, refused to negotiate and
took to guerilla warfare. Moreover, they also set
themselves to collect an army with which to fight
the Dogras. By the time their preparations were
over winter had lost its rigours. The Ladaki army
marched to Langkartse, where the Dogras had en-
camped for winter. But the army that had been
collected with so much difficulty did not fight. The

78 GULAB SINGH

Dogras watched for a few days the camps of their
enemies, and, finding that they were not exerting
themselves, attacked them. No effort was made by
the Ladakis to defend their positions. They" merely
ran away, and in their flight the snow of their country
inflicted untold misery. After this Zorawar had
but little fighting to do. The Ladaki army retreated
to Leh. Tsepal lost heart and agreed to negotiate,
and himself came to Bazgo, where a meeting took
place between Zorawar and the King. After the
terms were settled Zorawar went up to Leh and
installed Tsepal as a ruler holding power from Gulab
Singh. He was asked to pay an annual tribute of
Rs.2o,ooo and a war indemnity of Rs.5o,ooo. After
making peace Zorawar returned to Lamayura.

The Sikhs, who were jealous of Gulab Singh's
growing power, looked upon Zorawar's conquest
with envy. At the instigation of Mihan Singh, the
Governor of Kashmir, the Ladakis rose in revolt,
and the Dogra garrison in Suru was put to death.
The cold season had set in and snow had closed the
passes. But Zorawar was not the man to wait. By
forced marches he arrived at Leh, to the utter sur-
prise of his enemies. The Gyalpo expressed remorse
at what had taken place, but Zorawar inflicted
exemplary punishment on die rebels. Placing suf-
ficient garrisons in the forts and leaving an agent,
DewanDaya Ram, with the King, Zorawar returned

CONQUEST OF LADAK 79

to Jammu for the winter. The next year Zorawar
returned to Leh to find Tsepal at the head of a
rebellion engineered by the Sikhs in Kashmir.
Tsepal was deposed and was given merely the
village of Stog, where his descendants sti: 1 ! live with
the nominal title of Gyalpo. In his place Ngroub
Stanzan, a relation of the old King, was made
Governor of Ladak. This time, however, Zorawar
did not want to take anything on trust. He fortified
Leh and placed a garrison there. Next year Zora-
war again appeared on the scene, deposed Ngroub
Stanzan, who was accused of rebellion, and rein-
stalled Tsepal at an increased tribute.

The country, though conquered, had not yet settled
down. By the end of 1840 the Ladakis found a
leader in a man called Sukamir. Before the rebel-
lion could mature Zorawar again appeared with a
sufficient force. The rebel leader was caught and
publicly executed. This created sufficient fear in
the mind of the Ladakis, who have since peacefully
accepted the rule of Dogras over their country.

Having thus finally conquered Ladak, Zorawar
turned his attention towards Baltistan. Though the
people of Baltistan are of the same stock as the
Ladakis, they are, as has already been mentioned,
Mohammadans by religion. The leading chief of
the Balti country was the Sultan of Skardo. Moham-
mad Shah, the eldest son of the reigning ruler,

80 GULAB SINGH

requested Zorawar 's help to get his claims recog-
nised. Zorawar organised a Ladaki army under
their own generals, and with the help of this force
invaded Baltistan. The Bait} army was defeated
and the fort of Skardo was taken. M&ham'mad
Shah, the disinherited son, was made sultan, but
Zorawar was careful enough to leave a Dogra gar-
rison to support his authority. In this campaign the
Ladakis played a notable part, and King Tsepal,
who had never before fought a campaign even to
save his own kingdom, accompanied Zorawar. On
his return from the campaign the old King died
and a grandson of his, a boy aged eight years, was
acknowledged as Gyalpo.

Zorawar was not satisfied with these conquests.
He now undertook a more difficult, and as it
turned out a disastrous, expedition. During the
long history of India no army from Hindustan had
attacked Tibet. No Indian ruler had thought of
conquering it and no Indian general accustomed to
the heat of the plains had ever dared to face the
rigour of the Tibetan climate. Zorawar conceived
the idea of conquering the central Tibetan province
for his master and prepared an expedition for that
purpose.

In May, 1841, he advanced up the Indus and
conquered Rudok and Garo. From them he
advanced into the district of Mansarawara. So

CONQUEST OF LADAK 8l

there had been no opposition. His army consisted
only of 5,000 soldiers, most of whom were Balti
and Ladaki recruits, stiffened by a small Dogra
force.

The country was overrun. Zorawai* himself
camped at Tirthapuri while Colonel Baste Ram,
who is the chronicler of the campaign, was stationed
at Takla Gor on the Nepal frontier. Zorawar had
not expected that any serious attempt would be made
by the Tibetans during the winter, but in this he
was wrong. It was in November, 1841, when the
cold of Tibet had already become unbearable, that
Zorawar heard that a Lhassa force was approaching
to meet the invaders. A small detachment which
he had sent to oppose the enemy forces and to find
out their strength was cut to pieces by the Tibetans.
A second force, which was sent under Gulam Khan,
met with no better fate.

It was then that Zorawar realised the danger.
Retreat through the snows was impossible, and the
enemy who was facing him was more than twice
the number he had under his command. Accept-
ing the Napoleonic maxim that attack was the best
form of defence, he advanced with his whole avail-
able force to meet the enemy. The battle com-
menced on the loth December, 1841, and continued
for three days. On the I2th Zorawar was wounded
by a bullet, and, though he fought like a lion even

6

82 GULAB SINGH

after this, a Tibetan warrior pierced him through
the breast with his lance.

Thus died Zorawar Singh, perhaps the finest
soldier that India produced ki the nineteenth cen-
tury. Besides being an intrepid commander, as the
Ladak and Baltistan campaign had shown him to
be, he was also gifted with considerable political
ability. His settlement of the newly conquered
provinces bears witness to this. To have marched
an army not once or twice, but six times over the
snow-clad ranges of Ladak and Baltistan, 15,000
feet above sea-level, where the air is so rarefied that
people from the plains can hardly live with com-
fort, is a wonderful achievement. To have con-
quered that country after successive campaigns and
reduced it to a peaceful province is an exploit for
which there is no parallel in Indian history. His
greatness will shine through the pages of Indian
history as that of a great and noble warrior.

'The Indian soldiers of Zorawar Singh/ says
Cunningham, * fought under very great disadvant-
ages. The battlefield was upwards of 15,000 feet
above the sea and the time mid-winter, when even
during the day the temperature never rises above
the freezing point and the intense cold of night can
only be borne by people well covered with sheep-
skins and surrounded by fires. For several nights
the Indian troops had been exposed to all the bitter*

CONQUEST OF LADAK 83

nesses of the climate. Many had lost the use of
their fingers and toes; and all were more or less
frost-bitten ... on the last fatal day not one-half
of the men could handle arms.' 1

When Zorawar marched into Tibet the British
Government became anxious. The King of Lahore,
Sher Singh, was therefore asked that Gulab Singh
should be requested to evacuate Lhassa territories.
The date was actually fixed (loth December, 1841),
and Captain Cunningham, the historian of the Sikhs,
who was assistant to the British Agent, was selected
to proceed to Ladak in order to witness the evacua-
tion of Tibetan territory. But before the orders
reached Zorawar disaster had overtaken him.

After Zorawar's death the Dogra army suffered
untold hardship and a great portion of it was anni-
hilated. Of the 5,000 men not more than 1,000
escaped. The political reaction on Ladak was great.
The Ladakis rose in revolt, and the Tibetans sent
a force to help them. But though Zorawar was
killed and a whole army was destroyed, Gulab
Singh did not lose heart. Misfortune only steeled
him to greater efforts. A new army was imme-
diately raised and despatched under Dewan Hari
Chand and Wazir Ratanu. This was even better
equipped than the army of Zorawar. With the
approach of the Dogra force the Tibetans fled in

1 Cunningham, Ladal^, p. 353.

04 GULAB SINGH

the direction of the Shyok. The Dogra leaders
occupied Leh.

The Tibetans, however, were not prepared to
give in without a fight. A- strong Tibetan^ force
of 3,000 men was sent by the Lhassa authorities to
help the Ladakis. The contending armies met at
Drangtse, where the Tibetans had entrenched -them-
selves. Finding them occupying positions which
it was difficult to carry by assault, the Dogras
dammed up a river and flooded their entrench-
ments and thus forced them out of their strong posi-
tions. A fierce battle took place outside the en-
trenchments and the Tibetans were defeated. Their
general was captured and killed on the spot. On
this, the Lhassa Government agreed to seek peace
and the following treaty 1 was signed :

Whereas we the Officers of the Lhassa
country, viz., firstly, Kalon Sukanwala, and,
secondly, Bakhshi Sapju, Commander of the
Forces of the Empire of China, on the one
hand, and Dewan Hari Chand and Wazir
Ratanu, on behalf of Rajah Gulab Singh, on
the other agree together and swear before
God that the friendship between Rajah Gulab
Singh and the Emperor of China and the

1 Translation of the Persian copy, reproduced in Gulab-
nama, p. 264.

CONQUEST OF LADAK 85

Lama Guru Sahib Lassawalla will be kept and
observed till eternity; no disregard will be
shown to anything agreed upon in the pres-
ence of God; and we will have nothing to do
with the countries bordering on the frontier
of Ladak. We will carry on the trade in
Shawl, Pasham, and Tea as before by way of
Ladak; and if any one of the Shri Rajah's
enemies comes to our territories and says any-
thing against the Rajah we will not listen to
him, and will not allow him to remain in our
country, and whatever traders come from
Ladak shall experience no difficulty from our
side. We will not act otherwise but in the
same manner as it has been prescribed in this
meeting regarding the fixing of the Ladak
frontier and the keeping open of the road for
the traffic in Shawl, Pasham, and Tea. We
will observe our pledge to God, Gaitri, and
Pasi. Wazir Mian Khushal Chu is witness.

Written on the second day of Assuj, 1899 (about
I5th August, 1842).

The Tibetan version of the treaty is as follows :

Kalon Surkhan and investigating officer
Depon Pishi on behalf of His Holiness the
Dalai Lama and his officials, and Shri Khal-

86 GULAB SINGH

saji Absarani Shri Maharajah, Lala Golana,
the representative of Khashur Shag Golam
Mohammed through an interpreter Amirshah
(on behalf of Gulab Singh) have .artrivjd at
Ladak and discussed the terms of the peace
treaty. In the first place the two contracting
parties have decided to sink all past differences
and ill-feeling and to consider the friendship
and unity between the two Kings re-established
for ever. This peace treaty between Shri Maha-
rajah Gulab Singh and Shri Guru Lama of
Lhassa has been restored and there will be
no cause for enmity in future in the two
nations regarding their respective frontier.
Shri Maharajah Sahib has declared, invoking
God as his witness, that he will not deviate
from the terms of this agreement. It is
agreed that the two brothers Kings of Ladak
and the Queen shall remain peacefully in
Ladak and shall not indulge in any intrigue,
besides trying to promote the friendly relations
between the two nations. The Ladakis shall
send the annual tribute to His Holiness the
Dalai Lama and his Ministers unfailingly as
heretofore and the Shri Maharajah Sahib will
not interfere with this arrangement. No
restriction shall be laid on the mutual export
and import of commodities e.g., tea, piece

CONQUEST OF LADAK 87

goods, etc. and trading shall be allowed
according to the old-established custom. The
Ladakis shall supply the Tibetan Government
traders with the usual transport animals and
arrange for their accommodation ar hereto-
fore, and the Tibetans will also do the same
.to the Ladakis who come to Tibet with the
annual tribute. It is agreed that no trouble
will be occasioned to the Tibetan Government
by the Ladakis. We invoke God to bear
witness to this agreement whereby the friendly
relations between the Shri Maharajah Sahib
and the Lhassa officials shall continue as
between members of the same family. This
is sent on the second day of the month of
Assuj, year

As this treaty was between Gulab Singh and the
Lhassa Government and did not bind the suzerains
of both, a further treaty on behalf of the Govern-
ment of Lahore and the Emperor of China seems to
have been negotiated almost immediately.

The following is the translation from the Tibetan
of that treaty :

In these auspicious days we the officials of
Shri Maharajah Sahib, the Commander-in-
Chief of the Western area in the Court of Shri

88 GULAB SINGH

Rajah Gulab Singh, and we the trusted and
selected and the faithfully loyal Itamad-ud-
Dowlah Nizam-ul-Mulik Sheikh Ghulam
Mohiyuddin Subedar (Governor) of Kashmir,
met together on the second of Assuj, 1899,
the officials of the Lama Guru Sahib of Lhassa,
one of them Kalan Sokan and the other Depon
Shabeho Ea\shi in Ladak and, having settled
differences, a treaty was recorded as in the past
(to the following effect) :

Now that in the presence of God the ill-
feeling created by the war which had inter-
vened, has been fully removed from the hearts,
and no complaints now remain (on either side),
there will never be on any account in future,
while the world lasts, any deviation even by
the hair's breadth or any breach in the alli-
ance, friendship, and unity between the King
of the World (Sher Singh) Sri Khalsaji Sahib
(and Gulab Singh) Sri Maharaja Sahib Raja-
i-Rajgan Raja Sahib Bahadur, and the Khagan
(Emperor) of China and the Lama Guru Sahib
of Lhassa. We shall remain in possession of
the limits of the boundaries of Ladak and the
neighbourhood subordinate to it, in accord-
ance with the old customs, and there shall be
no transgression and no interference in the
country beyond the old-established frontiers.

CONQUEST OF LADAK 89

We shall hold to our own respective frontiers,
relations of friendship and the bond of com-
mon interests shall grow closer from day to
day, There are several kinds of witnesses to
this agreement. The Rajah Zadas shall, if
they remain faithful, loyal, and obedient
receive greater consideration. Traders from
Lhassa when they come to Ladak shall, as
of old, receive considerate treatment and a
supply of begar (transport and labour). In
case the Rajahs of Ladak should [desire to]
send their usual presents to the Lama Guru
Sahib of Lhassa, this will not concern us and
we shall not interfere. From the other side
[arrangements] shall continue in accordance
with the old custom and the traders who
proceed to Janthan (Cheng Thang) country
shall receive considerate treatment and a
supply of begar in accordance with the old
custom and shall not be interfered with. The
traders from Ladak shall in no case interfere
with the subjects of Janthan (Chang Thang).
Written on the second of the month of
Assuj, year 1899.

CHAPTER VI

GULAB SINGH AND THE SIKH WAR

IT is not necessary for the purpose of this memoir
to describe the reasons of the Anglo-Sikh war -and
the campaign on the Sutlej.

On the 8th November, 1845, Lai Singh assumed
the post of Prime Minister of the Lahore State and
Tej Singh was appointed Commander-in-Chief of
the Sikh army. The Sikh soldiers did not like
the appointment of Tej Singh and clamoured for
Gulab Singh to lead them. 1 But the ruler of Jammu
was away in the hills and Lai Singh was anxious
that he should be sent to the Afghan frontier. The
Sikhs crossed the Sutlej, as they had become con-
vinced that the British Government intended to
annex the Punjab. The campaign which opened
was not so easy as the British Government had
expected. In the open field the Sikhs proved their
prowess, but if they had hoped for victories they
were soon disillusioned. If there had been unity
of command or vigour of action on the Sikh side
the British would have been faced with a grave

1 Governor-General to the Secret Committee. Dated
4th December, 1845. Parliamentary Papers. Papers respect-
ing the late hostilities on the North- West Frontiers.

90

THE SIKH WAR 9!

danger to their Empire. The only person who
could have given the Sikhs the lead they required
at the time was Gulab Singh, Unfortunately, after
his< own experience and the fate that overtook the
rest of his family, that chief was in no hurry to
come to the help of the Lahore Government. As
soon as the war broke out the Lahore Government
ordered Gulab Singh to proceed to Peshawar and
hold the frontier. In reply, Gulab Singh urged
the Queen not to interfere in the affairs of the
British. Gulab Singh wrote also to the Council of
Regency as follows :

The British authorities have not acted
contrary to the agreement. Neither have they
broken their word. So to fight them without
any reason is wrong. Though you killed my
brothers and their sons without reason, who
had been loyal subjects and faithful servants
of the departed Majesty, I have the same feel-
ing of loyalty to His present Majesty. I cannot
question your right to do whatever you please
within your territories in his name. But do
not interfere in the affairs of the British.

This advice was not heeded and the Regency
rushed headlong into war. When it was found
that the campaign would be arduous and, if the

92 GULAB SINGH

sovereignty of the Punjab was not to be lost,
sustained efforts would be required, the Regency
invited Gulab Singh to come and take charge of
the Government as Prime Minister. Gulab Singh,
knowing that the time had not come for- his effec-
tive intervention, went on a pilgrimage to Trikuti
and from there went to Reasi. His excuse was that
he had not been summoned by the Queen.

When the campaign was going against the Sikhs
and the demand for his return was unanimous,
Gulab Singh arrived in Lahore. When his forces
arrived near Lahore the Queen sent Bhai Ram
Singh and Dewan Dina Nath to receive and escort
him to the capital. On 2j\h January, 1846, he
was installed as Prime Minister. Gulab Singh re-
proached the Sikh leaders for entering on so serious
a campaign without securing unity at home, and
advised that an effort should be made to secure as
honourable a peace as possible before it became too
late. With this object he immediately entered into
negotiations with the British Government. The
Governor-General and the British Army chiefs, who
had underestimated the strength and skill of the
Sikh army, welcomed Gulab Singh's effort to settle
the issue by diplomacy. All their ideas of dictating
a treaty at Lahore had vanished when it was found
that there was a difficult campaign before them.
In agreeing to negotiate they made a condition that

THE SIKH WAR 93

the army should be disbanded. To this Gulab
Singh would not agree. Cunningham accuses the
Sikh leaders of a secret agreement that the army in
the field would be abandoned when the fight began
and th^t the passage of the Sutlej would be un-
opposed and the road to Lahore left open. There
is nothing to prove this allegation of disgraceful
treachery on the part of the Sikh commanders.

On the loth February, 1846, the Battle of Sobraon
was fought. This was the most fiercely contested
battle that the English had ever fought in India.
The Sikhs fought with undaunted courage, and the
victory of the British, though decisive, was dearly
bought. Their casualties numbered 320 killed and
2,083 wounded.

After this Gulab Singh was given full powers
to negotiate with the British. He sent three
messengers Lala Chouri Mai Harkara, Haski,
and Lala Anant Ram to the camp of the British
Governor-General .

The necessity of conciliating Gulab Singh, at this
critical time was realised by the British. His army
was intact, and if he had decided to put his
resources and force at the disposal of the Lahore
Government the issue would again have become
doubtful. It was reported that Gulab Singh had
advised that the British could have been kept in
check if the Sikhs, instead of trying to force issues

94 GULAB SINGH

by open pitched battles, had crossed the Sutlej with
a few picked cavalry regiments and had attempted
to strike at Delhi. The British authorities, wjio
knew the force of this advice, were naturally anxious
to conciliate Gulab Singh, and when his emissaries
reached the. British camp the following letter was
sent by Sir Henry Lawrence, whose friendship with
the Rajah was well known :

KIND RAJAH SAHIB AND DEAR FRIEND,

Please accept my best wishes and kindest
regards. I received your kind letter. Let me
explain the matter to you. I appreciate all
that you have written wisely and prudently.
Although it is difficult to know the rebels and
non-rebels, the British Government wants to
show forbearance to the Lahore Durbar. The
Government does not at all feel happy at the
anarchy and misgovernment of the Lahore
State. The intention of the Company is only
to punish the rebels so that in future there
should be no misdeeds. I have explained the
situation to Anant Ram, who will himself
relate it to you. In case of delay matters will
grow worse. You know that every time the
Sikhs encountered the British they were
defeated. If even now they are left un-
punished, and there be any such trouble again,

THE SIKH WAR 95

it will then be worse for the Durbar of Lahore.
You will, I believe, know from this letter that,
in spite of all that has occurred, we have still
the same feeling and sympathy for the Lahore
Durbar. I hope you will always favour me
with your kind letters and friendly communica-
tions.

This communication was a diplomatic one meant
to assure Gulab Singh of the personal friendliness
of the British Government without committing the
authorities to any proposal beyond that of sympathy
to the Lahore Durbar. But other questions were
being discussed behind the scenes with a view to
securing the co-operation of Gulab Singh, as will
be evident from the following letter written two
days later by Sir Henry Lawrence (i3th February,
1846):

KIND RAJAH SAHIB AND DEAR FRIEND,

Receive my regards and let it be known to
you that I want to say to you a word which
will be to your utmost good. So I hope you
may manage to hear it from me personally.
Do this please, and do this without delay. I
hope you will remember me with your friendly
letter.

96 GULAB SINGH

This cryptic and mysterious note, it need not be
said, was the invitation to consider proposals in-
tended to separate Gulab Singh from his allegiance
to the Lahore State. The private proposals which
Lawrence wanted to place before Gulab SiAgh were
that he should be recognised as independent and
Kashmir be added to his territory if he withdrew
his support from the Lahore Government. A con-
ference was held, and, when the general proposals
with regard to the treaty with Lahore were being
discussed, Lawrence took Gulab Singh aside for a
private conversation. The following version of
what occurred is that of Dewan Kripa Ram, who
was a trusted servant of Gulab Singh and, later,
occupied the position of Prime Minister of Jammu
and Kashmir.

Lawrence reminded Gulab Singh of his troubles
with the Lahore Durbar, how he had lost his
brothers and his nephew in the anarchy that
followed Ranjit Singh's death, and expressed
astonishment at the devotion which the Rajah was
showing. He told him that the Governor-General
had promised to grant him the hilly district,
together with the country of Kashmir, after having
separated them from the Government of the Punjab,
and that Gulab Singh would be recognised as an
independent ruler. c

Gulab Singh, in reply, said that if the Lahore

THE SIKH WAR 97

Government had treated his brothers and nephew
badly they were, after all, the subjects of Lahore,
and that in no case could any blame attach to
Dn^leep Singh, who was at the time a child, and
that, as he came as envoy, he could not negotiate
about his own possessions. This was reported to
the Governor-General and the matter was dropped
for the time. The negotiations on behalf of the
Lahore Government were continued, and Gulab
Singh was able to secure for his Sovereign what was
in the circumstances a reasonably moderate treaty.
This treaty recognised Dhuleep Singh as ruler,
but required that the country between Beas and
Sutlej should be handed over to the British and
that ^1,500,000 sterling should be paid as in-
demnity. The conditions were agreed to by Gulab
Singh on behalf of the Lahore Government, and
on the 2oth February, 1846, the British Army
reached Lahore. The success of Gulab Singh in
negotiating this treaty infuriated Lai Singh, who
persuaded the Regent to withdraw his authority
and to appoint himself as Wazir. It was then that
Gulab Singh realised the precariousness of his posi-
tion. He had not accepted the British proposal of
independence but had remained loyal to the Lahore
Government. But the dissolute Regent and her
paramour, though they sent for him at the time of
Disaster, still cherished that violent animosity

7

90 GULAB SINGH

towards the Jammu family which had been respon-
sible for the murders of Dhyan Singh, Suchet Singh,
and Hira Singh. He was deprived of the wazirat
by the elevation of Lai Singh to the post,

Lai Singh, in accepting the treaty negotiated at
Kasaur, protested his inability to pay the .1,500,000
sterling demanded as indemnity in cash,- and
offered to hand over Jammu and Kashmir. His
idea was to deprive Gulab Singh of his territory
and give the British the option either of holding
Kashmir, which would have been impossible at
that time, or of accepting a reduced indemnity.
This offer of Lai Singh suited the Jammu ruler, and
the original proposal to make Gulab Singh the in-
dependent ruler of Jammu and Kashmir was
revived. This time, however, there was a condition
attached to it namely, that Gulab Singh should
pay the indemnity which had been made a charge
on the territory by the cleverness of Lai Singh.

Gulab Singh agreed to pay the money, and the
Governor-General on his side agreed to recognise
him as an independent Sovereign. When the
Queen Regent heard of this, she sent Dewan Dina
Nath, Fakeer Anwaruddin, and Bhai Ram Singh
to Sir Henry Lawrence and told him that if it was
intended to implement this proposal she would
appeal to Queen Victoria direct. This intervention
of the Regent had no effect and the Treaty of

THE SIKH WAR 99

Lahore was signed as originally negotiated by
Gulab Singh.

The treaty with the Lahore Durbar, which was
sigked on the 9th March, 1846, had a clause to the
following effect :

In consideration of the services rendered
by Rajah Gulab Singh of Jammu to the Lahore
State towards procuring the restoration of the
relations of amity between the Lahore and
British Governments, the Maharajah (Dhuleep
Singh) hereby agrees to recognise the indepen-
dent sovereignty of Rajah Gulab Singh in such
territories and districts in the hills as may be
made over to the said Rajah Gulab Singh by
separate agreement between himself and the
British Government with dependencies thereof
which may have been in the Rajah's posses-
sion since the time of Maharajah Kharrak
Singh and the British Government in con-
sideration of the good conduct of Rajah Gulab
Singh also agrees to recognise his indepen-
dence in such territories and to admit him to
the privilege of a separate Treaty with the
British Government.

On the 1 6th March, 1846, seven days after the
Treaty of Lahore, Maharajah Gulab Singh of

100 GULAB SINGH

Jammu signed the Treaty of Amritsar, By which
he became the Maharajah of Jammu and Kashmir.
The Valley of Kashmir, famous all over the world
and sacred in Hindu mythology, becamfc again
subject to Hindu rulers.

The 'sale' of Kashmir to Gulab Singh has of
late been attacked as a foolish and short-sighted
policy by men who now realise how that cool and
temperate valley could have been utilised as a British
Colony. But in discussing this question there has
been much misunderstanding of historical facts.
The view that Kashmir was sold for a paltry sura
by a Government whose main interest was to fill
its coffers is a travesty of facts and a misreading of
history.

The following letter written by Lord Hardinge
to Lord Ellenborough in justification of his action
gives in detail the considerations that led the
Governor-General to conclude the Treaty of
Amritsar. Lord Hardinge writes :

Gulab Singh was never Minister of Lahore
for the administration of its affairs. Early in
1845 Jowahir Singh persuaded the army to
march against Jammu. Gulab Singh, despair-
ing of being able to defend himself, threw
himself into the hands of the Panchayats and
was brought a prisoner to Lahore. He was

THE SIKH WAR 101

there treated with great severity; and, subse-
quently, when the army offered him the
Wazirship, he repeatedly declined the offer.
When the invasion took place he remained at
Jammu and took no part against us, but
tendered his allegiance on condition of being
confirmed in the possession of his own terri-
tories. This was neither conceded nor refused,
as the Paramount Power did not think it
becoming, while the armies were in presence
of each other, to show any doubt as to the
result by granting terms. I merely referred
him to the terms of the Proclamation of
December, when the Sikhs crossed Sudej.
Nevertheless, it was clearly to be understood
by the terms of that Proclamation that if Gulab
Singh took no part against us he was entitled
to consideration whenever the affairs of the
Punjab came to be settled. It was evident
that he had no cause for gratitude or attach-
ment to the Lahore Durbar, by whose orders
and intrigues his own family had been nearly
exterminated, his possessions taken, and his
sons slain. During the whole of the campaign
he had purposely kept aloof; not a single hill
soldier had fired a shot against us, so that the
Government had every right to treat with him.
They had their own interest, also, to attend

102 GULAB SINGH

to, which required that the Sikh State should
be weakened and that the hills should be
separated from the plains.

Were we to be deterred from doing what
was right and what had been previously deter-
mined upon, because the Lahore Durbar,
knowing he had not participated in their
crime, chose to employ him for a particular
object as being the man most acceptable to
us? Was he not the Minister, and were not
four other Commissioners associated with him
for settling the terms of peace? After Mudki
and Feroz Shah, the Rani had implored him
to come to Lahore and bring his troops to her
aid. He sent evasive answers. After the
battle of Aliwal more pressing invitations were
sent, as he alone, in their opinion, could settle
aflfairs with the English, because he had not
taken part against them. He came to Lahore
protesting publicly in Durbar against all that
had been done. He accepted the responsibility
of attempting a settlement, but required the
Rani to sign a paper that she would accede
to the terms which he and the other four
Commissioners should agree upon. He had
been told by Major Lawrence on the 3rd
February in a written document that c he
appreciated his wisdom in not having taken

THE SIKH WAR 103

up arms against us and that his interests would
be taken into consideration. The words of
the Proclamation, dated i4th February, were
these:

4 The extent of the territory which it may
be advisable to take will be determined by
the conduct of the Durbar and by consideration
for the security of the British Frontier/

These words were meant to include any
arrangements which would render the hills
independent of the plain, which arrangement
had been well considered before the battle of
Sobraon. It was always intended that Gulab
Singh, whose troops had not fired a shot,
should have his case and position fully con-
sidered. What act of treason, then, had he
committed against the Lahore State? He had
done good service to us, which we had recog-
nised before he was a Sikh Commissioner,
After the war commenced were we to abandon
our policy and to treat the only man who had
not lifted up his arms against us with indiffer-
ence because he came to Headquarters specially
deputed by the Lahore Durbar to confer with
us as one who had not joined in their un-
provoked invasion? His forbearance was
rewarded because his forbearance was in ac-
cordance with an intended policy, and because

104 GULAB SINGH

the charge of treachery could not be sub-
stantiated.

In discussing this questiou of the transfer' of
Kashmir, it is also important to remember the
following points :

Firstly: There was no sale of Kashmir at all.
Clause 12 of the Treaty of Lahore with Maharajah
Dhuleep Singh, then an independent ruler, shows
clearly that even before the treaty with Lahore was
signed it was agreed that the areas surrendered by
the Lahore Government between Ravi and the
Indus were to be transferred to Gulab Singh. What
Lai Singh did was to make over Jammu, Kashmir,
and all the territories betwen the Ravi and the Indus
to the Company, thus giving away Ladak, Baltistan,
and other areas which belonged to Gulab Singh
instead of paying ^1,500,000 sterling demanded as
war indemnity. By doing this he cleverly created
a charge on the territory which was already pro-
mised to Gulab Singh for his services in procuring
the restoration of the relations of amity between the
Lahore and British Governments. It should clearly
be understood that the Treaty of Amritsar does not
stand by itself. It is to be read along with the
Treaty of Lahore, which will make it clear
Kashmir was not sold.

Secondly: It is clear from the narrative

THE SIKH WAR IO5

negotiations given in this chapter that the cession
of Kashmir was the price paid for Gulab Singh's
efforts to bring about a speedy peace which, if he
had thrown in his weight with the Lahore Durbar,
would not have been an easy matter to achieve.
The ease with which the peace was concluded was
due to the agreement reached with Gulab Singh
by which Kashmir had already been promised to
him.

Thirdly: It would have been impossible at the
time for the East India Company to conquer Kash-
mir. It should be remembered that the British
boundary in 1845 was the Sutlej. The Lahore king-
dom had not been annexed and it would not have
been possible to annex it at that time without a more
arduous campaign. Though they had been defeated
at Sobraon, the spirit of the Khalsa was not yet
broken, and if there had been any attempt to annex
the Punjab another campaign would have been re-
quired, for which the Company was not yet pre-
pared. With their base at Firozepur, a hostile
Punjab on the line of communications, and the Sikhs
ready to rise, it would have been impossible for the
British in 1845 either to undertake the conquest of
Kashmir or to hold it if conquered. It is purely a
vain retrospective regret which sees in the acquisi-
tion of Kashmir by Gulab Singh a short-sighted
policy meant to enrich the coffers of the Company.

106 GULAB SINGH

Fourthly: It should be remembered that in the
eighteenth century and long after it Kashmir was
not considered a part of India. Till Ranjit Singh
conquered it, Kashmir was, an Afghan province,
and in all the schemes for the partition of the
Punjab which were discussed, there were many
proposals which allotted Peshawar and other areas,
now considered to be integral parts of India, to
Afghan princes. Kashmir was also considered
foreign territory. Therefore the Government of
India, even if we could impute nationalist motives
to it at the time, could not feel any difficulty on
that score.

Fifthly: One of the main objects which the
Government of India had in view was to reduce
the area and resources of the Sikh empire, which,
when it extended from Multan to Gilgit, was
indeed a serious power. By the dismemberment
of the empire this object was realised.

Writing to a near relative, Lord Hardinge gives
the following reason for the transfer of Kashmir,
which makes the above point of view clear :

It was necessary last March to weaken the
Sikhs by depriving them of Kashmir. The
distance from Kashmir to the Sutlej is 300
miles of very difficult mountainous country
quite impracticable for six months. To keep

THE SIKH WAR IOJ

a British force 300 miles from any possibility
of support would have been an undertaking
that merited a strait-waistcoat and not a
peerage. The arrangement made was the
only alternative. The Government took away
with one hand and gave with the other as the
exigencies of the case required ; and as regards
the honesty of the transaction, the names of
Currie and Lawrence are a sufficient guaran-
tee. Gulab Singh's character was not without
reproach; but where was the native chief or
minister to be found without similar blots on
his escutcheon. 1

Sir George Clerk, who was for a very long time
the Agent to the Governor-General at Lahore, wrote
to Sir Charles Napier as follows in March, 1849 :

I have been under the necessity on more
than one occasion of testing rather severely
Goolab Singh's loyalty to us. My belief is
that he is a man eminently qualified by char-
acter and surrounding territorial possessions for
the position of ruler there, that all his interests
lie on the side of friendship with us, that he
will always desire and sometime or another
may need our countenace of his authority
1 Life of Lord Hardinge, p. 133. (Oxford, 1891.)

108 GULAB SINGH

against enemies. Their aggressions, whether
Chinese or Goorkhas on one side of him or
Afghans on the other, will be retarded rather
than precipitated by his. proximity to them in
that form instead of our being in more direct
contact with them.

Sir George added that Ran] it Singh ' fostered in
the north of his kingdom a Rajput power because
it could have no affinity with his turbulent Khalsa
on one side or with malignant and vindictive Islam
on the other. Had proof of the wisdom of this
measure been wanting, it has been signally shown
in his time and in ours on four important occa-
sions. Lord Hardinge gave still greater substance
to that Hill ruler. The measure was provident and
wise. There are those who now would disregard
his policy and who seem to be utterly ignorant of
the motives of it/

That the Government of India was fully alive to
these considerations may be seen from the fact that
the Governor-General in his despatch to the Secret
Committee discusses these points in detail. 1 It was
not without a full examination of all the relevant
facts that the agreement by which Gulab Singh
received the addition of Kashmir to his territories
was signed, and it is not for those who benefited by
1 See Appendix I.

THE SIKH WAR 109

his action in 1845 to express regret now and allege
that the agreement was not a fair bargain. Retro-
spectively, it is easy to brush aside these considera-
tions by a facile confusion of thought and to state
how much better it would have been for the British
to have kept Kashmir and not to have ' sold ' it for
cash. But this is merely the vulgar view of self-
interest which, as we have shown, would not bear
a moment's examination.

It is possible to hold two views about Gulab
Singh's attitude during the Sikh war. It is un-
doubtedly true that he had been for years cultivat-
ing the friendship of the British Government. It
is also equally true that when the war broke out
between the Company and the Sikhs he did not
hasten with his forces to the standard of his Sove-
reign, but held back in Jammu and even went on
a pilgrimage to Trikuti. It is also undeniable that
when he did take charge of the Lahore Govern-
ment in January, 1846, he could, by his ability and
prestige and the resources at his command, have
prolonged the war and caused infinite trouble to
the British. In fact, at Kassur he actually gave out
that he knew the strength of his position.

There is, therefore, a prima jade case for the
belief that Gulab Singh had already agreed with
the British authorities that he would remain neutral
in the conflict. Considering the treatment meted

110 GULAB SINGH

out to him and his family, few will condemn Gulab
Singh's action. His brothers and nephews had
been mercilessly done to death. Only a few months
before he himself was publicly humiliated 2nd im-
prisoned. The persistent hostility of the Lahore
Durbar towards him and his family had been clear
for many years. That even under this provocation
he had not been actively hostile to the Lahore
Government but had remained neutral speaks well
for Gulab Singh's loyalty to the memory of Ranjit
Singh. Up to the very last he endeavoured to
secure the best terms possible for Dhuleep Singh.
It is, therefore, impossible to accuse him of anything
like active treachery to the Sikhs.

CHAPTER VII

TREATY OF AMRITSAR AND THE FOUNDATION OF
THE STATE

THE. text of the Treaty of Amritsar is as follows :

TREATY BETWEEN THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT on
the one part and MAHARAJAH GULAB SINGH OF
JAMMU on the other concluded on the part of
the BRITISH GOVERNMENT by FREDERICK CURRIE,
Esquire, and BREVET-MAJOR HENRY MONTGOMERY
LAWRENCE, acting under the orders of the RIGHT
HONOURABLE SIR HENRY HARDINGE, G.C.B., one
of HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S MOST HONOURABLE
PRIVY COUNCIL, GOVERNOR-GENERAL of the posses-
sions of the EAST INDIA COMPANY, to direct and
control all their affairs in the EAST INDIES and by
MAHARAJAH GULAB SINGH in person 1846.

ARTICLE i

The British Government transfers and makes over
for ever in independent possession to Maharajah
Gulab Singh and the heirs male of his body all the
hilly or mountainous country with its dependencies
situated to the eastward of the River Indus and the
westward of the River Ravi including Chamba and
excluding Lahul, being part of the territories ceded

in

112 GULAB SINGH

to the British Government by the Lahore State
according to the provisions of Article IV. of the

Treaty of Lahore, dated 9th March, 1846.

f

r

ARTICLE 2

The eastern boundary of the tract transferred by
the foregoing article to Maharajah Gulab Singh
shall be laid down by the Commissioners appointed
by the British Government and Maharajah Gulab
Singh respectively for that purpose and shall be
defined in a separate engagement after survey.

ARTICLE 3

In consideration of the transfer made to him and
his heirs by the provisions of the foregoing article
Maharajah Gulab Singh will pay to the British
Government the sum of seventy-five Lakhs of
Rupees (Nanukshahee), fifty lakhs to be paid on
ratification of this Treaty and twenty-five lakhs on
or before the ist October of the current year,
A.D.

ARTICLE 4

The limits of the territories of Maharajah Gulab
Singh shall not be at any time changed without
concurrence of the British Government.

TREATY OF AMRITSAk

ARTICLE 5

Maharajah Gulab Singh will refer to the arbitra-
tion of the British Government any disputes or
questions that may arise between himself and the
Government of Lahore or any other neighbouring
State, and will abide by the decision of the British
Government.

ARTICLE 6

Maharajah Gulab Singh engages for himself and
heirs to join, with the whole of his Military Forces,
the British troops, when employed within the hills
or in the territories adjoining his possessions.

ARTICLE 7

Maharajah Gulab Singh engages never to take
or retain in his service any British subject nor the
subject of any European or American State without
the consent of the British Government.

ARTICLE 8

Maharajah Gulab Singh engages to respect in
regard to the territory transferred to him, the provi-
sions of Articles V., VI., and VII., of the separate
Engagement between the British Government and
the Lahore Durbar, dated nth March, 1846.*

1 Referring to jagirdars, arrears of revenue and the property
in the forts that are to be transferred.

8

114 GULAB SINGH

ARTICLE 9

The British Government will give its aid to
Maharajah Gulab Singh in protecting his territories
from external enemies.

ARTICLE 10

Maharajah Gulab Singh acknowledges the
supremacy of the British Government and will in
token of such supremacy present annually to the
British Government one horse, twelve shawl goats 1
of approved breed (six male and six female) and
three pairs of Cashmere shawls.

This Treaty of ten articles has been this day
settled by Frederick Currie, Esquire, and Brevet-
Major Henry Montgomery Lawrence, acting under
directions of The Right Honourable Sir Henry
Hardinge, G.C.B., Governor-General, on the part
of the British Government and by Maharajah Gulab
Singh in person, and the said Treaty has been this
day ratified by the seal of The Right Honourable
Sir Henry Hardinge, G.C.B., Governor-General.

(Done at Amritsar the sixteenth day of March,

1 On the i3th March, 1884, it was arranged by mutual con-
sent that in future the Maharajah should present, instead of
12 goats, 10 Ibs. of pashm in its natural state as brought to
Kashmir from Leh, 4 Ibs. of picked and assorted black wool,
4 Ibs. grey wool, 4 Ibs. white wool, and i Ib. of each of the
three best qualities of white yarn.

TREATY OF AMRITSAR

in tiie year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred
and forty-six, corresponding with the seventeenth
day of Rubee-ul-Awal 1262 Jijree).

(Signed) H. HARDINGE (Seal).

(Signed) F. CURRIE.
(Signed) H. M, LAWRENCE.

By Order of the Right Honourable the Governor-
General of India.

(Signed) F. CURRIE,
Secretary to the Government of India,
with the Governor-General*

This treaty stands on a different footing from
other treaties with Indian States. The territories
of which the Maharajah was recognised as ruler
were handed over to him in independent possession.
While the supremacy of the British Government
was acknowledged there was no agreement on the
part of the Company to guarantee the internal
security of the State, Article 9 merely binding the
British authorities to give aid to Maharajah Gulab
Singh in protecting his territories from external
aggression.

The sum to be paid by the Maharajah was fixed
at one crore of rupees (10,000,000). Out of this sum
he was exempted from the payment of Rs,25,oo,ooo
because the Company retained possession of the

Il6 GULAB SINGH

trans-Beas portion of Kulu and Mandi. This is how
the Governor-General describes the transaction in
his letter, dated I4th March, 1846, to the Secret
Committee :

It is highly expedient that the trans-Beas
portion of Kulu and Mandi with the more
fertile district and strong position of Nurpur
and the celebrated fort Kangra the key of
the Himalayas in native estimation with
its districts and its dependencies should be in
our possession. These provinces lie together
between the Beas and Chukkee Rivers and
their occupation by us will be attended with
little cost and great advantage. ... In con-
sideration of the retention by us of the tract
above described a remission of 25 lakhs from
the crore of rupees which Rajah Gulab Singh
would otherwise have paid will be allowed.

Of the 75 lakhs, 50 lakhs were to be paid on
ratification and 25 lakhs before the ist October,
1846. The Maharajah had considerable difficulty
in finding this large sum in cash. Of the 75 lakhs
the British Government was already in possession
of 15 lakhs, being the treasure of Suchet Singh
buried in Firozepur which on the death of that
chief the British Government had refused to hand

TREATY OF AMRITSAR IIJ

over to the Lahore Durbar on the ground of there
being another claimant in the person of Gulab
Singh. This sum of 15 lakhs was accepted in part
payment of the indemnity charged to Gulab Singh.
Though Gulab Singh became by this treaty the
Maharajah of Kashmir he was not yet in possession
of it. It was only its legal title that was transferred
to him. Wazir Lakhpat, who was sent to Kashmir
to take possession of the country from the Sikh
Governor, found it no easy task. Sheikh Imam
Uddin, the Sikh Governor/ acting on the instruc-
tions of Rajah Lai Singh, the Minister of the Lahore
Government, refused to surrender the province.
After some trouble the Wazir seized Hariparbat,
the fort that commands Srinagar. But as his posi-
tion was critical the Maharajah sent him reinforce-
ments under Wazir Ratanu. The Sikh army of
occupation attacked the Maharajah's forces. Wazir
Lakhpat was killed and the small force sent to take

1 Sheikh Imam Uddin is described as follows by a con-
temporary in an article in the Calcutta Review of July, 1847 :
'The Sheikh is perhaps the best-mannered and the best-
dressed man in the Punjab. He is rather under than above
the middle height, but his figure is exquisite, " as far as it
goes," and is usually set of? with the most unrivalled fit which
the unrivalled tailors of Kashmir will achieve for the Governor
of the province. His smile and bow are those of a perfect
courtier whose taste is too good to be obsequious; his great
natural intelligence and unusually good education have en-
dowed him with considerable conversational powers.'

Il8 GULAB SINGH

over the country was itself in imminent danger.
Moreover, rebellion broke out at the instigation of
the Lahore Durbar in the province of Rajouri and
Rampur. Faiz Talib of Rajcmri, who had clierished
the feud to which his father had fallen a victim,
was specially active in raising a rebellion. Gulab
Singh was sorely beset on all sides. Wazir
Ratanu was holding out in Kashmir, but he had
already been reduced to desperate straits. The
Maharajah then called upon the British Govern-
ment to give him possession of Kashmir, as he had
fulfilled his part of the contract. Dewan Jwala
Sahai, his Chief Minister, was sent to the British
Government to press this point of view. He was
received by the Governor-General, who undertook
to help him in getting possession of the territory
and sent Colonel Lawrence to assist him. The
Sikh Government was called on by the British to
compel their Governor to yield the territory, and
Lai Singh was forced to send an army against his
own agent. Sardars Tej Singh, Sher Shah, Mangal
Singh, and Generals Kahan Singh Man and Lai
Singh Moraria were asked to proceed to Kashmir.
This force marched through Bhimber. A small
British force led by Lawrence also marched into
Kashmir.

The Jammu force was under Maharajah Kumar
Ranbir Singh. Colonel Edwardes also joined the

TREATY OF AMRITSAR

Maharajah at Reasi. Sheikh Imam Uddin was in-
formed of the view of the British Government.
When he was thus forced by the united authority
of the British, Lahore, and Jammu Governments
he surrendered personally to Lawrence, He
declared then that he had acted according to the
written instructions of Lai Singh, and proved his
bona fides by producing the Purwana of the Wazir.
On this the British Government required the dis-
missal of Lai Singh from the control of affairs at
Lahore.

With the surrender of Imam Uddin, Kashmir
and its dependencies passed quietly into the hands
of Gulab Singh. The Maharajah entered Srinagar
on the 9th November, i846. 1 Imam Uddin had
left two days before and in order to avoid a meeting
with him the Maharajah made a detour on his
route. He entered Shergarhi at 8 a.m.

In 1847 the tribes of Hazara rose in rebellion.
Dewan Hari Chand, who was sent to put down the
rebellion, was unable to cope with it. Finally,
Dewan Jwala Sahai himself had to go, and he
succeeded in suppressing it. The Maharajah, how-
ever, decided to ask the British Government to
exchange Hazara with Mandir and Garhi which
had been given as jagir to Captain James Abbot for

1 Report of Lawrence to Sir Frederick Currie, dated
I2th November, 1846.

120 GULAB SINGH

his services in marking the boundary lines. Nego-
tiations were opened for this purpose and Jwala
Sahai was sent to Lahore to negotiate the agreement.
After much preliminary conversation an agreement
was signed by which Hazara was assigned to
Lahore and the Jammu boundary between Muazaf-
farabad and the town of Jhelum became the River
Jhelam.

The Maharajah by this received Kathua and
Suchetgarh with part of Minawar. The boundary
was further altered in 1847, when the State handed
over the district of Sujjanpur and part of Pathankot
in lieu of an annual payment to the disinherited
rajahs of the hilly districts who took up their abode
in British territories and to whom the Maharajah
agreed to pay a perpetual pension amounting in
aggregate to Rs.62,2oo per annum. The most
important of these pensioners were the Rajahs
of Rajouri, Jasrota, Ramnagar, Besohli, and Khist-
t war.

By the second Treaty of Lahore the Sikh Govern-
ment was for the time placed under the complete
control of Sir Henry Lawrence, and through his
intervention the agreement was signed on the
5th May, 1847. The settlement of the boundary
between Tibet and Kashmir was entrusted to Vans
Agnew and Alexander Cunningham. They left
Simla on the 2nd August, 1846. Nothing was done

TREATY OF AMRITSAR 121

during the year and Cunningham was again sent
with Henry Strachey and Dr. Thomson. The
boundary as it now exists was fixed by them.

New troubles arose in connection with other
areas within the State. The district of Poonch had
originally been given to Rajah Dhyan Singh by the
Lahore Government as a fief. On the death of
Rajah Dhyan Singh and his eldest son, Rajah Hira
Singh, the jagir was confiscated by the Lahore
Government on the ground that the holders died
in rebellion against the State. It was then conferred
on Faiz Talib Khan of Rajouri. When the area
between Ravi and the Indus was given in sovereignty
to Gulab Singh, Poonch also passed to him. The
Maharajah then conferred it on Jawahir Singh, the
eldest remaining son of Dhyan Singh. Jawahir
Singh now put forward a claim to Poonch as the
Raj of his father, to Jasrota as the jagir of Hira
Singh, to a part of the income of Kashmir, and to
a share in Gulab Singh's private property on the
ground that they were the joint family property of
all the brothers. He and Moti Singh also claimed
that they should be included by name in the Treaty
of Amritsar. The matter was referred to the British
Government and the Maharajah deputed Jwala
Sahai as his agent. It came up first before Henry
Lawrence on the nth August, 1847. Through
Mohur Singh, who represented Jawahir Singh,

122 GULAB SINGH

Lawrence advised the Mian to come to Lahore and
have a personal interview with him. The Mian,
however, hesitated. He was peremptorily asked to
go to Lahore on the 3rd Jamjar y, 1848. The Mian
put oft the appointment on the ground that
there was an earthquake which was inauspicious.
Jawahir Singh was really playing for time. He was
hoping that Lawrence, whose friendship for the
new Maharajah was well known, would not con-
tinue at Lahore. This happened as he wished, and
when Sir Frederick Currie was appointed Resident
the Mian came to Lahore and placed the matter
before him. The matter was submitted to arbitra-
tion and an agreement was effected. Jawahir Singh
and Moti Singh were given two jagirs, Chalayar
and Watala, with the tide of Rajah. They were
to give to the Maharajah one horse with gold trap-
pings every year and they were bound to consult
him in all matters of importance. Their claim to
be included in the Treaty was dismissed as being
preposterous. The following are extracts from Sir
Frederick Currie's judgment, dated i2th May, 1848 :

That whereas the rights, titles, and interests
in the hilly countries possessed by the Sikh
Government passed into the hands of the
British Government and whereas in pursuance
of the provisions of the treaty executed by the

TREATY OF AMRITSAR 123

latter with the Maharajah Sahib Bahadur, all
these rights, titles and interests in the said
hilly country have been completely and abso-
lutely transferred to the Maharajah Sahib
Bahadur and whereas it is incumbent to main-
tain the old and established rights of all rightful
persons it is directed that the Mian Sahibs will
have no power or authority to dispose of in
their own holding any important matter with-
out personal consultation .with and advice of
the Maharajah Sahib Bahadur.

And the Maharajah Sahib Bahadur is
assured that the entire administration of the
whole country whether in the possession of
the Maharajah Sahib Bahadur or his officers
shall remain the Maharajah's sole concern.

Jawahir Singh and Moti Singh quarrelled in
1852, when the matter was again referred to the
Punjab Government, who awarded Poonch to Moti
Singh as a jagir on the same conditions.

Jawahir Singh fell into the hands of an intriguing
adventurer, Maulvi Mazar Ali, whom he appointed
his Dewan. The Maulvi was sent to Swat to recruit
an army, but the British authorities stopped him
and he was expelled from the Punjab. Then Jawa-
hir Singh personally went to Colonel Lawrence and
asked that he should be made independent. His

124 GULAB SINGH

intrigues and disloyalty having come to light his
estate was confiscated.

It will be remembered that the treaty of 1846
included Chamba but excluded Sapti as the territory
of Gulab Singh. The Rajah of Chamba claimed
Bhadarwah, which had been granted to him as
jagir by Ranjit Singh, and as by the 5th Clause of
the Treaty of Lahore the British Government had
agreed to respect the bona fide rights of the jagir-
dars in the territories transferred to it, the Rajah of
Chamba's claim to Bhadarwah was strong and un-
impeachable. But the position was anomalous, in-
asmuch as Chamba had been transferred to Gulab
Singh and Bhadarwah, which was within the geo-
graphical limits transferred, was the possession of
the ruler of Chamba. The matter was settled by
the arbitration of Henry Lawrence, ,who awarded
Bhadarwah to the Maharajah, together with Lak-
hanpur and Chandgraon, while Chamba ceased to
be a part of the territories of Jammu and Kashmir
and became a State in subordinate alliance with the
British Government.

The State thus assumed its present shape. An
area consisting of more than 80,000 square miles,
including part of Tibet as well as a part of the
Pamirs, besides the genuinely Indian kingdoms of
Jammu and Kashmir, came into Gulab Singh's pos-
session. This area had never been effectively united

TREATY OF AMRITSAR ' 125

under one ruler before and much of it, with, of
course, the exception of the Valley of Kashmir, had
never known settled government. The work of
acquisition was finished. The work of consolidation
and of government remained, and this, in view of
the diversity of population, interests, climate, and
lack of continuity in the past, was by no means an
easy task. It is to the great credit of Gulab Singh
that to this all-important task he now bent his
energies, and though he was already fifty-three when
he became a Sovereign Ruler, his efforts in this
direction were crowned with success.

CHAPTER, VIII

THE REIGN OF GULAB SINGH

THE State that was thus created differed from the
other internal States of India in that it was totally
independent in its internal affairs. No control was
exercised by the British Government in the adminis-
tration, and no Resident was appointed. In fact,
the political position in the Punjab made any such
intervention impossible. The hostility of the Sikh
population and the strained relations with Afghan-
istan made it necessary for the British Government
to cultivate the friendship of Gulab Singh and to
treat him as a specially valued ally. If at any time
they had other ideas, the crisis to which affairs in
the Punjab were fast moving showed them in which
direction their true interests lay.

1848 saw the outbreak of the second Sikh War.
Sardar Chattar Singh allied himself with Dost
Mohammad Khan, and the whole of the Punjab rose
up in arms against the establishment of British
authority in Lahore. Chattar Singh sent an agent
to the Maharajah at Srinagar, but Gulab Singh
advised him against his schemes. Dost Mohafti-
mad also sent an agent, but the Maharajah refused

126

HIS REIGN 127

to receive him. At the beginning of the war Gulab
Singh wrote to the Government of India expressing
his readiness to help. The Simla authorities were
in a suspicious mood and even thought that the
Maharajah was not to be trusted. But when the
situation became serious, Gulab Singh was requested
to help the British by closing the passes and to
despatch an army to fight the rebels. The bound-
aries of Kashmir were closed and a strong force
under Syed Ghulam AH Shah and Wazir Zorawar
was sent to Lahore with instructions to act under
Sir John Lawrence's orders. The Maharajah also
kept three divisions at Munabir, Bhimber, and
Mirpur to prevent the rebellion from spreading to
his territories.

An attempt was made by Sir Lepel Griffin at
a later time to connect Gulab Singh with the second
Sikh War. He says : * Although the proofs of
Gulab Singh's complicity in the rebellion might fail
to satisfy a court of law, yet there is sufficient evi-
dence for history to decide against him.' What
this evidence is that Sir Lepel Griffin considers to
be sufficient for history will be seen from his views
given below:

In the first place, there is the universal
belief, shared by the late Dost Mohammad
Khan, that Gulab Singh was* the instigator

128

GULAB SINGH

of the rebellion and that against his will
Chattar Singh would not have raised his hand.
The evidence given by Hiranand, the agent
sent by Chattar Singh to the Maharajah, re-
corded in October, 1849, though in many parts
exaggerated and contrary bears the general
stamp of truth. . . . No documentary, evi-
dence of any kind was discovered; but the
most wily of men was not likely to commit
himself by writing what might be verbally
explained, or expressed by a sign or by the
pressure of a finger. 1

This is the evidence which the imagination of
Sir Lepel considers to be sufficient for history to
decide against Gulab Singh. It consists of a
common belief, which it is said was shared by
Dost Mohammad, and is merely rumour. In the
circumstances of the rebellion it was clearly to the
advantage of the rebels to spread the rumour that
the powerful sovereign of Kashmir was going to
join them. The friendship with Chattar Singh,
the second piece of evidence, does not mean any-
thing. The Maharajah maintained friendly rela-
tions with almost all the chiefs at the Sikh Court,
and to infer from it that none of them would have
1 raised his hand' without the approval of Gulab

1 Punjab Chiefs, Second Edition, p. 511.

HIS REIGN 129

Singh is obviously absurd. The third point on
which Sir Lepel Griffin makes his allegation is the
deposition of Hiranand, the agent of Chattar Singh,
which definitely tries to implicate the Maharajah.
But Sir Lepel himself agrees that his evidence is
exaggerated and contradictory. Why it should be
believed only when it goes against Gulab Singh does
not seem clear.

Griffin, writing two generations after the event,
wishes to implicate Gulab Singh in the second Sikh
War on no evidence, while we have the evidence of
Sir George Clerk, 1 who, writing in March, 1849,
immediately after the rebellion, stated that he had
tried very severely the loyalty of Gulab Singh on
many occasions and found him true.

In fact, Gulab Singh did everything in his power
to help in the suppression of the rebellion, as we
have pointed out above.

The strength of the Sikh army was broken at
Gujrat, where Ram Singh met an heroic death.
Says the author of Gulabnama: 'Ram Singh
Chuppuwalla, who was very brave, not likely to
run away from the field, drank very boldly of the
cup of death and proved the manly valour which
he possessed.'

When Lord Dalhousie came to Lahore, Gulab
Singh was invited to go down and meet him. He

1 Life of Sir Henry Lawrence, Third Edition, p. 388.

9

130 GULAB SINGH

came down from Srinagar to Jammu but did not
go to Lahore. The Maharajah had good reasons
for avoiding the interview. It was well known
that Lord Dalhousie not only disliked GulatT Singh,
but carried his prejudice to the extent of quarrelling
.with Sir Henry Lawrence on that account. The
Commander-in-Chief, Lord Napier, however, fixed
a day for a visit and they met at Sialkot. Sir
John Lawrence came to Jammu to escort the Maha-
rajah to the meeting place. Another attempt was
made by the Governor-General to meet the Maha-
rajah, It was suggested that he should visit Jammu,
and Dewan Jwala Sahai jvas sent to settle the cere-
monials. As no agreement could be reached with
regard to the formalities of a visit to Jammu, it was
finally decided that the Governor-General should
come up to Wazirabad. The Maharajah, accom-
panied by the heir-apparent, Ranbir Singh, Rajahs
Jawahir Singh and Moti Singh and other leading
sardars went to Wazirabad. Sir John Lawrence,
who was then the President of the Board of Control
in the Punjab, came with Sir Robert Montgomery
and Lord Napier to receive the Maharajah, who was
accorded military honours.

The interview between the Maharajah and Dal-
housie had to be postponed for a few days owing
to the indisposition of the latter. When it actually
took place the Maharajah was escorted to the camp

HIS REIGN

of the Governor-General. Dalhousie himself came
to the door and took the Maharajah by the hand
and seated him on his right. Salutes were fired
and presents were exchanged.

In 1850 Sir Henry and Lady Lawrence came to
Kashmir by the Banihal route. They were received
at Anantnag by the heir-apparent, Prince Ranbir
Singh. During their stay at Srinagar they met
Gulab Singh several times. Lawrence went from
there to Skardu and Ladak. The object of his
mission, of course, was to see what were the pos-
sibilities of the Central Asian trade.

European visitors had already begun to come in
large numbers to Kashmir, and as early as 1847
Gulab Singh was complaining of their irregularities.
Dr. Honigberger, who visited him in that year,
records the following conversation with the Maha-
rajah on the subject :

At the period when I was in Cashmere the
Maharajah had several English visitors whom
he treated with the greatest hospitality. . . .
In a conversation, however, which I had with
the Maharajah, he complained that many of
the servants of European visitors had abused
the hospitality displayed towards them, for
they had frequently taken with them very large
quantities of saffron and other products of the

132 GULAB SINGH

country, much beyond what they could really
use during their sojourn. 1

Among the prominent , visitors who were the
Maharajah's guests were Lord Grifford, brother-in-
law of Lord Hardinge, Sir Henry Lawrence, and
Colonel King.

In spite of the personal cordiality between the
Maharajah and high British officials, diplomatic
relations at this time were not wholly friendly. In
1848 Lord Hardinge wrote to the Maharajah stating
that the nature of his internal administration aroused
misgiving in the minds of the British Govern-
ment, and claiming the right on the part of the
Company to interfere in his affairs. The object of
this communication was to get a Resident appointed
at Srinagar, for which no provision had been made
in the treaty of 1846. The Maharajah claimed that
a promise had been given to him that no Resident
would be appointed in his State. The matter was
again raised in 1851 on the ground that every year
there was an increasing number of British visitors
to the valley whose interests should be looked after
by a Resident. The Maharajah strongly resisted
this claim, protesting that the appointment of a
political officer, as in other Indian States, was

1 Honigberger, Thirty-five Years in the East, pp. 178-179.
(London, 1852.)

HIS REIGN 133

against the degree of independence guaranteed to
his State, and that as the European visitors fre-
quented the valley in summer it would be sufficient
if an officer were appointed for the season only.
On this, the Government of India withdiew the
claim to appoint a Resident and agreed to the
deputation of an officer in Srinagar for this duty
during the summer only. The following letter from
Sir John Lawrence, dated I4th January, 1852, to
Dewan Jwala Sahai, will show the purpose of the
appointment :

On account of certain excesses committed
by some European visitors in the past year,
I intend to appoint some responsible European
official at Srinagar to stay there till the return
of the said visitors in order that he may put
a stop to the occurrence of such excesses. As
the Maharajah is well acquainted with the
good intentions and sociability of Major Mac-
Gregor, I wish he may be allowed to stay at
Srinagar till the end of the hot season to super-
vise the conduct of European visitors to Kash-
mir. As this arrangement is also for the benefit
of His Highness it is hoped it will be gladly
accepted by His Highness.

The officer so appointed enjoyed no powers of

134 GULAB SINGH

political supervision. The proposal to appoint a
Resident was revived in 1873, w ^n Maharajah
Ranbir Singh was on the throne. In a well-reasoned
communication the Maharajah pointed out that
there was no provision in the treaty which gave
authority to the British Government to appoint a
Resident, and quoted as a precedent the proposal
of 1851. The British Government then withdrew
the claim.

The administration of Kashmir called forth all
the statesmanship of Gulab Singh. In the later days
of Sikh administration the affairs of the province
had been sadly neglected. The shawl industry,
which is the mainstay of the population of Kash-
mir, was weighed down by heavy and capricious
taxation; reckless Governors, especially Sheikh
Imam Uddin, had given away much of the land
in the valley as rent-free concessions; an oppres-
sive system of begar, or forced labour, made the
life of the peasantry miserable; sati and infanti-
cide were common; the hilly areas were infested
with robbers.

Almost immediately on taking up the reins of
administration Gulab Singh determined to make
his power felt through the length and breadth of
his vast kingdom. He put down rebellion with
a strong hand. Order was restored in every part
of the country and every effort was made to render

HIS REIGN 135

trade and commerce safe for all The result was
immediately visible. Nicholson notes as follows in
his official Diary on the igth November, 1847 : l

Had some conversation with a party of
Kabul merchants taking tobacco and snuff to
. Kashmir whence they intend returning with
pattoo and tosh, which last fetches a very high
price in Kabul. They complained of the
oppressive duties in their own and Maharajah
Gulab Singh's territories but remarked that in
the latter their goods were protected whereas
they frequently ran great risks from the
plundering tribes between Kabul and Pesha-
war.

The great difficulty that the Maharajah experi-
enced was with regard to jagir grants. There were
no less than 3,115 jagir s granted in Dharmuth
besides numerous alienations of other kinds. A
large number of them were unregistered. The
Sikh Governors, Sheikh Goolam Mohi Uddin and
Shiekh Imam Uddin, were extremely lavish in their
grants, especially the latter, who for the sake of
popularity signed away large tracts of land at the end
of the Sikh regime. As soon as the Maharajah took
charge of his country he instituted an inquiry of

1 Lahore Political Diaries, vol. vi., p. 321,

136 GULAB SINGH

quo warranto. The jagirdars and other grantees
were greatly agitated and loudly complained that
the Maharajah was resuming their ancient posses-
sions.

Tyler, who conducted an independent enquiry,
states 1 that the Maharajah was inclined to be just
and reasonable. His point was that people who
began as revenue farmers should not claim the land
they held in farms to be jagirs; that grants when
made should be strictly adhered to; that grantees
who were given one acre should not be allowed to
possess two on the same sanad, and that in cases
of treason, rebellion, and gross misbehaviour the
jagirs should be liable to resumption.

The question of begar, or forced labour, which
was at that time widely prevalent and which caused
the inhabitants a great deal of avoidable inconveni-
ence, was also taken up by the Maharajah. His idea
was to determine a certain number of men in each
village who would be considered liable to do labour
when called upon by Government. For this they
were to be paid one kharwar of rice per month and
their food when employed. Men not called upon to
do begars in the course of the year were only to be
paid six kharwars for the year. An officer was
appointed to take charge of this work.

Another important reform undertaken by the

1 Punjab Political Diaries, vol. vi., p. 60.

HIS REIGN 137

Maharajah was the rationing of rice in the valley,
Kashmir, owing to its extreme inaccessibility and
the insurmountable difficulties of heavy transport,
was always liable to sudden famine owing either to
failure of the rice crops or the cornering of the
grain market. In order to meet this situation the
Maharajah established a rigid monopoly of rice and
had it sold at a fixed price to the people. Though
this system gave rise to vociferous complaints, especi-
ally from the grain dealers, its wisdom was obvious.
It is worthy of note that immediately after the recent
Great War the State had to revert to this old practice
of Gulab Singh and re-established the system of
grain control.

Another serious question to which the Maharajah
had to devote his earnest attention was the re-
organisation of the shawl department.

The shawl department was carried on under a
controller, who had under him the Nukdee kar-
khandars. A Nukdee karkhandar, or master of
a factory, is in general a man of property. He
has under him the shagirds, or workmen, whom he
pays individually, and their materials are provided
by him. He is responsible to the State.

Before 1833 the duty on shawls was levied accord-
ing to the number made and stamped in the year
at the rate of 3 annas in the rupee. 1 This was found

1 Tyler's Report, Punjab Political Diaries, vol. vi., pp. 44-45,

138 GULAB SINGH

unsuitable, and in 1835 General Mian Singh estab-
lished the Baj, or fixed amount of tax, to be paid
by each shop. The Baj was fixed at Rs-96 per
annum and extended to 1,000 shops. This system
was continued by Sheikh Ghulam Mohiudeen,
though the tax itself was increased to Rs.i2O per
shop. When the Maharajah took over the adminis :
tration he improved the system and renumbered the
workmen.

For new shops Gulab Singh charged only half the
tax for the first few years. In 1847 the karkhandars
requested the Maharajah that there should be a
yearly numbering of workmen, that the Nuzzerana
should be reduced, that the wages of the workmen
should be definitely fixed and that a settled Ayeen
should be established for them. The other most
important reforms that the Maharajah introduced
as soon as he arrived in Kashmir were, firstly, the
abolition of the Moulut, by which the accounts were
continued to the i4th month, and, secondly, the
cancellation of unnecessary taxes like the Chuttinia.

By the system which was in force the workmen
were not free to change their masters. They were
also paid very low wages ; in fact, the wages which
were fixed at Mian Singh's time were still in force
when the Maharajah took control. When the
Maharajah came to Kashmir complaints were heard
that the karkhandars were not paying the workmen

HIS REIGN 139

properly. He therefore raised their pay to 5^ annas
in the rupee, binding, at the same time, the work-
men to do a fixed minimum of work.

On 6th June, 1847, the workmen struck work
and about 4,000 of them set out for Lahore, The
Maharajah told them that their complaints would
be enquired into if they returned to work. This
they did, and the Maharajah enquired into their
case in open Durbar, and in July, 1847, p romu l-
gated a new system of control for the shawl de-
partment. By this the Kaid, or the law which
bound the shagirds to work for the same master,
was abolished and the workmen became free. The
minimum salary for the workmen was fixed at
4 annas in the rupee, and the Baj system was abol-
ished, the tax being imposed on the finished article.
Very liberal arrangements were made for the Baj
due to Government during the year.

The reorganisation of the shawl department was
a great achievement, as the system had the follow-
ing advantages :

(1) The baft system ensured that the tax should
be regulated by the price of the shawl in market,

(2) The karkhandar had to pay only according
to the work done in the shop.

(3) The shagird was no longer a serf.

These great administrative reforms restored the
prosperity of the country, and Gulab Singh was in

140 GULAB SINGH

a position to devote his attention to the reorganisa-
tion of his army. The efficiency, contentment, and
training of his forces were always matters of deep
concern to him. As soon as he was estaBlished
firmly on the throne he devoted his attention to
these matters. Foundries and arsenals were estab-
lished in the State; the forts were repaired and
garrisoned; the hill levies, which formed his main
strength, were organised into regiments, and a code
of military instructions and orders was drawn up.
It is of special interest to note that instead of copying
English words of command the Maharajah had the
same coined in Sanskrit. The names of his regi-
ments were also taken from Hindu tradition. Thus
there were the Gobardhan Regiment, the Raghu-
nath Regiment, and the Lachhman Regiment. The
military efficiency of his forces was recognised by
all observers and stood the test of more than one
difficult campaign on the Gilgit frontier. Indeed,
events on this frontier took a critical turn soon after
his accession. After the second Sikh War his atten-
tion was mainly devoted to troubles in that area.
To a discussion of the course of events in that region
we must now turn.

The Gilgit frontier occupies to-day a position of
importance in the defence of India. But in the
middle of the last century, when Russia was still far
away from the Indian frontier, no importance was

HIS REIGN 141

attached to this hilly country on the roof of the
world. The area on the northern and western sides
of the Indus has long been under the occupation of
independent and unruly Mohammadan tribes. These
tribal communities, who are often at feud w ; th one
another, acknowledge no master. The most im-
portant among them are the tribes in the Khushwaqt
country, whose chief is now the Mehtar of Chitral.
Other important chiefs are the Mirs of Hunza and
Nagar, and the Rajah of Punial.

In 1841 this frontier witnessed one of those
sudden convulsions which are not rare in tribal
communities of a warlike character. Gaur Rah-
man, the eldest son of Mulk Imam, the ruler of
Yasin, and brother-in-law of Imam-ul-Mulk, the
Mehtar of Chitral, attacked and conquered Gilgit
and killed its ruler. Karim Khan, the brother of
the dead Rajah, thereupon called upon the Sikh
Governor of Kashmir for help. The Sikhs, not
loth to extend their territory into Central Asia,
deputed Syed Nathu Shah of Gujranwalla, a
capable commander, with a strong force to the help
of Karim Khan. In 1842 Astore was occupied by
Nathu Shah and Gaur Rahman was defeated.
Though recalled for a short time, during which
Gaur Rahman inflicted a defeat on the Sikhs, Nathu
Shah was sent back again, and successfully pacified
the border, taking in marriage the daughters of

142 GULAB SINGH

Gaur Rahman, and of the Mirs of Hunza and
Nagar. Karim Khan, who had asked for Sikh aid
to get himself restored, received nothing. Gilgit
was permanently occupied by the Sikhs,

When Gulab Singh acquired Kashmir, though
the Treaty of Amritsar gave him only the hilly
country between Ravi and the Indus, it was under-
stood that he had inherited all the claims that the
Sikh Government had over these areas. Nathu
Shah also transferred his services to Gulab Singh
and was entrusted with the Government of the
frontier.

In 1847 Nathu Shah, with the permission of
Gulab Singh, allowed Lieutenants Agnew and
Young of the Bengal Engineers to visit Gilgit.
Among Agnew's other exploits may be mentioned
the fact that, being refused permission by the chief
of the place to enter Nagar territory, he wrote to
the Mir that the British Government, knowing that
Gulab Singh's conquest of Baltistan and Ladak had
caused him to be looked upon with apprehension
by the people of those countries, had sent him to
reassure them. 1 The Mir of Hunza accused Nathu
Shah of having allowed Europeans to come to the
country, and on this ground attacked him. In the
fight that ensued Nathu Shah was killed. Gaur
Rahman, the stormy petrel of the Gilgit frontier,

1 Lahore Political Diaries, vol. v., p. 297.

HIS REIGN 143

also rebelled at the same time, and the whole
frontier was up in arms. The Maharajah, however,
sent a strong force and peace was restored.

In 1851 the frontier rose again in rebellion. The
Chilasis began plundering the possessions of the
Maharajah in Hazara. As the Maharajah was
then in Jammu and winter was approaching te
confined himself to making preparations for a puni-
tive expedition. A powerful force under Dewan
Hari Chand, Colonel Buji Singh, Colonel Jowahir,
and Dewan Thakurdas was despatched in the
spring of 1852. As soon as the winter was over
Chilas was surrounded and besieged. The fort of
Chilas is placed in a naturally impregnable posi-
tion and the Maharajah's forces found great diffi-
culty in besieging it. The country is very barren
and the army had to depend on provisions taken
from Kashmir. These, however, were soon
exhausted. Over 1,500 men died in the course of
a few weeks. Colonel Buji Singh was seriously
wounded. Confusion prevailed in the ranks, and,
according to the author of Gulabnama, the soldiers
were forced to eat c the leaves of trees and barks of
plants/

The endurance of the Dogra soldier shone out
under these trying circumstances. The Maharajah
wks at that time in very bad health and suffering
from dropsy, and anxiety concerning the fate of

144 GULAB SINGH

his army on the frontier was having visible effects
on him. But, even in that state of health, when
the news of the dangerous position of the army
before Chilas was conveyed to him, he ordered
that preparations should be made for him to start
immediately.

While these preparations were in progress -the
Court astrologer appeared before him and said:
4 Your Highness, the fort has already been taken;
the soldiers have plenty of food and drink.'

The Maharajah, who was furious at what he
considered to be an untimely jest, said : * You have
eaten well, but my soldiers are hungry and dying.
How shall I trust in your word?'

The astrologer replied : * If I am a Brahmin and
the legitimate son of my father you will hear the
news soon.'

The astrologer did not wait. He went home.
The prophecy turned out to be true and the Maha-
rajah was pleased and granted him jagirs which his
descendants still enjoy.

The story of how the Dogra army, which was
put to such straits, conquered the Chilas fort is
interesting. The fort is on a high hill, and its
water supply depends on one well. The Dogra
commander ordered a big hole to be made and
drained all the water from the well. Thus deprived
of their only source of water the Chilasis sur-

HIS REIGN 145

rendered. Their leaders were brought to Srinagar,
where they accepted the Maharajah's authority and
left their sons as hostages.

Hostilities were not, however, confined to Chilas.
In Gilgit also trouble soon broke out. The Kashmir
forces on the frontier were posted at three points :
at Gilgit, at Bunji, and at Astore. The main force
at Gilgit was under Bhup Singh. Gaur Rahman
surrounded the two forts at Bunji and Astore. The
garrison, which made a sortie, was cut up, and Bhup
Singh's reserve, which was sent in relief, was totally
destroyed. Of Sant Singh's main force at Astore
only a Gurkha woman escaped. This brave lady
threw herself into the river which flows below the
Gilgit fort and, swimming across the Indus, arrived
in Kashmir to tell the mournful tale. She was
rewarded with a pension by Maharajah Gulab
Singh.

In 1851 troubles arose on the Tibetan frontier
also. The trade missions from Tibet were by old
custom, which the Maharajah had undertaken
to maintain, entitled to free transport. The
Zamindars of Ladak, no longer afraid of the
Tibetans, refused to render the mission free service.
The Grand Lama protested against this breach of
the agreement and deputed two Garpons, or Pro-
vincial Governors, to settle the question. The
following is a translation of the agreement which

10

146 GULAB SINGH

was entered into by the representatives of the Maha-
rajah and the Dalai Lama in this connection :

This is dated the third day of the month
of the Water Bull Year [apparently 1852],

The Ladakis refusing to supply the Tibetan
Government trader Ke-Sang Gyurme with the
usual transport animals on account of the
decreased tea trade, the Nyer-pass of the
Garpons were deputed to enquire about this
matter and to investigate the boundary dispute
between Ladak and Tibet. A meeting was
accordingly arranged between Ladak Thana-
dar Sahib Bastiram and Kalon Rinzin accom-
panied by his servant Yeshe Wangyal and an
agreement was made as follows :

In future the Ladakis will supply the
Tibetan Government traders with the usual
transport requirements without any demur.
The joint Te-Jis 1 will request their Government
to appoint only intelligent and capable men to
take the annual tribute to Tibet. The Ladakis
shall provide the Tibetan Government traders
with accommodation and servants as usual and
render them any further assistance according

to the old-established custom. The Garpons

t
1 *>., the Garpons of Sartok. 'Teji' is a Tibetan title

which the then Garpons might have held.

HIS REIGN 147

will issue orders to the effect that tea and
woollen goods arriving at Nagari shall only
be sent to Ladak and not to any other place.
The boundary between Ladak and Tibet will
remain the same as before. No restriction
shall be laid by the people of Rudok on the
export of salt and woollen goods and the im-
port of barley flour and barley. Neither party
shall contravene the existing rules and the
rates of Customs duties and market supplies
shall be fixed by both parties concerned. The
above rules shall apply also to the Rongpas 1 ,
who export salt. The travellers from North
and West who come through Rong are given
passports by the Thanadar. They are liable
to Customs duties as prescribed in their pass-
ports. Should any of them be unable to pro-
duce his passport, he shall be made to pay
fifty times the amount ordinarily recoverable
from him. No case will be heard against
such recoveries made by the Customs Officer.
In deciding all important matters the ruler
shall take into consideration the manners and
customs of both sides and observe the old-
established rules regarding supply of transport,
etc. There shall be no restriction in grazing
animals in the pasture reserved for the animals
1 i.e., people inhabiting the valley countries.

148 GULAB SINGH

of the Government traders, but the people
shall not be allowed to abuse this privilege by
bringing animals from outside to graze on it.
Both parties shall adhere strictly to the agree-
ment thus arrived at between Tibet and
Singpas (Kashmiris), and the two frontier
officers shall act in perfect accord and co-opera-
tion.

Drawn in duplicate and sealed by Thanadar
Sahib Bastiram and Kalon Rinzin Two Nyer-
pass of the Garpons. Witness Yeshe Wangyal,
Private servant of Kalon Rinzin.

We have already described the adminstrative re-
forms of Gulab Singh. His methods were no doubt
medieval, but he took great pains in governing the
country justly. As Sir Henry Lawrence has said,
his government was 'mild, conciliatory, and even
merciful.' He himself personally looked into all
affairs, great and small.

An English writer who knew the conditions of
the State well has thus described Gulab Singh's
method of administration.

He was always accessible and was patient
and ready to listen to complaints. He was
much given to looking into details so that the
smallest thing might be brought before Him
and have his consideration. With the custom-

HIS REIGN 149

ary offering of a rupee as Nazar anyone could
get his ear; even in a crowd one could catch his
eye by holding up a rupee and crying out,
* Maharaj, Arz Hai,' that is, * Maharaja, a peti-
tion.' He would pounce down like a hawk
on the money, and having appropriated it
would patiently hear out the petitioner. Once
a man, after this fashion making a complaint,
when the Maharaja was taking the rupee,
closed his hand and said : ' No, first hear what
I have to say.' Even this did not go beyond
Gulab Singh's patience; he waited till the
fellow had told his tale and opened his hand,
then taking the money, he gave orders about
the case. 1

The Maharajah suffered from dropsy for a long
time and had proposed to Dr. Honigberger that
he should enter his employment and stay in Srinagar
as his physician. The doctor, however, was unable
to stay. The disease became worse with time, and
in 1856 Gulab Singh's health began to fail. As a
result he decided to entrust the administration to his
only surviving son, Ranbir Singh, and to retire
completely from the affairs of this world. In
February 1856, he formally installed Ranbir Singh
on the gadi and himself accepted the position of
1 Drew, fammoo and Kashmir Territories, p. 15.

150 GULAB SINGH

Governor of Kashmir, and left for Srinagar to lead
a quieter life. But even in the seclusion of Srinagar
he was rudely awakened by the news of the great
Indian Mutiny. As soon as this news reachedhim,
though he was on his death-bed, he ordered Dewan
Jwala Sahai to proceed immediately to Rawalpindi
and offer all the resources of the State to the British
Government in his name. He was specially ordered
to offer free hospitality to all European women who
might like to leave the plains. The offer of military
and financial help was accepted, and Maharajah
Ranbir Singh, together with Dewan Hari Chand,
was ordered to go with a large force to help in the
siege of Delhi. This was the last public act of
Maharajah Gulab Singh. Soon afterwards his ill-
ness became worse and he died on the 25th Sawan,
1914 (Samvat), or August, 1858, at the age of sixty-
six.

CHAPTER IX

CONCLUSION

IT will be seen from what has been said in the pre-
ceeding pages that Gulab Singh was one of the most
remarkable men that India produced in the nine-
teenth century. There had been others in the
eighteenth century, such as Haidar-Ali and Maha-
rajah Scindia, who, beginning their life in obscurity,
founded kingdoms and dynasties. But his is the
only case in nineteenth-century India where a man
beginning as a petty official in a Court conquered
kingdoms and territories and established himself as
a Sovereign. In a century barren of historical
achievement in India Gulab Singh stands out as
a solitary figure of political eminence.

This is not his only claim to India's recognition.
He is the only ruler in India's long history who could
be said to have extended the geographical boundaries
of India. His conquest and annexation of Ladak,
which we have described in a previous chapter, is
an achievement which writes his name for ever in
the history of India. No previous Indian ruler, not
even Samadra Gupta or Akbar, had even dreamed
of invading Tibet; and though Zorawar, who ven-
tured too far, paid the penalty for his adventure,
the Maharajah's forces routed the Tibetan army

152 GULAB SINGH

and extended the border of India to the other side
of the Himalayas.

It is not claimed that the Maharajah achieved
these results by methods which were always beyond
criticism. Gulab Singh was no saint, and where his
interest required he did not hesitate to resort to tricks
and stratagems which would in ordinary life be con-
sidered dishonourable. He was trained in a hard
school, where lying, intrigue, and treachery were all
considered part and parcel of politics.

He was undoubtedly an opportunist, ready to
stand out boldly or to withdraw as the occasion de-
manded, not committing himself irretrievably with-
out making sure of his ground. He was willing
to yield with grace when there was no other course
open; to negotiate when that was suitable, even to
part with money when that would serve his purpose.
He was not one of those who rushed to arms at the
first quarrel. As a skilful commander and a good
soldier he knew that war was only the arm of policy,
and -he would not embark on conflict unless he was
certain of success. Though he was chary of coming
out into the open field on his own behalf, his courage
was never in doubt. His brilliant defence of Lahore
in the face of Sher Singh's army, his ride in the
face of heavy fire at Multan, and numerous other
instances given in the previous chapters, prove this.
But he had great faith in his diplomatic skill, and it

CONCLUSION ' 153

was on this, rather than on his army, that he depended
for the success of his plans. At the same time it
is recognised even by his enemies that he was not
worse than others at the Lahore Court. Captain
Cunningham, to whom Gulab Singh's name was
anathema, says :

In the course of this history there has, more
than once, been occasion to allude to the un-
scrupulous character of Rajah Gulab Singh;
but it must not, therefore, be supposed that he
is a man malevolently evil. He will, indeed,
deceive an enemy and take his life without
hesitation, and in the accumulation of money
he will exercise many oppressions; but he
must be judged with reference to the morality
of his age and race and to the necessities of
his own position. If these allowances be
made, Gulab Singh will be found an able and
moderate man, who does little in idle or
wanton spirit, and .who is not without some
traits both of good humour and of generosity
of temper. 1

Sir Henry Lawrence, who knew Gulab Singh
intimately, formed the following impartial estimate
of his character :

1 Cunningham, History of the Sitys, p. 332.

154 GULAB SINGH

I have no doubt that Maharajah Gulab
Singh is a man of indifferent character; but
if we look for perfection from native chiefs we
shall look in vain. Very much but not all that
is said of him might, as far as my experience
goes, be so of any sovereign or chief in India.
He has many virtues that few of them possess
viz., courage, energy and personal purity.
. . . The way in which he has been doubted,
denounced, and vilified in anonymous journals
is very disgraceful to us. 1

In fact, Sir Henry Lawrence stood so firmly by
him that he did not even hesitate to quarrel with the
Governor-General on this account. Sir Henry's
defence of Gulab Singh ruffled the temper of Lord
Dalhousie and led to a heated controversy which
was finally set at rest only by the Governor-General's
letter of i8th February, 1849, in which it was agreed
to treat the question as a matter of honest difference
of opinion.

Sir George Clerk, who had also unique oppor-
tunities of knowing Gulab Singh, held the same
view.

That he was noble and generous will be con-
ceded by all who read his life carefully. He re-
warded his servants liberally; the grants and jaglrs

1 Life of Sir Henry Lawrence, Third Edition, p. 389.

CONCLUSION 155

that he gave to all who served him bear witness to
this even to-day. That he was able to inspire
loyalty and confidence in men like Jwala Sahai,
Zorawar Singh, Dewan Hari Chand, and others,
who were devoted to him until death, shows what
hold he had on men. In spite of his intense selfish-
ness, he remained loyal at heart to the Lahore
Government. He had, it will easily be granted,
sufficient justification for the lukewarmness which
he exhibited towards the Lahore Durbar, but when
they went to war he remained at their side, and
even Cunningham agrees that what Gulab Singh
would have liked at the conclusion of the war, even
more than an independent principality, was to
remain as the Vice-Regent of Dhuleep Singh. It was
only when the intrigues of Lai Singh made that
altogether impossible that he turned to the alterna-
tive of independence.

His justice was rude, but it was expeditious.
He toured his State often, and was relentless in his
punishment of corrupt and tyrannical officials. His
summary methods in dealing with them made him
a terror to the tribe of petty functionaries.

Gulab Singh was of a very religious bent. He
remained an orthodox Hindu at the Sikh Court,
where, if he had followed the example of Khushal
Singh, he could have gained greater favours from
Ranjit Singh. Numerous are the temples he built

156 GULAB SINGH

in Jammu. He undertook many pilgrimages, visit-
ing almost all the holy cities of the Hindus in
Northern India, including Gaya, Prayag, Benares,
and Muttra. He was so orthodox that he pro-
hibited the killing of cows through the length and
breadth of his State. On his death-bed he dis-
tributed over RSI 00,000 in antya dan, or last gifts
of charity.

On the whole, Gulab Singh led a pure life. The
Court of Ranjit Singh was dissolute in the extreme,
and the Sikh ruler did not hesitate to exhibit himself
in public in a drunken state. The morals of the
Lahore Durbar were such as to shock even a corrupt
age. But Gulab Singh was not given to these
excesses. For the age and the circumstances of his
time he led a life which could in no sense be con-
sidered dissolute.

Gulab Singh knew well enough the value of gold
in such unsettled times and considered great ex-
penditure on palaces and buildings to be mere
waste of money. He has left no monuments that
are artistically worthy of him.

In appearance Gulab Singh was highly distin-
guished. A contemporary who was not biassed in
his favour says : c In manner Gulab Singh is most
mild and affable; his features are good, nose
aquiline, and expression pleasing though rather
heavy. Indefatigable in business, he sees after

CONCLUSION 157

everything himself; hardly able to sign his name
he looks after his own accounts and often has the
very grain for his horses weighed out before him. 51
He was free, humorous, and intimate with all
classes of his subjects. Even Major Smyth, who
4 was violently prejudiced against him, states :

With all this he was courteous and polite in
demeanour and exhibited a suavity of manner
and language that contrasted fearfully with his
real disposition. 2

Another authority, who knew him well, gives
the following description of Gulab Singh as a
soldier : c Still with all this he must be accounted
the very best of soldiers, and for an Asiatic and an
unlettered and uneducated man, he is an able,
active, bold, energetic, yet wise and prudent com-
mander. He is anything but strong-headed and hot-
blooded prudently making slow but resolute and
judicious movements ; thinking more of his resources
and reserves than most of his countrymen are wont
to do. Looks more to the future, its wants and
requisites, than either to the present or past. Slowly
goes on and feels his way as he goes always ensur-
ing supplies and resources; quick in taking oppor-

1 Punjab Adventurer, chapter xiii., p. 75.

2 Smyth, Reigning Family of Lahore, p. 257.

158 GULAB SINGH

(unities, fond of the defensive though ready to take
the offensive when opportunity offers or requires
always considering arms as his last resource. 51

The strength of will, the deep insight into
human affairs, and the persistence with which he
held to his objects are such as to deserve admiration.
His ideas of administration were, of course, primi-
tive, but he was essentially the type of man who
conquered and welded together kingdoms, and not
one whose greatness lay as in the case of his son
in administration. But his achievement as a states-
man was by no means insignificant. He succeeded
in establishing peace and settled government in an
area which, excepting for Kashmir, had never
known it from the beginning of history. The hilly
province which is now known as Jammu consisted
of numerous petty principalities, each ruled by a
rajah whose pretensions were no doubt great but
whose resources were indeed small. To have united
all these under a single Government, to have reduced
Baltistan and Ladak, and to have held his own in
the political field against the trained diplomatists of
the East India Company, go to show that as an
historic personality dominating the stage of con-
temporary events Gulab Singh had few equals in
his time.

The Court of Ranjit Singh contained many r'e-
1 Quoted in Smyth, Reigning Family of Lahore, p. 259.

CONCLUSION 159

markable men: the valiant Hari Singh Nalwa;
Dina Nath, the Colbert of the Punjab, of whom
it was said that his sagacity and far-sightedness were
such that ' when the historical sky was clear he could
perceive the. signs of the coming storm'; Aziz-ud-
Din, the courteous and polished Foreign Minister;
JamadarKhushal Singh, the Lord Chamberlain; and
Attar Singh Sindhanwalla, head of a powerful clan
and himself a noble, courageous, and chivalrous
warrior; and not the least of all, Rajah Dhyan
Singh; but all of them acknowledged Gulab Singh
as their superior in statecraft and wisdom. It was
only when these statesmen were replaced by the
minions of Rani Jindan that Gulab Singh lost his
influence at the Court; but even Jawahir Singh and
Lai Singh had in their turn to depend upon the
ruler of Jammu. When Ranjit Singh died Gulab
Singh was easily the most influential person in the
Sikh kingdom, and though the genuine Sikh sar-
dars, like the Sindhanwalla and Attari chieftains,
did not trust him, they recognised his loyalty to
Ranjit Singh and his family, and his ability to
control the aflairs of the State. One who could be
acclaimed as their leader alike by Aziz-ud-Din, Dina
Nath, Attar Singh Sindhanwalla, and others who
never saw eye to eye with him, was surely no ordinary
man. The same may be said of the English states-
men who came into contact with him. With the

l6o GULAB SINGH

Lawrences he formed a lifelong friendship. Sir
Frederick Currie, Lord Napier, and all others who
had to deal with him considered him a courageous
foe, a loyal friend, a wise and far-seeing statesman.

It would not be right, of course, to judge him by
the standards which we now apply to leaders of men,
but if we take the moral and political standards of
the time, Gulab Singh may well be said to have
been not only a great but also a good man. He was
intensely pious, devoted to his family and friends,
and never given to oppressing people or pursuing his
enemies with vengeance. His religious foundations
in the State are many, though not as numerous as
those of Ranbir Singh.

Thus, when everything is considered, Gulab Singh
will appear as one of the few great Indian figures of
the nineteenth century, one who in his ambition
even as a youth dreamed of states and kingdoms,
svhose iron will neither domestic calamity nor per-
sonal humiliation could bend, and whose physical
and moral courage, tried on many a battlefield and
many a crisis, won for him a throne and a place in
the Valhalla of India's great men. The present
Jammu and Kashmir State is his monument. As
long as that exists his name will have a place in the
memory of men.

APPENDIX I

LETTERS FROM THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL _x> THE
SECRET COMMITTEE, DATED 14 MARCH, 1846

IT will be seen by the draft of Treaty now forwarded
that, in consequence of the inability of the Lahore
Government to pay the sum stipulated as indemni-
fication for the expenses of the war, or to give suffi-
cient security for its eventual disbursement, the Hill
territories, from the Beas River to the Indus, includ-
ing the provinces of Kashmir and Hazarah, have
been ceded to the British Government.

It is not my intention to take possession of the
whole of this territory. Its occupation by us would
be, on many accounts, disadvantageous. It would
bring us into collision with many powerful chiefs,
for whose coercion a large military establishment at
a great distance from our provinces and military
resources would be necessary. It would more than
double the extent of our present frontier in countries
assailable at every point, and most difficult to defend
without any corresponding advantages for such
large additions of territory. Now, distant and con-
flicting interests would be created and races of
people, with whom we have hitherto had no inter-
course, would be brought under our rule, while the

161 n

l62 APPENDIX I

territories, excepting Kashmir, are comparatively
unproductive, and would scarcely pay the expenses
of occupation and management.

On the other hand, the tract now ceded includes
the whole of the Hill possessions of Rajah Gulab
Singh and the Jammu family. Its possession by us
enables us at once to mark our sense of Rajah Gulab
Singh's conduct during the late operations, by re-
warding him in the mode most in accordance with
his desires, to show forth as an example to the
other chiefs of Asia the benefits which accrue from
an adherence to British interests, and to meet the
expenses of the campaign, which we declared our
determination to exact, and which, excepting by the
cession of territory, the Lahore Government is not
in a condition to afford.

Rajah Gulab Singh has engaged to pay the crore
of rupees demanded from the Lahore State, on
being put by us in possession of the territory ceded
by the 4th Article of the draft Treaty, on such
terms and conditions as we may approve.

It is highly expedient that the trans-Beas portion
of Kulu and Mandi, with the more fertile district
and strong position of the Nurpur and the cele-
brated Fort Kangra the key of the Himalayas
in native estimation with its district and depend-
encies, should be in our possession. These provinces
lie together, between the Beas and Chukkee Rivers,

APPENDIX I 163

and their occupation by us will be attended with
little cost and great advantage. The Chukkee
River in the Hills will hereafter be our boundary
to its source and thence a line drawn to the Ravee
River, and along its course, and across the Chenab
to the snowy ridge on the confines of Lahool. This
line will be laid down by officers sent for the
purpose according to mutual agreement and will be
accurately surveyed.

In consideration of the retention by us of the
tract above described, a remission of twenty-five
lakhs from the crore of rupees, which Rajah Gulab
Singh would otherwise have paid will be allowed,
and the Rajah will pay the remaining seventy-five
lakhs, of which fifty lakhs are to be made good at
once, upon the ratification of the Treaty and the
remaining twenty-five lakhs within six months from
that date.

Of the remaining portion of the territory ceded
by Article 4 of the draft Treaty, the greater part,
with the exception of the Provinces of Kashmir and
Hazarah, is already in the possession of Rajah Gulab
Singh and his family, for which he had been bound
hitherto to render military service to a small extent
to the Lahore Government and to present annually
a horse, with gold trappings, as a heriot to the State.

The conditions which may be stipulated with
Rajah Gulab Singh and the Treaty to which he

164 APPENDIX I

may be admitted, will be reported in my next letter.
Those conditions will be so drawn as to bind us to
the least possible interference in his affairs, consis-
tently with the maintenance of our paramount posi-
tion over the Rajah and his country.

APPENDIX II

A NOTE ON SOME OF THE CHIEF OFFICERS OF GULAB

SINGH

DEWAN JWALA SAHAI

Dewan Jwala Sahai, C.S.I., who was associated
with the Maharajah from his early youth, was the
son of Dewan Amir Chand. Amir Chand entered
the service of Gulab Singh and served him faith-
fully on numerous occasions. It was mainly owing
to his exertions that the siege of Reasi by Dewan
Chand was raised (see Chapter II.). When Gulab
Singh was made Rajah of Jammu in 1823, Amir
Chand was elevated to the position of Madar-ul-
Maham. Amir Chand died in 1836. He had three
sons, Jwala Sahai, Hari Chand and Mihal Chand,
all of whom achieved great distinction under Gulab
Singh. On the death of Amir Chand, Jwala Sahai
became the Maharajah's chief officer, which posi-
tion he continued to hold till 1865. Under Ranbir
Singh he retired from the post of Prime Minister
of the State as a result of paralysis. Owing to the
Maharajah's constant absence from Jammu on mili-
tary expeditions, the duties of administration fell
mainly on Jwala Sahai. He was the Maharajah's

confidential agent in all diplomatic business and

165

l66 APPENDIX II

was mainly responsible for the negotiations in con-
nection with the transfer of Kashmir. For this
service he was granted extensive jagirs and a Rasum
of Rs4 in every 1,000 on all State income in
perpetuity. Among his other achievements may
be mentioned the liberation of Gulab Singh from
imprisonment at Lahore in 1845, the arrangement
with regard to the boundary question in collabora-
tion with Major Abbot, and the settlement of the
Poonch troubles. As mentioned before, he con-
tinued to serve the State even after the death of
Gulab Singh.

DEWAN HARI CHAND

Dewan Hari Chand was mainly employed in
military expeditions. After the death of Zorawar
Singh in Tibet he was sent to reconquer Ladak and
to meet the Tibetan invasion. He was successful
in both, and the Tibetan Treaty bears his name.
In 1845, when Jammu was besieged, he was put
in charge of the main forces, and it was to him the
Maharajah handed over charge of the city when he
himself accompanied the Sikh army to Lahore.
After the Treaty of Amritsar the Dewan was
sent on many important expeditions notably to
Hazara, where the tribes had risen in revolt. He
was also sent to Gilgit. When the Mutiny broke
out and Maharajah Ranbir Singh was sent by Gulab

APPENDIX II 167

Singh to the help of the British at Delhi, Hari
Chand accompanied him. He died during the
campaign.

WAZIR ZORAWAR

Wazir Zorawar, who earned undying fame by
his conquest of Ladak and his invasion of Tibet,
was a native of Kussal near Reasi. He began his
career as a private soldier at Reasi. Being energetic
and brave and well acquainted with the country
round about, he came under the notice of the Com-
mandant, who sent him with messages to Gulab
Singh. On one such occasion he brought to the
notice of the Maharajah the waste occurring in the
Commissariat Department and placed before him a
scheme by which considerable saving could be
effected. Gulab Singh, who was quick to appre-
ciate merit, accepted his proposal and entrusted him
with the task of carrying out the scheme. He was
so successful in this that he was soon raised to the
post of the Commandant at Khistwar. The history
cf his campaigns has already been related,

Zorawar was remarkable among his contempor-
aries for his absolute financial honesty. He never
accepted a present from anybody, and whatever was
given to him was sent to Gulab Singh. He carried
this principle to such a length that he only wore
the clothes that the Maharajah gave him and was

i68

APPENDIX II

content always with a very meagre salary. He
had another peculiarity. He never used to send
despatches of any kind about his expeditions. The
tributes and revenue collected were sent down post
haste to Jammu, and the Maharajah had to discover
from it what new country his general had con-
quered. By these conquests he and his family did
not benefit to the extent of a single penny.

COLONEL BASTI RAM

Colonel Basti Ram, who was one of Zorawar's
chief officers in the conquest at Ladak and the
expedition to Tibet, was a Rajput from Khistwar.
He accompanied Zorawar in his first expedition
and was present on the occasion of the surrender of
Skardu. He was one of the few who survived the
disaster in Tibet. He was then made Commandant
at Zanskar, where he greatly distinguished himself.
Afterwards he was appointed Governor of Ladak
and the Tibetan expedition. His chronicle appears
as a part of Cunningham's Lada{.

WAZIR LAKHPAT

Wazir Lakhpat was originally the Chief Minister
of the Rajah of Khistwar. When that principality
was conquered by Gulab Singh, Lakhpat was taken
into his service. He was sent on many important
military expeditions and served his master well. In

APPENDIX II 169

1846 he was sent to take possession of Kashmir and
to quell the resistance of Sheikh Imam-ud-Din. The
Wazir took possession of Hariparbat but was killed
in a subsequent action. He was a very loyal and
competent officer of the Maharajah.

NATHU SHAH

Nathu Shah was a Sayed of Gujranwala. He
was the Sikh Commandant on the Gilgit frontier
and was mainly responsible for the reduction of
Junza and Nagar, the daughters of whose chiefs he
married. When Kashmir was transferred to Gulab
Singh, Nathu Shah accepted service under him.
The visit of Vans Agnew to the Gilgit frontier in
company with Nathu Shah alienated the frontier
chieftain from him, and in the rebellion that ensued
he was killed.

INDEX

ABBOTT, Capt. James, 119

Afghanistan, 49

Agnew, Lt. Vans, 120, 142

Ajar Khan, 21, 31

Aknoor, 31

Amir Chand, 25, 37

Amritsar, Treaty of, 2, 100, 104

Attock, 51

Aziz-ud-Din, 34, 42, 159

Baltistan, i, 74, 75
Baste Ram, 81, 168
Bhangi, n, 16
Brij Lai, n, 12, 15

Chamba, in, 124

Chand Kour, 44, 45, 46

Charrat Singh, n

Chattar Singh, 126, 127-129

Chet Singh, 42

Clerk, Sir G., 55, 107, 108, 129,

*54
Cunningham, A., 3, 75, 120,

121
Cunningham, J. D., 3, 13, 19,

93, 153 ^

Curne, Sir F., 107, in, 114,
122

Dalhousie, Lord, 129, 131, 154
Dedo, Mian, 27-29
Dhrov Deo, 10, 12, 14
Dhuleep Sing, Maharajah, 63,

6 5 9 6 > 97 9 s * II0
Dhyan Singh, Rajah, 15, 19, 23,

33 37>

57-60, 65, 98, 121, 159

> 44> 5 6 >

Dina Nath, Dewan, 34, 42, 98,

*59
Dost Mohammad, 35, 36, 37,

54, 126, 127, 128
Dyal Chand, Rajah, 29, 30

East India Company, 76, 104,

105, 109, 115, 158
Edwardes, Col., 3, 4, 118
Ellenborough, Lord, 56

Fateh Khan, 21, 35

Gaur Rahman, 141-142
Gilgit, 74, 140-145
Griffin, Sir Lepel, 127-129
Gulab Singh, ancestry of, 12-
15; character of, 152-160;
encounter with Dedo, 27-28;
loyalty of, 107, 127-129; posi-
tion with Ranjit Singh, 19-
41; Rajah of Jammu, 29-34;
relations of, with Lawrence^
50-56; relations of, with
Jindan, 68-71; relations of,
with the British during the
Sikh war, 90-104, 109; sie^e
of Lahore, 44-48; treaty with,
111-115

Haider Ali, 151

Hardinge, Lord, 106, in, 114,

J 3 2
Hari Chand, 39, 67, 68, 83, 84,

143, 150, 165, 166
Hari Singh Nalwa, 35, 36, 159

170

INDEX

171

Hira Singh, Rajah, 24, 41, 45,

57, 58, 60-66, 98, 121
Honigberger, 3, 4, 44, 131, 149
Hukam Singh, 17, 18
Hunza, Mir of, 141, 142

Jalalabad, 49, 51, 55, 56
Jammu, i, 9, 12, 14, 16, 17, 18,

20, 29, 33, 44, 58, 66, 67, 73,

.94, 96, 100, 108
Jawahar Singh, 65
Jawahir Singh, 69, 73, 121-123,

,130
indan,

Rani, 65-68, 70, 73, 159

Jwala Sahai, Dewan, 2, 25, 38-
39, 52, 68, 69-73, 118, 119,

121, 130, 155, 165-166

Kabul, 33, 37, 49, 135

Kaneihya, 10, u, 12

Kashmir, i, 2, 9, 20, 21, 33, 35,
78, 96, 100; administration
of, 134-148; European visi-
tors in, 132; sale of, 104-110

Kashmira Singh, 63

Kharrak Singh, 22, 23, 42-43,

9 8

Khistwar, 10, 29, 67

Khushal Singh, 23, 27, 56, 155,

*59

Khushwaqt Rai, 17
Khyber Pass, 50, 52, 55
Kishore Singh, 13, 14, 19, 22,

25, 29
Kripa Ram, 2, 96

Ladak, 56; boundary troubles,

145-149, 158; conquest of, 74-

89

Lakhpat, 30, 117
Lai Singh, Rajah, 65, 67, 72,

90-97, 98, 117
Lawrence, Sir Henry, 4, 49, 52,

53> 54> 55> 94> 95> 9 6 > 6 >

in, 114, 118, 122, 124, 128-

130, 153-154, 160
Lawrence, Sir John, 127, 133
Leh, 78, 84
Lhassa, 81, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89

Macgregor, 133
Mahan Singh, n, 12, 33
Mahdaji Scindia, 151
Mahmud, 20, 21
Makeson, 53
Mewa Singh, 69, 70
Mihan Singh, 78
Mokam Chand, 21
Mota, Mian, 12, 18, 22, 23
Moti Singh, 13, 121-123,
Multan, 20, 25, 35, 106

Nadir Shah, 10
Nao Nihal Singh, 42-43
Napier, Lord, 107, 130
Nathu Shah, 141
Nazar, Mir of, 141

Osborne, W., 3, 60

Peshawar, 20, 35, 49, 50, 51, 91,

1 06

Peshwara Singh, 63
Pollock, General, 50, 52, 54-55

Ramdyal, 22

Ranbir Singh, 57, 130, 134, 149,

150, 1 60, 165
Randhir Singh, 43, 57
Ranjit Deo, 10, n, 12, 14
Ranjit Singh, Maharajah, i, 13,
15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 31-32,
41, 42, 106, 124, 155, 156
Ratanu, Wazir, 67, 83, 84, 117
Reasi, conquest of, 24, 25

Shah Shuja, 17

Sher Singn, 34, 44-56, 60, 152

172 INDEX

Smyth, 3, 1*7

Suchct Singh, 15, 32, 33, 57, 58,

60, 63, 64, 98
Sultan Mohammad, 36, 37, 46,

69

Tej Singh, 90

Tibet, 74, 75, 87, 120, 124

Ventura, 45
Young, 142

Zaman Shah, 21

Zorawar Singh, Mian, 13$ 17,

24
Zorawar Singh, General, 24,

77-89, 155, 167

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